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John  L.  Mothershead,  Jr. 


STANFORD  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARIES 


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The 


Works   of  George    Berkeley 


Vol.  IV 


HENRY    FROWDE,   M.A. 

PUBLISHER  TO  THE  UNIVERSITY  pF    OXFORD 
LONDON,  EDINBURGH 
NEW  YORK 


The 


Works  of  George  Berkeley 

D.  D. ;  Formerly  Bishop  of  Cloyne 

Including  his  Posthumous  Works 


With  Prefaces,  Annotations,  Appendices,  and 
An  Account  of  his  Life^  by 

Alexander  Campbell  Fraser 

Hon.  D.C.L.  Oxford 

Hon.  LL.D.  Gla^ow  and  Edinburgh ;   Bmeritas  Professor 
of  Logic  and  Metaphysics  in  the  University  of  Edinburgh 


In  Four  Volumes 

Vol.  IV:   Miscellaneous  Works,  1707-50 


Oxford 
At  the  Clarendon  Press 

mdcccci 


OXFORD 

PRINTED  AT  THE  CLARENDON   PRESS 

BY  HORACE  HART»   M.A. 
PRINTBK  TO  THE  UNIVEBSITY 


f^ltnno  \H  ENQUHO 


CONTENTS 


Arithmetica  absque  Algebra  aut  Euclide  demon- 
strata.    Auctore  *  »  *  *  Art.  Bac.  Trin.  Col.  Dub. 

Written  in  1705. 
First  published  in  1707. 


Dedication  to  the  Archbishop  of  Cashel 
Praefatio  .... 
The  Exposition 

Pars  Prima  . 

Pars  Secunda 

Pars  Tertia  . 


PAGE 


4 

5 
8 

8 

24 

31 


Miscellanea  M athematica  :  sive  Cogitata  nonnulla 
de  Radicibus  Surdis,  de  -^stu  Aeris,  de  Cono  -^qui- 
latero  et  Cylindro  eidem  Sphaerae  circumscriptis,  de 
Ludo  Algebraico ;  et  Paraenetica  quaedam  ad  studium 
Matheseos,  praesertim  Algebrae.  Autore  *  »  #  *  Art. 
Bac.  Trin.  Col.  Dub 39 

Written  in  1705. 
First  published  tn  1707. 

Dedication  to  Samuel  Molyneux 41 

The  Miscellanea 43 

Appendix 63 


Description  of  the  Cave  of  Dunmore 

Written  in  1706. 
First  published  in  1871. 


73 


vi  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

The  Revelation  of  Life  and  Immortality  :  A  Dis- 
course delivered  in  the  Chapel  of  Trinity  College, 
Dublin,  on  Sunday  Evening,  January  ii,  1708     .        .      84 

First  published  in  187 1. 

Passive  Obedience  :  or,  The  Christian  Doctrine  of 
not  resisting  the  Supreme  Power,  proved  and  vin- 
dicated, upon  the  Principles  of  the  Law  of  Nature,  in 
a  Discourse  delivered  at  the  Chapel  of  Trinity  College, 
Dublin 95 

First  published  in  1712. 

The  Editor's  Preface      .......      97 

To  the  Reader loi 

The  Discourse 102 

Essays  IN  the  Guardian        .       .       .       .       .    »  .    137 
First  published  in  1713. 

Two  Sermons  preached  at  Leghorn  in  17 14  .       .    191 
First  published  in  1871. 

Journal  in  Italy  in  171 7,  1718 219 

First  published  in  187 1. 

The  Editor's  Preface 221 

The  Journal 225 

An  Essay  towards  preventing  the  Ruin  of  Great 

Britain 319 

First  published  in  1721. 

A  Proposal  for  the  better  supplying  of  Churches  in 
our  Foreign  Plantations,  and  for  converting  the  savage 
Americans  to  Christianity,  by  a  College  to  be  erected 
in  the  Summer  Islands,  otherwise  called  the  Isles  of 
Bermuda 341 

First  published  in  1725. 

The  Editor's  Preface 342 

The  Proposal .        .    346 


CONTENTS  Vll 

PAGE 

Verses  on  the  Prospect  of  Planting  Arts  and  Learning 

in  America .    365 

Notes  of  Sermons  preached  at  Newport  in  Rhode 

Island  and  in  the  Narragansett  country,  in  1729-31     .    367 

First  published  in  1871. 

The  Editor's  Preface 369 

The  Notes 371 

A  Sermon  preached  before  the  Incorporated  Society 
for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts  :  at 
their  Anniversary  Meeting  in  the  Parish  Church  of 
St.  Mary-le-Bow,  on  Friday,  February  18, 1732  .        .    393 

First  published  in  1732. 

The  Querist,  containing  several  Queries,  proposed 

to  the  consideration  of  the  Public 415 

First  published  in  Three  Parts  in  1735,  1736,  1737, 
and  reduced  to  its  present  form  in  1750. 

The  Editor's  Preface 417 

Advertisement  by  the  Author 421 

The  Queries 422 

A  Discourse  addressed  to  Magistrates  and  Men 
IN  Authority.  Occasioned  by  the  enormous  Licence 
and  Irreligion  of  the  Times 477 

First  published  in  1736. 

The  Editor's  Preface 479 

The  Discourse 483 

Primary  Visitation   Charge  delivered   to    the 

Clergy  of  the  Diocese  of  Cloyne    .       .       .    507 

First  published  in  1871. 

Address  on  Confirmation 517 

First  published  m]i87i. 


•  •  • 


via  CONTENTS 


PAGE 


A  Letter  to  Sir  John  James,  Bart.,  on  the  differ- 
ences   BETWEEN    THE    RoMAN    AND    AnGLK:AN 

Churches 519 

Written  in  1741. 
First  published  in  iS^o. 

Two  Letters  on  the  occasion  of  the  Rebellion 

IN  1745 535 

First  published  in  the  ^  Dublin  Journal,*  in  1745. 

A  Word  to  the  Wise  :  or,  An  Exhortation  to  the 
Roman  Catholic  Clergy  of  Ireland.  By  a  Member  of 
the  Established  Church 541 

First  published  in  1749. 

Maxims  concerning  Patriotism 559 

First  published  in  1750. 

Appendix  :  The  First  Edition  of  the  '  Querist '   .       .    567 


MISCELLANEOUS    WORKS 


FIRST  PERIOD  OF  AUTHORSHIP 

1707-1721 


BBftKELBlr:    rtlASEB.      IV.  ^ 


NOTE 

The  Arithmetica  and  the  Miscellanea  Mathematica  were 
published  at  Dublin  early  in  1707,  when  Berkeley  was 
entering  his  twenty-third  year.  He  took  his  Master's 
degree  in  June,  1707,  and  on  the  title-page  he  is  described 
as  Bachelor  of  Arts.  The  Preface  to  the  Arithmetica 
implies  that  it  was  held  in  retentis  for  some  years  before 
its  appearance,  and  thus  its  preparation  was  contem- 
poraneous with  that  of  the  Commonplace  Book.  In  the 
original  edition,  now  very  rare,  the  two  tracts  form  a  small 
volume  of  ninety-two  pages,  published  anonymously ;  so 
that  the  Essay  towards  a  New  Theory  of  Vision  is  the 
earliest  work  in  which  Berkeley's  name  appears  on  the 
title-page.  These  Latin  tracts  appear  in  all  the  editions 
of  Berkeley's  collected  works,  and  the  Commonplace  Book, 
as  well  as  their  contents,  confirm  the  evidence  of  author- 
ship. Their  chief  interest  is  biographical.  They  illustrate 
the  juvenile  mathematical  enthusiasm  of  their  author,  also 
his  disposition  to  seek  for  principles,  and  to  simplify 
human  knowledge,  all  in  an  independent  spirit. 


ARITHMETICA 

ABSQUE 

ALGEBRA  AUT  EUCLIDE 

DEMONSTRATA 


AUCTORE  »  *  »  »  ART.  BAC.  TRIN.  COL.  DUB. 


First  published  in  1707 


B  a 


MAXIMiE    SPEI    PUERO 

D.     GULIELMO     PALLISER 

REVERENDISSIMI    ARCHIEPISCOPI   CASSELENSIS^ 
FILIO     UNICO,     INGENIO,     SOLERTIA,     ERUDITIONE 

ANNOS    LONGE    PRiEEUNTI 

NUMERISQUE   ADEO   OMNIBUS   AD    PRiESTANDUM 

INGENS   ALIQUOD    SCIENTIIS    LUMEN    AC    INCREMENTUM    NATO 

HUNG   ARITHMETICiE    TRACTATUM 

IN    EXIGUUM   SUMMI   AMORIS   PIGNUS 

OFFERT    ET    DICAT 

AUCTOR 


'  William  Palliser,  translated 
to  the  Archbishoprick  of  Cashel 
in  1694,  was  previously  Bishop  of 
Cloyne.  He  had  been  elected 
a  Fellow  of  Trinity  College, 
Dublin,  in  1668,  and  was  tutor  to 
William  Molyneux,  the  friend  of 
Locke,  father  of  Samuel  Molyneux, 


to  whom  Berkeley  dedicated  his 
Miscellanea  Maihematica.  Palliser 
was  afterwards  Professor  of  Divin- 
ity in  Trinity  College.  He  died 
in  1727.  Of  the  younger  Palliser, 
to  whom  the  Arithmetica  is  dedi- 
cated, I  find  no  further  record. 


PRiEFATIO 


Plerosque  scientiarum  mathematicarum  procos  in  ipso 
earundem  limine  caecutientes,  sentio  simul  et  doleo.  Ni- 
mirum  cum  ea  sit,  apud  nos  saltem,  mathemata  discendi 
ratio,  ut  primo  arithmetica,  deinde  geometria,  postremo 
algebra  addiscatur,  Tacqueti '  vero  Arithmeticam  legamus, 
eam  autem  nemo  probe  intelligat,  qui  algebram  non  prae- 
libarit ;  hinc  fit  ut  plerique  mathesi  operam  navantes,  dum 
bene  multorum  minoris  usus  theorematum  demonstrationes 
studiose  evolvunt,  interea  operationum  arithmeticarum, 
quarum  ea  est  vis  et  praestantia,  ut  non  modo  caeteris 
disciplinis  mathematicis,  verum  etiam  hominum  cujus- 
cunque  demum  sortis  usibus  commodissime  famulentur, 
principia  ac  rationes  intactas  praetereant.  Quod  si  quis 
tandem  aliquando,  post  emensum  matheseos  cursum, 
oculos  in  praedictum  Tacqueti  librum  retorqueat,  multa  ibi 
methodo  obscura,  et  quae  intellectum  non  tam  illuminet 
quam  convincat,  demonstrata;  multa  horrido  porismatum 
et  theorematum  satellitio  stipata  inyeniet. 

Sed  nee  alius  quisquam,  quod  sciam,  arithmeticam 
seorsim  ab  algebra  demonstravit,  Proinde  e  re  tyronum 
futurum  ratus,  si  haec  mea  qualiacunque  in  lucem  emit- 
terem,  ea  postquam,  si  minus  omnia,  pleraque  certe  per 
integrum  fere  triennium  in  scriniis  delituerint,  publici  juris 
facio.  Quae  cum  praeter  ipsos  operandi  modos,  eorundem 
etiam  demonstrationes  ex  propriis  et  genuinis  arithmeticae 

^  For  Tacquet,  an  eminent  mathe-  noza's  letter  to  De  Vries  {Epistola 

matician  of  the  seventeenth  cen-  XXVI).     His  Arithmetics  Theoria 

tury,  see  Essay  on  Vision,  sect.  30,  et  Praxis,  upon   which   Berkeley 

note.     He  is  often  referred  to  by  here   remarks,   was   published   at 

contemporary  writers.     See  Spi-  Antwerp  in  1665. 


6  PRiEFATIO 

principiis  petitas  complectantur,  mirabitur  fortasse  quis- 
piam,  quod  noster  hie  tractatus  mole  vulgares  arithmeti- 
corum  libros,  in  quibus  praxis  tantum  tradatur,  baud 
exaequet.  Hoc  autem  exinde  proven  it,  quod  cum  opera- 
tionum  t6  Slotl  explicarem  in  praeceptis  et  exemplis,  quae 
vulgus  arithmeticorum  ad  nauseam  usque  prosequitur, 
contractior  fui ;  nee  eo  forsan  obscurior.  Quippe  tametsi 
caeco  ad  singulos  fere  gressus  regendos  opus  sit  manu- 
ductore,  in  clara  tamen  demonstrationum  luce  versanti 
sufficit,  si  quis  tenendum  tramitem  vel  strictim  exponat. 
Quamobrem  omnes  matheseos  candidati  ad  regularum 
arithmeticae  rationes  ac  fundamenta  percipiendum  animos 
adjungant,  summopere  velim  et  exoptem. 

Neque  id  tanti  moliminis  est,  ut  plerique  fortasse  imagi- 
nentur.  Quas  attulimus  demonstrationes  faciles  (ni  fallor) 
sunt  et  concisae;  nee  principia  aliunde  mutuantur,  ex 
algebra  nihil,  nihil  ex  Euclide  tanquam  notum  supponitur. 
Ubique  malui  obvia  et  familiari  aliqua  ratione  a  priori 
veritatem  praxeos  comprobare,  quam  per  prolixam  demon- 
strationum apagogicarum  seriem  ad  absurdum  deducere. 
Radicum  quadratarum  et  cubicarum  doctrinam  ex  ipsa 
involutionis  arithmeticae  natura  eruere  tentavi.  Atque  ea, 
meo  quidem  judicio,  ad  numerosam  radicum  extractionem 
illustrandum  magis  accommoda  videtur,  quam  quae  ex 
Elemento  secundo  Euclidis,  aut  ex  analysi  potestatum 
algebraicarum  vulgo  adferri  solent.  Regula  vulgaris  pro 
alligatione  plurium  rerum  non  nisi  difficulter  admodum  et 
per  species  demonstratur :  ejus  igitur  loco  novam,  quae  vix 
ulla  demonstratione  indigeat,  e  proprio  penu  substitui. 
Regulam  falsi,  utpote  mancam  et  fere  inutilem,  consulto 
praetermisi.  Ac,  si  nihil  aliud,  novitas  fortassis  aliqua 
placebit. 

Neminem  transcripsi ;  nullius  scrinia  expilavi.  Nempe 
id  mihi  imprimis  propositum  fuerat,  ut  numeros  tractandi 
leges  ex  ipsis  principiis,  proprii  exercitii  et  recreationis 
causa,  deducerem.  Quod  et  deinceps  horis  subsecivis 
prosecutus  sum.  Nee  mihi  hoc  in  loco,  absque  ingrati 
animi  labe,  praeterire  liceat  Reverendum  Virum  Johannem 
Hall,  S.T.D,  Academiae  nostrae  Vice-praepositum,  ibidem- 
que    linguae    Hebraicae    Professorem    dignissimum\    cui 

*  John  Hall,  elected  Fellow  of  was  afterwards  Berkeley's  tutor. 
Trinity  College,  Dublin,  in  1685,      He  was  Vice- Provost  of  the  Col- 


PRiEFATIO  7 

viro  Optimo  quum  me  multis  nominibus  obstringi  lubens 
agnoscam,  tum  non  id  minimum  duco,  quod  illius  hortatu 
ad  suavissimum  Matheseos  studium  incitatus  fuerim. 

Monstravi  porro  ad  quern  coUimaverim  scopum:  quo- 
usque  ipsum  assecutus  sim,  penes  aequos  rerum  aestima- 
tores  esto  judicium.  Candido  quippe  horum  examini  istas 
studiorum  meorum  primitias  libenter  submitto;  quicquid 
interim  scioli  sentiant  et  malevoli,  parum  solicitus. 

lege  in  1697-1713.  Berkeley  at-  appointed  to  a  college  living  in 
tributes  to  him  his  own  love  for  the  diocese  of  Deny.  He  died 
mathematics.     In    1713   Hall  was      in  1735. 


ARITHMETICS 


PARS  PRIMA » 


CAP.   I 

DE  NOTATIONE  ET  ENUNCIATIONE  NUMERORUM 

NovEM  sunt  notae  numerales,  viz.  i,  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  7,  8,  9, 
quibus  una  cum  cyfra  (o)  utuntur  arithmetici,  ut  tantum 
non  infinitos  numerorum  ordines  exprimant.  Omne  illius 
rei  artificium  in  eo  positum  est,  quod  notarum  numeralium 
loci  ratione  decupla  progrediantur.  Series  autem  nume- 
rorum, ea  lege  quoad  locorum  valores  procedentium,  in 
membra  sive  periodos  enunciation  is  causa  secatur.  Rem 
totam  oculis  conspiciendam  subjecta  exhibet  Tabella : 


Notarum  Numeralium  Series, 


Centuriae 

Decades 

Unitates 

Centuriae 

Decades 

Unitates 


'  The  Arithmetica  is  a  brief  ex- 
position of  the  science,  unfolded 
from  its  principles — in  three  parts. 
The  First  Part  deduces  rules  for 
the  Addition,  Subtraction,  Multi- 
plication, and  Division  of  numbers, 
and  for  Squares  and  Cubes;  the 
Second    treats    of    Fractions,    or 


Quintilionum. 


Quatrilionum. 


broken  numbers,  and  the  rules  for 
adding,  subtracting,  multiplying, 
dividing,  and  reducing  them  ;  the 
Third  is  concerned  with  the  nu- 
merical relations  of  proportion, 
alligation,  and  progression— arith- 
metical and  geometrical. 


PARS    PRIMA 


Centuriae 

Decades 

Unitates 

Centuriae 

Decades 

Unitates 

Centuriae 

Decades 

Unitates 

Centuriae 

Decades 

Unitates 

Centuriae 

Decades 

Unitates   ( 

Unesimae  / 

Decimae . 

Centesimae 

Unesimae 

Decimae , 

Centesimae 

Unesimae 

Decimal . 

Centesimae 

Unesimae 

Decimae . 

Centesimae 

Unesimae 

Decimae , 

Centesimae 

Unesimae 

Decimae . 

Centesimae 


H 

00 


Trilionum. 


Bilionum. 


Millionum. 


Millium. 


Integrorum. 


Partes. 


Millesimarum. 


Millionesimarum. 


Bilionesimarum. 


Trilionesimarum. 


Quatrilionesimarum. 


qua  exponitur  notarum  numeralium  series,  in  terniones 
distributa :  membra  autem  seu  jperiodi  millecupla,  loci 
decupla  ratione  progrediuntur.  E.  g.  Numerus  positus  in 
loco  unitatum  (is  per  subjectum  punctum  dignoscitur) 
denotat  septem  res  integras  quascunque,  vel  saltem  ut 
integras  spectatas;  numerus  ei  a  dextris  proximus,  tres 
partes  decimas  ejusdem  integri ;  qui  vero  locum  immediate 
praecedentem  occupat,  indigitat  quatuor  decadas  eorundem 


lO  ARITHMETICA 

integrorum.     Eadem   proportione  decupla  locus  quilibet 
sequentem  superat,  a  praecedente  superatur. 

rorro,  cum  infinita  unitatum  multiplicatione  et  divisione, 
notarum  series  infinite  ultra  citraque  unitatum  locum  pro- 
ducatur,  adeoque  innumeri  oriantur  loci,  ut  distincti  eorum 
valores  exprimantur,  opus  est  solummodo  trium  vocum 
continua  repetitione ;  modo  ternio  quivis  sive  periodiis  suo 
insigniatur  nomine,  uti  factum  in  Tabella.  Nam,  pro- 
grediendo  a  loco  unitatum  versus  sinistram,  prima  periodus 
numerat  simpliciter  unitates,  sive  integra ;  secunda,  millia ; 
tertia,  milliones ;  quarta,  biliones ;  atque  ita  porro.  Simi- 
liter, servata  analogia,  in  periodis  infra  unitatem  descen- 
dentibus,  occurrunt  primo  partes  simpliciter,  dein  mille- 
simae,  millionesimae,  bilionesimae,  &c.  atque  hae  quidem 
partiendae  in  unesimas,  decimas,  centesimas;  illi  vero 
colligendi  in  unitates,  decades,  centurias. 

Ut  itaque  enunciemus  numerum  quavis  e  tota  serie  figura 
designatum,  i°,  respiciendum  est  ad  valorem  notae  sim- 
plicem ;  2°,  ad  valorem  loci ;  postremo,  periodi.  E.  g.  enun- 
cianda  sit  9,  in  quinta  sinistrorsum  periodo.  Nota  sim- 
pliciter sumpta  valet  novem :  ratione  loci,  novem  decadas ; 
ratione  demum  periodi,  novem  decadas  trilionum.  Pro- 
ponatur  5,  in  tertia  periodo:  simpliciter  sumpta  dicit 
quinque;  ratione  loci,  quinque  unitates;  ratione  periodi, 
quinque  unitates  millionum,  seu  quinque  milliones.  In 
secunda  infra  unitatem  periodo,  detur  8:  simplex  notae  valor 
est  octo;  ratione  loci,  octo  centesimae;  ratione  periodi, 
octo  centesimae  millesimarum. 

Quod  si  numerus  enunciandus  non  habeat  adscripta 
vocabula  valores  periodorum  locorumque  indigitantia,  is 
punctatione  a  loco  unitatum  dextrorsum  sinistrorsumque 
instituta  in  terniones  distinguatur ;  deinde,  cuique  loco  et 
periodo  assignato  nomine,  proferatur.  Sit,  e.  g.  numerus 
propositus  73-48o«i95.  Notis  in  periodos  distinctis,  pri- 
mum  quaero  quinam  sint  valores  figurse  ad  sinistram 
primae;  quae,  quoniam  collocatur  in  secundo  loco  tertiae 
periodi,  valet  septem  decadas  millionum  :  quia  vero  numeri 
ratione  decupla  progrediuntur,  intellecto  notae  primae 
valore,  caeterarum  valores  ordine  sequuntur.  Sic  ergo 
enunciabimus  numerum  propositum;  septem  decades  et 
tres  unitates  millionum,  quatuor  centuriae  et  octo  decades 
millium,  una  centuria,  novem  decades  et  quinque  unitates ; 


PARS    PRIMA 


II 


vel  contractius,  septuaginta  tres  milliones,  quadringenta 
octaginta  millia,  centum  nonaginta  quinque.  Hinc  cer- 
nimus  quod  cyfra,  licet  per  se  nil  valeat,  necessario  tamen 
scribatur,  ut  unicuique  notae  debitum  assignemus  locum. 

Facillimum  erit  numeros  quantumvis  magnos  scribere 
et  enunciare,  modo  quae  dicta  sunt  perpendantur,  quorum 
etiam  scientia  in  sequentibus  maximi  erit  moment! :  siqui- 
dem  qua  ratione  operationes  arithmeticae  in  digitis  per- 
ficiantur  ipsa  docet  natura ;  arte  vero  opus  est  ad  easdem 
in  numeris  grandioribus  accurate  exercendas,  quae  sane 
omnis  in  eo  versatur,  ut  quod  opus  simul  et  uno  quasi  ictu 
peragj  non  sin  it  humanae  mentis  angustia,  id  in  plures 
partiamur  opellas,  sigillatim  inquirentes  digitorum  aggre- 
gata,  differentias,  producta,  &c.  dein  haec  ita  componamus 
ut  exhibeant  summam,  residuum,  aut  productum,  &c..totale; 
cujus  rei  ratio  omnis  et  artificium  petitur  ex  simplici 
locorum  progressione,  et  in  ea  ultimo  fundatur. 

N.B.  Non  me  latet  arithmeticos  nonnullos  numerorum 
seriem  aliter  ac  a  nobis  factum  est  partiri ;  sc.  in  senarios 
(composita  denominatione)  loco  ternionum.  Cum  vero 
methodum  quam  tradimus  sequantur  etiam  alii ',  visum  est 
et  nobis  eam  (utpote  simpliciorem)  retinere. 


CAP.  II 


DE   ADDITIONE 


Additione  quaeritur  duorum  pluriumve  numerorum 
aggregatum ;  quod  ut  obtineatur,  numeri  aggregandi  sub 
invicem  scribantur  ea  lege,  ut  unitates  unitatibus,  decades 
decadibus,  partes  decimae  decimis,  &c.  respondeant.  Quam- 
obrem,    ubi    adnexae    fuerint    partes    decimales,    oportet 


*  [v.  g.  CI.  Wallisius  in  Mathes, 
Umvers.f  et  le  Pdre  Lamy  dans  ses 
Elemens  des  Mathemaiiques,'] — Au- 
thor. 

WalHs's  Mathesis  Universalis 
is  the  first  article  in  his  Opera 
Mathemaiica  (Oxford,  1695).  See 
ch.  V,  'Numerorum  Procrea- 
tio/  for  the  opinion  to  which 
Berkeley  refers.     Bernard  Lamy 


(or  Lami),  priest  of  the  Oratory,  a 
Cartesian,  was  author  of  works  in 
mathematics  and  theology.  One  of 
these,  Traiie  qui  comprend  VAriih- 
meiique,  VAlgebre^  l^ Analyse,  &c., 
was  published  at  Paris  in  1680. 
A  second  edition  appeared  in 
1691,  under  the  title  Ele'mens  des 
Maihematiqttes. 


12 


ARITHMETIC  A 


unitatis  locum  adjecto  commate  insignire.  Deinde,  sumpto 
a  dextris  initio,  notae  in  primo  loco  occurrentes  una 
addantur ;  decades  autem  siquae  proveniant,  adjectis  punc- 
tulis  notatae  sequenti  loco  annumerandae  sunt,  cujus  itidem 
numeris  (reservatis  interim  decadibus,  quae  ad  locum 
sequentem  pertinent)  in  unam  summam  aggregati  infra 
scribantur.     Atque  ita  porro. 

E.  g.  In  primo,  infra-scriptorum  exemplo,  9  et  5  faciunt 
14 ;  decadem  punctatam  servo,  cum  4  progredior ;  4  et  8 
sunt  12,  punctata  igitur  decade,  2  subscribo ;  ad  secundum 
locum  accedens,  reperio  6,  quibus  addo  2,  scil.  decadas 
in  primo  punctatas,  8  et  2  faciunt  decadem,  quam 
notatam  servans,  quae  sola  superest  i  subscribo.  Et  sic 
deinceps. 


Addend. 

2018. 
8.2  2.5. 

4369 

523,9702 

81,35 
60,2005 

£    5.    d, 
7    8    9 
3  12.   5 
072 

Sum. 

I  4  6  I  2 

665,5207 

II     8    4 

Quod  si  proponantur  colligendae  res  diversarum  specierum, 
simili  prorsus  methodo  operandum,  dummodo  habeatur 
ratio  proportionis,  juxta  quam  progrediuntur  diversa  rerum 
genera.  E.g.  Quoniam  Lib.  SoL  et  Den,  non  ratione 
decupla  ut  numeri  progrediuntur ;  adeoque  non  10  denarii 
sed  12  constituant  solidum ;  non  10  solidi  sed  20,  libram. 
Propterea  in  hisce  speciebus  addendis,  loco  decadis, 
numerus  quilibet  in  denariis,  duodenarius,  in  solidis,  vice- 
narius,  sequenti  loco  adscribendus  est. 

CAP.  Ill 


DE  SUBDUCTIONE 


SuBDUCTioNE  quaeritur  duorum  numerorum  differentia, 
sive  quodnam  superfuerit  residuum  sublato  uno  ex  altero ; 
cujus  obtinendi  causa,  numeri  minoris  nota  quaelibet  notae 


PARS    PRIMA 


13 


majoris  ejusdem  loci  subscribatur ;  deinde  subducendi 
prima  dextrorsum  nota  ex  nota  suprascripta  auferatur, 
residuumque  infra  notetur;  atque  ita  porro,  usque  dum 
perficiatur  subductio  totius. 

Si  vero  accidat  numerum  aliquem  minorem  esse  quam 
ut  ex  eo  nota  subscripta  auferri  possit,  is  decade  augeatur, 
mutuata  scil.  unitate  a  loco  sequente. 

Detur  1 189  subtrahendus  ex  32034.  Numeris  ut  in 
exemplo  subjecto  scriptis,  aggredior  subductionem  notae 
primae  9  ex  supraposita  4 ;  verum  cum  4  ne  semel  quidem 
contineat  9,  adjecta  decade,  fiat  14;  ex  14  subductis  9, 
restant  5.  Dein  versus  sinistram  pergens,  reperio  8,  a  2 
(loco  3,  habita  nimirum  ratione  mutuatae  decadis)  sub- 
ducenda,  quod  quoniam  fieri  nequit,  aufero  8  a  12,  et 
restant  4.  Proxima  subducendi  nota  est  i,  quae  quia 
a  nihilo,  sive  o,  non  potest  subtrahi,  loco  cyfrae  o,  substituo 
9,  (9  inquam,  quoniam,  mutuata  decas  unitate  numero 
praecedenti  jam  ante  adjecta  truncatur)  ablata  demum  i 
ab  I,  restat  nihil.  Porro  peracta  subductione  restant  3, 
quiae  itidem  subscribo. 

Haud  dissimili  ratione  subductio  specierum  diversarum 
perficitur:  modo  advertamus  non  semper  decadem,  sed 
numerum  qui  dicit  quotuplus  locus  quilibet  sit  praecedentis, 
in  supplementum  defectus  notae  alicujus  mutuandum  esse. 


Subdue. 
Resid. 

32034 
1 189 

7329,645 
3042,100 

£    5.    rf. 
483 
265 

30845 

4287,545 

2     I  10 

N.B.  Ex  dictis  liquet  arithmeticae  (quam  hactenus  tra- 
didimus)  artificium  consistere  in  perficiendo  per  partes  id 
quod  una  vice  fieri  nequeat;  rationem  vero  in  additione, 
reservandi,  in  subductione,  mutuandi  decadas,  a  decupla 
locorum  progressione  omnino  petendam  esse. 


14 


ARITHMETICA 


CAP.    IV 


DE   MULTIPLICATIONE 


MuLTiPLicATioNE  toties  ponitur  multiplicandus  quoties 
jubet  multiplicans ;  seu  quaeritur  numerus  qui  eandem 
habeat  rationem  ad  multiplicandum,  quam  multiplicans  ad 
unitatem.  Numerus  autem  iste  appellatur  productum  sive 
rectangulum;  cujus  latera  seu  factores  dicuntur  uterque 
tum  multiplicandus,  tum  numerus  per  quem  multiplicatur. 

Ut  productum  duorum  numerorum  inveniamus,  scripto 
numero  multiplicante  sub  multiplicando,  hie  multiplicetur 
per  quamlibet  notam  illius,  incipiendo  a  dextris ;  cuj  usque 
autem  producti  nota  prima  directe  subscribatur  notae  multi- 
plicanti,  reliquae  versus  laevam  ordine  sequantur. 

Peracta  multiplicatione,  producta  particularia  in  unam 
coUigantur  summam,  ut  habeatur  productum  totale,  in  quo 
tot  loci  partibus  sunt  assignandi,  quot  sunt  in  utroque 
factore. 

Proponatur  30,94  ducendus  in  (sive  multiplicandus  per) 
26,5.  Quinquies  4  dant  20,  cujus  primam  figuram  o  sub- 
scribo  notae  multiplicanti  (5),  reliquam  2  servo ;  porro  5  in 
9  dant  45 ;  5  cum  2  servatis  faciunt  7,  quae  subscribo,  4 
sequenti  loco  ponenda  servans ;  et  sic  deinceps. 


3o»94 
26,5 

52896 

24 

6000 

56 

15470 
18564 

6188 

21 1584 
105792 

36 
30 

Prod.  tot. 

819,910 

1269504 
1 

i 

336000 

Quoniam  numeri  cujusque  duplex  est  valor,  ut  multipli- 
catio  recte  instituatur  oportet  utriusque  rationem  haberi; 


PARS    PRIMA  15 

adeo  ut  nota  quaevis  multiplicetur  juxta  valorem  cum 
simplicem  turn  localem  figurae  multiplicantis.  Hinc  nota 
prima  cujusque  particularis  product!  scribitur  sub  nota 
multiplicante.  E.  g.  in  secundi  exempli  multiplicatore, 
nota  2  valet  duas  (non  unitates  sed)  decadas;  ergo  in  6 
(primam  multiplicandi  notam)  ducta  producet  duodecim 
(non  quidem  unitates,  verum)  decadas.  Proinde  primam 
producti  notam  in  loco  decadum  h.  e.  directe  sub  nota 
multiplicante  2,  poni  oportet. 

Ob  eandem  rationem,  ubi  in  factoribus  occurrunt  partes, 
numerus  ex  prima  multiplicandi  nota  in  primam  multipli- 
cantis ducta  genitus,  tot  locis  detrudendus  est  infra  notam 
multiplicatam,  quot  multiplicans  dextrorsum  ab  unitate 
distat;  adeoque  tot  loci  in  producto  totali  partibus  sepo- 
nendi  sunt,  quot  fuerant  in  utroque  factore. 

N.  B.  Si  factori  utrique  aut  alterutri  a  dextris  accedant 
cyfrae  non  interruptae,  multiplicatione  in  reliquis  notis 
instituta  omittantur  istae  mox  producto  totali  adjiciendae  : 
quippe  cum  loci  proportione  decupla  progrediantur  liquet 
numerum  decuplum,  centuplum,  millecuplum,  &c.  suiipsius 
evadere,  si  modo  uno,  duobus  aut  tribus  locis  promo- 
veatur. 


CAP.  V 

DE   DIVISIONE 

Divisio  opponitur  multiplicationi ;  nempe  productum 
quod  haec  conficit,  ilia  sibi  dissolvendum  sive  dividendum 
proponit.  Numerus  in  divisione  inventus,  dicitur  Quotiens : 
siquidem  dicit  quoties  dividendus  continet  divisorem  vel 
(quod  idem  est)  rationem  dividendi  ad  divisorem  ;  seu 
denique,  partem  dividendi  a  divisore  denominatam. 

In  divisione,  scriptis  dividendo  et  divisore,  sicut  in 
exemplorum  subjectorum  primo,  captoque  initio  a  sinistris, 
pars  dividendi  divisori  aequalis,  vel  eum  proxime  superans 
(intelligo  valorem  tantum  simplicem)  interposito  puncto 
seponatur.  Quaerendum  dein  quoties  divisor  in  membro 
isto  contineatur,  numerusque  proveniens  erit  prima  quo- 
tientis  nota;  porro  divisor  ducatur  in  notam  inventam, 
productoque  a  membro  dividendo  ablato,  residuum  infra 


l6  ARITHMETICA 

notetur,  cui  adscripta  sequente  dividendi  nota,  confit  novum 
membrum  dividendum,  unde  eruatur  nota  secunda  quo- 
tientis,  mox  in  divisorem  ducenda,  ut  producto  ex  membro 
proxime  diviso  ablato,  residuum  una  cum  sequente  divi- 
dendi nota,  praebeat  novum  membrum ;  atque  ita  porro, 
uscjue  dum  absoluta  fuerit  operatio.  Subductis  demum 
locis  decimalibus  divisoris  ab  iis  qui  sunt  in  dividendo, 
residuum  indicabit  quot  loci  partibus  assignandi  sunt  in 
quotiente ;  quod  si  nequeat  fieri  subductio,  adjiciantur 
dividendo  tot  cyfrae  decimales  quot  opus  est. 

Peracta  divisione,  si  quid  superfuerit,  adjectis  cyfris 
decimalibus  continuari  poterit  divisio,  donee  vel  nihil 
restet,  vel  id  tam  exiguum  sit,  ut  tuto  negligi  possit ;  aut 
etiam  quotienti  apponantur  notae  residuae  subscripto  iisdem 
divisore. 

Si  uterque,  dividendus  nempe  et  divisor,  desinat  in 
cyfras,  hae  aequali  numero  utrinque  rescindantur ;  si  vero 
divisor  solus  cyfris  terminetur,  eae  omnes  inter  operandum 
negligantur,  totidemque  postremae  dividendi  notae  abscissae, 
sub  finem  operationis  restituantur,  scripto  infra  lineolam 
divisore. 

Proponatur  45832,  dividendus  per  67.  Quoniam  divisor 
major  est  quam  45,  adjecta  nota  sequente  fiat  458,  mem- 
brum primo  dividendum ;  hoc  interposito  puncto  a  reliquis 
dividendi  notis  secerno.  6  in  45  continetur  septies,  et 
supdrest  3 ;  veruntamen  quoniam  7  non  itidem  septies  in 
28  reperitur,  ideo  minuendus  est  quotiens.  Sumatur  6; 
6  in  45  invenitur  sexies,  atque  insuper  9,  quin  et  98 
continet  7  sexies,  est  igitur  6  nota  prima  quotientis.  Haec 
in  divisorem  ducta  procreat  subducendum  402,  quo  sublato 
a  458,  restant  56 ;  his  adscribo  3,  proximam  dividendi 
notam,  unde  confit  novum  membrum,  nimirum  563,  quod 
sicuti  prius  dividens,  invenio  8  pro  nota  secunda  quotientis : 
8  in  67  dat  536,  hunc  subduco  a  membro  563,  residuoque 
27  adjiciens  reliquam  dividendi  notam,  viz.  2,  habeo  272 
pro  novo  dividendo,  quod  divisum  dat  4,  qua  primo  in 
quotiente  scripta,  dein  in  divisorem  ducta,  productoque 
ex  272  ablato,  restant  4  quotienti,  scripto  infra  lineolam 
divisore,  adjicienda. 

Expeditior  est  operatio,  ubi  subductio  cujusque  notae 
multiplicationem  immediate  sequitur ;  ipsa  autem  multipli- 
catio  a  sinistra  dextrorsum  instituitur.     E,  g.  Sit  12199980 


PARS    PRIMA 


17 


dividendus  per  156  {vide  exempl.  3)  sub  1219  primo  divi- 
dend! membro  scripto  divisore,  constat  hunc  in  illo  septies 
contineri ;  quamobrem  7  scribo  in  quotiente.  Septies  i  est 
7,  quibus  subductis  ex  12,  deleo  turn  notam  multiplicatam 
I,  turn  12  partem  membri  unde  auferebatur  productum, 
residuum  5  supra  notans ;  dein  accedo  ad  proximam  divi- 
soris  notam  5 ;  7  in  5  dat  35 ;  35  ex  51  ablatis,  restant  16, 
quae  supra  scribo,  deletis  51  et  5.  Deinde  autem  7  in  6 
duco,  productoque  42  ex  69  subtracto,  supersunt  27,  quae 
proinde  noto,  deletis  interim  tum  69  tum  6,  ultima  divi- 
dend! figura.  Porro  divisorem  jam  integre  deletum,  denuo 
versus  dextram  uno  loco  promotum  scribo,  perque  ilium 
membrum  suprascriptum  (quod  quidem  fit  ex  residuo 
membri  proxime  divisi  sequehte  nota  aucto)  quemadmodum 
praecedens  divido.  Eodem  modo  divisor  usque  promo- 
veatur  quoad  dividendum  totum  percurrerit  \ 


Jam  vero  praeceptorum  ratio  dabitur;  et  primum  quidem 
liquet,  cur  quotientem  per  partes  investigemus. 

2.  Quaeri  potest,  cur  v.  g.  in  exemplo  supra  allato 
habeatur  6  pro  quotiente  membri  primi  per  divisorem 
divisi,  nam  67  in  458  centuriis  (pro  centuriis  nimirum 
habendae  sunt  cum  duobus  locis  sinistrorsum  ab  unitate 
distent)  non  sexies,  sed  sexcenties  continetur  ?  Respondeo, 
revera  non  simpliciter  6,  sed  600  scribi  in  quotiente ;  duae 
enim  notae  postmodum  inventae  istam  sequuntur,  atque  ita 

*  This    method    of   performing 
Division  the  old  Italians   rejoiced 


BBRKBLBY .     PRASBR.      IV. 


in,  under  the  name  o{ galea,  from  its 
shape,  dear  to  a  native  of  the  Lagune. 

C 


l8  ARITHMETICA 

quidem  quotient!  debitus  semper  conservatur  valor ;  nam 
unicuique  notae  tot  loci  in  quotiente,  quot  membro  unde 
eruebatur  in  dividendo  postponuntur. 

3.  Quandoquidem  nota  quaelibet  quotientis  indicat 
quoties  id,  ex  quo  eruebatur,  dividendi  membrum  divi- 
sorem  contineat;  aequum  est  ut  ex  divisore,  in  notam 
proxime  inventam  ducto,  confletur  subducendum :  tunc 
nempe  aufertur  divisor  toties  ad  amussim  quoties  in  divi- 
dendo continetur,  nisi  forsan  aequo  major  aut  minor  sit 
numerus  ultimo  in  quotiente  scriptus.  De  illo  quidem 
errore  constabit,  si  productum  tam  magnum  fuerit,  ut  sub- 
duci  nequeat ;  de  hoc,  si  e  contra  productum  oriatur  tam 
exiguum,  ut  peracta  subductione  residuum  divisore  majus 
sit  vel  ei  aequale. 

4.  Ratio  cur  tot  loci  partibus  seponantur  in  quotiente, 
quot  cum  iis  qui  sunt  in  divisore  aequentur  locis  .decima- 
libus  dividendi,  ex  eo  cernitur,  quod  numerus  dividendus 
sit  productum,  cujus  factores  sunt  divisor  et  quotus,  adeoque 
ille  tot  habeat  locos  decimales  quot  hi  ambo,  id  quod 
demonstravimus  de  multiplicatione  agentes. 

5.  Patet  cyfras  decimales  ad  calcem  dividendi  adjectas 
ipsius  valorem  non  immutare.  Nam  integros  quod  attinet, 
ii  dummodo  eodem  intervallo  supra  unitates  ascendant, 
eundem  sortiuntur  valorem ;  decimales  vero  non  nisi  prae- 
positis  cyfris  in  inferiorem  gradum  deprimuntur. 

6.  Quoniam  quotiens  exponit  seu  denominat  rationem 
dividendi  ad  divisorem,  patet  proportione  ilia  sive  ratione 
existente  eadem,  eundem  fore  quotientem;  sed  abjectis 
cyfris  communibus,  ratio  seu  numerorum  ad  invicem 
habitudo  minime  mutatur.  Sic  v.  g.  200  est  ad  100,  vel 
(quod  idem  est)  200  toties  continet  100,  quoties  2  continet  i, 
quod  sane  per  se  manifestum  est. 


CAP.  VI 

DE  COMPOSITIONE  ET  RESOLUTIONE  QUADRATI 

Productum  ex  numero  in  seipsum  ducto,  dicitur  numerus 
quadratus,  Numerus  autem  ex  cujus  multiplicatione  oritur 
quadratus,  nuncupatur  latus  sive  radix  quadrata;  et  ope- 
ratio  qua  numeri  propositi  radicem  investigamus,  dicitur 


PARS    PRIMA  19 

extractio  radicis  quadratce,  cujus  intelligendae  causa  juvabit 
genesin  ipsius  quadrati,  partesque  ex  quibus  componitur, 
earumque  ordinem  situmque  contemplari.  Veruntamen 
quoniam  in  inquirenda  rerum  cognitione  consultius  est  a 
simplicissimis  et  facillimis  ordiri,  a  contemplatione  geneseos 
quadrati,  ex  radice  binomia  oriundi,  initium  capiamus. 

Attentius  itaque  intuendum  est,  quid  fiat  ubi  numerus 
duabus  notis  constans  in  seipsum  ducatur.  Et  primo 
quidem  manifestum  est,  primam  a  dextra  radicis  notam  in 
notam  supra  positam,  seipsam  nempe,  duci ;  unde  oritur 
quadratum  minoris  membri.  Deinde  vero,  eadem  nota 
in  sequentem  multiplicandi,  i.e.  alteram  radicis  notam 
ducta,  provenire  rectangulum  ab  utroque  radicis  membro 
conflatum  constat.  Porro  peracta  multiplicatione  totius 
multiplicandi  per  primam  radicis  notam,  ad  secundam 
accedimus,  qua  in  primam  multiplicandi  notam  ducta, 
oritur  jam  denuo  rectangulum  duarum  radicis  binomiae 
notarum;  deinde  secunda  multiplicandi  nota,  i.e.  eadem 
per  eandem,  multiplicata,  dat  secundi  membri  radicis 
binomise  quadratum. 

Hinc  ergo  colligimus,  quadratum  quod  vis  a  radice 
binomia  procreatum  constare  primo  ex  quadrato  membri 
minoris;  secundo  duplici  rectangulo  membrorum;  tertio 
quadrato  membri  majoris. 

Proponatur  radix  binomia,  v.  g.  23  quadranda,  juxta  ea 
quae  cap.  4.  traduntur;   primo  duco  3  in  3,  unde 
producitur  9,  quadratum  membri  minoris.    Secundo      23 
duco  3  in  2,  alteram  radicis  notam ;  prodit  6,  rect-      23 

angulum  utriusque  notae.     Tertio,  ex  2  in  3  ducto    

oritur  jam  secunda  vice  rectangulum  membrorum.      69 
Quarto,  2  in  2  gignit   4,  quadratum   membri  ma-    46 
joris. 

Progrediamur  ad  genesin  quadrati  a  radice  trimembri. 
Atque  hie,  primo  quidem,  prima  radicis  nota  in  integram 
radicem  ducta  procreat,  primo,  primi  membri  quadratum ; 
secundo,  rectangulum  membrorum  primi  ac  secundi ;  tertio, 
rectangulum  membrorum  primi  ac  tertii.  Secundo,  secunda 
radicis  nota  multiplicans  radicem  dat,  primo,  rectangulum 
membrorum  primi  ac  secundi ;  secundo,  quadratum  membri 
secundi ;  tertio,  rectangulum  membrorum  secundi  ac  tertii. 
Tertio,  ex  tertia  radicis  nota  in  radicem  ducta  oritur, 
primo,  rectangulum  membrorum  secundi  ac  tertii;  secundo, 

C2 


20  ARITHMETICA 

rectangulum  membrorum  secundi  ac  tertii ;  tertio,  quad- 
ratum  tertii  membri  radicis. 

Hinc  porro  colligimus  quadratum  quodvis  a  radice 
trinomia  genitum  complecti,  primo,  quadratum  notae  radicis 
primae ;  secundo,  duplex  rectangulum  notae  primae  in  duas 
reliquas  ductae;  tertio,  quadratum  duarum  reliquarum, 
i.  e.  bina  singularum  quadrata  et  earundem  duplex  rectan- 
gulum, quae  quidem  constituere  quadratum  duarum  notarum 
jam  ante  ostendimus. 

Simili  methodo  ostendi  potest  quadratum  4,  5,  quotlibet 
notarum  continere,  primo  quadratum  notae  infimae;  secundo, 
duplex  rectangulum  ex  infima  in  sequentes  omnes  ducta 
genitum ;  tertio,  quadratum  notarum  omnium  sequentium ; 
quod  ipsum  (uti  ex  praemissis  manifestum  est)  continet 
quadratum  notae  a  dextris  secundae,  duplex  rectangulum 
ejusdem  in  omnes  sequentes  ductae,  quadratum  notarum 
omnium  sequentium ;  quod  pariter  continet  quadratum 
notae  tertiae,  bina  rectangula  illius  et  sequentium  harumque 
quadratum,  atque  ita  porro,  usque  quoad  ventum  sit  ad 
quadratum  altissimae  radicis  notae. 

Inventis  tandem  partibus  ex  quibus  componitur  quad- 
ratum, restat  ut  circa  earum  ordinem  situmque  dispiciamus. 
Si  itaque  quadratum  incipiendo  a  dextris  in  biniones  par- 
tiamur,  ex  genesi  quam  supra  tradidimus  constabit,  primum 
(a  sinistris)  membrum  occupari  a  quadrato  notae  primae 
sive  altissimae,  simul  ac  ab  ea  duplicis  rectanguli  ex  notis 
prima  et  secunda  in  invicem  ductis  conflati  portione,  quae 
extra  primum  sequentis  binionis  locum  redundat :  secundi 
locum  primum  continere  dictum  duplex  rect- 
321       angulum,  atque  insuper  quicquid  quadrati  notae 
321      secundae,   excurrat;    secundum  capere   quad- 

ratum  notae  secundae,  et  quod  redundat  duplicis 

321       rectanguli  duarum  priorum  notarum  in  tertiam 
642        ductarum    (quoad  notam   infimam)  ad    locum 

963  primum  tertii  binionis  pertinentis,  et  sic  de- 

inceps ;   v.  g.  in  exemplo  apposito,  membrum 


I0-30-4I  primum  10  continet  9  quadratum  notae  primae 
3,  simul  ac  i  qua  12  (duplex  rectangulum 
notae  3  in  sequentem  2  ductae)  locum  primum  secundi 
membri  transcendit.  Primus  locus  secundi  binionis  capit  2 
(duplicis  rectanguli  notarum  3  et  2  reliquum),  atque  etiam 
id  quod  extra  locum  proxime  sequentem  redundat,  &c. 


PARS    PRIMA  21 

Perspecta  jam  compositione  quadrati,  ad  ejusdem 
analysin  accedamus.  Proponatur  itaque  numerus  quivis 
(e.  g.  103041),  unde  elicienda  sit  radix  quadrata.  Hunc 
incipiens  a  dextris,  in  biniones  (si  par  sit  locorum  numerus, 
alioqui  membrum  ultimum  ex  unica  constabit  nota)  dis- 
tingue. Quaere  dein  quadratum  maximum  in  (10)  membro 
versus  laevam  primo  contentum,  cujus  radix  (3)  est  nota 
prima  radicis  indagandae,  ipsum  autem  quadratum  (9)  a 
membro  (10)  subduco.  Ex  residuo  (i)  adjecta 
(3)  nota  prima  sequentis  membri  confit  divi-  103041(321 
dendus  (13),  quem  divido  per  notam  inven-  9 

tam   duplicatam  (i.e.  6),  quotiens   (2)  erit     

nota  radicalis  secunda;  qua  primo  in  divi-     6)130 
sorem,  deinde  in  seipsam  ducta,  productis-        124 
que  in  unam  summam  collectis,  ita  tamen 


A  9 

ut  posterius  uno  loco  dextrorsum  promo-      64)641 
veatur  (e.g.'*  4)   habeo   numerum  subdu- 


cendum   (124),  hunc  aufero   ex   dividendo  641 

(13)  aucto  (o)  nota  reliqua  secundi  membri : 


residuo  (6)  adjicio'(4)  notam  primam  tertii  000 

binionis,  ut  fiat  novus  dividendus  (64),  qui 
divisus  per  (64)  duplum  radicis  hactenus  inventae  dat  (i) 
notam  tertiam  radicis  indagandae ;  hac  tum  in  divisorem 
tum  in  seipsam  ducta,  factisque  ut  supra  simul  aggregatis, 
summam  (641)  subduco  a  dividendo  (64)  aucto  accessione 
notae  alterius  membri  tertii:  eadem  plane  methodo  per- 
gendum  quantumvis  producatur  operatic. 

Si  quid  post  ultimam  subductionem  superfuerit,  id  tibi 
indicio  sit,  numerum  propositum  non  fuisse  quadratum; 
verumtamen  adjectis  resolvendo  cyfris  decimalibus  operatic 
extendi  poterit  quousque  lubet. 

Numerus  locorum  decimalium,  si  qui  fuerint,  in  resol- 
vendo bipartitus  indicabit,  quot  ponendi  sunt  in  radice. 
Cujus  ratio  cernitur  ex  cap.  4. 

Ratio  operandi  abunde  patet  ex  praemissis.  Nam 
e.  g.  adhibui  (6)  duplum  notae  inventae  pro  divisore,  prop- 
terea  quod  ex  tradita  quadrati  compositione,  duplex  rec- 
tangulum  notae  illius  (3)  in  sequentem  (2)  ductae  dividendum 
complecti  rescissem,  eoque  adeo  diviso  per  duplum  factoris 
unius  (3)  confactorem  ejus  (2)  h.  e.  notam  proximam  radicis 
innotescere.  Similiter,  subducendum  conflavi  ex  duplici 
rectangulo  quotientis  et  divisoris,  simul  ac  quotientis  quad- 


22  ARITHMETICA 

rato  in  unum,  ea  qua  dictum  est  ratione,  collectis;  quia 
bina  ilia  rectangula  et  quadratum  eo  ordine  in  residue  et 
membro  sequente,  ex  quibus  fiebat  subductio,  contineri 
deprehenderam,  atque  ita  quidem  potestatis  resolutio  ex 
ipsius  compositione  facili  admodum  negotio  deducitur. 


CAP.  VII 

DE  COMPOSITIONE   ET  RESOLUTIONE  CUBI 

Radix  in  quadratum  ducta  procreat  cubum.  Ut  ster- 
namus  viam  ad  analysin  cubi,  a  compositione  potestatis 
(quemadmodum  in  capite  praecedenti  factum)  sumendum 
est  initium.  In  productione  igitur  cubi  a  radice  binomia 
primum  radicis  membrum  offendit,  primo,  suiipsius  quad- 
ratum, unde  cubus  notae  primae ;  secundo,  duplex  rectan- 
gulum  membrorum,  unde  duplex  solidum  quadrati  notae 
primae  in  alteram  ducti ;  tertio,  quadratum  membri  alterius, 
unde  solidum  ex  nota  prima  et  quadrato  secundae  genitum. 
Similiter,  facta  multiplicatione  per  membrum  secundum, 
oritur  primo,  solidum  notse  secundse  et  quadrati  primae ; 
secundo,  duplex  solidum  notae  primae  et  quadrati  secundae ; 
tertio,  cubus  membri  secundi. 

Continet  ergo  cubus  a  radice  binomia  procreatus  singu- 
lorum  membrorum  cubos  et  6  solida,  nimirum  3  facta  ex 
quadrato  membri  utriusvis  in  alterum  ducto. 

Hinc  ratiocinio  ad  analogiam  capitis  praecedentis  pro- 
tracto,  constabit,  si  (ut  quadratum  in  biniones,  ita)  cubus  a 
quantavis  radice  genitus,  in  terniones  distribuatur,  ternio- 
nem  seu  membrum  a  sinistris  primum  continere  cubum 
notae  sinistrorsum  primae,  simul  ac  redundantiam  (si  quae 
sit)  3  solidorum  quadrati  ejusdem  in  secundam  ducti; 
locum  primum  secundi  capere  dicta  solida  et  redundantiam 
3  solidorum  quadrati  notae  secundae  in  primam,  locum 
secundum  eadem  3  solida  et  redundantiam  cubi  notae  se- 
cundae; tertium  occupari  a  dicto  cubo,  simul  ac  redun- 
dantia  3  solidorum,  ex  quadrato  notarum  praecedentium 
in  tertiam  ducto  genitorum :  locum  primum  tertii  membri 
solida  ultimo  memorata  obtinere,  et  sic  deinceps.  Hinc 
facile  derivabimus  methodum  eliciendae  radicis  cubicae, 
quae  est  ut  sequitur. 


PARS    PRIMA  23 

Incipiendo  a  dextris,  resolvendum  (80621568)  in  terniones 
(praeter  membrum  postremum  quod  minus  esse  potest) 
punctis  interpositis  distribuo.  Dein  cubum  maximum  (64) 
in  (80)  primo  versus  sinistram  membro  contentum  subduco, 
scriptaque  illius  radice  (4)  in  notam  primam  radicis  quae- 
sitae,  residuo  (16)  adscribo  (6)  notam  proximam  resolvendi, 
unde  confit  dividendum  (166)  quod  divido  per  (48)  triplum 
quadrati  notae  inventae :  quotiens  (3)  est  nota  secunda 
radicis:  banc  duco,  primo  in  divisorem;  secundo,  ipsius 
quadratum  in  triplum  notae  primae;  postremo,  ipsam  in 
seipsam  bis.  Producta  ea  lege  aggregata,  ut  secundum 
a    primo,    tertium    a    secundo,    uno    loco    dextrorsum 

(144      , 
ponatur,  <    108    >  subduco  a  dividendo  aucto  accessione 


} 


I        27 

duarum  notarum  reliquarum  membri  secundi.   Ad  eundem 
modum,    utut    prolixa    sit    operatio, 
numerum  dividendum  semper praestat  8062 1-568(432 

residuum,  adjuncta  prima   sequentis  64 

membri  nota  :  divisorem  vero,  triplum       

quadrati  notarum  radicis  hactenus  in-      48)166-21 
ventarum :     et    subducendum,    nota  15507 

ultimo    reperta    in   divisorem   ducta,     5547)1114568 
ejusdem  quadratum  in  triplum  notarum  1 1 14568 

praecedentium :  postremo  illius  cubus,  

ea  qua  diximus  ratione  aggregati,  con-  0000000 

stituent. 

Si  numerus  resolvendus  non  sit  cubus,  quod  superest, 
adjectis  locis  decimalibus,  in  infinitum  exhauriri  potest. 

Radici  assignanda  est  pars  tertia  locorum  decimalium 
resolvendi. 

N.  B.  Operationes  syntheticae  examinari  possunt  per 
analyticas,  et  vicissim  analyticae  per  syntheticas :  adeoque 
si  numero  alterutro  ex  summa  duorum  subducto,  restet 
alter,  recte  peracta  est  additio ;  et  vice  versa,  extra  dubium 
ponitur  subductio,  quoties  aggregatum  subducti  et  residui 
aequatur  numero  majori  dato.  Similiter,  si  quotiens  in 
divisorem,  aut  radix  in  seipsam  ducta  procreet  dividendum, 
aut  resolvendum,  id  tibi  indicio  sit,  in  divisionem  aut  reso- 
lutionem  nullum  repsisse  vitium. 


ARITHMETICS 


PARS  SECUNDA 


CAP.  I 

QUID  SINT  FRACTIONES? 

ScRiPTo  divisore  infra  dividendum,  ductaque  linea  inter- 
media, divisionem  utcunque  designari,  jam  ante '  monuimus. 
Hujusmodi  autem  quotientes  dicuntur  numeri  fracti  seu 
fractiones,  propterea  quod  numerus  superior,  qui  dicitur 
etiam  numerator,  dividitur  seu  frangitur  in  partes  ab  infe- 
riore  denominatas,  qui  proinde  dicitur  denominator:  e.g. 
in  hac  fractione  f  2  est  dividendus  seu  numerator,  4  divisor 
seu  denominator;  ipsa  autem  fractio  indicat  quotientem 
qui  oritur  ex  divisis  2  per  4,  h.  e.  quadrantem  duarum 
rerumFquarumvis,  vel  duos  quadrantes  unius ;  nempe  idem 
sonant. 

N.B.  Patet  numeros  qui  partes  decimales  denotant,  qui- 
que  vulgo  fractiones  decimales  audiunt,  subscripto  nomina- 
tore,  per  modum  fractionum  vulgarium  exprimi  posse. 
E.g.,  25  valent  3^;  ,004  valent  yoVu  &c.  id  quod  faciamus 
oportet,  aut  saltem  factum  intelligamus,  quotiescunque  eae 
in  fractiones  vulgares  aut  vicissim  hae  in  illas  reducendae 
sint,  aut  aliam  quamvis  operationem,  utrosque  fractos, 
vulgares  et  decimales  ex  aequo  respicientem,  fieri  con- 
tingat. 

^  [Cap.  V.  p.  I.] — Author. 


PARS   SECUNDA 


25 


CAP.  II 

DE  ADDITIONE   ET  SUBDUCTIONE  FRACTIONUM 

1.  Si  fractiones,  quarum  summa  aut  differentia  quaeritur, 
eundem  habent  nominatorem,  sumatur  summa  aut  diffe- 
rentia numeratorum,  cui  subscriptus  communis  nominator 
quaesitum  dabit. 

2.  Si  non  sunt  ejusdem  nominis,  ad  idem  reducantur. 
Nominatores  dati  in  se  invicem  ducti  dabunt  novum 
nominatorem ;  cujusque  autem  fractionis  numerator,  in 
nominatores  reliquarum  ductus,  dabit  numeratorem  novae 
fractionis  datae  aequalis.  Dein  cum  novis  fractionibus 
operandum  ut  supra. 

3.  Si  integer  fractioni  addendus  sit,  aut  ab  ea  sub- 
ducendus,  veT  vice  versa,  is  ad  fractionem  datae  cognominem 
reducatur;  nempe  illi  in  nominatorem  datum  ducto  idem 
nominator  subscribendus  est. 


Additio 

i  ad  f  sum.  f 

Subductio 

^  a  f  resid.  \ 

Additio 

1  ad  f  ,  i.  e.  r\  ad  j^  sum.  J| 

Subductio 

f  a  f ,  i.  e.  x\  ex  xV  resid.  ^^ 

Additio 

3  ad  1,  i.  e.  V  ad  |  sum.  V 

Subductio 

1  ex.  3  i.  e.  V  resid.  V 

26  ARITHMETICA 

Primo,  Dicendum  est,  cur  fractiones,  antequam  operemur, 
ad  idem  nomen  reducamus  :  atque  id  quidem  propterea  fit, 
quod  numeri  res  heterogeneas  numerantes  in  unum  colligi, 
aut  ab  invicem  subduci  nequeant.  E.g.  Si  velim  addere 
tres  denarios  duobus  solidis,  summa  non  erit  5  sol.  aut 
5  den.  necjue  enim  ilia  prius  haberi  potest  quam  res  nume- 
ratas  ad  idem  genus  reducam,  adhibendo  loco  duorum 
solidorum  24  denarios,  quib"s  si  addam  3  den.  oritur 
aggregatum  27  den.  pari  ratione  2  partes  tertias  et  3  quartas 
una  colligens,  non  scribo  5  partes,  tertias  aut  quartas ;  sed 
earum  loco  usurpo  8  duodecimas  et  9  duodecimas,  quarum 
summa  est  17  duodecimae. 

Secundo,  Ostendam  quod  fractiones  post  reductionem 
idem  valeant  ac  prius,  e.g.  quod  f  aequentur  y^:  siquidem 
uterque  nominator  et  numerator  per  eundem  numerum 
(v.g.  4)  multiplicantur ;  omnis  autem  fractio  exprimit 
rationem  numeratoris,  seu  dividendi,  ad  nominatorem,  seu 
divisorem;  proinde  dummodo  ratio  ilia  eadem  manet, 
fractio  eundem  retinet  valorem ;  sed  ducto  utroque  rationis 
termino  in  unum  eundemque  numerum,  certum  est  rationem 
non  mutari:  e.g.  si  dimidium  rei  cujusvis  sit  dimidii 
alterius  rei  duplum,  erit  et  totum  illud  totius  hujus  duplum ; 
quod  quidem  tam  liquido  patet,  ut  demonstratione  non 
indigeat. 

Tertio,  Integer  ad  fractionem  reductus  non  mutat  valo- 
rem :  nam  si  2  numerorum  rectangulum  per  unum  eorun- 
dem  dividatur,  quotiens  erit  alter,  sed  in  reductione  integri 
ad  fractum  is  in  nominatorem  datum  ducitur,  et  per  eundem 
dividitur :  igitur  quotiens,  h.  e.  fractio,  valet  integrum  primo 
datum. 

N.B.  Utile  nonnunquam  erit,  fractionem  ad  datum 
nomen  reducere ;  e.g.  |^  ad  alteram,  cujus  nominator  sit  9 : 
quod  quidem  fit  per  regulam  trium  (de  qua  vide  par.  3. 
cap.  I.)  inveniendo  numerum,  ad  quem  nominator  datus 
ita  se  habeat  ac  fractionis  datae  nominator  ad  ejusdem 
numeratorem ;  is  erit  numerator  fracti  cujus  datum  est 
nomen,  valor  autem  idem  qui  prioris;  quippe  inter  frac- 
tionis terminos  eadem  est  utrobique  ratio. 


PARS    SECUNDA  27 


CAP.    Ill 

DE  MULTIPLICATIONE   FRACTIONUM 

1.  Si  ducenda  sit  fractio  in  fractionem,  datarum  frac- 
tionum  numeratores  in  se  invicem  ducti,  dabunt  numera- 
torem  producti;  dati  item  nominatores  procreabunt  ejusdem 
nominatorem. 

2.  Si  multiplicanda  sit  fractio  per  integrum,  ducatur 
integer  datus  in  numeratorem  fractionis,  eodem  manente 
nominatore. 

3.  Si  in  factore  alterutro,  vel  utroque  occurrant  integri, 
aut  fractiones  heterogeneae,  ei  claritatis  causa  una  colligi 
poterunt. 

EXEMPLA  MULTIPLICATIONIS 


Multiplic.          f  per  |  pro.  12"          t  per  2  prod.  ^ 

Multiplic.     1     2  &  f  per  i  &  1  i>.  ^  per  ^ 

Manifestum  est  quotientem  eadem  proportione  augeri, 
qua  dividendum :  E.g.  si  2  continetur  ter  in  6,  continebitur 
bis  ter  in  bis  6  ;  liquet  insuper  eundem  eadem  proportione 
minui,  qua  crescit  divisor.  E.g.  si  numerus  3  continetur 
quater  in  12,  continebitur  bis  3  duntaxat  bis  in  12 :  igitur 
cum  ut  multiplicem  f  per  |,  augenda  sit  fractio  |  ratione 
quintupla,  quoniam  per  5,  et  minuenda  ratione  octupla, 
quoniam  non  simpliciter  per  5,  sed  solummodo  ejus  partem 
octavam  multiplicatur ;  duco  dividendum  2  in  5,  et  divi- 
sorem  3  in  8. 

2.  Quod  ad  regulam  secundam,  constat  bis  4  res  quasvis 
aequari  8  rebus  ejusdem  denominationis,  quaecunque  de- 
mum  sit  ilia. 


28 


ARITHMETICA 


CAP.  IV 

DE   DIVISIONE    FRACTIONUM 

1.  Fractio  per  integrum  dividitur,  ducendo  integrum 
datum  in  nominatorem  fractionis  datae. 

2.  Si  fractio  per  fractionem  dividenda  sit,  numerator 
divisoris  ductus  in  nominatorem  dividendi  dabit  nomina- 
torem quotientis ;  et  ejusdem  nominator  ductus  in  numera- 
torem  dividendi  dabit  numeratorem  quotientis. 

3.  Quotiescunque  admiscentur  integri  aut  fractiones 
diversi  nominis,  facilius  operabere  si  membra  utriusque, 
tum  dividendi  tum  divisoris,  in  binas  summas  colligantur. 

EXEMPLA  DIVISIONIS 


Div.     I     f  per  2,  quot.  f     | 


Div.  I  per  |,  quot.  f  g 


Div.  2j  +  f  per  3f,  i.e.  V  per  V 


1°.  Quantum  ad  primam  regulam,  ex  capite  praecedenti 
constat,  fractionem  eadem  proportione  minui  seu  dividi, 
qua  multiplicatur  nominator. 

2°.  Postquam  dividens  fractionem  unam  per  aliam,  e.g. 
4  per  I,  duxi  nominatorem  9  in  2,  fractio  y*^  dicit  tantum 
quoties  2  continetur  in  dividendo ;  illius  vero  quintuplum 
indicabit  quoties  pars  quinta  numeri  2  ibidem  continetur ; 
quapropter  quotientem  primum  y\  duco  in  5,  inde  fit  |f . 

N.B.  Si  fractiones  datae  sunt  homogeneae,  brevius  est 
et  concinnius  dividere  numeratorem  dividendi  per  nume- 
ratorem divisoris,  quotiescunque  ilium  hie  metitur.  Sic 
divisis  ^  per  f  quotiens  erit  2,  quaecunque  enim  nume- 
rantur  6  bis  continent  3. 


PARS    SECUNDA  29 

2.  Si  extrahenda  sit  radix  e  fractione  data,  radix  nomina- 
toris  radici  numeratoris  subscripta  constituet  fractionem 
quae  erit  radix  quaesita.  E.g.  f  est  radix  quadrata  frac- 
tionis  ^,    et  cubica  fractionis  ^"y;    nam   ex   iis  quae  de 

multiplicatione  diximus  patet,  f  in  f  producere  i,  et  f  in  ^ 

« 


dare  ^ 


CAP.  V 

DE  REDUCTIONE  FRACTIONUM  AD   MINIMOS  TERMINOS 

1.  QuoNiAM  fractionum  quae  ex  minimis  terminis  con- 
stant valor  clarius  agnoscitur,  utile  est  fractionis  terminos, 
quoties  id  fieri  potest,  per  communem  aliquam  mensuram 
dividere.  Quanto  autem  major  fuerit  communis  iste  divisor, 
tanto  minores  erunt  quotientes  seu  termini  fractionis  datae 
aequalis.  Oportet  itaque,  datis  duobus  numeris,  intelligere 
methodum  inveniendi  maximam  eorum  communem  men- 
suram, i.e.  divisorem  maximum  qui  datos  dividat  absque 
residuo.     Qui  est  ut  sequitur : 

2.  Divide  majorem  e  datis  per  minorem,  et  divisorem 
per  divisionis  residuum,  et  si  quod  denuo  supersit  residuum, 
per  illud  residuum  prius,  i.  e.  ultimum  divisorem,  dividas ; 
atque  ita  porro,  donee  veneris  ad  divisorem  qui  dividendum 
suum  exhauriat  sive  metiatur;  is  est  maxima  datorum 
communis  mensura. 

E.g.  Proponantur  9  et  15.  Divido  15  per  9,  restant  6. 
Divido  9  per  6,  restant  3 :  porro  divisis  6  per  3,  restat  nihil. 
Ergo  3  est  maxima  communis  mensura  datorum  nume- 
rorum  9  et  15 :  quod  sic  ostendo. 

(a)  3  metitur  6,  at  (b)  6  metitur  9  demptis  3;  igitur  3 
metitur  9  demptis  3 ;  sed  3  metitur  seipsum,  metitur  ergo 
integrum  9 :  atqui  (c)  9  metitur  15  demptis  6,  ergo  3  metitur 
15  demptis  6,  metitur  vero  6;  igitur  metitur  integrum 
numerum  15.  Hinc  patet  3  esse  propositorum  9  et  15 
communem  mensuram.  Superest  ut  ostendam  eandem 
esse  maximam.  Si  negas,  esto  alia  quaepiam  major,  puta 
5;  jam  quoniam  {d)  5  metitur  9,  (e)  9  vero  metitur  15 
demptis  6,  liquet  5  metiri  15  demptis  6;  sed  et  integrum 

(a)  per  const,  (b)  per  const,  (c)  per  const,  {(f)  per  hyp.  (e)  per  const 


30  ARITHMETICA 

15  (ex  hypothesi)  metitur,  igitur  metitur  6 ;  6  autem  metitur 
9  demptis  3,  ergo  5  metitur  9  demptis  3.  Quoniam  igitur 
5  metitur  et  integrum  9,  et  9  demptis  3,  metietur  ipsum  3, 
h.e.  (/)  numerum  minorem;  quod  est  absurdum. 

Inventa  maxima  communi  mensura,  patet  fractionem  ^j 
deprimi  posse  ad  banc  |,  quam  priori  aequalem  esse  sic 
ostendo.  Omnis  fractio  denotat  quotientem  numeratoris 
divisi  per  nominatorem ;  in  divisione  autem,  quotiens  dicit 
rationem  dividendi  ad  divisorem,  dum  igitur  ratio  eadem 
manet,  erit  et  quotiens  seu  fractio  eadem.  Porro  rationem 
non  mutari,  terminis  ejus  pariter  divisis,  liquido  constat ; 
e.g.  si  res  quaelibet  sit  alterius  rei  dupla,  vel  tripla,  erit  et 
dimidium  illius,  dimidii  bujus,  duplum  vel  triplum,  &c. 

['  Qui  fractiones  per  integros  dividere  et  multiplicare 
novit,  is  in  fractionibus  (ut  vocant)  fractionum  ad  simplices 
reducendis  nuUam  difficultatem  experietur.  Nam  v.g. 
baec  fractio  fractionis  }  de  f  ecquid  aliud  est  quam  pars 
quarta  fractionis  |  triplicata,  sive  -^  ducta  in  integrum  3  ? 
similiter,  ductis  in  invicem  tam  numeratoribus  quam  no- 
minatoribus,  fractio  fractionis  fractionis,  &c.  ad  integrum 
reducitur.  Haec  cum  tam  clara  sint  et  per  se  manifesta, 
mirum  profecto  per  quantas  ambages,  quam  operosam 
theorematum,  citationum,  et  specierum  supellectilem  a  non- 
nullis  demonstrantur,  dicam,  an  obscurantur  ?] 

(/)  per  hyp. 

'  The  sentences  within  brackets  are  not  in  the  1707  edition. 


ARITHMETICS 


PARS  TERTIA 


CAP.  I 

DE  REGULA   PROPORTIONIS 

Regula  proportioncdis  dicitur,  qua,  datis  quibus  numeris, 
invenitur  quartus  proportionalis.  lUius  quidem  usus  fre- 
quens  est  et  eximius:  unde  nuncupatur  regula  aurea, 
Dicitur  etiam  regula  triuniy  ob  3  terminos  datos.  Porro 
quartum  directe  proportionalem  invenies,  multiplicando 
terminum  secundum  per  tertium,  et  productum  per  primum 
dividendo  :  E.  g.  si  ut  2  ad  6,  ita  se  habeat  4  ad  qusesitum, 
due  4  in  6,  et  productum  24  divide  per  2,  quotiens  12  erit 
quartus  proportionalis  quaesitus.     Quod  sic  demonstro : 

In  quatuor  proportionalibus,  productum  extremorum 
aequatur  producto  terminorum  intermediorum.  Nam 
propterea  quod  numeri  sint  proportion  ales,  h.  e.  eandem 
habeant  inter  se  rationem,  ratio  vero  per  divisionem  co- 
gnoscatur,  diviso  termino  secundo  per  primum,  et  quarto 
per  tertium,  idem  proveniet  quotiens ;  qui  (ex  natura  divi- 
sionis)  ductus  in  terminum  primum,  producet  secundum, 
et  in  tertium,  producet  quartum.  Jam,  si  ducamus  termi- 
num primum  in  quartum,  vel  (quod  idem  est)  in  tertium 
et  quotientem  continue,  et  terminum  tertium  in  secundum, 
vel  (quod  idem  est)  in  primum  et  quotientem  continue, 
patet  producta  fore  aequalia,  nam  iidem  sunt  utrobique 
factores.      Sed   ex   natura    multiplicationis    et  divisionis 


32  ARITHMETICA 

constat,  diviso  producto  per  unum  e  factoribus,  quotientem 
esse  alterum.  Igitur,  si  dividam  productum  duorum  ter- 
minorum  intermediorum  (6  et  4)  per  primum  (2),  quotiens 
(12)  exhibebit  quartum  proportionalem  quaesitum. 

Qucestio  I.  Viator  tribus  horis  conficit  quindecim  mil- 
liaria;  quot  conficiet  novem  horarum  spatio?  Resp.  45. 
Patet  enim  ex  quaestione,  ut  3  ad  15,  ita  9  esse  ad  quae- 
situm :  i.  e.  3  :  15  : :  9 :  ergo  135,  productum  ex  9  in  15, 
divisum  per  3,  dabit  quaesitum,  viz.  45. 

Qucest.  2.  Si  2  operarii  4  diebus  merentur  2S.  5  quantam 
mercedem  merebuntur  7  diebus  ?  h.  e.  ut  2  in  4  ad  2,  ita  5 
in  7  ad  quaesitum :  sive  8  : 2  : :  35 :  ?  Unde  invenitur  quae- 
sita  merces,  viz.  85.  6rf. 

Qucest.  3.  Tres  mercatores,  inita  societate,  lucrifaciunt 
100/.  expendebat  autem  primus  5/.  secundus  8/.  tertius  10/. 
Quaeritur  quantum  lucri  singulis  seorsim  contigit  ?  summa 
impensarum  est  23/.  Die  itaque,  ut  23  ad  5,  ita  100  ad 
qusesitum :  numerus  proveniens  indicabit  quantum  primo 
de  communi  lucro  debetur;  aequum  nempe  est,  ut  quam 
proportionem  habet  cujusque  impensa  ad  summam  impen- 
sarum,  eandem  habeat  ipsfus  lucrum  ad  summani  lucrorum. 
Porro  ad  eundem  modum  dicendo  23  : 8  : :  100 :  ?  et  23  : 
10  : :  100  :  ?  caeterorum  lucra  innotescent. 

[*  Proportio    composita    inversa  in   simplices   facillime 

lib.  lib. 

resolvitur.  V.  g.  2  homines  expendunt,  5, 6  diebus :  30  quot 
diebus  expendent  8  homines  ?  Die  primo  2:5:18:?  inve- 
nies  20 ;  die  igitur  denuo  20  : 6  :  30  :  ?  et  habebis  quae- 
situm.  Qua  vero  ratione  terminus  quaesitus  simul  et 
semel  per  regulam  satis  intricatam  innotescat,  explicare 
superfluum  duco.] 

Qucest  4.  Quatuor  fistulae  implent  cisternam  12  horis ; 
quot  horis  implebitur  ilia,  ab  8  ejusdem  magnitudinis  ? 
Dicendum  8  : 4  : :  12 :  ?  Proinde  4  in  12,  h.  e.  48,  divisa 
per  8,  exhibent  quaesitum,  viz.  6.  Neque  in  hoc  casu,  ubi 
invertitur  proportio  ulla  est  nova  difficultas ;  nam  terminis 
rite  dispositis,  semper  habebimus  bina  aequalia  rectangula, 
quorum  unius  notum  est  utrumque  latus,  alterum  vero 
conflatur  ex  noto  termino  in  ignotum  ducto:  quare  divi- 

'  The  two  following  sentences  are  not  in  the  1707  edition. 


PARS    TERTIA  33 

dendo  productum  illud  prius  per  notum  latus,  seu  factorem 
hujus,  proveniet  terminus  ignotus.  Quo  autem  ordine 
disponendi  sint  tennini,  ex  ipsa  quaestione  palam  fiet. 


CAP.  II 

DE  ALLIGATIONE. 

Regula.  aUigationis  simplicis  dicitur,  qua,  propositis 
duabus  rebus  diversi  pretii  aut  ponderis,  &c.  invenitur 
tertium  quoddam  genus,  ex  datis  ita  compositum,  ut  illius 
pretium  vel  pondus,  &c.  aequetur  dato  cuidam  pretio  vel 
ponderi,  &c.  inter  proposita  intermedio.  E.g.  PoUex 
cubicus  auri  pendit  uncias  (i8),  pollex  cubicus  argenti 
uncias  (12).  Quaeritur  pollex  cubicus  metalli  cujusdam 
ex  utroque  mixti  qui  pendat  16  uncias ;  in  quo  problemate, 
pondus  intermedium  16  superat  argenti  pondus  per  4,  et 
superatur  ab  auri  pondere  per  2.  Jam,  si  capiamus  f  cubi 
argentei,  et  f  cubi  aurei,  patet  eas  una  conflatas  dare  pol- 
licem  cubicum ;  quippe  f  et  |^  aequantur  unitati.  Quin 
patet  etiam  metalli  hujusce  mixti  pondus  aequari  dato  inter- 
medio t6  ;  nam  argenti,  quod  levius  est  per  4,  accepimus 
2  partes ;  igitur  detectus  est  2  in  4 ;  auri  vero,  quod  gravius 
est  per  2,  accepimus  4  partes :  adeoque  excessus  est  4  in  2, 
i.  e.  aequalis  defectui ;  qui  proinde  se  mutuo  tollunt. 

Hinc  oritur  regula  pro  alligatione  rerum  duarum:  Fractio 
quse  nominatur  a  summa  differentiarum,  et  numeratur  a 
defectu  minoris  infra  medium  indicat  quantitatem  majoris 
sumendam ;  et  vicissim  quse  eundem  habens  nominatorem, 
numeratur  ab  excessu  majoris  supra  medium,  indicat 
quantitatem  minoris  sumendam. 

Qucest.  Sunt  duo  genera  argenti,  uncia  purioris  valet  7, 
vilioris  4,  quaeruntur  3  unciae  argenti,  quae  valeant  sin- 
gulae  5?  Resol.  constat  ex  regula,  si  accipiam  |  unciae 
vilioris,  et  \  unciae  purioris  argenti,  haberi  unam  unciam 
mixti  quaesiti;  haec  triplicata  solvit  quaestionem. 

Quod  si  res  alligandae  sint  plures  duabus,  dicitur  alligatio 
composita.  E.g.  sunt  quinque  vini  genera,  vis  massici 
est  I,  chii  3,  falerni  5,  caecubi  7,  corcyraei  9 :  volo  mixtum 
cujus  vis  sit  4.     Mixti  aequaliter  ex  chio  et  massico,  vis 

BBKKBLBT:    FRASBR.      IV.  B 


34  ARITHMETICA 

erit  2 :  nimirum  dimidium  summse  datarum  i  et  3,  uti  per 
se  patet.  Similiter,  mixti  sequaliter  ex  falerno  ceecubo  et 
corcyreso,  vis  erit  7,  i.e.  J  numeri  21,  seu  summse  virium 
misturam  hancce  componentium,  2  et  7  alligo  cum  vi 
intermedia  data,  viz.  4,  defectus  est  2,  excessus  3,  summa 
difFerentiarum  5 :  igitur  sumends  sunt  f  misturse  prioris, 
I  posterioris;  porro  divisis  ^  per  a,  quotiens  indicat 
quantum  singulorum,  chii  et  massici,  accipiendum  sit. 
Similiter  |  divisEe  per  3  dicent  quantum  falerni,  &c.  mix* 
turse  qusesitse  inesse  debet.  Proinde  ^  massici,  ^  chii, 
yV  falerni,  -^f  ciecubi,  jV  corcyraei  dabunt  qusesitum. 

Hinc  cernimuE,  quomodo  alligatio  composita  ad  sim- 
plicem  reducatur.  >fimirum  pondera,  pretia,  magnitudines, 
aut  qusecunque  demum  sunt  alliganda,  in  binas  colligantur 
summas,  quse  dividendse  sunt,  utraque,  per  numerum  ter- 
minorum  qui  ipsam  constituunt:  quotientesjuxta  regulam 
alligationis  simplicis  alligentur  cum  tennino  intermedio; 
quse  proveniunt  fractiones,  divisa:  singulce  per  numerum 
rerum,  mixturam  sive  summam  ad  quam  s^tant  ingre- 
dientium,  indigitabunt  quantitatem  ex  singulis  capiendam. 
Demonstratio  patet  ex  dictis. 

N.  B.    In    altigatione   plurium  rerum  quRStio  quKvis 
innumeras  admittit  solutiones,  idque  ob  duplicem  ratom 
nam  primo  termini  deficientes  cum  ffl|' 

mode  colligi  possunt ;  unde  varii  prodiM 

dato  termino  intermedio  alligandi.  Cavendum  tameit  ftSS. 
ne  dicti  quotientes  sint  siniul  majores,  aut  simul  minores 
medio ;  quod  si  eveniat,  patet  qusesitum  esse  impossiWIc. 
Secundo,  unum  eundemque  terminum  licet  s^epius  repetere  j 
unde  illius  portio  augebitur,  reliquorum  vera  portione* 
minuentur, 

Libet  in  studiosorum  gratiam  hic  exhibcrc  solutlDaCiIll 
Celebris  illius  problematis,  ad  Axchimedem  ab  Hiq  ' 
propositi. 

Quasi.  Ex  conflatis  auro  et  argento  fit  cou 
quantum  et  insit  auri,  quantum  argend?  0 
violari  non  sinit  tyrannus.    Respott.  Poi 
una    auri,  altera    argenti,   quarurajj 
ponderis  ac  corona.     Quibus  par" 
forma,  sic  proponi   posse:    '  '^ 
argenti,  invenire  libram  i 


PARS   TERTIA 


35 


sit  datee  intermediee  molis:  igitur  inquirendEe  sunt  i 

sarum  et  coronse  magnitu dines.     Quoniam  vero  cor' 

soliditas  geometrice  determinari  nequeat,  opus  est  strata- 
gemate.  Singulse  ergo  vasi  aqua  pleno  seorsim  immer- 
^antur ;  mensuretur  autem  quantitas  aquEC  ad  cujusque 
immersionem  profluentis  quam  immersse  moli  magnitudine 
sequalem  esse  constat :  immerso  utique  auro,  aqua  exundans 
sit  5,  argento  9,  corona  6.  Hue  igitur  redit  qusestio; 
datis  libra  auri  cujus  magnitude  est  5,  et  libra  argenti 
cujus  magnitudo  est  9,  quseritur  quantum  ex  singulis  capere 
oporteat,  ut  habeamus  Hbram  metalli  cujus  magnitudo  sit 
6 :  proinde  alligatis  9  et  ^  cum  magnitudine  intermedia  6, 
innotescet  quantitas  aun,  viz.  J  lib,  et  J  lib,  quantitas 
areenti,  coronse  immisti. 

Hinc  patet,  quam  non  difficile  sit  probiema,  ob  cuius 
solutionem  notum  illud  cvpijica  ingeminavit  olim  Archimedes. 


CAP.  Ill 


DE  PROGRESSIONE  ARITHMETICA  ET  GEOMETRICA, 
ET   DE   LOGARITHMIS. 

^  Progressio  Arithntetica  dicitur  series  numerorum,  eadem 
communi  differentia  crescentium  vel  decrescentii         " 
In  hac  serie  i.  4.  7. 
munis  excessus,  quo 
tertius  secundum, 
hac  altera  decres 
communis 


est  com- 

primum, 

et  in 

2  est 

icedenti 


36  ARITHMETICA 

33  minori  extreme  i  addendo.  Idem  invenitur,  datis  majore 
extreme,  differentia  communi,  et  numero  locorum  quibus 
terminus  quaesitus  a  maximo  sejungitur,  ducendo  com- 
munem  differentiam  in  numerum  locorum  datum,  et  pro- 
ductum  e  majore  extremo  auferendo.  Patet  etiam  qua 
ratione  datis  termino  quolibet,  ejusdem  indice,  et  communi 
differentia,  terminus  primus  assignetur;  et  quomodo  ex 
datis  termino  quovis,  illius  indice,  et  minore  extremo, 
communis  differentia  itemque  ex  datis  termino,  differentia, 
et  minore  extremo,  termini  index  eruatur.  Quin  et  illud 
etiam  patet,  viz.  dimidium  summae  duorum  terminorum 
aequari  medio  proportionali  arithmetico.  E.g.  7  et  13 
faciunt  20,  cujus  dimidium  10  est  terminus  inter  datos  medius 
(vide  seriem  primam).  Hsec  et  alia  bene  multa  theoremata 
ac  problemata,  eorumque  solutiones,  ex  ipsa  progressionis 
arithmeticae  natura  facile  quisquam  deduxerit,  praesertim 
si  logistica  speciosa  utatur.  Quapropter  ea  exercitii  causa 
tyronibus  relinquo. 

Progressio  Geometrica  vocatur  series  numerorum,  eadem 
continua  ratione  crescentium  vel  decrescentium.  E.g.  3. 
6.  12.  24.  48.  96.  sunt  in  progressione  geometrica,  cujus 
ratio  communis  est  dupla,  nimirum  terminus  quisque 
duplus  est  praecedentis.  Similiter  numeri  hujus  decre- 
scentis  seriei,  81.  27.  9.  3.  i.  progrediuntur  ratione  sub- 
tripla,  i.  e.  terminus  quilibet  praecedentis  subtriplus  est 
sive  \, 

Ubi  observandum  est,  terminum  quemvis  conflari  ex 
potestate  communis  rationis,  ipsi  cognomine,  in  terminum 
primum  ducta.  E.  g.  In  serie  prima,  48,  terminus  exclu- 
sive quartus,  producitur  ex  16,  potestate  quarta  numeri  2 
(i.e.  quae  generatur  ex  2  ter  in  seipsum  ducto,  siquidem 
ipsa  radix  dicitur  potestas  prima)  per  terminum  primum 
3  multiplicata.  Quamobrem  ea  quae  de  progressione 
arithmetica  diximus  etiam  hie  locum  habent,  si  pro  addi- 
tione  et  subductione  multiplicationem  et  divisionem,  pro 
multiplicatione  et  divisione  involutionem  et  evolutionem, 
sive  radicum  extractionem  adhibeamus\  E.g.  Quemad- 
modum  in  progressione  arithmetica  summa  extremorum 
bisecta  dat  medium  arithmeticum,  ita  in  progressione  geo- 

^  [N.B.  Quomodo  potestatum  quam  secuti  sumus  de  quadrato  et 
quarumvis  radices  extrahantur,  cubo  eorumque  radicibus  agentes, 
lector    diligens,    juxta   methodum       investigare  poterit.] — Author. 


PARS    TERTIA  37 

metrica  medius  proportionalis  est  radix  product!  extremo- 
rum.  Adeoque  theoremata  et  problemata  quod  spectat, 
iis,  cum  ilia  ex  nuda  serierum  contemplatione  facillime 
eruantur,  ulterius  deducendis  non  immorabimur. 

At  vero  unum  est  progressionis  geometricae  theorema, 
ex  quo  olim  derivata  fuit,  et  etiamnum  dependet  nobilis 
logarithmorum  scientia,  quodque  adeo  hie  visum  est  ex- 
plicare. 

In  progressione  geometrica  cujus  principium  est  unitas, 
rectangulum  duorum  quorumlibet  terminorum  sequatur 
termino  ejusdem  progressionis,  qui  pro  indice  habet 
summam   indicum  factorum.      E.  g.    Si   sequentis  seriei 

{J  J  Z*  ^'     /  \.'    J'  f  ducamus  terminum  secundum  2  in 
o.  I.  2.  3.    4.    5.    o.  J 

quartum  8,  productum  16  est  terminus  quintus,  cujus  index 

4  aequatur  indicibus  secundi  et  quarti  una  coUectis. 

Ratio  manifesta  est:  nam  quaelibet  potestas,  in  aliam 
quamcunque  ejusdem  radicis  ducta,  procreat  tertiam,  cujus 
dimensiones  tot  sunt,  quot  fuere  in  utraque  potestate 
generante.  Sed  in  progressione  geometrica,  cujus  ter- 
minus primus  sit  unitas,  patet  reliquos  omnes  subsequentes 
esse  potestates  ex  communi  ratione  genitas,  quarum 
singulae  tot  habeant  dimensiones,  quot  locis  ab  unitate 
distant. 

Igitur  si  infinitse  progression!  geometricae  adscriberetur 
indicum  series  itidem  infinita,  ad  obtinendum  duorum 
terminorum  rectangulum  baud  necesse  foret  unum  per 
alterum  multiplicare ;  oporteret  solummodo,  indicibus  una 
collectis,  quaerere  indicem  qui  aggregato  aequetur;  is  sibi 
adscriptum  ostenderet  rectangulum  quaesitum.  Similiter, 
si  dividendus  sit  unus  terminus  per  alium,  differentia 
indicum,  si  extrahenda  sit  radix  quadrata  aut  cubica,  J 
aut  i  indicis,  quaesitum  quotum,  vel  radicem,  indigitaret. 

Hinc  patet,  difficiliores  arithmeticae  operationes  insigni 
compendio  exerceri  posse,  si  conderentur  tabulae,  in  quibus 
numeri  natural!  ordine  collocati  habeant  singuli  indicem 
a  latere  respondentem :  tunc  quippe  multiplicatio,  sola 
additione;  divisio,  subductione;  extractio  radicum,  bisec- 
tione  vel  trisectione  indicum,  peragerentur.  Sed  indices 
illos,  sive  logarithmos,  numeris  accommodare,  hoc  opus, 
hie  labor  est;  in  quo  exantlando  plurimi  desudarunt  mathe- 
matici. 


38  arithmetica:   pars  tertia 

Primi  quidem  tabularum  conditores  hac  fere  methodo 
usi  sunt.  Numeris  i.  lo.  loo.  looo,  &c.  in  progressione 
decupla  existentibus,  logarithmos  assignarunt  o.ooooooo. 
i.ooooooo.  2.0000000.  3.0000000,  &c.  Deinde  ut  numeri 
alicujus,  v.g.  4,  inter  i  et  10  intermedii,  logarithmum 
invenirent,  adjectis  utrique  septem  cyfris,  inter  i.ooooooo, 
et  10.0000000,  medium  proportionalem  quaesiere ;  qui 
si  minor  esset  quam  4,  inter  ipsum  et  10.0000000, 
si  vero  major,  inter  eum  et  i.ooooooo,  medius  propor- 
tionalis  indagandus  erat:  porro  inter  hunc  (si  minor 
esset  quam  4)  et  proxime  majorem,  sin  major,  et  proxime 
minorem,  denuo  quaerebant  medium  proportionalem;  et 
sic  deinceps,  usque  dum  ventum  fuisset  ad  numerum,  non 
nisi  insensibili  particula,  puta  TryTn^WryD*  ^  proposito  4 
differentem.  Hujus  autem  logarithmus  obtinebatur,  in- 
veniendo  medium  arithmeticum  inter  logarithmos  numero- 
rum  I  et  10,  et  alium  inter  ipsum  et  logarithmum  denarii, 
&c.  Jam  si  bipartiatur  logarithmus  numeri  4,  habebitur 
logarithmus  binarii,  idem  duplicatus  dat  logarithmum  nu- 
meri 16 ;  et  si  logarithm©  quaternionis  addatur  logarithmus 
binarii,  summa  erit  logarithmus  octonarii.  Simili  methodo, 
ex  uno  logarithmo  numerii  4  alii  innumeri  inveniri  possunt. 

Ad  eundem  modum,  cum  caeteris  numeris  inter  unitatem 
et  decadem  intermediis  aptati  essent  logarithmi,  alios  quam- 
plurimos  eorum  summae,  differentiae,  &c.  suppeditarunt. 
Sed  de  his  satis ;  neque  enim  omnia  quae  ad  logarithmos 
spectant  tradere  statuimus:  id  duntaxat  propositum  fuit, 
eorum  naturam,  usum,  et  inventionem  quadantenus  ex- 
ponere. 


MISCELLANEA    MATHEMATICA 


SIVE 


COGITATA  NON NULLA 


DE 


RADICIBUS   SURDIS,   DE  -SSTU   AERIS,    DE   CONO 

^QUILATERO   ET  CYLINDRO   EIDEM  SPHiERiE 

CIRCUMSCRIPTIS,   DE  LUDO  ALGEBRAICO 

ET 

PARiENETICA  QUiEDAM  AD   STUDIUM   MATHESEOS 

PRiESERTIM  ALGEBRiE. 

AUTORE  *  *  *  *  ART.  BAG.  TRIN.  COL.  DUB. 


First  published  in  1707 


EGREGIO   ADOLESCENTI 

D.    SAMUELI    MOLYNEUX», 

IN    ACADEMIA    DUBLINIENSI    SOCIORUM    COMMENSALI,    FILIO 

VIRI    CLARISSIMI    GULIELMI    MOLYNEUX  \    PAUCIS    AB 

HINC    ANNIS   ACERBO,    TAM    PATRI-ffi    QUAM 

REI   LITERARIiE,    FATO   DENATl. 

EGREGIE  ADOLESCENS, 


Tanta  fuit  patris  tui,  dum  viveret,  apud  eruditos  existi- 
matio,  ut  me  rem  iis  pergratam  facturum  arbitrer,  si  filium, 
sui  acuminis  ac  solertiae  haeredem,  ipsum  reliquisse  palam 
faciam.  Fatendum  quidem  est,  patruum  tuum,  virum 
doctrina   juxta  ac  humanitate  insigni,   tale  aliquid    jam 


*  Samuel  Molyneux,  to  whom 
the  Miscellanea  Maihemaiica  are  ad- 
dressed, was  a  son  of  the  William 
Molyneux  (the  friend  and  corre- 
spondent of  Locke)  by  whom 
Locke's  Essay  on  Human  Under- 
standing was  introduced  to  Trinity 
College  soon  after  its  first  publica- 
tion. Cf.  New  Theory  of  Vision^ 
*  Editor's  Preface/  and  sect.  132. 
The  younger  Molyneux  was  born 
in  1689,  at  Chester,  where  his 
family  had  retreated  for  a  time 
from  the  tyranny  of  Lord  Tyr- 
connel's  government.  He  was 
trained  by  his  father  with  great 
care,  according  to  the  method  of 
Locke's  tract  on  Education,  and 
afterwards,  when  his  father  died 
'in  October,  1698),  by  his  uncle 
Dr.   Thomas   Molyneux.     Samuel 


Molyneux  was  Berkeley's  pupil 
at  Trinity  College,  Dublin.  In 
the  early  part  of  his  public  life  he 
was  secretary  at  Hanover  to  the 
Prince  ofWales,  afterwards  George 
n.  He  introduced  his  former 
tutor  to  the  Prince,  and  to  the 
Princess,  afterwards  Queen  Caro- 
line. Mr.  Molyneux  lived  much 
at  Kew.  He  was  a  proficient  in 
optics  and  astronomy.  He  died 
in  1728.  The  interesting  corre- 
spondence of  the  elder  Molyneux, 
and  also  of  the  uncle,  with  Locke, 
between  July  1692  and  January 
1699,  may  be  read  in  connexion 
with  the  introduction  of  the 
Lockian  philosophy  and  Newtonian 
science  into  Dublin.  (See  Locke's 
Works,  vol.  IX.  pp.  289-472.) 


42  DEDICATIO 

pridem  fecisse\  Viderat  nimirum  vir  clarissimus,  earn 
esse  tui  necdum  adolescentis  indolem,  ut  te  olim  paterna 
pressurum  vestigia  verisimile  judicaret.  Cujus  tanti  viri 
auctoritas  apud  me  usque  eo  valuit,  ut  deinceps  magnam 
de  te  spem  conceperim.  Nunc  autem,  cum  ipse  studiorum 
tuorum  consciuSi  te  saniori  philosophiae  et  mathesi  operam 
strenue  navantem  cernam;  quum  spinas  quibus  obsepta 
videtur  mathesis,  quaeque  alios  quamplurimos  ab  ejus 
studio  deterrere  solent,  te  e  contra  ad  alacrius  pergendum 
stimulare;  quum  denique  ad  industriam  illam  et  sciehdi 
ardorem  praeclaram  ingenii  vim  sentiam  accedere ;  exun- 
dantem  nequeo  cohibere  laetitiam  quin  in  orbem  literatum 
effluat,  teque  ex  praecipuis  (si  modo  Deus  vitam  largiatur 
et  salutem)  ineuntis  saeculi  ornamentis  fore,  certissimo 
sane  augurio  praenuntiem.  Proinde,  sequentibus  quantu- 
liscunque  ad  te  delatis,  ansam  hancce  tecum  publice  collo- 
quendi  arripere  gestiebam;  cum  ut  ipse  proprio  cedam 
affectui,  tum  ut  tu,  expectatione  de  te  coorta,  tanquam 
vinculo  quodam,  alioqui  non  ingrato,  ille  rerum  pulcherri- 
marum  studio  devinciare. 

^  [Vide  epistolam  Thomse  Moly-  of  Medicine  in  the  University  of 

neux,  M.D.  ad  Episcopum  Cloghe-  Dublin,  and  Physician-General  to 

rensem.     Philosoph,  Transact.  No.  the  Army.     He  attained  repute, 

282.]— Author.  and  was  made  a  baronet  in  1730. 

Thomas      Molyneux,     younger  He  died  in  1733.     (See  Philosoph. 

brother  of  William,  was  Professor  Transact,  No.  282.) 


MISCELLANEA  MATHEMATICAL 


DE   RADICIBUS   SURDIS^ 


Id  mihi  olim  in  mentem  venit,  ut  putarem  praxin  alge- 
braicam  factum  iri  nonnihil  faciliorem,  si  ablegate  signo 
radicali,  alia  quaepiam  excogitaretur  potestatum  imper- 
fectanim  radices  computandi  methodus,  quae  ab  usitata  in 
reliquis  operationum  forma  minus  abhorreret.  Nimirum, 
quemadmodum  in  arithmetica  longe  facilius  tractantur 
fractiones  a  vulgaribus  ad  decimales  reductae,  quia  tunc 
notae  cujusque  loco  nominatoris  vicem  obeunte,  altera 
sui  parte  truncantur,  similique  forma  ac  integri  descriptae, 
eandemque  cum  iis  seriem  constituentes,  iisdem  itidem 
legibus  subjiciuntur ;  sic  si  ex  logistica  etiam  speciosa 
ablegaretur  nota  ista  radicalis  [\/]  quae,  ut  nominator  in- 
ter fractiones  et  integros,  operationum  diversitatem  inter 
radices  surdas  ac  rationales  inducit,  praxis  proculdubio 
minus  intricata  evaderet. 

Quidni  itaque  radices  quascunque  surdas,  perinde  ac 
rationales,  per  nudas  duntaxat  literas  designemus,  v.  g. 
pro  ^b  substituto  c  vel  rf?  Quippe  surdis  ad  hunc  modum 
designatis,  nihil  intererit  inter  eas  ac  potestatum  perfec- 


'  These  Miscellanea^  published 
along  with  the  Arithmetica  in 
1707,  contain  some  ingenious 
operations  in  Algebra,  as  well  as 
a  speculation  on  the  cause  of  the 
Atmospheric  Tide.  They  conclude 
with  an  ardent  persuasive  to  the 
study  of  Mathematics,  especially 
Algebra,  to  which  Berkeley  was 
then  enthusiasticaUy  devoted.  He 
adduces  (pp.  6i-a)  Sir  William 
Temple,  Bacon,  Des  Cartes,  Male- 


branche,  and  Locke  as  authorities 
in  favour  of  mathematics,  in  parti- 
cular algebra,  as  a  mental  disci- 
pline ;  and  he  ends  by  lamenting 
that  other  studies,  dry  and  jejune, 
were  then  superseding  mathe- 
matics, to  which  he  hoped  soon  to 
return. 

"  The  suggestion  with  which 
this  essay  on  Surds  commences 
has  not  met  with  favour. 


44  MISCELLANEA    MATHEMATICA 

tarum  radices;  additio,  subductio,  multiplicatio,  &c.  ad 
eundeni  modum  utrobique  peragentur.  Sed  objicere  in 
promptu  est,  vel  magis  quam  signum  radicale,  species  hac 
ratione  multiplicatas  calculum  divexare.  Siquidem  cum 
nulla  sit  affinitas  seu  connexio  inter  b  et  c,  adeoque  una  ex 
altera  ^nosci  nequeat,  videtur  illius  radix  aptius  designari 
per  Vby  cujus  statim  ac  cernitur  innotescit  significatio. 
RespondeOy  huic  malo  mederi  posse,  si  v.  g.  Graecum 
alphabetum  ad  designandas  radices  introducamus,  scri- 
bendo  /3  pro  \/i,  5  pro  Vdy  &c.  Quo  pacto  non  tarn  ipsae 
literae  quam  characteres  variabuntur,  et  nota  quaevis 
substituta  in  tantum  referet  primitivam,  ut  scrupulo  non 
sit  locus. 

Quantitatis  ex  aliarum  multiplicatione  aut  divisione 
conflatae  radix  designabitur  per  earundem  radices  similiter 
multiplicatas  seu  divisas.     E.  g. 

Vbc  =  ^«,  et  ,  /*^  =  ^. 

\/     e  € 

Si  vero  proponatur  quantitas  multinomia,  seu  constans 
ex  pluribus  membris  (in  quibus  nulla  sit  quantitas  ignota) 
signis  +  aut— inter  se  connexis  ;  designetur  horum  aggre- 
gatum  (quod  et  alias  quidem  saepe  fit)  per  unicam  aliquam 
literam.     E.  g.  fiat  a  +  i— c  =  g  cujus  radix  est  y, 

Quaeris  autem  quid  fiat  ubi  ignotae  quantitates  notis 
connectantur ;  sit  v.  g.  potestas  imperfecta /+ a:  :  nam  si 
utamur  <^  et  f  partium  nempe  potestatis  radicibus,  ex  iis 
nequit  determinari  radix  totius  ?  Quidni  igitur  exaequemus 
potestatem  datam  imperfectam  alteri  cuidam  perfectae,  viz. 
/+A:=#+2/f+fft  Y^£r-h3ff$±3/ii+m  &c.?  Tunc 
enim  erit/+f  =  \//-\-x  vel  4//+^,  &c. 

Sed  illud  praetermissum  est,  qua  ratione  radicis  genus 
dignoscatur;  utrum  scilicet  sit  quadratica,  aut  cubica,  aut 
biquadratica.  Num  itaque  quadratics  linquendi  sunt 
characteres  Graeci,  reliquisque  deinceps  alii  itidem  assig- 
nandi  ?  An  potius  manente  eodem  charactere,  puncto 
supra  notato  radicem   quadratam,  binis   cubicam,  tribus 

biquadraticam,  atque  ita  porro  indigitemus :   e.g.  a  signi- 

ficet  radicem  quadraticam  quantitatis  per  a  designatae, 
•  •  •  * 

a  radicem  cubicam,  a  biquadraticam,  &c.  ?  quo  quidem 
modo  fluxiones  primae,  secundae,  tertiae,  &c.  designantur. 


DE    RADICIBUS    SURDIS  45 

Seu  denique  id  satis  ducamus  quod  per  retrogressum 
innotescat  radicis  denominatio  ?  Quippe  inter  operandum 
nihil  interest  cujus  generis  sit  radix  aliquai  quandoquidem 
omnes  absque  signo  radicali  notatae,  iisdem  subsint  legibuS; 
et  ad  eundem  modum  tractentur. 

Cruda  quidem  sunt  haec  et  imperfecta,  quamque  nullius 
sint  pretii  ut  a  me  proponuntur,  sat  cerno.  Tu  autem, 
clarissime  adolescens,  cui  nee  otium  deest  nee  ingenium,  ex 
hocce  sterquilinio  boni  aliquid  fortasse  extraxeris.  Caeterum 
baud  scio,  an  ea  quae  disseruimus  tyronibus  (reliquos  ista 
flocci  facturos  scio)  quadantenus  usui  esse  possint ;  eorum- 
que  ope  disquisitionis  analyticae  filum  nonnunquam  eno- 
detur  eliminatis,  cum  ipso  signo  radicali,  operationibus  quae 
illud  comitantur  heterogeneis.  Utut  id  sit,  mihi  visus  sum 
iis  ex  parte  adhibitis,  vulgarem  de  surdis  doctrinam,  brevius 
et  clarius  quam  ab  uUo  quod  sciam  factum  est,  posse  ex- 
plicare.     Proinde  rem  ipsam  aggredior. 

Radices  surdae  dicuntur  esse  commensurabiles,  cum 
earum  ad  invicem  ratio  per  numeros  rationales  exprimi 
possit;  quod  si  fieri  nequeat,  incommensurabiles  appel- 
lantur.  Porro  si  propositis  duabus  radicibus  surdis, 
quaerere  oporteat,  utrum  sint  commensurabiles  necne; 
inveniatur  exponens  rationis  existentis  inter  potestates 
quibus  praefigitur  signum  radicale :  hie  si  sit  potestas 
perfecta,  habens  eundem  indicem  ac  radices  propositae, 
eruntillae  commensurabiles:  sin  minus,  incommensurabiles 

censendae   sunt.     E.  g.  Sint  radices  propositae  V24  et 

V  54*  i  fractio  quadrata  exponit  rationem  potestatis  unius 
24  ad  alteram  54 ;  adeoque  radices  sunt  commensurabiles, 

viz.  v^24  :   >y/54  :  :  2  :  3.      Proponatur   denuo  4/320  et 

y/i^S :  ratio  numeri  320  ad  135  exponitur  per  f  f ,  cubum 
nempe  perfectum,  cujus  radix  ^  indicat  rationem  radicis 

unius  x/320  ad  reliquam  v  125.  Demonstratio  manifesta 
est,  siquidem  norunt  omnes  radices  quadratas  esse  in 
ratione  subduplicata,  cubica  in  subtriplicata,  biquadraticas 
in  subquadruplicata,  et  sic  deinceps  potestatum  respecti- 
varum. 

Quod  si  radicles  sint  heterogeneae  quarum  exploranda 
est  ratio,  ad  idem  genus  reducantur,  involvendo  numeros 
signo    radicali    affixos,    singulos   juxta    indicem    radicis 


46  MISCELLANEA    MATHEMATICA 

alterius ;  quibus  sic  involutis  praefigenda  erit  nota  radicalis 
cum  indice  ex  indicibus  primo  datis  in  se  mutuo  ductis 

conflato.     E.g.  Sint  radices  surdae  heterogeneae  n/s  et 

4/1 1.  Cubatis  5,  et  quadratis  11,  proveniunt  125  et  121 : 
his    praefixum    signum    radicale    cum   indice  6  praestat 

radices  homogeneas  4/125  et  ^/^^i.     Hujus  operationis 

ut  cernatur  ratio,  designemus  v  5  P^^  speciem  quamvis 

simplicem,  puta  b,  et  -^11  per  C)  eritque  sjbb—  4/5,  et 

^ccc  =  ^iif  et  IJbbbbbb  =  ^125,  et  ^cccccc  =  ^/^^i. 

Ubi  porro   patet  quod  ^bbbbbb  =  ijbb  et  ^cccccc  = 

^ccc. 

Additionem  quod  attinet  radicum  surdarum,  ilia,  si  sint 
commensurabiles,  fit  praefigendo  summam  terminorum 
rationis  signo  radicali,  cui  sufBgendus  est  communis 
divisor  cujus  ope  dictae rationis  termini  innotuerunt.     E.g. 

4/24+v/54  =  5\/6*  Nam  ex  antedictis,  et  iis  quae 
sequuntur  de  multiplicatione, 

4/24  =  2y6,  et  4/54  =  3^/6. 

Ad  eundem  modum  fit  subductio,  nisi  quod  differentia 
terminorum  exponentis  signo  radicali  praefigatur.  Si 
addendae  sunt  aut  subducendae  radices  surdae  incommen- 
surabiles,  mediantibus  signis  +  aut— connectantur.  E.g. 
v^6+\/3  et  v^6— \/3  sunt  summa  et  differentia  radicum 
numerorum  6  et  3 ;  quo  quidem  modo  surdis  adduntur  aut 
subducuntur  etiam  numeri  rationales. 

Si  radix  surdaper  aliam  homogeneam  multiplicanda  sit; 
rectangulo  potestatum  praeponatur  nota  radicalis,  simulque 
index  communis.     E.  g. 

\/3  X  4/7  =  4/21  et  ^gy.  ^x  =  IJgx. 

Ad  cujus  praxeos  demonstrationem,  designentur  radices 
numerorum  3  et  7  per  b  et  rf,  ut  sit  bb  =  ^  ^t  dd=q,  et 

liquido  constabit,  quod  ,^bb  dd  =  6rf,  i.  e.  radix  quadrata 
product!  aequatur  producto  radicum  quadratarum.  Idem 
ad  eundem  modum  ostendi  potest  de  aliis  quibuscunque 
radicibus,  cubicis,  biquadraticis,  &c.  Radices  hetero- 
geneae,   priusquam    multiplicentur,    ad    homogeneas    re- 


DE   iESTU    AERIS 


47 


ducendae  sunt.  Si  numerus  rationalis  in  surdum  ducendus 
sit,  elevetur  ille  ad  potestatem  datae  imperfectae  cogno- 
minem,  cui  praefigatur  nota  radicalis,  unaque  ejusdem 
potestatis  index.     Caetera  ut  prius.     E.  g. 

5  X  ^4  =  4/125  X  4/4  =  4/500- 
Vel  brevius  sic,  5  4/4 ;  et  generaliter 

by.^c^SjbHv^\b!:Jc. 

Divisionem  quod  attinet,  quoties  dividendus  et  divisor 
sunt  ambo  radices  surdae,  ablata  (si  qua  sit)  heterogeneitate, 
nota  radicalis  cum  proprio  indice  quotienti  potestatum 
praefixa,  quotum  quaesitum  exhibebit.     E.  g. 

4/7-4/3  =  4/1  =  4/2  J- 

Si  vero  ex  duobus  alteruter  duntaxat  numerus  seu  species 
signo  radicali  afficitur;  reliquus,  juxta  indicem  radicis  datae 
involutus,  notae  radicali  suffigatur  :  deinde  ut  prius.     E.  g. 

4/96  -  4 = 4/96 -f  4/64  =  4/if  =  4/f. 

Vel  sine  praeparatione  ^^^-     Et  generaliter 


4/.^*=4/f«vel^^ 


6«'"    b 
Haec,  velut  praecedentia,  facillime  demonstrantur. 


DE  iESTU  AERIS  1 

NoN  ita  pridem  incidi  in  librum  cui  titulus,  De  Imperio 
Soils  et  Lunce  in  Corpora  humana,  authore  viro  cl.  M.D.  et 
S.R.S*.     Qui  sane  quantus  sit,  et  quantulus  sim  ipse,  non 


*  This  on  the  Atmospheric  Tide 
exposes  some  absurd  errors,  but 
it  is  hard  to  see  its  value  other- 
wise. To  the  mathematician  it 
seems  to  involve  a  deficient  ap- 
preciation of  what  constitutes 
mathematical  proof. 

*  The  author  of  this  book  was 
Dr.    Richard    Mead,    bom    1673, 


an  eminent  London  physician, 
author  of  works  in  medicine  and 
natural  philosophy.  His  book  De 
Imperio  Solis  et  Lunce  was  first 
published  in  London  in  1704,  and 
editions  afterwards  appeared  in 
Leyden,  Naples,  Amsterdam,  and 
Frankfort  It  was  translated  into 
English  in  1708. 


48 


MISCELLANEA    MATHEMATICA 


Ignore.  Sed  ut  libera  dicam  quod  sentio,  sententiam  ejus 
De  jEstu  AertSy  quam  ibidem  explicatam  dat,  utpote  cele- 
berrimi  Newtoni  principiis  innixam,  ambabus  ulnis  am- 
plexus  sum.  Verumtamen  baud  scio,  an  author  ingeniosus 
phaenomenon  quorundam  isthuc  pertinentium  causas  tam 
recte  assecutus  sit.  Quam  vero  justa  sit  dubitandi  ratio, 
tu,  cujus  perspectum  habeo  acumen,  optime  judicabis. 

Tribuit  vir  cl.  altiorem  aeris  circa  aequinoctia  tumorem 
figurse  sphseroidali  terrse  :  differentiam  insuper  inter  aeris 
intumescentiam,  quae  a  luna  meridionali,  et  illam  quae  a 
luna  (ut  ita  loquar)  antimeridionali  in  sphaera  obli(;jua 
excitatur,  eidem  causae  acceptam  refert.  Ego  vero  neutnus 
istorum  phaenomenon  explicationem  ab  oblata  sphaeroide 
petendam  duco.  Propterea  quod,  primo,  quamvis  sententia 
quae  massam  aereo-terrestrem  ea  esse  figura  contendit, 
rationibus  tam  physicis  quam  mathematicis  comprobetur, 
et  nonnuUis  item  phaenomenis  pulchre  respondeat ;  non 
tamen  apud  omnes  usque  adeo  obtinet,  ut  nuUi  veteris,  vel 
etiam  oppositse  sententiae  fautores,  iique  non  minimae  notae 
viri,  hodie  reperiantur.  Et  sane  memini,  D.  Chardellou, 
astronomiae  peritissimum,  abhinc  plus  minus  sesquianno, 
mihi  indicasse,  sibi  ex  observationibus  astronomicis  axem 
terrae  diametro  aequatoris  compertum  esse  longiorem : 
adeoque  terram  esse  quidem  sphaeroidem,  sed  qualem  vult 
Burnetius  ^,  ad  polos  assurgentem,  prope  aequatorem  vero 
humiliorem.  Attamen  quod  ad  me  attinet,  mallem  quidem 
viri  clarissimi  observationes  potius  in  dubium  vocare, 
quam  argumentis  quae  terram  esse  oblatam  demonstrant 
obviam  ire.  Nihilominus,  quoniam  sententia  ista  non 
omnibus  aeque  arridet,  illam  tanquam  principium  ad 
phaenomenon  ullum  explicandum  adhiberi  noUem,  nisi  res 
aliter  commode  explicari  nequeat.     Sed  secundo,  tantum 


*  This  reference  is  to  the  curious 
book  by  Thomas  Burnet  (1635- 
17 15),  entitled,  Telluris  Theoria 
Sacra :  orbis  nostri  originent,  et 
mutationes  generales  quas  ant  jam 
subitj  aut  olitn  subiiurus  esiy  cont' 
pleciens,  London,  168 1.  It  con- 
tains ingenious  speculations,  un- 
sustained  by  geological  facts.  The 
opinion  referred  to  is  thus  stated  : 
<  Manifestum    est    partes    polares 


altiores  fuisse  aequinoctialibus,  sive 
remotiores  a  centro  :  unde  aquae 
ceciderunt  versus  polos,  in  medias 
terrae  partes  defluere  debuerunt, 
et  totam  fere  telluris  superficiem 
irrigare.'  (Lib.  II.  cap.  5.)  Burnet 
replied  in  defence  of  his  theory.  He 
also  wrote  Remarks  on  Locke's 
Essayy  in  series  of  tracts  (1697- 
1699),  afterwards  collected. 


DE   iESTU   AERIS 


49 


abest  quod  supradictorum  effectuum  explicatio  sphaeroi- 
dalem  terrae  figuram  necessario  poscat,  ut  vix  ullam  inde 
lucis  particulam  mutuari  videatur :  id  quod^  appositis  quae 
in  banc  rem  scribit  vir  clarissimus,  ostendere  conabor. 
'  Altius  (inquit)  solito  se  attoUit  aer  circa  duo  aequinoctia, 
quoniam  cum  aequinoctialis  linea  illi  globi  terrestris  circulo 
adversa  respondeat  qui  diametrum  babet  maximam,  utrum- 
que  sidus  dum  in  ilia  versatur  terrae  est  vicinius.*  De 
Imp.  Sol.  et  Lun,  p.  9.  Jam  vero,  utrum  vicinior  iste 
luminarium  situs  par  sit  attoUendo  aeri  in  cumulum  solito 
sensibiliter  altiorem,  merito  ambigi  potest.  Etenim  tantilla 
est  differentia  inter  axem  transversum  et  conjugatum 
ellipseos,  cujus  volutione 
gignitur  spbaerois  terrestris, 
ut  ilia  ad  spbaeram  quam- 
proxime  accedat.  Verum 
ut  accuratius  rem  prose- 
quamur,  designet  a  c  b  d 
sectionem  per  polos  massae 
aereo-terrestris,  in  qua  sit 
dc  axis  a  b  diameter  aequa- 
toris.  Jam  inito  calculo, 
deprebendi  vim  lunae  at- 
tractricem  in  b  vel  a  non 
esse  x^jy^  sui  parte  fortio- 

rem  quam  foret  in  c  vel  rf,  si  ilia  polo  alterutri  directe 
immineret,  et  proinde  differentiunculam  istam  effectui  ulli 
sensibili  edendo  imparem  omnino  esse.  Considerandum 
etiam,  lunam  ab  aequatore  nunquam  tertia  parte  arcus  b  d 
distare,  dictamque  proinde  quantulamcunque  differentiam 
adbuc  valde  minuendam  esse.  Quod  autem  de  luna 
diximus,  id  de  sole,  cum  multis  vicibus  longius  absit, 
adbuc  magis  constabit. 

Verum  <juidem  est  D.  Mead  alias  insuper  causas  aestus 
prope  aequmoctia  altioris  attulisse ;  viz.  '  agitationem  fluidi 
spbaeroidis  in  majori  orbe  se  revolventis  majorem,  praeterea 
vim  centrifugam  effectum  babentem  eo  loci  longe  maxi- 
mum/ Quod  ad  primam,  etsi  ilia  prima  fronte  nonnibil 
prae  se  ferre  visa  sit,  fatendum  tamen  est,  me  non  omnino 
percipere,  quomodo  aliquid  inde  ad  distinctam  rei  pro- 
positae  explicationem  faciens  colligi  possit.  Quod  ad 
secundam,  constat  sane  vim  centrifugam  prope  aequatorem 

BBRKBLBY:    FRASBR.       IV.  V 


50  MISCELLANEA    MATHEMATICA 

esse  longe  maximam,  et  propterea  massam  aereo-terrestrem 
figuram  oblatae  sphaeroidis  induisse :  quid  vero  aliud  hinc 
sequatur  non  intelligo. 

Verum  etiamsi  concedamus  aerem,  propter  causas  a 
clarissimo  viro  allatas,  circa  aequinoctia  ad  aequatorem 
supra  modum  tumefieri;  non  tamen  inde  apparet,  cjuam- 
obrem  apud  nos,  qui  tarn  procul  ab  aequatore  degimus, 
turn  temporis  altius  solito  attollatur:  quinimo  contrarium 
sequi  videtur.  Sequenti  pagina  sic  scribit  D.  Mead'. 
'Ut  finem  tandem  faciam,  in  iisdem  parallelis  ubi  lunae 
declinatio  est,  ilium  coeli  polum  versus  qui  altissimus 
insurgit,  validissima  est  attractio,  cum  ilia  ad  ejus  loci 
meridianum  verticem  accedit,  minima  vero,  ubi  pervenit 
ad  meridianum  loci  oppositi;  quod  contra  contingit  in 
parallelis  his  adversis.  Causa  est  in  sphaeroide  terrae 
aetherisque  figura.'  Ergo  vero  causam  non  esse  in  terrae 
et  ambientis  aetheris  figura  propterea  puto,  quod  posita 
terra  vel  perfecte  spherica,  vel  etiam  oblonga,  idem  certe 
eveniret,  uti  infra  patebit. 

Restat  ut  harum  rerum  explicationem  ipse  aggrediar, 
siquidem  eo  praesertim  nomine  suspecta  mihi  fuit  ratio 
a  sphaeroidali  terrae  figura  deducta,  quod,  nulla  ipsius 
habita  ratione,  res  tota  clarissime  simul  ac  facillime  exponi 
posse  videbatur. 

Newtonus,  Operis  sui  Physico-Mathematici,  lib.  iii. 
prop.  24.  ubi  aestuum  marinorum  phenomena  explicat,  haec 
habet :  '  Pendet  etiam  effectus  utriusque  luminaris  ex  ipsius 
declinatione  seu  distantia  ab  aequatore.  Nam  si  luminare 
in  polo  constitueretur,  traheret  illud  singulas  aquae  partes 
constanter,  absque  actionis  intensione  et  remissione, 
adeoque  nullam  motus  reciprocationem  cieret.  Igitur 
luminaria  recedendo  ab  aequatore  polum  versus  effectus 
suos  gradatim  amittent,  et  propterea  minores  ciebunt  aestus 
in  syzygiis  solstitialibus  quam  in  aequinoctialibus.'  Atqui 
non  alia  causa  videtur  quaerenda  ullius  phaenomeni  aestus 
aerei,  quam  quae  ad  similem  effectum  in  aestu  marino 
excitandum  sufficiat.  Sed  ut  id  quod  a  viro  per  totum 
orbem  longe  celeberrimo  breviter  adeoque  subobscure 
traditum  est,  uberius  exponam ;  sit  in  priore  figura  a  d  c  b 

'  Mead,  De  Impeiio  Solis  ei  LttncPf  p.  7. 


DE   ^STU    AERIS  5I 

meridianus,  etab  axis  massse  aereoterrestris ;  sol  autem 
et  luna  in  polo  constitui  conctpiantur.  Manifestum  est, 
quamvis  massse  aerese  partem,  puta  rf,  durante  circum- 
volutione  diurna,  eandem  semper  distantiam  a  luminaribus 
tueri,  adeoque  vi  ubique  sequali  in  eonim  corpora  trahi. 
Proinde  aer  non  uno  tempore  attollitur,  alio  deprimitur, 
sed  per  totum  diem  in  eadem  hseret  altitudine.  Verum 
secundo,  in  eadem  iigura  reprsesentet  a  c  b  d  sequatorem 
aut  parallelum  quemvis,  luminaria  interim  in  piano  asqui- 
noctiali  existant ;  quo  tempore  manifestum  est,  turn  ipsum 
sequatorem,  turn  singulos  parallelos,  ellipticam  induere 
figuram.  Manifestum  etiam  est,  aerem  qui  nunc  a,  apicem 
axis  transversi,  obtinet,  adeoque  altissimus  insurgit,  post 
sex  horas,  c,  extremum  axis  conjugati,  ubi  humillimus 
deprimetur,  occupaturum,  maximamque  proinde  motus 
reciprocationem  cieri.  Ut  igitur  rem  omnem  simul  ab- 
solvam,  gibbos  sphasroidis  seatuosse  triplici  ratione  locari 
concipiamus;  vel  in  polls,  vel  in  aequatore,  vel  in  locis 
intermediis.  In  primo  casu,  esset  planum  rot  at  ion  is 
diumse  ad  axem  sphasroidis  perpend icul are,  adeoque  cir- 
culus ;  unde  nuUus  foret  xstus :  in  secundo,  esset  ad 
eundem  parallelum,  adeoque  ellipsis,  inter  cujus  axes 
maxima  sit  differentia;  unde  maximi  forent  a^stus:  in 
tertio,  quo  magis  ad  situm  perpendicularem  accederet,  eo 
circulo  vicinius  esset,  adeoque  minores  forent  aestus. 

Reliquum  est  ut  demonstrem,  differentiam  quas  est  in 
sph^ra  obliqua  inter  asstum 
quemvis  et  subsequentem, 
ubi  luna  extra  asquatorem 
vagatur,  terra  posita  vel 
oblata,  vel  ad  amussim 
sphserica,  vel  etiam  oblonga, 
perinde  causatum  iri.  Sit 
a  b  axis  mundi,  g  d  sequator, 
£  locus  quivis,/ ^  loci  par- 
allelus,  h  I  axis  sphseroidis 
iestuos^  ob  actionem,  potis- 
si  mum,  lunse  utrinque  tu- 
mentis.    Luna  autem  prope 

/  constituatur.  Demonstrandum  est  c  k  altitudinem  aeris, 
luna  prope  loci  meridianum  existente,  majorem  esse  c  f, 
aeris  altitudine,  ubi  luna  meridianum  loci  oppositi  trans- 

£  3 


52  MISCELLANEA    MATHEMATICA 

ierit.  Ducatur  p  s  parallelus  priori  ex  adverse  respondens, 
et  producantur  c  k^  c  f  2A  p  et  5.  Per  constructionem 
arcus^A  aequalis  est  arcui  kl)  ergo  arcus/A  major  est 
arcu  A/;  ergo  propter  ellipsin  recta/ 5  minor  est  recta  kp^ 
tif  c  minor  k.  c.  Q.  e.  d. 


DE  CONO  iEQUILATERO   ET  CYLINDRO, 
EIDEM   SPHiERiE  CIRCUMSCRIPTIS^ 


LEMMA 


Latus  trlanguli  aequilateri  est  ad  diametrum  inscripti 
circuli,  ut  \/  3  ad  i;  et  perpendicularis  ex  angulo  quovis 
ad  latus  oppositum  demissa,  est  ad  eandem,  ut  3  ad  2. 

Haec  cuivis,  algebram  et  geometriam  utcunque  callenti, 
facile  constabunt. 

PROBLEMA 

Invenire  rationem  quae  existit  inter  Cylindrum  et  Conum 
aequilaterum  eidem  Sphaerae  circumscriptos. 

Ponanius  diametrum  et  peripheriam  basis  cylindri 
esse  singulas  unitatem.  Eruntque,  per  lemma,  diameter 
basis  coni  ejusdemque  peripheria  singulae  \/3.  Proinde 
I  X  i  =  J  =  bas.  cylindri ;  et  ^  =  summae  basium.  Et 
V3  X  iv 3  =•}  =  bas.  coni,  et  superficies  cylindri  seu 
quadruplum   baseos  =1.     Et    superficies    simplex    coni 

=  I  =  ^      X  ^6.    Nam   \/|   (h.  e.  media  proportionalis 

inter  \/3  latus  coni,  et  basis  radium  seu  V'f )  est  radius 
circuli  eequalis  superficiei  conicae.  Et  per  praecedentia 
1  +  ^  =  1=  sup.  tot.  cylindri,  et  f +  i  =  f  =  sup.  tot.  coni. 
Porro  per  hypothesin  et  lemma,  axis  cylindri  est  i,  et 
coni  |.  Soliditas  autem  cylindri  =  Jx  1  =  J,  et  soliditas 
coni  =  f  X  i  =  i.  Hinc,  comparatis  inter  se  homogeneis, 
eruitur  sequens 

*  This  theorem  of  the  Equilateral  Cone  and  Cylinder  is  at  best  an 
ingenious  conceit. 


DE    CONO 


53 


THEOREMA 

Inter  Conum  aequilaterum  et  Cylindrum  eidem  Sphaerae 
circumscriptos,  eadem  obtinet  ratio  sesquialtera,  quoad 
superficies  totas,  superficies  simplices,  soliditates,  altitu- 
dines,  et  bases. 

Duobus  abhinc  annis'  Theorema  illud  non  sine  admi- 
ratione  aliqua  inveni.  Nee  tamen  propriam  ingenii  vim 
aut  sagacitatem  ullam,  quippe  in  re  tarn  facili,  sed  quod 
Tacquetus*,  notissimus  matheseos  Professor,  tantopere 
gloriatus  sit,  de  invento  cui  impar  non  sit  tyro,  id  demum 
admiratus  sum.  Nempe  is  invenerat  partem  aliquam  Theo- 
rematis  praefati,  viz.  quod  '  conus  aequilaterus  sit  cylindri, 
eidem  sphaerae  circumscripti,  soliditate  et  superficie  tota 
sesquialter;  quodque  adeo  continuata  esset  ratio*  inter 
conum  aequilaterum,  cylindrum,  et  sphaeram.  Haec  est 
ipsa  ilia  propositio,  ad  quam  spectat  schema,  quod  praefati 
authoris  tractatus  De  Theorematis  ex  Archimede  setectiSy  in 
ipsa  fronte,  una  cum  epigraphe  inscriptum  prsefert.  Quin 
etiam  videas  quae  dicat  Jesuita '  in  praefatione,  in  scholio 
ad  prop.  32,  et  sub  finem  propositionis  44^  ejusdem  trac- 
tatus. Ubi  Theorema  hocce  tanquam  illustre  aliquod 
inventum,  et  Archimedaeorum  aemulum  ostentat.  Idem 
quod  Tacquetus,  etiam  CI.  Wallisius*  in  additionibus  et 
emendationibus  ad  cap.  Ixxxi.  algebrae  suae,  a  D.  Caswello" 
ope  Arithmetices  Infinitorum  demonstratum  exhibet.  Quod 
ipsum,  quoad  alteram  ejus  partem,  facit  D.  Dechales*'  in 
libro  suo  de  Indivisibihum  Methodo,  prop.  20.  Sed  tam 
ipsa  indivisibihum  methodus,  quam  quae  in  ea  fundatur 
arithmetica  infinitorum,  a  nonnullis  minus  Geometricae 
censentur. 

Integrum    autem   Theorema    a    nemine,   quod    sciam. 


'  i.  c.  in  1705. 

*  Cf.  p.  5. 

*  i.  c.  Tacquet. 

*  Wallis,  the  eminent  mathema- 
tician and  logician,  died  in  1703. 

*  John     Caswell,     an     Oxford 
mathematician,  author  of  A  Brief 
Account  of  the  Doctrine  of  Trigono- 
metry (1689)  and  other  works. 


*  Des  Chales,  a  native  of  Cham- 
bery  in  Savoy,  was  professor  of 
mathematics  in  Clermont,  and 
afterwards  in  Turin.  His  edition 
of  Euclid  was  long  a  popular  text- 
book. His  works  were  published 
at  Lyons,  in  four  folios,  under  the 
title  of  Mundus  Mathentaticus, 
He  died  in  1678. 


54 


MISCELLANEA    MATHEMATICA 


antehac  demonstratum  fuit.  Attamen  si  verum  est  quod 
opinatur  Tacquetus:  'Idcirco  Archimedi  inter  alia  tarn 
multa  et  praeclara  inventa,  illud  quo  cylindrum  inscriptae 
sphaerae  soliditate  et  superficie  sesquialterum  esse  demon- 
strat,  prae  reliquis  placuisse :  quod  corponim,  et  super- 
ficierum  corpora  ipsa  continentium,  eadem  esset  atque  una 
rationalis  proportio : '  si,  inquam,  hoc  in  causa  fuit,  cur 
is  cylindrum  sphaerae  circumscriptum  tumulo  insculptum 
voluit;  quid  tandem  faceret  senex  ille  Siculus,  si  unam 
eandemque  rationalem  proportionem  bina  corpora  quintu- 
plici  respectu  intercedere  deprehendisset  ?  Illud  tamen 
quam  facile  ex  ejus  inventis  profluat,  modo  vidimus. 

[*Simili  fere  methodo  ac  nos  illud  omnia  Tacqueti 
Theoremata  Archimedaeis  subjuncta,  adde  et  centum 
istiusmodi  alia  si  cui  operae  pretium  videbitur,  difficile  erit 
invenire  et  demonstrare.] 


DE   LUDO  ALGEBRAICO^ 


Sub  idem  tempus  quo  Theorema  illud,  Ludum  etiam 
Algebraicum  inveni.  Quippe  cum  vidissem  e  familiaribus 
meis  nonnullos,  per  dimidios  ferme  dies,  Scacchorum' 
ludo  gnaviter  incumbentes,  acre  eorum  studium  in  re  nihili 
admiratus,  rogavi  quidnam  esset  quod  tantopere  laborarent? 
I  Hi  porro  pergratum  animi  exercitium  renuntiant.  Hoc 
ego  mecum  reputans,  mirabar  quamobrem  tam  pauci  ad 
mathesin,  utilissimam  sane  scientiam  eandemque  jucun- 
dissimam,  animum  applicarent.  An  quod  difficilis  sit? 
Sed  multi  et  ingenio  valent,  nee  laborem  in  nugis  fastidiunt 
ullum.  An  potius,  quod  gratissimum  animi  exercitium  non 
sit  ?     Sed  quaenam,  quaeso,  est  ilia  ars,  aut  disciplina,  aut 


^  This  sentence  is  not  contained 
in  the  1707  edition. 

*  This  Algebraic  Game,  proposed 
as  more  useful  than  Chess,  and  at 
the  same  time  a  pleasing  exercise 
in  Algebra,  is  characteristic  of 
Berkeley.  Portions  of  what  fol- 
lows, especially  the  formulae  for 
combinations  which  the  conditions 
of  the  Game  admit  of,  contained 
in     the    Appendix,    are    in     his 


Cotntnonplace  Book.  The  Game 
itself  is  a  sort  of  lottery  in  equa- 
tions. It  is  worth  little,  save  as 
showing  the  bent  of  Berkeley's 
mind  towards  the  practical  side 
even  of  a  game  of  chance.  In 
reading  it,  he  supposes  himself, 
like  a  spider,  in  the  centre  of  the 
Tabula. 
^  Chess. 


DE    LUDO    ALGEBRAICO  55 

quodcunque  demum  opus,  quod  omnem  animi  facultatem, 
solertiam,  acumen,  sagacitatem  pulchrius  exerceat?  Sed 
ludus  est  mathesis  ?  Nihilo  secius  jucunda :  eo  tamen  si 
venisset  nomine,  tunc  forsan  lepidi  isti  homunciones,  qui 
tempus  ludendo  tenint,  ad  ejus  studium  se  protinus  accin- 
gerent.  Subiit  adhaec  sapientissimi  viri  Johannis  Lockii  \ 
in  re  non  multum  absimili,  consilium.  Sequentem  proinde 
lusum  ad  praxin  algebras  exercendam,  rudi  fateor  Minerva, 
excogitavi,  sed  qualis  adolescenti,  aliis  praesertim  studiis 
occupato,  facile  spero  condonabitur. 

Problemata  algebraica  immediate  constituunt  aequationes 
datae,  quae  in  quaestionibus  determinatis  quantitates  quae- 
sitas  numero  exaequant.  Quaelibet  autem  aequatio  duobus 
constat  membris  aequalitatis  signo  connexis,  in  quorum 
utroque  considerandae  veniunt;  primo,  species,  utrum 
scilicet  quantitates  datas  aut  quaesitas  designent ;  deinde, 
signa  quibus  connectuntur.  EfBcere  itaque  ut  haec  omnia 
ad  constituendas  quaestiones  sorte  obveniant,  ludumque 
tam  ex  quaestionum  formatione,  quam  ex  earundem  reso- 
lutione,  concinnare  operam  damus. 

In  asserculo,  qualis  ad  dominarum  aut  scacchorum  lusum 
vulgo  adhiberi  solet,depingatur  circulusquadrato  inscriptus, 
reliquaque  omnia  quae  in  apposito  Schemate  ^  continentur ; 
nisi  quod  loco  circellorum  nigrantium  facienda  sint  fora- 
mina. Quibus  peractis,  habebimus  Tabulam  lusoriam. 
Parandus  insuper  est  stylus  tenuis  e  ligno,  qui  alicui  ex 
dictis  foraminibus  infigatur.  Reliquum  est  ut  horum  usum 
exponamus. 

Ut  vides,  operationum  logisticarum  Symbola  ad  latera 
et  angulos  Quadrati  scribuntur:  porro  latera  prioribus, 
anguli  vero  posterioribus,  aequationum  membris  signa 
impertiunt.  Circulus  autem  inscriptus  a  sedecim  cuspi- 
dibus  in  totidem  partes  aequales  dispescitur,  ita  ut  tres 
cuspides  ad  latus  et  angulum  quemvis  spectent,  sed  aliae 
directe,  aliae  oblique:  quae  oblique  latus  aliquod  aut  an- 
gulum respiciunt,  eae  angulo  et  lateri  communes  sunt; 
quae  vero  directe  latus  aliquod  intuentur,  eae  ad  angulum 
nullum  pertinent,  sed  ad  utrosque  adjacentes  pariter  re- 
feruntur.      Et   vicissim,   quae    angulum    aliquem    directe 

^  See  Locke's  Essay  on  the  Con-       Tabula  Lusoria  occupies   an   en- 
duci  o/the  Uttderstandingf  i  >].  larged    page,    which     faces     this 

*  In   the    original    edition,   the       section. 


56  MISCELLANEA    HATHEHATICA 

intuentur,   eee  ad  latus  nuHum   pertinent,   sed   ad   utra- 
que  adjacentia  pariter  referri  censend^e  sunt. 

In  formanda  itaque  qusestione,  primo  observanda  est 
cuspis  quam  stylus  respicit,  latusque  et  angulum  ad  quos 
pertineat ;  horum  signa  notentur,  quippe  quae,  ut  diximus, 

TABULA  LUSORIA. 


species  utriusque  cujuslibet  sequationis  membri  connectent. 
Dein,  stylo  litera;  ad  prsedictam  cuspidem  scriptEC  imposito, 
numera  i,  eoque  inde  juxta  rectae  lineae  ductum  translate 
{ut  faciunt  astrologi,  nominum  quibus  feriEC  appellantur 
rationem  assignantes)  ad  literam  oppositam,  numera  2. 
Tunc  ad  alteram  linese,  tan^uam  continuata  esset  per 
annulum  intermedium  extremitatem  pergens,  numera  3; 


DE    LUDO   ALGEBRAICO  57 

et  sic  deinceps,  donee  litera  primae  cuspidi  adjaceiis  re- 
currat.  Hinc  recta  descendens  ad  cuspidem  in  convexitate 
interioris  circuli  terminatam,  foramini  alterutro  adjacenti 
infige  stylum. 

Numerus  ultimo  numeratus  indicabit,  quot  quantitates 
quaesitae,  vel  (quod  idem  est)  quot  aequationes  datae  fuerint 
in  quaestione.  Hanim  membra  priora  quantitates  ignotae 
altematim  sumptse  et  signo  laterali  connexae,  posteriora 
quantitates  cognitse  vel  incognitse  (prout  determinant  litera 
ad  cuspidem  internam  scripta)  qusesitis  signo  angulari 
alligatae,  constituent.  Porro  a  adhibendas  quantitatum 
cognitarum  species  diversas,  5  unam  solummodo,/figuras 
numerates  2,  3,  4,  &c.  x  quantitates  quaesitas  repetendas 
esse  indicat.  Notandum  autem,  in  cujusque  aequationis 
membro  posteriore  non  alias  poni  quantitates  ignotas, 
quam  quae  in  primo  membro  sequentis  aequationis  repe- 
riantur.     Dicta  exemplis  clarescent. 

Ponamus  itaque  stylum  occupare  foramen  stellula  insig- 
nitum,  cuspisque  quam  respicit  pertinebit  ad  latus  cujus 
signum  est  +,  et  ad  angulum  cujus  signum  est  x,  quae 
signa  in  charta  noto,  laterale  a  sinistris  sive  primum 
deinde  angulare.  Porro  e  ad  cuspidem  scribitur,  ad  quam 
numero  i ;  inde  (liberum  autem  est  e  duabus  lineis  utrius- 
vis  ductum  sequi)  sinistrorsum  pergens  offendo  a,  ad  quam 
numero  2;  hinc  transiens  ad  z  numero  3;  inde  autem 
transversim  eunti  denuo  obversatur  e,  litera  primae  cuspidi 
apposita,  ad  quam  numerans  4,  recta  descendo  ad  cuspidem 
interiorem  litera  d  insignitam.  Erunt  igitur  quatuor  quanti- 
tates quaesitae  in  quaestione,  quae  signo  laterali  +,  alter- 
natim  connexae,  constituent  prima  aequationum  datarum 
membra.  Posteriora  vero  fient  ex  quantitatibus  ignotis  et 
notis  (propter  d)  diversis  per  signum  angulare,  nimirum  x , 
conjunctis ;  ad  hunc  modum : 

e+y  =  zc  e=  F 

y+z=zad  y=zF 

z-\-a  =  e/  z-=? 

Quod  si  ponamus  stylum  foramini  praecedenti  infixum 
esse,  quo  pacto  +  laterale  directe  intuebitur,  lineaeque 
sinistrae  ductum  sequamur,  provenient  tres  quantitates 
investigandae,  et  cuspis  interior  habebit  literam/.     Unde 


58  MISCELLANEA  MATHEMATICA 

numerus  aequationum  datarum  et  primonim  earundem 
membrorum  signa,  itemque  posteriorum  species  determi- 
nantur.  Sed  quoniam  in  hoc  casu  cuspis  indifferenter 
se  habet  respectu  duorum  angulorum  adjacentium,  idcirco 
eorum  signa  per  vices  usurpanda  sunt :  secundum  quas 
conditiones  hujusmodi  struatur  quaestio. 

a-\-e  =  2y  a=  F 

e-\'y  =  3— a  e  =  ? 

y-\-a  =  ^e  y=? 

Posito  autem  stylum  sequenti  foramini  infigi,  cuspis 
stylaris  in  x  angulare  dirigetur,  signaque  lateralia  +  et 
—  pariter  respiciet.  Proinde,  si  fert  animus  dextram 
inire  semitam,  juxta  leges  pr^missas  sequens  prodibit 
quaestio : 

a+e=^ey  a -=^7 

e-~y  =  ay  e  =  F 

y-\-a  =  ae    .  y  =  F 

^Notandum  autem  primo,  quod  varietatem  aliquam  in 
signorum  et  specierum  combinationibus  praescriptae  leges 
admittant.  Unde  fit,  quod  cuspide  semitaque  determinatis, 
diversae  oriantur  quaestiones. 

Secundo,  quod  etsi  ad  primae  literae  recursum  sistendum 
esse  supra  statuimus,  lex  tamen  ilia  pro  cujusvis  arbitrio 
mutari  possit ;  ita  ut  progrediamur  donee  singulae,  a,  e,  z, 
Xf  obversentur,  vel  aliqua  ex  iis  bis,  vel  ad  aliam  quam- 
cunque  metam.     Sed  ad  lusum  properamus. 

Primum  itaque  e  lusoribus  aliquis  ad  method um  jam 
traditam  quaestionem  sibi  formet.  Quod  et  caeteris  dein- 
ceps  iisdem  legibus  faciendum  est.  Porro  formatis  singu- 
lorum  quaestionibus,  ad  ejus  quae  sorte  obtigit  solutionem 
se  quisque  accingat.  Faciat  dein  unusquisque  fractionem, 
cujus  numerator  sit  numerus  quantitatum  in  suo  problemate 
quaesitarum,  et  nominator,  numerus  graduum  sive  aequa- 
tionum quas,  dum  solveretur  quaestio,  chartis  mandabat. 
Penes  quem  maxima  sit  fractio,  is  vincat. 

Proinde,  siquando  fugitivae  quantitates  inhiantem  elu- 
serint  algebristam,  is  omni  victoriae  spe  excidisse  censendus 
est.  Neque  id  prorsus  injuria,  siquidem  potius  eligentis 
culpa  quam  infortunio  accidat  quaestionem  esse  indetermi- 
natam. 

*  [Vide  Appendicem.] — Author. 


DE    LUDO    ALGEBRAICO  59 

P  Quotiescunque  inter  ludendum  deveniatur  ad  aequa- 
tionem  aifectam  supra  ordinem  quadraticum,  nihil  opus 
erit  exegesi  numerosa  aut  constructione  per  parabolam, 
sufficit  si  radix  incognita  mutata  specie  pro  cognita 
habeatur.] 

Peractis  omnium  quaestionum  solutionibus,  quisque 
proximi  opus  percurrat;  ad  quod  Pellii  margines  con- 
ducant. 

Quae  pignora  et  mulctas  spectant,  quisquam  ad  libitum 
comminiscatur :  hsec  enim  aliis  permitto. 

Problemata  quod  spectat,  ilia  quidem  difficilia  non  sunt, 
alioqui  inepta  forent  ad  lusum;  sed  ea  tamen,  quorum 
solutio  in  ingens  lusorum  commodum  cesserit,  dum  rectum 
tramitem  inire  student,  dum  longos  consequentiarum  nexus 
animo  recolunt,  integramque  analyseos  seriem  brevissimo 
conceptu  claudere  laborant. 

Permitte  jam,  adolescens  optime  ut  alios  paulisper 
alloquar;  tibi  enim,  quem  ipsa  trahit  difficultas,  nihil  opus 
hortatore.  Vos,  adolescentes  academici,  compello,  quibus 
inest  sagacitas,  mentisque  vigor  et  acumen ;  tristem  vero 
in  musaeo  solitudinem,  duramque  eorum  qui  vulgo  audiunt 
Pumps,  vitam  aversamini,  satius  inter  congerrones,  per 
jocum  et  lusum,  ingenium  prodere  ducentes.  Videtis  quam 
merus  lusus  sit  algebra,  et  sors  locum  habet,  et  scientia: 
quidni  igitur  ad  tabulam  lusoriam  accedatis  ?  Neque  enim, 
quod  in  chartis,  scacchis,  dominis,  &c.  usu  venit,  ut  dum 
alii  ludunt,  alii  oscitanter  adstent,  hie  etiam  metuatis. 
Nam  quotcunque  ludendi  incesserit  libido,  iis  omnibus 
ludere  simul  ac  studere,  adde  et  nonnullis,  lucelli  aliquid 
corradere  fas  est.  Ast  aliquem  audire  mihi  videor  in 
hujusmodi  verba  erumpentem :  Itane  vero  nos  decipi 
posse  putas?  Non  ii  sumus,  quos  ad  difficillimam  artem 
sudore  multo  addiscendum,  oblata  lusus  specie,  inescare 
liceat.  Respondeo,  algebram  eatenus  esse  difficilem  quan- 
tum ad  lusum  requiritur:  quod  si  tollas  omnem  difficul- 
tatem,  tollitur  simul  recreatio  omnis  ac  voluptas.  Siquidem 
ludi  omnes  totidem  sunt  artes  et  scientiae;  nee  aliud  est 
inter  caeteros  et  hunc  nostrum  discrimen,  quam  quod  illi 
praesens  solummodo  oblectamentum  spectent ;  ex  hoc 
vero,   praeter   jucundissimum    laborem,   alii    etiam    iique 

^  This  sentence  is  not  in  the  1707  edition. 


6o 


MISCELLANEA    MATHEMATICA 


uberrimi  fnictus  percipiantur.  Tantum  autem  abest  quod 
hoc  in  lusus  detrimentum  cedat,  ut  is  idcirco  omnibus 
numeris  absolutus  jure  habeatur,  juxta  tritum  illud  poetae, 

*  Omne  tulit  punctum  qui  miscuit  utile  dulci.' 

Sed  quinam  sunt  illi  quos  praedicas  fructus?  Hos  ut 
enumerem,  universa,  quaqua  patet,  mathesis,  artescjue 
omnes  ac  scientiae,  quas  rem  militarem,  civilem,  et  philo- 
sophicam  promoventes  complectitur,  perlustrandae  forent. 
Quippe  per  hasce  omnes  diffunditur  mirifica  algebrae  vis. 
Eadem  apud  omnes  ars  magna,  mirabilis,  supremus  cogni- 
tionis  humanae  apex,  universae  matheseos  nucleus  et  clavis, 
imo  apud  nonneminem  scientiarum  omnium  fundamentum 
audit.  Et  sane  quam  difficile  esset  algebrae  limites  assig- 
nare,  cum  philosophiam  etiam  naturalem  et  medicinam 
jamdudum  invasit,  inque  dies  dissitissima  quaeque  argu- 
menta  aggreditur.  Ut  alia  taceam,  in  Actis  Philosoph. 
No.  257,  de  certitudine  testimoniorum  et  traditionum 
humanarum  algebraica  extant  theoremata.  Et  pro  certo 
statuendum  est,  ubicunque  datur  magis  ac  minus,  ubi- 
cunque  ratio  aliqua  aut  proportio  invenitur,  ibi  locum 
habere  algebram. 

Verum  dixerit  fortasse  aliquis,  se  nee  mathesin  ipsam, 
nee  res  mathematice  tractatas  morari.  Ut  lubet :  demus 
hoc  voluntati  cujuspiam,  demus  ignorantiae:  nimirum  ex 
ignorantia  rerum  praeclarissimarum,  quceque  vos  a  barbaris 
dtsttnguunt\  contemptum  proficisci  affirmare  ausim.  Estne 
vero  quisquam  qui  ingenium  sagax,  intellectum  capacem, 
judicium  acre  parvi  faciat?  Siquis  usque  adeo  rationis 
expers  inveniatur,  is  demum  mathesin  spernat,  quae  quanti 
sit  momenti  ad  optimos  quosque  mentis  habitus  comparan- 
dos,  apud  omnes  in  confesso  est. 


*  [Vide  Tentatnen  Anglicum  de 
Horiis  Epicuri,  a  Gulielmo  Temple, 
Equite  Aurato,  conscriptum.J — 
Author.  The  reference  to  Sir 
William  Temple  is  contained  in 
the  following  sentence  : — *  More 
than  this,  I  know  no  advantage 
mankind  has  gained  by  the  pro- 
gress of  natural  philosophy,  during 
so  many  ages  it  has  had  vogue  in 
the  world,  excepting  always  and 


very  justly  what  we  owe  to  the 
Mathematics,  which  is  in  a  manner 
all  that  seems  valuable  among  the 
civilised  nations,  more  than  those 
we  call  barbarians,  whether  they 
are  so  or  no,  or  more  so  than  our- 
selves.*— ^Temple's  Essay  upon  the 
Gardens  of  Epicurus  (1686).  Cf. 
Guardian^  No.  130,  in  which  the 
above  passage  is  referred  to  in 
a  similar  manner. 


DE    LUDO    ALGEBRAICO 


6l 


Verulamius  alicubi,  in  iis  quae  de  Augmentis  Scientiarum 
conscripsit  \  analogiam  quandam  inter  pilae  palmariae  lusum 
et  mathesin  notat.  Nempe  quemadmodum  per  ilium,  ultra 
voluptatem  quae  primum  intenditur,  alia  eaque  potiora 
consequamur,  viz.  corporis  agilitatem  et  robur,  promp- 
tumque  oculorum  motum:    sic  disciplinae  mathematicae, 

f»raeter  fines  ac  usus  singulis  proprios,  illud  etiam  col- 
aterale  habent,  quod  mentem  a  sensibus  abstrahant,  in- 
geniumque  acuant  et  figant.  Idem  hoc  tam  olim  veteres, 
quam  hodie  e  modernis  cordatiores  quique  agnoscunt. 
Quod  vero  recentiorum  algebra  ad  ingenium  formandum 
imprimis  conducat,  inter  alios  ostendunt  Cartesius',  et 
prolixe  Malebranchius  De  Inquirenda  Veritate,  lib.  vi. 
part.  I.  cap.  5.  et  part.  2.  cap.  8.  alibique  passim*.  Et 
regulae  quidem  quas  hie  in  quaestionum  solutione  obser- 
vandas  tradit,  lib.  vi.  part.  2.  cap.  i.  quaeque  tam  sunt 
eximiae,  ut  meliores  angelum  non  fuisse  daturum  credat 
auctor  quidam  ingeniosus:  illae,  inquam,  regulae  angelicae 
ex  algebra  desumi  videntur.  At  quid  alios  memorem,  cum 
vir  omni  laude  major,  Johannes  Lockius,  qui  singulos 
intellectus  humani  defectus,  eorumque  remedia,  siquis 
alius,  optime  callebat,  cum  universae  matheseos,  tum  prae- 
sertim  algebrae  studium,  omnibus  supra  plebem  positis, 
tanquam  rem  infiniti  usus  vehementer  commendat  ?  Vide 
inter  Opera  ejus  Posthuma,  pag.  30,  31,  32,  &c.  Trac- 
tatus  de   Regimine   Intellectus :    opus   exiguum  quidem 


*  The  passage  alluded  to  is  con- 
tained in  the  Advancement  of  Learn' 
ingy  the  earlier  work  (1605),  and 
is  not  reproduced  in  the  transla- 
tion, in  the  corresponding  passage 
of  the  De  Augmentis  (1623).  The 
words  are  these : — *  For  if  the  wit 
be  too  dull,  they  (Pure  Mathe- 
matics) sharpen  it ;  if  too  wander- 
ing, they  fix  it ;  if  too  inherent 
in  sense,  they  abstract  it.  So  that 
as  tennis  is  a  game  of  no  use  in  it- 
self, but  of  great  use  in  respect  it 
maketh  a  quick  eye  and  a  body 
ready  to  put  itself  into  all  pos- 
tures :  so  in  the  Mathematics,  that 
use  which  is  collateral  and  inter- 
venient  is  no  less  worthy  than 
that  which   is   principal  and   in- 


tended.' Advancement  of  Learnings 
B.  II.  But  Bacon  repeats  his 
recommendation  of  Mathematics, 
especially  as  an  education  of  the 
power  of  attention,  in  the  De 
Augmentis t  VI.  4,  and  in  the  Essay 
on  Studies  in  1625. 

*  See  Discours  de  la  fMethodey 
pp.  143-146,  in  Cousin's  edition 
of  the  works  of  Descartes.  In 
another  passage  in  the  same  work 
Descartes  speaks  rather  in  dispar- 
agement of  Algebra. 

^  It  may  be  added  that  Male- 
branche,  in  his  Recherche,  Liv.  VI. 
p.  ii.  ch.  8,  alludes  to  the  commen- 
dation of  Algebra  in  Descartes' 
Discours  de  la  Methode. 


62  MISCELLANEA    MATHEMATICA 

illud  et  imperfectum,  sed  quod  vastis  et  elaboratis  aliorum 
voluminibus  jure  quisquam  praetulerit '.  At  vero  auctor 
magni  nominis  ad  dlsciplinas  mathematicas  acrem  nimis 
meditationem,  quaeque  homlni  generoso  et  voluptatibus 
studenti  minus  conveniat,  requiri  putat.  Respondeo,  sua- 
dente  Lockio,  frustra  opponi  dissidentis  Santevremontii -^ 
judicium.  Deinde  hie  ineptus  matheseos  judex  merito 
habeatur,  quippe  qui,  uti  ex  ejus  vita  et  scriptis  plusquam 
verisimile  est,  eam  vix  a  limine  salutarat.  Si  vero  cortex 
durus  videatur  et  exsuccus,  quid  mirum  ?  Sed  ut  dicam 
quod  res  est ;  praestat  singulos  rem  ipsam  expertos  propria 
sequi  judicia.  Nee  est  cur  quis  ingentes  difficultates  sibi 
fingat,  eo  quod  vox  algebra  nescio  quid  asperum  sonat  et 
horrificum ;  artem  enim,  quantum  ad  ludum  nq3trum  requi- 
ritur,  intra  breve  unius  mensis  spatium  facile  quisquam 
perdiscat. 

Exposita  demum  lusus  et  consilii  nostri  ratione,  lectorem 
mathematicum,  ut  tenues  istas  studiorum  meorum  primitias 
candide  accipiat,  rogo,  potiora  forsan  posthac  daturus. 
Impraesentiarum  autem  me  alia  distinent  studia  quae,  arida 
satis  et  jejuna,  suavissimam  mathesin  exceperunt.  Tu 
interim,  Clarissime  Adolescens,  banc  nugarum  rhapsodiam, 
tanquam  aliquod  mei  erga  te  amoris  symbolum,  cape,  et 
vale. 

'  See  Locke's  Essay  on  the  Con-  and  mathematics  generally. 

duct  of  the  Understanding,  §  7,  here  ^  Saint  Evremond,  a  French  wit 

eulogised.        Bacon,       Descartes,  of  the  seventeenth  century,  who 

Malebranche,  and  Locke  are  thus  came  to  England  in  the  reign  of 

advanced  in  this  paragraph  in  Charles  II,  and  died  there  in  1703. 
support  of  the  study  of  Algebra 


APPENDIX 


Ut  men  tern  nostram  quilibet  plenissime  assequatur, 
visum  est  sequentibus  paginis  omnem  in  quaestionibus 
Combinationum  et  Specierum  varietatem  quam  praefatae 
ludendi  conditiones  patiantur  oculis  subjicere. 

Notandum  autem :  Primo,  quod  sequentes  formulae, 
quoad  modos  combinandi  et  quantitatum  species,  non  item 
omnes  quoad  numerum  aequationum  datarum,  ad  Cuspides 
respectivas  pertinent :  saepe  enim  plures  quam  tres  quanti- 
tates  investigandae  erunt. 

Secundo,  quod  ut  omnes  quaestionum  formulae  haberi 
possint,  metae  diversae,  prout  fieri  posse  supra  monuimus; 
statuendae  sunt :  alioqui  duae  tantum  ex  quatuor  classibus 
ad  Cuspidem  quamcunque  pertinebunt. 

Primam  dico  Cuspidem  quae  in  +  laterale  dirigitur, 
secundam  huic  a  dextris  proximam,  atque  ita  porro. 


AD    LECTOREM 


IsTA  adolescentiae  nostrae,  obiter  tantum  proprioque 
marte  ad  quantulamcunque  matheseos  scientiam  olim  enj- 
tentis,  conamina  in  lucem  protrusisse  sero  aliquoties  poeni- 
tuit.  Quin  et  poeniteret  etiamnum,  nisi  quod  hinc  nobile 
par  Ingeniorum\  in  spem  nascentis  saeculi  succrescentium, 
una  propalandi  enascatur  occasio.  Neque  enim  nos  aliunde 
Rempublicam  Literariam  demereri  gloriamur.  Atque  haec 
quidem  ad  temeritatis  etc.  censuram,  ut  et  invidiam,  si  quam 
mihi  forte  conflaverim,  amoliendum  dicta  intelligantur. 

^  Young  Palliser  and  young  Molyneux. 


APPENDIX  65 


Cuspis  prtma. 

a-\-e=  bxee—bbxyy--bexbb—eyxbb^y 
e-\-y  =  b—yyxbb^aaxby^bbxya^bbxa 
sy  +  a=^  bxaa—bbxee—baxbb^aexbb—e 

a  +  e  =  bxee^bbxyy^-bexbb—eyxbb—y 

e+y  =  C'-yyxcc^aaxcy^ccxya-^ccxa 

dy-\-a  =  dxaa—ddxee—daxdd—aexdd—e 

e+y  =  S-yyxss-aaxsy-ssxya-ssxa 
/^+a  =  4xaa~44X^^— 4«X44— a^X44— ^ 

a+e  =  exye^yexyy—e 
e+y  ^y-^ayxaa—yaxy 
xy+a  =  axea^eaxee—a 

Cuspis  secunda, 

a-\-e  =  bxebxy 

e-\-y=  bxybxa 

sy+a=  bxabxe 

a-^-e  =  bxebxy 

e-\-y  =  cxycxa 

dyJfa=^dxadxe 

a^-e  =  ^xezxy 

e+y=3xy3xa 

/y+a=4.xa^xe 

a  +  e  =  exy 

e-\-y=:yxa 

xy-\-a=  axe 

Cuspis  tertia. 

a+ea—e=  exbyxb 

se'-ye+y=yxbaxb 

y-\-ay—a  =  axbexb 

BERKBLBY:    FRASBR.      IV.  "t^ 


66  MISCELLANEA    MATHEMATICA 

a+ea—e  =  exbyxb 

de—ye-^y  =  yxcaxc 

y+ay—a  =  axdexd 

a-\-ea—e  =  ex2yx2 

/e—ye+y^yxsaxs 
y+ay^-a  =  ax^ex^ 

a-\-ea—e  =  exy 

xe—ye+y=yxa 

y-\-ay^a  =  axe 

Cuspis  quaria. 

a—e=^bxebxy 

s  e—y=:bxybxa 

y—a=bxabxe 

a—e^bxebxy 

de—y^cxy  cxa 

y^a=:.dxadxe 

a—e=:2xe2xy 

/e-y  =  3xy3xa 

y—a  =  4.xa^xe 

a—e  =  exy 

xe—y=yxa 

y^a=axe 

Cuspis  quinta. 

a—e  =  exbb-heyxbb-7-ybxee-^bbxyy-i-b 

se—y=y-^bbxya-i-bbxab-byyxbb-raaxb 

y''a=:axbb-r-aexbb-i-ebxaa-i-bbxee-i-b 

a  —  e=:exbb-i-eyxbb-7-ybxee-i-bbxyy-7-b 
de^y=y-7-c€xya-^€c-^ac-^yyxc'c-T-aaxc 
y^a  =  axdd-7-aexdd-^edxaa-^ddxee-rd 

a--e=:ex2  2-i-eyx22-^y2xee-7-b2xyy-i-2 

/e-y=^y-^33xya-7-3sxas-i-yyxcS'7-aax3 

J/— a  =  ax44-7-a^X44-r^4xaa-rrf4X^^-f4 


APPENDIX  67 


a^e=^exye-^yexyy-i-e 

xe—y:=zy-^ayxaa-Tyaxy 

y—a^axea-T-eaxee-T-a 


Cuspts  sexta. 

a—e=b-7-eb-7-ye-7-by-i-b 

se^y^b-i-yb-T-ay^ba-7-b 

y^a^b^ab-^ea-^be-T-b 

a-e^b-^eb-rye-^by-i-b 
de^y=:c-7-yc-¥ay-i-ca-7-c 
y—a^d-T-ad~-ea-i-de-^d 

^— a  =  4^a4-r^a-f4^-r4 

a—e^r^e-^yy-i-e 

xe^y=-y-^aa-x'y 

y—az^a-^ee-^a 


Cuspts  septima, 

a^eaxe^^e-^bb-T-ey-i-bb-i-y 
sexye—y^y-^bb-rya-^bb-^a 
y—ayxa^a-^bb-^ae-T-bb-re 

a  —  eaxe^e-^bb-i-ey-i-bb-ry 
dexye-^y^y-T-cc-T-ya-rcc-i-a 
y—ayxa^a-T-dd-^ae-T-dd-T-e 

a— ^ax^=^•T-2  2-^^JV-^2  2^^ 

/^+j/^-j/=j/ -7-33-7- J/a-^33-r  a 

J/— ajVxa  =  a-r44-T-a^-r44-r^ 

a—eaxe==e-ryy-^e 

xexye—y=y-7-aa-7-y 

y—ayxa^a-^ee-T-a 


F  2 


68  MISCELLANEA    MATHEMATICA 


Cuspis  octava. 

sexy^y-T-bb-T-ya-i-bb-^a 
yxa^a-T-bb-T-ae-T-bb-i-e 

axe  =  e-i-bb-7-ey-^bb-7-y 
dexy-^y-'rcc-^ya-^cc-^a 
yxa^a-T-dd-rae-T-dd-^e 

jfxa  =  a-r44-^a^-^44-^^ 

axe=^e-^yy-T-e 

xexy^y-^aa-^y 

yxa^a-^e  e-7-a 

Cuspis  nona. 

axe:=b-\-ee-z-bb'\-yy-^be-^bb-7-ey-\-bb-T'y 

sexy^b-\'yy-\'bb'7-aa-\-by-i'bb-\-ya-7-bb-\-a 

yxa^b-\-aa'^bb-\'ee-^ba-\-bb'^ae-\-bbrre 

axe^b-\-ee-7-bb-\-yy'^be-\-bb-i-ey-\-bb^y 
dexy^c-i-yy-\-cc-i-aai-cy-i-cc-\-ya-7-cc-\-a 
yxa^d-^-aa-^dd+ee-i-da-^dd'T-ae'bdd-z-e 

aX^  =  2  +  ^^-r2  2+J^J^-r2^+2  2-r^JV+2  2-^J/ 

AxJ'  =  3-^J':K+33■^««+3JV■^33+>'«-^3  3+« 
j;xa  =  4+aa-r44+^^-r4^+44-ra^+44-r^ 

axe:=e+ye-7-ye+yy'7-e 

xexy=y-^ay-^aa-T-ya+y 

yxa^a-\-ea-i-ea-\-ee-¥a 

Cuspis  decima, 

axe  =  e  +  by'^b 

sexy^y-^ba+b 

yxa=a+be+b 


APPENDIX  69 


axe=^e-\-by  +  b 

dexy=y+ca+c 

yxa:=a  +  de+d 

axe=e+2y-\-z 
/exy=y+3a+s 

axe:=e+y 

xexy=y+a 

yxa^a+e 


Cuspis  undecitna. 


axea-^e^e+by-^-b 
se-i-yexy=y+ba+b 
yxay-i-a  =  a  +  be+b 

axea-i-e^e  +  by-^-b 
de-T-yexy^y+ca-^-c 
yxay-T-a-^a+de-^-d 

axea-^e^e+2y+2 

/e-T-yexy^y+sa  +  s 

yxay-T-a^a-^^e+i 

axea-i-e  =  e+y 

xe-^yexy—y-\-a 

yxay-^a=^a+e 

Cuspis  duodecima, 

a-^e^b  +  eb+y 

se-^y^b+yb+a 

y-~a  =  b+ab  +  e 

a-7-e=b-\-eb+y 

de-^y  =  c-\-yc+a 

y-^a=^d-\-ad+e 

j^-ra  =  4  +  ^4+^ 


70  MISCELLANEA    MATHEMATICA 

xe-T-y^y-^-a 
y'Ta=-a-\-e 


Cuspis  decima  tertia. 

a-^e=-e-\-bb^ey+bb—yb-\-ee'-bb+yy—b 

se-i-y^y—bb+ya-bb+ab'-^yy  +  bb'^aa+b 

y-i-a^a-^-bb—ae+bb-eb+aa—bb+ee—b 

a-i-e^e+bb—ey+bb—yb+ee-^bb+yy—b 
de-7-y=y—cc-\-ya-'Cc-\-ac--yy+cC'~aa+c 
y-T-a^a+dd—ae+dd—ed+aa—dd+ee—d 

a-f  ^  =  ^  +  2  2  — ^J^  +  2  2— ^2  +  ^^  — 2  2+J/^  — 2 

j;-5-a  =  a+44— a^+44— ^4  +  aa— 44+^^— 4 

a-i-e^^e+ye—ye+yy—e 
xe-i-y^^y-^ay+aa—ya-^y 


V 


Cuspis  decima  quarta. 

a-i-e=b—eb—ye—^by'-b 

se-i-y^b—yb-^ay^ba'-b 

y-^a^^b—ab^ea—bc'-b 

a'7-e=b-'eb   ye—by—b 
de-7-y=c—yc—ay—ca — c 
y^a  =  d—ad—ea—de—d 

a-T-e^z—ez—ye^zy—z 

/e-^y^^-y^-aysa-s 

^-5-a  =  4— ^4— ^a— 4^— 4 

a-i-e^e^yy-^-e 

xe-^y^y—aa—y 

y-k-a^  a—ee—a 


APPENDIX  71 

Cuspis  decima  quinta. 

se^rye-r-y^y-^ba^bb—yb—a 
y-i-ay+a^a—be'-bb'-'ab—e 

a-i-ea+e^ie—by—bb'-eb-'y 
de-\-ye-i-y=^y—ca  —  €C^yc-'a 
y-^ay+a^a—de-dd—ad^e 

a-r^a  +  ^  =  ^— 2^— 22— ^2— ^ 

fe+y  e-^y^y-^a-sS—yS-^ 
y-T-ay+a^a—^.e—^^'^a/^—a 

a-^ea+e  =  e—yy^e 

xe+ye-T-y=y—aa^y 

y-i-ay-^-a^a^ee—a 

Cuspts  decima  sexta. 

a  +  e  =  e—by'-bb^eb—^y 
se-^y^y—ba-'bb—yb—a 
y-\-a=a'~be'~'bb—ab—c 

a  +  e  =  e-by—b  b—eb—y 
de-^-y^y—ca—cc—yc—a 
y^a=a  —  de—dd—ad—e 

a  +  ^=^— 2j— 22— ^2— ^ 

A+j'=jv-3a-33-j3-a 

jV+a=a— 4^— 44— a  4—^ 

a-^-e^e^yy—e 

xe-\'y^y'-aa—y 

y-\-a^a—ee^a 

N.B.    Est   et    alia   varietas  in    prioribus    aequationum 
membris,  ubi  signum  analyticum  reperitur,  viz.  si  Species 

e—a 
transponamus.     E.g.   in  cuspide  quarta  adhibitis  \y^e 


in  duodecima  \y-^e 


j^-y) 

duplicabuntur  qusestiones. 


72  MISCELLANEA    MATHEMATICA 

P  Ne  quis  forte  putet  quaestiones  omnes  in  ludo  nostro 
possibiles  a  Tabuhs  exhiberi,  notandum  est  illas  revera 
esse  innumeras.  Nam  metae  infinities  variari  poterunt: 
ex  his  vero  pendet  numerus  quantitatum  in  quovis  pro- 
blemate  qusesitarum,  qui  proinde  pro  metarum  diversitate 
erit  infinite  variabilis;  unde  qusestiones  orientur  innumera, 
in  quarum  tamen  singulis  non  aliae  servandae  sunt  methodi 
pro  signis,  combinationibus,  et  speciebus  determinandis, 
quam  quae  in  solis  quaestionibus  imparis  cujusvis  praeter 
unitatem  numeri  quantitatum  quaesitarum,  atque  adeo  in 
Tabulis  quas  apposuimus  exhibeantur.] 

^  This  paragraph  is  not  in  the  1707  edition. 


DESCRIPTION 


OF   THE 


CAVE   OF   DUNMORE 


First  published  in  1871 


NOTE 

The  Cave  of  Dunmore  is  one  of  the  wonders  of  Kilkenny.  It  has 
been  described  by  successive  travellers.  Berkeley's  description  seems 
to  have  been  written  earlier  than  any  other.  The  next  of  which  I  am 
aware  is  contained  in  a  Tour  through  Ireland,  *  by  two  English  gentle- 
men/ published  in  Dublin  in  1748.  In  the  Philosophical  Transactions 
for  1773,  there  is  a  letter  to  Dr.  Morton,  secretary  of  the  Royal  Society, 
from  Mr.  Adam  Walker,  dated  Dublin,  April  a6,  1771,  'containing  an 
account  of  the  Cavern  at  Dunmore  Park,  near  Kilkenny,  in  Ireland,' 
in  which  it  is  compared  with  the  Derbyshire  caverns.  Campbell's 
Philosophical  Survey  of  Ireland,  a  few  years  later,  has  a  perfunctory 
reference,  and  Mr.  Tighe*s  Statistical  Survey  of  the  County  of  Kilkenny 
describes  the  caves.  *  An  Account  of  a  Visit  to  the  Cave  of  Dunmore, 
in  Co.  Kilkenny,  with  some  Remarks  on  Human  Remains  found 
therein,'  by  Dr.  Foot,  appeared  in  the  Journal  of  the  Historical  and 
Archteological  Association  of  Ireland  ior  January,  1870.  Dr.  Foot's  visit 
was  on  September  10^  1869,  in  company  with  the  Rev.  James  Graves 
(to  whose  kindness  in  this  and  other  investigations  concerning  Berkeley 
I  am  indebted)  and  Mr.  Burtchael.  The  party  carried  off  human  bones, 
specimens  of  the  mysterious  human  remains  referred  to  in  this  Descrip- 
tion, now  deposited  in  the  Museum  of  the  Association.  Dr.  Foot 
refers  those  remains  to  the  tenth  century,  and  considers  that  they 
confirm  the  statement  in  the  Annals  of  the  Kingdom  of  Ireland  by 
the  Four  Masters,  that,  in  '  the  age  of  Christ,  928,  Godfrey,  grandson 
of  Imhar,  with  the  foreigners  of  Athcliath  [Dublin]  demolished  and 
plundered  Dearc-Feama  [Dunmore  Cave],  where  one  thousand  persons 
were  killed  in  that  year.'  '  In  the  inmost  recesses  of  Dearc-Feama,' 
Dr.  Foot  adds,  '  unmistakeable  evidence  of  the  truth  of  the  statement 
that  a  wholesale  massacre  was  perpetrated  there  exists,  in  the  osseous 
remains  of  men,  women,  and  children,  which,  though  not  now  strewing 
the  Cave  in  the  same  profusion  as  they  formerly  did,  may  be  procured  in 
quantities,  by  disturbing  the  surface  of  the  floor  in  a  particular  place.' 
An  engraving  of  the  entrance  to  the  Cave  is  given  in  the  Dublin  Penny 
Journal  (1832). 

Berkeley's  description  of  this  Cave  is  written  at  the  end  of  his 
Commonplace  Book,  but  no  date  is  given.  His  visit  may  have  been 
made  in  some  of  the  vacations  of  his  college  life. 


DESCRIPTION 

OF   THE 

CAVE    OF    DUNMORE 

There  is  one  of  the  rarities  of  this  kingdom  which, 
though  I  judge  considerable  enough  to  take  place  amongst 
the  rest,  yet  so  it  is  I  neither  nnd  it  described  nor  so 
much  as  mentioned  by  those  who  are  curious  in  things 
of  this  nature — I  mean  the  Cave  of  Dunmore.  In  default 
therefore  of  a  better,  I  offer  to  the  world  my  own  account 
of  this  remarkable  place,  so  far  as  I  shall  be  able  to 
copy  it  from  what  I  remember  either  to  have  seen  myself 
or  heard  from  others. 

This  cave  is  distant  four  miles  from  Kilkenny  and  two 
from  Dunmore,  his  grace  the  Duke  of  Ormond's  country 
house,  from  whence  it  has  its  name.  Its  mouth  or  entrance 
is  situated  in  a  rising  ground,  and  affords  a  very  dismal 
prospect,  being  both  wide  and  deep,  and  on  all  sides  rocky 
and  precipitous  save  one,  which  is  a  slope,  part  whereof 
is  fashioned  into  a  path  and  in  some  places  into  steps. 
This  as  well  as  the  rest  of  the  sides  is  overrun  with  elder  ^ 
and  other  shrubs,  which  add  to  the  horror  of  the  place, 
and  make  it  a  suitable  habitation  for  ravens,  screech- 
owls,  and  such  like  feral  birds,  which  abide  in  the  cavities 
of  the  rock. 

At  the  foot  of  this  descent,  by  an  opening  which  re- 
sembles a  wide  arched  gate,  we  entered  into  a  spacious 
vault,  the  bottom  whereof  is  always  slabby  by  reason  of 
the  continual  distillation  of  rock-water.      Here   we   bad 

*  The  early  name  of  the  Cave       cave.     The  alder  tree  is  called  in 
was  DeatX'Feartuiy  i.  e.  the  alder-       Irish. /earn. 


76  DESCRIPTION    OF   THE 

farewell  to  daylight,  which  was  succeeded  by  a  formidable 
darkness  that  fills  the  hollows  of  this  capacious  cavern. 
And  having,  by  the  help  of  our  candles,  spy'd  out  our  way 
towards  the  left  hand\  and  not  without  some  difficulty 
clambered  over  a  ruinous  heap  of  huge  unwieldy  stones, 
we  descry'd  a  farther  entrance  into  the  rock,  but  at  some 
distance  from  the  ground.  Here  nature  seemed  to  have 
made  certain  round  stones  jut  out  of  the  wall  on  purpose 
to  facilitate  our  ascent. 

Having  gone  through  this  narrow  passage  we  were 
surprised  to  find  ourselves  in  a  vast  and  spacious  hall, 
the  floor  of  which  as  well  as  the  sides  and  roof  is  rock, 
though  in  some  places  it  be  clefl  into  very  frightful  chasms, 
yet  for  the  most  part  is  pretty  level  and  coherent ;  the 
roof  is  adorned  with  a  multitude  of  small  round  pipes  as 
thick  as  a  goose-quill,  and,  if  I  misremember  not,  a  foot 
long  or  thereabouts ;  from  each  of  'em  there  distils  a  drop 
of  clear  water,  which,  congealing  at  the  bottom,  forms  a 
round,  hard,  and  white  stone.  The  noise  of  these  falling 
drops  being  somewhat  augmented  by  the  echo  of  the  cave, 
seems  to  make  an  agreeable  harmony  amidst  so  profound 
a  silence.  The  stones,  which  I  take  to  be  three  or  four 
inches  high  (they  all  seeming  much  of  a  bigness),  being 
set  thick  in  the  pavement  make  a  very  odd  figure.  Here 
is  likewise  an  obelisque  of  a  greyish  colour,  and  (I  think) 
about  three  or  four  feet  high.  The  drop  which  formed 
it  has  ceased,  so  that  it  receives  no  farther  increment. 

This  cave,  in  the  great  variety  of  its  congelations  as 
well  as  in  some  other  respects,  seems  not  a  little  to  re- 
semble one  I  find  described  by  the  name  of  Les  Grottes 
d'Arcy,  in  a  French  treatise  jDe  FOrigine  des  Fontaines, 
dedicated  to  the  famous  Huygenius,  and  printed  at  Paris 
in  1678.  But  I  must  own  that  the  French  cave  has  much 
the  advantage  of  ours,  on  account  of  the  art  and  regularity 
which  nature  has  observed  in  forming  its  congelations, 
or  else  that  anonymous  French  author  has  infinitely 
surpassed  me  in  strength  of  fancy  ;  for,  after  having  given 
a  long  detail  of  several  things  which  he  says  are  there 
represented  by  them,  he  concludes  with  these  words, 
'  Enfin  Ton  y  voit  les  ressemblances  de  tout  ce  qu'on  peut 

^  Right  hand.     Berkeley  is  wrong  as  to  the  direction. 


CAVE    OF    DUNMORE  77 

s'imaginer,   soit  d'hommes,  d'animaux,   de  poissons,   de 

fruits,  &c.' :  i.  e.  in  short,  here  you  may  see  whatever  you 

can  possibly  imagine,  whether  men,  beasts,  fishes,  fruits, 

or  anything  else.     Now,  though  as  much  be  confidently 

reported  and  believed  of  our  cave,  yet,  to  speak  ingenuously, 

'tis  more  than  I  could  find  to  be  true :  but,  on  the  contrary, 

am  mightily  tempted  to  think  all  that  curious  imagery  is 

chiefly  owing  to  the  strength  of  imagination ;   for  like  as 

we  see  the  clouds  so  far  comply  with  the  fancy  of  a  child, 

as  to  represent  to  him  trees,  horses,  men,  or  whatever 

else  he  *s  pleased  to  think  on,  so  'tis  no  difficult  matter  for 

men  of  a  strong  imagination  to  fancy  the  petrified  water 

stamped  with  the  impressions  of  their  own  brain,  when  in 

reality  it  may  as  well  be  supposed  to  resemble  one  thing 

as  another. 

By  what  has  been  observed  it  appears  the  congelations 
are  not  all  of  the  same  colour ;  the  pipes  look  very  like 
alum,  the  stones  formed  by  their  drops  are  white  inclining 
to  yellow,  and  the  obelisque  I  mentioned  differs  from  both. 
There  is  also  a  quantity  of  this  congealed  water  that  by 
reason  of  its  very  white  colour  and  irregular  figure  at 
some  distance  resembles  a  heap  of  snow;  and  such  at 
first  sight  I  took  it  to  be,  much  wondering  how  it  came 
there.  When  we  approached  it  with  a  light  it  sparkled 
and  cast  a  lively  lustre,  and  we  discerned  in  its  superficies 
a  number  of  small  cavities.  But  the  noblest  ornament  of 
this  spacious  hall  is  a  huge  channelled  pillar  which,  stand- 
ing in  the  middle,  reaches  from  top  to  bottom.  There  is 
in  one  side  of  it  a  cavity  that  goes  by  the  name  of  the 
alabaster  chair.  The  congelations  which  form  this  column 
are  of  a  yellowish  colour,  and  as  to  their  shape  something 
h'ke  the  pipes  of  an  organ.  But  organs  I  find  are  no 
rarity  in  places  of  this  nature ;  they  being  to  be  met  not 
only  in  the  cave  of  Arcy,  and  that  of  Antiparos  described 
in  the  same  treatise,  pp.  279  and  287,  but  also  in  one  near 
the  Firth  of  Forth  in  Scotland,  mentioned  by  Sir  Robert 
Sibbald  in  the  Philosophical  Transactions,  No.  222  \     This 

^  This   is   in   a  letter  from  Sir  particulars  of  the  Caves  and  natural 

Robert    Sibbald    to    Dr.    Martin  history  of  the   Isle   of  Skye,  to 

Lister,  published    in    the   Philos.  ^  Mr.  Martin,  my  friend,  a  curious 

Trans,   for  October,   1696.      The  gentleman,  who  was  born  there.' 

letter  refers,  by  the  way,  for  some  This  was  Murdoch  Martin,  author 


78  DESCRIPTION    OF   THE 

I  look  upon  to  be  in  all  respects  by  far  the  greatest  pillar 
I  ever  saw,  and  believe  its  pedestal,  which  is  of  a  dark 
colour  and  with  a  glorious  sparkling  reflects  the  light  of 
a  candle,  may  be  as  much  as  three  men  can  well  fathom. 

I  am  concerned  that  I  did  not  take  the  dimensions  both 
of  this  lofty  pillar  and  of  the  other  things  I  endeavour  to 
describe.  I  am  sorry  I  cannot  furnish  the  curious  with  an 
exact  account  of  the  length,  breadth,  and  height  of  these 
subterraneous  chambers,  and  have  reason  to  think  my 
reader  has  by  this  time  often  blamed  me  for  using  such 
undetermined  expressions  as  wide,  narrow,  deep,  &c., 
where  something  more  accurate  may  be  looked  for.  All 
I  can  say  is  that  I  endeavour  to  give  a  faithful  account 
of  this  place,  so  far  as  I  can  recollect  at  the  distance  of 
almost  seven  years,  and  am  of  opinion  this  imperfect 
sketch  might  not  be  altogether  unacceptable  to  the  curious, 
till  such  time  as  some  one  shall  have  an  opportunity  of 
giving  'em  a  more  full  and  accurate  description  of  this 
place. 

Here  it  was  I  desired  one  of  our  company  to  fire  oflF  his 
gun ;  the  sound  we  heard  for  a  considerable  time  roll 
through  the  hollows  of  the  earth,  and  at  length  it  could 
not  so  properly  be  said  to  cease  as  go  out  of  our  hearing. 
I  have  been  told  that  a  noise  thus  made  in  the  cave  may 
be  heard  by  one  walking  in  the  great  aisle  of  St.  Canic's 
church  in  Kilkenny,  but  know  no  one  who  ever  made  the 
experiment  \ 

Having  viewed  the  wonders  of  this  place  and  not  dis- 
covering any  further  passage,  we  returned  through  the 
narrow  entrance  we  came  in  by.  And  here  I  cannot  but 
call  to  mind  how  two  or  three  dogs  we  brought  along  with 
us,  not  venturing  to  go  any  further,  stayed  behind  in  the 
outer  cavern ;  these  creatures,  seeming  to  be  very  much 
amazed  at  the  horrid  solitude  wherewith  they  were 
environed,  and,  as  it  were  to  lament  their  deplorable 
state,  set  themselves  to  howl  with  all  their  might ;  which 
hideous  yelling,  continued  through  the  sonorous  windings 

of  the  Voyage  to  St,  Kilda  (1698),  The   story  is  that  a   piper,  who 

who    was    Berkeley*s    travelling  strayed  into   the   recesses  of  the 

companion  from  Calais  to  Paris,  in  Cave,  was  heard   playing  under- 

November,  1713.  ground,  near  St.  Maiy's  church,  in 

*  The  cathedral  of  St.  Canice.  Kilkenny. 


CAVE    OF    DUNMORE  79 

of  the  cave  and  reverberated  from  the  ambient  rocks, 
R^ould  undoubtedly  have  put  us  in  no  small  consternation 
iad  we  not  known  who  were  the  authors  of  it.     By  this 
time  some  of  our  company  thought  the^  had  seen  enough, 
and  were  very  impatient  to  get  out  of  this  dreadful  dungeon. 
The  rest  of  us  went  on  through  a  passage  opposite  to  the 
former,  and  much  of  the  same  wideness,  which  led  us  into 
another  cave  that  appeared  every  way  formidably  vast ; 
and  though  the  interval  of  time  may  have  rendered  my 
ideas  of  several  things  I  there  saw  dim  and  imperfect,  yet 
the  dismal  solitude,  the  fearful  darkness,  and  vast  silence 
of  that  stupendous  cavern  have  left  lasting  impressions 
in  my  memory.     The  bottom  is  in  great  part  strewed 
with  huge  massive  stones,  which  seem  by  the  violence  of 
an  earthquake  to  have  been  torn  from  the  rock,  and  the 
menacing  brows  of  the  shattered  remains,  which  threaten 
every  moment  to  tumble  from  the  roof,  are  apt  to  raise 
terrible  apprehensions  in  the  mind  of  one  who  beholds 
them   over  his  head.       One  who  visited  this  place  in 
company  of  some  others  told  me  that  when  they  were  just 
come  out  of  it  they  heard  a  dreadful  noise  from  within, 
which  they  imputed  to  the  fall  of  some  of  those  rocky 
fragments.     Advancing  forward  we  met  with  a  great  white 
congelation  set  against  the  side  of  the  cave,  which  some- 
what resembles  a  pulpit  with  a  canopy  over  it,  and  hard 
by  we  saw  the  earth  turned  up  at  the  entrance  of  a  rabbit- 
hole,  and  I  have  heard  others  affirm  that  very  far  in  this 
dark  and  dismal  place  they  have  met  with  fresh  rabbits'- 
dung  :  now  to  me  it  seems  strange  to  conceive  what  these 
little  animals  can  live  on,  for  it  passes  imagination  to  think 
they  can  find  the  way  in  and  out  of  the  cave,  unless  they 
can  see  in  the  dark.     Having  gone  a  little  further,  we 
were  surprised  with  the  agreeable  murmur  of  a  rivulet 
falling  through  the  clefts   of  the  rock ;    it  skims  along 
the  side  of  the  cave,  and  may  be,  as  I  guess,  about  six 
feet   over;    its  water  is  wonderfully  cool  and  pleasant, 
and  so  very  clear  that,  where  I  thought  it  was  scarce  an 
inch  deep,  I   found  myself  up  to  my  knees  \     This  ex- 
cellent water  runs   but  a  little  way  ere  the  rock  gapes 
to  swallow  it. 

^  I  am  told  that  this  rivulet  has  ceased  to  run. 


8o  DESCRIPTION    OF   THE 

But  what  is  most  surprising  is  that  the  bottom  of  this 
spring  is  all  overspread  with  dead  men's  bones,  and  for 
how  deep  I  cannot  tell.  On  the  brink  there  lies  part  of 
a  skull,  designed  as  a  drinking  bowl  for  those  whom  either 
thirst  or  curiosity  may  prompt  to  taste  of  this  subterraneous 
fountain ;  neither  need  any  one*s  niceness  be  offended  on 
account  of  the  bones,  for  the  continual  current  of  the 
water  has  sufficiently  cleansed  them  from  all  filth   and 

Putrefaction.  *Tis  likewise  reported  that  there  are  great 
eaps  of  dead  men*s  bones  to  be  seen  piled  up  in  the 
remote  recesses  of  this  cavern;  but  what  brought  them 
thither  there  *s  not  the  least  glimpse  of  tradition  that  ever 
I  could  hear  of  to  inform  us.  'Tis  true  I  remember  to 
have  heard  one  tell  how  an  old  Irishman,  who  served  for 
a  guide  into  the  cave,  solved  him  this  problem,  by  saying 
that  in  days  of  yore  a  certain  carnivorous  beast  dwelling 
there  was  wont  furiously  to  lay  about  him,  and  whoever 
were  unhappy  enough  to  come  in  his  way  hurry  them  for 
food  into  that  his  dreadful  den.  But  this,  methinks,  has 
not  the  least  show  of  probability ;  for,  in  the  first  place, 
Ireland  seems  the  freest  country  in  the  world  from  such 
manslaughtering  animals,  and,  allowing  there  was  some 
such  pernicious  beast,  some  anomalous  production  of  this 
country,  then,  those  bones  being  supposed  the  relicks  of 
devoured  men,  one  might  reasonably  expect  to  find  'em 
scattered  up  and  down  in  all  parts  of  the  cave,  rather  than 
piled  up  in  heaps  or  gathered  together  in  the  water. 
There  are  who  guess  that,  during  the  Irish  rebellion  in 
'41,  some  Protestants,  having  sought  refuge  in  this  place, 
were  there  massacred  by  the  Irish.  But  if  it  were  so, 
methinks  we  should  have  something  more  than  bare  con- 
jecture to  trust  to  ;  both  history  and  tradition  could  never 
have  been  silent  in  it,  and  the  Irishman  I  just  now  spoke 
of  must  certainly  have  known  it,  though  of  him  indeed  it 
might  be  said  he  would  be  apt  to  conceal  the  barbarous 
cruelty  of  his  countrymen.  Moreover,  'tis  observed  the 
deeper  bodies  are  laid  in  the  earth,  so  as  to  be  sheltered 
from  the  injuries  and  change  of  the  weather,  they  remain 
the  longer  uncorrupted.  But  I  never  heard  that  they 
who  have  seen  these  bones  about  thirty  or  forty  years  ago 
observed  any  difference  in  them  as  to  their  freshness  from 
what  they  are  at  present.      Who  knows  but  in  former 


CAVE    OF    DUNMORE  8l 

times  this  cave  served  the  Irish  for  the  same  purpose  for 
w^Jiich  those  artificial  caves  of  Rome  and  Naples  called 
catacombs  were  intended  by  the  ancients,  i.e.  was  a  re- 
pository for  their  dead ;  but  still  what  should  move  them 
to  Jay  the  bones  we  saw  in  the  water  I  cannot  possibly 
divine.     'Tis  likewise   very  hard   to  imagine  why  they 
H^ere  at  the  pains  to  drag  the  corses  through  long  and 
narrow  passages,  that  so  they  might  inter  them  farther 
in  the  obscure  depths  of  the  cave.     Perhaps  they  thought 
their  deceased  friends  would  enjoy  a  more  undisturbed 
security  in  the  innermost  chambers  of  this  melancholy 
vault. 

Proceeding  forward  we  came  to  a  place  so  low  that  our 
heads  almost  touched  the  top ;  a  little  beyond  this  we 
were  forced  to  stoop,  and  soon  after  creep  on  our  knees. 
Here  the  roof  was  thick  set  with  crystal  pipes,  but  they 
had  all  given  over  dropping ;  they  were  very  brittle,  and 
as  we  crept  along  we  broke  'em  off  with  our  hats,  which 
rubbed  against  the  roof.  On  our  left  hand  we  saw  a  ter- 
rible hiatus,  that  by  its  black  and  scaring  looks  seemed  to 
penetrate  a  great  way  into  the  bowels  of  the  earth.  And 
here  we  met  with  a  good  quantity  of  petrified  water,  in 
which,  though  folks  may  fancy  they  see  the  representations 
of  a  great  many  things,  yet  I  profess  I  know  not  what 
more  fitly  to  compare  it  to  than  to  the  blearings  of  a  candle. 
These  congelations  which  stood  in  our  way  had  almost 
stopped  up  the  passage,  so  that  we  were  obliged  to  return. 
I  will  not  deny  that  there  are  other  passages  which  by 
a  diligent  search  we  might  have  discovered,  or  a  guide 
acquainted  with  the  place  have  directed  us  to.  For  'tis 
generally  thought  no  one  ever  went  to  the  end  of  this  cave, 
but  that  being  sometimes  forced  to  creep  through  narrow 

fassages,  one  comes  again  into  great  and  spacious  vaults, 
have  heard  talk  of  several  persons  who  are  said  to  have 
taken  these  subterraneous  journeys  ;  particularly  one  St. 
Leger,  who,  having  provided  a  box  of  torches  and  victuals 
for  himself  and  his  man,  is  reported  to  have  travelled  for 
the  space  of  two  or  three  days  in  the  untrodden  paths 
of  this  horrible  cave,  and  that  when  his  victuals  were  well- 
nigh  spent  and  half  his  torches  burnt  out,  he  left  his  sword 
standing  in  the  ground  and  made  haste  to  return.  I  have 
also  been  told  that  others,  having  gone  a  great  way,  wrote 

BBRKBLEY:     FRASER.       IV.  ^ 


82  DESCRIPTION    OF   THE 

their  names  on  a  dead  man's  skull,  which  they  set  up  for 
a  monument  at  their  journey's  end.  But  I  will  not  vouch 
for  the  truth  of  these  and  many  other  stories  I  have  heard, 
many  whereof  are  apparently  fabulous. 

But  one  thing  I  am  very  credibly  informed,  viz.  that  out 
of  the  first  cavern  whence  we  entered  into  the  two  caves 
I  already  spoke  of,  there  was  formerly  a  passage  into 
a  third,  which  has  been  stopped  up  by  the  fall  of  such 
pendulous  rocks  as  are  above  mentioned  ;  and  that,  about 
thirty  years  ago,  a  grave  and  inquisitive  gentleman  of  these 
parts,  having  gone  a  great  way  in  the  said  cave,  spy'd 
a  hole  in  one  side  of  it,  into  which,  when  his  man  had 
thrust  his  head  in  order  to  discover  what  sort  of  a  place 
it  was,  the  gentleman  was  amazed  to  find  him  speechless ; 
whereupon  he  straightway  drew  him  forth,  and  firing  off 
his  pistol  to  put  the  air  in  motion,  the  man,  whom  the 
stagnating  damp  had  caused  to  faint,  came  to  himself,  and 
told  his  master  he  had  seen  within  the  hole  a  huge  and 
spacious  cavern.  This  accident  discouraged  the  gentle- 
man from  prosecuting  his  journey  for  the  present,  though 
he  saw  a  plain  and  direct  way  before  his  face  ;  neverthe- 
less he  designed  to  return  soon  after,  and  make  a  diligent 
inquiry  into  the  nature  and  extent  of  that  mysterious  place, 
but  was  prevented  by  death. 

After  all,  I  have  known  some  so  unreasonable  as  to 
question  whether  this  cave  was  not  the  workmanship  of 
men  or  giants  in  old  time,  though  it  has  all  the  rudeness 
and  simplicity  of  nature,  and  is  much  too  big  for  art.  Nor 
is  there  anything  so  strange  or  unaccountable  in  it,  con- 
sidering its  entrance  is  in  a  hill,  and  the  country  all 
around  it  hilly  and  uneven ;  for,  from  the  origin  of  hills 
and  mountains,  as  it  is  delivered  by  Descartes  \  and  since 
him  by  our  later  theorists,  'tis  plain  they  are  hollow,  and 
include  vast  caverns ;  which  is  further  confirmed  by  ex- 
perience and  observation. 

Soon  after  I  finished  the  foregoing  description  of  the 
cave,  I  had  it  revised  by  Mr.  William  Jackson,  a  curious 
and  philosophical  young  gentleman,  who  was  very  lately 
there.  He  said  the  account  I  gave  was  very  agreeable 
to  what  he  himself  had  seen,  and  was  pleased  to  allow  it 

^  Prindpia,  Pars  Quarta,  cap.  44. 


CAVE    OF    DUNMORE  83 

a  greater  share  of  exactness  than  I  durst  have  claimed 
to  it    He  had  with  him  an  ingenious  friend,  who  designed 
to  have  taken  the  plan  and   dimensions  of  the  several 
caverns,  and  whatever  was  remarkable  in  them ;    but  the 
uneasiness  they  felt  from  a  stifling  heat  hindered  them 
from  staying  in  the  cave  so  long  as  was  requisite  for  that 
purpose.    This  may  seem  somewhat  surprising,  especially 
if  it  be  observed  that  we  on  the  contrary  found  it  extremely 
cool  and  refreshing.     Now,  in  order  to  account  for  this 
alteration,   'tis  to  be  observed  those  gentlemen  felt  the 
heat  about  the  beginning  of  spring,  before  the  influence 
of  the  sun  was  powerful  enough  to  open  the  pores  of  the 
earth,  which  as  yet  were  close  shut  by  the  cold  of  the  pre- 
ceding winter ;   so  that  those  hot  streams  which  are  con- 
tinually sent  up  by  the  centi*al  heat — for  that  there   is 
a  central  heat  all  agree,  though  men  differ  as  to  its  cause, 
some  deriving  from  an  incrusted  star,  others  from  the 
nucleus  of  a  comet  sunburnt  in  its  perihelium — remained 
pent  up  in  the  cavern,  not  finding  room  to  perspire  through 
the  uppermost  strata  of  rock  and  'earth  :  whereas  I  was 
there  about  a  month  after  the  summer  solstice,  when  the 
solar  heat  had  for  a  long  time  and  in  its  full  strength 
dwelt  upon  the  face  of  the  earth,  unlocking  its  pores  and 
thereby  yielding  a  free  passage  to  the  ascending  streams  \ 
Mr.  Jackson  informed  me  of  another  observable  [fact] 
that  I  had  not  taken  notice  of,  viz.  that  some  of  the  bones 
which  lay  in  the  water  were  covered  over  with  a  stony 
crust ;  and  Mr.  Bindon  (so  was  the  other  gentleman  called) 
told  me  he  met  with  one  that  to  him  seemed  petrified 
throughout. 

Before  I  have  done  I  must  crave  leave  to  advertise  my 
reader  that  where,  out  of  compliance  with  custom,  I  use 
the  terms  congelation,  petrification,  &c.,  I  would  not  be 
understood  to  think  the  stones  formed  of  the  droppings 
were  made  of  mere  water  metamorphosed  by  any  lapidific 
virtue  whatever ;  being,  as  to  their  origin  and  consistence, 
entirely  of  the  learned  Dr.  Woodward's  opinion,  as  set 
forth  m  his  Natural  History  of  the  Earth^^  pp.  191  and 

*  This    is    not  discordant  with  nomena. 

modem  science,  and  is  character-  '^  An  Essay  towards  the  Natural 

istic  of  Berkeley,  who  was  fond  History    of  the   Earth,     With    an 

o(  speculating  about  natural  phe-  Account  of  the  Universal  Deluge^ 

G  1 


84  DESCRIPTION    OF   THE    CAVE    OF    DUNMORE 

192,  where  he  takes  that  kind  of  stone,  by  naturalists 
termed  stalactites,  to  be  only  a  concretion  of  such  stony 
particles  as  are  borne  along  with  the  water  in  its  passage 
through  the  rock  from  whence  it  distils. 

and  of  the  Effects  that  it  had  upon  appeared  in  London  in  1695,  ^^^ 

the   Earth,  by  John  Woodward,  the  second  in  1723.     The  reference 

M.D.,    Professor    of    Physick    in  here  is  to  the  first  edition. 
Gresham  College.  The  first  edition 


THE    REVELATION 
OF    LIFE  AND    IMMORTALITY 


A  DISCOURSE 


DELIVERED  IN  THE  CHAPEL  OF  TRINITY 
COLLEGE,  DUBLIN,   ON   SUNDAY 
EVENING,  JANUARY   ii,   1705 


First  published  in  187 1 


NOTE 

This  Discourse  was  found  among  the  Berkeley  MSS.in 
the  possession  of  the  late  Archdeacon  Rose,  and  was  first 
published  in  1871,  in  my  former  edition  of  Berkeley's 
Works.  It  was  written  when  he  was  in  his  twenty-third 
year,  and  is  interesting  biographically.  As  he  took 
Deacon's  orders  only  in  February,  1709,  this  Discourse ^ 
delivered  more  than  a  year  before,  may  have  been  of  the 
nature  of  an  academical  exercise.  The  Future  Life  of  Man 
is  the  subject  of  more  than  one  of  his  essays  in  the 
Guardian,  and  is  considered  in  various  parts  of  the  Prin- 
ciples and  Alciphron. 


THE 


REVELATION    OF    IMMORTALITY 


2  Tim.  I,  lo. 

Jesus  Christ,  who  hath  abolished  death,  and  hath  brought  life  and 
immortality  to  light  through  the  gospel. 

Whether  or  no  the  knowledge  of  eternal  life  may  be 
reckoned  among  the  attainments  of  some  ancient  philoso- 
phers, I  shall  not  now  inquire.  Be  that  as  it  will,  sure 
I  am  the  doctrine  of  life  and  immortality  was  never  so 
current  and  universal  as  since  the  coming  of  our  blessed 
Saviour.  For  though  it  be  granted,  which  nevertheless 
is  very  hard  to  conceive,  that  some  few  of  extraordinary 
parts  and  application  might,  by  the  unassisted  force  of 
reason,  have  obtained  a  demonstrative  knowledge  of  that 
important  point;  yet  those  who  wanted  either  leisure 
or  abilities  for  making  so  great  and  difficult  a  discovery, 
which  was  doubtless  the  far  greatest  part  of  mankind, 
must  still  have  remained  in  the  dark:  for,  though  they 
who  saw  farther  than  other  men  should  tell  them  the 
result  of  their  reasonings,  yet  he  that  knows  not  the 
premises  could  never  be  certain  of  the  conclusion  except 
his  teacher  had  the  power  of  working  miracles  for  his 
conviction.  'Tis  therefore  evident  that,  whatever  dis- 
coveries of  a  future  state  were  made  by  those  that  diverted 
their  thoughts  that  way,  how  far  soever  they  might  have 
seen,  yet  all  this  light  was  smothered  in  their  own  bosoms, 
not  a  ray  to  enlighten  the  rest  of  mankind  till  the  dawning 
of  the  Sun  of  Righteousness,  who  brought  life  and  immor- 
tality to  light  by  the  gospel.     In  discoursing  on  which 


88  THE    REVELATION   OF   IMMORTALITY 

words  I  shall  observe  the  following  method : — ist,  I  shall 
consider  what  effect  this  revelation  has  had  on  the  Chris- 
tian world;  2ndly,  I  shall  inquire  how  it  comes  to  pass 
that  it  has  no  greater  effect  on  our  lives  and  conversations ; 
3rdly,  I  shall  shew  by  what  means  it  may  be  rendered 
more  effectual. 

As  to  the  ist  point,  one  would  think  he  had  not  far  to 
seek  for  the  effects  of  so  important  and  universal  a  reve- 
lation— a  revelation  of  eternal  happiness  or  misery,  the 
unavoidable  inheritance  of  every  man,  delivered  by  the 
Son  of  God,  confirmed  by  miracles,  and  owned  by  all  the 
professors  of  Christianity.  If  some  among  the  heathen 
practised  good  actions  on  no  other  view  than  the  temporal 
advantages  to  civil  society;  if  others  were  found  who 
thought  virtue  a  reward  sufficient  for  itself;  if  reason  and 
experience  had  long  before  convinced  the  world  how 
unpleasant  and  destructive  vice  had  been,  as  well  to  its 
votaries  as  the  rest  of  mankind,  what  man  would  not 
embrace  a  thing  in  itself  so  lovely  and  profitable  as  virtue, 
when  recommended  by  the  glorious  reward  of  life  and 
immortality  ?  what  wretch  so  obdurate  and  foolish  as  not 
to  shun  vice,  a  thing  so  hateful  and  pernicious,  when  dis- 
couraged therefrom  by  the  additional  terrors  of  eternal 
death  and  damnation  ?  Thus  might  a  man  think  a  thorough 
reformation  of  manners  the  necessary  effect  of  such  a 
doctrine  as  our  Saviour's.  He  may  perhaps  imagine  that 
men,  as  soon  as  their  eyes  were  opened,  would  quit  all 
thoughts  of  this  perishing  earth,  and  extend  their  views  to 
those  new-discovered  regions  of  life  and  immortality. 
Thus,  I  say,  might  a  man  hope  and  argue  with  himself. 
But,  alas !  upon  inquiry  all  this,  I  fear,  will  be  found 
frustrated  hopes  and  empty  speculation. 

Let  us  but  look  a  little  mto  matter  of  fact.  How  far,  I 
beseech  you,  do  we  Christians  surpass  the  old  heathen 
Romans  in  temperance  and  fortitude,  in  honour  and 
integrity  ?  Are  we  less  given  to  pride  and  avarice,  strife 
and  faction,  than  our  Pagan  ancestors?  With  us  that 
have  immortality  in  view,  is  not  the  old  doctrine  of '  Eat 
and  drink,  for  to-morrow  we  die,'  as  much  in  vogue  as 
ever  ?  We  inhabitants  of  Christendom,  enlightened  with 
the  light  of  the  Gospel,  instructed  by  the  Son  of  God,  are 
we  such  shining  examples  of  peace  and  virtue  to   the 


DELIVERED    IN   TRINITY    COLLEGE    CHAPEL  89 

unconverted  Gentile  world  ?  and  is  it  less  certain  than 
wonderful  that  now,  when  the  fulness  of  time  is  come, 
and  the  light  of  the  Gospel  held  forth  to  guide  every  man 
through  piety  and  virtue  into  everlasting  happiness, — I 
say,  is  it  not  equally  evident  and  strange,  that  at  this  time 
of  day  and  in  these  parts  of  the  world  men  go  together  by 
the  ears  about  the  things  of  this  life,  and  scramble  for 
a  little  dirt  within  sight  of  heaven  ? 

I  come  now  to  inquire  into  the  cause  of  this  strange 
blindness  and  infatuation  of  Christians,  whence  it  is  that 
immortality,  a  happy  immortality,  has  so  small  influence, 
when  the  vain,  transitory  things  of  this  life  do  so  strongly 
affect  and  engage  us  in  the  pursuit  of  them?  Wherein 
consists  the  wondrous  mechanism  of  our  passions,  which 
are  set  a-going  by  the  small  inconsiderable  objects  of 
sense,  whilst  things  of  infinite  weight  and  moment  are 
altogether  ineffectual?  Did  Heaven  but  kindle  in  our 
hearts  hopes  and  desires  suitable  to  so  great  and  excellent 
an  object,  doubtless  all  the  actions  of  our  lives  would  evi- 
dently concur  to  the  attainment  thereof.  One  could  be  no 
longer  to  seek  for  the  effects  of  our  Saviour's  revelation 
amongst  us.  Whoever  beheld  a  Christian  would  straight- 
way take  him  for  a  pilgrim  on  earth,  walking  in  the  direct 
path  to  heaven.  So  regardless  should  he  be  of  the  things 
of  this  life,  so  full  of  the  next,  and  so  free  from  the  vice 
and  corruption  which  at  present  stains  our  profession.  If, 
then,  we  can  discover  how  it  comes  to  pass  that  our  desire 
of  life  and  immortality  is  so  weak  and  ineffectual,  we  shall 
in  some  measure  see  into  the  cause  of  those  many  con- 
tradictions which  are  too  conspicuous  betwixt  the  faith 
and  practice  of  Christians,  and  be  able  to  solve  that  great 
riddle,  namely,  that  men  should  think  infinite  eternal  bliss 
within  their  reach  and  scarce  do  anything  for  the  obtaining 
it.  Rational  desires  are  vigorous  in  proportion  to  the 
goodness  and,  if  I  may  so  speak,  attainableness  of  their 
objects  ;  for  whatever  provokes  desire  does  it  more  or  less 
according  as  it  is  more  or  less  desirable ;  and  what  makes 
a  thing  desirable  is  its  goodness  or  agreeableness  to  our 
nature,  and  also  the  probability  there  is  of  our  being  able 
to  obtain  it.  For  that  which  is  apparently  out  of  our 
reach  affects  us  not,  desire  being  a  spur  to  action,  and 
no  rational  agent  directing  his  actions  to  what  he  sees 


90  THE    REVELATION    OF    IMMORTALITY 

I  impossible.  I  know  a  late  incomparable  philosopher '  will 
I  have  the  present  uneasiness  the  mind  feels,  which  ordi- 
narily is  not  proportionate  to  the  goodness  of  the  object, 
to  determine  the  will.  But  I  speak  not  of  the  ordinary 
brutish  appetites  of  men,  but  of  well-grounded  rational 
desires,  which,  from  what  has  been  said,  *tis  plain  are  in 
a  direct  compounded  reason  of  the  excellency  and  cer- 
tainty of  their  objects.  ThuSj  an  object  with  half  the 
goodness  and  double  the  certairify,  and  another  wTtfTKalf 
the  certainty  and  double  the  goodness,  are  equally  desired ; 
iandjmiyersally  those  lots  are  alike  esteemed  wneremlfie 
;  pnzes^re  reciprocally  ais  the  chances.  Let  us  nowHSy 
this  riile  try  what  value  we  ought  to  put  on  our  Saviour's 
promises,  with  what  degree  of  zeal  and  desire  we  should 
in  reason  pursue  those  things  Jesus  Christ  has  brought  to 
light  by  the  Gospel.  In  order  whereunto  it  will  be  proper, 
ist,  to  consider  their  excellency,  and  2dly,  the  certainty 
there  is  of  our  obtaining  them  upon  fulfilling  the  conditions 
on  which  they  are  promised,  ist,  then,  the  things  pro- 
mised by  our  Saviour  are  life  and  immortality;  that  is, 
in  the  language  of  the  Scriptures,  eternal  happiness,  a 
happiness  large  as  our  desires,  and  those  desires  not 
stinted  to  the  lew  objects  we  at  present  receive  from  some 
dull  inlets  of  perception,  but  proportionate  to  what  our 
faculties  shall  be  when  God  has  given  the  finishing  stroke 
to  our  nature  and  made  us  fit  inhabitants  for  heaven — 
a  happiness  which  we  narrow-sighted  mortals  wretchedly 
point  out  to  ourselves  by  green  meadows,  fragrant  groves, 
refreshing  shades,  crystal  streams,  and  what  other  pleasant 
ideas  our  fancies  can  glean  up  in  this  vale  of  misery,  but 
in  vain;  since  the  Apostle  himself,  who  was  caught  up 
into  the  third  heaven,  could  give  no  other  than  this  empty 
though  emphatical  description  of  it :  'tis  what  *  eye  hath 
not  seen,  nor  ear  heard,  neither  hath  it  entered  into  the 
heart  of  man  to  conceive.'  Now,  by  the  foregoing  rule, 
the  hazard,  though  never  so  small  and  uncertain,  of  a  good 
so  ineffably,  so  inconceivably  great,  ought  to  be  more 
valued  and  sought  after  than  the  greatest  assurance  we 
can  have  of  any  sublunary  good ;  since  in  what  proportion 
this  good  is  more  certain  than  that,  in  as  great,  nay,  in 

^  Locke.      See  his  Essay  and  my  annotations,  Bk.  II.  ch.  xxi.  §§  29-41 
(Clarendon  Press  edition,  1894). 


DELIVERED    IN    TRINITY    COLLEGE    CHAPEL  91 

a  much  greater  proportion  that  good  is  more  excellent 
than  this.  'Twill  therefore  be  needless  to  inquire  nicely 
into  the  second  thing  which  was  to  be  considered,  namely, 
the  certainty  there  is  of  the  prize,  which  is  good  enough 
to  warrant  the  la3dng  out  all  our  care,  industry,  and  affec- 
tions on  the  least  hazard  of  obtaining  it. 

Whatever  effect  brutal  passion  may  have  on  some,  or 
thoughtlessness  and  stupidity  on  others,  yet  I  believe 
there  are  none  amongst  us  that  do  not  at  least  think  it 
as  probable  the  Gospel  may  be  true  as  fake.  Sure  I  am 
no  man  can  say  he  has  two  to  one  odds  on  the  contrary 
side.  But  when  life  and  immortality  are  at  stake,  we 
should  play  our  part  with  fear  and  trembling,  though 
'twere  an  hundred  to  one  but  we  are  cheated  in  the  end. 
Nay,  if  there  be  any,  the  least  prospect  of  our  winning  so 
noble  a  prize ;  and  that  there  is  some,  none,  the  beastliest 
libertine  or  most  besotted  atheist,  can  deny.  Hence  'tis 
evident  that,  were  our  desires  of  the  things  brought  to 
light  through  the  Gospel  such  as  in  strict  reason  they 
ought  to  be,  nothing  could  be  more  vigorous  and  intense, 
nothing  more  firm  and  constant  than  they;  and  desire 
producing  uneasiness,  and  uneasiness  action  in  proportion 
to  itself,  it  necessarily  follows  that  we  should  make  life 
and  immortality  our  principal  business,  directing  all  our 
thoughts,  hopes,  and  actions  that  way,  and  still  doing 
something  towards  so  noble  a  purchase.  But  since  it  is 
too  evidently  otherwise,  since  the  trifling  concerns  of  this 
present  life  do  so  far  employ  us  that  we  can  scarce  spare 
time  to  cast  an  eye  on  futurity  and  look  beyond  the  grave, 
'tis  a  plain  consequence  that  we  have  not  a  rational  desire 
for  the  things  brought  to  light  by  our  Saviour,  and  that 
because  we  do  not  exercise  our  reason  about  them  as  we 
do  about  more  trivial  concerns.  Hence  it  is  the  revelation 
of  life  and  immortality  has  so  little  effect  on  our  lives  and 
conversations ;  we  never  think,  we  never  reason  about  it. 
Now,  why  men  that  can  reason  well  enough  about  other 
matters,  should  act  the  beast  and  the  block  so  egregiously 
in  things  of  highest  importance ;  why  they  should  prove  so 
deaf  and  stupid  to  the  repeated  calls  and  promises  of  God, 
there  may,  I  think,  besides  the  ordinary  avocations  of  the 
world,  the  flesh,  and  the  devil,  be  assigned  these  two 
reasons  :  ist,  we  have  no  determined  idea  of  the  pleasures 


92  THE    REVELATION    OF    IMMORTALITY 

of  heaven,  and  therefore  they  may  not  so  forcibly  engage 
us  in  the  contemplation  of  them ;  2dly,  they  are  the  less 
thought  on  because  we  imagine  them  at  a  great  distance. 
As  to  the  ist,  'tis  true  we  can  in  this  life  have  no  deter- 
mined idea  of  the  pleasures  of  the  next,  and  that  because 
of  their  surpassing,  transcendent  nature,  which  is  not 
suited  to  our  present  weak  and  narrow  faculties.  But 
this  methinks  should  suffice,  that  they  shall  be  excellent 
beyond  the  compass  of  our  imagination,  that  they  shall 
be  such  as  God,  wise,  powerful,  and  good,  shall  think 
fit  to  honour  and  bless  his  family  withal.  Would  the 
Almighty  inspire  us  with  new  faculties,  and  give  us 
a  taste  of  those  celestial  joys,  there  could  be  no  longer 
living  in  this  world,  we  could  have  no  relish  for  the  things 
of  it,  but  must  languish  and  pine  away  with  an  incessant 
longing  after  the  next.  Besides,  there  could  be  no  virtue, 
no  vice ;  we  should  be  no  longer  free  agents,  but  irresistibly 
hurried  on  to  do  or  suffer  anything  for  the  obtaining  so 
great  felicity.  As  for  the  2d  reason  assigned  for  our 
neglect  of  the  life  to  come,  namely,  that  it  appears  to  be 
at  a  great  distance  from  us,  I  own  we  are  very  apt  to 
think  it  so,  though,  for  ought  that  I  can  see,  without  any 
reason  at  all.  The  world  we  live  in  may  not  unfitly  be 
compared  to  Alexander  the  Impostor's  temple,  as  described 
by  Lucian.  It  had  a  fore  and  a  back  door,  and  a  continual 
press  going  in  at  the  one  and  out  at  the  other,  so  there 
was  little  stay  for  any  one  to  observe  what  was  doing 
within.  Just  so  we  see  a  multitude  daily  crowding  into 
the  world  and  daily  going  out  of  it ;  we  have  scarce  time 
to  look  about  us,  and  if  we  were  left  every  one  to  his  own 
experience,  could  know  very  little  either  of  the  earth 
itself,  or  of  those  things  the  Almighty  has  placed  thereon, 
so  swift  is  our  progress  from  the  womb  to  the  grave ;  and 
yet  this  span  of  life,  this  moment  of  duration,  we  are 
senseless  enough  to  make  account  of  as  if  it  were  longer 
than  even  eternity  itself.  But,  granting  the  promised 
happiness  be  never  so  far  off,  and  let  it  appear  never  so 
small,  what  then  ?  Is  an  object  in  reality  little  because 
it  appears  so  at  a  distance?  And  I  ask,  whether 
shall  a  man  make  an  estimate  of  things  by  what  they 
really  are  in  themselves,  or  by  what  they  only  appear 
to  be? 


DELIVERED    IN    TRINITY    COLLEGE    CHAPEL  93 

I  come  now  to  the  third  and  last  thing  proposed,  namely, 
to  shew  how  our  Saviour's  revelation  of  life  and  immor- 
tality may  come  to  have  a  greater  effect  on  our  lives  and 
conversations.    Had  we  but  a  longing  desire  for  the  things 
brought  to  light  by  the  Gospel,  it  would  undoubtedly  shew 
itselfin  our  lives,  and  we  should  thirst  after  righteousness 
as  the  hart  panteth  after  the  water  brooks.    Now,  to  beget 
in  ourselves  this  zeal  and  uneasiness  for  life  and  immor- 
tality, we  need  only,  as  has  been  already  made  out,  cast 
an  eye  on  them,  think  and  reason  about  them  with  some 
degree  of  attention.     Let  any  man  but  open  his  eyes  and 
behold  the  two  roads  before  him — the  one  leading  through 
the  straight,  peaceful  paths  of  piety  and  virtue  to  eternal 
life ;  the  other  deformed  with  all  the  crookedness  of  vice, 
and  ending  in  everlasting  death, — I  say,  let  a  man  but  look 
before  him  and  view  them  both  with  a  reasonable  care, 
and  then  choose  which  he  will.     A  man  taking  such  a 
course  cannot  be  mistaken  in  his  choice ;  and  is  not  this 
a  small  thing  to  weigh  and  ponder  a  little  the  proffers  of 
the  Almighty  ?    Would  any  one  propose  to  us  a  bargain 
that  carried  with  it  some  prospect  of  worldly  advantage, 
we  should  without  doubt  think  it  worth  our  consideration  ; 
and  when  the  eternal  God  makes  us  an  offer  of  happiness, 
boundless  as  our  desires  and   lasting  as  our  immortal 
souls, — when  He  dispatches  His  well-beloved  Son  on  this 
momentous  message,  shall  we  remain  stupid  and  inatten- 
tive;  and  must  it  be  said  to  our  reproach  that  life  and 
immortality  are  pearls  before    swine  ?    'Tis    true    most 
people  have  a  peculiar  aversion  for  thinking,  but  especially 
to  trouble  one's  head  about  another  life  is  much  out  of 
fashion.    The  world  to  come  takes  up  little  of  our  thoughts 
and  less  of  our  conversation.     Wealth,  pleasure,  and  pre- 
ferment make  the  great  business  of  our  lives ;   and  wc 
stand  on  all  sides  exposed  to  the  solicitations  of  sense, 
which  never  fail  to  draw  off  our  thoughts  from   remote 
goods.     But  be  it  never  so  unfashionable,  be   it  never 
so  painful  and  laborious  a  task,  he  that  will  enjoy  heaven 
in  the  next  life  must  think  on  it  in  this;  he  must  break 
through  the  encumbrances  of  sense  and  pleasure  some- 
times to  have  a  serious  thought  of  eternity,  and  cast  an 
eye  on  the  recompense  of  reward.     In  short,  he  that  is 
not  resolved  to  walk  blindfold  down  to   hell  must  look 


94  THE    REVELATION    OF    IMMORTALITY 

about  him  betimes,  while  he  stands  upon  firm  ground,  and 
from  off  this  present  world  take  a  prospect  of  the  next, 
in  comparison  of  which  the  whole  earth  and  all  contained 
therein  is,  in  the  elegant  style  of  a  prophet,  no  more  than 
the  drop  of  a  bucket,  the  dust  of  a  balance,  yea  less  than 
nothing. 

Grant,  we  beseech  thee,  Almighty  God,  that  the  words 
which  we  have  heard  this  day  with  our  outward  ears  may, 
through  Thy  grace,  be  so  grafted  inwardly  in  our  hearts, 
that  they  may  bring  forth  in  us  the  fruit  of  good  living, 
to  the  honour  and  praise  of  Thy  Name ;  through  Jesus 
Christ  our  Lord. 

The  grace  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  the  love  of 
God,  and  the  fellowship  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  be  with  us 
all  evermore. 


PASSIVE    OBEDIENCE 


OR 


THE  CHRISTIAN   DOCTRINE  OF  NOT  RESISTING  THE 
SUPREME  POWER,    PROVED  AND  VINDICATED 


UPON 


THE   PRINCIPLES  OF  THE   LAW  OF  NATURE 

IN  A   DISCOURSE   DELIVERED  AT  THE  CHAPEL  OF 
TRINITY  COLLEGE,   DUBLIN 


^  Ncc  vero  aut  per  Senatum  aut  per  Populum  salvi  hac  Lege  possumus.' 

Cicero,  Fragment,  de  Repub, 


First  published  in  1712 


EDITOR'S    PREFACE 

TO   THE 

DISCOURSE  ON   PASSIVE  OBEDIENCE 

The  first  two  editions  of  this  Discourse  appeared  in 
London  in  1712,  'printed  for  H.  Clements,  at  the  Half- 
Moon  in  St.  Paul's  Church-yard.*  A  third  edition  followed 
in  1 7 13,  adding  sect.  53,  and  the  note  appended  to  sect.  48. 

The  Discourse  on  Passive  Obedience  is  the  fullest  exposi- 
tion Berkeley  has  given  of  his  ethical  theory,  as  held  when 
he  was  twenty-seven  years  of  age.  It  takes  the  form  of 
a  disquisition  on  the  ethics  of  civil  government,  which  the 
author  says  originally  'made  three  discourses,'  delivered 
in  the  chapel  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  given  afterwards 
to  the  world  '  in  the  form  of  one  entire  Discourse.' 

The  tract  is  interesting,  as  an  exposition  of  Berke- 
ley's general  ethical  principles,  besides  being  a  reasoned 
defence  of  the  special  duty  of  loyalty  to  civil  government 
as  opposed  to  rebellion.  By  '  passive  obedience '  he  means 
patient  submission  to  whatever  penalties  the  governing 
power  has  annexed  to  the  neglect  or  transgression  of  its 
laws,  in  those  cases  in  which  actual  performance  of  what 
is  enjoined  is  believed  by  the  governed  to  be  inconsistent 
with  reason  and  conscience  (sect.  3). 

He  begins  by  taking  for  granted  that  self-regard  is 
the  supreme  motive  of  human  conduct:  we  call  actions 

BBRKBLBY:     ERASER.      IV.  H 


98  editor's  preface  to  the 

good  or  evil  as  they  are  adapted  or  not  to  make  us  happy. 
But  for  distinguishing  goodness  or  happiness  that  is  real 
from  transitory  pleasures  we  must  refer  actions  abso- 
lutely to  principles  that  are  immutable — to  universal  Law. 
Now  it  is  a  truth  'immediately  evident  by  the  light  of 
nature,  that  there  is  a  sovereign,  omniscient  Spirit,  who 
alone  can  make  us  for  ever  happy,  or  for  ever  miser- 
able '  (sect.  6).  So  the  eternal  laws  of  the  universe  must 
at  last  be  referred  to  the  eternal  constitution  of  God,  in 
other  words,  to  Moral  Law,  vivified  or  personified.  And 
as  God  is  thus  absolute  goodness,  the  universal  laws  must 
have  for  their  end  the  highest  good  of  men ;  who  are  there- 
fore bound  in  reason  to  conform  their  actions  to  them. 
Because  God  is  perfectly  good,  the  well-being  of  all  men 
must  be  that  which  He  designs  should  be  procured  by 
the  concurrent  actions  of  each  man.  Self-regard  and 
philanthropy  are  reconciled  through  God. 

Now,  nten  can  be  supposed  to  concur  in  one  or  other 
of  jtwo  ways,  viz.  either  by  calculating  all  the  consequences 
of  each  action  which  they  are  moved  to  perform,  or  by 
conforming  their  actions  to  rules  that  are  eternal  and 
immutable.  The  first  of  these  ways  is  impossible,  for  it 
transcends  finite  intelligence  and  humUn  experience.  The 
ends  to  which  God  requires  our  concurrence  can,  there- 
fore, be  reached  only  by  the  application  of  universal  rules 
which  have  a  necessary  tendency  to  promote  the  well- 
being  of  mankind,  taking  in  all  men  from  the  beginning 
to  the  end  of  the  world. 

The  special  duty  of  '  passive  obedience,'  or  unresisting 
submission  to  the  penalties  of  disobedience,  is  deduced 
by  Berkeley  from  these  general  principles,  and  then  vindi- 
cated against  objections.  Loyalty  is  proposed  as  an  im- 
mutable moral  duty,  and  active  rebellion  is  argued  against 
as  resistance  to  the  eternal  laws  of  nature  or  God.  Sub- 
mission would  rest  on  a  precarious  foundation,  unless  it 
were  supported  by  the  conviction  that  civil  authority  is 


DISCOURSE    ON    PASSIVE    OBEDIENCE  99 

divine,   and  the   organisation   of   society  a  providential 
evolution. 

The  Discourse  was  published,  we  are  told,  in  order 
to  dispel  'false  accounts*  of  three  discourses  delivered 
in  Trinity  College.  That  it  did  not  at  first  succeed  in 
dissipating  suspicions  we  learn  from  Bishop  Stock,  who 
tells  US  that,  'in  1712,  the  principles  inculcated  in  Mr. 
Locke's  Two  Treatises  on  Government  seem  to  have  turned 
Berkeleys  attention  to  the  doctrine  of  Passive  Obedi- 
ence ;  in  support  of  which  he  printed  the  substance  of  three 
Commonplaces,  delivered  by  him  that  year  in  the  College- 
chapel,  a  work  which  afterwards  had  nearly  done  him 
some  injury  in  his  fortune.  For,  being  presented  by 
Mr.  Molyneux  to  their  late  Majesties,  then  Prince  and 
Princess  of  Wales  \  he  was  then  recommended  to  Lord 
Galway  for  some  preferment  in  the  Church  of  Ireland. 
But  Lord  Galway,  having  heard  of  these  discourses,  re- 
presented him  as  a  Jacobite;  an  impression  which  Mr. 
Molyneux  took  care  to  remove  from  the  minds  of  their 
Highnesses,  by  producing  the  work  in  question,  and  shew- 
ing that  it  contained  nothing  but  principles  of  loyalty  to 
the  present  happy  establishment.'  Yet  after  this,  in  June, 
1716,  Charles  Bering,  Lord  Percival's  cousin,  writes  from 
Dublin,  that  after  all  that  had  been  done  by  friends,  '  his 
prospects  were  bad,  as  the  Lords  Justices  had  made  a 
strong  representation  against  him ; '  and  before  the  end  of 
1716  he  left  England  on  his  way  to  Italy. 

In  those  years  '  Passive  Obedience '  was  associated  with 
Jacobitism,  and  it  is  not  wonderful  that  the  Discourse  should 
have  raised  suspicion.  Two  years  before,  Sacheverell  had 
preached  sermons  on  non-resistance  in  St.  Paul's,  which 
occasioned  a  trial,  raised  a  hot  controversy,  and  turned 
out  a  Whig  ministry.  But  Berkeley  could  not  be  a  party 
politician.     He   defended   passive   obedience  on  grounds 

*  Afterwards  George  II  and  ley  it  seems  was  presented  in 
Queen  Caroline,  to  whom  Berke-       17 16. 

H  2 


lOO      EDITOR  S    PREFACE   TO    PASSIVE    OBEDIENCE 

which  partisans  could  not  understand ;  and  his  loyalty  to 
the  House  of  Hanover  was  afterwards  abundantly  proved. 
This  Discourse  illustrates  his  disposition  to  search  for  the 
grounds  of  human  conduct  and  duty  among  the  broad 
principles  of  reason,  and  not  in  local  and  ephemeral 
considerations,  while  it  still  leaves  room  for  argument 
about  duty  in  particular  cases  (sect.  54).  In  the  supreme 
civil  power  and  the  social  organisation  of  which  it  is  the 
centre,  he  sees  something  deeper  than  popular  caprice 
and  Locke's  arbitrary  contract.  Fluctuating  desires  of 
ill-instructed  majorities  are  not  with  him  the  ultimate 
foundation  of  government;  neither  is  this  found  in  the 
claim  of  a  monarch.  Civil  Government  is  a  conception 
the  roots  of  which  are  deeper  than  monarchy;  deeper 
too  than  republicanism  and  democracy. 

This  Discourse  of  Berkeley's  youth  may  be  compared 
with  his  Discourse  to  Magistrates^  which  appeared  nearly 
a  quarter  of  a  century  later,  with  his  Letter  to  the  Roman 
Catholics  ofCloyne  during  the  Jacobite  Rising  in  1745,  and 
especially  with  the  Second,  Third,  and  Fourth  Dialogues 
in  Alciphron, 


TO    THE    READER 


That  an  absolute  passive  obedience  ought  not  to  be 
paid  any  civil  power,  but  that  submission  to  Government 
should  be  measured  and  limited  by  the  public  good  of  the 
society;  and  that  therefore  subjects  may  lawfully  resist 
the  supreme  authority,  in  those  cases  where  the  public 
good  shall  plainly  seem  to  require  it ;  nay,  that  it  is  their 
duty  to  do  so,  inasmuch  as  they  are  all  under  an  indis- 
pensable obligation  to  promote  the  common  interest : — 
these  and  the  like  notions,  which  I  cannot  help  thinking 
pernicious  to  mankind,  and  repugnant  to  right  reason, 
having  of  late  years  been  industriously  cultivated,  and  set 
in  the  most  advantageous  lights  by  men  of  parts  and 
learning,  it  seemed  necessary  to  arm  the  youth  of  our 
University  against  them,  and  take  care  they  go  into  the 
world  well  principled; — I  do  not  mean  obstinately  pre- 
judiced in  favour  of  a  party,  but,  from  an  early  acquaintance 
with  their  duty,  and  the  clear  rational  grounds  of  it, 
determined  to  such  practices  as  may  speak  them  good 
Christians  and  loyal  subjects. 

In  this  view,  I  made  three  Discourses  not  many  months 
since  in  the  College-chapel  \  which  some  who  heard  them 
thought  it  might  be  of  use  to  make  more  public:  and, 
indeed,  the  false  accounts  that  are  gone  abroad  concerning 
them  have  made  it  necessary.  Accordingly,  I  now  send 
them  into  the  world  under  the  form  of  one  entire  Dis- 
course. 

To  conclude:  as  in  writing  these  thoughts  it  was  my 
endeavour  to  preserve  that  cool  and  impartial  temper 
which  becomes  every  sincere  inquirer  after  truth,  so  I 
heartily  wish  they  may  be  read  with  the  same  disposition. 

^  [Trinity  College,  Dublin.  ] — Author. 


PASSIVE    OBEDIENCE 

Romans,  chap.  xiii.  ver.  2. 

*  Whosoever  resisteth  the  Power,  resisteth  the  ordinance  of  God.' 

T.  It  is  not  my  design  to  inquire  into  the  particular 
nature  of  the  government  and  constitution  of  these  king- 
doms ;  much  less  to  pretend  to  determine  concerning  the 
merits  of  the  different  parties  now  reigning  in  the  state. 
Those  topics  I  profess  to  lie  out  of  my  sphere,  and  they 
will  probably  be  thought  by  most  men  improper  to  be 
treated  of  in  an  audience  almost  wholly  made  up  of  young 
persons,  set  apart  from  the  business  and  noise  of  the 
world,  for  their  more  convenient  instruction  in  learning 
and  piety.  But  surely  it  is  in  no  respect  unsuitable  to 
the  circumstances  of  this  place  to  inculcate  and  explain 
every  branch  of  the  Law  of  Nature ;  or  those  virtues  and 
duties  which  are  equally  binding  in  every  kingdom  or 
society  of  men  under  heaven.  And  of  this  kind  I  take 
to  be  that  Christian  Duty  of  not  resisting  the  supreme 
Power,  implied  in  my  text — 'Whosoever  resisteth  the 
Power,  resisteth  the  ordinance  of  God.' 

In  treating  on  which  words  I  shall  observe  the  following 
method : — 

2.  First,  I  shall  endeavour  to  prove  that  there  is  an 
absolute  unlimited  non-resistance,  or  passive  obedience, 
due  to  the  supreme  civil  power,  wherever  placed  in  any 
nation  \ 

Secondly,  I  shall  inquire  into  the  grounds  and  reasons 
of  the  contrary  opinion  ^ 

Thirdly,  I  shall  consider  the  objections  drawn  from  the 
pretended  consequences  of  non-resistance  to  the  supreme 
power ', 

^  Sect.  4-32.  ^  Sect.  33-40.  "  Sect.  41-56. 


PRINCIPLES    OF   THE    LAW    OF    NATURE  103 

In  handling  these  points'  I  intend  not  to  build. oa^the 
authority  of_Holy  Scripture^  but  altogether  onjfie  Principles 
gTB^ason  common  to_all _mankindj  and  tEatpBecause 
there  are  some  very  ration^  and  learned  men,  who,  being 
verily  persuaded  an  absolute  passive  subjection  to  any 
earthly  power  is  repugnant  to  right  reason,  can  never 
bring  themselves  to  admit  such  an  interpretation  of  Holy 
Scripture  (however  natural  and  obvious  from  the  words) 
as  shall  make  that  a  part  of  Christian  religion  which  seems 
to  them  in  itself  manifestly  absurd,  and  destructive  of  the 
original  inherent  rights  of  human  nature. 

3.  I  do  not  mean  to  treat  of  that  submission  which  men 
are,  either  in  duty  or  prudence,  obliged  to  pay  inferior  or 
executive  powers;  neither  shall  I  consider  where  or  in 
what  persons  the  supreme  or  legislative  power  is  lodged 
in  this  or  that  government.  Only  thus  much  I  shall  take 
for  granted  :  that  there  is  in  every  civil  community,  some- 
where or  other,  placed  a  Supreme  Power  of  making  laws, 
and  enforcing  the  observation  of  them.  The  fulfilling  of 
those  laws,  either  by  a  punctual  performance  of  what  is 
enjoined  in  them,  or,  if  that  be  inconsistent  with  reason 
or  conscience,  by  a  patient  submission  to  whatever  penalties 
the  supreme  power  hath  annexed  to  the  neglect  or  trans- 
gression of  them,  is  termed  loyalty ;  as,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  making  use  of  force  and  open  violence,  either  to 
withstand  the  execution  of  the  laws,  or  ward  off  the 
penalties  appointed  by  the  supreme  power,  is  properly 
named  rebellion. 

Now,  to  make  it  evident  that  every  degree  of  rebellion 
is  criminal  in  the  subject,  I  shall,  in  the  first  place,  endeavour 
to  prove  that  Loyalty  is  a  natural  or  moral  duty;  and 
Disloyalty,  or  Rebellion,  in  the  most  strict  and  proper 
sense,  a  vice  or  breach  of  the  law  of  nature.  And,  secondly, 
I  propose  to  shew  that  the  prohibitions  of  vice,  or  negative 
precepts  of  the  law  of  nature,  as,  *  Thou  shalt  not  commit 
adultery.  Thou  shalt  not  forswear  thyself.  Thou  shalt  not 
resist  the  supreme  power,*  and  the  like,  ought  to  be  taken 
in  a  most  absolute,  necessary,  and  immutable  sense :  inso- 

*  The  three  parts  into  which  this  made  in  the  college  chapel,  here 
Discourse  is  thus  divided  probably  sent  into  the  world  as  one  Dis- 
correspond  to  the  *  three  discourses       course/ 


K' 


104  PASSIVE  obedience:   upon  the 

much  that  the  attainment  of  the  greatest  good,  or  deliver- 
ance from  the  greatest  evil,  that  can  befal  any  man  or 
number  of  men  in  this  life,  may  not  justify  the  least  viola- 
tion of  them. 

First  then,  I  am  to  shew  that  Loyalty  is  a  moral  duty, 
and  Disloyalty  or  Rebellion,  in  the  most  strict  and  proper 
sense,  a  vice,  or  breach  of  the  Law  of  Nature  \ 

4.  Though  it  be  a  point  agreed  amongst  all  wise  men, 
that  there  are  certain  moral  rules  or  laws  of  nature,  which 
carry  with  them  an  eternal  and  indispensable  obligation ; 
yet,  concerning  the  proper  methods  for  discovering  those 
laws,  and  distinguishing  them  from  others  dependent  on 
the  humour  and  discretion  of  men,  there  are  various 
opinions.  Some  direct  us  to  look  for  them  in  the  Divine 
Ideas ;  others  in  the  natural  inscriptions  on  the  mind : 
some  derive  them  from  the  authority  of  learned  men,  and 
the  universal  agreement  and  consent  of  nations :  lastly, 
others  hold  that  they  are  only  to  be  discovered  by  the 
deductions  of  reason.  The  three  first  methods  must  be 
acknowledged  to  labour  under  great  difficulties;  and  the 
last  has  not,  that  I  know,  been  anywhere  distinctly  ex- 
plained, or  treated  of  so  fully  as  the  importance  of  the 
subject  doth  deserve. 

I  hope  therefore  it  will  be  pardoned,  if,  in  a  discourse 
of  passive  obedience,  in  order  to  lay  the  foundation  of  that 
duty  the  deeper,  we  make  some  inquiry  into  the  origin, 
nature,  and  obligation  of  moral  duties  in  general,  and  the 
criterions  whereby  they  are  to  be  known. 

5.  Self-love  being  a  principle  of  all  others  the  most 
universal,  and  the  most  deeply  engraven  in  our  hearts,  it 
is  natural  for  us  to  regard  things  as  they  are  fitted  to 
augment  or  impair  our  own  happiness;  and  accordingly 
we  denominate  them  good  or  evil.  Our  judgment  is  ever 
employed  in  distinguishing  between  these  two;  and  it  is 
the  whole  business  of  our  lives  to  endeavour,  by  a  proper 
application  of  our  faculties,  to  procure  the  one  and  avoid 
the  other.     At  our  first  coming  into  the  world,  we  are 

*  Sect  4-25. 


PRINCIPLES    OF   THE    LAW    OF    NATURE  105 

entirely  guided   by  the  impressions  of  sense;    sensible] 
pleasure  being  the  infallible  characteristic  of  present  good, 
as  pain  is  of  evil.     But,  by  degrees,  as  we  grow  up  in  our 
acquaintance  with   the  nature  of  things,  experience   in- 
forms us  that  present  good  is  afterwards  often  attended  ' 
with  a  greater  evil;   and,  on  the  other  side,  that  present 
evil  is  not  less  frequently  the  occasion  of  procuring  to  us 
a  greater  future  good.     Besides,  as  the  nobler  faculties  of  . 
the  human  soul  begin  to  display  themselves,  they  discover 
to  us  goods  far  more  excellent  than  those  which  affect  the 
senses*.     Hence  an  alteration  is  wrought  in  our  judg- 
ments ;  we  no  longer  comply  with  the  first  solicitations  of 
sense,  but  stay  to  consider  the  remote  consequences  of  an 
action  ;  what  good  may  be  hoped,  or  what  evil  feared  from 
it,  according  to  the  wonted  course  of  things.     This  obliges 
us  frequently  to  overlook  present  momentary  enjoyments,  , 
when  they  come  in  competition  with  greater  and  more 
lasting  goods ;  though  too  far  off,  or  of  too  refined  a  nature 
to  affect  our  senses. 

6.  But,  as  the  whole  Earth  and  the  entire  duration  of 
those  perishing  things  contained  in   it   is  altogether  in- 
considerable, or,  in  the  prophet's  expressive  style,  'less 
than  nothing'  in  respect  of  Eternity,  who  sees  not  that 
every  reasonable  man  ought  so  to  frame  his  actions  as 
that  they  may  most  effectually  contribute  to  promote  his 
eternal  interest  ?    And,  since  it  is  a  truth,  evident  by  the 
light  of  nature,  that  there  is  a  sovereign  omniscient  Spirit, 
who   alone   can   make   us   for  ever  happy,   or  for  ever' 
miserable;  it  plainly  follows  that  a  conformity  to  His  will, ' 
and  not  any  prospect  of  temporal  advantage,  is  the  sole; 
rule  whereby  every  man  who  acts  up  to  the  principles  of; 
reason  must  govern  and  square  his  actions.     The  same : 
conclusion  doth  likewise  evidently  result  from  the  relation 
which  God  bears  to  His  creatures.     God  alone  is  maker 

and  preserver  of  all  things.     Hejs,  therefore,  with  the'^<'^^ 
most  undoubted  right,  the  great  legislator  of  the  world;  "^-^^^ 
and  mankind,  are,  by  all  the  ties  of  duty,  no  less  than 
mterest,  bound  to  obey  His  laws. 

7.  Hence  we  should  above  all  things  endeavour  to  trace  | 
out  the  Divine  will,  or  the  general  design  of  Providence 
with  regard  to  mankind,  and  the  methods  most  directly  1 

'  Cf.  Alciphron^  Dial.  I.  sect.  14-16 ;  II.  sect.  13-16. 


.  ^A 


io6  PASSIVE  obedience:    upon  the 

tending  to  the  accomplishment  of  that  design.  And  this 
seems  the  genuine  and  proper  way  for  discovering  the 
laws  of  nature.  For,  laws  being  rules  directive  of  our 
actions  to  the  end  intended  by  the  legislator,  in  order  to 
attain  the  knowledge  of  God's  laws,  we  ought  first  to 
inquire  what  that  end  is  which  He  designs  should  be 
carried  on  by  human  actions.  Now,  as  God  is  a  being 
of  infinite  goodness,  it  is  plain  the  end  He  proposes  is 
.  ^  .  good.  But,  God  enjoying  in  Himself  all  possible  perfec- 
y  ^  ition,  it  follows  that  it  is  not  His  own  good,  but  that  of 
|V^  /His  creatures.  Again,  the  moral  actions  of  men  are 
.  v>  -N  1  entirely  terminated  within  themselves,  so  as  to  have  no 
^ ^^  I  influence  on  the  other  orders  ot  intelligences  or  reason- 
able creatures ;  the  end  therefore  to  be  procured  by  them 
can  be  no  other  than  the  gbod  of  men.  But,  as  nothing  in 
a  natural  state  can  entitle  one  man  more  than  another  to 
the  favour  of  God,  except  only  moral  goodness;  which, 
consisting  in  a  conformity  to  the  laws  of  God,  doth  pre- 
suppose the  being  of  such  laws,  and  law  ever  supposing  an 
end,  to  which  it  guides  our  actions — it  follows  that,  ante- 
cedent to  the  end  proposed  by  God,  no  distinction  can 
be  conceived  between  men :  that  end  therefore  itself,  or 
general  design  of  Providence,  is  not  determined  or  limited 
by  any  respect  of  persons.  It  is  not  therefore  the  private 
good  of  this  or  that  man,  nation,  or  age,  but  the  general 
well-being  of  all  men,  of  all  nations,  of  all  ages  of  the 
world,  which  God  designs  should  be  procured  by  the 
[concurring  actions  of  each  individuaP. 

Having  thus  discovered  the  great  end  to  which  all  moral 
obligations  are  subordinate,  it  remains  that  we  inquire 
what  methods  are  necessary  for  the  obtaining  that  end. 

'  8.  The  well-being  of  mankind  must  necessarily  be  carried 
!on  in  one  of  these  two  ways : — Either,  first,  without  the 
injunction  of  any  certain  universal  rules  of  morality ;  only 
;by  obliging  every  one,  upon  each  particular  occasion,  to 
.consult  the  public  good,  and  always  to  do  that  which 
|to  him  shall  seem,  in  the  present  time  and  circumstances, 
I  most  to  conduce  to  it:    or,  secondly,  by  enjoining  the 

*  In  this  and  the  two  preceding  sections  we  have  the  germs  of 
Berkeley's  ethical  theory. 


PRINCIPLES    OF   THE    LAW    OF    NATURE  107 

observation  of  some  determinate,  established  laws,  which,' 

if  universally  practised,  have,  from  the  nature  of  things, 

m  essential  fitness  to  procure  the  well-being  of  mankind ; 

though,  in  their  particular  application,  they  are  sometimes, ', 

through  untoward  accidents,  and  the  perverse  irregularity 

of  human  wills,   the  occasions  of  great  sufferings  and 

misfortunes,  it  may  be,  to  very  many  good  men. 

Against  the  former  of  these  methods  there  lie  several 
strong  objections.    For  brevity  I  shall  mention  only  two  : — 

9.  First,  it  will  thence  follow  that  the  best  men,  for  want 
of  judgment,  and  the  wisest,  for  want  of  knowing  all  the 
hidden  circumstances  and  consequences  of  an  action,  may 
very  often  be  at  a  loss  how  to  behave  themselves ;  which 
they  would  not  be,  in  case  they  judged  of  each  action  by 
comparing  it  with  some  particular  precept,  rather  than 
by  examining  the  good  or  evil  which  in  that  single  instance 
it  tends  to  procure :  it  being  far  more  easy  to  judge  with 
certainty,  whether  such  or  such  an  action  be  a  transgres- 
sion of  this  or  that  precept,  than  whether  it  will  be 
attended  with  more  good  or  ill  consequences.  In  short, 
to  calculate  the  events  of  each  particular  action  is  im- 
possible ;  and,  though  it  were  not,  would  yet  take  up  too 
much  time  to  be  of  use  in  the  affairs  of  life. 

Secondly,  if  that  method  be  observed,  it  will  follow  that 
we  can  have  no  sure  standard  to  which,  comparing  the 
actions  of  another,  we  may  pronounce  them  good  or  bad, 
virtues  or  vices.  For,  since  the  measure  and  rule  of  every 
good  man's  actions  is  supposed  to  be  nothing  else  but  his 
own  private  disinterested  opinion  of  what  makes  most  for 
the  public  good  at  that  juncture ;  and,  since  this  opinion 
must  unavoidably  in  different  men,  from  their  particular 
views  and  circumstances,  be  very  different :  it  is  impossible 
to  know,  whether  any  one  instance  of  parricide  or  perjury, 
for  example,  be  criminal.  The  man  may  have  had  his 
reasons  for  it;  and  that  which  in  me  would  have  been 
a  heinous  sin  may  be  in  him  a  duty.  Every  man's  par- 
ticular rule  is  buried  in  his  own  breast,  invisible  to  all  but 
himself,  who  therefore  can  only  tell  whether  he  observes 
it  or  no.  And,  since  that  rule  is  fitted  to  particular 
occasions,  it  must  ever  change  as  they  do :  hence  it  is  not 
only  various  in  different  men,  but  in  one  and  the  same 
man  at  different  times. 


Io8  PASSIVE    OBEDIENCE  :     UPON    THE 

10.  From  all  which  it  follows,  there  can  be  no  harmony 
or  agreement  between  the  actions  of  good  men :  no 
apparent  steadiness  or  consistency  of  one  man  with  him- 
self; no  adhering  to  principles:  the  best  actions  may  be 
condemned,  and  the  most  villainous  meet  with  applause. 
In  a  word,  there  ensues  the  most  horrible  confusion  of  vice 
and  virtue,  sin  and  duty,  that  can  possibly  be  imagined. 
It  follows,  therefore,  that  the  great  end  to  which  God 
requires  the  concurrence  of  human  actions  must  of  ne- 
cessity be  carried  on  by  the  second  method  proposed, 
namely,  the  observation  of  certain,  universal,  determinate 
rules  or  moral  precepts,  which,  in  their  own  nature,  have 
a  necessary  tendency  to  promote  the  well-being  of  the  sum 
of  mankind,  taking  in  all  nations  and  ages,  from  the 
beginning  to  the  end  of  the  world. 

11.  Hence,  upon  an  equal  comprehensive  survey  of  the 
general  nature,  the  passions,  interests,  and  mutual  respects 
of  mankind ;  whatsoever  practical  proposition  doth  to 
right  reason  evidently  appear  to  have  a  necessary  con- 
nexion with  the  Universal  well-being  included  in  it,  is  to 
be  looked  upon  as  enjoined  by  the  will  of  God.  For,  he 
that  willeth  the  end  doth  will  the  necessary  means  con- 
ducive to  that  end ;  but  it  hath  been  shewn  that  God 
willeth  the  universal  well-being  of  mankind  should  be 
promoted  by  the  concurrence  of  each  particular  person ; 
therefore,  every  such  practical  proposition  necessarily 
tending  thereto  is  to  be  esteemed  a  decree  of  God,  and  is 
consequently  a  law  to  man. 

I  12.  These  propositions  are  called  laws  of  nature,  because 
^  .  V  they  are  universal,  and  do  not  derive  their  obligation  from 
^  0^  any  civil  sanction,  but  immediately  from  the  Author  of 
» \J^  ^\knature  himself.  They  are  said  to  be  stamped  on  the  mind, 
■<y  ^c'  'to  be  engraven  on  the  tables  of  the  heart,  because  they  are 
yS^  well  known  to  mankind,  and  suggested  and  inculcated  by 
<)^*  ;  conscience.  Lastly,  they  are  termed  eternal  rules  of  reason, 
^  because  they  necessarily  result  from  the  nature  of  things, 

I  and  may  be  demonstrated  by  the  infallible  deductions  ot 

reason  ^ 

^  Berkeley  speaks  of   *  eternal  foreign  to  empirical  utilitarianism, 

rules  of  reason/  and  the  immuta-  His  reverence    for  law,   akin    to 

bility,  universality,  and  necessity  Hooker,  appears  in  these  passages, 

of   moral    distinctions  —  language  But  if  the  criterion  of  the  *  eternal 


PRINCIPLES    OF    THE    LAW   OF    NATURE  109 

13.  And,  notwithstanding  that  these  rules  are  too  often, 
either  by  the  unhappy  concurrence  of  events,  or  more 
especially  by  the  wickedness  of  perverse  men  who  will  not 
conform  to  them,  made  accidental  causes  of  misery  to 
those  good  men  who  do,  yet  this  doth  not  vacate  their 
obligation :  they  are  ever  to  be  esteemed  the  fixed  un- 
alterable standards  of  moral  good  and  evil ;  no  private 
interest,  no  love  of  friends,  no  regard  to  the  public  good, 
should  make  us  depart  from  them.  Hence,  when  any 
doubt  arises  concerning  the  morality  of  an  action,  it  is 
plain  this  cannot  be  determined  by  computing  the  public 
good  which  in  that  particular  case  it  is  attended  with,  but 
only  by  comparing  it  with  the  Eternal  Law  of  Reason. 
He  who  squares  his  actions  by  this  rule  can  never  do 
amiss,  though  thereby  he  should  bring  himself  to  poverty, 
death,  or  disgrace :  no,  not  though  he  should  involve  his 
family,  his  friends,  his  country,  in  all  those  evils  which  are 
accounted  the  greatest  and  most  insupportable  to  human 
nature.  Tenderness  and  benevolence  of  temper  are  often 
motives  to  the  best  and  greatest  actions ;  but  we  must  not 
make  them  the  sole  rule  of  our  actions :  they  are  passions 
rooted  in  our  nature,  and,  like  all  other  passions,  must  be 
restrained  and  kept  under,  otherwise  they  may  possibly 
betray  us  into  as  great  enormities  as  any  other  unbridled 
lust.  Nay,  they  are  more  dangerous  than  other  passions,  i 
insomuch  as  they  are  more  plausible,  and  apt  to  dazzle '; 
and  corrupt  the  mind  with  the  appearance  of  goodness  and  \ 
generosity  \ 

14.  For  the  illustration  of  what  has  been  said,  it  will 
not  be  amiss,  if  from  the  moral  we  turn  our  eyes  on  the ' 
natural  world.  Homo  orius  est  (says  Balbus  in  Cicero  ^)  ad ' 
mundum  contemplandum,  et  imitandum.  And,  surely,  it  is  , 
not  possible  for  free  intellectual  ajgents  to  propose  a  notlef  j 
pattern  for  their  imitation  than Tlature ;  wKFch  is  nothing  \ 


laws '  is  their  tried  tendency  to  nate  part  only  of  the  ideal  human 

promote  general  happiness,  a  door  nature,  to  which  our  actions  should 

is  still  open  to  questions  of  casu-  conform.     Benevolent  motives  may 

istry,  in  the  endeavour  to  determine  be  springs  of  actions  that  contra- 

what  they  are.  diet  immutable  moral  law. 

•  So   Butler,   who  regards  the  ^  {De  Natura  Deorum,  Lib.   II. 

benevolent  affections  as  a  subordi-  §  37.] — Author. 


no 


PASSIVE  obedience:    upon  the 


else  but  a  series  of  free  actions,  produced  by  the  best  and 
wisest  Agent  \  But,  it  is  evident  that  those  actions  are 
Tiot  adapted  To  particular  views,  but  all  conformed  to 
certain  general  rules,  which,  being  collected  from  observa- 
tion, are  by  philosophers  termed  laws  of  nature.  And 
these  indeed  are  excellently  suited  to  promote  the  general 
well-being  of  the  creation:  but,  what  from  casual  com- 
binations of  events  ^,  and  what  from  the  voluntary  motions 
of  animals ',  it  often  falls  out,  that  the  natural  good  not 
only  of  private  men  but  of  entire  cities  and  nations  would 
be  better  promoted  by  a  particular  suspension,  or  contra- 
diction, than  an  exact  observation  of  those  laws.  Yet,  for 
all  that,  nature  still  takes  its  course ;  nay,  it  is  plain  that 
plagues,  famines,  inundations,  earthquakes,  with  an  infinite 
variety  of  pains  and  sorrows — in  a  word,  all  kinds  of 
calamities  public  and  private,  do  arise  from  a  uniform 
steady  observation  of  those  General  Laws  which  are  once 
established  by  the  Author  of  Nature,  and  which  He  will 
not  change  or  deviate  from  upon  any  of  those  accounts, 
how  wise  or  benevolent  soever  it  may  be  thought  by 
foolish  men  to  do  so*.  As  for  the  miracles  recorded  in 
Scripture,  they  were  always  wrought  for  confirmation  of 
some  doctrine  or  mission  from  God,  and  not  for  the  sake 
of  the  particular  natural  goods,  as  health  or  life,  which 
some  men  might  have  reaped  from  them  ®.  From  all  which 
it  seems  sufficiently  plain  that  we  cannot  be  at  a  loss 
which  way  to  determine,  in  case  we  think  God's  own 
methods  the  properest  to  obtain  His  ends,  and  that  it  is 
our  duty  to  copy  after  them,  so  far  as  the  frailty  of  our 
nature  will  permit. 

15.  Thus  far  in  general,  of  the  nature  and  necessity  of 


^  In  the  second  clause  of  this 
sentence  we  have  a  glimpse  of 
Berkeley's  philosophy^  according 
to  which  the  material  universe  is 
simply  a  procession  of  sense-pre- 
sented appearances,  which,  in 
their  uniform  and  therefore  inter- 
pretable  co-existences  and  succes- 
sions, express  Reason  and  Will. 
Cf.  Principles  0/  Human  Know- 
ledge^  sect.  26-32;    Dialogues   of 


Hylas  and  Philonous ;  De  Motu  ; 
Theory  0/ Vision  Vindicated  passim  ; 
Alciphronj  Dial.  IV;  Siris  passim. 

^  *  casual  combinations  of  events.' 
What  are  they?  What  does  he 
mean  by  chance  ? 

^  ^  vol  un  tary  motions  of  animals, ' 
i.  e.  the  issue  of  free  agency. 

*  Cf.  Principles^  sect  150-54. 

»  Cf.  Alciphron,  Dial.  VI,  and 
the  Sermon  before  the  S.  P.  G. 


PRINCIPLES    OF    THE    LAW    OF    NATURE  III 

Moral  Rules,  and  the  criterion  or  mark  whereby  they  may 
be  known. 

As  for  the  particulars,  from  the  foregoing  discourse,  the 
principal  of  them  may  without  much  difficulty  be  deduced. 
It  hath  been  shewn  tnat  the  Law  of  Nature  is  a  system  of 
such  rules  or  precepts  as  that,  if  they  be  all  of  them,  at  all 
times,  in  all  places,  and  by  all  men  observed,  they  will 
necessarily  promote  the  well-being  of  mankind,  so  far  as 
it  is  attainable  by  human  actions.  Now,  let  any  one  who 
hath  the  use  of  reason  take  but  an  impartial  survey  of  the 
general  frame  and  circumstances  of  human  nature,  and  it 
will  appear  plainly  to  him  that  the  constant  observation  of 
truth,  for  instance,  or  of  justice,  and  chastity  hath  a  neces- 
sary connexion  with  their  universal  well-being ;  that,  there- 
fore, they  are  to  be  esteemed  virtues  or  duties ;  and  that 
'Thou  shalt  not  forswear  thyself,'  'Thou  shalt  not  commit 
adultery,* '  Thou  shalt  not  steal,'  are  so  many  unalterable 
moral  rules,  which  to  violate  in  the  least  degree  is  vice 
or  sin.  I  say,  the  agreement  of  these  particular  practical 
propositions  with  the  definition  or  criterion  premised  doth 
so  clearly  result  from  the  nature  of  things,  that  it  were 
a  needless  digression,  in  this  place,  to  enlarge  upon  it. 

And,  from  the  same  principle,  by  the  very  same  reason- 
ing, it  follows  that  Loyalty  is  a  moral  virtue,  and  '  Thou 
shaJt  not  resist  the  Supreme  Power'  a  rule  or  law  of 
nature,  the  least  breach  whereof  hath  the  inherent  stain  of 
moral  turpitude. 

i6.  The  miseries  inseparable  from  a  state  of  anarchy 
are  easily  imagined.  So  insufficient  is  the  wit  or  strength 
of  any  single  man,  either  to  avert  the  evils,  or  procure  the 
blessings  of  life,  and  so  apt  are  the  wills  of  different 
persons  to  contradict  and  thwart  each  other,  that  it  is 
absolutely  necessary  several  independent  powers  be  com- 
bined together,  under  the  direction  (if  I  may  so  speak)  of 
one  and  the  same  will — I  mean  the  Law  of  the  Society. 
Without  this  there  is  no  politeness,  no  order,  no  peace, 
among  men,  but  the  world  is  one  great  heap  of  misery  and 
confusion  ;  the  strong  as  well  as  the  weak,  the  wise  as  well 
as  the  foolish,  standing  on  all  sides  exposed  to  all  those 
calamities  which  man  can  be  liable  to,  in  a  state  where  he 
has  no  other  security  than  the  not  being  possessed  of  any 
thing  which  may  raise  envy  or  desire  in  another.     A  state 


1 12  PASSIVE    OBEDIENCE  !     UPON    THE 

by  SO  much  more  ineligible  than  that  of  brutes  as  a  rea- 
sonable creature  hath  a  greater  reflexion  and  foresight  of 
miseries  than  they.  From  all  which  it  plainly  follows, 
that  Loyalty,  or  submission  to  the  supreme  authority,  hath, 
if  universally  practised  in  conjunction  with  all  other  virtues, 
a  necessary  connexion  with  the  well-being  of  the  whole 
sum  of  mankind  ;  and,  by  consequence,  if  the  criterion  we 
have  laid  down  be  true,  it  is,  strictly  speaking,  a  moral 
duty,  or  branch  of  natural  religion.  And,  therefore,  the 
least  degree  of  Rebellion  is,  with  the  utmost  strictness  and 
propriety,  a  sin  :  not  only  in  Christians,  but  also  in  those 
who  have  the  light  of  reason  alone  for  their  guide.  Nay, 
upon  a  thorough  and  impartial  view,  this  submission  will, 
I  think,  appear  one  of  the  very  first  and  fundamental  laws 
of  nature ;  inasmuch  as  it  is  civil  government  which  ordains 
and  marks  out  the  various  relations  between  men,  and 
regulates  property;  thereby  giving  scope  and  la3dng  a 
foundation  for  the  exercise  of  all  other  duties.  And,  in 
truth,  whoever  considers  the  condition  of  man  will  scarce 
conceive  it  possible  that  the  practice  of  any  one  moral 
virtue  should  obtain,  in  the  naked,  forlorn  state  of 
nature. 

17.  But,  since  it  must  be  confessed  that  in  all  cases  our 
actions  come  not  within  the  direction  of  certain  fixed 
moral  rules,  it  may  possibly  be  still  questioned,  whether 
obedience  to  the  Supreme  Power  be  not  one  of  those 
exempted  cases ;  and  consequently  to  be  regulated  by  the 
prudence  and  discretion  of  every  single  person  rather  than 
adjusted  to  the  rule  of  absolute  non-resistance.  I  shall 
therefore  endeavour  to  make  it  yet  more  plain,  that  'Thou 
shalt  not  resist  the  Supreme  Power'  is  an  undoubted 
precept  of  morality;  as  will  appear  from  the  following 
considerations : — 

First,  then,  submission  to  government  is  a  point  im- 
portant enough  to  be  established  by  a  moral  rule.  Things 
of  insignificant  and  trifling  concern  are,  for  that  very 
reason,  exempted  from  the  rules  of  morality.  But  govern- 
ment, on  which  so  much  depend  the  peace,  order,  and 
well-being,  of  mankind,  cannot  surely  be  thought  of  too 
small  importance  to  be  secured  and  guarded  by  a  moral 
rule.  Government,  I  say,  which  is  itself  the  principal 
source  under  heaven  of  those  particular  advantages  for  the 


PRINCIPLES   OF   THE    LAW    OF    NATURE  II3 

procurement  and  conservation  whereof  several  unquestion- 
able moral  rules  were  prescribed  to  men. 

18.  Secondly,  obedience  to  government  is  a  case 
universal  enough  to  fall  under  the  direction  of  a  law  of 
nature.  Numberless  rules  there  may  be  for  regulating 
affairs  of  great  concernment,  at  certain  junctures,  and 
to  some  particular  persons  or  societies,  which,  notwith- 
standing, are  not  to  be  esteemed  moral  or  natural  laws, 
but  may  be  either  totally  abrogated  or  dispensed  with ; 
because  the  private  ends  they  were  intended  to  promote 
respect  only  some  particular  persons,  as  engaged  in 
relations  not  founded  in  the  general  nature  of  men ;  who, 
on  various  occasions,  and  in  different  postures  of  things, 
may  prosecute  their  own  designs  by  different  measures,  as 
in  human  prudence  shall  seem  convenient.  But  what 
relation  is  there  more  extensive  and  universal  than  that  of 
subject  and  law'^  This  is  confined  to  no  particular  age 
or  climate,  but  universally  obtains,  at  all  times,  and  in  all 
places,  wherever  men  live  in  a  state  exalted  above  that 
of  brutes.  It  is,  therefore,  evident  that  the  rule  forbidding 
resistance  to  the  Law  or  Supreme  Power  is  not,  upon 
pretence  of  any  defect  in  point  of  universality,  to  be 
excluded  from  the  number  of  the  laws  of  nature. 

19.  Thirdly,  there  is  another  consideration  which  con- 
firms the  necessity  of  admitting  this  rule  for  a  moral  or 
natural  law  ;  namely,  because  the  case  it  regards  is  of  too 
nice  and  difficult  a  nature  to  be  left  to  the  judgment  and 
determination  of  each  private  person.  Some  cases  there 
are  so  plain  and  obvious  to  judge  of  that  they  may  safely 
be  trusted  to  the  prudence  of  every  reasonable  man.  But 
in  all  instances  to  determine,  whether  a  civil  law  is  fitted 
to  promote  the  public  interest ;  or  whether  submission  or 
resistance  will  prove  most  advantageous  in  the  conse- 
quence ;  or  when  it  is  that  the  general  good  of  a  nation 
may  require  an  alteration  of  government,  either  in  its 
form,  or  in  the  hands  which  administer  it; — these  are 
points  too  arduous  and  intricate,  and  which  require  too 
great  a  degree  of  parts,  leisure,  and  liberal  education,  as 
well  as  disinterestedness  and  thorough  knowledge  in  the 
particular  state  of  a  kingdom,  for  every  subject  to  take 
upon  him  the  determination  of  them.  From  which  it 
follows  that,  upon  this  account  also.  Non-resistance,  which 

BERKELEY:     FRASER.       IV.  \ 


114  PASSIVE    OBEDIENCE:     UPON    THE 

in  the  main,  nobody  can  deny  to  be  a  most  profitable  and 
wholesome  duty,  ought  not  to  be  limited  by  the  judgment 
of  private  persons  to  particular  occasions,  but  esteemed 
a  most  sacred  law  of  nature. 

20.  The  foregoing  arguments  do,  I  think,  make  it 
manifest,  that  the  precept  against  Rebellion  is  on  a  level 
with  other  moral  rules.  Which  will  yet  further  appear 
from  this  fourth  and  last  consideration.  It  cannot  be 
denied  that  right  reason  doth  require  some  common  stated 
rule  or  measure,  whereby  subjects  ought  to  shape  their 
submission  to  the  Supreme  Power;  since  any  clashing 
or  disagreement  in  this  point  must  unavoidably  tend  to 
weaken  and  dissolve  the  society.  And  it  is  unavoidable 
that  there  should  be  great  clashing,  where  it  is  left  to  the 
breast  of  each  individual  to  suit  his  fancy  with  a  different 
measure  of  obedience.  But  this  common  stated  measure 
must  be  either  the  general  precept  forbidding  resistance, 
or  else  the  public  good  of  the  whole  nation ;  which  last, 
though  it  is  allowed  to  be  in  itself  something  certain  and 
determinate,  yet,  forasmuch  as  men  can  regulate  their 
conduct  only  by  what  appears  to  them,  whether  in  truth  it 
be  what  it  appears  or  no ;  and,  since  the  prospects  men 
form  to  themselves  of  a  country's  public  good  are  commonly 
as  various  as  its  landscapes,  which  meet  the  eye  in  several 
situations  :  it  clearly  follows,  that  to  make  the  public  good 
the  rule  of  obedience  is,  in  effect,  not  to  establish  any 
determinate,  agreed,  common  measure  of  loyalty,  but  to 
leave  every  subject  to  the  guidance  of  his  own  particular 
mutable  fancy. 

21.  From  all  which  arguments  and  considerations  it  is  a 
most  evident  conclusion,  that  the  law  prohibiting  Rebellion 
is  in  strict  truth  a  law  of  nature,  universal  reason,  and 
morality.  But  to  this  it  will  perhaps  be  objected  by  some 
that,  whatever  may  be  concluded  with  regard  to  resistance 
from  the  tedious  deductions  of  reason,  yet  there  is  I  know 
not  what  turpitude  and  deformity  in  some  actions,  which 
at  first  blush  shews  them  to  be  vicious ;  but  they,  not 
finding  themselves  struck  with  such  a  sensible  and  im- 
mediate horror  at  the  thought  of  Rebellion,  cannot  think 
it  on  a  level  with  other  crimes  against  nature.  To  which 
I  answer : — that  it  is  true,  there  are  certain  natural 
antipathies  implanted  in  the  soul,  which  are  ever  the  most 


PRINCIPLES    OF    THE    LAW    OF    NATURE 


"5 


lasting  and  insurmountable;  but,  as  custom  is  a  second 
nature,  whatever  aversions  are  from  our  early  childhood 
continually  infused  into  the  mind  give  it  so  deep  a  stain  as 
is  scarce  to  be  distinguished  from  natural  complexion. 
And,  as  it  doth  hence  follow,  that  to  make  all  the  inward 
horrors  of  soul  pass  for  infallible  marks  of  sin  were  the 
way  to  establish  error  and  superstition  in  the  world ;  so, 
on  the  other  hand,  to  suppose  all  actions  lawful  which  are 
unattended  with  those  starts  of  nature  would  prove  of  the 
last  dangerous  consequence  to  virtue  and  morality.  For, 
these  pertaining  to  us  as  men,  we  must  not  be  directed  in 
respect  of  them  by  any  emotions  in  our  blood  and  spirits, 
but  by  the  dictates  of  sober  and  impartial  reason.'  And  if 
there  be  any  who  find  they  have  a  less  abhorrence  of 
Rebellion  than  of  other  villanies,  all  that  can  be  inferred 
from  it  is,  that  this  part  of  their  duty  was  not  so  much 
reflected  on,  or  so  early  and  frequently  inculcated  into 
their  hearts,  as  it  ought  to  have  been.  Since  without 
question  there  are  other  men  who  have  as  thorough  an 
aversion  for  that  as  for  any  other  crime'. 

22.  Again,  it  will  probably  be  objected  that  submission 
to  government  differs  from  moral  duties  in  that  it  is 
founded  in  a  contract^,  which,  upon  the  violation  of  its 
conditions,  doth  of  course  become  void,  and  in  such  case 
Rebellion  is  lawful:  it  hath  not  therefore  the  nature  of 
a  sin  or  crime,  which  is  in  itself  absolutely  unlawful,  arrd 
must  be  committed  on  no  pretext  whatsoever.  Now, 
passing  over  all  inquiry  and  dispute  concerning  the  first 
obscure  rise  of  government,  I  observe  its  being  founded 
on  a  contract  may  be  understood  in  a  twofold  sense : — 
either,  first,  that  several  independent  persons,  finding  the 
insufferable  inconvenience  of  a  state  of  anarchy,  where 
every  one  was  governed  by  his  own  will,  consented  and 
agreed   together  to  pay  an  absolute   submission   to   the 


'  [*  II  disoit  ordinaireraent  qu'il 
avoit  un  aussi  grand  6loignement 
pour  ce  p^che  la  que  pour  assas- 
siner  le  monde,  ou  pour  voler  sur 
les  grands  chemins,  et  qu'enfin  il 
n*y  avoit  rien  qui  fiit  plus  contraire 
a  son  nature!.'  He  (Mr.  Pascal) 
Qsed  to  say  he  had  as  great  an 
abhorrence     of    rebellion    as    of 


murder,  or  robbing  on  the  high- 
way, and  that  there  was  nothing 
more  shocking  to  his  nature. — 
Vide  M.  Pascal  J  p.  44.] — Author. 
This  is  a  solitary  reference  to 
Pascal  by  Berkeley. 

*  Cf.  Locke's  Treatise  on  Govern- 
ntenty  Bk.  II.  ch.  8. 

1  2 


Il6  PASSIVE    OBEDIENCE:     UPON    THE 

decrees  of  some  certain  legislative ;  which,  though  some- 
times they  may  bear  hard  on  the  subject,  yet  must  surely 
prove  easier  to  be  governed  by  than  the  violent  humours 
and  unsteady  opposite  wills  of  a  multitude  of  savages. 
And,  in  case  we  admit  such  a  compact  to  have  been  the 
original  foundation  of  civil  government,  it  must  even  on 
that  supposition  be  held  sacred  and  inviolable. 

23.  Or,  secondly,  it  is  meant  that  subjects  have  con- 
tracted with  their  respective  sovereigns  or  legislators  to 
pay,  not  an  absolute,  but  conditional  and  limited,  sub- 
mission to  their  laws ;  that  is,  upon  condition,  and  so  far 
forth,  as  the  observation  of  them  shall  contribute  to  the 
public  good :  reserving  still  to  themselves  a  right  of 
superintending  the  laws,  and  judging  whether  they  are 
fitted  to  promote  the  public  good  or  no;  and  (in  case 
they  or  any  of  them  think  it  needful)  of  resisting  the 
higher  powers,  and  changing  the  whole  frame  of  govern- 
ment by  force :  which  is  a  right  that  all  mankind,  whether 
single  persons  or  societies,  have  over  those  that  are 
deputed  by  them.  But,  in  this  sense,  a  contract  cannot 
be  admitted  for  the  ground  and  measure  of  civil  obedience, 
except  one  of  these  two  things  be  clearly  shewn  : — either, 
first,  that  such  a  contract  is  an  express  known  part  of 
the  fundamental  constitution  of  a  nation,  equally  allowed 
and  unquestioned  by  all  as  the  common  law  of  the  land ; 
or,  secondly,  if  it  be  not  express,  that  it  is  at  least 
necessarily  implied  in  the  very  nature  or  notion  of  civil 
polity,  which  supposes  it  is  a  thing  manifestly  absurd, 
that  a  number  of  men  should  be  obliged  to  live  under  an 
unlimited  subjection  to  civil  law,  rather  than  continue  wild 
and  independent  of  each  other.  But  to  me  it  seems  most 
evident  that  neither  of  those  points  will  ever  be  proved. 

24.  And  till  they  are  proved  beyond  all  contradiction, 
the  doctrine  built  upon  them  ought  to  be  rejected  with 
detestation.  Since,  to  represent  the  higher  powers  as 
deputies  of  the  people  manifestly  tends  to  diminish  that 
awe  and  reverence  which  all  good  men  should  have  for 
the  laws  and  government  of  their  country.  And  to  speak 
of  a  condition,  limited  loyalty,  and  I  know  not  what  vague 
and  undetermined  contracts,  is  a  most  effectual  means 
to  loosen  the  bands  of  civil  society ;  than  which  nothing 
can   be   of  more  mischievous  consequence  to   mankind. 


PRINCIPLES    OF   THE    LAW    OF    NATURE  II7 

But,  after  all,  if  there  be  any  man  who  either  cannot  or 
will  not  see  the  absurdity  and  perniciousness  of  those 
notions,  he  would,  I  doubt  not,  be  convinced  with  a  witness, 
in  case  they  should  once  become  current,  and  every  private 
man  take  it  in  his  head  to  believe  them  true,  and  put  them 
in  practice. 

25.  But  there  still  remains  an  objection  which  hath  the 
appearance  of  some  strength  against  what  has  been  said. 
Namely,  that,  whereas  civil  polity  is  a  thing  entirely  of 
human  institution,  it  seems  contrary  to  reason  to  make 
submission  to  it  part  of  the  law  of  nature,  and  not  rather 
of  the  civil  law.  For,  how  can  it  be  imagined  that  nature 
should  dictate  or  prescribe  a  natural  law  about  a  thing 
which  depends  on  the  arbitrary  humour  of  men,  not  only 
as  to  its  kind  or  form,  which  is  very  various  and  mutable, 
but  even  as  to  its  existence;  there  being  no  where  to 
be  found  a  civil  government  set  up  by  nature. — In  answer 
to  this,  I  observe,  first,  that  most  moral  precepts  do  pre- 
suppose some  voluntary  actions,  or  pacts  of  men,  and 
are  nevertheless  esteemed  laws  of  nature.  Property  is 
assigned,  the  signification  of  words  ascertained,  and  matri- 
mony contracted,  by  the  agreement  and  consent  of  man- 
kind ;  and,  for  all  that,  it  is  not  doubted  whether  theft, 
falsehood,  and  adultery  be  prohibited  by  the  law  of  nature. 
Loyalty,  therefore,  though  it  should  suppose  and  be  the 
result  of  human  institutions,  may,  for  all  that,  be  of 
natural  obligation. — I  say,  secondly,  that,  notwithstanding 
particular  societies  are  formed  by  men,  and  are  not  in 
all  places  alike,  as  things  esteemed  natural  are  wont  to 
be,  yet  there  is  implanted  in  mankind  a  natural  tendency 
or  disposition  to  a  social  life.  I  call  it  natural^  because 
it  is  universal,  and  because  it  necessarily  results  from 
the  differences  which  distinguish  man  from  beast ;  the 
peculiar  wants,  appetites,  faculties,  and  capacities  of  man 
being  exactly  calculated  and  framed  for  such  a  state, 
insomuch  that  without  it  it  is  impossible  he  should  live 
in  a  condition  in  any  degree  suitable  to  his  nature.  And, 
since  the  bond  and  cement  of  society  is  a  submission  to 
its  laws,  it  plainly  follows  that  this  duty  hath  an  equal 
right  with  any  other  to  be  thought  a  law  of  nature.  And 
surely  that  precept  which  enjoins  obedience  to  civil  laws 
cannot  itself,   with  any  propriety,   be  accounted   a  civil 


ri8  PASSIVE    OBEDIENCE  :     UPON    THE 

law;  it  must  therefore  either  have  no  obligation  at  all 
on  the  conscience,  or,  if  it  hath,  it  must  be  derived  from 
the  universal  voice  of  nature  and  reason. 

26.  And  thus  the  first  point  proposed  seems  clearly 
made  out : — namely,  that  Loyalty  is  a  virtue  or  moral 
duty ;  and  Disloyalty  or  Rebellion,  in  the  most  strict  and 
proper  sense,  a  vice  or  crime  against  the  law  of  nature. 


\ 


We  are  now  come  to  the  second  point,  which  was  to 
I  shew  ^  that  the  prohibitions  of  vice,  or  negative  precepts 
of  morality,  are  to  be  taken  in  a  most  absolute,  necessary, 
.  and  immutable  sense ;   insomuch  that  the  attainment  of 
i  the  greatest  good,  or  deliverance  from  the  greatest  evil, 
I  that  can  befal  any  man  or  number  of  men  in  this  life  may 
not  justify  the  least  violation  of  them. — But,  in  the  first 
place,  I  shall  explain  the  reason  of  distinguishing  between 
positive    and    negative   precepts,   the    latter    only  being 
included  in  this  general  proposition.     Now,  the  ground 
;  of  that  distinction   may  be  resolved  into   this:   namely, 
i  that  very  often,  either  through  the  difficulty  or  number 
i  of  moral  actions,  or  their  inconsistence  with  each  other, 
'  it  is  not  possible  for  one  man  to  perform  several  of  them 
i  at  the  same  time ;    whereas  it  is  plainly  consistent  and 
possible  that  any  man  should,  at  the  same  time,  abstain 
[   from  all  manner  of  positive  actions  whatsoever.     Hence  it 
comes  to  pass  that  prohibitions  or  negative  precepts  must 
by  every  one,  in   all  times  and   places,  be   all  actually 
observed  :  whereas  those  which  enjoin  the  doing  of  an 
action   allow  room   for  human   prudence  and  discretion 
in  the  execution  of  them  :  it  is  for  the  most  part  depending 
on  various  accidental  circumstances;   all  which  ought  to 
be  considered,  and  care  taken  that  duties  of  less  moment 
do  not  interfere  with,  and  hinder  the  fulfilling  of  those 
which  are  more  important.    And,  for  this  reason,  if  not 
the  positive  laws   themselves,   at   least  the    exercise   of 
them,  admits  of  suspension,  limitation,  and   diversity  of 
degrees.     As  to   the  indispensableness  of   the   negative 
precepts  of  the  law  of  nature,  I  shall  in  its  proof  offer 
two  arguments ;    the  first  from  the  nature  of  the  thing, 
and  the  second  from  the  imitation  of  God  in  His  govern- 
ment of  the  world. 

^  Sect.  26*32. 


PRINCIPLES    OF   THE    LAW    OF    NATURE  I19 

27.  First,  then,  from  the  nature  of  the  thing  it  hath 
been  already  shewn  that  the  great  end  of  morality  can 
never  be  carried   on,  by  leaving  each  particular  person 
to  promote  the  public  good  in  such  a  manner  as  he  shall 
think  most  convenient ;  without  prescribing  certain  deter- 
minate  universal   rules,  to   be  the  common   measure  ot 
moral  actions.     And,  if  we  allow  the  necessity  of  these, 
and  at  the  same  time  think  it  lawful  to  transgress  them 
whenever  the  public  good  shall  seem  to  require  it,  what 
is  this  but  in  words  indeed  to  enjoin  the  observation  of 
moral  rules,  but  in  effect  to  leave  every  one  to  be  guided 
by  his   own   judgment?     Than  which    nothing  can   be 
imagined  more  pernicious   and   destructive  to   mankind, 
as  hath  been  already  proved.     Secondly,  this  same  point 
may  be  collected  from  the  example  set  us  by  the  Author 
of  Nature,  who,  as  we  have  above  observed*,  acts  according 
to  certain  fixed  laws;  which  He  will  not  transgress  upon 
the  account  of  accidental  evils  arising  from  them.    Suppose 
a  prince  on  whose  life  the  welfare  of  a  kingdom  depends 
to  fall  down  a  precipice,  we  have  no  reason  to  think  that 
the  universal  law  of  gravitation  would  be  suspended  in 
that  case.     The  like  may  be  said   of  all   other  laws   of 
nature,  which  we  do  not  find  to  admit  of  exceptions  on 
particular  accounts. 

28.  And  as,  without  such  a  steadiness  in  nature  ^  we 
should  soon,  instead  of  this  beautiful  frame,  see  nothing 
but  a  disorderly  and  confused  chaos  ;  so,  if  once  it  become 
current  that  the  moral  actions  of  men  are  not  to  be  guided 
by  certain  definite  inviolable  rules,  there  will  be  no  longer 
found  that  beauty,  order,  and  agreement  in  the  system 
of  rational  beings,  or  moral  world,  which  will  then  be 
all  covered  over  with  darkness  and  violence.  It  is  true, 
he  who  stands  close  to  a  palace  can  hardly  make  a  right 
judgment  of  the  architecture  and  symmetry  of  its  several 
parts,  the  nearer  ever  appearing  disproportionably  great. 
And,  if  we  have  a  mind  to  take  a  fair  prospect  of  the 
order  and  general  well-being  which  the  inflexible  laws 
of  nature  and  morality  derive  on  the  world,  we  must, 
if  I  may  so  say,  go  out  of  it,  and  imagine  ourselves  to  be 
distant  spectators  of  all  that  is  transacted  and  contained 

'  Sect.  14.  ^  Cf.  Principles^  sect.  30-32. 


I20  PASSIVE    OBEDIENCE  :     UPON    THE 

in  it;  otherwise  we  are  sure  to  be  deceived  by  the  too 
near  view  of  the  little  present  interests  of  ourselves,  our 
friends,  or  our  country  \ 

The  right  understanding  of  what  hath  been  said  will, 
I  think,  afford  a  clear  solution  to  the  following  dif- 
ficulties : — 

29.  First,  it  may  perhaps  seem  to  some  that,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  foregoing  doctrine,  men  will  be  left  to 
their  own  private  judgments  as  much  as  ever.  For,  first, 
the  very  being  of  the  laws  of  nature;  secondly,  the 
criterion  whereby  to  know  them ;  and,  thirdly,  the  agree- 
ment of  any  particular  precept  with  that  criterion,  are 
all  to  be  discovered  by  reason  and  argumentation,  in  which 
every  man  doth  necessarily  judge  for  himself:  hence, 
upon  that  supposition,  there  is  place  for  as  great  con- 
fusion, unsteadiness,  and  contrariety  of  opinions  and 
actions  as  upon  any  other.  I  answer,  that  however  men 
may  differ  as  to  what  were  most  proper  and  beneficial 
to  the  public  to  be  done  or  omitted  on  particular  occasions, 
when  they  have  for  the  most  part  narrow  and  interested 
views;  yet,  in  general  conclusions,  drawn  from  an  equal 
and  enlarged  view  of  things,  it  is  not  possible  there  should 
be  so  great,  if  any,  disagreement  at  all  amongst  candid 
rational  inquirers  after  truth. 

30.  Secondly,  the  most  plausible  pretence  of  all  against 
the  doctrine  we  have  premised,  concerning  a  rigid  indis- 
pensable observation  of  moral  rules,  is  that  which  is 
founded  on  the  consideration  of  the  public  weaP.  For, 
since  the  common  good  of  mankind  is  confessedly  the 
end  which  God  requires  should  be  promoted  by  the  free 
actions  of  men,  it  may  seem  to  follow  that  all  good  men 
ought  ever  to  have  this  in  view,  as  the  great  mark  to 
which  all  their  endeavours  should  be  directed :  if,  there- 
fore, in  any  particular  case,  a  strict  keeping  to  the  moral 
rule  shall  prove  manifestly  inconsistent  with  the  public 
good,  it  may  be  thought  agreeable  to  the  will  of  God  that 
in  that  case  the  rule  does  restrain  an  honest  disinterested 
person  from  acting  fqr  that  end  to  which  the  rule  itselt 
was  ordained.     For,  it  is  an  axiom  that  '  the  end  is  more 

^  Cf.  Guardian^  No.  70,  83. 

2  See  Locke's  Treatise  on  Government ^  Bk.  II.  ch.  19. 


PRINCIPLES    OF    THE    LAW    OF    NATURE  121 

excellent  than  the  means/  which,  deriving  their  goodness 
from  the  end,  may  not  come  in  competition  with  it. 

31.  In  answer  to  this,  let  it  be  observed,  that  nothing 
is  a  law  merely  because  it  conduceth  to  the  public  good, 
but  because  it  is  decreed  by  the  will  of  God,  which  alone 
can  give  the  sanction  of  a  law  of  nature  to  any  precept ; 
neither  is  any  thing,  how  expedient  or  plausible  soever, 
to  be  esteemed  lawful  on  any  other  account  than  its  being 
coincident  with,  or  not  repugnant  to,  the  laws  promul- 
gated by  the  voice  of  nature  ^nd  reason.  It  must  indeed 
be  allowed  that  the  rational  deduction  of  those  laws  is 
founded  in  the  intrinsic  tendency  they  have  to  promote 
the  well-being  of  mankind,  on  condition  they  are  univer- 
sally and  constantly  observed.  But,  though  it  afterwards 
comes  to  pass  that  they  accidentally  fail  of  that  end,  or 
even  promote  the  contrary ;  they  are  nevertheless  binding, 
as  hath  been  already  proved.  In  short,  that  whole  dif-( 
ficulty  may  be  resolved  by  the  following  distinction : — 
In  framing  the  general  laws  of  nature,  it  is  granted  we 
must  be  entirely  guided  by  the  public  good  of  mankind, 
but  not  in  the  ordinary  moral  actions  of  our  lives.  Such 
a  rule,  if  universally  observed,  hath,  from  the  nature  of 
things,  a  necessary  fitness  to  promote  the  general  well- 
being  of  mankind  :  therefore  it  is  a  law  of  nature.  This 
is  good  reasoning.  But  if  we  should  say,  such  an  action 
doth  in  this  instance  produce  much  good,  and  no  harm 
to  mankind  ;  therefore  it  is  lawful :  this  were  wrong.  The 
rule  is  framed  with  respect  to  the  good  of  mankind ;  but 
our  practice  must  be  always  shaped  immediately  by  the 
rule.  They  who  think  the  public  good  of  a  nation  to 
be  the  sole  measure  of  the  obedience  due  to  the  civil 
power  seem  not  to  have  considered  this  distinction. 

32.  If  it  be  said  that  some  negative  precepts,  e.g.  '  Thou 
shalt  not  kill,*  do  admit  of  limitation,  since  otherwise  it 
were  unlawful  for  the  magistrate,  for  a  soldier  in  a  battle, 

or  for  a  man  in  his  own  defence,  to  kill  another ;  I  answer,  .  \^ 
when  a  duty  is  expressed  in  too  general  terms,  as  in  this  ^' 
instance,  in  order  to  a  distinct  declaration  of  it,  either 
those  terms  may  be  changed  for  others  of  a  more  limited 
sense,  as  kill  for  murder]  or  else,  from  the  general  pro- 
position remaining  in  its  full  latitude,  exceptions  may 
be  made  of  those  precise  cases  which,  not  agreeing  with 


122  PASSIVE    OBEDIENCE  :     UPON    THE 

the  notion  of  murder,  are  not  prohibited  by  the  law  of 
nature.  In  the  former  case  there  is  a  limitation ;  but 
it  is  only  of  the  signification  of  a  single  term,  too  general 
and  improper,  by  substituting  another,  more  proper  and 
particular,  in  its  place.  In  the  latter  case  there  are 
exceptions ;  but  then  they  are  not  from  the  law  of  nature, 
but  from  a  more  general  proposition,  which,  besides  that 
law,  includes  somewhat  more,  which  must  be  taken  away 
in  order  to  leave  the  law  by  itself  clear  and  determinate. 
From  neither  of  which  concessions  will  it  follow  that  any 
negative  law  of  nature  is  limited  to  those  cases  only  where 
its  particular  application  promotes  the  public  good,  or 
admits  all  other  cases  to  be  excepted  from  it  wherein 
its  being  actually  observed  produceth  harm  to  the  public. 
But  of  this  I  shall  have  occasion  to  say  more  in  the 
sequel. 

I  have  now  done  with  the  first  head,  which  was  to  shew 
that  there  is  an  absolute,  unlimited,  passive  obedience 
due  to  the  Supreme  Power,  wherever  placed  in  any 
nation  ;  and  come  to  inquire  into  the  grounds  and  reasons 
of  the  contrary  opinion.  Which  was  the  second  thing 
proposed  ^ 

33.  One  great  principle  which  the  pleaders  for  resistance 
make  the  ground-work  of  their  doctrine  is,  that  the  law 
of  self-preservation  is  prior  to  all  other  engagements,  being 
the  very  first  and  fundamental  law  of  nature  ^  Hence, 
say  they,  subjects  are  obliged  by  nature,  and  it  is  their 
duty,  to  resist  the  cruel  attempts  of  tyrants,  however 
authorised  by  unjust  and  bloody  laws ;  which  are  nothing 
else  but  the  decrees  of  men,  and  consequently  must  give 
way  to  those  of  God  or  Nature.  But  perhaps,  if  we 
narrowly  examine  this  notion,  it  will  not  be  found  so  just 
and  clear  as  some  men  may  imagine,  or,  indeed,  as  at  first 
sight  it  seems  to  be.  For,  we  ought  to  distinguish  between 
a  twofold  signification  of  the  terms  law  of  nature ;  which 
words  do  either  denote  a  rule  or  precept  for  the  direction 
of  the  voluntary  actions  of  reasonable  agents ;  and  in  that 
sense  they  imply  a  duty :  or  else  they  are  used  to  signify 
any  general  rule  which  we  observe  to  obtain  in  the  works 

*  Sect,  33-40. 

'^  So  Locke  in  his  Treatise  on  Government^  e.g.  Bk.  II.  ch.  ig. 


PRINCIPLES    OF   THE    LAW    OF    NATURE  123 

of  nature,  independent  of  the  wills  of  men ;  in  which  sense 
no  duty  is  implied.  And,  in  this  last  acceptation,  I  grant 
it  is  a  general  law  of  nature,  that  in  every  animal  there 
be  implanted  a  desire  of  self-preservation ;  which,  though 
it  is  the  earliest,  the  deepest,  and  most  lasting  of  all, 
whether  natural  or  acquired  appetites,  yet  cannot  with  any 
propriety  be  termed  a  moral  duty.  But  if,  in  the  former 
sense  of  the  words,  they  mean  that  self-preservation  is  the 
first  and  most  fundamental  law  of  nature,  which  therefore 
must  take  place  of  all  other  natural  or  moral  duties,  I  think 
that  assertion  to  be  manifestly  false ;  for  this  plain  reason, 
because  it  would  thence  follow,  a  man  may  lawfully  com- 
mit any  sin  whatsoever  to  preserve  his  life,  than  which 
nothing  can  be  more  absurd. 

34.  It  cannot  indeed  be  denied  that  the  law  of  nature 
restrains  us  from  doing  those  things  which  may  injure  the 
life  of  any  man,  and  consequently  our  own.  But,  not- 
withstanding all  that  is  said  of  the  obligativeness  and 
priority  of  the  law  of  self-preservation,  yet,  for  aught  I 
can  see,  there  is  no  particular  law  which  obliges  any  man 
to  prefer  his  own  temporal  good,  not  even  life  itself,  to 
that  of  another  man,  much  less  to  the  observation  of  any 
one  moral  duty.  This  is  what  we  are  too  ready  to  per- 
form  of  our  own  accord ;  and  there  is  more  need  of  a  law 
to  curb  and  restrain,  than  there  is  of  one  to  excite  and 
inflame  our  self-love. 

35.  But,  secondly,  though  we  should  grant  the  duty  ot 
self-preservation  to  be  the  first  and  most  necessary  of  all 
the  positive  or  affirmative  laws  of  nature ;  yet,  forasmuch  as 
it  is  a  maxim  allowed  by  all  moralists,  that  '  evil  is  never 
to  be  committed,  to  the  end  good  may  come  of  it,'  it  will 
thence  plainly  follow  that  no  negative  precept  ought  to 
be  transgressed  for  the  sake  of  observing  a  positive  one. 
And  therefore,  since  we  have  shewn,  '  Thou  shalt  not  resist 
the  supreme  power,'  to  be  a  negative  law  of  nature,  it  is 
a  necessary  consequence  that  it  may  not  be  transgressed 
under  pretence  of  fulfilling  the  positive  duty  of  self-pre- 
servation. 

36.  A  second  erroneous  ground  of  our  adversaries, 
whereon  they  lay  a  main  stress,  is  that  they  hold  the 
public  good  of  a  particular  nation  to  be  the  measure  of  the 
obedience  due  from  the  subject  to  the  civil  power,  which 


124  PASSIVE    OBEDIENCE  I     UPON    THE 

therefore  may  be  resisted  whensoever  the  public  good 
shall  verily  seem  to  require  it.  But  this  point  hath  been 
already  considered ;  and  in  truth  it  can  give  small  difficulty 
to  whoever  understands  Loyalty  to  be  on  the  same  foot 
with  other  moral  duties  enjoined  in  negative  precepts ;  all 
which,  though  equally  calculated  to  promote  the  general 
well-being,  may  not  nevertheless  be  limited  or  suspended, 
under  pretext  of  giving  way  to  the  end,  as  is  plain  from 
what  hath  been  premised  on  that  subject. 

37.  A  third  reason  which  they  insist  on  is  to  this 
effect: — All  civil  authority  or  right  is  derived  originally 
from  the  people ;  but  nobody  can  transfer  that  to  another 
which  he  hath  not  himself;  therefore,  since  no  man  hath 
an  absolute  unlimited  right  over  his  own  life,  the  subject 
cannot  transfer  such  a  right  to  the  prince  (or  supreme 
power),  who  consequently  hath  no  such  unlimited  right  to 
dispose  of  the  lives  of  his  subjects.  In  case,  therefore, 
a  subject  resist  his  prince,  who,  acting  according  to  law, 
maketh  an  unjust,  though  legal,  attempt  on  his  life,  he 
does  him  no  wrong;  since  wrong  it  is  not,  to  prevent 
another  from  seizing  what  he  hath  no  right  to :  whence 
it  should  seem  to  follow  that,  agreeably  to  reason,  the 
prince,  or  supreme  power  wheresoever  placed,  may  be 
resisted.  Having  thus  endeavoured  to  state  their  argu- 
ment in  its  clearest  light,  I  make  this  answer: — First,  it 
is  granted,  no  civil  power  hath  an  unlimited  right  to  dispose 
of  the  life  of  any  man.  Secondly,  in  case  one  man  resist 
another  invading  that  which  he  hath  no  right  to,  it  is 
granted  he  doth  him  no  wrong.  But,  in  the  third  place, 
I  deny  that  it  doth  thence  follow,  the  supreme  power  may 
consonantly  to  reason  be  resisted ;  because  that,  although 
such  resistance  wronged  not  the  prince  or  supreme  power 
wheresoever  placed,  yet  it  were  injurious  to  the  Author  ot 
Nature,  and  a  violation  of  His  law,  which  reason  obligeth 
us  to  transgress  upon  no  account  whatsoever,  as  hath  been 
demonstrated. 

38.  A  fourth  mistake  or  prejudice  which  influenceth  the 
impugners  of  non-resistance  arises  from  the  natural  dread 
of  slavery,  chains,  and  fetters,  which  inspires  them  with 
an  aversion  for  any  thing,  which  even  metaphorically 
comes  under  those  denominations.  Hence  they  cry  out 
against  us  that  we  would  deprive  them  of  their  natural 


PRINCIPLES    OF    THE    LAW    OF    NATURE  I25 

freedom,  that  we  are  making  chains  for  mankind,  that  we 

are  for  enslaving  them,  and  the  like.     But,  how  harsh 

soever  the  sentence  may  appear,  yet  it  is  most  true,  that 

our  appetites,  even  the  most  natural,  as  of  ease,  plenty, 

or  Jife  itself,  must  be  chained  and  fettered  by  the  laws  of 

nature  and  reason.     This  slavery,  if  they  will  call  it  so, 

or  subjection  of  our  passions  to  the  immutable  decrees  of 

reason,  though  it  may  be  galling  to  the  sensual  part  or  the 

beast,  yet  sure  I  am  it  addeth  much  to  the  dignity  of  that 

which  is  peculiarly  human  in  our  composition.    This  leads 

me  to  the  fifth  fundamental  error. 

39.  Namely,  the  mistaking  the  object  of  passive  obedi- 
ence. We  should  consider  that  when  a  subject  endures 
the  insolence  and  oppression  of  one  or  more  magistrates, 
armed  with  the  supreme  civil  power,  the  object  of  his 
submission  is,  in  strict  truth,  nothing  else  but  right  reason  ; 
which  is  the  voice  of  the  Author  of  Nature.  Think  not  we 
are  so  senseless  as  to  imagine  tyrants  cast  in  a  better 
mould  than  other  men :  no,  they  are  the  worst  and  vilest 
of  men,  and  for  their  own  sakes  have  not  the  least  right  to 
our  obedience.  But  the  laws  of  God  and  nature  must  be 
obeyed ;  and  our  obedience  to  them  is  never  more  accept- 
able and  sincere  than  when  it  exposeth  us  to  temporal 
calamities. 

40.  A  sixth  false  ground  of  persuasion  to  those  we  argue 
against  is  their  not  distinguishing  between  the  natures 
of  positive  and  negative  duties.  For,  say  they,  since  our 
adtve  obedience  to  the  supreme  civil  power  is  acknowledged 
to  be  limited,  why  may  not  our  duty  of  non-resistance  be 
thought  so  too  ?  The  answer  is  plain  :  because  positive 
and  negative  moral  precepts  are  not  of  the  same  nature ; 
the  former  admitting  such  limitations  and  exceptions  as  the 
latter  are  on  no  account  liable  to,  as  hath  been  already 
proved.  It  is  very  possible  that  a  man,  in  obeying  the 
commands  of  his  lawful  governors,  might  transgress  some 
law  of  God  contrary  to  them ;  which  it  is  not  possible  for 
him  to  do  merely  by  a  patient  suffering  and  non-resistance 
for  conscience  sake.  And  this  furnishes  such  a  satisfactory 
and  obvious  solution  of  the  fore-mentioned  difficulty  that 
I  am  not  a  little  surprised  to  see  it  insisted  on,  by  men, 
otherwise,  of  good  sense  and  reason.  And  so  much  for  the 
grounds  and  reasons  of  the  adversaries  of  non-resistance. 


126  PASSIVE    OBEDIENCE  :     UPON    THE 

I  now  proceed  to  the  third  and  last  thing  proposed, 
namely,  the  consideration  of  the  objections  drawn  from  the 
pretended  consequences  of  non-resistance  ^ 

41.  First,  then,  it  will  be  objected  that,  in  consequence 
of  that  notion,  we  must  believe  that  God  hath,  in  several 
instances,  laid  the  innocent  part  of  mankind  under  an 
unavoidable  necessity  of  enduring  the  greatest  sufferings 
and  hardships,  without  any  remedy;  which  is  plainly 
inconsistent  with  the  Divine  wisdom  and  goodness:  and 
therefore  the  principle  from  whence  that  consequence  flows, 

fought  not  to  be  admitted  as  a  law  of  God  or  nature.  In 
answer  to  which  I  observe,  we  must  carefully  distinguish 
between  the  necessary  and  accidental  consequences  of  a 
}  moral  law.  The  former  kind  are  those  which  the  law  is 
in  its  own  nature  calculated  to  produce,  and  which  have 
'1  an  inseparable  connexion  with  the  observation  of  it ;  and 
.indeed,  if  these  are  bad,  we  may  justly  conclude  the  law 
\to  be  so  too;  and  consequently  not  from  God.  But  the 
accidental  consequences  of  a  law  have  no  intrinsic  natural 
connexion  with,  nor  do  they  strictly  speaking  flow  from 
its  observation,  but  are  the  genuine  result  of  something 
foreign  and  circumstantial,  which  happens  to  be  joined 
,  with  it.  And  these  accidental  consequences  of  a  very  good 
law  may  nevertheless  be  very  bad ;  which  badness  of  theirs 
is  to  be  charged  on  their  own  proper  and  necessary  cause, 
and  not  on  the  law,  which  hath  no  essential  tendency  to 
produce  them.  Now,  though  it  must  be  granted  that  a 
lawgiver  infinitely  wise  and  good  will  constitute  such  laws 
for  the  regulation  of  human  actions  as  have  in  their  own 
nature  a  necessary  inherent  aptness  to  promote  the  common 
good  of  all  mankind,  and  that  in  the  greatest  degree  that 
the  present  circumstances  and  capacities  of  human  nature 
will  admit ;  yet  we  deny  that  the  wisdom  and  goodness  of 
the  lawgiver  are  concerned,  or  may  be  called  in  question, 
on  account  of  the  particular  evils  which  arise,  necessarily 
and  properly,  from  the  transgression  of  some  one  or  more 
good  laws,  and  but  accidentally  from  the  observation  of 
othefs.  But  it  is  plain  that  the  sevetal  calamities  and 
devastations  which  oppressive  governments  bring  on  the 

'  Sect.  41-56.  Some  of  the  objections  referred  to  may  be  found  in 
Locke. 


PRINCIPLES    OF    THE    LAW    OF    NATURE  127 

world  are  not  the  genuine  necessary  effects  of  the  law 

that  enjoineth  a  passive  subjection  to  the  supreme  power, 

neither  are  they  included  in  the  primary  intention  thereof, 

but  spring  from  avarice,  ambition,  cruelty,  revenge,  and 

the  like  inordinate   affections   and  vices   raging   in   the 

breasts  of  governors.     They  may  not  therefore  argue  a  t 

defect  of  wisdom  or  goodness  in  God's  law,  but  of  right-  i 

eousness  in  men.  ' 

42.  Such  is  the  present  state  of  things,  so  irregular  are 
the  wills,  and  so  unrestrained  the  passions,  of  men,  that 
we  every  day  see  manifest  breaches  and  violations  of  the 
laws  of  nature,  which,  being  always  committed  in  favour 
of  the  wicked,  must  surely  be  sometimes  attended  with 
heavy  disadvantages  and  miseries  on  the  part  of  those 
who  by  a  firm  adhesion  to  His  laws  endeavour  to  approve 
themselves  in  the  eyes  of  their  Creator.  There  are  in 
short  no  rules  of  morality,  not  excepting  the  best,  but 
what  may  subject  good  men  to  great  sufferings  and  hard-  • 
ships;  which  necessarily  follows  from  the  wickedness  of 
those  they  have  to  deal  with,  and  but  accidently  from  those 
good  rules.  And  as,  on  the  one  hand,  it  were  inconsistent 
with  the  wisdom  of  God,  by  suffering  a  retaUation  of  fraud, 
perjury,  or  the  like,  on  the  head  of  offenders,  to  punish 
one  transgression  by  another:  so,  on  the  other  hand,  it 
were  inconsistent  with  His  justice  to  leave  the  good  and 
innocent  a  hopeless  sacrifice  to  the  wicked.  God  there- 
fore hath  appointed  a  day  of  retribution  in  another  life, 
and  in  this  we  have  His  grace  and  a  good  conscience 
for  our  support.  We  should  not  therefore  repine  at  the 
Divine  laws,  or  shew  a  frowardness  or  impatience  of  those 
transient  sufferings  they  accidentally  expose  us  to,  which, 
however  grating  to  flesh  and  blood,  will  yet  seem  of  small 
moment,  if  we  compare  the  littleness  and  fleetingness 
of  this  present  world  with  the  glory  and  eternity  of 
the  next\ 

43.  From  what  hath  been  said,  I  think  it  is  plain  that 
the  premised  doctrine  of  non-resistance  were  safe,  though 
the  evils  incurred  thereby  should  be  allowed  never  so 
great.  But  perhaps,  upon  a  strict  examination,  they  will 
be  found  much  less  than  by  many  they  are  thought  to  be. 

*  This  presupposes  the  supremacy  of  distributive  justice  in  the 
universe. 


128  PASSIVE    OBEDIENCE  :     UPON   THE 

The  mischievous  effects  which  are  charged  on  that  doctrine 
may  be  reduced  to  these  two  points : — First,  that  it  is  an 
encouragement  for  all  governors  to  become  tyrants,  by  the 
prospect  it  gives  them  of  impunity  or  non-resistance. 
Secondly,  that  it  renders  the  oppression  and  cruelty  of 
those  who  are  tyrants  more  insupportable  and  violent,  by 
cutting  off  all  opposition,  and  consequently  all  means  of 
redress.  I  shall  consider  each  of  these  distinctly. — As  to 
the  first  point,  either  you  will  suppose  the  governors  to 
be  good  or  ill  men.  If  they  are  good,  there  is  no  fear  of 
their  becoming  tyrants.  And  if  they  are  ill  men,  that  is, 
such  as  postpone  the  observation  to  God's  laws  to  the 
satisfying  of  their  own  lusts,  then  it  can  be  no  security  to 
them  that  others  will  rigidly  observe  those  moral  precepts 
which  they  find  themselves  so  prone  to  transgress. 

44.  It  is  indeed  a  breach  of  the  law  of  nature  for  a 
subject,  though  under  the  greatest  and  most  unjust  suffer- 
ings, to  lift  up  his  hand  against  the  supreme  power.  But  it  is 
a  more  heinous  and  inexcusable  violation  of  it  for  the 
persons  invested  with  the  supreme  power  to  use  that 
power  to  the  ruin  and  destruction  of  the  people  committed 
to  their  charge.  What  encouragement  therefore  can  any 
^<T\  man  have  to  think  that  others  will  not  be  pushed  on  by 

^V^  the  strong  implanted  appetite  of  self-preservation,  to  com- 
vT^^^mit  a  crime,  when  he  himself  commits  a  more  brutish  and 
^  \^  unnatural  crime,  perhaps  without  any  provocation  at  all  ? 
r  ^  D^*^  Or  is  it  to  be  imagined  that  they  who  daily  break  God's 
^'""^^  laws,  for  the  sake  of  some  little  profit  or  transient  pleasure, 
bo^  \*4  ^^^^  ^^^  ^^  tempted,  by  the  love  of  property,  liberty,  or 
-uM  ^  life  itself,  to  transgress  that  single  precept  which  forbids 
\   ^  tr^  resistance  to  the  supreme  power  ? 

^vf^'^     45.  But  it  will  be  demanded — To  what  purpose  then  is 
So^  this  duty  of  non-resistance   preached,    and  proved,  and 

recommended  to  our  practice,  if,  in  all  likelihood,  when 
things  come  to  an  extremity,  men  will  never  observe  it  ? 
I  answer,  to  the  very  same  purpose  that  any  other  duty 
is  preached.  For,  what  duty  is  there  which  many,  too 
many,  upon  some  consideration  or  other,  may  not  be  pre- 
vailed on  to  transgress?  Moralists  and  divines  do  not 
preach  the  duties  of  nature  and  religion  with  a  view  of 
gaining  mankind  to  a  perfect  observation  of  them ;  that 
they  know  is  not  to  be  done.    But,  however,  our  pains  are 


PRINCIPLES    OF   THE    LAW    OF    NATURE  129 

answered,  if  we  can  make  men  less  sinners  than  otherwise 
they  would  be ;  if,  by  opposing  the  force  of  duty  to  that  of 
present  interest  and  passion,  we  can  get  the  better  of  some 
temptations,  and  balance  others,  while  the  greatest  still 
remain  invincible. 

46.  But,  granting  those  who  are  invested  with  the 
supreme  power  to  have  all  imaginable  security  that  no  cruel 
and  barbarous  treatment  whatever  could  provoke  their  sub- 
jects to  rebellion,  yet  I  believe  it  may  be  justly  questioned, 
whether  such  security  would  tempt  them  to  more  or  greater 
actsofcruelty  than  jealousy,  distrust,  suspicion,  and  revenge 
may  do  in  a  state  less  secure. — And  so  far  in  consideration 
of  the  first  point,  namely,  that  the  doctrine  of  non-resistance 
is  an  encouragement  for  governors  to  become  tyrants. 

47.  The  second  mischievous  effect  it  was  charged  with 
is,  that  it  renders  the  oppression  and  cruelty  of  those  who 
are  tyrants  more  insupportable  and  violent,  by  cutting  off 
all  opposition,  and  consequently  all  means  of  redress. 
But,  if  things  are  rightly  considered,  it  will  appear  that 
redressing  the  evils  of  government  by  force  is  at  best 
a  very  hazardous  attenjpt,  and  what  often  puts  the  public 
in  a  worse  state  than  it  was  before.  For,  either  you  sup- 
pose the  power  of  the  rebels  to  be  but  small,  and  easily 
crushed,  and  then  this  is  apt  to  inspire  the  governors  with 
confidence  and  cruelty.  Or,  in  case  you  suppose  it  more 
considerable,  so  as  to  be  a  match  for  the  supreme  power 
supported  by  the  public  treasure,  forts,  and  armies,  and 
that  the  whole  nation  is  engaged  in  a  civil  war; — the 
certain  effects  of  this  are,  rapine,  bloodshed,  misery,  and 
confusion  to  all  orders  and  parties  of  men,  greater  and 
more  insupportable  by  far  than  are  known  under  any  the 
most  absolute  and  severe  tyranny  upon  earth.  And  it  may 
be  that,  after  much  mutual  slaughter,  the  rebellious  party 
may  prevail.  And  if  they  do  prevail  to  destroy  the 
government  in  being,  it  may  be  .  they  will  substitute  a 
better  in  its  place,  or  change  it  into  better  hands.  And 
may  not  this  come  to  pass  without  the  expense,  and  toil, 
and  blood  of  war  ?  Is  not  the  heart  of  a  prince  in  the 
hand  of  God  ?  May  He  not  therefore  give  him  a  right 
sense  of  his  duty,  or  may  He  not  call  him  out  of  the  world 
by  sickness,   accident,   or  the    hand   of  some  desperate 

BBKKBLBY:     FKASER.       IV.  ^ 


I30 


PASSIVE    OBEDIENCE  *.     UPON    THE 


ruflBan,  and  send  a  better  in  his  stead  ?  When  I  speak  as 
of  a  monarchy,  I  would  be  understood  to  mean  all  sorts  of 
government,  wheresoever  the  supreme  power  is  lodged. 
Upon  the  whole,  I  think  we  may  close  with  the  heathen 
philosopher,  who  thought  it  the  part  of  a  wise  man 
never  to  attempt  the  change  of  government  by  force, 
when  it  could  not  be  mended  without  the  slaughter  and 
banishment  of  his  countrymen  :  but  to  sit  still,  and  pray 
for  better  times  \  For,  this  way  may  do,  and  the  other 
may  not  do ;  there  is  uncertainty  in  both  courses.  The 
difference  is  that  in  the  way  of  rebellion  we  are  sure  to 
increase  the  public  calamities,  for  a  time  at  least,  though 
we  are  not  sure  of  lessening  them  for  the  future. 

48.  But,  though  it  should  be  acknowledged  that,  in  the 
main,  submission  and  patience  ought  to  be  recommended, 
yet,  men  will  be  still  apt  to  demand,  whether  extraordinary 
cases  may  not  require  extraordinary  measures ;  and  there- 
fore, in  case  the  oppression  be  insupportable,  and  the 
prospect  of  deliverance  sure,  whether  rebellion  may  not 
be  allowed  of?  I  answer,  by  no  means.  Perjury,  or 
breach  of  faith,  may,  in  some  possible  cases,  bring  great 
advantage  to  a  nation,  by  freeing  it  from  conditions 
inconsistent  with  its  liberty  and  public  welfare.  So  like- 
wise may  adultery,  by  procuring  a  domestic  heir,  prevent 
a  kingdom's  falling  into  the  hands  of  a  foreign  power, 
which  would  in  all  probability  prove  its  ruin.  Yet,  will 
any  man  say,  the  extraordinary  nature  of  those  cases  can 
take  away  the  guilt  of  perjury  and  adultery  *  ?     This  is 


*  [Plato  inEpist.vii.J — Author. 
The  passage  referred  to  is  the  follow- 
ing : — Aiy€tv  fUv,  €l  fi^  /eaXSfs  awry 
(paivoiro  7ro\iT€V€(T0cUf  fl  fiiWoi  fiiyrt 
HaraioK  fpfiVj  m4''^  diro0av€i<T0ai 
A^7(wi',    fiiav    Si    irar/xSi    iroAiT€<ay 

fl€Ta0o\yS  fl^  VpO<T<ffip€lVf  6r€W  &V€V 

^vyrjs  teal  a<f>ay^s  dvdpSfv  /i^  Swardv 
Xi  yiyveffdcu  rijv  dplarrjVj  ^ffvxiay  8i 
dyovra  €vx^a0ai  roL  dyaOd  avr^  t€ 
icai  T§  ir6\ti, 

'  [When  I  wrote  this,  I  could 
not  think  any  man  would  avow 
the  justifying  those  crimes  on  any 
pretext.  But  I  since  find  that  an 
author  (supposed   the   same  who 


published  the  book  entitled,  The 
Rights  of  the  Christian  Church) ^  in 
a  Discourse  ayncerning  Obedience  to 
the  Supreme  Powers^  printed  with 
three  other  discourses  at  London, 
in  the  year  1706,  chap.  iv.  p.  28, 
speaking  of  Divine  laws,  is  not 
ashamed  to  assert,  *  There  is  no 
law  which  wholly  relates  to  man 
but  ceases  to  oblige,  if,  upon  the 
infinite  variety  of  circumstances 
attending  human  afiairs,  it  happens 
to  be  contrary  to  the  good  of  man.' 
So  that,  according  to  this  writer, 
parricide,  incest,  or  breach  of  faith 
become  innocent  things,  if,  in  the 


PRINCIPLES    OF   THE    LAW   OF    NATURE 


131 


what  I  will  not  suppose.  But  it  hath  been  shewn,  that 
rebellion  is  as  truly  a  crime  against  nature  and  reason  as 
either  of  the  foregoing ;  it  may  not  therefore  be  justified 
upon  any  account  whatever,  any  more  than  they. 

49.  What !    must  we  then  submit  our  necks  to   the 
sword  ?   and  is  there  no  help,  no  refuge,  against  extreme 
tyranny  established  by  law  ?     In  answer  to  this  I  say,  in 
the  first  place,  it  is  not  to  be  feared  that  men  in  their  wits 
should  seek  the  destruction  of  their  people,  by  such  cruel 
and  unnatural  decrees  as  some  are  forward  to  suppose. 
I  say,  secondly,  that,  in  case  they  should,  yet  most  certainly 
the  subordinate  magistrates  may  not,  nay,  they  ought  not, 
in  obedience  to  those  decrees,  to  act  any  thing  contrary  to 
the  express  laws  of  God.    And,  perhaps,  all  things  con- 
sidered, it  will  be  thought  that  representing  this  limitation 
of  their  active  obedience,  by  the  laws  of  God  or  nature,  as 
a  duty  to  the  ministers  of  the  supreme  power,  may  prove 
in  those  extravagant  supposed  cases  no  less  effectual  for 
the  peace  and  safety  of  a  nation  than  preaching  up  the 
power  of  resistance  to  the  people. 

50.  Further,  it  will  probably  be  objected  as  an  absurdity 
in  the  doctrine  of  passive  obedience,  that  it  enjoineth  sub- 
jects a  blind  implicit  submission  to  the  decrees  of  other 
men ;  which  is*  unbecoming  the  dignity  and  freedom  ol 
reasonable  agents ;  who  indeed  ought  to  pay  obedience  to 
their  superiors,  but  it  should  be  a  rational  obedience,  such 
as  arises  from  a  knowledge  of  the  equity  of  their  laws,  and 
the  tendency  they  have  to  promote  the  public  good.  To 
which  I  answer,  that  it  is  not  likely  a  government  should 
suffer  much  for  want  of  having  its  laws  inspected  and 
amended  by  those  who  are  not  legally  entitled  to  a  share 


infinite  variety  of  circumstances, 
they  should  happen  to  promote  (or 
be  thought  by  any  private  person 
to  promote)  the  public  good. 
After  what  has  been  already  said, 
I  hope  I  need  not  be  at  any  pains 
to  convince  the  reader  of  the 
absurdity  and  perniciousness  of 
this  notion.  I  shall  only  observe, 
that  it  appears  the  author  was  led 
into  it  by  a  more  than  ordinary 
aversion  to  passive  obedience ; 
which  put  him   upon    measuring 


or  limiting  that  duty,  and,  with 
equal  reason,  all  others,  by  the 
public  good,  to  the  entire  unhinging 
of  all  order  and  morality  among 
men.  And  it  must  be  owned  the 
transition  was  very  natural.] — 
Author. 

This  note  was  added  in  the 
third  edition.  The  author  referred 
to  is  Matthew  Tindal,  one  of  Berke- 
ley's 'minute  philosophers.'  Cf. 
Theory  of  Vision  Vindicated^  sect,  a^ 
5,  and  notes  by  Editor. 

K  2, 


132  PASSIVE    OBEDIENCE  :     UPON   THE 

in  the  management  of  affairs  of  that  nature.  And  it  must 
be  confessed  the  bulk  of  mankind  are  by  their  circum- 
stances and  occupations  so  far  unqualified  to  judge  of  such 
matters,  that  they  must  necessarily  pay  an  implicit  defer- 
ence to  some  or  other.  And  to  whom  so  properly  as  to 
those  invested  with  the  supreme  power  ? 

51.  There  is  another  objection  against  absolute  sub- 
mission, which  I  should  not  have  mentioned  but  that 
I  find  it  insisted  on  by  men  of  so  great  note  as  Grotius 
and  PufFendorf  ^,  who  think  our  non-resistance  should  be 
measured  by  the  intention  of  those  who  first  framed  the 
societ}'.  Now,  say  they,  if  we  suppose  the  question  put 
to  them,  whether  they  meant  to  lay  every  subject  under 
the  necessity  of  choosing  death,  rather  than  in  any  case  to 
resist  the  cruelty  of  his  superiors,  it  cannot  be  imagined 
they  would  answer  in  the  affirmative.  For,  this  were  to 
put  themselves  in  a  worse  condition  than  that  which  they 
endeavoured  to  avoid  by  entering  into  society.  For, 
although  they  were  before  obnoxious  to  the  injuries  of 
many,  they  had  nevertheless  the  power  of  resisting  them. 
But  now  they  are  bound,  without  any  opposition  at  all,  to 
endure  the  greatest  injuries  from  those  whom  they  have 
armed  with  their  own  strength.  Which  is  by  so  much 
worse  than  the  former  state,  as  the  undergoing  an  execu- 
tion is  worse  than  the  hazard  of  a  battle.  But  (passing  by 
all  other  exceptions  which  this  method  of  arguing  may  be 
liable  to),  it  is  evident  that  a  man  had  better  be  exposed 
to  the  absolute  irresistible  decrees,  even  of  one  single 
person,  whose  own  and  posterity's  true  interest  it  is  to 
preserve  him  in  peace  and  plenty,  and  protect  him  from 
the  injuries  of  all  mankind  beside,  than  remain  an  open 
prey  to  the  rage  and  avarice  of  every  wicked  man  upon 
earth,  who  either  exceeds  him  in  strength,  or  takes  him 
at  an  advantage.  The  truth  of  this  is  confirmed,  as  well 
by  the  constant  experience  of  the  far  greater  part  of  the 
world,  as  by  what  we  have  already  observed  concerning 
anarchy,  and  the  inconsistence  of  such  a  state  with  that 
manner  of  life  which  human  nature  requires.  Hence  it 
is  plain  the  objection  last  mentioned  is  built  on  a  false 

^  [Grotius  De  Jure  Belli et  Pacts y       Lib.  VII.  cap.  vii.  sect.  7.] — Au- 
Lib.  I .  chap.  iv.  sect.  7  ;  et  Puffen-       thor. 
dorf  De  Jure  Natural  et  Gentium^ 


PRINCIPLES    OF   THE    LAW    OF    NATURE  I33 

supposition,  viz.  That  men,  by  quitting  the  natural  state 
of  anarchy  for  that  of  absolute  non-resisting  obedience  to 
government,  would  put  themselves  in  a  worse  condition 
than  they  were  in  before. 

52.  The  last  objection  I  shall  take  notice  of  is,  that,  in 
pursuance  of  the  premised  doctrine,  where  no  exceptions, 
no  limitations,  are  to  be  allowed  of,  it  should  seem  to 
follow  men  were  bound  to  submit,  without  making  any 
opposition,  to  usurpers,  or  even  madmen,  possessed  of  the 
supreme  authority.  Which  is  a  notion  so  absurd,  and 
repugnant  to  common  sense,  that  the  foundation  on  which^^^^_ 

it  is  built  may  justly  be  called  in  question.     Now,  in  order  ^>7^  'u 
to  clear  this  point,  I  observe  the  limitation  of  moral  duties  ^«^ 
may  be  understood  in  a  twofold  sense — either,  first,  as  c^    *^ 
a  distinction  applied  to  the  terms  of  a  proposition,  whereby  r^'  ^ 
that  which  was  expressed  before  too  generally  is  limited  /■  ^/^ 
to  a  particular  acceptation;    and  this,  in  truth,  is  not  so  ^a<^ 
properly  limiting  the  duty  as  defining  it.     Or,  secondly, 
it  may  be  understood  as  a  suspending  the  observation  of 
a  duty,  for  avoiding  some  extraordinary  inconvenience,  and 
thereby  confining  it  to  certain  occasions.    And  in  this  last 
sense  only,  we  have  shewn  negative  duties  not  to  admit  of 
limitation.      Having  premised  this   remark,   I   make  the 
following  answer  to  the  objection  : — namely,  that  by  virtue 
of  the  duty  of  non-resistance  we  are  not  obliged  to  submit 
the  disposal  of  our  lives  and  fortunes  to  the  discretion 
either  of  madmen,  or  of  all  those  who  by  craft  or  violence 
invade  the  supreme  power ;  because  the  object  of  the  sub- 
mission enjoined  subjects  by  the  law  of  nature  is,  from 
the  reason  of  the  thing,  manifestly  limited  so  as  to  exclude 
both  the  one  and  the  other.     Which  I  shall  not  go  about 
to  prove,  because  I  believe  nobody  has  denied  it.     Nor 
doth    the    annexing    such    limits    to   the    object    of  our 
obedience   at  all   limit  the  duty  itself,  in   the  sense  we 
except  against. 

53.  [In  morality  the  eternal  rules  of  action  have  the  same  f 
immutable  universal  truth  with  propositions  in  geometry. 
Neither  of  them  depends  on  circumstances  or  accidents, 
being  at  all  times  and  in  all  places,  without  limitation  or 
exception,  true.  '  Thou  shalt  not  resist  the  supreme  civil 
power'  is  no  less  constant  and  unalterable  a  rule,  for 
modelling  the  behaviour  of  a  subject  toward  the  govern- 


134  PASSIVE    OBEDIENCE  :     UPON    THE 

ment,  than  '  multiply  the  height  by  half  the  base '  is  for 
measuring  a  triangle.    And,  as  it  would  not  be  thought  to 

I  detract  from  the  universality  of  this  mathematical  rule  that 
it  did  not  exactly  measure  a  field  which  was  not  an  exact 

.  triangle,  so  ought  it  not  to  be  thought  an  argument  against 
the  universality  of  the  rule  prescribing  passive  obedience, 
that  it  does  not  reach  a  man's  practice  in  all  cases  where 
a  government  is  unhinged,  or  the  supreme  power  disputed. 
There  must  be  a  triangle,  and  you  must  use  your  senses 
to  know  this,  before  there  is  room  for  appl3ring  your 
mathematical  rule.  And  there  must  be  a  civil  govern- 
ment, and  you  must  know  in  whose  hands  it  is  lodged, 
before  the  moral  precept  takes  place.  But,  where  the 
supreme  power  is  ascertained,  we  should  no  more  doubt 
of  our  submission  to  it,  than  we  would  doubt  of  the  way 

i  to  measure  a  figure  we  know  to  be  a  triangle  ^] 

54.  In  the  various  changes  and  fluctuations  of  govern- 
ment, it  is  impossible  to  prevent  that  controversies  should 
sometimes  arise  concerning  the  seat  of  the  supreme  power. 
And  in  such  cases  subjects  cannot  be  denied  the  liberty  of 
judging  for  themselves,  or  of  taking  part  with  some,  and 
opposing  others,  according  to  the  bist  of  their  judgments; 
all  which  is  consistent  with  an  exact  observation  of  their 
duty,  so  long  as,  when  the  constitution  is  clear  in  the 
point,  and  the  object  of  their  submission  undoubted,  no 
pretext  of  interest,  friends,  or  the  public  good,  can  make 
them  depart  from  it.  In  short,  it  is  acknowledged  that 
the  precept  enjoining  non-resistance  is  limited  to  particular 
objects,  but  not  to  particular  occasions.  And  in  this  it  is 
like  all  other  moral  negative  duties,  which,  considered  as 
general  propositions,  do  admit  of  limitations  and  restric- 
tions, in  order  to  a  distinct  definition  of  the  duty ;  but 
what  is  once  known  to  be  a  duty  of  that  sort  can  never 
become  otherwise  by  any  good  or  ill  effect,  circumstance, 
or  event  whatsoever.  And  in  truth  if  it  were  not  so,  if 
there  were  no  general  inflexible  rules,  but  all  negative  as 
well  as  positive  duties  might  be  dispensed  with,  and  warpt 
to  serve  particular  interests  and  occasions,  there  were  an 
end  of  all  morality. 

*  Section  53  was  added  in  the       its  strong  expression  of  the  abso- 
third  edition.     It  is  remarkable  for      lute  immutability  of  moral  rules. 


PRINCIPLES    OF   THE    LAW   OF    NATURE  135 

55.  It  is  therefore  evident  that,  as  the  observation  of 

any  other  negative  moral  law  is  not  to  be  limited  to  those 

instances  only  where  it  may  produce  good  effects,   so 

neither  is  the  observation  of  non-resistance  limited  in  such 

sort  as  that  any  man  may  lawfully  transgress  it,  whensoever 

in  his  judgment  the  public  good  of  his  particular  country 

shall  require  it.    And  it  is  with  regard  to  this  limitation 

by  the  effects  that  I  speak  of  non-resistance  as  an  absolute, 

unconditioned,  unlimited  duty.     Which  must  inevitably  be 

granted,  unless  one  of  these  three  things  can  be  proved  : — 

either,  first,  that  non-resistance  is  no   moral  duty:    or, 

secondly,  that  other  negative  moral  duties  are  limited  by 

the  effects:   or,  lastly,  that  there  is  something  peculiar 

in  the  nature  of  non-resistance,  which  necessarily  subjects 

it  to  such  a  limitation  as  no  other  negative  moral  duty 

can  admit.     The  contrary  to  each  of  which  points,  if  I 

mistake  not,  hath  been  clearly  made  out. 

56.  I  have  now  briefly  gone  through  the  objections 
drawn  from  the  consequences  of  non-resistance,  which  was 
the  last  general  head  I  proposed  to  treat  of.  In  handling 
this  and  the  other  points,  I  have  endeavoured  to  be  as  full 
and  clear  as  the  usual  length  of  these  discourses  would 
permit,  and  throughout  to  consider  the  argument  with  the 
same  indifference  as  I  should  any  other  part  of  general 
knowledge ;  being  verily  persuaded  that  men  as  Christians 
are  obliged  to  the  practice  of  no  one  moral  duty  which 
may  not  abide  the  severest  test  of  Reason. 


ESSAYS   IN   THE   GUARDIAN 


Published  in  17 13 


NOTE 

The  fourteen  Essays  in  the  Guardian  which  are  here 
reprinted  are  attributed  to  Berkeley  upon  evidence  which 
seems  sufficient.  Guardian,  Nos.  3,  27,  35,  39,  49,  55,  62, 
70,  77,  and  126,  are  assigned  to  him  by  his  son,  Dr.  George 
Berkeley,  as  well  as  by  the  annotators,  who  add  to  these 
Nos.  83,  88,  89.  No.  69  is  claimed  for  Berkeley  in  the 
Gentleman's  Magazine  (1780).  These  Essays  are  not  in 
any  of  the  editions  of  his  works  prior  to  1871.  They  must 
have  been  written  during  his  stay  in  London  in  17 13,  when 
the  recommendation  of  his  countrymen  Swift  and  Steele, 
added  to  the  reputation  he  had  already  gained  as  a  meta- 
physician, and  his  personal  charm,  opened  his  way  socially 
into  the  English  world  of  letters. 

Their  main  design  was  to  defend  Christian  theism 
against  '  free-thinkers '  of  the  day,  assumed  to  be 
materialists  or  atheists. 


ESSAYS   IN  THE   GUARDIAN 


I 


REMARKS  ON  COLLINS'  'DISCOURSE  OF 

FREE-THINKING" 

'Quicquid  est  illud  quod  sentit,  quod  sapit,  quod  vult,  quod  viget,  coeleste 
et  divinum  est,  ob  eamque  rem,  aeternum  sic  necesse  est.' — Cicero. 

^  Whatever  that  be  which  thinks,  which  understands,  which  wills,  which 
acts,  it  is  something  celestial  and  divine,  and,  upon  that  account, 
must  necessarily  be  eternal.' 

I  AM  diverted  from  the  account  I  was  giving  the  town 
of  my  particular  concerns,  by  casting  my  eye  upon  a 
Treatise  which  I  could  not  overlook  without  an  inexcusable 
negligence,  and  want  of  concern  for  all  the  civil  as  well 
as  religious  interests  of  mankind.  This  piece  has  for  its 
title,  A  Discourse  of  Free-thinkingy  occasioned  by  the  rise 
and  growth  of  a  Sect  called  Free-thinkers  ^,  The  author 
very  methodically  enters  upon  his  argument,  and  says, — 
'  By  free-thinking  I  mean  the  use  of  the  understanding  in 
endeavouring  to  find  out  the  meaning  of  any  proposition 
whatsoever,  in  considering  the  nature  of  the  evidence  for 
or  against  it,  and  in  judging  of  it  according  to  the  seeming 
force  or  weakness  of  the  evidence.'  As  soon  as  he  has 
delivered  this  definition,  from  which  one  would  expect 
he  did  not  design  to  shew  a  particular  inclination  for  or 
against  any  thing  before  he  had  considered  it,  he  gives  up 
all  title  to  the  character  of  a  free-thinker,  with  the  most 
apparent  prejudice  against  a  body  of  men  whom  of  all 

*  Guardian^    No.    3,    Saturday,  'By  Anthony  Collins — published 

March  14,  17 13.  early  in  1713. 


140  ESSAYS    IN    THE    GUARDIAN 

Other  a  good  man  would  be  most  careful  not  to  violate, 
I  mean  men  in  holy  orders.  Persons  who  have  devoted 
themselves  to  the  service  of  God  are  venerable  to  all  who 
fear  Him ;  and  it  is  a  certain  characteristic  of  a  dissolute 
and  ungoverned  mind,  to  rail  or  speak  disrespectfully  of 
them  in  general.  It  is  certain  that  in  so  great  a  crowd 
of  men  some  will  intrude  who  are  of  tempers  very  unbe- 
coming their  function ;  but  because  ambition  and  avarice 
are  sometimes  lodged  in  that  bosom  which  ought  to  be 
the  dwelling  of  sanctity  and  devotion,  must  this  unrea- 
sonable author  vilify  the  whole  order?  He  has  not  taken 
the  least  care  to  disguise  his  being  an  enemy  to  the  persons 
against  whom  he  writes,  nor  any  where  granted  that  the 
institution  of  religious  men  to  serve  at  the  altar,  and 
instruct  such  who  are  not  as  wise  as  himself,  is  at  all 
necessary  or  desirable;  but  proceeds,  without  the  least 
apology,  to  undermine  their  credit,  and  frustrate  their 
labours.  Whatever  clergymen,  in  disputes  against  each 
other,  have  unguardedly  uttered  is  here  recorded  in  such 
a  manner  as  to  affect  religion  itself,  by  wresting  con- 
cessions to  its  disadvantage  from  its  own*  teachers. 

If  this  be  true,  as  sure  any  man  that  reads  the  Discourse 
must  allow  it  is,  and  if  religion  is  the  strongest  tie  of 
human  society,  in  what  manner  are  we  to  treat  this  our 
common  enemy,  who  promotes  the  growth  of  such  a  sect 
as  he  calls  Free-thinkers?  He  that  should  burn  a  house, 
and  justify  the  action,  by  asserting  he  is  a  free  agent,  would 
be  more  excusable  than  this  author  in  uttering  what  he 
has  from  the  right  of  a  Free-thinker.  But  there  are  a 
set  of  dry,  joyless,  dull  fellows,  who  want  capacities  and 
talents  to  make  a  figure  amongst  mankind  upon  benevolent 
and  generous  principles,  that  think  to  surmount  their  own 
natural  meanness,  by  laying  offences  in  the  way  of  such 
as  make  it  their  endeavour  to  excel  upon  the  received 
maxims  and  honest  arts  of  life.  If  it  were  possible  to 
laugh  at  so  melancholy  an  affair  as  what  hazards  salvation, 
it  would  be  no  unpleasant  inquiry  to  ask  what  satisfactions 
they  reap,  what  extraordinary  gratification  of  sense,  or 
what  delicious  libertinism  this  sect  of  Free-thinkers  enjoy, 
after  getting  loose  of  the  laws  which  confine  the  passions 
of  other  men  ?  Would  it  not  be  a  matter  of  mirth  to  find, 
after  all,  that  the  heads  of  this  growing  sect  are  sober 


ON   COLLINS*    DISCOURSE   OF    FREE-THINKING      141 

wretches,  who  prate  whole  evenings  over  coffee,  and  have 
not  themselves  fire  enough  to  be  any  further  debauchees 
than  merely  in  principle?  These  sages  of  iniquity  are, 
it  seems,  themselves  only  speculatively  wicked,  and  are 
contented  that  all  the  abandoned  young  men  of  the  age 
are  kept  safe  from  reflexion  by  dabbling  in  their  rhap- 
sodies, without  tasting  the  pleasures  for  which  their  doc- 
trines leave  them  unaccountable.  Thus  do  heavy  mortals, 
only  to  gratify  a  dry  pride  of  heart,  give  up  the  interests 
of  another  world,  without  enlarging  their  gratifications  in 
this ;  but  it  is  certain  there  are  a  sort  of  men  that  can 
puzzle  truth,  but  cannot  enjoy  the  satisfaction  of  it.  This 
same  Free-thinker  is  a  creature  unacquainted  with  the 
emotions  which  possess  great  minds  when  they  are  turned 
for  religion,  and  it  is  apparent  that  he  is  untouched  with 
any  such  sensation  as  the  rapture  of  devotion.  Whatever 
one  of  these  scorners  may  think,  they  certainly  want  parts 
to  be  devout ;  and  a  sense  of  piety  towards  heaven,  as 
well  as  the  sense  of  any  thing  else,  is  lively  and  warm  in 
proportion  to  the  faculties  of  the  head  and  heart.  This 
gentleman  may  be  assured  he  has  not  a  taste  for  what  he 
pretends  to  decry,  and  the  poor  man  is  certainly  more 
a  blockhead  than  an  atheist.  I  must  repeat  that  he  wants 
capacity  to  relish  what  true  piety  is ;  and  he  is  as  capable 
of  writing  an  heroic  poem  as  making  a  fervent  prater. 
When  men  are  thus  low  and  narrow  in  their  apprehensions 
of  things,  and  at  the  same  time  vain,  they  are  naturally  led 
to  think  every  thing  they  do  not  understand  not  to  be 
understood.  Their  contradiction  to  what  is  urged  by 
others  is  a  necessary  consequence  of  their  incapacity  to 
receive  it.  The  atheistical  fellows  who  appeared  the  last 
age  did  not  serve  the  devil  for  nought,  but  revelled  in 
excesses  suitable  to  their  principles;  while  in  these  un- 
happy days  mischief  is  done  for  mischiefs  sake.  These 
Free-thinkers,  who  lead  the  lives  of  recluse  students  for 
no  other  purpose  but  to  disturb  the  sentiments  of  other 
men,  put  me  in  mind  of  the  monstrous  recreation  of  those 
late  wild  youths,  who,  without  provocation,  had  a  wanton- 
ness in  stabbing  and  defacing  those  they  met  with.  When 
such  writers  as  this,  who  has  no  spirit  but  that  of  malice, 
pretend  to  inform  the  age,  mohocks  and  cut-throats  may 
well  set  up  for  wits  and  men  of  pleasure. 


142  ESSAYS    IN    THE    GUARDIAN 

It  will  be  perhaps  expected,  that  I  should  produce  some 
instances  of  the  ill  intention  of  this  Free-thinker,  to  support 
the  treatment  I  here  give  him.  In  his  52nd  page  he 
says : — 

'2ndly.  The  priests  throughout  the  world  differ  about 
scriptures,  and  the  authority  of  scriptures.  The  Bramins 
have  a  book  of  scripture  called  the  Shaster.  The  Persees 
have  their  Zundavastao.  The  Bonzes  of  China  have 
books  written  by  the  disciples  of  Fo-he,  whom  they  call 
the  "  God  and  Saviour  of  the  world,  who  was  born  to  teach 
the  way  of  salvation,  and  to  give  satisfaction  for  all  men's 
sins."  The  Talapoins  of  Siam  have  a  book  of  scripture 
written  by  Sommonocodom,  who,  the  Siamese  say,  was 
''born  of  a  virgin,"  and  was  "the  God  expected  by  the 
universe."    The  Dervises  have  their  Alcoran.' 

I  believe  there  is  no  one  will  dispute  the  author's  great 
impartiality  in  setting  down  the  accounts  of  these  different 
religions.  And  I  think  it  is  pretty  evident  he  delivers 
the  matter  with  an  air  which  betrays  that  the  history  of 
'  one  born  of  a  virgin '  has  as  much  authority  with  him 
from  St.  Sommonocodom  as  from  St.  Matthew.  Thus  he 
treats  revelation.  Then,  as  to  philosophy,  he  tells  you, 
p.  136,  Cicero  produces  this  as  an  instance  of  a  probable 
opinion, — 'that  they  who  study  philosophy  do  not  believe 
there  are  any  Gods;'  and  then,  from  consideration  of 
various  notions,  he  affirms  Tully  concludes, —  ' that  there 
ean  be  nothing  after  death.' 

As  to  what  he  misrepresents  of  Tully,  the  short  sentence 
on  the  head  of  this  paper  is  enough  to  oppose ;  but  who 
can  have  patience  to  reflect  upon  the  assemblage  of  impos- 
tures among  which  our  author  places  the  religion  of  his 
country  ?  As  for  my  part,  I  cannot  see  any  possible  inter- 
pretation to  give  this  work,  but  a  design  to  subvert  and 
ridicule  the  authority  of  Scripture.  The  peace  and  tran- 
quillity of  the  nation,  and  regards  even  above  those,  are  so 
much  concerned  in  this  matter  that  it  is  difficult  to  express 
sufficient  sorrow  for  the  offender,  or  indignation  against 
him.  But  if  ever  man  deserved  to  be  denied  the  common 
benefits  of  air  and  water,  it  is  the  author  of  A  Discourse 
of  Free-thinking  \ 

*  The  following  letter,  signed  dian^  No.  9,  Saturday,  March  21, 
MisathetiSy  appeared  in  the  Guar-       1713  :  it  has  been  conjectured  that 


NATURAL  GROUNDS  TO  EXPECT  A  FUTURE  STATE     143 


II 

NATURAL  GROUNDS  TO  EXPECT  A 
FUTURE  STATE' 

'  Multa  putansy  sortemque  animo  miseratus  iniquam.' 

ViRG.  ^H,  6.  V.  332. 

'  Struck  with  compassion  of  so  sad  a  state/ 

In  compassion  to  those  gloomy  mortals  who  by  their 
unbelief  are  rendered  incapable  of  feeling  those  impressions 
of  joy  and  hope  which  the  celebration  of  the  late  glorious 
festival  *  naturally  leaves  on  the  mind  of  a  Christian,  I  shall 
in  this  paper  endeavour  to  evince  that  there  are  grounds 
to  expect  a  Future  State ;  without  supposing  in  the  reader 
any  faith  at  all,  not  even  the  belief  of  a  Deity '.     Let  the 


it  was  written  by  Berkeley,  on  the 
internal  evidence  of  its  second 
paragraph : — referring  as  it  does 
to  the  preceding  Essay,  and  sug- 
gesting a  new  argument  on  the 
same  subject : — 

*  To  the  Guardian. 

*  March  i6. 
'  Sir, — By  your  paper  of  Satur- 
day last  you  give  the  town  hopes 
that  you  will  dedicate  that  day 
to  religion.  You  could  not  begin 
it  better  than  by  warning  your 
pupils  of  the  poison  vended  under 
a  pretence  to  free-thinking.  If  you 
can  spare  room  in  your  next 
Saturday's  paper  for  a  few  lines 
on  the  same  subject,  these  are  at 
your  disposal. 

'  I  happened  to  be  present  at 
a  public  conversation  of  some  of 
the  defenders  of  this  Discourse 
of  Free- thinkings  and  others  that 
differed  from  them  ;  where  I  had 
the  diversion  of  hearing  the  same 
man  in  one  breath  persuade  us  to 
freedom  of  thought,  and  in  the 
next  offer  to  demonstrate  that  we 
had  no  freedom  in  anything.  One 
would  think  men  should  blush  to 
find  themselves    entangled    in    a 


greater  contradiction  than  any  the 
Discourse  ridicules.  This  principle 
of  free  fatality  or  necessary  liberty 
is  a  worthy  fundamental  of  the  new 
sect ;  and  indeed  this  opinion  is 
of  an  evidence  and  clearness  so 
nearly  related  to  transubstantiation 
that  the  same  genius  seems  requi- 
site for  either.  It  is  fit  the  world 
should  know  how  far  reason 
abandons  men  that  would  employ 
it  against  religion  ;  which  inten- 
tion, I  hope,  justifies  this  trouble 
from, 

Sir, 
Your  hearty  well-wisher, 

MiSATHEUS.* 

Berkeley  repeatedly  alludes  in 
his  works  to  his  personal  know- 
ledge that  fatalism  or  atheism  was 
openly  avowed  in  the  *  free-think- 
ing '  clubs  of  London. 

^  Guardian^  No.  27,  Saturday, 
April  II,  1 7 13. 

^  Easter. 

^  But  can  one  have  a  reasonable 
expectation  of  any  event,  either 
during  this  earthly  life  or  in  a 
future  one,  without  a  latent  faith 
in  God,  i.e.  without  (by  implica- 
tion) postulating  the  absolute  trust- 


144  ESSAYS    IN    THE   GUARDIAN 

most  Steadfast  unbeliever  open  his  eyes,  and  take  a  survey 
of  the  sensible  world,  and  then  say  if  there  be  not  a  con- 
nexion, and  adjustment,  and  exact  and  constant  order 
discoverable  in  all  the  parts  of  it.  Whatever  be  the  cause, 
the  thing  itself  is  evident  to  all  our  faculties.  Look  into 
the  animal  system,  the  passions,  senses,  and  locomotive 
powers; — is  not  the  like  contrivance  and  propriety  observ- 
able in  these  too?  Are  they  not  fitted  to  certain  ends, 
and  are  they  not  by  nature  directed  to  proper  objects  ? 

Is  it  possible  then  that  the  smallest  bodies  should,  by 
a  management  superior  to  the  wit  of  man,  be  disposed  in 
the  most  excellent  manner  agreeable  to  their  respective 
natures ;  and  yet  the  spirits  or  souls  of  men  be  neglected, 
or  managed  by  such  rules  as  fall  short  of  man's  under- 
standing ?  Shall  every  other  passion  be  rightly  placed  by 
nature,  and  shall  that  appetite  of  Immortality,  natural  to 
all  mankind,  be  alone  misplaced,  or  designed  to  be  frus- 
trated ?  Shall  the  industrious  application  of  the  inferior 
animal  powers  in  the  meanest  vocations  be  answered  by 
the  ends  we  propose,  and  shall  not  the  generous  efforts 
of  a  virtuous  mind  be  rewarded  ?  In  a  word,  shall  the 
corporeal  world  be  all  order  and  harmony,  the  intellectual 
discord  and  confusion?  He  who  is  bigot  enough  to 
believe  these  things  must  bid  adieu  to  that  natural  rule 
of  'reasoning  from  analogy;*  must  run  counter  to  that 
maxim  of  common  sense,  'That  men  ought  to  form  their 
judgments  of  things  unexperienced  from  what  they  have 
experienced.* 

If  any  thing  looks  like  a  recompense  of  calamitous 
virtue  on  this  side  the  grave,  it  is  either  an  assurance 
that  thereby  we  obtain  the  favour  and  protection  of  heaven, 
and  shall,  whatever  befalls  us  in  this,  in  another  life  meet 
with  a  just  return ;  or  else  that  applause  and  reputation 
which  is  thought  to  attend  virtuous  actions.  The  former 
of  these,  our  free-thinkers,  out  of  their  singular  wisdom 
and  benevolence  to  mankind,  endeavour  to  erase  from  the 
minds  of  men.  The  latter  can  never  be  justly  distributed 
in  this  life,  where  so  many  ill  actions  are  reputable,  and 
so  many  good    actions  disesteemed   or  misinterpreted; 

worthiness,  and  therefore  omni-  ception  of  the  character  of  the 
potent  goodness,  of  the  Power  uni-  Universal  Power  that  determines 
versally  at  work  ?  Is  it  not  our  con-     final  trust  or  distrust  in  experience  ? 


NATURAL  GROUNDS  TO  EXPECT  A  FUTURE  STATE  145 

where  subtle  hypocrisy  is  placed  in  the  most  engaging 
light,  and  modest  virtue  lies  concealed ;  where  the  heart 
and  the  soul  are  hid  from  the  eyes  of  men,  and  the  eyes 
of  men  are  dimmed  and  vitiated.  Plato's  sense  in  relation 
to  this  point  is  contained  in  his  Gorgias,  where  he  intro- 
duces Socrates  speaking  after  this  manner : — 

'  It  was  in  the  reign  of  Saturn  provided  by  a  law,  which 
the  gods  have  since  continued  down  to  this  time,  That 
they  who  had  lived  virtuously  and  piously  upon  earth, 
should  after  death  enjoy  a  life  full  of  happiness,  in  certain 
islands  appointed  for  the  habitation  of  the  blessed :   but 
that   such   as   have    lived  wickedly  should  go   into  the 
receptacle  of  damned  souls,  named  Tartarus,  there  to 
suffer  the  punishments  they  deserved.    But  in  all  the  reign 
of  Saturn,  and  in  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Jove,  living 
judges  were  appointed,  by  whom  each  person  was  judged 
in  his  life-time  in  the  same  day  on  which  he  was  to  die. 
The  consequence  of  which  was,  that  they  often  passed 
wrong  judgments.     Pluto,  therefore,  who  presided  in  Tar- 
tarus, and  the  guardians  of  the  blessed  islands,  finding 
that  on   the  other  side  many  unfit  persons  were  sent 
to  their  respective  dominions,  complained  to  Jove,  who 
promised  to  redress  the  evil.     He  added,  the  reason  of 
these  unjust  proceedings  are  that  men  are  judged  in  the 
body.     Hence  many  conceal  the  blemishes  and   imper- 
fections of  their  minds  by  beauty,  birth  and  riches ;  not 
to  mention  that  at  the  time  of  trial  there  are  crowds  of 
witnesses  to  attest  their  having  lived  well.     These  things 
mislead   the  judges,  who  being  themselves  also  of  the 
number  of  the  living,  are  surrounded  each  with  his  own 
body,  as  with  a  veil  thrown  over  his  mind.    For  the  future, 
therefore,  it  is  my  intention  that  men  do  not  come  on  their 
trial  till  after  death,  when  they  shall  appear  before  the 
judge,  disrobed  of  all  their  corporeal  ornaments.     The 
judge  himself  too  shall  be  a  pure  unveiled  spirit,  beholding 
the  very  soul,  the  naked  soul  of  the  party  before  him. 
With  tms  view  I  have  already  constituted  my  sons,  Minos 
and  Rhadamanthus,  judges,  who  are  natives  of  Asia ;  and 
f  acus,  a  native  of  Europe.      These,  after  death,  shall 
hold  their  court  in  a  certain  meadow,  from  which  there 
are  two  roads,  leading  the  one  to  Tartarus,  the  other  to 
the  islands  of  "the  blessed."' 

bh&kblbt:  PRASBK.    IV.  L 


146  ESSAYS    IN    THE    GUARDIAN 

From  this,  as  from  numberless  other  passages  of  his 
writings,  may  be  seen  Plato's  opinion  of  a  Future  State. 
A  thing  therefore  in  regard  to  us  so  comfortable,  in  itself 
so  just  and  excellent,  a  thing  so  agreeable  to  the  analogy 
of  nature,  and  so  universally  credited  by  all  orders  and 
ranks  of  men,  of  all  nations  and  ages,  what  is  it  that  should 
move  a  few  men  to  reject  ?  Surely  there  must  be  some- 
thing of  prejudice  in  the  case.  1  appeal  to  the  secret 
thoughts  of  a  Free-thinker,  if  he  does  not  argue  within 
himself  after  this  manner: — The  senses  and  faculties 
I  enjoy  at  present  are  visibly  designed  to  repair  or  preserve 
the  body  from  the  injuries  it  is  liable  to  in  its  present 
circumstances:  but  in  an  eternal  state,  where  no  decays 
are  to  be  repaired,  no  outward  injuries  to  be  fenced  against, 
where  there  are  no  flesh  and  bones,  nerves  or  blood-vessels, 
there  will  certainly  be  none  of  the  senses :  and  that  there 
should  be  a  state  of  life  without  the  senses  is  inconceivable. 

But  as  this  manner  of  reasoning  proceeds  from  a  poverty 
of  imagination  and  narrowness  of  soul  in  those  that  use  it, 
I  shall  endeavour  to  remedy  those  defects,  and  open  their 
views,  by  laying  before  them  a  case  which,  being  naturally 
possible,  may  perhaps  reconcile  them  to  the  belief  of  what 
is  supernaturally  revealed. 

Let  us  suppose  a  person  blind  and  deaf  from  his  birth, 
who,  being  grown  to  man's  estate,  is,  by  the  dead  palsy  or 
some  other  cause,  deprived  of  his  feeling,  tasting,  and 
smelling,  and  at  the  same  time  has  the  impediment  of  his 
hearing  removed,  and  the  film  taken  from  his  eyes.  What 
the  five  senses  are  to  us,  that  the  touch,  taste  and  smell 
were  to  him.  And  any  other  ways  of  perception,  of  a  more 
refined  and  extensive  nature,  were  to  him  as  inconceivable 
as  to  us  those  are  which  will  one  day  be  adapted  to  per- 
ceive those  things  which  '  eye  hath  not  seen,  nor  ear  heard, 
neither  hath  it  entered  into  the  heart  of  man  to  conceive.' 
And  it  would  be  just  as  reasonable  in  him  to  conclude, 
that  the  loss  of  those  three  senses  could  not  possibly  be 
succeeded  by  any  new  inlets  of  perception,  as  in  a  modem 
Free-thinker  to  imagine  there  can  be  no  state  of  life  and 
perception  without  the  senses  he  enjoys  at  present.  Let 
us  further  suppose  the  same  person's  eyes,  at  their  first 
opening,  to  be  struck  with  a  great  variety  of  the  most  gay 
and  pleasing  objects,  and  his  ears  with  a  melodious  consort 


A    VISIT   TO    THE    PINEAL    GLAND  147 

of  vocal  and  instrumental  music.  Behold  him  amazed, 
ravished,  transported ;  and  you  have  some  distant  repre- 
sentation, some  faint  and  glimmering  idea  of  the  ecstatic 
state  of  the  soul  in  that  article  in  which  she  emerges  from 
this  sepulchre  of  flesh  into  Life  and  Immortality. 

N.  B.  It  has  been  observed  by  the  Christians,  that  a 
certain  ingenious  foreigner  \  who  has  published  many 
exemplary  jests  for  the  use  of  persons  in  the  article  of 
death,  was  very  much  out  of  humour  in  a  late  fit  of  sick- 
ness, till  he  was  in  a  fair  way  of  recovery. 


Ill 
A  VISIT  TO  THE  PINEAL  GLAND  ^ 

*  O  vitae  philosophia  dux,  virtutis  indagatrix  ! ' — Cicero. 

*  O  philosophy,  thou  guide  of  life,  and  discoverer  of  virtue ! ' 

To  Nestor  Ironside,  Esq. 

Sir, 
'I  am  a  man  who  has  spent  great  part  of  that  time 
in  rambling  through  foreign  countries  which  young  gentle- 
men usually  pass  at  the  university;   by  which  course  of 
life,  although  I  have  acquired  no  small  insight  into  the 
manners  and  conversation  of  men,  yet  I  could  not  make 
proportionable  advances  in  the  way  of  science  and  specu- 
lation.    In  my  return  through  France,  as  I  was  one  day 
setting  forth  this  my  case  to  a  certain  gentleman  of  that 
nation  with  whom  I  had   contracted   a   friendship,   after 
some  pause,  he  conducted  me  into  his  closet,  and,  opening 
a  little  amber  cabinet,  took  from  thence  a  small  box  of 
Snuff,  which  he  said  was  given  him  by  an  uncle  of  his, 

*  M.  Deslandes,  a  French  Free-  Deslandes    is  also   author  of  the 

thinker    (1690-1757),   vv^ho    about  Literatum   Ofium,   referred  to  on 

this  time  came  to  live  in  England.  p.  154,  and  of  a  Histoire  Critique 

His     Reflexions    sur    les    Grands  de  la  Philosophies  which  appeared 

Homnus  qui  sent  mortsen  plaisan-  in  1741. 

ttmi,  was  published  in  London  in  ^  Guardian,    No.    35,   Tuesday, 

1713,  and  translated  into  English  April  21,  1713. 

by  Boyer,  iindefr  the*  above  title;  -  -            • 


148  ESSAYS    IN    THE    GUARDIAN 

the  author  of  The  Voyage  to  the  World  of  Descartes ;  and, 
with  many  professions  of  gratitude  and  affection,  made  me 
a  present  of  it — telling  me  at  the  same  time,  that  he  knew 
no  readier  way  to  furnish  and  adorn  a  mind  with  know- 
ledge in  the  arts  and  sciences  than  that  same  Snuff  rightly 
applied. 

'  You  must  know,  said  he,  that  Descartes  was  the  first 
who  discovered  a  certain  part  of  the  brain,  called  by 
anatomists  the  Pineal  Gland,  to  be  the  immediate  receptacle 
of  the  soul,  where  she  is  affected  with  all  sorts  of  per- 
ceptions, and  exerts  all  her  operations  by  the  intercourse 
of  the  animal  spirits  which  run  through  the  nerves  that 
are  thence  extended  to  all  parts  of  the  body.  He  added, 
that  the  same  philosopher  having  considered  the  body  as 
a  machine  or  piece  of  clockwork,  which  performed  all  the 
vital  operations  without  the  concurrence  of  the  will,  began 
to  think  a  way  may  be  found  out  for  separating  the  soul 
for  some  time  from  the  body,  without  any  injury  to  the 
latter;  and  that,  afler  much  meditation  on  that  subject, 
the  above-mentioned  virtuoso  composed  the  Snuff  he  then 
gave  me ;  which,  if  taken  in  a  certain  quantity,  would  not 
fail  to  disengage  my  soul  from  my  body.  Your  soul  (con- 
tinued he)  being  at  liberty  to  transport  herself  with  a 
thought  wherever  she  pleases,  may  enter  into  the  Pineal 
Gland  of  the  most  learned  philosopher;  and,  being  so 
placed,  become  spectator  of  all  the  ideas  in  his  mind, 
which  would  instruct  her  in  a  much  less  time  than  the 
usual  methods.  I  returned  him  thanks,  and  accepted  his 
present,  and  with  it  a  paper  of  directions. 

'You  may  imagine  it  was  no  small  improvement  and 
diversion  to  pass  my  time  in  the  Pineal  Glands  of  philo- 
sophers, poets,  beaux,  mathematicians,  ladies,  and  states- 
men. One  while,  to  trace  a  theorem  in  mathematics 
through  a  long  labyrinth  of  intricate  turns  and  subtleties 
of  thought;  another,  to  be  conscious  of  the  sublime  ideas 
and  comprehensive  views  of  a  philosopher,  without  any 
fatigue  or  wasting  of  my  own  spirits.  Sometimes,  to 
wander  through  perfumed  groves,  or  enamelled  meadows, 
in  the  fancy  of  a  poet :  at  others,  to  be  present  when  a 
battle  or  a  storm  raged,  or  a  glittering  palace  rose  in 
his  imagination ;  or  to  behold  the  pleasures  of  a  country 
life,  the  passion  of  a  generous  love,  or  the  warmth  of 


A   VISIT   TO   THE    PINEAL    GLAND  149 

devotion  wrought  up  to  rapture.     Or  (to  use  the  words 
of  a  very  ingenious  author)  to 

''Behold  the  raptures  which  a  writer  knows, 
When  in  his  breast  a  vein  of  fancy  glows, 
Behold  his  business  while  he  works  the  mine^ 
Behold  his  temper  when  he  sees  it  shine '." 

'These  gave  me  inconceivable  pleasure.  Nor  was  it 
an  unpleasant  entertainment  sometimes  to  descend  from 
these  sublime  and  magnificent  ideas  to  the  impertinences 
of  a  beau,  the  dry  schemes  of  a  coffee-house  politician, 
or  the  tender  images  in  the  mind  of  a  young  lady.  And 
as,  in  order  to  frame  a  right  idea  of  human  happiness, 
1  thought  it  expedient  to  make  a  trial  of  the  various 
manners  wherein  men  of  different  pursuits  were  affected ; 
I  one  day  entered  into  the  Pineal  Gland  of  a  certain  person 
who  seemed  very  fit  to  give  me  an  insight  into  all  that 
which  constitutes  the  happiness  of  him  who  is  called  *  a  man 
of  pleasure.*  But  I  found  myself  not  a  little  disappointed 
in  my  notion  of  the  pleasures  which  attend  a  voluptuary, 
who  has  shaken  off  the  restraints  of  reason. 

'  His  intellectuals,  I  observed,  were  grown  unserviceable 
by  too  little  use,  and  his  senses  were  decayed  and  worn 
out  by  too  much.  That  perfect  inaction  of  the  higher 
powers  prevented  appetite  in  prompting  him  to  sensual 
gratifications;  and  the  outrunning  natural  appetite  pro- 
duced a  loathing  instead  of  a  pleasure.  I  there  beheld  the 
intemperate  cravings  of  youth,  without  the  enjoyments  of 
it;  and  the  weakness  of  old  age,  without  its  tranquillity. 
When  the  passions  were  teazed  and  roused  by  some 
powerful  object,  the  effect  was,  not  to  delight  or  sooth  the 
mind,  but  to  torture  it  between  the  returning  extremes  of 
appetite  and  satiety.  I  saw  a  wretch  racked,  at  the  same 
time,  with  a  painful  remembrance  of  past  miscarriages,  a 
distaste  of  the  present  objects  that  solicit  his  senses,  and 
a  secret  dread  of  futurity.  And  I  could  see  no  manner 
of  relief  or  comfort  in  the  soul  of  this  miserable  man,  but 
what  consisted  in  preventing  his  cure,  by  inflaming  his 
passions  and  suppressing  his  reason.  But,  though  it  must 
be  owned  he  had  almost  quenched  that  light  which  his 

'  Essay  on  the  Different  Styles  of  Poetry,    It  was  published  anonymously 
in  1713. 


150  ESSAYS    IN    THE    GUARDIAN 

Creator  had  set  up  in  his  soul,  yet  in  spite  of  all  his 
efforts,  I  observed  at  certain  seasons  frequent  flashes  of 
remorse  strike  through  the  gloom,  and  interrupt  that 
satisfaction  he  enjoyed  in  hiding  his  own  deformities  from 
himself. 

'  I  was  also  present  at  the  original  formation  or  produc- 
tion of  a  certain  book  in  the  mind  of  a  Free-thinker,  and, 
believing  it  may  be  not  unacceptable  to  let  you  into  the 
secret  manner  and  internal  principles  by  which  that  phce- 
nomenon  was  formed,  I  shall  in  my  next  give  you  an 
account  of  it.     I  am,  in  the  mean  time, 

'  Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

'  Ulysses  Cosmopolita.' 

'N.B.  Mr.  Ironside  has  lately  received  out  of  France 
ten  pound  avoirdupois  weight  of  this  philosophical  Snuff, 
and  gives  notice  that  he  will  make  use  of  it,  in  order  to 
distinguish  the  real  from  the  professed  sentiments  of  all 
persons  of  eminence  in  court,  city,  town,  and  country.' 


IV 

THE  PINEAL  GLAND  OF  A  FREE-THINKER' 

' -^gri  somnia.' — Hor.  Ars  Poet  v.  7. 


*A  sick  man's  dreams.' 

My  correspondent,  who  has  acquired  the  faculty  of 
entering  into  other  men's  thoughts,  having,  in  pursuance 
to  a  former  letter,  sent  me  an  account  of  certain  useful 
discoveries  he  has  made  by  the  help  of  that  invention, 
I  shall  communicate  the  same  to  the  publick  in  this  paper. 

Mr.  Ironside, 

'On  the  nth  day  of  October,  in  the  year  1712,  having 
left  my  body  locked  up  safe  in  my  study,  I  repaired  to 
the  Grecian  coffee-house,  where,  entering  into  the  Pineal 
Gland  of  a  certain  eminent  Free-thinker,  I  made  directly 
to  the  highest  part  of  it,  which  is  the  seat  of  the  Under- 
standing, expecting  to  find  there  a  comprehensive  know- 

*  Guardian^  No.  39,  April  25,  1713. 


THE    PINEAL   GLAND    OF    A    FREE-THINKER         151 

ledge  of  all  things  human  and  divine ;  but,  to  my  no  small 
astonishment,  I  found  the  place  narrower  than  ordinary, 
insomuch  that  there  was  not  any  room  for  a  miracle, 
prophecy,  or  separate  spirit. 

This  obliged  me  to  descend  a  story  lower,  into  the 

Imagination,  which  I  found  larger,  indeed,  but  cold  and 

comfortless.     I   discovered   Prejudice  in  the  figure  of  a 

woman  standing  in  a  comer,  with  her  eyes  close  shut,  and 

her  fore-fingers   stuck  in   her  ears ;    many  words  in   a 

confused  order,  but  spoken  with  great  emphasis,  issued 

from  her  mouth.     These  being  condensed  by  the  coldness 

of  the  place,  formed  a  sort  of  mist,  through  which  me- 

thought  I  saw  a  great  castle  with  a  fortification  cast  round 

it,  and  a  tower  adjoining  to  it  that  through  the  windows 

appeared  to  be  filled  with  racks  and  halters.     Beneath  the 

castle  I  could  discern  vast  dungeons,  and  all  about  it  lay 

scattered  the  bones  of  men.     It  seemed  to  be  garrisoned 

by  certain  men  in  black,  of  gigantick  size,  and  most  terrible 

forms.     But,  as  I  drew  near,  the  terror  of  the  appearance 

vanished;    and  the  castle  I  found  to  be  only  a  church, 

whose  steeple  with  its  clock  and  bell-ropes  was  mistaken 

for  a  tower  filled  with  racks  and  halters.     The  terrible 

Giants  in  black  shrunk  into  a  few  innocent  clergymen. 

The  dungeons  were  turned  into  vaults  designed  only  for 

the  habitation  of  the  dead ;  and  the  fortifications  proved  to 

be  a  churchyard,  with  some   scattered  bones  in  it,  and 

a  plain  stone  wall  round  it. 

'I  had  not  been  long  here  before  my  curiosity  was 
raised  by  a  loud  noise  that  I  heard  in  the  inferior  region. 
Descending  thither  I  found  a  mob  of  the  Passions  as- 
sembled in  a  riotous  manner.  Their  tumultuary  proceed- 
ings soon  convinced  me,  that  they  affected  a  democracy. 
After  much  noise  and  wrangle,  they  at  length  all  hearkened 
to  Vanity,  who  proposed  the  raising  of  a  great  army  of 
notions,  which  she  offered  to  lead  against  those  dreadful 
phantoms  in  the  imagination  that  had  occasioned  all  this 
uproar. 

'Away  posted  Vanity,  and  I  after  her,  to  the  storehouse 
of  ideas ;  where  I  beheld  a  great  number  of  lifeless  notions 
confusedly  thrown  together,  but  upon  the  approach  of 
Vanity  they  began  to  crawl.  Here  were  to  be  seen, 
among  other  odd  things,  sleeping  deities,  corporeal  spirits, 


152  ESSAYS    IN    THE   GUARDIAN 

and  worlds  formed  by  chance ;  with  an  endless  variety  of 
heathen  notions,  the  most  irregular  and  grotesque  imagin- 
able. And  with  these  were  jumbled  several  of  Christian 
extraction;  but  such  was  the  dress  and  light  they  were 
put  in,  and  their  features  were  so  distorted,  that  they 
looked  little  better  than  heathens.  There  was  likewise 
assembled  no  small  number  of  phantoms  in  strange  habits, 
who  proved  to  be  idolatrous  priests  of  different  nations. 
Vanity  gave  the  word,  and  straightway  the  Talopoins, 
Faquirs,  Bramines  and  Bonzes  drew  up  in  a  body.  The 
right  wing  consisted  of  ancient  heathen  notions,  and  the 
left  of  Christians  naturalized.  All  these  together,  for 
numbers,  composed  a  very  formidable  army;  but  the 
precipitation  of  Vanity  was  so  great,  and  such  was  their 
own  inbred  aversion  to  the  tyranny  of  rules  and  discipline, 
that  they  seemed  rather  a  confused  rabble  than  a  regular 
army.  I  could,  nevertheless,  observe,  that  they  all  agreed 
in  a  squinting  look,  or  cast  of  their  eyes  towards  a  certain 
person  in  a  mask,  who  was  placed  in  the  centre,  and 
whom  by  sure  signs  and  tokens  I  discovered  to  be 
Atheism. 

'  Vanity  had  no  sooner  led  her  forces  into  the  Imagina- 
tion, but  she  resolved  upon  storming  the  castle,  and  giving 
no  quarter.  They  began  the  assault  with  a  loud  outcry 
and  great  confusion.  I,  for  my  part,  made  the  best  of  my 
way  and  re-entered  my  own  lodging.  Some  time  after, 
inquiring  at  a  bookseller's  for  A  Discourse  on  Free-thinking, 
which  had  made  some  noise,  I  met  with  the  representatives 
of  all  those  notions  drawn  up  in  the  same  confused  order 
upon  paper.     Sage  Nestor,  I  am 

'  Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

'  Ulysses  Cosmopolita.' 

'  N.B.  I  went  round  the  table,  but  could  not  find  a  wit 
or  mathematician  among  them.' 

I  imagine  the  account  here  given  may  be  useful  in 
directing  to  the  proper  cure  of  a  Free-thinker.  In  the 
first  place,  it  is  plain  his  Understanding  wants  to  be 
opened  and  enlarged,  and  he  should  be  taught  the  way 
to  order  and  methodise  his  ideas ;  to  which  end  the  study 
of  the  mathematics  may  be  useful.    I  am  farther  of  opinion. 


THE    PINEAL    GLAND   OF   A    FREE-THINKER         153 

that  as  his  Imagination  is  filled  with  amusements,  arising 
from  prejudice,  and  the  obscure  or  false  lights  in  which  he 
sees  things,  it  will  be  necessary  to  bring  him  into  good 
company,  and  now  and  then  carry  him  to  church ;  by 
which  means  he  may  in  time  come  to  a  right  sense  of 
religion,  and  wear  off  the  ill  impressions  he  has  received. 
Lastly,  I  advise  whoever  undertakes  the  reformation  of 
a  modern  Free-thinker,  that  above  all  things  he  be  careful 
to  subdue  his  Vanity ;  that  being  the  principal  motive 
which  prompts  a  little  genius  to  distinguish  itself  by 
singularities  that  are  hurtful  to  mankind. 

Or,  if  the  passion  of  Vanity,  as  it  is  for  the  most  part 
very  strong  in  your  Free-thinkers,  cannot  be  subdued,  let 
it  be  won  over  to  the  interest  of  religion,  by  giving  them 
to  understand  that  the  greatest  Genii  of  the  age  have 
a  respect  for  things  sacred ;  that  their  rhapsodies  find  no 
admirers,  and  that  the  name  Free-thinker  has,  like  Tyrant 
of  old,  degenerated  from  its  original  signification,  and  is 
now  supposed  to  denote  something  contrary  to  wit  and 
reason.  In  fine,  let  them  know  that  whatever  temptations 
a  few  men  of  parts  might  formerly  have  had,  from  the 
novelty  of  the  thing,  to  oppose  the  received  opinions  of 
Christians,  yet  that  now  the  humour  is  worn  out,  and 
blasphemy  and  irreligion  are  distinctions  which  have  long 
since  descended  down  to  lackeys  and  drawers. 

But  it  must  be  my  business  to  prevent  all  pretenders  in 
this  kind  from  hurting  the  ignorant  and  unwary.  In  order 
to  this,  I  communicated  an  intelligence  which  I  received  of 
a  gentleman's  appearing  very  sorry  that  he  was  not  well 
during  a  late  fit  of  sickness,  contrary  to  his  own  doctrine, 
which  obliged  him  to  be  merry  upon  that  occasion,  except 
he  was  sure  of  recovering.  Upon  this  advice  to  the  world, 
the  following  advertisement  got  a  place  in  the  Post-boy : — 

'Whereas  in  the  paper  called  the  Guardian,  of  Saturday 
the  nth  of  April  instant,  a  corollary  reflexion  was  made 

on  Monsieur  D ,  a  member  of  the  royal  academy 

of  sciences  in  Paris,  author  of  a  book  lately  published, 
entitled,  A  Philological  Essay,  or  Reflexions  on  the  death  of 
Free-thinkers,  with  the  characters  of  the  most  eminent  persons 
of  both  sexes,  ancient  and  modern,  that  died  pleasantly  and 
unconcerned,  sold  by  J.  Baker  in  Pater-noster-Row,  sug- 


154  ESSAYS    IN    THE    GUARDIAN 

gesting  as  if  that  gentleman,  now  in  London,  "was  very 
much  out  of  humour,  in  a  late  fit  of  sickness,  till  he  was  in 
a  fair  way  of  recovery : " — this  is  to  assure  the  public,  that 
the  said  gentleman  never  expressed  the  least  concern  at 
the  approach  of  death,  but  expected  the  fatal  minute  with 
a  most  heroical  and  philosophical  resignation ;  of  which 
a  copy  of  verses  he  wrote,  in  the  serene  intervals  of  his 
distemper,  is  an  invincible  proof/ 

All  that  I  contend  for  is,  that  this  gentleman  ^  was  out  of 
humour  when  he  was  sick ;  and  the  advertiser,  to  confute 
me,  says,  that  'in  the  serene  intervals  of  his  distemper,' 
that  is,  when  he  was  not  sick,  he  wrote  verses.  I  shall 
not  retract  my  advertisement  till  I  see  those  verses ;  and 
I  will  choose  what  to  believe  then,  except  they  are  under- 
written by  his  nurse,  nor  then  neither,  except  she  is  an 
house-keeper.  I  must  tie  this  gentleman  close  to  the 
argument;  for,  if  he  had  not  actually  his  fit  upon  him, 
there  is  nothing  courageous  in  the  thing,  nor  does  it  make 
for  his  purpose,  nor  are  they  heroic  verses. 

The  point  of  being  merry  at  the  hour  of  death  is  a 
matter  that  ought  to  be  settled  by  divines;  but  the  pub- 
lisher of  the  Philological  Essay  produces  his  chief  authori- 
ties from  Lucretius,  the  earl  of  Rochester,  and  Mr.  John 
Dryden,  who  were  gentlemen  that  did  not  think  themselves 
obliged  to  prove  all  they  said,  or  else  proved  their  asser- 
tions, by  saying  or  swearing  they  were  all  fools  that 
believed  to  the  contrary.  If  it  be  absolutely  necessary 
that  a  man   should   be  facetious  at  his  death,  it  would 

be   very  well   if  these  gentlemen.  Monsieur  D and 

Mr.    B *,   would    repent   betimes,   and    not    trust    to 

a  death-bed  ingenuity;  by  what  has  appeared  hitherto, 
they  have  only  raised  our  longing  to  see  their  posthumous 
works. 

The  author  of  Poetce  Rusticantis  Literatum  Otium  is  but 
a  mere  phraseologist ;  the  philological  publisher  is  but  a 
translator;  but  I  expected  better  usage  from  Mr.  Abel 
Roper  who  is  an  original. 

*  M.  Deslandes;  cf.  p.  147.  "  Conjectured  to  be  Mr.  Budgell. 


PLEASURES,    NATURAL   AND    FANTASTICAL         I55 

Vv 

PLEASURES,  NATURAL  AND  FANTASTICAL' 

* quae  possit  facere  &  servare  beatum.' 

HoR.  Ep.  6. 1.  I.  V.  2. 

^To  make  men  happy,  and  to  keep  them  so/ — Creech. 

It  is  of  great  use  to  consider  the   Pleasures  which 

constitute  human  happiness,  as  they  are  distinguished  into 

natural  and  fantastical.     Natural  pleasures  I  call  those, 

which,  not  depending  on  the  fashion  and  caprice  of  any 

particular  age  or  nation,  are  suited  to  human  nature  in 

general,  and  were  intended  by  Providence  as  rewards  for 

the  using  our  faculties  agreeably  to  the  ends  for  which 

they  were  given  us.    Fantastical  pleasures  are  those  which, 

having  no  natural  fitness  to  delight  our  minds,  presuppose 

some  particular  whim  or  taste  accidentally  prevailing  in 

a  set  of  people,  to  which  it  is  owing  that  they  please. 

Now,  I  take  it  that  the  tranquillity  and  cheerfulness  with 
which  I  have  passed  my  life  are  the  effect  of  having,  ever 
since  I  came  to  years  of  discretion,  continued  my  inclina- 
tions to  the  former  sort  of  pleasures.  But,  as  my  experi- 
ence can  be  a  rule  only  to  my  own  actions,  it  may  probably 
be  a  stronger  motive  to  induce  others  to  the  same  scheme 
of  life,  if  they  would  consider  that  we  are  prompted  to 
natural  pleasures  by  an  instinct  impressed  on  our  minds 
by  the  Author  of  our  nature,  who  best  understands  our 
frames,  and  consequently  best  knows  what  those  pleasures 
are,  which  will  give  us  the  least  uneasiness  in  the  pursuit, 
and  the  greatest  satisfaction  in  the  enjoyment  of  them. 
Hence  it  follows  that  the  objects  of  our  natural  desires  are 
cheap  or  easy  to  be  obtained ;  it  being  a  maxim  that  holds 
throughout  the  whole  system  of  created  beings,  'that, 
nothing  is  made  in  vain,'  much  less  the  instincts  and 
appetites  of  animals,  which  the  benevolence  as  well  as 
wisdom  of  the  Deity  is  concerned  to  provide  for.  Nor  is 
the  fruition  of  those  objects  less  pleasing  than  the  acquisi- 
tion is  easy ;  and  the  pleasure  is  heightened  by  the  sense 
of  having  answered  some  natural  end,  and  the  conscious- 

'  Guardian^  No.  49,  Thursday,  May  7,  17 13. 


156  ESSAYS    IN    THE    GUARDIAN 

ness  of  acting  in  concert  with  the  Supreme  Governor  of 
the  universe. 

Under  natural  pleasures  I  comprehend  those  which 
are  universally  suited  as  well  to  the  rational  as  the 
sensual  part  of  our  nature.  And,  of  the  pleasures  which 
I  affect  our  senses,  those  only  are  to  be  esteemed  natural 
that  are  contained  within  the  rules  of  reason,  which  is 
allowed  to  be  as  necessary  an  ingredient  of  human  nature 
as  sense.  And,  indeed,  excesses  of  any  kind  are  hardly 
to  be  esteemed  pleasures,  much  less  natural  pleasures. 

It  is  evident  that  a  desire  terminated  in  money  is  fan- 
tastical; so  is  the  desire  of  outward  distinctions,  which 
bring  no  delight  of  sense,  nor  recommend  us  as  useful  to 
mankind ;  and  the  desire  of  things  merely  because  they 
are  new  or  foreign.  Men  who  are  indisposed  to  a  due 
exertion  of  their  higher  parts  are  driven  to  such  pursuits 
as  these  from  the  restlessness  of  the  mind,  and  the  sensi- 
tive appetites  being  easily  satisfied.  It  is,  in  some  sort, 
owing  to  the  bounty  of  Providence  that,  disdaining  a  cheap 
and  vulgar  happiness,  they  frame  to  themselves  imaginary 
goods,  in  which  there  is  nothing  can  raise  desire,  but  the 
difficulty  of  obtaining  them.  Thus  men  become  the  con- 
trivers of  their  own  misery ;  as  a  punishment  on  themselves 
for  departing  from  the  measures  of  nature.  Having  by  an 
habitual  reflexion  on  these  truths  made  them  familiar,  the 
effect  is,  that  I,  among  a  number  of  persons  who  have 
debauched  their  natural  taste,  see  things  in  a  peculiar 
light ;  which  I  have  arrived  at,  not  by  any  uncommon 
force  of  genius  or  acquired  knowledge,  but  only  by 
unlearning  the  false  notions  instilled  by  custom  and  educa- 
tion. 

The  various  objects  that  compose  the  world  were  by 
nature  formed  to  delight  our  senses :  and  as  it  is  this  alone 
that  makes  them  desirable  to  an  uncorrupted  taste,  a  man 
may  be  said  naturally  to  possess  them,  when  he  possesseth 
those  enjojrments  which  they  are  fitted  by  nature  to  yield. 
Hence  it  is  usual  with  me  to  consider  myself  as  having 
a  natural  property  in  every  object  that  administers  pleasure 
to  me.  When  I  am  in  the  country,  all  the  fine  seats  near 
the  place  of  my  residence,  and  to  which  I  have  access, 
I  regard  as  mine.  The  same  I  think  of  the  groves  and 
fields  where  I  walk,  and  muse  on  the  folly  of  the  civil 


PLEASURES,    NATURAL   AND    FANTASTICAL         157 

landlord  in  London,  who  has  the  fantastical  pleasure  of 
draining  dry  rent  into  his  coffers,  but  is  a  stranger  to 
fresh  air  and  rural  enjoyments.  By  these  principles  I  am 
possessed  of  half  a  dozen  of  the  finest  seats  in  England, 
which  in  the  eye  of  the  law  belong  to  certain  of  my 
acquaintance,  who  being  men  of  business  choose  to  live 
near  the  court. 

In  some  great  families,  where  I  choose  to  pass  my  time, 
a  stranger  would  be  apt  to  rank  me  with  the  other  domestics; 
but,  in  my  own  thoughts  and  natural  judgment,  I  am  master 
of  the  house,  and  he  who  goes  by  that  name  is  my  steward, 
who  eases  me  of  the  care  of  providing  for  myself  the  con- 
veniences and  pleasures  of  life. 

When  I  walk  the  streets,  I  use  the  foregoing  natural  maxim 
(viz.  That  he  is  the  true  possessor  of  a  thing  who  enjoys 
it,  and  not  he  that  owns  it  without  the  enjoyment  of  it)  to 
convince  myself  that  I  have  a  property  in  the  gay  part  of  all 
the  gilt  chariots  that  I  meet,  which  I  regard  as  amusements 
designed  to  delight  my  eyes,  and  the  imagination  of  those 
kind  people  who  sit  in  them  gaily  attired  only  to  please 
me.     I  have  a  real,  and  they  only  an  imaginary  pleasure 
from    their    exterior    embellishments.      Upon   the  same 
principle,  I  have  discovered  that  I  am  the  natural  proprietor 
of  all  the  diamond  necklaces,  the  crosses,  stars,  brocades, 
and  embroidered  clothes  which  I  see  at  a  play  or  birth- 
night,  as  giving  more  natural  delight  to  the  spectator  than 
to  those  that  wear  them.     And  I  look  on  the  beaux  and 
ladies  as  so  many  paraquets  in  an  aviary,  or  tulips  in 
a  garden,  designed  purely  for  my  diversion.     A  gallery  of 

fictures,  a  cabinet  or  library  that  I  have  free  access  to, 
think  my  own.  In  a  word,  all  that  I  desire  is  the  use  of 
things,  let  who  will  have  the  keeping  of  them.  By  which 
maxim  I  am  grown  one  of  the  richest  men  in  Great 
Britain ;  with  this  difference,  that  I  am  not  a  prey  to  my 
own  cares,  or  the  envy  of  others. 

The  same  principles  I  find  of  great  use  in  my  private 
economy.  As  I  cannot  go  to  the  price  of  history-painting, 
I  have  purchased  at  easy  rates  several  beautifully  designed 
pieces  of  landscape  and  perspective,  which  are  much  more 
pleasing  to  a  natural  taste  than  unknown  faces  or  Dutch 
gambols,  though  done  by  the  best  masters :  my  couches, 
beds,  and  window-curtains  are  of  Irish  stuff,  which  those  of 


158  ESSAYS    IN    THE    GUARDIAN 

that  nation  work  very  fine,  and  with  a  delightful  mixture 
of  colours  \  There  is  not  a  piece  of  china  in  my  house ; 
but  I  have  glasses  of  all  sorts,  and  some  tinged  with  the 
finest  colours,  which  are  not  the  less  pleasing,  because 
they  are  domestic,  and  cheaper  than  foreign  toys.  Every- 
thing is  neat,  entire,  and  clean,  and  fitted  to  the  taste  of 
one  who  had  rather  be  happy  than  be  thought  rich. 

Every  day,  numberless  innocent  and  natural  gratifications 
occur  to  me,  while  I  behold  my  fellow  creatures  labouring 
in  a  toilsome  and  absurd  pursuit  of  trifles; — one,  that  he 
may  be  called  by  a  particular  appellation ;  another,  that  he 
may  wear  a  particular  ornament,  which  I  regard  as  a  bit 
of  ribbon  that  has  an  agreeable  effect  on  my  sight,  but 
is  so  far  from  supplying  the  place  of  merit  where  it  is  not, 
that  it  serves  only  to  make  the  want  of  it  more  conspicuous. 
Fair  weather  is  the  joy  of  my  soul ;  about  noon  I  behold 
a  blue  sky  with  rapture,  and  receive  great  consolation  from 
the  rosy  dashes  of  light  which  adorn  the  clouds  of  the 
morning  and  evening.  When  I  am  lost  among  green  trees, 
I  do  not  envy  a  great  man  with  a  great  crowd  at  his 
levee.  And  I  often  lay  aside  thoughts  of  going  to  an 
opera  that  I  may  enjoy  the  silent  pleasure  of  walking  by 
moonlight,  or  viewing  the  stars  sparkle  in  their  azure 
ground;  which  I  look  upon  as  part  of  my  possessions, 
not  without  a  secret  indignation  at  the  tastelessness  of 
mortal  men  who,  in  their  race  through  life,  overlook  the 
real  enjoyments  of  it. 

But  the  pleasure  which  naturally  affects  a  human  mind 
with  the  most  lively  and  transporting  touches,  I  take  to  be 
the  sense  that  we  act  in  the  eye  of  infinite  wisdom,  power, 
i  and  goodness,  that  will  crown  our  virtuous  endeavours  here 
•  with   a  happiness    hereafter,   large  as   our  desires,    and 
I  lasting  as  our  immortal  souls.     This  is  a  perpetual  spring 
I  of  gladness  in  the  mind.     This  lessens  our  calamities,  and 
I  doubles  our  joys.     Without  this  the  highest  state  of  life 
i  is  insipid,  and  with  it  the  lowest  is  a  paradise.     What  un- 
natural wretches  then  are  those  who  can  be  so  stupid  as 
to  imagine  a  merit,  in  endeavouring  to  rob  virtue  of  her 
support,   and  a  man   of  his   present   as  well   as   future 
bliss  ?   But  as  I  have  frequently  taken  occasion  to  animad- 
vert on  that  species  of  mortals,  so  I  propose  to  repeat 

1  Cf.  Querisi,  Qu.  64-69. 


FUTURE    REWARDS   AND    PUNISHMENTS  159 

my  animadversions  on  them,  till  I  see  some  symptoms  of 
amendment. 

VI 

FUTURE  REWARDS  AND  PUNISHMENTS^ 

quis  enim  virtutem  amplectitur  ipsam, 


Prsemia  si  tollas? '        Juv.  Sat.  10.  v.  141. 

*  For  who  would  virtue  for  herself  regard, 
Or  wed,  without  the  portion  of  reward  ?  * — Dryden. 

It  is  usual  with  polemical  writers  to  object  ill  designs 
to  their  adversaries.  This  turns  their  argument  into  satire, 
which,  instead  of  shewing  an  error  in  the  understanding, 
tends  only  to  expose  the  morals  of  those  they  write  against. 
I  shall  not  act  after  this  manner  with  respect  to  the  Free- 
thinkers. Virtue,  and  the  happiness  of  society  are  the 
great  ends  which  all  men  ought  to  promote,  and  some  of 
that  sect  would  be  thought  to  have  at  heart  above  the  rest 
of  mankind.  But,  supposing  those  who  make  that  pro- 
fession to  carry  on  a  good  design  in  the  simplicity  of  their 
hearts,  and  according  to  their  best  knowledge,  yet  it  is 
much  to  be  feared,  those  well-meaning  souls,  while  they 
endeavoured  to  reconftnend  virtue,  have  in  reality  been 
advancing  the  interests  of  vice,  which  as  I  take  to  proceed 
from  their  ignorance  of  human  nature,  we  may  hope, 
when  they  become  sensible  of  their  mistake,  they  will,  in 
consequence  of  that  beneficent  principle  they  pretend  to 
act  upon,  reform  their  practice  for  the  future. 

The  sages  whom  I  have  in  my  eye  speak  of  virtue  as 
the  most  amiable  thing  in  the  world ;  but,  at  the  same 
time  that  they  extol  her  beauty,  they  take  care  to  lessen 
her  portion.  Such  innocent  creatures  are  they,  and  so 
great  strangers  to  the  world,  that  they  think  this  a  likely 
method  to  increase  the  number  of  her  admirers. 

Virtue  has  in  herself  the  most  engaging  charms ;  and 
Christianity,  as  it  places  her  in  the  strongest  light,  and 
adorned  with  all  her  native  attractions,  so  it  kindles  a  new 
fire  in  the  soul,  by  adding  to  them  the  unutterable  rewards 
which  attend  her  votaries  in  an  eternal  state.  Or  if  there 
are  men  of  a  saturnine  and  heavy  complexion,  who  are  not 
easily  lifted  up  by  hope,  there  is  the  prospect  of  everlasting 

^  Guardian,  No.  55,  Thursday,  May  14, 17 13. 


l6o  ESSAYS    IN   THE   GUARDIAN 

punishments  to  agitate  their  souls^  and  frighten  them  into 
the  practice  of  virtue  and  an  aversion  from  vice. 

Whereas  your  sober  Free-thinkers  tell  you,  that  virtue 
indeed  is  beautiful,  and  vice  deformed ;  the  former  deserves 
your  love,  and  the  latter  your  abhorrence ; — but  then,  it  is 
for  their  own  sake,  or  on  account  of  the  good  and  evil 
which  immediately  attend  them,  and  are  inseparable  from 
their  respective  natures.  As  for  the  immortality  of  the 
soul,  or  eternal  punishments  and  rewards,  those  are 
openly  ridiculed,  or  rendered  suspicious  by  the  most  sly 
and  laboured  artifice*. 

I  will  not  say,  these  men  act  treacherously  in  the  cause 
of  virtue ;  but  will  any  one  deny  that  they  act  foolishly 
who  pretend  to  advance  the  interest  of  it  by  destroying  or 
weakening  the  strongest  motives  to  it,  which  are  accom- 
modated to  all  capacities,  and  fitted  to  work  on  all  dis- 
positions, and  enforcing  those  alone  which  can  affect  only 
a  generous  and  exalted  mind  ? 

Surely  they  must  be  destitute  of  passion  themselves,  and 
unacquainted  with  the  force  it  hath  on  the  minds  of  others, 
who  can  imagine  that  the  mere  beauty  of  fortitude,  tem- 
perance, and  justice  is  sufficient  to  sustain  the  mind  of 
man  in  a  severe  course  of  self-denial  against  all  the 
temptations  of  present  profit  and  sensuality. 

It  is  my  opinion  the  Free-thinkers  should  be  treated  as 
a  set  of  poor  ignorant  creatures,  that  have  not  sense  to 
discover  the  excellency  of  religion ;  it  being  evident  those 
men  are  no  witches,  nor  likely  to  be  guilty  of  any  deep 
design,  who  proclaim  aloud  to  the  world  that  they  have 
less  motives  to  honesty  than  the  rest  of  their  fellow 
subjects ;  who  have  all  the  inducements  to  the  exercise 
of  any  virtue  which  a  Free-thinker  can  possibly  have, 
and  besides  the  expectation  of  never-ending  happiness  or 
misery  as  the  consequence  of  their  choice. 

Are  not  men  actuated  by  their  passions,  and  are  not 
hope  and  fear  the  most  powerful  of  our  passions  ?  And 
are  there  any  objects  which  can  rouse  and  awaken  our 
hopes  and  fears,  like  those  prospects  that  warm  and 
penetrate  the  heart  of  a  Christian,  but  are  not  regarded  by 
a  Free-thinker? 

It  is  not  only  a  clear  point  that  a  Christian  breaks  through 

^  Cf.  the  Third  Dialogue  in  Alciphron. 


FUTURE    REWARDS    AND    PUNISHMENTS  l6l 

Stronger  engagements  whenever  he  surrenders  himself 
to  commit  a  criminal  action,  and  is  stung  with  a  sharper 
remorse  after  it,  than  a  Free-thinker ;  but  it  should  even 
seem  that  a  man  who  believes  no  future  state,  would  act 
a  foolish  part  in  being  thoroughly  honest.  For  what 
reason  is  there  why  such  a  one  should  postpone  his  own 
private  interest  or  pleasure  to  the  doing  his  duty?  If 
a  Christian  foregoes  some  present  advantage  for  the  sake 
of  his  conscience,  he  acts  accountably,  because  it  is  with 
the  view  of  gaining  some  greater  future  good.  But  he 
that,  having  no  such  view,  should  yet  conscientiously  deny 
himself  a  present  good  in  any  incident  where  he  may  save 
appearances  is  altogether  as  stupid  as  he  that  would  trust 
him  at  such  a  juncture. 

It  will,  perhaps,  be  said  that  virtue  is  her  own  reward, 
that  a  natural  gratification  attends  good  actions,  which  is 
alone  sufficient  to  excite  men  to  the  performance  of  them. 
But  although  there  is  nothing  more  lovely  than  virtue, 
and  the  practice  of  it  is  the  surest  way  to  solid  natural 
happiness  even  in  this  life ;  yet  titles,  estates,  and   fan- 
tastical pleasures  are  more  ardently  sought  after  by  most 
men  than  the  natural  gratifications  of  a  reasonable  mind  ; 
and  it  cannot  be  denied  that  virtue  and  innocence  are  not 
always  the  readiest  methods  to  attain  that  sort  of  happiness. 
Besides,  the  fumes  of  passion  must  be  allayed,  and  reason 
must  burn  brighter  than  ordinary,  to  enable  men  to  see 
and  relish  all  the  native  beauties  and  delights  of  a  virtuous 
life.    And  though  we  should  grant  our  Free-thinkers  to 
be  a  set  of  refined  spirits,  capable  only  of  being  enamoured 
of  virtue,  yet  what  would  become  of  the  bulk  of  mankind 
who  have  gross   understandings,  but  lively  senses  and 
strong  passions?  What  a  deluge  of  lust  and  fraud  and 
violence  would  in  a  little  time  overflow  the  whole  nation 
if  these  wise   advocates  for  morality  were   universally 
hearkened  to  ?  Lastly,  opportunities  do  sometimes  offer  in 
which  a  man  may  wickedly  make  his  fortune,  or  indulge 
a  pleasure,  without  fear  of  temporal  damage,   either   in 
reputation,  health,  or  fortune.     In  such  cases,  what  re- 
straint do  they  lie  under  who  have  no  regards  beyond  the 
grave?    the  inward  compunctions  of  a  wicked,   as  well 
as  the  joys  of  an  upright  mind,  being  grafted  on  the  sense 
of  another  state. 

BERKELEY:    FRASBR.      IV.  M 


t6ra  £SSAYS   IK   tttE  GUARDIAN 

The  thought  that  our  existence  terminates  with  this  life 
doth  naturally  check  the  soul  in  any  generous  pursuit, 
contract  her  views,  and  fix  them  on  temporary  and  selfish 
ends.  It  dethrones  the  reason,  extinguishes  all  noble  and 
heroic  sentiments,  and  subjects  the  mind  to  the  slavery 
of  every  present  passion.  The  wise  heathens  of  antiquity 
were  not  ignorant  of  this ;  hence  they  endeavoured  by 
fables  and  conjectures,  and  the  glimmerings  of  nature,  to 
possess  the  minds  of  men  with  the  belief  of  a  future  state, 
which  has  been  since  brought  to  light  by  the  Gospel,  and 
is  now  most  inconsistently  decried  by  a  few  weak  men, 
who  would  have  us  believe  that  they  promote  virtue  by 
turning  religion  into  ridicule. 


VII 

THOUGHTS  ON  PUBLIC  SCHOOLS  AND 

UNIVERSITIES^ 

'  O  fortunatos  nimiiim,  sua  si  bona  norint ! ' 

ViRG.  Georg,  2.  v.  458. 

*Too  happy,  if  they  knew  their  happy  state.' 

Upon  the  late  election  of  king's  scholars,  my  curiosity 
drew  me  to  Westminster  School.  The  sight  of  a  place 
where  I  had  not  been  for  many  years  revived  in  my 
thoughts  the  tender  images  of  my  childhood,  which  by 
a  great  length  of  time  had  contracted  a  softness  that 
rendered  them  inexpressibly  agreeable.  As  it  is  usual 
with  me  to  draw  a  secret  unenvied  pleasure  from  a  thou- 
sand incidents  overlooked  by  other  men,  I  threw  myself 
into  a  short  transport,  forgetting  my  age,  and  fancying 
myself  a  school-boy. 

This  imagination  was  strongly  favoured  by  the  presence 
of  so  many  young  boys,  in  whose  looks  were  legible  the 
sprightly  passions  of  that  age,  which  raised  in  me  a  sort 
of  sympathy.  Warm  blood  thrilled  through  every  vein  ; 
the  faded  memory  of  those  enjoyments  that  once  gave  me 

^  (T«af</«Vi«,  No.  6a,  Friday,  May  Berkeley,  in  his  Bermuda  enter- 
22, 1 7 13.  Some  of  these  ^  thoughts'  prise,  and  in  his  retirement  to 
are  akin  to  the  ideal  which  inspired       Oxford  at  the  end. 


THOUGHTS  ON  PUBLIC  SCHOOLS  AND  UNIVERSITIES     163 

pleasure  put  on  more  lively  colours,  and  a  thousand  gay 
amusements  filled  my  mind. 

It  was  not  without  regret  that  I  was  forsaken  by  this 
waking  dream.  The  cheapness  of  puerile  delights,  the 
guiltless  joy  they  leave  upon  the  mind,  the  blooming  hopes 
that  lift  up  the  soul  in  the  ascent  of  life,  the  pleasure  that 
attends  the  gradual  opening  of  the  imagination  and  the 
dawn  of  reason,  made  me  think  most  men  found  that  stage 
the  most  agreeable  part  of  their  journey. 

When  men  come  to  riper  years,  the  innocent  diversions 
which  exalted  the  spirits,  and  produced  health  of  body, 
indolence  of  mind,  and  refreshing  slumbers,  are  too  often 
exchanged  for  criminal  delights  which  fill  the  soul  with 
anguish  and  the  body  with  disease.  The  grateful  employ- 
ment of  admiring  and  raising  themselves  to  an  imitation 
of  the  polite  style,  beautiful  images,  and  noble  sentiments 
of  ancient  authors,  is  abandoned  for  law-Latin,  the  lucu- 
brations of  our  paltry  newsmongers,  and  that  swarm  of 
vile  pamphlets  which  corrupt  our  taste,  and  infest  the 
public.  The  ideas  of  virtue  which  the  characters  of 
heroes  had  imprinted  on  their  minds  insensibly  wear  out, 
and  they  come  to  be  influenced  by  the  nearer  examples 
of  a  degenerate  age. 

In  the  morning  of  life,  when  the  soul  first  makes  her 
entrance  into  the  world,  all  things  look  fresh  and  gay; 
their  novelty  surprises,  and  every  little  glitter  or  gaudy 
colour  transports  the  stranger.  But  by  degrees  the  sense 
grows  callous,  and  we  lose  that  exquisite  relish  of  trifles, 
by  the  time  our  minds  should  be  supposed  ripe  for  rational 
entertainments.  I  cannot  make  this  reflexion  without 
being  touched  with  a  commiseration  of  that  species  called 
Beaux,  the  happiness  of  those  men  necessarily  terminating 
with  their  childhood  ;  who,  from  a  want  of  knowing  other 
pursuits,  continue  a  fondness  for  the  delights  of  that  age 
after  the  relish  of  them  is  decayed. 

Providence  hath  with  a  bountiful  hand  prepared  variety 
of  pleasures  for  the  various  stages  of  life.  It  behoves  us 
not  to  be  wanting  to  ourselves,  in  forwarding  the  intention 
of  nature,  by  the  culture  of  our  minds,  and  a  due  prepara- 
tion of  each  faculty  for  the  enjoyment  of  those  objects  it  is 
caipdhle  of  being  affected  with. 

As  our  parts  open  and  display  by  gentle  degrees,  we 

M  2 


164  ESSAYS    IN    THE    GUARDIAN 

rise  from  the  gratifications  of  sense  to  relish  those  of  the 
mind.  In  the  scale  of  pleasure,  the  lowest  are  sensual 
delights,  which  are  succeeded  by  the  more  enlarged  views 
and  gay  portraitures  of  a  lively  imagination  ;  and  these 
give  way  to  the  sublimer  pleasures  of  reason,  which  dis- 
cover the  causes  and  designs,  the  frame,  connexion,  and 
symmetry  of  things,  and  fill  the  mind  with  the  contem- 
plation of  intellectual  beauty,  order,  and  truth. 

Hence  I  regard  our  public  schools  and  universities,  not 
only  as  nurseries  of  men  for  the  service  of  the  church  and 
state,  but  also  as  places  designed  to  teach  mankind  the 
most  refined  luxury,  to  raise  the  mind  to  its  due  perfection, 
and  give  it  a  taste  for  those  entertainments  which  afford 
the  highest  transport,  without  the  grossness  or  remorse 
that  attend  vulgar  enjoyments. 

In  those  blessed  retreats  men  enjoy  the  sweets  of 
solitude,  and  yet  converse  with  the  greatest  Genii  that 
have  appeared  in  every  age,  wander  through  the  delightful 
mazes  of  every  art  and  science,  and  as  they  gradually 
enlarge  their  sphere  of  knowledge,  at  once  rejoice  in  their 
present  possessions,  and  are  animated  by  the  boundless 
prospect  of  future  discoveries.  There  a  generous  emu- 
lation, a  noble  thirst  of  fame,  a  love  of  truth  and  honour- 
able regards,  reign  in  minds  as  yet  untainted  from  the 
world.  There  the  stock  of  learning  transmitted  down  from 
the  ancients  is  preserved,  and  receives  a  daily  increase ; 
and  it  is  thence  propagated  by  men  who,  having  finished 
their  studies,  go  into  the  world,  and  spread  that  general 
knowledge  and  good  taste  throughout  the  land,  which  is 
so  distant  from  the  barbarism  of  its  ancient  inhabitants, 
or  the  first  genius  of  its  invaders.  And  as  it  is  evident 
that  our  literature  is  owing  to  the  schools  and  universities 
so  it  cannot  be  denied  that  these  are  owing  to  our 
religion. 

It  was  chiefly,  if  not  altogether,  upon  religious  considera- 
tions that  princes,  as  well  as  private  persons,  have 
erected  Colleges,  and  assigned  liberal  endowments  to 
students  and  professors.  Upon  the  same  account  they 
meet  with  encouragement  and  protection  from  all  Chris- 
tian states,  as  being  esteemed  a  necessary  means  to  have 
the  sacred  oracles  and  primitive  traditions  of  Christianity 
preserved  and  understood*      And  it  is  well  known  that. 


THOUGHTS  ON  PUBLIC  SCHOOLS  AND  UNIVERSITIES     165 

after  a  long  night  of  ignorance  and  superstition,  the 
reformation  of  the  church  and  that  of  learning  began 
together,  and  made  proportionable  advances,  the  latter 
having  been  the  effect  of  the  former,  which  of  course 
engaged  men  in  the  study  of  the  learned  languages  and 
of  antiquity. 

Or,  if  a  Free-thinker  is  ignorant  of  these  facts,  he  may 
be  convinced  from  the  manifest  reason  of  the  thing.  Is 
it  not  plain  that  our  skill  in  literature  is  owing  to  the 
knowledge  of  Greek  and  Latin,  which,  that  they  are  still 
preserved  among  us,  can  be  ascribed  only  to  a  religious 
regard  ?  What  else  should  be  the  cause  why  the  youth 
of  Christendom,  above  the  rest  of  mankind,  are  educated 
in  the  painful  study  of  those  dead  languages,  and  that  re- 
ligious societies  should  peculiarly  be  employed  in  acquir- 
ing that  sort  of  knowledge,  and  teaching  it  to  others  ? 

And  it  is  more  than  probable  that,  in  case  our  Free- 
thinkers could  once  achieve  their  glorious  design  of  sinking 
the  credit  of  the  Christian  religion,  and  causing  those 
revenues  to  be  withdrawn  which  their  wiser  forefathers 
had  appointed  to  the  support  and  encouragement  of  its 
teachers,  in  a  little  time  the  Shaster  would  be  as  intelligible 
as  the  Greek  Testament;  and  we  who  want  that  spirit 
and  curiosity  which  distinguished  the  ancient  Grecians 
would  by  degrees  relapse  into  the  same  state  of  barbarism 
which  overspread  the  northern  nations  before  they  were 
enlightened  by  Christianity. 

Some,  perhaps,  from  the  ill  tendency  and  vile  taste 
which  appear  in  their  writings,  may  suspect  that  the  Free- 
thinkers are  carrying  on  a  malicious  design  against  the 
Belles  Lettres:  for  my  part,  I  rather  conceive  them  as 
unthinking  wretches  of  short  views  and  narrow  capacities, 
who  are  not  able  to  penetrate  into  the  causes  or  conse- 
quences of  things. 


l66  ESSAYS    IN    THE    GUARDIAN 

VIII 

F^NELON'S  DEMONSTRATION ' 

*  Jupiter  est  quodcunque  vides  .  .  .*  — Lucan. 

*  Where'er  you  turn  your  eyes,  'tis  God  you  see.' 

I  HAD  this  morning  a  very  valuable  and  kind  present 
sent  me  of  a  translated  work  of  a  most  excellent  foreign 
writer,  who  makes  a  very  considerable  figure  in  the 
learned  and  Christian  world.  It  is  entitled,  '  A  Demon- 
stration of  the  Existence,  Wisdom  and  Omnipotence  of 
God,  drawn  from  the  knowledge  of  Nature,  particularly 
of  Man,  and  fitted  to  the  meanest  capacity;  *  by  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Cambray,  Author  of  Telemachus ;  and  trans- 
lated from  the  French  by  the  same  hand  that  Englished 
that  excellent  piece.  This  great  author,  in  the  writings 
which  he  has  before  produced,  has  manifested  an  heart 
full  of  virtuous  sentiments,  great  benevolence  to  mankind, 
as  well  as  a  sincere  and  fervent  piety  towards  his  Creator. 
His  talents  and  parts  are  a  very  great  good  to  the  world, 
and  it  is  a  pleasing  thing  to  behold  the  polite  arts  sub- 
servient to  religion,  and  recommending  it  from  its  natural 
beauty.  Looking  over  the  letters  of  my  correspondents, 
I  find  one  which  celebrates  this  Treatise,  and  recommends 
it  to  my  readers. 

To  THE  Guardian. 
'Sir, 

'  I  think  I  have  somewhere  read,  in  the  writings  of  one 
whom  I  take  to  be  a  friend  of  yours,  a  saying  which  struck 
me  very  much,  and  as  I  remember  it  was  to  this  purpose  : 
"  The  existence  of  a  God  is  so  far  from  being  a  thing  that 
wants  to  be  proved,  that  I  think  it  is  the  only  thing  of 
which  we  are  certain."  This  is  a  sprightly  and  just 
expression ;  however,  I  dare  say,  you  will  not  be  dis- 
pleased that  I  put  you  in  mind  of  saying  something  on 
the  Demonstration  of  the  Bishop  of  Cambray.  A  man  of 
his  talents  views  all  things  in  a  light  different  from  that 

^  Guardian f  No.  69,  Saturday',  fence  de  Dieti  was  translated  into 
May  30,  1713.  The  First  Part  of  English  by  Abel  Boyer.  (London, 
F^nelon's  Demonstration  de  VExis-       17 13.) 


f£nelon*s  demonstration  167 

in  which  ordinary  men  see  them,  and  the  devout  disposi- 
tion of  his  soul  turns  all  those  talents  to  the  improve- 
ment of  the  pleasures  of  a  good  life.  His  style  clothes 
philosophy  in  a  dress  almost  poetic,  and  his  readers  enjoy 
in  full  perfection  the  advantage,  while  they  are  reading 
him,  of  being  what  he  is.  The  pleasing  representation 
of  the  animal  powers  in  the  beginning  of  his  work,  and 
his  consideration  of  the  nature  of  man  with  the  addition 
of  reason  in  the  subsequent  discourse,  impresses  upon  the 
mind  a  strong  satisfaction  in  itself,  and  gratitude  towards 
Him  who  bestowed  that  superiority  over  the  brute  world. 
These  thoughts  had  such  an  effect  upon  the  author  him- 
self that  he  has  ended  his  discourse  with  a  Prayer.  This 
adoration  has  a  sublimity  in  it  befitting  his  character,  and 
the  emotions  of  his  heart  flow  from  wisdom  and  know- 
ledge. I  thought  it  would  be  proper  for  a  Saturday's 
paper,  and  have  translated  it  to  make  you  a  present  of 
it.  I  have  not,  as  the  translator  was  obliged  to  do,  con- 
fined myself  to  an  exact  version  from  the  original,  but 
have  endeavoured  to  express  the  spirit  of  it,  by  taking 
the  liberty  to  render  his  thoughts  in  such  a  way  as  I 
should  have  uttered  them  if  they  had  been  my  own.  It 
has  been  observed  that  the  private  letters  of  great  men  are 
the  best  pictures  of  their  souls,  but  certainly  their  private 
devotions  would  be  still  more  instructive,  and  I  know 
not  why  they  should  not  be  as  curious  and  entertaining. 

'  If  you  insert  this  Prayer,  I  know  not  but  I  may  send 
you,  for  another  occasion,  one  used  by  a  very  great  wit 
of  the  last  age,  which  has  allusions  to  the  errors  of  a  very 
wild  life,  and  I  believe  you  will  think  is  written  with  an 
uncommon  spirit.  The  person  whom  I  mean  was  an 
excellent  writer,  and  the  publication  of  this  prayer  of 
his  may  be,  perhaps,  some  kind  of  antidote  against  the 
infection  in  his  other  writings.  But  this  supplication  of 
the  bishop  has  in  it  a  more  happy  and  untroubled  spirit ; 
it  is  (if  that  is  not  saying  something  too  fond)  the  worship 
of  an  angel  concerned  for  those  who  had  fallen,  but 
himself  still  in  the  state  of  glory  and  innocence.  The 
book  ends  with  an  act  of  devotion,  to  this  effect : 

*0  my  God  !  If  the  greater  number  of  mankind  do  not 
discover  Thee  in  that  glorious  shew  of  Nature  which  Thou 


l68  ESSAYS    IN    THE    GUARDIAN 

hast  placed  before  our  eyes,  it  is  not  because  Thou  art  far 
from  every  one  of  us.  Thou  art  present  to  us  more  than 
any  object  which  we  touch  with  our  hands ;  but  our  senses, 
and  the  passions  which  they  produce  in  us,  turn  our 
attention  from  Thee.  Thy  light  shines  in  the  midst  of 
darkness,  but  the  darkness  comprehends  it  not.  Thou, 
O  Lord,  dost  every  way  display  thyself.  Thou  shinest  in 
all  Thy  works,  but  art  not  regarded  by  heedless  and 
unthinking  man.  The  whole  creation  talks  aloud  of  Thee, 
and  echoes  with  the  repetitions  of  Thy  holy  name.  But 
such  is  our  insensibility  that  we  are  deaf  to  the  great  and 
universal  voice  of  nature.  Thou  art  everywhere  about  us 
and  within  us;  but  we  wander  from  ourselves,  become 
strangers  to  our  own  souls,  and  do  not  apprehend  Thy 
presence.  O  Thou  who  art  the  eternal  fountain  of  light 
and  beauty,  who  art  the  ancient  of  days,  without  beginning 
and  without  end;  O  Thou,  who  art  the  life  of  all  that 
truly  live,  those  can  never  fail  to  find  Thee  who  seek  for 
Thee  within  themselves.  But,  alas !  the  very  gifts  which 
Thou  bestowest  upon  us  do  so  employ  our  thoughts  that 
they  hinder  us  from  perceiving  the  hand  which  conveys 
them  to  us.  We  live  by  Thee,  and  yet  we  live  without 
thinking  on  Thee;  but,  O  Lord,  what  is  life  in  the 
ignorance  of  Thee!  A  dead  unactive  piece  of  matter, 
a  flower  that  withers,  a  river  that  glides  away,  a  palace 
that  hastens  to  its  ruin,  a  picture  made  up  of  fading 
colours,  a  mass  of  shining  ore,  strike  our  imaginations, 
and  make  us  sensible  of  their  existence.  We  regard  them 
as  objects  capable  of  giving  us  pleasure,  not  considering 
that  Thou  conveyest  through  them  all  the  pleasure  which 
we  imagine  they  give  us.  Such  vain  empty  objects  that 
are  only  the  shadows  of  being,  are  proportioned  to  our 
low  and  grovelling  thoughts.  That  beauty  which  Thou 
hast  poured  out  on  Thy  creation  is  as  a  veil  which  hides  Thee 
from  our  eyes.  As  Thou  art  a  being  too  pure  and  exalted 
to  pass  through  our  senses.  Thou  art  not  regarded  by  men, 
who  have  debased  their  nature,  and  have  made  themselves 
like  the  beasts  that  perish.  So  infatuated  are  they,  that, 
notwithstanding  they  know  what  is  wisdom  and  virtue, 
which  have  neither  sound,  nor  colour,  nor  smell,  nor  taste, 
nor  figure,  nor  any  other  sensible  quality,  they  can  doubt 
of  Thy  existence,  because  Thou  art  not  apprehended  by 


NARROWNESS    OF   FREE-THINKERS  169 

the  grosser  organs  of  sense.  Wretches  that  we  are !  we 
consider  shadows  as  realities,  and  truth  as  a  phantom. 
That  which  is  nothing  is  all  to  us,  and  that  which  is  all 
appears  to  us  nothing.  What  do  we  see  in  all  nature  but 
Thee,  O  my  God !  Thou,  and  only  Thou,  appearest  in 
every  thing.  When  I  consider  Thee,  O  Lord,  I  am  swal- 
lowed up  and  lost  in  contemplation  of  Thee.  Every  thing 
besides  thee,  even  my  own  existence,  vanishes  and  dis- 
appears in  the  contemplation  of  Thee.  I  am  lost  to  myself 
and  fall  into  nothing  when  I  think  on  Thee.  The  man 
who  does  not  see  Thee  has  beheld  nothing ;  he  who  does 
not  taste  Thee,  has  a  relish  of  nothing.  His  being  is  vain, 
and  his  life  but  a  dream.  Set  up  Thyself,  O  Lord,  set  up 
Thyself  that  we  may  behold  Thee.  As  wax  consumes 
before  the  fire,  and  as  the  smoke  is  driven  away,  so  let 
thine  enemies  vanish  out  of  thy  presence.  How  unhappy 
is  that  soul  who,  without  the  sense  of  Thee,  has  no  God, 
no  hope,  no  comfort  to  support  him  !  But  how  happy  the 
man  who  searches,  sighs,  and  thirsts  after  Thee  !  But  he 
only  is  fully  happy  on  whom  Thou  liftest  up  the  light  of 
Thy  countenance,  whose  tears  Thou  hast  wiped  away,  and 
who  enjoys  in  Thy  loving-kindness  the  completion  of  all 
his  desires.  How  long,  how  long,  O  Lord,  shall  I  wait 
for  that  day  when  I  shall  possess,  in  Thy  presence,  fullness 
of  joy  and  pleasures  for  evermore!  O  my  God,  in  this 
pleasing  hope,  my  bones  rejoice  and  cry  out,  Who  is  like 
unto  Thee!  My  heart  melts  away,  and  my  soul  faints 
within  me,  when  I  look  up  to  Thee  who  art  the  God  of 
my  life,  and  my  portion  to  all  eternity.' 


IX 

NARROWNESS'  OF  FREE-THINKERS' 

* mentisque  capacius  altae.' — Ovid.  Met  1.  i.  v.  76. 


'Of  thoughts  enlarged,  and  more  exalted  mind.* 

As  I  was  the  other  day  taking  a  solitary  walk  in  St. 
Paul's,  I  indulged  my  thoughts  in  the  pursuit  of  a  certain 
analogy  between  that  fabric  and  the  Christian  Church  in 

*  *  Narrowness.*     Hence  called  ^  Guardtatty    No.    70,    Monday, 

'  mmM/^  philosophers.'  June  i,  1 713. 


170  ESSAYS    IN    THE    GUARDIAN 

the  largest  sense.  The  divine  order  and  economy  of  the 
one  seemed  to  be  emblematically  set  forth  by  the  just, 
plain,  and  majestic  architecture  of  the  other.  And  as  the 
one  consists  of  a  great  variety  of  parts  united  in  the  same 
regular  design,  according  to  the  truest  art,  and  most  exact 
proportion ;  so  the  other  contains  a  decent  subordination 
of  members,  various  sacred  institutions,  sublime  doctrines, 
and  solid  precepts  of  morality  digested  into  the  same 
design,  and  with  an  admirable  concurrence  tending  to  one 
view,  the  happiness  and  exaltation  of  human  nature. 

In  the  midst  of  my  contemplation,  I  beheld  a  fly  upon 
one  of  the  pillars ;  and  it  straightway  came  into  my  head, 
that  this  same  fly  was  a  Free-thinker.  For  it  required 
some  comprehension  in  the  eye  of  the  spectator,  to  take 
in  at  one  view  the  various  parts  of  the  building,  in  order 
to  observe  their  symmetry  and  design.  But  to  the  fly, 
whose  prospect  was  confined  to  a  little  part  of  one  of  the 
stones  of  a  single  pillar,  the  joint  beauty  of  the  whole  or 
the  distinct  use  of  its  parts  were  inconspicuous,  and  nothing 
could  appear  but  small  inequalities  in  the  surface  of  the 
hewn  stone,  which  in  the  view  of  that  insect  seemed  so 
many  deformed  rocks  and  precipices. 

The  thoughts  of  a  Free-thinker  are  employed  on  certain 
minute  particularities  of  religion,  the  difficulty  of  a  single 
text,  or  the  unaccountableness  of  some  step  of  Providence 
or  point  of  doctrine  to  his  narrow  faculties,  without  com- 
prehending the  scope  and  design  of  Christianity,  the 
perfection  to  which  it  raiseth  human  nature,  the  light  it 
hath  shed  abroad  in  the  world,  and  the  close  connexion 
it  hath  as  well  with  the  good  of  public  societies  as  with 
that  of  particular  persons. 

This  raised  in  me  some  reflexions  on  that  frame  or  dis- 
position which  is  called  '  largeness  of  mind,'  its  necessity 
towards  forming  a  true  judgment  of  things,  and,  where 
the  soul  is  not  incurably  stinted  by  nature,  what  are  the 
likeliest  methods  to  give  it  enlargement. 

It  is  evident  that  Philosophy  doth  open  and  enlarge  the 
mind  by  the  general  views  to  which  men  are  habituated 
in  that  study,  and  by  the  contemplation  of  more  numerous 
and  distant  objects  than  fall  within  the  sphere  of  mankind 
in  the  ordinary  pursuits  of  life.  Hence  it  comes  to  pass 
that  philosophers  judge  of  most  things  very  differently 


NARROWNESS    OF    FREE-THINKERS  17I 

from  the  vulgar.  Some  instances  of  this  may  be  seen  in 
the  Theaetetus  of  Plato,  where  Socrates  makes  the  follow- 
ing remarks,  among  others  of  the  like  nature : — 

'When  a  philosopher  hears  ten  thousand  acres  men- 
tioned as  a  great  estate,  he  looks  upon  it  as  an  incon- 
siderable spot,  having  been  used  to  contemplate  the  whole 
globe  of  earth.  Or  when  he  beholds  a  man  elated  with 
the  nobility  of  his  race  because  he  can  reckon  a  series  of 
seven  rich  ancestors,  the  philosopher  thinks  him  a  stupid 
ignorant  fellow,  whose  mind  cannot  reach  to  a  general 
view  of  human  nature,  which  would  shew  him  that  we 
have  all  innumerable  ancestors,  among  whom  are  crowds 
of  rich  and  poor,  kings  and  slaves,  Greeks  and  Barbarians.' 
Thus  far  Socrates,  who  was  accounted  wiser  than  the  rest 
of  the  Heathens  for  notions  which  approach  the  nearest 
to  Christianity. 

As  all  parts  and  branches  of  Philosophy,  or  speculative 
knowledge,  are  useful  in  that  respect.  Astronomy  is  pecu- 
liarly adapted  to  remedy  a  little  and  narrow  spirit.  In 
that  science  there  are  good  reasons  assigned  to  prove  the 
sun  an  hundred  thousand  times  bigger  than  our  earth, 
and  the  distance  of  the  stars  so  prodigious,  that  a  cannon- 
bullet  continuing  in  its  ordinary  rapid  motion,  would  not 
arrive  from  hence  at  the  nearest  of  them  in  the  space 
of  an  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  years.  These  ideas 
wonderfully  dilate  and  expand  the  mind.  There  is  some- 
thing in  the  immensity  of  this  distance  that  shocks  and 
overwhelms  the  imagination;  it  is  too  big  for  the  grasp 
of  a  human  intellect:  estates,  provinces,  and  kingdoms 
vanish  at  its  presence.  It  were  to  be  wished  a  certain 
prince  *,  who  hath  encouraged  the  study  of  it  in  his  subjects, 
had  been  himself  a  proficient  in  astronomy.  This  might 
have  shewed  him  how  mean  an  ambition  that  was  which 
terminated  in  a  small  part  of  what  is  itself  but  a  point, 
in  respect  to  that  part  of  the  universe  which  lies  within 
our  view. 

But  the  Christian  Religion  ennobleth  and  enlargeth  the 
mind  beyond  any  other  profession  or  science  whatsoever. 
Upon  that  scheme,  while  the  earth,  and  the  transient 
enjoyments  of  this  life,  shrink  into  the  narrowest  dimen- 
sions, and  are  accounted  as  'the  dust  of  a  balance,  the 

1  Lewis  XIV. 


172  ESSAYS    IN    THE    GUARDIAN 

drop  of  a  bucket,  yea,  less  than  nothing,*  the  intellectual 
world  opens  wider  to  our  view.  The  perfections  of  the 
Deity,  the  nature  and  excellence  of  virtue,  the  dignity  of 
the  human  soul,  are  displayed  in  the  largest  characters. 
The  mind  of  man  seems  to  adapt  itself  to  the  different 
nature  of  its  objects;  it  is  contracted  and  debased  by 
being  conversant  in  little  and  low  things,  and  feels  a  pro- 
portionable enlargement  arising  from  the  contemplation 
of  these  great  and  sublime  ideas. 

The  greatness  of  things  is  comparative ;  and  this  does 
not  only  hold  in  respect  of  extension,  but  likewise  in 
respect  of  dignity,  duration,  and  all  kinds  of  perfection. 
Astronomy  opens  the  mind,  and  alters  our  judgment,  with 
regard  to  the  magnitude  of  extended  beings ;  but  Christi- 
anity produceth  an  universal  greatness  of  soul.  Philosophy 
increaseth  our  views  in  every  respect,  but  Christianity 
extends  them  to  a  degree  beyond  the  light  of  nature. 

How  mean  must  the  most  exalted  potentate  upon  earth 
appear  to  that  eye  which  takes  in  innumerable  orders  of 
blessed  spirits,  differing  in  glory  and  perfection !  How 
little  must  the  amusements  of  sense,  and  the  ordinary 
occupations  of  mortal  men,  seem  to  one  who  is  engaged 
in  so  noble  a  pursuit  as  the  assimilation  of  himself  to  the 
Deity,  which  is  the  proper  employment  of  every  Christian ! 

And  the  improvement  which  grows  from  habituating  the 
mind  to  the  comprehensive  views  of  religion  must  not  be 
thought  wholly  to  regard  the  understanding.  Nothing  is 
of  greater  force  to  subdue  the  inordinate  motions  of  the 
heart,  and  to  regulate  the  will.  Whether  a  man  be  actuated 
by  his  passions  or  his  reason,  these  are  first  wrought  upon 
by  some  object,  which  stirs  the  soul  in  proportion  to  its 
apparent  dimensions.  Hence  irreligious  men,  whose  short 
prospects  are  filled  with  earth,  and  sense,  and  mortal  life, 
are  invited,  by  these  mean  ideas,  to  actions  proportionably 
little  and  low.  But  a  mind  whose  views  are  enlightened 
and  extended  by  religion  is  animated  to  nobler  pursuits 
by  more  sublime  and  remote  objects. 

There  is  not  any  instance  of  weakness  in  the  Free- 
thinkers that  raises  my  indignation  more  than  their  tending 
to  ridicule  Christians  as  men  of  narrow  understandings, 
and  to  pass  themselves  upon  the  world  for  persons  of 
superior  sense,  and  more  enlarged  views.     But  I  leave  it 


ON    SHORT-SIGHTEDNESS    OF    MIND  1 73 

to  any  impartial  man  to  judge  which  hath  the  nobler 
sentiments,  which  the  greater  views;  he  whose  notions 
are  stinted  to  a  few  miserable  inlets  of  sense,  or  he  whose 
sentiments  are  raised  above  the  common  taste  by  the 
anticipation  of  those  delights  which  will  satiate  the  soul, 
when  the  whole  capacity  of  her  nature  is  branched  out 
into  new  faculties?  He  who  looks  for  nothing  beyond 
this  short  span  of  duration,  or  he  whose  aims  are  cg-extended 
with  the  endless  length  of  eternity  ?  He  who  derives  his 
spirit  from  the  elements,  or  he  who  thinks  it  was  inspired 
by  the  Almighty  ? 


V  X 

ON  SHORT-SIGHTEDNESS  OF  MIND' 

* Certum  voto  pete  finem.' — Hor.  Ep.  2.  I.  i.  v.  56. 

* To  wishes  fix  an  end.* — Creech. 


The  writers  of  morality  assign  two  sorts  of  Goods. 
The  one  is  in  itself  desirable ;  the  other  is  to  be  desired, 
not  on  account  of  its  own  excellency,  but  for  the  sake  of 
some  other  thing  which  it  is  instrumental  to  obtain.  These 
are  usually  distinguished  by  the  appellations  of  End  and 
Means.  We  are  prompted  by  nature  to  desire  the  former, 
but  that  we  have  any  appetite  for  the  latter  is  owing  to 
choice  and  deliberation. 

But  as  wise  men  engage  in  the  pursuit  of  means  from 
a  farther  view  of  some  natural  good  with  which  they  are 
connected ;  fools,  who  are  actuated  by  imitation  and  not 
by  reason,  blindly  pursue  the  means,  without  any  design 
or  prospect  of  applying  them.  The  result  whereof  is,  that 
they  entail  upon  themselves  the  anxiety  and  toil,  but  are 
debarred  from  the  subsequent  delights  which  arise  to 
wiser  men;  since  their  views,  not  reaching  the  end,  ter- 
minate in  those  things  which,  although  they  have  a  relative 
goodness,  yet  considered  absolutely  are  indifferent,  or  it 
may  be  evil. 

The  principle  of  this  misconduct  is  a  certain  short- 
sightedness in  the  mind.     And  as  this  defect  is  branched 

*  Guardtartj  No.  77,  Tuesday,  June  9,  17 13. 


174  ESSAYS    IN    THE    GUARDIAN 

forth  into  innumerable  errors  in  life,  and  hath  infected  all 
ranks  and  conditions  of  men,  so  it  more  eminently  appears 
in  three  species — the  Critics,  Misers,  and  Free-thinkers. 
I  shall  endeavour  to  make  good  this  observation  with 
regard  to  each  of  them.  And  first  of  the  Critic. 
/  l^rofit  and  pleasure  are  the  ends,  that  a  reasonable 
I  creature  would  propose  to  obtain  by  studj^  or  indeedLby 
'any  other  undertaking.  Those  parts  or^learning  ^w^ucn 
relate  to  the  imagination,  as  eloquence  and  poetry,  produce 
an  immediate  pleasure  in  the  mind.  And  sublime  and 
useful  truths,  when  they  are  conveyed  in  apt  allegories 
or  beautiful  images,  make  more  distinct  and  lasting  im- 
pressions ;  by  which  means  the  fancy  becomes  subservient 
to  the  understanding,  and  the  mind  is  at  the  same  time 
delighted  and  instructed.  The  exercise  of  the  under- 
standing in  the  discovery  of  truth  is  likewise  attended  with 
great  pleasure,  as  well  as  immediate  profit.  It  not  only 
strengthens  the  faculties,  purifies  the  soul,  subdues  the 
passions;  but,  besides  these  advantages,  there  is  also 
a  secret  joy  that  flows  from  intellectual  operations,  pro- 
portioned to  the  nobleness  of  the  faculty,  and  not  the  less 
affecting  because  inward  and  unseen. 

But  the  mere  exercise  of  the  memory  as  such,  instead  ot 
bringing  pleasure  or  immediate  benefit,  is  a  thing  of  vain 
irksomeness  and  fatigue,  especially  when  employed  in  the 
acquisition  of  languages,  which  is,  of  all  others,  the  most 
dry  and  painful  occupation.  There  must  be  therefore 
something  further  proposed,  or  a  wise  man  would  never 
engage  in  it.  And,  indeed,  the  very  reason  of  the  thing 
plainly  intimates  that  the  motive  which  first  drew  men  to 
affect  a  knowledge  in  dead  tongues  was  that  they  looked 
on  them  as  means  to  convey  more  useful  and  entertaining 
knowledge  into  their  minds. 

There  are  nevertheless  certain  critics,  who,  seeing  that 
Greek  and  Latin  are  in  request,  join  in  a  thoughtless 
pursuit  of  those  languages,  without  any  further  view. 
They  look  on  the  ancient  authors,  but  it  is  with  an  eye 
to  phraseology,  or  certain  minute  particulars  which  are 
valuable  for  no  other  reason  but  because  they  are  despised 
and  forgotten  by  the  rest  of  mankind.  The  divine  maxims 
of  morality,  the  exact  pictures  of  human  life,  the  profound 
discoveries  in  the  arts  and  sciences,  just  thoughts,  bright 


ON    SHORT-SIGHTEDNESS   OF    MIND  175 

images,  sublime  sentiments,  are  overlooked,  while  the 
mind  is  learnedly  taken  up  in  verbal  remarks. 

Was  a  critic  ever  known  to  read  Plato  with  a  con- 
templative mind ;  or  Cicero,  in  order  to  imbibe  the  noble 
sentiments  of  virtue  and  a  public  spirit  which  are  con- 
spicuous in  the  writings  of  that  great  man  ;  or  to  peruse 
the  Greek  or  Roman  historians,  with  an  intention  to  form 
his  own  life  upon  the  plan  of  the  illustrious  patterns  they 
exhibit  to  our  view?  Plato  wrote  in  Greek.  Cicero's 
Latin  is  fine.  And  it  often  lies  in  a  man's  way  to  quote 
the  ancient  historians. 

There  is  no  entertainment  upon  earth  more  noble  and 
befitting  a  reasonable  mind  than  the  perusal  of  good 
authors,  or  that  better  qualifies  a  man  to  pass  his  life  with 
satisfaction  to  himself  or  advantage  to  the  public.  But 
where  men  of  short  views  and  mean  souls  give  themselves 
to  that  sort  of  employment  which  nature  never  designed 
them  for,  they,  indeed,  keep  one  another  in  countenance ; 
but,  instead  of  cultivating  and  adorning  their  own  minds, 
or  acquiring  an  ability  to  be  usefiil  to  the  world,  they  reap 
no  other  advantage  from  their  labours  than  the  dry  con- 
solation arising  from  the  applauses  they  bestow  upon  each 
other. 

And  the  same  weakness,  or  defect  of  the  mind  from 
whence  Pedantry  takes  its  rise  does  likewise  give  birth  to 
Avarice.  Words  and  money  are  both  to  be  regarded  as 
only  marks  of  things.  And  as  the  knowledge  of  the  one, 
so  the  possession  of  the  other  is  of  no  use,  unless  directed 
to  a  further  end.  A  mutual  commerce  could  not  be 
carried  on  among  men  if  some  common  standard  had  not 
been  agreed  upon,  to  which  the  value  of  all  the  various 
products  of  art  and  nature  were  reducible,  and  which 
might  be  of  the  same  use  in  the  conveyance  of  property  as 
words  are  in  that  of  ideas.  Gold,  by  its  beauty,  scarceness, 
and  durable  nature,  seems  designed  by  Providence  to 
a  purpose  so  excellent  and  advantageous  to  mankind. 
Upon  these  considerations  that  metal  came  first  into 
esteem.  But  such  who  cannot  see  beyond  what  is  nearest 
in  the  pursuit,  beholding  mankind  touched  with  an  affection 
for  gold,  and  being  ignorant  of  the  true  reason  that 
introduced  this  odd  passion  into  human  nature,  imagine 
some  intrinsic  worth  in  the  metal  to  be  the  cause  of  it. 


176  ESSAYS    IN    THE    GUARDIAN 

Hence  the  same  men  who,  had  they  been  turned  towards 
learning,  would  have  employed  themselves  in  laying  up 
words  in  their  memory,  are,  by  a  different  application, 
employed  to  as  much  purpose  in  treasuring  up  gold  in 
their  coffers.  They  differ  only  in  the  object ;  the  principle 
on  which  they  act,  and  the  inward  frame  of  mind,  is  the 
same  in  the  Critic  and  the  Miser. 

And  upon  a  thorough  observation,  our  modern  sect  of 
Free-thinkers  will  be  found  to  labour  under  the  same 
defect  with  those  two  inglorious  species.  Their  short 
views  are  terminated  in  the  next  objects,  and  their  specious 
pretences  for  liberty  and  truth  are  so  many  instances  of 
mistaking  the  means  for  the  end.  But  the  setting  these 
points  in  a  clear  light  must  be  the  subject  of  another 
paper. 

XI 

HAPPINESS  OBSTRUCTED  BY 
FREE-THINKERS* 

*  Nimirum  insanus  paucis  videatiir,  eo  quod 
Maxima  pars  hominum  morbo  jactatur  eodem.* 

HoR.  Sat,  3.  I.  2.  V.  120. 

* Few  think  these  mad,  for  most,  like  these, 

Are  sick  and  troubled  with  the  same  disease.' — Creech. 

There  is  a  restless  endeavour  in  the  mind  of  man  after 
Happiness.  This  appetite  is  wrought  into  the  original 
frame  of  our  nature,  and  exerts  itself  in  all  parts  of  the 
creation  that  are  endued  with  any  degree  of  thought  or 
sense.  But,  as  the  human  mind  is  dignified  by  a  more 
comprehensive  faculty  than  can  be  found  in  the  inferior 
animals,  it  is  natural  for  men  not  only  to  have  an  eye  each 
to  his  own  happiness,  but  also  to  endeavour  to  promote  that 
of  others  in  the  same  rank  of  being  :  and  in  proportion  to 
the  generosity  that  is  ingredient  in  the  temper  of  the  soul, 
the  object  of  its  benevolence  is  of  a  larger  and  narrower 
extent.  There  is  hardly  a  spirit  upon  earth  so  mean  and 
contracted  as  to  centre  all  regards  on  its  own  interest, 
exclusive  of  the  rest  of  mankind.     Even  the  selfish  man 

^  Guardian^  No.  83,  Tuesday,  June  16,  1713. 


HAPPINESS    OBSTRUCTED    BY    FREE-THINKERS       I77 

has  some  share  of  love  which  he  bestows  on  his  family  and 
his  friends.  A  nobler  mind  hath  at  heart  the  common 
interest  of  the  society  or  country  of  which  he  makes  apart. 
And  there  is  still  a  more  diflfiisive  spirit,  whose  being  or 
intentions  reach  the  whole  mass  of  mankind,  and  are 
continued  beyond  the  present  age,  to  a  succession  of 
future  generations. 

The  advantage  arising  to  him  who  hath  a  tincture  of  this 
generosity  on  his  soul  is,  that  he  is  affected  with  a  sublimer 
joy  than  can  be  comprehended  by  one  who  is  destitute  of 
that  noble  relish.     The  happiness  of  the  rest  of  mankind 
hath  a  natural  connexion  with  that  of  a  reasonable  mind. 
And  in  proportion  as  the  actions  of  each  individual  con- 
tribute to  this  end,  he  must  be  thought  to  deserve  well  or 
ill  both  of  the  world  and  of  himself.     I  have  in  a  late 
paper  observed,  that  men  who  have  no  reach  of  thought 
do  oft  misplace  their  affections  on   the  means,  without 
respect  to  the  end,  and  by  a  preposterous  desire  of  things 
in  themselves  indifferent  forego  the  enjoyment   of  that 
happiness  which  those  things  are  instrumental  to  obtain. 
This  observation   has  been   considered  with    regard   to 
Critics  and  Misers ;  I  shall  now  apply  it  to  Free-thinkers. 
Liberty  and   truth  are  the  main  points  which   these 
gentlemen  pretend  to  have  in  view  ;  to  proceed  therefore 
methodically,  I  will  endeavour  to  shew,  in  the  first  place, 
that  liberty  and  truth  are  not  in  themselves  desirable,  but 
only  as  they  relate  to  a  farther  end.     And  secondly,  that 
the  sort  of  liberty  and  truth  (allowing  them  those  names) 
which  our  Free-thinkers  use  all  their  industry  to  promote, 
is  destructive  of  that  end,  viz.  human  Happiness ;   and 
consequently  that  species,  as  such,  instead  of  being  en- 
couraged or  esteemed,  merit  the  detestation  and  abhorrence 
of  all  honest  men.     In  the  last  place,  I  design  to  shew 
that,  under  the  pretence  of  advancing  liberty  and  truth, 
they  do  in  reality  promote  the  two  contrary  evils. 

As  to  the  first  point,  it  has  been  observed  that  it  is  the 
duty  of  each  particular  person  to  aim  at  the  Happiness  of 
his  fellow  creatures ;  and  that  as  this  view  is  of  a  wider  or 
narrower  extent,  it  argues  a  mind  more  or  less  virtuous. 
Hence  it  follows  that  a  liberty  of  doing  good  actions  which 
conduce  to  the  felicity  of  mankind,  and  a  knowledge  of 
such  truths  as  might  either  give  us  pleasure  in  the  con- 

BEKKBLBY:    FRASBR.       IV.  N 


178  ESSAYS    IN    THE    GUARDIAN 

templation  of  them,  or  direct  our  conduct  to  the  great  ends 
of  life,  are  valuable  perfections.  But  shall  a  good  man, 
therefore,  prefer  a  liberty  to  commit  murder  or  adultery 
before  the  wholesome  restraint  of  divine  and  human  laws  ? 
Or  shall  a  wise  man  prefer  the  knowledge  of  a  troublesome 
and  afflicting  truth  before  a  pleasant  error  that  would 
cheer  his  soul  with  joy  and  comfort,  and  be  attended  with 
no  ill  consequences  ?  Surely  no  man  of  common  sense 
would  thank  him  who  had  put  it  in  his  power  to  execute 
the  sudden  suggestions  of  a  fit  of  passion  or  madness,  or 
imagine  himself  obliged  to  a  person  who,  by  forwardly 
informing  him  of  ill  news,  had  caused  his  soul  to  anticipate 
that  sorrow  which  she  would  never  have  felt  so  long  as  the 
ungrateful  truth  lay  concealed. 

Let  us  then  respect  the  Happiness  of  our  species,  and 
in  this  light  examine  the  proceedings  of  the  Free-thinkers. 
From  what  giants  and  monsters  would  these  knight-errants 
undertake  to  free  the  world  ?  From  the  ties  that  religion 
imposeth  on  our  minds,  from  the  expectation  of  a  future 
judgment,  and  from  the  terrors  of  a  troubled  conscience, 
not  by  reforming  men's  lives,  but  by  giving  encouragement 
to  their  vices.  What  are  those  important  truths  of  which 
they  would  convince  mankind?  That  there  is  no  such 
thing  as  a  wise  and  just  Providence;  that  the  mind  of 
man  is  corporeal ;  that  religion  is  a  state-trick,  contrived 
to  make  men  honest  and  virtuous,  and  to  procure  a  sub- 
sistence to  others  for  teaching  and  exhorting  them  to  be 
so  ;  that  the  good  tidings  of  Life  and  Immortality  brought 
to  light  by  the  Gospel  are  fables  and  impostures :  from 
believing  that  we  are  made  in  the  image  of  God,  they 
would  degrade  us  to  an  opinion  that  we  are  on  a  level  with 
the  beasts  that  perish.  What  pleasure  or  what  advantage 
do  these  notions  bring  to  mankind  ?  Is  it  of  any  use  to 
the  public  that  good  men  should  lose  the  comfortable 
prospect  of  a  reward  to  their  virtue,  or  the  wicked  be 
encouraged  to  persist  in  their  impiety,  from  an  assurance 
that  they  shall  not  be  punished  for  it  hereafter. 

Allowing,  therefore,  these  men  to  be  patrons  of  liberty 
^nd  truth,  yet  it  is  of  such  truths  and  that  sort  of  liberty 
which  makes  them  justly  be  looked  upon  as  enemies  to  the 
peace  and  happiness  of  the  world.  But  upon  a  thorough 
and  impartial  view  it  will  be  found  that  their  endeavours. 


HAPPINESS    OBSTRUCTED    BY    FREE-THINKERS       179 

instead  of  advancing  the  cause  of  liberty  and  truth,  tend 
only  to  introduce  slavery  and  error  among  men.  There 
are  two  parts  in  our  nature,  the  baser,  which  consists  of 
our  senses  and  passions,  and  the  more  noble  and  rational, 
which  is  properly  the  human  part,  the  other  being  common 
to  us  with  brutes.  The  inferior  part  is  generally  much 
stronger,  and  has  always  the  start  of  reason,  which  if,  in 
the  perpetual  struggle  between  them,  it  were  not  aided 
from  heaven  by  religion  would  almost  universally  be  van- 
quished, and  man  become  a  slave  to  his  passions,  which 
as  it  is  the  most  grievous  and  shameful  slavery,  so  it  is 
the  genuine  result  of  that  liberty  which  is  proposed  by 
overturning  religion.  Nor  is  the  other  part  of  their  design 
better  executed.  Look  into  their  pretended  truths ;  are 
they  not  so  many  wretched  absurdities,  maintained  in 
opposition  to  the  light  of  nature  and  divine  revelation  by 
sly  inuendos  and  cold  jests,  by  such  pitiful  sophisms  and 
such  confused  and  indigested  notions  that  one  would 
vehemently  suspect  those  men  usurped  the  name  of  Free- 
thinkers with  the  same  view  that  hypocrites  do  that  of 
godliness,  that  it  may  serve  for  a  cloke  to  cover  the 
contrary  defect? 

I  shall  close  this  discourse  with  a  parallel  reflexion  on 
these  three  species,  who  seem  to  be  allied  by  a  certain 
agreement  in  mediocrity  of  understanding.  A  Critic  is 
entirely  given  up  to  the  pursuit  of  learning ;  when  he  has 
got  it,  is  his  judgment  clearer,  his  imagination  livelier,  or 
his  manners  more  polite  than  those  of  other  men  ?  Is  it 
observed  that  a  Miser,  when  he  has  acquired  his  super- 
fluous estate,  eats,  drinks,  or  sleeps  with  more  satisfaction, 
that  he  has  a  cheerfuller  mind,  or  relishes  any  of  the 
•enjoyments  of  life  better  than  his  neighbours?  The  Free- 
thinkers plead  hard  for  a  licence  to  think  freely;  they 
have  it:  but  what  use  do  they  make  of  it?  Are  they 
eminent  for  any  sublime  discoveries  in  any  of  the  arts 
and  sciences  ?  have  they  been  authors  of  any  inventions 
that  conduce  to  the  well-being  of  mankind?  Do  their 
writings  shew  a  greater  depth  of  design,  a  clearer  method, 
or  more  just  and  correct  reasoning  than  those  of  other  men  ? 

There  is  a  great  resemblance  in  their  genius,  but  the 
Critic  and  Miser  are  only  ridiculous  and  contemptible 
creatures,  while  the  Free-thinker  is  also  a  pernicious  one. 

N  2 


l8o  ESSAYS    IN    THE    GUARDIAN 


XII 

THE  CHRISTIAN  IDEAS  OF  GOD* 

'  Mens  agitat  molem  .  • .'  — Virg.  ^n,  6.  v.  727. 
'A  mind  informs  the  mass.' 

To  one  who  regards  things  with  a  philosophical  eye,  and 
hath  a  soul  capable  of  being  delighted  with  the  sense  that 
truth  and  knowledge  prevail  among  men,  it  must  be  a 
grateful  reflexion  to  think  that  the  sublimest  truths,  which 
among  the  heathens  only  here  and  there  one  of  brighter 
parts  and  more  leisure  than  ordinary  could  attain  to,  are 
now  grown  familiar  to  the  meanest  inhabitants  of  these 
nations. 

Whence  came  this  surprising  change,  that  regions 
formerly  inhabited  by  ignorant  and  savage  people  should 
now  outshine  ancient  Greece,  and  the  other  eastern  coun- 
tries, so  renowned  of  old,  in  the  most  elevated  notions  of 
theology  and  morality  ?  Is  it  the  effect  of  our  own  parts 
and  industry  ?  Have  our  common  mechanics  more  refined 
understandings  than  the  ancient  philosophers?  It  is 
owing  to  the  God  of  Truth,  who  came  down  from  heaven, 
and  condescended  to  be  Himself  our  teacher.  It  is  as  we 
are  Christians  that  we  profess  more  excellent  and  divine 
truths  than  the  rest  of  mankind. 

If  there  be  any  of  the  Free-thinkers  who  are  not  direct 
atheists,  charity  would  incline  one  to  believe  them  ignorant 
of  what  is  here  advanced.  And  it  is  for  their  information 
that  I  write  this  paper,  the  design  of  which  is  to  compare 
the  ideas  that  Christians  entertain  of  the  being  and  attri- 
butes of  a  God,  with  the  gross  notions  of  the  Heathen 
world.  Is  it  possible  for  the  mind  of  man  to  conceive 
a  more  august  idea  of  the  Deity  than  is  set  forth  in  the 
Holy  Scriptures  ?  I  shall  throw  together  some  passages 
relating  to  this  subject,  which  I  propose  only  as  philo- 
sophical sentiments,  to  be  considered  by  a  Free-thinker. 

'  Though  there  be  that  are  called  gods,  yet  to  us  there 

^  Guardian,   No.    88,    Monday,       as    on    the   reputed    authority   of 
June  22,  1 7 13,  attributed  to  Berke-       Steele, 
ley  on  internal  evidence,  as  well 


THE    CHRISTIAN    IDEAS    OF    GOD  l8l 

is  but  one  God.  He  made  the  heaven,  and  heaven  of 
heavens,  with  all  their  host ;  the  earth  and  all  things  that 
are  therein  ;  the  seas  and  all  that  is  therein  ;  He  said,  let 
them  be,  and  it  was  so.  He  hath  stretched  forth  the 
heavens.  He  hath  founded  the  earth  and  hung  it  upon 
nothing.  He  hath  shut  up  the  sea  with  doors,  and  said. 
Hitherto  shalt  thou  come  and  no  farther,  and  here  shall 
thy  proud  waves  be  stayed.  The  Lord  is  an  invisible 
spirit,  in  whom  we  live,  and  move,  and  have  our  being. 
He  is  the  fountain  of  life.  He  preserveth  man  and  beast. 
Hegiveth  food  to  all  flesh.  In  His  hand  is  the  soul  of 
every  living  thing,  and  the  breath  of  all  mankind.  The 
Lordmaketh  poor  and  maketh  rich.  He  bringeth  low  and 
Hfteth  up.  He  killeth  and  maketh  alive.  He  woundeth 
and  He  healeth.  By  Him  kings  reign,  and  princes  decree 
justice,  and  not  a  sparrow  falleth  to  the  ground  without 
Him.  All  angels,  authorities,  and  powers  are  subject  to 
Him.  He  appointeth  the  moon  for  seasons,  and  the  sun 
knoweth  His  going  down.  He  thundereth  with  His  voice, 
and  directeth  it  under  the  whole  heaven,  and  His  lightning 
unto  the  ends  of  the  earth.  Fire  and  hail,  snow  and 
vapour,  wind  and  storm,  fulfil  His  word.  The  Lord  is 
Kmg  for  ever  and  ever,  and  His  dominion  is  an  everlasting 
dominion.  The  earth  and  the  heavens  shall  perish,  but 
Thou,  O  Lord,  remainest.  They  all  shall  wax  old  as 
doth  a  garment,  and  as  a  vesture  shalt  Thou  fold  them  up, 
and  they  shall  be  changed ;  but  Thou  art  the  same,  and 
Thy  years  shall  have  no  end.  God  is  perfect  in  know- 
ledge; His  understanding  is  infinite.  He  is  the  Father 
of  lights.  He  looketh  to  the  ends  of  the  earth,  and  seeth 
under  the  whole  heaven.  The  Lord  beholdeth  all  the 
children  of  men  from  the  place  of  His  habitation,  and 
considereth  all  their  works.  He  knoweth  our  down-sitting 
and  up-rising.  He  compasseth  our  path  and  counteth  our 
steps.  He  is  acquainted  with  all  our  ways ;  and  when  we 
enter  our  closet  and  shut  our  door  He  seeth  us.  He 
knoweth  the  things  that  come  into  our  mind,  every  one  of 
4em:  and  no  thought  can  bewithholden  from  Him.  The 
Lord  is  good  to  all,  and  His  tender  mercies  are  over  all 
His  works.  He  is  a  Father  of  the  fatherless,  and  a  judge 
of  the  widow.  He  is  the  God  of  peace,  the  Father  of 
roercies,  and  the  God  of  all  comfort  and  consolation.     The 


l82  ESSAYS    IN   THE    GUARDIAN 

Lord  is  great,  and  we  know  Him  not;  His  greatness 
is  unsearchable.  Who  but  He  hath  measured  the  waters 
in  the  hollow  of  His  hand,  and  meted  out  the  heavens 
with  a  span?  Thine,  O  Lord,  is  the  greatness,  and  the 
power,  and  the  glory,  and  the  victory,  and  the  majesty. 
Thou  art  very  great,  Thou  art  clothed  with  honour. 
Heaven  is  Thy  throne  and  earth  is  Thy  footstool.' 

Can  the  mind  of  a  philosopher  rise  to  a  more  just 
and  magnificent,  and  at  the  same  time  a  more  amiable 
idea  of  the  Deity  than  is  here  set  forth  in  the  strongest 
images  and  most  emphatical  language?  And  yet  this  is 
the  language  of  shepherds  and  fishermen.  The  illiterate 
Jews  and  poor  persecuted  Christians  retained  these  noble 
sentiments,  while  the  polite  and  powerful  nations  of  the 
earth  were  given  up  to  that  sottish  sort  of  worship  of 
which  the  following  elegant  description  is  extracted  from 
one  of  the  inspired  writers. 

'  Who  hath  formed  a  god,  and  molten  an  image  that  is 
profitable  for  nothing?  The  smith  with  the  tongs  both 
worketh  in  the  coals  and  fashioneth  it  with  hammers,  and 
worketh  it  with  the  strength  of  his  arms :  yea,  he  is  hungry 
and  his  strength  faileth.  He  drinketh  no  water  and  is 
faint.  A  man  planteth  an  ash,  and  the  rain  doth  nourish 
it.  He  burneth  part  thereof  in  the  fire.  He  roasteth 
roast.  He  warmeth  himself.  And  the  residue  thereof  he 
maketh  a  god.  He  faileth  down  unto  it,  and  worshippeth 
it,  and  prayeth  unto  it,  and  saith.  Deliver  me,  for  thou  art 
my  god.  None  considereth  in  his  heart,  I  have  burnt  part 
of  it  in  the  fire,  yea  also,  I  have  baked  bread  upon  the 
coals  thereof:  I  have  roasted  flesh  and  eaten  it;  and 
shall  I  make  the  residue  thereof  an  abomination  ?  Shall 
I  fall  down  to  the  stock  of  a  tree  ? ' 

In  such  circumstances  as  these,  for  a  man  to  declare 
for  free-thinking,  and  disengage  himself  from  the  yoke 
of  idolatry,  were  doing  honour  to  human  nature,  and  a 
work  well  becoming  the  great  asserters  of  reason.  But  in 
a  church,  where  our  adoration  is  directed  to  the  Supreme 
Being,  and  (to  say  the  least)  where  is  nothing  either  in 
the  object  or  manner  of  worship  that  contradicts  the  light 
of  nature ;  there,  under  the  pretence  of  free-thinking,  to 
rail  at  the  religious  institutions  of  their  country,  sheweth 
an  undistinguishing  genius  that  mistakes  opposition  for 


CHRISTIAN    IDEAS    OF   A    FUTURE    STATE  183 

freedom  of  thought.  And,  indeed,  notwithstanding  the 
pretences  of  some  few  among  our  Free-thinkers,  I  can 
hardly  think  there  are  men  so  stupid  and  inconsistent 
with  themselves,  as  to  have  a  serious  regard  for  Natural 
Religion,  and  at  the  same  time  use  their  utmost  endeavours 
to  destroy  the  credit  of  those  sacred  Writings,  which  as 
they  have  been  the  means  of  bringing  these  parts  of  the 
world  to  the  knowledge  of  natural  religion,  so  in  case 
they  lose  their  authority  over  the  minds  of  men,  we  should 
of  course  sink  into  the  same  idolatry  which  we  see  prac- 
tised by  other  unenlightened  nations. 

If  a  person  who  exerts  himself  in  the  modern  way  of 
free-thinking  be  not  a  stupid  idolater,  it  is  undeniable 
that  he  contributes  all  he  can  to  the  making  other  men  so, 
either  by  ignorance  or  design;  which  lays  him  under 
the  dilemma,  I  will  not  say  of  being  a  fool  or  knave,  but 
of  incurring  the  contempt  or  detestation  of  mankind. 


XIII 

CHRISTIAN  IDEAS  OF  A  FUTURE  STATE  ^ 

*Igneus  est  ollis  vigor,  et  coelestis  origo 
Seminibus *  Virg.  ^n,  6.  v.  730. 

*They  boast  ethereal  vigour,  and  are  form'd 
From  seeds  of  heavenly  birth.* 

The  same  faculty  of  reason  and  understanding,  which 
placeth  us  above  the  brute  part  of  the  creation,  doth  also 
subject  our  minds  to  greater  and  more  manifold  disquiets 
than  creatures  of  an  inferior  rank  are  sensible  of.  It  is 
by  this  that  we  anticipate  future  disasters,  and  oft  create 
to  ourselves  real  pain  from  imaginary  evils,  as  well  as 
multiply  the  pangs  arising  from  those  which  cannot  be 
avoided. 

It  behoves  us  therefore  to  make  the  best  use  of  that 
sublime  talent,  which,  so  long  as  it  continues  the  instru- 
jnent  of  passion,  will  serve  only  to  make  us  more  miserable, 
in  proportion  as  we  are  more  excellent  than  other  beings. 

It  is  the  privilege  of  a  thinking  being  to  withdraw  from 

^  Guardian^  No.  89,  Tuesday,  June  23,  1713. 


184  ESSAYS    IN    THE    GUARDIAN 

the  objects  that  solicit  his  senses,  and  turn  his  thoughts 
inward  on  himself.  For  my  own  part  I  often  mitifi^ate  the 
pain  arising  from  the  little  misfortunes  and  dislppoint- 
ments  that  checker  human  life  by  this  introversion  of  my 
faculties,  wherein  I  regard  my  own  soul  as  the  image 
of  her  Creator,  and  receive  great  consolation  from  behold- 
ing those  perfections  which  testify  her  divine  original,  and 
lead  me  into  some  knowledge  of  her  everlasting  archetype. 

But  there  is  not  any  property  or  circumstance  of  my 
being  that  I  contemplate  with  more  joy  than  my  Immor- 
tality. I  can  easily  overlook  any  present  momentary 
sorrow,  when  I  reflect  that  it  is  in  my  power  to  be  happy 
a  thousand  years  hence.  If  it  were  not  for  this  thought, 
I  had  rather  be  an  oyster  than  a  man,  the  most  stupid  and 
senseless  of  animals  than  a  reasonable  mind  tortured  with 
an  extreme  innate  desire  of  that  perfection  which  it  despairs 
to  obtain. 

It  is  with  great  pleasure  that  I  behold  instinct,  reason, 
and  faith  concurring  to  attest  this  comfortable  truth.  It  is 
revealed  from  heaven,  it  is  discovered  by  philosophers, 
and  the  ignorant,  unenlightened  part  of  mankind  have 
a  natural  propensity  to  believe  it.  It  is  an  agreeable 
entertainment  to  reflect  on  the  various  shapes  under  which 
this  doctrine  has  appeared  in  the  world.  The  Pythagorean 
transmigration,  the  sensual  habitations  of  the  Mahometan, 
and  the  shady  realms  of  Pluto,  do  all  agree  in  the  main 
points,  the  continuation  of  our  existence,  and  the  distri- 
bution of  rewards  and  punishments,  proportioned  to  the 
merits  or  demerits  of  men  in  this  life. 

But  in  all  these  schemes  there  is  something  gross  and 
improbable,  that  shocks  a  reasonable  and  speculative  mind. 
Whereas  nothing  can  be  more  rational  and  sublime  than 
the  Christian  idea  of  a  Future  State.  *  Eye  hath  not  seen, 
nor  ear  heard,  neither  hath  it  entered  into  the  heart  of 
man  to  conceive  the  things  which  God  hath  prepared  for 
those  that  love  him.'  The  above-mentioned  schemes  are 
narrow  transcripts  of  our  present  state :  but  in  this  in- 
definite description  there  is  something  ineffably  great  and 
noble.  The  mind  of  man  must  be  raised  to  a  higher 
pitch,  not  only  to  partake  the  enjoyments  of  the  Christian 
Paradise,  but  even  to  be  able  to  frame  any  notion  of  them. 

Nevertheless,  in  order  to  gratify  our  imagination,  and 


CHRISTIAN    IDEAS    OF    A    FUTURE    STATE  185 

by  way  of  condescension  to  our  low  way  of  thinking,  the 
ideas  of  light,  glory,  a  crown,  &c.  are  made  use  of  to  adum- 
brate that  which  we  cannot  directly  understand.  'The 
Lamb  which  is  in  the  midst  of  the  throne  shall  feed  them, 
and  shall  lead  them  unto  living  fountains  of  waters ;  and 
God  shall  wipe  away  all  tears  from  their  eyes.  And  there 
shall  be  no  more  death,  neither  sorrow,  nor  crying,  neither 
shall  there  be  any  more  pain ;  for  the  former  things  are 
passed  away,  and  behold  all  things  are  new.  There  shall 
be  no  night  there,  and  they  need  no  candle,  neither  light 
of  the  sun  :  for  the  Lord  God  giveth  them  light,  and  shall 
make  them  drink  of  the  river  of  his  pleasures ;  and  they 
shall  reign  for  ever  and  ever.  They  shall  receive  a  crown 
of  glory  which  fadeth  not  away.' 

These  are  cheering  reflexions;  and  I  have  often  won- 
dered that  men  could  be  found  so  dull  and  phlegmatic  as 
to  prefer  the  thought  of  annihilation  before  them ;  or  so 
ill-natured  as  to  endeavour  to  persuade  mankind  to  the 
disbelief  of  what  is  so  pleasing  and  profitable  even  in  the 
prospect ;  or  so  blind  as  not  to  see  that  there  is  a  Deity, 
and  if  there  be,  that  this  scheme  of  things  flows  from  his 
attributes,  and  evidently  corresponds  with  the  other  parts 
of  his  creation. 

I  know  not  how  to  account  for  this  absurd  turn  of 
thought,  except  it  proceed  from  a  want  of  other  employ- 
ment joined  with  an  affectation  of  singularity.  I  shall, 
therefore,  inform  our  modern  Free-thinkers  of  two  points 
whereof  they  seem  to  be  ignorant.  The  first  is,  that  it  is 
not  the  being  singular,  but  being  singular  for  something, 
that  argues  either  extraordinary  endowments  of  nature, 
or  benevolent  intentions  to  mankind,  which  draws  the 
admiration  and  esteem  of  the  world.  A  mistake  in  this 
point  naturally  arises  from  that  confusion  of  thought  which 
1  do  not  remember  to  have  seen  so  great  instances  of  in 
^y  writers  as  in  certain  modern  Free-thinkers. 

The  other  point  is,  that  there  are  innumerable  objects 
^thin  the  reach  of  a  human  mind,  and  each  of  these 
objects  may  be  viewed  in  innumerable  lights  and  positions, 
^d  the  relations  arising  between  them  are  innumerable. 
There  is,  therefore,  an  infinity  of  things  whereon  to  em- 
ploy their  thoughts,  if  not  with  advantage  to  the  world,  at 
kastwith  amusement  to  themselves,  and  without  offence 


l86  ESSAYS    IN   THE    GUARDIAN 

or  prejudice  to  other  people.  If  they  proceed  to  exert 
their  talent  of  free-thinking  in  this  way,  they  may  be 
innocently  dull,  and  no  one  take  any  notice  of  it.  But  to 
see  men  without  either  wit  or  argument  pretend  to  run 
down  divine  and  human  laws,  and  treat  their  fellow- 
subjects  with  contempt  for  professing  a  belief  of  those 
points  on  which  the  present  as  well  as  future  interest 
of  mankind  depends,  is  not  to  be  endured.  For  my  own 
part,  I  shall  omit  no  endeavours  to  render  their  persons 
as  despicable,  and  their  practices  as  odious,  in  the  eye  of 
the  world,  as  they  deserve. 


N'XIV 
MORAL  ATTRACTION  > 

^Homo  sum,  humani  nil  a  me  alienum  puto.' 

Ter.  Heaut  Act  i.  Sc.  i. 

^I  am  a  man,  and  have  a  fellow  feeling  of  every  thing  belonging  to  man.' 

If  we  consider  the  whole  scope  of  the  creation  that 
lies  within  our  view,  the  moral  and  intellectual,  as  well 
as  the  natural  and  corporeal,  we  shall  perceive  through- 
out a  certain  correspondence  of  the  parts,  a  similitude 
of  operation  and  unity  of  design,  which  plainly  demon- 
strate the  universe  to  be  the  work  of  one  infinitely  good 
and  wise  Being ;  and  that  the  system  of  thinking  beings 
is  actuated  by  laws  derived  from  the  same  divine  power 
which  ordained  those  by  which  the  corporeal  system  is 
upheld. 

From  the  contemplation  of  the  order,  motion,  and 
cohesion  of  natural  bodies,  philosophers  are  now  agreed 
that  there  is  a  mutual  attraction  between  the  most  dis- 
tant parts  at  least  of  this  solar  system.  All  those  bodies 
that  revolve  round  the  sun  are  drawn  towards  each  other, 
and  towards  the  sun,  by  some  secret,  uniform  and  never- 
ceasing  principle.  Hence  it  is  that  the  earth  (as  well 
as  the  other  planets)  without  flying  off  in  a  tangent  line, 

*  Guardian,  No.    126,  Wednes-       London   on   his   way   to  Italy  as 
day,   August  5,    17 13.     This  was       Lord  Peterborough's  chaplain, 
three  months  before  Berkeley  left 


MORAL   ATTRACTION  187 

constantly  rolls  about  the  sun,  and  the  moon  about  the 
earth,  without  deserting  her  companion  in  so  many 
thousand  years.  And  as  the  larger  systems  of  the  uni- 
verse are  held  together  by  this  cause,  so  likewise  the 
particular  globes  derive  their  cohesion  and  consistence 
from  it. 

Now,  if  we  carry  our  thoughts  from  the  corporeal  to 
the  moral  world,  we  may  observe  in  the  Spirits  or  Minds 
of  men  a  like  principle  of  attraction,  whereby  they  are 
drawn  together  in  communities,  clubs,  families,  friend- 
ships, and  all  the  various  species  of  society.  As  in  bodies, 
where  the  quantity  is  the  same,  the  attraction  is  strongest 
between  those  which  are  placed  nearest  to  each  other, 
so  it  is  likewise  in  the  minds  of  men,  cceteris  paribus, 
between  those  which  are  most  nearly  related.  Bodies 
that  are  placed  at  the  distance  of  many  millions  of  miles 
may  nevertheless  attract  and  constantly  operate  on  each 
other,  although  this  action  do  not  shew  itself  by  an  union 
or  approach  of  those  distant  bodies,  so  long  as  they  are 
withheld  by  the  contrary  forces  of  other  bodies,  which, 
at  the  same  time,  attract  them  different  ways,  but  would, 
on  the  supposed  removal  of  all  other  bodies,  mutually 
approach  and  unite  with  each  other.  The  like  holds 
with  regard  to  the  human  soul,  whose  affection  towards 
the  individuals  of  the  same  species  who  are  distantly 
related  to  it  is  rendered  inconspicuous  by  its  more  power- 
ful attraction  towards  those  who  have  a  nearer  relation 
to  it.  But  as  those  are  removed  the  tendency  which 
before  lay  concealed  doth  gradually  disclose  itself. 

A  man  who  has  no  family  is  more  strongly  attracted 
towards  his  friends  and  neighbours ;  and,  if  absent  from 
these,  he  naturally  falls  into  an  acquaintance  with  those 
of  his  own  city  or  country  who  chance  to  be  in  the  same 
place.  Two  Englishmen  meeting  at  Rome  or  Constan- 
tinople soon  run  into  a  familiarity.  And  in  China  or 
Japan  Europeans  would  think  their  being  so  a  good 
feason  for  their  uniting  in  particular  converse.  Farther, 
in  case  we  suppose  ourselves  translated  into  Jupiter  or 
Saturn,  and  there  to  meet  a  Chinese  or  other  more  dis- 
tant native  of  our  own  planet,  we  should  look  on  him 
as  a  near  relation,  and  readily  commence  a  friendship 
^th  him.      These  are   natural   reflexions,  and   such   as 


l88  ESSAYS    IN    THE    GUARDIAN 

'  may  convince  us  that  we  are  linked  by  an  imperceptible 
chain  to  every  individual  of  the  human  race. 

The  several  great  bodies  which  compose  the  solar 
system  are  kept  from  joining  together  at  the  common 
centre  of  gravity  by  the  rectilinear  motions  the  Author 
of  nature  has  impressed  on  each  of  them;  which,  con- 
curring with  the  attractive  principle,  form  their  respective 
orbits  round  the  sun :  upon  the  ceasing  of  which  motions, 
the  general  law  of  gravitation  that  is  now  thwarted  would 

^shew  itself  by  drawing  them  all  into  one  mass.  After 
'the  same  manner,  in  the  parallel  case  of  society,  private 
,  passions  and  motions  of  the  soul  do  often  obstruct  the 
operation  of  that   benevolent  uniting  instinct  implanted 

,'  in  human  nature ;  which,  notwithstanding,  doth  still  exert, 

■  and  will  not  fail  to  shew  itself  when  those  obstructions 
are  taken  away. 

The  mutual  gravitation  of  bodies  cannot  be  explained 
any  other  way  than  by  resolving  it  into  the  immediate 
operation  of  God,  who  never  ceases  to  dispose  and  actuate 
his  creatures  in  a  manner  suitable  to  their  respective 
beings.  So  neither  can  that  reciprocal  attraction  in  the 
minds  of  men  be  accounted  for  by  any  other  cause.  It 
is  not  the  result  of  education,  law,  or  fashion ;  but  is 
a  principle  originally  ingrafted  in  the  very  first  formation 
of  the  soul  by  the  Author  of  our  nature. 

And  as  the  attractive  power  in  bodies  is  the  most 
universal  principle  which  produceth  innumerable  effects, 
and  is  a  key  to  explain  the  various  phenomena  of  nature ; 

•so  the  corresponding  social  appetite  in  human  souls  is 
the  great  spring  and  source  of  moral  actions.  This  it 
is  that  inclines  each  individual  to  an  intercourse  with  his 
species,  and  models  every  one  to  that  behaviour  which 
best  suits  with  the  common  well-being.  Hence  that 
sympathy  in  our  nature  whereby  we  feel  the  pains  and 
joys  of  our  fellow  creatures.  Hence  that  prevalent  love 
in  parents  towards  their  children,  which  is  neither  founded 
on  the  merit  of  the  object,  nor  yet  on  self-interest.  It 
is  this  that  makes  us  inquisitive  concerning  the  affairs 
of  distant  nations  which  can  have  no  influence  on  our 
own.  It  is  this  that  extends  our  care  to  future  genera- 
tions, and  excites  us  to  acts  of  beneficence  towards  those 
who  are  not  yet  in  being,  and  consequently  from  whom 


MORAL    ATTRACTION  189 

we  can  expect  no  recompense.  In  a  word,  hence  rises 
that  diffusive  sense  of  Humanity  so  unaccountable  to  the 
selfish  man  who  is  untouched  with  it,  and  is,  indeed,  a  sort 
of  monster  or  anomalous  production.  ^ 

These  thoughts  do  naturally  suggest  the  following  par-  ^'^JSi^ 
ticulars.  First,  That  as  social  inclinations  are  absolutely 
necessary  to  the  well-being  of  the  world,  it  is  the  duty  ^- 
and  interest  of  each  individual  to  cherish  and  improve  ^, 
them  to  the  benefit  of  mankind ;  the  duty,  because  it  is 
agreeable  to  the  intention  of  the  Author  of  our  being, 
who  aims  at  the  common  good  of  his  creatures,  and  as 
an  indication  of  his  will,  hath  implanted  the  seeds  of 
mutual  benevolence  in  our  souls;  the  interest,  because 
the  good  of  the  whole  is  inseparable  from  that  of  the 
parts;  in  promoting  therefore  the  common  good,  every 
one  doth  at  the  same  time  promote  his  own  private  interest. 
Another  observation  I  shall  draw  from  the  premises  is, 
That  it  makes  a  signal  proof  of  the  divinity  of  the  Christian 
religion,  that  the  main  duty  which  it  inculcates  above  all 
others  is  charity.  Different  maxims  and  precepts  have 
distinguished  the  different  sects  of  philosophy  and  re- 
ligion :  our  Lord's  peculiar  precept  is,  *  Love  thy  neigh- 
bour as  thyself.  By  this  shall  all  men  know  that  you 
are  My  disciples,  if  you  love  one  another.* 

I  will  not  say  that  what  is  a  most  shining  proof  of  our 
religion  is  not  often  a  reproach  to  its  professors;  but 
this  I  think  very  plain,  that,  whether  we  regard  the 
analogy  of  nature,  as  it  appears  in  the  mutual  attraction 
or  gravitations  of  the  mundane  system,  in  the  general 
frame  and  constitution  of  the  human  soul,  or  lastly,  in 
the  ends  and  aptnesses  which  are  discoverable  in  all 
parts  of  the  visible  and  intellectual  world,  we  shall  not 
doubt  but  the  precept  which  is  the  characteristic  of  our 
religion  came  from  the  Author  of  nature.  Some  of  our 
modern  Free-thinkers  would  indeed  insinuate  the  Christian 
morals  to  be  defective,  because  (say  they)  there  is  no 
mention  made  in  the  gospel  of  the  virtue  of  friendship  \ 

'  See    Shaftesbury's    Essay  on  as  a  representative  *  free-thinker/ 

^  Fnedom  of  Wit  and  Humour,  and  both  with  Dr.  Fowler's  esti- 

Pt  II.  sect,  3.    The  Third  Dialogue  mate  of  the  author  of  the  Character- 

"J  Aldphron  may  be  compared  with  isttcs,  in  his  Shaftesbury  and  Hutche- 

this  early  criticism  of  Shaftesbury  son  (1882). 


IQO  ESSAYS    IN    THE    GUARDIAN 

These  sagacious  men  (if  I  may  be  allowed  the  use  of  that 
vulgar  saying)  'cannot  see  the  wood  for  trees/  That 
a  religion  whereof  the  main  drift  is  to  inspire  its  pro- 
fessors  with  the  most  noble  and  disinterested  spirit  of 
love,  charity,  and  beneficence  to  all  mankind,  or,  in  other 
words,  with  a  friendship  to  every  individual  man,  should 
be  taxed  with  the  want  of  that  very  virtue,  is  surely  a 
glaring  evidence  of  the  blindness  and  prejudice  of  its 
adversaries. 


TWO  SERMONS   PREACHED 


AT 


LEGHORN   IN    1714 


First  published  in  1871 


NOTE 

These  two  Sermons  were  found  among  the  Berkeley 
MSS.  of  Archdeacon  Rose,  in  Berkeley's  handwriting. 
They  were  delivered  at  Leghorn,  where  he  spent  the 
Spring  of  1714,  when  he  was  Lord  Peterborough's 
chaplain,  in  his  first  visit  to  Italy.  They  are  the  only 
extant  specimens  of  his  way  of  addressing  an  ordinary 
Christian  congregation ;  for  his  '  discourses '  in  the  chapel 
of  Trinity  College  in  1708  and  17 12,  and  in  London  in  1732, 
were  for  an  academical,  or  an  otherwise  select  audience. 
They  are  simple  and  practical  rather  than  profound. 
'Strong  in  the  faith  of  the  Catholic  Church  on  all  im- 
portant points,  this  great  writer,'  says  Archdeacon  Rose, 
'uses  them  as  acknowledged  among  Christians;  and 
taking  them  as  his  starting-points,  he  illustrates  them,  and 
sometimes  confirms  them,  but  for  the  most  part  applies 
them  to  Christian  practice.' 

Basil  Kennet,  author  of  Roman  Antiquities^  and  a  friend 
of  Addison,  was  chaplain  of  the  English  factory  at  Leghorn 
during  Berkeley's  stay,  and  it  was  in  his  chapel  that 
Berkeley  preached. 


SERMONS   PREACHED  AT   LEGHORN 

I 

THE  MISSION  OF  CHRIST' 
I  Tim.  I.  15. 

Tits  is  a  faithful  saying,  and  worthy  of  all  acceptation,  that  Christ  Jesus 

came  into  the  world  to  save  sinners. 

As  there  is  not  any  subject  on  which  we  can  employ  our 
thoughts  with  more  advantage  and  comfort  than  the  life 
and  sufferings  of  our  blessed  Saviour,  and  the  inestimable 
benefits  that  it  is  in  our  power  to  receive  thereby,  so  we 
ought  frequently  to  make  them  the  subject  of  our  medita- 
tions; especially  at  this  time,  which  is  appointed  by  the 
Church  for  a  peculiar  season  of  contrition  and  repentance, 
and  a  devout  preparation  of  ourselves  for  the  reception 
ofthe  Holy  Sacrament.  But  that  you  may  clearly  see 
the  necessity  and  importance  of  our  Saviour's  coming  into 
the  world,  it  will  be  necessary  to  reflect  on  the  state  in 
which  mankind  was  before  His  coming  amongst  them. 
The  whole  world  was  then  comprehended  under  two 
general  heads  of  Jews  and  Gentiles ;  and  that  the  wisdom 
and  goodness  of  God  in  sending  the  Messiah  upon  earth 
niay  be  made  more  manifest  unto  you,  I  shall  consider  the 
condition  and  circumstances  of  each  of  these  distinctly ; 
and  first  of  the  Gentiles. 

By  whom  we  are  to  understand  all  those  nations  that 
had  no  other  guides  to  direct  them  in  the  conduct  of  life 
and  pursuit  of  happiness  besides  reason  and  common 
sense,  which  are  otherwise  called  the  light  of  nature. 

^  [Preached  at  Leghome,  on  Palm  Sunday,  17 14.] — Author. 

BBiKELEY:    PRASBR.      IV.  O 


I 


194       SERMON  PREACHED  AT  LEGHORN 

They  had  no  inspired  writings  to  inform  them  of  the  being 
and  attributes  of  God,  or  of  the  worth  and  immortality 
of  their  own  souls :  no  lawgivers  to  explain  to  them  that 
manner  of  worship  by  which  the  Supreme  Being  was  to 
be  adored  :  no  prophets  or  apostles  to  reclaim  them  from 
their  evil  ways  and  warn  them  of  the  wrath  to  come,  or 
to  encourage  them  to  a  good  life  by  laying  before  them 
the  infinite  and  eternal  happiness,  which  in  another  world 
shall  be  the  portion  of  those  who  practise  virtue  and  inno- 
cence in  this. 

It  must  indeed  be  owned  that  the  Gentiles  might  by 
a  due  use  of  their  reason,  by  thought  and  study,  observing 
the  beauty  and  order  of  the  world,  and  the  excellence 
and  profitableness  of  virtue,  have  obtained  some  sense  of 
a  Providence  and  of  Religion ;  agreeably  to  which  the 
apostle  saith  that  the  invisible  things  of  God  from  the 
creation  of  the  world  are  clearly  seen,  and  understood  by 
the  things  which  are  made,  even  His  eternal  power  and 
Godhead.  But  how  few  were  they  who  made  this  use  of 
their  reason,  or  lived  according  to  it !  Perhaps  here  and 
there  one  among  those  who  were  called  Philosophers,  while 
the  bulk  of  mankind,  being  diverted  by  the  vain  pursuits  of 
riches  and  honours  and  sensual  pleasures  from  cultivating 
their  minds  by  knowledge  and  virtue,  sunk  into  the  grossest 
ignorance,  idolatry  and  superstition.  Professing  them- 
selves wise,  they  changed  the  glory  of  the  incorruptible 
God  into  an  image,  made  like  to  corruptible  man,  and 
to  birds  and  fourfooted  beasts  and  creeping  things.  Their 
sacred  rites  were  polluted  with  acts  of  uncleanness  and 
debauchery ;  and  human  sacrifice  often  stained  the  altars 
erected  to  their  Deities.  It  would  take  up  too  much  time 
to  recount  all  the  extravagant  follies  and  cruelties  which 
made  up  the  belief  and  practice  of  their  religion:  as 
their  burning  their  own  children  to  the  God  Moloch  in 
the  valley  of  Hinnom ;  their  adoring  oxen  and  serpents 
or  inanimate  things  as  the  sun  and  stars,  and  certain 
plants  or  fruits  of  the  earth,  which  things  are  at  this  day 
practised  by  many  nations  where  the  glorious  light  of  the 
Gospel  has  not  yet  shone.  I  shall  conclude  this  account 
of  their  idolatry  b}r  the  following  description  of  it  taken  out 
of  the  Prophet  Isaiah  : — *  A  man  planteth  an  ash,  and  the 
rain  doth  nourish  it.    Then  shall  it  be  for  a  man  to  burrf : 


THE    MISSION    OF   CHRIST  195 

for  he  will  take  thereof,  and  warm  himself;  yea,  he 
kindleth  it,  and  baketh  bread ;  yea,  he  maketh  a  god,  and 
worshippeth  it ;  he  maketh  it  a  graven  image,  and  falleth 
down  thereto.  He  burneth  part  thereof  in  the  fire ;  with 
part  thereof  he  eateth  flesh ;  he  roasteth  roast,  and  is 
satisfied :  yea,  he  warmeth  himself,  and  saith.  Aha,  I  am 
warm,  I  have  seen  the  fire :  and  the  residue  thereof  he 
maketh  a  god,  even  his  graven  image :  he  falleth  down 
unto  it,  and  worshippeth  it,  and  prayeth  unto  it,  and  saith, 
Deliver  me ;  for  thou  art  my  god.  They  have  not  known 
nor  understood :  for  he  hath  shut  their  eyes,  that  they 
cannot  see ;  and  their  hearts,  that  they  cannot  understandf. 
And  none  considereth  in  his  heart,  neither  is  there  know- 
ledge nor  understanding  to  say,  I  have  burned  part  of  it 
in  the  fire ;  yea,  also  I  have  baked  bread  upon  the  coals 
thereof;  I  have  roasted  flesh,  and  eaten  it:  and  shall 
I  make  the  residue  thereof  an  abomination  ?  shall  I  fall 
down  to  the  stock  of  a  tree  ? ' 

In  such  circumstances  as  these,  for  a  man  to  declare  for 
free-thinking,  and  disengage  himself  from  the  yoke  of 
idolatry,  were  doing  honour  to  Human  Nature,  and  a  work 
well  becoming  the  great  assertors  of  Reason.  But  in 
a  church  where  our  adoration  is  directed  to  the  Supreme 
Being,  and  (to  say  the  least)  where  is  nothing  in  the  object 
or  manner  of  our  worship  that  contradicts  the  light  of 
nature,  there,  under  the  pretence  of  Free-thinking  to  rail 
at  the  religious  institutions  of  their  country,  sheweth  an 
undistinguishing  mind  that  mistakes  the  spirit  of  opposition 
for  freedom  of  thought.     But  to  return. 

Suitable  to  their  religion  were  the  lives  of  our  ancestors : 
our  ancestors,  I  say,  who  before  the  coming  of  our  blessed 
Saviour  made  part  of  the  Gentiles,  the  rest  of  the  heathen 
world,  sate  in  darkness  and  the  shadow  of  death.  In  those 
da^  of  ignorance  and  estrangement  from  the  living  God, 
it  IS  hardfy  to  be  conceived  what  a  deluge  of  licence  and 
iniqui^  overwhelmed  mankind.  It  cannot  indeed  be  de- 
nied that  vice  is  too  common  amongst  us  now,  but,  how- 
ever, virtue  is  in  some  reputation.  The  frequent  denounc- 
ing of  God*s  judgments  against  sinners  hath  some  effect 
on  our  consciences;  and  even  the  reprobate  who  hath 
c^guished  in  himself  all  notion  of  religion  is  oft  re- 
stnuned  by  a  sense  of  decency  and  shame  from  those 

o  2 


196  SERMON    PREACHED    AT    LEGHORN 

actions  which  are  held  in  abhorrence  by  all  good  Christians, 
whereas  in  the  times  of  Gentilism,  men  were  given  up  to 
work  uHcleanness  with  greediness.  Lust  and  intemperance 
knew  no  bounds,  and  our  forefathers  acted  those  crimes 
publicly  and  without  remorse  from  which  they  apprehended 
neither  shame  nor  punishment.  St.  Paul  gives  us  a  cata- 
logue of  their  crimes  when  he  tells  us  they  *  were  filled 
with  all  unrighteousness,  fornication,  wickedness,  covetous- 
ness,  maliciousness ;  full  of  envy,  murder,  debate,  deceit, 
malignity ;  whisperers,  backbiters,  haters  of  God,  despite- 
ful, proud,  boasters,  inventors  of  evil  things,  disobedient  to 
parents ;  without  understanding,  covenant-breakers,  with- 
out natural  affection,  implacable,  unmerciful.* 

What  a  frightful  picture  of  our  forefathers ;  but  we  may 
still  see  too  much  of  it  among  ourselves  not  to  believe 
it  true.  Now  when  so  thick  a  darkness  had  covered  the 
world,  how  expedient  was  it  that  the  Sun  of  Righteousness 
should  arise  with  healing  on  His  wings  !  When  the  general 
state  of  mankind  was  so  deplorable,  how  necessary  was 
it  that  Christ  Jesus  should  come  into  the  world  to  save 
sinners ! 

And  the  like  necessity  of  a  Saviour  will  appear  also  with 
relation  to  the  Jews,  if  we  reflect  on  their  state.  These 
were  indeed  the  chosen  people  of  God,  who,  as  such,  had 
vouchsafed  to  them  many  extraordinary  miracles,  prophe- 
cies, and  revelations.  They  had  a  law  imparted  to  them 
from  Heaven,  together  with  frequent  assurances  and  in- 
stances of  the  Divine  protection  so  long  as  they  continued 
in  the  observance  of  it.  But  we  must  consider  in  the  first 
place  that  the  ancient  ceremonial  Law  was  a  yoke  which, 
as  the  apostle  tells  the  Jews  of  his  time,  neither  they  nor 
their  fathers  were  able  to  bear.  Their  circumcision, 
sacrifices,  purifications,  abstaining  from  meats  and  the  like 
ordinances,  were  burdensome  and  carnal ;  such  as  in  them- 
selves could  not  perfect  or  regenerate  the  soul.  And  are 
therefore  to  be  considered  as  having  a  further  view,  inas- 
much as  they  were  types  and  prefigurations  of  the  Messiah 
and  the  Spiritual  Religion  that  He  was  to  introduce  into 
the  world.  And  as  proofs  that  this  ritual  way  of  worship 
accommodated  to  the  carnal  and  stiffnecked  Jews  was  not 
the  most  acceptable  to  God,  there  occur  several  passages 
even  in  the  Old  Testament.    Thus,  for  example,  in  the 


THE    MISSION    OF   CHRIST  197 

Prophet  Isaiah,  'To  what  purpose  is  the  multitude  of  your 
sacrifices  unto  me  ?  saith  the  Lord :  I  am  full  of  the  fat 
of  your  burnt  offerings  of  rams  and  of  the  fat  of  the  fed 
beasts.  Bring  no  more  oblations,  incense  is  an  abomina- 
tion unto  me.  The  new  moons  and  sabbaths  I  cannot 
away  with.  Cease  to  do  evil ;  learn  to  do  well.  Seek 
judgment,  relieve  the  oppressed ;  judge  the  fatherless, 
plead  for  the  widow.* 

But,  secondly,  the  moral  Law  was  not  arrived  to  its  full 
perfection  under  the  dispensation  of  the  Jews.  They  were 
borne  with  on  many  points  upon  the  account  of  the  hard- 
ness of  their  hearts.  The  adhering  to  one  and  the  same 
wife,  the  forgiving  our  enemies  and  loving  our  neighbours 
as  ourselves,  are  precepts  peculiar  to  Christianity  '.  To 
the  wisdom  of  God  it  did  not  seem  convenient  that  the  Law 
at  first  proposed  to  the  Jews  should  enjoin  the  most  heroic 
strains  of  charity  or  the  height  and  purity  of  Christian 
virtue;  but  rather  by  morals  less  severe,  and  figures  of 
things  to  come,  to  prepare  their  minds  for  the  more  perfect 
and  spiritual  doctrine  of  the  Gospel.  In  regard  to  which 
we  may  say  with  the  apostle,  that  the  Law  was  a  school- 
master to  bring  the  Jews  to  Christ. 

Thirdly,  the  knowledge  of  a  future  state  was  not  so 
clearly  and  fully  revealed  to  the  Jews.  These  hopes  do 
not  generally  seem  to  have  reached  beyond  the  grave. 
Conquests  over  their  enemies,  peace  and  prosperity  at 
home,  a  land  flowing  with  milk  and  honey.  These  and 
such  like  temporal  enjoyments  were  the  rewards  they 
expected  of  their  obedience ;  as  on  the  other  hand  the 
evils  commonly  denounced  against  them  were  plagues, 
famines,  captivities,  and  the  like.  Pursuant  to  which,  we 
find  the  Resurrection  to  have  been  a  controverted  point 
among  the  Jews,  maintained  by  the  Pharisees,  and  denied 
by  the  Sadducees.  So  obscure  and  dubious  was  the 
revelation  of  another  world  before  life  and  immortality 
Were  brought  to  light  by  the  Gospel. 

We  should  further  consider  that  it  was  in  vain  to  expect 
salvation  by  the  works  of  the  Law ;  since  it  was  impossible 
for  human  nature  to  perform  a  perfect  unsinning  obedience 
to  it     We  are  told  that  even  the  righteous  man  falls 

'  This  statement  requires  modification.     See  Lev.  xix.  18. 


198       SERMON  PREACHED  AT  LEGHORN 

seven  times  in  a  day.  Such  is  the  frailty  of  our  nature, 
and  so  many  and  various  are  the  temptations  which  on  all 
sides  assault  us  from  the  world,  the  flesh,  and  the  devil, 
that  we  cannot  live  without  sinning  at  least  in  word  and 
thought.  And  the  unavoidable  reward  of  sin  was  death. 
Do  this  and  live  was  the  condition  of  the  old  covenant ; 
and  seeing  that  by  the  corruption  of  our  nature  derived 
from  our  first  parents  we  were  unable  to  fulfil  that  con- 
dition, we  must  without  another  covenant  have  been  all 
necessarily  included  under  the  sentence  of  death.  Agree- 
ably to  which  St.  Paul  saith, '  As  many  as  are  of  the  works 
of  the  Law  are  under  the  curse.  For  it  is  written,  Cursed 
is  every  one  that  continueth  not  in  all  the  things  that  are 
written  in  the  book  of  the  Law  to  do  them.' 

You  see,  from  what  has  been  said,  the  miserable  forlorn 
condition  of  all  mankind,  both  Jews  and  Gentiles,  in 
former  ages ;  and  we  should  still  have  continued  in  the 
same  state  of  sin  and  estrangement  from  God,  were  it  not 
that  *  the  Day-Spring  from  on  high  hath  visited  us ' — were 
it  not  for  Him  of  whom  Isaiah  foretold  :  '  The  Gentiles 
shall  come  to  Thy  light,  and  the  kings  of  the  Gentiles  to 
Thy  rising' — the  ever  blessed  Son  of  God,  who  came 
down  upon  earth  to  be  our  Teacher,  our  Redeemer,  our 
Mediator.  [Well,  therefore,  may  we  be  filled  with  glad- 
ness and  cry  out  with  the  prophet,  *  Sing,  O  heaven, 
and  rejoice,  O  earth,  and  break  forth  into  singing,  O 
ye  mountains !  for  the  Lord  hath  comforted  His  people 
and  will  have  mercy  on  His  afflicted.']  How  just  an 
occasion  have  we  here  of  comfort  and  joy.  What  if  we 
were  by  nature  ignorant  and  brutish,  we  have  now  the 
glorious  light  of  the  Gospel  shining  among  us,  and  instead 
of  worshipping  stocks  and  stones  are  brought  to  adore  the 
living  God  ?  What  if  we  are  encompassed  with  snares 
and  afflictions  in  this  present  world  ?  We  have  the  grace 
of  God  and  the  blessed  hope  of  eternity  to  strengthen  and 
support  us.  In  fine,  what  if  we  have  merited  the  wrath 
of  God  and  vengeance  of  Heaven  by  our  sins  and  trans- 
gressions, since  this  is  a  faithful  saying,  and  worthy  of  all 
acceptation,  that  Christ  Jesus  came  into  the  world  to  save 
sinners  ?  which  words,  that  you  may  the  better  under- 
stand, it  will  be  necessary  to  explain  unto  you.  The 
second  point  pressed,  viz.  how  and  in  what  sense  Jesus 


THE    MISSION    OF    CHRIST  I99 

Christ  promotes  the  salvation  of  sinners.  And  this  He 
has  done  in  four  respects.  Firstly,  by  His  preaching ; 
secondly,  by  His  example ;  thirdly,  by  His  death ;  and 
fourthly,  by  His  intercession. 

First,  I  say,  by  His  preaching.  As  there  is  nothing 
which  renders  us  so  acceptable  to  God  as  a  good  life, 
which  consists  in  the  practice  of  virtue  and  holiness,  it 
was  highly  necessary,  m  order  to  put  us  in  a  capacity  of 
salvation,  that  our  duty  should  be  plainly  laid  before  us, 
and  recommended  in  the  most  powerful  and  persuasive 
manner.  This  has  been  effectually  performed  by  our 
Lord  and  His  apostles,  who  went  about  preaching  the 
Word  of  God,  and  exhorting  all  men  to  forsake  their  evil 
ways  and  follow  after  righteousness,  to  become  just  and 
sober,  and  chaste  and  charitable ;  in  a  word,  to  discharge 
all  the  several  offices  and  duties  of  life  in  a  blameless  and 
exemplary  manner.  Jew  and  Gentile  are  equally  called 
upon  in  the  Gospel,  and  morality  is  there  advanced  to 
a  degree  of  purity  and  perfection  beyond  either  the  Law 
of  Moses  or  the  precepts  of  the  wisest  of  the  heathen. 
And  that  no  motives  or  engagements  to  the  observation 
of  it  may  be  wanting,  we  have,  on  the  one  hand,  the 
highest  and  most  inestimable  rewards,  and  on  the  other 
hand,  the  sorest  and  most  terrific  punishments  proposed 
to  us.  But  as  example  is  oftentimes  found  no  less  instruc- 
tive than  precept,  and  to  the  end  all  methods  might  be 
employed  to  rescue  man  from  the  slavery  of  sin  and  death, 
our  blessed  Lord  condescended  to  take  upon  Him  human 
nature,  that  He  might  become  a  living  example  of  all  those 
virtues  which  we  are  required  to  practise.  His  whole  life 
was  spent  in  acts  of  charity,  meekness,  patience,  and  every 
good  work.  He  has  not  only  told  us  our  duty,  but  also 
shewed  us  how  to  perform  it,  having  made  Himself  a  per- 
fect pattern  of  holiness  for  our  imitation.  And  this  is  the 
second  method  whereby  Christ  contributes  to  save  sinners. 

In  the  next  place  we  are  to  observe,  that  as  our  blessed 
Saviour  omitted  no  instance  of  love  and  goodness  to  man- 
kind, not  only  His  life,  but  His  death  also,  was  of  the  last 
importance  to  our  redemption.  Such  is  the  infinite  purity 
and  holiness  of  Almighty  God,  that  we  could  not  hope  for 
any  reconciliation  with  Him,  so  long  as  our  souls  were 
stined  by  the  filthiness  and  pollution  of  sin.     But  neither 


200        SERMON  PREACHED  AT  LEGHORN 

could  rivers  of  the  blood  of  rams  and  bulls,  or  of  our  own 
tears,  have  been  sufficient  to  wash  out  those  stains.  It 
is  in  the  unalterable  nature  of  things  that  sin  be  followed 
by  punishment.  For  crimes  cried  aloud  to  Heaven  for 
vengeance,  and  the  justice  of  God  made  it  necessary  to 
inflict  it.  [Behold,  then,  mankind  at  an  infinite  distance 
from  Heaven,  and  happiness  oppressed  with  a  load  of 
guilt,  and  condemned  to  a  punishment  equal  to  the  guilt, 
which  was  infinitely  heightened  and  aggravated  by  the 
Majesty  of  the  offended  God!  Such  was  our  forlorn, 
hopeless  condition,]  when  lo !  the  Lamb  of  God,  the 
Eternal  Son  of  the  Father,  clothed  Himself  with  flesh 
and  blood  that  He  may  tread  the  wine-press  of  the  wrath 
of  God,  and  offer  Himself  a  ransom  for  us.  He  sheds 
His  own  blood  that  He  may  purge  away  our  sins,  and 
submits  to  the  shameful  punishment  of  the  Cross,  that  by 
His  death  He  may  open  to  us  the  door  to  eternal  life. 

Lastly,  having  broke  asunder  the  bands  of  death,  and 
triumphed  over  the  grave,  He  ascended  to  Heaven,  where 
He  now  sitteth  at  the  right  hand  of  God,  ever  making 
intercession  for  us.  To  this  purpose  speaks  the  apostle 
to  the  Hebrews,  in  the  following  manner :— '  Christ  Jesus, 
because  He  continueth  for  ever,  hath  an  unchangeable 
priesthood.  Wherefore,  also,  He  is  able  to  save  them 
to  the  uttermost  that  come  unto  God  by  Him,  seeing 
He  ever  liveth  to  make  intercession  for  them.'  And 
should  not  this  be  an  occasion  of  unspeakable  comfort  to 
us,  that  we  have  the  Son  of  God  for  our  advocate,  even 
His  ever-blessed  Son,  whom  He  hath  appointed  Heir  of 
all  things,  who  hath  so  great  love  for  men  that  He  never 
ceases  to  plead  our  cause  and  solicit  our  pardon.  And 
this  is  the  fourth  way  whereby  our  Lord  makes  good  the 
words  of  my  text,  that  this  is  a  faithful  saying,  and  worthy 
of  all  acceptation,  that  Christ  Jesus  came  into  the  world  to 
save  sinners.  It  appears,  then,  from  what  hath  been  said, 
that  sinners  shall  be  saved ;  and,  if  so,  may  we  not  sin 
on  in  hopes  that  we  shall  go  to  Heaven  when  we  can 
sin  no  longer  ?  The  lives  of  too  many  Christians  would 
persuade  us  they  entertain  such  thoughts  as  these. 
But  let  us  not  deceive  ourselves,  and  abuse  the  method 
which  the  good  providence  of  God  designed  for  our  salva- 
tion, cross  the  gracious  designs  of  Heaven,  and  treasure 


THE    MISSION    OF    CHRIST  20I 

up  to  ourselves  vengeance  against  the  day  of  wrath.  Can 
we  be  so  foolish  as  to  think  our  Holy  Redeemer  led  a  life 
of  spotless  innocence  upon  earth,  in  order  to  procure  us 
a  licence  to  taste  the  pleasures  of  sin  ?  Must  He  be 
humble  that  we  maybe  proud  and  arrogant?  Must  He 
live  in  poverty  that  we  may  make  a  god  of  riches,  and 
heap  them  together  by  avarice  and  extortion  ?  Shall  the 
Son  of  God  give  His  body  to  be  crucified  that  we  may 
pamper  our  flesh  in  drunkenness  and  gluttony  ?  Or  can 
we  hope  that  He  will  without  ceasing  intercede  with  the 
Father  in  behalf  of  those  wretches  who,  instead  of  praying 
for  this  mercy  at  His  hands,  are  perpetually  blaspheming 
His  name  with  oaths  and  curses  ? 

But  you  will  say,  are  not  these  sinners  saved  ?  I  answer, 
it  is  true  sinners  are  saved.  But  not  those  who  tread 
under  foot  the  Son  of  God,  and  do  despite  to  the  Spirit  of 
Grace.  Christ  Jesus  came  into  the  world  to  save  repenting 
sinners.  If  we  will  be  saved,  we  must  do  something  on 
our  parts  also,  and,  without  relying  altogether  on  the 
sufferings  and  merits  of  Christ,  work  out  our  own  salva- 
tion with  fear  and  trembling. 

The  good  tidings  of  the  Gospel  amount,  in  short,  to 
no  more  than  this :  that  we  shall  be  saved  if  we  repent 
and  believe !  But  we  must  not  suppose  that  this  repent- 
ance consists  only  in  a  sorrow  for  sin  ;  there  must  be 
a  forsaking  of  our  evil  ways,  a  reformation  and  amendment 
of  life.  Neither  must  it  be  thought  that  the  faith  here 
required  is  an  empty,  notional  belief.  '  Thou  believest,' 
saith  St.  James,  *  thou  doest  well :  the  devils  also  believe 
and  tremble ;  but  wilt  thou  know,  O  vain  man,  that  faith 
without  works  is  dead.'  The  faith  of  a  true  Christian 
must  be  a  lively  faith  that  sanctifies  the  heart,  and  shews 
itself  in  the  fruits  of  the  Spirit. 

By  nature  we  are  vessels  of  wrath  polluted  with  the 
original  corruption  of  our  first  parents  and  our  own  mani- 
fold transgressions,  whereas  by  the  grace  of  God,  shewed 
forth  in  Christ  Jesus,  our  sins  are  purged  away,  and  our 
sincere,  though  imperfect  endeavours  are  accepted.  But 
without  these  sincere  endeavours,  without  this  lively  faith 
and  unfeigned  repentance,  to  hope  for  salvation  is  sense- 
less. We  cannot  be  guilty  of  a  more  fatal  mistake  than  to 
4ink  the  Christian  warfare  a  thing  to  be  performed  with 


202  SERMON    PREACHED   AT   LEGHORN 

ease  and  indifference.  It  is  a  work  of  difficulty  that 
requires  our  utmost  care  and  attention,  and  must  be  made 
the  main  business  of  our  lives.  We  must  pluck  out  the 
right  eye,  cut  off  the  right  hand,  that  is,  subdue  our 
darling  affections,  cast  off  our  beloved  and  bosom  sin, 
if  we  have  a  mind  to  enter  into  the  kingdom  of  Heaven. 
He  that  will  partake  of  the  benefits  of  the  Gospel,  must 
endeavour  to  live  up  to  the  precepts  of  it — to  be  pure  and 
innocent  in  mind  and  manners,  to  love  God  with  all  his 
heart,  and  with  all  his  strength,  and  his  neighbour  as  him- 
self. There  must  be  no  hatred,  no  malice,  no  slandering, 
no  envy,  no  strife  in  a  regenerate  Christian.  But  all  love, 
joy,  peace,  long-suffering,  gentleness,  goodness,  meekness, 
the  most  ardent  and  diffusive  charity,  ever  abounding  in 
good  works,  and  promoting  his  neighbour's  interest  as  his 
own.  You  see  how  great  obligations  our  profession  lays 
upon  us.  How  far  short  of  these  do  the  performances  of 
most  men  fall !  What,  I  beseech  you,  does  the  piety  of 
a  modern  Christian  commonly  amount  to  ?  He  is  indeed 
content  to  retain  the  name  of  that  profession  into  which 
he  was  admitted  by  baptism,  but  without  taking  any  care 
to  fulfil  his  baptismal  vow,  or,  it  may  be,  without  so  much 
as  ever  thinking  of  it.  He  may,  perhaps,  in  a  fit  of  the 
spleen,  or  sickness,  or  old  age,  when  he  has  no  longer  any 
ability  or  temptation  to  sin,  entertain  some  slight  thoughts 
of  turning  to  God  while  the  strength  and  flower  of  his  age 
is  spent  in  the  service  of  Satan.  Or  sometimes  he  may 
give  a  penny  to  a  poor  naked  wretch  that  he  may  relieve 
himself  from  the  pain  of  seeing  a  miserable  object '.  On 
a  Sunday,  in  compliance  with  the  custom  of  our  country, 
we  dress  ourselves  and  go  to  church.  But  what  is  it  that 
folks  do  in  church?  When  they  have  paid  their  com- 
pliments to  one  another,  they  lift  up  their  hands  and  eyes 
to  God,  but  their  hearts  are  far  from  Him  !  Prayers  and 
thanksgivings  are  now  over,  without  zeal  or  fervour,  with- 
out a  sense  of  our  own  littleness  and  wants,  or  the  majesty 
of  that  God  whom  we  adore.    The  warmest  and  most 

'  This  is  altered  on  the  opposite  the  public  service  of  the  Church, 

page    thus  :     *  Neither    must    we  if,  when  we  lift  up  our  hands  and 

rely    on    outward    performances,  eyes  to  God,  our  hearts  are  far  from 

without  an    inward    and    sincere  Him  ? ' 
piety.    What  avails  it  to  frequent 


THE    MISSION    OF   CHRIST  203 

seraphic  hymns  are  pronounced  with  a  cold  indifference, 
and  sermons  heard  without  one  resolution  of  being  the 
better  for  them,  or  putting  one  word  of  them  in  practice. 
God  declares  that  He  has  no  pleasure  in  the  death  of  a 
sinner,  but  had  rather  that  he  would  turn  from  his  wicked- 
ness and  live.  Why  then  will  ye  die  ?  '  I  have  spread 
out  my  hands,  saith  the  Lord,  all  the  day  to  a  rebellious 
people,  a  people  that  provoketh  Me  continually  to  My  face. 
1  have  spread  out  My  hands.'  God,  you  see,  is  desirous 
and  earnest  for  our  conversion,  and  ready  to  receive  us ! 
Why  then  should  we  be  negligent  in  what  concerns  our 
salvation  ?  And  shall  all  those  methods  which  God  has 
used  to  bring  us  to  Him  be  in  vain  ?  Shall  we  frustrate 
the  mission  and  sufferings  of  His  well-beloved  Son?  The 
infinite  pangs  and  sufferings  that  He  underwent  in  the 
work  of  our  redemption  should,  one  would  think,  soften 
the  most  obdurate  heart,  and  dispose  us  to  suitable  returns 
of  love  and  duty. 

The  prophet  Isaiah,  several  hundred  years  before  our 
Saviour's  birth,  gives  the  following  lively  description  of 
His  sufferings : — 'He  was  despised,  and  we  esteemed  Him 
not.  Surely  He  hath  borne  our  griefs,  and  carried  our 
sorrows  :  yet  we  did  esteem  Him  stricken,  smitten  of  God, 
and  afflicted.  But  He  was  wounded  for  our  transgressions. 
He  was  bruised  for  our  iniquities :  the  chastisement  of  our 
peace  was  upon  Him  ;  and  with  His  stripes  we  are  healed. 
All  we  like  sheep  have  gone  astray ;  we  have  turned  every 
one  to  his  own  way ;  and  the  Lord  hath  laid  on  Him  the 
iniquity  of  us  all.  He  was  oppressed,  and  He  was  afflicted, 
yet  He  opened  not  His  mouth :  He  is  brought  as  a  lamb 
to  the  slaughter,  and  as  a  sheep  before  her  shearers  is 
dumb,  so  He  openeth  not  His  mouth.'  And  does  it  seem 
a  small  thing  to  you  that  the  blessed  Son  of  God,  by  whom 
He  made  the  worlds,  who  is  the  brightness  of  His  glory 
and  the  express  image  of  His  person,  should  quit  the 
hippy  mansions  of  Heaven  to  dome  down  upon  earth  and 
take  upon  Himself  the  punishment  of  our  sins  ?  That  He 
who  could  command  legions  of  angels  should,  for  our 
sakes,  submit  to  the  insults  and  scorn  of  the  lowest  of 
mankind?  Figure  to  yourselves  His  head  dishonoured 
with  an  ignominious  crown  of  thorns,  His  face  spit  upon, 
and  buffeted  by  an  impious  and  profane  rabble  !     His  flesh 


204        SERMON  PREACHED  AT  LEGHORN 

torn  with  scourges,  His  hands  and  feet  pierced  with  nails, 
blood  and  water  streaming  from  His  side !  His  ears 
wounded  with  taunts  and  reproaches !  And  that  mouth 
which  uttered  the  glad  tidings  of  salvation,  filled  with  gall 
and  vinegar  !  in  fine,  figure  to  yourselves  His  sacred  body 
hung  upon  a  cross,  there  to  expire  in  lingering  torments 
between  thieves  and  malefactors  !  But  who  can  figure  to 
himself,  or  what  imagination  is  able  to  comprehend  the 
unutterable  agony  that  He  felt  within  when  the  cup  of 
the  fury  of  God  was  poured  out  upon  His  soul,  and  His 
spirit  laboured  under  the  guilt  of  all  mankind  ?  Can  we 
think  on  these  things,  which  are  all  the  effects  of  our 
sins,  and  at  the  same  time  be  untouched  with  any  sense  or 
compunction  for  them  ?  Shall  the  sense  of  those  crimes 
that  made  our  Saviour  sweat  drops  of  blood  be  unable 
to  extort  a  single  tear  from  us  ?  When  the  earth  quakes, 
and  the  rocks  are  rent,  the  skies  are  covered  with  dark- 
ness, and  all  nature  is  troubled  at  the  passion  of  the  Lord 
of  Life,  shall  man  alone  remain  stupid  and  insensible  ? 

But  if  we  are  not  generous  and  grateful  enough  to  be 
affected  with  the  sufferings  of  our  Saviour,  Jet  us,  at 
least,  have  some  regard  to  our  own,  and  bethink  ourselves 
in  this  our  day  of  the  heavy  punishment  that  awaits  every 
one  of  us  who  continues  in  a  course  of  sin  I  Let  us 
bethink  ourselves  that  in  a  few  days  the  healthiest  and 
bravest  of  us  all  shall  lie  mingled  with  the  common  dust, 
and  our  souls  be  disposed  of  by  an  irreversible  decree, 
that  no  tears,  no  humiliation,  no  repentance,  can  avail 
on  the  other  side  of  the  grave !  But  it  is  now  in  our 
power  to  avoid  the  torments  of  the  place  where  the  worm 
dieth  not,  and  the  fire  is  not  quenched,  provided  that 
we  repent  of  our  sins,  and,  for  the  time  to  come,  '  denying 
ungodliness  and  worldly  lusts,  we  live  soberly  and  godly 
in  this  present  world,  looking  for  that  blessed  hope  and 
the  glorious  appearance  of  the  great  God  and  our  Saviour 
Jesus  Christ,  who  gave  Himself  for  us  that  He  may 
redeem  us  from  all  iniquity,  and  purify  unto  Himself 
a  peculiar  people  zealous  of  good  works/ 

That  all  we  here  present  may  be  partakers  of  this 
redemption,  and  numbered  among  this  peculiar  people, 
God,  of  His  infinite  mercy,  grant ;  to  whom  be  ascribed  all 
honour,  praise,  power,  and  dominion,  now  and  for  evermore ! 


CHRISTIAN   CHARITY 


II 

THE  CHRISTIAN  CONCEPTION  OF  CHARITY* 

St.  John  xiii.  35. 

By  this  shall  all  men  know  that  ye  are  my  disciples,  if  ye  have 

love  one  to  another. 

To  a  man  who  considers  things  with  candour  and 
attention  there  are  not  wanting  on  all  sides  invincible 
proofs  of  the  divinity  of  the  Christian  religion.  So  many 
prophecies  accomplished,  so  many  and  so  stupendous 
miracles  wrought  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  such  a  con- 
stant uninterrupted  tradition  sealed  with  the  blood  of  so 
many  thousand  mart3rrs,  such  a  wonderful  spread  and  pro- 
pagation of  it  without  human  force  or  artifice,  and  against 
the  most  powerful  opposition  from  the  subtilty  and  rage 
of  its  adversaries :  these  things,  I  say,  with  the  sublimity 
of  its  doctrines  and  the  simplicity  of  its  rites,  can  leave 
not  a  doubt  of  its  coming  from  God  in  a  mind  not  sullied 
with  sin,  not  blinded  with  prejudice,  and  not  hardened 
with  obstinacy. 

But  among  all  the  numerous  attestations  to  the  divinity 
of  our  most  holy  Faith,  there  is  not  any  that  carries  with 
it  a  more  winning  conviction  than  that  which  may  be 
drawn  from  the  sweetness  and  excellency  of  the  Chris- 
tian morals.  There  runs  throughout  the  Gospels  and 
Epistles  such  a  spirit  of  love,  gentleness,  charity,  and 
good-nature,  that  as  nothing  is  better  calculated  to  pro- 
cure the  happiness  of  mankind,  so  nothing  can  carry  with 
it  a  surer  evidence  of  its  being  derived  from  the  common 
Father  of  us  all.  Herein  that  paternal  love  of  God  to 
men  is  visible,  that  mutual  charity  is  what  we  are  prin- 
cipally enjoined  to  practise.  He  doth  not  require  from 
us  costly  sacrifices,  magnificent  temples,  or  tedious  pil- 
grimages, but  only  that  we  should  love  one  another.  This 
is  ever3nvhere  recommended  to  us  in  the  most  practical 
and  earnest  manner  both  by  our  Saviour  and  His  apostles. 

*  [Preached  at  Legliorne.] — Author. 


206       SERMON  PREACHED  AT  LEGHORN 

And  when  our  blessed  Lord  had  spent  His  life  upon 
earth  in  acts  of  charity  and  goodness,  and  was  going  to 
put  a  period  to  it  by  the  most  amazing  instance  of  love 
to  mankind  that  was  ever  shewn,  He  leaves  this  precept 
as  a  legacy  to  His  disciples,  'A  new  commandment  I  give 
unto  you,  That  ye  love  one  another ;  as  I  have  loved  you, 
that  ye  also  love  one  another.  By  this  shall  all  men  know 
that  ye  are  My  disciples,  if  ye  have  love  one  to  another/ 
Mark  with  what  earnestness  and  emphasis  our  Lord  incul- 
cates this  commandment.  In  the  compass  of  a  few  verses 
He  repeats  it  thrice.  He  invites  us  by  His  own  example 
to  the  practice  of  it,  and  to  bind  it  on  our  conscience 
makes  our  obedience  in  this  point  the  mark  of  our  calling. 
'By  this,'  says  He,  'shall  all  men  know  that  ye  are  My 
disciples,  if  ye  have  love  one  to  another.'  In  treating 
of  which  words  I  shall  observe  this  method : — 

First,  I  shall  endeavour  to  make  you  sensible  of  the 
nature  and  importance  of  this  duty; 

Secondly,  I  shall  lay  before  you  the  good  effects  it  is 
attended  with  when  duly  practised  ;  and,  in  the  last  place, 
I  shall  add  some  further  considerations  to  persuade  you 
to  the  observation  of  it. 

First,  then,  I  am  to  shew  the  nature  and  importance 
of  this  duty.  If  you  are  minded  duly  to  put  in  practice 
this  evangelical  virtue  of  charity,  you  must  preserve  and 
cherish  in  your  minds  a  warm  affectionate  love  towards 
your  neighbours.  It  will  not  suffice  that  you  have  an 
outward  civility  and  complaisance  for  each  other;  this 
may  be  good  breeding,  but  there  is  something  more  re- 
quired to  make  you  good  Christians.  There  must  be  an 
inward,  sincere,  disinterested  affection  that  takes  root 
in  the  heart  and  shews  itself  in  acts  of  kindness  and 
/benevolence.  'My  little  children,'  saith  St.  John,  'let 
us  not  love  in  word  but  in  deed  and  truth.' 

In  the  Gospel  use  of  the  word  we  are  all  brothers,  and 
we  must  live  together  as  becomes  brethren.  Is  a  poor 
Christian  naked  or  hungry,  you  must  in  proportion  to 
your  ability  be  ready  to  clothe  and  feed  him ;  '  for,'  says 
the  apostle,  '  whoso  hath  this  world's  good,  and  seeth  ms 
brother  have  need,  and  shutteth  up  his  bowels  of  com- 
passion from  him,  how  dwelleth  the  love  of  God  in  him  ? ' 
Does  your  brother  labour  under  any  bodily  infirmity,  or 


CHRISTIAN   CHARITT 

is  he  likely  to  incur  a  danger  when  it  is  in  your  power 
to  relieve  or  protect  him,  you  must  do  it  cheerfully  with- 
out grudging  the  trifling  expense  or  trouble  it  may  put 
you  to,  for  'great  is  your  reward  in  heaven.'  Does  he 
take  ill  courses,  does  he  harden  himself  in  habits  of  sin, 
is  he  led  astray  by  the  conversation  and  example  of 
wicked  men,  is  he  remiss  in  observing  the  ordinances 
of  religion,  or  does  he  shew  a  contempt  of  sacred  things ; 
'  restore  such  a  one  in  the  spirit  of  meekness,  considering 
thyself,  lest  thou  also  be  tempted.  Bear  ye  one  another's 
burdens,  and  so  fulfil  the  law  of  Christ*  When  your 
neighbour  is  in  flourishing  circumstances  you  should  re- 
joice at  his  prosperity,  and  instead  of  looking  on  him  with 
an  envious  eye,  be  well  pleased  to  see  him  thrive  in  this 
world  and  reap  the  finits  of  an  honest  industry.  Or 
in  case  his  affairs  take  an  unhappy  turn,  you  should  be 
generous  enough  to  feel  another^s  sufferings,  and  employ 
your  credit  or  interest  to  support  the  sinking  fortune  of 
an  honest  man.  Lastly,  instead  of  taking  a  diabolical 
pleasure  in  hearing  the  faults  of  other  men  aggravated 
or  blazed  abroad,  you  must  be  delighted  to  hear  their 
virtues  celebrated  and  placed  in  a  public  light  for  the 
encouragement  and  imitation  of  others.  We  should  be 
slow  to  believe,  displeased  to  hear,  and  always  averse 
from  propagating  any  scandalous  stories  to  the  disparage- 
ment of  our  neighbours.  If  they  are  false,  to  spread  or 
countenance  them  is  the  highest  injustice,  and  if  they  are 
true  it  may  be  called  the  highest  cruelty.  It  is  not  doing 
as  you  would  be  done  by  to  draw  the  secret  failings  of 
your  neighbours  into  the  full  view  of  the  world ;  it  is 
a  barbarous,  savage  joy  that  you  take  in  discovering  his 
sins  and  imperfections ;  it  is  a  cruelty  not  only  to  him 
but  likewise  to  other  men,  inasmuch  as  vicious  examples 
made  public  strengthen  the  party  of  sinners,  spread  the 
contagion  of  vice,  and  take  off  from  the  horror  of  it. 
And  yet  by  a  base  malignity  of  temper,  men  are  for  the 
most  part  better  pleased  with  satire  than  panegyric,  and 
they  can  behold  with  much  greater  satisfaction  the  reputa- 
tion of  another  stab'd  and  torn  by  the  venemous  ^  tongues 
of  slanderers  and  detractors  than  sett  ^  off  to  advantage 
by  the  recital  of  his  good  actions. 

'  '  sic. 


2o8       SERMON  PREACHED  AT  LEGHORN 

It  were  an  endless  task  to  lay  before  you  all  the  passages 
in  the  New  Testament  where  this  duty  of  charity  is  recom- 
mended to  our  practice;  it  is  in  every  page  insisted  on 
as  the  principal,  the  essential,  the  distinguishing  part  of  the 
Christian  religion.  It  is  represented  as  the  great  scope 
and  design  of  our  Saviour  and  His  apostles  preaching 
in  the  world.  'For  this,'  says  St.  John,  'is  the  message 
that  you  have  heard  from  the  beginning,  that  ye  should 
love  one  another.'  It  is  set  forth  as  the  sum  and  perfec- 
tion of  the  law.  Thus  St.  Paul  says  to  the  Romans, 
'  He  that  loveth  another  hath  fulfilled  the  law.'  And 
our  blessed  Lord  Himself  hath  declared  unto  us  that  on 
the  love  of  God  and  our  neighbour  hang  all  the  law  and 
the  prophets.  Certainly  'tis  inculcated  and  bound  upon  the 
conscience  as  that  without  which  all  the  spiritual  gifts  and 
performances  are  of  no  effect. 

Though  you  could  speak  with  the  tongues  of  men  and 
angels,  though  you  had  the  gift  of  prophecy  and  under- 
stood all  mysteries  and  all  knowledge,  and  though  you 
had  all  faith  so  that  you  could  remove  mountains,  and 
have  not  charity,  if  you  will  believe  the  apostle  you  are 
nothing.  Nay,  though  you  give  all  your  goods  to  feed 
the  poor,  and  though  you  give  your  body  to  be  burned, 
and  have  not  charity,  it  profiteth  nothing.  Numberless 
are  the  like  passages  in  the  Holy  Scripture  which  enforce 
this  duty  in  the  strongest  and  most  urgent  terms.  How 
careful  then  ought  we  to  be  to  understand  this  main  pointy 
and  how  diligent  to  put  it  in  practice  \ 

This  charity,  without  which  it  is  vain  to  hope  for  salva- 
tion, is  understood  by  too  many  to  consist  only  in  be— 
stowing  some  trifling  part  of  their  fortune  on  their  poo^r 
neighbours,  which  in  the  expenses  of  the  year  is  never" 
felt.  But  by  the  words  last  cited  from  St.  Paul  you  may 
see  that  it  is  possible  for  a  man  to  give  all  his  goods  to 
the  poor  and  yet  want  charity.  That  indeed  is  a  laudable 
part  or  rather  effect  of  charity,  but  it  does  not  complete 
the  entire  nature  of  it.     To  the  end  you  may  not  be  mis- 

'  On  the  opposite  page  of  the  the  true  nature  of  charity,  it  never- 

MS.  there  is  the  following  passage,  theless  cannot  be  denied  to  be  a 

without  any  mark  of  reference  : —  part  or  branch  thereof,  or   rather 

*  But  altho*  the  giving  of  our  goods  an  outward   and  visible  effect  of 

to    the   poor  be  not   that  which  that  inward   grace   which    is   the 

alone  constitutes  and  comprehends  life  of  a  true  Christian/ 


CHRISTIAN   CHARITY  209 

taken  in  this,  take  the  following  description  of  it  from  the 
same  inspired  author:  'Charity  suffereth  long;  and  is 
kind;  charity  envieth  not;  charity  vaunteth  not  itself, 
is  not  puffed  up,  doth  not  behave  itself  unseemly,  seeketh 
not  her  own,  is  not  easily  provoked,  thinketh  no  evil, 
rejoiceth  not  in  iniquity,  but  rejoiceth  in  the  truth ;  beareth 
all  things,  hopeth  all  things,  endureth  all  things.'  What 
then  snail  we  say  of  those  Christians  who  envy  the 
prosperity  of  other  men,  who  take  fire  at  the  least  pro- 
vocation, and  are  so  far  from  suffering  long,  that  they 
are  for  revenging  the  smallest  injury  with  death,  and 
cannot  have  satisfaction  for  a  rash  word  till  they  have 
spilled  the  blood  of  him  that  spoke  it.  In  fine,  what  shall 
I  think  of  that  censorious  humoiu',  that  austere  pride, 
that  sullen,  unsociable  disposition  wluch  some  people  mis- 
take for  religion ;  whereas,  on  the  contrary,  gentleness, 
S^d-nature,  and  humanly  are  so  far  from  being  incon- 
sistent with  the  true  spirit  of  religion,  that  they  are  en- 
joined as  the  indispensable  duty  of  all  who  call  upon  the 
name  of  Christ  ? 

As  men  are  very  apt  to  flatter  themselves  that  God  is 
to  be  put  off  with  any  slight  performance  of  duty,  they 
think  that  so  long  as  they  do  not  rob  or  murder  or  swear 
their  neighbour  out  of  his  life,  there  is  nothing  more 
required  in  order  to  make  them  charitable.  How  charitable 
are  ye  that  are  so  jealous  of  your  own  interests,  you  that 
are  so  punctilious  in  point  of  honour  and  freedom,  you 
that  are  thus  pleased  with  scandal,  that  suck  in  with  delight 
every  idle  report  that  tends  to  discredit  or  blast  the 
reputation  of  your  neighbour,  that  rejoice  in  any  failings 
and  are  [never  happier  than]  at  the  expense  of  one  an- 
other. Hear  what  St.  James  saith,  '  If  any  man  among 
you  seem  to  be  religious  and  bridleth  not  his  tongue, 
but  deceiveth  his  own  heart,  this  man's  religion  is  vain.' 
And  if  injurious  words  are  certain  marks  of  a  reprobate 
nrind,  how  much  more  so  are  bloody  quarrels,  vexatious 
[habits?],  with  all  those  hellish  contrivances  to  supplant 
and  destroy  each  other  which  we  see  daily  practised  in 
the  world  ? 

As  men  are  never  wanting  to  excuse  ill  actions  and 
PaBiate  their  faults  with  one  pretext  or  other,  I  doubt  not 
It  is  very  possible  some  among  you  make  [may]  think  it  a 

BSKKXLSy:    FBASBR.      IV.  P 


/ 


2IO  SERMON    PREACHED    AT    LEGHORN 

sufBcient  excuse  for  calumny  and  slander  that  it  is  used 
only  to  pass  away  the  time,  for  mirth's  sake,  and  now 
and  then  to  season  conversation.  But  know,  O  Christian  I 
that  the  mirth  you  find  in  hearing  and  telling  malicious 
stories,  in  magnifying  every  little  fault  of  your  neighbour, 
and  putting  the  worst  interpretation  on  all  his  actions, 
is  a  mirth  unbecoming  your  profession,  it  is  inconsistent 
with  that  charity  without  which  you  cannot  be  saved,  and 
however  you  may  do  these  things  in  jest,  you  will  be 
punished  for  them  in  earnest. 

It  may  perhaps  be  pretended  as  an  excuse  for  the  want 
of  charity,  that  you  have  to  do  with  men  of  ill  natures,  of 
rough  and  untractable  tempers,  and  who  have  no  charity 
themselves  for  other  men.  But  what  says  our  Saviour, 
'If  ye  love  them  which  love  you,  what  reward  have  ye? 
do  not  even  the  publicans  the  same  ? '  And  surely  it  is 
but  just  to  expect  that  you  who  are  instructed  by  the 
example  and  precepts  of  the  Son  of  God,  who  are  ani- 
mated with  the  blessed  hope  of  eternity,  who  are  delivered 
from  the  power  of  darkness,  and  called  to  be  partakers 
of  the  inheritance  of  the  saints  in  light,  should  practise 
a  higher  strain  of  virtue  than  publicans  and  heathens  who 
are  destitute  of  all  these  advantages  ?  But  others  make 
free  with  your  reputation,  or  have  injured  you  in  your 
estate  or  person,  and  it  is  reasonable  ypu  should  make 
reprisals.  But  consider,  O  Christian,  whether  it  be  more 
reasonable  in  such  a  case  by  obeying  the  uneasy,  sinful 
motions  of  anger  and  revenge  to  expose  yourselves  to  the 
wrath  of  Almighty  God,  or  by  la3dng  hold  of  that  fair 
opportunity  which  is  given  you  to  put  in  practice  these 
Christian  virtues  of  meekness,  patience,  forgiving  injuries, 
and  returning  good  for  evil ;  turning  the  designed  injuries 
of  an  enemy  into  the  greatest  blessings  that  could  befall 
you. 

If  we  would  behave  ourselves  as  becomes  the  disciples 

of  Christ,  we  must  open  and  enlarge  our  hearts  towards 

the  whole  mass  of  mankind.     '  Ye  have  heard  that  it  hath 

been  said.  Love  thy  neighbour,  and  hate  thine  enemy.' 

Our  Lord  says,  'Love  your  enemies.'    And  if  we  ought  to 

I  love  our  enemies,  whom  ought  we  not  to  love  ?     We  must 

I  therefore  above  all  things  be  sure  to  preserve  in  our  souls 

'.Si  constant  universal  benevolence  which  extends  itself  to 


CHRISTIAN    CHARITY  211 

alljhe  sons  of  men.  Our  charity  must  not  be  limited 
to  any  secr"of"party ;  Turk  and  Jew,  infidel  and  idolater, 
and  much  more  the  several  subdivisions  of  Christians,  are 
to  be  the  object  of  our  love  and  good  wishes.  It  is  the 
unhappiness  and  reproach  of  Christendom  that  we  are 
crumbled  into  so  many  sects  and  parties ;  but  whatever 
grounds  or  pretences  we  may  have  for  keeping  at  a 
distance  from  each  other  in  point  of  opinion,  yet  for 
heaven's  sake  let  us  be  united  in  the  bands  of  love  and 
charity.  Let  us  not  upon  the  [ground  ?]  of  controverted 
notions  transgress  and  trample  under  foot  the  most 
unquestioned  fundamentals  of  religion.  In  fine,  let  us 
carefully  distinguish  between  the  sentiments  and  the 
person  of  our  neighbour,  and  while  we  condemn  the  one 
be  sure  that  we  love  the  other ;  ever  remembering  that 
charity  is  the  principal  duty  of  a  Christian,  without  which 
all  other  pretensions  to  purity  of  faith  or  sanctity  of  life 
avail  nothing  at  all. 

And,  as  difference  in  opinion  can  never  justify  an  un- 
charitable conduct  towards  those  who  differ  from  us,  so 
neither  can  difference  of  interests.  My  neighbour  rivals 
me  in  point  of  riches  or  honour ;  he  aims  at  the  same 
employment  or  carries  on  the  same  trade  that  I  do,  or 
there  is  some  difference  between  us  in  point  of  money. 
In  fine,  his  prosperity  interferes  with  mine.  What  then  ! 
shall  I  therefore  swell  with  malice,  envy,  and  discontent, 
and  instead  of  being  a  child  of  God,  transform  myself  into 
a  fiend  of  hell  ?  We  must  by  all  means  mortify  and 
subdue  that  base  principle  of  self-love  whose  views  are 
always  turned  inwards,  which,  instead  of  prompting  us  to 
good  offices  towards  our  neighbour,  will  not  allow  us  to 
have  good  wishes  to  any  but  ourselves.  It  is  interest 
that  sets  the  world  together  by  the  ears,  that  makes  us 
hreak  (?)  with  our  bosom  friends,  that  fills  our  hearts  with 
jealousy  and  disquiet ;  no  personal  merit,  no  ties  of  con- 
sanguinity, no  past  obligations,  are  strong  enough  to 
oppose  the  resolutions  that  it  inspires.  So  long  therefore 
as  that  continues  the  governing  principle  of  our  lives  and  , 

actions,  we  cannot  hope  to  be  any  great  proficients  in  the       ^^^ 
necessary  and  essential  duty  of  charity.     Hence  we  must  ^f,   ^\'^ 
learn  to  wean  ourselves  from  our  self-interest,  or  rather 4^ ^\^i^'^ 
leafn  wherein  our  true  interest  consists.  ,)^.>^ 

p  2 


'v>" 


«« 


212       SERMON  PREACHED  AT  LEGHORN 

And  this  leads  me  to  the  second  point  proposed,  namely, 
to  shew  the  good  oiGces  that  charity  is  attended  with,  and 
how  much  it  conduceth  to  the  interest  of  those  who 
practise  it. 

However  mistaken,  men  may  be  too  apt  to  place  their 
chiefest  interest  in  the  slight  pleasures  and  transient  en- 
joyments of  this  life,  in  the  gratification  of  some  passion, 
or  the  gaining  of  some  temporal  advantage,  yet  a  man  who 
considers  things  with  any  fairness  or  impartiality  will  be 
easily  convinced  that  his  chief  interest  consists  in  obeying 
Almighty  God,  in  conforming  his  life  and  actions  to  the 
will  and  command  of  his  Creator  who  first  gave  him  being 
and  still  continues  to  preserve  it,  whose  free  gift  are  all 
the  good  things  he  can  enjoy,  and  who  has  promised  to 
reward  our  obedience  in  this  life  with  eternal  happiness 
hereafter. 

But  because  the  spiritual  nature  of  God,  though  most 

near  and  immediately  operating  on  our  souls  and  bodies, 

is  yet  invisible  to  our  senses,  and  because  the  riches  of 

that  place  where  there  is  no  moth  nor  rust,  and  where 

thieves  do  not  break  through  and  steal,  are  placed  at 

a  distance  from  our  present  state,  and  that  men  are  more 

powerfully  influenced  by  things  which   are  present  and 

sensible,  I  shall  therefore,  waiving  all  other  considerations, 

apply  myself  to  consider  the  advantages  which  the  practice 

of  charity  is  attended  with,  and  how  much  it  conduces  to 

,  ^   the  happiness  of  men  in  this  present  state. 

\  The  good  effects  of  charity  may  be  considered  either 

\^        with  respect  to  public  communities  of  men,  or  with  respect 

^  to  private  persons.    As  to  the  first,  the  advantages  of  an 

\  amiable   correspondence   between   different   nations   are 

"^  f    V    plainly  to  be  seen  in  traffic  and  commerce,  whereby  the 

\f  y>'      product  of  each  particular  soil  is  communicated  to  distant 

y        countries,  useful  inventions  are  made  common  and  flourish, 

rJ^  and  men  mutually  supply  the  wants  of  each  other.     But 

when  the  spirit  of  ambition  or  revenge  begins  to  operate, 

when  jealousy  of  each  other's  wealth  and  power  divides 

nations  and  breaks  the  bonds  of  charity,  then  all  those 

advantages  are  interrupted,  and  men,  instead  of  promoting 

each    other's    benefit,   are   employed  in  destroying  one 

another.    Whole  provinces  are  laid  waste ;  cities,  palaces, 

and  churches,  the  work  of  many  ages,  are  in  an  instant 


CHRISTIAN    CHARITY  213 

demolished  and  burnt  to  the  ground :  thousands  of  widows 
and  orphans  are  made  in  one  day ;  and  he  who  makes  the 
greatest  havock  of  his  fellow-Christians  is  esteemed  most 
worthy  of  renown  and  honour.  After  an  infinity  of  rapes, 
murders,  rapines,  sacrileges,  when  fire  and  sword  have 
spent  their  rage,  and  are  glutted  with  human  blood,  the 
dreadful  scene  often  ends  in  plague  or  famine,  as  the 
natural  consequences  of  war.  But,  alas!  we  can  only 
bewail  these  things  without  any  hopes  of  reforming  them. 
The  commands  of  God  are  on  all  sides  forgotten,  and 
when  two  armies  are  on  the  point  of  engaging,  a  man 
would  be  laughed  at  who  should  put  them  in  mind  of  our 
Saviour's  precept,  '  By  this  shall  all  men  know  that  ye  are 
My  disciples,  if  ye  have  love  one  to  another.' 

But  although  all  orders  of  men  are  involved  in  these 
public  calamities,  yet  few  there  are  in  whose  power  it  is  to 
remedy  or  prevent  them,  whereas  it  is  in  the  power  of 
every  one  of  us  to  avoid  those  infinite  mischiefs  which 
arise  in  private  life  from  a  defect  of  charity. 

As  different  countries  are  by  their  respective  products 
fitted  to  supply  each  other's  wants,  so  the  all-wise  provi- 
dence of  God  hath  ordered  that  different  men  are  endowed 
with  various  talents,  whereby  they  are  mutually  enabled 
to  assist  and  promote  the  happiness  of  one  another.  Thus 
one  has  health  and  strength  of  body,  another  enjoys  the 
faculties  of  his  mind  in  greater  perfection ;  one  hath 
riches,  another  hath  learning.  This  man  is  fitted  for 
a  public  station,  that  for  the  oeconomy  of  a  private  life. 
One  man  is  skilled  in  this  art  or  profession,  another  in 
|hat  [Note  to  say  that  in  many  instances  the  single  act, 
industry,  or  power  of  every  one  is  ineffectual  when  the 
united  endeavours  of  many  might  avail.]  There  are  in 
4e  various  qualifications  panics,  occasions  by 

which  a  man  is  rendered  capable  to  give  or  receive  assist- 
^ce  from  his  neighbour.  Hence  it  is  that  men  find  it 
necessary  to  unite  in  friendships  and  societies,  to  do 
mutual  good  offices  and  carry  on  the  same  designs  in 
harmony  and  concert.  We  relieve  one  another  in  distress, 
we  bear  with  each  other's  infirmities,  we  study  to  promote 
4e  advantage  of  each  other;  that  is,  in  our  Saviour's 
phrase,  'we  have  love  one  to  the  other.'  And  so  long 
3s  we  continue  thus  disposed  peace  and  plenty  abound. 


214       SERMON  PREACHED  AT  LEGHORN 

families  live  comfortably  together,  our  affairs  thrive  and 
flourish  in  the  world,  which  gives  a  blessing  to  our  en- 
deavours ;  every  one  finds  his  own  interest  in  advancing 
that  of  his  neighbour. 

Whereas  the  reverse  of  this  happy  state  must  certainly 
be  expected  when  men  of  ill  natures  and  uncharitable 
tempers  are  always  [envying  ?]  the  prosperity  and  thwart- 
ing the  designs  of  each  other,  where  men  endeavour  to 
raise  their  own  fortunes  and  reputations  by  destroying 
those  of  their  neighbours,  and  instead  of  sweet  and  friendly 
conversation  entertain  one  another  with  satire  and  invec- 
tives. Take  a  view  of  the  greatest  evils  that  afflict  man- 
kind, and  you  will  find  that  they  spring  from  the  want  of 
charity.    What  factions  and  cabals,  what  fierce  ments, 

what  dire,  revengeful  ruptures  in  families,  [what  dis- 
agreejments  between  friends  and  neighbours  take  their 
rise  from  this  source.  It  is  not  for  nothing  that  our 
blessed  Saviour  was  so  instant  in  recommending  the  grace 
of  charity  by  His  preaching  and  example ;  it  is  not  for 
nothing  that  the  holy  apostles  insist  in  almost  every  page 
of  their  epistles  upon  charity  as  the  principal  of  Christian 
virtues,  the  mark  of  our  calling,  the  distinguishing  badge 
of  our  profession.  It  is  for  want  of  this  that  we  see  so 
much  poverty,  so  much  care,  so  much  sorrow,  so  much 
bloodshed  in  the  world.  It  is  for  want  of  this  that  when 
we  have  made  peace  abroad,  we  worry  and  destroy  each 
other  at  home ;  that  those  which  have  escaped  the  [perils 
of]  a  war  are  often   thrown  over,  and  the  blood 

which  remained  unspilt  by  the  enemies  of  our  country  is 
too  often  poured  out  to  satiate  the  revenge  of  a  country- 
man and  a  neighbour.  But,  alas !  we  can  only  bewail 
these  things  without  any  hope  of  reforming  them;  and 
when  two  Christians  are  on  the  point  of  sacrificing  each 
other's  lives  to  a  private  pique,  he  would  be  laughed  at 
who  should  put  them  in  mind  of  our  Saviour's  saying, 
'  By  this  shall  all  men  know  that  ye  are  My  disciples,  if 
you  love  one  another.* 

It  is  most  certain  that  the  practice  of  any  vice  or  the 
commission  of  any  moral  crime  is  attended  with  immediate 
punishment  in  this  life.  The  infinitely  wise  providence 
of  God  hath  joined  moral  and  [physical  ?]  evil  together. 
Some  inward  uneasiness  of  mind,  some  outward  pain  of 


CHRISTIAN    CHARITY  215 

body,  severe  loss  in  reputation  or  fortune,  or  the  like,  is 
visibly  annexed  to  sin,  to  deter  men  from  the  practice  of 
it.  This  and  the  [vengeance?]  go  to  [shew]  the  sinner 
both  here  an  what  he  is  to  expect  hereafter.     How 

tnie  this  is  with  regard  to  uncharitableness  is  partly  [seen] 
from  what  has  been  already,  of  the  outward  calamities, 
both  public  and  private,  which  it  is  attended  with,  and  it 
will  be  more  so  if  we  consider  the  inward  uneasiness 
of  those  passions  which  are  opposite  to  charity.     How 
painfully  does  avarice  vex  and  corrode  the  soul !     What 
a  knawing  [gnawing]   anguish  breaks  the  slumbers  and 
palls  all  the  enjoyments  of  an  envious  man.     How  is  it 
possible  that  he  should  eat  his  bread  with  pleasure  when 
mortified  and  disappointed  at  every  good  event  that  befalls 
his  neighbours  ?     Or  can  there  be  any  joy,  any  repose  in 
a  mind  under  the  visitation  of  rage,  or  that  feels  the  cruel 
appetite  of  revenge,  or  is  ever  haunted  with  ill  wishes  to 
others  or  just  fears  for  itself?     There  is  not  surely  in 
nature  a  more  wretched  state  than  that  of  a  perverse, 
ill-tempered,  uncharitable   man ;    he  is  always  upon  the 
rack ;    his  heart  is  a  perpetual  prey  to  the  most  restless 
and  tormenting  passions.     But,  on  the  other  hand,  can 
there  be  any  state  of  mind  more  happy  and  delightful  than 
that  of  the  charitable  person  ?     He  looks  on  mankind  as 
his  friends,  and  is  therefore  so  far  from  being  mortified, 
that   he  rejoices  at  their  prosperity,  and  reckons  it   an'  '  ^r 
addition  to  his  own  good  fortune.     As  he  wishes  no  harm*\      .^ 
to  his  neighbour,  so  he  hath  hopes  of  being  relieved  or      ^.> 
assisted  by  them  in  any  exigence.     Every  act  of  charity  *^ 

and  beneficence  carries  its  own  reward  with  it — a  sense 
of  pleasing  and  of  being  acceptable  to  men,  together  with 
a  secret  joy  flowing  from  the  approbation  of  a  good  con- 
science, besides  all  which  there  is  a  certain  peculiar 
pleasure  and  [charm]  that  is  the  natural  result  of  a  kind 
and  generous  behaviour.  It  is  not  easy  to  say  whether 
a  sweet,  mild,  and  gentle  disposition  contributes  more  to 
the  [joy]  and  satisfaction  of  our  neighbours  or  to  our  own 
private  tranquillity  and  delight,  since  as  the  opposite  pas- 
sions ruffle  and  discompose,  so  charity  and  the  graces 
that  attend  it  soothe  and  rejoice  the  soul :  to  be  free  from 
anger,  envy,  and  revenge,  to  be  always  in  good  humour, 
to  delight   in  doing  good  to  mankind,   is  the  height  of 


2X6 


SERMON    PREACHED    AT    LEGHORN 


happiness  upon  earth,  and  approaches  the  nearest  to  that 
of  the  saints  in  heaven  \ 

[I  come  now  to  the  third  thing,  which  was  to  add  some 
further  reflexions  to  persuade  you  to  the  offices  of  charity.] 

After  what  has  been  advanced  it  may  seem  needless  to 
[insist]  on  any  further  motives  in  order  to  persuade  you 
to  the  practice  of  a  virtue  which,  as  it  is  the  most  necessary 
and  substantial  part  of  religion,  so  it  is  the  most  directly 
calculated  for  the  advantage  both  of  public  communities 
and  private  men.  What  possible  pretence  can  you  have 
for  not  complying  with  an  injunction  so  excellent,  so  easy 
as  this  of  loving  one  another?  Are  you  afraid  that  to 
fulfil  any  part  of  the  Christian  [virtues]  might  expose  you 
to  contumely  in  a  vicious  and  ungenerous  world?  But 
what  age,  what  nation  is  so  barbarous  as  not  to  honour 
a  man  of  distinguished  charity  and  benevolence?  Are 
you  eager  to  enjoy  the  good  things  of  this  life,  or  too 
worldly-minded  to  be  altogether  influenced  by  the  distant 
recompenses  of  that  which  is  to  come  ?  This  duty  has 
been  shewn  most  effectually  to  promote  your  present 
interests  in  this  world?  Is  there  anything  rigid  and 
^  ^austere  in  the  exercise  of  virtues  which  may  deter  you 
^    s\  ^^  from  the  practice  [of  vice]  ?    Behold  the  very  acts  [com- 


v' 


.>^  (/ 


<. 


•* 


manded]  are  pleasant  and  delightful,  and  what  Solomon 
says  of  wisdom  is  also  true  of  charity,  'Her  ways  are  ways 
of  pleasantness,  and  all  her  paths  are  peace.* 

How  can  you  think  on  the  baseness  of  an  uncharitable, 
envious  spirit  and  not  despi$e  it  ?     How  can  you  reflect 


^  On  the  opposite  page  of  the 
MS.  there  occurs  the  following 
observation  : — *  The  whole  system 
of  rational  beings  may  be  con- 
sidered as  one  family  or  body 
politic  ;  and  Providence,  intending 
the  good  of  the  whole,  hath  con- 
nected the  members  together  by 
the  cords  of  a  man,  by  the  common 
ties  of  humanity  and  good  nature, 
and  fitted  and  adjusted  them  to 
each  other  for  their  reciprocal  use 
and  benefit.* 

It  may  interest  some,  as  it 
shews  how  careful  Berkeley  was 
in  regard  to  literary  style,  to 
have  before   them   the  following 


addition  to  the  sermon,  with  the 
corrections  as  in  the  MS.  :  the 
words  in  brackets  were  struck  out 
by  him : — 

'The  whole  system  of  rational 
beings  may  be  considered  as  one 
society  or  body  politic  :  and  Provi- 
dence, intending  the  [common] 
good  of  the  whole,  bath  [adjusted] 
connected  the  members  [one  to 
another]  together  by  the  cords  of 
a  man,  by  the  common  ties  of 
humanity  and  good-nature,  and 
fitted  and  adjusted  them  [so  as  to 
be]  to  each  other  for  their  reci- 
procal use  and  benefit.' 


CHRISTIAN    CHARITY  217 

upon  the  mischief,  the  anxiety,  the  torment  that  it  pro- 
duces, and  not  abhor  it?  How  can  you  be  sensible  of 
God's  indignation  against  this  vice  and  yet  be  guilty  of  it  ? 
After  all,  brethren,  if  against  the  express  repeated  com- 
mand and  [injunction  of  J  Almighty  God,  against  the  light 
and  [voice]  of  your  own  conscience,  against  future 

interest  and  the  common  [feelings]  of  humanity,  we  continue 
to  [indulge]  piques  and  hatreds  towards  [others,  and]  will 
not,  pursuant  to  the  apostle's  directions,  put  away  from  us 
all  bitterness,  and  wrath,  and  clamour,  and  evil  speaking 
with  be  assured  that  our  case  is  desperate.     Why 

should  we  disguise  the  truth  ?  It  is  fit  sinners  should 
know  their  condition  while  it  is  in  their  power  to  mend  it. 
I  say  therefore,  again,  that  the  state  of  such  persons  is 
desperate,  that  they  cannot  hope  for  salvation  by  the  holy 
covenant.  For  St.  John  plainly  tells  us,  'he  that  hateth 
his  brother  is  in  darkness  even  until  now.*  That  is,  not- 
withstanding the  light  of  the  Gospel  has  now  shined  in 
the  world,  yet  such  a  one  is  in  a  state  of  heathenism, 
which  in  the  Scriptures  is  named  darkness.  Again,  he 
that  knoweth  not  God,  for  God  is  love.  '  If  any  man  saith 
I  love  God,  and  hateth  his  brother,  he  is  a  liar.*  And  now 
to  what  purpose  is  it  to  produce  any  further  testimony  ? 
Doth  not  our  Lord  Himself  tell  us  in  the  text,  'By  this 
shall  all  men  know  that  ye  are  My  disciples,  if  ye  have 
love  one  to  another  ? '  He  therefore  that  [loveth  not]  is 
no  disciple  of  Christ's ;  he  is,  in  [fact],  no  Christian,  has 
no  right  to  expect  any  share  in  the  sufferings  and  inter- 
cession of  Christ  Jesus.  Nay,  I  will  be  bold  to  say  that 
all  the  evangelists,  the  disciples,  and  our  blessed  Lord 
Himself  had  not  so  frequently,  so  expressly,  so  urgently 
declared  this  great  truth  to  us,  yet  it  would  have  been 
discovered  by  the  light  of  nature  that  an  uncharitable 
person  could  not  be  saved.  Strife,  calumny,  revenge, 
envy,  prepare  and  fit  one  for  [the  company]  of  devils. 
A  spirit  with  these  [passions  can  be]  no  company  for  saints 
and  angels  even  in  heaven  itself  where  [all  is]  love,  joy, 
peace. 

You,  Christians,  seriously  consider  what  has  been  said. 
Let  it  not  be  an  idle  dream  in  your  fancies  [let  it  sink 
down  into]  your  hearts  and  influence  all  your  actions. 
*  Put  on  (as  the  elect  of  God,  holy  and  beloved)  bowels  of 


2l8  SERMON    PREACHED   AT    LEGHORN 

mercies,  kindness,  humbleness  of  mind,  meekness,  long- 
suffering;  forbearing  one  another  and  forgiving  one  an- 
other, if  any  man  have  a  quarrel  against  any:  even  as  Christ 
forgave  you,  so  also  do  ye.  And  above  all  things,  put  on 
charity,  which  is  the  bond  of  perfectness.'  So  will  the 
good  providence  of  God  protect  and  bless  you  during  the 
course  of  this  mortal  life,  and  at  the  last  day  you  will  be 
owned  for  true  disciples  of  the  kind  and  merciful  Jesus  : 
to  whom  with  Thee,  O  Father,  and  the  Holy  Ghost  be  all 
glory  \ 

*  Towards     the     end     of    this  Towards  the  conclusion  of  the  Ser- 

Sermon  a  few  spaces  are  left  blank.  mon,  a  large  portion  of  it  is  legible 

This  arises  from  the  state  of  the  only   under   a    strong    light,   and 

MS.,  which  in  this  part  is  much  even   then  with   difficulty,    while 

injured,   probably  by  salt  water,  words  are  occasionally  obliterated, 

in  the  course  of  Berkeley's  voyages  They  can  generally  be  supplied  by 

in  the  Mediterranean  or  afterwards.  the  reader. 


JOURNAL  IN  ITALY 

IN  JANUARY,  MAY,  JUNE,  AND  SEPTEMBER, 
1717 ;    ALSO  IN  APRIL,  1718 


First  published  in  187 1 


EDITOR'S   PREFACE 

TO 

THE  JOURNAL  IN   ITALY 

Next  to  the  juvenile  Commonplace  Book,  this  Journal 
of  Berkeley's  life  in  Italy,  during  his  second  visit  to  that 
country,  contained  in  four  small  manuscript  volumes,  is 
the  most  important  of  the  Berkeley  MSS.  that  were  first 
published  in  1871,  in  my  former  edition  of  the  Works.  It 
contains  a  daily  record  of  his  movements  in  1717,  during 
most  of  January,  and  parts  of  May,  June,  and  September; 
also  on  some  days  of  April,  17 18.  He  had  left  England 
for  Italy  in  November,  1716,  in  company  with  young  Ashe, 
his  pupil,  son  of  the  Bishop  of  Clogher.  The  travellers 
seem  to  have  reached  Rome  about  the  end  of  that  year. 
The  Journal  begins  on  January  7,  1717,  and  records  their 
sight-seeing  in  Rome  during  eighteen  following  days 
(pp.  225-48).  The  story  is  resumed  in  another  volume, 
on  May  5,  when  they  were  about  to  leave  Naples  for 
a  tour  in  little  frequented  parts  of  Calabria,  which  lasted 
till  June  9,  when  they  returned  to  Naples.  Of  this 
excursion  we  have  here  the  daily  record.  Memoranda  of 
the  road  from  Rome  to  Naples,  undated,  are  recorded  in 
another  volume,  followed  by  notes  relating  to  the  romantic 
Island  of  Ischia  or  Inarime,  where,  as  he  mentions  in  a 
letter  to  Pope  which  I  have  introduced,  they  passed  *  three 
or  four  months'  of  that  summer,  and  where,  it  seems 
by  the  Journal,  they  still  were  in  September.  The  record 
of  a  three  days*  journey  on  the  road  from  Naples  to 
Rome  in  April,  1718,  completes  what  has  been  preserved 


222  EDITOR  S    PREFACE    TO    THE 

of  Berkeley's  lta\ia,n /ournal.     The  latest  date  is  April  13, 
1 718,  when  the  travellers  returned  to  Rome  from  Naples. 

We  have  got  only  fragments.  The  manuscript  volumes 
which  have  disappeared  might  have  informed  us  of  the 
daily  proceedings  of  the  travellers  in  other  months  of 
1717  and  1718,  and  in  1719,  which  is  a  total  blank;  also 
in  1720,  when  they  returned  through  France  to  London 
in  the  end  of  the  year.  The  missing  volumes,  including 
memoranda  of  Berkeley's  reported  tour  in  Sicily,  as  it 
seems  in  1 718-19,  have  perhaps  shared  the  fate  of  the 
Second  Part  of  the  Principles,  which  was  lost  at  sea. 

The  volumes  which  remain  seem  to  have  been  Berke- 
ley's travelling  companions,  partly  written  in  his  carriage ; 
for  sometimes  the  record  is  in  pencil,  yet  not  illegible. 
The  Journal  is  kept  on  the  right-hand  pages;  the  left 
are  reserved  for  quotations  and  occasional  notes,  which 
when  here  printed  appear  within  brackets,  with  M 
(Marginal  Note)  attached.  In  dating  the  Journal  Berke- 
ley, it  will  be  observed,  followed  the  Roman  fashion,  by 
adopting  the  reformed  Gregorian  Calendar,  adding  N.  S. 
to  the  date,  although  it  was  not  till  1752  that  this  change 
was  made  in  England. 

The  Journal  illustrates  Berkeley's  habit  of  minute  and 
careful  observation  of  nature  and  passing  events;  his 
keen  interest  in  art,  especially  architecture;  and  his  dis- 
position to  scientific  investigations,  in  directions  which 
shew  much  individuality.  Ischia  was  to  him  fairy-land, 
in  which  he  revelled  in  that  summer  of  171 7.  Volcanic 
phenomena  were  another  attraction,  as  appears  in  the 
Journal,  in  his  criticism  of  the  physical  speculations  of 
Borellus,  and  in  his  letter  to  Arbuthnot.  Above  all,  the 
phenomena  which  followed  the  bite  of  the  tarantula  were 
inquired  into  with  anxious  care,  on  every  opportunity, 
yet  without  much  result.  He  inclines  to  the  belief  that 
the  bite  of  this  spider  occasions  a  desire  for  dancing, 
the  tarantula  dance  being  followed  by  cure,  a  conclusion 


JOURNAL    IN    ITALY  223 

hardly  confirmed  by  later  observations,  and  which  pro- 
bably allows  too  little  for  the  work  of  imagination  in  the 
patient.  But  Berkeley's  observations  and  reports  are  char- 
acteristic, whatever  science  may  now  have  to  say  regarding 
the  phenomena. 

Not  much  light  is  thrown  by  this  Journal  on  the  social 
or  ecclesiastical  condition  of  Italy  in  1717 ;  nor  does 
it  often  clothe  the  places  visited  with  their  historical 
associations,  or  speculate  on  history.  Yet  it  shews  some 
familiarity  with  classical  literature,  in  the  references 
to  ancient  geographers  and  historians,  Roman  poets,  and 
modem  Italian  books. 

On  the  whole,  these  fragments  of  Berkeley's  Journal 
in  Italy  throw  a  more  vivid  light  upon  the  incidents  of  his 
daily  experience  in  the  period  to  which  they  relate  than 
has  fallen  upon  any  other  equal  portion  of  the  sixty-eight 
years  of  his  life. 


JOURNAL  IN  ITALY 

[Rome]  Jan.  7,  171 7.  N.S. 

This  morning  I  paced  a  gallery  in  the  Vatican  four 
hundred  and  eighty-eight  paces  long.  We  saw  the  famous 
library  in  that  palace.  It  contains  seventy-two  thousand 
volumes,  MSS.  and  printed.  The  building  surely  is  not 
to  be  equalled  in  that  kind,  being  nobly  proportioned  and 
painted  by  the  best  hands.     It  is  in  this  form       ■      the 

greatest  length  about  eight  hundred  foot.  The  books  are 
all  contained  in  desks  or  presses,  whose  backs  stand  to  the 
wall.  These  desks  are  all  low,  of  an  equal  height,  so  that 
the  highest  books  are  within  reach  without  the  least  strain- 
ing. We  saw  a  Virgil  in  MS.  above  fourteen  hundred 
years  old.  It  wanted  the  four  disputed  verses  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  ^neid.  They  shewed  us  another  that 
seemed  of  an  earlier  date,  but  it  was  imperfect.  Both 
these  books  were  written  in  great  letters  without  any  space 
between  the  words.  The  first  had  inter-punctuations,  the 
other  none  :  both  were  illuminated  with  pictures,  but  those 
of  the  former  were  much  more  barbarous  than  the  other, 
which  is  lookTed]  on  as  an  argument  that  it  is  less  ancient. 
We  saw  a  Terence  of  much  the  same  age,  as  we  could 
judge  by  the  character.  A  Septuagint  of  great  antiquity 
with  accents,  Uteris  uncialibus.  Henry  the  VII Ts  love 
letters  to  Anna  Boleyn ;  and  his  book  against  Luther, 
which  procured  him  the  title  of  Defender  of  the  Faith.  In 
his  letter  to  the  pope  prefixed  to  this  treatise  he  plainly 
assumes  the  composition  of  it  to  himself  (which  I  observe, 
because  it  is  doubted  by  some).  The  book  is  fairly 
writ  on  vellum  :  it  is  subscribed  by  the  king's  own  hand. 
The  epistle  dedicatory  is  full  of  respect  to  the  pope.  I 
read  the  first  chapter.     His  arguments  are  altogether  ad 

BBKKBLBY  :     FRASBR.      IV.  Q 


226  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

hominem  and  ad  verecundiam.  The  style  is  better  than 
the  reasoning,  which  shews  the  prince  and  the  soldier 
rather  than  the  scholar.  In  the  afternoon  we  saw  the 
statues  in  Belvedere  part  of  the  Vatican.  The  principal 
are  Cleopatra,  Apollo  (found  in  the  Baths  of  Caracalla),  the 
famous  Laocoon,  and  Antinous.  These  are  all  master- 
pieces of  antiquity.  The  Apollo  and  Laocoon  can  never 
be  enough  admired. 

Jan.  8. 

A  little  after  the  seventeenth  hour  Mr.  Ashe  and  I 
waited  on  Cardinal  Gualtieri.  He,  as  the  greatest  part  of 
the  Roman  cardinals  and  nobles,  hath  his  apartments  up 
two  pairs  of  stairs,  which  they  esteem  for  the  goodness  of 
the  air.  In  the  antechamber  we  met  with  a  good  number 
of  gentlemen,  lay  as  well  as  ecclesiastic.  I  signified  to 
a  gentleman  (a  knight  of  some  order,  for  every  cardinal 
hath  knights  and  counts  for  his  domestics)  that  we  wished 
to  kiss  his  eminence's  hands ;  upon  which  he  conducted 
us  into  an  inner  spacious  chamber  with  a  fire  (which  is  no 
common  thing  in  Italy) :  another  gentleman  was  charged 
with  the  message  to  the  cardinal,  who  immediately  came 
to  us.  He  is  about  sixty,  a  jolly  well-looking  man,  grey 
hair,  rather  low  than  tall,  and  rather  fat  than  lean.  He 
entertained  us  with  a  great  deal  of  frankness  and  civility. 
We  sate  all  in  armed  chairs  round  the  fire.  We  were  no 
sooner  seated,  but  his  eminence  obliged  us  to  put  on  our 
hats,  which  we  did  without  ceremony,  and  he  put  on  his 
cardinal's  square  cap.  We  discoursed  on  several  subjects, 
as  the  affairs  of  England,  those  of  the  Turks  and  Venetians, 
and  several  other  topics,  in  all  which  his  eminence  shewed 
himself  a  man  of  sense,  good  breeding,  and  good  humour. 
He  occasionally  told  us  a  curious  point  of  natural  history. 
The  pope  every  morning  regales  the  cardinals  with  a 
present  of  his  own  bread.  This  bread  used  to  be  excellent 
when  his  holiness  lived  at  the  Vatican,  but  upon  his 
removal  to  Monte  Cavallo,  though  the  same  bakers,  the 
same  water,  and  the  same  corn  were  employed,  yet  it  was 
found  impossible  to  make  the  bread  so  good  there  as  it 
was  at  the  Vatican,  which  the  cardinal  did  imagine  to 
proceed  from  some  unaccountable  quality  in  the  air.     He 


AT    ROME  227 

talked  to  us  of  the  carnival,  and  invited  us  very  civilly  to 
see  the  triumphs  out  of  a  balcony  in  his  palace,  which  he 
told  us  stood  very  conveniently.  When  by  our  silence  we 
shewed  an  inclination  to  be  going,  his  eminence  took  off 
his  cap  and  said  he  would  no  longer  abuse  our  patience. 
It  is  not  reckoned  manners  to  break  off  a  visit  to  a  cardinal 
before  you  are  dismissed  by  him.  The  form  being  in  that 
as  in  other  points  to  treat  them  as  crowned  heads,  to  whom 
they  are  esteemed  equal.  In  the  afternoon  we  went  to 
the  Villa  Borghese.  I  liked  the  gardens,  they  are  large, 
have  fine  cut  walks,  white  deer,  statues,  fountams,  groves ; 
nothing  of  the  little  French  gout,  no  parterres.  If  they 
are  not  so  spruce  and  trim  as  those  in  France  and  England, 
they  are  nobler  and,  I  think,  much  more  agreeable.  The 
house  is  noble,  and  hath  the  richest  outside  that  I  have 
anywhere  seen,  being  enchased  with  beautiful  relievos  of 
antiquity.  The  portico  was  furnished  with  old  chairs, 
very  entire,  being  of  hard  stone,  coloured  red  in  some 
places  and  gilt  in  others,  carved  too  with  several  devices. 
It  was  too  dark  to  see  the  pictures,  so  we  put  off  viewing 
the  inside  to  another  time. 

Jan.  9. 

Our  first  visit  this  day  was  to  the  sepulchre  of  Cestius. 
This  building  is  pyramidal,  of  great  smoothed  pieces  of 
marble.  A  considerable  part  of  it  is  now  underground, 
but  what  appears  is  about  a  hundred  foot  in  length,  each 
side  of  the  square  basis,  and  about  a  hundred  and  fifty  the 
side  of  the  p3a*amid.  There  is  a  chamber  within  in  which 
there  have  been  not  many  years  ago  several  antique 
figures  painted  in  fresco.  They  are  now  defaced  and  the 
entrance  made  up.  This  monument  lies  between  the 
Mons  Aventinus  and  the  Mons  Testaceus.  Having  viewed 
the  sepulchre  of  Cestius,  we  ascended  the  Mons  Testaceus, 
from  whence  we  had  a  fair  prospect  of  Rome.  This 
mount  was  formed  in  the  time  of  old  Rome  by  the  potters, 
who  had  this  place  appointed  them  for  heaping  together 
their  rubbish,  to  prevent  their  choking  the  Tiber.  You 
see  the  mount  to  be  made  up  of  bits  of  broken  potsherds. 
After  this  we  went  along  the  Via  Ostiensis  (of  which  we 
could  still  see  some  remains)  to  St.  Paul's  church.     By 

Q2 


228  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

the  wayside  we  saw  a  chapel  with  a  bas-relief  representing 
the  parting  embrace  between  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul.     The 
inscription  tells  you  this  is  the  spot  where  those  holy 
martyrs  were  parted  as  they  went  to  their  martyrdom,  the 
one  (St.  Peter)  turning  to  the  right  to  Montorio,  the  other 
going  to  the   Tre  Fontane.     St.    Paul's  church,   which 
stands  above  a  mile  out  of  the  town,  was  built  by  Con- 
stantine:    there  are   nevertheless  two   ranges  of  noble 
Corinthian  pillars  on  both  sides  of  the  great  isle,  that 
seem  too  elegant  for  that  age,  in  which  the  arts  were  much 
on  the  decline.     Probably  they  belonged  to  some  more 
ancient  building.     On  the  floor  of  this  church  we  saw  a 
column  of  white  marble  in  shape  of  a  candlestick,   for 
which  purpose  it  had  been  made  in  Constantine's  time. 
It  was  all  over  adorned  with  very  rude  sculpture.     Under 
the  great  altar  there  lie  one  half  of  the  bodies  of  St.  Peter 
and  St.  Paul  (the  other  half  being  under  the  great  altar 
of  St.  Peter's).     The  rude  painting  and  mosaic  deserves 
no  regard.     I  must  not  forget  that  this  church  is  very 
rich  in  indulgences.    We  read  in  an  inscription  on  the 
wall,  that  an  indulgence  of  above  six  thousand  years  was 
got  by  a  visit  to  that  church  on  any  ordinary  day,  but 
a  plenary  remission  on  Christmas  and  three  or  four  other 
days.     Tasked  a  priest  that  stood  by  whether  by  virtue  of 
that  remission  a  man  was  sure  of  going  straight  to  heaven 
without  touching  at  purgatory,  in  case  he  should  then  die. 
His    answer  was  that  he  certainly  would.     From   this 
church  we  went  to  that  of  the  Three  Fountains,  four  miles 
from  Rome  southward.     This  is  a  small  church  built  in 
the  place  where  St.  Paul  was  beheaded.     They  shewed  us 
in  a  corner  of  the  church  the  very  pillar  of  white  marble 
on  which  his  head  was  cut  off.     The  head,  say  they,  made 
three  leaps,  and  a  fountain  sprung  up  at  each  leap.     These 
fountains  are  now  shewn  in  the  church,  and  strangers 
never  fail  to  drink  of  them,   there  being  an  indulgence 
(I  think)  of  a  hundred  years  attending  that  function.     The 
altar-piece  of  this  church  is  finely  painted  by  Guido  Reni. 
At  a  small  distance  from  this  church  there   is  another 
called  Scala  Coeli,  from  a  vision  of  St.  Bernard's,  who, 
say  they,  as  he  was  celebrating  mass  in  this  place  saw 
angels  drawing  the  souls  in  purgatory  up  to  heaven.     This 
vision  we  saw  painted  in  the  church.     Underneath,  they 


AT    ROME  229 

tell  you,  are  interred  10303  Christian  soldiers  with  the 
Tribune  Zeno,  who  were  picked  out  of  the  Roman  army 
and  martyred  in  this  place.  All  these  odd  things  are  not 
only  told  by  the  monks  or  friars,  but  inscribed  in  marble 
in  the  churches. 

Jan.  10. 

Mr.  Hardy,  the  Abbate  Barbieri,  Mr.  Ashe,  and  I  went 
this  morning  to  see  the  famous  Farnesian  Palace.     The 
gallery  so  much  spoken  of  proved  smaller  than  I  expected, 
but  the  painting  is  excellent ;  it  is  all  over  done  in  fresco 
by  Annibal  Carache.     Here   and   in   other  parts  of  the 
palace  we   saw  several   fine  antique   busts  and   statues. 
The  principal   are   the   Hercules,  commonly  called   the 
Farnesian   Hercules,   the    Flora,   the   bust   of  Caracalla, 
the  flesh  whereof  is  wonderfully  soft   and  natural,   and 
an  admirable  group  of  Zethus,  Amphion,  Antiope,  Dirce, 
and  a  bull,  all  out  of  one  stone,  done  by  two  R[h]odians. 
The  two  young  men,  sons  of  the  Theban  king,  tie  Dirce 
to  the  bull's  horns  in  order  to  precipitate  her  into  a  well 
(as  the  inscription  on  a  tablet  hung  by  the  statue  tells  you). 
The  bull  and  the  men  are  incomparably  well  done,  but 
there  is  little  expression  in  the  face  of  Dirce,  which  makes 
me  suspect  the  head  to  be  modern.     The  easiness,  the 
strength,  the   beauty,  and   the  muscles  of  the  Hercules 
cannot  be  too  much  admired.     The  drapery  of  the  Flora 
is  admirable,  and  the  bust  of  Antoninus  Caracalla  is  flesh 
and  blood — nothing  can  be  softer.     In  the  afternoon  we 
drove  out  of  town  through  the  Porta  Collatina,  leaving 
LucuUus's  gardens  on  the  left  hand  and  Sallustius's  on 
the  right.     We  got  by  three  a  clock  of  our  reckoning  to 
the  Villa  Borghese.     The  outside   and  gardens  we  had 
seen   before;    we    spent   this   afternoon   in   viewing  the 
apartments.     The  greatest  part  of  the  pictures  are  copies. 
1  remember  some  good  ones  of  Corregio,  and  the  famous 
Battle  of  Constantine  by  Julio  Romano.     In  the  apart- 
ments of  this  villa  we  saw  several  excellent  statues :  those 
most  remarkable  of  the  antique  are  the  Hermaphrodite, 
the  Gladiator,  and,  on   the  outside  of  the  wall,  that  of 
Curtius  on  horseback  leaping  into  the  cavern.     I  must 
not  forget  three  statues  of  Bernini  in  these  apartments, 
that  raise  my  idea  of  that  modern  statuary  almost  to  an 


230  JOURNAL    IN   ITALY 

equality  with  the  famous  ancients — Apollo  and  Daphne, 
iEneas  with  Anchises  on  his  shoulders,  David  going  to 
fling  the  stone  at  Goliah.  The  grace,  the  softness,  and 
expression  of  these  statues  is  admirable.  In  our  return 
we  took  a  walk  round  part  of  the  walls  of  the  city.  Both 
walls  and  turrets  were  pretty  entire  on  that  side.  They 
have  stood  since  Justinian's  time,  having  been  built  by 
Bellisarius.  We  entered  the  city  at  the  Porta  Viminalis, 
stepped  into  the  Victoria,  a  beautiful  church  encrusted 
with  ornaments  of  the  richest  stones,  as  jallo  antico,  verde 
antico,  jaspers,  &c.  In  this  are  hung  up  trophies  taken 
from  the  Turks.  After  this,  we  paid  a  second  visit  to 
Dioclesian's  Baths,  admiring  the  lofty  remains  of  that 
stupendous  fabric,  which  is  now  possessed  by  the  Car- 
thusians. In  the  pavement  of  the  church,  made  out  of  the 
standing  part  of  the  baths,  we  saw  a  meridian  line  (like 
that  of  Bologna)  drawn  by  the  learned  Bianchini. 

Jan.  II. 

This  morning  Mr.  Domvile  and  I  spent  in  looking  for 
Greek  books.  The  shops  are  but  ill  furnished,  and  give 
one  a  mean  idea  of  the  Roman  literature.  In  the  afternoon 
we  took  the  air  on  the  Mons  Quirinalis — drove  by  Mont- 
alto's  gardens  towards  S.  Maria  Maggiore  and  S.  John 
Lateran. 

Jan.  12. 

In  the  forenoon  I  took  a  walk  on  the  mount  behind 
our  lodging,  on  which  stands  the  church  and  convent  of 
La  Trinita,  overlooking  the  Piazza  d'Espagne,  anciently 
the  Naumachia  Domitiana.  From  thence  I  had  a  good 
prospect  of  Monte  Cavallo,  St.  Peter's,  and  the  inter- 
mediate parts  of  the  town.  When  I  had  amused  myself 
some  time  here,  I  walked  towards  the  Porta  del  Popolo, 
where  we  first  entered  the  town.  By  the  way  I  stepped 
into  the  church  dedicated  to  St.  Ambrose  and  St.  Charles. 
I  viewed  some  good  pictures  in  it.  It  hath  a  dome  and 
a  handsome  facade.  The  Piazza  del  Popolo  is  contrived 
to  give  a  traveller  a  magnificent  impression  of  Rome  upon 
his  first  entrance.     The  Guglio^  in  the  middle,  the  two 

*  Berkeley  writes  Guglio.  The  usual  form  is  Guglia,  which  also 
means  a  needle. 


AT    ROME  231 

teautiful  churches  of  the  same  architecture  that  front  the 

entrance,  standing  on  either  side  of  the  end  of  the  Corso, 

or  great  street  directly  opposite  to  the  gate,  carrying  the 

eye  in  a  straight  line  through  the  middle  of  the  city  almost 

to  the  Capitol ;   while  on  the  sides  there  strike  off  two 

other  straight   streets,    inclined   in   equal  angles   to  the 

Corse,  the  one  leading  to  the  Piazza  d'Espagne,  the  other 

towards   the    Piazza   Navona.      From    the   Guglio  your 

prospect  shoots  through   these  three  streets.     All   this 

1  say  is  contrived  to  produce  a  good   effect  on  the  eye 

of  a  new-comer.     The  disposition,  it  must  be  owned,  is 

pleasing,  and  if  the  ordinary  houses   that  make  up  the 

greatest  part  of  the    streets  were  more  agreeable  and 

regular,  would  make  a  very  noble  prospect.     The  Guglio  or 

Obelisk  in  the  middle  of  the  Piazza  is  a  noble  monument 

brought  from  Egypt  and  set  up  in  the  Circus  Maximus  by 

Augustus  Cesar,  where  it  was  dug  up  in  the  time  of  Sixtus 

Quintus,  and  by  order  of  that  pope  set  upon  [a]  pedestal 

in  this  place  and  dedicated  to  the  cross.     It  was  the  same 

pope  that  caused  the  greatest  part,  if  not  all,  the  guglios 

to  be  erected  in  the  several  piazzas  of  Rome,  e.  g.  in  the 

Piazza  Navona,  Piazza  di  S.  Pietro,  Piazza  di  S.  Maria 

Maggiore,   before  the   Minerva,   &c.      The   greatest,   as 

everybody  knows,  is  that  in  the  Piazza  of  St.  Peter.    Most 

of  these  obelisks  are  scribbled  over  with  hieroglyphics. 

They  are  each  of  a  single  piece  of  granite.     Nothing  can 

give  one  a  higher  notion  of  the  stupendous  magnificence 

of  the  old  Egyptian  monarchs  who  made  these  obelisks 

than  that  the  Roman   emperors  in  their  greatest  glory 

valued  themselves  upon  bringing  them  from  Egypt;  and 

the  most  spirited   of  the  popes  looked   upon  it  as  the 

greatest  event  of  his  life  to  be  able  to  place  one  of  them 

on  its  pedestal.     In  the  afternoon  we  walked  to  the  Piazza 

di  Navona,  inquired  for  books,  and  viewed  the  fa9ades  of 

several  palaces  by  the  way.    Over  the  doors  of  the  palaces 

of  the  cardinals,  princes,  and  public  ministers  there  hang 

up  several  coats  of  arms,  whereof  the  pope  regnant's  is 

sure  to  be  one;  e.g.  over  Ottoboni*s  portal  we  saw  the 

arms  of  his  Holiness,  the  arms  of  France  because  he  is 

protector  of  the  French  nation,  those  of  Venice  because 

he  is  a  Venetian,  and  those  of  the  S.  P.  Q.  R. 


232  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 


Jan.  13. 


Mr.  Hardy,  Mr.  Ashe,  and  myself  drove  in  the  forenoon 
to  St.  Peter's,  where  we  entertained  ourselves  in  reviewing 
and  examining  the  structure,  with  the  statues  and  pictures 
that  adorn  it.  Of  the  pictures,  those  which  most  pleased 
me  were  a  St.  Sebastian  of  Dominiquin  and  the  Assumption 
of  St.  Petronilla  by  Quercino,  the  chiaro-oscuro  of  the 
latter  giving  it  so  strong  a  relief  that  it  deceives  the  eye 
beyond  any  picture  in  the  church ;  and  the  body  of 
St.  Sebastian  is  a  very  fine  figure.  The  expression  too 
of  the  bystanders,  particularly  a  commanding  soldier  on 
horseback,  is  admirable.  Having  seen  the  palace  of 
Farnese  and  the  Borghesian  villa  since  my  being  last  at 
St.  Peter's,  the  statues  did  not  near  please  me  now  so 
much  as  then.  You  may  see  grace,  beauty,  and  a  fine 
attitude  in  these  statues  of  Algardi,  Porta,  Bernini,  &c. 
They  have  sometimes  a  fine. expression  in  the  face;  but 
on  a  near  inspection  you  perceive  nothing  so  finished, 
none  of  those  delicate  contours,  those  softnesses,  that  life 
and  breath  that  you  discover  in  the  fine  antiques.  The 
best  statue  in  St.  Peter's,  in  my  judgment,  is  the  Dead 
Christ  of  M.  Angelo  Bonaroti.  I  must  not  forget  an  old 
Gothic  iron  statue  of  St.  Peter  that  stands  in  one  side 
of  the  great  isle,  the  feet  whereof  are  much  worn  away 
by  kissing.  We  saw  a  soldier  not  only  kiss  the  feet,  but 
also  rub  his  head  and  face  upon  them.  From  St.  Peter's 
we  went  to  the  Loggie  of  the  Vatican  to  view  Raphael's 
pictures  there,  which  detained  us  till  it  was  passed  dinner 
time.     We  saw  nothing  after  dinner. 

Jan.  14. 

In  the  morning  Dr.  Chenion,  Mr.  Hardy,  Mr.  Ashe, 
and  I  entertained  ourselves  with  the  sight  of  the  palace 
of  Don  Livio  Odescalchi,  Duke  of  Bracciano ;  where  we 
saw  in  the  upper  apartments  a  great  number  of  fine 
pictures  by  the  best  masters.  I  remarked  particularly 
a  famous  one  of  Raphael's,  said  to  have  cost  fourteen 
thousand  crowns :  it  is  a  small  piece  of  the  Blessed  Virgin, 
with  two  puttini,  our  Saviour  and  St.  John  Baptist :  it  is 
full  of  life  and  grace.    Below  stairs  we  saw  several  vaulted 


AT    ROME  233 

chambers  well  furnished  with  statues,  ancient  and  modern, 
as  well  as  with  many  beautiful  pillars  of  antique  stone, 
the  mines  whereof  are  now  either  exhausted  or  unknown. 
From  thence  we  went  to  the  palace  of  Prince  Borghese. 
This  is  a  vast  palace,  the  salons  and  chambers  spacious  and 
lofty,  as  well  as  many  in  number :  there  is  particularly 
one  fine  vista  through  nine  rooms,  that  is  lengthened  by 
a  hole  cut  through  an  adjacent  house  (which  the  prince 
bought  for  that  purpose)  to  a  fountain  and  a  beautiful 
passage.  In  this  palace  we  saw  an  incredible  number  of 
fine  pictures.  They  are  reckoned  to  be  seventeen  hundred. 
Many  portraits  by  Titian  that  seemed  to  breathe.  Fine 
soft  graceful  pieces  of  Corregio.  Excellent  ones  of  Raphael, 
Annibal  Carache,  Quercino,  Guido  Reni,  Reubens,  Lan- 
franc,  Paul  Veronese,  &c.  I  must  particularly  remark  that 
famous  piece  of  Titian*s,  where  Venus  is  represented 
binding  Cupid's  eyes.  They  shewed  us  two  pictures,  the 
one  said  to  be  nine  hundred  years  old :  the  other  since 
the  days  of  Romulus ;  it  is  on  metal  in  a  barbarous  taste, 
and  represents  the  rape  of  the  Sabines.  In  the  garden 
we  saw  several  water- works  and  statues.  In  the  afternoon 
we  visited  churches,  particularly  the  Pantheon,  and  the 
two  principal  churches  of  the  Jesuits,  that  of  Jesus  and 
that  of  St.  Ignatius.  The  eye  is  never  weary  with  viewing 
the  Pantheon.  Both  the  rotunda  itself  and  the  vestibule 
discover  new  beauties  every  time  we  survey  them.  The 
beauty  and  delicacy  of  the  pillars  of  jallo  antico  within, 
as  well  as  the  grandeur,  the  nobleness,  and  the  grace  of 
the  granite  pillars  without,  cannot  be  too  much  admired. 
Over  the  great  altar  in  the  upper  end  of  the  church  we 
saw  a  repository,  in  which  they  say  is  contained  a  picture 
of  the  Madonna  by  Saint  Luke.  They  pretend  to  have 
SIX  or  seven  more  by  the  same  hand  in  other  churches 
of  Rome,  but  they  are  kept  shut  up  (as  well  as  the  image 
of  our  Saviour  at  St.  Paul's  Church  that  spoke  to 
St.  Bridget),  so  that  it  is  hardly  possible  to  get  a  sight 
of  them  except  at  some  extraordinary  time  when  they  are 
exposed  out  of  devotion.  The  church  of  St.  Ignatius  is 
nchly  painted.  The  ceiling  is  raised  by  the  perspective 
of  Padre  Pozzo,  and  a  cupola  is  so  represented  by  the 
s^e  hand  in  perspective  that  it  wonderfully  deceives 
the  eye  as  one  walks  towards  it  from  the  door  along  the 


234  JOURNAL   IN    ITALY 

great  isle.  The  fine  altar,  consecrated  to  one  Gonzago 
a  Jesuit  (styled  Beatus  only,  as  not  being  yet  canonized), 
is  well  worth  seeing ;  the  ^ulpture  is  fine,  and  the  pillars 
very  rich,  wreathed  ofverde  antico;  the  floor  of  that  chapel 
paved  with  the  richest  stones,  as  verde  antico,  jallo  antico,  &c. 
Here  are  likewise  to  be  seen  beautiful  pillars  of  jasper,  with 
counter-pillars  of  alabaster.  I  have  already  spoken  of 
the  church  of  Jesus,  and  the  rich  altar  in  it.  I  shall  only 
observe  that  as  these  two  churches  are  dedicated  to  the 
two  patrons  of  the  order,  they  seem  to  shew  a  greater 
respect  to  Ignatius  Loyola  than  to  our  blessed  Saviour, — the 
church  of  the  former  being  much  the  greater  and  finer  of 
the  two ;  besides  that  in  the  church  of  Jesus  the  glorious 
rich  altar  is  dedicated  to  St.  Ignatius. 

Jan.  15. 

In  the  forenoon  we  paid  a  visit  to  the  Capitol,  where 
we  met  Dr.  Chenion  and  Mr.  Hardy.  Having  surveyed 
the  statue  of  Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus  Pius  on  horse- 
back, which  we  had  often  seen  before,  we  went  up  to  the  top 
of  the  convent  belonging  to  Ara  Coeli,  where  we  delighted 
ourselves  for  some  time  with  the  prospect  of  Rome,  the 
Campagna,  and  the  Apennine.  Amongst  other  hills,  I  took 
particular  notice  of  Soracte. 

*Vides  ut  alta  stet  nive  Candida  [sic], 
Soracte.'  Hor, 

It  is  a  mountain  towards  the  north-east,  in  shape  some- 
thing like  a  sugar-loaf.  Having  puzzled  one  another  with 
questions  on  the  buildings,  and  run  over  the  seven  hills, 
we  visited  the  church  famous  for  its  having  an  altar  built 
in  that  very  place  where  Augustus  offered  incense  Primo- 
genito  filio  Dei,  by  the  admonition  (say  they)  of  the  Sybil 
and  a  vision  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  with  the  infant  Christ 
in  her  arms  in  a  golden  circle  in  the  heavens,  which  an 
old  friar  assured  us  Augustus  saw  in  that  same  place,  and 
as  an  inscription  round  the  altar  testifies.  From  thence 
we  went  to  see  some  statues  in  the  Capitol  a  third  time. 
I  remarked  particularly  two  graceful  Muses  antique  on 
one  of  the  staircases.  After  that  we  paid  a  visit  to  the 
Tarpeian  rock,  which  we  all  agreed  was  high  and  steep 
enough  to  break  either  the  late  Bp.  Burnet's  or  any  man 


AT    ROME  235 

else's  neck  who  should  try  the  experiment  by  leaping 
down\  In  the  afternoon  we  saw  the  Villa  Pamphilia. 
It  stands  to  the  west  of  the  town,  in  a  very  delightful 
situation.  The  gardens  are  neat,  spacious,  and  kept  in 
good  order,  adorned  with  statues,  fountains,  &c. ;  but  the 
prospect,  with  the  variety  of  risings  and  vales,  make 
the  greatest  part  of  the  beauty.  The  house  is  small,  but 
of  a  very  pretty  gusto,  well  furnished  with  statues  and 
relievos  (which  last  are  set  in  the  outside  of  the  wall,  as 
in  the  Villa  Borghese).  It  is  a  great  inconvenience  to  the 
persons  of  quality  in  Rome  that  they  durst  never  lie  in 
their  villas  for  fear  of  the  bad  air.  They  only  come  some- 
times in  the  day  to  hunt,  or  divert  themselves  in  the 
gardens.  I  must  not  forget  the  church  of  S.  Pietro  Mon- 
torio,  where  St.  Peter  was  beheaded.  In  this  church  we 
saw  the  Transfiguration,  the  last  piece  designed  by  Raphael. 
From  hence  Rome  is  seen  to  the  greatest  advantage,  the 
fa9ades  of  the  houses  meeting  the  eye  as  they  fall  down 
the  seven  hills  towards  the  Tiber  on  the  adverse  side. 
This  prospect  is  truly  noble,  and  I  believe  the  noblest 
of  any  city  in  the  world. 

Jan.  16. 

This  morning  I  spent  at  home.  In  the  afternoon, 
Mr.  Ashe,  Mr.  Hardy,  and  I  went  to  see  the  palace  of 
the  Barberini.  It  is,  I  think,  the  noblest  palace  in  Rome. 
The  architecture  is  magnificent.  The  situation  on  the 
Mons  Quirinalis  delightful.  It  hath  many  noble  chambers 
and  salons,  being  of  great  extent,  but  without  a  gallery. 
1  much  wonder  this  defect  should  be  so  common  in  the 
Roman  palaces,  a  gallery  being  a  thing  of  less  expense 
and  more  beauty,  as  well  as  a  fitter  repository  for  pictures, 
than  a  suite  of  rooms  which  serve  to  no  use,  their  families 
heing  not  proportioned  to  their  palaces.  This  palace 
consists  of  two  apartments,  that  of  the  Prince  and  that 
of  the  Cardinal  Barberini,  both  extremely  well  furnished 
with  pictures  and  statues,  especially  the  latter.     In  this 

*  This  is   an    allusion  f  to    Bp.  curs : — *  The  Tarpeian  Rock  is  now 

Burnet's  *  Letters   from   Switzer-  so  small  a  fall,  that  a  man  would 

J^nd,  Italy,*  &c.,  in  which  (and  ed.,  think  it   no  great  matter,  for  his 

P-  338),  the  following  passage  oc-  diversion,  to  leap  over  it/  &c. 


236  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

palace  I  could  not  forbear  remarking  the  picture  of  a 
giostro  or  tournament  given  by  Prince  Barberini  for  the 
entertainment  of  the  Queen  of  Sweden ;  it  cost  him  above 
seventy  thousand  crowns.  The  ridiculous  part  of  it  was 
to  see  a  great  number  of  Roman  princes  and  cavaliers 
marching  in  sumptuous  trappings  and  great  order  to 
attack  a  green  dragon  of  pasteboard.  Amongst  the  fine 
pictures  here  is  an  incomparable  Madeleine  of  Guido  Reni, 
reckoned  the  best  piece  that  ever  he  did.  The  Madonna 
and  Holy  Family  of  Perugino  is  the  most  valuable  piece 
of  that  painter  that  I  have  seen.  His  drapering  every  one 
knows  to  [be]  of  a  little  gout,  and  he  knew  nothing  of  the 
chiaro-oscuro.  But  for  sweetness,  grace,  and  beauty  there 
is  enough  in  this  piece  to  render  it  admirable.  I  must  not 
forget  two  excellent  portraits,  the  one  of  Clara  Farnese 
by  Gaetano,  the  other  by  Parmeginino :  it  is  one  head  of 
four  in  a  group,  that  which  looks  directly  at  you.  It  is 
perfect  life.  Here  is  likewise  a  most  curious  piece  of  art, 
the  bust  of  Urban  the  Eighth,  done  in  terra  cotta  by  a 
blind  man,  and  well  done.  The  antique  statue  of  Brutus 
holding  the  heads  of  his  tv\(o  sons  is  formed  upon  a  subject 
that  should  express  the  greatest  contrast  of  passion,  and 
yet  there  is  nothing  of  it.  This  and  another  statue  of 
Diogenes,  both  large  and  well  preserved,  shew  the  ancients 
had  indifferent  statuaries  as  well  as  the  moderns.  The 
Diana  and  Adonis  of  Mazzuoli,  a  statuary  now  alive  in 
Rome,  are  both  very  fine,  and  I  think  equal  to  Bernini. 
They  shewed  us  a  piece  of  ancient  mosaic,  of  Europa  and 
the  Bull,  &c.  It  seemed  nothing  extraordinary.  But  the 
greatest  curiosity  in  this  palace  are  some  curious  pieces 
in  fresco,  well  preserved  from  the  time  of  old  Rome,  and 
dug  up  in  Tivoli.  They  are  seven  or  eight  in  number, 
most  chiaro-oscuro,  or  painting  of  two  colours.  But  there 
is  one  piece  of  a  Venus  and  two  Cupids  incomparably 
fresh  and  beautiful.  It  hath  some  resemblance  to  the 
manner  of  Guido  Reni.  In  this  palace  we  saw  a  noted 
statue  antique  of  a  countryman  asleep.  Nothing  can  be 
more  soft  and  natural.  There  is  another  of  a  slave  eating 
the  hand  of  a  man,  in  which  extreme  hunger  is  expressed 
with  great  art.  Upon  the  staircase  there  is  the  noblest 
antique  lion  in  stone  that  I  have  anywhere  seen.  We 
ended  the  day  with  a  walk  in  the  gardens  of  Montalto. 


AT    ROME  237 

They  are  very  spacious,  being  said  to  contain  three  miles 
in  circuit:  cypress  trees,  espalier  hedges,  statues,  and 
fountains  make  the  ornaments  of  this  place,  which,  like 
the  gardens  in  Italy,  is  not  kept  with  all  that  neatness 
that  is  observed  in  French  and  English  gardens. 

Jan.  17. 

We  went  this  morning  with  Mr.  Hardy  and  Dr.  Chenion 

to  the  piazza  of  S.  Maria  Maggiore,  where  we  saw  the 

ceremony  performed  of  blessing  the  horses,  mules,  and 

asses.     On  this  day  every  year  people  of  all  ranks  send 

or  bring  their  cattle  of  that  kind  to  receive  a  blessing 

from  the  fathers  of  St.  Anthony.    We  saw  a  great  number 

of  fellows,  with  their  horses  dressed   out  with  ribbons, 

pressing  forward  to  the  blessing.     This  was  distributed 

at  an  office  in  the  comer  of  a  street  or  turning  by  a  father 

in  his  cap  and  surplice,  who  threw  holy  water  on  all  that 

passed;   at  the  same  the  owner  of  the  horse  gave  him 

a  testoon  and  a  wax  taper ;  some  country  fellows  who  had 

not  money  paid   the  priest  in   fruits,  corn,  or  the  like. 

This  solemnity  lasts  the  whole  day.    From  hence  we  went 

to  Dioclesian*s  baths.     The  eight  entire  pillars  of  granite, 

each  one  single  stone,  standing  in  that  part  of  the  thermae 

which  is  converted  into  the  Carthusians*  church,  we  found 

on  measuring  to  be  full  fifteen  foot  round  each  of  them, 

and  proportionably  high.     The  porphyry  bason,  which 

lies  in  the  yard,  is  above  six  and  forty  foot  round,  of  one 

piece.     Not  far  from  this  church  there  stands  another 

entire  round  building  which  was  part  of  the  thermae,  and 

now  makes  a  real  church.     Having  spent  some  time  in 

viewing  the   paintings  here  and  in  an  adjacent  church 

dedicated  to  St.  Susanna,  we  took  a  walk  in  the  Carthusian 

cloisters,  which  are  very  beautiful,  having  been  designed 

by  Michael  Angelo.     In  the  afternoon  Mr.  Ashe  and  I 

visited  the  Villa  Medici,  on  the  Monte  Pintiano.     The 

building  is  handsome,  designed   by  Julio  Romano,  but 

at  present  stripped  of  its  best  furniture  and   neglected. 

We  saw  nevertheless  some  good  statues.    A  small  Venus, 

excellent ;  a  large  Cupid,  antique  and  good ;  with  several 

antique  busts  and  statues,  in  the  house.     In  the  gardens 

we  took  particular  notice  of  a  lion  done  by  Flaminius 


238  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

Vacca,  of  two  vastly  large  granite  vases,  of  a  single  piece 
each,  and  of  a  group  of  about  sixteen  figures,  Niobe  and 
her  children,  antique,  well  done,  and  dug  up  in  the  garden. 
From  thence  we  went  to  the  corso  which  was  then  kept  on 
the  piazza,  and  stood  facing  S.  Maria  Maggiore,  on  account 
of  blessing  the  horses. 

Jan.  18. 

I  saw  the  pope  and  cardinals  at  St.  Peter*s.  There  was 
fine  singing,  much  incensing,  carrying  about,  dressing, 
and  undressing  of  the  pope.  His  holiness  was  carried  in 
a  chair  with  two  screens  or  eventails  of  feathers,  one  on 
each  side,  protecting  him  from  the  air,  though  within  the 
church.  Cardinals  officiated  at  the  high  altar.  A  great 
baldachino,  forming  a  sort  of  tabernacle,  was  set  up  for 
his  Holiness  between  the  high  altar  and  the  upper  end 
of  the  choir.  This  day  was  the  feast  of  St.  Peter's  Chair. 
The  guards  of  light  horse  and  cuirassiers  were  drawn  up 
in  the  piazza  of  St.  Peter's,  and  there  was  a  great  number 
of  cardinals  and  prelates  with  fine  coaches  and  rich  liveries. 
The  cardinals  had  some  three,  some  four  or  more  coaches 
of  their  domestics.  Cardinal  Aquaviva's  liveries  were 
particularly  splendid.  They  came  out  of  church  each 
under  a  canopy  or  umbrella  to  his  coach.  In  the  afternoon 
we  saw  the  lesser  palace  of  Farnese  with  Mr.  Terwhit 
and  Mr.  Hardy.  The  gallery,  whose  ceiling  is  painted  by 
Raphael,  is  very  well  worth  seeing.  It  contains  the  Supper 
of  the  Gods  at  the  marriage  of  Cupid  and  Psyche,  and  in 
another  piece  the  admission  of  Psyche  to  immortality 
in  a  council  of  the  gods.  In  the  skirts  of  the  platfond 
are  painted  other  figures  relating  to  the  same  design, 
particularly  Venus  begging  Jove  to  make  her  daughter-in- 
law  immortal,  which  is  excellently  well  expressed. 

Jan.  19. 

This  day  we  resolved  to  spend  in  viewing  the  antiquities 
upon  the  Mount  Esquiline.  What  we  first  saw  was  the 
Church  Delia  Santa  Croce  in  Gierusalemme.  It  was  built 
by  Constantine,  and  hath  fine  pillars  of  granite  on  either 
side  the  great  aisle,  thought  to  have  been  taken  by  him 


AT    ROME  239 

out  of  the  temple  dedicated  to  Venus  and  Cupid  hard  by. 
We  could  not  see  the  piece  of  the  holy  cross  which  is 
preserved  in  this  church,  it  being  shewn  only  at  certain 
seasons,  and  then  from  an  eminence  or  high  pulpit  ap- 
pointed for  that  purpose.     From  hence  we  went  to  see 
the  ruins  of  the  temple  of  Venus  and  Cupid.     It  stands  in 
the  vineyard  of  the  Olivetans,  but  so  defaced  that  one  can 
make  nothing  of  it.     Not  far  from   hence  we  saw  the 
remains  of  the  Amphitheatrum  Castrense,  and  the  conduits 
of  the  Aqua  Claudia  which  brought  the  water  from  Frescati. 
We  clambered  up  the  ruin  to  look  into  the  pipe,  which 
is  built  of  huge  wrought  stones.     Upon  the  frieze  over 
a  gate  in  the  aqueduct  I  could  read  Caisar  Augustus  Ger- 
manicus.   The  next  ruin  we  saw  was  the  Templum  Minervae 
Medicae,  as  some  will  have  it ;  according  to  others  it  was 
a  basilica.   But  the  shape  seems  to  refute  the  latter  opinion. 
What  remains  is  a  decagonal  building,  with  part  of  the 
vault  standing,  and   large  niches  all   round  it.     In  the 
neighbouring  church  of  St.  Bibbiana  we  saw  a  fine  statue 
of  that  saint  by  Bernini,  also  the  column  where  she  was 
whipped,  and  a  vast  urn  of  one  piece  of  alabaster,  wherein 
her  body  lies  under  the  altar.     We  met  with  an  instance 
of  behaviour  in  this  church  not  to  be  matched  in  Italy. 
A  poor  boy  who  gave  some  herbs  that  growing  [in]  the 
church  are  supposed  to  have  a  healing  virtue  from  the  saint, 
refused  to  take  money  from   Mr.  Hardy,   who,   having 
accepted  his  present,  thought  himself  obliged  to  force  it 
on  him.    The  next  antiquity  we  observed  was  the  Castello 
deir  Aqua  Martia,  in  which  we  were  told  the  trophies  of 
Marius  were  hung  up.    It  was  of  brick,  a  piece,  with  some- 
thing like  a  great  niche  in  it,  standing,  but  nothing  that 
could  give  us  an  idea  of  the  fabric  when  entire.     From 
thence   we    passed    through    the   arch    of  Gallienus;    it 
was  plain,  without  those  bas-reliefs  and  ornaments  which 
are  commonly  met  with  on  the  like  arches.     This  was 
in  our  way  to  S.  Maria  Maggiore,  near  which  we  observed 
a  prodigious  marble  pillar  of  great  beauty,  raised  on  a 
pedestal  something  like  the  Monument  in  London.     This 
pillar  was  found  among  the  ruins  of  the  Temple  of  Peace 
in  the  Via  Sacra.     We  passed  through  the  church,  which 
is  one  of  the  four  Basiliche,  the  other  three  being  St. 
Peter*s,  St.  John  Lateran,  and  St.  Paul's.    We  stopped  to 


240  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

survey  the  chapel  of  Paul  the  Fifth,  which  is  most  richly 
adorned  with  marble  incrustations,  fine  architecture,  and 
statues.  I  must  not  forget  that  as  we  were  going  to  our 
antiquities  this  morning,  I  observed  by  the  way  a  church 
with  an  inscription  signifying  that  it  was  dedicated  to  the 
Holy  Trinity  and  to  St  Charles  the  cardinal-archbishop 
of  Milan.  In  the  afternoon  we  intended  to  visit  what 
remained  on  the  Mons  Esquilinus,  but  in  the  way  saw  the 
remains  of  the  basilica  of  Nerva.  The  wall  is  noble,  of 
rustic  work,  like  the  palaces  in  Florence,  vast  stones 
heaped  one  upon  the  other,  with  an  irregular  jutting  out 
here  and  there.  It  now  makes  part  of  a  nunnery.  The 
pillars  that  remain  are  of  white  marble  fluted,  very  large. 
The  next  curiosity  we  saw  was  an  ancient  temple  of 
Minerva:  some  pillars  and  entablatures  are  remaining, 
with  relievos,  and  a  statue  of  Minerva  in  the  wall.  These 
near  the  Columna  Trajana,  in  our  way  to  the  Esquiline, 
where  the  first  thing  we  saw  was  the  church  of  S.  Pietro 
in  Vincoli.  We  took  but  a  transient  view  of  a  famous 
tomb  here,  resolving  to  come  another  time.  Hence  we 
went  to  the  Therme  di  Tito.  The  ruins  above  ground 
are  pretty  unintelligible.  They  are  of  brick,  as  the  other 
thermae,  but  [from]  the  stucco,  &c.  one  may  see  they  were 
encrusted  anciently  with  marble,  as  the  other  baths  do 
likewise  appear  to  have  been.  At  some  distance  under 
ground  we  saw  eight  large  galleries  or  halls,  that  were 
anciently  reservoirs  of  water  for  the  baths  of  Titus.  The 
walls  are  covered  with  plaster  as  hard  as  stone,  and  in 
many  places  encrusted  with  a  sort  of  tartar  from  the  water. 
In  our  return  we  saw  a  piece  of  antiquity  which  they  will 
have  to  be  a  remnant  of  the  temple  of  Priapus :  it  is  a 
small  rotunda,  with  light  only  through  the  dome ;  in  the 
wall  withinside  there  is  a  large  conical  stone,  of  which  they 
can  give  no  account.  Hard  by  we  saw  the  remains  of  the 
circus  of  Sallustius,  with  the  situation  of  his  gardens  and 
palace. 


Jan.  20. 

This  forenoon  we  saw  the  Mausoleum  of  Augustus. 
What  now  remains  is  a  round  wall,  and  some  vaults  which 
are  supposed  to  have  been  burying-places  for  his  liberti. 


AT    ROME  241 

We  saw  some  scattered  vases,  statues,  and   bas-reliefs. 
This  monument  stands  in  the  north-west  part  of  the  town, 
between  the  Corso  and  the  Strada  di  Ripetta.     After  this 
we  visited  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo.     Having  passed  the 
guards  and  the  outward  lodge,  we  entered  certain  passages 
and  staircases  hollowed  out  of  the  Moles  Adriani,  which 
was  a  solid  building,  the  lower  part  whereof  still  remains 
and  makes  part  of  the  castle.     It  is  of  a  round  figure, 
seeming  of  no  great  strength,  hath  in  it  more  room  than 
one  would  imagine  from  its  outward  appearance.    We  saw 
amongst  other  things  a  salon  painted  by  Perin  del  Vaga. 
His  design  is  very  graceful,  and  like  his  master  Raphael. 
We  saw  another  large  and  fair  salon,  painted  by  Perin 
and  Julio  Romano,  with  a  good  deal  of  chiaro-oscuro  by 
Polidore  Caravagio.    At  the  upper  end  of  this  hall  was 
painted  the  Angel,  and  opposite  to  him  at  the  other  end  the 
Emperor  Adrian.   We  saw  the  entrances  of  the  two  places, 
one  where  the  archives,  and  particularly  the  Donation  of 
Constantine,  is  kept,  the  other  where  the  five  millions  of 
Sixtus  Quintus  are  preserved.    Both  these  are  shut  up  with 
iron  doors.     They  shewed  us  two  rooms  handsomely  fur- 
nished, which  they  said  was  to  be  the  pope's  apartment  in 
case  of  necessity.   In  a  like  apartment,  underneath,  Clement 
the  Seventh  was  lodged  when  prisoner  of  Charles  the  Fifth. 
When  we  saw  the  castle,  that  same  apartment,  we  were 
told,  lodged  a  Spanish  bishop  who  had  been  there  about 
six  months  by  order  of  the  Inquisition.     He  was  the  same 
I  formerly  mistook  to  have  been  lodged  in  the  prisons 
of  the  Inquisition.      Our  guide   told  us  he  was   never 
visited  by  any  but  the  inquisitors,  nor  allowed  to  go  out 
of  his  apartment.     He  said  he  had  often  seen  him,  that 
he  is  esteemed  a  man   of  great   understanding,   has   a 
bishopric  of  twelve  or  fourteen  thousand  crowns  a  year, 
^d  is  about  fifty  years  of  age.     We  saw  an   armoury 
which  seemed  no  great  matter,  the  armour  was  divided 
and  hung  up  by  pieces  that  looked  rusty  enough.     The 
person  who  keeps  it  shewed  us  a  collection  of  arms  which 
^longed  to  criminals  executed  for  murder  or  carrying 
concealed  weapons.     Amongst  the  rest  the  pistol   that 
dropped  in  St.  Peter's  or  in  the  pope's  chapel  from  the 
Prince  of  Parma,  for  which   he  was  condemned   to   be 
i^headed  by  Sixtus  Quintus.     Below  in  the  court  of  the 

BERKELEY:     FRASER.     IV.  'R 


242  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

castle  we  saw  a  Greek  archbishop  who  had  been  fourteen 
years  prisoner  of  the  Inquisition  in  this  castle,  and  was 
lately  acquitted.  I  must  not  forget  the  statue  of  the  angel 
with  a  sword  in  his  hand  on  the  top  of  the  castle,  in  the 
very  spot  where  he  appeared,  as  they  say,  to  all  the  people 
in  the  time  of  the  plague  in  the  reign  of  Gregory  the  Great. 
From  which  event  the  castle  takes  its  name.  The  bridge 
of  St.  Angelo,  which  leads  over  the  Tiber  towards  the 
castle,  deserves  notice,  being  nobly  adorned  on  each  side 
with  statues,  ancient  and  modern.  From  hence  we  went 
to  see  the  remains  of  the  Theatre  of  Marcellus.  The  Doric 
and  Ionic  orders  in  two  ranges  are  still  to  be  seen ;  the 
Corinthian,  and  perhaps  the  Composite,  being  destroyed. 
Hard  by  we  saw  the  ruins  of  the  Portico  of  Octavia,  as  we 
were  told,  though  in  the  inscription  we  could  see  mention 
of  Pertinax,  but  not  any  of  her.  As  we  returned  home  by 
the  Pillar  of  Antoninus  we  had  the  curiosity  to  enter  into  it, 
and  go  part  of  the  way  up  stairs.  The  staircase  is  hollowed 
in  the  solid  stones  that,  being  of  vast  bigness,  compose 
the  column.  The  reliefs  with  which  the  outside  of  the 
Pillar  is  covered  from  top  to  bottom  are  not  reckoned 
altogether  so  delicate  as  those  on  Trajan's  Pillar.  In  the 
afternoon  we  saw  the  remains  of  the  Thermae  Constantini, 
being  only  an  old  wall  in  the  gardens  of  the  palace  of 
Colonna.  Not  far  from  hence  we  saw  an  ancient  brick 
tower  called  Torre  di  Militia :  it  hath  stood  since  the  time 
of  Trajan,  and  at  a  distance  seems  very  entire.  We  could 
not  come  at  it  because  it  is  hemmed  up  in  a  convent  of 
nuns.  It  is  a  pity  so  considerable  a  remain  of  antiquity 
should  be  rendered  inaccessible  by  that  circumstance.  It 
is  not  very  unlike  a  steeple,  being  of  a  square  figure  in  the 
lower  part ;  and  the  upper,  which  is  a  tower  distinct  from 
and  lesser  than  the  under,  out  of  which  it  proceeds,  is 
a  square  with  the  angles  rounded.  From  hence  we  visited 
the  Giardini  d'Aldobrandino  (though  now  possessed  by 
Prince  Pamphilio):  in  them  we  saw  a  vast  number  of 
ancient  statues,  the  greatest  part  of  which  had  nothing 
extraordinary,  many  of  them  but  indifferent ;  some  relievos 
on  the  outside  of  the  house  are  excellent.  I  remarked 
one  which  I  cannot  but  think  represents  the  combat 
between  Dares  and  Entellus  mentioned  in  Virgil.  An  old 
and  a  young  man  are  fighting  with  such  things  as  the  poet 


AT    ROME  243 

describes  the  cestus's  to  be.     But  the  greatest  curiosity 
in  this  house  is  the  ancient  picture  in  fresco  dug  up  in  the 
Thermae  of  Titus.     It  contains  ten  figures,  representing 
the  bride  and  bridegroom  on  the  marriage  night,  with 
maid-servants  who  seem  to  burn  incense  or  to  be  employed 
in  preparing  a  bath.     The  bridegroom  sits  on  a  very  low 
sort  of  seat  not  unlike  an  oriental  sofa.     The  bride  sits, 
with  a  modest  downcast  look,  on  the  other  side  the  bed, 
in  conference  with  another  woman.     The  bed  is  without 
curtains,  and  like  enough  to  the  modern  beds  one  meets 
with  now  in  Italy.     There  are  three  stands,  one  of  which 
hath  a  wide  vessel  in  it,  in  the  chamber  about  which  the 
women  seem  to  be  employed.     The  attitudes  are  very 
well,  the  colouring  seems  never  to  have  been  good,  and 
the  drapery  but  of  an  indifferent  gout.     I  took  the  more 
notice  of  this  piece  because  it  is  almost  the  only  one  extant 
of  antiquity,  at  least  the  most  entire,  the  rest  being  but 
fragments  much  defaced ;  those  shewn  for  ancient  paint- 
ings in  the  palace  Barberini  being,  as  I  am  since  informed, 
done  by  Polidore  Caravagio.     This  old  piece  was  found 
in  the  baths  of  Titus,  where  likewise  were  found  the  Apollo 
and  the  Laocoon  in  the  Vatican :  as  was  the  Farnesian 
Hercules,  and  the  group   of  the  Bull  and  Zethus   and 
Amphion,  &c.  in  the  baths  of  Caracalla.     We  ended  the 
day  with  music  at  St.  Agnes  in  the  Piazza  Navona. 

Jan.  21. 

This  morning  we  went  about  two   miles  out   of  town 
towards  the  north-east  to  see   the   church  of  St.  Agnes 
without  the  City.     It  being  the  day  of  St.  Agnes's  feast, 
we  could  not  exactly  see  the  pillars  or  inside,  they  being 
hung  with  damask.     Here  we  saw  some  very  bad  reliefs 
representing  our  Saviour  on  the  ass,  &c.,  four  columns  of 
porphyry  at  the  great  altar,  on   which   stood   an   agate 
statue  of  the  saint,  and  in  the  convent  an  excellent  bust 
of  our  Blessed  Saviour  by  Michael  Angelo :  it  is  incom- 
parably fine.     Hard  by  we  saw  the  remains  of  the  Hippo- 
dromus  of  Constantine,  and  the  Mausoleum,  as  some  will 
have  it,  of  Constantia,  as  others,  the  Temple  of  Bacchus. 
It  is  round  and  entire.    A  circular  row  of  double  figures 
surround  the  altar,  which  stands  in   the   middle  of  the 

R  2 


244  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

building.  Under  it  lies  the  body  of  Constantia,  which 
was  taken  out  of  a  vast  urn  of  porphyry  very  entire,  now 
standing  in  the  church.  It  hath  no  inscription,  and  is 
on  all  sides  adorned  with  indifferent  relievo  representing 
winged  boys  squeezing  grapes,  which  ^ves  some  colour 
to  the  opinion  of  those  vmo  will  have  this  building  to  have 
been  the  Temple  of  Bacchus.  In  our  return  we  observed, 
what  we  had  often  seen  before,  the  noble  Fountain  of 
Aqua  Felice,  built  and  adorned  with  fine  statues  and 
relievo  by  Sixtus  Quintus.  It  hath  three  great  openings, 
whence  the  water  gusheth  forth  abundantly.  It  stands 
next  the  Thermae  Dioclesianae,  just  by  the  church  of  the 
Madonna  di  Victoria,  which  we  entered,  and  spent  some 
time  in  surveying  the  statues  and  pictures  of  that  beautiful 
little  church,  particularly  the  statue  of  the  angel  aiming 
a  dart  at  the  heart  of  St.  Teresa,  wonderfully  well  done 
by  Bernini,  and  the  Madonna  col  Bambino  and  other 
figures,  an  excellent  picture  of  Dominiquin's.  In  the 
afternoon  we  went  to  see  the  remains  of  antiquity  on  the 
Mons  Celius.  It  lies  on  the  south-east,  between  the  Aven- 
tine  and  the  Esquiline.  As  we  passed  by  the  Coliseum 
we  observed  some  ruins,  said  to  be  the  remains  of  the 
Domus  Aurea  Neronis,  which  being  of  vast  extent,  reached 
to  the  Esquiline,  and  stood  in  great  part  [on]  Monte  Celio 
as  well  as  in  the  plain.  We  saw  likewise  in  several  places 
the  remains  of  a  prodigious  aqueduct,  and  a  wall  with 
several  arches  consisting  of  vast  stones,  said  to  be  the 
remains  of  the  Curia  Hostilia.  But  the  chief  curiosity  on 
Monte  Celio  is  the  Temple  of  Faunus.  It  is  an  entire 
building,  of  great  antiquity,  round,  having  two  circular 
rows  oi  Ionic  pillars,  with  a  good  space  between  them  : 
the  interstices  between  the  outer  pillars  are  made  up, 
which  anciently,  without  doubt,  lay  open,  which  makes  it 
probable  there  was  some  external  wall  that  comprehended 
both  rows  of  pillars.  These  pillars  are  of  an  unequal 
thickness,  and  the  chapiters  but  ill  wrought,  though  all 
the  shafts  of  single  pieces  of  granite,  which  shews  the 
building  to  have  been  very  ancient,  before  the  flourishing 
of  arts  in  Rome.  The  walls  on  the  inside  are  painted 
with  martyrdoms,  particularly  with  that  of  St.  Denys,  who 
is  represented,  according  to  the  legend,  with  his  head  in 
his  hands  after  it  was  cut  off.     St  John  Lateran  being 


AT    ROME  245 

on  this  mount,  we  made  a  second  visit  to  that  church, 
which  I  take  to  be  the  noblest  in  Rome  next  to  St.  [Peter's] 
for  the  inside,  as  S.  Maria  Maggiore  is  for  the  outside. 
What  I  had  not  observed  before  were  four  noble  fluted 
pillars  of  bronze  gilt  in  an  altar  of  the  church  in  one  end 
of  the  same,  which  was  built  by  Constantine :  there  is 
a  much  mosaic  and  gilding  on  the  roof,  very  ancient, 
probably  from  Constantine's  time.  The  cloisters  of  this 
church  are  of  that  emperor's  building,  and  well  worth 
seeing.  One  may  see  a  great  tendency  in  that  age  to  the 
Gothic,  the  pillars  being  small,  and  many  of  them  wreathed 
oddly,  and  adorned  with  inlaid  stones  in  a  very  mean 
manner.  But  the  most  valuable  things  are  the  sacred 
antiquities  brought  from  Jerusalem :  as  the  column — this, 
I  think,  was  of  porphyry — on  which  the  cock  stood  when 
he  crowed  and  Peter  denied  Christ;  another  pillar  of 
white  marble,  that  was  rent  in  two  on  the  suffering  of  our 
Blessed  Saviour.  Here  is  likewise  a  flat  porphyry  stone 
set  in  the  wall,  on  which,  they  tell  you,  the  soldiers  threw 
lots  for  our  Saviour's  garment.  I  must  not  forget  the 
famous  porphyry  chair,  which  some  will  have  to  have  been 
introduced  upon  the  discovery  of  Pope  Joan,  and  from 
that  time  used  at  the  coronation.  This  notion,  I  must 
own,  seems  fabulous  to  me,  to  wave  other  reasons  obvious 
enough.  There  is  another  chair  of  white  marble  made  in 
the  same  shape,  and  another  of  porphyry,  broken,  now 
to  be  seen  in  the  same  cloister.  It  is  more  probably  con- 
jectured that  they  were  used  in  baths  for  the  conveniency 
of  cleaning  every  part  with  more  ease.  This  night  we 
were  heartily  tired  at  an  Italian  tragedy  of  Caligula,  where, 
amongst  other  decorums.  Harlequin  (the  chief  actor)  was 
very  familiar  with  the  Emperor  himself. 

Jan.  22. 

This  day  Mr.  Ashe  and  I  went  about  five  miles  out  of 
town,  through  the  Porta  Capena.  The  first  antiquity  we 
observed  on  the  road  was  the  ruins  of  the  Temple  of  Mars. 
Here  we  saw  the  remains  of  a  great  quadrangular  portico 
that  goes  round  the  temple,  whereof  the  substructions  only 
now  remain.  A  little  beyond  this  we  saw  the  Sepulchre 
of  Metella.    It  is  a  round  tower,  282  foot  in  circumference : 


246  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

the  wall  35  foot  thick,  within  brick,  without  and  in  the 
middle   stone:    the  outside   is  covered  with   vast   hewn 
pieces  of  the  Petra  Tiburtina,  which  remains  extremely 
fresh  and  entire,  being  in  appearance  as  hard  and  lasting 
as  marf)le.    This  monument,  in  the  civil  wars  of  Italy,  was 
used  as  a  fortress,  and  hath  some  addition  of  a  different 
work  on  the  top ;  adjacent  are  the  remains  of  old  fortresses 
since  the  civil  wars  of  some  centuries  ago.    On  the  outside 
towards  the  road  we  read  this  inscription :    CiEciLiiE  q. 
CRETici  F.  METELL-ff:  CRASsi.     It  Stands  (as  many  of  the 
ancient  sepulchres  did)  on  the  Appian  Way,  whereof  we 
saw  the  remains  in  several  places.     On  the  wayside  we 
saw  several  decayed  ruins  of  ancient  sepulchres,  but  which 
was  Scipio  Africanus's  or  which  was  Duillius's,  &c.,  we 
could  not  discover.    We  returned  another  way  to  Rome, 
and  saw  the  Circus  of  Caracalla,  which  is  a  noble  remain 
of  antiquity.     You  see  a  good  part  of  the  wall  and  the 
metae  still  standing.    The  wall  plainly  shews  you  the  figure 
of  the  circus.     It  seems  to  be  near  half  a  mile  in  length. 
At  one  end  we  saw  the  remains  of  two  towers  where  the 
racers  used  to  prepare  themselves,  and  in  the  side  the 
remains  of  a  building  higher  than  the  wall,  where  it  is 
thought  the  Emperor  and  his  Court  viewed  the  sports. 
After  this  we  visited  the  grotto  of  the  nymph  Egeria,  which 
stands  pretty  entire  from  the  time  of  Numa  Pompilius. 
It  is  of  stone,  and  the  vault  remaining.    In  it  we  saw  three 
fountains,  and  an  ancient  statue  of  a  woman  lying,  the 
head  wanting,  and  maimed  in  other  parts.     We  saw  like- 
wise in  this  grotto  some  vastly  large  stones — larger  than 
tomb  stones,  and  several  ancient  chapiters  of  pillars,  that 
seemed  by  their  little  delicacy  to  shew  themselves  of  the 
age  of  Numa.    The  next  thing  we  saw  in  our  return  home 
was  the  church  of  Quo  vadis  Domine?     It  is  built,  they 
tell  you,   on   the   very  place  where   St.    Peter  met   our 
Saviour  as  he  was  flying  from  Rome  to  avoid  the  persecu- 
tion.    He  asked  our  Saviour,  'Quo  vadis  Domine?'    To 
which  He  answered,  '  Eo  Romam  iterum  crucifigi.'     Upon 
that  St.  Peter  returned  to  Rome  and  suffered  martyrdom. 
In   the   church  we  were  presented  with   prints   of  this 
history :  in  which  it  is  remarkable  that  St.  Peter's  church 
in  his  lifetime  is  supposed  to  have  made  the  left  part  of  the 
view  of  Rome.     There  is  an  old  pavement  runs  through 


AT    ROME  247 

this  church,  which  they  will  have  to  be  that  part  of  the 
road  on  which  St.  Peter  met  our  Saviour.  An  inscription 
on  the  wall  tells  you  that  the  very  stone  on  which  our 
Lord  stood,  with  the  marks  of  His  feet,  is  now  preserved 
at  St.  Sebastian's.  I  saw  that  at  St.  Sebastian's,  and  am 
surprised  at  the  stupidity  of  the  forgery,  that  stone  being 
of  white  marble  and  the  pavement  in  the  church  of 
common  blue  stone. 

Jan.  23. 

We  spent  all  this  day  in  our  lodging. 

Jan.  24. 

Having  turned  off  our  coach,  in  which  we  could  not  so 
conveniently  observe  the  streets  and  palaces,  we  took  after 
dinner  a  walk  to  S.  Pietro  di  Montorio :  by  the  way  we 
observed  the  fa9ades  of  many  noble  buildings,  particularly 
that  of  Monte  Citorio,  where  the  courts  of  justice  are 
kept — it  is  a  most  magnificent  fabric ;  and  that  of  the 
Famesian  palace,  in  which  I  remarked  that  the  Ionic 
pillars  are  placed  above  the  Corinthian,  though  it  was 
built  by  M.  Angelo.  We  looked  into  the  church  of 
S.  Carlo  di  Catenari.  It  hath  a  gilt  cupola  and  some 
fine  pictures.  We  saw  likewise  the  Mons  Pietatis,  where 
the  charitable  bank  for  pawns  is  kept.  The  chapel  belong- 
ing to  this  building  is  small  but  very  beautiful,  of  a  round 
figure,  lined  with  fine  marble,  and  adorned  with  excellent 
sculpture,  particularly  the  statue  of  the  Madonna  and  a 
Dead  Christ  by  Domenico  Guidi,  an  admirable  piece.  In 
the  church  of  S.  Pietro  Montorio  we  took  particular  notice 
of  the  famous  Transfiguration,  the  last  piece  designed  by 
Raphael.  Just  by  the  church  we  saw  a  small  round  chapel 
of  the  Doric  order,  built  on  the  spot  where  St.  Peter  was 
beheaded,  with  an  inscription  importing  that  it  is  declared 
by  Paul  the  Third  that  as  often  as  any  priest  shall  celebrate 
mass  in  that  chapel  he  shall  set  free  one  soul  from 
purgatory.  Having  delighted  ourselves  with  the  glorious 
prospect  of  Rome,  which  appears  nowhere  to  such  advan- 
tage as  on  this  hill,  we  returned,  and  in  our  way  found 
a  Jesuit  preaching  in  the  open  air  in  the  Piazza  Navona. 
We  listened  awhile  to  him.  He  was  a  young  man  of  brisk 
genius,  his  motions  lively,  and  his  discourse  rhetorical. 


248  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

The  Jesuits  send  their  novices  to  learn  to  preach  in  the 
public  places  and  corners,  of  the  streets.  We  took  the 
Dogana  or  Custom-house  in  our  way  home.  It  was 
anciently  the  Curia  Antonina.  A  range  of  Corinthian 
pillars  with  the  entablature  is  now  standing  in  the  wall  of 
this  building.  These  pillars  are  placed  nearer  one  another 
than  I  have  observed  any  other  antiques  to  be.  In  the 
palace  of  Verospi  we  saw  some  antique  statues.  I  had 
almost  forgot  the  Roman  College.  It  is  a  vast  and  noble 
building,  governed  by  the  Jesuits.  In  the  court  of  it  we 
saw  a  list  of  the  books  read  and  explained  in  the  several 
schools.  I  observed  the  only  Greek  books  they  read  were 
Homer's  Batrac[h]omyomachia  and  Esop's  Fables. 

Jan.  25. 

This  morning  we  spent  at  home.  In  the  afternoon  we 
walked  through  the  city  as  far  as  the  Ripa  Grande.  The 
most  remarkablepiece  of  antiquity  that  we  had  not  observed 
before  was  the  Ponte  Senatorio,  of  which  a  good  part  is 
still  remaining.  We  visited  several  churches.  That  of 
the  Madonna  di  Loretto :  it  is  a  neat  small  round  church, 
handsomely  adorned.  Over  the  great  altar  we  saw  a 
picture  of  the  Casa  Santa  carried  by  angels,  and  the 
Madonna  and  Bambino  sitting  on  the  top  of  it.  The 
church  of  St.  Caecilia,  which  was  first  built  Anno  Domini 
232.  We  saw  several  fine  paintings  in  it,  particularly  a  fine 
Madonna  col  Bambino  by  Guido  Reni.  Here  is  likewise 
a  very  rich  altar,  adorned  with  lapis  lazuli,  agate,  &c.,  and 
a  prodigious  number  of  silver  lamps  burning  night  and 
day.  S.  Maria  delli  Orti,  a  very  beautiful  church,  richly 
encrusted  with  marble  of  different  kinds,  and  embellished 
with  painting  and  gilding.  There  is  particularly  a  fine 
Madonna  by  Taddeo  Zuccre  [Zuccaro].  In  the  church  of 
S.  Francisco  de  la  Ripa  we  saw,  amongst  other  consider- 
able paintings,  a  fine  Dead  Christ,  &c.  by  Annibal  Carache, 
and  a  beautiful  statue  of  the  Cavaliere  Bernini's  representing 
a  noble  Roman  lady  beatified.  In  the  Palazzo  Matthei 
we  saw  several  statues  and  some  very  fine  bas-reliefs. 
This  night  we  went  to  see  a  play,  with  interludes  of  music. 
The  play  broke  off  in  the  beginning  upon  the  principal 
actor's  being  run  through  the  leg  on  the  stage  by  accident. 


AT    NAPLES  249 


Die  5*0  Maii,  A.D.  171 7,  iter  auspicati  sumus\ 

Per  3  hor.  et  ^  utrinque  laetissimus  ager,  vites  ulmis 
frequentissimis  implicatae,  interstitia  frumento  &c.,  repleta. 
Sylva  seu  potius  hortus  videbatur  perpetuus.  Via  cumu- 
lata  pulverea  ex  utrovis  latere  fossae,  sepes  rariores  agro 
plerumque  patente,  in  hoc  tractu  vici  2  vel  3  dein  Ardessa 
urbs,  deinde  vicus. 
Per  i  hor.  prata  et  seges  aperta. 

Per  I  hor.  campi  latiores  neque  adeo  arboribus  impediti ; 
frumentum  &c. ;  ulmi  insuper  et  vites,  sed  rariores ;  in  hoc 
tractu  vicus  insigni  domo  conspicuus. 

Per  J  hor.  prata  et  linum  a  sinistris ;  frumentum  et  fabee 
&c.  a  dextris;  campus  ad  laevam  apertissimus,  a  dextris 
nonnihil  arboribus  consitus;  per  totum  iter  montes  a 
dextris  sed  remotiores. 

Capua,  animae  7000;  seminarium  sub  patrocinio  Car- 
dinahs  Caraccioli ;  studentes  80 ;  ex  iis  alumni  30 ;  xysti 
ubi  scholares,  lecti  &c.,  praeses  Collegii  Urbanus.  Vinum 
bonum;  bibliotheca  ^  ad  minimum  librorum  ad  kgem 
spectant. 

Ecclesia  Cathedralis  in  qua  picturae  mosaicae  et  24 
columnae  ex  marmore  granito.  Urbs  ista  foris  quam  intus 
pulchrius  exhibet  spectaculum. 

A  Capua  nova  ad  antiquam  iter  continuatum  est  per  J 
hor.  in  planitie  ex  utravis  parte  frumentum,  cannabe,  ulmi 
et  vites,  sed  rariores,  tuguria  seu  domus  rarae. 

Porta  Capuae  veteris  Amphitheatri  reliquiae,  in  iis  arcus 
foveis  et  ingressui  inservientes ;  saxa  marmorea  ingentis 
molis  et  lateres  adhuc  quasi  recentes,  pars  exigua  muri 
extimi  in  qua  visuntur  semi-columnae  ordinis  Dorici  sine 
fregio ;  ulnae  (3  pedes)  600  circa  orbem  exteriorem. 

i  milliaris  abhinc  visitur  specus  lateritius  fenestris  per- 
foratis  superne  tecto  cylindrico,  constat  xystis  tribus  in 
hanc  formam  11:  duo  longiores  pass.  135,  brevior  117, 
jumenta  439  ibi  stabulari  possunt,  nimirum  dum  copiis 
inservit  Romanis. 

*  The  travellers  had  moved  from  on  their  tour  in  Calabria,  recorded 

Rome  to   Naples   in  the  interval  in  what  follows.     He  writes  from 

between  Jan.  25  and  May  5,  on  Naples  to  Lord  Percival  on  April 

which    last    day    they    set    forth  5,  enthusiastic  on  Naples. 


250  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

S.  Maria  di  Capua  a  Capua  vetere  ad  Casertam  iter 
patuit  unius  horae.  Campi  utrinque  largiores  frumento  et 
cannabe  consiti,  ulmis  et  vitibus  cincti  juxta  viam  sepul- 
chrum  baud  procul  a  specu,  passus  82  in  circuitu,  cavitates 
statuis  recipiendis  idoneae  14  ab  extra,  murus  duplex  et 
inter  muros  ascensus,  muri  ex  lapidibus  exiguis  reticulatis 
sive  ad  normam  adamantis  sectis  cum  nervis  insuper 
lateritiis.  Columnae  in  muro  exteriore  simplicissimae. 
Aliae  nonnullae  reliquiae.  Vici  2  vel  3  inter  Capuam  et 
Casertam. 

Caserta,  a  small  city  consisting  of  little  more  than  one 
large  square ;  palace  of  the  prince  out  of  repair ;  villa 
about  I  a  mile  from  town,  house  therein  much  decayed ; 
painted  pavilions,  marble  porticos,  &c.,  shew  it  to  have 
been  fine;  gardens  large,  out  of  order;  walks  through 
a  large  grove,  fountains,  grottos,  statues,  one  good  one  of 
a  shepherd  playing  on  a  pipe.  These  made  150  years 
agone,  now  in  ruins,  though  the  prince  spends  part  of  his 
time  here  \ 

[Caserta]  May  16. 

Monastery  of  S.  Maria  del  Angelo,  pleasantly  situate  on 
the  side  of  a  mountain,  with  a  cypress  grove  behind  it, 
J  of  a  mile  from  Caserta.  This  mountain  anciently 
Tifata :  place  famous  for  Hannibal's  camp  which  was 
pitched  there. 

i  more  St.  Gracel,  small  village;  little  house  on  the 
point  of  a  lower  mountain.  Matalona'^,  open  pleasant 
town,  well  built,  clean,  an  hour  from  Caserta. 

i  more  through  an  alley  set  with  trees  to  the  Duke's 
villa ;  the  house  Gothic  but  neat ;  grottos,  waterworks, 
statues,  beans,  peas,  kitchen-stuff,  tall  trees,  laurel  hedges, 
but  not  so  trim  as  ours,  the  whole  in  a  natural  noble  taste 
beyond  the  French  ;  a  stream,  from  the  villa  to  the  inn  an 
hour. 

Corn-fields  surrounded  with  elms  and  vines,  hemp, 
Indian  corn,  lupins.  From  the  villa  onwards  groves  of 
apricots,  some  cherries  also  and  walnuts ;  giuppi  support- 

*  Caserta,  six  miles  from  Capua,      of  Naples, 
is  about  seventeen  miles  north-east  ^  Maddaloni  in  OrgiaszVs  map. 


TOUR    IN    CALABRIA  25 1 

ing  vines ;  apricots,  2  sometimes,  3  frequently,  make  33 
ounces.     Here  we  dined. 

From  the  inn,  plain  between  mountains,  the  plain  fruit- 
ful, thick  set  with  vines  and  fruit-trees  ;  after  ^  hour  deep 
road,  suffering  nothing  to  be  seen  ;  J  hour  and  the  former 
scene  recovered  ;  mountains  on  the  right  well  covered 
with  trees  to  the  top,  and  two  or  three  houses  ;  mountains 
on  the  left  fruitful  only  at  bottom  ;  hedge  runs  along  the 
road ;  deep  or  hollow  road. 

Arpae,  a  small  town  with  old  walls  and  towers,  taken 
by  some  for  Furcae  Caudinae.  Asps ;  roads  paved  with 
gravel,  f  hor.,  fields  open,  corn  and  odd  trees  with  vines, 
row  of  asps  of  great  length ;  pleasant  village  on  the  side 
of  a  mount  on  the  left.  A  small  close  grew  (of  asps 
I  think). 

35'  pass  through  Monte  Sarki,  pleasant  town  towards 
the  bottom  of  a  conical  rock,  on  the  point  of  which  a  castle ; 
dance  with  music  of  pipe  and  tambour,  f  hor.  more 
mountains  on  left  expire ; .  trees  thick,  open  country, 
wood  on  our  right,  vale  amidst  rising  hills ;  well ;  some 
coarse  ground ;  trees  few,  and  few  of  them  with  grapes ; 
rivulet  through  the  bottom  of  the  glade ;  whitish  stony 
soil ;  low  vale  on  the  right,  rising  ground  on  left ;  2  or  3 
bridges  over  the  rivulet ;  shining  flies ;  moonlight ;  bridge 
over  a  small  river ;  Beneventum  10  at  night.  Principato  < 
Ulteriore  overo  provincia  Hirpina  con  qualche  parte  di 
Sanniti  e  Campani.  13  cities,  bishoprics,  except  Bene- 
ventum and  Conza,  both  archbishoprics ;  good  wines ; 
nuts  and  chesnuts ;  many  fishing  waters ;  woods  full  of 
game  ;  cold  and  healthy. 

[Beneventum]  May  17. 

Beneventum'  situate  on  a  rising  ground,  often  suffers 
by  earthquakes ;  particularly  in  1688,  when  the  greatest  part 
was  destroyed,  i.  e.  two-thirds.  Since  which  several  pa;laces 
were  beautifully  rebuilt.  The  country  round  it  hill  and 
dale,  various,  open ;  inhabitants  esteemed  10,000 ;  12 
sbirri  and  12  soldiers  of  the  Pope's  in  garrison.  Arch- 
bishop, Cardinal  Ursini,  his  library  chiefly  law  and 
scholastic   divinity;    character  good,  the  miracle  of  his 

'  Beneventum  is  32  miles  north-east  of  Naples. 


252  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

being  saved  in  an  earthquake  by  the  intercession  of  St. 
Philippo  Neri  painted  in  his  chapel.  Handsome  place, 
hall  hung  with  arms  of  archbishops ;  souls  in  his  diocese 
91,985,  secular  clergy  1405.  The  statue  of  the  Bubalus, 
that  of  the  lion,  ugly,  on  a  pillar  near  the  castle;  the 
Porta  Aurea,  with  the  respective  inscriptions ;  divers 
statues  and  pieces  of  statues  of  lions,  these  probably  the 
arms  of  Beneventum.  Streets  paved  with  marble,  many 
fragments  of  antiquity  in  the  walls  of  houses,  friezes, 
architraves,  &c.  broken.  Amphitheatre,  the  ruins  of  it 
consisting  of  prodigious  stones  and  brickwork,  like  those 
of  Rome  and  Capua,  though  not  near  so  much  remaining. 
Cathedral  clean  and  in  good  repair;  granite  pillars  ten,  built 
supposedly  on  the  foundation  of  an  old  temple,  several 
fragments  of  the  like  pillars  lying  in  the  streets  ;  thfs  city 
refuge  for  banditti,  ill-looking  folks;  landlord  murdered 
(I  think)  7.  Some  ruins  of  temples  at  some  distance  in 
the  environs  of  the  town.  Papal  territory  2  miles  one 
side,  3  on  the  other ;  city  poor  and  mean.  Beneventum 
came  into  the  hands  of  the  Pope  in  the  eleventh  century. 
Said  to  have  been  built  by  Diomedes,  king  of  iEtolia. 

Set  out  from  Beneventum  at  5  hours  English  in  the 
evening.  Gentle  hills  and  vales,  pleasant,  various,  fruitful, 
like  England ;  vines  round  poles  on  left ;  corn,  pasture 
.  for  oxen,  a  few.  5  h.  +  40  m.,  olives  on  the  right,  open 
roads.  6  h.,  asps  with  vines  round  them  on  right.  6  h.  + 
8  m.,  hedge-rows,  wild  roses  in  the  hedges,  fruitful  hills 
all  the  way  in  view  on  our  right.  Few  oxen,  2  or  3  sheep, 
fern  and  bushes,  lakes  and  pleasant  hedges ;  several  beauti- 
ful hedges  with  red,  yellow,  and  blue  flowers,  the  deep  red 
flower  remarkably  beautiful  and  predominant ;  trees  with 
vines.  Terra  Nuova,  a  pleasant  village  on  the  hills  on 
right ;  vineyards  left,  corn  right ;  few  sheep,  asses,  and 
oxen.  7  h.  + 10  m.,  palace  of  the  Marchese  Santo  Georgio ; 
trees  and  vines  thick  right  and  left.  Monte  Fusco  and 
Monte  Mileto,  pleasant  towns  on  points  of  hills  on  right ; 
trees,  vines,  and  corn  right  and  left ;  open  roads,  trees  and 
vines  thick,  delicious  scene  as  various  and  better  planted 
than  round  Beneventum.  7  h.  +  J,  painted  meadows  ;  2 
towns  on  the  sides  of  hills  on  our  right ;  vineyards  left, 
com  right ;  lupins ;  delightful  opening  of  great  extent ; 
shrubs ;    open    region    continued,    like    Ireland  ;     river 


TOUR    IN    CALABRIA  253 

Calore  ;    stony  road  along  the  side  of  it  ;    bridge,  on  the 

other  side  of  which,  at  a  small  distance,  a  single  house  seen. 

« 

[Ponte  Calore]  May  18. 

Set  out  at  five  in  the  morning  from  Ponte  Calore ; 
country  open,  wavy,  various,  less  fruitful  than  the  day 
before,  but  thinly  inhabited;  procession  out  of  a  small 
town  (I  think  La  Grotta),  to  implore  rain ;  2  confraterni- 
ties, crosses,  standards,  girls  crowned  with  leaves  some, 
and  some  with  thorns,  all  barefoot  but  the  priests  and 
friars. 

Short  chasm. 

Shrubs  on  right,  pasture  left;  vines  round  reeds  on 
the  sides  of  the  hills  in  our  first  ascent  to  the  city. 
Grottos  in  the  side  of  the  rock  inhabited,  several  one 
above  another.  Ariano,  poor  city  on  a  hill.  The  environs 
hilly ;  bare  open  ground ;  alphabet  over  the  bishop's  gate ; 
Spina  Santa  carried  in  procession,  crosses  on  men's 
shoulders,  men  and  women  after  the  clergy  of  all  orders. 
Bread  good,  water  bad,  which  probably  made  some  think 
it  the  Equus  Tuticus  of  Horace,  which  opinion  confuted 
by  Cluverius,  or  rather  the  town  '  quod  versu  dicere  non 
est,'  for  it  is  not  doubted  to  be  the  Equus  Tuticus  built 
by  Diomedes,  Having  dined  and  walked  round  the  town, 
set  out  from  Ariano  at  3  h.  +  J  :  vines,  opening  scene,  and 
grove  on  right,  some  corn,  some  pasture,  indifferent  soil 
and  a  few  sheep ;  hills  all  round  and  those  naked ;  a  great 
hollow  glade  on  the  left,  another  on  the  right.  A  wide 
plain  before  like  a  theatre,  and  a  semicircle  of  hills  facing 
us.  This  plain  mostly  pasture,  two  flocks  of  black  sheep 
on  it,  no  trees ;  bridge  over  a  small  stream  ;  valley  after 
the  plain ;  bridge  over  the  fontane ;  all  mountains,  Savigni 
right,  Grieci  left.  5  h.  +  53  m.,  shrubs  right  and  left,  wood 
on  the  hills ;  stony  road ;  pleasant  vale,  oaks,  &c. ;  laat 
esculeta ;  long  stony  road  through  a  forest ;  fountain  seem- 
ing ancient  with  wall  of  great  stones.  Still  forest ;  moon- 
light ;  lightnings  without  thunder ;  10  a  clock  arrive  at 
a  large  waste  inn  (i.e.  little  inhabited  for  the  size,  having 
[been]  the  country  palace  of  some  nobleman),  called  Ponte 
Bovino. 


254  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 


[Ponte  Bovino]  May  19. 

Set  out  at  six;  bridge  over  Cervaro,  bridge  without 
water,  as  two  or  three  yesterday;  hills.  Troja,  a  city  on 
left  on  a  rising  ground ;  coarse  ground,  wood.  6h. +5om., 
large  plain ;  black  sandy  soil  between  naked  hills ;  corn, 
a  little  shrub,  much  the  greater  part  poor  pasture.  loj, 
Ardona  *,  anciently  Ardonea,  now  only  an  inn.  At  2|  set 
out  from  Ardona;  the  same  vast  plain,  parched,  poor, 
hardly  any  corn  or  houses  to  be  seen;  mountains  at 
a  great  distance,  sometimes  on  right,  sometimes  on  left, 
sometimes  on  both ;  a  tree  here  and  there,  a  wood,  some 
groves  at  a  distance  on  left;  granary  of  the  Jesuits;  30 
carts ;  corn  throughout  Apulia  burnt  up  this  year.  5  h., 
the  sea  appears  on  left.  6  h.  +  J,  we  come  to  La  Cerignola, 
a  village  well  enough  built ;  in  it  4  convents  and  the  palace 
of  a  prince  ;  passed  the  Aufidus  at  9+  J  over  an  old  bridge ; 
came  to  Canusium,  now  Canosa,  at  10  + J.  [N.B.  On 
passing  the  Aufidus  the  ground  grew  unequal.  After 
much  wandering  in  the  dark,  and  clambering  in  our 
chaises  over  stones  out  of  the  way,  we  arrived  at 
Canosa.] 

[Canosa]  May  20. 

In  Canusium  old  bad  statue,  castle ;  poor  town  on  a  low 
hill ;  land  round  it  looked  poor,  great  part  plain,  the  rest 
gentle  risings ;  no  trees ;  monument  of  Boemund  very 
magnificent  for  that  age,  being  the  Greek  architecture 
of  the  Secolo  basso.  Catacombs,  therein  niches,  in  some 
whereof  six  or  seven  hollows  like  troughs  for  dead  bodies, 
all  out  of  soft  rock  ;  grottos,  old  temple  with  four  porches, 
afterwards  had  been  turned  to  a  church ;  Roman  ruins 
mistaken  for  those  of  a  monastery,  huge  brick  walls  and 
fragments  of  pillars  shew  antiquity ;  old  gate,  brick,  with 
the  arch  entire  ;  ruins  full  of  odd  insects,  lizards,  serpents, 
tarantulas,  scorpions,  &c.,  the  earth  full  of  holes  for  them  ; 
some  old  pieces  of  wall,  but  nothing  entire  seen  at  a  dis- 
tance. N.B.  At  Canosa  I  saw  the  fellow  reading  a  book 
that  he  knew  not  one  word  of,  out  of  devotion.     From 

'  Ordona,  Org, 


TOUR    IN    CALABRIA  255 

Canusium  to  Cannae,  about  six  miles  by  the  side  of  the 
Aufidus ;  this  a  river  that  would  be  thought  small  in 
England,  with  deep  banks.  Cannae,  its  few  ruins  on  a  small 
hill,  being  fragments  of  white  marble  pillars,  bits  of  walls, 
wrought  stones,  &c.,  nothing  great.  Field  of  battle  must 
have  been  the  plain  between  Cannae  and  Canosa,  on  the 
bank  of  the  Aufidus ;  on  the  other  side  the  plain  a  gentle 
rising  ground ;  land  between  Cannae  and  Barletta  planted 
with  corn  on  the  side  next  the  sea :  the  Spur  of  Italy 
in  view  ^ 

Barletta,  in  a  plain  by  the  sea-side  ;  bishoprick  ;  inhabit- 
ants last  year  11,500  (so  the  Prior  of  the  Theatines  assured 
us) ;  wide,  fair,  well-built  streets,  all  hewn  stone,  diamond- 
cut,  rustic ;  cathedral  poor ;  Colossus,  in  bronze,  in  the 
principal  street  of  the  town,  of  Heraclius.  In  the  Jesuits' 
church  this  epitaph :  '  Hectoris  a  Marra  fratris  memoriae 
ffiternitati  amori  marmor  «s  aurum  Antonius  a  Marra 
posuit.'  2  convents,  5  nunneries,  Theatines  8,  Jesuits  10. 
Antonius  a  Marra's  altar  in  the  Jesuits' cost  18,000  ducats, 
besides  other  benefactions  given  and  expected ;  '  he  the 
only  benefactor.  Theatines'  poor  library ;  their  Prior,  or 
properly  their  Padre  Vicario's  cabinet  of  pasteboard  fruit 
shewed  by  him  as  a  great  curiosity ;  the  Piemontese  father 
who  talk[edj  of  play  and  the  court  with  gusto,  &c.  N.B.  At 
Barietta  the  inn  was  only  for  mules  or  horses ;  we 
found  nevertheless  a  camera  locanda  in  a  private  house, 
with  good  beds,  &c.,  but  we  bought  our  own  provisions. 

N.B.  The  P.  Vicario  tells  us  of  the  tarantula,  he  cured 
several  with  the  tongue  of  the  serpente  impetrito  found  in 
Malta,  and  steeped  in  wine  and  drunk  after  the  ninth 
or  last  dance,  there  being  3  dances  a  day  for  three  days ; 
on  the  death  of  the  tarantula  the  malady  ceases ;  it  is  com- 
jnunicated  by  eating  fruit  bit  by  a  tarantula.  He  thinks 
It  not  a  fiction,  having  cured  among  others  a  Capucin, 
whom  he  could  not  think  would  feign  for  the  sake  of 
dancing.  The  patients  affiect  different  coloured  hangings. 
Thus  far  the  father.  N.B.  The  peasant  at  Canosa  told 
^s  his  way  of  catching  the  tarantula,  which  takes  the  end 
of  a  straw  wet  with  spittle  and  thrust  into  the  hole  in 

^  Barletta  is  distant  about  eight       Cannae,  on  a  rocky  island  in  the 
from     the    battle- field     of      Adriatic. 


256  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

his  mouth  on  the  man's  whistling,  and  suffers  himself 
to  be  drawn  out.  One  peasant  at  Canosa  was  afraid  of 
them,  while  his  companion  laughed  and  said  he  had  .taken 
them  without  harm  in  his  hands. 


[Barletta]  May  21. 

Left  Barletta  at  6  in  the  morning,  along  the  sea-side ; 
corn,  a  few  vineyards,  and  enclosures  on  each  side  the 
road,  some  stony  and  open,  uncultivated,  after  that  open 
with  low  shrubs.  7^,  enclosures,  corn,  vines,  figs  on  nght 
and  left.  N.B.  Square  low  towers  begun  to  be  observed 
this  morning  at  certain  distances  along  the  coast,  being 
spy-towers  against  the  Turks.  7.38',  close  by  the  sea 
on  left ;  vines,  figs,  and  other  fruit-trees  all  the  way  to 
Trani ;  strike  off  from  the  sea  a  little  in  the  road  to  Trani, 
just  before  we  enter  the  city.  This  city,  as  Barletta,  paved 
and  built  almost  entirely  of  white  marble ;  noble  cathedral, 
Gothic,  of  white  marble,  in  the  nave  two  double  rows  of 
columns  made  out  of  the  fragments  of  old  pillars,  granite, 
&c. ;  pieces  of  pillars  lying  in  the  streets ;  port  stopped 
or  choked  ;  piracies  of  the  Turks  make  it  unsafe  travelling 
by  night ;  inhabitants  7,000 ;  convents  5  or  6 ;  archbishop ; 
poor  library  of  the  left  convent,  viz.  the  Dominicans ; 
a  thousand  crowns  per  annum  make  the  revenue  of  that 
convent ;  6,  8,  or  10  go  to  a  convent  in  these  towns. 
N.B.  The  muscatell  of  Trani  excellent.  [N.B.  Ports  of 
Trani  and  Brindisi  choaked  by  the  Spaniards  to  suppress 
commerce.     M.] 

From  Trani  in  something  above  an  hour  we  reached 
Biseglia;  road  lay  through  vines,  pomegranates,  olives, 
figs,  almonds,  &c.,  and  enclosures,  part  hedge,  part  loose 
stone  walls.  Biseglia  is  a  city  on  the  coast,  beautiful, 
well-built ;  the  lower  part  white  marble,  of  the  town,  walls, 
and  houses,  the  rest  hewn  stone ;  without  the  town-wall 
a  fosse.  N.B.  Walls  likewise  and  bastions  round  the  two 
last  towns,  but  nothing  of  considerable  strength  observed 
by  us.  Biseglia,  as  divers  other  cities  in  Apulia,  suffered 
much  in  an  earthquake  15  years  before,  of  which  several 
signs  remaining  in  palaces  repaired,  cracks  in  the  walls, 
&c»     Handsome  palaces  of  the  Durazzi,  Flori,  and  other 


TOUR    IN    CALABRIA  257 

nobles ;  the  taste  noble  and  unaffected,  were  it  not  for  the 

diamond  cut  in  some  fafades ;  1500  families,  or  as  others 

reckon  8  or  9,000  souls ;    commerce  of  this  and  the  two 

foregoing  towns,  corn,  oil,  almonds,  &c. ;    small,  insecure, 

pitiful  port  for  Tartans,  boats,  &c.;  convents  5,  nunneries  2; 

a  bishopric.      The  environs  full  of  villas  and  charming 

gardens ;  no  inn  in  this  town,  an  auberge  for  horses  only 

without  the  walls.     From  Biseglia  to  Molfetta  5  miles, 

the  road  very  stony,  loose  stone  walls  on  both  sides ;  the 

same  fruits  and   corn,  but  olives  in   greatest  quantity; 

the  square  towers  still  along  the  coast,  the  sea  a  field's 

breadth  distant  on  the  left ;  the  last  mile  we  coasted  close ; 

little  or  no  strand ;   no  mountains  all  this  day  in  sight. 

Molfetta,  a  small  walled  city,  walls,  towers,  buildings  of 

white  marble ;  noble  convent  of  Dominicans,  with  a  church 

of  very  handsome  architecture,  and  another  with  a  beautiful 

fafade  adorned  with  statues  ^    From  Molfetta  to  Giovanasso 

3  miles  by  the  sea-side,  close  ;  the  country  on  the  right  well 

planted  with  fruit-trees  and  corn  as  before ;  the  road  very 

^^ggcd  with  stones,  no  hedges  in  view,  but  maceriae  or 

3tone  walls ;    within  half  a  mile  of  Giovanasso  a  quarry 

of  white  marble,  the  shore  all  the  way  rugged  with  rocks  of 

Avhite  marble ;  sea  rough.     Giovanasso  walled  with  towers, 

&c.,  all  squared  stones  of  a  yellowish  rather  than  of  white 

marble ;  town  but  mean  within,  streets  narrow,  poor  look, 

said  to  contain  about  4,000  souls.    They  seem  to  exceed  in 

the  numbers  of  this  town  and  Biseglia.     From  Giovanasso 

3  miles  by  the  sea,  road  exceeding  rough,   country  as 

before.     Then  we  struck  off  from  the  sea  a  little  through 

a  plain,  partly  corn,  partly  shrub,  green  and  various,  the 

land  on  the  right  continuing  as  before  ;  little  white  square 

houses  in  the  vineyards  all  along  this  day's  journey,  since 

we  left  Trani.     Turks  taking  off  whole  families  together. 

Round  and  pyramidal  heaps  of  stones  in  the  fields,  vines 

and  com  on  right  and  left,  fruit-trees  at  some  distance  on 

right;  deep  sand  and  bad  road  before  we  entered  Bari. 

Delicious   vineyards,  gardens,  &c.,  powdered  with   little 

white  houses  about  Bari. 

*  Now  a  considerable  town,  population  nearly  30,000,  16  miles  S.W. 
of  Bari. 


BBSKBLBY:    FRASBR.       IV. 


258  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 


[Bari]  May  22. 

Castle  of  Bari.  Ban  hath  inhabitants  18,000 ;  moles  old 
and  new,  port  shallow,  not  admitting  ships  of  any  burden ; 
square  towers  at  every  half-mile,  the  watchmen  advertise 
each  other  by  smoke  from  them,  this  round  the  coasts  of 
the  kingdom.  Convents  of  Franciscans  and  Augustines  \ 
In  the  former  a  father  played  on  the  organ,  which  he  said 
was  the  curiosity  most  visited  next  to  St.  Nicolo,  and  it 
was  indeed  very  fine;  visited  likewise  other  convents, 
Capucins  and  Minims,  out  of  town,  pleasantly  situated, 
cool  cloisters,  orange  and  lemon  little  groves  in  them,  fine 
views,  delicious  living.  Jesuits  in  the  city,  one  of  them 
upon  our  demanding  to  see  their  library,  asked  whether 
we  had  confessed,  and  sent  us  first  to  see  St.  Nicolo.  The 
adventure  succeeding,  the  fountain  sanctified  by  the  bone 
of  that  saint  lying  in  a  marble  case  on  the  brink  of  it,  but 
commonly  thought  to  flow  from  the  bone ;  Head  of  the 
Franciscans,  with  great  devotion,  showed  us  the  nail  that 
nailed  the  knocker  of  the  door  which  the  angel  struck  to 
tell  the  mother  of  St.  Francis  that  she  should  not  be 
delivered  till  she  came  down  to  the  stable,  after  the  manner 
of  the  Blessed  Virgin.  Bari  hath  not  above  9  noble 
families,  merchants;  streets  narrow  and  dirty,  buildings 
not  beautiful.  In  the  evening  of  this  day  we  took  a  walk 
out  of  the  town  and  searched  for  tarantuli ;  they  shewed 
us  certain  spiders  with  red  bodies  for  them,  or  certain 
reddish  spiders :  the  environs  extremely  pleasant.  N.  B. 
Inhabitants  of  Terra  di  Bari  reckoned  somewhat  stupids 
N.  B.  We  employed  peasants  at  Canosa,  &c.,  to  find  us 
tarantuli,  but  in  vain,  because  the  hottest  season  not  the 
come.  Returning  we  met  a  French  officer,  who  invited  u  ^ 
to  dine,  and  called  on  us  next  day,  which  we  spent  her^ 
hearing  of  Tarantati  [sic]  dance  ^ 

*  Bari  is  a  seaport  of  southern  ^  On  the  opposite  pages  of  tl^e 

Italy,  on  the  Adriatic,  nearly  150  Diary   Berkeley  has   here  copied 

miles   north-east   of  Naples,  with  a  long  passage  from  the  disserta- 

a  population  now  of  above  50,000,  tion  of  Baglini,  entitled  Dissertatio 

about  thirty-three  miles  from  Bar-  de   Anatomey   ntorsuj    et   effedibus 

letta.  Tarantulce. 


TOUR    IN    CALABRIA  259 

[BariJ  May  23. 

The  French  officer,  with  the  Abbate  Fanelli  and  another 
Abbate,  all  concur  in  the  belief  of  the  tarantula,  and  that 
peremptorily,  ladies  of  quality  as  well  as  mean  folks  bitten, 
e.g.  a  cousin  of  the  Abbate  Fanelli  and  the  wife  to  the 
Ricevitore  di  Malta.     Nothing  given  to  the  tarantati,  they 
paying  the  music  themselves.     The  number  of  the  days 
of  dancing  not  limited  to  three ;  different  instruments  of 
music  for  different  patients;  they  see  the  tarantula  in 
the  looking-glass,  which  directs  their  motions.    The  officer 
saw  30  tarantati  dance  together  at  Foggi.     Tarantula  like- 
wise found,  say  they,  in  the  Campagna  di  Roma.     Don 
Alessio  Dolone  told  me  the  tarantati  affected  those  colours 
that  were  in  the  tarantula,  that  he  knew  an  old  woman 
turned  of  60,  servant  in  a  nunnery,  that  danced,  &c.     He 
would  not  believe  it  at  first,  but  was  then  convinced.    As 
to  the  time  of  dancing,  he  and  another  gentleman  said  it 
was  not  to  a  day  the  anniversary  of  their  being  bitten,  but 
it  may  be  some  days  sooner  or  later ;  no  bite  discoverable 
in  the  patient.     The  tarantato  that  we  saw  dancing  in 
a  circle  paced  round  the  room,  and  sometimes  in  a  right 
line  to  and  from  the  glass ;  staring  now  and  then  in  the 
glass,  taking  a  naked  sword,  sometimes  by  the  hilt,  and 
^lancing  in  a  circle,  the  point  to  the  spectators,  and  often 
very  near  particularly  to  myself,  who  sate  near  the  glass, 
sometimes  by  the  point,  sometimes  with  the  point  stuck  in 
Ws  side,  but  not  hurting  him ;  sometimes  dancing  before 
the  musicians  and  making  odd  flourishes  with  the  sword, 
^1  which  seemed  too  regularly  and  discreetly  managed  for 
^  madman ;  his  cheeks  hollow  and  eyes  somewhat  ghastly, 
the  look  of  a  feverish  person ;  took  notice  of  us  strangers ; 
^^d  and  blue  silks  hung  on  cords  round  the  room,  looking- 
glass  on  a  table  at  one  end  of  the  room,  drawn  sword  lay 
hy  it  (which  he  regularly  laid  down  after  using  it),  pots 
^f  greens  adorned  with  ribbons  of  various  colours ;  danced 
^'^ut  half  an  hour  the  time  or  bout  we  saw  him,  had 
aanced  before  4  hours,  and  between  whiles  was  to  con- 
"^ue  dancing  till  night ;  crowd  of  spectators,  who  danced 
'nany  of  them,  and  probably  paid  the  music ;   we  gave 
?^oney  to  the  music ;  the  man's  bow  to  us  as  he  came 
^^  I  my  danger  from  the  sword  ;  he  did  not  seem  to  regard 

s  2 


26o  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

the  colours.  Tarantata  likewise  seen,  daughter  to  a  man 
of  note  and  substance  in  the  city;  chamber  or  large  hall 
adorned  as  the  other,  bating  the  sword  and  looking-glass ; 
danced  or  paced  round  in  a  circle,  a  man  bearing  a  green 
bough  decked  with  ribbons  of  gay  colours ;  she  seemed 
not  to  mind  the  bough,  colours,  or  company,  looked  fixed 
and  melancholy ;  relations  and  friends  sate  round  the  hall ; 
none  danced  but  the  tarantata.  Her  father  certainly  per- 
suaded that  she  had  her  disorder  from  the  tarantula :  his 
account  that  she  had  been  ill  4  years,  pined  away,  and  no 
medicines  could  do  good,  till  one  night,  upon  her  hearing 
the  tune  of  the  Tarantula  played  in  the  street,  she  jumped 
out  of  bed  and  danced ;  from  that  time,  he  told  us,  he 
knew  her  disorder.  He  assured  us  that  for  3  months 
before  we  saw  her  she  had  taken  no  nourishment  except 
some  small  trifle  which  she  almost  constantly  threw  up 
again,  and  that  the  next  day  he  expected  (according  to 
what  he  had  found  before)  that  she  would  be  able  to  eat 
and  digest  well,  which  was,  he  thought,  owing  to  her 
dancing  at  that  time  of  the  year.  That  this  very  morning 
she  looked  like  death,  no  mark  of  a  bite  on  her,  no  know- 
ledge when  or  how  she  came  to  be  bitten.  Girl  seemed 
about  15  or  16,  and  ruddy  look  while  we  saw  her. 

[Bari]  May  24. 

Set  out  from  Bari  at  7  in  the  morning,  the  sea  a  quarter 
of  a  mile  distant  on  left;  the  road  stony,  land  likewise, 
loose  stone  walls  for  hedges;  com,  vines,  fruit-trees  as 
before,  with  extremely  delightful  small  white  houses. 
N.  B.  The  gentry  of  Bari  dare  not  lie  during  the  summer 
in  their  villas,  for  fear  of  the  Turks.  8  a  clock  we  had 
an  enlarged  view  delivered  from  the  stone  enclosures  on 
the  roadside ;  houses  now  few  or  none.  8  J,  rugged  ascent, 
rocky  unequal  ground;  land  now  wavy  a  little,  hitherto 
from  Barletta  a  plain;  great  stones  and  shrubs  on  the 
right;  in  a  word,  a  large  open  tract  since  the  rugged 
ascent,  with  little  com  and  much  shrub.  9+25',  close  by 
the  sea ;  rocky,  unequal,  great  stones,  shrubs  and  pasture 
among  them,  a  few  oxen,  corn  on  right,  not  a  house  in 
view  though  the  country  quite  open,  not  a  tree  but  shrubs. 
10,  the  country  again  fertile,  corn,  vines  and  fruit-trees 


TOUR    IN    CALABRIA  261 

in  abundance.    N.  B.  Vines  in  Apulia  unsupported  ;  world 
of  fig-trees  on  right,  corn  on  left,  and  open  to  the  sea. 
ID -hi,  along  the  shore,  no  strand   but  flat  rock;    corn 
reaped  and  standing  in  sheaves.     Strike  off  a  little  from 
the  sea;   fig-trees  very  large,  mulberries  several,   stone 
walls  next  the  sea ;  few  or  no  trees  in  the  corn ;  the  right 
well  planted,  few  or  no  houses  (I  suppose)  for  fear  of  the 
Turks,  which  obligeth  families  to  live  in  towns ;  figs  pre- 
dominant, though  all  the  same  trees  as  about  Bari.     Mola, 
small  city  walled  round ;  a  castle ;  old  cathedral,  suburb 
bigger  than  the  city  within  the  walls ;  no  place  in  the  town 
to  dress  or  eat  our  victuals  in ;  a  merchant  of  the  town 
gave  us  the  use  of  an  apartment  to  eat  our  own  meat  in, 
as  likevidse  a  present  of  cherries.     Mola  hath  a  great  and 
considerable  trade;  5,000  souls  in  Mola;  strange  to  see 
beggars  live  in  houses  of  hewn  stone ;  3  or  4  handsome 
cupolas \     1+40',  left  Mola;  well  planted  fruitful  country 
as  before.    2,  a  stony,  rocky,  shrubby  tract,     af ,  wood  of 
large  olive-trees,  little  corn,  a  large  white  monastery  on 
the  left  in  the  forest  of  olives.    3h.  40  m.,  got  out  of  the 
olive-forest;  craggy  ascent,  rocky  way  close  by  the  sea, 
loose  stone  wall  on  the  right  and  rocks,  shrubs,  olive-trees. 
Pulignano  in  view;  bridge  over  a  valley  or  narrow  glen 
among  rocks ;  unequal  rocky  ground ;  another  bridge  over 
a  chasm  or  glen.     The  town  Pulignano  small,  inconsider- 
able, walls  and  towers  of  hewn  stone ;  passed  by  it,  leaving 
it  on  the  left  at  4+20;  rocky  barren  sea-coast,  but  on  the 
right  fruit-trees,  corn,  vines,  almonds  predominant ;  locust- 
trees  here,  and  between  whiles  ever  since  Barletta.    4  +  40, 
enter  a  grove  of  olives,  some  pears,  &c.  intermixed ;  soil 
twixt  red  and  yellow,  stony.    5-1-50,  corn  reaped,  the  olive 
plantation  divided  into  squares  by  loose  stone  walls,  serving 
only  to  clear  the  soil  of  stones.    6  +  5,  out  of  the  olive 
grove  or  forest.     This  afternoon  we  had  a  ridge  of  low 
hills  parallel  to  our  road,  a  mile  off  on  right,  covered  with 
trees  for  the  most  part.     6+ J,  Monopoli'^  walled,  8,000 
inhabitants;   6,000  died  of  the  plague  twenty-two  years 
3gone :  steeple  having  all  the  orders ;  palace  on  the  right 
new  and  of  a  good  gout,  were  not  the  Doric  pilasters  ill 

Mola,  another  seaport  on  the  '  Monopoli,  a   seaport   on    the 

Adriatic,  is  about  fourteen  miles       Adriatic,  about  thirty  miles  south- 
»n)in  Bari  to  the  south-east.  east  of  Bari. 


262  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

proportioned ;  cathedral,  piazza  indifferent,  convents  nine, 
nunneries  four;  trade  in  oil  and  almonds.  Governor, 
a  nobleman  of  Naples,  Don  Tito  Reco,  offered  his  house ; 
being  refused,  recommended  us  to  the  Franciscan  convent 
without  the  walls;  he  walked  us  round  the  town;  the 
friars'  treatment  of  us ;  the  Definitore's  conversation ; 
their  retiring  tower  and  ladder,  their  guns,  preparations, 
watch  against  the  Turk. 

[Monopoli]  May  25. 

Left  the  convent  at  6+30 ;  stony  road,  stone  walls,  corn, 
open.  7,  even  road,  red  soil,  corn,  olives.  7  +  20,  forest 
of  olives;  lose  our  way  in  this  forest \  10 +5;  out  of  the 
olive  forest  into  a  corn-field ;  pasture ;  the  sea  about 
a  mile  distant;  much  wild  thyme;  pasture,  olives,  corn, 
shrub,  stones,  thyme.  10  + J,  the  same  olive  forest  again, 
ii-hj,  shrubs,  corn-fields,  pasture.  12 +  |,  serpents,  copse 
or  thicket,  pasture,  trees,  olives,  unequal  craggy  ground, 
i-t-io,  forest  of  olives;  dined  under  an  olive-tree.  3-t-f, 
out  of  the  forest  into  a  thicket,  wild  thyme  among  the 
shrubs  in  abundance ;  corn,  thicket  of  shrubs  again ;  a  few 
cows  and  oxen  here,  as  through  the  whole  kingdom, 
whitish;  olive-trees  and  shrubs  mixed,  fields  of  pasture 
and  corn  among  the  shrubs.  7,  the  hills  on  our  right  all 
this  day  and  half  of  yesterday  end ;  open  country,  with 
shrubs,  &c. ;  hollow  stony  road  about  a  mile  before  Brundi- 
sium,  where  we  arrived  at  9  +  J.  Country  round  Brundisi 
well  planted  with  corn  and  vines,  but  open,  having  few 
trees,  and  those  fruit-trees.  Appian  Way  near  the  town, 
which  is  ill  built,  straggling,  poor. 

[Brindisi]  May  26. 

Two  pillars  of  white  marble,  the  one  entire,  Corinthian 
and  urn  on  the  top,  the  other  only  pedestal  and  piece  of 
the  top,  which  fell  and  remained  on  the  pedestal  a.  d.  1528, 

'  [Liquefaction  formerly  at  Gnatia  exceeding  dry  all  this  morning. 
[Egnasia  Org,"]  as  now  at  Naples.  *  Iratis  Gnatia  lymphis.' 

This  left  on  our  left  hand  for  fear  Hor.    I.   Sat.    5.] — Author.     See 

of  the  Turks,  which  likewise  caused  Cramer's  Ilaly,  vol.  II.  p.  299,  for 

the    loss    of  the    road  :    country  further  references. 


TOUR    IN    CALABRIA 


263 


without  any  storm  or  earthquake,  the  intermediate  parts 
falling  out ;  this  looked  on  as  a  presage  of  the  ruin  of  the 
city,  which  ensued  in  the  war  between  the  League  and 
Charles  V.  The  two  pillars  the  ancient  arms  of  Brundi- 
sium,  as  having  been  built  by  the  son  of  Heracles,  who 
erected  two  pillars  at  the  Straits.  The  two  pillars  had 
figures  of  puttini,  &c.  above  the  foliage  *. 
N.  B.  The  following  inscription  on  one  of  the  pedestals: — 

>J<  ILLVSTRISPIVSACTIB  :  ATO  :  REFVLG 
PTOSPATHALVPVSVRBEMHANCSTRVXITADIM  : 

QVAMiMPERATGRESMAGNiFiciQtBENiG desunt  reliquae. 


*  [Brundisium.  N.  B.  Orange 
gardens  in  groves  in  the  suburbs 
where  we  entered  Brundisium. 
Bad  air  from  choaking  the  port, 
and  few  inhabitants.  Giro  of  the 
old  city  7  miles,  strong  walls  round 
it,  whereof  remains  now  much  less, 
with  vacant  streets  and  piazzas. 

Fidelitas  Brundusina  the  motto 
to  their  arms,  i.  e.  the  pillars.  Two 
forts,  the  newest  built  by  Philip, 
the  second  built  on  a  tongue  of 
land  two  miles  from  the  town, 
reckoned  the  strongest  in  the 
kingdom. 

ABP.  Among  reliques  in  the 
dome  the  tongue  of  St.  Jerome 
and  12  heads  of  the  iiooo  vir- 
gins attending  or  accompanying 
St.  Ursula.  The  magistrates  are 
chosen  (i.e.  syndic, maestro -giurato, 
treasurer,  &c.)  by  a  child  drawing 
balls  of  divers  colours  at  hazard 
in  the  town-house  in  the  presence 
of  the  governor  and  judge  every 
day  of  the  Vergine  assunta. 

The  island  before  the  port  of 
Bnindusium  mentioned  by  Caesar, 
Bell.  Civ.,  Lib.  3  ;  first  Libo  and 
after  that  another  of  Pompe^s 
admirals  having  possessed  them- 
selves of  it  to  blockade  the  part  of 
Caesar's  army  which  remained  in 
Bnindusium. 

Brundisium  the  first  town  we 
came  to  in  Terra  d'Otranto,  and 
Castelnetta  the  last  in  our  return. 


Taranto  and  Brindisi,  with  all  the 
towns  below  them,  are  in  the 
province,  which  was  formerly 
Messapia  Salentina  or  Calabria. 
Air  in  most  parts  good,  especially 
about  Lecce  :  produce  corn,  wine, 
and  oil  in  plenty ;  also  sheep  and 
strong  mules  in  plenty,  which  last 
are  much  esteemed  :  minerals  also, 
as  saltpetre,  bolo  Armeno,  Terra 
Lemnia,  and  excellent  salt  for 
whiteness  at  Taranto.  3  abps. 
and  10  bps.  ;  the  former  Brindisi, 
Otranto,  and  Taranto. 

Strabo  (Lib.  6)  describes  the  town 
and  ports  as  a  stag's  head  and 
antlers,  and  as  more  convenient 
even  than  that  of  Tarentum,  which 
had  intus  qucedam,  vadosa.  No 
vada  there,  but  many  in  Brundi- 
sium. This  the  common  passage 
into  Greece,  the  opposite  city  of 
Illyricum,  Dyrrachium,  receiving 
on  the  other  side. 

*  Hinc  latus  angustum,'  &c. 

Lucan  1.  [ii.] 

'Gravis  autumnus  in  Apulia 
circumque  Brundisium  ex  salu- 
berrimis  Gallise  Hispaniaeque  re- 
gionibus  omnem  exercitum  vale- 
tudine  tentaverat,*  Caesar  (Bell. 
Civ.,  Lib.  3),  speaking  of  his  army 
when  he  followed  Pompey.] — Au- 
thor. 

Brindisi  (Brundisium)  is  about 
100  miles  south-east  of  Bari. 


264  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

Several  fragments  of  ancient  pillars  about  the  town, 
churches  nothing  extraordinary ;  Capucins,  fratres  minores 
conventuales  inter  quos  Monsignor  Griego ;  walk  round 
the  walls,  of  the  old  ones  some  ancient  ruins ;  a  bishopric. 
I  judge  this,  in  proportion  to  the  other  towns,  to  contain 
about  4,000  or  5,000  souls ;  as  to  the  port  and  town,  it  is, 
as  Strabo  saith,  a  stag's  head  and  antlers.  We  walked 
round  the  town  and  found  some  pieces  of  the  walls  of  the 
ancient  town,  which  was  much  bigger  than  the  modem.  As 
to  the  port,  N.  B.  Five  islands  and  the  island  with  the  castle 
or  fortress,  then  a  port  or  bay,  and  within  that  another 
port  or  bay,  then  the  stag's  front,  then  the  horns  on  either 
side  embracing ;  a  bishopric.  N.  B.  An  English  seaman 
here  demands  our  charity ;  his  working  and  earning  twelve 
pence  a  day,  his  boxing  with  the  townsfolks,  his  pretending 
to  go  to  Naples,  his  shipwreck  and  companions  going 
through  the  country  \  Left  Brindisi  at  4+6;  a  bridge 
over  a  narrow  sinus  of  the  sea  (i.e.  one  of  the  horns), 
olives  and  corn,  vines,  corn,  and  fig-trees,  pasture  and 
yellow  flowers,  corn,  beans,  oats,  low  shrub  left,  pasture 
right,  coarse  pasture;  all  this  land  open,  sandy  barren 
soil,  here  and  there  corn,  low  shrubs  but  no  trees,  a  large 
extended  plain,  wild  artichokes,  long  shrub,  corn,  shrub, 
corn.  7  +  T,  olive  grove  or  forest,  the  trees  of  this  and  the 
other  olive  forests  large  and  of  great  age ;  corn  on  left  and 
vines  on  right,  more  little  farm  houses  or  villas  than  usual, 
figs,  pere  muscadelle,  vines;  a  village;  Indian  aloes 
common  here  and  elsewhere;  vines  right,  corn  left,  olive 
grove,  corn,  open  country,  spacious  corn-field  right,  olive 
plantation  left ;  ample  stubble  right  and  left ;  olive  grove, 
vines,  figs,  pears,  apples,  &c.  left ;  vineyard  right  and  left ; 
wine  presses,  olive  grove.  8+ J,  seeming  all  the  way 
olive  grove  and  large  vineyards  and  corn  intermixed. 
Long  tract  of  open  country,  corn,  pasture,  fruit-trees. 
Leave  at  midnight;  obliged  to  wait  some  time  for  the 
opening  of  the  gates. 

*  [At  Naples  informed  of  the  murdering  some  Mahometan  pas- 
villany  of  him  and  his  comrades  in      sengers.] — Author. 


TOUR    IN    CALABRIA  265 


[Lecce]  May  27. 

Function  on  Corpus  Christ!  day  in  Lecce  ^ :  standards, 
images,  streamers,  host,  rich  habits  of  priests,  ecclesiastics 
of  ^1  sorts,  confraternities,  militia,  guns,  squibs,  crackers, 
new  clothes.  Piazza,  in  it  an  ancient  Corinthian  pillar 
sustaining  the  bronze  statue  of  St.  Orontius ;  protexi  et 
protegam;  marble  statue  on  horseback  of  Charles  the 
Fifth,  another  on  horseback  of  a  King  of  Spain  on  the 
top  of  a  fountain  adorned  with  many  bad  statues;  Jesuits' 
college  most  magnificent;  fine  buildings  of  hewn  stone, 
ornamented  windows,  pilasters,  &c. ;  large  streets,  divers 
piazzas,  fa9ades  of  churches,  &c. ;  inhabitants  16,000 ; 
eight  miles  from  the  sea;  oil  only  commodity;  convents 
fourteen,  nunneries  sixteen;  streets  open,  pleasant,  but 
crooked ;  several  open  places ;  situate  in  a  most  spacious 
plain ;  gusto  in  the  meanest  houses ;  nowhere  so  common 
ornamented  doors  and  windows ;  balconies,  pillars,  balus- 
trades, all  of  stone,  the  stone  easily  wrought ;  incredible 
profusion  of  ornaments  in  the  fafades  of  churches,  convents, 
&c.,  pillars  or  pilasters  (mostly  Composite  or  Corinthian), 
festoons,  flowerpots,  puttini,  and  other  animals  crowded 
in  the  chapiters  above  the  foliages,  double  friezes  filled 
with  relievo,  i.  e.  beside  the  common  frieze  another  between 
the  chapiters.  Took  particular  notice  of  the  Jesuits'  church, 
that  of  the  Dominicans,  nunnery  of  St.  Teresa,  convent 
of  the  Benedictines,  of  the  Carmelites,  nunnery  of  St. 
Chiara.  These  and  many  more  deserved  attention ;  most 
of  them  crowded  with  ornaments,  in  themselves  neat  but 
injudiciously  huddled  together.  The  fa9ades  of  the  church 
and  convent  of  the  Jesuits  noble  and  unaffected,  the  air 
and  appearance  wonderfully  grand ;  two  rows  of  pilasters, 
first  Composite,  second  or  upper  Ionic,  with  mezzoninos 
above  the  second  row  of  windows;  windows  in  front 
twenty-six,  and  two  between  each  pair  of  pilasters  in 
front;  orange-trees  in  the  squares  within  the  cloisters, 
long  corridors  before  the  chambers,  which  had  each  a 
door  of  stone  ornamented  like  that  of  a  palace.  Some 
Greek  MSS.,  as  of  Lycophron,  Stephanus  de    Urbibus, 

*  Lecce  {Aletium)  is  now  a  considerable  town  in  South  Italy  of  mor  e 
than  ao,ooo  inhabitants. 


266  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

and  Homer  in  their  library,  but  those  dispersed,  and  no 
index  that  I  could  see.  Twenty-five  windows  in  front 
beside  the  church.  Fafade  of  the  Benedictines'  convent 
and  church  wonderfully  crowded  with  ornaments,  as  like- 
wise the  altars  generally  adorned  with  twisted  pillars 
flourished  all  over,  and  loaden  with  little  puttini,  birds, 
and  the  like  in  clusters  on  the  chapiters  and  between  the 
wreaths  along  the  fusts  of  the  columns.  Nothing  in  my 
travels  more  amazing  than  the  infinite  profusion  of  alto- 
relievo,  and  that  so  well  done :  there  is  not  surely  the 
like  rich  architecture  in  the  world.  The  square  of  the 
Benedictines  is  the  finest  I  ever  saw ;  the  cloisters  have 
a  flat  roof  and  balustrade  supported  by  double  beautiful 
pillars  with  rich  capitals,  a  fountain  also  and  statues  in 
the  middle;  the  corridors  above  stairs  are  long,  lofty, 
and  wide  in  proportion;  prospect  into  the  town  and 
country  very  pleasant ;  each  chamber  of  the  fathers  hath 
a  noble  balcony  of  stone,  Corinthian  and  Composite 
pilasters  in  front ;  the  vast  number  of  locusts ;  in  the 
piazza  the  pillar  from  Brundisium  supporting  a  statue 
in  bronze  of  St.  Orontius.  Cathedral  handsome,  much 
gilding  ahd  indifferent  painting,  modern  architecture,  noble 
steeples ;  hospital  rustic  at  bottom,  double  pilasters,  Doric 
below,  Ionic  above,  simple;  seminary  near  the  cathedral, 
rich  facade,  plain,  neat,  handsome  square  within  ;  bishop's 
palace,  fine  ascent  by  double  stairs  and  balustrades,  open 
arched  portico.  Fa9ade  of  the  Jesuits'  church  ornamented 
but  not  redundantly,  as  noble  as  I  remember  anywhere 
to  have  seen,  very  fine ;  as  likewise  that  of  the  Nosoco- 
mium  St.  Spiritus,  very  neat  and  unembarrassed,  in  which 
Coripthian  pilasters  with  festoons  between.  Houses  gener- 
ally but  two  stories,  but  noble  air  and  well  proportioned 
in  height  to  the  breadth  of  the  streets ;  several  fine  gates 
nobly  adorned ;  interdetto ;  people  civil  and  polite,  and, 
so  far  as  we  had  dealings,  honest  and  reasonable ;  variety 
in  the  supporters  of  their  balustrades;  bold  flights  of 
architecture,  as  in  the  facade  of  the  church  of  St.  Matteo, 
a  nunnery;  garlands  and  coronets  often  round  their 
pillars  and  pilasters.  Church  of  the  Carmelites  very  good, 
especially  within ;  now  building  out  of  their  own  stock, 
which  is  only  2000  ducats  per  annum,  and  to  maintain 
twenty-six  persons ;    in  the  front  a  little  diamond  work, 


TOUR    IN    CALABRIA  267 

which  they  are  sometimes  guilty  of.  Dominicans,  a  Greek 
cross  ;  Carmelites,  whimsical  unequal  figure  ;  others  oval, 
&c. ;  no  remains  of  antiquity.  Lecce  seems  as  large  as 
Florence  in  extent,  but  houses  lower ;  not  a  spout  or  sup- 
porter to  the  balustrade  or  balcony,  but  wrought  in  the 
grotesque  figure  of  some  animal,  or  otherwise  carved ; 
horses,  men,  grifiins,  bears,  &c.  supporting  the  balcony 
of  the  Benedictines'  church,  with  a  round  window  some- 
what Gothic ;  stone  handsome  and  well  coloured.  In 
no  part  of  Italy  such  a  general  gusto  of  architecture. 
Environs  well  inhabited ;  gates  Corinthian  and  Composite ; 
Jesuits'  convent  vast  building  for  fourteen  fathers;  no 
river ;  their  gusto  too  rich  and  luxuriant,  occasioned  with- 
out doubt  by  the  facility  of  working  their  stone;  they 
seem  to  shew  some  remains  of  the  spirit  and  elegant 
genius  of  the  Greeks  [who]  formerly  inhabited  these  parts. 

[Lecce]  May  28. 

8-hf,  set  out  from  Lecce;  corn,  sheep,  pasture,  olives, 
olive-grove.  10  +  25,  quit  the  grove  ;  corn,  sheep,  pasture ; 
fine  view  to  the  left  of  a  country  well  inhabited;  white 
houses,  extended  fields,  rows  of  trees,  groves,  scattered  trees, 
the  whole  a  wide  plain.  11 +  10,  corn,  wide  unenclosed 
plain,  few  trees,  reddish  soil,  not  very  rich  and  somewhat 
sandy.  11  +  25,  passed  through  Guagniano,  a  considerable 
village  and  well  built ;  stony  road,  corn,  vines,  fig-trees, 
stone  walls  for  hedges,  open  stony  ground,  burnt  grass,  as 
indeed  everywhere ;  sheep,  a  small  flock ;  large  vineyards 
right  and  left ;  walnuts ;  spacious  corn-fields  on  left,  behind 
them  trees,  and  behind  the  trees  a  considerable  town ; 
com  right  and  left;  beans.  12+5,  olive  grove,  corn  and 
vines  and  walnuts  and  almonds  mixed  with  the  olive-trees ; 
got  out  of  the  grove  at  12  +  40;  olives  and  vines  to  the 
left,  open  country,  corn  and  scattered  trees  on  the  right ; 
flax,  corn  and  olives  right  and  left.  12  f  50,  a  wood,  oaks 
and  other  forest  trees  thin,  much  underwood,  oxen  and 
cows,  large  birds  like  cranes,  i  +  20,  quit  the  wood  for 
a  large  plain  covered  with  divers  sorts  of  pretty  green 
shrub  and  thyme,  which  we  have  often  met  with,  and 
supply  the  place  of  heath  and  fern ;  stubble,  goats  and 
sheep  right ;  corn  right,  shrub  left,  the  country  wide  and 


268  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

flat ;  scattered  trees  and  groves  in  view,  but  no  enclosures ; 
stony  field  on  the  right,  open  pasture,  sheep  and  oxen ; 
corn,  oxen ;  air  perfumed  with  spearmint  growing  over  an 
ample  space  right  and  left.  2,  Bracciano,  a  poor  village, 
where  we  dined  under  a  fig-tree  by  the  side  of  a  well  in 
a  poor  man's  garden,  who  helped  us  to  a  salad,  &c. ;  this 
village  belongs  to  the  Archbishop  of  Brindisi.  4,  we  set 
out  from  Bracciano.  Large  green  plain,  in  which  corn ; 
shrub,  corn,  pasture,  cattle,  goats,  sheep ;  small  ascent ; 
shrub,  wide  stony  field ;  shrub  and  stony  ground ;  long 
tract  of  com,  interrupted  in  one  place  with  a  little  flax, 
in  another  with  a  few  olives ;  rocky  ground  and  com  on 
the  left ;  road  rocky ;  corn  right  and  left ;  parched  pasture, 
amidst  wall  of  huge  uncemented  stones  grown  rough  with 
age,  on  the  right.  7  +  5,  Casal-nuovo;  Franciscan  con- 
vent ;  treatment  there ;  friar  at  midnight  knocking  at  the 
door  and  singing;  Thomas  and  Scotus;  conversation 
with  the  guardian  in  Latin,  and  another  friar.  Franciscans, 
except  Capucins,  not  bitten  or  poisoned  by  the  tarantula, 
those  animals  having  been  cursed  by  St.  Francis;  the 
habit  worn  twenty-four  hours  cures  the  tarantato. 

[Casal-nuovo]  May  29. 

Walk  out  in  the  morning;  meet  a  physician  gathering 
simples  in  a  field  near  the  town.  He  judged  the  distemper 
of  the  tarantati  to  be  often  feigned  for  lewd  purposes,  &c., 
as  the  spiritati.  The  wonderful  fountain,  which,  being 
in  a  great  subterraneous  grotto,  runs  into  a  cistern  without 
ever  filling  it\  Great  remains  of  double  walls  of  huge 
stones,  and  fosse  of  the  ancient  Mandurium.  The  odd 
small  old  building,  consisting  of  a  double  rotunda  and 
a  large  niche  at  the  upper  end  and  some  walls,  as  of  a 
vestibule  before  it,  said  by  the  inhabitants  to  have  been 
a  temple  of  the  Sun,  afterwards  turned  into  a  church; 
some  old  pictures  of  saints  on  the  wall ;  seems  built  in 
the  early  times  of  Christianity.  Many,  if  not  most,  of  the 
great  stones  in  the  old  walls  seemed  a  composition  of 
oyster  and   scollop   shells  entire,  cemented   together  by 

'  Berkeley  here  quotes  Pliny,  translation.  He  adds  on  the  mar- 
Lib.  II.  c.  103,  of  which  the  descrip-  gin,  *  N.B.  The  physician  mistook 
tion  of  the  fountain  is  an  abridged       Livy  for  Pliny/ 


TOUR    IN    CALABRIA  269 

hard  plaster.  Convents  six,  and  one  nunnery ;  8000  souls, 
though  I  think  over  reckoned,  belonging  to  the  Prince 
of  Francavilla.  Corn,  flax,  and  cotton  in  great  plenty 
about  Casal-nuovo.  7  +  50,  left  Casal-nuovo ;  corn,  olives 
left ;  few  figs  and  walnuts  right ;  pasture  amidst  quarries ; 
roads  very  rocky ;  low  shrubs  and  thyme ;  land  open  and 
poor ;  corn  and  figs  for  half  a  mile  before  we  come  to 
Oria.  104-5,  Oria,  situate  on  a  rocky  hill ;  chain  of  small 
hills  about  two  miles  long,  and  Oria  on  one  of  them. 
A  bishopric;  fragments  of  old  pillars  in  the  streets; 
goodly  prospect  to  Gravina,  Brundisium,  Lecce,  &c.  In- 
scription as  follows  on  a  pedestal  lying  in  the  churchyard 
of  the  cathedral : — d.  m.  cocceia  m.  f.  prima  v.  a.  xx. 
.  .  .  .  M.  coccEius  FiLi-ff:  piENTissiMJE.  Plain  of  vast 
extent  round  on  all  sides;  part  of  an  old  Roman  wall 
near  the  castle;  belongs  to  the  Prince  of  Francavilla. 
N.  B.  Several  caves  or  grottos  in  a  rocky  hill  near  Uria. 
Set  out  from  Uria  at  i,  after  having  dined  wretchedly 
in  a  stable,  that  being  the  only  place  we  could  find  in 
the  town ;  stony  ground,  corn  and  olives  in  abundance, 
figs,  vines ;  long  tracts  of  corn  and  long  tracts  of  vines 
alternately,  olives  and  fig-trees;  ditches  on  each  side 
the  road,  and  bramble  hedges.  2  +  ^,  grove  of  olives, 
ground  gently  wavy.  2  + 40m.,  quit  the  grove;  large 
open  tract  of  ground,  stony  field,  spacious  field  of  oats, 
stony  road,  shrubs  right,  vineyard  left.  Francavilla  about 
2  miles  on  our  right ;  vines  right  and  left ;  vineyard  left, 
field  of  beans  right ;  ridge  of  fruitful  hills  about  two  miles 
off" on  right;  corn,  beans.  [Rudiae  the  country  of  Ennius, 
placed  by  Cluverius  between  Uria  and  Tarentum  midway ; 
but  we  saw  no  ruins  of  that  town.  At  Lecce  they  placed 
Rudiae  within  two  or  three  miles  of  that  city.  M.]  This 
afternoon  single  houses  up  and  down  the  country  thicker 
than  usual ;  few  scattered  trees  throughout ;  pasture  and 
stubble ;  cows,  oxen,  sheep,  corn,  and  ciceri ;  stony  field, 
ploughed  land,  corn ;  shrub  on  left,  corn  right ;  beans, 
com ;  stones  and  shrub  right ;  ample  prospect  of  open 
country,  pasture,  ploughed  land,  &c.,  bounded  by  gentle 
hills  or  risings.  Get  out  of  the  spacious  stony  shrub; 
easy  descent;  olive  grove,  corn,  garden  stuff.  Gulf  of 
Taranto  in  view ;  large  vineyard  right  and  left ;  parched 
rough  pasture.     S.  Giorgio,  a  considerable  town  on  our 


270  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

left;  corn,  open.  Pass  close  by  a  village  on  our  left; 
pasture  and  com;  rough,  stony,  shrubby  ground;  flock 
of  sheep  almost  all  black,  the  common  colour  in  these 
parts;  large  shrubby,  stony  tract,  and  corn  &c.  a  small 
distance  to  the  right ;  slew  a  black  serpent,  4  feet  long ; 
ploughed  land,  com,  shrub. 

Come  to  the  side  of  an  arm  of  the  Gulf  on  our  right ; 
great  space  of  corn ;  olives  at  a  distance  to  the  left,  on 
a  gentle  hill ;  the  ridge  of  low  mountains  still  continued 
on  the  other  side  of  the  sea ;  tufts  of  ciceri,  rushes,  olives, 
corn,  cows  and  oxen ;  ascent ;  shrub ;  space  of  corn ; 
corn,  olives,  vines,  the  olive-trees  large  and  many  among 
the  corn ;  vines  and  fig-trees ;  olives,  vines,  and  gardens ; 
convents,  houses ;  olives,  pasture ;  corn  left,  convents  and 
gardens  right  and  left.  Arrived  at  the  Zoccolanti  Scalsi 
{Barefooted  Friars?]  by  8-hJ.  8  +  3,  open  corn  and 
Tarentum  \ 

[Taranto]  May  30. 

Taranto,  trade  in  corn  and  oil ;  inhabitants  15,000 ;  no 
taste  in  the  buildings;  streets  narrow  and  extreme  dirty. 
Archbishop's  palace  noble;  spacious  apartments;  loggie 
overlooking  the  whole  Gulf  of  Tarentum  :  the  security  and 
noble  prospect  of  that  Gulf.  Handsome  seminary  near 
the  Archbishop's  palace;  logic,  philosophy,  theology, 
humanity  taught  in  the  same ;  youth,  secular  and  eccle- 
siastic, are  taught,  dieted,  and  lodged  for  30  ducats  per 
annum  each.  N.  B.  These  seminaries  common.  Fine 
inlaid  chapel  in  the  cathedral,  which  hath  likewise  ancient 
pillars  in  the  great  aisle,  with  rude  chapiters;  various 
coloured  marbles  in  the  inlayings  found  in  the  ruins  of 
the  ancient  city.  Nothing  more  beautiful  than  this  oval 
inlaid  chapel,  painted  well  enough  above  with  the  life  of 
St.  Cataldus,  an  Irishman,  formerly  Archbishop  of  Taren- 
tum, now  patron  of  the  city;  his  body  behind  the  great 
altar.  [The  skull  of  St  Cataldo  in  the  silver  head  (which 
they  say  was  finished  by  an  angel)  of  his  silver  statue. 
His  tongue  also  uncorrupted.  M.J  A  Gothic  building 
shewn  for  Pilate's  house.     Several  noble  families  settled 

'  Taranto   {Tarentum)  is   more       tarantula,  which  abounds   in   the 
than    forty    miles    south-west    of      neighbourhood. 
Brindisi.     It  gives  its  name  to  the 


TOUR    IN    CALABRIA 


271 


in  Taranto.  Tarantato  that  we  saw  dance  here,  no  looking- 
glass  or  sword  ;  stamped,  screeched,  seemed  to  smile  some- 
times ;  danced  in  a  circle  like  the  others.  The  Consul, 
&c.  inform  us  that  all  spiders  except  the  long-legged 
ones  bite,  causing  the  usual  symptoms,  though  not  so 
violent  as  the  large  ones  in  the  country.  He  tells  me  the 
tarantula  causes  pain  and  blackness  to  a  great  space  round 
the  bite;  thinks  there  can  be  no  deceit,  the  dancing  is 
so  laborious ;  tells  me  they  are  feverish  mad,  and  some- 
times after  dancing  throw  themselves  into  the  sea,  and 
would  drown  if  not  prevented ;  that  in  case  the  tarantula 
be  killed  on  biting,  the  patient  dances  but  one  year; 
otherwise  to  the  death  of  the  tarantula.  Ruins  of  old 
walls  on  the  sea-shore,  half  a  mile  from  modern  Taren- 
tum.  Ruins  of  an  amphitheatre  (different  from  what  we 
had  elsewhere  seen,  as  being  without  the  passages)  i  of 
a  mile  from  the  town,  between  the  foresaid  ruins  and  the 
town.  A  mile  from  town  the  same  way  an  old  church 
and  the  grotto  or  subterraneous  passage  from  the  little 
sea  to  the  gulf,  built  of  huge  stones.  All  spiders,  except 
those  with  very  long  legs  and  those  in  houses,  white 
and  black.  The  taking  of  the  tarantula  out  with  a  straw 
nothing  singular,  and  done  without  whistling  or  spittle. 
Tarentum  now  in  an  island,  with  two  bridges.  Two  old 
columns  of  Verde  antico  in  the  chapel.  The  ruins  of  the 
amphitheatre  defaced  by  the  friars,  who  have  a  convent 
there,  and  a  garden  in  the  amphitheatre.  Medals  and 
intaglios  found  here;  gold  and  silver,  wrought  and  un- 
wrought,  found  along  the  side  of  the  little  sea,  which  makes 
them  believe  the  street  of  the  goldsmiths'  shops  was  there. 
Com,  wine,  oil,  fruits  in  abundance  in  the  territory  of  Taren- 
tum.    Consul  says  the  scorpion  likewise  causes  dancing  \ 


^  Berkeley  gives  in  a  brief  form 
information  and  quotations  relative 
to  Tarentum,  now  to  be  found  in 
Cramer's  Italy.  He  adds  this 
note : — *  Inhabitants  of  Taranto 
place  their  magazines  of  corn  near 
the  sea,  which  insinuates  itself 
through,  chiefly  by  the  holes  of 
the     trabes,    and    sending     in    a 


moist  vapour  swells  the  corn  to 
43  increase  in  the  100  :  to  prevent 
its  rotting  by  this  moisture,  they 
change  it  every  8  days  from  one 
magazine  to  another.  The  experi-, 
ment  easily  made  by  weighing  equal 
bulks  of  theirs  and  the  peasants' 
corn  just  brought  in.  This  affirmed 
by  the  Confessor  to  the  Germans.' 


272  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 


[Taranto]  May  31. 

8  + J,  set  out  from  Tarentum.  The  ancient  Tarentum 
on  a  tongue  of  land  between  two  seas,  same  way  by  which 
we  came  towards  Fagiano,  a  town  of  the  Albanian  colony. 
Left  our  last  road  on  the  left ;  olives  and  com,  and  open 
corn-fields ;  wide  green  wavy  pasture,  large  flock  of  black 
sheep.  No  mountains  in  the  heel  of  Italy.  Coarse  pasture, 
open  corn  ;  all  the  way  corn  and  pasture ;  open  country ; 
hills  at  our  left  distant,  sea  near  our  right.  N.B.  Mistake 
in  the  maps  making  the  heel  mountainous,  there  being 
nothing  more  than  gentle  hills  or  risings,  and  few  of 
them.  Dined  with  an  Albanian  priest  at  Fagiano,  who 
treated  us  very  civilly ;  he  could  give  no  account  of  the 
first  settling  that  colony.  The  men,  he  said,  had  been 
formerly  employed  in  some  wars  of  Italy,  and  during  their 
absence  the  women  taking  no  care  of  their  books,  they 
were  destroyed;  so  their  MSS.  histories  and  records 
perished.  isoo  souls  in  Fagiano,  all  Albaneses,  and 
speaking  the  Albanian  tongueT  their  children  leaAi  the 
Italian  at  school.  Fagiano  a  clean,  irregular  town ;  instead 
of  our  thatched  cabins,  small,  square,  flat-roofed,  white 
houses.  The  priest  told  us  the  arm,  e.  g.  being  bitten  by 
the  tarantula  swelled,  confirmed,  as  indeed  everybody, 
that  common  notion  of  the  tarantula's  death  curing  the 
bite.  His  house  very  neat.  Everywhere  great  respect  for 
a  knowledge  of  the  English,  owing  to  our  commerce, 
fleets,  and  armies.  Ancient  Greek  chapel  painted  with 
barbarous  figures,  and  inscriptions  much  defaced,  in 
characters  partly  Greek  and  partly  barbarous.  This  priest 
never  drank  wine  except  at  the  sacrament,  having  an 
antipathy  to  it.  Beside  Fagiano,  La  Rocca,  S.  Giorgio,  and 
3  or  4  more  towns  mostly  Albanese,  but  Fagiano  entirely. 
Bed  of  cuorioli,  or  broken  shells  of  periwinkles,  &c.,  along 
the  shore  of  the  small  sea,  used  formerly,  as  they  say,  in 
dyeing  purple ;  wool  in  the  fish  called  baricella,  of  which 
stockings,  waistcoats,  &c.,  like  silk,  but  stronger.  A  little 
fish  in  the  shell  with  the  baricella,  which,  standing  on  the 
top  of  the  open  broad  shell  (the  lower  end  being  shaped 
like  a  horn,  and  always  stuck  in  the  ground),  sees  the 
approaching  porpoise,  and   retreating  into  the  baricella, 


TOUR    IN    CALABRIA  273 

gives  him  notice  to  shut  his  shell.  Three  or  four  drops 
of  oil  spilt  on  the  sea  enables  fishers  to  see  the  bottom. 
Abbate  Calvo  said  Count  Thaun  had  given  40,000  pistoles 
for  the  continuation  of  his  government  the  last  year ;  a  grain 
per  rotolo  tax  on  the  beef;  the  butchers  discount  with 
the  town-collectors  by  little  bits  of  stamped  lead  given  by 
the  free  p^-sons  for  the  tax  of  each  rotolo.  Two  islands 
in  the  gulf  that  break  the  winds  and  make  the  harbour  more 
secure.     Taranto  walled  ;  a  strong  castle ;  soldiers  128. 

[Taranto]  June  i. 

I  +  i,  set  out  from  Taranto  over  the  other  bridge.    Corn, 

large  grove  of  olives ;  com  mixed  with  olives,  being  great 

old    trees,  as  indeed  in  every  other  grove ;    corn-fields 

corn,  apples,  olives,  pomegranates,  and  other  fruit-trees 

shrub  and  corn-fields ;    a  forest  J  of  a  mile  distant  left 

ridge  of  low  fruitful  hills  or  risings  all  the  way  about  a  mile 

and  a  half  distant  on  our  right.     Town  Matsafra  on  the 

side  of  the  said  ridge.    The  country  we  pass  through  plain, 

and  though  fruitful,  hardly  any  houses  to  be  seen.     Dried 

pastures,  unequal  ground,  being  descent ;  a  small  vale,  in 

which  tufts  of  rushes,  olives,  figs,  &c. ;  ascent,  a  small  village 

on  left ;    corn-fields  planted  with  young  olives  in  rows ; 

long  vineyards  right  and  left,  planted  with  figs  and  other 

fruit-trees ;  poor  pasture ;  corn  right,  olives  left ;  a  great 

open  country,  not  a  perfect  level,  but  nearly  so,  consisting 

of  pasture,  corn,  and  a  vast  large  shrub  of  wild  thyme,  &:c. 

5-1-35',   ground    wavy;      some   corn   amidst   the   shrub; 

ru^ed  stony  ground,  hills  and  vales  mostly  covered  with 

shrub.      7  -f  32',  out  of  the  shrub ;    corn-fields,  grove  of 

olives ;    inequality  of  hill  and  dale  ;   ground  rocky ;  still 

olives,  corn  among  the  olives ;  quarry  of  white  stone  on 

the  right,  wide  corn-field  on  left ;  road  hewn  through  the 

rock ;  com  and  olives  on  both  sides ;  stone  walls,  beans. 

8-hio',  Castalneta;    the  people  drawn  up  in  the  street  in 

lines  to  see  us ;  the  number  of  clergy  or  abbates  besides 

the  regulars ;   these  loiter  in  the  streets,  particularly  at 

Mandurium  the  Theatines.    Letter  to  the  Dominicans  from 

a  clergyman  at  Taranto  ;  their  inhospitality  in  refusing  to 

lodge  us ;  we  are  received  at  the  Capucins ;  sit  round  their 

fire  in  the  kitchen.     Castalneta  belongs  to  the  Prince  of 

BERKBLBY:    FRASBR.      IV.  T 


274  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

Acquaviva,  of  a  Genoese  family.  A  bishopric,  6000  souls ; 
3  convents  of  men  and  2  of  women  ;  city  dirty,  and  nothing 
remarkable  in  art,  nature,  or  antiquity.  Odd  to  find  the 
fame  of  Whig  and  Tory  spread  so  far  as  the  inland  parts 
of  South  Italy;  and  yet  one  of  the  most  knowing  fathers 
asked  whether  Ireland  were  a  large  town.  [Library 
Scholastic,  and  some  expositors  with  a  few  fathers  in  a 
small  room.  One  or  two  Classics.  They  take  it  ill  to 
be  asked  if  they  have  any  poets.  In  another  convent,  they 
said,  '  What  have  we  to  do  with  Virgil  ?  we  want  good 
sound  books  for  disputing  and  preaching.*  M.] 

[Castalneta]  June  2. 

Set  out  at  7  + 12',  the  friars  in  a  body  accompanying  us  to 
the  gate  of  the  convent.  Land  unequal ;  corn,  vines,  figs, 
almonds  intermixed ;  corn,  open  country ;  large  shrub  to 
the  left,  pasture  and  few  scattered  fruit-trees  to  the  right ; 
shrub  on  right  and  left.  8  +  50',  get  out  of  the  great  shrub 
into  a  spacious  tract  of  wavy  country,  or  distinguished  by 
risings  ;  in  it  not  a  tree  in  view ;  some  corn,  some  shrub, 
much  the  greater  part  stony  pasture ;  a  small  brook,  no 
cattle  nor  houses,  except  one  or  two  cottages,  occur  in  this 
ample  space ;  sheep  feed  here  in  winter,  in  summer  in  the 
Abruzzo,  grass  here  being  dried  up  in  the  summer,  and 
a  fresh  crop  in  September ;  in  the  Abruzzo  pinched  with 
cold  in  the  winter.  These  easy  hills,  or  rather  risings, 
and  plains  great  mountains  in  the  maps.  This  immense 
region  to  the  right  and  left,  a  perte  de  vue,  appears  desert, 
not  a  man  nor  beast ;  those  who  own  the  sheep  mentioned 
are  men  of  the  Abruzzo,  many  of  them  very  rich,  and  drive 
a  great  trade,  sending  their  wool  to  Manfredonia,  and  so 
by  sea  to  Venice ;  their  cheese  to  Naples  and  elsewhere 
up  and  down  the  kingdom ;  they  nevertheless  live  meanly 
like  other  peasants,  and  many  with  bags  of  money  shan't 
have  a  coat  worth  a  groat ;  much  cloth  made  at  Venice. 
10  +  40',  grass  deeper,  white,  yellow,  red,  blue  flowers 
mixed  with  it.  10  +  55',  vast  opening  before  and  on  the 
right,  on  the  left  rocky  hills ;  in  all  this  vast  tract  not  a  tree 
or  man  or  beast  to  be  seen,  and  hardly  2  or  3  scattered 
poor  houses ;  an  infinite  number  of  butterflies,  and  shrubs 
mixed  with  the  pasture.     11+25',  rocky  ground ;  opening 


TOUR    IN    CALABRIA  275 

on  right  into  a  far  extended  green  corn  vale  between  green 
hills  bearing  corn  to  the  very  tops ;  rocky  hills  left,  stony 
ground,  a  vale  before  with  corn  and  vines  and  a  few  trees. 
The  hills  round  have  corn,  but  no  trees,  except  those  on 
the  right,  which  are  barren  and  rocky,  without  either  trees 
or  com ;  pasture,  wild  com,  vines  left ;  corn  right,  vines 
left  for  a  long  space ;  road  cut  through  the  rock.  Incon- 
veniently cold  for  several  hours  this  morning ;  ciceri,  vines, 
corn ;  great  quarries  in  rocky  hills  on  our  left ;  few  figs 
on  left,  corn  on  right ;  rocky  ground  ;  vines  right  and  left. 
Matera  1+30;  archbishopric,  souls  17,000;  they  seem 
to  misreckon,  being  deceived  by  the  figure  of  the  town. 
Houses  10  one  above  another  like  seats  in  a  theatre,  built 
down  the  sides  of  an  oval  hole  ;  more  men  cannot  stand  on 
a  mountain  than  on  the  under  plain.  Dined  in  a  garden, 
offered  by  a  farrier  of  the  town  as  we  were  looking  for  a 
tree  in  the  suburbs ;  the  man  very  civil  and  well-behaved, 
which  is  the  general  character.  Guardian  of  the  Fran- 
ciscans* letter  to  Gravina ;  he's  displeased  that  we  stayed 
not  there  in  Matera,  as  Calvo  had  intimated  in  his  letter  to 
him.  Nothing  extraordinary  in  the  buildings  or  churches; 
all  these  inland  towns  in  our  return  inferior  to  those  on 
the  Adriatic.  6,  set  out  from  Matera  ;  vines,  corn,  walled 
gardens  of  fruit-trees,  rocky  road,  wide  opening  descent, 
mostly  high  mountains  at  a  distance  on  the  left ;  hills 
before ;  pasture  and  corn ;  hills  and  vales  all  green ; 
pasture,  corn,  shrub,  the  last  but  little  and  on  the  hills.  Vines 
left,  com,  pasture ;  the  same  hilly  country  continued  in 
the  night ;  a  world  of  shining  flies ;  rocky  hills.  Lost  our 
way ;  arrived  after  much  wandering  afoot  at  a  Franciscan 
convent  without  the  walls  of  Gravina  at  11  in  the  night, 
dark  \  [Grana  dat  et  vina  Clara  urbs  Gravina  inscribed 
over  a  gate  of  the  town.  M.]  Last  reckoning  of  the  in- 
habitants 9850;  walled  town,  duke's  palace,  bishopric, 
cathedral ;  well  paved  with  white  marble ;  situate  among 
naked  green  hills;  5  convents  of  men  and  3  of  women; 
unhealthy  air  in  wet  weather.  Duke  a  wretch;  princes 
obliged  by  del  Caspio  to  give  their  own  or  the  heads  of 
the  banditti  with  whom  they  went  sharers.  Priests  count 
the  number  of  their  parishioners  at  Easter;  Bishop  of 

'  Gravina,  nearly  forty  miles  south-west  of  Bari,  on  the  river  Gravina. 

T  2 


276  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

Gravina  dead  these  two  years,  since  which  no  bishop  in  the 
town,  the  Viceroy  not  admitting  the  person  made  bishop  by 
the  Pope,  as  being  a  foreigner.  N. B.  The  Bishop  of  Matera 
12,000  crowns  a  year ;  these  bishops  not  so  poor  as  com- 
monly thought.  In  Matera  and  Gravina  they  make  a  dis- 
tinction between  nobile  and  cavaliere,  the  latter  being 
esteemed  the  higher  rank. 

[Gravina]  June  3. 

Part  from  Gravina  at  10;  open  green  fields  and  hills 
mostly  covered  with  com  backwarder  than  in  the  plain; 
corn  the  commodity  of  the  country.  Here  and  there 
rocky;  rocky  barren  mountains  about  three  miles  distant 
on  right;  not  a  tree;  some  trees  on  our  right  thinly 
scattered;  a  small  brook;  pasture  and  little  corn.  11, 
great  scene  opening,  long  chain  of  barren  mountains 
distant  about  3  miles  on  right ;  open  pasture,  not  a  tree, 
and  pretty  plain,  wavy  rather  than  hilly ;  few  blue 
mountains  distant  on  left;  a  Uttle  corn  on  the  right, 
thistles  left;  for  half  an  hour  passed  a  green  vale  of 
pasture  bounded  with  green  risings  right  between  our 
road  and  the  stony  mountains.  1 1  +  40,  vast  plain,  corn, 
the  greater  part  pasture  between  ridges  of  mountains ; 
Apennine  on  the  left,  old  Vultur  on  the  right;  hardly 
a  house  on  the  plain  or  hills;  the  Vultur  near  and  is 
a  stony  barren  mountain,  i  -|-  20,  a  deep  vale,  diversified 
with  rising  hills  reaching  to  the  mountains  on  left,  i  +  25, 
Poggio  Ursini,  where  we  dined ;  chaplain  lent  us  his 
chamber  in  the  Duke  of  Gravina's.  Masseria,  dirty ;  the 
Duke  spends  some  time  there  in  hunting.  Tarantula  not 
in  this  country ;  he  hath  seen  several  bitten  with  a  black 
swoln  mark  as  large  as  half-a-crown ;  they  knew  not  they 
were  bitten  till  dancing;  tarantula  bites  only  in  the  hot 
months ;  a  peasant  at  Canosa  laughed  at  their  biting,  and 
said  he  had  often  taken  them  in  his  hands.  Duke  of 
Gravina  30,000  ducats  per  annum  feudo,  and  30,000 
negotio.  Doors  and  entrances  of  the  houses  dirty  and 
forbidding  here  and  elsewhere,  but  otherwise  at  Lecce. 
3  +  40,  set  out  from  Poggio  Ursini  along  the  same  plain  ; 
pasture,  corn  ;  beans  left,  corn  right.  4  + 10,  descent  into 
a  vale ;  pasture  left,  meadow  right  with  hay  made  ;   corn. 


TOUR    IN    CALABRIA  277 

plain,  pasture,  and  green  hills  on  right  and  left.  After 
a  little  straying,  turn  to  the  left  and  descend ;  tall  thistles 
5  foot  high  ;  corn  in  the  vale ;  corn  and  pasture.  5,  great 
length  of  corn  along  the  bottom  of  the  vale  on  the  right, 
small  hills  and  large  spaces  of  rising  ground  well  covered 
with  corn  and  pasture.  [N.B.  Italians  living  in  towns 
makes  'em  polite  ;  the  contrary  observable  in  the  English. 
M.]  Still  between  the  mountains  as  before ;  ample  space 
again  ;  wood  at  a  good  distance  on  left,  2  of  great  length 
along  the  low  mountains.  6  +  20,  descend  into  a  spacious 
plain  (not  a  perfect  plain,  but  rising  lands  and  vales  inter- 
mixed) ;  corn,  pasture,  and  wood  ;  not  a  house  in  view  this 
afternoon.  6  +  f,  Spennazzuola,  a  village  belonging  to  the 
Duke  of  Calabretta,  inhabitants  about  3000;  this  seems 
too  many  for  so  small  a  place,  and  yet  I  was  assured  it 
by  a  priest  of  the  town ;  3  convents.  Situate  pleasantly, 
having  on  one  side  fine  wood  and  hilly  glens  with  trees 
and  corn,  on  the  other  an  open  country,  corn,  and  pasture ; 
fleas  innumerable. 

[Spennazzuola]  June  4. 

Set  out  at  6  + 1 ;  open  hills,  corn,  and  pasture  as  before ; 
corn.  7  +  },  large  space  of  ground,  shrub  thin,  and 
pasture;  forest  trees  on  the  right,  ridge  of  woody  mountains 
three  miles  on  left ;  wide  vale,  shrub,  and  pasture  opening 
to  the  left,  displaying  a  delightful  scene,  a  fruitful  ridge  of 
hills  well  wooded  bounding  the  sight.  8,  wood  on  right, 
and  shrub  succeeding.  Lopalozzo,  town  on  a  pleasant  hill 
on  the  left ;  fruitful  pleasant  plain  between ;  over  swelling 
hills  and  mountains  on  left;  vale  between  gentle  hills; 
pasture,  corn,  shrub;  rising  ground,  corn,  pasture  and 
com  in  a  long  vale  on  right,  wood  on  the  gentle  hill  that 
bounds  it ;  rising  land,  pasture,  shrub  or  copse ;  descent 
into  an  ample  plain;  corn,  shrub,  pasture  advancing 
obliquely  to  the  woody  mountains,  beyond  which  higher 
mountains;  delightful  small  vale,  environed  with  gentle 
hills  most  crowned  with  wood,  a  river,  or  rather  rivulet, 
running  through.  9  +  },  ascent,  little  space,  through  a 
wood  ;  rising  open  corn-field  right,  wood  left ;  beyond  the 
corn  on  right,  pasture  with  cattle,  and  beyond  that  chain  of 
fruitful  hills ;  up  and  down  through  the  skirts  of  a  wood, 


278  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

soil  Stiff  reddish  clay,  glade  opening  to  the  fruitful  hills  on 
right.  9+40,  large  corn-field,  bounded  with  gentle  hills, 
a  few  scattered  trees  among  the  corn  right,  forest  left; 
down  a  hill,  at  the  bottom  of  which  a  rivulet,  forest  on 
both  sides,  long  glade  opening  to  the  left  bounded  by  the 
mountains.  Left  Acherontium,  now  Cirenza  ^,  on  our  left 
behind,  on  a  mountain's  top.  10  +  25,  Brionre,  a  city  on 
a  mountain  left,  and  Barial  on  the  mountain  side ;  large 
shrub,  being  the  skirt  of  the  forest ;  a  large  plain,  shrub, 
pasture,  much  corn,  in  which  Venosa.  All  this  while 
advancing  obliquely  to  the  mountains  on  the  left ;  glyn, 
large  walnut-trees  in  the  same  descending  road  along  the 
right  side  of  it,  bits  of  old  walls  on  our  right  of  the  road ; 
corn,  vines,  olives,  &c.  on  the  steep  hills  on  either  side ; 
pass  over  a  brook  at  bottom  of  our  descent,  which  stony ; 
stony  ascent  after  the  brook,  grottos  on  the  left;  the 
same  glyn,  after  turning,  now  on  right.  Arrived  at 
Venosa^  at  12.  Poor  ill-built  town  inhabited  by  peasants ; 
souls  5000 ;  bishopric ;  churches  mean.  Statue  of  Horace, 
being  a  sorry  Gothic  bust  placed  on  the  frieze  of  a  pillar 
in  the  place.  Horatius  Flaccus  by  name  well  known  to 
all  the  poor  men  of  the  town,  who  flocked  about  to  tell  us, 
on  seeing  us  look  at  the  statue ;  the  men  of  this  town  in 
crowds  gaping  and  following  us  about  the  town,  the  idlest 
canaille  and  most  beggarly  I  have  anywhere  seen.  Morsels 
of  inscriptions  in  the  walls,  pieces  of  pillars  and  other 
ornaments  of  rich  marble  about  the  streets.  Near  the 
cathedral  old  brick  walls  shewn  us  for  the  house  of  Horace. 
*  This,*  say  they,  '  we  have  by  tradition.*  By  the  fountain 
remains  of  2  busts,  with  an  inscription  maimed  underneath, 
beginning  '  C.  Tullio ' ;  fine  white  marble  lion  at  the  same 
fountain.  Two  or  three  more  monumental  stones  with 
maimed  epitaphs  in  a  row.  Venosa  belongs  to  the  Prince 
of  Torella.  3,  set  out  from  Venosa,  which  is  situate  on 
a  rising  ground  in  a  vale  between  the  horns  of  the 
Apennine  (the  horn  on  our  left  entering  the  town,  low  and 
fruitful,  the  Vultur  anciently).  Rising  ground,  descent; 
walnuts,  pomegranates,  olives,  figs,  vines,  corn;  ascent, 
fruit-trees  on  right  and  left,  corn,  and  pasture,  and  wavy 
plain.     4,  along  a  narrow  road  between  hills,  thicket  on 

*  Acerenza.     Org. 

*  Venosa  {Venusia)^  the  birthplace  of  Horace. 


TOUR    IN    CALABRIA  279 

either  side,  vale ;  brook  on  our  left ;  stony  road  ascend- 
ing, coarse  narrow  vale  on  the  right  bounded  by  stony  or 
rocky  hills;  narrow  between  hills,  vale  opening. to  the 
right,  pasture,  much  corn,  herd  of  swine.  Leucrienna ; 
sm^ll  river  on  the  right  running  through  the  vale ;  turn  to 
the  right  through  corn  part  ripe  and  part  reaped ;  pass  a 
stream  ;  hills  close  on  the  left,  vale  with  pasture  and  corn 
extended  on  the  right.  6  +  |,  narrower  between  hills, 
presently  large  opening;  ploughed  land  right,  corn  left; 
not  a  house  this  afternoon ;  wide  vale  opening  to  the  right 
and  left ;  old  church  ;  green  hills  left,  partly  covered  with 
wood ;  corn  reaped  and  ripe ;  two  little  houses  near  each 
other.  River  Aufidus  in  view  on  right,  running  so  as  to 
make  oblique  angles  with  our  road ;  his  banks  deep  and 
shore  spacious,  shewing  him  outrageous  at  certain  times ; 
his  margin  adorned  with  green  trees.  7  + J,  crossed 
Aufidus ;  steep  ascent,  then  a  spacious  plain,  corn  ;  corn 
everywhere  suffers  for  want  of  rain. .  Wide  pasture  after 
the  corn ;  flock  of  sheep,  black  as  usual ;  a  straw  cabin 
belonging  to  one  of  the  Abruzzo  shepherds ;  ascent,  stony 
coarse  pasture  full  of  thistles ;  not  a  tree ;  pasture  less 
stony.  Cappella,  small  town  on  a  rock  distant  6  miles 
left ;  ample  space  of  corn  right  and  left.  9,  ascend  out 
of  the  vale.  N.B.  All  this  day  environed  by  mountains. 
After  our  ascent  through  a  difficult  path,  many  ups  and 
downs,  stony,  narrow  and  uneasy,  among  shrubby  moun- 
tains, &c.  on  foot,  we  arrived  in  the  night  at  an  ample 
opening,  much  corn,  and  thence  by  an  unequal  stony  road 
descended  to  the  town  of  Ascoli,  where  we  arrived  at 
10  +  i  ^  While  on  foot  in  the  dark,  about  \  a  mile  before 
our  chaises  (which  we  had  lost  and  sought  crying),  we 
passed  by  some  country  folks  eating  beans  in  a  field,  who 
kindly  asked  us  to  partake.  Ascoli  hath  500  friars ; 
bishopric,  10,000  ducats ;  Duke  of  Ascoli  residing  there, 
15,000  ducats  per  annum  from  tenants,  besides  10,000  from 
negotio.  Roman  bricks  and  fragments  in  the  walls  of 
houses,  several  pieces  of  pillars,  imperfect  or  defaced 
Roman  inscriptions,  grottos  in  the  hill  adjoining.  Situa- 
tion on  a  hill,  environed  mostly  by  a  plain,  corn  and 
pasture;   not  a  tree;  hills  on  the  left.     Inhabitants  are 

'  Ascoli     {Asculuni    Picenufn),      Adriatic,  on  the  river  Tronto,  at 
about    fifteen   miles  west   of   the      the  mouth  of  which  is  its  harbour. 


28o  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

clergy  and  peasants.  They  boast  of  a  saint's  finger  kept 
in  a  church  of  a  convent  on  a  hill  overlooking  the  town, 
which,  so  far  as  the  church  is  visible,  prevents  the  bite  of 
the  tarantula.  Convents  in  Ascoli  3 ;  stone  lions  several 
here  as  at  Venosa  and  Beneventum. 

[Ascoli]  June  5. 

Set  out  from  Ascoli  at  7 ;  descent,  coarse  pasture  most, 
some  com  left ;  plain,  some  com,  much  pasture ;  plain, 
opening  to  the  sea  on  right.  7  +  f,  bridge  over  the  Cara- 
pella ;  Villa  Cedri  about  10  miles  wide  on  left  on  a  hill ; 
ground  dried  and  burnt  like  a  turf.  N.B.  Mornings  cold, 
afternoons  hot;  ascent,  convent  on  right;  soon  after 
descent,  some  corn,  most  pasture,  soil  burnt  black,  road 
black  like  turf;  large  parched  plain  continues,  bounded  on 
each  side  by  hills.  9  +  f,  ascent,  then  descent  into  a  large 
vale  ;  parched  ground,  grass  and  corn,  large  grove  of  wild 
pear-trees  right.  Troja,  on  a  hill  before  us,  ascent ;  large 
field  of  corn  in  a  vale  on  right,  better  or  less  parched  land 
than  before.  Troja  left  on  our  right  about  6  miles.  10  + f, 
past  a  bridge  over  a  perfectly  dried  stream ;  stony  road 
through  woods ;  out  of  the  wood,  hill  covered  with  wood 
left,  shrubby  hills  on  right.  1 1  +  20,  Ponte  Bovino  ;  set 
out  from  Ponte  Bovino,  or  the  Great  Inn,  at  2  +  $.  Stone 
road  through  the  Apennine  on  the  side  of  the  Cerbalus, 
which  runs  through  the  bottom  of  the  glyn  on  left  ;  woody 
mountains  right  and  left.  Bovino,  city  on  the  mountain 
top  left,  the  deep  vale  or  glyn  on  left  full  of  trees,  spots  of 
corn  now  and  then,  as  well  in  the  vale  on  left  as  on  the 
mountain  on  right ;  between  whiles  delightful  openings  of 
cultivated  land  among ;  bridge.  Bauro,  town  on  the 
mountain  left;  long  bridge  over  a  glyn.  Monte  Leone, 
town  on  mountain  right ;  another  bridge,  dry ;  river  now 
and  then  shews  itself;  large  fountain  built  of  square  stone, 
pleasant  shading  from  either  hand  across  the  road.  6  +  20, 
the  mountains  sink  on  either  side  and  the  road  opens,  the 
wood  decreasing ;  fields  of  shrub,  and  corn  mixed  there- 
with, on  the  sides  of  the  mountain  ;  flat  slips  of  green  corn 
along  the  bottom  of  the  vale  left ;  bridge ;  wood  ends  in 
shrub ;  pasture  and  corn-fields  on  a  hill  left.  Savignano 
left,  Greci  right ;  both  on  points  of  hills.     Out  of  the  shrub 


TOUR    IN    CALABRIA  281 

into  an  open  hilly  country,  corn  and  pasture ;  bridge  over 
a  dry  river,  not  a  drop  of  water ;  country  grows  more 
plain,  wavy  com  country,  not  a  house  to  be  seen,  hills 
fruitful.  10  +  ^,  Ariano ;  after  several  hours  of  windy  rainy 
cold  weather ;  forced  to  have  a  fire,  being  exceeding  cold 
(not  wet),  the  5th  of  June,  N.  S.^ 

[Ariano]  June  6. 

8+25,  left  Ariano;  descent,  large  prospect  of  fruitful 
low  hills  covered  with  corn  and  trees  like  England  right 
and  left.  Grove  left,  delightful  prospect  of  wide  vale  and 
chain  of  adverse  hills  fruitful.  Furmini  on  a  hill  left; 
descent  for  some  time  past;  rising  hills  fruitful,  yielding 
view  like  the  county  of  Armagh.  Brook ;  Bonito  on  a 
fruitful  hill  right,  the  other  brook  or  branch  of  Fumorella 
between  Ariano  and  La  Grotta.  Wavy,  hilly,  open 
country;  corn  and  grass,  some  hills  (especially  about 
La  Grotta  and  on  the  sides  at  some  distance)  well  planted 
with  trees,  others  bare  of  trees;  little  shrub  near  La 
Grotta.  La  Grotta  at  11;  procession;  peasants  in  fine 
clothes,  host  under  canopy;  firing  guns,  streamers  and 
standards  flourished ;  confraternities,  clergy,  &c. ;  red  and 
blue  petticoats,  &c.  hung  out  for  arras.  N.B.  A  procession 
in  the  same  place  before.  Ascent  between  corn-fields, 
hills  and  vales  thick  scattered  with  trees  ;  ascent  through 
enclosed  road,  on  both  sides  fine  gentle  hills  covered  with 
corn  and  adorned  with  trees ;  all  this  day  cold,  though 
wrapped  in  my  cloak ;  foggy,  mizzling,  bleak  weather,  like 
that  in  Ireland;  beans,  corn;  ascent  all  the  way  from 
La  Grotta  to  Fricento  '\  Shrub  and  corn,  long  view  of 
pleasant  hills  left,  long  grove  of  oaks  on  pleasant  rising 
ground  right ;  ample  fields  on  gentle  hills,  fern,  corn, 
oaks;  deep  glyn  or  vale  full  of  trees  left,  another  vale 
right ;  beans,  corn,  oaks  scattered  all  about ;  most  ample 
prospect,  opening  hills,  partly  wooded,  partly  naked ; 
towns  on  points  of  hills,  beautiful  vales,  elegant  confusion, 
all  this  on  looking  to  the  north  from  a  hill.  [In  a  sanctuary 
on  Monte  Virgine  are  contained  the  bones  of  Shadrach, 
Meshach,  and  Abednego.     This  in  the  famous  monastery 

*  Ariano,  a  town  in  the  Apen-  ^  About  forty  miles   north-east 

nines  to  the  east  of  Benevento.  of  Naples.     Frigento.  Org, 


282  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

there  resorted  to  for  miracles,  indulgences,  and  reliques 
numberless.  M.]  Stony  road,  com,  top  of  a  hill  covered 
with  fern ;  short  descent,  corn.  Jesualto  in  a  vale  right, 
vale  of  great  extent  running  parallel  to  our  road  on  right, 
and  terminated  on  the  other  side  by  mountains  finely 
wooded  and  thrown  together.  [Mons  Tabor,  anciently 
Mons  Tabumus.  M.]  From  Fricento  (where  we  dined 
sub  dio  without  the  town,  in  the  view  of  many  people)  we 
went  down  a  descent  of  three  miles,  through  wood,  corn, 
and  pasture,  to  the  Amsancti  lacus;  triangular,  whitish, 
stinking;  about  40  paces  about.  Famiglietta  threw  in 
a  dog,  who,  after  half  an  hour,  came  out  bones.  Peasants 
find  birds,  hares,  goats,  wolves,  &c.  dead  about  it,  and 
go  to  look  for  them  in  the  mornings  during  summer :  5 
years  agone  2  men  found  dead.  The  water  good  for  the 
itch,  wounds,  leprosy ;  cold ;  thrown  a  yard  high ;  other 
the  like  lakes,  but  small ;  depth  unfathomable.  Silver  all 
turned  yellow,  whereas  Vesuvius  and  Solfatara  turn  black; 
oaks  smell,  being  burnt.  Small  stream  hard  by  the  lake, 
of  a  like  whitish  water.  Stone  hollowed  at  one  end, 
somewhat  like  a  font,  said  to  be  a  remain  of  the  temple. 
N.B.  Our  entertainment  at  Famiglietta's,  &c. 

[Fricento]  June  7. 

Vale,  and  beyond  that  vale,  craggy,  high,  gfeen,  shrubby 
mountain ;  open  fields ;  woods ;  fields  planted  with  trees 
around;  Vesuvio;  towns  and  white  houses  scattered  on 
the  hills  to  the  right,  with  Mons  Taburnus;  Amsancti 
valles  to  the  left — this  on  looking  to  the  west.  Pianura, 
Campi  Taurasini  *,  Benevento  lontano ;  flat  ploughed  land, 
wood  in  the  middle — north.  Trevico  right,  Ariano  left; 
sea  between  naked  mountains  thrown  variously  together ; 
villages,  ploughed  land,  and  woods  in  the  vale;  Fiume 
Albi — east  prospect.  Amsancti  valles;  two  fine  woods; 
rising  land  between  S.  Angelo  delli  Longobardi  right, 
and  La  Guardia  delli  Longobardi  left ;  high  mountains  to 
the  right  and  left,  lower  before — south.  Six  bishoprics 
and  2  archbishoprics;  Taurasi  and  La  Torella.  Fri- 
cento belongs  to  the  Principe  della  Torella ;  25,000  souls 
[2500.  M.] ;  July  and  \  August  without  fires.    An  image 

*  ?  See  Smith's  Diet,  of  Ancient  Geography^  art.  '  Taurasia." 


TOUR    IN    CALABRIA  283 

on  Monte  Virgine  protects  the  country  about  as  far  as 
visible  from  tarantulas,  which,  say  they,  are  here  likewise. 
Two  bears  slain  last  year  in  a  neighbouring  wood. 

[Ponte  Calore]  June  8. 

Set  out  from  Fricento  at  12 ;  down  hill ;  corn,  pasture, 
open ;  a  few  scattered  trees ;  shrub  left,  corn,  deep  vale 
right;  before,  a  vast  opening,  vale  between  rising  hills, 
green,  yellow,  red,  different  shades  of;  corn-fields,  with 
woods  and  scattered  trees;  lost  the  way  among  beans 
and  corn ;  got  into  the  great  road ;  descent ;  rising  hills, 
corn,  woods ;  fruit-trees  and  few  vines  on  either  side  the 
road ;  adverse  long  hill  or  fruitful  mountain  on  the  other 
side  the  Calore ;  Monte  Mileto  and  Monte  Fusco  in  the 
same.  6,  left  Ponte  Calore;  passed  the  river,  which  in 
Italy  is  large  enough;  ascent  up  a  paved  road;  corn, 
pasture,  trees;  various  rising  ground.  Monte  Mileto 
left,  on  a  hill  covered  with  wood ;  vines  twining  round 
trees  left,  corn  and  trees  right ;  vines  hanging  in  festoons 
from  tree  to  tree;  Monte  Fusco  right;  very  good  made 
road;  immense  prospect  of  vale  and  hills  right,  part 
wooded,  part  not.  This  view  seen  to  advantage  from 
Monte  Fusco  and  Monte  Mileto ;  our  road  like  lightning. 
8,  got  to  the  top,  whence  a  new  extended  scene  discovered 
of  vales  and  hills  covered  with  wood,  likewise  of  high 
mountains,  and  several  towns  scattered  on  the  sides  and 
tops  of  hills ;  country  beautiful,  fruitful,  various,  populous ; 
very  many  new  towns  in  delightful  situations,  some  on 
the  points  of  hills,  others  hanging  on  precipices,  some  on 
gentle  slopes,  &c.  Double  most  noble  scene  (just  de- 
scribed both)  seen  from  Monte  Fusco,  lying  to  the  eastward 
and  westward ;  highest  mountains  right  and  left,  covered 
with  trees.  Ponte  del  Prato ;  large  bridge,  hardly  a  drop 
of  water  under  it ;  hills  and  vales  all  round,  richly  covered 
with  trees,  as  well  fruit  as  others,  and  vines  and  spots  of 
corn;  another  bridge  over  a  valley  for  the  convenience 
of  travelling.  Prato,  a  town  right ;  ascent ;  descent ;  long 
bridge  over  a  valley;  cross  a  bridge  over  the  Sabato, 
4  miles  before  we  reach  Avellino;  shining  flies.  From 
Sabato  we  pass  along  an  enclosed  level  road  to  Avellino, 
where  we  arrived  at  10  + i^    Avellino  reckons  (I  doubt 

^  Avellino,  nearly  thirty  miles  from  Naples. 


284  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

misreckons)  30,000.  'Tis  an  open,  handsome  town,  situate 
in  a  vale  among  high  mountains  covered  with  wood. 
Fountain  and  town-house  adorned  with  busts  and  statues 
handsome  enough.  N.B,  Best  inn  I  met  with  in  the 
kingdom  here. 

[Avellino  to  Naples]  June  9, 

Set  out  from  Avellino  at  6  +  50 ;  a  tall  avenue  of  elms ; 
grove  of  hazels  (much  esteemed  here)  on  each  side  the 
road,  and  vines  in  festoons  from  pole  to  pole  among  the 
nuts  on  left;  avenue  ends,  being  a  mile  long.  All  this 
way  on  right  and  left  high  hills  covered  thick  with  trees, 
chesnut  or  continued  forest;  large  walnuts  on  the  way- 
side; grapes  in  festoons  on  both  sides.  8  +  i,  hazels  end. 
8  +  20,  pass  through  Monteforte,  a  small  town;  ascent; 
descent ;  stony  unequal  road,  between  mountains  covered 
with  chesnuts  close  on  either  side;  hazels,  walnuts, 
chesnuts  all  the  way;  vines  in  festoons;  large  cherries, 
great  number  of  trees  thick  laden  with  them  all  along  the 
road ;  hill  on  left  almost  naked,  having  only  the  stumps  of 
trees;  bridge.  Pass  through  a  village;  vineyards  in 
festoons  right  and  left;  village;  vines  and  fruit-trees; 
another  village ;  figs,  cherries,  vines,  &c.  right  and  left ; 
village.  II 4- J,  vineyards  right  and  left;  olives  and  vines 
left,  vines  right.  (N.B.  Corn,  hemp,  &c.  among  the  vines 
for  the  most  part.)  Vineyards  right  and  left,  i,  Nola ; 
souls,  3000 ;  7  convents  men,  5  women. 

POLLIO  JULIO  CLEMENTIANO,  SUBVENTORI  CIVIUM,  NECES- 
SITATIS AURARIiE  DEFENSORI,  LIBERTATIS  REDONATORI, 
VliE  POPULI  OMNIUM  MUNERUM  RECREATORI,  UNIVERSA 
REGIO    ROMANA    PATRONO    PRiESTANTISSIMO     STATUAM 

COLLOCAVIT '. 

First  inscription  under  a  statue  in  the  court  of  a  private 
house;    2  other  inscriptions  under  2  of  the   4  statues 

^  Berkeley  has  here  roughly  copied  two  other  inscriptions,  printed 
in  C.  I.  L.  vol.  X : — 

FISIiE  SEX.  F.  RUFINiE  SORORI  FISI  SERENI  AUG.  LARUM 

MINISTRI.  L.D.  D.D. 

VICTORIiE  AUG.  AUGUSTALES. 


AT    NAPLES  285 

ancient  in  the  place  before  the  cathedral;  one  of  the 
remaining  two  is  of  the  same  Pollius,  the  inscription  of 
the  other  is  defaced.  The  Bell.  Bishop  4000  crowns, 
out  of  which  pension  2000.  Left  Nola  at  3  +  f '.  'Thisus 
Alus  Cujus,  &c.'  [sic  in  MS.]  over  the  Jesuits'  gate  along 
the  fa9ade  of  the  convent ;  apples,  plums,  cherries ;  pears, 
apricots,  vines,  corn  on  each  side  the  road.  4  +  1,  festoon 
vineyards  right  and  left,  also  corn;  Campagna  between 
mountains;  Vesuvius  left.  5  +  I,  a  village;  still  festoon 
vineyards,  elms,  corn  right  and  left,  but  no  mountains,  at 
least  none  in  view.  6  +  5,  village.  6  +  |,  village.  N.B. 
The  greatest  part  of  this  afternoon  vines  round  elms 
without  festoons.     8,  Naples. 

[The  following  letter  from  Berkeley  to  Arbuthnot,  com- 
municated by  Arbuthnot  to  the  Royal  Society,  and  con- 
tained in  the  Philosophical  Transactions  for  October,  171 7, 
may  be  introduced  here  as  relevant  to  the  Journal  at 
this  point.  It  consists  of  observations  on  an  eruption  of 
Vesuvius  which  he  saw,  partly  when  he  was  in  Naples  in 
April  and  the  beginning  of  May,  and  in  later  outbreaks 
after  his  return  from  Calabria  on  June  9. 

'  Extract  of  a  letter  from  Mr.  Edw.  [George]  Berkeley, 
giving  several  curious  Observations  and  Remarks  on  the 
eruption  of  Fire  and  Smoke  from  Mount  Vesuvio.  Com- 
municated by  John  Arbuthnot,  M.D.,  R.S.S. : — 

*  April  17,  1717. 

'With  much  difficulty  I  reached  the  top  of  Mount 
Vesuvius,  in  which  I  saw  a  vast  aperture  full  of  smoke, 
which  hindered  the  seeing  its  depth  and  figure.  I  heard 
within  that  horrid  gulf  certain  odd  sounds,  which  seemed 
to  proceed  from  the  belly  of  the  mountain;  a  sort  of 
murmuring,  sighing,  throbbing,  churning,  dashing  (as  it 
were)  of  waves,  and  between  whiles  a  noise,  like  that  of 
thunder  or  cannon,-  which  was  constantly  attended  with 
a  clattering  like  that  of  tiles  falling  from  the  tops  of 
houses  on  the  streets.  Sometimes,  as  the  wind  changed, 
the  smoke  grew  thinner,  discovering  a  very  ruddy  flame, 
and  the  jaws  of  the  pan  or  crater  streaked  with  red  and 

*  Nola  is  about  fourteen  miles  from   Naples,  which   the  travellers 
reached  on  the  evening  of  June  9. 


286  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

several  shades  of  yellow.  After  an  hour's  stay,  the  smoke, 
being  moved  by  the  wind,  gave  us  short  and  partial  pros- 
pects of  the  great  hollow,  in  the  flat  bottom  of  which  I 
could  discern  two  furnaces  almost  contiguous :  that  on  the 
left,  seeming  about  three  yards  in  diameter,  glowed  with 
red  flame,  and  threw  up  red-hot  stones  with  a  hideous 
noise,  which,  as  they  fell  back,  caused  the  fore-mentioned 
clattering.  May  8,  in  the  morning,  I  ascended  to  the  top 
of  Vesuvius  a  second  time,  and  found  a  different*  face 
of  things.  The  smoke  ascending  upright  gave  a  full 
prospect  of  the  crater,  which,  as  I  could  judge,  is  about 
a  mile  in  circumference,  and  an  hundred  yards  deep. 
A  conical  mount  had  been  formed  since  my  last  visit,  in 
the  middle  of  the  bottom :  this  mount,  I  could  see,  was 
made  of  the  stones  thrown  up  and  fallen  back  again  into 
the  crater.  In  this  new  hill  remained  the  two  mounts  or 
furnaces  already  mentioned :  that  on  our  left  was  in  the 
vertex  of  the  hill  which  it  had  formed  round  it,  and  raged 
more  violently  than  before,  throwing  up,  every  three  or 
four  minutes,  with  a  dreadful  bellowing,  a  vast  number  of 
red-hot  stones,  sometimes  in  appearance  above  a  thousand, 
and  at  least  three  thousand  feet  higher  than  my  head  as 
I  stood  upon  the  brink :  but,  there  being  little  or  no  wind, 
they  fell  back  perpendicularly  into  the  crater,  increasing 
the  conical  hill.  The  other  mouth  to  the  right  was  lower 
in  the  side  of  the  same  new-formed  hill.  I  could  discern 
it  to  be  filled  with  red-hot  liquid  matter,  like  that  in  the 
furnace  of  a  glass-house,  which  raged  and  wrought  as  the 
waves  of  the  sea,  causing  a  short  abrupt  noise  like  what 
may  be  imagined  to  proceed  from  a  sea  of  quicksilver 
dashing  among  uneven  rocks.  This  stuff  would  sometimes 
spew  over  and  run  down  the  convex  side  of  the  conical 
hill ;  and  appearing  at  first  red-hot,  it  changed  colour,  and 
hardened  as  it  cooled,  shewing  the  first  rudiments  of  an 
eruption,  or,  if  I  may  say  so,  an  eruption  in  miniature. 
Had  the  wind  driven  in  our  faces,  we  had  been  in  no 
small  danger  of  stifling  by  the  sulphureous  smoke,  or  being 
knocked  on  the  head  by  lumps  of  molten  minerals,  which 
we  saw  had  sometimes  fallen  on  the  brink  of  the  crater, 
upon  those  shots  from  the  gulf  at  the  bottom.  But,  as  the 
wind  was  favourable,  I  had  an  opportunity  to  survey  this 
odd  scene  for  above  an  hour  and  a  half  together ;   during 


AT    NAPLES  287 

which  it  was  very  observable  that  all  the  volleys  of  smoke, 
flame,  and  burning  stones,  came  only  out  of  the  hole  to  our 
left,  while  the  liquid  stuff  in  the  other  mouth  wrought  and 
overflowed,  as  hath  been  already  described. — June  5th, 
after  an  horrid  noise,  the  mountain  was  seen  at  Naples  to 
spew  a  little  out  of  the  crater.  The  same  continued  the  6th. 
The  7th,  nothing  was  observed  till  within  two  hours  of 
night,  when  it  began  a  hideous  bellowing,  which  continued 
all  that  night  and  the  next  day  till  noon,  causing  the 
windows,  and,  as  some  affirm,  the  very  houses  in  Naples 
to  shake.  From  that  time  it  spewed  vast  quantities  of 
molten  stuff  to  the  south,  which  streamed  down  the 
mountain  like  a  great  pot  boiling  over.  This  evening  I 
returned  from  a  voyage  through  Apulia,  and  was  surprised, 
passing  by  the  north  side  of  the  mountain,  to  see  a  great 
quantity  of  ruddy  smoke  lie  along  a  huge  tract  of  sky  over 
the  river  of  molten  stuff,  which  was  itself  out  of  sight. 
The  9th,  Vesuvius  raged  less  violently :  that  night  we  saw 
from  Naples  a  column  of  fire  shoot  between  whiles  out  of 
its  summit.  The  loth,  when  we  thought  all  would  have 
been  over,  the  mountain  grew  very  outrageous  again, 
roaring  and  groaning  most  dreadfully.  You  cannot  form 
ajuster  idea  of  this  noise  in  the  most  violent  fits  of  it,  than 
by  imagining  a  mixed  sound  made  up  of  the  raging  of  a 
tempest,  the  murmur  of  a  troubled  sea,  and  the  roaring  of 
thunder  and  artillery,  confused  all  together.  It  was  very 
terrible  as  we  heard  it  in  the  further  end  of  Naples,  at  the 
distance  of  above  twelve  miles :  this  moved  my  curiosity 
to  approach  the  mountain.  Three  or  four  of  us  got  into 
a' boat,  and  were  set  ashore  at  Torre  del  Greco,  a  town 
situate  at  the  foot  of  Vesuvius  to  the  south-west,  whence 
we  rode  four  or  five  miles  before  we  came  to  the  burning 
river,  which  was  about  midnight.  The  roaring  of  the 
volcano  grew  exceeding  loud  and  horrible  as  we  ap- 
proached. I  observed  a  mixture  of  colours  in  the  cloud 
over  the  crater,  green,  yellow,  red,  and  blue ;  there  was 
likewise  a  ruddy  dismal  light  in  the  air  over  that  tract  of 
land  where  the  burning  river  flowed ;  ashes  continually 
showered  on  us  all  the  way  from  the  sea-coast :  all  which 
circumstances,  set  off  and.  augmented  by  the  horror  and 
silence  of  the  night,  made  a  scene  the  most  uncommon  and 
astonishing  I  ever  saw,  which  grew  still  more  extraordinary 


288  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

as  we  came  nearer  the  stream.  Imagine  a  vast  torrent 
of  liquid  fire  rolling  from  the  top  down  the  side  of  the 
mountain,  and  with  irresistible  fury  bearing  down  and 
consuming  vines,  olives,  fig-trees,  houses;  in  a  word, 
every  thing  that  stood  in  its  way.  This  mighty  flood 
divided  into  different  channels,  according  to  the  inequalities 
of  the  mountain :  the  largest  stream  seemed  half  a  mile 
broad  at  least,  and  five  miles  long.  The  nature  and 
consistence  of  these  burning  torrents  hath  been  described 
with  so  much  exactness  and  truth  by  Borellus  in  his  Latin 
treatise  of  Mount  iEtna,  that  I  need  say  nothing  of  it. 
I  walked  so  far  before  my  companions  up  the  mountain, 
along  the  side  of  the  river  of  fire,  that  I  was  obliged  to 
retire  in  great  haste,  the  sulphureous  stream  having 
surprised  me,  and  almost  taken  away  my  breath.  During 
our  return,  which  was  about  three  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
we  constantly  heard  the  murmur  and  groaning  of  the 
mountain,  which  between  whiles  would  burst  out  into 
louder  peals,  throwing  up  huge  spouts  of  fire  and  burning 
stones,  which  falling  down  again,  resembled  the  stars  in 
our  rockets.  Sometimes  I  observed  two,  at  others  three, 
distinct  columns  of  flames ;  and  sometimes  one  vast  one 
that  seemed  to  fill  the  whole  crater.  These  burning 
columns  and  the  fiery  stones  seemed  to  be  shot  looo  feet 
perpendicular  above  the  summit  of  the  volcano.  The  i  ith, 
at  night,  I  observed  it,  from  a  terrass  in  Naples,  to  throw 
up  incessantly  a  vast  body  of  fire,  and  greiat  stones  to 
a  surprising  height.  The  12th,  in  the  morning,  it  darkened 
the  sun  with  ashes  and  smoke,  causing  a  sort  of  eclipse. 
Horrid  bellowings,  this  and  the  foregoing  day,  were  heard 
at  Naples,  whither  part  of  the  ashes  also  reached.  At 
night  I  observed  it  throwing  up  flame,  as  on  the  nth. 
On  the  13th,  the  wind  changing,  we  saw  a  pillar  of  black 
smoke  shot  upright  to  a  prodigious  height.  At  night  I 
observed  the  mount  cast  up  fire  as  before,  though  not  so 
distinctly,  because  of  the  smoke.  The  14th,  a  thick  black 
cloud  hid  the  mountain  from  Naples.  The  15th,  in  the 
morning,  the  court  and  walls  of  our  house  in  Naples  were 
covered  with  ashes.  The  i6th,  the  smoke  was  driven  by 
a  westerly  wind  from  the  town  to  the  opposite  side  of  the 
mountain.  The  17th,  the  smoke  appeared  much  diminished, 
fat  and  greasy.     The  18th,  the  whole  appearance  ended; 


ROME    TO    NAPLES  289 

the  mountain  remaining  perfectly  quiet  without  any  visible 
smoke  or  flame.  A  gentleman  of  my  acquaintance,  whose 
window  looked  towards  Vesuvius,  assured  me  that  he 
observed  several  flashes,  as  it  were  of  lightning,  issue  out 
of  the  mouth  of  the  volcano.  It  is  not  worth  while  to 
trouble  you  with  the  conjectures  I  have  formed  concern- 
ing the  cause  of  these  phaenomena,  from  what  I  observed 
in  the  Lacus  Amsanctt,  the  Sol/atara,  &c.,  as  well  as  in 
Mount  Vesuvius.  One  thing  I  may  venture  to  say,  that 
I  saw  the  fluid  matter  rise  out  of  the  centre  of  the  bottom 
of  the  crater,  out  of  the  very  middle  of  the  mountain, 
contrary  to  what  Borellus  imagines;  whose  method  of 
explaining  the  eruption  of  a  volcano  by  an  inflexed  syphon 
and  the  rules  of  hydrostatics,  is  likewise  inconsistent  with 
the  torrent's  flowing  down  from  the  very  vertex  of  the 
mountain.  I  have  not  seen  the  crater  since  the  eruption, 
but  design  to  visit  it  again  before  I  leave  Naples.  I  doubt 
there  is  nothing  in  this  worth  shewing  the  Society :  as  to 
that,  you  will  use  your  discretion. 

E.  (it  should  be  G.)  BERKELEY.'] 


Road  from  Rome  to  Naples. 

ist  post  6  miles,  through  the  flat  campagna ;  some  hay 
and  corn  ;  not  a  tree ;  hardly  a  cottage. 

2nd  post  to  Marino,  6  miles  through  the  like  flat 
campagna,  though  ascending  insensibly  towards  Marino, 
which  is  a  pretty,  clean  village,  belonging  to  the  Constable 
Colonna. 

3rd  post  9  miles,  to  Veletri.  About  2  miles  after 
Marino,  pass  by  the  lake  of  Castel  Gondolfo  on  our  right ; 
view  of  Castel  Gondolfo ;  land  pretty  well  tilled  in  the 
beginning  of  this  post.  Within  3  miles  of  Veletri,  steep 
descent  to  that  city.  This  post  over  and  among  hills  and 
woods. 

4th  post  8  miles  and  J.  First  mile  and  J  through 
enclosures  and  trees ;  7  last  through  rising  ground,  being 
spacious,  open,  green  corn-fields.  Cisterna,  seat  of  the 
Prince  of  Caserta. 

5th  post  7  miles  from  Cisterna,  the  better  part  through 
^  forest  with  deer,  belonging  to  the  Prince. 

BBRKBLBY:    FRASBR.      IV.  U 


290  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

6th  post  8  miles  from  Sermeneta,  lying  through  the 
Campagna.  A  mile  and  i  on  the  other  side  Sermeneta 
attacked  for  a  giulio.  N.B.  The  Campagna  green,  and  in 
many  parts  woody,  flat,  and  marshy ;  no  houses ;  hardly 
any  com ;  no  cattle,  but  a  few  buffaloes. 

7th  post  to  Pipemo,  seven  miles.  Near  a  mile  in  the 
Campagna  di  Roma  ;  the  other  6  among  hills  and  fruitful 
vales.     Pipemo  situate  on  a  hill. 

8th  post  8  miles :  2  first  among  wood  and  hills ;  6  last 
through  a  plain  champaign,  mostly  uninhabited,  &c. 

9th  post  to  Terracina,  8  miles,  along  the  side  of  shrubby, 
stony  hills  on  lefl.  Some  ruins,  seeming  of  sepulchres, 
on  the  road ;  on  the  right  Monte  Circello  in  view.  All 
this  post  on  right  marshy  low  ground,  little  cultivated  or 
inhabited. 

loth  post  to  Fondi,  10  miles.  Limits  of  the  kingdom 
entered  within  6  miles  of  Fondi.  Near  2  miles  beyond  the 
boundaries  passed  on  our  left  a  sepulchre  of  huge  square 
stones,  very  noble  and  entire,  now  turned  into  a  stable  for 
asses ;  no  inscription.  The  2  first  miles  of  this  post  close 
along  the  sea,  being  edged  on  the  lefl  by  mountains ;  many 
broken  rocks  as  fallen  in  an  earthquake  on  the  road ; 
about  5  miles  further  having  woody  and  stony  hills  on  left 
close,  and  at  small  distance  on  right  the  Palus  Pomptina ; 
land  flat,  marshy,  hardly  inhabited  for  the  illness  of  the 
air.  3  last  miles  through  a  fruitful  plane ;  oranges,  &c. 
before  we  reached  Fondi.  A  small  river  seemed  to  render 
it  marshy  and  unwholesome,  flowing  by  the  city  on  the 
side  towards  Rome. 

nth  post  from  Fondi  to  Itri,  7  miles.  First  3  or  4  miles 
over  a  plain,  gently  ascending,  planted  with  cypress, 
orange,  and  lemon  trees  near  the  town  of  Fondi;  last 
3  miles  between  and  over  hills  on  the  Appian  Way  :  these 
hills  extend  across  to  the  sea. 

i2th  post  from  Itri  to  Mola,  5  miles.  Itri  a  town  poor 
and  dirty,  but  pretty  large.  This  post  enclosed  between 
hills  right  and  left ;  many  olives,  almost  all  on  the  Appian 
Way. 

13th  post  from  Mola  to  the  Garigliano,  8  miles.  A  large 
grove  of  olives,  after  which  near  4  miles  stony,  unequal, 
shrubby  ground ;  4  miles  more,  fine  corn  country,  meadows 
also  pleasant,  and  scattered   trees  in   sight.      Near  the 


ROME    TO    NAPLES  291 

Garigliano  we  passed  between  an  old  aqueduct  on  the 
left  and  certain  large  ruins  on  the  right,  as  of  an  amphi- 
theatre. This  post  we  had  the  mountains  near  us  on 
left  and  sea  on  the  right  Divers  ruins,  as  seeming  of 
sepulchres,  this  post  on  the  road  side.  Greater  part  of 
this  post  on  the  Appian  Way,  whereof  fragments  appear 
entire,  and  ending  abruptly,  as  if  part  had  been  cut  off 
or  taken  away.  Liris  larger  than  the  Vulturnus.  N.B. 
Treeto  on  a  hill  on  the  other  side  the  aqueduct. 

14th  post  from  Garigliano  to  S.  Agata,  10  miles.  Ferry 
over  the  river ;  open,  large,  flat,  pleasant  meadows  along 
the  Liris,  which  flowed  on  our  left ;  after  which,  chain  of 
mountains  on  our  right;  country  unequal,  with  pleasant 
risings ;  within  4  miles  of  S.  Agata  country  thick  planted 
with  vines  and  olives,  especially  the  latter,  of  which  a 
perfect  wood  near  S.  Agata.  N.B.  Sessa  fine  town 
within  less  than  a  mile  of  S.  Agata.  Henceforward  to 
Naples  the  Campania  felix,  which  begins  either  at  the 
river  Liris,  or  on  the  other  side  Sessa,  the  ancient  Suessa 
Aurunca. 

15th  post  from  S.  Agata,  10  miles.  2  first  miles  through 
a  country  thick  set  with  vines,  olives,  &c.,  in  which  the 
Appian  Way,  no  more  of  which  to  Naples ;  hills  these 
two  miles  on  left  and  right ;  at  the  end  of  these  two  miles 
a  village,  [Cassanoj  where  the  left  view  of  the  Appian  road. 
After  this  village  a  hilly  country,  and  great  part  of  the 
road  cut  through  a  rock ;  then  a  wood  of  oaks,  cypress, 
&c. ;  after  which  delicious  country  like  the  following  post. 

i6th  post  9  miles  to  Capoa,  through  delicious  green 
fields,  plain  and  spacious,  adorned  with  fruit-trees  and 
oaks  so  scattered  and  disposed  as  to  make  a  most  delight- 
ful landscape,  much  corn  and  fruit,  many  white  country 
houses  beautifying  the  prospect ;  mountains  on  our  left. 

^  Terra  di  Lavoro,  56,990,  besides  Naples,  its  casali,  and 

^  The  following  notes   are    on  wine  plenty, 
the  opposite  page  : —  (2)  Principato    Ulteriore,    pro- 

(i)  Principato  citra,  all  Picenza  vincia  Hirpina,  with  a  small  part 

[Picentia  on  the  coast]  with  part  of  the  land  of  the  Samnites  and 

of  Lucania  and  Campania  felix :  Campanians ;   of  13  cities,  a,  i.  e. 

its  metropolis  Salerno.     Cities  18,  Beneventum    and    Conza,    ABp", 

whereof  Salerno  and  Amalfi   are  the    rest    Bp».     Wine,    chesnuts, 

A.BW,  the   rest  Bp*.     Grain   and  hunting,  fishing. 

U  2 


292 


JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 


about  J  a  dozen  more  from  towns  whose  fuochi '  are  not 
numbered. 


Aversa 

Capua  and  casali  . 
Caserta  and  casali 


Faochi. 
1905 

5343 
1 184 


Faochi. 

Fundi 188 

Itri 440 

Madaluni 749 


Principato  citra  Salerno. 


Faochi. 

Auletta 119 

Eboli 355 

Nocera  di  Pagani  .    .    .      536 


Faochi. 

Salerno 1636 

Scafati 68 

Vietri 185 


Faochi. 

Ariano 749 

Avellino 600 


Principato  ultra. 
Fricento 


Faochi. 

88 


Basilicata. 


Lago  Negro  . 
Spennazzuola 


Faochi. 
491 


FaochL 

Venosa 473 

Matera 2027 


Calabria  bassa  6  citra. 


Castro  Villari 
Cosenza  .  . 
Cassano    .    . 


Faochi. 

183 

1854 

284 


Tarsia  .    . 
Terranuova 


Faochi. 
168 


Calabria  alta  6  ultra. 


Faochi. 

Catanzaro 2651 

Cotronei 60 

Cotrone 446 

Isola 112 


Faochi. 

Monteleone 1793 

Pizzo 442 

Rosarno ^70 

oeminara 945 


Terra  d'Otranto. 


Faochi. 

Brindisi 1428 

Castellaneta 691 

Casalnovo 1002 


Faochi. 

Fagiano i^ 

Lecce 3300 

Taranto 1870 


*  1.  e.  families. 


ROME   TO    NAPLES 


293 


Terra  di  Bari. 


Fuochi. 

Bari 2345R 

Barletta 1735R 

Canosa 269 

Gravina 1916 

Giovenazzo 628 


Fuochi. 

Monopoli 1864R 

Molfetta 1247 

Mola 1436 

Trani 787 

Visceglia  alias  Biseglia .  1692 


Capitanata  (Lucera). 
Ascoli    . 381. 

In  the  Kingdom  of  Naples — 


Princes 128 

Dukes 200 

Marquesses 200 

N.B.  Reckoning  the  eldest  sons  and  double  titles. 


Counts 24 

Archbishops     ....        21 
Bishops 127 


Gran  corte  della  Vicaria,  supreme  court  like  (somewhat) 
to  our  King's  Bench.  Governed  by  the  Regent  of  the 
Vicaria  a  Cavaliere,  who  therefore  is  assisted  by  judges 
civil  and  criminal. 

The  great  officers  have  the  precedence,  title,  and  stipend 
due  to  their  places,  but  their  power  is  exercised  by  the 
King;  that  of  the  Great  Constable  (i.e.  Captain  General) 
by  the  generals,  colonels,  capitani  d'armi,  &c. ;  that  of  the 
Gran  Giustitiere  by  the  Regent  of  the  Vicaria;  and  in 
like  sort  of  the  rest. 

Collaterale  is  the  supreme  royal  tribunal,  composed  of 
the  seven  great  officers,  the  Consiglieri  di  Stato  and  the 
Regenti,  or  of  the  7  officers  and  Regenti  della  Cancellaria. 
This  hath  supreme  power  in  making  laws,  punishing 
magistrates,  commerce,  &c. 

Sacro  Consiglio,  consisting  of  President  and  Counsel- 
lors. Anciently  the  kings  of  Naples  appointed  judges  of 
appeal  from  the  Vicaria  and  other  tribunals.  But  Alfonsus 
the  First  of  Arragon  took  away  those  judges,  constituting 
this  Sacro  Consiglio  di  Giustitia  to  judge  of  appeals  from 
all  parts  of  the  kingdom.  Not  only  causes  of  appeal,  but 
likewise  first  causes  are  determined  by  them,  for  which 
the  President  delegates  such  Counsellors  to  judge  as  he 
pleases.     Their  sentences  are  given  in  the  King's  name. 

Regia  Camera,  which  takes   cognisance  of  the   royal 


294  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

income  or  patrimony  (as  they  call  it),  i.  e.  taxes,  customs, 
&c.;  in  a  word,  all  that  belongs  to  the  Exchequer. 

Gran  corte  della  Vicaria,  above  explained,  but  this 
its  place. 

So  much  from  Capaccio ;  what  follows  next  from  Paci- 
chelli  and  others. 

i™<>.  Tribunale  is  the  Consiglio  di  Stato,  consisting  of 
such  persons  as  Viceroy  pleases :  a  sort  of  Cabinet 

20.  Tribunale  is  the  Collaterale,  consisting  of  six  regents 
of  the  Cancellaria,  who  have  great  power,  or  rather 
sovereign,  in  the  management  of  affairs  relating  to  civil 
institutions,  commerce,  &c. 

30.  II  Sacro  ConsigUo,  un  Presidente  con  Ventiquattro 
Consiglieri,  hears  appeals,  and  also  first  causes :  acts  in 
the  King's  name. 

4<'.  La  Regia  Camera  detta  la  Sommaria  ha  per  capo 
il  gran  Camerlengo  ma  esercita  la  Giurisdittione  per  un 
Luogotenente  scelto  dal  Re.  Under  him  are  8  presidents, 
doctors,  and  3  presidents  [?],  idiots*  advocate,  procurator 
fiscal,  secretario,  registers,  accountants,  clerks,  &c.,  qui 
si  maneggia  il  patrimonio  reale,  &c.,  si  affitton  gabelle,  &c. 

La  gran  Corte  della  Vicaria  si  amministra  da  un  Luogo- 
tenente che  si  elegge  ogni  due  anni  dal  Vicere  detto 
Regente.  This  court  is  divided  into  the  two  udienze, 
civile  e  criminale,  6  judges  to  each. 

Divers  other  tribunals,  as  that  of  S.  Lorenzo,  governed 
by  the  eletti,  7  in  number,  but  with  6  votes,  one  being 
chosen  out  of  and  for  each  Seggio,  except  that  of  Montagna, 
which  chooses  two,  one  for  itself,  and  one  for  Porcella 
^  Seggio  incorporated  with  it,  but  they  have  only  one  voice. 

N.B.  The  eletto  del  popolo  is  thus  chosen: — Every 
ottina  (of  which  there  be  29,  into  which  the  whole  city  is 
divided,  being  the  same  with  regions  or  wards)  nameth 
two  persons,  which  making  in  number  58,  these  assemble, 
and  with  the  Secretary  of  the  Piazza  del  Popolo  form 
Revisori  delli  voti;  after  which  every  of  the  58  names 
being  eletto,  which  is  oflen  done  with  malediction  and 
invective  scurrilous,  si  bossolano  e  si  notano  i  voti  and 
the  six  with  most  votes  are  written  in  a  note  and  carried 
to  the  Viceroy  (by  8  persons  chosen  by  ballot  out  of 
the  58),  who  names  which  he  pleases  for  eletto.  The 
58  likewise  name  a  council  of  ten  persons  to  assist  their 


ROME    TO    NAPLES  295 

eletto.  Every  ottina  likewise  names  6  persons,  whereof 
the  Viceroy  ciiooseth  one  for  capitano  01  that  ottina,  who 
is  a  sort  of  justice  of  peace,  taking  care  that  no  one 
offends  or  is  offended  in  his  ottina,  take  care  of  the 
poor,  &c. ;  great  power  commanding  so  great  a  people. 

Capitani  and  eletti  del  popolo  govern  as  long  as  the 
Viceroy  or  the  Piazza  pleases,  but  ordinarily  for  6  months. 

The  power  of  the  Tribunal  of  the  eletti  extends  to  set- 
ting a  price  on  the  annona ;  take  care  also  of  the  health, 
for  which  they  appoint  two  deputies,  one  a  noble  the 
other  a  plebeian,  who  govern  a  felucca  that  visits  all  ships, 
boats,  &c.,  and  sees  that  nothing  contagious  enters  the 
city.  The  eletti  themselves  pay  a  salary  to  these,  and 
give  out  patents  for  ships  parting  from  Naples,  as  likewise 
pay  the  man  who  watches  to  see  the  quarantine  duly 
performed  and  goods  aired. 

The  Grassiero  is  a  huomo  Regio,  or  magistrate  appointed 
by  the  King.  He  was  first  joined  to  the  council  of  the 
eletti  in  a.  d.  1562,  in  the  time  of  the  Viceroy  Don  Perafan 
di  Ribera,  Duke  d'  Alcalk,  under  the  pretext  only  of 
providing  the  city  with  corn,  but  by  little  and  little  hath 
crept  into  all  business,  and  now  in  fact  is  president  of  the 
Tribunal  of  the  eletti,  who  can  do  nothing  without  him. 

Divers  other  tribunals  or  courts  of  lesser  note,  as  la 
Zecca  Regia  per  Pesi  e  Misure,  per  li  Notari,  per  Dottori 
in  Legge  e  Medicina,  &c.,  &c. 

A  parliament  or  deputation  of  24  persons,  12  deputati 
del  Baronaggio  and  12  della  cita  di  Napoli,give  a  donative, 
for  which  effect  [they]  use  to  be  assembled  by  King's  letter 
every  2  years.  The  city  pays  no  part  of  these  donatives, 
yet  the  deputies  of  the  city  are  the  first  to  vote  and  sub- 
scribe, and  have  precedence  in  all  cases,  but  with  this 
difference,  that  the  city  hath  but  one  vote  and  the  Baron- 
aggio 12,  6  titolatos  and  6  plain  barons.  Their  use  the 
Donative.  These  deputies  or  parliament  meet  in  the  con- 
vent of  S.  Lorenzo ;  the  Viceroy  at  the  opening  goes  to 
hear  read  the  King's  letter  before  the  parliament  by  the 
Secretary  of  State,  and  at  the  close  goes  to  receive  their 
compliance  with  it. 

Giulio  Cesare  Capaccio  assures  us  that  in  his  time  the 
garden  herbs  eaten  every  month  amounted  to  30,000 
ducats  in  the  city  of  Naples ;  likewise  that  the  gabella  on 


I 


296 


JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 


fruit  (it  not  being  J  of  a  farthing  per  pound  of  our  measure 
and  money)  amounted  or  (which  is  more)  was  set  for 
80,000  ducats  per  annum,  exclusive  of  oranges,  lemons, 
bergamots,  and  the  like. 

Four  castles  in  Naples  to  protect  and  bridle  the  city : — 
Castel  St.  Elmo,  Castel  Nuovo,  Castel  dell'  Ovo,  and  II 
Torrione  del  Carmine. 

Si  ricavavano  prima  dal  regno  5  milioni  e  piu  di  rendita, 
oggi  pero  se  ne  ritrahe  da  due  millioni  in  circa.  Paci- 
chello,  published  1703. 

The  nobility  of  the  several  parts  or  districts  of  the  city 
of  Naples  were  used  anciently  to  assemble  in  certain  public 
places  or  piazzas  in  each  district,  where  they  conversed 
together.  These  places  being  much  frequented,  they  came 
to  build  certain  open  porticos,  sustained  by  arches  and 
railed  round,  where  they  met  together,  which  in  process 
were  improved  and  beautified  in  imitation  of  the  portici 
of  the  ancient  Greeks  and  Romans,  and  separated  or 
appropriated  to  those  families  that  used  to  assemble  in 
them;  and  from  being  places  of  mere  chat  or  conversation, 
grew  to  be  so  many  courts,  in  which  they  considered  and 
debated  on  choosing  magistrates  and  providing  for  the 
health  and  plenty  of  the  city.  N.B.  The  Seggios  are  five, 
viz.  il  Seggio  di  Capoana,  di  Nido,  di  Montagna,  di  Porto, 
di  Porta  nuova. 

Lac  Virginis  in  Ecclesia  S.  Ludovici  apud  P.P.  minimos 
S*^  Francisci  a  Paulo  asservatum  liquefit  quolibet  assump- 
tionis  die.     • 

Sanguis  Johannis  Baptistae  liquefit  quotidie  in  ecclesia 
qu^dam  Neapoli  prout  mihi  referebat  Dux  quidam  Neapo- 
litanus. 

Sbirri  150  tyrannised  the  island  of  Ischia^  cruelly,  on 


^  In  what  follows  he  passes 
from  Naples  to  the  Island  of  Ischia 
or  Inarime  {jEnarid),  at  the  north- 
west extremity  of  the  Bay  of 
Naples.  It  is  described  by  Berkeley 
to  the  poet  Pope  in  the  following 
interesting  letter,  on  which  the 
jottings  that  follow  may  be  re- 
garded as  annotations  : — 

*  Naples, October22,N.S.,i7i7. 

*  I  have  long  had  it  in  my  thoughts 


to  trouble  you  with  a  letter,  but 
was  discouraged  for  want  of  some- 
thing that  I  could  think  worth 
sending  fifteen  hundred  miles. 
Italy  is  such  an  exhausted  subject 
that,  I  dare  say,  you'd  easily  for- 
give my  saying  nothing  of  it ;  and 
the  imagination  of  a  poet  is  a  thing 
so  nice  and  delicate  that  it  is  no 
easy  matter  to  find  out  images 
capable  of  giving  pleasure  to  one 


ISLAND  OF  ISCHIA 


297 


account  of  seven  persons  who  had  slain  one  of  their 
number.  The  relatives  to  the  number  of  100  taken  up 
and   imprisoned  at  Ischia;   general   orders  that  no  one 


of  the  few,  who  (in  any  age)  have 
come  up  to  that  character.  I  am 
nevertheless  lately  returned  from 
an  island  where  I  passed  three  or 
four  months  ;  which,  were  it  set 
out  in  its  true  colours,  might, 
methinks,  amuse  you  agreeably 
enough  for  a  minute  or  two. 

*  The  idand  Inarime  is  an  epitome 
of  the  whole  earth,  containing 
within  the  compass  of  eighteen 
miles,  a  wonderful  variety  of  hills, 
vales,  ragged  rocks,  fruitful  plains, 
and  barren  mountains,  all  thrown 
together  in  a  most  romantic  con- 
fusion. The  air  is  in  the  hottest 
season  constantly  refreshed  by 
cool  breezes  from  the  sea.  The 
vales  produce  excellent  wheat  and 
Indian  com,  but  are  mostly 
covered  with  vineyards  intermixed 
with  fruit-trees.  Besides  the 
common  kinds,  as  cherries,  apri- 
cots, peaches,  &c.,  they  produce 
oranges,  limes,  almonds,  pome- 
granate, figs,  water-melons,  and 
many  other  fruits  unknown  to  our 
climate,  which  lie  everywhere 
open  to  the  passenger.  The  hills 
are  the  greater  part  covered  to  the 
top  with  vines,  some  with  chesnut 
groves,  and  others  with  thickets 
of  myrtle  and  lentiscus.  The 
fields  in  the  northern  side  are 
divided  by  hedgerows  of  myrtle. 
Several  fountains  and  rivulets  add 
to  the  beauty  of  this  landscape, 
which  is  likewise  set  off  by  the 
variety  of  some  barren  spots  and 
naked  rocks.  But  that  which 
crowns  the  scene,  is  a  large  moun- 
tain rising  out  of  the  middle  of  the 
island,  (once  a  terrible  volcano,  by 


the  ancients  called  MonsEpomeus). 
Its  lower  parts  are  adorned  with 
vines  and  other  fruits  ;  the  middle 
affords  pasture  to  flocks  of  goats 
and  sheep ;  and  the  top  is  a  sandy 
pointed  rock,  from  which  you  have 
the  finest  prospect  in  the  world, 
surveying  at  one  view,  besides 
several  pleasant  islands  lying  at 
your  feet,  a  tract  of  Italy  about 
three  hundred  miles  in  length, 
from  the  promontory  of  Antium  to 
the  Cape  of  Palinurus :  the  greater 
part  of  which  hath  been  sung  by 
Homer  and  Virgil,  as  making  a 
considerable  part  of  the  travels  and 
adventures  of  their  two  heroes. 
The  islands  Caprea,  Prochyta, 
and  Parthenope,  together  with 
Cajeta,  Cumee,  Monte  Miseno,  the 
habitations  of  Circe,  the  Syrens, 
and  the  Lsestrigones,  the  bay  of 
Naples,  the  promontory  of  Minerva, 
and  the  whole  Campagna  felice, 
make  but  a  part  of  this  noble  land- 
scape; which  would  demand  an 
imagination  as  warm  and  numbers 
as  flowing  as  your  own,  to  describe 
it.  The  inhabitants  of  this  deli- 
cious isle,  as  they  are  without 
riches  and  honours,  so  are  they 
without  the  vices  and  follies  that 
attend  them  ;  and  were  they  but  as 
much  strangers  to  revenge  as  they 
are  to  avarice  and  ambition,  they 
might  in  fact  answer  the  poetical 
notions  of  the  golden  age.  But 
they  have  got,  as  an  alloy  to  their 
happiness,  an  ill  habit  of  murdering 
one  another  on  slight  offences*. 
We  had  an  instance  of  this  the 
second  night  after  our  arrival, 
a  youth   of  eighteen   being  shot 


♦  Berkeley  mentions  *  the  ugly  habit  of  the  Ischians  of  murdering  one 
a.nother  for  trifles  *  in  a  letter  to  Percival,  dated  *  Testaccio  in  Inarime, 
September,  1717.* 


298 


JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 


remain  in  their  houses  in  the  country,  all  with  their  goods 
being  obliged  to  repair  to  the  towns;  people  met  in  the 
masserias  beaten  unmercifully.  Fear  and  trembling,  and 
no  going  to  do  their  business  m  their  vineyards  for  lo  days, 
then  allowed  to  return,  some  to  their  houses,  others  not. 
Cellars  of  wine  throughout  the  island  all  this  while  left 
wide  open  at  the  mercy  of  the  Sbirri.  Relations  of  the 
banditti  seized  in  the  churches.  Some  few  of  the  prisoners 
allowed  the  liberty  of  walking  about  the  fortress.  The 
prisoners  most  part  poor  old  women,  the  men  absconding 
and  lying  out  of  their  houses  in  the  woods  for  fear.  Com- 
missario  della  Campa^a,  with  his  Sbirri,  continued  about 
a  month  at  Ischia.  The  inhabitants  may  kill  one  another 
without  fear  of  punishment,  this  rout  being  never  made 
but  for  the  death  of  a  Sbirro.  We  were  alarmed  and 
roused  out  of  our  beds  by  35  Sbirri  one  night. 

The  people  of  this  island  in  other  respects  good  enough, 
but  bloodthirsty  and  revengeful.  Those  of  Foria  and 
Moropane  of  worfet  fame  for  murdering,  being  said  by  the 
rest  of  the  island  to  have  no  fear  of  God  or  man. 

The  habit  of  the  Ischiots :  a  blue  skull-cap,  woollen ; 
a  shirt  and  pair  of  drawers ;  in  cold  weather,  doublet  and 
breeches  of  wool.    They  wear  each  by  his  side  a  broad 


dead  by  our  door :  and  yet  by 
the  sole  secret  of  minding  our 
own  business,  we  found  a  means 
of  living  securely  among  those 
dangerous  people. 

*  Would  you  know  how  we  pass 
the  time  at  Naples?  Our  chief- 
entertainment  is  the  devotion  of 
our  neighbours.  Besides  the  gaiety 
of  their  churches  (where  folks 
go  to  see  what  they  call  una 
bella  Devotione,  i.  e.  a  sort  of  reli- 
gious opera),  they  make  fireworks 
almost  every  week  out  of  devotion  ; 
the  streets  are  often  hung  with 
arras  out  of  devotion ;  and  (what 
is  still  more  strange)  the  ladies 
invite  gentlemen  to  their  houses, 
and  treat  them  with  music  and 
sweetmeats,  out  of  devotion : 
in   a  word,  were  it  not  for  this 


devotion  of  its  inhabitants,  Naples 
would  have  little  else  to  recom- 
mend it  beside  the  air  and  situation. 
*  Learning  is  in  no  very  thriving 
stale  here,  as  indeed  nowhere  else 
in  Italy  ;  however,  among  many 
pretenders,  some  men  of  taste  are 
to  be  met  with.  A  friend  of  mine 
told  me  not  long  since  that,  being 
to  visit  Salvini  *  at  Florence,  he 
found  him  reading  your  Homer  : 
he  liked  the  notes  extremely,  and 
could  find  no  other  fault  with  the 
version,  but  that  he  thought  it 
approached  too  near  a  paraphrase  ; 
which  shews  him  not  to  be  suffi- 
ciently acquainted  with  our  lan- 
guage. I  wish  you  health  to  go 
on  with  that  noble  work;  and 
when  you  have  that,  I  need  not 
wish  you  success.* 


*  Salvini  translated  Addison's  Cato. 


ISLAND    OF    ISCHIA  299 

pruning-knife,  crooked  at  the  end,  with  which  they  fre- 
quently wound  and  kill  one  another. 

Piano  now  Pieio,  Casa  Nizzola  now  Casamici,  Fiorio 
now  Foria. 

A  fine  plain  all  round  Pieio,  planted  with  vines,  com, 
and  fruit-trees. 

The  amphitheatre  about  a  mile  and  half  round  the  top, 
whence  on  all  sides  a  shelving  bank  descends  to  the  flat 
bottom,  the  which  bank  clothed  with  oaks.  Oaks,  elms, 
chesnuts,  and  cupe  [cypress  ?]  in  this  island.  East  of  the 
amphitheatre  (which  is  called  La  Vataliera  vulgarly)  is 
a  village  called  Cumana,  and  beneath  a  shady  valley  called 
II  Vallone  Cumano,  between  that  village  (seated  on  a 
mountain  called  II  Monte  di  Borano)  and  a  high  mountain 
called  La  Montagna  di  Vezzi. 

Pleasant  vineyards  overlooking  Ischia  on  the  middle 
between  the  two  towns. 

On  the  north  side  of  the  Cremate,  about  2  mile  long 
and  I  broad,  fine  hills  covered  with  myrtle  and  lentiscus ; 
vales  too  among  them,  and  towards  the  sea  fruitful  with 
vines,  &c.  Hereabouts  Pontanus  formerly  had  a  villa. 
Onwards  to  the  north-west  you  pass  through  roads  planted 
with  myrtle,  &c.,  vineyards,  and  little  inequalities  of  hill, 
vale,  wood,  shrub,  &c.  to  the  lake,  about  a  mile  round, 
on  the  border  of  which  the  Bagno  di  Fontana. 

Vistas  in  the  island  very  various,  as  sometimes  in  a 
plain  thick  planted  with  trees  and  vines,  obstructing 
a  distant  view ;  at  other  times  a  patent  prospect  in  a  vale 
environed  with  fruitful  hills,  on  which  white  houses 
scattered.  Borano  with  its  steeple  makes  a  pretty  prospect, 
being  situate  on  a  hill.  Sometimes  a  deep  road  with  high 
banks  on  either  side,  very  refreshing  in  the  heats ;  some- 
times deep  and  tremendous  precipices,  many  round  hills 
gently  rising,  covered  to  the  top  with  vines;  sometimes 
horrid  rocks  and  grottos,  and  clefts  in  the  earth  with 
bridges  over  them  in  some  places. 

The  bath  Ulmitello  lies  to  the  south  part  of  the  island 
in  a  deep  cleft  between  rocks,  which  opens  into  the  strand 
of  the  sea ;  it  is  a  well  or  two  without  buildings. 

South  of  Testaccio  there  is  a  strange  confusion  of  rocks, 
hills,  vales,  clefts,  plains,  and  vineyards  one  above  another, 
jumbled  together  in  a  very  singular  and  romantic  manner. 


300  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

North  or  north-west  stands  the  Sudatorio  di  Castiglione 
in  the  side  of  a  rock,  on  which  Jasolino  tells  you  may  be 
seen  the  ruins  of  a  castle  since  the  days  of  Hiero.  I  saw 
some  ruins  of  an  old  wall,  but  nothing  that  looked  like 
Greek  or  Roman  work,  the  stones  and  cement  being  but 
rude.  I  saw  likewise  the  ruins  of  a  piscina,  or  receptacle 
for  water,  well  plastered.  Between  this  rock  and  the 
sea,  in  the  vale,  lies  Casa  Cumana,  a  small  village  where 
Jasolin  thinks  the  Euboeans  first  inhabited.  Near  the  sea- 
shore, likewise  in  the  vale,  I  saw  the  Bagno  di  Castiglione. 

Two  eletti  in  the  city  of  Ischia  officers  of  the  city 
supreme.  When  they  go  out  of  office  they  name  each 
two  candidates,  out  of  which  the  eletti  del  popolo  for  next 
year  are  chosen  by  the  parlamento,  consisting  of  twenty 
persons,  lo  countrymen,  ten  citizens,  the  which  parliament 
is  new  made  reciprocally  by  the  eletti  as  soon  as  they 
come  into  employment.  This  parliament  consults  of  things 
relating  to  the  well  governing  the  town,  assessing  taxes, 
&c.  In  Foria  they  have  a  syndic  for  supreme  magistrate, 
likewise  chosen  by  the  people;  there  is  another  syndic 
between  Borano  and  Fontana,  one  year  in  Borano,  and 
names  a  deputato  to  govern  in  Fontana,  and  vice  versa. 
This  magistrate  sets  prices  on  meat,  bread,  corn,  wine,  &c. 
Catapani  are  inferior  officers  that  go  about  the  shops 
inspecting  bread,  wine,  measures,  &c.  So  far  Signor 
Giam.Battista. 

Jachino  and  Aniele  say  that  once  only  in  three  years 
the  syndic  is  in  each  of  the  3  following  towns — Fontana, 
Borano,  Casamici,  the  syndic  sending  two  deputati  to  the 
other  places.  Twenty  men  constitute  the  senate  of  each 
of  these  3  towns,  and  Foria,  which  hath  constantly  its  own 
syndic.  These  all  vote  for  the  eletti  of  Ischia,  who  (if 
1  mistake  not)  reciprocally  make  the  syndics. 

Several  gentlemen  of  Ischia  taken  up  and  sent,  some  to 
be  imprisoned  at  Naples,  others  at  Surrento,  others  at 
Caprea,  at  the  same  time  that  near  200  were  imprisoned  as 
relations  of  the  banditti  in  the  castle  of  Ischia.  These 
gentlemen  were  taken  up  on  suspicion  of  having  favoured 
somehow  the  flight  or  concealment  of  them.  Among  the 
rest  some  of  the  eletti,  Don  Francesco  Menghi,  and  Don 
Domenico  Rinfreschi,  a  man  of  great  note,  were  confined 
in  their  houses. 


ISLAND    OF    ISCHIA  301 

South-west  of  the  island,  on  the  sea-shore  near  the 
Castle  of  S.  Angelo,  is  the  arena  of  S.  Angelo,  as  also 
a  hot  bath.  In  some  places  a  smoke  and  sulphureous 
smell  issues  from  the  sand;  in  others,  making  a  hole, 
there  suddenly  issues  out  hot  water,  whith  in  a  little  time 
boils  eggs,  beans,  or  other  things  for  the  peasants. 

Natale  saith  there  are  forty  in  the  parliament  of  Ischia, 
as  many  constitute  that  of  Foria,  20  in  the  others.  The 
eletti  and  syndics  are  proposed  by  the  Marquis  del  Vasto 
or  his  Castellano,  double  to  the  respective  parliaments, 
who  choose  which  they  like. 

The  parliament  men  for  life ;  judge  changed  once  a 
year. 

Ischia,  Campagnano,  Pieio,  Cumana,  Testaccio,  Borano, 
Fontana,  Moropane,  Pansa,  Foria,  Casamici,  Cufa. 

Inhabitants  of  Fontana  keep  flocks  of  sheep  and  goats. 
Lower  parts  of  Monte  S.  Nicolo  clothed  with  vines ;  upper 
part  with  barley,  wheat,  and  Indian  com ;  top  naked  and 
white.  Fontana  situate  among  oak-trees.  Narrow,  deep 
vales,  like  cracks  in  the  earth  cloven  by  an  earthquake,  as 
appears  by  the  opposite  sides  tallying,  as  also  from  their 
shape :  a  bridge  over  one  of  these. 

Foria  in  a  plain  situate  at  a  corner  of  the  island,  having 
a  sort  of  mole  and  harbour ;  the  country  about  it  full  of 
vines  and  fruit-trees.  Some  rough  land  and  ups  and 
downs  between  that  and  Lo  Lacco.  This  last  town  and 
Casamici  situate  among  vines  and  fruit-trees,  after  which 
hills  covered  with  myrtles  and  lentiscus,  glyns,  groves  of 
chesnuts,  &c. 

The  clergy  of  Ischia  get  each  a  Caroline  a  mass ;  the 
parish  priest  is  not  allowed  to  say  above  one  mass  a  day ; 
admits  others  into  share  of  the  profits  arising  from  masses 
for  the  dead. 

The  number  of  the  clergy  in  Ischia  accounted  for  by 
their  lodging  the  goods  of  the  family  in  the  name  and 
under  the  protection  of  the  priest,  who  in  case  of  murder 
or  the  like  crimes  secures  them  from  forfeiture.  The 
bishop  admits  none  to  orders  who  is  not  invested  first 
with  the  sum  of  700  ducats. 

'  Pontificum  collegium  usque  ad  Theodosii  senioris 
tempora  Romae  fuit.  Quibus  uno  edicto  sacerdotum 
omnium  reditus  fisco  applicati  sunt.'    Zosimus. 


302  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

Fat  quails  in  Ischia  sold  for  3  farthings  a  piece  ;  these 
brought  by  wind  from  Africa  hither  and  to  Caprea,  whose 
bishop's  revenue,  consisting  mostly  of  quails,  is  uncertain 
as  the  wind. 

Women  imprisoned  at  Ischia  as  relations  of  the  banditti 
after  divers  weeks  set  free  at  five  ducats  a  head. 

Quinces  also  and  medlars  in  the  island;  and,  among 
other  fruits  unknown  to  us,  two  deserving  note  particularly, 
viz.  lazzeruoli  and  suorbi. 

The  inhabitants  make  a  good  deal  of  money  out  of  dried 
figs  and  uvae  passae. 

Confraternity  of  100  persons  in  Testaccio.  When  any 
one  of  these  dies,  a  hundred  masses  are  said  for  his  soul 
at  the  expense  of  the  society,  it  being  a  Caroline  a  mass. 
The  like  fraternities  all  over  the  island,  as  well  as  every- 
where else  in  Italy.  The  parish  priest's  fee  is  7  carlines 
a  death,  a  hen  a  birth,  15  carlines  a  marriage.  On  New 
Year's  day,  Easter  day.  Corpus  Christi  day,  he  dispenses 
indulgences,  and  all  that  are  worth  money  bring  it  him  on 
these  occasions  according  to  their  ability. 

Mem.  The  celebration  of  St.  George's  (the  patron  of 
Testaccio)  day  and  other  festivals. 

Women's  ornaments  large  gold  earrings,  and  if  married, 
many  large  gold  rings  set  with  false  stones  on  their  fingers ; 
but  the  principal  finery  consists  in  the  apron,  particoloured 
and  embroidered  with  tinsel,  &c. ;  these  worn  only  on 
holidays,  no  more  than  the  rings. 

The  Ischiots  likewise  make  presents  of  their  wine  and 
corn,  &c.  to  the  church,  for  supplying  wax  candles  and 
keeping  it  in  repair. 

At  certain  times  laymen  go  about  begging  money  for 
buying  wax  candles.  Meeting  them  once  on  a  time,  I 
asked  them  for  whom  they  sought  charity.  A  woman 
standing  by  said,  'For  Jesus  Christ.' 

Not  a  beggar  to  be  seen  in  the  island,  except  now  and 
then  a  poor  foreigner  that  comes  to  the  baths. 

No  stories  or  notions  of  ghosts  among  the  common 
people. 

In  marriages  of  Ischiots,  the  wedding-day,  the  relations 
of  the  bride,  brothers,  sisters,  &c.,  accompany  her  to  the 
bridegroom's  house  (her  father  and  mother  excepted,  who 
always  stay  at  home) :  having  left  her  there,  they  return  to 


ISLAND    OF    ISCHIA  303 

the  house  of  the  bride's  father  and  there  sup,  as  the 
relations  of  the  bridegroom  do  at  his  house.  Next  morning 
relations  of  both  parties  bring  presents  of  hemp,  napkins, 
shirts,  utensils  for  the  house,  &c.  neatly  done  up  in  baskets, 
to  the  house  of  the  bridegroom,  where  they  are  treated  all 
that  day  at  dinner. 

In  burials  the  fraternities  accompany  the  corpse;  nearest 
relations  mourn  a  month,  not  shaving  their  beards  for 
so  long. 

Burrhi  [?]  the  chymist  told  Sealy  he  could  do  the  miracle 
of  St.  Januarius'  blood. 

This  Sealy  is  a  lively  old  man  that  has  eat  2000  vipers. 
I  have  seen  him  eat  them  raw  and  moving. 

'  Si  quis  piorum  manibus  locus ;  si,  ut  sapientibus  placet, 
non  cum  corpore  extinguuntur  magnae  animae  ;  placide 
quiescas,  nosque  domum  tuam  ab  infirmo  desiderio  et 
muliebribus  lamentis  ad  contemplationem  virtutum  tuarum 
voces,'  &c.  Tacitus,  In  Vita  Agricolce.  N.B.  This  like 
papists  praying  to  the  dead. 

N.B.  The  description  given  of  the  Bonzi  in  Japan  by 
Maffeius  (Lib.  12)  agrees  to  the  Jesuits  exactly,  there  being 
no  such  powerful  and  crafty  institution  among  the  old 
Romans  as  may  serve  to  match  them  or  be  drawn  into 
parallel. 

3  or  400  ducats  a  common  portion  for  a  woman  in 
Ischia. 

Sept.  7.  N.S.  1717. 

Between  5  and  6  in  the  morning  it  began  to  thunder, 
and  continued  without  a  moment's  intermission  in  one  peal 
for  the  space  of  above  an  hour,  during  which  time  the 
south  sky  seemed  all  on  fire. 

Quails  said  to  be  met  in  great  numbers  on  the  sea, 
swimming  with  one  wing  up  for  a  sail. 

The  demoniacs  of  S.  Andrea  della  Valle  something  like 
the  foaming  priestesses  or  mad  Bacchanals  among  the 
ancients. 

Mem.  To  consult  V.  Maximus  for  parallels  to  the  Church 
of  Rome. 

Oranges,  lemons,  olives,  and  medlars  likewise  grow  in 
the  island  of  Ischia. 


yr4  fMJfrMAf,    FN    fTALV 

M^flf  tf'infUfT)%  tm  Vrfi  z**^,,  on  the  death  of  his  father, 
ffKnfnlfi  fw^r  <1rtv<*  ff/rTn  ^11  nMiriJihmcnt,  even  a  piece  of 
iithnfi  tit  i*!irr  (ffwnu* ;  tUfthmu  hit  a  cup  of  water. 

(n/'fil/fl«»'  llrif'ff  rtll  ffifldr  of  hrmp. 

'  tUhh  ^M|ftn  n  («»lll^  vir^in^M  vcMales  pedibus  abeuntes 
I  Allfthh(i4  In  plnnMnirn  rrripit  dcpositis  inde  uxore  et 
Illf^tU'  lltliikiMf(  (if  thr  KngliMh  merchant  at  Leghorn 
wlfM  It'll  \\U  tHMlhrr  nnt  af  IiIm  will  to  leave  all  to  the  Jesuits 
HI  hlMiM,  |miIm  mi(«  in  nilnci  of  thin. 


M\nul(iY  nuM'hIng,  Sept.  19,  N.S. 

\  \\\\  \\v\\\\\v\s  wMlunU  v\^\\\,  wiiul  or  thunder :  saw  three 

V  ^0\h>^^^  ^^v^w,  rt^  IvMWicrl^w  Invuvrht  to  the  temple  of 

U\^^^\.^^\  ^^<\U\MV^  <w\u  ^Jvs\  \\Mui<wncd  fi>r  pcisoiuE^ 

w^s^  \^\\^\t  ^M^^   J  \V>\  'iVsii^tf  <vA  n^§  kco  ia&ia: 

^'-*-  -x^^  .-'  >^   ^«'-    O- —  ^  *  ^ 

S.s^     w»*^<iV       ••-"-■'      •■!'•.■'     •"  _      


ISLAND    OF    ISCHIA  305 

decorations  of  their  churches,  possibly  somewhat  like 
lectisterniums  \ 

Qu.  whether  as  incense,  so  wax  candles,  were  used  by 
the  heathens. 

The  leaves  of  myrtle  and  lentiscus  dried  and  sent  to  the 
tanners  in  Naples.  Qu.  about  this,  and  whether  there  may 
not  a  like  use  be  made  of  leaves  in  England. 

Road  between  the  lake  and  Ischia  lying  through  the 
remains  of  eruptions.  The  stones  I  saw  among  these 
remains,  particularly  those  worn  under  foot,  confirm  the 
streets  of  Naples  being  paved  with  the  matter  of  eruptions. 

Strabo  (Lib.  5)  saith  Procita  was  anciently  broken  oflf 
from  Ischia :  that  the  Eretrians  and  Chalcedonians  (or 
people  of  Chalcis)  were  obliged  to  quit  Ischia  by  earth- 
quakes and  eruptions  of  fire,  of  which,  saith  he,  there  are 
many  in  the  island  :  the  same  also  obliged  persons  sent  by 
Hiero  to  quit  a  building  they  had  begun.  Hence  the  fable 
of  Typhoeus  lying  underneath  it.  He  quotes  Pindar  as 
being  of  opinion  that  the  whole  tract  of  Italy,  being  from 
Cumae,  and  so  on  to  Sicily,  is  hollowed  underground  with 
great  caverns  corresponding  with  each  other.  Hence 
iEtna,  Vesuvius,  Solfatara,  Ischia,  Liparean  Islands  bum, 
and  that  therefore  he  feigned  Typhoeus  to  lie  under  that 
tract  He  likewise  quotes  Timeus  for  horrible  eruptions 
and  earthquakes  from  Monte  Epomeo,  which  caused  even 
the  inhabitants  on  the  coast  of  the  continent  to  withdraw 
with  fright  into  the  midland  parts  of  Campania.  So  far 
Strabo. 

Pliny  (Lib.  3.  c.  6)  saith  Ischia  was  called  iEnaria,  from 
the  good  reception  or  station  iEneas'  ships  met  with  there ; 
and  P^thecusae,  from  the  Greek  Pytnos,  signifying  an 
earthen  pitcher  or  sort  of  earthen  vessel. 

Ovid,  Metam.  1.  14 : — 

'Inarimen  Prochytamque  l^t  sterilique  locatas 
Colle  Pjrthecusas ; ' 

1    On  the  opposite  page  Berke-  "  Vnra  Giudas,'*  &c.  This  was  very 

ley   writes    thus : — '  N.B.    About  shocking  to  some  serious  Protes- 

6ve    years    since,    or    less,    Mr.  tants  present.     Qu.  whether  the 

Litllejobn  was  present  at  a  repre-  ancients  did    not,  as  a  piece  of 

sentation  of  our  Savionr^s  passion  religion,  represent  or  act  certain 

at  the  Palace  in  Naples.     It  was  passages  of  the  history  of  their 


a  comedy  horridly  ridiculous.    As      fabulous  deities.^ 
Judas  acted  best,  they  cried  out 

rUASESL      lY. 


306  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

where  Pythecusae  and  Inarime  are  plainly  distinguished, 
the  former  seeming  to  signify  only  the  town  on  the 
rock. 

Mem.  To  consult  Lucan  (Lib.  5),  and  likewise  for  the 
Island  Ischia. 

It  is  observable  that  Livy  too  distinguishes  iEnaria  from 
Pythecusae.  The  same  passage  (1.  8.  d.  i)  of  Livy  makes 
the  Eubceans  to  have  inhabited  Ischia  before  Cuma,  which 
Strabo  says  was  the  oldest  city  in  Italy  or  Sicily.  Hence 
Ischia  the  most  anciently  inhabited. 

Aloes  and  Indian  figs  grow  wild  in  several  parts  of 
the  island,  at  least  the  aloes  grow  wild ;  likewise  dates, 
almonds,  walnuts. 

The  vista  from  S.  Nicolo.  South — Caprea,  and  moun- 
tains beyond  the  Bay  of  Salerno.  South-east —  Promontory 
of  Minerva,  and  beyond  that  the  Cape  of  Palinurus,  vulg. 
Capo  di  Palinuro,  Massa,  Vico,  Surrento,  Castelmare,  all 
on  the  side  of  a  chain  of  mountains.  East — Vivaro, 
Procita,  Miseno,  Baiae,  Pozzuolo,  Pausilypo,  top  of  Naples 
or  S.  Elmo,  Vesuvius.  North-east — Cuma.  North — 
Campania  Felice,  being  to  the  sea,  a  large  plain  on  the 
other  side  bounded  by  mountains.  North-west — Montes 
Massici  (as  I  suppose),  Mola,  Caieta,  a  small  isle,  &c.,  as 
far  as  the  promontory  of  Retium.  West — Ponsa,  and  two 
smaller  isles  more.     South-west — the  sea. 

In  the  fortress  of  Ischia,  entrance  cut  through  a  rock ;  false 
stairs ;  garrison  1 10  ;  nunnery  ;  pretty  cathedral,  clean  ; 
ornaments  in  stucco,  paintings  so  so ;  bishop's  palace ; 
prisoners  obliged  to  buy  the  masseriae  of  the  banditti,  and 
pay  besides  5  or  6  crowns  a  head.  Dates  and  walnuts  in 
the  island  of  Ischia.  Vivaro  hath  some  vines ;  a  world  of 
pheasants ;  a  mile  and  |  round.  Procita  7  miles  round ; 
eight  or  ten  thousand  souls  ;  8000  butts  of  wine  the  worst 
year,  sometimes  15,000  or  more ;  yields  the  Marquis  del 
Vasto  4000  ducats  per  annum,  besides  free  gifts  of  3  or 
4000  ducats  now  and  then ;  the  latter  sum  was  given  by 
the  University  (as  they  term  it)  on  his  returning  from 
making  a  great  expense  at  Vienna.  200  feluccas  or  small 
boats ;  50  tartans  \  What  they  make  in  all  of  wine,  fruits, 
and  fish,  amounts   to   about   160,000  ducats  per  annum. 

^   Tartane,  a  kind  of  ship. 


ISLAND    OF    ISCHIA  307 

Clergy  160,  secular,  whereof  120  parish  priests ;  likewise 
a  Dominican  convent;  subject  all  to  the  Archbishop  of 
Naples.  Palace  of  the  Marquis  on  the  east  or  north-east 
point,  rising,  large,  regular,  handsome,  unfurnished ;  not 
lived  in  by  the  Marquis  since  Philip  got  possession  of 
Naples ;  he,  being  of  the  other  party,  then  left  the  king- 
dom, and  since  lived  at  Vasto ;  little  garden  of  myrtles 
and  jessamines  belonging  to  it.  Fine  view,  the  whole  one 
vineyard  ;  masseriae  enclosed  with  stone  walls ;  houses 
thick  like  a  suburb  to  a  town.  Heights  at  two  ends,  east 
and  west ;  on  the  latter  a  ruin,  on  the  former  the  castle, 
and  within  that  the  palace. 

Harbour  between  Monte  di  Procita  and  Miseno.  At 
the  end  of  Pausilypo  Nisita,  where  M.  Brutus,  about  a  mile 
round,  hath  a  castle  and  2  or  3  houses ;  is  thick  planted 
with  olives.  Grottos  in  the  side  of  Pausilypo.  Virgil's 
school  an  ancient  brick  ruin;  divers  other  fragments  of 
brick  ruin.  (N.B.The  first  remarks  belong  to  the  further  end 
of  Pausilypo.)  Palaces  along  the  side  or  foot  of  Pausilypo; 
the  hill  all  along  crowned  with  villas,  villages,  vines,  and 
fruit-trees.  Pausilypo,  Baiae,  &c.  all  crack[ed]  and  broken 
in  the  surface,  as  if  shaken  to  pieces. 

Since  I  came  to  Naples,  a  person  formerly  a  waterman 
who  tugged  at  the  oar  bought  a  dukedom;  he  is  now 
Duca  di  Lungano.  This  I  had  as  certain  from  the  English 
Consul.  Valetta  and  the  other  reckon  but  2  millions  in 
the  kingdom  of  Naples,  and  not  above  five  millions  in 
Italy,  a  4th  in  the  city  flying  thither  from  the  oppression  of 
the  barons  who  rule  the  country. 

The  ashes  on  an  altar  in  the  south  of  Italy  which  no  wind 
could  stir.     Livy. 

The  Hebrew  and  Saint  in  Genoa. 

The  holy  water  fright  in  Leghorn. 

After  all  it  may  be  said  that  the  greater  part  of  the 
ceremonies  and  customs  borrowed  from  the  heathens  are 
harmless.  I  agree,  indeed,  that  the  innovations  of  their 
own  making  are  more  mischievous  than  the  adopted  ones. 

Their  vestals  were  not  enough  to  thin  a  country ; 

their  colleges  of  augurs,  &c.  did  not  swarm  as  modern 
friars ;  they  had  no  order  to  parallel  with  the  Jesuits. 
Modern  Rome  hath  inventions  of  her  own  worse  than  the 
old,  and  withal  hath  encheri  upon  the  old. 

y.  2 


308  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

Solfatara  pays  700  crowns  per  annum  to  the  Annunciata, 
and  60  to  the  Bishop  of  Pozzuolo. 

Pontanus  (1.  6)  will  have  it  that  Ischia  was  torn  by  an 
earthquake  from  the  continent,  the  land  being  like  the 
Campagnia  Felice  in  fertility. 

Nat.  Comes,  in  Fabula  de  Typhone,  saith  that  Ischia  is 
most  abundant  and  fertile,  and  rich  in  mines  of  gold ;  the 
same  saith  Jasolino  himself. 

Partenope  (now  called  Venlotiene)  on  the  west  of  Ischia, 
sea  on  the  south  and  south-west,  Caprea  south-east, 
Surrento  east,  Procita  and  Naples,  &c.  north-east,  Cam- 
pagnia Felice  north.    . 

Contiene  (Ischia)  promontorii,  valli,  piani,  fonti,  fiumi, 
laghi,  penisole,  isthmi,  monti,  bellissimi  giardini  e  copia  di 
soavi  e  delicati  frutti,  vini  perfetti  di  piu  sorti,  gran  copia 
di  cedri,  arancie  e  limoni,  e  miniere  d'oro  come  anche 
dice  Strabone  [?]. 

Giovianus  Pontanus  had  a  villa  near  the  ruins  of  the 
conflagration,  as  Jasolino  saith,  but  I  could  hear  nothing 
of  it  now. 

Between  the  Cremate  and  Casamici  mounts  covered  with 
myrtle  and  other  shrubs. 

Near  the  Sudatorio  di  Castiglione  a  vale  in  Jasolino*s 
time,  called  Negroponte. 

Alum  in  the  island  of  Ischia. 

Monte  and  Castello  di  S.  Angelo  in  una  penisola. 

Fonte  di  Nitroli.  The  aqueduct  that  conveys  the  water 
of  Buceto  5  miles,  from  near  the  top  of  Epomeus  to  Ischia 
town. 

Jasolino  first  printed  in  1588. 

V.  Plinium,  1.  3.  c.  6;  and  1.  5.  c.  31 ;  and  1.  31.  c.  2. 

II  fountains  of  fresh  and  35  of  hot  medicinal  waters  are 
reckoned  in  Ischia. 

A  foolish  custom  of  taking  the  baths  and  stufe  an  odd 
number  of  times. 

The  baths  of  Ischia  not  so  useful  in  the  bissextile 
years.  This  Jasolino  affirms  from  his  own  observa- 
tion, quoting,  like  Savonarola,  Baccio,  &c.  for  the  same 
opinion. 

It  is  usual  to  purge  before  the  baths  or  stufe,  to  stay 
half  an  hour  in  the  bath,  and  sweat  half  an  hour  after  in 
the  bed. 


ISLAND    OF    ISCHIA  3O9 

Baths  make  one  thirsty,  and  are  apt  to  give  the  headache 
to  those  who  are  ever  subject  to  it. 

During  the  baths  beware  of  cold,  use  meats  thai:  are 
nourishing  and  easy  of  digestion,  abstain  from  sleep  by 
day,  water  your  wine  well,  go  to  stool  before  you  take 
the  bath,  be  merry;  in  certain  baths  'tis  good  to  wash 
wounds. 

A  piece  of  a  sword,  two  fingers  broad  and  a  span  long, 
passed  between  the  ist  rib  and  the  jugular  bone  through 
the  cavity  of  the  thorax  and  the  point  between  the  8th 
and  9th  rib  behind.  This  piece  (thought  to  have  been 
lost  in  the  sand  or  sea)  remained  a  year  and  17  days  in 
the  body  of  a  Napolitan  gentleman,  whence  it  was  ex- 
tracted (after  many  terrible  symptoms)  by  Jasolino,  and 
the  party  re-established  by  the  baths  of  Gurgitello  and 
Fontana.  The  same  baths  probably  enabled  him  to  live 
so  long  with  that  iron  in  his  body,  the  wound  having  been 
made  in  Ischia  and  the  baths  applied. 

B.  di  Fornello  good  for  the  ague,  spleen  (or  rather  dis- 
orders in  the  spleen) ;  good  for  obstinate,  deep,  and  sinuous 
ulcers,  dropsy,  headache ;  breaks  the  stone,  draws  away 
sand,  opens  the  bladder,  helps  in  the  gout,  takes  away 
nauseating  of  stomach. 

B.  di  Fontana  heals  wounds,  draws  out  iron,  good  for 
lungs  and  liver,  cures  the  mange  or  psora,  makes  the 
hair  fair  and  long,  restores  wasted  persons,  draws  out 
fragments  of  bones. 

B.  di  Gurgitello  cures  barrenness,  repairs  the  consumed, 
strengthens  the  stomach,  breaks  the  stone,  good  for  the 
liver,  cleans  the  psora,  incites  an  appetite,  draws  out  iron. 

B.  degli  denti  et  degli  occhi  vicine  di  Gurgitello. 

B.  d'Ulmitello  is  good  for  the  arthritis,  tenesmus,  gravel, 
cholic,  ophthalmia,  asthma,  palpitation,  ague,  itch,  leprosy, 
deafness,  folks  disordered  in  lungs  or  spleen. 

B.  di  Succellano,  now  called  B.  della  Regna,  is  good  for 
scab,  lengthens  the  hair,  clears  women's  complexion,  is 
profitable  to  the  bladder,  eases  tenesmus  and  ague. 

B.  di  piazza  Romana  takes  away  itching  of  the  eyes, 
stops  the  running  of  tears,  strengthens  the  eyes,  purges 
bile,  stops  a  cough,  fastens  hair,  preventing  its  falling, 
cures  broken  legs. 

Sud.  di  Castiglione  good  for  the  arthritis,  colic,  mal  del 


3IO  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

fianco,  hysterical  fits,  gout,  dropsy,  palsy,  weakness  of 
limbs ;  lightens  the  body,  cures  disorders  of  the  liver,  as 
when  redness  in  the  cheeks ;  cures  scab,  itch,  morphew,  &c.  ; 
comforts  the  heart,  gives  an  appetite,  helps  digestion,  is 
good  for  the  vertigo,  sores  in  palate,  jaws,  and  gums,  and 
nostrils. 

S.  di  S.  Laurenzo  at  Casamici  good  for  arthritis, 
dropsy,  &c. 

S.  di  Testaccio,  a  hole  in  the  ground,  about  4  foot  deep 
and  3  wide,  sending  forth  a  vapour  sulphureous  with  some 
tincture  of  nitre,  calcanthus,  and  bitumen.  This  found  on 
examining  it  by  a  glass  bell  by  Jasolino. 

This  milder  than  other  sudatories,  which  frequently  cause 
faintings ;  good  for  softening  le  parti  indurite,  for  evacuat- 
ing the  whole  body  by  sweat;  lightens  the  body,  dries 
internal  wounds;  good  for  the  doglia  del  fianco,  for 
hysterical  fits  and  the  dropsy,  taken  in  the  beginning; 
good  for  palsies  and  convulsions,  &c.,  &c. 

Rainerio  Solenandro  parlando  di  Testaccio  cioe  del 
sudatorio.  Cujus  calor  distorta  crura  vel  quosvis  alios 
statu  deformi  depravatos  artus  impositos  cuniculo  dirigit 
et  reformat :  quemadmodum  a  lignariis  fabris  videmus 
contorta  ligna  flammis  dirigi  et  restitui.  Lib.  1°.  de  Can. 
Cal.  Font.  Med.  cap.  8. 

L'  arenatione  di  S.  Restituta  mille  passi  lontana  da 
Gurgitello.  The  terreno  sulphureous,  aluminous,  ferru- 
gineous  ;  most  excellent  for  the  dropsy,  dissolves  swellings 
from  the  gout,  cures  hysteric  affections ;  perfect  cure  for 
the  palsy  and  contractions  of  the  nerves.  Heats  and  dries, 
taken  in  beginning  of  summer  or  in  autumn.  Hole  must 
not  be  more  than  3  foot  deep,  otherwise  hot  water  betrays 
itself.  This  water  shews  much  salt  beside  the  above 
qualities.  The  arenation  is  good  against  leprosy,  abortions, 
orthritis,  and  dead  palsy  especially. 

Arena  di  S.  Angelo,  on  the  sea  shore,  above  a  hundred 
paces  long  and  about  9  broad ;  in  some  places  hotter  than 
in  others;  smokes  and  burns  in  some;  hath  a  bath  or 
fountain  of  water  near.  Nitre  predominant,  with  iron, 
bitumen,  and  sulphur.  Good  for  sciatica,  gout,  dropsy, 
abortions,  palsy ;  in  a  word,  for  everything  that  the  former 
is,  and  in  greater  perfection. 

The  foregoing  accounts  partly  from  the  Ischiots,  viva 


BORELLUS    ON    i€TNA  3II 

voce,  but  much  the  greater  part  out  of  Giulio  Jasolino  and 
Joannes  Elysius,  Napolitan  physicians. 

Seely  told  me  that  he  has  drunk  ten  young  vipers  taken 
out  of  the  womb,  all  living,  as  big  as  large  pins,  in  one 
glass  of  wine.  Takes  powder  of  vipers  dried  in  the  shade, 
a  drachm  a  day  during  the  months  of  May  and  September. 
Sweetens  the  blood  above  all  things. 

Manna  in  Ischia. 

Five  dukes  beside  marquises,  barons,  &c.,  now  living 
who  bought  their  estates  and  titles  from  having  been 
common  merchants :  one  had  been  a  waterman,  now 
Duke  di  Castiglione ;  another  a  porter,  now  Duke  di  San 
Levissino. 

Borellus  will  have  it  that  the  cavities  of  iEtna  are  small 
tubes  and  receptacles  near  the  surface,  running  along  the 
sides  of  the  mountain  like  S3^hons,  which,  incurvated,  ex- 
plain the  ascent  or  eruption  of  the  liquefied  matter  through 
an  orifice  lower  than  the  fountain  head.  He  thinks  this 
the  way  rather  than  boiling  over  like  a  pot,  which  is 
contrary,  says  he,  to  the  gravity  of  that  matter,  as  well  as 
to  its  density,  which  hinder  it  from  ascending  or  frothing. 
*  Et  hoc/  saith  he,  *  historiae  iEtneorum  incendiorum  satis 
persuadere  videntur,  nam  nunquam  observatum  est  ex 
altissimo  ^Etnae  cratere  fluorem  vitreum  eructatum  fuisse, 
sed  tantummodo  exiisse  fumos  et  flammas  quae  magno 
impetu  ejecerint  arenas  et  saxea  fragmenta,  fluorem  vero 
vitreum  semper  ex  novis  voraginibus  apertis  in  diversis 
locis  lateralibus  montis  exiisse.'  Jo.  Alphonsi  Borelli  de 
Incendiis  iEtnae,  cap.  13  ^ 

Borellus's  slits  in  the  side  of  iEtna  explain  those  on 
Monte  Epomeo '. 

Borelli  in  the  right  that  the  mountain  is  large  enough 
to  supply  the  matter  flowing  down  the  sides;  that  the 
mountain  subsides  or  decreases  in  height,  while  'tis 
enlarged  in  circumference ;  that  the  rivers  are  made  not 
so  much  of  sulphur,  bitumen,  &c.,  as  molten  stones  and 
sand. 

*  Borellus  is  one  of  the  author!-  sect.  249. 
ties  referred  to  in  the  De  MotUy  ^  Monte  Epomeo,  in  the  centre 

sect.  9,  16,  19,  67 ;  also  in  Alci-  of  Ischia. 
phrofiy  Dial.  VII,  9 ;  and  in  Sms, 


313  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

The  formation  of  Monte  Novo  in  one  night,  and  the 
covering  of  Inarime  many  foot  deep  (at  least  where  I  had 
an  opportunity  of  observing),  seem  to  contradict  Borelli, 
where  he  thinks  there  are  no  such  vast  caverns,  &c. 

Borelli  saith  all  the  liquefied  matter  is  generated  near 
the  surface  in  the  sides  of  the  mountain,  and  that  there  is 
not  only  no  deep  vorago  reaching  to  the  level  of  the  sea, 
but  not  any  vast  cavity  (the  bulk  of  the  mountain  internally 
solid  stone,  otherwise  not  able  to  support  so  vast  a  weight), 
and  the  uppermost  vorago,  according  to  him,  not  reckoning 
above  loo  paces  deep.  This  to  be  contradicted :  earth- 
quakes and  workings  in  the  sea  prove  large  caverns. 

*  £t  magis  Inarime,  magis  ut  mugitor  anhelat, 
VesbiuS;  attonitas  acer  cum  suscitat  urbes.' 

Valerius  Flaccus,  Argon,  Lib.  3, 

'  Hsec  ego  Chalcidicis  ad  te,  Marcelle,  sonabam 
Litoribus,  fractas  ubi  Vesbius  egerit  iras, 
^mula  Trinacriis  volvens  incendia  flammis.' 

Stat  Sylv.  Lib.  4  ad  Marcellum. 

% 

Diodorus  Siculus  will  have  the  Cumaean  field  to  be 
called  Phlegrean  from  Vesuvius ;  I  should  rather  think  it 
was  from  the  Solfatara.    Diod.  1.  4  de  Hercule, 

Vid.  Epistolam  Plinii  ad  Taciturn. 

[Here  follows  a  long  extract  in  Latin  from  Xiphilini 
Epistola  Dionis  in  Tito.] 

The  head  and  face  of  Vesuvius  changed  by  the  eruptions 
often.  In  Strabo's  time  it  seems  to  have  been  neither 
biceps,  nor  to  have  a  hollow,  being  described  a  sandy  plain 
a-top. 

Observable  that  the  eruptions  have  been  mostly,  if  not 
altogether,  on  the  south  sides ;  the  north  been  free. 

Virgil,  in  Georg.  2,  enumerating  the  choice  wines,  omits 
that  of  Vesuvius,  as  also  do  other  ancient  authors ;  whereas 
it  is  now  found  to  excel  all  others.  This  owing  to  the 
great  quantity  of  nitre  from  the  eruptions  since  the  age  of 
Classics.  Anciently  the  soil  was  famous  for  fruitfulness  in 
corn,  which  it  hath  now  lost,  but  is  better  much  in  wine. 

Justin  (Hist.  1.  4.  c.  i)  thinks  the  eruptions  are  supplied 
from  the  sea ;  and  I  have  heard  Napolitans  of  good  sense 


VESUVIUS  313 

maintain  that  it  was  probably  the  sea  water  sucked  in  at 
the  bottom  of  the  mountain  which  flowed  out  at  the  top. 

Much  nitre  in  Vesuvius;  not  so  at  Solfatara.  Iron, 
silver,  brass,  or  the  like  metals,  vainly  or  poetically  (as 
in  the  inscription)  pretended  to  be  in  Vesuvius. 

Vesuvius  reckoned  32  mile  in  circuit,  and  above  two 
mile  perpendicular  height. 

It  is  pretended  that  in  31  *  hot  waters  were  spewed 
out  of  the  crater,  and  that  the  sea  was  dried  in  great 
measure,  which  is  brought  to  confirm  Justin's  thought. 

Islands  formed  in  the  sea,  and  motion  without  winds 
observed  in  the  ocean,  shew  there  are  such  portentous 
caverns  as  Borelli  laughs  at. 

Borelli  saith  ^Etna's  top  may  be  discerned  by  mariners 
at  200  miles  distance,  whence  some  have  concluded  it 
6  mile  perpendicular  height;  but  from  evident  reasons 
he  perceives  it  not  possible  it  should  be  above  3  mile 
high ;  wherefore  solves  it  being  seen  at  that  distance  by 
supposing  its  top  above  the  atmosphere.  Qu.  whether 
it  may  not  more  truly  be  solved  by  the  refractive  curve 
in  an  atmosphere  of  different  density. 

The  perimeter  of  ^Etna's  base  made  by  Borellus  to  be 
133  mile,  and  3  miles  its  height. 

Seneca  in  Ep,  79 :  '  Ignem  in  inferna  aliqua  valle  con- 
ceptum  exaestuare  et  alibi  pasci  non  in  ipso  monte  ali- 
mentum  sed  viam  habere.' 

Last  eruption  of  Vesuvius  to  the  south-east.  The  great 
torrent  in  the  widest  part  3  miles  broad  esteemed. 

Altera  Japoniorum  classis  eorum  est  qui  nefaria  gentis 
illius  procurant  sacra,  capite  ac  mento  prorsus  abraso, 
inter  quotidiana  et  occulta  flagitia  et  stupra,  coelibem  nihil- 
ominus  ac  sobriam  professi  vitam,  atque  ad  mortales 
decipiendos  conciliandae  pecuniae  causa,  in  omne  argu- 
mentum  sanctimoniae  gravitatisque  compositi :  iidem  nobi- 
lium  ac  divitum  exsequias  ducunt,  et  alternantibus  in  odaeo 
choris,  carmina  suo  more  decantant,  et  dicendi  copia  et 
facultate  praestantes  concionibus  populum  arbitratu  suo 
circumagunt.  Variae  ac  multae  numerantur  eorum  sectae  : 
nee  desunt  qui  ad  quandam  Rhodiorum  equitum  speciem 
bellicas  una  cum   religione  res  tractent ;    sed   communi 

*  i.e.  1631. 


314  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

omnes  appellatione  Bonzii  vocitantur,  honesto  loco  nati 
plerique  :  nam  proceres  multitudine  liberorum  et  angustia 
rei  familiaris  urgente  ex  iis  aliquos  ad  Bonziorum  instituta 
ac  familias  aggregant.  Multa  insuper  variis  habent  locis 
gymnasia  quas  Academias  dicimus  copiosis  instructa  vecti- 
galibus.  Atque  ob  eas  res  praecipuum,  ante  banc  hominum 
setatem,  toto  Japone  obtinebant  honoris  ac  dignitatis  locum ; 
sed  post  illatas  in  ea  loca  faces  Evangelii,  fraudesque  vulgo 
nudari  et  coargui  cceptas,  multum  videlicet  universo  generi 
de  auctoritate  atque  existimatione  decessit. 

A  man  makes  a  fine  entertainment  of  music  and  re- 
freshments, or  he  discharges  a  vast  quantity  of  powder 
in  mortalletti,  or  he  makes  an  expensive  firework,  and 
this  they  call  devotion,  and  the  author  devout. 

In  the  sudatory  adjoining,  Gregory  the  Great  (Lib.  Dial. 
4)  says  the  Bishop  of  Capua  saw  the  soul  of  a  holy  man 
doing  penance.  This  he  relates  as  a  thing  told  and  be- 
lieved in  his  time  ^ 

N.B.  The  various  dresses,  aspects,  and  complexions  of 
the  Madonna. 

[The  following  notice  occurs  on  the  opposite  page: — 
'  The  plebs  (Valetta  tells  me)  are  in  the  interest  of  the 
Germans;  most  of  the  middling  people,  or  gente  civile, 
in  that  of  the  Spaniards.  More  lawyers  among  the  Neapo- 
litans than  in  all  Italy  besides.  Several  Spanish  families 
settled  and  mixed  with  the  Neapolitan,  and  now  become 
one  with  the  people.  He  tells  me  that  these  eleven  years 
that  the  Germans  have  been  here  they  have  not  made  one 
friendship,  any  of  them,  with  the  natives.'] 

Sealy's  story  of  the  piece  of  tongue  stuck  in  the  wall 
of  a  church,  I  heard  told  by  him  in  presence  of  a  marchese 
and  a  lawyer,  who  yet  persisted  in  the  belief  of  that  absurd 
miracle,  saying  his  unbelief  hindered  the  operation. 

At  Bari  the  thigh-bone  of  the  saint  was  seen  in  an  open 
stone  chest  on  the  side  of  the  fountain,  which  had  four 
lighted  lamps  round  it ;  this  the  German  tells  me,  who 
saith  the  water  most  certainly  did  not  run  out  of  the  bone, 
as  he  evidently  saw.  Yet  at  Naples  men  of  quality  and 
learning  steadfastly  believe  this. 

One  Saturday  morning,  a  pewterer,  our  next  neighbour, 
had  a  Madonna,  being  a  painted,  gay  dressed  baby,  brought 

'  This  treatise  is  of  very  doubtful  authorship.     See  Cave,  Hist.  Lit. 


AT    NAPLES    IN    APRIL,   I718  315 

from  the  Spirito  Santo  to  his  shop,  which  was  hung  with 
gaudy  pieces  of  silk  for  her  reception.  She  came  in  a 
chair,  the  porters  bareheaded.  Upon  her  arrival,  mortal- 
letti  were  fired  at  the  door  of  the  pewterer ;  the  porters 
handing  her  out  made  a  profound  reverence  ;  the  windows 
opposite  and  adjoining  were  hung  with  silk  and  tapestry. 
That  night  she  was  entertained  with  firework,  as  she  had 
been  the  day  with  music  playing  in  the  street  to  welcome 
her.  The  next  morning  music  again  in  the  street,  and 
firework  at  night.  The  Monday  likewise  music,  and 
tapestry  hung  out  as  before.  She  was  that  day  after 
dinner  sent  away  in  a  chair,  with  salutations  of  the  porters 
bareheaded,  and  with  firing  of  mortalletti. 

St.  Gregory  (Lib.  4  Dialogorum)  relates  that  S.  Germanus, 
Bishop  of  Capua,  being  advised  to  sweat  in  the  sudatory 
by  the  Lago  Agnano,  there  saw  the  soul  of  Cardinal 
Paschasius  doing  penance. 

N.B.  The  Lago  d' Agnano  hath  no  fish,  but  abounds 
with  frogs  and  serpents. 


Monday,  April  11,  1718'. 

Set  out  from  Naples  after  dinner;  reached  Capua  that 
evening.  Germans  busied  in  fortifying  the  town  against 
the  approach  of  the  Spaniards. 

April  12. 

First  post  through  delicious  green  fields,  plain  and 
spacious,  adorned  with  fruit-trees  and  oaks,  so  scattered 
and  disposed  as  to  make  a  delightful  landscape ;  much 
corn  and  fruit. 

2d  post,  good  part  of  it  like  the  foregoing ;  then  pass 
through  a  wood  of  oaks,  cupi  [cypress  ?],  &c. ;  after  that 
came  into  a  country  less  plain ;  hills,  and  great  part  of 
the  road  cut  through  rocks ;  after  which  a  village,  Cassano, 
where  we  first  meet  the  Appian  Way.  Mountains  some- 
times before,  mostly  on  our  left,  since  we  left  Naples. 
Then  through  a  country  thick  set  with  wine,  oil,  &c.,  to 

*  The  preceding  letter  to  Pope,  April    ii   in   the   following  year, 

dated   Naples,   October  22,  1717,  when  the  travellers  were  leaving 

is  the  last  record  of  Berkeley  in  Naples  on  their  way  to  Rome, 
that  year.     Our  next  is  this,    on 


3l6  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

S.  Agata,  having  hills  on  left  and  right.     Sessa,  fine  town, 
within  less  than  a  mile  of  S.  Agata. 

3rd  post  10  miles  from  S.  Agata,  thick  planted  with 
olives  and  vines;  save  a  good  part  in  the  beginning, 
a  perfect  wood  of  olives ;  chain  of  mountains  on  our  left ; 
country  somewhat  unequal,  with  pleasant  risings ;  after 
this,  open,  large,  flat,  pleasant  meadows  along  the  Liris, 
which  flowed  on  our  right.  Cross  the  Liris  or  Garigliano 
at  ten  miles  from  S.  Agata,  which  is  a  posthouse  and 
little  else.  Here  the  Germans  had  made  a  bridge  of 
boats,  which  we  drove  over\  Having  changed  horses 
at  Garigliano  (a  house  or  two  so  called),  we  passed  on- 
ward between  an  old  aqueduct  on  the  right  and  certain 
large  ruins  on  the  left.  Treeto  on  a  hill  on  the  other 
side  the  aqueduct,  and  in  the  last  post  we  passed  by 
Castelforte  on  the  hills,  also  on  the  right.  Fine  corn, 
&c.  country,  till  within  about  4  miles  of  Mola,  when  it 
grew  stony,  and  unequal,  and  shrubby;  near  the  town  a 
large  grove  of  olives.  This  post  we  had  the  mountains 
near  us  on  the  right,  and  sea  on  the  left.  Mola  a  sea- 
port ;  poor  town  ^.  Divers  ruins,  seeming  as  of  sepulchres, 
&c.,  this  post  on  the  road  side.  Greatest  part  of  this 
post  passed  on  the  Appian  Way,  whereof  fragments  appear 
entire,  and  ending  abruptly,  as  if  part  had  been  cut  off 
or  taken  away.     Liris  larger  than  the  Vulturnus. 

5th  post  from  Mola  to  Itri.  After  a  little  way  this  post 
all  enclosed  between  hills  on  right  and  left ;  many  olives  ; 
almost  all  on  the  Appian  Way.  Itri  a  town  poor  and 
dirty,  but  pretty  large. 

6th  post  from  Itri  to  Fondi.  First  3  miles  prceterpropter 
between  and  over  hills  on  the  Appian  Way ;  then  descend 
a  few  miles  further  to  Fondi,  over  a  plain  well  planted ; 
cypress,  orange,  and  lemon  trees  near  the  town  ^. 

*  As  they  seem  to  have  crossed  trasts  with  the  olive  groves,  while 

in   a   ferry-boat   in    coming    from  the  middle  of  the  picture  is  formed 

Rome,   (p.  291 )   the  bridge  may  by  the  Bay  and  the  Promontory, 

have    been    constructed     in    the  the    background    by    the    distant 

interval.  hills. 

'^  The  Cicerone,  the  inn  at  Mola  ^  The    scenery  between   Fondi 

di  Gaeta,  is  supposed  to  be  on  the  and  Itri  is  beautiful,  but  travellers 

site  of  the  Formian  Villa  of  Cicero.  in  posting  days  were  anxious  to 

The     scenery     is     lovely.       The  press  on  quicWy,  as  the  inhabitants 

orange   groves  almost   touch    the  had  a  bad  reputation, 
shore,  and  their  bright  green  con- 


NAPLES   TO    ROME  317 

7th  post  from  Fondi  to  Terracina,  3  miles  through  a 
fruitful  plain ;  oranges,  &c.  Without  the  town  a  small 
river  seemed  to  render  it  marshy  and  unwholesome,  flow- 
ing by  the  city  on  the  side  towards  Rome ;  about  5  miles 
more,  as  I  could  judge,  having  woods  and  stony  hills 
on  right  close,  and  at  small  distance  on  left  the  Palus 
Pomptina;  land  flat,  marshy,  hardly  inhabited  for  the 
illness  of  the  air.  About  2  miles  further  close  along  the 
sea,  being  verged  on  the  right  by  mountains,  many  broken 
rocks,  as  fallen  in  an  earthquake,  on  the  road.  Near 
Terracina  a  grotto  with  an  entrance  like  a  large  door  cut 
in  the  rock,  the  face  whereof  is  also  cut  even  down,  re- 
sembling somewhat  the  gable-end  of  a  stone  house.  A 
fine  square  sepulchre  of  huge  square  stones  I  observed 
within  less  than  two  miles  before  we  came  to  the  bound- 
aries of  the  kingdom.  It  stood  on  the  road  to  our  right, 
and  is  become  a  stable  for  asses,  a  door  being  in  one  side 
of  it,  and  no  inscription.  N.B.  Having  passed  six  miles 
from  Fondi  we  came  to  the  limits  of  the  kingdom  and 
entered  the  Roman  States.     Lie  this  night  at  Terracina. 

April  13. 

1st  post  8  miles  from  Terracina  to  Limarudi,  along  the 
side  of  shrubby,  stony  hills  on  right ;  some  ruins,  seeming 
of  sepulchres,  on  the  road ;  on  the  left  Monte  Circello 
in  view.  All  this  post  on  left  marshy,  low  ground,  little 
cultivated,  and  uninhabited. 

and  post  8  miles  to  Piperno,  whereof  six  first  through 
a  plain  champaign  much  like  the  foregoing ;  the  2  last 
among  wood  and  hills.  Piperno  situate  on  a  hill  or 
eminence. 

3rd  post  from  Piperno  to  the  next  post-house,  7  miles, 
6  among  hills  and  fruitful  vales;  [the  last]  almost  entire 
in  the  Campagna  di  Roma. 

4th  post  8  miles  to  Sermeneta,  lying  through  the  Cam- 
pagna ;  a  mile  and  half  before  we  reached  Sermeneta,  a 
fellow  extorted  a  Julio  with  his  gun.  [Cf.  the  6th  post 
in  the  Journey  from  Rome  to  Naples,  p.  289.]  N.B.  The 
Campagna  green,  and  in  many  parts  woody ;  still  flat  and 
marshy ;  no  houses,  hardly  any  corn,  no  cattle  but  a  few 
buffaloes. 


3l8  JOURNAL    IN    ITALY 

5th  post  7  miles  to  Cisterna,  where  the  dwelling-seat 
of  the  Prince  of  Caserta.  We  passed  this  post  the  latter 
part  through  a  forest  with  deer  belonging  to  the  said 
prince.     Few  or  no  houses  in  the  Campagna. 

6th  post  8  miles  and  i  to  Veletri ;  7  first  through  rising 
ground,  being  spacious,  open,  com,  green  fields;  the 
other  mile  and  i  through  enclosures  and  among  trees,  &c. 

7th  post  nini  miles  to  Marino,  over  and  Imong  hills 
and  woods.  Near  3  miles  steep  ascent  from  Veletri; 
after  about  6  miles  pass  by  Castel  Gondolfo,  situate  in 
a  lake  seeming  3  or  4  miles  round.  The  latter  part  of 
this  post  pretty  well  tilled.  Marino  a  pretty  clean  village, 
belonging  to  the  Constable  Colonna. 

8th  post  from  Marino  to  the  next  post-house,  6  miles 
through  the  flat  Campagna  di  Roma.  Overturned  topsy- 
turvy in  this  post  in  the  night. 

9th  post  6  miles  to  Rome,  through  the  flat  Campagna ; 
hardly  a  tree  or  cottage ;  some  com.  Arrived  at  Rome 
about  ten  o'clock  last  night,  Tramontane  reckoning  \ 

[Berkeley  here  gives  as  notanda  some  extracts  from 
Roman  Catholic  books. 

One  he  prefaces  thus :  — '  Instance  of  praying  ultimately 
to  saints  out  of  an  office  recited  at  certain  times,  viz.  on 
Fridays,  in  the  church,  called  II  Transito  di  S.  Antonio 
di  Padua : '  Oremus,  &c. 

He  refers  also  to  the  Gratie  e  Miracoli  del  Gran  Santo  di 
Padova  :  in  Padova  con  licenzay  anno  1703,  p.  353. 

He  quotes  the  Acta  Canonizationis  Sanctorum  Petri  de 
Alcantara  et  Marice  Magdalence  dePazzi^  Rome,  1669,  p.  10, 
and  remarks  on  the  titles  Sanctissimus  and  Nostro  Signore^ 
which  belong  to  the  Saviour,  being  applied  to  the  Pope. 

He  quotes  likewise  other  instances  of  praying  to  saints.] 

^  The  above  Itinerary  is  almost  Percival  on  April  26,  July  28,  and 

identical  with   that  in  the  former  Nov.  13  of  that  year.     On  July  28 

part  of  the  Journal,  only  in  the  he  remarks  that 'in  Architecture  the 

reverse  order.  old  Romans  were  inferior  to  the 

Berkeley  and  his  pupil  seem  to  Greeks,  and  the  moderns  infinitely 

have  lived  much  at  Rome  in  1718.  short  of  both,  in  grandeur  and  sim- 

He  writes  from  thence  to  Lord  plicity  of  taste.* 


AN 

ESSAY 

TOWARDS  PREVENTING  THE  RUIN  OF 

GREAT   BRITAIN 


*  Avaritia  fidem,  probitatem,  caeterasque  artes  bonas  subvertit :  pro  his 
superbiam,  crudelitatem,  Deos  negligere,  omnia  venalia  habere,  edocuit* — 
Sallust. 

'  li  qui  largitionem  magistratus  adepti  sunt,  dederunt  ope  ram  ut  ita 
potestatem  gererent,  ut  illam  lacunam  rei  familiaris  explerent.* — Cicero. 

*  Omnes  aut  de  honoribus  suis,  aut  de  praemiis  pecuniae,  aut  de  perse- 
quendis  inimicis  agebant' — Cjesar. 


First  published  in  1721 


NOTE 

This  fervid  Essay  is  highly  significant  biographically.  It 
is  the  first  emphatic  expression  of  Berkeley's  enthusiastic 
disposition  towards  social  and  economical  questions  and 
philanthropic  idealism,  which  soon  after  its  publication 
was  directed  to  America,  as  the  destined  home  of  Christian 
civilisation  in  the  future.  It  was  published  in  London 
in  1 721,  soon  after  his  return  from  his  second  visit  to 
Italy,  when  England  seemed  to  him  socially  paralysed  on 
the  occasion  of  the  South  Sea  catastrophe ;  society  through- 
out the  Old  World  'such  as  Europe  breeds  in  her 
decay.'  The  social  corruption  of  England  struck  him  with 
dismay,  even  with  despair,  on  his  return,  and  the  fear 
expressed  in  this  Essay  respecting  the  Christian  civilisation 
of  the  Old  World  soon  turned  his  hope  for  mankind  to 
the  World  beyond  the  Atlantic,  in  which  the  race  of  man 
might  enter  on  a  new  career.  His  active  imagination 
and  eager  temperament  probably  exaggerated  the  evil 
symptoms  in  the  ancient  and,  as  it  appeared,  effete  society. 

The  Essay,  at  first  published  anonjnnously,  was  reprinted 
by  Berkeley  in  the  Miscellany,  in  1752. 


AN   ESSAY,  &c. 

Whether  the  prosperity  that  preceded,  or  the  calamities 
that  succeed  the  South  Sea  project  *  have  most  contributed 
to  our  undoing  is  not  so  clear  a  point  as  it  is  that  we  are 
actually  undone,  and  lost  to  all  sense  of  our  true  interest. 
Nothing  less  than  this  could  render  it  pardonable  to  have 
recourse  to*  those  old-fashioned  trite  maxims  concerning 
Religion,  Industry,  Frugality,  and  Public  Spirit,  which  are 
now  forgotten,  but,  if  revived  and  put  in  practice,  may  not 
only  prevent  our  final  ruin,  but  also  render  us  a  more 
happy  and  flourishing  people  than  ever. 

Religion  hath  in  former  days  been  cherished  and 
reverenced  by  wise  patriots  and  lawgivers,  as  knowing 
it  to  be  impossible  that  a  nation  should  thrive  and  flourish 
without  virtue,  or  that  virtue  should  subsist  without  con- 
science, or  conscience  without  religion :  insomuch  that  an 
atheist  or  infidel  was  looked  on  with  abhorrence,  and 
treated  as  an  enemy  to  his  country.  But,  in  these  wiser 
times,  a  cold  indifference  for  the  national  religion,  and 
indeed  for  all  matters  of  faith  and  Divine  worship,  is 
thought  good  sense.  It  is  even  become  fashionable  to 
decry  religion ;  and  that  little  talent  of  ridicule  is  applied 
to  such  wrong  purposes  that  a  good  Christian  can  hardly 
keep  himself  in  countenance. 

Liberty  is  the  greatest  human  blessing  that  a  virtuous 
man  can  possess,  and  is  very  consistent  with  the  duties 
of  a  good  subject  and  a  good  Christian.  But  the  pre- 
sent age  aboundeth  with  injudicious  patrons  of  liberty, 
who,  not  distinguishing  between  that  and  licentiousness, 
take  the  surest  method  to  discredit  what  they  would  seem 

^  The  South  Sea  Company  was  incorporated  in  171 1  for  trading  with 
America. 

BERKELEY:  FRASER.      IV.  Y 


322  AN    ESSAY    TOWARDS    PREVENTING 

to  propagate.  For,  in  effect,  can  there  be  a  greater 
affront  offered  to  that  just  freedom  of  thought  and  action 
which  is  the  prerogative  of  a  rational  creature,  or  can  any 
thing  recommend  it  less  to  honest  minds,  than  under  colour 
thereof  to  obtrude  scurrility  and  profaneness  on  the  world? 
But  it  hath  been  always  observed  of  weak  men,  that  they 
know  not  how  to  avoid  one  extreme  without  running  into 
another. 

Too  many  of  this  sort  pass  upon  vulgar  readers  for 
great  authors,  and  men  of  profound  thought;  not  on  account 
of  any  superiority  either  in  sense  or  style,  both  which  they 
possess  in  a  very  moderate  degree,  nor  of  any  discoveries 
they  have  made  in  arts  and  sciences,  which  they  seem  to 
be  little  acquainted  with ;  but  purely  because  they  flatter 
the  passions  of  corrupt  men,  who  are  pleased  to  have  the 
clamours  of  conscience  silenced,  and  those  great  points 
of  the  Christian  religion  made  suspected  which  withheld 
them  from  many  vices  of  pleasure  and  interest,  or  made 
them  uneasy  in  the  commission  of  them. 

In  order  to  promote  that  laudable  design  of  effacing  all 
sense  of  religion  from  among  us,  they  form  themselves 
into  assemblies,  and  proceed  with  united  counsels  and 
endeavours;  with  what  success,  and  with  what  merit 
towards  the  public,  the  effect  too  plainly  shews.  I  will 
not  say  these  gentlemen  have  formed  a  direct  design  to 
ruin  their  country,  or  that  they  have  the  sense  to  see  half 
the  ill  consequences  which  must  necessarily  flow  from  the 
spreading  of  their  opinions ;  but  the  nation  feels  them, 
and  it  is  high  time  the  legislature  put  a  stop  to  them, 

I  am  not  for  placing  an  invidious  power  in  the  hands  of 
the  clergy,  or  complying  with  the  narrowness  of  any  mis- 
taken zealots  who  should  incline  to  persecute  Dissenters. 
But,  whatever  conduct  common  sense,  as  well  as  Christian 
charity,  obligeth  us  to  use  towards  those  who  differ  from 
us  in  some  points  of  religion,  yet  the  public  safety  requireth 
that  the  avowed  contemners  of  all  religion  should  be 
severely  chastised.  And  perhaps  it  may  be  no  easy  matter 
to  assign  a  good  reason  why  blasphemy  against  God 
should  not  be  inquired  into  and  punished  with  the  same 
rigour  as  treason  against  the  king. 

For,  though  we  may  attempt  to  patch  up  our  affairs, 
yet  it  will  be  to  no  purpose ;  the  finger  of  God  will  unravel 


THE    RUIN    OF    GREAT    BRITAIN  323 

all  our  vain  projects,  and  make  them  snares  to  draw 
us  into  greater  calamities,  if  we  do  not  reform  that  scanda- 
lous libertinism  which  (whatever  some  shallow  men  may 
think)  is  our  worst  symptom,  and  the  surest  prognostic 
of  our  ruin. 

Industry  is  the  natural  sure  way  to  wealth.  This  is  so 
true  that  it  is  impossible  an  industrious  free  people  should 
want  the  necessaries  and  comforts  of  life,  or  an  idle  enjoy 
them  under  any  form  of  government  \  Money  is  so  far 
useful  to  the  public  as  it  promoteth  industry,  and  credit 
having  the  same  effect  is  of  the  same  value  with  money ; 
but  money  or  credit  circulating  through  a  nation  from 
hand  to  hand,  without  producing  labour  and  industry  in 
the  inhabitants,  is  direct  gaming  \ 

It  is  not  impossible  for  cunning  men  to  make  such 
plausible  schemes  as  may  draw  those  who  are  less  skilful 
into  their  oWn  and  the  public  ruin.  But  surely  there  is 
no  man  of  sense  and  honesty  but  must  see  and  own, 
whether  he  understands  the  game  or  not,  that  it  is  an 
evident  folly  for  any  people,  instead  of  prosecuting  the 
old  honest  methods  of  industry  and  frugality,  to  sit  down 
to  a  public  gaming-table,  and  play  off  their  money  one 
to  another. 

The  more  methods  there  are  in  a  state  for  acquiring 
riches  without  industry  or  merit,  the  less  there  will  be 
of  either  in  that  state ;  this  is  as  evident  as  the  ruin  that 
attends  it.  Besides,  when  money  is  shifted  from  hand  to 
hand  in  such  a  blind,  fortuitous  manner  that  some  men 
shall  from  nothing  in  an  instant  acquire  vast  estates  without 
the  least  desert;  while  others  are  as  suddenly  stripped 
of  plentiful  fortunes,  and  left  on  the  parish  by  their  own 
avarice  and  credulity,  what  can  be  hoped  for,  on  the  one 
hand,  but  abandoned  luxury  and  wantonness,  or,  on  the 
other,  but  extreme  madness  and  despair? 

In  short,  all  projects  for  growing  rich  by  sudden  and 
extraordinary  methods,  as  they  operate  violently  on  the 
passions  of  men,  and  encourage  them  to  despise  the  slow 
moderate  gains  that  are  to  be  made  by  an  honest  industry, 
must  be  ruinous  to  the  public,  and  even  the  winners  them- 
selves will  at  length  be  involved  in  the  public  ruin. 

*  So  afterwards  in  the  Qnerist,  Qu.  1-47,  217-254,  &c. 

Y  2 


324  AN    ESSAY    TOWARDS    PREVENTING 

It  is  an  easy  matter  to  contrive  projects  for  the  en- 
couragement of  industry:  I  wish  it  were  as  easy  to 
persuade  men  to  put  them  in  practice.  There  is  no 
country  in  Europe  where  there  is  so  much  charity  collected 
for  the  poor,  and  none  where  it  is  so  ill  managed.  If  the 
poor-tax  fixed  was  fixed  at  a  medium  in  every  parish, 
taken  from  a  calculation  of  the  last  ten  years,  and  raised 
for  seven  years  by  act  of  parliament,  that  sum  (if  the 
common  estimate  be  not  very  wrong),  frugally  and  pru- 
dently laid  out  in  workhouses,  would  for  ever  free  the 
nation  from  the  care  of  providing  for  the  poor,  and  at 
the  same  time  considerably  improve  our  manufactures. 
We  might  by  these  means  rid  our  streets  of  beggars; 
even  the  children,  the  maimed,  and  the  blind,  might  be 
put  in  a  way  of  doing  something  for  their  livelihood.  As 
for  the  small  number  of  those  who  by  age  or  infirmities 
are  utterly  incapable  of  all  employment,  they  might  be 
maintained  by  the  labour  of  others ;  and  the  public  would 
receive  no  small  advantage  from  the  industry  of  those  who 
are  now  so  great  a  burden  and  expense  to  it  \ 

The  same  tax,  continued  three  years  longer,  might  be 
very  usefully  employed  in  making  high  roads,  and  render- 
ing rivers  navigable— two  things  of  so  much  profit  and 
ornament  to  a  nation,  that  we  seem  the  only  people  in 
Europe  who  have  neglected  them  ^.  So  that  in  the  space 
of  ten  years  the  public  may  be  for  ever  freed  from  a  heavy 
tax,  industry  encouraged,  commerce  facilitated,  and  the 
whole  country  improved,  and  all  this  only  by  a  frugal 
honest  management,  without  raising  one  penny  extra- 
ordinary. 

The  number  of  people  is  both  means  and  motives  to 
industry  ^.  It  should  therefore  be  of  great  use  to  en- 
courage propagation,  by  allowing  some  reward  or  privilege 
to  those  who  have  a  certain  number  of  children ;  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  enacting  that  the  public  shall  inherit  halt 
the  unentailed  estates  of  all  who  die  unmarried  of  either  sex. 

^  We  have  here  a  characteristic  375-381. 

recognition  of  abuses  apt  to   ac-  ^  [This    was    published    before 

company    legal    as    distinguished  turnpikes     were     erected.] — Au- 

from   voluntary  provision  for  the  thor. 

poor,  and  suggestions  of  means  for  •'' Cf.  Querist,  Qu.  62,  87,   130, 

correcting  them.     Cf.  Queristf  Qu.  206,  217,  372. 


THE    RUIN    OF    GREAT    BRITAIN  325 

Besides  the  immediate  end  proposed  by  the  foregoing 
methods,  they  furnish  taxes  upon  passengers,  and  dead 
bachelors,  which  are  in  no  sort  grievous  to  the  subject, 
and  may  be  applied  towards  clearing  the  public  debt, 
which,  all  mankind  agree,  highly  concerneth  the  nation  in 
general,  both  court  and  country.  Caesar  ^  indeed  mentions 
it  as  a  piece  of  policy  that  he  borrowed  money  from  his 
officers  to  bestow  it  on  the  soldiers,  which  fixed  both  to 
his  interest ;  and,  though  something  like  this  may  pass  for 
skill  at  certain  junctures  in  civil  government,  yet,  if  carried 
too  far,  it  will  prove  a  dangerous  experiment. 

There  is  still  room  for  invention  or  improvement  in 
most  trades  and  manufactures,  and  it  is  probable,  that 
premiums  given  on  that  account  to  ingenious  artists,  would 
soon  be  repaid  a  hundred-fold  to  the  public.  No  colour 
is  so  much  wore  in  Italy,  Spain,  and  Portugal,  as  black ; 
but  our  black  cloth  is  neither  so  lasting,  nor  of  so  good 
a  dye  as  the  Dutch,  which  is  the  reason  of  their  engrossing 
the  profit  of  that  trade.  This  is  so  true  that  I  have  known 
English  merchants  abroad  wear  black  cloth  of  Holland 
themselves,  and  sell  and  recommend  it  as  better  than  that 
of  their  own  country.  It  is  commonly  said  the  water  of 
Leyden  hath  a  peculiar  property  for  colouring  black,  but 
it  hath  been  also  said  and  passed  current  that  good  glasses 
may  be  made  no  where  but  at  Venice,  and  there  only  in 
the  island  of  Murano;  which  was  attributed  to  some 
peculiar  property  in  the  air.  And  we  may  possibly  find 
other  opinions  of  that  sort  to  be  as  groundless,  should  the 
legislature  think  it  worth  while  to  propose  premiums  in 
the  foregoing,  or  in  the  like  cases  of  general  benefit  to  the 
public ;  but  I  remember  to  have  seen,  about  seven  years 
ago,  a  man  pointed  at  in  a  coffee-house  who  (they  said) 
had  first  introduced  the  right  scarlet  dye  among  us,  by 
which  the  nation  in  general,  as  well  as  many  private 
persons,  have  since  been  great  gainers,  though  he  was 
himself  a  beggar,  who,  if  this  be  true,  deserved  an  honour- 
able maintenance  from  the  public. 

There  are  also  several  manufactures  which  we  have 
from  abroad  that  may  be  carried  on  to  as  great  perfection 
here  as  elsewhere.  If  it  be  considered  that  more  fine 
linen  ^  is  wore  in  Great  Britain  than  in  any  other  country  of 

'  De  Bello  Civili,  I.  39.  ^  Cf.  Querist,  Qu.  74,  82,  83. 


326  AN    ESSAY    TOWARDS    PREVENTING 

Europe,  it  will  be  difficult  to  assign  a  reason  why  paper ' 
may  not  be  made  here  as  good,  and  in  the  same  quantity, 
as  in  Holland,  or  France,  or  Genoa.  This  is  a  manu- 
facture of  great  consumption,  and  would  save  much  to  the 
public.  The  like  may  be  said  of  tapestry,  lace,  and  other 
manufactures,  which,  if  set  on  foot  in  cheap  parts  of  the 
country,  would  employ  manjr  hands,  and  save  money  to 
the  nation,  as  well  as  bring  it  from  abroad  *.  Projects  for 
improving  old  manufactures,  or  setting  up  new  ones, 
should  not  be  despised  in  a  trading  country,  but  the 
making  them  pretences  for  stock-jobbing  hath  been  a  fatal 
imposition. 

As  industry  dependeth  upon  trade,  and  this,  as  well 
as  the  public  security,  upon  our  navigation,  it  concerneth 
the  legislature  to  provide  that  the  number  of  our  sailors 
do  not  decrease — to  which  it  would  very  much  conduce, 
if  a  law  were  made  prohibiting  the  pajnnent  of  sailors  in 
foreign  parts ;  for  it  is  usual  with  those  on  board  merchant- 
men as  soon  as  they  set  foot  on  shore  to  receive  their 
pay,  which  is  soon  spent  in  riotous  living ;  and  when  they 
have  emptied  their  pockets,  the  temptation  of  a  pistole 
present  money  never  faileth  to  draw  them  into  any  foreign 
service.  To  this  (if  I  may  credit  the  information  I  have 
had  from  some  English  factors  abroad)  it  is  chiefly  owing, 
that  the  Venetians,  Spaniards,  and  others  have  so  many 
English  on  board  their  ships.  Some  merchants  indeed 
and  masters  of  vessels  may  make  a  profit  in  defrauding 
those  poor  wretches,  when  they  pay  them  in  strange  coin 
(which  I  have  been  assured  often  amounts  to  twelvepence 
in  the  crown),  as  well  as  in  ridding  themselves  of  the 
charge  of  keeping  them  when  they  sell  their  ships,  or  stay 
long  in  port;  but  the  public  lose  both  the  money  and 
the  men,  who,  if  their  arrears  were  to  be  cleared  at 
home,  would  be  sure  to  return,  and  spend  them  in  their 
own  country.  It  is  a  shame  this  abuse  should  not  be 
remedied. 

Frugality  of  manners  is  the  nourishment  and  strength 
of  bodies  politic.  It  is  that  by  which  they  grow  and 
subsist,  until  they  are  corrupted  by  luxury;  the  natural 

^  Cf.  Querist  J  Qu.  74,  82,  83.  ^  Cf.  Querist^  Qu.  64-69,  144. 


THE    RUIN    OF    GREAT    BRITAIN  327 

cause  of  their  decay  and  ruin.  Of  this  we  have  examples 
in  the  Persians,  Lacedemonians,  and  Romans:  not  to 
mention  many  later  governments  which  have  sprung  up, 
continued  awhile,  and  then  perished  by  the  same  natural 
causes.  But  these  are,  it  seems,  of  no  use  to  us ;  and,  in 
spite  of  them,  we  are  in  a  fair  way  of  becoming  ourselves 
another  useless  example  to  future  ages. 

Men  are  apt  to  measure  national  prosperity  by  riches. 
It  would  be  righter  to  measure  it  by  the  use  that  is 
made  of  them.  Where  they  promote  an  honest  commerce 
among  men,  and  are  motives  to  industry  and  virtue,  they 
are,  without  doubt,  of  great  advantage ;  but  where  they 
are  made  (as  too  often  happens)  an  instrument  to  luxury, 
they  enervate  and  dispirit  the  bravest  jjeople.  So  just  is 
that  remark  of  Machiavel— that  there  is  no  truth  in  the 
common  saying,  money  is  the  nerves  of  war ;  and  though 
we  may  subsist  tolerably  for  a  time  amongst  corrupt 
neighbours,  yet  if  ever  we  have  to  do  witlua  hardy,  tem- 
perate, religious  sort  of  men,  we  shall  find,  to  our  cost, 
that  all  our  riches  are  but  a  poor  exchange  for  that  sim- 
plicity of  manners  which  we  despise  in  our  ancestors. 
This  sole  advantage  hath  been  the  main  support  of  all  the 
republics  that  have  made  a  figure  in  the  world ;  and  per- 
haps it  might  be  no  ill  policy  in  a  kingdom  to  form  itself 
upon  the  manners  of  a  republic. 

Simplicity  of  manners  may  be  more  easily  preserved  in 
a  republic  than  a  monarchy;  but  if  once  lost  may  be 
sooner  recovered  in  a  monarchy,  the  example  of  a  court 
being  of  great  efficacy,  either  to  reform  or  to  corrupt  a 
people;  that  alone  were  sufficient  to  discountenance  the 
wearing  of  gold  or  silver,  either  in  clothes  or  equipage, 
and  if  the  same  were  prohibited  by  law,  the  saving  so  much 
bullion  would  be  the  smallest  benefit  of  such  an  institution 
— there  being  nothing  more  apt  to  debase  the  virtue  and 
good  sense  of  our  gentry  of  both  sexes  than  the  trifling 
vanity  of  apparel  which  we  have  learned  from  France,  and 
which  hath  had  such  visible  ill  consequences  on  the  genius 
of  that  people.  Wiser  nations  have  made  it  their  care  to 
shut  out  this  folly  by  severe  laws  and  penalties,  and  its 
spreading  among  us  can  forbode  no  good,  if  there  be  any 
truth  in  the  observation  of  one  of  the  ancients,  that  the 
direct  way  to  ruin  a  man  is  to  dress  him  up  in  fine  clothes. 


338  AN   ESSAY   TOWARDS    PREVENTING 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  luxury  of  Dress '  giveth  a  light 
behaviour  to  our  women,  which  may  pass  for  a  small 
offence,  because  it  is  a  common  one,  but  is  in  truth  the 
source  of  gr^  corruptions.  For  this  very  offence  the 
prophet  Isaiah  denounced  a  severe  judgment  against 
the  ladies  of  his  time.  I  shall  give  the  passage '  at  length : 
*  Moreover,  the  Lord  saith,  Because  the  daughters  of  Zion 
are  hauehty,  and  walk  with  stretched  forth  necks  and 
wanton  lye^  walking  and  mincing  as  they  go,  and  making 
a  tinkling  with  their  feet;  therefore  the  Lord  will  smite 
with  a  scab  the  crown  of  the  head  of  the  daughters  of 
Zion,  and  the  Lord  will  discover  their  secret  parts.  In 
that  day  the  Lord  will  take  away  the  bravery  of  their 
tinkling  ornaments  about  their  feet,  and  their  cauls,  and 
their  round  tires  like  the  moon,  the  chains,  and  the  brace- 
lets, and  the  mufflers,  the  bonnets,  and  the  ornaments  of 
the  legs,  and  the  headbands,  and  the  tablets,  and  the  ear- 
rings, the  rings  and  nose-jewels,  the  changeable  suits  of 
apparel,  and  the  mantles,  and  the  wimples,  and  the  crisping- 
pins,  the  glasses,  and  the  fine  linen,  and  the  hoods,  and 
the  vails.  And  it  shall  come  to  pass  that  instead  of 
sweet  smell  there  shall  be  stink ;  and  instead  of  a  girdle 
a  rent ;  and  instead  of  well-set  hair  baldness ;  and  instead 
of  a  stomacher,  a  girding  of  sackcloth;  and  burning 
instead  of  beauty.'  The  scab,  the  stench,  and  the  burning 
are  terrible  pestilential  symptoms,  and  our  ladies  would 
do  well  to  consider  they  may  chance  to  resemble  those  of 
Zion  in  their  punishment  as  well  as  their  offence. 

But  dress  is  not  the  only  thing  to  be  reformed,  sumptuary 
laws  are  useful  in  many  other  points.  In  former  times 
the  natural  plainness  and  good  sense  of  the  English  made 
them  less  necessary.  But  ever  since  the  luxurious  reign 
of  King  Charles  the  Second  we  have  been  doing  violence 
to  our  natures,  and  are  by  this  time  so  much  altered  for 
the  worse  that  it  is  to  be  feared  the  very  same  dispositions 
that  make  them  necessary  will  for  ever  hinder  them  from 
being  enacted  or  put  in  execution. 

A  private  family  in  difficult  circumstances,  all  men 
agree,  ought  to  melt  down  their  plate,  walk  on  foot,  re- 
trench the  number  of  their  servants,  wear  neither  jewels 

'  Cf,  Querist,  Qu,  102,  103,  141,  144-149,  422,  452  457. 
'^  Isaiah  iii.  16-24. 


THE    RUIN    OF    GREAT   BRITAIN  329 

nor  rich  clothes,  and  deny  themselves  expensive  diversions ; 
and  why  not  the  public  ?  Had  anything  like  this  been 
done,  our  taxes  had  been  less,  or,  which  is  the  same  thing, 
we  should  have  felt  them  less.  But  it  is  very  remarkable 
that  luxury  was  never  at  so  great  a  height,  nor  spread  so 
generally  through  the  nation,  as  during  the  expense  of  the 
late  wars,  and  the  heavy  debt  that  still  lieth  upon  us. 

This  vice  draweth  after  it  a  train  of  evils  which  cruelly 
infest  the  public;  faction,  ambition,  envy,  avarice,  and 
that  of  the  worst  kind,  being  much  more  hurtful  in  its 
consequences,  though  not  so  infamous  as  penury.  It  was 
the  great  art  of  Cardinal  Richelieu,  by  encouragmg  luxury 
and  expense,  to  impoverish  the  French  nobility  and 
render  them  altogether  dependent  on  the  crown,  which 
hath  been  since  very  successfully  effected.  These  and 
many  more  considerations  shew  the  necessity  there  is  for 
sumptuary  laws;  nor  can  anything  be  said  against  them 
in  this  island  which  might  not  with  equal  force  be  objected 
in  other  countries,  which  have  nevertheless  judged  the 
public  benefit  of  such  institutions  to  be  of  far  greater 
importance  than  the  short  sufferings  of  a  few  who  subsist 
by  the  luxury  of  others. 

It  is  evident  that  old  taxes  may  be  better  borne,  as  well 
as  new  ones  raised,  by  sumptuary  laws  judiciously  framed, 
not  to  damage  our  trade,  but  retrench  our  luxury.  It 
is  evident  that,  for  want  of  these,  luxury  (which,  like  the 
other  fashions,  never  faileth  to  descend)  hath  infected  all 
ranks  of  people,  and  that  this  enableth  the  Dutch  and 
French  to  undersell  us,  to  the  great  prejudice  of  our 
traffic.  We  cannot  but  know  that,  in  our  present  circum- 
stances, it  should  be  our  care,  as  it  is  our  interest,  to 
make  poverty  tolerable ;  in  short,  we  have  the  experience 
of  many  ages  to  convince  us  that  a  corrupt  luxurious 
people  must  of  themselves  fall  into  slavery,  although 
no  attempt  be  made  upon  them.  These  and  the  like 
obvious  reflexions  should,  one  would  think,  have  forced 
any  people  in  their  senses  upon  frugal  measures. 

But  we  are  doomed  to  be  undone.  Neither  the  plain 
reason  of  the  thing,  nor  the  experience  of  past  ages,  nor 
the  examples  we  have  before  our  eyes,  can  restrain  us 
from  imitating,  not  to  say  surpassing,  the  most  corrupt 
and  ruined  people,   in  those  very  points  of  luxury  that 


330  AN    ESSAY    TOWARDS    PREVENTING 

ruined  them.  Our  Gaming,  our  Operas,  our  Masquerades, 
are,  in  spite  of  our  debts  and  poverty,  become  the  wonder 
of  our  neighbours.  If  there  be  any  man  so  void  of  all 
thought  and  common  sense  as  not  to  see  where  this  must 
end,  let  him  but  compare  what  Venice  was  at  the  league 
of  Cambray  with  what  it  is  at  present,  and  he  will  be  con- 
vinced how  truly  those  fashionable  pastimes  are  calculated 
to  depress  and  ruin  a  nation. 

But  neither  Venice  nor  Paris,  nor  any  other  town  in 
any  part  of  the  world,  ever  knew  such  an  expensive  ruin- 
ous folly  as  our  Masquerade '.  This  alone  is  sufficient 
to  inflame  and  satisfy  the  several  appetites  for  gaming, 
dressing,  intriguing,  and  luxurious  eating  and  drinking.  It 
is  a  most  skilful  abridgment,  the  very  quintessence,  the 
abstract  of  all  those  senseless  vanities  that  have  ever  been 
the  ruin  of  fools  and  detestation  of  wise  men.  And  all 
this,  under  the  notion  of  an  elegant  entertainment,  hath 
been  admitted  among  us ;  though  it  be  in  truth  a  conta- 
gion of  the  worst  kind.  The  plague,  dreadful  as  it  is, 
is  an  evil  of  short  duration ;  cities  have  often  recovered 
and  flourished  after  it;  but  when  was  it  known  that  a 
people  broken  and  corrupt  by  luxury  recovered  themselves  ? 
Not  to  say  that  general  corruption  of  manners  never 
faileth  to  draw  after  it  some  heavy  judgment  of  war, 
famine,  or  pestilence.  Of  this  we  have  a  fresh  instance 
in  one  of  the  most  debauched  towns  of  Europe^,  and 
nobody  knows  how  soon  it  may  be  our  own  case.  This 
elegant  entertainment  is  indeed  suspended  for  the  present, 
but  there  remains  so  strong  a  propension  towards  it  that, 
if  the  wisdom  of  the  legislature  does  not  interpose,  it  will 
soon  return,  with  the  additional  temptation  of  having  been 
forbid  for  a  time.  It  were  stupid  and  barbarous  to  declaim 
against  keeping  up  the  spirit  of  the  people  by  proper 
diversions,  but  then  they  should  be  proper,  such  as  polish 
and  improve  their  minds,  or  increase  the  strength  and 

*  The  abuses  of  the  Masquerade  royal  proclamation.    See  Wright's 

were  then  the  scandal  of  fashion-  England  under  the  House  of  Han- 

able  life  in  England.    About  1721,  over,  chaps.  3,  14. 

they  were  attacked  in  satirical  as  '  [Marseilles.] — Author.        In 

well  as   serious  pamphlets.      On  1720    the    plague    broke    out    in 

a  remonstrance  by  the  Bishop  of  Marseilles,   and  is  said    to    have 

London,  this  favourite  amusement  carried  off  40,000  of  the  inhabit- 

of  the  town  was  the  subject  of  a  ants. 


THE    RUIN    OF    GREAT    BRITAIN  33T 

activity  of  their  bodies ;  none  of  which  ends  are  answered 
by  the  Masquerade,  no  more  than  by  those  French  ani 
Italian  follies,  which  to  our  shame,  are  imported  and 
encouraged  at  a  time  when  the  nation  ought  to  be  too 
grave  for  such  trifles. 

It  is  not  to  be  believed  what  influence  public  diversions 
have  on  the  spirit  and  manners  of  a  people.  The  Greeks 
wisely  saw  this,  and  made  a  very  serious  affair  of  their 
public  sports.  For  the  same  reason  it  will  perhaps  seem 
worthy  the  care  of  our  legislature  to  regulate  the  public 
diversions  by  an  absolute  prohibition  of  those  which  have 
a  direct  tendency  to  corrupt  our  morals,  as  well  as  by 
a  reformation  of  the  Drama ; — which,  when  rightly  man- 
aged, is  such  a  noble  entertainment,  and  gave  those  fine 
lessons  of  morality  and  good  sense  to  the  Athenians  of 
old,  and  to  our  British  gentry  above  a  century  ago ;  but 
for  these  last  ninety  years  hath  entertained  us,  for  the 
most  part,  with  such  wretched  things  as  spoil  instead  of 
improving  the  taste  and  manners  of  the  audience.  Those 
who  are  attentive  to  such  propositions  only  as  may  fill 
their  pockets  will  probably  slight  these  things  as  trifles 
below  the  care  of  the  legislature.  But  I  am  sure  all 
honest  thinking  men  must  lament  to  see  their  country  run 
headlong  into  all  those  luxurious  follies,  which,  it  is 
evident,  have  been  fatal  to  other  nations,  and  will  un- 
doubtedly prove  fatal  to  us  also,  if  a  timely  stop  be  not 
put  to  them. 

Public  spirit,  that  glorious  principle  of  all  that  is  great 
and  good,  is  so  far  from  being  cherished  or  encouraged 
that  it  is  become  ridiculous  in  this  enlightened  age,  which 
is  taught  to  laugh  at  every  thing  that  is  serious  as  well 
as  sacred.  The  same  atheistical  narrow  spirit,  centering 
all  our  cares  upon  private  interest,  and  contracting  all  our 
hopes  within  the  enjoyment  of  this  present  life,  equally 
produceth  a  neglect  of  what  we  owe  to  God  and  our 
country.  Tully  ^  hath  long  since  observed  '  that  it  is  im- 
possible for  those  who  have  no  belief  of  the  immortality 

^  Among  the  passages  in  which  regarding  the  immortality  of  the 

Cicero    refers    to    a    future    life,  human    soul  were    discussed    by 

I  have  not   found  one  which  ex-  various  writers  about   that   time, 

actly  corresponds  with  Berkeley's  e.  g.    Collins,   Discourse   of  Free- 

version.     The  opinions  of  Cicero  thinking,  pp.  135-140,  &c. 


332  AN    ESSAY    TOWARDS    PREVENTING 

of  the  soul,  or  a  future  state  of  rewards  and  punishments, 
to  sacrifice  their  particular  interests  and  passions  to  the 
public  good,  or  have  a  generous  concern  for  posterity,' 
and  our  own  experience  confirmeth  the  truth  of  this 
observation. 

In  order  therefore  to  recover  a  sense  of  public  spirit, 
it  is  to  be  wished  that  men  were  first  affected  with  a  true 
sense  of  religion ;  pro  arts  et  focis^  having  ever  been  the 
great  motive  to  courage  and  perseverance  in  a  public 
cause. 

It  would  likewise  be  a  very  useful  policy,  and  warranted 
by  the  example  of  the  wisest  governments,  to  make  the 
natural  love  of  fame  and  reputation  subservient  to  pro- 
moting that  noble  principle.  Triumphal  arches,  columns, 
statues,  inscriptions,  and  the  like  monuments  of  public 
services,  have,  in  former  times,  been  found  great  incentives 
to  virtue  and  magnanimity;  and  would  probably  have 
the  same  effects  on  Englishmen  which  they  have  had  on 
Greeks  and  Romans.  And  perhaps  a  pillar  of  infamy 
would  be  found  a  proper  and  exemplary  punishment  in 
cases  of  signal  public  villainy,  where  the  loss  of  fortune, 
liberty,  or  life,  are  not  proportioned  to  the  crime;  or 
where  the  skill  of  the  offender,  or  the  nature  of  his  offence, 
may  screen  him  from  the  letter  of  the  law. 

Several  of  these  are  to  be  seen  at  Genoa,  Milan,  and 
other  towns  of  Italy,  where  it  is  the  custom  to  demolish 
the  house  of  a  citizen  who  hath  conspired  the  ruin  of  his 
country,  or  been  guilty  of  any  enormous  crime  towards  the 
public,  and  in  place  thereof  to  erect  a  monument  of  the 
crime  and  criminal,  described  in  the  blackest  manner. 
We  have  nothing  of  this  sort  that  I  know,  but  that  which 
is  commonly  called  the  Monument  \  which  in  the  last  age 
was  erected  for  an  affair  no  way  more  atrocious  than  the 
modern  unexampled  attempt  '^  of  men  easy  in  their  fortunes, 
and  unprovoked  by  hardships  of  any  sort,  in  cool  blood, 
and  with  open  eyes,  to  ruin  their  native  country.  This  fact 
will  never  be  forgotten,  and  it  were  to  be  wished  that  with 
it  the  public  detestation  thereof  may  be  transmitted  to 

^  The  Monument  erected  (1671-  scription  on  the  Monument,  added 

1677)  to  commemorate  the  Great  in  1681,  and  erased  in  1831. 
Fire  of  London.    The  Fire  was  at-  -^  [The    South    Sea    project.] — 

tributed  to  a  Popish  plot,  in  an  in-  Author. 


THE    RUIN    OF    GREAT    BRITAIN  333 

posterity,  which  would  in  some  measure  vindicate  the 
honour  of  the  present,  and  be  a  useful  lesson  to  future 
ages. 

Those  noble  arts  of  architecture,  sculpture,  and  painting 
do  not  only  adorn  the  public  but  have  also  an  influence 
on  the  minds  and  manners  of  men,  filling  them  with  great 
ideas,  and  spiriting  them  up  to  an  emulation  of  worthy 
actions.  For  this  cause  they  were  cultivated  and  en- 
couraged by  the  Greek  cities,  who  vied  with  each  other 
in  building  and  adorning  their  temples,  theatres,  porticos, 
and  the  like  public  works,  at  the  same  time  that  they  dis- 
couraged private  luxury ;  the  very  reverse  of  our  conduct. 

To  propose  the  building  a  parliament  house,  courts  of 
justice,  royal  palace,  and  other  public  edifices,  suitable  to 
the  dignity  of  the  nation,  and  adorning  them  with  paint- 
ings and  statues,  which  may  transmit  memorable  things 
and  persons  to  posterity,  would  probably  be  laughed  at 
as  a  vain  affair,  of  great  expense,  and  little  use  to  the 
public  ;  and  it  must  be  owned  we  have  reduced  ourselves 
to  such  straits  that  any  proposition  of  expense  suiteth  ill 
with  our  present  circumstances.  But,  how  proper  soever 
this  proposal  may  be  for  the  times,  yet  it  comes  so  pro- 
perly into  a  discourse  of  public  spirit  that  I  could  not 
but  say  something  of  it.  And  at  another  time  it  will  not 
seem  unreasonable,  if  we  consider  that  it  is  no  more  than 
the  wisest  nations  have  done  before  us,  that  it  would 
spirit  up  new  arts,  employ  many  hands,  keep  the  money 
circulating  at  home,  and,  lastly,  that  it  would  be  a  notable 
instance  of  public  spirit,  as  well  as  a  motive  to  it  \ 

The  same  noble  principle  may  be  also  encouraged  by 
erecting  an  Academy  of  ingenious  men,  whose  employment 
it  would  be  to  compile  the  history  of  Great  Britain,  to 
make  discourses  proper  to  inspire  men  with  a  zeal  for 
the  public,  and  celebrate  the  memory  of  those  who  have 
been  ornaments  to  the  nation,  or  done  it  eminent  service. 
Not  to  mention  that  this  would  improve  our  language, 
and  amuse  some  busy  spirits  of  the  age ;  which  perhaps 
would  be  no  ill  policy. 

This  is  not  without  example ;  for,  to  say  nothing  of  the 
French  Academy,  which  is  prostituted  to  meaner  purposes, 
it  hath  been  the  custom  of  the  Venetian  Senate  to  appoint 

1  Cf.  Querist  J  Qu.  70-73,  115,  120,  398-409. 


334  AN    ESSAY    TOWARDS    PREVENTING      ' 

one  of  their  order  to  continue  the  history  of  the  Republic. 
This  was  introduced  in  the  flourishing  state  of  that  people, 
and  is  still  in  force.  We  fall  short  of  other  nations  in  the 
number  of  good  historians,  though  no  nation  in  Christen- 
dom hath  produced  greater  events,  or  more  worthy  to  be 
recorded.  The  Athenian  Senate  appointed  orators  to 
commemorate  annually  those  who  died  in  defence  of  their 
country,  which  solemnity  was  performed  at  their  monu- 
ments erected  in  honour  of  them  by  the  public ;  and  the 
panegyrics,  composed  by  Isocrates  and  Pericles,  as  well 
as  many  passages  in  Tully,  inform  us  with  what  pleasure 
the  ancient  orators  used  to  expatiate  in  praise  of  their 
country. 

Concord  and  union  among  ourselves  is  rather  to  be 
hoped  for  as  an  effect  of  public  spirit  than  proposed  as 
a  means  to  promote  it.  Candid,  generous  men,  who  are 
true  lovers  of  their  country,  can  never  be  enemies  to  one 
half  of  their  countrjmien,  or  carry  their  resentments  so 
far  as  to  ruin  the  public  for  the  sake  of  a  party.  Now 
I  have  fallen  upon  the  mention  of  our  parties,  I  shall  beg 
leave  to  insert  a  remark  or  two,  for  the  service  both  of 
Whig  and  Tory,  without  entering  into  their  respective 
merits.  First,  it  is  impossible  for  either  party  to  ruin 
the  other  without  involving  themselves  and  their  posterity 
in  the  same  ruin.  Secondly,  it  is  very  feasible  for  either 
party  to  get  the  better  of  the  other  if  they  could  first 
get  the  better  of  themselves ;  and,  instead  of  indulging 
the  little  womanish  passions  of  obstinacy,  resentment,  and 
revenge,  steadily  promote  the  true  interest  of  their  country, 
in  those  great  clear  points  of  piety,  industry,  sobriety  of 
manners,  and  an  honest  regard  for  posterity,  which,  all 
men  of  sense  agree,  are  essential  to  public  happiness. 
There  would  be  something  so  great  and  good  in  this  con- 
duct as  must  necessarily  overbear  all  calumny  and  opposi- 
tion. But  that  men  should  act  reasonably  is  rather  to  be 
wished  than  hoped. 

I  am  well  aware,  that  to  talk  of  public  spirit,  and  the 
means  of  retrieving  it,  must,  to  narrow  sordid  minds,  be 
matter  of  jest  and  ridicule,  how  conformable  soever  it 
be  to  right  reason,  and  the  maxims  of  antiquity.  Though 
one  would  think  the  most  selfish  men  might  see  it  was 
their  interest  to  encourage  a  spirit  in  others,  by  which 


THE    RUIN    OF    GREAT    BRITAIN  335 

they,  to  be  sure,  must  be  gainers.  Yet  such  is  the  cor- 
ruption and  folly  of  the  present  age  that  a  public  spirit 
is  treated  like  ignorance  of  the  world  and  want  of  sense ; 
and  all  the  respect  is  paid  to  cunning  men,  who  bend  and 
wrest  the  public  interest  to  their  own  private  ends,  that 
in  other  times  hath  been  thought  due  to  those  who  were 
generous  enough  to  sacrifice  their  private  interest  to  that 
of  their  country. 

Such  practices  and  such  maxims  as  these  must  neces- 
sarily ruin  a  state.  But  if  the  contrary  should  prevail, 
we  may  hope  to  see  men  in  power  prefer  the  public  wealth 
and  security  to  their  own,  and  men  of  money  make  free 
gifts,  or  lend  it  without  interest  to  their  country.  This, 
how  strange  and  incredible  soever  it  may  seem  to  us, 
hath  been  often  done  in  other  States.  And  the  natural 
English  temper  considered,  together  with  the  force  of 
example,  no  one  can  tell  how  far  a  proposal  for  a  free  gift 
may  go  among  the  monied  men,  when  set  on  foot  by  the 
legislature,  and  encouraged  by  two  or  three  men  of  figure, 
who  have  the  spirit  to  do  a  generous  thing,  and  the  under- 
standing to  see  it  is  every  private  man's  interest  to  support 
that  of  the  public. 

If  they  who  have  their  fortunes  in  money  should  make 
a  voluntary  gift,  the  public  would  be  eased,  and  at  the 
same  time  maintain  its  credit.  Nor  is  a  generous  love 
of  their  country  the  only  motive  that  should  induce  them 
to  this.  Common  equity  requires  that  all  subjects  should 
equally  share  the  public  burden  ;  and  common  sense  shews 
that  those  who  are  foremost  in  the  danger  should  not  be 
the  most  backward  in  contributing  to  prevent  it. 

Before  I  leave  this  subject,  I  cannot  but  take  notice 
of  that  most  infamous  practice  of  Bribery,  than  which 
nothing  can  be  more  opposite  to  public  spirit,  since  every 
one  who  takes  a  bribe  plainly  owns  that  he  prefers  his 
private  interest  to  that  of  his  country.  This  corruption 
is  become  a  national  crime,  having  infected  the  lowest 
as  well  as  the  highest  amongst  us,  and  is  so  general  and 
notorious  that,  as  it  cannot  be  matched  in  former  ages, 
so  it  is  to  be  hoped  it  will  not  be  imitated  by  posterity. 

This  calls  to  mind  another  guilt,  which  we  possess  in 
a  very  eminent  degree ;  there  being  no  nation  under  the 
sun  where  solemn  Perjury  is  so  common,  or  where  there 


336  AN    ESSAY    TOWARDS    PREVENTING 

are  such  temptations  to  it.  The  making  men  swear  so 
often  in  their  own  case,  and  where  they  have  an  interest 
to  conceal  the  truth,  hath  gradually  worn  off  that  awftil 
respect  which  was  once  thought  due  to  an  appeal  to 
Almighty  God ;  insomuch,  that  men  now-a-days  break 
their  fast  and  a  custom-house  oath  with  the  same  peace 
of  mind.  It  is  a  policy  peculiar  to  us,  the  obliging  men 
to  perjure  or  betray  themselves,  and  hath  had  no  one 
good  effect,  but  many  very  ill  ones.  Sure  I  am  that  other 
nations,  without  the  hundredth  part  of  our  swearing,  con- 
trive to  do  their  business  at  least  as  well  as  we  do.  And 
perhaps  our  legislature  will  think  it  proper  to  follow 
their  example.  For,  whatever  measures  are  takqn,  so 
long  as  we  lie  under  such  a  load  of  guilt  as  national 
Perjury  and  national  Bribery,  it  is  impossible  we  can 
prosper. 

This  poor  nation  hath  sorely  smarted  of  late,  and  to 
ease  the  present  smart,  a  sudden  remedy  (as  is  usual  in 
such  cases)  hath  been  thought  of.  But  we  must  beware 
not  to  mistake  an  anodyne  for  a  cure.  Where  the  vitals 
are  touched,  and  the  whole  mass  of  humours  vitiated, 
it  is  not  enough  to  ease  the  part  pained ;  we  must  look 
farther,  and  apply  general  correctives ;  otherwise  the  ill 
humour  may  soon  shew  itself  in  some  other  part. 

The  South-sea  affair,  how  sensible  soever,  is  not  the 
original  evil,  or  the  great  source  of  our  misfortunes ;  it 
is  but  the  natural  effect  of  those  principles  which  for 
many  years  have  been  propagated  with  great  industry. 
And,  as  a  sharp  distemper,  by  reclaiming  a  man  from 
intemperance,  may  prolong  his  life,  so  it  is  not  impossible 
but  this  public  calamity  that  lies  so  heavy  on  the  nation 
may  prevent  its  ruin.  It  would  certainly  prove  the  greatest 
of  blessings,  if  it  should  make  all  honest  men  of  one 
party ;  if  it  should  put  religion  and  virtue  in  countenance, 
restore  a  sense  of  public  spirit,  and  convince  men  it  is 
a  dangerous  folly  to  pursue  private  aims  in  opposition 
to  the  good  of  their  country ;  if  it  should  turn  our  thought 
from  cozenage  and  stock-jobbing  to  industry  and  frugal 
methods  of  life ;  in  fine,  if  it  should  revive  and  inflame 
that  native  spark  of  British  worth  and  honour,  which  hath 
too  long  lain  smothered  and  oppressed. 


THE    RUIN    OF   GREAT    BRITAIN  337 

With  this  view  I  have,  among  so  many  projects  for 
remedying  the  ill  state  of  our  affairs  in  a  particular  in- 
stance, ventured  to  publish  the  foregoing  hints,  which  as 
they  have  been  thrown  together  from  a  zeal  for  the  pub- 
lic good,  so  I  heartily  wish  they  may  be  regarded  neither 
more  nor  less  than  as  they  are  fitted  to  promote  that  end. 

Though  it  must  be  owned  that  little  can  be  hoped  if 
we  consider  the  corrupt  degenerate  age  we  live  in.  I  know 
it  is  an  old  folly  to  make  peevish  complaints  of  the  times, 
and  charge  the  common  failures  of  human  nature  on  a 
particular  age.  One  may  nevertheless  venture  to  affirm 
that  the  present  hath  brought  forth  new  and  portentous 
villainies,  not  to  be  paralleled  in  our  own  or  any  other 
history.  We  have  been  long  preparing  for  some  great 
catastrophe.  Vice  and  villainy  have  by  degrees  grown 
reputable  among  us;  our  infidels  have  passed  for  fine 
gentlemen,  and  our  venal  traitors  for  men  of  sense,  who 
knew  the  world.  We  have  made  a  jest  of  public  spirit  \ 
and  cancelled  all  respect  for  whatever  our  laws  and  re- 
ligion repute  sacred.  The  old  English  modesty  is  quite 
worn  off,  and  instead  of  blushing  for  our  crimes,  we  are 
ashamed  only  of  piety  and  virtue.  In  short,  other  nations 
have  been  wicked,  but  we  are  the  first  who  have  been 
wicked  upon  principle. 

The  truth  is,  our  symptoms  are  so  bad  that,  notwith- 
standing all  the  care  and  vigilance  of  the  legislature,  it 
is  to  be  feared  the  final  period  of  our  State  approaches. 
Strong  constitutions,  whether  politic  or  natural,  do  not 
feel  light  disorders.  But  when  they  are  sensibly  affected, 
the  distemper  is  for  the  most  part  violent  and  of  an  ill 
prognostic.  Free  governments  like  our  own  were  planted 
by  the  Goths  in  most  parts  of  Europe;  and,  though  we 
all  know  what  they  are  come  to,  yet  we  seem  disposed 
rather  to  follow  their  example  than  to  profit  by  it. 

Whether  it  be  in  the  order  of  things,  that  civil  States 
should  have,  like  natural  products,  their  several  periods 
of  growth,  perfection,  and  decay ;  or  whether  it  be  an 
effect,  as  seems  more  probable,  of  human  folly  that,  as 
industry  produces  wealth,  so  wealth  should  produce  vice, 
and  vice  ruin. 

God  grant  the  time  be  not  near  when  men  shall  say : 

^  Cf.  Maxims  concerning  Patriotism^  86. 

JIBRKBLBY :  FRASBR.       IV.  Z 


33^  AN    ESSAY   TOWARDS    PREVENTING,    ETC. 

'This  island  was  once  inhabited  by  a  religious,  brave, 
sincere  people,  of  plain  uncomipt  manners,  respecting 
inbred  worth  rather  than  titles  and  appearances,  assertors 
of  liberty,  lovers  of  their  country,  jealous  of  their  own 
rights,  and  unwilling  to  infringe  the  rights  of  others ; 
improvers  of  learning  and  useful  arts,  enemies  to  luxury, 
tender  of  other  men  s  lives,  and  prodigal  of  their  own ; 
inferior  in  nothing  to  the  old  Greeks  or  Romans,  and 
superior  to  each  of  those  people  in  the  perfections  of  the 
other.  Such  were  our  ancestors  during  their  rise  and 
greatness;  but  they  degenerated,  grew  servile  flatterers 
of  men  in  power,  adopted  Epicurean  notions,  became  venal, 
corrupt,  injurious,  which  drew  upon  them  the  hatred  of 
God  and  man,  and  occasioned  their  final  ruin.' 


SECOND  PERIOD  OF  AUTHORSHIP 


I 722- I 733 


z  ;2 


A   PROPOSAL 


FOR 

THE  BETTER  SUPPLYING  OF  CHURCHES 
IN  OUR  FOREIGN  PLANTATIONS 

AND   FOR 

CONVERTING  THE  SAVAGE  AMERICANS  TO 

CHRISTIANITY 

BY  A  COLLEGE  TO  BE  ERECTED  IN  THE  SUMMER   ISLANDS 
OTHERWISE   CALLED   THE   ISLES   OF   BERMUDAS 


*  The  harvest  truly  is  great,  but  the  labourers  are  few.* — Luke  x.  a. 


First  published  tn  1725 


EDITOR'S  PREFACE 

TO  THE 

PROPOSAL  FOR  A  COLLEGE 
IN   BERMUDA 

The  Essc^  towards  preventing  the  Ruin  cf  Great  Britain 
shews  Bericeleys  state  of  mind  in  1721,  immediately  after 
his  return  to  London  from  his  second  residence  in  Italy. 
It  is  the  lamentation  of  an  ardent  social  idealist  over 
the  corrupt  civilisation  of  Britain  and  the  Old  World. 
Soon  after  a  social  enterprise  of  romantic  benevolence 
presented  itself  to  his  imagination.  It  appears  in  a  letter 
to  Lord  Percival,  dated  in  March,  1723,  to  whom  he  writes 
thus ' :  'It  is  now  about  ten  months  since  I  have  de- 
termined to  spend  the  residue  of  my  days  in  Bermuda  ; 
where  I  trust  in  Providence  I  may  be  the  mean  instru- 
ment of  great  good  to  mankind.  The  reformation  of 
manners  among  the  En^sh  in  our  Western  Plantations, 
and  the  propagation  of  the  gospel  among  the  American 
savages,  are  two  points  of  high  moment.  The  natural 
way  of  doing  this  is  by  founding  a  College  or  Seminary 
in  some  convenient  part  of  the  West  Indies,  where  the 
English  youth  of  our  Plantations  may  be  educated  in  such 
sort  as  to  supply  their  churches  with  pastors  of  good 
morals  and  good   learning — a  thing  (God  knows)  much 

'  Percival  MSS. 


PROPOSAL  FOR  A  COLLEGE  IN  BERMUDA    34.3 

wanted.  In  the  same  Seminary  a  number  of  young 
American  savages  may  be  educated  till  they  have  taken 
the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts.  And  being  by  that  time 
well  instructed  in  the  Christian  religion,  practical  mathe 
matics,  and  other  liberal  arts  and  sciences,  and  early 
imbued  with  public-spirited  principles  and  inclinations, 
they  may  become  the  fittest  instruments  for  spreading 
religion,  morals,  and  civil  life  among  their  countrymen, 
who  can  entertain  no  suspicion  or  jealousy  of  men  of 
their  own  blood  and  language,  as  they  might  do  of  Eng- 
lish missionaries,  who  can  never  be  well  qualified  for 
that  work.'  He  proceeds  in  the  same  letter  to  unfold 
this  ideal  of  education  for  English  colonists  and  American 
Indians,  and  gives  reason  for  choosing  Bermuda  as  the  fittest 
situation  for  the  College ;  a  region  whose  idyllic  bliss  poets 
had  sung,  and  from  which  Christian  civilisation  might 
radiate  over  the  Utopia  of  a  New  World,  with  its  magnificent 
possibilities  in  the  future  history  of  the  human  race. 

We  can  only  conjecture  the  origin  in  Berkeley's  imagina- 
tion of  this  bright  vision.  According  to  his  own  account 
it  had  arisen  more  than  '  ten  months '  before  the  date  of 
this  letter  to  Lord  Percival.  That  carries  us  back  to  the 
beginning  of  1722,  in  his  first  months  at  Trinity  College 
after  long  absence  in  Italy,  when  his  heart  was  heavy 
on  account  of  the  social  corruption  brought  to  light  afler 
the  South  Sea  disaster.  It  seems  as  if  despair  about  the 
Old  World  had  induced  him  to  look  to  the  New  for  the 
hopeful  future  of  religious  civilisation.  America  filled 
the  imagination  of  one  ta  whose  vision  was  disclosed  a 
spiritually  prosperous  future  for  mankind  amidst  new 
surroundings. 

He  had  returned  to  Dublin  in  1721,  afler  the  long  leave 
of  absence  in  Italy  granted  by  Trinity  College.  Early  in 
1722  he  was  nominated  Dean  of  Dromore.  In  1723,  Esther 
Vanhomrigh,  Swift's  'Vanessa,'  died,  leaving  him  unex- 
pectedly heir  of  £4,000.     In  1724  he  was  promoted  to  the 


344  editor's  preface  to  the 

Deanery  of  Londonderry,  the  best  preferment  in  Ireland. 
All  this  he  valued,  not  for  his  own  sake,  he  says,  but 
because  it  added  to  his  influence  as  the  apostle  of  Chris- 
tian civilisation  in  America.  To  realise  that  dominant 
project,  by  attracting  voluntary  contributions,  obtaining 
a  Charter  from  the  Crown  for  the  proposed  College,  and 
a  grant  of  money  from  Parliament,  Berkeley  went  over 
to  London  in  September,  1724,  fortified  by  a  letter  *  from 
Swift,  then  in  Dublin,  to  Lord  Carteret,  at  Bath,  who 
was  appointed  to  succeed  the  Duke  of  Grafton  as  Lord 
Lieutenant  of  Ireland.  Swift  thus  describes  Berkeley's 
previous  career  and  his  project: — 

'There  is  a  gentleman  of  this  kingdom  just  gone  for 
England.  It  is  Dr.  George  Berkeley,  Dean  of  Derry, 
the  best  preferment  among  us,  being  worth  £1,100  a  year. 
He  was  a  Fellow  of  the  University  here ;  and  going  to 
England  very  young,  about  thirteen  years  ago,  he  became 
the  founder  of  a  sect  called  the  Intmaieriah'sis,  by  the 
force  of  a  very  curious  book  upon  that  subject.  Dr.  Smal- 
ridge  and  many  other  eminent  persons  were  his  proselytes. 
I  sent  him  secretary  and  chaplain  to  Sicily  with  my  Lord 
Peterborough  ;  and  upon  his  Lordship's  return,  Dr.  Berke- 
ley spent  above  seven  years  in  travelling  over  most  parts  of 
Europe  ^,  but  chiefly  through  every  corner  of  Italy,  Sicily, 
and  other  islands.  When  he  came  back  to  England  he 
found  so  many  friends  that  he  was  effectually  recommended 
to  the  Duke  of  Grafton,  by  whom  he  was  lately  made  Dean 
of  Derry. 

'  I  am  now  to  mention  his  errand.  He  is  an  absolute 
philosopher  with  regard  to  money,  titles,  and  power;  and 
for  three  years  past  has  been  struck  with  a  notion  of  founding 
a  University  at  Bermudas,  by  a  Charter  from  the  Crown. 
He  has  seduced  several  of  the  hopefullest  young  clergy- 
men and  others  here,  many  of  them  well  provided  for, 

*  Dated  September  3,  1724.  and  extent  of  his  Second  Tour  on 

'■*  This   exaggerates  the    length       the  Continent. 


PROPOSAL    FOR    A   COLLEGE    IN    BERMUDA         345 

and  all  in  the  fairest  way  for  preferment ;  but  in  England 
his  conquests  are  greater,  and  I  doubt  will  spread  very 
far  this  winter.  He  shewed  me  a  little  tract,  which  he 
designs  to  publish;  and  there  your  Excellency  will  see 
his  whole  scheme  of  a  life  academico-philosophical,  of 
a  College  founded  for  Indian  scholars  and  missionaries; 
where  he  most  exorbitantly  proposes  a  whole  hundred 
pounds  a  year  for  himself,  fifty  pounds  for  a  Fellow,  and 
ten  for  a  Student.  His  heart  will  break  if  his  Deanery 
be  not  taken  from  him,  and  left  to  your  Excellency's  dis- 
posal. I  discouraged  him  by  the  coldness  of  Courts  and 
ministers,  who  will  interpret  all  this  as  impossible  and 
a  vision ;  but  nothing  will  do.  And.  therefore  I  humbly 
entreat  your  Excellency,  either  to  use  such  persuasions 
as  will  keep  one  of  the  first  men  in  the  kingdom  for 
learning  and  virtue  quiet  at  home,  or  assist  him  by  your 
credit  to  compass  his  romantic  design  ;  which,  however,  is 
very  noble  and  generous,  and  directly  proper  for  a  great 
person  of  your  excellent  education  to  encourage.' 

For  four  years  after  the  date  of  this  letter,  Berkeley 
lived  in  London,  negotiating  and  otherwise  ardently  press- 
ing forward  his  enterprise.  The  'little  tract'  which  he 
carried  from  Dublin  was  published  in  the  form  of  the 
following  Proposal^  in  1725,  in  London,  'printed  by 
H.  Woodfall,  at  Elzevir's  Head,  without  Temple  Bar.' 

The  Proposal  was  republished  in  1752,  in  Berkeley's 
Miscellany. 


A  PROPOSAL  FOR  A  COLLEGE 

IN  BERMUDA 

Although  there  are  several  excellent  persons  of  the 
Church  of  England,  whose  good  intentions  and  endea- 
vours have  not  been  wanting  to  propagate  the  Gospel  in 
foreign  parts,  who  have  even  combined  into  Societies  for 
that  very  purpose  ^  and  given  great  encouragement,  not 
only  for  English  missionaries  in  the  West  Indies,  but  also 
for  the  reformed  of  other  nations,  led  by  their  example,  to 
propagate  Christianity  in  the  East ;  it  is  nevertheless  ac- 
knowledged that  there  is  at  this  day  but  little  sense  of  reli- 
gion, and  a  most  notorious  corruption  of  manners,  in  the 
English  Colonies  settled  on  the  Continent  of  America,  and 
the  Islands.  It  is  also  acknowledged  that  the  gospel  hath 
hitherto  made  but  a  very  inconsiderable  progress  among 
the  neighbouring  Americans,  who  still  continue  in  much 
the  same  ignorance  and  barbarism  in  which  we  found 
them  above  a  hundred  years  ago. 

I  shall  therefore  venture  to  submit  my  thoughts,  upon 
a  point  that  I  have  long  considered,  to  better  judgments, 
in  hopes  that  any  expedient  will  be  favourably  hearkened 
to  which  is  proposed  for  the  remedy  of  these  evils.  Now, 
in  order  to  effect  this,  it  should  seem  the  natural  proper 
method  to  provide,  in  the  first  place,  a  constant  supply  of 
worthy  clergymen  for  the  English  churches  in  those  parts ; 
and,  in  the  second  place,  a  like  constant  supply  of  zealous 
missionaries,  well  fitted  for  propagating  Christianity  among 
the  savages. 

For,  though  the  surest  means  to  reform  the  morals,  and 
soften  the  behaviour  of  men  be,  to  preach  to  them  the 
pure  uncomipt  doctrine  of  the  gospel,  yet  it  cannot  be 
denied  that  the  success  of  preaching  dependeth  in  good 

*  The  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts, 
founded  in  1701. 


A    PROPOSAL    FOR    A    COLLEGE    IN    BERMUDA      347 

measure  on  the  character  and  skill  of  the  preacher. 
Forasmuch  as  mankind  are  more  apt  to  copy  characters 
than  to  practise  precepts,  and  forasmuch  as  argument,  to 
attain  its  full  strength,  doth  not  less  require  the  life  of 
zeal  than  the  weight  of  reason ;  the  same  doctrine  which 
maketh  great  impression  when  delivered  with  decency  and 
address  loseth  very  much  of  its  force  by  passing  through 
awkward  or  unskilful  hands. 

Now  the  clergy  sent  over  to  America  have  proved,  too 
many  of  them,  very  meanly  qualified  both  in  learning  and 
morals  for  the  discharge  of  their  oflBce.  And  indeed  little 
can  be  expected  from  the  example  or  instruction  of  those 
who  quit  their  native  country  on  no  other  motive  than  that 
they  are  unable  to  procure  a  livelihood  in  it,  which  is 
known  to  be  often  the  case. 

To  this  may  be  imputed  the  small  care  that  hath  been 
taken  to  convert  the  negroes  of  our  Plantations,  who, 
to  the  infamy  of  England  and  scandal  of  the  world,  con- 
tinue heathen  under  Christian  masters,  and  in  Christian 
countries.  Which  could  never  be,  if  our  planters  were 
rightly  instructed  and  made  sensible  that  they  dis- 
appointed their  own  baptism  by  denying  it  to  those  who 
belong  to  them ;  that  it  would  be  of  advantage  to  their 
affairs  to  have  slaves  who  should  *  obey  in  all  things  their 
masters  according  to  the  flesh,  not  with  eye-service  as 
men-pleasers,  but  in  singleness  of  heart,  as  fearing  God ; ' 
that  gospel  liberty  consists  with  temporal  servitude ;  and 
that  their  slaves  would  only  become  better  slaves  by  being 
Christian. 

And  though  it  be  allowed  that  some  of  the  clergy  in  our 
Colonies  have  approved  themselves  men  of  merit,  it  will 
at  the  same  time  be  allowed  that  the  most  zealous  and 
able  missionary  from  England  must  find  himself  but  ill 
qualified  for  converting  the  American  heathen ;  if  we 
consider  the  difference  of  language,  their  wild  way  of 
living,  and,  above  all,  the  great  jealousy  and  prejudice 
which  savage  nations  have  towards  foreigners,  or  innova- 
tions introduced  by  them. 

These  considerations  make  it  evident,  that  a  College  or 
Seminary  in  those  parts  is  very  much  wanted  :  and  there- 
fore the  providing  such  a  Seminary  is  earnestly  proposed 
and  recommended  to  all  those  who  have  it  in  their  power 


348  A    PROPOSAL    FOR    A 

to  contribute  to  30  good  a  work.  By  this,  two  ends  would 
be  obtained  : — 

First,  the  vouth  of  our  En^ish  Plantations  might  be 
themselves  fitted  for  the  ministry;  and  men  of  merit 
would  be  then  glad  to  fill  the  churches  of  their  native 
country,  wiiich  are  now  a  drain  for  the  very  dregs  and 
refuse  of  ours. 

At  present,  there  are,  I  am  told,  many  churches  vacant 
in  our  Plantations,  and  many  very  ill  sappU^ ;  nor  can 
all  the  vigilance  and  wisdom  of  that  great  prelate  \  whose 
peculiar  care  it  is,  prevent  this,  so  long  as  the  aforesaid 
churches  are  suppbed  fi7>m  England. 

And  supplied  they  must  be  with  such  as  can  be  picked 
up  in  En^and  or  Ireland,  until  a  Nursery  of  learning  for 
the  education  of  the  natives  is  founded.  This  indeed 
might  provide  a  constant  succession  of  learned  and  exem- 
pl^y  pastors ;  and  what  effect  this  might  be  supposed  to 
have  on  their  flocks  I  need  not  say. 

Secondly,  the  children  of  savage  Americans,  brought  up 
in  such  a  Seminary,  and  well  instructed  in  religion  and 
learning,  might  make  the  ablest  and  properest  missionaries 
for  spr^ding  the  gospel  among  their  countrymen;  who 
would  be  less  apt  to  suspect,  and  readier  to  embrace  a 
doctrine  recommended  by  neighbours  or  relations,  men  of 
their  own  blood  and  language,  than  if  it  were  proposed  by 
foreigners ;  who  would  not  improbably  be  thought  to  have 
designs  on  the  liberty  or  property  of  their  converts. 

The  young  Americans  necessary  for  this  purpose  may, 
in  the  beginning,  be  procured,  either  by  peaceable  methods 
from  those  savage  nations  which  border  on  our  Colonies, 
and  are  in  friendship  with  us,  or  by  taking  captive  the 
children  of  our  enemies. 

It  is  proposed  to  admit  into  the  aforesaid  Collie  only 
such  savages  as  are  under  ten  years  of  age,  before  evil 
habits  have  taken  a  deep  root ;  and  yet  not  so  early  as  to 
prevent  retaining  their  mother-tongue,  which  should  be 
preserved  by  intercourse  among  themselves. 

It  is  farther  proposed  to  ground  these  young  Americans 
thoroughly  in   religion  and  morality,  and  to  give  them 

'  The   Bishop  of  London,   Dr.   Gihson,  author  of  the   Codex  Juris 
Ecclesiasiici  Anglicam  ( 1713). 


COLLEGE    IN    BERMUDA  349 

a  good  tincture  of  Other  learning;  particularly  of  eloquence, 
history,  and  practical  mathematics;  to  which  it  may  not 
be  improper  to  add  some  skill  in  physic. 

If  there  were  a  yearly  supply  of  ten  or  a  dozen  such 
missionaries  sent  abroad  into  their  respective  countries, 
after  they  had  received  the  degree  of  master  of  arts  in  the 
aforesaid  College,  and  holy  orders  in  England  (till  such 
time  as  Episcopacy  be  established  in  those  parts  ^),  it  is 
hardly  to  be  doubted  but,  in  a  little  time,  the  world  would 
see  good  and  great  effects  thereof 

For,  to  any  considering  man,  the  employing  American 
missionaries  for  the  conversion  of  America  will,  of  all 
others,  appear  the  most  likely  method  to  succeed ; 
especially  if  care  be  taken  that,  during  the  whole  course 
of  their  education,  an  eye  should  be  had  to  their  mission ; 
that  they  should  be  taught  betimes  to  consider  themselves 
as  trained  up  in  that  sole  view,  without  any  other  prospect 
of  provision  or  employment ;  that  a  zeal  for  religion  and 
love  of  their  country  should  be  early  and  constantly 
instilled  into  their  minds,  by  repeated  lectures  and  ad- 
monitions; that  they  should  not  only  be  incited  by  the 
common  topics  of  religion  and  nature,  but  farther  animated 
and  inflamed  by  the  great  examples  in  past  ages  of  public 
spirit  and  virtue,  to  rescue  their  countrymen  from  their 
savage  manners  to  a  life  of  civility  and  religion. 

If  his  Majesty  would  graciously  please  to  grant  a 
Charter  for  a  College  to  be  erected  in  a  proper  place  for 
these  uses,  it  is  to  be  hoped  a  fund  may  be  soon  raised,  by 
the  contribution  of  well-disposed  persons,  sufficient  for 
building  and  endowing  the  same.  For,  as  the  necessary 
expense  would  be  small,  so  there  are  men  of  religion  and 
humanity  in  England,  who  would  be  pleased  to  see  any 
design  set  forward  for  the  glory  of  God  and  the  good  of 
mankind. 

A  small  expense  would  suffice  to  subsist  and  educate  the 
American  missionaries  in  a  plain  simple  manner,  such  as 
might  make  it  easy  for  them  to  return  to  the  coarse  and 
poor  methods  of  life  in  use  among  their  countrymen ;   and 

^  Dr.  Seabury  of  Connecticut  consecrated  in  1784  by  Bishops  of 
was   the  first  Bishop.      He  was      the  Church  in  Scotland. 


350  A    PROPOSAL    FOR    A 

nothing  can  contribute  more  to  lessen  this  expense,  than 
a  judicious  choice  of  the  situation  where  the  Seminary  is 
to  stand. 

Many  things  ought  to  be  considered  in  the  choice  of 
a  situation.  It  should  be  in  a  good  air ;  in  a  place  where 
provisions  are  cheap  and  plenty;  where  an  intercourse 
might  easily  be  kept  up  with  all  parts  of  America  and  the 
Islands ;  in  a  place  of  security,  not  exposed  to  the  insults 
of  pirates,  savages,  or  other  enemies ;  where  there  is  no 
great  trade,  which  might  tempt  the  Readers  or  Fellows  of 
the  College  to  become  merchants,  to  the  neglect  of  their 
proper  business;  where  there  are  neither  riches  nor  luxury 
to  divert  or  lessen  their  application,  or  to  make  them 
uneasy  and  dissatisfied  with  a  homely  frugal  subsistence ; 
lastly,  where  the  inhabitants,  if  such  a  place  may  be  found, 
are  noted  for  innocence  and  simplicity  of  manners.  I  need 
not  say  of  how  great  importance  this  point  would  be 
towards  forming  the  morals  of  young  students,  and  what 
mighty  influence  it  must  have  on  the  mission. 

It  is  evident  the  College  long  since  projected  in  Bar- 
badoes  *  would  be  defective  in  many  of  these  particulars. 
For,  though  it  may  have  its  use  among  the  inhabitants, 
yet  a  place  of  so  high  trade,  so  much  wealth  and  luxury, 
and  such  dissolute  morals  (not  to  mention  the  great  price 
and  scarcity  of  provisions)  must,  at  first  sight,  seem  a  very 
improper  situation  for  a  general  Seminary  intended  for 
the  forming  missionaries,  and  educating  youth  in  religion 
and  sobriety  of  manners.  The  same  objections  lie  against 
the  neighbouring  islands. 

And,  if  we  consider  the  accounts  given  of  their  avarice 
and  licentiousness,  their  coldness  in  the  practice  of  religion, 
and  their  aversion  from  propagating  it  (which  appears 
in  the  withholding  their  slaves  from  baptism),  it  is  to 
be  feared,  that  the  inhabitants  in  the  populous  parts  of 
our  Plantations  on  the  Continent  are  not  much  fitter 
than  those  in  the  islands  above  mentioned,  to  influence  or 
assist  such  a  design.  And,  as  to  the  more  remote  and 
less-frequented  parts,  the  difficulty  of  being  supplied  with 
necessaries,  the  danger  of  being  exposed  to  the  inroads 

^  By  General  Codrington,  who       Propagation  of  the  Gospel,  for  the 
died  in  Barbadoes  in  1710,  leaving       foundation  of  a  College  there, 
his  estates  to  the  Society  for  the 


COLLEGE    IN    BERMUDA  351 

of  savages,  and,  above  all,  the  want  of  intercourse  with 
other  places,  render  them  improper  situations  for  a 
Seminary  of  religion  and  learning. 

It  will  not  be  amiss  to  insert  here  an  observation  I  re- 
member to  have  seen  in  an  Abstract  of  the  Proceedings, 
&c.,  annexed  to  the  Dean  of  Canterbury's  *  Sermon  before 
the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign 
Parts — that  the  savage  Indians  who  live  on  the  Continent 
will  not  suffer  their  children  to  learn  English  or  Dutch, 
lest  they  should  be  debauched  by  conversing  with  their 
European  neighbours ;  which  is  a  melancholy  but  strong 
confirmation  of  the  truth  of  what  hath  been  now  advanced. 

A  general  intercourse  and  correspondence  with  all  the 
English  Colonies,  both  on  the  Islands  and  the  Continent, 
and  with  other  parts  of  America,  hath  been  before  laid 
down  as  a  necessary  circumstance,  the  reason  whereof  is 
very  evident.  But  this  circumstance  is  hardly  to  be  found. 
For,  on  the  Continent,  where  there  are  neither  inns,  nor 
carriages,  nor  bridges  over  the  rivers,  there  is  no  travelling 
by  land  between  distant  places.  And  the  English  settle- 
ments are  reputed  to  extend  along  the  sea-coast  for  the 
space  of  fifteen  hundred  miles.  It  is  therefore  plain  there 
can  be  no  convenient  communication  between  them  other- 
wise than  by  sea;  no  advantage  therefore,  in  this  point, 
can  be  gained  by  settling  on  the  Continent. 

There  is  another  consideration  which  equally  regards 
the  Continent  and  the  Islands,  that  the  general  course  of 
trade  and  correspondence  lies  from  all  those  Colonies 
to  Great  Britain  alone.  Whereas,  for  our  present  pur- 
pose, it  would  be  necessary  to  pitch  upon  a  place,  if  such 
could  be  found,  which  maintains  a  constant  intercourse 
with  all  the  other  Colonies,  and  whose  commerce  lies 
chiefly  or  altogether  (not  in  Europe,  but)  in  America. 

There  is  but  one  spot  that  I  can  find  to  which  this  cir- 
cumstance agrees;  and  that  is,  the  Isles  of  Bermuda, 
otherwise  called  the  Summer  Islands^.     These,  having  no 

*  Dr.  George  Stanhope^  Dean  of  British  North  America,  and  about 

Canterbury,  preached  the   annual  six  hundred  miles  from  the  Conti- 

Sermon    before    the    Society,   on  nent,    now    associated    with    the 

February  19,  1714.  bright  vision  of   Berkeley,   were 

^  These      islands,      equidistant  the  dread   of  sailors.      They   are 

between    the    West    Indies    and  called   Summer   Islands  from    Sir 


352 


A    PROPOSAL    FOR    A 


rich  commodity  or  manufacture,  such  as  sugar,  tobacco, 
or  the  like,  wherewithal  to  trade  to  England,  are  obliged 
to  become  carriers  for  America,  as  the  Dutch  are  for 
Europe.  The  Bermudans  are  excellent  shipwrights  and 
sailors,  and  have  a  great  number  of  very  good  sloops, 
which  are  always  passing  and  repassing  from  all  parts  of 
America.  They  drive  a  constant  trade  to  the  islands 
of  Jamaica,  BaiWdoes,  Antigua,  &c,  with  butter,  onions, 
cabbages,  and  other  roots  and  v^etables,  which  they  have 
in  great  plenty  and  perfection.  They  have  also  some 
sm<dl  manufactures  of  joiner's  work  and  matting,  which 
they  export  to  the  Plantations  on  the  Continent  Hence 
Bermudan  sloops  are  oftener  seen  in  the  ports  of  America 
than  in  any  other.  And,  indeed,  by  the  best  information 
I  could  get,  it  spears  they  are  the  only  people  of  all 
the  British  Plantations  who  hold  a  general  correspondence 
with  the  rest 

And  as  the  commerce  of  Bermuda  renders  it  a  very  fit 
place  wherein  to  erect  a  Seminary,  so  likewise  doth  its 
situation,  it  being  placed  between  our  Plantations  on  the 
Continent  and  those  in  the  Isles,  so  as  equally  to  respect 
both.  To  which  may  be  added,  that  it  lies  in  the  way 
of  vessels  passing  from  America  to  Great  Britain ;  all  which 
makes  it  plain  that  the  youth  to  be  educated  in  a  Seminary 
placed  in  the  Summer  Islands  would  have  frequent  oppor- 
tunities of  going  thither  and  corresponding  with  their 
friends.  It  must  indeed  be  owned  that  some  will  be 
obliged  to  go  a  long  way  to  any  one  place  which  we  sup- 
pose resorted  to  from  all  parts  of  our  Plantations ;  but  if 
we  were  to  look  out  a  spot  the  nearest  approaching  to  an 


George  Summers  (or  Somen),  who 
was  wrecked  there  in  1609.  He 
and  his  comrades  were  charmed 
by  their  place  of  refuge.  Bermuda 
became  famed  for  its  delightful 
climate.  The  poet  Waller,  after 
his  condemnation  by  Paiiiament, 
is  said  to  have  passed  months  in 
1643  >>>  Bermuda,  which,  in  his 
BattU  of  the  SutHnur  Islands^  he 
has  described  with  enthusiasm,  as 
enjoying  perpetual  spring,  and 
offering  the  most  beautiful  resi- 
dence in  the  world.    And  Andrew 


Marvell,  in  his  poem  Bermudas, 
celebrates  the 

.  .  .  'isle  so  long  unknown, 
And  yet  far  kinder  than  our  own/ 
with  its  grateful  shelter, 

'  Safe  from  the  storms,  and  pre- 
lates' rage.' 
Shakespeare,  too,  as  well  as 
Waller  and  Marvell,  helps  to  in- 
vest this  romantic  region  with 
a  halo  of  imagination.  See  Tent- 
pesij  Act  i.  Scene  2 — *  the  still- 
vex'd  Bermoothes.' 


COLLEGE    IN    BERMUDA  353 

equal  distance  from  all  the  rest,  I  believe  it  would  be  found 
to  be  Bermuda.  It  remains  that  we  see  whether  it  enjoys 
the  other  qualities  or  conditions  laid  down  as  well  as  this. 

The  Summer  Islands  are  situated  near  the  latitude  of 
thirty-three  degrees ;  no  part  of  the  world  enjoys  a  purer 
air,  or  a  more  temperate  climate,  the  great  ocean  which 
environs  them  at  once  moderating  the  heat  of  the  south 
winds,  and  the  severity  of  the  nortlh-west.  Such  a  latitude 
on  the  Continent  might  be  thought  too  hot;  but  the  air 
in  Bermuda  is  perpetually  fanned  and  kept  cool  by  sea- 
breezes,  which  render  the  weather  the  most  healthy  and 
delightful  that  could  be  wished,  being  (as  is  afGrmed  by 
persons  who  have  long  lived  there)  of  one  equal  tenor 
almost  throughout  the  whole  year,  like  the  latter  end  of 
a  fine  May ;  insomuch  that  it  is  resorted  to  as  the  Mont- 
pelier  of  America. 

Nor  are  these  isles  (if  we  may  believe  the  accounts  given 
of  them)  less  remarkable  for  plenty  than  for  health ;  there 
being,  besides  beef,  mutton,  and  fowl,  great  abundance  of 
fruits,  and  garden-stuff  of  all  kinds  in  perfection:  to  this, 
if  we  add  the  great  plenty  and  variety  of  fish  which  is  every 
day  taken  on  their  coasts,  it  would  seem,  that  a  Seminary 
could  nowhere  be  supplied  with  better  provisions,  or 
cheaper  than  here. 

About  forty  years  ago,  upon  cutting  down  many  tall 
cedars  that  sheltered  their  orange-trees  from  the  north 
wind  (which  sometimes  blows  even  there  so  as  to  affect 
that  delicate  plant),  great  part  of  their  orange  plantations 
suffered ;  but  other  cedars  are  since  grown  up,  and  no 
doubt  a  little  industry  would  again  produce  as  great  plenty 
of  oranges  as  ever  was  there  heretofore.  I  mention  this 
because  some  have  inferred  from  the  present  scarcity  of 
that  fruit,  for  which  Bermuda  was  once  so  famous,  that 
there  hath  been  a  change  in  the  soil  and  climate  for  the 
worse.  But  this,  as  hath  been  observed,  proceeded  from 
another  cause,  which  is  now  in  great  measure  taken  away. 

Bermuda  is  a  cluster  of  small  islands,  which  lie  in  a 
very  narrow  compass,  containing,  in  all,  not  quite  twenty 
thousand  acres.  This  group  of  isles  is  (to  use  Mr.  Waller's 
expression ')  walled  round  with  rocks,  which  render  them 

'   *  Bermuda,  wall'd  with  rocks,  who  does  not  know  ? 
That  happy  island  where  huge  lemons  grow, 

BERKELEY:     FRASEK.        IV.  A  2L 


354  A    PROPOSAL    FOR    A 

inaccessible  to  pirates  or  enemies;  there  being  but  two 
narrow  entrances,  both  well  guarded  by  forts.  It  would 
therefore  be  impossible  to  find  anywhere  a  more  secure 
retreat  for  students. 

The  trade  of  Bermuda  consists  only  in  garden-stuff, 
and  some  poor  manufactures,  principally  of  cedar  and  the 
palmetto-leaf.  Bermuda  hats  are  worn  by  our  ladies: 
they  are  made  of  a  sort  of  mat,  or  (as  they  call  it)  platting 
made  of  the  palmetto-leaf,  which  is  the  only  commodity 
that  I  can  find  exported  from  Bermuda  to  Great  Britain ; 
and  as  there  is  no  prospect  of  making  a  fortune  by  this 
small  trade,  so  it  cannot  be  supposed  to  tempt  the  Fellows 
of  the  College  to  engage  in  it,  to  the  neglect  of  their 
peculiar  business,  which  might  possibly  be  the  case  else- 
where. 

Such  as  their  trade  is,  such  is  their  wealth ;  the  inhabit- 
ants being  much  poorer  than  the  other  Colonies,  who  do 
not  fail  to  despise  them  upon  that  account.  But,  if  they 
have  less  wealth,  they  have  withal  less  vice  and  expensive 
folly  than  their  neighbours.  They  are  represented  as 
a  contented,  plain,  innocent  sort  of  people,  free  from 
avarice  and  luxury,  as  well  as  the  other  corruptions  that 
attend  those  vices. 

I  am  also  informed  that  they  are  more  constant  attendants 
on  Divine  service,  more  kind  and  respectful  to  their  pastor 
(when  they  have  one),  and  shew  much  more  humanity  to 
their  slaves,  and  charity  to  one  another,  than  is  observed 
among  the  English  in  the  other  Plantations.  One  reason 
of  this  may  be  that  condemned  criminals,  being  employed 
in  the  manufactures  of  sugar  and  tobacco,  were  never 
transported  thither.  But,  whatever  be  the  cause,  the  facts 
are  attested  by  a  clergyman  of  good  credit,  who  lived 
among  them. 

Among  a  people  of  this  character,  and  in  a  situation 
thus  circumstantiated,  it  would  seem  that  a  Seminary  of 
religion  and  learning  might  very  fitly  be  placed.  The 
correspondence  with  other  parts  of  America,  the  goodness 

And  orange-trees,  which  golden  fruit  do  bear, 
Th'  Hesperian  garden  boasts  of  none  so  fair; 
Where  shining  pearl,  coral,  and  many  a  pound. 
On  the  rich  shore,  of  ambergris  is  found/ 

Waller's  Battle  of  the  Summer  Islands. 


COLLEGE    IN    BERMUDA  355 

of  the  air,  the  plenty  and  security  of  the  place,  the  frugality 
and  innocence  of  the  inhabitants,  all  conspiring  to  favour 
such  a  design.  Thus  much  at  least  is  evident,  that  young 
students  would  be  there  less  liable  to  be  corrupted  in  their 
morals;  and  the  governing  part  would  be  easier,  and 
better  contented  with  a  small  stipend,  and  a  retired 
academical  life,  in  a  corner  from  whence  avarice  and 
luxury  are  excluded,  than  they  can  be  supposed  to  be  in 
the  midst  of  a  full  trade  and  great  riches,  attended  with 
all  that  high  living  and  parade  which  our  planters  affect, 
and  which,  as  well  as  all  fashionable  vices,  should  be  far 
removed  from  the  eyes  of  the  young  American  missionaries, 
who  are  to  lead  a  life  of  poverty  and  self-denial  among 
their  countrymen. 

After  all,  it  must  be  acknowledged,  that  though  every- 
thing else  should  concur  with  our  wishes,  yet  if  a  set  of 
good  Governors  and  Teachers  be  wanting,  who  are  ac- 
quainted with  the  methods  of  education,  and  have  the  zeal 
and  ability  requisite  for  carrying  on  a  design  of  this  nature, 
it  would  certainly  come  to  nothmg. 

An  institution  of  this  kind  should  be  set  on  foot  by  men 
of  prudence,  spirit,  and  zeal,  as  well  as  competent  learning, 
who  should  be  led  to  it  by  other  motives  than  the  necessity 
of  picking  up  a  maintenance.  For,  upon  this  view,  what 
man  of  merit  can  be  supposed  to  quit  his  native  country, 
and  take  up  with  a  poor  college  subsistence  in  another 
part  of  the  world,  where  there  are  so  many  considerable 
parishes  actually  void,  and  so  many  others  ill  supplied 
for  want  of  fitting  incumbents  ?  Is  it  likely  that  Fellow- 
ships of  fifty  or  sixty  pounds  a  year  should  tempt  abler 
or  worthier  men  than  benefices  of  many  times  their 
value  ? 

And  except  able  and  worthy  men  do  first  engage  in  this 
affair,  with  a  resolution  to  exert  themselves  in  forming 
the  manners  of  the  youth,  and  giving  them  a  proper 
education,  it  is  evident  the  Mission  and  the  College  will 
be  but  in  a  very  bad  way.  This  inconvenience  seems 
the  most  difficult  to  provide  against,  and  if  not  provided 
against,  it  will  be  the  most  likely  to  obstruct  any  design 
of  this  nature.  So  true  it  is,  that  where  ignorance  or  ill 
manners  once  take  place  in  a  Seminary,  they  are  sure 

A  a  2 


35^  A    PROPOSAL    FOR    A 

to  be  handed  down  in  a  succession  of  illiterate  or  worth- 
less men. 

But  this  apprehension,  which  seems  so  well  grounded, 
that  a  College  in  any  part  of  America  would  either  lie 
unprovided,  or  be  worse  provided  than  their  churches  are, 
hath  no  place  in  Bermuda ;  there  being  at  this  time  several 
gentlemen,  in  all  respects  very  well  qualified,  and  in  pos- 
session of  good  preferments  and  fair  prospects  at  home, 
who,  having  seriously  considered  the  great  benefits  that 
may  arise  to  the  Church  and  to  Mankind  from  such  an 
undertaking,  are  ready  to  engage  in  it,  and  to  dedicate 
the  remainder  of  their  lives  to  the  instructing  the  youth 
of  America,  and  prosecuting  their  own  studies,  upon  a  very 
moderate  subsistence,  in  a  retirement,  so  sweet  and  so 
secure,  and  every  way  so  well  fitted  for  a  place  of  educa- 
tion and  study,  as  Bermuda. 

Thus  much  the  writer  hereof  thought  himself  obliged 
to  say  of  his  associates.  For  himself  he  can  only  say  that, 
as  he  values  no  preferment  upon  earth  so  much  as  that  of 
being  employed  in  the  execution  of  this  design,  so  he 
hopes  to  make  up  for  other  defects,  by  the  sincerity  of 
his  endeavours. 

In  Europe,  the  Protestant  religion  hath  of  late  years 
considerably  lost  ground,  and  America  seems  the  likeliest 
place  wherein  to  make  up  for  what  hath  been  lost  in 
Europe,  provided  the  proper  methods  are  taken.  Other- 
wise the  Spanish  missionaries  in  the  south,  and  the  French 
in  the  north,  are  making  such  a  progress,  as  may  one  day 
spread  the  religion  of  Rome,  and  with  it  the  usual  hatred 
to  Protestants,  throughout  all  the  savage  nations  of  America; 
which  would  probably  end  in  the  utter  extirpation  of  our 
Colonies,  on  the  safety  whereof  depends  so  much  of  the 
nation's  wealth,  and  so  considerable  a  branch  of  his 
Majesty's  revenue. 

But,  if  this  scheme  were  pursued,  it  would  in  all  proba- 
bility have  much  greater  influence  on  the  Americans  than 
the  utmost  endeavours  of  popish  emissaries  can  possibly 
have ;  who,  from  the  difference  of  country,  language,  and 
interest,  must  lie  under  far  greater  difficulties  and  dis- 
couragements than  those  whom  we  suppose  yearly  sent 
out  from  Bermuda  to  preach  among  their  countrymen. 


COLLEGE    IN    BERMUDA  357 

It  cannot  indeed  be  denied,  that  the  great  number  of 
poor  regulars,  inured  to  hard  living,  and  brought  up  in  an 
implicit  obedience  to  their  superiors,  hath  hitherto  given 
the  Church  of  Rome,  in  regard  to  her  missions,  great 
advantage  over  the  reformed  churches.  But,  from  what 
hath  been  said,  it  is,  I  think,  evident,  that  this  ad- 
vantage may  be  overbalanced  by  our  employing  American 
missionaries. 

Nor  is  the  honour  of  the  crown,  nation,  and  church  of 
England,  unconcerned  in  this  scheme ;  which,  it  is  to  be 
hoped,  will  remove  the  reproach  we  have  so  long  lain 
under,  that  we  fall  as  far  short  of  our  neighbours  of  the 
Romish  communion  in  zeal  for  propagating  religion,  as 
we  surpass  them  in  the  soundness  and  purity  of  it.  And 
at  the  same  time  that  the  doing  what  may  be  so  easily 
done  takes  away  our  reproach,  it  will  cast  no  small  lustre 
on  his  Majesty's  reign,  and  derive  a  blessing  from  Heaven 
on  his  administration,  and  those  who  live  under  the 
influence  thereof. 

Men  of  narrow  minds  have  a  peculiar  talent  at  objection, 
being  never  at  a  loss  for  something  to  say  against  whatso- 
ever is  not  of  their  own  proposing.  And  perhaps  it  will  be 
said,  in  opposition  to  this  proposal,  that  if  we  thought 
ourselves  capable  of  gaining  converts  to  the  Church,  we 
ought  to  begin  with  infidels,  papists,  and  dissenters  of  all 
denominations,  at  home,  and  to  make  proselytes  of  these 
before  we  think  of  foreigners;  and  that  therefore  our 
scheme  is  against  duty.  And,  farther,  that,  considering 
the  great  opposition  which  is  found  on  the  part  of  those 
who  differ  from  us  at  home,  no  success  can  be  expected 
among  savages  abroad;  and  that  therefore  it  is  against 
reason  and  experience. 

In  answer  to  this,  I  say,  that  religion  like  light  is  im- 
parted without  being  diminished.  That  whatever  is  done 
abroad  can  be  no  hindrance  or  let  to  the  conversion  of 
infidels  or  others  at  home.  That  those  who  engage  in 
this  affair  imagine  they  will  not  be  missed,  where  there 
is  no  want  of  schools  or  clergy;  but  that  they  may  be 
of  singular  service  in  countries  but  thinly  supplied  with 
either,  or  altogether  deprived  of  both :  that  our  Colonies 
being  of  the  same   blood,  language,  and   religion,  with 


358  A    PROPOSAL    FOR    A 

ourselves,  are  in  effect  our  countrymen.  But  that  Christian 
charity,  not  being  limited  by  those  regards,  doth  extend 
to  all  mankind.  And  this  may  serve  for  an  answer  to  the 
first  point,  that  our  design  is  against  duty. 

To  the  second  point  I  answer,  that  ignorance  is  not 
so  incurable  as  error ;  that  you  must  pull  down  as  well  as 
build,  erase  as  well  as  imprint,  in  order  to  make  proselytes 
at  home :  whereas,  the  savage  Americans,  if  they  are  in 
a  state  purely  natural,  and  unimproved  by  education,  they 
are  also  unincumbered  with  all  that  rubbish  of  super- 
stition and  prejudice,  which  is  the  effect  of  a  wrong  one. 
As  they  are  less  instructed,  they  are  withal  less  conceited, 
and  more  teachable.  And  not  being  violently  attached 
to  any  false  system  of  their  own,  are  so  much  the  fitter 
to  receive  that  which  is  true.  Hence  it  is  evident  that 
success  abroad  ought  not  to  be  measured  by  that  which 
we  observe  at  home,  and  that  the  inference  which  was 
made  from  the  difficult}'  of  the  one  to  the  impossibility 
of  the  other,  is  altogether  groundless. 

It  hath  more  the  appearance  of  reason  to  object  (what 
will  possibly  be  objected  by  some)  that  this  scheme  hath 
been  already  tried  to  no  purpose,  several  Indians  having 
returned  to  their  savage  manners  after  they  had  been 
taught  to  write  and  read,  and  instructed  in  the  Christian 
religion ;  a  clear  proof  that  their  natural  stupidity  is  not 
to  be  overcome  by  education. 

In  answer  to  this,  I  say,  that  the  scheme  now  proposed 
hath  never  been  tried,  forasmuch  as  a  thorough  education 
in  religion  and  morality,  in  Divine  and  human  learning, 
doth  not  appear  to  have  been  ever  given  to  any  savage 
American  :  that  much  is  to  be  hoped  from  a  man  ripe  in 
years,  and  well  grounded  in  religion  and  useful  know- 
ledge, while  little  or  nothing  can  be  expected  from  a  youth 
but  slightly  instructed  in  the  elements  of  either :  that  from 
the  miscarriage  or  gross  stupidity  of  some,  a  general 
incapacity  of  all  Americans  cannot  be  fairly  inferred :  that 
they  shew  as  much  natural  sense  as  other  uncultivated 
nations:  that  the  empires  of  Mexico  and  Peru  were 
evident  proofs  of  their  capacity,  in  which  there  appeared 
a  relish  of  politics  and  a  degree  of  art  and  politeness, 
which  no  European  people  were  ever  known  to  have 
arrived  at  without  the    use  of  letters  or  of  iron,  and 


COLLEGE    IN    BERMUDA  359 

which  some  perhaps  have  fallen  short  of  with  both  those 
advantages. 

To  what  hath  been  said,  it  may  not  be  improper  to  add, 
that  young  Americans,  educated  in  an  island  at  some 
distance  from  their  own  country,  will  more  easily  be  kept 
under  discipline  till  they  have  attained  a  complete  education, 
than  on  the  continent ;  where  they  might  find  opportunities 
of  running  away  to  their  countrymen,  and  returning  to 
their  brutal  customs,  before  they  were  thoroughly  imbued 
with  good  principles  and  habits. 

It  must,  nevertheless,  be  acknowledged  a  difficult  attempt 
to  plant  religion  among  the  Americans,  so  long  as  they 
continue  their  wild  and  roving  life.  He  who  is  obliged  to 
hunt  for  his  daily  food,  will  have  little  curiosity  or  leisure 
to  receive  instruction.  It  would  seem  therefore  the  right 
way,  to  introduce  religion  and  civil  life  at  the  same  time 
into  that  part  of  the  world :  either  attempt  will  assist  and 
promote  the  other.  Those  therefore  of  the  young  savages, 
who  upon  trial  are  found  less  likely  to  improve  by 
academical  studies,  may  be  taught  agriculture,  or  the  most 
necessary  trades.  And  when  husbandmen,  weavers,  car- 
penters, and  the  like,  have  planted  those  useful  arts  among 
their  savage  countrymen,  and  taught  them  to  live  in  settled 
habitations,  to  canton  out  their  land  and  till  it,  to  provide 
vegetable  food  of  all  kinds,  to  preserve  flocks  and  herds 
of  cattle,  to  make  convenient  houses,  and  to  clothe  them- 
selves decently :  this  will  assist  the  spreading  the  Gospel 
among  them ;  this  will  dispose  them  to  social  virtues,  and 
enable  them  to  see  and  to  feel  the  advantages  of  a  religious 
and  civil  education. 

And  that  this  view  of  propagating  the  Gospel  and  civil 
life  among  the  savage  nations  of  America,  was  a  principal 
motive  which  induced  the  crown  to  send  the  first  English 
Colonies  thither,  doth  appear  from  the  Charter*  granted 
by  King  James  I  to  the  adventurers  in  Virginia.  (See 
Purchases  Pilgrims,  vol.  iv.  bk.  i.  c.  9.)    And  it  is  now  but 

*  The   Charter  was  granted  by  darkness  and  miserable  ignorance 

the   King,  because  ^  so    noble    a  of  the  true  knowledge  and  worship 

work  may,  by  the  Providence  of  of  God,  and  may  in  time  bring  the 

Almighty  God,  hereafter  tend  to  infidels  and  savages  (living  in  those 

the  glory  of  his  Divine  Majesty,  parts)  to  human  civility,  and  to  a 

in   propagating  of  Christian  reli-  settled  and  quiet  government/ 
gion  to  such  people  as  yet  live  in 


360  A    PROPOSAL   FOR    A 

just  (what  might  then  seem  charitable),  that  these  poor 
creatures  should  receive  some  advantage  with  respect  to 
their  spiritual  interests  from  those  who  have  so  much 
improved  their  temporal  by  settling  among  them. 

It  is  most  true,  notwithstanding  our  present  corruptions, 
that  there  are  to  be  found  in  no  country  under  the  sun 
men  of  better  inclinations,  or  greater  abilities  for  doing 
good,  than  in  England.  But  it  is  as  true  that  success,  in 
many  cases,  depends  not  upon  zeal,  industry,  wealth, 
learning,  or  the  like  faculties,  so  much  as  on  the  method 
wherein  these  are  applied.  We  often  see  a  small  pro- 
portion of  labour  and  expense  in  one  way  bring  that  about, 
which  in  others  a  much  greater  share  of  both  could  never 
effect.  It  hath  been  my  endeavour  to  discover  this  way 
or  method  in  the  present  case.  What  hath  been  done, 
I  submit  to  the  judgment  of  all  good  and  reasonable  men  ; 
who,  I  am  persuaded,  will  never  reject  or  discourage  a 
proposal  of  this  nature,  on  the  score  of  slight  objections, 
surmises,  or  difficulties,  and  thereby  render  themselves 
chargeable  with  the  having  prevented  those  good  effects 
which  mi^ht  otherwise  have  been  produced  by  it. 

For  it  IS,  after  all,  possible,  that  unforeseen  difficulties 
may  arise  in  the  prosecution  of  this  design ;  many  things 
may  retard,  and  many  things  may  threaten  to  obstruct  it. 
But  there  is  hardly  any  enterprise  or  scheme  whatsoever, 
for  the  public  good,  m  which  difficulties  are  not  often 
shewing  themselves,  and  as  often  overcome  by  the  bless- 
ing of  God  upon  the  prudence  and  resolution  of  the  un- 
dertakers; though,  for  aught  that  appears,  the  present 
scheme  is  as  likely  to  succeed,  and  attended  with  as  few 
difficulties,  as  any  of  this  kind  can  possibly  be. 

For,  to  any  man  who  considers  the  Divine  power  of 
religion,  the  innate  force  of  reason  and  virtue,  and  the 
mighty  effects  often  wrought  by  the  constant  regular 
operations  even  of  a  weak  and  small  cause ;  it  will  seem 
natural  and  reasonable  to  suppose,  that  rivulets  perpetually 
issuing  forth  from  a  fountain  or  reservoir  of  learning  and 
religion,  and  streaming  through  all  parts  of  America, 
must  in  due  time  have  a  great  effect,  in  purging  away  the 
ill  manners  and  irreligion  of  our  Colonies,  as  well  as 
the  blindness  and  barbarity  of  the  nations  round  them : 


COLLEGE    IN    BERMUDA  361 

especially  if  the  reservoir  be  in  a  clean  and  private  place, 
where  its  waters,  out  of  the  way  of  anything  that  may 
corrupt  them,  remain  clear  and  pure ;  otherwise  they  are 
more  likely  to  pollute  than  purify  the  places  through 
which  they  flow. 

The  greatness  of  a  benefaction  is  rather  in  proportion 
to  the  number  and  want  of  the  receivers  than  to  the 
liberality  of  the  giver.  A  wise  and  good  man  would  there- 
fore be  frugal  in  the  management  of  his  charity :  that  is, 
contrive  it  so  that  it  might  extend  to  the  greatest  wants 
of  the  greatest  number  of  his  fellow  creatures.  Now  the 
greatest  wants  are  spiritual  wants,  and  by  all  accounts 
these  are  nowhere  greater  than  in  our  Western  Plantations, 
in  many  parts  whereof  Divine  service  is  never  performed 
for  want  of  clergymen;  in  others,  after  such  a  manner 
and  by  such  hands  as  scandalise  even  the  worst  of  their 
own  parishioners ;  where  many  English,  instead  of  gaining 
converts,  are  themselves  degenerated  into  heathens,  being 
members  of  no  church,  without  morals,  without  faith, 
without  baptism.  There  can  be,  therefore,  in  no  part  of 
the  Christian  world  a  greater  want  of  spiritual  things  than 
in  our  Plantations. 

And,  on  the  other  hand,  no  part  of  the  Gentile  world 
are  so  inhuman  and  barbarous  as  the  savage  Americans, 
whose  chief  employment  and  delight  consisting  in  cruelty 
and  revenge;  their  lives  must  of  all  others  be  most 
opposite,  as  well  to  the  light  of  nature  as  to  the  spirit 
of  the  Gospel.  Now,  to  reclaim  these  poor  wretches,  to 
prevent  the  many  torments  and  cruel  deaths  which  they 
daily  inflict  on  each  other,  to  contribute  in  any  sort  to 
put  a  stop  to  the  numberless  horrid  crimes  which  they 
commit  without  remorse,  and  instead  thereof  to  introduce 
the  practice  of  virtue  and  piety,  must  surely  be  a  work  in 
the  highest  degree  becoming  every  sincere  and  charitable 
Christian. 

Those  who  wish  well  to  religion  and  mankind  will  need 
no  other  motive  to  forward  an  undertaking  calculated  for 
the  service  of  both.  I  shall,  nevertheless,  beg  leave  to 
observe,  that  whoever  would  be  glad  to  cover  a  multi- 
tude of  sins  by  an  extensive  and  well-judged  charity,  or 
whoever,  from  an  excellent  and  godlike  temper  of  mind, 
seeks  opportunities  of  doing  good  in  his  generation,  will  be 


i 


362 


A    PROPOSAL    FOR    A 


pleased  to  meet  with  a  scheme  that  so  peculiarly  puts  it 
in  his  power,  with  small  trouble  or  expense,  to  procure 
a  great  and  lasting  benefit  to  the  world. 

Ten  pounds  a  year  would  (if  I  mistake  not)  be  sufficient 
to  defray  the  expense  of  a  young  American  in  the  College 
of  Bermuda,  as  to  diet,  lodging,  clothes,  books,  and 
education :  and  if  so,  the  interest  of  two  hundred  pounds 
may  be  a  perpetual  fund  for  maintaining  one  missionary 
at  the  College  for  ever ;  and  in  this  succession  many,  it  is 
to  be  hoped,  may  become  powerful  instruments  for  con- 
verting to  Christianity  and  civil  life  whole  nations  who 
now  '  sit  in  darkness  and  the  shadow  of  death,'  and  whose 
cruel  brutal  manners  are  a  disgrace  to  human  nature. 

A  benefaction  of  this  kind  seems  to  enlarge  the  very 
being  of  a  man,  extending  it  to  distant  places  and  to  future 
times ;  inasmuch  as  unseen  countries  and  after  ages  may 
feel  the  effects  of  his  bounty,  while  he  himself  reaps  the 
reward  in  the  blessed  society  of  all  those,  who,  having 
turned  'many  to  righteousness,  shine  as  the  stars  for 
ever  and  ever.' 


[PS.  ^  Since  the  foregoing  Proposal  was  first  made 
public,  his  Majesty  hath  been  graciously  pleased  to  grant 
a  Charter^  for  erecting  a  College,  by  the  name  of  St.  Paul's 
College  in  Bermuda,  for  the  uses  above  mentioned.  Which 
College  is  to  contain  a  President  and  nine  Fellows.  The 
first  President  appointed  by  charter  is  George  Berkeley, 
D.D.,  and  Dean  of  Derry.  The  three  Fellows  named  in 
the  charter  are  William  Thompson,  Jonathan  Rogers,  and 
James  King,  Masters  of  Arts  and  Fellows  of  Trinity 
College  near  Dublin  ^  The  nomination  of  a  President  is 
reserved  to  the  Crown.  The  election  of  Fellows  is  vested 
in  the  President  and  the  majority  of  the  Fellows ;  as  is 


*  This  PS.  was  added  in  1725, 
in  the  later  issues  of  the  Proposal y 
and  is  contained  in  the  reprint  in 
the  Miscellany. 

*  The  Charter  was  granted  in 
1725.  The  difficulties  and  disap- 
pointments which  Berkeley  after- 
wards encountered,  and  the  spirit 
in  which  he  met  them,  appear  in 


his  letters  to  Thomas  Prior  in  that 
and  the  three  following  years. 
See  my  Life  and  Correspondence  of 
Berkeley,  pp.  110-50. 

'  Thompson,  Rogers,  and  King 
had  been  elected  Fellows  of 
Trinity  ;  the  first  in  17 13,  the 
second  in  17 16,  and  the  third  in 
1720. 


COLLEGE    IN    BERMUDA 


363 


likewise  the  government  of  the  Society.  The  Lord  Bishop 
of  London  for  the  time  being  is  appointed  Visitor;  and 
such  of  his  Majesty's  principal  Secretaries  of  State  for  the 
time  being  as  hath  America  in  his  province  is  appointed 
Chancellor  of  the  said  College.  The  President  and  Fellows 
have  the  power  of  making  Statutes,  to  be  approved  by  the 
Visitor :  they  have  also  the  power  of  conferring  Degrees 
in  all  Faculties.  They  are  obliged  to  maintain  and  educate 
Indian  Scholars  at  the  rate  of  ten  pound  per  annum  for 
each.  They  are  obliged  to  transmit  annual  accounts  of 
the  state  of  the  College,  number  of  studehts,  their  pro- 
gress, &c.  to  the  Chancellor  and  Visitor.  The  aforesaid 
President  and  Fellows  are  licensed  to  hold  their  prefer- 
ments in  these  Kingdoms  till  one  year  and  a  half  be 
expired  after  their  arrival  in  Bermuda.  This  Society  is 
incorporated  with  the  usual  clauses,  hath  power  to  receive 
benefactions,  purchase  lands,  keep  a  common  seal,  &c. 
Lastly,  all  in  office  under  his  Majesty  are  required  to 
be  aiding  and  assisting  to  the  protection  and  preservation 
thereof^] 


^  The  following  paragraph  in 
the  1725  edition  is  omitted  in 
the  reprint  of  1752  : — *As  this 
College  is  proposed  to  be  built 
and  endowed  by  charitable  con- 
tributions and  subscriptions,  all 
well-disposed  persons,  whether  of 
the  laity  or  the  clergy,  are  desired 
to  assist,  as  opportunity  shall  oifer, 
in  forwarding  and  collecting  the 
same  without  loss  of  time  ;  to  the 
end  that  the  President  and  Fellows 
may  be  able  to  set  out  for  Bermuda 
in  next  Spring ;  which  is  proposed 
in  case  provision  can  be  made 
by  that  time  of  ^60  per  annum 
for  each.  And  it  is  hoped  that 
the  charity  and  zeal  of  sincere 
Christians  will  not  suifer  a  design 
of  this  nature  to  be  disappointed 
for  want  of  necessary  provision. 
The  contributions  and  subscrip- 
tions aforesaid  may  be  deposited 
in  the  hands  of  any  of  the  persons 
hereafter  named  : — John  Arbuth- 
not,  M.D.,  in  Coke  Street;   Rev. 


Martin  Benson,  Archdeacon  of 
Berkshire  and  Prebendary  of  Dur- 
ham, in  Albemarle  Street ;  Francis 
Child,  Esq.,  Banker  in  Fleet  Street, 
and  Alderman  of  the  City  of 
London  ;  Rev.  Dr.  Cobden,  chap- 
lain to  the  Lord  Bishop  of  London, 
at  Fulham  ;  Sir  Clement  Cotterel, 
Bart.,  in  Dover  Street ;  Sir  Thomas 
Crosse,  Kt.,  in  Westminster;  Sir 
Daniel  Dolins,  Kt.,  at  Hackney; 
Thomas  Green,  Esq.,  in  West- 
minster ;  Rev.  Mr.  Hargrave,  chap- 
lain to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  and 
Prebendary  of  Westminster  ;  Ed- 
ward Harley,  Esq.,  auditor  of 
Imposts  in  Lincoln's  Inn  ;  Benj. 
and  Henry  Hoare,  Esqs.,  Bankers 
in  Fleet  Street ;  Archibald  Hutche- 
son  in  James  Street,  near  Golden 
Square  ;  Rev.  Dr.  King,  Master  of 
the  Charterhouse,  and  first  chap- 
lain to  the  Lord  Chancellor;  Rev. 
Dr.  Lisle,  Rector  of  Bow,  and 
chaplain  to  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury ;     Rev.    Dr.    Lupton, 


364       A   PROPOSAL  FOR    A   COLLEGE    IN    BERMUDA 


Prebendary  of  Durham,  Preacher  at 
Lincoln^s  Inn  ;  Rev.  Dr.  Marshall , 
Rector  of  Foster  Lane,  and  Pre- 
bendary  of  Windsor;  Rev.  Dr. 
Mayo,  Treasurer  to  the  S.  P.  C.  K., 
at  St  Thomas's  Hospital,  in  South- 
wark ;  Rev.  Dr.  Moss,  Dean  of 
Ely,  Preacher  at  Gray's  Inn ; 
Rev.  Dr.  Pelling,  Rector  of  St 
Ann's,  Soho;  Rev.  Dr.  Pierce, 
Vicar  of  St  Martin's  -  in  -  the  - 
Fields;  Hon.  Augustus  Schutz, 
Master  of  the  Wardrobe;  Rev. 
Dr.  Sheriock,  Dean  of  Chichester, 
and  Master  of  the  Temple  ;  Sir 
William  Wentworth,  Bart»  at 
Clarges  Street  The  money  re- 
ceived by  these  gentlemen  is  to  be 
laid  out  in  purchasing  lands  or 
perpetual  annuities  for  the  endow- 
ment of  the  College,  and  in  build- 


ing and  providing  necessaries  for 
the  same,  by  order,  or  with  the 
approbation  of  His  Grace  the  Lord 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the 
Right  Hon.  Peter,  Lord  King, 
High  Chancellor  of  Great  Britain, 
His  Grace  the  Duke  of  Newcastle 
(,  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Planta- 
tions in  America),  and  the  Right 
Rev.  Lord  Bishop  of  London,  who 
have  been  pleased  to  accept  the 
o£Bce  of  Trustees  or  Overseers  of 
so  useful  a  Charity.  N.B.  Till 
such  time  as  the  contributions  and 
subscriptions  amount  to  a  sum 
su£Bcient  for  providing  five  persons 
with  the  above-mentioned  salaries 
of  £60  each  per  annum,  the  Sub- 
scribers shall  not  be  desired  to 
pay  in  their  money.' 


VERSES 


ON    THE 


PROSPECT  OF   PLANTING  ARTS  AND 

LEARNING 


IN 


AMERICA 


The  Muse,  disgusted  at  an  age  and  clime 

Barren  of  every  glorious  theme, 
In  distant  lands  now  waits  a  better  time. 

Producing  subjects  worthy  fame : 

In  happy  climes,  where  from  the  genial  sun 
And  virgin  earth  such  scenes  ensue, 

The  force  of  art  by  nature  seems  outdone. 
And  fancied  beauties  by  the  true : 

In  happy  climes,  the  seat  of  innocence, 
Where  nature  guides  and  virtue  rules, 

Where  men  shall  not  impose  for  truth  and  sense 
The  pedantry  of  courts  and  schools : 


*  Published  in  the  Miscellany  in 
1752.  The  time  at  which  they 
were  written  has  been  disputed. 
In  the  Rhode  Island  Historical 
Collections,  HI.  36,  it  is  said  that 
they  were  composed  when  Berke- 
ley lived  there,  in  1729-31. 

But  on  Feb.  10,  1726,  Berkeley 
writes  from  London  to  Lord 
Percival  :  *  You  have  annexed  a 
poem  wrote  by  a  friend  of  mine 
with  a  view  to  the  [Bermuda] 
Scheme.  Your  lordship  is  desired 
to  shew  it  to  none  but  of  your 
family,  and  allow  no  copy  to 
be  taken  of  it.'     '  America ;  or  the 


Muse's  Refuge :  A  Prophecy  in  Six 
Verses.' 

The  opening  verse  of  the  "an- 
nexed poem  "  reads  thus  : — 
The  Muse,  oifended  at  the  age, 
these  climes 
Where  nought  she  found  fit 
to  rehearse, 
Waits  now  in  distant  lands  for 
better  times, 
Producing    subjects    worthy 
verse. 
The  other  verses  follow  as  above. 
This  is  conclusive  as  to  the  date 
of  composition. 


366  VERSES    ON    ARTS    AND    LEARNING 

There  shall  be  sung  another  golden  age, 

The  rise  of  empire  and  of  arts, 
The  good  and  great  inspiring  epic  rage, 

The  wisest  heads  and  noblest  hearts. 

Not  such  as  Europe  breeds  in  her  decay; 

Such  as  she  bred  when  fresh  and  young. 
When  heavenly  flame  did  animate  her  clay, 

By  future  poets  shall  be  sung. 

Westward  the  course  of  empire  takes  its  way; 

The  four  first  Acts  already  past, 
A  fifth  shall  close  the  Drama  with  the  day ; 

Time's  noblest  offspring  is  the  last. 


NOTES    OF    SERMONS 


PREACHED    AT 


NEWPORT   IN   RHODE  ISLAND  AND  IN   THE 
NARRAGANSETT  COUNTRY 

IN     1729-31 


First  published  in  187 1 


EDITOR'S    PREFACE 

TO 

NOTES    OF    SERMONS 

Soon  after  Berkeley  and  his  friends  had  landed  at 
Newport,  in  January,  1729,  he  moved  to  a  sequestered 
spot  in  the  interior  of  the  island,  where  he  bought  a  farm, 
and  built  a  house,  which  he  named  Whitehall,  in  loyal 
memory  of  the  palace  in  London.  Whitehall  is  about 
three  miles  from  Newport,  the  capital  of  the  little  island  in 
which  for  nearly  three  years  Berkeley  waited  in  vain  for 
the  fulfilment  of  Walpole's  promise,  and  the  expected 
grant  of  money  for  the  Bermuda  College.  On  the  first 
Sunday  after  his  arrival  in  the  island,  he  preached  at 
Newport,  in  Trinity  Church,  for  ever  associated  with  his 
mission  of  romantic  philanthropy.  The  following  rough 
Notes  of  some  of  his  Sermons  in  America  are  among  the 
MSS.  which  descended  to  the  late  Archdeacon  Rose. 
They  were  delivered  in  Newport,  and  occasionally  in  the 
surrounding  country  of  Narragansett,  in  the  churches  of 
the  missionaries  with  whom  Berkeley  had  friendly  inter- 
course during  his  studious  life  in  Rhode  Island. 

The  Notes  of  Sermons  suggest  not  a  little  that  is 
characteristic  of  Berkeley,  in  their  delicate  criticism  of 
New  England  life  at  the  time ;  its  often  petty  sectarianism 
and  puritanic  rigidity  in  minor  morals ;  its  vices  of  a  sort 
apt  to  beset  a  grave  and  temperate  people;  detraction, 
which  would  not  steal  sixpence,  but  would  rob  a  neighbour 
of  his  reputation ;  without  relish  for  wine,  yet  with  itch- 
ing ears  for  scandal  ;  apt  to  judge,  but  without  sufficient 

BBRKBLBY:     FRASER.       IV.  B  b 


370      EDITOR  S    PREFACE    TO    NOTES    OF    SERMONS 

inquiry ;  readiness  to  report  evil  of  others ;  pride  and  ill- 
nature,  two  vices  especially  rebuked  by  Christ ;  malignity 
of  spirit,  eating  like  an  ulcer  in  the  nobler  parts,  age 
which  cures  sensual  vices,  yet  leaving  this  to  grow  with 
age;  imposing  on  others  and  even  on  themselves  as  re- 
ligion, what  really  proceeds  from  ill-will  to  men ;  religion 
which  moves  to  love,  made  the  occasion  of  hatred ;  cir- 
cumstances or  accidents  in  religion  valued  more  than  its 
essence;  with  great  realities  presented  to  our  view,  yet 
indisposed  to  overlook  petty  differences,  and  to  see  in 
God  the  common  Father  of  men ;  quarrelling  about  small 
things  in  which  men  must  differ,  instead  of  practising  large 
virtues  about  which  they  ought  to  be  agreed.  Such  was 
the  spirit  of  Berkeley,  and  this  the  form  of  his  social 
ethic,  in  a  community  of  'many  sorts  and  subdivisions 
of  sects,  four  sorts  of  Anabaptists,  besides  Presbyterians, 
Quakers,  Independents,  and  many  of  no  profession  at 
all.*  '  They  were  all  agreed  in  one  point,'  he  says,  '  that 
the  Church  of  England  is  the  second  best ; '  and  they  all 
came  to  regard  him  with  respect  and  love.  'All  sects/  we 
are  told,  '  rushed  to  hear  him,  and  the  Quakers  with  their 
broad-brimmed  hats  came  and  stood  in  the  aisles.* 

The  organ  which  Berkeley  presented  to  the  church  in 
Newport  is  still  standing,  with  an  inscription  on  the 
gallery  in  front,  which  expresses  the  appreciation  with 
which  the  gift  was  received.  His  house  at  Whitehall 
was  a  place  of  meeting  for  the  missionaries  in  the  sur- 
rounding country  —  Johnson,  Honeyman,  Macsparran, 
Cutler,  and  others— sent  by  the  English  Society  for  the 
Propagation  of  the  Gospel.  They  were  his  occasional 
guests,  and  we  are  told  that  meetings  were  held,  at  which, 
among  other  advice,  Berkeley  emphatically  urged  the  duty 
of  conciliating  the  affection  of  the  community,  especially 
the  Nonconformists. 


NOTES    OF    SERMONS 

I. 

PREACHED  AT   NEWPORT,  JAN.  26,  1729. 

IN  THE  NARRAGANSETT  COUNTRY, 

MAY  II,  1729. 

Luke  xvi.   i6. 

The  Law  and  the  Prophets  were  untU  John  :  since  that  time  the  kingdom  of 

God  is  preached, 

I  Cor.  I.  ai. 

For  after  that  in  the  zvisdom  of  God  the  world  by  wisdom  knew  not  Godj  tt 
pleased  God  by  the  foolishness  of  preaching  to  save  them  that  believe. 

I. 

1.  Body  and  soul :  provision  for  the  former  in  nourish- 
ment, defence,  comfort. 

2.  Like  provision  for  wellbeing  of  the  soul:  from  the 
goodness  and  wisdom  of  God  ;  from  the  excellency  of  the 
soul ;  from  our  natural  appetite  of  happiness  eternal ; 
from  the  text. 

3.  Mean  and  progress  of  Providence  herein.  Wisdom 
or  law  of  God  twofold,  nature  and  revelation. 

II. 

1.  Light  of  nature  sheweth  the  being  of  a  God.     His  \ 
worship  inward  by  meditation  and  imitation ;  outward  by 
prayer  and  praise;    also  by  performing  His  will^which 
known  from  conscience'and^  inwMdTeeljng. 

2.  Ureat  men  under  natural  religion.  Authority  of  re- 
vealed religion  depends  upon  it,  as  to  the  veracity  of  God, 
and  nature  of  things  revealed. 

B  b  2 


372  NOTES    OF    SERMONS 

3.  Being  of  God  :  distinction  of  moral  good  and  evil ; 
rewards  and  punishments ;  foundations,  snbstancei  life  of 
all  religion ;  and  first  to  be  considered. 

4.  Vice,  indolence,  vanity  obstructed  n.  [natural]  re- 
ligion. Some  wise  men,  but  wanted  authority.  Ignorance, 
brutality,  idolatry  of  the  heathen. 

5.  Revelation :  i.  to  particulars,  Noah,  Abraham,  Job ; 
2.  to  the  Jewish  nation. 

III. 

1.  Things  at  the  worst;  God  exerts,  singles  out  a 
despised  people  without  law,  leader,  or  country;  asserts 
them  by  force  and  miracles ;  conducts  them ;  gives  them  a 
law ;  makes  them  His  peculiar  people ;  entrusts  them  with 
the  truth. 

2.  Jewish  law  provides  against  idolatry  and  corruption 
of  manners;  natural  religion  comprised  in  the  decalogue; 
one  God  to  be  worshipped  without  image  basis  of  the 
whole. 

3.  After  the  golden  calf  rites  instituted ;  to  prevent 
idolatry;  to  keep  from  mixing;  to  typifie;  to  insinuate 
mercy;   and  for  other  reasons  unknown. 

4.  Jewish  law  not  designed  to  be  perfect ;  nor  for  the 
whole  world,  nor  to  last  for  ever. 

5.  Stress  on  the  moral  part;  rites,  &c.  spoken  slight- 
ingly of,  Ps.  1.  I ;  Isaiah  i.  11;  Jerem.  vi.  20;  Hosea  vi.  6; 
Micah  vi.  6. 

6.  Pharisees  preferred  rites  to  weightier  matters ;  Sad- 
ducees  denied  angels,  spirits,  and  life  to  come ;  general 
expectation  of  the  Jews. 

7.  Revelation :  i.  to  a  family ;  2.  to  a  nation ;  3.  to  the 
whole  world. 

IV. 

1.  Messiah  typified :  family,  time,  place,  character  fore- 
told; introduced  by  angels,  apparitions,  voices  from  heaven, 
inspirations ;  attended  by  miracles ;  sight,  motion,  even 
life  bestowed  on  the  dead. 

2.  Worship  in  spirit  and  in  truth :  perfect  morals ; 
divine  sanction  reaching  to  all  men,  which  wanting  in  the 
h[eathen]  wisdom :  in  the  former,  i.  e.  morals  exceeds 
Judaism  [as  having]  a  clearer  view  of  future  things;  rites 
vanish  like  shadows. 


PREACHED    IN    RHODE    ISLAND  373 

3.  Not  only  outward  observance,  but  inward  sanctity; 
contempt  of  the  world,  and  life  itself. 

4.  Peace ;  charity ;  benevolence ;  all  honest  and  orderly 
behaviour ;  love  of  God ;  purity  of  mind. 

5.  Having  opened  heaven  and  the  sources  of  eternal 
life,  Christ  inflames  us  with  the  hoped  immortality; 
assimilation  to  the  Deity ;  perfect  as  our  Father  in  heaven 
is  perfect. 

6.  Exhortation  helps ;  encouragements ;  rewards ;  pun- 
ishments. 

7.  Means  of  reconciliation ;  Jewish  nation  and  Chris- 
tian ;  God  of  pardon,  grace. 

8.  Christ  crucified ;  the  leader,  way,  life,  truth ;  hath 
all  power  in  heaven  and  earth ;  proved  by  miracles ; 
raising  others  and  Himself;   sent  us  the  Holy  Ghost. 


II. 
PREACHED  AT   NEWPORT,   MARCH  2,  172!. 

Rom.  VIII.  13. 

If  ye  live  after  the  flesh,  ye  shall  die :  but  if  ye  through  the  Spirit  do  mortify 

the  deeds  of  the  body,  ye  shall  live, 

1.  Animal  and  rational;  brute  and  angel;  senses, 
appetites,  passions — their  ends  and  uses ;  guilt,  why  not 
in  beasts. 

Opposition,  war ;   Rom.  viii.  6,  Gal.  v.  17 ;  lapsed  state. 

Grace,  spirit,  new  man,  old  man  ;  Eph.  iv.  22 ;  danger 
from  not  subduing  the  carnal  brutal  animal  part  or  flesh ; 
works  of  the  flesh,  what ;  Gal.  v.  19. 

2.  Fasting  conducive  to  subdue  the  flesh,  shewn  from 
natural  causes;  2  Cor.  iv.  16;  shewn  from  effects  in 
describing  life  spiritual  and  lives  of  carnal  men. 

Fortune,  reputation,  health,  pleasure ;  public  evils  from 
carnal  men. 

3.  Examples :  Moses'  fast  in  the  mount  forty  days  and 
nights  fitted  him  to  receive  the  law  from  God  by  speech  of 
the  Holy  One ;  Elijah  supported  by  one  cake  and  cruse  of 
water,  in  strength  whereof  he  lived  forty  days  and  forty 


374  NOTES   OF   SERMONS 

nights,  and  after  saw  God  in  Horeb;  Dan.  i.  17,  'God 
gave  them  knowledge  and  skill  in  all  learning  and 
wisdom;  and  Daniel  had  understanding  in  all  visions 
and  dreams.' 

4.  Instance  of  mercy  to  fasters,  as  in  Niniveh  ;  of  indig- 
nation for  the  contrary,  as  in  the  Israelites  who  longed 
after  the  fleshpots  in  Ejgypt. 

5.  Examples  out  of  the  New  Testament :  St.  John 
Baptist  and  Christ  Himself. 

6.  Precepts  in  New  Testament :  *  This  kind  goeth  not/ 
&c. ;  '  When  ye  fast/  &c.,  Matti  vi.  16 ;  fasts  at  certain 
times. 

7.  What  sort  a  Christian  fast  should  be  :  not  to  destroy 
health,  not  for  ostentation,  not  in  form,  but  from  degree  as 
well  as  kind ;  not  to  merit,  much  less  to  establish  a  bank  of 
merits ;  habitual  temperance ;  fast  from  all  sin  ;  curb  lust, 
tongue,  anger,  every  passion,  each  whereof  inebriates  and 
obfuscates  no  less  than  drink  or  meat ;  cut  off  right  hand, 
pluck  out,  &c. 

8.  Recapitulation  :  3  motives,  viz. — I.  Temple  of  God, 
I  Cor.  iii.  16.  II.  Race-horse,  'so  strive  that  ye  may 
obtain,'  i  Cor.  ix.  24  ;  crown,  things  temporal  with  things 
eternal  compared.  III.  Wrestle  with  principalities,  &c. ; 
Christian  armour,  Eph.  vi.  11. 


III. 

PREACHED  AT   NEWPORT,   FIRST  SUNDAY 

IN  JULY,  1729. 

Rom.  XIV.  17. 

For  the  kingdom  of  God  is  not  meat  and  drink,  but  righteousness,  peace,  and 

joy  in  the  Holy  Ghost, 

I. 

1.  Context :    Meat  and  drink  imply  all  rites  and  cere- 
monies. 

2.  Division   into   essentials  and   circumstantials  in  re- 
ligion. 

3.  Circumstantials  of  less  value,  (i)  from  the  nature  of 


PREACHED    IN    RHODE    ISLAND  375 

things ;   (2)  from  their  being  left  undefined ;   (3)  from  the 
concession  of  our  Church,  which  is  foully  misrepresented. 
4.  Duty  in  these  matters,  (i)  because  of  decency  and 
edification ;  (2)  because  of  lawful  authority ;  (3)  because  of 
peace  and  union. 

II. 

1.  Worship  in  spirit  and  truth,  righteousness  in  deed, 
in  word,  in  thought;  not  limited  to  buying  and  selling 
(Rom.  xiii.  7). 

2.  Easier  understood  than  practised ;  appeal  to  con- 
science. 

3.  Christ's  summary  rule — 'all  things  whatsoever  ye 
would  that  men  should  do  to  you,  do  ye  even  so  [to] 
them;   for  this  is  the  law  and  the  prophets.* 

4.  Reasons  for  practice  :  from  equity  (Mai.  ii.  10) ;  the 
knave  may  triumph,  but,  &c.  (Ezek.  xxii.  i). 

III. 

1.  Christian  peace  twofold,  (i)  peace  of  mind  inward ; 
(2)  outward  peace,  i.  e.  charity  and  union  with  other  men 
(Phil.  ii.  I,  2;  I  Cor.  i.  10;  Rom.  xv.  i). 

2.  The  sum  of  religion :  the  distinguishing  badge  of 
Christians. 

3.  Sad  that  religion  which  requires  us  to  love  should 
become  the  cause  of  our  hating  one  another.  But  it  is  not 
religion,  it  is,  &c. 

4.  Were  men  modest,  were  men  charitable,  were  men 
sincere.     Objection  of  lukewarmness. 

5.  Discern  between  persons  and  opinions,  proportion 
our  zeal  to  the  merit  of  things. 

6.  Elias-like  zeal  not  the  spirit  of  Christians.  Charity 
described  (i  Cor.  xiii), 

IV. 

1.  Joy  in  the  Holy  Spirit  not  sullen,  sour,  morose,  joy- 
less, but  rejoicing. 

2.  Not  with  insolent,  tumultuous,  profane  joy,  but  calm, 
serene,  perpetual.  Sinners,  infidels,  &c.  have  cause  to 
be  sad. 

3.  Causes  of  joy;  protection  of  God  (Ps.  x),  forgiveness 


37^  NOTES   OF   SERMONS 

of  sin  (Ps.  ciiL  2,  3,  g),  aid  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  adoption, 
inheritance  in  the  heavens. 

4.  Since  we  have  so  great  things  in  view,  let  us  over- 
look petty  differences ;  let  us  look  up  to  God  our  common 
Father;  let  us  bear  one  another's  infirmities;  instead  of 
quarrelling  about  those  things  wherein  we  differ,  let  us 
practise  those  things  wherein  we  agree. 

(i)  The  Lord  is  my  light  and  my  salvation,  &c 

(2)  Be  at  peace  among  yourselves,  &c. 

(3)  The  way  of  the  wicked  is  as  darkness ;  they  know 
not  at  what,  &c. 

(4)  The  hope  of  the  righteous^  &c 


IV. 
PREACHED  AT  NEWPORT,  AUGUST  3,  1729. 

I  Tin.  Ill,  16. 

Without  controversy  great  is  the  tnystety  of  godliness ;  God  was  manifest  in 

theftesh. 

St.  John  i.  14. 
The  Word  mas  made  flesh,  and  dwelt  among  lis. 

I. 

The  divinity  of  our  Saviour  a  fundamental  article  of  the 
Christian  faith.  We  believe  in  Him,  pray  to  Him,  depend 
upon  Him  here  and  hereafter.  Omniscience,  &c.  Denied 
of  late  years.     Mystery  what. 

State  clear  up,  shew  the  proofs,  answer  objections,  con- 
sider use  and  importance  of  the  doctrine. 

II. 

Concerning  the  soul  and  body  of  Christ  there  is  no  con- 
troversy, but  about  the  personal  union  of  the  divinity  with 
the  manhood. 

Some  sort  of  union  with  the  Godhead  in  prophets, 
apostles,  all  true  Christians,  all  men ;  but  with  men, 
Christians,  inspired  persons,  Christ  in  different  degrees. 


PREACHED    IN    RHODE    ISLAND  377 

The  latter  also  in  kind  contradistinct  as  personal.     This 
explained,  and  shewn  not  repugnant  to  natural  reason. 

III. 

Shewn  to  be  in  fact  from  express  words  in  Scripture 
terming  Christ  God  :  [' '  The  Word  was  God/  John  i.  i  ; 
'  My  Lord  and  my  God/  said  Thomas  to  the  Saviour.] 
From  attributions  of  omnipotence :  ['  By  Him  all  things 
consist/  Col.  i.  17;  'Upholding  all  things  by  the  word 
of  His  power/  Heb.  i.  3;  'Whatsoever  things  the  Father 
doth,  these  also  doeth  the  Son  likewise,'  John  v.  19,  21.] 
Omnipresence :  [John  xiv.  23,  '  Christ  saith  if  a  man  love 
Him  that  the  Father  and  He  will  come,'  &c. ;  Matthew  xviii. 
20 ;  xxviii.  20.]  Omniscience :  ['  Now  are  we  sure  that 
Thou  knowest  all  things,'  John  xvi.  30 ;  xxi.  17.] 

From  the  history  and  circumstances  of  His  birth,  life, 
and  resurrection,  prophecies,  miracles,  apparition  of  angels. 
From  His  works:  [Pardoning  sins,  giving  grace,  sending 
the  Holy  Spirit,  judging  the  world,  distributing  rewards 
and  punishments,  dooming  to  final  perdition,  or  crowning 
with  life  and  immortality.]  From  the  worship  paid  to  Him  : 
'  All  men  are  commanded  to  honour  the  Son  even  as  they 
honour  the  Father,'  John  v.  23.  [Baptism :  '  In  the  name 
of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost.' 
Apostles'  benediction :  '  The  grace  of  our  Lord,'  &c. 
Doxology.  St.  Peter  ascribes  to  Him  '  praise  and  dominion 
for  ever  and  ever;'  and  again,  'to  Him  be  glory,'  &c. ; 
'through  Jesus  Christ,  to  whom  be  glory  for  ever  and 
ever,'  Heb.  xiii.  21 ;  and  in  the  Apocal.  v.  13,  '  and  every 
creature  which  is  in  heaven,'  &c.J 

IV. 

Objection  from  Scripture :  ['  The  Son  can  do  nothing  of 
Himself,'  &c.,  John  v.  13;  'I  seek  not  Mine  own  will,  but 
the  will  of  the  Father  who  hath  sent  Me,'  ib. ;  '  1  have  not 
spoken  of  Myself,  but  the  Father  who  hath  sent  Me,'  &c., 
John  xii.  49;  'to  sit  on  My  right  hand  is  not  Mine  to 
give,'  &c..  Matt.  xx.  23 ;  'of  that  hour  knoweth  no  man,  not 
the  angels,  nor  the  Son,  but  the  Father,'  Mark  xiii.  32.     He 

'  Passages  within  brackets  added  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  MS. 


37®  NOTES   or   SERMONS 

prayeth,  is  afflicted,  tempted,  distressed.]  Answered  by 
ackjiowledging  Christ  to  be  man  as  well  as  God,  whence 
contradictorys  are  predicated  of  His  different  natures. 

V. 

Objection  from  reason,  fh>m  the  meanness  of  His  figure 
and  appearance.  Answered  by  shewing  wherein  true 
greatness  and  glory  consists— more  in  miracles  and  sanc- 
tity, infinitely  more  than  in  pomp  and  worldly  grandeur. 

VI. 

Objection  second  from  reason,  Le.  firom  substance, 
personality,  &c. 

[The  seed  of  the  woman  shall  break  the  serpent's  head 
in  the  dales  of  Adam.  To  Abraham :  '  In  thee  shall  all 
the  jfamilies  of  the  earth  be  blessed.'  By  Jacob :  '  Shiloh 
to  whom  the  gathering  of  the  people.'  Balaam :  '  There 
shall  come  a  star  out  of  Jacob,  and  a  sceptre  shall  rise 
out  of  Israel.'  Types :  paschal  lamb,  all  sacrifices.  From 
Samuel  to  Malachi :  Luke  x.  24 — '  Many  prophets  have 
desired,'  &c. 

Hence  motives  to  obedience,  faith,  hope,  joy.  [This 
doctrine  or  mystery ;  what  not  intended  to  produce ;  what 
it  hath  accidentally  produced.  Simile  of  the  sun  and  weak 
eyes ;  mind  dim'd  with  folly  or  inflamed  with  pride ; 
rescue  from  despair ;  a  hopeless  case  cutts  of  all  endeavour, 
&c.  Favour  extended ;  door  opened;  citizens;  endeavours 
accepted.] 

V. 

PREACHED  AT   NEWPORT,    THE   FIRST 
SUNDAY   IN   SEPTEMBER,  1729. 

HeB.  XII.  22,  23. 

But  ye  are  come  unto  mount  Sion^  and  unto  the  city  of  the  living  God^  the 
heavenly  Jerusalem^  and  to  an  innumerable  company  of  angels,  to  the 
general  assfmbly  and  church  of  the  firstborn,  which  are  written  in  heaven, 
and  to  God  the  Judge  of  all,  and  to  the  spirits  of  just  men  made  perfect. 

I.  Body,  city,  kingdom;  Church  formed  in  the  original 
creation  ol  intelligent  beings,  which  necessarily  formed  for 


PREACHED    IN    RHODE    ISLAND  379 

society  with  one  another  and  orderly  submission  to  the 
will  of  God :  defection  of  angels  and  men :  our  business 
to  recover  this  pristine  state :  ist,  Church  on  earth  founded 
on  the  light  of  nature  and  traditions  from  Noah ;  2nd, 
Church  of  the  Jews  abolishing  idolatry,  containing  the 
principles  of  moral  duty  with  shadows  and  figures  of  things 
to  come;  Segullah'  always  subsisting;  3rd,  Church  the 
Christian. 

2.  Jewish  the  religion  of  legal  justice.  Christian  of 
saving  grace ;  ^race  from  the  beginning  ^ ;  method  of  ad- 
mission into  this  society;  ['both  Jews  and  Gentiles  are 
fellow  citizens  with  the  saints,  and  of  the  household  of  God,' 
Ephes.  ii.  19 ;  the  Church  of  the  living  God ;  the  pillar 
and  ground  of  truth  ;  built  by  Christ  upon  a  rock ;  against 
which  the  gates  of  hell  shall  never  prevail ;]  '  names 
written  in  heaven/  Luke  x.  20 ;  blotted  out  of  the  book  of 
life ;  faith  and  repentance  inward,  baptism  outward ;  by 
nature  unholy,  by  regeneration  holy;  in  ist  state  lust, 
appetite,  sense,  passion,  in  a  word  the  flesh ;  in  2nd  new 
life  of  the  spirit,  purifying,  sanctifying,  ennobling  our 
natures. 

3.  Requisites  to  continuance  in  the  Church  of  Christ : 
inward,  the  love  of  God  and  our  neighbour,  which  compre- 
hend the  sum  of  all  duty,  the  bond  and  cement ;  outward, 
the  reception  of  the  Holy  Sacrament. 

4.  Regular  government  necessary  to  every  society  upon 
earth:  12  patriarchs  and  12  (l>vXapxaL,  so  12  Apostles; 
70  in  the  Sanhedrin,  so  70  disciples  appointed  by  our 
Lord  ;  ['He  gave  some,  apostles ;  and  some,  prophets ; 
and  some,  evangelists ;  and  some,  pastors  and  teachers ; 
for  the  perfecting  of  the  saints,  for  the  work  of  the  ministry, 
for  the  edifying  of  the  body  of  Christ,'  Eph.  iv,  11,  12;] 
at  first,  indeed,  illiterate  men  and  mechanics  were  pastors, 
but  then  they  were  inspired  and  miraculously  gifted, 
Ephes.  iv.  11,  12;  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons;  'The 
Lord  gave  the  word  :  great  was  the  company  of  those  that 
published  it,'  Ps.  [Ixviii.  11]. 

5.  Rights  and  privileges  pertaining  to  this  society; 
adopted  into  the  divine  family,  sons  of  God,  heirs  of  salvation ; 
not  slaves,  but  subjects ;  in  every  society  rights  and  dues ; 

'  Segulla  =  rfp^D  PecuHum,  *  a  a  Prophetic  view  of  Christ,  faith 

peculiar  treasure/  £xod.  xix.  5.  in  God,  sacrifices. — M. 


2fio  NOTES    OF    SERMONS 

['In  this  city  vdiich  hath  foundations,  whose  builder  and 
maker  is  God,'  Heb.  xL  lo;]  God  hath  right  to  our 
obedience,  and  we  right  to  His  promises ;  we  are  obliged 
to  live  towards  God  as  servants,  subjects,  children ;  towards 
one  another  as  brethren. 

6.  Church  invisible  and  visible;  many  of  the  visible 
Church  not  of  the  invisible ;  can  we  think  that  such  and 
such,  &c.  ? 

7.  Church  not  confined  to  this  spot  of  earth ;  text ; 
angels  original  citizens,  we  aliens  naturalised ;  ['  Very 
excellent  things  are  spoken  of  thee,  thou  city  of  God,' 
Ps.  ;J  unihr  of  the  Church,  because  governed  by  one  Head, 
quicKened  and  sanctified  by  the  same  Spirit,  whereof  all 
partake,  whence  a  communion  of  saints;  [our  Saviour 
saith,  'There  shall  be  one  fold,  and  one  shepherd/ 
St  John  X.  16.] 

8.  Recapitulation;  Baptism  and  the  Eucharist ;  punctual 
in  lower  forms  for  small  views;  spiritual  things  not  per- 
ceived by  carnal  men ;  palace  and  dungeon ;  how  eager 
to  get  in,  how  cautious  of  being  turned  out.  Ephes. 
iv.  1-6. 


VI. 

PREACHED  AT  NEWPORT  IN  RHODE  ISLAND, 
THE  FIRST  SUNDAY  IN  OCTOBER,  1729. 

Acts  ii.  38. 
Repent  y  and  be  baptized  every  one  of  you, 

I. 

1.  Baptism  by  water  a  sign  both  by  nature  and  appoint- 
ment ;  a  badge  also  by  which  Christians  are  distinguished. 

2.  Seal  of  God's  promises — remission,  justification,  adop- 
tion. God  binds  Himself  by  free  promise  of  grace  on  His 
part,  on  our  part  we  become  entitled  to  these  promises,  to 
the  ordinances  and  the  grace  conferred  by  them. 


PREACHED    IN    RHODE    ISLAND  381 

3.  New  life  and  regeneration,  Rom.  vi.  3,  4,  7. 

'  He  that  believeth  and  is  baptised  shall  be  saved/  Mark 
xvi.  16. 

'  Except  a  man  be  born  again  of  water  and  of  the  Spirit 
he  cannot  enter  into  the  kingdom  of  God.' 

II. 

1.  Men  of  notoriously  wicked  lives  and  of  scandalous 
professions  anciently  excluded ;  now  [no  ?]  doubt  touch- 
ing children  and  slaves ;  children  of  believers  may,  for — 
lo.  'to  you  and  your  children  are  the  promises  made,* 
Acts  ii.  39,  &c. ;  '  your  children  are  holy,'  i  Cor.  vii.  14 ; 
circumcision. 

2.  Objection  that  belief  is  required ;  ans.  by  parallel ; 
he  that  will  not  labour,  neither  shall  he  eat,  now  infants 
are  not  hereby  excluded  from  eating. — 2.  Believers  may 
be  termed  believers,  Christ  calling  them  so,  Matt,  xviii. 
6. — 3.  Strictly  speaking,  it  is  not  faith,  but  the  application 
of  Christ's  righteousness  that  justifieth,  and  this  may,  if 
God  please,  be  applied  otherwise  than  by  faith,  v.  q.  by 
His  sanctifying  Spirit. 

3.  2d  objection :  that  no  mention  is  made  of  infants 
being  baptised  in  Scripture ;  but  neither  is  mention  made 
there  of  women  receiving  the  Eucharist, — besides,  it  is 
said,  several  persons  and  all  their  household  were  bap- 
tised. 

III. 

1.  Our  Saviour  commandeth  His  disciples  to  go  and 
baptise  all  nations.     The  Eunuch  of  Ethiopia. 

2.  I.  ob.  Christianity  maketh  no  alteration  in  civil 
rights,  servants  in  the  New  Testament  signifying  slaves, 
V.  q.  Onesimus ;  hence  objection  from  loss  of  property 
answered. 

3.  2d.  ob.  That  baptism  makes  slaves  worse.  Resp. 
This  proceeds  from  an  infidel  mind ;  contrary  shewn ; 
what  they  charge  on  baptism  to  be  charged  on  their  own 
unchristian  life  and  neglect  of  instruction. 

4.  Duty  in  masters  to  instruct  and  baptise  their  families, 
but  negligent  of  their  own  baptism. 


382  NOTES    OF    SERMONS 


IV. 

Baptism  of  adults  deferred  anciently  either  for  instruc- 
tion or  emendation  of  the  Church,  but  wrongly  by  them- 
selves deferred. 

1  reason,  i®.  through  supine  negligence. 

What  so  nearly  concerns  as  our  own  soul?  what  so 
valuable  as  the  kingdom  of  heaven  ? 

If  you  were  sick,  in  captivity,  or  encumbered  with  debt, 
and  you  were  assured  that  by  an  easy  method,  as  wash- 
ing, &c,,  would  you  say  you  had  not  leisure  to  be  heard, 
&c.  ? 

But  these  diseases,  this  servitude,  these  debts,  are  of 
infinitely  more  consequence  as  respecting  our  eternal  state. 

Should  any  enemy  debar  you,  how  would  you  rail !  why 
then  will  you  be  that  enemy  yourself? 

2  reas.  Despondency.  Resp.  'Where  sin  abounded, 
grace  did  much  more  abound,'  Rom.  v.  20. 

3  reas.  Heresy  of  Novatian.  St.  Peter,  and  whole  tenour 
of  the  New  Testament  and  Old. 

4  reas.  Wrong  notion  of  a  covenant  which  they  appre- 
hend would  entrap  them ;  herein  i®.  mistake  from  the  nature 
of  the  covenant,  which  imposeth  no  new  obligations  ;  were 
believing  men  free  before  baptism,  something  might  be 
said  for  deferring  it,  but  'woe  to  thee,  Bethsaida,*  &c., 
but  '  Sodom,'  &c.,  Matt.  x.  14,  15.  20.  impiety  in  mis- 
trusting our  Blessed  Lord,  who  invites,  saying,  *  Come  to 
Me,  all  that  labour  and  are  heavy  laden,  and  I  will  refresh 
you ; '  also.  He  saith  His  yoke  is  easy,  and  His  burden  light. 
3<>.  the  greatest  folly  and  blindness  to  our  loss,  it  being  a 
covenant  on  our  part  entirely  advantageous,  a  privilege, 
an  offer  of  grace  and  pardon  and  invaluable  rights.     Titus 

5  reas.  An  unwillingness  to  forsake  sin,  a  cunning  design 
of  living  to  the  world  and  dying  to  God  ;  this  is  to  say, 
I  will  wallow  in  vice  and  sin,  cheat,  purloin,  indulge  in 
gluttony  and  drunkenness,  and  deny  nothing  that  my 
appetite  leads  to;  the  first-fruits,  flower,  prime  to  the 
devil,  the  fag-end,  when  faculty  for  good  and  evil  is  gone, 
to  God.  'Thinkest  thou  that  I  am  such  a  one  as  thy- 
self?'  Ps. ;  but  'God  is  not  mocked,'  Gal. 

Our  Saviour's  parable  of  those  who  came  late  in  the  day 


PREACHED    IN    RHODE    ISLAND  383 

to  work,  not  designed  to  encourage  delay  in  believers,  but 
to  give  comfort  to  those  who  had  late  means  of  informa- 
tion. 

But  how  know  you  it  is  not  late  now  ?  who  hath  given 
you  a  lease  of  life  ?  who  assured  you  that  you  shall  live  to 
be  old,  that  you  shall  not  die  suddenly,  that  you  shall  not 
die  to  morrow,  or  even  this  very  day?  can  you  think  that 
God,  whom  you  never  hearkened  to,  will  hearken  to  your 
first  call  ? 

When  the  fever  is  got  into  your  head,  when  you  can 
neither  bend  a  knee  nor  lift  an  eye  to  heaven,  when  you 
cannot  frame  a  prayer  yourself  or  join  with  others.  Sup- 
pose baptism  conferred  then  and  grace  given,  you  have  the 
talent  without  the  time  or  opportunity  to  produce  fruit  or 
profit  thereby. 

All  things  are  ready;  God  now  calls,  but  the  devil 
causeth  delay ;  to-day  for  me,  to-morrow  for  the  Lord.  He 
is  too  cunning  to  suggest  a  resolution  against  ever  doing 
what  you  know  should  be  done,  but  stealing  the  present 
he  stealeth  day  after  day,  till,  &c. 

Be  enrolled  on  earth  in  due  time,  that  you  may  be 
written  in  the  book  of  life  that  is  in  heaven. 


VII. 

PREACHED  AT  NEWPORT,  FIRST  SUNDAY 

IN  AUGUST,  1730. 

Matt.  xxii.  37,  38. 

Thou  shalt  love  the  Lord  thy  God  with  all  thy  heart,  and  with  all  thy  soul, 
and  with  all  thy  mind.     This  is  the  first  and  great  commandment. 

In  arts  and  sciences  certain  fundamental  truths ;  in 
factions  and  divisions  of  men  a  chief  tenet  or  principle ; 
in  religion,  difference  and  degrees  in  principles ;  what  is 
the  chief?  our  Saviour  answers  in  my  text. 

Love  various :  i.  of  sensible  objects ;  2.  of  inferiors 
and  dependants ;  3.  of  friendship  between  equals ;  4.  love 


384  NOTES    OF    SERMONS 

of  gratitude  and  respect  to  benefactors  and  superiors; 
5.  love  of  virtue  and  excellence,  i.  e.  objects  of  the  under- 
standing. 

Two  last  the  love  of  God  :  image  of  God  strongly  to  be 
impressed  for  imitation;  ever  mindful  of  His  benefits, 
numerous,  great,  constant. 

We  shew  love  to  superiors  and  benefactors  by  con- 
sulting their  honour,  i.  e.  by  performing  their  will,  and 
endeavouring  that  others  should  perform  it.  ['This  is 
the  love  of  God,  that  we  keep  His  commandments,' 
John  V.  3.] 

/  Will  of  God  known,  i.  by  considering  His  attributes ;  2. 
1  by  conscience  and  instinct ;  3.  by  the  preaching  of  Christ 
(  and  apostles.  ['  Their  sound  went  into  all  the  earth,  and 
\  their  words  unto  the  end  of  the  world.'] 
^  Hence,  i^.  charity,  i.  e.  candour,  gentleness,  compassion, 
congratulation,  wishing  and  promoting  their  welfare. 

2®.  Temperance,  contrivance  of  appetites  and  passions, 
limits,  objects,  mortification,  rule  the  end  and  tendency. 

30.  Resignation ;  ['  The  Lord  gave,  and  the  Lord  hath 
taken  away,  blessed  be  the  name  of  the  Lord,'  Job  ;]  good 
with  thanks,  bad  with  patience,  both  mistaken ;  strong 
passions,  weak  judgments;  wealth  and  power  in  them- 
selves indifferent,  good  or  bad  as  used ;  rather  thankful 
than  anxious  for  more. 

4".  Worship  in  spirit  and  in  truth  ;  holy,  as  He  is  holy ; 
not  lip-worship,  not  will-worship,  but  inward  and  evan- 
gelical. 

Our  interest  in  this,  imperfect  creatures,  blind  and  back- 
ward ;  actions  civil  and  motions  natural,  all  by  law ;  thus 
actions  moral  and  religious  by  rule,  i.  e.  will  of  God ;  will 
follows  understanding ;  ignorant  and  impotent ;  ['There  is 
a  way  that  seemeth  right  unto  man,  but  the  end  thereof 
are  the  ways  of  death,'  Pro  v. ;]  anguish  and  remorse ; 
['Woe  unto  him  that  striveth  with  his  maker,'  Isaiah  xlv. 
9 ;]  conforming  gives  happiness,  public  and  private. 

Mind  the  end  and  will  of  God;  not  enslaved  by  lust; 
faculties  not  impaired ;  masters  not  servants  to  passions, 
bending  them  to  the  will  of  God ;  our  freedom  and  per- 
fection. 

To  this  single  point  all  religion,  virtue,  happiness; 
misery  from  transgressing,  happiness  from  conforming  to 


PREACHED    IN    RHODE    ISLAND  385 

rule ;  but  no  rule  so  right,  &c. ;  agreeable  harmony ;  not 
disturbed,  not  disappointed,  not  engaged,  not  worried,  but 
calm,  &c. ;  living  up  to  nature  ;  nothing  so  natural  to  man 
as  an  orderly  life,  regulated  by  the  will  of  God ;  proper 
sphere ;  dislocated ;  duty  and  interest  joined  in  the  love 
of  God. 


VIII. 

PREACHED  AT  NEWPORT,   MAY  ii\ 

St.  Luke  xxii.  19. 
This  do  in  remembrance  of  Me, 

I  Cor.  XI.  26. 

As  often  as  ye  eat  this  breads  and  drink  this  cupj  ye  do  shew  the  LorU's 

death  till  He  come, 

Christ's  institution  observed  constantly  in  the  Church ; 
this  sufficient  to  modest  and  humble  Christians.  But 
observed  only  by  few,  &c. ;  therefore  treat  of  the  uses  of 
this  sacrament,  the  requisites  to  it,  and  the  objections 
against  receiving  it. 

ist  use  to  signify  and  to  seal;  bread  and  wine  apt 
emblems,  and  why :  2.  to  keep  up  a  memory  :  3.  to  increase 
faith,  love  of  God,  joy,  thankfulness :  4.  to  quicken  our 
obedience  by  repentance  and  resolutions :  5.  to  distinguish 
Christians  from  other  men :  6.  to  cement  them  together : 
7.  meet  there  should  be  certain  solemn  times  for  certain 
duties,  to  prevent  growing  into  neglect.  ['  To  everything 
there  is  a  season  and  a  time  for  every  purpose  under  the 
sun.'] 

Wrong  apprehensions  about  the  Eucharist  in  Papists 
not  considering  the  circumcision  is  called  the  covenant, 
lamb  the  passover,  cup  the  new  testament ;  their  folly  too 
gross : — in  enthusiasts  or  mistaken  men,  who  reject  it  as 
not  spiritual;  but  why  pray?  why  preach?  why  build 
houses  of  worship  ?  because  these  are  signs  or  means  of 
grace  or  things  spiritual.  The  like  to  be  said  of  the 
Eucharist. 

^  No  year ;  probably  1730. 
bbrkblby:    frasbr.     iv.  C  C 


386  NOTES    OF    SERMONS 

Practice  of  primitive  Christians,  than  whom  none  wiser 
or  better  now.  Inspiration  of  the  apostles  and  first  dis- 
ciples known  by  miracles.  (Acts  ii.  15,  17,  18,  and  iii.) 
No  inspiration  to  be  admitted  for  such  without  them ;  much 
less  for  pretence  thereof  to  reject  institutions  of  Christ  and 
His  apostles. 

Wrong  apprehensions  in  other  men  of  our  own  com- 
munion, who  avoid  the  Eucharist.  Ground  hereof  the  fear 
of  incurring  wrath  by  abuse ;  this  founded  principally  on 
St.  Paul's  threat  to  the  Corinthians,  i  Cor.  xi.  29  with  21. 
If  fear  of  abuse  prevail,  why  baptised  ?  why  hear  a  sermon  ? 
why  read  the  Scriptures  ? 

Things  required  in  the  communicants :  Faith,  i  Tim.  i. 
15;  repentance,  James  iv.  8;  charity,  i  Cor.  x.  16,  17. 
Christians  without  these  exposed  to  wrath,  although  they 
forbear  the  sacrament,  the  neglect  whereof  an  additional 
guilt.     Ps.  cxvi.  12,  13,  14. 


IX. 
PREACHED  AT   NEWPORT.     [NO   DATE.] 

I  Cor.  XV.  ao. 

Bui  now  is  Christ  risen  front  the  dead,  and  become  the  firstfruits  of  them 

that  slept. 

I  Cor.  XV.  55. 
O  death,  where  is  thy  sting  ?  O  grave ,  where  is  thy  victory  ? 

2  Tim.  I.  10. 

Who  abolished  death,  and  brought  life  and  immortality  to  light 

through  the  Gospel. 

I.  To  consider  the  ways  of  men^  one  would  think  them 
neverTo^ie ;  [Psalms, '  the  inward  thought  of  the  rich,  that 
their  houses  shall  continue  for  ever,  and  their  dwelling- 
places  to  all  generations ;  *]  to  consider  how  made  within, 
what  accidents  without ;  strange  should  live  so  long ;  no 
heed  of  reason  to  prove  death,  experience  frequent ;  [Peter, 
'  All  flesh  is  as  grass,  and  all  the  glory  of  man  as  the  flower 
of  grass.'] 


PREACHED    IN    RHODE    ISLAND  387 

2.  Uncertainty  of  time  ;  brevity  certain ;  case  not  hope- 
less of  a  resurrection ;  many  hints  from  nature  in  changes 
analogous  thereto  ;  night  and  day,  winter  and  spring,  fruits, 
plants,  insects,  production  of  animals. 

3.  Argument  from  instinct,  and  natural  appetite  of  im- 
mortality ;  reflexion  on  the  growth  and  perfection  of  the 
soul,  whence  designed  for  higher  purposes;  this  world 
a  punishment  or  a  school,  the  former  philosophers,  the 
latter  Christians. 

4.  Job^  and  Balaam^  before  the  Jews;  [uncertainty 
of  ancients  in  expressions  ^] ;  of  these  David,  Ezekiel  *, 
Solomon,  and  Daniel^  [*  Job  xix.  25,  'I  know  that  my 
Redeemer  liveth,  and  that  He  shall  stand  at  the  latter  day 
upon  the  earth  :  and  though  after  my  skin  worms  destroy 
this  my  body,  yet  in  my  flesh  shall  I  see  God.'  ^ '  Let  me 
die  the  death  of  the  righteous,  and  may  my  latter  end  be 
like  his.'  'Job  xiv.  7,  10,  'There  is  hope  of  a  tree,  if  it  be 
cut  down,  that  it  will  sprout  again,  and  that  the  tender 
branch  thereof  will  not  cease  .  .  .  but  man  dieth,  and 
wasteth  away :  yea,  man  giveth  up  the  ghost,  and  where 
is  he  ? '  *  Eccles.  xii.  7, '  The  dust  shall  return  to  the  earth, 
and  the  spirit  to  God  who  gave  it.'  ^  Dan.  xii.  2,  '  Many  of 
them  that  sleep  in  the  dust  of  the  earth  shall  awake,  some 
to  everlasting  life,  and  some  to  shame  and  everlasting 
contempt.'] 

5.  Life  and  immortality  brought  to  light  by  the  gospel ; 
Jewish  twilight ;  resurrection  of  Christ  proof,  as  confirma- 
tion, as  example. 

6.  Christ,  predicts  and  institutes,  voluntary ;  Jews  place 
guard ;  soldiers'  tale ;  Providence  in  the  guard ;  appeared 
often,  to  several,  in  the  day;  submits  to  trials  of  sense, 
walks,  talks,  eats  and  drinks;  disciples  could  not  be 
deceived ;   ascension ;  3000  converts. 

7.  Consider  the  impossibility  of  deceiving  others :  with 
cunning?  none;  with  authority?  none;  with  eloquence 
and  learning  ?  none  ;  no  means. 

8.  No  motives,  punishments,  &c.  for  declaring  it,  no 
temporal  advantage ;  nor  fame,  nor  interest,  nor  prejudices 
answered  by  it. 

9.  Cowardly  before,  new  and  high  courage ;  dispersed 
when  alive ;  die  for  him  now  he  is  dead ;  expected  a  tem- 
poral prince. 

c  c  2 


388  NOTES    OF   SERMONS 

10.  End,  goodness,  innocence,  truth. 

11.  Prophecies,  miracles,  resurrection,  ascension;  de- 
struction, dispersion  of  Jews ;  wonderful  spread  of  the 
gospel ;  like  light  to  Britain  and  India  and  Aethiopia. 


X. 

PREACHED   AT   NEWPORT.     [NO   DATE.] 

Ps.  XV.  I,  3 

Lord,  who  shall  abide  in  Thy  tabernacle  ?  who  shall  dwell  in  Thy  holy  hill  ? 
He  that  backbiteth  not  with  his  tongue ^  nor  doeth  evil  to  his  neighbour,  nor 
taketh  up  a  reproach  against  his  neighbour, 

1.  Frequency;  little  honour,  great  guilt;  [James  i.  26, 
'If  any  man  among  you  seem  to  be  religious,  and  bridleth 
not  his  tongue,  but  deceiveth  his  own  heart,  that  man's  re- 
ligion is  vain  ; ']  text.  4  points  :  i.  what  it  is  contrary  to ; 
2.  whence  it  springs ;  3.  what  effects  ;  4.  counsels  for  shun- 
ning it,  in  the  close  exhortation  against  it. 

2.  Contrary  to  charity,  i  Cor.  xiii.  4,  5,  6 ;'  taking  things 
in  the  worst  sense  mark  of  hatred  ;  eagerness  to  tell  mark 
of  pleasure  which  shews  hatred. 

3.  Contrary  to  justice ;  not  doing  as  we  would  be  done 
by;  [St.  James  iv.  12, '  Who  art  thou  that  judgest  another  ?'] 

/Judges   obliged   to   inform   themselves.      Good   and   evil 
( moral  depends  on  unseen  springs.     Not  to  draw  a  general 
character  from  a  single  instance.     Life,  goods,  and  reputa- 
tion, 3  great  possessions ;  in  the  two  first  wrong  evident. 

4.  Sign  of  want  of  merit ;  readiness  to  suspect  others, 
token  of  inward  guilt. 

5.  Sign  of  malignant  nature ;  like  to  God  and  to  the 
devil  by  different  qualities.  Spider  and  toad  unlike  to  the 
bee.     Pride  and  ill-will  sources  of  detraction. 

6.  Evil  effects,  viz.  loss  of  reputation,  inferring  many 
losses,  e.  g.  of  comfort,  esteem,  interest,  friendship,  &c. ; 
ill-will  among  neighbours ;  bad  example  to  others  ;  manner 
how  reports  spread  in  an  instant. 

7.  Evil  effects  to  ourselves ;  retaliation ;  hatred ;  con- 
tempt ;  loss  of  time ;  no  advantage ;  no  sensual  or  reason- 


PREACHED    IN    RHODE    ISLAND  389 

able  pleasure  ;  no  esteem.  [Prov.  x.  18, '  He  that  uttereth 
slander  is  a  fool.']  This  damns  more  souls  than  murder 
or  robbery. 

8.  Counsel  to  cherish  charity  towards  others.  [Titus 
iii.  2,  '  Speak  evil  of  no  man  ; '  and  St.  James  iv.  11,  '  Speak 
not  evil  one  of  another.*]  To  look  narrowly  into  our- 
selves ;  talk ;  to  examine  whether  we  have  not  the  same, 
or  as  bad,  or  even  worse ;  beam  in  our  own  eye ;  great 
use  in  examining  ours,  none  in  others. 

9.  Pharisee  and  publican ;  severe  to  ourselves,  candid 
to  others;  all  criminals  at  the  same  bar;  inditing  our 
neighbour,  we  swell  our  own  indictment.  'Judge  not, 
that  you  be  not  judged,'  &c..  Matt.  vii.  i,  2  ;    Rom.  xiv.  4. 


XI. 
PREACHED  AT   NEWPORT.     [NO   DATE.] 

James  iv.  ii. 
Speak  not  evil  one  of  another. 

Vices,  like  weeds,  different  in  different  countries;  national 
vice  familiar;  intemperate  lust  in  Italy,  drinking  in  Germany; 
tares  wherever  there  is  good  seed  ;  though  not  sensual,  not 
less  deadly ;  e.  g.  detraction  :  would  not  steal  6</.,  but  rob  a 
man  of  his  reputation ;  they  who  have  no  relish  for  wine  have 
itching  ears  for  scandal ;  this  vice  often  observed  in  sober 
people  ;  praise  and  blame  natural  justice  ;  where  we  know 
a  man  lives  in  habitual  sin  unrepented,  we  may  prevent 
h3rpocrites  from  doing  evil ;  but  to  judge  without  inquiry, 
to  shew  a  facility  in  believing  and  a  readiness  to  report 
evil  of  one's  neighbour;  frequency,  little  horror,  great 
guilt ;  ext. 

4  points ;  not  contrary  to ;  whence  it  springs ;  what 
effects ;   arguments  and  exhortation  against  it. 

Contrary  to  charity:  i  Cor.  xiii.  4,  5,  6,  ['Charity 
suffereth  long,  and  is  kind  ;  charity  envieth  not ;  is  not 
easily    provoked,    thinketh     rfo    evil ;     rejoiceth    not    in 


390  NOTES    OF   SERMONS 

iniquity,  but  rejoiceth  in  the  truth ; ']  taking  things  in  the 
worst  sense  mark  of  hatred. 

Contrary  to  justice :  not  doing  as  we  would  be  done  by; 
St.  James  iv.  12,  ['  Who  art  thou  that  judgest  another  ?  *] 
Judges  obliged  to  inform  themselves;  moral  good  and 
evil  depends  on  unseen  springs ;  life,  goods,  and  reputa- 
tion 3  chief  possessions,  wrong  in  the  two  first  evident. 

Springs  from  want  of  merit :  readiness  to  suspect  others, 
token  of  inward  guilt.    He  that  cannot  rise  would  depress. 

Springs  from  malignant  nature :  like  to  God  and  the 
devil  by  different  qualities ;  spider,  toad,  and  bee ;  pride 
and  ill-will  sources  of  detraction. 

Evil  effects  to  others:  loss  of  reputation  inferring  many 
losses,  e.  g.  of  comfort,  esteem,  interest,  friendship ;  ill-will 
among  neighbours ;  bad  example  to  others ;  [how  reports 
spread  in  an  instant.] 

Evil  effects  to  ourselves :  retaliation,  hatred,  contempt, 
loss  of  time,  no  advantage,  no  pleasure  sensual  or  rational. 
[Prov.  X.  18,  '  He  that  uttereth  slander  is  a  fool.']  This 
damns  more  souls  than  murder  or  robbery. 

Counsel  to  cherish  charity  towards  others :  [Titus  iii.  2, 
'  Speak  evil  of  no  man ; ']  to  look  narrowly  into  ourselves ; 
to  examine  whether  we  have  not  the  same  or  as  bad  or 
even  worse ;  beam  in  our  own  eye ;  great  use  in  examining 
ourselves,  little  in  our  neighbours ;  severe  to  ourselves, 
candid  to  others ;  reverse  of  the  Pharisee ;  all  criminals 
at  the  same  bar ;  judge  not,  that  you  be  not  judged. 

Let  a  man  examine  himself,  enough  to  tire,  not  to  satisfy, 
if  pleased  with  others'  defects,  &c. ;  mark  of  reprobation, 
because  contrary  to  mark  of  Christ's  disciples ;  because 
it  makes  men  likest  to  Satan;  he  is  by  etymology  an 
enemy  to  mankind ;  he  is  by  office  father  of  lies ;  he  tempts 
men  to  sensuality,  but  he  is  in  his  own  nature  malicious 
and  malignant ;  pride  and  ill-nature  two  vices  most  severely 
rebuked  by  our  Saviour. 

All  deviations  sinful,  but  those  upon  dry  purpose  more 
so ;  malignity  of  spirit  like  an  ulcer  in  the  nobler  parts, 
less  visible  but  more,  &c. ;  age  cures  sensual  vices,  this 
grows  with  age;  [James  i.  26,  '  If  any  man  among  you 
seem  to  be  religious,  and  bridleth  not  his  tongue,  that 
man's  religion  is  vain  ; '  form  of  godliness,  &c. ;]  more  to 
be  guarded  against  because  less  scandalous ;  imposing  on 


PREACHED    IN    RHODE    ISLAND  391 

Others  and  even  on  themselves  as  religion  and  a  zeal  for 
God's  service,  when  it  really  proceeds  only  from  ill-will  to 
man,  and  is  no  part  of  our  duty  to  God,  but  directly 
contrary  to  it.  [Ps.  xv.  i,  3,  'Lord,  who  shall  abide  in 
Thy  tabernacle  ?  who  shall  dwell  in  Thy  holy  hill  ?  he  that 
backbiteth  not  with  his  tongue,  or  taketh  up  a  reproach 
against  his  neighbour.'] 


XII. 

PREACHED  AT   NEWPORT.    [NO   DATE.] 

Luke  ii.  14. 
Glory  to  God  in  the  highest^  and  on  earth  peacey  goodwill  towards  nun, 

1.  First  creation  and  second  :  ['when  the  morning  stars 
sang  together,  and  all  the  sons  of  God  shouted  for  joy.'] 
Messiah  predestinated  from  the  beginning.  Adam\  Abra- 
ham ^,  Jacob  ^  Balaam  *,  David,  Isaiah,  Daniel,  &c.  types. 
Isaiah  ix.  6.  First  long  foretold ;  anniversary  advent  cele- 
brated. [Devotion,  respect,  meditation,]  three  points  in 
the  text.  P  The  seed  of  the  woman  that  should  bruise 
the  serpent  s  head.  ^ '  In  thee  shall  all  the  families  of  the 
earth  be  blessed.'  '  Shiloh,  to  whom  the  gathering  of 
the  people  should  be.  * '  I  shall  see  Him,  but  not  now : 
I  shall  behold  Him,  but  not  nigh :  there  shall  come  a  Star 
out  of  Jacob,  and  a  Sceptre  shall  rise  out  of  Israel.'] 

2.  Kingdom  of  darkness  and  of  light :  lust  and  brutality 
and  ignorance;  knowledge,  truth,  faith,  virtue,  grace. 
Magnify,  thank,  praise,  worship,  not  as  Pagans,  nor  as 
Jews,  but  in  spirit  and  truth.  [Glory  be  to  God,  as 
excellent  praised,  as  good  beloved,  as  powerful  adored. 
He  is  not  proud  of  our  praise,  or  fond  of  our  worship ; 
but,  &c.] 

3.  Charity,  love,  forgiveness,  peace,  doing  good,  mark 
and  distinction,  life,  soul,  substance  of  our  religion.  Eph. 
iv.  31;  I  Cor.  iii.  3,  4.  Beatitudes;  herein  goodness  of 
God. 

4.  Goodwill  from  sin  to  holiness,  death  to  life,  enmity 
to  reconciliation,     i  John  iv.  9,  10 ;  Isa.  liii.  4,  5,  6.     No 


392       NOTES  OF  SERMONS  PREACHED  IN  RHODE  ISLAND 

cloud,  whirlwind,  fire,  &c.,  but,  &c.  Frost  and  darkness 
before  the  sun.  Jews  under  the  law  saved  by  the  same 
means.     Faint  light.    2  Pet.  i.  19. 

[5.  Phil.  ii.  6,  7.  God  rendered  more  visible,  not  more 
present,  by  incarnation.  Light  of  the  sun  unpolluted, 
believe  what  is  revealed,  content  therewith.] 

6.  How  is  God  glorified  when  sin  abounds?  Resp.  It 
less  abounds ;  glorified  one  way  in  the  righteous,  another 
in  the  wicked.  How  is  peace  upon  earth  ?  Resp.  Among 
true  Christians,  and  all  are  exhorted  to  be  so :  [wars  not 
from  religion,  but  from  avarice  and  ambition  and  revenge ; 
religion  only  pretext.]  How  doth  goodwill  appear  to 
men,  since  they  abuse  the  Gospel?  Resp.  Goodwill  in 
the  offer,  not  in  the  use;  God  gracious,  though  man  be 
wicked.  That  our  nature,  which  was  polluted,  might 
be  sanctified,  infirm  strengthened,  estranged  reconciled, 
doomed  to  hell,  admitted  into  heaven.  Adam's  curse 
reversed  between  sentence  and  execution  before.  Shall 
angels,  stars,  inanimate  nature,  and  not  man  ?  Our  Blessed 
Lord  comes  to  wash,  redeem,  adopt ;  but  man  will  not  be 
washed,  will  not,  &c.  What  more  pitiful  and  preposterous 
than  that  we  should  reject  the  tender  mercies  of  the  Lord, 
renounce  our  adoption,  forfeit  our  inheritance  in  that 
blessed  region  where  Christ— whence — whither,  &c. 


A    SERMON 

PREACHED    BEFORE   THE 

INCORPORATED  SOCIETY 

FOR   THE 

PROPAGATION   OF  THE  GOSPEL   IN   FOREIGN   PARTS 

AT  THEIR 

ANNIVERSARY   MEETING 

IN    THE 

PARISH   CHURCH   OF   ST.  MARYLE-BOW 

ON    FRIDAY,    FEBRUARY    1 8,    1 732 


First  published  in  1732 


NOTE 

Berkeley  left  Rhode  Island  on  his  return  to  England 
in  the  end  of  autumn,  1731,  and  must  have  reached  London 
early  in  the  following  year.  At  any  rate,  on  February  18 
he  preached  the  following  Sermon,  at  the  Anniversary  of 
the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign 
Parts.  The  office  of  preacher  was  naturally  offered  to 
the  Dean  of  Londonderry,  newly  returned  from  his  self- 
imposed  mission  to  America  in  harmony  with  that  for 
which  the  Society  had  been  founded.  Berkeley's  Sermon 
was  published  in  London  in  1732,  and  reprinted  in  the 
Miscellany  in  1752.  The  following  Minute  is  prefixed  to 
both  editions :  — 

'  February  18,  173!. 

*At  the  Anniversary  Meeting  of  the  Society  for  the 
Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts, 

'Agreed,  That  the  thanks  of  the  Society  be  given  to 
the  Reverend  Mr.  Dean  Berkeley  for  his  Sermon  preached 
this  day  before  the  Society,  and  that  he  be  desired  to 
print  the  same. 

'David  Humphreys,  Secretary,' 

Seven  years  later,  on  February  16, 1739,  the  Anniversary 
Sermon  was  preached  by  Bishop  Butler,  the  other  great 
theological  philosopher  of  the  Anglican  Church. 


A    SERMON 

PREACHED  BEFORE  THE  SOCIETY  FOR  THE 
PROPAGATION  OF  THE  GOSPEL 

*  This  is  Life  Eternal,  that  they  might  know  Thee  the  only  true  God,  and 
Jesus  Christ  whom  Thou  hast  sent* — ^John  xvii.  3. 

That  human  kind  were  not  designed  .merely  to  sojourn 
a  few  days  upon  this  earth  :  that  a  being  of  such  excellence 
as  the  soul  of  man,  so  capable  of  a  nobler  life,  and  having 
such  a  high  sense  of  things  moral  and  intellectual,  was  not 
created  in  the  sole  view  of  being  imprisoned  in  an  earthly 
tabernacle,  and  partaking  a  few  pains  and  pleasures  which 
chequer  this  mortal  life,  without  aspiring  to  anything 
either  above  or  beyond  it,  is  a  fundamental  doctrine  as 
well  of  natural  religion  as  of  the  Christian.  It  comes  at 
once  recommended  by  the  authority  of  philosophers  and 
evangelists.  And  that  there  actually  is  in  the  mind  of 
man  a  strong  instinct  and  desire,  an  appetite  and  tendency 
towards  another  and  a  better  state,  incomparably  superior 
to  the  present,  both  in  point  of  happiness  and  duration, 
is  no  more  than  every  one's  experience  and  inward 
feeling  may  inform  him.  The  satiety  and  disrelish  attend- 
ing sensual  enjoyments,  the  relish  for  things  of  a  more 
pure  and  spiritual  kind,  the  restless  motion  of  the  mind 
from  one  terrene  object  or  pursuit  to  another,  and  often 
a  flight  or  endeavour  above  them  all  towards  something 
unknown,  and  perfective  of  its  nature,  are  so  many  signs 
and  tokens  of  this  better  state,  which  in  the  style  of  the 
Gospel  is  termed  Life  Eternal. 

And  as  this  is  the  greatest  good  that  can  befall  us,  the 
very  end  of  our  being,  and  that  alone  which  can  crown 
and  satisfy  our  wishes,  and  without  which  we  shall  be  ever 


396      A    SERMON    PREACHED    BEFORE    THE    SOCIETY 

restless  and  uneasy ;  so  every  man  who  knows  and  acts 
up  to  his  true  interest  must  make  it  his  principal  care 
and  study  to  obtain  it :  and,  in  order  to  this,  he  must 
endeavour  to  live  suitably  to  his  calling,  and  of  consequence 
endeavour  to  make  others  obtain  it  too.  For,  how  can 
a  Christian  shew  himself  worthy  of  his  calling  otherwise 
than  by  performing  the  duties  of  it  ?  And  what  Christian 
duty  is  more  essentially  so  than  that  of  charity?  And 
what  object  can  be  found  upon  earth  more  deserving  our 
charity  than  the  souls  of  men  ?  Or  how  is  it  possible  for 
the  most  beneficent  spirit  to  do  them  better  service  than 
by  promoting  their  best  and  most  lasting  interest,  that  is, 
by  putting  them  in  the  way  that  leads  to  Eternal  Life  ? 

What  this  Eternal  Life  was,  or  how  to  come  at  it,  were 
points  unknown  to  the  heathen  world  \  It  must  be  owned, 
the  wise  men  of  old,  who  followed  the  light  of  nature,  saw, 
even  by  that  light,  that  the  soul  of  man  was  debased,  and 
borne  downwards,  contrary  to  its  natural  bent,  by  carnal 
and  terrene  objects ;  and  that,  on  the  other  hand,  it  was 
exalted,  purged,  and  in  some  sort  assimilated  to  the  Deity, 
by  the  contemplation  of  truth  and  practice  of  virtue***. 
Thus  much  in  general  they  saw  or  surmised.  But  then 
about  the  way  and  means  to  know  the  one,  or  perform 
the  other,  they  were  much  at  a  loss.  They  were  not 
agreed  concerning  the  true  end  of  mankind ; — which,  as 
they  saw,  was. mistaken  in  the  vulgar  pursuits  of  men; 
so  they  found  it  much  more  easy  to  confute  the  errors 
of  others  than  to  ascertain  the  truth  themselves.  Hence 
so  many  divisions  and  disputes  about  a  point  which  it 
most  imported  them  to  know,  insomuch  as  it  was  to  give 
the  bias  to  human  life,  and  govern  the  whole  tenor  of 
their  actions  and  conduct. 

But  when  Life  and  Immortality  were  brought  to  light  by 
the  Gospel,  there  could  remain  no  dispute  about  the  chief 
end  and  felicity  of  man,  no  more  than  there  could  about 
the  means  of  obtaining  it,  after  the  express  declaration  of 
our  Blessed  Lord  in  the  words  of  my  text — '  This  is  Life 
Eternal,  that  they  might  know  Thee,  the  only  true  God,  and 
Jesus  Christ  whom  Thou  hast  sent.'  For  the  right  under- 
standing of  which  words  we   must  observe  that  by  the 

'  Cf.  Discourse  on  The  Revelation  '•'  Cf.  Sirisy  sects.  294-298,  301- 

0/ Immortality,  delivered  in  1708.        303,  338-341,  366,  367. 


FOR    THE    PROPAGATION    OF    THE    GOSPEL        397 

knowledge  of  God  is  not  meant  a  barren  speculation,  either 
of  philosophers  or  scholastic  divines,  nor  any  notional 
tenets  fitted  to  produce  disputes  and  dissensions  among 
men ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  a  holy  practical  knowledge, 
which  is  the  source,  the  root,  or  principle  of  peace  and 
union,  of  faith,  hope,  charity,  and  universal  obedience. 
A  man  may  frame  the  most  accurate  notions,  and  in  one 
sense  attain  the  exactest  knowledge  of  God  and  Christ 
that  human  faculties  can  reach,  and  yet,  notwithstanding 
all  this,  be  far  from  knowing  them  in  that  saving  sense. 
For  St.  John  tells  us,  that  'whosoever  sinneth  hath  not 
seen  Christ,  nor  known  Him'  (John  iii.  6).  And  again, 
'  He  that  loveth  not  knoweth  not  God '  (i  John  iv.  8).  To 
know  God  as  we  ought,  we  must  love  Him  ;  and  love  Him 
so  as  withal  to  love  our  brethren.  His  creatures  and  His 
children.  I  say,  that  knowledge  of  God  and  Christ  which 
is  Life  Eternal  implies  universal  charity,  with  all  the  duties 
ingrafted  thereon,  or  ensuing  from  thence  ;  that  is  to  say, 
the  love  of  God  and  man.  And  our  Lord  expressly  saith, 
'  He  that  hath  My  commandments,  and  keepeth  them,  he  it 
is  that  loveth  Me '  (John  xiv.  21).  From  all  which  it  is 
evident  that  this  saving  knowledge  of  God  is  inseparable 
from  the  knowledge  and  practice  of  His  will; — the  explicit 
declaration  whereof,  and  of  the  means  to  perform  it,  are 
contained  in  the  gospel,  that  Divine  instrument  of  grace 
and  mercy  to  the  sons  of  men.  The  metaphysical  know- 
ledge of  God,  considered  in  His  absolute  nature  or  essence, 
is  one  thing,  and  to  know  Him  as  He  stands  related  to 
us  as  Creator,  Redeemer,  and  Sanctifier  is  another.  The 
former  kind  of  knowledge  (whatever  it  amounts  to)  hath 
been,  and  may  be,  in  Gentiles  as  well  as  Christians,  but 
not  the  latter,  which  is  Life  Eternal  ^ 

From  what  hath  been  said,  it  is  a  plain  consequence  that 
whoever  is  a  sincere  Christian  cannot  be  indifferent  about 
bringing  over  other  men  to  the  knowledge  of  God  and 
Christ ;  but  that  every  one  of  us,  who  hath  any  claim  to 

1  Note  how  practical  knowledge  which  some  philosophers  aspire, 

of  God   in    relation   to    man,   as  Cf.  Aldphron,  Dial.  IV.  sect.  16-22^ 

revealed  in  Christ,  which  it  is  the  and  Dial.  VII,  in  which  the  nature 

intention  of  this  Sermon  to  recom-  of  man*s  knowledge  of  God,  and 

mend,   is  distinguished  from  the  the  mysteries  in  all  our  knowledge, 

speculative  knowledge  of  Deity  to  are  considered. 


398      A    SERMON    PREACHED    BEFORE    THE    SOCIETY 

that  title,  is  indispensably  obliged,  in  duty  to  God  and  in 
charity  to  his  neighbour,  to  desire  and  promote,  so  far 
as  there  is  opportunity,  the  conversion  of  heathens  and 
infidels,  that  so  they  may  become  partakers  of  Life  and 
Immortality.  For,  '  this  is  Life  Eternal,  to  know  Thee  the 
only  true  uod,  and  Jesus  Christ  whom  Thou  hast  sent* 

In  my  present  discourse  upon  which  words,  I  shall. 

First,  Consider  in  general  the  obligation  that  Christians 
lie  under,  of  bringing  other  men  to  the  knowledge  of 
the  only  true  God,  and  of  Jesus  Christ.    And, 

Secondly,  I  shall  consider  it  in  reference  to  this  laudable 
Society,  instituted  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel. 

And,  under  each  head,  I  propose  to  obviate  such 
difficulties  as  may  seem  to  retard,  and  intermix  such 
remarks  as  shall  appear  proper  to  forward  so  good 
a  work. 

Now,  although  it  be  very  evident  that  we  can  really  have 
neither  a  just  zeal  for  the  glory  of  God,  nor  a  beneficent 
love  of  man,  without  wishing  and  endeavouring,  as  occa- 
sion serves,  to  spread  the  glad  tidings  of  salvation,  and 
bring  those  who  are  benighted  in  the  shadow  of  death 
to  Life  Eternal,  by  the  knowledge  of  the  only  true  God, 
and  of  Jesus  Christ  whom  He  hath  sent;  yet  this  duty, 
plain  and  undoubted  as  it  seems,  happens  to  be  too  often 
overlooked,  even  by  those  whose  attention  to  other  points 
would  make  one  thmk  their  neglect  of  this  not  an  effect  of 
lukewarm  indifference  so  much  as  of  certain  mistaken 
notions  and  suppositions.  Two  principal  considerations 
occur,  which,  in  this  particular,  seem  to  have  slackened 
the  industry  of  some,  otherwise  zealous  and  serious 
Christians. 

One  I  apprehend  to  be  this — that  it  is  surmised  the 
Christian  religion  is  in  a  declining  state*,  which  by  many 
symptoms  seems  likely  to  end  either  in  popery  or  a 
general  infidelity.  And  that  of  course  a  prudent  person 
has  nothing  to  do  but  to  make  sure  of  his  own  salvation, 

*  This  refers  to  the  materialistic  out  his  life.  Cf.  Essays  in  tht 
or  atheistic  *  free-thinking,*  which  GuardiaHy  Prindpies,  Dialogues  ; 
so  much  engaged  Berkeley  through-      also  Akiphron^  passim. 


FOR   THE    PROPAGATION    OF   THE    GOSPEL         399 

and  to  acquiesce  in  the  general  tendency  of  things,  without 
being  at  any  fruitless  pains  to  oppose  what  cannot  be 
prevented,  to  steer  against  the  stream,  or  resist  a  torrent, 
which,  as  it  flows,  gathers  strength  and  rapidity,  and  in 
the  end  will  be  sure  to  overflow,  and  carry  all  before  it. 
When  a  man  of  a  desponding  and  forebodmg  spirit  hath 
been  led,  by  his  observation  of  the  ways  of  the  world  and 
the  prevailing  humour  of  our  times,  to  think  after  this 
manner,  he  will  be  inclined  to  strengthen  this  his  pre- 
conceived opinion,  as  is  usual  in  other  the  like  cases,  by 
misapplication  of  Holy  Scripture :  for  instance,  by  those 
words  of  our  Blessed  Saviour,  '  When  the  Son  of  man 
Cometh,  shall  He  find  faith  on  the  earth  ?  *  (Luke  xviii.  8), 
which  have  been  applied  to  this  very  purpose,  as  importing 
that,  before  the  final  judgment,  Christian  faith  should  be 
extinguished  upon  earth ; — although  these  words  do,  from 
the  context,  seem  plainly  to  refer  to  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem,  and  the  obstinate  blindness  of  the  Jews,  who, 
even  then,  when  they  felt  the  hand  of  God,  should  not 
acknowledge  it,  or  believe  the  Roman  army  to  be  the 
instrument  of  Divine  vengeance,  in  the  day  of  their  visita- 
tion, by  Him  whom  they  had  injuriously  treated,  rejected, 
and  put  to  death. 

But,  granting  the  former  sense  might  be  supported  by 
no  absurd  hypothesis,  or  no  improbable  guess,  yet  shall 
the  endeavours  of  Christian  men  for  propagating  the 
Gospel  of  Christ  be  forestalled  by  any  suppositions  or 
conjectures  whatsoever?  Admitting,  I  say,  those  words 
regard  the  future  advent  of  Jesus  Christ,  yet  can  any  one 
tell  how  near  or  how  far  off  that  advent  may  be  ?  Are 
not  the  times  and  seasons  foreknown  only  to  God  ?  And 
shall  we  neglect  a  certain  duty  to-day,  upon  an  uncertain 
surmise  of  what  is  to  come  hereafter?  This  way  of 
thinking  might  furnish  as  strong  reasons  against  preaching 
at  home  as  abroad,  within  as  without  the  pale  of  the 
Church.  It  would  be  as  specious  an  argument  against 
the  one  as  the  other,  but  in  reality  can  conclude  against 
neither.  For,  as  we  know  not  when  that  supposed  time 
of  general  infidelity  is  to  be,  or  whether  it  will  be  at  all ; 
so,  if  it  were  ever  so  sure,  and  ever  so  near,  it  would 
nevertheless  become  us  to  take  care  that  it  may  not  be  an 
effect  of  our  own  particular  indifference  and  neglect. 


400       A    SERMON    PREACHED    BEFORE    THE    SOCIETY 

But,  if  we  take  our  notions^  not  from  the  uncertain 
interpretation  of  a  particular  text,  but  from  the  whole 
tenor  of  the  Divine  oracles,  from  the  express  promise  and 
reiterated  predictions  of  our  Blessed  Lord  and  His  apostles, 
we  shall  believe,  that  'Jesus  Christ  is  highly  exalted  of 
God  ;  to  the  end,  that  at  His  name  every  knee  shall  bow, 
and  every  tongue  confess  that  He  is  the  Lord,  to  the  glory 
of  God  the  Father  *  (Phil.  ii.  9-1 1).  That  '  He  must  reign 
till  He  hath  put  all  enemies  under  His  feet'  (i  Cor.  xv.  25). 
That  *  He  is  with  us  alway,  even  unto  the  end  of  the  world ' 
(Matt,  xxviii.  20).  And  that  the  Church  of  the  living  God, 
the  pillar  and  ground  of  truth,  is  so  far  from  being 
destroyed  by  human  means,  that  '  the  gates  of  hell  (all  the 
infernal  powers)  shall  not  prevail  against  it '  (Matt.  xvi.  18). 
Let  us  therefore  banish  all  such  conceits  as  may  seem  to 
justify  our  indolence,  as  may  reason  us  out  of  all  courage 
and  vigour  in  the  race  that  is  set  before  us ;  let  us  not, 
I  say,  slacken  our  own  hands,  nor  enfeeble  our  own  knees, 
by  preconceived  fancies  and  suppositions,  considering  that 
as  the  success  of  all  enterprises  in  great  measure  depends 
on  the  spirit  of  the  undertakers,  so  nothing  is  more  apt 
to  raise  a  spirit  than  hope ;  nor  to  depress  it  than  de- 
spondency. We  ought  therefore  to  shake  off  every  vain 
fear  in  our  spiritual  warfare.  The  number,  the  pre- 
sumption, and  the  abilities  of  those  who  take  counsel 
together  against  the  Lord  and  against  His  Anointed  should 
not  dishearten,  but  rather  excite  and  encourage  us  to 
stand  in  the  gap. 

Another  consideration  that  may  possibly  withhold  divers 
sincere  believers  from  contributing  their  endeavours  for 
bringing  men  to  the  knowledge  of  God  and  Christ,  and 
thereby  to  Eternal  Life,  is — the  want  of  miracles  in  the 
present  age  \  Men  naturally  cast  about  for  reasons  to 
countenance  the  part  they  take.  And  as  the  gift  of 
miracles  was  of  mighty  influence  and  help  to  those  who 
were  commissioned  to  spread  abroad  the  light  of  the 
Gospel  in  its  first  promulgation,  so  no  pretence  offers 
itself  more  naturally  to  excuse  a  man  from  executing  any 
purpose  than  the  want  of  authority,  which,  in  the  opinion 

^  This  ^want  of  miracles*  is  also  touched  in  Buder*s  anniversary 
sermon  in  1739  before  the  S.  P.  G. 


FOR    THE    PROPAGATION    OF   THE    GOSPEL         401 

of  men,  cannot  be  without  a  just  commission,  nor  this 
unless  distinguished  by  those  proper  means  and  powers 
that  have  been  known  to  attend  it.  Now,  with  regard  to 
this  defect  of  miracles,  I  shall  beg  leave  to  make  two 
observations : — 

First,  It  is  to  be  observed  that  if  we  have  not  miracles 
we  have  other  advantages  which  make  them  less  necessary 
now  than  in  the  first  spreading  of  the  Gospel.  Whole 
nations  have  found  the  benefit  of  Christ's  religion  ;  it  is 
protected  by  princes,  established  and  encouraged  by  laws, 
supported  by  learning  and  arts,  recommended  by  the  ex- 
perience of  many  ages,  as  well  as  by  the  authority  and 
example  of  the  wisest  and  most  knowing  men.  Certainly, 
if  the  greatest  part  of  mankind  are  Gentiles  or  Mahometans, 
it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  most  knowing,  most  learned, 
and  most  improved  nations  profess  Christianity,  and  that 
even  the  Mahometans  themselves  bear  testimony  to  the 
Divine  mission  of  Jesus  Christ.  Whereas,  therefore,  in 
the  beginning,  a  few  illiterate  wanderers,  of  the  meanest 
of  the  people,  had  the  prejudices,  the  learning,  and  the 
power  of  their  own  as  well  as  other  nations,  in  one  word, 
the  whole  world,  to  oppose  and  overcome :  those  who  at 
this  day  engage  in  the  propagation  of  the  Gospel,  do  it 
upon  terms  in  many  respects  far  more  easy  and  advan- 
tageous. It  is  power  against  weakness,  civility  against 
barbarism,  knowledge  against  ignorance,  some  or  other  if 
not  all  these  advantages,  in  the  present  times,  attending 
the  progress  of  the  Christian  religion,  in  whatever  part  of 
the  world  men  shall  attempt  to  plant  it. 

In  the  Second  place,  we  may  reflect  that  if  we  have 
not  the  gift  of  miracles  this  is  a  good  reason  why  we 
should  exert  more  strongly  those  human  means  which 
God  hath  put  in  our  power;  and  make  our  ordinary 
faculties,  whether  of  the  head,  or  the  hand,  or  the  tongue, 
our  interest,  our  credit,  or  our  fortune,  subservient  to  the 
great  Giver  of  them ;  and  cheerfully  contribute  our  humble 
mite  towards  hastening  that  time  wherein  'all  nations 
whom  Thou  hast  made  shall  come  and  worship  before 
Thee,  O  Lord,  and  shall  glorify  Thy  name '  (Ps.  Ixxxvi.  9). 
It  is  at  least  a  plain  case,  that  the  want  of  apostolical  gifts 
should  not  be  pleaded  as  a  bar  to  our  doing  that  which 
in  no  respect,  either  of  difBculty  or  danger,  equals  or 

BERKELEY:     FRASEH.       IV.  D  d 


402      A   SERMON    PREACHED    BEFX)RE    THE    SOCIETY 

approaches  the  apostolical  office.  What  pretence  can 
this  supply  for  men's  being  quite  unconcerned  about  the 
spreading  of  the  Gospel,  or  the  salvation  of  souls ;  for 
men's  forgetting  that  they  are  Christians,  and  related  to 
human  kind  ?  How  can  this  justify  their  overlooking 
opportunities  which  lie  in  their  way,  their  not  contribut- 
ing a  small  part  of  their  fortune  towards  forwarding  a 
design  wherein  they  share  neither  pains  nor  peril ;  the  not 
bestowing  on  it  even  the  cheap  assistance  of  their  speech, 
attention,  counsel,  pr  countenance,  as  occasion  offers? 
How  unlike  is  this  worldly,  selfish  indifference  to  that 
account  which  St  Paul  gives  of  himself,  that  ^  he  sought 
not  his  own  profit,  but  the  profit  of  many,  that  they  may 
be  saved '  (i  Cor.  x.  33).  And  yet  herein  he  expected  the 
Corinthians  (and  the  same  reason  will  hold  for  us)  should 
be  like  him  ;  for  he  subjoins,  '  Be  ye  followers  of  me,  as 
I  also  am  of  Christ.* 

Having  considered  the  duty  in  general,  I  come  now  to 
treat  of  it  with  reference  to  America,  the  peculiar  province 
of  this  venerable  Society  * ;  which  I  suppose  well  informed 
of  the  state  and  progress  of  religion  in  that  part  of  the 
world,  by  their  correspondences  with  the  clergy  upon 
their  mission.  It  may  nevertheless  be  expected  that  one 
who  had  been  engaged  in  a  design  upon  this  very  view, 
who  hath  been  upon  the  place,  and  resided  a  considerable 
time  in  one  of  our  Colonies,  should  have  observed  some- 
what worth  reporting.  It  is  to  be  hoped,  therefore,  that 
one  part  of  my  audience  will  pardon  what  the  other  may 
perhaps  expect,  while  I  detain  them  with  the  narrative 
of  a  few  things  I  have  observed,  and  such  reflexions  as 
thereupon  suggested  themselves  ;  some  part  of  which  may 
possibly  be  found  to  extend  to  other  Colonies. 

Rhode  Island,  with  a  portion  of  the  adjacent  Continent 
under  the  same  government,  is  inhabited  by  an  English 
Colony,  consisting  chiefly  of  sectaries  of  many  different 
denominations,  who  seem  to  have  worn  off  part  of  that 
prejudice  which  they  inherited  from  their  ancestors  against 

*  The  original  design  of  this  British  dominion,  and  to  carry  it 
Society  was  to  spiiead  Christianity  among  the  savage  Indians  of  iht 
in    parts  of  America    subject   to      Western  Continent 


FOR    THE    PROPAGATION    OF    THE    GOSPEL         403 

the  national  Church  of  this  land ;  though  it  must  be 
acknowledged  at  the  same  time,  that  too  many  of  them 
have  worn  off  a  serious  sense  of  all  religion.  Several 
indeed  of  the  better  sort  are  accustomed  to  assemble 
themselves  regularly  on  the  Lord's  day  for  the  performance 
of  divine  worship ;  but  most  of  those  who  are  dispersed 
throughout  this  colony  seem  to  rival  some  well-bred  people 
of  other  countries  in  a  thorough  indifference  for  all  that  is 
sacred,  being  equally  careless  of  outward  worship,  and  of 
inward  principles,  whether  of  faith  or  practice.  Of  the 
bulk  of  them  it  may  certainly  be  said  that  they  live  without 
the  sacraments,  not  being  so  much  as  baptised :  and  as  for 
their  morals,  I  apprehend  there  is  nothing  to  be  found  in 
them  that  should  tempt  others  to  make  an  experiment  of 
their  principles,  either  in  religion  or  government.  But  it 
must  be  owned,  the  general  behaviour  of  the  inhabitants 
in  those  towns  where  churches  and  meetings  have  been 
long  settled  and  regularly  attended  seems  so  much  better 
as  sufficiently  to  shew  the  difference  which  a  solemn 
regular  worship  of  God  makes  between  persons  of  the 
same  blood,  temper,  and  natural  faculties. 

The  native  Indians,  who  are  said  to  have  been  formerly 
many  thousands,  within  the  compass  of  this  colony,  do  not 
at  present  amount  to  one  thousand,  including  every  age 
and  sex.  And  these  are  either  all  servants  or  labourers 
for  the  English,  who  have  contributed  more  to  destroy 
their  bodies  by  the  use  of  strong  liquors  than  by  any  means 
to  improve  their  minds  or  save  their  souls.  This  slow 
poison,  jointly  operating  with  the  small-pox,  and  their 
wars  (but  much  more  destructive  than  both),  have  con- 
sumed the  Indians,  not  only  in  our  Colonies,  but  also  far 
and  wide  upon  our  confines.  And,  having  made  havoc 
of  them,  is  now  doing  the  same  thing  by  those  who  taught 
them  that  odious  vice. 

The  negroes  in  the  government  of  Rhode  Island  are 
about  half  as  many  more  than  the  Indians;  and  both 
together  scarce  amount  to  a  seventh  part  of  the  whole 
Colony.  The  religion  of  these  people,  as  is  natural  to 
suppose,  takes  after  that  of  their  masters.  Some  few  are 
baptised ;  several  frequent  the  different  assemblies :  and 
far  the  greater  part  none  at  all.  An  ancient  antipathy  to 
the  Indians — whom,  it  seems,  our  first  planters  (therein 

D  d  2 


404      A    SERMON    PREACHED    BEFORE    THE    SOCIETY 

as  in  certain  other  particulars  affecting  to  imitate  Jews 
rather  than  Christians)  imagined  they  had  a  right  to  treat 
on  the  foot  of  Canaanites  or  Amalekites — together  with 
an  irrational  contempt  of  the  blacks,  as  creatures  of  another 
species,  who  had  no  right  to  be  instructed  or  admitted 
to  the  sacraments — have  proved  a  main  obstacle  to  the 
conversion  of  these  poor  people. 

To  this  may  be  added,  an  erroneous  notion  that  the 
being  baptised  is  inconsistent  with  a  state  of  slavery.  To 
undeceive  them  in  this  particular,  which  had  too  much 
weight,  it  seemed  a  proper  step,  if  the  opinion  of  his 
Majesty's  Attorney  and  Solicitor-General  could  be  pro- 
cured. This  opinion  they  charitably  sent  over,  signed 
with  their  own  hands ;  which  was  accordingly  printed  in 
Rhode  Island,  and  dispersed  throiighout  the  Plantations. 
I  heartily  wish  it  may  produce  the  intended  effect.  It 
must  be  owned,  our  reformed  planters,  with  respect  to 
the  natives  and  the  slaves,  might  learn  from  those  of  the 
Church  of  Rome  how  it  is  their  interest  and  duty  to 
behave.  Both  French  and  Spaniards  have  intermarried 
with  Indians,  to  the  great  strength,  security,  and  increase, 
of  their  Colonies.  They  take  care  to  instruct  both  them 
and  their  negroes  in  the  popish  religion,  to  the  reproach 
ot  those  who  profess  a  better.  They  have  also  bishops 
and  seminaries  for  clergy ;  and  it  is  not  found  that  their 
Colonies  are  worse  subjects,  or  depend  less  on  their 
mother-country,  on  that  account. 

It  should  seem,  that  the  likeliest  step  towards  con- 
verting the  heathen  would  be  to  begin  with  the  English 
planters;  whose  influence  will  for  ever  be  an  obstacle 
to  propagating  the  Gospel,  till  they  have  a  right  sense  of 
it  themselves,  which  would  shew  them  how  much  it  is  their 
duty  to  impart  it  to  others.  The  missionaries  employed 
by  this  venerable  Society  have  done,  and  continue  to  do, 
good  service,  in  bringing  those  planters  to  a  serious  sense 
of  religion,  which,  it  is  hoped,  will  in  time  extend  to  others. 
I  speak  it  knowingly,  that  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  in 
those  provinces  which  go  by  the  name  of  New  England, 
sent  and  supported  at  the  expense  of  this  Society,  have, 
by  their  sobriety  of  manners,  discreet  behaviour,  and  a 
competent  degree  of  useful  knowledge,  shewn  themselves 
worthy  the  choice  of  those  who  sent  them ;  and  particu- 


FOR    THE    PROPAGATION    OF   THE    GOSPEL         4O5 

larly  in  living  on  a  more  friendly  foot  with  their  brethren 
of  the  separation;  who,  on  their  part,  were  also  very 
much  come  off  from  that  narrowness  of  spirit  which  for- 
merly kept  them  at  such  an  unamicable  distance  from  us. 
And  as  there  is  reason  to  apprehend  that  part  of  America 
could  not  have  been  thus  distinguished,  and  provided  with 
such  a  number  of  proper  persons,  if  one-half  of  them  had 
not  been  supplied  out  of  the  dissenting  seminaries  of  the 
country,  who,  in  proportion  as  they  attain  to  more  liberal 
improvements  of  learning,  are  observed  to  quit  their 
prejudice  towards  an  episcopal  Church :  so  I  verily  think 
it  might  increase  the  number  of  such  useful  men,  if  pro- 
vision were  made  to  defray  their  charges  in  coming  hither 
to  receive  holy  orders ; — passing  and  repassing  the  ocean, 
and  tarrying  the  necessary  time  in  London,  requiring  an 
expense  that  many  are  not  able  to  bear.  It  would  also 
be  an  encouragement  to  the  missionaries  in  general,  and 
probably  produce  good  effects,  if  the  allowance  of  certain 
missionaries  were  augmented,  in  proportion  to  the  services 
they  had  done,  and  the  time  they  had  spent  in  their  mission. 
These  hints  I  venture  to  suggest,  as  not  unuseful  in  an 
age  wherein  all  human  encouragements  are  found  more 
necessary  than  at  the  first  propagation  of  the  Gospel.  But 
they  are,  with  all  due  deference  and  respect,  submitted  to 
the  judgment  of  this  venerable  audience. 

After  all,  it  is  hardly  to  be  expected  that,  so  long  as 
Infidelity  prevails  at  home,  the  Christian  religion  should 
thrive  and  flourish  in  our  Colonies  abroad.  Mankind,  it 
must  be  owned,  left  to  themselves,  are  so  much  bewildered 
and  benighted  with  respect  to  the  origin  of  that  evil  which 
they  feel,  and  from  which  they  are  at  a  loss  about  the 
means  of  being  freed,  that  the  doctrines  of  the  lapsed  state 
of  man,  his  reconciliation  by  Christ,  and  regeneration  by 
the  Spirit,  may  reasonably  be  hoped  to  find  an  easy 
admission-^as  bringing  with  them  light  and  comfort,  into 
a  mind  not  hardened  by  impenitency,  nor  foreclosed  by 
pride,  nor  biassed  by  prejudice.  But  such  is  the  vanity  of 
man  that  no  prejudice  operates  more  powerfully  than  that 
in  favour  of  fashion;  and  no  fashions  are  so  much  followed 
by  our  Colonies  as  those  of  the  mother-country,  which 
they  often  adopt  in  their  mode  of  living,  to  their  great 


406      A    SERMON    PREACHED    REFORE    THE    SOCIETY 

inconvenience,  without  allowing  for  the  disparity  of  circum- 
stance or  climate.  This  same  humour  hath  made  Infidelity 
(as  I  find  it  too  credibly  reported)  spread  in  some  of  our 
wealthjjr  Plantations ;  uneducated  men  being  more  apt  to 
tread  m  the  steps  of  libertines  and  men  of  fashion,  than 
to  model  themselves  by  the  laws  and  institutions  of  their 
mother-country,  or  the  lives  and  professions  of  the  virtuous 
and  religious  part  of  it. 

But  this  is  not  all.  While  those  abroad  are  less  dis- 
posed to  receive,  some  at  home  are,  perhaps,  less  disposed 
to  propagate  the  Gospel,  from  the  same  cause.  It  is  to 
be  feared,  I  say,  that  the  prevailing  torrent  of  Infidelity, 
which  staggers  the  faith  of  some,  may  cool  the  zeal  and 
damp  the  spirit  of  others,  who,  judgmg  from  the  event 
and  success  of  those  who  impugn  the  Church  of  Christ, 
may  possibly  entertain  some  scruple  or  surmise,  whether 
it  may  not  be,  for  the  present  at  least,  abandoned  by 
Providence,  and  that  human  care  must  ineffectually  inter- 
pose, till  it  shall  please  God,  *  yet  once  more  to  shake  not 
the  earth  only,  but  also  the  heavens.*  This  point  had 
been  touched  before,  but  deserves  farther  consideration : 
to  the  end  that  the  peculiar  impiety  of  a  profane  age  may 
not  be  a  bar  to  those  very  endeavours,  which  itself  renders 
more  necessary,  and  calls  for  more  loudly  now  than  ever. 

Whatever  man  may  think,  the  arm  of  the  Lord  is  not 
shortened.  In  all  this  prevalency  of  Atheism  and  Irre- 
ligion,  there  is  no  advantage  gained  by  the  powers  of 
darkness,  either  against  God,  or  godly  men,  but  only 
against  their  own  wretched  partisans.  The  Christian  dis- 
pensation is  a  dispensation  of  grace  and  favour.  The 
Christian  Church  a  society  of  men  entitled  to  this  grace, 
on  performing  certain  conditions.  If  this  society  is  dimin- 
ished, as  those  who  remain  true  members  of  it  suffer  no 
loss  to  themselves,  so  God  loseth  no  right,  suffereth  no 
detriment,  foregoeth  no  good;  His  grace  resisted  or  un- 
fruitful being  no  more  lost  to  Him  than  the  light  of  the 
sun  shining  on  desert  places,  or  among  people  who  shut 
their  eyes. 

Besides,  this  excess,  this  unstemmed  torrent  of  profane- 
ness,  may  possibly,  in  the  conclusion,  defeat  itself,  confirm 
what  it  meant  to  extirpate,  and,  instead  of  destroying, 
prove  a  means  of  preserving  our  religion ;  the  evil  fruits 


FOR    THE    PROPAGATION    OF   THE    GOSPEL         407 

and  eflfects  thereof  being  so  notorious  and  flagrant,  and  so 
sensibly  felt,  as  in  all  likelihood  to  be  able  to  open  the 
eyes  and  rouse  the  attention  of  those  who  may  be  blind 
and  deaf  to  every  argument  and  consideration.  Or,  who 
knows  but  the  Christian  Church,  corrupted  by  prosperity, 
is  to  be  restored  and  purified  by  adversity?  which  may 
prove,  for  aught  we  can  tell,  as  salutary  in  future  as  it 
hath  been  in  past  ages.  Many  insolent  and  presumptuous 
foes  have  set  themselves  against  the  Church  of  God ; 
whose  hook  nevertheless  may  be  in  their  nostrils,  and  His 
bridle  in  their  lips,  managing  and  governing  even  their 
rage  and  folly  to  the  fulfilling  of  His  own  wise  purposes ; 
and  who  may  not  fail  in  the  end  to  deal  by  them  as  He 
did  by  the  king  of  Assyria,  when  He  had  'performed  His 
work  upon  Sion  and  upon  Jerusalem,  punishing  their  stout 
heart  and  high  looks*  (Isa.  x.  12).  This  presumptuous 
conqueror  was,  without  knowing  it,  a  tool  or  instrument  in 
the  hands  of  that  God  whom  he  blasphemed.  '  O  Assyrian, 
the  rod  of  Mine  anger  I  I  will  send  him  against  a  hypo- 
critical nation,  and  against  the  people  of  My  wrath  will 
I  give  him  a  charge  to  take  the  spoil,  and  to  take  the  prey, 
and  to  tread  them  down  like  the  mire  of  the  streets. 
Howbeit  he  meaneth  not  so,  neither  doth  his  heart  think 
so,  but  it  is  in  his  heart  to  destroy  and  cut  off"  nations  not 
a  few  *  (Isa.  x.  5-7). 

Thus  much  at  least  is  evident :  it  is  no  new  thing  that 
great  enormities  should  produce  great  humiliations,  and 
these  again  noble  virtues,  which  have  often  recovered  both 
single  men,  and  whole  states,  even  in  a  natural  and  civil 
sense.  And  if  the  captivities,  distresses,  and  desolations 
of  the  Jewish  Church  have  occasioned  their  return  to  God, 
and  reinstated  them  in  His  favour;  nay,  if  it  was  actually 
foretold,  whenever  they  lay  under  the  curse  of  God,  at 
the  mercy  of  their  enemies,  peeled  and  scattered  in  a 
foreign  land,  that  nevertheless  upon  their  calling  His 
covenant  to  mind,  and  returning  to  Him,  'the  Lord  their' 
God  would  turn  their  captivity  and  have  compassion  upon 
them  *  (Deut.  xxx.  3). — I  say,  if  things  were  so,  why  may 
we  not  in  reason  hope  for  something  analogous  thereto 
in  behalf  of  the  Christian  Church  ?  It  cannot  be  denied, 
that  there  was  a  great  analogy  between  the  Jewish  insti- 
tutions, and  the  doctrines  of  the   Gospel ;  for  instance, 


4o8      A    SERMON    PREACHED    BEFORE    THE    SOCIETY 

between  the  paschal  lamb,  and  the  Lamb  of  God  slain 
from  the  foundation  of  the  world ;  between  the  Egyptian 
bondage,  and  that  of  sin;  the  earthly  Canaan,  and  the 
heavenly;  the  fleshly  circumcision,  and  the  spiritual.  In 
these  and  many  other  particulars  the  analogy  seems  so 
plain  that  it  can  hardly  be  disputed.  To  be  convinced 
that  the  law  of  Moses  and  the  Jewish  economy  were  figures 
and  shadows  of  the  evangelical,  we  need  only  look  into 
the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  May  we  not  therefore,  in 
pursuance  of  this  same  analogy,  suppose  a  similar  treat- 
ment of  the  Jewish  and  Christian  Church  ? 

Let  us  then  see,  on  what  terms  the  former  stood  with 
God,  in  order  to  discover  what  the  latter  may  reasonably 
expect.  The  solemn  denunciation  to  the  Jews  was,  'If 
thou  shalt  hearken  diligently  unto  the  voice  of  the  Lord 
thy  God,  to  observe  and  to  do  all  His  commandments  which 
I  command  thee  this  day,  that  the  Lord  thy  God  will  set 
thee  on  high  above  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  *  (Deut. 
xxviii.  i).  But,  iit  case  of  disobedience,  it  is  added  among 
many  other  threats  and  maledictions,  'The  Lord  shall 
smite  thee  with  blasting  and  with  mildew :  and  thy  heaven 
that  is  over  thy  head  shall  be  brass,  and  the  earth  that 
is  under  thee  shall  be  iron  *  (Deut.  xxviii.  22,  23).  And 
again,  'The  Lord  shall  smite  thee  with  madness,  and 
blindness,  and  astonishment  of  heart '  (Deut.  xxviii.  28). 
Have  not  the  people  of  this  land  drawn  down  upon  it,  by 
more  ways  than  one,  the  just  judgments  of  Heaven? 
Surely  we  have  felt  in  a  metaphor  the  first  of  the  fore- 
mentioned  judgments;  and  the  last  hath  been  literally 
fulfilled  upon  us.  Is  it  not  visible  that  we  are  less  knowing, 
less  virtuous,  less  reasonable,  in  proportion  as  we  are  less 
religious  ?  Are  we  not  grown  drunk  and  giddy  with  vice, 
and  vanity,  and  presumption,  and  free-thinking,  and  extra- 
vagance of  every  kind,  to  a  degree  that  we  may  truly 
be  said  to  be  smitten  with  madness,  and  blindness,  and 
astonishment  of  heart  ?         .    .  . 

As  anciently  most  unchristian  schisms  and  disputes, 
joined  with  great  corruption  of  manners,  made  way  for  the 
Mahometan  in  the  east,  and  the  papal  dominion  in  the 
west ;  even  so  here  at  home  in  the  last  century,  a  weak 
reliance  upon  human  politics  and  power  on  the  one  hand, 
and  enthusiastic  rage  on  the  other,  together  with  carnal 


FOR    THE    PROPAGATION    OF   THE    GOSPEL         409 

mindedness  on  both,  gave  occasion  to  introduce  Atheism 
and  Infidelity.  If  the  temporal  state  and  outward  form 
of  the  Jewish  Church  was,  upon  their  defection,  overturned 
by  invaders;  in  like  manner,  when  Christians  are  no 
longer  governed  by  the  light  of  evangelical  truth,  when 
we  resist  the  Spirit  of  God,  are  we  not  to  expect  that 
'  the  heaven  above  will  be  as  brass,*  that  the  Divine  grace 
will  no  longer  shower  down  on  our  obdurate  hearts,  that 
our  Church  and  profession  will  be  blasted  by  licentious 
scorners,  those  madmen  who  in  sport  scatter  firebrands, 
arrows,  and  death  ?  As  all  this  is  no  more  than  we  may 
reasonably  suppose  will  ensue  upon  our  backsliding,  so 
we  may,  with  equal  reason,  hope  it  will  be  remedied  upon 
our  return  to  God. 

From  what  hath  been  said  it  follows — that  in  order  to 
propagate  the  Gospel  abroad,  it  is  necessary  we  do  it  at 
home,  and  extend  our  charity  to  domestic  infidels,  if  we 
would  convert  or  prevent  foreign  ones.  So  that  a  view 
of  the  declining  state  of  religion  here  at  home,  of  those 
things  that  produced  this  declension,  and  of  the  proper 
methods  to  repair  it,  is  naturally  connected  with  the  subject 
of  this  discourse.  I  shall  therefore  beg  your  patience, 
while  I  just  mention  a  few  remarks  or  hints,  too  obvious, 
perhaps,  in  themselves  to  be  new  or  unknown  to  any 
present,  but  too  little  visible  in  their  effects  to  make  one 
think  they  are,  by  all,  much  attended  to. 

Some,  preferring  points  notional  or  ritual  to  the  love 
of  God  and  man,  consider  the  national  Church  only  as 
it  stands  opposed  to  other  Christian  societies.  These 
generally  have  a  zeal  without  knowledge,  and  the  effects 
are  suitable  to  the  cause  ;  they  really  hurt  what  they  seem 
to  espouse.  Others,  more  solicitous  about  the  discovery 
of  truth  than  the  practice  of  holiness,  employ  themselves 
rather  to  spy  out  errors  in  the  Church  than  enforce  its 
precepts.  These,  it  is  to  be  feared,  postpone  the  great 
interests  of  religion  to  points  of  less  concern  in  any  eyes 
but  their  own.  But  surely  they  would  do  well  to  consider 
that  an  humble,  though  confused  and  indistinct,  faith,  in 
the  bond  of  charity,  and  productive  of  good  works,  is  much 
more  evangelical  than  any  accurate  disputing  and  conceited 
knowledge. 


410       A    SERMON    PREACHED    BEFORE    THE    SOCIETY 

A  Church  which  contains  the  fundamentals,  and  nothing 
subversive  of  those  fundamentals,  is  not  to  be  set  at  nought 
by  any  particular  member ;  because  it  may  not,  in  every 
point,  perhaps,  correspond  with  his  ideas,  no,  not  though 
he  is  sure  of  being  in  the  right.  Probably  there  never  was, 
or  will  be,  an  established  Church  in  this  world  without 
visible  marks  of  humanity  upon  it.  St.  Paul  supposeth 
that,  *on  the  foundation  of  Jesus  Christ  there  will  be 
human  superstructures  of  hay  and  stubble  *  (i  Cor.  iii.  12), 
things  light  and  trivial,  wrong  or  superstitious,  which 
indeed  is  a  natural  consequence  of  the  weakness  and 
ignorance  of  man.  But  where  that  living  foundation  is 
rightly  laid  in  the  mind,  there  will  not  fail  to  grow  and 
spring  from  thence  those  virtues  and  graces,  which  are  the 
genuine  effects  and  tokens  of  true  faith,  and  which  are  by 
no  means  inconsistent  with  every  error  in  theory,  or  every 
needless  rite  in  worship. 

The  Christian  religion  was  calculated  for  the  bulk  of 
mankind,  and  therefore  cannot  reasonably  be  supposed  to 
consist  in  subtle  and  nice  notions.  From  the  time  that 
divinity  was  considered  as  a  science,  and  human  reason 
enthroned  in  the  sanctuary  of  God,  the  hearts  of  its 
professors  seem  to  have  been  less  under  the  influence  of 
grace.  From  that  time  have  grown  many  unchristian 
dissensions  and  controversies,  of  men  '  knowing  nothing, 
but  doting  about  questions  and  strifes  of  words,  whereof 
Cometh  envy,  strife,  railings,  evil  surmisings,  perverse  dis- 
putings  of  men  of  corrupt  minds  and  destitute  of  truth ' 
(i  Tim.  vi.  4,  5).  Doubtless,  the  making  religion  a  notional 
thing  hath  been  of  infinite  disservice.  And  whereas  its 
holy  mysteries  are  rather  to  be  received  with  humility  of 
faith,  than  defined  and  measured  by  the  accuracy  of  human 
reason ;  all  attempts  of  this  kind,  however  well  intended, 
have  visibly  failed  in  the  event ;  and,  instead  of  reconciling 
infidels,  have,  by  creating  disputes  and  heats  among  the 
professors  of  Christianity,  given  no  small  advantage  to  its 
enemies. 

To  conclude :  if  we  proportioned  our  zeal  to  the  impor- 
tance of  things ;  if  we  could  love  men  whose  opinions  we 
do  not  approve ;  if  we  knew  the  world  more  and  liked  it 
less ;  if  we  had  a  due  sense  of  the  Divine  perfection  and 
our  own  defects ;  if  our  chief  study  was  the  wisdom  from 


FOR    THE    PROPAGATION    OF    THE    GOSPEL         411 

above,  described  by  St.  Paul ;  and  if,  in  order  to  all  this, 
that  were  done  in  places  of  education  which  cannot  be 
done  so  well  out  of  them— I  say,  if  these  steps  were  taken 
at  home,  while  proper  measures  are  carrying  on  abroad, 
the  one  would  very  much  forward  or  facilitate  the  other. 
As  it  is  not  meant  so  it  must  not  be  understood,  that 
foreign  attempts  should  wait  for  domestic  success,  but  only 
that  it  is  to  be  wished  they  may  co-operate.  Certainly  if 
a  just  and  rational,  a  genuine  and  sincere,  a  warm  and 
vigorous  piety,  animated  the  mother-country,  the  influence 
thereof  would  soon  reach  our  foreign  Plantations,  and  extend 
throughout  their  borders.  We  should  soon  see  religion 
shine  forth  with  new  lustre  and  force,  to  the  conversion 
of  infidels,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  and  to  '  the  casting 
down  imaginations,  and  every  high  thing  that  exalteth 
itself  against  the  knowledge  of  God,  and  bringing  into 
captivity  every  thought  to  the  obedience  of  Christ '  (2  Cor. 

X.  5)- 

To  whom,  with  the  Father,  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  be 
ascribed  all  praise,  might,  majesty,  and  dominion,  now  and 
for  ever. 


THIRD  PERIOD  OF  AUTHORSHIP 


1734-52 


THE    QUERIST 

CONTAINING   SEVERAL  QUERIES 

PROPOSED 

TO  THE   CONSIDERATION   OF  THE    PUBLIC 


*  I  the  Lord  have  brought  down  the  high  Tree,  have  exalted  the  low 
Tree,  have  dried  up  the  green  Tree,  and  have  made  the  dry  Tree  to 
flourish.' — EzEK.  xvii.  34. 


First  published  in  Three  Parts  in  1735,  1736,  1737,  and 
reduced  to  its  present  form  in  1 750 


EDITOR'S    PREFACE 


TO   THE 

QUERIST 

The  Querist  is  the  first  in  chronological  order  and  also 
in  importance  of  Berkeley's  utterances  regarding  the 
Social,  Economical,  and  Religious  condition  of  Ireland 
that  were  given  forth  when  he  was  Bishop  of  Cloyne. 

The  work  appeared  anonymously,  in  Three  Parts,  pub- 
lished severally  in  1735, 1736,  and  1737,  at  Dublin,  'printed 
by  R.  Reilly,  on  Cork  Hill  '—Parts  I  and  II,  '  for  G.  Risk, 
G.  Ewing,  and  W.  Smith,  booksellers,  in  Dames  Street,* 
and  Part  III  'for  Jos.  Leathley,  bookseller,  in  Dames 
Street,'  with  this  motto  on  the  title-page — 'Consult  not 
with  a  merchant  concerning  exchange.  Ecclus.  c.  xxxvii, 
V.  II.'  This  edition  is  among  the  rarest;  I  long  sought 
for  it  in  vain  when  my  former  edition  of  Berkeley's  Works 
was  in  preparation,  and  at  last  discovered  it  in  a  collec- 
tion of  curious  pamphlets  in  the  Royal  Irish  Academy, 
after  the  Works  were  printed,  but  in  time  to  place  in 
an  Appendix  the  numerous  queries  which  were  omitted 
by  the  author  in  the  later  editions.  The  Three  Parts 
of  the  original  edition  contain  894.  queries.  A  complete 
reprint  of  the  Three  Parts  is  given  by  Mr.  Sampson,  in 
an  Appendix  to  his  edition  of  the  Works,  but  I  have  not 
judged  it  necessary  thus  to  reproduce  the  whole. 

The  Querist  reappeared  in  its  present  form  in  1750, 
in  London,  'printed  for  W.  Innys,  C  Davis,  C.  Hitch, 
W.  Bowyer ;  and  sold  by  M.  Cooper,  in  Paternoster  Row. 

BERKELEY:     FRASBR.       IV.  E  e 


4i8 


editor's  preface  to 


Price  one  shiUing  and  sixpence ' ;  with  the  author^s  name 
on  the  title-page,  and  his  Word  to  the  Wise  appended. 
In  that  and  the  following  editions,  numerous  queries  con- 
tained in  the  original  Three  Parts  were  omitted,  and  forty- 
five  new  ones  were  introduced.  The  omissions  are  mostly 
of  those  concerned  with  the  Bank  of  Ireland  and  matters 
of  finance.  An  edition  of  the  work,  thus  recast,  appeared 
at  Glasgow  in  1751,  the  year  in  which  Adam  Smith 
became  a  Professor  in  that  University  \     It  was  included 


'  The  GlasgoiNr  edition  (inrhich 
also  appends  Uie  Word  to  the  Wise) 
was  '  printed  by  Robert  and 
Andrew  Fowlis.'  It  contains  the 
foUowing  Preface : — 

'  The  Printers  to  the  Reader. 

'  This  city  and  the  neighbouring 
country  have  been  of  late  years 
distinguished  for  their  industry 
and  application  to  the  improvement 
of  manufactures,  trade,  and  agri- 
culture, a  like  spirit  diffusing  itself 
over  many  parts  of  Scotland.  We 
could  wish,  therefore,  to  render 
printing  in  this  place  not  only 
subservient  to  religious  literature, 
but  also  to  the  knowledge  of  trade 
and  manufactures;  and  have  of 
late  applied  ourselves  particularly 
to  republish  some  of  the  most  re- 
markable books  of  that  kind.  We 
began  with  the  celebrated  Law*s 
Treatise  on  Money  and  Trade.  We 
reprinted  Mr.  Gee  on  The  Trade 
and  Navigation  of  Gnat  Britain^  as 
a  book  universally  approved  and 
esteemed.  With  the  same  view 
we  have  just  now  in  the  press  Sir 
Josiah  Child  on  Trade  and  the 
Interest  of  Money ,  and  Mr.  Law's 
other  treatise,  entitied  Proposals 
and  Reasons  for  constituting  a 
Council  of  Trade  in  Scotland.  In 
prosecution  of  the  same  plan,  we 
have  just  now  reprinted  the 
Querist,  originally  printed  in  Dub- 
lin, which  was  put  into  our  hands 
by  a  friend  whom  we  look  upon 


as  a  zealous  lover  of.  the  improve- 
ments of  his  country. 

'The  Querist  was  'wrote  with 
a  design  to  promote  the  imiHt>ve- 
ment  of  Ireland,  and  appears  to 
have  had  no  small  effects  that  way, 
from  the  public  spirit  which  has 
of  late  years  discovered  itself,  and 
seems  every  year  to  increase,  in 
that  kingdom. 

'  We  see  nowhere  such  noble 
Associations,  such  generous  zeal, 
such  extensive  attention  among  the 
gentiemen  to  promote,  by  well- 
judged  premiums,  every  valuable 
branch  of  manufacture,  and  every 
improvement  beneficial  to  their 
country. 

'  If  reprinting  this  small  work 
here  shall  contribute  to  make  it 
more  generally  known  and  at- 
tended to  among  us,  the  Printers 
flatter  themselves  they  Avill  have 
done  a  thing  acceptable  to  every 
one  who  is  a  lover  of  the  improve- 
ment of  his  country.  We  have 
nowhere  found,  in  so  small  a  com- 
pass, so  just  and  extensive  a  view 
of  the  true  sources  of  wealth 
and  happiness  to  a  country ;  so 
many  valuable  hints  for  improving 
the  necessary,  the  useful,  and  the 
ornamental  arts.  Many  of  these 
are  at  least  as  far  behind  still  in 
this  country  as  in  Ireland. 

* "  Mutato  nomine,  de  te  fabula 
narratur." 

*  Glasgow,  January  10,  1751.' 


THE    QUERIST  419 

in  Berkeley's  Miscellany  in  the  next  year.     Several  reprints 
followed. 

In  1829  the  Querist  was  published  in  London,  'with 
notes  shewing  how  many  of  the  same  questions  still 
remain  to  be  asked  respecting  Ireland.* 

I  have  placed  in  an  Appendix  to  this  volume  the  queries 
that  were  withdrawn  by  the  author  in  the  second  edition, 
numbered  as  in  the  Three  Parts,  and  I  have  also  noted, 
under  the  amended  text,  their  places  in  the  original  edition. 
The  queries  that  were  added  in  1750  are  marked  by 
brackets.  The  reader  is  thus  enabled  to  reconstruct  the 
Querist  in  its  original  form. 

The  Querist  marks  Berkeley's  first  appearance  as  a  poli- 
tical economist,  moved  by  his  new  ecclesiastical  position 
and  responsibilities  to  suggest  economical  lessons  which 
he  had  pondered,  for  the  consideration  of  his  countrymen ; 
among  whom  he  now  found  himself,  in  later  life,  after  years 
of  wandering  and  much  experience  of  men  and  things. 
Its  pervading  note  is  that  individual  industry  is  the  soul  of 
social  and  economical  prosperity ;  that  the  remedy  for  the 
social  evils  of  Ireland  lies  with  Irishmen  themselves,  who 
must  be  roused  out  of  their  indolent  satisfaction  with 
'  habitations  and  furniture  more  sordid  than  those  of  the 
savage  Americans.'  So  he  asks  'Whether  the  fable  of 
Hercules  and  the  carter  ever  suited  any  nation  like  this 
of  Ireland  ?  Whose  fault  it  is  if  poor  Ireland  continues 
poor  ?  Whether  the  four  elements,  and  man's  labour  there- 
in, be  not  the  true  source  of  wealth  ?  Whether  if  human 
labour  be  the  true  source  of  wealth,  it  doth  not  follow  that 
idleness  should  of  all  things  be  discouraged  in  a  free 
state  ?  Whether  the  bulk  of  our  Irish  peasantry  are  not 
kept  from  thriving  by  that  cynical  content  in  dirt  and 
beggary  which  they  possess  to  a  degree  beyond  any  other 
in   Christendom?'    Yet  he  did   not   forget  the  chronic 

£62 


420         editor's  preface  to  the  querist 

injustice  of  England  to  Ireland  continued  in  the  eighteenth 
century,  or  the  indisposition  of  all  parties  to  recognise 
that  what  was  for  the  good  of  each  was  for  the  good 
of  all.  He  asks  '  Whether  it  be  not  the  true  interest  of 
England  and  Ireland  to  become  one  people,  and  whether 
either  be  sufficiently  apprised  of  this  ?  Whether  a  scheme 
for  the  welfare  of  the  nation  should  not  take  in  the  whole 
inhabitants?'  and  'Whether  it  was  not  a  vain  attempt  to 
project  the  flourishing  of  our  Protestant  gentry,  exclusive 
of  the  bulk  of  the  natives?'  It  is  one  of  his  highest 
boasts,  as  Sir  James  Mackintosh  remarks,  'that,  though 
of  English  extraction,  he  was  a  true  Irishman,  and  the 
first  eminent  Protestant,  after  the  unhappy  contest  of 
the  Revolution,  who  avowed  his  love  for  all  his  country- 
men. The  patriotism  of  Berkeley  was  not,  like  that  of 
Swift,  tainted  by  disappointed  ambition;  nor  was  it, 
like  Swifl's,  confined  to  a  colony  of  English  Protestants. 
Perhaps  the  Querist  contains  more  hints,  then  original, 
still  unapplied  in  legislation  and  political  economy,  than 
are  to  be  found  in  any  equal  space.*  It  appeared  forty 
years  before  the  Wealth  of  Nations^  eight  years  before 
the  political  and  economical  Essays  of  David  Hume,  and 
when  Turgot  was  still  a  boy.  Yet  some  of  its  pregnant 
suggestions  anticipate  leading  doctrines  of  those  illustrious 
economists;  and  they  are  presented  with  an  originality 
of  literary  art,  combined  with  humour  and  irony,  which 
makes  the  work  more  interesting  to  a  sympathetic  reader 
than  any  similar  book  in  English  literature.  Its  form 
of  expression  is  characteristic  of  Berkeley,  especially  in 
later  life :  the  Analyst  ends  with  a  series  of  queries,  and 
he  is  apt  in  his  letters  to  pass  from  the  categorical  to 
the  interrogative  form. 


ADVERTISEMENT  BY  THE   AUTHORS 


The  Querist  was  first  printed  in  the  year  one  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  thirty-five ;  since  which  time  the  face 
of  things  is  somewhat  changed.  In  this  edition  some 
alterations  have  been  made.  The  three  Parts  are  published 
in  one ;  some  few  Queries  are  added,  and  many  omitted — 
particularly  of  those  relating  to  the  sketch  or  plan  of  a 
National  Bank,  which  it  may  be  time  enough  to  take  again 
in  hand  when  the  public  shall  seem  disposed  to  make  use 
of  such  an  expedient.  I  had  determined  with  myself  never 
to  prefix  my  name  to  the  Querist ;  but  in  the  last  edition  * 
was  overruled  by  a  friend,  who  was  remarkable  for  pur- 
suing the  public  interest  with  as  much  diligence  as  others 
do  their  own^  I  apprehend  the  same  censure  on  this 
that  I  incurred  upon  another  occasion,  for  meddling  out 
of  my  profession  *.  Though  to  feed  the  hungry  and  clothe 
the  naked,  by  promoting  an  honest  industry,  will,  perhaps, 
be  deemed  no  improper  employment  for  a  clergyman  who 
still  thinks  himself  a  member  of  the  commonwealth.  As 
the  sum  of  human  happiness  is  supposed  to  consist  in  the 
goods  of  mind,  body,  and  fortune,  I  would  fain  make  my 
studies  of  some  use  to  mankind  with  regard  to  each  of 
these  three  particulars,  and  hope  it  will  not  be  thought 
faulty  or  indecent  in  any  man,  of  what  profession  soever, 
to  offer  his  mite  towards  improving  the  manners,  health, 
and  prosperity  of  his  fellow  creatures. 

^  This  'Advertisement*  was  pre-  referred  to. 

fixed  to  the  edition  issued  in  the  *  The     tar-water    controversy. 

Miscellany  of  1752.  occasioned    by    SiriSj    in    which 

'  The  edition  of  1 750.  Berkeley  was   censured    on    this 

*  Prior  was  probably  the  friend  ground,  e.  g.  in  Anti-Siris. 


THE    QUERIST^ 


Query  i.  Whether  there  ever  was,  is,  or  will  be,  an 
industrious  nation  poor,  or  an  idle  rich  ? 

2.  Whether  a  people  can  be  called  poor,  where  the 
common  sort  are  well  fed,  clothed,  and  lodged  ? 

3.  Whether  the  drift  and  aim  of  every  wise  state  should 
not  be,  to  encourage  industry  in  its  members?  And 
whether  those  who  employ  neither  heads  nor  hands  for 
the  common  benefit  deserve  not  to  be  expelled  like  drones 
out  of  a  well-governed  state  ? 

4.  Whether  the  four  elements,  and  man's  labour  therein, 
be  not  the  true  source  of  wealth  ? 

5.  Whether  money  be  not  only  so  far  useful,  as  it  stirreth 
up  industry,  enabling  men  mutually  to  participate  the 
fruits  of  each  other's  labour? 

6.  Whether  any  other  means,  equally  conducing  to  ex- 
cite and  circulate  the  industry  of  mankind,  may  not  be  as 
useful  as  money? 

7.  Whether  the  real  end  and  aim  of  men  be  not  power  ? 
And  whether  he  who  could  have  everything  else  at  his  wish 
or  will  would  value  money  ? 

8.  Whether  the  public  aim  in  every  well-governed  state 
be  not  that  each  member,  according  to  his  just  pretensions 
and  industry,  should  have  power  ? 

9.  Whether  power  be  not  referred  to  action ;  and 
whether  action  doth  not  follow  appetite  or  will? 


^  The  Querist  seems  to  have  been 
the  cause,  or  the  consequence,  of 
efforts,  on  an  extensive  scale,  by 
patriotic  Irish  gentlemen  —  pre- 
eminent among  whom  was  Thomas 
Prior,  Berkeley's  life-long  friend 
and    correspondent  —  to    promote 


agriculture,  manufactures,  and 
commerce  in  Ireland.  Hence  the 
Dublin  Society  Essays  on  those 
questions.  These  Essays  appeared 
weekly  in  1737  and  1738,  and 
were  published  collectively,  in 
Dublin  and  London,  in  1740. 


THE    QUERIST  423 

10.  Whether  fashion  doth  not  create  appetites;  and 
whether  the  prevailing  will  of  a  nation  is  not  the  fashion  ? 

11.  Whether  the  current  of  industry  and  commerce  be 
not  determined  by  this  prevailing  will  ? 

12.  Whether  it  be  not  owing  to  custom  that  the  fashions 
are  agreeable  ? 

13.  Whether  it  may  not  concern  the  wisdom  of  the 
legislature  to  interpose  in  the  making  of  fashions;  and 
not  leave  an  affair  of  so  great  influence  to  the  management 
of  women  and  fops,  tailors  and 'vintners? 

14.  Whether  reasonable  fashions  are  a  greater  restraint 
on  freedom  than  those  which  are  unreasonable  ? 

15.  Whether  a  general  good  taste  in  a  people  would 
not  greatly  conduce  to  their  thriving?  And  whether  an 
uneducated  gentry  be  not  the  greatest  of  national  evils  ? 

16.  Whether  customs  and  fashions  do  not  supply  the 
place  of  reason  in  the  vulgar  of  all  ranks?  Whether, 
therefore,  it  doth  not  very  much  import  that  they  should 
be  wisely  framed  ? 

17.  Whether  the  imitating  those  neighbours  in  our 
fashions,  to  whom  we  bear  no  likeness  in  our  circumstances, 
be  not  one  cause  of  distress  to  this  nation  ? 

18.  Whether  frugal  fashions  in  the  upper  rank,  and 
comfortable  living  in  the  lower,  be  not  the  means  to 
multiply  inhabitants? 

19.  Whether  the  bulk  of  our  Irish  natives  are  not  kept 
from  thriving,  by  that  cynical  content  in  dirt  and  beggary 
which  they  possess  to  a  degree  beyond  any  other  people 
in  Christendom? 

20.  Whether  the  creating  of  wants  be  not  the  likeliest 
way  to  produce  industry  in  a  people?  And  whether,  if 
our  peasants  were  accustomed  to  eat  beef  and  wear  shoes, 
they  would  not  be  more  industrious  ? 

21.  Whether  other  things  being  given,  as  climate,  soil, 
&c.,  the  wealth  be  not  proportioned  to  the  industry ;  and 
this  to  the  circulation  of  credit,  be  the  credit  circulated  or 
transferred  by  what  marks  or  tokens  soever  ? 

22.  Whether,  therefore,  less  money,  swiftly  circulating, 
be  not,  in  effect,  equivalent  to  more  money  slowly  circu- 
lating? Or,  whether,  if  the  circulation  be  reciprocally  as 
the  quantity  of  coin,  the  nation  can  be  a  loser  ? 

23.  Whether  money  is  to  be  considered  as  having  an 


434  THE    QUERIST 

intrinsic  value,  or  as  being  a  commodity,  a  standard,  a 
measure,  or  a  pledge,  as  is  variously  suggested  by  writers  ? 
And  whether  the  true  idea  of  money,  as  such,  be  not 
altogether  that  of  a  ticket  or  counter? 

24.  Whether  the  value  or  price  of  things  be  not  a  com- 
pounded proportion,  directly  as  the  demand,  and  recipro- 
cally as  the  plenty  ? 

25.  Whether  the  terms  crown,  livre,  pound  sterling,  &c., 
are  not  to  be  considered  as  exponents  or  denominations 
of  such  proportion  ?  And  Nvhether  gold,  silver,  and  paper 
are  not  tickets  or  counters  for  reckoning,  recording,  and 
transferring  thereof? 

26.  Whether  the  denominations  being  retained,  although 
the  bullion  were  Rone,  thin^  might  not  nevertheless  be 
rated,  bought,  and  sold,  inaustry  promoted,  and  a  circu- 
lation of  commerce  maintained  ? 

27.  Whether  an  equal  raising  of  all  sorts  of  gold,  silver, 
and  copper  coin  can  have  any  effect  in  bringing  money 
into  the  kingdom  ?  And  whether  altering  the  proportions 
between  the  several  sorts  can  have  any  other  effect  but 
multiplying  one  kind  and  lessening  another,  without  any 
increase  oFthe  sum  total? 

a8.  Whether  arbitrary  changing  the  denomination  of 
coin  be  not  a  public  cheat  *  ? 

29,  What  makes  a  wealthy  people?  Whether  mines 
of  gold  and  silver  are  capable  of  doing  this  ?  And  whether 
the  negroes,  amidst  the  gold  sands  of  Afric,  are  not  poor 
and  destitute  ? 

3<x  Whether  there  be  any  virtue  in  gold  or  silver,  other 
than  as  they  set  people  at  work,  or  create  industry-  ? 

31.  Whether  it  be  not  the  opinion  or  will  of  the  people, 
exciting  them  to  industry,  that  truly  enricheth  a  nation  ? 
And  whether  this  doth  not  principally  depend  on  the  means 
for  counting,  transferring,  and  preserving  power ;  that  is, 
pro|>crtv  ot  all  kinds  ? 

^  Whether,  if  there  was  no  silver  or  gold  in  the  king- 
dom»  our  trade  might  not,  nevertheless,  supply  bills  of 
exchange,  sufficient  to  answer  the  demands  of  absentees 
in  England  or  elsewhere  ? 

'  Queries  i:^  30V  la  Piut  1  of  the  1735  e\iition,  toUow  here. 


THE   QUERIST  425 

33.  Whether  current  bank-notes  may  not  be  deemed 
money  ?  And  whether  they  are  not  actually  the  greater 
part  of  the  money  of  this  kingdom  ? 

34.  Provided  the  wheels  move,  whether  it  is  not  the 
same  thing,  as  to  the  effect  of  the  machine,  be  this  done 
by  the  force  of  wind,  or  water,  or  animals  ? 

35.  Whether  power  to  command  the  industry  of  others 
be  not  real  wealth  ?  And  whether  money  be  not  in  truth 
tickets  or  tokens,  for  conveying  and  recording  such  power ; 
and  whether  it  be  of  great  consequence  what  materials  the 
tickets  are  made  of? 

36.  Whether  trade,  either  foreign  or  domestic,  be  in 
truth  any  more  than  this  commerce  of  industry  ? 

37.  Whether  to  promote,  transfer,  and  secure  this  com- 
merce, and  this  property  in  human  labour,  or,  in  other 
words,  this  power,  be  not  the  sole  means  of  enriching 
a  people  ;  and  how  far  this  may  be  done  independently  of 
gold  and  silver? 

38.  Whether  it  were  not  wrong  to  suppose  land  itself 
to  be  wealth  ?  And  whether  the  industry  of  the  people  is 
not  first  to  be  considered,  as  that  which  constitutes  wealth, 
which  makes  even  land  and  silver  to  be  wealth ;  neither 
of  which  would  have  any  value  but  as  means  and  motives 
to  industry? 

39.  Whether  in  the  wastes  of  America  a  man  might  not 
possess  twenty  miles  square  of  land,  and  yet  want  his 
dinner,  or  a  coat  to  his  back? 

40.  Whether  a  fertile  land,  and  the  industry  of  its 
inhabitants,  would  not  prove  inexhaustible  funds  of  real 
wealth,  be  the  counters  for  conveying  and  recording 
thereof  what  you  will,  paper,  gold,  or  silver  ? 

41.  Whether  a  single  hint  be  sufficient  to  overcome  a 
prejudice  ?  And  whether  even  obvious  truths  will  not 
sometimes  bear  repeating? 

42.  Whether,  if  human  labour  be  the  true  source  of 
wealth,  it  doth  not  follow  that  idleness  should  of  all  things 
be  discouraged  in  a  wise  state  ? 

43.  Whether  even  gold,  or  silver,  if  they  should  lessen 
the  industry  of  its  inhabitants,  would  not  be  ruinous  to  a 
country  ?    And  whether  Spain  be  not  an  instance  of  this  ? 

44.  Whether  the  opinion  of  men,  and  their  industry 
consequent  thereupon,  be  not  the  true  wealth  of  Holland, 


426  THE   QUERIST 

and  not  the  silver  supposed  to  be  deposited  in  tiie  bank  at 
Amsterdam? 

45.  Whether  there  is  in  truth  any  sudi  treasure  lyin^ 
dead  ?  And  whether  it  be  of  great  consequence  to  the 
public  that  it  should  be  real  rather  than  notional? 

46.  Whether,  in  order  to  understand  the  true  nature  of 
wealth  and  commerce,  it  would  not  be  right  to  consider 
a  ship's  crew  cast  upon  a  desert  island,  and  by  degrees 
forming  themselves  to  business  and  civfl  life ;  idiile  in- 
dustry begot  credit,  and  credit  moved  to  industry? 

47.  Whether  such  men  would  not  all  set  themselves  to 
work?  Whether  they  would  not  subsist  by  the  mutual 
participation  of  eai^  other's  industry?  Whether,  when 
one  man  had  in  his  way  procured  more  than  he  could 
consume^  he  would  not  exchange  his  superfluities  to  supply 
his  wants  ?  Whether  this  must  not  produce  credit  ? 
Whether,  to  fanlitate  these  conveyances^,  to  record  and 
circulate  this  credit,  they  would  not  soon  agree  on  certain 
tallies,  tokens,  tickets,  or  counters  ? 

48.  Whether  reflexion  in  the  better  sort  might  not 
soon  remedy  our  evils  ?  And  whether  our  real  defect  be 
not  a  wrong  way  of  thinking? 

49.  Whether  it  would  not  be  an  unhappy  turn  in  our 
gentlemen,  if  the\'  should  take  no  more  thought  to  create 
an  interest  to  themselves  in  this  or  that  count}*,  or  borough, 
than  to  promote  the  real  interest  of  their  countn- '  ? 

50.  Whether  if  a  man  builds  a  house  he  doth  not  in  the 
first  place  provide  a  plan  which  governs  his  work  ?  And 
shall  the  public  act  without  an  end,  a  view,  a  plan  ? 

51.  Whether  by  how  much  the  less  particular  folk  think 
for  themselves,  the  public  be  not  so  much  the  more  obliged 
to  think  for  them  *  ? 

52.  Whether  small  gains  be  not  the  wa}'  to  great  profit  ? 
And  if  our  tradesmen  are  b^;gars,  whether  the}'  may  not 
thank  themselves  for  it  ? 

53.  Whether  some  way  might  not  be  found  for  making 
criminals  useful  in  public  works,  instead  of  sending  them 
either  to  America,  or  to  the  other  world  ? 

'  Query  52,  in  Part  I,  follows  in  *  Query  55,  in  Part  I.  f<^ows  in 

first  edition.  first  edition. 


THE    QUERIST  427 

54.  Whether  we  may  not,  as  well  as  other  nations, 
contrive  employment  for  them?  And  whether  servitude, 
chains,  and  hard  labour,  for  a  term  of  3'ears,  would  not  be 
a  more  discouraging,  as  well  as  a  more  adequate  punish- 
ment for  felons  than  even  death  itself? 

55.  Whether  there  are  not  such  things  in  Holland  as 
bettering  houses  for  bringing  young  gentlemen  to  order  ? 
And  whether  such  an  institution  would  be  useless  among 
us? 

56.  Whether  it  be  true  that  the  poor  in  Holland  have 
no  resource  but  their  own  labour,  and  yet  there  are  no 
beggars  in  their  streets  ? 

57.  Whether  he  whose  luxury  consumeth  foreign  pro- 
ducts, and  whose  industry  produceth  nothing  domestic  to 
exchange  for  them,  is  not  so  far  forth  injurious  to  his 
country  ^  ? 

58.  Whether  necessity  is  not  to  be  hearkened  to  before 
convenience,  and  convenience  before  luxury  ? 

59.  Whether  to  provide  plentifully  for  the  poor  be  not 
feeding  the  root,  the  substance  whereof  will  shoot  upwards 
into  the  branches,  and  cause  the  top  to  flourish  ? 

60.  Whether  there  be  any  instance  of  a  State  wherein 
the  people,  living  neatly  and  plentifully,  did  not  aspire  to 
wealth  ? 

61.  Whether  nastiness  and  beggary  do  not,  on  the 
contrary,  extinguish  all  such  ambition,  making  men  listless, 
hopeless,  and  slothful  ? 

62.  Whether  a  country  inhabited  by  a  people  well  fed, 
clothed,  and  lodged  would  not  become  every  day  more 
populous  ?  And  whether  a  numerous  stock  of  people  in 
such  circumstances  would  not  constitute  a  flourishing 
nation?  and  how  far  the  product  of  our  own  country 
may  suffice  for  the  compassing  this  end? 

63.  Whether  a  people  who  had  provided  themselves 
with  the  necessaries  of  life  in  good  plenty  would  not  soon 
extend  their  industry  to  new  arts  and  new  branches  of 
commerce  ? 

64.  Whether  those  same  manufactures  which  England 
imports  from  other  countries  may  not  be  admitted  from 

^  Query  6a,  Part  I,  follows  in  first  edition. 


428  THE    QUERIST 

Ireland  ?  And,  if  so,  whether  lace,  carpets,  and  tapestry, 
three  considerable  articles  of  English  importation,  might 
not  find  encouragement  in  Ireland?  And  whether  an 
Academy  for  Design  might  not  greatly  conduce  to  the 
perfecting  those  manufactures  among  us? 

65.  Whether  France  and  Flanders  could  have  drawn 
so  much  money  from  England  for  figured  silks,  lace,  and 
tapestry,  if  they  had  not  had  Academies  for  designing  ? 

66.  Whether,  when  a  room  was  once  prepared,  and 
models  in  plaster  of  Paris,  the  annual  expense  of  such  an 
Academy  need  stand  the  public  in  above  two  hundred 
pounds  a  year? 

67.  Whether  our  linen-manufacture  would  not  find  the 
benefit  of  this  institution  ?  And  whether  there  be  anything 
that  makes  us  fall  short  of  the  Dutch  in  damasks,  diapers, 
and  printed  linen,  but  our  ignorance  in  design  *  ? 

68.  Whether  those  who  may  slight  this  affair  as  notional 
have  sufficiently  considered  the  extensive  use  of  the  art  of 
design,  and  its  influence  in  most  trades  and  manufactures, 
wherein  the  forms  of  things  are  often  more  regarded  than 
the  materials  ^  ? 

69.  Whether  there  be  any  art  sooner  learned  than  that 
of  making  carpets  ?  And  whether  our  women,  with  little 
time  and  pains,  may  not  make  more  beautiful  carpets  than 
those  imported  from  Turkey?  And  whether  this  branch 
of  the  woollen  manufacture  be  not  open  to  us  ? 

70.  Whether  human  industry  can  produce,  from  such 
cheap  materials,  a  manufacture  of  so  great  value,  by  any 
other  art,  as  by  those  of  sculpture  and  painting  ? 

71.  Whether  pictures  and  statues  are  not  in  fact  so 
much  treasure  ?  And  whether  Rome  and  Florence  would 
not  be  poor  towns  without  them  ? 

72.  Whether  they  do  not  bring  ready  money  as  well 
as  jewels?  Whether  in  Italy  debts  are  not  paid,  and 
children  portioned  with  them,  as  with  gold  and  silver  ? 

73.  Whether  it  would  not  be  more  prudent,  to  strike 

^  Query  73,   Part  I,  follows  in  seems  to  be  more  considered  and 

first  edition.  countenanced     among    us.] — Au- 

*  [Since  the  first  publication  of  thqr. 
this    Query,    the    Art   of  Design 


THE    QUERIST  429 

out  and  exert  ourselves  in  permitted  branches  of  trade, 
than  to  fold  our  hands,  and  repine  that  we  are  not  allowed 
the  woollen  ? 

74.  Whether  it  be  true  that  two  millions  are  yearly 
expended  by  England  in  foreign  lace  and  linen  ? 

75.  Whether  immense  sums  are  not  drawn  yearly  into 
the  Northern  countries,  for  supplying  the  British  navy 
with  hempen  manufactures? 

76.  Whether  there  be  anything  more  profitable  than 
hemp  ?  And  whether  there  should  not  be  greater  premiums 
for  encouraging  our  hempen  trade  ?  What  advantages 
may  not  Great  Britain  make  of  a  country  where  land  and 
labour  are  so  cheap  ? 

77.  Whether  Ireland  alone  might  not  raise  hemp 
sufficient  for  the  British  navy?  And  whether  it  would 
not  be  vain  to  expect  this  from  the  British  Colonies  in 
America^  where  hands  are  so  scarce,  and  labour  so  exces- 
sively dear  ? 

78.  Whether,  if  our  own  people  want  will  or  capacity 
for  such  an  attempt,  it  might  not  be  worth  while  for  some 
undertaking  spirits  in  England  to  make  settlements,  and 
raise  hemp  in  the  counties  of  Clare  and  Limerick,  than 
which,  perhaps,  there  is  not  fitter  land  in  the  world  for 
that  purpose  ?  And  whether  both  nations  would  not  find 
their  advantage  therein  ? 

79.  Whether  if  all  the  idle  hands  in  this  kingdom  were 
employed  on  hemp  and  flax,  we  might  not  find  sufficient 
vent  for  these  manufactures  ? 

80.  How  far  it  may  be  in  our  own  power  to  better  our 
affairs,  without  interfering  with  our  neighbours  ? 

81.  Whether  the  prohibition  of  our  woollen  trade  ought 
not  naturally  to  put  us  on  other  methods  which  give  no 
jealousy  ? 

82.  Whether  paper  be  not  at  valuable  article  of  com- 
merce? And  whether  it  be  not  true  that  one  single 
bookseller  in  London  yearly  expended  above  four  thou- 
sand pounds  in  that  foreign  commodity? 

83.  How  it  comes  to  pass  that  the  Venetians  and 
Genoese,  who  wear  so  much  less  linen,  and  so  much 
worse  than  we  do,  should  yet  make  very  good  paper, 
and  in  great  quantity,  while  we  make  very  little  ? 

84.  How  long  it  will  be  before  my  countrymen  find  out 


430  THE    QUERIST 

that  it  is  worth  while  to  spend  a  penny  in  order  to  get 
a  groat  ? 

85.  If  all  the  land  were  tilled  that  is  fit  for  tillage, 
and  all  that  sowed  with  hemp  and  flax  that  is  fit  for 
raising  them,  whether  we  should  have  much  sheep-walk 
beyond  what  was  sufficient  to  supply  the  necessities  of  the 
kingdom  ? 

86.  Whether  other  countries  have  not  flourished  with- 
out the  woollen-trade? 

87.  Whether  it  be  not  a  sure  sign,  or  effect  of  a  country's 
thriving,  to  see  it  well  cultivated  and  full  of  inhabitants  ? 
And,  if  so,  whether  a  great  quantity  of  sheep-walk  be  not 
ruinous  to  a  country;  rendering  it  waste  and  thinly  in- 
habited ? 

88.  Whether  the  employing  so  much  of  our  land  under 
sheep  be  not  in  fact  an  Irish  blunder  ? 

89.  Whether  our  hankering  after  our  woollen-trade  be 
not  the  true  and  only  reason  which  hath  created  a  jealousy 
in  England  towards  Ireland  ?  And  whether  anything  can 
hurt  us  more  than  such  jealousy  ? 

90.  Whether  it  be  not  the  true  interest  of  both  nations 
to  become  one  people  ?  And  whether  either  be  sufficiently 
apprised  of  this  ? 

91.  Whether  the  upper  part  of  this  people  are  not  truly 
English,  by  blood,  language,  religion,  manners,  inclination, 
and  interest  ? 

92.  Whether  we  are  not  as  much  Englishmen  as  the 
children  of  old  Romans,  born  in  Britain,  were  still 
Romans  ? 

93.  Whether  it  be  not  our  true  interest,  not  to  interfere 
with  them ;  and,  in  every  other  case,  whether  it  be  not 
their  true  interest  to  befriend  us? 

94.  Whether  a  mint  in  Ireland  might  not  be  of  great 
convenience  to  the  kingdom ;  and  whether  it  could  be 
attended  with  any  possible  inconvenience  to  Great  Britain? 
And  whether  there  were  not  mints  in  Naples  and  in  Sicily, 
when  those  kingdoms  were  provinces  to  Spain,  or  the 
house  of  Austria  ? 

95.  Whether  an3rthing  can  be  more  ridiculous  than  for 
the  north  of  Ireland  to  be  jealous  of  a  linen  manufacture 
in  the  south? 

96.  Whether  the  county  of  Tipperary  be  not  much 


THE    QUERIST  431 

better  land  than  the  county  of  Armagh  ;  and  yet  whether 
the  latter  is  not  much  better  improved  and  inhabited  than 
the  former  ? 

97.  Whether  every  landlord  in  the  kingdom  doth  not 
know  the  cause  of  this  ?  And  yet  how  few  are  the  better 
for  such  their  knowledge  ? 

98.  Whether  large  farms  under  few  hands,  or  small 
ones  under  many  are  likely  to  be  made  most  of?  And 
whether  flax  and  tillage  do  not  naturally  multiply  hands, 
and  divide  lands  into  small  holdings,  and  well-improved  ? 

99.  Whether,  as  our  exports  are  lessened,  we  ought 
not  to  lessen  our  imports  ?  And  whether  these  will  not 
be  lessened  as  our  demands,  and  these  as  our  wants,  and 
these  as  our  customs  or  fashions  ?  Of  how  great  con- 
sequence therefore  are  fashions  to  the  public? 

100.  Whether  it  would  not  be  more  reasonable  to  mend 
our  state  than  complain  of  it ;  and  how  far  this  may  be 
in  our  own  power? 

loi.  What  the  nation  gains  by  those  who  live  in  Ireland 
upon  the  produce  of  foreign  countries  ? 

102.  How  far  the  vanity  of  our  ladies  in  dressing,  and 
of  Qur  gentlemen  in  drinking,  contribute  to  the  general 
misery  of  the  people  ? 

103.  Whether  nations,  as  wise  and  opulent  as  ours, 
have  not  made  sumptuary  laws ;  and  what  hinders  us  from 
doing  the  same  ? 

104.  Whether  those  who  drink  foreign  liquors,  and 
deck  themselves  and  their  families  with  foreign  ornaments, 
are  not  so  far  forth  to  be  reckoned  absentees  ? 

105.  Whether,  as  our  trade  is  limited,  we  ought  not  to 
limit  our  expenses ;  and  whether  this  be  not  the  natural 
and  obvious  remedy  ? 

106.  Whether  the  dirt,  and  famine,  and  nakedness  of 
the  bulk  of  our  people  might  not  be  remedied,  even 
although  we  had  no  foreign  trade?  And  whether  this 
should  not  be  our  first  care ;  and  whether,  if  this  were 
once  provided  for,  the  conveniences  of  the  rich  would  not 
soon  follow  ? 

107.  Whether  comfortable  living  doth  not  produce  wants, 
and  wants  industry,  and  industry  wealth  ? 

108.  Whether  there  is  not  a  great  difference  between 
Holland  and  Ireland  ?    And  whether  foreign  commerce. 


432  THE    QUERIST 

without  which  the  one  could  not  subsist,  be  so  necessary 
for  the  other? 

109.  Might  we  not  put  a  hand  to  the  plough,  or  the 
spade,  although  we  had  no  foreign  commerce? 

no.  Whether  the  exigencies  of  nature  are  not  to  be 
answered  by  industry  on  our  own  soil  ?  And  how  far  the 
conveniences  and  comforts  of  life  may  be  procured,  by 
a  domestic  commerce  between  the  several  parts  of  this 
kingdom  ? 

111.  Whether  the  women  may  not  sew,  spin,  weave, 
embroider,  sufficiently  for  the  embellishment  of  their 
persons,  and  even  enough  to  raise  envy  in  each  other, 
without  being  beholden  to  foreign  countries? 

112.  Suppose  the  bulk  of  our  inhabitants  had  shoes  to 
their  feet,  clothes  to  their  backs,  and  beef  in  their  bellies, 
might  not  such  a  state  be  eligible  for  the  public ;  even 
though  the  squires  were  condemned  to  drink  ale  and  cider  ? 

113.  Whether,  if  drunkenness  be  a  necessary  evil,  men 
may  not  as  well  get  drunk  with  the  growth  of  their  own 
country  ? 

114.  Whether  a  nation  within  itself  might  not  have  real 
wealth,  sufficient  to  give  its  inhabitants  power  and  dis- 
tinction, without  the  help  of  gold  and  silver? 

115.  Whether,  if  the  arts  of  sculpture  and  painting  were 
encouraged  among  us,  we  might  not  furnish  our  houses  in 
a  much  nobler  manner  with  our  own  manufactures  ? 

1 16.  Whether  we  have  not,  or  may  not  have,  all  the 
necessary  materials  for  building  at  home  ? 

117.  Whether  tiles  and  plaster  may  not  supply  the  place 
of  Norway  fir  for  flooring  and  wainscot  ? 

118.  Whether  plaster  be  not  warmer,  as  well  as  more 
secure,  than  deal?  And  whether  a  modern  fashionable 
house,  lined  with  fir,  daubed  over  with  oil  and  paint,  be 
not  like  a  fire-ship,  ready  to  be  lighted  up  by  all  accidents  ? 

119.  Whether  larger  houses,  better  built  and  furnished, 
a  greater  train  of  servants,  the  difference  with  regard  to 
equipage  and  table  between  finer  and  coarser,  more  or 
less  elegant,  may  not  be  sufficient  to  feed  a  reasonable 
share  of  vanity,  or  support  all  proper  distinctions  ?  And 
whether  all  these  may  not  be  procured  by  domestic  in- 
dustry out  of  the  four  elements,  without  ransacking  the 
four  quarters  of  the  globe  ? 


THE    QUERIST  433 

120.  Whether  anything  is  a  nobler  ornament,  in  the 
eye  of  the  world,  than  an  Italian  palace,  that  is,  stone  and 
mortar  skilfully  put  together,  and  adorned  with  sculpture 
and  painting;  and  whether  this  may  not  be  compassed 
without  foreign  trade? 

121.  Whether  an  expense  in  gardens  and  plantations 
would  not  be  an  elegant  distinction  for  the  rich  ;  a  domestic 
magnificence,  employing  many  hands  within,  and  drawing 
nothing  from  abroad  ? 

122.  Whether  the  apology  which  is  made  for  foreign 
luxury  in  England,  to  wit,  that  they  could  not  carry  on 
their  trade  without  imports  as  well  as  exports,  will  hold 
in  Ireland  ? 

123.  Whether  one  may  not  be  allowed  to  conceive  and 
suppose  a  society,  or  nation  of  human  creatures,  clad  in 
woollen  cloths  and  stuffs,  eating  good  bread,  beef,  and 
mutton,  poultry,  and  fish,  in  great  plenty,  drinking  ale, 
mead,  and  cider,  inhabiting  decent  houses  built  of  brick 
and  marble,  taking  their  pleasure  in  fair  parks  and  gardens, 
depending  on  no  foreign  imports  either  for  food  or  raiment  ? 
And  whether  such  people  ought  much  to  be  pitied  ? 

124.  Whether  Ireland  be  not  as  well  qualified  for  such 
a  state  as  any  nation  under  the  sun  ? 

125.  Whether  in  such  a  state  the  inhabitants  may  not 
contrive  to  pass  the  twenty-fours  with  tolerable  ease  and 
cheerfulness  ?  And  whether  any  people  upon  earth  can 
do  more  ? 

126.  Whether  they  may  not  eat,  drink,  play,  dress,  visit, 
sleep  in  good  beds,  sit  by  good  fires,  build,  plant,  raise 
a  name,  make  estates,  and  spend  them  ? 

127.  Whether,  upon  the  whole,  a  domestic  trade  may 
not  suffice  in  such  a  country  as  Ireland,  to  nourish  and 
clothe  its  inhabitants,  and  provide  them  with  the  reason- 
able conveniences  and  even  comforts  of  life  ? 

128.  Whether  a  general  habit  of  living  well  would  not 
produce  numbers  and  industry ;  and  whether,  considering 
the  tendency  of  human  kind,  the  consequence  thereof 
would  not  be  foreign  trade  and  riches,  how  unnecessary 
soever  ? 

129.  Whether,  nevertheless,  it  be  a  crime  to  inquire 
how  far  we  may  do  without  foreign  trade,  and  what  would 
follow  on  such  a  supposition  ? 

BBRKBLB7  :    FRASBR.      IV.  F  f 


434  THE    QUERIST 

130.  Whether  the  number  and  welfare  of  the  subjects 
be  not  the  true  strength  of  the  crown? 

131.  Whether  in  all  public  institutions  there  should  not 
be  an  end  proposed,  which  is  to  be  the  rule  and  limit  of 
the  means?  Whether  this  end  should  not  be  the  well- 
being  of  the  whole  ?  And  whether,  in  order  to  this,  the 
first  step  should  not  be  to  clothe  and  feed  our  people  ? 

132.  Whether  there  be  upon  earth  any  Christian  or 
civilised  people,  so  beggarly,  wretched,  and  destitute  as 
the  common  Irish  ? 

133.  Whether,  nevertheless,  there  is  any  other  people 
whose  wants  may  be  more  easily  supplied  from  home  ? 

134.  Whether^  if  there  was  a  wall  of  brass  a  thousand 
cubits  high  round  this  kingdom,  our  natives  might  not 
nevertheless  live  cleanly  and  comfortably,  till  the  land,  and 
reap  the  fruits  of  it  ? 

135.  What  should  hinder  us  from  exerting  ourselves, 
using  our  hands  and  brains,  doing  something  or  other, 
man,  woman,  and  child,  like  the  other  inhabitants  of  God's 
earth  ? 

136.  Be  the  restraining  our  trade  well  or  ill  advised 
in  our  neighbours,  with  respect  to  their  own  interest,  yet 
whether  it  be  not  plainly  ours  to  accommodate  ourselves 
to  it? 

137.  Whether  it  be  not  vain  to  think  of  persuading 
other  people  to  see  their  interest,  while  we  continue  blind 
to  our  own  ? 

138.  Whether  there  be  any  other  nation  possessed  of 
so  much  good  land,  and  so  many  able  hands  to  work  it, 
which  yet  is  beholden  for  bread  to  foreign  countries  ? 

139.  Whether  it  be  true  that  we  import  corn  to  the 
value  of  two  hundred  thousand  pounds  in  some  years '  ? 

140.  Whether  we  are  not  undone  by  fashions  made  for 
other  people  ?  And  whether  it  be  not  madness  in  a  poor 
nation  to  imitate  a  rich  one  ? 

141.  Whether  a  woman  of  fashion  ought  not  to  be  de- 
clared a  public  enemy  ? 

142.  Whether  it  be  not  certain  that  from  the  single 
town  of  Cork  were  exported,  in  one  year,  no  less  than 

*  [Things  are  now  better  in  re-       Querist  was  first  published.] — Au- 
spect  of  this  particular,  and  some      thor. 
others,  than  they  were  when  the 


THE    QUERIST  435 

one  hundred  and  seven  thousand  one  hundred  and  sixty- 
one  barrels  of  beef;  seven  thousand  three  hundred  and 
seventy-nine  barrels  of  pork;  thirteen  thousand  four 
hundred  and  sixty-one  casks,  and  eighty-five  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  twenty-seven  firkins  01  butter  ?  And 
what  hands  were  employed  in  this  manufacture? 

143.  Whether  a  foreigner  could  imagine  that  one-half 
of  the  people  were  starving,  in  a  country  which  sent  out 
such  plenty  of  provisions  ? 

144.  Whether  an  Irish  lady,  set  out  with  French  silks 
and  Flanders  lace,  may  not  be  said  to  consume  more  beef 
and  butter  than  a  hundred  of  our  labouring  peasants  ? 

145.  Whether  nine-tenths  of  our  foreign  trade  be  not 
carried  on  singly  to  support  the  article  of  vanity  ? 

146.  Whether  it  can  be  hoped  that  private  persons  will 
not  indulge  this  folly,  unless  restrained  by  the  public  ? 

147.  How  vanity  is  maintained  in  other  countries  ? 
Whether  in  Hungary,  for  instance,  a  proud  nobility  are 
not  subsisted  with  small  imports  from  abroad  ? 

148.  Whether  there  be  a  prouder  people  upon  earth 
than  the  noble  Venetians,  although  they  all  wear  plain 
black  clothes? 

149.  Whether  a  people  are  to  be  pitied  that  will  not 
sacrifice  their  little  particular  vanities  to  the  public  good  ? 
And  yet,  whether  each  part  would  not  except  their  own 
foible  from  this  public  sacrifice,  the  squire  his  bottle,  the 
lady  her  lace  ? 

150.  Whether  claret  be  not  often  drunk  rather  for  vanity 
than  for  health,  or  pleasure  ? 

151.  Whether  it  be  true  that  men  of  nice  palates  have 
been  imposed  on,  by  elder  wine  for  French  claret,  and 
by  mead  for  palm  sack? 

152.  Do  not  Englishmen  abroad  purchase  beer  and 
cider  at  ten  times  the  price  of  wine  ? 

153.  How  many  gentlemen  are  there  in  England  of 
a  thousand  pounds  per  annum  who  never  drink  wine  in 
their  own  houses?  Whether  the  same  may  be  said  of 
any  in  Ireland  who  have  even  one  hundred  pounds  per 
annum  ? 

154.  What  reason  have  our  neighbours  in  England 
for  discouraging  French  wines  which  may  not  hold  with 
respect  to  us  also  ? 

F  f  2 


436  THE    QUERIST 

155.  How  much  of  the  necessary  sustenance  of  our 
people  is  yearly  exported  for  brandy? 

156.  Whether,  if  people  must  poison  themselves,  they 
had  not  better  do  it  with  their  own  growth  ? 

157.  If  we  imported  neither  claret  from  France,  nor  fir 
from  Norway,  what  the  nation  would  save  by  it  ? 

158.  When  the  root  yieldeth  insufficient  nourishment, 
whether  men  do  not  top  the  tree  to  make  the  lower 
branches  thrive? 

159.  Whether,  if  our  ladies  drank  sage  or  balm  tea 
out  of  Irish  ware,  it  would  be  an  insupportable  national 
calamity  ? 

160.  Whether  it  be  really  true  that  such  wine  is  best 
as  most  encourages  drinking,  i.  e.  that  must  be  given  in 
the  largest  dose  to  produce  its  effect  ?  And  whether  this 
holds  with  regard  to  any  other  medicine  ? 

161.  Whether  that  trade  should  not  be  accounted  most 
pernicious  wherein  the  balance  is  most  against  us  ?  And 
whether  this  be  not  the  trade  with  France  ? 

162.  Whether  it  be  not  even  madness  to  encourage 
trade  with  a  nation  that  takes  nothing  of  our  manufacture  ? 

163.  Whether  Ireland  can  hope  to  thrive  if  the  major 
part  of  her  patriots  shall  be  found  in  the  French  interest  ? 

[164.  Whether  great  plenty  and   variety  of  excellent 
wines  are  not  to  be  had  on  the  coasts  of  Italy  and  Sicily? 
And  whether  those  countries  would   not   take  our  com- 
modities  of  linen,   leather,   butter,  &c.   in  exchange   for 
'  them? 

165.  Particularly,  whether  the  VtnumMameritnum,  which 
grows  on  the  mountains  about  Messina,  a  red  generous 
wine,  highly  esteemed  (if  we  may  credit  Pliny)  by  the 
ancient  Romans,  would  not  come  cheap,  and  please  the 
palates  of  our  Islanders  ^  ?] 

166.  Why,  if  a  bribe  by  the  palate  or  the  purse  be  in 
effect  the  same  thing,  they  should  not  be  alike  infamous  ? 

167.  Whether  the  vanity  and  luxury  of  a  few  ought  to 
stand  in  competition  with  the  interest  of  a  nation  ? 

168.  Whether  national  wants  ought  not  to  be  the  rule 
of  trade  ?  And  whether  the  most  pressing  wants  of  the 
majority  ought  not  to  be  first  considered  ? 

'  Queries  164,  165  were  introduced  in  the  second  edition. 


THE    QUERIST  437 

169.  Whether  it  is  possible  the  country  should  be  well 
improved,  while  our  beef  is  exported,  and  our  labourers 
live  upon  potatoes  ? 

170.  If  it  be  resolved  that  we  cannot  do  without  foreign 
trade,  whether,  at  least,  it  may  not  be  worth  while  to 
consider  what  branches  thereof  deserve  to  be  entertained, 
and  how  far  we  may  be  able  to  carry  it  on  under  our 
present  limitations  ? 

171.  What  foreign  imports  may  be  necessary  for  clothing 
and  feeding  the  families  of  persons  not  worth  above  one 
hundred  pounds  a  year?  And  how  many  wealthier  there 
are  in  the  kingdom,  and  what  proportion  they  bear  to  the 
other  inhabitants? 

172.  Whether  trade  be  not  then  on  a  right  foot,  when 
foreign  commodities  are  imported  in  exchange  only  for 
domestic  superfluities? 

173.  Whether  the  quantities  of  beef,  butter,  wool,  and 
leather,  exported  from  this  island,  can  be  reckoned  the 
superfluities  of  a  country,  where  there  are  so  many  natives 
naked  and  famished  ? 

174.  Whether  it  would  not  be  wise  so  to  order  our 
trade  as  to  export  manufactures  rather  than  provisions, 
and  of  those  such  as  employ  most  hands  ? 

175.  Whether  she  would  not  be  a  very  vile  matron,  and 
justly  thought  either  mad  or  foolish,  that  should  give  away 
the  necessaries  of  life  from  her  naked  and  famished  children, 
in  exchange  for  pearls  to  stick  in  her  hair,  and  sweetmeats 
to  please  her  own  palate  ? 

176.  Whether  a  nation  might  not  be  considered  as  a 
family  ? 

[177.  Whether  the  remark  made  by  a  Venetian  ambas- 
sador to  Cardinal  Richelieu — '  That  France  needed  nothing 
to  be  rich  and  easy,  but  to  know  how  to  spend  what  she 
dissipates,*  may  not  be  of  use  also  to  other  people  ? 

178.  Whether  hungry  cattle  will  not  leap  over  bounds? 
And  whether  most  men  are  not  hungry  in  a  country  where 
expensive  fashions  obtain  ? 

179.  Whether  there  should  not  be  published  yearly 
schedules  of  our  trade,  containing  an  account  of  the  im- 
ports and  exports  of  the  foregoing  year  ^  ?] 

*  Queries  177-79  introduced  in  the  second  edition. 


438  THE    QUERIST 

180.  Whether  other  methods  may  not  be  found  for 
supplying  the  funds,  besides  the  custom  on  things  im- 
ported ? 

181.  Whether  any  art  or  manufacture  be  so  difficult 
as  the  making  of  good  laws  ? 

182.  Whether  our  peers  and  gentlemen  are  bom  legis- 
lators? Or,  whether  that  faculty  be  acquired  by  study 
and  reflexion? 

183.  Whether  to  comprehend  the  real  interest  of  a 
people,  and  the  means  to  procure  it,  do  not  imply  some 
fund  of  knowledge,  historical,  moral,  and  political,  with 
a  faculty  of  reason  improved  by  learning  ? 

184.  Whether  every  enemy  to  learning  be  not  a  Goth  ? 
And  whether  every  such  Goth  among  us  be  not  an  enemy 
to  the  country  ? 

185.  Whether,  therefore,  it  would  not  be  an  omen  of 
ill  presage,  a  dreadful  phenomenon  in  the  land,  if  our 
great  men  should  take  it  in  their  heads  to  deride  learning 
and  education  ? 

186.  Whether,  on  the  contrary,  it  should  not  seem 
worth  while  to  erect  a  mart  of  literature  in  this  kingdom, 
under  wise  regulations  and  better  discipline  than  in  any 
other  part  of  Europe  ?  And  whether  this  would  not  be 
an  infallible  means  of  drawing  men  and  money  into  the 
kingdom  ? 

187.  Whether  the  governed  be  not  too  numerous  for 
the  governing  part  of  our  College^?  And  whether  it 
might  not  be  expedient  to  convert  thirty  natives-places 
into  twenty  fellowships? 

188.  Whether,  if  we  had  two  Colleges,  there  might  not 
spring  a  useful  emulation  between  them  ?  And  whether 
it  might  not  be  contrived  so  to  divide  the  fellows,  scholars, 
and  revenues,  between  both,  as  that  no  member  should 
be  a  loser  thereby? 

189.  Whether  ten  thousand  pounds  well  laid  out  might 
not  build  a  decent  College,  fit  to  contain  two  hundred 
persons;  and  whether  the  purchase-money  of  the  chambers 
would  not  go  a  good  way  towards  defraying  the  expense  ? 

190.  Where  this  College  should  be  situated  ? 

[191.  Whether,  in  imitation  of  the  Jesuits  at  Paris,  who 

^  Trinity  College,  Dublin. 


THE   QUERIST  439 

admit  Protestants  to  study  in  their  colleges,  it  may  not  be 
right  for  us  also  to  admit  Roman  Catholics  into  our  College, 
without  obliging  them  to  attend  chapel  duties,  or  catechisms, 
or  divinity  lectures  ?  And  whether  this  might  not  keep 
money  in  the  kingdom,  and  prevent  the  prejudices  of 
a  foreign  education^?] 

192.  Whether  it  is  possible  a  State  should  not  thrive, 
whereof  the  lower  part  were  industrious,  and  the  upper 
wise? 

193.  Whether  the  collected  wisdom  of  ages  and  nations 
be  not  found  in  books  ? 

[194.  Whether  Themistocles  his  art  of  making  a  little 
city,  or  a  little  people,  become  a  great  one  be  learned  any- 
where so  well  as  in  the  writings  of  the  ancients  ? 

195.  Whether  a  wise  State  hath  any  interest  nearer 
heart  than  the  education  of  youth  ? 

196.  Whether  the  mind,  like  soil,  doth  not  by  disuse 
grow  stiff;  and  whether  reasoning  and  study  be  not  like 
stirring  and  dividing  the  glebe? 

197.  Whether  an  early  habit  of  reflexion,  although 
obtained  by  speculative  sciences,  may  not  have  its  use 
in  practical  affairs? 

198.  Whether  even  those  parts  of  academical  learning 
which  are  quite  forgotten  may  not  have  improved  and 
enriched  the  soil ;  like  those  vegetables  which  are  raised, 
not  for  themselves,  but  ploughed  in  for  a  dressing  of 
land^?] 

199.  Whether  it  was  not  an  Irish  professor  who  first 
opened  the  public  schools  at  Oxford?  Whether  this 
island  hath  not  been  anciently  famous  for  learning  ?  And 
whether  at  this  day  it  hath  any  better  chance  of  being 
considerable  ? 

200.  Whether  we  may  not  with  better  grace  sit  down 
and  complain,  when  we  have  done  all  that  lies  in  our 
power  to  help  ourselves? 

201.  Whether  the  gentleman  of  estate  hath  a  right  to 
be  idle;  and  whether  he  ought  not  to  be  the  great  pro- 
moter and  director  of  industry  among  his  tenants  and 
neighbours? 

[202.  Whether  in  the  cantons  of  Switzerland  all  under 

^  Query     191      introduced      in  ''  Queries  194-98  introduced  in 

second  edition.  second  edition. 


440  THE   QUERIST 

thirty  years  of  age  are  not  exduded  from  their  great 
councils? 
203.  Whether  Homer's  compendium  of  education. 


piw  pitnif  c/Mvm,  w^ipenipa  n  tpToar. — ISad  xx. 


would  not  be  a  good  rule  for  modem  educators  of  youth  ? 
And  whether  half  the  learning  and  study  of  these  kingdoms 
is  not  useless,  for  want  of  a  proper  delivery  and  punctua- 
tion being  taught  in  our  schools  and  colleges  ? 

204.  Whether  in  any  order  a  good  building  can  be  made 
of  bad  materials  ?  Or  whether  any  form  of  government 
can  make  a  happy  state  out  of  bad  individuals  ? 

205.  What  was  it  that  Solomon  compared  to  a  jewel  of 
gold  in  a  swine's  snout? 

206.  Whether  the  public  is  more  concerned  in  anything 
than  in  the  procreation  of  able  citizens  ? 

207.  Whether  to  the  multiplying  of  human  kind,  it  would 
not  much  conduce,  if  marriages  were  made  with  good- 
liking? 

208.  Whether,  if  women  had  no  portions,  we  should 
then  see  so  many  unhappy  and  unfruitful  marriages? 

209.  Whether  the  laws  be  not,  according  to  Aristotle, 
a  mind  without  appetite  or  passion?  And  consequently 
without  respect  of  p>ersons  ? 

210.  Suppose  a  rich  man's  son  marries  a  poor  man's 
daughter,  suppose  also  that  a  poor  man's  daughter  is 
deluded  and  debauched  by  the  son  of  a  rich  man ;  which 
is  most  to  be  pitied? 

211.  Whether  the  punishment  should  be  placed  on  the 
seduced  or  the  seducer? 

212.  Whether  a  promise  made  before  God  and  man  in 
the  most  solemn  manner  ought  to  be  violated  ? 

213.  Whether  it  was  Plato's  opinion  that,  '  for  the  good 
of  the  community,  rich  should  marry  with  rich  ? ' — De  Leg, 
Lib.  iv. 

214.  Whether,  as  seed  equally  scattered  produceth  a 
goodly  harvest,  even  so  an  equal  distribution  of  wealth 
doth  not  cause  a  nation  to  flourish? 

215.  Whence  is  it  that  Barbs  and  Arabs  are  so  good 
horses?  And  whether  in  those  countries  they  are  not 
exactly  nice  in  admitting  none  but  males  of  a  good  kind 
to  their  mares? 


THE    QUERIST  44I 

216.  What  effects  would  the  same  care  produce  in 
families  *  ?J 

217.  Whether  the  real  foundation  for  wealth  must  not 
be  laid  in  the  numbers,  the  frugality,  and  the  industry 
of  the  people?  And  whether  all  attempts  to  enrich  a 
nation  by  other  means,  as  raising  the  coin,  stockjobbing, 
and  such  arts,  are  not  vain? 

218.  Whether  a  door  ought  not  to  be  shut  against  all 
other  methods  of  growing  rich,  save  only  by  industry  and 
merit  ?  And  whether  wealth  got  otherwise  would  not  be 
ruinous  to  the  public? 

219.  Whether  the  abuse  of  banks  and  paper-money  is 
a  just  objection  against  the  use  thereof?  And  whether 
such  abuse  might  not  easily  be  prevented? 

220.  Whether  national  banks  are  not  found  useful  in 
Venice,  Holland,  and  Hamburgh?  And  whether  it  is 
not  possible  to  contrive  one  that  may  be  useful  also  in 
Ireland  2? 

221.  Whether  the  banks  of  Venice  and  Amsterdam  are 
not  in  the  hands  of  the  public  ? 

222.  Whether  it  may  not  be  worth  while  to  inform  our- 
selves in  the  nature  of  those  banks  ?  And  what  reason 
can  be  assigned  why  Ireland  should  not  reap  the  benefit 
of  such  public  banks  as  well  as  other  countries  ? 

223.  Whether  a  bank  of  national  credit,  supported  by 
public  funds  and  secured  by  Parliament,  be  a  chimera  or 
impossible  thing?  And  if  not,  what  would  follow  from 
the  supposal  of  such  a  bank? 

224.  Whether  the  currency  of  a  credit  so  well  secured 
would  not  be  of  great  advantage  to  our  trade  and  manu- 
factures ? 

225.  Whether  the  notes  of  such  public  bank  would  not 
have  a  more  general  circulation  than  those  of  private 
banks,  as  being  less  subject  to  frauds  and  hazards? 

226.  Whether  it  be  not  agreed  that  paper  hath  in  many 
respects  the  advantage  above  coin,  as  being  of  more 
dispatch  in  payments,  more  easily  transferred,  preserved, 
and  recovered  when  lost  ? 

227.  Whether,  besides  these  advantages,  there  be  not 

*  Queries  202-16  introduced  in  -  Query  201,  Part  I,  follows  in 

later  edition.  first  edition. 


442  THE   QUERIST 

an  evident  necessity  for  circulating  credit  by  paper,  fix>m 
the  defect  of  coin  in  this  kingdom '  ? 

228.  Whether  it  be  rightly  remaiised  by  some  that,  as 
banking  brings  no  treasure  into  the  kingdom  like  trade, 
private  wealth  must  sink  as  the  bank  riseth  ?  And  whether 
whatever  causeth  industry  to  flouri^  and  circulate  may 
not  be  said  to  increase  our  treasure? 

229.  Whether  the  ruinous  effects  of  the  Mississippi, 
South  Sea,  and  such  schemes  were  not  owing  to  an  abuse 
of  p^>er-money  or  credit,  in  making  it  a  means  for  idleness 
and  gaming,  instead  of  a  motive  and  help  to  industry*? 

230.  Whether  the  rise  of  the  bank  of  Amsterdam  was 
not  purely  casual,  for  the  sake  of  securiw  and  dispatch 
of  payments  ?  And  idiether  the  good  effects  thereof,  in 
supplying  the  place  of  coin,  and  promoting  a  ready  circu- 
lation of  industry  and  commerce,  may  not  be  a  lesson  to  us, 
to  do  that  by  design  which  others  fell  upon  by  chance '  ? 

231.  Whether  plenty  of  small  cash  be  not  absolutely 
necessary  for  keeping  up  a  circulation  among  the  people ; 
that  is,  whether  copper  be  not  more  necessary  than  gold*? 

232.  Whether  that  which  increaseth  the  stock  of  a  nation 
be  not  a  means  of  increasing  its  trade?  And  whether 
that  which  increaseth  the  current  credit  of  a  nation  may 
not  be  said  to  increase  its  stock  *  ? 

[233.  Whether  the  credit  of  the  public  funds  be  not 
a  mine  of  gold  to  England  ?  And  whether  any  step  that 
should  lessen  this  credit  ought  not  to  be  dreaded  ? 

234.  Whether  such  credit  be  not  the  principal  advantage 
that  England  hath  over  France  ?  I  may  add,  over  every 
other  country  in  Europe  ? 

235.  Whether  by  this  the  public  is  not  become  possessed 
of  the  wealth  of  foreigners  as  well  as  natives  ?  And  whether 
England  be  not  in  some  sort  the  treasury  of  Christendom*?] 

236.  Whether,  as  our  current  domestic  credit  grew, 

*  Queries  209-18,  Part  I,  follow  *  Query  228,  Part  I,  follows 
in  first  edition.                                        in  first  edition. 

'  Queries  221-24,  P^^t  I,  follow  *  Queries  230-53,  Part  I,  follow 

in  first  edition.  in  first  edition. 

•  Query  226,  Part  I,  follows  in  *  Queries  233-35  introduced  in 
first  edition.  second  edition. 


THE    QUERIST  443 

industry  would  not  grow  likewise ;  and  if  industry,  our 
manufactures ;  and  if  these,  our  foreign  credit  ^  ? 

[237.  Whether  foreign  demands  may  not  be  answered 
by  our  exports  without  drawing  cash  out  of  the  kingdom*?] 

238.  Whether,  as  industry  increased,  our  manufactures 
would  not  flourish ;  and  as  these  flourished,  whether  better 
returns  would  not  be  made  from  estates  to  their  landlords, 
both  within  and  without  the  kingdom '  ? 

239.  Whether  the  sure  way  to  supply  people  with  tools 
and  materials,  and  to  set  them  at  work,  be  not  a  free- 
circulation  of  money,  whether  silver  or  paper  ? 

240.  Whether  in  New  England  all  trade  and  business 
are  not  as  much  at  a  stand,  upon  a  scarcity  of  paper-money, 
as  with  us  from  the  want  of  specie  *  ? 

241.  Whether  it  be  certain  that  the  quantity  of  silver  in 
the  bank  of  Amsterdam  be  greater  now  than  at  first ;  but 
whether  it  be  not  certain  that  there  is  a  greater  circulation 
of  industry  and  extent  of  trade,  more  people,  ships,  houses, 
and  commodities  of  all  sorts,  more  power  by  sea  and  land? 

242.  Whether  money,  lying  dead  in  the  bank  of  Amster- 
dam, would  not  be  as  useless  as  in  the  mine  ? 

243.  Whether  our  visible  security  in  land  could  be 
doubted  ?  And  whether  there  be  anything  like  this  in  the 
bank  of  Amsterdam? 

244.  Whether  it  be  just  to  apprehend  danger  from 
trusting  a  national  bank  with  power  to  extend  its  credit, 
to  circulate  notes  which  it  shall  be  felony  to  counterfeit, 
to  receive  goods  on  loans,  to  purchase  lands,  to  sell  also 
or  alienate  them,  and  to  deal  in  bills  of  exchange ;  when 
these  powers  are  no  other  than  have  been  trusted  for 
many  years  with  the  bank  of  England,  although  in  truth 
but  a  private  bank? 

245.  Whether  the  objection  from  monopolies  and  an 
overgrowth  of  power,  which  are  made  against  private 
banks,  can  possibly  hold  against  a  national  one  *  ? 

*  Queries  255-59,  Part  I,  follow  in  first  edition, 

in  first  edition.  *  Query  267,  Part  I,  follows  in 

^  Query      237     introduced     in  first  edition, 

second  edition.  *  Query  273,  Part  I,  follows  in 

'  Queries  261-64,  Part  I,  follow  first  edition. 


444  THE    QUERIST 

246.  Whether  the  evil  effects  which  of  late  years  have 
attended  paper-money  and  credit  in  Europe  did  not  spring 
from  subscriptions,  shares,  dividends,  and  stockjobbing  ? 

24.7.  Whether  the  great  evils  attending  paper-money  in 
the  British  Plantations  of  America  have  not  sprung  from 
the  over-rating  their  lands,  and  issuing  paper  without 
discretion,  and  from  the  legislators  breaking  their  own 
rules  in  favour  of  themselves,  thus  sacrificing  the  public 
to  their  own  private  benefit  ?  And  whether  a  little  sense 
and  honesty  might  not  easily  prevent  all  such  incon- 
veniences *  ? 

248.  Whether  the  subject  of  free-thinking  in  religion 
be  not  exhausted  ?  And  whether  it  be  not  high  time  for 
our  Free-thinkers  to  turn  their  thoughts  to  the  improve- 
ment of  their  country  ^  ? 

249.  Whether  it  must  not  be  ruinous  for  a  nation  to  sit 
down  to  game,  be  it  with  silver  or  with  paper  ? 

250.  Whether,  therefore,  the  circulating  paper,  in  the 
late  ruinous  schemes  of  France  and  England,  was  the  true 
evil,  and  not  rather  the  circulating  thereof  without  industry? 
And  whether  the  bank  of  Amsterdam,  where  industry  had 
been  for  so  many  years  subsisted  and  circulated  by 
transfers  on  paper,  doth  not  clearly  decide  this  point? 

251.  Whether  there  are  not  to  be  seen  in  America  fair 
towns,  wherein  the  people  are  well  lodged,  fed,  and 
clothed,  without  a  beggar  in  their  streets,  although  there 
be  not  one  grain  of  gold  or  silver  current  among  them  ? 

252.  Whether  these  people  do  not  exercise  all  arts  and 
trades,  build  ships  and  navigate  them  to  all  parts  of  the 
world,  purchase  lands,  till  and  reap  the  fruits  of  them, 
buy  and  sell,  educate  and  provide  for  their  children? 
Whether  they  do  not  even  indulge  themselves  in  foreign 
vanities  ? 

253.  Whether,  whatever  inconveniencies  those  people 
may  have  incurred  from  not  observing  either  rules  or 
bounds  in  their  paper-money,  yet  it  be  not  certain  that 
they  are  in  a  more  flourishing  condition,  have  larger  and 
better  built  towns,  more  plenty,  more  industry,  more  arts 

*  Queries  276-78,  Part  I,  follow  ^  Queries  280-81,  Part  I,  follow 

in  first  edition.  in  first  edition. 


THE    QUERIST  445 

and  civility,  and  a  more  extensive  commerce,  than  when 
they  had  gold  and  silver  current  among  them  ? 

254.  Whether  a  view  of  the  ruinous  effects  of  absurd 
schemes  and  credit  mismanaged,  so  as  to  produce  gaming 
and  madness  instead  of  industry,  can  be  any  just  objec- 
tion against  a  national  bank  calculated  purely  to  promote 
industry  ? 

255.  Whether  a  scheme  for  the  welfare  of  this  nation 
should  not  take  in  the  whole  inhabitants  ?  And  whether 
it  be  not  a  vain  attempt,  to  project  the  flourishing  of  our 
Protestant  gentry,  exclusive  of  the  bulk  of  the  natives  *  ? 

256.  Whether  an  oath,  testifjdng  allegiance  to  the  king, 
and  disclaiming  the  pope's  authority  in  temporals,  may 
not  be  justly  required  of  the  Roman  Catholics?  And 
whether,  in  common  prudence  or  policy,  any  priest  should 
be  tolerated  who  refuseth  to  take  it  ^  ? 

257.  Whether  there  is  any  such  thing  as  a  body  of 
inhabitants,  in  any  Roman  Catholic'  country  under  the 
sun,  that  profess  an  absolute  submission  to  the  pope's 
orders  in  matters  of  an  indifferent  nature,  or  that  in 
such  points  do  not  think  it  their  duty  to  obey  the  civil 
government  ? 

258.  Whether  since  the  peace  of  Utrecht,  mass  was  not 
celebrated,  and  the  sacraments  administered  in  divers 
dioceses  of  Sicily,  notwithstanding  the  pope's  interdict  *  ? 

259.  Whether  a  sum  which  would  go  but  a  little  way 
towards  erecting  hospitals  for  maintaining  and  educating 
the  children  of  the  native  Irish  might  not  go  far  in  binding 
them  out  apprentices  to  Protestant  masters,  for  husbandry, 
useful  trades,  and  the  service  of  families  ^  ? 

260.  Whether  there  be  any  instance  of  a  people's  being 
converted  in  a  Christian  sense,  otherwise  than  by  preaching 
to  them  and  instructing  them  in  their  own  language  ? 

261.  Whether  catechists  in  the  Irish  tongue  may  not 
easily  be   procured   and  subsisted?     And   whether  this 

*  Query  289,  Part  I,  follows  in  in  first  edition, 
first  edition.  *  Queries  303-4,  Part  I,  follow 

'  Queries  291-300,  Part  I,  fol-  in  first  edition, 
low  in  first  edition.  "  Query  306,  Part  I,  follows  in 

'  ^  Roman   Catholic' — *  Popish,*  first  edition. 


446  THE    QUERIST 

would  not  be  the  most  practicable  means  for  converting 
the  natives? 

262.  Whether  it  be  not  of  great  advantage  to  the  Church 
of  Rome,  that  she  hath  clergy  suited  to  all  ranks  of  men, 
in  gradual  subordination  from  cardinals  down  to  men- 
dicants ? 

263.  Whether  her  numerous  poor  clergy  are  not  very 
useful  in  missions,  and  of  much  influence  with  the  people  ? 

264.  Whether,  in  defect  of  able  missionaries,  persons 
conversant  in  low  life,  and  speaking  the  Irish  tongue,  if 
well  instructed  in  the  first  principles  of  religion,  and  in 
the  popish  controversy,  though  for  the  rest  on  a  level  with 
the  parish  clerks,  or  the  schoolmasters  of  charity-schools, 
may  not  be  fit  to  mix  with  and  bring  over  our  poor 
illiterate  natives  to  the  Established  Church  ?  Whether  it 
is  not  to  be  wished  that  some  parts  of  our  liturgy  and 
homilies  were  publicly  read  in  the  Irish  language?  And 
whether,  in  these  views,  it  may  not  be  right  to  breed  up 
some  of  the  better  sort  of  children  in  the  charity-schools, 
and  qualify  them  for  missionaries,  catechists,  and  readers*? 

[265.  Whether  a  squire  possessed  of  land  to  the  value 
of  a  thousand  pounds  per  annum,  or  a  merchant  worth 
twenty  thousand  pounds  in  cash,  would  have  most  power 
to  do  good  or  evil  upon  any  emergency?  And  whether 
the  suffering  Roman  Catholics  to  purchase  forfeited  lands 
would  not  be  good  policy,  as  tending  to  unite  their  interest 
with  that  of  the  government  ? 

266.  Whether  the  sea-ports  of  Gal  way.  Limerick,  Cork, 
and  Waterford  are  not  to  be  looked  on  as  keys  of  this 
kingdom  ?  And  whether  the  merchants  are  not  possessed 
of  these  keys ;  and  who  are  the  most  numerous  merchants 
in  those  cities  ? 

267.  Whether  a  merchant  cannot  more  speedily  raise 
a  sum,  more  easily  conceal  or  transfer  his  effects,  and 
engage  in  any  desperate  design  with  more  safety,  than  a 
landed  man,  whose  estate  is  a  pledge  for  his  behaviour  ? 

268.  Whether  a  wealthy  merchant  bears  not  great  sway 
among  the  populace  of  a  trading  city?  And  whether 
power  be  not  ultimately  lodged  in  the  people'?] 

*  Query  31a,  Part  I,  follows  in  ^  Queries     265-68     introduced 

first  edition.  in  second  edition. 


THE    QUERIST  447 

269.  Whether,  as  others  have  supposed  an  Atlantis  or 
Utopia,  we  also  may  not  suppose  an  Hyperborean  island 
inhabited  by  reasonable  creatures? 

270.  Whether  an  indifferent  person,  who  looks  into  all 
hands,  may  not  be  a  better  judge  of  the  game  than  a  party 
who  sees  only  his  own  *  ? 

271.  Whether  there  be  any  country  in  Christendom 
more  capable  of  improvement  than  Ireland? 

272.  Whether  we  are  not  as  far  before  other  nations 
with  respect  to  natural  advantages,  as  we  are  behind 
them  with  respect  to  arts  and  industry? 

273.  Whether  we  do  not  live  in  a  most  fertile  soil  and 
temperate  climate,  and  yet  whether  our  people  in  general 
do  not  feel  great  want  and  misery  ? 

274.  Whether  my  countrymen  are  not  readier  at  finding 
excuses  than  remedies  ^  ? 

275.  Whether  the  wealth  and  prosperity  of  our  country 
do  not  hang  by  a  hair;  the  probity  of  one  banker,  the 
caution  of  another,  and  the  lives  of  all? 

276.  Whether  we  have  not  been  sufficiently  admonished 
of  this  by  some  late  events  ^  ? 

277.  Whether  a  national  bank  would  not  at  once  secure 
our  properties,  put  an  end  to  usury,  facilitate  commerce, 
supply  the  want  of  coin,  and  produce  ready  payments  in 
all  parts  of  the  kingdom  ? 

278.  Whether  the  use  or  nature  of  money,  which  all  men 
so  eagerly  pursue,  be  yet  sufficiently  understood  or  con- 
sidered by  all  ? 

[279.  What  doth  Aristotle  mean  by  saying — 

• 

A^pos  €ivai  doKfi  rd  i/6fii<Tf4a. — De  Repub.  Lib.  ix.  9  *  ?] 

280.  Whether  mankind  are  not  governed  by  imitation 
rather  than  by  reason  ? 

281.  Whether  there  be  not  a  measure  or  limit,  within 

*  Queries  315-17  follow  in  first  ^  Query  11,  Part  II,  follows  in 
edition,  and  conclude  Part  I.  first  edition. 

*  Queries  5-8,  Part  II,  follow  in  *  Query  279  introduced  in  second 
first  edition.  edition. 


44S  THE    QUERIST 

which  gold  and  silver  are  useful,  and  beyond  which  they 
may  be  hurtful  ? 

282.  Whether  that  measure  be  not  the  circulating  of 
industry  ? 

283.  Whether  a  discovery  of  the  richest  gold  mine  that 
ever  was,  in  the  heart  of  the  kingdom,  would  be  a  real 
advantage  to  us? 

284.  Whether  it  would  not  tempt  foreigners  to  prey 
upon  us? 

285.  Whether  it  would  not  render  us  a  lazy,  proud,  and 
dastardly  people  ? 

286.  Whether  every  man  who  had  money  enough 
would  not  be  a  gentleman?  And  whether  a  nation  of 
gentlemen  would  not  be  a  wretched  nation? 

287.  Whether  all  things  would  not  bear  a  high  price  ? 
And  whether  men  would  not  increase  their  fortunes  with- 
out being  the  better  for  it  ? 

288.  Whether  the  same  evils  would  be  apprehended 
from  paper-money  under  an  honest  and  thrifly  regulation  ? 

289.  Whether,  therefore,  a  national  bank  would  not  be 
more  beneficial  than  even  a  mine  of  gold  *  ? 

290.  Whether  without  private  banks  what  little  business 
and  industry  there  is  would  not  stagnate  ?  But  whether 
it  be  not  a  mighty  privilege  for  a  private  person  to  be  able 
to  create  a  hundred  pounds  with  a  dash  of  his  pen  *  ? 

291.  Whether  the  wise  state  of  Venice  was  not  the  first 
that  conceived  the  advantage  of  a  national  bank '  ? 

292.  Whether  the  great  exactness  and  integrity  with 
which  this  bank  is  managed  be  not  the  chief  support  of 
that  republic  *  ? 

293.  Whether  the  bank  of  Amsterdam  was  not  begun 
about  one  hundred  and  thirty  years  ago,  and  whether  at 
this  day  its  stock  be  not  conceived  to  amount  to  three 
thousand  tons  of  gold,  or  thirty  millions  sterling^? 

294.  Whether  all  payments  of  contracts  for  goods  in 

^  Queries  24-26,  Part  II,  follow  in  first  edition, 

in  first  edition.  *  Query  37,  Part  II,  follows  in 

^  Query  28,  Part  II,  follows  in  first  edition, 

first  edition.  *  Query  39,  Part  II,  follows  in 

'  Queries  30-35,  Part  II,  follow  first  edition. 


THE    QUERIST  449 

gross,  and  letters  of  exchange  must  not  be  made  by 
transfers  in  the  bank-books,  provided  the  sum  exceed 
three  hundred  florins*? 

295.  Whether  it  be  not  owing  to  this  bank  that  the  city 
of  Amsterdam,  without  the  least  confusion,  hazard,  or 
trouble,  maintains  and  every  day  promotes  so  general  and 
quick  a  circulation  of  industry  ? 

296.  Whether  it  be  not  the  greatest  help  and  spur  to 
commerce  that  property  can  be  «o  readily  conveyed  and 
so  well  secured  by  a  compte  en  banCj  that  is,  by  only  writ- 
ing one  man's  name  for  another's  in  the  bank-book  ? 

297.  Whether,  at  the  beginning  of  the  last  century, 
those  who  had  lent  money  to  the  public  during  the  war 
with  Spain  were  not  satisfied  by  the  sole  expedient  of 
placing  their  names  in  a  compte  en  banCy  with  liberty  to 
transfer  their  claims  ? 

•298.  Whether  the  example  of  those  easy  transfers  in  the 
compte  en  banc,  thus  casually  erected,  did  not  tempt  other 
men  to  become  creditors  to  the  public,  in  order  to  profit 
by  the  same  secure  and  expeditious  method  of  keeping 
and  transferring  their  wealth  ? 

299.  Whether  this  compte  en  banc  hath  not  proved  better 
than  a  mine  of  gold  to  Amsterdam  ? 

300.  Whether  that  city  may  not  be  said  to  owe  her 
greatness  to  the  unpromising  accident  of  her  having  been 
in  debt  more  than  she  was  able  to  pay  ? 

301.  Whether  it  be  known  that  any  state  from  such 
small  beginnings,  in  so  short  a  time,  ever  grew  to  so  great 
wealth  and  power  as  the  province  of  Holland  hath  done ; 
and  whether  the  bank  of  Amsterdam  hath  not  been  the 
real  cause  of  such  extraordinary  growth  ^  ? 

302.  Whether  the  success  of  those  public  banks  in 
Venice,  Amsterdam  and  Hamburgh  would  not  naturally 
produce  in  other  states  an  inclination  to  the  same  methods'? 

303.  Whether  it  be  possible  for  a  national  bank  to  sub- 
sist and  maintain  its  credit  under  a  French  Government  *  ? 

*  Queries  41-45,  Part  II,  follow  ^  Queries  66-106,  Part  II,  follow 
in  first  edition.  in  first  edition. 

*  Queries  53-64,  Part  II,  fol-  *  Queries  108-11,  Part  II,  fol* 
low  in  first  edition.  low  in  first  edition. 

BERKELEY:     ERASER.       IV.  G  g 


450  THE    QUERIST 

304*  Whether  our  natural  appetites,  as  well  as  powers, 
are  not  limited  to  their  respective  ends  and  uses?  But 
whether  artificial  appetites  may  not  be  infinite  ? 

305.  Whether  the  simple  getting  of  money,  or  passing 
it  from  hand  to  hand  without  industry,  be  an  object  worthy 
of  a  wise  government  ? 

306.  Vfhether,  if  money  be  considered  as  an  end,  the 
appetite  thereof  be  not  infinite  ?  But  whether  the  ends 
of  money  itself  be  not  bounded  *  ? 

307.  Whether  the  total  sum  of  all  other  powers,  be  it  of 
enjoyment  or  action,  which  belong  to  a  man,  or  to  all 
mankind  together,  is  not  in  truth  a  very  narrow  and 
limited  quantity  ?     But  whether  fancy  is  not  boundless  ? 

308.  Whether  this  capricious  tyrant,  which  usurps  the 
place  of  reason,  doth  not  most  cruelly  torment  and  delude 
those  poor  men,  the  usurers,  stockjobbers,  and  projectors, 
of  content  to  themselves  from  heaping  up  riches,  that  is, 
from  gathering  counters,  from  multiplying  figures,  from 
enlarging  denominations,  without  knowing  what  they  would 
be  at,  and  without  having  a  proper  regard  for  the  use,  or 
end,  or  nature  of  things  ? 

309.  Whether  the  ignis  fatuus  of  fancy  doth  not  kindle 
immoderate  desires,  and  lead  men  into  endless  pursuits 
and  wild  labyrinths? 

310.  Whether  counters  be  not  referred  to  other  things, 
which,  so  long  as  they  keep  pace  and  proportion  with  the 
counters,  it  must  be  owned  the  counters  are  useful ;  but 
whether  beyond  that  to  value  or  covet  counters  be  not 
direct  folly? 

311.  Whether  the  public  aim  ought  not  to  be,  that  men's 
industry  should  supply  their  present  wants,  and  the  over- 
plus be  converted  into  a  stock  of  power  ? 

312.  Whether  the  better  this  power  is  secured,  and  the 
more  easily  it  is  transferred,  industry  be  not  so  much  the 
more  encouraged  ? 

313.  Whether  money,  more  than  is  expedient  for  those 
purposes,  be  not  upon  the  whole  hurtful  rather  than  bene- 
ficial to  a  state  ^  ? 

*  Query  115,  Part  II,  follows  in  ^  Queries  123-39,  Part  II,  follow 

first  edition.  in  first  edition. 


THE^  QUERIST  45I 

314.  Whether  the  promoting  of  industry  should  not  be 
always  in  view,  as  the  true  and  sole  end,  the  rule  and 
measure,  of  a  national  bank  ?  And  whether  all  deviations 
from  that  object  should  not  be  carefully  avoided  ^  ? 

315.  Whether  it  may  not  be  useful,  for  supplying  manu- 
factures and  trade  with  stock,  for  regulating  exchange,  for 
quickening  commerce,  and  for  putting  spirit  into  the 
people^? 

316.  Whether  we  are  sufficiently  sensible  of  the  peculiar 
security  there  is  in  having  a  bank  that  consists  of  land  and 
paper,  one  of  which  cannot  be  exported,  and  the  other  is 
in  no  danger  of  being  exported  ? 

317.  Whether  it  be  not  delightful  to  complain?  And 
whether  there  be  not  many  who  had  rather  utter  their 
complaints  than  redress  their  evils? 

318.  Whether,  if '  the  crown  of  the  wise  be  their  riches ',' 
we  are  not  the  foolishest  people  in  Christendom  ? 

319.  Whether  we  have  not  all  the  while  great  civil  as 
well  as  natural  advantages  ? 

320.  Whether  there  be  any  people  who  have  more 
leisure  to  cultivate  the  arts  of  peace  and  study  the  public 
weal? 

321.  Whether  other  nations  who  enjoy  any  share  of 
freedom,  and  have  great  objects  in  view,  be  not  unavoidably 
embarrassed  and  distracted  by  factions  ?  But  whether  we 
do  not  divide  upon  trifles,  and  whether  our  parties  are  not 
a  burlesque  upon  politics? 

322.  Whether  it  be  not  an  advantage  that  we  are  not 
embroiled  in  foreign  affairs,  that  we  hold  not  the  balance 
of  Europe,  that  we  are  protected  by  other  fleets  and  armies, 
that  it  is  the  true  interest  of  a  powerful  people,  from  whom 
we  are  descended,  to  guard  us  on  all  sides  ? 

323.  Whether  England  doth  not  really  love  us  and 
wish  well  to  us,  as  bone  of  her  bone,  and  flesh  of  her  flesh  ? 
And  whether  it  be  not  our  part  to  cultivate  this  love  and 
affection  all  manner  of  ways  *  ? 

'  Query  141,  Part  II,  follows  in  *  [Prov.  xiv.  24.]— Author. 

first  edition.  *  Query   156,    Part  II,   follows 

*  Queries  143-47,  Part  II,   fol-  in  first  edition, 
low  in  first  edition. 

Gg2 


452  THE    QUERIST 

324.  What  seaports  or  foreign  trade  have  the  Swisses  ? 
and  yet  how  warm  are  those  people,  and  how  well  pro- 
vided ! 

325.  Whether  there  may  not  be  found  a  people  who  so 
contrive  as  to  be  impoverished  by  their  trade?  And 
whether  we  are  not  that  people? 

326.  Whether  it  would  not  be  better  for  thisjisland,  if 
all  our  fine  folk  of  both  sexes  were  shipped  off,  to  remain 
in  foreign  countries,  rather  than  that  they  should  spend 
their  estates  at  home  in  foreign  luxury,  and  spread  the 
contagion  thereof  through  their  native  land  ? 

327.  Whether  our  gentry  understand  or  have  a  notion 
of  magnificence,  and  whether  for  want  thereof  they  do  not 
affect  very  wretched  distinctions  ? 

328.  Whether  there  be  not  an  art  or  skill  in  governing 
human  pride,  so  as  to  render  it  subservient  to  the  public 
aim? 

329.  Whether  the  great  and  general  aim  of  the  public 
should  not  be  to  employ  the  people  ? 

330.  What  right  an  eldest  son  hath  to  the  worst 
education  ? 

331.  Whether  men's  counsels  are  not  the  result  of  their 
knowledge  and  their  principles  ^  ? 

332.  Whether  there  be  not  labour  of  the  brains  as 
well  as  of  the  hands,  and  whether  the  former  is  beneath 
a  gentleman  ? 

333-  Whether  the  public  be  more  interested  to  protect 
the  property  acquired  by  mere  birth  than  that  which  is 
the  immediate  fruit  of  learning  and  virtue  ? 

334.  Whether  it  would  not  be  a  poor  and  ill-judged 
project  to  attempt  to  promote  the  good  of  the  community, 
by  invading  the  rights  of  one  part  thereof,  or  of  one  par- 
ticular order  of  men  ? 

[335.  Whether  there  be  a  more  wretched,  and  at  the 
same  time  a  more  unpitied  case,  than  for  men  to  make 
precedents  for  their  own  undoing  ? 

336.  Whether  to  determine  about  the  rights  and  pro- 
perties of  men  by  other  rules  than  the  law  be  not  dan- 
gerous ? 

337.  Whether  those  men  who  move  the  corner-stones 

*  Query  165,  Part  II,  follows  in  first  edition. 


THE    QUERIST  453 

of  a  constitution  may  not  pull  an  old  house  on  their  own 
heads  ? 

338.  Whether  there  be  not  two  general  methods  whereby 
men  become  sharers  in  the  national  stock  of  wealth  or 
power,  industry  and  inheritance  ?  And  whether  it  would 
be  wise  in  a  civil  society  to  lessen  that  share  which  is 
allotted  to  merit  and  industry  ? 

339.  Whether  all  ways  of  spending  a  fortune  be  of  equal 
benefit  to  the  public,  and  what  sort  of  men  are  aptest  to 
run  into  an  improper  expense? 

340.  If  the  revenues  allotted  for  the  encouragement  of 
religion  and  learning  were  made  hereditary  in  the  hands 
of  a  dozen  lay  lords  and  as  many  overgrown  commoners, 
whether  the  public  would  be  much  the  better  for  it  ? 

341.  Whether  the  Church's  patrimony  belongs  to  one 
tribe  alone;  and  whether  every  man's  son,  brother,  or 
himself,  may  not,  if  he  please,  be  qualified  to  share  therein  ? 

342.  What  is  there  in  the  clergy  to  create  a  jealousy 
in  the  public?  Or  what  would  the  public  lose  by  it,  if 
every  squire  in  the  land  wore  a  black  coat,  said  his  prayers, 
and  was  obliged  to  reside  ? 

343.  Whether  there  be  anything  perfect  under  the  sun  ? 
And  whether  it  be  not  with  the  world  as  with  a  particular 
state,  and  with  a  state  or  body  politic  as  with  the  human 
body,  which  lives  and  moves  under  various  indispositions, 
perfect  health  being  seldom  or  never  to  be  found  ? 

344.  Whether,  nevertheless,  men  should  not  in  all 
things  aim  at  perfection?  And,  therefore,  whether  any 
wise  and  good  man  would  be  against  applying  remedies  ? 
But  whether  it  is  not  natural  to  wish  for  a  benevolent 
physician  ^  ?] 

345.  Whether  the  public  happiness  be  not  proposed  by 
the  legislature,  and  whether  such  happiness  doth  not  con- 
tain that  of  the  individuals? 

346.  Whether,  therefore,  a  legislator  should  be  content 
with  a  vulgar  share  of  knowledge  ?  Whether  he  should 
not  be  a  person  of  reflexion  and  thought,  who  hath  made 
it  his  study  to  understand  the  true  nature  and  interest  of 
mankind,  how  to  guide  men's  humours  and  passions,  how 
to  incite  their  active  powers,  how  to  make  their  several 

^  Queries  335-44  introduced  in  second  edition. 


454  THE    QUERIST 

talents  co-operate  to  the  mutual  benefit  of  each  other,  and 
the  general  good  of  the  whole  ? 

347.  Whether  it  doth  not  follow  that  above  all  things 
a  gentleman's  care  should  be  to  keep  his  own  faculties 
sound  and  entire? 

348.  Whether  the  natural  phlegm  of  this  island  needs 
any  additional  stupifier? 

349.  Whether  all  spirituous  liquors  are  not  in  truth 
opiates  ? 

350.  Whether  our  men  of  business  are  not  generally 
very  grave  by  fifty'? 

351.  Whether  all  men  have  not  faculties  of  mind  or 
body  which  may  be  employed  for  the  public  benefit  ? 

352.  Whether  the  main  point  be  not  to  multiply  and 
employ  our  people  ? 

353.  Whether  hearty  food  and  warm  clothing  would  not 
enable  and  encourage  the  lower  sort  to  labour  ? 

354.  Whether,  in  such  a  soil  as  ours,  if  there  was 
industry,  there  could  be  want? 

355.  Whether  the  way  to  make  men  industrious  be  not 
to  let  them  taste  the  fruits  of  their  industry  ?  And  whether 
the  labouring  ox  should  be  muzzled  ? 

356.  Whether  our  landlords  are  to  be  told  that  industry 
and  numbers  would  raise  the  value  of  their  lands,  or  that 
one  acre  about  the  Tholsel  is  worth  ten  thousand  acres  in 
Connaught  ? 

357.  Whether  our  old  native  Irish  are  not  the  most 
indolent  and  supine  people  in  Christendom? 

358.  Whether  they  are  yet  civilised,  and  whether  their 
habitations  and  furniture  are  not  more  sordid  than  those 
of  the  savage  Americans  ^  ? 

359.  Whether  it  be  not  a  sad  circumstance  to  live  among 
lazy  beggars  ?  And  whether,  on  the  other  hand,  it  would 
not  be  delightful  to  live  in  a  country  swarming,  like  China, 
with  busy  people  ? 

360.  Whether  we  should  not  cast  about,  by  all  manner 
of  means,  to  excite   industry,  and  to  remove  whatever 

*  Queries  175-76,  Part  II,  follow  "Query   185,   Part   II,    follows 

in  first  edition.  in  first  edition. 


THE    QUERIST  455 

hinders  it?     And   whether  every  one  should   not   lend 
a, helping  hand? 

361.  Whether  vanity  itself  should  not  be  engaged  in  this 
good  work?  And  whether  it  is  not  to  be  wished  that  the 
finding  of  employment  for  themselves  and  others  were 
a  fashionable  distinction  among  the  ladies? 

362.  Whether  idleness  be  the  mother  or  daughter  of 
spleen  ? 

363.  Whether  it  may  not  be  worth  while  to  publish  the 
conversation  of  Ischomachus  and  his  wife  in  Aenophon, 
for  the  use  of  our  ladies  ? 

364.  Whether  it  is  true  that  there  have  been,  upon 
a  time,  one  hundred  millions  of  people  employed  in  China, 
without  the  woollen  trade,  or  any  foreign  commerce  ? 

365.  Whether  the  natural  inducements  to  sloth  are  not 
greater  in  the  Mogul's  country  than  in  Ireland,  and  yet 
whether,  in  that  suffocating  and  dispiriting  climate,  the 
Banyans  are  not  all,  men,  women,  and  children,  constantly 
employed  ? 

366.  Whether  it  be  not  true  that  the  Great  Mogul's 
subjects  might  undersell  us  even  in  our  own  markets,  and 
clothe  our  people  with  their  stuffs  and  calicoes,  if  they 
were  imported  duty  free? 

367.  Whether  there  can  be  a  greater  reproach  on  the 
leading  men  and  the  patriots  of  a  country,  than  that  the 
people  should  want  employment  ?  [^  And  whether  methods 
may  not  be  found  to  employ  even  the  lame  and  the  blind, 
the  dumb,  the  deaf,  and  the  maimed,  in  some  or  other 
branch  of  our  manufactures?] 

368.  Whether  much  may  not  be  expected  from  a  biennial 
consultation  of  so  many  wise  men  about  the  public  good  ? 

369.  Whether  a  tax  upon  dirt  would  not  be  one  way  of 
encouraging  industry^? 

370.  Whether  it  would  be  a  great  hardship  if  every 
parish  were  obliged  to  find  work  for  their  poor? 

371.  Whether  children  especially  should  not  be  inured 
to  labour  betimes  ? 

372.  Whether  there  should  be   not   erected,   in   each 

*  Added  in  the  edition  contained  •'  Queries  197-99,  Part  II,  follow 

in  the  Miscellany  (175a).  in  first  edition^ 


456  THE    QUERIST 

province,  an  hospital  for  orphans  and  foundlings,  at  the 
expense  of  old  bachelors  ? 

373.  Whether  it  be  true  that  in  the  Dutch  workhouses 
things  are  so  managed  that  a  child  four  years  old  may 
earn  its  own  livelihood? 

374.  What  a  folly  is  it  to  build  fine  houses,  or  establish 
lucrative  posts  and  large  incomes,  under  the  notion  of 
providing  for  the  poor? 

375.  Whether  the  poor,  grown  up  and  in  health,  need 
any  other  provision  but  their  own  industry,  under  public 
inspection  ? 

376.  Whether  the  poor-tax  in  England  hath  lessened  or 
increased  the  number  of  the  poor  *  ? 

377.  Whether  workhouses  should  not  be  made  at  the 
least  expense,  with  clay  floors,  and  walls  of  rough  stone, 
without  plastering,  ceiling,  or  glazing  ^  ? 

378.  Whether  it  be  an  impossible  attempt  to  set  our 
people  at  work,  or  whether  industry  be  a  habit,  which,  like 
other  habits,  may  by  time  and  skill  be  introduced  among 
any  people  ? 

379.  Whether  all  manner  of  means  should  not  be  em- 
ployed to  possess  the  nation  in  general  with  an  aversion 
and  contempt  for  idleness  and  all  idle  folk  ? 

380.  Whether  it  would  be  a  hardship  on  people  destitute 
of  all  things,  if  the  public  furnished  them  with  necessaries 
which  they  should  be  obliged  to  earn  by  their  labour  ? 

381.  Whether  other  nations  have  not  found  great  benefit 
from  the  use  of  slaves  in  repairing  high  roads,  making 
rivers  navigable,  draining  bogs,  erecting  public  buildings, 
bridges,  and  manufactories  ? 

382.  Whether  temporary  servitude  would  not  be  the 
best  cure  for  idleness  and  beggary? 

383.  Whether  the  public  hath  not  a  right  to  employ 
those  who  cannot,  or  who  will  not  find  employment  for 
themselves  ? 

384.  Whether  all  sturdy  beggars  should  not  be  seized 
and  made  slaves  to  the  public  for  a  certain  term  of  years  ? 

385.  Whether  he  who  is  chained  in  a  jail  or  dungeon 

*  Queries  207,  ao8,  Part  II,  follow  "  Query  210,  Part  II,  follows  in 

in  first  edition.  first  edition. 


THE    QUERIST  457 

hath  not,  for  the  time,  lost  his  liberty  ?    And  if  so,  whether 
temporary  slavery  be  not  already  admitted  among  us  ? 

386.  Whether  a  state  of  servitude,  wherein  he  should 
be  well  worked,  fed,  and  clothed,  would  not  be  a  prefer- 
ment to  such  a  fellow? 

387.  Whether  criminals  in  the  freest  country  may  not 
forfeit  their  liberty,  and  repair  the  damage  they  have  done 
the  4)ublic  by  hard  labour  ? 

388.  What  the  word  servant  signifies  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment? 

389.  Whether  the  view  of  criminals  chained  in  pairs  and 
kept  at  hard  labour  would  not  be  very  edifying  to  the 
multitude  ? 

390.  Whether  the  want  of  such  an  institution  be  not 
plainly  seen  in  England,  where  the  disbelief  of  a  future 
state  hardeneth  rogues  against  the  fear  of  death,  and 
where,  through  the  great  growth  of  robbers  and  house- 
breakers, it  becomes  every  day  more  necessary? 

391.  Whether  it  be  not  easier  to  prevent  than  to  remedy, 
and  whether  we  should  not  profit  by  the  example  of 
others  ? 

392.  Whether  felons  are  not  often  spared,  and  therefore 
encouraged,  by  the  compassion  of  those  who  should  prose- 
cute them  ? 

393.  Whether  many  that  would  not  take  away  the  life 
of  a  thief  may  not  nevertheless  be  willing  to  bring  him  to 
a  more  adequate  punishment  *  ? 

394.  Whether  the  most  indolent  would  be  fond  of  idle- 
ness, if  they  regarded  it  as  the  sure  road  to  hard  labour  ? 

395.  Whether  the  industry  of  the  lower  part  of  our 
people  doth  not  much  depend  on  the  expense  of  the  upper  ? 

396.  What  would  be  the  consequence  if  our  gentry 
aSected  to  distinguish  themselves  by  fine  houses  rather 
than  fine  clothes? 

397.  Whether  any  people  in  Europe  are  so  meanly 
provided  with  houses  and  furniture,  in  proportion  to  their 
incomes,  as  the  men  of  estates  in  Ireland  ? 

398.  Whether  building  would  not  peculiarly  encourage 
all  other  arts  in  this  kingdom  ? 

399.  Whether  smiths,  masons,  bricklayers,  plasterers, 

^  Query  227,  Part  II,  follows  in  first  edition. 


458  THE    QUERIST 

carpenters,  joiners,  tilers,  plumbers,  and  glaziers  would 
not  all  find  employment  if  the  humour  of  building  pre- 
vailed ? 

400.  Whether  the  ornaments  and  furniture  of  a  good 
house  do  not  employ  a  number  of  all  sorts  of  artificers,  in 
iron,  wood,  marble,  brass,  pewter,  copper,  wool,  flax,  and 
divers  other  materials  ? 

401.  Whether  in  buildings  and  gardens  a  great  number 
of  day-labourers  do  not  find  employment  ? 

402.  Whether  by  these  means  much  of  that  sustenance 
and  wealth  of  this  nation  which  now  goes  to  foreigners 
would  not  be  kept  at  home,  and  nourish  and  circulate 
among  our  own  people? 

403.  Whether,  as  industry  produced  good  living,  the 
number  of  hands  and  mouths  would  not  be  increased ;  and 
in  proportion  thereunto,  whether  there  would  not  be  every 
day  more  occasion  for  agriculture?  And  whether  this 
article  alone  would  not  employ  a  world  of  people  ? 

404.  Whether  such  management  would  not  equally  pro- 
vide for  the  magnificence  of  the  rich,  and  the  necessities  of 
the  poor  ? 

405.  Whether  an  expense  in  building  and  improvements 
doth  not  remain  at  home,  pass  to  the  heir,  and  adorn  the 
public  ?  And  whether  any  of  these  things  can  be  said  of 
claret  ? 

406.  Whether  fools  do  not  make  fashions,  and  wise  men 
follow  them  ? 

407.  Whether,  for  one  who  hurts  his  fortune  by  improve- 
ments, twenty  do  not  ruin  themselves  by  foreign  luxury  ? 

408.  Whether  in  proportion  as  Ireland  was  improved 
and  beautified  by  fine  seats,  the  number  of  absentees  would 
not  decrease  ? 

409.  Whether  he  who  employs  men  in  buildings  and 
manufactures  doth  not  put  life  in  the  country,  and  whether 
the  neighbourhood  round  him  be  not  observed  to  thrive  ? 

410.  Whether  money  circulated  on  the  landlord's  own 
lands,  and  among  his  own  tenants,  doth  not  return  into  his 
own  pocket  ? 

411.  Whether  every  squire  that  made  his  domain  swarm 
with  busy  hands,  like  a  beehive  or  ant-hill,  would  not 
serve  his  own  interest,  as  well  as  that  of  his  country  ? 

412.  Whether  a  gentleman  who  hath  seen  a  little  of  the 


THE    QUERIST  459 

world,  and  observed  how  men  live  elsewhere,  can  con- 
tentedly sit  down  in  a  cold,  damp,  sordid  habitation,  in 
the  midst  of  a  bleak  country,  inhabited  by  thieves  and 
beggars  ? 

413.  Whether,  on  the  other  hand,  a  handsome  seat 
amidst  well-improved  lands,  fair  villages,  and  a  thriving 
neighbourhood,  may  not  invite  a  man  to  dwell  on  his  own 
estate,  and  quit  the  life  of  an  insignificant  saunterer  about 
town,  for  that  of  a  useful  country  gentleman  ? 

414.  Whether  it  would  not  be  of  use  and  ornament  if 
the  towns  throughout  this  kingdom  were  provided  with 
decent  churches,  townhouses,  workhouses,  market-places, 
and  paved  streets,  with  some  order  taken  for  cleanliness  ? 

415.  Whether,  if  each  of  these  towns  were  addicted  to 
some  peculiar  manufacture,  we  should  not  find  that  the 
employing  many  hands  together  on  the  same  work  was 
the  way  to  perfect  our  workmen  ?  And  whether  all  these 
things  might  not  soon  be  provided  by  a  domestic  industry, 
if  money  were  not  wanting  ? 

416.  Whether  money  could  ever  be  wanting  to  the 
demands  of  industry,  if  we  had  a  national  bank '  ? 

417.  Whether  the  fable  of  Hercules  and  the  carter  ever 
suited  any  nation  like  this  nation  of  Ireland  ? 

418.  Whether  it  be  not  a  new  spectacle  under  the  sun, 
to  behold,  in  such  a  climate  and  such  a  soil,  and  under 
such  a  gentle  government,  so  many  roads  untrodden,  fields 
untilled,  houses  desolate,  and  hands  unemployed  ? 

419.  Whether  there  is  any  country  in  Christendom, 
either  kingdom  or  republic,  depending  or  independent, 
free  or  enslaved,  which  may  not  afford  us  a  useful  lesson  ? 

420.  Whether  the  frugal  Swisses  have  any  other  com- 
modities but  their  butter  and  cheese  and  a  few  cattle  for 
exportation;  whether,  nevertheless,  the  single  canton  of 
Berne  hath  not  in  her  public  treasury  two  millions  sterling  ? 

421.  Whether  that  small  town  of  Berne,  with  its  scanty 
barren  territory,  in  a  mountainous  comer,  without  sea- 
ports, without  manufactures,  without  mines,  be  not  rich  by 
mere  dint  of  frugality  ? 

422.  Whether  the  Swisses  in  general  have  not  sumptuary 
laws,  prohibiting  the  use  of  gold,  jewels,  silver,  silk,  and 

^  Queries  251-54,  Part  II,  follow  in  first  edition,  and  conclude  Part  II. 


4^0  THE   QUERIST 

lace  in  their  apparel,  and  indulging  the  women  only  to 
wear  silk  on  festivals,  weddings,  and  public  solemnities  ? 

423.  Whether  there  be  not  two  ways  of  growing  rich, 
sparing  and  getting?  But  whether  the  lazy  spendthrift 
must  not  be  doubly  poor? 

424.  Whether  money  circulating  be  not  the  life  of 
industry ;  and  whether  the  want  thereof  doth  not  render 
a  state  gouty  and  inactive  ? 

425.  But  whether,  if  we  had  a  national  bank,  and  our 
present  cash  (small  as  it  is)  were  put  into  the  most  con- 
venient shape,  men  should  hear  any  public  complaints  for 
want  of  money  ? 

426.  Whether  all  circulation  be  not  alike  a  circulation  of 
credit,  whatsoever  medium  (metal  or  paper)  is  employed, 
and  whether  gold  be  any  more  than  credit  for  so  much 
power? 

427.  Whether  the  wealth  of  the  richest  nations  in 
Christendom  doth  not  consist  in  paper  vastly  more  than 
in  gold  and  silver? 

4^.  Whether  Lord  Clarendon  doth  not  aver  of  his  own 
knowledge,  that  the  Prince  of  Orange,  with  the  best  credit, 
and  the  assistance  of  the  richest  men  in  Amsterdam,  was 
above  ten  days  endeavouring  to  raise  20,000/.  in  specie, 
without  being  able  to  raise  half  the  sum  in  all  that  time  ? 
(See  Clarendon's  History^  Bk.  xii.)  * 

429.  Supposing  there  had  been  hitherto  no  such  thing 
as  a  bank,  and  the  question  were  now  first  proposed, 
whether  it  would  be  safer  to  circulate  unlimited  bills  in 
a  private  credit,  or  bills  to  a  limited  value  on  the  public 
credit  of  the  community,  what  would  men  think  ^  ? 

430.  Whether  the  maxim,  '  What  is  everybody's  business 
is  nobody's,'  prevails  in  any  country  under  the  sun  more 
than  in  Ireland'? 

431.  Whether  the  united  stock  of  a  nation  be  not  the 
best  security  ?  And  whether  anjrthing  but  the  ruin  of  the 
state  can  produce  a  national  bankruptcy  ? 

432.  Whether  the  total  sum  of  the  public  treasure, 
power,  and  wisdom,  all  co-operating,  be  not  most  likely 

'  Queries  13-22,  Part  III,  follow       in  first  edition, 
in  first  edition.  *  Queries  30-50,  Part  III,  follow 

^  Queries  24-28,  Part  III,  follow      in  first  edition. 


THE    QUERIST  461 

to  establish  a  bank  of  credit,  sufficient  to  answer  the  ends, 
relieve  the  wants,  and  satisfy  the  scruples  of  all 
people  ^  ? 

433-  Whether  London  is  not  to  be  considered  as  the 
metropolis  of  Ireland  ?  And  whether  our  wealth  (such  as 
it  is)  doth  not  circulate  through  London  and  throughout  all 
England,  as  freely  as  that  of  any  part  of  his  Majesty's 
dominions  ? 

434.  Whether  therefore  it  be  not  evidently  the  interest 
of  the  people  of  England  to  encourage  rather  than  to 
oppose  a  national  bank  in  this  kingdom,  as  well  as  every 
other  means  for  advancing  our  wealth  which  shall  not 
impair  their  own? 

435.  Whether  it  is  not  our  interest  to  be  useful  to  them 
rather  than  rival  them  ;  and  whether  in  that  case  we  may 
not  be  sure  of  their  good  offices  ? 

436.  Whether  we  can  propose  to  thrive  so  long  as  we 
entertain  a  wrongheaded  distrust  of  England  ? 

437.  Whether,  as  a  national  bank  would  increase  our 
industry,  and  that  our  wealth,  England  may  not  be  a  pro- 
portionable gainer ;  and  whether  we  should  not  consider 
the  gains  of  our  mother-country  as  some  accession  to  our 
own^? 

438.  Whether  there  be  any  difficulty  in  comprehending 
that  the  whole  wealth  of  the  nation  is  in  truth  the  stock  of 
a  national  bank  ?  And  whether  any  more  than  the  right 
comprehension  of  this  be  necessary  to  make  all  men  easy 
with  regard  to  its  credit '  ? 

439.  Whether  the  prejudices  about  gold  and  silver  are 
not  strong,  but  whether  they  are  not  still  prejudices  ? 

440.  Whether  paper  doth  not  by  its  stamp  and  signa- 
ture acquire  a  local  value,  and  become  as  precious  and 
as  scarce  as  gold  ?  And  whether  it  be  not  much  fitter 
to  circulate  large  sums,  and  therefore  preferable  to 
gold  *  ? 

441.  Whether  it  doth  not  much  import  to  have  a  right 

*  Queries  53-72,  Part  III,  follow  ^  Query  85,  Part  III,  follows  in 

in  first  edition.  first  edition. 

'  Queries  78-83,  Part  III,  follow  *  Query  88,  Part  III,  follows  in 

in  first  edition.  first  edition. 


462  THE    QUERIST 

conception  of  money  ?  And  whether  its  true  and  just  idea 
be  not  that  of  a  ticket,  entitling  to  power,  and  fitted  to 
record  and  transfer  such  power*? 

442.  Though  the  bank  of  Amsterdam  doth  very  rarely, 
if  at  all,  pay  out  money,  yet  whether  every  man  possessed 
of  specie  be  not  ready  to  convert  it  into  paper,  and  act 
as  cashier  to  the  bank  ?  And  whether,  from  the  same 
motive,  every  monied  man  throughout  this  kingdom  would 
not  be  cashier  to  our  national  bank  ^  ? 

443.  Whether  we  may  not  obtain  that  as  friends  which 
it  is  in  vain  to  hope  for  as  rivals? 

444.  Whether  in  every  instance  by  which  we  prejudice 
England,  we  do  not  in  a  greater  degree  prejudice  our- 
selves ? 

445.  Whether  in  the  rude  original  of  society  the  first 
step  was  not  the  exchanging  of  commodities ;  the  next 
a  substituting  of  metals  by  weight  as  the  common  medium 
of  circulation  ;  after  this  the  making  use  of  coin ;  lastly, 
a  further  refinement  by  the  use  of  paper  with  proper 
marks  and  signatures  ?  And  whether  this,  as  it  is  the 
last,  so  it  be  not  the  greatest  improvement  ? 

446.  Whether  we  are  not  in  fact  the  only  people  who 
may  be  said  to  starve  in  the  midst  of  plenty  ^  ? 

447.  Whether  there  can  be  a  worse  sign  than  that 
people  should  quit  their  country  for  a  livelihood  ?  Though 
men  often  leave  their  country  for  health,  or  pleasure,  or 
riches,  yet  to  leave  it  merely  for  a  livelihood,  whether  this 
be  not  exceeding  bad,  and  sheweth  some  peculiar  mis- 
management *  ? 

448.  Whether,  in  order  to  redress  our  evils,  artificial 
helps  are  not  most  wanted  in  a  land  where  industry  is 
most  against  the  natural  grain  of  the  people  *  ? 

449.  Whether,  although  the  prepossessions  about  gold 
and  silver  have  taken  deep  root,  yet  the  example  of  our 
Colonies  in  America  doth  not  make  it  as  plain  as  daylight 

^  Queries  90,  91,  Part  III,  in  first  edition, 
follow  in  first  edition.  *  Query  104,  Part  III,  follows 

2  Queries 93-97,  Part  III,  follow  in  first  edition, 
in  first  edition.  ^  Queries    jo6,    107,    Part    III, 

^  Query  102,  Part  III,  follows  follow  in  first  edition. 


THE    QUERIST  463 

that  they  are  not  so  necessary  to  the  wealth  of  a  nation  as 
the  vulgar  of  all  ranks  imagine  ? 

450.  Whether  it  be  not  evident  that  we  may  maintain 
a  much  greater  inward  and  outward  commerce,  and  be 
five  times  richer  than  we  are,  nay,  and  our  bills  abroad  be 
of  far  greater  credit,  though  we  had  not  one  ounce  of 
gold  or  silver  in  the  whole  island  ? 

451.  Whether  wrongheaded  maxims,  customs,  and 
fashions  are  not  sufficient  to  destroy  any  people  which 
hath  so  few  resources  as  the  inhabitants  of  Ireland  ? 

452.  Whether  it  would  not  be  a  horrible  thing  to  see 
our  matrons  make  dress  and  play  their  chief  concern  ? 

453.  Whether  our  ladies  might  not  as  well  endow 
monasteries  as  wear  Flanders  lace  ?  And  whether  it  be 
not  true  that  Popish  nuns  are  maintained  by  Protestant 
contributions  ? 

454.  Whether  England,  which  hath  a  free  trade,  what- 
ever she  remits  for  foreign  luxury  with  one  hand,  doth  not 
with  the  other  receive  much  more  from  abroad  ?  Whether, 
nevertheless,  this  nation  would  not  be  a  gainer,  if  our 
women  would  content  themselves  with  the  same  modera- 
tion in  point  of  expense  as  the  English  ladies  ? 

455.  But  whether  it  be  not  a  notorious  truth  that  our 
Irish  ladies  are  on  a  foot,  as  to  dress,  with  those  of  five 
times  their  fortune  in  England  ? 

456.  Whether  it  be  not  even  certain  that  the  matrons 
of  this  forlorn  country  send  out  a  greater  proportion  of 
its  wealth,  for  fine  apparel,  than  any  other  females  on  the 
whole  surface  of  this  terraqueous  globe  ? 

457.  Whether  the  expense,  great  as  it  is,  be  the  greatest 
evil ;  but  whether  this  folly  may  not  produce  many  other 
follies,  an  entire  derangement  of  domestic  life,  absurd 
manners,  neglect  of  duties,  bad  mothers,  a  general  corrup- 
tion in  both  sexes  ^  ? 

458.  Whether  the  first  beginning  of  expedients  do  not 
always  meet  with  prejudices  ?  And  whether  even  the 
prejudices  of  a  people  ought  not  to  be  respected  ? 

459.  Whether  a  national  bank  be  not  the  true  philo- 
sopher's stone  in  a  state  ^  ? 

*  Queries  1 1 7-30,  Part  III,  follow  'Queries     133-39,     Part     III, 

in  first  edition.  follow  in  first  edition. 


464  THE    QUERIST 

460.  Whether  all  regulations  of  coin  should  not  be 
made  with  a  view  to  encourage  industry,  and  a  circulation 
of  commerce,  throughout  the  kingdom  *  ? 

461.  Whether  to  oil  the  wheels  of  commerce  be  not 
a  common  benefit  ?  And  whether  this  be  not  done  by 
avoiding  fractions  and  multiplying  small  silver  ^  ? 

462.  Whether,  all  things  considered,  a  general  raising 
the  value  of  gold  and  silver  be  not  so  far  from  bringing 
greater  quantities  thereof  into  the  kingdom  that  it  would 
produce  a  direct  contrary  effect,  inasmuch  as  less,  in  that 
case,  would  serve,  and  therefore  less  be  wanted  ?  And 
whether  men  do  not  import  a  commodity  in  proportion 
to  the  demand  or  want  of  it  ? 

463.  Whether  the  lowering  of  our  gold  would  not  create 
a  fever  in  the  state  ?  And  whether  a  fever  be  not  some- 
times a  cure,  but  whether  it  be  not  the  last  cure  a  man 
would  choose '  ? 

464.  Whether  raising  tfie  value  of  a  particular  species 
will  not  tend  to  multiply  such  species,  and  to  lessen  others 
in  proportion  thereunto?  And  whether  a  much  less 
quantity  of  cash  in  silver  would  not,  in  reality,  enrich 
the  nation  more  than  a  much  greater  in  gold  *  ? 

465.  Whether,  cceteris  paribus^  it  be  not  true  that  the 
prices  of  things  increase  as  the  quantity  of  money  in- 
creaseth,  and  are  diminished  as  that  is  diminished  ?  And 
whether,  by  the  quantity  of  money,  is  not  to  be  understood 
the  amount  of  the  denominations,  all  contracts  being 
nominal  for  pounds,  shillings,  and  pence,  and  not  for 
weights  of  gold  or  silver  ^  ? 

466.  Whether  our  exports  do  not  consist  of  such  neces- 
saries as  other  countries  cannot  well  be  without  ? 

467.  Whether  upon  the  circulation  of  a  national  bank 

'  Query  141,  Part  III,  follows  in  follow  in  first  edition, 

first  edition.  *  Queries     154-56,     Part     III, 

2  Queries     143-47,     Part     III,  follow  in  first  edition, 

follow  in  first  edition.  *  Queries   158,    159,    Part    III. 

^  Queries     150-52,     Part     III,  follow  in  first  edition. 


THE   QUERIST  465 

more  land  would  not  be  tilled,  more  hands  employed,  and 
consequently  more  commodities  exported  ^  ? 

468.  Whether  silver  and  small  money  be  not  that  which 
circulates  the  quickest,  and  passeth  through  all  hands, 
on  the  road,  in  the  market,  at  the  shop  ? 

469.  Whether,  all  things  considered,  it  would  not  be 
better  for  a  kingdom  that  its  cash  consisted  of  half  a  million 
in  small  silver,  than  of  five  times  that  sum  in  gold  ? 

470.  Whether  there  be  not  every  day  five  hundred 
lesser  payments  made  for  one  that  requires  gold  ? 

471.  whether  Spain,  where  gold  bears  the  highest 
value,  be  not  the  laziest,  and  China,  where  it  bears  the 
lowest,  be  not  the  most  industrious  country  in  the  known 
world'*  ? 

472.  Whether  it  be  not  evidently  the  interest  of  every 
state,  that  its  money  should  rather  circulate  than  stagnate  ? 

473.  Whether  the  principal  use  of  cash  be  not  its  ready 
passing  from  hand  to  hand,  to  answer  cpmmon  occasions 
of  the  common  people,  and  whether  common  occasions 
of  all  sorts  of  people  are  not  small  ones  ? 

474.  Whether  business  at  fairs  and  markets  is  not  often 
at  a  stand  and  often  hindered,  even  though  the  seller  hath 
his  commodities  at  hand,  and  the  purchaser  his  gold,  for 
want  of  change  ^  ? 

475.  As  wealth  is  really  power,  and  coin  a  ticket  con- 
veying power,  whether  those  tickets  which  are  the  fittest 
for  that  use  ought  not  to  be  preferred  ? 

476.  Whether  those  tickets  which  singly  transfer  small 
shares  of  power,  and,  being  multiplied,  large  shares,  are 
not  fitter  for  common  use  than  those  which  singly  transfer 
large  shares  ? 

477.  Whether  the  public  is  not  more  benefited  by  a 
shilling  that  circulates  than  a  pound  that  lies  dead  ? 

478.  Whether  sixpence  twice  paid  be  not  as  good  as 
a  shilling  once  paid? 

479.  Whether  the  same  shilling  circulating  in  a  village 

^  Queries     162-71,     Part    III,      in  first  edition, 
follow  in  first  edition.  *  Query  180,  Part  III,   follows 

'  Query  176,  Part  III,  follows      in  first  edition. 

BERKELEY:    PRASBR.       IV.  H  h 


466  THE    QUERIST 

may  not  supply  one  man  with  bread,  another  with  stock- 
ings, a  third  with  a  knife,  a  fourth  with  paper,  a  fifth  with 
nails,  and  so  answer  many  wants  which  must  otherwise 
have  remained  unsatisfied  ? 

480.  Whether  facilitating  and  quickening  the  circulation 
of  power  to  supply  wants  be  not  the  promoting  of  wealth 
and  industry  among  the  lower  people  ?  And  whether 
upon  this  the  wealth  of  the  great  doth  not  depend  ? 

481.  Whether,  without  the  proper  means  of  circulation, 
it  be  not  vain  to  hope  for  thriving  manufactures  and  a  busy 
people  ? 

482.  Whether  four  pounds  in  small  cash  may  not. circu- 
late and  enliven  an  Irish  market,  which  many  four-pound 
pieces  would  permit  to  stagnate  ^  ? 

483.  Whether  a  man  that  could  move  nothing  less  than 
a  hundred-pound  weight  would  not  be  much  at  a  loss  to 
supply  his  wants;  and  whether  it  would  not  be  better 
for  him  to  be  less  strong  and  more  active? 

484.  Whether  the  natural  body  can  be  in  a  state  of 
health  and  vigour  without  a  due  circulation  of  the  ex- 
tremities, even  in  the  fingers  and  toes  ?  And  whether  the 
political  body,  any  more  than  the  natural,  can  thrive  with- 
out a  proportionable  circulation  through  the  minutest  and 
most  inconsiderable  parts  thereof? 

485.  If  we  had  a  mint  for  coining  only  shillings,  six- 
pences, and  copper-money,  whether  the  nation  would  not 
soon  feel  the  good  effects  thereof? 

486.  Whether  the  greater  waste  by  wearing  of  small 
coins  would  not  be  abundantly  overbalanced  by  their 
usefulness  ? 

487.  Whether  it  be  not  the  industry  of  common  people 
that  feeds  the  state,  and  whether  it  be  possible  to  keep 
this  industry  alive  without  small  money  ? 

488.  Whether  the  want  of  this  be  not  a  great  bar  to  our 
employing  the  people  in  these  manufactures  which  are 
open  to  us,  and  do  not  interfere  with  Great  Britain  ? 

489.  Whether  therefore  such  want  doth  not  drive  men 
into  the  lazy  way  of  employing  land  under  sheep-walk  ? 

490.  Whether  the  running  of  wool  from  Ireland  can 

^  [In  the  year  1735,  this  coun-  overrated,  flowed  in  from  all  parts, 
try  abounded  with  the  large  gold  But  that  evil  is  since  remedied.]— 
coins   of  Portugal,   which,   being      Author. 


THE   QUERIST  467 

SO    effectually  be    prevented    as    by  encouraging    other 
business  and  manufactures  among  our  people  ? 

491.  Whatever  commodities  Great  Britain  importeth 
which  we  might  supply,  whether  it  be  not  her  real  interest 
to  import  them  from  us  rather  than  from  any  other  people? 

492.  Whether  the  apprehension  of  many  among  us  (who 
for  that  very  reason  stick  to  their  wool),  that  England  may 
hereafter  prohibit,  limit,  or  discourage  our  linen  trade, 
when  it  hath  been  once,  with  great  pains  and  expense, 
thoroughly  introduced  and  settled  in  this  land,  be  not 
altogether  groundless  and  unjust? 

493.  Whether  it  is  possible  for  this  country,  which  hath 
neither  mines  of  gold  nor  a  free  trade,  to  support  for  any 
time  the  sending  out  of  specie  ? 

494.  Whether  in  fact  our  payments  are  not  made  by 
bills  ?  And  whether  our  foreign  credit  doth  not  depend 
on  our  domestic  industry,  and  our  bills  on  that  credit  ? 

495.  Whether,  in  order  to  mend  it,  we  ought  not  first 
to  know  the  peculiar  wretchedness  of  our  state  ?  And 
whether  there  be  any  knowing  of  this  but  by  comparison  ? 

496.  Whether  there  are  not  single  market  towns  in 
England  that  turn  more  money  in  buying  and  selling  than 
whole  countries  (perhaps  provinces)  with  us  ? 

497.  Whether  the  small  town  of  Birmingham  alone  doth 
not,  upon  an  average,  circulate  every  week,  one  way 
or  other,  to  the  value  of  fifty  thousand  pounds  ?  But 
whether  the  same  crown  may  not  be  often  paid  *  ? 

498.  Whether  any  kingdom  in  Europe  be  so  good 
a  customer  at  Bourdeaux  as  Ireland  ? 

499.  Whether  the  police  and  economy  of  France  be  not 
governed  by  wise  councils  ?  And  whether  any  one  from 
this  country,  who  sees  their  towns,  and  manufactures,  and 
commerce,  will  not  wonder  what  our  senators  have  been 
doing  ? 

500.  What  variety  and  number  of  excellent  manufac- 
tures are  to  be  met  with  throughout  the  whole  kingdom  of 
France  ? 

501.  Whether  there  are  not  everywhere  some  or  other 
mills  for  many  uses,  forges  and  furnaces  for  iron-work, 
looms  for  tapestry,  glass-houses,  and  so  forth  ? 

^  Queries  204,  205,  Part  III,  follow  in  first  edition. 

H  h  2 


468  THE   QUERIST 

502.  What  quantities  of  paper,  stockings,  hats ;  what 
manufactures  of  wool,  silk,  linen,  hemp,  leather,  wax, 
earthenware,  brass,  lead,  tin,  &c.  ? 

503.  Whether  the  manufactures  and  commerce  of  the 
single  town  of  Lyons  do  not  amount  to  a  greater  value 
than  all  the  manufactures  and  all  the  trade  of  this  kingdom 
taken  together^? 

504.  Whether,  in  the  anniversary  fair  at  the  small  town 
of  Beaucair  upon  the  Rhone,  there  be  not  as  much  money 
laid  out  as  the  current  cash  of  this  kingdom  amounts  to  *  ? 

505.  Whether  the  very  shreds  shorn  from  woollen  cloth, 
which  are  thrown  away  in  Ireland,  do  not  make  a  beautiful 
tapestry  in  France '  ? 

506.  Whether  there  be  not  French  towns  subsisted 
merely  by  making  pins? 

507.  whether  the  coarse  fingers  of  those  very  women, 
those  same  peasants  who  one  part  of  the  year  till  the 
ground  and  dress  the  vineyards,  are  not  another  employed 
in  making  the  finest  French  point  ? 

508.  Whether  there  is  not  a  great  number  of  idle  fingers 
among  the  wives  and  daughters  of  our  peasants  *  ? 

509.  Whether  the  French  do  not  raise  a  trade  from 
saffron,  dying  drugs,  and  the  like  products,  which  may  do 
with  us  as  well  as  with  them  ? 

510.  Whether  we  may  not  have  materials  of  our  own 
growth  to  supply  all  manufactures,  as  well  as  France, 
except  silk,  and  whether  the  bulk  of  what  silk  even  France 
manufactures  be  not  imported  ? 

511.  Whether  it  be  possible  for  this  country  to  grow 
rich,  so  long  as  what  is  made  by  domestic  industry  is  spent 
in  foreign  luxury  ^  ? 

512.  Whether  our  natural  Irish  are  not  partly  Spaniards 
and  partly  Tartars ;  and  whether  they  do  not  bear  signa- 
tures of  their  descent  from  both  these  nations,  which  is 
also  confirmed  by  all  their  histories  ? 

^  Query   212,  Part  III,  follows  low  in  first  edition, 

in  first  edition.  *  Query  222,  Part  III,  follows 

'  Queries-  214,   215,    Part    III,  in  first  edition, 

follow  in  first  edition.  '  Query  226,  Part  III,  follows 

^  Queries  217,  218,  Part  III,  fol-  in  first  edition. 


THE    QUERIST  469 

513.  Whether  the  Tartar  progeny  is  not  numerous  in 
this  land  ?  And  whether  there  is  an  idler  occupation  under 
the  sun  than  to  attend  flocks  and  herds  of  cattle  ? 

514.  Whether  the  wisdom  of  the  state  should  not  wrestle 
with  this  hereditary  disposition  of  our  Tartars,  and  with 
a  high  hand  introduce  agriculture  ^  ? 

515.  Whether  once  upon  a  time  France  did  not,  by  her 
linen  alone,  draw  yearly  from  Spain  about  eight  millions  of 
livres  ? 

516.  Whether  the  French  have  not  suffered  in  their 
linen  trade  with  Spain,  by  riot  making  their  cloth  of  due 
breadth ;  and  whether  any  other  people  have  suffered,  and 
are  still  likely  to  suffer,  through  the  same  prevarication '  ? 

517.  Whether  the  Spaniards  are  not  rich  and  lazy,  and 
whether  they  have  not  a  particular  inclination  and  favour 
for  the  inhabitants  of  this  island  ?  But  whether  a  punctual 
people  do  not  love  punctual  dealers  ? 

518.  Whether  about  fourteen  years  ago  we  had  not 
come  into  a  considerable  share  of  the  linen  trade  with 
Spain,  and  what  put  a  stop  to  this'? 

519.  Whether,  if  the  linen  manufacture  were  carried  on 
in  the  other  provinces  as  well  as  in  the  north,  the  mer- 
chants of  Cork,  Limerick,  and  Galway  would  not  soon  find 
the  way  to  Spain  ? 

520.  Whether  the  woollen  manufacture  of  England  is 
not  divided  into  several  parts  or  branches,  appropriated  to 
particular  places,  where  they  are  only  or  principally  manu- 
factured ;  fine  cloths  in  Somersetshire,  coarse  in  York- 
shire, long  ells  at  Exeter,  saies*  at  Sudbury,  crapes  at 
Norwich,  linseys  at  Kendal,  blankets  at  Witney,  and  so 
forth? 

521.  Whether  the  united  skill,  industry,  and  emulation 
of  many  together  on  the  same  work  be  not  the  way  to 
advance  it  ?  And  whether  it  had  been  otherwise  possible 
for  England  to  have  carried  on  her  woollen  manufacture 
to  so  great  perfection  ? 

*  Query  230,  Part  III,  follows  this  respect.] — Author. 

in  first  edition.  ^  Query  235,  Part  III,  follows  in 

^  [Things,   we   hear,    are   in   a  first  edition, 

way  of  being  mended  with  us  in  *  *  saies/  i.  e.  serges. 


470  THE   QUERIST 

522.  Whether  it  would  not  on  many  accounts  be  right  if 
we  observed  the  same  course  with  respect  to  our  linen 
manufacture ;  and  that  diapers  were  made  in  one  town  or 
district,  damasks  in  another,  sheeting  in  a  third,  fine  wear- 
ing linen  in  a  fourth,  coarse  in  a  fifth,  in  another  cambrics, 
in  another  thread  and  stockings,  in  others  stamped  linen, 
or  striped  linen,  or  tickings,  or  dyed  linens,  of  which  last 
kinds  there  is  so  great  a  consumption  among  the  seafaring 
men  of  all  nations  ? 

523.  Whether  it  may  not  be  worth  while  to  inform  our- 
selves of  the  different  sorts  of  linen  which  are  in  request 
among  different  people  ? 

524.  Whether  we  do  not  yearly  consume  of  French 
wines  about  a  thousand  tuns  more  than  either  Sweden  or 
Denmark,  and  yet  whether  those  nations  pay  ready  money 
as  we  do  ^  ? 

525.  Whether  it  be  not  a  custom  for  some  thousands  of 
Frenchmen  to  go  about  the  beginning  of  March  into  Spain, 
and  having  tilled  the  lands  and  gathered  the  harvest  of 
Spain,  to  return  home  with  money  in  their  pockets  about 
the  end  of  November  ? 

526.  Whether  of  late  years  our  Irish  labourers  do  not 
carry  on  the  same  business  in  England,  to  the  great  dis- 
content of  many  there  ?  But  whether  we  have  not  much 
more  reason  than  the  people  of  England  to  be  displeased 
at  this  commerce  ? 

527.  Whether,  notwithstanding  the  cash,  supposed  to 
be  brought  into  it,  any  nation  is,  in  truth,  a  gainer  by  such 
traffic  ? 

528.  Whether  the  industry  of  our  people  employed  in 
foreign  lands,  while  our  own  are  left  uncultivated,  be  not 
a  great  loss  to  the  country  ? 

529.  Whether  it  would  not  be  much  better  for  us,  if, 
instead  of  sending  our  men  abroad,  we  could  draw  men 
from  the  neighbouring  countries  to  cultivate  our  own  ? 

530.  Whether,  nevertheless,  we  are  not  apt  to  think 
the  money  imported  by  our  labourers  to  be  so  much  clear 
gains  to  this  country ;  but  whether  a  little  reflexion  and 
a  little  political  arithmetic  may  not  shew  us  our  mistake  ? 

531.  Whether  our  prejudices  about  gold  and  silver  are 

*  Query  242,  Part  III,  follows  in  first  edition. 


THE   QUERIST  471 

not  very  apt  to  infect  or  misguide  our  judgments  and 
reasonings  about  the  public  weal? 

532.  Whether  it  be  not  a  good  rule  whereby  to  judge  of 
the  trade  of  any  city,  and  its  usefulness,  to  observe  whether 
there  is  a  circulation  through  the  extremities,  and  whether 
the  people  round  about  are  busy  and  warm  ? 

533'  Whether  we  had  not,  some  years  since,  a  manufac- 
ture of  hats  at  Athlone,  and  of  earthenware  at  Arklow,  and 
what  became  of  those  manufactures  ? 

534.  Why  we  do  not  make  tiles  of  our  own,  for  flooring 
and  roofing,  rather  than  bring  them  from  Holland  ? 

535.  What  manufactures  are  there  in  France  and  Venice 
of  gilt-leather,  how  cheap  and  how  splendid  a  furniture  ? 

536.  Whether  we  may  not,  for  the  same  use,  manufac- 
ture divers  things  at  home  of  more  beauty  and  variety 
than  wainscot,  which  is  imported  at  such  expense  from 
Norway  ? 

537.  Whether  the  use  and  the  fashion  will  not  soon 
make  a  manufacture? 

538.  Whether,  if  our  gentry  lised  to  drink  mead  and 
cider,  we  should  not  soon  have  those  liquors  in  the  utmost 
perfection  and  plenty  ? 

539.  Whether  it  be  not  wonderful  that  with  such 
pastures,  and  so  many  black  cattle,  we  do  not  find  our- 
selves in  cheese? 

540.  Whether  great  profits  may  not  be  made  by 
fisheries ;  but  whether  those  of  our  Irish  who  live  by 
that  business  do  not  contrive  to  be  drunk  and  unemployed 
one-half  of  the  year  ? 

541.  Whether  it  be  not  folly  to  think  an  inward  com- 
merce cannot  enrich  a  state,  because  it  doth  not  increase 
its  quantity  of  gold  and  silver  ?  And  whether  it  is  possible 
a  cojLintry  should  not  thrive,  while  wants  are  supplied,  and 
business  goes  on  ? 

542.  Whether  plenty  of  all  the  necessaries  and  comforts 
of  life  be  not  real  wealth  ? 

543.  Whether  Lyons,  by  the  advantage  of  her  midland 
situation  and  the  rivers  Rhone  and  Saone,  be  not  a  great 
magazine  or  mart  for  inward  commerce  ?  And  whether 
she  doth  not  maintain  a  constant  trade  with  most  parts  of 
France ;  with  Provence  for  oils  and  dried  fruits,  for  wines 
and  cloth  with  Languedoc,  for  stuffs  with  Champaign,  for 


472  THE    QUERIST 

linen  with   Picardy,   Normandy,  and  Bretagne,  for  corn 
with  Burgundy? 

544.  Whether  she  doth  not  receive  and  utter  all  those 
commodities,  and  raise  a  profit  from  the  distribution  there- 
of, as  well  as  of  her  own  manufactures,  throughout  the 
kingdom  of  France? 

545.  Whether  the  charge  of  making  good  roads  and 
navigable  rivers  across  the  country  would  not  be  really 
repaid  by  an  inward  commerce? 

546.  Whether,  as  our  trade  and  manufactures  increased, 
magazines  should  not  be  established  in  proper  places, 
fitted  by  their  situation,  near  great  roads  and  navigable 
rivers,  lakes,  or  canals,  for  the  ready  reception  and  dis- 
tribution of  all  sorts  of  commodities  from  and  to  the 
several  parts  of  the  kingdom ;  and  whether  the  town  of 
Athlone,  for  instance,  may  not  be  fitly  situated  for  such 
a  magazine,  or  centre  of  domestic  commerce  ? 

547.  Whether  an  inward  trade  would  not  cause  industry 
to  flourish,  and  multiply  the  circulation  of  our  coin,  and 
whether  this  may  not  do  as  well  as  multiplying  the  coin 
itself? 

548.  Whether  the  benefits  of  a  domestic  commerce  are 
sufficiently  understood  and  attended  to  ;  and  whether  the 
cause  thereof  be  not  the  prejudiced  and  narrow  way  of 
thinking  about  gold  and  silver  ? 

549.  Whether  there  be  any  other  more  easy  and  un- 
envied  method  of  increasing  the  wealth  of  a  people  ? 

550.  Whether  we  of  this  island  are  not  from  our  peculiar 
circumstances  determined  to  this  very  commerce  above  any 
other,  from  the  number  of  necessaries  and  good  things 
that  we  possess  within  ourselves,  from  the  extent  and 
variety  of  our  soil,  from  the  navigable  rivers  and  good 
roads  which  we  have  or  may  have,  at  a  less  expense  than 
any  people  in  Europe,  from  our  great  plenty  of  materials 
for  manufactures,  and  particularly  from  the  restraints  we 
lie  under  with  regard  to  our  foreign  trade  *  ? 

551.  Whether  annual  inventories  should  not  be  pub- 
lished of  the  fairs  throughout  the  kingdom,  in  order  to 
judge  of  the  growth  of  its  commerce  ? 

552.  Whether  there  be   not   every  year   more   cash 

^  Queries  269,  270,  Part  III,  follow  in  first  edition. 


THE    QUERIST  473 

circulated   at  the   card-tables  of  Dublin  than  at  all  the 
fairs  of  Ireland  ? 

553.  Whether  the  wealth  of  a  country  will  not  bear  pro- 
portion to  the  skill  and  industry  of  its  inhabitants  ? 

554.  Whether  foreign  imports  that  tend  to  promote 
industry  should  not  be  encouraged,  and  such  as  have 
a  tendency  to  promote  luxury  should  not  be  discouraged  ? 

555.  Whether  the  annual  balance  of  trade  between  Italy 
and  Lyons  be  not  about  four  millions  in  favour  of  the 
former,  and  yet,  whether  Lyons  be  not  a  gainer  by  this 
trade  ? 

556.  Whether  the  general  rule,  of  determining  the 
profit  of  a  commerce  by  its  balance,  doth  not,  like  other 
general  rules,  admit  of  exceptions  ? 

557.  Whether  it  would  not  be  a  monstrous  folly  to 
import  nothing  but  gojd  and  silver,  supposing  we  might 
do  it,  from  every  foreign  part  to  which  we  trade?  Aiid 
yet,  whether  some  men  may  not  think  this  foolish  circum- 
stance a  very  happy  one  ? 

558.  But  whether  we  do  not  all  see  the  ridicule  of  the 
Mogul's  subjects,  who  take  from  us  nothing  but  our  silver, 
and  bury  it  under  ground,  in  order  to  make  sure  thereof 
against  the  resurrection  ? 

559.  Whether  he  must  not  be  a  wrongheaded  patriot 
or  politician,  whose  ultimate  view  was  drawing  money  into 
a  country,  and  keeping  it  there  ? 

560.  Whether  it  be  not  evident  that  not  gold  but  in- 
dustry causeth  a  country  to  flourish  ? 

561.  Whether  it  would  not  be  a  silly  project  in  any 
nation  to  hope  to  grow  rich  by  prohibiting  the  exportation 
of  gold  and  silver  ? 

562.  Whether  there  can  be  a  greater  mistake  in  politics 
than  to  measure  the  wealth  of  the  nation  by  its  gold  and 
silver  ? 

563.  Whether  gold  and  silver  be  not  a  drug,  where  they 
do  not  promote  industry  ?  Whether  they  be  not  even  the 
bane  and  undoing  of  an  idle  people  ? 

564.  Whether  gold  will  not  cause  either  industry  or  vice 
to  flourish  ?  And  whether  a  country,  where  it  flowed  in 
without  labour,  must  not  be  wretched  and  dissolute  like 
an  island  inhabited  by  Buccaneers  ? 

565.  Whether  arts  and  virtue  are  not  likely  to  thrive. 


474  THE   QUERIST 

where  money  is  made  a  means  to  industry  ?     But  whether 
money  without  this  would  be  a  blessing  to  any  people  *  ? 

566.  Whether  keeping  cash  at  home,  or  sending  it 
abroad,  just  as  it  most  ser\'es  to  promote  industry,  be  not 
the  real  interest  of  every  nation  ? 

567.  Whether  commodities  of  all  kinds  do  not  naturally 
flow  where  there  is  the  greatest  demand  ?  Whether  the 
greatest  demand  for  a  thing  be  not  where  it  is  of  most  use  ? 
Whether  money,  like  other  things,  hath  not  its  proper 
use?  Whether  this  use  be  not  to  circulate?  Whether 
therefore  there  must  not  of  course  be  money  where 
there  is  a  circulation  of  industry*;  [and  where  there 
is  no  industry,  whether  there  will  be  a  demand  for 
money  •  ?] 

568.  Whether  it  is  not  a  great  point  to  know  what  we 
would  be  at?  And  whether  whole  states,  as  well  as 
private  persons,  do  not  often  fluctuate  for  want  of  this 
knowledge  ? 

569.  Whether  gold  may  not  be  compared  to  Sejanus's 
horse,  if  we  consider  its  passage  through  the  world,  and 
the  fate  of  those  nations  which  have  been  successively 
possessed  thereof*? 

570.  Whether  means  are  not  so  far  useful  as  they 
answer  the  end  ?  And  whether,  in  different  circumstances, 
the  same  ends  are  not  obtained  by  different  means  ? 

571.  If  we  are  a  poor  nation,  abounding  with  very  poor 
people,  will  it  not  follow  that  a  far  greater  proportion  of 
our  stock  should  be  in  the  smallest  and  lowest  species 
than  would  suit  with  England? 

572.  Whether,  therefore,  it  would  not  be  highly  expe- 
dient, if  our  money  were  coined  of  peculiar  values,  best 
suited  to  the  circumstances  and  uses  of  our  own  country ; 
and  whether  any  other  people  could  take  umbrage  at 
our  consulting  our  own  convenience,  in  an  affair  entirely 
domestic,  and  that  lies  within  ourselves  ? 

573.  Whether  every  man  doth  not  know,  and  hath  not 

*  Query  286,  Part  III,  follows  ^  Query  289,  Part  III,  follows 

in  first  edition.  in  first  edition. 

^  Query  567  ended  here  in  second  *  Query  292,  Part  III,  follows 

edition.  in  first  edition. 


THE   QUERIST  475 

long  known,  that  the  want  of  a  mint  causeth  many  other 
wants  in  this  kingdom  ? 

574.  What  harm  did  England  sustain  about  three  cen- 
turies ago,  when  silver  was  coined  in  this  kingdom  ? 

575.  What  harm  was  it  to  Spain  that  her  provinces  of 
Naples  and  Sicily  had  all  along  mints  of  their  own  ^? 

576.  Whether  it  may  not  be  presumed  that  our  not 
having  a  privilege,  which  every  other  kingdom  in  the 
world  enjoys,  be  not  owing  to  our  own  want  of  diligence 
and  unanimity  in  soliciting  for  it '  ? 

577.  Whether  it  be  not  the  interest  of  England  that  we 
should  cultivate  a  domestic  commerce  among  ourselves? 
And  whether  it  could  give  them  any  possible  jealousy,  if 
our  small  sum  of  cash  was  contrived  to  go  a  little  farther, 
if  there  was  a  little  more  life  in  our  markets,  a  little  more 
buying  and  selling  in  our  shops,  a  little  better  provision 
for  the  backs  and  bellies  of  so  many  forlorn  wretches 
throughout  the  towns  and  villages  of  this  island  ? 

578.  Whether  Great  Britain  ought  not  to  promote  the 
prosperity  of  her  Colonies,  by  all  methods  consistent  with 
her  own?  And  whether  the  Colonies  themselves  ought 
to  wish  or  aim  at  it  by  others  ? 

579.  Whether  the  remotest  parts  from  the  metropolis, 
and  the  lowest  of  the  people,  are  not  to  be  regarded  as 
the  extremities  and  capillaries  of  the  political  body  ? 

580.  Whether,  although  the  capillary  vessels  are  small,  yet 
obstructions  in  them  do  not  produce  great  chronical  diseases? 

581.  Whether  faculties  are  not  enlarged  and  improved 
by  exercise  ? 

582.  Whether  the  sum  of  the  faculties  put  into  act,  or, 
in  other  words,  the  united  action  of  a  whole  people,  doth 
not  constitute  the  momentum  of  a  state  ? 

583.  Whether  such  momentum  be  not  the  real  stock 
or  wealth  of  a  state ;  and  whether  its  credit  be  not  pro- 
portional thereunto? 

584.  Whether  in  every  wise  state  the  faculties  of  the 
mind  are  not  most  considered  '*  ? 

585.  Whether  the  momentum  of  a  state  doth  not  imply 

*  Query  299,  Part  III,  follows  in       follow  in  first  edition. 

first  edition.  ^  Query  311,  Part  III,  follows 

*  Queries    301,    30a,    Part   III,       in  first  edition. 


476  THE   QUERIST 

the  whole  exertion  of  its  faculties,  intellectual  and  cor- 
poreal ;  and  whether  the  latter  without  the  former  could 
act  in  concert  ? 

586.  Whether  the  divided  force  of  men,  acting  singly, 
would  not  be  a  rope  of  sand  ? 

587.  Whether  the  particular  motions  of  the  members 
of  a  state,  in  opposite  directions,  will  not  destroy  each 
other,  and  lessen  the  momentum  of  the  whole  ;  but  whether 
they  must  not  conspire  to  produce  a  great  effect  ? 

588.  Whether  the  ready  means  to  put  spirit  into  this 
state,  to  fortify  and  increase  its  momentum^  would  not  be 
a  national  bank,  and  plenty  of  small  cash '  ? 

589.  Whether  that  which  employs  and  exerts  the  force 
of  a  community  deserves  not  to  be  well  considered  and 
well  understood? 

590.  Whether  the  immediate  mover,  the  blood  and 
spirits,  be  not  money,  paper,  or  metal ;  and  whether  the 
soul  or  will  of  the  community,  which  is  the  prime  mover 
that  governs  and  directs  the  whole,  be  not  the  legislature  ? 

591.  Supposing  the  inhabitants  of  a  country  quite  sunk 
in  sloth,  or  even  fast  asleep,  whether,  upon  the  gradual 
awakening  and  exertion,  first  of  the  sensitive  and  loco- 
motive faculties,  next  of  reason  and  reflexion,  then  of 
justice  and  piety,  the  momentum  of  such  country  or  state 
would  not,  m  proportion  thereunto,  become  still  more  and 
more  considerable  ? 

592.  Whether  that  which  in  the  growth  is  last  attained, 
and  is  the  finishing  perfection  of  a  people,  be  not  the  first 
thing  lost  in  their  declension  ? 

593.  Whether  force  be  not  of  great  consequence,  as  it 
is  exerted ;  and  whether  great  force  without  wisdom  may 
not  be  a  nuisance  ? 

594.  Whether  the  force  of  a  child,  applied  with  art, 
may  not  produce  greater  effects  than  that  of  a  giant? 
And  whether  a  small  stock  in  the  hands  of  a  wise  state 
may  not  go  farther,  and  produce  more  considerable  effects, 
than  immense  sums  in  the  hands  of  a  foolish  one  *  ? 

595.  Whose  fault  is  it  if  poor  Ireland  still  continues 
poor  ? 

^  Query  316,  Part  III,   follows  *  Query  323,  Part  III,  follows 

in  first  edition.  in  first  edition. 


A  DISCOURSE 

ADDRESSED   TO 

MAGISTRATES  AND  MEN    IN  AUTHORITY 

OCCASIONED 

BY   THE   ENORMOUS  LICENCE  AND 
IRRELIGION   OF  THE  TIMES 


*  Gallic  cared  for  none  of  these  things.*— Acts  xviii.  17 


First  published  in  1736 


EDITOR'S   PREFACE 


TO   THE 


DISCOURSE' 


This  Discourse  was  first  published  at  Dublin  in  1736. 
It  was  reprinted  in  1738,  'by  George  Faulkner/  also  at 
Dublin;  and  afterwards  in  the  Miscellany  of  1752.  It 
seems  to  have  been  called  forth  particularly  by  those 
whom  it  describes  as  'that  execrable  Fraternity  of  Blas- 
phemers, lately  set  up  within  this  city  of  Dublin/  called 
Blasters.  A  letter  from  Bishop  Forster  to  the  author  refers 
to  this : — 'Your  account  of  the  new  Society  of  Blasters  in 
Dublin  is  shocking  :  the  zeal  of  all  good  men  for  the  cause 
of  God  should  rise  in  proportion  to  the  impiety  of  these 
horrid  blasphemers/  Stock  tells  that  Berkeley  expressed 
his  sentiments  on  this  subject  'in  the  [Irish]  House  of 
Lords,  the  only  time  he  ever  spoke  there :  the  speech  was 
received  with  much  applause.'  I  have  not  found  any 
record  of  this  speech,  but  the  Journals  of  the  House  shew 
that,  on  February  17,  1738,  it  was  ordered  'that  the  Lords' 
Committees  in  Religion  do  meet  after  the  rising  of  the 
House,  and  inquire  as  to  the  causes  of  the  present  notorious 
immorality  and  profaneness.'     In  March  the  Committees 


480  editor's  preface  to 

reported  'that  an  uncommon  scene  of  impiety  and  blas- 
phemy appeared  before  them;  that  they  have  sufficient 
grounds  to  believe  that  several  loose  and  disorderly  per- 
sons have  erected  themselves  into  a  Society  or  Club,  under 
the  name  of  Blasters,  and  have  used  means  to  draw  into 
this  Society  several  of  the  youth  of  this  kingdom ;  that 
what  the  practices  of  this  Society  are  (besides  the  general 
fame  spread  through  the  whole  kingdom)  appears  by  the 
examination  of  several  persons  taken  upon  oadi  in  relation 
to  Peter  Lens,  painter,  lately  come  into  this  kingdom, 
who  professes  himself  a  Blaster.  By  these  examinations 
it  appears  that  Peter  Lens  professes  himself  to  be  a  votaiy 
of  the  devil ;  that  he  hath  offered  up  prayers  to  him,  and 
publicly  drank  to  the  devil's  health;  that  he  hath  at 
several  times  uttered  the  most  daring  and  execrable  bias- 
phemies  against  the  sacred  name  and  majesty  of  God ;  and 
often  made  use  of  such  obscene,  blasphemous,  and  before 
unheard-of  expressions,  as  the  Lords'  Committees  think 
they  cannot  even  mention  to  your  Lordships. .  The  Lords* 
Committees  cannot  take  upon  them  to  assign  the  imme- 
diate causes  of  such  monstrous  impieties ;  but  they  beg 
leave  to  observe,  that  of  late  years  there  hath  appeared 
a  greater  neglect  of  religion  than  was  ever  before  known 
in  this  kingdom '.' 

There  is  no  proof  that  this  contemptible  Society  de- 
served the  notoriety  which  these  proceedings  conferred 
upon  it,  and  the  Journals  give  no  later  information. '  But, 
apart  from  this  local  symptom,  there  is  more  impressive 
evidence  of  prevailing  irreligious  scepticism  in  the  nation 
about  this  time.  This  Discourse  appeared  almost  simul- 
taneously with  the  Analogy  of  Bishop  Butler,  who  tells 
his  readers,  at  the  outset  of  his  great  work,  that  '  it  is 
come,  I  know  not  how,  to  be  taken  for  granted,  by  many 
persons,  that  Christianity  is  not  so  much  as  a  subject 
of  inquiry ;  but  that  it  is  now  at  length  discovered  to  be 

*  See  Life  and  Letters  of  Berkeley^  pp.  254-5,  note. 


THE    <  DISCOURSE  ' 


481 


fictitious.  And  accordingly  they  treat  it  as  if,  in  the 
present  age,  this  were  an  agreed  point  among  all  people 
of  discernment;  and  nothing  remained  but  to  set  it  up 
as  a  principal  subject  of  mirth  and  ridicule ;  as  it  were 
by  way  of  reprisals  for  having  so  long  interrupted  the 
pleasures  of  the  world.'     So  Butler  wrote  in  May,  1736. 

Berkeley's  Discourse  is  a  defence  of  National  Religion. 
It  proceeds  upon  the  ethical  theory  of  civil  authority  con- 
tained in  his  Discourse  of  Passive  Obedience.  Magistrates, 
he  argues,  are  concerned  with  the  beliefs  of  society; 
seeing  that  the  actions  of  men  are  determined  by  their 
beliefs ;  and  especially  by  what  they  think  and  believe  about 
God.  It  is  true  that  such  beliefs  may,  in  the  case  of  the 
majority,  be  unreasoned  and  received  upon  trust ;  but  they 
are  not  on  that  account  inoperative.  In  moral  questions, 
utility  and  truth,  according  to  Berkeley,  are  not  to  be 
divided ;  the  good  of  mankind  being  the  rule  and  measure 
of  moral  truth.  It  is  a  constitutive  principle  of  society 
that  religion  should  be  reverenced.  Thought  no  doubt 
should  be  free,  but  'blasphemy  against  God  is  a  great 
crime  against  the  State';  and  'an  inward  sense  of  the 
supreme  majesty  of  the  King  of  kings  is  the  only  thing 
that  can  beget  and  preserve  a  true  respect  for  subordinate 
majesty  in  all  the  degrees  of  power;  the  first  link  of 
authority  being  fixed  at  the  throne  of  God.'  Therefore 
inherited  religious  beliefs,  whose  worth  has  been  tested 
by  their  utility,  ought  to  be  steadily  sustained  by  the 
supreme  power,  under  the  highest  ideal  of  the  State  ^ 


'  The  Harieian  Miscellany  (vol. 
iii.  pp.  177-85)  contains  A  Letter 
to  the  Right  Rev,  the  Lord  Bishop 
of  Cloyney  by  a  Gentleman  in  the 
Army,  occasioned  by  a  Dissertation 
by  the  Bishop  on  the  text  ^  Gallio 
cared  for  none  of  these  things* 
This  Letter,  professedly  seconding 
the  Bishop's  appeal,  appears  to 
have  been,  written  about  1739. 
'  It  contains/  says  the  Editor,  *  so 

BBRKBLBT :     PHASER.      IV. 


many  touches  of  elegance  and 
judgment  that  we  could  not  refuse 
it  a  place  in  this  Collection,  in 
which,  though  it  was  our  original 
design  to  recover  such  pieces  as 
begin  to  disappear  by  their  anti- 
quity, we  shall  not  neglect  some- 
times to  preserve  those  writings 
from  destruction  which,  by  acci- 
dent or  envy,  have  been  hitherto 
kept  secret.' 

I  1 


482        editor's    preface    to    the    <  DISCOURSE  * 

This  Discourse  may  be  compared  with  that  on  Passive 
Obedience,  as  regards  the  ethics  of  national  polity;  also 
with  the  Essay  towards  preventing  the  Ruin  of  Great 
Britain,  for  its  lamentation  over  social  corruption.  Its 
references  to  authorities  ancient  and  modern  shew  Berke- 
ley's increased  disposition  to  learned  research  and  depend- 
ence  on  authority,  in  his  later  years,  a  disposition  more 
fully  illustrated  in  Siris. 


A  DISCOURSE 

ADDRESSED  TO   MAGISTRATES  AND 
MEN   IN   AUTHORITY 

The  pretensions  and  discourse  of  men  throughout  these 
kingdoms  would,  at  first  view,  lead  one  to  think  the 
inhabitants  were  all  politicians ;  and  yet,  perhaps,  political 
wisdom  hath  in  no  age  or  country  been  more  talked  of, 
and  less  understood.  Licence  is  taken  for  the  end  of 
government,  and  popular  humour  for  its  origin.  No  rever- 
ence for  the  law,  no  attachment  to  the  constitution,  little 
attention  to  matters  of  consequence,  and  great  altercation 
upon  trifles ;  such  idle  projects  about  religion  and  govern- 
ment, as  if  the  public  had  both  to  choose ;  a  general 
contempt  for  all  authority,  divine  and  human;  an  indif- 
ference about  the  prevailing  opinions,  whether  they  tend 
to  produce  order  or  disorder,  to  promote  the  empire  of 
God  or  the  devil — these  are  the  symptoms  that  strongly 
mark  the  present  age :  and  this  could  never  have  been 
the  case,  if  a  neglect  of  religion  had  not  made  way  for  it. 

When  the  Jews  accused  Paul  upon  religious  matters 
and  points  of  their  law  before  Gallio,  the  Roman  magistrate, 
it  is  said  that  Gallio  'cared  for  none  of  these  things.* 
And,  it  is  to  be  feared,  there  are  not  a  few  magistrates 
in  this  Christian  countly  who  think  with  the  same  indiffer- 
ence on  the  subject  of  religion.  Herein,  nevertheless, 
they  judge  amiss,  and  are  much  wanting  to  their  duty. 
For,  although  it  be  admitted  that  the  magistrate's  peculiar 
object  is  the  temporal  welfare  of  the  state ;  yet,  this  will 
by  no  means  exclude  a  proper  care  about  the  prevailing 
notions  and  opinions  of  religion,  which  influence  the  lives 
and  actions  of  men,  and  have  therefore  a  mighty  effect  on 

I  i  a 


484  A    DISCOURSE   ADDRESSED   TO 

the  public.  Men's  behaviour  is  the  consequence  of  their 
principles.  Hence  it  follows  that,  in  order  to  make  a  state 
thrive  and  flourish,  care  must  be  taken  that  good  principles 
be  propagated  in  the  minds  of  those  who  compose  it. 

It  would  be  vain  to  depend  on  the  outward  form,  the 
constitution,  and  structure,  of  a  state,  while  the  majority 
are  ever  governed  by  their  inward  ways  of  thinking,  which 
at  times  will  break  out  and  shew  themselves  paramount 
to  all  laws  and  institutions  whatsoever.  It  must  be  great 
folly  therefore  to  overlook  notions,  as  matters  of  small 
moment  to  the  state,  while  experience  shews  there  is 
nothing  more  important;  and  that  a  prevailing  disorder 
in  the  principles  and  opinions  of  its  members  is  ever 
dangerous  to  society,  and  capable  of  producing  the  greatest 
public  evils. 

Man  is  an  animal  formidable  both  from  his  passions 
and  his  reason;  his  passions  often  urging  him  to  great 
evils,  and  his  reason  furnishing  means  to  achieve  them. 
To  tame  this  animal,  and  make  him  amenable  to  order, 
to  inure  him  to  a  sense  of  justice  and  virtue,  to  withhold 
him  from  ill  courses  by  fear,  and  encourage  him  in  his 
duty  by  hopes;  in  short,  to  fashion  and  model  him  for 
society,  hath  been  the  aim  of  civil  and  religious  institutions, 
and  in  all  times,  the  endeavour  of  good  and  wise  men. 
The  aptest  method  for  attaining  this  end  hath  been 
always  judged  a  proper  education. 

If  men's  actions  are  an  effect  of  their  principles,  that  is, 
of  their  notions,  their  beliefs,  their  persuasions ;  it  must 
be  admitted  that  principles  early  sown  in  the  mind  are  the 
seeds  which  produce  fruit  and  harvest  in  the  ripe  state 
of  manhood.  How  lightly  soever  some  men  may  speak 
of  notions,  yet,  so  long  as  the  soul  governs  the  body,  men's 
notions  must  influence  their  actions,  more  or  less,  as  they 
are  stronger  or  weaker ;  and  to  good  or  evil,  as  they  are 
better  or  worse. 

Our  notions  and  opinions  are  a  constant  check  on  our 
appetites,  and  balance  to  our  passions :  and  although  they 
may  not  in  every  instance  control  and  rule,  yet  they  will 
never  fail  strongly  to  affect  both  the  one  and  the  other. 
What  is  it  that  bridles  the  impetuous  desires  of  men?  that 
restrains  them  when  they  are  driven  by  the  most  violent 
passions  ?     In  a  word,  what  is  it  that  renders  this  world 


MAGISTRATES   AND    MEN    IN    AUTHORITY  485 

habitable,  but  the  prevailing  notions  of  Order,  Virtue, 
Duty,  and  Providence?  Some,  perhaps,  may  imagine 
that  the  eye  of  the  magistrate  alone  is  sufficient  to  keep 
mankind  in  awe.  But,  if  every  man's  heart  was  set  to 
do  all  the  mischief  his  appetite  should  prompt  him  to  do, 
as  often  as  opportunity  and  secrecy  presented  themselves, 
there  could  be  no  living  in  the  world. 

And  although  too  many  of  those  entrusted  with  civil 
power,  in  these  our  days,  may  be  said  with  Gallio  to  '  care 
for  none  of  those  things ' ;  and  many  more,  who  would 
pass  for  men  of  judgment  and  knowledge,  may  look  on 
notions  early  imbibed,  before  their  grounds  and  reasons 
are  apprehended  or  understood,  to  be  but  mere  prejudices, 
yet  this  will  detract  nothing  from  their  truth  and  usefulness. 
To  place  this  matter  in  a  due  light,  I  propose  to  shew, 
that  a  system  of  salutary  notions  is  absolutely  necessary  to 
the  support  of  every  civil  constitution.  I  shall  enforce 
this  point  by  the  testimony  of  those  who  are  esteemed 
the  wisest  men ;  and  I  shall  make  some  remarks  on  the 
modern  prevailing  spirit,  and  the  tendency  of  the  maxims 
of  our  times. 

Order  is  necessary,  not  only  to  the  wellbeing,  but  to  the 
very  being  of  a  state.  Now,  order  and  regularity  in 
the  actions  of  men  are  not  an  effect  of  appetite  or  passion, 
but  of  judgment :  and  the  judgment  is  governed  by  notions 
or  opinions.  There  must,  therefore,  of  necessity,  in  every 
state,  be  a  certain  system  of  salutary  notions,  a  prevailing 
set  of  opinions,  acquired  either  by  private  reason  and 
reflexion,  or  taught  and  instilled  by  the  general  reason  of 
the  public ;  that  is,  by  the  law  of  the  land.  True  it  is  that 
where  men  either  cannot  or  will  not  use  their  own  reason, 
think,  and  examine  for  themselves;  in  such  case  the 
notions  taught  or  instilled  into  their  minds  are  embraced 
rather  by  the  memory  than  the  judgment.  Nor  will  it  be 
any  objection  to  say  that  these  are  prejudices ;  inasmuch 
as  they  are  therefore  neither  less  useful  nor  less  true, 
although  their  proofs  may  not  be  understood  by  all  men. 

Licentious  habits  of  youth  give  a  cast  or  turn  to  age : 
the  young  rake  makes  an  old  infidel ;  libertine  practices 
beget  libertine  opinions ;  and  a  vicious  life  generally  ends 
in  an  old  age  of  prejudice  not  to  be  conquered  by  reasoning. 


486  A    DISCOURSE   ADDRESSED   TO 

Of  this  we  see  instances  even  in  persons  celebrated  for 
parts,  and  who  reason  admirably  on  other  points  where 
they  are  not  biassed ;  but  on  the  subject  of  religion  obtrude 
their  guesses,  surmises,  and  broken  hints  for  arguments. 
Against  such  there  is  no  reasoning. 

Prejudices  are  notions  or  opinions  which  the  mind  enter- 
tains without  knowing  the  grounds  and  reasons  of  them, 
and  which ,  are  assented  to  without  examination.  The 
first  notions  which  take  possession  of  the  minds  of  men, 
with  regard  to  duties  social,  moral,  and  civil,  may  therefore 
be  justly  styled  prejudices.  The  mind  of  a  young  creature 
cannot  remain  empty;  if  you  do  not  put  into  it  that  which 
is  good,  it  will  be  sure  to  receive  that  which  is  bad. 

Do  what  you  can,  there  will  still  be  a  bias  from  education ; 
and,  if  so,  is  it  not  better  this  bias  should  lie  towards 
things  laudable  and  useful  to  society?  This  bias  still 
operates,  although  it  may  not  always  prevail.  The  notions 
first  instilled  have  the  earliest  influence,  take  the  deepest 
root,  and  generally  are  found  to  give  a  colour  and  com- 
plexion to  the  subsequent  lives  of  men,  inasmuch  as  they 
are  in  truth  the  great  source  of  human  actions.  It  is  not 
gold,  or  honour,  or  power  that  move  men  to  act,  but  the 
opinions  they  entertain  of  those  things.  Hence  it  follows 
that  if  a  magistrate  should  say — *  No  matter  what  notions 
men  embrace,  I  will  take  heed  to  their  actions ;  *  therein 
he  shews  his  weakness:  for,  such  as  are  men's  notions, 
such  will  be  their  deeds. 

For  a  man  to  do  as  he  would  be  done  by ;  to  love  his 
neighbour  as  himself;  to  honour  his  superiors;  to  believe 
that  God  scans  all  his  actions,  and  will  reward  or  punish 
them ;  and  to  think  that  he  who  is  guilty  of  falsehood  or 
injustice  hurts  himself  more  than  any  one  else ; — are  not 
these  such  notions  and  principles  as  a  very  wise  governor 
or  legislator  would  covet  above  all  things  to  have  firmly 
rooted  in  the  mind  of  every  individual  under  his  care  ? 
This  is  allowed,  even  by  the  enemies  of  religion;  who 
would  fain  have  it  thought  the  offspring  of  state  policy, 
honouring  its  usefulness  at  the  same  time  that  they  dis- 
parage its  truth.  What,  therefore,  cannot  be  acquired  by 
every  man's  reasoning  must  be  introduced  by  precept,  and 
rivetted  by  custom ;  that  is  to  say,  the  bulk  of  mankind 
must,  in  all  civilised  societies,  have  their  minds,  by  timely 


MAGISTRATES   AND    MEN    IN    AUTHORITY  487 

instruction,  well  seasoned  and  furnished  with  proper 
notions ;  which,  although  the  grounds  or  proofs  thereof 
be  unknown  to  them,  will  nevertheless  influence  their 
conduct,  and  so  far  render  them  useful  members  of  the 
state.  But,  if  you  strip  men  of  these  their  notions,  or,  if 
you  will,  prejudices,  with  regard  to  modesty,  decency, 
justice,  charity,  and  the  like,  you  will  soon  find  them  so 
many  monsters,  utterly  unfit  for  human  society. 

I  desire  it  may  be  considered  that  most  men  want  leisure, 
opportunity,  or  faculties  to  derive  conclusions  from  their 
principles,  and  establish  morality  on  a  foundation  of  human 
science.  True  it  is  (as  St.  Paul  observes)  that '  the  invisible 
things  of  God,  from  the  creation  of  the  world  are  clearly 
seen'  (Romans  i.  20).  And  from  thence  the  duties  of 
natural  religion  may  be  discovered.  But  these  things  are 
seen  and  discovered  by  those  alone  who  open  their  eyes 
and  look  narrowly  for  them.  Now,  if  you  look  throughout 
the  world,  you  shall  find  but  few  of  these  narrow  inspectors 
and  inquirers;  very  few  who  make  it  their  business  to 
analyse  opinions  and  pursue  them  to  their  rational  source, 
to  examine  whence  truths  spring,  and  how  they  are  inferred. 
In  short,  you  shall  find  all  men  full  of  opinions,  but 
knowledge  only  in  a  few. 

It  is  impossible,  from  the  nature  and  circumstances  of 
human  kind,  that  the  multitude  should  be  philosophers,  or 
that  they  should  know  things  in  their  causes.  We  see 
every  day  that  the  rules  or  conclusions  alone  are  sufficient 
for  the  shopkeeper  to  state  his  account,  the  sailor  to 
navigate  his  ship,  or  the  carpenter  to  measure  his  timber : 
none  of  which  understand  the  theory,  that  is  to  say  the 
grounds  and  reasons,  either  of  arithmetic  or  geometry. 
Even  so  in  moral,  political,  and  religious  matters;  it  is 
manifest  that  the  rules  and  opinions  early  imbibed  at  the 
first  dawn  of  understanding,  and  without  the  least  glimpse 
of  science,  may  yet  produce  excellent  effects,  and  be  very 
useful  to  the  world ;  and  that  in  fact  they  are  so  will  be 
very  visible  to  every  one  who  shall  observe  what  passeth 
round  about  him. 

It  may  not  be  amiss  to  inculcate  that  the  difference 
between  prejudices  and  other  opinions  doth  not  consist  in 
this — that  the  former  are  false,  and  the  latter  true;  but 
in  this — that  the  former  are  taken  upon  trust,  and  the  latter 


488  A    DISCOURSE   ADDRESSED    TO 

acquired  by  reasoning'.  He  who  hath  been  taught  to 
believe  the  immortality  of  the  soul  may  be  as  right  in  his 
notion  as  he  who  hath  reasoned  himself  into  that  opinion. 
It  will  then  by  no  means  follow  that  because  this  or  that 
notion  is  a  prejudice,  it  must  be  therefore  false.  The  not 
distinguishing  between  prejudices  and  errors  is  a  prevailing 
oversight  among  our  modern  Free-thinkers. 

There  may  be,  indeed,  certain  mere  prejudices  or 
opinions,  which,  having  no  reasons  either  assigned  or 
assignable  to  support  them,  are  nevertheless  entertained 
by  the  mind,  because  they  intruded  betimes  into  it.  Such 
may  be  supposed  false,  not  because  they  were  early  learned, 
or  learned  without  their  reasons ;  but  because  there  are  in 
truth  no  reasons  to  be  given  for  them  *. 

Certainly,  if  a  notion  may  be  concluded  false  because  it 
was  early  imbibed,  or  because  it  is  with  most  men  an 
object  of  belief  rather  than  of  knowledge,  one  may  by  the 
same  reasoning  conclude  several  propositions  of  Euclid 
to  be  false.  A  simple  apprehension  of  conclusions  as 
taken  in  themselves,  without  the  deductions  of  science, 
is  what  falls  to  the  share  of  mankind  in  general.  Religious 
awe,  the  precepts  of  parents  and  masters,  the  wisdom  of 
legislators,  and  the  accumulated  experience  of  ages  supply 
the  place  of  proofs  and  reasonings  with  the  vulgar  of  all 
ranks:  I  would  say  that  discipline,  national  constitution, 
and  laws  human  and  divine  are  so  many  plain  land-marks, 
which  guide  them  into  the  paths  wherein  it  is  presumed 
they  ought  to  tread. 

From  what  hath  been  premised,  it  plainly  appears,  that 
in  the  bulk  of  mankind  there  are  and  must  be  prejudices, 
that  is,  opinions  taken  upon  trust;  or,  in  other  words, 
that  there  are  points  of  faith  among  all  men  whatsoever, 
as  well  as  among  Christians. 

And,  as  it  is  evident  that  the  unthinking  part  of  every 
age,  sex,  and  condition  among  us,  must  necessarily  receive 
notions  with  the  submission  of  faith ;  so  it  is  very  reason- 
able that  they  should  submit  their  faith  to  the  greatest 

'  And  there  are  presuppositions  hensible  by  finite  intelligence, 
thatareinvolved  in  the  rational  con-  ^  But  theistic  faith,  which  con- 
stitution of  the  universe,  which  can  tains  by  implication  the  fundamen- 
only  be  accepted  in  faith,  because  tal  presuppositions  of  experience, 
they  are  only  imperfectly  compre-  may  be  vindicated  by  reasoning. 


MAGISTRATES   AND    MEN    IN    AUTHORITY  489 

authorities  human  and  Divine,  the  law  and  the  gospel. 
But  if  once  all  reverence  for  these  be  destroyed,  our  pre- 
tenders to  moral  knowledge  will  have  no  authority  to  imbue 
the  multitude  with  such  notions  as  may  control  their 
appetites.  From  all  which  it  follows  that  the  modern 
schemes  of  our  Free-thinkers,  who  pretend  to  separate 
morality  from  religion,  how  rational  soever  they  may  seem 
to  their  admirers,  are,  in  truth  and  effect,  most  irrational 
and  pernicious  to  civil  society  ^ 

Let  any  one  who  thinks  at  all  consider  the  savage  state 
of  undisciplined  men,  whose  minds  are  nurtured  to  no 
doctrine,  broke  by  no  instruction,  governed  by  no  prin- 
ciple. Let  him  at  the  same  time  reflect  on  a  society  of 
persons  educated  in  the  principles  of  our  Church,  formed 
betimes  to  fear  God,  to  reverence  their  superiors,  to  be 
grateful  to  their  benefactors,  forgiving  to  their  enemies, 
just  and  charitable  to  all  men ;  and  he  will  then  be  able  to 
judge  of  the  merits  of  those  who  are  so  active  to  weed  out 
the  prejudices  of  education. 

Among  the  many  wild  notions  broached  in  these  giddy 
times,  it  must  be  owned  that  some  of  our  declaimers 
against  prejudice  have  wrought  themselves  into  a  sort 
of  esteem  for  savages,  as  a  virtuous  and  unprejudiced 
people.  In  proof  of  which,  they  allege  their  being  free 
from  many  vices  practised  in  civilised  nations.  Now,  it  is 
very  true,  among  savages  there  are  few  instances  to  be 
found  of  luxury,  avarice,  or  ambition ;  not  that  the  contrary 
virtues  take  place,  but  because  the  opportunities  and 
faculties  for  such  vices  are  wanting.  For  the  same  reason, 
you  do  not  see  them  in  brutes. 

What  they  esteem  and  admire  in  those  creatures  is  not 
innocence,  but  ignorance :  it  is  not  virtue,  but  necessity. 
Give  them  but  the  means  of  transgressing,  and  they  know 
no  bounds.  For  example:  supply  the  water-drinking 
savage  with  strong  liquor,  and  he  shall  be  drunk  for  several 
days  and  nights  together.  Again  :  we  admit  an  uneducated 
savage  knows  not  how  to  supplant  a  rival  with  the  refined 
treachery  of  a  courtier;  yet,  if  you  put  his  foe  once  in  his 
power,  you  shall  soon  see  what  a  horrible  relish  and 
delight  the  monster  hath  in  cruelty. 

^  So  in  Alctphrofif  Dial.  II,  III. 


490  A    DISCOURSE   ADDRESSED   TO 

Above  all  others,  religious  notions,  or,  if  you  will,  preju- 
dices (since  this,  as  hatfi  been  already  observed,  detracts 
nothing  from  their  truth  and  usefulness)  have  the  most 
influence ;  they  are  the  strongest  curb  from  vice,  and  the 
most  effectual  spur  to  worthy  conduct.  Arid,  indeed, 
whether  we  consider  the  reason  of  things,  or  the  practice 
of  men  in  all  times,  we  shall  be  satisfied  that  nothing  truly 
great  and  good  can  enter  into  the  heart  of  one  attached 
to  no  principles  of  religion,  who  believes  no  Providence, 
who  neither  fears  hell,  nor  hopes  for  heaven. 

Punishments  and  rewards  have  always  had,  and  always 
will  have,  the  greatest  weight  with  men;  and  the  most 
considerable  of  both  kinds  are  proposed  by  religion,  the 
duties  whereof  fall  in  with  the  views  of  the  civil  magistrate. 
It  undeniably  follows,  that  nothing  can  add  more  strength  to 
a  good  and  righteous  government  than  Religion.  Therefore 
it  mainly  concerns  governors  to  keep  an  attentive  eye  on 
the  religion  of  their  subjects.  And  indeed  it  is  one  lesson 
to  magistrate  and  people,  prince  and  subject,  'Keep  my 
commandments  and  live,  and  my  law  as  the  apple  of  thine 
eye '  (Prov.  vii.  2). 

Although  it  is  no  consequence  from  what  hath  been  said, 
that  men  should  be  debarred  the  free  use  of  reason  and 
inquiry,  yet  surely  it  will  follow  that,  without  good  reason, 
a  man  should  not  reject  those  notions  which  have  been 
instilled  by  the  laws  and  education  of  his  country.  And 
even  they  who  think  they  have  such  reason  have  never- 
theless no  right  of  dictating  to  others  \  It  is  true,  Divine 
authority  is  superior  to  all  human  prejudices,  institutions, 
and  regards  whatsoever.  And  it  is  wise,  although  at  the 
risk  of  liberty  or  life,  to  obey  God  rather  than  man.  But 
our  modern  reformers  of  prejudices  have  nothing  to  plead 
of  that  kind  ^. 

There  is  no  magistrate  so  ignorant  as  not  to  know 
that  power— physical  power — resides  in  the  people :  but 
authority  is  from  opinion,  which  authority  is  necessary  to 
restrain   and   direct  the  people's  power;  and  therefore 

'  [Though  a  man's  private  judg-  '  [No  man  can  say  he  is  obliged 

ment  be  a  rule  to  himself,  it  will  in  conscience,  honour,  or  prudence, 

not  thence  follow  that  he  hath  any  to  insult  the  public  wisdom  ;  or  to 

right   to   set  it  up  for  a   rule   to  ridicule    the   laws    under    whose 

others.] — Author.  protection  he  lives.] — Author. 


MAGISTRATES   AND    MEN    IN   AUTHORITY  491 

religion  is  the  great  stay  and  support  of  a  state.  Every 
religion  that  inculcates  virtue  and  discourageth  vice  is  so 
far  of  public  benefit.  The  Christian  religion  doth  not  only 
this,  but  further  makes  every  legal  constitution  sacred  by 
commanding  our  submission  thereto*.  'Let  every  soul 
be  subject  to  the  higher  powers  (saith  St.  Paul),  for  the 
powers  that  be  are  ordained  of  God'  (Rom.  xiii.  i).  And, 
in  effect,  for  several  years  past,  while  the  reverence  for 
our  Church  and  religion  hath  been  decaying  and  wearing 
off  from  the  minds  of  men,  it  may  be  observed  that  loyalty 
hath  in  proportion  lost  ground ;  and  now  the  very  word 
seems  quite  forgotten.  Submission  for  conscience,  as  well 
as  for  wrath,  was  once  reckoned  a  useful  lesson  ;  but  now, 
with  other  good  lessons,  is  laid  aside  as  an  obsolete  prejudice. 

The  prince  or  magistrate,  however  great  or  powerful, 
who  thinks  his  own  authority  sufficient  to  make  him 
respected  and  obeyed,  lies  under  a  woful  mistake,  and 
never  fails  to  feel  it  sooner  or  later.  Obedience  to  all 
civil  power  is  rooted  in  the  religious  fear  of  God :  it  is 
propagated,  preserved,  and  nourished  by  religion.  This 
makes  men  obey,  not  with  eye-service,  but  in  sincerity 
of  heart.  Human  regards  may  restrain  men  from  open 
and  penal  offences  ;  but  the  fear  of  God  is  a  restraint  from 
all  degrees  of  all  crimes,  however  circumstanced.  Take 
away  this  stay  and  prop  of  duty,  this  root  of  civil  authority ; 
and  all  that  was  sustained  by  it,  or  grew  from  it,  shall  soon 
languish.  The  authority,  the  very  being  of  the  magistrate, 
will  prove  a  poor  and  precarious  thing. 

An  inward  sense  of  the  supreme  majesty  of  the  King 
of  kings  is  the  only  thing  that  can  beget  and  preserve 
a  true  respect  for  subordinate  majesty  in  all  the  degrees 
of  power;  the  first  link  of  authority  being  fixed  at  the 
throne  of  God  \  But,  in  these  our  days,  that  majestas 
imperii^  that  sacredness  of  character,  which  rooted  in  a 
religious  principle  was  the  great  guard  and  security  of 
the  state,  is  through  want  thereof  become  the  public  scorn. 
And  indeed  what  hold  can  the  prince  or  magistrate  have 
on  the  conscience  of  those  who  have  no  conscience? 
How  can  he  build  on  the  principles  of  such  as  have  no 

*  Cf.  Discourse  on  Passive  Obedi-       Universal   Chain   that    terminates 
ence.  in  God. 

'^  So  Sirisj  and  its  *  links '  in  the 


492  A    DISCOURSE   ADDRESSED    TO 

principles  ?    Or  how  can  he  hope  for  respect  where  God 
Himself  is  neglected  ? 

It  is  manifest  that  no  prince  upon  earth  can  hope  to 
govern  well,  or  even  to  live  easy  and  secure,  much  less 
respected  by  his  people,  if  he  do  not  contribute  by  his 
example  and  authority  to  keep  up  in  their  minds  an  awful 
sense  of  religion.  As  for  a  moral  sense,  and  moral  fitness, 
or  eternal  relations,  how  insufficient  those  things  are  for 
establishing  general  and  just  notions  of  morality,  or  for 
keeping  men  within  due  bounds,  is  so  evident  from  fact 
and  experience  that  I  need  not  now  enter  into  a  particular 
disquisition  about  them  ^ 

It  must  be  owned  that  the  claws  of  rapine  and  violence 
may  in  some  degree  be  pared  and  blunted  by  the  outward 
polity  of  a  state.  But  should  we  not  rather  try,  if  possible, 
to  pull  them  quite  out?  The  evil  effects  of  wickedness 
may  be  often  redressed  by  public  justice.  But  would  it 
not  be  better  to  heal  the  source,  and,  by  an  inward  prin- 
ciple, extirpate  wickedness  from  the  heart,  rather  than 
depend  altogether  on  human  laws  for  preventing  or  re- 
dressing the  bad  effects  thereof?  '  I  might  (said  the 
Chinese  Doctor  Confucius)  hear  and  decide  controversies 
as  well  as  another :  but  what  I  would  have  is,  that  men 
should  be  brought  to  abstain  from  controversies  out  of 
an  inward  love  and  regard  for  each  other  ^.' 

Too  many  in  this  age  of  free  remarks  and  projects  are 
delighted  with  republican  schemes;  and  imagine  they 
might  remedy  whatever  was  amiss,  and  render  a  people 
great  and  happy,  merely  by  a  new  plan  or  form  of  govern- 
ment This  dangerous  way  of  thinking  and  talking  is 
grown  familiar," through  the  foolish  freedom  of  the  times'. 
But,  alas !  those  men  do  not  seem  to  have  touched  either 
the  true  cause  or  ciire  of  public  evils.  Be  the  plan  ever 
so  excellent,  or  the  architects  ever  so  able,  yet  no  man  in 
his  wits  would  undertake  to  build  a  palace  with  mere  mud 
or  dirt.   There  must  be  fit  materials ;  and  without  a  religious 

'  [See  Alciphroft^  Dial.   Ill  and  Paris  in  1687. 

IV.]— Author.  ^  [Men  forget  that  liberty  con* 

^  [Sa'entia  St'n,  Lib.  I.  fol.   la.]  sists  in  a  mean,  or   that  there  is 

— Author.     The  reference  is  to  any  other  extreme  beside  tyranny.] 

the  Confucius  Sinamm philosophus,  — Author. 
sive  Scieutia  Sinensis,  published  at 


MAGISTRATES    AND    MEN    IN    AUTHORITY  493 

principle  men  can  never  be  fit  materials  for  any  society,  much 
less  for  a  republic.  Religion  is  the  centre  which  unites, 
and  the  cement  which  connects  the  several  parts  or  mem- 
bers of  the  political  body  \  Such  it  hath  been  held  by  all 
wise  men,  from  the  remotest  times  down  to  our  ingenious 
contemporaries ;  who,  if  they  are  in  the  right,  it  must  be 
admitted  that  all  the  rest  of  the  world  have  been  in  the 
wrong. 

From  the  knowledge  of  its  being  absolutely  necessary 
to  the  government  of  a  state  that  the  hearts  and  minds 
of  the  people  be  inwardly  imbued  with  good  principles, 
Plato  ^  tells  that  '  Jupiter,  to  preserve  the  race  of  men 
from  perishing,  sent  Mercury,  with  orders  to  introduce 
modesty  and  justice  among  them,  as  the  firmest  ties  of 
human  society;  and  without  which  it  could  not  subsist.' 
And  elsewhere^  the  same  author  gives  it  plainly  as  his 
sense,  that  'concerning  those  grelt  duties  which  men's 
appetites  and  passions  render  difficult,  it  should  seem 
rather  the  work  of  God  to  provide,  than  of  human  legis- 
lators ;  if  it  were  possible  to  hope  for  a  system  of  laws 
framed  and  promulgated  by  God  Himself/  You  see  how 
agreeable  the  Mosaic  and  Christian  institutions  are  to  the 
wishes  of  the  wisest  heathen. 

Moses,  indeed,  doth  not  insist  on  a  future  state,  the 
common  basis  of  all  political  institutions ;  nor  do  other 
lawgivers  make  a  particular  mention  of  all  things  necessary, 
but  suppose  some  things  as  generally  known  or  believed. 
The  belief  of  a  future  state  (which  it  is  manifest  the  Jews 
were  possessed  of  long  before  the  coming  of  Christ)  seems 
to  have  obtained  among  the  Hebrews  from  primaeval 
tradition;  which  might  render  it  unnecessary  for  Moses 
to  insist  on  that  article.  But  the  Sadducees  and  Epicu- 
reans had,  in  progress  of  time,  gone  so  far  towards  rooting 
out  this  ancient  and  original  sentiment  that  it  was  in  danger 
of  being  lost,  had  it  not  been  taught  and  promulgated 
in  a  new  light  by  our  Blessed  Saviour  *. 

But  many  among  us  who  would  pass  for  assertors  of 

• 

^  Theistic  faith  is  for  man  the  Author. 

ultimate  synthetic  principle  of  the  *  This  is  a  crude  uncritical  ac- 

universe,  and  so  of  his  experience.  count  of  the  gradual  development 

'  \In  Protagora.'] — Author.  among  the  Jews  of  faith  in  a  life 

»  [De    Legibus,     Lib.    VIII.]—  after  death. 


494  A    DISCOURSE    ADDRESSED    TO 

truth  and  liberty  are  accustomed  to  rail  at  this,  and  all 
other  established  opinions,  as  prejudices  which  people 
are  taught  whether  they  will  or  no,  and  before  they  are 
able  to  distinguish  whether  they  are  right  or  wrong. 
These  lovers  of  truth  would  do  well  to  consider  that, 
in  political,  moral,  and  religious  matters,  the  opinions  of 
the  vulgar,  whether  they  go  in  coaches,  or  walk  on  foot, 
are  for  the  most  part  prejudices;  and  are  so  like  to  be, 
whatever  side  of  the  question  they  embrace ;  whether 
they  follow  the  old  maxims  of  the  religion  of  their  country, 
or  the  modem  instructions  of  their  new  masters.  I  have 
already  observed  that  a  point's  being  useful,  and  inculcated 
betimes,  can  be  no  argument  of  its  falsehood,  even  although 
it  should  be  a  prejudice ;  far  otherwise,  utility  and  truth 
are  not  to  be  divided  ;  the  general  good  of  mankind  being 
the  rule  or  measure  of  moral  truth  \ 

I  shall  now  add,  that  it  is  to  be  apprehended  many  of 
those  who  are  the  most  forward  to  banish  prejudices  would 
be  the  first  to  feel  the  want  of  them.  It  is  even  pitiful  to 
think  what  would  become  of  certain  modern  declaimers 
on  that  article  were  prejudice  really  set  aside,  and  were 
all  men  to  be  weighed  in  the  exact  scale  of  merit,  and 
considered  in  proportion  only  to  their  intrinsic  worth. 
Some  prejudices  are  grounded  in  truth,  reason,  and  nature*. 
Such  are  the  respects  which  are  paid  to  knowledge,  learn- 
ing, age,  honesty,  and  courage,  in  all  civilised  countries. 
Others  are  purely  the  effect  of  particular  constitutions : 
such  are  the  respects,  rights,  and  pre-eminences  ascribed 
to  some  men  by  their  fellow  subjects,  on  account  of  their 
birth  and  quality ;  which,  in  the  great  empires  of  Turkey 
and  China,  pass  for  nothing ;  and  will  pass  for  nothing  else- 
where, as  soon  as  men  have  got  rid  of  their  prejudices,  and 
learned  to  despise  the  constitutions  of  their  country.  It  may 
behove  those  who  are  concerned  to  reflect  on  this  betimes. 

God,  comprehending  within  Himself  the  beginning,  end, 
and  middle  of  all  things  and  times,  exerts  His  energy 
throughout  the  whole  creation.      He   never  ceaseth    to 

^  [See  Alciphron,  Dial.  I.  sect.  selves  ;  and  that  therefore  we  can- 

i6.] — Author.  not   be   finally  put    to    confusion 

^  In  a  word,  the  faith  that  Omni-  by  the  ph3rsical  and  moral  ex- 
potent  Goodness  is  at  the  root  of  perience  in  which  the  Universal 
the  universe  in  which  we  find  our-  Power  is  manifested  to  us. 


MAGISTRATES    AND    MEN    IN    AUTHORITY  495 

influence  by  instinct,  by  the  light  of  nature,  by  His  de- 
clared will.  And  it  is  the  duty  of  magistrates  and  law- 
givers to  cultivate  and  encourage  those  divine  impressions 
in  the  minds  of  all  men  under  their  care.  We  are  not 
to  think  it  is  the  work  of  God,  and  therefore  not  to  be 
seconded  by  human  care.  Far  otherwise :  for  that  very 
reason  it  claims  our  utmost  care  and  diligence ;  it  being 
the  indispensable  duty  of  all  good  men,  throughout  the 
whole  course  of  their  lives,  to  co-operate  with  the  designs 
of  Providence.  In  religion,  as  in  nature,  God  doth  some- 
what, and  somewhat  is  to  be  done  on  the  part  of  man. 
He  causeth  the  earth  to  bring  forth  materials  for  food 
and  raiment ;  but  human  industry  must  improve,  prepare, 
and  properly  apply  both  the  one  and  the  other,  or  mankind 
may  perish  with  cold  and  hunger.  And,  according  to 
this  same  analogy  \  the  principles  of  piety  and  religion, 
the  things  that  belong  to  our  salvation,  although  originally 
and  primarily  the  work  of  God,  yet  require  the  protection 
of  human  government,  as  well  as  the  furtherance  and  aid 
of  all  wise  and  good  men. 

And  if  religion  in  all  governments  be  necessary,  yet 
it  seems  to  be  so  more  especially  in  monarchies:  foras- 
much as  the  frugal  manners  and  more  equal  fortunes 
in  republics  do  not  so  much  inflame  men's  appetites,  or 
afford  such  power  or  temptation  to  mischief,  as  the  high 
estate  and  great  wealth  of  nobles  under  a  king.  Therefore, 
although  the  magistrate  (as  was  already  observed)  hath 
for  his  peculiar  object  the  temporal  wellbeing  of  the  state, 
yet  this  will  by  no  means  exempt  him  from  a  due  concern 
for  the  religion  of  his  country. 

What  was  the  sense  of  our  ancestors  on  this  point 
appears  throughout  the  whole  constitution  of  these  king- 
doms :  and,  in  order  to  justify  this  constitution,  and  the 
wisdom  of  those  who  framed  it,  I  shall  crave  leave  to  make 
use  of  some  unsuspected  testimonies,  ancient  and  modern, 
which  will  shew  that  the  public  care  of  a  National  Religion 

^  [It  will  be  sufficient  if  such  Author. 

analogy  appears  between  the  dis-  Butler,  in  his  Analogy^  argues 

pensations   of  grace   and  nature,  that  there  is  nothing  in  Christianity 

as  may  make  it  probable  to  suppose  more  at   variance  with    morality 

them  derived  from  the  same  Author.  than  what  is  presented  to  us  in  the 

— Alciphron,  Dial.  VI.  sect.  31.] —  facts  of  ordinary  experience. 


496  A    DISCOURSE    ADDRESSED    TO 

hath  been  always  a  most  principal  point  in  the  esteem 
of  wise  men,  however  run  down  by  the  prevailing  licence 
of  our  times. 

The  first  testimony  I  shall  produce  is  that  of  Zeleucus, 
the  famous  lawgiver  of  the  Locrians,  who,  in  his  preamble 
to  his  laws  \  begins  with  religion,  laying  it  down  as  the 
corner-stone  or  foundation  of  his  whole  superstructure, 
'that  every  inhabitant,  subject  of  the  state,  should  be 
persuaded  that  there  is  a  God  and  Divine  Providence: 
that  the  only  way  of  becoming  dear  to  God  is  by  endeavour- 
ing above  all  things  to  be  good,  both  in  deed  and  in  will : 
that  a  worthy  citizen  is  one  that  prefers  integrity  to  wealth/ 
He  farther  admonishes  those  who  are  difHcult  to  persuade, 
'  to  bethink  themselves  of  God's  providence,  and  the  pun- 
ishments that  await  evil-doers ;  and  in  all  their  actions 
to  be  ever  mindful  of  the  last  day  as  if  it  were  present, 
or  in  case  the  devil  ^  should  tempt  a  man  to  sin,  he  exhorts 
such  a  one  to  frequent  the  temples  and  altars,  worshipping 
and  imploring  the  Divine  assistance.* 

Aristotle  %  discoursing  of  the  means  to  preserve  a 
monarchy,  admonishes  the  supreme  magistrate,  above  all 
things,  to  shew  himself  zealous  in  religious  matters ;  and 
this  particularly  for  two  reasons — '  i.  Because  the  sub- 
jects will  have  less  to  fear  from  one  who  fears  God. 
2.  Because  they  will  be  less  apt  to  rebel  against  him  whom 
they  take  to  be  the  favourite  of  Heaven.'  And  elsewhere 
this  same  philosopher  recommends  the  worship  of  the 
gods,  as  the  first  care  of  the  state  \ 

Plato  likewise  begins  his  Laws  with  the  care  of  religious 
rites.  He  even  maintains  religion  or  Divine  worship,  to 
be  the  chief  aim  and  scope  of  human  life  *. 

Hippodamus  the  Milesian  ^,  in  his  scheme  of  a  republic, 
allotted  a  third  part  of  the  land  for  maintaining  Divine 
worship  ^. 

*  [Stobaeus  De  Leg.  et  Consuet,       Author. 

Ser.  145.] — Author.  '  [^De  Leg,  Lib.  IV  et  Lib.  VL] — 

The  reference  is  to  the  Semtones  Author. 

(^ hv6o\6yiov)     of     Stobaeus,     the  «  [Arist.  De  RepubL  Lib.  IL  cap. 

learned  Greek  compiler.  8.] — Author. 

2  \lik.aiiMuv  KaK6s,'] — Author.  '  [The  abolishing  of  the  Chris- 

^  De  Republ.  Lib.  V.] — Author.  tian  religion  upon  a  frugal  prin- 

*  [Ibid.   Lib.    VII.   cap.    17.] —  ciple  must  be  bad   policy,  if  we 


MAGISTRATES    AND    MEN    IN    AUTHORITY  497 

The  Roman  historians  and  poets  do  so  abound  with 
passages  ascribing  the  successes  of  their  government  to 
religion,  and  its  declension  to  the  want  or  neglect  thereof, 
that  it  may  seem  impertinent  to  enter  into  a  detail  of  what 
every  school-boy  knows. 

To  come  from  ancient  to  modern  authority,  Machiavel 
himself  represents  religion  as  absolutely  necessary  to  main- 
tain civil  order  and  government.  He  observes,  that  for 
many  years  there  was  a  most  awful  sense  of  religion  in 
the  old  Romans ;  and  that  this  did  much  facilitate  their 
great  undertakings.  He  likewise  observes,  and  shews 
by  divers  instances,  that  the  Romans  were  more  afraid 
to  break  an  oath  than  to  transgress  the  laws;  and  that 
those  things  which  even  the  love  of  their  country  and 
constitution  could  not  bring  them  to,  they  were  brought 
to  through  a  sense  of  religion.  Upon  the  whole  he  con- 
cludes, that  old  Rome  was  more  obliged  to  Numa,  who 
established  a  national  religion,  than  to  Romulus  himself, 
the  founder  of  that  state  \ 

And  here  by-the-by  I  shall  take  notice,  that  some  may 
imagine  the  various  forms  and  institutions  of  religion  ought 
to  unsettle  men's  minds  with  regard  to  the  truth  and 
certainty  of  any.  But  this  matter  rightly  considered,  will, 
I  think,  produce  a  contrary  effect.  It  sheweth,  indeed, 
that  men,  groping  out  their  way  by  the  dim  twilight  of 
nature,  did  only  approach,  some  nearer,  some  farther  off; 
while  all  were  short  of  the  truth.  But  then  it  sheweth 
likewise,  upon  the  whole  and  in  general,  that  religion  is 
so  natural  to  our  minds,  so  useful  to  society,  and  of  so 
necessary  importance  to  the  world,  as  might  well  prove 
its  truth  ;  and  render  it  worthy  of  the  Divine  care  to  pro- 
pagate by  prophecies,  miracles,  and  the  mission  of  the 
Son  of  God. 

Philip  de  Comines  ^  a  wise  statesman  and  honest  writer, 
who  had  great  experience  in  affairs,  declares  it  to  be  his 
opinion,  '  that  want  of  religious  faith  is  the  only  fountain 
of  all  mischiefs.' 

may  judge  what  will  be  by  what  sive.] — Author. 

hath    been    in    the    great  Pagan  *  [^Discorsi,    Lib.  I.  cap.   la.]-" 

states    of  antiquity;    whose   reli-  Author. 

gions,  upon  a  fair  estimate,  will  *  [^Hist.  B.  V.] — Author* 

be  found  to  have  been  more  expen- 

U£RKEL£Y:     FKASEK.       IV.  K    k 


498  A    DISCOURSE    ADDRESSED    TO 

And  that  able  minister,  the  famous  Monsieur  Colbert, 
makes  it  his  observation,  'that  if  once  the  ecclesiastical 
character,  as  such,  is  vilified,  the  civil  magistrate,  even 
the  crown  itself,  will,  in  consequence  thereof,  lose  all 
authority^ 

It  would  be  no  hard  matter  to  produce  a  cloud  of 
testimonies  in  behalf  of  a  national  religion,  from  the  most 
eminent  of  our  own  writers;  but  I  shall  content  myself 
with  adding  one  only,  and  that  from  a  very  unsuspected 
writer,  Mr.  Harrington,  author  of  the  Oceana,  who  shews 
that  to  be  just  and  fair  which  others  have  shewed  to  be 
expedient.  'A  man  (saith  he)  that,  pleading  for  liberty 
of  conscience,  refuseth  liberty  to  the  national  conscience, 
must  be  most  absurd ^'  And  again:  'If  the  conviction 
of  a  man's  private  conscience  produce  his  private  religion, 
the  conviction  of  the  national  conscience  must  produce 
•  a  national  religion'.' 

All  these  authorities  are  taken  from  thinking  men  and 
able  politicians,  none  of  which  can  be  supposed  to  say 
what  he  did  not  really  think ;  and  it  had  been  very  easy 
to  have  increased  the  number.  But  I  am  sorry  Pivas 
obliged  to  mention  any  at  all,  in  proof  of  so  plain  and 
fundamental  a  point  as  that  of  a  national  religion.  It  is, 
indeed,  a  shameful  necessity  we  lie  under,  at  proving  at 
this  time  of  the  day  the  first  elements,  I  will  not  say  of 
Christianity,  but  even  of  natural  light,  from  reasons  and 
from  authorities.  The  spirit  of  the  times  hath  rendered 
this  unavoidable. 

If  it  should  be  asked  after  all.  How  comes  it  then  to 
pass  that  the  fashionable  and  prevailing  maxims  among 
our  betters  in  a  neighbouring  nation  should  run  directly 
counter  to  all  such  reasons  and  authorities  ?  I  will  answer 
this  question  by  asking,  When  were  our  neighbours  known 
to  abound  to  that  degree  in  highwaymen,  murderers, 
housebreakers,  incendiaries?  When  did  such  numbers 
lay  violent  hands  on  themselves  ?  When  was  there  such 
a  general  and  indecent  contempt  of  whatever  is  esteemed 
sacred,  in  the  state  as  well  as  the  Church  ?  When  were 
there  known  among  them  such  public  frauds,  such  open 

'  \_Tesi.  Pol,  c.  8.]— Author.  ^  [Ibid.]— Author. 

*  [P.  37,  first  edit.] — Author. 


MAGISTRATES    AND    MEN    IN    AUTHORITY  499 

confederacies  in  villainy,  as  the  present  age  hath  produced  ? 
When  were  they  lower  in  the  esteem  of  mankind,  more 
divided  at  home,  or  more  insulted  abroad  ? 

We  of  this  land  have  a  fatal  tendency  to  overlook  the 
good  qualities,  and  imitate  whatever  is  amiss  in  those 
whom  we  respect.  This  leads  me  to  make  some  remarks 
on  the  modern  spirit  of  reformation,  that  works  so  strongly 
in  both  these  kingdoms. 

Freedom  of  thought  is  the  general  plea  and  cry  of  the 
age.  And  we  all  grant  that  thinking  is  the  way  to  know ; 
and  the  more  real  knowledge  there  is  in  the  land,  the 
more  likely  it  will  be  to  thrive.  We  are  not  therefore 
against  freedom  of  thought;  but  we  are  against  those 
unthinking  overbearing  people  \  who,  in  these  odd  times, 
under  that  pretence,  set  up  for  reformers,  and  new 
moulders  of  the  constitution.  We  declare  against  those, 
who  would  seduce  innocent  and  unexperienced  persons 
from  the  reverence  they  owe  to  the  laws  and  religion  of 
their  country;  and,  under  the  notion  of  extirpating  pre- 
judices, would  erase  from  their  minds  all  impressions  of 
piety  and  virtue;  in  order  to  introduce  prejudices  of 
another  kind,  destructive  of  society. 

We  esteem  it  a  horrible  thing  to  laugh  at  the  appre- 
hensions of  a  future  state,  with  the  author  of  the 
Characteristics  ^ ;  or,  with  him  who  wrote  the  Fabk  of  the 
Bees^f  to  maintain  that  'moral  virtues  are  the  political 
offspring  which  flattery  begot  upon  pride*';  that  'in 
morals  there  is  no  greater  certainty  than  in  fashions  of 
dress  ^ ' ;  that,  indeed,  '  the  doctrine  of  good  manners 
teacheth  men  to  speak  well  of  all  virtues ;  but  requires  no 
more  of  them  in  any  age  or  country,  than  the  outward 
appearance  of  those  in  fashion  ^  Two  authors  of  infidel 
systems  these ;  who,  setting  out  upon  opposite  principles, 

*  [It  is  not  reason  candidly  pro-  ^  Mandeville. 

posed  that  offends,  but  the  revil-  *  [Inquiry    into    the    Origin    of 

ing,  insulting,  ridiculing,  of  the  na-  Moral  Virtue,     Ed.   VI.  p.  37.] — 

tional  laws  and  religion ;  all  this  Author. 

profiteth  for  free-thinking,  and  must  *  [The  author's  Remarks  on  his 
needs  be  offensive  to  all  reason-  Fable  of  the  Bees,  p.  379.]— -Su- 
able men.] — Author.  thor. 

2  Shaftesbury.     [Vol.  III.  Miscel.  «  [RemarkSj  Part  II.  p.  155]— 

III.  cap.  a.] —Author.  Author. 

K  k  2 


500 


A    DISCOURSE    ADDRESSED    TO 


are  calculated  to  draw  all  mankind,  by  flattering  either 
their  vanity  or  their  passions,  into  one  or  other  system. 
And  yet  the  people  among  whom  such  books  are  published 
wonder  how  it  comes  to  pass  that  the  civil  magistrate  daily 
loseth  his  authority,  that  the  laws  are  trampled  upon,  and 
the  subject  in  constant  fear  of  being  robbed  and  murdered, 
or  having  his  house  burnt  over  his  head  ? 

It  may  be  presumed  that  the  science  of  finding  fault, 
which  above  all  others  is  easiest  to  learn,  suits  best  with 
a  modern  education.  Too  many  there  are  of  better 
fortunes  than  understandings,  who  have  made  the  inquiry 
after  truth  a  very  small  part  of  their  care;  these  see 
somewhat,  but  not  enough.  It  were  to  be  wished  they 
knew  either  less  or  more.  One  thing  it  is  evident  they 
do  not  know;  to  wit,  that  while  they  rail  at  prejudice, 
they  are  undoing  themselves :  they  do  not  comprehend 
(what  hath  been  before  hinted),  that  their  whole  figure, 
their  political  existence,  is  owing  to  certain  vulgar  pre- 
judices, in  favour  of  birth,  title,  or  fortune,  which  add 
nothing  of  real  worth  either  to  mind  or  body;  and  yet 
cause  the  most  worthless  person  to  be  respected. 

Freedom  of  thought  is  the  prerogative  of  human  kind; 
it  is  a  quality  inherent  in  the  very  nature  of  a  thinking 
being.  Nothing  is  more  evident  than  that  every  one  can 
think  his  own  way,  in  spite  of  any  outward  force  or  power 
whatsoever.  It  is  therefore  ridiculous  for  any  man  to 
declaim  in  defence  of  a  privilege  which  cannot  be  denied 
or  taken  from  him.  But  this  will  not  infer  a  boundless 
freedom  of  speech  \  an  open  contempt  of  laws,  and  a 
prescribing  from  private  judgment*  against  public  au- 
thority, things  never  borne  in  any  well-ordered  state ;  and 
which  make  the  crying  distemper  of  our  times. 

pThe  constitution  of  these  kingdoms  hath  been  one 
while  overheated  by  the  indiscreet  zeal  of  one  set  of  men : 
Again  it  hath  been  cold  and  lifeless  through  the  indiffer- 

although  he  may  not  set  it  up  as 
a  public  rule.] — Author. 

^  The  two  paragraphs  within 
brackets,  contained  in  the  Discourst 
in  the  London  edition  of  the  Mis- 
cellany^ are  omitted  in  the  Dublin 
edition,  published  in  the  same  year 
— probably  by  accident. 


*  [Is  there  no  difference  between 
indulging  scrupulous  consciences, 
and  tolerating  public  deriders  of 
all  conscience  and  religion?] — 
Author. 

*  [A  man  who  is  himself  per- 
mitted to  follow  his  own  private 
judgment*    cannot   well   complain, 


MAGISTRATES    AND    MEN    IN    AUTHORITY 


50t 


ence  of  another  \  We  have  alternately  felt  the  furious 
effects  of  superstition  and  fanaticism;  and  our  present 
impending  danger  is  from  the  setting  up  of  private  judg- 
ment, or  an  inward  light  in  opposition  to  human  and 
divine  laws.  Such  an  inward  conceited  principle  always 
at  work,  and  proceeding  gradually  and  steadily,  may  be 
sufficient  to  dissolve  any  human  fabric  of  polity  or  civil 
government.  To  pretend  to  be  wiser  than  the  laws  hath 
never  been  suffered  in  any  wise  State,  saith  Aristotle  ^ 
And  indeed  what  wise  State  would  encourage  or  endure 
a  spirit  of  opposition '  publicly  to  operate  against  its  own 
decrees  ?  who  can  say  to  such  a  spirit.  Thus  far  shalt  thou 
come,  and  no  farther  ? 

The  Magistrate,  perhaps,  may  not  be  sufficiently  aware 
that  those  pretended  advocates  for  private  light  and  free 
thought  are  in  reality  seditious  men,  who  set  up  them- 
selves against  national  laws  and  constitutions.  And  yet 
one  would  think  all  mankind  might  see,  that  the  spirit 
which  prevails  against  the  Church  and  Religion  proceeds 
from  an  opposition  rather  to  the  laws  of  the  land  than 
to  the  Gospel.  Men  quarrel  not  so  vehemently  against 
articles  of  faith  themselves,  as  against  the  establishing  of 
such  matters;  which  is  the  sole  effect  of  law  and  the 
supreme  power.  It  clearly  follows,  the  freedom  pleaded 
for  is  not  so  much  freedom  of  thought  against  the  doctrines 
of  the  Gospel,  as  freedom  of  speech  and  action  against  the 
laws  of  the  land.  It  is  strange,  that  those  who  are  not 
blind  in  other  matters,  should  yet  not  see  this;  or,  that 
seeing  it,  they  should  not  discern  the  consequences 
thereof.] 

I  am  sensible,  that  whatever  looks  like  a  restraint  on 
freedom  of  inquiry,  must  be  very  disagreeable  to  all 
reasoning  and  inquisitive  men.  But  against  this  I  have 
said   nothing*.     On  the   contrary,   I   will  freely  own,   a 


^  [There  is  a  medium  in  things, 
which  wise  men  find  out,  while 
the  unwise  are  always  blundering 
in  extremes.] — ^Author. 

"  [Rhet.  Lib.  I.  cap.  15.] — Au- 
thor. 

^  [Reason  modestly  pleading 
from  a  conscientious  principle 
hath  nothing  cruel   to  apprehend 


from  our  laws,  and  I  hope  it 
never  will.  At  the  same  time,  it 
must  be  allowed,  that  every  plea 
against  law  ought  to  be  very  meek 
and  modest] — ^Author. 

*  [The  profane  and  lawless 
scomer  is  one  thing,  and  the 
modest  inquirer  after  truth  an- 
other.]— Author. 


502  A    DISCOURSE   ADDRESSED    TO 

judicious  and  impartial  search  after  truth  is  the  most 
valuable  employment  of  the  mind.  Those  who  have  the 
talents,  and  will  be  at  the  pains,  cannot  do  better  than 
engage  in  that  noble  pursuit  \  But  those  who  are  not 
qualified  by  age  or  education;  those  who  have  neither 
disposition  nor  leisure,  nor  faculties  to  dig  in  the  mine 
of  truth  themselves,  must  take  it  as  retailed  out  by  others. 
I  see  no  remedy.  God,  who  knows  the  opportunities  of 
every  man,  requires  impossibilities  from  no  man.  And 
where  there  is  a  sincere  love  of  truth  and  virtue,  the  grace 
of  God  can  easily  supply  the  defect  of  human  means. 

It  hath  been  before  observed,  and  shewed  at  large,  that 
the  bulk  of  mankind  must  have  their  minds  betimes  imbued 
with  good  and  wholesome  notions  or  principles,  by  their 
parents,  pastors,  and  tutors,  or  else  bad  notions,  hurtful  to 
themselves  and  others,  will  undoubtedly  take  possession 
thereof.  Such  bad  notions  have,  for  several  years  past, 
been  propagated  with  uncommon  industry  in  these  king- 
doms :  they  now  bring  forth  fruit  every  day  more  and 
more  abundant.  It  is  to  be  feared  that  what  hath  been 
long  ripening  is  now  near  ripe.  Many  are  the  signs  and 
tokens.     He  that  runs  may  read. 

But  there  cannot  be  a  higher  or  more  flagrant  symptom 
of  the  madness  of  our  times  than  that  execrable  Fraternity 
of  Blasphemers,  lately  set  up  within  this  city  of  Dublin*. 
Blasphemy  against  God  is  a  great  crime  against  the  State. 
But  that  a  set  of  men  should,  in  open  contempt  of  the 
laws,  make  this  very  crime  their  profession,  distinguish 
themselves  by  a  peculiar  name',  and  form  a  distinct 
Society,  whereof  the  proper  and  avowed  business  shall 
be,  to  shock  all  serious  Christians  by  the  most  impious 
and  horrid  blasphemies,  uttered  in  the  most  public 
manner:  this  surely  must  alarm  all  thinking  men.  It  is 
a  new  thing  under  the  sun,  reserved  for  our  worthy  times 
and  country. 

It  is  no  common  blasphemy  I  speak  of.  It  is  not  simple 
cursing  and  swearing :  it  is  not  the  effect  either  of  habit 
or  surprise ;  but  a  train  of  studied,  deliberate  indignities 
against  the  Divine  Majesty;  and  those  of  so  black  and 
hellish  a  kind  as  the  tongues  alone  which  uttered  them 

*  So  in  Sin's,  sect.  368.  in  Dublin  ? 

*  This  Discourse  was  published  ^  [Blasters.] — ^Author. 


MAGISTRATES   AND    MEN    IN    AUTHORITY  503 

can  duly  characterise  and  express.  This  is  no  speculative 
heresy,  no  remote  or  doubtful  inference  from  an  author's 
tenets.  It  is  a  direct  and  open  attack  on  God  Himself. 
It  is  such  a  calm  premeditated  insult  upon  religion,  law, 
and  the  very  light  of  nature  that  there  is  no  sect  or  nation 
of  men,  whether  Christians,  Jews,  Mahometans,  or  even 
civilised  heathens,  that  would  not  be  struck  with  horror 
and  amazement  at  the  thought  of  it,  and  that  would  not 
animadvert  ^  on  its  authors  with  the  utmost  severity. 

Deliberate  atheistical  blasphemy  is  of  all  crimes  most 
dangerous  to  the  public,  inasmuch  as  it  opens  the  door 
to  all  other  crimes,  and  virtually  contains  them  all; — 
a  religious  awe  and  fear  of  God,  being  (as  we  have  already 
observed)  the  centre  that  unites,  and  the  cement  that 
connects  all  human  society.  He  who  makes  it  his  business 
to  lessen  or  root  out  from  the  minds  of  men  this  principle 
doth  in  effect  endeavour  to  fill  his  country  with  highway- 
men, housebreakers,  murderers,  fraudulent  dealers,  per- 
jured witnesses,  and  every  other  pest  of  society.  There- 
fore, it  would  be  the  greatest  cruelty  to  our  children, 
neighbours,  and  country  to  connive  at  such  a  crime; 
a  crime  which  hath  no  natural  passion  or  temptation  to 
plead  for  it,  but  is  the  pure  effect  of  an  abandoned 
impudence  in  wickedness;  and,  perhaps,  of  a  mistaken 
hope  that  the  laws  and  magistrates  are  asleep. 

The  question  is  not  now,  whether  religion  shall  be 
established  by  law :  the  thing  is  already  done  (and  done 
with  good  reason,  as  appeareth  from  the  premises),  but 
whether  a  reverence^  for  the  laws  shall  be  preserved. 
Religion,  considered  as  a  system  of  saving  truths,  hath 
its  sanction  from  heaven;  its  rewards  and  penalties  are 
divine.  But  religion,  as  useful  and  necessary  to  society, 
hath  been  wisely  established  by  law ;  and  so  established, 
and  wrought  into  the  very  frame  and  principles  of  our 
government,  is  become  a  main  part  of  the  civil  constitution. 
Our  laws  are  the  laws  of  a  Christian  country :  our  govern- 

*  [They  (if  there  be  any  such)  cause.] — Author. 

who  think  to  serve  the  Reforma-  *  [They  who  plead  a   right  to 

tion,  by  joining  with  Blasters  and  contradict   the  laws,  can  pretend 

devil-worshippers,    in  a   plea  for  none  for  doing  it  with  insolence 

licence,    are   in    truth    a    scandal  or  disrespect.] — ^Author. 
and    reproach   to   the    Protestant 


504  A    DISCOURSE    ADDRESSED    TO 

ment  hath  been  constituted  and  modelled  by  Christians; 
and  is  still  administered  and  maintained  by  men  professing 
belief  in  Christ.  Can  it  then  be  supposed  that  impious 
men  shall'  with  impunity  invent  and  publicly  utter  the 
most  horrid  blasphemies,  and,  at  the  same  time  the  whole 
constitution  not  be  endangered  ^  ?  Or  can  it  be  supposed 
that  magistrates,  or  men  invested  with  power,  should  look 
on,  and  see  the  most  sacred  part  of  our  constitution 
trampled  under  foot,  and  yet  imagine  their  own  dignity 
and  authority  to  be  secure,  which  rest  entirely  there- 
upon ?  I  will  venture  to  say  that  whoever  is  a  wise  man, 
and  a  lover  of  his  country,  will  not  only  be  solicitous  to 
preserve  the  honour  of  God  sacred  and  entire ;  he  will 
even  discourage  that  prevailing  prejudice  against  the  dis- 
pensers of  God's  word,  the  teachers  of  those  salutary 
doctrines,  without  which  the  public  cannot  thrive  or 
subsist.  He  will  be  no  contemner,  not  even  of  those 
rites  and  ordinances  enjoined  by  law,  as  necessary  to 
imprint  and  retain  a  sense  of  religion  in  the  minds  of 
men.  He  will  extend  his  care  to  the  outworks,  as 
knowing  that  when  these  are  gone,  it  may  be  difficult  to 
preserve  the  rest. 

Notwithstanding  the  vain  assertion  of  those  men  who 
would  justify  the  present  by  saying  '  all  times  are  alike,'  it 
is  most  evident  that  the  magistrates,  the  laws,  the  very 
constitution  of  these  realms  have  lost  no  small  share  of 
their  authority  and  reverence,  since  this  great  growth  and 
spreading  of  impious  principles.  Whatever  be  the  cause, 
the  effect  is  apparent.  Whether  we  ascribe  it  to  the 
natural  course  of  things,  or  to  a  just  judgment  upon  those 
who,  having  been  careless  to  preserve  a  due  sense  of 
the  Divine  authority,  have  seen  and  shall  see  their  own 
despised. 

Darius,  a  heathen  prince,  made  a  decree,  that  in  every 
dominion  of  his  kingdom  men  should  tremble  and  fear 
before    God    (Dan.   vi.   26).      Nebuchadnezzar,   likewise, 

*  [To   make  the  cause  of  such  is  not  indulged  in  the  public  wor- 

men  the  cause  of  liberty  or  tolera-  ship  of  the  devil ;  therefore  a  con- 

tion  would  be  monstrous.     A  man  scientious   person   may  not  serve 

is    not  suffered   publicly  to   bias-  God  his   own   way.     Is   not  this 

pheme ;    therefore    he    may    not  absurd  ?]  —Author. 
think  freely  :  a  profane  miscreant 


MAGISTRATES   AND    MEN    IN    AUTHORITY  505 

another  heathen,  made  a  decree,  that  every  people,  nation, 
and  language  which  spoke  anything  amiss  against  God 
should  be  cut  in  pieces,  and  their  houses  made  a  dunghill 
(Dan.  iii.  29).  And  if  these  things  were  done  in  Persia 
and  Babylon,  surely  it  may  be  expected  that  impious 
blasphemers  against  God  and  His  worship  should  at  least 
be  discouraged  and  put  out  of  countenance  in  these 
Christian  countries.  Now,  a  constant  course  of  disfavour 
from  men  in  authority  would  prove  a  most  effectual  check 
to  all  such  miscreants.  When,  therefore,  they  are  public 
and  bold  in  their  blasphemies,  this  is  no  small  reflexion 
on  those  who  might  check  them  if  they  would. 

It  is  not  so  much  the  execution  of  the  laws  as  the 
countenance  of  those  in  authority  that  is  wanting  to  the 
maintenance  of  religion.  If  men  of  rank  and  power,  who 
have  a  share  in  distributing  justice,  and  a  voice  in  the 
public  councils,  shall  be  observed  to  neglect  divine  worship 
themselves,  it  must  needs  be  a  great  temptation  for  others 
to  do  the  same.  But  if  they  and  their  families  should  set 
a  good  example,  it  may  be  presumed  that  men  of  less 
figure  would  be  disposed  to  follow  it.  Fashions  are  always 
observed  to  descend,  and  people  are  generally  fond  of 
being  in  the  fashion ;  whence  one  would  be  apt  to  suspect 
the  prevailing  contempt  of  God's  word,  and  estrangement 
from  His  house,  to  a  degree  that  was  never  known  in  any 
Christian  country,  must  take  its  rise  from  the  irreligion 
and  bad  example  of  those  who  are  styled  'the  better  sort.' 

Offences  must  come,  but  woe  be  to  him  by  whom  the 
offence  cometh.  A  man  who  is  entrusted  with  power  and 
influence  in  his  country  hath  much  to  answer  for,  if  religion 
and  virtue  suffer  through  want  of  his  authority  and  coun- 
tenance. But,  in  case  he  should,  by  the  vanity  of  his 
discourse,  his  favour  to  wicked  men,  or  his  own  apparent 
neglect  of  all  religious  duties,  countenance  what  he  ought 
to  condemn,  and  authorise  by  his  own  example  what  he 
ought  to  punish ;  such  a  one,  whatever  he  may  pretend,  is 
in  fact  a  bad  patriot,  a  bad  citizen,  and  a  bad  subject,  as 
well  as  a  bad  Christian. 

Our  prospect  is  very  terrible ;  and  the  symptoms  grow 
stronger  every  day.  The  morals  of  a  people  are  in  this 
like  their  fortunes ;  when  they  feel  a  national  shock,  the 
worst  doth  not  shew  itself  immediately.     Things  make  a 


506   A    DISCOURSE    ADDRESSED    TO    MAGISTRATES,    ETC. 

shift  to  subsist  for  a  time  on  the  credit  of  old  notions  and 
dying  opinions.  But  the  youth  born  and  brought  up  in 
wicked  times,  without  any  bias  to  good  from  early  principle 
or  instilled  opinion,  when  they  grow  ripe  must  be  monsters 
indeed.  And  it  is  to  be  feared,  that  age  of  monsters  is  not 
far  off. 

Whence  this  impiety  springs,  by  what  means  it  gains 
ground  among  us,  and  how  it  may  be  remedied,  are 
matters  that  deserve  the  attention  of  all  those  who  have 
the  power  and  the  will  to  serve  their  country.  And 
although  many  things  look  like  a  prelude  to  general  ruin ; 
although  it  is  much  to  be  apprehended,  we  shall  be  worse 
before  we  are  better ;  yet  who  knows  what  may  ensue,  if 
all  persons  in  power,  from  the  supreme  executor  of  the 
law  down  to  a  petty  constable,  would,  in  their  several 
stations,  behave  themselves  like  men  truly  conscious  and 
mindful  that  the  authority  they  are  clothed  with  is  but 
a  ray  derived  from  the  supreme  authority  of  Heaven? 
This  may  not  a  little  contribute  to  stem  that  torrent,  which, 
from  small  beginnings,  and  under  specious  pretences,  hath 
grown  to  such  a  head,  and  daily  gathers  force  more  and 
more,  to  that  degree  as  threatens  a  general  inundation  and 
destruction  of  these  realms. 


PRIMARY  VISITATION   CHARGE 


DELIVERED  TO  THE   CLERGY 


OF   THE 


DIOCESE   OF  CLOYNE 


First  published  in  187 1 


NOTE 

This  Charge,  found  among  the  Berkeley  MSS.  in  the 
Rose  collection,  is  undated,  but  it  appears  to  have  been 
delivered  at  Berkeley's  Visitation  as  Bishop  of  Clo3aie  in 
one  of  the  first  years  of  his  episcopate.  It  is  interesting 
as  an  expression  of  his  view  of  the  relations  between  the 
members  of  the  Roman  Church  and  the  clergy  under  his 
charge,  shewing  a  sympathetic  regard  for  those  of  another 
communion,  whose  highest  good  he  sought  to  promote 
by  the  manifestation  of  charity,  instead  of  the  spirit  of 
sectarian  controversy. 


PRIMARY   VISITATION    CHARGE 


Since  the  duty  of  my  station  and  the  received  custom 
require  me,  at  this  my  first  visitation,  to  propose  to  you 
whatever  I  shall  think  conducive  to  the  better  discharge 
of  the  important  trust  committed  to  your  care,  I  shall 
desire  your  attention  for  a  few  minutes. 

You  all  know,  and  indeed  it  is  but  too  visible  that  we 
live  in  an  age  wherein  many  are  neither  propitious  to  our 
order  nor  to  the  religion  we  profess — scoffers,  walking 
after  their  own  lusts,  which  St.  Peter  foretold  should  come 
in  these  last  days.  It  behoves,  therefore,  clergymen  to 
behave  with  more  than  common  vigilance,  zeal,  and 
discretion,  if  they  would  either  preserve  the  love  and 
reverence  of  their  friends,  or  disarm  the  censure  of  their 
enemies.  Thus  much  concerning  all  clergymen  in  general, 
as  such. 

But  those  of  the  Established  Church  in  this  kingdom 
have  need  of  double  diligence  in  their  callings,  and  an 
extraordinary  circumspection  in  their  behaviour,  as  we 
live  among  men  of  a  different  communion,  abounding  in 
numbers,  obstinate  in  their  prejudices,  backward  to  acknow- 
ledge any  merits,  and  ready  to  remark  any  defects  in  those 
who  differ  from  them.  And  this  circumstance  should 
make  us  not  only  more  cautious  how  we  behave  among 
such  neighbours,  but  likewise  more  diligent  and  active 
in  their  conversion. 

Though  it  is  to  be  feared  that  clergymen  too  often  look 
on  Papistry  within  their  parishes  as  having  no  relation  to 
them,  nor  being  at  all  entitled  to  any  share  of  their  pains 
or  concern.  But  if  they  are  not  so  properly  and  immedi- 
ately part  of  our  flock  as  those  of  oiir  own  communion, 
they  are  nevertheless  to  be  considered  as  members  of  the 


5IO  PRIMARY    VISITATION    CHARGE 

Catholic  Church,  very  corrupt,  indeed,  and  unsound,  yet 
professing  faith  in  the  same  Saviour.  And  this  gives  them 
some  relation  to  us  more  than  mere  infidels  and  heathen. 
But  supposing  them  to  be  no  better  than  infidels  or  heathen, 
will  any  man  say  that  it  is  not  the  duty  of  Christ's 
ministers  to  convert  infidels  and  preach  the  Gospel  to 
heathen?  Had  such  a  maxim  prevailed  in  the  primitive 
times,  how  could  Christianity  have  been  propagated 
throughout  the  world? 

True  it  is  that,  as  the  education  of  Protestants  is  for  the 
most  part  more  liberal  and  ingenuous  than  that  of  Roman 
Catholics,  so  those  of  our  communion  are  more  ready  to 
argue  and  more  apt  to  judge  for  themselves  than  they. 
Protestants,  I  say,  are  neither  so  blind  nor  so  enslaved 
as  their  adversaries ;  who  are  made  to  believe  that  every 
the  least  doubt  in  religious  matters  is  criminal,  or  even 
the  giving  ear  to  anything  that  can  be  said  against  their 
preconceived  opinions.  And,  indeed,  herein  consists  the 
chief  skill  and  management  of  their  priests  to  keep  their 
flocks  both  blind  and  deaf.  For  could  they  be  but  once 
brought  to  open  their  eyes  and  reason  upon  the  points  in 
controversy,  the  business  of  their  conversion  would  be 
more  than  half  done. 

The  main  point,  therefore,  is  to  bring  them  to  reason 
and  argue ;  in  order  to  which  it  should  seem  the  right 
way  to  begin  with  a  proper  behaviour.  We  should  be 
towards  them  charitable,  gentle,  obliging,  returning  good 
for  evil,  shewing  and  having  a  true  concern  for  their 
interest,  not  always  inveighing  against  their  absurdities 
and  impieties.  At  least  we  ought  not  to  begin  with  taxing 
them  as  fools  and  \dllains,  but  rather  treat  of  the  general 
doctrines  of  morality  and  religion  wherein  all  Christians 
agree,  in  order  to  obtain  their  good  opinion,  and  so  make 
way  for  the  points  controverted  between  us,  which  will 
then  be  handled  with  greater  advantage. 

I  say  we  must  first  win  upon  their  affections,  and  so 
having  procured  a  favourable  hearing,  then  apply  to  their 
reason.  If  we  judge  of  other  men's  tempers  by  our  own, 
we  shall  conceive  it  expedient  that  we  should  seem  to  think 
the  best  of  their  personal  qualities,  their  int^rity,  and  love 
of  truth ;  use  the  greatest  candour  ourselves,  make  all 
possible  concessions,   appeal  to  their  own   reason,   and 


PRIMARY   VISITATION    CHARGE  511 

make  them  judges  of  our  tenets  and  the  arguments  by 
which  we  support  them. 

It  is  a  remarkable  difference  between  them  and  us,  that 
they  find  their  principal  account  in  addressing  to  the 
passions  of  men,  we  in  applying  to  their  reason ;  they 
to  the  meanest  capacities,  we  to  the  most  distinguished 
and  improved.  In  fact,  if  we  consider  the  proselytes  on 
both  sides,  we  shall  find  the  converts  to  the  Church  of 
Rome  to  be  mostly  women  and  uneducated  people ;  where- 
as the  converts  from  Popery  are  those  of  the  best  sense 
and  education  among  them.  Were  there  many  of  this 
sort,  it  should  seem  less  difficult  for  us  to  make  proselytes. 
But  even  as  it  is,  there  is  still  a  difference  between  them. 
And  we  may  presume  the  better  sort  will  be  more  easily 
wrought  on ;  nothing  being  more  sure  than  that  ignorance 
is  ever  attended  with  the  most  obstinate  prejudice,  men 
making  up  for  want  of  light  by  abundance  of  heat.  And 
if  the  better  sort  were  once  converted,  the  natural  inclin- 
ation of  following  their  chiefs  would  soon  facilitate  the 
conversion  of  others. 

One  would  imagine  it  might  not  be  impossible  to  prevail 
with  reasonable  men  of  the  Church  of  Rome  to  come  into 
our  religious  assemblies,  if  it  were  only  for  curiosity ;  and 
this  might  take  off  much  of  their  prejudice  and  aversion, 
by  letting  them  see  what  our  worship  is,  although  they 
should  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  join  in  it.  And  yet,  all 
things  considered,  what  should  hinder  a  professed  Papist 
from  hearing  a  sermon,  or  even  joining  occasionally  in  the 
ordinary  offices  of  our  Church  ?  The  difference  is  that 
in  our  liturgy  divers  prayers  and  hymns  are  omitted  which 
are  to  be  found  in  theirs.  But  then,  what  is  retained  even 
they  themselves  approve  of;  since  we  innovated  nothing, 
having  only  weeded  out  and  thrown  away  those  super- 
stitions that  grew  up  in  the  dark  and  ignorant  ages  of  the 
Church.  May  we  not  therefore  argue  with  the  Papists 
thus : — There  is  nothing  in  our  worship  which  you  cannot 
assent  to,  therefore  you  may  conform  to  us ;  but  there  are 
many  things  in  yours  that  we  can  by  no  means  allow, 
therefore  you  must  not  expect  that  we  can  join  in  your 
assemblies. 

It  were  needless  to  furnish  you  with  arguments  against 
such  adversaries.     The  only  difficulty  lies  in    bringing 


512  PRIMARY    VISITATION    CHARGE 

them  into  the  field.  True  it  is  that  prejudices  early  im- 
bibed and  sunk  deep  in  the  mind  are  not  immediately 
got  rid  of;  but  it  is  as  true  that  in  every  human  creature 
there  is  a  ray  of  common  sense,  an  original  light  of  reason 
and  nature  which  the  worst  and  most  bigoted  education, 
although  it  may  impair,  can  never  quite  extinguish.  There 
is  no  man  who  considers  seriously  but  must  see  that  what- 
ever flatters  men  in  their  sins,  whatever  encourages  cruelty 
and  persecution,  whatever  implies  a  manifest  contradiction, 
whatever  savours  of  fraud  and  imposture,  can  be  no  part 
of  the  wisdom  from  above,  can  never  come  from  God. 
When,  therefore,  you  can  bring  one  of  these  adversaries 
to  consider  attentively  and  argue  calmly  on  the  points  that 
divide  us,  you  will  soon  find  his  own  reason  on  your  side. 

But  although  you  who  have  the  care  of  souls  were 
ever  so  capable  and  ever  so  willing  to  bring  the  strayed 
sheep  into  the  flock,  to  enlighten  and  convince  your  adver- 
saries, yet  it  may  perhaps  still  be  said,  that  there  is  an 
insuperable  difficulty  in  coming  at  them,  that  they  are  so 
many  deaf  adders  that  stop  their  ears  and  hear  not  the 
voice  of  the  charmer,  charm  he  never  so  wisely.  This, 
I  grant,  is  a  great  difficulty,  but  do  not  think  it  an  insuper- 
able one.  Opportunities  may  be  found,  and  sometimes 
offer  of  themselves,  if  they  are  not  overlooked  or  neglected. 

The  work,  I  own,  might  be  more  easily  done  if  Papists 
could  be  brought  to  seek  instruction  and  attend  your 
sermons.  But  even  where  this  cannot  be  hoped  for,  may 
not  something  be  done  by  conversation?  Occasional 
discourse,  I  say,  that  imperceptibly  glides  from  one  subject 
to  another,  may  be  so  conducted  by  a  prudent  person  to 
those  topics  he  hath  a  mind  to  treat  of,  as  if  they  naturally 
arose  from  what  went  before,  or  came  by  accident  in  the 
way.  We  may  observe  that,  whenever  the  inclination  is 
strongly  set  towards  a  thing  or  bent  on  any  purpose, 
handles  for  attaining  it  do  now  and  then  present  them- 
selves which  might  otherwise  never  be  thought  of. 

The  Protestant  friends  and  Protestant  relations  of 
Roman  Catholics  may  furnish  occasions  of  your  meeting 
and  conversing  with  those  whom  you  may  perhaps  think 
you  cannot  so  properly  visit  at  their  own  houses ;  though 
it  were  to  be  wished  that  good  neighbourhood  and  the 
friendly  commerce  of  life  was  not  interrupted  by  difference 


PRIMARY    VISITATION    CHARGE  513 

in  religion.  It  is  certain  that  the  very  same  doctrine 
which  a  man  would  never  read  in  a  book  or  hear  in 
a  sermon,  may  sometimes  be  insinuated  in  free  conversa- 
tion :  that  a  subject,  which,  if  proposed  at  once  might 
shock,  being  introduced  by  degrees  might  take  :  that  what 
comes  as  it  were  from  chance  is  often  admitted,  while  that 
which  looks  like  design  is  guarded  against :  and  that  he 
who  will  not  seek  instruction  may  nevertheless  receive  it. 

And  even  in  those  cases  where  you  are  utterly  excluded 
from  any  immediate  intercourse  with  your  Popish  parish- 
ioners, if  the  more  religious  laymen  of  your  parish  were 
sufficiently  instructed  in  the  chief  points  of  the  Popish 
controversy,  I  apprehend  it  might  often  lie  in  their  way 
to  give  a  helping  hand  toward  the  conversion  of  Papists ; 
who,  although  they  will  not  submit  to  be  taught,  may  yet 
condescend  to  teach,  to  inform  those  that  shall  appear 
inquisitive,  to  resolve  a  doubt  modestly  proposed ;  and 
may  by  such  means  be  drawn  into  an  argument  before 
they  are  aware  of  it.  Neighbourhood  gives  opportunities, 
and  dependence  gives  an  influence ;  all  which  opportunities 
and  influence  might,  one  would  think,  produce  something, 
especially  if  managed  and  improved  with  skill. 

There  is,  doubtless,  an  indiscreet,  warm,  overbearing 
manner ;  and  in  the  hands  of  those  who  have  it  the  best 
arguments  are  weak,  and  the  best  cause  will  suffer.  There 
is,  on  the  other  hand,  a  gentle,  prudent,  and  obliging  way 
which  would  be  an  advantage  to  the  worst,  a  w^  that 
softens  the  heart  and  prepares  it  for  conviction.  Would 
you  in  earnest  make  proselytes,  follow  St.  Paul's  example, 
and  in  his  sense  '  become  all  things  to  all  men,'  that  you 
may  gain  some.  Adopt  as  much  as  you  conscientiously 
can  of  their  ways  of  thinking ;  suit  yourselves  to  their 
capacities  and  their  characters ;  put  yourselves  in  their 
places,  and  then  consider  how  you  should  like  to  be  dealt 
with,  and  what  would  off*end  you.  If  your  intention  is 
rather  to  gain  a  proselyte  than  to  triumph  over  him,  you 
must  manage  his  passions,  and  skilfully  touch  his  preju- 
dices. To  convince  men,  you  must  not  begin  with  shock- 
ing, angering,  or  shaming  them. 

I  do  not  mean  that  you  should  favour  their  prejudices, 
or  palliate  their  absurdities ;  on  the  contrary,  when  you 
have  once  obtained  a  favourable  hearing,  when  you  have 

BBRKBLBT:     FRASBR.       IV.  L  1 


514  PRIMARY   VISITATION    CHARGE 

prepossessed  them  with  an  opinion  of  your  own  candour, 
when,  by  a  skilful  application  of  '  precept  upon  precept 
line  upon  line,  here  a  little  and  there  a  little '  (to  use  the 
prophet's  language),  you  have  in  some  measure  made  them 
sensible  of  errors  and  wrong  principles, — ^you  may  then 
proceed  to  set  the  wickedness  of  their  practices  and  the 
absurdities  of  their  superstitions  in  the  strongest  light,  and 
paint  them  in  their  true  colours. 

I  told  you  before  that  it  was  not  my  design  to  furnish 
you  with  arguments  against  the  Church  of  Rome,  which 
I  conceive  you  are  already  suflBciently  provided  with.  All 
I  intended  was  to  give  you  some  general  directions  about 
the  use  and  application  of  them. 

Before  I  quit  this  subject  I  must  recommend  it  to  your 
care  to  acquaint  yourselves  with  the  state  of  Popery,  and 
diligently  to  watch  over  its  progress  or  decrease.  In 
order  to  which  it  is  highly  expedient  that  you  inform 
yourselves  annually  of  the  numbers  of  Papists  within  your 
respective  parishes.  Your  own  discretion  will  shew  you 
the  easiest  way  for  doing  this.  One  thing  I  will  venture 
to  say,  that  it  is  not  impossible  to  be  done,  and  I  am  sure 
it  ought  to  be  done. 

I  believe  you  are  not  ignorant  that  some  measures  have 
been  formerly  taken  in  several  parts  of  the  kingdom, 
I  mean  by  itinerant  preachers  in  the  Irish  tongue,  which 
failed  of  the  desired  effect ;  other  measures  are  also  now 
set  on  foot  by  charity  schools,  which  it  is  hoped  may  have 
better  success.  But  neither  the  miscarriage  of  the  one, 
nor  the  hopes  of  the  other,  should  prevent  every  one  of 
you  from  setting  his  hand  to  the  plough,  as  opportunity 
serves.  The  Protestant  preachers  in  the  Irish  tongue 
failed  of  success  for  want  of  audiences ;  and  this  was  with- 
out remedy.  But  that  which  did  not  do  in  one  time  or 
place  may,  perhaps,  succeed  better  in  another.  At  least, 
I  wish  it  were  tried,  if  any  amongst  you  are  sufficient 
masters  of  the  language.  As  for  the  Protestant  schools, 
I  have  nothing  particular  to  say,  more  than  recommend 
to  your  perusal  what  hath  been  already  published  on  that 
subject. 

But  all  methods,  I  fear,  will  be  ineffectual  if  the  clergy 
do  not  co-operate  and  exert  themselves  with  due  zeal  and 
diligence  for  compassing  so  desirable  an  end  ;    which,  if  it 


PRIMARY   VISITATION    CHARGE  515 

were  once  set  about  with  the  same  earnest  and  hearty 
endeavours  that  the  Popish  clergy  shew  in  their  missions, 
we  should,  I  doubt  not,  in  a  little  time  see  a  different 
face  of  things,  considering  the  great  advantages  that  you 
possess  over  your  adversaries,  having  such  superiority  of 
education,  such  protection  from  the  laws,  such  encourage- 
ment and  countenance  from  the  government :  in  a  word, 
every  reasonable  help  and  motive  is  on  our  side,  as  well  as 
the  truth  of  our  cause. 

And  yet,  as  things  are,  little  is  done  ;  which  must 
undoubtedly  be  owing,  not  so  much  to  the  difficulty  of  the 
work,  as  to  the  remissness  of  those  who  ought  to  do  it. 
In  the  beginning  of  the  Reformation  many  proselytes  were 
made  by  Protestant  divines.  Was  there  then  less  pre- 
judice on  one  side,  or  more  ability  on  the  other  ?  Nothing 
of  this,  but  only  a  greater  measure  of  zeal  and  diligence 
in  the  Reformers.  It  must,  without  doubt,  to  any  indiffer- 
ent observer  seem  a  little  unaccountable  that  in  a  country 
where  the  true  religion  hath  been  so  long  established, 
there  should  yet  remain  so  great  a  majority  involved  in 
blindness  and  superstition.  This,  I  say,  will  hardly  be 
accounted  for  if  the  clergy  are  supposed  with  due  care  and 
pains  to  discharge  their  duty. 

An  habitual  or  a  prevailing  neglect  may  perhaps  still 
incline  some  to  think  that  this  is  no  part  of  their  duty. 
Others  may  be  apt  to  conclude  that  where  there  is  no 
penalty  appointed  by  the  law  of  the  land,  there  is  no 
obligation.  But  surely  it  must  be  very  wrong  and  very 
strange  for  a  Christian  pastor  to  measure  his  duty  by  the 
rule  either  of  law  or  of  custom.  There  is  a  rule  of*^  con- 
science and  a  rule  of  Scripture,  and  by  these  rules  it  is 
evidently  the  duty  of  parochial  clergy  to  labour  the  con- 
version of  those  who  are  infected  with  idolatry  or  super- 
stition within  their  several  parishes.  But,  besides  all  this, 
there  is  an  express  canon  directing  all  ministers  to  confer 
with  the  Popish  recusants  within  their  parishes,  in  order 
to  reclaim  them  from  their  errors. 

Rather  than  treat  in  general  of  the  pastoral  care,  I  have 
chosen  to  dwell  on  this  particular  branch,  which  seems 
less  attended  to.  I  have  endeavoured  to  shew  you  that 
it  is  really  a  branch  of  your  duty,  that  it  is  a  duty  not 
impossible  to  be  executed,  and  what  methods  seem  to  me 

Ll2 


5l6  PRIMARY   VISITATION    CHARGE 

most  likely  to  succeed,  which,  if  diligently  put  in  practice, 
cannot,  I  think,  be  altogether  without  effect..  But  if 
nothing  else  should  ensue,  you,  my  brethren,  will  at  least 
have  the  satisfaction  of  being  conscious  that  it  was  not  for 
want  of  using  your  best  endeavours.  It  is  impossible, 
indeed,  minutely  to  prescribe  what  should  be  done,  how 
much,  and  in  what  manner.  That  must  be  left  to  every 
man's  conscience  and  discretion.  But,  in  conclusion, 
I  recommend  it  to  you  all,  both  in  the  discharge  of  this 
duty,  and  in  every  other  part  of  your  conduct,  to  have  con- 
stantly before  your  eyes  that  most  excellent  and  extensive 
precept  of  our  Blessed  Saviour :  '  Be  ye  wise  as  serpents 
and  innocent  as  doves.' 


Out  of  Bishop  Butler's  letter : — '  However,  one  must 
not  so  far  despair  of  religion  as  to  neglect  one's  proper 
part  with  regard  to  it ;  and  they  who  take  care  to  perform 
it  faithfully,  have  the  comfort  that  all  will  finally  end  well 
for  themselves,  whatever  becomes  of  this  mad  world.' 
(This,  on  the  blank  page  in  the  MS.,  seems  to  imply 
correspondence  with  Butler,  who  was  then  rector  of 
Stanhope). 


ADDRESS   ON   CONFIRMATION 


It  is  fit  that  you  who  are  brought  hither  to  be  confirmed 
should,  in  the  first  place,  be  made  acquainted  with  the 
nature  and  reason  of  this  institution ;  in  order  to  which 
you  must  understand  that  there  is  a  twofold  kingdom  ot 
Jesus  Christ. 

For  first,  as  He  is  the  eternal  Son  of  God,  He  is  lord  and 
sovereign  of  all  things.  And  in  this  large  sense  the  whole 
world  or  universe  may  be  said  to  compose  the  kingdom  of 
Christ.  But  secondly,  besides  this  large  and  general  sense, 
the  kingdom  of  Christ  is  also  taken  in  a  more  narrow 
sense,  as  it  signifies  His  Church.  The  Christian  Church, 
I  say,  is  in  a  peculiar  sense  His  kingdom,  being  a  society 
of  persons,  not  only  subject  to  His  power,  but  also  con- 
forming themselves  to  His  will,  living  according  to  His 
precepts,  and  thereby  entitled  to  the  promises  of  His 
Gospel. 

This  peculiar  kingdom  or  Church  of  Christ  hath  great 
and  peculiar  privileges.  While  the  rest  of  the  world  is 
estranged  from  God  and  liable  to  the  sentence  of  eternal 
death,  the  Church  is  reconciled  to  God  through  Christ,  is 
justified  by  faith  in  Him,  redeemed  by  His  sufferings,  and 
sanctified  by  His  Spirit ;  no  longer  subject  to  death,  sin,  or 
the  devil,  but  made  children  of  God  and  heirs  of  eternal 
life. 

This  happy  state  is  called  the  state  of  grace,  wherein 
those  who  were  by  nature  children  of  wrath  are  become 
objects  of  the  divine  favour.  The  conditions  of  your 
admission  into  this  state  are  faith  and  repentance,  and  the 
outward  sign  and  seal  thereof  is  baptism.  Christ  reconciles 
us  to  God  and  takes  us  under  His  protection ;  but  then  it 
is  in  virtue  of  a  covenant,  and  a  covenant  requires  some- 
thing to  be  done  on  both  sides.     If  much  is  promised  on 

^  Found,  undated;  among  the  Berkeley  MSS.,  and  first  published  in  1871. 


5l8  ADDRESS    ON    CONFIRMATION 

the  part  of  God,  somewhat  is  to  be  promised  and  performed 
on  ours  also.  If  you  hope  for  the  divine  blessings,  you 
must  not  be  unmindful  of  the  promises  to  the  performance 
whereof  those  blessings  were  annexed.  And  forasmuch 
as  such  promises  were  made  in  your  name  by  your  god- 
fathers and  godmothers  at  a  time  when  you  were  unable 
to  make  them  yourselves,  or  to  understand  the  force  and 
meaning  of  them,  it  is  fit  that,  now  you  are  grown  up,  you 
should  take  them  upon  yourselves.  And  though  your 
assent  hath  been  often  implied  and  declared  by  the  repe- 
titions of  creeds  and  catechisms,  yet  it  is  highly  expedient 
for  the  more  full,  open,  and  solemn  declaration  thereof 
that  you  do  in  the  face  of  the  Church  renew  your  baptismal 
vow,  and  manifest  your  entire  assent  to  all  that  which 
your  sureties  had  before  promised  in  your  name  and  on 
your  behalf. 

This  declaration  will  most  solemnly  engage  you  to  the 
performance  of  three  things  :  first,  that  you  shall  renounce 
the  devil  and  all  his  works,  the  pride  of  life,  and  the  sinful 
lusts  of  the  flesh ;  secondly,  that  you  shall  believe  all  the 
articles  of  the  Christian  faith,  which  are  summed  up  in  the 
Apostles'  Creed;  and  in  the  third  place,  that  you  shall 
conform  your  lives  to  the  will  and  commandments  of 
Almighty  God. 

All  those  things  which  your  sureties  have  undertaken 
for  you,  and  which  the  faith  you  have  hitherto  professed 
doth  already  oblige  you  to  perform,  doth  the  present  public 
deliberate  renewal  of  your  vow,  at  this  time  and  place  in 
your  own  proper  persons,  after  a  more  especial  manner  bind 
upon  your  consciences.  And  that  you  may  be  the  better 
enabled  to  discharge  these  obligations,  you  must  pray  to 
God  for  the  assistance  of  His  grace  and  Holy  Spirit. 

I  have  thought  it  fit  to  insist  on  these  particulars,  not 
only  for  the  instruction  of  those  who  present  themselves 
to  be  confirmed,  but  also  for  the  sake  of  all  who  hear  me, 
to  the  end  that  all  such  who  having  before  received  con- 
firmation, might  nevertheless  not  have  hitherto  reflected 
duly  thereon,  being  made  sensible  of  the  great  concern 
and  importance  of  the  engagements  they  have  entered 
into,  may  seriously  think  of  fulfilling  them  for  the  future, 
which  God  of  His  infinite  mercy  grant. 


A  LETTER 

TO   SIR  JOHN  JAMES,   BART. 

ON    THE 

DIFFERENCES   BETWEEN   THE   ROMAN 
AND  ANGLICAN   CHURCHES 

WRITTEN    IN    1 74 1 


First  published  in  1850 


NOTE 

Sir  John  James  was  an  intimate  friend  of  Berkeley's, 
one  of  those  who  accompanied  him  to  Rhode  Island  in 
September,  1728.  He  succeeded  to  the  title  in  1736,  and 
about  that  time  he  returned  from  America.  In  1741  Sir 
John  made  known  to  him  his  intention  to  join  the  Church 
of  Rome.  This  letter,  found  among  the  Berkeley  MSS., 
was  Berkeley's  reply.  It  was  first  published  in  1850  by 
the  Rev.  James  Anderson,  of  Brighton.  It  is  almost  the 
only  expression  we  have  of  his  views  upon  points  of 
difference  between  the  Roman  and  Anglican  Churches. 
The  MS.  is  unfortunately  defective  in  some  places.  Not- 
withstanding, it  deserves  preservation,  as  a  luminous  ex- 
position, charged  with  his  spirit  of  Christian  toleration 
and  charity. 

Sir  John  James,  who  was  the  last  baronet  of  his  line, 
died  about  three  months  after  this  Letter  was  written. 
Berkeley  says  that  he  was  of  'a  thoughtful  and  noble 
nature;  one  who  lived  above  what  is  called  the  world, 
making  the  pursuit  of  truth,  and  the  unum  necessarium  his 
chief  business.'  See  chapter  viii  of  my  Life  and  Letters 
of  Berkeley, 


A  LETTER 

TO 

SIR  JOHN  JAMES,   BART. 

Cloyue,  June  7,  1741. 

Dear  Sir, 

I  WOULD  not  defer  writing,  though  I  write  in  no  small 
confusion  and  distress ;  my  family  having  many  ill  of  an 
epidemical  fever  that  rages  in  these  parts,  and  I  being  the 
only  physician  to  them  and  my  poor  neighbours.  You 
have  my  sincere  thanks  for  the  freedom  and  friendship 
with  which  you  are  so  good  to  communicate  your  thoughts. 
Your  making  the  unum  necessarium  your  chief  business 
sets  you  above  the  world.  I  heartily  beg  of  God  that  He 
would  give  me  grace  to  do  the  same ;  a  heart  constantly 
to  pursue  the  truth,  and  abide  in  it,  wherever  it  is  found. 

No  divine  could  say,  in  my  opinion,  more  for  the  Church 
of  Rome  than  you  have  done : — 

*  Si  Pergama  dextra 
Defend!  possent,  etiam  hac  defetisa  fuissent.' 

[Virg.  J^neid  IL  291.] 

The  Scriptures  and  Fathers,  I  grant,  are  a  much  better 
help  to  know  Christ  and  His  Religion  than  the  cold  and 
dry  writings  of  our  modern  divines.  Many  who  are  con- 
versant in  such  books,  I  doubt,  have  no  more  relish  for 
the  things  of  the  Gospel,  than  those  who  spend  their 
time  in  reading  the  immense  and  innumerable  tomes  of 
Scholastic  Divinity,  with  which  the  Church  of  Rome 
abounds.  The  dry  polemical  theology  was  the  growth  of 
Rome,  begun  from  Peter  Lombard,  the  Master  of  the 
Sentences  ^ ;  and  grew  and  spread  among  the  Monks  and 
Friars,  under  the  Pope's  eye.     The  Church  of  England  is 

^  So  named  from  his  Liber  Sen-       Scholastic    Theology,    which    ap- 
tentiamm,   the   standard   book   of      peared  in  1172. 


522  A    LETTER    TO 

not  without  spiritual  writers  of  her  own.  Taylor,  Ken, 
Beveridge,  Scott,  Lucas,  Stanhope,  Nelson,  the  author  of 
the  works  falsely  ascribed  to  the  writer  of  the  Whole  Duty 
of  Matty  and  many  more,  whom  I  believe  you  will  find  not 
inferior  to  those  of  the  Church  of  Rome.  But  I  freely 
own  to  you  that  most  modem  writings  smell  of  the  age, 
and  that  there  are  no  books  so  fit  to  make  a  soul  advance 
in  spiritual  perfection,  as  the  Scriptures  and  ancient 
Fathers. 

I  think  you  will  find  no  Popery  in  St.  Augustine,  or 
St.  Basil,  or  any  writers  of  that  antiquity.  You  may  see, 
indeed,  here  and  there,  in  the  Fathers  a  notion  borrowed 
from  Philosophy  (as  they  were  originally  philosophers); 
for  instance,  something  like  a  Platonic  or  Pythagorean 
Purgatory.  But  you  will  see  nothing  like  indulgences,  or 
a  bank  of  merits,  or  a  Romish  purgatory,  whereof  the 
Pope  has  the  key.  It  is  not  simply  believing  even  a 
Popish  tenet,  or  tenets,  that  makes  a  Papist,  but  believing 
on  the  Pope's  authority.  There  is  in  the  Fathers  a  divine 
strain  of  piety,  and  much  of  the  spiritual  life.  This,  we 
acknowledge,  all  should  aspire  after,  and  I  make  no  doubt 
is  attainable,  and  actually  attained,  in  the  communion  of 
our  Church,  at  least  as  well  as  in  any  other. 

You  observe  very  justly  that  Christ's  religion  is  spiritual, 
and  the  Christian  life  supernatural;  and  that  there  is  no 
judge  of  spiritual  things  but  the  Spirit  of  God.  We  have 
need,  therefore,  of  aid  and  light  from  above.  Accordingly, 
we  have  the  Spirit  of  God  to  guide  us  into  all  truth.  If 
we  are  sanctified  and  enlighted  by  the  Holy  Ghost  and 
by  Christ,  this  will  make  up  for  our  defects  without  the 
Pope's  assistance.  And  why  our  Church  and  her  pious 
members  may  not  hope  for  this  help  as  well  as  others, 
I  see  no  reason.  The  Author  of  our  faith  tells  us.  He 
that  '  will  do  the  will  of  God,  shall  know  of  the  doctrine, 
whether  it  be  of  God.'  (St.  John  vii.  17.)  I  believe  this 
extends  to  all  saving  truths. 

There  is  an  indwelling  of  Christ  and  the  Holy  Spirit ; 
there  is  an'  inward  light.  If  there  be  an  ignis  fatuus  that 
misleads  wild  and  conceited  men,  no  man  can  thence  infer 
there  is  no  light  of  the  sun.  There  must  be  a  proper 
disposition  of  the  organ,  as  well  as  a  degree  of  daylight, 
to  make  us  see.     Where  these  concur  nobody  doubts  of 


SIR    JOHN    JAMES 


523 


what  he  sees.  And  a  Christian  soul,  wherein  there  is 
faith,  humility,  and  obedience,  will  not  fail  to  see  the  right 
way  to  salvation  by  that  light  which  lightens  the  Gentiles, 
and  is  a  glory  to  Israel. 

There  is  an  invisible  Church,  whereof  Christ  is  the 
head ;  the  members  of  which  are  linked  together  by  faith, 
hope,  and  charity.  By  faith  in  Christ,  not  in  the  Pope. 
Popes  are  no  unerring  rule,  for  Popes  have  erred :  witness 
the  condemnation  and  suppression  of  Sixtus  Quintus's 
Bible  by  his  successor  \  Witness  the  successions  of  Anti- 
Popes  for  a  long  tract  of  time*. 

There  is  a  secret  unction,  an  inward  light  and  joy,  that 
attends  the  sincere  fervent  love  of  God  and  His  truth, 
which  enables  men  to  go  on  with  all  cheerfulness  and 
hope  in  the  Christian  warfare.  You  ask.  How  I  shall 
discern  or  know  this  ?  I  answer  much  more  easily  than 
I  can  that  this  particular  man,  or  this  particular  society  of 
men,  is  an  unerring  rule.  Of  the  former  I  have  an  inward 
feeling,  jointly  with  the  internal,  as  well  as  exterior,  Xoyo?, 
to  inform  me.  But  for  the  latter  I  have  only  the  Pope's 
word,  and  that  of  his  followers. 

It  is  dangerous  arguing  from  our  notion  of  the  expediency 
of  a  thing  to  the  reality  of  the  thing  itself.  But  I  can 
plainly  argue  from  facts  against  the  being  of  such  an 
expedient.  In  the  first  centuries  of  the  Church,  when 
heresies  abounded,  the  expedient  of  a  Pope,  or  Roman 
oracle,  was  unknown,  unthought  of.  There  was  then 
a  Bishop  of  Rome ;  but  that  was  no  hindrance  or  remedy 
of  divisions.  Disputes  in  the  Catholic  Church  were  not 
ended  by  his  authority.  No  recourse  was  had  to  his 
infallibility ;  an  evident  proof  they  acknowledged  no  such 
thing.  The  date  of  his  usurpations,  and  how  they  grew 
with  his  secular  power,  you  may  plainly  see  in  Giannoni's 
History  0/ Naples  * :  I  do  not  refer  you  to  a  Protestant  writer. 


'  The  reference  is  to  the  Vulgate, 
authenticated  by  the  Council  of 
Trent,  and  commanded  by  Pope 
Sixtus  V  in  1590  to  be  adopted 
by  the  Church ;  two  years  after- 
wards condemned,  and  ordered 
to  be  suppressed,  by  his  successor 
Clement  VIII.  This  is  presented 
as  a  dilemma  to  Roman  Catholics  in 


Gibson's  Preservative  against  Popery, 
^  This  refers  to   the  schism  in 
the  Church  in  1378. 

^  Pietro  Giannoni  (1676-1748) 
devoted  twenty  years  of  research 
to  this  History,  the  candour  of 
which  brought  upon  him  the 
hostility  of  the  Church.  He  died 
in  prison  at  Turin. 


534  A    LETTER    TO 

Men  travelling  in  daylight  see  by  one  common  light, 
though  each  with  his  own  eyes.  If  one  man  should  say 
to  the  rest,  Shut  vour  eyes  and  follow  me,  who  can  see 
better  than  you  all ;  this  would  not  be  well  taken.  The 
sincere  Christians  of  6ur  communion  are  governed,  or  led, 
by  the  inward  light  of  God's  grace,  by  the  outward  light 
of  His  written  word,  by  the  ancient  and  Catholic  tradi- 
tions of  Christ's  Church,  by  the  ordinances  of  our  national 
Church,  which  we  take  to  consist  all  and  hang  together. 
But  then  we  see,  as  all  must  do,  with  our  own  eyes,  by 
a  common  light,  but  each  with  his  own  private  eyes.  And 
so  must  you  too,  or  you  will  not  see  at  all.  And,  not 
seeing  at  all,  how  can  you  choose  a  Church  ?  why  prefer 
that  of  Rome  to  that  of  England  ?  Thus  far,  and  in  this 
sense,  every  man's  judgment  is  private  as  well  as  ours. 
Some,  indeed,  go  further;  and,  without  regard  to  the 
Holy  Spirit,  or  the  Word  of  God,  or  the  writings  of  the 
primitive  Fathers,  or  the  universal  uninterrupted  traditions 
of  the  Church,  will  pretend  to  canvass  every  mystery, 
every  step  of  Providence,  and  reduce  it  to  the  private 
standard  of  their  own  fancy ;  for  reason  reaches  not  those 
things.  Such  as  these  I  give  up  and  disown,  as  well  as 
you  do. 

I  grant  it  is  meet  that  the  Law  of  Christ  should,  like 
other  laws,  have  magistrates  to  explain  and  apply  it.  But 
then,  as  in  the  civil  State,  a  private  man  may  know  the 
law  enough  to  avoid  transgressing  it,  and  also  to  see 
whether  the  magistrates  deviate  from  it  into  tyranny:  even 
so,  in  the  other  case,  a  private  Christian  may  know,  and 
ought  to  know,  the  written  law  of  God,  and  not  give  him- 
self up  blindly  to  the  dictates  of  the  Pope  and  his  asses- 
sors. This,  in  effect,  would  be  destroying  the  law,  and 
erecting  a  despotic  government  instead  thereof.  It  would 
be  deserting  Christ,  and  taking  the  Pope  for  his  master. 

I  think  it  my  duty  to  become  a  little  child  to  Christ  and 
His  Apostles,  but  not  to  the  Pope  and  his  courtiers. 
That  many  honest  and  well-meaning  men  live  under  such 
thraldom  1  freely  admit,  and  am  sorry  for  it.  I  trust  that 
God  will  have  compassion  on  them,  as  knowing  how  they 
were  educated,  and  the  force  of  first  impressions.  But 
we,  who  never  had  their  education,  cannot  plead  their 
prejudices. 


SIR    JOHN    JAMES  525 

Light  and  heat  are  both  found  in  a  religious  mind  duly 
disposed.  Light,  in  due  order,  goes  first.  It  is  dangerous 
to  begin  with  heat,  that  is,  with  the  affections.  To  balance 
earthly  affections  by  spiritual  affections  is  right.  But  our 
affections  should  grow  from  inquiry  and  deliberation ;  else 
there  is  danger  of  our  being  superstitious  or  enthusiasts. 
An  affection  conceived  towards  a  particular  Church,  upon 
reading  some  spiritual  authors  of  that  communion,  which 
might  have  left  a  bias  in  the  mind,  is,  I  apprehend,  to  be 
suspected.  Most  men  act  with  a  bias.  God  knows  how 
far  my  education  may  have  biassed  me  against  the  Church 
of  Rome,  or  how  far  a  love  of  retreat  and  a  fine  climate 
may  bias  me  towards  it.  It  is  our  duty  to  try  and  divest 
ourselves  of  all  bias  whatsoever. 

Whatever  unguarded  expressions  may  be  found  in  this 
or  that  Protestant  divine,  it  is  certainly  the  doctrine  of 
our  Church  that  no  particular  Church,  or  congregation  of 
believers,  is  infallible.  We  hold  all  mankind  to  be  pec- 
cable and  errable,  even  the  Pope  himself,  with  all  that 
belong  to  him.  We  are  like  men  in  a  cave,  in  this  present 
life,  seeing  by  a  dim  light  through  such  chinks  as  the 
Divine  goodness  hath  opened  to  us  \  We  dare  not  talk 
in  the  high,  unerring,  positive  style  of  the  Romanists. 
We  confess  that  '  we  see  through  a  glass  darkly '  (i  Cor. 
xiii.  12);  and  rejoice  that  we  see  enough  to  determine  our 
practice,  and  excite  our  hopes. 

An  humble,  devout,  penitent  believer,  not  biassed  by 
any  terrene  affections,  but  sincerely  aiming  and  endeavour- 
ing, by  all  the  lyieans  God  hath  given  him,  to  come  at 
truth,  need  not  fear  being  admitted  into  the  Kingdom  of 
God  without  the  Pope's  passport.  There  is  indeed  an 
invisible  Church  whereof  Christ  is  head ;  linked  together 
by  charity,  animated  with  the  same  hope,  sanctified  by 
the  same  Spirit,  heirs  of  the  same  promise.  This  is  the 
Universal  Church,  militant  and  triumphant :  the  militant, 
dispersed  in  all  parts  of  Christendom,  partaking  of  the 
same  Word  and  Sacraments.  There  are  also  visible, 
political  or  national  Churches :  none  of  which  is  Universal. 
It  would  be  a  blunder  to  say  particular  universal.  And 
yet,  I  know  not  how,  the  style  of  Roman  Catholic  hath 
prevailed.    The  members  of  this  Universal  Church  are  not 

*  So  Plato.     Cf.  SiriSj  sect.  367,  and  its  general  tone. 


526  A    LETTER    TO 

« 

visible  by  outward  marks,  but  certainly  known  only  to 
God,  whose  Spirit  will  sanctify  and  maintain  it  to  the  end 
of  time. 

The  Church  is  a  calling,  cidcXi/o-ca :  '  Many  are  called,  but 
few  are  chosen.'  (St.  Matt.  xxii.  14.)  Therefore  there  is 
no  reckoning  the  elect  by  the  number  of  visible  members. 
There  must  be  the  invisible  grace,  as  well  as  the  outward 
sign;  the  spiritual  life  and  holy  unction  to  make  a  real 
member  of  Christ's  invisible  Church.  The  particular 
Churches  of  Jerusalem,  Antioch,  Alexandria,  Rome,  &c. 
have  all  fallen  into  error.  (Art  XIX.)  And  yet,  in  their 
most  corrupt  and  erroneous  state,  I  believe  they  have 
included  some  true  members  of  that  body  whereof  *  Christ 
is  head';  of  that  building  whereof  He  is  'the  comer 
stone.'  (Ephes.  iv.  15 ;  ii.  20.)  '  Other  foundation  can  no 
man  lay,'  but  on  this  foimdation.  There  may  be  super- 
structures of  'hay,  stubble'  (i  Cor.  iii.  11,  12),  and  much 
contemptible  trash,  without  absolutely  annihilating  the 
Church.  This  I  take  to  have  been  evidently  the  case. 
Christ's  religion  is  spiritual  and  supernatural ;  and  there 
is  an  unseen  cement  of  the  faithful,  who  draw  grace  from 
the  same  source,  are  enlightened  by  the  same  '  Father  of 
lights'  (James  i.  17),  and  sanctified  by  the  same  Spirit, 
^d  this,  although  they  may  be  members  of  different 
political  or  visible  congregations,  may  be  estranged,  or 
suspected,  or  even  excommunicate  to  each  other.  They 
may  be  loyal  to  Christ,  however  divided  among  themselves. 
This  is  the  charitable  belief  of  the  true  sons  of  our  Church; 
however  contrary  to  the  damning  temper  of  Rome,  and 
the  sour  severity  of  Dissenters. 

To  explain  this  by  a  familiar  instance.  When  King 
Charles  II  was  at  Brussels,  he  had  friends  in  England  of 
different  factions,  and  suspected,  or  even  hated,  each  by 
other;  who  yet  alike  wished  the  King  well,  and  corre- 
sponded with  him,  though  not  with  one  another.  The  King 
knew  his  loyal  subjects,  though  they  were  not  known, 
owned,  or  trusted  mutually.  They  all  promoted  his 
return,  though  by  different  schemes ;  and,  when  he  came 
to  his  kingdom,  they  all  rejoiced  with  him. 

But  perhaps  you  will  say  there  is  need  of  an  infallible 
visible  guide  for  the  soul's  quiet.  But  of  what  use  is 
an  infallible  guide  without  an  infallible  sign  to  know  him 


SIR    JOHN    JAMES  527 

by'?  We  have  often  seen  Pope  against  Pope,  and  Council 
against  Council.  What  or  whom  shall  we  follow  in  these 
contests,  but  the  written  Word  of  God,  the  Apostolical 
traditions,  and  the  internal  light  of  the  A.oyos,  that  irradiates 
every  mind,  but  is  not  equally  observed  by  alP?  If  you 
say,  notwithstanding  these  helps  and  lights,  that  we  are 
still  weak,  and  have  weak  eyes ;  in  a  word,  that  we  may 
err :  I  say,  so  may  you.  Man  is  fallible ;  and  God  knows 
it ;  and  God  is  just.  I  am  more  easy  on  these  principles, 
and  this  way  of  thinking,  than  if  I  tamely  and  slothfully 
gave  myself  up  to  be  ridden  and  hoodwinked  by  the  Pope, 
or  by  any  other  visible  judge  upon  earth. 

The  security  and  repose  of  souls  is  pretended  or  promised 
to  be  had  in  the  bosom  of  the  Roman  Church.  But,  I  think, 
least  of  all  to  be  hoped  for,  in  a  Church  which,  by  her 
doctrine  of  the  priest's  intention  being  necessary  to  the 
efficacy  of  Sacraments,  must  raise  in  every  thinking 
member  infinite  and  indissoluble  scruples.  Since  it  is 
acknowledged  that  many  Infidels  and  Jews  and  Maho- 
metans have  been  ordained,  and  possessed  all  degrees  ot 
dignity,  and  administered  all  Sacraments,  in  the  Church 
of  Rome  :  therefore  all  Sacraments  derived  either  mediately 
or  immediately  from  such,  were  ineffectual :  therefore,  no 
particular  member  can  know,  upon  the  principles  of  the 
Church  of  Rome,  whether  he  is  a  Christian  or  not :  there- 
fore,  that  very  Church,  which  sets  up  above  all  others  for 
making  men  easy  and  secure  within  her  communion,  is, 
indeed,  more  than  any  other,  calculated  for  producing 
doubts  and  scruples,  such  as  I  do  not  see  possible  how 
they  should  be  solved  or  quieted  upon  her  principles. 

You  seem  to  think  the  numerousness  of  her  sons  an 
argument  of  her  truth.  But  it  is  admitted  the  Mahometans 
are  more  numerous  than  the  Christians;  and  that  the 
Arians,  once  upon  a  time,  were  more  numerous  than  the 
Orthodox.    Therefore,  that  argument  concludes  nothing. 

As  for  her  miracles,  which  you  think  so  well  attested 
that  thinking  Protestants  dare  not  deny  them,  I  declare 
honestly  that  the  best  attested  of  her  miracles  that  I  have 

'  So   argued  by  Sherlock  in  a  fenders  of  the  infallibility  of  the 

tract  which  appeared  originally  in  Bible. 

Gibson's  Preservative,  The  Roman-  '  The  X6'^oSy  the  *  inward  light,* 

ists  retort  by  an  argutnentum  ctd  now  appear  in  Berkeley's  thought, 

hominem   against    Protestant   de-  more  fully  soon  afterwards  in  5f>Ts. 


528 


A    LETTER    TO 


met  with,  and  the  only  that  seemed  to  have  any  verisi- 
militude, were  those  said  to  be  performed  at  the  tomb  of 
Ahh6  Paris  ^ ;  and  those  are  not  admitted  by  the  Church 
of  Rome  herself.  I  have  read,  inquired,  and  observed 
myself,  when  abroad,  concerning  their  exorcisms*,  and 
miracles ;  and  must  needs  say  they  all  appeared  so  many 
gross  impositions.  As  for  the  miracles  said  to  be  per- 
formed in  foreign  missions,  I  can  give  no  credit  to  them 
(I  judge  by  what  accounts  I  have  seen) ;  and,  if  you  will 
be  at  the  trouble  of  perusing  the  Lettres  e'difiantes  et 
curteuses,  ecrites  des  Missions  Etrangeres,  printed  at  Paris, 
perhaps  you  may  think  of  them  as  I  do '. 

As  for  the  Roman  Saints  and  Martyrs,  please  to  read 
their  legends,  or  even  the  canonizations  of  the  last  century, 
since  Rome  hath  been  enlightened  and  something  reformed 
by  our  Reformation,  for  those  of  St.  Pietro  d'Alcantra  and 
St.  Magdalena  de  Pazzi.  I  believe  you  never  read  of 
anything  like  them  and  their  marvellous  wonders,  which 
nevertheless  were  admitted  for  authentic  by  Pope  and 
Cardinals.  I  myself  saw  and  conversed  with  a  woman 
at  Genoa,  a  reputed  Saint,  whose  head  I  met  .three  years 
after,  encircled  with  rays,  to  be  sold  among  other  pictures 
in  the  great  square  of  Leghorn.  This  same  Saint  appeared 
to  me  very  manifestly  a  vile  lying  hypocrite,  though  much 
extolled  and  admired. 

I  never  saw  any  character  of  a  Popish  Martyr  that  came 
up  to  that  of  Jerome  of  Prague,  one  of  the  first  Reformers; 
for  which  I  refer  you  to  Poggius,  and  iEneas  Sylvius, 
who  was  eye-witness  to  his  behaviour,  and  afterwards 
became  Pope. 

Cranmer,  Ridley,  and  Latimer  were,  I  think,  good  men, 
and  acted  on  good  motives.  So  was  Jewell  a  very  good 
man.  I  wish  you'd  read  his  little  Latin  book  in  defence 
of  the  Reformation  \     I  have  not  seen   it  these   thirty 


^  An  ascetic  who  died  in  France 
in  1727.  After  his  death  miracles 
were  said  to  have  been  wrought 
at  his  grave.  They  are  referred 
to  by  Hume  in  his  Essay  on 
*  Miracles  * ;  also  in  Douglas's  Cri- 
terion^ p.  132,  and  Paley's  Evidences 
of  Christianity^  Pref.  II.  c.  a. 

■^  At    Leghorn    in    17 14.       See 


Life  and  Letters  of  Berkeley y  pp. 
69-70. 

'  The  Lettres  edifiantes  appear- 
ed between  I7i7iand  1776,  in  32 
vols. 

*  Jewell's  Apologia  EccUsiae  An- 
glicancgy  which  appeared  in  1562, 
drew  great  attention  at  the  time, 
and  was  translated    into   various 


SIR   JOHN    JAMES  529 

years;  but  remember  I  liked  it  well.  Hooker,  Usher, 
Dodwell,  Fell,  Hammond,  and  many  more  Protestants  of 
our  Church,  had  piety  equal  to  their  learning. 

Basil  Kennet[tJ,  Chaplain  to  the  factory  of  Leghorn  in 
Queen  Anne's  reign,  was  esteemed  and  called  a  Saint  by 
the  Papists  themselves,  as  the  English  merchants  there 
assured  me.  On  the  other  hand,  in  so  many  converts, 
and  such  a  numerous  clergy,  that  there  may  be  found 
sundry  good  and  learned  men,  I  make  no  doubt,  whose 
learning  and  piety  are  skilfully  made  use  of  and  applied 
by  the  Court  of  Rome  to  extend  her  influence  and  credit. 

You  mention  monasteries  to  have  been  anciently  regarded 
as  schools  of  Divine  Philosophy.  But  there  is,  by  what 
I  can  find,  no  similitude  between  ancient  and  modern 
monks.  Compare  what  St.  Bernard,  in  his  treatise  De  Vita 
Solitaridf  saith  of  the  monks  of  Thebais,  with  what  you 
will  see  in  the  monasteries  of  Flanders.  I  fear  there 
is  no  corruption,  or  perversion,  worse  than  that  of  a 
monastic  life. 

It  seems  very  expedient  that  the  world  should  have, 
among  the  many  formed  for  action,  some  also  formed  for 
contemplation,  the  influence  whereof  might  be  general 
and  extend  to  others.  But  to  get  men  and  women  to  a 
contemplative  life,  who  are  neither  fitted  nor  addicted  to 
contemplation,  is  a  monstrous  abuse.  To  assist  the  Xvcri^ 
and  <t>vyri  of  the  Soul  by  meditation  was  a  noble  purpose, 
even  in  the  eyes  of  Pagan  Philosophy  \  How  much  more 
so  in  the  eyes  of  Christians,  whose  philosophy  is  of  all 
others  the  most  sublime,  and  the  most  calculated  to  wean 
our  thoughts  from  things  carnal,  and  raise  them  above 
things  terrestrial ! 

That  the  contemplative  and  ascetic  life  may  be  greatly 
promoted  by  living  in  community  and  by  rules,  I  freely 
admit.  The  institution  of  the  Essenes  among  the  Jews, 
or  the  Republic  of  Philosophers,  that  was  to  have  been 
settled  in  a  city  to  have  been  built  by  the  direction  of 
Plotinus^    in   the    territory  of  Capua,   if  the   Emperor 

languages.     The  Council  of  Trent  sect.  302,  358. 
appointed  two-  of  its  members  to  '  Plotinus,   the  Neoplatonist  of 

answer  it.  Alexandria,  of  the  third  century, 

*  This  was  a  growing  tendency  spent  the  last  twenty-five  years  of 

with    Berkeley    now.     Cf.    SiriSj  his  life  at  Rome,  and  Campania,  in 

BBRKBLBY:    FRASBR.      IV.  M  m 


530 


A    LETTER    TO 


Gallienus  had  not  changed  his  mind; — such  institutions 
as  these  give  delightful  images,  but  very  different  from 
anything  that  I  could  ever  see  in  a  Popish  convent ;  and 
I  have  seen  and  known  many  of  them. 

I  should  like  a  convent  without  a  vow,  or  perpetual 
obligation.  Doubtless,  a  college  or  monastery  (not  a 
resource  for  younger  brothers,  not  a  nursery  for  ignorance, 
laziness,  and  superstition)  receiving  only  grown  persons 
of  approved  piety,  learning,  and  a  contemplative  turn, 
would  be  a  great  means  of  improving  the  Divine  Philo- 
sophy, and  brightening  up  the  face  of  religion  in  our 
Church.  But  I  should  still  expect  more  success  from 
a  number  of  gentlemen,  living  independently  at  Oxford, 
who  made  divine  things  their  study,  and  proposed  to  wean 
themselves  from  what  is  called  the  world  K 

You  remark  on  the  badness  of  men  and  views  that  seem 
to  have  concurred  in  the  Reformation.  That  there  may 
be  some  truth  in  the  charge,  I  will  not  deny.  But  I  deny 
that  this  can  be  an  argument  against  the  Reformation; 
since  you  seem  to  grant  yourself  that  the  Church  of  Rome 
hath  been  reformed  on  occasion  of  our  Reformation,  which 
yet  you  condemn.  Evil  men  and  councils  may  sometimes 
be  the  occasion  of  good.  And  it  is  on  all  hands  admitted 
that  God  knows  how  to  extract  good  from  evil. 

The  charge  of  Idolatry  on  the  Church  of  Rome  (which 
you  make  so  light  of)  is,  I  fear,  not  without  foundation. 
For,  although  the  learned  may,  and  do,  distinguish 
between  a  relative  respect  for  images,  and  an  absolute 
worship  of  them  ^ ;  yet  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  use 
made  of  them  becomes  a  great  snare  to  the  multitude. 
I  myself,  by  talking  to  some  common  people  in  Italy, 
found  they  worshipped  images  with  an  adoration  as  formal 
and  stupid  as  any  heathen  idolater.  And  both  I  and  every 
other  traveller  must  see  (and  the  best  men  among  them- 


philosophical  lecturing  and  author- 
ship. He  projected  a  city  in 
Campania  on  the  model  of  Plato. 
Berkeley  was  now  drawing  towards 
Plotinus  and  the  Neoplatonists,  as 
we  see  in  Siris. 

^  Already  Berkeley  projects 
Oxford,  as  the  scene  of  an  ideal 
life. 


'  So  in  BossueVs Exposition f  sect. 
5,  where  he  defends  material 
images,  as  means  of  sustaining  in 
devout  persons  a  religious  sense 
of  what  they  symbolise — after  the 
analogy  of  family  pictures.  Cf. 
references  to  this  subject  in 
Berkeley's  Journal  in  Italy, 


SIR   JOHN    JAMES  53I 

selves  are  scandalised  to  see  it)  that  the  Blessed  Virgin  is 
often  prayed  to  and  more  worshipped  than  God  Himself. 

You  speak  of  the  unity  and  peace  of  the  Church  of  Rome, 
as  an  effect  of  the  Spirit  of  God  presiding  in  it,  and  of  the 
doctrine  of  an  infallible  head.  But  the  fact  is  denied. 
Successions  of  Anti- Popes  with  horrible  dissensions,  violent 
measures  and  convulsions  ensuing  thereupon,  sufficiently 
shew  the  contrary.  The  Court  of  Rome,  it  must  be  owned, 
hath  learned  the  Venetian  policy  of  silencing  her  sons, 
and  keeping  them  quiet  through  fear.  But  where  there 
breathes  a  little  spirit  of  learning  and  freedom,  as  in 
France;  or,  where  distance  has  lessened  respect,  as  in 
China;  there  have  often  appeared,  and  ever  and  anon 
continue  to  appear,  great  struggles,  parties,  and  divisions, 
both  in  matters  of  faith  and  discipline.  And,  where  they 
are  quiet,  their  union  seems,  so  far  as  I  can  judge,  a  political 
union,  founded  in  secular  power  and  arts,  rather  than  an 
effect  of  any  divine  doctrine  or  spirit. 

Those  who  are  conversant  in  history  plainly  see  by  what 
secular  arts  the  Papal  power  was  acquired.  To  history, 
therefore,  I  refer  you.  In  the  meantime,  I  cannot  forbear 
making  one  remark  which  I  know  not  whether  it  hath  been 
made  by  others.  Rome  seems  to  have  cut  her  own  throat 
by  the  forgery  of  Constantine's  Donation ',  in  which  there 
is  this  remarkable  clause:  Decementes  sancimuSf  ut 
ROMAN  A  ECCLESIA  principatum  teneat  tarn  super 
quatuor  sedes,  Alexandrinam^  Antiochenamy  Hierosolymi- 
tananiy  ac  Constantinopolitanam,  quant  etiam  super  omnes  in 
universo  orbe  terrarum  Dei  ecclesias. 

Doth  not  this  look  like  an  acknowledgment  that  the  see 
of  Rome  oweth  her  pre-eminence  to  the  appointment  of 
Constantine  the  Great,  and  not  to  any  divine  right? 

[/«  this  part  of  the  MS,  four  pages  are  wanting.    In  what 
foUowSj  chasms  are  supplied  here  and  there  by  words  within 
brackets,^ 

many  innovations  are  in  theirs,  which  we  account  repugnant 
to  the  Word  of  God,  and  the  primitive  traditions.  There- 
fore, a  Papist  of  any  tolerable  reason,  though  bred  up  in 

^  A  forgery,attributed  to  Isidore,      in  which  Charlemagne  is  exhorted 
which  appeared  in  the  ninth  century,      to  imitate  the  great  Constantine. 

M  m  2 


532  A    LETTER   TO 

the  Roman  Church,  may,  nevertheless,  with  a  good  con- 
science, occasionally  join  in  our  worship;  and  I  have 
known  this  done.  May  I  not  therefore  hope  that  you  will 
continue  to  do  it,  and  not,  in  perfect  complaisance  to  the 
Pope,  renounce  and  damn  us  all  ?  In  the  meantime,  you 
may  deliberate,  continue  your  impartial  inquiry,  and  well 
weigh  your  steps,  before  you  range  under  the  Pope  and 
receive  his  mark. 

I  had  forgot  to  say  a  word  of  Confession,  which  you 
mention  as  an  advantage  in  the  Church  of  Rome  which  is 
not  to  be  had  in  ours.  But  it  may  be  had  in  our  com- 
munion, by  any  who  please  to  have  it;  and,  I  admit,  it 
may  be  very  usefully  practised.  But,  as  it  is  managed  in 
the  Church  of  Rome,  I  apprehend  it  doth  infinitely  more 
mischief  than  good.  Their  casuistry  seemeth  a  disgrace, 
not  only  to  Christianity,  but  even  to  the  light  of  nature. 

As  Plato  thanked  the  gods  that  he  was  bom  an  Athenian, 
so  I  think  it  a  peculiar  blessing  to  have  been  educated  in 
the  Church  of  England.  My  prayer,  nevertheless,  and 
trust  in  God  is,  not  that  I  shall  live  and  die  in  this  Church, 
but  in  the  true  Church.  For,  after  all,  in  respect  of 
religion,  our  attachment  should  only  be  to  the  truth*. 
I  might,  therefore,  own  myself  a  little  surprised  upon 
observing  that  you  concluded  your  letter  with  declaring— 
You  trust,  by  God's  grace,  to  live  and  die  in  the  Church 
of  Rome.  I  can  easily  suppose  that  the  expression  was 
a  slip ;  but  I  can  never  suppose  that  all  [the]  skill  and  arts 
of  Rome  can  destroy  your  candour. 

You  will  pardon  the  freedom  of  an  old  friend,  who 
speaks  his  thoughts  bluntly,  just  as  they  come,  to  one 
who  used  to  be  [a  man]  of  frankness  without  forms.  If 
I  have  exceeded  in  this  kind,  impute  it  to  haste,  as  well  as 
my  repetitions,  inaccuracies,  and  want  of  order.  You  set 
me  a  time;  and  I  have  obeyed  as  I  could;  hoping  that 
your  own  thought  will  give  clearness  and  method  to  my 
broken  and  indigested  hints. 

To  your  own  thoughts  I  appeal,  trusting  that  God  will 
give  you  grace  to  think  for  yourself,  and  to  exert  that 
sharpness  of  judgment,  which  He  has  given  you,  with 
double  diligence,  in  this  most  weighty  affair.  There  are 
some  writings  of  my  Lord  Falkland's,  concerning  the  Infal- 

'  So  afterwards  in  SiriSj  sect.  368. 


SIR    JOHN    JAMES  533 

libility  of  the  Roman  Church,  bound  up  in  the  second 
volume  of  Dr.  Hammond's  works,  together  with  some 
learned  arguments  in  behalf  of  the  Church  of  Rome\ 
I  have  not  read  those  writings ;  but,  on  the  reputation  of 
Lord  Falkland,  venture  to  recommend  [them]  to  your 
perusal. 

The  importance  of  the  subject,  together  with  my  esteem 
and  affection  for  you,  have  run  me  into  a  greater  length 
than  I  intended :  which  if  you  are  so  good  as  to  pardon 
this  once,  I  promise  to  be  more  succinct  and  methodical 
another  time,  if  you  think  fit  to  favour  me  with  an  answer. 
In  which  case  I  would  entreat  you  to  number  your  para- 
graphs with  figures  prefixed,  which  will  govern  and  shorten 
my  answer. 

The  years  I  have  lived,  the  pains  I  have  taken,  and  the 
distempers  I  labour  under,  make  me  suspect  I  have  not 
long  to  live.  And,  certainly,  my  remnant  of  life,  be  it 
what  it  will,  could  be  spun  out  delightfully  in  the  sun  and 
the  fresco,  among  the  fountains  and  grottos,  the  music,  the 
antiquities,  the  fine  arts  and  buildings  of  Rome,  if  I  could 
once  recommend  myself  to  her  religion.     But  I  trust  in 

God,  those things  shall  never  bribe  my  judgment. 

Dress  therefore  your  batteries  against  my  reason ;  attack 
me  by  the  dry  light .  .  .  assign  me  some  good  reason  why 
I  should  not  use  my  reason,  but  submit  at  once  to  his 
Holiness's  will  and  pleasure.  Though  you  are  conqueror, 
I  shall  be  a  gainer.  In  the  work  of  truth,  I  am  ready  to 
hear  and  canvass  with  the  best  of .  .  .  skill,  whatever  you 
shall  be  so  good  to  offer. 

To  your  kind  inquiry  about  my  health,  I  can  say  that, 
though  I  am  not  well,  yet  I  am  less  bad  than  I  was  a  year 
ago ;  and  that .  .  .  minal  disorders  seem  to  quit  me,  though 
with  a  leisurely  pace.  My  family  is  a  great  comfort  to 
me.  My  wife,  who  is  just  recovered  from  an  illness, 
always  remembers  you  with  the  highest  esteem;  and 
interests  herself  in  your  welfare.  She  sends  her  compli- 
ments ;  but  knows  nothing  of  the  subject  of  our  corre- 
spondence. If  she  did,  I  doubt  it  would  make  her  think 
better  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  in  which  she  liked  some 

'  Of  the  Infallibility  of  the  Church  of  Rome,     A  discourse  written  by 
the  Lord  Viscount  Falkland  (1645). 


534  A    LETTER    TO    SIR    JOHN    JAMES 

things  when  she  was  in  France.  She  is  become  a  great 
farmer  of  late.  In  these  hard  times  we  employ  above 
a  hundred  men  every  day  in  agriculture  of  one  kind  or 
other;  all  which  my  yrife  directs.  This  is  a  charity, 
which  pays  itself.  At  least  the  Domaine  of  this  see  will 
gain  by  it.  Oh !  that  you  had  a  farm  of  a  hundred  acres 
near  Oxford !  What  a  pleasure  it  would  be  to  improve 
and  embellish  the  face  of  nature,  to  lead  the  life  of  a 

Satriarch  rather  than  a  friar,  a  modern  cloistered  friar! 
ly  wife  finds  in  it  a  fund  of  health  and  spirits,  beyond  all 
the  fashionable  amusements  in  the  world.  Dear  Sir,  you 
have  the  best  wishes  and  most  hearty  prayers  of  your 
most  obedient  and  affectionate  servant, 

G.  Clovne. 


TWO  LETTERS 


ON    THE 


OCCASION   OF  THE   REBELLION    IN    1745 


Published  in  the  '  Dublin  Journal ' 


NOTE 

These  two  Letters  appeared  in  Faulkner's  Dublin 
Journal,  the  one  on  Tuesday,  October  15,  and  the  other 
on  Saturday,  October  19,  1745.  It  ^s  characteristic  of 
Berkeley  that  he  specially  addressed  the  members  of  the 
Roman  Church  in  his  diocese,  as  well  as  the  clergy  of  his 
own  communion.  He  was  the  only  Irish  bishop  who  did 
so.  That  this  independent  action  was  appreciated  appears 
in  the  next  number  of  the  Dublin  Journal,  which  reprints 
the  Letter  to  the  Roman  Catholics  with  the  following  head- 
note  : — 'There  having  been  a  great  demand  for  the  following 
Letter,  it  is  reprinted,  at  the  earnest  request  of  several 
Protestants  as  well  as  Roman  Catholics.'  The  Letter 
appears  in  1746,  in  An  Impartial  History  of  the  Life  and 
Death  of  James  the  Second,  It  is  contained  in  the  Miscellany 
of  1752,  which  omits  the  Letter  to  the  Clergy)  in  like 
manner  omitted  till  it  was  reproduced  by  Mr.  Sampson 
in  1898. 

The  two  Letters  appeared  when  Charles  Edward  was 
keeping  Court  at  Holy  rood,  after  Prestonpans,  and  before 
the  march  from  Edinburgh  to  Derby. 


I 

A  LETTER 

TO   HIS 

CLERGY   BY  THE   BISHOP  OF  CLOYNE 

ON  THE  OCCASION  OF  THE  REBELLION  IN  1745 

My  Reverend  Brethren, 

You  are,  I  doubt  not,  suflBciently  apprised  of  the  cala- 
mities that  must  attend  our  being  governed  by  a  Popish 
prince,  as  well  as  of  the  steps  that  are  now  taken  to  bring 
this  about.  If  there  be  in  some  other  part  of  his  Majesty's 
dominions,  any  Protestant  subjects  so  infatuated  to  flatter 
themselves  with  hopes  of  enjoying  their  religious  and  civil 
rights  under  such  a  head,  I  dare  say  there  are  none  such 
to  be  found  among  the  Protestants  of  this  Kingdom,  and 
least  of  all  among  the  Clergy  whose  sure  ruin  is  involved 
in  that  of  the  established  Church,  which  whatever  quarter 
she  may  hope  for  elsewhere  can  most  assuredly  hope  for 
none  in  Ireland. 

To  confirm  this  (could  it  be  supposed  to  want  confirma- 
tion) I  can  assure  you  from  a  very  credible  and  unsuspected 
authority,  that  upon  an  invasion  in  the  late  reign,  when 
those  who  drew  up  the  Pretender's  manifesto  had  inserted 
a  clause  for  securing  the  Churches  of  England  and  Ireland 
as  by  law  established,  the  Church  of  Ireland  was  struck 
out  by  his  own  hand.  I  say  not  this  as  if  I  suspected 
your  loyalty,  for  whatever  some  prejudiced  enemies  to 
your  order  may  suggest,  no  candid  person  will  suppose 
you  to  be  wicked  without  temptation. 

I  am  persuaded  no  part  of  his  Majesty's  subjects  are 
more  loyal  than  our  brethren  of  the  established  Church  in 
this  kingdom,  and  they  have  every  motive  spiritual  and 
temporal  to  make  them  peculiarly  so.     It  may  not,  never- 


538  A    LETTER    TO    HIS    CLERGY,    ETC. 

theless,  be  improper  to  stir  up  your  apprehensions  at  the 
present  critical  juncture  for  yourselves  and  your  flocks, 
who  on  this  southern  coast  are  most  exposed  to  an  invasion 
and  (as  our  enemies  too  well  know)  least  prepared  against 
it.  You  will  not  therefore  be  wanting  to  excite  the  people 
under  your  care  to  make  proper  remonstrances  where 
they  may  be  likeliest  to  take  effect  and  to  concert  measures 
for  their  common  safety. 

The  worse  we  are  provided  with  others,  the  better  should 
we  provide  ourselves  with  spiritual  weapons,  humiliation, 
repentance,  prayer,  and  trust  in  God.  For,  be  assured  we 
never  had,  humanly  speaking,  so  bad  a  chance  for  our 
religious  liberties  as  at  this  time,  if  we  should  be  so 
unhappy  as  to  see  the  present  enterprise  succeed  and  a 
Popish  prince,  nursed  and  brought  up  in  the  very  bosom 
of  spiritual  blindness  and  superstition,  placed  on  the  throne. 

The  reign  of  the  late  King  James  produced  few  converts 
to  his  religion.  But  the  great  number  of  infidels  which 
have  since  sprung  up,  how  clamorous  and  vehement  soever 
they  may  seem  against  Popery,  may  yet  be  presumed 
ready  for  a  temporal  interest  to  embrace  it.  Nor  is  it 
uncharitable  to  suppose  that  those  who  are  inwardly  of 
none  will  be  outwardly  of  the  Court  religion.  From  this 
quarter,  as  I  know  our  adversaries  conceive  the  greatest 
hopes,  so  I  apprehend  we  have  most  to  fear. 

It  behoveth  us,  therefore,  my  brethren,  in  this  critical 
and  dangerous  conjuncture,  not  to  behave  (in  the  Prophet's 
phrase)  like  dumb  dogs,  but  to  be  earnest  and  instant  in 
calling  on  our  people  to  exert  themselves  with  prudence 
and  fortitude,  and  in  putting  up  our  prayers  to  Almighty 
God,  that  He  would  avert  the  evils  which  threaten  us,  and 
that  He  would  not  deal  with  us  according  to  our  merits, 
but  His  mercies,  nor  suffer  the  glorious  light  and  liberty 
of  the  Reformation  to  be  quenched  or  withdrawn,  for  the 
sins  of  those  who  by  abusing  them  have  shewed  themselves 
unworthy  of  such  inestimable  blessings.     I  am, 

'  Your  faithful  and  affectionate  brother, 

G.  Cloyne. 


II 


A   LETTER 


TO  THE  ROMAN  CATHOLICS  OF  THE  DIOCESE  OF  CLOYNE 

My  Countrymen  and  Fellow  Subjects, 

Notwithstanding  the  differences  of  our  religious  opin- 
ions, I  should  be  sorry  to  be  wanting  in  any  instance  of 
humanity  or  good  neighbourhood  to  any  of  you.  For 
which  reason  I  find  myself  strongly  inclined,  at  this  critical 
juncture,  to  put  you  in  mind  that  you  have  been  treated 
with  a  truly  Christian  lenity  under  the  present  government ; 
that  your  persons  have  been  protected,  and  your  proper- 
ties secured  by  equal  laws :  and  that  it  would  be  highly  im- 
prudent as  well  as  ungrateful  to  forfeit  these  advantages,  by 
making  yourselves  tools  to  the  ambition  of  foreign  princes, 
who  fancy  it  expedient  to  raise  disturbances  among  us  at 
present,  but,  as  soon  as  their  own  ends  are  served,  will 
not  fail  to  abandon  you,  as  they  have  always  done. 

Is  it  not  evident  that  your  true  interest  consists  in  lying 
still,  and  waiting  the  event,  since  Ireland  must  necessarily 
follow  the  fate  of  England ;  and  that  therefore  prudence 
and  policy  prescribe  quiet  to  the  Roman  Catholics  of  this 
kingdom,  who,  in  case  a  change  of  hands  should  not 
succeed  after  your  attempting  to  bring  it  about,  must  then 
expect  to  be  on  a  worse  foot  than  ever  ? 

But  we  will  suppose  it  succeeds  to  your  wish.  What 
then  ?  Would  not  this  undermine  even  your  own  interests 
and  fortune,  which  are  often  interwoven  with  those  of  your 
neighbours?  Would  not  all  those  who  have  debts  or 
money,  or  other  effects  in  the  hands  of  Protestants,  be 
fellow  sufferers  with  them  ?  Would  not  all  those  who  hold 
under  the  Acts  of  Settlement  be  as  liable  as  Protestants 
themselves  to  be  dispossessed  by  the  old  proprietors? 
Or,  can   even   those   who   are  styled   proprietors  flatter 


540      A    LETTER    TO    THE    ROMAN    CATHOLICS,    ETC. 

themselves  with  hopes  of  possessing  the  estates  which 
they  claim,  which,  in  all  likelihood,  would  be  given  to 
favourites  perhaps  to  foreigners),  who  are  near  the  person, 
or  who  fought  the  battles  of  their  Master. 

Under  Protestant  governments,  those  of  your  communion 
have  formerly  enjoyed  a  greater  share  of  the  lands  of 
this  kingdom,  and  more  ample  privileges.  You  bore  your 
part  in  the  magistracy  and  the  legislature,  and  could  com- 
plain of  no  hardships  on  the  score  of  your  religion.  If 
these  advantages  have  been  since  impaired  or  lost,  was  it 
not  by  the  wrong  measures  yourselves  took  to  enlarge  them, 
in  several  successive  attempts,  each  of  which  left  you 
weaker  and  in  a  worse  condition  than  you  were  before? 
And  this  notwithstanding  the  vaunted  succours  of  France 
and  Spain,  whose  vain  efforts  in  conjunction  with  yours 
constantly  recoiled  on  your  own  heads,  even  when  your 
numbers  and  circumstances  were  far  more  considerable 
than  they  now  are? 

You  all  know  these  things  to  be  true.  I  appeal  to  your 
own  breasts.  Dear-bought  experience  hath  taught  you, 
and  past  times  instruct  the  present.  But  perhaps  you 
follow  conscience  rather  than  interest.  Will  any  men 
amongst  you  pretend  to  plead  conscience  against  being 
quiet,  or  against  paying  allegiance  and  peaceable  sub- 
mission to  a  Protestant  prince,  which  the  first  Christians 
paid  even  to  heathen,  and  which  those  of  your  com- 
munion, at  this  day,  pay  to  Mahometan  and  to  idolatrous 
princes  in  Turkey  and  China,  and  which  you  yourselves 
have  so  often  professed  to  pay  to  our  present  gracious 
Sovereign  ?  Conscience  is  quite  out  of  the  case.  And  what 
man  in  his  senses  would  engage  in  a  dangerous  course, 
to  which  neither  interest  doth  invite,  nor  conscience 
oblige  him? 

I  heartily  wish  that  this  advice  may  be  as  well  taken  as 
it  is  meant,  and  that  you  may  maturely  consider  your  true 
interest,  rather  than  rashly  repeat  the  same  errors  which 
you  have  so  often  repented  of.  So,  recommending  you 
to  the  merciful  guidance  of  Almighty  God,  I  subscribe 
myself. 

Your  real  well-wisher, 

George  Cloyne. 


A  WORD  TO  THE  WISE 

OR 

AN    EXHORTATION 

TO    THE 

ROMAN   CATHOLIC  CLERGY  OF   IRELAND 

BY  A 

MEMBER   OF  THE  ESTABLISHED  CHURCH 


Homo  sum,  humani  nihil  a  me  alienum  puto 


First  puhlishedin  1749 


NOTE 

The  Word  to  the  Wise  was  first  published  in  1749,  at 
Dublin,  'printed  by  George  Faulkner,  in  Essex  Street.'  It 
was  appended  to  the  editions  of  the  Querist  which  appeared 
in  the  following  year  and  in  175 1.  It  is  contained  in  the 
Miscellany.  It  was  also  published  at  Boston  in  1750,  in 
what  is  described  as  a  fourth  edition.  This  impassioned 
exhortation  to  the  clergy  of  the  Roman  Church,  to  incul- 
cate individual  industry  on  the  people  of  Ireland,  is  in  the 
spirit  of  the  Essay  towards  preventing  the  Ruin  of  Great 
Britain,  written  nearly  thirty  years  earlier,  and  also  of  the 
Querist,  Berkeley's  generous  recognition  of  the  influence 
and  social  service  of  the  Roman  Church,  and  desire  for 
co-operation,  are  characteristic :  they  were  acknowledged 
by  the  clergy  of  that  communion  in  the  Letter  appended 
to  the  Exhortation, 


A  WORD   TO   THE  WISE 


Be  not  startled,  Reverend  Sirs,  to  find  yourselves 
addressed  to  by  one  of  a  different  Communion.  We  are 
indeed  (to  our  shame  be  it  spoken)  more  inclined  to  hate 
for  those  articles  wherein  we  differ,  than  to  love  one 
another  for  those  wherein  we  agree.  But,  if  we  cannot 
extinguish,  let  us  at  least  suspend  our  animosities,  and, 
forgetting  our  religious  feuds,  consider  ourselves  in  the 
amiable  light  of  countrymen  and  neighbours.  Let  us  for 
once  turn  our  eyes  on  those  things  in  which  we  have  one 
common  interest.  Why  should  disputes  about  faith  in- 
terrupt the  duties  of  civil  life  ?  or  the  different  roads  we 
take  to  heaven  prevent  our  taking  the  same  steps  on  earth  ? 
Do  we  not  inhabit  the  same  spot  of  ground,  breathe  the 
same  air,  and  live  under  the  same  government?  Why, 
then,  should  we  not  conspire  in  one  and  the  same  design 
— to  promote  the  common  good  of  our  country  ? 

We  are  all  agreed  about  the  usefulness  of  meat,  drink, 
and  clothes,  and,  without  doubt,  we  all  sincerely  wish  our 
poor  neighbours  were  better  supplied  with  them.  Provi- 
dence and  nature  have  done  their  part;  no  country  is 
better  qualified  to  furnish  the  necessaries  of  life,  and  yet 
no  people  are  worse  provided.  In  vain  is  the  earth  fertile, 
and  the  climate  benign,  if  human  labour  be  wanting. 
Nature  supplies  the  materials,  which  art  and  industry 
improve  to  the  use  of  man,  and  it  is  the  want  of  this 
industry  that  occasions  all  our  other  wants. 

The  public  hath  endeavoured  to  excite  and  encourage 
this  most  useful  virtue.  Much  hath  been  done;  but 
whether  it  be  from  the  heaviness  of  the  climate,  or  from 
the  Spanish  or  Scythian  blood  that  runs  in  their  veins,  or 
whatever  else  may  be  the  cause,  there  still  remains  in  the 
natives  of  this  island  a  remarkable  antipathy  to  labour. 
You,  gentlemen,  can  alone  conquer  their  innate  hereditary 


544  A    WORD    TO    THE    WISE  : 

sloth.      Do  you  then,  as  you   love  your  country,  exert 
yourselves. 

You  are  known  to  have  great  influence  on  the  minds  of 
your  people  ;  be  so  good  as  to  use  this  influence  for  their 
benefit.  Since  other  methods  fail,  try  what  you  can  do. 
'Be  instant  in  season,  out  of  season;  reprove,  rebuke, 
exhort'  (2  Tim.  iv.  2).  Make  them  thoroughly  sensible 
of  the  sin  and  folly  of  sloth.  Shew  your  charity  in  cloth- 
ing the  naked  and  feeding  the  hungry,  which  you  may  do  by 
the  mere  breath  of  your  mouths.  Give  me  leave  to  tell  you 
that  no  set  of  men  upon  earth  have  it  in  their  power  to  do 
good  on  easier  terms,  with  more  advantage  to  others,  and 
less  pains  or  loss  to  themselves.  Your  flocks  are  of  all 
others  most  disposed  to  follow  directions,  and  of  all  others 
want  them  most ;  and  indeed  what  do  they  not  want  ? 

The  house  of  an  Irish  peasant  is  the  cave  of  poverty ; 
within,  you  see  a  pot  and  a  little  straw ;  without  a  heap 
of  children  tumbling  on  the  dunghill.  Their  fields  and 
gardens  are  a  lively  counterpart  of  Solomon's  description 
in  the  Proverbs :  '  I  went  (saith  that  wise  king)  by  the 
field  of  the  slothful,  and  by  the  vineyard  of  the  man  void 
of  understanding ;  and,  lo,  it  was  all  grown  over  with 
thorns,  and  nettles  had  covered  the  face  thereof,  and  the 
stone  wall  thereof  was  broken  down '  (Prov.  xxiv.  30,  31). 
In  every  road  the  ragged  ensigns  of  poverty  are  dis- 
played ;  you  often  meet  caravans  of  poor,  whole  families 
in  a  drove,  without  clothes  to  cover,  or  bread  to  feed  them, 
both  which  might  be  easily  procured  by  moderate  labour. 
They  are  encouraged  in  this  vagabond  life  by  the  miser- 
able hospitality  they  meet  with  in  every  cottage,  whose 
inhabitants  expect  the  same  kind  reception  in  their  turn 
when  they  become  beggars  themselves;  beggary  being 
the  last  refuge  of  these  improvident  creatures. 

If  I  seem  to  go  out  of  my  province,  or  to  prescribe  to 
those  who  must  be  supposed  to  know  their  own  business, 
or  to  paint  the  lower  inhabitants  of  this  land  in  no  very 
pleasing  colours,  you  will  candidly  forgive  a  well-meant 
zeal,  which  obligeth  me  to  say  things  rather  useful  than 
agreeable,  and  to  lay  open  the  sore  in  order  to  heal  it. 

But  whatever  is  said  must  be  so  taken  as  not  to  reflect 
on  persons  of  rank  and  education,  who  are  no  way  inferior 


EXHORTATION    TO    ROMAN    CATHOLIC    CLERGY       545 

to  their  neighbours ;  nor  yet  to  include  all  even  of  the 
lowest  sort,  though  it  may  well  extend  to  the  generality  of 
those  especially  in  the  western  and  southern  parts  of  the 
kingdom,  where  the  British  manners  have  less  prevailed. 
We  take  our  notions  from  what  we  see,  mine  are  a  faithful 
transcript  from  originals  about  me. 

The  Scythians  were  noted  for  wandering,  and  the 
Spaniards  for  sloth  and  pride ;  our  Irish  are  behind  neither 
of  these  nations  from  which  they  descend,  in  their  re- 
spective characteristics.  '  Better  is  he  that  laboureth  and 
aboundeth  in  all  things,  than  he  that  boasteth  himself  and 
wanteth  bread,'  saith  the  son  of  Sirach  (x.  27) ;  but  so 
saith  not  the  Irishman.  In  my  own  family  a  kitchen-wench 
refused  to  carry  out  cinders,  because  she  was  descended 
from  an  old  Irish  stock.  Never  was  there  a  more  mon- 
strous conjunction  than  that  of  pride  with  beggary;  and 
yet  this  prodigy  is  seen  every  day  in  almost  every  part  of 
this  kingdom.  At  the  same  time  these  proud  people  are 
more  destitute  than  savages,  and  more  abject  than  negroes. 
The  negroes  in  our  Plantations  have  a  saying — 'If  negro 
was  not  negro,  Irishman  would  be  negro.'  And  it  may  be 
affirmed  with  truth  that  the  very  savages  of  America  are 
better  clad  and  better  lodged  than  the  Irish  cottagers 
throughout  the  fine  fertile  countries  of  Limerick  and 
Tipperary. 

Having  long  observed  and  bewailed  this  wretched  state 
of  my  countrymen,  and  the  insufficiency  of  several  methods 
set  on  foot  to  reclaim  them,  I  have  recourse  to  your  Rever- 
ences as  the  dernier  ressort.  Make  them  to  understand 
that  you  have  their  interest  at  heart,  that  you  persuade 
them  to  work  for  their  own  sakes,  and  that  God  hath 
ordered  matters  so  as  that  they  who  will  not  work  for  them- 
selves must  work  for  others.  The  terrors  of  debt,  slavery, 
and  famine  should,  one  would  think,  drive  the  most  slothful 
to  labour.  Make  them  sensible  of  these  things,  and  that 
the  ends  of  Providence  and  order  of  the  world  require 
industry  in  human  creatures.  '  Man  goeth  forth  to  his  work 
and  to  his  labour  until  the  evening,'  saith  the  Psalmist 
(Ps.  civ.  23),  when  he  is  describing  the  beauty,  order,  and 
perfection  of  the  works  of  God.  But  what  saith  the  slothful 
person  ?  '  Yet  a  little  sleep,  a  little  slumber,  a  little  folding 

BBRKBLBT:     FSASBS.      IV.  N  n 


546  A    WORD    TO    THE    WISE  ! 

of  the  hands  to  sleep '  (Prov.  vi.  10).  But  what  saith  the 
wise  man  ?  '  So  shall  thy  poverty  come  as  one  that 
travelleth,  and  thy  want  as  an  armed  man*  (Prov.  vi.  11). 
.  All  nature  will  furnish  you  with  arguments  and  examples 
against  sloth :  '  Go  to  the  ant,  thou  sluggard/  cries  Solomon. 
The  ant,  the  bee,  the  beetle,  and  every  insect  but  the 
drone,  read  a  lesson  of  industry  to  man.  But  the  shortest 
and  most  effectual  lesson  is  that  of  St.  Paul :  '  If  any  man 
will  not  work,  neither  should  he  eat*  (2  Thess.  iii.  10). 
This  command  was  enjoined  the  Thessalonians,  and  equally 
respects  all  Christians,  and  indeed  all  mankind ;  it  being 
evident  by  the  light  of  nature  that  the  whole  creation  works 
together  for  good,  and  that  no  part  was  designed  to  be 
*  useless.  As  therefore  the  idle  man  is  of  no  use,  it  follows 
that  he  hath  no  right  to  a  subsistence.  '  Let  them  work 
(saith  the  apostle),  and  eat  their  own  bread'  (2  Thess.  iii.  12) ; 
not  bread  got  by  begging,  nor  bread  earned  by  the  sweat 
of  other  men ;  but  their  own  bread,  that  which  is  got  by 
their  own  labour.  '  Then  shalt  thou  eat  the  labour  of  thine 
hands,'  saith  the  Psalmist ;  to  which  he  adds,  '  Happy 
shalt  thou  be,  and  it  shall  be  well  with  thee '  (Ps.  cxxviii.  2), 
intimating  that  to  work  and  enjoy  the  fruits  thereof  is 
a  great  blessing. 

A  slothful  man's  imagination  is  apt  to  dress  up  labour 
in  a  horrible  mask ;  but,  horrible  as  it  is,  idleness  is  more 
to  be  dreaded,  and  a  life  of  poverty  (its  necessary  con- 
sequence) is  far  more  painful.  It  was  the  advice  of 
Pythagoras,  to  choose  the  best  kind  of  life ;  for  that  use 
would  render  it  agreeable,  reconciling  men  even  to  the 
roughest  exercise.  By  practice,  pains  become  at  first  easy, 
and  in  the  progress  pleasant;  and  this  is  so  true,  that 
whoever  examines  things  will  find  there  can  be  no  such 
thing  as  happy  life  without  labour,  and  that  whoever  doth 
not  labour  with  his  hands,  must  in  his  own  defence,  labour 
with  his  brains. 

Certainly,  planting  and  tilling  the  earth  is  an  exercise 
not  less  pleasing  than  useful ;  it  takes  the  peasant  from 
his  smoky  cabin  into  the  fresh  air  and  open  field,  render- 
ing his  lot  far  more  desirable  than  that  of  the  sluggard, 
who  lies  in  the  straw,  or  sits  whole  days  by  the  fire. 

Convince  your  people  that  not  only  pleasure  invites  but 
necessity  also  drives  them  to  labour.     If  you  have  any 


EXHORTATION   TO    ROMAN    CATHOLIC    CLERGY      547 

compassion  for  these  poor  creatures,  put  them  in  mind 
how  many  of  them  perished  in  a  late  memorable  distress  ^, 
through  want  of  that  provident  care  against  a  hard  season, 
observable  not  only  in  all  other  men,  but  even  in  irrational 
animals.  Set  before  their  eyes,  in  lively  colours,  their 
own  indigent  and  sordid  lives,  compared  with  those  of 
other  people,  whose  industry  hath  procured  them  hearty 
food,  warm  clothes,  and  decent  dwellings.  Make  them 
sensible  what  a  reproach  it  is  that  a  nation  which  makes 
so  great  pretensions  to  antiquity,  and  is  said  to  have 
flourished  many  ages  ago  in  arts  and  learning,  should  in 
these  our  days  turn  out  a  lazy,  destitute,  and  degenerate 
race. 

Raise  your  voices.  Reverend  Sirs,  exert  your  influence, 
shew  your  authority  over  the  multitude,  by  engaging  them 
to  the  practice  of  an  honest  industry — a  duty  necessary 
to  all,  and  required  in  all,  whether  Protestants,  or  Roman 
Catholics,  whether  Christians,  Jews,  or  Pagans.  Be  so 
good,  among  other  points,  to  find  room  for  this,  than  which 
none  is  of  more  concern  to  the  souls  and  bodies  of  your 
hearers,  nor  consequently  deserves  to  be  more  amply  or 
frequently  insisted  on. 

Many  and  obvious  are  the  motives  that  recommend  this 
duty.  Upon  a  subject  so  copious  you  can  never  be  at 
a  loss  for  something  to  say.  And  while,  by  these  means, 
you  rescue  your  countrymen  from  want  and  misery,  you 
will  have  the  satisfaction  to  behold  your  country  itself 
improved.  What  pleasure  must  it  give  you,  to  see  these 
waste  and  wild  scenes,  these  naked  ditches,  and  miserable 
hovels,  exchanged  for  fine  plantations,  rich  meadows,  well- 
tilled  fields,  and  neat  dwellings ;  to  see  people  well  fed, 
and  well  clad,  instead  of  famished,  ragged  scarecrows ; 
and  those  very  persons  tilling  the  fields  that  used  to  beg  in 
the  streets. 

Neither  ought  the  difficulty  of  the  enterprise  to  frighten 
you  from  attempting  it.  It  must  be  confessed,  a  habit  of 
industry  is  not  at  once  introduced;  neighbour,  neverthe- 
less, will  emulate  neighbour,  and  the  contagion  of  good 
example  will  spread  as  surely  as  of  bad,  though  perhaps 

^  He      refers    to    the    famine      hunger   and   disease   in   that  and 
which  followed  the  hard  winter      the  following  year, 
in  1740.     Thousands  perished  of 

N  n  2 


548  A    WORD    TO    THE   WISE  : 

not  so  speedily.  It  may  be  hoped  there  are  many  that 
would  be  allured  by  a  plentiful  and  decent  manner  of  life 
to  take  pains,  especially  when  they  observe  it  to  be  attained 
by  the  industry  of  their  neighbours,  in  no  sort  better 
qualified  than  themselves. 

If  the  same  gentle  spirit  of  sloth  did  not  soothe  our 
squires  as  well  as  peasants,  one  would  imagine  there 
should  be  no  idle  hands  among  us.  Alas!  now  many 
incentives  to  industry  offer  themselves  in  this  island, 
crying  aloud  to  the  inhabitants  for  work  ?  Roads  to  be 
repaired,  rivers  made  navigable,  fisheries  on  the  coasts, 
mines  to  be  wrought,  plantations  to  be  raised,  manufactures 
improved,  and,  above  all,  lands  to  be  tilled,  and  sowed 
with  all  sorts  of  grain. 

When  so  many  circumstances  provoke  and  animate  your 
people  to  labour ;  when  their  private  wants,  and  the  neces- 
sities of  the  public ;  when  the  laws,  the  magistrates,  and 
the  very  country  calls  upon  them ;  you  cannot  think  it 
becomes  you  alone  to  be  silent,  or  hindmost  in  every 
project  for  promoting  the  public  good.  Why  should  you, 
whose  influence  is  greatest,  be  least  active  ?  Why  should 
you,  whose  words  are  most  likely  to  prevail,  say  least  in 
the  common  cause  ? 

Perhaps  it  will  be  said,  the  discouragements  attending 
those  of  your  communion  *  are  a  bar  against  all  endeavours 
for  exciting  them  to  a  laudable  industry.  Men  are  stirred 
up  to  labour  by  the  prospect  of  bettering  their  fortunes, 
by  getting  estates,  or  employments;  but  those  who  are 
limited  in  the  purchase  of  estates,  and  excluded  from  all 
civil  employments,  are  deprived  of  those  spurs  to  industry. 

To  this  it  may  be  answered,  that,  admitting  these  con- 
siderations do,  in  some  measure,  damp  industry  and  ambi- 
tion in  persons  of  a  certain  rank,  yet  they  can  be  no  let  to 
the  industry  of  poor  people,  or  supply  an  argument  against 
endeavouring  to  procure  meat,  drink,  and  clothes.  It  is 
not  proposed  that  you  should  persuade  the  better  sort  to 
acquire  estates,  or  qualify  themselves  for  becoming  magis- 
trates ;  but  only  that  you  should  set  the  lowest  of  the  people 

*  Note  the  reference  here,  and      Catholics,   and   to  the  Irish  land 
in  what  follows,  to  the  civil  dis-       question.     Cf.  Queristy  Qu.  255. 
abilities     of     the     Irish     Roman 


EXHORTATION    TO    ROMAN    CATHOLIC    CLERGY      549 

at  work,  to  provide  themselves  with  necessaries,  and  supply 
the  wants  of  nature. 

It  will  be  alleged  in  excuse  of  their  idleness,  that  the 
country  people  want  encouragement  to  labour,  as  not 
having  a  property  in  the  lands.  There  is  small  encourage- 
ment, say  you,  for  them  to  build  or  plant  upon  another's 
land,  wherein  they  have  only  a' temporary  interest.  To 
which  I  answer,  that  life  itself  is  but  temporary ;  that  all 
tenures  are  not  of  the  same  kind ;  that  the  case  of  our 
English  and  the  original  Irish  is  equal  in  this  respect ;  and 
that  the  true  Aborigines,  or  natural  Irish,  are  noted  for 
want  of  industry  in  improving  even  on  their  own  lands, 
whereof  they  have  both  possession  and  property. 

How  many  industrious  persons  are  there  in  all  civi- 
lized countries,  without  any  property  in  lands,  or  any 
prospect  of  estates,  or  employments  !  Industry  never  fails 
to  reward  her  votaries.  There  is  no  one  but  can  earn 
a  little,  and  little  added  to  little  makes  a  heap.  In  this 
fertile  and  plentiful  island,  none  can  perish  for  want  but 
the  idle  and  improvident.  None  who  have  industry,  fruga- 
lity, and  foresight  but  may  get  into  tolerable,  if  not  wealthy, 
circumstances. — Are  not  all  trades  and  manufactures  open 
to  those  of  your  Communion?  Have  you  not  the  same 
free  use,  and  may  you  not  make  the  same  advantage, 
of  fairs  and  markets  as  other  men  ?  Do  you  pay  higher 
duties,  or  are  you  liable  to  greater  impositions,  than  your 
fellow-subjects?  And  are  not  the  public  premiums  and 
encouragements  given  indifferently  to  artists  of  all  Com- 
munions ?  Have  not,  in  fact,  those  of  your  Communion 
a  very  great  share  of  the  commerce  of  this  kingdom  in 
their  hands  ?  And  is  not  more  to  be  got  by  this  than  by 
purchasing  estates,  or  possessing  civil  employments,  whose 
incomes  are  often  attended  with  large  expenses  ? 

A  tight  house,  warm  apparel,  and  wholesome  food,  are 
sufficient  motives  to  labour.  If  all  had  them,  we  should 
be  a  flourishing  nation.  And  if  those  who  take  pains 
may  have  them,  those  who  will  not  take  pains  are  not  to  be 
pitied;  they  are  to  be  looked  on  and  treated  as  drones, 
the  pest  and  disgrace  of  society. 

It  will  be  said,  the  hardness  of  the  landlord  cramps  the 
industry  of  the  tenant.  But  if  rent  be  high,  and  the  land- 
lord rigorous,  there  is  more  need  of  industry  in  the  tenant. 


550  A    WORD    TO    THE    WISE  : 

It  is  well  known  that  in  Holland  taxes  are  much  higher, 
and  rent  both  of  land  and  houses  far  dearer,  than  in 
Ireland.  But  this  is  no  objection  or  impediment  to  the 
industry  of  the  people,  who  are  rather  animated  and 
spurred  on  to  earn  a  livelihood  by  labour,  that  is  not  to  be 
got  without  it. 

You  will  say,  it  is  an  easy  matter  to  make  a  plausible 
discourse  on  industry,  and  its  advantages;  but  what  can 
be  expected  for  poor  creatures,  who  are  destitute  of  all 
conveniences  for  exerting  their  industry,  who  have 
nothing  to  improve  upon,  nothing  to  begin  the  world 
with  ?  I  answer,  they  have  their  four  quarters,  and  five 
senses  \  Is  it  nothing  to  possess  the  bodily  organs  sound 
and  entire?  That  wonderful  machine,  the  hand,  was  it 
formed  to  be  idle  ? 

Was  there  but  will  to  work,  there  are  not  wanting  in 
this  island  either  opportunities  or  encouragements.  Spin- 
ning alone  might  employ  all  idle  hands  (children  as  well 
as  parents),  being  soon  learned,  easily  performed,  and  never 
failing  of  a  market,  requiring  neither  wit  nor  strength,  but 
suited  to  all  ages  and  capacities.  The  public  provides 
utensils,  and  persons  for  teaching  the  use  of  them ;  but 
the  public  cannot  provide  a  heart  and  will  to  be  industrious. 
These,  I  will  not  deny,  may  be  found  in  several  persons 
in  some  other  parts  of  the  kingdom,  and  wherever  they 
are  found,  the  comfortable  effects  shew  themselves.  But 
seldom,  very  seldom,  are  they  found  in  these  southern 
people,  whose  indolence  figureth  a  lion  in  the  way,  and  is 
proof  against  all  encouragement. 

But  you  will  insist,  how  can  a  poor  man,  whose  daily 
labour  goes  for  the  payment  of  his  rent,  be  able  to  provide 
present  necessaries  for  his  family,  much  less  to  lay  up 
a  store  for  the  future  ?  It  must  be  owned,  a  considerable 
share  of  the  poor  man's  time  and  labour  goes  towards 
paying  his  rent.  But  how  are  his  wife  and  children  em- 
ployed, or  how  doth  he  employ  himself  the  rest  of  his 
time  ?  The  same  work  tires,  but  different  works  relieve. 
Where  there  is  a  true  spirit  of  industry,  there  will  never 
be  wanting  something  to  do,  without  doors  or  within,  by 
candle-light  if  not  by  day-light.  Labor  ipse  voluptas,  saith 
the  poet,  and  this  is  verified  in  fact. 

*  Cf.  Querist,  Qu.  4. 


EXHORTATION    TO    ROMAN    CATHOLIC    CLERGY      55I 

In  England,  when  the  labour  of  the  field  is  over,  it  is 
usual  for  men  to  betake  themselves  to  some  other  labour 
of  a  different  kind.  In  the  northern  parts  of  that  indus- 
trious land,  the  inhabitants  meet,  a  jolly  crew,  at  one 
another's  houses,  where  they  merrily  and  frugally  pass 
the  long  and  dark  winter  evenings ;  several  families,  by  the 
same  light  and  the  same  fire,  working  at  their  different 
manufactures  of  wool,  flax,  or  hemp;  company,  mean- 
while, mutually  cheering  and  provoking  to  labour.  In 
certain  other  parts  you  may  see  ',  on  a  summer's  evening, 
the  common  labourers  sitting  along  the  streets  of  a  town 
or  village,  each  at  his  own  door,  with  a  cushion  before  him 
making  bone-lace,  and  earning  more  in  an  evening's  pas- 
time than  an  Irish  family  would  in  a  whole  day.  Those 
people,  instead  of  closing  the  day  with  a  game  on  greasy 
cards,  or  lying  stretched  before  the  fire,  pass  their  time 
much  more  cheerfully  in  some  useful  employment,  which 
custom  hath  rendered  light  and  agreeable. 

But  admitting,  for  the  various  reasons  above  alleged, 
that  it  is  impossible  for  our  cottagers  to  be  rich,  yet  it  is 
certain  they  may  be  clean.  Now,  bring  them  to  be  cleanly, 
and  your  work  is  half  done.  A  little  washing,  scrubbing, 
and  rubbing,  bestowed  on  their  persons  and  houses,  would 
introduce  a  sort  of  industry  ;  and  industry  in  any  one  kind 
is  apt  to  beget  it  in  another. 

Indolence  in  dirt  is  a  terrible  symptom,  which  shews 
itself  in  our  lower  Irish  more,  perhaps,  than  in  any  people 
on  this  side  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  I  will  venture  to 
add  that  look  throughout  the  kingdom,  and  you  shall  not 
find  a  clean  house  inhabited  by  cleanly  people,  and  yet 
wanting  necessaries ;  the  same  spirit  of  industry  that  keeps 
folk  clean,  being  sufficient  to  keep  them  also  in  food  and 
raiment  ^ 

But,  alas  I  our  poor  Irish  are  wedded  to  dirt  upon 
principle.  It  is  with  some  of  them  a  maxim  that  the  way 
to  make  children  thrive  is  to  keep  them  dirty.  And  I  do 
verily  believe  that  the  familiarity  with  dirt,  contracted  and 
nourished  from  their  infancy,  is  one  great  cause  of  that 
sloth  which  attends  them  in  every  stage  of  life.     Were 

*  [e.  g.  Newport  Pagnel  in  Buckinghamshire.] — Author. 
^  Cf.  Querist,  Qu.  60,  61. 


552  A    WORD   TO   THE   WISE  : 

children  but  brought  up  in  an  abhorrence  of  dirt,  and 
obliged  to  keep  themselves  clean,  they  would  have  some- 
thing to  do,  whereas  they  now  do  nothing. 

It  is  past  all  doubt  that  those  who  are  educated  in 
a  supine  neglect  of  all  things,  either  profitable  or  decent, 
must  needs  contract  a  sleepiness  and  indolence,  which 
doth  necessarily  lead  to  poverty,  and  every  other  distress 
that  attends  it  'Love  not  sleep  (cries  Solomon),  lest 
thou  come  to  pover^ ;  open  thine  eyes,  and  thou  shalt  be 
satisfied  with  bread  (Prov.  xx.  13).  It  is  therefore  greatly 
to  be  wished,  that  you  would  persuade  parents  to  inure 
their  children  betimes  to  a  habit  of  industry,  as  the  surest 
way  to  shun  the  miseries  that  must  otherwise  befall 
them. 

An  early  habit,  whether  of  sloth  or  diligence,  will  not 
fail  to  shew  itself  throughout  the  whole  course  of  a  man's 
life.  '  Train  up  a  child  (saith  the  wise  man)  in  the  way  he 
should  go,  and  when  he  is  old  he  will  not  depart  from  it  * 
(Prov.  xxii.  6).  The  first  tincture  often  leaves  so  deep 
a  stain  as  no  afterthought  or  endeavour  can  wash  out. 
Hence  sloth  in  some  minds  is  proof  against  all  arguments 
and  examples  whatsoever,  all  motives  of  interest  and  duty, 
all  impressions  even  of  cold  and  hunger.  This  habit, 
rooted  in  the  child,  grpws  up  and  adheres  to  the  man,  pro- 
ducing a  general  listlessness,  and  aversion  from  labour. 
This  I  take  to  be  our  great  calamity. 

For,  admitting  that  some  of  our  squires  and  landlords 
are  vultures  with  iron  bowels,  and  that  their  hardness  and 
severity  are  a  great  discouragement  to  the  tenant,  who 
will  naturally  prefer  \yant  and  ease  before  want  and  toil ; 
it  must  at  the  same  time  be  admitted  that  neither  is  the 
landlord,  generally  speaking,  so  hard,  nor  the  climate  so 
severe,  nor  the  soil  so  ungrateful,  as  not  to  answer  the 
husbandman's  labour,  where  there  is  a  spirit  of  industry ; 
the  want  of  which  is  the  true  cause  of  our  national  distress. 
Of  this  there  are  many  evident  proofs. 

I  have  myself  known  a  man,  from  the  lowest  condition 
of  life,  without  friends  or  education,  not  knowing  so  much 
as  to  write  or  read,  bred  to  no  trade  or  calling,  by  pure 
dint  of  day-labour,  frugality,  and  foresight,  to  have  grown 
wealthy,   even  in  this  island,  and  under   all  the   above- 


EXHORTATION    TO    ROMAN    CATHOLIC    CLERGY       553 

mentioned  disadvantages.     And  what  is  done  by  one,  is 
possible  to  another. 

In  Holland  ^  a  child  five  years  old  is  maintained  by  its 
own  labour ;  in  Ireland  many  children  of  twice  that  age 
do  nothing  but  steal,  or  encumber  the  hearth  and  dunghill. 
This  shameful  neglect  of  education  shews  itself  through 
the  whole  course  of  their  lives,  in  a  matchless  sloth  bred 
in  the  very  bone,  and  not  to  be  accounted  for  by  any 
outward  hardship  or  discouragement  whatever.  It  is 
the  native  colour,  if  we  may  so  speak,  and  complexion  of 
the  people.  Dutch,  English,  French,  or  Flemish  cannot 
match  them. 

Mark  an  Irishman  at  work  in  the  field ;  if  a  coach  or 
horseman  go  by,  he  is  sure  to  suspend  his  labour,  and 
stand  staring  until  they  are  out  of  sight.  A  neighbour  of 
mine  made  it  his  remark  in  a  journey  from  London  to 
Bristol,  that  all  the  labourers  of  whom  he  inquired  the 
road  constantly  answered  without  looking  up,  or  inter- 
rupting their  work,  except  one  who  stood  staring  and 
leaning  on  his  spade,  and  him  he  found  to  be  an  Irishman. 

It  is  a  shameful  thing,  and  peculiar  to  this  nation,  to 
see  lusty  vagabonds  strolling  about  the  country,  and  beg- 
ging without  any  pretence  to  beg.  Ask  them  why  they 
do  not  labour  to  earn  their  own  livelihood,  they  will  tell 
you.  They  want  employment ;  offer  to  employ  them,  and 
they  shall  refuse  your  offer ;  or,  if  you  get  them  to  work  one 
^^Yt  you  may  be  sure  not  to  see  them  the  next.  I  have 
known  them  decline  even  the  lightest  labour,  that  of  hay- 
making, having  at  the  same  time  neither  clothes  for  their 
backs,  nor  food  for  their  bellies. 

A  sore  leg  is  an  estate  to  such  a  fellow ;  and  this  may 
be  easily  got,  and  continued  with  small  trouble.  Such  is 
their  laziness,  that  rather  than  work  they  will  cherish  a 
distemper.  This  I  know  to  be  true,  having  seen  more 
than  one  instance  wherein  the  second  nature  so  far  pre- 
vailed over  the  first,  that  sloth  was  preferred  to  health. 
To  these  beggars,  who  make  much  of  their  sores,  and 
prolong  their  diseases,  you  cannot  do  a  more  thankless 
office  than  cure  them,  except  it  be  to  shave  their  beards, 
which  conciliate  a  sort  of  reverence  to  that  order  of  men. 

^  Cf.  Querist^  Qu.  373. 


554  A    WORD   TO    THE    WISE  I 

It  is  indeed  a  difficult  task  to  reclaim  such  fellows  from 
their  slothful  and  brutal  manner  of  life,  to  which  they 
seem  wedded  with  an  attachment  that  no  temporal  motives 
can  conquer ;  nor  is  there,  humanly  speaking,  any  hopes 
they  will  amend,  except  their  respect  for  your  lessons  and 
fear  of  something  beyond  the  grave  be  able  to  work  a 
change  in  them. 

Certainly,  if  I  may  advise,  you  should,  in  return  for  the 
lenity  and  indulgence  of  the  government,  endeavour  to 
make  yourselves  useful  to  the  public ;  and  this  will  best 
be  performed,  by  rousing  your  poor  countrymen  from 
their  beloved  sloth.  I  shall  not  now  dispute  the  truth  or 
importance  of  other  points,  but  will  venture  to  say,  that 
you  may  still  find  time  to  inculcate  this  doctrine  of  an 
honest  industry ;  and  that  this  would  by  no  means  be  time 
thrown  away,  if  promoting  your  country's  interest,  and 
rescuing  so  many  unhappy  wretches  of  your  Communion 
from  beggary  or  the  gallows,  be  thought  worthy  of 
your  pains. 

It  should  seem  you  cannot  in  your  sermons  do  better 
than  inveigh  against  idleness,  that  extensive  parent  of 
many  miseries  and  many  sins;  idleness,  the  mother 
of  hunger  and  sister  of  theft:  'idleness,'  which,  the  Son  of 
Sirach  assures  us,  '  teacheth  many  vices.' 

The  same  doctrine  is  often  preached  from  the  gallows. 
And  indeed  the  poverty,  nakedness,  and  famine  which 
idleness  entaileth  on  her  votaries,  do  make  men  so 
wretched,  that  they  may  well  think  it  better  to  die  than 
to  live  such  lives.  Hence  a  courage  for  all  villainous 
undertakings,  which,  bringing  men  to  a  shameful  death, 
do  then  open  their  eyes  when  they  are  going  to  be  closed 
for  ever. 

If  you  have  any  regard  (as  it  is  not  to  be  doubted)  either 
for  the  souls  or  bodies  of  your  people,  or  even  for  your 
own  interest  and  credit,  you  cannot  fail  to  inveigh  against 
this  crying  sin  of  your  country.  Seeing  you  are  obnoxious 
to  the  laws,  should  you  not  in  prudence  try  to  reconcile 
yourselves  to  the  favour  of  the  public ;  and  can  you  do 
this  more  effectually,  than  by  co-operating  with  the  public 
spirit  of  the  legislature,  and  men  in  power  ? 

Were  this  but  done  heartily,  would  you  but  'be  instant 
in  season,  and  out  of  season,   reprove,  rebuke,  exhort* 


EXHORTATION    TO    ROMAN    CATHOLIC    CLERGY      555 

(2  Tim.  iv.  2),  such  is  the  ascendant  you  have  gained  over 
the  people  that  we  might  soon  expect  to  see  the  good 
effects  thereof.  We  might  hope  '  that  our  garners  would 
be  soon  full,  affording  all  manner  of  store ;  that  our  sheep 
would  bring  forth  thousands ;  that  our  oxen  would  be  strong 
to  labour,  that  there  would  be  no  breaking  in,  nor  going 
out  (no  robbery,  nor  migration  for  bread),  and  that  there 
would  be  no  complaining  in  our  streets '  (Ps.  cxliv.  13). 

It  stands  upon  you  to  act  with  vigour  in  this  cause,  and 
shake  off  the  shackles  of  sloth  from  your  countrymen,  the 
rather,  because  there  be  some  who  surmise  that  yourselves 
have  put  them  on.  Right  or  wrong,  men  will  be  apt  to 
judge  of  your  doctrines  by  their  fruits.  It  will  reflect 
small  honour  on  their  teachers,  if,  instead  of  honesty  and 
industry,  those  of  your  Communion  are  peculiarly  dis- 
tinguished by  the  contrary  qualities,  or  if  the  nation 
converted  by  the  great  and  glorious  St.  Patrick  should, 
above  all  other  nations,  be  stigmatized  and  marked  out 
as  good  for  nothing. 

I  can  never  suppose  you  so  much  your  own  enemies  as 
to  be  friends  to  this  odious  sloth.  But,  were  this  once 
abolished,  and  a  laudable  industry  introduced  in  its  stead, 
it  may  perhaps  be  asked,  who  are  to  be  gainers  ?  I  answer, 
your  Reverences  are  like  to  be  great  gainers ;  for  every 
penny  you  now  gain  you  will  gain  a  shilling :  you  would 
gain  also  in  your  credit :  and  your  lives  would  be  more 
comfortable. 

You  need  not  be  told  how  hard  it  is  to  rake  from  rags 
and  penury  a  tolerable  subsistence;  or  how  offensive  to 
perform  the  duties  of  your  function  amidst  stench  and 
nastiness;  or  how  much  things  would  change  for  the 
better,  in  proportion  to  the  industry  and  wealth  of  your 
flocks.  Duty  as  well  as  interest  calls  upon  you  to  clothe 
the  naked,  and  feed  the  hungry,  by  persuading  them  to 
'  eat  (in  the  apostle's  phrase)  their  own  bread ' ;  or,  as  the 
Psalmist  expresseth  it,  'the  labour  of  their  own  hands.' 
By  inspiring  your  flocks  with  a  love  of  industry,  you  will 
at  once  strike  at  the  root  of  many  vices,  and  dispose  them 
to  practise  many  virtues.  This  therefore  is  the  readiest 
way  to  improve  them. 

Consult  your  superiors.  They  shall  tell  you  the  doctrine 
here  delivered  is  a  sound  Catholic  doctrine,  not  limited 


556  A   WORD    TO    THE    WISE  : 

to  Protestants,  but  extending  to  all,  and  admitted  by  all, 
whether  Protestants  or  Roman  Catholics,  Christians  or 
Mahometans,  Jews  or  Gentiles.  And  as  it  is  of  the 
greatest  extent,  so  it  is  also  of  the  highest  importance. 
St.  Paul  expressly  saith  that  'if  any  provide  not  for  his 
own,  and  especially  for  those  of  his  own  house,  he  hath 
denied  the  faith,  and  is  worse  than  an  infidel '  (i  Tim.  v.  8). 

In  vain,  then,  do  you  endeavour  to  make  men  orthodox 
in  points  of  faith,  if,  at  the  same  time,  in  the  eyes  of  Christ 
and  His  apostles,  you  suffer  them  to  be  worse  than  infidels, 
than  those  who  have  no  faith  at  all.  There  is  something 
it  seems  worse  than  even  infidelity;  and  to  incite  and 
stimulate  you  to  put  away  that  cursed  thing  from  among 
you  is  the  design  and  aim  of  this  Address.  The  doctrine 
we  recommend  is  an  evident  branch  of  the  Law  of  Nature; 
it  was  taught  by  prophets,  inculcated  b^  apostles,  encouraged 
and  enforced  by  philosophers,  legislators,  and  all  wise 
states,  in  all  ages  and  in  all  parts  of  the  world.  Let  me 
therefore  entreat  you  to  exert  yourselves,  'to  be  instant 
in  season,  and  out  of  season,  rebuke,  reprove,  exhort.' 
Take  all  opportunities  to  drive  the  lion  out  of  the  way ; 
raise  your  voices,  omit  no  occasion,  public  or  private,  of 
awakening  your  wretched  countrymen  from  their  sweet 
dream  of  sloth. 

Many  suspect  your  religion  to  be  the  cause  of  that 
notorious  idleness  which  prevails  so  generally  among  the 
natives  of  this  island,  as  if  the  Roman  Catholic  faith  were 
inconsistent  with  an  honest  diligence  in  a  man's  calling. 
But  whoever  considers  the  great  spirit  of  industry  that 
reigns  in  Flanders  and  France,  and  even  beyond  the  Alps, 
must  acknowledge  this  to  be  a  groundless  suspicion.  In 
Piedmont  and  Genoa,  in  the  Milanese  arid  the  Venetian 
state,  and  indeed  throughout  all  Lombardy,  how  well  is 
the  soil  cultivated,  and  what  manufactures  of  silk,  velvet, 
paper,  and  other  commodities,  flourish?  The  king  of 
Sardinia  will  suffer  no  idle  hands  in  his  territories,  no 
beggar  to  live  by  the  sweat  of  another's  brow ;  it  has  even 
been  made  penal  at  Turin  to  relieve  a  strolling  beggar. 
To  which  I  might  add  that  the  person  whose  authority 
will  be  of  the  greatest  weight  with  you,  even  the  Pope 
himself,  is  at  this  day  endeavouring  to  put  new  life  into 
the  trade  and  manufactures  of  his  country. 


EXHORTATION    TO    ROMAN    CATHOLIC    CLERGY       557 


I 


Though  I  am  in  no  secret  of  the  Court  of  Rome,  yet 
I  will  venture  to  afBrm,  that  neither  Pope,  nor  cardinals, 
will  be  pleased  to  hear  that  those  of  their  Communion  are 
distinguished,  above  all  others,  by  sloth,  dirt,  and  beggary; 
or  be  displeased  at  your  endeavouring  to  rescue  them  from 
the  reproach  of  such  an  infamous  distinction. 

The  case  is  as  clear  as  the  sun;  what  we  urge  is 
enforced  by  every  motive  that  can  work  on  a  reasonable 
mind.  The  good  of  your  country,  your  own  private  in- 
terest, the  duty  of  your  function,  the  cries  and  distresses 
of  the  poor,  do  with  one  voice  call  for  your  assistance. 
And,  if  it  is  on  all  hands  allowed  to  be  right  and  just, 
if  agreeable  both  to  reason  and  religion,  if  coincident  with 
the  views  both  of  your  temporal  and  spiritual  superiors, 
it  is  to  be  hoped  this  Address  may  find  a  favourable 
reception,  and  that  a  zeal  for  disputed  points  will  not 
hinder  your  concurring  to  propagate  so  plain  and  useful 
a  doctrine,  wherein  we  are  all  agreed. 

When  a  leak  is  to  be  stopped,  or  a  fire  extinguished,  do 
not  all  hands  co-operate  without  distinction  of  sect  or 
party  ?  Or  if  I  am  fallen  into  a  ditch,  shall  I  not  suffer 
a  man  to  help  me  out,  until  I  have  first  examined  his 
creed?  Or  when  I  am  sick,  shall  I  refuse  the  physic, 
because  my  physician  doth  or  doth  not  believe  the  pope's 
supremacy  ? 

Fas  est  et  ab  hoste  doceri.  But,  in  truth,  I  am  no  enemy 
to  your  persons,  whatever  I  may  think  of  your  tenets. 
On  the  contrary,  I  am  your  sincere  well-wisher.    I  consider 

Eou  as  my  countrymen,  as  fellow-subjects,  as  professing 
elief  in  the  same  Christ.  And  I  do  most  sincerely  wish, 
there  was  no  other  contest  between  us  but— who  shall 
most  completely  practise  the  precepts  of  Him  by  whose 
name  we  are  called,  and  whose  disciples  we  all  profess 
to  be. 

Soon  after  the  preceding  Address  was  published,  the 
Printer  hereof  received  the  following  Letter  from  the  Roman 
Catholic  Clergy  of  the  Diocese  of  Dublin  \  desiring  it  to  be 
inserted  in  the  Dublin  Journal  of  November  18, 1749 : — 

^  This  LetteTj  published   in  the       Wise^  in  the  edition  published  in 
Dublin  Journal  in  November,  1749,       Berkeley's  Miscellany j  in  175  a. 
is  appended   to  the  IVord  to  the 


i 


558  A   WORD    TO    THE    WISE 

'You  will  very  much  oblige  many  of  your  constant 
readers,  if  you  acquaint  the  public  that  the  Address  you 
lately  published,  entitled,  A  Word  to  the  Wise ;  or  An 
Exhortation  to  the  Roman  Catholic  Clergy  of  Ireland^  was 
received  by  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy  of  Dublin  with 
the  highest  sense  of  gratitude ;  and  they  take  the  liberty, 
in  this  public  manner,  to  return  their  sincere  and  hearty 
thanks  to  the  worthy  Author,  assuring  him  that  they  are 
determined  to  comply  with  every  particular  recommended 
in  it,  to  the  utmost  of  their  power.  In  every  page  it 
contains  a  proof  of  the  author's  extensive  charity.  His 
views  are  only  towards  the  public  good.  The  means  he 
prescribeth  are  easily  complied  with,  and  his  manner  of 
treating  persons  in  their  circumstances  so  very  singular 
that  they  plainly  shew  the  good  man,  the  polite  gentleman, 
and  the  true  patriot.  All  this  hath  so  great  an  effect  upon 
them,  that  they  have  already  directed  circular  Letters  to 
the  parish  priests  of  this  Diocese,  recommending,  in  the 
most  earnest  manner,  the  perusal  and  zealous  execution 
of  what  is  contained  in  the  said  Address ;  and  it  is  hoped 
that  by  publishing  this  in  your  Journal,  the  Roman  Catholic 
clergy  of  other  parts  of  this  Kingdom  will  be  induced  to 
follow  their  example,  which  must  promote  the  laudable 
views  of  that  great  and  good  man.  At  the  same  time,  he  may 
be  assured  that  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy  of  this  city  have 
frequently  taken  considerable  pains  to  recommend  to  their 
respective  flocks,  industry,  and  a  due  application  to  their 
respective  trades  and  callings,  as  an  indispensable  duty, 
and  the  means  of  avoiding  the  many  vices  and  bad  con- 
sequences which  generally  attend  criminal  poverty  and 
want.  But  the  more  effectually  to  prevent  these  evils, 
and  remove  all  excuses  for  sloth  and  idleness,  they  have, 
several  months  ago,  pursuant  to  the  example  of  many 
bishoprics  in  Lombardy,  Spain,  Naples,  &c.,  taken  the 
steps  most  proper  and  expedient,  in  their  opinion,  to 
lessen  considerably  the  number  of  Holidays  in  this 
Kingdom ;  and  they  make  no  doubt  but  their  expectations 
will,  in  a  short  time,  be  fully  answered,  to  the  great 
advantage  of  the  public' 

'  We  are,  &c.' 


MAXIMS 


CONCERNING 


PATRIOTISM 


First  published  in  1750 


NOTE 

These  Maxims  were  first  published  in  1750,  in  Dublin, 
and  two  years  after  in  the  Miscellany.  Berkeley  was  a 
patriot — not  a  Pat-riot,  as  we  are  told  he  used  to  style 
his  'bawling'  countrymen.  Curiously  the  title-page  in 
the  first  edition  bears  the  words — 'By  a  Lady';  yet  the 
tract  is  included  in  his  Miscellany  with  this  indication 
of  authorship  omitted,  and  the  Maxims  carry  internal 
evidence  of  Berkeley.  Can  the  'Lady'  have  been  his 
wife — some  of  her  table-talk  preserved  by  her  husband ; 
or  of  his  preserved  by  her,  and  acknowledged  by  him 
in  this  characteristic  manner? 


MAXIMS  CONCERNING  PATRIOTISM 


1.  Every  man,  by  consulting  his  own  heart,  may  easily 
know  whether  he  is  or  is  not  a  patriot.  But  it  is  not  so 
easy  for  the  by-standers. 

2.  Being  loud  and  vehement  either  against  a  court,  or 
for  a  court,  is  no  proof  of  patriotism. 

3.  A  man  whose  passion  for  money  runs  high  bids  fair 
for  being  no  patriot.  And  he  likewise  whose  appetite  is 
keen  for  power. 

4.  A  native  than  a  foreigner,  a  married  man  than  a 
bachelor,  a  believer  than  an  infidel,  has  a  better  chance 
for  being  a  patriot. 

5.  It  is  impossible  an  epicure  should  be  a  patriot. 

6.  It  is  impossible  a  man  who  cheats  at  cards,  or  cogs 
the  dice,  should  be  a  patriot. 

7.  It  is  impossible  a  man  who  is  false  to  his  friends  and 
neighbours  should  be  true  to  the  public. 

8.  Every  knave  is  a  thorough  knave.  And  a  thorough 
knave  is  a  knave  throughout. 

9.  A  man  who  hath  no  sense  of  God  or  conscience: 
would  you  make  such  a  one  guardian  to  your  child?  If 
not,  why  guardian  to  the  state  ? 

10.  A  sot,  a  beast,  benumbed  and  stupefied  by  excess, 
is  good  for  nothing,  much  less  to  make  a  patriot  of 

11.  A  fop  or  man  of  pleasure  makes  but  a  scurvy 
patriot. 

12.  A  sullen,  churlish  man,  who  loves  nobody,  will 
hardly  love  his  country. 

13.  The  love  of  praise  and  esteem  may  do  something : 
but  to  make  a  true  patriot  there  must  be  an  inward  sense 
of  duty  and  conscience. 

14.  Honesty  (like  other  things)  grows  from  its  proper 
seed,  good  principles  early  laid  in  the  mind. 

BBRKBLBY:     PRASBR.       IV.  O  O 


562  MAXIMS    CONCERNING    PATRIOTISM 

15.  To  be  a  real  patriot,  a  man  must  consider  his 
countrymen  as  God's  creatures,  and  himself  as  accountable 
for  his  acting  towards  them. 

16.  U  pro  arts  etfocis  be  the  life  of  patriotism,  he  who 
hath  no  religion  or  no  home  makes  a  suspected  *  patriot. 

[17.  No  man  perjures  himself  for  the  sake  of  conscience. 

18.  There  is  an  easy  way  of  reconciling  malecontents. — 
Sunt  verba  et  voces  qutbus  nunc  lenire  dolorem,  &c.  - 

19.  A  good  groom  will  rather  stroke  than  strike. 

20.  He  who  saith  there  is  no  such  thing  as  an  honest 
man,  you  may  be  sure  is  himself  a  knave*.] 

21.  I  have  no  opinion  of  your  bumper  patriots.  Some 
eat,  some  drink,  some  quarrel,  for  their  country.  Modern 
Patriotism  ! 

22.  Ibycus  is  a  carking,  griping,  closefisted  fellow.  It 
is  odds  that  Ibycus  is  not  a  patriot. 

23.  We  are  not  to  think  every  clamorous  haranguer, 
or  every  splenetic  repiner  against  a  court,  is  therefore 
a  patriot. 

24.  A  patriot  is  one  who  heartily  wisheth  the  public 
prosperity,  and  doth  not  only  wish,  but  also  study  and 
endeavour  to  promote  it. 

25.  Gamesters,  fops,  rakes,  bullies,  stockjobbers:  alas! 
what  patriots ! 

26.  Some  writers  have  thought  it  impossible  that  men 
should  be  brought  to  laugh  at  public  spirit.  Yet  this  hath 
been  done  in  the  present  age '. 

27.  The  patriot  aims  at  his  private  good  in  the  public. 
The  knave  makes  the  public  subservient  to  his  private 
interest.  The  former  considers  himself  as  part  of  a  whole, 
the  latter  considers  himself  as  the  whole. 

28.  There  is  and  ever  will  be  a  natural  strife  between 
court  and  country.  The  one  will  get  as  much,  and  the 
other  give  as  little  as  it  can.  How  must  the  patriot 
behave  himself? 

29.  He  gives  the  necessary.  If  he  gives  more,  it  is  with 
a  view  of  gaining  more  to  his  country. 

30.  A  patriot  will  never  barter  the  public  money  for  his 
private  gain. 

*  *  suspected'—* bad,'     in     first       in  the  second  edition, 
edition.  *  *  present  age  * — *  present  merry 

^  Maxims  17,  18,  19,  were  added       age,'  in  first  edition. 


MAXIMS    CONCERNING    PATRIOTISM  563 

31.  Moral  evil  is  never  to  be  committed ;  physical  evil 
may  be  incurred,  either  to  avoid  a  greater  evil,  or  to 
procure  a  good. 

32.  Where  the  heart  is  right,  there  is  true  patriotism. 

33.  In  your  man  of  business,  it  is  easier  to  meet  with 
a  good  head  than  a  good  heart. 

34.  A  patriot  will  admit  there  may  be  honest  men,  and 
that  honest  men  may  differ. 

35.  He  that  always  blames,  or  always  praises  is  no 
patriot. 

36.  Were  all  sweet  and  sneaking  courtiers,  or  were  all 
sour  malecontents ' ;  in  either  case  the  public  would  thrive 
but  ill. 

37.  A  patriot  would  hardly  wish  there  was  no  contrast 
in  the  state. 

38.  Ferments  of  the  worst  kind  succeed  to  perfect  in- 
action. 

39.  A  man  rages,  rails,  and  raves;  I  suspect  his 
patriotism. 

40.  The  fawning  courtier  and  the  surly  squire  often 
mean  the  same  thing,  each  his  own  interest. 

41.  A  patriot  will  esteem  no  man  for  being  of  his  party. 

42.  The  factious  man  is  apt  to  mistake  himself  for  a 
patriot. 


1  ( 


Sour  malecontents  * — ^  snarling  sour  malecontents/  in  first  edition. 


00  J 


APPENDIX 


APPENDIX 


THE  FIRST  EDITION  OF  THE  'QUERIST' 

As  already  mentioned,  the  First  Edition  of  the  Querist 
appeared  at  Dublin  in  three  successive  Parts,  in  1735 
and  the  two  followring  years  \  Through  the  kindness  of 
Mr.  Macsweeny,  I  am  able  to  present  in  this  Appendix 
the  numerous  Queries  (numbered  as  in  the  original)  which 
were  omitted  in  the  later  editions  of  the  Querist. 

The  original  edition  contains  894  Queries,  arranged  in 
Three  Parts. 


*  See  *  Advertisement  by  the 
Author/  and  Editor's  Preface  to 
the  Querist ;  also  pp.  247-50  of  the 
Life  and  Letters  of  Berkeley. 

The  following  notice  appeared 
in  a  Bristol  Catalogue  of  books 
for  sale: — 'Autograph  MS.  The 
Comtnonpiace  Book  of  the  Great 
Bishop  Berkeley,  in  a  thick 
volume  folio,  nearly  400  pages, 
vellum  covers.  Written  throughout 
in  a  column  one-half  the  width  of 
the  page,  the  blank  remainder,  in 


many  parts,  being  occupied  by  later 
remarks,  also  in  his  handwriting. 
One  part  is  occupied  by  323 
Queries — the  original  collection 
for  The  Querist :  containing  several 
Queries  proposed  to  the  consideration 
of  the  Public,    Part  IIV 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  soon 
after  this  announcement  was  made 
the  MS.  was  accidentally  destroyed 
by  fire,  as  I  was  informed  when  I 
inquired  for  it. 


568  APPENDIX    TO    THE    QUERIST 


THE  QUERIST 

FIRST  PART.    [PUBLISHED  IN  1735.] 

29.  Whether,  nevertheless,  the  damage  would  be  very 
considerable,  if  by  degrees  our  money  were  brought  back 
to  the  English  value  there  to  rest  for  ever  ? 

30.  Whether  the  English  crown  did  not  formerly  pass 
with  us  for  six  shillings  ?  And  what  inconvenience  ensued 
to  the  public  upon  its  reduction  to  the  present  value,  and 
whether  what  hath  been  may  not  be  ? 

52.  Whether  it  be  not  a  bull  to  call  that  making  an 
interest,  whereby  a  man  spendeth  much  and  gaineth 
nothing  ? 

55.  Whether  cunning  be  not  one  thing  and  good  sense 
another  ?  and  whether  a  cunning  tradesman  doth  not  stand 
in  his  own  light  ? 

62.  Whether,  consequently,  the  fine  gentlemen,  whose 
employment  is  only  to  dress,  drink,  and  play,  be  not  a 
public  nuisance  ? 

73.  Whether  those  specimens  of  our  own  manufacture, 
hung  up  in  a  certain  public  place,  do  not  sufficiently 
declare  such  our  ignorance  ?  and  whether  for  the  honour 
of  the  nation  they  ought  not  to  be  removed  ? 

201.  Whether  any  nation  ever  was  in  greater  want  of 
such  an  expedient  than  Ireland  ? 

209.  Whether  the  public  may  not  as  well  save  the 
interest  which  it  now  pays? 

210.  What  would  happen  if  two  of  our  banks  should 
break  at  once?  And  whether  it  be  wise  to  neglect 
providing  against  an  event  which  experience  hath  shewn 
us  not  to  be  impossible  ? 

211.  Whether  such  an  accident  would  not  particularly 
affect  the  bankers?  And  therefore  whether  a  national 
bank  would  not  be  a  security  even  to  private  bankers  ? 

212.  Whether  we  may  not  easily  avoid  the  inconveni- 
ences attending  the  paper-money  of  New  England,  which 
were   incurred   by  their  issuing  too  great  a  quantity  of 


PART    I  569 

notes,  by  their  having  no  silver  in  bank  to  exchange  for 
notes,  by  their  not  insisting  upon  repayment  of  the  loans 
at  the  time  prefixed,  and  especially  by  their  want  of 
manufactures  to  answer  their  imports  from  Europe  ? 

213.  Whether  a  combination  of  bankers  might  not  do 
wonders,  and  whether  bankers  know  their  own  strength  ? 

214.  Whether  a  bank  in  private  hands  might  not  even 
overturn  a  government?  and  whether  this  was  not  the 
case  of  the  Bank  of  St.  George  in  Genoa  ? 

215.  Whether  we  may  not  easily  prevent  the  ill  effects 
of  such  a  bank  as  Mr.  Law  proposed  for  Scotland,  which 
was  faulty  in  not  limiting  the  quantum  of  bills,  and  per- 
mitting all  persons  to  take  out  what  bills  they  pleased, 
upon  the  mortgage  of  lands,  whence  by  a  glut  of  paper, 
the  prices  of  things  must  rise  ?  Whence  also  the  fortunes 
of  men  must  increase  in  denomination,  though  not  in 
value;   whence  pride,  idleness,  and  beggary? 

216.  Whether  suth  banks  as  those  of  England  and 
Scotland  might  not  be  attended  with  great  inconveniences, 
as  lodging  too  much  power  in  the  hands  of  private  men, 
and  giving  handle  for  monopolies,  stockjobbing,  and 
destructive  schemes? 

217.  Whether  the  national  bank,  projected  by  an  anony- 
mous writer  in  the  latter  end  of  Queen  Anne's  reign, 
might  not  on  the  other  hand  be  attended  with  as  great 
inconvenience  by  lodging  too  much  power  in  the  Govern- 
ment? 

218.  Whether  the  bank  projected  by  Murray,  though 
it  partake,  in  many  useful  particulars,  with  that  of 
Amsterdam,  yet,  as  it  placeth  too  great  power  in  the 
hands  of  a  private  society,  might  not  be  dangerous  to  the 
public  ? 

221.  Whether  those  effects  could  have  happened  had 
there  been  no  stockjobbing?  And  whether  stockjobbing 
could  at  first  have  been  set  on  foot,  without  an  imaginary 
foundation  of  some  improvement  to  the  stock  by  trade? 
Whether,  therefore,  when  there  are  no  such  prospects,  or 
cheats,  or  private  schemes  proposed,  the  same  effects  can 
be  justly  feared  ? 

222.  Whether  by  a  national  bank,  be  not  properly 
understood  a  bank,  not  only  established  by  public 
authority  as  the  Bank  of  England,  but  a  bank  in  the  hands 


570  APPENDIX    TO    THE    QUERIST 

of  the  public,  wherein  there  are  no  shares :  whereof  the 
public  alone  is  proprietor,  and  reaps  all  the  benefit  ? 

223.  Whether,  having  considered  the  conveniences  of 
banking  and  paper-credit  in  some  countries,  and  the  in- 
conveniences thereof  in  others,  we  may  not  contrive  to 
adopt  the  former,  and  avoid  the  latter? 

224.  Whether  great  evils,  to  which  other  schemes  are 
liable,  may  not  be  prevented,  by  excluding  the  managers 
of  the  bank  from  a  share  in  the  legislature  ? 

226.  Whether  the  bank  proposed  to  be  established  in 
Ireland,  under  the  notion  of  a  national  bank,  by  the 
voluntary  subscription  of  three  hundred  thousand  pounds, 
to  pay  off  the  national  debt,  the  interest  of  which  sum  to 
be  paid  the  subscribers,  subject  to  certain  terms  of  re- 
demption, be  not  in  reality  a  private  b^k,  as  those  of 
England  and  Scotland,  which  are  national  only  in  name, 
being  in  the  hands  of  particular  persons,  and  making 
dividends  on  the  money  paid  in  by  subscribers? 

228.  Whether  it  is  not  worth  while  to  reflect  on  the 
expedients  made  use  of  by  other  nations,  paper-money, 
bank-notes,  public  funds,  and  credit  in  all  its  shapes,  to 
examine  what  hath  been  done  and  devised  to  add  to  our 
own  animadversions,  and  upon  the  whole  offer  such  hints 
as  seem  not  unworthy  the  attention  of  the  public  ? 

230.  Whether  it  may  not  be  expedient  to  appoint  certain 
funds  or  stock  for  a  national  bank,  under  direction  of 
certain  persons,  one-third  whereof  to  be  named  by  the 
Government,  and  one-third  by  each  House  of  Parliament  ? 

231.  Whether  the  directors  should  not  be  excluded 
from  sitting  in  either  House,  and  whether  they  should 
not  be  subject  to  the  audit  and  visitation  of  a  standing 
committee  of  both  Houses  ? 

232.  Whether  such  committee  of  inspectors  should  not 
be  changed  every  two  years,  one-half  going  out,  and 
another  coming  in  by  ballot? 

233.  Whether  the  notes  ought  not  to  be  issued  in  lots, 
to  be  let  at  interest  on  mortgaged  lands,  the  whole  number 
of  lots  to  be  divided  among  the  four  provinces,  rateably  to 
the  number  of  hearths  in  each  ? 

234.  Whether  it  may  not  be  expedient  to  appoint  four 
counting-houses,  one  in  each  province,  for  converting  notes 
into  specie  ? 


PART    I  571 

235.  Whether  a  limit  should  not  be  fixed,  which  no 
person  might  exceed,  in  taking  out  notes? 

236.  Whether,  the  better  to  answer  domestic  circula- 
tion, it  may  not  be  right  to  issue  notes  as  low  as  twenty 
shillings  ? 

237.  Whether  all  the  bills  should  be  issued  at  once,  or 
rather  by  degrees,  that  so  men  may  be  gradually  accus- 
tomed and  reconciled  to  the  bank  ? 

238.  Whether  the  keeping  of  the  cash,  and  the  direction 
of  the  bank,  ought  not  to  be  in  different  hands,  and  both 
under  public  control  ? 

239.  Whether  the  same  rule  should  not  alway  be  ob- 
served, of  lending  out  money  or  notes,  only  to  half  the 
value  of  the  mortgaged  land  ?  and  whether  this  value 
should  alway  be  rated  at  the  same  number  of  years' 
purchase  as  at  first? 

240.  Whether  care  should  not  be  taken  to  prevent  an 
undue  rise  of  the  value  of  land  ? 

241.  Whether  the  increase  of  industry  and  people  will 
not  of  course  raise  the  value  of  land  ?  And  whether  this 
rise  may  not  be  sufficient  ? 

242.  W  hether  land  may  not  be  apt  to  rise  on  the  issuing 
too  great  plenty  of  notes  ? 

243.  Whether  this  may  not  be  prevented  by  the  gradual 
and  slow  issuing  of  notes,  and  by  frequent  sales  of  lands  ? 

244.  Whether  interest  doth  not  measure  the  true  value 
of  land ;  for  instance,  where  money  is  at  five  per  cent., 
whether  land  is  not  worth  twenty  years'  purchase  ? 

245.  Whether  too  small  a  proportion  of  money  would 
not  hurt  the  landed  man,  and  too  great  a  proportion  the 
monied  man  ?  And  whether  the  quantum  of  notes  ought 
not  to  bear  proportion  to  the  public  demand  ?  And  whether 
trial  must  not  shew  what  this  demand  will  be  ? 

246.  Whether  the  exceeding  this  n^easure  might  not 
produce  divers  bad  effects,  one  whereof  would  be  the  loss 
of  our  silver  ? 

247.  Whether  interest  paid  into  the  bank  ought  not  to 
go  on  augmenting  its  stock  ? 

248.  Whether  it  would  or  would  not  be  right  to  appoint 
that  the  said  interest  be  paid  in  notes  only  ? 

249.  Whether  the  notes  of  this  national  bank  should 
not  be  received  in  all  payments  into  the  exchequer? 


572  APPE3n>IX    TO   THE   QUERIST 

250.  Whether  on  su{^x>sitM>n  that  the  specie  should 
fail,  the  credit  would  not,  nevathekss,  still  pass,  being 
admitted  in  all  payments  of  the  public  revenue  ? 

231.  Whether  the  public  can  become  bankrupt  so  long 
as  the  notes  are  issued  on  good  security? 

252.  Whether  mismanagement,  prodigal  living,  hazards 
by  trade,  which  often  affect  private  banks^  are  equally  to 
be  apprehended  in  a  public  one  ? 

253.  Whether  as  credit  became  current,  and  this  raised 
the  value  of  land,  the  security  must  not  of  course  rise  ? 

255.  Whether  by  degrees^  as  business  and  people  multi- 
plied, more  bills  may  not  be  issued,  without  augmenting 
the  capital  stock,  provided  still,  that  they  are  issued  on 
good  security;  which  further  issuing  of  new  bills,  not  to 
be  without  consent  of  Parliament  ? 

256.  Whether  such  bank  would  not  be  secure  ?  Whether 
the  profits  accruing  to  the  public  would  not  be  very  con- 
siderable? And  whether  industry  in  private  persons 
would  not  be  supplied,  and  a  general  circulation  encour- 
aged ? 

257.  Whether  such  bank  should,  or  should  not,  be 
allowed  to  issue  notes  for  money  deposited  therein  ?  And, 
if  not,  whether  the  bankers  would  have  cause  to  complain  ? 

258.  Whether,  if  the  public  thrives,  all  particular  persons 
must  not  feel  the  benefit  thereof,  even  the  bankers  them- 
selves ? 

259.  Whether,  beside  the  bank  company,  there  are  not 
in  England  many  private  wealthy  bankers,  and  whether 
they  were  more  before  the  erecting  of  that  company  ? 

^i.  Whether  we  have  not  paper-money  circulating 
among  us  already;  whether,  therefore,  we  might  not  as 
well  have  that  which  is  secured  by  the  public,  and  whereof 
the  public  reaps  the  benefit  ? 

262.  Whether  there  are  not  two  general  ways  of  circu- 
lating money,  to  wit,  play  and  traffic  ?  and  whether  stock- 
jobbing is  not  to  be  ranked  under  the  former  ? 

263.  Whether  there  are  more  than  two  things  that  might 
draw  silver  out  of  the  bank,  when  its  credit  was  once  well 
established,  to  wit,  foreign  demands  and  small  payments 
at  home? 

264.  Whether,  if  our  trade  with  France  were  checked, 
the  former  of  these  causes  could  be  supposed  to  operate 


PART   I  573 

at  all  ?  and  whether  the  latter  could  operate  to  any  great 
degree  ? 

267.  Whether  paper-money  or  notes  may  not  be  issued 
from  the  national  bank,  on  the  security  of  hemp,  of  linen, 
or  other  manufactures  whereby  the  poor  might  be  sup- 
ported in  their  industry? 

273.  Whether  banks  raised  by  private  subscription  would 
be  as  advantageous  to  the  public  as  to  the  subscribers? 
and  whether  risks  and  frauds  might  not  be  more  justly 
apprehended  from  them  ? 

276.  Whether  an  argument  from  the  abuse  of  things, 
against  the  use  of  them,  be  conclusive  ? 

277.  Whether  he  who  is  bred  to  a  part  be  fitted  to  judge 
of  the  whole  ? 

278.  Whether  interest  be  not  apt  to  bias  judgment  ?  and 
whether  traders  only  are  to  be  consulted  about  trade,  or 
bankers  about  money  ? 

280.  Whether  any  man  hath  a  right  to  judge,  that 
will  not  be  at  the  pains  to  distinguish? 

281.  Whether  there  be  not  a  wide  difference  between 
the  profits  going  to  augment  the  national  stock,  and  being 
divided  among  private  sharers?  And  whether,  in  the 
former  case,  there  can  possibly  be  any  gaming  or  stock- 
jobbing ? 

289.  Whether,  therefore,  it  doth  not  greatly  concern 
the  State,  that  our  Irish  natives  should  be  converted,  and 
the  whole  nation  united  in  the  same  religion,  the  same 
allegiance,  and  the  same  interest?  and  how  this  may 
most  probably  be  effected  ? 

291.  Whether  there  have  not  been  Popish  recusants? 
and,  if  so,  whether  it  would  be  right  to  object  against  the 
foregoing  oath,  that  all  would  take  it,  and  none  think 
themselves  bound  by  it? 

292.  Whether  those  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  in  con- 
verting the  Moors  of  Spain  or  the  Protestants  of  France, 
have  not  set  us  an  example  which  might  justify  a  similar 
treatment  of  themselves,  if  the  laws  of  Christianity  allowed 
thereof? 

293.  Whether  compelling  men  to  a  profession  of  faith 
is  not  the  worst  thing  in  Popery;  and,  consequently, 
whether  to  copy  after  the  Church  of  Rome  therein,  were 
not  to  become  Papists  ourselves  in  the  worst  sense  ? 


574  APPENDIX    TO    THE    QUERIST 

294.  Whether,  nevertheless,  we  may  not  imitate  the 
Church  of  Rome,  in  certain  places,  where  Jews  are 
tolerated,  by  obliging  our  Irish  Papists,  at  stated  times, 
to  hear  Protestant  sermons  ?  and  whether  this  would  not 
make  missionaries  in  the  Irish  tongue  useful  ? 

295.  Whether  the  mere  act  of  hearing,  without  making 
any  profession  of  faith,  or  joining  in  any  part  of  worship, 
be  a  religious  act ;  and,  consequently,  whether  their  being 
obliged  to  hear,  may  not  consist  with  the  toleration  of 
Roman  Catholics? 

296.  Whether,  if  penal  laws  should  be  thought  oppres- 
sive, we  may  not  at  least  be  allowed  to  give  premiums  ? 
And  whether  it  would  be  wrong,  if  the  public  encouraged 
Popish  families  to  become  hearers,  by  paying  their  hearth- 
money  for  them  ? 

297.  Whether  in  granting  toleration,  we  ought  not  to 
distinguish  between  doctrines  purely  religious,  and  such 
as  affect  the  State  ? 

298.  Whether  the  case  be  not  very  different  in  regard 
to  a  man  who  only  eats  fish  on  Fridays,  says  his  prayers 
in  Latin,  or  believes  transubstantiation,  and  one  who 
professeth  in  temporals  a  subjection  to  foreign  powers, 
who  holdeth  himself  absolved  from  all  obedience  to  his 
natural  prince  and  the  laws  of  his  country  ?  who  is  even 
persuaded,  it  may  be  meritorious  to  destroy  the  powers 
that  are? 

299.  Whether,  therefore,  a  distinction  should  not  be 
made  between  mere  Papists  and  recusants  ?  And  whether 
the  latter  can  expect  the  same  protection  from  the  Govern- 
ment as  the  former  ? 

300.  Whether  our  Papists  in  this  kingdom  can  complain, 
if  they  are  allowed  to  be  as  much  Papists  as  the  subjects 
of  France  or  of  the  Empire  ? 

303.  Whether  every  plea  of  conscience  is  to  be  regarded  ? 
Whether,  for  instance,  the  German  Anabaptists,  levellers, 
or  fifth  monarchy  men  would  be  tolerated  on  that  pre- 
tence ? 

304.  Whether  Popish  children  bred  in  charity  schools, 
when  bound  out  in  apprenticeship  to  Protestant  masters, 
do  generally  continue  Protestants  ? 

306.  Whether  if  the  parents  are  overlooked,  there  can 
be  any  great  hopes  of  success  in  converting  the  children  ? 


PART   II  575 

312.  Whether  there  be  any  nation  of  men  governed  by 
reason  ?  And  yet,  if  there  was  not,  whether  this  would 
be  a  good  argument  against  the  use  of  reason  in  public 
affairs  ? 

315.  Whether  one,  whose  end  is  to  make  his  country- 
men think,  may  not  gain  his  end,  even  though  they  should 
not  think  as  he  doth? 

316.  Whether  he,  who  only  asks,  asserts  ?  and  whether 
any  man  can  fairly  confute  the  querist  ? 

317.  Whether  the  interest  of  a  part  will  not  always  be 
preferred  to  that  of  the  whole  ? 


SECOND  PART.     [PUBLISHED   IN   1736.] 

5.  Whether  it  can  be  reasonably  hoped,  that  our  state 
will  mend,  so  long  as  property  is  insecure  among  us? 

6.  Whether  in  that  case  the  wisest  government,  or  the 
best  laws  can  avail  us  ? 

7.  Whether  a  few  mishaps  to  particular  persons  may 
not  throw  this  nation  into  the  utmost  confusion  ? 

8.  Whether  the  public  is  not  even  on  the  brink  of  being 
undone  by  private  accidents  ? 

II.  Whether  therefore  it  be  not  high  time  to  open  our 
eyes  ? 

24.  Whether  private  ends  are  not  prosecuted  with  more 
attention  and  vigour  than  the  pubhc?  and  yet,  whether 
all  private  ends  are  not  included  in  the  public  ? 

25.  Whether  banking  be  not  absolutely  necessary  to 
the  public  weal? 

26.  Whether  even  our  private  banks,  though  attended 
with  such  hazards  as  we  all  know  them  to  be,  are  not 
of  singular  use  in  defect  of  a  national  bank  ? 

28.  Whether  the  mystery  of  banking  did  not  derive  its 
original  from  the  Italians?  Whether  this  acute  people 
were  not,  upon  a  time,  bankers  all  over  Europe  ?  Whether 
that  business  was  not  practised  by  some  of  their  noblest 
families  who  made  immense  profits  by  it,  and  whether  to 


576  APPENDIX    TO    THE    QUERIST 

that  the  house  of  Medici  did  not  originally  owe  its  great- 
ness? 

30.  Whether  at  Venice  all  payments  of  bills  of  exchange 
and  merchants'  contracts  are  not  made  in  the  national 
or  public  bank,  the  greatest  affairs  being  transacted  only 
by  writing  the  names  of  the  parties,  one  as  debtor  the  other 
as  creditor  in  the  bank-book  ? 

31.  Whether  nevertheless  it  was  not  found  expedient  to 
provide  a  chest  of  ready  cash  for  answering  all  demands 
that  should  happen  to  be  made  on  account  of  payments  in 
detail  ?  . 

32.  Whether  this  offer  of  ready  cash,  instead  of  transfers 
in  the  bank,  hath  not  been  found  to  augment  rather  than 
diminish  the  stock  thereof? 

33.  Whether  at  Venice,  the  difference  in  the  value  of 
bank-money  above  other  money  be  not  fixed  at  twenty 
per  cent.  ? 

34.  Whether  the  bank  of  Venice  be  not  shut  up  four 
times  in  the  year  twenty  days  each  time? 

35.  Whether  by  means  of  this  bank  the  public  be  not 
mistress  of  a  million  and  a  half  sterling  ? 

37.  Whether  we  may  not  hope  for  as  much  skill  and 
honesty  in  a  Protestant  Irish  Parliament  as  in  a  Popish 
Senate  of  Venice  ? 

39.  Whether  besides  coined  money,  there  be  not  also 
great  quantities  of  ingots  or  bars  of  gold  and  silver  lodged 
in  this  bank  ? 

41.  Whether  it  be  not  true,  that  the  bank  of  Amsterdam 
never  makes  payments  in  cash  ? 

42.  Whether,  nevertheless,  it  be  not  also  true,  that  no 
man  who  hath  credit  in  the  bank  can  want  money  from 
particular  persons,  who  are  willing  to  become  creditors 
in  his  stead  ? 

43.  Whether  any  man  thinks  himself  the  poorer,  because 
his  money  is  in  the  bank  ? 

44.  Whether  the  creditors  of  the  bank  of  Amsterdam 
are  not  at  liberty  to  withdraw  their  money  when  they 
please,  and  whether  this  liberty  doth  not  make  them  less 
desirous  to  use  it  ? 

45.  Whether  this  bank  be  not  shut  up  twice  in  the  year 
for  ten  or  fifteen  days,  during  which  time  the  accounts  are 
balanced  ? 


PART   11  577 

53.  Whether  we  are  by  nature  a  more  stupid  people 
than  the  Dutch  ?  And  yet  whether  these  things  are  suf- 
ficiently considered  by  our  patriots  ? 

54.  Whether  anything  less  than  the  utter  subversion 
of  those  republics  can  break  the  banks  of  Venice  and 
Amsterdam  ? 

55.  Whether  at  Hamburgh  the  citizens  have  not  the 
management  of  the  bank,  without  the  meddling  or  inspec- 
tion of  the  Senate  ? 

56.  Whether  the  directors  be  not  four  principal  burghers 
chosen  by  plurality  of  voices,  whose  business  is  to 
see  the  rules  observed,  and  furnish  the  cashiers  with 
money  ? 

57.  Whether  the  book-keepers  are  not  obliged  to  balance 
their  accounts  every  week,  and  exhibit  them  to  the  con- 
trollers or  directors? 

58.  Whether  any  besides  the  citizens  are  admitted  to 
have  compte  en  banc  at  Hamburgh  ? 

59.  Whether  there  be  not  a  certain  limit,  under  which 
no  sum  can  be  entered  into  the  bank  ? 

60.  Whether  each  particular  person  doth  not  pay  a  fee 
in  order  to  be  admitted  to  a  compte  en  banc  at  Hamburgh 
and  Amsterdam  ? 

61.  Whether  the  effects  lodged  in  the  bank  at  Ham- 
burgh are  liable  to  be  seized  for  debt  or  forfeiture  ? 

62.  Whether  this  bank  doth  not  lend  money  upon 
pawns  at  low  interest  and  only  for  half  a  year,  after  which 
term,  in  default  of  payment,  the  pawns  are  punctually  sold 
by  auction  ? 

63.  Whether  the  book-keepers  of  the  bank  of  Hamburgh 
are  not  obliged  upon  oath  never  to  reveal  what  sums  of 
money  are  paid  in  or  out  of  the  bank,  or  what  effects  any 
particular  person  has  therein  ? 

64.  Whether,  therefore,  it  be  possible  to  know  the  state 
or  stock  of  this  bank ;  and  yet  whether  it  be  not  of  the 
greatest  reputation  and  most  established  credit  through- 
out the  North  ? 

66.  Whether  an  absolute  monarchy  be  so  apt  to  gain 
credit,  and  whether  the  vivacity  of  some  humours  could  so 
well  suit  with  the  slow  steps  and  discreet  management 
which  a  bank  requires? 

67.  Whether  the  bank  called  the  general  bank  of  France, 

BBRKBLBY:     FRA8ER.       IV.  P  p 


573  APPEKDIX   TO   THE   QUERIST 

contrived  by  Mn  Law,  and  established  by  letters  patent 
in  May,  lyi^f  was  not  in  truth  a  particular  and  not  a 
national  bank,  being  in  the  hands  of  a  particular  company 
privil^ed  and  protected  by  the  Government  ? 

68.  Whether  the  Government  did  not  order  that  the 
notes  of  this  bank  should  pass  on  a  par  with  ready  money 
in  all  payments  of  the  revenue  ? 

69.  Whether  this  bank  was  not  obliged  to  issue  onh* 
such  notes  as  were  payable  at  sight? 

70.  Whether  it  was  not  made  a  capital  crime  to  forge 
the  notes  of  this  bank  ? 

71.  Whether  this  bank  was  not  restrained  from  trading 
either  by  sea  or  land,  and  from  taking  up  money  upon 
interest  ? 

72.  Whether  the  original  stock  thereof  was  not  six 
millions  of  livres,  divided  into  actions  of  a  thousand 
crowns  each  ? 

73.  Whether  the  proprietors  were  not  to  hold  general 
assemblies  twice  a  year,  for  the  regulating  their  afifairs  ? 

74.  Whether  the  accompts  of  this  bank  were  not  bal- 
anced twice  every  year  ? 

75.  Whether  there  were  not  two  chests  belonging  to 
this  bank,  the  one  called  the  general  chest  containing  their 
specie,  their  bills  and  their  copper  plates  for  the  printing 
of  those  bills,  under  the  custody  of  three  locks,  whereof 
the  keys  were  kept  by  the  director,  the  inspector  and 
treasurer  ;  also  another  called  the  ordinary  chest,  contain- 
ing part  of  the  stock  not  exceeding  two  hundred  thousand 
crowns,  under  the  key  of  the  treasurer  ? 

76.  Whether  out  of  this  last  mentioned  sum,  each 
particular  cashier  was  not  to  be  entrusted  with  a  share  not 
exceeding  the  value  of  twenty  thousand  crowns  at  a  time, 
and  that  under  good  security  ? 

77.  Whether  the  regent  did  not  reserve  to  himself  the 
power  of  calling  this  bank  to  account,  so  often  as  he  should 
think  good,  and  of  appointing  the  inspector? 

78.  Whether  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1719  the 
French  King  did  not  convert  the  general  bank  of  France 
into  a  Banque  Royale,  having  himself  purchased  the  stock 
of  the  company  and  taken  it  into  his  own  hands,  and 
appointed  the  Duke  of  Orleans  chief  manager  thereof? 

79.  Whether  from  that  time,  all  matters  relating  to  the 


PART   II  579 

bank  were  not  transacted  in  the  name,  and  by  the  sole 
authority,  of  the  king  ? 

80.  Whether  his  majesty  did  not  undertake  to  receive 
and  keep  the  cash  of  all  particular  persons,  subjects,  or 
foreigners,  in  his  said  Royale  Banque,  without  being  paid 
for  that  trouble  ?  And  whether  it  was  not  declared,  that 
such  cash  should  not  be  liable  to  seizure  on  any  pretext, 
not  even  on  the  king's  own  account  ? 

81.  Whether  the  treasurer  alone  did  not  sign  all  the 
bills,  receive  all  the  stock  paid  into  the  bank,  and  keep 
account  of  all  the  in-goings  and  out-goings  ? 

82.  Whether  there  were  not  three  registers  for  the 
enregistering  of  the  bills  kept  in  the  Banque  Royale,  one 
by  the  inspector,  and  the  other  by  the  controller,  and  a 
third  by  the  treasurer  ? 

83.  Whether  there  was  not  also  a  fourth  register,  con- 
taining the  profits  of  the  bank,  which  was  visited,  at  least 
once  a  week,  by  the  inspector  and  controller  ? 

84.  Whether,  beside  the  general  bureau  or  compter  in 
the  city  of  Paris,  there  were  not  also  appointed  five  more 
in  the  towns  of  Lyons,  Tours,  Rochelle,  Orleans,  and 
Amiens,  each  whereof  was  provided  with  two  chests,  one 
of  specie  for  discharging  bills  at  sight,  and  another  of 
bank  bills  to  be  issued  as  there  should  be  demand  ? 

85.  Whether,  in  the  above  mentioned  towns,  it  was  not 
prohibited  to  make  payments  in  silver,  exceeding  the  sum 
of  six  hundred  livres  ? 

86.  Whether  all  creditors  were  not  empowered  to 
demand  payment  in  bank  bills  instead  of  specie  ? 

87.  Whether,  in  a  short  compass  of  time,  this  bank  did 
not  undergo  many  new  changes  and  regulations  by  several 
successive  acts  of  council  ? 

88.  Whether  the  untimely,  repeated,  and  boundless 
fabrication  of  bills  did  not  precipitate  in  the  ruin  of  this 
bank? 

89.  Whether  it  be  not  true,  that  before  the  end  of  July, 
1 719,  they  had  fabricated  four  hundred  millions  of  livres 
in  bank-notes,  to  which  they  added  the  sum  of  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  millions  more  on  the  twelfth  of  September 
following,  also  the  same  sum  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
millions  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  October,  and  again  on  the 
twenty-ninth  of  December,  in  the  same  year,  the  farther 

p  p  2 


580  APPENDIX    TO    THE    QUERIST 

sum  of  three  hundred  and  sixty  millions,  making  the  whole, 
from  an  original  stock  of  six  millions,  mount,  within  the 
compass  of  one  year,  to  a  thousand  millions  of  Hvres  ? 

90.  Whether  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  February,  1720, 
the  king  did  not  make  an  union  of  the  bank  with  the  united 
company  of  East  and  West  Indies,  which  from  that  time 
had  the  administration  and  profits  of  the  Banque  Royale  ? 

91.  Whether  the  king  did  not  still  profess  himself 
responsible  for  the  value  of  the  bank  bills,  and  whether 
the  company  were  not  responsible  to  his  majesty  for  their 
management  ? 

92.  Whether  sixteen  hundred  millions  of  livres,  lent  to 
his  majesty  by  the  company,  was  not  a  sufficient  pledge 
to  indemnify  the  king? 

93.  Whether  the  new  directors  were  not  prohibited  to 
make  any  more  bills  without  an  act  of  council? 

94.  Whether  the  chests  and  books  of  the  Banque  were 
not  subjected  to  the  joint  inspection  of  a  counsellor  of 
state,  and  the  Prevot  des  Marchands,  assisted  by  two 
Echevins,  a  judge,  and  a  consul,  who  had  power  to  visit 
when  they  would  and  without  warning  ? 

95.  Whether  in  less  than  two  years  the  actions  or  shares 
of  the  Indian  Company  (first  established  for  Mississippi, 
and  afterwards  increased  by  the  addition  of  other  com- 
panies and  further  privileges)  did  not  rise  to  near  2000 
per  cent.  ?  and  whether  this  must  be  ascribed  to  real 
advantages  of  trade,  or  to  mere  frenzy  ? 

96.  Whether,  from  first  to  last,  there  were  not  fabricated 
bank  bills,  of  one  kind  or  other,  to  the  value  of  more  than 
two  thousand  and  six  hundred  millions  of  livres,  or  one 
hundred  and  thirty  millions  sterling? 

97.  Whether  the  credit  of  the  bank  did  not  decline  from 
its  union  with  the  Indian  Company? 

98.  Whether,  notwithstanding  all  the  above-mentioned 
extraordinary  measures,  the  bank  bills  did  not  still  pass 
at  par  with  gold  and  silver  to  May,  1720,  when  the  French 
king  thought  fit,  by  a  new  act  of  council,  to  make  a  re- 
duction of  their  value,  which  proved  a  fatal  blow,  the 
effects  whereof,  though  soon  retracted,  no  subsequent 
skill  or  management  could  ever  repair? 

99.  Whether,  what  no  reason,  reflexion,  or  foresight 
could  do,  this  simple  matter  of  fact  (the  most  powerful 


PART    II  581 

argument  with  the  multitude)  did  not  do  at  once,  to  wit, 
open  the  eyes  of  the  people  ? 

100.  Whether  the  dealers  in  that  sort  of  ware  had  ever 
troubled  their  heads  with  the  nature  of  credit,  or  the  true 
use  and  end  of  banks,  but  only  considered  their  bills  and 
actions  as  things,  to  which  the  general  demand  gave  a 
price  ? 

loi.  Whether  the  Government  was  not  in  great  per- 
plexity to  contrive  expedients  for  the  getting  rid  of  those 
bank  bills,  which  had  been  lately  multiplied  with  such  an 
unlimited  passion  ? 

102.  Whether  notes  to  the  value  of  about  ninety  millions 
were  not  sunk  by  being  paid  off  in  specie,  with  the  cash  of 
the  Compagnie  des  Indes  with  that  of  the  bank,  and  that 
of  the  Hotels  des  Monnoyes?  Whether  five  hundred 
and  thirty  millions  were  not  converted  into  annuities  at 
the  royal  treasury?  Whether  several  hundred  millions 
more  in  bank  bills  were  not  extinguished  and  replaced 
by  annuities  on  the  City  of  Paris  on  taxes  throughout  the 
provinces,  &c.,  &c. 

103.  Whether,  after  all  other  shifts,  the  last  and  grand 
resource  for  exhausting  that  ocean,  was  not  the  erecting  of 
a  compte  en  banc  in  several  towns  of  France  ? 

104.  Whether,  when  the  imagination  of  a  people  is 
thoroughly  wrought  upon  and  heated  by  their  own  ex- 
ample, and  the  arts  of  designing  men,  this  doth  not  produce 
a  sort  of  enthusiasm  which  takes  place  of  reason,  and  is 
the  most  dangerous  distemper  in  a  state  ? 

105.  Whether  this  epidemical  madness  should  not  be 
always  before  the  eyes  of  a  legislature,  in  the  framing  of 
a  national  bank  ? 

106.  Whether,  therefore,  it  may  not  be  fatal  to  engraft 
trade  on  a  national  bank,  or  to  propose  dividends  on  the 
stock  thereof? 

108.  Whether  it  may  not  be  as  useful  a  lesson  to  con- 
sider the  bad  management  of  some  as  the  good  manage- 
ment of  others  ? 

109.  Whether  the  rapid  and  surprising  success  of  the 
schemes  of  those  who  directed  the  French  bank  did  not 
turn  their  brains  ? 

no.  Whether  the  best  institutions  may  not  be  made 
subservient  to  bad  ends  ? 


582  APPENDIX    TO    THE    QUERIST 

III.  Whether,  as  the  aim  of  industry  is  power,  and  the 
aim  of  a  bank  is  to  circulate  and  secure  this  power  to  each 
individual,  it  doth  not  follow  that  absolute  power  in  one 
hand  is  inconsistent  with  a  lasting  and  a  flourishing  bank? 

115.  Whether  the  mistaking  of  the  means  for  the  end 
was  not  a  fundamental  error  in  the  French  councils  ? 

123.  Whether  there  should  not  be  a  constant  care  to 
keep  the  bills  at  par  ? 

124.  Whether,  therefore,  bank  bills  should  at  any  time 
be  multiplied  but  as  trade  and  business  were  also  multi- 
plied ? 

125.  Whether  it  was  not  madness  in  France  to  mint 
bills  and  actions,  merely  to  humour  the  people  and  rob 
them  of  their  cash  ? 

126.  Whether  we  may  not  profit  by  their  mistakes,  and 
as  some  things  are  to  be  avoided,  whether  there  may  not 
be  others  worthy  of  imitation  in  the  conduct  of  our  neigh- 
bours ? 

127.  Whether  the  way  be  not  clear  and  open  and  easy, 
and  whether  anything  but  the  will  is  wanting  to  our  legis- 
lature ? 

128.  Whether  jobs  and  tricks  are  not  detested  on  all 
hands,  but  whether  it  be  not  the  joint  interest  of  prince 
and  people  to  promote  industry? 

129.  Whether,  all  things  considered,  a  national  bank  be 
not  the  most  practicable,  sure,  and  speedy  method  to  mend 
our  affairs,  and  cause  industry  to  flourish  among  us  ? 

130.  Whether  a  compte  en  banc  or  current  bank  bills 
would  best  answer  our  occasions  ? 

131.  Whether  a  public  compte  en  banc,  where  effects 
are  received,  and  accounts  kept  with  particular  persons,  be 
not  an  excellent  expedient  for  a  great  city  ? 

132.  What  effect  a  general  compte  en  banc  would 
have  in  the  metropolis  of  this  kingdom  with  one  in  each 
province  subordinate  thereunto  ? 

133.  Whether  it  may  not  be  proper  for  a  great  kingdom 
to  unite  both  expedients,  to  wit,  bank  notes  and  a  compte 
en  banc  ? 

134.  Whether,  nevertheless,  it  would  be  advisable  to 
begin  with  both  at  once,  or  rather  to  proceed  first  with  the 
bills,  and  afterwards,  as  business  multiplied,  and  money  or 
effects  flowed  in,  to  open  the  compte  en  banc  ? 


PART    II  583 

135.  Whether,  for  greater  security,  double  books  of 
compte  en  banc  should  not  be  kept  in  different  places  and 
hands  ? 

136.  Whether  it  would  not  be  right  to  build  the  compters 
and  public  treasuries,  where  books  and  bank  notes  are 
kept,  without  wood,  all  arched  and  floored  with  brick  or 
stone,  having  chests  also  and  cabinets  of  iron  ? 

137.  Whether  divers  registers  of  the  bank  notes  should 
not  be  kept  in  different  hands  ? 

138.  Whether  there  should  not  be  great  discretion  in 
the  uttering  of  bank  notes,  and  whether  the  attempting  to 
do  things  per  saltum  be  not  often  the  way  to  undo  them  ? 

139.  Whether  the  main  art  be  not  by  slow  degrees  and 
cautious  measures  to  reconcile  the  bank  to  the  public,  to 
wind  it  insensibly  into  the  affections  of  men,  and  interweave 
it  with  the  constitution  ? 

141.  Whether  a  national  bank  may  not  prevent  the 
drawing  of  specie  out  of  the  country  (where  it  circulates 
in  small  payments),  to  be  shut  up  in  the  chests  of  particular 
persons  ? 

143.  Whether  tenants  or  debtors  could  have  cause  to 
complain  of  our  monies  being  reduced  to  the  English  value 
if  it  were  withal  multiplied  in  the  same,  or  in  a  greater 
proportion?  and  whether  this  would  not  be  the  conse- 
quence of  a  national  bank  ? 

144.  If  there  be  an  open  sure  way  to  thrive,  without 
hazard  to  ourselves  or  prejudice  to  our  neighbours,  what 
should  hinder  us  from  putting  in  practice  ? 

145.  Whether  in  so  numerous  a  Senate,  as  that  of  this 
kingdom,  it  may  not  be  easier  to  find  men  of  pure  hands 
and  clear  heads  fit  to  contrive  and  model  a  public 
bank? 

146.  Whether  a  view  of  the  precipices  be  not  sufficient, 
or  whether  we  must  tumble  headlong  before  we  are  roused? 

147.  Whether  in  this  drooping  and  dispirited  country, 
men  are  quite  awake  ? 

156.  Whether,  if  we  do  not  reap  the  benefits  that  may 
be  made  of  our  country  and  government,  want  of  will  in 
the  lower  people,  or  want  of  wit  in  the  upper,  be  most  in 
fault  ? 

165.  Whether  an  assembly  of  freethinkers,  petit  maitres, 
and  smart  fellows,  would  not  make  an  admirable  Senate  ? 


584  APPENDIX    TO   THE    QUERIST 

175.  Whether  there  be  really  among  us  any  persons  so 
silly,  as  to  encoura^  drinking  in  their  children  ? 

176.  Whence  it  is,  that  our  ladies  are  more  alive,  and 
bear  age  so  much  better  than  our  gentlemen  ? 

185.  Whether  this  be  altogether  their  own  fault  ? 

197.  Whether  it  may  not  be  right  to  appoint  censors 
in  every  parish  to  observe  and  make  returns  of  the  idle 
hands  ? 

198.  Whether  a  register  or  history  of  the  idleness  and 
industry  of  a  people  would  be  an  useless  thing  ? 

199.  whether  we  are  apprized,  of  all  the  uses  that  may 
be  made  of  political  arithmetic  ? 

207.  Why  the  workhouse  in  Dublin,  with  so  good  an 
endowment,  should  yet  be  of  so  little  use  ?  and  whether 
this  may  not  be  owing  to  that  very  endowment  ? 

208.  whether  that  income  might  not,  by  this  time,  have 
gone  through  the  whole  kingdom,  and  erected  a  dozen 
workhouses  in  every  county  ? 

210.  Whether  the  tax  on  chairs  or  hackney  coaches  be 
not  paid,  rather  by  the  country  gentlemen,  than  the  citizens 
of  Dublin  ? 

227.  Whether  there  should  not  be  a  difference  between 
the  treatment  of  criminals  and  that  of  other  slaves  ? 

251.  Whether  when  a  motion  was  once  upon  a  time  to 
establish  a  private  bank  in  this  kingdom  by  public  authority, 
divers  gentlemen  did  not  shew  themselves  forward  to 
embark  in  that  design? 

252.  Whether  it  may  not  now  be  hoped  that  our  patriots 
will  be  as  forward  to  examine  and  consider  the  proposal 
of  a  public  bank  calculated  only  for  the  public  good  ? 

253.  Whether  any  people  upon  earth  shew  a  more  early 
zeal  for  the  service  of  their  country,  greater  eagerness  to 
bear  a  part  in  the  Legislature,  or  a  more  general  partu- 
riency  with  respect  to  politics  and  public  counsels  ? 

254.  Whether,  nevertheless,  a  light  and  ludicrous  vein 
be  not  the  reigning  humour ;  but  whether  there  was  ever 
greater  cause  to  be  serious  ? 


PART    III  585 


THIRD   PART.    [PUBLISHED   IN  1737.] 

-13.  Whether  the  whole  city  of  Amsterdam  would  not 
have  been  troubled  to  have  brought  together  twenty 
thousand  pounds  in  one  room? 

14.  Whether  it  be  not  absolutely  necessary  that  there 
must  be  a  bank  and  must  be  a  trust  ?  And,  if  so,  whether 
it  be  not  the  most  safe  and  prudent  course  to  have  a 
national  bank  and  trust  the  legislature? 

15.  Whether  objections  against  trust  in  general  avail, 
when  it  is  allowed  there  must  be  a  trust,  and  the  only 
question  is  where  to  place  this  trust,  whether  in  the  legis- 
lature or  in  private  hands  ? 

16.  Whether  it  can  be  expected  that  private  persons 
should  have  more  regard  to  the  public  than  the  public 
itself? 

17.  Whether,  if  there  be  hazards  from  mismanage- 
ment, those  may  not  be  provided  against  in  the  framing  ot 
a  public  bank;  but  whether  any  provision  can  be  made 
against  the  mismanagement  of  private  banks  that  are 
under  no  check,  control,  or  inspection? 

18.  Whatever  maybe  said  for  the  sake  of  objecting,  yet, 
whether  it  be  not  false  in  fact,  that  men  would  prefer  a 
private  security  to  a  public  security  ? 

19.  Whether  a  national  bank  ought  to  be  considered  as 
a  new  experiment ;  and  whether  it  be  not  a  motive  to  try 
this  scheme  that  it  hath  been  already  tried  with  success  in 
other  countries  ? 

20.  If  power  followeth  money,  whether  this  can  be  any- 
where more  properly  and  securely  placed,  than  in  the 
same  hands  wherein  the  supreme  power  is  already  placed  ? 

21.  Whether  there  be  more  danger  of  abuse  in  a  private 
than  in  a  public  management  ? 

22.  Whether  the  proper  usual  remedy  for  abuses  of 
private  banks  be  not  to  bring  them  before  Parliament, 
and  subject  them  to  the  inspection  of  a  committee ;  and 
whether  it  be  not  more  prudent  to  prevent  than  to  redress 
an  evil  ? 

24.  Whether  experience  and  example  be  not  the  plainest 


586  APPENDIX    TO    THE    QUERIST 

proof;  and  whether  any  instance  can  be  assigned  where 
a  national  bank  hath  not  been  attended  with  great  ad- 
vantage to  the  public? 

25.  Whether  the  evils  apprehended  from  a  national 
bank  are  not  much  more  to  be  apprehended  from  private 
banks;  but  whether  men  by  custom  are  not  familiarised 
and  reconciled  to  common  dangers,  which  are  therefore 
thought  less  than  they  really  are  ? 

26.  Whether  it  would  not  be  very  hard  to  suppose  all 
sense,  honesty,  and  public  spirit  were  in  the  keeping  of 
only  a  few  private  men,  and  the  public  was  not  fit  to  be 
trusted  ? 

27.  Whether  it  be  not  ridiculous  to  suppose  a  legislature 
should  be  afraid  to  trust  itself? 

28.  But,  whether  a  private  interest  be  not  generally 
supported  and  pursued  with  more  zeal  than  a  public? 

30.  Whether,  nevertheless,  the  community  of  danger, 
which  lulls  private  men  asleep,  ought  not  to  awaken  the 
public  ? 

31.  Whether  there  be  not  less  security  where  there  are 
more  temptations  and  fewer  checks  ? 

32.  If  a  man  is  to  risk  his  fortune,  whether  it  be  more 
prudent  to  risk  it  on  the  credit  of  private  men,  or  in  that 
of  the  great  assembly  of  the  nation  ? 

33.  Where  is  it  most  reasonable  to  expect  wise  and 
punctual  dealing,  whether  in  a  secret  impenetrable  recess, 
where  credit  depends  on  secrecy,  or  in  a  public  management 
regulated  and  inspected  by  Parliament  ? 

34.  Whether  a  supine  security  be  not  catching,  and 
whether  numbers  running  the  same  risk,  as  they  lessen 
the  caution,  may  not  increase  the  danger  ? 

35.  What  real  objection  lies  against  a  national  bank 
erected  by  the  legislature,  and  in  the  management  of 
public  deputies,  appointed  and  inspected  by  the  legislature? 

36.  What  have  we  to  fear  from  such  a  bank,  which  may 
not  be  as  well  feared  without  it  ? 

37.  How,  why,  by  what  means,  or  for  what  end,  should 
it  become  an  instrument  of  oppression  ? 

38.  Whether  we  can  possibly  be  on  a  more  precarious 
foot  than  we  are  already?  Whether  it  be  not  in  the 
power  of  any  particular  person  at  once  to  disappear  and 
convey  himself  into  foreign  parts  ?  or  whether  there  can 


PART    III  587 

be  any  security  in  an  estate  of  land  when  the  demands 
upon  it  are  unknown  ? 

39.  Whether  the  establishing  of  a  national  bank,  if  we 
suppose  a  concurrence  of  the  government,  be  not  very 
practicable  ? 

40.  But,  whether  though  a  scheme  be  never  so  evidently 
practicable  and  useful  to  the  public,  yet,  if  conceived  to 
interfere  with  a  private  interest,  it  be  not  forthwith  in 
danger  of  appearing  doubtful,  difficult,  and  impracticable  ? 

41.  Whether  the  legislative  body  hath  not  already  suf- 
ficient power  to  hurt,  if  they  may  be  supposed  capable  of 
it,  and  whether  a  bank  would  give  them  any  new  power  ? 

42.  What  should  tempt  the  public  to  defraud  itself? 

43.  Whether,  if  the  legislature  destroyed  the  public,  it 
would  not  htfelo  de  se;  and  whether  it  be  not  reasonable 
to  suppose  it  bent  on  its  own  destruction  ? 

44.  Whether  the  objection  to  a  public  national  bank, 
from  want  of  secrecy,  be  not  in  truth  an  argument  for  it  ? 

45.  Whether  the  secrecy  of  private  banks  be  not  the 
very  thing  that  renders  them  so  hazardous  ?  and  whether, 
without,  that  there  could  have  been  of  late  so  many 
sufferers  ? 

46.  Whether  when  all  objections  are  answered  it  be 
still  incumbent  to  answer  surmises? 

47.  Whether  it  were  just  to  insinuate  that  gentlemen 
would  be  against  any  proposal  they  could  not  turn  into 
a  job  ? 

48.  Suppose  the  legislature  passed  their  word  for  any 
private  banker,  and  regularly  visited  his  books,  would  not 
money  lodged  in  his  bank  be  therefore  reckoned  more 
secure  ? 

49.  In  a  country  where  the  legislative  body  is  not  fit  to 
be  trusted,  what  security  can  there  be  for  trusting  any  one 
else  ? 

50.  If  it  be  not  ridiculous  to  question  whether  the  public 
can  find  cash  to  circulate  bills  of  a  limited  value  when 
private  bankers  are  supposed  to  find  enough  to  circulate 
them  to  an  unlimited  value  ? 

53.  Whether  those  hazards  that  in  a  greater  degree 
attend  private  banks  can  be  admitted  as  objections  against 
a  public  one  ? 

54.  Whether  that  which  is  an  objection  to  everything 


588  APPENDIX    TO   THE    QUERIST 

be  an  objection  to  anything ;    and  whether  the  possibilit}* 
of  an  abuse  be  not  of  that  kind  ? 

55.  Whether,  in  fact,  all  things  are  not  more  or  less 
abused,  and  yet  notwithstanding  such  abuse,  whether  many 
things  are  not  upon  the  whole  expedient  and  useful  ? 

56.  Whether  those  things  that  are  subject  to  the  most 
general  inspection  are  not  the  less  subject  to  abuse  ? 

57.  Whether,  for  private  ends,  it  may  not  be  sometimes 
expedient  to  object  novelty  to  things  that  have  been  often 
tried,  difficulty  to  the  plainest  things,  and  hazard  to  the 
safest  ? 

58.  Whether  some  men  will  not  be  apt  to  argue  as  if  the 
Question  was  between  money  and  credit,  and  not  (as  in 
fact  it  is)  which  ought  to  be  preferred,  private  credit  or 
public  credit  ? 

59.  Whether  they  will  not  prudently  overlook  the  evils 
felt,  or  to  be  feared,  on  one  side  ? 

60.  Whether,  therefore,  those  that  would  make  an  im- 
partial judgment  ought  not  to  be  on  their  guard,  keeping 
both  prospects  always  in  view,  balancing  the  inconveni- 
ences on  each  side  and  considering  neither  absolutely  ? 

61.  Whether  wilful  mistakes,  examples  without  a  like- 
ness, and  general  addresses  to  the  passions  are  not  often 
more  successful  than  arguments  ? 

62.  Whether  there  be  not  an  art  to  puzzle  plain  cases 
as  well  as  to  explain  obscure  ones  ? 

63.  Whether  private  men  are  not  often  an  over-match 
for  the  public ;  want  of  weight  being  made  up  for  by 
activity  ? 

64.  If  we  suppose  neither  sense  nor  honesty  in  our 
leaders  or  representatives,  whether  we  are  not  already  un- 
done, and  so  have  nothing  further  to  fear  ? 

65.  Suppose  a  power  in  the  government  to  hurt  the 
public  by  means  of  a  national  bank,  yet  what  should  give 
them  the  will  to  do  this  ?  Or  supposing  a  will  to  do  mis- 
chief, yet  how  could  a  national  bank,  modelled  and  adminis- 
tered by  Parliament,  put  it  in  their  power  ? 

^,  Whether  even  a  wicked  will  entrusted  with  power 
can  be  supposed  to  abuse  it  for  no  end  ? 

67.  Whether  it  be  not  much  more  probable  that  those 
who  maketh  such  objections  do  not  believe  them  ? 

68.  Whether  it  be  not  vain  to  object  that  our  fellow 


PART    III  589 

subjects  of  Great  Britain  would  malign  or  obstruct  our 
industry  when  it  is  exerted  in  a  way  which  cannot  interfere 
with  their  own  ? 

69.  Whether  it  is  to  be  supposed  they  should  take 
delight  in  the  dirt  and  nakedness  and  famine  of  our  people, 
or  envy  them  shoes  for  their  feet  and  beef  for  their 
bellies  ? 

70.  What  possible  handle  or  inclination  could  our  having 
a  national  bank  give  other  people  to  distress  us  ? 

71.  Whether  it  be  not  ridiculous  to  conceive  that  a  pro- 
ject for  clothing  and  feeding  our  natives  should  give  any 
umbrage  to  England  ? 

72.  Whether  such  unworthy  surmises  are  not  the  pure 
effect  of  spleen  ? 

78.  Whether  the  Protestant  colony  in  this  kingdom  can 
ever  forget  what  they  owe  to  England  ? 

79.  Whether  there  ever  was  in  any  part  of  the  world 
a  country  in  such  wretched  circumstances,  and  which,  at 
the  same  time,  could  be  so  easily  remedied,  and  neverthe- 
less the  remedy  not  applied  ? 

80.  What  must  become  of  a  people  that  can  neither  see 
the  plainest  things  nor  do  the  easiest  ? 

81.  Be  the  money  lodged  in  the  bank  what  it  will,  yet 
whether  an  Act  to  make  good  deficiencies  would  not  re- 
move all  scruples  ? 

82.  If  it  be  objected  that  a  national  bank  must  lower 
interest,  and  therefore  hurt  the  monied  man,  whether  the 
same  objection  would  not  hold  as  strong  against  multiply- 
ing our  gold  and  silver  ? 

83.  But  whether  a  bank  that  utters  bills,  with  the  sole 
view  of  promoting  the  public  weal,  may  not  so  proportion 
their  quantity  as  to  avoid  several  inconveniences  which 
might  attend  private  banks? 

85.  Whether  anything  be  more  reasonable  than  that  the 
public,  which  makes  the  whole  profit  of  the  bank,  should 
engage  to  make  good  its  credit  ? 

88.  Whether,  in  order  to  make  men  see  and  feel,  it  be 
not  often  necessary  to  inculcate  the  same  thing,  and  place 
it  in  different  lights  ? 

90.  Whether  the  managers  and  officers  of  a  national 
bank  ought  to  be  considered  otherwise  than  as  the  cashiers 
and  clerks  of  private  banks  ?  whether  they  are  not  in  effect 


590  APPENDIX   TO   THE    QUERIST 

as  little  trusted,  have  as  little  power,  are  as  much  limited 
by  rules,  and  as  liable  to  inspection  ? 

91.  Whether  the  mistaking  this  point  may  not  create 
some  prejudice  against  a  national  bank,  as  if  it  depended 
on  the  credit,  or  wisdom,  or  honesty,  of  private  men, 
rather  than  on  the  public,  which  is  really  the  sole  pro- 
prietor and  director  thereof,  and  as  such  obliged  to  sup- 
port it  ? 

93.  Whether  a  national  bank  would  not  be  the  great 
means  and  motive  for  employing  our  poor  in  manu- 
factures ? 

94.  Whether  money,  though  lent  out  only  to  the  rich, 
would  not  soon  circulate  among  the  poor  ?  And  whether 
any  man  borrows  but  with  an  intent  to  circulate  ? 

95.  Whether  both  government  and  people  would  not  in 
the  event  be  gainers  by  a  national  bank?  And  whether 
anything  but  wrong  conceptions  of  its  nature  can  make 
those  that  wish  well  to  either  averse  from  it  ? 

96.  Whether  it  may  not  be  right  to  think,  and  to  have  it 
thought,  that  England  and  Ireland,  prince  and  people, 
have  one  and  the  same  interest? 

97.  Whether,  if  we  had  more  means  to  set  on  foot  such 
manufactures  and  such  commerce  as  consists  with  the 
interest  of  England,  there  would  not  of  course  be  less 
sheep-walks  and  less  wool  exported  to  foreign  countries  ? 
And  whether  a  national  bank  would  not  supply  such 
means  ? 

102.  Whether  business  in  general  doth  not  languish 
among  us  ?  Whether  our  land  is  not  untilled  ?  Whether 
its  inhabitants  are  not  upon  the  wing  ? 

104.  Whether  our  circumstances  do  not  call  aloud  for 
some  present  remedy  ?  And  whether  that  remedy  be  not 
in  our  power  ? 

106.  Whether,  of  all  the  helps  to  industry  that  ever 
were  invented,  there  be  any  more  secure,  more  easy,  and 
more  effectual  than  a  national  bank  ? 

107.  Whether  medicines  do  not  recommend  themselves 
by  experience,  even  though  their  reasons  be  obscure? 
But  whether  reason  and  fact  are  not  equally  clear  in  favour 
of  this  political  medicine  ? 

117.  Whether  therefore  a  tax  on  all  gold  and  silver  in 
apparel,  on  all  foreign  laces  and  silks,  may  not  raise  a  fund 


PART  in  591 

for  the  bank,  and  at  the  same  time  have  other  salutary 
effects  on  the  public? 

118.  But,  if  gentlemen  had  rather  tax  themselves  in 
another  way,  whether  an  additional  tax  of  ten  shillings 
the  hogshead  on  wines  may  not  supply  a  sufficient  fund 
for  the  national  bank,  all  defects  to  be  made  good  by 
Parliament  ? 

119.  Whether  upon  the  whole  it  may  not  be  right  to 
appoint  a  national  bank? 

120.  Whether  the  stock  and  security  of  such  bank  would 
not  be,  in  truth,  the  national  stock,  or  the  total  sum  of  the 
wealth  of  this  kingdom  ? 

121.  Whether,  nevertheless,  there  should  not  be  a 
particular  fund  for  present  use  in  answering  bills  and 
circulating  credit  ? 

122.  Whether  for  this  end  any  fund  may  not  suffice, 
provided  an  Act  be  passed  for  making  good  deficiencies  ? 

123.  Whether  the  sole  proprietor  of  such  bank  should 
not  be  the  public,  and  the  sole  director  the  legislature  ? 

124.  Whether  the  managers,  officers,  and  cashiers 
should  not  be  servants  of  the  public,  acting  by  orders 
and  limited  by  rules  of  the  legislature  ? 

125.  Whether  there  should  not  be  a  standing  number  of 
inspectors,  one-third  men  in  great  office,  the  rest  members 
of  both  houses,  half  whereof  to  go  out,  and  half  to  come  in 
every  session  ? 

126.  Whether  those  inspectors  should  not,  all  in  a  body, 
visit  twice  a  year,  and  three  as  often  as  they  pleased  ? 

127.  Whether  the  general  bank  should  not  be  in  Dublin, 
and  subordinate  banks  or  compters  one  in  each  province 
of  Munster,  Ulster,  and  Connaught  ? 

128.  Whether  there  should  not  be  such  provisions  of 
stamps,  signatures,  checks,  strong  boxes  and  all  other 
measures  for  securing  the  bank  notes  and  cash,  as  are 
usual  in  other  banks  ? 

129.  Whether  these  ten  or  a  dozen  last. queries  may  not 
easily  be  converted  into  heads  of  a  bill  ? 

130.  Whether  any  one  concerns  himself  about  the 
security  or  funds  of  the  bank  of  Venice  or  Amsterdam  ? 
And  whether  in  a  little  time  the  case  would  not  be  the 
same  as  to  our  bank  ? 

133'  Whether  it  be  not  the  most  obvious  remedy  for 


592  APPENDIX    TO   THE    QUERIST 

all  the  inconveniences  we  labour  under  with  regard  to 
our  coin? 

134.  Whether  it  be  not  agreed  on  all  hands  that  our  coin 
is  on  veiy  bad  foot,  and  calls  for  some  present  remedy  ? 

135.  Whether  the  want  of  silver  hath  not  introduced 
a  sort  of  traffic  for  change,  which  is  purchased  at  no 
inconsiderable  discount  to  the  great  obstruction  of  our 
domestic  commerce? 

136.  Whether,  though  it  be  evident  silver  is  wanted,  it 
be  yet  so  evident  which  is  the  best  way  of  providing  for 
this  want  ?  Whether  by  lowering  the  gold,  or  raising  the 
silver,  or  partly  one,  partly  the  other  ? 

137.  Whether  a  partial  raising  of  one  species  be  not,  in 
truth,  granting  a  premium  to  our  bankers  for  importing 
such  species  ?  And  what  that  species  is  which  deserves 
most  to  be  encouraged  ? 

138.  Whether  it  be  not  just  that  all  gold  should  be  alike 
rated  according  to  its  weight  and  fineness  ? 

139.  Whether  this  may  be  best  done  by  lowering  some 
certain  species  of  gold,  or  by  raising  others,  or  by  joining 
both  methods  together  ? 

141.  Whether  the  North  and  the  South  have  not,  in 
truth,  one  and  the  same  interest  in  this  matter  ? 

143.  But,  whether  a  public  benefit  ought  to  be  obtained 
by  unjust  methods,  and  therefore,  whether  any  reduction 
of  coin  should  be  thought  of  which  may  hurt  the  properties 
of  private  men  ? 

144.  Whether  those  parts  of  the  kingdom  where  com- 
merce doth  most  abound  would  not  be  the  greatest  gainers 
by  having  our  coin  placed  on  a  right  foot  ? 

145.  Whether,  in  case  a  reduction  of  coin  be  thought 
expedient,  the  uttering  of  bank  bills  at  the  same  time  may 
not  prevent  the  inconveniences  of  such  a  reduction  ? 

146.  But,  whether  any  public  expediency  could  counter- 
vail a  real  pressure  on  those  who  are  least  able  to  bear  it, 
tenants  and  debtors  ? 

147.  Whether,  nevertheless,  the  political  body,  as  well 
as  the  natural,  must  not  sometimes  be  worse  in  order  to  be 
better  ? 

150.  What  if  our  other  gold  were  raised  to  a  par  with 
Portugal  gold,  and  the  value  of  silver  in  general  raised 
with  regard  to  that  of  gold  ? 


PART   III  593 

151.  Whether  the  public  ends  may  or  may  not  be  better 
answered  by  such  argumentation,  than  by  a  reduction  of 
our  coin  ? 

152.  Provided  silver  is  multiplied,  be  it  by  raising  or 
diminishing  the  value  of  our  coin,  whether  the  great  end 
is  not  answered  ? 

154.  Whether,  if  a  reduction  be  thought  necessary,  the 
obvious  means  to  prevent  all  hardships  and  injustice  be 
not  a  national  bank  ? 

155.  Upon  supposition  that  the  cash  of  this  kingdom 
was  five  hundred  thousand  pounds,  and  by  lowering  the 
various  species  each  one-fifth  of  its  value  the  whole  sum 
was  reduced  to  four  hundred  thousand  pounds,  whether 
the  difficulty  of  getting  money,  and  consequently  of  paying 
rents,  would  not  be  increased  in  the  proportion  of  five 
to  four? 

156.  Whether  such  difficulty  would  not  be  a  great  and 
unmerited  distress  on  all  the  tenants  in  the  nation  ?  But 
if  at  the  same  time  with  the  aforesaid  reduction  there  were 
uttered  one  hundred  thousand  pounds  additional  to  the 
former  current  stock,  whether  such  difficulty  or  inconveni- 
ence would  then  be  felt  ? 

158.  Whether  in  any  foreign  market,  twopence  advance 
in  a  kilderkin  of  corn  could  greatly  affect  our  trade  ? 

159.  Whether  in  regard  of  the  far  greater  changes  and 
fluctuations  of  price  from  the  difference  of  seasons  and 
other  accidents,  that  small  rise  should  seem  considerable  ? 

162.  Whether,  setting  aside  the  assistance  of  a  national 
bank,  it  will  be  easy  to  reduce  or  lower  our  coin  without 
some  hardship  (at  least  for  the  present)  on  a  great  number 
of  particular  persons  ? 

163.  Whether,  nevertheless,  the  scheme  of  a  national 
bank  doth  not  entirely  stand  clear  of  this  question ;  and 
whether  such  bank  may  not  completely  subsist  and  answer 
its  ends,  although  there  should  be  no  alteration  at  all  made 
in  the  value  of  our  coin  ? 

164.  Whether,  if  the  ill  state  of  our  coin  be  not  redressed, 
that  scheme  would  not  be  still  more  necessary,  inasmuch 
as  a  national  bank,  by  putting  new  life  and  vigour  into  our 
commerce,  may  prevent  our  feeling  the  ill  effects  of  the 
want  of  such  redress  ? 

165.  Whether  men   united  by  interest  are  not  often 

BERKELEY:     PRASBR.       IV.  Q  ^ 


594  APPENDIX   TO    THE    QUERIST 

divided    by   opinion;    and  whether   such    difference   in 
opinion  be  not  an  effect  of  misapprehension  ? 

i66.  Whether  two  things  are  not  manifest,  first,  that 
some  alteration  in  the  value  of  our  coin  is  highly  expedient, 
secondly,  that  whatever  alteration  is  made,  the  tenderest 
care  should  be  had  of  the  properties  of  the  people,  and 
even  a  regard  paid  to  their  prejudices  ? 

167.  Whether  our  taking  the  coin  of  another  nation  for 
more  than  it  is  worth  be  not,  in  reality  and  in  event,  a  cheat 
upon  ourselves  ? 

168.  Whether  a  particular  coin  over-rated  will  not  be 
sure  to  flow  in  upon  us  from  other  countries  beside  that 
where  it  is  coined  ? 

169.  Whether,  in  case  the  wisdom  of  the  nation  shall 
think  fit  to  alter  our  coin,  without  erecting  a  national  bank, 
the  rule  for  lessening  or  avoiding  present  inconvenience 
should  not  be  so  to  order  matters,  by  raising  the  silver 
and  depressing  the  gold,  as  that  the  total  sum  of  coined 
cash  within  the  kingdom  shall,  in  denomination,  remain 
the  same,  or  amount  to  the  same  nominal  value,  after  the 
change  it  did  before  ? 

170.  Whether  all  inconvenience  ought  not  to  be  lessened 
as  much  as  may  be ;  but  after,  whether  it  would  be  prudent, 
for  the  sake  of  a  small  inconvenience,  to  obstruct  a  much 
greater  good  ?  And  whether  it  may  not  sometimes  happen 
that  an  inconvenience  which  in  fancy  and  general  discourse 
seems  great  shall,  when  accurately  inspected  and  cast  up, 
appear  inconsiderable  ? 

171.  Whether  in  public  councils  the  sum  of  things,  here 
and  there,  present  and  future,  ought  not  to  be  regarded  ? 

176.  Money  being  a  ticket  which  entitles  to  power  and 
records  the  title,  whether  such  power  avails  otherwise 
than  as  it  is  exerted  into  act  ? 

180.  Whether  beside  that  value  of  money  which  is  rated 
by  weight,  there  be  not  also  another  value  consisting  in  its 
aptness  to  circulate  ? 

204.  Whether  there  be  any  woollen  manufacture  in 
Birmingham  ? 

205.  Whether  bad  management  may  not  be  worse  than 
slavery?  And  whether  any  part  of  Christendom  be  in 
a  more  languishing  condition  than  this  kingdom  ? 

212.  Whether  it  be  not  true,  that  within  the  compass  of 


PART   III  595 

one  year  there  flowed  from  the  South  Sea,  when  that 
commerce  was  open,  into  the  single  town  of  St.  Malo's, 
a  sum  of  gold  and  silver  equal  to  four  times  the  whole 
specie  of  this  kingdom?  And  whether  that  same  part 
of  France  doth  not  at  present  draw  from  Cadiz  upwards 
of  two  hundred  thousand  pounds  per  annum  ? 

214.  Whether  it  be  true  that  the  Dutch  make  ten  millions 
of  livres,  every  return  of  the  flota  and  galleons,  by  their 
sales  at  the  Indies  and  at  Cadiz  ? 

215.  Whether  it  be  true  that  England  makes  at  least 
one  hundred  thousand  pounds  per  annum  by  the  single 
article  of  hats  sold  in  Spain  ? 

217.  Whether  the  toys  of  Thiers  do  not  employ  five 
thousand  families? 

218.  Whether  there  be  not  a  small  town  or  two  in 
France  which  supply  all  Spain  with  cards? 

222.  Whether,  about  twenty-five  years  ago,  they  did  not 
first  attempt  to  make  porcelain  in  France;  and  whether, 
in  a  few  years,  they  did  not  make  it  so  well,  as  to  rival 
that  which  comes  from  China  ? 

226.  Whether  part  of  the  profits  of  the  bank  should  not 
be  employed  in  erecting  manufactures  of  several  kinds, 
which  are  not  likely  to  be  set  on  foot  and  carried  on  to 
perfection  without  great  stock,  public  encouragement, 
general  regulations,  and  the  concurrence  of  many  hands  ? 

230.  Whether  it  were  not  to  be  wished  that  our  people 
shewed  their  descent  from  Spain,  rather  by  their  honour 
and  honesty  than  their  pride,  and  if  so,  whether  they 
might  not  easily  insinuate  themselves  into  a  larger  share 
of  the  Spanish  trade  ? 

235.  Whether  we  may  not,  with  common  industry  and 
common  honesty,  undersell  any  nation  in  Europe  ? 

242.  Whether  they  are  not  the  Swiss  that  make  hay  and 
gather  in  the  harvest  throughout  Alsatia  ? 

269.  Whether  commissioners  of  trade  or  other  proper 
persons  should  not  be  appointed  to  draw  up  plans  of  our 
commerce  both  foreign  and  domestic,  and  lay  them  at  the 
beginning  of  every  session  before  the  Parliament  ? 

270.  Whether  registers  of  industry  should  not  be  kept, 
and  the  public  from  time  to  time  acquainted  what  new 
manufactures  are  introduced,  what  increase  or  decrease 
of  old  ones  ? 

Qqa 


596 


APPENDIX    TO    THE    QUERIST 


286.  Whether  therefore  Mississippi,  South  Sea,  and 
such  like  schemes  were  not  calculated  for  public  ruin? 

289.  Whether  all  such  princes  and  statesmen  are  not 
greatly  deceived  who  imagine  that  gold  and  silver,  any 
way  got,  will  enrich  a  country? 

292.  Whether  the  effect  is  not  to  be  considered  more 
than  the  kind  or  quantity  of  money  ? 

299.  Whether  those  who  have  the  interests  of  this 
kingdom  at  heart,  and  are  concerned  in  the  councils 
thereof,  ought  not  to  make  the  most  humble  and  earnest 
representations  to  his  Majesty,  that  he  may  vouchsafe  to 
grant  us  that  favour,  the  want  of  which  is  ruinous  to  our 
domestic  industry,  and  the  having  of  which  would  interfere 
with  no  interest  of  our  fellow  subjects  ? 

301.  Whether  his  most  gracious  Majesty  hath  ever  been 
addressed  on  this  head  in  a  proper  manner,  and  had  the 
case  fairly  stated  for  his  royal  consideration,  and  if  not, 
whether  we  may  not  blame  ourselves  ? 

302.  If  his  Majesty  would  be  pleased  to  grant  us  a  mint, 
whether  the  consequences  thereof  may  not  prove  a  valu- 
able consideration  to  the  crown. 

311.  Whether  every  kind  of  employment  or  business,  as 
it  implies  more  skill  and  exercise  of  the  higher  powers,  be 
not  more  valued  ? 

316.  Whether  private  endeavours  without  assistance 
from  the  public  are  likely  to  advance  our  manufactures 
and  commerce  to  any  great  degree?  But  whether,  as 
bills  uttered  from  a  national  bank  upon  private  mortgages 
would  facilitate  the  purchases  and  projects  of  private  men, 
even  so  the  same  bills  uttered  on  the  public  security  alone 
may  not  answer  public  ends  in  promoting  new  works  and 
manufactures  throughout  the  kingdom  ? 

323.  Whether  as  many  as  wish  well  to  their  country 
ought  not  to  aim  at  increasing  its  momentum  ^  ? 


'  The     following     letter,     from 
Berkeley  to  Prior,  announces  the 
publication  of  the  Third  Part  of  the 
Queristy  and  also  presents  a  pic- 
ture of  rural  industry  at  Cloyne, 
in  harmony  with  its  suggestions : — 
*  Cloyne,  March  5,  1736-7. 
*  Dear  Tom, 
'  I    HERE   send   you   what  you 


desire.  If  you  approve  of  it, 
publish  it  in  one  or  more  of  our 
newspapers ;  if  you  have  any  ob- 
jection, let  me  know  it  by  the  next 
post.  I  mean,  as  you  see,  a  brief 
abstract ;  which  I  could  wish  were 
spread  through  the  nation,  that 
men  may  think  on  the  subject 
against  next  session. 


PART    III 


597 


'  But  I  would  not  have  this  letter 
made  public  sooner  than  a  week 
after  the  publication  of  the  Third 
Part  of  my  Querist^  which  I  have 
ordered  to  be  sent  to  you.  I  be- 
lieve you  may  receive  it  about  the 
time  that  this  comes  to  your  hands ; 
for,  as  I  told  you  in  a  late  letter, 
I  have  hastened  it  as  much  as 
possible.  I  have  used  the  same 
editor  (Dr.  Madden)  for  this  as 
for  the  foregoing  two  Parts. 

*■  I  must  desire  you  to  purchase 
for  me  six  copies  of  the  Third 
Part  of  the  Querist^  which  I  would 
have  stitched  in  six  pamphlets  ;  so 
that  each  pamphlet  shall  contain 
the  First,  Second,  and  Third  Parts 
of  the  Querist,  I  would  have 
these  pamphlets  covered  with 
marble  paper  pasted  on  white 
paper,  and  the  leaves  cut  and  gilt 
on  the  edges ;  and  you  will  let  me 
know  when  they  are  done— the 
sooner  the  better. 

'Our  spinning-school  is  in  a 
thriving  way.  The  children  begin 
to  find  a  pleasure  in  being  paid  in 
hard  money;  which  I  understand 
they  will  not  give  to  their  parents, 
but  keep  to  buy  clothes  for  them- 
selves. Indeed  I  found  it  difficult 
and  tedious  to  bring  them  to  this  ; 
but  I  believe  it  will  now  do.  I  am 
building  a  workhouse  for  sturdy 
vagrants,  and  design  to  raise  about 
two  acres  of  hemp  for  employing 
them.  Can  you  put  me  in  a  way 
of  getting  hemp-seed  ;  or  does 
your  Society  distribute  any?  It 
is  hoped  your  flax-seed  will  come 
in  time.' 

The  *  letter  *  which  was  *  not  to 
be  made  public  sooner  than  a  week 
after  the  publication  of  the  Third 
Part  of  the  Queristy  and  which  ap- 
peared in  the  Dublin  Journal,  is  as 
follows : — 

*SlR, 

^  You  tell  me  gentlemen  would 
not  be  averse  from  a  national  bank, 
provided  they    saw  a  sketch    or 


plan  of  such  bank  laid  down  and 
proposed  in  a  distinct  manner. 
For  my  own  part,  I  intended  only 
to  put  queries,  and  offer  hints,  not 
presuming  to  direct  the  wisdom  of 
the  public.  Besides,  it  seemed  no 
hard  matter,  if  any  one  should 
think  fit,  to  convert  queries  into 
propositions.  However,  since  you 
desire  a  brief  and  distinct  abstract 
of  my  thoughts  on  this  subject,  be 
pleased  to  take  it  as  follows. 

'I  conceive  that,  in  order  to 
erect  a  national  bank,  and  place  it 
on  a  right  foot,  it  may  be  expe- 
dient to  enact — i.  That  an  addi- 
tional tax  of  ten  shillings  the  hogs- 
head be  laid  on  wine,  which  may 
amount  to  about  ten  thousand 
pounds  a-year ;  or  to  raise  a  like 
sum  on  foreign  silks,  linens,  and 
laces.  2.  That  the  fund  arising 
from  such  tax  be  the  stock  for 
a  national  bank;  the  deficiencies 
whereof  to  be  made  good  by  parlia- 
ment. 3.  That  bank-notes  be 
minted  to  the  value  of  one  hundred 
thousand  pounds  in  round  numbers, 
from  one  pound  to  a  hundred. 
4.  That  these  notes  be  issued 
either  to  particular  persons  on 
ready  money  or  on  mortgage,  or  to 
the  uses  of  the  public  on  its  own 
credit.  5.  That  a  house  and 
cashiers,  &c.,  be  appointed  in 
Dublin  for  uttering  and  answering 
these  bills,  and  for  managing  this 
bank  as  other  banks  are  managed. 
6.  That  there  be  twenty-one  in- 
spectors, one-third  whereof  to  be 
persons  in  great  office  under  the 
crown,  the  rest  members  of  both 
houses,  ten  whereof  to  go  out  by 
lot,  and  as  many  more  to  come  in 
once  in  two  years.  7.  That  such 
inspectors  shall,  in  a  body,  visit 
the  bank  twice  every  year,  and 
any  three  of  them  as  often  as 
they  please.  8.  That  no  bills  or 
notes  be  minted  but  by  order  of 
parliament.  9.  That  it  be  felony 
to  counterfeit  the  notes  of  this 
bank.     10.    That    the    public    be 


598 


APPENDIX    TO   THE   QUERIST 


alone  banker,  or  sole  proprietor  of 
this  bank. 

'The  reasons  for  a  national  bank, 
and  the  answers  to  objections  are 
contained  in  the  Qiun'sf;  whertin 
there  are  also  several  other  points 
relating  to  a  bank  of  this  nature, 
which  in  time  may  come  to  be  con- 
sidered. Bat  at  present  thus  much 
may  suffice  for  a  general  plan  to 
tiy  the  experiment  and  begin  with ; 
tidiich  plan,  after  a  year  or  two 
of  trial,  may  be  further  improved, 
altered,  or  enlarged,  as  the  dr- 
cwnstances  of  the  public  shall  re« 
quire. 

'  Every  one  sees  the  scheme  of 
a  bank  admits  of  many  variations 
in  minute  particulars ;  several  of 
which  are  hinted  in  the  Querist, 
and  several  more  may  easily  be 
suggested  by  any  one  who  shall 
think    on    Uiat    subject.     But    it 


should  seem  the  difficnhj  doth  not 
consist  so  much  in  contriving  or 
executing  a  national  bank,  as  in 
bringing  men  to  a  right  sense  of 
the  public  weal,  and  of  the  ten- 
dency of  such  bank  to  promote  the 


'  I  have  treated  these  points,  and 
endeavoured  to  urge  them  home, 
both  from  reason  and  example, 
particulariy  in  the  Third  Part 
of  the  Querut  lately  published; 
which,  with  the  two  former,  con- 
tain many  hints,  designed  to  pot 
men  upon  thinking  what  is  to  be 
done  in  this  critical  juncture  of  our 
afiaiis;  which  I  believe  may  be 
easily  retrieved  and  pot  on  a  better 
foot  than  ever,  if  those  among  us 
who  are  most  concerned  be  not 
wanting  to  themselves.  I  am.  Sir, 
your  humble  servant. 

The  Querist. 


I  N  D  E  X  » 


Abbott,  T.  K.,  on  theory  of  vision, 

i.  ii6n.j  i2Sn. 
Abstracti(ieas,ambiguity  concerning, 

i.  218-9. 
are  impossible  and  unnecessary, 

i.  7,  18,  187-9,  339-49»  356 «.; 

ii-  333-6;  iii.  9i~3>  357  ff- 
Locke's    view    of,   i.    188-9, 

343-6. 

Hume  on,  i.  Ixxv,  256  «. 

source  of  error,  i.  249,   254, 

260,  31 1-3,  338. 
language  their  source,  i.  25, 

250-1,  254. 
in  reference  to  mathematics,  i. 

188-9,  345-9»  334-5  ;  iii-  91-3- 
subsequent  omission  of  argu- 
ment against,  i.  219  ;  ii.  323. 
Abstraction  is  fictitious,  i.  187,  218, 
240,  31 1-2;  iii.  357  flf. 

—  in  what  sense  possible,  i.  78,  84, 
242,  249,  260,  403-4. 

Acid,  as  a  principle  in  nature,  iii. 

187-92  :  cf.  ii.  272-3. 
Addison,  Joseph,  i.  xxxvii-xl ;  iii. 

4,  66. 
Agency.     6V^  Cause. 

—  moral,  ii.    24».,  346-56:  cf.  i. 

454- 
Air,  nature  and  functions  of,  iii.  193- 

8,  217-8. 
Alchemy,  iii.  197  «.,  216-7. 
Algebraic  game,  iv.  54. 
America,  Berkeley's  connexion  with, 

i.  xlviii,  lix-lx:   cf.  ii.  4-5;    iv. 

342  ff.,  402. 

—  residence  in,  i.  liv-viii :  cf.  ii.  5  ; 
iii.  19;  iv.  369-70. 

—  verses  on,  iv.  365. 


Analogy,  defined,  ii.  86:  cf.  312. 

—  distinction  of  Schoolmen,  ii. 
186-7. 

—  knowledge  of  God  by,  i.  Ixix- 
Ixx;  ii.  179-89,  383-4* 

Anaxagoras,  mind-principle  (yovs)y 
i.  511-2  ;  ii.  181  ;  iii.  279. 

Ancients,  compared  with  moderns, 
ii.  204-14,  282;  iii.  250-1,  267. 

Animamundiy  iii.  199,  255-61,  263. 

Aquinas,  Thomas,  i.  512  m.  ;  ii. 
184. 

Arbitrariness  of  connexion  between 
sign  and  significate,  i.  156-8, 
198,  274;  ii.  163,  168-70,397-8. 

—  in  the  constitution  of  nature,  i. 
49,  274,  289,  316;  ii.  398-400. 

Arbuthnot,  John,  i.  xl,  xliv ;  iv.  285, 

363  «• 
Archetypes  of  ideas,  i.  52,  262,  281, 

297 «.,   3oo««.,    305,   308,   312, 

458,   468,    475:    cf.    iii.    126-7, 

285-6. 
Archimedes,   i.   13,    19 ;   iv.   34-5, 

53-4- 
Architecture,  beauty  in,  ii.  134-8. 

Aristotle,  common  sensibles,  in  rela- 
tion to  theory  of  vision,  i.  104. 

—  materia  prima^  i.  264 :  cf.  iii. 
274-8. 

—  on  motion,  i.  507,  509,  51 1-2, 
516-8,  522. 

—  mind  as  tabula  rasa^  iii.  272-6. 

—  potentiality    and    actuality,    iii. 

374-5- 

—  on  existence  of  matter,  iii.  274, 

^77- 

—  on  principle  of  animation,  iii. 

206,  231,  258-9. 


*  The  Index  has  been  prepared  by  Mr.  T.  M.  Forsyth,  Graduate  in  Arts 
of  the  University  of  Edinburgh. 


6oo 


INDEX 


Aristotle,  virtoe  as  its  own  end 
(Ka\oK&ya0ia),  iL  144-5  :  cf.  127- 
8. 

—  on  nniyersals,  iii.  368. 

—  his  authority,  i.  252-3 :   cf.  iii. 

283-4,  291- 

—  also,  i.  180 ».,  $20  n. ;  ii.  qom., 

95,  99,  107,  269,  361,  368;   iii. 
61,  301,  281,  386,  394;   iv.  440, 

447,  496. 
Arithmetic,  object  of,  i.  324-7  ;   ii. 
341-2. 

—  origin  of,  i.  325-6 ;  ii.  341. 

—  treatise  on,  iv.  2. 

Art  and  industry,  iv.  333,  438, 432- 

3,  457-8. 
Ashe,  St.  George,  i.  xlv. 
Association  of  ideas.  See  Connexion. 
Atheism,  source  of,  i.  309. 

—  how  refuted,  i.  309-10,  425. 

—  goal  and  acme  of  so-called  free- 
thinking,  ii.  42-3,  45-6,  380-5. 

Atterbury,  Francis,  i.  xxxix. 
Attraction,  i.  31,  88,  314-6,459-60, 
501-6;  ii.  15-6;  iii.  231-42,378. 

—  moral,  or  community,  iv.  186-90. 
Augustine,  ii.  303 ;  iii.  240,  279. 
Aurelius,  Marcus,  ii.  67,  146. 

Bacon,    Francis,    i.    Ixxix,     250/;., 

317  n.f   501  n. ;    ii.    282  n. ;    iii. 

58^.,  201  ft. ;  iv.  61. 
Bailey,  Samuel,  on  theory  of  vision, 

i.  ii6n.,  i2Sn. 
Banks,  national,  advantages  of,  iv. 

441-4, 447-9, 451, 459-63»  568  ff., 

597-8. 
Barrow,  Isaac,  problem  on  vision,  i . 

70,  135  ;  ii.  409. 

—  on  indivisibles,  i.  13,  19,  26,  63, 
79'  85,  88,  90. 

Baxter,  Andrew,  criticism  of  Berke- 
ley, i.  Ixx,  Ixxiv,  364 ;  iii.  3-4,  399. 

Beattie,  James,  criticism  of  Berke- 
ley, iii.  401-3. 

Beauty,  nature  of,  ii,  132-8. 

—  moral,  ii.  125-30,  138-51. 
Being  of  things,  consists  in   being 

perceived,  i.  258-61. 

—  in  general,  incomprehensible,  i. 
266. 

—  applied  to  spirit,  i.  307. 

—  ^ee  also  Existence. 


Berkeley,  George,  birth  and  parent- 
age, i.  xxiii. 

—  ^ool  and  college  life,  i.  xxiv- 
vii,  xxxvi,  xlviL 

—  in   the  Church,  i.   xxx,  xlvii-1, 
Ixxi-ii,  Ixxxiii. 

—  life  in  London,  i.  xxxvi-xl,  xliv, 
xlvi,  1,  Ix. 

—  visits  to  Oxford,  i.  xl,  Ixi,  Ixxxv- 

•  • 

Vll. 

—  continental  tours,  i.  xli-vi. 

—  his  marriage,  i.  liii. 

—  residence  in  America,  i.  liv-viii. 

—  retirement  at  Cloyne,  i.  budi. 

—  his  family,  i.  Ixxxiv-v. 

—  death  and  burial,  i.  Ixxxvii. 

—  his  character,   i.  xxiv-v,  xxxix, 
xlv,l,  liv,  Ivi,  lix,  Ixxii-iii,  Ixxxiii— 
iv. 

—  intellectual  tendencies,  i.  xxvii- 
viii,  1-4,  79,  92  :  cf.  iv.  2. 

—  philanthropic    aims,    i.    xlvi-li, 
Iviii-lx,   Ixxiv-vi,  Ixxxii-iii :     cf. 

iv,  320,  34?-5»393,  419,  597- 

—  controversies,  i.xxvi,lxviii,lxxiii- 

iv,  Ixxvii;  ii.  12-3,  23  «.,  372-4, 
380-4;  iii.  3-11,132-6. 

—  literary  style,  i.  xlvi,  Ixi,  35 1  ;  ii. 
7;  iii.  118 ;  iv.  420. 

—  philosophy,  its  two  leading  princi- 
ples, i.  275  «. 

summarised,  i.  452,  457,  484  : 

cf.  xxxii-v,  Ixii-vii,  Ixxvi-lxxxii. 
in  what  sense  immaterialism, 

i.  478-84. 
in    relation    to   solipsism,    i. 

278 «.,  284,  308,  339,  446,  452, 

465  «. 
its  appeal  to  common  sense,  i. 

46,237,380-1,462,484-5 ;  ii.352. 
influence  of  Locke,  i.  105-8, 

21.5-9,  369- 
relation    to    Hume,   i.    Ixxv, 

Ixxxvi,  I3«.,  27-8««.,  364,  447  «., 

499-51,  457  «•,  51 1  «• ;  "i-  401- 
relation  to  Kant  and  Hegfel,  iii. 

405-8. . 
criticisms  of,  iii.  399  ff. :  cf.  i. 

363-5*  465  «. 
objections  anticipated,  i.  227- 

31,  275  ff.,  359-63,  449-51- 

earlier  and  later,  contrasted ,  i. 

Ixxvii,  4,  2 1 7-9 ;  iii.  1 1 9, 1 26, 1 36. 


INDEX 


6oi 


Berkeley,  George,  ethics,  ii.  63-7, 
90-7, 128-53;  iv.  104-10, 118-32. 

—  economics,  iv.  419-30,  433  ff., 
568  ff.  :  cf.  333  ff. 

Berkeley,    George,    Prebendary,    i. 

xlviiw. 
Berkeley  of  Stratton,  Lord,  i.  373. 
Bermuda,  iv.  351-4. 

—  scheme,  1.  xlviii-lx ;   iv.  343-5, 
346  ff.,  363-4. 

Blastersy  iv.  479-80,  503-5. 
Blind,  one  bom,  hypothetical  case 
of,  i.  146,  167,  173,  179-81,  191, 

193. 

—  cases  of  restoration  of  sight  to,  i. 
310;  ii.  410-5. 

Bodies.    See  Things,  Matter. 
Boerhaave,  Hermann,  iii.  158,  160, 

163,  173,  176,  187,189,  314. 
Borelli,  iGiov.,  i.  490,  504,  506-7, 

525  ;  "•  330  ;  »"•  241 ;  iv.  31 1-3. 
Boyle,  Richard,  Earl  of  Burlington, 

ii.  95. 
Boyle,  Robert,  iii.  145, 194, 196,336. 
Brindisi,  iv.  362-4. 
Brown,  Thomas,  i.  114,  305  «.,  364, 

511  w. 
Browne,  Peter,  i.  xxvi,  Ixviii-lxx; 

ii.  6,  II,  187 «.,  i89«.,   331  «., 

384  n, ;  iii.  3. 
Butler,  Joseph,  his  Analogy,  ii.  6, 

12,     i^on.y    376-7 ««.,     2S2n., 

313  «.;  iv.  495  «. 

—  ethics,  ii.  61  «.,  93  «.  ;  iv.  109  «. 

—  also,  i.  Ixxiii,  337  n. ;  iv.  516. 

Calculus,    differential,   i.   9,    83-8, 

331-3;    iii.    18  ff.,    63  ff,   97  ff., 

103  ff. 
Calderwood,  Henry,  i.  lxx«. 
Causation,  efficient,  prerogative  of 

spirit,  i.   18,  55,  371,  314,  431; 

iii.  199-300. 

—  natural,  not  efficiency  but  symbol- 
ism, i.  371-4, 386, 394-5 '»  "•  387 ; 

iii.  199-203,  333,  340,  242-4. 

—  secondary,   only  significative,  i. 
10,  17,  274,  286,  342;  iii.  201-2. 

—  occasional,  unintelligible,  i.  295- 

301,  433-4- 

—  final,  i.  31 7. 

Chain  (atiph),  universal,  in  nature, 
iii.  129,  256,  270. 


Chesselden,  William,  on  case  of 
blindness,  i.   iio-i,   115  n.;    ii. 

378,  4"- 
Chiineras,   how  distinguished  from 

realities,  i.  15,  23,  275-7,  303-4, 

452. 
Christianity,  utility    of,  ii.   198-9, 
205-6,  223. 

—  evidences  of,  ii.  242  ff. 

—  compared  with  other  religions,  ii. 
303-16. 

—  founded  on  natural  religion,  ii. 
230. 

—  m3rsteries  of,  ii.  317  ff. 
Chronology'  and  history,  ancient,  ii. 

387-96. 
Church    and    clergy,    ii.    199-302, 

207-8,  214-9,  233-34. 
Cicero,  quoted,  ii.  i,  48,  149,  200, 

360;  iii.  283,  299;  iv.  95/  109, 

I39»  i47»  319*  331- 
Clarke,  Samuel,  his  relations  with 

Berkeley,  i.  xxxi,  xxxv-ix,  Ii,  354- 

6 ;  iii.  399. 

—  doctrine  of  real  or  absolute  space, 
i-  324«'»520«.;  ii.  19;  iii.  253, 
263. 

—  also,  i.  282  ». ;  ii.  24  n,f  155  //., 
175  n.,  295  «,,  346  «.,  383  n. 

Colden,  Cadwallader,  iii.  391-2. 
Collier,     Arthur,     i.     xl,    368-71, 

466  n. ;  iii.  384-9. 
Collins,   Anthony,  i.   xxxix ;   ii.  6, 

23»  35«-»  54>  i79i  282  «.,  284  «., 

319  «.,  346  «.,  375,  383-4;  iii.  5, 

293  ;  iv.  139-42. 
Collins,  John,  iii.  28^.;  85. 
Colour,  proper  object  of  sight,  i. 

146,  204. 

—  not   real  without  mind,  i.   204, 

392-7- 

—  relation    to    extension,    i.     147, 

204-5. 

Common  sense,  enlightened,  Berke- 
ley's philosophy  a  return  and  appeal 
to,i.  46,  237,  380-1,  462,  484-5  ; 
ii.  352  :  cf.  ii.  267-8. 

Condillac,  E.  de,  on  theory  of  vision, 
i.  III. 

Connexion  of  ideas,  as  known,  ex> 
periential  as  distinct  firom  ne- 
cessary, i.  71,  73,  132-5,  156-8, 
200,  274;   ii.  397. 


602 


INDEX 


Connexion  of  ideas,  as  successive, 
not  causal  but  significative,  i.  lo, 
271,  294;  ii.  387. 

Cowper,  William,  iii.  225  «. 

Creation  is  continuous,  i.  282 ;  ii. 
16,  174. 

—  Mosaic  account  of,  i.  471-8 ;  ii. 
293-4. 

Crime,  its  relation  to  industry,  iv. 

426-7,  456-7. 
Cudworth,  Ralph,  iii.  242-6, 292, 297. 

Death,  i.  Ixxxi-ii. 

Deism,  English,  ii.  6,  228,  380.    See 

also  Free-thinking. 
Democritus,  mechanical  hypothesis, 

i.  522 ;  iii.  242,  255,  279. 
Derodon,  David,  i.  242  ».,  512  «., 

516  «.,  519  «. 
Descartes,  Ren^,  his  philosophy  in 

relation  to  Berkeley's,  i.  48-54, 

217,  239  «„  258  «.,  446,  511. 

—  cogito  ergo  sum,  i.  44. 

—  on  vision,  i.  104,  119  «.,  128  «., 
146^2.,  164,  172,  207. 

—  also,  i.  148 «.,  238^.,  243,  2S6n., 
298,  517  «.;  ii.  I55«. ;  iii.  232, 
238,  240  ;  iv.6i,  82, 148. 

Deslandes,  Andre,  iv.  147,  153. 
Diderot,  Denis,  i.  103,  in. 
Dionysius  the  Areopagite,  ii.  182-4. 
Distance,  defined,  i.  11,  127,  182. 

—  invisibility  of,  a  postulate  of  the 
Theory  pf  Vision,  i.  99,  127  nn. 

—  not  a  proper  object  of  sight,  i. 
146-51,  189-90. 

—  perception  of,  i.  148-9  ;  ii.  407-9. 

—  near,  signs  of,  i.  131-5. 

—  remote,  signs  of,  i.  128. 
Dunmore,  Cave  of,  iii.  74  flf.,  410. 

Economics,  Berkeley's  contribution 
to,  iv.  419-20,  422  ff.,  568  ff. :  cf. 

323  ff. 
Education,  thoughts  on,  ii.  368  ;  iv. 

162-5,  438-40- 
Edwards,   Jonathan,  conception   of 

the    material    world,    ii.    21-2, 

172  «.  ;  iii.  393-8. 
Egyptian  philosophy,  iii.  209,  251- 

6.  261-2,  267-8,  277-80,  295-7. 
Empedocles,  iii.  205,  247,  254,  290. 
Esse\s  percipi^  i.  259. 


Esse  2&percipire,  i.  302, 307, 31 2,336. 
Ethics,  Berkeley's  views  on,  ii.  63-7, 

90-7,128-52;  iv.  104-TO,  118-22. 
Evil,   problem   of,   i.   344-5,   454» 

458-9 ;  ii.  189-90. 
Existence,  is  either  percipi  or  perci- 

pere,  i.  8,  10,  15,  37,  59,  258-61, 

302,312,336,  451. 

—  as  independent  of  all  mind,  unin- 
telligible, i.  259,  270,  302. 

—  mind  its  indispensable  realising 
factor,  i.  220-7. 

—  potential  and  actual,  distinguish- 
ed, i.  82,  281  «. :  cf.  iii.  274-5. 

Extension,  not  independent  of  mind, 
i.  81,  263,  265,  269,  398-401. 

—  not  an  attribute  of  mind,  i  57-8, 
284. 

—  distinguishing  character  of  the 
material  world,  i.  264  n. 

—  connexion  with  motion,  iii.  53. 

—  as  object  of  geometry,  i.  65,  188, 

201-5,  327- 

—  absolute  or  abstract,  incompre- 
hensible, i.  187,  402-4. 

—  sensible,  not  infinitely  divisible,  i. 
63-4,  84,  86-8,  153,  327-30;  iii. 
410-3. 

—  visible,  its  relation  to  colour,  i. 
18,  147,  204-5. 

and  tangible,  heterogeneous,  i. 

68,  82,  150. 

not  necessarily  connected, 

i.  156. 

Externality,  distinguished  from  ex- 
tensity,  i.  146  «.,  I50». 

—  =  absolute  independence,  denied, 
i.  267-70. 

—  =s  relative  independence,  affirm- 
ed, i.  278,  308,  446,  452. 

Faith,  connected  with  probability 
and  practice,  ii.283, 31 1-3, 335-40. 

—  ■=  trust  in  the  ultimate  reason- 
ableness of  the  universe,  i.  345  n. ; 
ii.  180  ».,  192/^.,  383^.;  iii.  233  ff. 

Fashion,  thoughts  on,  iv.  423,  431, 

434,  458. 
Fate,  iii.  238,  254-5. 

Fenelon,  Fran9ois,  iv.  166-9. 

Ferrier,  J.  F.,  i.  116  «.,  351. 

Ficinus,  Marcilius,  i.  91  ;  ii.   268  ; 

iii.  216,  221-3,  260,  296  w. 


INDEX 


603 


Fire,  invisible,  or  aether,  nature  and 
functions  of,  iii.  198,  300-3. 

vital  spirit  in  nature,  iii.  199- 

200,  223-4:  cf.  ii.  372-3. 

—  —  ultimate  natural  cause,  iii. 
198,  200,  202. 

ancient  opinions    about,  iii. 

204-10,  231. 

modem  views  of,  iii.  213-21. 

Fire-worship,  iii.  21 1-2. 

Fluxions.    See  Calculus. 

Force,  notion  of,  i.  501-6 ;  ii.  329- 
31 ;  iii.  226,  240-2. 

Fowler,  Thomas,  i.  Ixix  n. 

Free-thinkers,  so-called,  character 
and  tenets  of,  ii.  35-57,  115,  and 
Akiphron,  passim;  iv.  139-42, 
146,  150-4,   160,  169-73,  176-9, 

183,  444»  488-9. 

—  as  minute  philosophers,  ii.  35  «., 
48-0;  iv.  170. 

Free-thinking,  defined,  ii.  48-9  ;  iv. 

139- 

—  so-called,  atheism  its  acme,  ii. 

42-3,  4576,  380-5. 

scepticism  its  issue,  ii.  360. 

Free-will,  ii.  24«.,  346-56 :  cf.  i.454. 
Future  state,  i.  Ixxix-lxxxii ;  iv.  87ff., 

143-7,  183-5. 

—  reward  and  punishment,  ii.  143- 
7 ;  iv.  159-62. 

Garth,  Sir  Samuel,  iii.  4,  66. 
Gassendi,  Pierre,  i.  109,  164,  209. 
Gentleman*  s     Magazine,    i.     no, 

16%  n.,  180  ». 
Geometry,  object  of,  i.  188,  201-6, 

327. 

—  application   of  Principles   to,   i. 

327-32. 
Geulinx,  Arnold,  i.  286/;.,  296  ft. 
Glanvill,  Joseph,  i.  105. 
God,  existence  of,  i.  340,  342,  424- 

5,  448  ;  ii.  160-3,  171-5. 

—  the  fundamental  presupposition 
of  experience,  i.  345-6  nn.,  446  ». ; 
ii.  192  n. 

—  Omnipotent  Goodness  in  the  con- 
crete, i.  Ixvii :  cf.  ii.  1 78-80  nn. 

—  knowledge  of,  as  inferential,  i. 

425,  448. 

not  inferential,  i.  340  «.,  345/1.; 

ii.  158  «.,  192  «.,  366  «. 


God,  knowledge  of,  compared  with 

our  knowledge  of  other  spirits,  i. 

340,  448;  ii.  1 60-1. 
in  what  respect  analogical,  ii. 

179-89  :  cf.  i.  Ixix-lxx ;  ii.  383-4. 
later     development    of    the 

problem,  i.  Ixvii-lxx. 

—  nature  or  attributes  of,  i.  Ixii- 
Ixx,  Ixxviii,  340-7  ;  ii.  178-91. 

Schoolmen  on,  ii.  182-7. 

scriptural      conception,      iv. 

180-2. 

—  ancient  conceptions  of,  iii.  268, 
278-82,  285,  288-98. 

—  as  pure  intellect,  iii.  262. 

—  immanent,  i.  282,  342,  512  ;  ii. 
16,  174-5;  iii.  262,  268,  280. 

Good,  general,  criterion  of  morality, 
ii.  63-7  ;  iv.  106-8. 

—  equivalent  to  happiness,  iv.  104. 

—  the  (to  'A7atf(5i/^,  iii.  246-7, 
288-9. 

Government,    foundation     of,     iv. 

115-7; 

—  submission     to,    a    moral    and 

natural  law, iv.  in  ff. 

—  and  religion,  iv.  483  ff. 
Grace,  notion  of,  ii.  321-2,  331. 
Gravitation,  i.  31,  88,314-6,459-60, 

501-6;  ii.  15-6  ;  iii.  231-42,  278. 
Greeks  and  Romans,  character  of, 

ii.  204-14. 
Grew,  Nehemiah,  iii.  153,  156. 
Grotto  del  Cane  of  Naples,  iii.  195. 

Hales,  Stephen,  iii.  134,  217,  334. 
Halley,  Edmund,  iii.  4,  66. 
Hamilton,  Sir  William,  criticism  of 
Berkeley,  i.  364-5  ;  iii.  403-4. 

—  argument  against  representative 
perception  anticipated  by  Berke- 
ley, i.  305-6, 465 ;  »•  391- 

—  on  theory  of  vision,  i.  115. 

—  also,  i.  Ixx,  84^.,  lo^n.,  i^6n.f 
190  «.,  193  «. ;  ii.  375  «.,  384  «. 

Happiness,  general,  the  moral  end, 
ii.  64-7  ;  iv.  106,  176-7. 

—  and  kinds  of  pleasure,  ii.  90  ;  iv. 
105. 

Hartley,  David,  on  theory  of  vision, 

i.  112. 
Hegel,    G.  W.    F.,   in   relation   to 

&rkeley,  iii.  406-7. 


6o4 


INDEX 


Heraclitus,  on  fire-principle,  iii.  204- 
5,  208-9,  231- 

—  doctrine  of  change,  iii.  389-90. 
Hermathena,  iii.  409. 

Hermic  writings,   iii.   209,    253-5, 

261,  267,  280. 
Hervey,  Lord,  i.  Ixviii;  ii.  13,  55, 

196. 
Higginson,  Colonel,  i.  Iv. 
Hippocrates,   on  fire-principle,  iii. 

205,  208,  231. 

—  also,  iii.  154,  237-8,  334-5' 
Hobbes,  Thomas,  i.  49-53,  131  «., 

164,  310,  421 «.,  425;    ii.  178, 
383 ;  iii.  293. 
Romberg,    William,    iii.    189-92, 

206,  213-6,  220. 

Horace,  quoted,  ii.  95,  149 ;  iii. 
115;  iv.  150,  173,  176. 

Hume,  David,  on  Berkeley's  philo- 
sophy, i.  Ixxv,  256  «.,  438  n. ;  iii. 
401. 

—  objection  anticipated  by  Berkeley, 

.    i- 449-51- 

—  his    philosophy   in    relation    to 

Berkeley's,    i.    xxvi,    Ixvii,    Ixx, 
Ixxxvi,  I3«.,  27-8  ««.,  364, 447  «., 

457  ^^-j  5"  «• 

—  on  general  ideas,  i.  Ixxv,  256  n. 

—  on  proof  of  fact,  ii.  158  «. 

—  on  miracles,  ii.  267  «.,  285  n. 

—  also,  i.  148 «.,  273 «.,  297  «., 
305  «.;  ii.  i8o«.,  28o«. ;  iv.  420. 

Idea,  meaning  of,  i.  9,  47,  149,  216- 
20. 

—  kinds  of,  i.  257  :  cf.  89-90. 

—  in  contradistinction  to  thing,  i. 
34,  258,  277-8,  453. 

—  as  equivalent  to  image,  i.  35, 
274,  276. 

—  as  distinguished  from  notion,  i. 
17,36,71,  272,307,338;  ii.  328. 

—  inapplicable  to  spirit,  i.  307, 
334-6,  447-8 ;  ii.  327. 

Ideas,  not  copies  of  things,  i.  30,  35, 
52,  261,  288,  305,  308,  465. 

—  not  modifications  of  individual 
mind,  i.  284;  iii.  405. 

—  production  of,  i.  267-8,  288-9, 
340,  456-7. 

—  passivity  of,  i.  34,  41,  270-1, 
406-8. 


Ideas,  connexion  of,  experiential  as 
distinct  firom  necessary,  i.  71,  73, 
133-5,  156-8,  200,  274;  ii.  397. 

—  succession  of,  not  causal  but 
significative,  i.  i  D,  2  7 1 ,  294 ;  ii.  387. 

—  relation  to  words,  i.  33,  244-5, 
250-6 ;  ii.  319-20,  324-9. 

—  as  representative  or  significant,  i. 
245 ;  ii.  326. 

—  how  general  or  universal,  i.  244- 
8  ;  ii.  326,  340. 

—  abstract.    See  Abstract  Ideas. 

—  of  sense,  are  real,  i.  52,  274,  307, 
463,  469. 

not  representative  of  externals, 

i.  288,  305-6,  465. 
in  what  sense  external,  i.  308  : 

cf.  267. 

—  presentative  and  representative 
distinguished,  i.  2 74-6, 2 77  «.,  379. 

—  innate,  i.  34  ;  iii.  272-6. 

—  divine  or  archetypal,  i.  297  «., 
299,  300  nn.'f  iii.  126-7,  285-6. 

Identity,  meaning  of,  i.  466-8. 

—  personal,  i.  72  ;  ii.  334-5- 
Images,  inverted,  explanation  of,  i. 

176,  185;  ii.  402-3. 
Imagination,    in    distinction    from 
sense,  i.  273-4,  276-7,  452. 

—  and  abstraction,  i.  242. 

—  its  function  of  suggestion,  i.  415- 
6 ;  ii.  386,  397,  399. 

Immaterialism,  what  it  is,  i.  481-4. 

—  advantages  of,  i.  478-80. 
Immortality  of  the  soul,  i.  Ixxix- 

Ixxxii,  337  ;  ii.  269  n. ;   iv.  87  ff., 
144,  162,  184. 
Industry,  only  source  of  wealth,  iv. 
323-6,  422-6,  473. 

—  means  of  promoting,  iv.  423, 
427-^8,442,456-7,465-7. 

—  home,  encouragement  of,  iv.  325, 
429,  470-1. 

Infinitesimals  and  infinite  divisibility, 
i.  9,  63-4,  83-8,  153,  283,  327- 
32  ;  iii.  410-3.    See  also  Calculus. 

Inspiration,  ii.  242  ff. 

Intellect,  distinguished  from  sense, 
iii.  249,  269-73. 

—  relations  of,  i.  219,  248  n.,  256  m., 

307,  338. 
Ireland,  distress  in,  and  its  causes, 

iv.  423,  431,  434,  544-5- 


INDEX 


605 


Ireland,  distress  in,  its  remedies,  iv. 
428  ff.,  545  ff.,  568  fif. 

—  trade  and  manafactnres  of,  their 
condition    and    possibilities,    iv. 

428-37,  471-2. 

—  agricultural  possibilities  of,  iv. 
430,  447,  459,  549-50- 

—  relations  with  England,  iv.  430, 
451,461,  589-90. 

Irish,   character   of,   iv.  423,   454, 

543-5,  551-3. 

—  descent  of,  iv.  468-9,  543,  545. 

Ischia  or  Inarime,  i.  xlvi,  Ixxiii ;  iv. 
221-2,  296-311. 

Jamblichus,  ii.  268;  iii.  252,  255-6, 
267,  277. 

James,  Sir  John,  i.  liii,  Ivi;  iv.  520. 

Johnson,  Samuel  (of  America),  his 
conception  of  the  material  world 
and  causation,  in  relation  to 
Berkele/s,i.  Ivii;  ii.14;  iii.  390-3. 

—  Berkeley's  correspondence  with, 
i.  viii-ix,  Ix,  Ixviii,  Ixxxii,  31  w., 
52  w.,  66  w.,  213,  282^2.,  300  w., 
312  «.;  ii.  15-21  ;  iii.  3,  344  «. 

Johnson,  Samuel  (of  England),  iii. 

403. 
Johnston,  S.  P.,  iii.  409-10. 

Josephus,  ii.  299-302. 

Jurin,  James,  iii.  8-11,  97. 

Kant,  Immanuel,  his  philosophy  in 
relation  to  Berkeley's,  i.  338 «. ; 
iii.  405-8. 

—  conception  of  space,  its  connexion 
with  theory  of  vision,  i.  186  w., 
201  n.;  ii.  397 w. 

King,  William,  i.  xxvi,  Ixx;  ii.  6, 

II,  187  «.,  384  «. 
Knowledge,  objects  of,  i.  257,  305. 

—  nature  of,  iii.  269-76. 

—  intermediate  between  omniscience 
and  nescience,  i.  Ixxviii ;  ii.  192 12. : 
cf.  iii.  248-9,  287-8,  298-9. 

Labour,  true  source  of  wealth,  iv. 

422,  425,  473. 
Language,  twofold  use  of,  i.  45-6, 

250-3  ;  "•  319-20,  327-8,  344- 

—  relation  to  ideas,  i.  33,  253-6. 

—  source  of  error,  i.  ao,  33,  40,  57, 
186,  250-6. 


Language  of  nature,  i.  151, 196,  200, 
281,    295,   317;   ii.   170-2,    175, 
397-8;  iii.  244-5. 
Laws  of  nature,  i.  273-4,  3^7,  447' 

are  divine   language,  i.  295, 

317;  ii.  175-6,  398;  iii.  244-5. 

—  moral,  nature  and  source  of,  iv. 
104-10,  118-22,  133-4. 

Leibniz,  G.  W.,  criticism  of  Berkeley, 
iii.  399. 

—  doctrine  of  original^  providence, 
i.  282  «. ;  ii.  16,  175;  iii.  233. 

—  on   motion    and   force,   i.    490, 
501 «.,  503,  506-7,  5i9»-;  ii-  330. 

—  differential  calculus,  i.  85 ;  iii. 
29fF.,  411-2. 

—  also,  i.    115  «.,   193  «•,   251  «., 

345  «•,  357;  "•  294  »•,  383- 
Light,  nature  and  functions  of,  iii. 

157,  203,  221-5. 

—  Newton's  theory  criticised,  iii. 
226-30. 

Locality  or  situation,  perception  of, 

i.  171  ff. ;  ii.  401-3. 
Locke,    John,    his    philosophy    in 

relation  to  Berkeley's,  i.   215-9, 

369. 

—  anticipation  of  theory  of  vision, 
i.  105-8. 

—  Molyneux's  problem,  i.  106,  193. 

—  meaning  of  idea,  i.  149,  307,  338. 

—  on  abstract  ideas,  i.  188-9,  243- 
6 ;  iii.  91-3. 

—  on  abuse  of  words,  i.  254. 

—  on  primary  and  secondary  quali- 
ties, i.  262-3,  294. 

—  theory  of  government,  iv.  115  «., 
120  n,f  122  n.,  126  ft. 

—  also,  i.  XXV,  12,  18,  21-67,  71, 
78,  82,  85,  89,  ii9«.,  131 «., 
149W.,  i8o«.,  191,  235«.,  237- 
9««.,  257  «.,  264,  271,  312  «., 
314  «.,    321  «.,    328  «.,    334  «., 

338  «.,  397  «•,  446  «.,  5i9-2o««., 
524 ff.;  ii.  19,  278 «.,  319-20 ««., 

334 »•,  343  ».;  iii.  4^0-3;  iv.  55, 

61,  90. 
Lorenz,  Theodor,  i.  xlvii  n. 
Loyalty,   a    moral    duty,  iv.    104, 

iiiff. 
Lucretius,  quoted,  ii.  154,  245. 
Luxury,  source  of  national  ruin,  iv. 

327-31,  427, 435-^,  4^3. 


6o6 


INDEX 


Mackintosh,  Sir  James,  on  Berkeley, 
i.  115;  ii.  374,  381  n, ;  ill.  283  ; 
iv.  420. 

Madden,  Samuel,  i.lxxY,  26;  iv.  597. 

Magnitude,  perception  of,  i.  152-8 ; 
ii.  404-7. 

Malebranche,  Nicolas,  his  philo- 
sophy in  relation  to  Berkeley's, 
i.  217,369. 

—  anticipation  of  theory  of  vision, 
i.  105. 

—  doctrine  of  divine  vision,  i.  295- 
7,341,426-8;  ii.  174. 

—  also,  i.  xlii,  9,  24,  38,  50-1,  76- 
81,  119;^.,  146 ».,  148  ».,  155^., 
238  «.,  286  n„  298,  303  «.,  397  «.; 
iii.  384;  iv.  61. 

Man,  nature  of,  ii.  93-4,   235-6, 

Mandeville,  Bernard,  controverted  in 
Alciphron,  ii.  10,  69-70 »«.:  cf. 
iv.  499. 

—  his  reply,  ii.  12,  33«.,  71  «. 
Manetho,  ii.  289-92,  296. 
Mansel,    H.    L.,    i.    Ixx,    179 »., 

384  »• 

Manufactures,  home,  promotion  of, 

iv.  325-6,  428-9,  471. 
Martin,  Murdoch,  i.  xlii ;  iv.  77  n. 
Mason,  Mrs.  Livingston,  i.  Ivi  n. 
Mathematics,    application    of    the 

Principles  to,  i.  324-32. 

—  value  of  study,  iii.  18 ;  iv. 
60-2. 

—  limitations  of,  iii.  51. 

—  mysteries  of,  iii.  18-21. 

—  queries  on  principles  and  methods, 
iii.  52-60. 

—  treatises  on,  iv.  2. 

Matter,  not  independent  of  mind,  i. 
262,  268,  287,  298. 

—  no  substratum^  L  29,  33,  63,  266, 

298,  408-10. 

—  not  an  agent  or  efficient  cause,  i. 
290-5,  429-33. 

—  not  unknown  occasion,  i.  295-6, 

433-4. 

—  indeterminate,    a    nonentity,    i. 

299,  301-2,  435-7. 

—  its  relation  to  mind  or  spirit  sui 
generis^  i.  284  «.,  286  n. 

—  and  spirit,  no  tertium  quid,  i.  457. 
Mill,  J.  S.,  his  relation  to  Berkeley, 


i.  116  n,y  I2%n,y  20511.,  3^,447> 

511  ». 
Mind,  defined,  i.  27-8,  258. 

—  realising  factor  of  all  existence,  i. 
220-7. 

—  sensible  qualities  unreal  in  ab- 
straction from,  i.  262-5, 30I7  384^' 

—  body  or  matter  dependent  on,  i. 
262-70,  298. 

—  not  extended,  i.  57-8,  284. 

—  whether  a  tabula  rasa,  i.  23,  34, 
48,  257,  307,  338;  iii.  272-6. 

—  Universal,  or  God,  i.  424-5,  447. 

—  rb  ijytfioviKoy,  iii.  109-202,  262, 
265-6,  279-80  :  cf.  1.  51 1-2  ;  ii. 
181. 

^  See  also  Spirit 

Minimum  mstbiUf  i.  62,  74,  153, 

168-70,  209 :  cf.  156,  332. 
Minute    philosopher,     origin    and 

meaning  of  the  name,  ii.  i,  35  »., 

48-9 ;  iv.  169-70. 
Miracles,  ii.  246-9,  267  «.,  308-13  ; 

iv.  no. 
Molyneux,  Samuel,  iii.  409;  iv.  4, 

41,64. 

—  William,  problem  on  vision,  i. 
60-1,  106,  193. 

on  perception  of  distance,  i. 

108,  12S  ft.,  145. 
also,  i.  XXV,  72,  135  «.,  152  «., 

164,  172  ;  iii.  409  ;  iv.  4,  41. 
Money,  nature  of,  iv.  175-6,  323, 

327,    422-6.    447-8,    450,    461, 

474- 

—  is  not  wealth,  iv.  323,  327,  424, 

473. 

—  circulation  of,  iv.  422-3,  442-3, 

465-7,  474- 

—  paper,  its  use  and  abuse,  iv.  441- 
4,  448,  460-1. 

Moral  agency,  ii.  24«.,  346-56  :  cf. 

i.  454. 

—  attraction  or  community,  iv.  1 86- 
90. 

—  beauty,  ii.  125-30,  143. 

presupposes    providence,    ii. 

138-40. 
insufficient  as  motive,  ii.  141- 

2,  145,  149-52. 

—  evil,  i.  454;  ii.  189-90:  cf.  L 
344-5 ;  ii.  458-9. 

—  implications    of    experience,    i. 


INDEX 


607 


Ixvii,  345-6  nn. ;   ii.  1 74-80  ««., 

192  ». 
Moral  rules,  absolute,  iv.  104,  108, 

118-22,  133-4. 

laws  of  nature,  iv.  107-8,  iii. 

reason  their  source,  iv.  108-9. 

—  sense,  ii.  125-6, 129-30,  143. 
inadequate    as    criterion,    ii. 

129, 142. 
Mosaic  account  of  creation,  i.  471- 
8 ;  ii.  293-4. 

—  history  and  chronology,  ii.  287-96. 
Motion,  dependent  on  mind,  i.  363, 

265,400-1 :  cf.  51 1-2 ;  iii.  200,  ao2. 

—  connexion  with  extension,  iii.  53. 

—  only  relative,  i.  319-22,  402-3, 

523-4. 

—  perception  of,  i.  195. 

—  source  of,  i,  506-16 ;  iii.  200, 
202,  241-2. 

—  nature  of,  i.  516-9,  524-5. 

—  communication  of,  i.  525-7. 

—  treatise  on,  i.  487. 

Naples,  iv.  249,  285-9,  293-6. 
National  religion,  iv.  483  ff. 

—  ruin,  prevention  of,  iv.  321  ff. 

—  wealth,  wherein  it  consists,  iv. 

42a-7»  433-4»  44i»  4^1,  475-6. 
Natural     philosophy,     i.     313-23, 
526-7 ;  ii.  15 ;  iii.  232-43,  261, 
364-5. 

—  principles,  criterion  of,  ii.  47,  58- 
68. 

—  religion,  ii.  55,  202-3,  330. 
Nature,  meaning  of,  i.  342. 

—  laws  of,  i.  273-4,  317,  447. 

—  uniformity  of,  i.  292,  317 ;  iii. 
201,  233,  243. 

—  language  of,i.  151, 196,  200, 281, 
295»  317 ;  »•  170-2,  175,  397-8  ; 
iii.  244-5. 

Newport.    See  Rhode  Island. 

Newton,  Sir  Isaac,  theory  of  gravita- 
tion, i.  31,  88,  506,  525  ;  ii.  15  ; 
iii.  231-42. 

—  conception  of  space,  i  319,  519 ; 
ii.  19 ;  iii.  363-3. 

—  on  motion,  i.  13,  318,  331,  501, 
510,  513, 517,  519,  536 ;  ii,  394». 

—  theory  of  light,  iii.  157,  303,  236- 

30- 

—  elastic  ether,  iii.  227-30,  335-6. 


Newton,  Sir  Isaac,  doctrine  of 
fluxions,  i.  84-5;  iii.  6-7,  18  ff., 
74flf.,  412. 

—  his  authority,  iii.  69-73,  90. 

—  also,  i.  xxv-vi,  8,  26,  90,  501, 
510,  512, 5i7,5i9»  526 ;  ii.  294^.; 
iii.  189-92,  197,  220;  iv.  48,  50. 

Nominalism,  Berkeley's  early,  sub- 
sequently modified,  i.  218-9;  ii. 
333,  341 ;  iii.  126:  cf.  366 ». 

Non-resistance  to  government,  a  law 
of  nature  and  morality,  iv.  1 1 1  ff. 

Norris,  John,  i.  303  «.,  370 ;  iii.  384. 

Notion,  used  synonymously  with 
idea,i.  239,242,247,260,270,335. 

—  distinguished  from  idea,  i.  17  ff., 
7i«.,  373,307,338;ii.338;  iii.  373. 

Number,  nature  of,   i.   334-7;    ii. 

341-2. 

—  not  independent  of  mind,  i.  364 : 

cf.  iii.  363. 

—  perception  of,  i.  179-81. 

Obedience  to  government,  a  moral 
and  natural  law,  iv.  iii  ff. 

Objects,  not  distinct  from  ideas,  i. 
9»  30>  35»  259-60,  405-8. 

—  of  different  senses,  heterogeneous, 

i.  463-4. 
Occasional  cause,  i.  395-301,  433-4. 

One,  the  (t^  ''Ev),  iii.  361-2,  288-95. 

Origen,  i.  477  n. ;  ii.  268,  397. 

Outness,  i.  137,  189,  280,  413.    See 

Distance. 

Parmenides,  doctrine  of  the  One,  iii. 
361-3,  390-3. 

Pascal,  Blaise,  i.  344 ».;  ii.  I3, 
17011. ;  iii.  365/1. »  i*^.  ii5* 

Patriotism,  iv.  331-5,  561-3- 

Pembroke,  Earl  of,  i.  xxxiv-v,  233. 

Perception,  ambiguity  of  the  term,  i. 
130  «. 

-^  its  mediacy  and  immediacy  dis- 
tinguished, i.  415-6. 

—  not  wholly  representative,  i.  52, 
288  «.,  305,  3o6«.,  465. 

—  See  also  Sense. 

Percival,  Sir  John,  i.  xxviii.  117. 

—  Berkeley's  correspondence  with,  i. 
xxx-i,  xxxiv-xli,  xliv-v,  xlvii-1, 
liii,  Iv,  Ivii-viii,  Ix,  352-5  ;   iv. 

342-3»  365. 


6o8 


INDEX 


Pennanenoe  of  things,  i,  281,  284, 

308,  424  «.,  446-7.  I 

Personal  identity,  i.  72 ;  ii.  334-5  : 

cL  i.  466-8. 
Phenomena,  iii.  243-4.    Su  Ideas. 
Philo,  iii.  260. 
Philosophical  Transactions ^  i.  iio, 

164;   ii.    378,  404  n.,   410;    iii. 

148  ;  iv.  74,  77,  285. 
Philosophy,  its  nature  and  value,  i. 

237 ;  iii.  264-5,  368-9,  291. 
Picns,  John,  of  Mirandula,  ii.  183  : 

ct  225. 
Pineal  gland,  iv.  147-54. 
Plato,  doctrine  of  ideas,  iii.  285-6. 
— doctrine  of  reminiscence,  iiL  2  7  2  -6. 

—  on  knowledge  and  opinion,  iii. 
270-1. 

—  on  existence  of  matter,  iii.  271, 

274»  277-8. 

—  T^  dya$6v,  iii.  288-9. 

—  world  as  animated,  iii.  199,  204, 
207,  259-60. 

—  on  future  state,  iv.  145. 

—  as  a  touchstone  of  mental  quality, 
iii.  283:  cf.  284,  291. 

—  also,  i.  512  ;  ii.  75,  127-8,  242, 
262,  269,  343,  368;  iii.  166,  217, 
223,  244,  248,  298;   iv.  130,  171, 

440?  493»  496- 
Platonism    in    Berkeley,   i.    297 «., 

480  w.;  iii.  1 1 8-9,  126-7,  285-6. 
Pleasure,  ii.  90-6;  iv.  105,  155-8: 

cf.  i.  47. 
Pliny,  iii.  145-52. 
Plotinus,   iii.   217,    221-3,    243-4, 

248,  282,  285,  295-6  ;  iv.  529. 
Plutarch,  iii.  205,  252,  254-5,  278. 
Pctmander,  iii.  209,  255. 
Pope,  Alexander,  i.  xxxvii-viii,  xliii- 

vi,  Ixxiii ;  ii.  95  n, ;  iv.  296  n. 
Porphyry,  iu  268,  297-9. 
Power,  i.  13,40.    ^<f^  Cause,  Force. 
Principle,  the  term,  i.  238-9,  514. 
Prior,  Thomas,  i.  xxiv,  Ixxv ;  iii.  132, 

303»  .344  »•>  347  ^- ;  iv.  421, 422  w. 

—  Berkeley's  correspondence  with, 

•  \*  1***  1*  1**      1'**      t  1  ••• 

1.  xli,  xliii,  xlix,  In,  lilt,  Ix,  Ixxiii, 
Ixxxiii-iv ;  iii.  4,  301  flf. ;  iv.  596. 

Proclus,  iii.  249,  275,  284,  289. 

Prophecy,  ii.  284-6. 

—  visual,  i.  200 ;  ii.  1 75-6  :  cf.  i. 
290  ;  iii.  243-5. 


Protagoras,  iii.  270,  274,  290. 
Providence,    divine,     is    maversal, 

constant,  and  immediate,  ii  1 74^ 

5 :  cf.  16. 

—  presupposed  in  divine  language 
of  nature,  ii.  175-6. 

Public  spirit,  iv.  331-5  :  cf.  561-3. 
Pythagoras,  iii.  279,  283-4,  '86. 

Qualities,  sensible,  not  real  without 
mind,  i.  262-5,  301,  384-401. 

—  primary  and  secondly,  L  263—5, 
298,312,397-405. 

Queries,   economic   and  social,   iv. 

339ff»567ff- 

—  on  mathematical  principles  and 

methods,  iii.  52-60. 

Raphson,  Ralph,  i.  52 ;  iii.  412. 
Reality  of  things,   meaning  of,  i. 

274-9.  305-8.  424»  463,  4<59- 
Reason  in  the  universe,  the  funda- 
mental presupposition  of  experi- 
ence, i.  345  n, ;  iii.  233  n. 

—  and  beauty,  ii.  133. 

—  source  of  moral  laws,  iv.  108-9. 
Rebellion,  iv.  1 1 1  ff. 

Reid,  Thomas,  criticism  of  Berkeley, 
i.  Ixxi,  Ixxxvi-vii,  339 «.,  364, 
405 ».,  414 ».,   465^2.;    iii.  401, 

403-4- 

—  argument  against  representative 

perception  anticipated  by  Berke- 
ley, i.  305-6,  465  ;  ii.  39^- 

—  on  theory  of  vision,  i.  113. 

—  also,  i.  135 «.,  I46«.,  181  «., 
203  «. 

Relations,  intellectual,  i.  219,  248  //., 

256  w.,  307,  338. 
Religion,  natural,  ii.  55,  202-3,  230. 

—  in  the  State,  iv.  321-2,  483  flf. 

—  See  also  Christianity. 
Responsibility,  moral,  ii.  346-56. 
Revelation,  ii.  242  ff. 

Rhode  Island,  i.  liii-lxii ;  ii.  4-5, 
31  «.,  34  w.,  194-5  ««.  ;  iii.  119, 
142  n,;  iv.  369,  402-4. 

Roman  Church,  Berkeley's  relations 
with  clergy  of,  iv.  508  ff.,  535  ff., 

541  ff. 
civil  and  political  disabilities 

attaching    to,    iv.    438,    445-6, 
548-9. 


INDEX 


609 


Roman  Chnrch  and  Anglican,  differ- 
ences   between,  iv.    519  ff. :    c£ 

446,  573-4- 
Romans  and  Greeks,  ii.  204-14. 

Rome,  iy.  225-48. 

Rose,  Arcbd&u:on,  i.  vii. 

Scepticism,  sonrce  of,  i.  237-8,  305. 

—  how  refuted  by  the  Principles,  i. 

305-8. 

—  the  issue  of  so-called  free- thinking, 

ii.  360. 
Schoolmen,  method  of,  i.  8,  18,  43, 
249;  ii.  215.  224. 

—  on  continual  creation,  i.  282. 

—  on  divine  attributes,  ii.  181-7. 

—  on  analogy,  ii.  186-7. 
Science.    Seg  Natural  Philosophy. 
Scriptures,  on  creation,  i.  471-8. 

—  and  existence  of  matter,  i  303. 

—  and  causation,  i.  343. 

—  and  fire-principle,  iii.  210,  212-3. 

—  inspiration  of,  ii.  242  ff. 
Seeker,  Thomas,  i.  Ixxii-iii,  Ixxxv. 
Self,  i.  258,  335,  447-50- 
Seneca,  ii  80,  146. 

Sense,  source  of  material  of  know- 
ledge, i.  23, 48,  257 :  cf.  iii.  272-3. 

—  its  immediacy,  i.  382-3. 

—  in  what  sense  mediate,  i.  415-6. 

—  its  certainty,  i.  306,  445^,  456. 

—  ideas  of,  are  reaJ,  i.  274-7,  305- 

8,  463*  469. 
not     representative,    i.    288, 

305-6,  465. 

in  what  sense  external,  i.  308 : 

cf.  267. 

—  contrast    and     connexion    with 
imagination,  i.  273-4, 276-7, 452. 

with  intellect,  iii.  249,  269-73. 

Senses,  no  common  object  of,  i.  190, 

463-4:  cf.  104. 
Seth  (Pringle-Pattison),  Andrew,  i. 

Ixxn. 
Shaftesbury,  Earl  of,  controverted 

in  Aldphroftf  ii.  10,  13,  12011. 

—  moral  sense,  ii.  125-30,  143. 

—  on  future  reward  and  punishment, 
ii.  143  «.,  147  «• 

—  Characteristics  quoted,  ii.   211, 
318,  220,  222,  225,  349. 

—  also,  i.  Ixviii ;    ii.  25,  248,  253, 
316,  352,  380-1 ;  iv.  189,  499. 

BBRKBLBY :     PRASBR.      IV. 


Sight,  the  most  comprehensive  sense, 
i.  119. 

—  colour  its  proper  object,!.  146, 204. 

—  its  objects  not  real  without 
mmd,  i.  146,  15a 

—  mediate  and  immediate  objects 
of,  i.  150,  Ig2. 

—  defects  of,  i.  169. 

—  ideas  of,  a  language  of  nature,  i. 
151,  196,  200,    281 ;  ii.    170-2, 

175,397-8.     .       , 

—  and  touch,  objects  heterogeneous, 
i.  61-2,  68,  82,  150,  153,  180, 
182,  186,  190,  195,  197;  ii.  395- 
401. 

connected  through  suggestion, 

i.  196-9,  280;  it  400-1. 
opposed  in  Theory  of  Vision 

but  equated  in  Principles,  i.  96, 

100,  280. 
Signs,  nature  and  use  of,  ii.  342-4, 397 . 

—  their  arbitrariness  or  contingency 
relatively  to  our  knowledge,  i 
158 «.,  198,  274;  ii.  163,  168- 

70,  397-8.  . 

—  words  are,  1.  244-5 ;  u.  319,  344. 

—  how  numbers  are,  i.  324-7 ;  iu 

341-3- 

—  natural  causes  are,  i.  271,  274, 

294-5  ;  ii.  387  ;  iii.  242-4. 

—  of  distance,  i.  128,  131-5. 

—  visual,  of  the  tactual,  i.  196-9, 280. 
Siris,  meaning  of  the  name,  iiL  129  : 

cf.  256,  270. 
Situation  or  locality,  perception  of, 

i.  171  ff.;  iL  401-3. 
Smibert,  John,  i.  liii  if.,  Iv. 
Smith,  Adam,  i.  114 ;  iv.  418,  420. 

—  Robert,  i.  no,  16411.,  167 »., 
193  «.,  200  n, ;  ii.  374. 

Socrates,  ii  62,  101-2,  149,  270, 
282  ;  iii.  275,  283-4,  298. 

Solipsism,  Berkeley's  philosophy  in 
relation  to,  i  27811.,  284,  308, 
339,446,  452:  cf.  46511. 

Soul,  nature  of,  i  258,  272,  335. 

—  immortality  of,  i.  Ixxix-lxxxii, 
337;  ii.  269 ».;  iv.  87  ff.,  144, 
162,  184. 

—  cs  animating  principle,  iii.  206- 
7,  209,  248,  279-80. 

—  of  the  universe,  iii.  199,  207, 
348,  355»  257-61. 

R  r 


6io 


INDEX 


South  Sea  scheme,  i.  xlvi-viii;   ii. 

4;  iv.  320-1,  333,333,336. 
Space,  not  a  proper  object  of  sight, 

i.  149,  189-90. 

—  absolute,  is  unreal,  1. 190  ;2.,  319, 
3a2-3>  519-22;  ii.  19;  iii.  253-4, 
263. 

—  See  also  Extension. 

Spinoza,  B.  de,  i.  Ixix,  52-4,  425; 
ii.  17b,  312,  362-3,  383  ;  iii.  293. 
Spirit,  defined,  i.  258,  272,  335. 

—  distinguished  from  idea,  i.  54-5, 

273,    305,    307,    334-6,    337-8, 
447-8;  ii.  327. 

—  as  notion,  i.  2  72, 307,  338;  ii.  328. 

—  the  only  substance  proper,  i.  261, 

449-51- 

—  the  only  efficient  cause,  i.  55, 
271,  289,  314,  431 ;  iii.  199-200. 

—  Infinite,  i.  273-5,  289,  340,  424, 

447»  457-8- 

—  other  finite  spirits,  existence  of, 

»•  339  '■  cf-  278  «.,  284,  308. 
knowledge  of,  mediate  or  in- 
ferential, i.   307,  336,  339,  341, 
448,  450. 

—  and  matter,  no  tertium  quid,  i.  45  7  • 

—  unbodied,  supposed  visual  ex- 
perience of,  i.  202-4. 

—  See  also  Mind. 

State,  momentum  of,  constitutes  its 

wealth,    iv.    475-6.        See    also 

Government. 
Steele,  Sir  Richard,  i.  xxxvii-ix ;  iv. 

138,  180  «. 
Stewart,  Dugald,  on  theory  of  vision, 

i.  104  ».,  114. 

—  also,  i.  xlii,  Ixxi,  205  «.,  251  n. ; 
ii.  344  w. 

Stillingneet,  Edward,  i.  20».,  39;/., 

40;  iii.  5. 
Stoics,  doctrine  of  world-soul,  iii. 

199,  207,  257,  280,  293. 

—  on  fire-principle,  iii.  204,  209, 
211,  231,  280. 

—  also,  ii.  66-7,  146-7. 
Substance,  two  senses  of,  i.  277//. 

—  is   properly  spirit  only,  i.  261, 

449-51. 

—  independent  material  or  cor- 
poreal, incomprehensible,  i.  29, 
33,  63,  266,  276,  282,  298,  333, 
408-10. 


Substance,  as  combination  of  sensible 
qualities,  i.  20,  277,  455. 

Substraiuniy  notion  of,  unintelligible, 
i-  29,  33,  63,  261,  266,  298,  408- 
10. 

Suggestion,  use  of  the  term,  1. 131 ». 

—  nature  of,  ii.  397. 

—  distinguished  from  inference,  ii. 

399- 

—  function  of  imagination  in  per- 
ception, i. 415-6;  ii.  386,  397,399- 

—  of  distance,  i.  128,  131. 

—  of  the  tactual  by  the  visual,  i. 
196-9,  280. 

—  natural  causation  in  relation  to, 
i.  273-4,294-5;  ii.387;  iii.243-5. 

Swift,  Jonathan,  i.  xxiv,  xxxvii-xli, 
xlix-1,  373«.;    iii.  403;   iv.  138, 

344,  420. 
Symbolism,  universal,  of  nature,  i. 
200,  294;  ii.  1 71-2,  397-8;    iii. 

243-5- 

Tacquet,  Andrea,  i.  109,  140 ;  iv.  5, 

53« 
Tar,  sources  and  medicinal  uses  of, 

iii.  145-52,  183-5. 

Tar- water,  preparation  of,  iii.  141- 

2,  304,  314- 

—  directions  for  use,  iii.  143,  183, 

185-6,  225,  305-7. 

—  operation  of,  iii.  16 1-3. 

—  wherein  its  virtue  consists,  iii. 
145,  151 ».,  188. 

—  a  supposed  panacea,  iii.  144, 
167-8,  308,  312. 

—  a  cure,  iii.  143-4, 170-3, 178-80, 
312,  319,  325-6,  344-5,  351-2. 

—  a  preventive,  iii.  142-4,  173. 

—  a  tonic,  iii.  144,  149,  171,  174. 

—  a  cordial,iii.  166, 180-3,226,317. 

—  a  balsam,  iii.  149-50,  165. 

—  a  lotion,  iii.  163-4,  3®7- 
Tarantula,  iv.  271-2. 

Theism,  in  interpretation  of  the 
universe,  i.  340-7 ;  ii.  153  ff.,  366. 

—  presupposed  in  the  trustworthi- 
ness of  experience,  i.  Ixvii,  342- 
6nn»\  ii.  158-63  ««.,  174-80  «»., 
192  ff. 

Theophrastus,  iii.  147-52,  157,  208. 
Thing,  in  contradistinction  to  idea, 
i.  34,  258,  277-8,  453. 


INDEX 


6ll 


Thing,  as  applied  to  spirit,  i.  89,  258, 

278,  307. 
Things,    combinations    of   sensible 

qualities,  i.  358,  383-4,  464,  460, 

—  their  esse  is  percipi,  i.  359-61, 
269. 

—  their  absolute  or  independent 
existence  unintelligible,  i.  259, 
270,  411. 

—  in  what  sense  external,  i.  308. 

—  reality  of,  i.  274-9,  305-^,  424, 
463,  469. 

—  permanence  of,  i.  281,  284,  308, 
424  «.,  446-7. 

Time,  nature  of,  i.  58-9,  31 1-2, 319 ; 

ii.  19. 
Tindal,  Matthew,  ii.  194/2.,  2487;., 

254  «.,  277-8  WW.,  282,  380,  382  ; 

iii.  104;  iv.  I30«. 
Toland,  John,  i.  xxvi ;  ii.  1 1, 187  «., 

196W. 
Torricelli,  Evangelista,  i.  490,  503- 

4.  525;  ii-  330;  iii-  34^- 
Touch,    use    of   the    term,    i.    97, 

148  w. 

—  its  objects  not  real  without  mind, 
i.  280. 

—  and  sight.     See  Sight. 

Trade,  home  v,  foreign,  iv.  431-7, 

452,  470-2. 
Trinity,  doctrine  of,  ii.  333-5. 

—  Platonic  conception  of,  iii.  292, 

295-7. 

—  analogy  with  human  conscious- 
ness, iii.  292  ».,  296  n. 

Truth,  nature  and  attainment  of,  i. 
237-9,  288  ;  ii.  61-2  ;  iii.  248-9, 
287-8,  298-9. 

Uniformity  of  nature,  i.  292,  317, 

345  «.;  iii.  201,  233,  243. 
Unity  of  being,  iii.  261-2,  288-95. 

—  abstract,  notion  of,  1.  264,  325. 
Universality  of  ideas,  meaning  of,  i. 

244-9;  ii-  326,340- 


Universe,  iii.  261-2,  288-95. 
Universities  and  schools,  thoughts 
on, iv.  162-5  :  ^-  43^-40. 

Vanhomrigh,  Hester,  i.  xxxviii,  xlix. 
Vegetable  life,  nature  of,  iii.  153-7. 

—  principle  of,  iii.  157-60,  187-90: 
cf.  ii.  272-3. 

Verses  on  America,  iv.  365. 
Vesuvius,  iv.  285-9,  312-3. 
Virgil,  quoted,  ii.  16,  135;  iii.  207, 

224,  260;    iv.  143,  162,  180,  183, 

521. 
Virtue,  nature  of,  ii.  88-9,  125  ff. 
Vision,  Theory  of,  its  relation  to 

Principles,  i.  96,  100,  280. 

—  erect,  problem  of,  i.  171,  183. 

—  See  Sight. 

Voltaire,  F.  de,  on  theory  of  vision, 
i.  Ii,  no. 

—  on  immaterialism,  iii.  403. 

Wallis,  John,  L  16,  53,  164-5 ;  iii. 

29,411;  iv.  ii«.,  53. 
Walpole,  Sir  Robert,  i.  1,  liv,  Iviii. 
Walton,  J.,  iii.  9,  97,  103. 
Warburton,  William,  criticism    of 

Berkeley,  iii.  400. 

—  also,  i.  Ixviii ;  ii.  148  ».,  382  if. 
Wealth,  money  is  not,  iv.  323,  327, 

424.  473. 

—  national,  industry  its  only  source, 

iv.  323. 
wherein  it  consists,  iv.  422, 

424-5,  427,  44i»  461,  475-6. 
Whiston,  William,  i.   354-6;    iii. 

385. 
Will,implied  in  spirit, i.  52-3, 272-3. 

—  is  not  idea,  i.  16, 33-5, 41, 53,  57. 

—  the  only  efficient  cause,  i.  272-3, 

431. 
Words,  how  signs,  i.  244-5,  251 ; 

ii.  319,  344*    See  also  Language. 

World,  as  divinely  animated,  iii.  1 99- 

200,  204,  207,  248,  255-61,  263. 


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