The works of Francis Bacon ..

•
.

THE LIBRARY

OF

THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA

LOS ANGELES

arijfcne oPfTis Ma.— n I

THE

WORKS

FRANCIS BACON,

BARON OF VERULAM, VISCOUNT ST. ALBAN,

AND

LORD HIGH CHANCELLOR OF ENGLAND.

COLLECTED AND EDITED BY

JAMES SPEEDING, M.A.

OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE ;

ROBERT LESLIE ELLIS, M.A.

I.ATE FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE;
AXD

DOUGLAS DENON HEATH,

UARRISTER-AT-LAW : LATE FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.

VOL. I.

LONDON:

LONGMAN AND CO. ; SIMPKIN AND CO. ; HAMILTON AND CO. ; WIIITTAKER
AND CO. ; J. BAIN ; E. HODGSON ; WASHBOTJRNE AND CO. ; H. G. BOHN ;
RICHARDSON BROTHERS : HOTJLSTON AND CO. ; BICKERS AND BUSH ;

m

WILLIS AND SOTHERAN ; J. CORNISH ; L. BOOTH ; AND J. SNOW.

1857.

The right of translation is reseri-ed.

LONDON :

Printed by SPOTTISWOODE & Co.
New-street-Square.

HISTORY AND PLAN

THIS EDITION.

BACON'S works were all published separately, and never
collected into a body by himself ; and though he had deter-
mined, not long before his death, to distribute them into
consecutive volumes, the order in which they were to suc-
ceed each other was confessedly irregular; a volume of
moral and political writings being introduced between the
first and second parts of the Instauratio Magna, quite out
of place, merely because he had it ready at the time.1 In
arranging the collected works therefore, every editor must
use his own judgment.

Blackbourne, the first editor of an Opera Omnia2, took
the Distributio Operis as his groundwork, and endea-
voured first to place the various unfinished portions of the
Instauratio Magna in the order in which they would have
stood had they been completed according to the original
design ; and then to marshal the rest in such a sequence
that they might seem to hang together, each leading by a
natural transition to the next, and so connecting themselves
into a kind of whole. But the several pieces were not
written with a view to any such connexion, which is alto-
gether forced and fanciful ; and the arrangement has this

1 « Debuerat sequi Novum Organum : interposui tamen Scripta mea Moralia et

Politica, quia magis erant in promptu Atque hie tomus (ut diximus) interjectus

est et non ex ordine Instaurationis." — Ep. ad Fulgenthnn, Opuscula, p. 172.

2 Francisci Raconi, §-c., Opera Omnia, rjuatuor voluminibus compreliensa. Londmi,

MDCC'XXX.

A 2

3069469

IV HISTORY AND PLAN

great inconvenience — it mixes up earlier writings with
later, discarded fragments with completed works, and pieces
printed from loose manuscripts found after the author's
death with those which were published or prepared for
publication by himself. Birch, the original editor of the
quarto edition in four volumes1 \vhich (reprinted in ten
volumes octavo) has since kept the market and is now
known as the " trade edition," followed Blackbourne's
arrangement in the main, — though with several variations
which are for the most part not improvements. The
arrangement adopted by Mr. Montagu2 is-in these respects
no better, in all others much wrorse. M. Bouillet, in his
(Euvres Philosophiques de Francois Bacon 3, does not pro-
fess to include all even of the Philosophical works ; and he
too, though the best editor by far who has yet handled
Bacon, has aimed at a classification of the works more
systematic, as it seems to me, than the case admits, and has
thus given to some of the smaller pieces a prominence
which does not belong to tbem.

In the edition of which the first volume is here offered to
the public 4, a new arrangement has been attempted ; the
nature and grounds of which I must now explain.

When a man publishes a book, or writes a letter, or
delivers a speech, it is always with a view to some parti-
cular audience by whom he means to be understood without
the help of a commentator. Giving them credit for such
knowledge and capacity as they are presumably furnished
with, he himself supplies what else is necessary to make his
meaning clear ; so that any additional illustrations would be

1 The Works of Francis Bacon, &c., in five volumes. London, 1 763.

2 The Works of Francis Bacon, Lord Chancellor of England. A new edition by
Basil Montagu, Esq. London, 1825-34.

* Paris, 1834.

4 The announcement in Messrs. Longman's monthly list for December was made
without my knowledge, or I should have objected to it as apparently implying that a
volume would be published every month until the whole work were completed. The
fact is that the first three volumes, which include the whole of the Philosophical works,
are ready now and will appear at monthly intervals ; the 4th and 5th containing the
translations, and the 6th and 7th containing the Literary and Professional works
will I hope be ready to follow in order. But I cannot make any promise at present
as to the time when the remaining portion will be ready.

OF THIS EDITION.

to that audience more of a hindrance than a help. If how-
ever his works live into another generation or travel out
of the circle to which they were originally addressed, the
conditions are changed. He now addresses a new set of
readers, differently prepared, knowing much which the others
were ignorant of, ignorant of much which the others knew,
and on both accounts requiring explanations and elucidations
of many things which to the original audience were suffi-
ciently intelligible. These it is the proper business of an
editor to supply.

This consideration suggested to me, when consulted about
a new edition of Bacon, the expediency of arranging his
works with reference — not to subject, size, language, or
form — but to the different classes of readers whose require-
ments he had in view when he composed them. So classi-
fied, they will be found to fall naturally into three principal
divisions. First, we have his works in philosophy and
general literature ; addressed to mankind at large, and
meant to be intelligible to educated men of all generations.
Secondly, we have his works on legal subjects ; addressed to
lawyers, and presuming in the reader such knowledge as
belongs to the profession. Thirdly, we have letters, speeches,
charges, tracts, state-papers, and other writings of business;
relating to subjects so various as to defy classification, but
agreeing in this — they were all addressed to particular per-
sons or bodies, had reference to particular occasions, assumed
in the persons addressed a knowledge of the circumstances
of the time, and cannot be rightly understood except in
relation to those circumstances. In this division every
thing will find a place which does not naturally fall into one
of the two former ; and thus we have the whole body of
Bacon's works arranged in three sufficiently distinguishable
classes, which may be called for shortness, 1st, The PHILO-
SOPHICAL and LITERARY ; 2nd, The PROFESSIONAL ; and
3rd, The OCCASIONAL.

In each of these there is work for an editor to do, but
the help he can render differs in the several cases both in

A 3

vi HISTORY AND PLAN

nature and amount, and requires qualifications differing1 ac-
cordingly. To understand and illustrate the Philosophical
works in their relation to this age, a man must be not only
well read in the history of science both ancient and modern,
but himself a man of science, capable of handling scientific
questions. To produce a correct text of the Professional
works and supply what other help may be necessary for a
modern student, a man must be a lawyer. To explain and
interpret the Occasional works, and set them forth in a
shape convenient for readers of the present generation, a
man must have leisure to make himself acquainted by te-
dious and minute researches among the forgotten records
of the time with the circumstances in which they were
written. Now as it would not be easy to find any one man
in whom these several qualifications meet, it was thought
expedient to keep the three divisions separate, assigning each
to a separate editor. It was agreed accordingly that the
Philosophical works should be undertaken by Mr. Robert
Leslie Ellis ; the Professional works by Mr. Douglas Denon
Heath ; the Occasional and the Literary works by me ; each
division to be made complete in itself, and each editor to be
solely responsible for his own part of the work.

Such was our original arrangement. It was concluded in
the autumn of 1847 » and Mr. Ellis, whose part was to
come first, had already advanced so far that he expected to
have it ready for the press within another half year, when
unhappily about the end of 1849 he was seized with a rheu-
matic fever, which left him in a condition of body quite
incompatible with a labour of that kind. At which time,
though the greater portion was in fact done, he did not con-
sider any of it fit to be published as it was ; many blanks
having been left to be filled up, and some doubtful notes to
be corrected, in that general revision which the whole was to
have undergone before any part were printed. It was long
before he could finally resolve to abandon his task. As soon
as he had done so, he handed all his papers over to me, with
permission to do with them whatever I thought best. And

OF THIS EDITION. Vll

hence it is that my name appears in connexion with the
Philosophical works ; with which otherwise I should not have
presumed to meddle.

As soon however as I had arranged and examined his
papers, I felt that, however imperfect they might be com-
pared with his own ideal and with what he would himself
have made them, they must on no account be touched by
anybody else ; for that if any other man were allowed to
make alterations in them, without notice, according to his
own judgment, the reader could have no means of knowing
when he was reading the words of Mr. Ellis and when those
of his editor, and so their peculiar value would be lost.
Perfect or imperfect, it was clear to me that they must be
kept as he left them, clear of all alien infusion ; and not
knowing of any one who was likely to take so much inte-
rest or able to spend so much time in the matter as myself,
I proposed to take his part into my own hands and edit it ;
provided only that I might print his notes and prefaces
exactly as I found them ; explaining the circumstances which
had prevented him from completing or revising them, but
making no alteration whatever (unless of errors obviously
accidental which I might perhaps meet with in verifying any
of the numerous references and quotations) without his ex-
press sanction. That the text should be carefully printed
from the proper authorities, and all the bibliographical in-
formation supplied which was necessary to make the edition
in that respect complete, — this I thought I might venture
to promise. And although I could not undertake to med-
dle with purely scientific questions, for which I have neither
the acquirements nor the faculties requisite, or to bring any
stores of learning, ancient or modern, to bear upon the va-
rious subjects of inquiry, — although I had no means, I say,
of supplying what he had left to be done in those depart-
ments, and must therefore be content to leave the work so
far imperfect, — yet in all matters which lay within my com-
pass I promised to do my best to complete the illustration
and explanation of the text ; adding where I had anything

Vlll HISTORY AND PLAN

to add, objecting where I had anything to object, but always
distinguishing as my own whatever was not his.

To this proposal he agreed, as the best course that could
be taken in the circumstances. Early in 1853 I took the
work in hand ; and in the three volumes which follow, the
reader will find the result.

The things then for which in this division I am to be held
responsible are —

1st. All notes and prefaces marked with my initials, and
all words inserted between brackets, or otherwise distinguished
as mine.

2dly. The general distribution of the Philosophical works
into three parts, — whereby all those writings which were
either published or intended for publication by Bacon himself
as parts of the Great Instauration are (for the first time, I
believe) exhibited separately, and distinguished as well from
the independent and collateral pieces which did not form part
of the main scheme, as from those which, though originally
designed for it, were afterwards superseded or abandoned.

3dly. The particular arrangement of the several pieces
within each part ; which is intended to be according to the
order in which they were composed ; — a point however
which is in most cases very difficult to ascertain.

For the grounds on which I have proceeded in each case,
and for whatever else in my part of the work requires ex-
planation, I refer to the places. But there are two or three
particulars in which this edition differs from former ones,
and which may be more conveniently explained here.

In the third and last division of the entire works, accord-
ing to the scheme already explained, every authentic writing
and every intelligibly reported speech of Bacon's (not be-
longing to either of the other divisions) which can be found
in print or in manuscript will be set forth at full length,
each in its due chronological place ; with an explanatory nar-
rative running between, in which the reader will be supplied
to the best of my skill and knowledge with all the information

OF THIS EDITION. ix

necessary to the right understanding of therm In doing
this, — since the pieces in question are very numerous, and
scattered with few and short intervals over the whole of
Bacon's life, — I shall have to enter very closely into all the
particulars of it ; so that this part when finished will in fact
contain a complete biography of the man, — a biography the
most copious, the most minute, and by the very necessity of
the case the fairest, that I can produce ; for any material mis-
interpretation in the commentary will be at once confronted
and corrected by the text. The new matter which I shall be
able to produce is neither little nor unimportant ; but more
important than the new matter is the new aspect which (if
I may judge of other minds by my own) will be imparted
to the old matter by this manner of setting it forth. I have
generally found that the history of an obscure transaction be-
comes clear as soon as the simple facts are set down in the
order of their true dates ; and most of the difficulties pre-
sented by Bacon's life will be found to disappear when these
simple records of it are read in their natural sequence and
in their true relation to the business of the time. By this
means a great deal of controversy which would disturb and
encumber the narrative, and help to keep alive the memory
of much ignorant and superficial criticism which had better
be forgotten, will I hope be avoided. And until this is done
I do not think it desirable to attempt a summary biography
in the ordinary form. Such a biography may be easily
added, if necessary, in a supplemental volume ; but I am
persuaded that the best which could be written now would be
condemned afterwards as altogether unsatisfactory.

It is true however, that a reader, before entering on
the study of an author's works, wants to know something
about himself and his life. Now there exists a short me-
moir of Bacon, which was drawn up by Dr. Rawley in
1657 to satisfy this natural desire, and prefixed to the Re-
suscitatio, and is still (next to Bacon's own writings) the
most important and authentic evidence concerning him that
we possess. The origin cf Dr. Rawley's connexion with

X HISTORY AND PLAN

Bacon is not known, but it must have begun early. It
was in special compliment to Bacon that he was presented
on the 18th of January, 1616— 17> (being then 28 years
old,) to the rectory of Landbeach ; a living in the gift of
Benet's College, Cambridge.1 Shortly after, Bacon becom-
ing Lord-Keeper selected him for his chaplain ; and during
the last five years of his life, which were entirely occupied
with literary business, employed him constantly as a kind of
literary secretary. Nor did the connexion cease with life ;
for after Bacon's death Rawley was intrusted by the ex-
ecutors with the care and publication of his papers. Raw-
ley's testimony must therefore be regarded as that of a
witness who, however favourable and affectionate, has the
best right to be heard, as speaking not from hearsay but
from intimate and familiar knowledge during many years
and many changes of fortune ; and as being moreover the
only man among Bacon's personal acquaintances by whom
any of the particulars of his life have been recorded. This
memoir, which was printed by Blackbourne, with inter-
polations from Dugdale and Tenison, and placed in front
of his edition of 1730, but is not to be found I think
in any more modern edition, I have printed entire in its
original shape ; adding some notes of my own, by help of
which it may serve a modern reader for a sufficient biogra-
phical introduction.

The Latin translation of it, published by Rawley in 1658
as an introduction to a little volume entitled Opuscula Phi-
losophica, and now commonly prefixed to the De Auymentis
Scientiarum, I have thought it superfluous to reproduce
here ; this edition being of little use to those who cannot read
English, and the translation being of no use to those who
can. And this brings me to the second innovation which
I have ventured to introduce.

1 " Ad quam prsesentatus fuit per honorand. virum Franciscum Bacon mil. Regiac
maj. advocatum generalem, ejusdem vicaviae [rectorise] pro hac unica vice, ratione
concessions magistri ct sociorum Coll. C. C. (uti asserebatur) patronus." Collections
prefixed to Blackbourne's edition 1730, i. 218. Bacon's father was a member and
benefactor of Benet's ; which accounts for this compliment.

OF THIS EDITION. xi

Bacon had no confidence in the permanent vitality of Eng-
lish as a classical language. " These modern languages,"
he said, " will at one time or other play the bankrupts with
books." Those of his works therefore which he wished to
live and which were not originally written in Latin, he trans-
lated or caused to be translated into that language — "the
universal language," as he called it. This, for his own time,
was no doubt a judicious precaution. Appearances however
have greatly changed since ; arid though it is not to be feared
that Latin will ever become obsolete, it is certain that Eng-
lish has been rapidly gaining ground upon it, and that of the
audience whom Bacon would in these days have especially
desired to gather about him, a far greater number would be
excluded by the Latin dress than admitted. Considering also
the universal disuse of Latin as a medium of oral communi-
cation, and the almost universal disuse of it as a medium of
communication in writing, even among learned men, and the
rapid spreading of English over both hemispheres, it is easy
to predict which of the two languages is likely to play the
bankrupt first. At any rate the present edition is for the
English market. To those who are not masters of English
it offers few attractions ; while of those who are, not one
I suppose in a hundred would care to read a translation
even in Baconian Latin, when he had the choice of reading
the original in Baconian English. And since the translations
in question would increase the bulk of this work by four or
five hundred pages and the cost in proportion, it has been
thought better to leave them out.

In one respect, it is true, they have a value independent
of the English originals. Having been made later and
made under Bacon's own eye, the differences, where they
are greater than can be naturally accounted for by the dif-
ferent idiom and construction of the languages, must be con-
sidered as corrections ; besides which, when the meaning of
the original is obscure or the reading doubtful, they serve
sometimes as a glossary to decide it. This being an ad-
vantage which we cannot afford to sacrifice, I have thought

xii HISTORY AND PLAN

it my duty in all instances to compare the translation care-
fully with the original, and to quote in foot-notes those pas-
sages in which the variation appeared to be material ; and
as this is a labour which few readers would take upon them-
selves, I conceive that by the course which I have adopted
the English student will be a gainer rather than a loser.

I have also departed from the practice of former editors
in not keeping the Latin and English works separate.
Such separation is incompatible with the chronological ar-
rangement which I hold to be far preferable. I see no
inconvenience in the change which is at all material ; and
I only mention it here lest any future publisher, out of re-
gard to a superficial symmetry, should go back to the former
practice and so destroy the internal coherency of the present
plan.

It may be thought perhaps that in arranging the works
which were to form parts of the Great Instauration, I ought
to have followed the order laid down in the Distributio Ope-
ris, marshaling them according to their place in the scheme
rather than the date of composition j and therefore that the
De Augmentis Scientiarum which was meant to stand for
the first part, should have been placed before the two books
of the Novum Organum, which were meant for the com-
mencement of the second. But the truth is that not one of
the parts of the Great Instauration was completed according
to the original design. All were more or less abortive. In
every one of them, the De Augmentis and the Novum Or-
ganum itself not excepted, accidental difficulties, and con-
siderations arising out of the circumstances of the time,
interfered more or less with the first intention and induced
alterations either in form or substance or both. They can-
not be made to fit their places in the ideal scheme. ,It was
the actual conditions of Bacon's life that really moulded them
into what they are ; and therefore the most natural order in
which they can be presented is that in which they stand here;
first, the Distributio Qperis, setting forth the perfect work
as he had conceived it in his mind, and then the series of

OF THIS EDITION. xiii

imperfect and irregular efforts which he made to execute it,
in the order in which they were made.

The text has heen corrected throughout from the original
copies, and no verbal alteration (except in case of obvious
errors of the press) has been introduced into it without
notice. The spelling in the English works has been altered
according to modern usage. I have endeavoured however
to distinguish those variations which belong merely to the
fashion of orthography from those which appear to involve
changes in the forms of words. Thus in such words as
president (the invariable spelling in Bacon's time of the
substantive which is now invariably written precedent, and
valuable as showing that the pronunciation of the word has
not changed), prejudice, fained, mathematiques, chymist,
&c., I adopt the modern form ; but I do not substitute lose
for leese, politicians for politiques, external for externe,
Solomon for Salomon, accommodated for the past participle
accommodate ; and so on ; these being changes in the words
themselves and not merely in the manner of writing them.
In the spelling of Latin words there are but few differences
between ancient and modern usage ; but I have thought it
better to preserve the original form of all words which in
the original are always or almost always spelt in the same
way ; nsfcetix, author, chymista, chymicus, Sfc.

In the matter of punctuation and typography, though I
have followed the example of all modern editors in altering
at discretion, I have not attempted to reduce them entirely
to the modern form ; which I could not have done without
sometimes introducing ambiguities of construction, and some-
times deciding questions of construction which admit of
doubt. But I have endeavoured to represent the effect of
the original arrangement to a modern eye, with as little
departure as possible from modern fashions. I say endea-
voured ; for I cannot say that I have succeeded in satisfying
even myself. But to all matters of this kind I have at-
tended personally ; and though I must not suppose that my
mind has observed everything that my eyes have looked at,

XIV HISTORY AND PLAN

I am not without hope that the text of this edition will be
found better and more faithful than any that has hitherto
been produced.

It was part of our original design to append to the Philo-
sophical works an accurate and readable translation of those
originally written in Latin ; at least of so much of them as
would suffice to give an English reader a complete view of
the Baconian philosophy. Mr. Ellis made a selection for
this purpose. Arrangements were made accordingly ; and
a translation of the Novum Organum was immediately be-
gun. As successive portions were completed, they were for-
warded in the first instance to myself ; were by me carefully
examined ; and then passed on to Mr. Ellis, accompanied
with copious remarks and suggestions of my own in the
way of correction or improvement. Of these corrections
Mr. Ellis marked the greater part for adoption, improved
upon others, added many of his own, and then returned the
manuscript to be put into shape for the printer. But as he
was not able to look over it again after it had received the
last corrections, and as the translator did not wish to put
his own name to it, and as this edition was to contain
nothing for which somebody is not personally responsible, I
have been obliged to take charge of it myself. In my final
revision I have been careful to preserve all Mr. Ellis's cor-
rections which affect the substance and sense of the trans-
lation. In matters which concern only the style and manner of
expression, I have thought it better to follow my own taste ;
a mixture of different styles being commonly less agreeable
to the reader, and mine (as the case now stands) being
necessarily the predominating one. For the same reason I
have altered at discretion the translation of the prefaces, &c.
which precede the Novum Organum ; which were done by
another hand, and have not had the advantage of Mr. Ellis's
revision. For those which follow, the translator (Mr. Francis
Headlam, Fellow of University College, Oxford) will himself
be responsible.

OF THIS EDITION. XV

Though this volume is already twice as thick as I would
have had it, I must add a few words concerning1 the portraits
of Bacon ; a subject which has not received the attention which
it deserves, and upon which, if picture-dealers arid collectors
and inheritors of family portraits would take an interest in it,
some valuable light might probably be thrown.

The portrait in the front of the volume is taken from an
old engraving by Simon Pass ; which came, (as Mr. Smith
of Lisle Street informed me, from whom I bought it some
years ago,) out of a broken-up copy of Holland's Baziliologia.1
The original has a border, bearing the words HONORATISS :

Ds. FRANCISCUS BACON '. EQUES AU : MAG : SIGILL ! ANGL '.

cusTos. Above are his arms, with the motto MONITI ME-
LIORA. Below the chancellor's bag, on which the left hand
rests. These accessories, as being presumably the device of
the engraver and not suitable to the modern style which has
been preferred for the copy, have been dispensed with ; but
the inscription underneath lias been copied verbatim 2, and
enables us to fix the date of the work. Bacon was created
Lord Chancellor on the 4th of January, 1617-18, and Baron
Verulam on the 1 2th of the following July ; and as it is not
to be supposed that his newest title would have been omitted
on such an occasion, we may infer with tolerable certainty
that the engraving was published during the first half of the
year 1618. Below this inscription are engraved in small
letters the words " Simon Passceus sculpsit L. Are to be
sould by John Sudbury and George Humble at the signe
of the white horse in Pope's head Ally" The plate ap-
pears to have been used afterwards for a frontispiece to the
Sylva Sylvarum, which was published in 1627, the year
after Bacon's death. At least I have a copy of the second

1 This work was published in 1618; and though one would not expect from the
title to find Bacon there, Brunet mentions a copy in the Biblioth. du Roi at Paris
" qui, outre les portraits qui composent ordinairement. le recueil, renferme encore
d'autres portraits du meme genre, representants des reines, des princes du sang, et des
seigneurs de la cour des Rois Jacques Ier et Charles Ior," &c. The copy in the British
Museum has no portrait of Bacon ; but as the plates are not numbered, and there is
no table of contents, one cannot be sure that any copy is perfect.

2 The righte Honourable Sr Frauncis Bacon knight, Lorde highe Chance-Hour of
Englande and one of his Ma*1" most honbl« privie Counsel!.

xvi HISTORY AND FLAN

edition of that work (1628) in which the same print is in-
serted, only with the border and inscription altered ; the
title which originally surrounded it, together with the Chan-
cellor's bag and the names of the engraver and publishers,
being erased ; the coat of arms altered ; and the words
underneath being changed to The riyht Honble Francis Lo.
Verulam> Viscount S* Alban. Mortuus 9° Aprilis, Anno
Dm 1626, Annoy. Aetat. 66. It is probable that the rapid
demand for the Sylva Sylmrum wore out the plate ; for
none of the later editions which I have seen contain any
portrait at all ; and that which was prefixed to the Resus-
citatio in 1657, though undoubtedly meant to be a fac-simile
of Simon Pass's engraving, has been so much altered in
the process of restoration, that I took it for a fresh copy
until Mr. Holl showed me that it was only the old plate
retouched. The lower part of the face has entirely lost its
individuality and physiognomical character ; the outline of
the right cheek has not been truly followed ; that of the nose
has lost its shapeliness and delicacy ; and the first line an d-
half of the inscription underneath has apparently been erased
in order to give the name and titles in Latin. Nevertheless
the adoption by Dr. Rawley of this print sufficiently authen-
ticates it as a likeness at that time approved ; only the like-
ness must of course be looked for in the plate as Sirnon
Pass left it, — not in restorations or copies. This Mr. Holl
has endeavoured faithfully, and in my opinion very success-
fully, to reproduce ; it being understood however that his
aim has been to give as exact a resemblance as he could,
not of the old engraving (the style of which has little to
recommend it), but of the man whom the engraving repre-
sents.

I selected this likeness by preference, partly because ori-
ginal impressions are scarce, and none of the others which
I have seen give a tolerable idea of it; whereas the rival
portrait by Van Somer is very fairly represented by the en-
graving in Lodge's collection ; but chiefly because I have some
reason to suspect that it was made from a painting by Cornelius

OF THIS EDITION. xvii

Janssen, and some hope that the original is still in existence
and that this notice may lead to the discovery of it. Janssen
is said to have come over to England in 1618, the year in
which, as I have said, the engraving must have been published,
Bacon did sit for his portrait to somebody (but it may no
doubt have been to Van Somer) about that time ; at least 331,
was " paid to the picture drawer for his Lp's picture," on the
12th of September, 161S.1 Now I have in my possession
an engraving in mezzotinto, purporting to be a portrait of
Bacon, representing him in the same position and attitude,
and the same dress (only that the figure on the vest is dif-
ferent), and having a similar oval frame with the same kind
of border. In the left-hand corner, where the painter's
name is usually given, are the words Cornelius Johnson
pinxit. The engraver's name is not stated ; but there is
evidence on the face of the work that he was a poor per-
former. In all points which require accuracy of eye and
hand, and a feeling of the form to be described, it differs
much from Pass's work, and is very inferior ; but in those
which the most unskilful artist need never miss, — such
as the quantity of face shown, the disposition of the hair,
and generally what may be called the composition of the pic-
ture, — there is no more difference between the two than
may be well accounted for by the difficulty which is often
found in ascertaining the true outlines of the obscure parts
of a dark or damaged picture, or by the alterations which
an engraver will often introduce when the size of his plate
obliges him to cut off the lower part of the figure. The hat,
for instance, which is dark against a dark background, sits
differently on the head ; sits in fact (in the mezzotint) as
it could not possibly have done in nature ; and the flap of
the brim follows a somewhat different line, though the ir-
regularity is of the same kind ; also the light and shadow
are differently distributed over the folds of the frill ; the fur
hangs differently ; the figure is cut off too short to admit the

1 See a book of accounts preserved in the State Paper Office.

VOL. i. a

xviii HISTORY AND PLAN

hand ; and the ribbon round the neck, the lower part of
which is concealed in Pass's print, is changed into a George
and Garter.1 But such varieties as these are of ordinary
occurrence in copies of the same picture by different hands ;
especially where one copier is attending chiefly to the out-
lines of the forms without caring to represent the effect of
the picture (the practice I think of engravers in Simon
Pass's time), and the other is attending to the effect of the
picture without caring, or without being able, to preserve
the individual details, according to the practice of the popu-
lar engravers of the eighteenth century ; whereas in two
independent and original portraits of the same face the cor-
respondencies which I have mentioned can hardly occur.
But however that may be, this mezzotinto appears at least
to prove that when it was made there was in existence a
portrait which somebody believed to be a portrait of Bacon
by Cornelius Johnson, — that is (no doubt) Cornelius Janssen.
When it was made becomes therefore an interesting ques-
tion ; and I regret to say that it is a question which I have no
data for determining, beyond the fact that it is in mezzotinto
(an art of comparatively modern invention) ; that it was
"sold by J. Cooper in James Street Covent Garden ;" and
that there was an English engraver called Richard Cooper,
who flourished about the year iy63, and among whose en-
gravings a portrait of Francis Bacon Lord Keeper and
Chancellor is mentioned as one.2

With reference to this subject of portraits, I may add that
the various engravings of Bacon are all (with one exception
which I will mention presently) derived directly or through
successive copies from one or other of two originals. One
is Simon Pass's print; the features of which may be traced
through many generations of copies, each less like than its
predecessor; though always to be identified by the hat with
irregular brim curving upwards towards the sides, and

1 If the original picture really has this badge, we may conclude, I suppose, that it
was not a portrait of Bacon at all. And I should not be very much surprised if it
turned out to be a Charles I.

' See Bryan's Painters and Engraters.

OF THIS EDITION. XIX

bound with a scarf. The other is a portrait by Van So-
mer; the same I suppose that Aubrey saw at Gorharnbury
in 1656; which has become the parent of two separate
families ; one wearing1 a hat with a brim describing a regu-
lar curve doivnwards towards the sides, which sufficiently
distinguishes it from Pass's portrait ; the other without
any hat ; the composition being in other respects the same.
Of both these the originals are at Gorhambury ; and they
are both ascribed to Van Somer. But the latter is so very
inferior to the former in every quality of art, that unless
there be some evidence of the fact more to be relied on
than an ordinary family tradition, I shall never be able to
believe that it is by the same hand. It seems to me far
more probable that at some later period when the fashion of
painting people with the head covered had gone out, some
one, wishing to have a portrait of Bacon without his hat,
employed the nearest artist to make a copy of Van Somer's
picture (Van Somer himself died in 1621, two or three
years after it was painted, about the time when Bacon was in
the Tower) with that alteration j and that this is the work
he produced. That he was not a skilful artist is sufficiently
apparent from the execution of those parts which were in-
tended to be copies ; the peculiar character and expression
of eyebrows, eyes, nose and mouth, being entirely missed ;
and the whole handling being weak and poor, and without
any sense of form. Moreover the hair is of a different
texture ; and although we have neither any description nor
any drawing of the upper part of Bacon's full-grown head,
we know what it was like in his boyhood from two very ad-
mirable representations, quite independent of each other and
yet exactly agreeing ; and it is plain that such a head could
never have grown into a shape at all like that which the
painter has invented.

However, they were both called portraits by Van Somer ;
and the first (which is a very good work, as far as the
painting goes) was engraved by Houbraken ; the last by
Vertue. Unfortunately, these two artists, whose style of

XX HISTORY AND PLAN

execution made them very popular and gave them almost a
monopoly of English historical portraiture in the 18th cen-
tury, were both utterly without conscience in the matter of
likeness. And though many of their works are brilliant
specimens of effect in line-engraving, yet regarded as like-
nesses of the men, they are all alike worse than worthless.
The original from which Vertue's engraving of Bacon was
taken, being itself destitute of all true physiognomical cha-
racter, is indeed represented well enough. But if any one
wishes to form a notion of Bacon's face as interpreted by
Van Somer, he must consult the more modern engraving
in Lodge's collection, which is at least a conscientious at-
tempt to translate it faithfully; Houbraken's can only mis-
lead him.

The other engraving to which I have alluded as not derived
from either of the originals above mentioned, is the small
head engraved for Mr. Montagu's edition of Bacon's works.
This was taken from a miniature by Hilliard then in the
possession of John Adair Hawkins, Esq., representing Ba-
con in his eighteenth year ; a work of exquisite beauty and
delicacy. But here also, I regret to say, the laudable attempt
to bring an image of it within reach of the general public
has been attended with the same infelicity. The engraver
has so completely failed to catch either expression, feature,
character, or drawing, that I think no one can have once seen
the original without wishing, in justice both to subject and
artist, that no one who has not seen it may ever see the
copy.

Judging from the issue of Mr. Montagu's attempt to
obtain an engraving of this miniature, it is perhaps fortunate
that he did not fulfil the intention which he announced of
giving an engraving of a bust in terra cotta representing
Bacon in his twelfth year, which is at Gorhambury, in the
possession of the Earl of Verulam. But this also is a work
of great merit, and extremely interesting. It is coloured,
and (like Hilliard's miniature) shows the head. I have been
told by artists that it is probably of Italian workmanship j

OF THIS EDITION. XXl

and certainly the work of an accomplished sculptor, who had
a delicate perception of form and character. A faithful re-
presentation of it would be one of the most valuable con-
tributions which could be made to our collections of the faces
of memorable men.

There are other portraits of Bacon in existence, but I have
not myself seen any which can be relied upon as authentic
or which appear to have any independent value. If the
foregoing' remarks should be the means of bringing any such
out of their hiding-places, I shall think them well bestowed ;
and I need scarcely add that I should be most happy to
receive any communication on the subject, and to afford what
help I can towards putting them in their true light.

JAMES SPEDDING.

60. Lincoln's Inn Fields, January, 1 85".

VOL. I.

ERRATA.

for

read

V».l. I. p. 46. note 4

Erdman

Erdmann.

72. note 1.

naturale

.

natural!.

75. note 1.

74. - :

.

73.

76. note 1.

law of gravitation

-

those laws.

210. note 2.

Aughiera

-

Anghiera.

218. note 1. line 11.

vel

.

id.

242. note 2.

a molluscous animal

serpent medusae . . .

... is ... it de-

are . . . they derive

rives ... it

.

. . . them.

327. note 3.

Pancosmias

.

Pancosmia.

338. line 1.

Sic

-

Sit.

577. line 19.

dele 3.

758. line 5.

homino

-

homini.

771. note 5.

XpOTV

-

(tporov.

CONTENTS

THE FIRST VOLUME,

Page

LIFE OF THE RIGHT HONOURABLE FRANCIS BACON, BARON

OF VERULAM, BY WILLIAM RAWLEY, D.D. - 1

PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS.

GENERAL PREFACE to the PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS, by ROBERT

LESLIE ELLIS - - - - - -21

PART I.

WORKS PUBLISHED, OR DESIGNED FOR PUBLICATION, AS
PARTS OF THE INSTAURATIO MAGNA.

NOVUM ORGANUM.

PREFACE TO THE NOVUM ORGANUM, by ROBERT LESLIE ELLLIS 71
INSTAURATIO MAGNA - 119
Prsefatio • 125
Distributio Operis - 134
PARS SECUNDA OPERIS, QU^E DICITUR NOVUM ORGANUM - 149
Prsefatio - 151
Aphorism! de Interpretations Naturae et Rcgno Hominis 157
Liber Secundus Aphorismorum de Interpretatione Na-
turae sive de Regno Hominis ... 227

xxiv CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

taf»

PARASCEVE AD IIISTORIAM NATURALEM
ET EXPERIMENTALEM.

PREFACE - - 369

DESCRIPTIO HISTORIC NATDRALIS ET EXPERIMENTALIS QUALIS
SUFFICIAT ET SIT IN ORDINE AD BASIN ET FUNDAMENTA

PHILOSOPHISE VER^ - - - 393

APHORISMI DE CONFICIENDA HISTORIA PRTMA - - 395

CATALOGITS HISTORIARUM PARTICULARIUM, SECUNDUM CAPITA 405

DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM.

PREFACE - - - 415

PARTITIONES SCIENTIARUM, ET ARGUMENTA SINGULORUJI CA-

PITUM - - 425

DE DlGNITATE ET AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

Liber primus - - 431

secundus - 485

tortius - 539

quartus - - 579

quintus - 614

sextus - - 651

septimus - 713

octavus - - 745

nonus - - 829

Novus ORBIS SCIENTIARUM, SIVE DESIDERATA - 8.38

APPENDIX ON THE ART OF WRITING IN CIPHER - - 841

THE

THE RIGHT HONOURABLE

FRANCIS BACON,

BARON OF VERULAM, VISCONNT ST. ALBAN.

WILLIAM RAVLEY, D.D.

HIS LORDSHIP'S FIRST AND LAST CHAPLAIN AND OF LATE HIS
MAJESTIES CHAPLAIN IN ORDINARY.

[This is the title of an edition printed in 1670, after Dr. Rawley's death, and pre-
fixed to the ninth edition of the Sylva Sylvarum. The text of the Life itself is taken
from the second edition of the Resuscitatio, the latest with which Rawley had anything
to do. I have, however, modernised the spelling ; altered at discretion the typographical
arrangement as to capitals, italics, and punctuation, which is very perplexing to a
modern eye and has nothing to recommend it ; and added the notes. — J. S1.]

VOL. I. B

THE LIFE

THE HONOURABLE AUTHOR,1

FRANCIS BACON, the glory of his age and nation, the adorner
and ornament of learning, was born in York House, or York
Place, in the Strand, on the two and twentieth day of January,
in the year of our Lord 1560. His father was that famous
counsellor to Queen Elizabeth, the second prop of the kingdom
in his time, Sir Nicholas Bacon, knight, lord-keeper of the
great seal of England ; a lord of known prudence, sufficiency,
moderation, and integrity. His mother was Anne, one of the
(laughters of Sir Anthony Cook ; unto whom the erudition of
King Edward the Sixth had been committed ; a choice lady,
and eminent for piety, virtue, and learning^; being exquisitely
skilled, for a woman, in the Greek and Latin tongues. These
being the parents, you may easily imagine what the issue was
like to be ; having had whatsoever nature or breeding could put
into him.

His first and childish years were not without some mark of
eminency ; at which time he was endued with that pregnancy
and towardness of wit, as they were presages of that deep and
universal apprehension which was manifest in him afterward ;
and caused him to be taken notice of by several persons of
worth and place, and especially by the queen ; who (as I have
been informed) delighted much then to confer with him, and to

1 This Life was first, published in 1657, as an introduction to the volume enti-
tled " Resuscitatio ; or bringing into public Ijpht several pieces of the works, civil,
historical, philosophical, and theological, hitherto sleeping, of the Right Honour-
able Francis Bacon, Baron of Verulam, Viscount St. Alban ; according to the best
corrected copies." Of this volume a second edition, or rather a re-issue with
fresh titlepage and dedication, and several sheets of new matter inserted, appeared
in 1661 ; the "Life of the Honourable Author" being prefixed as before, and not
altered otherwise than by the introduction of three new sentences ; to make room for
which two leaves were cancelled. A third edition was brought out in 1671 by the
original publisher, containing a good deal of new matter ; for which however Dr.
Rawley, who died in 1667, is not answerable.

B 2

4 DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON.

prove him with questions; unto whom he delivered himself
with that gravity and maturity above his years, that Her Majesty
would often term him, The young Lord-keeper. Being asked
by the queen how old he teas, he answered with much discre-
tion, being then but a boy, That he was two years younger than
Her Majesty's happy reign ; with which answer the queen was
much taken.1

At the ordinary years of ripeness for the university, or rather
something earlier, he was sent by his father to Trinity College,
in Cambridge2, to be educated and bred under the tuition of
Doctor John White-gift, then master of the college ; afterwards
the renowned archbishop of Canterbury ; a prelate of the first
magnitude for sanctity, learning, patience, and humility ; under
whom he was observed to have been more than an ordinary
proficient in the several arts and sciences. Whilst he was
commorant in the university, about sixteen years of age, (as
his lordship hath been pleased to impart unto myself), he first
fell into the dislike of the philosophy of Aristotle; not for the
worthlessness of the author, to whom he would ever ascribe all
high attributes, but for the unfruitfulness of the way ; being a
philosophy (as his lordship used to say) only strong for disputa-
tions and contentions, but barren of the production of works
for the benefit of the life of man ; in which mind he continued
to his dying day.

After he had passed the circle of the liberal arts, his father
thought fit to frame and mould him for the arts of state ; and
for that end sent him over into France with Sir Amyas Paulet
then employed ambassador lieger into France 3 ; by whom he
was after awhile held fit to be entrusted with some message or
advertisement to the queen ; which having performed with
great approbation, he returned back into France again, with
intention to continue for some years there. In his absence in
France his father the lord-keeper died4, having collected (as I

1 This last sentence was added hr^ne edition of 1661. The substance of it had
appeared before in the Latin Life prefixed to the Opuscula Philosophica in 1658, which
is only a free translation of this, with a few corrections.

2 He began to reside in April 1573 ; was absent from the latter end of August
1574 till the beginning of March, while the plague raged; and left the university
finally at Christmas 1575, being then on the point of sixteen. See Whitgift's ac-
counts, printed in the British Magazine, vol. xxxii. p. 365., an.d xxxiii. p. 444.

3 Sir Amyas landed at Calais on the 25th of September 1576, and succeeded Dr.
Dale as ambassador in France in the following February. See Burghley's Diary,
Murdin, pp. 778, 779.

4 In February

DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON. 5

have heard of knowing^ persons) a considerable sum of money,
which he had separated, with intention to have made a compe-
tent purchase of land for the livelihood of this his youngest son
(who was only unprovided for ; and though he was the youngest
in years, yet he was not the lowest in his father's affection) ; but
the said purchase being unaccomplished at his father's death,
there came no greater share to him than his single part and
portion of the money dividable amongst five brethren; by
which means he lived in some straits and necessities in his
younger years. For as for that pleasant site and manor of Gor-
humbury, he came not to it till many years after, by the death of
his dearest brother, Mr. Anthony Bacon l, a gentleman equal to
him in height of wit, though inferior to him in the endowments
of learning and knowledge; unto whom he was most nearly
conjoined in affection, they two being the sole male issue of a
second venter.

Being returned from travel, he applied himself to the study
of the common law, which he took upon him to be his pro-
fession2 ; in which he obtained to great excellency, though he
made that (as himself said) but as an accessary, and not his
principal study. He wrote several tractates upon that sub-
ject: wherein, though some great masters of the law did out-go
him in bulk, and particularities of cases, yet in the science of
the grounds and mysteries of the law he was exceeded by none.
In this way he was after awhile sworn of the queen's council
learned, extraordinary ; a grace (if I err not) scarce known be-
fore.3 He seated himself, for the commodity of his studies and

1 Anthony Bacon died in the spring of 1601. See a letter from Mr. John Cham-
berlain to Sir Dudley Carlton, in the State Paper Office, dated 27th May 1601.

2 He had been admitted to Gray's Inn as "ancient" on the 21st of November
1576 ; commenced his regular career as a student in 1579 ; became " utter barrister "
on the 27th of June 1582; bencher in 1586; reader in 1588; and double reader
in 1600. See Harl. MSS. 1912.

9 In the Latin version of this memoir, for " after a while " Rawley substitutes
nondum tyrocinium in lege egressus, by which he seems to assign a very early period
as the date of this appointment. But I suspect he was mistaken, both as to the date
and the nature of it. The title he got no doubt from a letter addressed by Bacon to
King James, about the end of January 1620—1. "You found me of the Learned
Council, Extraordinary, without patent or fee, a kind of individuum vagum. You
established me and brought me into Ordinary." Coupling this probably with an
early but undated letter to Burghley, in which Bacon thanks the queen for " ap-
propriating him to her service," he imagined that the thanks were for the appoint-
ment in question. This however is incredible. A copy of this letter in the Lands-
downe Collection gives the date, — 18 October 1580; at which time Bacon had not
been even a student of law for more than a year and a half, and could not therefore
have been qualified for such a place ; still less could such a distinction have been
conferred upon him without being much talked of at the time and continually re-
ferred to afterwards. Moreover, we have another letter of Bacon's to King James,

B 3

6 DR. RAWLEYS LIFE OF BACON.

practice, amongst the Honourable Society of Gray's-Inn, of
which house he was a member ; where he erected that elegant
pile or structure commonly known by the name of The Lord
Bacon's Lodgings, which he inhabited by turns the most part of
his life (some few years only excepted) unto his dying day. In
which house he carried himself with such sweetness, comity, and
generosity, that he was much revered and beloved by the
readers and gentlemen of the house.

Notwithstanding that he professed the law for his livelihood
and subsistence, yet his heart and affection was more carried
after the affairs and places of estate ; for which, if the majesty
royal then had been pleased, he was most fit. In his younger
years he studied the service and fortunes (as they call them) of
that noble but unfortunate earl, the Earl of Essex ; unto whom
he was, in a sort, a private and free counsellor, and gave him safe
and honourable advice, till in the end the earl inclined too much
to the violent and precipitate counsel of others his adherents
and followers ; which was his fate and ruin.1

His birth and other capacities qualified him above others of
his profession to have ordinary accesses at court, and to come
frequently into the queen's eye, who would often grace him
with private and free communication, not only about matters of
his profession or business in law, but also about the arduous
affairs of estate ; from whom she received from time to time

•written in 1606, in which he speaks of his "nine years' service of the crown." This
would give 1597 as the year in which he began to serve as one of the learned
council ; at which time it was no extraordinary favour, seeing that he had been
recommended for solicitor-general three or four years before, both by Burghley an<l
Egerton. It appears however to have been no regular or formal appointment He
was not sworn. He had no patent ; not even a written warrant. His tenure was only
rations verbi regii Elizabethan (see Rymer, A. D. 1604, p. 121.), Elizabeth, who
" looked that her word should be a warrant," chose to employ him in the business
which belonged properly to her learned council, and he was employed accordingly.
His first service of that nature, — the first at least of which I find any record,— was in
1694. In 1597 he had come to be employed regularly, and so continued till the end
of the reign, and was familiarly spoken of as " Mr. Bacon of the learned council."

1 The connexion between Bacon and Essex appears to have commenced about the
year 1590 or 1591, and furnishes matter for a long story — too long to be discussed
in a note. His conduct was much misunderstood at the time by persons who had no
means of knowing the truth, and has been much misrepresented since by writers who
eannot plead that excuse. The case is not however one on which a unanimous
verdict can be expected. Always, where choice has to be made between fidelity to the state
and fidelity to a party or person, popular sympathy will run in favour of the man who
chooses the narrower duty ; for the narrower duty is not only easier to comprehend,
but, being seen closer, appears the larger of the two. But though sentiments will
continue to be divided, facts may be agieed upon ; and for the correction of all errors
in matter of fact, I must refer to the Occasional Works, where the whole story will ne-
cessarily come out in full detail. In the mean time I may say for myself that I have
no fault to find with Bacon for any part of his conduct towards Essex, and I think many
people will agree with me when they see the case fairly stated.

DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON. 7

great satisfaction. Nevertheless, though she cheered him much
with the bounty of her countenance, yet she never cheered
him with the bounty of her hand ; having never conferred upon
him any ordinary place or means of honour or profit, save
only one dry reversion of the Register's Office in the Star
Chamber, worth about 1600/. per annum, for which he waited
in expectation either fully or near twenty years l ; of which
his lordship would say in Queen Elizabeth's time, That it was
like another man's ground buttalling upon his house, which might
mend his prospect, but it did not Jill his barn ; (nevertheless, in
the time of King James it fell unto him) ; which might be im-
puted, not so much to Her Majesty's averseness and disaffection
towards him, as to the arts and policy of a great statesman
then, who laboured by all industrious and secret means to
suppress and keep him down; lest, if he had ris,en, he might
have obscured his glory.2

But though he stood long at a stay in the days of his mistress
Queen Elizabeth, yet after the change, and coming in of his new
master King James, he made a great progress ; by whom he
was much comforted in places of trust, honour, and revenue.
I have seen a letter of his lordship's to King James, wherein
he makes acknowledgment, That he was that master to him, that
had raised and advanced him nine times ; thrice in dignity, and
six times in office. His offices (as I conceive) were Counsel
Learned Extraordinary 3 to His Majesty, as be had been to
Queen Elizabeth ; King's Solicitor-General ; His Majesty's At-
torney-General ; Counsellor of Estate, being yet but Attorney;
Lord-Keeper of the Great Seal of England ; lastly, Lord Chan-
cellor ; which two last places, though they be the same in au-
thority and power, yet they differ in patent, height, and favour
of the prince ; since whose time none of his successors, until

1 The reversion, for which he considered himself indebted to Burghley, was
granted to him in October 1589. He succeeded to the office in July 1608. In the
Latin version Rawley adds that he administered it by deputy.

2 The person here alluded to is probably his cousin Robert Cecil, who, though he
always professed an anxiety to serve him, was supposed (apparently not without
reason) to have thrown obstacles secretly in the way of his advancement

3 See note 3. p. 5. Rawley should rather have said " counsel learned, no longer
extraordinary." It is true indeed that King James did at his first entrance confirm
Bacon by warrant under the sign manual in the same office which he had held under
Elizabeth by special commandment. But it was the " establishing him and bringing
him into ordinary" with a salary of 401., which he reckons as first in the series of
advancements. This was in 1604. He was made solicitor in 1 607, attorney in 1613,
counsellor of state in 1616, lord-keeper in 1617, lord chancellor in 1618. His
successive dignities were conferred respectively in 1603, 1618, and 1620-1.

B 4

8 DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON.

this present honourable lord l, did ever bear the title of Lord
Chancellor. His dignities were first Knight, then Baron of
Verulam ; lastly, Viscount St. Alban ; besides other good
gifts and bounties of the hand which His Majesty gave him,
both out of the Broad Seal and out of the Alienation Office 2, to
the value in both of eighteen hundred pounds per annum ;
which, with his manor of Gorhambury, and other lands and
possessions near thereunto adjoining, amounting to a third part
more, he retained to his dying day.

Towards his rising years, not before, he entered into a mar-
ried estate, and took to wife Alice, one of the daughters and
coheirs of Benedict Barnham, Esquire and Alderman of Lon-
don; with whom he received a sufficiently ample and liberal
portion in marriage.3 Children he had none ; which, though
they be the means to perpetuate our names after our deaths, yet
he had other issues to perpetuate his name, the issues of his
brain ; in which he was ever happy and admired, as Jupiter was
in the production of Pallas. Neither did the want of children
detract from his good usage of his consort during the inter-
marriage, whom he prosecuted with much conjugal love and
respect, with many rich gifts and endowments, besides a robe of
honour which he invested her withal ; which she wore unto her
dying day, being twenty years and more after his death.4

The last five years of his life, being withdrawn from civil
affairs 5 and from an active life, he employed wholly in conteni-

1 Sir Edward Hyde, made Lord Chancellor June 1. 1660. This clause was added
in 1661 ; the leaf having been cancelled for the purpose.

2 Here the paragraph ended in the first edition. The rest was added in 1661.

8 It appears, from a manuscript preserved in Tenison's Library, that he had about
220Z, a-year with his wife, and upon her mother's death was to have about 140/. a-year
more.

4 By the " robe of honour " is meant, I presume, the title of viscountess. It appears
however that a few months before Bacon's death his wife had given him some cause
of grave offence. Special provision is made for her in the body of his will, but revoked
in a codicil, " for just and great causes," the nature of which is not specified. Soon
after his death she married Sir John Underwood, her gentleman -usher. She was buried
at Ey worth in Bedfordshire on the 29th of June 1650.

5 On the 3rd of May 1621, Bacon was condemned, upon a charge of corruption to
which he pleaded guilty, to pay a fine of 40.000/. ; to be imprisoned in the Tower
during the king's pleasure ; to be for ever incapable of sitting in parliament or holding
office in the state; and to be banished for life from the verge of the court. From that
time his only business was to find means of subsistence and of satisfying his creditors,
and to pursue his studies.

His offence was the taking of presents from persons who had suits in his court, in some
cases while the suit was still pending ; an act which undoubtedly amounted to corruption
as corruption was defined by the law. The degree of moral criminality involved in it is
not so easily ascertained. To judge of this, we should know, First, what was the under-
standing, open or secret, upon which the presents were given and taken, — for a gift,
though it be given to a judge, is not necessarily in the nature of a bargain to pervert

DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON. 9

plation and studies — a thing whereof his lordship would often
speak during his active life, as if he affected to die in the shadow
and not in the light; which also may be found in several passages
of his works. In which time he composed the greatest part of
his books and writings, both in English and Latin, which I will
enumerate (as near as I can) in the just order wherein they
were written1: — The History of the Reign .of King Henry the
Seventh; Abcedarium Naturae, or a Metaphysical piece which
is lost 2 ; Historia Ventorum ; Historia Vitas et Mortis ; His-
toria Demi et Rari, not yet printed 3 ; Historia Gravis et
Levis, which is also lost4; a Discourse of a War with Spain; a

justice : Secondly, to what extent the practice was prevalent at the time, — for it is a
rare virtue in a man to resist temptations to which all his neighbours yield : Thirdly,
how far it was tolerated, — for a practice may be universally condemned and yet uni-
versally tolerated ; people may be known to be guilty of it and yet received in society
all the same : Fourthly, how it stood with regard to other abuses prevailing at the same
time, — for it is hard to reform all at once, and it is one thing for a man to leave a
single abuse .unreformed while he is labouring to remove or resist greater ones, and
another thing to introduce it anew, or to leave all as it was, making no effort to remove
any. Now all this is from the nature of the case very difficult to ascertain. But the
whole question, as it regards Bacon's character, must be considered in connexion with
the rest of his political life, and will be fully discussed in its place in the Occasional
works; where all the evidence I can find shall be faithfully exhibited. In this place
it may be enough to say that he himself always admitted the taking of presents as he
had taken them to be indefensible, the sentence to be just, and the example salutary ;
and yet always denied that he had been an unjust judge, or " had ever had bribe or
reward in his eye or thought when he pronounced any sentence or order ; " and that I
cannot find any reason for doubting that this was true. It is stated, indeed, in a manu-
script of Sir Matthew Hale's, published by Hargrave, that the censure of Bacon " for
many decrees made upon most gross bribery and corruption .... gave such a dis-
credit and brand to the decrees thus obtained that they were easily set aside ; " and it
is true that some bills were brought into the House of Commons for the purpose of
setting aside such decrees ; but I cannot find that any one of them reached a third
reading ; and it is clear from Sir Matthew's own argument that he could not produce
an instance of one reversed by the House of Lords ; and if any had been reversed by a
royal commission appointed for the purpose (which according to his statement was the
only remaining way), it must surely have been heard of; yet where is the record of any
such commission ? Now if of all the decrees so discredited none were reversed, it is
difficult to resist the conclusion that they had all been made bond fide with regard only
to the merits of the cases, and were in fact unimpeachably just ; and we may believe
that Bacon pronounced a true judgment on his own case when he said to his friends
(as I find it recorded in a commonplace of Dr. Rawley's in the Lambeth Library), " I
was the justest judge that was in England these fifty years ; but it was the justest
censure in parliament that was these two hundred years."

1 In the Latin version Rawley adds, quam pnzsens observavi ; which gives this list
a peculiar value.

* A fragment of this piece was recovered and printed by Tenison in the Baconiana ;
and will appear in this edition after the Historia Ventorum, which it was intended to
accompany.

3 This was true in 1657 ; but it was printed the next year in the Opuscula
Philosophica • and, therefore, for " not yet printed," the Latin version substitutes

jam primum typis mandata. In the edition of 1661 a corresponding alteration ought
to have been made in the English, but was not ; and as the words occur in one of
the cancelled leaves they must have been left by oversight.

4 This was probably the tract which Grater says he once had in his hands, and
which he describes as merely a skeleton, exhibiting heads of chapters not filled up.
" De Gravi et Let'*' in manibus hubui integrum et grande voluinen, sed quod, prater

10 DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON.

Dialogue touching an Holy War; the Fable of the New Atlantis;
a Preface to a Digest of the Laws of England ; the beginning
of the History of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth; De Aug-
mentis Scientiarum, or the Advancement of Learning, put into
Latin l, with several enrichments and enlargements ; Counsels
Civil and Moral, or his book of Essays, likewise enriched and
enlarged ; the Conversion of certain Psalms into English Verse ;
the Translation into Latin of the History of King Henry the
Seventh, of the Counsels Civil and Moral 2, of the Dialogue of the
Holy War, of the Fable of the New Atlantis, for the benefit of
other nations 3 ; his revising of his book De Sapientid Vetc-
rum ; Inquisitio de Magnete ; Topica Inquisitionis de Luce et
Lumine ; both these not yet printed 4 ; lastly, Sylva Sylva-
rum, or the Natural History. These were the fruits and pro-
ductions of his last five years. His lordship also designed, upon
the motion and invitation of his late majesty, to have written
the reign of King Henry the Eighth ; but that work perished
in the designation merely, God not lending him life to proceed
farther upon it than only in one morning's work ; whereof there
is extant an ex ungue leonem, already printed in his lordship's
Miscellany Works.

There is a commemoration due as well to his abilities and
virtues as to the course of his life. Those abilities which com-
monly go single in other men, though of prime and observable
parts, were all conjoined and met in him. Those are, sharpness
of icit, memory, judgment, and elocution. For the former three
his books do abundantly speak them ; which 5 with what

nvdum delineate falrica compagem ex titulis materiam prout earn conceperat Baconus
absolventibus, nihil descriptions continebat." See his letter to Rawley, May 29. 1 652, in
the Baconiana, p. 223.

1 In this edition I have placed the De Augmentis before the Historic* Ventorum ;
because, though published after, it was prepared and arranged, and in that sense com-
posed, before. And in this view I am supported by a slight variation which is
introduced here in the Latin version, viz. " Intervenerat opus de Augment™ Scien-
tiarum," &c.

We learn also from the Latin version that Bacon worked at the translation of the
Advancement of Learning himself: tn quo e lingua vernaculd, proprio Marte, in JLa-
tiniim transferendo honoratissimus auctor plurimum desudavit.

2 These were the Essays as they appeared in the third and last edition ; but he
gave them a weightier title when he had them translated into " the general language:"
exinde dicli, sermones fidtles, sive interiora rerum.

* The Latin version adds, apud quos expeti audiverat.

* These words are omitted in the Latin version, and must have been left by over-
sight in the edition of 1661 ; for they occur in one of the cancelled leaves; and the
works in question had been printed in 1 658. The error is the more worth noticing
because it shows that wherever the English and the Latin differ, the Latin must be
regarded as the later and better authority.

5 The Latin version adds, vt de Julio Casare Hirlius,

DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON. 11

sufficiency he wrote, let the world judge ; but with what
celerity he wrote them, I can best testify. But for the fourth,
his elocution, I will only set down what I heard Sir Walter
Raleigh once speak of him by way of comparison (whose
judgment may well be trusted), That the Earl of Salisbury
was an excellent speaker, but no good penman ; that the Earl of^
Northampton (the Lord Henry Howard} was an excellent- penman,
but no good speaker ; but that Sir Francis Bacon was eminent
in both.

I have been induced to think, that if there were a beam of
knowledge derived from God upon any man in these modern
times, it was upon him. For though he was a great reader of
books, yet he had not his knowledge from books1, but from
some grounds and notions from within himself ; which, notwith-
standing, he vented with great caution and circumspection. His
book of Instauratio Magna 2 (which in his own account was the
chiefest of his works) was no slight imagination or fancy of his
brain, but a settled and concocted notion, the production of
many years' labour and travel. I myself have seen at the least
twelve copies of the Instauration, revised year by year one after
another, and every year altered and amended in the frame
thereof, till at last it came to that model in which it was com-
mitted to the press ; as many living creatures do lick their
young ones, till they bring them to their strength of limbs.

In the composing of his books he did rather drive at a mas-
culine and clear expression than at any fineness or affectation of
phrases, and would often ask if the meaning were expressed
plainly enough, as being one that accounted words to be but
subservient or ministerial to matter, and not the principal.
And if his style were polite 3, it was because he would do no
otherwise. Neither was he given to any light conceits, or
descanting upon words, but did ever purposely and industriously
avoid them ; for he held such things to be but digressions or
diversions from the scope intended, and to derogate from the
weight and dignity of the style.

1 f. e. not from books only : Ex libris tamen soils scientiam suarn deprompsuse
haudquaquam concedere licet.

2 For Instauratio Magna in this place, and also for Instauration a few lines further
on, the Latin version substitutes Novum Organum. Rawley, when he spoke of the
Instauration, was thinking, no doubt, of the volume in which the Novum Organum
first appeared, and which contains all the pieces that stand in this edition before the
De Augmentis.

3 The Latin version adds : Siquidem apud nost rates eloquii Anglicani artifex habitus
est.

12 DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON.

He was no plodder upon books ; though he read much, and
that with great judgment, and rejection of impertinences inci-
dent to many authors ; for he would ever interlace a moderate
relaxation of his mind with his studies, as walking, or taking
the air abroad in his coach *, or some other befitting recreation ;
and yet he would lose no time, inasmuch as upon his first and
immediate return he would fall to reading again, and so suffer
no moment of time to slip from him without some present
improvement.

His meals were refections of the ear as well as of the stomach,
like the Nodes Atticce, or Convivia Deipno-sophistarum, wherein
a man might be refreshed in his mind and understanding no less
than in his body. And I have known some, of no mean parts,
that have professed to make use of their note-books when they
have risen from his table. In which conversations, and other-
wise, he was no dashing man2, as some men are, but ever a
countenancer and fosterer of another man's parts. Neither was
he one that would appropriate the speech wholly to himself, or
delight to outvie others, but leave a liberty to the co-assessors
to take their turns. Wherein he would draw a man on and
allure him to speak upon such a subject, as wherein he was
peculiarly skilful, and would delight to speak. And for himself,
he contemned no man's observations, but would light his torch
at every man's candle.

His opinions and assertions were for the most part binding,
and not contradicted by any ; rather like oracles than discourses ;
which may be imputed either to the well weighing of his sen-
tence by the scales of truth and reason, or else to the reverence
and estimation wherein he was commonly had, that no man
would contest with him ; so that there was no argumentation,
or pro and con (as they term it), at his table: or if there
chanced to be any, it was carried with much submission and
moderation.

I have often observed, and so have other men of great account,
that if he had occasion to repeat another man's words after him,
he had an use and faculty to dress them in better vestments and

1 In the Latin version Rawley adds gentle exercise on horseback and playing at
bowls : Equitationem, non citam sed lentam, globorum lusum, et id genus exercitia.

2 The word dash is used here in the same sense in which Costard uses it in Love's
Labour's Lost : " There, an't please you ; a foolish, mild man ; an honest man,
look you, and soon dashed : " Rawley means that Bacon was not a man who used his
•wit, as some do, to put his neighbours out of countenance : Convivantium neminem out
altos colloqucnlium pudore suffundere glorias sibi duxit, siciit nonnulli gestiunt.

DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON. 13

apparel than tlj£y had before; so that the author should find his
own speech much amended, and yet the substance of it still
retained l ; as if it had been natural to him to use good forms,
as Ovid spake of his faculty of versifying,

" Et quod tentabam scribere, versus erat."

When his office called him, as he was of the king's council
learned, to charge any offenders, either in criminals or capitals,
he was never of an insulting and domineering nature over them,
but always tender-hearted, and carrying himself decently towards
the parties (though it was his duty to charge them home), but
yet as one that looked upon the example with the eye of severity,
but upon the person with the eye of pity and compassion. And
in civil business, as he was counsellor of estate, he had the best
way of advising, not engaging his master in any precipitate or
grievous courses, but in moderate and fair proceedings : the
king whom he served giving him this testimony, That he ever
dealt in business suavibus modis ; which ivas the way that was
most according to his own heart.

Neither was he in his time less gracious with the subject than
with his sovereign. He was ever acceptable to the House
of Commons 2 when he was a member thereof. Being the king's
attorney, and chosen to a place in parliament, he was allowed
and dispensed with to sit in the House; which was not permitted
to other attorneys.

1 This is probably the true explanation of a habit of Bacon's which seems at first
sight a fault, and perhaps sometimes is; and of which a great many instances -have
been pointed out by Mr. Ellis ; — a habit of inaccurate quotation. In quoting an
author's words, — especially where he quotes them merely by way of voucher for his
own remark, or in acknowledgment of the source whence he derived it, or to suggest
an allusion which may give a better effect to it, — he very often quotes inaccurately.
Sometimes, no doubt, this was unintentional, the fault of his memory ; but more
frequently, I suspect, it was done deliberately, for the sake of presenting the substance
in a better form, or a form better suited to the particular occasion. In citing the
evidence of witnesses, on the contrary, in support of a narrative statement or an argu-
ment upon matter of fact, he is always very careful.

8 The Latin version adds, in quo seepe peroravit, non sine magno applausu ; a state-
ment of the truth of which abundant evidence may be found in all the records which
remain of the proceedings of the House of Commons. The first parliament in which
he sate was that of 1584 : after which he sate in every parliament that was summoned
up to the time of his fall.

As an edition of Bacon would hardly be complete unless it contained Ben Jonson's
famous description of his manner of speaking, I shall insert it here: — " Yet there
hflppened in my time one noble speaker, who was full of gravity in his speaking. His
language (where he could spare or pass by a jest) was nobly censorious. No man ever
spake more neatly, more pressly, more weightily, or suffered less emptiness, less idle-
ness, in what he uttered. No member of his speech but consisted of his own graces.
His hearers could not cough, or look aside from him, without loss. He commanded
where he spoke ; and had his judges angry and pleased at his devotion. No man had

14 DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON.

And as he was a good servant to his master-being never in
nineteen years' service (as himself averred) rebuked by the
king for anything relating to His Majesty, so he was a good
master to his servants, and rewarded their long attendance with
good places freely l when they fell into his power ; which was
the cause that so many young gentlemen of blood and quality
sought to list themselves in his retinue. And if he were abused
by any of them in their places, it was only the error of the
goodness of his nature, but the badges of their indiscretions and
intemperances.

This lord was religious : for though the world be apt to sus-
pect and prejudge great wits and politics to have somewhat of
the atheist, yet he was conversant with God, as appeareth by
several passages throughout the whole current of his writings.
Otherwise he should have crossed his own principles, which
were, That a little philosophy maketh men apt to forget God, as
attributing too much to second causes ; but depth of philosophy
bringeth a man back to God again. Now I am sure there is no
man that will deny him, or account otherwise of him, but to
have him been a deep philosopher. And not only so ; but he
was able to render a reason of the hope which was in hi.n, which
that writing of his of the Confession of the Faith doth abundantly
testify. He repaired frequently, when his health would permit
him, to the service of the church, to hear sermons, to the admi-
nistration of the sacrament of the blessed body and blood of
Christ; and died in the true faith, established in the church of
England.

This is most true — he was free from malice, which (as he
said himself) he never bred nor fed.* He was no revenger of

their affections more in his power. The fear of every man that heard him was lest he
should make an end." — Discoveries : under title Dominus Verulamius.

1 Gratis, in the Latin version ; i.e. without taking any money for them ; an unusit;il
thing in Bacon's time, when the sale of offices was a principal source of all great men's
incomes.

2 " He said he had breeding swans and feeding swans ; but for malice, he neither
bred it nor fed it." From a commonplace book of Dr. Rawley's in the Lambeth
Library. " Et posso dir," says Sir Tobie Matthew, in his dedication to Cosmo de' Medici
of an Italian translation of the Essays and Sapientia Veterum, 1618, " et posso dir
con verita (per haver io havuto 1* honore di pratticarlo molti anni, et quando era in
minoribus, et bora quando sta in colmo et fiore (tella sua grandezza) di non haver mai
scoperto in lui ammo di vendetta, per qualsivoglia sggravio che se gli fosse fatto ; ne
manco sentito uscirgli di bocca parola d' ingiuria contra veruno, che mi paresse veni-e
da passione contra la tal persona; ma solo (et questo ancora molto scarsamente) per
giudicio fattone in sangue freddo. Non e gia la sua grandezza quel che io ammiro, ma
la sua virtu; non sono li favori fattimi da lui (per inflniti che siano) che mi hanno
posto il cuore in questi ceppi et catene in che mi ritrovo ; ma si bene il suo procedere
in commune ; che se egli fosse di conditione inferiore, non potrei manco honorarlo, e
se mi fosse nemico io dovrei con tutto cio amar et procurar di servirlo."

DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON. 15

injuries ; which if he had minded, he had both opportunity and
place high enough to have done it. He was no heaver of men
out of their places, as delighting in their ruin and undoing. He
was no defamer of any man to his prince. One day, when a
great statesman was newly dead, that had not been his friend,
the king asked him, What he thought of that lord which was gone?
he answered, That he would never have made His Majesty 's estate
better, but he was sure he would have kept it from being worse ;
which was the worst he would say of him: which I reckon not
among his moral, but his Christian virtues.

His fame is greater and sounds louder in foreign parts
abroad, than at home in his own nation; thereby verifying that
divine sentence, A prophet is not without honour, save in his own
country, and in his own house. Concerning which I will give
you a taste only, out of a letter written from Italy (the store-
house of refined wits) to the late Earl of Devonshire, then the
Lord Candish : / will expect the new essays of my Lord Chan-
cellor Bacon, as also his History, with a great deal of desire, and
whatsoever else he shall compose : but in particular of his History
I promise myself a thing perfect and singular, especially in Henry
the Seventh, where he may exercise the talent of his divine under-
standing. This lord is more and more known, and his books here
more and more delighted in ; and those men that have more than
ordinary knowledge in human affairs, esteem him one of the most
capable spirits of this age ; and he is truly such. Now his fame
doth not decrease with days since, but rather increase. Divers
of his works have been anciently and yet lately translated into
other tongues, both learned and modern, by foreign peris.
Several persons of quality, during his lordship's life, crossed the
seas on purpose to gain an opportunity of seeing him and dis-
coursing with him ; whereof one carried his lordship's picture
from head to foot 1 over with him into France, as a thing which
he foresaw would be much desired there, that so they might
enjoy the image of his person as well as the images of his brain,
his books. Amongst the rest, Marquis Fiat, a French noble-
man, who came ambassador into England, in the beginning
of Queen Mary, wife to King Charles, was taken with an
extraordinary desire of seeing him ; for which he made way by a
friend ; and when he came to him, being then through weakness
confined to his bed, the marquis saluted him with this high

1 This picture was presented to him by Bacon himself, according to the Latin

version.

16 DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON.

expression, That his lordship had been ever to him like the angels ;
of whom he had often heard, and read much of them in looks,
but he never saw them. After which they contracted an inti-
mate acquaintance, and the marquis did so much revere him,
that besides his frequent visits, they wrote letters one to the
other, under the titles and appellations of father and son. As
for his many salutations by letters from foreign worthies devoted
to learning, I forbear to mention them, because that is a thing
common to other men of learning or note, together with him.

But yet, in this matter of his fame, I speak in the compara-
tive only, and not in the exclusive. For his reputation is great in
his own nation also, especially amongst those that are of a more
acute and sharper judgment ; which I will exemplify but with
two testimonies and no more. The former, when his History of
King Henry the Seventh was to come forth, it was delivered to
the old Lord Brook, to be perused by him; who, when he had
dispatched it, returned it to the author with this eulogy, Com-
mend me to my lord, and bid him take care to get good paper
and ink, for the worR is incomparable. The other shall be that
of Doctor Samuel Collins, late provost of King's College in
Cambridge, a man of no vulgar wit, who affirmed unto me !,
That ivhen he had read the book of the Advancement of Learning,
he found himself in a case to begin his studies anew, and that he
had lost all the time of his studying before,

It hath been desired, that something should be signified touch-
ing his diet, and the regimen of his health, of which*- in regard
of his universal insight into nature, he may perhaps be to some
an example. For his diet, it was rather a plentiful and liberal
diet, as his stomach would bear it, than a restrained ; which he
also commended in his book of the History of Life and Death.
In his younger years he was much given to the finer and lighter
sort of meats, as of fowls, and such like ; but afterward, when
he grew more judicious2, he preferred the stronger meats, such
as the shambles afforded, as those meats which bred the more
firm and substantial juices of the body, and less dissipable; upon
which he would often make his meal, though he had other
meats upon the table. You may be sure he would not neglect
that himself, which he so much extolled in his writings, and

1 In the Latin version Rawley has thought it worth while to add that this may
have been said playfully : Sive festive sive serio.

2 More judicious (that is) by experience and observation : experientia edoctus is the
expression in the Latin version.

DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON. 17

that was the use of nitre ; whereof he took in the quantity of
about three grains in thin warm broth every morning, for
thirty years together next before his death. And for physic,
he did indeed live physically, but not miserably ; for he took
only a maceration of rhubarb l, infused into a draught of white
wine and beer mingled together for the space of half an hour,
once in six or seven days, immediately before his meal (whether
dinner or supper), that it might dry the body less ; which (as
he said) did carry away frequently the grosser humours of the
body, and not diminish or carry away any of the spirits, as
sweating doth. And this was 110 grievous thing to take. As
for other physic, in an ordinary way (whatsoever hath been
vulgarly spoken) he took not. His receipt for the gout, which
did constantly ease him of his pain within two hours, is already
set down in the end of the Natural History.

It may seem the moon had some principal place in the figure
of his nativity : for the moon was never in her passion, or
eclipsed 2, but he Avas surprised with a sudden fit of fainting ;
and that, though he observed not nor took any previous know-
ledge of the eclipse thereof; and as soon as the eclipse ceased,
he was restored to his former strength again.

He died on the ninth day of April in the year 1626, in the
early morning of the day then celebrated for our Saviour's
resurrection, in the sixty-sixth year of his age, at the Earl of
Arundel's house in Highgate, near London, to which place he
casually repaired about a week before ; God so ordaining that

1 In the Latin version Rawley gives the quantity : Rhalarbari sesquidrachmam. •

2 Lord Campbell (who appears to have read Rawley's memoir only in the Latin,
where the words are quoties luna defecit sive eclipsin passa est), supposing defecit to
mean waned, discredits this statement, on the ground that "no instance is recorded
of Bacon's having fainted in public, or put off the hearing of any cause on account of
the change of the moon, or of any approaching eclipse, visible or invisible." And it is
true that if defectus lunce meant a change of the moon, or even a dark moon (which
it might have meant well enough if the Romans had not chosen to appropriate the
word to quite another meaning), the accident must have happened in public too often
to pass unnoticed. But Rawley was too good a scholar to misapply so common
a word in that way. He evidently speaks of eclipses only, and of eclipses visible at
the place. Now it is not at all likely that lunar eclipses visible at Westminster would
have coincided with important business in which Bacon was conspicuously engaged,
often enough (even if he did faint every time) to establish a connexion between the
two phenomena. Of course Rawley's statement is not sufficient to prove the reality of
any such connexion; but there is no reason to suppose it an invention, and it may
be fairly taken, I think, as evidence of the extreme delicacy of Bacon's temperament,
and its sensibility to the skiey influences. That Bacon himself never alluded to this
relation between himself and the moon is easily accounted for by supposing that he
was not satisfied of the fact. He may have observed the coincidence, and mentioned
it to Rawley ; and Rawley (whose commonplace book proves that he had a taste for
astrology) may have believed in the physical connexion, though Bacon himself did not.

VOL. I. C

18 DR. RAWLEY'S LIFE OF BACON.

he should die there of a gentle fever, accidentally accompanied
with a great cold, whereby the defluxion of rheum fell so plen-
tifully upon his breast, that he died by suffocation ; and was
buried in St. Michael's church at St. Albans ; being the place
designed for his burial by his last will and testament, both be-
cause the body of his mother was interred there, and because
it was the only church then remaining within the precincts of
old Verulam : where he hath a monument erected for him in
white marble (by the care and gratitude of Sir Thomas Meautys,
knight, formerly his lordship's secretary, afterwards clerk of the
King's Honourable Privy Council under two kings) ; represent-
ing his full portraiture in the posture of studying, with an in-
scription composed by that accomplished gentleman and rare
wit, Sir Henry Wotton.1

But howsoever his body was mortal, yet no doubt his memory
and works will live, and will in all probability last as long as
the world lasteth. In order to which I have endeavoured (after
my poor ability) to do this honour to his lordship, by way of
conducing to the same.

FINIS.

FRANCISCUS BACON, BARO DE VERULAM, S l. ALBANI VICmes,

SEU NOTIORIBCS TITULIS

SCIENTIARCM LUMEN FACCNDLE LEX

SIC SEDEBAT.

QUI POSTQUAM OMNIA NATURALIS SAPIENTLffi

ET CIVILI8 ARCANA EVOLVISSET

NATURE DECRETUM EXPLEVIT

COMPOSITA SOLVANTUR

AN. DNI M.DC.XXVI.

LXVI.

TANTI VIRI
MEM.

THOMAS MEAUTUS

SUPER8T1TI8 CDLTOR

DEFCNCTI ADMIRATOR

H. P.

THE

PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS

OF

FRANCIS BACON.

02

GENERAL PREFACE

TO

BACON'S PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS.

BY KOBEKT LESLIE ELLIS.

(1.) OUR knowledge of Bacon's method is much less com-
plete than it is commonly supposed to be. Of the Novum
Organum, which was to contain a complete statement of its
nature and principles, we have only the first two books ; and
although in other parts of Bacon's writings, as for instance in
the Cogitata et Visa de Interpretatione Naturae, many of the
ideas contained in these books recur in a less systematic form,
we yet meet with but few indications of the nature of the sub-
jects which were to have been discussed in the others. It
seems not improbable that some parts of Bacon's system were
never perfectly developed even in his own mind. However
this may be, it is certain that an attempt to determine what his
method, taken as a whole, was or would have been, must neces-
sarily involve a conjectural or hypothetical element ; and it is, I
think, chiefly because this circumstance has not been suffi-
ciently recognised, that the idea of Bacon's philosophy has
generally speaking been but imperfectly apprehended.

(2.) Of the subjects which were to have occupied the re-
mainder of the Novum Organum we learn something from a
passage at the end of the second book.

" Nunc vero," it is said at the conclusion of the doctrine of
prerogative instances, " ad adniinicula et rectificationes induc-
tionis, et deinceps ad concreta, et latentes processus, et latentes
schematismos, et reliqua quse aphorismo xxi ordine proposui-
mus, pergendum." On referring to the twenty-first aphorism
we find a sort of table of contents of the whole work. " Dice-

c 3

22 GENERAL PREFACE TO

mus itaque primo loco, de praerogativis instantiarum ; secundo,
de adminiculis inductionis ; tertio, de rectificatione inductionis ;
quarto, de variatione inquisitionis pro natura subject! ; quinto,
de prserogativis naturarum quatenus ad inquisitionem, sive de
eo quod inquirendum est prius et posterius; sexto, de ter-
minis inquisitionis, sive de synopsi omnium naturarum in uni-
verso ; septimo, de deductione ad praxin, sive de eo quod est
in ordine ad hominem ; octavo, de parascevis ad inquisitionem ;
postremo autem, de scala ascensoria et descensoria axiomatum."
Of these nine subjects the first is the only one with which we
are at all accurately acquainted.

(3.) Bacon's method was essentially inductive. He rejected
the use of syllogistic or deductive reasoning, except when prac-
tical applications were to be made of the conclusions, axiomata,
to which the inquirer had been led by a systematic process
of induction. " Logica quae nunc habetur inutilis est ad inven-

tionem scientiaruin Spes est una in inductione vera."1

It is to be observed that wherever Bacon speaks of an " ascend-
ing" process, he is to be understood to mean induction, of which
it is the character to proceed from that which is nobis notius to
that which is notius simpliciter. Contrariwise when he speaks
of a descent, he always refers to the correlative process of de-
duction. Thus when in the Partis secundce Delineatio he says,
. . . "meminerint homines in inquisitione activa" necesse esse
rem per scalam descensoriain (cujus usum in contemplativa sus-
tulimus) confici: omnis enim operatic in individuis versatur quae
infimo loco sunt," — we are to understand that in Bacon's system
deduction is only admissible in the inquisitio activa ; that is, in
practical applications of the results of induction. Similarly in the
Distributio Operis he says, " Rejicimus syllogismum ; neque
id solum quoad principia (ad quae nee illi earn adhibent) sed
etiam quoad propositiones medias." Everything was to be esta-
blished by induction. " In constituendo autem axiomate forma
inductionis alia quam adhuc in usu fuit excogitanda est, eaque
non ad principia tantum (quse vocant) probanda et invenienda,
scd etiam ad axiomata minora, et media, denique omnia."2

(4.) It is necessary to determine the relation in which Bacon
conceived his method to stand to ordinary induction. Both
methods set out " a sensu et particularibus," and acquiesce " in

1 Nov. Org. i. 11. and M. - Nov. Org. i. 105.

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 23

maxime1 generalibus ;" 1 but while ordinary induction proceeds
" per enumerationem simplicem," by a mere enumeration of par-
ticular cases, " et precario concludit et periculo exponitur ab in-
stantia contradictoria," the new method " naturam separare debet,
per rejectiones et exclusiones debitas ; et deinde post negativas
tot quot sufficiunt super affirmativas concludere."2 A form of
induction was to be introduced, " quae ex aliquibus genera-
liter concludat ita ut instantiam contradictoriam inveniri non
posse demonstretur."3 In strong contrast with this method
stands " the induction which the logicians speak of," which " is
utterly vicious and incompetent." ..." For to conclude
upon an enumeration of particulars, without instance contra-
dictory, is no conclusion, but a conjecture." . . . " And this
form, to say truth, is so gross, as it had not been possible for
wits so subtile as have managed these things to have offered
it to the world, but that they trusted to their theories and
dogmaticals, and were imperious and scornful towards particu-
lars."4 We thus see what is meant by the phrase " quot suffi-
ciunt" in the passage which has been cited from the Novum
Organum ; it means " as many as may suffice in order to the at-
tainment of certainty," it being necessary to have a method of
induction, "qua? experientiam solvat et separet, et per exclu-
siones et rejectiones debitas necessario concludat."5 Absolute
certainty is therefore one of the distinguishing characters of
the Baconian induction. Another is that it renders all men
equally capable, or nearly so, of attaining to the truth. "Jtfostra
vero inveniendi scientias ea est ratio ut non multum ingenio-
rum acumini et robori relinquatur; sed quae ingenia et intel-
lectus fere; exaequet ;" 6 and this is illustrated by the difficulty of
describing a circle libera manu, whereas every one can do it
with a pair of compasses. " Omnino similis est nostra ratio."
The cause to which this peculiarity is owing, is sufficiently indi-
cated by the illustration : the method " exaequat ingenia," " cum
omnia per certissimas regulas et demonstrationes transigat."
(5.) Absolute certainty, and a mechanical mode of procedure

1 Nov. Org. i. 22. 2 Nov. Org. i 105.

* Cogitataet Visa, § 18.

4 Advancement of Learning. The corresponding passage in the De Augm. is in the
2nd chap, of the 5th book.

5 Distrib. Operis, § 10.

B Nov. Org. i. 61., and comp. i. 122. Also the Inquisitio legitima de Motu, and
Valerius Terminus, c. 19.

C 4

24 GENERAL PREFACE TO

such that all men should be capable of employing it, are thus
two great features of the Baconian method. His system can
never be rightly understood if they are neglected, and any
explanation of it which passes them over in silence leaves un-
explained the principal difficulty which that system presents
to us. But another difficulty takes the place of the one which
is thus set aside. It becomes impossible to justify or to under-
stand Bacon's assertion that his method was essentially new.
" Nam nos," he says in the preface to the Novum Organum, " si
profiteamur nos meliora afferre quam antiqui, eandem quam illi
viam ingressi, nulla verborum arte efficere possimus, quin induca-
tur quffidam ingenii, vel excellentiae, vel facultatis comparatio, sive
contentio. . . . Verum cum per nos illud agatur, ut alia omnino
via intellectui aperiatur illis intentata et incognita, commutata
tota jam ratio est," &c. He elsewhere speaks of himself as
being " in hac re plane protopirus, et vestigia nullius sequutus." *
Surely this language would be out of place, if the difference
between him and those who had gone before him related merely
to matters of detail ; as, for instance, that his way of arranging
the facts of observation was more convenient than theirs, and
his way of applying an inductive process to them more syste-
matic. And it need not be remarked that induction in itself
was no novelty at all. The nature of the act of induction is
as clearly stated by Aristotle as by any later writer. Bacon's
design was surely much larger than it would thus appear to
have been. Whoever considers his writings without reference
to their place in the history of philosophy will I think be
convinced that he aimed at giving a wholly new method, — a
method universally applicable, and in all cases infallible. By
this method, all the knowledge which the human mind is capa-
ble of receiving might be attained, and attained without unne-
cessary labour. Men were no longer to wander from the truth
in helpless uncertainty. The publication of this new doctrine
Avas the Temporis Partus Masculus ; it was as the rising of a
new sun, before which " the borrowed beams of moon and stars"
were to fade away and disappear.2

(6.) That the wide distinction which Bacon conceived to
exist between his own method and any which had previously

1 Nov. Org. i. 113.

2 See, for instance, the Prtefatio Generalis, where Bacon compares his method to the
mariner's compass, until the discovery of which no wide sea could be crossed ; an
image probably connected with his favourite device of a ship passing through the pillars
of Hercules, with the motto " Plus ultra."

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 25

been known has often been but slightly noticed by those who
have spoken of his philosophy, arises probably from a wish to
recognise in the history of the scientific discoveries of the last
two centuries the fulfilment of his hopes and prophecies. One
of his early disciples however, who wrote before the scientific
movement which commenced about Bacon's time had assumed
a definite form and character — I mean Dr. Hooke — has ex-
plicitly adopted those portions of Bacon's doctrine which have
seemingly been as a stumbling-block to his later followers. In
Hooke's General Scheme or Idea of the Present State of Natu~
ral Philosophy l, which is in many respects the best commentary
on Bacon, we find it asserted that in the pursuit of knowledge,
the intellect " is continually to be assisted by some method or
engine which shall be as a guide to regulate its actions, so as that
it shall not be able to act amiss. Of this engine no man ex-
cept the incomparable Verulam hath had any thoughts, and he
indeed hath promoted it to a very good pitch." Something
however still remained to be added to this engine or art of
invention, to which Hooke gives the name of philosophical
algebra. He goes on to say, " I cannot doubt but that if this
art be well prosecuted and made use of, an ordinary capacity
with industry will be able to do very much more than has yet
been done, and to show that even physical and natural inquiries
as well as mathematical and geometrical will be capable also of
demonstration ; so that henceforward the business of invention
will not be so much the effect of acute wit, as of a serious and
industrious prosecution."2 Here the absolute novelty. of Bacon's
method, its demonstrative character, and its power of reducing
all minds to nearly the same level, are distinctly recognised.

(7.) Before we examine the method of which Bacon proposed
to make use, it is necessary to determine the nature of the pro-
blems to which it was, for the most part at least, to be applied.
In other words, we must endeavour to determine the idea which
he had formed of the nature of science.

Throughout his writings, science and power are spoken of as
correlative — " in idem coincidunt ; " and the reason of this is
that Bacon always assumed that the knowledge of the cause
would in almost all cases enable us to produce the observed
effect. We shall see hereafter how this assumption connected

1 Published posthumously in 1705. 2 Present State of Nat. Phil. pp. 6, 7.

26 GENERAL PREFACE TO

itself with the whole spirit of his philosophy. I mention it now
because it presents itself in the passage in which Bacon's idea
of the nature of science is most distinctly stated. " Super
datum corpus novam naturam, sive novas naturas, generare et
superinducere, opus et intentio est humanas potentia?. Datae
autem naturse formam, sive differentiam veram, sive naturam
naturantem, sive fontem emanationis, (ista enim vocabula
habemus qua? ad indicationem rei proxime accedunt) invenire,
opus et intentio est humanse scientiae." This passage, with which
the second book of the Novum Organum commences, requires
to be considered in detail.

In the first place it is to be remarked, that natura signifies
" abstract quality," — it is used by Bacon in antithesis with
corpus or " concrete body." Thus the passage we have quoted
amounts to this, that the scope and end of human power is to
give new qualities to bodies, while the scope and end of human
knowledge is to ascertain the formal cause of all the qualities of
which bodies are possessed.

Throughout Bacon's philosophy, the necessity of making
abstract qualities (natura?) the principal object of our inquiries
is frequently insisted on. He who studies the concrete and
neglects the abstract cannot be called an interpreter of nature.
Such was Bacon's judgment when, apparently at an early period
of his life, he wrote the Temporis Partus Masculus * ; and in the
Novum Organum he has expressed an equivalent opinion : " quod
iste modus operandi, (qui naturas intuetur simplices licet in
corpore concreto) procedat ex iis qua? in natura sunt constantia
et asterna et catholica, et latas prsebeat potentia? humana?
vias." 2 Quite in accordance with this passage is a longer one
in the Advancement of Learning, which I shall quote in extenso,
as it is exceedingly important. " The forms of substances, I
say, as they are now by compounding and transplanting mul-
tiplied, are so perplexed as they are not to be inquired ; no more
than it were either possible or to purpose to seek in gross the
forms of those sounds which make words, which by compo-
sition and transposition of letters are infinite. But on the other
side to inquire the form of those sounds or voices which make

Mr. Ellis alludes, I think, to the De Interpretation Natura Sentential XII., which
M. Bouillet prints as part of the Temporis Partus Masculus. My reasons for differing
with M. Bouillet on this point, and placing it by itself, and assigning it a later date,
will be found in a note to Mr. Ellis's Preface to the Novum Organum.— J. S.
2 Nov. Org. ii. 5.

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 27

simple letters is easily comprehensible, and being known in-
duceth and manifesteth the forms of all words which consist and
are compounded of them. In the same manner, to inquire the
form of a lion, of an oak, of gold — nay of water, of air — is a vain
pursuit ; but to inquire the forms of sense, of voluntary motion,
of vegetation, of colours, of gravity and levity, of density, of
tenuity, of heat, of cold, and all other natures and qualities
which like an alphabet are not many, and of which the essences
upheld by matter of all creatures do consist, — to inquire, I say,
the true forms of these, is that part of metaphysique which we
now define of." And a little farther on we are told that it is
the prerogative of metaphysique to consider "the simple forms
or difference of things" (that is to say, the forms of simple
natures), " which are few in number, and the degrees and co-
ordinations whereof make all this variety."

We see from these passages why the study of simple natures
is so important — namely because they are comparatively
speaking few in number, and because, notwithstanding this, a
knowledge of their essence would enable us, at least in theory,
to solve every problem which the universe can present to us.

As an illustration of the doctrine of simple natures, we may
take a passage which occurs in the Silva Silvarum. " Gold,"
it is there said, " has these natures : greatness of weight, close-
ness of parts, fixation, pliantness or softness, immunity from
rust, colour or tincture of yellow. Therefore the sure way,
though most about, to make gold, is to know the causes of the
several natures before rehearsed, and the axioms concerning the
same. For if a man can make a metal that hath all these pro-
perties, let men dispute whether it be gold or no."1

Of these simple natures Bacon has given a list in the third
book of the De Augrnentis. They are divided into two classes :
schematisms of matter, and simple motions. To the former
belong the abstract qualities, dense, rare, heavy, light, &c., of
which thirty-nine are enumerated, the list being concluded with
a remark that it need not be carried farther, " neque ultra rem
extendimus." The simple motions — and it will be observed that
the word "motion" is used in a wide and vague sense — are the
motus antitypiae, which secures the impenetrability of matter ;
the motus nexus, commonly called the motus ex fuga vacui, &c. ;

1 Compare Nov. Org. ii. 5.

28 GENERAL PREFACE TO

and of these motions fourteen are mentioned. This list however
does not profess to be complete, and accordingly in the Novum
Organum (ii. 48.) another list of simple motions is given, in
which nineteen species are recognised.

The view of which we have now been speaking — namely, that
it is possible to reduce all the phenomena of the universe to
combinations of a limited number of simple elements — is the
central point of Bacon's whole system. It serves, as we shall
see, to explain the peculiarities of the method which he proposed.

(8.) In what sense did Bacon use the word "Form"? This is the
next question which, in considering the account which he has
given of the nature of science, it is necessary to examine. I am,
for reasons which will be hereafter mentioned, much disposed
to believe that the doctrine of Forms is in some sort an extra-
neous part of Bacon's system. His peculiar method may be
stated independently of this doctrine, and he has himself so stated
it in one of his earlier tracts, namely the Valerius Terminus.
It is at any rate certain, that in using the word " Form" he did
not intend to adopt the scholastic mode of employing it. He
was much in the habit of giving to words already in use a new
signification. " To me," he remarks in the Advancement of
Learning, "it seemeth best to keep way with antiquity usque ad
aras, and therefore to retain the ancient terms, though I some-
times alter the uses and definitions." And thus though he has
spoken of the scholastic forms as figments of the human mind ',
he was nevertheless willing to employ the word "Form" in a mo-
dified sense, {t praesertim quum hoc vocabulum invaluerit, et fa-
miliariter occurrat." 2 He has however distinctly stated that in
speaking of Forms, he is not to be understood to speak of the
Forms " quibus hominum contemplationes et cogitationes
hactenus assueverunt." 3

As Bacon uses the word in his own sense, we must en-
deavour to interpret the passages in which it occurs by means
of what he has himself said of it; and this may I think be satis-
factorily accomplished.

We may begin by remarking that in Bacon's system, as in
those of many others, the relation of substance and attribute is
virtually the same as the relation of cause and effect. The
substance is conceived of as the causa immanens of its attri-

1 Nov. Org. i. 51. 2 Nov. Org. ii. 2. 3 Nov. Org. ii. 17.

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 29

butes1, or in other words it is the formal cause of the qualities
which are referred to it. As there is a difference between the
properties of different substances, there must be a corresponding
difference between the substances themselves. But in the first
state of the views of which we are speaking this latter differ-
ence is altogether unimaginable: "distincte quidem intelligi
potest, sed non explicari imaginabiliter."2 It belongs not to
natural philosophy, but to metaphysics.

These views however admit of an essential modification. If
we divide the qualities of bodies into two classes, and ascribe
those of the former class to substance as its essential attributes,
while we look on those of the latter as connected with substance
by the relation of cause and effect — that is, if we recognise the
distinction of primary and secondary qualities — the state of the
question is changed. It now becomes possible to give a definite
answer to the question, "Wherein does the difference between
different substances, corresponding to the difference between
their sensible qualities, consist ?

The answer to this question of course involves a reference
to the qualities which have been recognised as primary; and we
are thus led to the principle that in the sciences which relate to
the secondary qualities of bodies the primary ones are to be
regarded as the causes of the secondary.3

This division of the qualities of bodies into two classes is the
point of transition from the metaphysical view from which we
set out to that of ordinary physical science. And this tran-
sition Bacon had made, though not perhaps with a perfect con-
sciousness of having done so. Thus he has repeatedly denied the
truth of the scholastic doctrine that Forms are incognoscible
because supra-sensible4; and the reason of this is clearly that his
conception of the nature of Forms relates merely to the primary
qualities of bodies. For instance, the Form of heat is a kind of
local motion of the particles of which bodies are composed5, and
that of whiteness a mode of arrangement among those particles.6
This peculiar motion or arrangement corresponds to and en-
genders heat or whiteness, and this in every case in which those
qualities exist. The statement of the distinguishing character

1 See Zimmerman's Essay on the Monadology of Leibnitz, p. 86. (Vienna, 1807).
8 Leibnitz, De ipsa Natura. 3 Whewel), Phil. Ind. Science, [book iv ch i 1

4 See Scaliger, Exercit. fn Cardan.

5 [Nov. Org. ii. 20.] a [Valerius Terminus, ii. 1.]

30 GENERAL PREFACE TO

of the motion or arrangement, or of whatever else may be the
Form of a given phenomenon, takes the shape of a law ; it is the
law in fulfilling which any substance determines the existence
of the quality in question. It is for this reason that Bacon
sometimes calls the Form a law ; he has done this particularly
in a passage which will be mentioned a little farther on.

With the view which has now been* stated, we shall I think
be able to understand every passage in which Bacon speaks of
Forms ; — remembering however that as he has not traced a
boundary line between primary and secondary qualities, we can
only say in general terms that his doctrine of Forms is founded
upon the theory that certain qualities of bodies are merely sub-
jective and phenomenal, and are to be regarded as necessarily
resulting from others which belong to substance as its essential
attributes. In the passage from which we set out1, the Form is
spoken of as vera differentia, the true or essential difference, — as
natura naturans — and as the fons emanationis. The first of
these expressions refers to the theory of definition by genus and
difference. The difference is that which gives the thing defined
its specific character. If it be founded on an accidental circum-
stance, the definition, though not incorrect if the accident be an
inseparable one, will nevertheless not express the true and
essential character of its subject; contrariwise, if it involve a
statement of the formal cause of the thing defined.

The second of these phrases is now scarcely used, except in
connexion with the philosophy of Spinoza. It had however
been employed by some of the scholastic writers.2 It is always
antithetical to natura naturata, and in the passage before us
serves not inaptly to express the relation in which the Form
stands to the phenomenal nature which results from it.

The phrase fons emanationis does not seem to require any
explanation. It belongs to the kind of philosophical language
which attempts, more or less successfully, to give clearness of
conception by means of metaphor. It is unnecessary to remark
how much this is the case in the later development of scho-
lasticism.

A little farther on in the second book of the Novum Or-
ganum than the passage we have been considering, — namely

1 [Nov. Org. ii. 1.]

* See Vossius De Vitiis Serm. in voce Naturare ; and Castanaeus, Distinctiones in
voc. Natura.

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 31

in the thirteenth aphorism, — Bacon asserts that the "forma
rei " is " ipsissima res," and that the thing and its Form differ
only as "apparens et existens, aut exterius et interius, aut in
ordine ad hominem et in ordine ad universum." Here the
subjective and phenomenal character of the qualities whose form
is to be determined is distinctly and strongly indicated.

The principal passage in which the Form is spoken of as a law
occurs in the second aphorism of the same book. It is there
said that, although in nature nothing really exists (vere existat)
except " corpora individua edentia actus puros individuos ex
lege," yet that in doctrine this law is of fundamental import-
ance, and that it and its clauses (paragraphi) are what he means
when he speaks of Forms.

In denying the real existence of anything beside individual
substances, Bacon opposes himself to the scholastic realism ; in
speaking of these substances as " edentia actus," he asserts the
doctrine of the essential activity of substance ; by adding the
epithet " puros " he separates what Aristotle termed svTsKs^aL
from mere motions or Kivijo-ets, thereby by implication denying
the objective reality of the latter ; and, lastly, by using the
word " individuos," he implies that though in contemplation and
doctrine the form law of the substance (that is, the substantial
form) is resoluble into the forms of the simple natures which
belong to it, as into clauses, yet that this analysis is conceptual
only, and not real.

It will be observed that the two modes in which Bacon
speaks of the Form, namely as ipsissima res and as a law, differ
only, though they cannot be reconciled, as two aspects of the
same object.

Thus much of the character of the Baconian Form. That it
is after all only a physical conception appears sufficiently from
the examples already mentioned, and from the fact of its being
made the most important part of the subject-matter of the na-
tural sciences.

The investigation of the Forms of natures or abstract qualities
is the principal object of the Baconian method of induction.
It is true that Bacon, although he gives the first place to inves-
tigations of this nature, does not altogether omit to mention as
a subordinate part of science, the study of concrete substances.
The first aphorism of the second book of the Novum Organum
sufficiently explains the relation in which, as he conceived, the

32 GENERAL PREFACE TO

abstract and the concrete, considered as objects of science,
ought to stand to one another. This relation corresponds to
that which in the De Augmentis [iii. 4.], he had sought to
establish between Physique and Metaphysique, and which he
has there expressed by saying that the latter was to be con-
versant with the formal and final causes, while the former was
to be confined to the efficient cause and to the material. It
may be asked, and the question is not easily answered, Of what
use the study of concrete bodies was in Bacon's system to be,
seeing that the knowledge of the Forms of simple natures would,
in effect, include all that can be known of the outward world ?

1 believe that, if Bacon's recognition of physique as a distinct
branch of science which was to be studied apart from meta-
physique or the doctrine of Forms, can be explained except on
historical grounds, — that is, except by saying that it was derived
from the quadripartite division of causes given by Aristotle1, —
the explanation is merely this, that he believed that the study of
concrete bodies would at least at first be "pursued more hopefully
and more successfully than the abstract investigations to which
he gave the first rank.2

However this may be, it seems certain that Bacon's method,
as it is stated in the Novum Organum, is primarily applicable
to the investigation of Forms, and that when other applications
were made of it, it was to be' modified in a manner which is
nowhere distinctly explained. All in fact that we know of
these modifications results from comparing two passages which
have been already quoted3 ; namely the two lists in which Bacon
enumerates the subjects to be treated of in the latter books of
the Novum Organum.

It will be observed that in one of these lists the subject of
concrete bodies corresponds to the " variation of the investiga-
tion according to the nature of the subject " in the other, and
from this it seems to follow that Bacon looked on his method of
investigating Forms as the fundamental type of the inductive
process, from which in its other applications it deviated more or
less according to the necessity of the case. This being under-
stood, we may proceed to speak of the inductive method itself.

(9. ) The practical criterium of a Form by means of which it is to

: For an explanation of which, see note on De Augmentis, iii. 4. — J. S.

2 See, in illustration of this, Nov. Org. ii. 5. » Vide supra, § 2.

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 3£

be investigated and recognised, reduces itself to this, — that the
form nature and the phenomenal nature (so to modify, for the
sake of distinctness, Bacon's phraseology) must constantly be
either both present or both absent ; and moreover that when
either increases or decreases, the other must do so too.1 Setting
aside the vagueness of the second condition, it is to be observed
that there is nothing in this criterium to decide which of two
concomitant natures is the Form of the other. It is true that in
one place Bacon requires the form nature, beside being con-
vertible with the given one, to be also a limitation of a more
general nature. His words are "natura alia quae sit cum
naturd data convertibilis et tamen sit limitatio natura? notioria
instar generis veri." 2 Of this the meaning will easily be ap-
prehended if we refer to the case of heat, of which the form is
said to be a kind of motion — motion being here the natura
notior, the more general natura, of which heat is a specific limi-
tation ; for wherever heat is present there also is motion, but
not vice versa. Still the difficulty recurs, that there is nothing
in the practical operation of Bacon's method which can serve
to determine whether this subsidiary condition is fulfilled ; nor
is the condition itself altogether free from vagueness.

To each of the three points of that which I have called the
practical criterium of the Form corresponds one of the three
tables with which the investigation commences. The first is
the table " essentiae et praesentia?," and contains all known in-
stances in which the given nature is present. The second is
the table of declination or absence in like case (declinationis
sive absentiae in proximo), and contains instances which respect-
ively correspond to those of the first table, but in which, not-
withstanding this correspondence, the given nature is absent.
The third is the table of degrees or comparison (tabula gra-
duum sive tabula comparativae), in which the instances of the
given nature are arranged according to the degree in which it
is manifested in each.

It is easy to see the connexion between these tables, which
are collectively called tables of appearance, " comparentise," and
the criterium. For, let any instance in which the given nature
is present (as the sun in the case of heat, or froth in the case of
whiteness) be resolved into the natures by the aggregation of
which our idea of it is constituted; one of these natures ia

1 Nov. Org, ii. 4, 13, 16. 2 Nov. Org. ii. 4.

VOL. I. D

34 GENERAL PREFACE TO

necessarily the form nature, since this is always to be present
when the given nature is. Similarly, the second table corre-
sponds to the condition that the Form and the given nature are
to be absent together, and the third to that of their increasing
or decreasing together.

After the formation of these tables, how is the process of in-
duction to be carried into effect ? By a method of exclusion.
This method is the essential point of the whole matter, and it
will be well to show how much importance Bacon attached
to it.

In the first place, wherever he speaks of ordinary induc-
tion and of his own method he always remarks that the former
proceeds " per enumerationem simplicem," that is, by a mere
enumeration of particular cases, while the latter makes use of
exclusions and rejections. This is the fundamental character of
his method, and it is from this that the circumstances which
distinguish it from ordinary induction necessarily follow. More-
over we are told that whatever may be the privileges of higher
intelligences, man can only in one way advance to a knowledge
of Forms : he is absolutely obliged to proceed at first by ne-
gatives, and then only can arrive at an affirmative when the
process of exclusion has been completed (post omnimodam
exclusionem).1 The same doctrine is taught in the exposition
of the fable of Cupid. For according to some of the mytho-
graphi Cupid comes forth from an egg whereon Night had
brooded. Now Cupid is the type of the primal nature of
things ; and what is said of the egg hatched by Night refers,
Bacon affirms, most aptly to the demonstrations whereby our
knowledge of him is obtained ; for knowledge obtained by
exclusions and negatives results, so to speak, from darkness and
from night. We see, I think, from this allegorical fancy, as
clearly as from any single passage in his writings, how firmly
fixed in his mind was the idea of the importance, or rather of
the necessity, of using a method of exclusion.

It is not difficult, on Bacon's fundamental hypothesis, to per-
ceive why this method is of paramount importance. For assuming
that each instance in which the given nature is presented to
us can be resolved into (and mentally replaced by) a congeries
of elementary natures, and that this analysis is not merely sub-

1 Nov. Org. ii. 15.

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 35

jective or logical, but deals, so to speak, with the very essence
of its subject-matter, it follows that to determine the form
nature among the aggregate of simple natures which we thus
obtain, nothing more is requisite than the rejection of all
foreign and unessential elements. We reject every nature
which is not present in every affirmative instance, or which is
present in any negative one, or which manifests itself in a
greater degree when the given nature manifests itself in a less,
or vice versa. And this process when carried far enough will
of necessity lead us to the truth ; and meanwhile every step
we take is known to be an approximation towards it. Ordinary
induction is a tentative process, because we chase our quarry
over an open country ; here it is confined within definite limits,
and these limits become as we advance continually narrower
and narrower.

From the point of view at which we have now arrived, we
perceive why Bacon ascribed to his method the characters by
which, as we have seen, he conceived that it was distinguished
from any which had previously been proposed. When the
process of exclusion has been completely performed, only the
form nature will remain ; it will be, so to speak, the sole sur-
vivor of all the natures combined with which the given nature
was at first presented to us. There can therefore be no doubt
as to our result, nor any possibility of confounding the Form
with any other of these natures. This is what Bacon ex-
presses, when he says that the first part of the true inductive
process is the exclusion of every nature which is not found in
each instance where the given one is present, or is found where
it is not present, or is found to increase where the given nature
decreases, or vice versa. And then, he goes on to say, when
this exclusion has been duly performed, there will in the second
part of the process remain, as at the bottom, all mere opinions
having been dissipated (abeuntibus in fumum opinionibus vola-
tilibus), the affirmative Form, which will be solid and true and
well defined.1 The exclusion of error will necessarily lead to
truth.

Again, this method of exclusion requires only an attentive
consideration of each "instantia," in order first to analyse it
into its simple natures, and secondly to see which of the latter

1 Nov. Org. ii. 16.
D 2

36 GENERAL PREFACE TO

are to be excluded — processes which require no higher faculties
than ordinary acuteness and patient diligence. There is clearly
no room in this mechanical procedure for the display of subtlety
or of inventive genius.

Bacon's method therefore leads to certainty, and may be
employed with nearly equal success by all men who are equally
diligent.

In considering the only example which we have of its prac-
tical operation, namely the investigation of the form of heat1,
it is well to remark a circumstance which tends to conceal its
real nature. After the three tables of Comparentia, Bacon
proceeds to the Exclusiva, and concludes by saying that the
process of exclusion cannot at the outset (sub initiis) be per-
fectly performed. He therefore proposes to go on to provide
additional assistance for the mind of man. These are manifestly
-to be subsidiary to the method of exclusions ; they are to re-
move the obstacles which make the Exclusiva defective and
inconclusive. But in the meanwhile, and as it were provi-
sionally, the intellect may be permitted to attempt an affirmative
determination on the subject before it: " Quod genus tentamenti
Permissionem Intellectus, sive Interpretationem inchoatam, sive
Vindemiationem primam, appellare consuevimus." The phrase
Permissio Intellectus sufficiently indicates that in this process
the mind is suffered to follow the course most natural to it ; it
is relieved from the restraints hitherto imposed on it, and re-
verts to its usual state. In this Vindemiatio we accordingly
find no reference to the method of exclusion : it rests imme-
diately on the three tables of Comparentia; and though of
course it does not contradict the results of the Exclusiva, yet
on the other hand it is not derived from them. If we lose
sight of the real nature of this part of the investigation, which
is merely introduced by the way "because truth is more easily
extricated from error than from confusion," we also lose sight
of the scope and purport of the whole method. All that
Bacon proposes henceforth to do is to perfect the Exclusiva ;
the Vindemiatio prima, though it is the closing member of the
example which Bacon makes use of, is not to be taken as the
type of the final conclusion of any investigation which he would
recognise as just and legitimate. It is only a parenthesis in

1 Nov. Org. ii. 11—20.

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 37

the general method, whereas the Exclusiva, given in the
eighteenth aphorism of the second book, is a type or paradigm
of the process on which every true induction (inductio vera)
must in all cases depend.

It may be well to remark that in this example of the process
of exclusion, the table of degrees is not made use of.

Bacon, as we have seen, admits that the Exclusiva must
at first be in some measure imperfect; for the Exclusiva,
being the rejection of simple natures, cannot be satisfactory
unless our notions of these natures are just and accurate,
whereas some of those which occur in his example of the
process of rejection are ill-defined and vague.1 In order to
the completion of his method, it is necessary to remove this de-
fect. A subsidiary method is required, of which the object is
the formation of scientific conceptions. To this method also
Bacon gives the name of induction ; and it is remarkable that in-
duction is mentioned for the first time in the Novum Organum
in a passage which relates not to axioms but to conceptions.2
Bacon's induction therefore is not a mere sTraywyrj, it is also a
method of definition ; but of the manner in which systematic
induction is to be employed in the formation of conceptions we
learn nothing from any part of his writings. And by this cir-
cumstance our knowledge of his method is rendered imperfect
and unsatisfactory. We may perhaps be permitted to believe
that so far as relates to the subject of which we are now speaking,
Bacon never, even in idea, completed the method which he pro-
posed. For of all parts of the process of scientific discovery, the
formation of conceptions is the one with respect to which it
is the most difficult to lay down general rules. The process
of establishing axioms Bacon had succeeded, at least appa-
rently, in reducing to the semblance of a mechanical operation ;
that of the formation of conceptions does not admit of any
similar reduction. Yet these two processes are in Bacon's
system of co-ordinate importance. All commonly received ge-
neral scientific conceptions Bacon condemns as utterly worth-
less.3 A complete change is, therefore, required ; yet of the
way in which induction is to be employed in order to preduce
this change he has said nothing.

1 Nov. Org. ii. 19. ; and compare i. 15., which shows the necessity of a complete
reform.

2 Nov. Org. i. 14., and comp. i. 18. * Nov. Org. i. 15, 16.

t> 3

38 GENERAL PREFACE TO

This omission is doubtless connected with the kind of
realism which runs through Bacon's system, and which renders
it practically useless. For that his method is impracticable
cannot I think be denied, if we reflect not only that it never
has produced any result, but also that the process by which
scientific truths have been established cannot be so presented as
even to appear to be in accordance with it. In all cases this
process involves an element to which nothing corresponds in
the tables of comparence and exclusion ; namely the application
to the facts of observation of a principle of arrangement, an idea,
existing in the mind of the discoverer antecedently to the act of
induction. It may be said that this idea is precisely one of the
naturae into which the facts of observation ought in Bacon's
system to be analysed. And this is in one sense true ; but it
must be added that this analysis, if it be thought right so to call
it, is of the essence of the discovery which results from it. To
take for granted that it has already been effected is simply a
petitio principii. In most cases the mere act of induction
follows as a matter of course as soon as the appropriate idea has
been introduced. If, for instance, we resolve Kepler's disco-
very that Mars moves in an ellipse into its constituent elements,
we perceive that the whole difficulty is antecedent to the act
of induction. It consists in bringing the idea of motion in an
ellipse into connexion with the facts of observation ; that is, in
showing that an ellipse may be drawn through all the observed
places of the planet. The mere act of induction, the sTrayarytj,
is perfectly obvious. If all the observed places lie on an ellipse
of which the sun is the focus, then every position which the
planet successively occupies does so too. This inference, which
is so obvious that it must have passed through the mind of the
discoverer almost unconsciously, is an instance of induction
" per enumerationem simplicem;" of which kind of induction
Bacon, as we have seen, has said that it is utterly vicious and
incompetent.

The word realism may perhaps require some explanation.
I mean by it the opinion, which Bacon undoubtedly entertained,
that for the purposes of investigation, the objects of our thoughts
may be regarded as an assemblage of abstract conceptions, so
that these conceptions not only correspond to realities, which is
of course necessary in order to their having any value, but may
also be said adequately to represent them. In his view of the

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 39

subject, ideas or conceptions (notiones) reside in some sort in
the objects from which we derive them; and it is necessary, in
order that the work of induction may be successfully accom-
plished, that the process by which they are derived should be
carefully and systematically performed. But he had not per-
ceived that which now at least can scarcely be doubted of, that
the progress of science continually requires the formation of
new conceptions whereby new principles of arrangement are
introduced among the results which had previously been ob-
tained, and that from the necessary imperfection of human
knowledge our conceptions never, so to speak, exhaust the
essence of the realities by which they are suggested. The
notion of an alphabet of the universe, of which Bacon has
spoken more than once, must therefore be given up ; it could
at best be only an alphabet of the present state of knowledge.
And similarly of the analysis into abstract natures on which
the process of exclusion, as we have seen, depends. No such
analysis can be used in the manner which Bacon prescribes to
us ; for every advance in knowledge presupposes the introduc-
tion of a new conception, by which the previously existing
analysis is rendered incomplete, and therefore erroneous.

We have now, I think, succeeded in tracing the cause both
of the peculiarities of Bacon's method, and of its practical
inutility. Some additional information may be derived from an
examination of the variations with which it is presented in
different parts of his writings; — less however than if we could
arrange his smaller works in chronological order. Nevertheless
two results, not without their value, may be thus obtained; the
one, that it appears probable that Bacon came gradually to see
more of the difficulties which beset the practical application of
his method; and the other, that the doctrine of Forms is in
reality an extraneous part of his philosophy.

(10.) In the earliest work in which the new method of induc-
tion is proposed, namely, the English tract entitled Valerius
Terminus, no mention is made of the necessity of correcting
commonly received notions of simple natures. The inductive
method is therefore presented in its simplest form, unembar-
rassed with that which constitutes its principal difficulty. But
when we advance from Valerius Terminus to the Partis
secundce Delineatio et Argumentum, which is clearly of a
later date, we find that Bacon has become aware of the neces-

D 4

40 GENERAL PREFACE TO

sity of having some scientific method for the due construction
of abstract conceptions. It is there said that the " pars infor-
mans," that is, the description of the new method, will be
divided into three parts — the ministration to the senses, the
ministration to the memory, and the ministration to the reason.
In the first of these, three things are to be taught ; and of these
three the first is how to construct and elicit from facts a duly
formed abstract conception (bona notio); the second is how
the senses may be assisted ; and the third, how to form a satis-
factory collection of facts. He then proposes to go on to the
other two ministrations.

Thus the construction of conceptions would have formed the
first part of the then designed Novum Organum ; and it would
seem that this arrangement was not followed when the Novum
Organum was actually written, because in the meantime Bacon
had seen that this part of the work involved greater difficulties
than he had at first supposed. For the general division into
" ministrationes " is preserved in the Novum Organum1, though
it has there become less prominent than in the tract of which
we have been speaking. In the ministration to the senses, as
it is mentioned in the later work, nothing is expressly included
but a good and sufficient natural and experimental historia; the
theory of the formation of conceptions has altogether disappeared,
and both this ministration and that to the memory are post-
poned to the last of the three, which contains the theory of the
inductive process itself. We must set out, Bacon says, from
the conclusion, and proceed in a retrograde order to the other
parts of the subject. He now seems to have perceived that
the theory of the formation of conceptions and that of the
establishment of axioms are so intertwined together, that the
one cannot be presented independently of the other, although in
practice his method absolutely requires these two processes to
be carried on separately. His view now is, that at first axioms
must be established by means of the commonly received con-
ceptions, and that subsequently these conceptions must them-
selves be rectified by means of the ulterior aids to the mind,
the fortiora auxilia in usum intellectus, of which he has spoken
in the nineteenth aphorism of the second book. But these
fortiora auxilia were never given, so that the difficulty which

1 Nov. Org. ii. 10.

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 41

Bacon had once proposed to overcome at the outset of his
undertaking remained to the last unconquered. The doctrine
of the Novum Organum (that we must first employ commonly
received notions, and afterwards correct them) is expressly laid
down in the De Interpretation Naturae Sententice Duodecim. l
Of this however the date is uncertain.

It is clear that while any uncertainty remains as to the value
of the conceptions (notiones) employed in the process of exclu-
sion, the claim to absolute immunity from error which Bacon
has made on behalf of his general method, must be more or less
modified ; and of this he seems to have been aware when he
wrote the second book of the Novum Organum.*

(11.) Thus much of the theory of the formation of conceptions.
With regard to the doctrine of Forms, it is in the first place to be
observed that it is not mentioned as a part of Bacon's system,
either in Valerius Terminus or in the Partis secundce Delineatio,
or in the De Interpretatione Naturce Sententice Duodecim, although
in the two last-named tracts the definition of science which is
found at the outset of the second book of the Novum Organum
is in substance repeated. This definition, as we have seen,
makes the discovery of Forms the aim and end of science ; but in
both cases the word form is replaced by causes. It is however
to be admitted that in the Advancement of Learning, published
in 1605, Forms are spoken of as one of the subjects of Meta-
physique. Their not being mentioned except ex obliquo in
Valerius Terminus is more remarkable, because Bacon has there
given^a distinct name to the process which he afterwards called
the discovery of the Form. He calls it the freeing of a direction,
and remarks that it is not much other matter than that which
in the received philosophies is termed the Form or formal cause.
Forms are thus mentioned historically, but in the dogmatic
statement of his own view they are not introduced at all.3

The essential character of Bacon's philosophy, namely the
analysis of the concrete into the abstract, is nowhere more pro-
minent than in Valerius Terminus. It is there said "that
every particular that worketh any effect is a thing compounded
more or less of diverse single natures, more manifest and more
obscure, and that it appeareth not to whether (which) of the

1 Vide § viii. of this tract. 2 Nov. Org. ii. 19.

3 I refer to my preface to Valerius Terminui for an illustration of some of the diffi-
culties of this very obscure tract.

42 GENERAL PREFACE TO

natures the effect is to be ascribed."1 Of course the great
problem is to decide this question, and the method of solving it
is called " the freeing of a direction." In explanation of this
name, it is to be observed that in Valerius Terminus the prac-
tical point of view predominates. Every instance in which a
given nature is produced is regarded as a direction for its
artificial production. If air and water are mingled together, as
in snow, foam, &c., whiteness is the result. This then is a
direction for the production of whiteness, since we have only to
mingle air and water together in order to produce it. But
whiteness may be produced in other ways, and the direction is
therefore not free. We proceed gradually to free it by re-
jecting, by means of other instances, the circumstances of this
which are unessential : a process which is the exact counterpart
of the Exclusiva of the Novum Organum. The instance I have
given is Bacon's, who developes it at some length.

Here then we have Bacon's method treated entirely from a
practical point of view. This circumstance is worthy of notice
because it serves to explain why Bacon always assumes that the
knowledge of Forms would greatly increase our command over
nature, that it " would enfranchise the power of man unto the
greatest possibility of works and effects." It has been asked
what reason Bacon had for this assumption. " Whosoever
knoweth any Form," he has said in the Advancement, " knoweth
the utmost possibility of superinducing that nature upon any
variety of nature." Beyond question, the problem of super-
inducing the nature is reduced to the problem of superinducing
the Form ; but what reason have we for supposing that the one
is more easy of solution than the other ? If we knew the Form
of malleability, that is, the conditions which the intimate con-
stitution of a body must fulfil in order that it may be malleable,
does it follow that we could make glass so ? So far as these
questions admit of an answer, Valerius Terminus appears to
suggest it. Bacon connected the doctrine of Forms with
practical operations, because this doctrine, so to speak, repre-
sented to him his original notion of the freeing of a direction,
which, as the phrase itself implies, had altogether a practical
significance.

Even in the Novum Organum the definition of the Form is

1 Val. Ter. c. 17.

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 43

made to correspond with the praeceptum operand!, or practical
direction.1 The latter is to be "certum, liberum, et disponens
sive in ordine ad actionem." Now a direction to produce the
Form as a means of producing the given nature is certain,
because the presence of the Form necessarily determines that of
the nature. It is free, because it requires only that to be done
which is necessary, since the nature can never be present unless
its Form is so too. Thus far the agreement between the prac-
tical and the scientific view is satisfactory. But to the third
property which the practical direction is to possess, namely
its being in ordine ad actionem, or such as to facilitate the
production of the proposed result, corresponds the condition
that the Form is to be " the limitation of a more general
nature ; " that is to say, the Form presents itself as a limita-
tion of something more general than the given nature, and
as determining, not merely logically but also causatively, the
existence of the latter. At this point the divergence between
the practical and the scientific view becomes manifest ; practical
operations do not, generally speaking, present to us anything
analogous to the limitation here spoken of, and there is no
reason to suppose that it is easier to see how this limitation is
to be introduced than to see how the original problem, the e%
ap-xfi? Trpoxetfjisvov, may be solved. But this divergence seems
to show that the two views are in their origin heterogeneous ;
that the one contains the fundamental idea of Bacon's method,
while the other represents the historical element of his philo-
sophy. We shall however hereafter have occasion to suggest
considerations which may seem to modify this conclusion.

(12.) In a survey of Bacon's method it is not necessary to
say much of the doctrine of prerogative instances, though it
occupies the greater part of the second book of the Novum
Organum. It belongs to the unfinished part of that work ; at
least it is probable that its practical utility would have been
explained when Bacon came to speak of the Adminicula
Inductionis.

Twenty-seven kinds of instances are enumerated, which are
said to excel ordinary instances either in their practical or their
theoretical usefulness. To the word instance Bacon gives a
wide range of signification. It corresponds more nearly to

1 Nov. Org. ii. 4., which is the best comment on the dictum, Knowledge is power.

44 GENERAL PREFACE TO

observation than to any other which is used in modern scientific
language.

Of some classes of these instances collections are to be made
for their own sake, and independently of any investigation into
particular natures. Such, for instance, are the instantiae con-
formes ; Bacon's examples of which are mostly taken from com-
parative anatomy. One of them is the analogy between the
fins of fishes, the feet of quadrupeds, and the feet and wings of
birds ; another, the analogy of the beak of birds and the teeth
of other animals, &C.1

The other classes of prerogative instances have especial re-
ference to particular investigation, and are to be collected when
individual tables of comparence are formed.

It would seem from this that the theory of prerogative in-
stances is intended to guide us in the formation of these tables.
But it is difficult to see how the circumstances which give any
instance its prerogative could have been appreciated a priori.
An instantia crucis 2, to take the most celebrated of all, has its
distinguishing character only in so far as it is viewed with re-
ference to two contending hypotheses. In forming at the
outset of an inquiry the appropriate tables, nothing would
have led the interpreter to perceive its peculiar value.

This theory, whatever may be its practical utility, may sup-
ply us with new illustrations of the importance in Bacon's
method of the process of exclusions.

At the head of the list — and placed there, we may presume,
from the importance of the end which they promote — stand the
instantiae solitariaa, whose prerogative it is to accelerate the
Exclusiva.3 These are instances which exhibit the given nature
in subjects which have nothing in common, except that nature
itself, with the other subjects which present it to us. Thus the
colours shown by the prism or by crystals are a solitary instance
of colour, because they have nothing in common with the fixed
colours of flowers, gems, &c. Whatever therefore is not in-
dependent of the particular constitution of these bodies must be
excluded from the form of colour.

.Next to the instantiae solitariae are placed the instantiae
migrantes, which show the given nature in the act of appearing

1 Nov. Org. ii. 27. It does not seem that Bacon added much to what he found in
Aristotle on the subject of these analogies.

* Nov. Org. ii. 36. * Nov. Org. ii. 22.

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 45

or of disappearing ; as when glass, being pounded, becomes white.
Of these it is said that they not only accelerate and strengthen
the Exclusiva, but also confine within narrow limits the Affirm-
ative, or Form itself, by showing that it is something which is
given or taken away by the observed change. A little far-
ther on Bacon notices the danger in these cases of confounding
the efficient cause with the Form, and concludes by saying
" But this is easily remedied by a legitimately performed Ex-
clusiva."

Other remarks to the same effect might be made with re-
ference to other classes of instances; but these are probably
sufficient.

I shall now endeavour to give an account of Bacon's views
on some questions of philosophy, which are not immediately
connected with the reforms he proposed to introduce.

(13.) It has sometimes, I believe, been supposed that Bacon
had adopted the atomic theory of Democritus. This however
is by no means true ; but certainly he often speaks much more
favourably of the systems of the earlier physicists, and espe-
cially of that of Democritus, than of the philosophy of Plato and
Aristotle. In doing this he may, perhaps, have been more or
less influenced by a wish to find in antiquity something with
which the doctrines he condemned might be contrasted. But
setting this aside, it is certain that these systems were more
akin to his own views than the doctrine of the schools of which
Socrates may be called the founder. The problems which they
proposed were essentially physical, — given certain material
first principles, to determine the origin and causes of all pheno-
mena. They were concerned, for the most part, with that
which is accessible to the senses, or Avhich would be so if the
senses were sufficiently acute. In this they altogether agree
with Bacon, who, though he often speaks of the errors and
shortcomings of the senses, yet had never been led to consider
the question which stands at the entrance of metaphysical phi-
losophy, namely whether the subjective character of sensation
does not necessarily lead to scepticism, if no higher grounds of
truth can be discovered. The scepticism of Protagoras, and
Plato's refutation of it, seemed to him to be both but idle sub-
tleties. Plato, Aristotle, and their followers, were in his
ophiion but a better kind of sophists. What Dionysius said to

46 GENERAL PREFACE TO

Plato, that his discourse was but dotage, might fitly be applied
to them all.1

It cannot be denied, that to Bacon all sound philosophy
seemed to be included in what we now call the natural sciences ;
and with this view he was naturally led to prefer the atomic
doctrine of Democritus to any metaphysical speculation. Every
atomic theory is an attempt to explain some of the phenomena
of matter by means of others ; to explain secondary qualities by
means of the primary. And this was what Bacon himself pro-
posed to do in investigating the Forms of simple natures.
Nevertheless he did not adopt the peculiar opinions of De-
mocritus and his followers. In the Novum Organum he rejects
altogether the notion of a vacuum and that of the unchange-
ableness of matter.2 His theory of the intimate constitution
of bodies does not, he remarks, relate to atoms properly so
called, but only to the actually existing ultimate particles.
Bacon cannot therefore be said to be a follower of Demo-
critus, though he has spoken of him as being, of all the Greek
philosophers, the one who had the deepest insight into nature.3

But though Bacon was not an atomist, he was what has been
called a mechanical physiologist. Leibnitz's remark that the
restorers of philosophy4 all held the principle that the properties
of bodies are to be explained by means of magnitude, figure, and
motion (a statement which envelopes every such theory of
matter as that of Descartes, together with the old atomic doc-
trine), is certainly true of Bacon.

(14.) The opinion which Bacon had formed as to the class of
subjects which ought to be included in Summary Philosophy (the
English phrase by which he renders the expression he some-
times uses, namely prima philosophia), is worthy of attention.

In the writings of Aristotle, the first philosophy denotes the
science which since his time has been called metaphysics. It is
the science of first principles, or as he has himself defined it,
the science of that which is, as such. In the first book of the
Metaphysics we find a proof of the necessity of having such a
science, distinct from and in a manner superior to all others.

Bacon, adopting Aristotle's name, applied it differently. With

1 Redargut. Phil, et Nov. Org. i. 71.

2 Nov. Org. ii. 8. Compare Cogit. De Nat. Rerum.
* Nov. Org. i. 51.; also Parm. Teles, and Dem. PhiL

4 Namely, the Cartesians, Verulam, Hobbes, &c. See his letter to Thomasiu=,
p. 48. of the edition of his philosophical works by Erdman.

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 47

him, the first philosophy is divided into two parts. Of these
the first is to be a receptacle of the axioms which do not belong
exclusively to particular sciences, but are common to more than
one ; while the second is to inquire into the external or adventi-
tious conditions of existences — such as the much and the little,
the like and the unlike, the possible and impossible, &c.

In illustration of the contents of the first part, Bacon quotes
several axioms which are applicable in more than one science.
Of these the first is, " If to unequals are added equals, the sums
are unequal," which is a mathematical principle, but which,
Bacon says, referring to the distinction laid down by Aristotle
between commutative and distributive justice, obtains also in
moral science ; inasmuch as it is the rule by which distributive
justice must be guided. The next is, " Things which agree
with a third, agree with one another," — which is also a mathe-
matical principle, but yet, differently stated, forms the founda-
tion of the theory of syllogism. Thus far Bacon's doctrine does
not materially dissent from Aristotle's, who has taught the
necessity of recognising in all sciences two kinds of principles,
those which are proper to the subject of each science, and those
which, connecting themselves with the doctrine of the catego-
ries, are common to all. The last are in his nomenclature
axioms, though Bacon, following probably Kamus, who in his
turn followed Cicero and the Stoics, gives a much more general
sense to this word ; and it is to be remarked that Aristotle has
given as an instance of an axiom the first of the two which I
have quoted from Bacon, or at any rate another which is in
effect equivalent to it. But most of the instances which Bacon
goes on to give are of a different nature. They are not derived
from the laws of thought, but on the contrary involve an em-
pirical element, and therefore are neither self evident, nor
capable of an a priori proof. Thus the axiom that " a discord
resolved into a concord improves the harmony," is, Bacon says,
not only true in music, but also in ethics and the doctrine of
the affections. But this axiom is in its literal sense merely a
result of observation, and its application to moral subjects is
clearly only analogical or tropical. Again, that " the organs of
the senses are analogous to instruments which produce reflec-
tion," is, Bacon says, true in perspective, and also in acoustics ;
being true both of the eye and ear. Here we have a result of
observation which is made to enter into two different sciences

48 GENERAL PREFACE TO

simply in virtue of the classification employed. For this axiom,
if true, properly belongs to physiology, and neither to perspec-
tive nor to acoustics ; though in a secondary and derivative
manner a portion of the truth it includes may be introduced
into these sciences. And so on. There is however one of these
axioms which is of higher authority : " Quantum naturae nee
minuitur nee augetur :" which, Bacon says, is true not only
in physics, but also in natural theology, if it be stated in a
modified form; viz. if it be said that it belongs to Omnipo-
tence to make something out of nothing, or vice versa. Of
this axiom it may be remarked, that it is common to physics
and natural theology simply because the subjects of these
sciences are, in some measure, common to both; wherein it
differs from the Aristotelian conception of an axiom. But it is
of more interest to observe, that this axiom of which the truth
is derived from our notion of substance, and which can never be
established by an empirical demonstration, is constantly quoted
by Bacon as a principle of incontestable truth ; of which his
theory of specific gravities is in some sort only an application.
The question arises both with regard to this axiom and to
the others, In what manner Bacon supposed that they ought to
be demonstrated ; or, if he thought they required no demonstra-
tion, in what manner he conceived that the mind apprehended
their truth ? He has certainly affirmed in express terms that
there can be only two ways of arriving at truth, namely syllo-
gism and induction ; both of which are manifestly inapplicable
to some at least of the principles which he includes in the
philosophia prima. But whether he would have admitted that
this dictum admits of exception in relation to these cases, or on
the other hand had not been led to consider the nature of the
difficulty which they present, we have, I think, no means of
deciding. It is to be observed that the philosophia prima is
spoken of as a collection (receptaculum) of axioms — a phrase
which implies that it is not a science in itself, having its own
principles and an independent development, but that, contrari-
wise, it derives from the contributions of other sciences the
elements of which it is composed. Of the second part we are
unable to speak more definitely than of the first. It is obviously
a reflexion of the Aristotelian doctrine of the categories !, from

1 Trendelenberg has accordingly quoted the passages in the De Augmentis which
relate to it, in the historical part of his work on the categories.

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 49

which, however, Bacon intended to contrast it by requiring that
the " conditiones entium," which he has doubtless called tran-
scendent from their applicability to all classes of objects, should
be treated not logically but physically.1

But then what are the questions to be resolved in this mode
of treating them ? Bacon gives some examples of the discus-
sions which ought to occupy this part of philosophy. The first
is, why there is so much of one kind of substance, and so little
of another — why, for instance, so much more iron in the world
than gold, &c. This belongs to the inquiry " de multo et
parvo." Again, in treating " de siniili et diverse," it ought to
be explained why between dissimilar species are almost always
interposed others which partake of the nature of both, and form,
as it were, ambiguous species — for instance, bats between birds
and quadrupeds, or moss between corruption and plants, &c.
The difficulty however which I have already mentioned in
speaking of the other part of the philosophia prima recurs with
reference to this, namely by what method were the questions
here proposed to be answered ? If by induction, by induction on
what data ? and if not, by what other way of arriving at truth ?

The illustrations which Bacon has given, and perhaps his
way of looking at the whole subject, connect themselves with
what has recently been called palaezetiology. The questions
which Bacon proposes are questions as to how that which
actually exists, and which in the present order of things will
continue to exist, came into being — whether abruptly or by
slow transitions, and under what agency. He seems to point,
though from a distance, to discussions as to the formation of
strata and the succession of species. Yet on the other hand
the discussion on Like and Unlike was to include at least one
portion of a different character, namely why, in despite of the
maxim " similia similibus gaudent," iron does not attract iron
but the magnet, nor gold gold, but quicksilver.

(15.) Another subject, sufficiently interesting to be here
mentioned, though less connected with Bacon's general views,
is the doctrine which he entertained touching the nature of the
soul. He distinguishes in several parts of his writings between
the animal soul, common, at least in kind, to man and to the
brutes, and the immortal principle infused by the divine favour

1 De Augmentis iii. 4.
VOL. I. E

50 GENERAL PREFACE TO

into man only.1 To the latter he gave the name of spiraculum,
which was of course suggested by the text, " Spiravit in faciem
ejus spiraculum vite." M. Bouillet,, in his edition of Bacon's
philosophical works2, condemns this doctrine of man's having
two souls, and goes on to remark that Bacon was led to adopt
it in deference to the opinions of the schoolmen, and that it
is also sanctioned by S. Augustine. In these remarks he is
much less accurate than usual ; the truth being that the doc-
trine of the duality of the soul is condemned very strongly by
S. Augustine and by the schoolmen, and that there is no doubt
as to the source from which Bacon derived it, namely from the
writings of Telesius. The notion of a lower soul, distinct in
essence from the higher principle of man's nature, is in reality
much older than Telesius. We find it for instance among the
Manichees — a circumstance which makes it singular that S.
Augustine should have been supposed to countenance it. Both
in his work DP. Ecclesics Dogmatibus, and nearly in the same
words in that De Anima, he rejects in the most precise and
accurate manner the doctrine of two distinct souls, affirming
that there is but one, which is at once the principle of nutri-
tion, of sensation, and of reason. In opposing the tenets of the
Manichseans, he has more than once condemned the same doc-
trine, though less at length than in the works just mentioned.
The schoolmen also peremptorily rejected the doctrine which
M. Bouillet has affirmed that Bacon derived from them. Thus
S. Thomas Aquinas says, " Impossible est in uno homine esse
plures animas per essentiam differentes, sed una tantum est
anima intellectiva quae vegetative et sensitive et intellective
officiis fungitur."3 And this follows at once from the received
opinion, that the soul is joined to the body as its form (ut
forma unitur corpori). It would be easy to multiply citations
to the same effect ; but as no schoolman could venture to con-
tradict an emphatically expressed opinion of S. Augustine, it
appears unnecessary to do so.4

1 De Augmentis iv. 3.

* CEuvres Philosophiques de Bacon. Paris, 1834. — J. S.

3 S. Thorn. Prim. Q. 76. a. 3. Concl.

4 With what bold ignorance the schoolmen are sometimes spoken of is well seen in
Dr. Gutwauer's preface to his edition of Leibnitz De Principio Individui. The
sixth proposition in the Corolfarium attached to this disputation is as follows : —
" Hominis solum una est anima quae vegetativam et sensitivam virtualiter includat."
The learned Doctor declares that in this statement Leibnitz set himself in direct op-
position to the schoolmen, and that it contains the germ of Leibnitz's own psychology ;
the statement being almost a literal transcript of that of St. Thomas Aquinas. Sum. i.

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 51

Telesius of Cozensa, whom Bacon has commended as " the
best of the novellists," was one of the Italian reformers of phi-
losophy. Tennemann's remark that the reform which he at-
tempted to introduce was but partial, as having reference only
to the natural sciences, is not altogether accurate, but it describes
with sufficient correctness the general character of his writings.
They contain an attempt to explain all phenomena, including
those of animal life, on the hypothesis of the continuous
conflict and reciprocal action of two formal principles, heat
and cold. His other doctrines are either subordinated to this
kind of dualism, or are merely the necessary complements
of a system of philosophy. In proposing to inquire into the
nature and origin of the soul, he had no other end in view
than to arrive at an explanation of the phenomena of sensation,
voluntary motion, &c., which should be in accordance with his
fundamental hypothesis. He therefore sets out from the phy-
siological point of view ; and in order to explain the phenomena
of animal and vegetable life, refers them to an indwelling spi-
ritus, or animal soul, which in planta resides in the bark and
fibres, and in animals in the white and exsanguine parts of the
body, the bones being however excepted. l The animal and
vegetable souls are in essence alike, but the latter is "paulo
quam qui in animalibus inest crassior." In both cases the origin
of this anima is the same ; it is educed from the seed (educta
ex semine), and is to all intents as truly material as any other
part of the body.

In the application of these views to the soul of man, Telesius
was met by considerations of another order. The soul educed
ex semine, was (like the body which it animated, and of which
it was only the subtlest portion) propagated by generation;
whereas it was decided by orthodox theology that souls are not
ex traduce, do not pass from parent to child in the way Telesius
must have supposed. The soul is a gift, which after death is
to return to Him who gave it. I do not conceive that Telesius's
attempt to co-ordinate this doctrine with his own views arose
merely from a wish to avoid the imputation of heresy. His
writings are, I think, free from that tone of mocking deference
to authority by which those of many of his contemporaries are

Q. 76. a. 3., to which I have already referred. Leibnitz scarcely thought that in
following the Angelic Doctor, he was protesting against scholasticism.
1 De Rerum Nat. v. 1. et vi. 26.

E 2

52 GENERAL PREFACE TO

disfigured. They have, on the contrary, much of the melan-
choly earnestness which characterises those of his disciple
Campanella. The difference between the faculties of men and
brutes appeared to him to be such that merely a subtler organi-
sation of the spiritus would be insufficient to account for it.
Man's higher faculties are to be ascribed to a higher principle,
and this can only be conceived of as a divinely formed soul.
The question as to the relation between the two souls may be
presented under two aspects, namely what are the faculties in
man which ought to be ascribed to each of them ? and again
are these two souls wholly independent, and if not, how are
they connected? The criterion by which Telesius would de-
cide what ought to be reserved as the peculiar appanage of
the divinely created soul, appears to be this — that which in
man is analogous to the faculties we recognise in brutes ought
to be ascribed to the principle by which they are animated and
which we possess in common with them. Whatever, on the
contrary, seems peculiar to man, more especially the sense of
right and wrong, which is the foundation of all morality, ought
to be ascribed to the principle which it is our prerogative to
possess. l

As to the connexion between the two, Telesius decides
" both on grounds of human reason and from the authority of
Scripture" that they cannot be wholly independent of each
other, and he accordingly affirms that the divinely created soul
is the Form of the whole body, and especially of the spiritus
itself. That the soul is the Form of the body he could not
without heresy deny 2, although he condemns Aristotle for say-
ing so ; asserting that Aristotle refers to the spiritus, and not to
the true soul, with which probably he was unacquainted.3 The
tendency of these views is towards materialism ; the immaterial
principle being annexed to the system, as it were, ab extra.
Accordingly Telesius's disciple Donius, whom Bacon has more
than once referred to, omits it altogether.4

Comparing the views of Telesius with those of Bacon, we

1 De Rerum Natura, v. 2.

* The collection known as the Clementines contains an authoritative decision on this
point. "Ut quisque deinceps asserere defendere aut tenere pertinaciter praesump-
serit, quod anima rationalis non sit forma corporis humani per se et essentialiter
tanquam hsereticus sit censendus." I quote from Vulpes on Duns Scotus, Disp. 46. a.
5. To this decision Telesius seems to allude, De Ker. Nat. v. 40. Campanella has
expressly mentioned it

8 De Rer. Nat. v. 3. * See his De Nat. Hominis.

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 53

see that in both the duality of the soul is distinctly asserted, and
that in both the animal soul is merely material.1 Our know-
ledge of the divinely derived principle must rest principally on
revelation. Let this knowledge be drawn, he counsels us, from
the same fountain of inspiration from whence the substance of
the soul itself proceeded.

Bacon rejects or at least omits Telesius's formula, that this
higher soul is the Form of the body — a formula to which either
in his system or that of Telesius no definite sense could be
attached. He differs from his predecessor in this also, that with
him the spiritus is more a physiological and less a psychological
hypothesis than with Telesius — it is at least less enwrapped in
a psychological system than we find it in the De Rerum Na-

On the other hand, he has not, I think, recognised so dis-
tinctly as Telesius or Campanella the principle that to the rational
soul alone is to be referred the idea of moral responsibility ; and
the fine passage on the contrast of public and private good in the
seventh book of the De Augmentis seems to show (if Bacon
meant that the analogy on which it is based should be accepted
as anything more than an illustration) that he conceived that
something akin to the distinction of right and wrong is to be
traced in the workings, conscious or unconscious, of all nature.

(16.) We are here led to mention another subject, on which
again the views of Telesius appear to have influenced those of
Bacon. That all bodies are animated, that a principle of life
pervades the whole universe, and that each portion, beside its
participation in the life of the world, has also its proper vital
principle, are doctrines to which in the time of Bacon the ma-
jority of philosophical reformers were at least strongly inclined.
The most celebrated work in which they are set forth is perhaps
the De Sensu Rerum of Campanella. The share which it had
in producing the misfortunes of his life is well known, and need
not here be noticed.

In one of his letters to Thomasius2, Leibnitz points out how
easy the transition is from the language which the schoolmen
held touching substantial forms and the workings of nature to
that of Campanella : " Ita reditur ad tot deunculos quot for-
mas substantiales et Gentilem prope polytheismum. Et certe

1 Proceeding e matricibus elementorum, De Augm. iv. 3.

8 P. 48. of Erdmann's edition of his philosophical works.

E 3

54 GENERAL PREFACE TO

omnes qui de substantiis illis incorporalibus corporum loquun-
tur non possunt mentem suam explicare nisi translatione a Men-
tibus sumpta. Hinc enim attributus illis appetitus vel instinctus
ille naturalis ex quo et sequitur cognitio naturalis, hinc illud
axioma : Natura nihil facit frustra, omnis res fugit sui destruc-
tionem, similia similibus gaudent, materia appetit formam nobi-
liorem, et alia id genus. Quum tamen revera in natura nulla
sit sapientia, nullus appetitus, ordo vero pulcher ex eo oriatur,
quia est horologium Dei." To the censure implied in these
remarks Aristotle is himself in some measure liable, seeing that
he ascribed the various changes which go on around us to the
half-conscious or unconscious workings of an indwelling power
which pervades all tilings, and to which he gives the name of
Nature. Nature does nothing in vain and of things possible
realises the best, but she does not act with conscious prevision.
She is, so to speak, the instinct of the universe.

It is on account of these views that Bacon charges Aristotle
with having set aside the doctrine of a providence, by putting
Nature in the place of God.1 Nevertheless Bacon himself
thought it possible to explain large classes of phenomena by
referring them, not certainly to the workings of Nature, but to
the instincts and appetites of individual bodies. His whole
doctrine of simple motions is full of expressions which it is
very difficult to understand without supposing that Bacon had
for the time adopted the notion of universally diffused sensation.
Thus the " motus nexus " is that in virtue of which bodies, as
delighting in mutual contact, will not suffer themselves to be
separated. All bodies, we are told, abhor a solution of con-
tinuity, and the rising of cream is to be explained by the desire
of homogeneous elements for one another.

The distinction which Bacon has elsewhere taken between
sensation and perception, which corresponds to Leibnitz's dis-
tinction between apperception and perception, does not appear
to accord with these expressions. He there asserts that inani-
mate bodies have perception without sensation. But such
words as desire and horror imply not only a change worked in
the body to which they are applied in virtue of the presence of
another, but also a sense of that presence, — that is, in Bacon's
language, not only perception but sensation.

* •

1 De Aug. iii. 4.

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 55

The contrast between the expressions I have quoted and
those of which he made use in other parts of his writings, is
remarkable. In stating the doctrine of simple motions, he
speaks as if all phenomena were to be explained by means of
the desires and instincts of matter, every portion of which is
more or less consciously sentient. But in other passages we
find what at first appears to be a wholly different view, namely
that phenomena are to be explained by the site, form, and con-
figuration of atoms or ultimate particles, capable neither of
desire nor fear, and in all their motions simply fulfilling the
primary law impressed on them by Providence.

Nevertheless there is here no real inconsistency. For Bacon,
following Telesius, ascribed all the phenomena of animal life to
the spiritus, which, though it is the subtlest portion of the body
.vhich it animates, is notwithstanding as truly material as any
other part. In every body, whether animated or not, dwells a
portion of spirit, and it was natural therefore to ascribe to it
some share of the powers which the more finely constituted
spirits of animals were supposed to possess. How far however
this analogy between animate and inanimate bodies ought to be
carried, was a doubtful question ; and we need not be surprised
to find that Bacon sometimes denies and sometimes appears to
admit that the latter as well as the former are, to a certain
extent at least, consciously sentient. But in all cases he pro-
posed to explain the phenomena of animal life by means of the
ultimate constitution of matter. Thus such phenomena as the
rising of cream, the subsidence of the lees of wine, the clinging
of gold leaf round the finger, &c., were to be explained in the
first instance by the instincts and appetites of portions of matter,
and afterwards to receive a deeper and more fundamental expla-
nation when these instincts and appetites were themselves shown
to result from the site, form, and configuration of the ultimate
particles of which all bodies are composed.

To the doctrine of universally diffused sensation, so far as
he adopted it, Bacon was led by the writings of many of his
contemporaries, and in particular by those of Telesius. Brucker
has remarked, and with perfect truth, that this doctrine is
stated as distinctly, though not so conspicuously, by Telesius
as by Campanella. Added to which this doctrine serves to
explain phenomena of which, without it, no explanation could
readily be given. Thus Bacon is much disposed to ridicule

B 1

56 GENERAL PREFACE TO

Gilbert for the pains he had bestowed on the subject of electrical
attraction, affirming that it is merely the result of the power which
friction possesses to excite the appetite of bodies for contact.
This appetite " aerem non bene tolerat, sed aliud tangibile
mavult."

(17.) Bacon's opinion as to Final Causes has often been dis-
cussed. It seems however scarcely necessary to refute the
interpretation which on no just grounds has been given to the
phrase, " causarum finalium inquisitio tanquam virgo Deo con-
secrata nihil parit." l Nihil parit, as the context plainly shows,
[means simply non parit opera].2 Bacon is speaking of the
classification of physics and metaphysics — the one being the
science of the material and efficient cause, and the other con-
taining two parts, namely the doctrine of forms and the doctrine
of final causes. To physics corresponds in practical application
mechanica or mechanics — to metaphysics, magia or natural
magic. But magia corresponds to metaphysique because the
latter contains the doctrine of Forms ; that of final causes admit-
ting from its nature of no practical application. It is this idea
which Bacon has expressed by saying that the doctrine in ques-
tion is, as it were, a consecrated virgin.

It is not sufficiently remarked that final causes have often
been spoken of without any reference to a benevolent intention.
When it is said that the final cause of a stone's falling is "locus
deorsum," the remark is at least but remotely connected with
the doctrine of an intelligent providence. We are to remember
that Bacon has expressly censured Aristotle for having made
use of final causes without referring to the fountain from which
they flow, namely the providence of the Creator. And in this
censure he has found many to concur.

Again, in any case in which the benevolent intention can be
perceived, we are at liberty to ask by what means and according
to what laws this benevolent intention is manifested and made
efficient. If this question is not to be asked, there is in the first
place an end of physical science, so far as relates to every case
in which a benevolent intention has been or can be recognised ;
and in the second, the argument a posteriori founded on the

1 De Augm. iii. 5. See note on the place — J. S1

2 I have supplied these words to complete the sentence, which ends abruptly at the
bottom of a page, a fresh page having apparently been substituted for that which
originally followed. — J. S.

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 57

contrivance displayed in the works of creation is entirely taken
away.

This is, in effect, what Bacon says in the passage of the De
Augmentis in which he complains of the abuse of final causes.
If, he affirms, the physical cause of any phenomenon can be
assigned as well as the final, so far is this from derogating from
our idea of the divine wisdom, that on the contrary it does but
confirm and exalt it. "Dei sapientia effulget mirabilius cum
natura aliud agit, providentia aliud elicit, quam si singulis sche-
matibus et motibus naturalibus providentise characteres essent
impressi."1 And a little farther on he expresses an opinion
which we shall do well always to remember, namely that so far
is the study of physical causes from withdrawing men from God
and providence, that on the contrary those who have occupied
themselves in searching them out have never been able to find
the end of the matter without having recourse at length to the
doctrine of divine providence.

In one respect Bacon seems to have overlooked the advan-
tage which is to be derived from the study of final causes. In
the sciences which relate to animal and vegetable life, the con-
viction that every part of the organisation has its appropriate
function which conduces to the well-being of the whole, serves
not only to direct our thoughts to the wisdom of the Creator,
but also to guide our investigation into the nature of the orga-
nisation itself.

(18.) It will now, I think, be well to attempt to arrange the
fundamental ideas of Bacon's system in the order in which, as
we may conceive, they presented themselves to his mind. To
do this will necessarily involve some degree of repetition ; but
it will enable us to form a better idea of the scope and spirit
of his philosophy.

When, at the outset of his philosophical life, he looked round
on the visible, universe, it would seem that to him the starry
heavens, notwithstanding the grandeur of the spectacle they
present to us, were of less interest than things on earth. The
stars in their courses declare the glory of God ; but, excepting
the great lights which rule the day and night, they exert no
conspicuous influence on the welfare of mankind. And on the

1 De Aug. iii. 4.

58 GENERAL PREFACE TO

other hand it is certain that we can in nowise affect the causes
by which these phenomena are produced. But on the earth
beneath, and in the waters under the earth, Nature is perpe-
tually working in ways which it is conceivable that we may be
able to imitate, and in which the beneficence of the Creator,
wherein His glory is to us chiefly visible, is everywhere to be
traced. Wherever we turn, we see the same spectacle of un-
ceasing and benevolent activity. From the seed of corn Nature
developes the stalk, the blade, and the ear, and superinduces on
the yet immature produce the qualities which make it fit for
the sustenance of man. And so, too, animal life is developed
from its first rudiments to all the perfection which it is capable
of attaining. And though this perfection is necessarily tran-
sitory, yet Nature, though she cannot perpetuate the individual,
yet continues the species by unceasing reproduction.

But the contemplation of God's works, glorious as they are, is
not the whole of man's business here on earth. For in losing
his first estate he lost the dominion over the creatures which
was its highest privilege, and ever since has worn out few and
evil days, exposed to want, sickness, and death. His works
have all been vanity and vexation of spirit, his labour nearly
profitless, his knowledge for the most part useless. Is his
condition altogether hopeless, or may it not be possible to soften,
though not to set aside, the effects of the primal curse? To
this question Bacon unhesitatingly made answer, that of His
great mercy God would bless our humble endeavours to restore
to suffering humanity some part at least of what it had lost ;
and thus he has more than once described the instauration of the
sciences as an attempt to regain, so far as may be, that of which
the Fall deprived us.

A deep sense of the misery of mankind is visible throughout
his writings. The principal speaker in the Redargutio Philo-
sophiarum, and the son [father] of Solomon's House in the New
Atlantis, both express Bacon's idea of what the philosopher
ought to be ; and of both it is said that their countenance was
as the countenance of one who pities men. Herein we see the
reason why Bacon has often been called an utilitarian; not
because he loved truth less than others, but because he loved
men more.

The philosopher is therefore not merely to contemplate the
works of the Creator, but also to employ the knowledge thus

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 59

obtained for the relief of man's estate. If we ask how this is to
be done, we find, Bacon tells us (and here he still seems to recur
to the idea that the new philosophy is to be in some sort a re-
storation to man of his original condition), that as no one can
enter into the kingdom of heaven " nisi sub persona infantis,"
so, too, in order to obtain a real and fruitful insight into Nature,
it is necessary to become as a little child, to abnegate received
dogmas and the idols by which the mind is most easily beset*
and then to follow with childlike singleness of purpose the
indications which Nature gives us as to how her operations are
performed. For we can command Nature only by obeying
her ; nor can Art avail anything except as Nature's handmaiden.
We can affect the conditions under which Nature works ; but
things artificial as well as things natural are in reality pro-
duced not by Art but Nature. Our power is merely based
upon our knowledge of the procedure which Nature follows.
She is never really thwarted or controlled by our operations,
though she may be induced to depart from her usual course, and
under new and artificial conditions to produce new phenomena
and new substances.

Natural philosophy, considered from this point of view, is
therefore only an answer to the question, How does Nature
work in the production of phenomena ? When, to take a trivial
instance, she superinduces yellowness on the green leaf, or
silently and gradually transforms ice into crystal, we ask how
are these changes brought about? — what conditions are neces-
sary and sufficient in order that the phenomena we observe may
be engendered? If we knew what these conditions are, we
might ourselves be able to determine their existence, and then
the corresponding phenomena would necessarily follow, since the
course of Nature is absolutely uniform.

At this point of the development of Bacon's system, the
question of method would naturally present itself to him.
Having determined what the object of our inquiries is to be, we
must endeavour to find a way of attaining it.

For this end Bacon, as we have seen, proposes to examine
all the cases in which the phenomenon to be reproduced has
been observed, and to note all the conditions which in each case
accompany its production. Of all these those only can be ne-
cessary which are universally concomitant. Again he proposes
to observe all the cognate cases in which, though certain of the

60 GENERAL PREFACE TO

conditions before mentioned are present, they are not accom-
panied by the required phenomenon. By these two classes of
observations all the superfluous conditions may be rejected,
and those which remain are what we seek. Wherever we can
determine their existence we can produce the phenomenon in
question.

This process is what Bacon calls, in Valerius Terminus, the
freeing of a direction, and in his later writings the investigation
of the Form.

His thinking that this process would in all cases, or«even
generally, be successful, arose from his not having sufficiently
appreciated the infinite variety and complexity of Nature. Thus
he strongly condemns as most false and pernicious the common
opinion that the number of individual phenomena to be observed
is sensibly infinite, and commends Democritus (a commendation
which seems rather to belong to Lucretius) for having perceived
that the appearance of limitless variety which the first aspect of
Nature presents to us disappears on a closer inspection.

The transition from this view of Nature to the idea that it
was possible to form an alphabet of the universe, and to analyse
all phenomena into their real elements, is manifestly easy.

By the new method of induction it would be possible to
ascertain the conditions requisite and sufficient for the produc-
tion of any phenomenon ; and as this determination was meant
chiefly to enable us to imitate Nature, or rather to direct her
operations, Bacon was naturally led to assume that the con-
ditions in question would be such that it would in all cases be
possible to produce them artificially. Now the power of man
is limited to the relations of space. He brings bodies together,
he separates them ; but Nature must do the rest. On the other
hand the conditions of the existence of any phenomenon must
be something which inheres more closely in the essence of the
substance by which that phenomenon is exhibited than the
phenomenon itself. And this something is clearly the inward
configuration of the substance ; that is, the form and arrangement
&c. of its ultimate particles. Whiteness, for instance, depends
on an even arrangement of these particles in space ; and herein
we perceive a perfect analogy between what man can do and
what Nature requires to be done. The familiar processes of the
arts consist simply in giving particular forms to portions of
matter, in arranging them and setting them in motion according

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 61

to certain rules. Between arranging stones so as to form a
house, and arranging particles so as to produce whiteness, there
is no difference but that of scale. So in other cases. The
difference of scale once set aside, it seemed to follow that the
knowledge of the Form would in all cases lead to great practical
results.

Thus far of the end which the new philosophy proposes to
itself, and of the method which it must employ. The next
question relates to the mode of procuring and arranging the
materials on which this method is to work. In this part of the
subject we again perceive the influence of Bacon's opinion
touching the limitedness of Nature. No one acquainted with
the history of natural philosophy would think it possible to
form a collection of all the facts which are to be the materials
on which any science is to operate, antecedently to the formation
of the science itself.

In the first place, the observations necessary in order to the
recognition of these facts would never have been made except
under the guidance of some preconceived idea as to the subject
of observation ; and in the second, the statement which embodies
the result of observation always involves some portion of theory.
According to the common use of language, it is a fact and not a
theory that in ordinary refraction the sine of the angle of in-
cidence is to the sine of the angle of refraction in a given ratio.
But the observations on which this statement is based, and the
statement itself, presuppose the recognition of a portion of the
theory of light, namely that light is propagated in straight lines
—in other words, they presuppose the conception of a ray. Nor
would these observations have been made but for the idea in the
mind of the observers that the magnitude of the angle of refrac-
tion depends on that of the angle of incidence.

As we advance farther in any science, what we call facts in-
volve more and more of theory. Thus it is a fact that the
tangent of the angle of polarisation is equal to the index of re-
fraction. But no one could have made the observations which
prove it, or have stated their result in words, without a distinct
conception, first of the law of refraction, and secondly of the
distinguishing character of polarised light.

The history of science and the nature of the case concur in
showing that observation and theory must go on together ; — it
is impossible that the one can be completed before the other

62 • GENERAL PREFACE TO

begins. Now although Bacon did not think that observation
and experiments might altogether be laid aside when once the
process of interpretation had begun (we see on the contrary
that one of the works of Solomon's House was the trying of
experiments suggested by previously obtained conclusions), he
certainly thought it possible so to sever observation from theory
that the process of collecting facts and that of deriving conse-
quences from them might be carried on independently and by
different persons. This opinion was based on an imperfect ap-
prehension of the connexion between facts and theories; the
connexion appearing to him to be merely an external one,
namely that the former are the materials of the latter. With
these views that which has been already noticed touching the
finiteness of Nature, namely that there are but a finite and
not very large number of things which for scientific purposes
require to be observed *, is altogether in accordance.

The facts on which the new philosophy was to be based,
being conceivable apart from any portion of theory, and more-
over not excessively numerous, they might be observed and
recorded within a moderate length of time by persons of ordinary
diligence.

If this registering of facts were made a royal work, it might,
Bacon seems to have thought, be completed in a few years : he
has at least remarked that unless this were done, the foundation
of the new philosophy could not be laid in the lifetime of a
single generation. The instauration, he has said in the general
preface, is not to be thought of as something infinite and beyond
the power of man to accomplish ; nor does he believe that its
mission can be fully completed (rem omnino perfici posse) within
the limits of a single life. Something was therefore left for
posterity to do ; and probably the more Bacon meditated on the
work he had in hand, the more was he convinced of its extent
and difficulty. But the Distributio Operis sufficiently shows
that he believed, when he wrote it, that the instauration of the
sciences might speedily become an opus operatum. Of the
Historic, Naturalis on which it was to be based he there speaks,
not less than of the Novum Organum, as of a work which he
had himself accomplished, — " Tertia pars operis complectitur
Phaenomena Universi," — not " complecti debet." Doubtless

1 See the Phaenomena Universi, and toe Partis secundje Del., &c.

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 63

the preface was written before the work itself was commenced ;
still if he had not thought it possible to make good what he
here proposes to do, he would have expressly said so. l

In a letter to Fulgenzio, written probably when Bacon was
"dagli anni e da fortuna oppresso," he remarks that "these
things " (the instauration of the sciences) require some ages for
the ripening of them. But though he despaired of completing
his design himself, and even thought that some generations
must pass before it received its consummation, yet he always
regarded it as a thing which sooner or later would be effectually
accomplished, and which would thenceforth remain as a /m/^a
ss dsl. His instauration of the sciences had a definite end, in
which when it was once attained it would finally acquiesce;
nor is there anything in his writings to countenance the assump-
tion which has been often made, that in his opinion the onward
progress of knowledge was to continue throughout all time.
On the contrary, the knowledge which man is capable of might,
he thought, be attained, not certainly at once, but within the
compass of no very long period. In this doubtless he erred ;
for knowledge must always continue to be imperfect, and
therefore in its best estate progressive.

Bacon has been likened to the prophet who from Mount
Pisgah surveyed the Promised Land, but left it for others to
take possession of. Of this happy image perhaps part of the
felicity was not perceived by its author. For though Pisgah
was a place of large prospect, yet still the Promised Land was a
land of definite extent and known boundaries, and moreover
it was certain that after no long time the chosen people would
be in possession of it all. And this agrees with what Bacon
promised to himself and to mankind from the instauration of
the sciences.

A truer image of the progress of knowledge may be derived
from the symbol which, though on other grounds, Bacon him-
self adopted. Those who strive to increase our knowledge of
the outward universe may be said to put out upon an apparently
boundless sea : they dedicate themselves

" To unpathed waters — undreamed shores ; "
and though they have a good hope of success, yet they know

1 The sixth part, containing the new philosophy itself, is spoken of at the end of
the Distributio as at least an inchoate work, which others must finish, but to which
he hopes to give " initia non contemnenda."

64 GENERAL PREFACE TO

they can subdue but a small part of the new world which
lies before them.

(19.) In this respect then, as in others, the hopes of Francis
Bacon were not destined to be fulfilled. It is neither to the
technical part of his method nor to the details of his view of
the nature and progress of science that his great fame is justly
owing. His merits are of another kind. They belong to" the
spirit rather than to the positive precepts of his philosophy.

He did good service when he declared with all the weight of
his authority and of his eloquence that the true end of know-
ledge is the glory of the Creator and the relief of man's estate.
The spirit of this declaration runs throughout his writings, and
we trust has worked for good upon the generations by which
they have been studied. And as he showed his wisdom in
coupling together things divine and human, so has he shown it
also in tracing the demarcation between them, and in rebuking
those who by confounding religion and philosophy were in
danger of making the one heretical and the other superstitious.

When, not long before Bacon's time, philosophy freed itself
from the tutelage of dogmatic theology, it became a grave ques-
tion how their respective claims to authority might be most
fitly co-ordinated. It was to meet, perhaps rather to evade, this
question, that the distinction between that which is true in
philosophy and that which is true in religion was proposed and
adopted. But it is difficult to believe that the mind of any
sincere and truth-loving man was satisfied by this distinction.
Bacon has emphatically condemned it, " There is," he affirms,
" no such opposition between God's word and his works."
Both come from Hun who is the father of lights, the fountain
of all truth, the author of all good ; and both are therefore to
be studied with diligence and humility. To those who wish to
discourage philosophy in order that ignorance of second causes
may lead men to refer all things to the immediate agency of
the first, Bacon puts Job's question, " An oportet mentiri pro
Deo," — will you offer to the God of truth the unclean sacrifice
of a lie ?

The religious earnestness of Bacon's writings becomes more
remarkable when we contrast it with the tone of the most il-
lustrious of his contemporaries. Galileo's works are full of in-
sincere deference to authority and of an affected disbelief in his
own discoveries. Surely he who loves truth earnestly will be

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 65

slow to believe that the cause of truth i8 to be served by irony.
But we must not forget the difference between the circum-
stances in which the two men were placed.

Next to his determination of the true end of natural philo-
sophy and of the relation in which it stands to natural and
to revealed theology, we may place among Bacon's merits his
clear view of the essential unity of science. He often insists
on the importance of this idea, and has especially commended
Plato and Parmenides for affirming " that all things do by scale
ascend to unity." The Creator is holy in the multitude of his
works, holy in their disposition, holy in their unity : it is the
prerogative of the doctrine of Forms to approach as nearly as
possible towards the unity of Nature, and the subordinate
science of Physics ought to contain two divisions relating to the
same subject. One of these ought to treat of the first principles
which govern all phenomena, and the other of the fabric of the
universe.1 All classifications of the sciences ought to be as
veins or markings, and not as sections or divisions ; nor can any
object of scientific inquiry be satisfactorily studied apart from
the analogies which connect it with other similar objects.

But the greatest of all the services which Bacon rendered to
natural philosophy was, that he perpetually enforced the ne-
cessity of laying aside all preconceived opinions and learning to
be a follower of Nature. These counsels could not to their full
extent be followed, nor has he himself attempted to do so. But
they contain a great share of truth, and of truth never more
needful than in Bacon's age. Before his time doubtless the
authority of Aristotle, or rather that of the scholastic interpreta-
tion of his philosophy, was shaken, if not overthrown. Never-
theless the'systematising spirit of the schoolmen still survived,
and of the reformers of philosophy not a few attempted to sub-
stitute a dogmatic system of their own for that from which they
dissented.

Nor were these attempts unsuccessful. For men still leaned
upon authority, and accepted as a test of truth the appearance
of completeness and scientific consistency. This state of things
was one of transition ; and probably no one did more towards
putting an end to it than Bacon. To the dealers in systems
and to their adherents he opposed the solemn declaration, that

1 The latter is in effect what is now called Kosmos.
VOL. I. F

66 GENERAL PREFACE TO

they only who come in their own name will be received of men.
He constantly exhorted the seeker after truth to seek it in
intercourse with Nature, and has repeatedly professed that he
was no founder of a sect or school. He condemned the arro-
gance of those who thought it beneath the dignity of the philo-
sopher to dwell on matters of observation and experiment, and
reminded them that the sun " seque palatia et cloacas ingreditur ;
nee tamen polluitur." We do not, he continues, erect or de-
dicate to human pride a capitol or a pyramid ; we lay the
foundations in the mind of man of a holy temple, whereof the
exemplar is the universe. Throughout his writings the re-
jection of systems and authority is coupled with the assertion,
that it is beyond all things necessary that the philosopher should
be an humble follower of Nature. One of the most remarkable
parts of the Novum Organum is the doctrine of Idola. It is an
attempt to classify according to their origin the false and ill-
defined notions by which the mind is commonly beset. They
come, he tells us, from the nature of the human mind in general,
from the peculiarities of each man's individual mind, from his
intercourse with other men, from the formal teaching of the re-
ceived philosophies. All these must be renounced and put away,
else no man can enter into the kingdom which is to be founded
on the knowledge of Nature.1 Of the four kinds of idols
Mersenne has spoken in his V'erite des Sciences, published in
1625, as of the four buttresses of the Organum of Verulam.
This expression, though certainly inaccurate, serves to show the
attention which in Bacon's time was paid to his doctrine of
idola,2

His rejection of syllogistic reasoning in the proposed process
for the establishment of axioms, was not without utility. In
the middle ages and at the reform of philosophy the value of
the syllogistic method was unduly exalted. Bacon was right in
denying that it was possible to establish by a summary process
and a priori the first principles of any science, and thence to
deduce by syllogism all the propositions which that science
could contain; and though he erred in rejecting deductive
reasoning altogether, this error could never have exerted any
practical influence on the progress of science, while the truth

1 Nov. Org. i. 68. The word idolon is used by Bacon in antithesis to idea. He
does not mean by it an idol or false object of worship.

2 Compare Gassendi, Inst. Log.

THE PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS. 67

with which it was associated was a truth of which his contem-
poraries required at least to be reminded. The reason of his
error seems to have been that he formed an incorrect idea of
the nature of syllogism, regarding it rather as an entirely arti-
ficial process than as merely a formal statement of the steps
necessarily involved in every act of reasoning. However this
may be, it is certain that whenever men attempted to set aside
every process for the discovery of truth except induction, they
must always have been led to recognise the impossibility of
doing so.

Lastly, the tone in which Bacon spoke of the future destiny
of mankind fitted him to be a leader of the age in which he
lived. It was an age of change and of hope. Men went
forth to seek in new-found worlds for the land of gold and
for the fountain of youth; they were told that yet greater
wonders lay within their reach. They had burst the bands
of old authority ; they were told to go forth from the cave
where they had dwelt so long, and look on the light of
heaven. It was also for the most part an age of faith ; and the
new philosophy upset no creed, and pulled down no altar. It.
did not put the notion of human perfectibility in the place of
religion, nor deprive mankind of hopes beyond the grave. On
the contrary, it told its followers that the instauration of the
sciences was the free gift of the God in whom their fathers
had trusted — that it was only another proof of the mercy of
Him whose mercy is over all his works.

F 2

PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS.

PART I.

WORKS PUBLISHED, O& DESIGNED FOR PUBLICATION, AS PARTS
OF THE INSTAURATIO MAGNA ;

ARRANGED
ACCORDING TO THE ORDER IN WHICH THEY WERE WRITTEN.

Consilium est universum opus Instaurationis potius promovore in multis quam
perficere in panels ; hoc perpetuo maximo cum ardore (qualemDeus mentibus ut
plane confidimus addere sold) appetentes ; ut quod adhuc nunquara tentatum sit
Id ne jam frustra tentetur. — Auctoris Monitum, 1622.

T 3

NOVUM ORGANUM.

NOTE.

Mr. Ellis's preface to the Novum Organum was written
when he was travelling abroad and had not his books of refer-
ence about him. He was at work upon it the night he was
taken ill at Mentone, a d was not afterwards able either to
finish or to revise it. I have added a page or two at the end,
by which the analysis of the first book is completed. Of the se-
cond book it was not necessary to say anything ; the subject of it
being Bacon's method, which has been fully discussed in the Ge-
neral Preface. A few bibliographical inaccuracies of little con-
sequence in themselves I have corrected, either in notes or by
the insertion of words within brackets. These were merely over-
sights, hardly avoidable in the first draft of a work written in
such circumstances. But there are also a few opinions expressed
incidentally in which I cannot altogether concur, though they
have evidently been adopted deliberately. With regard to these
(Mr. Ellis not being in a condition to enter into a discussion of
them) I had no course but to explain the grounds of my dissent,
and leave every man to decide for himself upon the questions at
issue. To avoid inconvenient interruptions however, I have
thrown my arguments into an appendix, and contented myself
in the foot notes with marking the particular expressions which
I hold to be questionable. — J. S.

71

BY EGBERT LESLIE ELLIS.

THE Novum Organum was published in 1620. Certain pro-
legomena to the whole of the Instauratio were prefixed to it,
namely a Procemium beginning " Franciscus de Verulamio sic
cogitavit," a dedication to King James, a general preface, and
an account, entitled Distributio Operis, of the parts of which
the Instauratio was to consist. Of these the Novum Organum
is the second ; the De Augmentis, which was not then published,
occupying the place of the first. Accordingly in most editions
of Bacon's works the prolegomena are prefixed, not to the
Novum Organum, but to the De Augmentis ; and this is doubt-
less their natural place. Nevertheless as Bacon's general design
was not completed, it seems better to allow them to remain in
their original position, especially as in the Prooemium Bacon
explains why he publishes one portion of the Instauratio apart
from the rest. " Decrevit," he there says, speaking of himself,
" prima quaeque quae perficere licuit in publicum edere. Neque
haec festinatio ambitiosa fuit, sed sollicita, ut si quid illi huma-
nitus accideret, exstaret tamen designatio quaedam ac destinatio
rei quam animo complexus est," &c.

After the Proosmium and the dedication we come to the Pras-
fatio Generalis, in which Bacon speaks of the unprosperous
state of knowledge and of the necessity of a new method ; and
then follows the Distributio Operis. The Instauratio is to be
divided into six portions, of which the first is to contain a general
survey of the present state of knowledge. In the second men
are to be taught how to use their understanding aright in the
investigation of Nature. In the third all the phenomena of the
universe are to be stored up as in a treasure-house, as the mate-
rials on which the new method is to be employed. In the fourth
examples are to be given of its operation and of the results to

72 PREFACE TO

which it leads. The fifth is to contain what Bacon had accom-
plished in natural philosophy without the aid of his own method,
but merely " ex eodem intellectus usu quern alii in inquirendo et
inveniendo adhibere consueverunt." It is therefore less important
than the rest, and Bacon declares that he will not bind himself
to the conclusions it contains. Moreover its value will alto-
o-ether cease when the sixth part can be completed, wherein will
be set forth the new philosophy — the result of the application
of the new method to all the phenomena of the universe. But
to complete this, the last part of the Instauratio, Bacon does not
hope : he speaks of it as a thing " et supra vires et ultra spes
nostras collocata."

The greater part of the plan traced in the Distributio remained
unfulfilled. Not to speak of the last division of the Instauratio,
no part of Bacon's writings can properly be referred either to
the fourth or fifth, except two prefaces which are found among
the fragments published by Gruter. l To the fifth division
however M. Bouillet2 is disposed to refer several of Bacon's
philosophical writings ; as, for instance, the tracts entitled De
Fluxu et Refluxu Marts, and Thema Cceli. But though they
correspond with the description which Bacon gives of the con-
tents of the fifth part of the Instauratio, there is no reason to
suppose that they would have been comprised in it. They were
written a considerable time before the publication of the Novum
Organum ; the Thema Cceli being clearly of the same date as
the Descriptio Globi intellectualis, written in 1612 3, and the
De Fluxu et Refluxu Maris being probably written before Bacon
had become acquainted with Galileo's theory of the tides. This
theory was published in 1616; and it is reasonable to suppose
that Bacon, who speaks of it in the Novum Organum, would
have mentioned it in the De Fluxu, if the latter had not been
written either before it was published, or but a short time after-
wards.4 These tracts, and the others which M. Bouillet men-

1 Francisci Baconi de Verulamio Scripta in naturale et universal! Philosophia. Amst.
1G53. For a particular account of this volume, see my preface to Part III. — J. S.

2 (Euvres Philosophiques de Bacon, publiees d'apres les textes originaux, avec notice,
sommaires et eclaireissemens, par M. N. Bouillet. Paris, 1834. — J. S.

3 See the Preface to the Descriptio Globi intellectual! a. — J. S.

4 That the De Fluxu was written before the Thema Cceli is almost proved by the
allusion to it in the following passage : " Verum hujusce rei demonstrations et
evidentias in anticipatione nostra de fluxu et refluxu maris plene tractavimus." I say
almost proved, because Bacon in writing a piece which was designed to come after
another which was not yet written, would sometimes refer to that other as if it were
already done. But it is not likely that he thould have done so here; for in any

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 73

tions, are clearly occasional writings not belonging to the circuit
of the Instauratio.

To the fourth part have been referred the Historia Ventorum,
the Historia Vita et Mortis, &c. This however is contrary to
Bacon's description of them in the dedication to Prince Charles
prefixed to the Historia Ventorum. They are there spoken of
as the " primitive Historic nostrce naturalis." Even the general
title with which the Historia Ventorum and the titles of five
other Historite were published, shows that they belong not to
the fourth but to the third part of the Instauratio. It is as
follows : — Historia Naturalis ad condendam Philosophiam, sive
Ph&nomena Universi, qua est Instaurationis Magnoe pars tertia.
It is moreover manifest that as the fourth part was to contain
applications to certain subjects of Bacon's method of induction,
these treatises, in which the method is nowhere employed, can-
not belong to it. M. Bouillet, though he justly dissents from
Shaw's ' arrangement, by whom they are referred to the fourth
part, nevertheless commits an error of the same kind by intro-
ducing into this division of the Instauratio a fragment on Motion,
published by Gruter with the title Filum Labyrinthi, sive
Inquisitio legitima de Motu. This fragment, which is doubt-
less anterior to the Novum Organum, contains many thoughts
and expressions which are found more perfectly developed either
in the Novum Organum itself, or in the Distributio Operis. It is
not to be supposed that Bacon, after thus expressing himself in
the Distributio — "Neque enim hoc siverit Deus ut phantasiae nos-
trse somnium pro exemplari mundi edamus ; sed potius benigne
faveat ut apocalypsim ac veram visionem vestigiorum et sigillo-
rum Creatoris super creaturas scribamus " — would have repeated
this remarkable sentence with scarcely any alteration in another
part of the Instauratio 2 ; nor that he would have repeated in

general scheme .the Thema Cceli would have come before the De Fluxu. In a letter to
Bacon, dated 14th April 1619, Tobie Matthew speaks of Galileo's having answered
Bacon's discourse touching the flux and reflux of the sea : but he alludes apparently
to a discourse of Galileo's on that subject which had never been printed. — J. S.

1 The Philosophical Works of Francis Bacon, Baron of Verulam, &c. ; methodised
and made English from the Originals, by Peter Shaw, M.D. London, 1733. — J. S.

* I doubt whether this argument can be safely relied upon. Among the works
which were certainly meant to stand as part of the Instauratio several remarkable
passages occur twice and more than twice. But there are other grounds for con-
cluding that the Inquisitio de Motu was written soon after the Cogitata et Visa (1607).
In the Commentarivs solutus, a kind of diary which will be printed among the Occa-
sional Works, I find the following entry under the date July 26. 1608: — " The finish-
ing the 3 tables De Motu, De Galore et Frigore, De Sono." After which follow

74 PREFACE TO

a somewhat less finished form the whole substance of the hun-
dred and twenty-fifth aphorism of the first book of the Novum
Organum. Yet we must admit this improbable supposition, if
we decide on giving to the Inquisitio legitima the place which
M. Bouillet has assigned to it. The truth is, that many of
Bacon's shorter tracts preserved by Gruter and others are
merely, so to speak, experimental fragments, of which the sub-
stance is embodied in his more finished writings.

Of the fourth and fifth parts of the Instauratio nothing, as I
have already remarked, has been preserved except the prefaces,
if indeed any other portion of them ever existed. But of the
third, though it is altogether incomplete, we have nevertheless
large fragments. Two years after the publication of the Novum
Organum Bacon published the Historia Naturalis ad con-
dendam Philosophiam, which has been already mentioned. In
this however only the Historia Ventorum is contained in ex-
tenso ; and of the five other Historiae of which Bacon speaks in
the dedication, and of which he proposed to publish one every
month, only two are now in existence, namely the Historia Vit<B
et Mortis, published in 1623, and the Historia Densi et Rari
which is contained in Rawley's Opuscula varia posthuma,
published in 1658. Of the other three, namely the Historiae
Grams et Levis, Sympathies et Antipathies Rerum, and Sulphuris
Mercurii et Salis, we have only the prefaces, which were published
in the same volume as the Historia Ventorum.

These Historiae, and the Sylva Sylvarum, published soon after
Bacon's death by Rawley, are the only works which we are
entitled to refer to the third part of the Instauratio. With
respect to the former we have the authority of Bacon's own
title page and dedication ; and Rawley's dedication of the latter
to King Charles shows that it is included under the general
designation of Historia Naturalis ad condendam Philosophiam.1

Other tracts however, of more or less importance, have been

(July 27.) several pages of notes for an Inquisitio legitima de Motu. It would seem
that this Inquisitio was designed originally to be the example in \?hich the new method
was to be set forth (see last section of Cogitata et Visa), but that the Inquisitio de
Calore et Frigore was afterwards preferred ; probably as more manageable. — J. S.

1 " The whole body of the Natural History, either designed or written by the late
Lord Viscount St. Albans, was dedicated to Tour Majesty in the book De Mentis, about
four years past, when Your Majesty was prince, so as there needed no new dedication of
this work, but only in all humbleness to let Your Majesty know that it is jours." —
Dedication to the King of the Sylva Sylvarum.

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 75

placed in the third part of the Instauratio, as for instance a
fragment, published by Kawley in 1658, entitled Historia et
Inquisitio prima de Sono et Auditu et de Forma Soni et latente
processu Soni, sive Sylva Soni Auditus. But the substance of
this fragment occurs also in the Sylva Sylvarum, and therefore
it cannot have been Bacon's intention to publish both as portions
of his Historia Naturalis. It is probable that the Historia de
Sono et Auditu was originally written as a portion of the general
scheme of natural history l which was to form the third part of
the Instauratio ; but it is certainly superseded by the Sylva
Sylvarum, and is therefore not entitled to the position which
has generally been assigned to it. So, too, the Historice Natu-
ralis ad condendam Philosophiam Prcefatio destinata 2, pub-
lished by Gruter, is clearly irreconcilable with the plan laid
down in the dedication to Prince Charles of the Historia Natu-
ralis. For Bacon's intention when he wrote the preface which
Gruter has published was plainly to commence his Natural
History by treating of density and rarity, and not of the natu-
ral history of the winds. Subsequently he changed his plan ;
and the first published portion of the third part of the Instau-
ratio is, as we have seen, the Historia Ventorum. But this
change of plan plainly shows that he had determined to cancel
the fragment preserved by Gruter. Whenever what an author
publishes or prepares for publication supersedes or contradicts
unpublished and unfinished papers, these ought beyond all ques-
tion to be set aside, and if published at all to be published
apart from his other writings. Against some of the other frag-
ments included in the third part of the Instauratio there is no
such direct evidence as there is against those of which we have
been speaking ; but it only gives rise to needless confusion to
mix up with what we know it was Bacon's intention to publish
as portions of his Historia Naturalis, loose, fragments touching
wliich we have no information whatever.

From what has been said it is manifest that what we possess

1 It was probably the table De Sono referred to in the Commentaries solutus,
July 26. 1608 (see note 2. p. 74.), and designed, like the tables De Motu and De Ca-
lore et Frigore, for an example of the new method. — /. S.

* See Bouillet, vol. ii. p. 264. The preface in question is the introduction to the
Tabula F.xporrectionis et Expansionis Material, a rudiment of the Historia Densi et
Rari. It was published by Gruter, before the Historia Densi et Rari appeared,
among the Impetus Plnlosophici : with the title, Phenomena Uitiversi ; sive Historia
Naturalis ad condendam Philosophiam. Prcefatio. M. Bouillet gives the preface only.
The whole tract as given by Gruter will be found in Part III. of this edition. — J. S.

76 PREFACE TO

of the third part of the Instauratio is merely a fragment — for
the Sylva Sylvarum, a miscellaneous collection of observations
gathered for the most part out of books, nowise completes
Bacon's general design. In truth it is a design which cannot
be completed, there being no limit to the number of the " Phe-
nomena universi " which are potentially if not actually cognis-
able ; and it is to be observed that even if all the facts actually
known at any instant could be collected and systematised (and
even this is plainly impossible), yet still Bacon's aim would not
be attained. For these facts alone would be insufficient as
materials for the sixth part of the Instauratio, in which was to
be contained all the knowledge of Nature man is capable of.
Every day brings new facts to light not less entitled than
those previously known to find a place in a complete description
of the phenomena of the universe.1 From many places in
Bacon's writings it appears, as I have elsewhere remarked, that
he had formed no adequate conception of the extent and variety
of Nature. In a letter to R. P. Baranzan, who had apparently
remarked by way of objection to Bacon's scheme of philosophy
that a complete natural history would be a work of great extent
and labour, Bacon observes that it would perhaps be sixfold
as voluminous as that of Pliny. We have here therefore a sort
of estimate of the limits which, in his judgment, the third part
of the Instauratio would not exceed. What now exists of it is
perhaps one twentieth in magnitude of this estimate.

Even the second part of the Instauratio, the Novum Orga-
num itself, is incomplete. The second book concludes with the
doctrine of prerogative instances. But in its twenty-first aphor-
ism a number of subjects are mentioned of which this doctrine
is the first, the last being the " Scala ascensoria et descensoria
axiomatum." Neither this, nor any of these subjects after the
first, except the last but one, is anywhere discussed in Bacon's

1 This would be true, I think, of all new facts which were not obviously reconcilable
with laws previously known. But is it not conceivable that so complete a knowledge
might be attained of the laws of Nature, that it could not be increased or affected by
the discovery of any new fact in Nature ? If we had as complete a knowledge of other
laws of Nature as we have of gravitation, for instance, new facts would still come to
light, but with respect to the law of gravitation they would all say the same thing, and
therefore bring no new knowledge. Every new application of mechanical power con-
tains some new fact more or less connected with gravitation ; yet unless a machine can
be made which shall produce results not only new (i. e. such as had never been pro-
duced before) but inexplicable by the received theory of gravitation, are we not entitled
to say that we know all that can be known about gravitation? — /. S.

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 77

writings ; and our knowledge of his method is therefore incom-
plete. Even the penultimate division of the Novum Organum
which was published along with the first two books, and which
treats " de parascevis ad inquisitionem," has all the appearance
of being a fragment, or at least of being less developed than
Bacon had intended it to be.

The first part of the Instauratio is represented, not inade-
quately, by the De Augmentis, published about three years
after the Distributio Opens and the Novum Organum. It is a
translation with large additions of the Advancement of Learning t
published in 1605 ; and if we regard the latter as a development
of the ninth chapter of Valerius Terminus, which is an early
fragment containing the germ of the whole of the Instauratio !,
the De Augmentis will appear to belong naturally to the great
work of which it now forms the first and only complete portion.
In the preface prefixed to it by Rawley it is said that Bacon,
finding "the part relating to the Partitions, of the Sciences already
executed, though less solidly than the dignity of the argument de-
manded, . . . thought the best thing he could do would be to go
over again what he had written, and to bring it to the state of a
satisfactory and completed work. And in this way he considers
that he fulfils the promise which he has given respecting the
first part of the Instauration."2

From this general view of the different parts of the Instau-
ratio, as described in the Distributio Operis, we proceed to con-
sider more particularly the Novum Organum. Although it was
left incomplete, it is nevertheless of all Bacon's works that
upon which he bestowed the most pains. In the first book
especially every word seems to have been carefully weighed ;
and it would be hard to omit or to change anything without
injuring the meaning which Bacon intended to convey. His
meaning is not always obvious, but it is always expressed with
singular precision and felicity. His chaplain, Eawley, says
that he had seen among his papers at least twelve yearly re-

1 I should rather say, the germ of all that part of the Instauratio which treated of
the Interpretation of Nature. For I cannot find in the Valerius Terminus any traces
of the first part, of which the Advancement of Learning was the germ. See Note A.
at the end. — J. S,

2 My own reasons for thinking that the De Augmentis did not form part of the
original design, together with the circumstances which, as I suppose, determined
Bacon to enlarge that design so as to take it in, will be exp'ained in the preface to the
De Augmentis. — J. S.

78 PREFACE TO

visions of the Novum Orrjanum.1 Assuming, which there is no
reason to doubt, that this statement may be relied upon, it would
seem to follow that the composition of the Novum Organum
commenced in 1608. And this agrees tolerably well with the
circumstance that the Cogitata et Visa was sent to Bodley
in 1607, as we learn from the date of Bodley's reply to it. If
we suppose that the tract published with this title by Gruter is
the same as that which was sent to Bodley, a passage near the
end acquires a significance which has not I think been re-
marked. In the Cogitata et Visa Bacon speaks of the considera-
tions whereby he had been led to perceive the necessity of a
reform in philosophy, and goes on to say that the question as to
how his new method might be most fitly given to the world had
been much in his thoughts. ' " Atque diu," he proceeds, " et
acriter rem cogitanti et perpendenti ante omnia visum est ei
tabulas inveniendi, sive legitimae inquisitionis formulas ... in
aliquibus subjectis proponi tanquam ad exemplum et operis de-
scriptionem fere visibilem.2 . . . Visum est autem, nimis ab-
ruptum esse ut a tabulis ipsis docendi initium sumatur. Itaque
idonea qusedam praefari oportuisse, quod et jam se fecisse arbi-
tratur." It was Bacon's intention therefore when he wrote
the Cogitata et Visa, and when apparently some years later3 he
communicated it to Bodley, to publish an example of the appli-
cation of his method to some particular subject — an intention
which remained unfulfilled until the publication of the Novum

1 " Ipse reperi in archivis Dominationis suae autographa plus minus duodecim
Organi novi, de anno in annum •elaborati et ad incudem revocati ; et singulis annis
ulteriore lima subinde politi et castigati." In the preceding sentence, he calls it
" multorum annorum et laboris improbi proles." — Auctoris Vita, prefixed to the
Opnscvla varia posthuma, 1658. In the English Life prefixed to the Resuscitatio,
which was published the year before, he says, " I myself have seen at the least twelve
copies of the Instauration ; revised year by year, one after another ; and every year
altered and amended in the frame thereof." I doubt whether we can fairly infer from
these expressions that these twelve several copies were made in twelve several years ;
but substantially they bear out the inference drawn from them. — «/. S.

2 In the Commentarius soluttis, under date July 26. 1608, I find the following
memorandum : — " Seeing and trying whether the B. of Canterb. may not be affected
in it, being single and glorious, and believing the sense.

" Not desisting to draw in the Bp. Awnd. [Bishop Andrews, probably] being single,
rich, sickly, and professor to some experiments : this after the table of motion or some
other in part set in forwardness."

Some other memoranda in the same place relate to the gaining of physicians, and
learning from them experiments of surgery and physic; which explains the epithet
" sickly" in the above extract. — J. S.

3 Bodley's answer is dated Feb. 19. 1607; i. e. 1607-8; in which he says, " I
must tell you, to be plain, that you have very much wronged yourself and the world, to
smother such a treasure so long in your coffer." But I do not think we can infer from
this that the Cogitata et Visa had been written " some years" before. Bodley may only
allude to his having kept such thoughts so long to himself. — /. S.

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 79

Organum. We may therefore conjecture that it was about this
time that Bacon addressed himself to the great work of com-
posing the Novum Organum l ; and this agrees with what
Rawley says of its having been twelve years in hand. This
view also explains why the whole substance of the Cogitata el
Visa is reproduced in the first book of the Novum Organum ;
for this tract was designed to be an introduction to a particular
example of the new method of induction, such as that which we
find near the beginning of the second book. Bacon's purpose
in writing it was therefore the same as that which he had in
view in the first book of the Novum Organum, — namely to
procure a favourable reception for an example and illustration
of his method. What has been said may be in some measure
confirmed by comparing the Cogitata et Visa with an earlier
tract, — namely the Partis secundce Delineatio et Argumentum.
When he wrote this tract Bacon did not propose to set forth
his method merely by means of an example ; on the contrary,
the three ministrations to the sense, to the memory, and to the
reason, of which the last is the new method of induction, were
to be set forth in order and didactically. Whereas in the
Novum Organum Bacon remarks, " incipiendum est a fine "
(that is, the method of induction must be set forth before the
method of collecting facts and that of arranging them so as
best to assist the memory) ; and having said this, he goes on at
once to his example, — namely, the investigation of the Form of
heat. Thus it appears that after Bacon had not only decided
on writing a great work on the reform of philosophy, but had
also determined on dividing it into parts of which the second
was to contain the exposition of his new method, he in some
measure changed his plan, and resolved to set forth the essential
and operative part of his system chiefly by means of an example.
This change of plan appears to be marked by the Cogitata et
Visa, — a circumstance which makes this tract one of the most
interesting of the precursors of the Novum Organum.

That the Partis secundce Delineatio is earlier than the Cogi-

1 In the Commentarius solutus, under date July 26. 1608, I find the following
memorandum : — " The finishing the Aphorisms, Claris interpretationis, and then setting
forth the book," and in the same page, a little after, " Imparting my Cogitata et Visa,
with choice, ut videbitur." The aphorisms here spoken of may have been the
"Aphorism! etConsilia de auxiliis mentis et accensione luminis naturalis; " a fragment
containing the substance of the first, second, and third aphorisms of the first book of
the Novum Organum, and the first, third, and sixteenth of the second. C/avis inter-
pretationis was probably the name which was afterwards exchanged for Novum Organum.
-J. S.

80 PREFACE TO

tata et Visa appears plainly from several considerations which
M. Bouillet, who expresses a contrary opinion, seems to have
overlooked. In the first place, whole sentences and even para-
graphs of the Cogitata et Visa are reproduced with scarcely
any alteration in the Novum Organum ; whereas this is by no
means the case with any passage of the Partis secundce Deline-
atio. But as it may be said that this difference arises from the
different character of the two tracts, of which the one is simply
a summary of a larger work, whereas the more developed
style of the other resembles that of the Novum Organum, it
may be well to compare them somewhat in detail.

In speaking of the prospects which the reform of philosophy
was to open to mankind, Bacon thus expresses himself in the
Novum Organum: — " Quinetiam prudentia civilis ad consilium
vocanda est et adhibenda, qua? ex prsescripto diffidit, et de rebus
humanis in deterius conjicit." The corresponding sentence in
the Cogitata et Visa is, " Consentaneum enim esse, prudentiam
civilem in hac parte adhibere, quae ex prasscripto diffidit et de
humanis in deterius conjicit." Again, in the Partis secunda
Delineatio the same idea is thus expressed, " Si quis sobrius
(ut sibi videri possit,) et civilis prudentiae diffidentiam ad haec
transferens, existimet haec quaa dicimus votis similia videri," &c.
Here the somewhat obscure phrase " civilis prudentiae diffiden-
tiam" is clearly the germ of that by which it is replaced in the
other two passages, namely, " prudentia civilis quae ex praescripto
diffidit." Again, in the Partis secunda Delineatio Bacon
affirms that ordinary induction " puerile quiddam est et precario
concludit, periculo ab instantia contradictoria exposita : " in the
Cogitata et Visa, that the logicians have devised a form of
induction "admodum simplicem et plane puerilem, quae per
enumerationem tantum procedat, atque propterea precario non
necessario concludat." The clause " quae per enumerationem
tantum procedat," which adds greatly to the distinctness of the
whole sentence, is retained in the Distributio Operis, in which
it is said that the induction of the logicians, " qua; procedit per
enumerationem simplicem, puerile quiddam est, precario con-
cludit, et periculo ab instantia" contradictoria exponitur." To
take another case: in the Partis secunda Delineatio, Bacon,
speaking of those who might object to his frequent mention of
practical results as a thing unworthy of the dignity of philo-
sophy, affirms that they hinder the accomplishment of their

. THE KOVUM OUGANUM. 81

own wishes. " Quin etiam illis, quibus in contemplations
amorem effusis frequens apud nos operum mentio asperum
quiddam atque ingratum et mechanicum sonat, monstrabimus
quantum illi desideriis suis propriis adversentur, quum puritas
contemplationum atque substructio et inventio operum prorsus
eisdem rebus nitantur, ac simul perficiantur." In the Cogitata
et Visa, this sentence recurs in a modified and much neater
form : — "Si quis autem sit cui in contemplationis amorem et
venerationem effuso ista operum frequens et cum tanto honore
mentio quiddam asperum et ingratum sonet, is pro certo sciat
se propriis desideriis adversari ; etenim in natura, opera non
tantum vitas beneficia, sed et veritatis pignora esse." On com-
paring these two sentences, it is difficult to believe that Bacon
would have omitted the antithesis with which the latter ends
in order to introduce the somewhat cumbrous expressions which
correspond to it in the former, especially as we find this anti-
thesis reproduced, though with another context, in the Novum
Organum. " Opera ipsa," it is there said, " pluris facienda
. sunt quatenus sunt veritatis pignora quam propter vit« com-
rnoda." 1

These instances will probably be thought sufficient to justify-
us in concluding that the Partis secundce, Delineatio, in which
no mention is made of the plan of setting forth the new method
of induction by means of an example, is of earlier date than
the Cogitata et Visa, in which this plan, actually employed in the
Novum Organum, is spoken of as that which Bacon had decided
on adopting. This question of priority is not without interest;
for if the Partis secundce Delineatio is anterior to the Cogitata
et Visa, the general plan of the Instauratio must have been
formed a considerable time before 1607, about which time
Bacon probably commenced the composition of the Novum
Organum. If we could determine the date of Valerius Termi-
nus, we should be able to assign limits within which the forma-
tion of this plan, so far as relates to the division of the work
into six portions, may be supposed to lie. For the first book of
Valerius Terminus was to include all that was to precede the
exposition of the new method of induction, which was to be

1 Nov. Org. i. 124. It is well to mention that some of the expressions in this
aphorism which do not occur in the Cogitata et Visa will be found in the Partis se-
cnndfB Delineatio. But it will be observed that I am only comparing passages which
occur in all three works. Of the greater general resemblance of the Cogitata et Visa
to the Novum Organum there can be no question.

VOL. I. G

82 PREFACE TO

the subject of the second ; that is, it was to comprehend, along
with the first part of the Instauratio *, the general reflexions
and precepts which form the subject of the first book of the
Novum Organum. Nor does it appear that Valerius Terminus
was to contain anything corresponding to the last four parts of
the Instauratio2 ; it was a work, as its title3 shows, on the Inter-
pretation of Nature ; that is, it was to be a statement of Bacon's
method, without professing either to give the collection of facts
to which the method was to be applied, or the results thereby
obtained. Unfortunately, there appears to be no evidence
tending to enable us to assign the time at which (or not long
after it) Valerius Terminus was written. That it is earlier
than the Advancement of Learning seems to follow from the
circumstance that Bacon, when he wrote it, designed to include
in a single chapter the general survey of human knowledge
which in the Advancement is developed into two books.4
Bacon has on all occasions condemned epitomes, and it is there-
fore altogether improbable that after writing the Advancement
of Learning he would have endeavoured to compress its con-
tents, or even those of the second book, within the limits pro-
posed in Valerius Terminus. On the other hand, we may
suppose that before writing the Advancement he had not seen
how much he had to say on the subject to which it relates.
We may conclude therefore, on these and other grounds, that

Valerius Terminus was written some time before 1605: how
much before cannot be known; but as by comparing the
Partis secunda Delineatio and the Cogitata et Visa with the
Novum Organum we have seen reason to conclude that the
general plan of the Instauratio was formed before Bacon had
decided on propounding his method by means of an example, so
by 'comparing the first-named of these three works with Valerius

Terminus, we perceive that the idea of the work on the Inter-
pretation of Nature, that is, on the new method of induction,
was anterior in Bacon's mind to that of the Instauratio.

And this conclusion is confirmed by all we know of Bacon's
early writings. In the earliest of all, (if we assume that the

1 Query. See Note A. at the end, § 1. — /. S.

2 Query. See Note A. at the end, § 2. — J. S.

3 " Valerius Terminus of the Interpretation of Nature ; with the Annotations of
Hermes Stella. A few fragments of the first book, viz.," &c.

4 Query. See Note A. at the end, § 1. — /. S.

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 83

Temporis Partus Masculus, published by Gruter l, is the same
as the Temporis Partus Maximus mentioned by Bacon in his
letter to Fulgenzio,) the most prominent notion is that true
science consists in the interpretation of Nature — a phrase by
which Bacon always designates a just method of induction. But
nothing is said either there or in any early fragment whereby
we are led to suppose that Bacon then thought of producing a
great work like the Instauratio. On the contrary, in the De
Interpretatione Natures Procemium he proposes to communicate
his peculiar method and the results to which it was to lead, only
to chosen followers; giving to the world merely an exoteric
doctrine, namely the general views of science which afterwards
formed the substance of the Cogitata et Visa and ultimately of
the first book of the Novum Organum. 2

From what has been said it follows that we should form an
inadequate conception of the Novum Organum if we were to
regard it merely as a portion of the Instauratio. For it contains
the central ideas of Bacon's system, of which the whole of the
Instauratio is only the developement. In his early youth Bacon
formed the notion of a new method of induction, and from that
time forth this notion determined the character of all his specu-
lations. Later in life he laid the plan of a great work, within
the limits of which the materials to which his method was to be
applied and the results thereby to be obtained might be stored
up, together with a statement of the method itself. But of this
great plan the interpretation of Nature was, so to speak, the soul,
— the formative and vivifying principle ; not only because Bacon
conceived that the new method only could lead to the attainment
of the great ends which he had in view, but also because it was
the possession of this method which had suggested to him the
hopes which he entertained.3 There seems some reason to believe
that his confidence in his peculiar method of induction did not
increase as he grew older; that is to say, he admits in the Novum
Organum that the interpretation of Nature is not so much an

1 Say rather, " the several tracts collected by M. Bouillet under the title Temporis
Partus Masculus." See Note A. at the end, § 3. — /. S.

2 See Note A. at the end, § 4. — /. S.

3 I quite agree in this, bu£ not quite on the same grounds. In Note A. at the end
of this preface, the reader will find a statement, too long for a foot-note, of such points
in the foregoing argument as I consider disputable. It was the more necessary to point
them out, because the arrangement of the pieces in this edition, for which I am re-
sponsible, will otherwise create a difficulty ; being in some respects inconsistent with
the opinions here expressed. — J. S.

o 2

84 PREFACE TO

artificial process as the way in which the mind would naturally
work if the obstacles whereby it is hindered in the pursuit of
truth were once set aside.1 So that his precepts are, he says,
not of absolute necessity: "necessitatem ei (arti interpretationis
scilicet) ac si absque eft, nil agi possit, aut etiam perfectionem
non attribuimus," — an admission not altogether in the spirit of
the earlier writings in which the art of interpretation is spoken
of as a secret of too much value to be lightly revealed.2

If it be asked why Bacon determined on propounding his
method by means of an example, the answer is to be sought for
in the last paragraphs of the Cogitata et Visa. He seems to
have thought that it would thus obtain a favourable reception,
because its value would be to a certain extent made manifest
by the example itself. Likewise he hoped in this way to avoid
all occasion of dispute and controversy, and thought that an
example would be enough to make his meaning understood by
all who were capable of understanding it. " Fere enim se in ea
esse opinione, nempe (quod quispiam dixit) prudentibus haec
satis fore, imprudentibus autem ne plura quidem."

His expectations have not been fulfilled, for very few of those
who have spoken of Bacon have understood his method, or have
even attempted to explain its distinguishing characteristics,
namely the certainty of its results, and its power of reducing
all men. to one common level.

Another reason for the course which he followed may not
improbably have been that he was more or less conscious that
he could not demonstrate the validity, or at least the practica-
bility, of that which he proposed. The fundamental principle
in virtue of which alone a method of exclusions can necessarily
lead to a positive result, namely that the subject matter to
which it is applied consists of a finite number of elements, each
of which the mind can recognise and distinguish from the rest,

1 Nov. Org. i. 130. " Est enim Interpretatio verum et naturale opus mentis, demptts
iis quae obstant" But compare the following passage in Valerius Terminus, c. 22.
" that it is true that interpretation is the very natural and direct intention, action,
and progression of the understanding, delivered from impediments. And that all
anticipation is but a reflexion or declination by accident." So that if we may infer
from the passage in the Novum Organvm that his confidence had abated, we must
suppose that when he wrote the Valerius Terminus it had not risen to its height But
for my own part I doubt whether his opinion on this point ever changed. — J. S.

* Not, I think, as a secret of too much value to be revealed, but as an argument too
abstruse to be made popular. See Note B. at the end, where I have endeavoured to
bring together all the evidence upon which the presumption in the text is founded,
and to show that it proves either too much or too little. — J. S.

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 85

cannot, it is manifest, be for any particular case demonstrated
a priori. Bacon's method in effect assumes that substances
can always be resolved into an aggregation of a certain number
of abstract qualities, and that their essence is adequately re-
presented by the result of this analysis. Now this assumption
or postulate cannot be made the subject of a direct demonstra-
tion, and probably Bacon came gradually to perceive more or
less the difficulties which it involves. But these difficulties are
less obvious in special cases than when the question is con-
sidered generally, and on this account Bacon may have decided
to give instead of a demonstration of his method an example of
its use. He admits at the close of the example that the opera-
tion of the method is imperfect, saying that at first it could not
but be so, and implying that its defects would be removed when
the process of induction had been applied to rectify our notions
of simple natures. He thus seems to be aware of the inherent
defect of his method, namely that it gives no assistance in the
formation of conceptions, and at the same time to hope that this
would be corrected by some modification of the inductive pro-
cess. But of what nature this modification is to be he has
nowhere stated ; and it is to be remarked that in his earliest
writings the difficulty here recognised is not even mentioned.
In Valerius Terminus nothing is said of the necessity of forming
correct notions of simple natures, — the method of exclusions
then doubtless appearing to contain all that is necessary for
the investigation of Nature.

Bacon may also have been influenced by other considerations.
We have seen that he was at first unwilling that his peculiar
method should become generally known. In the De Interpre-
tatione Natures Procemium he speaks of its being a thing not
to be published, but to be communicated orally to certain per-
sons.1 In Valerius Terminus his doctrine was to be veiled in
an abrupt and obscure style 2, such as, to use his own expression,
would choose its reader, — that is, would remain unread except
by worthy recipients of its hidden meaning. This affected ob-
scurity appears also in the Temporis Partus Masculus. In this

* See Note B. at the end, extract 4th, and the concluding remarks in which I have
explained my own view of the kind of reserve which Bacon at this time meditated.
— J. S.

2 See the same note, extract 1st I cannot think it was by " abruptness and
obscurity " that he proposed to effect the desired separation of readers either in
Valerius Terminus or in the Temporis Partus Masculus. — /. £

C 3

86 PREFACE TO

unwillingness openly to reveal his method Bacon coincided with
the common feeling of his own and earlier times. In the middle

O

ages no new discovery was freely published. All the secrets,
real or pretended, of the alchemists were concealed in obscure
and enigmatic language ; and to mention a well-known instance,
the anagram in which Roger Bacon is supposed to have re-
corded his knowledge of the art of making gunpowder is so
obscure, that its meaning is even now more or less doubtful.
In Bacon's own time one of the most remarkable discoveries of
Galileo — that of the phases of Venus — was similarly hidden in
an anagram, though the veil in this case was more easily seen
through. This disposition to conceal scientific discoveries and
methods is connected with the views which in the middle ages
were formed of the nature of science. To know that which
had previously been unknown was then regarded as the result
not so much of greater industry or acuteness as of some fortu-
nate accident, or of access to some hidden source of infor-
mation : it was like finding a concealed treasure, of which the
value would be decreased if others were allowed to share in
it. Moreover the love of the marvellous inclined men to be-
lieve in the existence of wonderful secrets handed down by tra-
dition from former ages, and any new discovery acquired some-
thing of the same mysterious interest by being kept back from
the knowledge of the vulgar. Other causes, which need not
here be detailed, increased this kind of reserve ; such as the
dread of the imputation of unlawful knowledge, the facility
which it gave to deception and imposture, and the like.

The manner in which Bacon proposed at one time to per-
petuate the knowledge of his method is also in accordance with
the spirit of the middle ages. In the writings of the alchemists
we meet continually with stories of secrets transmitted by their
possessor to one or more disciples. Thus Artefius records the
conversation wherein his master, Boemund, transmitted to him
the first principles of all knowledge ; and it is remarkable that
in this and similar cases the disciple is called " mi fili " by his
instructor — a circumstance which shows from what source Bacon
derived the phrase " ad filios," which appears in the titles of several
of his early pieces. Even in the De Augmentis the highest and
most effectual form of scientific teaching is called the " methodus
ad filios." l

1 Lib. vi. c. 2. I cannot think however that the merit of this method ha;l any-

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 87

When he wrote the Cogitata et Visa, Bacon seems to have
perceived l how much of vanity and imposture had always been
mixed up with this affectation of concealment and reserve. " Re-
perit autem," he there says, " homines in rerum scientia quam
sibi videntur adepti, interdum proferenda interdum occultanda,
famae et ostentationi servire ; quin et eos potissimum qui minus
solida proponunt, solere ea quae afferunt obscura et ambigua
luce venditare, ut facilius vanitati suae velificare possint." The
matter which he has in hand, he goes on to say, is one which it
were nowise fitting to defile by affectation or vain glory ; but yet
it cannot be forgotten that inveterate errors, like the delusions
of madmen, are to be overcome by art and subtlety, and are
always exasperated by violence and opposition. The result of
this kind of dilemma is that the method is to be propounded in
an example, — a decision in which it is probable that he was still
more or less influenced by the example of those whom he here
condemns.

Thus much of the connexion between the plan of the
Novum Organum and that which Bacon laid down in the
Cogitata et Visa. That there is no didactic exposition of his
method in the whole of his writings has not been sufficiently

thing to do with secresy. For the distinctive object of it is stated to be the " con-
tinuatio et ulterior progressus " of knowledge ; and its distinctive characteristic, the
being " solito apertior." Its aim was to transfer knowledge into the mind of the dis-
ciple in the same form in which it grew in the teacher's mind, like a plant with its
roots on, that it might continue to grow. Its other name is " traditio lampadis,"
alluding to the Greek torch-race ; which was run, as I understand it, not between in-
dividuals, but between what we call sides. Each side had a lighted torch ; they were
so arranged that each bearer, as he began to slacken, handed it to another who was
fresh ; and the side whose torch first reached the goal, still a-light, was the winner.
The term " fllii," therefore, alludes, I think, to the successive generations, not who
should inherit the secret, but who should carry on the work. Compare the remarks
in the Sapientia Veterum (Fab. xxvi. near the end,) upon the torch-races in honour oS
Prometheus. " Atque continet in se monitum, idque prudentissimum, ut perfectio
scientiarum a successione, non ab unius alicujus pernicitate aut facultate, expectetur.
.... Atque optandum esset ut isti ludi in honorem Promethei, sive humanae natura;,
instaurarentur, atque res certamen, et cemulationem, et bonam fortunam reciperet ; neque
ex unius cujuspiam face tremula atque agitata penderet." To me, I must confess, the
explanation above given of Bacon's motives for desiring a select audience seems
irreconcilable both with the objects which he certainly had in view and with the spirit
in which he appears to have pursued them. " Fit audience, though few," he no doubt
desired ; and I can easily believe that he wished not only to find the fit, but also to
exclude the unfit. But the question is, whether his motive in so selecting and so
limiting his audience was unwillingness to part with his treasure, or solicitude for the
furtherance of his work. To decide this question I have brought together all the
passages in which he speaks of the " singling and adopting " of the " fit and legitimate
reader." But the collection, with the remarks which it suggests, being too long for a
foot-note, I have placed them at the end of this preface. See Note B. — J. S.

1 See Note B., extract 7th. But observe that in the 1st, 3rd, and 4th, he shows
himself quite as sensible of the vanity and imposture which such secresy had been made

to subserve J. S.

0 4

88 PREFACE TO

remarked by those who have spoken of his philosophy ; probably
because what he himself regarded as a sort of exoteric doctrine,
namely the views of science contained in the first book of the
Novum Organum, have received much more attention than the
method itself, which is nevertheless the cardinal point of his
whole system. Bacon is to be regarded, not as the founder of
a new philosophy, but as the discoverer of a new method ; at
least we must remember that this was his own view of himself
and of his writings.

I proceed to give some account of the structure of the Novum
Organum and of the parts into which it may be most con-
veniently divided.

After the preface, in which Bacon professes that it is not his
intention to destroy the received philosophy, but rather that
from henceforth there should be two coexisting and allied
systems, — the one sufficient for the ordinary purposes of life,
and such as would satisfy those who are content with probable
opinions and commonly received notions; the other for the
sons of science, who desire to attain to certainty and to an
insight into the hidden things of Nature, — we come to the
Novum Organum itself; which commences with some weighty
sentences concerning the relation of Man to Nature. The first
aphorism, perhaps the most often quoted sentence in the Novum
Organum, occurs twice in the fragments published by Gruter ;
namely in the Aphorismi et Consilia de Auxiliis Mentis, and
again in a less perfect form in the De Interpretatione Natures
Sententia XII., both which fragments are included [by M.
Bouillet] l under the title Temporis Partus Masculus, though
they are clearly of different dates. The wording of the aphorism
in the former is almost precisely the same as in the Novum Or-
ganum. In all three places man is styled " nature minister
et interpres." He is naturas interpres, because in every object
which is presented to him there are two things to be considered,
or rather two aspects of the same thing, — one the phenomenon
which Nature presents to the senses — the other the inward
mechanism and action, of which the phenomenon in question is
not only the result but also the outward sign. To pass there-
fore from the phenomenon to its hidden cause is to interpret the
signs which enable us to become acquainted with the operations

1 Not so included by Gruter. See note A. at the end, § -3. — /. S,

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 89

of Nature. Again, he is the minister naturae, because in all his
works he can only arrange the things with which he deals in
the order and form which Nature requires. All the rest comes
from her only ; the conditions she requires having been fulfilled,
she produces new phenomena according to the laws of her own
action. Thus the two words minister and interpres refer re-
spectively to works and contemplation — to power and know-
ledge— the substance of Bacon's theory of both being compressed
into a single phrase. The third and fourth aphorisms are de-
velopments of the first ; the second relating not to the theory of
knowledge, but to the necessity of providing helps for the
understanding.

Then follow (5 — 10.) reflections on the sterility of the ex-
isting sciences, and (11 — 17.) remarks on the inutility of logic.
In (14.) Bacon asserts that everything must depend on a just
method of induction. From (18.) to (37.) he contrasts the only
two ways in which knowledge can be sought for ; namely anti-
cipations of Nature and the interpretation of Nature. In the
former method men pass at once from particulars to the highest
generalities, and thence deduce all intermediate propositions ;
in the latter they rise by gradual induction and successively,
from particulars to axioms of the lowest generality, then to in-
termediate axioms, and so ultimately to the highest. And this
is the true way, but as yet untried.

Then from (38.) to (68.) Bacon developes the doctrine of idols.
It is to be remarked that he uses the word idolon in antithesis
to idea, the first place where it occurs being the twenty-third
aphorism. " Non leve quiddam interest," it is there said, " inter
humana3 mentis idola et divinae mentis ideas." He nowhere
refers to the common meaning of the word, namely the image
of a false god. Idols are with him " placita quaedam inania,"
or more generally, the false notions which have taken possession
of men's minds. The doctrine of idols stands [he says] in the
same relation to the interpretation of Nature, as the doctrine of
fallacies to ordinary logic.

Of idols Bacon enumerates four kinds, — the idols of the tribe,
of the cave, of the market-place, and of the theatre ; and it has
been supposed that this classification is borrowed from Roger
Bacon, who in the beginning of the Opus Majus speaks of
four hindrances whereby men are kept back from the attain-
ment of true knowledge. But this supposition is for several

90 PREFACE TO

reasons improbable. The Opus Majus was not printed until
the eighteenth century, and it is unlikely that Francis Bacon
would have taken the trouble of reading it, or any part of it,
in manuscript.1 In the first place there is no evidence in any
part of his works of this kind of research, and in the second
he had no high opinion of his namesake, of whom he has spoken
with far less respect than he deserves. The only work of
Roger Bacon's which there is any good reason for believing
that he was acquainted with is a tract on the art of prolonging
life, which was published at Paris in 1542, and of which an
English translation appeared in 1617. The general resemblance
between the spirit in which the two Bacons speak of science
and of its improvement is, notwithstanding what has sometimes
been said, but slight. Both no doubt complain that sufficient
attention has not been paid to observation and experiment, but
that is all ; and these complaints may be found in the writings
of many other men, especially in the time of Francis Bacon.
Nothing is more clear than that the essential doctrines of his
philosophy — among which that of idols is to be reckoned —
are, so far as he was aware, altogether his own. There is more-
over but little analogy between his idols and his namesake's
hindrances to knowledge. The principle of classification is alto-
gether different, and the notion of a real connexion between
the two was probably suggested simply by there being the
same number of idols as of hindrances.2 It is therefore well
to remark that in the early form of the doctrine of idols there
were only three. In the Partis secundce Delineatio the idols
wherewith the mind is beset are said to be of three kinds : they
either are inherent and innate or adscititious ; and if the latter,
arise either from received opinions in philosophy or from

1 I can hardly think that he would have omitted to look into a work like the
Opus Majus, if he had had the opportunity. But it is very probable that no copy of

it was procurable ; possible that he did not even know of its existence. The manner in
which he speaks of Roger Bacon in the Ttmporis Partus, Masculus, as belonging to the
" utile genus " of experimentalists, " qui de theoriis non admodum soliciti mechanicd
quadam subtilitate rerum inventarum extensiones prehendunt," seems rather to imply
that he knew of him at that tune chiefly by his reputation for mechanical inventions.
— J. S.

2 That the two may be the more conveniently compared, I have quoted Ro-
ger Bacon's exposition of his " offendicula," in a note upon the 39th aphorism, in
which the names of the four " Idols " first occur. How slight the resemblance is
between the two may be ascertained by a very simple test If you are already
acquainted with Francis Bacon's classification, try to assign each of the "offendi-
cula " to its proper class. If not, try by the help of Roger's classification to find out
Francis's. — J. S,

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 91

wrong principles of demonstration. This classification occurs
also in Valerius Terminus.1

The first of these three classes corresponds to the first and
second of those spoken of in the Novum Organum. The idols
of the tribe are those which belong, as Aristotle might have
said, to the human mind as it is human, — the erroneous tenden-
cies common more or less to all mankind. The idols of the
cave arise from each man's mental constitution : the metaphor
being suggested by a passage in the [opening of the seventh
book of Plato's Republic."]2 Both classes of extraneous idols
mentioned in the Partis secundce Delineatio are included in the
idola theatri, and the idola fori correspond to nothing in the
earlier classification.3 They also are extraneous idols, but result
neither from received opinions nor erroneous forms of demon-
stration, but from the influence which words of necessity exert.
They are called idols of the market-place because they are
caused by the daily intercourse of common life. " Verba," re-
marks Bacon, " ex captu vulgi imponuntur."

It is only when we compare the later with the earlier form of
the doctrine of idols that we perceive the principle of classifi-
cation which Bacon was guided by, namely the division of
idols according as they come from the mind itself or from with-
out.4 In the Novum Organum two belong to the former class
and two to the latter, so that the members of the classification
are better balanced5 than in the previous arrangement: in both
perhaps we perceive a trace of the dichotomizing principle of
Ramus, one of the seeming novelties which he succeeded in
making popular.6

1 Not in Valerius Terminus. It occurs in the Distributio Opens, and may be
traced though less distinctly in the Advancement and the De Augmentis. See Note
C. at the end. — /. S.

2 Mr. Ellis had written " in the of Aristotle." But the words of the
De Augmentis (v. 4.) (" de specu Platonis ") prove that it was the passage in Plato
which suggested the metaphor. — J. S.

3 i. e. in the classification adopted in the Partis secunda Delineatio ; for they
correspond exactly with the third kind of fallacies or false appearances mentioned in
the Advancement, and with the idols of the palace in Valerius Terminus. And I
think they were meant to be included among the " Inhaerentia et Innata " of the
Delineatio. See Note C. — J. S.

4 Rather, I think, as they are separable or inseparable from our nature and con-
dition in life. See Note C. — J. S.

5 Compare the Distributio Operis, where the classification is retained, with the Novum
Organum, where it is not alluded to, and I think it will be seen that Bacon did not
intend to balance the members in this way. See Note C. at the end. — /. S.

6 Bacon alludes to Ramus in the De Augmentis vi. 2., " De unica methodo et
clichotomiis perpetuis nil attinet dicere. Fuit enim nubecula quaedam doctrinac quas
cito transiit : res certe simul et scientiis damnosissima," &c.

92 PREFACE TO

After enumerating the four kinds of idols, Bacon gives in-
stances of each (45—67.) ; and speaking in (62.) of idols of the
theatre, introduces a triple classification of false philosophies, to
which he seems to have attached much importance, as we find it
referred to in many parts of his writings. False philosophy is
sophistical, empirical, or superstitious ; sophistical, when it con-
sists of dialectic subtleties built upon no better foundation than
common notions and every-day observation ; empirical, when it
is educed out of a few experiments, however accurately ex-
amined ; and superstitious, when theological traditions are made
its basis. In the Cogitata et Visa he compares the rational
philosophers (that is, those whose system is sophistical, — the name
implying that they trust too much to reason and despise ob-
servation) to spiders whose webs are spun out of their own
bodies, and the empirics to the ant which simply lays up its
store and uses it. Whereas the true way is that of the bee,
which gathers its materials from the flowers of the field and of
the garden, and then, ex propria facultate, elaborates and trans-
forms them.1 The third kind of false philosophy is not here
mentioned. In the Novum Organum Bacon perhaps intended
particularly to refer to the Mosaical philosophy of Fludd, who
is one of the most learned of the Cabalistic writers.'2

In (69.) Bacon speaks of faulty demonstrations as the
defences and bulwarks of idols, and divides the common pro-
cess for the establishment of axioms and conclusions into four
parts, each of which is defective. He here describes in gene-
ral terms the new method of induction. In the next aphorism,
which concludes this part of his subject, he condemns the
way in which experimental researches have commonly been
carried on.

The doctrine of idols seems, when the Novum Organum was
published, to have been esteemed one of its most important
portions. Mersenne at least, the earliest critic on Bacon's
writings, his Certitude des Sciences having been published in

1 In the Advancement of Learning and the De Aug mentis, the schoolmen in par-
ticular are compared to the spider ; a passage which has been misunderstood by a
distinguished writer, whose judgments seem not unfrequently to be as hastily formed
as they are fluently expressed, and who conceives that Bacon intended to condemn
the study of psychology.

In speaking of the field and the garden, Bacon refers respectively to observations of
Nature and artificial experiment ; an instance of the " curiosa felicitas " of his
metaphors.

2 Fludd's work, entitled Philosophia Moysaica, was published in 1638.

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 93

1625 ', speaks of the four idols, or rather of Bacon's remarks
upon them, as the four buttresses of his philosophy. In Bacon's
own opinion this doctrine was of much importance. Thus in
the De Interpretatione Natures Sententice Duodecim he says, in
the abrupt style of his earlier philosophical writings, " Qui
primum et ante alia omnia animi motus humani penitus non
explorarit, ibique scientiae meatus et errorum sedes accuratissime
descriptas non habuerit, is omnia larvata et veluti incantata
reperiet ; fascinum ni solverit interpretari non poterit.2

From (71.) to (78.) he speaks of the signs and tokens whereby
the defects and worthlessness of the received sciences are made
manifest. The origin of these sciences, the scanty fruits they
have borne, the little progress they have made, all testify against
them ; as likewise the confessions of the authors who have treated
of them, and even the general consent with which they have
been received. " Pessimum," says Bacon, " omnium est au-
gurium, quod ex consensu capitur in rebus intellectualibus."3

From (78.) to (92.) Bacon speaks of the causes of the errors
which have hindered the progress of science ; intending thereby
to show that there is no reason to doubt the value of the reform
which he is about to propose, because though in itself seem-
ingly plain and obvious it has nevertheless remained so long
unthought of. On the contrary, there is, he affirms, good
reason for being surprised that even now any one should have
thought of it.

The first of these causes is the comparative shortness of the
periods which, out of the twenty-five centuries which intervene
between Thales and Bacon's own time, have been really fa-
vourable to the progress of science. The second, that even
during the more favourable times natural philosophy, the great
mother of the sciences, has been for the most part neglected ;
men having of late chiefly busied themselves with theology, and
among the Greeks and Romans with moral philosophy, " quze

1 In the Biographic Universette (Mersenne) it is incorrectly said that this work
was published in 1636, and an idle story is mentioned that it was in reality written,
not by Mersenne, but by Lord Herbert of Cherbury, — a story sufficiently refuted by its
scrupulous and submissive orthodoxy.

2 So also in the Valerius Terminus, c. 17. : " That if any have had or shall have the
power and resolution to fortify and inclose his mind against all anticipations, yet if he
have not been or shall not be cautioned by the full understanding of the nature of the
mind and spirit of man, and therein of the seats, pores, and passages both of know-
ledge and error, he hath not been, nor shall not be, possibly able to guide or keep on
his course aright." — /. S.

3 He however excepts matters political and religious.

94 PREFACE TO

ethnicis vice theologize erat." Moreover, even when men oc-
cupied themselves the most with natural philosophy (Bacon
refers to the age of the early Greek physicists), much time was
wasted through controversies and vain glory. Again, even
those who have bestowed pains upon natural philosophy have
seldom, especially in these latter times, given themselves wholly
up to it. Thus, natural philosophy having been neglected and
the sciences thereby severed from their root, it is no wonder
that their growth has been stopped.

Another cause of their scanty progress is, that their true end,
the benefit and relief of man's estate, has not been had in re-
membrance. This error Bacon speaks of in the Advancement
as the greatest of all, coupling however there with the relief
of man's estate the glory of the Creator. Again, the right
path for the advancement of knowledge has not only been neg-
lected but blocked up, men having come not only to neglect
experience but also to despise it. Also the reverence for an-
tiquity has hindered progress ; and here Bacon repeats the re-
mark he had made in the Advancement, that antiquity was the
world's youth, and the latter times its age.1

Again, the progress of science has been hindered by too
much respect for what has been already accomplished. And
this has been increased by the appearance of completeness which
systematic writers on science have given to their works, and
also by the vain and boastful promises of some who have pre-
tended to reform philosophy. Another reason why more has
not been accomplished, is that so little has been attempted.

To these hindrances Bacon adds three others, — superstitious
bigotry, the constitution of schools, universities, and colleges,
and the lack of encouragement ; and then concludes this part of
the subject with that which he affirms to have been the greatest

1 This remark is in itself not new; we read, for instance, in the book of Esdras, that
the world has lost its youth, and that the times begin to wax old. Nor is it new in the
application here made of it Probably several writers in the age which preceded
Bacon's had already made it, for in that age men were no longer willing to submit to
the authority of antiquity, and still felt bound to justify their dissent. Two writers
may at any rate be mentioned by whom the thought is as distinctly expressed as by
Bacon, namely Giordano Bruno and Otto Casmann ; the former in the Cena di Cenere,
the latter in the preface to his Problemata Afarina, which was published in 1596, and
therefore a few years later than the Cena, with which however it is not likely that
Casmann was acquainted. Few writers of celebrity comparable to Bruno's appear to
have been so little read.

I have quoted both passages in a note on the corresponding passage in [the first
book of] the De Augmentis : that in the Cena di Cenere was first noticed by Dr.
Whewell. See his Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences, ii. 198.

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 95

obstacle of all, namely despair of the possibility of progress.
To remove this, he goes on to state the grounds of hope for the
future, — a discussion which extends from (93.) to (115.).

" Principium autem," he begins, " sumendum a Deo ; " that is
to say, the excellence of the end proposed is in itself an indi-
cation that the matter in hand is from God, nor is the prophecy
of Daniel concerning the latter times to be omitted, namely that
many shall go to and fro and knowledge shall be increased.
Again, the errors committed in tune past are a reason for hoping
better things in the time to come. He therefore sets forth these
errors at some length (95 — 107.). This enumeration begins
with the passage already mentioned [as occurring in the Cogitata
et Visa], in which the true method is spoken of as intermediate
to those of the dogmatici or rationales, and of the empirici.
There will be, he concludes, good ground for hope when the
experimental and reasoning faculties are more intimately united
than they have ever yet been. So likewise when natural phi-
losophy ceases to be alloyed with matter extraneous to it, and
when any one can be found content to begin at the beginning
and, putting aside all popularly received notions and opinions, to
apply himself afresh to experience and particulars. And here
Bacon introduces an illustration which he has also employed
elsewhere, comparing the regeneration of the sciences to the
exploits of Alexander, which were at first esteemed portentous
and more than human, and yet afterwards it was Livy's judg-
ment that he had done no more than despise a vain show of
difficulty. Bacon then resumes his enumeration of the improve-
ments which are to be made, each of which will be a ground of
hope. The first is a better natural history than has yet been
composed ; and it is to be observed that a natural history which
is designed to contain the materials for the instauration of phi-
losophy differs essentially from a natural history which has no
such ulterior end : the chief difference is, that an ordinary
natural history does not contain the experimental results fur-
nished by the arts. In the second place, among these results
themselves there is a great lack of experimenta lucifera, that is
of experiments which, though not practically useful, yet serve to
give light for the discovery of causes and axioms : hitherto
men have busied themselves for the most part with experimenta
fructifera, that is experiments of use and profit. Thirdly, ex-
perimental researches must be conducted orderly and according

96 PREFACE TO

to rule and law, and not as hitherto in a desultory and irregular
manner. Again, when the materials required have been col-
lected, the mind will not be able to deal with them without
assistance and memoriter : all discoveries ought to be based upon
written records — " nulla nisi de scripto inventio probanda est."
This is what Bacon calls experientia litterata1, his meaning
apparently being that out of the storehouse of natural history
all the facts connected with any proposed subject of investiga-
tion should be extracted and reduced to writing before anything
else is done. Furthermore, all these facts must not only be
reduced to writing, but arranged tabularly. In dealing with
facts thus collected and arranged, we are to regard them chiefly
as the materials for the construction of axioms, our path leading
us upwards from particulars to axioms, and then downwards
from axioms to works ; and the ascent from particulars to
axioms must be gradual, that is axioms of a less degree of gene-
rality must always be established before axioms of a higher.
Again a new form of induction is to be introduced ; for induc-
tion by simple enumeration is childish and precarious. But
true induction analyses nature by rejections and exclusions, and
concludes affirmatively after a sufficient number of negatives.
And our greatest hope rests upon this way of induction.
Also the axioms thus established are to be examined whether
they are of wider generality than the particulars employed in
their construction, and if so, to be verified by comparing them
with other facts, e ' per novorum particularium designationem 2,
quasi fidejussione quadam." Lastly, the sciences must be kept
in connexion with natural philosophy.

Bacon then goes on (108 — 114.) to state divers grounds of
hope derived from other sources than those of which he has
been speaking, namely, the errors hitherto committed. The
first is that without any method of invention men have made
certain notable discoveries ; how many more, then, and greater,

1 " Hla vero in usum veniente, ab experieutia factd demum literata, melius speran-
dum." In Montagu's edition literata is printed incorrectly with a capital letter ;
which makes it seem as if the experientia facta literata here spoken of were the same
as the experientia qunm vocamus literatam in Aph. 103. But they are, in fact,
two different things ; the one being opposed to experience which proceeds without any
written record of its results ; the other to vaga experientia. et se tantum sequens — ex-
perience which proceeds without any method in its inquiries. See my note on Aph.
101. — J. S.

2 I understand designatio here to mean discovery. The test of the truth of the
axiom was to be the discovery by its light of new particulars. See Valerius Terminus,
ch. xii., quoted in note on Aph. 106. — /. S.

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 97

by the method now to be proposed. Again, of discoveries
already made, there are many which before they were made
would never have been conceived of as possible, which is a
reason for thinking that many other things still remain to be
found out of a nature wholly unlike any hitherto known. In
the course of ages these too would doubtless some time or
other come to light ; but by a regular method of discovery
they will be made known far more certainly and in far less time,
—propere et subito et simul. Bacon mentions particularly, as
discoveries not likely to have been thought of beforehand, gun-
powder, silk, and the mariner's compass ; remarking that if the
conditions to be fulfilled had been stated, men would have sought
for something far more akin than the reality to things previously
known : in the case of gunpowder, if its effects only had been
described, they would have thought of some modification of the
battering-ram or the catapult, and not of an expansive vapour ;
and so in the other cases. He also mentions the art of print-
ing as an invention perfectly simple when once made, and which
nevertheless was only made after a long course of ages. Again,
we may gain hope from seeing what an infinity of pains and
labour men have bestowed on far less matters than that now
in hand, of which if only a portion were given to the ad-
vancement of sound and real knowledge, all difficulties might
be overcome. This remark Bacon makes with reference to his
natural and experimental history, which he admits will be a
great and royal work, and of much labour and cost. But the
number of particulars to be observed ought not to deter us ;
on the contrary, if we consider how much smaller it is than
that of the figments of the understanding, we shall find even in
this grounds for hope. To these figments, commenta ingenii,
the phenomena of Nature and the arts are but a mere handful.
Some hope too, Bacon thinks, may be derived from his own
example ; for if, though of weak health, and greatly hindered
by other occupations, and moreover in this matter altogether
" protopirus " and following no man's track nor even com-
municating these things with any, he has been able somewhat
to advance therein, how much may not be hoped for from the
conjoined and successive labours of men at leisure from all other
business ? Lastly, though the breeze of hope from that new
world were fainter than it is, still it were worth while to follow
the adventure, seeing how great a reward success would bring.
VOL. I. H

98 PREFACE TO

And here (115), Bacon says, concludes the pulling-down
part, pars destruens, of the Instauration. It consists of three
confutations ; namely, of the natural working of the mind, of
received methods of demonstration, and of received theories or
philosophies. In this division we perceive the influence of the
first form of the doctrine of Idols. As the Novum Organum
now stands, the pars destruens cannot be divided into three por-
tions, each containing one of the confutations just mentioned.
Thus, for instance, the doctrine of Idols, which undoubtedly
forms a distinct section of the whole work, relates to all three.
Errors natural to the mind, errors of demonstration, errors
of theory, are all therein treated of; and Bacon then goes on
to another part of the subject, in which, though from a different
point of view, they are all again considered. The sort of cross
division here introduced is explained by a passage in the Partis
secunda Detineatio, in which the doctrine of Idols is introduced
by the remark, " Pars destruens triplex est secundum triplicem
naturam idolorum quae mentem obsident." And then, after
dividing idols into the three classes already mentioned, he pro-
ceeds thus : — " Itaque pars ista quam destruentem appellamus
tribus redargutionibus absolvitur, redargutione philosophiarum,
redargutione dernonstrationum, et redargutione rationis humane
nativse." When the doctrine of Idols was thrown into its
present form it ceased to afford a convenient basis for the pars
destruens ; and accordingly the substance of the three redar-
gutiones is in the Novum Organum less systematically set
forth than Bacon purposed that it should be when he wrote
the Partis secundce Delineatio.* It is to be remarked that
Redargutio Philosophiarum is the title of one of the chapters in
the third and last of the tracts published by Gruter with the

1 I think this apparent discrepancy may be better explained. It appears to me
that the number of idols was originally three, — the Tribe, the Cave, and the Market-
place ; all belonging to the ratio humana nativa ; fallacies innate or inherent in the
human understanding, — to be guarded against, but not to be got rid of ; and that a
fourth was added afterwards, but of quite a different kind ; consisting of fallacies which
have no natural affinity to the understanding, but come from without and may be
turned out again ; impressions derived from the systems which men have been taught to
accept as true, or from the methods of demonstration which they have been taught to
rely upon as conclusive. These are the Idols of the Theatre, and the sole objects of
the two Redargutiones which stand first in the Delineatio, and last in the Novum Or-
ganum. If this be true, the Redargutio ralionis humanee nativa: (or I should rather
say, the part of the Nomtm Organum which belongs to it) extends from the 40th to
the 60th aphorism ; and the Redargutio Plulofophiarum and Demonstrationum from the
61st to the 115th. For a fuller explanation and justification of this view, see
Note C. — J. S.

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 99

title Temporis Partus Masculus1, and that it is also the title of
a tract published [by Stephens in 1734, and reprinted] by
Mallet [in 17602], and evidently of a later date than the other
of the same name.

From (116) to (128) Bacon endeavours to obviate objections
and unfavourable opinions of his design. In the first place he
plainly declares that he is no founder of a sect or school, — therein
differing from the ancient Greeks, and from certain new men,
namely Telesius, Patricius, and Severinus. Abstract opinions
on nature and first principles are in his judgment of no great
moment. Nor again does he promise to mankind the power
of accomplishing any particular or special works — for . with
him works are not derived from works nor experiments from
experiments, but causes and axioms are derived from both, and
from these new works and experiments are ultimately deduced;
and at present the natural history of which he is in possession
is not sufficient for the purposes of legitimate interpretation,
that is, for the establishment of axioms. Again, that his Natu-
ral History and Tables of Invention are not free from errors,
which at first they cannot be, is not a matter of much import-
ance. These errors, if not too numerous, will readily be cor-
rected when causes and axioms have been discovered, just as
errors in a manuscript or printed book are easily corrected by
the meaning of the passage in which they occur. Again, it may
be said that the Natural History contains many commonplace
things ; also many things mean and sordid ; and lastly many
things too subtle to be of any use. To this a threefold answer
is to be given. In the first place, rare and notable things can-
not be understood, much less new things brought to light,
unless the causes of common things and their causes' causes be
duly examined and searched out. Secondly, whatever is
worthy of existence is also worthy to be known ; for knowledge
represents and is the image of existence. Lastly, things ap-
parently useless are in truth of the greatest use. No one will
deny that light is useful, though it is not tangible or material.
And the accurate knowledge of simple natures is as light, and

1 Say rather, " is the title prefixed by M. Bouillet to the second chapter of the
fragment printed by Gruter with the heading Tradendi modus legitimus," I cannot
find that M. Bouillet had any authority for giving it this title, more than the tenor of
the chapter itself, which shows that it fits. — J. S.

2 A small portion of it was printed by Gruter at the end of the Parti's secunda
Delineatio [and it seems to have been the beginning of the Pars secunda itself],

H 2

10^ PREFACE TO

gives access to all the secrets on which works depend, though
in itself it is of no great use.

Again it may be thought a hard saying that all sciences and
authors are at once to be set aside together. But in reality
this is both a more modest censure and one that carries with it
a greater show of reason than any partial condemnation. It
implies only that the errors hitherto committed are fundamental,
and that they have not been corrected because as yet they
have not been sufficiently examined. It is no presumption
if any man asserts that he can draw a circle more truly with
a pair of compasses than another can without ; and the new
method puts men's understandings nearly on the same level,
because everything is to be done by definite rules and demon-
strations. Bacon anticipates also another objection, that he
has not assigned to the sciences their true and highest aim;
which is the contemplation of truth, — not works, however
great or useful. He affirms that he values works more inas-
much as they are signs and evidences of truth than for their
practical utility. It may also, he continues, be alleged that
the method of the ancients was in reality the same as ours,
only that after they had constructed the edifice of the sciences
they took away the scaffolding. But this is refuted both by
what they themselves say of their method1, and by what
is seen of it in their writings. Again he affirms that he does
not inculcate, as some might suppose, a2 [final suspension of
judgment, as if the mind were incapable of knowing anything ;
that if he enjoins caution and suspense it is not as doubting the
competency of the senses and understanding, but for their better
information and guidance ; that the method of induction which
he proposes is applicable not only to what is called natural
philosophy, as distinguished from logic, ethics, and politics, but
to every department of knowledge ; the aim being to obtain
an insight into the nature of things by processes varied accord-
ing to the conditions of the subject ; and that in declaring that
no great progress can be expected either in knowledge of truth
or in power of operation by the methods of inquiry hitherto
employed, he means no disrespect to the received arts and

I have adopted here the correction introduced into the text of the present
edition.

Mr. Ellis had written thus far when the fever seized him. The remaining pages
which complete the analysis of the first book, are mine.—/. S.

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 101

s, but fully recognises them as excellent in their proper
place and use, and would have them honoured and cultivated
accordingly.

These explanations, — together with some remarks (129), by
way of encouragement to followers and fellow-labourers, on
the dignity, importance, and grandeur of the end in view, — •
bring the preliminary considerations to a close, and clear the
way for the exposition of the art of interpretation itself; which
is commenced, but not completed, in the second book. What
this art was, has been fully discussed in the general preface,
and it is not necessary therefore to follow the subject further
here. Only it is important to remark that whatever value
Bacon may have attached to it, he certainly did not at this time
profess to consider it either as a thing absolutely necessary, or
even as the thing most necessary, for any real progress in science.
In the concluding aphorism of the first book he distinctly warns
the reader that the precepts which he is about to give, though
he believes them to be very useful and sound, and likely to
prove a great help, are not offered either as perfect in them-
selves or as so indispensable that nothing can be done without
them. Three things only he represents as indispensable : 1st,
ut " justam natmre et experientise historiam prgesto haberent
homines atque in ea sedulo versarentur ; " 2nd, " ut receptas
opiniones et notiones deponerent ; " 3rd, " ut mentem a gene-
ralissimis et proximis ab illis ad tempus cohiberent." These
three conditions being secured, the art of interpretation (being
indeed the true and natural operation of the mind when freed
from impediments) might, he thinks, suggest itself without a
teacher: "foreut etiam vi propria et genuina mentis, absque
alia arte, in formam nostram interpretandi incidere possent ; est
enim interpretatio verum et naturale opus mentis, demptis iis
quae obstant : " an admission which helps to account for the fact
that during the five years which he afterwards devoted to the
developement of his philosophy, he applied himself almost ex-
clusively to the natural history ; leaving the exposition of his
method of interpretation still incomplete. For it cannot be
denied that, among the many things which remained to be done,
the setting forward of the Natural History was, according to
this view, the one which stood next in order of importance.
In furtherance of the two other principal requisites, he had al-

H 3

102 PREFACE TO

ready done what he could. Every motive by which men could
be encouraged to lay prejudices aside, and refrain from prema-
ture generalisations, and apply themselves to the sincere study
of Nature, had already been laid before them. It remained
to be seen whether his exhortations would bring other labourers
into the field ; but in the mean time the question lay between
the completion of the Novum Organum, which was not indis-
pensable, and the commencement of the collection of a Natural
History, which was ; and when he found that other labourers
did not come forward to help, he naturally applied himself to the
latter.]

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 103

NOTES.

NOTE A.

I THOUGHT it better not to interrupt the reader with notes during
the progress of the foregoing argument, but as some points are as-
sumed in it upon which I shall have to express a different opinion
hereafter, it may be well to notice them here ; the rather because I
fully concur in the conclusion notwithstanding.

1. It is assumed that the first book of Valerius Terminus was de-
signed to comprehend a general survey of knowledge, such as forms the
subject of the second book of the Advancement of Learning and of
the last eight books of the De Augmentis Scientiarum, as well as the
general reflexions and precepts, which form the subject of the first
book of the Novum Organum; — to comprehend in short the whole
first part of the Instauratio, together with the introductory portion
of the second.

This is inferred from the description of the " Inventary " which
was to be contained in the tenth chapter of Valerius Terminus, as
compared with the contents of the second book of the Advancement
of Learning.

Now my impression is that this Inventary would have cor-
responded, not to the second book of the Advancement, but only to a
certain Inventarium opum humanarum which is there, and also in
the De Augmentis (iii. 5), set down as a desideratum ; and which
was to be, not a general survey of all the departments of knowledge,
but merely an appendix to one particular department ; that, namely,
which is called in the Advancement Naturalis Magia, sive Physica
operativa major l ; and in the Catalogus Desideratorum at the end
of the De Angmentis, Magia Naturalis, sive Deductio formarum ad
opera.

The grounds of this conclusion will be explained fully in their pro-
per place. 2 It is enough at present to mark the point as disputable ;
and to observe that if this argument fails, there seems to be no reason

1 See margin. It is to be observed that in Montagu's edition of the Advancement
the titles in the margin are by some strange negligence omitted ; so that the corre-
spondence between the two Inventories was the more easily overlooked.

2 See my note at the end of Mr. Ellis's preface to Valerius Terminus.

11 4

104 NOTES TO PREFACE TO

for thinking that anything corresponding to iheftrst part of the In-
stauratio entered into the design of Valerius Terminus ; also that the
principal ground here alleged for concluding that Valerius Terminus
was written some time before the Advancement — a conclusion which
involves one considerable difficulty — is taken away.

2. It is assumed also that Valerius Terminus was not to contain
anything corresponding to the last four parts of the Instauratio, but
was to be merely " a statement of Bacon's method, without professing
to give either the collection of facts to which the method was to be
applied, or the results thereby obtained."

This appears to be inferred chiefly from the title — viz. "Of the In-
terpretation of Nature."

Now it seems to me that this argument proves too much. For I
find the same title given to another unfinished work — the Temporis
Partus Masculus — of which we happen to know that it was meant
to be in three books ; the first to be entitled Perpolitio et applicatio
mentis; the second, Lumen Naturce, seu formula Interpretationis ;
the third, Natura illuminata, sive Veritas Rerum. The first would
have corresponded therefore to the first book of the Novum Orga-
num; the second, being a statement of the new method, to the
second and remaining books ; the third, being a statement of the ap-
plication of the new method, to the sixth and last part of the Instau-
ratio. It would seem from this that when Bacon designed the
Temporis Partus Masculus, he had conceived the idea of a work
embracing the entire field of the Instauratio, (the first part only ex-
cepted), though less fully developed and differently distributed. And
I see no sufficient reason for supposing that the design of the Vale'
rius Terminus was less extensive.

3. " The Temporis Partus Masculus published by Gruter" is
spoken of as probably or possibly " the same as the Temporis Partus
Maximus mentioned by Bacon in his letter to Fulgenzio," and if so,
the earliest of all his writings.

Now the writing or rather collection of writings here alluded to
is that published not by Gruter but by M. Bouillet ; in whose edition
of the " CEuvres Philosophiques " the title Temporis Partus Mascu-
lus is prefixed to four distinct pieces. 1. A short prayer. 2. A
fragment headed Aphorismi et Consilia de auxiliis mentis et accensione
luminis naturalis. 3. A short piece entitled De Inter pretatione
Naturce sententice duodecim. 4. A fragment in two chapters headed
Tradendi modus legitimus. It is true that from the manner in which
M. Bouillet has printed them, any one would suppose that he had
Gruter's authority for collecting them all under the same general
title. But it is not so. In Gruter's Scripta philosophica the title
Temporis Partus Masculus appears in connexion with the first, and
the first only. The last has indeed an undoubted claim to it upon

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 105

other and better authority. But I can find no authority whatever
for giving it to the other two. If therefore the resemblance of the
names be thought a sufficient reason for identifying the Partus Mas-
culus with the Partus Maximus, that identity must be understood as
belonging to the first and fourth only. The grounds of that opinion
and of my own dissent from it will be discussed in the proper place.
With regard to the argument now in hand, — (viz. whether Bacon,
when he wrote the Temporis Partus Masculus, had yet thought of
producing a great work like the Instanratio) — it is enough perhaps
to observe that at whatever period or periods of his life these four
pieces were composed, they all belong to the second part of the In-
stauratio ; not as prefaces or prospectuses, but as portions of the
work itself; and that if none of them contain any allusion to the
other parts, the same may be said of the first book of the Novum
Organum itself; and therefore that we cannot be warranted in con-
cluding from that fact that the plan of the Instauratio had not yet
been conceived.

4. It is assumed that the work which Bacon contemplated when
he wrote the De Interpretatione Naturae Procemium would not have
contained the new method and its results (these being, according to
his then intention, to be communicated only to chosen followers),
but merely the general views of science which form the subject of
the first book of the Novum Organum.

This seems to be gathered from what he says in the Proremium
concerning the manner in which the several parts of the work were
to be published : " Publicandi autem ista ratio ea est, ut quae ad inge-
niorum correspondentias captandas et mentium areas purgandas per-
tinent, edantur in vulgus et per ora volitent : reliqua per manus
tradantur cum electione etjudicio:" the "reliqua" being, as appears
a little further on, " ipsa Interpretations formula et inventa per
eandem :" from which it seems to be inferred that the exposition of
the new method was not only not to be published along with the rest
of the work, but to be excluded from it altogether ; — to be kept as a
secret, and transmitted orally. The grounds of this opinion I shall
examine more particularly in a subsequent note with reference to
another question. The question with which we are now dealing is
only whether at that time Bacon can be supposed to have " thought
of producing a great work like the Instauratio :" upon which I will
only say that as an intention not to publish does not imply an inten-
tion not to write, so neither does an intention to write imply an in-
tention to publish. And since there is nothing in the Partis se-
cundae Delineatio from which we can infer that even then he intended
to publish the whole, I do not see how we can infer that the design
of composing a great work like the Instauratio had been conceived in
the interval between the writing of these two pieces. For as in the

106 NOTES TO PREFACE TO

one case he may not have intended to publish what we know he did
intend to write, so in the other he may have intended to write
what we know he did not intend to publish. And indeed though
the Prooemium stands in Gruter's volume by itself and we cannot
know to which of Bacon's projected works on the Interpretation of
Nature it was meant to be prefixed, there is none which it seems to
fit so well as the Temporis Partus Masculus. Now the Temporis
Partus Masculus, as we know from the titles of the three books
above quoted, was to contain both the formula Interpretationis and
the inventa per eandem.

All these points will be considered more at large when I come to
state the grounds upon which I have assigned to each tract its place
in this edition. In the meantime I am unwilling to let any con-
clusion of importance appear to rest upon them ; and in the present
case all inferences which are in any way dependent upon the assump-
tions which I have noticed as questionable may I think be freely
dispensed with. That to bring in a new method of Induction was
Bacon's central idea and original design, and that the idea of an In-
stauratio Magna came after, may in the absence of all evidence to
the contrary be safely enough inferred from his own words in the
Advancement of Learning ; where after reporting a deficiency of the
first magnitude in that department of knowledge which concerns the
invention of sciences, — a deficiency proved by the barrenness and
accounted for by the viciousness and incompetency of the method of
induction then in use, — he adds, "This part of Invention, concern-
ing the Invention of Sciences, I purpose, if God give me leave, here-
after to propound ; having digested into two parts ; whereof the one
I term Experientia Literata, and the other Interpretatio Naturce l ; the
former being but a degree and rudiment of the latter. But I will not
dwell too long nor speak too great upon a promise." This " Interpre-
tatio Naturae " can have been nothing else therefore than a new method
of induction to supply the place of the vicious and incompetent me-
thod then in use ; and since among all the reported " deficiencies "
this is the only one which he himself proposes to supply, — for of the
others he merelj gives specimens to make his meaning clear, — we
may, I think, safely conclude that this and no other was the great
work which he was meditating when he wrote the Advancement of
Learning. His expressions moreover seem to imply that this work
was already begun and in progress ; and seeing that the Valerius
Terminus answers the description both in title and (so far as the first
book goes, which is all we know of it) in contents also, why may we
not suppose that it was a commencement or a sketch of the very work

1 The corresponding passage in the De Augment™ ..-alls it " Interpretatio Nature
mve Novum Organum."

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 107

he speaks of, and that of the fragment which has been preserved part
was written before and part after ? a supposition probable enough in
itself, and by which at least one difficulty, which I shall mention
hereafter J, is effectually removed.

As an additional reason for thinking that the idea of the Instau-
ratio Magna was of later date than that of a work on the Inter-
pretation of Nature, 1 may observe that the name Instauratio does
not occur in any of Bacon's letters earlier than 1609. The earliest
of his compositions in which it appears was probably the Partis In-
staurationis secundce Delineatio et Argumentum; but of this the date
cannot be fixed with any certainty ; and as Gruter is our only
authority for it, and the word Instauratio appears in the title only,
not in the body of the work, we cannot even be sure that it was ori-
ginally there. If Gruter found a manuscript headed " Partis secundae
Delineatio, &c.," and evidently referring to the parts of the Instaura-
tio Magna, he was likely enough to insert the word silently by way
of explanation.

NOTE B.

THE question is, how far, by what means, and with what motive,
Bacon at one time wished to keep his system secret.

Let us first compare all the passages in which such an intention
appears to be intimated, or such a practice alluded to ; taking them in
chronological order, as far as our knowledge of the dates of his various
writings enables us to do so. These which follow are all that I have
been able to find.

1. Valerius Terminus. Ch. 18.

"That the discretion anciently observed, though by the precedent
of many vain persons and deceivers abused, of publishing part and
reserving part to a private succession, and of publishing in such a
manner whereby it may not be to the taste or capacity of all, but
shall as it were single and adopt his reader, is not to be laid aside ;
both for the avoiding of abuse in the excluded, and the strengthening
of affection in the admitted."

And again (Ch. 11.), "To ascend further by scale I do forbear,
partly because it would draw on the example to an over-great length,
but chiefly because it would open that which in this work I determine
to reserve"

2. Advancement of Learning.

" And as Alexander Borgia was wont to say of the expedition of
the French for Naples, that they came with chalk in their hands to

1 See my note at the end of Mr. Ellis's Preface to the Vderius Terminus.

108 NOTES TO PREFACE TO

mark up their lodgings, and not with weapons to fight ; so I like
better that entry of truth which cometh peaceably with chalk to mark
up those minds which are capable to lodge and harbour it, than that
which cometh with pugnacity and contention."

3. Advancement of Learning.

"Another diversity of method there is," [he is speaking of the
different methods of " tradition," i. e. of communicating and trans-
mitting knowledge] which hath some affinity with the former, used
in some cases by the discretion of the ancients, but disgraced since
by the impostures of many vain persons, who have made it as a false
light for their counterfeit merchandises ; and that is, enigmatical and
disclosed. The pretence whereof [that is, of the enigmatical method]
is to remove the vulgar capacities from being admitted to the secrets
of knowledges, and to reserve them to selected auditors, or wits of such
sharpness as can pierce the veil."

4. Prooemium de Interpretatione Naturae.

" Publicandi autem ista ratio ea est, ut quae ad ingeniorum cor-
respondentias captandas et mentium areas purgandas pertinent,
edantur in vulgus et per ora volitent ; reliqua per manus tradantur
cum electione etjudicio. Nee me latet usitatum et tritum esse impos-
torum artificium, ut qusedam a vulgo secernant nihilo iis ineptiis
quas vulgo propinant meliora. Sed ego sine omni impostura, ex
providentia sana prospicio, ipsam interpretationis formulam et inventa
per eandem, intra legitima et optata ingenia clausa, vegetiora et
munitiora futura."

5. De Interpretatione Natures Sententite XII.
De moribus Interpretis.

" Sit etiam in scientia quam adeptus est nee occultanda nee profe-
renda vanus, sed ingenuus et prudens : tradatque inventa non
ambitiose aut maligne, sed modo primurn maxime vivaci et vegeto, id
est ad injurias temporis munitissimo, et ad scientiam propagandam
fortissimo, deinde ad errores pariendos innocentissimo, et ante omnia
qui sibi legitimum lectorem seponat."

6. Temporis Partus Masculus. C. 1.

" An tu censes cum omnes omnium mentium aditus ac meatus
obscurissimis idolis, iisdemque alte haerentibus et inustis, obsessi et
obstruct! sint, veris Rerum et nativis radiis sinceras et politas areas
adesse? Nova invenienda est ratio qua mentibus obductissimis illabi
possimus. Ut enim phreneticorum deliramenta arte et ingenio sub-
vertuntur, vi et contentione efferantur, omnino ita in hac universal!
insania mos gerendus est. Quid ? leviores illae conditiones, quse ad

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 109

legitimum scientias tradendae modum pertinent, an tibi tarn expedite
et faciles videntur? ut modus innocens sit; id estnulli prorsus error!
ansam et occasionem praebeat ? ut vim quandam insitam et innatam
habeat turn ad fidem conciliandam, turn ad pellendas injurias temporis,
adeo ut scientia ita tradita, veluti planta vivax et vegeta, quotidie
serpat et adolescat ? ut idoneum et legitimum sibi lectorem seponat et
quasi adoptetf

7. Cogitata et visa.

" Itaque de re non modo perficienda sed et communicanda et
tradenda (qua par est cura) cogitationem suscipiendam esse. Reperit
autem homines in rerum scientia quam sibi videntur adepti, interdum
proferenda interdum occultanda, famae et ostentationi servire : quin
et eos potissimum qui minus solida proponunt solere ea quae adferunt
obscura et ambigua luce venditare, ut facilius vanitati suae velificare
possint. Putare autem se id tractare quod ambitione aliqua aut
affectatione polluere minime dignum sit ; sed tamen necessario eo
decurrendum esse (nisi forte rerum et animorum valde imperitus esset,
et prorsus inexplorato viam inire vellet) ut satis meminerit, inve-
teratos semper errores, tanquam phreneticorum deliramenta, arte et
ingenio subverti, vi et contentione efferari. Itaque prudentia et
morigeratione quadam utendum (quanta cum simplicitate et candore
conjungipotest)utcontradictiones ante extinguenturquam excitentur.
. . . . Venit ei itaque in mentem posse aliquid simplicius pro-
poni, quod in vulgus non editum, saltern tamen ad rei tarn salutaris
abortum arcendum satis fortasse esse possit. Ad hunc finem parare
se de natura opus quod errores minima asperitate destruere, et ad
hominum mentes non turbide accedere possit ; quod et facilius fore,
quod non se pro duce gesturus, sed ex natura lucem praebiturus et
sparsurus sit, ut duce postea non sit opus."

8. Redargutio Philosophiarum (the beginning of the Pars secunda,
following the Delineatio.)

" Omnem violentiam (ut jam ab initio profess! sumus) abesse
voltfmus : atque quod Borgia facete de Caroli octavi expeditione in
Italiam dixit ; Gallos venisse in manibus cretam tenentes qua diver-
soria notarent, non arma quibus perrumperent ; similem quoque in-
ventorum nostrorum et rationena et successum animo prsecipimus ;
nimirum ut potius animos hominum capaces et idoneos seponere et
subire possint, quam contra sentientibus molesta sint."

9. Novum Organum. I. 35.

" Dixit Borgia de expeditione Gallorum in Italiam, eos venisse
cum creta in manibus, ut diversoria notarent, non cum armis, ut
perrumperent : Itidem et nostra ratio est ; ut doctrina nostra animos

110 NOTES TO PREFACE TO

idoneos et capaces subintret; confutationum enim nullus est usus, ubi
de principiis et ipsis notionibus atque etiam de formis demonstra-
tionum dissentimus."

10. De Augmentis Scientiarum. VI. 2.

" Sequitur aliud method! discrimen, priori [methodo ad filios, etc.],
intentione affine, reipsa fere contrarium. Hoc enim habet utraque
methodus commune, ut vulgus auditorum a selectis separet ; illud
oppositum, quod prior introducit modum tradendi solito apertiorem ;
altera, de qua jam dicemus, occultiorem. Sit igitur discrimen tale,
ut altera methodus sit exoterica, altera acroamatica. Etenim quam
antiqui adhibuerunt praecipue in edendis libris differentiam, earn nos
transferimus ad ipsum modum tradendi. Quin etiam acroamatica ipsa
apud veteres in usu fuit, atque prudenter et cum judicio adhibita.
At acroamaticum sive aenigmaticum istud dicendi genus posterioribus
temporibus dehonestatum est a plurimis, qui eo tanquam lumine
ambiguo et fallaci abusi sunt ad merces suas adulterinas extrudendas.
Intentio autem ejus ea esse videtur, ut traditionis involucris vulgus
(profanum scilicet) a secretis scientiarum summoveatur ; atque illi
tantum admittantur qui aut per manus magistrorum parabolarum
interpretationem nacti sunt, aut proprio ingenii acumine et subtilitate
intra velum penetrare possint"

These are all the passages I have been able to find, in which the
advantage of keeping certain parts of knowledge reserved to a select
audience is alluded to. And the question is whether the reserve which
Bacon contemplated can be justly compared with that practised by
the alchemists and others, who concealed their discoveries as " trea-
sures of which the value would be decreased if others were allowed to
share in it"

Now I would observe in the first place that though the expression
" single and adopt his reader," or its equivalent, occurs in all these
passages, and that too in immediate reference to the method of
delivery or transmission, yet in many of them the object of so
singling and adopting the reader was certainly not to keep the know-
ledge secret ; for many, indeed most, of them relate to that part of the
subject which Bacon never proposed to reserve, but which was
designed " edi in vulgus et per ora volitare." The part which he
proposed to reserve is distinctly defined in the fourth extract as
" ipsa interpretationis formula et inventa per eandem ; " the part to
be published is " ea quse ad ingeniorum correspondentias captandas
et mentium areas purgandas pertinent." Now it is unquestionably
to this latter part that the second, the eighth, and the ninth extracts
refer. " Primo enim," he says, in the Partis secundce Delineatio,
"mentis area aequanda et liberanda ab eis quae hactenus recepta sunt."

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. Ill

This he calls Pars destruens ; and proposes to begin with the Redar-
gutio Philosophiarum, from the introduction to which the eighth
extract is taken. And the other two must of course be classed with
it. Thus the " animi capaces et idonei" which he wishes " seponere
et subire," are clearly identified with the minds marked up with
chalk as capable of lodging and harbouring the truth, which are
spoken of in the Advancement.

Next to the Pars destruens came the Pars prceparans, the object
of which was to prepare men's expectations for what was coming, and
by dislodging erroneous preconceptions to make their minds ready
for the reception of the truth. To this part belongs the seventh
extract; and if the seventh, then the sixth, which evidently corre-
sponds to it ; and if the sixth, then the fifth, which is but the sixth
condensed. Or if there be any doubt about the correspondence
between the seventh and sixth, it will I think be removed by com-
paring them both with the following passage which winds up the
description of the Pars prceparans in the Partis secundee Delineatio.

"Quod si cui supervacua videatur accurata ista nostra quam
adhibemus ad mentes praeparandas diligentia, atque cogitet hoc
quiddam esse ex pompa et in ostentationem compositum ; itaque
cupiat rem ipsam missis ambagibus et praestructionibus simpliciter
exhiberi ; certe optabilis nobis foret (si vera esset) hujusmodi insi-
mulatio. Utinam enim tarn proclive nobis esset difficultates et impe-
dimenta vincere quam fastum inanem et falsum apparatum deponere.
Verum hoc velimus homines existiment, nos haud inexplorato viam in
tanta solitudine inire, praesertim cum argumentum hujusmodi prae
manibus habeamus quod tractandi imperitia perdere et veluti exponere
nefas sit. Itaque ex perpenso et perspecto tarn rerum quam animorum
statu, duriores fere aditus ad hominum mentes quam ad res ipsas inve-
nimus, ac tradendi labores inveniendi laboribus haud multo leviores
experimur, atque, quod in intellectualibus res nova fere est, morem
gerimus, et tarn nostras cogitationes quam aliorum simul bajulamus.
Omne enim idolum vanum arte atque obsequio ac debito accessu
subvertitur, vi et contentione atque incursione subita et abrupta"

efferatur Qua in re accedit et alia quaedam difficultas

ex moribus nostris non parva, quod constantissimo decreto nobis ipsi
sancivimus, ut candorem nostrum et simplicitatem perpetuoretineamus,
nee per vana ad vera aditum quasramus ; sed ita obsequio nostro
moderemur uttamen non per artificium aliquodvafrumaut imposturam
aut aliquid simile imposturse, sed tantummodo per ordinis lumen et
novorum super saniorem partem veterum sollertem insitionem, nos
nostrorum votorum compotes fore speremus."

Now all this was to precede and prepare for the exposition of the
method of induction itself — the " formula ipsa interpretationis " —
which alone it was proposed to reserve; and therefore we must

112 , NOTES TO PREFACE TO

understand the legitimus lector of the fifth and sixth extract, as cor-
responding with the " animus capax et idoneus" of the eighth and
ninth; and with the mind "chalked and marked up" by truth as
" capable to lodge and harbour it," of the second ; and we must not
suppose that the process of singling and adopting the fit reader was
to be effected by any restraint in communication, or any obscurity in
style, which should exclude others ; but by presenting the truth in
such a shape as should be least likely to shock prejudice or awaken
contradiction, and most likely to win its way into those minds which
were best disposed to receive it. The object was to propagate
knowledge so that it should grow and spread : the difficulty antici-
pated was not in excluding auditors, but in finding them.1

Thus I conceive that six out of the ten passages under consider-
ation must be set aside as not bearing at all upon the question at
issue. Of the four that remain, two must be set aside in like manner,
because though they directly allude to the practice of transmitting
knowledge as a secret from hand to hand, they contain no evidence
that Bacon approved of it. These are the third and the last, and
come respectively from the Advancement of Learning, one of his
earliest works, and from the De Augmentis Scientiarum, one of his
latest. In both these works the object being to show in what depart-
ments the stock of knowledge then existing was defective, the
various methods which have been or may be adopted for the trans-
mission of knowledge are pointed out as a fit subject of inquiry, and
the secret or enigmatical or acroamatic method is described among
the rest ; but it is described only, not recommended.

There remain therefore only the first and the fourth extracts to be
considered: and it is true that in both of these Bacon intimates an
intention to reserve the communication of one part of his philosophy
— the "formula ipsa interpretationis et inventa per eandem" — to
certain fit and chosen persons. May we infer from the expressions
which he there uses, that his object was to prevent it from becoming
generally known, as being a treasure which would lose its value by
being divulged ? Such a supposition seems to me inconsistent not
only with all we know of his proceedings, purposes, and aspirations,
but with the very explanation with which he himself accompanies
the suggestion. The fruits which he anticipated from his philosophy
were not only intended for the benefit of all mankind, but were to be

1 It may be worth while perhaps to compare with these passages an expression
which Bacon uses in his letter to Dr. Playfere, — proposing to him to translate the
Advancement of Learning into Latin ; where a similar meaning is conveyed under
another image. " Wherefore since I have only taken upon me to ring a bell to call
other wits together, which is the meanest office, it cannot but be consonant to my
desire to have that bell heard as far as can be. Arid since they are but sparks which
can work but upon matter prepared, I have the more reason to wish that "those sparks
may fly abroad, that they may the better find and light upon those minds and spirits that
are apt to be kindled."

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 113

gathered in another generation. Is it conceivable that at any time
of his life he would have willingly foregone the aid of any single
fellow labourer, or that anything could have been more welcome
than the prospect of a rapid and indefinite increase of those "legitima
et optata ingenia" in whose hands it might be expected to thrive and
spread ? But setting general probabilities aside, let us look at the
reasons which he himself assigns for the precaution which he medi-
tates. Ask why in Valerius Terminus he proposes to reserve part
of his discovery to "a private succession?" His answer is, first "for
the prevention of abuse in the excluded ;" that is, because if it should
fall into incapable and unfit hands it will be misused and mis-
managed : secondly, " for the strengthening of affection in the ad-
mitted ;" that is, because the fit and capable will take more interest in
the work when they feel that it is committed to their charge. Ask
again why in the Procemium he proposes to keep the Formula of in-
terpretation private, — " intra legitima et optata ingenia clausa ? " The
answer is to the same effect — it will be "vegetior et munitior ;" it will
flourish better and be kept safer. And certainly if we refer to any
of the many passages in which he has either enumerated the obstruc-
tions which had hitherto hindered the progress of knowledge, or
described the qualifications, moral and intellectual, and the order of
proceeding, which he considered necessary for the successful prose^
eution of the new philosophy, we may easily understand why he
anticipated more hindrance than help from a popular audience.

Upon a review of the evidence therefore I see no reason to suspect
that he had any other motive for his proposed reserve than that
which he himself assigns ; and I think we may conclude that he
meant to withhold the publication of his Formula, not " as a secret of
too much value to be lightly revealed," but as a subject too abstruse
to be handled successfully except by the fit and few.

NOTE C.
On some changes in Bacon's treatment of his doctrine of Idols.

" WHEN the doctrine of Idols " (says Mr. Ellis) " was thrown into
its present form " [i. e. the form in which it appears in the Novum
Organum, as contrasted with that in which it appears in the Partis
secundce Delineatio~\, " it ceased to afford a convenient basis for the
pars destruens, and accordingly the substance of the three Redar-
gutiones is in the Novum Organum less systematically set forth than
VOL. I. I

114 NOTES TO PREFACE TO

Bacon purposed that it should be when he wrote the Partis secundce
Delineatio"

That the argument is set forth in the Novum Organum less sys-
tematically than Bacon originally intended, is no doubt true; for
when he wrote the " Partis secundas Delineatio et Argumentum," he
meant to handle the subject regularly and completely, or (as he would
himself have expressed it) "in Corpore tractatus justi;" and this in
the entrance of the Novum Organum, which is the " Pars secunda"
itself, we are expressly warned not to expect. " Sequitur secunda
pars Instaurationis, quas artem ipsam interpretandi Naturam et ve-
rioris adoperationis Intellectus exhibet : neque earn ipsam tamen in
Corpore tractatus justi ; sed tantum digestam per summas, in Apho-
rismos" A succession of aphorisms, not formally connected with
each other, was probably the most convenient form for setting forth
all that was most important in those parts of his work which he had
ready ; for without binding him to exhibit them in regular and appa-
rent connexion, it left him at liberty to make the connexion as per-
fect and apparent as he pleased. But it has one disadvantage : the
divisions between aphorism and aphorism tend to conceal from the
eye the larger divisions between subject and subject. And hence
arises the appearance (for I think it is only an appearance) of a de-
viation from the plan originally marked out for the treatment of the
pars destruens. Between the publication of the Advancement of
Learning and the composition of the Novum Organum, the doctrine
of Idols underwent one considerable modification ; but not, I think,
the one here supposed. That modification was introduced before the
Partis secundte Delineatio was drawn up ; and after that I cannot
find evidence of any substantial change.

I will first exhibit the successive aspects which the doctrine as-
sumes, and then give what I suppose to be the true history of them.

In the Advancement of Learning, the Idols, native and adventi-
tious, of the human mind are distributed into three kinds ; not distin-
guished as yet by names, but corresponding respectively to those of
the Tribe, the Cave, and the Market-place. In Valerius Terminus,
they are distributed into four kinds ; the Tribe, the Palace (cor-
responding with the Market-place), the Cave, and the Theatre. In
the Partis secundce Delineatio they are distributed again into three,
but classified quite differently. The two great divisions of Adven-
titious and Native are retained : " aut adscititia sunt . . . nimirum quae
immigrarunt in mentem, &c., aut ea quae menti ipsi et substantiae
ejus inhaerentia sunt et innata;" but the subdivisions are entirely
changed ; — the Adventitious being here divided into two kinds,
neither of which is recognised at all in the Advancement ; the Na-
tive, which are divided into two kinds in the Advancement, not being

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 115

divided at all here, but classed together as one. In the Advance-
ment we find nothing corresponding to the Idols of the Theatre, to
which belong both the kinds of adventitious Idols mentioned in the
Delineatio — those derived ex philosophorum placitis, and those derived
ex perversis legibus demonstrationum ; — in the Delineatio we find
nothing corresponding to the Idols of the Market-place, which among
those mentioned in the Advancement are alone entitled to be classed
as adventitious. Thus the difference between the two appears at
first to be total and radical, amounting to an entire rearrangement of
all the classes. Instead of Idols of the Tribe, the Cave, and the
Market-place, we find Idols of the Philosophies, the Demonstrations,
and the Human Mind.

But the truth is that Bacon, being now engaged in laying out the
large outlines of his subject, omits the minor distinctions which belong
to the development of it in detail, and leaves the particular distribu-
tion and description of those " fallacies and false appearances " which
are " inseparable from our nature and condition in life" — those namely
which he had spoken of in the Advancement — to be handled in
the work itself. Having however, as he came into closer contact
with his subject, foreseen the opposition which he must expect from
prejudices and false appearances of another kind — prejudices which
had no root in the mind itself, which were not "inseparable from
our nature and condition in life," — mere immigrants and strangers
that had come in and might be turned out, — namely, the belief in
received systems and attachment to received methods of demonstra-
tion,— he had resolved to deal with these first ; and therefore intro-
duces them as a separate class, dividing them into two parts and
assigning to each what we may call a separate chapter. These he
afterwards called Idols of the Theatre, and treated them in the
manner proposed ; with this difference only — that he placed them
last instead of first, and ran the two chapters into one.

This being allowed, it will be found that the one substantial change
which the doctrine of Idols underwent was the admission of these
Idola Theatri into the company, and that there is no real difference
between the form of that doctrine as indicated in the Delineatio and
as developed in the Novum Organum.

The only difficulty which this view of the subject presents is one
which may be probably enough accounted for as an oversight of
Bacon's own. I mean the classification of the Idola Fori, the source
of which is no doubt extraneous, among the natives. Bacon was
never very careful about subtle logical distinctions, and in this case
his attention had not as yet been specially called to the point. For
in the Advancement of Learning, though the great division between
Native and Adventitious appears to be recognised in the margin,
there is no hint of it in the text, — the particular Idols not being

i 2

116 NOTES TO PREFACE TO

arranged with any reference to those two general heads ; while in
Valerius Terminus the larger division is not alluded to at all, and the
order in which the four Idols are there enumerated, — the first and
third being of one class, the second and fourth of the other, — seems
to prove that no such classification was then in his mind. Besides, it is
to be remembered that the Idola Fori, however distinct in their origin,
are in their nature and qualities much nearer akin to the other two
than to the Idola Theatri. For though they come from without, yet
when they are once in they naturalise themselves and take up their
abode along with the natives, produce as much confusion, and can as
hardly be expelled. Philosophical systems may be exploded, false
methods of demonstration may be discarded, but intercourse of words
is " inseparable from our condition in life."

At any rate, let the logical error implied be as large as it may, it
is certain that Bacon did in fact always class these three together.
Wherever he mentions the Idols of the Market-place with any
reference to classification, they are grouped with those of the Tribe
and the Cave, and distinguished from those of the Theatre. In the
Temporis Partus Masculus, c. 2. (which is I think the earliest form
of the Redargutio Philosophiarum though probably of later date than
the Delineatio) we find " Nam Idola quisque sua (non jam scents dico,
sed praecipueyim'e^ specus"), &c. In the De Augmentis Scientiarum
where the four kinds of Idols are enumerated by name and in order,
the line of separation is drawn not between the two first and the two
last (as it would have been if Bacon had meant to balance the mem-
bers of his classification on the "dichotomising principle," as suggested
by Mr. Ellis, p. 91.), but between the three first and the fourth ; the
Idola Fori being classed along with the Idola Tribus and Specus, as
" quae plane obsident mentem, neque evelli possunt," the Idola Theatri
being broadly distinguished from them, as " quae abnegari possunt et
deponi," and which may therefore for the present be set aside. In
the Novum Organum itself, though the divisions between aphorism
and aphorism tend, as I have said, to obscure the divisions of subject,
yet if we look carefully we shall see that the line of demarcation
is drawn exactly in the same place, and almost as distinctly. For
after speaking of the three first kinds of Idol, Bacon proceeds
(Aph. 61.), "At Idola Theatri innata non sunt [like those of the
Tribe and Cave] nee occulto insinuata in Intellectum [like those of
the Market-place], sed ex fabulis theoriarum et perversis legibus
demon strationum plane indita et recepta." Lastly, in the Distributio
Operis, where the particular Idols are not mentioned by name, but
the more general classification of the Delineatio is retained, it is plain
that under the class Adscititia he meant to include the Idols of the
Theatre only — ( " adscititia vero immigrarunt in mentes hominum,
vel ex philosophorum placitis et sectis, vel ex perversis legibus

THE NOVUM ORGANUM. 117

demonstrationum") — and therefore he must still have meant to
include the Idols of the Market-place, along with the two first, under
the class Innata.

It is worthy of remark however that, in the Novum Organum
itself, the distinction between Adscititia and Innata disappears. And
the fact probably is that when he came to describe the several Idols
one by one, he became aware both of the logical inconsistency of
classing the Idola Fori among the Innata, and of the practical incon-
venience of classing them among the Adscititia, and therefore resolved
to drop the dichotomy altogether and range them in four co-ordinate
classes. And it is the removal of this boundary line which makes it
seem at first sight as if the arrangement were quite changed, whereas
it is in fact only inverted. According to the plan of the Partis
secundce. Delineatio and also of the Distributio Operis, the confuta-
tion of the Immigrants, — that is, the Redargutio Philosophiarum and
Redargutio Demonstrationum, — was to have the precedence, and the
confutation of the Natives, — that is, the Redargutio Ratiojiis humantz
natives, — was to follow. As it is, he begins with the last and ends
with the first. And the reason of this change of plan is not difficult
to divine. The Redargutio Philosophiarum, as he handles it, tra-
verses a wider and more various field, and rises gradually into a
strain of prophetic anticipation, after which the Redargutio Rationis
would have sounded flat.

I 3

FKANCISCUS DE VEKULAMIO

sic COGITAVIT;

TALEMQUE APUD SE RATIONEM INSTITUIT,

QUAM VIVENTIBUS ET POSTEKIS NOTAM FIERI
IPSORUM 1NTERE8SE PUTAVIT.

CUM illi pro comperto esset intellectum humanum sibi ipsi nego-
tium facessere, neque auxiliis veris (IJUCB in hominis potestate sunt)
uti sobrie et commode ; unde multiplex rerum ignoratio et ex igno-
ratione rerum detrimenta innumera : omni ope connitendum existi-
mavit, si quo modo commercium istud Mentis et Rerum (cui vix
aliquid in terris, aut saltern in terrenis, se ostendit simile) restitui
posset in integrum, aut saltern in melius deduct. Ut vero errores
qui invaluerunt, quique in (sternum invalituri sunt, alii post alias
(sz mens sibi permittatur) ipsi se corrigerent, vel ex vi intellectus
propria vel ex auxiliis atque adminiculis dialectics, nulla prorsus
suberat spes ; propterea quod notiones rerum primes, ejuas mens
haustu facili et supino excipit recondit atque accumulat (unde
reliqua omnia fluunf), vitiosce sint et confuses et temere a rebus
abstracts ; neque minor sit in secundis et reliquis libido et incon-
stantia ; ex quo Jit, ut universa ista ratio kumana, qua utimur
quoad inquisitionem natures, non bene congesta et esdificata sit, sed
tanquam moles aliqua magnified sine fundamento. Dum enim
falsas mentis vires mirantur homines et celebrant, veras ejusdem
quce. essc possmt (si ddnta ci adhibeanttir auxilia, atque ipsa rebus
morigera sit, nee impotenter rebus insultef) prcstereunt et perdunt.
Restabat illud unum ut res de integro tentetur melioribus pressi-
diis, utque fiat scientiarum et artium atque omnis humanee do-
ctrines in universum Instauratio, a debitis excitata fundamentis.
Hoc vero licet aggressu infinitum quiddam videri possit ac su-
pra vires mortales, tamen idem tractatu sanum invenietur ac
sobrium, magis quam ea ques adhuc facta sunt. Exitus enim
hujus rei est nonnullus. In Us vero quce jam fiunt circa scientias,
est vertigo quesdam et agitatio perpetua et circulus. Neque eum

122

fugit quanta in solitudine versetur hoc experimentum, et quam

durum et incredibile sit ad faciendam fidem. Nihilominus, nee

rem nee seipsum deserendum putavit, quin mam qua una hu-

mance menti pervia est tentaret atque iniret. Prcsstat enim prin-

cipium dare rei quce exitum habere possit, quam in Us quce exitum

nullum habent perpetua contentione et studio implicari. Vice au-

tem contemplative viis illis activis decantatis fere respondent ; ut

altera, ab initio ardua et difficilis, desinat in apertum ; altera,

primo intuitu expedita et proclivis, ducat in avia et prcecipitia.

Quum autem incertus esset quando hcec alicui posthac in mentem

ventura sint ; eo potissimum usus argumento, quod neminem

hactenus invenit qui ad similes cogitationes animum applicuerit ;

decrevit prima qucsque qua perficere licuit in publicum edere.

Neque hcec festinatio ambitiosa fuit, sed sollicita ; ut si quid illi

humanitus accideret, extaret tamen designatio qucsdam ac desti-

natio rei quam animo complexus est ; utque extaret simul

signum aliquod honestce suce et propensa in generis

humani commoda voluntatis. Certe aliam quam-

cunque ambitionem inferiorem duxit re quam

prce manibus habuit. Aut enim hoc quod

agitur nihil est, aut tantum, ut

merito ipso contentum esse

debeat nee fructum

extra qucerere.

J A C 0 B 0,

DEI GRATIA

MAGNJE BRITANNIA, FRANCIS, ET HIBERNIJE REGI,

FIDEI DEFENSORI, ETC.

Serenissime Potentissimeque Rex,

POTERIT fortasse Majestas tua me furti incusare, quod
tantura temporis quantum ad haec sufficiat negotiis tuis suffu-
ratus sim. Non habeo quod dicam. Temporis enim non fit re-
stitutio ; nisi forte quod detractum fuerit temporis rebus tuis, id
memoriae nominis tui et honori saeculi tui reponi possit ; si modo
hsec alicujus sint pretii. Sunt certe prorsus nova ; etiam toto
genere: sed descripta ex veteri admodum exemplari, mundo
scilicet ipso, et natura rerum et mentis. Ipse certe (ut ingenue
fatear) soleo aestimare hoc opus magis pro partu temporis quam
ingenii. Illud enim in eo solummodo mirabile est, initia rei
et tantas de iis quae invaluerunt suspiciones alicui in mentem
venire potuisse. Cetera non illibenter sequuntur. At versatur
proculdubio casus (ut loquimur) et quiddam quasi fortuitum
non minus in iis quae cogitant homines quam in iis qua? agunt
aut loquuntur. Verum hunc casum (de quo loquor) ita intel-
ligi volo, ut si quid in his quae affero sit boni, id immensae
misericordiae et bonitati divinae et fcelicitati temporum tuorum
tribuatur : cui et vivus integerrimo affectu servivi, et mortuus
fortasse id effecero, ut ilia posteritati, nova hac accensa face in

124 EPISTOLA DEDICATORIA.

philosophise tenebris, praslucere possint. Merito autem tem-

poribus regis omnium sapientissimi et doctissimi Regeneratio

ista et Instauratio scientiarum debetur. Superest petitio,

Majestate tua non indigna, et maxime omnium faciens ad id

quod agitur. Ea est, ut quando Salomonem in plurimis referas,

judiciorum gravitate, regno pacifico, cordis latitudine, librorum

denique quos composuisti nobili varietate, etiam hoc ad ejusdem

regis exemplum addas, ut cures Historiam Naturalem et Experi-

mentalem, veram et severam (missis philologicis), et qua? sit in

ordine ad condendam philosophiam, denique qualem suo loco

describemus, congeri et perfici : ut tandem post tot mundi

aetates philosophia et scientiae non sint amplius pensiles et

ae'rea?, sed solidis experientiaa omnigense, ejusdemque bene

pensitataa, nitantur fundamentis. Equidem Organum

praebui ; verum materies a rebus ipsis petenda est.

Deus Opt. Max. Majestatem tuam

diu servet incolumem.

SerenissimcB Majestati tuce

Servus devmctissimus,

et devotissimus,

FRANCISCUS VERULAM,

CANCELLAEIUS.

FRANCISCI DE VERULAMIO
INSTAURATIO MAGNA.

PR^EFATIO.

De statu scientiarum, quod non sitfodix ant majorem in modum

auctus ; quodque alia omnino quam prioribus cognita

fuerit via aperienda sit intellectui humano, et

alia comparanda auxilia, ut mens suo jure

in rerum naturam uti possit.

VIDENTUR nobis homines nee opes nee vires suas bene nosse ;
verum de illis majora quam par est, de his minora credere.
Ita fit, ut aut artes receptas insanis pretiis aestimantes nil am-
plius quaerant, aut seipsos plus scquo contemnentes vires suas
in levioribus consumant, in iis quas ad summam rei faciant
non experiantur. Quare sunt et suas scientiis columnar tan-
quam fatales; cum ad ulterius penetrandum homines nee de-
siderio nee spe excitentur. Atquo cum opinio copiae inter
maximas causas inopiae sit; qu unique ex fiducia praesentium vera
auxilia negligantur in posterum ; ex usu est, et plane ex neces-
sitate, ut ab illis quae adhuc inventa sunt in ipso operis nostri
limine (idque relictis ambagibus et non dissimulanter) honoris
et admirationis excessus tollatur ; utili monito, ne homines
eorum aut copiam aut utilitatem in majus accipiant1 aut cele-
brent. Nam si quis in omnem illam librorum varietatem qua
artes et sciential exultant diligentius introspiciat, ubique inveniet
ejusdem rei repetitiones infinitas, tractandi modis diversas, in-
ventione praaoccupatas 2 ; ut omnia primo intuitu numerosa,
facto examine pauca reperiantur. Et de utilitate aperte dicen-
dum est, sapientiam istam quam a Grascis potissimum hausi-
inus pueritiam quandam scientiae videri, atque habere quod
proprium est puerorum, ut ad garriendum prompta, ad gene-

1 Exaggerate.

2 Anticipated, so far as relates to originality of invention. (One of Bacon's antitheses
between " inventione" and "modis tractandi.")

126 PR^FATIO.

randum invalida et immatura sit. Controversiarum enlm ferax,
operutn effoeta est. Adeo ut fabula ilia de Scylla in literarum
statum, qualis habetur, ad vivum quadrare videatur ; quae vir-
ginis os et vultum extulit, ad uterum vero monstra latrantia
succingebantur et adhaerebant. Ita habent et scientiae quibus
insuevimus generalia quaedam blandientia et speciosa, sed cum
ad particularia ventum sit, veluti ad partes generationis, ut
fructum et opera ex se edant, turn contentiones et oblatrantes
disputationes exoriuntur, in quas desinunt, et qua? partus locum
obtinent. Praeterea, si hujusmodi sciential plane res mortua
non essent, id minime videtur eventurum fuisse quod per
multa jam saecula usu venit, ut illae suis immotae fere haereant
vestigiis, nee incrementa genere humano digna sumant: eo
usque, ut saepenumero non solum assertio maneat assertio sed
etiam quaestio maneat quaestio, et per disputationes non solvatur
sed figatur et alatur, omnisque traditio et successio discipli-
narum repraesentet et exhibeat personas magistri et auditoris,
non inventoris et ejus qui inventis aliquid eximium adjiciat. In
artibus autem mechanicis contrarium evenire videmus ; quae, ac
si aurae cujusdam vitalis forent participes, quotidie crescunt et
perficiuntur, et in primis authoribus rudes plerunque et fere
onerosae et informes apparent, postea vero novas virtutes et
commoditatem quandam adipiscuntur, eo usque, ut citius studia
hominum et cupiditates deficiant et mutentur, quam illaa ad
culmen et perfectionem suam pervenerint. Philosophia contra
et scientiae intellectuals, statuarum more, adorantur et cele-
brantur, sed non promoventur. Quin etiam in primo nonnunquam
authore maxime vigent, et deinceps degenerant. Nam postquam
homines dedititii facti sint et in unius sententiam (tanquam
pedarii senatores) coierint, scientiis ipsis amplitudinem non ad-
dunt, sed in certis authoribus ornandis et stipandis servili officio
funguntur. Neque illud afferat quispiam, scientias paullatim
succrescentes tandem ad statum quendain pervenisse, et turn
demum (quasi confectis spatiis legitimis) in operibus paucorum
sedes fixas posuisse; atque postquam nil melius inveniri potuerit,
restare scilicet ut quae inventa sint exornentur et colantur.
Atque optandum quidem esset haec ita se habuisse. Rectius
illud et verius, istas scientiarum mancipationes nil aliud esse
quam rem ex paucorum hominum confidentia et reliquorum
socordia et inertia natam. Postquam enim sciential per partes
diligenter fortasse excultae et tractates fuerint, turn forte exortus
est aliquis, ingenio audax et propter methodi compendia acce-

PR^EFATIO. 127

ptus et celebratus, qui specie tenus artem constituent, revera
veterum labores corruperit. Id tamen posteris gratum esse
solet, propter usum operis expeditum et inquisitionis novae tae-
diurn et impatientiam. Quod si quis consensu jam inveterate
tanquam temporis judicio moveatur, sciat se ratione admodum
fallaci et infirma niti. Neque enim nobis magna ex parte
notura est, quid in scientiis et artibus, variis sseculis et locis, in-
notuerit et in publicum emanarit ; multo minus, quid a singulis
tentatum sit et secreto agitatum. Itaque nee temporis partus
nee abortus extant in fastis. Neque ipse consensus ejusque
diuturnitas magni prorsus sestimandus est. Utcunque enim
varia sint genera politiarum, unions est status scientiarum,
isque semper fuit et mansurus est popularis. Atque apud
populum plurimum vigent doctrinae aut contentiosae et pu-
gnaces aut speciosae et inanes, quales videlicet assensum aut
illaqueant aut demulcent. Itaque maxima ingenia proculdubio
per singulas aetates vim passa sunt ; dum viri captu et intel-
lectu non vulgares, nihilo secius existimationi suae consulentes,
temporis et multitudinis judicio se submiserint. Quamobreni
altiores contemplationes si forte usquam emicuerint, opinionum
vulgarium ventis subinde agitatae sunt et extinctae. Adeo ut
Tempus, tanquam fluvius, levia et inflata ad nos devexerit,
gravia et solida demerserit. Quin et illi ipsi authores qui dicta-
turam quandam in scientiis invaserunt et tanta confidentia de
rebus pronuntiant, cum tamen per intervalla ad se redeunt, ad
querimonias de subtilitate nature, veritatis recessibus, rerum
obscuritate, causarum implicatione, ingenii humani infirmitate,
se convertunt ; in hoc nihilo tamen modestiores, cum malint
communem hominum et rerum conditionem causari quam de
seipsis confiteri. Quin illis hoc fere solenne est, ut quicquid
ars aliqua non attingat id ipsum ex eadem arte impossibile esse
statuant. Neque vero damnari potest ars, quum ipsa disceptet
et judicet. Itaque id agitur, ut ignorantia etiam ab ignominia
liberetur. Atque quae tradita et recepta sunt ad hunc fere
modum se habent: quoad opera sterilia, quaestkmum plena;
incrementis suis tarda et languida; perfectionem in toto simu-
lantia, sed per partes male impleta ; delectu autem popularia et
authoribus ipsis suspecta, ideoque artificiis quibusdam munita et
ostentata.1 Qui autem et ipsi experiri et se scientiis addere

1 So selected as to favour popular notions, while at the same time their truth is
doubted even by those who propound them, on which account they are fenced round
and set forth with sundry artifices.

128 PRyEFATIO.

earumque fines proferre statuerunt, nee illi a receptis prorsua
desciscere ausi sunt, nee fontes rerum peteje. Verum se ma-
gnum quiddam consequutos putant si aliquid ex proprio inserant
et adjiciant; prudenter secum reputantes, se in assentiendo
modestiam, in adjiciendo libertatem tueri posse. Verum dum
opinionibus et moribus consulitur, mediocritates istae laudatas in
magnum scientiarum detrimentum cedunt. Yix enim datur
authores simul et admirari et superare. Sed fit aquarum more,
quae non altius ascendunt quam ex quo descenderunt. Itaque
hujusmodi homines emendant nonnulla sed parum promovent,
et proficiunt in melius non in majus. Neque tamen defuerunt,
qui ausu majore omnia Integra sibi duxerunt, et ingenii impetu
usi, priora prosternendo et destruendo aditum sibi et placitis
suis fecerunt ; quorum tumultu non magnopere profectum est ;
quum philosophiam et artes non re ac opere amplificare, sed
placita tantum permutare atque regnum opinionum in se trans-
ferre contenderint ; exiguo sane fructu, quum inter errores op-
positos errandi causae sint fere communes. Si qui autem nee
alienis nee propriis placitis obnoxii, sed libertati faventes, ita
animati fuere ut alios secum simul quasrere cuperent ; illi sane
affectu honesti, sed conatu invalidi fuerunt. Probabiles enim
tantum rationes secuti videntur, et argumentorum vertigine
circumaguntur, et promiscua quaerendi licentia severitatem in-
quisitionis enervarunt. Nemo autem reperitur, qui in rebus
ipsis et experientia moram fecerit legitimam. Atque nonnulli
rursus qui experientias undis se commisere et fere mechanic!
facti sunt, tamen in ipsa experientia erraticam quandarn inquisi-
tionem exercent, nee ei1 certa lege militant. Quin et plerique
pusilla quaedam pensa sibi proposuere, pro magno ducentes si
unum aliquod inventum eruere possint; institute non minus
tenui, quam imperito. Nemo enim rei alicujus naturam in ipsa
re recte aut foeliciter perscrutatur ; verum post laboriosam ex-
perimentorum variationem non acquiescit, sed invenit quod
ulterius quaerat. Neque illud imprimis omittendum est, quod
omnis in experiendo industria statim ab initio opera quasdam
destinata praspropero et intempestivo studio captavit ; fructifera
(inquam) experimenta, non lucifera, quaesivit ; nee ordinem di-
vinum imitata est, qui primo die lucem 2 tantum creavit, eique

1 In its service.

2 The light created on the first day is l>y many divines supposed to be not a cor-
poreal but a spiritual light. This is the doctrine of S. Augustine ; who however does
not say that those who adopt a contrary opinion are necessarily wrong. This idea of

PR/EFATIO. 129

unum diem integrum attribuit ; neque illo die quicquam ma-
teriati operis produxit, verum sequentibus diebus ad ea descendit.
At qui summas dialectics paries tribuerunt atque inde fidissima
scientiis prassidia comparari putarunt, verissime et optime vide-
runt intellectum humanum sibi permissum merito suspectum
esse debere. Verum infirmior omnino est malo medicina ; nee
ipsa mail expers Siquidem dialectica quae recepta est, licet ad
civilia et artes quse in sermone et opinione positae sunt rectis-
sime adhibeatur, naturae tamen subtilitatem longo intervallo
non attingit ; et prensando quod non capit, ad errores potius
stabiliendos et quasi figendos quam ad viam veritati aperiendam
valuit.

Quare, ut quae dicta sunt complectamur, non videtur ho-
minibus aut aliena fides aut industria propria circa scientias
hactenus fceliciter illuxisse ; praesertim quum et in demonstra-
tionibus et in experimentis adhuc cognitis parum sit praDsidii.
-ZEdificium autem hujus universi structura sua, intellectui
humano contemplanti, instar labyrinth! est; ubi tot ambigua
viarum, tarn fallaces rerum et signorum similitudines, tarn
obliquaa et implexae naturarum spirae et nodi, undequaque se
ostendunt. Iter autem sub incerto sensus lumine, interdum
affulgente interdum se condente, per experientiae et rerum
particularium sylvas perpetuo faciendum est. Quin etiam duces
itineris (ut dictum est) qui se offerunt, et ipsi implicantur,
atque errorum et errantium numerum augent. In rebus tarn
duris, de judicio hominum ex vi propria, aut etiam de felicitate
fortuita, desperandum est. Neque enim ingeniorum quanta-
cunque excellentia, neque experiendi alea saephis repetita, ista
vincere queat. Vestigia filo regenda sunt: omnisque via, usque
a primis ipsis sensuum perceptionibus, certa ratione munienda.
Neque haec" ita accipienda sunt, ac si nihil omnino tot sasculis,
tantis laboribus, actum sit. Neque enim eorum quae inventa
sunt nos poenitet. Atque antiqui certe, in iis quae in ingenio
et meditatione abstracta posita sunt, mirabiles se viros praesti-
tere. Verum quemadmodum saeculis prioribus, cum homines in
navigando per stellarum tantum observationes cursum dirige-
bant, veteris sane continentis oras legere potuerunt, aut maria
aliqua minora et mediterranea trajicere ; priusquam autem
oceanus trajiceretur et novi orbis regiones detegerentur, ne-

a spiritual light was developed at great length in connexion with the theory of the
nature and cognition of angels.

VOL. I. K

130 PR.EFATIO.

cesse fuit usum acus nauti^e*. ut ducem viae magis fidum et
certum, innotuisse : simili prorsus ratione, quae hucusque in
artibus et scientiis inventa sunt, ea hujusmodi sunt ut usu,
meditatione, observando, argumentando, reperiri potuerint;
utpote quae sensibus propiora sint et communibus notionibus
fere subjaceant; antequam vero ad remotiora et occultiora
naturae liceat appellere, necessario requiritur ut melior et per-
fectior mentis et intellectus humani usus et adoperatio intro-
ducatur.

Nos certe, aeterno veritatis amore devicti, viarum incertis et
arduis et solitudinibus nos commisimus ; et divino auxilio freti
et innixi, mentem nostram et contra opinionum violentias et
quasi instructas acies, et contra proprias et internas hassitationes
et scrupulos, et contra rerum caligines et nubes et undequaque
volantes phantasias, sustinuimus ; ut tandem magis fida et se-
cura indicia viventibus et posteris comparare possemus. Qua
in re si quid profecerimus, non alia sane ratio nobis viam
aperuit quam vera et legitima spiritus humani humiliatio.
Omnes enim ante nos, qui ad artes inveniendas se applicuerunt,
conjectis paulisper in res et exempla et experientiam oculis,
statim, quasi inventio nil aliud esset quam quaedam excogita-
tio, spiritus proprios ut sibi oracula exhiberent quodammodo
invocarunt. Nos vero inter res caste et perpetuo versantes,
intellectum longius a rebus non abstrabimus quam ut rerum
imagines et radii (ut in sensu fit) coire possint l ; unde fit, ut
ingenii viribus et excellentiae non multum relinquatur. Atque
quam in inveniendo adhibemus humilitatem, eandem et in docendo
sequuti sumus. Neque enim aut confutationum triumphis, aut

V.

1 To explain the illustration of which Bacon here makes use, it is in the first place
to be remarked that radius is not to be rendered by ray, but by visual cone. " Radium
visualem speciem rei visibilis dicimus : non ut lineam aut superficiem mathematicam
profundo carentem, sed corporalem et pyramidalem, cujus basis in re visa et conus in
oculo videntis est" — Marg. Phil. x. 2. c. 11. Again Telesius, whose theory of vision
\\;is adopted by Baccn, says, "quae a re qua; spectatur relucet lux universa quidem
iii-;uni in pupilla coit in jmiu-tum," thus forming the "radius" ju>t mentioned.
Lastly Telesius goes on to say, "ab illarum [rerum sc.] puncto quovis ilia [lux sc.]
relucet, et vel ubi in unum coit punctum universa ibi fit, itaque et rerum a quibus
relucet imagines et ipsae [sic enim legendum] in eodem fiunt puncto." These " ima-
gines " then are therefore in some unexplained manner borne along by the light
which constitutes the visual cone, and exist virtually if not formally at the apex from
which the light dispersing in an inverse cone falls ultimately (still bearing them with
it) on the vitreous humour, which is in this system the sphere of vision. Bacon's
expressions therefore amount simply to this, that the eye must be at a certain distance
from the object in order that an effectual visual cone may be formed. He does not
speak either of optical images or of rays, in the senses which we attach to those words.
See Telcxius, De Rerum Naturd, vi. c. 23 and 24.

PIUEFATIO. 131

antiquitatis advocationibus, aut authoritatis usurpatione qua-
darn, aut etiam obscuritatis velo, aliquam his nostris inventis
majestatem iinponere aut conciliare conamur; qualia reperire
non difficile esset ei, qui nomini suo non aniinis aliorum lumen
affundere conaretur. Non (inquam) ullam aut vim aut insidias
hominum judiciis fecimus aut paramus : verum eoa ad res ipsas
et rerum foedera adducimus ; ut ipsi videant quid habeant,
quid arguant, quid addant atque in commune conferant. Nos
autem si qua in re vel male credidimus, vel obdormivimus et
minus attendimus, vel defecimus in via et inquisitionem abru-
pimus, nihilominus iis modis res nudas et apertas exhibemus, ut
errores nostri, antequam scientiae massam altius inficiant, notari
et separari possint ; atque etiam ut facilis et expedita sit laborum
nostrorum continuatio. Atque hoc niodo inter empiricam et
rationalem facultatem (quarum morosa et inauspicata divortia
et repudia omnia in humana familia turbavere) conjugium verum
et Icgitimum in perpetuum nos firmasse existimamus.1

Quamobrem, quum haec arbitrii nostri non sint, in principio
operis, ad Deum Patrem, Deum Verbum, Deum Spiritum,
preces fundimus humillimas et ardentissimas, ut humani generis
aerumnarum memores et peregrinationis istius vitas in qua dies
paucos et malos terimus, novis suis eleemosynis, per manus
nostras, familiam humanam dotare dignentur. Atque illud
insuper supplices rogamus, ne humana divinis officiant, neve ex
reseratione viarum sensus et accensione majore luminis naturalis
aliquid incredulitatis et noctis animis nostris erga divina my-
steria oboriatur : sed potius, ut ab intellectu puro, a phantasiis
et vanitate repurgato et divinis oraculis nihilominus subdito et
prorsus dedititio, fidei dentur qua? fidei sunt. Postremo, ut
scientiae veneno a serpente infuso, quo animus humanus tumet
et inflatur, deposito, nee altum sapiamus nee ultra sobrium, sed
veritatem in charitate colamus.

Peractis autem votis, ad homines conversi, quasdam et salu-
taria monemus et aequa postulamus. Monemus primum (quod
etiam precati sumus) ut homines sensum in officio, quoad divina,
contineant. Sensus enim (instar solis) globi terrestris faciem
aperit, ccelestis claudit et obsignat.2 Kursus, ne hujusce mali

1 This is one of the passages which show that Bacon did not imagine that the
empirical faculty was the only thing to be considered in the philosophy of science, but
that he recognised another coordinate element.

2 This image, which in the Advancement of Learning and in the De Augmenth
Bacon quotes from " one of Plato's school," is taken from Philo Judams, perhaps the

K 2

132 PRJEFATIO.

fuga in contrarium peccent ; quod certe fiet, si natune in-
quisitionem ulla ex parte veluti interdicto separatam putant.
Neque enim pura ilia et immaculata scientia naturalis, per
quam Adam nomina ex proprietate rebus imposuit, principium
aut occasionem lapsui dedit. Sed ambitiosa ilia et imperativa
scientias moralis, de bono et malo dijudicantis, cupiditas, ad hoc
ut Homo a Deo deficeret et sibi ipsi leges daret, ea demum
ratio atque modus tentationis fuit. De scientiis autem quae
naturam contemplantur sanctus ille philosophus pronuntiat,
Gloriam Dei esse celare rent ; gloriam regis autem rem invcnire :
non aliter ac si divina natura innocenti et benevolo puerorum
ludo delectaretur, qui ideo se abscondunt ut inveniantur ; atque
animam humaiiam sibi collusorem in hoc ludo pro sua in homines
indulgentia et bonitate cooptaverit. Postremo omnes in uni-
versum monitos volumus, ut scientiae veros fines cogitent ; nee
earn aut animi causa petant, aut ad contentionem, aut ut alios
despiciant, aut ad commodum, aut ad famam, aut ad potentiam,
aut hujusmodi inferiora; sed ad meritum et usus vitas; eamque
in charitate perficiant et regant. Ex appetitu enim potentise
angeli lapsi sunt ; ex appetitu scientiae, homines ; sed charitatis
non est excessus ; neque angelus aut homo per earn unquam in
periculum venit.

Postulata autem nostra quae afferimus talia sunt. De nobis
ipsis silemus : de re autem quae agitur petimus, ut homines earn
non opinionem sed opus esse cogitent ; ac pro certo habeant,
non sectae nos alicujus aut placiti, sed utilitatis et amplitudinis
humanas fundamenta moliri. Deinde ut suis commodis aequi,
exutis opinionum zelis et praejudiciis, in commune consulant ; ac
ab erroribus viarum atque impediments, nostris praesidiis et
auxiliis, liberati et muniti, laborum qui restant et ipsi in partem

most poetical of the Neo-Platonists. " Post exortum ejus [solis scilicet] illustrantur in

terris omnia, in co3lo vero celantur ; e diverso, post ejus occasum sidera quidem pro-

micant, terrestria veto cuncta obteguntur umbris supervenientibus : ad eundem modum

res nostrae se habent ; quoties sensuum splendor tanquam sol oritur, tune scientise

revera coelestes occultantur : quoties autem ad occasum accedit, tune fulgentissimse

virtutum stellae se proferunt, quandoetiam mens ipsa re nulla velante fit sensibilis." —

Philo Jud., Quod somnia mittantur a Deo. (I quote from the version of Gelenius.)

Nearly the same idea appears to be expressed in the Bhagavad Gita, ii. 69.:

Welche jedem Geschb'pf Nacht ist, in der wacht der Gesammelte ;

In der jeglich Geschb'pf wachet, ist des schauenden Weisen Nacht

S. W. v. HumboUlt's Works, i. 34.

MTiich might be thus rendered in the Latin of the middle ages : —
In nocte creaturae vigilat internus homo ;
Cum autem vigilat creatura, contemplative nox est.

PRJEFAT1O. 133

veniant. Przeterea, ut bene sperent; neque Instaurationem
nostram, ut quiddam infinitum et ultra mortale, fingant et
animo concipiant ; quum revera sit infiniti erroris finis et ter-
minus legitimus; mortalitatis autem et humanitatis non sit
imraemor ; quum rem non intra unius zetatis curriculum omnino
perfici posse confidat, sed succession! destinet; denique scientias,
non per arrogantiam in humani ingenii cellulis, sed submisse in
mundo majore quaerat. Vasta vero ut plurimum solent esse, quac
inania: solida contrahuntur maxime, et in parvo sita sunt. Po-
stremo etiam petendum videtur (ne forte quis rei ipsius periculo
nobis iniquus esse velit) ut videant homines, quatenus ex eo
quod nobis asserere necesse sit (si modo nobis ipsi constare
velimus) de his nostris opinandi aut sententiam ferendi sibi jus
permissum putent : quum nos omnem istam rationem humanam
pragmaturam, anticipantem, et a rebus temere et citius quam
oportuit abstractam, (quatenus ad inquisitionem naturae)
ut rem variam et perturbatam et male extructam
rejiciamus. Neque postulandum est
ut ejus judicio stetur, quae
ipsa in judicium
vocatur.

134

DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS,

Ejus constituuntur Paries sex.

Prima ; Partitiones Scientiarum.

Secunda ; Novum Organum, sive Indicia de Interpretation

Natures.
Tertia ; Phcenomena Universi, sive Historia Naturalis et Ex-

perimentalis ad condendam Philosophiam.
Quarta ; Scala Intellectus.

Quinta ; Prodromi, sive Anticipationes Philosophies Secundce.
Sexta ; Philosophia Secunda, sive Scientia Activa.

Singularum Argumenta.

PARS autem instituti nostri est, ut omnia, quantum fieri potest,
aperte et perspicue proponantur. Nuditas enim animi, ut olim
corporis, innocentiae et simplicitatis comes est. Pateat itaque
prime, ordo operis atque ratio ejus. Partes operis a nobis con-
stituuntur sex.

Prima pars exhibet scientige ejus sive doctrinse in cujus
possessione humanum genus hactenus versatur, Summam, sive
descriptionem universalem. Visum enim est nobis etiam in iis
qu£e recepta sunt nonnullam facere moram : eo nimirum consilio,
ut facilius et veteribus perfectio et novis aditus detur. Pari
enim fere studio ferimur et ad vetera excolenda et ad ulteriora
assequenda. Pertinet etiam hoc ad faciendam fidem : juxta
illud, Non accipit indoctus verba scientice, nisi prius ea dixeris
qua versantur in corde ejus. Itaque scientiarum atque artium
receptarum oras legere, necnon utilia qusedam in illas importare,
tanquam in transitu, non negligemus.

Partitiones tamen Scientiarum adhibemus eas, quae non tan-
turn jam inventa et nota, sed hactenus omissa et debita, com-
plectantur. Etenim inveniuntur in globo intellectual!, quem-
admodum in terrestri, et culta pariter et deserta. Itaque nil
mirum videri debet, si a divisionibus usitatis quandoque receda-

DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS. 135

mus. Adjectio enim, dura totum variat, etiam partes earumque
sectiones necessario variat : receptae autem divisiones receptae
sumrnae scientiarum, qualis nunc est, tantum competunt.

Circa ea vero quae ceu omissa notabimus, ita nos geremus, ut
non leves tantum titulos et argumenta concisa eorum quae desi-
derantur proponamus. Nam siquid inter omissa retulerimus
(modo sit dignioris subjecti) cujus ratio paulo videatur obscurior,
adeo ut merito suspicari possimus homines non facile intellectu-
ros quid nobis velimus aut quale sit illud opus quod animo et
cogitatione complectimur, perpetuo nobis curae erit aut prascepta
hujusmodi operis conficiendi aut etiam partem operis ipsius jam
a nobis confectam ad exeinplum totius subjungere ; ut in sin-
gulis aut opera aut consilio juvemus. Etenim etiam ad nostram
existimationem, non solum aliorum utilitatem, pertinere puta-
vimus, ne quis arbitretur levem aliquam de istiusmodi rebus
notionem mentem nostram perstrinxisse, atque esse ilia quae
desideramus ac prensamus tanquam votis similia. Ea vero talia
sunt, quorum et penes homines (nisi sibi ipsi desint) potestas
plane sit, et nos apud nosmet rationem quandam certam et ex-
plicatam habeamus. Neque enim regiones metiri animo, ut
augures, auspiciorum causa: sed intrare, ut duces, promerendi
studio l , suscepimus. Atque hcec prima operis pars est.

Porro praetervecti artes veteres, intellectum humanum ad
trajiciendum instruemus. Destinatur itaque parti secunda?,
doctrina de meliore et perfectiore usu rationis in rerum inqui-
sitione, et de auxiliis veris intellectus : ut per hoc (quantum
conditio humanitatis ac mortalitatis patitur) exaltetur intellectus,
et facultate amplificetur ad naturse ardua et obscura superanda.
Atque est ea quam adducimus ars (quam Interpretationem Na-
turce appellare consuevimus) ex genere logicae ; licet plurimum,
atque adeo immensum quiddam, intersit. Nam et ipsa ilia logica
vulgaris auxilia et praesidia intellectui moliri ac parare pro te-
tur : et in hoc uno consentiunt. Differt autem plane a vulgari
rebus prascipue tribus : viz. ipso fine, ordine demonstrandi, et
inquirendi initiis.

Nam huic nostrae scientiae finis proponitur, ut inveniantur
non argumenta sed artes, nee principiis consentanea sed ipsa
principia, nee rationes probabiles .sed designatiuues et indica-

1 Purposing to deserve well of their country.
K 4

136 DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS.

tiones Operum. Itaque ex intentione diversa diversus sequitur
effectus. Illic enim adversarius disputatione yincitur et con-
stringitur, hie natura opere.

Atque cum hujusmodi fine conveniunt demonstrationum ipsa-
rum natura et ordo. In logica enim vulgari opera fere uni versa
circa Syllogismum consumitur. De Inductione vero Dialectic!
vix serio cogitasse videntur ; levi mentione earn transmittentes,
et ad disputandi formulas properantes. At nos demonstra-
tionem per syllogismum rejicimus, quod confusius agat, et
naturam emittat e manibus. Tametsi enim nemini dubium
esse possit quin, quae in medio termino conveniunt, ea et inter
se conveniant (quod est mathematicae cujusdam certitudinis) :
nihilominus hoc subest fraudis, quod syllogismus ex propositio-
nibus constet, propositiones ex verbis, verba autem notionum
tessera? et signa sint. Itaque si notiones ipsae mentis (qua?
verborum quasi anima sunt, et totius hujusmodi structurse ac
fabrics basis) male ac teincre a rebus abstractae, et vagae, nee
satis definitae et circumscriptre, denique multis modis vitiosae
fuerint, omnia ruunt. Rejicimus igitur syllogismum ; neque id
solum quoad principia (ad quae nee illi earn adhibent) sed etiam
quoad propositiones medias, quas educit sane atque parturit
utcunque syllogismus, sed operum steriles et a practica re-
motas et plane quoad partem activam scientiarum incompe-
tentes. Quamvis igitur relinquarnus syllogismo et hujusmodi
demonstrationibus famosis ac jactatis jurisdictionem in artes
populares et opinabiles (nil enim in hac parte movemus), tamen
ad naturam rerum Inductione per omnia, et tarn ad minores
propositiones quam ad majores, utimur. Inductionem enim
ceusemus earn esse demonstrandi formani, quae sensum tuetur
et naturam premit et operibus imminet ac fere immiscetur.

Itaque ordo quoque demonstrandi plane invertitur. Adhuc
enim res ita geri consuevit ; ut a sensu et particularibus primo
loco ad maxime generalia advoletur, tanquam ad polos fixos
circa quos disputationes vertantur ; ab illis caetera per media
deriventur: via certe compendiaria, sed praecipiti, et ad natu-
ram impervia, ad disputatioues vero proclivi et accommodata.
At secundum nos, axiomata ' continenter et gradatim excitan-

1 Bacon's way of using the word " axioma" as if it were equivalent to " enuntiatum "
or " propositio " he derived from Peter Ramus. Hasse, an early commentator on
Ramus, remarks that the word is used in £he~same way by Cicero, who probably took
it from the Stoics.

DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS. 137

tur, ut nonnisi postremo loco ad generalissima veniatur: ea
vero generalissima evadunt non notionalia, sed bene terminata,
et talia quae natura ut revera sibi notiora agnoscat1, quaeque
rebus hsereant in niedullis.

At in forma ipsa quoque inductionis, et judicio quod per earn
fit, opus longe maximum movemus. Ea enim de qua dialectic!
loquuntur, quae procedit per enumerationem simplicem, puerile
quiddam est, et precario concludit, et periculo ab instantia con-
tradictoria exponitur, et consueta tantum intuetur, nee exitum
reperit.

Atqui opus est ad scientias inductionis forma tali, quse ex-
perientiam solvat et separet, et per exclusiones ac rejectiones
debitas necessario concludat. Quod si judicium illud vulgatum
dialecticorum tarn operosum fuerit, et tanta ingenia exercuerit ;
quanto magis laborandum est in hoc altero, quod non tantum
ex mentis penetralibus, sed etiam ex naturas visceribus extra-
fa itur ?

Neque ' tamen hie finis. Nam fundamenta quoque scientia-
rum fortius deprimimus et solidamus, atque initia inquirendi
altius sumimus, quam adhuc homines fecerunt: ea subjiciendo
examini, quas logica vulgaris tanquam fide aliena recipit. Etenim
dialectici principia scintiarum a scientiis singulis tanquam mut uo
sumunt : rursus, notiones mentis primas venerantur : postremo,
informationibus immediatis sensus bene dispositi acquiescunt.
At nos logicam veram singulas scientiarum provincias majore
cum imperio quam penes ipsarum principia sit debere ingredi
decrevimus, atque ilia ipsa principia putativa ad rationes red-
dendas compellere quousque plane constent.2 Quod vero

1 Aristotle everywhere distinguishes between that which is prior and more known
in the order of nature, and that which is prior and more known with respect to
ourselves. Thus in the Posterior Analytics, i. 2., he says: " Priora autem et notiora
dupliciter dicuntur: neque enim idem est prius natura et prius quantum ad
nos pertinet ; neque idem quod notius natura et quod nobis notius. Dico enim,
quantum ad nos, et priora et notiora esse quae a sensu propius ; per se vero ac simpliciter,
et priora et notiora quae longius absunt ; quo quid autem magis universale eo est re-
motius, ac singula quaeque sunt proxima." The schoolmen, misled by the ambiguity
of the Greek dative, substitute for " notius natura," rrj Qvfffi yvupt^carepov, "notius na-
turae," as if Aristotle had spoken of Nature's knowledge in opposition to ours. The
phrase in the text involves the same metaphor. It may be translated " Such as
Nature would recognise as being really her first principles." " Notius natura " is equi-
valent to St. Thomas's expression " prius per viam perfectionis." See with respect
to the subject of this note, and especially to the origin and meaning of the phrases a
priori and a posteriori, Trendehnburg Elementa Log. Aristot. 81.

Bartholdy's rendering is merely founded in error : " dass es die Natur fur einen
wirklichen Beweis einer innigern Bekanntschaft mit ihr anerkennen muss."

2 On the relation of philosophy to the sciences, I may refer to an interesting essay
by Hitter in the Berlin Transactions.

138 DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS.

attinet ad notiones primas intellectus; nihil est eorum quae
intellectus sibi permissus congessit, quin nobis pro suspecto sit,
nee ullo modo ratum, nisi novo judicio se stiterit et secundum
illud pronuntiatum fuerit. Quinetiam sensus ipsius informa-
tiones multis modis excutimus. Sensus enim fallunt utique,
sed et errores suos indicant: verum errores praesto, indicia
eorum longe petita sunt.

Duplex autem est sensus culpa : aut enim destituit nos aut
decipit. Nam primo, plurimae sunt res quae sensum etiam recte
dispositum nee ullo modo impeditum effugiunt ; aut subtilitate
totius corporis, aut partium minutiis, aut loci distantia, aut tar-
ditate atque etiam velocitate motus, aut familiaritate objecti, aut
alias ob causas. Neque rursus, ubi sensus rem tenet, prehen-
siones ejus admodum firmae sunt. Nam testimonium et infor-
matio sensus semper est ex analogia hominis, non ex analogia
universi1: atque magno prorsus errore asseritur, sensum esse
mensuram reruni.

Itaque ut his occurratur, nos multo et fido ministerio auxilia
sensui undique conquisivimus et contraximus, ut destitutionibus
substitutiones, variationibus rectificationes suppeditentur. Ne-
que id molimur tam instrumentis quam experimentis. Etenim
experimentorum longe major est subtilitas quam sensus ipsius,
licet instrumentis exquisitis adjuti ; (de iis loquimur experimen-
tis, quae ad intentionem ejus quod quaeritur perite et secundum
artem excogitata et apposita sunt.)2 Itaque perceptioni sen-
sus immediatae ac propriae non multum tribuimus : sed eo rem
deducimus, ut sensus tantum de experimento, experimentum de
re judicet. Quare existimamus nos sensus (a quo omnia in

1 The phrase "est ex analogia" is to be rendered (giving to "analogia" a wider
signification than that, which it ordinarily has) by " has reference to : " just as in the
dictum, " materia non est cognoscibilis nisi ex analogia (or per analogiam) formae ; " —
" except by reference to form." It seems not improbable that this way of using the
word was suggested by the passage in the Physics which gave rise to the dictum I have
quoted. Aristotle says, Phys.i. 7., "'H Se inroKftfj.evTj <pv<ris, eirtarijr^i Kara ava\oyiav
— in which however the word is really used in its usual sense, since Aristotle goes on to say
that this vvoKfiftfvrt tyvtns stands in the same relation to ouffia that bronze does to a statue,
or wood to a couch ; thus illustrating the nature of matter by referring to the subject-
matter of an artificial form. Bacon elsewhere uses the phrase " in ordine ad " just as
he here uses " ex analogia ; " and on the other hand S. Thomas says, referring to the
passage just cited, " Materia non est scibilis nisi in ordine ad formam, ut dicit Philo-
sophus primo Physicorum ; " so that the two phrases seem equivalent See S. Thomas,
JDe Naturd Materiae, c. 2., compared with the tract De principio individuationis.

That the meaning of the word Analogy was misconceived by S. Thomas, by Duns
Scotus, and by the schoolmen in general, is pointed out by Zabarella, De prim, rerum
materia, i. 4.

z [Compare Nov. Org. ii.36.— /. £]

DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS. 139

naturalibus petenda sunt, nisi forte libeat insanire) antistites
religiosos, et oraculorum ejus non imperitos interpretes, nos
praestitisse : ut alii professione quadam, nos re ipsa, sensum
tueri ac colere videamur. Atque hujusmodi sunt ea quae ad
lumen ipsum naturae ejusque accensionem et immissionem
paramus : quae per se sufficere possent, si intellectus humanus
aequus et instar tabulae abrasae esset. Sed cum mentes homi-
num miris modis adeo obsessae sint ut ad veros rerum radios
excipiendos sincera et polita area prorsus desit, necessitas quae-
dam incumbit ut etiam huic rei remedium quaerendum esse
putemus.

Idola autem a quibus occupatur mens, vel Adscititia sunt
vel Innata. Adscititia vero immigrarunt in mentes hominum,
vel ex philosophorum placitis et sectis vel ex perversis legibus
demonstrationum. At Innata inhaerent naturae ipsius intellectus,
qui ad errorem longe proclivior esse deprehenditur quam sensus.
Utcunque enim homines sibi placeant et in admirationem men-
tis humanae ac fere adorationem ruant, illud certissimum est :
sicut speculum inaequale rerum radios ex figura et sectione
propria immutat, ita et mentem, cum a rebus per sensum pa-
titur, in notionibus suis expediendis et comminiscendis haud
optima fide rerum naturae suam naturam inserere et immiscere.

Atque priora ilia duo Idolorum genera aegre, postrema vero
haec nullo modo, evelli possunt.1 Id tantum relinquitur, ut
indicentur, atque ut vis ista mentis insidiatrix notetur et con-
vincatur ; ne forte a destructione veterum novi subinde errorum
surculi ex ipsa mala complexione mentis pullulent, eoque res
recidat, ut errores non extinguantur sed permutentur; ve-
rum e contra ut illud tandem in aeternum ratum et fixum sit,
intellectum nisi per inductionem ejusque formam legitimam
judicare non posse. Itaque doctrina ista de expurgatione intel-
lectus ut ipse ad veritatem habilis sit, tribus redargutionibus
absolvitur : redargutione philosophiarum, redargutione demon-
strationum, et redargutione rationis humanae nativae.2 His vero
explicatis, ac postquam demum patuerit quid rerum natura,

1 The priora duo are the Idols of the Theatre, which include both kinds. The
postrema fuse are the Idols of the Tribe, the Cave, and the Market-place. Compare
De Aug. Sci. v. 4.; and see Note C. at the end of the Preface. — J. S.

2 Compare Aph. 115, where these three Redargutiones are enumerated in the inverse
order ; in which order they are treated. This shows that the Distributio Operis was
written before Bacon had decided upon the arrangement of the Novum Organum.
See Note C. at the end of the Preface. — J. S.

140 DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS.

quid mentis natura ferat, existimamus nos thalamum Mentis
et Universi, pronuba divina bonitate, stravisse et ornasse. Epi-
thalamii autem votum sit, ut ex eo connubio auxilia humana et
stirps inventorum quae necessitates ac miserias hominum aliqua
ex parte doment et subigant, suscipiatur.1 Hcec vero est operis
pars secunda.

At vias non solum monstrare et munire, sed inire quoque
consilium est. Itaque tertia pars operis complectitur Phenomena
Universi; hoc est, omnigenam experientiam, atque historiam
naturalem ejus generis quae possit esse ad condendam philoso-
phiam fundamentalis. Neque enim excellens aliqua demon-
strandi via sive naturam interpretandi forma, ut mentem ab
errore et lapsu defendere ac sustinere, ita ei materiam ad scien-
dum praebere et subministrare possit. Verum iis quibus non
conjicere et hariolari, sed invenire et scire proposition est, qui-
que non simiolas et fabulas mundorum comminisci, sed hujus
ipsius veri mundi naturam introspicere et velut dissecare in
animo habent, omnia a rebus ipsis petenda sunt. Neque huic
labori et inquisitioni ac mundanae perambulationi, ulla ingenii
aut meditationis aut argumentationis substitutio aut compen-
satio sufficere potest; non si omnia omnium ingenia coierint.
Itaque aut hoc prorsus habendum, aut negotium in perpetuum
deserendum. Ad hunc vero usque diem ita cum hominibus
actum est, ut minime mirum sit si natura sui copiam non faciat.

Nam primo, sensus ipsius informatio, et deserens et fallens ;
observatio, indiligens et inaequalis et tanquam fortuita ; tradi-
tio, vana et ex rumore ; practica, operi in tent a et servilis ; vis
experimentalis, caeca, stupida, vaga, et praerupta ; denique histo-
ria naturalis, levis et inops, vitiosissimam materiam intellectui
ad philosophiam et scientias congesserunt.

1 The received reading is suscipiatur, which seems erroneous, but may perhaps be
defended. [I have myself very little doubt that Bacon wrote suscipiatur, not *iwci-
piantur. If it be ever allowable to make a verb which depends upon two nominatives
agree with the last only (which I think it sometimes is), there was a reason for doing
so in this case ; an ambiguity as well as a jingle being thereby avoided. In an earlier
form of this passage (which will be found in the Partis Instaurationis secunda De-
lineatio), the verb is in the singular, as here ; though in that place it depends directly
upon the plural nominative " auxilia humana," and therefore cannot be defended.
In the Redargutio Philosophiarum it appears again in still another shape. There
we have two nominatives, one singular and one plural, as here ; but the plural coming
last, the verb is in the plural, " ut ex illo connubio, non phantasiae monstra, sed stirps
heroum, quas monstra domet et extinguat, — hoc est inventa salutaria et utilia ad
necessitates humanas (quantum fieri datur) debellandos et relevandos, suscipiantur.
Hoc epithalamii votum sit" — J. S.~\

DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS. 141

Deinde, praepostera argumentandi subtilitas et ventilatio
serum rebus plane desperatis tentatur remedium, nee negotium
ullo modo restituit aut errores separat. Itaque nulla spes
majoris augment! ac progressus sita est, nisi in restauratione
quadam scientiarum.

Hujus autem exordia omnino a naturali historia sumenda
sunt, eaque ipsa novi cujusdam generis et apparatus. Frustra
enim fuerit speculum expolire, si desint imagines; et plane
materia idonea praeparanda est intellectui, non solum praesidia
fida comparanda. Differt vero rursus historia nostra (quern-
admodum logica nostra) ab ea quae habetur, multis rebus : fine
sive officio, ipsa mole et congerie, dein subtilitate, etiam
delectu et constitutione in ordine ad ea quae sequuntur.

Primo enim earn proponimus historiam naturalem, quae non
tarn aut rerum varietate delectet aut praesenti experimentorum
fructu juvet, quam lucem inventioni causarum affundat, et
philosophic enutricandae primam mammam praebeat. Licet enim
opera atque activam scientiarum partem prascipue sequamur,
tamen messis tempus expectamus, nee museum et segetem her-
bidam demetere conamur. Satis enim scimus, axiomata recte
inventa tota agmina operum secum trahere, atque opera non
sparsim sed confertim exhibere. Intempestivum autem ilium
et puerilem affectum, ut pignora aliqua novorum operum pro-
pere captentur, prorsus damnamus et amovemus, ceu pomum
Atalantaa quod cursum retardat. Atque Historiae nostrae
Naturalis officium tale est.

Quoad congeriem vero, conficimus historiam non solum
naturae liberas ac solutae (cum scilicet ilia sponte fluit et opus
suum peragit), qualis est historia crelestium, meteororum, terras
et maris, mineralium, plantarum, animalium ; sed multo magis
naturae constrictae et vexatae ; nempe, cum per artem et ministe-
rium humanum de statu suo detruditur, atque premitur et
fingitur. Itaque omnia artium mechanicarum, omnia operativae
partis liberalium, omnia practicarum complurium quae in artem
propriam non coaluerunt, experimenta (quantum inquirere
licuit et quantum ad finem nostrum faciunt) perscribimus.
Quin etiam (ut quod res est eloquamur) fastum hominum et
speciosa nil morati, multo plus et operas et praesidii in hac
parte quam in ilia altera ponimus; quandoquidem natura
rerum magis se prodit per vexationes artis quam in libertate
propria.

142 D1STRIBUTIO OPERIS.

Neque Corporum tantum historiam exhibemus; sed diligentia?
insuper nostraa esse putavimus, etiam Virtutum ipsarum (illarum
dicimus quae tanquam cardinales in natura censeri possint, et
in quibus naturae primordia plane constituuntur, utpote materiae
primis passionibus ac desideriis, viz. Denso, Raro, Calido,Frigido,
Consistenti, Fluido, Gravi, Levi, aliisque haud paucis) historiam
seorsum comparare.1

Enimvero ut de subtilitate dicamus, plane conquirimus genus
experimentorum longe subtilius et simplicius quam sunt ea qua?
occurrunt. Complura enim a tenebris educimus et eruimus,
quaa nulli in mentem venisset investigare, nisi qui certo et con-
stanti tramite ad inventionem causarum pergeret; curn in se
nullius magnopere sint usus; ut liquido appareat, ea non propter
se quassita esse ; sed ita prorsus se habeant ilia ad res et opera
quemadmodum literae alphabet! se habeant ad orationem et
verba ; qua? licet per se inutiles eaedem tamen omnis sermonis
elementa sunt.

In delectu autem narrationum et experimentorum melius
hominibus cavisse nos arbitramur quam qui adhuc in historia
naturali versati sunt. Nam omnia fide oculata aut saltern
perspecta, et summa quadam cum severitate, recipimus ; ita ut
nil referatur auctum miraculi causa, sed quae narramus a fabulis
et Vanitate casta et intemerata sint. Quinetiam et recepta
quasque ac jactata mendacia (quae mirabili quodam neglectu
per saecula multa obtinuerunt et inveterata sunt) nominatim
proscribimus et notamus ; ne scientiis amplius molesta sint.
Quod enim prudenter animadvertit quidam, fabulas et supersti-
tiones et nugas quas nutriculaa pueris instillant, mentes eorum
etiam serio depravare : ita eadem nos movit ratio ut solliciti
atque etiam anxii simus ne ab initio, cum veluti infantiam
philosophiae sub historia naturali tractemus et curemus, ilia
alicui vanitati assuescat. At in onmi experimento novo et
paulo subtiliore, licet (ut nobis videtur) certo ac probato,
modum tamen experimenti quo usi sumus aperte subjungimus ;
ut, postquam patefactum sit quomodo singula nobis constite-
rint, videant homines quid erroris subesse et adhaerere possit,
atque. -*id probationes magis fidas et magis exquisitas (si quae
sint) expergiscantur : denique ubique monita et scrupulos et

1 The whole tendency of Bacon's method led him to give the first place to inquiries
relating to abstract qualities of the nature of those which he here mentions. We shall
have occasion to remark on this point in connexion with several passages in the second
book of the Novum Organum,

DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS. 143

cautiones aspergimus, religione quadam et tanquam exorcismo
omnia phantasmata ejicientes ac cohibentes.

Postremo, cum nobis exploratum sit quantopere experientia
et historia aciem mentis humanse disgreget, et quam difficile
sit (pra3sertim animis vel teneris vel praeoccupatis) a princi-
pio cum natura consuescere, adjungimus saepius observationes
nostras, tanquam priinas quasdam conversiones et inclinationes
ac veluti aspectus histories ad philosophiam ; ut et pignoris loco
hominibus sint eos in historiae fluctibus perpetuo non detentos
iri, utque cum ad opus intellectus deveniatur omnia sint
inagis in procinctu. Atque per hujusmodi (qualem descri-
bimus) Historiam Naturalem, aditum quendam fieri posse ad
naturam tutum et commodum, atque materiam intellectui prae-
beri probam et praeparatam, censemus.

Postquam vero et intellectum fidissimis auxiliis ac praesidiis
stipavimus, et justum divinorum operum exercitum severissimo
delectu comparavimus ; nil amplius superesse videtur, nisi ut
philosophiam ipsam aggrediamur. Attamen in re tarn ardua et
suspensa, sunt quaedam qua? necessario videntur interponenda ;
partim docendi gratia, partim in usum praasentem.

Horum primum est, ut exempla proponantur inquirendi et
inveniendi secundum nostram rationem ac viam, in aliquibus
subjectis repraesentata : sumendo ea potissimum subjecta quae
et inter ea quas quaeruntur sunt nobilissima et inter se maxirne
diversa ; ut in unoquoque genere exemplum non desit. Neque
de iis exemplis loquimur quae singulis praeceptis ac regulis
illustrandi gratia adjiciuntur (hoc enim in secunda parte operis
abunde prasstitimus) ; sed plane typos intelligimus et plasmata,
quse universum mentis processum atque inveniendi continuatam
fabricam et ordinem, in certis subjectis, iisque variis et insignibus,
tanquam sub oculos ponant. Etenim nobis in mentem venit, in,
mathematicis, astante machina, sequi demonstrationem facilem
et perspicuam; contra absque hac commoditate, omnia videri
involuta et quam revera sunt subtiliora. Itaque hujusmodi
exemplis quartam partem nostri operis attribuimus : quae revera
nil aliud est, quam secunda? partis applicatio particularis et ex-
plicata.

At quinta pars ad tempus tantum, donee reliqua perficiantur,
adhibetur ; et tanquam fcenus redditur, usque dum sors haberi

144 DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS.

possit. Neque enim finem nostrum ita petimus occaecati, ut
quae occurrunt in via utilia negligamus. Quamobrem quintam
partem operis ex iis conficimus qua? a nobis aut inventa aut
probata aut addita sunt; neque id tamen ex rationibus atque
praescriptis interpretandi, sed ex eodem intellectus usu quern
alii in inquirendo et inveniendo adhibere consueverunt. Etenim
cum, ex perpetua nostra cum natura consuetudine, inajora de
meditationibus nostris quam pro ingenii viribus speramus ; turn
poterunt ista veluti tabernaculorum in via positorum vice fungi,
ut mens ad certiora contendens in iis paulisper acquiescat.
Attamen testamur interim, nos illis ipsis, quod ex vera interpre-
tandi forma non sint inventa aut probata, teneri minime velle.
Istam vero judicii suspensionem non est quod exhorreat quispiam,
in doctrina quae non simpliciter nil sciri posse, sed nil nisi certo
ordine et certa via sciri posse, asserit; atque interea tamen certos
certitudinis gradus ad usum et levamen constituit, donee mens
in causarum explicatione consistat. Neque enim illae ipsae
gcholae philosophorum qui Acalalepsiam simpliciter tenuerunt
inferiores fuere istis quae pronuntiandi licentiam usurparunt.
Illaa tamen sensui et intellectui auxilia non paraverunt, quod
nos fecimus, sed fidem et authoritatem plane sustulerunt ; quod
longe alia res est, et fere opposita,

Sexta tandem pars operis nostri (cui reliqua? inserviunt ac
ministrant) earn demum recludit et proponit philosophiam, quae
ex hujusmodi (qualem ante docuimus et paravimus) inquisitione
legitima et casta et severa educitur et constituitur. Hanc
vero postremam partem perficere et ad exitum perducere, res
est et supra vires et ultra spes nostras collocata. Nos ei initia
(ut speramus) non contemnenda, exitum generis humani fortuna
dabit, qualem forte homines in hoc rerum et animorum statu
baud facile animo capere aut metiri queant. Neque enim
agitur solum fcelicitas contemplativa, sed vere res humana? et
fortunae, atque omnis operum potentia. Homo enim naturae
minister et interpres tantum facit et intelligit, quantum de
naturae ordine, opere vel mente, observaverit : nee amplius scit,
aut potest. Neque enim ullae vires causarum catenam solvere
aut perfringere possint, neque natura aliter quam parendo vin-
citur. Itaque intentiones geminae illae, humanae scilicet Scientia
et PotentifB, vere in idem coincidunt; et frustratio operum
maxime fit ex i<moratione causarum.

DISTRIBUTIO OPERIS. 145

Atque in eo sunt omnia, siquis oculos mentis a rebus ipsis
nunquam dejiciens, earum imagines plane ut sunt excipiat.
Neque enim hoc siverit Deus, ut phantasiaj nostne somnium
pro exemplari mundi edamus: sed potius benigne faveat, ut
apocalypsim ac veram visionem vestigiorum1 et sigillorum crea-
toris super creaturas scribamus.

Itaque Tu Pater, qui lucem visibilem primitias creaturae de-

disti, et lucem intellectualem ad fastigium operum tuorum in

faciem hominis inspirasti ; opus hoc, quod a tua bonitate pro-

fectum tuam gloriam repetit, tuere et rege. Tu postquam con-

versus es ad spectandum opera quae fecerunt manus tuae, vidisti

quod omnia essent bona valde ; et requievisti. At homo con-

versus ad opera quae fecerunt manus suse, vidit quod omnia

essent vanitas et vexatio spiritus; nee ullo modo requlevit.

Quare si in operibus tuis sudabimus, facies nos visionis tuas et

sabbati tui participes.2 Supplices petimus, ut haec

mens nobis constet ; utque novis eleemosynis,

per manus nostras et aliorum quibus

eandem mentem largieris,

familiam humanam

dotatam velis.

1 This application of the word " vestigia " is constantly made by the schoolmen.
Thus St. Thomas Aquinas : " In rationalibus creaturis est imago Trinitatis, in cateris
vero creaturis est vestigium Trinitatis, in quantum in eis inveniuntur aliqua qua? re-
ducuntur in divinas personas." — Summa Theolog. lma pars, q. 45. art. 7.

2 Compare this with St. Augustine's prayer at the close of the Confessions. " Domine
Deus pacem <la nobis (omnia enim praestitisti nobis), pacem quietis, pacem Sabbati,
Sabbati sine vespera. Omuis quippe iste ordo pulcherrimus rerum valde bonarum.
modis suis peractis transiturus est, et mane quippe in eis factum est et vespera.
Dies autem Septimus sine vespera est, nee habet occasum, quia sanctificasti eum ad
permansionem sempiternam, ut id quod tu post opera tua bona valde, quamvis ea
quietus feceris, requievisti septimo die, hoc praeloquatur nobis vox libri tui, quod et noj
post opera nostra, ideo bona valde quia tu nobis ea donasti, sabbato vitae seternee re-
quiescamus in te." — Conf, xiii. 35 — 6.

Compare also the line with which the Faerie Queene breaks off: —

" O that [q. thou ?] great Sabbaoth God graunt me that Sabbaoth sight."

VOL. I.

DEEST

PAHS PBIMA INSTAUBATIOfflS,

QUA coMixcnrr*
PABTITIONES SCIESTIABUM.

like tame* ex Secvmdo Libra de Progressibas faciendis in Doctrina

Divina et Humana, nonmttOa exparte

pctiposnmL1

SEQUTTDB

SECUHTDA PABS IffSTAUBATIONIS,

QIL5; ARTEM IPSAM
Interpretamdi Naturam, et verioris adoptrationis Imtetteehtt exkibtt .

ntque earn ipsam tame* i* Carport tractaha justi,

ted tuBltim Agestam per rttmmatt i*

Apkoritmos*

TW> it onittod in the eamoon editioBS of Bkcoo s coQccted works (in aH, 1 be-
cept MantagiA) ; tfce De Jmymrwtis Siiutmimm, with the tide "/»*teH7*-
y^y«r»^iia« • prefixed on a sepmte ieat M<g •fctfato* iar it. And

; . : . • k. «.1b«* ^fe^MMM* JU ^Jb^M^BB«J« » - • _ .^^ J»«k^ -m- *- • ^ - « —

K B me CBK moon out anxrwaras aeaoe apaa sapptjiag um aevemcy BJT a mBi-
tatiMi rf the ^rf»>arnar^ «f Ltmrmimg enJnged; tint be produced tbe Zfe ^AyiM^u
Sufafiai *» wi& dMt intention awl understanding; and ttat tBoagb the ongittal
edition does not bear ** fm&mmrmttsmts MStymc JMTC prim* * on the otifpajEe, yrt in
Dr. Baviey^ reprint of it in 1C38 thatt worts were inserted. Btmthtlm this notice
is of unpoctance, as showing that

of the

>«f fheno«nnaM; for if he had, he wmld hare leJened to the
not to the SCTMM! book only. Be meant, no doobt, to leprodnce the substance of it
hi a. different fcnn. AM! my own unpreanon is that the Detertptto GUkt
db was ot%huBywa%ne< te thb pbce, and that he had nst yet

be had not time to tnish it on so large a scale, and therefore resolved to entaise the

fhlfl IhfallC** inci^^H Cnf lawaTwaWiinwr m. TnPwT ftaThsl _T" ^

* Tbis explaim a ceitain daaepancr between tiK design of the second part, as set
theexecntionafitintheA«r«B Orync^ The

oat in a regular and consecutive treatise, aval tepwents the aaVn of the work
pertectij than the work ifcetf. See note on Dbtr. Op. p. 139,-^f. S.

PARS SECTJNDA OPERIS,

(JUS DICITUB

NOVUM ORGANUM,

1. 3

"

PRJ1FATIO,

Qui de natura tanquam de re explorata pronuntiare ausi aunt,
sive hoc ex animi fiducia fecerint sive ambitiose et more profes-
sorio, maximis illi philosophiam et scientias detrimentis affe-
cere. Ut enim ad fidem faciendam validi, ita etiam ad inquisi-
tionem extinguendam et abrumpendam efficaces fuerunt. Neque
virtute propria tantum profuerunt, quantum in hoc nocuerunt,
quod aliorum virtutem corruperint et perdiderint. Qui autem
contrariam huic viam ingressi sunt atque nihil prorsus sciri
posse asseruerunt, sive ex sophistarum veterum odio sive ex
animi fluctuatione aut etiam ex quadam doctrinae copia in hanc
opinionem delapsi sint, certe non contemnendas ejus rationes
adduxerunt; veruntamen nee a veris initiis sententiam suam
derivarunt, et studio quodam atque affectatione provecti, pror-
sus modum excesserunt. At antiquiores ex Grascis (quorum
scripta perierunt) inter pronuntiandi jactantiam et Acatalepsies
desperationem prudentius se sustinuerunt : atque de inqui-
sitionis difficultate et rerum obscuritate saepius querimonias et
indignationes miscentes, et veluti fraenum mordentes, tamen
propositum urgere atque naturae se immiscere non destiterunt ;
consentaneum (ut videtur) existimantes, hoc ipsum (videlicet
utrum aliquid sciri possit) non disputare, sed experiri. Et
tamen illi ipsi, impetu tantum intellectus usi, regulam non adhi-
buerunt, sed omnia in acri meditatione et mentis volutatione et
agitatione perpetua posuerunt.

Nostra autem ratio, ut opere ardua, ita dictu facilis est. Ea
enim est, ut certitudinis gradus constituamus, sensum per re-
ductionem quandam tueamur1, sed mentis opus quod sensum
subsequitur plerunque rejiciamus; novam autem et certam
viam, ab ipsis sensuum perceptionibus, menti aperiamus et mu-
niamus. Atque hoc proculdubio viderunt et illi qui tantas

1 The word " rertuctio " appears to be used much as in modern scientific language ;
that is, as nearly equivalent to correction ; — as when we speak of reducing observa-
tions, &c., by which is meant the applying to them of certain principles of correc-
tion : I should translate the clause in which it occurs by " we guard the sense from
error by a certain method of correction ; " — a translation which accords with what is
said infra, I. 69., with respect to the short-comings and errors of the senses.

L 4

1.52 PfLEFATIO.

dialecticse paries tribuerunt. Ex quo liquet, illos intellectui
adminicula quassivisse, mentis autem processum nativum et
sponte moventem, suspectum habuisse. Sed serum plane rebus
perditis hoc adhibetur remedium ; postquam mens ex quotidiana
vitae consuetudine, et auditionibus et doctrinis inquinatis
occupata, et vanissimis idolis obsessa fuerit. Itaque ars ilia
dialecticse, sero (ut diximus) cavens neque rem ullo modo resti-
tuens, ad errores potius figendos quam ad veritatem aperiendam
valuit. Restat unica salus ac sanitas, ut opus mentis universum
de integro resmnatur; ac mens, jam ab ipso principio, nullo
modo sibi permittatur, sed perpetuo regatur ; ac res veluti per
machinas conficiatur. Sane si homines opera mechanica nudis
manibus, absque instrumentorum vi et ope, aggressi essent,
quemadmodum opera intellectualia nudis fere mentis viribus
tractare non dubitarunt, parvae admodum fuissent res quas
movere et vincere potuissent, licet operas enixas atque etiam
conjunctas praestitissent. Atque si paulisper morari, atque in
hoc ipsum exemplum, veluti in speculum, intueri velimus ; ex-
quiramus (si placet) si forte obeliscus aliquis magnitudine
insignis ad triumphi vel hujusmodi magnificentiae decus trans-
ferendus esset, atque id homines nudis manibus aggrederentur,
annon hoc magnae cujusdam esse dementia? spectator quispiam
rei sobrius fateretur ? Quod si numerum augerent operariorum,
atque hoc modo se valere posse confiderent, annon tanto magis ?
Sin autem delectum quendam adhibere vellent, atque imbecil-
liores separare, et robustis tantum et vigentibus uti, atque hinc
saltern se voti compotes fore sperarent, annon adhuc eos impensius
delirare diceret ? Quin etiam si hoc ipso non contenti, artem
tandem athleticam consulere statuerent, ac omnes deinceps ma-
nibus et lacertis et nervis ex arte bene unctis et medicatis
adesse juberent, annon prorsus eos dare operam ut cum ratione
quadam et prudentia insanirent, clamaret? Atque homines
tamen simili malesano impetu et conspiratione inutili feruntur
in intellectualibus ; dum ab ingeniorum vel multitudine et con-
sensu vel excellentia et acumine magna sperant, aut etiam
dialectica (quae quaedam athletica censeri possit) mentis nervos
roborant ; sed interim, licet tanto studio et conatu, (si quis vere
judicaverit) intellectum nudum applicare non desinunt. Mani-
festissimum autem est, in omni opere magno, quod manus
hominis praestat, sine instrumentis et machinis, vires nee singu-
lorum intendi nee omnium coire posse.

PR^EFATIO. 153

Itaque ex his quaa diximus praemissis, statuimus duas esse
res de quibus homines plane monitos volumus, ne forte illge eos
fugiant aut praetereant. Quarum prima hujusmodi est; fieri
fato quodarn (ut existimamus) bono, ad extinguendas et depel-
lendas contradictiones et tumores animorum, ut et veteribus
honor et reverentia intacta et imminuta maneant, et nos desti-
nata perficere et tamen modestiae nostrae fructum percipere
possimus. Nam nos, si profiteamur nos meliora afFerre quam
antiqui, eandem quam illi viam ingressi, nulla verborum arte
efficere possimus, quin inducatur quaedam ingenii vel excellentiaa
vel facultatis comparatio sive contentio ; non ea quidem illicita
aut nova ; — quidni enim possimus pro jure nostro (neque eo
ipso alio, quam omnium) si quid apud eos non recte inventum
aut positum sit, reprehendere aut notare ? — sed tamen utcunque
justa aut permissa, nihilominus impar fortasse fuisset ea ipsa
contentio, ob virium nostrarum modum. Verum quum per nos
illud agatur, ut alia omnino via intellectui aperiatur illis inten-
tata et incognita, commutata jam ratio est ; cessant studium et
partes ; nosque indicia tantummodo personam sustinemus, quod
mediocris certe est authoritatis, et fortunes cujusdam potius
quam facultatis et excellentise. Atque haec moniti species ad
personas pertinet ; altera ad res ipsas.

Nos siquidem de deturbanda ea quae nunc floret philosophia,
aut si quae alia sit aut erit hac emendatior aut auctior, minime
laboramus. Neque enim officimus, quin philosophia ista re-
cepta, et alias id genus, disputationes alant, sermones ornent,
ad professoria munera et vitae civilis compendia adhibeantur
et valeant. Quin etiam aperte significamus et declaramus,
earn quam nos adducimus philosophiam ad istas res admodum
utilem non futuram. Non praesto est, neque in transitu ca-
pitur, neque ex prasnotionibus intellectui blanditur, neque ad
vulgi captum nisi per utilitatem et effecta descendet.

Sint itaque (quod frelix faustumque sit utrique parti) duae
doctrinarum emanationes, ac duae dispensationes ; duae similiter
contemplantium sive philosophantium tribus ac veluti cogna-
tiones ; atque illae neutiquam inter se inimicae aut alienee, sed
foederatae et mutuis auxiliis devinctae : sit denique alia scientias
colendi, alia inveniendi ratio. Atque quibus prima potior et
acceptior est, ob festinationem, vel vitae civilis rationes, vel
quod illam alteram ob mentis infirmitatem capere et complecti
non possint (id quod longe plurimis accidere necesse est), opta-

154 PRjEFATIO.

urns ut iis foeliciter et ex voto succedat quod agunt, atque ut
quod sequuntur teneant. Quod si cui mortalium cordi et curse
sit, non tantum inventis haerere atque iis uti, sed ad ulteriora
penetrare ; atque non disputando adversarium, sed opere na-
turam vincere ; denique, non belle et probabiliter opinari, sed
certo et ostensive scire; tales, tanquam veri scientiarum filii,
nobis (si videbitur) se adjungant ; ut omissis naturae atriis, qua?
infiniti contriverunt, aditus aliquando ad interiora patefiat.
Atque ut melius intelligamur, utque illud ipsum quod volumus
ex nominibus impositis magis familiariter occurrat, altera ratio
sive via Anticipatio Mentis, altera Interprelatio Natur<By a nobis
appellari consuevit.

Est etiam quod petendum videtur. Nos certe cogitationem

suscepimus et curam adhibuimus, ut qua? a nobis proponentur

non tantum vera essent, sed etiam ad animos hominum (licet

miris modis occupatos et interclusos) non incommode aut aspere

accederent. Veruntamen sequum est, ut ab hominibus impe-

tremus (in tanta praesertim doctrinarum et scientiarum restau-

ratione) ut qui de hisce nostris aliquid, sive ex sensu proprio,

sive ex authoritatum turba, sive ex demonstrationum formis

(qua? nunc tanquam leges quaedam judiciales invaluerunt), sta-

tuere aut existimare velit, ne id in transitu et velut aliud agendo

facere se posse speret ; sed ut rem pernoscat ; nostram, quam

describimus et munimus, viam ipse paullatim tentet ; subtilitati

rerum qua? in experientia signata est assuescat ; pravos denique

atque alte haerentes mentis habitus tempestiva et quasi

legitima mora corrigat ; atque turn demum (si

placuerit) postquam in potestate

sua esse coeperit, judicio

suo utatur.

SEQUITUR
PARTIS SECUNDJE SUMMA,

CIGESTA

IN APHOKISMOS.

PARTIS SECTOD.E SUMMA,

DIGESTA IN

APHORISMOS.

APHORISMI

DE INTERPKETATIONE NATUKJE
ET KEGNO HOMINIS.

APHOBISMUS

I.

HOMO, Naturae minister l et interpres, tantum facit et intelligit
quantum de Naturae ordine re vel mente observaverit, nee am-
plius scit aut potest.

ii.

Nee manus nuda nee intellectus sibi permissus multum valet ;
instrumentis et auxiliis res perficitur; quibus opus est non
minus ad intellectum quam ad manum. Atque ut instrumenta
manus motum aut cient aut regunt, ita et instrumenta mentis
intellectui aut suggerunt aut cavent.

in.

Scientia et potentia humana in idem coincidunt, quia igno-
ratio causae destituit effectum. Natura enim non nisi parendo
vincitur-; et quod in contemplatione instar causae est, id in
operatione instar regulae est.

IV.

Ad opera nil aliud potest homo, quam ut corpora naturalia
admoveat et amoveat ; reliqua Natura intus transigit.3

v.

Solent se immiscere naturae (quoad opera) mechanicus, ma-
thematicus, medicus, alchymista, et magus ; sed omnes (ut nunc
sunt res) conatu levi, successu tenui.

VI.

Insanum quiddam esset, et in se contrarium, existimare ea
quae adhuc nunquam facta sunt fieri posse, nisi per modos
adhuc nunquam tentatos.

1 That the physician is " naturse minister," Qvcreus uirijperijs, is quoted more than once
from Hippocrates by Galen, xv. 369. xvi. 35. (Kuhn) : the first passage in his com-
mentary on Hippoc. De Aliment, iii., the second hi his do. De Humor. L

2 This antithesis was probably suggested by Publius Syrus's gnome : — " Casta ad
virum matrona parendo imperat."

8 For some remarks upon the first four Aphorisms, see the Preface, p. 88. — J. S.

158 NOVUM ORGANUM.

VII.

Generationes mentis et manus numerosae admodum vi-
dentur in libris et opificiis. Sed omnis ista varietas sita est
in subtilitate eximia, et derivationibus paucamm rerum quae
innotuerunt ; non in numero Axiomatum.

VIII.

Etiam opera, quae jam inventa sunt, casui debentur et expe-
rientiae magis quam scientiis : scientiae enim, quas nunc habe-
mus, nihil aliud sunt quam quaedam concinnationes rerum antea
inventarum ; non modi inveniendi, aut designationes novorum
operum.

IX.

Causa vero et radix fere omnium malorum in scientiis ea
una est ; quod dum mentis humanae vires falso miramur et ex-
tollimus, vera ejus auxilia non quasramus.

x.

Subtilitas naturae subtilitatem sensus et intellectus multis
partibus superat ; ut pulchrae illae meditationes et speculationes
humanaa et causationes res male-sana smt, nisi quod non adsit
qui advertat.1

XI.

Sicut scientiae quae nunc habentur inutiles sunt ad inven-
tionem operum ; ita et logica quae nunc habetur inutilis est ad
inventionem scientiarum.

XII.

Logica quae in usu est ad errores (qui in notionibus vulgari-
bus fundantur) stabiliendos et figendos valet, potius quam ad
inquisitionem veritatis ; ut magis damnosa sit quam utilis.

XIII.

Syllogismus ad principia scientiarum non adhibetur, ad media
axiomata frustra adhibetur, cum sit subtilitati naturae longe
impar. Assensum itaque constringit, non res.

XIV.

Syllogismus ex propositionibus constat, propositiones ex
verbis, verba notionum tesserae sunt. Itaque si uotiones ipsae
(id quod basis rei est) confusae sint et temere a rebus abstracts,
nihil in iis quae superstruuntur est firmitudinis. Itaque spes
est una in inductions vera.

1 That is, they must from the nature of the case be so far from the truth, that, if
we could but compare them with the reality, they would seem like the work of men
not in their senses. — J. S.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 159

XV.

In notionibus nil sani est, nee in logicis nee in physicis ;
non Substantia^ non Qualitas, Agere, Pati, ipsum Esse, bonae
notiones sunt ; multo minus Grave, Leve, Densum, Tenue, Hu-
midum, Siccum, Generatio, Corruptio, AttraJtere, Fugare, JEle-
mentum, Materia, Forma, et id genus ; sed omnes phantasticae
et male terminatae.

XVI.

Notiones infimarum specierum, Hominis, Cants, Columbce,
et prehensionum immediatarum sensus, Calidi, Frigidi, Albi,
Nigri, non fallunt magnopere ; quae tamen ipsae a fluxu materise
et commistione l rerum quandoqueconfunduntur; reliqu83 omnes
(quibus homines hactenus usi sunt) aberrationes sunt, nee
debitis modis a rebus abstractae et excitatae.

XVII.

Nee minor est libido et aberratio in constituendis axiomati-
bus, quam in notionibus abstrahendis ; idque in ipsis principiis,
quae ab inductione vulgari pendent. At multo major est in
axiomatibus et propositionibus inferioribus, quae educit syllo-
gismus.

XVIII.

Quae adhuc inventa sunt in scientiis, ea hujusmodi sunt ut
notionibus vulgaribus fere subjaceant; ut vero ad interiora et
remotiora naturae penetretur, necesse est ut tarn notiones quam
axiomata magis certa et munita via a rebus abstrahantur;
atque omnino melior et certior intellectus adoperatio in usum
veniat.

XIX.

Duae viae sunt, atque esse possunt, ad inquirendam et inveni-
endam veritatem. Altera a sensu et particularibus advolat ad
axiomata maxime generalia, atque ex iis principiis eorumque
immota veritate judicat et invenit axiomata media ; atque haec
via in usu est : altera a sensu et particularibus excitat axiomata,
ascendendo continenter et gradatim, ut ultimo loco perveniatur
ad maxiine generalia ; quae via vera est, sed intentata.

1 [ Commissione in the original edition. — J. S.] From the context it is clear that
Bacon means that the union of bodies of different kinds, by giving rise to new quali-
ties and species intermediate to those for which we have recognised names, tends to
confuse our ideas of the latter. I think therefore we ought to read " commistione "
for " commissione." [The word commistio is used elsewhere by Bacon ; see for instance
II. 13. §34. — 7. S.]

160 NOVUM ORGANUM.

XX.

Eandem ingreditur viam (priorem scilicet) intellectus sibi
permissus, quam facit ex ordine dialectic®. Gestit enim mens
exilire ad magis generalia, ut acquiescat ; et post parvam moram
fastidit experientiam. Sed haec mala demum aucta sunt a dia-
lectica, ob pompas disputationum.

XXI.

Intellectus sibi permissus, in ingenio sobrio et patiente et
gravi (praesertim si a doctrinis receptis non impediatur), tentat
nonnihil illam alteram viam, quae recta est, sed exiguo profectu ;
cum intellectus, nisi regatur et juvetur, res inaequalis sit, et
omnino inhabilis ad superandam rerum obscuritatem. l

xxir.

Utraque via orditur a sensu et particularibus, et acquiescit in
maxime generalibus ; sed immensum quiddam discrepant ; cum
altera perstringat tantum experientiam et particularia cursim,
altera in iis rite et ordine versetur ; altera rursus jam a principio
constituat generalia quaedam abstracta et inutilia, altera grada-
tim exurgat ad ea quae revera naturae sunt notiora.2

XXIII.

Non leve quiddam interest inter humanae mentis idola et
divinae mentis ideas; hoc est, inter placita quaedam inania et
veras signaturas3 atque impressiones factas in creaturis, prout
inveniuntur.

XXIV.

Nullo modo fieri potest, ut axiomata per argumentationem
constituta ad inventionem novorum operum valeant ; quia sub-

1 I should be inclined to translate this clause, " since the intellect, if it be not guided
and assisted, acts irregularly (res inaequalis sit), and is altogether unequal to overcom-
ing the obscurity of nature." Thus in § 60. we meet with a similar use of the adverb
" ineequaliter :" — " temere et inaequaliter a rebus abstracta " — " rashly and irregularly
abstracted from their objects." Or perhaps, though this translation would not be free
from objection, inaequalis might be rendered " inadequate " or unequal to the matter
in hand.

2 This phrase is a scholastic mistranslation of the Aristotelian phrase -rp (pvcrfi yi>u-
pifjuarepov • i. e. naturally better known, or naturally better fitted to be the object of
knowledge. It is difficult to render the phrase accurately either into Latin or into
English, because in neither language is there an adjective corresponding to the Greek
yvcapifws; "notus" and "known" being of course participles, and immediately suggesting
the question, "known to whom ? " [See note on Distrib. Operis, p. 137. In his English
writings, Bacon seems to use the word " original " as equivalent to " naturae notius."
Compare the instruction for " freeing a direction," in the Valerius Terminus, with
the " praecc-ptum verum et perfectum operand!, " in the Nov. Org. ii. 4. ; where the
rule that " the nature discovered be more original than the nature supposed and not
more secondary or of the like degree," in the one, corresponds with the precept
" Forma vera talis sit ut naturam datam ex fonte aliquo essentiae deducat, quae inest
pluribus et notior est natures (ut loquuntur) quam ipsa forma," in the other. — /. S, ]

3 See note on Distr. Op. p. 145. — /. S.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 161

tllitas naturae subtilitatem argumentandi multis partibus superat.
Sed axiomata a particularibus rite et ordine abstracta nova par-
ticularia rursus facile indicant et designant; itaque scientias
reddunt activas.

XXY. .

Axiomata quae in usu sunt ex tenui et manipulari expe-
rientia et paucis particularibus, quas ut plurimum occurrunt,
fluxere ; et sunt fere ad raensuram eorum facta et extensa : ut
nil mirum sit, si ad nova particularia non ducant. Quod si
forte instantia aliqua non prius animadversa aut cognita se
offerat, axioma distinctione aliqua frivola salvatur, ubi emen-
dari ipsum verius foret.

XXVI.

Rationem humanam qua utimur ad naturam, Anticipationes
Natures (quia res temeraria est et prasmatura), at illam rationem
quae debitis modis elicitur a rebus, Interpretationem Natures,
docendi gratia vocare consuevimus.

XXVII.

Anticipationes satis firmae sunt ad consensum; quandoqui-
dem si homines etiam insanirent ad unum modum et conformi-
ter, illi satis bene inter se congruere possent.

XXVIII.

Quin longe validiores sunt ad subeundum assensum Anticipa-
tiones quam Interpretationes ; quia ex paucis collectae, iisque
maxime quae familiariter occurrunt, intellectum statim perstrin-
gunt et phantasiam implent : ubi contra Interpretationes, ex
rebus admodum variis et multum distantibus sparsim collects,
intellectum subito percutere non possunt; ut necesse sit eas,
quoad opiniones, duras et absonas, fere instar mysteriorum fidei,
videri.

XXIX.

In scientiis quae in opinionibus et placitis fundatae sunt,
bonus est usus Anticipationum et Dialecticae ; quando opus est
assensum subjugare, non res.

XXX.

Non, si omnia omnium aetatum ingenia coierint et labores
contulerint et transmiserint, progressus magnus fieri poterit in
scientiis per Anticipationes ; quia errores radicales, et in prima
digestione mentis, ab excellentia functionum et remediorum
sequentium non curantur.

VOL. i. M

162 NOVUM ORGANUM.

XXXI.

Frustra magnum expectatur augmentum in scientiis ex
superinductione et insitione novorum super vetera ; sed instau-
ratio facienda est ab imis fundamentis, nisi libeat perpetuo cir-
cumvolvi in orbem, cum exili et quasi contemnendo progressu.

XXXII.

Antiquis authoribus suus constat honos, atque adeo omnibus ;
quia non ingeniorum aut facultatum inducitur comparatio, sed
vise ; nosque non judicis sed indicis personam sustinemus.

XXXIII.

Nullum (dicendum enim est aperte) recte fieri potest judicium
nee de via nostra, nee de iis qua? secundum earn inventa sunt,
.per Anticipationes (rationem scilicet quae in usu est) ; quia non
postulandum est ut ejus rei judicio stetur, quae ipsa in judicium
Tocatur.

XXXIV.

Neque etiam tradendi aut explicandi ea quae adducimus
facilis est ratio ; quia qua? in se nova sunt intelligentur tamen
ex analogia veterum.1

XXXV.

Dixit Borgia de expeditione Gallorum in Italiam, eos venisse
cum creta in manibus ut diversoria notarent, non cum armis ut
perrumperent2: itidem et nostra ratio est, ut doctrina nostra
animos idoneos et capaces subintret ; confutationum enim nullus
est usus, ubi de principiis et ipsis notionibus, atque etiam de
formis demonstrationum, dissentimus.

XXXVI.

Restat vero nobis modus tradendi unus et simplex, ut homines
ad ipsa particularia et eorum series et ordines adducamus ; et ut
illi rursus imperent sibi ad tempus abnegationem Notionum, et
cum rebus ipsis consuescere incipiant.

XXXVII.

Ratio eorum qui acatalepsiam tenuerunt, et via nostra, initiis

1 For the meaning of " analogia " see note on the Distr. Op. p. 138. — J. S.

2 " Diceva in quei tempi Papa Alessandro sesto che i Francesi havevano corso
1' Italia con gli speroni di legno et presola col gesso : dicendo cosi perche pigliando essi
gli alloggiamenti nelle citta loro furieri segnavano le porte delle case col gesso ; et caval-
cando per loro diporto i gentil' huomini per le terre a sollazzo usavano di portare nelle
scarpette a calcagni certi stecchi di legno appuntati, delli quali in vece di speroni si
servivano per andare le cavalcature." — Nardi, Vita di Mahspini, [1597,] p. 18.

In an epitome of the history of Charles the Eighth, which will be found in the
" Archives curieuses " of Cember, vol. i. p. 197., and which was apparently written about
the beginning of the seventeenth century, the remark ascribed to Alexander the
Sixth by Nardi and Bacon is mentioned as a popular saying.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 163

suis quodammodo consentiunt; exitu immensum disjunguntur
et opponuntur. Illi enim nihil sciri posse simpliciter asserunt ;
nos non multum sciri posse in natura, ea quse nunc in usu est
via : verum illi exinde authoritatem sensus et intellectus de-
struunt ; nos auxilia iisdem excogitamus et subministramus.

XXXVIII.

Idola et notiones falsse quae intellectum humanum jam occu-
parunt atque in"eo alte haerent, non solum mentes hominum ita
obsident ut veritati aditus difficilis pateat ; sed etiam dato et
concesso aditu, ilia rursus in ipsa instauratione scientiarum
occurrent et molesta erunt, nisi homines praemoniti adversus
ea se quantum fieri potest muniant.

XXXIX.

Quatuor sunt genera Idolorum quae mentes humanas obsi-
dent. lis (docendi gratia) nomina imposuimus; ut primum
genus, Idola Tribus ; secundum, Idola Specus ; tertium, Idola
Fori; quartum, Idola Theatri vocentur.1

XL.

Excitatio Notionum et Axiomatum per Inductionem veram,
est certe proprium remedium ad Idola arcenda et summovenda;
sed tamen indicatio Idolorum magni est usus. Doctrina enim
de Idolis similiter se habet ad Interpretationem Naturae, sicut
doctrina de Sophisticis Elenchis ad Dialecticam vulgarem.

XLI.

Idola Tribus sunt fundata in ipsa natura humana, atque in
ipsa tribu seu gente hominum. Falso enim asseritur, sensum*
humanum esse mensuram rerum 2 ; quin contra, omnes perce-
ptiones tarn sensus quam mentis sunt ex analogia hominis, non

1 These four idols have been compared to the four hindrances to truth enumerated
by Roger Bacon. These are, the use of insufficient authority, custom, popular opi-
nions, and the concealment of ignorance and display of apparent knowledge. The
last two may be likened to the idols of the market-place and the theatre. But the
principle of the classification is different. [See on this subject the Preface, p. 90.
Roger Bacon's words are as follows : —

"Quatuor vero maxima sunt comprehendendse veritatis offendicula, quae omnem
quemcunque sapientem impediunt, et vix aliquem permittunt ad verum titulum
sapientiae pervenire : viz. fragilis et indignae auctoritatis exemplum, consuetudinis
diuturnitas, vulgi sensus imperiti, et propriae ignorantiae occultatio cum ostentatione
sapientiae apparentis. His omnis homo involvitur, omnis status occupatur. Nam
quilibet singulis artibus vitae et studii et omnis negotii tribus pessimis ad eandem con-
clusionem utitur argumentis : scil. hoc exempliflcatum est per majores, hoc consue-

tum est, hoc vulgatum est, ergo tenendum Si vero haec tria refellantur

aliquando magnifica rationis potentia, quartum semper in promptu est et in ore
cujuslibet, ut quilibet ignorantiam suam excuset, et licet nihil dignum sciat illud tamen
magnificet imprudenter [impudenter ?] et sic saltern suee stultitiae infelici solatio ve-
ritatem opprimat et elidat." — Opus Majus, 1. i. — J. S.]

2 Protagoras. See Hippias Major.

M 2

164 NOVUM ORGANUM.

ex analogia universi. Estque intellectus humanus instar speculi
inasqualis ad radios rerum, qui suam naturam naturae rerum
hnmiscet, eamque distorquet et inficit.

XLII.

Idola Specus sunt idola hominis individui. Habet enim
unusquisque (praeter aberrationes naturae humanae in genere)
specum sive cavernam quandam individuam, quae lumen naturce
frangit et corrumpit ; vel propter naturam cujusque propriam
et singularem ; vel propter educationem et conversationem cum
aliis; vel propter lectionem librorum, et authoritates eorum
quos quisque colit et miratur ; vel propter differential impres-
sionum, prout occurrunt in animo praeoccupato et praedisposito
aut in animo sequo et sedato, vel ejusmodi ; ut plane spiritus
humanus (prout disponitur in hominibus singulis) sit res varia,
et omnino perturbata, et quasi fortuita : unde bene Heraclitus,
homines scientias quaerere in minoribus mundis, et non in ma-
jore sive communi.1

XLIII.

Sunt etiam Idola tanquam ex contractu et societate humani
generis ad invicem, quae Idola Fori, propter hominum commer-
cium et consortium, appellamus. Homines enim per sermones
sociantur ; at verba ex captu vulgi imponuntur. Itaque mala
et inepta verborum impositio miris modis intellectum obsidet.
Neque definitiones aut explicationes, quibus homines docti se
munire et vindicare in nonnullis consueverunt, rem ullo modo
restituunt. Sed verba plane vim faciunt intellectui, et omnia
turbant ; et homines ad inanes et innumeras controversias et
commenta deducunt.

XLIV.

Sunt denique Idola quae immigrarunt in animos hominum ex
diversis dogmatibus philosophiarum, ac etiam ex perversis legi-
bus demonstrationum ; quae Idola Theatri nominamus ; quia
quot philosophies receptae aut inventae sunt, tot fabulas productas
et actas censemus, quae mundos effecerunt fictitios et scenicos.
Neque de his quae jam habentur, aut etiam de veteribus philo-
sophiis et sectis, tantum loquimur ; cum complures aliae ejusmodi
fabulae componi et concinnari possint ; quandoquidem errorum
prorsus diversorum causae sint nihilominus fere communes.

1 See Sextus Empiricus, Adversus Logicos, i. § 133.; and compare ii. 8 186. of the
same treatise.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 165

Neque rursus de philosophiis universalibus tantum hoc intelli-
gimus, sed etiam de principiis et axiomatibus compluribus
scientiarum, quae ex traditione et fide et neglectu invaluerunt.
Verum de singulis istis generibus idolorum fusius et distinctius
dicendum est, ut intellectui humano cautum sit.

XLV.1

Intellectus humanus ex proprietate sua2 facile supponit ma-
jorem ordinem et aequalitatem in rebus quam invenit; et cum
multa sint in natura monodica3 et plena imparitatis, tamen
affingit parallela et correspondentia et relativa quae non sunt.
Hinc commenta ilia, in ccelestibus omnia moveri per circulos
perfectos, lineis spiralibus et draconibus4 (nisi nomine tenus)
prorsus rejcctis. Hinc elementum ignis cum orbe suo intro-
ductum est, ad constituendam quaternionem cum reliquis tribus,
quae subjiciuntur sensui.5 Etiam elementis (quae vocant) im-
ponitur ad placitum decupla proportio excessus in raritate ad
invicem6 : et hujusmodi somnia. Neque vanitas ista tantum
valet in dogmatibus, verum etiam in notionibus simplicibus.

1 Here, according to the tripartite distribution of the " Pars Destruens " mentioned
in the 115th aphorism, begins the first Redargutio — Redargutio Rationis Humans
Nativse.— J. S,

2 That is " in accordance with the homogeneity of its own substance," or as Bacon
expresses it in § 52., " ex sequalitate substantial spiritus humani."

s The word which Bacon intends to use is, of course, " monadica ; " but throughout
his writings he has fallen into the error of which the text affords an instance.

4 It does not appear in what sense Bacon uses the word " draco. " In its ordinary
acceptation in old astronomy, it denoted the great circle which is approximately the
projection on the sphere of the moon's orbit. The ascending node was called the
caput draconis, and the descending the cauda draconis. The same terms were occa-
sionally applied to the nodes of the planetary orbits. It is not improbable that Bacon
intended to complain of the rejection of spirals of double curvature, or helices, which
traced on the surface of the sphere might represent inequalities in latitude. Compare
(Nov. Org. II. 48.) what is said of the variations of which the " motus rotationis
spontaneus" admits.

* The orb of the element of fire was supposed to lie
above that of the element of air, and therefore might ^-— --^

be said " non subjici sensui." The quaternion of Bicci
elements follows directly from the quaternion of ele-
mentary qualities ; namely, hot, cold, moist, dry. For Terra
these may be combined two and two in six different
ways ; two of these combinations are rejected as simply ^

contradictory (viz. hot and cold, moist and dry) ; and Fri«iaum
to each of the other combinations corresponds one of A^ua

the four elements. The diagram will illustrate.

6 This doctrine of the decupla ratio of density of the elements was suggested by a
passage in Aristotle [De Gen. et Cor. ii. 6.]. It is found in all books of mediaeval
physics. Cf. the Margarita Philosophies, ix. c. 4., or Alsted's Encyclopedia, where tt
is thus expressed : " Proportio elementorum ad se invicem ratione transmutationis est
decupla, ratione magnitudinis non satis explorata." The transmutability of one
element into another is an essential part of the Peripatetic doctrine of elements. It is
found also in the Timieus.

M 3

166 NOVUM ORGANUM.

XL VI.

Intellectus humanus, in iis quas semel placuerunt (aut quia
recepta sunt et credita, aut quia delectant), alia etiam omnia
trahit ad suftragationem et consensum cum illis ; et licet major
sit instantiarum vis et copia quae occurrunt in contrarium,
tamen eas aut non observat aut contemnit aut distinguendo
summovet et rejicit, non sine magno et pernicioso praejudicio,
quo prioribus illis syllepsibus authoritas maneat inviolata.
Itaque recte respondit ille, qui, cum suspensa tabula in templo
ei monstraretur eorum qui vota solverant quod naufragii peri-
culo elapsi sint, atque interrogando premeretur anne turn quidem
deorum numen agnosceret, quaasivit denuo, At uli sint illi
depicti qui post vota nuncupata perierint ? l Eadem ratio est
fere omnis superstitionis, ut in astrologicis, in somniis, ominibus,
nemesibus, et hujusmodi ; in quibus homines delectati hujus-
modi vanitatibus advertunt eventus ubi implentur, ast ubi
fallunt (licet multo frequentius) tamen negligunt et prsetereunt.
At longe subtilius serpit hoc malum in philosophiis et scientiis ;
in quibus quod semel placuit reliqua (licet multo firmiora et
potiora) inficit et in ordinem redigit. Quinetiam licet abfuerit
ea quam diximus delectatio et vanitas, is tamen humano in-
tellectui error est proprius et perpetuus, ut magis moveatur et
excitetur affinnativis quam negativis; cum rite et ordine
sequum se utrique prajbere debeat ; quin contra, in omni axiomate
vero constituendo, major est vis instantias negative.

XL VII.

Intellectus humanus illis qua3 simul et subito mentem ferire
et subire possunt maxime movetur ; a quibus phantasia impleri
et inflari consuevit ; reliqua vero modo quodam, licet imperce-
ptibili, ita se habere fingit et supponit, quomodo se habent pauca
ilia quibus mens obsidetur ; ad ilium vero transcursum ad in-
stantias remotas et heterogeneas, per quas axiomata tanquam
igne probantur, tardus omnino intellectus est et inhabilis, nisi
hoc illi per duras leges et violentum imperium miponatur.

XL VIII.

Gliscit intellectus humanus, neque consistere aut acquiescere
potis est, sed ulterius petit; at frustra. Itaque incogitabile

1 This story is told of Diagoras by Cicero, De Nat. Deor. in., and of Diogenes the
Cynic by Diogenes Laertius.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 167

est ut sit aliquid extremum aut extimum mundi, sed semper
quasi necessario occurrit ut sit aliquid ulterius l : neque rursus
cogitari potest quomodo aeternitas defluxerit ad hunc diem;
cum distinctio ilia quae recipi consuevit, quod sit infinitum a
parte ante et a parte post, nullo modo constare possit; quia
inde sequeretur, quod sit unum infinitum alio infinito majus,
atque ut consumatur infinitum, et vergat ad finitum. Similis
est subtilitas de lineis semper divisibilibus 2, ex impotentia cogi-
tationis. At majore cum pernicie intervenit haec impotentia
mentis in inventione causarum : nam cum maxime universalia in
natura positiva esse debeant, quemadmodum inveniuntur, neque
sunt revera causabilia ; tamen intellectus humanus, nescius ac-
quiescere, adhuc appetit notiora. Turn vero ad ulteriora tendens
ad proximiora recidit, videlicet ad causas finales, qua3 sunt
plane ex natura hominis potius quam universi3; atque ex hoc
fonte philosophiam miris modis corruperunt. Est autem seque
imperiti et leviter philosophantis, in maxime universalibus cau-
sam requirere, ac in subordinatis et subalternis causam non
desiderare.4

XLIX.
Intellectus humanus luminis sicci non est5 ; sed recipit infu-

1 Thus Leibnitz derived from the principle of sufficient reason a proof of the infinite
extent of the universe, alleging that if it were of finite dimensions no reason could
be given for its occupying any one region of space rather than any other.

* In the phrase " subtilitas de lineis semper divisibilibus," reference is made to Ari-
stotle, who in several places in his writings (particularly in the tract Trepl ctT^/tow ypap.-
(MiTuv) maintains that in theory every magnitude is divisible sine limite.

8 This censure appears to be expressed without sufficient limitation ; for it is difficult
to assent to the assertion that the notion of the final cause, considered generally, is
more ex natura hominis than that of the efficient. The subject is one of which it is
difficult to speak accurately ; but it may be said that wherever we think that we re-
cognise a tendency towards a fulfilment or realisation of an idea, there the notion of
the final cause comes in. It can only be from inadvertence that Professor Owen has
set the doctrine of the final cause as it were in antithesis to that of the unity of type :
by the former he means the doctrine that the suitability of an animal to its mode of
life is the one thing aimed at or intended in its structure. It cannot be doubted that
Aristotle would have recognised the preservation of the type as not less truly a final
cause than the preservation of the species or than the well-being of the individual.
The final cause connects itself with what in the language of modern German philo-
sophy is expressed by the phrase " the Idea in Nature."

4 effTt 7cip aTratStvffia -rb ft)j yiyvcvffK€iv rivcav Se? JrjTeli' air68ei£tv Kal ffvtev ov 8e?,
8\ws fJ.fv yap airdfToiv aSwarov a.ir6Sfi£tv flvaf eh faretpov y&p &j/ /3a5i'£ot • SXTTC /u^}5'
OVTCOS elvai air<(5ei£ji/. — Metaph.,iii. 4.

5 Heraclitus apud Plut, De Esu Carnium. This doctrine of Idols is spoken of
with great disrespect by Spinoza. He asserts that neither Des Cartes nor Bacon ever
perceived the true source of error, and adds : " De Bacone parum dicam, qui de
bac re admodum confuse loquitur, et fere nihil probat, sed tantum narrat : " and
concludes by saying, " quas adhuc alias causas adsignat (he has just enumerated

M 4

168 NOVUM ORGANUM.

sionem a voluntate et affectibus, id quod generat Ad quod vult
scientias. Quod enim mavult homo verum esse, id potius cre-
dit. Rejicit itaque difficilia, ob inquirendi impatientiam ; sobria,
quia coarctant spem; altiora naturae, propter superstitionem ;
lumen experientiae, propter arrogantiam et fastum, ne videatur
mens versari in vilibus et fluxis ; paradoxa, propter opinionem
vulgi ; denique innumeris modis, iisque interclum imperceptibi-
libus, affectus intellectum imbuit et inficit.

L.

At longe maximum impedimentum et aberratio intellectus
humani provenit a stupore et incompetentia et fallaciis sen-
suum ; ut ea quae sensum feriant, illis quae sensum immediate
non feriunt, licet potioribus, praeponderent. Itaque contem-
platio fere desinit cum aspectu ; adeo ut rerum invisibilium
exigua aut nulla sit observatio. Itaque omnis operatic spiri-
tuum in corporibus tangibilibus inclusorum latet, et homines
fugit. Omnis etiam subtilior meta-schematismus in partibus
rerum crassiorum (quern vulgo alterationem vocant, cum sit
revera latio per minima) latet similiter : et tamen nisi duo ista
quae diximus explorata fuerint et in lucem producta, nihil
magni fieri potest in natura quoad opera. Rursus ipsa natura
aeris communis et corporum omnium quae aerem tenuitate
superant (quae plurima sunt) fere incognita est. Sensus enim
per se res infinna est et aberrans ; neque organa ad amplifican-
dos sensus aut acuendos multum valent ; sed omnis verier inter-
pretatio naturae conficitur per instantias, et experimenta idonea
et apposita ; ubi sensus de experimento tantum, experimentum
de natura et re ipsa judicat.

Li.

Intellectus humanus fertur ad abstracta propter naturam
propriam, atque ea quae fluxa sunt fingit esse constantia.
Melius autem est naturam secare, quam abstrahere l ; id quod
Democriti schola fecit, quae magis penetravit in naturam quam
reliquae. Materia potius considerari debet, et ejus schematism!
et meta-schematismi, atque actus purus, et lex actus sive

three of the Idols of the Tribe) facile omnes ad unicam Cartesii reduci possunt ; scilicet
quia voluntas humana est libera et latior intellectu ; sive, ut ipse Verulamius raagis
confuse loquitur, quia intellectus luminis sicci non est, sed recipit infusionem a volun-
tate." See Spinoza to Oldenbnry, ep. 2. vol. ii. p. 146. of Bruder's edition.

1 " Naturam secare," to dissect nature into her constituent parts ; " Naturam abs-
trahere," to resolve nature into abstractions.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 169

motus ; Fonnse enim commenta animi human! sunt, nisi libeat
leges illas actus Formas appellare.

LII.

Hujusmodi itaque sunt Idola, quae vocamus Idola Tribus ;
quje ortum habent aut ex sequalitate substantial spiritus hu-
mani l ; aut ex praeoccupatione ejus ; aut ab angustiis ejus ; aut
ab inquieto motu ejus ; aut ab infusione affectuum ; aut ab in-
competentia sensuum ; aut ab impressionis modo.

LIII.

Idola Specus ortum habent ex propria cujusque natura et
animi et corporis ; atque etiam ex educatione, et consuetudine,
et fortuitis. Quod genus licet sit varium et multiplex, tamen
ea proponemus in quibus maxima cautio est, quaeque plurimum
valent ad polluendum intellectum ne sit purus.

LIV.

Adamant homines scientias et contemplationes particulares ;
aut quia authores et inventores se earum credunt; aut quia
plurimum in illis operce posuerunt, iisque maxime assueverunt.
Hujusmodi vero homines, si ad philosophiam et contemplationes
universales se contulerint, illas ex prioribus phantasiis detor-
quent et corrumpunt ; id quod maxime conspicuum cernitur in
Aristotele, qui naturalem suam philosophiam logicse suae prorsus
mancipavit, ut earn fere inutilem et contentiosam reddiderit.
Chymicorum autem genus, ex paucis experimentis fornacis, phi-
losophiam constituerunt phantasticam et ad pauca spectantem.
Quinetiam Gilbertus, postquam in contemplationibus magnetis
se laboriosissime exercuisset, confinxit statim philosophiam con-
sentaneam rei apud ipsum prsepollenti.

LV.

Maximum et velut radicale discrimen ingeniorum, quoad phi-
losophiam et scientias, illud est ; quod alia ingenia sint fortiora
et aptiora ad notandas rerum differentias, alia ad notandas
rerum similitudines. Ingenia enim constantia et acuta figere
contemplationes et morari et hasrere in omni subtilitate differen-
tiarum possunt: ingenia autem sublimia et discursiva etiam
tenuissimas et catholicas rerum similitudines et agnoscunt et
componunt. Utrumque autem ingenium facile labitur in exces-
sum, prensando aut gradus rerum aut umbras.

1 Compare Advanc. of Learning : " That the spirit of man being of an equal and
uniform substance doth usually suppose and feign in nature a greater equality and
uniformity than is in truth." — J. S.

170 NOVUM ORGANUM.

LVI.

Reperiuntur ingenia alia in admirationem antiquitatis, alia in
amorem et amplexum novitatis effusa ; pauca vero ejus tempera-
menti sunt ut modum tenere possint, quin aut quae recte posita
sunt ab antiquis convellant, aut ea contemnant quae recte
afferuntur a no vis. Hoc vero magno scientiarum et philosophize
detrimento fit ; quum studia potius sint antiquitatis et novitatis,
quam judicia ; veritas autem non a felicitate temporis alicujus,
quae res varia est, sed a lumine naturae et experientiae, quod
aeternum est, petenda est. Itaque abneganda sunt ista studia,
et videndum ne intellectus ab illis ad consensum abripiatur.

LVII.

Contemplationes naturae et corporum in simplicitate sua,
intellectuni frangunt et comminuunt l : contemplationes vero
naturae et corporum in compositione et configuratione sua,
intellectum stupefaciunt et solvunt.2 Id optime cernitur in
schola Leucippi et Democriti 3, collata cum reliquis philosophiis.
Ilia enim ita versatur in particulis rerum, ut fabricas fere
negligat : reliquae autem ita fabricas intuentur attonitae, ut ad
simplicitatem naturae non penetrent. Itaque alternandae sunt
contemplationes istae et vicissim sumendae; ut intellectus
reddatur simul penetrans et capax, et evitentur ea quae dixinius
incommoda atque Idola ex iis provenientia.

LVIII.

Talis itaque esto prudentia contemplativa in arcendis et
summovendis Idolis Specus; quae aut ex praedominantia, aut
ex excessu compositionis et divisionis, aut ex studiis erga tem-
pora, aut ex objectis largis et minutis, maxime ortum habent.
Generaliter autem pro suspecto habendum unicuique rerum
riaturam contemplanti, quicquid intellectum suum potissimum
capit et detinet ; tantoque major adhibenda in hujusmodi placitis
est cautio, ut intellectus servetur aequus et purus.

LIX.

At Idola Fori omnium molestissima sunt ; qua? ex foedere ver-
borum et nominum se insinuarunt in intellectum. Credunt
enim homines rationem suam verbis imperare ; sed fit etiam ut
verba vim suam super intellectum retorqueant et reflectant;

1 i. e. Break up the understanding and distract it in minute observation of the
parts. — J. S.

2 t. e. Astonish and dissolve it in a vain endeavour to take in the whole. — /. S.

3 That is, in the Atomists.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 171

quod philosophiam et scientias reddidit sophisticas et inactivas.
Verba autem plerunque ex captu vulgi induntur, atque per
lineas vulgar! intellectui maxime conspicuas res secant. Quum
autem intellectus acutior aut observatio diligentior eas lineas
transferre velit, ut illse sint magis secundum naturam, verba
obstrepunt. Unde fit ut niagnse et solennes disputationes ho-
minum doctorum saspe in controversias circa verba et nomina
desinant ; a quibus (ex more et prudentia mathematicorum) in-
cipere consultius foret, casque per definitiones in ordinem redi-
gere. Quae tamen definitiones, in naturalibus et materiatis,
huic malo mederi non possunt; quoniam et ipsae definitiones
ex verbis constant, et verba gignunt verba : adeo ut necesse sit
ad instantias particulares earumque series et ordines recurrere ;
ut mox dicemus, quum ad modum et rationem constituendi
notiones et axiomata deventum fuerit.

LX.

Idola quae per verba intellectui imponuntur duorum generum
sunt. Aut enim sunt rerum nomina quae non sunt (quemadmo-
dum enim sunt res quae nomine carent per inobservationem,
ita sunt et nomina quae carent rebus per suppositionem phan-
tasticam) ; aut sunt nomina rerum quae sunt, sed confusa et male
terminata, et temere et inaequaliter a rebus abstracts. Prioris
generis sunt Fortuna, Primum Mobile, Planetarum Orbes, Ele-
mentum Ignis, et hujusmodi commenta, quae a vanis et falsis
theoriis ortum habent. Atque hoc genus Idolorum facilius
ejicitur, quia per constantem abnegationem et antiquationem
theoriarum exterminari possunt.

At alterum genus perplexum est et alte haerens; quod ex
mala et imperita abstractione excitatur. Exempli gratia,
accipiatur aliquod verbum (Humidum, si placet), et videamus
quomodo sibi constent quae per hoc verbum significantur ;
et invenietur verbum istud Humidum nihil aliud quam nota
confusa diversarum actionum, quae nullam constantiam aut
reductionem patiuntur. Significat enim et quod circa aliud
corpus facile se circumfundit ; et quod in se est indeterminabile,
nee consistere potest ; et quod facile cedit undique ; et quod
facile se dividit et dispergit ; et quod facile se unit et colligit ;
et quod facile fluit et in motu ponitur ; et quod alteri corpori
facile adhaeret, idque madefacit; et quod facile reducitur in
liquidum, sive colliquatur, cum antea consisteret. Itaque cum
ad hujus nominis prsedicationem et impositionem ventum sit, si

172 NOVUM ORGANUM.

alia accipias, flamma humida est ; si alia accipias, aer humidus
non est ; si alia, pulvis minutus humidus est ; si alia, vitrum
humidum est ; ut facile appareat istam notionem ex aqua tan-
turn et communibus et vulgaribus liquoribus, absque ulla debita
verificatione, temere abstractam esse.

In verbis autem gradus sunt quidam pravitatis et erroris.
Minus vitiosum genus est nominum substantive alicujus, pras-
sertim specierum infimarum et bene deductarum (nara notio
Gretas, Luti, bona ; Terras mala) ; vitiosius genus est actionum,
ut Generare, Corrumpere, Alterare : vitiosissimum qualitatuni
(exceptis objectis sensus immediatis), ut Gravis, Levis, Tenuis,
Densi, etc. ; et tamen in omnibus istis fieri non potest, quin sint
aliae notiones aliis paulo meliores, prout in sensum humanum
incidit rerum copia.1

LXI.

At Idola Theatri innata non sunt, nee occulto insinuata in
intellectum ; sed ex fabulis theoriarum et perversis legibus de-
monstrationum plane indita et recepta. In his autem confutatio-
nes tentare et suscipere consentaneum prorsus non est illis quae
a nobis dicta sunt. Quum enim nee de principiis consentiamus
nee de demonstrationibus, tollitur omnis argumentatio. Id vero
bono fit fato, ut antiquis suus constet honos. Nihil enim illis
detrahitur, quum de via omnino quaestio sit. Claudus enim (ut
dicitur) in via antevertit cursorem extra viam. Etiam illud
manifesto liquet, currenti extra viam, quo habilior sit et velo-
cior, eo majorem contingere aberrationem.

Nostra vero inveniendi scientias ea est ratio, ut non multum
ingeniorum acumini et robori relinquatur ; sed quae ingenia et
intellectus fere exaaquet. Quemadmodum enim ad hoc, ut linea
recta fiat aut circulus perfectus describatur, multum est in con-
stantia et exercitatione manus, si fiat ex vi manus propria ; sin
autem adhibeatur regula aut circinus, parum aut nihil ; omnino
similis est nostra ratio. Licet autem confutationum particula-
rium nullus sit usus, de sectis tamen et generibus hujusmodi
theoriarum nonnihil dicendum est ; atque etiam paulo post de
signis exterioribus, quod se male habeant ; et postremo de causis

1 Here, according to the tripartite distribution of the subject mentioned in aphorism
115, the first of the three Redargutiones ends. The following aphorisms from 61
to 115 contain the two others, Redargutio Philosophiarum and Redargutio Demon-
strationum, which are not kept quite separate. The 69th and 70th aphorisms bi-long
especially to the last J. S.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 173

tantas infelicitatis et tarn diuturni et generalis in errore consen-
sus ; ut ad vera minus difficilis sit aditus, et intellectus humanus
volentius expurgetur et Idola dimittat.

LXII.

Idola Theatri, sive theoriarum, multa sunt, et multo plura
esse possunt, et aliquando fortasse erunt. Nisi enim per multa
jam saecula hominum ingenia circa religionem et theologiam
occupata fuissent, atque etiam politiae civiles (praesertim mo-
narchiae) ab istiusmodi novitatibus, etiam in contemplationibus,
essent aversae ; ut cum periculo et detrimento fortunarum sua-
rum in illas homines incumbant, non solum praemio destituti,
sed etiam contemptui et invidise expositi ; complures alia? pro-
culdubio philosophiarum et theoriarum sectae, similes illis quae
magna varietate olim apud Graecos floruerunt, introductae fuis-
sent. Quemadmodum enim super phaenomena ajtheris plura
themata cceli confingi possunt ; similiter, et multo magis, super
phaenomena philosophise fundari possunt et constitui varia do-
gmata. Atque hujusmodi theatri fabulas habent etiam illud
quod in theatro poetarum usu venit, ut narrationes fictae ad
scenam narrationibus ex historia veris concinniores sint et ele-
gantiores, et quales quis magis vellet.

In genere autem, in materiam philosophiae sumitur aut multum
ex paucis aut parum ex multis ; ut utrinque philosophia super
experientiae et naturalis historiae nimis angustam basin fundata
sit, atque ex paucioribus quam par est pronunciet. Rationale
enim genus philosophantium ex experientia arripiunt varia et
vulgaria, eaque neque certo comperta nee diligenter examinata
et pensitata; reliqua in meditatione atque ingenii agitatione
ponunt.

Est et aliud genus philosophantium, qui in paucis experi-
mentis sedulo et accurate elaborarunt, atque inde philosophias
cducere et confingere ausi sunt ; reliqua miris modis ad ea
detorquentes.

Est et tertium genus eorum, qui theologiam et traditiones ex
fide et veneratione immiscent ; inter quos vanitas nonnullorum
ad petendas et derivandas scientias a Spiritibus scilicet et Geniis
deflexit ; ita ut stirps errorum, et philosophia falsa, genere tri-
plex sit : Sophistica, Empirica, et Superstitiosa.

LXIII.

Primi generis exemplum in Aristotele maxime conspicuum
est, qui philosophiam naturalem dialectica sua corrupit ; quum

174 NOVUM ORGANUM.

mundum ex categoriis efFecerit; animae humane, nobilissimae
substantial genus ex vocibus secundae intentionis tribuerit l ;
negotium Densi et Ran, per quod corpora subeunt majores et
minores dimensiones sive spatia, per frigidam distinctionem
Actus et Potentiae 2 transegerit ; motum singulis corporibus
unicum et proprium 3, et si participent ex alio motu id aliunde
moveri, asseruerit; et innumera alia, pro arbitrio suo, naturae
rerum imposuerit: magis ubique sollicitus quomodo quis re-
spondendo se explicet, et aliquid reddatur in verbis positivum,
quam de interna rerum veritate ; quod etiam optime se ostendit
in comparatione philosophies ejus ad alias philosophias quae
apud Grsecos celebrabantur. Habent enim Homoiomera Anaxa-
gorae, Atomi Leucippi et Democriti, Coelum et Terra Parmeni-
dis, Lis et Amicitia Empedoclis, Resolutio corporum in adiapho-
ram naturam ignis et Replicatio eorundem ad densum Heracliti,
aliquid ex philosopho naturali, et rerum naturam et experientiam
et corpora sapiunt; ubi Aristotelis Physica nihil aliud quam
dialecticae voces plerunque sonet ; quam etiam in Metaphysicis
sub solenniore nomine, et ut magis scilicet realis, non nominalis,
retractavit. .Neque illud quenquam moveat, quod in libris ejus
de animalibus, et in problematibus, et in aliis suis tractatibus,
versatio frequens sit in experimentis. Ille enim prius decre-
verat, neque experientiam ad constituenda decreta et axiomata
rite consuluit; sed postquam pro arbitrio suo decrevisset, ex-
perientiam ad sua placita tortam circumducit et captivam; ut
hoc etiam nomine magis accusandus sit, quam sectatores ejus
moderni (scholasticorum philosophorum genus) qui experientiam
omnino deseruerunt.

LXIV.

At philosophiae genus Empiricum placita magis deformia et
monstrosa educit, quam Sophisticum aut rationale genus ; quia
non in luce notionum vulgarium (quae licet tenuis sit et super-
ficialis, tamen est quodammodo universalis et ad multa pertinens)

1 This censure refers to Aristotle's definition of the soul, DeAnima,'\\. 1., — rjirptarr]
tvTe\fxtia, 0-ta/j.aros Qvffiicov opyavitcov, — in which the word Entelecheia is, as the
scholastic commentators remark, assigned as the genus to which the soul is referred.

2 The " frigida distinctio actus et potentiae " refers apparently to the Phys. Ansc.
iv. c. 5. ; where it is said that water is air in potentia, and vice versa. The possi-
bility of their reciprocal transmutation Bacon does not appear to have doubted of.
[With reference to this censure of Aristotle, see the preface to the Historia Densi et
Rari — /. S.~\

" Simplicis corporis simplicem esse motum " is an important principle in Aristo-
telian physics, as one of the bases on which the system of the universe was made to
depend. See, for instance, Melanchthon's Initia Doctr. Physica, p. 41.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 175

sed in paucorum experimentorum angustiis et obscuritate
fundatum est. Itaque tails philosophia illis qui in hujusmodi
experimentis quotidie versantur atque ex ipsis phantasiam
contaminarunt probabilis videtur, et quasi certa; caateris, in-
credibilis et vana. Cujus exemplum notabile est in chymicis,
eorumque dogmatibus ; alibi autem vix hoc tempore invenitur,
nisi forte in philosophia Gilberti. Sed tamen circa hujusmodi
philosophias cautio nullo modo praetermittenda erat ; quia mente
jam praevidemus et auguramur, si quando homines, nostris
monitis excitati, ad experientiani se serio contulerint (valere
jussis doctrinis sophisticis), turn demum propter praematuram et
praeproperam intellectus festinationem, et saltum sive volatum
ad generalia et rerum principia, fore ut magnum ab hujusmodi
philosophiis periculum immineat ; cui malo etiam nunc obviam
ire debemus.

LXV.

At corruptio philosophies ex Superstitione et theologia ad-
mista, latius omnino patet, et plurimum mali infert, aut in
philosophias integras aut in earum partes. Humanus enim
intellectus non minus impressionibus phantasiae est obnoxius,
quam impressionibus vulgarium notionum. Pugnax enim genus
philosophiae et Sophisticum illaqueat intellectum: at illud
alterum phantasticum et tumidum, et quasi Poeticum, magis
blanditur intellectui. Inest enim homini quaedam intellectua
ambitio, non minor quam voluntatis ; praesertim in ingeniis altis
et elevatis.

Hujus autem generis exemplum inter Graecos illucescit,
praecipue in Pythagora, sed cum superstitione magis crassa et
onerosa conjunctum; at periculosius et subtilius in Platone,
atque ejus schola. Invenitur etiam hoc genus mali in partibus
philosophiarum reliquarum, introducendo formas abstractas, et
causas finales, et causas primas; omittendo saepissime medias,
et hujusmodi. Huic autem rei summa adhibenda est cautio.
Pessima enim res est errorum Apotheosis, et pro peste intellectus
habenda est, si vanis accedat veneratio. Huic autem vanitati
nonnulli ex modernis summa levitate ita indulserunt, ut in
primo capitulo Geneseos et in libro Job et aliis scripturis
sacris, philosophiam naturalem fundare conati sint; inter viva
gu&rentes mortua. Tantoque magis hsec vanitas inhibenda
venit et coercenda, quia ex divinorum et humanorum malesana
admistione non solum educitur philosophia phantastica, sed

176 NOVUM ORGANUM.

etiam religio haeretica. Itaque salutare admodum est, si mente
sobria fidei tantum dentur quae fidei sunt.1

LXVI.

Et de mails authoritatibus philosophiarum, quae aut in vul-
garibus notionibus, aut in paucis experimentis, aut in super-
stitione fundatae sunt, jam dictum est. Dicendum porro est et
de vitiosa materia contemplationum, praesertim in philosophia
naturali. Inficitur autem intellectus humanus ex intuitu eorum
quse in artibus mechanicis fiunt, in quibus corpora per corn-
positiones aut separationes ut plurimum alterantur ; ut cogitet
simile quiddam etiam in natura rerum universali fieri. Unde
fluxit commentum illud Elementorum, atque illorum concursu,
ad constituenda corpora naturalia. Rursus, quum homo naturae
libertatem 2 contempletur, incidit in species rerum, animalmm,
plantarum, mineralium ; unde facile in earn labitur cogitationem,
ut existimet esse in natura quasdam formas rerum primarias,
quas natura educere molitur, atque reliquam varietatem ex im-
pedimentis et aberrationibus naturae in opere suo conficiendo, aut
ex diversarum specierum conflictu et transplantatione alterius
in alteram, provenire. Atque prima cogitatio qualitates primas
elementares, secunda proprietates occultas et virtutes specificas,
nobis peperit 3 ; quarum utraque pertinet ad inania contempla-
tionum compendia, in quibus acquiescit animus et a solidioribus
avertitur. At medici, in secundis rerum qualitatibus et opera-
tionibus, attrahendi, repellendi, attenuandi, inspissandi, dila-
tandi, astringendi, discutiendi, maturandi, et hujusmodi, operam
praestant meliorem ; atque nisi ex illis duobus (qua? dixi)
compendiis (qualitatibus scilicet elementaribus, et virtutibus
specificis) ilia altera (quae recte notata sunt) corrumperent,
reducendo ilia ad primas qualitates earumque mixturas subtiles
et incommensurabiles, aut ea non producendo cum majore et
diligentiore observatione ad qualitates tertias et quartas, sed
contemplationem intempestive abrumpendo, illi multo melius
profecissent. Neque hujusmodi virtutes (non dico eaedem, sed

1 Compare Kepler's phrase : " Missum faciat Spiritum Sanctum, neque ilium in
scholas physicas cum ludibrio pertrabat." — De Stella Mortis Prafat.

2 That is, nature acting freely, in opposition to nature constrained by the con-
ditions of our experiments.

8 The elementary qualities are four in number, — hot, cold, dry, moist ; and it is
by combining them two and two that the Peripatetic conception of the nature of
each element is formed. Thus fire is hot and dry, water cold and moist, &c. All the
other qualities of bodies, which result from the combination and mutual modification
of the elementary and primary qualities, were called secondary qualities.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 177

similes) in humani corporis meclicinis tantum exquirendae sunt;
seel etiam in caeterorum corporum naturalium mutationibus.

Sed multo adhuc majore cum malo fit, quod quiescentia
rerum principia, ex quibus, et non moventia, per qua, res fiunt,
contemplentur et inquirant. Ilia enim ad sermones, ista ad
opera spectant. Neque enim vulgares illae differentiae Motus,
quae innaturali philosophiareceptanotantur, Generationis, Cor-
ruptionis, Augmentationis, Diminutionis, Alterationis, et La-
tionis, ullius sunt pretii.1 Quippe hoc sibi volunt; si corpus, alias
non mutatum, locotamen moveatur, hoc Lationem esse; si ma-
nente et loco et specie, qualitate mutetur, hoc Alterationem esse ;
si vero ex ilia mutatione moles ipsa et quantitas corporis non
eadem maneat, hoc Augmentationis et Diminutionis motum
esse; si eatenus mutentur ut speciem ipsam et substantiam
mutent et in alia migrent, hoc Generationem et Corruptionem
esse. At ista mere popularia sunt, et nullo modo in naturam
penetrant ; suntque mensuras et periodi tantum, non species
motus. Innuunt enim illud hucusque, et non quomodo vel ex
quo fonte. Neque enim de corporum appetitu, aut de partium
eorum processu, aliquid significant; sed tantum quum motus
ille rena aliter ac prius, crasso modo, sensui exhibeat, inde divi-
sionem suam auspicantur. Etiam quum de causis motuum
aliquid significare volunt, atque divisionem ex illis instituere,
difFerentiam motus naturalis et violenti, maxima cum socordia,
introducunt ; quae et ipsa omnino ex notione vulgar! est ; cum
onmis motus violentus etiam naturalis revera sit, scilicet cum
externum efficiens naturam alio modo in opere ponet quam quo
prius.

At hisce omissis ; si quis (exempli gratia) observaverit,
inesse corporibus appetitum contactus ad invicem, ut non
patiantur unitatem naturae prorsus dirimi aut abscindi, ut
vacuum detur ; aut si quis dicat, inesse corporibus appetitum
se recipiendi in naturalem suam dimensionem vel tensuram, ut
si ultra earn aut citra earn comprimantur aut distrahantur,
statim in veterem sphaeram et exporrectionem suam se recupe-
rare et remittere moliantur ; aut si quis dicat, inesse corporibus
appetitum congregationis ad massas connaturalium suorum,
densorum videlicet versus orbem terrae, tenuiorum et rariorum
versus ambitum coeli; haec et hujusmodi vere physica sunt

1 In the Physics, Aristotle does not reckon Generation and Corruption as kinds of
motion. Bacon's enumeration is that given in the Categories.

VOL. I. N

178 NOVUM ORGANUM.

genera motuum ; at ilia altera plane logica sunt et scholastics,
ut ex hac collatione eorum manifesto liquet.

Neque minus etiam malum est, quod in philosophiis et con-
templationibus suis, in principiis rerum atque ultimitatibus
nature investigandis et tractandis opera insumatur ; cum omnis
utilitas et facultas operand! in mediis consistat. Hinc fit, ut
abstrahere naturam homines non desinant, donee ad materiam
potentialem et informem ventum fuerit ; nee rursus secare
naturam desinant, donee perventum fuerit ad atomum ; quas,
etiamsi vera essent, tamen ad juvandas hominum fortunas
parum possunt.1

LXVII.

Danda est etiam cautio intellectui de intemperantiis philoso-
phiarum, quoad assensum praebendum aut cohibendum ; quia
hujusmodi intemperantiae videntur Idola figere, et quodammodo
perpetuare, ne detur aditus ad ea summovenda.

Duplex autem est excessus : alter eorum qui facile pronun-
ciant, et scientias reddunt positivas et magistrales; alter eorum
qui Acatelepsiam introduxerunt, et inquisitionem vagam sine
termino ; quorum primus intellectum deprimit, alter enervat.
Nam Aristotelis philosophia, postquam ceteras philosophias
(more Ottomanorum erga fratres suos) pugnacibus confutationi-
bus contrucidasset, de singulis pronunciavit ; et ipse rursus
qusestiones ex arbitrio suo subornat, deinde conficit ; ut omnia
certa sint et decreta ; quod etiam apud successiones suas valet,
et in usu est.

At Platonis schola Acatalepsiam introduxit, primo tanquam
per jocum et ironiam, in odium veterum sophistarum, Prota-
gorae, Hippiae, et reliquorum, qui nihil tarn verebantur quam
ne dubitare de re aliqua viderentur.2 At Nova Academia
Acatalepsiam dogmatizavit, et ex professo tenuit. Quae licet
honestior ratio sit quam pronunciandi licentia, quum ipsi pro se
dicant se minime confundere inquisitionem, ut Pyrrho fecit et
Ephectici, sed habere quod sequantur ut probabile, licet non
habeant quod teneant ut verum ; tamen postquam animus huma-

1 The construction of this sentence is somewhat abrupt. The relative qua must
be referred to some such antecedent as " doctrines of this character ; " and for possunt
we ought to read possent. For the antithesis between abstrahere and secare, see § 51.
The first part of Bacon's censure refers to Aristotle.

2 " Turn Velleius, fidenter sane, ut solent isti, nihil tarn verens quam ne dubitare
aliqua de re videretur ; tanquam modo ex Dcorum concilio et exEpicuri intermundiis
descendisset ; Audite, inquit," &c. — Cic. De Nat. Dear. i. c. 8.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 179

nus de veritate invenienda semel desperaverit, omnino omnia
fiunt languidiora : ex quo fit, ut deflectant homines potius ad
amoenas disputationes et discursus, et rerum quasdam peragra-
tiones, quam in severitate inquisitionis se sustineant. Verum
quod a principio diximus, et perpetuo agimus, sensui et intel-
lectui humano eorumque infirmitali authoritas non est dero-
ganda, sed auxilia praebenda.

LXVIII.

Atque de Idolorum singulis generibus, eorumque apparatu
jam diximus ; quae omnia constant! et solenni decreto sunt ab-
neganda et renuncianda, et intellectus ab iis omnino liberandus
est et expurgandus ; ut non alius fere sit aditus ad regnum homi-
nis, quod fundatur in scientiis, quam ad regnum crelorum, in
quod, nisi sub persona infantis, intrare non datur.

LXIX.

At pravae demonstrations, Idolorum veluti munitiones quas-
dam sunt et praesidia ; eaeque quas in dialecticis habemus id fere
agunt, ut mundum plane cogitationibus humanis, cogitationes
autem verbis, addicant et mancipent. Demonstrationes vero
potentia quadam philosophiae ipsae sunt et scientiaa. Quales
enim eae sunt, ac prout rite aut male institutes, tales sequuntur
philosophiae et contemplationes. Fallunt autem et incompe-
tentes sunt eae quibus utimur in universe illo processu qui a
sensu et rebus ducit ad axiomata et conclusiones. Qui quidem
processus quadruplex est, et vitia ejus totidem. Primo, im-
pressiones sensus ipsius vitiosse sunt ; sensus enim et destituit
et fallit. At destitutionibus substitutiones, fallaciis rectificatio-
nes debentur. Secundo, notiones ab impressionibus sensuum
male abstrahuntur, et interminatae et confusae sunt, quas termi-
natas et bene finitas esse oportuit. Tertio, inductio mala est,
quae per enumerationem simplicem principia concludit scien-
tiarum, non adhibitis exclusionibus et solutionibus, sive sepa-
rationibus naturae debitis. Postremo, modus ille inveniendi et
probandi, ut primo principia maxime generalia constituantur,
deinde media axiomata ad ea applicentur et probentur, errorum
mater est et scientiarum omnium calamitas. Verum de istis,
quae jam obiter perstringimus, fusius dicemus, cum veram inter-
pretandae naturae viam, absolutis istis expiationibus et expurga-
tionibus mentis, proponemus.

LXX.

Sed demonstratio longe optima est experientia ; modo haereat

N 2

180 NOVUM ORGANUM.

in ipso experimento. Nam si traducatur ad alia qua? similiit
existimantur, nisi rite et ordine fiat ilia traductio, res fallax est.
At modus experiendi quo homines nunc utuntur csecus est et
stupidus. Itaque cum errant et vagantur nulla via certa, sed
ex occursu rerum tantum consilium capiunt, circumferuntur ad
multa sed parum promovent ; et quandoque gestiunt quando-
que distrahuntur ; et semper inveniunt quod ulterius quaerant.
Fere autem ita fit, ut homines leviter et tanquam per ludum
experiantur, variando paululum experimenta jam cognita; et
si res non succedat, fastidiendo et conatum deserendo. Quod
si magis serio et constanter ac laboriose ad experimenta se ac-
cingant, tamen in uno aliquo experimento eruendo operam collo-
cant; quemadmodum Gilbertus in magnete, chymici in auro.
Hoc autem faciunt homines institute non minus imperito quam
tenui. Nemo enim alicujus rei naturam in ipsa re foeliciter
perscrutatur, sed amplianda est inquisitio ad magis communia.

Quod si etiam scientiam quandam et dogmata ex experimen-
tis moliantur, tamen semper fere studio praepropero et intem-
pestivo deflectunt ad praxin ; non tantum propter usum et
fructum ejusmodi praxeos, sed ut in opere aliquo novo veluti
pignus sibi arripiant, se non inutiliter in reliquis versaturos;
atque etiam aliis se venditent, ad existimationem meliorem
comparandam de iis in quibus occupati sunt. Ita fit ut, more
Atalantse, de via decedant ad tollendum aureum pomum ; interim
vero cursum interrumpant, et victoriam emittant e manibus.
Verum in experientias vero curriculo, eoque ad nova opera pro-
ducendo,Divina Sapientia omnino et ordo pro exemplari sumenda
sunt. Deus autem primo die creationis lucem tantum creavit,
eique operi diem integrum attribuit; nee aliquid material i
opens eo die creavit. Similiter et ex omnimoda experientia,
primum inventio causarum et axiomatum verorum elicienda
est; et lucifera experimenta, non fructifera quaerenda. Axiomata
autem recte inventa et constituta praxin non strictim sed con-
fertim instruunt, et operum agmina ac turmas post se trahunt.
Verum de experiendi viis, quae non minus quam vise judicandi
obsessae sunt et interclusae, postea dicemus ; imprsesentiarum de
experientia vulgari, tanquam de mala demonstratione, tantum
loquuti. Jam vero postulat ordo rerum, ut de iis quorum paulo
ante mentionem fecimus signis, quod philosophiae et cSntempla-
tiones in usu male se habeant, et de causis rei primo intuitu
tarn mirabilis et incredibilis, quaedam subjungamus. Signorum

NOVUM ORGANUM. 181

emm notio praeparat assensum : causarum vero explicatio tollit
miraculum. Quae duo ad extirpationem Idolorum ex intellectu
faciliorem et clementiorem multum juvant.

LXXI.

Scientiae quas habemus fere a Graecis fluxerunt. Quae
enim scriptores Roman! aut Arabes aut recentiores addiderunt,
non multa aut magni moment! sunt; et qualiacunque sint,
fundata sunt super basin eorum quse inventa sunt a Graecis. l
Erat autem sapientia Grascorum professoria, et in disputationes
effusa: quod genus inquisitioni veritatis adversissimum est.
Itaque nomen illud Sophistarum, quod per contemptum ab iis
qui se philosophos haberi voluerunt in antiques rhetores reje-
ctum et traductum est, Gorgiam, Protagoram, Hippiam, Polum,
etiam universo generi competit Platoni, Aristoteli, Zenoni,
Epicuro, Theophrasto, et eorum successoribus, Chrysippo, Car-
neadi, reliquis. Hoc tantum intererat ; quod prius genus
vagum fuerit et mercenarium, civitates circumcursando, et
eapientiam suam ostentando, et mercedem exigendo; alterum
vero solennius et generosius, quippe eorum qui sedes fixas ha-
buerunt, et scholas aperuerunt, et gratis philosophati sunt.
Sed tamen utrumque genus (licet caetera dispar) professorium
erat, et ad disputationes rem deducebat, et sectas quasdam atque
haereses philosophiae instituebat et propugnabat : ut essent fere
doctrinae eorum (quod non male cavillatus est Dionysius in
Platonem) Verba otiosorum senum ad imperitos juvenes. 2 At
antiquiores illi ex Graecis, Empedocles, Anaxagoras, Leucip-
pus, Democritus, Parmenides, Heraclitus, Xenophanes, Philo-
laus, reliqui, (nam Pythagoram, ut superstitiosum, omittimus,)
scholas (quod novimus) non aperuerunt ; sed majore silentio, et
severius, et simplicius, id est, minore cum affectatione et osten-
tatione, ad inquisitionem veritatis se contulerunt. Itaque et
melius, ut arbitramur, se gesserunt ; nisi quod opera eorum a
levioribus istis, qui vulgari captui et affectui magis respondent
ac placent, tractu temporis extincta sint: tempore (ut fluvio)
leviora et magis inflata ad nos devehente, graviora et solida
mergente. Neque tamen isti a nationis vitio prorsus immunes
erant : sed in ambitionem et vanitatem sectas condendas et aurae

1 M. Chasles appears to have shown this with respect to the principle of position in
arithmetic. We derive it, according to him, not from the Hindoos or Arabs, but from
the Greeks. It is remarkcible that the Chinese have from the earliest times known
how to express any number by means of a few characters.

2 ol \6yot aov ytpov-riiafft. — Diog. Laert. in Platon. c. 1 8.

K 3

182 NOVUM ORGANTJM.

">opularis captandae mmium propendebant. Pro desperata au-
em habenda est veritatis inquisitio, cum ad hujusmodi inania
leflectat. Etiam non omittenduin videtur judicium illud, sive
vaticinium potius, sacerdotis .^Egyptii de Grascis : quod semper
pueri essent, neque haberent antiquitatem scienticB, aut scientiam
antiquitatis. l Et certe habent id quod puerorum est ; ut ad
garriendum prompt! sint, generare autem non possint: nam
verbosa videtur sapientia eorum, et operum sterilis. Itaque ex
ortu et gente philosophise quae in usu est, qua? capiuntur signa
bona non sunt.

LXXII.

Neque multo meliora sunt signa quae ex natura temporis et
aetatis capi possunt, quam quje ex natura loci et nationis. An-
gusta enim erat et tenuis notitia per illam aetatem, vel temporis
vel orbis : quod longe pessimum est, praesertim iis qui omnia in
experientia ponunt. Neque enim mille annorum historiam,
qua? digna erat nomine historiae, habebant ; sed fabulas et
rumores antiquitatis. Regionum vero tractuumque mundi exi-
guam partem noverant; cum omnes hyperboreos, Scythas,
omnes occidentals, Celtas, indistincte appellarent : nil in Africa
ultra citimam .^Ethiopia? partem, nil in Asia ultra Gangem,
multo minus Novi Orbis provincias, ne per auditum sane aut
famam aliquam certain et constantem, nossent ; imo et plurima
climata et zona3, in quibus populi infiniti spirant et degunt,
tanquam inhabitabiles ab illis pronuntiata sint : quinetiam pere-
grinationes Democriti, Platonis, Pythagoras, non longinquae pro-
fecto sed potius suburbans?, ut magnum aliquid celebrarentur.
Nostris autem temporibus et Novi Orbis partes complures et
veteris orbis extrema undique innotescunt ; et in infinitum ex-
perimentorum cumulus excrevit. Quare si ex nativitatis aut
genitura? tempore (astrologorum more) signa capienda sint, nil
magni de istis philosophiis significari videtur.

LXXIII.

Inter signa nullum magis certum aut nobile est, quam quod
ex fructibus. Fructus enim, et opera inventa, pro veritate phi-
losophiarum velut sponsores et fidejussores sunt. Atque ex
philosophiis istis Graecorum, et derivatipnibus earum per parti-
culares scientias, jam per tot annorum spatia vix unum experi-
mentum adduci potest, quod ad hominum statum levandum et
juvandum spectet, et philosophiae speculationibus ac dogmatibus

p. 22. b. "E\\i)v(s ail waiSts lore, y(p<i»> 8e "EAArjf owe tcrrj.

NOVUM ORGANIM. 183

vere acceptum referri possit. Idque Celsus ingenue ac pruden-
ter fatetur ; nimirum experimenta medicinas primo inventa
fuisse, ac postea homines circa ea philosophatos esse et causas
indagasse et assignasse ; non ordine inverse evenisse, ut ex phi-
losophia et causarum cognitione ipsa experimenta inventa aut
deprompta essent.1 Itaque mirum non erat, apud JEgyptios
(qui rerum inventoribus divinitatem et consecrationem attribuc-
runt) plures fuisse brutorum animalium imagines qunm homi-
num: quia bruta animalia, per instinctus naturales, multa
inventa pepererunt ; ubi homines ex sermonibus et conclusioni-
bus rationalibus pauca aut nulla exhibuerint.

At chymicorum industria nonnulla peperit ; sed tanquam for-
tuito et obiter, aut per experimentorum quandam variationem
(ut mechanici solent), non ex arte aut theoria aliqua; nam ea
quam confinxerunt, experimenta magis perturbat quam juvat.
Eorum etiam qui in magia (quam vocant) naturali versati sunt,
pauca reperiuntur inventa ; eaque levia et imposture propiora.
Quocirca quemadmodum in religione cavetur, ut fides ex ope-
ribus monstretur: idem etiam ad philosophiam optime tra-
ducitur, ut ex fructibus judicetur et vana habeatur qua? sterilis
sit; atque eo magis si, loco fructuum uvae et olivae, producat
disputationum et contentionum carduos et spinas.

LXXIV.

Capienda etiam sunt signa ex incrementis et progressibus
philosophiarum et scientiarum. Quae enim in natura fundata
sunt crescunt et augentur : quae autem in opinione, variantur
non augentur. Itaque si istae doctrinae plane instar plantae a
stirpibus suis revulsae non essent, sed utero naturae adhaererent
atque ab eadem alerentur, id minime eventurum fuisset, quod
per annos bis mille jam fieri videmus, nempe ut scientiae suis
haereant vestigiis et in eodem fere statu maneant, neque aug-
mentum aliquod memorabile sumpserint; quin potius in primo
authore maxime floruerint, et deinceps declinaverint. In artibus
autem mechanicis, qua? in natura et experientise luce fundatae
sunt, contra evenire videmus: qua? (quamdiu placent) veluti

1 " Repertis deinde medicinas remediis homines de rationibus eorum disserere
cuepisse : nee post rationem medicinam esse inventam, sed post inventam raedicinain
rationem esse quasitem." — Ctlsus, Prcefatio.

But this remark is not made by Celsus as the expression of his own opinion ; on
the contrary it occurs in his statement of the views entertained by the empirical
school of medicine, to which he is decidedly opposed. The error of citing Celsus as
an authority for it is repeated in several parts of Bacon's works. [See among others
De Any mentis, v. 2. — J. S. ]

N 4

184 NOVUM ORGANUM.

spiritu quodam repletae continue vegetant et crescunt; primo
rudes, deinde commodae, postea excultae, et perpetuo auctae.

LXXV.

Etiam aliud signum capiendum est (si modo signi appellatio
huic competat ; cum potius testimonium sit atque adeo testimo
niorum omnium validissimum) ; hoc est propria confessio au-
thorum, quos homines nunc sequuntur. Nam et illi qui tanta
fiducia de rebus pronuntiant, tamen per intervalla cum ad se
redeant, ad querimonias de naturae subtilitate, rerum obscuritate,
humani ingenii infirmitate, se convertunt. Hoc vero si simpli-
citer fieret, alios fortasse qui sunt timidiores ab ulteriori inqui-
sitione deterrere, alios vero qui sunt ingenio alacriori et mugis
fidenti ad ulteriorem progressum acuere et incitare possit.
Verum non satis illis est de se confiteri, sed quicquid sibi ipsis
aut magistris suis incognitum aut intactum fuerit id extra ter-
minos Possibilis ponunt, et, tanquam ex arte, cognitu aut factu
impossibile pronuntiant: summa superbia et invidia, suorum
inventorum infirmitatem in naturae ipsius calumniam et aliorum
omnium desperationem vertentes. Hinc schola Academiae Novae,
quoe Acatalepsiam ex professo tenuit, et homines ad sempiternas
tenebras damnavit. Hinc opinio, quod Forma3 sive veras rerum
differentiae (quae revera sunt leges actus puri)1 inventu impos-
sibiles sint, et ultra hominem.2 Hinc opiniones illas in activa et
operativa parte ; calorem solis et ignis toto genere differre ; ne
scilicet homines putent, se per opera ignis aliquid simile iis quae
in natura fiunt educere et formare posse. Hinc illud : com-
positionem tantum opus hominis, mistionem vero opus solius
naturae esse3: ne scilicet homines sperent aliquam ex arte cor-
porum naturalium generationem aut transformationem. Itaque
ex hoc signo homines sibi persuaderi facile patientur, ne cum
dogmatibus non solum desperatis sed etiam desperation! devotis
fortunas suas et labores misceant.

LXXVI.

Neque illud signum prastermittendum est ; quod tanta fuerit

1 Compare IL § 2. " Licet enim in natura nihil vere existat prater corpora in-
dividua edentia actus piiros ex lege, 8cc. Earn autem legem ejusque paragraphos Forma-
rum nomine intelligimus." And for an explanation of the meaning of " actus purus "
see the General Preface, p. 31. — /. S.

2 The doctrine of the incognoscibility of forms is quoted by Boyle and Sennert.
See the " Quid sint qualitates occultae " of the latter, from Scaliger's Exercitationes in
Cardanum, — a work which seems to have been very generally read.

8 The reference is to Galen, who in his treatise De Natural. Facultatibus contrasts
the inwardly formative power of nature with the external operations of art. See note
on Ttmporis Paitus Musculus. — /. S.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 185

inter philosophos olim dissensio et scholarum ipsarum varietas :
quod satis ostendit viam a sensu ad intellectum non bene
munitam fuisse, cum eadem materia philosophise (natura scilicet
rerum) in tarn vagos et multiplices errores abrepta fuerit et
distracta. Atque licet hisce temporibus dissensiones et dogma-
turn diversitates circa principia ipsa et philosophias integras
ut plurimum extinctas sint ; tamen circa partes philosophise in-
iiumeraj manent quaestiones et controversial ; ut plane appareat,
neque in philosophiis ipsis neque in modis demonstrationum
aliquid certi aut sani esse.

LXXVII.

Quod vero putant homines in philosophia Aristotelis magnum
utique consensum esse ; cum post illam editam antiquorum
philosophias cessaverint et exoleverint, ast apud tempora quae
sequuta sunt nil melius inventum fuerit ; adeo ut ilia tarn bene
posita et fundata videatur, ut utrumque tempus ad se traxerit :
primo, quod de cessatione antiquarum philosophiarum post Ari-
stotelis opera edita homines cogitant, id falsum est ; diu enim
postea, usque ad tempora Ciceronis et ssecula sequentia, man-
serunt opera veterum philosophorum. Sed temporibus inse-
quentibus, ex inundatione barbarorum in imperium Romanum
postquam doctrina humana velut naufragium perpessa esset,
turn demum philosophias Aristotelis et Platonis, tanquam tabulae
ex materia leviore et minus solida, per fluctus temporum servatae
sunt. Illud etiam de consensu fallit homines, si acutius rem
introspiciant. Verus enim consensus is est, qui ex libertate
judicii (re prius explorata) in idem conveniente consistit. At
numerus longe maximus eorum qui in Aristotelis philosophiam
consenserunt, ex praejudicio et authoritate aliorum se illi manci-
pavit ; ut sequacitas sit potius et coitio, quam consensus. Quod
si fuisset ille verus consensus et late patens, tantum abest ut
consensus pro vera et solida authoritate haberi debeat, ut etiam
violentam pra3sumptionem inducat in contrarium. Pessimum
enim omnium est augurium quod ex consensu capitur in rebus
intellectualibus ; exceptis divinis et politicis, in quibus suffragi-
orum jus est.1 Nihil enim multis placet, nisi imaginationem
feriat, aut intellectum vulgarium notionum nodis astringat, ut
supra dictum est. Itaque optime traducitur illud Phocionis a

1 Bacon does not mean that the votes of a majority are necessarily valid in matters
of divinity or politics, but merely that, from the nature of the case, the argument ex
consensu has more weight in these than in purely scientific questions.

186 NOVUM ORGANUM.

moribus ad intellectualia ; ut statim se examinare debcant homi-
nes, quid erraverint aut peccaverint, si multitude consentiat tt
complaudat.1 Hoc signum igitur ex aversissimis est. Itaque
quod signa veritatis et sanitatis philosophiarum et scientiarum
quac in usu sunt, male se habeant ; sive capiantur ex origi-
nibus ipsarum, sive ex fructibus, sive ex progressibus, sive ex
confessionibus authorum, sive ex consensu ; jam dictum est.

LXXVIII.

Jam vero veniendum ad causas errorum, et tarn diuturnaj in
illis per tot saecula morae ; qua} plurimoe sunt et potentissimje :
ut tollatur omnis admiratio, hcec qua? adducimus homines
hucusque latuisse et fugisse ; et maneat tantum admiratio, ilia
nunc tandem alicui mortalium in mentem venire potuisse, aut
cogitationem cujuspiam subiisse: quod etiam (ut nos existi-
mamus) felicitatis magis est cujusdam, quam excellentis ali-
cujus facultatis ; ut potius pro temporis partu haberi debeat,
quam pro partu ingenii.

Primo autem tot saeculorum numerus, vere rem reputanti, ad
magnas angustias recidit. Nam ex viginti quinque annormn
centuriis, in quibus memoria et doctrina hominum fere versatur,
vix sex centuriae seponi et excerpi possunt, quae scientiarum
feraces earumve proventui utiles fuerunt. Sunt enim non
minus temporum quam regionum eremi et vastitates. Tres
enim tantum doctrinarum revolutiones et periodi recte numerari
possunt: una, apud Graecos; altera, apud Romanos; ultima,
apud nos, occidentales scilicet Europae nationes : quibus singulis
vix duae centuriaa annorum merito attribui possunt. Media
mundi tempora, quoad scientiarum segetem uberem aut Isetam,
infoelicia fuerunt. Neque enim causa est, ut vel Arabum vel
Scholasticorum mentio fiat : qui per intermedia tempora scientias
potius contriverunt numerosis tractatibus, quam pondus earum
auxerunt. Itaque prima causa tarn pusilli in scientiis profectus
ad angustias temporis erga illas propitii rite et ordine refertur.

LXXIX.

At secundo loco se offert cauga ilia magni certe per omnia
momenti : ea videlicet, quod per illas ipsas aetates quibus
hominum ingenia et liters maxime vel etiam mediocritcr
floruerint, Naturalis Philosophia minimam partem humanaj
opera) sortita sit. Atque ha?c ipsa nihilominus pro magna scien-
tiarum matre haberi debet. Omnes enim artes et sciential ab

1 Plutarch in Phocion, c. 8.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 187

hac stirpe revulsae, poliuntur fortasse et in usum effinguntur,
sed nil admodum crescunt. At manifestum est, postquam
Christiana fides recepta fuisset et adolevisset, longe maximam
ingeniorum praestantissimorum partem ad Theologiam se con-
tulisse; atque huic rei et amplissima praemia proposita, et
omnis generis adjumenta copiosissime subministrata fuisse :
atque hoc Theologiae studium praecipue occupasse tertiam illam
partem sive periodum temporis apud nos Europaeos occidentales ;
eo magis, quod sub idem fere tempus et literae florere et con-
troversiae circa religionem pullulare coeperint At 33 vo supc-
riori, durante periodo ilia secunda apud Romanos, potissimje
philosophorum meditationes et industrial in Morali Philosophia
(quaa Ethnicis vice Theologiae erat) occupatas et consumptae
fuerunt: etiain summa ingenia illis temporibus ut plurimum
ad res civiles se applicuerunt, propter magnitudinem imperil
Romani, quod plurimorum hominum opera indigebat. At ilia
astas, qua Naturalis Philosophia apud Grsecos maxime florere
visa est, particula fuit temporis minime diuturna ; cum et anti-
quioribus temporibus septem illi qui sapientes nominabantur,
omnes (praster Thaletem) ad Moralem Philosophiam et civilia se
applicuerinc ; et posterioribus temporibus postquam Socrates
philosophiam de coelo in terras deduxisset, adhuc magis invaluerit
Moralis Philosophia, et ingenia hominum a Natural! averterit.

At ipsissima ilia periodus temporis in qua inquisitiones de
natura viguerunt, contradictionibus et riovorum placitorum am-
bitione corrupta est, et inutilis reddita. Itaque quandoqiiidem
per tres istas periodos Naturalis Philosophia majorem in modum
neglecta aut impedita fuerit, nil mirum si homines parum in ea
re profecerint, cum omnino aliud egerint.

LXXX.

Accedit et illud, quod Naturalis Philosophia, in iis ipsis viris
qui ei incubuerint, vacantem et integrum hominem, praasertim
his recentioribus temporibus, vix nacta sit; nisi forte quis
monachi alicujus in cellula, aut nobilis in villula lucubrantis,
exemplum adduxerit : sed facta est demum Naturalis Philoso-
phia instar transitus cujusdam et ponti-sternii ad alia.

Atque magna ista scientiarum mater mira indignitate ad
officia ancillae detrusa est; quae medicine aut mathematicis
operibus ministret, et rursus quae adolescentium immatura in-
genia lavet et imbuat velut tinctura quadam prima, ut aliam
postea foclicius et commodius excipiant. Interim nemo expectet

188 NOVUM ORGANUM.

magnum progressum in scientiis (prgesertim in parte earum
operativa), nisi Philosophia Naturalis ad scientias particulares
producta fuerit, et scientias particulares rursus ad Naturalem
Philosophiani reductae. Hinc enim fit, ut astronomia, optica,
musica, plurima? artes mechanic®, atque ipsa medicina, atque
(quod quis magis miretur) philosophia moralis et civilis, et
sciential logicas, nil fere habeant altitudinis in profundo ; sed per
superficiem et varietatem rerum tantum labantur : quia post-
quam particulares istas scientias dispertitae et constitute fuerint,
a Philosophia Naturali non amplius alantur ; qua? ex fontibus
et veris contemplationibus motuum, radiorum, sonorum, tex-
turae et schematismi corporum, affectuum, et prehensionum in-
tellectualium, novas vires et augmenta illis impertiri potuerit.
Itaque minime mirum est si scientiae non crescant, cum a
radicibus suis sint separata?.

LXXXI.

Rursus se ostendit alia causa potens et magna, cur scientias
parum promoverint. Ea vero haec est ; quod fieri non possit,
ut recte procedatur in curriculo, ubi ipsa meta non recte posit a
sit et defixa, Meta autem scientiarum vera et legitima non
alia est, quam ut dotetur vita humana novis inventis et copiis.
At turba longe maxima nihil ex hoc sapit, sed meritoria plane
est et professoria; nisi forte quandoque eveniat, ut artifex
aliquis acrioris ingenii et gloriae cupidus novo alicui invento
det operam ; quod fere fit cum facultatum dispendio. At apud
plerosque tantum abest ut homines id sibi proponant, ut scien-
tiarum et artium massa augmentum obtineat, ut ex ea quoe
praesto est massa nil amplius sumant aut quaerant, quam quan-
tum ad usum professorium aut lucrum aut existimationem aut
hujusmodi compendia convertere possint. Quod si quis ex tanta
multitudine scientiam affectu ingenuo et propter se expetat ; in-
venietur tamen ille ipse, potius contemplationum et doctrinnrum
varietatem, quam veritatis severam et rigidam inquisitionem
sequi. Rursus, si alius quispiam fortasse veritatis inquisitor
sit severior ; tamen et ille ipse talem sibi proponet veritatis
conditionem, quae menti et intellectui satisfaciat in redditione
causarum rerum quaa jampridem sunt cognita? ; non earn qua?
nova operum pignora et novam axiomatum lucem assequatur.
Itaque, si finis scientiarum a nemine adhuc bene positus sit,
non mirum est si in iis quse sunt subordinata ad finem, sequatur
aberratio.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 189

LXXXII.

Quemadmodum autem finis et meta scientiartun male posita
sunt apud homines ; ita rursus etiamsi ilia recte posita fuissent,
viam tamen sibi delegerunt omnino erroneam et imperviam.
Quod stupore quodam animum rite rem reputanti perculserit ;
non ulli mortalium curae aut cordi fuisse, ut intellectui humano,
ab ipso sensu et experientia ordinata et bene condita, via aperi-
retur et muniretur; sed omnia vel traditionum caligini, vel
argumentorum vertigini et turbini, vel casus et experientiae
vagse et inconditae undis et ambagibus permissa esse. Atque
cogitet quis sobrie et diligenter, qualis sit ea via quam in inqui-
sitione et inventione alicujus rei homines adhibere consueverunt ;
et primo notabit proculdubio inveniendi modum simplicem et in-
artificiosum, qui hominibus maxime est familiaris. Hie autem
non alius est, quam ut is qui se ad inveniendum aliquid comparat
et accingit, primo quae ab aliis circa ilia dicta sint inquirat et
evolvat; deinde propriam meditationem addat, atque per mentis
multam agitationem spiritum suum proprium sollicitet, et quasi
invocet, ut sibi oracula pandat; quae res omnino sine fundamento
est, et in opinionibus tantum volvitur.

At alius quispiam dialecticam ad inveniendum advocet, quse
nomine tenus tantum ad id quod agitur pertinet. Inventio enim
dialectics non est principiorum et axiomatum praecipuorum, ex
quibus artes constant, sed eorum tantum quae illis consentanea
videntur. Dialectica enim magis curiosos et importunes, et sibi
negotium facessentes, eamque interpellates de probationibus et
inventionibus principiorum sive axiomatum primorum, ad fidem,
et veluti sacramentum cuilibet arti praestandum, notissimo re-
sponso rejicit.

Restat experientia mera, quae, si occurrat, casus ; si quaesita
sit, experimentum nominatur. Hoc autem experientiae genus
nihil aliud est, quam (quod aiunt) scopae dissolutae1, et mera
palpatio, quali homines noctu utuntur, omnia pertentando, si
forte in rectam viam incidere detur; quibus multo satius et
consultius foret diem praestolari, aut lumen accendere, et

1 i. e. a besom without a band. " Scopas dissolvere proverbio dicitur, rem aliquam
prorsus inutilem reddere ; nam scopse solutse nulls sunt." — Facciolati. I do not re-
member any proverbial expression which answers to this in English ; but the allusion
is to the want of combination and coherency in these experiments. They are the
" Experimenta omnigena absque ulla serie aut methodo tentata" (Z)e Augm. y. 2.),
and are opposed to the " Experientia Literata," or " Experientia certa lege procedens
seriatim et continenter," spoken of in aphorisms 100. aud 103. — J. S.

190 NOVUM ORGANUM.

deinceps viam inire. At contra, verus experientiae ordo primo
lumen accendit, deinde per lumen iter demonstrat, incipiendo
ab experientia ordinata et digesta, et minime praepostera aut
erratica, atque ex ea educendo axiomata, atque ex axiomatibus
constitutis rursus experimenta nova; quurn nee verbum divinum
in rerum massam absque ordine operatum sit.

Itaque desinant homines mirari si spatium scientiarum non
confectum sit, cum a via omnino aberraverint; relicta prorsus et
deserta experientia, aut in ipsa (tanquam in labyrintho) se intri-
cando et circumcursando ; cum rite institutus ordo per expe-
rientiae sylvas ad aperta axiomatum tramite constant! ducat

LXXXIII.

Excrevit autem mirum in modum istud malum, ex opinione
quadam sive aestimatione inveterata, verum tumida et damnosa;
minui nempe mentis humanae majestatem, si experimentis, et
rebus particularibus sensui subjectis et in materia determinatis,
diu ac multum versetur : praesertim quum hujusmodi res ad
inquirendum laboriosae, ad meditandum ignobiles, ad dicendum
asperae, ad practicam illiberales, numero infinitae, et subtilitate
tenues esse soleant. Itaque jam tandem hue res rediit, ut via
vera non tantum deserta, sed etiam interclusa et obstructa sit ;
fastidita* experientia, nedum relicta, aut male administrata.

LXXXIV.

Rursus vero homines a progressu in scientiis detinuit et fere
incantavit reverentia antiquitatis, et virorum qui in philosophia
magni habiti sunt authoritas, atque deinde consensus. Atque
de consensu superius dictum est.

De antiquitate autem, opinio quam homines de ipsa fovent
negligens omnino est, et vix verbo ipsi congrua. Mundi enim
senium et grandaevitas pro antiquitate vere habenda sunt ; quas
temporibus nostris tribui debent, non juniori aetati mundi, qualis
apud antiques fuit. Ilia enim aetas, respectu nostri antiqua et
major1, respectu mundi ipsius nova et minor fuit. Atque revera
quemadmodum majorem rerum humanarum notitiam et maturius
judicium ab homine sene exspectamus quam a juvene, propter
experientiam et rerum quas vidit et audivit et cogitavit varie-
tatem et copiam ; eodem modo et a nostra setate (si vires suas
nosset, et experiri et intendere vellet)majora multo quam a priscis
temporibus expectari par est ; utpote aetate mundi grandiore, et
infinitis experimentis et observationibus aucta et cumulata.

1 See note on De Augm. lib. i. near the middle.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 191

Neque pro nihilo aestimandum, quod per longlnquas naviga-
gationes et peregrinationes (quae saeculis nostris increbuerunt)
plurima in natura patuerint et reperta sint, quse novam philo-
sophiae lucem immittere possint. Quin et turpe hominibus foret,
si globi materialis tractus, terrarum videlicet, marium, astrorum,
nostris temporibus immensum aperti et illustrati sint ; globi
autem intellectualis fines inter veterum inventa et angustias
cohibeantur.1

Authores vero quod attinet, summae pusillanimitatis est
authoribus infinita tribuere, authori autem authorum atque
adeo omnis authoritatis, Tempori, jus suum denegare. Recte
euim Veritas Temporis filia dicitur, non Authoritatis. Itaque
mirum non est si fascina ista antiquitatis et authorum et con-
sensus, hominum virtutem ita ligaverint, ut cum rebus ipsis
consuescere (tanquam maleficiati) non potuerint.

LXXXV.

Neque solum admiratio antiquitatis, authoritatis, et consensus,
hominum industriam in iis quae jam inventa sunt acquigscere
cornpulit ; verum etiam operum ipsorum admiratio, quorum
copia jampridem facta est humano generi. Etenim quurn quis
rerum varietatem, et pulcherrimum apparatum qui per artes
mechanicas ad cultum humanum congestus et introductus est,
oculis subjecerit, eo certe inclinabit, ut potius ad opulentiae
humanaa admirationem quam ad inopiae sensum accedat; minime
advertens primitivas hominis observationes2 atque naturae ope-
rationes (quae ad omnem illam varietatem instar animse sunt,
et primi motus) nee multas nee alte petitas esse ; cetera
ad patientiam hominum tantum, et subtilem et ordinatum
manus vel instrumentorum motum, pertinere. Res enim (ex-
empli gratia) subtilis est certe et accurata confectio horolo-
giorum, talis scilicet, quae coelestia in rotis, pulsum animalium
in motu successive et ordinato, videatur imitari; quae tamen res
ex uno aut altero naturae axiomate pendet.

1 Compare Campanula : " Quapropter invidi sunt aut ingenio et fide in Deuin
exigui qui putant in Aristotele et aliis philosophis antiquis quiescendum, nee ultra
quacrendum : praesertim post evangelii lucem, et novi orbis ac stellarum inventionem,
qua prisci caruerunt, sicut et luce fldei quae perficit in nobis naturam supra ethnicos
non deprimit sub eorum jugo ; cum eorum philosophia sit catechismus et nostra sit
perfecta doctrina, teste Cyrillo : unde in mundo qui est liber Dei et sapientia [q.
sapientiae ?] melius legere poterimus, si gratiam quiE est in nobis non negligamus."
— Apolog. pro Galileo.

2 " Primitivas hominis observationes " may be rendered " primary results of obser-
vation." The word hommis is merely used in antithesis to natura in the next clause.

192 NOVUM ORGANUM.

Quod si quis rursus subtllitatem illam intueatur quae ad artes
liberales pertinet ; aut etiam earn qua? ad corporum naturalium
praeparationem per artes mechanicas spectat, et hujusmodi res
suspiciat ; veluti inventionem motuum coelestium in astronomia,
concentuum in musica, literarum alphabet! (quas etiam adhuc
in regno Synarum in usu non sunt) in grammatica ; aut rursus
in mechanicis, factorum Bacchi et Cereris,hoc est, prseparationum
vini et cervisiae, panificiorum, aut etiam mensas delitiarum, et di-
stillationum et similium; ille quoque si secum cogitet, et animum
advertat, per quantos temporum circuitus (cum base omnia,
praeter distillationes l, antiqua fuerint) haec ad earn quam nunc
habemus culturam perducta sint, et (ut jam de horologiis dictum
est) quam parum babeant ex observationibus et axiomatibus
naturae, atque quam facile, et tanquam per occasiones obvias et
contemplationes incurrentes, ista inveniri potuerint ; ille (in-
quam) ab omni admiratione se facile liberabit, et potius humanae
conditionis miserebitur, quod per tot saecula tanta fuerit rerum
et inyentorum penuria et sterilitas. Atque haec ipsa tamen
quorum nunc mentionem fecimus inventa, philosopbia et artibus
intellectus antiquiora fuerunt. Adeo ut (si verum dicendum
sit) cum bujusmodi scientiae rationales et dogmatic® inceperint,
inventio operum utilium desierit.2

Quod si quis ab officinis ad bibliothecas se converterit, et
immensam quam videmus librorum varietatem in admiratione
habuerit, is examinatis et diligentius introspectis ipsorum libro-
rum materiis et contentis, obstupescet certe in contrarium ; et
postquam nullum dari finem repetitionibus observaverit, quam-
que homines eadem agant et loquantur, ab admiratione varieta-
tis transibit ad miraculum indigentiae et paucitatis earum rerum
quaa bominum mentes adhuc tenuerunt et occuparunt.

Quod si quis ad intuendum ea quae magis curiosa habentur
quam sana animum submiserit, et Alchymistarum aut Mago-
rum opera penitius introspexerit, is dubitabit forsitan utruoa
risu an lachrymis potius ilia digna sint. Alchymista enim

1 It has been said that Person affirmed that distillation was known to the ancients.
Dutens of course maintains that it was ; but the passage he quotes from Dioscorides
merely refers to sublimation. The word alembic is, as he remarks, a compound of
the Arabic article with the Greek word efyi/3i£, operculum ; thus resembling in forma-
tion the word " almagest " and some others. But no valid conclusion can be drawn from
hence. See Dutens, Origine des Decouvertes, &c., p. 187. of the London edition.
See a very interesting account of the history of distillation in Humboldt's Examen
critique de I'Histoire de la Geographic, &c., vol. ii. p. 306.

2 Thus we find Aristotle speaks of philosophy as having sprung up after all the
wants of life were satisfied. See the beginniug of the Metaphysics.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 193

spem alit aeternam, atque ubi res non succedit errores proprios
reos substituit; secum accusatorie reputando, se aut artis aut
authorum vocabula non satis intellexisse, unde ad traditiones et
auriculares susurros animum applicat; aut in practicae suse
scrupulis et momentis aliquid titubatum esse1, unde experi-
menta in infinitum repetit ; ac interim quum inter experimento-
rum sortes in quaedam incidat aut ipsa facie nova aut utilitate
non contemnenda, hujusmodi pignoribus animum pascit, eaque
in majus ostentat et celebrat; reliqua spe sustentat. Neque
tamen negaudum est, Alchymistas non pauca invenisse et in-
ventis utilibus homines donasse. Verum fabula ilia non male
in illos quadrat, de sene qui filiis aurum in vinea defossum (sed
locum se nescire simulans) legaverit ; unde illi vinea? fodiendas
diligenter incubuerunt, et aurum quidem nullum repertuin, sed
vindemia ex ea cultura facta est uberior.

At naturalis Magiae cultores, qui per rerum Sympathias et
Antipathias omnia expediunt. ex conjecturis otiosis et supinis-
simis, rebus virtutes et operationes admirabiles affinxerunt;
atque si quando opera exhibuerint, ea illius sunt generis, ut ad
admirationem et novitatem, non ad fructum et utilitatem, ac-
commodata sint.

In superstitiosa autem Magia (si et de hac dicendum sit) illud .
imprimis animadvertendum est, esse tantummodo certi cujusdam
et definiti generis subjecta, in quibus artes curiosae et supersti-
tiosaa, per omnes nationes atque aetates atque etiam religiones,
aliquid potuerint aut luserint. Itaque ista missa faciamus:
interim nil mirum est si opinio copiae causam inopiae dederit.

LXXXVI.

Atque hominum adniirationi quoad doctrinas et artes, per se
satis simplici et prope puerili, incrementum accessit ab eorum
astu et artificio qui scientias tractaverunt et tradiderunt. Illi
enim ea ambitione et affectatione eas proponunt, atque in eum
modum efforinatas ac veluti personatas in hominum conspectum
producunt, ac si illae omni ex parte perfectae essent et ad exitum
perductae. Si enim methodum aspicias et partitiones, illae pror-
sus omnia complecti et concludere videntur quae in illud subje-
ctum cadere possunt. Atque licet membra ilia male impleta et
veluti capsulas inanes sint, tamen apud intellectum vulgarem
scientiae formam et rationem integrae prae se ferunt.

1 That is, that something has gone wrong in his manipulations, either in weighing
his materials, or because the moment of projection has been missed.

VOL. I. O

194 NOVUM ORGANUM.

At primi et antiquissimi veritatis in qui si tores, meliore fide et
fato, cognitionem illani, quam ex rerum contemplatione decer-
pere et in usum recondere statuebant, in aphorismos, sive
breves easdemque sparsas nee raethodo revinctas sententias,
conjicere solebant ; neque se artem universam complecti simu-
labant aut profitebantur. At eo quo nunc res agitur modo,
minirae mirum est si homines in iis ulteriora non quaerant, qua?
pro perfectis et numeris suis jampridem absolutis traduntur.

LXXXVII.

Etiam antiqua magnum existimationis et fidei incrementum
acceperunt, ex eorum vanitate et levitate qui nova proposue-
runt ; praesertim in Philosophise Naturalis parte activa et opera-
tiva. Neque enim defuerunt homines vaniloqui et phantastici,
qui partim ex credulitate, partim ex impostura, genus humanum
promissis onerarunt: vitse prolongationem, senectutis retarda-
tionem, dolorum levationem, naturalium defectuum reparatio-
nem, sensuum deceptiones, afFectuum ligationes et incitationes,
intellectualium facultatum illuminationes et exaltationes, sub-
stantiarum transmutationes, et motuum ad libitum roborationes
et multiplicationes, aeris impressiones et alterationes, co2lestium
influentiarum deductiones et procurationes, rerum futurarum
divinationes, remotarum repraisentationes, occultarum revelatio-
nes, et alia complura pollicitando et ostentando. Verum de
istis largitoribus non multum aberraverit qui istiusmodi judi-
cium fecerit, tantum nimirum in doctrinis philosophiaa inter
horum vanitates et veras artes interesse, quantum inter res
gestas Julii Caesaris aut Alexandri Magni et res gestas Ama-
dicii ex Gallia aut Arthur! ex Britannia in historic narrationi-
bus intersit. Inveniuntur enim clarissimi illi imperatores revera
majora gessisse quam umbratiles isti heroes etiam fecisse fin-
gantur ; sed modis et viis scilicet actionum minime fabulosis et
prodigiosis. Neque propterea sequum est versa memoriae fidem
derogari, quod a fabulis ilia quandoque laasa sit et violata. Sed
interim minime mirum est si propositionibus novis (prjesertim
cum mentione operum) magnum sit factum praejudicium per
istos impostores qui similia tentaverunt ; cum vanitatis exces-
sus et fastidium etiam nunc omnem in ejusmodi conatibus
magnanimitatem destruxerit.

LXXXVIII.

At longe majora a pusillanimitate, et pensorum quae humana
industria sibi proposuit parvitate et tenuitate, detrimenta in

NOVltM ORGANUM. 195

scientias invecta sunt. Et tamen (quod pessimum est) pusilla-
nimitas ista non sine arrogantia et fastidio se offert.

Primum enim, omnium artium ilia reperitur cautela jam facta
familiaris, ut in qualibet arte authores artis suae infirmitatem in
naturae calumniam vertant ; et quod ars ipsorum non assequitur
id ex eadem arte impossibile in natura pronunciant. Neque certe
damnari potest ars, si ipsa judicet. Etiam philosophia quae nunc
in manibus est, in sinu suo posita quaedam fovet, aut placita,
quibus (si diligentius inquiratur) hoc hominibus omnino per-
suaderi volunt ; nil ab arte vel hominis opere arduum, aut in
naturam imperiosum et validum, expectari debere ; ut de hete-
rogenia caloris astri et ignis, et mistione, superius dictum est.
Quae si notentur accuratius, omnino pertinent ad humanae pote-
statis circumscriptionem malitiosam, et ad quaesitam et artificio-
sam desperationem, quse non solum spei auguria turbet, sed etiam
omnes industries stimulos et nervos incidat atque ipsius expe-
rientiae aleas abjiciat ; dum de hoc tantum solliciti sint, ut ars
eorum perfecta censeatur; gloriae vanissimae et perditissimae
dantes operam, scilicet ut quicquid adhuc inventum et compre-
hensum non sit, id omnino nee inveniri nee comprehendi posse
in futurum credatur. At si quis rebus addere se1 et novum
aliquod reperire conetur, ille tamen omnino sibi proponet et de-
stinabit unum aliquod inventum (nee ultra) perscrutari et eruere ;
ut magnetis naturam, maris fluxum et refluxum, thema coeli, et
hujusmodi, quae secret! aliquid habere videntur et hactenus
parum foeliciter tractata sint : quum summae sit imperitiae, rei
alicujus naturam in se ipsa perscrutari ; quandoquidem eadem
natura, quag in aliis videtur latens et occulta, in aliis manifesta
sit et quasi palpabilis, atque in illis admirationem, in his ne
attentionem quidem moveat ; ut fit in natura consistentiae, quae
in ligno vel lapide non notatur, sed solidi appellatione transmit-
titur, neque amplius de fuga separationis aut solutionis continui-
tatis inquiritur : at in aquarum bullis eadem res videtur subtil is
et ingeniosa ; quae bullas se conjiciunt in pelliculas quasdam in
hemisphaerii formam curiose effictas, ut ad momentum temporis
evitetur solutio continuitatis.

1 Compare Kedargutio Philosophiarum, — " Quare missis istis philosophiis abs-
tractis, vos et ego, filii, rebus ipsis nos adjungamus : " and Praefatio, p. 127. of this
volume, — " Qui autem et ipsi experiri et se scientiis addere, earumque fines proferre,
statuerunt, nee illi a receptis prorsus desciscere ausi sunt," &c. " Addere se " (says
Heyne, Virg. Georg. i. 513.) " vulgari usu est adjungere se, accedere. . . . Inde si
idem fit cum impetu, irruere, instare, eire'xew." — J. S.

o 2

196 NOVUM ORGANUM.

Atque prorsus ilia ipsa quae habentur pro secretis, in aliis
habent naturam manifestam et communem ; quae nunquam se
dabit conspiciendam, si hominum experirnenta aut contempla-
tiones in illis ipsis tantum versentur. Generaliter autem et
vulgo, in operibus mechanicis habentur pro novis inventis, si
quis jampridem inventa subtilius poliat, vel ornet elegantius, vel
simul uniat et componat, vel cum usu commodius eopulet, aut
opus majore aut etiam minore quam fieri consuevit mole vel
volumine exhibeat, et similia.

Itaque minime mirum est si nobilia et genere humano digna
inventa in lucem extracta non sint, quum homines hujusmodi
exiguis pensis et puerllibus contenti et delectati fuerint ; quin-
etiam in iisdem se magnum aliquod sequutos aut assequutos
putaverint.

LXXXIX.

Neque illud praetermittendum est, quod nacta sit Philosophia
Naturalis per omnes aetates adversarium molestum et difficilem ;
superstitionem nimirum, et zelum religionis caecum et immode-
jatum. Etenim videre est apud Graecos, eos qui primum
causas naturales fulminis et tempestatum insuetis adhuc homi-
num auribus proposuerunt, impietatis in deos eo nomine dauma-
tos : nee multo melius a nonnullis antiquorum patrum religionis
christianae exceptos fuisse eos, qui ex certissimis demonstratio-
nibus (quibus nemo hodie sanus contradixerit) terram rotundana
esse posuerunt, atque ex consequenti antipodas esse asseruerunt.

Quinetiam ut nunc sunt res, conditio sermonum de natura
facta est durior et magis cum periculo, propter theologorum
scholasticorum summas et methodos ; qui cum theologiam (satis
pro potestate) in ordinem redegerint et in artis formam effinxe-
rint, hoc insuper effecerunt, ut pugnax et spinosa Aristotelis
philosophia corpori religionis plus quam par erat immisceretur.1

Eodem etiam spectant (licet diverse modo) eorum commen-
tationes, qui veritatem christianae religionis ex principiis et
authoritatibus philosophorum deducere et confirmare haud ve-
riti sunt ; fidei et sensus conjugium tanquam legitimum multa

1 Compare Kepler in the introduction to his great work De SteM Mortis : — " In
theologia quidera authoritatum, in Philosophia vero ration um esse momenta pon-
deranda. Sanctus igitur Lactantius qui terram negavit esse rotundam : Sanctus
Augustinus qui rotunditate concessa negavit tamen Antipodas : Sanctum Offlcium
liodiernorum qui exilitate terra concessa negant tamen ejus motum : at magis mihi
sancta Veritas qui terram et rotundam et Antipodibus circumhabitam et contemptis-
siraa? parvitatis esse et denique per sidera ferri, salvo Doctorum ecclesise respectu,
ex philosophia demonstro." See for a defence of St. Boniface, touching the story
of the Antipodes and Virgilius Bishop of Saltzburg, Fromondus De Orbe Ttrra
Immobili, c. 4."

frOVUM ORGANUM. 197

pompa et solennitate celebrantes, et grata rerum varietate
animos hominum permulcentes ; sed interim divina humanis
impari conditione permiscentes. At in hujusmodi misturis
theologies cum philosophia, ea tantum quae nunc in philosophia
recepta sunt comprehenduntur ; sed nova, licet in melius mu-
tata, tantum non summoventur et exterminantur.

Denique invenias ex quorundam theologorum imperitia
aditum alicui philosophise, quamvis emendatae, pene interclusum
esse. Alii siquidem simplicius subverentur ne forte altior in
naturam inquisitio ultra concessum sobrietatis terminum pene-
tret; traducentes et perperam torquentes ea quae de divinis
mysteriis in scripturis sacris adversus rimantes secreta divina
dicuntur, ad occulta naturae quae nullo interdicto prohibentur.
Alii callidius conjiciunt et animo versant, si media ignorentur,
singula ad manum et virgulam divinam (quod religionis ut
putant maxime intersit) facilius posse referri : quod nihil aliud
est quam Deo per mendacium gratificari velle. Alii ab ex-
emplo metuunt, ne motus et mutationes circa philosophiam in
religionem incurrant ac desinant. Alii denique solliciti videntur,
ne in naturae inquisitione aliquid inveniri possit quod religionem
(prassertim apud indoctos) subvertat, aut saltern labefactet. At
isti duo posteriores metus nobis videntur omnino sapientiam
animalem sapere ; ae si homines, in mentis suae recessibus et
secretis cogitationibus, de firmitudine religionis et fidei in sensum
imperio diffiderent ac dubitarent ; et propterea ab inquisitione
veritatis in naturalibus periculum illis impendere metuerent.
At vere rem reputanti Philosophia Naturalis, post verbum Dei,
certissima superstitionis medicina est ; eademque probatissimum
fidei alimentum. Itaque merito religioni donatur tanquam
fidissima ancilla : cum altera voluntatem Dei, altera potestatem
manifested Neque enim erravit ille qui dixit, Erratis, nesci-
entes scripturas et potestatem Dei * : informationem de volun-
tate et meditationem de potestate nexu individuo commiscens et
copulans. Interim minus mirum est si Naturalis Philosophiae
incrementa cohibita sint, cum religio, quae plurimum apud
animos hominum pollet, per quorundam imperitiam et zelum
incautum in partem contrariam transient et abrepta fuerit.

xc.

Rursus in moribus et institutis scholarum, academiarum,
collegiorum, et similium conventuum, quae doctorum hominum

1 Matt. xxii. 29.
o 3

198 NOVUM ORGANUM.

sedibus et eruditionis cultures destinata sunt, omnia progressui
scientiarum adversa inveniuntur. Lectiones enim et exercitia
ita sunt disposita, ut aliud a consuetis baud facile cuiquam in
mentem veniat cogitare aut contemplari. Si vero unus aut
alter fortasse judicii libertate uti sustinuerit, is sibi soli hanc
operam imponere possit; ab aliorum autem consortio nibil capiet
utilitatis. Sin et hoc toleraverit, tamen in capessenda fortuna
industriam hanc et magnanimitatem sibi non levi impedimento
fore experietur. Studia enim hominum in ejusmodi locis in
quorundam authorum scripta, veluti in carceres, conclusa sunt ;
a quibus si quis dissentiat, continue ut homo turbidus et rerum
novarum cupidus corripitur. At magnum certe discrimen inter
res civiles et artes : non enim idem periculum a novo motu et a
nova luce. Verum in rebus civilibus mutatio etiam in melius
suspecta estobperturbationem; cum civilia auctoritate, consensu,
fama, et opinione, non demons tratione, nitantur. In artibus
autem et scientiis, tanquam in metalli-fodinis, omnia novis
operibus et ulterioribus progressibus circumstrepere debent. At-
que secundum rectam rationem res ita se habet, sed interim non
ita vivitur ; sed ista, quam diximus, doctrinarum administratio
et politia scientiarum augmenta durius premere consuevit.

xci.

Atque insuper licet ista invidia cessaverit ; tamen satis est
ad cohibendum augmentum Scientiarum, quod hujusmodi cona-
tus et industriae praemiis careant. Non enim penes eosdem est
cultura scientiarum et praemium. Scientiarum enim augmenta
a magnis utique ingeniis proveniunt ; at pretia et praemia scien-
tiarum sunt penes vulgus aut principes viros, qui (nisi raro
admodum) vix mediocriter docti sunt. Quinetiam hujusmodi
progressus non solum praemiis et beneficentia hominum, verum
etiam ipsa populari laude, destituti sunt. Sunt enim illi supra
captum maximae partis hominum, et ab opinionum vulgarium
ventis facile obruuntur et extinguuntur. Itaque nil mirum si
res ilia non foeliciter successerit, quaa in honore non fuit.

xcn.

Sed longe maximum progressibus scientiarum et novis pensia
ac provinciis in iisdem suscipiendis obstaculum deprehenditur
in desperatione hominum, et suppositione Impossibilis. Solent
enim viri prudentes et severiin hujusmodi rebus plane diffidere:
naturae obscuritatem, vitee brevitatem, sensuum fallacias, judicii
infirmitatem, experimentorum difficultates, et similia secuin

NOVUM ORGANUM. 199

reputantes. Itaque existimant esse quosdam scientiarum, per
temporura et aetatum mundi revolutiones, fluxus et refluxus ;
cum aliis temporibus crescant et floreant, aliis declinent et
jaceant: ita tamen, ut cum ad certum quendam gradum et
statum pervenerint, nil ulterius possint.

Itaque si quis majora credat aut sppndeat, id putant esse
cujusdam impotentis et immaturi animi ; atque hujusmodi co-
natus, initia scilicet laeta, media ardua, extrema confusa habere.
Atque cum hujusmodi cogitationes eae sint quge in viros graves
et judicio praestantes facile cadant, curandum revera est ne rei
optimae et pulcherrimae amore capti severitatem judicii relaxemus
aut minuamus ; et sedulo videndum quid spei affulgeat, et ex
qua parte se ostendat ; atque auris levioribus spei rejectis, eae
quae plus firmitudinis habere videntur omnino discutiendae sunt
et pensitandae. Quinetiam prudentia civilis ad consilium vo-
canda est et adhibenda, quae ex praescripto diffidit, et de rebus
humanis in deterius conjicit. Itaque jam et de spe dicendum
est; praesertim cum nos promissores non simus, nee vim aut
insidias hominum judiciis faciamus aut struamus, sed homines
manu et sponte ducamus. Atque licet longe potentissimum
futurum sit remedium ad spem imprimendam, quando homines
ad particularia, prassertim in Tabulis nostris Inveniendi digesta
et disposita (quae partim ad secundam, sed multo magis ad
quartam Instaurationis nostrae partem pertinent), adducemus ;
cum hoc ipsum sit non spes tantum, sed tanquam res ipsa:
tamen ut omnia clementius fiant, pergendum est in instituto
nostro de praaparandis hominum mentibus ; cujus praeparationis
ista ostensio spei pars est non exigua. Nam absque ea, reliqua
faciunt magis ad contristationem hominum (scilicet ut dete-
riorem et viliorem habeant de iis quas jam in usu sunt opinio-
nem quam nunc habent, et suae conditionis infortunium plus
sentiantet pernoscant), quam ad alacritatem aliquam inducendam,
aut industriam experiendi acuendam. Itaque conjecture nostra3,
quae spem in hac re faciunt probabilem, aperiendae sunt et prae-
ponend83 : sicut Columbus fecit, ante navigationem illam suam
mirabilem maris Atlantici, cum rationes adduxerit cur ipsc
novas terras et continentes, praeter eas quae ante cogmta3 fuerunt,
inveniri posse confideret: quae rationes, licet primo rejecta;,
postea tamen experimento probatae sunt et rerum maximarum

causae et initia fuerunt.

o 4

200 NOVUM ORGANUM.

XCIII.

Principium autem sumendum a Deo1 : hoc nimimm quod
agitur, propter excellentem in ipso boni naturam, manifeste a
Deo esse, qui author boni et pater luminum est. In operatio-
nibus autem divinis, initia quaeque tenuissima exitum certo
trahunt. Atque quod de spiritualibus dictum est, regnum Dei
non venit cum observation, id etiam in omni majore opere pro-
videntiae divinae evenire reperitur; ut omnia sine strepitu et
sonitu placide labantur, atque res plane agatur priusquam
homines earn agi putent aut ad vert ant. Neque omittenda est
prophetia Danielis de ultimis mundi temporibus: Multi per-
transibunt et multiplex erit scientia : manifeste innuens et
significans esse in fatis, id est in providentia, ut pertransitus
mundi (qui per tot longinquas navigationes impletus plane aut
jam in opere esse videtur) et augmenta scientiarum in eandem
aetatem incidant.

xciv.

Sequitur ratio omnium maxima ad faciendam spem ; nempe
ex erroribus temporis praeteriti et viarum adhuc tentatarum.
Optima enim est ea reprehensio, quam de statu civili haud pru-
denter administrate quispiam his verbis complexus est : Quod
ad prceterita pessimum est, id ad futura optimum videri debet.
Si enim vos omnia quce ad officium vestrum spectant prcestitis-
setis, neque tamen res vestrce in meliore loco essent, ne spes quidem
ulla reliqua foret eas in melius provehi posse. Sed cum rerum
vestrarum status non a vi ipsa rerum sed ab erroribus vestris
male se liabeat, sperandum est, illis erroribus missis aut correctis,
magnam rerum in melius mutationem fieri posse* Simili modo,
si homines per tanta annorum spatia viam inveniendi et colendi
scientias tenuissent, nee tamen ulterius progredi potuissent,audax
proculdubio et temeraria foret opinio, posse rem in ulterius pro-
vehi. Quod si in via ipsa erratum sit, atque hominum opera in iis
consumpta in quibus minime oportebat, sequitur ex eo, non in
rebus ipsis difficultatem oriri, quae potestatis nostrae non sunt, sed
in intellectu humano ejusque usu et applicatione, quae res reme-
dium et medicinam suscipit. Itaque optimum fuerit illos ipsos
errores proponere: quot enim fuerint errorum impedimenta in
praeterito, tot sunt spei argumenta in futurum. Ea vero licet in

1 'Ex Albs apxu>fj.t<r8a. — Aratus, Phsenom. 1. 1.

z Demosthenes : see the first Philippic, p. 40. ; and the third, p. 112. Ed. Reisk.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 201

his qua? superius dicta sunt non intacta omnino fuerint, tamen ea
etiam mine breviter verbis nudis ac simplicibus repraesentare
visum est.

xcv.

Qui tractaverunt scientias aut Empiric! aut Dogmatici fue-
runt. Empirici, formicae more, congerunt tantum et utuntur ;
Rationales, aranearum more, telas ex se conficiunt l : apis vero
ratio media est, quae materiam ex floribus horti et agri elicit, sed
tamen earn propria facilitate vertit et digerit. Neque absimile
philosophise verum opificium est; quod nee mentis viribus
tantum aut prascipue nititur, neque ex historia naturali et me-
chanicis experimentis prasbitam materiam, in memoria integram,
eed in intellectu mutatam et subactam, reponit. Itaque ex
harum facultatum (experimentalis scilicet et rationalis) arctiore
et sanctiore foedere (quod adhuc factum non est) bene speran-
dum est.

xcvi.

Naturalis Philosophia adhuc sincera non invenitur, sed in-
fecta et corrupta : in Aristotelis schola per logicam, in Platonis
schola per theologian! naturalem ; in secunda schola Platonis,
Procli et aliorum, per mathematicam ; qua? philosophiam natu-
ralem terminare, non generare aut procreare debet. At ex
philosophia naturali pura et impermista meliora speranda sunt.

XCVII.

Nemo adhuc tanta mentis constantia et rigore inventus est,
ut decreverit et sibi imposuerit, theorias et notiones communes
penitus abolere, et intellectum abrasum et aequum ad particu-
laria de integro applicare. Itaque ratio ilia humana quam
habemus, ex multa fide et multo etiam casu, nee non ex puerili-
bus quas primo hausimus notionibus, farrago qua3dam est et
congeries.

Quod si quis aetate matura et sensibus integris et mente
repurgata se ad experientiam et ad particularia de integro
applicet, de eo melius sperandum est. Atque hac in parte nobis
spondemus fortunam Alexandri Magni : neque quis nos vani-
tatis arguat, antequam exitum rei audiat, quae ad exuendain
omnem vanitatem spectat.

Etenim de Alexandro et ejus rebus gestis JEschines ita
loquutus est: Nbs certe vitam mortalem non vivimus ; sed in

raJi/ TOWS \6yovs T£>V SioAeKriKcSj/ rots TUV apaxvicav v<pd(T/j.affLv fha^fv, oiiSfv
H^v xpyvinovs, \iav 8^ rexviKofa (perhaps xP1t(r'tljlms and Tex"'"0'*). — Stobaeus, Floril.
§ S2. Compare De Augmentis, v. 2.

202 NOVUM ORGANUM.

hoc nati surmis, ut posteritas de nobis portenta narret et proe-
dicet : perinde ac si Alexandri res gestas pro miraculo habu-
isset.1

At sevis sequentibus Titus Livius melius rem advertit et
introspexit, atque de Alexandro hujusmodi quippiam dixit :
Eum non aliud quam lene ausum vana contemnere* Atque
simile etiam de nobis judicium futuris temporibus factum iri
existimamus : nos nil magni fecisse, scd tantum ea qua pro
magnis hdbentur minoris fecisse. Sed interim (quod jam dixi-
mus) non est spes nisi in regeneratione scientiarum ; ut eas
scilicet ab Experientia certo ordine excitentur et rursus con-
dantur : quod adhuc factum esse aut cogitatum nemo (ut arbi-
trainur) affirmaverit.

XCVIII.

Atque Experientias fundamenta (quando ad hanc omnino dc-
veniendum est) aut nulla aut admodum infirma adhuc fuerunt ;
nee particularium sylva et materies, vel numero vel genere vel
certitudine, informando intellectui competens aut ullo modo
sufficiens, adhuc quaesita est et congesta. Sed contra homines
docti (supini sane et faciles) rumores quosdam Experientiae, et
quasi famas et auras ejus, ad philosophiam suam vel constituen-
dam vel confirmandam exceperunt, atque illis nihilominus pon-
dus legitimi testimonii attribuerunt. Ac veluti si regnum ali-
quod aut status non ex literis et relationibus a legatis et nuntiis
fide-dignis missis, sed ex urbanorum sermunculis et ex triviis,
consilia sua et negotia gubernaret ; omnino talis in philosophiam
administratio, quatenus ad Experientiam, introducta est. Nil
debitis modis exquisitum, nil verificatum, nil numeratum, nil
appensum, nil dimensum in Natural! Historia reperitur. At
quod in observatione indefinitum et vagum, id in informatione
fallax et infidum est. Quod si cui haec mira dictu videantur
et querelae minus justae propiora, cum Aristoteles, tantus ipse
vir et tanti regis opibus subnixus, tarn accuratam de Animalibus
historiam confecerit, atque alii nonnulli majore diligentia (licet
strepitu minore) multa adjecerint, et rursus alii de plantis, de
metallis, et fossilibus, historias et narrationes copiosas conscri-
pserint ; is sane non satis attendere et perspicere videtur quid
agatur in prassentia. Alia enim est ratio Naturalis Historiae
quae propter se confecta est ; alia ejus quae collecta est ad in-

1 ^schines, De Corona, p. 72. Ed. II. Stcphan.

2 Lib. ix. c. 17.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 203

formandum intellectum in ordine ad condendam philosophiam.
Atque hae duae historiae turn aliis rebus, turn prsecipue in hoc
differunt ; quod prima ex illis specierura naturalium varietatem,
non artium mechanicarum experimenta, contineat. Quemad-
modum enira in civilibus ingenium cujusque et occultus animi
affectuumque sensus melius elicitur cum quis in perturbatione
ponitur, quam alias : simili modo, et occulta naturae magis se
produnt per vexationes artium, quam cum cursu suo meant.
Itaque turn demum bene sperandum est de Natural! Philoso-
phia, postquam Historia Naturalis (quae ejus basis est et funda-
mentum) melius instructa fuerit ; antea vero minime.

xcix.

Atque rursus in ipsa experimentorum mechanicorum copia,
summa eorum qua? ad intellectus informationem maxime faciunt
et juvant detegitur inopia. Mechanicus enim, de veritatis in-
quisitione nullo modo sollicitus, non ad alia quam quae operi suo
subserviunt aut animum erigit aut manuin porrigit. Turn vero
de scientiarum ulteriore progressu spes bene fundabitur, quum
in Historiam Naturalem recipientur et aggregabuntur com-
plura experimenta, quae in se nullius sunt usus, sed ad inventio-
nem causarum et axiomatum tantum faciunt ; quae nos lucifera
experimenta, ad differentiam fructiferorum, appellare consuevi-
mus. Ilia autem miram habent in se virtutem et conditionem ;
hanc videlicet, quod nunquam fallant aut frustrentur. Cum
enim ad hoc adhibeantur, non ut opus aliquod efficiant sed ut
causam naturalem in aliquo revelent, quaquaversum cadunt,
intention! aeque satisfaciunt ; cum quaestionem terminent.

c.

At non solum copia major experimentorum quaerenda est et
procuranda, atque etiam alterius generis, quam adhuc factum
est; sed etiam methodus plane alia et ordo et processus conti-
nuandas et provehenda3 Experientia} introducenda. Vaga enim
Experientia et se tantum sequens (ut superius dictum est) mera
palpatio est, et homines potius stupefacit quam informat. At
cum Experientia lege certa procedet, seriatim et continenter, de
scientiis aliquid melius sperari poterit.

ci.

Postquam vero copia et materies Historiae Naturalis et Expe-
rientiaa, talis qualis ad opus intellectus sive ad opus philosophi-
cum requiritur, praesto jam sit et parata ; tamen nullo modo
sufficit iutellectus, ut in illam matcricm agat spontc et memoriter ;

204 NOVUM ORGANUM.

non magis, quam si quis computationem alicujus ephemeridis
memoriter se tenere et superare posse speret. Atque hactenus
tamen potiores meditationis partes quam scriptionis in inve-
niendo fuerunt ; neque adhuc Experientia literata * facta est :
atqui nulla nisi de scripto inventio probanda est. Ilia vero in
usum inveniente, ab Experientia facta demum literata melius
sperandum.

Cil.

Atque insuper cum tantus sit particularium numerus et quasi
exercitus, isque ita sparsus et diffusus, ut intellectum disgreget
et confundat, de velitationibus et levibus motibus et transcur-
sibus intellectus non bene sperandum est; nisi fiat instructio
et coordinatio, per tabulas inveniendi idoneas et bene dispositas
et tanquam vivas, eorum qua; pertinent ad subjectum in quo
versatur inquisitio, atque ad harum tabularum auxilia prasparata
et digesta mens applicetur.

cm.

Verum post copiam particularium rite et ordlne veluti sub
oculos positorum, non statim transeundum est ad inquisitionem
et inventionem novorum particularium aut operum ; aut saltern,
si hoc fiat, in eo non acquiescendum. Neque enim negamus,
postquam omnia omnium artium experimenta collecta et di-
gesta fuerint atque ad unius hominis notitiam et judicium per-
venerint, quin ex ipsa traductione experimentorum unius artis
in alias multa nova inveniri possint ad humanam vitam et
statum utilia, per istam Experientiam quam vocamus Litera-
tam2; sed tamen minora de ea speranda sunt; majora vero a
nova luce Axiomatum ex particularibus illis certa via et regula
eductorum, quae rursus nova particularia indicent et designent.
Neque enim in piano via sita est, sed ascendendo et descen-
dendo ; ascendendo primo ad Axiomata, descendendo ad Opera.

Civ.
Neque tamen permittendum est, ut intellectus a particulari-

1 "Experientia literata" does not appear to be used here in the same sense as in
Aph. 103., or in the De Augmentis, v. 2. : " Cum quis experimenta omnigena absque
ulla serie aut methodo tentet, ea demum mera est palpatio : cum vero nonnulla utatur
in experimentando directione et ordine, perinde est ac si manu ducatur. Atque hoc
ipsum est quod per Experientiam Literatam intelligimus." Here it is used merely for
a mode of experimenting in which the results are recorded in writing. The " experi-
entia literata" of the De Augmentis answers to the "experientia certa lege proce-
dens " of the last aphorism. — J. S.

2 Here " experientia literata " is the same as in the De Augmentis. See the last
note. — J. S.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 205

bus ad axiomata remota et quasi generalissima (qualia sunt
principia, quae vocant, artium et rerum) saliat et volet ; et ad
eorum immotam veritatem axiomata media probet et expediat :
quod adhuc factum est, prono ad hoc impetu naturali intelle-
ctus, atque etiam ad hoc ipsum, per demonstrationes quae fi-
unt per syllogismum, jampridem edocto et assuefacto. Sed de
scientiis turn demum bene sperandum est, quando per scalam
veram, et per gradus continuoa et non intermissos aut hiulcos,
a particularibus ascendetur ad axiomata minora, et deinde ad
media, alia aliis superiora, et postremo demum ad generalissima.
Etenim axiomata infima non multum ab experientia nuda dis-
crepant. Suprema vero ilia et generalissima (quae habentur)
notionalia sunt et abstracta, et nil habent solidi. At media
sunt axiomata ilia vera et solida et viva, in quibus humanae res
et fortune sita? sunt ; et supra haec quoque, tandem ipsa ilia ge-
neralissima ; talia scilicet quae non abstracta sint, sed per hsec
media vere limitantur.1

Itaque hominum intellectui non plumae addendae, sed plum-
bum potius et pondera ; ut cohibeant omnem saltum et volatum.
Atque hoc adhuc factum non est ; quum vero factum fuerit,
melius de scientiis sperare licebit.

cv.

In constituendo autem axiomate, forma Inductionis alia quam
adhuc in usu fuit excogitanda est ; eaque non ad principia tantum
(quae vocant) probanda et invenienda, sed etiam ad axiomata
minora et media, denique omnia. Inductio enim quae procedit
per enumerationem simplicem res puerilis est, et precario con-
cludit, et periculo exponitur ab instantia contradictoria, et
plerumque secundum pauciora quam par est, et ex his tantum-
modo quae praesto sunt, pronunciat. At Inductio quae ad in-
ventionem et demonstrationem scientiarum et artium erit utilis
naturam separare debet, per rejectiones et exclusiones debitas ;
ac deinde, post negativas tot quot sufficiunt, super affirmativas
concludere ; quod adhuc factum non est, nee tentatum certe,
nisi tantummodo a Platone, qui ad excutiendas definitiones et
ideas, hac certe forma inductionis aliquatenus utitur.3 Verum

1 That is, of which these intermediate axioms are really limitations, i. e. particular
cases.

2 This is one of many passages which show that Bacon was very far from asserting
that he was the first to propose an inductive method. It is remarkable that M. de
St. Hilaire in his translation of the treatise De Animu of Aristotle has repeated the
popular assertion that Bacon claimed to be the first discoverer of induction.

206 NOVUM ORGANUM.

ad hujus inductionis, sive demonstrationis, instructionem bonara
et legitimam, quamplurima adhibenda sunt quaj adhuc nullius
mortalium cogitationem subiere ; adeo ut in ea major sit consu-
menda opera, quam adhuc consumpta est in syllogismo. Atque
hujus inductionis auxilio, non solum ad axiomata invenienda,
verum etiam ad notiones terminandas, utendum est.1 Atque in
hac certe Inductione spes maxima sita est.

cvi.

At in axiomatibus constituendis per hanc inductionem, exa-
minatio et probatio etiam facienda est, utrum quod constituitur
axioma aptatum sit tantum et ad mensuram factum eorum
particularium ex quibus extrahitur; an vero sit amplius et
latius. Quod si sit amplius aut latius, videndum an earn suam
amplitudinem et latitudinem per novorum particularium de-
signationem, quasi fide-jussione quadam, firmet2; ne vel in jam
notis tantum hsereamus, vel laxiore fortasse complexu umbras
et formas abstractas, non solida et determinata in materia,
prensemus. Haec vero cum in usum venerint, solida turn de-
mum spes merito affulserit.

evil.

Atque hie etiam resumendum est, quod superius dictum est
de Natural! Philosophia producta, et scientiis particularibus ad
earn reductis, ut non fiat scissio et truncatio scientiarum ; nam
etiam absque hoc minus de progressu sperandum est.

CVIII.

Atque de desperatione tollenda et spe facienda, ex prseteriti
temporis erroribus valere jussis aut rectificatis, jam dictum est.
Videndum autem et si quae alia sint quse spem faciant. Illud
vero occurrit ; si hominibus non quserentibus, et aliud agentibus,

1 " Ad notiones terminandas " may be rendered " in order to the formation of con-
ceptions." This passage, especially when compared with the 14th Aphorism, shows
that Bacon contemplated a twofold application of induction, though he has left nothing
on the subject of the formation of conceptions.

2 The meaning of this will be made clearer by comparing it with the following pas-
sage in Valerius Terminus : —

" That the discovery of new works or active directions not known before is the only
trial to be accepted of ; and yet not that neither in case where one particular giveth
light to another, but where particulars induce an axiom or observation, which axiom
found out discovereth and designeth new particulars. That the nature of this trial
is not only on the point whether the knowledge be profitable or no, but even upon the
point whether the knowledge be true or no. Not because you may always conclude
that the axiom which discovereth new instances is true ; but contrariwise you may
safely conclude that, if you discover not any new instance, it is vain and untrue.
That by new instances are not always to be understood new recipes, but new assigna-
tions ; and of the diversity between these two." — Vol. Ter., abridgment of the 12th
chapter of the first book. J. S.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 207

multa utilia, tanquam casu quodam aut per occasionem, in-
venta sint ; nemini chibium esse posse, quin iisdem quasrentibus
ot hoc agentibus, idque via et ordine, non impetu et desultorie,
longe plura detegi necesse sit. Licet enim semel aut iterum
accidere possit, ut quispiam in id forte fortuna incidat, quod
magno conatu et de industria scrutantem antea fugit ; tamen in
summa rerum proculdubio contrarium invenitur. Itaque longe
plura et meliora, atque per minora intervalla, a ratione et in-
dustria et directione et intentione hominum speranda sunt,
quam a casu et instinctu animalium et hujusmodi, quae hactenus
principium inventis dederunt.

cix.

Etiam illud ad spem trahi possit, quod nonnulla ex his quae
jam inventa sunt ejus sint generis ut antequam invenirentur
haud facile cuiquam in mentem venisset de iis aliquid suspicari ;
sed plane quis ilia ut impossibilia contempsisset. Solent enim
homines de rebus novis ad exemplum veterum, et secundum
phantasiam ex iis praeceptam et inquinatam, hariolari; quod
genus opinandi fallacissimum est, quandoquidem multa ex his
quae ex fontibus rerum petuntur per rivulos consuetos non
fluant.

Veluti si quis, ante tonnentorum igneorum inventionem,
rem per effectus descripsisset, atque in hunc modum dixisset :
inventum quoddam detectum esse, per quod muri et munitiones
quasque maxima? ex longo intervallo concuti et dejici possint ;
homines sane de viribus tormentorum et machinarum per
pondera et rotas et hujusmodi arietationes et impulsus multi-
plicandis, multa et varia secum cogitaturi fuissent; de vento
autem igneo, tarn subito et violenter se expandente et ex-
sufflante, vix unquam aliquid alicujus imaginationi aut phan-
tasiae occursurum fuisset ; utpote cujus exemplum in proximo
non vidisset1, nisi forte in terrae motu aut fulmine, quae, ut
magnalia naturae et non imitabilia ab homine, homines statim
rejecturi fuissent.

Eodem modo si, ante fili bombycini inventionem, quispiam
hujusmodi sermonem injecisset : esse quoddam fili genus inven-
tum ad vestium et supellectilia usum, quod filum linteum aut
laneum tenuitate et nihilominus tenacitate, ac etiam splendore
et mollitie, longe superaret ; homines statim aut de serico aliquo
vegetabili, aut de animalis alicujus pilis delicatioribus, aut de

1 As a thing to which he had seen nothing immediately analogous.

208 NOVUM ORGANUM.

avium plumis et lanugine, aliquid opinaturi fuissent ; verum de
vermis pusilli textura, eaque tarn copiosa et se renovante et anni-
versaria, nil fuissent certe commenturi. Quod si quis etiam
de vermi verbum aliquod injecisset, ludibrio certe futurus
fuisset, ut qui novas aranearum operas sdmniaret.

Similiter, si ante inventionem acus nauticae quispiam hujus-
modi sermonem intulisset : inventum esse quoddam instrumen-
tum, per quod cardines et puncta coeli exacte capi et dignosci
possint; homines statim de magis exquisita fabricatione instru-
mentorum astronomicorum, ad multa et varia, per agitationem
phantasiae, discursuri fuissent; quod vero aliquid inveniri pos-
sit, cujus motus cum coelestibus tarn bene conveniret, atque
ipsum tamen ex coelestibus non esset, sed tantum substantia
lapidea aut metallica, omnino incredibile visuin fuisset. Atque
haec tamen et similia per tot mundi aetates homines latuerunt,
nee per philosophiam aut artes rationales inventa sunt, sed
casu et per occasionein ; suntque illius (ut diximus) generis, ut
ab iis quae antea cognita fuerunt plane heterogenea et remotis-
sima sint, ut praenotio aliqua nihil prorsus ad ilia conducere
potuisset.

Itaque sperandum omnino est, esse adhuc in naturae sinu
multa excellentis usus recondita, quae nullam cum jam inventis
cognationem habent aut parallelismum, sed omnino sita sunt
extra vias phantasiae ; quae tamen adhuc inventa non sunt ; quae
proculdubio per multos saeculorum circuitus et ambages et ipsa
quandoque prodibunt, sicut ilia superiora prodierunt ; sed per
viam quam nunc tractamus, propere et subito et simul reprae-
sentari l et anticipari possunt.

ex.

Attamen conspiciuntur et alia inventa ejus generis qua?
fidem faciant, posse genus humanum nobilia inventa, etiam ante
pedes posita, praeterire et trausilire. Utcunque enim pulveris
tormentarii vel fill bombycini vel acus nauticae vel sacchari
vel papyri vel similium inventa quibusdam rerum et naturae
proprietatibus niti videantur, at certe Imprimendi artificium nil

1 I. e. to be presented at once, before the regular time. Thus Pliny, 31.2., " Thes-
piarum fons conceptus mulieribus reprcesentat ; " i. e, makes them conceive at once.
And Cicero, Ep. ad Fam. v. 16., " neque debemus expectare temporis medicinam,
quam reprasentare ratione possimus." And again Phil. 2., " Corpus libenter obtu-
lerim, si reprasentari morte mea libertas civitatis potest ; " t. e. to be recovered at
once ; or at least the recovery hastened. Many other examples are given by Faccic-
lati, showing that this was a very common use of the word. — /. S.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 209

habet quod non sit apertum et fere obvium. Et nihilominus
homines, non advertentes literarum modules difBcilius scilicet
collocari quam literse per motum manus scribantur, sed hoc
interesse, quod literarum moduli semel collocati infinitis im-
pressionibus, literae autem per manum exaratae unicae tantum
scriptioni, sufficiant ; aut fortasse iterum non advertentes atra-
mentum ita inspissari posse, ut tingat, non fluat; praesertim
literis resupinatis et impressione facta desuper ; hoc pulcherrimo
invento (quod ad doctrinarum propagationem tantum facit) per
tot saecula caruerunt.

Solet autem mens humana, in hoc inventionis curriculo, tarn
laeva saapenumero et male composita esse, ut primo diffidat, et
paulo post se contemnat ; atque primo incredibile ei videatur
aliquid tale inveniri posse, postquam autem inventum sit, in-
credibile rursus videatur id homines tamdiu fugere potuisse.
Atque hoc ipsum ad spem rite trahitur; superesse nimirum
adhuc magnum inventorum cumulum, qui non solum ex opera-
tionibus incognitis eruendis, sed et ex jam cognitis transferendis
et componendis et applicandis, per earn quam diximus Expe-
rientiam literatam deduci possit.

CXI.

Neque illud omittendum ad faciendam spem: reputent (si
placet) homines infinitas ingenii, temporis, facultatum expensas,
quas homines in rebus et studiis longe minoris usus et pretii
collocant ; quorum pars quota si ad sana et solida verteretur,
nulla non difficultas superari possit. Quod idcirco adjungere
visum est, quia plane fatemui' Historic Naturalis et Experi-
mentalis collectionem, qualem animo metimur et qualis esse
debet, opus esse magnum, et quasi regium, et multse operae
atque impensse.

cxn.

Interim particularium multitudinem nemo reformidet, quin
potius hoc ipsum ad spem revocet. Sunt enim artium et
naturae particularia Phenomena manipuli instar ad ingenii com-
menta, postquam ab evidentia rerum disjuncta et abstracta
fuerint. Atque hujus vias exitus in aperto est, et fere in pro-
pinquo ; alterius exitus nullus, sed implicatio infinita. Homines
enim adhuc parvam in Experientia moram fecerunt, et earn
leviter perstrinxerunt, sed in meditationibus et commentationibus
ingenii infinitum tempus contriverunt. Apud nos vero si esset

VOL. i. p

210 NOYUM ORGA.XUM.

praesto quispiam qui de facto naturae ad inter rogata responderet l,
paucorum annorum esset inventio causarum et scientiarum
omnium.

CXIII.

Etiam nonnihil hominibus spei fieri posse putamus ab ex-
emplo nostro proprio; neque jactantiae causa hoc dicimus sed
quod utile dictu sit. Si qui diffidant, me videant, hominem
inter homines astatis meae civilibus negotiis occupatissimum,
nee firma admodum valetudine (quod magnum habet temporis
dispendium), atque in hac re plane protopirum, et vestigia
nullius sequutum, neque haec ipsa cum ullo mortalium com-
municantem, et tamen veram viam constanter ingressum et
ingenium rebus submittentem, haac ipsa aliquatenus (ut ex-
istimamus) provexisse ; et deinceps videant, quid ab hominibus
otio abundantibus, atque a laboribus consociatis, atque a tem-
porum successione, post haec indicia nostra expectandum sit;
praesertim in via quaa non singulis solummodo pervia est (ut
fit in via ilia rationali), sed ubi hominum labores et operas
(praesertim quantum ad experientia? collectam) optime dis-
tribui et deinde componi possint. Turn enim homines vires
suas nosse incipient, cum non eadem infiniti, sed alia alii prae-
stabunt.

CXIV.

Postremo, etiamsi multo infirmior et obscurior aura spei ab
ista Nova Continente spiraverit2, tamen omnino experiendum
esse (nisi velimus animi esse plane abjecti) statuimus. Non
enim res pari periculo non tentatur, et non succedit; cum in
illo ingentis boni, in hoc exiguae humanae operae, jactura
vertatur. Verum ex dictis, atque etiam ex non dictis, visum
est nobis spei abunde subesse, non tantum homini strenuo ad
experiendum, sed etiam prudenti et sobrio ad credendum.

cxv.

Atque de desperatione tollenda, quae inter causas potentissimas
ad progressum scientiarum remorandum et inhibendum fuit,
jam dictum est, Atque simul sermo de signis et causis errorum,
et inertiae et ignorantiae quae invaluit, absolutus est ; praesertim

1 The aMusion is to judicial examinationon interrogatories. Naturae is to be con-
strued with de facto, and not with interrogata. " Interrogata naturae " cannot be
rendered our " interrogations of nature," which is Mr. Wood's translation.

2 Bacon refers to what Peter Martyr Aughiera has related, that Columbus observing
the west-winds which blow at certain times of the year on the coast of Portugal, came
to the conclusion that there must be laud to generate them.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 211

cum subtiliores causse, et quae in judicium populare aut ob-
servationem non incurrunt, ad ^a quas de Idolis animi human!
dicta sunt referri debeant.

Atque hie simul pars destruens Instaurationis nostraa claudi
debet, qua? perficitur tribus redargutionibus ; redargutione
nimirum Humana Rationis Natives et sibi permissae l ; redar-
gutione Demonstrationum ; et redargutione Theoriarum, sive
philosophiarum et doctrinarum quse receptae sunt. Redargutio
vero earum talis fuit quails esse potuit ; videlicet per signa, et
evidentiam causarum; cum confutatio alia nulla a nobis (qui
et de principiis et de demonstrationibus ab aliis dissentimus)
adhiberi potuerit.

Quocirca tempus est, ut ad ipsam artem et normam Inter-
pretandi Naturam veniamus ; et tamen nonnihil restat quod
prasvertendum est. Quum enim in hoc primo Aphorismorum
libro illud nobis propositum sit, ut tarn ad intelligendum quam
ad recipiendum ea quae sequuntur mentes hominum prae-
parentur; expurgata jam et abrasa et aequata mentis area,
sequitur ut mens sistatur in positione bona, et tanquam aspectu
benevolo, ad ea quae proponemus. Valet enim in re nova ad
prasjudicium, non solum praeoccupatio fortis opiuionis veteris,
sod et praeceptio sive prasfiguratio falsa rei quae affertur. Itaque
conabimur efficere ut habeantur bonae et verae de iis quae
adducimus opiniones, licet ad tempus tantummodo, et tanquam
usurariae 2, donee res ipsa pernoscatur.

cxvi.

Primo itaque postulandum videtur, ne existiment homines
nos, more antiquorum Graecorum, aut quorundam novorum
hominum, Telesii, Patricii, Severini 3, sectam aliquam in philo-
sophia condere velle. Neque enim hoc agimus; neque etiam
multum interesse putamus ad hominum fortunas quales quis

1 For an explanation of this passage, as connected with the first form of the doc-
trine of Idols when they were divided into three kinds to each of which one of these
confutations corresponded, see the preface. In comparing it with the corresponding
passages in the Partis secundce delineatio, and the Distributio operis, it will be observed
that the order of the confutations is inverted. The first of these redargutions extends
from the 40th to the 60th aphorism ; the other two, which are not kept distinct, end
here. — /. S.

2 Compare Distr. Op., p. 143. : "Ac quinta pars ad tempus tantum, donee reliqua
perficiantur, adhibetur ; et tanquam foenus redditur usque dum sors haberi possit."
See also the next aphorism, in which the same expression occurs.

8 See De Aug. iv. 3. for a rather fuller mention of these philosophers, and the
note upon the passage. See also, for Telesius, the preface to Fabula Cadi et Cupidi-
nis ; for Patricius, the Descriptio Globi intellectualit ; for Severinus, the Temporis
Purtus Masculus. — J. S.

F 2

212 NOVUM ORGANUM.

opiniones abstractas de natura et rerum principiis habeat;
neque dubium est, quin multa hujusmodi et vetera revocari et
nova introduci possint ; quemadmodum et complura themata
coeli supponi possunt, quae cum phaenomenis sat bene con-
veniunt, inter se tamen dissentiunt.

At nos de hujusmodi rebus opinabilibus, et simul inutilibus,
non laboramus. At contra nobis constitutum est experiri, an
revera potentiae et amplitudinis humanae firmiora fundamenta
jacere ac fines in latius proferre possimus. Atque licet sparsim
et in aliquibus subjectis specialibus, longe veriora habeamus et
certiora (ut arbitramur) atque etiam magis fructuosa quam
quibus homines adhuc utuntur, (quae in quintam Instaurationis
nostrae partem congessimus,) tamen theoriam nullam univer-
salem aut integram proponimus. Neque enim huic rei tempus
adhuc adesse videtur. Quin nee spem habemus vitas pro-
ducendae ad sextain Instaurationis partem (quae philosophise
per legitimam Naturae Interpretationem inventae destinata est)
absolvendam ; sed satis habemus si in mediis sobrie et utiliter
nos geramus, atque interim semina veritatis sincerioris in poste-
ros spargamus, atque initiis rerum magnarum non desimus.

CXVII.

Atque quemadmodum sectse conditores non sumus, ita nee
operum particularium largitores aut promissores. Attamen
possit aliquis hoc modo occurrere; quod nos, qui tarn saspe
operum mentionem faciamus et omnia eo trahamus, etiam ope-
rum aliquorum pignora exhibeamus. Verum via nostra et
ratio (ut saepe perspicue diximus et adhuc dicere juvat) ea est ;
ut non opera ex operibus sive experimenta ex experimentis
(ut empirici), sed ex operibus et experimentis causas et axio-
mata, atque ex causis et axiomatibus rursus nova opera et
experimenta (ut legitimi Naturae Interpretes), extrahamus.

Atque licet in tabulis nostris inveniendi (ex quibus quarta
pars Instaurationis consistit), atque etiam exemplis particula-
rium (quae in secunda parte adduximus), atque insuper in
observationibus nostris super historiam (quae in tertia parte
operis descripta est), quivis vel mediocris perspicaciae et solertiae
complurium operum nobilium indicationes et designationes
ubique notabit ; ingenue tamen fatemur, historiam naturalem
quam adhuc habemus, aut ex libris aut ex inquisitione propria,
non tarn copiosam esse et verificatam, ut legitimas Interpreta-
tioni satisfacere aut ministrare possit.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 213

Itaque si quis ad mechanica sit magis aptus et paratus, atque
sagax ad venanda opera1 ex conversatione sola cum experi-
ments, ei permittimus et relinquimus illam industriam, ut ex
historia nostra et tabulis multa tanquam in via decerpat et
applicet ad opera, ac veluti foenus recipiat ad tempus, donee
sors haberi possit. Nos vero, cum ad majora contendamus,
moram omnem praeproperam et praematuram in istiusmodi rebus
tanquam Atalantse pilas (ut saepius solemus dicere) damnamus.
Neque enim aurea poma pueriliter affectamus, sed omnia in
victoria cursus artis super naturam ponimus ; neque museum
aut segetem herbidam demetere festinamus, sed messem tempe-
stivam expectamus.

CXVIII.

Occurret etiam alicui proculdubio, postquam igsam historiam
nostram et inventionis tabulas perlegerit, aliquid in ipsis ex-
perimentis minus certum, vel omnino falsum ; atque propterea
secum fortasse reputabit, fundamentis et principiis falsis et
dubiis inventa nostra niti. Verum hoc nihil est ; necesse enim
est talia sub initiis evenire. Simile enim est ac si in scri-
ptione aut impressione una forte litera aut altera perperam
posita aut collocata sit ; id enim legentem non multum impedire
solet, quandoquidem errata ab ipso sensu facile corriguntur.
Ita etiam cogitent homines multa in historia naturali experi*
menta falso credi et recipi posse, quae paulo post a causis et
axiomatibus inventis facile expunguntur et rejiciuntur. Sed
tamen verum est, si in historia naturali et experimentis magna
et crebra et continua fuerint errata, ilia nulla ingenii aut artis
foelicitate corrigi aut emendari posse. Itaque si in historia
nostra naturali, quae tanta diligentia et severitate et fere reli-
gione probata et collecta est, aliquid in particularibus quando-
que subsit falsitatis aut erroris, quid tandem de naturali
historia vulgari, quae prae nostra tarn negligens est et facilis,
dicendum erit ? aut de philosophia et scientiis super hujusmodi
arenas (vel syrtes potius) asdificatis ? Itaque hoc quod diximus
neminem moveat.

CXIX.

Occurrent etiam in historia nostra et experimentis plurimae
res, primo leves et vulgata?, deinde viles et illiberales, postremo

1 Compare Temporis Partus Masculus : — " Siquidem utile genus eorum est qui de
theoriis non admodum solicit!, mechanica quadam subtilitate rerum inventarum ex-
tensiones prehendunt ; qualis est Bacon." — J. S.

p 3

214 NO YUM ORGANUM.

nimis subtiles ac mere speculative, et quasi nullius usus : quod
genus rerum, hominum studia avertere et alienare possit.

Atque de istis rebus quae videntur vulgatae, illud homines
cogitent; solere sane eos adhuc nihil aliud agere, quam ut
eorum quae rara sunt causas ad ea quae frequenter fiunt
referant et accommodent, at ipsorum quae frequenter eveniunt
nullas causas inquirant, sed ea ipsa recipiant tanquam concessa
et admissa.

Itaque non ponderis, non rotationis coelestium, non caloris,
non frigoris, non luminis, non duri, non mollis, non tenuis, non
densi, non liquidi, non consistentis, non animati, non inanimati,
non similaris, non dissimilaris, nee demum organici, causas
quosrunt ; sed illis, tanquam pro evidentibus et manifestis, re-
ceptis, de ceteris rebus quae non tain frequenter et familiariter
occurrunt disputant et judicant.

Nos vero, qui satis scimus nullum de rebus raris aut notabi-
libus judicium fieri posse, multo minus res novas in lucem
protrahi, absque vulgarium rerum causis et causarum causis
rite examinatis et repertis, necessario ad res vulgarissimas in
historiam nostram recipiendas compellimur. Quinetiam nil
magis philosophiae offecisse deprehendimus quam quod res quae
familiares sunt et frequenter occurrunt contemplationem homi-
num non morentur et detineant, sed recipiantur obiter, neque
earum causse quaeri soleant : ut non saepius requiratur infor-
matio de rebus ignotis, quam attentio in notis.

cxx.

Quod vero ad rerum vilitatem attinet, vel etiam turpitudi-
nem, quibus (ut ait Plinius) honos praefandus est1 ; eae res, non
minus quam lautissimae et pretiosissimae, in historiam natu-
ralem recipiendae sunt. Neque propterea polluitur naturalis
historia: sol enim aeque palatia et cloacas ingreditur, neque
tamen polluitur. Nos autem non Capitolium aliquod aut Pyra-
midem hominum superbise dedicamus aut condimus, sed tern-
plum sanctum ad exemplar mundi in intellectu humano fundamus.
Itaque exemplar sequimur. Nam quicquid essentia dignum
est, id etiam scientia dignuni, quas est essentiae imago. At vilia
reque subsistunt ac lauta. Quinetiam, ut e quibusdam putri-
dis materiis, veluti musco et zibetho, aliquando optimi odores

1 " Rerum natura, hoc est, vita narratur, et haec sordidissima sui parte, ut plurima-
rum rerum aut rusticis vocabulis aut externis, imo b;irb:iris, etiam cum honoris pr*-
fatione ponendis." — Plin. Hist. Nut. i. ad init. Compare also Aristot. De Part. Animal.
i. 5.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 215

generantur; ita et ab instantiis vilibus et sordidis quandoque
eximia lux et informatio emanat. . Verum de hoc nimis multa ;
cum hoc genus fastidii sit plane puerile et effceminatum.

cxxi.

At de illo omnino magis accurate dispiciendum ; quod plu-
rima in historia nostra captui vulgari, aut etiam cuivis intellectui
(rebus praesentibus assuefacto), videbuntur curiosae cujusdam
et inutilis subtilitatis. Itaque de hoc ante omnia et dictum et
dicendum est; hoc scilicet; nos jam sub initiis et ad tempus,
tantum lucifera experimenta, non fructifera quaerere; ad exem-
plum creationis divinae, quod saepius diximus, quae primo die
lucem tantum produxit, eique soli unum integrum diem attribuit,
neque illo die quicquam materiati operis immiscuit.

Itaque si quis istiusmodi res nullius esse usus putet, idem
cogitat ac si nullum etiam lucis esse usum censeat, quia res
scilicet solida aut materiata non sit. Atque revera dicendum
est, simplicium naturarum cognitionem bene examinatam et
definitam instar lucis esse ; quae ad universa operum penetralia
aditum praebet, atque tota agmina operum et turmas, et axioma-
tum nobilissimorum fontes, potestate quadam complectitur et post
se trahit ; in se tarn en non ita magni usus est. Quin et litera-
rum elementa per se et separatim nihil significant nee alicujus
usus sunt, sed tamen ad omnis sermonis compositionem et
apparatum instar materias primae sunt. Etiam semina rerum
potestate valida, usu (nisi in processu suo) nihili sunt. Atque
lucis ipsius radii dispersi, nisi coeant, beneficium suum non im-
pertiuntur.

Quod si quis subtilitatibus speculativis offendatur, quid de
scholasticis viris dicendum erit, qui subtilitatibus immensum
indulserunt ? qua; tamen subtilitates in Yerbis, aut saltern vul-
garibus notionibus (quod tantundem valet), non in rebus aut
nutura consumptas fuerunt, atque utilitatis expertes erant, non
tantum in origine, sed etiam in consequentiis ; tales autem non
fuerunt, ut haberent in prassens utilitatem nullam, sed per con-
sequens infinitam ; quales sunt eae de quibus loquimur. Hoc
vero sciant homines pro certo, omnem subtilitatem disputationum
et discursuum mentis, si adhibeatur tantum post axiomata in-
venta, seram esse et praeposteram ; et subtilitatis tempus verum
ac proprium, aut saltern praecipuum, versari in pensitanda
experientia et inde constituendis axiomatibus ; nam ilia altera
subtilitas naturam prensat et captat, sed nunquam apprehendit

P 4

216 NOVUM ORGANUM.

aut capit. Et verissimum certe est quod de occasione sive
fortuna dici solet, si transferatur ad naturam : videlicet, earn a
fronte comatam, ab occipitio calvam esse.

Denique de contemptu in naturali historia rerum aut vul-
garium, aut vilium, aut nimis subtilium et in originibus suis
inutilium, ilia vox mulierculas ad tumidum principem, qui peti-
tionem ejus ut rem indignam et maj estate sua inferiorem abje-
cisset, pro oraculo sit ; Desine ergo rex esse : quia certissimum
est, imperium in naturam, si quis hujusmodi rebus ut nimis
exilibus et minutis vacare nolit, nee obtineri nee geri posse.

CXXII.

Occurrit1 etiam et illud; mirabile quiddam esse et durum,
quod nos omnes scientias atque omnes authores simul ac veluti
uno ictu et impetu summoveamus : idque non assumpto aliquo
ex antiquis in auxilium et presidium nostrum, sed quasi viribus
propriis.

Nos autem scimus, si minus sincera fide agere voluissemus,
non difficile fuisse nobis, ista quae afferuntur vel ad antiqua
saecula ante Graecorum tempora (cum scientiae de natura magis
fortasse sed tamen majore cum silentio floruerint, neque in
Groecorum tubas et fistulas adhuc incidissent), vel etiam (per
partes certe) ad aliquos ex Grsecis ipsis referre, atque astipula-
tionem et honorem inde petere : more novorum hominum, qui
nobilitatem sibi ex antiqua aliqua prosapia, per genealogiarum
favores, astruunt et affingunt. Nos vero rerum evidentia freti,
omnem commenti et imposturae conditionem rejicimus; neque
ad id quod agitur plus interesse putamus, utruni quas jam in-
venientur antiquis olim cognita, et per rerum vicissitudines et
saecula occidentia et orientia sint, quam hominibus curae esse
debere, utrum Novus Orbis fuerit insula ilia Atlantis et ve-
teri mundo cognita, an nunc primum reperta. Rerum enim
inventio a natura? luce petenda, non ab antiquitatis tenebris
repetenda est.

Quod vero ad universalem istam reprehensionem attinet,
certissimum est vere rem reputanti, earn et magis probabilem
esse et magis modestam, quam si facta fuisset ex parte. Si
enim in primis notionibus errores radicati non fuissent, fieri non
potuisset quin nonnulla recte inventa alia perperam inventa
correxissent. Sed cum errores fundamentales fuerint, atque
ejusmodi ut homines potius res neglexerint ac praeterierint,

1 So in the original edition. I think it should be occurret. — J. S.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 217

quam de illis pravum ant falsum judicium fecerint ; minime
mirum est, si homines id non obtinuerint quod non egerint,
nee ad metam pervenerint quam non posuerint aut collocarint,
neque viam emensi sint quam non ingressi sint aut tenuerint.

Atque insolentiam rei quod attinet ; certe si quis manus con-
stantia atque oculi vigore lineam magis rectam aut circulum
magis perfectum se describere posse quam alium quempiam sibi
assumat, inducitur scilicet facultatis comparatio : quod si quis
asserat se adhibita regula aut circumducto circino lineam magis
rectam aut circulum magis perfectum posse describere, quam
aliquem alium vi sola oculi et manus, is certe non admodum
jactator fuerit. Quin hoc quod dicimus non solum in hoc nostro
conatu primo et incoaptivo locum habet ; sed etiam pertinet ad
eos qui huic rei posthac incumbent. Nostra enim via inveniendi
scientias exaequat fere ingenia, et non multum excellentiae eorum
relinquit: cum omnia per certissimas regulas et demonstrationes
transigat. Itaque haec nostra (ut saepe diximus) frelicitatis cujus-
dam sunt potius quam facultatis, et potius temporis partus quam
ingenii. Est enim certe casus aliquis non minus in cogitatio-
nibus humanis, quam in operibus et factis.

CXXIII.

Itaque dicendum de nobis ipsis quod ille per jocum dixit,
prassertim cum tarn bene rem secet: fieri non potest ut idem
sentiant, qui aquam et qui vinum bibant. At caeteri homines,
tarn veteres quam novi, liquorem biberunt crudum in scientiis,
tanquam aquam vel sponte ex intellectu manantem, vel per
dialecticam, tanquam per rotas ex puteo, haustam. At nos
liquorem bibimus et propinamus ex infinitis confectam uvis,
iisque maturis et tcmpestivis, et per racemos quosdam collectis
ac decerptis, et subinde in torculari pressis, ac postremo in vase
repurgatis et clarificatis. Itaque nil mirum si nobis cum aliis
non conveniat.

CXXIV.

Occurret proculdubio et illud : nee metam aut scopum scien-
tiarum a nobis ipsis (id quod in aliis reprehendimus) verum et
optimum praefixum esse. Esse enim contemplationem veritatis
omni operum utilitate et magnitudine digniorem et celsiorem :
longam vero istam et sollicitam moram in experientia et materia
et rerum particularium fluctibus, mentem veluti humo affigere,
vel potius in Tartarum quoddam confusionis et perturbationis
dejicere ; atque ab abstracts sapientias serenitate et tranquillitate

218 NOVUM ORGANUM.

(tanquam a statu multo diviniore) arcere et summovere. Nos
vero huic ration! libenter assentimur ; et hoc ipsum, quod
innuunt ac praeoptant, praecipue atque ante omnia agimus.
Etenim verum exemplar mundi in intellect!! humano funda-
mus ; quale invenitur, non quale cuipiam sua propria ratio dicta-
verit. Hoc autem perfici non potest, nisi facta mundi dissectione
atque anatomia diligentissima. Modules vero ineptos mundorum
et tanquam simiolas, quas in philosopliiis phantasiae hominum
extruxerunt, omnino dissipandas edicimus. Sciant itaque ho-
mines (id quod superius diximus) quantum intersit inter humanae
mentis Idola, et divinae mentis Ideas. Ilia enim nihil aliud sunt
quam abstractiones ad placitum : hae autem sunt vera signacula
Creatoris super creaturas, prout in materia per lineas veras et
exquisitas imprimuntur et terminantur. Itaque ipsissimas res
sunt (in hoc genere) veritas et utilitas * : atque opera ipsa pluris
facienda sunt, quatenus sunt veritatis pignora, quam propter
vitae commoda.

cxxv.

Occurret fortasse et illud : nos tanquam actum agere, at-
que antiques ipsos eandem quam nos viam tenuisse. Itaque
verisimile putabit quispiam etiam nos, post tantum motum et
molitionem, deventuros tandem ad aliquam ex illis philosophiis
quae apud antiquos valueruut. Nam et illos in meditationum
suarum principiis vim et copiam magnam exemplorum et par-
ticularium paravisse, atque in commentarios per locos et titu-
los digessisse, atque inde philosophias suas et artes confecisse,
et postea, re conaperta, pronuntiasse, et exempla ad fidem et

1 Compare Partis Instaurationis Secundot Delineatio : — " Quinetiam illis quibus
in conteniplationis amorem efFusis frequens apud nos operum mentio asperum quiddara
et ingratura et mechanicum sonat, monstrabimus quantum illi desideriis suis propriis ad-
versentur, cum puritas contemplationum atque substructio et inventio operum prorsus eisdem
rebus nitantur et simul perfruantur." In a corresponding passage in the Cogitata et Visa
we find, instead of the last clause, " etenim in natura Opera non tantum vitae beneficia
sed et veritatis pignora esse. . . Veritatem enim per Operum indicationem magis
quam ex argumentatione aut etiam ex sensu et patefieri et probari. Quare unam
eandemque rationem et conditlonis humantB et mentis dotandee esse."

Compare also Nov. Org. ii. 4. : " Ista autem duo pronuntiata, Activum et Con-
templativum, res eadem sunt ; et quod in operando utilissimum vel in sciendo veris-
simura."

I do not think that the use of ipsissimce here can be justified : if the meaning be
(as I think it must) that truth and utility are (in this kind) " the very same things."
If ipsissimie be used correctly, the meaning must be that things themselves, the
very facts of nature, are truth and utility both. But in that case we should expect
" et veritas et utilitas." Mr. Ellis proposes to render the phrase thus : " Truth and
utility are in this kind the very things we seek for." But to me it seems less pro-
bable that Bacon would have expressed such a meaning by such a phrase than that he
used the word ipsissima incorrectly in the sense I have attributed to it. — /. S.

NOVCJM OilGANUM. 219

docendi lumen sparsim addidisse; sed particularium notas et
codicillos ac commentarios suos in lucem edere supervacuum
et molestum putasse ; ideoque fecisse quod in aedificando fieri
solet, nempe post aedificii structuram macliinas et scalas a con-
spectu amovisse. Neque aliter factum esse credere certe opor-
tet. Verum nisi quis omnino oblitus fuerit eorum quae superius
dicta sunt, huic objectioni (aut scrupulo potius) facile responde-
bit. Formara enim inquirendi et inveniendi apud antiquos et
ipsi profitentur1, et scripta eorum prae se ferunt. Ea autem
non alia fuit, quam ut ab exemplis quibusdam et particularibus
(additis notionibus communibus, et fortasse portione nonnulla
ex opinionibus receptis quae maxime placuerunt) ad conclusiones
maxime generales sive principia scientiarum advolarent, ad
quorum veritatem immotam et fixam conclusiones inferiores per
media educerent ac probarent ; ex quibus artem constituebant.
Turn demum si nova particularia et exempla mota essent et ad-
ducta quae placitis suis refragarentur, ilia aut per distinctiones
aut per regularum suarum explanationes in ordinem subtiliter
redigebant, aut demum per exceptiones grosso modo summove-
bant : at rerum particularium non refragantium causas ad ilia
principia sua laboriose et pertinaciter accommodabant. Verum
nee historia naturalis et experientia ilia erat, quam fuisse
oportebat, (longe certe abest,) et ista advolatio ad generalis-
sima omnia perdidit.

CXXVI.

Occurret et illud : nos, propter inhibitionem quandam pro-
nuntiandi et principia certa ponendi donee per medios gradus
ad generalissima rite perventum sit, suspensionem quandam
judicii tueri, atque ad Acatalepsiam rem deducere. Nos vero
non Acatalepsiam, sed Eucatalepsiam meditamur et proponi-
mus : sensui enim non derogamus, sed ministramus ; et intel-
lectum non contemnimus, sed regimus. Atque melius est scire
quantum opus sit, et tamen nos non penitus scire putare, quam
penitus scire nos putare, et tamen nil eorum quae opus est
scire.

CXXVII.

Etiam dubitabit quispiam, potius quam objiciet, utrum nos
de Naturali tantum Philosophia, an etiani de scientiis reliquis,
Logicis, Ethicis, Politicis, secundum viam nostram perficiendis

1 " Profitemur " in the original edition ; obviously a misprint. Compare the cor-
responding passage in Inquisitio legitima de Motu.

220 NOVUM ORGANUM.

loquamur. At nos certe de universis haec quae dicta sunt in-
telligimus : atque quemadmodum vulgaris logica, quas regit res
per Syllogisinum, non tantum ad naturales, sed ad omnes scien-
tias pertinet; ita et nostra, quae procedit per Inductionem,
omnia complectitur. Tarn enim historian* et tabulas inveni-
endi conficimus de Ira, Metu, et Verecundia, et similibus ; ac
etiam de exemplis rerum Civilium: nee minus de motibus
mentalibus Memoriae, Compositionis et Divisionis1, Judicii, et
reliquorum : quam de Calido et Frigido, aut Luce, aut Vege-
tatioiie, aut similibus.2 Sed tamen cum nostra ratio Interpre-
tandi, post historiam praeparatam et ordinatam, non mentis
tantum motus et discursus (ut logica vulgaris), sed et rerum
naturam iutueatur ; ita mentem regimus, ut ad rerum naturam
se, aptis per omnia modis, applicare possit. Atque propterea
multa et diversa in doctrina Interpretationis praecipimus, quse ad
subjecti de quo inquirimus qualitatem et conditioned, modum
inveniendi nonnulla ex parte applicent.

CXXVIII.

At illud de nobis ne dubitare quidem fas sit; utrum nos
philosophiam et artes et scientias quibus utimur destruere et
demoliri cupiamus : contra enim, earum et usum et cultum et
honores libenter amplectimur. Neque enim ullo modo offici-
mus, quin istae quae invaluerunt et disputationes alant, et
sermones ornent, et ad professoria munera ac vitae civilis com-
pendia adhibeantur et valeant; denique, tanquam numismata
quasdam, consensu inter homines recipiantur. Quinetiam signi-
ficamus aperte, ea quae nos adducimus ad istas res non multum
idonea futura ; cum ad vulgi captum deduci omnino non possint,
nisi per effecta et opera tantum. At hoc ipsum quod de affectu
nostro et bona voluntate erga scientias receptas dicimus quam
vere profiteamur, scripta nostra in publicum edita (prassertim
libri de Progressu Scientiarum) fidem faciant. Itaque id verbis
amplius vincere non conabimur. Illud interim constanter et
diserte monemus; his modis qui in usu sunt nee magnos in
scientiarum doctrinis et contemplatione progressus fieri, nee
illas ad amplitudinem operum deduci posse.

1 Synthesis and analysis ?

2 This passage is important because it shows that Bacon proposed to apply his
method to mental phenomena ; which is in itself a sufficient refutation of M. Cousin's
interpretation of the passage in which, when censuring the writings of the schoolmen,
he compares them to the self-evolved web of the spider. I have elsewhere spoken
more at length of this passage. [See p. 92.]

NOVUM ORGANUM. 221

CXXIX.

Superest ut de Finis excellentia pauca dicamus. Ea si prius
dicta fuissent, votis similia videri potuissent: sed spe jam
facta, et iniquis praejudiciis sublatis, plus fortasse ponderis habe-
bunt. Quod si nos omnia perfecissemus et plane absolvissemus,
nee alios in partem et consortium laborum subinde vocaremus,
etiam ab hujusmodi verbis abstinuissemus, ne acciperentur in
praedicationem meriti nostri. Cum vero aliorum industria
acuenda sit et animi excitandi atque accendendi, consentaneum
est ut quaedam hominibus in mentem redigamus.

Primo itaque videtur inventorum nobilium introductio inter
actiones humanas longe primas partes tenere : id quod antiqua
saeculajudicaverunt, Ea enim rerum inventoribus divinoshonores
tribuerunt ; iis autem qui in rebus civilibus merebantur (quales
erant urbium et imperiorum conditores, legislatores, patriarum
a diuturnis malis liberatores, tyrannidum debellatores, et his
similes), heroum tantum honores decreverunt. Atque certe si
quis ea recte conferat, justum hoc prisci saeculi judicium repe-
riet. Etenim inventorum beneficia ad universum genus huma-
num pertinere possunt, civilia ad certas tantummodo hominunr
sedes : hsec etiam non ultra paucas aetates durant, ilia quasi
perpetuis temporibus. Atque status emendatio in civilibus
non sine vi et perturbatione plerumque procedit: at inventa
beant, et beneficium deferunt absque alicujus injuria aut tri-
stitia.

Etiam inventa quasi novas creationes sunt, et divinorum
operum imitamenta ; ut bene cecinit ille :

" Primum frugiferos foetus mortalibus aegris
Dididerant quondam praestanti nomine Athenae ;
Et RECREAVERUNT vitam, legesque rogarunt." 1

Atque videtur notatu dignum in Solomone ; quod cum im-
perio, auro, magnificentia operum, satellitio, famulitio, classe
insuper, et nominis claritate, ac summa hominum admiratione
floreret, tamen nihil horum delegerit sibi ad gloriam, sed ita
pronuntiaverit : Gloriam Dei esse, celare rem; gloriam regis,
investigare rem. 2

Rursus (si placet) reputet quispiam, quantum intersit inter
hominum vitam in excultissima quapiam Europse provincia, et
in regione aliqua Novae Indiae maxime fera et barbara: ea3

1 Lucretius, vi. 1—3. 2 Frov. xxv. 2. • So in the original edition.

222 XOVFM ORGANOl

tantum differre existimabit, ut merito hominem homini Deum
esse, non solum propter auxilium et beneficium, sed etiam per
status comparationem, recte dici possit. Atque hoc non solum,
non coslum, non corpora, sed artes praestant.

Rursus, vim et virtutem et consequents rerum inventarum
notare juvat : quae non in aliis manifestius occumint, quam in
illis tribus quae antiquis incognita?, et quarum primordia, licet
recentia, obscura et ingloria sunt : Artis nimirum Imprimendi,
Pulveris Tormentarii, et Acus ]Sauticae. Haec enim tria rerum
faciem et statum in orbe terrarum mutarerunt : primum, in re
literaria ; secundum, in re bellica ; tertium, in nayigationibus :
unde innumerae rerum mutationes sequutae sunt ; ut non impe-
rium aliquod, non secta, non stella, majorem efficaciam et quasi
influxum super res humanas exercuisse yideatur, quam ista
mechaniea exercuerunt.

Praeterea non abs re fuerit, tria hominum ambitionis genera
et quasi gradus distinguere. Primum eorum, qui propriam po-
tentiam in patria sua amplificare cupiunt ; quod genus vulgare
est et'degener. Secundum eorum, qui patriae potentiam et im-
perium inter humanum genus amplificare nituntur ; illud plus
certe habet dignitatis, cupiditatis baud minus. Quod si quis
humani generis ipsius potentiam et imperium in rerum univer-
sitatem instaurare et amplificare conetur, ea proculdubio ambi-
tio (si modo ita vocanda sit) reliquis et sanior est et augustior.
Hominis autem imperium in res, in solis artibus et scientiis
ponitur. Naturae enim non imperatur, nisi parendo.

Praeterea, si unius alicujus particularis inventi utilitas ita
homines affecerit, ut eum qui genus humanum universum bene-
ficio aliquo devincire potuerit homine majorem putaverint;
quanto Celsius videbitur tale aliquid invenire, per quod alia
omnia expedite inveniri possint? Et tamen (ut rerum omnino
dicamus) quemadmodum luci magnam habemus gratiam, quod
per earn vias uiire, artes exercere, legere, nos invicem digno-
scere possimus; et nihilominus ipsa visio lucis res praestantior
est et pulchrior, quam multiplex ejus usus : ita certe ipsa con-
templatio rerum prout sunt, sine superstitione aut unpostura,
errore aut confusione, in seipsa magis digna est, quam universus
inventorum fructua.1

Postremo siquis depravationem scientiarum et artium ad ma-

1 This u one of the passages which show how far Bacon was from what b now
caned a utilitarian.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 223

litiam et luxuriam et similia objecerit; id neminem moveat.
Illud enim de omnibus mundanis bonis dici potest, ingenio,
fortitudine, viribus, forma, divitiis, luce ipsa, et reliquis. Re-
cuperet modo genus humanum jus suum in naturam quod ei
ex dotatione divina competit, et detur ei copia: usum vero
recta ratio et sana religio gubernabit.

cxxx.

Jam vero tempus est ut artem ipsam Interpretandi Naturam
proponamus : in qua licet nos utilissima et verissima praecepisse
arbitremur, tamen necessitatem ei absolutam (ac si absque ea
nil agi possit) aut etiam perfectionem non attribuimus. Ete-
nim in ea opinione sumus ; si justam Naturae et Experientiae
Historiam prsesto haberent homines, atque in ea sedulo versa-
rentur, sibique duas res imperare possent ; unam, ut receptas
opinione s et notiones deponerent ; alteram, ut mentem a genera-
lissimis et proximis ab illis ad tempus cohiberent ; fore ut etiam
vi propria et genuina mentis, absque alia arte, in formam
nostram Interpretandi incidere possent. Est enim Interpreta-
tio verum et naturale opus mentis, demptis iis quae obstant * :
sed tamen omnia certe per nostra praecepta erunt magis in pro-
cinctu, et multo firmiora.

Neque tamen illis nihil addi posse affirmamus : sed contra,

nos, qui mentem respicimus non tantum in facultate

propria, sed quatenus copulatur cum

rebus, Artem inveniendi cum

Inventis adolescere posse,

statuere debemus.

1 Compare Valerius Terminus, ch. 22. :— " That it is true that interpretation is the
very natural and direct intention, action, and progression of the understanding, delivered
from impediments ; and that all anticipation is but a deflexion or declination by ac-
cident." Also Adv. of Learn. (2d book) : — "For he that shall attentively observe how
the mind doth gather this excellent dew of knowledge, like unto that which the poet
speaketh of, Aerii mellis ccelestia dona, distilling and contriving it out of particulars
natural and artificial, as the flowers of the field and garden, shall find that the mind
of herself by nature doth manage and act an induction much better than they de-
scribe it." — /. S.

LIBER SECUNDUS
APH OR IS MO RUM.

VOL. I.

INTERPRETATION NATURE

SIVE DE

REGNO HOMINIS.

APHORISMUS

I.

SUPER datum corpus novam naturam sive novas naturas
generare et superinducere, opus et intentio est humanse Po-
tentiae. Datae autem naturas Formam, sive differentiam veram,
sive naturam naturantem l, sive fontem emanationis (ista enim
vocabula habemus quas ad indicationem rei proxime accedunt)
invenire, opus et intentio est humanse Scientiae.2 Atque his
operibus primariis subordinantur alia opera duo secundaria et
inferioris notes ; priori, transformatio corporum concretorum
de alio in aliud, intra terminos Possibilis 3 ; posteriori, inventio
in omni generatione et motu latentis processus, continuati ab

1 This is the only passage in which I have met with the phrase natura naturans
used as it is here. With the later schoolmen, as with Spinoza, it denotes God con-
sidered as the causa immanens of the universe, and therefore, according to the latter
at least, not hypostatically distinct from it. (On the Pantheistic tendency occasionally
perceptible among the schoolmen, see Neander's Essay on Scotus Erigena in the Berlin
Memoirs.) Bacon applies it to the Form, considered as the causa immanens of the
properties of the body. I regret not having been able to trace the history of this
remarkable phrase. It does not occur, I think, in St. Thomas Aquinas, though I have
met with it in an index to his Summa; the passage referred to containing a quotation
from St. Augustine, in which the latter speaks of " ea natura quae creavit omnes casteras
instituitque naturas." ( V. St. Aug., De Trin. xiv. 9. ) Neither does it occur, so far
as 1 am aware, where we might have expected it, in the De Divisions Naturae of Scotus
Erigena. Vossius, De Vitiis Latini Sermonis, notices its use among the schoolmen,
but gives no particular reference.

2 See General Preface, § 7. p. 25.

3 The possibility of transmutation, long and strenuously denied, though certainly
on no sufficient grounds, is now generally admitted. " There was a time when this
fundamental doctrine of the alchemists was opposed to known analogies. It is now
no longer so opposed to them, only some stages beyond their present development." —
Fnradny, Lectures on Non-Metallic Elements, p. 106.

Q 2

228 NOVUM ORGANUM.

Efficiente manifesto et materia manifesta usque ad Formam
inditam ; et inventio similiter latentis schematismi corporum
quiescentium et non in motu.1

II.

Quam infoeliciter se habeat scientia humana quae in usu est,
etiam ex illis liquet quae vulgo asseruntur. Recte ponitur;
Vere scire, esse per Causas scire. Etiam non male constituuntur
causaa quatuor ; Materia, Forma, Efficiens, et Finis. At ex his,
Causa Finalis tantum abest ut prosit, ut etiam scientias cor-
rumpat, nisi in hominis actionibus ; Formae inventio habetur
pro desperata; Efficiens vero et Materia (quales quaeruntur et
recipiuntur, remotae scilicet, absque latenti processu ad Formam)
res perfunctoriae sunt et superficiales, et nihili fere ad scientiam
veram et activam. Neque tamen obliti sumus nos superius
notasse et correxisse errorem mentis humanae, in deferendo
Formis primas essentia?.2 Licet enim in natura nihil vere
existat praeter corpora individua edentia actus puros individuos
ex lege; in doctrinis tamen, ilia ipsa lex, ej usque inquisitio
et inventio atque explicatio, pro fundamento est tarn ad
sciendum quam ad operandum. Earn autem legem, ej usque
paragraphos, Formarum nomine intelligimus 3 ; praesertim cum
hoc vocabulum invaluerit et familiariter occurrat

in.

Qui causam alicujus naturae (veluti albedinis aut Caloris) in
certis tantum subjectis novit, ejus Scientia imperfecta est; et
qui effectum super certas tantum materias (inter eas quae sunt
susceptibiles) inducere potest, ejus Potentia pariter imperfecta
est. At qui Efficientem et Materialem causam tantummodo
novit (quae causae fluxae sunt, et nihil aliud quam vehicula et
causae Formam deferentes in aliquibus) 4, is ad nova inventa,

1 In this aphorism Bacon combines the antithesis of corpus and natura, the con-
crete and the abstract, with the antithesis of power and science, and thus arrives at a
quadripartite classification. To translate, as Mr. Craik has done, "natura" by "na-
tural substance " involves the whole subject in confusion.

In the last sentence continuati may be translated "continuously carried on." The
word is often thus used ; as in the dictum " mutatio nil aliud est quam successiva et
continuata formae adquisitio."

2 [I. § 51. "Formae enim commenta animi human! sunt, nisi libeat leges illas
actus Formas appellare."] Translate, — " We have noted and corrected as an error of
the human mind the opinion that forms give existence." Bacon alludes to the maxim
" forma dat esse."

* See General Preface, p. 31. The paragraphs of a law are its sections or clauses.
It is difficult to attach any definite meaning to Mr. Wood's translation of paragraphos,
" its parallels in each science."

4 t. e. u which are unstable causes, and merely vehicles and causes which convey the
form in certain cases."

NOVUM ORGANUM. 229

in materia aliquatenus simili et praeparata, pervenire potest,
sed rerum tenninos altius fixos non movet. At qui Formas
novit, is naturas unitatem in materiis dissimillimis complectitur.
Itaque quae adhuc facta non sunt, qualia nee naturae vicissi-
tudines neque experimentales industriae neque casus ipse in
actum unquam perduxissent, neque cogitationem humanam
subitura fuissent, detegere et producere potest. Quare ex
Formarum inventione sequitur Contemplatio vera et Operatic
libera.

IV.

Licet vias ad potentiam atque ad scientiam humanam con-
junctissimae sint et fere eaedem, tamen propter perniciosam et
inveteratam consuetudinem versandi in abstractis, tutius omnino
est ordiri et excitare scientias ab iis fundamentis quae in ordine
sunt ad partem activam, atque ut ilia ipsa partem contem-
plativam signet et determinet. Videndum itaque est, ad
aliquam naturam super corpus datum generandam et super-
inducendam, quale quis prgeceptum aut qualem quis directionem
aut deductionem maxime optaret; idque sermone simplici et
minime abstruso.

Exempli gratia ; si quis argento cupiat superinducere flavum
colorem auri aut augmentum ponderis (servatis legibus ma-
teriae '), aut lapidi alicui non diaphano diaphaneitatem, aut vitro
tenacitatem, aut corpori alicui non vegetabili vegetationem ;
videndum (inquam) est, quale quis praeceptum aut deductionem
potissimum sibi dari exoptet. Atque primo, exoptabit aliquis
proculdubio sibi monstrari aliquid hujusmodi, quod opere non
frustret neque experimento fallat. Secundo, exoptabit quis
aliquid sibi praescribi, quod ipsum non astringat et coerceat ad
media quaedam et modos quosdam operand! particulares. For-
tasse enim destituetur, nee habebit facultatem et commoditatem
talia media comparand! et procurandi. Quod si sint et alia
media et alii modi (praeter illud praaceptum) progignendas talis
naturae, ea fortasse ex iis erunt quse sunt in operands potestate ;
a quibus nihilominus per angustias praecepti excludetur, nee
fructum capiet. Tertio, optabit aliquid sibi monstrari, quod
non sit aeque difficile ac ilia ipsa operatic de qua inquiritur,
sed propius accedat ad praxin.

Itaque de praecepto vero et perfecto operand!, pronuntiatum
erit tale ; ut sit certum, liberum, et disponens sive in ordine

1 That is, with a corresponding decrease of volume.
Q 3

230 NOVUM ORGANUM.

ad actionem. Atque hoc ipsum idem est cum inventione
Forrnas veras. Etenim Forma naturae alicujus tails est ut, ea
posita, natura data infallibiliter sequatur. Itaque adest per-
petuo quando natura ilia adest, atque earn universaliter affirmat,
atque inest omni. Eadem Forma talis est ut, ea amota, natura
data infallibiliter fugiat Itaque abest perpetuo quando natura
ilia abest, eamque perpetuo abnegat, atque inest soli. Postremo,
Forma vera talis est, ut naturam datam ex fonte aliquo essentiae
deducat quae inest pluribus, et notior est naturae l (ut loquuntur)
quam ipsa Forma. Itaque de axiomate vero et perfecto
sciendi, pronuntiatum et praeceptum tale est; ut inveniatur
natura alia, qua sit cum natura data convertibilis, et tamen sit
limitatio natures notions, instar generis veri.* Ista autem duo
pronuntiata, activum et contemplativum, res eadem sunt ; et
quod in Operando utilissimum, id in Sciendo verissimum.

v.

At praeceptum sive axioma de transformatione corporum,
duplicis est generis. Primum intuetur corpus, ut turmam sive
conjugationem naturarum simplicium : ut in auro base conve-
niunt ; quod sit flavum ; quod sit ponderosum, ad pondus tale ;
quod sit malleabile aut ductile, ad extensionem talem; quod
non fiat volatile, nee deperdat de quanto suo per ignem ; quod
fluat fluore tali; quod separetur et solvatur modis talibus ; et
similiter de caeteris naturis, quas in auro concurrunt. Itaque
liujusmodi axioma rem deducit ex Formis naturarum simpli-

1 See note on Distrlb. Opens, p. 1 37.

* Let us adopt, for distinctness of expression, the theory commonly known as Bos-
covich's, — a theory which forms the basis of the ordinary mathematical theories of
light, of heat, and of electricity. This theory supposes all bodies to be constituted of
inextended atoms or centres of force, each of which attracts or repels and is attracted
or repelled by all the rest. All the phenomena of nature are thus ascribed to me-
chanical forces, and all the differences which can be conceived to exist between two
bodies, — gold, say, and silver, — can only arise either from the different configura-
tion of the centres of force, or from the different law by which they act on one
another.

Assuming the truth of this theory, the question, why are some bodies transparent
and others not so — in other words, what is the essential cause of transparency which
is precisely what Bacon would call the form of transparency, — is to be answered by
saying that a certain configuration of the centres of force, combined with the existence
of a certain law of force, constitutes such a system that the vibrations of the lumini-
ferous ether pass through it. What this configuration or this law may be, is a ques-
tion which the present state of mathematical physics does not enable us to answer ;
but there is no reason a priori why in time to come it may not receive a complete
solution. If it does, we shall then have arrived at a knowledge, on Boscovich's theory,
of the form of transparency. Those who are acquainted with the recent progress of
physical science know that questions of this kind, so far from being rejected as the
questions of a mere dreamer, are thought to be of the highest interest and import-
ance, and that no inconsiderable advance has already been made towards the solution
of some at least among them.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 231

cium. Nam qui Formas et modos novit superinducendi flavi,
ponderis, ductilis, fixi, fluoris, solutionum, et sic de reliquis, et
eorum graduationes et modos, videbit et curabit ut ista con-
jungi possint in aliquo corpore, unde sequatur transformatio in
nurum.1 Atque hoc genus operandi pertinet ad actionem
primariam. Eadem enim est ratio generandi naturam unam
aliquam simplicem, et plures ; nisi quod arctetur magis et re-
stringatur homo in operando, si plures requirantur, propter
difficultatem tot naturas coadunandi ; quae non facile conveniunt,
nisi per vias naturas tritas et ordinarias. Utcunque tamen
dicendum est, quod iste modus operandi (qui naturas intuetur
simplices, licet in corpore concrete) procedat ex iis quae in
natura sunt constantia et aeterna et catholica, et latas praebeat
potentiae humanae vias, quales (ut nunc sunt res) cogitatio hu-
mana vix capere aut reprsesentare possit.

At secundum genus axiomatis (quod a latentis processus
inventione pendet) non per naturas simplices procedit, sed per
concreta corpora, quemadmodum in natura inveniuntur, cursu
ordinario. Exempli gratia ; in casu ubi fit inquisitio, ex quibus
initiis, et quo modo, et quo processu, aurum aut aliud quodvis
metallum aut lapis generetur, a primis menstruis aut rudi-
mentis suis usque ad mineram perfectam ; aut similiter, quo
processu herbae generentur, a primis concretionibus succorum in
terra, aut a seminibus, usque ad plantam formatam, cum uni-
versa ilia successione motus, et diversis et continuatis naturae
nixibus ; similiter, de generatione ordinatim explicata animalium,
ab initu ad partum ; et similiter de corporibus aliis.

Enimvero neque ad generationes corporum tantum spectat
haec inquisitio, sed etiam ad alios motus et opificia naturae.
Exempli gratia ; in casu ubi fit inquisitio, de universa serie
et continuatis actionibus alimentandi, a prima receptione ali-
menti ad assimilationem perfectam ; aut similiter de motu
voluntario in animalibus, a prima impressione imaginationis et
continuatis nixibus spiritus usque ad flexiones et motus artuum ;
aut de explicato motu linguae et labiorum et instrumentorum
reliquorum usque ad editionem vocum articulatarum. Nam
haec quoque spectant ad naturas concretas, sive collegiatas et

1 " On pourroit trouver le moyen de contrefaire 1'or en sorte qu'il satisferoit a toutes
les ^'preuves qu'on en a jusqu'ici; mais on pourroit aussi decouvrir alors une nouvelle
maniere d'essai, qui donneroit le moyen de distinguer 1'or naturel de cet or fait par
artifice .... nous pourrions avoir uue definition plus parfaite de 1'or que nous n'en
uvous presentement." — Leibnitz, Nonv. Ess. sur V Entendement, c. 2.

Q 4

232 NOVUM ORGANUM.

in fabrica ; et intuentur veluti consuetudines naturae partlcu-
lares et speciales, non leges fundamentales et communes, quse
constituunt Formas. Veruntamen omnino fatendum est, rati-
onem istam videri expeditiorem et magis sitam in propinquo, et
spem injicere magis, quam illam primariam.

At pars Operativa similiter, quae huic parti Contemplativae
respondet, operationem extendit et promovet ab iis quas ordi-
nario in natura inveniuntur ad quaedam proxima, aut a proximis
non admodum remota; sed altiores et radicales operationes
super naturam pendent utique ab axiomatibus primariis.
Quinetiam ubi non datur homini facultas operandi, sed tantum
sciendi, ut in coelestibus (neque enim ceditur homini operari in
ccelestia, aut ea immutare aut transformare), tamen inquisitio
facti ipsius sive veritatis rei, non minus quam cognitio causarum
et consensuum, ad primaria ilia et catholica axiomata de na-
turis simplicibus (veluti de natura rotationis spontaneae, attra-
ctionis sive virtutis magneticae, et aliorum complurium qua?
magis communia sunt quam ipsa coelestia) refertur. Neque
enim speret aliquis terminare quaestionem utrum in motu
diurno revera terra aut coelum rotet, nisi naturam rotationis
spontaneae prius comprehenderit.

VI.

Latens autem Processus, de quo loquimur, longe alia res est
quam animis hominum (qualiter nunc obsidentur) facile possit
occurrere. Neque enim intelligimus mensuras quasdam aut
signa aut scalas processus in corporibus spectabiles ; sed plane
processum continuation, qui maxima ex parte sensum fugit.

Exempli gratia ; in omni generatione et transformatione cor-
porum, inquirendum quid deperdatur et evolet, quid maneat,
quid accedat ; quid dilatetur, quid contrahatur ; quid uniatur,
quid separetur ; quid continuetur, quid abscindatur ; quid im-
pellat, quid impediat ; quid dominetur, quid succumbat ; et alia
complura.

Neque hie rursus, haec tantum in generatione aut transfor-
matione corporum quaerenda sunt ; sed et in omnibus aliis alte-
rationibus et motibus similiter inquirendum quid antecedat,
quid succedat ; quid sit incitatius, quid remissius ; quid motum
praebeat, quid regat ; et hujusmodi. Ista vero omnia scientiis
(quae nunc pinguissima Minerva et prorsus inbabili contexuntur)
incognita sunt et intacta. Cum enim omnis actio naturalis per
minima transigatur, aut saltern per ilia quae sunt minora quam

NOVUM ORGANUM. 233

ut sensum feriant1, nemo se naturam regere aut vertere posse
speret, nisi ilia debito modo comprehenderit et notaverit.

VII.

Similiter, inquisitio et inventio latentis schematismi in cor-
poribus res nova est, non minus quam inventio latentis
processus et Formae.2 Versamur enim plane adhuc in atriis
naturae, neque ad interiora paramus aditum. At nemo corpus
datum nova natura dotare vel in novum corpus foeliciter et ap-
posite transmutare potest, nisi corporis alterandi aut transfor-
mandi bonam habuerit notitiam. In modos enim vanos incurret,
aut saltern difficiles et perversos, nee pro corporis natura in
quod operatur. Itaque ad hoc etiam via plane est aperienda et
munienda.

Atque in anatomia corporum organicorum (qualia sunt
hominis et animalium) opera sane recte et utiliter insumitur, et
videtur res subtilis et scrutinium naturae bonum. At hoc genus
anatomiae spectabile est, et sensui subjectum, et in corporibus
tantum organicis locum habet. Verum hoc ipsum obvium
quiddam est et in promptu situm, pras anatomia vera schema-
tismi latentis in corporibus quaa habentur pro similaribus3:
praesertim in rebus specificatis4 et earum partibus, ut ferri,
lapidis ; et partibus similaribus plantae, animalis ; veluti radicis,
folii, floris, carnis, sanguinis, ossis, etc. At etiam in hoc genere
non prorsus cessavit industria humana ; hoc ipsum enim innuit
separatio corporum similarium per distillationes et alios solu-
tionum modos, ut dissimilaritas compositi per congregation em

1 *. e. Every natural action depends on the ultimate particles of bodies, or at least
on parts too small to strike the sense.

2 The distinction between the Latent Process and Latent Schematism in the abso-
lute way in which it is here stated, involves an assumption which the progress of
science will probably show to be unfounded ; namely, that bodies apparently at rest
are so molecularly. Whereas all analogy and the fact that they act on the senses by
acting mechanically on certain deferent media combine to show that we ought to
consider bodies even at rest as dynamical and not as statical entities. On this view
there is no difficulty in understanding the nature of what appear to be spontaneous
changes, because every dynamical system carries within itself the seeds of its own
decay, except in particular cases; that is, the type of motion so alters, with greater or
less rapidiry, that the sensible qualities associated with it pass away. The introduc-
tion of the idea of unstable equilibrium in connexion with organic chemistry, was a
step in the direction which molecular Physics will probably soon take.

8 i. e. that are thought to be of uniform structure — made up of parts similar to
one another.

4 i e. in things that have a specific character. In Bacon's time only certain things
were supposed to belong to natural species, all others being merely elementary. A
ruby has a specific character, is specificatum ; common stone or rock non ita ; — they
are mere modifications of the element earth, &c. A " specific virtue " is a virtue
given by a thing's specific character, transcending the qualities of the elements it
consists of. [See note on De Augm. ii. 3.]

234 NOVUM ORGANUM.

partium homogenearum appareat.1 Quod etiam ex usu est, et
facit ad id quod quaerimus; licet saepius res fallax sit; quia com-
plures naturae separationi imputantur et attribuuntur, ac si prius
substitissent in composito, quas revera ignis et calor et alii modi
apertionum de novo indunt et superinducunt. Sed et haec
quoque parva pars est operis ad inveniendum Schematismum
verum in composito ; qui Schematismus res est longe subtilior
et accuratior, et ab operibus ignis potius confunditur quam
eruitur et elucescit.

Itaque facienda est corporum separatio et solutio, non per
ignem certe, sed per rationem et Inductionem veram, cum
experimentis auxiliaribus ; et per comparationem ad alia cor-
pora, et reductionem ad naturas simplices et earum Formas
quae in composito conveniunt et complicantur ; et transeundum
plane a Vulcano ad Minervam, si in animo sit veras corporum
texturas et Schematismos (unde omnis occulta atque, ut vocant,
specifica proprietas et virtus in rebus pendet; unde etiam omnis
potentis alterationis et transfonnationis norma educitur) in
lucem protrahere.

Exempli gratia ; inquirendum, quid sit in omni corpore spi-
ritus, quid essentiae tangibilis ; atque ille ipse spiritus, utrum
sit copiosus et turgeat, an jejunus et paucus; tenuis, aut crassior;
magis aereus, aut igneus; acris, aut deses; exilis, aut robustus;
in progressu, aut in regressu ; abscissus, aut continuatus ; con-
sentiens cum externis et ambientibus, aut dissentiens ; etc. Et
similiter essentia tangibilis (quas non pauciores recipit diffe-
rentias quam spiritus) atque ejus villi et fibrae et omnimoda
textura, rursus autem collocatio spiritus per corpoream molem,
ejusque pori, meatus, venae et cellulae, et rudimenta sive tenta-
menta corporis organic!, sub eandem inquisition em cadunt. Sed
et in his quoque, atque adeo in omni latentis schematismi
inventione, lux vera et clara ab Axiomatibus primariis immit-
titur, quae certe caliginem omnem et subtilitatem discutit.

VIII.

Neque propterea res deducetur ad Atomum, qui praesupponit
Vacuum et materiam non fluxam (quorum utrumque falsum est),
sed ad particulas veras, quales inveniuntur. Neque rursus est
quod exhorreat quispiam istam subtilitatem, ut inexplicabilem ;
sed contra, quo magis vergit inquisitio ad naturas simplices, eo

1 That the complex structure of the compound may be made apparent by bringing
together its several homogeneous parts.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 235

magis omnia erunt sita in piano et perspicuo ; translate negotio
a multiplies! in simplex, et ab incommensurabili ad commen-
surabile, et a surdo ad computabile, et ab infinite et vago ad
definitum et certum ; ut fit in elementis literarum et tonis
concentuum. Optime autem cedit inquisitio naturalis, quando
physicum terminatur in mathematico. At rursus multitudi-
nem aut fractiones nemo reformidet. In rebus eiiim quae per
numeros transiguntur, tarn facile quis posuerit aut cogitaverit
millenarium quam unum, aut millesimam partem unius quam
unum integrum.

IX.

Ex duobus generibus axiomatum quae superius posita sunt,
oritur vera divisio philosophise et scientiarum ; translatis voca-
bulis receptis (quae ad indicationem rei proximo accedunt) ad
sensum nostrum. Videlicet, ut inquisitio Formarum, quae sunt
(ratione certe, et sua lege1) aeternae et immobiles, constituat
Metapliysicam ; inquisitio vero Ejficiejitis, et Materice, et La-
tentis Processus, et Latentis Schematismi (quae omnia cursum
naturae communem et ordlnarium, non leges fundamentales et
setcrnas respiciunt) constituat Physicam : atque his subordi-
nentur similiter practice duae ; Physicae Mechanica ; Metaphy-
sics} (perpurgato nomine) Magia, propter latas ejus vias et
mn jus imperium in naturam.

x.

Posito itaque doctrinse scopo, pergendum ad praecepta ; idque
ordine minime perverso aut perturbato. Atque indicia de In-
terpretatione Naturae complectuntur partes in genere duas;
primam de educendis aut excitandis axiomatibus ab experien-
tia ; secundam de deducendis aut derivandis experimentis novis
ab axiomatibus. Prior autem trifariam dividitur ; in tres nempe
ministrationes ; ministrationem ad Sensum, ministrationem ad
Memoriam, et ministrationem ad Mentem sive Rationem.2

1 " In principle at least and in their essential law : " meaning that God could
change them, but that this change would be above reason and a change of the law of
the form, otherwise unchangeable. The phrase is a saving clause. Perhaps we should
read "ratione sua et lege" — in their principle and law.

- 2 Compare Partis secundce Delineatio ; and for an explanation of the discrepancy
see General Preface, § 10. According to the order proposed in the Delineatio, the
ministratio ad sensum was to contain three parts, of which the first two are not men-
tioned here : namely, 1st, " Quomodo bona notio constituatur et eliciatur, ac quo-
modo testatio sensus, quae semper est ex analogia hominis, ad analogiam mundi
reducatur et rectificetur; " 2dly, "Quomodo ea qua? sensum effugiunt aut subtilitate
totius corporis, aut partium minutiis, aut loci distantia, aut tarditate vel etiam velo-
citate motus, aut familaritate objecti, aut aliis, in ordinem sensus redigantur ; ac in-
super in casu quo adduci non possuut, quid faciendum, atque quomodo huic destitution!

236 NOVUM ORGANUM.

Primo enim paranda est Historia Naturalis et Experimenta-
lis, sufficiens et bona ; quod fundamentum rei est ; neque enim
fingendum aut excogitandum, sed inveniendum, quid natura
faciat aut ferat.

Historia vero Naturalis et Experimentalis tarn varia est et
sparsa, ut intellectual confundat et disgreget, nisi sistatur et
compareat ordine idoneo. Itaque formandoe sunt Tabulae et
Coordinationes Instantiarum, tali modo et instructione ut in
eas agere possit intellectus.

Id quoque licet fiat, tamen intellectus sibi permissus et
sponte inovens incompetens est et inhabilis ad opificium axio-
inatum, nisi regatur et muniatur. Itaque tertio, adhibenda est
Inductio legitima et vera, quas ipsa Clavis est Interpretationis.
Incipiendum autem est a fine, et retro pergendum ad reliqua.1

XI.

Inquisitio Formarum sic procedit ; super naturam datam
primo facienda est comparentia2 ad Intellectum omnium In-
stantiarum notarum, quse in eadem natura conveniunt, per
materias licet dissimillimas. Atque hujusmodi collectio facienda
est historice, absque contemplatione prasfestina, aut subtilitate
aliqua majore. Exempli gratia ; in inquisitione de Forma Calidi.

Instantiaz convenientes in natura Calidi.

1. Radii solis, prsesertim restate et meridie.

2. Radii solis reflexi et constipati, ut inter montes, aut per
parietes, et maxime omnium in speculis comburentibus.

3. Meteora ignita.

4. Fulmina comburentia.

5. Eructationes flammarum ex cavis montium, etc.

6. Flamma omnis.

7. Ignita solida.

8. Balnea calida naturalia.

vel per instrumenta, vel per graduum observationem peritam, vel per corporum pro-
portionatorum ex sensibilibus ad insensibilia indicationes, vel per alias vias ac substi-
tutiones, sit subveniendum." I suppose Bacon had now detei mined to transfer these to
the third ministration — the ministratio ad Rationem; and to treat of them under the
heads adminicula et rectiftcationes inductionis. See infra, § 21. ; and observe that the
fu'l exposition of the Instantice supplement^ and Instantiee persecantes (both of which
belong to the second of the two parts above mentioned) was reserved for the section
relating to the adminicula Inductionis. See §§ 42, 43. — </. S.

1 i. e. Of this, which is the last (namely the method of interpretation by induction
based on exclusions), we must speak first, and then go back to the other ministrations.

2 This is properly a law term, and is equivalent to " appearance" in such phrases as
" to enter an appearance," &c. It is also said to be used for the vadimonium given to
secure an appearance on an appointed day. See Ducaugc in voc.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 237

9. Liquida ferventia, aut calefacta.

10. Vapores et fumi ferventes, atque aer ipse, qui fortissi-
mum et furentem suscipit calorem, si concludatur ; ut in rever-
beratoriis.1

11. Tempestates aliquae sudae peripsam constitutionem aeris,
non habita ratione temporis anni.

12. Aer conclusus et subterraneus in cavernis nonnullis,
praesertim hyeme.

13. Omnia villosa, ut Lma, pelles animalium, et plumagines,
habent nonnihil teporis.

14. Corpora omnia, tarn solida quam liquida et tarn densa
quam tenuia (qualis est ipse aer), igni ad tempus approximata.

15. Scintillas ex silice et chalybe per fortem percussionem.

16. Omne corpus fortiter attritum, ut lapis, lignum, pannus,
etc.; adeo ut temones et axes rotarum aliquando flammam
concipiant; et mos excitandi ignis apud Indos Occidentales
fuerit per attritionem.

1 7. Herbas virides et humidae simul conclusae et contrusae, ut
rosae, pinsae2 in corbibus; adeo ut foenum, si repositum fuerit
madidum, saepe concipiat flammam.3

18. Calx viva, aqua aspersa.

19. Ferrum, cum primo dissolvitur per aquas fortes in vitro,
idque absque ulla admotione ad ignem : et stannum similiter,
etc., sed non adeo intense.

1 That is, furnaces in which the flame is made to return on itself by impeding its
direct course.

z Pisae in the original edition.

8 " That seeds when germinating, as they lie heaped in large masses, evolve a
considerable degree of heat, is a fact long known from the malting of grain ; but
the cause of it was incorrectly sought for in a process of fermentation. To Gb'ppert
( Ueber Warmeenlwickelung in der lebenden Pflanze) is due the merit of having
demonstrated that such is not the case, but that the evolution of heat is connected
with the process of germination. Seeds of very different chemical composition (of
different grains, of Hemp, Clover, Spergula, Brassica, &c.), made to germinate in
quantities of about a pound, became heated, at a temperature of the air of 46° — 66°,
to 59° — 120° Fahr.

" It was likewise shown by Goppert that full-grown plants also, such as Oats, Maize,
Cyperus esculentus, Hyoscyamus, Sedum acre, &c., laid together in heaps and covered
with bad conductors of heat, cause a thermometer placed among them to rise about
2° — 7° ( Spergula as much as 22°) above the temperature of the air. . . .

" A very great evolution of heat occurs in the blossom of the Aroidece. This is
considerable even in our Arum macu/atum, and according to Dutrochet's researches
( Comptes rendus, 1839, 695.) rises to 25° — 27° above the temperature of the air.
But this phenomenon is seen in a far higher degree in Cotocasia odora, in which plant
it has been investigated by Brongniart (Nouv. Ann. d. Museum, iii. ). Vrolik and Vriese
{Ann. des Sc. Nat., sec. ser. v. 134.), and Van Beek and Bersgma ( Obs. thermo-elect.
s. I'elev. de temperat. des F/eurs d. Colocas. odor. 1838). These last observers found
the maximum of heat 129°, when the temperature of the air was 79°." — Mohl On
the Vegetable Cell, translated by Arthur Henfrey, Lond. 1852, pp. 101. and 102.

238 NOVUM ORGANUM.

20. Animalia, prsesertim et perpetuo per interiora ; licet in
insectis calor ob parvitatem corporis non 'deprehendatur ad
tactum.

21. Fimus equinus, et hujusmodi excrementa animalium re-
centia.

22. Oleum forte sulphuris et vitrioli exequitur opera caloris,
in linteo adurendo.

23. Oleum origani, et hujusmodi, exequitur opera caloris, in
adurendis ossibus dentium.

24. Spiritus vim fortis et bene rectificatus exequitur opera
caloris ; adeo ut, si albumen ovi in eum injiciatur, concrescat et
albescat, fere in modum albuminis cocti ; et panis injectus tor-
refiat et incrustetur, ad modum panis tosti.1

25. Aromata et herbae calidae, ut dracunculus, nasturtium
vetus, etc. licet ad manum non sint calida (nee integra, nee
pulveres eorum), tamen ad linguam et palatum parum masticata
percipiuntur calida, et quasi adurentia.

26. Acetum forte, et omnia acida, in membro ubi non sit
epidermis, ut in oculo, lingua, aut aliqua alia parte vulnerata, et
cute detecta, dolorem cient, non multum discrepantem ab eo
qui inducitur a calido.

27. Etiam frigora acria et intensa inducunt sensum quendam
ustionis ;

" Nee Boreae penetrabile frigus adurit." 2

28. Alia,

Hanc Tabulam Essentia et Prcesentice appellare consuevimus.

XII.

Secundo, facienda est comparentia ad Intellectum Instantia-
rum quae natura data privantur : quia Forma (ut dictum est)

1 The analogy which Bacon here remarks, arises probably, in the second instance,
from the desiccative power due to the strong affinity of alcohol for water. The French
chemist Lassaigne found, I believe, that alcohol extracted a red colouring matter from
unboiled lobster shells ; but I am not aware that the modus operandi has in this case
been explained. But by far the most remarkable case of what may be called simulated
heat, is furnished by the action of carbonic acid gas on the skin. Of late years baths
of this gas have been used medicinally ; but M. Boussingault long since remarked the
sensation of heat which it produces. He states that at Quindiu in New Granada there
are sulphur works, and that at various points nearly pure carbonic acid gas escapes
from shallow excavations in the surface, containing, however, a trace of hydro-sulphuric
acid ; that the temperature of this issuing stream of gas is lower than the external air,
but that the sensation is the same as that produced by a hot-air bath of perhaps from
40° to 4 5° or 48° centigrade (104° to ll&°Fahr.). As this effect has not been noticed
in carbonic acid gas prepared artificially, it is probable that it requires for its produc-
tion the gas to be in motion ; so that the necessary conditions are not present when the
hand is inserted into a jar of the gas.

1 Virg. Georg. I. 93.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 239

non minus abesse debet ubi natura abest, quam adesse ubi
adest. Hoc vero infinitum esset in omnibus.

Itaque subjungenda sunt negativa affirmativis, et priva-
tiones inspiciendae tantum in illis subjectis quae sunt maxime
cognata illis alteris in quibus natura data inest et comparet.
Hanc Tdbulam Declinationis, sive Absentia in proximo, appel-
lare consuevimus.

Instantice in proximo, guce privantur natura Calidi.
Ad instantiam 1. Lunse et stellarum et cometarum radii non

primam affirma- . . -. ,. , . ,

uvam, instantia mvemuntur calioi ad tactum ' : quinetiam observari

prima negativa . .,.,..

vei subjunctiva. golent acernma fngora in plemlunus. At stellze

majores, quando sol eas subit aut iis approximatur, ex-
istimantur fervores solis augere et intendere; ut fit cum sol
sistitur in Leone, et diebus canicularibus.

Ad 2«m 2». 2. Radii solis in media (quam vocant) regione aeris
non calefaciunt; cujus ratio vulgo non male redditur; quia
regio ilia nee satis appropinquat ad corpus solis, unde radii
emanant, nee etiam ad terrain, unde reflectuntur. Atque hoc
liquet ex fastigiis montium (nisi sint praealti), ubi nives perpe-
tuo durant. Sed contra notatum est a nonnullis, quod in cacu-
mine Picus de Tenariph, atque etiam in Andis PeruviaB, ipsa
fastigia montium nive destituta sint ; nivibus jacentibus tantum
inferius in ascensu. Atque insuper aer illis ipsis verticibus
montium deprehenditur minime frigidus, sed tenuis tantum et
acer ; adeo ut in Andis pungat et vulneret oculos per nimiam
acrimoniam, atque etiam pungat os ventriculi, et inducat vomi-
tum. Atque ab antiquis notatum est, in vertice Olympi tan-
tarn fuisse aeris tenuitatem, ut necesse fuerit illis qui eo
ascenderant secum deferre spongias aceto et aqua madefactas,
easque ad os et nares subinde apponere, quia aer ob tenuitatem
non sufficiebat respiration!2: in quo vertice etiam relatum est,
tantam fuisse serenitatem et tranquillitatem a pluviis et nivi-
bus et ventis, ut sacrificantibus literae descriptae digito in
cineribus sacrificiorum super aram Jovis, manerent in annum
proximum absque ulla perturbatione.3 Atque etiam hodie

1 M. Melloni has recently succeeded in making sensible the moon's calorific rays.

2 i. e. It was insufficient for the cooling of the blood, which according to Aristotle
was the end of respiration.

8 Aristotle seems to be the first person who mentions this notion. See the Problems
xxvi. 36. ; where however he, speaks of Athos and ol TOIOVTOI, and not of Olympus.
The passages on the subject are to be found in Ideler's Meteorologia veterum Grce-
corum et Romanorum (Berlin, 1832), at p. 81. Compare his edition of the Meteoro-

240 NOVUM ORGANUM.

ascendentes ad verticem Picus de Tenariph eo vadunt noctu et
non interdiu ; et paulo post ortum soils monentur et excitantur
a ducibus suis ut festinent descendere, propter periculum (ut
videtur) a tenuitate aeris, ne sol vat spiritus et suffocet.1

Ad 2»n> 3*. Reflexio radiorum soils, in regionibus prope circulos
polares, admodum debilis et inefficax invenitur in calore : adeo
utBelgae, qui hybernarunt in Nova Zembla2, cum expectarent
navis suae liberationem et deobstructionem a glaciali mole (quse
earn obsederat) per initia mensis Julii spe sua frustrati sint, et
coacti scaphae se committere. Itaque radii solis directi videntur
parum posse, etiam super terrain planam ; nee reflexi etiam,
nisi multiplicentur et uniantur ; quod fit cum sol magis vergit
ad perpendiculum ; quia turn incidentia radiorum facit angulos
acutiores, ut lineae radiorum sint magis in propinquo : ubi con-
tra in magnis obliquitatibus solis anguli sint valde obtusi, et
proinde lineae radiorum magis distantes. Sed interim notandum
est, multas esse posse operationes radiorum solis, atque etiam
ex natura Calidi, quae non sunt proportionatae ad tactum nostrum :
adeo ut respectu nostri non operentur usque ad calefactionem,
sed respectu aliorum nonnullorum corporum exequantur opera
Calidi.

logics of Aristotle, where he has given in extenso the passage in which Geminus
speaks in the same manner of Mount Cyllene in Arcadia, and also a similar statement
made by Philoponus with respect to Olympus. The whole class of stories seem (as
Ideler following Lobeck remarks) to have somewhat of a mythical character. G. Bruno
apparently confounded Philoponus with Alexander Aphrodisiensis, when in the Cena di
Cenere he asserted that the latter mentions the sacrifices on the top of Olympus. In
the passage on the subject in which we might expect to find him doing so, namely in
his Commentary on the Meteorologies, i. c. 3., he does not specify any particular
mountain.

That there is no wind nor rain on Olympus is mentioned as a common opinion
by St Augustin, De Civ. Dei, xvi. 27. Compare Dante, Purg. xxviii. 112.

1 Lest the animal spirits should swoon and be suffocated by the tenuity of the air.

2 This of course refers to Barentz's expedition in search of a North-East passage. He
passed the winter 1596-7 at Nova Zembla. [In Barentz's first voyage, 1594, he
was stopped by the ice on the 13th of July, and obliged to return. In his third voy-
age, 1596, his first considerable check was on the 19th of July ; after which he only
succeeded in coasting round the northern point of Nova Zembla till the 26th of
August, where the ship stuck fast and they were forced to leave her and winter on the
island, and return in their boats in the beginning of June 1597. See the letter signed
by the company : " Three Voyages by the North-East, &c.," Hackluyt Society, 1853,
p. 191. This letter was begun on the 1st of June : " Having till this day stayed for
the time and opportunity in hope to get our ship Ifvse, and now are clean out of hope
thereof, for that it lieth shut up and enclosed in the ice," &c. : and ended on the 13th,
" notwithstanding that while we were making ready to be gone, we had great wind
out of the west and north-west, and yet find no alteration nor bettering in the weather,
and therefore in the last extremity we left it." This narrative, written by Gerrit de
Veer, one of the party, was first published in Dutch in n>98 ; translated into Latin and
French the same year; into Italian in 1599; into English in 1609. See Introduction,
p. cxviii. " Per initia mensis Junii," would have been more accurate. — J. S.j

NOVUM ORGANUM. 241

Ad2am4a. Fiat hujusmocli experimentum. Accipiatur spe-
culum1 fabricatum contra ac fit in speculis comburentibus, et
interponatur inter manum et radios solis; et fiat observatio,
utrum minuat calorem solis, quemadmodum speculum combu-
rens eundem auget et intendit. Manifestum est enim, quoad
radios opticos, prout fabricatur speculum in densitate injequali
respectu medii et laterum, ita apparere simulaclira magis diffusa
aut magis contracta. Itaque idem videndum in calore.

Ad 2am 5a. Fiat experimentum diligenter, utrum per specula
comburentia fortissima et optime fabricate radii lunaj possint
excipi et colligi in aliqucm vel minimum gradum teporis. Is
vero gradus teporis si fortasse nimis subtilis et debilis fuerit, ut
ad tactum percipi et deprehendi non possit, confugiendum erit
ad vitra ilia quae indicant constitutionem ae'ris calidam aut fri-
gidam ; ita ut radii lunae per speculum comburens incidant et
jnciantur in summitatem vitri hujusmodi ; atque turn notetur si
fiat depressio aquae per teporem.

Ad 2»m ea. Practicetur etiam vitrum comburens super calidum2
quod non sit radiosum aut luminosum3; ut ferri et lapidis
calefacti sed non igniti, aut aquae ferventis, aut similium ; et
notetur utrum fiat augmentum et intentio calidi, ut in radiis
solis.

Ad 2«n 7». Practicetur etiam speculum comburens in flamma
communi.

Ad 2am 8a. Cometarum (si et illos numerare inter meteora
libuerit) 4 non deprehenditur constans aut manifestus efFectus in
augendis ardoribus anni, licet siccitates saepius inde sequi no-
tatae sint. Quiuetiam trabes et columnae lucidae et chasmata
et similia apparent saepius temporibus hybernis quam aestivis ;
et maxime per intensissima frigora, sed conjuncta cum siccitati-
bus. Fulmina tamen et coruscationes et tonitrua raro eveniunt
hyeme, sed sub tempus magnorum fervorum. At stellar (quas

1 " Speculum," used for lens. Read " specillum," the common word, il passes
very easily into u ; and probably the transition was more facile in the cursive hand.
* So in the original; qy. corpus calidum. — J. S.

3 Mersenne says the greater number of the experiments mentioned in the second
book of the Novvm Organum had already been made, and mentions particularly, as if
he had himself tried it, the reflexion of all kinds of heat by a burning mirror. He also
asserts that light is always accompanied by heat De la Verite des Sciences (1625),
p. 210.

4 That there was no reason for supposing comets to be more than merely meteoric
exhalations is the thesis maintained, and doubtless with great ability, by Galileo in
his Saggiatore, — the true view, or at least a nearer approach to it, having been pro-
pounded by the Jesuit Grossi. Bacon perhaps alludes to this controversy.

VOL. I. K

242 NOVUM ORGANUM.

vocnnt) cadentes existimantur vulgo inagis constare ex viscosa
aliqua materia splendida et accensa, quam esse naturae ignea?
fortioris. Sed de hoc inquiratur ulterius.

Ad4amga. Sunt qu8edam coruscationes quae praebent lumen
sed non urunt; eae vero semper fiunt sine tonitru.

Ad 5»m io». Eructationes et eruptiones flammarum inveni-
untur non minus in regionibus frigidis quam calidis; ut in
Islandia et Groenlandia ; quemadmodum et arbores per regiones
frigidas magis sunt quandoque inflammabiles et magis piceae ac
resinosae quam per regiones calidas ; ut fit in abiete, pinu, et
reliquis ; verum in quali situ et natura soli hujusmodi eruptio-
nes fieri soleant, ut possimus Affirmative subjungere Negati-
vam, non satis qu^esitum est.

AdGamiia. Omnis flamma perpetuo est calida magis aut
minus, neque omnino subjungitur Negativa ; et tamen referunt
iguem fatuum (quern vocant), qui etiam aliquando impingitur
in parietem *, non multum habere caloris ; fortasse instar
flammae spiritus vim, quae clemens et lenis est. Sed adhuc
lenior videtur ea flamma quae in nonnullis historiis fidis et
gravibus invenitur apparuisse circa capita et comas puerorum
et virginum; qua? nullo modo comas adurebat, sed molliter
circum eas trepidabat. Atque certissimum est, circa equum
in itinere sudantem noctu et suda tempestate apparuisse quan-
doque coruscationem quandam absque manifesto calore. Atque
paucis abhinc annis, notissimum est et pro miraculo quasi
habitum gremiale cujusdam puellae paulo motum aut fricatum
coruscasse ; quod fortasse factura est ob alumen aut sales
quibus gremiale tinctum erat paulo crassius hasrentia et in-
crustata, et ex fricatione fracta. Atque certissimum est sac-
charum omne, sive conditum (ut vocant) sive simplex, modo
sit durius, in tenebris fractum aut cultello scalptum coruscare.
Similiter aqua marina et salsa noctu interdum invenitur remis
fortiter percussa coruscare. Atque etiam in tempestatibus
spuma maris fortiter agitata noctu coruscat ; quam coruscatio-
nem Hispani pulmonem marinum vocant.2 De ilia flamma
autem quam antiqui nauta? vocabant Castorem et Pollucem, et

1 i. e. Which sometimes even settles on a wall.

* The phrase "pulmo marino" is as much Italian as Spanish, — except of course, that
in Italian " pulmo" is replaced by " polmo." — and is merely a translation of irvfvfj.ci!v
duAacrerios, which is used by Dioscorides, De Materia Medicd, ii. 39. The. luminous
appearance arises apparently from a molluscous animal, which in texture is like the
substance of the lungs, from which circumstance it derives the name which Dioscorides
gives it, Cf. De Aug. iv. 3.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 243

modern! Focum Sancti Ermi l, qualem calorem habeat non satis
quassitum est.

Ad7»»i2». Omne ignitum ita ut vertatur in ruborem

igneura etiam sine flamma perpetuo calidum est, neque huic
Affirmativae subjungitur Negativa ; sed quod in proximo est
videtur esse lignum putre, quod splendet noctu neque tamen
deprehenditur calidum ; et squamae piscium putrescentes, quse
etiam splendent noctu, nee inveniuntur ad tactum calidae;
neque etiam corpus cicindelae aut muscas (quam vocant Luci-
olam) calidum ad tactum deprehenditur.

Ad gam isa. De balneis calidis, in quo situ et natura soli
emanare soleant non satis quaesitum est; itaque non subjun-
gitur Negativa.

Ad 9<«n 14*. Liquidis ferventibus subjungitur Negativa ipsius
liquidi in natura sua. Nullum enim invenitur liquidum tan-
gibile quod sit in natura sua et maneat constanter calidum, sed
superinducitur ad tempus tantum calor, ut natura ascititia2:
adeo ut quae potestate et operatione sunt maxime calida, ut
spiritus vini, olea aromatum chymica, etiam olea vitrioli et
sulphuris, et similia, quae paulo post adurunt, ad primum
tactum sint frigida. Aqua autem balneorum naturalium ex-
cepta in vas aliquod et separata a fontibus suis defervescit
perinde ac aqua igne calefacta. At verum est corpora oleosa
ad tactum paulo minus esse frigida quam aquea; ut oleum
minus quam aqua, sericum minus quam linteum. Verum hoc
pertinet ad Tabulam Graduum de Frigido.

Ad loam isa. Similiter vapori fervido subjungitur Negativa
naturae ipsius vaporis, qualis apud nos inveuitur. Etenim
exhalationes ex oleosis, licet facile inflammabiles, tamen non
inveniuntur calidae, nisi a corpore calido recenter exhalaverint.

Ad ioam ie». Similiter aeri ipsi ferventi subjungitur Negativa
naturae aeris ipsius. Neque enim invenitur apud nos aer
calidus; nisi fuerit aut conclusus, aut attritus, aut manifeste
calefactus a sole, igne, aut aliquo alio corpore calido.

Ad uam 17a. Subjungitur Negativa tempestatum frigidarum

1 " O lume vivo, que a maritima gente
Tern por santo em tempo de tormenta."

Os Lusiadas de Camoes, canto v. est 18.
I take this quotation from Humboldt's Kosmos, ii. p. 122.

2 E converse, calor is not a natura adscititia to solids. In modern physics this dis-
tinction would be altogether without a meaning. That a hot liquid returns after a
while to a cold state, was adduced as an argument for the existence of substantial forms.

K 2

244 NOVUM ORGANUM.

magis quam pro ratione temporis anni, quae eveniunt apud nos
flante Euro et Borea ; quemadmodum et contrariae tempestates
eveniunt flante Austro et Zephyro. Etiam inclinatio ad pluviam
(praesertim temporibus hyemalibus) comitatur tempestatem te-
pidam ; at gelu contra frigidam.

Ad I*™ is*. Subjungitur Negativa aeris conclusi in cavernis
tempore aestivo. At de aere concluso omnino diligentius in-
quirendum. Primo enim non absque causa in dubitationem
venit qualis sit natura aeris quatenus ad calidum et frigidum
in natura sua propria. Recipit enim aer calidum manifesto ex
impressione coelestium ; frigidum autem fortasse ab expiratione
terrae; et rursus in media (quam vocant) regione aeris a
vaporibus frigidis et nivibus; ut nullum judicium fieri possit
de aeris natura per aerem qui foras est et sub dio, sed verius
foret judicium per aerem conclusum. Atqui opus est etiani ut
aer concludatur in tali vasi et materia quae nee ipsa imbuat
aerem calido vel frigido ex vi propria nee facile admittat vim
aeris extranei. Fiat itaque experimentum per ollam figularem
multiplici corio obductam ad muniendam ipsam ab aere ex-
traneo, facta mora per tres aut quatuor dies in vase bene
occluso; deprehensio autem fit post apertionem vasis vel per
manum vel per vitrurn graduum ordine applicatum.

Ad i3»m i9». Subest similiter dubitatio, utrum tepor in lana
et pellibus et plumis et hujusmodi fiat ex quodam exili calore
inhaerente, quatenus excernuntur ab animalibus ; aut etiam ob
pinguedinem quandam et oleositatem, quae sit naturae congruae
cum tepore ; vel plane ob conclusionem et fractionem aeris, ut
in articulo praecedente dictum est. Videtur enim omnis aer
abscissus a continuitate aeris forinseci habere nonnihil teporis.
Itaque fiat experimentum in fibrosis quae fiunt ex lino ; non
ex lana aut plumis aut serico, quae excernuntur ab animatis.
Notandum est etiam, omnes pulveres (ubi manifesto includitur
aer) minus esse frigidos quam corpora Integra ipsorum ; quem-
admodum etiam existimamus omnem spumam (utpote quae
aerem contineat) minus esse frigidam quam liquorem ipsum.

Adu«m20«. Huic non subjungitur Negativa. Nihil enim
reperitur apud nos sive tangibile sive spiritale quod admotum
igni non excipiat calorem. In eo tamen differunt, quod alia
excipiant calorem citius, ut aer, oleum, et aqua ; alia tardius,
ut lapis et metalla. Verum hoc pertinet ad Tabulam Graduum.
Adi5«m2ie. Huic Instantiae lion subjungitur Negativa alia,

NOVUM ORGANUM. 245

quam ut bene notetur non excitari scintillas ex silice et chalybe
aut alia aliqua substantia dura nisi ubi excutiuntur minutiae
aliquas ex ipsa substantia lapidis vel metalli, neque aerem
attritum unquam per se generare scintillas, ut vulgo putant ;
quin et ipsae illae scintilla? ex pondere corporis igniti magis
vergunt deorsum quam sursum, et in extinctione redeunt in
quandam fuliginem corpoream.

Adi6am22a. Existimamus huic instantiae non subjungi Ne-
gativam. Nullum enim invenitur apud nos corpus tangibile
quod non ex attritione manifesto calescat; adeo ut veteres
somniarent non inesse coelestibus aliam viam aut virtutem
calefaciendi nisi ex attritione aeris per rotationem rapidam et
incitatam.1 Verum in hoc genere ulterius inquirendum est
utrum corpora quae emittuntur ex machinis (qualia sunt pila?
ex tormentis) non ex ipsa percussione contrahant aliquem
gradum caloris ; adeo ut postquam deciderint inveniantur non-
nihil calida. At ae'r motus magis infrigidat quam calefacit ; ut
in ventis et follibus et flatu oris contracti. Verum hujusmodi
motus non est tarn rapidus ut excitet calorem, et fit secundum
totum, non per particulas; ut mirum non sit, si non generet
calorem.

Adi7am23a. Circa hanc instantiam facienda est inquisitio
diligentior. Videntur enim herbae et vegetabilia viridia et
humida aliquid habere in se occulti caloris. Ille vero calor tain
tenuis est ut in singulis non percipiatur ad tactum, verum
postquam ilia adunata sint et conclusa, ut spiritus ipsorum
non expiret in aerem sed se invicem foveat, turn vero oritur
calor manifestos, et nonnunquam flamma in materia congrua.

Ad isam 24a. Etiam circa hanc instantiam diligentior facienda
est inquisitio. Yidetur enim calx viva aqua aspersa concipere
calorem vel propter unionem caloris qui antea distrahebatur
(ut ante dictum est de herbis conclusis), vel ob irritationem et
exasperationem spiritus ignei ab aqua, ut fiat quidam conflictus
et antiperistasis. Utra vero res sit in causa facilius apparebit
si loco aquae immittatur oleum; oleum enim aeque ac aqua

1 See Arist. Meteorol. r. c. 2. sub finem ; or De Coelo, n. c. 7. It seems probable
that Aristotle was influenced by a wish to secure the doctrine of the eternity of the
universe, which he saw would be put in peril if celestial heat were ascribed to anything
akin to combustion. We now know that the generation of heat, whether by friction, com-
bustion, or otherwise, involves a loss of vis viva, and it is difficult to avoid the conclusion
that the material universe sprang, at a finite distance of time ago, out of something
wholly and inconceivably different from itself. Nothing is more remarkable than the
way in which ontology here forces itself into physics.

n 3

246 NOVUM ORGANUM.

valebit ad unionem spiritus inclusi, sed noil ad irritationem.
Etiam faciendum est experimentum latius tarn in cineribus et
calcibus diversorum corporum, quam per immissionem diver-
sorum liquorum.

Ad isam 25a. Huic iustantiae subjungitur Negativa aliorum
metallorum quae sunt magis mollia et fluxa. Etenim bracteolae
auri solutae in liquorem per aquam regis nullum dant calorem
ad tactum in dissolutione ; neque similiter plumbum in aqua
forti; neque etiam argentum vivum (utmemini); sed argentum
ipsum parum excitat caloris, atque etiam cuprum (ut memini),
sed magis manifesto stannum, atque omnium maxime ferrum et
chalybs, quae non solum fortem excitant calorem in dissolutione,
sed etiam violentam ebullitionem.1 Itaque videtur calor fieri
per conflictum, cum aquas fortes penetrant et fodiunt et divellunt
partes corporis, et corpora ipsa resistunt. Ubi vero corpora
facilius cedunt vix excitatur calor.

Ad2oam26a. Calori animalium nulla subjungitur Negativa, nisi
insectorum (ut dictum est) ob parvitatem corporis. Etenim in
piscibus collatis ad animalia terrestria magis notatur gradus
caloris quam privatio. In vegetabilibus autem et plantis nul-
lus percipitur gradus caloris ad tactum, neque in lachrymis
ipsorum, neque in medullis recenter apertis. At in animalibus
magna reperitur diversitas caloris, turn in partibus ipsorum
(alius est enim calor circa cor, alius in cerebro, alius circa
externa), turn in accidentibus eorum, ut in exercitatione ve-
hement! et febribus.

Ad2iam27a. Huic instantiaB vix subjungitur Negativa. Quin-
etiam excrementa animalium non recentia manifesto habent
calorem potentialem, ut cernitur in impinguatione soli.

Ad 22am et 23am 28a. Liquores (sive aquas vocentur sive olea) qui
habent magnam et intensam acrimoniam exequuntur opera
caloris in divulsione corporum, atque adustione post aliquam
moram ; sed tamen ad ipsum tactum manus noii sunt calidi ab
initio. Operantur autem secundum analogiam 2 et poros corpo-
ris cui adjunguntur. Aqua enim regis aurum solvit, argentum

1 This ebullition is of course not the result of the heat, but arises from the disengage-
ment of gas during the action of the acid on the metal.

2 This is another instance of the large sense given to the word analogia. Aqua
regia is a mixture of nitric and hydrochloric acids. Its power of dissolving gold is
ascribed by Davy to the liberation of chlorine by the mutual action of the two acids.
The different result in the case of silver arises from the insolubility of chloride of
silver.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 247

minime ; at contra aqua fortis argentum solvit, aurum minime ;
neutrum autem solvit vitruni ; et sic de caeteris.

Ad 2-tam 29a. Fiat experimentum spiritus vini in lignis, ac etiam
in butyro aut cera aut pice ; si forte per calorem suum ea
aliquatenus liquefaciat. Etenim instantia 24a ostendit pote-
statem ejus imitativam caloris in incrustationibus. Itaque fiat
similiter experimentum in liquefactionibus. Fiat etiam expe-
rimentum per vitrum graduum sive calendare quod conca-
vum sit in summitate sua per exterius ; et immittatur in illud
concavum exterius spiritus vini bene rectificatus, cum operculo
ut melius contineat calorem suum ; et notetur utrum per calo-
rem suum faciat aquam descendere.

Ad 25am 3Da. Aromata, et herbae acres ad palatum, multo magis
sumptae interius, percipiuntur calida. Videndum itaque in
quibus aliis materiis exequantur opera caloris. Atque refe-
runt nautae, cum cumuli et massa? aromatum diu conclusae
subito aperiuntur, periculum instare illis qui eas primo agitant
et extrahunt a febribus et inflammationibus spiritus.1 Simi-
liter fieri poterit experimentum, utrum pulveres hujusmodi
aromatum aut herbarum non arefaciant laridum et carnem
suspensam super ipsos, veluti fumus ignis.

Ad 2Gam aia. Acrimonia sive penetratio inest tarn frigidis, qualia
sunt acetum et oleum vitrioli, quam calidis, qualia sunt oleum
origani et similia. Itaque similiter et in animatis cient dolorem,
et in non animatis divellunt partes et consumunt. Neque huic
instantise subjungitur Negativa. Atque in animatis nullus
reperitur dolor nisi cum quodam sensu caloris.

Ad27»m32a. Communes sunt complures actiones et calidi et
frigidi, licet diversa admodum ratione. Nam et nives puerorum
manus videntur paulo post urere ; et frigora tuentur carnes a
putrefactione, non minus quam ignis ; et calores contrahunt
corpora in minus, quod faciunt et frigida. Verum haec et
similia opportunius est referre ad Inquisitionem de Frigido.

XIII.

Tertio facienda est Comparentia ad Intellectum instantiarum
in quibus natura de qua fit inquisitio inest secundum magis et
minus; sive facta comparatione incrementi et decrementi in

1 In the Annals of Philosophy a case is mentioned in which the effluvia arising on
the opening of a large bark-store at Guayra were sufficiently powerful to cure a bad
fever.

K4

248 NOVUM ORGANUM.

eodem subjecto, sive facta comparatione ad invicem in subjectis
diversis. Cum enim Forma rei sit ipsissima res ; neque differat
res a Forma, aliter quam difFerunt apparens et existens, aut
exterius et interius, aut in ordine ad hominem et in ordine ad
universum l ; omnino sequitur ut non recipiatur aliqua natura
pro vera Forma, nisi perpetuo decrescat quando natura ipsa
decrescit, et similiter perpetuo augeatur quando natura ipsa
augetur. Hanc itaque tabulam Tabulam Graduum sive Ta-
bulam Comparatives appellare consuevimus.

Tabula Graduum sive Comparative in Calido.
Primo itaque dicemus de iis qua3 nullum prorsus gradum
caloris habent ad tactum, sed videntur habere potentialem
tantum quendam calorem, sive dispositionem et prseparationem
ad calidum. Postea demum descendemus ad ea quse sunt actu
sive ad tactum calida, eorumque fortitudines et gradus.

1. In corporibus solidis et tangibilibus non invenitur aliquid
quod in natura sua calidum sit originaliter. Non enim lapis
aliquis, non metallum, non sulphur, non fossile aliquod, non
lignum, non aqua, non cadaver animalis, inveniuntur calida.
Aquae autem calidse in balneis videntur calefieri per accidens,
sive per flammam aut ignem subterraneum, qualis ex -ZEtna
et montibus aliis compluribus evomitur, sive ex conflictu
corporum, quemadmodum calor fit in ferri et stanni dissolu-
tionibus. Itaque gradus caloris in inanimatis, quatenus ad
tactum humanum, nullus est; veruntamen ilia gradu frigoris
difFerunt; non enim seque frigidum est lignum ac metallum.
Sed hoc pertinet ad Tabulam Graduum in Frigido.

2. Attamen quoad potentiales calores et prseparationes ad
flammam, complura inveniuntur inanimata admodum disposita,
ut sulphur, naphtha, petrelaeum.2

3. Qua3 antea incaluerunt, ut fimus equinus ex animali, aut
calx aut fortasse cinis aut fuligo ex igne, reliquias latentes
quasdam caloris prioris retinent. Itaque fiunt qusedam di-
stillationes et separationes corporum per sepulturam in fimo
equino, atque excitatur calor in calce per aspersionem aquee ;
ut jam dictum est.

1 " Res " is to be taken in a general sense, so as to include not only substances, but
also what Bacon calls naturae. It is therefore not to be translated as if it wore
synonymous with corpus; and in fact in a subsequent passage (II. § 50.) "res" and
" corpus " are, so to speak, placed in opposition to each other. " Kerum forma? et Cor-
porum schematism!. "

2 The La! in form of the word is petroleum.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 249

4. Inter vegetabilia non invenitur aliqua planta sive pars
plantae (veluti lachryma aut medulla) quae sit ad tactum
humanum calida. Sed tamen (ut superius dictum est) herbae
virides conclusae calescunt ; atque ad interiorem tactum, veluti
ad palatum aut ad stomachum aut etiam ad exteriores partes,
post aliquam moram (ut in emplastris et unguentis) alia vege-
tabilia inveniuntur calida, alia frigida.

5. Non invenitur in partibus animalium, postquam fuerint
mortuae aut separatee, aliquid calidum ad tactum humanum.
Nam neque fimus equinus ipse, nisi fuerit conclusus et sepultus,
calorem retinet. Sed tamen omnis fimus habere videtur calorem
potentialem, ut in agrorum impinguatione. Et similiter, cada-
vera animalium hujusmodi habent latentem et potentialem
calorem ; adeo ut in coemeteriis ubi quotidie fiunt sepulturoe
terra calorem quendam occultum colligat, qui cadaver aliquod
recenter impositam consumit longe- citius quam terra pura.
Atque apud orientales traditur inveniri textile quoddam tenue
et molle, factum ex avium plumagine, quod vi innata butyrum
solvat et liquefaciat in ipso leviter involutum.

6. Quae impinguant agros, ut fimi omnis generis, creta, arena
maris, sal, et similia, dispositionem nonnullam habent ad cali-
dum.

7. Omnis putrefactio in se rudimenta quaedarn exilis caloris
habet1, licet non hucusque ut ad tactum percipiatur. Nam
nee ea ipsa quae putrefacta solvuntur in animalcula, ut caro,
caseus, ad tactum percipiuntur calida; neque lignum putre,
quod noctu splendet, deprehenditur ad tactum calidum. Calor
autem in putridis quandoque se prodit per odores tetros et
fortes.

8. Primus itaque caloris gradus, ex iis quse ad tactum huma-
num percipiuntur calida, videtur esse calor animalium, qui bene
magnam habet graduum latitudinem. Nam infimus gradus (ut
in insectis) vix ad tactum deprenditur ; summus autem gradus
vix attingit ad gradum caloris radioruin solis in regionibus et
temporibus maxime ferventibus, neque ita acris est quin tole-
rari possit a manu. Et tamen referunt de Constantio2, aliisque
nonnullis qui constitutionis et habitus corporis admodum sicci

1 This is true of eremacausis rather than of real putrefaction. But the distinction
belongs to the recent history of chemistry.

2 The person here referred to is Constantius II., the son of Constantine the Great.
The burning heat of the fever of which he died is mentioned by Ammianus Marcel-
linns, 1. xxi. c. 15.

250 NOVUM ORGANUM.

fuerunt, quod acutissimis febribus correpti ita incaluerint ut
manum admotam aliquantulum urere visi sint.

9. Animalia, ex motu et exercitatione, ex vino et epulis, ex
venere, ex febribus ardentibus, et ex dolore, augentur calore.

10. Animalia in accessibus febrium intermittentium a prin-
cipio frigore et horrore corripiuntur, sed paulo post majorem
in modum incalescunt ; quod etiam faciunt a principio in cau-
sonibus et febribus pestilentialibus.

11. Inquiratur ulterius de calore comparato in diversis ani-
malibus, veluti piscibus, quadrupedibus, serpentibus, avibus ;
atque etiam secundum species ipsorum, ut in leone, milvio,
homine ; nam ex vulgar! opinione, pisces per interiora minus
calidi sunt, aves autem maxime calidse; praesertim columbae,
accipitres, struthiones.1

12. Inquiratur ulterius de calore comparato in eodem animali,
secundum partes et membra ejus diversa. Nam lac, sanguis,
sperma, ova, inveniuntur gradu modico tepida, et minus calida
quam ipsa caro exterior in animali quando movetur aut agitatur.
Qualis vero gradus sit caloris in cerebro, stomacho, corde, et
reliquis, similiter adhuc non est quaesitum.

13. Animalia omnia, per hyemem et tempestates frigidas, se-
cundum exterius frigent; sed per interiora etiam magis esse
calida existimantur.

14. Calor coelestium, etiam in regione calidissima atque tem-
poribus anni et diei calidissimis, non eum gradum caloris obtinet
qui vel lignum aridissimum vel stramen vel etiam linteum
ustum incendat aut adurat, nisi per specula comburentia robo-
retur ; sed tamen e rebus humidis vaporem excitare potest.

15. Ex traditione astronomorum ponuntur stellae alias magis,
alias minus calidae. Inter planetas eniin post solem ponitur
Mars calidissimus, deinde Jupiter, deinde Venus2; ponuntur
autem tanquam frigidi Luna et deinde omnium maxime Satur-
nus. Inter fixas autem ponitur calidissimus Sirius, deinde Cor
Leonis, sive Regulus, deinde Canicula, etc.

16. Sol magis calefacit, quo magis vergit ad perpendiculum
sive Zenith, quod etiam credendum est de aliis planetis, pro
modulo suo caloris ; exempli gratia, Jovem magis apud nos

1 Struthio commonly means an ostrich, but it seems here to be used for a sparrow.
— J. S.

• By some Venus was accounted cold and moist. Vide Margarita Phil. p. 627.
Ptolemy, however, confirms what Bacon says of her.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 251

calefacere cum positus sit sub Cancro aut Leone quam sub
Capricorno aut Aquario.

17. Credendum est solem ipsum et planetas reliquos magis
calefacere in perigaeis suis, propter propinquitatem ad terrain,
quam in apogaeis. Quod si eveniat ut in aliqua regione sol sit
simul in perigaeo et propius ad perpendiculum, necesse est ut
magis calefaciat quam in regione ubi sol sit similiter in perigaeo
sed magis ad obliquum. Adeo ut comparatio exaltationis pla-
netarum notari debeat, prout ex perpendiculo aut obliquitate
participet, secundum regionum varietatem.

18. Sol etiam, et similiter reliqui planetae, calefacere magis
existimantur cum sint in proximo ad stellas fixas majores ; ve-
luti cum sol ponitur in Leone, magis vicinus fit Cordi Leonis,
Caudoe Leonis, et Spicae Virginis, et Sirio, et Caniculae, quam
cum ponitur in Cancro, ubi tamen magis sistitur ad perpendicu-
lum.1 Atque credendum est partes coeli majorem infundere
calorem (licet ad tactum minime perceptibilem) quo magis
ornatae sint stellis, prassertim majoribus.

19. Omnino calor coelestium augetur tribus modis; videlicet
ex perpendiculo, ex propinquitate sive perigseo, et ex conjun-
ctione sive consortio stellarum.

20. Magnum omnino invenitur intervallum inter calorem
animalium ac etiam radiorum coelestium (prout ad nos deferun-
tur), atque flammam, licet lenissimam, atque etiam ignita omnia,
atque insuper liquores, aut ae'rem ipsum majorem in modum
ab igne calefactum. Etenim flamma spiritus vini, prassertim
rara nee constipata, tamen potis est stramen aut linteum aut
papyrum incendere; quod nunquam faciet calor animalis vel
solis, absque speculis comburentibus.

21. Flammas autem et ignitorum plurimi sunt gradus in
fortitudine et debilitate caloris. Verum de his nulla est facta
diligens inquisitio ; ut necesse sit ista leviter transmittere.
Videtur autem ex flammis ilia ex spiritu vini esse mollissima ;
nisi forte ignis fatuus, aut flammae seu coruscationes ex sudoribus
animalium, sint molliores. Hanc sequi opinamur flammam ex
vegetabilibus levibus et porosis, ut stramine, scirpis, et foliis
arefactis, a quibus non multum differre flammam ex pilis aut

1 This astrological fancy was probably suggested by a wish to explain why July is
hotter than June. In the division of the Zodiac into trigons each of which corre-
sponds to one of the elements, Leo forms one of the corners of the fiery trigon ; and it
is moreover the sun's proper sign.

252 NOVUM ORGANUM.

plumis. Hanc sequitur fortasse flamma ex lignis, praesertim iis
quae non multum habent ex resina aut pice ; ita tamen ut
flamma ex lignis quae parva sunt mole (quae vulgo colligantur in
fascicules) lenior sit quam quae fit ex truncis arborum et radi-
cibus. Id quod vulgo experiri licet in fornacibus quae ferrum
excoquunt, in quibus ignis ex fasciculis et ramis arborum non
est admodum utilis. Hanc sequitur (ut arbitramur) flamma ex
oleo et sevo et cera, et hujusmodi oleosis et pinguibus, quaa
sunt sine magna acrimonia. Fortissimus autem calor reperitur
in pice et resina; atque adhuc magis in sulphure et caplmra1,
et naphtha et petrelaeo et salibus (postquam materia cruda eru-
perit), et in horum compositionibus, veluti pulvere tormentario,
igne Graeco (quern vulgo ignem ferum vocant), et diversis ejus
generibus, quae tarn obstinatum habent calorem ut ab aquis non
facile exstinguantur.

22. Existimamus etiam flammam quae resultat ex nonnullis
metallis imperfectis esse valde robustam et acrem. Verum de
istis omnibus inquiratur ulterius.

23. Videtur autem flamma fulminum potentiorum has omnes
flammas superare ; adeo ut ferrum ipsum perfectum aliquando
colliquaverit in guttas, quod flammae illae alterae facere non
possunt.

24. In ignitis autem diversi sunt etiam gradus caloris, de
quibus etiam non facta est diligens inquisitio. Calorem maxime
debilem existimamus esse ex linteo usto, quali ad flammae exci-
tationem uti solemus ; et similiter ex ligno illo spongioso aut
funiculis arefactis qui ad tormentorum accensionem adhibentur.
Post hunc sequitur carbo ignitus ex lignis et anthracibus atque
etiam ex lateribus ignitis, et similibus. Ignitorum autem vehe-
mentissime calida existimamus esse metalla ignita, ut ferrum et
cuprum et caetera. Verum de his etiam facienda est ulterior
inquisitio.

25. Inveniuntur ex ignitis nonnulla longe calidiora quam
nonnullae ex flammis. Multo enim calidius est et magis adurens
ferrum ignitum quam flamma spiritus vini.

26. Inveniuntur etiam ex illis quae ignita non sunt sed tan-
turn ab igne calefacta, sicut aquae ferventes et aer conclusus in
reverberatoriis, nonnulla quae superant calore multa ex flammis
ipsis et ignitis.

1 Camphor.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 253

27. Motus auget calorem ; ut videre est in follibus et flatu ;
adeo ut duriora ex metallis non solvantur aut liquefiant per
ignem mortuum aut quietum, nisi flatu excitetur.

28. Fiat experimentum per specula comburentia, in quibus
(ut memini)1 hoc fit, ut si speculum ponatur (exempli gratia)
ad distantiam spithamse ab objecto combustibili, non tantopere
incendat aut adurat quam si positum fuerit speculum (exempli
gratia) ad distantiam semi-spithamas, et gradatim et lente tra-
hatur ad distantiam spithama?. Conus tamen et unio radiorum
eadem sunt, sed ipse motus auget operationem caloris.2

29. Existimantur incendia ilia qua} fiunt flante vento forti
majores progressus facere adversus ventum quam secundum
ventum; quia scilicet flamma resilit motu perniciore, vento
remittente, quam procedit vento impellente.

30. Flamma non emicat aut generatur, nisi detur aliquid
concavi in quo flamma movere possit et ludere; praeterquam
in flammis flatuosis pulveris tormentarii, et similibus, ubi com-
pressio et incarceratio flammse auget ejus furorem.

31. Incus per malleum calefit admodum ; adeo ut si incus
fuerit laminae tenuioris, existimemus illam per fortes et continuos
ictus mallei posse rubescere, ut ferrum ignitum ; sed de hoc fiat
experimentum.

32. At in ignitis quae sunt porosa, ita ut detur spatium ad
exercendum motum ignis, si cohibeatur hujusmodi motus per
compressionem fortem, statim extinguitur ignis ; veluti cum
linteum ustum aut filum ardens candelae aut lampadis aut
etiam carbo aut pruna ardens comprimitur per pressorium aut
pedis conculcationem aut hujusmodi, statim cessant operationes
ignis.

33. Approximatio ad corpus calidum auget calorem, pro
gradu approximationis ; quod etiam fit in lumine ; nam quo
propius collocatur objectum ad lumen eo magis est visibile.

34. Unio calorum diversorum auget calorem, nisi facta sit
commistio corporum. Nam focus magnus et focus parvus in
eodem loco nonnihil invicem augent calorem ; at aqua tepida
immissa in aquam ferventem refrigerat.

1 Compare De Galore et Frigore : — " And the operation of them [burning-glasses] is,
as / remember, first to place them," &c., which seems to prove, not only that Bacon
had no burning-glass at hand, but also that he was not familiar with the use of them.
— /. S,

2 The only explanation of this is, that the focal length of the lens lay between a
span and half a span.

254 NOVUM ORGANUM.

35. Mora corporis calidi auget calorem. Etenim calor per-
petuo transiens et emanans commiscetur cum calore praein-
existente, adeo ut multiplicet calorem. Nam focus non aeque
calefacit cubiculum per moram semihorae ac si idem focus
duret per horam integram. At hoc non facit lumen ; etenim
lampas aut candela in aliquo loco posita non magis illumiuat
per moram diuturnam quam statim ab initio.

36. Irritatio per frigidum ambiens auget calorem; ut in
focis videre est per gelu acre. Quod existimamus fieri non
tantum per conclusionem et contractionem caloris, quae est
species unionis, sed per exasperationem ; veluti cum aer aut
baculum violenter comprimitur aut flectitur, non ad punctum
loci prioris resilit, sed ulterius in contrarium. Itaque fiat
diligens experimentum per baculum vel simile aliquid immis-
sum in flammam, utrum ad latera flammae non uratur citius
quam in medio flammae.

37. Gradus autem in susceptione caloris sunt complures.
Atque primo omnium notandum est, quam parvus et exilis
calor etiam ea corpora quse caloris minime omnium sunt sus-
ceptiva immutet tamen et nonnihil calefaciat. Nam ipse calor
manus globulum plumbi aut alicujus metalli paulisper deten-
tum nonnihil calefacit. Adeo facile et in omnibus transmittitur
et excitatur calor, corpore nullo modo ad apparentiam immutato.

38. Facillime omnium corporum apud nos et excipit et remittit
calorem aer; quod optime cernitur in vitris calendaribus. Eorum
confectio est talis l : accipiatur vitrum ventre concavo, collo
tenui et oblongo ; resupinetur et demittatur hujusmodi vitrum
ore deorsum verso, ventre sursum, in aliud vasculum vitreum
ubi sit aqua, tangendo fundum vasculi illius recipientis extremo
ore vitri immissi, et incumbat paullulum vitri immissi collum
ad os vitri recipientis, ita ut stare possit ; quod ut commodius
fiat, apponatur paruni cerae ad os vitri recipientis ; ita tamen ut
non penitus obturetur os ejus, ne ob defectum aeris succedentis
impediatur motus de quo jam dicetur, qui est admodum facilis
et delicatus.

Oportet autem ut vitrum demissum, antequam inseratur in
alterum, calefiat ad ignem a parte superiori, ventre scilicet.

1 I am very much inclined to think that Bacon heard of the vitrum calendare from
Fludde.or a Fluctibus, as he is called in Latin, who returned from Italy in [1605], and
in whose philosophy, built upon certain abstract notions of rarefaction and condens-
ation, perpetual reference is made to the air-thermometer, to which he gives the
same name.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 255

Postquam autem fuerit vitrum illud collocatum ut diximus,
recipiet et contrahet se aer (qui dilatatus erat per calefactionem),
post moram sufficientem pro extinctione illius ascititii caloris,
ad talem extensionem sive dimensionein qualis erit aeris am-
bientis aut communis tune temporis quando immittitur vitrum,
atque attrahet aquam in sursum ad hujusmodi mensuram.
Debet autem appendi charta angusta et oblonga, et gradibus
(quot libuerit) interstincta. Videbis autem, prout tempestas
diei incalescit aut frigescit, aerem se contrahere in angustius
per frigidum et extendere se in latius per calidum ; id quod
conspicietur per aquam ascendentem quando contrahitur aer,
et descendentem sive depressum quando dilatatur aer. Sen-
sus autem aeris, quatenus ad calidum et frigidum, tarn sub-
tilis est et exquisitus ut facultatem tactus humani multum
superet ; adeo ut solis radius aliquis, aut calor anhelitus, multo
magis calor manus, super vitri summitatem positus, statim
deprimat aquam manifesto. 1 Attamen existimamus spiritual
animalium magis adhuc exquisitum sensum habere calidi et
frigidi, nisi quod a mole corporea impediatur et hebetetur.

39. Post aerem, existimamus corpora esse maxime sensitiva
caloris ea quae a frigore recenter immutata sint et compressa,
qualia sunt nix et glacies ; ea enim leni aliquo tepore solvi
incipiunt et colliquari. Post ilia sequitur fortasse argentum
vivum. Post illud sequuntur corpora pinguia, ut oleum, buty-
rum, et similia ; deinde lignum ; deinde aqua ; postremo lapides

1 In consequence of this description of the Vitrum Calendare, the invention of the
Thermometer has been ascribed to Bacon ; but without good reason. Fludd was
the first to publish an account of the Thermometer ; but Nelli says, and (admitting
his authorities) truly, that Galileo's invention was anterior to any publication of
Fludd's. Nelli speaks of a letter preserved in the library of his family " in copia,"
which Castelli addressed to Cesarina in 1638. Castelli says that, more than thirty-
five years before, Galileo had shown him an experiment which he describes ; namely,
the rise of the water into an inverted tube with a bulb at one extremity, when the
open end of the tube is put into a vessel of water, and goes on, "del quale effetto il
medesimo Signor Galileo si era servito per fabbricare un Istromento da esatninare i
gradi del caldo e del freddo." Thus far Castelli ; but how long after the original ex-
periment the instrument was made, does not appear from his statement. Nelli also
refers to Viviani's Life of Galileo, wherein it is said that Galileo invented the Ther-
mometer between 1593 and 1597. It has not, I think, been remarked that the rise
of water under the circumstances of Galileo's original experiment had already been
described in Porta's Natural Magic ; though, as is usually the case with Porta, one
cannot be sure whether he had ever actually seen it. " Possumus etiam solo calore
aquam ascendere facere. Sit dolium supra turrim, vel ligneum, vel argillaceum aut
sereum, quod melius erit, et canalem habeat in medio, qui descendat inferius usque ad
aquam, et in ea submersus sit, sed adglutinatus, ne respiret. Calefiat vas superius
vel sole vel igne, nam aer, qui in alvo continetur, rarefit et foras prolabitur, unde
aquam in bullas tumere videbimus, mox absentia solis ubi vas refrigescit, aer conden-
satur, et quum non sufflciat inclusus aer vacuum replere, accersitur aqua et ascendit
supra." — Porta's Magic, book xix. chap. 4.

256 NOVUM ORGANUM.

et metalla, quae non facile calefiunt, praesertim interius. Ilia
tamen calorem semel susceptum diutissime retinent; ita ut
later aut lapis aut ferrum ignituna in pelvim aquas frigidae irn-
missum et demersum, per quartam partem horae (plus minus)
retineat calorem, ita ut tangi non possit.

40. Quo minor est corporis moles, eo citius per corpus cali-
dum approximatum incalescit ; id quod demonstrat omuem
calorem apud nos esse corpori tangibili quodammodo adversum.

41. Calidum, quatenus ad sensum et tactum humanum, res
varia est et respectiva ; adeo ut aqua tepida, si manus frigore
occupetur, sentiatur esse calida ; sin manus incaluerit, frigida.

XIV.

Quam inopes simus historic quivis facile advertet, cum in
tabulis superioribus, praeterquam quod loco historiae probatae et
instantiarum certarum nonnunquam traditiones et relationes
inseramus (semper tamen adjecta dubias fidei et auctoritatis
nota), saepenumero etiam hisce verbis, fiat experimentum, vel
inquiratur ulterius, uti cogamur.

XV.

Atque opus et officium harum trium tabularum, Com-
parentiam Instantiarum ad Intellectum vocare consuevimus.
Facta autem Comparentia, in opere ponenda est ipsa Inductio.
Invenienda est enim super Comparentiam omnium et singu-
larum Instantiarum natura talis, quas cum natura data perpetuo
adsit, absit, atque crescat et decrescat; sitque (ut superius
dictum est) limitatio naturae magis communis.1 Hoc si mens
jam ab initio facere tentet affirmative (quod sibi permissa
semper facere solet), occurrent phantasmata et opinabilia et
notionalia male terminata et axiomata quotidie emendanda ;
nisi libeat (scholarum more) pugnare pro falsis. Ea tamen
proculdubio erunt meliora aut praviora pro facultate et robore
intellectus qui operatur. At omnino Deo (Formarum inditori
et opifici) aut fortasse angelis et intelligentiis competit Formas
per affirmationem immediate nosse, atque ab initio contempla-
tionis.2 Sed certe supra hominem est ; cui tantum conceditur,

1 That is, a particular case of a more general nature. The force of the last clause
may be thus illustrated : If all bodies were more or less luminous accordingly as they
were more or less hot, the luminous and the hot would be concomitantia, but neither
would be the form of the other. [See General Preface, § 8.— J. S.]

2 It was, I apprehend, the received doctrine, that whatever knowledge the angelic
nature is capable of it attains at once. Thus it is said, " Inferiores substantial intellecti-
vae, scilicet animae humanae, habent potentiam intellect! vam non completam natural iter,

NOVUM ORGANUM. 257

procedere primo per Negativas, et postremo loco desinere in
Affirmativas, post omnimodam exclusionem.

XVI.

Itaque naturae facienda est prorsus solutio et separatio, non
per ignem certe, sed per raentem, tanquam ignem divinum.
Est itaque Inductionis vera? opus primum (quatenus ad inveni-
endas Formas) Rejectio sive Exclusiva naturarum singularura
qua non inveniuntur in aliqua instantia ubi natura data adest,
aut inveniuntur in aliqua instantia ubi natura data abest, aut
inveniuntur in aliqua instantia crescere cum natura data de-
crescat, aut decrescere cum natura data crescat. Turn vero
post Rejectionem et Exclusivam debitis modis factam, secundo
loco (tanquam in fundo) manebit (abeuntibus in fumum opini-
onibus volatilibus) Forma affirmativa, solida et vera et bene
terminata. Atque hoc breve dictu est, sed per multas ambages
ad hoc pervenitur. Nos autem nihil fortasse ex iis quae ad
hoc faciunt praetermittemus.

XVII.

Cavendum autem est et monendum quasi perpetuo, ne, cum
tantae partes Formis videantur a nobis tribui, trahantur ea quae
dicimus ad Formas eas quibus hominum contemplationes et
cogitationes hactenus assueverunt.

Primo enim, de Formis copulatis, quae sunt (ut diximus)
naturarum simplicium conjugia ex cursu communi universi, ut
leonis, aquilae, rosae, auri, et hujusmodi, impraesentiarum non
loquimur.1 Tempus enim erit de iis tractandi, cum ventum
fuerit ad Latentes Processus et Latentes Schematismos, eo-
rumque inventionem, prout reperiuntur in substantiis (quas
vocant) seu naturis concretis.

Rursus vero, non intelligantur ea quae dicimus (etiam qua-
tenus ad naturas simplices) de Formis et ideis abstractis, aut in
materia non determinatis aut male determinatis. Nos enim
quum de Formis loquimur, nil aliud intelligimus quam leges

sed completur in iis successive per hoc quod accipiunt species a rebus. Potentia Vero
intellectiva in substantiis spiritualibus superioribus, id est in angelis, completa est per
species intelligibiles connaturales : in quantum habent species intelligibilcs connatu-
rales ad omnia intelligenda quae naturaliter cognoscere possunt." — S. Thomas, Summa
Theol. Ima, q. 45. a 2.

1 Bacon's principle that the form of any substance may be conceived as a combina-
tion of the forms which correspond to each of its qualities is well illustrated by the
phrase " formae copulatse." The " forma copulata " is the " lex ex qua corpus indi-
vicluum edit actus puros." Of this law each section or paragraphus is the " forma
alicujus ex naturis simplicibus quae in eo corpore conjunguntur." I have already
remarked on Mr. Wood's rendering of the word " paragraphus " in § 2.

VOL. I. S

258 NOVUM ORGANUM.

illas et determination es actus puri, quae naturam aliquam sim-
plicem ordinant et constituunt ; ut calorem, lumen, pondus ; in
omnimoda materia et subjecto susceptibili. Itaque eadem res
est Forma Calidi aut Forma Luminis, et Lex Calidi sive Lex
Luminis ; neque vero a rebus ipsis et parte operativa unquam
nos abstrahimus aut recedimus. Quare cum dicimus (exempli
gratia) in inquisitione Formae Caloris, rejice tenuitatem, aut
tenuitas non est ex Forma Caloris, idem est ac si dicamus potest
homo superinducere calorem in corpus densum ; aut contra, potest
homo auferre aut arcere calorem a corpore tenui.

Quod si cuiquam videantur etiam Formae nostrse habere
nonnihil abstracti, quod misceant et conjungant heterogenea
(videntur enim valde esse heterogenea calor coelestium et ignis ;
rubor fixus in rosa aut similibus, et apparens in iride aut
radiis- opalii aut adamantis ; mors ex summersione, ex crema-
tione, ex punctura gladii, ex apoplexia, ex atrophia ; et tamen
conveniunt ista in natura calidi, ruboris, mortis), is se habere
intellectum norit consuetudine et integralitate rerum et opi-
nionibus captum et detentum.1 Certissimum enim est ista,
utcunque heterogenea et aliena, coire in Formam sive Legem
earn quae ordinat calorem aut ruborem aut mortem; nee
emancipari posse potentiam humanam et liberari a naturae
cursu communi, et expandi et exaltari ad efficientia nova et
modos operandi novos, nisi per revelationem et inventionem
hujusmodi Formarum ; et tamen post istam unionem natura?,
quae est res maxime principalis, de naturae divisionibus et
venis, tarn ordinariis quam interioribus et verioribus, suo loco
postea dicetur.

XVIII.

Jam vero proponendum est exemplum Exclusionis sive Re-
jectionis naturarum, quae per Tabulas Comparentiae reperiuntur
non esse ex Forma Calidi ; illud interim monendo, non solum
sufficere singulas tabulas ad Rejectionem alicujus naturae, sed

1 The ejection here anticipated has actually been made. It has been said that
•we cannot be sure that any quality always proceeds from the same cause. And in
truth, though the axiom " like causes produce like effects," and vice versa, seems to be
inseparable from the idea of causation, yet the force of the objection remains. For
the reference of sensible qualities to outward objects involves a subjective element.
The same colour, as referred to a substance as the object in which it resides, is a dif-
ferent thing as it is a fixed colour, or prismatic, or epipolar, &c. They agree, it may
be said, in the type of undulation ; but viewed as properties of bodies, or with re-
ference to operations on them, they are distinct. And if we could go further into the
mechanism of sensation, we should probably recede further both from concrete bodies
and from practice.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 259

etiam unamquamque ex instantiis singularibus in illis con-
tentis. Manifestum enim est ex iis quae dicta sunt, omnem
instantiara contradictoriam destruere opinabile de Forma. Sed
nihilominus quandoque, perspicuitatis causa et ut usus tabu-
larum clarius demonstretur, Exclusivam duplicamus aut repe-
timus.

Exemplum Exclusive, sive Rejectionis Naturarum a Forma

Calidi.

1. Per radios solis, rejice naturam elementarem.1

2. Per ignem cornmunem, et maxime per ignes subterraneos
(qui remotissimi sunt et plurimum intercluduntur a radiis cce-
lestibus), rejice naturam coelestem.

3. Per calefactionem omnigenum corporum (hoc est, mine-
ralium, vegetabilium, partium exteriorum animalium, aquae,
olei, aeris, et reliquorum) ex approximatione sola ad ignem aut
aliud corpus calidum, rejice omnem varietatem sive subtiliorem
texturam corporum.

4. Per ferrum et metalla ignita, quaa calefaciunt alia cor-
pora nee tamen omnino pondere aut substantia minuuntur,
rejice inditionem sive mixturam substantial alterius calidi.

5. Per aquam ferventem atque aerem, atque etiam per
metalla et alia solida calefacta, sed non usque ad ignitionem
sive ruborem, rejice lucem aut lumen.

6. Per radios lunse et aliarum stellarum (excepto sole),
rejice etiam lucem et lumen.

7. Per Comparativam ferri igniti et flammas spiritus vini (ex
quibus ferrum ignitum plus habet calidi et minus lucid i, flamma
autem spiritus vini plus lucidi et minus calidi), rejice etiam
lucem et lumen.

8. Per aurum et alia metalla ignita, qua? densissimi sunt
corporis secundum totum, rejice tenuitatem.

9. Per aerem, qui invenitur ut plurimum frigidus et tamen
manet tenuis, rejice etiam tenuitatem.

10. Per ferrum ignitum, quod non intumescit mole sed
manet intra eandem dimensionem visibilem, rejice motum loca-
lem aut expansivum secundum totum.

11. Per dilatationem aeris in vitris calendariis et similibus,

1 This refers to the antithesis, almost fundamental in Peripatetic physics, of the
celestial and the elementary. Heat, since the sun's rays are hot, cannot depend on the
elemental as contradistinguished from the celestial nature.

6 2

2 GO TCOVUM ORGANUM.

qui movetur localiter et expansive manifesto neque tamen col-
ligit manifestum augmentum caloris, rejice etiam motum loca-
lem aut expansivum secundum totum.

12. Per facilem tepefactionem omnium corporum, absque
aliqua destructione aut alteratione notabili, rejice naturam de-
structivam aut inditionem violentam alicujus naturae novas.

13. Per consensum et conformitatem operuni similium qua?
eduntur a calore et a frigore, rejice motum tarn expansivum
quam contractivum secundum totum.

14. Per accensionem caloris ex attritione corporum, rejice
naturam principialem. Naturam principialem vocamus earn
quae positiva reperitur in natura, nee causatur a natura praece-
dente.1

Sunt et aliae naturae: neque enim Tabulas conficimus per-
fectas, sed exempla tantum.

Omnes et singulae naturae praedictae non sunt ex Forma
Calidi. Atque ab omnibus naturis praedictis liberatur homo in
operatione super Calidum.

XIX.

Atque in Exclusiva jacta sunt fundamenta Inductionis verae ;
quae tamen non perficitur donee sistatur in Affirmativa. Neque
vero ipsa Exclusiva ullo modo perfecta est, neque adeo esse
potest sub initiis. Est enim Exclusiva (ut plane liquet) rejectio
naturarum simplicium ; quod si non habeamus adhuc bonas et
veras notiones naturarum simplicium, quomodo rectificari potest
Exclusiva? At nonnullae ex supradictis (veluti notio naturae
elementaris, notio naturae crelestis, notio tenuitatis) sunt no-
tiones vagae, nee bene terminatae. Itaque nos, qui nee ignari
sumus nee obliti quantum opus aggrediamur (viz. ut faciamus

1 Bacon here anticipates not merely the essential character of the most recent
theory of heat, but also the kind of evidence by which it has been established. The
proof that caloric does not exist, — in other words that heat is not the manifestation
of a peculiar substance diffused through nature, — rests mainly on experiments of
friction,

Mr. Joule and Professor Thomson ascribe the discovery of this proof chiefly to
Sir Humphrey Davy (see Beddoes's Contributions to Physical and Medical Knowledge,
p. 14.) ; but though Davy's experiments guard against sources of error of which Bacon
takes no notice, the merit of having perceived the true significance of the production
of heat by friction belongs of right to Bacon.

It is curious that in the essay in which he opposes the doctrine of caloric, Davy
endeavours to introduce a new error of the same kind, and to show that light really
is a natura principialis, a peculiar substance which in combination with oxygen pro-
perly so called constitutes oxygen gas, which he accordingly calls phosoxygen.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 261

intellectum liumanum rebus et naturae parem), nullo modo
acquiescimus in his quae adhuc praecepimus ; sed et rem in ulte-
rius provehimus, et fortiora auxilia in usum iutellectus machi-
namur et ministramus, quae nunc subjungemus. Et certe in
Interpretatione Naturae animus omnino taliter est praeparandus
et formandus, ut et sustineat se in gradibus debitis certitudinis,
et tamen cogitet (praesertim sub initiis) ea quae adsunt multum
pendere ex iis quae supersunt.

XX.

Attamen quia citius emergit veritas ex errore quam ex con-
fusione, utile putamus ut fiat permissio intellectui, post tres
tabulas Comparentiae Primae (quales posuimus) factas et pen-
sitatas, accingendi se et tentandi opus Interpretationis Naturae
in affirmativa ; tarn ex instantiis tabularum, quam ex iis quae
alias occurrent. Quod genus tentamenti, Permissionem Intel-
lectus sive Inter pretationem Inchoatcim, sive Vindemiationem
Primam appellare consuevimus.

Vindemiatio Prima de Forma Calidi.

Animadvertendum autem est, Formam rei inesse (ut ex iis
quae dicta sunt plane liquet) instantiis universis et singulis
in quibus res ipsa inest; aliter enim Forma non esset; ita-
que nulla plane dari potest instantia contradictoria. Attamen
longe magis conspicua invenitur Forma et evidens in aliquibus
instantiis quam in aliis ; in iis videlicet, ubi minus cohibita est
natura Formae et impedita et redacta in ordinem per naturas
alias. Hujusmodi autem instantias, Elucescentias vel Instan-
tias Ostensivas appellare consuevimus. Pergendum itaque est
ad Vindemiationem ipsam Primam de Forma Calidi.

Per universas et singulas instantias, natura cujus limi-
tatio est Calor1 videtur esse Motus. Hoc autem maxime
ostenditur in flamma, quae perpetuo movetur ; et in liquor-
ibus ferventibus aut bullientibus, qui etiam perpetuo
moventur. Atque ostenditur etiam in incitatione sive
incremento caloris facto per motum ; ut in follibus, et
ventis ; de quo vide Instant. 29. Tab. 3. Atque similiter
in aliis modis motus, de quibus vide Instant. 28. et 31.
Tab. 3. Rursus ostenditur in extinctione ignis et caloris

1 Of which heat is a particular case.
8 3

262 NOVUM ORGANUM.

per omnem fortem compressionem, quae fraenat et cessare
facit motum; de qua vide Instant 30. et 32. Tab. 3.
Ostenditur etiam in hoc, quod omne corpus destruitur
aut saltern insigniter alteratur ab omni igne et calore
forti ac vehemeliti ; uncle liquido constat, fieri a calore
tumultum et perturbation em et motum acrem in partibus
internis corporis, qui sensim vergit ad dissolutionem.

Intelligatur hoc quod diximus de Motu (nempe, ut sit instar
generis ad Calorem1), non quod calor generet motum, aut quod
motus generet calorem (licet et haec in aliquibus vera sint) ; sed
quod ipsissimus Calor, sive quid ipsum Caloris, sit Motus et
nihil aliud ; limitatus tamen per differentias quas mox subjun-
gemus, postquam nonnullas cautiones adjecerimus ad evitandum
aequivocum.

Calidum ad sensum res respectiva est, et in ordine ad homi-
nem non ad universum ; et ponitur recte ut effectus Caloris
tantum in spiritum animalem. Quin etiam in seipso res varia
est, cum idem corpus (prout sensus praedisponitur) inducat per-
ceptionem tarn calidi quam frigidi ; ut patet per Instant. 41.
Tab. 3.

Neque vero communicatio Caloris, sive natura ejus transitiva
per quam corpus admotum corpori calido incalescit, confundi
debet cum Forma Calidi. Aliud enim est Calidum, aliud Cale-
factivum. Nam per motum attritionis inducitur calor absque
aliquo calido praecedente, unde excluditur Calefactivum a Forma
Calidi. Atque etiam ubi calidum efficitur per approximationem
calidi, hoc ipsum non fit ex Forma Calidi ; sed omnino pendet a
natura altiore et magis communi ; viz. ex natura assimilationis sive
multiplicationis sui ; de qua facienda est separatim inquisitio.

At notio ignis plebeia est, et nihil valet ; composita enim est
ex concursu qui fit calidi et lucidi in aliquo corpore ; ut in
flamma communi, et corporibus accensis usque ad ruborem.

Remoto itaque omni sequivoco, veniendum jam tandem est ad
Differentias veras quae limitant Motum, et constituunt eum in
Formam Calidi.

PRIMA igitur Differentia ea est ; quod Calor sit motus
Expansivus, per quern corpus nititur ad dilatationem sui, et
recipiendi se in majorem sphaeram sive dimensionem quam
prius occupaverat. Haec autem Differentia maxime osten-

1 i. e. that it is as the genus of which heat is a species.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 263

ditur in flamma ; ubi fumus sive halitus pinguis mani-
festo dilatatur et aperit se in flammam.

Ostenditur etiam in omni liquore fervente, qui mani-
festo intumescit, insurgit, et emittit bullas ; atque urget
processum expandendi se, donee vertatur in corpus longe
magis extensum et dilatatum quam sit ipse liquor; viz.
in vaporem aut fumum aut aerem.

Ostenditur etiam in omni ligno et combustibili ; ubi fit
aliquando exudatio, at semper evaporatio.

Ostenditur etiam in colliquatione metallorum, quae (cum
sint corporis compactissimi) non facile intumescunt et se
dilatant ; sed tamen spiritus eorum, postquam fuerit in se
dilatatus, et majorem adeo dilatationem concupierit, trudit
plane et agit partes crassiores in liquidum. Quod si etiam
calor fortius intendatur, solvit et vertit multum ex iis in
volatile.

Ostenditur etiam in ferro aut lapidibus ; quae licet non
liquefiant aut fundantur, tamen emolliuntur. Quod etiam
fit in baculis ligni ; quae calefacta paullulum in cineribus
calidis fiunt flexibilia.

Optime autem cernitur iste motus in acre, qui per
exiguum calorem se diktat continuo et manifesto ; ut per
Instant. 38. Tab. 3

Ostenditur etiam in natura contraria Frigidi. Frigus
enim omne corpus contrahit et cogit in angustius ; adeo
ut per intensa frigora clavi excidant ex parietibus, aera dis-
siliant, vitrum etiam calefactum et subito positum in fri-
gido dissiliat et frangatur. Similiter ae'r per levem infri-
gidationem recipit se in angustius; ut per Instant. 38. Tab.
3. Verum de his fusius dicetur in inquisitione de Frigido.

Neque mirum est si Calidum et Frigidum edant com-
plures actiones communes (de quo vide Instant. 32. Tab.
2.), cum inveniantur duae ex sequentibus Differentiis (de
quibus mox dicemus) quas competunt utrique naturae ;
licet in hac Differentia (de qua nunc loquimur) actiones
sint ex diametro opposite. Calidum enim dat motum
expansivum et dilatantem, Frigidum autem dat motum
contractivum et coeuntem.

SECUNDA Differentia est modificatio prioris ; haec vide-
licet, quod Calor sit motus expansivus sive versus circum-

s 4

264 NOVUM ORGANUM.

ferentiam ; hac lege tamen, ut una feratur corpus sursum.
Dubium enim non est quin sint inotus complures mixti.
Exempli gratia; sagitta aut spiculum simul et progre-
diendo rotat, et rotando progreditur. Similiter et motus
Caloris simul est et expansivus et latio in sursum.

Haec vero Differentia ostenditur in forcipe, aut bacillo
ferreo immisso in ignem ; quia si immittatur perpendicula-
riter tenendo manum superius, cito manum adurit ; sin ex
latere aut inferius, omnino tardius.

Conspicua etiam est in distillationibus per descenso-
rium ; quibus utuntur homines ad flores delicatiores, quo-
rum odores facile evanescunt. Nam hoc reperit industria,
ut collocent ignem non subter sed supra, ut adurat minus.
Neque enim flamma tantum vergit sursum, sed etiam omne
calidum.1

Fiat autem experimentum hujus rei in contraria natura
Frigidi: viz. utrum frigus non contrahat corpus descen-
dendo deorsum, quemadmodum calidum dilatat corpus
ascendendo sursum. Itaque adhibeantur duo bacilla fer-
rea, *vel duo tubi vitrei, quoad caetera pares, et calefiant
nonnihil ; et ponatur spongia cum aqua frigida, vel nix,
subter unam, et similiter super alteram. Existimamus
enim celeriorem fore refrigerationem ad extremitates in
eo bacillo ubi nix ponitur supra quam in eo ubi nix po-
nitur subter ; contra ac fit in calido.

TERTIA Differentia ea est; ut Calor sit motus, non
expansivus uniformiter secundum totum, sed expansivus
per particulas minores corporis ; et simul cohibitus et re-
pulsus et reverberatus, adeo ut induat motum alternati-
vum et perpetuo trepidantem et tentantem et nitentem
et ex repercussione irritatum ; unde furor ille ignis et calo-
ris ortum habet.

Ista vero Differentia ostenditur maxime in flamma et
liquoribus bullientibus ; quae perpetuo trepidant, et in
parvis portionibus tument, et rursus subsidunt.

Ostenditur etiam in iis corporibus quae sunt tarn duraa
compagis ut calefacta aut ignita non intumescant aut dila-
tentur mole ; ut ferrum ignitum, in quo calor est acerrimus.

1 This is an instance to show that heat does not descend so rapidly as it ascends
through liquids, which is true.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 265

Ostenditur etiam in hoc, quod per frigidissimas tem-
pestates focus ardeat acerrime.

Ostenditur etiam in hoc, quod cum extenditur aer in
vitro calendar! absque impedimento aut repulsione, uni-
formiter scilicet et aequaliter, non percipiatur calor. Etiam
in ventis conclusis, licet erumpant vi maxima, tamen non
percipitur calor insignis ; quia scilicet motus fit secundum
totum, absque motu alternante in particulis. Atque ad
hoc fiat experimentum, utrum flamma non urat acrius
versus latera quam in medio flammae.

Ostenditur etiam in hoc, quod omnis ustio transigatur
per minutos poros corporis quod uritur ; adeo ut ustio
eubruat et penetret et fodicet et stimulet, perinde ac si
essent infinitae cuspides acus. Itaque ex hoc illud etiam
fit, quod omnes aquae fortes (si proportionatae sint ad cor-
pus in quod agunt) edant opera ignis, ex natura sua cor-
rodente et pungente.

Atque ista Differentia (de qua nunc dicimus) communis
est cum natura frigidi ; in quo cohibetur motus contracti-
vus per renitentiam expandendi ; quemadmodum in calido
cohibetur motus expansivus per renitentiam contrahendi.

Itaque sive partes corporis penetrent versus interius
sive penetrent versus exterius, similis est ratio ; licet impar
admodum sit fortitude; quia non habemus hie apud nos
in superficie terrae aliquid quod sit impense frigidum.
Vide Instant 27. Tab. 9.

QUARTA Diiferentia est modificatio prioris : haec scilicet,
quod motus ille stimulationis aut penetrationis debeat esse
nonnihil rapidus et minime lentus; atque fiat etiam per
particulas, licet minutas ; tamen nou ad extremam subtili-
tatem, sed quasi majusculas.

Ostenditur haec Differentia in comparatione operum quae
edit ignis cum iis quae edit tempus sive aetas. -^Etas enim
sive tempus arefacit, consumit, subruit, et incinerat, non
minus quam ignis ; vel potius longe subtilius ; sed quia
motus ejusmodi est lentus admodum et per particulas valde
exiles, non percipitur calor.

Ostenditur etiam in comparatione dissolutionum ferri
et auri. Aurum enim dissolvitur absque calore excitato ;
ferrum autem cum vehement! excitatione caloris, licet

266 NOVUM ORGANUM.

simili fere intervallo quoad tempus. Quia scilicet in auro,
ingressus aquae separationis est clemens et subtiliter insi-
nuans, et cessio partium auri facilis ; at in ferro, ingressus
est asper et cum conflictu, et partes ferri habent obstina-
tionem majorem.

Osteuditur etiam aliquatenus in gangrsenis nonnullis et
mortificationibus carnium; quae non excitant magnum
calorem aut dolorem, ob subtilitatem putrefactionis.

Atque haec sit Prima Vindemiatio, sive Interpretatio inchoata
de Forma Calidi, facta per Permissionem Intellectus.

Ex Vindemiatione aut em ista Prima, Forma sive definitio
vera Caloris (ejus qui est in ordine ad universum, non relativus
tantummodo ad sensum) talis est, brevi verborum complexu:
Color est motus expansivus, cohibitus, et nitens per partes
minores. Modificatur autem expansio; ut expandendo in am-
bitum, nonnihil tamen inclinet versus superiora. Modificatur
autem et nixus ille per partes; ut non sit omnino segnis, sed
incitatus et cum impetu nonnulfo.1

1 The Inquisitio de forma calidi suggests these remarks : —

1st A great part of it conduces in no way to the result. This may be said to be
the natural consequence of the method of inquiry.

2nd. Heat (caloric) is confounded •with the effects of chemical agencies, which are
said " exequi opera caloris."

3rd. A greater source of confusion is the complete absence of any recognition of the
principle that all bodies tend to acquire the temperature of those about them, and that
the difference ad tactum which makes one body feel hotter or colder than another
depends not on its being hotter or colder, but on the different degree of facility which
they have in communicating their own respective temperature. In consequence of
this, it had always been taught that one class of bodies were in their own nature cold,
another hot, and so on. All liquids were cold. Experiments with a thermometer
would have shown that they were not; but these Bacon did not try, — an instance
among others how far he was from rejecting all he had been taught.

Of which remarks we may observe that, of the "Instantise convenientes," 13. is
an instance of the third, while from 22. to the end exemplify the second ; — of the
" Instantiaein proximo," 14 — 19. are to be referred to the third ; from 27. to the end,
to the second.

4th. Calidum and Frigidum seem to be considered distinct and not correlative qua-
lities.

5th. The adoption of astrological fables about the hot and cold influence of the stars
and planets [is to be remaiked in the Tabula Graduum, 15. et seqq.]

Then comes the result, that the natura calidi is a motus expansivus. This is seen
[in air], " Optime cernitur in acre qui per exiguum calorem se dilatat continue et mani-
festo, ut per Inst 38. Tab. 3. : " that is, by the instance of a vitrum calendare, or
air-thermometer. And this is beyond question a good instance. But then in the
" exemplum exclusivae," § 11., we read " Per dilatationem aeris in vitris calendariis
et similibus, qui movetur localiter et expansive manifesto, neque tamen colligit mani-
festum augmentum caloris, rejice etiam motum localem aut expansivum secundum
totum." How is this passage to be reconciled with the preceding ? For if the example
of the vitrum calendare proves anything, it proves a motus expansivus secundum
totum ; and if, on account of our having no manifest evidence that the air waxes
hot when it expands, the example does not prove this, why is it adduced ? The

NOVUM ORGANUM. 267

Quod vero ad Operativam attinct, eadem res est. Nam
designatio est tails ; Si in aliquo corpore naturali poteris ex-
citare motum ad se dilatandum aut expandendum ; eumque
motum ita reprimere et in se vertere, ut dilatatio ilia non procedat
(Bqualiter, sed partim obtineat, partim retrudatur ; proculdubio
generabis Calidum : non habita ratione, sive corpus illud sit
elementare (ut loquuntur) sive imbutum a coelestibus J ; sive
luminosum sive opacum ; sive tenue sive densum ; sive loca-
liter expansum sive intra claustra dimensionis primse conten-
tum ; sive vergens ad dissolutionem sive manens in statu ;
sive animal, sive vegetabile, sive minerale, sive aqua, sive oleum,
sive aer, aut aliqua alia substantia quaecunque susceptiva motus

source of this confusion I believe to be that, though Bacon saw reason to affirm
expansion to be the essence of the hot, yet he was perplexed by examples of two
kinds : (a) bodies which do not visibly expand when they are heated, e. g. red-hot
iron ; (/J) bodies which expand without becoming heated, e. g. compressed air when
relieved from pressure. For the first difficulty, it might have occurred to him that
the hot iron does expand, though not enough to be perceived (except by accurate
measurement) to do so ; and if he had followed the indication thus given, he might
have been the discoverer of a general and most important law. The difficulty which
the Stcond class of phenomena creates ought to have prevented Bacon from assigning
expansion as the forma calidi, — as being that which must always make a body hot,
and without which it could not become so. For it would be too liberal an interpre-
tation to say that the expressions " motus cohibitus et refraenatus," whereby the idea
of expansion is qualified, refer to a condition essential in the case of elastic fluids, —
namely that the expansion in becoming heated is due to an increased elasticity, and not
to any decrease of external pressure. Even had the modification required by this class of
cases been introduced, there still remains that of liquids whose temperature is below that
of maximum density, which is altogether intractable. Of this phenomenon, however,
it would be unreasonable to expect Bacon to have known anything. But setting it
aside, if it were affirmed that Bacon, after having had a glimpse of the truth suggested
by some obvious phenomena, had then recourse, as he himself expresses it, to certain
" differentiae inanes " in order to save the phenomena, I think it would be hard to
dispute the truth of this censure.

Neveitheless, of the matters contained in the investigation, there are several of con-
siderable interest, though, as has been said, they are not connected with the final result.

The relation between heat and mechanical action has recently become the subject
of some very remarkable speculations, derived from the views suggested by S. Carnot
in his Reflections sur la Puissance Motrice du Feu, Two views have been pro-
pounded. In one (that of S. Carnot himself), mechanical action is regarded as con-
vertible with the transference from body to body of caloric. The other rejects the
notion of caloric (the substance of heat) altogether. On this view mechanical action
is convertible with the generation of heat ; i. e. the raising of a given quantity of a
given body from one given temperature to another. Both make use of the axiom " ex
nihilo nihil ; " and the conclusions thus obtained, especially in the second way of con-
sidering the subject, which I cannot doubt is the true one, are most remarkable, and
the more interesting because they are, so to speak, the interpretation of a maxim whose
truth is admitted a priori.

1 That is, whether the body derive its properties from the primary qualities of the
elements, or be imbued with specific or virtual qualities through the influence of the
heavenly bodies. Thus St. Thomas says : " Sicut enim virtus calefaciendi et infrigidandi
est in igne et aqua consequens proprias eorum formas, et virtus, &c., actio intellectua-
lis in homine consequens animam rationalem, ita omnes virtutes et actiones mediorum
corporum transcendentes virtutes elementorum consequuntur eorum proprias formas,
et reducuntur sicut in altiora principia in virtutes corporum ccelestium, et adhuc altius
in substantias separatas." — De occultis Opcribus Natural.

268 NOVUM ORGANUM.

proedicti. Calidum autem ad sensum res eadem est ; sed cum
analogia, quails competit sensui.1 Nunc vero ad ulteriora
auxilia procedendum est.

XXI.

Post Tabulas Comparentiae Primae et Rejectionem sive Ex-
clusivam, nee non Vindemiationem Primam factam secundum
eas, pergendum est ad reliqua auxilia intellectus circa Inter-
pretationem Naturae et Inductionem veram ac perfectam. In
quibus proponendis, ubi opus erit tabulis, procedemus super
Calidum et Frigidum; ubi autem opus erit tantum exemplis
paucioribus, procedemus per alia omnia; ut nee confundatur
inquisitio, et tamen doctrina versetur minus in angusto.

Dicemus itaque primo loco, de Prcerogativis Instantiarum 2 :
secundo, de Adminiculis Inductionis : tertio, de Rectificatione
Inductionis : quarto, de Variations Inquisitionis pro Natura
Subjecti 3 : quinto, de Pr&rogativis Naturarum quatenus ad
inquisitionem, sive de eo quod inquirendum est prius et poste-
rius : sexto, de Terminis Inquisitionis, sive de synopsi omnium
naturarum in universe: septimo, de Deductions ad Praxin,
sive de eo quod est in ordine ad Hominem : octavo, de Para-
scevis ad Inquisitionem : postremo autem, de Scala Ascensoria
et Descensoria Axiomatum.

XXII.

Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, primo proponemus Instan-
tias Solitarias. Eae autem sunt Solitarias, quaa exhibent natu-
ram de qua fit inquisitio in talibus subjectis quas nil habent
commune cum aliis subjectis, praeter illam ipsam naturam ; aut
rursus quae non exhibent naturam de qua fit inquisitio in
talibus subjectis quae sunt similia per omnia cum aliis subjectis,
praeterquam in ilia ipsa natura. Manifestum enim est quod
hujusmodi instantiae tollant ambages, atque accelerent et robo-
rent Exclusivam ; adeo ut paucae ex illis sint instar multarum.

1 The " analogia qualis corapetit sensui " is the " analogia hominis. " This ap-
pears from the passages where the word occurs in the Distributio Open's, p. 138., and
in § 40. of this book, near the end. Thus the meaning of the passage is that " calidum
ad sensum " is the same as " calidum per se," only considered subjectively. The clause
" sed cum analogia," &c., may be rendered — "but with that kind of reference to man
as the percipient which belongs to the nature of a perception."

2 Concerning the doctrine of Prerogative Instances, see General Preface,
p. 43. — /. S.

3 Compare the passage near the end of the last aphorism of this book — " Nunc vero
ad adminicula et rectificationes inductionis, et deinceps ad concreta et latentes proces-
sus, et latentes schematismos, et csetera quae aphorismo xxi. ordine proposuimus, per-
gendum ; " and see General Preface, p. 32. — J. S.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 269

Exempli gratia : si fiat inquisitio de natura Coloris, Instan-
tise Solitariae sunt prismata, gemmae chrystallinae, quae reddunt
colores non solum in se sed exterius supra parietem, item
rores, etc. Istae enim nil habent commune cum coloribus fixis
in floribus, gemmis coloratis, metallis, lignis, etc., praeter ipsum
colorem. Unde facile colligitur, quod Color nil aliud sit quam
modificatio imaginis lucis l immissae et receptae ; in priore ge-
nere, per gradus diversos incidentiae ; in posteriore, per texturas
et schematismos varios corporis. Istae autem Instantiae sunt
Solitariae quatenus ad similitudinem.

Rursus in eadem inquisitione, venae distinctae albi et nigri in
mnrmoribus, et variegationes colorum in floribus ejusdem speciei,
sunt Instantiae Solitariae. Album enim et nigrum marmoris, et
maculae albi et purpurei in floribus gary ophylli 2, conveniunt
fere in omnibus praeter ipsum colorem. Unde facile colligitur,
Colorem non multum rei habere cum naturis alicujus corporis
intrinsecis, sed tantum situm esse in positura partium crassiori
et quasi mechanica. Istae autem Instantiae sunt Solitariae qua-
tenus ad discrepantiam. Utrunque autem genus Instantias
Solitarias appellare consuevimus; aut Ferinas3, sumpto voca-
bulo ab astronomis.

XXIII.

Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus secundo loco In-
stantias Migrantes. Eae sunt, in quibus natura inquisita migrat
ad generationem, cum prius non existeret; aut contra migrat
ad corruptionem, cum prius existeret. Itaque in utraque anti-
strophe, instantiae tales sunt semper geminae; vel potius una
instantia in motu sive transitu, producta ad periodum adver-
sam. At hujusmodi instantiae non solum accelerant et roborant
Exclusivam, sed etiam compellunt Affirmativam sive Fonnam

1 Reference is made to Telesius's system of vision. " Lux donata est facultate sese
effundendi multiplicandique et aerem propria specie afficiendi, itaque et oculos sube-
undi." . . . Again, " lux qua? res quibus insunt [colores] permeat. . . ab ipsarum
intingitur coloribus, et eas transvecta oculos subit." — De Rerum Nat.vii.Sl. See
also other passages of the same book. Bacon uses " imago " as equivalent to " species,"
the word used in the preceding quotation.

2 Caryophyllea was a flower much cultivated in Holland in the sixteenth century ;
see Lemmius, De Miraculis (1581), p. 107. (The description seems more applicable
to the tulip.) The flowers meant are pinks and carnations.

3 I believe the word which Bacon here employs is at least very much less used than
another of perhaps the same origin for which he has perhaps accidentally substituted
if,. " Feralis," we read in the Lexicon Mathematicum of Vitalis (1668), which appears
to give a tolerably complete vocabulary of astrological words, "apud astronomos dicitur
planeta, quando fuerit in loco ubi nullam cum reliquis familiaritatem habet; quod
quidem maximum est detrimentum," &c.

270 NOVUM ORGANUM.

ipsam in angustum. Necesse est enim ut Forma rei sit quip-
piam quod per hujusmodi Migrationem indatur, aut contra per
hujusmodi Migrationem tollatur et destruatur. Atque licet
omnis exclusio promoveat Affirmativam, tamen hoc magis
directe fit in subjecto eodem quam in diversis. Forma autem
(ut ex omnibus qua3 dicta sunt manifesto liquet) prodens se in
uno ducit ad omnia. Quo autem simplicior fuerit Migratio,
eo magis habenda est instantia in pretio. Praeterea Instan-
tiae Migrantes magni sunt usus ad partem operativam; quia
cum proponant Formam copulatam cum Efficiente aut Privante,
perspicue designant praxin in aliquibus; unde facilis etiam
est transitus ad proxima. Subest tamen in illis nonnihil pe-
riculi, quod indiget cautione ; hoc videlicet, ne Formam nimis
retrahant ad Efficientem, et intellectum perfundant vel saltern
perstringant falsa opinione de Forma ex intuitu Efficientis.
Efficiens vero semper ponitur nil aliud esse quam vehiculum
give deferens Formae.1 Verum huic rei, per Exclusivam legi-
time factam, facile adhibetur remedium.

Proponendum itaque est jam exemplum Instantiae Migrantis.
Sit natura inquisita Candor sive Albedo: Instantia Migrans
ad generationem est vitrum integrum et vitrum pulverizatum.
Similiter, aqua simplex et aqua agitata in spumam. Vitrum
enim integrum et aqua simplex diaphana sunt, non alba; at
vitrum pulverizatum et aqua in spuma, alba, non diaphana.
Itaque quaerendum quid acciderit ex ista Migratione vitro aut
aquae. Manifestum enim est Formam Albedinis deferri et in-
vehi per istam contusionem vitri et agitationem aqua?. Nihil
autem reperitur accessisse, prater comminutionem partium
vitri et aqua?, et aeris insertionem. Neque vero parum pro-
fectum est ad inveniendam Formam Albedinis, quod corpora
duo per se diaphana, sed secundum magis et minus, (aer scilicet
et aqua, aut aer et vitrum,) simul posita per minutas portion es
exhibeant Albedinem, per refractionem inaequalem radiorum
lucis.2

1 The causa efficiens is the vehiculum forms, inasmuch as it carries the form into
the subject matter on which it acts ; in other words it actuates the potential existence
of the form in the subject matter. (Cf. De Aug. iii. 4 )

2 Bacon would perhaps have given as another illustration of what he has here said
the beautiful whiteness of frosted silver, if he had been aware that it is in reality silver
foam. It appears that when silver is in a state of fusion a very large quantity of
oxygen is condensed on and within its surface, the whole of which escapes at the
moment of solidification. This explanation of the appearance of granulated silver is
due, I believe, to Gay Lussac.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 271

Verum hac in re proponendum est etiam exemplum periculi
et cautionis, de quibus diximus. Nimirum facile hie occurret
intellectui ab hujusmodi Efficientibus depravato quod ad For-
mam Albedinis aer semper requiratur, aut quod Albedo gene-
retur tantum per corpora diaphana ; quae omnino falsa sunt, et
per multas Exclusiones convicta. Quin potius apparebit (misso
aere et hujusmodi) corpora omnino aequalia (secundum por-
tiones opticas) dare diaphanum; corpora vero inaequalia per
texturam simplicem, dare album ; corpora inaequalia secundum
texturam compositam, sed ordinatam, dare reliquos colores,
praeter nigrum ; corpora vero inaequalia per texturam composi-
tam, sed omnino inordinatam et confusam, dare nigrum.1 Ita-
que de Instantia Migrante ad generationem in natura inquisita
Albedinis, propositum est jam exemplum. Instantia autem
Migrans ad corruptionem in eadem natura Albedinis, est spuma
dissoluta, aut nix dissoluta. Exuit enim albedinem et induit
diaphanum aqua, postquam fit integrale sine aere.

Neque vero illud ullo modo praetermittendum est, quod sub
Instantiis Migrantibus comprehendi debeant non tantum illaB
quae migrant ad generationem et privationem, sed etiam illae
quae migrant ad majorationem et minorationem ; cum ilia? etiam
tendant ad inveniendam Formam, ut per definitionem FormaB
superius factam et Tabulam Graduum manifesto liquet. Itaque
papyrus, quae sicca cum fuerit alba est, at madefacta (excluso
aere et recepta aqua) minus alba est et magis vergit ad dia-
phanum, similem habet rationem cum instantiis supradictis.

XXIV.

Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, tertio loco ponemus In-
stantias Ostensivas, de quibus in Vindemiatione Prima de
Calido mentionem fecimus ; quas etiam Elucescentias, sive
Instantias Liberatas et Pradominantes, appellare consuevimus.
Eae sunt, quae ostendunt naturam inquisitam nudam et sub-
stantivam, atque etiam in exaltatione sua aut summo gradu
potentiae suae; emancipatam scilicet, et liberatam ab impedi-
mentis, vel saltern per fortitudinem suae virtutis dominantem
super ipsa, eaque supprimentem et coercentem. Cum enim
omne corpus suscipiat multas naturarum Formas copulatas et

1 Compare Valerius Terminus, ch. xi. : — " It is then to be understood that absolute
equality produceth transparence, inequality in simple order or proportion produceth
whiteness, inequality in compound or respective order or proportion produceth other
colours, and absolute or orderless inequality produceth blackness." — /. 5.

272 NOVUM ORGANUM.

in concrete, fit ut alia aliam retundat, deprimnt, frangat, et
liget ; unde obscurantur Formae singulae. Inveniuntur autem
subjecta nonnulla in quibus natura inquisita prae aliis est in
suo vigore, vel per absentiam impediment! vel per pradomi-
nantiam virtutis. Hujusmodi autem instantiae sunt maxime
ostensivse Format. Verum et in his ipsis instantiis adhibenda
est cautio, et cohibendus impetus intellectus. Quicquid enim
ostentat Formam, eamque trudit, ut videatur occurrere in-
tellectui, pro suspecto habendum est, et recurrendum ad Ex-
clusivam severam et diligentem.

Exempli gratia ; sit natura inquisita Calidum. Instantia
Ostensiva motus expansionis, quae (ut superius dictum est)
portio est praecipua Formae Calidi, est vitruni calendare aeris.
Etenim flamma, licet manifesto exhibeat expansionem, tamen
propter momentaneam extinctionem non ostendit progressum
expansionis. Aqua autem fervens, propter facilem transitionem
aquas in vaporem et aerem, non tarn bene ostendit expansionem
aquaa in corpore suo. Rursus ferrum ignitum, et similia, tan-
turn abest ut progressum ostendant, ut contra per retusionem
et fractionem spiritus per partes compactas et crassas (qua3
domant et fraenant expansionem) ipsa expansio non sit omnino
conspicua ad sensum. At vitrum calendare clare ostendit ex-
pansionem in acre, et conspicuam et progredientem et durantem,
neque transeuntem.

Rursus, exempli gratia ; sit natura inquisita Pondus. In-
stantia Ostensiva ponderis, est argentum vivum. Omnia enim
superat pondere magno intervallo, prater aurum; quod non
multo gravius est1 At praestantior instantia est ad indicandam
Formam Ponderis argentum vivum quam aurum; quia aurum
solidum est et consistens, quod genus referri videtur ad den-
sum; at argentum vivum liquidum est et turgens spiritu,
et tamen multis partibus exuperat gravitate diamantem, et ea
quae putantur solidissima. Ex quo ostenditur Formam Gravis
sive Ponderosi dominari simpliciter in copia materias, et non
in arcta compage.

XXV.

Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum ponemus quarto loco In-
stantias Clandestinas, quas etiam Instantias Crepusculi appellare

1 This mistake occurs also in the Historia Densi et Rari. According to Bacon, the
density of mercury is to that of gold as thirty-nine is to forty, nearly ; the real ratio
being as little more than as seven to ten. The way in which his experiments were made
accounts for a large part of this error. See the preface to the Historia Densi el Rari.

5TOVUM ORGANUM. 273

consuevimus. Ea? sunt veluti opposite Instantiis Ostensivis.
Exhibent enim naturam inquisitam in infima virtute, et tanquam
in incunabulis et rudimentis suis; tentantem et tanquam
primo experientem, sed sub contraria natura latentem et sub-
actam. Sunt autem hujusmodi instantia? magni omnino mo-
menti ad inveniendas Formas ; quia sicut Ostensiva? ducunt
facile ad differentias, ita Clandestina? ducunt optime ad genera ;
id est, ad naturas illas communes quarum naturae inquisita?
nihil aliud sunt quam limitation es.

Exempli gratia ; sit natura inquisita Consistens, sive se
determinans ; cujus contrarium est Liquidum, sive fluens. In-
stantia? Clandestina? sunt ilia? quae exhibent gradum nonnullum
debilem et infimum Consistentis in fluido ; veluti bulla aqua?,
qua? est tanquam pellicula qua?dam consistens et determinata,
facta ex corpore aqua?. Similiter stillicidia, qua?, si adfuerit
aqua qua? succedat, producunt se in filurn admodum tenue, ne
discontinuetur aqua ; at si non detur talis copia aqua? qua?
succedere possit, cadit aqua in guttis rotundis, qua? est figura
qua? optime aquam sustinet contra discontinuationem. At in
ipso temporis articulo cum desinit filum aqua? et incipit de-
scensus in guttis, resilit ipsa aqua sursum ad evitandam dis-
continuationem. Quin in metallis, qua? cum funduntur sunt
liquida sed magis tenacia, recipiunt se seepe gutta? liquefacta?
Bursum, atque ita haerent. Simile quoddam est instantia specu-
lorum puerilium, qua? solent facere pueruli in scirpis ex saliva,
ubi cernitur etiam pellicula consistens aquae. At multo melius
se ostendit hoc ipsum in altero illo ludicro puerili, quando
capiunt aquam, per saponem factam paulo tenaciorem, atque
inflant earn per calamum cavum, atque inde formant aquam
tanquam in castellum bullarum ; quae per interpositionem aeris
inducit consistentiam eo usque ut se projici nonnihil patiatur
absque discontinuatione.1 Optime autem cernitur hoc in spuma
et nive, qua? talem induunt consistentiam ut fere secari possint ;
cum tamen sint corpora formata ex aere et aqua, quae utraque
sunt liquida. Quae omnia non obscure innuunt Liquidum et
Consistens esse notiones tantum plebeias, et ad sensum ; inesse
autem revera omnibus corporibus fugam et evitationem se dis-
continuandi ; earn vero in corporibus homogeneis (qualia sunt

1 Far tougher bubbles than the ordinary kind may be blown in water in which silk
cocoons have been steeped. Some curious experiments on this subject are mentioned
in Porter on SilA Manufactures (Lardner's Cyclop.).

VOL. I. T

274 NOVUM ORGANUM.

liquida) esse debilem et infirmam, in corporibus vero qice
sunt composita ex heterogeneis, magis esse vividam et fortem ;
propterea quod admotio heterogenei constringit corpora, at sub-
intratio homogenei solvit et relaxat.

Similiter, exempli gratia; sit natura inquisita Attractio,
give Coitio Corporum. Instantia circa Formam ejns Ostensiva
maxime insignis est magnes. Contraria autem natura Attra-
henti est non Attrahens, licet in substantia simili. Veluti
ferrum, quod non attrahit ferrum, quemadmodum nee plumbum
plumbum, nee lignum lignum, nee aquam aqua. Instantia
autem Clandestina est magnes ferro armatua, vel potius ferrum
in magnete armato. Nam ita fert natura, ut magnes armatus in
distantia aliqua non trahat ferrum fortius quam magnes non
armatus. Verum si admoveatur ferrum, ita ut tangat ferrum
in magnete armato, tune magnes armatus longe majus pondus
ferri sustinet quam magnes simplex et inermis, propter simili-
tudinem substantiae ferri versus ferrum ; quas operatic erat
omnino Clandestina et latens in ferro, antequam magnes ac-
cessisset.1 Itaque manifestum est Formam Coitionis esse quip-
piam quod in magnete sit vividum et robustum, in ferro debile
et latens. Itidem notatum est sagittas parvas ligneas absque
cuspide ferrea, emissas ex sclopetis grandibus, altius penetrare in
materiam ligneam (puta latera navium, aut similia), quam easdem
sagittas ferro acuminatas, propter similitudinem substantiae ligni
ad lignum, licet hoc ante in ligno latuerit. Itidem, licet aer
aerem aut aqua aquam manifesto non trahat in corporibus in-
tegris, tamen bulla approximata bullae facilius dissolvit bullam
quam si bulla ilia altera abesset, ob appetitum Coitionis aquas
cum aqua et aeris cum acre. Atque hujusmodi Instantia? Clan-
destine (qua? sunt usus nobilissimi, ut dictum est) in portionibus
corporum parvis et subtilibus maxime se dant conspiciendas.
Quia massae rerum majores sequuntur Formas magis catholicas
et generales ; ut suo loco dicetur.

XXVI.

Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum ponemus quinto loco /«-
stantias Constitutivas, quas etiam Manipulares appellare con-
?uevimus. Eae sunt quas constituunt unam speciem naturae
inquisitas tanquam Formam Minorem. Cum enim Formaa

1 This explanation of the effect of arming a magnet is wholly unsatisfactory. Before
the Novum Organum was published, Galileo had shown that the armature acts by
producing a more perfect contact. See the Dialogi del Sistemi massimi, Giorn. 3».
p. 440. I quote from the new edition. Firenze 1842.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 275

legitimae (quae sunt semper convertibiles cum naturis inquisitis)
lateant in profundo nee facile inveniantur, postulat res et in-
firmitas humani intellectus ut Formae particulares, quae sunt
congregativas Manipulorum quorundam instantiarum (neutiquam
vero omnium) in notionem aliquam communem, non negligantur,
verum diligentius notentur. Quicquid enim unit naturam,
licet modis imperfectis, ad inventionem Formarum viam sternit.
Itaque instantiae quae ad hoc utiles sunt non sunt contemnendae
potestatis, sed habent nonnullam Praerogativam.

Verum in his diligens est adhibenda cautio, ne intellectus
humanus, postquam complures ex istis Formis particulari-
bus adinvenerit atque inde partitiones sive divisiones naturae
inquisitae confecerit, in illis omnino acquiescat, atque ad in-
ventionem legitimam Formae Magnae se non accingat, sed
praesupponat naturam velut a radicibus esse multiplicem et
divisam, atque ulteriorem naturae unionem, tanquam rem super-
vacuae subtilitatis et vergentem ad merum abstractum, fastidiat
et rejiciat.

Exempli gratia ; sit natura inquisita Memoria, sive Excitans
et Adjuvans memoriam. Instantiae Constitutive sunt, ordo
sive distributio, quae manifesto juvat memoriam; item Loci in
memoria artificiali, qui aut possunt esse loci secundum pro-
prium sensum, veluti janua, angulus, fenestra, et similia, aut
possunt esse personae familiares et notae, aut possunt esse
quidvis ad placitum (modo in ordine certo ponantur), veluti
animalia, herbae; etiam verba, literae, characteres, personae histo-
ricae, e t caetera ; licet nonnulla ex his magis apta sint et com-
moda, alia minus. Hujusmodi autem Loci memoriam insigniter
juvant, eamque longe supra vires naturales exaltant. Item
carmina facilius haerent et discuntur memoriter quam prosa.
Atque ex isto Manipulo trium instantiarum, videlicet ordinis,
locorum artificialis memoria?, et versuum, constuitur species una
auxilii ad Memoriam. Species autem ilia Abscissio Infiniti recte
vocari possit. Cum enim quis aliquid reminisci aut revocare
in memoriam nititur, si nullam praenotionem habeat aut perce-
ptionem ejus quod quaerit, quaerit certe et molitur et hac iliac
discurrit, tanquam in infinite. Quod si certain aliquam prae-
notionem habeat, statim abscinditur infinitum, et fit discursus
memoriae magis in vicino. In tribus autem illis instantiis
quae superius dictae sunt, praenotio perspicua est et certa. In
prima videlicet, debet esse aliquid quod congruat cum ordine ;

T 2

276 NOVUM ORGANUM.

in secunda debet esse imago quae relationem aliquam habeat
«ive convenientiam ad ilia loca certa ; in tertia, debent esse
verba quae cadant in versum; atque ita abscinditur infini-
tum. Alias autem instantiae dabunt hanc alteram speciem ;
ut quicquid deducat Intellectuale ad feriendum Senstim (qua?
Tatio etiam praecipue viget in artificial! memoria) juvet Me-
moriam. Alias instantiae dabunt hanc alteram speciem ; ut
quae faciunt impressionem in affectu forti, incutientia scilicet
metum, admirationem, pudorem, delectationem, juvent Memo-
riam. Aliae instantiae dabunt hanc alteram speciem ; nt qure
maxime imprimuntur a mente pura et minus prasoccupata ante
vel post, veluti quae discuntur in pueritia aut quae commentamur
ante somnum, etiam primae quaeque rerum vices, magis haereant
in Memoria. Aliae instantiae dabunt hanc alteram speciem ; ut
multitude circumstantiarum sive ansarum juvet Memoriam ;
veluti scriptio per partes non continuatas, lectio, sive recitatio
voce alta. Aliae denique instantiae dabunt hanc alteram speciem;
ut quae expectantur et attentionem excitant melius haereant
quam quae praetervolant. Itaque si scriptum aliquod vicies
perlegeris, non tarn facile illud memoriter disces quam si illud
legas decies, tentando interim illud recitare, et ubi deficit
memoria inspiciendo librum. Ita ut sint veluti sex Format
Minores eorum quae juvant Memoriam ; videlicet abscissio
infiniti; deductio intellectualis ad sensibile; impressio in affectu
forti ; impressio in mente pura ; multitudo ansarum ; praeex-
pectatio.

Similiter, exempli gratia ; sit natura inquisita Gustus, sive
Gustatio. Instantiae quae sequuntur sunt Constitutivae : vide-
licet, quod qui non olfaciunt sed sensu eo a natura destituti
sunt, non percipiant aut gustu distinguant cibum rancidum
aut putridum, neque similiter alliatum aut rosatum, aut hu-
jusmodi. Rursus, illi qui per accidens nares habent per de-
scensum rheumatis obstructas, non discernunt aut percipiunt
aliquid putridum aut rancidum aut aqua rosacea inspersum.
Rursus, qui afficiuntur hujusmodi rheumate, si in ipso momento
cum aliquid foetidum aut odoratum habent in ore sive palato
emungant fortiter, in ipso instanti manifestam perceptionem
habent rancidi vel odorati. Quae instantiae dabunt et consti-
tuent hanc speciem, vel partem potius, gustus j ut sensus gusta-
tionis ex parte nihil aliud sit quam olfactus interior, transiens
et descendens a narium meatibus superioribus in os et palatum.

NOVUM ORGANUM: 277

At contra, salsura et dulce et acre et acidum et austerum ct
amarum, et similia, hasc (inquam) omnia zeque sentiunt illi in
quibus olfactus deest aut obturatur, ac quisquam alius ; ut
manifestum sit sensum gustus esse composition quiddam ex
olfactu interior! et tactu quodani exquisite ; de quo nunc non
est dicendi locus.

Similiter, exempli gratia ; sit natura inquisita Communicatio
Qualitatis absque Commistione Substantive. Instantia Lucis
dabit vel constituet unam speciem Communicationis; Calor vero
et Magnes alteram. Communicatio enim lucis est tanquarn
momentanea, et statim perit, amota luce originali. At calidum
et virtus magnetica, postquam tramissa fuerint vel potius ex-
citata in alio corpore, hajrent et manent ad tempus non parvum,
amoto primo movente.

Denique magna est omnino Praerogativa Instantiarum Con-
stitutivarum, ut quae plurimum faciant et ad definitiones (prae-
sertim particulares), et ad divisiones sive partitiones naturarum;
de quo non male dixit Plato, Quod habendus sit tanquam pro
Deo, qui definire et divider e bene sciat.1

XXVII.

Inter Prserogativas Instantiarum ponemus sexto loco Instan-
tias Conformes, sive Proportionatas ; quas etiam Parallelas, sive
Similitudines Physicas, appellare consuevimus. Eae vero sunt,
quae ostendunt similitudines et conjugationes rerum, non in
Formis Minoribus (quod faciunt Instantias Constitutivag) sed
plane in concreto. Itaque sunt tanquam primi et infirm gradus
ad unionem Naturae. » Neque constituunt aliquod axioma statim
ab initio, sed indicant et observant tanturn quendam consensum
corporum. Attamen licet non multum promoveant ad inve-
niendas Formas, nihilominus magna cum utilitate revelant par-
tium universi fabricam, et in membris ejus exercent veluti ana-
tomiam quandam ; atque proinde veluti manu-ducunt interdum
ad axiomata sublimia et nobilia, prassertim ilia quae ad mundi
configurationem pertinent, potius quam ad naturas et Formas
simplices.

1 Bacon perhaps refers to the passage in the Philebus, in which the resolution ot
articulate sounds into their elements is referred to tJVe TIS 6ebs flff KOI 6f?os &v6piairos.
Compare Jamblichus (apud Stobjeum, S 81.) : ®tbs ^v TU us a\r]6cas & KaraSe'i^as T^V
SiaAeK-riKV Kal Karairfntyas rois at>9pwirois. [Mr. Kitchen, in his edition of the No-
vum Organum (Oxford, 1855), which I did not see till this was in type, refers to the
Phcedrus, 266. a., — TOIJTUV 8-/J tyaye avr6s Tf fpaffTTjs TOIV Siaipeirfcav Kal ffuvaycaymv
.... idv re TWO. &\\ov K. T. \. ToiJTov Siwwco KarSi '

which is undoubtedly the passage alluded to. — J. S.]

T 3

278 NOVUM ORGANUM.

Exempli gratia ; Instantiae Conformes sunt quae sequuntur :
speculum, et oculus ; et similiter fabrica auris, et loca reddentia
echo. Ex qua conformitate, praeter ipsam observationem simi-
litudinis, quas ad multa utilis est, proclive est insuper colligere
et formare illud axioma ; videlicet, organa sensuum et corpora
quse pariunt reflexiones ad sensus esse similis naturas. Rursus
ex hoc ipso admonitus intellectus non aegre insurgit ad axioma
quoddam altius et nobilius. Hoc nimirum ; nihil interesse inter
consensus sive sympathias corporum sensu praeditorum, et in-
animatorum sine sensu, nisi quod in illis accedat spiritus ani-
malis ad corpus ita dispositum, iu his autem absit Adeo ut
quot sint consensus in corporibus inanimatis, tot possint esse
sensus in animalibus, si essent perforationes in corpore animato
ad discursum spiritus animalis in membrum rite dispositum,
tanquam in organum idoneum. Et rursus, quot sint sensus in
animalibus, tot sint proculdubio motus in corpore inanimato
ubi spiritus animalis abfuerit ; licet necesse sit multo plures esse
motus in corporibus inanimatis quam sensus in animatis, pro-
pter paucitatem organorum sensus. Atque hujus rei ostendit
se exemplum valde manifestum in doloribus. Etenim quum sint
plura genera doloris in animalibus et tanquam varii illius cha-
racteres (veluti alius est dolor ustionis, alius frigoris intensi,
alius puncturae, alius cornpressionis, alius extensionis, et simi-
lium), certissimum est omnia ilia, quoad motum, inesse corpori-
bus inanimatis ; veluti ligno aut lapidi, cum uritur, aut per gelu
constringitur, aut pungitur, aut scinditur, aut flectitur, aut tun-
ditur, et sic de aliis ; licet non subintrent,sensus, propter absen-
tiam spiritus animalis.

Item Instantiae Conformes (quod mirum fortasse dictu) sunt
radices et rami plantarum. Omne enim vegetabile intumescit,
et extrudit partes in circumferentiam, tarn sursum quam deor-
sum. Neque alia est differentia radicum et ramorum, quam
quod radix includatur in terra, et rami exponantur aeri et soli.1
Si quis enim accipiat ramum tenerum et vegetum arboris, atque
ilium reflectat in aliquam terrae particulam, licet non cohaereat
ipsi solo, gignit statim non ramum, sed radicem. Atque vice
versa, si terra ponatur superius, atque ita obstruatur lapide aut

1 In many plants part of the stem grows underground, while in others part at least
of the root is above the surface. The true distinction has relation to the functions of
the two organs. There is nothing in the root analogous (except under special circum-
stances) to buds or nodes, and consequently no true ramification.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 279

aliqua dura substantia ut planta cohibeatur nee possit fronde-
scere sursum, edet ramos in aerem deorsum.

Item Instantiae Conformes sunt gummi arborum, et pleraeque
gemmae rupium. Utraque enim nil aliud sunt quam exuda-
tiones et percolationes succorum ; in primo genere scilicet, suc-
corum ex arboribus ; in secundo, ex saxis ; unde gignitur clari-
tudo et splendor in utrisque, per percolationem nimirum tenuem
et accuratam, Nam inde fit etiam, quod pili animalium non
sint tarn pulchri et tarn vividi coloris quam avium plumas com-
plures; quia succi non tarn delicate percolantur per cutem
quam per calamum.

Item Instantise Conformes sunt scrotum in animalibus mas-
culis, et matrix in femellis. Adeo ut nobilis ilia fabrica per
quam sexus differunt, (quatenus ad animalia terrestria) nil aliud
videatur esse, quam secundum exterius et interius1 ; vi scilicet
majore caloris genitalia in sexu masculo protrudente in exte-
rius, ubi in femellis nimis debilis est calor quam ut hoc facere
possit ; unde accidit quod contineantur interius.

Item Instantise Conformes sunt pinnae piscium, et pedes
quadrupedum, aut pedes et alas volucrum ; quibus addidit
Aristoteles quatuor volumina in motu serpentum.2 Adeo ut
in fabrica universi motus viventium plerumque videatur ex-
pediri per quaterniones artuum sive flexionum.

Item dentes in animalibus terrestribus, et rostra in avibus,
sunt Instantiae Conformes; unde manifestum est, in omnibus
animalibus perfectis, fluere duram quandam substantiam ver-
sus OS.

Item non absurda est Similitude et Conformitas ilia, ut homo
sit tanquam planta inversa. Nam radix nervorum et facul-
tatum animalium est caput ; partes autem seminales sunt in-
finue, non computatis extremitatibus tibiarum et brachiorum.
At in planta, radix (quae instar capitis est) regulariter infimo
loco collocatur ; semina autem supremo.3

1 This remark seems to have been suggested by a similar passage in Telesius, De
Eerum Natttrd, vi. 18.: — " Masculo .... magnus datus est calor, qui et membrum
genitale foras propellat et sanguinemmultum beneque omnem compactum conficiat, &c.
Foeminae autem . . . languens inditus est calor, qui neque genitale vas foras propellere
nee e semine spiritum educere queat." The doctrine however of this passage was first
taught by Galen, from whom Telesius derived it. See Galen, De Usu Partium, xiv. 6.

2 De Anim. Incessu, i. 7.

8 On the other hand, one is tempted to trace an analogy between the flower in plants
and the skull in man and vertebrate animals in general : each occurring at the end
of the axis of development, and each consisting of four segments — whorls or vertebrae.
But by far the most remarkable analogy between plants and animals relates to the

T 4

280 NOVUM ORGANOI.

Denique illud omnino praecipiendum est et saepius monen-
dum ; ut diligentia hominum in inquisitione et congerie Natu-
ralis Historian deinceps mutetur plane, et vertatur in contrarium
ejus quod nunc in usu est. Magna enim hucusque atque adeo
curiosa fuit hominum industria in notanda rerum varietate
atque explicandis accuratis animalium, herbarum, et fossilium
differentiis; quarum pleraeque magis sunt lusus naturae quam
seriae alicujus utilitatis versus scientias. Faciunt certe hujus-
modi res ad delectationem, atque etiam quandoque ad praxin ;
verum ad introspiciendam naturam parum aut nihil. Itaque
convertenda plane est opera ad inquirendas et notandas rerum
similitudines et analoga, tarn in integralibus quam partibus.
Illae enim sunt quae naturam uniunt, et constituere scientias
incipiunt.1

Verum in his omnino est adhibenda cautio gravis et severa ;
ut accipiantur pro Instantiis Conformibus et Proportionatis,
illae quae denotant Similitudines (ut abinitio diximus) Physicas;
id est, reales et substantiates et immersas in natura, non for-
tuitas et ad speciem ; multo minus superstitiosas aut curiosas,
quales naturalis magiae scriptores (homines levissimi, et in rebus
tarn seriis quales nunc agimus vix nominandi) ubique osten-
tant; magna cum vanitate et desipientia, inanes similitudi-
nes e,t sympathias rerum describentes atque etiam quandoque
affingentes.

Verum his missis, etiam in ipsa configuratione mundi in ma-
joribus non sunt negligenda? Instantiae - Conformes ; veluti
Africa, et regio Peruviana cum continente se porrigente usque
ad Fretum Magellanicum. Utraque enim regio habet similes
isthmos et similia promontoria, quod non temere accidit.2

Item Novus et Vetus Orbis ; in eo quodutrique orbes versus

mode of development of their tissues, which, there is reason to believe, were all prima-
rily formed from cells. The evidence in favour of this proposition is perhaps not yet
quite complete.

It is curious that, after it had been established in the case of plants, Schleiden con-
ceived that in this unity of original structure he had found a character peculiar to
vegetable life, so that the analogy between plants and animals seemed to be impaired
by the discovery.

1 " Natura infinita est, sed qui symbola animadverterit omnia intelliget, licet non
omnino," are the words of a great poet, who perhaps also is entitled to be called a great
philosopher. They form the motto of one of the happiest illustrations of what Bacon
meant by instantia conformis, — the Parthenogenesis of Professor Owen.

2 A. von Humboldt has pointed out the conformity of the opposite shores of the
Atlantic — the approximate correspondence between the projections on each side and
the recesses on the other. But Bacon apparently compares not the opposite but the
corresponding coasts of Africa and America. C. Concepcion would correspond to
C, Negro ; but the parallelism is not very close.

NOVUM ORCANUM. , 281

septentriones lati sunt et exporrecti, versus austrum autem
angusti et acuminati.

Item Instantiae Conformes nobilissimae sunt frigora intensa
in media (quam vocant) aeris regione, et ignes acerrimi qui
saspe reperiuntur erumpentes ex locis subterraneis ; quae duae
res sunt ultimitates et extrema ; naturae scilicet Frigidi versus
ambitum coeli, et naturae Calidi versus viscera terrae ; per anti-
peristasin, sive rejectionem naturae contrariae.

Postremo autem in axiomatibus scientiarum notatu digna
est Conformitas Instantiarum. Veluti tropus rhetoricae, qui
dicitur Prater Expectatum, conformis est tropo musicae, qui
vocatur Declinatio Cadentiae. Similiter, postulatum mathema-
ticum, ut quce eidem tertio cequalia sunt etiam inter se sint
(Equalia, conforme est cum fabrica syllogism! in logica, qui unit
ea quae conveniunt in medio.1 Denique multum utilis est in
quamplurimis sagacitas quaedam in conquirendis et indagandis
Conformitatibus et Similitudinibus Physicis.

XXVIII.

Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus septimo loco In-
stantias Monodicas 2 ; quas etiam Irreyulares sive Heteroclitas
(sumpto vocabulo a grammaticis) appellare consuevimus. Eae
sunt, quas ostendunt corpora in concrete, quae videntur esse
extravagantia et quasi abrupta in natura, et minime convenire
cum aliis rebus ejusdem generis. Etenim Instantiae Conformes
sunt similes alterius, at Instantiae Monodicae sunt sui simi-
les. Usus vero Instantiarum Monodicarum est talis qualis est
Instantiarum Clandestinarum : viz. ad evehendam et unien-
dam naturam ad invenienda genera sive communes naturas,
limitandas postea per differentias veras. Neque enim desi-
stendum ab inquisitione donee proprietates et qualitates, qua?
inveniuntur in hujusmodi rebus quae possunt censeri pro mira-
culis naturae, reducantur et comprehendantur sub aliqua Forma

1 The importance of the parallel here suggested was never understood until the
present time, because the language of mathematics and of logic has hitherto not been
such as to permit the relation between them to be recognised. Mr. Boole's Laws of
Thought contain the first development of ideas of which the germ is to be found in
Bacon and Leibnitz ; to the latter of whom the fundamental principle that in logic
a2=a was known (v. Leibnitz, Philos. Works, by Erdmann, 1840, p. 130). It is
not too much to say that Mr. Boole's treatment of the subject is worthy of these great
names.

Other caculuses of inference (using the word in its widest sense), besides the mathe-
matical and the logical, yet perhaps remain to be developed ; but this is a subject on
which it is impossible here to enter.

• Monadicas. See note 3. p. 165. — J. S.

282 NOVUM ORGANUM.

sive Lege certa ; ut irregularltas sive singularitas omnis re-
periatur pendere ab aliqua Forma Communi ; miraculum vero
illud sit tandem solummodo in differentiis accuratis et gradu et
concursu raro, et non in ipsa specie ; ubi nunc contemplationes
hominum non procedant ultra quam ut ponant hujusmodi res
pro secretis et magnalibus naturae, et tanquam incausabilibus,
et pro exceptionibus regularum generalium.

Exernpla Instantiarum Monodicarum sunt, sol et luna, inter
astra ; magnes, inter lapides ; argentum vivum, inter metalla ;
elephas, inter quadrupedes ; sensus veneris, inter genera tactus ;
odor venaticus in canibus, inter genera olfactus. Etiam S
litera apud grammaticos, habetur pro Monodica; ob facilem
compositionem quam sustinet cum consonantibus, aliquando
duplicibus, aliquando triplicibus; quod nulla alia litera facit.
Plurimi autem faciendae sunt hujusmodi iustantia? ; quia acuunt
et vivificant inquisitionem, et medentur intellectui depravato a
consuetudine et ab iis quae fiunt plerunque.

XXIX.

Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco octavo In-
stantias Deviantes ; errores scilicet naturaa, et vaga, ac monstra:
ubi natura declinat et deflectit a cursu ordinario. DifFerunt
enim Errores naturae ab Instantiis Monodicis in hoc; quod
Monodicae sint miracula specierum, at Errores sint miracula
individuorum. Similis autem fere sunt usus ; quia rectificaut
intellectum adversus cousueta, et revclant Fonnas Communes.
Neque enim in his etiam desistendum ab inquisitione donee
inveniatur causa hujusmodi declinationis. Veruntamen causa
ilia non exurgit ad Formam aliquam proprie, sed tantum ad
latentem processum ad Formam. Qui enim vias natura? no-
verit, is deviationes etiam facilius observabit. At rursus, qui
deviationes noverit, is accuratius vias describet. *

Atque in illo differuut etiam ab Instantiis Monodicis, quod
multo magis instruant praxin et operativam. Nam novas
species generare arduum admodum foret ; at species notas
variare, et inde rara multa ac inusitata producere, minus ar-
duum. Facilis autem transitus est a miraculis naturae ad
miracula artis. Si enim deprehendatur semel natura in varia-
tione sua, ej usque ratio manifesta fuerit, expeditum erit eo
deducere naturam per artem quo per casum aberraverit.

1 See Owen, On the Nature of Limbs, p. 54.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 283

Neque solum eo, sed et aliorsum ; cum errores ex una parte
monstrent et aperiant viam ad errores et deflexiones unde-
quaque. Hie vero exemplis non est opus, propter eorundem
copiam. Facienda enim est congeries sive historia naturalis
particularis omnium monstrorum et partuum naturae pro-
digiosorum ; omnis denique novitatis et raritatis et inconsueti
in natura. Hoc vero faciendum est cum severissimo delectu,
ut constet fides. Maxime autem habenda sunt pro suspectis
quae pendent quomodocunque a religione, ut prodigia Livii :
nee minus, quae inveniuntur in scriptoribus magiaa naturalis,
aut etiam alchymiae, et hujusmodi hominibus ; qui tanquam proci
sunt et amatores fabularum. Sed depromenda sunt ilia ex
gravi et fida historia, et auditionibus certis.

XXX.

Inter PrsDrogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco nono Instan-
tias Limitaneas ; quas etiam Participia vocare consuevimus.
Eae vero sunt, quae exhibent species corporum tales, quas vi-
dentur esse compositae ex speciebus duabus, vel Rudimenta
inter speciem unam et alteram. Hae vero Instantiae inter
Instantias Monodicas sive Heteroclitas recte numerari possunt :
sunt enim in universitate rerum raraa et extraordinariae. Sed
tamen ob dignitatem seorsim tractandae et ponendae sunt;
optime enim indicant compositionem et fabricam rerum, et in-
nuunt causas numeri et qualitatis specierum ordinariarum in
universe, et deducunt intellectum ab eo quod est, ad id quod
esse potest.

Harum exempla sunt, muscus, inter putredinem et plantam ;
cometae nonnulli, inter stellas et meteora ignita ; pisces volantes,
inter aves et pisces ; vespertiliones, inter aves et quadrupedes ;
etiam

" Simla quam similis turpissirna bestia nobis ; " 1

et partus animalium biformes et commisti ex speciebus diversis,
et similia.

XXXI.

Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum ponemus decimo loco In-
stantias Potestatis, sive Fascium (sumpto vocabulo ab insignibus
imperii), quas etiam Ingenia, sive Maims Hominis appellare
consuevimus. Eae sunt opera maxime nobilia et perfecta, et
tanquam ultima in unaquaque arte. Cum enim hoc agatur

1 Ennius, quoted by Cicero.

284 NOVUM ORGANUM."

praecipue ut natura pareat rebus et commodis humanis; con-
sentaneum est prorsus, ut opera quae jampridera in potestate
hominis fuerunt (quasi provincial antea occupatae et subactae)
notentur et numerentur ; praesertim ea quae sunt maxime enu-
cleata et perfecta ; propterea quod ab istis proclivior et magis
in propinquo sit transitus ad nova et hactenus non inventa. Si
quis enim ab horum contemplatione attenta propositum acriter
et strenue urgere velit, fiet certe ut aut producat ilia paulo
longius, aut deflectat ilia ad aliquid quod finitimum est, aut
etiam applicet et transferat ilia ad usum aliquem nobiliorem.

Neque hie finis. Verum quemadmodum ab operibus naturae
raris et inconsuetis erigitur intellectus et elevatur ad inquirendas
et inveniendas Formas quae etiam illorum sunt capaces, ita
etiam in operibus artis egregiis et admirandis hoc usu-venit ;
idque multo magis ; quia modus efficiendi et operandi hujusmodi
miracula artis manifestus ut plurimum est, cum plerunque in
miraculis naturae sit magis obscurus. Attamen in his ipsis
cautio est adhibenda vel maxime, ne deprimant scilicet intel-
lectum et eum quasi humo affigant.

Periculum enim est, ne per hujusmodi opera artis, quae vi-
dentur velut summitates quaedam et fastigia industrial humanae,
reddatur intellectus attonitus et ligatus et quasi maleficiatus
quoad ilia, ita ut cum aliis consuescere non possit, sed cogitet
nihil ejus generis fieri posse nisi eadem via qua ilia effecta sunt,
accedente tantummodo diligentia majore et prasparatione magis
accurata.

Contra illud ponendum est pro certo: vias et modos effi-
ciendi res et opera quae adhuc reperta sunt et notata, res esse
plerunque pauperculas ; atque omnem potentiam majorem pen-
dere et ordine derivari a fontibus Formarum, quarum nulla
adhuc inventa est.

Itaque (ut alibi diximus)1 qui de machinis et arietibus, quales
erant apud veteres, cogitasset, licet hoc fecisset obnixe atque
a?tatem in eo consumpsisset, nunquam tamen incidisset in in-
ventum tormentorum igneorum operantium per pulverem py-
rium. Neque rursus, qui in lanificiis et serico vegetabili
observationem suam et meditationem collocasset, unquam per
ea reperisset naturam vermis aut serici bombycini.

Quocirca omnia inventa' quae censeri possunt magis nobilia

1 i. § 109.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 285

(si auimum advertas) in lucem prodiere nullo modo per pusillas
enucleationes et extensiones artium, sed omnino per casum.
Nihil autem repraesentat 1 aut anticipat casum (cujus mos est ut
tantum per longa saecula operetur) praeter inventionem For-
marum.

Exempla autem hujusmodi instantiarum particularia nihil
opus est adducere, propter copiam eorundem. Nam hoc omnino
agendum ; ut visitentur et penitus introspiciantur omnes artes
mechanicae, atque liberales etiam (quatenus ad opera), atque
hide facienda est congeries sive historia particularis, tanquam
magnalium et operum magistralium et maxime perfect orum
in unaquaque ipsarum, una cum modis effectionis sive opera-
tionis.

Neque tamen astringimus diligentiam, quas adhibenda est in
hujusmodi collecta, ad ea qua? censentur pro magisteriis et
arcanis alien) us artis tantum, atque movent admiration eml Ad-
miratio enim proles est raritatis ; siquidem rara, licet in genere
sint ex vulgatis naturis, tamen admirationem pariunt.

At contra, quae revera admirationi esse debent propter dis-
<;repantiam quse inest illis in specie collatis ad alias species,
tamen si in usu familiari prassto sint leviter notantur. Debent
autem notari Monodica artis, non minus quam Monodica na-
turag; de quibus antea diximus.2 Atque quemadmodum in
Monodicis naturas posuimus solem, lunam, magnetem, et similia,
quas re vulgatissima sunt sed natura tamen fere singular! :
idem et de Monodicis artis faciendum est.

Exempli gratia ; Instantia Monodica artis est papyrus ; res
admodum vulgata. At si diligenter animum advertas, material
artificiales aut plane textiles sunt per fila directa et transversa ;
qualia sunt pannus sericus, aut laneus, et linteus, et hujus-
modi ; aut coagmentantur ex succis concretis ; qualia sunt
later, aut argilla figularis, aut vitrum, aut esmalta, aut porcel-
lana, et similia ; quae si bene uniantur splendent, sin minus, in-
durantur certe, sed non splendent. Attamen omnia talia, quas
fiunt ex succis concretis, sunt fragilia, nee ullo modo haerentia
et tenacia. At contra, papyrus est corpus tenax, quod scindi et
lacerari possit; ita ut imitetur et fere aemuletur pellem sive
membranam alicujus animalis, aut folium alicujus vegetabilis, et
hujusmodi opificia naturae. Nam neque fragilis est, ut vitrum :

1 See note, p. 208. ' II. § 28.

286 NOVUM ORGANUM".

neque textilis, ut pannus; sed habet fibras certe, non fila
distincta, omnino ad modum materiarum naturalium ; ut inter
artificiales materias vix inveniatur simile aliquod, sed sit plane
Monodicum.1 Afque praeferenda sane sunt in artificialibus ea
quae maxime accedunt ad imitationem naturae, aut e contrario
earn potenter regunt et invertunt.

Rursus, inter Ingenia et Manus Hominis, non prorsus con-
temnenda sunt praestigiae et jocularia. Nonnulla enim ex istis,
licet sint usu levia et ludicra, tamen informatione valida esse
possunt.

Postremo, neque omnino omittenda sunt superstitiosa, et
(prout vocabulum sensu vulgari accipitur) magica. Licet enim
hujusmodi res sint in immensum obrutae grandi mole menda-
ciorum et fabularum, tamen inspiciendum paulisper si forte
subsit et lateat in aliquibus earum aliqua operatio naturalis ; ut
in fascino, et fortificatione imaginations, et consensu rerum
ad distans, et transmissione impressionum a spiritu ad spiritum
non minus quam a corpore ad corpus, et similibus.

XXXII.

Ex iis qu33 ante dicta stint, patet quod quinque ilia instan-
tiarum genera de quibus diximus (viz. Instantiarum Confor-
mium, Instantiarum Monodicarum, Instantiarum Deviantium,
Instantiarum Limitanearum, Instantiarum Potestatis) non de-
beant reservari donee inquiratur natura aliqua certa (quemad-
modum instantias reliquae, quas primo loco proposuimus, nee
non plurimae ex iis quas sequentur, reserrari debent); sed
statim jam ab initio facienda est earum collectio, tanquam
historia quaedam particularis ; eo quod digerant ea quae ingre-
diuntur intellectum, et corrigant pravam complexionem intel-
lectus ipsius, quern omnino necesse est imbui et infici et
demum perverti ac distorqueri ab incursibus quotidianis et con-
suetis.

Itaque adhibendae sunt eae instantiae tanquam prasparativum
aliquod, ad rectificandum et expurgandum intellectum. Quic-
quid enim abducit intellectum a consuetis aequat et complanat
aream ejus ad recipiendum lumen siccum et purum notionum
verarum.

Quin etiam hujusmodi instantiae sternunt et praestruunt viam

1 It is curious that Bacon should not have remarked that all the qualities here
mentioned belong to felt as well as to paper.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 287

ad operativam ; ut suo loco dicemus, quando de Deductionibus
ad Praxin sermo erit.

XXXIII.

Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum ponenms loco undecimo In-
stantias Comitatus, atque Ho stile s ; quas etiam Instantias Pro-
positionum Fixarum appellare consuevimus. Eae sunt instantiae,
quae exhibent aliquod corpus sive concretum tale, in quo natura
inquisita perpetuo sequatur tanquam comes quidam individuus ;
aut contra, in quo natura inquisita perpetuo fugiat atque ex
comitatu excludatur, ut hostis et inimicus. Nam ex hujusmodi
instantiis formantur propositiones certae et universales, aut
affirmative aut negativae ; in quibus subjectum erit tale corpus
in concreto, prsedicatum vero natura ipsa inquisita. Etenim
propositiones particulares omnino jixce non sunt, ubi scilicet
natura inquisita reperitur in aliquo concreto fluxa et mobilis,
viz. accedens sive acquisita, aut rursus recedens sive deposita. '
Quocirca particulares propositiones non habent Praerogativam
aliquam majorem, nisi tantum in casu Migrationis, de quo antea
dictum est. Et nihilominus, etiam particulares illse propo-
sitiones comparatae et collatse cum universalibus multum
juvant ; ut suo loco dicetur. Neque tamen, etiam in universa-
libus istis propositionibus exactam aut absolutam affirmationem
vel abnegationem requirimus. Sufficit enim ad id quod agitur
etiamsi exceptionem nonnullam singularem aut raram pa-
tiantur.

Usus autem Instantiarum Comitatus est ad angustiandam
Affirmativam Formae. Quemadmodum enim in Instantiis Mi-
grantibus angustiatur Affirmativa Formae ; viz. ut necessario
poni debeat Forma rei esse aliquid quod per actum ilium Mi-
grationis inditur aut destruitur ; ita etiam in Instantiis Comi-
tatus angustiatur Affirmativa Formae ; ut necessario poni debeat
Forma rei esse aliquid quod talem concretionem corporis sub-
ingrediatur, aut contra ab eadem abhorreat ; ut qui bene norit
constitutionem aut schematismum hujusmodi corporis non longe
abfuerit ab extrahenda in lucem Forma naturae inquisita?.

Exempli gratia; sit natura inquisita Calidum. Instantia
Comitatus est flamma. Etenim in aqua, acre, lapide, metallo,
et aliis quamplurimis, calor est mobilis, et accedere potest et
recedere ; at omnis flamma est calida, ita ut calor in concretione
flammae perpetuo sequatur. At Instantia Hostilis Calidi nulla
reperitur apud nos. Nam de visceribus terra? nihil constat ad

288 NOVUM ORGANUM.

sensum ; sed eorum corporum quae nobis nota sunt nulla prors'us
est concretio quae non est susceptibilis caloris.

At rursus, sit natura inquisita Consistens. Instantia Hosti-
lis est aer. Eteniin metallum potest fluere, potest consistere;
similiter vitrum ; etiam aqua potest consistere, cum conglaciatur:
at irnpossibile est ut aer unquam consistat, aut exuat fluorem.

Verum de instantiis hujusmodi Propositionum Fixarum super-
sunt duo monita, quae utilia sunt ad id quod agitur. Primum,
ut si defuerit plane universalis Affirmativa aut Negativa, illud
ipsum diligenter notetur tanquam non-ens; sicut fecimus de
Calido, ubi universalis Negativa (quatenus ad entia quae ad
nostram notitiam pervenerint) in rerum natura deest. Similiter,
si natura inquisita sit JEternum aut Incorruptible, deest
Affirmativa universalis hie apud nos. Neque enim prasdicari
potest Sternum aut Incorruptible de aliquo corpore eorum
quae infra crelestia sunt, aut supra interiora terrae. Alterum
monitum est, ut propositionibus universalibus, tarn affirmativis
quam negativis, de aliquo concrete, subjungantur simul ea con-
creta quae proxime videntur accedere ad id quod est ex non-
entibus ; ut in calore, flammae mollissimae et minimum adurentes ;
in incorruptibili, aurum, quod proxime accedit. Omnia enim
ista indicant terminos naturae inter ens et non-ens ; et faciunt
ad circumscriptiones Formarum, ne gliscant et vagentur extra
conditiones materiae.

XXXIV.

Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco duodecimo
ipsas illas Instantias Subjunctivas, de quibus in superior!
aphorismo diximus ; quas etiam Instantias Ultimitatis sive
Termini appellare consuevimus. Neque enim hujusmodi in-
stantiae utiles sunt tantum, quatenus subjunguntur propositio-
nibus fixis; verum etiam per se, et in proprietate sua. In-
dicant enim non obscure veras sectiones naturae, et mensuras
rerum, et illud Quousgue natura quid faciat et ferat, et deinde
transitus naturae ad aliud. Talia sunt, aurum, in pondere;
ferrum, in duritie ; cete, in quantitate animalium ; canis, in
odore ; inflammatio pulveris pyrii, in expansione celeri ; et alia
id genus. Nee minus exhibenda sunt ea quae sunt ultima
gradu infimo, quam quae supremo ; ut spiritus vini, in pondere ! ;

1 Although precise directions for making ether were given by Valerius Cordus in
1544, yet it is said to have remained unnoticed until it was rediscovered in the

NOVUM ORGANUM. 289

sericum, in mollitie ; vermiculi cutis, in quantitate animalium ;
et caetera.

XXXV.

Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco decimo tertio
Instantias Fcederis sive Unionis. Eze sunt, quae confundunt et
adunant naturas quae existimantur esse heterogeneae, et pro
talibus notantur et signantur per divisiones receptas.

At Instantiae Foederis ostendunt operationes et effectus quae
deputantur alicui ex illis heterogeneis ut propria, competere
etiam aliis ex heterogeneis ; ut convincatur ista heterogenia
(quae in opinione est) vera non esse aut essentialis, sed nil aliud
esse qnam modificatio naturae communis. Optimi itaque sunt
usus ad elevandum et evehendum intellectum a difFerentiis ad
genera ; et ad tollendum larvas et simulachra rerum, prout
occurrunt et prodeunt personates in substantiis concretis.

Exempli gratia : sit natura inquisita Calidum. Omnino
videtur esse divisio solennis et authentica quod sint tria genera
caloris; viz. calor coslestium, calor animalium, et calor ignis;
quodque isti calores (praesertim unus ex illis comparatus ad
reliquos duos) sint ipsa essentia et specie, sive natura specifica,
differentes et plane heterogenei ; quandoquidem calor cffilestium
et animalium generet et foveat, at calor ignis contra corrumpat
et destruat. Est itaque Tnstantia Frederis experimentum illud
satis vulgatum, cum recipitur ramus aliquis vitis intra domum
ubi sit focus assiduus, ex quo maturescunt uvae etiam mense
integro citius quam foras ; ita ut maturatio fructus etiam pen-
dentis super arborem fieri possit scilicet ab igne, cum hoc
ipsum videatur esse opus proprium solis.1 Itaque ab hoc initio

eighteenth century. Bacon's want of acquaintance with it, implied in this and other
passages, is therefore not surprising.

1 The regular use of artificial heat in green-houses and conservatories was not
known in Bacon's time. In the Maison Champetre, an encyclopaedia of gardening
and agriculture published in 1 607, nothing is said of it ; nor is there anything on the
subject in the writings of Porta, though in his Nat. Mag. he has spoken of various
modes of accelerating the growth of fruits and flowers. In the Sylva Sylvarum (412.),
however, Bacon speaks of housing hot-country plants to save them, and, in the Essay
on Gardens, of stoving myrtles. The idea of what are now called green-houses was
introduced into England from Holland about the time of the Revolution. The
orangery at Heidelberg, formed, I believe, about the middle of the seventeenth century,
is said to be the earliest conservatory on record.

It is related that Albertus Magnus, entertaining the emperor at Cologne during the
winter, selected for the place of entertainment the garden of his monastery. Every-
thing was covered with snow, and the guests were much inclined to be discontented ;
but when the feast began, the snow cleared away ; the trees put forth, first leaves,
then blossoms, then fruit; and the climate became that of summer. This glorious
summer, which had thus abruptly succeeded to the winter of their discontent, lasted

VOL. i. u %

290 NOVUM ORGANUM.

facile insurgit intellectus, repudiate heterogenia essential!, ad
inquirendum quae sint differentiae illae quae revera reperiuntur
inter calorem solis et ignis, ex quibus fit ut eorum operationes
sint tarn dissimiles, utcunque illi ipsi participant ex natura
communi.

Quae differentiae reperientur quatuor ; viz. primo quod calor
solis respectu caloris ignis sit gradu longe clementior et lenior ;
secundo, quod sit (praesertim ut defertur ad nos per aerem)
qualitate multo huniidior ; tertio (quod caput rei est) quod sit
summe inaequalis, atque accedens et auctus, et deinceps recedens
et diminutus; id quod maxime confert ad generationem cor-
porum. Recte enim asseruit Aristoteles l causam principalem
generationum et corruptionum quae fiunt hie apud nos in
superficie terrae, esse viam obliquam solis per zodiacum ; unde
calor solis, partim per vicissitudines diei et noctis, partim per
successiones sestatis et hyemis, evadit miris modis inaequalis.
Neque tamen desinit ille vir id quod ab eo recte inventum
fuit statim corrumpere et depravare. Nam ut arbiter scilicet
naturae (quod illi in more est) valde magistraliter assignat
causam generationis accessui solis, causam autem corruptionis
recessui ; cum utraque res (accessus videlicet solis et recessus)
non respective, sed quasi indifferenter, praebeat causam tarn
generationi quam corruption! ; quandoquidem inasqualitas caloris
generationi et corruption! rerum, requalitas conservation! tantum,
ministret. Est et quarta differentia inter calorem solis et ignis,
magni prorsus momenti ; viz. quod sol operationes suas insinuet
per longa temporis spatia,ubi operationes ignis (urgente hominum
impatientia) per breviora intervalla ad exitum perducantur.
Quod si quis id sedulo agat, ut calorem ignis attemperet et
reducat ad gradum moderatiorem et leniorem (quod multis
modis facile fit), deinde etiani inspergat et admisceat nonnul-
lam humiditatem, maxime autem si imitetur calorem solis in
inaequalitate, postremo si moram patienter toleret (non certe
earn quae sit proportionata operibus solis, sed largiorem quam
homines adhibere solent in operibus ignis), is facile missam
faciet heterogeniam illam caloris, et vel tentabit vel exaequabit
vel in aliquibus vincet opera solis, per calorem ignis. Similis

only till the conclusion of the feast, when everything resumed its former aspect.
It would be a fanciful explanation, and I know not whether it has ever been suggested,
to say that Albertus Magnus really entertained the emperor in a conservatory, and
only led his guests through the garden. See, for the story, Grimm's Deutsche Sagen
1 Meteorologia, i. ] 4.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 291

Instantia Foederis est resuscitatio papilionum ex frigore stupen-
tium et tanquam emortuarum, per exiguum teporem ignis ; ut
facile cernas non magis negatum esse igni vivificare aniraantia
quam maturare vegetabilia. Etiam inventum illud celebre
Fracastorii de sartagine acriter calefacta, qua circundant medici
capita apoplecticorura desperatorum1, expandit manifesto spiri-
tus animales ab humoribus et obstructionibus cerebri compres-
sos et quasi extinctos, illosque ad motum excitat, non aliter
quam ignis operatur in aquam aut aerem, et tamen per conse-
quens vivificat. Etiam ova aliquando excluduntur per calorem
ignis, id quod prorsus imitatur calorem animalem ; et complura
ejusmodi ; ut nemo dubitare possit quin calor ignis in multis
subjectis modificari possit ad imaginem caloris ccelestium et
animalium.2

Similiter sint naturae inquisita? Motus et Quies. Videtur
esse divisio solennis atque ex intima philosophia, quod corpora
naturalia vel rotent, vel ferantur recta, vel stent sive quiescant.
Aut enim est motus sine termino, aut statio in termino, aut
latio ad terminum. At motus ille perennis rotationis videtur
esse ccelestium proprius; statio sive quies videtur competere
globo ipsi terra? ; at corpora cetera (gravia qua? vocant et
levia, extra loca scilicet connaturalitatis suss sita) feruntur
recta ad massas sive congregationes similium ; levia sursum,
versus ambitum coeli ; gravia deorsum, versus terrain. Atque
ista pulchra dictu sunt.

At Instantia Foederis est cometa aliquis humilior ; qui cum
sit longe infra coelum, tamen rotat. Atque commentum Ari-
stotelis3 de alligatione sive sequacitate cometse ad astrum ali-
quod jampridem explosum est ; non tantum quia ratio ejus non
est probabilis, sed propter experientiam manifestam discursus
et irregularis motus cometarum per varia loca coeli.

At rursus alia Instantia Foederis circa hoc subjectum est

1 It is mentioned in the life of Fracastorius, that when dying of apoplexy, and
speechless, he made signs for the application of a cucurbita (or cupping-vessel) to his
head, remembering the remarkable cure which he had effected in the case of a nun at
Verona. It is scarcely necessary to remark that " dry cupping," as it is called, acts
simply by partially rem«ving the pressure of the atmosphere : the heat applied to the
vessel has no other effect than that of rarefying the air it contains.

2 Bacon's rejection of the essential heterogeneity of the three species of heat is appa-
rently taken from Telesius, De Rerum Nat. vi. 20. Telesius remarks, as Bacon
does, that eggs may be hatched, and insects apparently dead restored to life, by means
of artificial heat.

3 Meteorol. i. 4.

u 2

292 NOVUM ORGANUM.

raotus aeris ; qui intra tropicos (ubi circuli rotationis sunt ma-
jores) videtur et ipse rotare ab oriente in occidentem.

Et alia rursus instantia foret fluxus et refluxus maris, si
modo aquas ipsae deprehendantur ferri motu rotationis (licet
tardo et evanido) ab oriente in occidentem; ita tamen ut bis
in die repercutiantur. Itaque, si haec ita se habeant, mani-
festum est motum istum rotationis non terminari in ccelesti-
bus, sed communicari aeri et aquae.

Etiam ista proprietas levium, nimirum ut ferantur sursum,
vacillat nonnihil. Atque in hoc sumi potest pro Instantia
Foaderis bulla aquae. Si enim aer fuerit subter aquam, ascendit
rapide versus superficiem aquae, per motum ilium plagoe (quam
vocat Democritus) per quam aqua descendens percutit et attollit
ae'rem sursum ; non autem per contentionem aut nixum aeris
ipsius. Atqui ubi ad superficiem ipsam aquae ventum fuerit,
turn cohibetur aer ab ulteriore ascensu, per levem resistentiam
quam reperit in aqua, non statim tolerante se discontinuari :
ita ut exilis admodum sit appetitus aeris ad superiora.

Similiter sit natura inquisita Pondus. Est plane divisio
recepta, ut densa et solida ferantur versus centrum terrae, rara
autem et tenuia versus ambitum cceli ; tanquam ad loca sua
propria. Atque loca quod attinet, (licet in scholis hujusmodi
res valeant) plane inepta et puerilis cogitatio est, locum aliquid
posse. Itaque nugantur philosophi cum dicant quod, si per-
forata esset terra, corpora gravia se sisterent quando ventum
esset ad centrum. Esset enim certe virtuosum plane et efficax
genus nihili, aut puncti matheniatici, quod aut alia afficeret,
aut rursus quod alia appeterent : corpus enim non nisi a cor-
pore patitur. Verum iste appetitus ascendendi et descendendi
aut est in schematismo corporis quod movetur, aut in sym-
pathia sive consensu cum alio corpore. Quod si inveniatur
aliquod corpus densum et solidum, quod nihilominus non fe-
ratur ad terrain, confunditur hujusmodi divisio. At si recipiatur
opinio Gilberti, quod magnetica vis terrae ad alliciendum gravia
non extendatur ultra orbem virtutis suss (quaa operatur sem-
per ad distantiam certain, et non ultra) !, hocque per aliquam

1 In Gilbert's philosophy, the earth's magnetic action is not distinguished from
gravity. Thus he says : " Partes vero primariorum globorura integris alligatse sunt, in

illos natural! desiderio incumbunt Non autem est appetitus aut inclinatio ad

locum, aut spatium, aut terminum ; sed ad corpus, ad fontem, ad matrem, ad princi-
pium ubi uniuntur, conservantur, et a periculis vagaj partes revocatee quiescunt omnes.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 293

Instantiam verificetur, ea demum erit Instantia Foederis circa
hoc subjectum. Neque tamen occurrit impraesentiarum aliqua
instantia super hoc certa et manifesta. Proxime videntur
accedere cataractse coeli, quae in navigationibus per Oceanum
Atlanticum versus Indias utrasque saspe conspiciuntur. Tanta
enim videtur esse vis et moles aquarum qua? per hujusmodi
cataractas subito effunditur, ut videatur collectio aquarum
fuisse ante facta, atque in his locis hsesisse et mansisse; et
postea potius per causam violentam dejecta et detrusa esse,
quam natural! motu gravitatis cecidisse ; adeo ut conjici possit,
corpoream molem densam atque compactam in magna distantia
a terra fore pensilem tanquam terram ipsam, nee casuram
nisi dejiciatur. Verum de hoc nil certi affirmamus. Interim
in hoc et in multis aliis facile apparebit, quam inopes siinus
histories naturalis ; cum loco instantiarum certarum nonnun-
quam suppositiones afferre pro exemplis cogamur.

Similiter sit natura inquisita Discursus Ingenii. Videtur
omnino divisio vera, rationis humanas et solertiae brutorum.
Attamen sunt nonnullas instantiae actionum quse eduntur a
brutis, per quas videntur etiam bruta quasi syllogizare; ut
memoriae proditum est de corvo, qui per magnas siccitates
fere enectus siti conspexit aquam in trunco cavo arboris; at-
que cum non daretur ei intrare propter angustias, non cessavit
jacere multos lapillos, per quos surgeret et ascenderet aqua ut
bibere posset ; quod postea cessit in proverbium.

Similiter sit natura inquisita Visibile. Videtur omnino
esse divisio vera et certa, lucis, quae est visibile originale et
primam copiam facit visui, et coloris, qui est visibile secun-
darium et sine luce non cernitur, ita ut videatur nil aliud esse
quam imago aut modificatio lucis.1 Attamen ex utraque parte
circa hoc videntur esse Instantiae Foederis ; scilicet, nix in

Ita tellus allicit magnetica omnia, turn alia omnia in quibus vis magnetica primaria
desiit materis ratione ; quae inclinatio in terrenis gravitas dicitur." — De Mundo,
ii. c. 3. Again, that the magnetic action of the earth or of a magnet is confined to a
definite orb appears from a variety of passages. See De Magnete, ii. c. 7., and the
definitions prefixed to this work. Gilbert distinguished between the " orb of virtue,"
which includes the whole space through which any magnetic action extends, and the
" orb of coition," which is " totum illud spatium per quod minimum magneticum per
magnetem movetur." He asserts that the orb of the magnetic virtue extends to the
moon, and ascribes the moon's inequalities to the effects it produces (De Mundo,
ii. c. 19.). In the preceding chapter he remarks, "Luna magnetice alligatur terrae, quia
facies ejus semper versus terram."

1 The doctrine of this passage seems to be taken from Telesius, De Rerun Natura,
vii. c. 31.: — " Sensus ipse primo illam [lucem] et per se visilem colores siquidem
visiles, at secundo a luce loco et lucis omnino opera visiles declarat."

u 3

294 NOVUM ORGANUM.

magna quantitate, et flamma sulphuris ; in quarum altera
videtur esse color primulum lucens, in altera lux vergens ad
colorem.

XXXVI.

Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco decimo
quarto Instantias Crucis ; translate vocabulo a Crucibus, quae
erectae in biviis indicant et signant viarum separationes. Has

etiam Instantias Decisorias et Judiciales, et in casibus nonnullis

•

Instantias Oraculi et Mandati, appellare consuevimus. Earum
ratio talis eat. Cum in inquisitione naturae alicujus intellectus
ponitur tanquam in aequilibrio, ut incertus sit utri naturarum e
duabus, vel quandoque pluribus, causa naturae inquisitae at-
tribui aut assignari debeat, propter complurium naturarum con-
cursum frequentem et ordinarium, Instantiae Crucis ostendunt
consortium unius ex naturis (quoad naturam inquisitam) fidum
et indissoluble, alterius autem varium et separabile; unde
tenninatur quaestio, et recipitur natura ilia prior pro causa,
missa altera et repudiata, Itaque hujusmodi instantiae sunt
maxima? lucis, et quasi magnae auctoritatis ; ita ut curriculum
interpretationis quandoque in illas desinat, et per illas per-
ficiatur. Interdum autem Instantiae Crucis illae occurrunt et
inveniuntur inter jampridem notatas; at ut plurimum novae
aunt, et de industria atque ex composite quaesitae et applicataj,
et diligentia sedula et acri tandem erutae.1

Exempli gratia; sit natura inquisita Fluxus et Refluxus
Maris, ille bis repetitus in die atque sexhorarius in accessibus
et recessibus singulis, cum differentia nonnulla quae coincidit in
motum lunae. Bivium circa hanc naturam tale est.

Necesse prorsus est ut iste motusefficiatur, velab aquarum pr<;-
gressu et regressu, in modum aquae in pelvi agitatae, quae quando
latus unum pelvis alluit deserit alterum; vel a sublatione et
subsidentia aquarum e profundo, in modum aqua? ebullientis et
rursus subsidentis. Utri vero causae fluxus et refluxus ille as-
signari debeat, oritur dubitatio. Quod si recipiatur prior assertio,
necesse est ut cum sit fluxus in mari ex una parte fiat sub idem
tempus alicubi in mari refluxus ex alia. Itaque ad hoc reducitur
inquisitio. Atqui observavit Acosta, cum aliis nonnullis (dili-

1 These are instances of the experiments spoken of in the Dtitrilulio Operis,
" quae ad intentionem ejus qurxl qua-ritur perite et secundum artem excogitata et
apposita sunt." (p. 138.)— /. S.

NOVDM ORGANUM. 295

genti tacta inquisitione), quod ad litora Florida et ad litora
ad versa Hispaniae et Africte, fiant fluxus marls ad eadem tem-
pora, et refluxus itidem ad eadem tempora ; non contra, quod
cum fluxus fit ad littora Floridae, fiat refluxus ad littora Hispaniae
et Africa?.1 Attamen adhuc diligentius attendenti, non per hoc
evincitur motus attollens, et abnegatur motus in progressu.
Fieri enim potest, quod sit motus aquarum in progressu, et
nihilominus inundet adversa littora ejusdem alvei simul ; si aqua?
scilicet illae contnidantur et compellantur aliunde, quemadmodum
lit in fluviis, qui fluunt et refluunt ad utrumque littus horis
iisdem, cum tamen iste motus liquido sit motus in progressu,
nempe aquarum ingredientium ostia fluminum ex mari. Itaque
simili modo fieri potest, ut aquas venientes magna mole ab
Oceano Orientali Indico compellantur et trudantur in alveuni
Maris Atlantici, et propterea inundent utrumque latus simul.
Quaerendum itaque est, an sit alius alveus per quern aquae
possiut iisdem temporibus minui et refluere, Atque presto est
Mare Australe, Mari Atlantico neutiquam minus, sed potius
magis latum et extensum, quod ad hoc sufficere possit,

Itaque jam tandem perventum est ad Instantiam Crucis circa
hoc subjectum. Ea talis est: si pro certo inveniatur, quod
cum fit fluxus ad littora adversa tarn Floridae quarn Hispaniae
in Mari Atlantico, fiat siniul fluxus ad littora Peruviae et juxta
dorsuni China? in Mari Australi; turn certe per hanc Instantiam
Peeisoriam abjudicanda est assertio quod fluxus et refluxus
maris, de quo inquiritur, fiat per motum progressivum : neque
enim relinquitur aliud mare aut locus, ubi possit ad eadem
tempora fieri regressus aut refluxus. Commodissime autem
hoc sciri possit, si inquiratur. ab incolis Panamas et Limae (ubi
uterque Oceanus, Atlanticus et Australis, per parvum Istlimum
separantur), utrum ad contrarias Isthmi partes fiat simul fluxus
et refluxus maris. an e contra, Verum ha?c decisio sive abju-
dicatio certa videtur, posito quod terra stet immobilis. Quod
si terra rotet, fieri fortasse potest ut ex ina^quali rotatione
(quatenus ad celeritatom sive incitationem) terrae et aquarum
maris. sequatur compulsio violenta aquarum in cumulum
sursum, quie sit fluxus; et relaxatio earundem (postquam
amplius cumulari non sustinuerint) in deorsum, quae sit re-

1 Compare the De Fl*x* et B^KTW Mart*. I have not been able to find thi*
statement in Acosta, who speaks of the synchronism of the tides on the opposite sides
of South America, as shown by the meeting of the tidal waves in the Straits of
.Han. (iii. 14.>

C 4

296 NOVUM ORGANUM.

fluxus. Verum de hoc facienda est inquisitio separatim. At-
tamen etiam hoc supposito illud aeque manet fixum, quod
necesse sit fieri alicubi refluxum maris ad eadem tempora
quibus fiunt fluxus in aliis partibus.

Similiter, sit natura inquisita posterior ille motus ex duobus
quos supposuimus, videlicet motus maris se attollens et rursus
subsidens; si forte ita acciderit ut (diligenti facto examine)
rejiciatur motus alter, de quo diximus, progress! vus. Turn vero
erit trivium circa hanc naturam tale. Necesse est ut motus iste,
per quern aqua? in fluxibus et refluxibus se attollunt et rursus
relabuntur, absque aliqua accessione aquarum aliarum quae ad-
volvuntur, fiat per unum ex his tribus modis ; vel quod ista
aquarum copia emanet ex interioribus terras et rursus in ilia se
recipiat ; vel quod non sit aliqua amplior moles aquarum, sed
quod eaedem aquae (non aucto quanto suo) extendantur sive
rarefiant, ita ut majorem locum et dimensionem occupent, et
rursus se contrahant ; vel quod nee copia accedat major nee
extensio amplior, sed eaedem aquas (prout sunt tarn copia quam
densitate aut raritate) per vim aliquam magneticam desuper eas
attrahentem et evocantem, et per consensum, se attollant et
deinde se remittant. Itaque reducatur (si placet) jam inqui-
sitio (missis duobus illis motibus prioribus) ad hunc ultimum ;
et inquiratur si fiat aliqua talis sublatio per consensum sive vim
magneticam. Atqui primo manifestum est universas aquas,
prout ponuntur in fossa sive cavo maris, non posse simul attolli,
quia defuerit quod succedat in fundo ; adeo ut si foret in aquis
aliquis hujusmodi appetitus se attollendi, ille ipse tamen a nexu
rerum, sive (ut vulgo loquuntur) ne detur vacuum, fractus foret
et cohibitus. Relinquitur, ut attollantur aquae ex aliqua parte,
et per hoc minuantur et cedant ex alia. Enimvero rursus
necessario sequetur ut vis ilia magnetica, cum super totum
operari non possit, circa medium operetur intensissime ; ita ut
aquas in medio attollat, illae vero sublatae latera per succes-
sionem deserant et destituant.

Itaque jam tandem perventum est ad Instantiam Crucis circa
hoc subjectum. Ea talis est : si inveniatur quod in refluxibus
maris aquarum superficies in mari sit arcuata magis et rotunda,
attollentibus se scilicet aquis in medio maris et deficientibus
circa latera, quas sunt litora ; et in fluxibus eadem superficies
sit magis plana et aaqua, redeuntibus scilicet aquis ad priorem
suam positionem ; turn certe per hanc Instantiam Decisoriam

NOVUM ORGANUM. 297

potest recipi sublatio per vim magneticam, aliter prorsus abjudi-
canda est. Hoc vero in fretis per lineas nauticas non difficile
est experiri 1 ; videlicet utrum in refluxibus versus medium
maris, mare non sit magis altum sive profundum quam in
fluxibus. Notandum autem est, si hoc ita sit, fieri (contra ac
credit ur) ut attollant se aquae in refluxibus, demittant se tantum
in fluxibus, ita ut littora vestiant et inundent.

Similiter, sit natura inquisita Motus Rotationis spontaneus;
et speciatim, utrum Motus Diurnus, per quern sol et stellae ad
conspectum nostrum oriuntur et occidunt, sit motus rotationis
verus in coelestibus, aut motus apparens in coelestibus, verus in
terra. Poterit esse Instantia Crucis super hoc subjectum tails.
Si inveniatur motus aliquis in oceano ab oriente in occidentem,
licet admodum languidus et enervatus ; si idem motus reperiatur
paulo incitatior in acre, prsesertim intra tropicos, ubi propter
majores circulos est magis perceptibilis ; si idem motus reperiatur
in humilioribus cometis, jam factus vivus et validus ; si idem
motus reperiatur in planetis, ita tamen dispensatus et graduatus
ut quo propius absit a terra sit tardier, quo longius celerior,
atque in coelo demum stellato sit velocissimus ; turn certe recipi
debet motus diurnus pro vero in ccelis, et abnegandus est motus
terra3 ; quia manifestum erit, motum ab oriente in occidentem
esse plane cosmicum et ex consensu universi, qui in summitati-
bus coeli maxime rapidus gradatim labascat, et tandem desinat
et exstinguatur in immobili, videlicet terra.2

Similiter, sit natura inquisita Motus Rotationis ille alter
apud, astronomos decantatus, renitens et contrarius Motui
Diurno, videlicet ab occidente in orientem ; quern veteres astro-
nomi attribuunt planetis, etiam coelo stellato ; at Copernicus et
ejus sectatores terras quoque ; et quaeratur utrum inveniatur in
rerum natura aliquis talis motus, an potius res conficta sit et
supposita, ad compendia et commoditates calculationum, et ad
pulchrum illud, scilicet de expediendis motibus coelestibus per
circulos perfectos. Neutiquam enim evincitur iste motus esse

1 It is scarcely necessary to remark that wherever soundings are possible, tidal
phenomena are derivative, and give no direct information as to the form the ocean
would assume if the hypothesis of the equilibrium theory represented the reality.

2 Nothing shows better than an instance of this kind, the impossibility of reducing
philosophical reasoning to a uniform method of exclusion. How could the analogical
argument in the text be stated in accordance with what Bacon seems to recognise as
the only true form of induction, — that, namely, which proceeds by exclusion ? The
argument depends on a wholly non-logical element, the conviction of the unity and
h;irmony of nature.

298 NOYUM ORGANUM.

in supernis verus et realis, nee per defectum restitutionis pla-
neta? in motu diurno ad idem punctum coeli stellati, nee per
diversam politatem zodiaci, habito respectu ad polos mundi ;
qua? duo nobis hunc motum pepererunt. Primum enim phaeno-
menon per anteversionem et derelictionem optime salvatur ; se-
cundum per lineas spirales ; adeo ut inaequalitas restitutionis et
declinatio ad tropicos possint esse potius modificationes motus
unici illius diurni, quam motus renitentes aut circa diversos
polos. Et certissimum est, si paulisper pro plebeiis nos gera-
mus (missis astronomorum et scholse commentis, quibus illud in
more est ut sensui in multis immerito vim faciant, et obscuriora
malint), talem esse motum istum ad sensum, qualem diximus ;
cujus imaginem per fila ferrea (veluti in machina) aliquando
reprsesentari fecimus.1

Verum Instantia Crucis super hoc subjectum poterit esse talis.
Si inveniatur in aliqua historia fide digna, fuisse cometam ali-
quem vel sublimiorem vel humiliorem qui non rotaverit cum
consensu manifesto (licet admodum irregulariter) Motus Diurni,
sed potius rotaverit in contrarium coeli, turn certe hucusque
judicandum est posse esse in natura aliquem talem motum.
Sin nihil hujusmodi inveniatur, habendus est pro suspecto, et ad
alias Instantia s Crucis circa hoc confugiendum.

Similiter, sit natura inquisita, Pondus sive Grave. Bivium
circa hanc naturam tale est. Necesse est ut gravia et ponderosa
vel tendant ex natura sua ad centrum terra?, per proprium
schematismum ; vel ut a massa corporea ipsius terra?, tanquam a
congregatione corporum connaturalium, attrahantur et rapiantur,
et ad earn per consensum ferantur. At posterius hoc si in causa
sit, sequitur ut quo propius gravia appropinquant ad terram,
eo fortius et majore cum impetu ferantur ad earn ; quo longius
ab ea absint, debilius et tardius (ut fit in attractionibus magne-
ticis) ; idque fieri intra spatium certum ; adeo ut si elongata
fuerint a terra tali distantia ut virtus terrae in ea agere non pos-
sit, pensilia mansura sint, ut et ipsa terra, nee omnino decasura.

1 This passage does the author little credit. He does not seem to have perceived
that the resolution of the apparent motion into other simpler motions was an essentially
necessary step before the phenomena could be grouped together in any general law.
The transition from the apparent motion to the real motions could never have been
made unless the former had been resolved in the manner which Bacon here condemns.
From the concluding remark no astronomer would have dissented, " talem esse motum
ad sensum, qualem diximus." About this there can be no question ; but the whole
passage shows how little Bacon understood the scope and the value of the astronomy
of bis own time.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 299

Itaque talis circa hanc rem poterit esse Instantia Crucis.
Sumatur horologium ex iis quae moventur per pondera plum-
bea, et aliud ex iis quae moventur per compressionem laminse
ferreae; atque vere probentur, ne alterum altero velocius sit
aut tardius ; deinde ponatur horologium illud movens per pon-
dera super fastigium alicujus templi altissimi, altero illo infra
detento ; et notetur diligenter si horologium in alto situm
tardius moveatur quam solebat, propter diminutam virtutem
ponderum. Idem fiat experimentum in profundis minerarum
alte sub terra depressarum, utrum horologium hujusmodi non
moveatur velocius quam solebat, propter auctam virtutem pon-
derum. Quod si inveniatur virtus ponderum minui in sublimi,
aggravari in subterraneis, recipiatur pro causa ponderis at-
tractio a massa corporea terras.1

Similiter, sit natura inquisita Verticitas Acus Ferreae, tactae
magnete. Circa hanc naturam tale erit bivium. Necesse est
ut tactus magnetis vel ex se indat ferro verticitatem ad septen-
triones et austrum ; vel ut excitet ferrum tantummodo et habi-
litet, motus autem ipse indatur ex praesentia terrse ; ut Gil-
bertus opinatur, et tanto conatu probare nititur. Itaque hue
spectant ea quae ille perspicaci industria conquisivit. Nimirum
quod clavus ferreus, qui diu duravit in situ versus septentriones
et austrum, colligat mora diutina verticitatem, absque tactu
magnetis ; ac si terra ipsa, quas ob distantiam debiliter opera-
tur (namque superficies aut extima incrustatio terrae virtutis
magneticae, ut ille vult, expers est), per moram tamen longam
magnetis tactum suppleret, et ferrum exciret, deinde excitum
conformaret et verteret. Rursus, quod ferrum ignitum et
candens, si in exstinctione sua exporrigatur inter septentriones

1 Nothing can be more ingenious than the instantia crucis here proposed. A series
of observations were made by Dr. Whewell and Mr. Airy to determine the effect on
the time of vibration of a pendulum, produced by carrying it to the bottom of a mine ;
but, probably from the effect of local attractions, the results were scarcely as satisfactory
as might have been expected. In the autumn of 1854, Mr. Airy instituted similar
experiments in the Harton Colliery. They appear likely to afford more satisfactory
results than the older series made at Dolcoath.

Voltaire cites the passage in the text in support of his remark that " le plus grand
service, peut-etre, que F. Bacon ait rendu a la philosophie a etc de deviner 1'attraction."
But in reality the notion of attraction in one form or other (e. g. the attraction of the
sea by the moon) sprang up in the infancy of physical speculation ; and it cannot be
affirmed that Bacon's ideas on the subject were as clear as those of his predecessor
William Gilbert. (See note on De Aug. ii. 13.) By an error similar to Voltaire's,
some of Dante's commentators have claimed for him the credit of being the first to
indicate the true cause of the tides. The passage on which this claim is founded is in
the Paradise, xvi. 82.

300 NOVUM ORGANUM.

et austrum, colligat quoque verticitatem absque tactu magnetls ;
ac si partes ferri in motu positae per ignitionem, et postea se
recipientes, in ipso articulo extinctionis suae magis essent sus-
ceptivae et quasi sensitiva? virtutis manantis a terra quam alias,
et inde fierent tanquam excitae. Verum base, licet bene obser-
vata, tamen non evincunt prorsus quod ille asserit.1

Instantia Crucis autem circa hoc subjectum poterit esse talis.
Capiatur terrella 2 ex magnete, et notentur poli ejus ; et po-
nantur poli terrellae versus orientem et occasum, non versus
septentriones et austrum, atque ita jaceant; deinde superponatur
acus ferrea intacta, et permittatur ita manere ad dies sex aut
septem. Acus vero (nam de hoc non dubitatur) dum manet
super mngnetem, relictis polis mundi, se vertet ad polos magne-
tis; itaque quamdiu ita manet, vertitur scilicet ad orientem
et occidentem mundi. Quod si inveniatur acus ilia, remota a
magnete et posita super versorium, statim se applicare ad
septentriones et austrum, vel etiam paulatim se eo recipere,
turn recipienda est pro causa, prassentia terras ; sin aut vertatur
(ut prius) in orientem et occidentem, aut perdat verticitatem,
habenda est ilia causa pro suspecta, et ulterius inquirendum
est.

Similiter, sit natura inquisita Corporea Substantia Lunae ;
an sit tenuis, flammea, sive ae'rea, ut plurimi ex priscis philo-
sophis opinati sunt ; an solida et densa, ut Gilbertus et multi
moderni, cum nonnullis ex antiquis, tenent.3 Rationes po-
sterioris istius opinionis fundantur in hoc maxime, quod luna
radios solis reflectat; neque videtur fieri reflexio lucis nisi a
solidis.

Itaque Instantiae Crucis circa hoc subjectum eae esse poterint (si
modo aliqua? sint) quae demonstrent reflexionem a corpore tenui,
qualis est flamma, modo sit crassitiei sufficientis. Certe causa
crepusculi, inter alias, est reflexio radiorum solis a superiore
parte aeris. Etiam quandoque reflecti videmus radios solis tem-
poribus vespertinis serenis a fimbriis nubium roscidarum, non

1 See, for these two remarks, the twelfth chapter of the third book of Gilbert's trea-
tise De Magnete. It is illustrated by a curious woodcut, representing the smith
forging a bar of iron, and holding it, as he does so, in the plane of the meridian.

2 Terrella is a word used by Gilbert to denote a spherical magnet. One of the fun-
damental ideas of his philosophy was that the earth was a great magnet; and a magnet
of the same form was therefore called a little earth, or terrella. See, for instance, his
treatise De Magnete, ii. cc. 7 & 8.

3 See Gilbert's De Mundo, &c., ii. c. 13 et sqq.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 301

minori splendore, sed potius illustriori et magis glorioso, quam
qui redditur a corpore lunse l ; neque tamen constat eas nubes
coaluisse in corpus densum aquae. Etiani videmus aerem tene-
brosum pone fenestras noctu reflectere lucem candelae, non
minus quam corpus densum. Tentandum etiam foret experi-
mentum immissionis radiorum solis per foramen super flammam
aliquam subfuscam et caeruleam. Sane radii aperti solis, inci-
dentes in flammas obscuriores, videntur eas quasi mortificare,
ut conspiciantur magis instar fumi albi quam flammae. Atque
haec imprsesentiarum occurrunt, qua? sint ex natura Instantia-
rum Crucis circa hanc rem ; et meliora fortasse reperiri possunt.
Sed notandum semper est, reflexionem a flamma non esse ex-
pectandam, nisi a flamma alicujus profunditatis ; nam aliter
vergit ad diaphanum. Hoc autem pro certo ponendum, lucem
semper in corpore aequali aut excipi et transmitti aut resilire.

Similiter, sit natura inquisita Motus Missilium, veluti spi-
culorum, sagittarum, globulorum, per aerem. Hunc motum
Schola (more suo) valde negligenter expedit ; satis habens, si
eum nomine motus violenti a naturali (quern vocant) distin-
guat ; et quod ad primam percussionem sive impulsionem at-
tinet, per illud, (quod duo corpora non possint esse in uno loco,
ne fiat penetratio dimensionum^) sibi satisfaciat ; et de processu
continuato istius motus nihil curet. At circa hanc naturam
bivium est tale : aut iste motus fit ab aere vehente et pone
corpus emissum se colligente, instar fluvii erga scapham aut
venti erga paleas ; aut a partibus ipsius corporis non sustinen-
tibus impressionem, sed ad eandern laxandam per successionem
se promoventibus. Atque priorem ilium recipit Fracastorius,
et fere omnes qui de hoc motu paulo subtilius inquisiverunt2;

1 The comparison of the brightness of the moon in the daytime with that of a
cloud was ingeniously applied by Bouguer to determine the ratio of the moon's light
to the sun's.

2 See Fracastorius, De Sympaihia et Antipathid, c. 4.

The notion that the air concurred in producing the continued motion of projectiles
is found in the Timceus, p. 80. Plato has been speaking of respiration, of which his
theory is, that the expiration of air through the nostrils and mouth pushes the con-
tiguous external air from its place, which disturbs that near it, and so on until a circle
is formed, whereby, by antiperistasis, air is forced in through the flesh to fill up the
cavity of the chest — a circulation of air through the body, in short. On the same
principle he would have explained a variety of other phenomena — the action of cup-
ping instruments, swallowing, the motion of projectiles, &c. &c. All these, however,
after suggesting the explanation, he leaves unexplained. But Plutarch, Quwst. Platan.
x. (p. 177. of Reiske's Plutarch) developes a similar explanation in each case. I
transcribe what he says of projectiles : — T& 5^ finrTovpeva fidpri r'bv aepa. u
v. 6 8£ ittpifytuv oiriffta, rf <pvaiv extiv d«l T

302 NOVUM ORGANUM.

neque dubium est, quin sint aeris partes in hac re nonnullae ;
sed alter motus proculdubio verus est, ut ex infinitis constat
experimentis. Sed inter cseteras, poterit esse circa hoc sub-
jectum Instantia Crucis talis ; quod lamina, aut filum ferri
paulo contumacius, vel etiam calamus sive penna in medio
divisa, adducta et curvata inter pollicem et digitum, exiliant.
Manifestum enim est, hoc non posse imputari aeri se pone
corpus colligenti, quia fons motus est in medio laminae vel
calami, non in extremis.

Similiter sit natura inquisita motus ille rapidus et potens
Expansionis Pulveris Pyrii in flammam ; unde tantae moles
subvertuntur, tanta pondera emittuntur, quanta in cuniculis
majoribus et bombardis videmus. Bivium circa hanc naturam
tale est. Aut excitatur iste motus a mero corporis appetitu se
dilatandi, postquam fuerit inflammatum ; aut ab appetitu mixto
spiritus crudi, qui rapide fugit ignem, et ex eo circumfuso,
tanquam ex carcere, violenter erumpit. Schola autem et vul-
garis opinio tantum versatur circa priorem ilium appetitum.
Putant enim homines se pulchre philosophari, si asserant flam-
mam ex forma elementi necessitate quadam donari locum am-
pliorem occupancU quam idem corpus expleverat cum subiret
formam pulveris, atque inde sequi motum istum. Interim
minime advertunt, licet hoc verum sit, posito quod flamma
generetur, tamen posse impediri flammas generationem a tanta
mole quae illam comprimere et suffocare queat; ut non de-
ducatur res ad istam necessitatem de qua loquuntur. Nam
quod necesse sit fieri expansionem, atque inde sequi emissionem
aut remotionem corporis quod obstat, si generetur flamma,
recte putant. Sed ista necessitas plane evitatur, si moles ilia
solida flammam supprimat antequam generetur. Atque vi-
demus flammam, praesertim in prima generatione, mollem esse
et lenem, et requirere cavum in quo experiri et ludere possit.
Itaque tanta violentia huic rei per se assignari non potest. Sed
illud verum; generationem hujusmodi flammarum flatulenta-
rum, et veluti ventorum igneorum, fieri ex conflictu duorum
corporum, eorumque naturae inter se plane contrariae ; alterius
admodum inflammabilis, qua? natura viget in sulphure ; alterius
flammam exhorrentis, qualis est spiritus crudus qui est in nitro ;

pfvr)v xcapav SuaKeiv Kal cu>air\t\povv, avvfirrrai r$ cupttfjitvtp, r^v K(VT\<HV

But this explanation is not Plato's, but Plutarch's ; though it is probably what Plato

would himself have said.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 303

adeo ut fiat conflictus mirabilis, inflammante se sulphure quan-
tum potest (nam tertiuin corpus, nimirum carbo salicis, nil
aliud fere prasstat quam ut ilia duo corpora incorporet et com-
mode uniat), et erumpente spiritu nitri quantum potest, et una
se dilatante (nam hoc faciunt et aer, et omnia cruda, et aqua,
ut a calore dilatentur), et per istam fugam et eruptionem in-
terim flammam sulphuris, tanquam follibus occultis, undequaque
exufflante.

Poterant autem esse Instantiae Crucis circa hoc subjectum
duorum generum. Alterum eorum corporum qua? maxime
sunt inflammabilia, qualia sunt sulphur, caphura, naphtha, et
hujusmodi, cum eorum misturis ; qua? citius et facilius conci-
piunt flammam quam pulvis pyrius, si non impediantur; ex
quo liquet appetitum inflammandi per se effectum ilium stu-
pendum non operari. Alterum eorum qua? flammam fugiunt
et exhorrent, qualia sunt sales omnes. Videmus enim, si ja-
ciantur in ignem, spiritum aqueum erumpere cum fragore
antequam flamma concipiatur ; quod etiam leniter fit in foliis
paulo contumacioribus, parte aquea erumpente antequam ole-
osa concipiat flammam. Sed maxime cernitur hoc in argento
vivo, quod non male dicitur aquamineralis.1 Hoc enim, absque
inflammatione, per eruptionem et expansionem simplicem vires
pulveris pyrii fere adaequat; quod etiam admixtum pulveri
pyrio ejus vires multiplicare dicitur.

Similiter sit natura inquisita, Transitoria Natura Flammas, et
extinctio ejus momentanea. Non enim videtur natura flammea
hie apud nos figi et consistere, sed singulis quasi momentis ge-
nerari, et statim extingui. Manifestum enim est, in flammis
quae hie continuantur et durant, istam durationem non esse
ejusdem flammae in individuo, sed fieri per successionem no-
vae flammae seriatim generate, minime autem manere eandem
flammam numero; id quod facile perspicitur ex hoc, quod,
substracto alimento sive fomite flamma?, flamma statim pereat.
Bivium autem circa hanc naturam tale est. Momentanea ista
natura aut fit remittente se causa qua? earn primo genuit, ut in
lumine, sonis, et motibus (quos vocant) violentis; aut quod
flamma in natura sua possit hie apud nos manere, sed a con-
trariis naturis circumfusis vim patiatur et destruatur.

1 It is well known that the expansive force of the vapour of mercury at high tem-
peratures is enormous.

304 NOVUM ORGANl M.

Itaque poterit esse circa hoc subjectum Instantia Crucis tails.
Videmus flammas in incendiis majoribus, quam alte in sursum
ascendant. Quanto enim basis flammae est latior, tanto vertex
sublimior. Itaque videtur principium extinctionis fieri circa
latera, ubi ab acre flamma comprimitur et male habetur. At
meditullia flammse, quae aer non contingit sed alia flamma un-
dique circumdat, eadem numero manent, neque extinguuntur
donee paulatim angustientur ab acre per latera circumfuso.
Itaque omnis flamma pyramidalis est basi circa fomitem largior,
vertice autem (inimicante aere, nee suppeditante fomite) acutior.
At fumus, angustior circa basin, ascendendo dilatatur, et fit
tanquam pyramis inversa ; quia scilicet aer fumum recipit,
flammam (neque enim quispiam somniet aerem esse flammam
accensam, cum sint corpora plane lieterogenea) comprimit.

Accuratior autem poterit esse Instantia Crucis ad hanc rem
accommodata, si res forte manifestari possit per flammas bicolores.
Capiatur igitur situla parva ex metallo, et in ea figatur parva
candela cerea accensa ; ponatur situla in patera, et circumfun-
datur spiritus vini in modica quantitate, quae ad labra situlse
non attingat ; turn accende spiritum vini. At spiritus ille vini
exhibebit flammam magis scilicet cseruleam, lychnus candelae
autem magis flavarn. Notetur itaque utrum flamma lychni
(quam facile est per colorem a flamma spiritus vini distinguere,
neque enim flammae, ut liquores, statim commiscentur) maneat
pyramidalis, an potius magis tendat ad formam globosam, cum
nihil inveniatur quod earn destruat aut cornprirnat.1 At hoc
posterius si fiat, manere flammam eandem numero, quamdiu
intra aliam flammam concludatur nee vim inimicam aeris expe-
riatur, pro certo ponendum est.

Atque de Instantiis Crucis haec dicta sint. Longiores autem
in iia tractandis ad hunc finem fuimus, ut homines paulatim
discant et assuefiant de natura judicare per Instantias Crucis
et experimenta lucifera, et non per rationes probabiles.

XXXVII.

Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco decimo
quinto Instantias Divortii ; quae indicant separationes naturarum
earum quae ut plurimum occurrunt. Differunt autem ab In-
stantiis quae subjunguntur Instantiis Comitatus ; quia illaa indi-

1 This experiment is mentioned as actually tried in Syl, Sylvarum, 31. [See note
on the passage. — J. ,9.]

NOVUM ORGANUM. 305

cant separationes naturae alicujus ab aliquo concrete cum quo
Ilia familiariter consuescit, hae vero separationes naturae alicujus
ab altera natura. Differunt etiam ab Instantiis Crucis ; quia
nihil determinant, sed monent tantum de separabilitate unius
naturae ab altera. Usus autem earum est ad prodendas falsa s
Formas, et dissipandas leves contemplationes ex rebus obviis
orientes; adeo ut veluti plumbum et pondera intellectui addant.

Exempli gratia : sint naturae inquisitae quatuor naturae illae,
quas Contubernales vult esse Telesius1, et tanquam ex eadem
camera ; viz. Calidum, Lucidum, Tenue, Mobile sive promptum
ad motum. At plurimae inveniuntur Instantiae Divortii inter
ipsas. Aer enim tenuis est et habilis ad motum, non calidus
aut lucidus ; luna lucida, absque calore ; aqua fervens calida,
absque lumine ; motus acus ferreae super versorium pernix et
agilis, et tamen in corpore frigido, denso, opaco ; et complura id
genus.

Similiter sint naturae inquisitae Natura Corporea et Actio
Naturalis. Videtur enim non inveniri actio naturalis, nisi sub-
sistens in aliquo corpore. Attamen possit fortasse esse circa
hanc rem Instantia nonnulla Divortii. Ea est actio magnetica,
per quam ferrum fertur ad magnetem, gravia ad globum terrae.
Addi etiam possint aliae nonnullae operationes ad distans. Actio
siquidem hujusmodi et in tempore fit, per momenta non in
puncto temporis, et in loco, per gradus et spatia. Est itaque
aliquod momentum temporis, et aliquod intervallum loci, in
quibus ista virtus sive actio haeret in medio inter duo ilia cor-
pora quae motum cient. Reducitur itaque contemplatio ad hoc;
utrum ilia corpora quae sunt termini motus disponant vel
alterent corpora media, ut per successionem et tactum verum
labatur virtus a termino ad terminum, et interim subsistat in
corpore medio ; an horum nihil sit, praeter corpora et virtutem
et spatia? Atque in radiis opticis et sonis et calore et aliis
nonnullis operantibus ad distans, probabile est media corpora

1 The fundamental idea of Telesius's philosophy is, that heat and cold are the
great constituent principles of the universe, and that the antithesis between them
corresponds to that which he recognises between the sun and the earth : — " Omnino
calidus, tenuis, candidus, mobilisque est Sol ; Terra contra frigida, crassa, immobilis,
tenebricosaque .... unum Sol in terram emittens calorem ejus naturam facultatesque
et conditiones ex ea deturbat omnes, suasque ei indit ; et eodem ferme modo quo
Sol terram, etiam calor quivis, vel qui e commotis contritisque enascitur rebus, quas
corripit exuperatque immutare videtur ; frigus scilicet ex iis, ejusque facultates con-
rtitionesque omnes, crassitiem, obscuritatem, immobilitatem, deturbare, et se ipsum
iis, propriasque facultates conditionesque omnes, tenuitatem, albedinem et mobilitatem,
inflere videtur." — De Rerum Natura, i. c. 1.

VOL. I. X

306 NOVUM ORGANUM.

disponi et alterarl ; eo magis, quod requiratur medium qualifi-
catum ad deferendam operationem talem. At magnetica ilia
sive coitiva virtus admittit media tanquam adiaphora, nee im-
peditur virtus in omnigeno medio. Quod si nil rei habeat
virtus ilia aut actio cum corpore medio, sequitur quod sit virtus
aut actio naturalis ad tempus nonnullum et in loco nonnullo
subsistens sine corpore ; cum neque subsistat in corporibus ter-
minantibus, nee in mediis. Quare actio magnetica poterit esse
Instantia Divortii circa naturam corpoream et actionem natu-
ralem. Cui hoc adjici potest tanquam corollarium aut lucrum
non praetermittendum : viz. quod etiam secundum sensum philo-
sophanti sumi possit probatio * quod sint entia et substantive
separatee et incorporeae. Si enim virtus et actio naturalis,
emanans a corpore, subsistere possit aliquo tempore et aliquo
loco omnino sine corpore; prope est ut possit etiam emanare
in origin e sua a substantia incorporea. Videtur enim non
minus requiri natura corporea ad actionem naturalem susten-
tandam et devehendam, quam ad excitandam aut generandam.

XXXVIII.

Sequuntur quinque ordines instantiarum, quas uno vocabulo
general! Instantias Lampadis sive Informationis Primce appel-
lare consuevimus. Eae sunt quae auxiliantur sensui. Cum
enim omnis Interpretatio Naturae incipiat a sensu, atque a sen-
suum perceptionibus recta, constanti, et munita via ducat ad
perceptiones intellectus, quae sunt notiones verae et axiomata,
necesse est ut quanto magis copiosae et exactae fuerint reprae-
sentationes give praebitiones ipsius sensus, tanto omnia cedant
facilius et foelicius.

Harum autem quinque Instantiarum Lampadis, primae robo-
rant, ampliant, et rectificant actiones sensus immediatas: se-
cundae deducunt non-sensibile ad sensibile2; tertiae indicant
processus continuatos sive series earum rerum et motuum quae
(ut plurimum) non notantur nisi in exitu aut periodis ; quartae
aliquid substituunt sensui in meris destitutionibus ; quintae ex-
citant attentionem sensus et advertentiam, atque una limitant
subtilitatem rerum. De his autem singulis jam dicendum est.

XXXIX.

Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco decimo sexto

1 i. e. a proof furnished by merely human philosophy.

2 i. e. make manifest things which are not directly perceptible, by means of others
which are.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 307

Instantias Januce sive Porta : eo enim nomine eas appellamus
quae juvant actiones sensus immediatas. Inter sensus autem
manifestum est partes primas tenere Visum, quoad informa-
tionem; quare huic sensui praecipue auxilia conquirenda.
Auxilia autem triplicia esse posse videntur ; vel ut percipiat
non visa; vel ut majore intervallo; vel ut exactius et distin-
ctius.

Primi generis sunt (missis bis-oculis et hujusmodi, quae
valent tantum ad corrigendam et levandam infirmitatem visus
non bene dispositi, atque ideo nihil amplius informant) ea quae
nuper inventa sunt perspicilla ; quae latentes et invisibles corpo-
rum minutias, et occultos schematismos et motus (aucta insigni-
ter specierum magnitudine) demonstrant; quorum vi, in pulice,
musca, vermiculis, accurata corporis figura et lineamenta, nec-
non colores et motus prius non conspicui, non sine admiratione
cernuntur. Quinetiam aiunt l lineam rectam calamo vel pene-
cillo descriptam, per hujusmodi perspicilla inaequalem admodum
et tortuosam cerni ; quia scilicet nee motus manus, licet per re-
gulam adjutae, nee impressio atramenti aut coloris revera asqua-
lia existant ; licet illae inaequalitates tarn minutae sint ut sine
adjumento hujusmodi perspicillorum conspici nequeant. Etiam
superstitiosam quandam observationem in hac re (ut fit in rebus
novis et miris) addiderunt homines : viz. quod hujusmodi per-
spicilla opera naturae illustrent, artis dehonestent. Illud vero
nihil aliud est quam quod texturae naturales multo subtiliores
sint quam artificiosae.2 Perspicillum enim illud ad minuta tan-
tum valet: quale perspicillum si vidisset Democritus, exiluisset
forte, et modum videndi atomum (quern ille invisibilem omnino
affirmavit) inventum fuisse putasset.3 Verum incompetentia
hujusmodi perspicillorum, praeterquam ad minutias tantum
(neque ad ipsas quoque, si fuerint in corpore majusculo), usum
rei destruit. Si enim inventum extendi posset ad corpora
majora, aut corporum majorum minutias, adeo ut textura panni

1 Compare Aph. xiii. § 28. "Specula comburentia, in quibus (ut memini) hoc
fit," &c. It would appear from the passage in the text that Bacon had not even seen
one of the newly invented microscopes. — J. S.

2 Leibnitz goes as for as to say, " La matiere arrangce par une sagesse divine doit
etre essentiellement organisee partout ; . . . il y a machine dans les parties de la
machine naturelle a 1'infini."— Sur le Principe de Fie, p. 431. of Erdmann's edition.

3 Democritus maintained that the atom was wholly incognisable by the senses.
Thus Sextus Empiricus mentions him along with Plato as having held the doctrine
fj.6va r& i/o7)Tet o\?j0fj eli/ai ; the reason in the case of Democritus being that his atoms,
which alone he recognised as realities, possessed ITOOTJS alffQrjTfjs iro«jT7)Tos eprinov
fyvaw. — Sext. Em. Advert. Logicos, ii. § G.

x 2

308 NOVUM ORGANUM.

lintei conspici posset tanquam rete, atque hoc modo minutiae
latentes et inaequalitates gemmarum, liquorum, urinarum, san-
guinis, vulnerum, et multarum aliarum rerum, cerni possent,
magnae proculdubio ex eo invento commoditates capi possent.

Secundi generis sunt iila altera perspicilla quae memorabili
conatu adinvenit Galilaeus ; quorum ope, tanquara per scaphas
aut naviculas, aperiri et exerceri possint propiora cum coelestibus
comniercia. Hinc enim constat, galaxiam esse nodum sive coa-
cervationem stellarum parvarum, plane numeratarum et distin-
ctarum ; de qua re apud antiques tantum suspicio fuit. Hinc
demonstrari videtur, quod spatia orbium (quos vocant) plane-
tarum non sint plane vacua aliis stellis, sed quod coelum incipiat
stellescere antequam ad coelum ipsum stellatum ventum sit; licet
stellis minoribus quam ut sine perspicillis istis conspici possint.
Hinc choreas illas stellarum parvarum circa planetam Jovis (unde
conjici possit esse in motibus stellarum plura centra) intueri licet.
Hinc inaequalitates luminosi et opaci in luna distinctius cer-
nuntur et locantur ; adeo ut fieri possit quaedam seleno-graphia.
Hinc maculae in sole, et id genus : omnia certe inventa nobilia,
quatenus fides hujusmodi demonstrationibus tuto adliiberi possit.1
Qua? nobis ob hoc maxime suspectae sunt, quod in istis paucis
sistatur experimentum, neque alia complura investigate aeque
digna eadem ratione inventa sint.2

1 Galileo often mentions the attempt which many of the Peripaticians made to set
aside all arguments founded on his discoveries with the telescope, by saying that they
were mere optical delusions. J. C. La Galla, in his dissertation De Phcenominis in
Orbe Lunet, has a section entitled " De Telescopii Veritate," in which, though an
Aristotelian, he has nevertheless admitted that this objection is untenable.

2 Compare this with the passage in the Descriptio Globi Intellectualis (c. v.) where
Bacon speaks of Galileo's invention and discoveries (the firstfruits of which had just
been announced) in a strain of more sanguine expectation : — " Atque hoc inceptum
et fine et aggressu nobile quoddam et humano genere dignum esse existimamus : eo
magis quod hujusmodi homines et ausu laudandi sint et fide ; quod ingenue et per-
spicue proposuerunt, quomodo singula illis constiterint. Superest tantum constantia,
cum magna judicii severitate, ut et instrumenta mutent, et testium numerum auge-
ant, et singula et saspe experiantur, et varie ; denique ut et sibi ipsi objiciant et aliis
patefaciant quid in contrarium objici possit, et tenuissimum quemque scrupulum non
spernant ; ne forte illis eveniat, quod Democriti et aniculae sua; evenit circa ficns mel-
litas, ut vetula esset philosopho prudentior, et magna? et admirabilis speculations
causae subesset error quispiam tenuis et ridiculus." From this passage, written eight
years before, we may learn (I think) why it was that Bacon had now begun to doubt
how far these observations could be trusted. Believing, as he did, that all the re-
ceived theories of the heavens were full of error, as soon as he heard that by means
of the telescope men could really see so much further into the heavens than before,
hp was prepared to hear of a great number of new and unexpected phenomena ; and
his only fear was that the observers, instead of following out their observations patiently
and carefully, would begin to form new theories. But now that nine years had passed
since the discovery of Jupiter's satellites, the spots in the sun, &c., and no new dis-
covery of importance had been announced, he wondered how it could be that men

NOVUM ORGANUM. 309

Tertii generis sunt bacilla ilia ad terras mensurandas, astro-
labia, et similia ; quae sensum videndi non ampliant, sed recti-
ficant et dirigunt. Quod si sint aliae instantiae quae reliquos
sensus juvent in ipsorum actionibus immediatis et individuis,
tamen si ejusmodi sint quse information! ipsi nihil addant plus
quam jam habetur, ad id quod nunc agitur non faciunt. Itaque
earum mentionem non fecimus.

XL.

Inter Prasrogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco decimo
septimo Instantias Citantes, sumpto vocabulo a foris civilibus,
quia citant ea ut compareant quae prius non comparuerunt ;
quas etiam Instantias Evocantes appellare consuevimus. Eae
deducunt non-sensibile ad sensibile.

Sensum autem fugiunt res, vel propter distantiam objecti
locati ; vel propter interceptionem sensus per corpora media ;
vel quia objectum non est habile ad impressionem in sensu
faciendam; vel quia deficit quantum in objecto pro feriendo
sensu ; vel quia tempus non est proportionatum ad actuandum
sensum; vel quia objecti percussio non toleratur a sensu; vel
quia objectum ante implevit et possedit sensum, ut novo motui
non sit locus. Atque haec praecipue ad visum pertinent, et
deinde ad tactum. Nam hi duo sensus sunt informativi ad
largum, atque de communibus objectis; ubi reliqui tres non
informent fere nisi immediate et de propriis objectis.

In primo genere non fit deductio ad sensibile, nisi rei quae
cerni non possit propter distantiam adjiciatur aut substituatur
alia res quae sensum magis e longinquo provocare et ferire
possit : veluti in significatione rerum per ignes, campanas, et
similia.

In secundo genere fit deductio, cum ea quae interius propter
interpositionem corporum latent, nee commode aperiri possunt,
per ea quae sunt in superficie, aut ab interioribus effluunt, per-
ducuntur ad sensum : ut status humanorum corporum per
pulsus, et urinas, et similia.

At tertii et quarti generis deductiones ad plurima spectant,
atque undique in rerum inquisitione sunt conquirendae. Hujus
rei exempla sunt. Patet quod aer, et spiritus, et, hujusmodi res
quae sunt toto corpore tenues et subtiles, nee cerni nee tangi

seeing so much further should be able to see so little more than they did, and began to
suspect that it was owing to some defect either in the instrument or in the methods of
observation. — /. S.

x 3

310 NOYUM ORGANUM.

possint Quare in inquisitione circa hujusmodi corpora de-
ductionibus omnino est opus.

Sit itaque natura inquisita Actio et Motus Spiritus qui
includitur in corporibus tangibilibus. Omne enim tangibile
apud nos continet spiritum invisibilem et intactilem, eique ob-
ducitur atque eum quasi vestit. Hinc fons triplex potens ille et
mirabilis processus spiritus in corpore tangibili. Spiritus enim
in re tangibili, emissus, corpora contrahit et desiccat ; detentus,
corpora intenerat et colliquat ; nee prorsus emissus nee prorsus
detentus, informat, membrificat, assimilat, egerit, organizat, et
similia. Atque hsec omnia deducuntur ad sensibile per effectus
conspicuos.

Etenim in omni corpore tangibili inanimate, spiritus inclusus
primo multiplicat se, et tanquam depascit partes tangibles eas
quae sunt maxime ad hoc faciles et praeparatae, easque digerit
et conficit et vertit in spiritum, et deinde una evolant. Atque
h33C confectio et multiplicatio spiritus deducitur ad sensum per
diminutionem ponderis. In omni enim dessicatione, aliquid
defluit de quanto ; neque id ipsum ex spiritu tantum prae-
inexistente, sed ex corpore quod prius fuit tangibile et noviter
versum est : spiritus enim non ponderat. Egressus autem sive
emissio spiritus deducitur ad sensibile in rubigine metallorum,
et aliis putrefactionibus ejus generis qua2 sistunt se antequam
pervenerint ad rudimenta vitae ; nam ilia ' ad tertium genus
processus pertinent. Etenim in corporibus magis compactis
spiritus non invenit poroa et meatus per quoa evolet; itaque
cogitur partes ipsas tangibiles protrudere et ante se agere, ita
ut illae simul exeant ; atque inde fit rubigo, et similia. At con-
tractio partium tangibilium, postquam aliquid de spiritu fuerit
emissum (unde sequitur ilia desiccatio), deducitur ad sensibile
turn per ipsam duritiem rei auctam, turn inulto magis per
scissuras, angustiationes, corrugationes, et complicationes cor-
porum, quae inde sequuntur. Etenim partes ligni desiliunt et
angustiantur ; pelles corrugantur; neque id solum, sed (si
subita fuerit emissio spiritus per calorem ignis) tantum properant
ad contractiouem ut se complicent et convolvant.

At contra, ubi spiritus detinetur, et tamen dilatatur et ex-
citatur per calorem aut ejus analoga (id quod fit in corporibus
magis solidis aut tenacibus), turn vero corpora emolliuntur, ut
ferrum candens ; fluunt, ut metalla ; liquefiunt, ut gummi, cera,

1 " Ills " iu the original edition, which must be wrong.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 311

et similia. Itaque contrariae illae operationes caloris (ut ex eo
alia durescant, alia liquescant) facile conciliantur ; quia in illis
spiritus emittitur, in his agitatur et detinetur : quorum poste-
rius est actio propria caloris et spiritus; prius, actio partium
tangibilium tantum per occasionem spiritus emissi.

Ast ubi spiritus nee detinetur prorsus nee prorsus emittitur,
sed tantum inter claustra sua tentat et experitur, atque nacta
est partes tangibiles obedientes et sequaces in promptu, ita ut
quo spiritus agit eae simul sequantur ; turn vero sequitur effor-
matio in corpus organicum, et membrificatio, et reliquae actiones
vitales, tarn in vegetabilibus quam in animalibus. Atque haec
maxime deducuntur ad sensum per notationes diligentes pri-
morum incoeptuum et rudimentorum sive tentamentorum vitae
in aniinalculis ex putrefactione natis: ut in ovis formicarum,
vermibus, muscis, ranis post imbrem, etc. Requiritur autem
ad vivificationem et lenitas caloris et lentor corporis; ut
spiritus nee per festinationem erumpat, nee per contumaciam
partium coerceatur ; quin potius ad cerae modum illas plicare et
effingere possit.

Rursus, differentia ilia spiritus, maxiine nobilis et ad plurima
pertinens, (viz. spiritus abscissi, ramosi simpliciter, ramosi simul
et cellulati ; ex quibus prior est spiritus omnium corporum
inanimatorum, secundus vegetabilium, tertius animalium), per
plurimas instantias deductorias tanquam sub oculos ponitur.

Similiter patet, quod subtiliores texturse et schematismi
rerum (licet toto corpore visibilium aut tangibilium) nee cer-
nantur nee tangantur. Quare in his quoque per deductionem
procedit informatio. At differentia schematismorum maxime
radicalis et primaria sumitur ex copia vel paucitate materise
quae subit idem spatium sive dimensum. Reliqui enim schema-
tismi (qui referuntur ad dissimilaritates partium quae in eodem
corpore continentur, et collocationes ac posituras earundem)
prse illo altero sunt secundarii.

Sit itaque natura inquisita Expansio sive Coitio Materiae in
corporibus respective : viz. quantum materiae impleat quantum
dimensum in singulia. Etenim nil verius in natura quam
propositio ilia gemella, ex nihilo nihil fieri, neque quicquam in
nihilum redigi ; verum quantum ipsum materiae sive summam
totalem constare, nee augeri aut minui.1 Nee illud minus

1 It is worth remarking that Bacon here asserts as absolutely certain a maxim which

X 4

312 NOVUM OBGAKUM.

verum, ex quanta illo materics sub iisdem spatiis sive dimen-
sionibus, pro diversitate corporum., plus et minus contineri ; ut
in aqua plus, in aere minus ; adeo ut si quis asserat aliquod
contentum aquae in par contentum aeris verti posse, idem sit
ac si dicat aliquid posse redigi in nihilum : contra, si quis
asserat aliquod contentum aeris in par contentum aquae verti
posse, idem sit ac si dicat aliquid posse fieri ex nihilo. At-
que ex copia ista et paucitate materite notiones illae Densi et
Rari, quae varie et promiscue accipiuntur, proprie abstrahuntur.
Assumenda est et assertio ilia tertia, etiam satis certa : quod
hoc de quo loquimur plus et minus materiae in corpore hoc vel
illo ad calculos (facta collatione) et proportiones exactas aut
exactis propinquas reduci possit. Veluti si quis dicat inesse
in dato contento auri talem coacervationem inateriae, ut opus
habeat spiritus vini, ad tale quantum materiae aequandum, spa-
tio vicies et semel majore quam implet aurum, non erraverit.

Coacervatio autem materiae et rationes ejus deducuntur ad
sensibile per pondus. Pondus enim respondet copiae materias,
quoad partes rei tangibilis; spiritus autem, et ejus quantum
ex materia, non venit in computationern per pondus ; levat enim
pondus potius quam gravat. At nos hujus rei tabularn fecimus
satis accuratam ; in qua pondera et spatia singulorum metallo-
rum, lapidum praecipuoruui, lignorum, liquorum, oleorum, et
plurimorum aliorum corporum tarn naturalium quam artifici-
alium, excepimus 1 ; rem polychrestam, tarn ad lucem informa-
tionis quam ad normam operationis ; et quae multas res revelet
omnino prater expectatuin. Neque illud pro minimo habendum
est, quod demonstret omnem varietatem quae in corporibus tan-
gibilibus nobis notis versatur (intelligimus autem corpora bene
unita, nee plane spongiosa et cava et rnagna ex parte aere
impleta) non ultra rationes partium 21 excedere : tarn finita
scilicet est natura, aut saltern ilia pars ejus cujus usus ad nos
maxime pertinet.

Etiam diligentiae nostrae esse putayimus, experiri si forte capi
possint rationes corporum non-tangibilium sive pneumaticorum,
respectu corporum tangibilium. Id quod tali molitione aggressi
sumus. Phialam vitream accepimus, quae unciam fortasse
unam capere possit ; parvitate vasis usi, ut minori cum calore

is assuredly no result of experience. The same doctrine is as distinctly, ,though not
so emphatically, asserted by Telesius, i. c. 5.

1 For a full account of the methods of determining specific gravities employed re-
spectively by Porta, Ghetaldo, ;md Bacon, see preface to Historia Densi et Rari J. S.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 313

posset fieri evaporatio sequens. Hanc phialam spiritu vini
implevimus fere ad collum ; eligentes spiritum vini, quod per
tabulam priorem eum esse ex corporibus tangibilibus (quae
bene unita, nee cava sunt) rarissimum, et minimum continens
materiae sub suo dimenso, observarimus. Deinde pondus aquas
cum phiala ipsa exacte notavimus. Postea vesicam accepimus,
quae circa duas pintas contineret. Ex ea aerem omnem, quoad
fieri potuit, expressimus eo usque ut vesicae ambo latera essent
contigua: etiam prius vesicam oleo oblevimus cum fricatione
leni, quo vesica esset clausior : ejus, si qua erat, porositate oleo
obturata. Hanc vesicam circa os phialze, ore phialae intra os
vesicae recepto, fortiter ligavimus ; filo parum cerato, ut melius
adhaeresceret et arctius ligaret. Turn demum phialam supra
carbones ardentes in foculo collocavimus. At paulo post vapor
give aura spiritus vini, per calorem dilatati et in pneumaticum
versi, vesicam paulatim sufflavit, eamque universam veli in-
star undequaque extendit. Id postquam factum fuit, conti-
nue vitrum ab igne removimus, et super tapetem posuimus
ne frigore disrumperetur ; statim quoque in summitate vesicae
foramen fecimus, ne vapor cessante calore in liquorem resti-
tutus resideret, et rationes confunderet. Turn vero vesicam
ipsam sustulimus, et rursus pondus excepimus spiritus vini qui
remanebat. Inde quantum consumptum fuisset in vaporem seu
pneumaticum computavimus ; et facta collatione quantum lo-
cum sive spatium illud corpus implesset quando esset spiritus
vini in phiala, et rursus quantum spatium impleverit post-
quam factum fuisset pneumaticum in vesica, rationes subduxi-
mus ; ex quibus manifeste liquebat, corpus istud ita versum et
mutatum expansionem centuplo majorem quam antea habuisset
acquisivisse.

Similiter sit natura inquisita Calor aut Frigus ; ejus nempe
gradus, ut a sensu non percipiantur ob debilitatem. Haec de-
ducuntur ad sensum per vitrum calendare, quale superius de-
scripsimus. Calor enim et frigus, ipsa non percipiuntur ad
tactum ; at calor aerem expandit, frigus contrahit. Neque
rursus ilia expansio et contractio aeris percipitur ad visum ; at
aer ille expansus aquam deprimit, contractus attollit ; ac turn
demum fit deductio ad visum, non ante, aut alias.

Similiter sit natura inquisita Mistura Corporum ; viz. quid
habeant ex aqueo, quid ex oleoso, quid ex spiritu, quid ex cinere
et salibus, et hujusmodi ; vel etiam (in particular!) quid habeat

314 NOVUM ORGANUM.

lac butyri, quid coaguli, quid seri, et hujusmodi. Haec dedu-
cuntur ad sensum per artificiosas et peritas separationes, qua-
tenus ad tangibilia. At natura spiritus in ipsis, licet immediate
non percipiatur, tamen deprehenditur per varies motus et nixus
corporum tangibilium in ipso actu et processu separationis
suae; atque etiam per acrimonias, corrosiones, et diversos colo-
res, odores, et sapores eorundem corporum post separationem.
Atque in hac parte, per distillationes atque artificiosas separa-
tiones, strenue sane ab hominibus elaboratum est; sed non
multo fioelicius quam in caeteris experimentis, quae adhuc in usu
sunt : modis nimirum prorsus palpatoriis, et viis caecis, et magis
operose quam intelligenter ; et (quod pessimum est) nulla cum
imitatione aut aemulatione naturae, sed cum destructione (per
calores vehementes aut virtutes nimis validas) omnis subtili-
oris schematismi, in quo occultas rerum virtutes et consensus
praecipue sitas sunt. Neque illud etiam, quod alias monuimus,
hominibus in mentem aut observationem venire solet in hujus-
modi separationibus : hoc est, plurimas qualitates, in corporum
vexationibus tarn per ignem quam alios modos, indi ab ipso
igne iisque corporibus quae ad separationem adhibentur, qua?
in composito prius non fuerunt ; unde mirae fallacies. Neque
enim scilicet vapor universus, qui ex aqua emittitur per ignem,
vapor aut ae'r antea fuit in corpore aquae ; sed factus est ma-
xima ex parte per dilatationem aquae ex calore ignis.

Similiter in genere omnes exquisitae probationes corporum
give naturalium sive artificialiuin, per quas vera dignoscuntur
ab adulterinis, meliora a vilioribus, hue referri debent: de-
ducunt enim non-sensibile ad sensibile. Sunt itaque diligenti
cura undique conquirendae.

Quintum vero genus latitantiae quod attinet, manifestum est
actionem sensus transigi in motu, motum in tenipore. Si
igitur motus alicujus corporis sit vel tarn tardus vel tarn velox
ut non sit proportionatus ad momenta in quibus transigitur
actio sensus, objectum omnino non percipitur ; ut in motu in-
dicis horologii, et rursus in motu pilae sclopeti. Atque motus
qui ob tarditatem non percipitur, facile et ordinario deducitur
ad sensum per summas motus ; qui vero ob velocitatem, adhuc
non bene mensurari consuevit ; sed tamen postulat inquisitio
naturae ut hoc fiat in aliquibus.

Sextum autem genus, ubi impeditur sensus propter nobilita-
tem objecti, recipit deductionem, vel per elongationem rnajorein

NOVUM ORGANUM. 315

object! a sensu ; vel per hebetationem object! per interpositio-
nem medii talis, quod objectum debilitet, non annihllet ; vel per
admissionem et exceptionem object! reflex!, ubi percussio di-
recta sit nirnis furtis ; ut solis in pelvi aquae.

Septimum autera genus latitantiae, ubi sensus ita oneratur
objecto ut novae admissioni non sit locus, non habet fere locum
nisi in olfactu et odoribus ; nee ad id quod agitur multum per-
tinet. Quare de deductionibus non-sensibilis ad sensibile, hsec
dicta sint.1

Quandoque tamen deductio fit non ad sensum hominis, sed
ad sensum alicujus alterius animalis cujus sensus in aliquibus
liumanum excellet : ut nonnullorum odorum, ad sensum cam* ;
lucis, quae in acre non extrinsecus illuminato latenter existit,
ad seusum felis, noctuas, et hujusmodi animalium quae cernunt
noctu. Recte enim notavit Telesius, etiam in acre ipso inesse
lucem quandam originalem, licet exilem et tenuem, et maxima
ex parte oculis hominum aut plurimorum animalium non inser-
vientem ; quia ilia animalia, ad quorum sensum hujusmodi lux
est proportionata, cernant noctu ; id quod vel sine luce fieri,
vel per lucem internam, minus credibile est.

Atque illud utique notandum est, de destitutionibus sen-
suum eorumque remediis hie nos tractare. Nam fallaciae sen-
suum ad proprias inquisitiones de sensu et sensibili remittendaa
sunt ; excepta ilia magna fallacia sensuum, nimirum quod con-
stituant lineas rerum2 ex analogia hominis, et non ex analogia
universi ; quas non corrigitur nisi per rationem et philosophiam
universalem.

XLI.

Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco decimo
octavo Instantias Vice, quas etiam Instantias Itinerantes et
Instantias Articulatas appellare consuevimus. Eae sunt quae
indicant naturae motus gradatim continuatos. Hoc autem genus

1 An excellent instance of the " deductio nonsensibilis ad sensibile " [in the second
kind] occurs in the experiments recently made by Messrs. Hopkins and Joule for de-
termining the melting-point of substances subjected to great pressure. The substance
acted on is enclosed in a tube out of reach and sight. But a bit of magnetized steel
has previously been introduced into it, and is supported by it as long as it remains
solid. A magnetic needle is placed beside the apparatus, a certain amount of deviation
being, of course, produced by the steel within the tube. The moment the temperature
reaches the melting-point, the steel sinks ; and its doing so is indicated by the motion
of the needle.

2 This phrase may, I think, be rendered " trace the outlines of outward objects."
I have already remarked on the meaning of " ex analogia." [See note on Disiributio
Opera, p. 138.— J. £]

316 NOVUM ORGANUM.

iustantiarum potius fugit observationem quam sensum. Mira
enim est hominum circa hanc rem indiligentia. Contemplantur
siquidem naturam tantummodo desultorie et per periodos, et
postquam corpora fuerint absoluta ac completa, et non in ope-
ra tione sua. Quod si artificis alicujus ingenia et industriam
^explorare et contemplari quis cuperet, is non tantum materias
rudes artis atque deinde opera perfecta conspicere desideraret,
sed potius praesens esse cum artifex operatur et opus suum
promovet. Atque simile quiddam circa naturam faciendum
est. Exempli gratia ; si quis de vegetatione plantarum inqui-
rat, ei inspiciendum est ab ipsa satione seminis alicujus (id quod
per extractionem, quasi singulis diebus, seminum quae per bi-
duum, triduum, quatriduum, et sic deinceps, in terra manserunt,
eorumque diligentem intuitum, facile fieri potest), quomodo et
quando semen intumescere et turgere incipiat et veluti spiritu
impleri ; deinde quomodo corticulam rumpere et emittere fibras,
cum latione nonnulla sui interim sursum, nisi terra fuerit ad-
modum contumax ; quomodo etiam emittat fibras, partim radi-
cales deorsum, partim cauliculares sursum, aliquando serpendo
per latera, si ex ea parte inveniat terram apertam et magis fa-
cilem; et complura id genus. Similiter facere oportet circa
exclusionem ovorum ; ubi facile conspici dabitur processus vivi-
ficandi et organizandi, et quid et quae partes fiant ex vitello,
quid ex albumine ovi, et alia. Similis est ratio circa animalia
ex putrefactione.1 Nam circa animalia perfecta et terrestria,
per exectiones foetuum ex utero, minus humanum esset ista
inquirere ; nisi forte per occasiones abortuum, et venationum,
et similium. Omnino igitur vigilia quaedam servanda est circa
naturam, ut qua? melius se conspiciendam praebeat noctu quam
interdiu. Istae enim contemplationes tanquam nocturnae cen-
seri possint, ob lucernae parvitatem et perpetuationem.

Quin et in inanimatis idem tentandum est; id quod nos

1 The epithet perfecta is generally given to those animals which cannot result from
putrefaction. Caesalpinus, in the Qucestiones Peripat. v. 1., maintains that all animals
may result from putrefaction, and that this was the doctrine of Aristotle. The same
opinion had, I believe, been advanced by Averrois. That mice may be produced by
equivocal generation is asserted, as a matter not admitting of dispute, by Cardan, De
Rerun Varietate. Caesalpinus refers to the same instance, but less confidently than
Cardan. It is worth remarking that Aristotle, though he speaks of the great fecundity
of mice, and even of their being impregnated by licking salt, does not mention the pos-
sibility of their being produced by putrefaction. ( De Hist. Animal, vi. 37. Problem.
x. 64.) Paracelsus, De Rerum Generatione, affirms that all animals produced from
putrefaction are more or less venomous. Telesius's opinion is that the more perfi-ct
animals cannot result from putrefaction, because the conditions of temperature ne-
cessary to their produUion cannot be fultilk-d except by means of animal heat.

NOYUM ORGANUM. 317

fecimus in inquirendls aperturis liquorum per ignem.1 AHus
enim est modus aperturae in aqua, alius in vino, alius in aceto,
alius in omphacio 2 ; longe alius in lacte, et oleo, et caeteris. Id
quod facile cernere erat per ebullitionem super ignem lenem, et
in vase vitreo, ubi omnia cerni perspicue possint. Verum haec
brevius perstringimtis, fusius et exactius de iis sermones ha-
bituri cum ad inventionem Latentis rerum Processus ventum
erit. Semper enim memoria tenendum est, nos hoc loco non
res ipsas tractare, sed exempla tantum adducere.

XLII.

Inter Prasrogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco decimo
nono Instantias Supplement, sive Substitutionis ; quas etiam
Instantias Perfugii appellare consuevimus. Eae sunt, quaa
supplent informationem ubi sensus plane destituitur; atque
idcirco ad eas confugimus cum instantiae proprise haberi non
possint. Dupliciter autem fit substitutio; aut per Gradua-
tionem, aut per Analoga. Exempli gratia; non invenitur
medium quod inhibeat prorsus operationem magnetis in mo-
vendo ferrum; non aurum interpositum, non argentum, non
lapis, non vitrum, lignum, aqua, oleum, pannus aut corpora
fibrosa, aer, flamma, et caetera. Attamen per probationem
exactam fortasse inveniri possit aliquod medium quod hebetet
virtutem ipsius plus quam aliquod aliud, comparative et in
aliquo gradu ; veluti quod non trahat magnes ferrum per tan-
tarn crassitiem auri quam per par spatium aeris ; aut per tan-
tum argentum ignitum quam per frigidum ; et sic de similibus.
Nam de his nos experimentum non fecimus ; sed sufficit tamen
ut proponantur loco exempli. Similiter non invenitur hie apud
nos corpus quod non suscipiat calidum igni approximatum.
Attamen longe citius suscipit calorem aer quam lapis. Atque
talis est substitutio quae fit per Gradus.

Substitutio autem per Analoga, utilis sane, sed minus certa
est; atque idcirco cum judicio quodam adhibenda. Ea fit
cum deducitur non-sensibile ad sensum, non per operationea
sensibiles ipsius corporis insensibilis, sed per contemplationem
corporis alicujus cognati sensibilis.3 Exempli gratia; si in-

1 " Apertura " means the same thing as " expansio."

2 Wine made of sour grapes. (Pliny, xiv. 18. and elsewhere.) It is probably to be
rendered verjuice, as it is by Lemmius.

8 Du Bois Raymond's Researches in Animal Electricity give a good example of this.
He constructed what may called an electrical model of a muscle, and succeeded in ob-
taining an illustration not only of his fundamental result, namely that any transverse

318 NOVUM ORGANUM.

quiratur de Mistura Spirituum, qui sunt corpora non-visibilia,
videtur ease cognatio quaedam inter corpora et fomites give
alimenta sua. Fomes autem flammae videtur esse oleum et
pinguia ; aeris, aqua et aquea : flammae enim multiplicant se
super halitus olei, aer super vapores aquae. Videndum itaque
de mistnra aquae et olei, qua? se manifestat ad sensum ; quando-
quidem mistura aeris et flammei generis fugiat sensum. At
oleum et aqua inter se per compositionem aut agitationem im-
perfecte admodum miscentur ; eadem in herbis, et sanguine, et
partibus animalium, accurate et delicate miscentur. Itaque
simile quiddam fieri possit circa misturam flammei et aerei
generis in spiritalibus ; quae per confusionem simplicem non
bene sustinent misturam, eadem tamen in spiritibus plantarum
et animalium misceri videntur ; praesertim cum omnis spiritus
animatus depascat humida utraque, aquea et pinguia, tanquam
fomites suos.

Similiter si non de perfectioribus misturis spiritalium, sed de
compositione tantum inquiratur ; nempe, utrum facile inter se
incorporentur, an potius (exempli gratia) sint aliqui venti et
exhalationes, aut alia corpora spiritalia, qua? non miscentur cum
aere communi, sed tantum haerent et natant in eo, in globulis
et guttis, et potius franguntur ac comminuuntur ab aere
quam in ipsum recipiuntur et incorporantur ; hoc in aere com-
muni et aliis spiritalibus, ob subtilitatem corporum, percipi ad
sensum non potest ; attamen imago quaedam hujus rei, quatenus
fiat, concipi possit in liquoribus argenti vivi, olei, aquae ; atque
etiam in aere, et fractione ejus, quando dissipatur et ascendit in
parvis portiunculis per aquam; atque etiam in fumis crassi-
oribus ; denique in pulvere excitato et hserente in aere ; in qui-
bus omnibus non fit incorporatio. Atque repraesentatio prasdicta
in hoc subjecto non mala est, si illud primo diligenter inquisi-
tum fuerit, utrum possit esse talis heterogenia inter spiritalia
qualis invenitur inter liquida ; nam turn demum haec simulacra
per Analogiam non incommode substituentur.

Atque de Instantiis istis Supplementi, quod diximus infor-
mationem ab iis hauriendam esse, quando desint instantiae
propriae, loco Perfugii; nihilominus intelligi volumus, quod
illae etiam magni sint usus etiam cum propriae instantiae ad-
sint ; ad roborandam scilicet informationem una cum propriis.

section is negative with respect to any longitudinal one, but also of the more compli-
cated relations between two different portions of the same section.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 319

Verum de his exactius dicemus quando ad Adminicula Indu-
ctionis tractanda sermo ordine dilabetur.

XLIII.

Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco vicesimo
Instantias Persecantes ; quas etiam Instantias Vellicantes ap-
pellare consuevimus, sed diversa ratione. Vellicantes enim eas
appellamus, quia vellicant intellectum ; Persecantes, quia perse-
cant naturam ; unde etiam illas quandoque Instantias Democriti
nominamus. Eae sunt, quae de admirabili et exquisita subtili-
tate natures intellectum submonent, ut excitetur et expergisca-
tur ad attentionem et observationem et inquisitionem debitam.
Exempli gratia ; quod parum guttulae atramenti ad tot literas
vel lineas extendatur ; quod argentum, exterius tantum in-
auratum, ad tantam longitudinem fili inaurati continuetur l ;
quod pusillus vermiculUs, qualis in cute invenitur, habeat in se
spiritum simul et figuram dissimilarem partium ; quod parum
croci etiam dolium aquae colore inficiat ; quod parum zibethi 2
aut aromatis longe majus contentum aeris odore ; quod exiguo
suffitu tanta excitetur nubes fumi ; quod sonorum tarn accuratae
differentiae, quales sint voces articulatae, per aerem undequaque
vehantur, atque per foramina et poros etiam ligni et aquae
(licet admodum extenuate) penetrent, quin etiam repercutiantur,
idque tarn distincte et velociter ; quod lux et color, etiam tanto
ambitu et tarn perniciter, per corpora solida vitri, aquae, et
cum tanta et tani exquisita varietate imaginum permeent, etiam
refringantur et reflectantur ; quod magnes per corpora omnigena,
etiam maxime compacta, operetur. Sed (quod magis mirum est)
quod in his omnibus, in medio adiaphoro (quale est aer) unius
actio aliam non magnopere impediat ; nempe quod eodem tern-
pore per spatia aeris devehantur et visibilium tot imagines, et
vocis articulatae tot percussiones, et tot odores specificati, ut
violae, rosae ; etiam calor et frigus et virtutes magneticae ; omnia
(inquam) simul, uno alterum non impediente, ac si singula ha-
berent vias et meatus suos proprios separates, neque unum in
alterum impingeret aut incurreret.

Solemus tamen utiliter hujusmodi Instantiis Persecantibus
subjungere instantias, quas Metas Persecationis appellare con-

1 Dr. Woolaston's method for obtaining wires of extreme fineness was perhaps -sug-
gested by the circumstance mentioned in the text. He enclosed a gold wire in a
cylinder of silver, drew them out together, and then dissolved away the silver by
means of warm nitrous acid.

2 Civet

320 NOVUM ORGANU3VT.

suevimus ; veluti quod in iis quae diximus, una actio in diverse
genere aliam non perturbet aut impediat, cum tamen in eodem
genere una aliam domet et extinguat : veluti, lux solis, lucem
cicindelae; sonitus bombardae, vocem; fortior odor, delicatiorem ;
intensior calor, remissiorem; lamina ferri interposita inter ma-
gnetem et aliud ferrum, operationem magnetis. Verum de
his quoque inter Adminicula Inductionis erit proprius dicendi
locus.

XLIV.

Atque de instantiis quae juvant sensum, jam dictum est ; quze
praecipui usus sunt ad partem Informativam. Informatio enim
incipit a sensu. At universum negotium desinit in Opera;
atque quemadmodum illud principium, ita hoc finis rei est. Se-
quentur itaque instantiae praacipui usus ad partem Operativam.
Eas genere duae sunt, numero septem ; q'uas universas, general!
nomine, Instantias Practicas appellare consuevfmus. Operatives
autem partis, vitia duo ; totidemque dignitates instantiarum in
genere. Aut enim fallit operatic, aut onerat nimis. Fallit
operatic maxime (praesertim post diligentem naturarum inqui-
sitionem) propter male determinatas et mensuratas corporum
vireg et actiones. Vires autem et actiones corporum circum-
scribuntur et mensurantur, aut per spatia loci, aut per momenta
temporis, aut per unionem quanti, aut per praedominantiam vir-
tutis; quae quatuor nisi fuerint probe et diligenter pensitata,
erunt fortasse scientiae speculatione quidem pulchrae, sed opere
inactivae. Instantias vero quatuor itidem quae hue referuntur,
uno nomine Instantias Mathematicas vocamus, et Instantias
Mensura.

Onerosa autem fit praxis, vel propter misturam rerum in-
utilium, vel propter multiplicationem instrumentorum, vel
propter molem materiae et corporum quae ad aliquod opus
requiri contigerint. Itaque eae instantiae in pretio esse debent,
quae aut dirigunt operativam ad ea quae maxime hominum inter-
sunt ; aut quse parcunt instruments ; aut quae parcunt materiae
sive supellectili. Eas autem tres instantias quae hue pertinent,
uno nomine Instantias Propitias sive Benevolas vocamus. Ita-
que de his septem instantiis jam sigillatim dicemus ; atque cum
iis partem illam de Praerogativis sive Dignitatibus Instantiarum
claudemus.

XLV.

Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco vicesimo

NOVUM ORGANUM. 321

primo Instantias Virga, sive Radii; quas etiam Instantias
Perlationis, vel de Non Ultra appellate consuevimus. Virtutes
enim rerum et motus operantur et expediuntur per spatia non
indefinita aut fortuita, sed finita et certa ; quae ut in singulis
naturis inquisitis teneantur et notentur plurimum interest Pra-
cticae, non solum ad hoc, ut non fallat, sed etiam ut magis sit
aucta et potens. Etenim interdum datur virtutes producere,
et distantias tanquara retrahere in propius ; ut in perspecillis.

Atque plurimae virtutes operantur et afficiunt tantum per
tactum manifestum ; ut fit in percussione corporum, ubi alterum
non summovet alterum, nisi impellens impulsum tangat. Etiam
medicinse quae exterius applicantur, ut unguenta, emplastra,
non exercent vires suas nisi per tactum corporis. Denique
objecta sensuum tactus et gustus non feriunt nisi contigua
organis.

Sunt et aliae virtutes quae operantur ad distantiam, verum
valde exiguam, quarum pauca3 adhuc notatae sunt, cum tamen
plures sint quam homines suspicentur; ut (capiendo exempla
ex vulgatis) cum succinum1 aut gagates2 trahunt paleas; bull as
approximatae solvunt bullas ; medicinaD nonnullse purgativa?
eliciunt humores ex alto 3, et hujusmodi. At virtus ilia ma-
gnetica per quam ferrum et magnes, vel magnetes invicem,
coeunt, operatur intra orbem virtutis certum, sed parvum ; ubi
contra, si sit aliqua virtus magnetica emanans ab ipsa terra
(paulo nimirum interiore) super acum ferream, quatenus ad
verticitatem, operatic fiat ad distantiam magnam.

Rursus, si sit aliqua vis magnetica quae operetur per con-
sensum inter globum terrae et ponderosa, aut inter globum
lunae et aquas maris (quae maxime credibilis videtur in fluxibus
et refluxibus semi-menstruis 4), aut inter ccelum stellatum et

1 Amber. 2 Jet.

3 Bacon here speaks in accordance with the medical theory in which the brain is
the origin and seat of the rheum, which descends from thence and produces disease in
other organs — a theory preserved in the word catarrh. Certain purgatives were sup-
posed to draw the rheum down.

4 It is worth remarking that Galileo speaks contemptuously of the notion that the
moon exerts any influence on the tides. His strong wish to explain everything me-
chanically led him in this instance wrong, as a similar wish has led many others. It
arose, not unnaturally, from a reaction against the unsatisfactory explanations which
the schoolmen were in the habit of deducing from the specific or occult properties of
bodies. Even Leibnitz, in his controversy with Clarke, shows a tendency towards an
exclusive preference of a mechanical system of physics, though in other parts of his
writings he had spoken favourably of the doctrine of attraction, and though his
whole philosophy ought, one would think, to have made him indifferent to the point
in dispute. In a system of pre-established harmony, action by contact is as merely
apparent as action at a distance.

VOL. I. Y

322 NOVUM ORGANUM.

planetas, per quam evocentur et attollantur ad sua apogasa;
haec omnia operantur ad distantias admodum longinquas. In-
veniuntur et quaedam inflammationes sive conceptiones flammaa,
quae fiunt ad distantias bene magnas, in aliquibus materiis ; ut
referunt de naphtha Babylonica.1 Galores etiam insinuant se
per distantias amplas, quod etiam faciunt frigora; adeo ut
habitantibus circa Canadam moles sive massae glaciales, quae
abrumpuntur et natant per oceanum septentrionalem et cle-
feruntur per Atlanticum versus illas oras, percipiantur et in-
cutiant frigora e longinquo. Odores quoque (licet in his videatur
semper esse quaedam emissio corporea) operantur ad distantias
notabiles ; ut evenire solet navigantibus juxta litora Floridae,
aut etiam nonnulla Hispanias, ubi sunt sylvae totae ex arboribus
limonum, arantiorum 2, et hujusmodi plantarum odoratarum, aut
frutices rorismarini,majoranae, et similium.3 Postremo radiationes
lucis et impressiones sonorum operantur scilicet ad distantias
spatiosas.

Verum haec omnia, utcunque operentur ad distantias parvas
sive magnas, operantur certe ad finitas et naturae notas 4, ut sit
quiddam Non Ultra; idque pro rationibus, aut molis seu quanti
corporum ; aut vigoris et debilitatis virtutum ; aut favoribus et
impediments mediorum ; quae omnia in computationem venire et
notari debent. Quinetiam mensurae motuum violentorum (quos
vocant), ut missilium, tormentorum, rotarum, et similium, cum
hae quoque manifesto suos habeant limites certos, notaudae sunt.

Inveniuntur etiam quidam motus et virtutes contrariae illis
quae operantur per tactum et non ad distans ; quae operantur
scilicet ad distans et non ad tactum ; et rursus, quae operantur
remissius ad distantiam minorem et fortius ad distantiam majo-
rem. Etenim visio non bene transigitur ad tactum, sed indiget
medio et distantia. Licet meminerim me audisse ex relatione
cujusdam fide digni, quod ipse in curandis oculorum suorum
cataractis (erat autem cura talis, ut immitteretur festuca quas-
dam parva argentea intra primam oculi tunicam, quae pelliculam
illam cataractse removeret et truderet in angulum oculi) claris-
sime vidisset festucam illam supra ipsam pupillam moventem.

1 Strabo, xvi. p. 742. Pliny, ii. § 109.

2 [So in the original edition.] Qy. aurantiorum ?

' To the same purpose Milton, Paradise Lost, iv. 99. : —

As when to them who sail
Beyond thf Cape of Hope, &c.
4 i. e. fixed in the nature of things.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 323

Quod utcunque verum esse possit, manifestum est majora cor-
pora non bene aut distincte cerni nisi in cuspide coni l, coeun-
tibus radiis objecti ad nonnullam distantiara. Quin etiam in
senibus oculus melius cernit remote objecto paulo longius, quam
propius. In missilibus autem certum est percussionem non
fieri tarn fortem ad distantiam nimis parvam, quam paulo post.
Hsec itaque et similia in mensuris motuum quoad distantias
notanda sunt.

Est et aliud genus mensune localis motuum, quod non prae-
termittendum est. Illud vero pertinet ad motus non progres-
sives, sed sphaericos ; hoc est, ad expansionem corporum in
majorem sphaeram, aut contractionem in minorem. Inquirendum
enim est inter mensuras istas motuum, quantam compressionem
aut extensionem corpora (pro natura ipsorum) facile et libenter
patiantur, et ad quern terminum reluctari incipiant, adeo ut ad
extremum Non Ultra ferant ; ut cum vesica inflata comprimitur,
sustinet ilia compressionem nonnullam aeris, sed si major fue-
rit, non patitur aer, sed rumpitur vesica.

At nos hoc ipsum subtiliore experimento magis exacte pro-
bavimus. Accepimus enim campanulam ex metallo, leviorem
scilicet et tenuiorem, quali ad excipiendum salem utimur ; eam-
que in pelvim aquae immisimus, ita ut deportaret secum aerem
qui continebatur in concavo usque ad fundum pelvis. Lo-
caveramus autem prius globulum in fundo pelvis, super quern
campanula imponenda esset. Quare illud eveniebat, ut si glo-
bulus ille esset minusculus (pro rations concavi), reciperet se
aer in locum minorem, et contruderetur solum, non extrude-
retur. Quod si grandioris esset magnitudinis quam ut aer
libenter cederet, turn aer majoris pressurae impatiens campa-
nulam ex aliqua parte elevabat, et in bullis ascendebat.

Etiam ad probandum qualem extensionem (non minus quam
compressionem) pateretur aer, tale quippiam practicavimus.
Ovum vitreum accepimus, cum parvo foramine in uno extremo
ovL Aerem per foramen exuctione forti attraximus, et statim
digito foramen illud obturavimus, et ovum in aquam immersi-
mus, et dein digitum removimus. Aer vero tensura ilia per
exuctionem facta tortus et magis quam pro natura sua dilata-
tus, ideoque se recipere et contrahere nitens (ita ut si ovum
illud in aquam non fuisset immersum, aerem ipsum traxisset

1 That is, the eye being at the apex of the visual cone.
Y 2

324 NOVUM ORGANUM.

cum sibilo), aquam traxit ad tale quantum quale sufficere
posset ad hoc, ut aer antiquam recuperaret sphaeram sive di-
mensionem.1

Atque certum est corpora tenuiora (quale est aer) pati con-
tractionem nonnullam notabilem, ut dictum est; at corpora
tangibilia (quale est aqua) multo aagrius et ad minus spatium
patiuntur compressionem. Qualem autem patiatur, tali experi-
mento inquisivimus.

Fieri fecimus globum ex plumbo cavum, qui duas circiter
pintas vinarias contineret ; eumque satis per latera crassum, ut
majorem vim sustineret. In ilium aquam immisimus, per fora-
men alicubi factum ; atque foramen illud, postquam globus
aqua impletus fuisset, plumbo liquefacto obturavimus, ut globus
deveniret plane consolidatus. Dein globum forti malleo ad duo
latera adversa complanavimus ; ex quo necesse fuit aquam in
minus contrahi, cum sphgera figurarum sit capacissima. Deinde,
cum malleatio non amplius sufficeret, aegrius se recipiente aqua,
molendino2 seu torculari usi sumus; ut tandem aqua, impatiens
pressures ulterioris, per solida plumbi (instar roris delicati) ex-
stillaret. Postea, quantum spatii per earn compressionem im-
minutum foret computavimus ; atque tantam compressionem
passam esse aquam (sed violentia magna subactam) intellexi-
mus.3

1 This explanation is wholly unsatisfactory. The principle upon which the true
explanation depends, namely the pressure of the atmosphere, was, it seems tolerably
certain, first suggested by Torricelli. If the experiment were performed in vacuo, no
water would enter the egg, unless the egg were plunged to a considerable depth into
the water, or unless the vacuum within it were more perfect than could be produced
in the manner described.

* Molendinum is properly a Low Latin word for a mill-house ; here used for a
press.

• This is perhaps the most remarkable of Bacon's experiments ; and it is singular
that it was so little spoken of by subsequent writers. Nearly fifty years after the
publication of the Novum Organum, an account of a similar experiment was published
by Megalotti, who was secretary of the Accademia del Cimento at Florence ; and it has
since been familiarly known as the Florentine experiment I quote his account of it
" Facemmo lavorar di getto una grande ma sottil palla d' argento, e quella ripiena
d" acqua raffreddata col ghiaccio serramo con saldissime vite. Di poi cominciammo
a martellarla leggiermente per ogni verso, onde ammaccato 1' argento (il quale per la sua
crudezza non comporta d' assottigliarsi e distendersi come farebbe 1' oro raflSnato, o il
piombo, o altro metallo piu dolce) veniva a ristrignersi, e scemare la sua interna capa-
cita, senza che 1' acqua patisse una minima compressione, poiche ad ogni colpo si videa
trasudare per tutti i pori del metallo a guisa d' argento vivo il quale da alcuna pelle
premuto minutamente sprizzasse. " — Saggi di naturnli Esperienze fattt neW Accademia
del Cimtnto, p. 204. Firenze, 1667. The writer goes on to remark that the absolute
incompressibility of water is not proved by this experiment, but merely that it is not
to be compressed in the manner described. But the experiment is on other grounds
inconclusive.

It is to be remarked that Leibnitz, Nouveaux Essais, in mentioning the Florentine

NOVUM ORGANUM. 325

At solidiora, sicca, aut magis compacta, qualia sunt lapides
et ligna, nee non metalla, multo adhuc minorem compressionem
aut extensionem, et fere imperceptibilem ferunt ; sed vel fra-
ctione, vel progressione, vel aliis pertentationibus se liberant ;
ut in curvationibus ligni aut metalli, horologiis moventibus per
complicationem laminae, missilibus, malleationibus, et innumeris
aliis motibus apparet. Atque haec omnia cum mensuris suis in
indagatione naturae notanda et exploranda sunt, aut in certi-
tudine sua, aut per aestimativas, aut per comparativas, prout
dabitur copia.

XL VI.

Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco vicesimo
secundo Instantias Curriculi, quas etiam Instantias ad Aquam
appellare consuevimus; sumpto vocabulo a clepsydris apud
antiques, in quas infundebatur aqua, loco arenas. Ese men-
surant naturam per momenta temporis, quemadmodum Instan-
tice VirgcB per gradus spatii. Omnis enim motus sive actio
naturalis transigitur in tempore ; alius velocius, alius tardius,
sed utcunque momentis certis et naturae notis. Etiam illae-
actiones quae subito videntur operari, et in ictu oculi (ut loqui-
mur), deprehenduntur recipere majus et minus quoad tempus.

Primo itaque videmus restitutiones corporum crelestium fieri
per tempora numerata ; etiam fluxus et refluxus maris. Latio
autem gravium versus terram et levium versus ambitum coeli,
fit per certa momenta, pro ratione corporis quod fertur, et
medii.1 At velificationes navium, motus animalium, perlatio-
nes missilium, omnes fiunt itidem per tempora (quantum ad
suminas) numerabilia. Calorem vero quod attinet, videmus
pueros per hyemein manus in flamma lavare, nee tamen uri ;
et joculatores vasa plena vino vel aqua, per motus agiles et
aequales, vertere deorsum et sursum recuperare, non effuso
liquore; et multa hujusmodi. Nee minus ipsae compressioues
et dilatationes et eruptiones corporum fiunt, aliae velocius, alias
tardius, pro natura corporis et motus, sed per momenta eerta.
Quinetiam in explosione plurium bombardarum simul, quae ex-
audiuntur quandoque ad distantiam triginta milliarium, per-

experiment, says that the globe was of gold (p. 229. Erdmann), whereas the Florentine
academicians expressly say why they preferred silver to either gold or lead.

1 Galileo had shown, before the year 1592, that the resistance of the air being set
aside, all bodies fall with equal velocity. He left Tisa in that year in consequence of
the disputes wbich were occasioned by this refutation of the Aristotelian doctrine, that
the velocity is as the weight.

T 3

326 NOVUM OBGANUM.

cipitur sonus prius ab iis qui prope absunt a loco ubi fit sonitus,
quam ab iis qui longe. At in visu (cujus actio est pernicissima)
liquet etiam requiri ad eum actuandura momenta certa tem-
poris ; idque probatur ex iis qua propter motus velocitatem
non cernuntur ; ut ex latione pilae ex sclopeto. Velocior enim
est praetervolatio pilae quam impressio speciei ejus quse deferri
poterat ad visum.1

Atque hoc, cum similibus, nobis quandoque dubitationem
peperit plane monstrosam ; videlicet, utrum coeli sereni et stel-
lati facies ad idem tempus cernatur quando vere existit, an
potius aliquanto post; et utrum non sit (quatenus ad visum
coelestium) non minus tempus verum et tempus visum, quam
locus verus et locus visus, qui notatur ab astronomis in paral-
laxibus.2 Adeo incredibile nobis videbatur, species sive radios
corporum ccelestium per tarn immensa spatia milliarium subito
deferri posse ad visum ; sed potius debere eas in tempore ali<Auo
notabili delabi. Verum ilia dubitatio (quoad majus aliquod
intervallum temporis inter tempus verum et visum) postea plane
evanuit ; reputantibus nobis jacturam illam infinitam et dimi-
nutionem quanti, quatenus ad apparentiam, inter corpus stellae
verum et speciem visam, quae causatur a distantia ; atque
simul notantibus ad quantam distantiam (sexaginta scilicet ad
minimum milliariorum) corpora, eaque tan turn albicantia, subito
hie apud nos cernantur ; cum dubium non sit lucem coelestium,
non tantum albedinis vividum colorem, verum etiam omnis
flammae (quae apud nos nota est) lucem, quoad vigorem radia-
tionis, multis partibus excedere. Etiam immensa ilia velocitas
in ipso corpore, quae cernitur in motu diurno (quae etiam viros
graves ita obstupefecit ut mallent credere motum terrae), facit
motuna ilium ejaculationis radiorum ab ipsis (licet celeritate, ut
diximus, mirabilem) magis credibilem. Maxime vero omnium
nos movit, quod si interponeretur intervallum temporis aliquod
notabile inter veritatem et visum, foret ut species per nubes
interim orientes et similes medii perturbationes interciperentur
saepenumero, et confunderentur.3 Atque de mensuris tempo-
rum simplicibus haec dicta sink

1 t. e. the ball flies past in less time than the image conveyed to the sight requires
to make an impression.

f. e. which is taken account of in the correction for parallaxes.
I do not know how to understand this passage without attributing to Bacon a con-
fusion of ideas which seems hardly credible. For surely the very thing which he sup-
poses would happen if there were a perceptible interval between the veritas and the visus,
Ibat is to say, between the time when a star (for instance) is at a given point and the

NOVUM ORGANUM. 327

Verum non solum quaerenda est mensura motuum et actio-
num simpliciter, sed multo magis comparative : id enim eximii
est usus, et ad plurima spectat. Atque videmus flammam ali-
cujus torraenti ignei citius cerni, quam sonitus audiatur ; licet
necesse sit pilam prius aerem percutere, quam flamma quae pone
erat exire potuerit ; fieri hoc autem propter velociorem trans-
actionem motus lucis, quam soni. Videmus etiam species visi-
biles a visu citius excipi quam dimitti ; unde fit quod nervi
fidium, digito impulsi, duplicentur aut triplicentur quoad spe-
ciem, quia species nova recipitur, antequam prior demittatur ;
ex quo etiam fit, ut annuli rotati videantur globosi, et fax
ardens, noctu velociter portata, conspiciatur caudata.1 Etiam
ex hoc fundamento inaequalitatis motuum quoad velocitatem,
excogitavit Galilaeus causam fluxus et refluxus maris ; rotante
terra velocius, aquis tardius ; ideoque accumulantibus se aquis
ia sursum, et deinde per vices se remittentibus in deorsum, ut
demonstratur in vase aquse incitatius movente.2 Sed hoc
commentus est concesso non concessibili (quod terra nempe
moveatur), ac etiam non bene informatus de oceani motu sex-
horario.

At exemplum hujus rei de qua agitur, videlicet de compa-

time when we see it there, — in other words, if the image took any time in coming to
the eye, — this very thing does actually happen as often as the star is hidden by a cloud
or dimmed by a vapour : the species, to use his own word, are intercepted or con-
fused. If, indeed, the force of the rays were diminished, — and this I suppose would be
one consequence of diminished velocity, — the thing would happen more frequently, be-
cause there would be more obstructions which they could not overcome : they would
be intercepted or confused by media which they now pass through. But the force
being the same, and the stream continuous, the time of passage could make no differ-
ence in this respect. lu another respect, namely the facility of observation, it would
make a very great difference ; and it is remarked by Brinkley that, if the velocity of
light had been much less than it is, astronomy would have been all but an impossible
science. But that is another matter. — J. S.

' Of the phenomena which he here enumerates Bacon undoubtedly gives the right
explanation, though in the case of vibrating strings his explanation is not altogether
complete. The distinct or quasi-distinct images to which he refers correspond to
limiting positions of the vibrating string.

2 This account of Galileo's theory of the tides is inaccurate. In this theory the
tides are caused by the varying velocity of different points of the earth's surface,
arising from the composition of the earth's two motions, namely that about its axis,
and that in its orbit. Bacon does not seem to have perceived that both these mo-
tions are essential to the explanation. That the earth's being in motion might be
the cause of the tides, had been suggested before the time of Galileo by Cassalpinus in
the Quastlnies Peripateticce, iii. 5. It is odd that Patritius, in giving an account of all
the theories which had in his time been devised to explain the cause of the tides (see
his Pancosmias, 1. 28.), does not mention Caesalpinus's, though it was published some
years before his own work. Galileo perhaps alludes to Cassalpinus in his letter to
Cardinal Orsino, dated 8th January, 1616. See, for remarks on Csesalpinus's doctrine,
the Problemata Marina of Casmann, published in 1596. Casmann's own theory is
that of expansion.

T 4

328 NOVUM ORGANUM.

rativis mensuris motuum, neque solum rei ipsius, sed et usus
insignis ejus (de quo paulo ante loquuti sumus), eminet in cu-
nieulis subterraneis, in quibus collocatur pulvis pyrius ; ubi
immensae moles terrae, aedificiorum, et similium, subvertuntur,
et in altum jaciuntur, a pusilla quantitate pulveris pyrii. Cujus
causa pro certo ilia est, quod motus dilatationis pulveris, qui
impellit, multis partibus sit pernicior, quam motus gravitatis
per quern fieri possit aliqua resistentia ; adeo ut primus motus
perfunctus sit, antequam motus adversus ineeperit; utinprinei-
piis nullitas quaedam sit resistentias. Hinc etiam fit, quod in
omni missili, ictus, non tarn robustus quam acutus et celer, ad
perlationem potissimum valeat. Neque etiam fieri potuisset,
ut parva quantitas spiritus animalis in animalibus, praesertim in
tarn vastis corporibus qualia sunt balasnae aut elephanti, tantam
molem corpoream flecteret et regeret, nisi propter veloeitatem
motus spiritus, et hebetudinem corporeae molis, quatenus ad
expediendam suam resistentiam.

Denique, hoc unum ex prsecipuis fundamentis est experimen-
torum magicorum, de quibus mox dicemus ; ubi scilicet parva
moles materiae longe majorem superat et in ordinem redigit :
hoc, inquam, si fieri possit anteversio motuum per veloeitatem
unius, antequam alter se expediat.

Postremo, hoc ipsum Prius et Posterius in omni actione
naturali notari debet ; veluti quod in infusione rhabarbari eli-
ciatur purgativa vis prius, astrictiva post ; simile quiddam etiam
in infusione violarum in acetum experti sumus ; ubi primo ex-
cipitur suavis et delicatus floris odor ; post, pars floris magis
terrea, quse odorem confundit. Itaque si infundantur violas
per diem integrum, odor multo languidius excipitur ; quod si
infundantur per partem quartam horae tantum, et extrahantur ;
et (quia paucus est spiritus odoratus qui subsistit in viola) in-
fundantur post singulas quartas horae violaa novae et recentes ad
sexies ; turn demum nobilitatur infusio, ita ut licet non manse-
rint violae, utcunque renovatae, plus quam ad sesquihoram,
tamen permanserit odor gratissimus, et viola ipsa non inferior,
ad annum integrum. Notandum tamen est, quod non se colli-
gat odor ad vires suas plenas, nisi post mensem ab infusione.
In distillationibus vero aromatum maceratorum in spiritu vini
patet quod surgat primo phlegma aqueum et inutile, deinde
::qua plus habens ex spiritu vini, deinde post aqua plus habens
ex aromate. Atque hujus generis quamplurima inveniuntur

NOVUM ORGANUM. 329

in distillationibus notatu digna. Vcrura haec sufficiant ad ex-
empla.

XLVII.

Inter Prserogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco vicesimo
tertio Instantias Quanti, quas etiam Doses Natures (sumpto
vocabulo a Medicinis) vocare consuevimus. Eae sunt qua?
mensurant virtutes per Quanta corporum, et indicant quid
Quantum Corporis faciat ad Modum Virtutis. Ac primo
sunt quaedam virtutes quae non subsistunt nisi in Quanto
Cosmico, hoc est, tali Quanto quod habeat consensum cum con-
figuratione et fabrica universi. Terra enim stat; partes ejus
cadunt. Aquae in maribus fluunt et refluunt ; in fluviis minime,
nisi per ingressum maris. Deinde etiam omnes fere virtutes
particulares secundum multum aut parvum corporis operantur.
Aquae largae non facile corrumpuntur ; exiguae cito. Mustum
et cervisia maturescunt longe citius, et fiunt potabilia, in utribus
parvis, quam in doliis magnis. Si herba ponatur in majore
portione liquoris, fit infusio, magis quam imbibitio l ; si in mi-
nore, fit imbibitio, magis quam infusio. Aliud igitur erga
corpus humanum est balneum, aliud levis irroratio. Etiam
parvi rores in acre nunquam cadunt, sed dissipantur et cum
aere incorporantur. Et videre est in anhelitu super gemmas,
parum illud humoris, quasi nubeculam vento dissipatam, con-
tinue solvi. Etiam frustum ejusdem magnetis non trahit
tautum ferri, quantum magnes integer. Sunt etiam virtutes
in quibus parvitas Quanti magis potest ; ut in penetrationibus,
stylus acutus citius penetrat, quam obtusus ; adamas punctu-
atus sculpit in vitro ; et similia.

Verum non hie morandum est in indefinitis, sed etiam de
rationibus Quanti corporis erga modum virtutis inquirendum.
Proclive enim foret credere, quod rationes Quanti rationes
virtutis adaequarent ; ut si pila plumbea unius unciae caderet in
tali tempore, pila unciarum duarum deberet cadere duplo cele-
rius, quod falsissimum est. Nee eaedem rationes in omni genere
virtutum valent, sed longe diversae. Itaque has mensurae ex
rebus ipsis petendae sunt, et non ex verisimilitudine aut con-
jecturis.

Denique in omni inquisitione naturae Quantum corporis re-
quiratur ad aliquod effectum, tanquam dosis, notandum ; et
cautiones de Nimis et Parum aspergendae.

1 Absorption.

330 NOVUM ORGANUM.

XL VIII.

Inter Praerogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco vicesimo
quarto Instantias Luctce ; quas etiam Instantias Pradominantice
appellare consuevimus. Eae indicant praedominantiam et cessi-
onem virtutum ad invicem ; et quas ex illis sit fortior et vincat,
quae infirmior et succumbat. Sunt enim motus et nixus cor-
porum compositi, decompositi, et complicati, non minus quam
corpora ipsa. Proponemus igitur primum species praecipuas
motuum sive virtutum activarum ; ut magis perspicua sit
ipsarum comparatio in robore, et exinde demonstratio atque
designatio Instantiarum Luctee et Praedominantiae.

Motus Primus sit Motus Antitypice l materiae, quae inest in
singulis portionibus ejus ; per quern plane annihilari non vult :
ita ut nullum incendium, nullum pondus aut depressio, nulla
violentia, nulla denique aetas aut diuturnitas temporis possit
redigere aliquam vel minimam portionem materiae in nihilum ;
quin ilia et sit aliquid, et loci aliquid occupet, et se (in quali-
cunque necessitate ponatur) vel formam mutando vel locum
liberet, vel (si non detur copia) ut est subsistat ; neque unquam
res eo deveniat, ut aut nihil sit, aut nullibi. Quern Motum
Schola (quae semper fere et denominat et definit res potius per
effectus et incommoda quam per causas interiores) vel denotat
per illud axioma, quod Duo corpora non possint esse in uno
loco ; vel vocat motum Nejiat penetratio dimensionum. Neque
hujus motus exempla proponi consentaneum est: inest enim
omni corpori.

Sit Motus Secundus, Motus (quern appellamus) Nexus ; per
quern corpora non patiuntur se ulla ex parte sui dirimi a con-
tactu alterius corporis, ut quae mutuo nexu et contactu gaudeant.
Quern motum Schola vocat Motum Ne detur vacuum : veluti
cum aqua attrahitur sursum exuctione, aut per fistulas ; caro
per ventosas ; aut cum aqua sistitur nee effluit in hydriis per-
foratis, nisi os hydriae ad immittendum aerem aperiatur; et
innumera id genus.

Sit Motus Tertius, Motus (quern appellamus) Libertatis ; per
quern corpora se liberare nituntur a pressura aut tensura
praeter-naturali, et restituere se in dimensum corpori suo con-
veniens. Cujus motus etiam innumera sunt exempla: veluti
(quatenus ad liberationem a pressura) aquas in natando, aeris in
volando; aquae in remigando, aeris in undulationibus ventorum;

1 This term was first used by Aristotle.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 331

laminae in horologiis. Nee ineleganter se ostendit motus aeris
compressi in sclopettis ludicris puerorum, cum alnum aut si-
mile quiddam excavant, et infarciunt frusto alicujus radicis suc-
culentae, vel similium, ad utrosque fines ; deinde per embolum l
trudunt radicem vel hujusmodi farcimentum in foramen alte-
rum ; unde emittitur et ejicitur radix cum sonitu ad foramen
alterum, idque antequam tangatur a radice aut farcimento
citimo, aut embolo. Quatenus vero ad liberationem a tensura,
ostendit se hie motus in acre post exuctionem in ovis vitreis
remanente ; in chordis, in corio, et panno ; resilientibus post
tensuras suas, nisi tensurae illae per moram invaluerint, etc.
Atque hunc motum Schola sub nomine Motus ex Forma Elc-
menti innuit : satis quidem inscite, cum hie motus non tantum
ad aerem, aquani, aut flammam pertineat, sed ad omnem diver-
sitatem consistentiae ; ut ligni, ferri, plumbi, panni, membranae,
etc., in quibus singula corpora suae habent dimensionis modu-
lum, et ab eo aegre ad spatium aliquod notabile abripiuntur.
Verum quia Motus iste Libertatis omnium est maxime obvius,
et ad infinita spectans, consultum fuerit eum bene et perspicue
distinguere. Quidam enim valde negligenter confundunt hune
motum cum gemino illo motu Antitypics et Nexus; libera-
tionem scilicet a pressura, cum motu Antitypiae ; a tensura,
cum motu Nexus ; ac si ideo cederent aut se dilatarent corpora
compressa, ne sequeretur penetratio dimensionum; ideo resili-
rent et contraherent se corpora tensa, ne sequeretur vacuum.
Atqui si aer compressus se vellet recipere in densitatem aquae,
aut lignum in densitatem lapidis, nil opus foret penetratione di-
mensionum ; et nihilominus longe major posset esse compressio
illorum, quam ilia ullo modo patiuntur. Eodem modo si aqua
se dilatare vellet in raritatem aeris, aut lapis in raritatem ligni,
non opus foret vacuo ; et tamen longe major posset fieri ex-
tensio eorum, quam ilia ullo modo patiuntur. Itaque nou
reducitur res ad penetrationem dimensionum et vacuum, nisi in
ultimitatibus condensationis et rarefactionia ; cum tamen isti
motus longe citra eas sistant et versentur, neque aliud sint
quam desideria corporum conservandi se in consistentiis suis
(sive, si malint, in formis suis), nee ab iis recedendi subito, nisi
per modos suaves ac per eonsensum alterentur. At longe
magis necessarium est (quia multa secum trahit), ut intimetur
hominibus, motum violentum (quern nos Mechanicum, Demo-

1 "E;u§oAos, anything introduced [a ramrod ?].

332 NOVUM ORGANUM.

critus, qui in motibus suis primis expediendis etiam infra mc-
diocres philosophos ponendus est, motum Plaga vocavit) nil
aliud esse quam Motum Libertatis, scilicet a compressione ad
relaxationem. Etenim in omni sive simplici protrusione sive
volatu per aerem, non fit summotio aut latio localis, antequam
partes corporis praeter-naturaliter patiantur et comprimantur
ab impellents. Turn vero partibus aliis alias per successionem
trudentibus, fertur totum ; nee solum progrediendo, sed etiam
rotando simul ; ut etiam hoc modo partes se liberare, aut magis
ex aequo tolerare possint. Atque de hoc Motu hactenus.

Sit Motus Quartus, motus cui nomen dedimus Motus Hyles :
qui motus antistrophus est quodammodo Motui, de quo dixi-
mus, Libertatis. Etenim in Motu Libertatis, corpora novum
dimensum sive novam sphaeram sive novam dilatationem aut
contractionem (haec enim verborum varietas idem innuit) exhor-
rent, respuunt, fugiunt, et resilire ac veterem consistentiam
recuperare totis viribus contendunt. At contra in hoc Motu
Hyles, corpora novam sphaeram sive dimensum appetunt ; atque
ad illud libenter et propere, et quandoque valentissimo nixu (ut
in pulvere pyrio) aspirant. Instruments autem hujus motus,
non sola certe, sed potentissima, aut saltern frequentissima, sunt
calor et frigus. Exempli gratia: aer, si per tensuram (velut
per exuctionem in ovis vitreis) dilatetur, magno laboret desi-
derio seipsum restituendi. At admoto calore, e contra appetit
dilatari, -et concupiscit J novam sphaeram, et transit et migrat in
illam libenter tanquam in novam formam (ut loquuntur) ; nee
post dilatationem nonnullam de reditu curat, nisi per admotio-
nem frigidi ad earn invitetur ; quse non reditus est, sed trans-
mutatio repetita. Eodem modo et aqua, si per compressionem
arctetur, recalcitrat; et vult fieri qualis fuit, scilicet latior. At
si interveniat frigus intensum et continuatum, mutat se sponte
sua et libenter in condensationem glaciei ; atque si plane conti-
nuetur frigus, nee a teporibus interrumpatur (ut fit in speluncis
et cavernis paulo profundioribus), vertitur in crystallum2 aut
materiam similem, nee unquam restituitur.

Sit Motus Quintus, Motus Continuationis. Intelligimus au-

1 Concupiscet, in the original. — J. S.

3 Pliny, xxxvii. 9. Also Seneca, Natural Questions. Though this account o.' the
origin of crystals is of course erroneous, yet there is a class of crystals which have been
shown to occupy the volume which their water of crystallisation would in the state 01'
ice ; so that their other constituents may in some sort be said to take up no space.
This curious analogy with ice was proved by Playfair and Joule in a very considerable
number of cases. See Phil. Mag. Dec. 1 845.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 333

tern non continuationis slmplicis et primaries, cum corpore
aliquo altero (nam ille est Motus Nexus) ; sed continuationis
sui, in corpore certo. Certissimum enim est, quod corpora
omnia solutionem continuitatis exhorreant; alia magis, alia
minus, sed omnia aliquatenus. Nam ut in corporibus duris
(veluti chalybis, vitri) reluctatio contra discontinuationem est
maxime robusta et valida, ita etiam in liquoribus, ubi cessare
aut languere saltern videtur motus ejusmodi, tamen non prorsus
reperitur privatio ejus ; sed plane inest ipsis in gradu tanquam
infimo, et prodit se in experimentis plurimis ; sicut in bullis, in
rotunditate guttarum, in filis tenuioribus stillicidiorum, et in
sequacitate corporum glutinosorum, et ejusmodi. Sed maxime
omnium se ostendit appetitus iste, si discontinuatio tentetur
usque ad fractiones minores. Nam in mortariis, post contusio-
nem ad certum gradum, non amplius operatur pistillum ; aqua
non subintrat rimas minores ; quin et ipse aer, non obstante
subtilitate corporis ipsius, poros vasorum paulo solidiorum non
pertransit subito, nee nisi per diuturnam insinuationem.

Sit Motus Sextus, motus quern nominamus Motum ad
Lucrum, sive Motum Indigentice. Is est, per quern corpora,
quando versantur inter plane heterogenea et quasi inimica, si
forte nanciscantur copiam aut commoditatem evitandi ilia he-
terogenea et se applicandi ad magis cognata, (licet ilia ipsa
cognata talia fuerint quae non habeant arctum consensum cum
ipsis) tamen statim ea amplectuntur, et tanquam potiora ma-
lunt ; et lucri loco (unde vocabulum sumpsimus) hoc ponere
videntur, tanquam talium corporum indiga. Exempli gratia:
aurum, aut aliud metallum foliatum non delectatur acre circum-
fuso. Itaque si corpus aliquod tangibile et crassum nanciscatur
(ut digitum, papyrum, quidvis aliud), adhseret statim, nee facile
divellitur. Etiam papyrus, aut pannus, et hujusmodi, non
bene se habent cum aere qui inseritur et commistus est in
ipsorum poris. Itaque aquam aut liquorem libenter imbibunt,
et aerem exterminant. Etiam saccharum, aut spongia infusa
in aquam aut vinum, licet pars ipsorum emineat et longe attol-
latur supra vinum aut aquam, tamen aquam aut vinum pau-
latim et per gradus attrahunt in sursum.

Unde optimus canon sumitur aperturae et solutionum corpo-
rum. Missis enim corrosivis et aquis fortibus, quas viam sibi
aperiunt, si possit inveniri corpus proportionatum et magis con-
sentiens et amicum corpori alicui solido quam illud cum quo

334 NOVUM ORGANUM.

tanquam per neccssitatem commiscetur, statim se aperit et
relaxat corpus, et illud alterum intro recipit, priore excluso aut
summoto. Neque operatur aut potest iste Motus ad Lucrum
solummodo ad tactum. Nam electrica operatio (de qua Gilber-
tus et alii post eum tantas excitarunt fabulas) non alia est
quam corporis per fricationem levem excitati appetitus; qui
aerem non bene tolerat, sed aliud tangibile mavult, si reperiatur
in propinquo.

Sit Motus Septimus, Motus (quern appellamus) Congrega-
tionis Majoris ; per quern corpora feruntur ad massas connatu-
ralium suorum : gravia, ad globum terras ; levia, ad ambitum
coeli. Hunc Schola nomine Motus Naturalis insignivit : levi
contemplatione, quia scilicet nil spectabile erat ab extra quod
eum motum cieret ; (itaque rebus ipsis innatum atque insitum
putavit) ; aut forte quia non cessat. Nee mirum : semper enim
praesto sunt crelum et terra ; cum e contra causae et origines
plurimorum ex reliquis motibus interdum absint, interdum
adsint. Itaque hunc, quia non intcrmittit sed casteris inter-
mittentibus statim occurrit, perpetuum et proprium ; reliquos
ascititios posuit. Est autem iste motus revera satis infirmus
et hebes, tanquam is qui (nisi sit moles corporis major) caeteris
motibus, quamdiu operantur, cedat et succumbat. Atque cum
hie motus hominum cogitationes ita impleverit ut fere reliquos
motus occultaverit, tamen parum est quod homines de eo sciunt,
sed in multis circa ilium erroribus versantur.

Sit Motus Octavus, Motus Congregationis Minoris ; per
quern partes homogeneae in corpore aliquo separant se ab hete-
rogeneis, et coeunt inter sese ; per quern etiam corpora integra
ex similitudine substantiae se amplectuntur et fovent, et quan-
doque ad distantiam aliquam congregantur, attrahuntur, et
conveniunt : veluti cum in lacte flos lactis post moram aliquam
supernatat; in vino faeces et tartarum subsidunt. Neque enim
haec fiunt per motum gravitatis et levitatis tantum, ut aliae
partes summitatem petant, alias ad imum vergant; sed multo
magis per desiderium homogeneorum inter se coeundi et se
uniendi. Differt autem iste motus a Motu Indigentiae, in
duobus. Uno, quod in Motu Indigentiae sit stimulus major
naturae malignae et contrariae ; at in hoc motu (si modo impedi-
menta et vincula absint) uniuntur partes per amicitiam, licet
absit natura aliena quae litem moveat : alter o, quod arctior sit
unio, et tanquam majore cum delectu. In illo enim, modo

NOVUM ORGANUM. 335

evitetur corpus inimicum, corpora etiam nou adinodum cognata
concurrunt ; at in hoc coeunt substantial, germana plane simili-
tudine devinctae, et conflantur tanquam in unum. Atque hie
motus omnibus corporibus compositis inest ; et se facile con-
spiciendum in singulis daret, nisi ligaretur et fraenaretur per
alios corporum appetitus et necessitates, qua? istam coitionem
disturbant.

Ligatur autem motus iste plerumque tribus modis : torpore
corporum; fraeno corporis dominantis; et motu externo. Ad
torporem corporum quod attinet ; certum est inesse corporibus
tangibilibus pigritiam quandam secundum magis et minus, et
exhorrentiam motus localis ; ut, nisi excitentur, malint statu
suo (prout sunt) esse contenta quam in melius se expedire.
Discutitur autem iste torpor triplici auxilio : aut per calorem,
aut per virtutem alicujus cognati corporis eminentem, aut per
motum vividum et potentem. Atque primo quoad auxilium
caloris; hinc fit, quod calor pronuntietur esse illud quod
separct IJeterogenea, congreget Homogenea. Quam definitionem
Peripateticorum merito derisit Gilbertus ; dicens earn esse
pcrinde ac si quis diceret ac definiret hominem illud esse
quod serat triticum et plantet vineas : esse enim definitionem
tan turn per effectus, eosque particulares.1 Sed adhuc magis
culpanda est ilia definitio ; quia etiam effectus illi (quales
quales sunt) non sunt ex proprietate caloris, sed tantum per
accidens2 (idem enim facit frigus, ut postea dicemus), nempe
ex desiderio partium homogenearum coeundi ; adjuvante tantum
calore ad discutiendum torporem, qui torpor desiderium illud
antea ligaverat. Quoad vero auxilium virtutis inditae a corpore
cognato; illud mirabiliter elucescit in magnete armato, qui
excitat in ferro virtutem detinendi ferrum per similitudinem

1 For the definition we may refer to the Margarita Philosophies, xi. 3 It is founded
on a passage in the De Gen. et Corr. ii. 2. Gilbert's censure on it is to be found in
his posthumous work De Mundo nostro sublunari Philosophia nova, which was published
by Gruter in 1651, long after the death of Bacon. It seems however, as Gruter
remarks, that the work, which he suggests may have been written before the treatise
De Magnete, published in 1600, had been read in manuscript by " viri magni etfama
celeberrimae." "Illi perspicace in Physicis praesertim ingenio baud poenitendae in
evolvendo operae testimonium dederunt, quod integrum excussisse censeantur, et aliqua
a vulgaribus opinionibus abhorrentia calculo suo comprobata hinc sparsim citent ;" in
which I do not doubt that Gruter refers to Bacon. Bacon's quotation seems to have
been made from imperfect memory, as the words of the original are: — "quid illud
cstendit aut quae ilia differentia ab effectu tantum in quibusdam corporibus, congregants
homogenea et disgregans heterogenea 9 ac si diceres hominem animal esse carduos ef.
sentes evellens, et fruges serens, cum istud sit agricolae studium." — De Mundo, &c., i.
c. 26.

8 i. e. they arise indirectly.

336 NOVUM ORGANUM.

substantiae, discusso torpore ferri per virtutem magnetis. Quoad
vero auxiliummotus; conspicitur illud in sagittis ligneis, cuspide
etiam lignea; quae altius penetrant in alia ligna quam si fuissent
armataa ferro, per similitudinem substantiae, discusso torpore
ligni per motum celerem : de quibus duobus experimentis et-
iam in aphorismo de Instantiis Clandestinis diximus.

Ligatio vero Motus Congregationis Minoris, qua3 fit per frae-
num corporis dominantis, conspicitur in solutione sanguinis et
urinarum per frigus. Quamdiu enim replcta fuerint corpora
ilia spiritu agili, qui singulas eorum partes cujuscunque generis
ipse ut dominus totius ordinat et cohibet, tamdiu non coeunt
homogenea1 propter frgenum ; sed postquam ille spiritus evapo-
raverit, aut suffocatus fuerit per frigus, turn solutae partes a
fraeno coeunt secundum desiderium suum naturale. Atque
ideo fit, ut omnia corpora quae continent spiritum acrem (ut
sales, et hujusmodi) durent et non solvantur, ob fraenum per-
raanens et durabile spiritus dominantis et imperiosi.

Ligatio vero Motus Congregationis Minoris, qua? fit per mo-
tum externum, maxime conspicitur in agitationibus corporum
per quas arcetur putrefactio. Omnis enim putrefactio fundatur
in congregatione homogeneorum ; unde paulatim fit corruptio
prioris (quam vocant) formae, et generatio novae. Nam putre-
factionem, quas sternit viam ad generationem novae forma?, prae-
cedit solutio veteris ; quae est ipsa coitio ad homogeniam. Ea
vero si non impedita fuerit, fit solutio simplex ; sin occurrant
varia quae obstant, sequuntur putrefactiones qua? sunt rudimenta
generationis novae. Quod si (id quod nunc agitur) fiat agitatio
frequens per motum externum, turn vero motus iste coitionis
(qui est delicatus et mollis et indiget quiete ab externis) dis-
turbatur et cessat ; ut fieri videmus in innumeris ; veluti cum
quotidiana agitatio aut profluentia aquae arceat putrefactionem ;
venti arceant pestilentiam ae'ris ; grana in granariis versa et
agitata maneant pura; omnia denique agitata exterius non
facile putrefiant interius.

Superest ut non omittatur coitio ilia partium corporum, unde
fit praecipue induratio et desiccatio. Postquam enim spiritus,
aut humidum in spiritum versum, evolaverit in aliquo corpore
porosiore (ut in ligno, osse, membrana, et hujusmodi), turn
partes crassiores majore nixu contrahuntur et coeunt, unde

1 [" Heterogenea" in the original edition] ; clearly a wrong reading : the sense
requires " homogenea."

NOVUM ORGANUM. 337

sequltur induratlo aut desiccatio : quod existimamus fieri, non
tarn ob Motum Nexus, ne detur vacuum, quam per motum
istum amicitia? et unionis.

Ad coitionem vero ad distans quod attinet, ea infrequens est
et rara; et tamen in pluribus inest quam quibus observatur.
Hujus simulacra sunt, cum bulla solvat bullam ; medicamenta
ex similitudine substantiae trahant humores ; chorda in diversis
fidibus ad unisonum moveat chordam; et hujusmodi. Etiam
in spiritibus animalium hunc motum vigere existimamus, sed
plane incognitum. At eminet certe in magnete, et ferro excito.
Cum autem de motibus magnetis loquimur, distinguendi plane
sunt. Quatuor enim virtutes sive operationes sunt in ma-
gnete, quae non confundi, sed separari debent ; licet admiratio
hominum et stupor eas commiscuerit. Una, coitionis magnetis
ad magnetem, vel ferri ad magnetem, vel ferri exciti ad ferrum.
Secunda, verticitatis ejus ad septentriones et austrum, atque
simul declinationis ejus. Tertia, penetrationis ejus per aurum,
vitrum, lapidem, omnia. Quarta, communicationis virtutis ejus
de lapide in ferrum, et de ferro in ferrum, absque commu-
nicatione substantise. Verum hoc loco de prirna virtute ejus
tantum loquimur, videlicet coitionis. Insignis etiam est motus
coitionis argenti vivi et auri ; adeo ut aurum alliciat argentum
vivum, licet confectum in unguenta ; atque operarii inter vapores
argenti vivi soleant tenere in ore frustum auri, ad colligendas
emissiones argenti vivi, alizis crania et ossa eorum invasuras;
unde etiam frustum illud paulo post albescit. Atque de Motu
Congregationis Minoris haec dicta sint.

Sit Motus Nonus, Motus Magneticus ; qui licet sit ex genere
Motus Congregationis Minoris, tamen si operetur ad distantias
magnas et super massas rerum magnas, inquisitionem meretur
separatam ; praesertim si nee incipiat a tactu, quemadmodum plu-
rimi, nee perducat actionem ad tactum, quemadmodum omnes
motus congregativi ; sed corpora tantum elevet, aut ea intume-
scere faciat, nee quicquam ultra. Nam si luna attollat aquas,
aut turgescere aut intumescere faciat humida ; aut coelum stel-
latum attrahat planetas versus sua apogaaa ; aut sol alliget astra
Veneris et Mercurii, ne longius absint a corpore ejus quam ad
distantiam certam ; videntur hi motus nee sub Congregatione
Majore nee sub Congregatione Minore bene collocari ; sed esse
tanquam congregativa media et imperfecta, ideoque speciem
debere constituere propriarn.

VOL. I. Z

338 NOVUM ORGANUM.

Sic Motus Decimus, Motus Fugce ; motus scilicet Motui
Congregationis Minoris contrarius ; per quern corpora ex an-
tipathia fugiunt et fugant inimica, seque ab illis separant, aut
cum illis miscere se recusant. Quamvis enim videri possit
in aliquibus hie motus esse motus tantum per accidens aut
per consequens, respectu Motus Congregationis Minoris, quia
nequeunt coire homogenea nisi heterogeneis exclusis et re-
motis; tamen ponendus est motus iste per se, et in speciem
constituendus, quia in multis appetitus Fugae cernitur magis
principalis quam appetitus Coitionis.

Eminet autem hie motus insigniter in excretionibus ani-
malium ; nee minus etiam in sensuum nonnullorum odiosis
objectis, praecipue in olfactu et gustu. Odor enim foetidus
ita rejicitur ab olfactu, ut etiam inducat in os stomachi motum
expulsionis per consensum ; sapor amarus et horridus ita rejici-
tur a palato aut gutture, ut inducat per consensum capitis con-
quassationem et horrorem. Veruntamen etiam in aliis locum
habet iste motus. Conspicitur enim in antiperistaaibus non-
nullis ; ut in aeris media regione, cujus frigora videntur esse
rejectiones naturae frigidae ex confiniis coelestium ; quemad-
modum etiam videntur magni illi fervores et inflammationes,
quaa inveniuntur in locis subterraneis, esse rejectiones naturas
calidae ab interioribus terrse. Calor enim et frigus, si fuerint in
quanto minore, se invicem perimunt ; sin fuerint in massis ma-
joribus et tanquam justis exercitibus, turn vero per conflictum
se locis invicem summovent et ejiciunt. Etiam tradunt cina-
momum et odorifera, sita juxta latrinas et loca foetida, diutius
odorem retinere ; quia recusant exire et commisceri cum foetidis.
Certe argentum vivum, quod alias se reuniret in corpus inte-
grum, prohibetur per salivam hominis, aut axungiam porci, aut
terebinthinam, et hujusmodi, ne partes ejus coeant; propter
malum consensum quern habent cum hujusmodi corporibus; a
quibus undique circumfusis se retrahunt; adeo ut fortior sit
earum Fuga ab istis interjacentibus quam desiderium uniendi
se cum partibus sui similibus; id quod vocant mortificationem
argenti vivi. Etiam quod oleum cum aqua non misceatur, non
tantum in causa est differentia levitatis, sed malus ipsorum
consensus : ut videre est in spiritu vini, qui cum levior sit oleo,
tamen se bene miscet cum aqua. At maxime omnium insignia
est Motus Fugae in nitro, et hujusmodi corporibus crudis, quae
nammam exhorrent ; ut in pulvere pyrio, argento vivo, necnon

NOVUM ORGANDM. 339

in auro. Fuga vero ferri ab altero polo magnetis a Gilberto
bene notatur non esse Fuga propria, sed conformitas, et coitio
ad situm magis accommodatum.1

Sit Motus Undecimus, Motus Assimilationis, sive Multipli-
cationis sui, sive etiam Generationis Simplicis. Generationem
autem Simplicem dicimus non corporum integralium, ut in
plantis, aut animalibus; sed corporum similarium.2 Nempe
per hunc motum corpora similaria vertunt corpora alia affinia,
aut saltern bene disposita et praeparata, in substantiam et na-
turam suam; ut flamma, quaa super halitus et oleosa multi-
plicat se, et generat novam flammam ; aer, qui super aquam et
aquea multiplicat se, et generat novum aerem ; spiritus vege-
tabilis et animalis, qui super tenuiores partes tarn aquei quam
oleosi in alimentis suis multiplicat se, et generat novum spiri-
tum ; partes solidae plantarum et animalium, veluti folium, flos,
caro, os, et sic de caeteris, qua} singulae ex succis alimentorum
assimilant et generant substantiam successivam et epiusiam.
Neque enim quenquam cum Paracelso delirare juvet, qui (di-
stillationibus suis scilicet occaecatus) nutritionem per separa-
tion em tantum fieri voluit; quodque in pane vel cibo lateat
oculus, nasus, cerebrum, jecur3; in succo terras radix, folium,
flos. Etenim sicut faber ex rudi massa lapidis vel ligni, per

1 "Ita coitio magnetica actus est magnetis et ferri, non actio unius, utriusque
evrf\4xfta lion epyov, tri/j/ei'TtA.e'xe'a et conactus potius quam sympathia ; antipathia
nulla est proprie magnetica Nam fuga et declinatio terminorum, sive conversio totius,
utriusque actus est ad unitatem, a conactu et <rwfVTf\fxfM amborum." — Gilbert, De
Magnete, ii. c. 4.

2 i. e. bodies of uniform texture.

8 I have not been able to find any passage in Paracelsus which altogether corre-
sponds to this remark ; and in his Modus Pharmacandi the process of digestion is
described without reference to the Archeus ; nor is it said that each member " latet
in pane vel cibo." "Hoc scimus, quod cujusque membri nutrimentum latitet in pane,
carne, et in aliis similiter." " Quot vero modis et quibus, necnon qua ratione membris
corporis nutrimentum dividatur, nos ignoramus ; hoc tantum scimus, rem ita se
habere ut diximus." — De Mod. Pharm, \. p. 2,33. (I use the edition of 1603).

Bacon has, however, correctly stated the general doctrine that alimentation is by
separation ; and again Paracelsus affirms that " officium vero Archei est in micro-
cosmo purum ab impuro separare." — De Morbis Tartareis, iii. 195. The truth is that
Paracelsus's views are so often repeated and varied in the course of his writings, thut
it is difficult to know how far his opinions are represented by any particular passage.

It is well to remark that, to a certain extent, the theory here so decidedly con-
demned has, by the recent progress of organic chemistry, been shown to be true.
Nothing seems better established than that the nitrogenised components of animal
bodies are derived from the corresponding elements of their food. With respect to fat,
it is, I believe, a prevailing opinion at present, that animals have the power of con-
verting into it the starch or sugar of their food ; and the production of butyric acid
by fermentation, has been regarded as at least an illustration of the transformation.
One of the highest authorities on such a subject, however, I mean M. Boussangault.
was, at least a few years ago, of a different opinion. He regarded animal fat as the
representative of the fatty matters contained in the food.

z 2

340 NOVUM ORGANUM.

separationem et rejectionem superflui educit folium, florera,
oculum, nasum, manum, pedem, et similia ; ita archceum ilium
fabrum internum ex alimento per separationem et rejectionem
educere singula membra et partes asserit ille. Verum missis
nugis, certissimum est partes singulas, tarn similares quam
organicas, in vegetabilibus et animalibus, succos alimentorum
suorum fere communes, aut non multum diversos, primo at-
trahere cum nonnullo delectu, deinde assimilare, et vertere in
naturam suam. Neque Assimilatio ista, aut Generatio Simplex,
fit solum in corporibus animatis, verum et inanimata ex hac re
participant ; veluti de flamma et acre dictum est. Quinetiam
epiritus emortuus l , qui in omni tangibili animate continetur, id
perpetuo agit, ut partes crassiores digerat et vertat in spiritum,
qui deinde exeat ; unde fit diminutio ponderis et exsiccatio, ut
alibi diximus. Neque etiam respuenda est in Assimilatione
accretio ilia, quam vulgo ab alimentatione distinguunt ; veluti
cum lutum inter lapillos concrescit, et vertitur in materiam lapi-
deam ; squammae circa dentes vertuntur in substantiam non
minus duram quam sunt dentes ipsi, etc. Sumus enim in ea
opinione, inesse corporibus omnibus desiderium assimilandi, non
minus quam coeundi ad homogenea ; verum ligatur ista virtus,
sicut et ilia, licet non iisdem modis. Sed modos illos, necnon
solutionem ab iisdem, omni diligentia inquirere oportet, quia
pertinent ad senectutis refocillationem. Postremo videtur no-
tatu dignum, quod in novem illis motibus, de quibus diximus,
corpora tantum naturae suse conservationem appetere videntur;
in hoc decimo autem propagationem.2

Sit Motus Duodecimus, Motus Excitationis ; qui motus
videtur esse ex genere Assimilationis, atque eo nomine quan-
doque a nobis promiscue vocatur. Est enim motus diffusivus,
et communicativus, et transitivus, et multiplicativus, sicut et
ille; atque effectu (ut plurimum) consentiunt, licet efficiendi

1 By " spiritus emortaus " Bacon understands that which in the Historia Vita et
Mortis he has called " spiritus mortualis." The fourth of his Canoues Mobiles, in the
Historia, &c. is this : — "In omnibus animatis duo sunt genera spirituum, spiritus
mortuales quales insunt inanimatis, et superadditus spiritus vitalis." The former are
such as "insunt in carne, osse, membrana, et caeteris separatis et mortuis." I do not
think there is any distinct trace of this doctrine of a spiritus mortualis in Paracelsus.
In his tract De Viribus Membrorum, i. c. 1., he describes the functions of the spiritus
vitae in relation to the different organs, without referring to any indwelling non-vital
spirit (vol. iii. p. 1. of his Philosophy).

* The first, "motus" which Bacon mentions does not relate to concrete bodies
("corpora"), but to matter in general. The "Motus Assimiiationis " is therefore the
tenth of those which relate to " corpora," though it is the eleventh in the general
arrangement.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 341

modo et subjecto differant. Motus enim Assimilatronis procedit
tanquam cum imperio et potestate ; jubet enira et cogit assimi-
latum in assimilantem verti et mutari. At Motus Excitationis
procedit tanquam arte et insinuatioue et furtim ; et invitat
tantum, et disponit excitatum ad naturam excitantis. Etiam
Motus Assimilationis multiplicat et transformat corpora et sub-
stantias ; veluti, plus fit flammae, plus aeris, plus spiritus, plus
carnis. At in Motu Excitationis, multiplicantur et transeunt
virtutes tantum ; et plus fit calidi, plus magnetici, plus putridi.
Eminet autem iste motus praecipue in calido et frigido. Neque
enim calor diffundit se in calefaciendo per communicationem
primi caloris ; sed tantum per Excitationem partium corporis
ad motum ilium qui est Forma Calidi ; de quo in Vindemi-
atiorie Prima de Natura Calidi diximus. Itaque longe tardius
et difficilius excitatur calor in lapide aut metallo quam in acre,
ob inhabilitatem et impromptitudinem corporum illorum ad
motum ilium ; ita ut verisimile sit posse esse interius versus
viscera terras materias quaa calefieri prorsus respuant ; quia ob
condensationem majorem spiritu illo destituuntur a quo Motus
iste Excitationis plerunque incipit. Similiter magnes induit
ferrum nova partium dispositione et motu conformi ; ipse autem
nihil ex virtute perdit. Similiter fermentum panis, et flos
cervisiae, et coagulum lactis, et nonnulla ex venenis, excitant
et invitant motum in massa farinaria, aut cervisia, aut caseo,
aut corpore humano, successivum et continuatum ; non tarn ex
vi excitantis quam ex praedispositione et facili cessione exci-
tati.1

Sit Motus Decimus Tertius, Motus Impressionis ; qui Motus
est etiam ex genere Motus Assimilationis, estque ex diffusivis

1 The theory here proposed is nearly equivalent to the most recent views on the
same subject, as the following passage will sufficiently show. — It is obvious that both
statements, however much of truth they may involve, are indefinite and unsatisfactory.
It is not said whether the new properties engendered depend upon new types of
motion or new arrangements, though the latter is probably Liebig's opinion.

" All the phenomena of fermentation, when taken together, establish the correctness
of the principle long since recognised by Laplace and Berthollet, namely, that an
atom or molecule, put in motion by any power whatever, may communicate its own mo-
tion to another atom in contact with it.

" This is a dynamical law of the most general application, manifested everywhere
when the resistance or force opposing the motion, such as the vital principle, the force
of affinity, electricity, cohesion, &c., is not sufficiently powerful to arrest the motion
imparted.

" This law has only recently been recognised as a'cause of the alterations in forms
and properties which occur in our chemical combinations ; and its establishment is
the greatest and most enduring acquisition which chemical science has derived from
the study of fermentation." — Liebig's Letters on Chemistry, p. 209.

z 3

342 NOVUM ORGANUM.

motibus subtilissimus. Nobis autein visum est eum in speciem
propriam constituere, propter differentiam insignem quam ha-
bet erga priores duos. Motus enim Assimilationis simplex
corpora ipsa transformat ; ita ut si tollas primum movens nihil
intersit ad ea quae sequuntur. Neque enim prima accensio in
flammam, aut prima versio in ae'rem, aliquid facit ad flamrnam
aut ae'rem in generatione succedentem. Similiter, Motus Ex-
citationis omnino manet, remoto primo movente, ad tempora
bene diuturna ; ut in corpore calefacto, remoto primo calore ;
in ferro excito, remoto magnete ; in massa farinaria, remoto
fermento. At Mjtus Impressionis, licet sit diffusivus, et trans-
itivus, tanien perpetuo pendere videtur ex primo movente;
adeo ut sublato aut cessante illo statim deficiat et pereat ;
itaque etiam momento, aut saltern exiguo tempore, transigitur.
Quare Motus illos Assimilationis et Excitationis, Motus Ge-
nerationis Jovis, quia generatio manet, hunc autem motum
Motum Generationis Saturni, quia natus statim devoratur et
absorbetur, appellare consuevimus. Manifestat se vero hie
motus in tribus ; in lucis radiis ; sonorum percussionibus ; et
magneticis, quatenus ad communicationem.1 Etenim amota
luce, statim pereunt colores et reliquae imagines ejus ; amota
percussione prima et quassatione corporis inde facta, paulo
post perit sonus. Licet enim soni etiam in medio per ventos
tanquam per undas agitentur; tamen diligentius notandum est
quod souus non tarn diu durat quum fit resonatio.2 Etenim
impulsa campana, sonus ad bene magnum tempus continuari
videtur ; unde quis facile in errorem labatur, si existimet toto
illo tempore sonum tanquam natare et hoerere in aere ; quod
falsissimum est. Etenim ilia resonatio non est idem sonus
numero, sed renovatur. Hoc autem manifestatur ex sedatione
sive cohibitione corporis percussi. Si enim sistatur et deti-
neatur campana fortiter et fiat immobilis, statim perit sonus
nee resonat amplius ; ut in chordis, si post primam percussionem
tangatur chorda, vel digito ut in lyra, vel calamo ut in espinetis,
statim desinit resonatio. Magnete autem remoto statim ferrum
decidit. Luna autem a mari non potest removeri ; nee terra
a ponderoso dum cadit. Itaque de illis nullum fieri potest
experimentum ; sed ratio eadem est.

Sit Motus Decimus Quartus, Motus Configurationis, aut Si-

1 t. «. as regards the communication of influence.
t. e. the original sound does not last all the time the resonance goes on.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 343

tus ; per quern corpora appetere videntur, non coitionem aut
separationem aliquam, sed situm, et collocationem, et configura-
tionem cum aliis. Est autem iste motus valde abstrusus, nee
bene inquisitus. Atque in quibusdam videtur quasi incausa-
bilis; licet revera (ut existimamus) non ita sit. Etenim si
quaeratur cur potius ccelum volvatur ab oriente in occiden-
tem quam ab occidente in orientem ; aut cur vertatur circa
polos positos juxta Ursas potius quam circa Orionem, aut ex
alia aliqua parte coeli ; videtur ista quaestio tanquam quaedam
extasis, cum ista potius ab experientia, et ut positiva1 recipi
debeant. At in natura profecto sunt quaedam ultima et in-
causabilia; verum hoc ex illis non esse videtur. Etenim hoc
fieri existimamus ex quadam harmonia et consensu mundi, qui
adhuc non venit in observationem.2 Quod si recipiatur motus
terra ab occidente in orientem, eaedem manent quaestiones.
Nam et ipsa super aliquos polos movetur. Atque cur tandem
debeant isti poli collocari magis ubi sunt quam alibi ? 3 Item
verticitas, et directio, et declinatio magnetis ad hunc motum re-
feruntur. Etiam inveniuntur in corporibus tarn naturalibus
quam artificialibus, prsesertim consistentibus et non fluidis, col-
latio quaedam et positura partium, et tanquam villi et fibrae, quae
diligenter investigandae sunt; utpote sine quarum inventione
corpora ilia commode tractari aut regi non possunt. At circu-
lationes illas in liquidis, per quas ilia dum pressa sint, antequam
se liberare possunt, se invicem relevant, ut compressionem illam
ex sequo tolerent, Motui Libertatis verius assignamus.

Sit Motus Decimus Quintus, Motus Pertransitionis, sive Mo-
tus secundum Meatus ; per quern virtutes corporum magis aut
minus impediuntur aut provehuntur a mediis ipsorum, pro
natura corporum et virtutum operantium, atque etiam medii.
Aliud enim medium luci convenit, aliud sono, aliud calori et
frigori, aliud virtutibus magneticis, necnon aliis nonnullis re-
spective.

1 t. e. as merely positive facts.

2 The most striking instance of this kind of harmony is the circumstance that all
the movements of the solar system are in the same general direction, viz., from west
to east. Laplace has attempted to calculate the probability that this uniformity is
the result of a common cause determining the direction of their movements ; but
these numerical estimations of the probability of the truth of any induction are, on
several accounts, altogether unsatisfactory.

8 This passage shows that Bacon was not aware that the poles are not fixed (collo-
cati) anywhere ; in other words, that he was not acquainted with the precession of the
equinoxes ; — an additional proof how little of his attention had been given to mathe-
matical physics.

z 4

344 NOVUM ORGANUM.

Sit Motus Decimus Sextus, Motus Regius (ita enim eum
appellamus) sive Politicus ; per quern partes in corpore aliquo
pradominantes et imperantes reliquas partes fraenant, domant,
subigunt, ordinant, et cogunt eas adunari, separari, consistere,
moveri, collocari, non ex desideriis suis, sed prout in ordine sit
et conducat ad bene esse partis illius imperantis ; adeo ut sit
quasi Regimen et Politia quaedam, quam exercet pars regens
in partes subditas. Eminet autem hie motus praecipue in spiri-
tibus animalium, qui motus omnes partium reliquarum, quamdiu
ipse in vigore est, contemperat. Invenitur autem in aliis cor-
poribus in gradu quodam inferiore ; quemadmodum dictum est
de sanguine et urinis, quae non solvuntur donee spiritus, qui
partes earum commiscebat et cohibebat, emissus fuerit aut suffo-
catus. Neque iste motus omnino spiritibus proprius est, licet
in plerisque corporibus spiritus dominentur ob motum celerem
et penetrationem. Veruntamen in corporibus magis condensa-
tis, nee spiritu vivido et vigente (qualis inest argento vivo et
vitriolo) repletis, dominantur potius partes crassiores ; adeo ut
nisi frasnum et jugum hoc arte aliqua excutiatur, de nova ali-
qua hujusmodi corporum transformatione minime sperandum
sit. Neque vero quispiam nos oblitos esse existimet ejus quod
nunc agitur ; quia cum ista series et distributio motuum ad nil
aliud spectet, quam ut illorum Praedominantia per Instantias
Luctae melius inquiratur, jam inter motus ipsos Praedominantiae
mentionem faciamus. Non enim in descriptione Motus istius
Regii, de Praedominantia motuum aut virtutum tractamus, sed
de Praedominantia partium in corporibus. Haec enim ea est
Praadominantia, quaa speciem istam motus peculiarem constituit.

Sit Motus Decimus Septimus, Motus Rotationis Spontaneus ;
per quern corpora motu gaudentia, et bene collocata, natura sua
fruuntur, atque seipsa sequuntur, non aliud, et tanquam pro-
prios petunt amplexus. Etenim videntur corpora aut movere
sine termino ; aut plane quiescere ; aut ferri ad terminum, ubi
pro natura sua aut rotent aut quiescant. Atque quae bene
collocata sunt, si motu gaudeant, movent per circulum : motu
scilicet asterno, et infinite. Quae bene collocata sunt, et motum
exhorrent, prorsus quiescunt. Quae non bene collocata sunt,
movent in linea recta (tanquam tramite brevissimo) ad consortia
suorum connaturalium.1 Recipit autem Motus iste Rotationis

This passage is wholly in accordance with the Peripatetic system of physics.
But the modifications which Bacon goes on to enumerate, to which, as he conceives,

NOVUM ORGANUM. 345

differentias novem. Primam, centri sui, circa quod corpora
movent ; secundam, polorum suorum, supra quos movent ; ter-
tiam, circumferentiae sive ambitus sui, prout distant a centre ;
quartam, incitationis suse, prout celerius aut tardius rotant;
quintain, consequutionis motus sui, veluti ab oriente in occiden-
tem, aut ab occidente in orientem ; sextam, declinationis a cir-
culo perfecto per spiras longius aut propius distantes a centro
suo; septimam, declinationis a circulo perfecto per spiras longius
aut propius distantes a polis suis ; octavam, distantise propioris
aut longioris spirarum suarum ad invicem ; nonam et ultimam,
variationis ipsorum polorum, si sint mobiles ; quae ipsa ad rota-
tionem non pertinet, nisi fiat circulariter.1 Atque iste motus
communi et inveterata opinione habetur pro proprio crelestium.
Attamen gravis de illo motu lis est inter nonnullos tarn ex an-
tiquis quam modernis, qui Rotationem terras attribuerunt. At
multo fortasse justior movetur controversia (si modo res non sit
omnino extra controversiam), an motus videlicet iste (concesso
quod terra stet) coeli finibus contineatur, an potius descendat,
et communicetur aeri et aquis. Motum autem Rotationis in
missilibus, ut in spiculis, sagittis, pilis sclopetorum, et simili-
bus, omnino ad Motum Libertatis rejicimus.

Sit Motus Decimus Octavus, Motus Trepidationis, cui (ut ab
astronomis intelligitur) non multum fidei adhibemus.2 Nobis

the eternal circular motions of the heavenly bodies may be subject, are sufficient to
destroy the whole a priori argument in favour of such a system of astronomy as that
•which we find in the twelfth book of the Metaphysics. It has not been sufficiently
observed that the Ptolemaic system is no less at variance with the Peripatetic philo-
sophy than the heliocentrical. The attempts of Turrianus and Fracastorius to
construct what may be called an orthodox system of astronomy — that is one in which
all the motions should take place in circles of which the earth is the centre — was sug-
gested chiefly, as we learn from the Homocentrica of the latter, by the wish to reconcile
astronomy and philosophy. It had no scientific value, since it left all the phenomena
of variations of parallax and apparent diameter unexplained, or, at any rate, gave
an explanation of them which no astronomer would accept. It was nevertheless
favourably received by the systematic Peripaticians. See, for instance, Flaminius,
De prima Philosoph. Paraph, p. 119. (I quote the Basle edition of 1557.)

1 I believe the sense is that unless we restrict ourselves to circular motion, that is,
unless we reject the sixth and seventh species of variation, it will not be necessary for
us to suppose the poles themselves to be movable : in other words, that the phenomena
of which we could by this hypothesis give an account may be adequately represented
without it by means of spirals.

* The name of trepidation was given by the Alphonsine astronomers to a motion
by which they imagined the starry heaven to be affected, and in virtue of which its
equinoxes described small circles of nine degrees radius about those of the ninth or
next superior orb. To account for this motion they introduced a tenth orb. The
phenomenon, however, thus accounted for was altogether imaginary, although it is
true that the length of the tropical year, by supposed variations of which the idea of
trepidation was suggested, is not rigorously constant. It may be questioned whether
.Bacon's hesitation to accept the astronomical motion of trepidation had any better
foundation than his doubts whether the proper motions of the planetary orbs were

346 NOVUM ORGANITM.

autem corporum naturalium appetitus ubique serio perscrutan-
tibus occurrit iste motus; et constitui debere videtur in speciem.
Est autem hie motus veluti aeternse cujusdam captivitatis.
Videlicet ubi corpora non omnino pro natura sua bene locata,
et tamen non prorsus male se habentia, perpetuo trepidant, et
irrequiete se agant, nee statu suo contenta, nee ulterius ausa
progredi. Talis invenitur motus in corde et pulsibus anima-
lium ; et necesse est ut sit in omnibus corporibus, quae statu
ancipiti ita degunt inter commoda et incommoda, ut distracta
liberare se tentent, et denuo repulsam patiantur, et tamen per-
petuo experiantur.

Sit Motus Decimus Nonus et postremus, motus ille cui vix
nomen motus competit, et tamen est plane motus. Quern
motum, Motum Decubitus, sive Motum Exhorrentice Motus,
vocare licet. Per hunc motum terra stat mole sua, moventibus
se extremis suis in medium ; non ad centrum imaginativum, sed
ad unionem. Per hunc etiam appetitum omnia majorem in
modum condensata motum exhorrent, atque illis pro omni
appetitu est non moveri ; et licet infinitis modis vellicentur et
provocentur ad motum, tamen naturam suam (quoad possunt)
tuentur. Quod si ad motum compellantur, tamen hoc agere
semper videntur ut quietem et statum suum recuperent, neque
amplius moveant. Atque circa hoc certe se agilia praebent, et
satis perniciter et rapide (ut pertaesa et impatientia omnis
morae) contendunt. Hujus autem appetitus imago ex parte
tantum cerni potest; quia hie apud nos, ex subactione et
concoctione coelestium !, omne tangibile non tantum non con-
densatum est ad ultimitatem, sed etiam cum spiritu nonnullo
miscetur.

Proposuimus itaque jam species sive elementa simplicia
motuum, appetituum, et virtutum activarum, qua? sunt in na-
tura maxime catholica. Neque pnrum scientiae naturalis sub
illis adumbratum est Non negamus tamen et alias species
fortasse addi posse, atque istas ipsas divisiones secundum ve-
riores rerum venas transferri, denique in minorem numerum
posse redigi. Neque tamen hoc de divisionibus aliquibus abs-
tractis intelligimus : veluti si quis dicat corpora appetere vel

anything more than " res confictac et suppositee." The question of the existence or
non-existence of trepidation could only be decided by a person conversant with the
details of the received system of astronomy.

1 In illustration of this phrase, see note 1 p. 267.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 347

conservationem, vel exaltationem, vel propagationem, vel fru-
itionera naturae suae; aut si quis dicat motus rerum tendere
ad conservationem et bonum, vel universi, ut Antitypiam et
Nexum ; vel universitatum magnarum, ut Motus Congrega-
tionis Majoris, Eotationis, et Exhorrentiae Motus ; vel formarum
specialium, ut reliquos. Licet enim hsec vera sint, tamen nisi
terminentur in materia et fabrica secundum veras lineas, spe-
culativa sunt, et minus utilia. Interim sufficient et boni erunt
usus ad pensitandas Praedominantias virtutum et exquirendas
Instantias Luctae ; id quod nunc agitur.

Etenim ex his quos proposuimus motibus alii prorsus sunt
invincibiles ; alii aliis sunt fortiores, et illos ligant, fraenant,
disponunt ; alii aliis longius jaculantur ; alii alios tempore et
celeritate prasvertunt; alii alios fovent, roborant, ampliant,
accelerant.

Motus Antitypias omnino est adamantiuus et invincibilis.
Utrum vero Motus Nexus sit invincibilis adhuc haeremus.
Neque enim pro certo affirmaverimus utrum detur Vacuum,
sive coacervatum sive permistum.1 At de illo nobis constat,
rationem illam, propter quam introductum est Vacuum a Leu-
cippo et Democrito (videlicet quod absque eo non possent
eadem corpora complecti et implere majora et minora spatia),
falsam esse. Est enim plane plica matericB complicantis et re-
plicantis se per spatia, inter certos fines, absque interpositione
Vacui ; neque est in aere ex vacuo bis millies (tantum enim
esse oportet) plus quam in auro.2 Id quod ex potentissimis

1 " Vacuum permistum," Kecbv a.x<apifftov, is vacuum diffused through the inter-
stices of any portion of matter. By " vacuum coacervatum," /cevW Kfxfa?lff^vovt is
meant clear empty space. See, for this distinction, Aristotle, Phys. iv. 7. Hero of
Alexandria, whom Bacon mentions more than once, approves of those who admit the
former kind of vacuum and reject the latter. See the Introduction to his Spiritalia.

[It is perhaps worth observing that in the fable entitled " Cupido sive Atomus {De
Sap. Vet. xvii.), where the theory of a vacuum is mentioned, this distinction was not
introduced till Bacon revised the work in his later years. The passage which stands
thus in the original edition ( 1 609) — " Quisquis autcm atomum ponit et vacuum, neces-
sario virtutem atomi ad distans introducit" — is altered, in the edition published by
Rawley after Bacon's death, to " Quisquis autem atomum asserit atque vacuum (licet
istud vacuum intermistum ponat, non segregatum) necessario," &c. — J. S.~\

2 " Ex vacuo bis millies " is to be rendered " two thousand times as much of
vacuity." Bacon (vid. supra, H. 50.) thought spirit of wine a hundred times denser
than its own vapour, and gold twenty-one times denser than spirit of wine. In the
Historic. Densi et Rari, he remarks that air is at least a hundred-fold rarer than
water ; and from the table there given it appears that the specific density of gold is to
that of water as 1000 to 56, nearly. Hence he must have estimated the density of
gold at 1900-fold that of air. Now, if we take the same weight of air and of gold, it is
clear that, neglecting the space occupied by the solid matter, supposed equally dense, of
each, the ratio of their densities is the same as that of the " vacua permista " which
they respectively contain, and that if we take the solid matter into account the " ex

348 NOVUM ORGANUM.

corporum pneumaticornm virtutibus (quae aliter tanquam pul-
veres minuti natarent in vacuo), et multis aliis demonstra-
tionibus, nobis satis liquet. Reliqui vero Motus regunt et
reguntur invicem, pro rationibus vigoris, quanti, incitationis,
ejaculationis, necnon tum auxiliorum turn impedimentorum
quae occurrunt.

Exempli gratia : magnes armatus nonnullus detinet et sus-
pendit ferrum, ad sexagecuplum pondus ipsius ; eo usque domi-
natur Motus Congregationis Minoris super Motum Congrega-
tionis Majoris ; quod si majus fuerit pondus, succumbit. Vectis
tanti roboris sublevabit tantum pondus ; eo usque dominatur
Motus Libertatis super Motum Congregationis Majoris ; sin
majus fuerit pondus, succumbit. Corium tensum ad tensuram
talem non rumpitur; eo usque dominatur Motus Continu-
ationis super Motum Tensura3 ; quod si ulterior fuerit tensura,
rumpitur corium, et succumbit Motus Continuationis. Aqua
per rimam perforationis talis effluit ; eo usque dominatur Motus
Congregationis Majoris super Motum Continuationis ; quod si
minor fuerit rima, succumbit, et vincit Motua Continuationis.
In pulvere sulphuris solius immissi 1 in sclopetum cum pila, et
admoto igne, non emittitur pila ; in eo Motus Congregationis
Majoris vincit Motum Hyles. At in pulvere pyrio immisso
vincit Motus Hyles in sulphure, adjutus Motibus Hyles et
Fuga3 in nitro. Et sic de casteris. Etenim Instantiae Lucta?
(quae indicant Praedominantiam Virtutum, et secundum quas
rationes et calculos praedominentur et succumbant) acri et se-
dula diligentia undique sunt conquirendae.

Etiam modi et rationes ipsius succumbentiae motuum dili-
genter sunt introspiciendaa. Nempe, an omnino cessent, vel
potius usque nitantur, sed ligentur. Etenim in corporibus hie
apud nos, nulla vera est quies, nee in integris nee in partibus ;
sed tantum secundum apparentiam. Quies autem ista apparens
causatur aut per ^Equilibrium, aut per absolutam Praedomi-
nantiam Motuum. Per Equilibrium, ut in bilancibus, quae
stant si aaqua sint pondera. Per Prsedominantiam, ut in hy-
driis perforatis, ubi quiescit aqua, et detinetur a decasu, per

vacuo " in the case of air must bear a larger ratio than that of the densities to the
" ex vacuo " of gold ; so that we may take it in round numbers to be as two thousand
to one, as in the text.

The passage is important as showing that Bacon, notwithstanding his frequent men-
tion of Democritus, did not adopt the atomic philosophy, though he did not absolutely
reject the physical part of it.

[So in the original edition.] The true reading seems to be "immisso."

NOVUM ORGANUM. 349

Praedominantiam Motus Nexus. Notandum tamen est (ut
diximus) quatenus nitantur motus illi succumbentes. Etenim
si quis per luctam detineatur extensus in terra, bracliiis et
tibiis vinctis, aut aliter detentis ; atque ille tamen totis viribus
resurgere nitatur ; non est minor nixus, licet non proficiat.
Hujus autem rei conditio (scilicet utrum per Prasdominantiam
motus succumbens quasi annihiletur, an potius continuetur
nixus, licet non conspiciatur), quse latet in conflictibus, ap-
parebit fortasse in concurrentiis. Exempli gratia; fiat expe-
rimentum in sclopetis, utrum sclopetus, pro tanto spatio quo
emittat pilam in linea directa, sive (ut vulgo loquuntur) in
puncto bianco, debiliorem edat percussionem ejaculando in
supra, ubi Motus Ictus est simplex, quam desuper, ubi Motus
Gravitatis concurrit cum Ictu.

Etiam canones Praedominantiarum qui occurrunt colligendi
sunt. Veluti, quod quo communius est bonum quod appetitur,
eo Motus est fortior : ut Motus Nexus, qui respicit commu-
nionem universi, fortior est Motu Gravitatis, qui respicit com-
munionem densorum. Etiam quod appetitus qui sunt boni
privati, non prevalent plerunque contra appetitus boni magis
public!, nisi in parvis quantis. Quse utinam obtinerent in
civilibus.

XLIX.

Inter Prserogativas Instantiarum ponemus loco vicesimo
quinto Instantias Innuentes ; eas scilicet, quse commoda ho-
minum innuunt aut designant. Etenim ipsum Posse et ipsum
Scire naturam humanam amplificant, non beant. Itaque de-
cerpenda sunt ex universitate rerum ea quse ad usus vitas
maxime faciunt. Verum de iis erit magis proprius dicendi
locus, cum Deductiones ad Praxim tractabimus. Quinetiam in
ipso opere Interpretationis circa singula subjecta, locum semper
ChartcB Humana, sive Charter Optatives, assignamus. Etenim
et quasrere et optare non inepte, pars scientiae est.

L.

Inter Praarogativas Instantiarum ponemus loco vicesimo
sexto Instantias Polychrestas, Eae sunt, quaa pertinent ad varia
et sa3pius occurrunt ; ideoque opera et novis probationibus baud
parum parcunt. Atque de instruments ipsis atque ingeniatio-
nibus proprius erit dicendi locus, cum Deductiones ad Praxim
et Experimentandi Modos tractabimus. Quinetiam quaa adhuc
cognita sunt et in usum venerunt, in Historiis Particularibus

350 NOVTJM ORGANUM.

singularum artiura describentur. In praesenti autem subjun-
gemus quaedam catholica circa ea pro exemplis tantum Poly-
chresti.

Operatur igitur homo super corpora naturalia (praster ipsam
admotionem et amotionem corporum simplicem) septem praa-
cipue modis : nempe, vel per exclusionem eorum qua? impediunt
et disturbant ; vel per compressiones, extensiones, agitationes,
et hujusmodi ; vel per calorem et frigus ; vel per moram in loco
convenient!; vel per frsenum et regimen motus; vel per con-
sensus speciales ; vel per alternationem tempestivam et debitam,
atque seriem et successionem horum omnium ; aut saltern non-
nullorum ex illis.

Ad primum igitur quod attinet ; aer communis qui undique
prasto est et se ingerit, atque radii coelestium, multum turbant.
Qua3 itaque ad illorum exclusionem faciunt, merit o haberi
possint pro Polychrestis. Hue igitur pertinent materies et
crassities vasorum, in quibus corpora ad operation em praaparata
reponuntur. Similiter, modi accurati obturationis vasorum,
per consolidationem et lutum sapientia, ut loquuntur chymici.
Etiam clausura per liquores in extimis, utilissima res est; ut
cum infundunt oleum super vinum aut succos herbarum, quod
expandendo se in summitate instar operculi, optime ea conservat
illaesa ab acre. Neque pulveres res mala? sunt ; qui, licet con-
tineant aerem permistum, tamen vim ae'ris coacervati et circum-
fusi arcent ; ut fit in conservatione uvarum et fructuum intra
arenam, et farinam. Etiam cera, mel, pix, et hujusmodi tenacia,
recte obducuntur ad clausuram perfectiorem, et ad summoven-
dum aerem et coelestia. Etiam nos experimentum quandoque
fecimus, ponendo vas, necnon aliqua alia corpora, intra argentum
vivum, quod omnium longe densissimum est ex iis qua? circum-
fundi possunt. Quinetiam specus et cavernaa subterranea3
magni usus sunt ad prohibendum insolationem et aerem istum
npertum praadatorium ; qualibus utuntur Germani Septentrio-
nales pro granariis. Necnon repositio corporum in fundo aqua-
rum ad hoc spectat, ut memini me quippiam audisse de utribus
vini demissis in profundum puteum, ad infrigidationem scilicet ;
sed casu et per neglectum ac oblivionem ibidem remanentibus
per multos annos, et deinde extractis ; unde vinum factum est
non solum non vapidum aut emortuum, sed multo magis nobile
ad gustum, per commixtionern partium suarum (ut videtur)
magis exquipitam. Quod si postulet res ut corpora demittantur

NOVUM ORGANUM. 351

adfundum aquarum, veluti intra fluvios aut mare, neque tamen
aquas tangant, nee in vasibus obturatis concludantur, sed acre
tan turn circumdentur; bonus est usus vasis illius quod adhibitum
est nonnunquam ad operandum subter aquis super navigia de-
mersa, ut urinatores diutius manere possint sub aquis, et per
vices ad tempus respirare. Illud hujusmodi erat. Conficie-
batur doliuin ex metallo concavum, quod demittebatur aequa-
biliter ad superficiem aquas, atque sic deportabat totum aerem
qui continebatur in dolio secum in fundum maris. Stabat auteni
super pedes tres (instar tripodis), qui longitudinis erant ali-
quanto minoris statura hominis ; ita ut urinator posset cum
anhelitus deficeret, immittere caput in cavum dolii, et respirare,
et deinde opus continuare. Atque audivimus inventam esse
jam machinam aliquam naviculae aut scaphae, quse homines
subter aquis vehere possit ad spatia nonnulla.1 Verum sub
tali vase, quale modo diximus, corpora quasvis facile suspeudi
possint; cujus causa hoc experimentum adduximus.

Est et alius usus diligentis et perfectae clausurae corporum :
nempe, non solum ut prohibeatur aditus aeris per exterius (de
quo jam dictum est), verum etiam ut cohibeatur exitus spiri-
tus corporis, super quod fit operatic per interius. Necesse est
enim ut operanti circa corpora naturalia constet de summis
suis : viz. quod nihil expirarit aut effluxerit. Fiunt enim pro-
fundae alterationes in corporibus, quando, natura prohibente
annihilationem, ars prohibeat etiam deperditionem aut evola-
tionem alicujus partis. Atque hac de re invaluit opinio falsa
(quaa si vera esset, de ista conservatione summae certae absque
diminutione esset fere desperandum) : viz. spiritus corporum, et
aerem majori gradu caloris attenuatum, nullis vasorum claustris
posse contineri, quin per poros vasorum subtiliores evolent.
Atque in hanc opinionem adducti sunt homines per vulgata ilia
experimenta, poculi inversi super aquam cum candela aut charta
innammata, ex quo fit ut aqua sursum attrahatur ; atque si-
militer ventosarum, quae super flammam calefactae trahunt
carnes. Existimant enim in utroque experimento aerem at-
tenuatum emitti, et inde quantum ipsius minui, ideoque aquam
aut carnes per Nexum succedere. Quod falsissimum est. Aer

1 According to Beckmann, the first distinct mention of the diving-bell, at least in
modern times, is to be found in Fainsius, as quoted by Schott. Fainsius gives an ac-
count of some Greeks who exhibited a diving-bell at Toledo, before Charles the Fifth
and his court, in 1538.

352 NOVUM ORGANUM.

enim non quanta diminuitur, sed spatio contrahitur; neque
incipit motus iste successionis aquae, antequam fiat extinctio
flammse aut refrigeratio aeris ; adeo ut medici, quo fortius at-
trahant ventosae, ponant spongias frigidas * aqua madefactas
super ventosas. Itaque non est cur homines multum sibi
metuant de faclli exitu aeris aut spirituum. Licet enim verum
sit etiam solidissima corpora habere suos poros, tamen segre
patitur aer aut spiritus comminutionem sui ad tantam subtili-
tatem; quemadmodum et aqua exire recusat per rimam minus-
culam.

De secundo vero modo ex septem praedictis illud imprimis
notandum est, valere certe compressiones et hujusmodi violentias
ad motum localem, atque alia id genus, potentissime ; ut in ma-
chinis et missilibus ; etiam ad destructionem corporis organici,
atque earum virtutum quae consistunt plane in motu. Omnis
enim vita, immo etjam omnis flamma et ignitio destruitur per
compressiones; ut et omnis machina corrumpitur et confunditur
per easdem. Etiam ad destructionem virtutum qxiae consistunt
in posituris, et dissimilaritate partium paulo crassiore ; ut in
coloribus (neque enim idem color floris integri et contusi, neque
succini integri et pulverizati) ; etiam in saporibus (neque enim
idem sapor pyri immaturi, et ejusdem compressi ac subacti ; nam
manifesto dulcedinem majorem concipit). Verum ad transfbr-
mationes et alterationes nobiliores corporum similarram non
multum valent istae violentise ; quia corpora per eas non acqui-
runt consistentiam aliquam novam constantem et quiescentem,
sed transitoriam, et nitentem semper ad restitutionem et libe-
rationem sui. Attamen non abs re foret hujus rei facere expe-
rimenta aliqua diligentiora ; ad hoc scilicet, utrum condensatio
corporis bene similaris (qualia sunt aer, aqua, oleum, et hujus-
modi), aut rarefactio similiter per violentiam indita, possint fieri
constantes et fixae et quasi mutatae in naturam. Id quod primo
experiendum per moram simplicem ; deinde per auxilia et
consensus. Atque illud nobis in promptu fuisset (si modo in
mentem venisset), cum aquam (de qua alibi) per malleationes et
pressoria condensavimus, antequam erumperet. Debueramus
enim sphaeram complanatam per aliquot dies sibi permisisse, et
turn demum aquam extraxisse ; ut fieret experimentum, utrum
statim impletura fuisset talem dimensionem, qualem habebat
ante condensationem. Quod si non fecisset aut statim, aut certe

1 The right reading is doubtless " frigitia ; " but the sen?e is obvious.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 353

paulo post, constans videlicet facta videri potuisset ista conden-
satio; sin minus, apparuisset factam fuisse restitutionem, et
compressionem fuisse transitoriam. Etiam simile quiddam fa-
ciendum erat circa extensionem aeris in ovis vitreis. Etenim
debuerat fieri, post exuctionem fortem, subita et firma obtu-
ratio ; deinde debuerant ova ilia manere ita obturata per non-
nullos dies ; et turn demum experiendum fuisset, utrum aperto
foramine attractus fuisset aer cum sibilo, aut etiam attracta
fuisset tanta quantitas aquae post immersionem, quanta fuisset ab
initio, si nulla adhibita fuisset mora. Probabile enim, aut saltern
dignum probatione est, haec fieri potuisse et posse ; propterea
quod in corporibus paulo magis dissimilaribus similia efficiat
mora temporis. Etenim baculum per compressionem curvatum
post aliquod tempus non resilit ; neque id imputandum est alicui
deperditioni ex quanto ligni per moram ; nam idem fiet in lamina
ferri (si augeatur mora), quae non est expirabilis. Quod si non
euccedat experimentum per moram simplicem, tamen non dese-
rendum est negotium, sed auxilia alia adhibenda. Non enim
parum lucri fit, si per violentias indi possint corporibus naturoj
fixae et constantes. Hac enim ratione aer possit verti in aquam
per condensationes, et complura alia id genus. Dominus enim
est homo motuum violentorum, magis quam caeterorum.

At tertius ex septem modis, refertur ad magnum illud
organum, tarn naturae quam artis, quoad operandum ; videlicet
calidum et frigidum. Atque in hac parte claudicat plane
potentia humana, tanquam ex uno pede. Habemus enim ca-
lorem ignis, qui caloribus solis (prout ad nos deferuntur) et
caloribus animalium quasi infinitis partibus potentior est et
intensior. At deest frigus, nisi quale per tempestates hyemales,
aut per cavernas, aut per circundationes nivis et glaciei, haberi
potest : quod in comparatione aequari potest cum calore fortasse
solis meridiano in regione aliqua ex torridis, aucto insuper per
reverberationes montium et parietum ; nam hujusmodi utique
tarn calores quam frigora ab animalibus ad tempus exiguum
tolerari possunt. Nihili autem sunt fere prse calore fornacis
ardentis, aut alicujus frigoris quod huic gradui respondeat. Ita-
que omnia hie apud nos vergunt ad rarefactionem, et desicca-
tionem, et consumptionem : nihil fere ad condensationem et in-
tenerationem, nisi per misturas et modos quasi spurios. Quare
Instantiae Frigoris omni diligentia sunt conquirendae ; quales
videntur inveniri in expositione corporum super turres quando

VOL. I. ' A A

354 NOVUM ORGANUM.

gelat acriter ; in cavernis subterraneis ; circundationibus nivig
et glaciei in locis profundioribus, et ad hoc excavatis ; de-
missione corporum in puteos ; sepulturis corporum in argento
vivo et metallis; immersione corporum in aquis, quae vertunt
llgna in lapides; defossione corporum in terra (qualis fertur
apud Chinenses esse confectio porcellanae, ubi massae ad hoc
factaa dicuntur manere intra terrain per quadraginta aut quin-
quaginta annos, et transmitti ad hasredes, tanquam miner®
quasdam artificiales) ; et hujusmodi. Quinetiam quae inter-
veniunt in natura condensations, factae per frigora, similiter
sunt investigandae ; ut, causis eorum cognitis, transferri pos-
sint in artes. Quales cernuntur in exudatione marmoris et
lapidum ; in rorationibus super vitra per interius fenestrarum,
sub auroram, post gelu noctis ; in originibus et collectionibus
vaporum in aquas sub terra, unde saepe scaturiunt fontes ; et
quascunque sunt hujus generis.

Inveniuntur autem, praster ilia quae sunt frigida ad tactum,
quasdam alia potestate frigida, qua? etiam condensant ; verun-
tamen operari videntur super corpora animalium tantum, et vix
ultra. Hujus generis se ostendunt multa in medicinis et em-
plastris. Alia autem condensant carnes et partes tangibiles ;
qualia sunt medicamenta astringentia, atque etiam inspissantia ;
alia condensant spiritus ; id quod maxime cernitur in soporiferis.
Duplex autem est modus condensationis spirituum, per medi-
carnenta soporifera, sive provocantia somnum : alter per seda-
tionem motus ; alter per fugam spirituum. Etenim viola, rosa
sicca, lactuca, et hujusmodi benedicta sive benigna, per vapores
suos amicos et moderate refrigerantes, invitant spiritus ut se
uniant, et ipsorum acrem et inquietum motum compescunt.
Etiam aqua rosacea, apposita ad nares in deliquiis animaj,
spiritus resolutos et nimhim relaxatos se recipere facit, et
tanquam alit. At opiata et eorum affinia spiritus plane fugant,
ex qualitate sua maligna et inimica. Itaque si applicentur
parti exteriori, statim aufugiunt spiritus ab ilia parte, nee am-
plius libenter influunt: sin sumantur interius, vapores eorum,
ascendentes ad caput, spiritus in ventriculis cerebri contentos
undequaque fugant; cumque se retrahant spiritus neque in
aliam partem effugere possint, per consequens coeunt et con-
densantur; et quandoque plane extinguuntur et sufFocantur;
licet rursus eadem opiata moderate sumpta, per accidens secun-
darium (videlicet condensationem illam quae a coitione succedit),

NOVUM ORGANUM. 355

confortent spiritus, eosque reddant magis robustos, et retundant
eorum inutiles et incensivos l motus, ex quo ad curas morborum,
et vitae prolongationem hand parum conferant.

Etiam preparations corporum ad excipiendum Frigus non
sunt omittendae ; veluti quod aqua parum tepida facilius con-
glacietur quam omnino frigida, et hujusmodi.

Praeterea, quia natura Frigus tain parce suppeditat, facien-
dum est quemadmodum pharmacopeias solent; qui quando
simplex aliquod haberi non possit, capiunt succedaneum ejus, et
quid pro quo, ut vocant ; veluti lignum aloes pro xylobalsamo2,
cassiam pro cinamomo. Simili modo diligenter circumspicien-
dum est, si qua? sint succedanea frigoris; videlicet quibusmodis
fieri possint condensationes in corporibus, aliter quam per frigus,
quod illas efficit ut opus suum proprium. Illae autem conden-
sationes videntur intra quaternum numerum (quantum adhuc
liquet) contineri. Quarum prima videtur fieri per contrusionem
simplicem ; quae parum potest ad densitatem constantem (resi-
liunt enim corpora) sed nihilominus forte res auxiliaris esse
queat. Secunda fit per contractionem partium crassiorum in
corpore aliquo, post evolationem aut exitum partium tenuiorum,
ut fit in indurationibus per ignem, et repetitis extinctionibus
metallorum, et similibus. Tertia fit per coitionem partium ho-
mogenearum, quas sunt maxime solidae in corpore aliquo, atque
antea fuerant distractae, et cum minus solidis commistae : veluti
in restitutione mercurii sublimati, qui in pulvere longe majus
occupat spatium quam mercurius simplex, et similiter in omni
repurgatione metallorum a scoriis suis. Quarta fit per consensus,
admovendo quae ex vi corporum occulta condensant ; qui con-
sensus adhuc raro se ostendunt; quod mirum minime est,
quoniam antequam inventio succedat Formarum et Schema-
tismorum, de inquisitione consensuum 3 non multum sperandum
est. Certe quoad corpora animalium, dubium non est quin sint
complures medicinae, tarn interius quam exterius sumptas, quae
condensant tanquam per consensum, ut paulo ante diximus.
Sed in inanimatis rara est hujusmodi operatio. Percrebuit sane,
tarn scriptis quam fama, narratio de arbore in una ex insulis
sive Terceris sive Canariis (neque enim bene memini), quse
perpetuo stillat; adeo ut inhabitantibus nonnullam commodi-

1 Exciting.

2 Xylobalsamum is the technical name of the twigs of the tree which yields the
balm of Gilead.

8 Consensus is equivalent to ffvpTrdQeta.

AA 2

356 NOVUM ORGANUM.

tatem aquas praebeat.1 Paracelsus autem ait, herbam vocatam
Rorem Soils meridie et fervente sole rore impleri, cum alias
herbae undique sint siccae.2 At nos utramque narrationem
fabulosam esse existimamus. Omnino autem illae instantiae
nobilissimi forent usus, et introspectione dignissimas, si essent
veras. Etiam rores illos mellitos, et instar mannas, qui super
.foliis quercus inveniuntur mense Maio, non existimamus fieri
et densari a consensu aliquo, sive a proprietate folii quercus ;
sed cum super aliis foliis pariter cadant, contineri scilicet et
durare in foliis quercus quia sunt bene unita, nee spongiosa, ut
plurima ex aliis.

Calorem vero quod attinet, copia et potestas nimirum ho-
mini abunde adest; observatio autem et inquisitio deficit in
nonnullis, iisque maxime necessariis, utcunque spagyriei se
venditent. Etenim caloris intensioris opificia exquiruntur et
conspiciuntur ; remissions vero, quae maxime in vias naturae
incidunt, non tentantur, ideoque latent. Itaque videmus per
vulcanos istos qui in pretio sunt, spiritus corporum magnopere
exaltari, ut in aquis fortibus, et nonnullis aliis oleis chymicis ;
partes tangibiles indurari, et emisso volatili, aliquando figi ;
partes homogeneas separari ; etiam corpora heterogenea grosso
modo incorporari et commisceri ; maxime autem compages cor-
porum compositorum et subtiliores schematismos destrui et
confundi. Debuerant autem opificia caloris lenioris tentari et
exquiri ; unde subtiliores misturae et schematismi ordinati gigni
possint et educi, ad exemplum naturae et imitationem operum
soils ; quemadmodum in aphorismo de Instantiis Frederis quas-
dam adumbravimus. Opificia enim naturae transiguntur per
longe rninores portiones, et posituras magis exquisitas et varias,
quam opificia ignis, prout nunc adhibetur. Turn vero videatur
homo revera auctus potestate, si per calores et potentias arti-
ficiales opera naturae possint specie repraesentari, virtute perfici,
copia variari; quibus addere oportet accelerationem temporis.
Nam rubigo ferri longo tempore procedit, at versio in crocum

1 This wonderful tree is described in Jonston's Dendrographia, published at Frank-
fort in 1669. See book the tenth, c. 4. One of the authorities he refers to is Cardan
(De variet. rerum), from whom not improbably Bacon derived the story. The tree
is said to be found in the island of Ferro. Cardan, with more than usual caution,
remarks, at the close of the account he gives of it : " Sed postquam hoc tot scriptores
affirmant, fieri potest ut tale aliquid contingat, sed modus nondum perspectus est." —
De rerum variet. vi. c. 22. Compare Oviedo in Ramusio, iii. 71. a.

2 I have not been able to find this in Paracelsus. It seems, however, to accord
with his theory of dew, — namely, that it is an exudation from the sun and stars ; the
suppression of which would lead to the formation of additional suns.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 357

Martis subito ; et similiter de aerugine et cerussa ; christallum
longo tempore conficitur, vitrum subito conflatur ; lapides longo
tempore concrescunt, lateres subito coquuntur, etc. Interim
(quod nunc agitur) omnes diversitates caloris cum effectibus
suis respective diligenter et Industrie undique sunt colligendaj
et exquirendre : ccelestium, per radios suos directos, reflexes,
refractos, et unitos in speculis comburentibus ; fulguris, flammaa,
ignis carbonum ; ignis ex diversis materiis ; ignis aperti, con-
clusi, angustiati et inundantis, denique per diversas fabricas
fornacium qualificati ; ignis flatu exciti, quieti et non exciti ;
ignis ad majorem aut minorem distantiam remoti; ignis per
varia media permeantis : calorum humidorum, ut balnei Ma-
riae1, fimi, caloris animalium per exterius, caloris animalium per
interius, foeni conclusi : calorum aridorum, cineris, calcis, arena?
tepidae ; denique calorum cujusvis generis cum gradibus eorum.
Pra^cipue vero tentanda est inquisitio et inventio effectuum
et opificiorum caloris accedentis et recedentis graduatim, et or-
dinatim, et periodice, et per debita spatia et moras. Ista enim
inaequalitas ordinata revera filia coeli2 est, et generationis mater;
neque a calore aut vehementi, aut praecipiti, aut subsultorio,
aliquid magni expectandum est. Etenim et in vegetabilibus
hoc manifestissimum est ; atque etiam in uteris animalium ma-
gna est caloris inaequalitas, ex motu, somno, alimentationibus
et passionibus foemellarum qua3 uterum gestant; denique in
ipsis matricibus terrse, iis nimirum in quibus metalla et fossilia
efformantur, locum habet et viget ista inasqualitas. Quo magis
notanda est inscitia aliquorum alchymistarum ex reformatis3,
qui per calores aequabiles lampadum et hujusmodi, perpetuo
uno tenore ardentium, se voti compotes fore existimarunt.
Atque de opificiis et effectibus caloris hasc dicta sint. Neque
vero tempestivum est ilia penitus scrutari antequam Rerum
Formae et Corporum Schematismi ulterius investigati fuerint,
et in lucem prodierint. Turn enim quaerenda et adoperanda et
aptanda sunt instrumenta, quando de exemplaribus constiterit.

1 This is properly " balneum maris ; " that is, a mode of communicating heat, to
any substance by putting it into a vessel which is placed in another containing water.
The latter being put on the fire, the former and its contents become gradually and
moderately heated. The reason of the name is obvious. From " balneum maris "
the French made by a kind of translation (the final s not being sounded) " bain,
marie ; " and the form in the text is, I think, merely a retranslation of the French
phrase, the meaning of the second word being mistaken. Balneum Maria is how-
ever, I believe, a common phrase with old writers on chemistry.

2 i. e. of the heavens, physically ; because of the varying warmth of the seasons..
8 i. e. of the reformed school.

A A 3

358 NOVUM ORGANUM.

Quartus modus operand! est per moram, quae certe et promus
et condus naturae est, et quaedam dispensatrix. Moram appel-
lamus, cum corpus aliquod sibi permittitur ad tempus notabile,
munitum interim et defensum ab aliqua vi externa. Turn
enim motus intestini se produnt et perficiunt, cum motus ex-
tranei et adventitii cessant. Opera autem setatis sunt longe
subtiliora quam ignis. Neque enim possit fieri taUs clarificatio
vini per ignem, qualis fit per moram ; neque etiam incinerationes
per ignem tarn sunt exquisitae, quam resolutiones et consum-
ptiones per saecula. Incorporationes etiam, et mistiones subitae
et praecipitatae per ignem, longe inferiores sunt illis, quae fiunt
per moram. At dissimilares et varii schematismi, quos corpora
per moras tentant (quales sunt putredines), per ignem aut ca-
lorem vehementiorem destruuntur. Illud interim non abs re
fuerit notare; motus corporum penitus conclusorum habere
nonnihil ex violento. Incarceratio enim ilia impedit motus
spontaneos corporis. Itaque mora in vase aperto plus facit ad
separationes ; in vase penitus clauso ad commistiones ; in vase
nonnihil clauso, sed subintrante acre, ad putrefactiones ; ut-
cunque de opificiis et effectibus morae undique sunt diligenter
conquirendas instantiae.

At regimen motus (quod est quintus ex modis operand!) non
parum valet. Regimen autem motus vocamus, cum corpus
aliud occurrens corporis alterius motum spontaneum impedit,
repellit, admittit, dirigit. Hoc vero plerunque in figuris et
situ vasorum consistit. Etenim conus erectus juvat ad con-
densationem vaporum in alembicis ; at conus inversus juvat ad
defaecationem sacchari in vasis resupinatis. Aliquando autem
sinuatio requiritur l, et angustiatio, et dilatatio per vices, et hu-
jusmodi. Etiam omnis percolatio hue spectat; scilicet cum
corpus occurrens, uni parti corporis alterius viam aperit, alter!
obstruit. Neque semper percolatio aut aliud regimen motus fit
per extra ; sed etiam per corpus in corpore : ut cum lapilli im-
mittuntur in aquas ad colligendam limositatem ipsarum ; syrup!
clarificantur cum albuminibus ovorum, ut crassiores partes
adhaerescant, et postea separari possint. Etiam huic regimini
motus satis leviter et inscite attribuit Telesius figuras ani-
malium, ob rivulos scilicet et loculos matricis. 2 Debuerat

1 As in a still.

Telesius's doctrine of the formation of the embryo is essentially the same as
Galen's, namely that a system of arteries &c. must be first of all formed in the germ,

NOVUM ORGANUM. 359

nutem notare similem efformationem in testis ovorum, ubi non
sunt rugae aut inaequalitas. At verum est regimen motus ef-
formationes perficere in modulis et proplasticis. l

Operationes vero per consensus aut fugas (qui sextus modus
est) latent saspenumero in profundo. Istae enim (quas vocant)
proprietates occultae, et specificae, et sympathise, et antipa-
thiae, sunt magna ex parte corruptelae philosophise. Neque de
consensibus rerum inveniendis multum sperandum est, ante
inventionem Formarum et schematismorum simplicium. Con-
sensus enim nil aliud est quam symmetria Formarum et Sche-
matismorum ad invicem.

Atqui majores et magis catholici rerum consensus non
prorsus obscuri sunt. Itaque ab iis ordiendum. Eorum prima
et summa diversitas ea est ; ut quaedam corpora copia et rari-
tate materiae admodum discrepent, scliematismis consentiant:
alia contra copia et raritate materiae consentiant, schematismis
discrepent. Nam non male notatum est a chymicis, in princi-
piorum suorum triade, sulphur et mercurium2 quasi per uni-
versitatem rerum permeare. (Nam de sale inepta ratio est, sed
introducta ut possit comprehendere corpora terrea, sicca, et
fixn.) At certe in illis duobus videtur consensus quidam na-
turae ex maxime catholicis conspici. Etenim consentiunt sul-
phur ; oleum, et exhalatio pinguis ; flamma ; et fortasse corpus
stellaa. Ex altera parte consentiunt mercurius ; aqua et vapores
aquei ; aer ; et fortasse aether purus et interstellaris. Attamen
istae quaterniones geminae, sive magnae rerum tribus (utraque
intra ordines suos) copia materiae atque densitate immensum
differunt, sed schematismo valde conveniunt ; ut in plurimis se
produnt. At contra metalla diversa copia et densitate mul-
tum conveniunt (praesertim respectu vegetabilium, etc.), sed
schematismo multifariam differunt ; et similiter vegetabilia et
animalia diversa schematismis quasi infinitis variantur, sed

and that these, by applying themselves to corresponding parts on the surface of the
matrix, determine the channels through which nourishment is supplied, and therefore
(mediately) the development of the different members of the foetus. But it does not
seem that he would have admitted that the smoothness of the shells of eggs was an
objection to his theory. At any rate, he illustrates it by reference to the appearances
presented by an egg opened during incubation. De rerum naturd, vi. c. 4. and 40.

1 The proper word for what we call a model is " proplasma," which is used in a
Latin form by Pliny. I have not seen any authority for such an adjective as " propla-
sticus." What Bacon means is not exactly a model, but a mould for casting.

2 This triad is the fundamental point of Paracelsus's chemical and medical philo-
sophy. See his works throughout, and particularly the tract De tribus primis essentiis,
contained in the third book of his philosophical works.

A A 4

360 NOVUM ORGANUM.

intra copiam materiae sive densitatem paucorum graduum con-
tinentur.

Sequitur consensus maxirae post priorem catholicus, videlicet
corporum principalium et fomitum suorum ; videlicet menstru-
orum1, et alimentorum. Itaque exquirendum, sub quibus
climatibus, et in qua tellure, et ad quam profunditatem metalla
singula generentur ; et similiter de gemmis, sive ex rupibus,
sive inter mineras natis ; in qua gleba terras, arbores singulae,
et frutices, et herbae potissimum proveniant, et tanquam gau-
deant ; et insimul quae impinguationes, sive per stercorationes
cujuscunque generis, sive per cretam, arenam maris, cineres,
etc., maxime juvent ; et quse sint ex his pro varietate glebarum
magis apt83 et auxiliares. Etiam insitio et inoculatio arborum
et plantarum, earumque ratio, quae scilicet plantae super quas
foelicius inserantur, etc., multum pendet de consensu. In qua
parte non injucundum foret experimentum quod noviter audi-
vimus esse tentatum, de insitione arborum sylvestrium (quae
hucusque in arboribus hortensibus fieri consuevit), unde folia
et glandes majorem in modum amplificantur, et arbores fiunt
magis umbrosaa. Similiter, alimenta animalium respective no-
tanda sunt in genere, et cum negativis. Neque enim carnivora
eustinent herbis nutriri ; unde eliam Ordo Folitanorum (licet
voluntas humana plus possit quam animantium caaterorum super
corpus suum), post experientiam factam (ut aiunt), tanquam ab
humana natura non tolerabilis, fere evanuit.2 Etiam materias

1 By " menstrua " are meant the substances out of which any species of mineral is
generated, or, in other words, the causa materialis of its existence. See, on the genera-
tion of metals and other minerals, the fourth and fifth books of Agricola's work De
ortu et caitsis fossilium. He gives an account of the opinions of Aristotle, Theophra-
stus, &c. In modern chemistry the word menstruum is nearly equivalent to solvent.
By the school of Paracelsus the word is used so vaguely that it is difficult to determine
what idea they attached to it, or how they derived their sense of the word from its
original signification. When the word is used as in the text, the metaphor seems to
be taken from the Aristotelian theory of generation, in which Kara T^V Trpurtiv LXriv
iffTtv T\ ran/ Karafrfivitav fyvois.

- Bacon doubtless refers to the austerities of the order of Fetiillans. Jean de la
Barriere, after holding the Cistercian abbey of Feiiillans in commendam for eleven
years, renounced the world in 1573, and in the course of a few years introduced a
most austere rule of life into the abbey of which he was the head. His monks knelt
on the floor during their refections, and some of them were in the habit of drinking
out of skulls. They abstained from eggs, fish, butter, oil, and even salt, and con-
fined themselves to pottage made of herbs boiled in water, and bread so coarse and
black that beasts refused to eat of it. After a while they gave up wine also. Clement
VIII. permitted the society to draw up constitutions for the establishment of their
rule. By these the excessive rigour of their way of life was checked, which was done
in obedience to the Pope, and in consequence of the deaths of fourteen monks in
a single week at Feiiillans. These constitutions were ratified in 1595. Assuming,
of which there seems no doubt, that the Folitani of Bacon are the Feiiillans, I may

NOVUM ORGANUM. 361

cliversae putrefactionum, unde animalcula generantur, notandae
sunt.

Atque consensus corporum principalium erga subordinata
sua (tales enim ii possint censeri quos notavimus) satis in aperto
sunt. Quibus add! possunt sensuum consensus erga objecta
sua. Qui consensus cum manifestissimi sint ; bene notati et
acriter excussi, etiam aliis consensibus qui latent magnam prae-
bere possint lucem.

At interiores corporum consensus et fugae, sive amicitias et
lites (taedet enim nos fere vocabulorum sympathia? et antipathiae,
propter superstitiones et inania), aut falso ascriptas, aut fabulis
conspersa?, aut per neglectum raras admodum sunt. Etenim si
quis asserat inter vineam et brassicam esse dissidium, quia juxta
sata minus laste proveniunt, praesto ratio est l : quod utraque
planta succulenta sit et depraedatrix, unde altera alteram de-
fraudat. Si quis asserat esse consensum et amicitiam inter
segetes et cyaneum, aut papaver sylvestre, quia herbae illas
fere non proveniunt nisi in arvis cultis : debuit is potius asse-
rere dissidium esse inter ea, quia papaver et cyaneus emittuntur
et creantur ex tali succo terras qualem segetes reliquerint et
repudiaverint; adeo ut satio segetum terrain praeparet ad eorum
proventum. Atque hujusmodi falsaruin ascriptionum magnus
est numerus. Quoad fabulas vero, illae omnino sunt extermi-
nandaj. Restat tenuis certe copia eorum consensuum, qui
certo probati sunt experimento ; quales sunt magnetis et ferri,
atque auri et argenti vivi, et similium. At in experimentis
chymicis circa metalla inveniuntur et alii nonnulli observatione
digni. Maxima vero frequentia eorum (ut in tanta paucitate)
invenitur in medicinis nonnullis, quae ex proprietatibus suis
occultis (quas vocant) et specificis, respiciunt aut membra, aut

remark that the latinised form of Feiiillans used is Fuliensis, as an adjective ; the
proper style of the society being " Congregatio Cistertiomonastica B. Mariae Fuliensis."
I have not seen the work of Morotius to which Helyot, from whom the preceding
account is taken, refers ; but in that of C. Henrique, also mentioned by Helyot, I do
not find any authority for Folitani. It is probable that Bacon's chief information on
the subject was gathered orally during his residence in France, before the Feiiillans
had ceased from their first love. The expression " ordo . . . fere evanuit " must be
taken to mean that the severe rule that they had at first was given up. See Helyot,
Hist, des Ordres Monastiques, ivme partie, c. 38. Spondanus, An. 1586, iv. For
some particulars of the early history of the Abbey of Feiiillans, and especially for
the will of Jean de la Barriere, see Voyage Litteraire de deux Ben edict ins," ii. p. 16.
1 On account apparently of this enmity between the vine and the cabbage, the
latter was thought to prevent intoxication. See Lemmius, De occnltis naturce miraculis,
ii. 17. On the subject of similar enmities, see the same work, iv. 10. ; or Cardan's
treatise, De rerun varietate, and particularly the T/teatmm sympatheticum.

362 NOVUM ORGANUM.

humores, aut morbos, aut quandoque naturas individuas. Ne-
que omittendi sunt consensus inter motus et affectus lunae et
passiones corporum inferiorum, prout ex experimentis agricul-
turae, nauticae, et medicines, aut alias cum delectu severe et
sincere colligi et recipi possint. Verum instantiae universae
consensuum secretiorum quo magis sunt infrequentes, eo majori
cum diligentia sunt inquirendas, per traditiones, et narrationes
fidas et probas ; modo hoc fiat absque ulla levitate, aut credu-
litate, sed fide anxia et quasi dubitabunda. Restat consensus
corporum modo operandi tanquam inartificialis, sed usu poly-
chrestus, qui nullo modo omittendus est, sed sedula observatione
investigandus. Is est coitio sive unio corporum, proclivis aut
difficilis, per compositionem, sive appositionem simplicem. Ete-
nim corpora nonnulla facile et libenter commiscentur et incor-
porantur, alia autem aegre et perverse : veluti pulveres melius
incorporantur cum aquis ; calces et cineres, cum oleis ; et sic
de similibus. Neque tantum sunt colligendaa instantias pro-
pensionis aut aversionis corporum erga misturam, sed etiam
collocationis partium, et distributionis, et digestionis, post-
quam commista sint ; denique et praedominantias post misturam
transactam.

Superest ultimo loco ex modis septem operandi, septimus et
postremus ; operatic scilicet per alternationem et vicissitudines
priorum sex; de quo antequam in singulos illos paulo altius
fuerit inquisitum, tempestivum non foret exempla proponere.
Series autem sive catena hujusmodi alternationis, prout ad
singula effecta accommodari possit, res est et cognitu maxime
difficilis, et ad opera maxime valida. Summa autem detinet et
occupat homines impatientia hujusmodi tarn inquisitionis, quam
praxeos ; cum tamen sit instar fili labyrinthi, quoad opera ma-
jora. Atque haec sufficiant ad exemplum Polychresti.

LI.

Inter Prasrogativas Instantiarum, ponemus loco vicesimo
septimo atque ultimo Instantias Magicas. Hoc nomine illas
appellamus, in quibus materia aut efficiens tenuis aut parva
est, pro magnitudine operis et effectus qui sequitur ; adeo ut
etiamsi fuerint vulgares, tamen sint instar miraculi; alias primo
intuitu, alias etiam attentius contemplanti. Has vero natura ex
sese subministrat parce ; quid vero factura sit sinu excusso, et
post inventionem Formarum, et Processuum, et Schematis-
morum, futuris temporibus apparebit. At ista effecta Magica

NOVUM ORGANUM. 363

(quantum adhuc conjicimus) fiunt tribus modis : aut per multi-
plicationem sui, ut in igne, et venenis, quae vocant specifica ;
necnon in motibus, qui transeunt et fortificantur de rota in
rotam ; aut per excitationem sive invitationem in altero, ut in
magnete, qui excit acus innuraeras, virtute nullatenus deperdita
aut diminuta; aut in fermento, et hujusmodi; aut per ante-
versionem motus, ut dictum est de pulvere pyrio, et bombardis,
et cuniculis : quorum priores duo modi indagationem consen-
suum requirunt ; tertius, mensurae motuum. Utrum vero sit
aliquis modus mutandi corpora per minima (ut vocant), et trans-
ponendi subtiliores materias schematismos (id quod ad omni-
modas corporum transformationes pertinet, ut ars brevi tempore
illud facere possit, quod natura per multas ambages molitur),
de eo nulla hactenus nobis constant indicia. Quemadmodum
autem in solidis et veris aspiramus ad ultima et summa ; ita
vana et tumida perpetuo odimus, et quantum in nobis est pro-
fligamus.

LI I.

Atque de Dignitatibus sive Praerogativis Instantiarum haec
dicta sint. Illud vero monendum, nos in hoc nostro Organo
tractare logicam, non philosophiam. Sed cum logica nostra
doceat intellectum et erudiat ad hoc, ut non tenuibus mentis
quasi claviculis rerum abstracta captet et prenset (ut logica
vulgaris), sed naturam revera persecet, et corporum virtutes et
actus, eorumque leges in materia determinatas inveniat ; ita ut
non solum ex natura mentis, sed ex natura rerum quoque haec
scientia emanet ; mirum non est, si ubique naturalibus contem-
plationibus et experimentis, ad exempla artis nostrae, conspersa
fuerit et illustrata. Sunt autem (ut ex iis quae dicta sunt patet)
Prserogativae Instantiarum numero 27 ; nominibus, Instantise
Solitaria? : Instantiae Migrantes : Instantiae Ostensivas : In-
stantiae Clandestinae : Instantiae Constitutivae : Instantiae Con-
formes : Instantiae Monodicaa : Instantiae Deviantes : Instantiae
Limitaneae : Instantiae Potestatis : Instantiae Comitatus et Ho-
stiles : Instantiae Subjunctivae : Instantiae Foederis : Instantiae
Crucis : Instantiae Divortii : Instantiae Januae : Instantiae Ci-
tantes : Instantiae Viae : Instantiae Supplement! : Instantiae
Persecantes : Instantiae Virgae : Instantiae Curriculi : Doses
Naturae : Instant iae Luctae : Instantiae Innuentes : Instantiae
Polychrestaa : Instantiae Magicae. Usus autem harum instan-
tiarum, in quo instantias vulgares excellunt, versatur in genere

364 NOVUM ORGANUM.

aut circa partem informativam ; aut circa operativam ; aut
circa utramque. Atque quoad informativam, juvant illae aut
sensum, aut intellectum. Sensum, ut quinque Instantine
Lampadis: Intellectum, aut accelerando Exclusivam Formae,
ut Solitarise ; aut angustiando et propius indicando Affirmativam
Formae, ut Migrantes, Ostensivae, Comitatus, cum Subjuncti-
vis ; aut erigendo intellectum, et ducendo ad genera et naturas
communes; idque aut immediate, ut Clandestinae, Monodicae,
Foederis ; aut gradu proximo, ut Constitutivae ; aut gradu infimo,
ut Conformes ; aut rectificando Intellectum a consuetis, ut De-
viantes ; aut ducendo ad Formam Magnam, sive Fabricam Uni-
versi1, ut Limitaneae; aut cavendo de Formis et causis falsis, ut
Crucis et Divortii. Quod vero ad Operativam attinet; illae
practicam aut designant ; aut mensurant ; aut sublevant. De-
signant aut ostendendo a quibus incipiendum, ne actum agamus,
ut Instantiae Potestatis; aut ad quid aspirandum, si detur
facultas, ut Innuentes : mensurant quatuor illae Mathematicce :
sublevant Polychrestse et Magicae.

Rursus ex istis instantiis 27, nonnullarum (ut superius
diximus de aliquibus) facienda est collectio jam ab initio, nee
expectanda particularis inquisitio naturarum. Cujus generis
sunt Instantiae Conformes, Monodicae, Deviantes, Limitaneae,
Potestatis, Januae, Innuentes, Polychrestae, Magicae. Has enim
aut auxiliantur et medentur intellectui et sensui, aut instruunt
praxin in genere. Reliquae turn demum conquirendas sunt,
cum conficiemus Tabulas Comparentiae ad opus Interprets circa
aliquam naturam particularem. Sunt enim instantiae Prasro-
gativis istis insignitae et donates animae instar, inter vulgares
instantias comparentias ; et ut ab initio diximus, paucae illarum
sunt vice multarum ; quocirca cum Tabulas conficimus, illas
omni studio sunt investigandas, et in Tabulas referendae. Erit
etiam earum mentio necessaria in iis quae sequuntur. Pras-
ponendus itaque erat earum tractatus. Nunc vero ad adminicula
et rectificationes Inductionis, et deinceps ad concreta, et La-
tentes Processus, et Latentes Schematismos, et reliqua qua?
Aphorismo 21. ordine proposuimus, pergendum; ut tandem
(tanquam curatores probi et fideles) tradamus hominibus fortu-
nas suas emancipato intellectu, et facto tanquam majore ; unde
neeesse est sequi emendationem status hominis, et ampliationem

1 That is, the constitution (or cosmos) of the universe.

NOVUM ORGANUM. 365

potestatis ejus super naturam. Homo enim per lapsum et de

statu innocentiae decidit, et de regno in creaturas. TJtraque

autem res etiam in hac vita nonnulla ex parte reparari potest ;

prior per religionem et fidem, posterior per artes et scientias.

Neque enim per maledictionem facta est creatura prorsus et ad

extremum rebellis. Sed in virtute illius diplomatis1, In sudore

vultus comedes panem tuum, per labores varies (non per dis-

putationes certe, aut per otiosas ceremonias magieas)

tandem et aliqua ex parte ad panem homini

praebendum, id est, ad usus vitas

humanae subigitur.

1 "Diploma" may be rendered "charter."

Finis Libri Secundi Novi Organ!

PARASCEVE

AD

HISTORIAM
NATURALEM ET EXPERIMENTALEM.

[Published in 1620 in the same volume with the Novum Organum.}

369

PREFACE,

AMONG the eight subjects which were to have been handled
in the remaining books of the Novum Organum (see ii. 21.), the
last but one is entitled De parascevis ad inquisitionem3 under
which head Bacon intended (as appears by the introduction to
the following treatise) to set forth the character of the Natural
and Experimental History, which was to form the third part of
the Instauratio.

What may have been the logical connexion between these
eight subjects which determined him to reserve this for the
penultimate place, it seems impossible, by the help of the titles
alone, to divine. But whatever the order in which he thought
advisable to approach it, there can be no doubt that this
Natural and Experimental History was always regarded by
him as a part of his system both fundamental and indispens-
able. So earnestly indeed and so frequently does he insist
on the importance of it, that I once believed it to be the one
real novelty which distinguished his philosophy from those
of his contemporaries and immediate predecessors. And even
now, though Mr. Ellis's analysis of the Baconian Induction
has given me much new light and considerably modified my
opinion in that matter, I am still inclined to think that Bacon
himself regarded it not only as a novelty, but as the novelty
from which the most important results were to be expected ;
and however experience may have proved that his expectations
were in great part vain and his scheme impracticable, I can-
not help suspecting that more of it is practicable than has yet
been attempted, and that the greatest results of science are still
to be looked for from a further proceeding in this direction.

The grounds of this opinion will be explained most con-
veniently in connexion with the following treatise ; a treatise
published by Bacon (on account of the exceeding importance of
the subject) out of its proper place and incomplete ; and to

VOL. I. B B

370 PREFACE TO

which I find nothing among Mr. Ellis's papers that can
serve as preface.

In what the distinctive peculiarity of the Baconian philo-
sophy really consisted, is a question to which every fresh in-
quirer gives a fresh answer. Before I was acquainted with
Mr. Ellis's, which is the latest, and formed upon the largest
survey and subtlest scrutiny of the evidence, I had endeavoured
to find one for myself, and had come to a conclusion which,
though 'quite different from his, is not I think irreconcilable
with it, but contains (as I still venture to believe) a part,
though a part only, of the truth. And the question which I
wish now to raise is whether, as my solution was imperfect
from not taking any account of the novelty contained in the
method of Induction as Bacon understood it, Mr. Ellis's be not
likewise imperfect from not taking sufficient account of the
novelty contained in the Natural History as Bacon intended it
to be employed ; and whether there be not room for a third
solution more complete than either, as including both.

That the philosophy which Bacon meant to announce was in
some way essentially different not only from any that had been
before but from any that has been since, is a position from
which in both cases the inquiry sets out ; and since it is one
which will not perhaps be readily granted by everybody, it
may be worth while to explain the considerations which led me
to it ; the rather because Mr. Ellis and myself, though pro-
ceeding not only independently but by entirely different roads
and in pursuit of different objects — he endeavouring to pene-
trate the secret of Bacon's philosophy, I endeavouring to
understand the objects and purposes of his life — meet never-
theless at this point in the same conclusion.

The process by which I arrived at it myself, I cannot
explain better than by transcribing a paper which I wrote on
the subject in 1 847 ; at which time I had not seen any part of
Mr. Ellis's argument, or heard his opinion upon the question at
issue. What my own opinion is now, I will state afterwards ;
but first I give the paper exactly as I then wrote it ; the length
of the extract being justified — at least if there be any truth in
the conclusion — by the importance of the question at issue ;
for it bears upon the business of the present and future quite
as much as on the knowledge of the past. The form in which

THE PARASCEVE. 371

it is written, — that of a familiar conversation between two
friends, — happened to be the most convenient for the business
I was then about ; and as I could not present the argument
more clearly in any other, I leave it as it is.

A.

Before you go on I wish you would satisfy me on one point, upon
which I have hitherto sought satisfaction in vain. What after all
was it that Bacon did for philosophy ? In what did the wonder and
in what did the benefit consist ? I know that people have all agreed
to call him the Father of the Inductive Philosophy ; and I know that
the sciences made a great start about his time and have in some
departments made great progress since. But I could never yet hear
what one thing he discovered that would not have been discovered
just as soon without his help. It is admitted that he was not for-
tunate in any of his attempts to apply his principles to practice. It
is admitted that no actual scientific discovery of importance was
made by him. Well, he might be the father of discovery for all that.
But among all the important scientific discoveries which have been
made by others since his time, is there any one that can be traced to
his teaching? traced to any principles of scientific investigation
originally laid down by him, and by no other man before him or
contemporary with him ? I know very well that he did lay down a
great many just principles; — principles which must have been acted
upon by every man that ever pursued the study of Nature with
success. But what of that ? It does not follow that we owe these
principles to him. For I have no doubt that I myself, — I that
cannot tell how we know that the earth goes round, or why an apple
falls or why the antipodes do not fall, — I have no doubt (I say) that
if I sat down to devise a course of investigation for the determination
of these questions, I should discover a great many just principles
which Herschel and Faraday must hereafter act upon, as they have
done heretofore. Nay if I should succeed in setting them forth more
exactly, concisely, impressively, and memorably, than any one has
yet done, they might soon come to be called my principles. But if
that were all, I should have done little or nothing for the advance-
ment of science. I should only have been finding for some of its
processes a better name. I want to know whether Bacon did any-
thing more than this ; and if so, what. In what did the principles
laid down by him essentially differ from those on which (while he was
thus labouring to expound them) Galileo was already acting ? From
all that I can hear, it seems evident that the Inductive Philosophy
received its great impulse, not from the great prophet of new prin-
ciples, but from the great discoverers of new facts ; not from Bacon,

BB 2

372 PREFACE TO

but from Galileo and Kepler. And I suppose that, with regard to
those very principles even, if you wanted illustrations of what is
commonly called the Baconian method, you would find some of the
very best among the works of Gilbert and Galileo. What was it
then that Bacon did which entitles him to be called the Regenerator
of Philosophy ? or what was it that he dreamt he was doing which
made him think the work so entirely his own, so immeasurably im-
portant, and likely to be received with such incredulity by at least
one generation of mankind ?

B.

A pertinent question ; for there is no doubt that he was under
that impression. " Cum argumentum hujusmodi prce manibus habeam
(says he) quod tractandi imperitia perdere et veluti exponere NEPAS
sit." He was persuaded that the argument he had in charge was of
such value, that to risk the loss of it by unskilful handling would be
not only a pity but an impiety. You wish to know, and the wish is
reasonable, what it was. For answer I would refer you to the philo-
sophers ; only I cannot say that their answers are satisfactory to
myself. The old answer was that Bacon was the first to break down
the dominion of Aristotle. This is now, I think, generally given up.
His opposition to Aristotle was indeed conceived in early youth, and
(though he was not the first to give utterance to it) I dare say it was
not the less his own, and in the proper sense of the word, original.
But the real overthrower of Aristotle was the great stir through-
out the intellectual world which followed the Reformation and the
revival of learning. It is certain that his authority had been openly
defied some years before the publication of Bacon's principal wri-
tings ; and it could not in the nature of things have survived much
longer. Sir John Herschel however, while he freely admits that
the Aristotelian philosophy had been effectually overturned without
Bacon's aid, still maintains Bacon's title to be looked upon in all
future ages as the great Reformer of Philosophy ; not indeed that he
introduced inductive reasoning as a new and untried process, but on
account of his "keen perception and his broad and spirit-stirring,
almost enthusiastic, announcement of its paramount importance, as
the alpha and omega of science, as the grand and only chain for
linking together of physical truths, and the eventual key to every
discovery and every application."

A.

That is all very fine ; but it seems to me rather to account for his
having the title than to justify his claim to it ; — rather to explain
how he comes by his reputation than to prove that he deserves it.
Try the question upon a modern case. We are now standing upon

THE PARASCEVE. 373

the threshold of a new era in the science of History. It is easy to
see that the universal study of History must be begun afresh upon
a new method. Tales, traditions, and all that has hitherto been
accounted most authentic in our knowledge of past times, must be
set aside as doubtful ; and the whole story must be spelt out anew
from charters, names, inscriptions, monuments, and such like contem-
porary records. Now an eloquent man might easily make a broad
and spirit-stirring announcement of the paramount importance of this
process, as the only key by which the past can be laid open to us as
it really was, — the grand and only chain for linking historical truths
and so forth. But would he thereby entitle himself to be called
the great reformer of History ? Surely not. Such a man might
perhaps get the credit, but it is Niebuhr that has done the thing :
for Niebuhr was the first both to see the truth and to set the
example.

B.

So, I confess, it seems to me. And if I thought that Bacon had
aimed at no more than that, I should not think that his time had
been altogether well employed, or his sense of the importance of his
own mission to mankind altogether justified. For surely a single
great discovery made by means of the inductive process would have
done more to persuade mankind of the paramount importance of it,
than the most eloquent and philosophical exposition. Therefore in
forsaking his experiments about gravitation, light, heat, &c., in order
to set forth his classification of the " Prerogatives of Instances," and
to lay down general principles of philosophy, he would have been
leaving the effectual promotion of his work to secure the exaltation
of his name, than which nothing could be more opposite both to his
principles and his practice. If his ambition had been only to have
his picture stand as the frontispiece of the new philosophy, he could
not have done better indeed than come forward as the most eloquent
expounder of its principles. But if he wanted (as undoubtedly he
did above all other things) to set it on work and bring it into
fashion, his business was to produce the most striking illustra-
tion of its powers, — the most striking practical proof of what it
could do.

Therefore if I thought, as Herschel seems to think, that there
was no essential or considerable difference between the doctrines
which Bacon preached and those which Galileo practised ; — that
Galileo was as the Niebuhr of the new philosophy (according to your
own illustration), and Bacon only as your supposed eloquent man ; —
I should agree with you that Bacon's right to be called the Re-
former of Philosophy is not made out. But when I come to look at
Bacon's own exposition of his views and compare them with the
latest and most approved account I have met with of Galileo's

BBS

374 PREFACE TO

works, I cannot but think that the difference between what Galileo
was doing and what Bacon wanted to be done is not only essential
but immense.

A.

Nay, if the difference be immense, how comes it to be overlooked?
It is from no want of the wish to claim for Bacon all the credit he
deserves in that line.

B.

No. Rather perhaps from the wish to claim too much. We are
so anxious to give him his due that we must needs ascribe to him
all that has been done since his time ; from which it seems to follow
that we are practising his precepts, and that the Baconian philosophy
has in fact been flourishing among us for the last 200 years. You
believe this, don't you ?

A.

People tell me so ; and I suppose the only doubt is whether it
be exclusively and originally his ; — there is no doubt, I fancy, that
it is his.

B.

Certainly that appears to be the general opinion ; and it may
seem an audacious thing in me to say that it is a mistake. But I
cannot help it. It is true that a new philosophy is flourishing
among us which was born about Bacon's time ; and Bacon's name
(as the brightest which presided at the time of its birth) has been
inscribed upon it.

" Hesperus, that led
The starry host, rode brightest : "

not that Hesperus did actually lead the other stars ; he and they
were moving under a common force, and they would have moved
just as fast if he had been away ; but because he shone brightest,
he looked as if he led them. But if I may trust Herschel, I must
think that it is the Galilean philosophy that has been flourishing all
these years ; and if I may trust my own eyes and power of con-
struing Latin, I must think that the Baconian philosophy has yet to
come.

If Bacon were to reappear among us at the next meeting of the
Great British Association, — or say rather if he had appeared there
two or three years ago (for there seems to be something great and
new going on now), I think he would have shaken his head. I
think he would have said, " Here has been a great deal of very good
diligence used by several persons ; but it has not been used upon a
well-laid plan. These solar systems, and steam-engines, and Daguer-
reotypes, and electric telegraphs, are so many more pledges of what
might be expected from an iustauration of philosophy such as I re-

THE PARASCEVE. 375

commended more than 200 years ago ; why have you not tried that ?
You have been acting all the time like a king who should attempt
to conquer a country by encouraging private adventurers to make
incursions each on his own account, without any system of combined
movements to subdue and take possession. I see that wherever you
have the proper materials and plenty of them your work is excellent ;
so was Gilbert's in my time ; so was Galileo's ; nay even Kepler —
though his method was as unskilful as that of the boy who in
doing a long-division sum would first guess at the quotient and then
multiply it into the divisor to see whether it were true, and if it
came out wrong would make another guess and multiply again,
and so on till he guessed right at last, — yet because he had a
copious collection of materials ready to his hand, and enormous per-
severance however perversely applied, and a religious veracity, did
at last hit upon one of the greatest discoveries ever made by one man.
But what could Kepler have done without Tycho Brahe's tables of
observation ? And what might Galileo not have done if he had had
a large enough collection of facts ? This therefore it is that dis-
appoints me. I do not see any sufficient collection made of materials,
— that is, of facts in nature — or any effectual plan on foot for
making one. You are scarcely better off in that respect than
I was; you have each to gather the materials upon which you are
to work. You cannot build houses, or weave shirts, or learn
languages so. If the builder had to make his own bricks, the
weaver to grow his own flax, the student of a dead language to make
his own concordance, where would be your houses, your shirts, or
your scholars ? And by the same rule if the interpreter of Nature
is to forage for his facts, what progress can you expect in the art
of interpretation ? Your scholar has his dictionary provided to
his hand ; but your natural philosopher has still to make his dic-
tionary for himself.

" And I wonder the more at this, because this is the very thing
of all others which I myself pointed out as absolutely necessary to
be supplied, — as the thing which was to be set about in the first
place, — the thing without which no great things could possibly be done
in philosophy. And since you have done me the honour to think so
very highly of my precepts, I am a little surprised that you have not
thought it worth while in so very essential a point to follow them.
And to say the truth, I could wish for my own reputation (if that
were of any consequence) that you had either honoured me a little
more in that way, or not honoured me quite so much in other
ways. You call me the Father of your Philosophy, meaning it for
the greatest compliment you can pay. I thank you for the compli-
ment, but I must decline the implied responsibility. I assure you
this is none of mine. — May I ask whether any attempt has been

B B 4

376 PREFACE TO

made to collect that ' Historiam naturalem et experimentalem qua
sit in ordine ad condendam philosophiam,' concerning which I did
certainly give some very particular directions ; — which I placed as
conspicuously as I could in the very front and entrance of my
design ; — of which I said that all the genius and meditation and
argumentation in the world could not do instead of it ; no, not if all
men's wits could meet in one man's head ; therefore that this we
must have, or else the business must be given up ? ! — If this has
been fairly tried and found impracticable or ineffectual, blot me out
of your books as a dreamer that thought he had found out a great
thing but it turned out nothing. If not, I still think it would be
worth your while to try it."

A.

I partly comprehend your meaning ; but I should prefer it in a
less dramatic form. You think that the difference between what
Galileo did and what Bacon wanted to be done, lay in this — that
Bacon's plan presupposed a history (or dictionary as you call it) of
Universal Nature, as a storehouse of facts to work upon ; whereas
Galileo was content to work upon such facts and observations as he
collected for himself. But surely this is only a difference in degree.
Both used the facts in the same way ; only Bacon wanted a larger
collection of them.

B.

Say rather, Bacon wanted a collection large enough to give him
the command of all the avenues to the secrets of Nature. You might
as well say that there is only a difference of degree between the
method of the man who runs his single head against a fortress, and the
man who raises a force strong enough to storm it, — because each uses
the force b^e has in the same way, only one wants more of it than the
other : — or between stopping all the leaks in a vessel and stopping
as many as you conveniently can. The truth is, that though the
difference between a few and a few more is only a difference of
degree, the difference between enough and not enough is a difference
in kind. According to Galileo's method, the work at best could be
done but partially. According to Bacon's (so at least he believed) it
would be done effectually and altogether.

I will put you a case by way of illustration. Two men (call them
James and John) find a manuscript in a character unknown to either
of them. James, being skilled in languages and expert at making*
out riddles, observes some characters similar to those of one of the

1 Neque huic labori et inquisitioni et mundanae perambulation!, ulla ingenii aut
nu-ditationis aut argumentations substitutio aut compensatio sufficere potest, non si
omnia omnium ingenia coierint. Itaque aut hoc prorsus habendum aut negotium in
perpetuum deserendum.

THE PARASCEVE. 377

languages which he understands ; immediately sets himself to guess
what they are ; and succeeds in puzzling out here a name and there
a date, with plausibility. Each succeeding guess, if it be right,
makes the next easier ; and there is no knowing precisely how much
may be made out in this manner, or with what degree of certainty.
The process is inductive, and the results, so far as they go, are dis-
coveries. John seeing him thus employed comes up and says : " This
is all very ingenious and clever, and far more than I could do by the
same process. But you are not going the right way to work. You
will never be able to decipher the manuscript in this way. I will
tell you what we must do. Here (you see) are certain forms of
character which continually recur. Here is one that comes more
than once in every line ; here another that comes once in every two
or three lines ; a third that comes only twice or thrice in a page ;
and so on. Let us have a list made of these several forms, with
an index showing where and how often they occur. In the
meantime I will undertake, upon a consideration of the general
laws of language, to tell you, by the comparative frequency of their
recurrence, what parts of speech most of these are. So we shall
know which of them are articles, which conjunctions, which rela-
tives, which auxiliaries, and so on. Setting these apart we shall be
better able to deal with the nouns and verbs ; and then by com-
paring the passages in which each occurs, we shall be able, with the
help of your language learning, to make out the meaning first of
one, then of another. As each is determined, the rest will be easier
to determine ; and by degrees we shall come to know them all. It
is a slow process compared with yours, and will take time and labour
and many hands. But when it is done we shall be able to read the
whole book."

Here I think you have a picture in little of the difference between
Bacon's project for the advancement of philosophy and that which
was carried into effect (certainly with remarkable success) by the
new school of inductive science which flourished in his time. If we
want to pursue the parallel further, we have only to suppose that
John, after completing in a masterly manner a great portion of his
work on the universal laws of language ; after giving particular
directions for the collection, arrangement, and classification of the
index, and even doing several pages of it himself by way of ex-
ample ; is called away, and obliged to leave the completion of the
work to his successors ; and that his successors (wanting diligence
to finish, patience to wait, or ability to execute) immediately fall
back to the former method ; — in which they make such progress
and take such pride, that they never think of following out John's
plan, but leave it exactly where he left it. And here I think you
have a true picture of the state in which the matter now rests.

378 PREFACE TO

A.

I see. The manuscript is the volume of Nature. The learned
linguist and expert maker-out of puzzles is Galileo or one of his
school. The work on the laws of language is the Novum Organum.
The index is the Natural and experimental History quce sit in ordine
ad condendam Philosophiam. The making-out of the words one by
one is the Interpretation of Nature —

B.

And the ultimate reading of the whole book is the " Historia
Illuminata sive Veritas Rerum ;" the " Philosophic, Secunda ;" the
sixth and last part of the Instauration ; the consummation which
Bacon knew he was not to be permitted himself to see, but trusted
that (if men were true to themselves) the Fortune of the Human
Race would one day achieve.

A.

And you think that they have not been true to themselves ?

B.

Why what have they done with this work since he left it ? There
it lies to speak for itself, sticking in the middle of the Novum
Organum. No attempt has been made, that I can hear of, to carry
it out further. People seem hardly to know that it is not complete.
John Mill observes that Bacon's method of inductive logic is defec-
tive, but does not advert to the fact that of ten separate processes
which it was designed to include, the first only has been explained.
The other nine he had in his head, but did not live to set down
more of them than the names. And the particular example which
he has left of an inductive inquiry does not profess to be carried
beyond the first stage of generalization, — the vindemiatio prima as
he calls it.

A.

It may be so ; but why have they not attempted to carry his pro-
cess out further ? Is it not because they have found that they can
get on faster with their old tools ?

B.

Because they think they can get on faster ; you cannot say they
have/0Mwd it until they have tried.

A.

Have they not tried Bacon's way partially, and found it not so
handy ? Has not Sir John Herschel, for instance, tried the use of
his famous classification of Instances, and pronounced it "more
apparent than real ? " And is it not a fact that no single discovery
of importance has been actually made by proceeding according to the
method recommended by Bacon ? I am sure I have heard as much

THE PARASCEVE. 379

reported upon the authority of a very eminent modern writer upon
these subjects.

B.

So have I. And I can well believe that the use of Bacon's
" Prerogatives of Instances," in the way they have been used, is not
much ; and for the reason given by Herschel, viz., because the same
judgment which enables you to assign the Instance its proper class,
enables you, without that assignation, to recognize its proper value.
Therefore so long as the task of gathering his Instances as they
grow wild in the woods is left to the Interpreter of Nature himself,
there is little use in a formal classification ; he knows exactly what
he wants ; what is not to his purpose he need not trouble himself
with ; what is to his purpose he can apply to that purpose at once.
And each several man of genius will no doubt acquire a knack of
his own by which he will arrive at his results faster than by any
formal method. But suppose the Interpreter wants to use the help
of other people, to whom he cannot impart his own genius or his pe-
culiar gift of knowing at first sight what is to the purpose and what
not. He wants them to assist him in gathering materials. How
shall he direct them in their task so that their labours may be
available for himself ? I take it, he must distribute the work among
several and make it pass through several processes. One man may
be used to make a rough and general collection, — what we call an
omnium gatherum. Another must be employed to reduce the con-
fused mass into some order fit for reference. A third to clear it
of superfluities and rubbish. A fourth must be taught to classify
and arrange what remains. And here I cannot but think that Ba-
con's arrangement of Instances according to what he calls their
Prerogatives, or some better arrangement of the same kind which
experience ought to suggest, would be found to be of great value ;
especially when it is proposed to make through all the regions of
Nature separate collections of this kind such as may combine into
one general collection. For though it be true that as long as each
man works only for himself, he may trust to the usus uni rei deditus
for finding out the method of proceeding which best suits the trick of
his own mind, — and each will probably pursue a different method,
— yet when many men's labours are to be gathered into one table,
any collector of statistics will tell you that they must all work ac-
cording to a common pattern. And in the subject we are speaking
of which is coextensive with the mind of man on one side and the
nature of things on the other, that will undoubtedly be the best
pattern which is framed upon the justest theory of the human under-
standing;— for which distinction Bacon's would seem to be no
unlikely candidate.

380 PREFACE TO

However I am here again getting out of my province. It may be
that Bacon's project was visionary ; or it may be that it is only
thought visionary, because since his death no heart has been created
large enough to believe it practicable. The philosophers must settle
that among themselves. But be the cause what it will, it is clear to
me on the one hand that the thing has not been seriously attempted ;
and on the other, that Bacon was fully satisfied that nothing of worth
could be hoped for without it ; therefore that we have no right to
impute to him either the credit of all that has been done by the new
philosophy, or the discredit of all that has been left undone.

A.

Certainly not ; if you are right as to the fact. But I still think
there must be some mistake. How is it possible that among so many
distinguished men as have studied Bacon's philosophy with so much
reverence, such a large feature can have been overlooked ?

B.

I cannot pretend to explain that. But an appeal to one's own
eyes is always lawful. Here is one passage which is enough by
itself to settle the question. If you are not satisfied with it, I can
quote half a dozen more to the same effect : " Illud interim quod
scepe diximus etiam hoc loco preecipue repetendum est — "

A.

Translate ; if you would have me follow.

B.

" I must repeat here again what I have so often said ; — that though all
the wits of all the ages should meet in one, — though the whole human race
should make Philosophy their sole business, — though the whole earth were
nothing but colleges and academies and schools of learned men, — yet with-
out such a natural and experimental history as I am going to describe, no
progress worthy of the human race in Philosophy and the Sciences could
possibly be made : whereas if such a history were once provided and well
ordered, with the addition of such auxiliary and light-giving experiments as
the course of Interpretation would itself suggest, the investigation of Nature
and of all sciences would be the work only of a few years. Either this must
be done, therefore, or the business must be abandoned. For in this way and
in this way only can the foundation be laid of a true and active Philosophy."

A.

Where does he say that ?

B.

In the Preface to what he calls the " Parasceve ad H>,storiam
naturalem et experimentalem? which is in fact nothing more than a
description of the sort of history which he wanted, — such a history
as a true Philosophy might be built upon, — with directions to be

THE PARASCEVE. 381

observed in collecting it. He published it (somewhat out of its
proper place) in the same volume with the Novum Organum, in
order that, if possible, men might be set about the work at once ; of
such primary importance did he hold it to be. If you distrust my
translation, take it in his own English. In presenting the Novum
Organum to the King, after explaining the nature and objects of the
work and his reason for publishing it in an imperfect shape, he adds,
" There is another reason for my so doing ; which is to try whether
I can get help in one intended part of this work, namely the com-
piling of a natural and experimental history, which must be the main
foundation of a true and active philosophy" And again about a
week after, in reply to the King's gracious acknowledgement of the
book, — " This comfortable beginning makes me hope further that
your Majesty will be aiding to me in setting men on work for the
collecting of a natural and experimental history, which is basis
totius negotii" And this was no after-thought, but an essential
feature of his design as he had conceived it at least sixteen years
before. There is extant a description of this proposed history,
which appears to have been written as early as 1604 ; and though
the only copy that I know of is in an imperfect and mutilated
manuscript, enough remains to show that in all its material features
it agreed exactly with the description set forth in the Parasceve.

Now you know I am not going to discuss the merit of his plan.
It may (as I said) have been all a delusion. But grant it a delusion

— still it was a delusion under which he was actually labouring. If
every man of science that ever lived had considered it and pro-
nounced it puerile and ridiculous, still their unanimous verdict
could not, in the face of his own repeated and earnest declarations,
persuade me that it was not an essential part of Bacon's scheme ;
that it was not (in his perfect and rooted judgment) the one key to
the cipher in which the fortunes of the human race are locked up,

— the one thing with which all might be done; without which
nothing. And this is all that is necessary for our present busi-
ness. For we are not discussing his philosophical capacity, but
his personal character and purposes as illustrated by the tenour of
his life.

Such in 1847 were my reasons for rejecting as unsatisfactory
all the explanations I had then met with of the distinctive
peculiarity of the Baconian philosophy, and such the result of
my attempt to find a more satisfactory one for myself.

In rejecting former explanations as unsatisfactory, Mr. Ellis,
it will be seen, concurs with me, and for much the same reason.
According to them "it becomes," he says, "impossible to

382 PREFACE TO

justify or to understand Bacon's assertion that his system was
essentially new." He then proceeds to point out one great
peculiarity by which it aspired to differ from all former systems
— a peculiarity residing in the supposed perfection of the
logical machinery ; which, since it would of itself account for
Bacon's belief of its importance no less than for his assertion
of its novelty, does certainly supply a new explanation unen-
cumbered with the difficulties pointed out in the foregoing ex-
tract. But there is another difficulty which it leaves behind.
It is impossible, I think, to reconcile with this supposition
the course which Bacon afterwards took in expounding and
developing his system. For if the great secret which he had,
or thought he had, in his keeping, lay only, or even chiefly, in
the perfection of the logical machinery — in the method of in-
duction ; if this method was a kind of mechanical process — an
organum or engine — at once " wholly new," " universally
applicable," "in all cases infallible," and such as anybody
might manage ; if his explanation of this method in the second
book of the Novum Organum is so incomplete that it leaves all
the principal practical difficulties unexplained ; and if it was a
thing which nobody but himself had any notion of, or any be-
lief in ; how is it that, during the remaining five years of his
life — years of eager and unremitting labour, devoted almost
exclusively to the exposition of his philosophy — he made no
attempt to complete the explanation of it? Why did he leave
the Novum Organum as it was, being a work which he could
have completed alone, and which indeed he only could have
completed, and apply himself with advised and deliberate in-
dustry to the collection of Natural History ; a work which he
knew he could not carry to perfection himself, even in any of
its parts ; which he had once thought it a waste of time to
employ himself upon, as being within every man's capacity ;
concerning the execution of which he had already given suffi-
cient general directions; and of which, even when accom-
plished, the right use could not be made except in virtue of
that very method or logical machinery, the constitution and
management of which still remained to be explained? It was
not that he had changed his opinion as to the value of it:
His sense of the difficulties may have increased, his views as to
details may have altered ; but there is no reason to think
that he ever lost any part of his faith either in the importance

THE PARASCEVE. 383

or in the practicability of it. It was not that when he came to
closer quarters with the subject, he felt that he was himself
unable to deal with it : Two years after the publication of the
first part of the Novum Organum, and three years before his
death, he speaks of the second part as a thing yet to be done,
but adds, " quam tamen animo jam complexus et metitus sum."1
It was not that he thought the description he had already given
sufficient: In the winter of 1622, he tells us that there are
" haud pauca, eaque ex prtecipuis" still wanting. It was not that
he had found any disciple or fellow -labourer to whom he might
intrust the completion of his unfinished task : To the very last
he felt himself alone in his work. It was not from inadvertence:
He left the Novum Organum for the Natural History deli-
berately, because it seemed upon consideration the better and
more advisable course ; " quare omnino et ante omnia in hoc
incumbere satius et consultius visum est." It was not that he
wanted either time or industry ; for during the five succeeding
years he completed the De Augmentis, and composed his his-
tories of the Winds, of Life and Death, of Dense and Rare ;
his lost treatise on Heavy and Light, his lost Abecedarium
Natures, his New Atlantis, his Sylva Sylvarum. Why did he
employ no part of that time in completing the description of
the new machine ? in explaining how he proposed to supply the
defects 2 and rectify the errors 3 of the imperfect logical pro-
cess which he had already exhibited ; how to adapt the mode of
inquiry to the nature of the subject A ; how to determine what
questions ought to be dealt with first, — what " natures " to
have precedence in the order of inquiry5 ; above all, how to ascer-
tain where the inquiry might safely terminate as having left no
" nature " in the universe unchallenged 6, — a security without
which the whole process must always have been in danger of
vitiation from an "instance contradictory" remaining behind?
To me the question appears to admit of but one answer. He
considered the collection of natural history upon the plan
he meditated, to be, in practice at least, a more important part
of his philosophy than the Organum itself, — a work of which

1 Letter to Fulgenzio. 2 De Adminiculis Induction!?.

3 De Rectifieatione Inductionis.

4 De Variatione Inquisitionis pro natura sulg'ecti.

* De Praerogativis Naturarum quatenus ad inquisitionem, sive de eo quod inquiren-
dum est prius et posterius.
6 De Terminis Inquisitionis, sive de Synopsi omnium naturarum in universe.

384 PREFACE TO

the nature and importance more needed to be pressed upon the
attention of mankind, — of which the neglect would be more
fatal to the progress of science. That this was in fact his
opinion at the very tune he was composing the Novum Organum
may be inferred from the last aphorism of the first book, as I
have pointed out at the end of the preface. That he was still
of the same opinion two years after, we have his own express
declaration in the Auctoris monitum prefixed to the History of
the Winds, where he explains his motives for going on with
the third part of the Instauratio, instead of finishing the second.
It had occurred to him, he there tells us, that if the Organum
should fall into the hands of some man of genius capable of
understanding and willing to use it, still without a natural
history of the proper kind provided to his hand, he would not
know how to proceed ; whereas if a full and faithful history of
nature and the arts were set before him, he might succeed even
by the old method — ( ' licet via veteri pergere malint, nee via
nostri organi (qua3 ut nobis videtur aut unica est aut optima) uti"
— in building upon it something of solid worth. " Itaque hue
res redit," he concludes ; " ut organum nostrum, etiamsi fuerit
absolutum, absque historid naturali non multum, historia natu-
ralis absque organo non parum, instaurationem scientiarum sit
provectura." I know not how therefore to escape the con-
clusion that, in Bacon's own estimate of his own system, the
Natural History held the place of first importance. He
regarded it as not less new 1 than the new method, and as more
indispensable. Though the " via nostri organi " still appeared
to him to be " aut unica aut optima," something of substantial
worth might, he thought, be accomplished without it. With-
out a natural history " tali qualem nunc prsecipiemus," he
thought no advance of any value could possibly be made.

What may be the real value of this part of Bacon's system
is, of course, quite another question. The evidence just ad-
duced goes only to show what was the value which he himself
set upon it, and affects the question no otherwise than by giving
it a new interest, and suggesting the expediency of considering

1 His assertion of the novelty is as strong in the one case as in the other. Atque hoc
postering [viz. the use of natural history, " tanquam materia prima philosophise atque
vera inductionis supellex sive sylva"] nunc agitur ; nunc inquam, NEQUE UNQUAM

ANTEHAC."

THE PARASCEVE. 385

more carefully than has yet, I think, been done, whether his
advice on this head might not be followed — I do not say as
far as he intended — but much further than has yet been tried ;
with effects — I do not say such as he anticipated — but larger
than we are likely to get any other way.

That he himself indeed, even if all mankind had united to
carry his plan into effect, would have been disappointed with
the result, I have little doubt. For I suppose the collected
observations of all the world, — reduced to writing, digested,
and brought into his study, — would not have sufficed to give
him that knowledge of the forms of nature which was to carry
with it the command over her powers. He would have found
no doubt, upon trial, that his scheme involved difficulties of
which he had formed no conception. He would have found
that the facts which must be known in order to complete the
three tables of comparence, and to " perfect the exclusiva," were
so infinite in number that to gather them by simple observa-
tion without some theoretic principle of selection would be an
endless task, and to deal with them when gathered a hopeless
one. He might still indeed have hoped to arrive ultimately
at an alphabet of nature (her principles being probably few and
simple, though her phenomena so enormously complex) ; but
he would have found that a dictionary or index of nature (and
such was to be the office of the Natural History}, to be complete
enough for the purposes of the Novum Organum, must be
nearly as voluminous as Nature herself. He would have found
it necessary, therefore (as I suppose all inventors have done both
before and since his time), to make material changes in his ori-
ginal plan of operation, and to reduce his hopes far below their
original dimensions. But a man may be in the right way to
his end, though the end itself be further off than he imagines ;
and before we cast Bacon's plan finally aside, we may be fairly
called upon to show either that the way he wanted us to go is
in its nature impracticable, or that there is better hope of
arriving at the desired end by some other.

Mr. Ellis's judgment upon the first point may be partly
gathered from his general remarks upon the third part of the
Instauratio ; but I am fortunately in possession of his opinion
(called forth by the exposition of my own views in the dialogue
above quoted) upon the specific practical question now under
discussion. It was communicated to me in a letter dated 13th

VOL. i. c c

386 PREFACE TO

September, 1847, and appears to contain his deliberate judg-
ment as to the practicability of making a collection of natural
history, such as would be available for scientific purposes, in the
manner in which Bacon proposed to have it made.

" That it is impossible (he says) to sever the business of experi-
ment and observation from that of theorising, it would perhaps be
rash to affirm. But it seems to me that such a severance could
hardly be effected. A transcript of nature, if I may so express
myself, — that is, such a collection of observed phenomena as
would serve as the basis and materials of a system of natural
philosophy, — would be like nature itself infinite in extent and
variety. No such collection could be formed; and, were it
formed, general laws and principles would be as much hidden in
a mass of details as they are in the world of phenomena.

" The marshalling idea, teaching the philosopher what ob-
servations he is to make, what experiments to try, seems ne-
cessary in order to deliver him from this difficulty. Can we
conceive that such experiments as those of Faraday could have
preceded the formation of any hypothesis ? You allude, I
think, to what has been done in the way of systematic observa-
tion with reference to terrestrial magnetism. And beyond all
doubt the division of labour is possible and necessary in many
scientific inquiries. But then this separating of the observer
from the theoriser is only possible (at least, in such a case as
that of magnetism) when the latter can tell his " bajulus " what
experiments he is to make, and how they are to be made. As
a matter of fact, the memoirs of Gauss, which have done so
much to encourage systematic observation of terrestrial mag-
netism, contain many results of theory directly bearing on ob-
servation ; e. g.y the method of determining the absolute measure
of magnetism.

*****

" Of course I remember that Bacon speaks of experiments to
be suggested by theory : as for instance in Solomon's house ;
all I mean is, that it seems doubtful whether a large collection
of facts can in most sciences be made useful, unless some theory
has guided its formation."

Now I am quite willing to accept this judgment as perfectly
sound and just ; as pointing truly at the practical difficulties
involved in Bacon's scheme, and proving that it could not be
carried out completely on the plan he proposed, or attain com-

THE PARASCEVE. 387

pletety the end at which he aimed ; and certainly, if I thought
that such completeness was a condition absolutely essential, —
that, unless observation could be carried on without any help
whatever from theory, the work could not proceed at all ; or
that the results of observation so conducted could be of no
scientific value unless they amounted to a perfect " transcript
of nature;"- — if I thought, in short, it was a scheme which,
unless it led to everything, would lead to nothing, — I should
accept these remarks as disposing finally of the whole question.
But why should I think so? That the severance of theory
and observation should be absolute does not appear to me to be
at all necessary for the practical prosecution of the enterprise ;
I can hardly think that it even formed part of the original de-
sign ; and though it is true that the collection of natural history
could not have been used in the way Bacon proposed, unless it
were more complete than it ever could have been made, yet
for use in the ordinary way (and this was certainly one of the
uses he contemplated for it) its value would be increased by
every new observation ; and who can say at what point ob-
servations so conducted must necessarily stop ?

That Bacon intended one set of men to be employed in col-
lecting facts, and another in deriving consequences from them,
is no doubt true. Unless theory and observation could be so
far separated as to admit practically of such a distribution of
parts, his plan must no doubt have been given up ; and it is
objected that this distribution is practically impossible, because
the observers, unless they had some precedent theory to guide
them, could never know what observations to make in order to
bring out the facts which the theorist requires to know. I
cannot but think, however, that this objection supposes a sepa-
ration of the two functions far more complete than Bacon ever
contemplated. He may have used words which in strict logical
construction imply such a kind of separation; but if so, his
words meant more than he himself meant. His intellect was
remarkable for breadth rather than subtlety, — quicker, to use
his own division, in perceiving resemblances than distinctions, —
and in writing he always aimed at conciseness, force, point,
picturesqueness, and at making himself plain to common
understandings, far more than at metaphysical exactness of
expression. Now, however true it may be, as a metaphysical
proposition, that some amount of theory is involved in every

c c 2

388 PREFACE TO

observation, and still more in every series of observations, it is
no less true, as a familiar fact, that observations made by one
man, without conscious reference to any theory whatever, may
be perfectly available to another with reference to theories of
which the first never heard or dreamed. Colonel Reid's theory
of storms, for instance, was worked out, I am told, not in the
West Indies among the hurricanes, but at the Admiralty among
the ships' logs. And though Bacon would never have denied
that many results of theory go to the correct keeping of a
ship's log, who can doubt that a collection of logs kept during
hurricanes would have been accepted by him as a most valuable
contribution to a history of the winds, and a good specimen of
the very thing he wanted ? It would be easy to add more
instances ; but I suppose nobody will deny that, in this sense,
observation and theory can be carried on apart and by diiFerent
persons. And if it be objected that the observers will never hit
upon all the facts which are necessary to suggest or establish
the theory, unless their observations be renewed again and
again under directions devised by the theorist with special re-
ference to what he wants to know, I reply by asking what is
to prevent the renewal of them, under directions so devised, as
often as necessary ? a thing (I may observe) which Bacon him-
self distinctly intended. " Illud interim," he says, after giving
an example of a " topica particularis " in the De Augmentis,
" quod monere occoepimus iterum monemus, nempe ut homines
debeant topicas particulares suas alternare, ita ut post majores
progressus aliquos in inquisitione factos, aliam et subinde aliam
instituant topicam, si modo scientiarum fastigia conscendere
cupiant." Now if the directions, judicious to begin with, be
judiciously varied and repeated as the inquiry proceeds, an
immense mass of observations of the greatest importance to
science might surely be collected in this very way. Nay, in
subjects which have their phenomena spread far and wide over
the world (like winds, seasons, and oceanic or atmospheric cur-
rents), it is in the gradual accumulation of observations so made
that our only hope lies of ever coming to understand their laws
at all ; and if we cannot cause them to be collected under direc-
tion and design, we must wait till they accumulate by acci-
dent. For it is manifestly impossible that in such subjects as
these, philosophers should provide themselves with all the facts
which they want unless they can use the help of those who

THE PARASCEVE. 389

are not philosophers. What science deals with phenomena
more subtle and delicate than meteorology ? Yet hear Sir John
Herschel. " It happens fortunately that almost every datum
which the scientific meteorologist can require is furnished in
its best and most available state by that definite systematic
process known as the " keeping a meteorological register?
which consists in noting at stated hours of every day the read-
ings of all the meteorological instruments at command, as well
as all such facts or indications of wind and weather as are sus-
ceptible of being definitely described and estimated without
instrumental aid. Occasional observations apply to occasional
and remarkable phenomena, and are by no means to be neg-
lected ; but it is to the regular meteorological register, steadily
and perseveringly kept throughout the whole of every voyage, that
we must look for the development of the great laws of this
science.1

Between the officers of Her Majesty's navy registering the
readings of their instruments in all latitudes and longitudes,
and the man of science in his study deducing the laws of
meteorology from a comparison of the results, the division of
labour is surely as complete as Bacon would have desired. Nor
would the scientific directions previously furnished to the
officers for their guidance, directions when, where, what, and
how to observe and record, — though containing " many results
of theory bearing upon observation," — have seemed to him
either objectionable or superfluous : on the contrary, such
directions form part of his own design as explained by himself,
In the concluding paragraph of the tract which has suggested
these remarks he distinctly announces his intention to draw up
certain heads of inquiry showing what points with reference to
each subject were more particularly to be observed. And
though he did not live to execute this part of his design, a few
fragments remaining among his papers show in what manner
he proposed to proceed. And (if an idle looker-on who can
offer no help in the work may presume to offer an opinion) I
could wish that men of science would apply themselves ear-
nestly to the solution of this practical problem : What measures
are to be taken in order that the greatest variety of judicious
observations of nature all over the world may be carried on

1 Manual of Scientific Inquiry, prepared for the use of officers in Her Majesty's navy
and travellers in general. Edited by Sir John F. W. Herschel, Bt., p. 281.

c C 3

390 PREFACE TO THE PARASCEVE.

in concert upon a scientific plan, and brought to a common
centre ? With reference to some particular subjects, such
measures have been of late years taken on a scale of Baconian
magnitude. The system of observations instituted by the Great
British Association with respect to Terrestrial Magnetism, if I
am rightly informed as to the nature and scale of it, is one
which Bacon would have welcomed as he welcomed the first
tidings from Galileo's telescope ; he would have accepted it
as an enterprise "dignum humano genere." A similar
system of concerted observations is now in contemplation
with regard to oceanic currents. As a specimen of the same
thing in a more general character, take the "Admiralty
Manual of Scientific Inquiry," to which I have already re-
ferred ; a book of practical directions drawn up by some
of the most eminent scientific men of our day with special
reference to the progress of science in several of its most im-
portant departments ; directions addressed not to men who are
themselves engaged in the theoretical investigation of the
subjects, or guided by any " marshalling idea," but to " officers
of the navy and travellers in general," telling them what
things to observe, in order that their observations may be
available for the purposes of scientific inquiry. These are
exactly what Bacon would have called " Topicae Inquisitionis,"
— instructions for the examination of Nature " super articulos ; "
and the whole scheme is in perfect accordance, so far as it goes,
with Bacon's notion of the way in which men might be set on
work for the completing of a natural and experimental history.
"Why should it not go further? Who can believe that the
subjects contained in this little volume are the only subjects to
which this method of collecting observations can be applied ?
who venture to fix the limit beyond which, under such a
system sagaciously devised, wisely administered, energetically
carried out, and extended to all the departments of nature
which admit of it, human discovery may not go? — J. S.

PARASCEVE

AD

HISTORIAM NATURALEM ET EXPERIMENTALEM,

c o 4

QUALIS SUFFICIAT ET SIT IN ORDINE

AD BASIN ET FUNDAMENTA

PHILOSOPHIC VER^E.

QUOD Instaurationem nostram per paries edamus, id eo spectat
ut aliquid extra periculum ponatur. Non absimilis nos movet
ratio ut aliam quandam operis particulam jam in praesenti sub-
jungamus, et cum iis quge supra absolvimus una edamus. Ea est
descriptio et delineatio Historiae Naturalis et Experimental! s, ejus
generis quae sit in ordine ad condendam philosophiam, et com-
plectatur materiem probam, copiosam, et apte digestam ad opus
interpretis quod suceedit. Huic autem rei locus proprius foret
quum ad Parascevas Inquisitionis ordine deventum fuerit. Hoc
vero prsevertere, nee locum proprium expectare, consultius
nobis videtur ; quod hujusmodi historia, qualem animo metimur
et mox describemus, res perquam magna3 sit molis, nee sine
magnis laboribus et sumptibus confici possit ; ut quae multorum
opera indigeat, et (ut alibi diximus) opus sit quasi regium.
Itaque occurrit illud, non abs re fore experiri si forte haec
aliquibus aliis curae esse possint, ita ut dura nos destinata ordine
perficiamus haec pars quae tarn multiplex est et onerosa etiam
vivis nobis (si ita divinae placuerit majestati) instrui et parari
possit, aliis una nobiscum in id sedulo incumbentibus ; praesertim
quum vires nostrae (si in hoc soli fuerimus) vix tantae provinciae
sufficere videantur. Etenim quas ad opus ipsum intellectus
pertinent nos marte nostro fortasse vincemus. At intellectus
materialia tarn late patent ut ea (tanquam per procuratores et
mercatores) undique conqulri et importari debeant. Accedit
etiam illud, quod captis nostris vix dignum esse aestimemus ut
in re tali quae fere omnium industrial pateat nos ipsi tempus

394 PARASCEVE AD HISTORIAM NAT. ET EXP.

teramus. Quod autera caput rei est ipsi nunc prasstabimus ; ut
ejusmodi historias modum et descriptionem, qualis intentioni
nostrae satisfaciat, diligenter et exacte proponamus ; ne homines
non admoniti aliud agant, et ad exemplum naturalium historia-
rum quae jam in usu sunt se regant, atque ab institute nostro
multum aberrent. Illud interim quod ssepe diximus etiam hoc
loco praecipue repetendum est ; non si omnia omnium aetatum
ingenia coivissent aut posthac coierint ; non si universum genus
humanum philosophise dedisset operam aut dederit, et totus ter-
rarum orbis nihil aliud fuisset aut fuerit quam academiae et
collegia et scholas virorum doctorum ; tamen absque tali qualem
nunc praecipiemus Historia Natural! et Experimental!, ullos qui
genere humano digni sint progressus in philosophia et scientiis
fieri potuisse aut posse. Contra vero, comparata et bene in-
structa hujusmodi historia, additis experimentis auxiliaribus et
luciferis quae in ipso interpretations curriculo occurrent aut
eruenda erunt, paucorum annorum opus futuram esse inquisitio-
nem naturae et scientiarum omnium. Itaque aut hoc agendum
est aut negotium deserendum. Hoc enim solo et unico modo
fundamenta philosophiae verae et activae stabiliri possunt; et
simul perspicient homines, tanquam ex profundo somno excitati,
quid inter ingenii plaeita et commenta ac veram et activam
philosophiam intersit, et quid demum sit de natura naturam
ipsam consulere.

Primo igitur de hujusmodi historia conficienda praecepta
dabimus in genere ; deinde particularem ejus figuram hominibus
sub oculos ponemus, inserentes interdum non minus ad quid in-
quisitio aptanda et referenda sit quam quid quaeri debeat ; scili-
cet, ut scopus rei bene intellectus et praevisus etiam alia
hominibus in mentem redigat quae a nobis fortasse praetermissa
erunt. Historiam autem istam Historian. Primam sive
toria m Matrem appellare consuevimus.

395

APHORISMI

DE CONFICIENDA HISTOKIA PKIMA.

APHORISMUS

i.

NATUEA in triplici statu ponitur et tanquam regimen subit
trinum. Aut enim libera est et cursu suo ordinario se explicat,
aut a pravitatibus et insolentiis materiae atque ab impedimento-
rum violentia de statu suo detruditur, aut ab arte et ministerio
humano constringitur et fingitur. Atque primus ille status ad
species rerum refertur, secundus ad monstra, tertius ad artifici-
alia. Etenim in artificialibus natura jugum recipit ab imperio
hominis ; nunquam enim ilia facta fuissent absque homine. At
per operain et ministerium hominis conspicitur prorsus nova
corporum facies et veluti rerum universitas altera sive theatrum
alterum. Triplex itaque est historia naturalis. Tractat enim
aut naturae Libertatem aut Errores aut Vincula ; ut non male
earn partiri possimus in historiam Generationum, Prcetergenera-
tionum, et Artium ; quarum postremam etiam Mechanicam et
Experimentalem appellare consuevimus. Neque tamen id prasci-
pimus ut ha?c tria separatim tractentur. Quidni enim possint
historian monstrorum in singulis speciebus cum historia ipsarum
specierum conjungi ? Etiam artificialia quandoque cum specie-
bus recte conjunguntur, quandoque melius separantur. Quam-
obrem e re nata de his consilium capere optimum est. Methouus
enim iterationes et prolixitatem gignit, aeque ubi nimia est ac
ubi nulla.

II.

Historia naturalis, ut subjecto (quemadmodum diximus)
triplex, ita usu duplex est. Adhibetur enim aut propter rerum
ipsarum cognitionem quas historian mandantur, aut tanquam
materia prima philosophic atque veraa inductionis supellex sive
sylva. Atque posterius hoc nunc agitur ; nunc, inquam, neque
unquam antehac. Neque enim Aristoteles aut Theophrastus

396 PARASCEVE AD HISTORIAM

aut Dioscorides aut Calus Plinius, multo minus moderni, hunc
finem (de quo loquimur) historiae naturalis unquam sibi pro-
posuerunt. Atque in hoc plurimum est, ut qui partes scribendi
historian! naturalem sibi posthac sumpserint hoc perpetuo co-
gitent atque animo agitent, se non lectoris delectationi, non
utilitati ipsi quae ex narrationibus in praesens capi possit, debere
inservire ; sed conquirere et comparare rerutn copiam et varie-
tatem qua? veris axiomatibus conficiendis sufficiat. Hoc enim
si cogitent, modum hujusmodi historiae ipsi sibi praescribent.
Finis enim regit modum.

ill.

Quo autem majoris est haec res operas et laboris, eo illam
minus onerari superfluis consentaneum est. Tria itaque sunt
de quibus homines sunt plane admonendi ut in illis parce ad-
modum operam suam collocent, tanquam iis quae massam operis
in immensum augeant, virtutem parum aut nihil promoveant.

Primo igitur facessant antiquitates et citationes aut suffragia
authorum ; etiam lites et controversial et opiniones discrepantes ;
omnia denique philologica. Neque enim citetur author nisi in
re dubiae fidei, neque interponatur controversia nisi in re
magni momenti. Quae vero ad ornamenta orationis et simili-
tudines et eloquentiae thesaurum et hujusmodi inania spectant,
omnino abjiciantur. Etiam quae recipiuntur omnia et ipsa pro-
ponantur breviter et strictim, ut nihil minus sint quam verba.
Nemo enim qui materialia ad aedificia vel naves vel hujusmodi
aliquas structural colligit et reponit, ea (officinarum more) belle
collocat et ostentat ut placeant, sed in hoc tantum sedulus est
ut proba et bona sint, et ut in repositorio spatium minimum
occupent. Atque ita prorsus faciendum est.

Secundo, non multum ad rem facit luxuria ilia historiarum
naturalium in descriptionibus et picturis specierum numerosis,
atque earundem varietate curiosa. Hujusmodi enim pusillae
varietates nihil aliud sunt quam lusus quidam naturae et lascivia,
et prope ad individuorum naturam accedunt ; atque habent
peragrationem quandam in rebus ipsis amoenam et jucundam,
informationem vero ad scientias tenuem et fere supervacuam. .

Tertio, missae plane facienda? sunt omnes narrationes super-
stitiosae (non dico prodigiosae, ubi memoria earum reperietur
fida et probabilis, sed superstitiosas), et experimenta magia3
ceremonialis. Nolumus enim philosophic infantiam, cui historia
naturalis primam praebet mammam, fabulis anilibus assuescere.

NATURALEM ET EXPERIMENTALEM. 397

Erit fortasse tempus (postquam in inquisitionem naturae paulo
altius penetratum sit) hujusmodi res leviter percurrendi, ut si
quid in illis faecibus haereat virtutis naturalis ea extrahi et in
usum condi possit. Interim seponendge sunt. Etiam magia?
naturalis experimenta diligenter et cum severitate ventilanda
sunt antequam recipiantur, praesertim ilia qua? ex vulgaribus
sympathiis et antipathiis, magna cum socordia et facilitate cre-
clendi simul et fingendi, derivari solent.

Neque nil aut parum actum est in exoneranda historia
naturali tribus his (qua? diximus) rebus superfluis, quae alias
volumina impleturae fuissent. Neque tamen hie finis. ./Eque
enim requiritur in opere magno ut tarn ea qua? recipiuntur
succincte scribantur, quam ut superflua abscindantur ; licet
nemini dubium esse possit quin hujusmodi castitas et bre vitas
delectationem multo minorem turn legenti turn scribenti prae-
bitura sit. Verum illud semper inculcandum est, hoc quod
paratur horreum esse tantummodo et promptuarium rerum;
in quo non manendum aut habitandum sit cum voluptate, sed
eo descendendum, prout res postulat, cum aliquid ad usum
sumendum sit circa opus Interpretis quod succedit.

IV.

In historia quam requirimus et animo destinamus, ante
omnia videndum est ut late pateat et facta sit ad mensuram
universi. Neque enim arctandus est mundus ad angustias in-
tellectus (quod adhuc factum est), sed expandendus intellectus
et laxandus ad mundi imaginem recipiendam, qualis invenitur.
Istud enim, respicere pauca et pronunciare secundum pauca, om-
nia perdidit. Resumentes igitur partititionem quam paulo ante
fecimus historiae naturalis (quod sit Generationum, Praeter-
generationum, et Artium), Historiae Generationum constituimus
partes quinque. Sit prima, aetheris et ccelestium. Secunda,
meteororum et regionum (quas vocant) aeris ; tractuum vide-
licet a luna usque ad superficiem terrae ; cui etiam parti cometas
cujuscunque generis, turn sublimiores turn humiliores, utcunque
se habeat rei veritas, ordinis causa assignamus. Tertia, terrae
et maris. Quarta, elementorum (quae vocant) flammae sive
ignis, aeris, aqua?, et terrae. Elementa autem eo sensu accipi
volumus, ut intelligantur non pro primordiis rerum sed pro cor-
porum naturalium massis majoribus. Ita enim natura rerum
distribuitur, ut sit quorundam corporum quantitas sive massa in
universo perquam magna, quia scilicet ad schematismum eorum

398 PARASCEVE AD HISTOR1AM

requiritur textura materiae facilis et obvia ; qualla sunt ea qua-
tuor (quae diximus) corpora ; at quorundara aliorum corporum
sit quantitas in universo parva et parce suppeditata, propter
texturam materias valde dissimilarem et subtilem et in plurimis
determinatam et organicam ; qualia sunt species rerum natu-
ralium, metalla, plantas, animalia. Quare prius genus corporum
Collegia Majora, posterius Collegia Minora appellare consue-
vimus. At Collegiorum istorum Majorum est pars historiae
quarta, sub nomine elementorum, ut diximus. Neque vero
confunditur pars quarta cum secunda aut tertia in hoc, quod in
singulis mentionem aeris, aquae, terrae fecimus. In secunda
enim et tertia recipitur historia eorum, tanquam mundi partium
integralium, et quatenus pertinent ad fabricam et configura-
tionem universi ; at in quarta continetur historia substantiae et
naturae ipsorum, quae in singulis eorum partibus similaribus
viget, nee ad totum refertur. Quinta denique pars historiae
Collegia Minora sive Species continet ; circa quas historia na-
turalis hactenus prascipue occupata est

Historiam vero Praetergenerationum quod attinet, jamdudum
a nobis dictum est quod ilia cum historia generationum commo-
dissime conjungi possit ; ea scilicet quas sit prodigiosa tantum
et naturalis. Nam superstitiosam miraculorum historiam (cu-
juscunque sit generis) omnino relegamus in tractatum pro-
prium ; neque ipsum jam inde a principio suscipiendum, sed
paulo post, quando altius in naturae inquisitionem penetratum
fuerit.

At Historiam Artium et naturae ab homine versa? et immu-
tata3, sive Historiam Experimentalem, triplicem constituimus.
Aut enim deprompta est ex artibus mechanicis ; aut ex opera-
tiva parte scientiarum liberalium ; aut ex practicis compluribus
et experimentis quae in artem propriam non coaluerunt, immo
quae quandoque ex vulgatissima experientia occurrunt nee artem
omnino desiderant. Quamobrem si ex his omnibus quae dixi-
mus, Generationibus, Praetergenerationibus, Artibus et Experi-
mentis, confecta fuerit historia, nihil praetermissum videtur per
quod sensus ad informandum intellectum instrui possit. Neque
igitur amplius intra circulos parvos (veluti incantati) subsul-
tabimus, sed mundi pomo2ria circuitione aequabimus.

v.

Inter partes eas quas diximus historiae, maximi usus est hi-
storia artium ; propterea quod ostendat res in motu, et magis

NATURALEM ET EXPERIMENTALEM. 399

recta ducat ad praxin. Quinetiam tollit larvam et velum a
rebus naturalibus, quae plerunque sub varietate figurarum et
apparentiae externae occultantur aut obscurantur. Denique
vexationes artis sunt certe tanquam vincula et manicse Protei,
quae ultimos materiae nixus et conatus produnt. Corpora enim
perdi aut annihilari nolunt ; sed potius in varias formas se mu-
tant. Itaque circa hanc historiam, licet mechanicam (ut videri
possit) et minus liberalem, (missa arrogantia et fastu) summa
est adhibenda diligentia.

Rursus, inter artes prasferuntur 683 quae corpora naturalia et
rerum materialia exhibent, alterant, et praeparant ; ut agricul-
tura; coquinaria; chymica; tinctoria; opificia vitri, esmaltae,
sacchari, pulveris pyrii, ignium artificialium, papyri, et hujus-
modi. Jejunioris autem sunt usus quae praecipue consistunt in
motu subtili manuum et instrumentorum ; quales sunt textoria ;
fabrilis; architectura ; opificia molendinorum, horologiorum,
cum similibus ; licet et istae nullo modo negligendae sint ; turn
quia in illis occurrunt multa quaa ad corporum naturalium al-
terationes spectant, turn quia accurate informant de motu lati-
onis, quae res est magni prorsus ad plurima momenti.

Verum in congerie universa istius Artium Historiae, illud
omnino monendum est et penitus memoriae mandandum ; recipi-
enda esse experimenta artium non solum ea quae ducunt ad
finem artis, sed etiam quas ullo modo interveniunt. Exempli
gratia, quod locustae aut cancri cocti, cum prius colorem luti
referrent, rubescant, nihil ad mensam ; sed haec ipsa instantia
tamen non mala est ad inquirendam naturam rubedinis, cum
idem eveniat etiam in lateribus coctis. Similiter, quod carnes
minori mora saliantur hyeme quam aestate, non eo tantum spe-
ctat ut coquus cibos bene et quantum sufficit condiat ; sed etiam
instantia bona est ad indicandam naturam et Jmpressionem fri-
goris. Quamobrem toto (quod aiunt) coelo erraverit, qui in-
tentioni nostrae satisfieri existimaverit si artium experimenta
colligantur, hujus rei solum gratia ut hoc modo artes singulae
melius perficiantur. Licet enim et hoc non prorsus contemna-
mus in multis, tamen ea plane est mens nostra ut omnium
experimentorum mechanicorum rivuli in philosophiae pelagus
undequaque fluant. Delectus autem instantiarum in uno-
quoque genere eminentiorum (quas maxime et diligentissime
conquirere oportet et quasi venavi) ex praerogativis instantia-
rum petendus est

400 PARASCEVE AD HISTORIAM

VI.

Resumendum etiam est hoc loco quod in aphorismis 99, 119,
120, libri primi fusius tractavimus, hie vero praecepti more
breviter imperare sufficiat ; hoc est, ut recipiantur in hanc hi-
storiam, primo res vulgatissimae, quales quis supervacuum pu-
taret scripto inserere, quia tarn familiariter notae sunt ; dein res
viles, illiberales, turpes (omnia enim munda mundis, et si lucrum
ex lotio boni odoris sit multo magis lumen et informatio ex re
qualibet); etiam res leves et pueriles (nee mirum, repuera-
scendum enim plane est) ; postremo, res quae nimiae cujusdam
subtilitatis esse videntur, quod in 86 nullius sint usus. Neque
enim (ut jam dictum est) quae in hac historia proponentur pro-
pter so congesta sunt; itaque neque dignitatem eorum ex se
metiri par est, sed quatenus ad alia transferri possint, et influant
in philosophiam.

VII.

Illud insuper praecipimus, ut omnia in naturalibus tarn
corporibus quam virtutibus (quantum fieri potest) numerata,
appensa, dimensa, determinata proponantur. Opera enim me-
ditamur, non speculationes. Physica autem et mathematics
bene commistae generant practicam. Quamobrem exactae re-
stitutiones et distantise planetarum, in historia caelestium ; terrae
ambitus et quantum occupet in superficie respectu aquarum, in
historia terrae et maris ; quantam compressionem aer patiatur
absque forti antitypia, in historia aeris ; quantum in metallis
alterum alteri prseponderet, in historia metallorum; et innu-
mera id genus perquirenda et perscribenda sunt. Cum vero
exactae proportiones haberi non possint, turn certe ad aestima-
tivas aut coraparativas indefinitas confugiendum est. Veluti
(si forte calculis astronomorum de distantiis diffidimus) quod
luna sit infra umbram terrae ; quod Mercurius sit supra lunam ;
et hujusmodi. Etiam cum mediae proportiones haberi non pos-
sint, proponantur extremae: veluti, quod languidior magnes
attollat ferrum ad tale pondus, respectu ponderis ipsius lapidis ;
et quod maxime virtuosus etiam ad rationem sexagecuplam ;
quod nos in armato magnete admodum parvo fieri vidimus.
Atque satis scimus istas instantias determinatas non facile aut
saepe occurrere, sed in ipso interpretationis curriculo, tanquam
auxiliares, (quando res maxime postulat) debere exquiri. Ve-
runtamen si forte occurrant, modo non progressum conficiendae

NATURALEM ET EXPERIMENT ALEM. 401

naturalis historise nimis remorentur, etiam in ipsam eas inserere
oportet.

VIII.

Fidem vero eorum quse in historia sunt recipienda quod
attinet ; necesse est ut ilia sint aut fidei certae, aut fidei dubias,
aut fidei damnatae. Atque prius genus simpliciter est propo-
nendum. Secundum cum nota; viz. per verbum traditur, aut
referunt, aut audivi ex Jide-digno, et hujusmodi. Nam argu-
menta fidei in alterutrara pattern nimis operosum foret adscri-
bere, et proculdubio scribentem nimis remorabitur. Neque
multum etiam refert ad id quod agitur ; quoniam (ut in aphorismo
118. lib. 1. diximus) falsitatem experimentorum, nisi ea ubique
scateant, veritas axiomatum paulo post convincet. Attamen si
instantia fuerit nobilior, aut usu ipso aut quia alia multa ex
ilia pendere possint, turn certe nominandus est author ; neque
id nude tantum, sed cum mentione aliqua, utrum ille ex re-
latione aut exscriptione (qualia sunt fere quae scribit C. Plinius)
aut potius ex scientia propria ilia affirmaverit; atque etiam
utrum fuerit res sui temporis an vetustior; insuper, utrum sit
tale quippiam cujus necesse foret ut multi essent testes si verum
foret ; denique, utrum author ille fuerit vaniloquus et levis an
sobrius et severus; et similia, quae faciunt ad pondus fidei.
Postremo res damnatae fidei et tamen jactatas et celebratas,
quales, partim neglectu partim propter usum similitudinum,
per multa jam saecula invaluerunt, (veluti quod adamas liget
magnetem, allium enervet, electrum omnia trahat prseter ocy-
mum, et alia multa hujusmodi,) oportebit non silentio rejicere,
sed verbis expressis proscribere, ne ilia amplius scientiis molesta
sint.

Praeterea non abs re fuerit, si forte origo vanitatis aut cre-
dulitatis alicujus occurrat, illam notare ; veluti quod herbas
satyrio attributa sit vis ad excitandam venerem, quia radix
scilicet in figuram testiculorum efformata sit ; cum revera hoc
fiat quia adnascitur annis singulis nova radix bulbosa, adhaerente
radice anni prioris ; unde didymi illi. Manifestum autem hoc
est, quod nova radix semper inveniatur solida et succulenta,
vetus emarcida et spongiosa. Quare nil mirum si altera mer-
gatur in aqua, altera natet ; quod tamen pro re mira habetur,
et reliquis ejus herbae virtutibus authoritatem addidit.

IX.

Supersunt additamenta quaedam historiae naturalis utilia,

VOL. I. D D

402 PARASCEVE AD HISTORIAM

quasque earn magis commode inflectere et aptare possint ad
opus Interprets quod succedit. Ilia quinque sunt.

Primum, quaestiones (non causarum dico sed facti) adjiciendfe
sunt, ut inquisitionem ulteriorem provocent et sollicitent ; ut
in historia terra; et maris, utrum Mare Caspium fluat et refluat,
et quali horarum spatio ; utrum sit aliqua continens Australis,
an potius insular ; et similia.

Secundo, in experimento aliquo novo et subtiliore addendus
est modus ipse experiment! qui adhibitus est ; ut liberum sit
hominum judicium, utrum informatio per experimentum illud
sit fidum aut fallax, atque etiam excitetur hominum industria
ad exquirendos modos (si fieri possit) mngis accuratos.

Tertio, si quid subsit in aliqua narratione dubii vel scrupuli,
id supprimi aut reticeri omnino nolumus; sed plane et per-
spicue ascribi, notae aut moniti loco. Cupimus enim historiam
primam, veluti facto sacramento de veritate ejus in singulis, re-
ligiosissime conscribi ; cum' sit volumen operum Dei, et (quan-
tum inter majestatem divinorum et humilitatem terrenorum
collationem facere liceat) tanquam scriptura altera.

Quarto, non abs re fuerit observationes quandoque aspergere
(id quod C. Plinius fecit); veluti in historia terroe et maris,
quod terrarum figura (quatenus adhuc cognita est) respectu
marium sit ad austrum angusta et veluti acuminata, ad septen-
triones lata et ampla ; marium contra ; et quod oceani magni
intersecent terras alveis exporrectis inter austrum et septentri-
ones, non inter orientem et occidentem ; nisi forte in extremis
regionibus polaribus. Etiam canones (qui nil aliud sunt quam
observationes generales et catholica?) optime ascribuntur ; vel-
uti in historia ccelestium, quod Venus nunquam distet a sole
plus partibus 46, Mercurius 23 ; et quod planetae qui supra
solem locantur tardissime moveant, cum longissime a terra ab-
sint; planetae infra eolem celerrime. Aliud insuper observa-
tionis genus adhibendum, quod nondum in usum venit, licet sit
haud exigui momenti. Illud tale est : nempe, ut subjungantur
iis quae sunt, ea quae non sunt. Veluti in historia coelestium,
quod non inveniatur stella oblonga vel triangularis ; sed quod
omnis stella sit globosa ; vel globosa simpliciter, ut luna, vel
ad aspectum angulata sed in medio globosa, ut reliquae Stellas,
vel ad aspectum comata et in medio globosa, ut sol ; aut quod
stellae nullo prorsus spargantur ordine ; ut non inveniatur vel
quincunx vel quadrangulum, nee alia figura perfecta (utcunqne

NATURALEM ET EXPERIMENTALEM. 403

imponantur nomina deltas, coronae, crucis, quadrigarum, etc.) ;
vix etiam linea recta, nisi forte in cingulo et pugione Orionis.

Quinto, juvabit fortasse nonnihil quaerentem, quod credentera
prorsus pervertat et perdat : viz. ut opiniones quas nunc re-
ceptae sunt, cum earum varietate et sectis, brevi verborum
complexu et tanquam in transitu recenseantur ; ut intellectum
vellicent, et nihil amplius.

x.

Atque haec sufficient, quatenus ad praecepta generalia ; quse
si diligenter observentur, et finem recta petet hoc opus historiae,
nee excrescet supra modum. Quod si etiam prout circumscri-
bitur et limitatur vastum opus alicui pusillammo videri possit,
is in bibliothecas oculos convertat ; et inter alia, corpora juris
civilis aut juris canonici ex una parte spectet, et commentaries
doctorum et jurisconsultorum ex altera ; et videat quid intersit
quoad molem et volumina. Nobis enim (qui, tanquam scribal
fideles, leges ipsas nature et nil aliud excipimus et conscribimus)
brevitas competit, et fere ab ipsis rebus imponitur. Opinionum
autem et placitorum et speculationum non est numerus neque
finis.

Quod vero in Distributione Operis nostri mentionem fecimus
Cardinalium Virtutum in natura, et quod etiam harum historia,
antequam ad opus Interpretationis ventum fuerit, perscribenda
esset ; hujus rei minime obliti sumus, sed earn nobis ipsis re-
servavimus ; cum de aliorum industria in hac re, priusquam
homines cum natura paulo arctius consuescere incoeperint, pro-
lixe spondere non audeamus. Nunc itaque ad delineationem
Historiarum Particularium veniendum.

Verum, prout nunc negotiis distringimur, non ulterius sup-
petit otium quam ut Catalogum tantum Historiarum Particu-
larium secundum capita subjungamus. Enimvero cum primum
huic rei vacare possimus, consilium est in singulis veluti inter-
rogando docere, qualia sint circa unamquamque historiarum
illarum potissimum inquirenda et conscribenda, tanquam ea
quaa ad finem nostrum faciunt, instar Topicorum quorundam
particularium ; vel potius ut (sumpto exemplo a causis civilibus)
in hac Vindications Magna sive Processu, a favore et provi-
dentia divina concesso et institute (per quern genus humanum
jus suum in naturam recuperare contendit), naturam ipsam et
artes super articulos examinemus.

D D 2

CATALOGUS
IIISTORIAIIUM PARTICULARIUM,

SECUNDUM CAPITA.

1. HiSTOBlA Coelestium ; sive Astronomica.

2. Historia Configurationis Coeli et partium ejus versus Terrain

et partes ejus : sive Cosmographica.

3. Historia Cometarum.'

4. Historia Meteororum Ignitorum.

5. Historia Fulgurum, Fulminum, Tonitruum, et Corusca-

tionum.

6. Historia Ventorum, et Flatuum Repentinorum, et Undu-

lationum Aeris.

7. Historia Iridum.

8. Historia Nubium, prout superne conspieiuntur.

9. Historia Expansionis Cceruleae, Crepusculi, plurium Solium,

plurium Lunarum, Halonum, Colorum variorum Solis
et Lunge ; atque omnis varietatis Coelestium ad aspectum,
qua? fit ratione medii.

10. Historia Pluviarum Ordinariarum, Procellosarum, et Pro-

digiosarum ; etiam Cataractarum (quas vocant) Coeli ;
et similium.

11. Historia Grandinis, Nivis, Gelu, Pruinse, Nebulae, Roris,

et similium.

12. Historia omnium aliorum Cadentium sive Descendentium

ex alto, et superne generatorum.

13. Historia Sonituum in alto (si modo sint aliqui) praeter

Tonitrua.

14. Historia Aeris in Toto, sive in Configuratione Mundi.

D D 3

406 CATALOGUS HISTORIARUM PARTICULARIUM,

15. Historia Tempestatum sive Temperamentormn Anni, tarn

secundum variationes Regionum, quam secundum acci-
dentia Temporum et periodos Annorum; Diluviorum,
Fervorum, Siccitatum, et similium.

16. Historia Terras et Maris; Figurae et Ambitus ipsorum et

Configurationis ipsorum inter se, atque Exporrectionis
ipsorum in latuna aut angustum; Insularum Terras in
Mari, Sinuum Maris, et Lacuum salsorum in Terra,
Isthmorum, Promontoriorum.

17. Historia Motuum (si qui sint) globi Terras et Maris; et

ex quibus Experimentis illi colligi possint.

18. Historia Motuum majorum et Perturbationum in Terra et

Mari ; nempe Terras Motuum et Tremorum et Hiatuum,
Insularum de novo enascentium, Insularum fluctuan-
tium, Abruptionum Terrarum per ingressum Maris, Inva-
sionum et Illuvionum, et contra Desertionum Maris ;
Eruptionum Ignium e Terra, Eruptionum subitanea-
rum Aquarum e Terra, et similium.

19. Historia Geographica Naturalis, Montium, Vallium, Syl-

varum, Planitierum, Arenarum, Paludum, Lacuum,
Fluviorum, Torrentium, Fontium, et omnis diversitatis
scaturiginis ipsorum, et similium ; missis Gentibus, Pro-
vinciis, Urbibus, et hujusmodi Civilibus.

20. Historia Fluxuum et Refluxuum Maris, Euriporum,

Undulationum et Motuum Maris aliorum.

21. Historia casterorum Accidentium Maris; Salsuginis ejus,

Colorum diversorum, Profunditatis : et Rupium, Mon-
tium, et Vallium submarinorum, et similium.

Sequuntur Historic Massarum Majorum.

22. Historia Flammaa, et Ignitorum.

23. Historia Aeris, in Substantia, non in Configuratione.

24. Historia Aquas, in Substantia, non in Configuratione.

25. Historia Terras et diversitatis ejus, in Substantia, non in

Configuratione.

Sequuntur Historice Specierum.

26. Historia Metallorum perfectorum, Auri, Argenti ; et Mi-

nerarum, Venarum, Marcasitarum eorundem: Operaria
quoque in Mineris ipsorum.

27. Historia Argenti Vivi.

28. Historia Fossilium ; vcluti Vitrioli, ct Sulplmris, etc.

SECUNDUM CAPITA. 407

29. Historia Gemmarum; veluti Adamantis, Rubini, etc.

30. Historia Lapidum ; ut Marmoris, Lapidis Lydii, Silicis,

etc.

31. Historia Magnetis.

32. Historia Corporum Miscellaneorum, quae nee sunt Fossilia

prorsus, nee Vegetabilia; ut Salium, Succini, Ambrae-
griseae, etc.

33. Historia Chymica circa Metalla et Mineralia.

34. Historia Plantarum, Arborum, Fruticum, Herbarum: et

Partium eorum, Eadicum, Caulium, Ligni, Foliorum,
Florum, Fructuum, Seminum, Lachrymarum, etc.

35. Historia Chymica circa Vegetabilia.

36. Historia Piscium, et Partium ac Generationis ipsorum.

37. Historia Volatilium, et Partium ac Generationis ipsorum.

38. Historia Quadrupedum, et Partium ac Generationis ipso-

rum.

39. Historia Serpentum, Vermium, Muscarum, et cseterorum

Insectorum ; et Partium ac Generationis ipsorum.

40. Historia Chymica circa ea quae sumuntur ab Animalibus.

Sequuntur Historice Hominis.

41. Historia Figurae et Membrorum externorum Hominis,

Staturae, Compagis, Vultus, et Lineamentorum ; eorum-
que varietatis secundum Gentes et Climata, aut alias
minores differentias.

42. Historia Physiognomica super ipsa.

43. Historia Anatomica, sive Membrorum internorum hominis ;

et varietatis ipsorum, quatenus invenitur in ipsa natural!
compage et structura, et non tantum quoad morbos et
accidentia praeternaturalia.

44. Historia partium similarium Hominis ; ut Carnis, Ossium,

Membranarum, etc.

45. Historia Humorum in Homine ; Sanguinis, Bilis, Sper-

matis, etc.

46. Historia Excrementorum ; Sputi, Urinarum, Sudorum,

Sedimentorum, Capillorum, Pilorum, Rediviarum, Un-
guium, et similium.

47. Historia Facultatum; Attractionis, Digestionis, Retentio-

nis, Expulsionis, Sanguificationis, Assimilation! s alimen-
torum in membra, Versionis Sanguinis et Floris ejus
in Spiritum, etc.

D D 4

408 CATALOGUS H1STOR1ARUM PARTICULARIUM,

48. Historia Motuum Naturalium et Involuntariorum ; ut

Motus Cordis, Motus Pulsuum, Sternutationis, Motus
Pulmonum, Motus Erectionis Virgae, etc.

49. Historia Motuum mixtorum ex naturalibus et voluntariis ;

veluti Respirationis, Tussis, Urinationis, Sedis, etc.

50. Historia Motuum Voluntariorum ; ut Instrumentorum ad

voces articulatas ; ut Motuum Oculorum, Linguae, Fau-
cium, Manuum, Digitorum ; Deglutitionis, etc.

51. Historia Somni et Insomniorum.

52. Historia diversorum Habituum Corporis ; Pinguis, Maci-

lenti ; Complexionum (quas vocant), etc.

53. Historia Generatiouis Hominum.

54. Historia Conceptionis, Vivificationis, Gestationis in Ute-

ro, Partus, etc.

55. Historia Alimentationis Hominis, atque omnis Edulii et

Potabilis, atque omnis Diaetae ; et Varietatis ipsorum se-
cundum gentes aut minores differentias.

56. Historia Augmentationis et Increment! Corporis in toto

et partibus ipsius.

57. Historia Decursus -ZEtatis ; Infantiae, Pueritiae, Juventutis,

Senectutis, Longaevitatis, Brevitatis Vitae, et similium,
secundum gentes et minores differentias.

58. Historia Vitae et Mortis.

59. Historia Medicinalis Morborum, et Symptomatum et

Signorum eorundem.

60. Historia Medicinalis Curae et Remediorum et Libera-

tionum a Morbis.

61. Historia Medicinalis eorum quas conservant Corpus et

Sanitatem.

62. Historia Medicinalis eorum quae pertinent ad Formam et

Decus Corporis, etc.

63. Historia Medicinalis eorum quae corpus alterant, et per-

tinent ad Regimen Alterativum.

64. Historia Pharmaco-polaris.

65. Historia Chirurgica.

66. Historia Chymica circa Medicinas.

67. Historia Visus et Visibilium, sive Optica.

68. Historia Picturas, Sculptoria, Plastica, etc.

69. Historia Auditus et Sonorum.

70. Historia Musica.

SECUNPUM CAPITA. 409

71. Historia Olfactus, et Odorum.

72. Historia Gustus, et Saporum. :

73. Historia Tactus, et ejus Objectorum. ' ..:

74. Historia Veneris, ut speciei Tactus.

75. Historia Dolorum corporeorum, ut speciei Tactus.

76. Historia Voluptatis et Doloris in genere.

77. Historia Affectuum ; ut Irae, Amoris, Verecundiae, etc.

78. Historia Facultatum Intellectualium ; Cogitativae, Plum-

tasiae, Discursus, Memoriae, etc.

79. Historia Divinationum Naturalium.

80. Historia Dignotionum, sive Diacrisiura occultarum Natu-

ralium.

81. Historia Coquinaria, et artium subservient! u in, veluti

Macellaria, Aviaria, etc.

82. Historia Pistoria et Panificiorum, et artium subservien-

tium, ut Molendinaria, etc.

83. Historia Vinaria.

84. Historia Cellaria, et diversorum generum Potus.

85. Historia Bellariorum et Confecturarum.

86. Historia Mellis.

87. Historia Sacchari.

88. Historia Lacticiniorum.

89. Historia Balneatoria, et Unguentaria.

90. Historia Miscellanea circa curam corporis; Tonsorum,

Odorariorum, etc.

91. Historia Auri-fabrilis, et artium subservientium.

92. Historia Lanificiorum, et artium subservientium.

93. Historia Opificiorum e Serico et Bombyce, et artium sub-

servientium.

94. Historia Opificiorum ex Lino, Cannabio, Gossipio, Setis,

et aliis Filaceis ; et artium subservientium.

95. Historia Plumificiorum.

96. Historia Textoria, et artium subservientium.

97. Historia Tinctoria.

98. Historia Coriaria, Alutaria, et artium subservientium.

99. Historia Culcitraria et Plumaria.

100. Historia Ferri-Fabrilis.

101. Historia Latomise sive Lapicidarum.

102. Historia Lateraria, et Tegularia.

103. Historia Figularis.

410 CATALOGUS HISTORIARUM PARTICULARIUM.

104. Historia Casmentaria, et Crustaria.

105. Historia Ligni-Fabrilis.

106. Historia Plumbaria.

107. Historia Vitri et omnium Vitreorum et Vitriaria.

108. Historia Architectures in genere.

109. Historia Plaustraria, Rhedaria, Lecticaria, etc.

110. Historia Typographica, Libraria, Scriptoria, Sigillatoria ;

Atramenti, Calami, Papyri, Membrane, etc.

111. Historia Cerae.

112. Historia Viminaria.

113. Historia Storearia, et Opificiorum ex Stramine, Scirpis,

et similibus.

114. Historia Lotricaria, Scoparia, etc.

115. Historia Agriculture, Pascuarias, Cultus Sylvarum, etc.

116. Historia Hortulana.

117. Historia Piscatoria.

118. Historia Venationis et Aucupii.

119. Historia Rei Bellicse, et artium subservientium ; ut Ar-

mamentaria, Arcuaria, Sagittaria, Sclopetaria, Tormen-
taria, Balistaria, Machinaria, etc.

120. Historia Rei Nautica3, et Practicarum et artium subser-

vientium.

121. Historia Athletica, et omnis generis Exercitationum

Hominis.

122. Historia Rei Equestris.

123. Historia Ludorum omnis generis.

124. Historia Praestigiatorum et Circulatorum.

125. Historia Miscellanea diversarum Materiarum Artifi-

cialium ; ut Esmaltse, Porcellana3, complurium Ca3men-
torum, etc.

126. Historia Salium.

127. Historia Miscellanea diversarum Machinarum, et Mo-

tuum.

128. Historia Miscellanea Experimentorum Vulgarium, qua3

non coaluerunt in Artem.

»

Etiam Mathematicarum purarum Histories conscribendce sunt,
licet sint potius observationes quam experimenta.

129. Historia naturarum et potestatum Numerorum.

130. Historia naturarum et potestatum Figurarum.

411

Non abs re fuerit admonere quod, cum necesse sit multa ex

experimentis sub duobus titulis vel pluribus cadere (veluti

Historia Plantarum, et Historia Artis Hortulanae multa habe-

bunt fere communia), commodior sit Inquisitio per Artes, Dis-

positio vero per Corpora. Parum enim nobis curse est de

artibus ipsis mechanicis, sed tantum de iis quse

afferunt ad instruendam Phllosophiam.

Verum haec e re nata

melius regentur.

FINIS.

DE

AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM.

415

PREFACE,

IN a letter dated June 30, 1622, Bacon speaks of the De
Augmentis Scientiarum as a work already in the hands of trans-
lators, and likely to be finished by the end of the summer.
" Librum meum de progressu Scientiarum traducendum com-
misi. Ilia translatio, volente Deo, sub finem sestatis perfi-
cietur."1 Therefore, though it was not published till the
autumn of 1623, it may be considered as coming, in order of
composition, next among the Philosophical works to the Novum
Organum and Parasceve.

It was intended to serve for the first part of the Instauratio
Magna, according to the plan laid out in the Distributio Operis,
— the part which is there entitled Partitiones Scientiarum,
and described as exhibiting a complete survey of the world of
human knowledge as it then was, — " Scientiae ejus sive do-
ctrinze in cujus possessione humanum genus hactenus versatur
summam sive descriptionem universalem." The relation which
it bears to the rest of the work is best explained in the dedica-
tory letter prefixed to the Dialogue of a Holy War. ft And
again, for that my book of Advancement of Learning may be
some preparative or key for the better opening of the Instaura-
tion, because it exhibits a mixture of new conceits and old,
whereas the Instauration gives the new unmixed, otherwise
than with some aspersion of the old for taste's sake, I have
thought good to procure a translation of that book into the
general language, not without great and ample additions and
enrichment thereof, especially in the second book, which han-
dleth the partition of sciences; in such sort as I hold it2 may

1 Letter to Father Redempt. Baranzan.

2 That is, the second book ; as appears more clearly from the Latin version of this
letter, which was written later. " Idque ita cumulate praestiti ut judicem libium ilium
jam in plures divisum, pro prima Instaurationis parte haberi posse, quam Partitionwn

Scientiarum nomine antea insignivi."

416 PREFACE TO

serve in lieu of the first part of the Instauration, and acquit my
promise in that part."

But why, when Bacon determined to fit this work for that
part, did he not give it the proper title ? Curious as he always
was in the choice of names, why not call it " Partitiones Scien-
tiarum," which describes the proper business of the first part of
the Instauratio, instead of " De dignitate et augmentis Scien-
tiarum," which passes it by ?

The answer, I think, is that he felt it would be inappropriate.
The form in which the De Augmentis was cast retained so
strong an impress of the original design out of which it grew,
— a design truly and exactly described in the title, and having
no immediate reference to the ultimate plan of the Instauratio,
— that another title referring to another design would have
been manifestly unfit. When he wrote the Advancement of
Learning, he was already engaged upon a work concerning the
Interpretation of Nature, which (to judge from the fragments
and sketches that remain) was meant to begin at once where the
Novum Organum begins, without any preliminary review of the
existing condition of knowledge ; a work corresponding to that
which in the foregoing extract he calls " the Instauration," as
distinguished from the Advancement of Learning, which was to
serve as " a preparative or key " to it ; and the writing of a
book which should exhibit a complete and particular survey of
the state of knowledge then extant in the world was, I suspect,
a by-thought suggested by a particular accident.

However Bacon may have underrated the difficulties of the
reform which he proposed, he was well aware that it could
not be carried into effect by a private man. A private man
might suggest the course, and produce a specimen ; but the
execution of the work on a scale of adequate magnitude re-
quired the means and influence of a King or a Pope. Now it
happened, by a very singular accident, that while he was engaged
in considering and maturing his plan there succeeded to the
throne of England a man whose tastes and previous training
qualified him more than most other men to take an earnest,
active, and intelligent interest in it. James the First was a
man of peace by principle and inclination, of solid, various, and
extensive learning, and of great intellectual activity. It is
difficult even now to say why he might not have proved, in the
province of letters, a great governor. At that time, when his

DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM. 417

faults were not yet known, he must have appeared like the very
man for such an office. To Bacon it would naturally seem an
object of the first importance to engage him, if possible, as a
patron of the new philosophy ; and, as men's minds are most
impressible in times of transition, he would wish to lose no
time in attempting to give his ambition a turn in that di-
rection, while his fortune was fresh, his course unsettled, his
imagination excited and open to great ideas. For this pur-
pose, however, the work on the Interpretation of Nature was
not forward enough to be available, nor very fit perhaps in
itself, had it been more forward than it was. The idea was
too new, the scheme too vast, the end too remote, to engage
the serious attention of a king nearly forty years old, who had
been bred in the ancient learning and attained a proficiency in it
of which he was proud. " Restat unica salus ac sanitas ut opus
mentis universum de integro resumatur" was an avowal which
might well startle him. Not so a work representing the state of
human science as it was, and the means of perfecting and ex-
tending it in many new directions. This lay in James's own pro-
vince ; of the review of what had been already done few men of
his time were better qualified to judge ; few perhaps were more
likely to be attracted and excited by the prospect of doing
more. Now Bacon's own travels in search of the light he had
been looking for had carried him over the whole surface of
the intellectual globe ; and he was therefore well qualified to
report upon the condition of it, — to declare how far and in
what directions the dominion of knowledge had been already
advanced, what regions were still unexplored and unsubdued,
and what measures might best be taken to bring them into
subjection. Such a representation was likely enough to make
an impression on a mind constituted and trained like that of
James the First. Possibly it might even rouse him to take up
the extension of knowledge as a royal business ; in which case
the new philosophy would have started with advantages not
otherwise to be hoped for.

This work therefore Bacon seems to have set about at
once. There is reason to believe that the first book of the
Advancement of Learning, which treats of the excellence and
dignity of knowledge as a pursuit for kings and statesmen, was
written in 1603, immediately after James's accession ; and the
second, which treats of the deficiencies remaining and the sup-

VOL. i. E E

418 PREFACE TO

plies required, in 1605 ; the intervening year of 1604 having
been too much occupied with civil business to allow much
leisure for the prosecution of a work of that kind. It was im-
portant to push it forward as fast as possible, even at the expense
of completeness : for the very object for which I suppose it to
have been undertaken, — that of making an impression on the
king's mind while it was in the best state to receive impressions,
— would have been lost by delay; and accordingly in the
autumn of 1605 appeared "the Twoo Bookes of Francis Bacon,
of the proficience and advancement of Learning, divine and
humane ; " with many marks of haste in form and composition,
and even in substance not altogether adequate to the argument
in hand, but nevertheless well enough adapted for its imme-
diate purpose, if I have rightly conjectured what that purpose
was.

If this be the true history of the Advancement of Learning,
the rest follows naturally. The stroke, though well aimed,
was not successful. The book may have raised James's opinion
of Bacon, but it did not inspire him with any zeal for the
Great Instauration. There it was, however ; and it contained
such a quantity of the best fruits of Bacon's mind and so many
new views bearing on the great reform which he meditated,
that it seemed a pity not to find a place for it in the great
work. This was easily done by enlarging the original design
so as to include a preliminary survey of the existing state of
knowledge ; in which case the substance of the second book of
the Advancement might do duty as the first part of the Instau-
ratio Magna. If we knew when the fragment entitled Partis
Instaurationis Secunda Delineatio was written, we might almost
fix the time at which this enlargement of the original design
was resolved upon. For in that fragment Bacon proposes to
distribute the whole subject of the Interpretation of Nature
through the second, third, fourth, fifth, and sixth parts of the
work, exactly as in the Distributio Operis ; a place being re-
served for a first part, though the nature of its contents is not
specified. And from the Descriptio Globi Intellectualis, which
was written in 1612 and appears, as I have elsewhere remarked,
to be a commencement of the Partitiones Scientiarum itself, we
may partly infer the form in which he then intended to cast
that part.

Why he afterwards altered his intention and resolved to con-

DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM. 419

ent himself with a mere translation of the two books of the
Advancement with additions, it is not difficult to conjecture, if
we take into account the circumstances of his life. When the
Novum Organum was published in October 1620, the king had
just resolved to call a new Parliament after six years' inter-
mission, and questions of vital interest both at home and abroad
hung upon the issue of it. The necessary preparations for the
session, Bacon's own impeachment which almost immediately
followed, a severe illness consequent upon that, his condemna-
tion and imprisonment, negotiations with importunate creditors,
and the composition of the History of Henry the Seventh, which
was finished in October 1621, must have given him occupation
enough during the next twelve months. Then came the ques-
tion, how he was to proceed with the Instauratio, so as to make
the most of such time and means as remained. Sixty-two years
old, with health greatly impaired, an income scarcely sufficient
to live upon, and an establishment of servants much reduced, he
could not afford to waste labour upon things not essential. The
Novum Organum was not half finished. The Natural History
was not even begun, and no fellow-labourer had yet come forward
to help in it.1 It was only in the completion of the first of the
six parts that he could hope for material assistance from others.
Even this, if he had attempted to recast it in the form which I
suppose him to have designed, — the form indicated in the De-
scriptio Gldbi Intellectualis, — he could hardly have executed by
deputy ; whereas a translation of the Advancement of Learning
might be so executed, and would need only corrections and
additions to make it a complete survey of the intellectual globe,
adequate in substance to its place, though not symmetrical in
form. Accordingly, " by help of some good pens which did not
forsake him," he proceeded at once to put this in train, and then
turned his own attention to the Natural History, which he con-
sidered as " basis totius negotii"

Concerning the causes which delayed the publication of the
De Augmentis a twelvemonth beyond the expected time, I
have no information. But it is probable that the additions
which suggested themselves as he proceded were far larger than
he had anticipated ; being indeed in the second book as much
again as the original, and more. The measures which he took

1 " Neque huic rei deero quantum in me est. Utinam habeam et adjutores
idoneos." — Letter to Father Redempt. Baranzan, 30 June, 1 622.

E E 2

420 PREFACE TO DE AUG. SCIENTIARUM.

however were in this instance quite successful ; and by sacri-
ficing a little symmetry of form, he succeeded in effectually
preserving the substance of this first part of his great work.1

Tenison mentions " Mr. Herbert" — that is, George Herbert,
the poet — as one of the translators employed. But we have it
upon Rawley's authority that Bacon took a great deal of pains
with it himself (proprio marte plurimum desudavit) — so that
we must consider the whole translation as stamped with his
authority. Many years before he had asked Dr. Playfer to
do it ; who (according to Tenison) sent him a specimen, but
" of such superfine Latinity, that the Lord Bacon did not en-
courage him to labour further in that work, in the penning
of which he desired not so much neat and polite, as clear mascu-
line and apt expression." 2 And it is not improbable that some
such difficulty may have occurred. But Playfer's failure may
be sufficiently accounted for by the state of his health. A
memorandum in the Commentarius Solutus dated 26 July, 1608
— " Proceeding with the translation of my book of Advance-
ment of Learning — hearkening to some other if Playfer should
fail," — shows that at that time it was still in his hands ; and he
died at the beginning of the next year.

I have only to add that all the notes to this work which bear
no signature are Mr. Ellis's, except such parts of them as are
inserted within brackets. These, as well as all notes signed
J. S., are mine.

J. S.

1 The volume in which it originally appeared bore the following general titlepage :
Opera. Francisci Baronis de Verulamio, vice-comitis Sancti Albani, Tomus primus.
Qui continet De Augmentis Scientiarum libros IX. Ad regem suum. Londini, in
officina Joannis Haviland, MDCXXIII. But this had reference to a collection
(which he then meditated) of all his works, in Latin ; not to the order of the
Instauratio, which was not in a condition to be published consecutively. See Epistola
ad Fvlgentinm : Opuscula, p. 172.

1 Baccniana, p. 26.

421

GULIELMUS RAWLEY

SA.CRJE THEOLOGY PROFESSOR,

ILLUSTRISSIMI DOMINI D. FRANCISCI BARONIS DE VERULAMIO,
VICE-COMITIS SANCTI ALBANI, SACELLANUS,

LECTORI S.

CUM Domino meo placuerit eo me dignari honore, ut in
edendis operibus suis opera mea usus sit; non abs re fore ex-
istimavi, si lectorem de aliquibus quae ad hunc primum tomum
pertinent breviter moneam. Tractatum istum de Dignitate et
Augmentis Scientiarum ante annos octodecim edidit Dominatio
sua lingua patria, in duos tantummodo libros distributum ; et
Regias suae Majestati dicavit quod et nunc facit. Non ita
pridem animum adjecit ut in Latinam linguam verteretur. In-
audierat siquidem illud apud exteros expeti. Quinetiam solebat
subinde dicere libros modernis linguis conscriptos non ita multo
post decocturos. Ejus igitur translationem, ab insignioribus
quibusdam eloquentia viris elaboratam, propria quoque recen-
sione castigatam, jam emittit. Ac liber primus certe quasi
mera translatio est, in paucis admodum mutatus: At reliqui
octo, qui Partitiones Scientiarum tradunt, atque unico ante libro
continebantur, ut novum opus, et nunc primum editum, prodit.
Caussa autem prrecipua qua3 Dominationem suam movit ut opus
hoc retractaret et in plurimis amplificaret, ea fuit; quod in
Instauratione Magna (quam diu postea edidit) Partitiones Scien-
tiarum pro prima Instaurationis parte constituit ; quam sequere-
tur Novum Organum ; clein Historia Naturalis ; et sic deinceps.
Cum igitur reperiret Partem earn de Partitionists Scientiarum
jam pridem elaboratam (licet minus solide quam argument!
dignitas postularet), optimum fore putavit si retractaretur, et
redigeretur in opus justum et completum. Atque hoc pacto
fidem suam liberari intelligit de prima parte Instaurationis
praestitam. Quantum ad opus ipsum, non est tenuitatis meas

E K 3

422

de eo aliquid prsefari. Praeconium ei quod optime conveniat
existimo futurum illud, quod Demosthenes interdum dicere
solebat de rebus gestis Atheniensium veterum ; Laudatorem Us
dignum esse solummodo Tempus. Deum Opt: Max: obnixe
precor, ut pro dignitate operis fructus uberes diuturnique et
auctori et lectori contingant.

FRANCISCI BARONIS DE VERULAMIO,

VICE-COMITIS SANCTI ALBANI,

DE

DIGNITATE ET AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

LIBRI IX.

AD REGEM SUUM.

E E 4

425

PARTITIONS SCIENTIARUM,

BT

ARGUMENTA SINGULORUM CAPITUM.

LIBER II.1

CAPUT i.

PARTITIO Universalis Doctrinae Humanae, in Historiam,
Poesim, Philosophiam ; secundum tres Facilitates Intellectus,
Memoriam, Phantasiam, Rationem ; quodque eadem partitio
competat etiam Theologicis.

CAP. ii.

Partitio Historiae in Naturalem et Civilem; Ecclesiastica et
Literaria sub Civili comprehensis. Partitio Historiae Na-
turalis, ex Subjecto suo, in Historiam Generationum, Prater-
Generationum, et Artium.

CAP. in.

Partitio Historiae Naturalis secunda, ex Usu et Fine suo, in
Narrativam, et Inductivam : quodque Finis nobilissimus Hi-
storiae Naturalis sit, ut ministret et in ordine sit ad condendam
Philosophiam ; quern Fin em intuetur Inductiva. Partitio Hi-
storiae Generationum in Historiam Ccelestium, Historian! Meteo-
rorum, Historiam Globi Terrce et Marts, Historiam Massarum
sive Collegiorum Majorum, et Historiam Specierum, sive Col"
legiorum Minorum.

CAP. iv.

Partitio Historiae Civilis in Ecclesiasticam, Literariam, et
(quae generis nomen retinet) Civilem : quodque Historia Lite-
raria desideretur. Ejus conficiendae praecepta.

1 The argument of the first book is not alluded to here, but may be sufficiently
described as De Dignitate Scientiarum. That book is to be considered as a kind of
inaugural address. The business begins with the second. — J. S.

426 PARTITIONES SCIENTIARUM.

CAP. v.
De dignitate et difficultate Historiae Civilis.

CAP. vi.

Paititio prima Historiae Civilis (Specialis) in Memorias, Anti-
quitates, et Historiam Justam.

CAP. vn.

Partitio Historiae Justae, in Chronica Temporum, Vitas Per-
sonarum, et Relationes Actionum. Earum partium explicatio.

CAP. vin.

Partitio Historiae Temporum, in Historiam Universalem et
Particularem. Utriusque commoda, et incominoda.

CAP. ix.

Partitio secunda Historiae Temporum, in Annales et Acta
Diurna.

CAP. x.

Partitio secunda Historic Civilis (Specialis), in Meram et
Mixtam.

CAP. xi.

Partitio Historiae Ecclesiasticae, in Ecclesiasticam Specialem,
Historiam ad Prophetias, et Historiam Nemeseos.

CAP. xn.

De Appendicibus Historiae, quae circa Verba hominum (quem-
admodum Historia ipsa circa Facta) versantur: Partitio earum
in Orationes, Epistolas, et Apophthegmata.

CAP. xin.

De secundo membro principali Doctrinae Humanae, nempe
Poesi. Partitio Poeseos in JVarrativam, Dramaticam, et Para-
bolicam. Exempla Parabolicas tria proponuntur.

LIBER in.
CAP. i.

Partitio Scientiae, in Theologiam et Pfulosophiam. Partitio
Philosophiae in Doctrinas tres : De Numine, De Natura, De
Homine. Constitutio Philosophies Primce, ut Matris communis
omnium.

PARTITIONES SCIENTIARUM. 427

CAP. II.

De Theologia Naturali ; et Doctrina de Angelis et Spiritibus,
que ejusdem est Appendix.

CAP. in.

Partitio Naturalis Philosophie, in Speculativam et Opera-
tivam ; quodque ille due et in intentione tractantis et in
corpore tractatus segregari debeant.

CAP. iv.

Partitio Doctrine Speculative de Natura, in Physicam (Spe-
cialem), et Metaphysicam : quarum Physica Caussam Ejfici-
entem, et Materiam, Metaphysica Caussam Finalem, et Formam,
inquirit. Partitio Physics (Specialis) in Doctrinas de Prin-
cipiis Rerum, de Fabrica Rerum sive de Mundo, et de Varietate
Rerum. Partitio Doctrinae de Varietate Rerum, in Doctrinam
de Concretis et Doctrinam de Abstractis. Partitio Doctri-
ne de Concretis rejicitur ad easdem partitiones quas susci-
pit Historia Naturalis. Partitio Doctrinas de Abstractis, in
Doctrinam de Schematismis Materics et Doctrinam de Motibus.
Appendices due Physice Speculative : Problemata Naturalia,
Placita Antiquorum Philosophorum. Partitio Metaphysicse, in
Doctrinam de Formis et Doctrinam de Caussis Finalibus.

CAP. v.

Partitio Operative Doctrine de Natura, in Mechanicam, et
Magiam : que respondent partibus Speculative, — Physice
Mechanica ; Metaphysice Magia. Expurgatio vocabuli Magie.
Appendices due Operative : Inventarium Opum Humanaiiim,
et Catalogus Polychrestorum.

CAP. vi.

De magna Philosophie Naturalis, tarn Speculative quam
Operative, appendice Mathematica ; quodque inter appendices
potius poni debet, quam inter scientias substantivas. Partitio
Mathematics, in Puram et Mixtam.

LIBEB IV.
CAP. i.

Partitio Doctrinas de Homine, in Philosophiam Humanitatis,
et Civilem. Partitio Philosophie Humanitatis, in Doctrinam
circa Corpus Hominis, et Doctrinam circa Animam Hominis.

428 PARTITIONES SCIENT1ARUM.

Constitutio unius Doctrina? generalis de Natura, sive de Statu
Hominis. Partitio Doctrinaa de Statu Hominis, in Doctrinam
de Persona Hominis, et de Foedere Animi et Corporis. Partitio
Doctrinse de Persona Hominis, in Doctrinam de Miseriis Ho-
minis, et de Prcerogativis. Partitio Doctrinae de Foedere, in
Doctrinam de Indicationibus, et de Impressionibus. Assigna-
tio Physiognomies, et Interpretationis Somniorum Naturalium,
Doctrinae de Indicationibus.

CAP. ii.

Partitio Doctrinae circa Corpus Hominis, in Medicinam,
Cosmeticam, Athleticam, et Voluptariam. Partitio Medicinas in
officia tria: viz. in Conservationem Sanitatis, Curationem Mor-
borum, et Prolongationem Vitce : quodque pars postrema de
Prolongatione Vitae disjungi debeat a duabus reliquis.

CAP. in.

Partitio Philosophic Humanae circa Animam, in Doctrinam
de Spiraculo, et Doctrinam de Anima Sensibili, sive Producta.
Partitio secunda ejusdem Philosophic, in Doctrinam de Sub-
stantia et Facultatibus AnimcB, et Doctrinam de Usu et Objectis
Facultatum. Appendices duae Doctrinae de Facultatibus Animae ;
Doctrina de Divinatione Naturali, et Doctrina de Fascinatione.
Distributio Facultatum Animae Sensibilis, in Motum, et Sensum.

LIBER V.

CAP. i.

Partitio Doctrines circa Usum et Objecta Facultatum Animaa
Humanas, in Logicam, et Ethicam. Partitio Logicas, in Artes
Inveniendi, Judicandi, Retinendi, et Tradendi.

CAP. ii.

Partitio Inventivae, in Inventivam Artium, et Argumentorum :
quodque prior harum (quaa eminet) desideretur. Partitio In-
ventivas Artium, in Experientiam Literatam, et Organum No-
vum. Delineatio Experientiae Literata?.

CAP. in.

Partitio Inventivae Argumentorum, in Promptuariam, ct
Topicam. Partitio Topicae, in Generalem, et Particularem.
Exemplum Topica Particularis, in Inquisitione de Gravi et
Levi.

PARTITIONES SCIENTIARUM. 429

CAP. iv.

Partitio Artis Judicandi, in Judicium per Inductionem, et
per Syllogismum : quorum prius aggregatur Organo Novo.
Partitio prima Judicii per Syllogismum, in Reductionem Re-
ctam, et Inversam. Partitio secunda ejus, in Analyticam, et
Doctrinam de Elenchis. Partitio Doctrinae de Elenchis, in Elen-
chos Sophismatum, Elenchos Hermenice, et Elenchos Imaginum,
sive Idolorum. Partitio Idolorum, in Idola Tribus, Idola
Specus, et Idola Fori. Appendix Artis Judicandi, viz. De
Analogia Demonstrationum pro Natura Subjecti.

CAP. v.

Partitio Artis Retinendi sive Retentive, in Doctrinam de
Adminiculis Memories, et Doctrinam de Memoria ipsa. Partitio
Doctrinae de Memoria ipsa, in Prcenotionem, et Emblema.

LIBER VI.
CAP. i.

Partitio Traditivae, in Doctrinam de Organo Sermonis, Do-
ctrinam de Metliodo Sermonis, et Doctrinam de Illustrations
Sermonis. Partitio Doctrinae de Organo Sermonis, in Doctri-
nam de Notis Rerum, de Locutione, et de Scriptione : quarum
duae Posteriores Grammaticam constituunt, ejusque Partitiones
sunt. Partitio Doctrinae de Notis Rerum, in Hierogtyphica, et
Characteres Reales. Partitio secunda Grammaticae, in Lite-
rariam, et Philosophantem. Aggregatio Poeseos quoad Metrum
ad Doctrinam de Locutione. Aggregatio Doctrines de Ci~
phris ad Doctrinam de Scriptione.

CAP. ii.

Doctrina de Methodo Sermonis constituitur ut Pars Tradi-
tivae Substantiva et Principalis. Nomen ei inditur Prudentia
Traditivcs. Enumerantur Methodi genera di versa; et sub-
junguntur eorum commoda, et incommoda.

CAP. in.

De Fundamentis et Officio Doctrinae de Illustratione Ser-
monis, sive Rhetoricae. Appendices tres Rhetoricae, quae ad
Promptuariam tantummodo pertinent; Colores Boni et Mali,
tam Simplicis quam Comparati; Antitheta Rerum; Formulas
Minores Orationum.

CAP. iv.

Appendices generates duse Traditivae : Critica, et Pcsdagogica.

430 PARTITIONES SCIENTIARTJM.

LIBER VH.
CAP. i.

Partitio Ethicae, in Doctrinam de Exemplari, et Georgica
Animi. Partitio Exemplaris (scilicet Boni), in Bonum Simplex.,
et Bonum Comparatum. Partitio Boni Simplicis in Bonum
Individuate, et Bonum Communionis.

CAP. ii.

Partitio Boni Individualis, vel Suitatis, in Bonum Activum,
et Bonum Passivum. Partitio Boni Passivi in Bonum Con-
servativum, et Bonum Perfectivum. Partitio Boni Communionis,
in Officia Generalia, et Respectiva.

CAP. in.

Partitio Doctrinas de Cultura Animi, in Doctrinam de Cha-
racteribus Animorum, de Affectibus, et de Remediis sive Cura-
tionibus. Appendix Doctrine ejusdem, de Congruitate inter
Bonum Animi et Bonum Corporis.

LIBER VIII.

CAP. i.

Partitio Doctrinae Civilis, in Doctrinam de Conversatione,
Doctrinam de Negotiis, et Doctrinam de Imperio sive Republica.

CAP. ii.

Partitio Doctrinse de Negotiis, in Doctrinam de Occasionibus
Sparsis, et Doctrinam de Ambitu Vita. Exemplum Doctrine
de Occasionibus Sparsis, ex Parabolis aliquibus Salomonis.
Praacepta de Ambitu Vitae.

CAP. in.

Partitiones Doctrinas de Imperio, sive Kepublica omittuntur :
tantum Aditus fit ad Desiderata duo ; Doctrinam de Proferendis
Finibus Imperil, et Doctrinam de Justitia Universali, sive de
Fontibus Juris. Exempla utriusque.

LIBER IX.

CAP. i.

Partitiones Theologiae Inspiratae omittuntur : tantum Aditus
fit ad Desiderata tria ; Doctrinam de Legitimo Usu Rationis
Humance in Divinis, Doctrinam de Gradibus Unitatis in Civitate
Dei, et Emanationes Scripturarum.

431

FRANCISCI BARONIS DE VERULAMIO,

VICE-COMITIS SANCTI ALBANI,

LIBER PRIMUS.

SUB veteri Lege, Rex Optime, erant et spontaneae oblationes
et quotidiana sacrificia ; hsec ex rituali cultu, illae ex pia alacri-
tate profectse. Arbitror equidem deberi tale quidpiam regibus
a servis suis ; ut scilicet quisque non solum muneris sui tributa,
sed et amoris pignora deferat. Atque in prioribus illis spero
me minime defuturum ; in posteriori autem genere, dubitavi
quid potissinmm sumerem : satius autem visum est hujusmodi
aliquid deligere, quod potius ad personae tuas excellentiam quam
ad negotia coronas spectaret.

Ego saspissime de Maj estate tua, ut debeo, cogitans, (missis
aliis sive virtutis sive fortunaa tuas dotibus) magna prorsus
afficior admiratione, cum intueor excellentiam earum in to
virtutum facultat unique, quas philosophi intellectuales vo-
cant : capacitatem ingenii tot et tanta complexam, firmitudi-
nem memories, prehensionis velocitatem, judicii penetrationem,
elocutionisque ordinem simul et facilitatem. Subit profecto
animum quandoque dogma illud Platonicum, quo asseritur,
Scientiam nihil aliud esse quam Reminiscentiam ; animumque
naturaliter omnia cognoscere, native luci, quam specus corporis
obumbraverat, subinde redditum.1 Certe hujusrei (si in quo alio)
relucet in Maj estate tua exemplum insigne ; cui adeo prompta
est mens ad concipiendam flammam, ubi vel levissima earn excita-
verit objecta occasio, vel minima aliens cognitionis scintilla
affulserit. Quemadmodum igitur de regum sapientissimo Sacra
perhibet Scriptura, Cor illi fuisse tanquam arenam maris 2,

1 See the Ph»do, p. 75., and other places in Plato's works; particularly the
beginning of the Meno. And compare Arist. Anal. Pri. ii. 21., where the passage
in the Meno is referred to.

* 1 Kings, 4. 29.

432 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

cujus quanquam massa praegrandis, partes tamen minutissimae ;
sic mentis indidit Deus Majestati tuae crasim plane mirabilem,
quas cum maxima quaeque complectatur, minima tamen pre-
hendat nee patiatur efflu.ere : cum perdifficile videatur vel
potius impossibile in natura, ut idem instrumentum et grandia
opera et pusilla apte disponat. Quantum ad elocutionem
tuam, occurrit illud Cornelii Taciti de Augusto Caesar e ;
Augusta, \n(\mt, profluens, et qua principem virum deceret, elo-
quentia fu.it.1 Sane si recte rem perpendamus, omnis oratio
aut laboriosa aut affectata aut imitatrix, quamvis alioquin ex-
cellens, nescio quid servile olet, nee sui juris est. Tuum autem
dicendi genus vere regium est, profluens tanquam a fonte, et
nihilominus, sicut naturae ordo postulat, rivis diductum suis,
plenum facilitatis foelicitatisque, imitans neminem nemini imi-
tabile. Atque sicut in rebus tuis quae tarn ad regnum quam
ad domum tuam spectant, virtus videtur cum fortuna certare ;
mores scilicet optimi cum fcelici regimine ; spes tuae olim pati-
enter et pie cohibitae, cum fausta et opportuna speratorum
adeptione ; tori conjugalis sancta fides, cum fructu conjugii be-
ato in sobole pulcherrima ; pia et principe Christiano dignis-
sima ad pacem propensio, cum simili vicinorum principum
inclinatione in idem votum foeliciter conspirantium ; sic et in
intellectus tui dotibus non levior exoritur lis et aemulatio, si eas
quae a natura ipsa praebitas sunt et infusae cum instructissima
gaza multiplicis eruditionis et plurimarum artium scientia
committamus. Neque vero facile fuerit regem aliquem post
Christum natum reperire, qui fuerit Majestati tuae literarum
divinarum et humanarum varietate et cultura comparandus.
Percurrat qui voluerit imperatorum et regum seriem, et juxta
mecum sentiet. Magnum certe quiddam prasstare reges viden-
tur, si delibantes aliorum ingenia ex compendio sapiant, aut in
cortice doctrinae aliquatenus haereant, aut denique literates
ament evehantque. At regem, et regem natum, veros eruditio-
nis fontes hausisse, imo ipsummet fontem eruditionis esse,
prope abest a miraculo. Tuae vero Majestati etiam illud ac-
cedit, quod in eodem pectoris tui scrinio Sacrae Literae cum
profanis recondantur; adeo ut cum Hermete illo Trismegisto
triplici gloria insigniaris, potestate Regis, illuminatione Sacer-

1 " Augusto prompta ac profluens, qua deceret principem, eloquentia fuit." — Ann.
xiii. c. 3.

LIBER PRIMUS. 433

dotis, eruditione Philosoptii.1 Cum igitur alios reges longe hac
laude (proprie quae tua est) superes, aequum est ut non solum
prassentis sseculi fama et admiratione celebretur, aut etiam
historiarum lumine posteritati transmittatur, verum ut solido
aliquo in opere incidatur, quod et regis magni potentiam denotet,
et regis tarn insigniter docti imaginem referat.

Quare (ut ad incceptum revertar) nulla potior mihi visa est
oblatio, quam tractatus aliquis eo spectans. Hujus argumen-
tum duabus constabit partibus. In priori (qua? levior est,
neque tamen ullo modo praetermittenda) de Scientiae et Lite-

lum per omnia excellentia agendum est; et simul de merito
eorum, qui in iisdem provehendis operam strenue et cum judicio
impendunt. Posterior vero pars (quod caput rei est) proponet,
quid in hoc genere hue usque actum sit et perfectum ; insuper
et ea perstringet quae videntur clesiderari ; ut quamvis non
ausim seponere aut deligere tuas quod praacipue Majestati com-
mendem, tamen multa et varia repraesentando regias tuas co-
gitationes excitare possim, ut proprios pectoris tui thesauros
excutias, atque inde, pro magnanimitate tua atque sapientia,
optima quaeque, ad Artium et Scientiarum terminos proferendos,
depromas.

In ipso vestibulo prioris partis, ad purgandam viam et quasi
indicendum silentium, quo melius audiantur testimonia de di-
gnitate literarum absque oblatratione tacitarum objectionum,
statui primo loco liberare literas opprobriis et vilipendiis quibus
impetit eas ignorantia, sed ignorantia sub non uno schemate ;
modo in theologorum zelotypia, modo in politicorum supercilio,
modo in ipsorum literatorum erroribus sese ostentans et pro-
dens. Audio primes dicentes, Scientiam inter ea esse quss
parce cauteque admittenda sunt; Scientiae nimium appetitum
fuisse primum peccatum, unde hominis lapsus ; hodieque haerere
serpentinum quid in ea, siquidem ingrediens tumorem inducit ;
Scientia inftat 2 : Salomonem censere, Faciendi libros nullum
essejinem, multamque lectionem carnis esse qfflictionem 3 ; et alibi,
In multa sapientia multam esse indignationem ; et Qui auget

1 " A noble philosopher, priest, and king of Egypt, whom our writer," says Philemon
Holland, commenting on Ammianus Marcellinus, " calleth termaximus, others tris-
megistus in the same sense, for that he was Philosophus Maximus, Sacerdos Maximu?,
and Rex Maximus." There is however no doubt that the real Hermes, or the writer
of the works ascribed to him, was a neophyte platonist of the second or third century.
V. Heeren, Comment, de Fontibus Eclog. J. Stobtei," § 41.

2 1 Corinth. 8. 1. * Ecclesiast. 12. 12.

VOL. I. F F

434 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

scientiam, augere et dolorem l : D. Pauli monitum esse, Ne de-
cipiamur per inanem philosophiam 2 : quin et experientia notum
esse, doctissimos viros haereticorum Coryphseos, doctissima sae-
cula in atheismum proclivia fuisse; contemplationem denique
secundarum causarum authoritati primas causae derogare.

Ut igitur falsitatera hujus dogniatis fundamentaque ejus
male Jacta aperiamus, cuivis obviam est istos non percipere,
scientiam qua? lapsum peperit non fuisse puram illam primi-
geniamque scientiam naturalem, cujus lumine Homo animalibus
in Paradise adductis nomina ex natura imposuit 3, sed superbam
illam Boni et Mali, per quam excutere Deum sibique ipse legem
figere ambivit. Neque certe vis ulla scientias, quanta quanta
sit, inflat mentem ; cum nihil implere animum, nedum distendere
possit, praeter Deum Deique contemplationem ; quare Salomon,
de duobus palmariis inventionis sensibus (visu atque auditu)
loquens, ait Oculum videndo, aurem audiendo non satiari* ;
quod si non sit impletio, sequitur continens majus esse con-
tento. Haud aliter de scientia ipsa animoque humano (cui
sensus sunt tanquam emissarii) definit his verbis, quae Calen-
dario suo Ephemeridique omnium rerum tempora describenti
subnectit, ita concludens ; Omnia Deus condidit, ut unumquodque
pulcrum sit in tempore suo : mundam quoque ipsum indidit cordi
corum : invenire tamen homo non potest opus quod operatus est
Deus ab initio usque ad Jinem.b Quibus verbis baud obscure
innuit Deum fabricatum esse animum humanum instar speculi
totius mundi capacem, ejusque non minus sitientem quam oculum
luminis; neque gestientem solum conspicere varietates vicissi-
tudinesque temporum, verum etiam perscrutandi explorandique
immotas atque inviolabiles naturae leges et decreta ambitiosum.
Et quamvis innuere videatur summam illam naturae ceconomiam
(quam appellat Opus quod operatur Deus ab initio usque ad
finem*} non posse inveniri ab homine, hoc non detrahit captui
humano, sed in impedimenta doctrinae rejiciendum ; qualia sunt
vitse brevitas, studiorum divortia, scientiarum traditio prava et

1 Ecclesiast. 1. 18. * Coloss. 2. 8.

* This reference to the imposition of names in Paradise in illustration of natural
knowledge, is common in the writings of the schoolmen. Thus S. Thomas Aquinas
in discussing the question " utrum primus homo habuerit scientiam omnem," after
stating objections alleged against the affirmative opinion, thus commences his refutation
of them. " Sed contra est quod ipse imposuit nomina animalibus, ut dicitur Gen. 2.
Nomina autem debent naturis rerum congruere ; Ergo Adam scivit naturas omnium
animalium, et pari ratione habuit omnium aliorum scientiam. "

4 Ecclesiast 1. 8. » Ecclesiast. 3. 11. 6 Proverbs, xx. 27

LIBER PRIMUS. 435

infida, plurimaque alia incommoda quibus humana condltio irre-
titur. Siquidem nullam universi partem ab humana disqui-
sitione alienam esse satis clare alibi docet, inquiens, Spiritus
hominis est tanquam lucerna Dei, qua intima arcana explorat.
Quare si tanta sit amplitude captus humani, manifestum est
nullum esse periculum a quantitate scientise, utut diffusa, ne
aut tumorem inducat aut excessum; sed a qualitate tantum,
quae quantulacunque sit, si absque antidote sua sumatur, tna-
lignum quid habet atque venenosum, flatuosis symptomatis
plenissimum. Hasc antidotus sive aroma (cujus mixtio temperat
scientiam eamque saluberrimam efficit) est charitas, quod etiam
priori clausulre subjungit Apostolus, diceiis, Scientia inflat, cha-
ritas autem cedificat. Cui consonum est, quod alibi docet ; Si,
inquit, linguis loquar Angelorum vel hominum, charitatem autem
non habeam, factus sum velut as resonans aut cymbalum tinniens. l
Non quin eximium quid sit loqui linguis Angelorum et homi-
num, sed quia si segregetur a charitate neque ad commune hu-
mani generis bonum dirigatur, potius inanem gloriam exhibebit
quam solidum fructum. Censuram quod attinet Salomonis de
excessu legendi scribendique libros, et cruciatu spiritus e scientia
oriundo, monitumque etiam Paulinum Ne decipiamur per inanem
philosophiam 2 ; si recte explicentur ea loca, optime ostendent
veros cancellos et limites quibus humana scientia circumsepitur,
ita tamen ut liberum sit ei absque omni coarctatione universam
rerum naturam amplecti. Sunt enim limites tres. Primus, ne
ita foelicitatem collocemus in scientia, ut interim mortalitatis
nostrae oblivio subrepat. Secundus, ne sic utamur scientia ut
anxietatem pariat, non animi tranquillitatem. Tertius, ne pu-
temus posse nos per naturae contemplationem mysteria divina
assequi. Nam quantum ad primum, optime in eodem libro
alibi se Salomon explicat, Satis, inquit, perspexi sapientiam tan-*
turn recedere a stultitia, quantum lucem a tenebris. Sapientis oculi
in capite ejus, stultus in tenebris oberrat ; sed simul didici moriendi
necessitatem utrique esse communem.3 De secundo certum est,
nullam animi anxietatem aut perturbationem oriri e scientia, nisi
tantum per accidens. Omnis enim scientia, et admiratio (quae
est semen scientiae), per se jucunda est ; cum autem conclusiones
inde deducuntur, quae oblique rebus nostris applicatge vel in-
firmos metus gignunt vel immodicas cupiditates, turn demum

1 1 Corinth, xiii. 1. 2 Coloss. ii. 8. * Ecclesiast. ii. 13, 14.

F F 2

436 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

nascitur cruciatus ille et perturbatio mentis qua de loquimur ;
tune enim scientia non est amplius lumen siccum (ut voluit He-
raclitus ille obscurus, Lumen siccum optima anima !) sed fit lumen
madidum, atque humoribus affectuum maceratum. Tertia re-
gula accuratiorem paulo disquisitionem postulat, neque sicco
pede praatereunda est. Si quis enim ex rerum sensibilium et
materiatarum intuitu tantum luminis assequi speret quantum
ad patefaciendam divinam naturam aut voluntatem sufficiet,
nee iste decipitur per inaniam philosophiam. Etenim contem-
platio creaturarum, quantum ad creaturas ipsas, producit sci-
entiam; quantum ad Deum, admirationem tantum, quae est
quasi abrupta scientia. Ideoque scitissime dixit quidam Pla-
tonicus2; Sensus kumanos solem referre, qui quidem revelat
terrestrem globum, ccelestem vero et stellas obsignat : sic sensus
reserant naturalia, divina occludunt. Atque hinc evenit, non-
nullos e doctiorum manipulo in haeresim lapses esse, quum ceratis
sensuum alis innixi ad divina evolare contenderent. Namque
eos qui autumant nimiam scientiam inclinare mentem in atheis-
mum, ignorantiamque secundarum causarum pietati erga primam
obstetricari, libenter compellarem Jobi quaestione, An oporteat
mentiri pro Deo, et ejus gratia dolum loqui conveniat, ut ipsigra-
tificemur 9 3 Liquet enim Deum nihil operari ordinario in natura
nisi per secundas causas, cujus diversum credi si vellent, im-
postura mera esset, quasi in gratiam Dei, et nihil aliud quam
authori veritatis immundam mendaci hostiam immolare. Quin
potius certissimum est, atque experientia comprobatum, leves
gustus in philosophia movere fortasse ad atheismum, sed ple-
niores haustus ad religionem reducere.4 Namque in limine
philosophise, cum secundas causae tanquam sensibus proximae
ingerant se menti humanae, mensque ipsa in illis haereat atque
commoretur, oblivio primae causae obrepere possit; sin quis
ulterius pergat, causarumque dependentiam, seriem, et concate-
nationem, atque opera Providentiae intueatur, tune secundum

1 aityjj |ijpp tyvxb ffo<(xardrri Kara rbv 'HpdK\enov iioiKev. — Plutarch " De Es»i
Carnium," 1 . Plutarch alludes to the gnome in his tract De Audiendis Poetis, in a
passage not unlike the text

2 Philo Judaus : " Quod somnia mittantur a Deo."
1 Job, xiii. 7.

4 This thought occurs several times in Bacon's writings. Leibnitz, with the large

spirit of whose philosophy it is altogether in accordance, has quoted it at least thrice ;

thus for instance in his Confessio Natures contra Aiheislas, he remarks: " Divini

igenii vir Franciscus Baconus de Verulamio recte dixit philosophiam obiter libatam a

Deo abducere, penitus haustam reducere ad eundem."

LIBER PRIMUS. 437

poetarum mythologiam facile credet summum naturalis catenae
annulum pedi solii Jovis affigi.1 Ut semel dicam, nemo male
applicatas sobrietatis moderationisque famam captans posse nos
nirnium progredi in libris sive scripturarum sive creaturarum,
theologia aut philosophia, existimet: quinimo excitent se ho-
mines, et infinites profectus audacter urgeant utrobique et
persequantur ; caventes tantum ne scientia utantur ad tumo-
rem, non ad charitatem ; ad ostentationem, non ad usum ; et
rursus, ne distinctas illas theologia? philosophiaeque doctrinas,
earumque latices, imperite misceant ac confundant.

Accedamus nunc ad opprobria quibus literas aspergunt po-
litici. Ilia ejusmodi sunt: Artes emollire animos, militarique
gloria} ineptos reddere ; turn in politicis quoque corrumpere in-
genia, quae vel nimis curiosa efficiunt ex varietate lectionis, vel
nimis pertinacia ex rigore regularum, vel nimis tumida ex mag-
nitudine exemplorum, vel nimis extravagantia ex dissimilitudine
exemplorum ; quin saltern utcunque avertere et alienare animos
a negotiis et actione, otii ac secessus amorem instillantes ; dein
rebuspublicis inducere discipline relaxationem, dum unusquisque
promptior est ad disputandum quam ad obtemperandum. Unde
Cato Censorius, cum primis mortalium sapiens, ubi juventus
llomana ad Carneadem philosophum, qui venerat Romam le-
gatus, dulcedine atque majestate eloquentise ejus capta undique
conflueret, frequenti senatu author fuit ut expeditis negotiis
primo quoque tempore dimitterent hominem ; ne civium animos
inficeret et fascinaret, et necopinantibus morum consuetudi-
numque patriarum mutationem induceret.2 Hoc etiam permovit
Virgilium (dum studia sua patrise existimationi posthaberet) ut
artes politicas a literariis segregaret, illas Romanis vendicans,
has Gra?cis relinquens, in versibus illis decantatis,

Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento :
Hae tibi erunt artes. 3

Videmus etiam Anytum Socratis accusatorem pro crimine ei
objecisse, quod vi et varietate sermonum ac disputationum
suarum authoritatem et reverentiam legum consuetudinumque
patriarum apud adolescentes imminueret; quodque artem pro-
fiteretur perniciosam et periculo plenam, qua quis instructus

1 Bacon alludes to the philosophical applications which have been made of the
passage in the Iliad (0. 19.), in which Zeus boasts of his superiority to the other
gods. Of these the earliest instance is to be found in the Theaetetvs,

2 See Plutarch in Cato, c. 22.

3 ^Eneid, vi. S52.

F F 3

438 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

deteriorem causam meliorem faceret, veritatemque ipsam elo-
quentiae apparatu obrueret.1

Verum hae criminationes, ceteraeque ejusdem farinae, potius
personatam gravitatem pra? se ferunt quam veritatis candorem.
Testatur enim experientia, sicut unos atque eosdem homines,
sic una eademque tempora, et rerum bellicarum et optimarum
artium gloria floruisse. Viros quod attinet, exemplo sit nobile
par imperatorum, Alexander Magnus et Julius Caesar Dictator,
alter Aristotelis in philosophia discipulus, alter Ciceronis in
dicendo rivalis. Aut si quis requirat potius literatos qui in
claros imperatores evaserunt quam imperatores qui insigniter
docti fuerunt, prsesto est Epaminondas Thebanus, aut Xenophon
Atheniensis; quorum ille primus fuit qui fregit potentiam
Spartanorum, hie autem primus qui stravit viam ad eversionem
monarchic Persarum. Istud vero armorum literarumque quasi
conjugium clarius adhuc in temporibus quam in personis elu-
cescit, quanto nimirum saBculum homine objectum grandius est.
Ipsa quippe eademque tempora apud JEgyptios, Assyrios,
Persas, Graecos, Romanesque, qua? propter bellicam virtutem
maxime celebrantur, etiam et literis plurimum fuerunt nobili-
tata; adeo ut gravissimi authores philosophique, et clarissimi
duces atque imperatores, eodem saeculo vixerint. Nee sane
aliter fieri potest, quandoquidem ut in homine vigor corporis
animique simul fere maturescunt, nisi quod ille hunc paulo
antevertat; sic in rebuspublicis, militaris gloria literataque
(quarum ilia corpori respondet, haec animo) aut coeva sunt, aut
se proxime consequuntur.

Jam vero, eruditionem politicis impedimento esse potius quam
adjumento, nil minus probabile. Fatemur omnes temerarium
quiddam esse empiricis medicis corpus et valetudinis curam
tradere, qui solent pauca quaedam medicamenta qua? illis viden-
tur panchresta venditare, quorum fiducia nihil non audent
tentare ; cum tamen neque causas morborum, neque aegrotorum
habitus, neque symptomatum pericula, neque veram sanandi
methodum calleant. Videmus pariter errare eos, qui ad causas
et lites suas expediendas adhibent leguleios in practica potius
quam in libris juris versatos, quibus os facile oblinitur, si quid
novum aut extra experientia3 suae calles tritos occurrat : con-
similiter non potest non esse periculosissimum, quoties summa
rerum empiricis consiliariis praecipue mandatur. E contra, vix

Apologia Socratis, p. 23. et seq.

LIBER PRIMUS. 439

exemplum adduci possit reipublicse infceliciter administrates, ad
clavum sedentibus viris eruditis. Quamvis enim in more sit
politicis literates Pedantiorum nomine elevare, Historia tamen
veritatis magistra in plurimis fidem facit, pupillares principes
adultis longe praestitisse (non obstante aetatis incommodo) ea
ipsa de causa quam politici sugillant, quod scilicet tune temporis
a paedagogis administratum sit imperium. Quis ignorat per
decantatum illud quinquennium Neronis onus rerum incubuisse
Senecse paedagogo ? Quin et Gordianus Junior decennium
laudis Misitheo paedagogo debuit. Neque infoelicius imperium
gessit Alexander Severus durn minor fuit, quo tempore omnia
procurabant mulieres, sed ex consilio praeceptorum. Imo,
convertamus oculos ad regimen Pontificium, ac nominatim Pii
Quinti vel Sixti Quinti nostro saeculo, qui sub initiis suis habiti
sunt pro fraterculis rerum imperitis l ; reperiemusque acta
paparum ejus generis magis esse solere memorabilia quam
orum qui in negotiis civilibus et principum aulis enutriti ad
papatum ascenderint. Quamvis enim qui in literis vitam maxi-
me traduxerunt minus sollertes sint atque versatiles in occa-
sionibus prensandis atque accommodandis rebus, quo spectant
ea quae ab Italis Ragioni di Stato dicuntur (quorum nomen
ipsum aversatus est Pius Quintus, solitus dicere Esse mera
malorum hominum commenta, qua opponerentur religioni et vir-
tutibus moralibus 2 : in eo tamen abunde fit compensatio, quod
per tutum planumque iter religionis, justitiae, honestatis, vir-
tutumque moralium, pronipte atque expedite incedant ; quam
viam qui constanter tenuerint, illis alteris remediis non magis
indigebunt quam corpus sanum medicina. Porro autem curri-
culum vitae in uno homine suppeditare non potest exemplorum
copiam ad regendos eventus vitae, etiam in uno homine. Sicut
enim interdum fit, ut nepos vel pronepos avum vel proavum
magis referat quam patrem ; eodem modo haud raro evenit, ut
negotia praesentia magis quadrent cum exemplis vetustioribus
quam cum recentioribus. Postremo, unius ingenium tantum
cedit amplitudini literarum, quantum privati reditus aerario.

1 The former of these Popes was a Dominican, the latter a Franciscan friar. The
most remarkable event of the Pontificate of Pius V. was the battle of Lepanto in 1571,
in which his fleet was engaged in conjunction with those of Venice and of Spain.
Sixtus V. was the founder of the Vatican library. Compare Gibbon's phrase : " The
genius of Sixtus the Fifth burst from the gloom of a Franciscan cloister."— Decline
and Fall, c. 76.

8 See his life by Catena.

F F 4

4-1.) DE AUGMENTI3 SCIENTIARUM

Quod si detur, depravationes illas et impedimenta quae a
politicis imputantur literis aliquid virium habere et veritatis,
attamen simul monendum, eruditionem in singulis plus remedii
quani mali afferre. Esto enim, liters tacita quadam vi animum
reddunt incertum atque perplexum ; at certe liquido praeci-
piunt quomodo cogitationes sint expedienda?, et quousque sit
deliberandum, quando demum statuendum ; imo ostendunt
quomodo res interim absque periculo trahi possint et suspendi.
Esto etiam, animos efficiunt magis pertinaces et difficiles; at
simul docent quae res demonstrationibus, quae conjecturis in-
nituntur; neque minus distinctionum et exceptionum usum
quam canonum et principiorum constantiam proponunt. Esto
rursus, seducunt et detorquent animos exemplorum vel im-
paritate vel dissimilitudine ; nescio ; sed satis novi eas tarn
circumstantiarum efficacias quam comparationum errores et ap-
plicationum cautiones explicare ; adeo ut in universum magia
corrigant animos quam corrumpant. Haec autem remedia in-
sinuant undequaque literse, magna vi et varietate exemplorum.
Perpendat quis errores dementis Septimi, a Guicciardino, qui
ei fuit quasi domesticus, tarn luculenter depictos l ; aut vacil-
lationes Ciceronis, in Epistolis ad Atticum manu propria ad
vivum resectas 2 ; omnino inconstantiam et crebras conciliorum
mutationes vitabit. Inspiciat errores Phocionis, pervicaciam
exhorrebit. Fabulam Ixionis legat, et nimias spes et hujus-
modi fumos ac nebulas dispellet. Intueatur Catonem Se-
cundum, neque unquam migrabit ad Antipodas et contraria
praesenti saeculo vestigia figet.

Jam qui putant literas desidiae arnicas esse otiique et seces-
sus dulcedine perfundere animum, mirum praestabunt, si qua?
assuefaciunt mentem perpetuae agitationi, socordiae patronas
ostendant ; cum contra vere affirmari possit, inter omnia ho-
iniiium genera nullum negotia amare propter ipsa negotia,
praeter literatum. Alii enim res et negotia diligunt quaestus
gratia, ut conductitii opus propter mercedem. Alii honoris
ergo ; etenim dum res gerunt, vivunt in oculis hominum,

1 Guicciardini's character of Clement VII. will be found in the sixteenth book of his
history, ch. 5. I transcribe the part which relates to the " inconstantia" of which
Bacon speaks. " E nel deliberarsi e nell'eseguire quel che pure avesse deliberato, ogni
piccolo rispetto che di nuovo se gli scoprisse, ogni leggiere impedimento che se gli
attraversasse, pareva bastante a farlo ritornare in quella confusione nella quale ero
statoinnanzi deliberasse," &c.

* The seventh letter of the sixteenth book may be particularly referred to in illus-
tration of the remark in the text.

LIBEtl PRIMUS. 441

existimationique suas inserviunt alioqui evaniturae. Alii
propter potentiam e.t fortunae praerogativam, ut amicos remu-
nerare, inimicos ulcisci possint. Alii ut facultatem aliquam
suam quam adamant exerceant, ac sibi ipsis hoc nomine sae-
pius gratulentur et arrideant. Alii denique, ut alios suos fines
consequantur. Adeo ut quod de gloriosis dici solet, eorum
fortitudinem sitam esse in spectantium oculis, sic hujusmodi
hominum diligentia et strenuitas hoc videtur agere, aut ut
alii plaudant aut ut ipsi intra se gcstiant. Soli literati nego-
tiis et occupationibus delectantur, tanquam actionibus naturae
consentaneis, et non minus salubribus animo quam exercitatio
est corpori, ipsam rem non emolumentum intuentes ; ita ut
omnium minime sint defatigabiles, si modo res sit hujusmodi
ut animum pro dignitate ejus impleat et detineat. Quod si
reperiantur interdum nonnulli in legendo strenui, in agendo
cessatores ; non hoc a literis ortum habet, sed ab imbecillitate
et mollicie quadam corporis animive; quales notat Seneca,
Quidam, inquit, tarn sunt umbratiles, ut putent in turbido esse
quicquid in luce est. * Usuvenire poterit fortasse, ut hujusmodi
ingenii sibi conscii se dent literis ; eruditio autem ipsa hujus-
modi ingenia minime indit aut progignit. Quod si quis illud
nihilominus mordicus teneat, literas nimium absumere temporis,
quod alias rectius impendi possit ; aio, neminem adeo distringi
negotiis, quin habeat sua otii intervalla, donee agendi vices
atque aestus refluant, nisi aut adrnodum hebes sit in expe-
diendis negotiis, aut parum cum dignitate ambitiosus in negotiis
cujuscunque generis captandis. Restat igitur quaerendum, qua
in re et quomodo has subsecivas horas collocare oporteat;
studiis an voluptatibus, genio an ingenio, indulgendum ? Sicut
recte respondit Demosthenes ^Eschini, homini voluptatibus de-
dito, qui cum per contumeliam objecisset Orationes ejus lucer-
nam olere ; Pol, inquit, multum interest inter ea qua ego ac tu
ad lucernam facimus. 2 Quare neutiquam metuendum ne
literae eliminent negotia ; quin potius vindicant animum ab otio
et voluptate, quae alias sensim ad utriusque damnum, et nego-
tiorum et literarum, subintrare solent.

Dein, quod oggerunt, literas reverentiam legum atque im-

1 " Quidam adeo in latebras refugerunt ut putent in turbido esse quicquid in luce est. "
— Seneca, Ep. 3. It is perhaps worthy of remark that Bacon's inaccurate quotation
is adopted at second hand in the Taller.

2 Plutarch in Demosth. [According to Plutarch it was Pytheas who made the
taunt. — /. S.]

442 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

peril convellere ; calumnia mera est, nee probabiliter ad crimi-
nandum inducta. Xam qui ccecam obedientiam fortius obligare
contenderit quam officium oculatum una opera asserat ccECum
manu ductum certius incedere quam qui luce et oculis uti-
tur. Imo citra omnem controversiam artes emolliunt mo-
res, teneros reddunt, sequaces, cereos, et ad rnandata imperii
ductiles ; ignorantia contra, contumaces, refractarios, seditio-
sos : quod ex historia clarissime patet, quandoquidem tempora
maxime indocta, inculta, barbara, tumultibus, seditionibus,
mutationibusque maxime obnoxia fuerint.

De Catonis Censoris judicio hoc dictum esto, meritissimas
eum blasphemiae in literas luisse pcenas, cum septuagenario
major quasi repuerascens Graecam linguam cupidissime addisce-
ret1 ; ex quo liquet, priorem illam censurani Graecas literature
ex affectata potius gravitate quam quod ita penitus sentiret
fluxisse. Ad Virgilii vero carmina quod attinet, utcunque illi
libitum fuerit universe mundo insultare, Komanis asserendo
artes imperandi, caeteras tanquam populares aliis relinquendo;
in hoc tamen manifesto tenetur, Romanos nunquam imperii
fastigium conscendisse, donee ad artium culmen simul per-
venissent. Namque duobus primis Caesaribus, viris impe-
randi peritissimis, contemporanei erant optimus poeta ille ipse
Virgilius Maro, optimus historicus Titus Livius, optimus anti-
quarius Marcus Varro, optimus aut optimo proximus orator
Marcus Cicero ; principes certe, ex omni memoria, in sua
quique facultate. Postremo, quantum ad Socratis accusatio-
nem, id dico tantum ; recordemur temporum, quibus inten-
tata est; nimirum sub Triginta Tyrannis, mortalium omnium
crudelissimis, sceleratissimis, imperioque indignissimis ; qui
rerum et temporum orbis postquam circumactus esset, Socrates
ille (flagitiosus scilicet) heroibus annumeratus est, et memoria
ejus omnibus tarn disdnis quam humanis honoribus cumulata ;
quin disputationes ejus, tanquam corruptrices morum prius
habitae, pro prassentissimis mentis morumque antidotis ab omni
))osteritate celebrantur. Atque haec sufficiant ad respondendum
politicis, qui superciliosa severitate aut fucata gravitate ausi
sunt literas incessere contumeliis ; quae tamen corifutatio im-
praasentiarum, nisi quod nesciamus an ad posteros permanaturi
sint labores nostri, minus necessaria videatur ; cum aspectus et
favor duorum literatissimorum principum, Elizabethan reginae et

1 V. Cicero Ac. Quaest. ii. c. 2.

LIBER PRIMUS. 443

Majestatis tuae, tanquara Castoris et Pollucis, lucidorum sy-
derum1, tantum apud nos in Britannia literis amorem reve-
rentiamque conciliaverint.

Nunc ad tertium vituperationum genus pervenimus, quod a
literatis ipsis in literas redundat, altiusque caeteris solet hasrere.
Eas vel a fortuna, vel a moribus, vel a studiis ipsorum originem
ducunt. Quarum prima extra potestatem ipsorum est, secunda
extra rem, ut tertia sola proprie in disquisitionem venire vide-
atur. Quia tamen non tarn de vero rerum pondere quam de
vulgi aestimatione sermo instituendus est, haud abs re fuerit
etiam de alteris duabus pauca quaedam innuere.

Quapropter dignitatis imminutiones et quasi dehonestamenta,
quaa a literatorum fortuna literis imponuntur, sumuntur aut a
paupertate et inopia ipsorum, aut a vita3 genere obscuro et
umbratili, aut ab occupationum in quibus versantur subjecto
non admodum nobili.

Quantum ad paupertatem pertinet, quodque frequenter usu-
veniat ut literati inopes sint, et tenui plerumque origine, neque
tam propere ditescant ac alii qui qua&stui solum inhiant ; con-
sultuni foret hunc locum, de laude paupertatis, Fratribus Men-
dicantibus (pace eorum dixerim) exornandum tradere ; quibus
Machiavellus non parum tribuebat, cum diceret, jamdudum
actum esset de regno sacerdotum, nisi reverentia erga fratres ac
monachos episcoporum luxum et excessum compensasset* Pariter
dicat quis, foelicitatem et magnificentiam principum et nobilium
jam olim recidere potuisse in barbariem et sordes, nisi deberent
literatis istis pauperibus civilis vita? culturam et decus. Sed
missis his laudum aucupiis, notatu dignum est quam sacra atque
veneranda res, per aliquot apud Romanos secula, paupertas
ipsa habita fuerit; quae tamen respublica nihil trahebat ex
paradoxis. Sic enim prasfatur T. Livius : Aut me amor negotii
susceptifallit, aut nulla unquam respublica nee major nee sanctior
nee bonis exemplis ditior fuit, nee in quam tam sera avaritia
luxuriaque immigraverint, nee ubi tantus ac tam diu paupertati
ac parcimonice honos fuerit.3 Quinetiam postquam Roma jam
degenerasset, legimus, cum Caesar Dictator collapsam rempu-
blicam instauraturum se profiteretur, quendam ex amicis ejus

1 Hor. Car. i. 3. 2.

2 See his Discorsi, iii. c. 1. The passage in the text is one of those to which Mer-
senne takes exception. It savours in his opinion of a wish to depreciate the hierarchy.
See his La Verite des Sciences.

3 In prsefetione.

414 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

prompsisse sententiam, nihil tarn expeditum esse ad id quod
ageret, quam si divitiarum honos quoquo modo tolleretur.
Verum (inquit) h&c et omnia mala pariter cum honore pec.unm
desinent, si neque magistrates neque alia vulgo cupienda venalia
erunt.1 Denique, quemadmodum vere dictum est ruborem esse
colorem virtutis 2, licet quandoque oriatur ex culpa ; ita recte
statuas paupertatem esse virtutis fortunam, quamvis interdum
a luxu et incuria accersatur. Salomonis certe base est sen-
tentia, Qui festinat ad divitias, non erit insons 3; et praeceptum,
Veritatem erne et noli vender -e, similiter scientiam et prudentiam4 :
quasi aaquum judicet, opes impendendas ut doctrina paretur,
non doctrinam eo vertendam ut opes congerantur.

Quid attinet dicere de vita ilia privata et obscura, quam
literatis objiciunt? Adeo tritum thema est atque ab omnibus
jactatum, otium et secessum (modo absint desidia et luxus)
prseponere vitae forensi et occupatae, propter securitatem, liber-
tatem, dulcedinem, dignitatem, aut saltern ab indignitatibus
immunitatem, ut nemo tractet hunc locum quin bene tractet :
ita humanis conceptibus in exprimendo et consensibus in ap-
probando consonat. Hoc tantum adjiciam, eruditos latentes in
rebuspublicis, et sub oculis hominum minime degentes, similes
esse imaginibus Cassii et Bruti, de quibus in elatione Junia?
non gestatis, cum alia? plurimae ducerentur, Tacitus, Eo ipso
(inquit) prcefulgebant, quod non visebantur.5

De occupationum qua3 literatis committuntur vilitate illud
occurrit, quod demandetur iisdem puerorum ac junior um
institutio, cujus aetatis contemptus in magistros ipsos redun-
dat. Caster um quam injusta sit haec obtrectatio, si non ex
vulgi opinione sed ex sano judicio res perpendatur, inde licet
aastimare, quod diligentiores sint omnes in imbuenda testa
recenti quam veteri; magisque solliciti sint qualem acl-
moveant terrain tenera? plantae quam adultae; unde liquet,
praecipuam curam circa rerum et corporum initia versari.
Rabbinis, si placet, porrige aurem ; Juvenes vestri visiones
videbunt, et senes somniabunt somnia 6; ex hoc textu colligunt,

1 Oratio prima ad C. Caesarem de republica ordinanda. This discourse and that
which follows it have been ascribed to Sallust, but apparently without sufficient
reason.

2 See Diogen. Laert. in Diog. c. 54.

3 Proverbs, xxviii. 20. 4 Proverbs, xxiii. 23.

" Sed praefulgebant Cassius atque Brutus, eo ipso quod effigies eorum non vise-
bantur."— Ann. iii. sub calcem.

Joel, ii. 28. " Notanda autem hie orationis concinnitas, et poete in jungendis

LIBER PRIMUS. 445

juventutem esse aetatem digniorem ; quanto nimirum revelatio
accedat clarior per visiones quam per somnia. Illud vero
notatu omnino dignum, quod licet paedagogi, velut simiae
tyrannidis, scenae sint ludibria, et temporum incuria in delectu
ipsorum veluti obdormierit ; -vetus tamen querela sit, inde usque
ab optimis et prudentissimis saeculis deducta, respublicas circa
leges quidem nimium satagere, circa educationem indiligentes
esse. Qua? nobilissima pars prisca? discipline revocata est
aliquatenus quasi postliminio in Jesuitarum collegiis ; quorum
cum intueor industriam solertiamque tarn in doctrina excolenda
quam in moribus informandis, illud occurrit Agesilai de Phar-
nabazo, Tails cum szs, utinam noster esses.1 Atque hactenus de
opprobriis e literatorum fortuna et conditione desumptis.

Quod ad literatorum mores ; res est ista potius ad perso-
nas quam ad studia spectans. Reperiuntur proculdubio inter
eos, quemadmodum in omnibus vitas ordinibus et generibus,
tarn mali quam boni ; neque propterea non verum est (quod
asseritur) ablre studia in mores 2 ; atque literas, nisi incidaiit
in ingenia admodum depravata, corrigere prorsus naturam et
mutare in melius.

Veruntamen diligenter mini atque ingenue rem aestimanti
nullum occurrit dedecus literis ex literatorum moribus, quatenus
sunt literati, adhaerens ; nisi forte hoc vitio vertatur (cujus
Demosthenes, Cicero, Cato Secundus, Seneca, pluresque alii
insimulantur) quod cum plerumque tempora de quibus legunt
illis in quibus vivunt, et quae praecipiuntur illis quae aguntur,
meliora sint, ultra quam par est contendant morum corruptelas
ad prseceptorum et dogmatum honestatem retrahere, et priscae
severitatis mores temporibus dissolutis imponere; de quo tamen
abunde e propriis fontibus admoneri possunt. Solon enim
interrogatus, an optimas civibus suis dedisset leges ? Optimas,
inquit, ex illis quas Ipsl volulssent accipere.3 Ita Plato, videns
corruptiores suorum civium mores quam ut ipse ferre posset, ab
omni publico munere abstinuit, dicens ; Sic cum patrla agendum

verbis delectus, quod senibus somnia tribuat, quae debiliori setati magis conveniunt,
juvenibus visiones utpote vividioribus ingeniis ad concipienda phantasmata promptio-
ribus." — Tychsen, quoted in Rosenmiiller's Schol. in Vet. Test, ad loc.

1 Plutarch in Agesil, c. 12. This commendation did not escape the diligence of
Gomez, who, in his Elogia Societatis Jesu (Antwerp, 1667), has quoted it in the
section of his work in which he brings forward the testimonies which have been borne
by heretics to the merits of the society. V. p. 448.

2 " Sive abeunt studia in mores." — Ov. Epist. xv. 83.

3 Plutarch in Solone, c, 15.

446 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

esse, lit cum parentibus ; hoc est, suasu, non violentia ; obtestando,
non contestando.1 Atque hoc ipsum cavet ille, qui a consiliis
Cfesari ; Non, inquit, ad vetera instituta revocans, qua jampridem
corruptis morilus ludibrio sunt.2 Cicero etiam hujus erroris
arguit Catonem secundum, Attico suo scribens; Cato optime
sentit, sed nocet interdum reipublicce : loquitur enim tanquam in
republica Platonis, non tanquam in fcece Romuli.3 Idem Cicero
molli interpretatione excusat philosophorum dicta et decreta
duriora : Isti, inquit, ipsi praeceptores et magistri videntur fines
officiorum paulo longius quam natura vellet protulisse, ut cum ad
ultimum animo contendissemus, ibi tamen ubi oportet consisteremus*
Ipsemet tamen potuit dicere, Monitis sum minor ipse meis5 :
quippe qui in eundem lapidem ipse, licet non tarn graviter,
impegerit.

Aliud quod eruditis non immerito fortasse objicitur vitium
hujusmodi est, quod honori aut emolumento patriarum suarum
aut dominorum proprias fortunas aut praesidia postposuerint.
Sic enim Demosthenes Atheniensibus snia, Mea, inquit, consilia,
si recte attendatis, non sunt ejus generis per qua ego inter vos
magnus, vos inter Grcecos despectui sitis ; sed talia, ut mihi stspe-
numero ea haud tutum sit dare, vobis autem semper utile am-
plecti.G Haud aliter Seneca, postquam quinquennium illud
Neronis aeternae eruditorum magistrorum consecrasset glorias,
dominum suum omnibus jam flagitiis inquinatissimum libere
atque fidenter monere non destitit, magno suo periculo, ac
postremo prascipitio. Neque aliter potest se habere res ; siqui-
dem humanam mentem doctrina imbuit vero sensu fragilitatis
su33, instabilitatis fortuna3, dignitatis animaa et muneris sui ; qua-
rum rerum memores nullo modo sibi persuadere possunt for-
tunaa propriae amplitudinem, tanquam praecipuum sibi bonorum
finem, statui posse. Quare sic vivunt tanquam rationem red-
dituri Deo, et dominis post Deum, sive regibus sive rebus-
publicis, hac formula, Ecce tibi lucrefeci7, non autem ilia, Ecce
mihi lucrefeci. At politicorum turba, quorum mentes in

1 Platonis Epistoll. 6. But Bacon probably took the story from Cicero, Ad Famili-
ares, i. 9.

2 Oratio prima de republ. ordinand.

8 " Cato optimo animo utens et summa fide, nocet interdum reipublicae. Dicit enim
tanquam in Platonis iro\iTtiq, non tanquam in faece Romuli, sententiam." — Ad Attic.
ii. 1. 8.

* Pro Muraena, c. 31. But Bacon's quotation is not quite accurate. [" Etenim
isti ipsi mihi videntur vestri praEceptores et virtutis magistri fines ofHciorum," &c.
The rest as in the text. — J. S.]

5 Ovid, Art Arnat. ii. 548. • De Chersonese. ' S. Matthew, xxv. 20.

LIBER PRIMUS. 447

doctrina officiorum et in contemplatione boni universalis non
sunt institutae et confirmatas, omnia ad se referunt ; gerentes se
pro centre mundi, ac si omnes lineae in se suisque fortunis
debeant concurrere ; de reipublicse navi, licet tempestatibus
jactata, neutiquam solliciti, modo ipsis in scapha rerum suarum
receptus detur et effugium. At contra, qui officiorum pondera
et philautiae limites didicerunt, munia sua stationesque, licet
cum periculo, tuentur. Quod si forte incolumes permaneant in
seditionibus et rerum mutationibus, non id artibus aut versatili
ingenio, sed reverentiae quam probitas etiam ab hostibus extor-
quet, tribuendum. Casterum quod attinet ad fidei constantiam
et officiorum religionem, quas certe animis hominum inserit eru-
ditio, utcunque eas quandoque a fortuna mulctentur, aut ex
male-sanis politicorum principiis condemnentur, tamen palam
scilicet apud omnes laudem referent, ut in hac re longa de-
fensione non sit opus.

Aliud vitiuin literatis familiare (quod facilius excusari potest
quam negari) illud 1 : nimirum, quod non facile se applicent et
accommodent erga personas quibuscum negotiantur aut vivunt :
qui defectus e duabus oritur causis. Prima est, animi ipsius
magnitude, propter quam aagre se demittere possunt ad obser-
vantiam unius alicujus hominis. Amantis verba sunt, non
sapientis, satis magnum alter alteri theatrum sumus.2 Neque
tamen inficias ibo, ilium qui aciem animi, instar oculi, non
possit aeque contrahere ac dilatare insigni facultate ad res
gerendas esse orbatum. Secunda vero causa est probitas morum
et simplicitas ; quae tamen delectum judicii, non defectum, in
illis arguit. Veri enim et legitimi observantias erga aliquam
personam limites non ultra porrigunt se quam ita nosse illius
mores ut absque offensione cum eo versari, eumque consilio si
opus sit juvare, nobisque interim ipsis in omnibus cavere pos-
simus; verum alienos affectus rimari, eo fine ut ilium inflectas,
verses, .et ad libitum circumagas, hominis est parum candidi,
sed potius astuti et bifidi ; id quod in amicitia vitiosum fuerit,
erga principes etiam inofficiosum. Mos enim Orientis, quo
nefas habetur oculos in reges defigere, ritu quidem barbarus
est, sed significatione bonus 3 ; neque enim subditos decet corda

1 I have inserted the colon after illud, there being no stop in the original. Possibly
an est has dropped out. The corresponding passage in the Advancement of Learning
stands thus, — " Another fault is, that they fail," &c. — /. S.

2 This sentiment is ascribed to Epicurus by Seneca, Ep. vii.

* Bacon probably refers to the relation of some modern traveller. Even in Hero-

448 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

regum suorum, quae Sacrae Scripturae inscrutabilia decent,
curiosius rimari.

Superest etiamnum aliud vitium (quocum hanc partem con-
cludam) literatis saepius imputatum ; videlicet quod in rebus
exiguis et externis (vultu, gestu, incessu, sermonibus quotidianis,
et hujusmodi) deficiant in observando decoro : unde homines
imperiti ex istis minutis leviculisque erroribus quanti sint in
rebus majoribus tractandis conjecturam capiunt. Verum fallit
eos plerumque hujusmodi judicium ; imo sciant responsum sibi
esse a Themistocle, qui cum rogatus esset ut fidib»us caneret,
arroganter satis ipse de se sed ad praesens institutum perquam
apposite respondit ; Se quidem fidium rudem esse, sed quo pacto
oppidum parvum in civitatem magnam evader e posset satis nosse."2
Et sunt proculdubio multi politicarum artium apprime gnari,
quibus tamen in communi vita et quotidianis reculis nihil im-
peritius. Quinetiam hujusmodi sugillatores amandandi sunt ad
Platonis elogium de praeceptore suo Socrate, queni haud absimi-
lem dixit pharmacopolarum pyxidibus, quae exterius induce-
bantur simiis, ululis, satyrisque ; intus vero pretiosos liquores et
nobilia medicamenta recondita habebant : fatendo scilicet, quod
ad vulgi captum et famam popularem pras se ferret nonnulla
levia atque etiam deformia, cum tamen animi interiora summis
tarn facultatibus quam virtutibus essent repleta.2 Atque de
moribus literatorum haec hactenus.

Interim monere placet, nos nihil minus agere quam ut patro-
cinemur quibusdam professorum institutis abjectis et sordidis,
quibus et seipsos et literas dehonestarunt ; quales erant apud
Romanos, sseculis posterioribus, philosophi quidam in familiis
divitum, mensarumque eorum asseclae, quos haud absurde dicas
barbatos parasites. Cujus generis quendam lepide describit
Lucianus, quern matrona nobilis catulum suum Melitaeum in
rheda gestare voluit ; quod cum ille officiose sed indecenter
faceret, pusio subsannans, Vereor, inquit, ne philosophies noster

dotus however we find a similar custom mentioned. He ascribes its introduction to
Deioces. V. Herod, i. 99.

1 Plut in Them. 2.

2 Bacon doubtless refers to the Symposium, p. 215. Yet of the passage in question
he has scarcely given the import. Alcibiades likens Socrates not to the " pyxides
pharmacopolarum," but to images of Sileni. Wats, it may be remarked, has in his
version introduced the name of Alcibiades into the text without any authority for
doing so. [Bacon was thinking no doubt of the free version of the passage, half comment
half paraphrase, with which Rabelais opens his address to his readers. " Silenes estoyent
jadiz petitcs boytes, telles que voyons de present es boutiques des apothecaires, painctes
au dessus de figures jo>euses et frivoles," &c.— /. 6'.]

LIBER PRIMUS. 449

e Stotco fiat Cynicus.1 Ante omnia vero, nihil tarn oiFecit
literarum dignitati quam crassa et turpis adulatio, ad quam
multi, neque hi indocti, et calamos et ingenia submisere,
Hecubam in Helenam, Faustinam in Lucretiam (ut ait Du-
Bartas) transformantes.2 Neque vero nimis laudo morem ilium
receptum libros patronis nuncupandi ; cum libri, praesertim qui
hoc nomine dignandi, in veritatis tantum et rationis clientelam
se dare debeant. Melius veteres, qui non aliis quam amicis
atque asqualibus scripta sua dicare solebant, aut etiam nomina
ejusmodi amicorum tractibus suis imponere ; quod si forte regi-
bus aut magnatibus opus nuncuparent, turn demum hoc factum
est cum argumentum libri personae tali conveniret. Haec autem,
et similia, reprehensionem potius merentur quam defensionem.

Neque hoc dico, quasi literatos culpem, si ad beatos et po-
tentes viros quandoque se applicent ; recte enim Diogenes 3
cuidam cum irrisione roganti, Qmfieret quod philosophi divites
sectarentur, non divites philosopJws ? respondit, non sine morsu,
Hoc ideo fieri, quod philosophi quibus rebus indigeant probe intel-
ligant, divites non item. Huic affine est illud Aristippi, cui nescio
quid petenti cum non attenderet Dionysius, ille adorantis more
abjecit se ad pedes ejus, qui turn demum auscultans petition!
annuit ; sed paulo post quidam dignitatis philosophise assertor
increpuit Aristippum, quod demittendo se ad pedes tyranni pro
tantilla re philosophiam ipsam contumelia affecisset; cui ille
suam id culpam non fuisse respondit, sed Dionysii, qui aures ge-
staret in pedibus.* Quin prudens ille, non pusillanimis, habitus
est, qui in disputatione quadam cum Hadriano Caesare vinci se

1 Lucian's De mercede conductis. It would more accord with the original to read
cateUam suam MeKtceum.

2 Tous ces doctes esprits dont la voix flatteresse,
Change Hecube en Helene, et Faustine en Lucresse,
Qui d'un nain, d'un batard, d'un archerot sans yeux,
Font, non un dieutelet, ains le maistre des dieux, &c.

DU-BARTAS, Second jour de la Semaine.

Du-Bartas, Montaigne, and Rabelais are I think the only French writers whom
Bacon quotes, though he perhaps alludes in one passage to the celebrated jurist
D'Argentre and seems to have read Charron. Du-Bartas's writings were held in great
esteem by King James. He is quoted in " The trew Law of free Monarchies" and in
" A declaration against Vorstius," and is in both places termed the divine poet; a desig-
nation which perhaps refers merely to the nature of his subject. In the third book of
the Basilicon Doron he is particularly recommended to Prince Henry's studies. Car-
dinal du Perron's criticism on Du-Bartas is amusing ; that instead of calling the sun the
King of Lights, he would prefer to call him the Duke of Candles.

3 Not Diogenes, but Aristippus. See Diog. Laert. in Aristip. c. 69. Wats has
without authority corrected this error in his translation.

4 Diog. Laert. in Arist. c. 79.

VOL. I. G G

450 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

passus est, excusans factum, Quod cequum esset ei cedere qui
triginta imperaret legionibus. l Atque propterea non sunt
damnandi viri docti, ubi cum res postulat aliquid de gravitate
sua remittant, sive imperante necessitate sive impetrante occa-
sione; quod quamvis humile videatur atque servile primo
intuitu, tamen veriua rem asstimanti, censebuntur non per-
sonae sed tempori ipsi servire.

Pergamus nunc ad errores atque mania, quae in studiis ipsis
virorum doctorum intervening iisque se immiscent ; id quod
praecipue et proprie spectat ad praesens argumentum. Qua in
re, non est instituti nostri erroribus ipsis patrocinari, sed per
eorum censuram et secretionem excutere quod sanum et solidum
est, atque a calumnia vindicare. Videmus enim in more prae-
sertim apud invidos esse, propter ea quae depravata sunt, etiam ea
quae impolluta et in statu suo manserunt sugillare ; quemadmo-
dum ethnici in primitiva Ecclesia Christianos haereticorum vitiis
aspergere solebant. Neque tamen consilium est mihi examen
aliquod accuratius instituere de erroribus et impediments lite-
rarum, quae interiora et a captu vulgi remotiora ; sed de illis
tantum verba facere, qua? cadunt sub communi et populari ob-
servatione et nota, aut saltern ab ea non longe recedunt.

Quare tria praecipue deprehendo vana et inania in literis,
quae ansas praecipue praebuerunt ad obtrectandum. Eas enim
res pro vanis ducimus, quae aut falsae sunt aut frivolae ; in qui-
bus scilicet aut veritas deficit aut usus : illos etiam homines
vanos et leves existimamus, qui aut ad falsa creduli aut in
rebus exigui usus curiosi. Curiositas autem aut in rebus ipsis
versatur aut in verbis ; quando nimirum aut in rebus inanibus
opera insumitur, aut circa verborum delicias nimium insudatur.
Quocirca non certae magis experiential quam rectae etiam
rationi consonum videtur, ut tres ponantur doctrinarum in-
temperies. Prima est doctrina fantastica, secunda doctrina
litigiosa, tertia doctrina fucata et mollis ; vel sic, vanaa imagi-
nationes, vanae altercationes, vanae affectationes. Ac quidem
ordiar ab ultima.

Intemperies ista, in luxurie quadam orationis sita, (licet olim
per vices in pretio habita fuerit) circa Lutheri tempora miris
modis invaluit. In causa praecipue fuit, quod fervor et efficacia
concionum tune temporis ad populum demulcendum et allici-
endum maxime vigebat ; ilia autem populare genus orationis

This story is told of Favorinus by Spartianus, in Hadriani vita.

LIBER PRIMUS. 451

poscebant. Accedebat odium et contemptus illis temporibus
ortus erga scholasticos, qui stilo et scribendi genere utebantur
valde diverse, verba licenter admodum cudentes nova et horrida,
de orationis ornatu et elegantia parum solliciti, dummodo cir-
cuitionem evitarent et sensus ac conceptus suos acute expri-
merent; atque hinc factum est, ut paulo postea major apud
plurimos coeperit haberi verborum cura quam rerum ; pleris-
que magis comptam phrasim, teretem periodum, clausulamm
rhythmos, troporum stellulas, quam pondus rerum, rationum
nervos, inventionis acumen, aut judicii limam affectantibus.
Turn demum floruit Osorii Lusitani l episcopi luxurians et diluta
oratio. Tune Sturmius2 in Cicerone Oratore et Hermogene
Rhetore infinitam et anxiam operam consumpsit. Tune Carrus
et Aschamus apud nos praslectionibus et scriptis suis Ciceronem
et Demosthenem usque ad ccelum evehentes, juvenes ad politum
hoc et florens doctrinse genus invitarunt. Tune Erasmus ar-
ripuit ansam introducendi ridiculam illam Echo, Decent annos
consumpsi in legendo Cicerone ; cui Echo respondit, one, asine. 3
Scholasticorum vero doctrina despectui prorsus haberi coepit,
tanquam aspera et barbara. Denique, ut semel dicam, praecipua
illorum temporum inclinatio et studium potius ad copiam quam
ad pondus deflexit.

Hie itaque cernere est primam literarum intemperiem, cum
(ut diximus) verbis studetur non rebus; cujus etsi e citimis
tantum temporibus protulerim exempla, tamen secundum majus
et minus et olim placuerunt ejus generis ineptiae, et deinceps
placebunt. Jam vero fieri non potest, quin hoc ipsum multum
faciat ad doctrinae existimationem minuendam et elevandam,
etiam apud vulgus imperitum ; cum videant doctorum scripta
tanquam primam literam diplomatis, quse quamvis variis calami
ductibus et flosculis variegata sit, litera tamen est unica. Ac
mihi sane videtur perapposita hujusce vanitatis adumbratio et
quasi emblema, Pygmalionis ilia insania ; quid enim aliud sunt

1 OsorSus, bishop of Sylves in Algarve, died in 1580. One of his principal works is
his De rebus gestis Emanuelis, 1574, in twelve hooks. It contains an account of the
Portuguese discoveries and conquests which took place in the reign of Emanuel the
Great (1495 — 1521).

8 John Sturmius, who has been styled the German Cicero, was born in 1507, and
died in 1589. He was a professor at Paris and at Strasbourg, and has left, among
other works, some notes on Hermogenes.

8 " ' Decem jam annos aetatem trivi in Cicerone.' Echo '(W.' " — Erasm. Colloq. A
little farther on Erasmus makes Ciceronianus suggest the echo Avovs.

002

452 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

verba quam imagines rerum, ut nisi rationum vigore animata
sint, adamare ilia idem sit ac statuam deperire ?

Neque tamen temere damnandum est, si quis philosophise
obscura et aspera, verborum splendore illustret et expoliat.
Hujus enim rei magna adsunt exempla in Xenophonte, Cicerone,
Seneca, Plutarcho, ipsoque etiam Platone. Nee minor est
utilitas. Quamvis enim diligentem veri cognitionem atque acre
studium philosophiae res haec nonnihil impediat, quoniam prae-
propere mentem consopit, atque ulterioris disquisitionis sitim et
ardorem restinguit; si quis tamen doctrinam ad usus civiles
adhibeat (sermocinandi videlicet, consulendi, suadendi, argu-
mentandi, et similium), omnia quae cupiat prasparata et adornata
in hujusmodi authoribus reperiet. Veruntamen hujusce rei ex-
cessus adeo juste contemnitur, ut quemadmodum Hercules, cum
videret in templo statuam Adonidis (Veneris deliciarum) in-
dignabundus dixit, Nil sacri es l ; ita omnes Herculei literarum
pugiles, id est, laboriosi atque constantes indagatores veritatis,
hujusmodi delicias et lauticias, tanquam nil divini spirantes,
facile spreverint.

Paulo sanius est aliud styli genus (neque tamen ipsum
omnino vanitatis expers), quod copiae illi et luxuria? orationis
tempore fere succedit. Illud totum in eo est, ut verba sint
aculeata, sententise concisae, oratio deuique potius versa quam
fusa; quo fit, ut omnia per hujusmodi artificium magis inge-
niosa videantur quam revera sint. Tale invenitur in Seneca
effusius, in Tacito et Plinio Secundo moderatius ; atque nostri
temporis auribus crepit esse non ita pridem accommodatum.
Verum hoc ipsum mediocribus ingeniis gratum esse solet (adeo
ut dignitatem quandam literis conciliet) ; attamen a judiciis
magis limatis merito fastiditur, et poni possit pro intemperie
quadam doctrinae, cum sit verborum etiam et eorum concinni-
tatis aucupium quoddam. Atque haec de prima literarum
intemperie dicta sunt.

Sequitur ea intemperies in rebus ipsis, quam posuimus me-
diam, et liiigiosas, subtilitatis nomine designavimus. Estque
ilia, de qua modo diximus, aliquanto deterior. Ut enim rerum
dignitas verborum cultui praecellit ; sic e contrario, odiosior est
vanitas in rebus quam in verbis. Qua in re increpatio ilia
Paulina non magis ad suam aetatem referri, quam ad sequentia

See the scholiast on Theocritus, v. 2. But Bacon probably took the story from
the Adagio, of Erasmus.

LIBER PRIMUS. 453

tempora deduci potest; neque theologiam tantum, sed etiatn
omnes scientias respicere videtur : Devita prof anas vocum novi-
tates, et oppositiones falsi nominis sciential His enim verbis, duo
signa indiciaque scientiae suspectae atque ementitae proponit.
Primum est, vocum no vitas et insolentia; alterum, rigor dogma-
turn ; qui necessario oppositionem, et dein altercationes quas-
stionesque inducit. Certe quemadmodum complura corpora
naturalia, dum valent Integra, corrumpuntur saepius et abeunt
in vermes ; eodem modo sana et solida rerum cognitio saepe-
numero putrescit, et solvitur in subtiles, vanas, insalubres, et
(si ita loqui licet) vermiculatas quaastiones ; quae motu quodam
et vivacitate nonnulla praeditae videntur, sed putidae sunt et
nullius usus. Hoc genus doctrinse minus sanae, et seipsam cor-
rumpentis, invaluit praecipue apud multos ex scholasticis, qui
summo otio abundantes, atque ingenio acres, lectione autem
impares (quippe quorum mentes conclusae essent in paucorum
authorum, praeeipue Aristotelis dictatoris sui, scriptis, non
minus quam corpora ipsorum in ccenobiorum cellis), historian!
vero et naturae et temporis maxima ex parte ignorantes, ex
non magno material stamine, sed maxima spiritus, quasi radii,
agitatione, operosissimas illas telas quae in libris eorum exstant
confecerunt. Etenim mens humana, si agat in materiam (na-
turam rerum et opera Dei contemplando), pro modo materias
operatur atque ab eadem determinatur ; sin ipsa in se vertatur
(tanquam aranea texens telam)2, turn demum interminata est,
et parit certe telas quasdam doctrinas tenuitate fili operisque
admirabiles, sed quoad usum frivolas et inanes.

Haec inutilis subtilitas, sive curiositas, duplex est ; et specta-
tur aut in materia ipsa, qualis est inanis speculatio sive con-

1 1 Tim. vi. 2t).

2 In Bacon's Promtis, a manuscript collection of sentences, formulae, &c. [for a par-
ticular account of which see the Literary Works], we find the following: " Kx se fingit
velut araneus." Bacon had doubtless taken this from Erasmus, by whom it is given
as a proverb. V. Erasm. Adag. iv. 4. 43. Erasmus again derived it from Plutarch,
De Oniride. Plutarch applies the comparison to poets and orators. Neither in his
use of it, nor in Erasmus's remarks, nor yet in our text, is there anything to counte-
nance the interpretation which M. Cousin has given of Bacon's meaning, namely that
he intended to throw discredit on the study of psychology. He seems to have been
led to this interpretation by the word materiam, taking it as if in antithesis to soul or
spirit ; whereas it means nothing more than the object, ri> vpoKei^evov, on which the
mind works. Surely Bacon might have defended himself by saying that he had ex-
plained " materia" in the figurative sense in which he used it, as equivalent to
" natura rerum et opera Dei," and by inquiring whether the object of psychological
researches were not included among the works of God. In the Novum Orgnnum
we find more than one example of what M. Cousin would doubtless recognise as an
attempt at experimental psychology.

o c 3

454 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENT1ARUM

troversia; cujus generis reperiuntur et in theologia, et in
philosophia, baud paucae; aut in modo et inethodo tractandi.
Haec apud scholasticos fere talis erat: super unaquaque re
proposita formabant objectiones, deinde objectionum illarum
solutiones ; quse solutiones ut plurimum distinctiones tantum
erant; cum tamen scientiarum omnium robur, instar fascis
illius senis, non in singulis bacillis sed in omnibus vinculo con-
junctis consistat. Etenim symmetria scientiae, singulis scilicet
partibus se invicem sustinentibus, est et esse debet vera atque
expedita ratio refellendi objectiones minorum gentium. Contra,
si singula axiomata tanquam baculos fascis seorsim extrahas,
facile erit ea infirmare, et pro libito aut flectere aut frangere.
Ut quod de Seneca dictum erat, Verborum minutiis rerum
frangit ponder a !, vere de scholasticis usurpari possit, Qucesti-
onum minutiis scientiarum frangunt robur. Kumnon in aula
spatiosa consultius foret unum accendere cereum, aut lychnu-
chum suspendere variis luminibus instructum, quo omnia simul
perlustrentur, quam in singulos angulos quaquaversus exiguam
circumferre lucernam? Atqui non absimilis est eorum ratio,
qui non tana veritatem perspicuis argumentis, autlioritatibus,
comparationibus, exemplis illustrare nituntur; quam in hoc
solum incumbunt ut minutos quosque scrupulos eximant, et
captiunculas expediant, et dubitationes solvant; hoc pacto
qu33stionem ex quaestione gignentes, quemadmodum fit in su-
periori similitudine, ut lucerna in unum aliquem locum delata
alios circumquaque destituat et obscuret. Adeo ut Scyllae fa-
bula ad vivum exprimat hoc genus philosophic ; cujus os et
pectus virginem formosam praeferebant, infra vero fuisse aiunt

Candida succinctam latrantibus inguina monstris.2
Sic generalia quaedam apud scholasticos invenias, quae pulchra
sunt dictu, et non perperam inventa ; ubi autem ventum fuerit
ad distinctiones decisionesque, pro foecundo utero ad vitas hu-

1 " Si rerum pondera minutissimis sententiis non fregisset, consensu potius erudi-
torum quam puerorum amore comprobaretur." — Quintil. x. c. 1.

The method of the schoolmen is correctly described in the text. Generally each
qujcstio or inquiry begins with a statement of the different points which are to be
elucidated. To each of these is allotted a separate articulus. One or more reasons
are alleged in favour of the opinion which the author means to reject. Some objec-
tion, generally founded on a quotation from some conclusive authority, is then stated
against it, and then the author gives his own opinion in what is ca'.led the Con-
clusio, and proceeds to refute one by one the arguments he has adduced on the other
side. It is impossible not to recognise in this method of procedure the influence of a
system of oral disputation,
-id, \-i, 75.

LIBER PRIMUS. 455

mafias commoda, in portentosas et latrantes quaestiones desinunt.
Itaque minime mirum, si hoc genus doctrine etiam apud vul-
gus hominum contemptui obnoxium fuerit, qui fere solent
veritatem propter controversias circa earn motas aspernari,
atque existimare eos errare omnes qui nunquam inter se con-
veniant ; cumque videant doctos homines inter se digladiari de
rebus nullius momenti, facile illud Dionysii Syracusani arri-
piunt, Verba ista sunt senum otiosorum.1 Nihilominus certissi-
mum est, si modo scholastic! ad inexplebilem sitim veritatis et
continuam agitationem ingenii varietatem et multiplicitatem
lectionis et contemplationum adjunxissent, insignia profecto
illi exstitissent lumina, omnesque artes et scieutias mirifice
provexissent. Hactenus de secunda literarum intemperie.

Ad tertiam quod attinet, quae ad falsitatem et mendaciuin
spectat; una haec omnium turpissima est, quippe quae ipsam
naturam animamque destruit scientiae, qua? nihil aliud est quam
veritatis imago. Nam veritas essendi et veritas cognoscendi
idem sunt; nee plus a se invicem differunt, quam radius
directus et reflexus.2 Hoc vitium itaque duplex vel potius
duplicatum est, impostura et credulitas; haec decipitur, ilia
decipit; quae licet videantur discrepantis naturae, alteraque a
calliditate quadam, altera a simplicitate profecta, plerumque
tamen coeunt. Ut enim in carmine habetur,

Percontatorem fugito, nam garrulus idem est ; *

innuendo, qui curiosus est eundem esse et futilem ; pariter fit,
ut qui facile credat idem libenter decipiat. Quemadmodum
quoque fieri videmus in fama et rumoribus, ut qui cito iisdem
fidem habeat, pari facilitate eos auxerit. Quod Tacitus pru-

1 See Nov. Org. i. 71.

2 We may illustrate this passage from the writings of S. Thomas Aquinas. " Res
intcllecta ad intellectum aliquem potest habere ordinem vel per se vel per accidens.
Per se quidem habet ordinem ad intellectum a quo dependet secundum suum esse, per

accidens autem ad intellectum a quo cognoscibilis est Unde unaquaeque

res dicitur vera absolute secundum ordinem ad intellectum a quo dependet. . . . Res
naturales dicuntur esse verae secundum quod assequuntur similitudinem specierum quas
sunt in mente divina. . . . Sic ergo veritas principaliter est in intellectu, secundario vero
in rebus secundum quod comparantur ad intellectum ut ad principlum." Thus the
veritas essendi is as it were the direct beam derived from the divine mind on outward
things. S. Thomas goes on to recognise the truth of the opinion that "veritas
intellectus nostri a re causatur ;" and we thus see how the veritas cognoscendi may be
spoken of as radius reflexus, returned to the mind from the outward object, which had
derived its own essential truth from the source of all truth. The passages I have
quoted occur in the Summa Theologies of S. Thomas, 1. q. 16. a. 1.

3 Hor. Ep. i. 18. 69.

G a 4

456 DE ATJGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

denter innuit his verbis, Fingunt simul creduntque^ ; adeofini-
timae sunt voluntas fallendi et facilitas credendi.

Ha?c credendi recipiendique omnia (licet levi authoritate
munita) facilitas, duorum generum est, pro ratione subjecta?
material ; aut enim creditur narration! sive facto (ut loquuntur
Jurisconsulti), aut dogmati. In priori genere videmus quanto
dignitatis detrimento hie error affecerit ex Ecclesiasticis Histo-
riis nonnullas ; qua? nimis faciles se praebuerunt in prodendis
transcribendisque miraculis, a Martyribus, Eremitis, Anacho-
retis, et aliis sanctis viris, atque ab eorum reliquiis, sepulchris,
sacellis, imaginibus, editis. Eodem modo in naturali historia
videmus multa temere ac parum cum delectu aut judicio recepta,
et descripta; ut liquet ex scriptis Plinii, Cardani, Alberti, et
plurimorum ex Arabibus, qua? commentitiis et fabulosis narra-
tionibus passim scatent ; iisque non solum incertis et neutiquam
probatis, sed perspicue falsis et manifesto convictis; ingenti
philosophise naturalis dedecore, apud homines graves et sobrios.
In quo sane elucescit Aristotelis sapientia et integritas, qui cum
diligentem ecripserit atque accuratam historiam Animalium,
tarn parce ficta aut fabulosa admiscuerit ; quin potius auditiones
admirandas, quas memoratu dignas judicavit, in unum com-
mentariolum2 conjecit; prudenter perpendens, perspicue vera
(qua?, tanquam basis experiential solida, philosophia? et scientiis
substerni possint) haud temere esse cum rebus suspect® fidei
miscenda; et rursus etiam rara atque insolita, qua? plerisque
incredibilia videntur, non omnino esse supprimenda, neque me-
moriae posterorum deneganda.

At ilia altera credulitas, qua? non historia? aut narrationibus
sed artibus et opinionibus tribuitur, duplex est ; aut cum artibus
ipsis, aut cum authoribus in arte, nimium credimus. Artes
ipsa?, qua? plus habent ex phantasia et fide quam ex ratione et
demonstrationibus, sunt pra?cipue tres ; Astrologia, Naturalis
Magia, et Alchymia ; quarum tamen fines non sunt ignobiles.
Profitetur enim Astrologia superiorum in inferiora influxum et
dominatum recludere. Magia sibi proponit naturalem philo-
sophiam a varietate speculationum ad magnitudinem operum

1 Annah, v. 10. : where be says that upon the report of the approach of Drusus
Germanicus, " alliciebantur ignari fama nominis et promptis Graecorum animis ad nova
et mira ; quippe lapsum custodia pergere ad paternos exercitus, ^Egyptum aut Syriam
invasurum, fingebant simul credebantque." Compare also Hist. i. 51. : " Sed plurima
ad fingendum credendumque materies in ipsis castris." — J. S.

2 The De Mirabilibus Auscultationibus ; which is however not Aristotle's.

LIBER PRIMUS. 457

revocare. Chymica in se suscipit partes rerum heterogeneas,
quae in corporibus naturalibus latent et implicantur, separate
et extrahere; corporaque ipsa inquinata depurare, impedita
liberare, immatura perficere. Sed viae atque rationes quae
ducere putantur ad hos fines, tarn in theoria illarum artium
quam in praxi, erroris et nugarum plense sunt. Neque adeo
traditio ipsarum ut plurimum Candida est, sed artificiis et late-
bris nmnita. Chymicae tamen hoc certe debetur, quod vere
comparari possit agricolae apud ^Esopum, qui e vita exiturus
dixit fillis, Se illis vim magnam auri in vinea, nee satis meminisse
quo loco, defossam reliquisse ; qui cum vineam diligenter ligo-
nibus ubique invertissent, aurum quidem repererunt nullum ;
sed tamen vindemiam insequentis anni, propter fossionem circa
radices vitium, tulerunt longe uberrimam. Sic strenui illi
Chymistarurn labores et molimina circa aurum conficiendum
baud paucis nobilibus inventis et experiments, turn ad re-
serandam naturam turn ad usus vitae apprime idoneis, quasi
facem accenderunt.

Ilia autem credulitas, quae certos scientiarum authores dicta-
toria quadam potestate munivit ut edicant J, non senatoria ut
consulant, ingens damnum scientiis intulit ; tanquam praecipua
causa, quae tantopere illas afflixit et depressit, ut absque insigni
aliquo augmento exangues jacerent. Hiuc nempe factum est,
ut in artibus mecbanicis primi inventores pauca excogitaverint,
tempus reliqua suppleverit et perfecerit; at in scientiis primi
authores longissime penetraverint, tempus plurima detriverit et
corruperit. Sic videmus Tormentariam, Nauticam, Typo-
grapbicam, sub initiis imperfectas et propemodum informes
fuisse et exercentibus onerosas, temporis vero progressu expo-
litas et accommodas. At contra philosophic et scientiae Aristo-
telis, Platonis, Democriti, Hippocratis, Euclidis, Archimedis,
in ipsis illis authoribus viguerunt, tractu temporis degenerarunt
potius et non ' minimum splendoris amiserunt ; cujus rei non
est alia ratio, quam quod in artibus mechanicis ingenia mul-
torum in unum coierunt, in artibus et scientiis liberalibus in-
genia multorum sub uno succubuerunt ; quern tamen ipsum
saepenumero sequaces sui potius depravarunt quam illustrarunt.
Ut enim aqua non ascendet altius quam caput fontis a quo

1 Bacon is not to be understood as using the word edicere in its technical significa-
tion. The "jus edicendi" was by no means the privilege of a dictator. It belonged
to consuls, praetors, iediles, and other magistrates.

458 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

promanat, ita doctrina ab Aristotele deducta supra doctrinam
Aristotelis nunquam assurget.1 Ideoque etsi non displiceat
regula, Oportet discentem credere 2 ; huic tamen conjungendum
est, Oportet jam edoctum judicio suo uti. Discipuli enim debent
magistris temporariam solum fidem, judiciique suspensionem,
donee penitus imbiberint artes ; non autem plenam libertatis
ejurationem, perpetuamque ingenii servitutem. Quare, ut
absolvam hanc partem, hoc tantum adjiciam ; magnis authoribus
suus sic constet honos, ut author! authorum et veritatis parenti,
Tempori, non derogetur.

Explicavimus tandem tres doctrinse intemperies, sive morbos ;
praeter quos nonnulli sunt, non tarn morbi confirmati quam
vitiosi humores ; qui tamen non adeo occulti sunt aut latentes,
quin in multorum sensum et reprehensionem incurrant, ideoque
neutiquam praHermittendi.

Horum primus est immodicum studium duorum extremorum,
Antiquitatis et Novitatis ; qua in re Temporis filise male patris-
sant. Ut enim Tempus prolem devorat, sic hasc se invicem ;
dum Antiquitas novis invideat augmentis, et Novitas non sit
contenta recentia adjicere, nisi vetera prorsus eliminet et re-
jiciat. Certe consilium Prophetae vera in hac re norma est:
State super vias antiquas, et videte gucenam sit via recta et bona,
et ambulate in ea.* Antiquitas earn meretur reverentiam, ut
homines aliquamdiu gradum sistere et supra earn stare debeant,
atque undequaque circumspicere qua? sit via optima ; quum
autem de via bene constiterit, tune demum non restitandum, sed
alacriter progrediendum. Sane, ut verum dicamus, Antiquitas
sceculi juventus mundi.* Nostra profecto sunt antiqua tempora,

1 Happy as this image is, it is perhaps less so than that of Descartes with reference
to the same subject He compares the servile followers of Aristotle to " le 1'ierre qui
ne tend point a monter plus haut que les arbres qui le soutiennent, et meme souvent
qui redescend apres qu'il est parvenu jusques a leur faite." — De la Methode, i. 202. of
Cousin's edition.

2 Arist. De Sophist. Reprehens. ii.
* Jerem. vL 16.

4 This remark is not, I think, given by Bacon as a quotation, and it is probable
that he did not derive it from any earlier writer. But in the works of several of the
scientific reformers we find similar reflexions. Of writers earlier than Bacon or con-
temporary with him, we may refer to Gilbert, to Galileo, to the Apologia pro Galileo
of Campanella, and particularly to the Cena di Cenere of Giordano Bruno. The
following passage from the last-named writer, in which he appears to have anticipated
Bacon, has been referred to by Dr. Whewell in the Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences.
' Sia come la si vuole," says one of the interlocutors in Bruno's dialogue, " io non
voglio ^ discostar mi dal parer degli antichi, perche dice il saggio, Ne Tantiquita e
la sapienza." To which another replies: "Esoggiunge 'In molti anni la prudenza.'
Se voi intendeste bene qualche dite, vedreste che dal vostro fondamento s'inferisce

LIBER PRIMUS. 459

cum mundus jam senuerit ; non ea, quae computantur ordine
retrograde initium sumendo a saeculo nostro.

Alius error e priori oriundus, est suspicio quaedam et diffi-
dentia, quas nihil nunc posse inveniri autumat, quo mundus tain
diu carere potuit; ac si ilia objectio conveniret erga tempus,
qua Lucianus impetit Jovem caeterosque ethnicorum deos.
Miratur enim, cur tot olim genuerint liberos, nullos autem suo
s&culo ? interrogatquejocans, ecquid sept uagenarii jam essent, aut
lege Papia contra senum nuptias lata constricti ? l Sic videntur
homines subvereri, ne Tempus effoetum jam factum sit et ad
generationem ineptum. Quin potius levitas hominum atque
inconstantia hinc optime perspici potest, qui donee res aliqua
perfecta sit, earn mirantur fieri posse ; postquam facta semel
est, iterum mirantur earn jampridem factam non fuisse. Ita
Alexandri expeditio in Asiam habita est initio pro vasto et
arduo admodum negotio ; quam tamen postea placuit Livio in
tantum elevare ut diceret de Alexandro, Nil aliud quam bene
ausus est vana contemnere.2 Idem Columbo evenit, circa occi-
dentalem navigationem.3 Sed in rebus intellectualibus hoc fit
multo frequentius, uti videre est in plerisque propositionibus
apud Euclidem, qua? antequam demonstrentur miras videntur,
et quibus quis non facile assenserit; post demonstrationem

il contrario di quel che pensate. Voglio dire che noi siamo piu vecchi ed abbiamo piu
lunga eta> che i nostri predecessor!." — Cena di Cenere, i. p. 132. of Wagner's edition
of G. Bruno.

The idea that the early ages were the world's youth is to be found in the second
book of Esdras, or is at any rate directly suggested by an expression which occurs
there : "Seculum perdidit juventutem suam, et tempora appropinquant senescere."
— 2 Esdras, xiv. 10. The same idea occurs in Casmann's Problemata Marina, which

was published in 1546. "Si antiquiorum dignitas ex tempore major

videtur, id nostros qui hodie decent posteriores unice commendabit, nam tempus

doctius et prudentius evadit ex continue progressu, ut senescens judicio

sit acriore, solidiore, et maturiore."

1 This remark, however much in the manner of Lucian, is not his, but Seneca's.
It has been preserved to us by Lactantius, who quotes it in his work De falsa
Religione, i. c. 1 6. Every one remembers the " adeo senuerunt Jupiter et Mars ? " of
Juvenal. Seneca however refers to Jupiter only.

2 Liv. ix. 17.

3 The story of Columbus's egg is one of those popular anecdotes which no refutation
can get rid of. It was first told by Benzoni, and then greatly embellished by Theodore de
Bry, and is in reality only a reproduction of a story perhaps not more authentic told
of Brunellesco, the architect, who erected the dome of the cathedral at Florence.
See Humboldt in his Examen Critique de I' Histoire de Geographie, &c., vol. iv. p. 152.
Bacon is however quite right in saying that after his success Columbus's discovery
was depreciated. " I was seven years at your court, and for seven years I was told
that my plan was an absurdity," writes Columbus in 1503 to Ferdinand and Isabella ;
" and now the very tailors ask leave to go to discover new countries." " A quantos se
fablo de mi empresa todos a una dijeron que era burla, agora fasta los sastres suplican
por descubrir." Humboldt, 1. c. vol. iii. p. 236.

460 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

autem factam, arripit eas mens per retractionem1 quandam (ut
loquuntur Jureconsulti), tanquam ante perspectas et cognitas.

Alius error superior! affinis, est eorum qui omnium sectarum
atque haeresium veterum, postquam excussae fuissent et venti-
l&tsB, optimam semper obtinuisse posthabitis aliis existimant.
Itaque putant, si quis de integro institueret inquisitionem et
examen, non posset non incidere in aliquas ex rejectis opinioni-
bus, et post rejectionem amissis et obliteratis ; quasi vero mul-
titudo, aut etiam sapientes multitudinis deliniendae gratia, non
illud saepe probarint quod populare magis atque leve sit, quam
quod solidum atque alte radices agens. Tempus siquidem
simile est fluvio, qui levia atque inflata ad nos devehit, solida
autem et pondus habentia submergit.

Alius error a reliquis diversus, est praematura atque proterva
reductio doctrinarum in artes et methodos ; quod cum fit,
plerunque scientia aut parum aut nihil proficit. Nimirum ut
ephebi, postquam membra et lineamenta corporis ipsorum per-
fecte efformata sunt, vix amplius crescunt ; sic scientia, quamdiu
in aphorismos et observationes spargitur, crescere potest et
exurgere ; sed methodis semel circumscripta et conclusa, ex-
poliri forsan et illustrari aut ad usus humanos edolari potest,
non autem porro mole augeri.

Alius error succedens ipsi quern postremo notavimus, est quod
post singulas scientias et artes suas in classes distributas, mox
a plerisque universal! rerum cognition! et Philosophise Prima3
renunciatur ; quod quidem profectui doctrinarum inimicissimum
est. Prospectationes fiunt e turribus aut locis praealtis, et im-
possibile est ut quis exploret remotiores interioresque scientias
alicujus partes, si stet super piano ejusdem scientiae, neque
altioris scientiae veluti speculam conscendat.

Alius error fluit ex nimia reverentia et quasi adoratione in-
tellectus humani ; unde homines abduxere se a contemplatione
naturae atque ab experientia, in propriis meditationibus et ingenii
commentis susque deque volutantes. Caeterum praeclaros hos
opinatores et (si ita loqui licet) Intellectualistas, qui tamen pro
maxime sublimibus et divinis philosophis haberi solent, recte
Heraclitus perstrinxit ; Homines, inquit, gucerunt veritatem in
microcosmis suis, non in mundo majori."* Respuunt enim quasi

1 We ought doubtless to read relroactionem, but as the meaning is obvious I have
not thought it necessary to introduce the change into the text

2 See Nov. Org. i. § 42.

LIBER PRIMUS. 461

abecedarium naturae, primumque in operibus divinis tirocinium ;
quod si non facerent, potuissent fortasse gradatim et sensim,
post literas simplices et deinceps syllabas, ad textum et vo-
lumen ipsum creaturarum expedite legendum ascendere. At
illi contra jugi mentis agitatione urgent et tanquam invocant
suos Genios, ut vaticinentur eis edantque oracula, quibus merito
et suaviter decipiuntur.

Alius error huic posteriori finitimus est, quod homines saepius
imbuant et inficiant meditationes et doctrinas suas opinionibus
quibusdam et conceptibus propriis, quos potissimum in admira-
tione habent, aut artibus quibus maxime addicti et consecrati
sunt ; caetera omnia illis deliciis inficientes et quasi intingentes,
licet fuco admodum fallaci. Sic suaa philosophise immiscuit
Plato theologiam, Aristoteles logicam, secunda schola Platonis
(Proclus scilicet et reliqui) mathematicas. Istas enim artes
solebant illi tanquam filiolos suos primogenitos suaviari. At
Chymici e paucis experimentis ad foculum et fornacem novam
philosophiam excuderunt. Et Gilbertus, popularis noster, phi-
losophiam aliam ex magnete elicuit.1 Sic Cicero, cum varias
opiniones de natura animae recensens, tandem in musicum inci-
disset, qui animam esse harmoniam statuebat, facete dixit ; Hie
ab arte sua non recessit.2 Sed de hoc genus erroribus apposite
et prudenter ait Aristoteles, Qui respiciunt ad pauca, de facili
pronunciant.3

Alius error est impatientia dubitandi, et coeca festinatio de-
cernendi absque debita et adulta suspensione judicii. Nam
bivium contemplations non est dissimile bivio actionis a veteri-
bus saepius memorato ; cujus altera via initio plana et facilis erat
fine autem impervia; altera ingredient! aspera erat et confra-

1 Of the writings of William Gilbert of Colchester, thus slightingly spoken of, Galileo
has left this judgment : " lo sommamente laudo ammiro & invidio questo autore per
essergli caduto in mente concetto tanto stupendo circa cosa maneggiata di inflniti
ingegni sublimi, ne da alcuno avvertita ; parmi anco digno di grandissima laude per le
molte nuove & vere osservazioni fatte da lui in vergogna di tanti autori mendaci &
vani, che scrivono non sol quel che sanno ma tutto quello che senton dire dal volgo
sciocco senza cercare di assicurarsene con esperienza, forse per non diminuire i lor
libri. Quello che avrei desiderate nel Gilberti e, che fusse stato un poco maggior
matematico, & in particolare ben fondato nella geometria, la pratica della quale
1' avrebbe reso men risoluto nelP accettare per concludenti dimostrazioni quelle ragioni
ch' ei produce per vere cause delle vere conclusion! da se osservate. " — Dialogi del
massimi Sistemi.

Compare for the opinion of modern scientific writers, Dr. Whewell's History of the
Inductive Sciences.

The " concetto tanto stupendo" here mentioned refers to Gilbert's notion of the
magnetic polarity of the globe.

2 " Hie ab artificio suo non recessit." — Tusc. Quasi, i. c, 10.
8 De Generatione et Corrupt, i. 2.

462 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

gosa, ubi paulo processeris expedita et aequabilis. Haud seers
in contemplationibus, si quis a certis ordiatur, in dubia desinet;
sin a dubiis incipiat eaque aliquandiu patienter toleret, in certis
exitum reperiet.

Similis error se ostendit in modo tradendi doctrinam, qui ut
plurimum est imperiosus et magistralis, non ingenuus et li-
beralis ; ita demum compositus, ut potius fidem imperet quam
examini subjiciatur. Non negaverim in summariis libellis ad
praxim destinatis hanc formulam scribendi retineri posse, verum
in justis tractatibus de scientiis utrumque extremum vitandum
censeo, tarn Velleii Epicurei, nil tarn metuentis quam ne dubi-
tare de re aliqua videretur *, quam Socratis et Academiae omnia
in dubio relinquentium. Candori potius studendum, resque
majore aut minore contentione tradendae, prout rationum mo-
mentis parcius aut plenius sint probatae.

Alii errores sunt in scopis quos homines praefigunt sibi, et in
quos conatus suos et labores dirigunt. Cum enim diligentiores
literarum Coryphaei ad id collimare debeant praecipue, ut arti
quam profitentur aliquid praeclarum adjiciant ; hi contra in se-
cundis tantummodo consistere sat habent ; vel subtilis inter-
pretis, vel antagonistaB vehementis et nervosi, vel methodici
abbreviatoris, nomen ambientes ; unde reditus et vectigalia
scientiarum augeri possunt, patrimonium et fundus minime.

Omnium autem gravissimus error in deviatione ab ultimo
doctrinarum fine consistit. Appetunt enim homines scientiam,
alii ex insita curiositate et irrequieta ; alii animi causa et de-
lectationis ; alii existimationis gratia ; alii contentionis ergo,
atque ut in disserendo superiores sint; plerique propter
lucrum et victum; paucissimi ut donum rationis divinitus
datum in usus humani generis impendant. Plane, quasi in
doctrina quaareretur lectulus, in quo tumultuans ingenium et
aestuans requiesceret ; aut xystus sive porticus, in quo animus
deambularet liber aut vagus ; aut turris alta et edita, de qua
mens ambitiosa et superba despectaret ; aut arx et propugna-
culum ad contentiones et praelia ; aut officina ad quaestum et
mercatum ; et non potius locuples armarium et gazophylacium,
ad opificis rerum omnium gloriam et vita? humanaa subsidium.
Hoc enim illud est, quod revera doctrinam atque artes con-
decoraret et attolleret, si contemplatio et actio arctiore quam

1 Cicero, De Nat. Deor. L c. 8. [Compare Nov. Org. i. 67.]

LIBER PRIMUS. 463

adhuc vinculo copularentur. Quae certe conjunctio tails foret,
qualis est supremorum duorum planetarum syzygia, cum Sa-
turnus, quietis et contemplationis dux, cum Jove, duce societatis
agendique, conspiret.1 Quanquam cum de praxi atque actione
loquor, nullo modo ad doctrinam professoriam et lucrosam innuo.
Neque enim me fugit, quantopere hoc ipsum progressionem
doctrinas et amplificationem moretur; perinde quidem ut aureum
malum ante oculos Atalantae projectum, quod ut tollat dum
flectit se, cursus interea impeditur ;

Declinat cursus, aurumque volubile tollit.2

Neque rursus mihi in animo est, quod de Socrate dictum erat,
Philosophiam devocare de ccelo, ut tantummodo versaretur in
terris 3 ; hoc est, Physicam seponi, ut Moralis Philosophia et
Politica celebraretur sola ; sed quemadmoduin coelum et terra
simul conspirant et consentiunt ad hominum tuendam vitam
atque juvandam, ita sane hie finis esse debet utriusque Philo-
sophise, ut rejectis vanis speculationibus et quidquid inane ac
sterile est, conservetur quidquid solidum est ac fructuosum ; ut
hoc pacto Scientia non sit tanquam scortum, ad voluptatem, aut
tanquam ancilla, ad quaestum ; sed tanquam sponsa, ad genera-
tionem, fructum, atque solatium honestum.

Jam explicasse videor et quasi dissectione quadam aperuisse
vitiosos illos humores, aut saltern eorum prascipuos, qui non
solum obstitere profectui literarum, verum etiam culpandis
iisdem ansam dedere. Quod quidem si nimis ad vivum fece-
rim, meminisse oportet, Fidelia vulnera amantis, sed dolosa oscula
malignantis.* Utcuuque, hoc certe mihi videor assecutus, ut
merear fidem in sequenti praeconio, cum superior! censura tarn
libere egerim. Neque tamen in animo est mihi panegyricum
literarum scribere, aut hymnum Musis praecinere, licet forsitan
diu jam sit ex quo sacra earum rite celebrata sint ; sed consi-
lium est absque pigmentis et hyperbolis verum doctrinae contra
alias res pondus excipere et perpendere, verumque ejus valorem
et pretium ex testimoniis divinis atque humanis exquirere.

Primo igitur quaeramus dignitatem scientiae in archetypo,
sive exemplari5: id est, in attributis atque actis Dei, quatenus

1 This conjunction cannot however take place without in some measure affecting
the good influences of Jupiter. So at least we are told by astrological writers. " Sa-
turnus conjunctus Jovi bona decernit in Saturn! significatis, verum minuuntur signi-
ficata beneficia Jovis." — Argolo, Pare. Ptolem. p. 47.

2 Ovid, Metam. x. 667. 3 Cicero, Tusc. v. c. 4. 4 Proverbs, xxvii. 6.
5 In illustration of this word we may refer to Philo-Judaeus, who in the commence-

464 DE AUGMEJTTIS SCTESTIARCM

revehntnr bomini, et sobrie indagari poasunt. Qua in re ncn
competit appeHatio Doctrinae, cum omnis doctrina oft scientia
acqnisita; nuHa autem cognitio in Deo acqmsha est, aed origi-
nalis. Itaqne aliod quserendum est nomen, Sapiemtia scilicet,
nt Sacne Scriptural earn indigitant.

Sic antem se res babet: In operibns creationis dnplicem
yirin|iy di vinac fmttna^m^m videmus, quarmn fifra ad potentiam
refertur, akera ad eapientiam.1 ffla pnecipue cemitnr in
creanda mole materae, haec in polcnritiidine formae disponenda.9
Hoc poato notandnm est, nihil in onpatiomn hktoria obetare,
qoin fberit confdaa ilia coefi terrxqoe maaaa et materia unico
temporis momento oreata ; coi tamen disponendae digerendaeque
«ex £es fbenmt attnbuti: adeo agnanter Dens opera potential
ac aapientiae dJacnnunarit. Cm accedit, qnod de materiae crea-
tione memoriae pfoditmn non sit dixisse Deum, Fiat caehtm et
Irrria, acnt de sequentibus operibos dkrtam est ; sed node atque
actnaliter, Dem* creaeit eaehtm et terram*: ita nt materia
ndeatnr tanqnam mazm facta, formae TOO introductio stihim
babeat kgis ant decxeti.4

Pergamns a Deo ad Angelas, quorum natara dignatione est
Deo praxima. Tidemns in ordinibus Angelormn (qnatenns
fides adhibenda Ccelesti 3K Hkzarcbiae, quae Dion jm Areopa-
gitae nomine emlgatur1) prinuan locum obtznexe Seraphim,
AngeJos scificet amoris; ffpfiiiMlM1" Cherubim^ Angelos illnmi-
natioais; teithnn antem locum et seqnentes Thrtnos, Pruuri-
ptitibm*, caetesisoine Angelis potentiae et mmkterii concedi; nt

atf MB tort Jte <»g<fci> Mmm^ upmmfa ihe fcat •» wn» rf Oaetfa. «• the

' The fa* rf ttr»

tolek^ei Out M. lewMre, wte f* kfe «wk cotiOHl £>MM» * fa

LIBER PRIMUS. 465

ex hoc ipso ordine ac distributione clarran sit, Angelos scientise
et illuminationis Angelis imperil et potentise praeponi.

A Spiritibus et Intelligentiis ad formas sensibiles et ma-
teriatas descendentes, legimus primani fonnarum creatarum
iuis^c Lucem; quse in naturalibus et corporeis, Scientiae in
spiritualibus atque incorporeis responded1

Sic in distributione dierum, videmus diem qua requievit
Deus et contemplates est opera sua benedictam fuisse supra
onines dies quibus creata est et disposita fabrica universi.

Po?t creationem absolutam legimus Hominem collocari in
Paradiso, ut illic operaretur ; quod quidem opus aliud esse non
poterat quam quale pertinet ad contemplandum ; hoc est, cujus
finis non ad necessitatem aliquam, sed ad delectationem et acti-
Titatem sine molestia, referri possit, Cum enim tune temporis
nulla potuerit esse creature reluctatio, nullus sudor vnltus,
necessario sequitur actiones humanas ad voluptatem et con-
templationem, non ad laborem aut opus, comparatas fuisse.
Rumi:?, prinise hominis actiones, quas in Paradiso exercuit,
duas summarias scientise partes complexae sunt. Hie erant, in-
spectio creaturarum, et impositio nominum. Nam scientia ilia
qu« lapsum introduxit (quod et ante monuimus) non erat na-
turalis scientia circa creaturas, sed moralis scientia de Bono et
Halo ; ex hac suppositione, quod Dei mandata aut yetita non
essent principia Boni et Mali, sed quod alias haberent ilia
origines; quorum oognitionem aftectavit homo, scilicet ut to-
taliter a Deo deficeret, et sibi ipsi suoque arbitrio prorsus
inniteretur.8

Veniamus ad ea quse statim post lapsum contigere. Vide-
mus (ut innumera sunt Sacrarum Soripturamm mysteria, salva
semper veritate historica et literali) imaginem duarum vitarum,
contemplative nimirum et actirse, in personis Abelis et Caini.
inque eorum institutis et primitivis rivendi rationibus deli-
neatam ; quorum alter pastor erat (qui propter ot aim et quietum
liberumque coeli aspectum typus est vit» theoricse), alter agri-

th« first c«*t*d ligtet w«» material or spiritual was a reach discussed
question. S. Augustine is dcckkdly indin«d to the opinkn of its beins spiritual,
which was apparently suggested by the circumstance that oo roenttoa is made in tbe
fim chapter of Oeneato of On creation of angels. For on thte Tiew the primitive light
was in reality the angelic nature.

* "Prtmos homo peccavit principaUter appetendo simffitndincm Dei quantum ad
sdentiam honi et mali, skut serpeus ei su^jessit, ut scilicet per virtutem propri*
natur* detvrminarvt sibi quid esset booum et quid malura ad apcndum." — &
Swm. ZlUat Sbo. SbcmtlL q. 16S. a. 2.

VOL. I. H H

466 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

cola (laboribus scilicet fatigatus, et aspectu in terrain defixus).
Ubi cernere est, favorem electionemque divinam ad pastorem
accessisse, non ad agricolam.1

Sic ante Diluvium, Sacri Fasti, inter paucissima quae de eo
saeculo memorantur, dignati sunt memoriae prodere inventores
musicse atque operum metallicorum. Sequenti saeculo post
Diluvium, gravissima poena qua Deus humanam superbiam
ultus est fuit confusio linguarum, qua doctringe liberum com-
mercium et literarum ad invicem communicatio maxime in-
terclusa est.

Descendamus ad Mosem legislatorem et primum Dei no-
tarium, quem Scripture ornant hoc elogio, quod gnarus et
peritus esset omnis doctrince ^Egyptiorum* QUJB quidem gens
inter vetustissimas mundi scholas numeratur. Sic enim Plato
inducit JEgyptium sacerdotem dicentem Soloni: Vos Greed
semper pueri estis, nullam vel scientiam antiquitatis vel antiqui-
tatem scientice habentes.3 Perlustremus Caeremonialem Legem
Mosis, reperiemusque (praeter Christi praefigurationem, distin-
ctionem populi Dei a gentibus, exercitium obedientise, aliosque
ejusdem legis usus sacros) nonnullos doctissimorum Rabbinorum
baud inutilem circa earn navasse operam, ut sedulo eruerent,
quandoque naturalem, quandoque moralem sensum caeremo-
niarum et rituum. Exempli gratia : ubi de lepra dicitur, Si
effloruerit discurrens lepra, homo mundus erit et non recludetur:
sin caro viva in eo erit, immunditice condemnabitur, et ad sacerdotis
arbitrium separabitur.4 Ex hac lege colligit unus eorum axioma
in natura: Putredinem pestilentiorem esse ante quam post ma-
turitatem. Alius morale documentum elicit : Homines jlagitiis
undique coopertos minus corrumpere publicos mores, quam me-
diocriter ex parte tantum malos : adeo ut ex hoc et similibus
locis ejus legis, praeter sensum theologicum, haud pauca ad
philosophiam spectantia spargi videantur.

Si quis etiam eximium ilium Jobi librum diligenter evol-

1 By Philo-Judaeus, whom Bacon has more than once quoted, Cain is taken as the
type of the frame of mind which leads us to refer to ourselves the origin of our
thoughts and energies, — Abel of that which refers all things to God. See also Augus-
tin, Cir. Dei, xv. 1. From this view the transition to that of the text is easy.
The generally recognised types of the active and contemplative ways of life are, I
think, Rachel and Leah in the Old Testament, Mary and Martha in the new. See
S. Augustine, De Consent. Evangelist, i., for what is said of Leah and Rachel, and
S. Thomas Aquinas, Sum. Theol. 2a» 2dlM> q. 179. a. 2.

' Acts, vii. 22.

» Tiraaus, p. 22. b. [See Nov. Org. i. 71.] * Levit xiii. 12.

LIBER PRIMUS. 467

verit, plenum eum et tanquam gravidum naturalis philosophise
mysteriis deprehendet.1 Exempli gratia ; circa cosmographiam
et rotunditatem terras illo loco, Qui extendit aquilonem super
vacuum, et appendit terram super nihilum 2 ; ubi pensilis terra,
polus arcticus, et coeli convexitas in extimis, haud obscure
insinuantur. Rursus circa astronomiam et asterismos, illis
verbis : Spiritus ejus ornavit ccelos, et obstetricante manu ejus
eductus est coluber tortuosus. 3 Et alio loco : Nunquid conjungere
valebis micantes stellas Pleiadas, aut gyrum Arcturi poteris dis-
sipare?* ubi immota configuratio stellarum fixarum, paribus
intervallis semper inter se distantium, elegantissime describitur.
Item alio loco : Qui facit Arcturum, et Oriona, et Hyadas, et
interiora Austri5; ubi iterum innuit depressionem antarctici
poli, eamque designat nomine interiorum Austri,, quia australes
stellas nostro hemisphaerio non cernuntur. Circa generationem
animalium : Annon sicut lac mulsisti me, et sicut caseum co-
agulasti me 6 ? &c. Circa rem metallicam : Habet argentum
venarum suarum principia, et auro locus est in quo conflatur,
ferrum de terra tollitur, et lapis solutus color e in as vertitur 7 :
et sequentia in eodem capite.

Pariter et in persona regis Salomonis videmus donum sapi-
entiae, turn in petitione ipsius turn in concessione divina, omnibus
terrenae et temporalis foelicitatis bonis praelatum ; virtute cujus
doni et concessionis Salomon egregie instructus, non solum
scripsit insignes illas parabolas sive aphorismos de divina
atque morali philosophia, verum etiam composuit naturalem hi-
storiam omnium vegetabilium, a cedro super montem usque ad
museum super murum 8 (qui nihil est aliud quam rudimentum
plantae, putredinis et herbse medium), omniumque etiam quas
respirant et moventur. Imo idem rex Salomon, quamvis ex-
celluerit opibus, magnificentia aedificiorum, classe, famulitio,
nominis celebritate, et reliquis quae ad gloriam pertinent, nihil
tamen ex ista glorias segete sibi ipsi decerpit aut assumit, prse-
ter decus inquirendi et inveniendi veritatem. Sic enim diserte
ait : Gloria Dei est celare verbum, et gloria regis investigare
sermonem.9 Ac si Divina Majestas innoxio illo et benevolo

1 A similar view of the book of Job will be found in Giordano Bruno. See his
works, i. 1 74. of Wagner's edition.

2 Job, xxvi. 7. * Job, xxvi 13.
* Job, xxxviii. 31 ; where however the English version is different

5 Job, ix. 9. In our version the Hyades are replaced by the Pleiades.

6 Job, x. 10.

7 Job, xxviii. 1,2. 8 1 Kings, iv. 33. 9 Proverbs, xxv. 2.

H H 2

468 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

puerorum ludo delectaretur, qui ideo se abscondunt ut in-
veniantur ; quasique etiam nihil esset honorificentius regibus,
quam Dei collusores esse in eodem ludo ; praesertim cum tot
ingeniis imperent, tantasque opes praesto habeant, quibus
omnis secreti investigatio absolvi possit.

Nee vero aliter haec dispensavit Deus, postquam Salvator nos-
ter in mundum venisset. Ille ^nini prius potentiam ostendit suam
in profliganda ignorantia, ubi cum doctoribus et sacerdotibus
dissereret in Templo, quam in subj Uganda natura tot et tantis
editis miraculis. Adventus quoque Spiritus Sancti praacipue
adumbratus atque expressus fuit in similitudine ac dono lin-
guarum, quse sunt duntaxat vehicula scientice.

Ita in seligendis illis instrumentis quos adhibuit Deus ad
fidem disseminandam, initio homines evocavit plane indoctos et
illiterates, praeterquam quod Spiritus Sancti afflatu instructi
fuissent ; quo evidentius virtutem suam immediatam et divinam
declararet, omnemque humanam sapientiam deprimeret. Quam-
primum autem consilium suum in hac parte perimpletum esset,
mox in proxima successione temporum, divinam veritatem suam
aliis doctrinis veluti pedissequis comitatam in mundum immisit.
Itaque D. Pauli calamus (qui inter Apostolos solus literatus
fuit ' ), in Scripturis Novi Testament! praecipue a Deo adhibitus
est.

Sic et novimus complures ex antiquis episcopis et patribus
egregie fuisse in omni ethnicorum eruditione versatos. Adeo
ut Edictum Juliani, quo cautum est ne Christiani ad scholas et
gymnasia mitterentur 2, perniciosior machina ad expugnandam
fidem Christianam, quam cruentae superiorum imperatorum per-
secutiones habitum fuerit. Neque Gregorii Primi, episcopi
Romani, (caetera viri egregii) asmulatio et invidentia, qui ethni-
corum authorum et antiquitatum memoriam obliterare stude-
bat3, in bonam partem etiam apud viros pios accepta est.

1 It has been thought however that St. James must have been acquainted with as-
tronomy. This opinion is founded on the phrase rendered in the English version
" variableness or shadow of turning ;" his meaning being, it is said, that neither paral-
lax nor the alternate approach to and receding from the solstice affects the Sun of
Suns, whose aspect is the same at all places and throughout all time. Certainly if no
astronomical allusion be intended, it is curious to see how easily the expressions used
admit of this interpretation.

2 See Ammianus Marcellinus, xxii. c. 10. and xxv. c. G., and compare Gibbon, who
points out that the edict only forbids Christian professors to teach. S. Augustine re-
lating what he had been told by Simplicianus makes the latter say, " Imperatoris
Juliani temporibus lege data prohibit! sunt Christiani docere literaturam et oratoriam."
— Confess, viii. 5.

2 See with respect to this charge the references collected in Dunlop's History of

LIBER PRIMUS. 469

Quinimo sola Christiana Ecclesia, inter inundationes Scytharum
a plagis septentrionalibus et Saracenorum ab orientalibus, pre-
tiosas gentilis eruditionis reliquias, jarajam funditus perituras,
sinu et gremio suo conservavit. Nuper etiam intueri licet
Jesuitas, qui (partim studio proprio, partim ex aamulatione
adversariorum, literis strenue incubuerunt) quantum subsidii
viriumque Romanae Sedi reparandae et stabiliendae attulerint.

Quare, ut absolvam hanc partem, duo sunt praecipua officia
et ministeria, praeter ornatum et illustrationem, quae Fidei Re-
ligionique humaniores literae persolvunt. Unum, quod efficacia
sint incitamenta ad divinara gloriam exaltandam et celebrandam ;
sicut enim Psalmi et alias Scripturae crebro nos invitant ad
contemplationem praedicationemque magnificorum et admira-
bilium operum Dei, ita si tantum in eorum specie externa sicut
sensibus nostris se exhibent haereremus, eandem faceremus in-
juriam Majestati Divinae, ac si de opulentia et copia nobilissimi
gemmarii ex iis quaa palam exponuntur in pergula judicaremus.
Alterum, quod singulare remedium antidotumque exhibeat
Philosophia contra infidelitatem et errores. Nam Salvator
noster inquit: Erratis nescientes Scripturas et potentiam Dei.1
Ubi duos libros, ne in errores incidamus, proponit nobis evol-
vendos ; primo volumen Scripturarum, quae voluntatem Dei,
dein volumen Creaturarum, quaa potentiam revelant : quorum
posterior veluti clavis est prioris, non solum intellectum nos-
trum aperiens ad genuinam Scripturarum mentem ex genera-
libus regulis rationis et legibus sermonis expromendam ; sed
porro etiam praecipue fidem nostram reserans, ut in seriam
ingrediamur Omnipotentiaa Divinae meditationem, cujus cha-
racteres maxime insculpti ejus operibus et incisi sunt. Tantum
de Divinis testimoniis ac judiciis, pro vera dignitate et pretio
doctrinae, dictum sit.

Quantum ad Humana testimonia et argumenta, tarn latus
aperitur campus, ut in tractatu hoc brevi et presso delectum
potius adhibere deceat quam copiam. Primo itaque summus
apud ethnicos honoris gradus fuit, divinam venerationem cul-
tumque consequi; (quod quidem Christianis est tanquam fructus

Roman Literature (1823), ii. 510. It is strangely transferred by Mr. Disraeli in the
Curiosities of Literature to Gregory VII. Mersenne, ubi supra, objects to Bacon's not
giving the title of Saint, to Gregory. This would not be worth mentioning if it did
not show how little he could find to criticise.
1 Matt. xxii. 29.

H H 3

470 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

vetitus ; nunc vero loquimur separatim de judiciis humanis).
Itaque (ut coepimus dicere) apud ethnicos ille quern Graeci
Apotkeosin, Latini Relationem inter Divos vocarunt, supremus
honor fuit, qui homini ab homine tribui posset ; praesertim ubi
non ex decreto aut edicto aliquo imperil (ut Cresaribus apud
Romanos), sed ex opinione hominum et fide interna ultro defer-
retur. Cujus honoris tarn excelsi gradus quidam erat, et terminus
medius. Quippe supra humanos honores, hero'ici numerabantur
et divini; in quorum distributione hunc ordinem tenuere veteres.
Rerumpublicarum conditores, legislatores, tyrannicidae, patres
patriaa, quique in rebus civilibus optime meruerunt, insigniti
sunt titulo Heroum tantuna, aut Semideorum ; quales fuere
Theseus, Minos, Romulus, ceterique. Ex altera parte inven-
tores et authores novarum artium, quique vitam humanam
novis commodis et accessionibus dotarunt, semper consecrati
sunt inter Deos ipsos Majores ; quod Cereri, Baccho, Mercurio,
Apollini, et aliis contigit. Quod certe jure et sano cum ju-
dicio factum est. Nam priorum benemerita intra unius aetatis
aut nationis limites fere coercentur ; nee absimilia sunt imbribus
tempestivis et benignis, qui quamvis frugiferi sint atque opta-
biles, tamen pro ilia tempestate tantum qua decidunt, atque pro
amplitudine tractus terras quam irrigant, utiles sunt; poste-
riorum vero beneficia, ut ipsius solis et coelestium munera,
temporibus perpetua, locis infinita sunt. Ilia rursus cum con-
tentione et perturbatione ut plurimum conjuncta sunt; hsec
habent verum characterem Divinae Praesentiae, veniuntque in
aura leni *, absque tumultu aut strepitu.

Neque sane doctrinae meritum in civilibus et in reprimendis
incommodis quae homo homini infert, multum cedit illi alteri in
sublevandis humanis necessitatibus quae ab ipsa natura im-
ponuntur. Atque hoc genus meriti optime adumbratum fuit
sub ilia ficta narratione de theatre Orphei ; ubi singulae bestiae
avesque congregates sunt, quas appetituum suorum innatorum
immemores, praedaa, ludi, pugnse, amice placideque una stetere,
citharae concentu et suavitate captae ; cujus sonus ubi aut ces-
saret aut majori sonitu obrueretur, omnes illico anunantes ad
ingenium redibant. Qua in fabula eleganter describuntur in-
genia et mores hominum, qui variis et indomitis cupiditatibus
agitantur, lucri, libidinis, vindictae ; qui tamen quamdiu aures

1 "Post ignem sibilus aurac lenis." — 1 Kings, xix. 12. I quote from the Vulgate,
as the English version, « a still small voice," presents a different image.

LIBER PRIMUS. 471

praebent praeceptis et suasionibus religionis, legum, magistrorum,
in libris, sermonibus, et concionibus eloquenter et suaviter
modulantibus, tamdiu pacem colunt et societatem; sin ista
sileant aut seditiones et tumultus obstrepant, omnia dissiliuiit
et in anarchiara atque confusionem relabuntur.

Sed enim hoc clarius cernitur, cum reges ipsi aut magnates
aut prasfecti eruditione praediti sint. Utut enim suis addictus
nimium partibus videatur, qui dixit l, Turn demum respublicas
forefelices, cum aut philosophi regnant, aut reges philosophantur ;
hoc tamen experientia notum est, sub eruditis principibus et
custodibus reipublicae ssecula maxime foelicia fuisse. Quamvis
enim reges ipsi suos habeant errores et vitia, affectibus scilicet
et pravis consuetudinibus pro more caeterorum hominum ob-
noxii ; tamen doctrinarum si accedat lumen, anticipatae quaedam
notiones religionis, prudentias, honestatis, retinent eos, et ab
omni praecipiti et immedicabili excessu et errore refraenant;
aurem semper vellentes, etiam cam consiliarii et domestic!
silent. Quin senatores ipsi et consiliarii qui literis exculti
sunt, solidioribus innituntur principiis quam qui ab experientia
tantum edocti sunt ; illis ex longinquo prospicientibus pericula
et mature propulsantibus, cum isti tantum ex propinquo et
cominus sapiant, nihil videntes nisi quod imminet, et tune
demum agilitate ingenii sui se in ipso periculorum articulo
expedire et eripere posse confidentes.

Quae fbelicitas temporum sub eruditis principibus (ut semper
brevitati studeam, adhibens non nisi lectissima quaeque exempla
et maxime illustria) praecipue cernitur eo in saeculo, quod a
morte Domitiani imperatoris usque ad imperium Commodi
defluxit; successionem sex principum eruditorum, aut certe
eruditioni impense faventium, complectente ; omniumque (si
temporalia bona spectemus) quae unquam vidit Roma, totius
orbis tune epitome, longe florentissimo. Id quod Domitiano,
pridie ejus diei quo interfectus est, in somnis praemonstratum
erat ; quippe qui videre visus est caput aureum sibi pone cer-
vicem enatum esse 2 ; quod sane vaticinium aureis illis subse-
quentibus saeculis adimpletum est; de quibus sigillatim sed
brevissime verba faciam.

Nerva vir doctus fuit, Apollonii illius Pythagorei familiaris

1 Plato in the fifth book of the Republic.

2 Suetonius in Domitiano, sub finera ; who however speaks only of a golden ex-
crescence.

H H 4

472 DE AUG51ENTIS SC1ENTIARUM

et quasi discipulus, qui etiam fere expiravit in versu illo
Homeri,

Telis, Phoebe, tuis lacrymas ulciscere nostras.1

Trajanus non ipse quidem doctus, sed doctrinae admirator et
erga literates munificus, bibliothecarum institutor, et in cujus
aula (licet imperatoris bellicosi) professores et paedagogos gra-
tiosissimos fuisse memoria? proditum est. Adrianus curiosissiuaus
mortalium, et inexplebilis omnis varietatis et secreti investiga-
tor.2 Antoninus subtilis et quasi scholasticus, unde etiam Cy-
mini Sector 3 vocatus est Ex Divis Fratribus autem, Lucius
Commodus molliori literarum genere eruditus ; Marcus etiam
cognomine ipso philosophus. Hi principes, ut doctissimi, ita et
optimi fuerunt. Nerva clementissimus imperator, quique, si
nihil aliud, orbi Trajanum dedit. Trajanus, omnium qui im-
perarunt, et belli et pacis artibus maxime florens ; idem imperii
fines longissime protulit ; idem vim dominationis modestissime
cohibuit; maximorum etiam exstructor operum, unde a Con-
stantino Parietaria 4 per invidiam vocatus est, propter nomen
ejus tot parietibus incisum. Adrianus temporis ipsius a3mulus ;
mjurias enim et ruinas temporis, in quoquo genere, cura et mu-
nificentia sua reparavit. Antoninus (ut etiam appellatus est)
vir maxime Pius, nativa quadam et insita bonitate omnibus
ordinibus gratus, cujusque regnum (licet baud breve) omnis
calamitatis expers. Lucius Commodus fratri quidem bonitate
cedens, reliquos imperatores plurimos superans. Marcus, vir
ad exemplar virtutis compositus, cuique scurra 5 ille in Con-
vivio Deorum nihil habuit quod objiceret, prseter patientiam
erga mores uxoris. In hac itaque continua sex principum serie
videre cuivis liceat foelicissimos fructus doctrinae in imperio
collocatae, in maxima orbis terrarum tabula depictos.

Jam vero doctrina non in civilia tantum atque artes pacis
influxum habet, sed et in militari virtute exercet vim suam ac
potentiam ; ut clare perspicitur in exemplis Alexandri Magni
et Caesaris dictatoris ; quorum antea obiter meminimus, nunc
vero ea paulo fusius retractabimus. Horum virtutes militares

1 Iliad, i. 42. See Dio Cassius, or rather Xiphilinus in Nerva.

2 Besides which he has left some well known Latin verses, and in the Greek
Antholoyy one or two pieces are ascribed to him, so that he must at least have had
the reputation of being a Cxreek poet.

3 Ku^ij/oirpi'o-i-Tjs. Xiph. in Anton. Pio,

' Aurelius Victor, Epist. c. 41. * Silenus ; v. the Casart of Julian.

LIBER PRIMUS. 473

et res in bello gestas supervacaneum esset notare aut recensere,
cum in eo genere mundi miracula exstiterint; sed de amore
ipsorum et studio erga literas, necnon in iisdem excellentia
propria, non alienum erit si pauca subjungamus.

Educatus-fuit Alexander edoctusque ab Aristotele (philo-
sopho certe magno), qui nonnullos e libris suis philosophicis ei
nuncupavit. A latere illius nunquam discedebat Callisthenes
aliique pereruditi viri, qui castra sequebantur, et perpetui erant
omnium ejus itinerum et expeditionum comites. Quo autem
pretio literas habuerit, baud pauca liquido demonstrant ; veluti
invidia qua dignam censuit Achillis fortunam, quod gestarum
rerum laudumque suarum Homerum prgeconem invenerat ; ju-
dicium de pretiosa Darii arcula inter reliqua spolia reperta, de
qua cum quaestio moveretur quidnam potissimum dignum esset
quod in ea asservaretur, ipse, cum alii alia dicerent, pro Homeri
operibus sententiam tulit l ; epistola objurgatoria ad Aristotelem
missa, postquam libros Physicorum edidisset, in qua expostulat
quod philosophiaj mysteria evulgasset ; simulque rescribit malle
se omnibus doctrina et cognitione quam potentia ac imperio
praecellere.2 Sunt et alia quas hue spectant. Ipse vero quam
egregie animum excoluisset doctrina, in omnibus ejus dictis et
responsis apparet, vel potius refulget, eruditione plenissimis ; in
quibus, licet numero pauca sint quae adhuc supersint, singularum
scientiarum vestigia alte impressa reperias.

In Moralibus, observetur primo Alexandri apophthegma circa
Diogenem, et adverte (si placet) si forte non unam ex gravis-?
simis quasstionibus Moralis Philosophies constituat : Utrum qui
fruitur externis bonis felicior sit, an qui contemnit ? Cum enim
Diogenem cerneret tarn parvo contentum, conversus ad circum-
stantes, qui ejus conditionem subsannabant, Nisi essem, inquit,
Alexander, optarem esse Diogenes. At Seneca in hac compara-
tione Diogenem praetulit, cum diceret, Plus erat quod Diogenes
nollet accipere, quam quod Alexander posset dare.3

In Naturalibus, observetur illud quod crebro usurpabat, In
duabus se rebus mortalitatem suam maxime percipere, somno et
libidine 4 : quod sane dictum ex intima Natural! Philosophia
depromptum est, non tarn Alexandrum quam Aristotelem aut
Democritum sapiens ; cum tarn indigentia quam redundantia
naturae, per ilia duo designata, mortis sint tanquam arrhabones.

1 Pliny, vii. 19. * Plutarch in Alex. c. 7. " Seneca, De Benef. v. c. 4.

4 Plutarch, " Quomodo amicus discerncndus," &c.

474 DE AUGMENT1S SCIENTIARUM

In Poeticis, observetur dictum illud, quum sanguine e vul-
neribus ejus effluente, accerseret unum ex adulatoribus qui ei
divinitatem tribuere solebat, Specta, inquit, hominis iste sanguis
est, non talis liquor qualem dixit Homerus Veneris e manu ma-
nasse, vulnerata a Diomede ; hoc dicto et poetas et assentatores
BUGS et seipsum ridens.1

In Dialecticis, accipe reprehensionem illam argutiarum dia-
lecticarum circa rejicienda et retorquenda argumenta, in dicto
suo quo perstrinxit Cassandrum delatores patris sui Antipatri
repellentem. Cum enim Alexander forte dixisset, Nunquid
putas hos homines tarn longum Her suscepturosfuisse, nisijustam
doloris causam habuissent ? respondit Cassander, Imo hoc ipsum
animos eis dedit, quod sperdbant longinquitatem vice obstituram
quo minus calumnia proderetur. Euge, inquit rex, strophas
Aristotelis, rem pro et contra detorquentes.'1 Attamen hac ipsa
quam in alio carpebat arte, cum res postularet, in commodum
suum uti probe noverat. Ita enim accidit, ut Callisthenes
(quern odio clam habebat, quod novse ejus inter Divos relation!
refragaretur) in quodam convivio rogatus esset ab una discum-
bentibus, ut oblectationis gratia (cum esset vir eloquentissimus)
thema aliquod pro arbitrio sibi sumeret, de quo subito diceret ;
ille autem annuens, et laudes gentis Macedonicae eligens, miri-
fico cum omnium applausu disseruit. At neutiquam hoc
delectatus Alexander subjecit, In bona causa facile est cuilibet
esse eloquenti ; quin verte, inquit, stilum, et quid contra nos possis
audiamus. Callisthenes negotium in se recepit, idque tarn
acerbe tamque aculeate prsestitit, ut Alexander interpellans
diceret, Etiam malus animus, ceque ac bona causa., indit elo-
quentiam.*

In Rhetoricis, ad quse tropi et ornamenta pertinent, ecce tibi
elegantissimum metaphorae usum, qua Antipatrum imperiosum
et tyrannicum praesidem perstrinxit. Cum enim amicus quidam
Antipatri laudaret eum coram Alexandro, quod tarn moderatus
esset, neque in Persicum (prout alii praefecti) luxum, usumque
purpurae, veteri Macedonia? amictu exuto, degeneraret, At intus,
inquit Alexander, Antipater est totus purpureus.4 Etiam et ilia

1 Plutarch in Alex and., or in his tract on Alexander's fortunes. Rousseau tells a
story of a Piedmontese nobleman, who happening while at table to cut his hand,
remarked jestingly to those about him, "Messieurs, voila du sang Pelasge."

2 Plut. in Alexand. c. 74. * Plut. in Alexand. c. 53.

4 Plut. Apopthegms. Antipater was not praised for keeping to the Macedonian dress,
but generally for the severity of his way of life. Bacon was probably misled by Eras-

LIBER PRIMUS. 475

metaphora insignia : cum Parmenio ad eum accederet in campis
Arbellae, eique ingentem hostium exercitum monstraret, qui
oculis subjacens noctu propter infinitum numerum ignium
veluti alterum firmamentum stellatum repraesentabat, ideoque
consuleret ut nocturne praelio illos invaderet, Nolo, inquit
Alexander, suffurari victoriam.1

In Politicis, attende gravissimam illam et prudentissimam
distinctionem, (quam omnis posteritas amplexa eat,) qua duos
ex prsecipuis ejus amicis, Hephaestioneni et Craterum, discrevit,
quum diceret alterum Alexandrum amare, alterum amare regem"* ;
dissimilitudinem maximi ponderis etiam inter fidelissimos regum
servos constituens, quod alii magis dominorum suorum personas
vero affectu prosequantur, alii potius moveantur officio erga
principatum ipsum. Spectetur etiam quam eximie redargueret
errorem, principum consiliariis familiarem, qui plerumque
consilia pro modulo sui animi et fortunse, non dominorum,
suggerunt. Cum enim Darius magnas Alexandro offerret
conditiones, Parmenio, Ego, inquit, si essem Alexander, acci-
perem. Subjecit Alexander, Et ego equidem, si essem Parme-
nio.* Postremo, excutiatur acre illud atque acutum responsum
ad amicos interrogantes, quid sibi reservaret cum tot et tanta
donaret? Spem*, inquit: quippe qui probe sciret, subductis
rationibus, spem veram esse sortem et tanquam haereditatem ad
magna aspirantium. Haec Julii Caasaris sors, cum proficiscens
in Galliam universas opes profusis largitionibus exhausisset.
Haac etiam sors Henrici Ducis Guisii, nobilissimi principis licet
nimium ambitiosi, de quo illud increbuit, Foeneratorem eum
fuisse unum omnium Gallorum maximum, eo quod omnes opes in
nominibus haberet, atque patrimonium universum in obligationes
convertisset.6 Casterum admiratio hujus principis, dum eum

mus, who took the story from Plutarch without rightly understanding it. Alexander
compared Antipater to a \evKowapv<f>os (or -white-striped) garment, which on the
inside, the irapvtyt) or clavus being an external appendage, showed no trace of white,
but was purple throughout. Erasmus confounded \fvK(nrapv<t>os with \tvKos and ap-
parently supposed the remark to refer to Antipater's dress. In the Advancement of
Learning and in the Apophthegms Bacon speaks of the '' Macedonian habit of black."
See Erasm. Apophth. book iv. 17.

1 Plut. in Alex. c. 31. 2 Ut supra, c. 47. 8 Ut supra, c. 29.

4 Plut. in Alexand. c. 15., or De Alexandri Fortuna, p. 342. According to Plu-
tarch, Alexander had only one friend, namely Perdiccas, disinterested enough to
ask the question. In the Apophthegms the inaccuracy of the text is avoided, but
Parmenio is substituted for Perdiccas. Tos €\iriSas in Alexander's reply is rather
"that which I hope for " than " hope," — "mes esperances," not "l'espoir"in the
abstract.

5 It was said of him and Henry III. that the one was " Re nell' affetto," and the

476 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

mihi non ut Alexandrum Magnum sed ut Aristotelis discipulum
propono, longius fortasse me provexit.

Quantum ad Julium Cassarem, non est opus ut de praestantia
eruditionis ejus, aut ex educatione aut ex familiaribus aut ex
responsis ejus conjecturam faciamus. Haec siquidem eminet in
ejus scriptis et libris, quorum alii exstant, alii infoeliciter desi-
derantur. Primo enim, hodie in manibus habetur insignis ilia
bellorum suorum historia, cui nomen et titulum Commenta-
riorum duntaxat praefixit ; in quo omnes posteri solidum rerum
pondus, et viva tarn actionum quam personarum simulachra, cum
castissima puritate sermonis narrationisque perspicuitate eximia
conjuncta, admirantur ; quas quidem dotes non a natura infusas
fuisse sed a praeceptis institutisque doctrinae acquisitas, testatur
liber ejus de Analogia *, qui nihil aliud erat quam grammaticalis
quaedam philosophia ; in quo sedulo dedit operam ut vox ad
Placitum redderetur vox ad Licitum ; et consuetude quoquo
modo loquendi ad congruitatem revocaretur emendate loquendi ;
et verba, quae sunt rerum imagines, rebus ipsis convenient, non
vulgi prorsus arbitrium sequerentur.

Ita etiam, veluti monumentum doctrinae non minus quam
potentiae, emendatam ejus edicto habemus computationem anni ;
quae diserte testatur aeque eum gloriae sibi duxisse siderum in
coelis leges pernosse, ac hominibus in terris leges dedisse.

Ex libro quoque, cui titulum praeposuit Anti-Cato 2, facile
constat eum tanto studio acceneum ad victoriam ingenii, quanto
belli et armorum, obtinendam ; certamen calami turn susci-
pientem contra maximum eo tempore pugilem, Ciceronem
oratorem.

Rursus, in libro Apophthegmatum quae collegit, videmus
honorificentius sibi putasse si seipsum tanquam in tabellas aut
codicillos mutaret, in quos prudentia aliorum dicta graviaque
referrentur, quam si dicta sua propria velut oracula sacrarentur,
sicut inepti principes nonnulli, adulation e corrupti, sibi fieri
gestiunt. Attamen si recensere vellem pleraque ejus dicta (ut
feci in Alexandro), sunt ea certe hujusmodi, qualia notat Sa-

other "nell' effetto." If his brother had inherited his popularity be might probably
have been both.

1 The intention of this work of Caesar was probably to determine uncertain points
of language by the analogy of cases which were free from doubt. In the Origines of
Isidorus, i. c. 27., we find an account of what grammarians mean by analogy. The
truth is, that though Bacon speaks of the work in question as if he were familiar with
its contents, very little is known about them. [Compare vi. 1. in the 6th paragraph.]

- Plut in Jul. Cses. c. 54. ; and Aulus Gellius, xiii. c. 9.

LIBER PRIMUS. 477

lomon, Verba sapientum sunt tanquam aculei, et tanquam claw
in altum defixi. 1 Itaque tria hie tantum proponam, non tarn
elegantia quam vi et efficacia mirabilia.

Primo igitur, magister sit oportet loquendi, qui unico verbo
seditionem in exercitu comprimere potuit. Sic autem se res
habuit. Romanis mos fuit, dum exercitum duces alloquerentur,
Milites uti eos appellarent ; cum magistratus populum, Qui-
rites. Tumultuabantur milites Caesaris, ac missionem seditiose
flagitabant ; non quod hoc ipsi cuperent, sed ut hoc postulate
Csesarem ad alias conditiones adigerent. Ille immotus atque
inconcussus, silentio facto, sic exorsus est; Ego, Quirites ; quo
verbo eos jam dimissos significabat. Eo perculsi milites, et
plane obstupefacti, concionantem deinceps perpetuo obturba-
bant, et postulate illo missionis posthabito, contra obnixe pete-
bant ut Militum appellatio eis restitueretur.2

Secundum fuit hujusmodi. Regis nomen Caesar summe
affectabat. Itaque subornati sunt nonnulli, qui praetereuntem
popular! acclamatione Regem salutarent. Ille sentiens accla-
mationem tenuem fuisse ac raram, negotium joco transmisit, ac
si erratum esset in cognomine, Non Rex sum, inquit, sed Casar.3
Dictum sane hujusmodi, ut si diligenter excutiatur, vigor ejus
et pondus vix exprimi possit. Primum enim recusationem
nominis prse se ferebat, sed neutiquam seriam. Deinde ingentem
quandam confidentiam et magnanimitatem monstrabat ; ac si
Cassaris appellatio illustrior titulus esset quam Regis; quod
haud secus evenit, et usque in hodiernum diem obtinuit. Sed
quod illius maxime intererat, hoc dictum summo artificio finem
suum nrgebat. Hoc enim innuebat S. P. Q. R. de re levi, hoc
est nomine tantum (nam potestatem regiam jampridem habebat),
secum contendere ; ac tali nomine, quale complures etiam ex
familiis obscuris gerebant ; nam cognomen Regis multis Ro-
manorum gentilitium erat, quemadmodum et nos simile quiddam
nostro idiomate habemus.

Ultimum quod hoc loco repetere placet, tale fuit. Cum
Caesar post bellum initum Romam occupasset, atque sanctius
aerarium reclusisset, ut pecunias ibi ,congestas in usus belli tol-
leret, restitit Metellus, utpote tune temporis Tribunus; cui
Caesar, Si perstes, inquit, mortuus es. Dein reprimens se pau-

' Eccles. xii. 11.

2 Suetonius in Julio, c. 70., and conf. Appian De Bellis Civilibus, ii. c. 93.

3 Suetonius, ub. sup. c. 79. App. ii.c. 108. The anecdote reminds one of the title
Rey Gomez, which was given to Philip the Second's favourite Buy Gomez de Silva.

478 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

lum, subjecit; Adolescens, durius est mihi hoc dicere quam
facere1: dictum tarn mirifice ex terrore et dementia conflatum,
ut nihil supra.

Verum ut C^esarem mittamus, perspicuum est eum probe
sibi conscium suse eximiae eruditionis fuisse ; ut liquet ex eo,
quod demirantibus nonnullis Lucii Syllae consilium in depo-
nenda dictatura, cavillans dixit; Sylla nescivit literas, dictare
non potuit*

Nunc autem tempus videtur imponendi finem huic disserta-
tioni de arcta conjunctione militaris virtutis et literarias (quid
enim in hoc genere post Alexandrum et Caesarem afferri potest ?)
nisi quod moveor unius alterius exempli dignitate et insolentia,
eo quod tarn subito transient a ludibrio ad miraculum. Est
autem Xenophontis philosophi, qui e Socratis ludo profectus
est in Asiam cum Cyro Juniore, in expeditione contra regem
Artaxerxem. Hie Xenophon eo tempore peradolescens fuit,
et nunquam aciem aut castra viderat, neque tune praefecturam
aliquam in exercitu gerebat, sed tantum sponte ob amicitiam
Proxeni proficiscebatur. Aderat forte fortuna, cum Falinus a
Magno Rege legatus ad Grsecos veniret, postquam Cyrus in
acie occubuisset, Grseci autem (manipulus tantummodo homi-
num) duce orbati, in medio provinciarum Persia^ a patria sua
plurimorum milliarium intervallis et fluminibus maximis atque
altissimis interclusi essent. Legatio hue spectabat, ut positis
armis atque deditis se regia? dementia? submitterent. Cui lega-
tion! antequam publice responsum esset, complures ex exercitu
familiariter cum Falino colloquebantur, inter quos Xenophon
ita forte locutus est : Imo, inquit, Faline, hcec duo tantum nobis
jam supersunt, arma et virtus ; si igitur arma dedamus, cui usui
(obsecro) nobis erit virtus ? At Falinus subridens, Ni fallor
(inquit) Atheniensis es (adolescens) et. philosophies incumbis, at-
que bellula sunt quce dicis ; sed valde erras, si virtutem vestram
regiis copiis parem esse arbitreris.3 Ecce ludibrium ; sequitur
miraculum. Novitius iste ex schola, et philosophus, postquam
omnes duces et pnefecti proditione interempti essent, decem
millia peditum Babylone in Graeciam reduxit per medias Regis

1 Plut. in JuL c. 35. 2 Sueton. in Jul. c. 77.

8 The story here referred to is told in the Anabasis, ii. 1. 12. But it seems clear
that the remark to which Phalynus replies is incorrectly ascribed to Xenophon.
Schneider replaces his name by that of Theopompus. Xenophon who then held no
command in the Greek army could scarcely have been present at the conference
between Phalynus and the generals, and the next sentence of his narrative implies
that he only knew by report what had passed there.

LIBER PRIMUS. 479

provincias, omnibus ejus copiis frustra obnitentibus ; quo facto
stuporem injecit omnibus, Graecis autem ab eo tempore ingentea
addidit animos et spiritus ad Persarum regnum invadendum et
subvertendum. Quod et mox cogitavit sane et designavit
Jason Thessalus; tentavit et inchoavit Agesilaus Spartanus;
perfecit demum Alexander Macedo, omnes literati istius praevii
egregio facinore incitati.

Pergamus ab imperatoria militarique virtute ad moralem, et
earn quae est hominum privatorum. Primo, certissimum est
illud poetae,

Scilicet ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes
Emollit mores, nee sinit esse feros.1

Eruditio siquidem humanas mentes feritate atque barbaric
exuit. Veruntamen opus est, ut accentus sit in voce ilia Fide-
liter. Nam tumultuaria cognitio flectit potius in contrarium.
Eruditio, inquam, levitatem, temeritatem, atque insolentiam
tollit ; dum omnia pericula et ambigua simul cum re ipsa sug-
gerit, rationum et argumentorum pondera in utramque partem
librat, prima quaeque quae se offerunt animo eique arrident pro
suspectis habet, iterque omne tanquam explorato inire docet.
Eadem admirationem rerum vanam et nimiam evellit, radicem
ipsam omnis infirmi consilii : quippe admiramur res, vel quia novas
sunt, vel quia magnae. Quantum ad novitatem, nemo est qui
literas et rerum contemplationem penitus imbiberit, quin illud
cordi impressum habeat, Nil novi super terrain.2 Neque enim pu-
parum ludum quisquam magnopere mirabitur, qui pone aulaea
caput inserens organa quibus moventur et filamenta cernit.
Quantum ad magnitudinem, quemadmodum Alexander Magnus
ingentibus praeliis et victoriis in Asia assuetus, cum interdum ac-
ciperet e Grascia literas de expeditionibus et dimicationibus qui-
busdam illic factis, quas plerunque propter pontem aliquem aut
castellum, aut ad summum pro expugnatione oppidi alicujus,
suscipiebantur, dicere solebat, Videri sibi nuncium allatum de
ranarum et murium pugna, de qua Homerus3: sic certe, qui uni-
versitatem rerum ej usque fabricam intueatur, illi terrse globus,

1 Ovid, Ex. Pont. ii. 9. 47 ; but not quite accurately quoted. It has not perhaps
been remarked that Ovid seems to have taken this gnome from Theophrastus : 5o««?
•yap r] iraiSela, /col TOVTO Travrts ofnohoyovat, ij/j.tpovv TOS tyvxfo, cupatpovoct rb SyptSiSes
/cal &yvw[u>v. Theophrastus, in the additions to Stobseus, first published by Gaisford
(p. 419. of his edition of the Florilegium.)

2 " There is no new thing under the sun." — Eccles. i. 9.

It was of an engagement between Antipater and Agis that Alexander spoke as a
It took place just after the battle of Arbela. Plut. in Agesil. c. 15.

480 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

cum hominibus superstantibus, (si divinitatera animarum sepo-
nas) baud majus quidpiam videbitur quam colliculus formi-
carum ; quarum alias cum granis, aliae cum ovis suis, alias vacure,
omnes hinc inde circa exiguum pulvisculi acervum reptant et
cursitant.1 Porro eruditio aufert, aut saltern minuit, timorem
mortis atque adverse fortunae, quo nihil magis virtutibus mori-
busque officere solet. Si enim animus cujuspiam contemplatione
mortalitatis et rerum naturae corruptibilis imbutus fuerit et
intinctus, juxta cum Epicteto sentiet ; qui, cum pridie exiens
mulierculam ob fractam ollam plorantem cerneret, postridie
etiam exiens aliam mortuum filium deflentem conspiceret, dixit :
Heri vidi fragilem frangi, hodie vidi mortalem mori? Quare
optime et valde sapienter Virgilius cognitionem causarum cum
metus omnis profligatione copulavit, tan quam concomitantia ;

Foelix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas,
Quique metus omnes et inexorabile fatum
Subjecit pedibus, strepitumque Acherontis avari.3

Nimis longum esset singula percurrere remedia, qua? singulis
animi morbis doctrina suppeditat ; aliquando vitiosos humores
expurgans, nonnunquam obstructiones aperiens, alias concocti-
onem juvans, alias appetitum excitans, non raro vulnera ejus
et ulcera sanans, et similia. Quare concludam cum hoc, quod
videtur rationem habere totius ; ita nimirum animum doctrinam
disponere et flectere, ut nunquam protinus acquiescat et tan-
quam congeletur in defectibus suis, quin incitet se semper pro-
gressumque spiret. Nescit illiteratus quid sit in se descendere
aut secum inire rationes, aut quam suavis vita sit quae indies
sentit se fieri meliorem4; si qua forte virtute praeditus sit, earn

1 "Formicarum iste discursus est in angusto laborantium." — Seneca, Qutest. Nat.i.
in praef.

2 See Epictetus's Enchiridion, chapters 8. and 33. for the idea which is here pre-
sented, I know not on what authority, in a dramatic form. It was probably familiar
to the minds of the later Stoics. Compare Plutarch, Consol. ad Apoll.

s Georgics, ii. 490.

4 [In the Advancement of Learning this sentence is given in Latin, as if it were a
quotation: " Suavissima vita indies sentire se fieri meliorem." In the Promus it is
given in a form slightly different : " Suavissima vita Indies meliorem fieri."] Dante
alludes to this gnome, —

" E come, per sentir piu dilettanza,
Bene operando 1' uom, di giorno in giorno
S' accorge che la sua virtute avanza, &c. Farad, xviii. 58.

It comes originally from the Memorabilia : [though not in so sententious a shape.
KO! MV rovr6 76 olffQa en ol fj.lv ol6/j.fvoi /tfjSev (v Trpdrretv OVK ev<t>paii>ovrai, ol 5t
ifT/ovfjifvoi KoAws irpox^pfiv kavrols ^ yetapyiav ^ va.\)K\T\piav i) a\\' o, n &v Tvyx^vtairiv
fpya.£6/j.evot us fv irpdrrofrfs ttt<ppaivovrcu ; ole« oZv otirb irain<av TOVTGW .Toao.\ni\v
rjSov^v flvcu o<n)v airb rov tavT&v rt riysiaQai /SeXrt'w yevetrdat, Kal <pi\ovs afidvovs
KTturOat ; '£701 roiVw Siarf Aw ravra vopifav. — Xen. Mem. i. 6. ]

LIBER PRIMUS. 481

venditabit scilicet, et ubique spectandam exponet, eaque utetur
forsitan commode, quam tamen excolere et augere negligit.
Kursus, si quo vitio laborat, artem atque industriam illud ce->
landi atque occultandi, minime autem corrigendi, adhibebit;
tanquam malus messor, qui perpetuo demetit, falcem autem
nunquam exacuit. Literatus contra non tantum utitur ammo
virtutesque exercet, sed continuo emendat se et in virtutem
proficit. Imo, ut in summa dicam, pro certo est veritatem et
bonitatem distingui tantum sicut sigillum et impressionem ;
nam veritas bonitatem signat; et contra, vitiorum ac pertur-
bationum procellas ex erroris et falsitatis nubibus erumpunt.1

A virtute transeamus ad potentiam et imperium ; et dispicia-
mus, si uspiam inveniatur tanta potentia et regnum, quanto
eruditio hominis naturam investit et coronat. Videmus digni-
tatem imperandi sequi dignitatem ejus cui imperatur. Imperium
in belluas et pecora, quale bubulcorum aut opilionum, res vilis ;
imperium in pueros, quale ludimagistrorum, minus honorificum ;
imperium in mancipia potius dedecori est quam honori ; neque
multo praestantius est imperium tyrannorum in populum ser-
vilem atque animis et generosa indole exutum. Unde hoc
semper manavit judicium, honores in liberis monarchiis aut
rebuspublicis suaviores esse quam sub tyrannis, quia imperiuni
honorificum magis supra volentes est, quam supra invitos et
coactos. Ideoque Virgilius, cum ex intimo artificio inter hu-
manos honores longe vellet optimos expromere, quos Augusto
Caesari assignaret, in haec ipsa verba loquitur ;

Victor que volentes •:» j
Per populos dat jura, viamque aflfectat Olympo.2

Ast imperium scientiae longe Celsius est quam imperium in
voluntatem, licet liberam et non astrictam. Ilia enim rationi,
fidei, et intellectui ipsi dominatur, qui est altissima pars animi
et voluntatem ipsam regit. Etenim nulla proculdubio terrena
est potestas qua? in spiritibus hominum et animalibus, eorumque
cogitationibus et phantasiis, assensu quoque et fide, thronum
et quasi cathedram suam erigit et collocat, praeter doctrinam
et scientiam. Ac idcirco videmus detestabilem illam et im-
mensam delectation em, qua haeresiarchae, falsi prophetae, et
impostores magni perfunduntur et rapiuntur, postquam sense-

1 [The original edition has ertimperunt : a misprint which is corrected in Rawley's
edition, 1638.] See on the relation between veritas and bonitas, S. Thomas, Sum.
Theolog. i. q. 16.

2 Georg. iv. 561

VOL. I. II

482 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

rint in fide et conscientiis hominum coepisse se regnare ; tantam
eerte, ut qui earn semel degustaverit nullis fere persecutionibus
aut tormentis adigi possit ut hoc regno se abdicet. Sicut autem
hoc illud est, quod in. Apocalypsi dicitur dbyssus sive profunda
Sathance1 ; ita e contrario Justus et legitiimis in animos ho-
minum dominatus, veritatis ipsa evidentia ac commendatione
dulcissima stabilitus, sane quam proxime ad potestatis divinae
similitudinem accedit.

Quod ad fortunas et honores spectat, munificentia doctrinaB
non sic regna integra et respublicas locupletat et ditat, ut non
hominum etiani privatorum fortunas et opes amplificet et
evehat. Vetus enim observatio est, Homerum pluribus sup-
peditasse victum quam Syllam, Caesarem, aut Augustum ; licet
tot congiaria, tot donativa, tot agrorum assignationes largiti
sint. Certe difficile dictu est, anna an literae plurium fortunas
constituerint. Quin si de summa potestate loquamur, videmus,
si anna aut jus haereditatis Regnum contulerunt, at literarum
sorti saepius cessit Sacerdotium, quod regni semper fuit rivale.2

Rursus, si delectationem jucunditatemque scientiae intuea-
ris, multum sane ilia voluptates alias omnes exuperat. Quid
enim? Num forte affectuum voluptates tanto intervallo ob-
lectamenta sensuum excedent, quanto voti assecutio foelix can-
tiunculam aut coenam; et non pari gradatione intellectus
voluptates eas qua? sunt affectuum transcendent ? In caeteris
oblectationibus satietas est finitima, et postquam paulo in-
veteraverint, flos ipsarum et venustas marcescit ; quo docemur,
non illas liquidas revera voluptates ac sinceras fuisse, sed umbras
tantum et fallacias voluptatum, non tarn qualitate sua quam
novitate jucundas. Unde et voluptarii saepius fiunt monachi,
et ambitiosorum principum senectus tristior fere est et me-
lancholia obsessa. Scientiae autem non est satietas, verum et
fruendi et appetendi perpetua et subinde recurrens vicissitude ;
ut necesse sit hujus delectationis bonum simplex esse, non ex
accidente, aut cum fraude. Neque ilia voluptas, quam depingit
Lucretius, ultimum in animo locum sortitur,

Suave mari magno, turbantibus sequora ventis, &c.s

1 Rev. ii. 24.

2 Campanella says somewhere : "To Japhet belong law and empire ; Shem has the
priesthood ; Ham is the tyrant and the slave." I regret that I cannot give a precise
reference to this striking remark.

1 De Nat. Rer. ii. 1.

LIBER PRIMUS. 483

Suave est spectaculum (inquit) stantem aut ambulantem in
littore, navem intueri tempestate in mart jactatam : suave itidem
ex edita turri duas cernere acies concursantes in planitie ; at nil
dulcius est homini, quam mens per doctrinam in arce veritatis col-
locata, unde aliorum errores et labores dispicere possit.

Denique, ut mittamus vulgaria ilia argumenta, quod per
doctrinam scilicet homo homini in eo prcestet, in quo ipse brutis ;
quod ope doctrinse ascendat homo intellectu usque ad coelos.,
quo corpore non potest ; et alia similia ; cum eo concludamus
bono hanc dissertationem de literarum excellentia, ad quod
humana natura ante omnia aspirat, hoc est, immortalitate et
aeternitate. Hue enim spectant procreatio sobolis, nobilitatio
familize, aedificia, fundationes, monumenta, fama, ac denique
humanorum votorum summa. Atqui videmus monumenta in-
genii et eruditionis quanto diutius durent quam ea quae opere
et manu facta sunt. Annon Homeri carmina viginti quinque
annorum centurias, et supra, absque unius syllabae aut litera
jactura duraverunt? Quo spatio innumera palatia, templa,
castella, urbes, collapsa sunt aut diruta. Picturse ac statuae Cyri,
Alexandri, Cassaris, imo regum et principum multo recentiorum,
nullo jam sunt modo parabiles ; archetypa enim ipsa jamdudum
confecta vetustate perierunt, exempla autem indies primigenia
similitudine mulctantur. At ingeniorum imagines perpetuo in-
tegrae manent in libris, nullis temporum injuriis obnoxiaa, utpote
quae jugem renovationem recipere possunt; quanquam nee
imagines dici proprie possint, quia perpetuo generant quodam-
modo, seminaque sua in animos hominum spargunt, atque
aetatibus subsequentibus infinitas actiones opinionesque susci-
tant et progignunt. Quod si navis inventum res existimata
tarn nobilis et admirabilis fuerit, quas opes mercesque hinc
inde transportat, regiones locis disjunctissimas participatione
fructuum et commodorum consociat ; quanto rectius literag
celebrari debent, quse, tanquam naves sulcantes oceanum tem-
poris, remotissima saecula ingeniorum et inventorum commercio
et societate copulant ? Porro videmus nonnullos philosophorum
qui maxime immersi erant sensibus minimeque divini, atque
immortalitatem animae prasfracte negabant; hoc tamen vi veri-
tatis adactos concessisse, quoscunque motus et actus anima
humana absque corporis organo praestare possit, eos etiam post
mortem permanere probabile esse ; quales nimirum erant intel-
lectus, minime autem affectuum motus. Adeo scilicet scientia

n 2

484 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM LIB. PRIM.

immortalis visa est res illis, atque incorruptibilis.1 Nos autera
quibus divina revelatio illuxit, conculcantes hasc rudimenta
atque ofFucias sensuum, novimus non solum mentem, sed et
affectus perpurgatos, neque animam tantum, sed etiam corpus
ad immortalitatem assumptum iri suo tempore. Sedenim me-
minerint homines, et nunc et alias ubi opus fuit, me in proba-
tionibus de dignitate scientiae inde ab initio sejunxisse testimonia
divina ab humanis ; quam methodum constanter retinui, sepa-
ratim utrunque explicans.

Quamvis vero haec ita sint, nequaquam tamen hoc mihi su-
mo, neque me consequi posse confido, ut ulla causaa hujus pro
doctrina peroratione aut actione judicia rescindam, vel ^Esopici
gam, qui granum hordei gemmae praetulit ; vel Mida, qui cum
arbiter factus esset inter Apollinem Musarum, et Panem ovium
praesidem, opulentise palmam detulit; vel Paridis, qui spreta
sapientia ac potentia primas voluptati et amori dedit; vel
AgrippincB, eligentis, Occidat matrem modo imperet -, imperium
licet cum conditione detestanda praeoptantis ; vel Ulyssis, qui
vetulam pratulit immortalitati, typi certe eorum qui consueta
optimis prseponunt ; plurimaque ejusmodi judicia popularia.
Haec enim antiquum obtinebunt : verum et illud
etiam manebit, cui innixa est semper doctrina
tanquam firmissimo fundamento, quodque
nunquam labefactari poterit,
Justificata est Sapientia
a Jiliis suis.9

1 The doctrine of the soul's immortality here referred to is that which was attributed
to Aristotle and his followers, who are here contrasted with the Platonists, as being
more " immersed in the senses." What Aristotle's opinion as to the immortality of the
soul really was, is a question which when his philosophy began to be studied indepen-
dently of the scholastic theology attracted great attention. I may refer particularly
to the celebrated work of Pomponatius. In common with others who in his day pro-
fessed themselves followers of the genuine Aristotelian philosophy, he obtained, perhaps
not undeservedly, the reputation of holding irreligious opinions on this and on other
questions. It is well known that about the same time a school of Platonists was
ormed, whose opinions, so far at least as related to natural religion, were favourably
contrasted with those of the Aristotelians. Beside Pomponatius, the Qucest. Peripat.
of Caesalpinus, ii. c. 8., may be referred to.

* "Occidat dum imperet." — Tac. Ann. xiv. 9. * S. Matt xi. 10.

485

VICE-COMITIS SANCTI ALBANI,

DE DIGNITATE ET AUGMENTIS
SCIENTIARUM

LIBER SECUNDUS.

AD REGEM SUUM.1

CONSENTANEUM videri possit, tametsi non raro secus eveniat,
(Rex optime) ut qui sobole numerosa aucti sunt, quique im-
mortalitatem suam in posteris ipsorum quasi prospectant, pras
cjeterig mortalibus sint solliciti de statu futurorum temporum;
utpote quibus satis intelligunt charissima ilia sua tandem debere
pignora transmitti. Elizabetha regina, propter vitam coelibem,
hospes potius in mundo quam incola fuit ; sua quidem tempora
ornavit, et in multis beavit. Enimvero tuae Majestati (cui
Deus pro benignitate sua dedit tot suscipere liberos, dignoa
certe qui te perpetuent, cuj usque setas vigens et thorus foecundus
adhuc plures pollicetur) 2 usquequaque convenit non modo tuum
(quod facis) saeculum irradiare, verum etiam ad ilia curas tuas
extendere quae memoria omnis alat quaeque ipsa intueatur aeter-
nitas. Inter ea autem (nisi studium meum erga literas me fallit)
nil dignius est aut nobilius quam si dotetur orbis terrarum
Augmentis Scientiarum solidis et fructuosis. Quousque enim
tandem pauculos aliquos scriptores statuemus nobis tanquam
Columnas Herculis, ne plus ultra in doctrinis progrediamur ;
cum habeamus Majestatem tuam instar lucidi et benigni syderis,
quod nos inter navigandum conducat et fortunet?

Ut igitur ad rem redeamus: Recolamus jam et nobiscum
perpendamus quid principes viri aliique hue usque ad literarum
amplificationem attulerint, quid praetermiserint ? Hoc autem

1 Here the first part of the Instauratio Magna, the Partitiones Scientiarvm, properly
begins; the nine following pages being the preface. — J. S.

2 This passage, being translated from the Advancement of Learning, must be
considered of course as written in 1605. —/. S.

II 3

486 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

presse et distincte excutiamus sermone quodam active et mas-
culo, nusquam digrediendo, nil amplificando. Ponatur igitur
illud (quod quivis concedat) opera quaeque maxima et difficil-
lima vel prasmiorum amplitudine, vel consiliorum prudentia et
sanitate, vel laborum conjunctione superari ; quorum primum
conatum extimulat, secundum ambages et errores tollit, ter-
tium mortalium fragilitati succurrit. At inter haec tria merito
primas tenet consilii prudentia et sanitas ; hoc est, monstratio et
delineatio vice rectae et proclivis ad rem quae proponit peragen-
dam : Claudus enim (quod dici solet) in via antevertit cursorem
extra viam. Et Salomon, perapposite ad hanc rem ; Ferrum
si retusum fuerit, viribus utendum majoribus ; quod vero super
omnia prcevalet est sapiential Quibus verbis innuit, medii
prudentem electionem efficacius conducere ad rem, quam virium
aut intentionem aut accumulationem. Haec ut dicam illud im-
pellit, quod (salvo semper eorum honore qui de literis quomo-
docunque meraerunt) perspicio atque animadverto opera eorum
atque acta pleraque ad magnificentiam potius et nominis sui
memoriam quam ad scientiarum ipsarum profectum et augmenta
spectasse, et literatorum potius numerum auxisse quam artibus
ipsis multum incrementi attulisse.

Actiones autem et opera quae ad literas amplificandas per-
tinent circa tria versantur objecta : circa literarum Sedes ;
circa Libros ; et circa Personas eruditorum. Quemadmodum
enim aqua, sive ex coelesti rore descendens sive ex fontibus
scaturiens, facile dispergitur et disperditur, nisi colligatur in
aliqua receptacula, ubi per unionem et congregationem se sus-
tentare et fovere possit, (quern in finem excogitavit solertia
humana aquaeductus, cisternas, stagna ; eaque etiam variis orna-
mentis condecoravit, quae magnificentiae et dignitati uon minus
quam usui et necessitati deserviant,) similiter liquor iste scien-
tiae pretiosissimus, sive a divina inspiratione destillet sive e
sensibus exiliat, mox periret omnis atque evanesceret, nisi con-
servaretur in libris, traditionibus, colloquiis ; ac praacipue in
locis certis his rebus destinatis, quales sunt Academiae, Col-
legia, Scholae ; ubi et permanentes habeat sedes, et crescendi
insuper et se congregandi copiam et facultatem.

Ac primo, opera quae ad Musarum Sedes spectant quatuor
numerantur ; Edificiorum structura, Proventuum dotatio, Pri-

1 Eccles. x. 10.

LIBER SECUNDUS. 487

vilegiorutn concessio, Disciplines lex et institutio ; quae omnia
ad secessum et otium (ut plurimum) conferunt, et ad vaca-
tionem a curis et molestiis : qualia sunt quae ad alvearia consti-
tuenda in usum mellis requirit Virgilius ;

Principle sedes apibus statioque petenda,
Quo neque sit ventis aditus, &c.x

At opera circa libros duo sunt praecipua : primum bibliothecae,
in quibus, tanquam mausolaeis, priscorum sanctorum reliquiae,
virtutis plenae, conditse sunt ; secundo, novje editiones autho-
rum, emendatioribus impressionibus, fidelioribus versionibus,
utilioribus commentariis, annotationibus magis diligentibus, et
hujusmodi famulitio, instructae et ornatae.

Porro opera qua? literatorum hominum personas respiciunt
(praeterquam quod ipsi ornandi sint et promovendi) sunt etiam
duo : remuneratio et designatio Lectorum in artibus jamdudum
inventis et cognitis ; et remuneratio ac designatio Scriptorum
circa eas doctrinae partes quae non satis hactenus excultae aut
elaborates sunt.

Haec summatim opera sunt et acta, in quibus inclytorum
principum aliorumque illustrium virorum promerita erga rem
literariam claruerunt. De particular! alicujus commemoratione
qui de literis bene meruit cogitanti, occurrit illud Ciceronis,
quod eum post reditum suum ad gratias promiscue agendas
impulit ; Difficile non aliquem, ingratum quenquam pr&terire.z
Potius (ex Scripturarum consilio) spatium intueamur quod
adhuc restat in stadio decurrendum, quam oculos reflectamus ad
ea quae a tergo jampridem reliquimus.

Primum igitur, inter tot totius Europae collegia prseclarissime
fundata, omnia ilia certis professionibus destinata esse dermror3
nulla liberis atque universalibus artium et scientiarum studiis
dedicata. Nam si quis judicet doctrinam omnem referendam
esse ad usum et actionem, recte sapit ; veruntamen facile est
isto modo prolabi in errorem ilium quern fabula perantiqua
perstringit; in qua caetera corporis membra litem ventriculo
intenderunt, quod neque motum praeberet ut artus, neque
sensum ut caput; quamvis interea alimentum coctum atque
confectum ventriculus ille in reliquum corpus divideret. Plane
eodem modo, qui in philosophia ac contemplationibus univer-

1 Georg. iv. 8.

2 " Difficile est non aliquem, nefas quenquam prseterire." — Cicero, Post Red. c. 12.

I I 4

488 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

ealibus positum orane studium inane atque ignavum arbitratur,
non animadvertit singulis professionibus et artibus exinde
succum et robur suppeditari. Atque certe persuasum habeo,
hanc ipsam hand minimam causam fuisse cur foelicior doctrinae
progressus hue usque retardatus sit ; quod opera hisce fun-
damentalibus scientiis navata sit _tantum in transitu, neque
haustus pleniores inde epoti. Nam si arborem solito fructuo-
siorem fieri cupias, de ramis medicandis frustra cogitaveris;
terra ipsa circa radicem subigenda et gleba Icetior admovenda,
nut nihil egeris. Neque rursus silentio praetermittendum est,
hanc collegiorura et societatum in usura tantummodo doctrinae
professoriae dedicationem non solum scientiarum incrementis
inimicara fuisse, sed etiam in regnorum et rerumpublicarum
detrimentum cessisse. Hinc enim fieri solet ut principes,
delectum habituri ministrorum qui rebus civilibus tractandis
sint idonei, ejusmodi hominum miram solitudinem circa se
reperiant ; propterea quod non habeatur educatio aliqua col-
legiata in hos usus destinata, ubi scilicet homines a natura ad
hoc facti et comparati, (praeter artes alias) historias, linguis
modernis, libris et tractatibus politicis, praecipue incumbant ; ut
inde ad civilia munera magis habiles et instructi accedant.

Quoniam vero fundatores collegiorum plantant, praslectionum
vero rigant ; sequitur jam ordine, ut dicam quid in publicis
lectionibus desideretur. Nimirum improbo vel maxime tenui-
tatem stipend iorum, praslectoribus sive artium sive professionum
(praesertim apud nos) assignatam. Interest enim inprimis pro-
gressua in scientiis, ut lectores in unoquoque genere ex optimis
instructissimisque eligantur ; utpote quorum opera non in usum
transitorium, sed ad sufficiendam sobolem scientias in sascula
adhibeatur. Id fieri nequit, nisi praemia et conditiones tales
constituantur quibus eminentissimus quisque in ea arte plane
contentus esse possit ; ut illi demum grave non sit in eodem
munere iminori, neque practicam cogitet Quocirca scientia?
ut floreant, militaris lex servanda Davidis ; ut cegua esset pars
descendentis ad prcelium et manentis ad sarcinas ' ; sarcinis male
aliter prospectum erit. Sic lectores in scientiis sunt tanquam
conservatores et custodes totius literarii apparatus unde praxis
et militia deinceps scientiarum instruatur ; proinde aequum est

1 1 Sam. xxx. 24. Similarly it was provided by the laws of Alfonso the Wise, in
accordance with earlier usage, that' no divison of spoil should be made until those in
pursuit of the enemy had returned to the camp. See the Side Partidas, ii. 26. 1.

LIBER SECUNDUS. 489

ut nierces ipsorum lucra practicomm exjequare posslt. Aliter
si patribus scientiarura praemia non constituantur satis ampla et
luculenta, eveniet illud,

Et patrum invalid! referent jejunia nati.1

Defectum mine notabo alium, in quo alchymista quispiam in
auxilium advocandus foret ; cum id genus hominum studiosis
authores sint, ut libros vendant, fornaces exstruant, Minervam
ac Musas (tanquam virgines steriles) deserant, ac Vulcano se
applicent. Fatendum est enimvero tarn ad penetralia contem-
plationis quam ad operative fructum in nonnullis scientiis
(praesertim Natural! Philosophia et Medicina) baud unica sub-
sidia e libris petenda esse. Qua in re neutiquam omnino cessavit
munificentia hominum ; quippe videmus non libros magis quam
sphaeras, globos, astrolabia, mappas, et alia similia, ut admini-
cula quaedam astronomize et cosmographiae comparari et studio
praeberi. Videmus etiam loca nonnulla, Medicinae studio dicata,
hortos habere pro simplicium cujusque generis inspectione et
notitia; nee usu mortuorum corporum ad observationes ana-
tomicas destitui. Caeterum haec ad pauca spectant. In genere,
pro certo habeatur, magnos in rebus naturae abditis eruendis et
reserandis progressus vix fieri posse, nisi ad experimenta, sive
Vulcani sive Daedali (fornacis scilicet aut machinae) vel cujus-
cunque alterius generis, sumptus abunde suppeditentur. Ideo-
que sicut principum secretariis et emissariis conceditur exhibere
rationes expensarum pro diligentiis suis in explorando et eru-
endo res novas et arcana civilia ; similiter et exploratoribus ac
speculatoribus Naturae satisfaciendum de expensis suis ; alias
de quamplurimis scitu dignissimis nunquam fiemus certiores.
Si enim Alexander magnam vim pecuniae suppeditavit Ari-
stoteli, qua conduceret venatores, aucupes, piscatores, et alios,
quo instructior accederet ad conscribendam historiam Ani-
inalium ; certe majus quiddam debetur iis, qui non in saltibus
naturae pererrant, sed in labyrinthis artium viam sibi aperiunt.

Defectus etiamnum alius nobis observandus (magni certe
momenti), neglectus quidam est, in academiarum rectoribus,
consultationis ; in regibus sive superioribus, visitationis ; in
hunc finem, ut diligenter consideretur et perpendatur, utrum
praelectiones, disputationes, aliaque exercitia scnolastica anti-
quitus instituta et ad nostra usque tempora usitata, continuare

1 Gcorg. iii. 128.

490 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

fuerlt ex usu, vel potius antiquare, aliaque meliora substituere.
Etenim inter Majestatis tuse canones prudentissimos ilium re-
perio ; In omni vel consuetudine vel exemplo, tempora spectanda
sunt quando primum res coepta ; in quibus si vel confusio regna-
verit vel inscitia, derogat illud in primis authoritati rerum, atque
omnia reddit suspecta. Quamobrem, quandoquidem academia-
rum instituta plerunque originem traxerint a temporibus hisce
nostris baud paulo obscurioribus et indoctioribus, eo magis
convenit ut examini denuo subjiciantur. Exemplum in hoc
genere unum aut alterum proponam in rebus quae maxime
obviae videntur et familiares. Pro more receptum est (licet, uti
mihi videtur, perperam) ut literarum studiosi Logicam et Rhe-
toricam praepropere nimis addiscant, artes sane provectioribus
magis convenientes quam pueris et tyronibus. Etenim baa dua?,
si vere res perpendatur, sunt ex artibus gravissimis ; cum sint
Artes Artium, altera ad judicium, altera ad ornatum. Quine-
tiam regulam et normam continent, res et materiam subjectam
vel disponendi vel illustrandi. Ideoque id agere, ut mentes
rerum ignarae et rudes, (quaeque nondum id collegerunt quod a
Cicerone Sylvd1 vel Supellex*' appellatur, id est materiem et co-
piam rerum,) initium ab istis scientiis sumant, (ac si quis discere
vellet ponderare vel metiri vel ornare ventum,) baud aliud pro-
fecto parit, quam ut harum artium virtus et facultas (quae per-
magnae sunt et latissime diffusae) fere contemptae jaceant ; atque
vel in puerilia sopbismata affectationesque ridiculas degenerave-
rint, vel saltern existimatione sua baud parum mulctatae sint.
Quinetiam praematura et intempestiva ad has artes accessio
dilutam earum atque jejunam tradition em ac tractationem ne-
cessario secum traxit, qualis nimirum captui puerorum adaptetur.
Alterum exemplum (quod adducam) erroris, qui in academiis
jamdiu inveteravit, ejusmocli est ; quod scilicet inventionis atque
memoriae in exercitiis scholastic! s fieri solet nimio plus noxium
divortium. Illic siquidem orationes pleraeque aut omnino prae-
meditatae sunt, adeo ut conceptis verbis proferantur et inven-
tioni nihil relinquatur ; aut plane extemporaria?, ut perparuni
relinquatur memoriae ; (cum in vita communi et praxi rams sit
alterutrius istorum usus seorsim, sed potius mixtures ipsorum ;
id est notarum sive commentariorum, atque dictionis subitae;)
ita ut hoc pacto exercitia ad praxim haud sint accommodata, nee
imago respondeat vitae. Illud autem in exercitiis perpetuo

1 De Orator, iii. 26. 2 Orator, c. 24.

LIBER SECUNDUS. 491

tenendum est ; ut omnia (quam fieri potest) maxime reprasen-
tent ea, quse in vita agi solent; alioqui motus et facultates
mentis pervertent, non praeparabunt. Hujus autem rei veritas
non obscure cernitur, cum academici ad praxim suarum pro-
fessionum vel alia ciyilis vitae munia se accingant ; quod cum
faciunt, hunc de quo loquimur defectum ipsi in se cito depre-
hendunt; sed citius etiamnum alii. Caeterum hanc par tern,,
de institutorum academicorum emendatione, clausula ilia (ex
Cassaris quadam ad Oppium et Balbum epistola desumpta) con-
cludam : Hoc quemadmodum fieri possit^ nonnulla mild in mentem
veniunt, et multa reperiri possunt ; de us rebus rogo vos, ut cogi-
tationem suscipiatis.1

Alter defectus quern observo, altius paulo quam praecedens
ascendit. Quemadmodum enim doctrinarum progressio haud
parum in prudenti regimine et institutione academiarum sin-
gularum consistit ; ita magnus ad hoc cumulus accedere possit,
si academies universae per totam Europam sparsae arctiorem
conjunctionem et necessitudinem contraherent. Sunt enim, uti
videmus, multi ordines et sodalitia, quae licet regnis et spatiis
longinquis disjuncta smt, tamen societatem et tan quam frater-
nitatem inter se ineunt et colunt ; adeo ut habeant praefectos
(alios Provinciales, alios Generales) quibus omnes parent. Et
certe, quemadmodum natura creat fraternitatem in familiis;
artes mechanicae contrahunt fraternitatem in sodalitiis ; unctio
divina superinducit fraternitatem in regibus et episcopis ; vota
et regulas conciliant fraternitatem in ordinibus ; eodem modo
fieri non potest, quin intercedat fraternitas illustris et generosa
inter homines per doctrinas et illuminationes, quandoquidem
Deus ipse Pater Luminum2 nuncupetur.

Postremo illud queror (de quo superius nonnihil praamisi)
quod vel nunquam, vel raro admodum, publica aliqua extiterit
designatio virorum idoneorum, qui vel scriberent vel inqui-
sitionem instituerent de illis scientiarum partibus in quibus
satis adhuc non fuerit elaboratum. Cui rei illud inserviet
quam maxime, si tanquam lustrum condatur doctrinarum ; et
census excipiatur, quas ex illis locupletes sint et majorem in

1 Cic. Ep. ad Att. ix. 8. One of the earliest tracts on the subject of university
reform is doubtless that which Peter Ramus (see his Scholce. Basil. 1569, p. 1063.)
addressed to Charles the Ninth. It relates chiefly to the expenses arising from fees, &c.,
to the neglect of the civil law which had always been coldly regarded at Paris, and to
the trifling manner in which the scholastic disputations were conducted.

2 S. James, i. 17.

492 DE ADGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

modum auctse, quse autem inopes et destitute. Opinio enim
copia3 inter causas inopiae est; atque multitudo librorum luxu-
riae potius quam penuriae indicium quoddam prae se fert. Quas
tanien redundantia (si quis recte judicet) neutiquam delendis
antehac scriptis libris, sed no vis melioribus edendis, tolli debet ;
qui ejus generis sint ut, tanquam serpens Mosis, serpentes Mago-
rum devorent.1

Horum quos enumeravimus omnium defectuum remedia,
praeter illius postremi; quinetiam ejusdem postremi, quoad
partem ejus activam, quae spectat ad designationem scribentium ;
opera sunt vere basilica ; erga quse privati alicujus conatus et
industria fere sic se habeat ut Mercurius in bivio ; qui digitum
potest in viam intendere, pedem inferre non potest. At specu-
lativa ilia pars, quae ad examen doctrinarum (quid nimirum in
singulis desideretur) pertinet, etiam industriae hominis privati
patet. Mihi igitur in animo est perambulationem doctrinarum
et lustrationem generalem et fidelem aggredi, praecipue cum in-
quisitione sedula et accurata quasnam earum partes neglectae
incultasque jaceant, hominum industria nondum subactae et ad
usum conversae ; ut hujusmodi delineatio et registratio et publi-
cis designationibus et privatorum spontaneis laboribus facem
accendat. In quo nmilominus consilium est hoc tempore,
omissiones duntaxat et Desiderata notare ; non autem errores et
infbelicitates redarguere. Aliud enim est inculta loca indicare,
aliud culturae modum corrigere.

Quam quidem ad rem cum me comparo et accingor, non sum
nescius quantum opus moveam, quamque difficilem provinciam
sustineam ; etiam quam sint vires minime voluntati pares. At-
tamen magnam in spem venio, si ardentior meus erga literas
amor me longius provexerit, usurum me excusatione affectus ;
quia non simul cuiquam conceditur amare et sapere.* Nescius
equidem non sum eandem judicii libertatem aliis relinquendam,
quam ipse usurpaverim. Equidem libenter aeque acceperim
ab aliis ac impertiverim humanitatis illud officium, nam qui
erranti comiter monstrat viam*, &c. Prospicio etiam animo
complura ex illis qua? tanquam ornissa et desiderata in registrum
hoc nostrum referre visum fuerit, in diversas censuras incur-
sura; alia scilicet quod sint dudum peracta, et jam extent;

1 Not the serpent of Moses, but Aaron's. Ex. vii. 1 2.

2 " Amarc et sapere vix Deo conceditur." — Seneca; Proverlia.

3 Ennius ap. Aul. Cell. xii. 4.

LIBER SECUNDUS. 493

alia quod curiositatem sapiant, et fructum promittant perexilem ;
alia quod nimis ardua existant, et fere impossibilia quag ab ho-
minibus absolvantur. Ad priora duo quod attinet, res ipsae
pro se causam agent. Circa postremum de impossibilitate ita
statuo: ea omnia possibilia et praestabilia ceusenda, quae ab
aliquibus perfici possint, licet non a quibusvis ; et quae a multis
conjunctim, licet non ab uno ; et quae in successione saeculorum,
licet non eoclem aevo ; et denique quse publica cura et sumptu,
licet non opibus et industria singulorum. Si quis tamen sit,
qui malit Salomonis illud usurpare, Dicit piger, Leo est in via l ;
quam illud Virgilii, Possunt, quia posse videntur"* ; satis mihi erit
si labores mei inter vota tantum sive optata melioris notae ha-
beantur. Sicut enim haud omnino rei imperitum esse oportet,
qui quaestionem apposite instituat ; ita nee sensus inops videa-
tur, qui haudquaquam absurda optaverit.8

1 Prov. xxvi. 13. 2 Mn. v. 231.

* It may be convenient in this place to warn the reader that although in editing
this treatise I have followed the text of the original edition as exactly as I could, and
altered no word without notice except in case of errors obviously accidental, I have
nevertheless not attempted to preserve the original typographical arrangement ; which
is not to be regarded as Bacon's own. The task of carrying the book through the
press appears to have been left to Dr. Rawley, whose taste (or that of the printer
whom he employed) has betrayed him into so prodigal a use of the limited resources
at his disposal for marking emphasis and regulating punctuation, that the marks have
lost all their significance. Such is the profusion of commas, colons, and semicolons,
that the larger divisions are confounded with the smaller ; so many words are empha-
sized by italics that all distinctions of emphasis disappear. It is true, no doubt, that
the habit of writing with a view to circulation in manuscript (which admits of a much
greater variety of modifications and can be made much more expressive to the eye
than printing) encouraged in those days a style of composition which depended in
some degree for perspicuity on helps of this kind. And if, according to the practice
of the best modern writers, who generally contrive that the structure of each sentence
shall make the emphasis fall inevitably upon the emphatic word, I had dispensed with
italics altogether, the meaning would probably, in some places, have been rendered
obscure or even ambiguous. 1 have therefore endeavoured to make a compromise
between the former and the present practice, distinguishing many of the words which
are italicised in the original only by capital initials, removing the distinction altogether
from many others, and reserving the italics for those which seem meant to be con-
spicuous ; — and for quotations, which are so distinguished in all the writings of that
period, whether printed or manuscript. — J. S.

494 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

CAPUT I.

Partitio universalis Doctrines Humana in Historiam, Poesim,
Philosophiam ; secundum tres Intellectus fa.culta.tes, Memo-
riam, Phantasiam, Rationem: quodque eadem partitio com-
petat etiam Theologicis.

PAETITIO Doctrinae Humanae ea est verissima, quae sumitur ex
triplici facultate Animas Rationalis, qua3 doctrinas sedes est.
Historia ad Memoriam refertur ; Poesis ad Phantasiam ; Philo-
sophia ad Rationem. Per Poesim autem hoc loco intelligimus
non aliud quam historiam confictam, sive fabulas. Carmen
enim stili quidam character est, atque ad artificia orationis per-
tinet; de quo suo loco.

Historia proprie individuorum est, quae circumscribuntur
loco et tempore. Etsi enim Historia Naturalis circa species
versari videatur, tamen hoc fit ob promiscuam rerum natura-
lium (in plurimis) sub una specie similitudinem ; ut si unam
noris omnes noris. Sicubi autem individua reperiantur, quae
aut unica sunt in sua specie, veluti sol et luna ; aut a specie in-
signiter deflectunt, ut monstra; non minus recte constituitur
narratio de illis in Historia Naturali, quam de hominibus singu-
laribus in Historia Civili. Hasc autem omnia ad Memonam
spectant.

Poesis, eo sensu quo dictum est, etiam individuorum est, con-
fictorum ad similitudinem illorum quaa in historia vera memo-
rantur ; ita tamen ut modum ssepius excedat, et quas in rerum
natura nunquam conventura aut eventura fuissent ad libi-
tum componat et introducat ; quemadmodum facit et Pictoria.
Quod quidem Phantasies opus est.

Philosophia individua dimittit, neque impressiones primas iu-
dividuorum sed notiones ab illis abstractas complectitur ; atque
in iis componendis et dividendis ex lege naturae et rerum ipsa-
rum evidentia versatur. Atque hoc prorsus officium est atque
opificium Rationis.

Haec autem ita se habere, si quis intellectualium origines
petat, facile cernet. Individua sola sensum percellunt, qui in-
tellectus janua est. Individuorum eorum imagines, sive im-
pressiones a sensu exceptae, figuntur in memoria, atque abeunt

LIBER SECUNDUS. 495

in earn a principle tanquam integrae, eodem quo occurrunt modo.
Eas postea recolit et ruminat anima humana ; quas deinceps
aut simpliciter recenset ; aut lusu quodam imitatur ; aut com-
ponendo et dividendo digerit. Itaque liquido constat ex tribus
his fontibus, Memoriae, Phantasice, et Rationis, esse tres illas
emanationes Historic, Poeseos, et Philosophies ; nee alias aut
plures esse posse. Etenim historiam et experientiam pro eadem
re habemus, quemadmodum etiam philosophiam et scientias.

Neque alia censemus ad Theologica partitione opus esse.
Differunt certe informationes oraculi et sensus, et re et modo
insinuandi; sed spiritus humanus unus est, ejusque arculse et
cellae eaedem. Fit itaque ac si diversi liquores, atque per di-
versa infundibula, in unum atque idem vas recipiantur. Quare
et Theologia aut ex Historia Sacra constat; aut ex Parabolis,
qua? instar divinae Poeseos sunt ; aut ex Praeceptis et Dogma-
tibus, tanquam perenni quadam Philosophia. Quod enim ad
earn partem pertinet quae redundare videtur, Prophetiam vide-
licet ; ea Historic genus est : quandoquidem Historia Divina ea
polleat supra Humanam praerogativa, ut narratio factum prae-
cedere non minus quam sequi possit.

CAPUT II.

Partitio Historia in Naturalem et Civilem, Ecclesiastica et
Literaria sub Civili comprehensa. Partitio Historice Natura-
lis in Historiam Generationum, Praeter-Generationum, et
Artium.

HISTOBIA aut Naturalis est, aut Civilis.1 In Naturali, naturae
res gestae et facinora memorantur ; in Civili, hominum. Elu-
cent proculdubio Divina in utrisque, sed magis in Civilibus ; ut
etiam propriam historiae speciem constituant, quam Sacram aut
Ecclesiasticam appellare consuevimus. Nobis vero etiam ea
videtur Literarum et Artium dignitas, ut iis historia propria
seorsim attribui debeat; quam sub Historia Civili (quemad-
modum et Ecclesiasticam) comprehendi intelligimus.

1 In the Advancement of Learning, Bacon had given a quadripartite division of
history, — natural, civil, ecclesiastical, and literary. The third and fourth he now
includes in the second.

496 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

Partitionem Histories Naturalis moliemur ex statu et con-
ditione ipsius Naturae, quas in triplici statu posita invenitur, et
tanquam regimen trinum subit. Aut enim libera est natura et
cursu consueto se explicans, ut in coelis, animalibus, plantis, et
universe naturae apparatu ; aut a pravitatibus et insolentiis
materise contumacis et ab impedimentorum violentia de statu
suo detruditur, ut in monstris ; aut denique ab arte et opera hu-
mana constringitur et fingitur, et tanquam novatur, ut in artifi-
cialibus. Sit itaque partitio Historias Naturalis in Historiam
Generationum, Prater- Generationum, et Artium; quain postre-
mam etiam Mechanicam et Experimentalem appellare consu-
evimus. Harum prima Libertatem Natures tractat ; secunda
Errores ; tertia Vincula. Libenter autem Historiam Artium,
ut Historiae Naturalis speciem constituimus ; quia inveteravit
prorsus opinio, ac si aliud quippiam esset ars a natura, artifi-
cialia a naturalibus ; unde illud malum, quod plerique Historic
Naturalis scriptores perfunctos se puteut, si historian! anima-
lium aut plantarum aut mineralium confecerint, omissis artium
mechanicarum experimentis.1 Sed et illabitur etiam animis
hominum aliud subtilius malum; nempe, ut ars censeatur
Bolummodo tanquam additamentum quoddam natura?, cujus
scilicet ea sit vis ut naturam (sane) vel inchoatam perficere, vel
in deterius vergentem emendare, vel impeditam liberare;
minime vero penitus vertere, transmutare, aut in imis concu-
tere possit. Quod ipsum rebus humanis praeproperam despe-
rationem intulit. At contra, illud animis hominum penitus
insidere debuerat; artificialia a naturalibus non Forma aut
Essentia, sed Efficiente solummodo, differre : homini quippe in
naturam nullius rei potestatem esse praeterquam motus, ut
scilicet corpora naturalia aut admoveat aut amoveat ; ubi igitur
datur admotio corporum naturalium aut remotio, conjungendo
(ut vocant) activa passivis, omnia potest homo ; ubi non datur,
nihil. Neque interest, si res poriantur in ordine ad aliquem
effectum, utrum hoc fiat per hominem vel absque homine.
Aurum aliquando excoquitur igne, aliquando in arenulis purum

1 The antithesis of nature and art is a celebrated doctrine in the peripatetic philo-
sophy. Natural things are distinguished from artificial, inasmuch as they have, what
the latter are without, an intrinsic principle of formation. Thus Aristotle says : rj yap
'"X"1? fyxb /ca' T^> f?8os TOV ytv6fj.fvov, a\\' eV erf pea, rj Se T^S tyvfftias Kivricris tv uint?,
o<f>' tre'poj ova a. <f>vfff<as T^S fx<>v<rris rb flSos tvepyeia. — De Gen. Anim. ii. c. 1.

The views which Bacon here expresses as to nature and art recur repeatedly in his
writings.

LIBER SECUNDUS. 497

invenitur, ministrante sibi ipsi Natura. Iris similiter fit ex
nube roscida in sublimi ; fit etiam per aspersionem aquae, hie
apud nos. Itaque Natura omnia regit ; subordinantur autem
ilia tria, cursus Natures; exspatiatio Natures; et ars, sive additus
rebus homo ; ideoque in Historia Natural! tria ilia compre-
hend! par est, quod etiam C. Plinius magna ex parte fecit;
qui Historiam Naturalem solus pro dignitate complexus est l,
sed complexam minime ut decuit, imo potius indignis modis,
tractavit.

Harum prima habetur mediocriter exculta ; sequentes duae
ita tenuiter et inutiliter tractantur, ut in Desideratorum classe
reponendae sint. Neque enim reperias satis instructam et
locupletem collectionem operum naturae eorum, quae a cursu
ordinario generationum, productionum, et motuum aberrarunt
et deflexerunt ; sive sint ilia foetus certarum regionum aut loco-
rum singulares ; sive temporum eventus insoliti ; sive casuum
(ut ait ille) ingenia ; sive proprietatum abditarum effectus ;
sive monodica 2 naturae in sua specie. Non negaverim inveniri
libros nimio plures, fabulosis experimentis, commentitiis secre-
tis, et frivolis imposturis, ad voluptatem et novitatem refertos ;
caiterum narrationem gravem et severam de heteroclitis et mira -
bilibus naturae, diligenter examinatam ac fideliter descriptam,
non, inquam, invenio; praesertim cum debita rejectione et
publica tanquam proscriptione mendaciorum et fabularum quae
invaluerunt. Nam ut res se nunc habet, si forte mendacia
aliqua circa res naturales obtinuerint et celebrata sint (sive
quod tantum possit reverentia antiquitatis, sive quod ilia denuo
examini subjicere sit molestum, sive quod mirifica scilicet orna-'
menta putantur orationis, propter similitudines et comparatio-
nes3) nunquam postea exterminantur aut retractantur.

1 Of Pliny's Natural History Humboldt has remarked that it is a book " dem an
Reichthum des Inhalts kein anderes Werk des Alterth urn's gleich kommt." — Kosmos,
ii. 23. Sir T. Brown observes that there is scarcely any vulgar error which is not
to be found in it.

2 Monadica. See Nov. Org. i. 45.

3 In Gilbert's work De Magnete we find an amusing complaint of the same kind.
" Celebris semper fama magnetis et succini, doctorum commemorationibus ; Magne-
tem atque etiam succinum invocant philosophi nonnulli, cum in arcanis plurimis il-
lustrandis caligant sensus nee progredi ratio potest. Theologi etiam curiosi mysteria
divina ultra humanum sensum posita per magnetem et succinum illustrant, at vani
metaphysici cum inutilia phantasmata fundunt, docentque, magnetem habent tanquam
Delphicum gladium, exernplum semper ad omnia accommodandum." — De Magnete,
ii. 2.

It is worthy of remark that in the account Gilbert has given of the magnetical

VOL. I. K K

498 DE AUGMENT1S SCIENTIARUM

Finis hujusmodi operis, quod exemplo suo decoravit Aristo-
teles1, nil minus est quam ut curiosis et inanibus ingeniis gra-
tificetur, sicut faciunt mirabilarii et prodigiastri ; verum duas
ob causas, utramque seriam et gravem : unam, ut axiomatum
corrigatur iniquitas, qu« plerumque in exemplis tritis et vul-
gatis fundamentum habent ; alteram, quod a miraculis naturae
ad miracula artis expeditus sit transitus et pervius. Neque
enim huic rei plus inest negotii, praeterquam ut naturae vestigia
persequaris sagaciter, cum ipsa sponte aberret; ut hoc pacto
postea, cum tibi libuerit, earn eodem loci deducere et compellere
possis. Neque vero praeceperim ut ex historia ista mirabilium
superstitiosae narrationes de maleficiis, fascinationibus, incan-
tationibus, somniis, divinationibus, et similibus, prorsus exclu-
dantur, ubi de facto et re gesta liquido constet. Nondum enim
innotuit quibus in rebus, et quousque, effectus superstitioni attri-
buti ex causis naturalibus participent. Ideoque licet hujus-
modi artium usum et praxim merito damnandum 2 censeamus,
tamen a speculatione et consideratione ipsarum (si strenue ex-
cutiantur) notitiam haud inutilem consequemur, non solum ad
delicta in hoc genere reorum rite dijudicanda, sed etiam ad
naturae secreta ulterius rimanda. Neque certe haesitandum de
ingressu et penetratione intra hujusmodi antra et recessus, si
quis sibi unicam veritatis inquisitionem proponat ; quod et
Majestas tua exemplo proprio confirmavit. Tu enim duobus
illis clarissimis et acutissimis religionis ac natiiralis philoso-
phic oculis, tales umbras prudenter ac perspicaciter perlustrasti ;
ut te Soli simillimum probaveris, qui polluta loca ingreditur,
nee tamen inquinatur.3 Caeterum illud monuerim, narrationes
istas cum rebus superstitiosis conjunctas seorsum componi,
neque cum puris et sinceris naturalibus commisceri oportere.
Quod vero ad narrationes attinet circa prodigia et miracula
religionum, ilia certe aut non utique vera sunt, aut nulla ex
parte naturalia ; ideoque ad Historian! Naturalem non per-
tinent.

Quantum ad Naturae Historiam Subactae et Factitiae, quam
Mechanicam appellare solemus ; invenio sane collectiones quas-

speculations of earlier writers, almost the only person of whose opinion he speaks with
respect is S. Thomas Aquinas, among whose opuscula will be found one on the magnet

1 It is generally admitted that the De Miris Auscultationibus is not Aristotle's.

- So in the original. — J. S.

3 The allusion is to King James's Dcenionologie, a work in three books, consisting
of dialogues between Philomathes and Epistemon ;— the latter of whom represents the
king's opinions on witchcraft.

LIBEft SECUNDUS. 499

dam de agricultura, etiam de artibus compluribus mechanicis ;
sed quod pessimum est in hoc genere, semper negliguntur et
rejiciuntur experimenta in artibus singulis familiaria et vulgata ;
quas tamen ad interpretationem naturae aeque aut plus faciunt
quam minus trita. Nam labes quaedam literis aspergi videatur,
si forte viri docti se submit tant inquisitioni aut observation!
rerum mechanicarum ; nisi fuerit earum, quae pro arcanis artis
aut pro rebus admodum raris aut subtilibus reputentur. Quod
tarn inanis ac superciliosae arrogantise vitium merito irrisit Plato,
quando Hippiam sophistam jactabundum inducit cum Socrate
disputantem, sincere et solido veritatis investigatore ; qui, cum
de pulchritudine sermo institutus esset, pro vago suo et soluto
disputandi more, primum intulit exemplum virginis pulchrae,
dein equae pulchra3, postremo ollae fictilis pulchrae et affabre
factae. Hoc ultimo exemplo Hippias commotus dixit, Stoma-
charer certe (nisi humanitatis ratio me eo adigeref) cum quoquam
disputare, qui exempla tarn vilia et sordida allegaret. Cui So-
crates, Te quidem ita decet, cum tarn nitidis sis amictus vestibus
et pulchris calceis ; et alia, per ironiam.1 Enimvero illud pro
certo asseri possit, grandia exempla haud optimam aut tutissi-
mam afferre informationem. Id quod exprimitur non insulse in
pervulgata ilia fabula de philosopho2, qui cum Stellas sublatis
oculis intueretur, incidit in aquam ; nam si oculos demisisset,
stellas illico in aqua videre potuisset; verum suspiciens in
crelum, aquam in stellis videre non potuit. Eodem modo saepe
accidit ut res minutae et humiles plus couferant ad notitiam
grandium, quam grandes ad notitiam minutarum. Bene si-
quidem notavit Aristoteles, Cujusque rei naturam in portioni-
bus ejus minimis optime cerni. Quam ob causam reipublicae
naturam perscrutatur primo in familia, et in simplicissimis
combinationibus sosietatis, (mariti scilicet et uxoris, parentum
et liberorum, domini et servi,) quae in quolibet tuguriolio oc-
currunt.3 Simili plane ratione natura hujusce magnae civitatis
(universitatis nimirum rerum) ejusque dispensatio, in prima
quaque symbolizatione et minimis rerum portionibus investi-
ganda est ; uti fieri videmus, quod secretum illud naturae (ha-
bitum pro maximo) de verticitate ferri, tactu magnetis exciti,

1 See the Hippias major. The remark however which Hippias makes does not refer
to what Socrates has said in his own character, but to what he supposes an imaginary
interlocutor to say.

2 Thales. s Politica. I. 1. sub finem.

K K 2

500 DE AUGMENTIS SC1ENTIARUM

ad polos, se conspiciendum praebuit non in vectibus ferreis,
sed in acubus.

Ego vero, si quod sit mei pondus judicii, sic plane statuo ;
Historiae Mechanicae usum erga philosophiam naturalem esse
maxime radicalem et fundamentalem.1 Talem intelligo philo-
sophiam naturalera, qua? non abeat in fumos speculationum
subtilium aut sublimium, sed qua; efficaciter operetur ad suble-
vanda vitas humanse incommoda. Neque enim ad praesens tan-
turn juvabit, nectendo et transferendo observationes unius artis
in usum aliarum, et inde novas commoditates eliciendo, quod
necesse est fieri cum experimenta diversarum artium in unius
hominis observationem et considerationem venient ; sed porro
ad causas rerum indagandas et artium axiomata deducenda
lucidiorem facem accendet, quam hactenus unquam afFulsit.
Quemadmodum enim ingenium alicujus haud bene noris aut
probaris, nisi eum irritaveris ; neque Proteus se in varias rerum
facies vertere solitus est, nisi manicis arete comprehensus ;
similiter etiam natura arte irritata et vexata se clarius prodit,
quam cum sibi libera permittitur.

Antequam vero hoc membrum Historiae Naturalis (quod
Mechanicum atque Experimentale. vocamus) dimittamus, illud
adjiciendum ; corpus talis historise non solum ex artibus ipsis
mechanicis, verum et ex operativa parte scientiarum liberalium,
ac simul ex practicis compluribus (quae in artem non coalu-
erunt), confici debere ; ut nihil utile praetermittatur quod ad
informandum intellectum juvat. Atque hsec est Historiae Na-
turalis partitio prima.

CAPUT III.

Partitio Histories Naturalis secunda, ex Usu et Fine suo, in Nar-
rativam et Inductivam ; quodque Finis nobilissimus Histories
Naturalis sit, ut ministret et in or dine sit ad condendam philo-
sophiam; quern Finem intuetur Inductiva. Partitio Histories

1 Accordingly this was one of the first things which the Philosophical College which
afterwards became the Royal Society attempted to accomplish. Oldenburg writes to
Spinoza in September 1661 :'" In collegio nostro philosophico experimentis et observa-
tionibus faciendis gnaviter, quantum per facultates licet, moramur, ratum habentes ex
principiis mechanicis formas et qualitates rerum optime posse explicari, et per motum,
figuram, atque texturam et varias eorum complicationes omnia naturae effecta produci,
nee opus esse ut ad formas inexplicabiles et qualitates occultas, ceu ignorantiae asylum,
recurramus."

LIBER SECUNDUS. 501

Generationum in Historiam Coelestium; Historiam Meteo-
rorum; Historiam Globi Terrae et Maris; Historiam Mas-
sarum sive Collegiorum Majorum; et Historiam Specierum
sive Collegiorum Minor um.1

HISTORIA Naturalis, ut subjecto triplex (quemadmodum dixi-
mus) ita usu duplex est. Adhibetur enim aut propter Cogni-
tionem Rerum ipsarum quae historiae mandantur ; aut tanquam
Materia Prima philosophise. Atque prior ilia, quae aut Narra-
tionum jucunditate delectat, aut Experimentorum usu juvat,
atque hujusmodi voluptatis aut fructus gratia quaesita est,
longe inferioris nota3 censenda, prae ea quae Inductionis verae et
legitimae silva sit atque supellex, et primam philosophiae mam-
mam praebeat. Rursus itaque partiemur Historiam Naturalem
in Narrativam et Inductivam. Hanc autem posteriorem inter
Desiderata ponimus. Neque vero aciem mentis alicujus per-
stringant aut magna antiquorum nomina, aut magna recentium
volumina. Satis enim seimus haberi Historiam Naturalem
mole amplam, varietate gratam, diligentia saapius curiosam.
Attamen si quis ex ea fabulas et antiquitatem et authorum
citationes et inanes controversias, philologiam denique et or-
namenta, eximat (quae ad convivales sermones, hominumque
doctorum Noctes, potius quam ad instituendam philosophiam
sint accommodata), ad nil magni res recidet. Longe autem pro-
fecto abest ab ea historia quam animo metimur. Primo enim
desiderantur duae illae Historian Naturalis partes (de quibus
modo diximus), Praeter-Generationum et Artium, in quibus
nos plurimum ponimus ; deinde, in tertia ilia (quae reliqua est)
parte general!, nimirum de Generationibus, uni tantum ex
quinque partibus ejus satisfacit. Siquidem historian Genera-
tionum constituuntur partes subordinatae quinque. Prima Cce-
lestium, quae phaenomena ipsa sincera complectitur, atque sepa-
rata a dogmatibus. Secunda, Meteororum (annumerando etiam
cometas) et Regionum, quas vocant, Aeris ; neque enim de
cometis, meteoris ignitis, ventis, pluviis, tempestatibus, et reli-
quis invenitur aliqua historia, quae ullius sit pretii. Tertia,
Terra et Maris (quatenus sunt Universi partes integrales),
montium, fluminum, aestuum, arenarum, silvarum, insularum,
denique figuraa ipsius continentium prout exporriguntur ; in
his omnibus potius naturalia inquirendo et observando, quam

1 This chapter is an addition to the Advancement of Learning.

KK 3

.502 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

quam cosmographica. Quarta, de Massis Material communibus,
quas Collegia Major a vocamus (vulgo Elementa dicuntur);
neque enim de igne, aere, aqua, terra, eorumque naturis, mo-
tibus, operibus, impressionibus, narrationes reperiuntur quas
corpus aliquod historic justum constituant. Quinta et ultima,
de Cottectionibus Materia exquisitis, quae a nobis Collegia Minora,
vulgo Species, appellantur.1 In hac autem postrema sola in-
dustria scriptorum enituit; ita tamen, ut potius luxuriata sit
in superfluis (iconibus animalium aut plantarum, et similibus
intumescens), quam solidis et diligentibus observationibus di-
tata, qu33 ubique in Historia Naturali subnecti debeant. At-
que, ut verbo dicam, omnis quam habemus Naturalis Historia,
tarn inquisitione sua quam congerie, nullo modo in ordine ad
eum quern diximus finem (condendae scilicet Philosophiae)
aptata est. Quare Historiam Inductivam desiderari pronunci-
amus. Atque de Naturali Historia hactenus.

CAPUT IV.

Partitio Histories Civilis in Ecclesiasticam, Literariam, et (qua
generis nomen retinet) Civilem: quodque Historia Literaria
desideretur. Ejus conficiendcB pr&cepta.

HISTORIAM Civilem in tres species recte dividi putamus :
primo, Sacram, sive Ecclesiasticam ; deinde earn quae generis
nomen retinet, Civilem ; postremo, Literarum et Artium. Or-
diemur autem ab ea specie, quam postremo posuimus ; quia
reliquae duae habentur, illam autem inter Desiderata referre
visum est. Ea est Historia Literarum. Atque certe historia
mundi, si hac parte fuerit destituta, non absimilis censeri possit

1 It is to be observed that the " collegia majora," e. g. earth, are distinguished
from " species," such as a rose or a horse, although logically speaking each element
may be defined by genus and differentia, as really as any " species inflma." In the
present day we speak habitually of " different species of earth," of " different kinds
of air," and so on, and it is therefore not easy for us to apprehend the notions implied
in the text, and in other passages of Bacon's writings, namely that the great elemen-
tary masses, air, water, &c., have no true specific character, and that they may in con-
sequence be placed in antithesis to the smaller and more subtly arranged portions of
matter, crystals, flowers, animals, &c., which possess a specific form and character. In
the first chapter of the third book we find the question suggested, why in rerum natura
there is not " tanta copia specificati quanta non specificati," that is, why bodies pos-
sessing a specific form are not found in so great abundance as those which have merely
a general elementary form. To the specific form were ascribed those properties of any
body which did not result, or could not be supposed to result, from the combination of
the primary qualities of the elements of which that body was composed ; and these
were commonly termed occult qualities. In these notions we see the origin of such
phrases as " specific virtues," " specific action," and so on.

LIBER SECUNDUS. 503

statuae Polyphemi, eruto oculo; cum ea pars imaginis desit,
quae ingenium et indolem personae maxime referat. Hanc
licet desiderari statuamus, nos nihilominus minime fugit in
scientiis particularibus jureconsultorum, mathematicorum, rhe-
torum, philosophorum, haberi levem aliquam mentionem aut
narrationes quasdam jejunas de sectis, scholis, libris, authori-
bus l, et successionibus hujusmodi scientiarum ; inveniri etiam
de rerum et artium inventoribus tractatus aliquos exiles et
infructuosos : attamen justam atque universalem Literaruin
Historiam nullam adhuc editam asserimus. Ejus itaque et
argumentum, et conficiendi modum, et usum proponemus.

Argumentum non aliud est, quam ut ex omni memoria re-
petatur, quae doctrinae et artes quibus mundi aetatibus et
regionibus floruerint. Earum antiquitates, progressus, etiam
peragrationes per diversas orbis partes (migrant enim scientiae,
non secus ac populi), rursus declinationes, obliviones, instaura-
tiones commemorentur. Observetur simul per singulas artes
inventionis occasio et origo ; tradendi mos et disciplina ; colendi
et exercendi ratio et instituta. Adjiciantur etiam sectae, et con-
troversiae maxime celebres quae homines doctos tenuerunt ; ca-
lumnize quibus patuerunt; laudes et honores quibus decoratae
sunt. Notentur authores praecipui, libri praestantiores, scholae,
successiones, academiae, societates, collegia, ordines, denique
omnia quae ad statum literarum spectant. Ante omnia etiam id
agi volumus (quod Civilis Historiae decus est, et quasi anima),
ut cum eventis causae copulentur ; videlicet ut memorentur na-
turae regionum ac populorum ; indolesque apta et habilis, aut
inepta et inhabilis ad disciplinas diversas ; accidentia temporum,
quae scientiis adversa fuerint aut propitia ; zeli et mixturae re-
ligionum ; malitiae et favores legum ; virtutes denique insignes,
et efficacia quorundam virorum erga literas promovendas, et
similia. At haec omnia ita tractari praecipimus, ut non criti-
corum more in laude et censura tempus teratur; sed plane
historice res ipsae narrentur, judicium parcius interponatur.

De modo autem hujusmodi historiae conficiendas, illud in-
primis monemus ; ut materia et copia ejus non tantum ab
historiis et criticis petatur, verum etiam ut per singulas anno-
rum centurias, aut etiam minora intervalla, seriatim (ab ultima
antiquitate facto principio) libri praecipui qui per ea temporis

1 Auctoribus in the original ; and frequently where the word occurs afterwards. But
I have adhered to the form used in the Novum Organum. — /. S.

K K 4

504 DE AUGMENTIS SCIE^7TIARUM

spatia conscript! sunt in consilium adhibeantur ; ut ex eorum
non perlectione (id enim infinitum quiddam esset) sed degusta-
tione, et observatione argumenti, stili, methodi, Genius illius
temporis Literarius veluti incantatione quadam a mortuis evo-
cetur.

Quod ad usum attinet, haec eo spectant ; non ut honor lite-
rarum et pompa per tot circumfusas imagines celebretur ; nee
quia, pro flagrantissimo quo literas prosequimur amore, omnia
quae ad earum statum quoquo modo pertinent usque ad curio-
sitatem inquirere et scire et conservare avemus ; sed praecipue
ob causam magis seriam et gravem. Ea est (ut verbo dicamus)
quoniam per talem qualem descripsimus narrationem, ad viro-
rum doctorum in doctrinae usu et administratione prudentiam
et solertiam maximam accessionem fieri posse existimamus ; et
rerum intellectualium non minus quam civilium motus et per-
turbationes, vitiaque et virtutes, notari posse ; et regimen inde
optimum educi et institui. Neque enim B. Augustini, aut B.
Ambrosii opera ad prudentiam episcopi aut theologi tantum
facere posse putamus, quantum si Ecclesiastica Historia dili-
genter inspiciatur et revolvatur. Quod et viris doctis ex
Historia Literarum obventurum non dubitamus. Casum enim
omnino recipit, et temeritati exponitur, quod exemplis et me-
moria rerum non fulcitur. Atque de Historia Literaria haec
dicta sint.

CAPUT V.

De Dignitate et Difficultate Historiae Civilis. l

SEQUITUR Historia Civilis specialis, cujus dignitas atque au-
thoritas inter scripta humana eminet. Hujus enim fidei, exempla
majorum, vicissitudines rerum, fundamenta prudentias civilis,
hominum denique nomen et fama commissa sunt. Ad digni-
tatem rei accedit difficultas non minor. Etenim animum in
scribendo ad prseterita retrahere et veluti antiquum facere,
temporum motus, personarum characteres, consiliorum trepi-
dationes, actionum (tanquam aquarum) ductus, prsetextuum
interiora, imperil arcana, cum diligentia scrutari, cum fide et

1 There is nothing corresponding to this chapter in the Advancement of Learning.
*—J. S.

LIBER SECUNDUS. 505

libertate referre, denique verborum lumine sub oculos ponere,
magni utique laboris est et judicii; praesertim cum antiqui-
ora quasque incerta, recentiora periculo obnoxia reperiantur.
Quamobrem et plurima Historiam istam Civilem circumstant
vitia ; dum plerique narrationes quasdam inopes et plebeias, et
plane dedecora historiarum, conscribant ; alii particulares rela-
tiones et commentariolos opera festinata et textu insequali con-
sarciant; alii capita tantum rerum gestarum percurrant; alii
contra, minima quaeque et ad summas actionum nihil facientia
persequantur ; nonnulli, nimia erga ingenia propria indulgen-
tia, plurima audacter confingant ; ast alii non tarn ingeniorum
suorum quam affectuum imaginem rebus imprimant et addant,
partium suarum memores, rerum parum fideles testes ; quidam
politica, in quibus sibi complacent, ubique inculcent, et diver-
ticula ad ostentationem quasrendo narrationem rerum nimis
leviter interrumpant ; alii in orationum et concionum, aut etiam
actorum ipsorum, prolixitate parum cum judicio nimii sint;
adeo ut satis constet, non inveniri inter scripta hominum rarius
quicquam, quam historian! legitimam et omnibus numeris suis
absolutam. Verum nos in prassenti partitionem doctrinarum
instituimus, ut omissa; non censuram, ut vitiosa, notentur.
Nunc partitiones Historiae Civilis persequemur, casque diver-
sorum generum. Minus enim implicabuntur species si par-
titiones diversaa proponantur, quam si una partitio curiose per
membra deducatur.

CAPUT VI.

Partitio prima Histories Civilis in Memorias, Antiquitates, et
Historiam Justam.

HISTORIA Civilis tripartita est, tribus picturarum aut ima-
ginum generibus non absimilis. Videmus enim ex picturis
et imaginibus alias imperfectas, ut quibus ultima manus non
accesserit; alias perfectas; alias vero vetustate mutilatas et
deformatas. Historiam similiter Civilem (quas imago rerum et
temporum quaedam est) in tres species, illis picturarum con-
gruas, partiemur ; Memorias scilicet ; Historiam Justam ; et
Antiquitates. Memorias sunt Historia inchoata, aut prima 'et
rudia historias lineamenta ; Antiquitates vero Historia deformata

506 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

sunt, sive reliquiae historian, qua* casu e naufragio temporum
ereptae sunt.

Memoriae, sive preparation es ad historiam, duplicis generis
sunt ; quorum alterum Commentarios, alterum Registra vocare
placet. Commentarii nudam actionum et eventuum seriem ac
connexionem propommt, praetermissis causis rerum et praetex-
tibus, initiis quoque earundem et occasionibus, consiliis itidem
et orationibus, et reliquo actionum apparatu. Talis enim est
propria Commentariorum natura, licet Caesari, per modestiam
quandam cum magnanimitate conjunctam, praestantissimae inter
eas quae exstant historiae Commentariorura nomen indere pla-
cuerit. At Registra duplicis naturae sunt. Complectuntur
enim aut titulos rerum et personarum in serie temporum, quales
dicuntur Fasti et Chronologies ; aut actorum solennitates, cujus
generis sunt principum edicta, senatuum decreta, judiciorum
processus, orationes publice habita?, epistolae publice missae, et
similia, absque narrationis contextu sive filo continuo.

Antiquitates, seu historiarum reliquiae, sunt (uti jam diximus)
tanquam tabulae naufragii ; cum deficiente et fere submersa
rerum memoria, nihilominus homines industrii et sagaces, per-
tinaci quadam et scrupulosa diligentia, ex genealogiis, fastis,
titulis, inonumentis, numismatibus, nominibus propriis et stilis,
verborum etymologiis, proverbiis, traditionibus, archivis et in-
strumentis tarn publicis quam privatis, historiarum fragmentis
librorum neutiquam historicorum locis dispersis ; ex his inquam
omnibus, vel aliquibus, nonnulla a temporis diluvio eripiunt et
conservant. Res sane operosa, sed mortalibus grata, et cum
reverentia quadam conjuncta ; ac digna certe qua?, deletis
fabulosis nationum originibus, in locum hujusmodi commen-
titiorum substituatur : sed tamen eo minus habens authoritatis,
quia paucorum licentiae subjicitur quod paucis curae est.

In his Imperfectae Historiae generibus defectum aliquem non
puto designandum, cum sint tanquam imperfecte mista ; ut de-
fectus hujusmodi sit ex ipsa earum natura. Ad Epitomas quod
attinet (historiarum certe teredines et tineas), eas exulare vo-
lumus ; quod etiam cum plurimis qui maxime sani fuerunt
judicii facimus ; utpote quae complura nobilissimarum histo-
riarum corpora exederint et corroderint, atque in faeces inutiles
demum redegerint.1

1 Bacon often condemns, and not altogether unjustly, the use of epitomes. The
development of a liking for abridgments is certainly a remarkable feature in the de-
•line of Roman literature.

LIBER SECUNDUS. 507

CAPUT VII.

Partitio Histories Justce in Chronica, Vitas, et Relationes ;
eammque partium explicatio.

AT Historia Justa trium est generum, pro ratione object! quod
sibi proponit repraesentandum. Aut enim portionem aliquam
temporis repraesentat ; aut personam singularem memoria di-
gnam ; aut actionem aliquam sive rem gestam ex illustrioribus.
Primum Chronica, sive Annales, appellamus; secundum Vitas;
tertium Relationes. Inter quae, Chronica celebritate et nomine
excellere videntur ; Vitae autem fructu et exemplis ; Relationes
rursus sinceritate et veritate. Chronica namque amplitudinem
actionum publicarum, et personarum facies externas et in publi-
cum versas, proponunt ; minora autem quae turn ad res turn ad
personas pertinent, omittunt et silentio involvunt. Cum vero
id artificii divini sit proprium ut maxima e minimis suspendat,
fit saepenumero ut hujusmodi historia, majora tantum persecuta,
negotiorum pompam potius et solennia quam eorum veros
fomites et texturas subtiliores ostendat ; quinetiam, etsi consilia
ipsa addat atque immisceat, tamen granditate gaudens, plus
gravitatis atque prudentiae quam revera habent humanis actio-
nibus aspergat; ut satira aliqua possit esse verier humanae
vitas tabula, quam nonnulla ex ejusmodi historiis. Contra
Vitae, si diligenter et cum judicio perscribantur (neque enim
de elogiis et hujusmodi commemorationibus jejunis loquimur),
quandoquidem personam singularem pro subjecto sibi propo-
nant, in qua necesse est actiones non minus leves quam graves,
parvas quam grandes, privatas quam publicas, componi et com-
misceri, sane magis vivas et fidas rerum narrationes, et quas ad
exemplum tutius et felicius transferre possis, exhibent At
Relationes actionum speciales (qualia sunt Bellum Peloponnesi,
Expeditio Cyri, Conjuratio Catilinae, et similia) omnino puriore
et magis sincere veritatis candore vestiri par est, quam Histo-
rias Justas temporum ; quia argumentum in iis deligi et sumi
potest habile et definitum, atque ejusmodi ut de eo notitia et
certitudo bona et plena informatio haberi possit: cum contra
Historia Tetnporis (praesertim quae aetate scriptoris multo anti-
quior sit) necessario in rnemoria rerum ssepius fatiscat, et veluti
spatia vacua contineat, quae ingenio et conjectura occupari et
suppleri satis licenter consueverunt. Hoc tamen ipsum, quod

508 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

de Relationum sinceritate dicimus, cum exceptione intelli-
gendum est ; nam fatendum certe est (cum humana omnia ex
parte laborent, et commoda cum incommodis fere perpetuo con-
juncta sint) hujusmodi Relationes, praesertim si sub ipsa rerum
gestarum tempora edantur, (cum saepius vel ad gratiam vel ad
invidiam scribantur,) omnium narrationum merito maxime su-
spectas esse. Sed rursus huic incommodo etiam illud con-
nascitur remedium ; quod illae ipsae Relationes, cum non ex
una parte solummodo, sed pro factionibus et partium studiis ex
utraque parte, semper fere edantur, viam hoc pacto quandam
veritati, tanquam inter extrema, aperiunt et muniunt ; atque,
postquam contentiones animorum deferbuerint, historico bono
et prudenti non pessima historiae perfections materia et se-
mentis sunt.

Quod vero ad ea, quas in his tribus Historiae generibus de-
siderari videantur ; dubium certe non est, quin plurimae histo-
riaa particulares (de talibus loquimur quae esse possint1 alicujus
dignitatis, aut etiam mediocritatis), cum maximo regnorum et
rerum publicarum quibus debentur honoris et nominis detri-
mento, hucusque praetermissae sint ; quas notare perlongum
esset, Caeterum exterarum nationum historias exterorum
curae relinquens (ne forte sim in aliena republica curiosus)
non possum non apud Majestatem tuam conqueri de Historiae
Angliae, quae nunc habetur, vilitate et indignitate, quatenus
ad corpus ejus integrum ; necnon Historias Scotiae iniquitate
et obliquitate, quatenus ad authorem ejus recentissimum et
uberrimum 2 ; reputans mecum honorificum admodum Majestati
tuae futurum, atque opus posteritati gratissimum, si quemad-
modum insula ha?c Magnae Britanniae se nunc in unam mo-
narchiam coalitam ad sequentes states transmittit, ita in una,
historia descripta a praeteritis saeculis repeteretur ; eodem modo
quo historiam decem tribuum regni Israelis et duarum tribuum
regni Judae, tanquam gemellam, Sacra Pagina deducit. Quod
si moles hujusmodi historian (magna certe et ardua) quominus
exacte et pro dignitate perscribatur, videatur obfutura, ecce tibi

1 In the original, and also in the work as reprinted by Rawley in 1638, the paren-
thesis ends at possint. But the construction seems to require that it be extended to
mediocritatis. — J. S.

8 Bacon alludes to Buchanan, of whom James speaks with much bitterness in the
Basilicon Doron. It has been said that Buchanan's mind was failing when he wrote
the concluding books of his history, in which Mary Queen of Scots is so much
vilified.

LIBER SECUNDUS. 509

memorabilem multo angustioris temporis periodum, quatenus ad
Historiam Angliae ; nimirum ab Unione Rosarum ad Union em
Regnorum ; spatium temporis quod meo quidem judicio ma-
jorem recipit eventuum (quas * raro se ostendunt) varietatem,
quam in pari successionum numero uspiam in regno hasreditario
deprehendere licet. Incipit enim ab adeptione coronas mixta,
partim armis, partim jure ; ingressum siquidem ferrum aperuit,
stabilimentum attulerunt nuptiae ; secuta igitur sunt tempora
illis initiis consentanea ; simillima fluctibus post magnam tem-
pestatem tumores et agitationes suas sed absque aliqua immani
procella, retinentibus ; atque gubernatoris prudentia, qui unus
inter antecessores reges consilio enituit, superatis. Ordine
proximus succedit rex, cujus actiones, licet magis impetu
quam consilio administrates, non leve tamen in rebus Europae
momentum attulerunt, eas subinde librando et inclinando
prout ipsaa propendebant. 2 Quo etiam regnante, coepit fieri
ingens ilia status ecclesiastic! mutatio, qualis raro admodum
prodit in theatrum. Secutus est rex minor. Dein tenta-
mentum tyrannidis, licet illud brevissimum fuerit, instar fe-
bris ephemera?. Dein regnum feminae, extero regi nuptae.
Rursus regnum feminas solitariae et ccelibis. Hasc omnia de-
mum excepit eventus iste faustus et gloriosus ; nimirum
hujusce insulae Britanniae, a toto orbe divisae, in se unio ; per
quam vetus illud oraculum JEnese redditum, quod requiem ei
praemonstrabat,

(Antiquam exquirite matrem) 3

supra nobilissimas gentes Angliae et Scotiae, in nomine illo
Britannia, antiques sua matris, jam convenientes, adimpletum
sit ; in pignus et tesseram metae et exitus errorum et pere-
grinationis jam reperti. Ita ut quemadmodum corpora pon-
derosa jactata, antequam ponant et consistant, trepidationes
quasdam experiantur; eodem modo probabile videtur Divina
Providentia factum esse, ut monarchia ista, priusquam in tua
Maj estate regiaque tua sobole (in qua spero earn in perpetuum
fore stabilitam) consisteret et confirmata esset, has tarn varias
mutationes et vicissitudines, tanquam praeludia stabilitatis sua?,
subiret.

1 So in the original. We ought probably to read eventorum. — J. S.

2 "In vero che il serenissimo d'Angliaha mostratograndissimo ammo e ardire in far
la guerra, e raolta prudenza e magnanimita in trattar la pace.' — Relazione di Marino
Cavalli (1546), in Alberi's collection [ser. 1. vol. i. p. 284.]. ,:', .;.•

3 Virg. ^En. iii. 96. . . -v..-

510 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENT1ARUM

De Vitis cogitantem, subit quasdam admiratio, tempora ista
nostra baud nosse bona sua ; cum tarn rara sit commemoratio et
conscriptio vitarum, eorum qui nostro saeculo claruerunt. Etsi
enim reges, et qui absolutum principatum obtineant, pauci esse
possint; principes etiam in republica libera (tot rebuspublicis
in monarchiam conversis) baud multi ; utcunque tamen non de-
fuerunt viri egregii (licet sub regibus) qui meliora merentur
quam incertam et vagam memoriae suae famam, aut elogia arida
et jejuna. Etenim hac ex parte inventum cujusdam ex poetis
recentioribus, quo antiquam fabulam locupletavit, non inelegans
est. Fingit ille in extremitate fili Parcarum numisma quod-
dam seu monile pendere, in quo defuncti nomen impressum sit ;
Tempus autem cultrum Atropi praestolari, et statim abscisso filo
numismata eripere, eaque asportata paulo post in fluvium Le-
thes ex gremio suo projicere; circa fluvium autem magnam
avium vim volitare, quae numismata arripiunt, ac postquam in
rostris ipsarum paulisper eadem circumtulerint, paulo post per
incuriam in fluvium decidere permittunt ; inter eas vero cygnos
reperiri nonnullos, qui si numisma aliquod cum nomine prehen-
derint, illico ad templum quoddam illud deferre solebant, Im-
mortalitati consecratum.1 Hujusmodi itaque cygni nostris
temporibus fere defecerunt. Quamvis autem plurimi hominum,
curis et studiis suis nimio plus quam corporibus mortales,
nominis sui memoriam veluti fumum aut auram despiciant,

Animi nil magnae laudis egentes ;2

quorum scilicet philosophia et severitas ab ea radice pullulat,
Nonprius laudes contempsimus, quam laudandafacere desivimus 3;
id tamen apud nos Salomonis judicio non praejudicabit ; Me-
moriajusti cum laudibus, at impiorum nomen putrescet4 : Altera
perpetuo floret, alterum aut in oblivionem protinus abit, aut in
odorem tetrum computrescit. Ac propterea in eo ipso stilo vel
loquendi formula, quae recte admodum recepta est ut defunctis
tribuatur (foelicis memories, pice memories, bonce memorice) agno-

1 The poet referred to is Ariosto ; Orlando Furioso [at the close of the 34th and
beginning of the 35th books]. For this reference I am indebted to Mr. Singer, Notes
and Queries, vol. v. p. 232. He remarks that the Orlando Furioso was then popular
in the recent translation of Sir John Harrington. It would seem as if Bacon refers
to the translation, which ascribes the power of giving immortality to " Historians
learned and Poets rare," whereas the original speaks only of poets.

2 Virg. ^En. v. 751.

' " Nam postquam desiimus facere laudanda, laudari quoque ineptum putamus."
— Plin. Ep. iii. 91.
4 Prov. x. 7.

LIBER SECUNDUS. 511

scere videmur illud quod Cicero (mutuatus id ipsum a De-
mosthene) protulit, Bonam famam propriam esse possessionem
defunctorum. l Quam quidem possessionem non possum non
notare nostro aevo incultam ut plurimum et neglectam jacere.

Quantum ad jRelationes, optandum esset prorsus ut multo
major circa eas adhiberetur diligentia. Quippe vix incidit
aliqua actio paulo iUustrior, cui non intersit calamus aliquis
ex melioribus, qui earn excipere et describere possit. Quoniam
autem is perpaucorum hominum esse debet, qui historiam
justam pro dignitate conscribat (ut ex paucitate historicorum
vel mediocrium satis liquet), idcirco si actiones particulares sub
tempus ipsum quo geruntur tolerabili aliquo scripto memo-
ria? mandarentur, sperandum esset exorituros quandoque, qui
historiam justam ope et auxilio illarum Relationum conscri-
bere posset. Illse enim instar seminarii esse possint, unde, cum
usus forct, hortus amplus et magnificus consereretur.

CAPUT VIII. 2

Partitio Histories Temporum in Historiam Universalem, et Par-
ticularem ; et utriusque commoda, et incommoda.

HISTOEIA Temporum aut Universalis est, aut Particularis.
Hsec alicujus Regni, vel Reipublicce, vel Nationis res gestas
complectitur ; ilia Universi Orbis. Neque enim defuerunt, qui
Historiam Mundi etiam ab origine scripsisse videri volunt;
farraginem rerum et compendia narrationum pro historia exhi-
bentes ; alii sui temporis res per orbem terrarum memorabiles

1 The passage of Cicero to which Bacon alludes is, I apprehend, to be found in the
ninth Philippic : " Vita enim mortuorum in memoria vivorum est posita." I have
not met with the corresponding passage, if there is one, in Demosthenes, and am
inclined to believe that Bacon was thinking of the following sentence in Wolf's trans-
lation of the Ad Demonicum of Isocrates : " Mortem .... honeste oppetitam natura
peculiare preestantium virorum munus esse voluit." [I should rather suppose that he
alluded to the opening of the Aetyos 'EirtrdQios (1389. 10) : flSvia 7&p [r; 7rd\is] irapa.
TO?S xPTJ<rTO'* avSpafft TO.S (J.£v rSiv xpUu°Ta"' KT^fftis Ka.1 TWV KWOL rbv $iov -ffiovSiv
a.iroKa.'bfftis uTrepecopot/xeVas, Tys 8" operas /cal -riav tira.il/uiv itaaav rr]v firtOvfJ.iai' oSffav, Q
Siv -TO.VT ca> O.VTOIS /j.d\tara ytvoiro \Aytav, roinois $}Qt\aa.v tieiv airroits TI^MV, lv' •ffv
£<H>VTes tKT-fjffavTo ev$o£iav OI)TT> Kal r eT(\evri]K6 ffiv nvrols airoSo-
0ei'7j. There are other points of resemblance between the ninth Philippic and the
A6yos "ETTtT^ws which make it probable that Cicero had it in his eye, and the third
form which these two corresponding passages assume in Bacon seems to be the result
of an imperfect recollection of both. It represents the exact sentiment of the Greek
orator in the shape adopted by the Roman. — J. S.]

2 There is nothing corresponding to this chapter in the Advancement of Learning. —
J. S.

512 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

tanquam justa historia complecti posse confisi sunt ; conatu
profecto magnanimo, atque fructu baud exiguo. Neque enim
res humanse ita imperils aut regionibus divisae sunt, ut non
habeant multa connexa ; quare juvat certe fata, alicui saeculo
aut setati destinata, veluti una tabula contenta et descripta
intueri. Fit etiam, ut plurirna scripta non contemnenda
(qualia sunt eae de quibus antea locuti sumus Relationes), alias
forte peritura neque prelum ssepius passura, aut saltern capita
ipsorum, in hujusmodi Historiam Generalem recipiantur, atque
hoc pacto figantur et conserventur. Veruntamen, si quis rem
rectius perpendat, animadvertet tarn severas esse Historiae Justae
leges, ut eas in tanta argument! vastitate exercere vix liceat ;
adeo ut minuatur potius historiae majestas molis granditate,
quam amplificetur. Fiet enim, ut qui tarn varia undequaque
persequitur, is informationis religione paulatim remissa, et dili-
gentia sua, quae ad tot res extenditur, in singulis elanguescente,
auras populares et rumores captet ; et ex relationibus non ad-
modum authenticis, aut hujusmodi aliqua levidensi materia,
historiam conficiet. Quinetiam necesse ei erit (ne opus in im-
mensum excrescat) plurima relatu digna consulto praetermittere,
atque ad epitomarum rationes saspius delabi. Incumbit etiam
aliud periculum non parvum, atque utilitati illi Historiaa Uni-
versalis ex diametro oppositum; quemadmodum enim Uni-
versalis Historia narrationes aliquas, quae alias forte fuissent
peritura?, conservat; ita contra saepenumero narrationes alias
satis fructuosas, quce aliter victurae fuissent, propter grata mor-
talibus rerum compendia perimit.

CAPUT IX.

Partitio alia Histories Temporum, in Annales et Acta Diurna.

ETIAM Historia Temporum recte dividitur in Annales, et
Diaria ; quae divisio, licet ex periodis temporum nomina sumat,
tamen ad delectum rerum etiam pertinet. Recte enim Corne-
lius Tacitus, cum in mentionem magnificentiae quarundam
structurarum incidit, statim subdit, ex dignitate populi Romani
repertum esse res illustres Annalibus, talia Diurnis urbis Actis
mandare l ; applicando Annalibus res quae ad statum reipublicae

1 Tac. Ann. xiii. 31.

LIBER SECUNDUS. 513

pertinent, acta vero et accidentia leviora Diarlis. Meo utique
judicio, valere conveniret disciplinam quandam Haraldicam in
disponendis non minus librorum quam personarum dignitati-
bus. Sicut enim nihil rebus civilibus magis detrahit, quam
ordinum et graduum confusio; ita etiam authoritati historiae
gravis haud parum derogat, si admisceantur politicis res levioris
momenti ; quales sunt pompae et solennitates et spectacula, et
hujusmodi. Atque sane optandum esset ut ilia ipsa distinctio
in consuetudinem venire t. Nostris vero temporibus, Diaria in
navigationibus tantum et expeditionibus bellicis in usu sunt.
Apud antiques certe regum honori dabatur, ut acta palatii sui
in Diaria referrentur ; quod videmus factum fuisse sub Aha-
suero Persarum rege ; qui cum noctem ageret insomnem Diaria
poposcit, ubi conjurationem Eunuchorum recognovit.1 At in
Alexandri Magni Diariis tarn pusilla continebantur, ut etiam si
forte ad mensam dormiret in acta reponeretur.2 Neque enim
sicut Annales tantum gravia, ita Diaria tantum levia complexa
sunt ; sed omnia promiscue et cursim Diariis excipiebantur, seu
majoris seu minoria momenti.

CAPUT X.

Partitio secunda Histories Civilis, in Meram et Mixtam.

POSTREMA vero partitio Historiae Civilis ea sit ; ut dividatur
in Meram, et Mixtam. Mixturae celebres duae ; altera ex Sci-
entia Civili, altera praecipue ex Naturali. Introductum est
enim ab aliquibus genus scribendi, ut quis narrationes aliquas,
non in serie historiae continuatas, sed ex delectu authoris ex-
cerptas conscribat; deinde easdem recolat et tanquam rumi-
net ; et sumpta ab ipsis occasione, de rebus politicis disserat.3
Quod genus Histories Ruminates nos sane magnopere probamus,
modo hujusmodi scriptor hoc agat, et hoc se agere confiteatur.
Historiam autem Justam ex professo scribenti politica ubique
ingerere, atque per ilia filum historias interrumpere, intempesti-
vum quiddam et molestum est. Licet enim Historia quaeque

1 Esther, vi. 1. 2 Plut. Symp. 1. 6.

8 The most celebrated work of this kind is one with which Bacon was familiar, —
the Discorsi of Macchiavelli, of which the narrative part is derived from Livy. Am-
mirati, who died in 1600, took Tacitus as his author. His Discorsi never attained the
celebrity of those of Macchiavelli.

VOL. I. L L

514 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIAROI

prudentior politicis praeceptis et monitis veluti impregnate
sit, tamen scriptor ipse sibi obstetricari non debet.

Mixta etiam est Historia Cosmographica, idque multipliciter.
Habet enim ex Historia Naturali, regiones ipsas, atque earum
situs et fructus ; ex Historia Civili, urbes, imperia, mores ; ex
Mathematicis, climata et configurationes cosli, quibus tractus
mundi subjacent. In quo genere Historiae sive scientiae, est
quod saeculo nostro gratulemur. Orbis enim terrarum factus
est hac nostra aetate mirum in modum fenestratus atque patens.
Antiqui certe Zonas et Antipodas noverant,

(Nosque ubi primus equis Oriens afflavit anhelis,
niic sera rubens accendit lumina Vesper), l

idque ipsum magis per demon strationes quam per peregrina-
tiones. Verum ut carina aliqua parva coelum ipsum aemulare-
tur ; atque universum globum terrestrem, magis etiam obliquo
et flexuoso quam coelestia solent itinere, circumiverit ; ea est
nostri saeculi praerogativa ; ita ut prassens astas jure in synibolo
suo usurpare possit non tantum illud Plus ultra 2, ubi antiqui
usurpabant Non ultra ; atque insuper illud Imitabile fulmen ubi
antiqui Non imitabile fulmen,

Demons qui nimbos et non imitabile fulmen ; s

verum et illud, quod omnem admirationem superat, Imitabile
coelum; propter navigationes nostras, quibus circa universum
terrae ambitum, coelestium corporum more, volvi et circumagi
saepius concessum fuit.

Atque haec praeclara in re nautica atque orbe perlustrando
foelicitas, de ulterioribus etiam progressibus et augmentis sci-
entiarum spem magnam facere possit ; praesertim cum divino
videatur consilio esse decretum, ut haec duo coaeva sint. Sic
enim Daniel Propheta, de novissimis temporibus verba faciene,
praedicit, Plurimi pertransibunt et augebitur scientia 4 ; quasi
pertransitus sive perlustratio mundi, atque multiplex augmen-
tum scientiarum, eidem saaculo destinarentur ; sicut magna ex
parte jam completum videmus ; quandoquidem tempora nostra,
duabus illis prioribus doctrinarum periodis aut revolutionibus
(alteri apud Graecos, alteri apud Romanes) eruditione non mul-
tum cedant, eas vero in aliquibus longe superent.

1 Virg. Georg. i. 250.

2 " Plus ultra," which Bacon often quotes, was the motto adopted by the emperor
Charles V.

' Virg. JEn. vi. 590. 4 Daniel, xii. 4.

LIBER SECUNDUS. 515

CAPUT XL

Partitio Histories Ecclesiastics , in Ecclesiasticam specialem,
Historiam ad Prophetias, et Historiam Nemeseos.

HISTOEIA Ecclesiastica in genere easdem fere cum Historia
Civili partitiones subit. Sunt enim Chronica Ecclesiastica, sunt
Vitae Patrum, sunt Relationes de Synodis et reliquis ad Eccle-
siam spectantibus. Proprio vero nomine, recte dividitur in
Historiam Ecclesiasticam (generis nomine servato) et Historiam
ad Prophetias, et Historiam Nemeseos sive Providentice. Prima
Ecclesiae Militantis tempora et statum diversum memorat ; sive
ilia fluctuet, ut Area in Diluvio ; sive itineretur, ut Area in
Eremo ; sive consistat, ut Area in Templo ; hoc est, Statum
Ecclesiae in Persecutione, in Motu, et in Pace. In hac parte
defectum aliquem non invenio ; quin supersunt in ilia complura
potius quam desunt. Illud sane optarem, ut massae tam prae-
grandi virtus quoque et sinceritas narrationum responderent.

Secunda pars, quae est Historia ad Prophetias, ex duobus
relativis constat, Prophetia ipsa et ejus Adimpletione. Qua-
propter tale esse debet hujus operis institutum, ut cum singulis
ex Scripturis prophetiis, eventuum veritas conjungatur ; idque
per omnes mundi aetates ; turn ad confirmationem fidei, turn ad
instituendam disciplinam quandam et peritiam in interpreta-
tione prophetiarum quae adhuc restant complendae. Attamen
in hac re admittenda est ilia latitude, quae divinis vaticiniis
propria est et familiaris ; ut adimpletiones eorum fiant et con-
tinenter et punctualiter. Referunt enim Authoris sui naturam,
Cui unus dies tanquam mille anni, et mille anni tanquam unus
dies * ; atque licet plenitude et fastigium complement! eorum
plerumque alicui certae aetati vel etiam certo momento destine-
tur, attamen habent interim gradus nonnullos et scalas comple-
ment! per diversas mundi aetates. Hoc opus desiderari statuo ;
verum tale est ut magna cum sapientia, sobrietate, et reverentia
tractandum sit, aut omnino dimittendum.

Tertia pars, quae Historia Nemeseos est, sane in calamos non-
nullorum piorum virorum incidit, sed non sine partium studio ;
occupata est autem in observanda divina ilia convenientia, quae
nonnunquam intercedit inter Dei voluntatem revelatam et
secretam. Quamvis enim tam obscura sint consilia et judicia

1 Psalm xc. 4. [and 2 Pet. iii. 8.]
L L 2

516 DE AUG MENTIS SCIENTIARUM

Dei, ut . homini animali sint penitus inscrutabilia ; quinetiam
saepius eorum oculis qui prospiciunt e tabernaculo se subdu-
cant; divinae tamen sapientiaa visum aliquando per vices, ad
suorum confirmationem et confusionem eorum qui tanquam
sine Deo sunt in mundo, ea, quasi majoribus characteribus
descripta, sic proponere conspicienda, ut (sicuti loquitur Pro-
pheta) quivis etiam in cursu ea perlegere possit l; hoc est, ut
homines mere sensuales et voluptarii, qui judicia ilia divina
praetervehi festinant neque cogitationes suas in ea unquam
defigunt, tamen quamvis propere currant et aliud agant, ipsa
agnoscere cogantur. Talia sunt vindictas serae et inopinae;
salutes subito affulgentes et insperatas ; consilia divina per
ambages rerum tortuosas et stupendas spiras tandem se mani-
festo expedientia ; et similia ; quae valent non solum ad con-
solandos animos fidelium, sed ad percellendas et convincendas
conscientias improborum.

CAPUT XII.

De Appendicibus Histories ; qu& circa Verba Hominum (quern-
admodum Historia ipsa circa Facto) versantur : Partitio
earum in Orationes, Epistolas, et Apophthegmata.

AT non Factorum solummodo humani generis, verum etiam
Dictorum, memoria servari debet. Neque tamen dubium quin
Dicta ilia quandoque historian ipsi inserantur, quatenus ad res
gestas perspicue et graviter narrandas faciant et deserviant.
Sed Dicta sive Verba Humana proprie custodiunt libri Oratio-
num, Epistolarum, et Apophthegmatum. Atque Orationes sane
virorum prudentium, de negotiis et causis gravibus et arduis
habitae, turn ad rerum ipsarum notitiam turn ad eloquentiam

1 Habbakuk, ii. 2. Bacon seems to have misunderstood the meaning of the passage,
the English translation of which is quite in accordance both with the Vulgate and
with the Septuagint version. The meaning may be thus paraphrased : " Write so as
that the message may be quickly read, in order that the reader may run at once and
without loss of time." The idea of quick reading seems to have suggested that of a
hasty and careless reader.

In my copy of Acosta's sermons for Advent, which has Bacon's autograph on the fly-
leaf, and for which I am indebted to the kindness of the Rev. P. La Trobe, the follow-
ing words are underlined : " Sed explanari in tabulis visio prophetica jubetur, ut
possit celeriter a legente percipi." — Acostce Condones de Adventu, (Col. Agrip. 1609)
p. 178. Bacon perhaps connected celeriter with legente instead of with percipi, and
was thus led to suppose that the passage was to be understood in the way in which
he has taken it.

LIBER SECUNDUS. 517

multum valent. Sed majora adhuc praestantur auxilia ad in-
struendam prudentiam civilem ab Epistolis, quae a viris magnis
de negotiis seriis missae sunt. Etenim ex Verbis Hominum nil
sanius aut praestantius, quam hujusmodi Epistolae. Habent
enim plus nativi sensus quam orationes, plus etiam maturitatis
quam colloquia subita. Esedem quando continuantur secundum
seriem temporum (ut fit in illis quae a legatis, praefectis provin-
ciarum, et aliis imperii ministris, ad reges vel senatus vel alios
superiores suos mittuntur, aut vicissim ab imperantibus ad mi-
nistros), sunt certe ad Historiam pra? omnibus pretiosissima
supellex. Neque Apophthegmata ipsa ad delectationem et or-
natum tantum prosunt, sed ad res gerendas etiam et us us
civiles. Sunt enim (ut aiebat ille) veluti secures aut mucrones
verborum, qui rerum et negotiorum nodos acumine quodam
secant et penetrant. Occasiones autem redeunt in orbem, et
quod olim erat commodum rursus adhiberi et prodesse potest ;
sive quis ea tanquam sua proferat, sive tanquam vetera. Neque
certe de utilitate ejus rei ad civilia dubitari potest, quam Caesar
dictator opera sua honestavit ; cujus liber utinam extaret, cum
ea quae usquam habentur in hoc genere nobis parum cum de-
lectu congesta videantur.

Atque base dicta sint de Historia ; ea scilicet parte doctriuae
quae respondet uni ex Cellis sive Domiciliis Intellectus, quae
est Memoria.

CAPUT XIII.

De secundo Membro principali Doctrince, nempe Poe'si. Par-
titio Po'eseos in Narrativam, Dramaticam, et Parabolicam.
Exempla Parabolicce tria proponuntur.

JAM ad Poesim veniamus. Poesis est genus doctrinae, verbis
plerunque astrictum, rebus solutum et licentiosum ; itaque, ut
initio diximus, ad Phantasiam refertur, qua3 iniqua et illicita
prorsus rerum conjugia et divortia comminisci et machinari
solet. Poesis autem (ut supra innuimus) duplici accipitur
sensu, quatenus ad Verba, vel quatenus ad Kes respiciat.
Priore sensu, Sermonis quidam Character est : Carmen enim
stili genus, et elocutionis formula quaedam, nee ad res pertinet ;
nam et vera narratio carmine, et ficta oratione soluta conscribi
potest. Posteriore vero sensu, constituimus earn ab initio

L L 3

518 DE AUGMENTIS SC1ENTIARUM

Doctrinae Membrum Principale, eamque juxta Historiam collo-
cavimus, cum nihil aliud sit quam Historic Imitatio ad Placi-
tum. Nos igitur in partitionibus nostris veras doctrinarum
venas indagantes et persequentes, neque consuetudini et divi-
sionibus receptis (in multis) cedentes, Satiras et Elegias et
Epigrammata et Odas et hujusmodi ab institute sermone remo-
vemus, atque ad philosophiam et artes orationis rejicimus. Sub
nomine autem Poeseos de Historia ad Placitum conficta tantum-
modo tractamus.

Partitio Poeseos verissima atque maxime ex proprietate,
praeter illas divisiones quse sunt ei cum Historia communes
(sunt enim ficta Chronica, Vitae fictae, fictae etiam Relationes),
ea est, ut sit aut Narrativa, aut Dramatica, aut Paralolica.
Narrativa prorsus historiam imitatur, ut fere fallat, nisi quod
res extollat saepius supra fidem. Dramatica est veluti historia
spectabilis; nam constituit imaginem rerum tanquam praesen-
tium, historia autem tanquam praeteritarum. Parabolica vero
est historia cum typo, quas intellectualia deducit ad sensum.

Atque de Poesi Narrativa, sive earn Hero'icam appellare
placet, (modo hoc intelligas de Materia, non de Versu,) ea a
fundamento prorsus nobili excitata videtur, quod ad dignitatem
humanae naturae inprimis spectat. Cum enim mundus sensi-
bilis eit anima rationali dignitate inferior, videtur Poesis haec
humanae naturae largiri, quae historia denegat; atque animo
umbris rerum utcunque satisfacere, cum solida haberi non pos-
sint.1 Si quis enim rem acutius introspiciat, firmum ex Poesi
sumitur argumentum, magnitudinem rerum magis illustrem,
ordinem magis perfectum, et varietatem magis pulchram, animge
humanae complacere, quam in natura ipsa, post lapsum, reperire
ullo modo possit. Quapropter, cum res gestae et eventus qui
verae historiae subjiciuntur non sint ejus amplitudinis in qua
anima humana sibi satisfaciat, praesto est Poesis, quae facta
magis heroica confingat ; cum historia vera successus rerum
minime pro meritis virtutum et scelerum narret, corrigit earn
Poesis, et exitus et fortunas secundum merita et ex lege Ne-
meseos exhibet; cum historia vera, obvia rerum satietate et
similitudine, animas humanae fastidio sit, reficit earn Poesis,
iuexpectata et varia et vicissitudinum plena canens. Adeo
ut Poesis ista non solum ad delectationem, sed etiam ad anitui

" I am sick of all
That dust has shown me ; let me dwell in shadows." — BYRON.

LIBER SECUNDUS. 519

magnitudinem et ad mores conferat. Quare et merito etiam
divinitatis cujuspiam particeps videri possit; quia animum
erigit et in sublime rapit, rerum simulacra ad animi desideria
accommodando, non animum rebus (quod ratio facit et histo-
ria) submittendo. Atque his quidem illecebris et congruitate
qua animum humanum demulcet, addito etiam consortio mu-
sices unde suavius insinuari possit, aditum sibi patefecit, ut
lionori fuerit etiam saeculis plane rudibus et apud nationes
barbaras, cum aliae doctrinae prorsus exclusa? essent.

Dramatica autem Poesis, quae theatrum habet pro mundo,
usu eximia est, si sana foret. Non parva enim esse posset
theatri et disciplina et corruptela. Atque corruptelarum in
hoc genere abunde est ; disciplina plane nostris temporibus est
neglecta. Attamen licet in rebuspublicis modernis habeatur
pro re ludicra actio theatralis, nisi forte nimium trahat e satira
et mordeat; tamen apud antiques curas fuit, ut aninios homi-
num ad virtutem institueret. Quinetiam viris prudentibus, et
magnis philosophis, veluti animorum plectrum quoddam cen-
sebatur. Atque sane verissimum est, et tanquam secretum
quoddam naturae, hominum animos cum congregati sint, magia
quam cum soli sint, affectibus et iinpressionibus patere.1

1 There is nothing in the Advancement of Learning corresponding to this para-
graph.

It is a curious fact that these remarks on the character of the modern drama were
probably written, and were certainly first published, in the same year which saw the
first collection of Shakespeare's plays ; of which, though they had been filling the
theatre for the last thirty years, I very much doubt whether Bacon had ever heard.
How little notice they attracted in those days as works of literary pretension, may be
inferred from the extreme difficulty which modern editors have found in ascertaining
the dates, or even the order, of their production. Though numbers of contemporary
news-letters, filled with literary and fashionable intelligence, have been preserved, it
is only in the Stationer's register and the accounts kept by the Master of the Revels
that we find any notices of the publication or acting of Shakespeare's plays. In the
long series of letters from John Chamberlain to Dudley Carleton, scattered over
the whole period from 1698 to 1623, — letters full of the news of the month ; news
of the court, the city, the pulpit, and the bookseller's shop; in which court-masques
are described in minute detail, author, actors, plot, performance, reception and all ; —
we look in vain for the name of Shakespeare or of any one of his plays. And yet during
that period Hamlet, Twelfth Night, Othello, Measure for Measure, the Merchant of
Venice, Macbeth, Lear, the Tempest, the Winter's Tale, Coriolanus, and several more, must
have appeared as novelties. And indeed that very letter without which we should hardly
know that Shakespeare was personally known to any one in the great world as a dis-
tinguished dramatic writer, — I mean Lord Southampton's letter in furtherance of a
petition from him and Burbage to the Lord Chancellor Ellesmt-re — proves at the same
time how little was known about him by people of that quality. " This other " (he
writes, after describing him as his especial friend and the writer of some of our best

English plays,) hath to name William Shakespeare Both are right

famous in their qualities, though it longeth not of your lordship's gravity and wisdom
to resort unto the places where they were wont to delight the public ear." This was

L & 4

520 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

At Poesis Parabolica inter reliquas eminet, et tanquam res
sacra videtur et augusta ; cum praesertim religio ipsa ejus
opera plerumque utatur, et per earn commercia divinorum cum
humanis exerceat. Attamen et haec quoque ingeniorum circa
allegorias levitate et indulgentia contaminata invenitur. Est
autem usus ambigui, atque ad contraria adhibetur. Facit enim
ad involucrum; facit etiam ad illustrationem. In hoc docendi
quaedam ratio ; in illo occultandi artificium quaeri videtur. Haec
autem docendi ratio, quae facit ad illustrationem, antiquis saeculis
plurimum adhibebatur. Cum enim rationis humanae inventa et
conclusiones (etiam eae quae nunc tritae et vulgatae sunt) tune
temporis novas et insuetse essent, vix illam subtilitatem capie-
bant ingenia humana, nisi propius eae ad sensum per hujus-
modi simulachra et exempla deducerentur. Quare omnia apud
illos fabularum omnigenarum et parabolarum et aenigmatum
et similitudinum plena fuerunt. Hinc tesserae Pythagoras,
senigmata Sphingis, ^Esopi fabulae, et similia. Quinetiam
apophthegmata veterum Sapientum fere per similitudines
rem demonstrabant. Hinc Menenius Agrippa apud Romanes
(gentem eo saeculo rninime literatam) seditionem fabula repres-
sit. Denique ut hieroglyphica literis, ita parabolae argumentis
erant antiquiores. Atque hodie etiam, et semper, eximius est
et fuit parabolarum vigor ; cum nee argumenta tarn perspicua
nee vera exempla tarn apta esse possint.

Alter est usus Poeseos Parabolicae, priori quasi contrarius,
qui facit (ut diximus) ad involucrum; earum nempe rerum,
quarum dignitas tanquam velo quodam discreta esse mereatur ;
hoc est, cum occulta et mysteria Religionis, Politicae, et Phi-
losophiae, fabulis et parabolis vestiuntur. Utrum vero fabulis
veteribus poetarum subsit aliquis sensus mysticus, dubitationem
nonnullam habet. Atque ipsi certe fatemur nos in earn senten-
tiam propendere, ut non paucis antiquorum poetarum fabulis
mysterium infusum fuisse putemus.1 Neque nos movet, quod

in 1608; and yet only six years before, when Ellesmere received Elizabeth at Harewood,
Othello had been acted there for her entertainment. Even now a writer otherwise
unknown hardly becomes known as the author of a successful play. " At present,"
said Mr. Rogers, " new plays seem hardly to be regarded as literature; people may go
to see them acted, but no one thinks of reading them. During the run of Paul Pry,
I happened to be at a dinner-party, where everybody was talking about it, — that is,
about Listen's performance of the hero. I asked first one person, then another, and
then another, who was the author of it ? Not a man or woman in the company
knew that it was written by Poole !" — Recollections of the Table-talk of Samuel
Rogers, p. 253. — J. S.

1 The hesitating manner in which Bacon here expresses himself shows that he felt,

LIBER SECUNDUS. 521

ista pueris fere et grammaticis relinquantur, et vilescant, ut de
illis contemptim sententiam feramus ; quin contra cum plane
constet scripta ilia, quae fabulas istas recitant, ex scriptis homi-
num post Literas Sacras esse antiquissima, et longe his anti-
quiores fabulas ipsas, (etenim tanquam prius creditae et receptse,
non tanquam excogitatae ab illis scriptoribus, referuntur) ; vi-
dentur esse instar tenuis cujusdam aurae, quae ex traditionibus
nationum magis antiquarum in Grascorum fistulas inciderunt.
Cum vero quae circa harum parabolarum interpretationem
adhuc tentata sint, per homines scilicet imperitos nee ultra
locos communes doctos, nobis nullo modo satisfaciant ; Philoso-
phiam secundum Parabolas Antiquas inter Desiderata referre
\7isum est. Ejus autem operis exemplum unum aut alterum
subjungemus. Non quod res sit fortasse tanti, sed ut institu-
tum nostrum servemus. Id hujusmodi est, ut de operibus illis
quae inter Desiderata ponimus (si quid sit paulo obscurius) per-
petuo aut praecepta ad opus illud instruendum, aut exempla
proponamus ; ne quis forte existimet levem aliquam tantum no-
tionem de illis mentem nostram perstrinxisse, nosque regiones
sicut augures animo tantum metiri, neque eas ingrediendi vias
nosse. Aliam aliquam partem in Poesi desiderari non inveni-
mus ; quin potius cum planta sit Poesis, quae veluti a terra
luxuriante absque certo semine germinaverit, supra czeteras
doctrinas excrevit et diffusa est. Verum jam Exempla propo-
nemus, tria tantum numero ; unum e Naturalibus, e Politicis
unum, atque unum denique e Moralibus.

Exemplum primum Philosophic secundum Parabolas antiquas, in
Naturalibus. De Universo, secundum fabulam Panis.

ANTIQUI generationem Panis in dubio relinquunt. Alii enim
eum a Mercurio genitum, alii longe alium generationis modum
ei tribuunt. Aiunt enim procos universes cum Penelope rem
habuisse, ex quo promiscuo concubitu Pana communem filium
ortum esse. Neque praetermittenda est tertia ilia generationis
explicatio. Quidam enim prodiderunt eum Jovis et Hybreos
(id est, Contumeliae) filium fuisse. Utcunque orto, Parcae illi
sorores fuisse perhibentur, quae in specu subterraneo habita-

what every one in modern times who has considered the subject must I think feel, how
difficult it is to enter into the spirit of the ancient mythus. Its essence seems to
consist in a half-conscious blending of an idea with something that was accepted as a
fact. See particularly on this point Miiller's Introduction to Mythology. The mythus
degenerates into allegory when the idea and the fact are conceived of as antithetical.

522 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIA.RUM

bant; Pan autem morabatur sub dio. Effigies Panis tails ab
antiquitate describitur ; cornutus, cornibus in acutum surgenti-
bus, et usque ad coelum fastigiatis; corpore toto hispidus et
villosus ; barba in primis promissa ; figura biformis, humana
quoad superiora, sed semifera et in caprae pedes desinente.
Gestabat autem insignia potestatis, sinistra fistulam ex septem
calamis compactam, dextra pedum sive baculum superius curvum
et inflexum. Induebatur chlamyde ex pelle pardalis. Pote-
etates ei et munera hujusmodi attribuuntur, ut sit Deus vena-
torum, etiam pastorum, et in universum ruricolarum ; praeses
item montium. Erat etiam, proximus a Mercuric,, nuncius
Deorum. Habebatur etiam dux et imperator Nympharum,
quae circa eum perpetuo choreas ducere et tripudiare solebant :
comitabantur et Satyri, et his seniores Sileni. Habebat insuper
potestatem terrores immittendi, praesertim inanes et superstitio-
sos, qui et Panici vocati sunt. Res gestse autem ejus non
multae memorantur. Illud praecipuum, quod Cupidinem provo-
cavit ad luctam, a quo etiam in certamine victus est. Etiam
Typhonem gigantem retibus implicavit et cohibuit. Atque
narrant insuper, cum Ceres moesta et ob raptam Proserpinam
indignata se abscondisset, atque Dii omnes ad earn investigan-
dam magnopere incubuissent et se per varias vias dispertiti
essent, Pani solummodo ex foelicitate quadam contigisse ut in-
ter venandum earn inveniret et indicaret. Ausus est quoque
cum Apolline de victoria musices decertare, atque etiam Mida
judice praelatus est; ob quod judicium Midas asininas aures
tulit, sed clam et secreto. Amores Panis nulli referuntur, aut
saltern admodum rari ; quod mirum, inter turbam Deorum pror-
sus tarn profuse amatoriam, videri possit. Illud solummodo ei
datur, quod Echo adamaret, qua? etiam uxor ejus est habita ;
atque unam praeterea nympham, Syringam nomine ; in quam,
propter irum et vindictam Cupidinis (quem ad luctam provocare
non reveritus esset) incensus est. Etiam Lunam quondam in
altas silvas sevocasse dicitur. Neque etiam prolem ullani
suscepit (quod similiter mirum est, cum Dii, prsesertim masculi,
prolific! admodum essent), nisi quod ei attribuatur tanquam
filia, muliercula quaedam ancilla, lambe nomine ; quae ridiculis
narratiunculis oblectare hospites solebat, ejusque proles ex
conjuge Echo esse a nonnullis existimabatur. Parabola talis
esse videtur.

Pan (ut et nomen ipsurn etiam sonat) Universum, sive Uni-

LIBER SECUNDUS. 523

versitatem Rerum, repraesentat et proponit. De hujus origine
duplex omnino sententia est, atque adeo esse potest. Aut enim
a Mercurio est, verbo scilicet divino (quod et Sacrse Literae
extra controversiam ponunt, et philosophi ipsi qui magis divini
habiti sunt viderunt), aut ex confusis rerum seminibus. Etenim
quidam e philosophis semina rerum etiam substantia infinita
statuerunt ; unde opinio de homoiomeris fluxit, quam Anaxago-
ras aut invenit aut celebravit. Nonnulli vero magis acute et
sobrie censebant ad varietatem rerum expediendam sufficere, si
semina substantia eadem, figuris varia sed certis et definitis,
essent ; et reliqua in positura et complexu seminum ad invicem
ponebant l ; ex quo fonte opinio de Atomis emanavit, ad quam
Democritus se applicavit, cum Leucippus ejus author fuisset.
At alii, licet unum rerum principium assererent (aquam Thales,
aerem Anaximenes, ignem Heraclitus), tamen illud ipsum prin-
cipium actu unicum, potentia2 varium et dispensabile posuerunt,
ut in quo rerum omnium semina laterent. Qui vero Materiam
omnino spoliatam, et informem, et ad Formas indifferentem in-
troduxerunt, (ut Plato et Aristoteles) multo etiam propius et
propensius ad parabola? figuram accesserunt. Posuerunt enim
Materiam tanquam publicam meretricem, Formas vero tanquam
procos3 ; adeo ut omnes de rerum principiis opiniones hue red-
eant et ad illam distributionem reducantur, ut mundus sit vel
a Mercurio, vel a Penelope et procis omnibus. Tertia autem
Generatio Panis ejusmodi est, ut videantur Grseci aliquid de
Hebrseis mysteriis vel per JEgyptios internuncios, vel utcunque,
inaudivisse. Pertinet enim ad statum mundi non in meris nata-
libus suis, sed post lapsum Adami, morti et corruptioni exposi-
tum et obnoxium factum. Ille enim status Dei et Peccati
(sive Contumeliae) proles fuit, ac manet. Fuit enim peccatum
Adami ex genere Contumeliae, cum Deo similis fieri vellet.
Itaque triplex ista narratio de Generatione Panis etiam vera
videri possit, si rite et rebus et temporibus distinguatur. Nam
iste Pan (qualem eum nunc intuemur et complectimur) ex Verbo
Divino, mediante confusa Materia (quae tamen ipsa Dei opus

1 To this opinion Bacon himself doubtless inclined, but he was not I think a believer
in any atomic theory ; that is to say, he seems to have rejected the idea of a vacuum.
Of Democritus however, so far as relates to his physical theories, he always speaks
with respect. Leibnitz has remarked that the view which Bacon here mentions, is
common to all the scientific reformers of the early part of the seventeenth century.

2 The antithesis of the actual and the potential is a fundamental doctrine in the
peripatetic philosophy.

3 See Arist. Physics, i c. 9.

524 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

erat), et subintrante Prcevaricatione et per earn corruptions,
ortum habet.

Naturae rerum Fata rerum sorores vere perhibentur et ponun-
tur. Fata enim vocantur, ortus rerum, et durationes, et interitus ;
atque depressiones etiam, et eminentiae, et labores. et felicitates,
denique conditiones quaecunque individui ; quaa tamen nisi in
individuo nobili (utpote homine, aut urbe, aut gente) fere non
agnoscuntur. Atqui ad istas conditiones tarn varias deducit
individua ilia singula Pan, rerum scilicet natura ; ut tanquam
eadem sit res (quatenus ad individua) catena Naturae, et filum
Parcarum. Ad haec insuper finxerunt antiqui Panem semper
sub dio morari, sed Parcas sub specu ingenti subterraneo habi-
tare, atque inde maxima pernicitate ad homines subito advo-
lare; quia Natura atque Universi facies spectabilis est et
aperta, at Fata individuorum occulta et rapida. Quod si Fatum
accipiatur largius, ut omnem prorsus eventum, non illustriores
tantum denotet, tamen utique et eo sensu optime convenit cum
universitate rerum ; cum ex ordine naturae nil tarn exiguum sit
quod sine causa fiat, et rursus nil tarn magnum ut non aliunde
pendeat ; adeo ut fabrica ipsa naturae suo sinu et gremio omnem
eventum et minimum et maximum complectatur, et suo tempore
certa lege prodat. Itaque nil mirum, si Parcae ut Panis sorores
introductae sint, et certe legitimae. Nam Fortuna vulgi filia
est, et levioribus tantum philosophis placuit. Sane Epicurus
non solum profanum instituere sermonem, sed etiam desipere
videtur, cum dixit pr&stare credere fdbulam Deorum quam Fatum
asserere1; ac si quicquam in Universe esse possit in star insulae,
quod a rerum nexu separetur. Verum Epicurus, philosophiam
suam naturalem (ut ex ipsius verbis patet) morali suae accommo-
dans et subjiciens, nullam opinionem admittere voluit quas ani-
mum premeret et morderet, atque Euthymiam illam (quam a
Democrito acceperat) lacesseret aut turbaret. Itaque suavitati
cogitationum indulgens potius quam veritatis patiens, plane
jugum jactavit, et tarn Fati necessitatem quam Deorum metum
repudiavit. Verum de Parcarum germanitate cum Pane satis
dictum est.

1 See Diog. Laert. x. 134. The expressions of which Epicurus made use are
sufficiently striking, tirtl Kpfirrov r}v rf irtpl Stiav ftt'fy. KaraKo\ov8tw j) TTJ -rSiv
fyvamSiv tlf^apfjifvri $ov\ev(iv ; the reference being, as Menage, following Gassendi,
remarks, to the doctrines of the earlier physicists, Democritus, &c.

For some remarks on the " fatis avolsa voluntas " of Epicurus, see Stewart's
Dissertation on the Progress of Philosophy, note MM.

LIBER SECUNDUS. 525

Cornua autem mundo attribuuntur, ab imo latiora, ad verti-
cem acuta. Omnis enim rerum natura instar pyramidis acuta
est. Quippe individua, in quibus basis naturae exporrigitur,
infinita sunt; ea colliguntur in species, et ipsas multiplices;
species rursus insurgunt in genera, atque haec quoque ascen-
dendo in magis generalia contrahuntur ; ut tandem natura tan-
quam in unum coi're videatur ; quod figura ilia pyramidali
Cornuum Panis significatur. Mirum vero minime est, Panis
cornua etiam coelum ferire ; cum excelsa naturae, sive ideae
nniversales, ad divina quodam modo pertingant. Itaque et
catena ilia Homeri decantata, (causarum scilicet naturalium,) ad
pedem solii Jovis fixa memorabatur ; neque quisquam (ut vi-
dere est) metaphysicam et quae in natura aeterna et immobilia
sunt tractavit, atque animum a fluxu rerum paulisper abduxit,
qui non simul in Theologiam Naturalem inciderit ; adeo paratus
et propinquus est transitus a vertice ilia pyramidis ad divina.

Corpus autem Natures elegantissime et verissime depingitur
hirsutum, propter rerum radios. Radii enim sunt tanquam Na-
turae crines, sive villi ; atque omnia fere vel magis vel minus
radiosa sunt. Quod in facultate visus manifestissimum est ; nee
minus in omni virtute magnetica et operatione ad distans.
Quidquid enim operatur ad distans, id etiam radios emittere
recte dici potest. Sed maxime omnium prominet Barba Panis,
quia radii corporum coelestium, et praecipue Solis, maxime ex
longinquo operantur et penetrant; adeo ut superiora terras,
atque etiam interiora ad distantiam nonnullam, plane verterint
et subegerint, et spiritu impleverint. Elegantior autem est
figura de Barba Panis, quod et Sol ipse, quando parte supe-
riore ejus nube obvoluta radii inferius erumpunt, ad aspectum
barbatus cernitur.

Etiam corpus Naturae rectissime describitur biforme, ob diffe-
rentiam corporum superiorum et inferiorum. Ilia enim ob
pulchritudinem et motus aequalitatem et constantiam, necnon
imperium in terram et terrestria, merito sub humana figura
repraesentantur ; cum natura humana ordinis et dominationis
particeps sit. Haec autem ob perturbationem, et motus incompo-
sitos, et quod a coelestibus in plurimis regantur, bruti animalis
figura contenta esse possunt. Porro eadem corporis biformis
descriptio pertinet ad participationem specierum. Nulla enim
Naturae species simplex videri potest, sed tanquam ex duo-
bus participans et concreta. Habet enim homo nonnihil ex

526 DE AUGMENTIS SCTENTIARUM

bruto, brutum nonnihil ex planta, planta nonnihil ex corpore
inanimate, omniaque revera biformia sunt, et ex specie superiore
et inferiore compacta. Acutissima autem est allegoria de Pedi-
bus Caprce, propter ascensionem corporum terrestrium versus
regiones aeris et coeli, ubi etiam pensilia fiunt, et inde deji-
ciuntur magis quam descendant. Capra enim animal scrinso-
rium est, eaque e rupibus pendere atque in prsecipitiis hjerere
amat ; similiter etiam res, licet inferiori globo destinatae, faciunt ;
idque miris modis, ut in nubibus et meteoris manifestissimum
est. Imo non sine causa Gilbertus, qui de magnete laboriosis-
sime et secundum viam experiment alem conscripsit, dubita-
tionem injecit: numnon forte corpora gravia, post longam a
terra distantiam, motum versus inferiora paulatim exuant ? '

Insignia autem in manibus Panis ponuntur duplicia ; alterum
harmonics, alterum imperil. Fistula enim ex septem calamis
concentum rerum et barmoniam, sive concordiam cum discordia
mixtam (quae ex septem stellarum errantium motu conficitur),
evidenter ostendit. Neque enim alii, proeterquam septem
planetarum, inveniuntur in coelo errores sive expatiationes
manifestae, quas cum aequalitate stellarum fixarum earumque
perpetua et invariabili ad se invicem distantia composites et
temperatas, turn constantiam specierum turn fluxum individuo-
rum tueri et ciere possint. Si qui vero sint planetse minores,
qui non conspiciuntur ; si qua etiam mutatio in coelo major
(ut in cometis nonnullis superlunaribus) ; videntur ilia profecto
tanquam fistulas aut omnino mutae aut ad tempus tantum stre-
perae ; utpote quarum operationes vel ad nos non perlabantur,
vel harmoniam illam septem fistularum Panis non diu inter-
turbent.2 Pedum autem illud Imperil nobilis translatio est,
propter vias naturae partim rectas, partim obliquas. Atque

1 Gilbert was of opinion that the earth is a great magnet which attracts all bodies
near its surface, although phenomena of polarity are only developed in a few cases.
To every magnet he ascribed an "orb of virtue " beyond which it exerts no influence
whatever, and also a smaller " orb of coition " such that the magnet cannot produce
motion in any portion of matter which lies beyond It. As a heavy body therefore
approaches the limit of the earth's orb of coition its downward tendency gradually
diminishes. Imperfect as these views are they show how clearly Gilbert had appre-
hended the general idea of attraction, and how little reason Voltaire had for his
assertion that Bacon "a devine 1'attraction. " [See note on Nov. Org. p. 299.]

2 For dreams about the music of the spheres, see Robert Fludd's work Utriu*que
Cosmi, majoris scilicet et minoris, metaphysica, physica, et technica Historia, 1617.
The third book of the first tractate is wholly De Musicd mundand, and is illustrated
by an engraving of a bass viol, of which the dimensions extend through the solar
system. Bacon was, not improbably, acquainted with Fludd, who was one of the most
learned of the cabalistic philosophers.

LIBER SECUNDUS. 527

Baculum illud, sive Virga, versus superiorem partem praecipue
curva est, quia omnia Providential Divinse opera in mundo fere
per ambages et circuitus fiunt ; ut aliud agi videri possit, aliud
revera agatur : sicut Josephi venditio in Egyptum, et similia.
Quinetiam in regimine humano omni prudentiore, qui ad guber-
nacula sedent, populo convenientia, per praetextus et vias obli-
quas foelicius quae volunt quam ex directo, superinducunt et
insinuant. Etiam (quod mirum fortasse videri possit) in rebus
mere naturalibus, citius naturam fallas quam premas ; adeo
quae ex directo fiunt inepta sunt et seipsa impediunt ; cum con-
tra via obliqua et insinuans molliter fluat, et effectum sortiatur.
Vestis Panis et amiculum ingeniose admodum ex pelle pardalis
fuisse fingitur, propter maculas ubique sparsas. Coelum enim
stellis, maria insulis, tellus floribus, consperguntur ; atque etiam
res particulares fere variegataa esse solent circa superficiem, qua3
veluti rei chlamys est.

Officium autem Panis nulla alia re tarn ad vivum proponi
atque explicari potuerit, quam quod Deus Venatorum sit. Omnis
enim naturalis actio, atque adeo motus et progressio, nihil aliud
quam Venatio est. Nam et scientiae et artes opera sua venan-
tur ; et consilia humana fines suos ; atque res naturales omnes
vel alimenta sua ut conserventur, vel voluptates et delicias suas
ut perficiantur, venantur; (omnis siquidem venatio est aut
praedae aut animi causa;) idque modis peritis et sagacibus;

Torva leaena lupum sequitur, lupus ipse capellam,
Florentem cytisum sequitur lasciva capella.1

Etiam Ruricolarum in genere Pan Deus est, quia hujusmodi
homines magis secundum naturam vivant, cum in urbibus et
aulis natura a cultu nimio corrumpatur ; ut illud poe'tae amato-
rium, verum propter hujusmodi delicias etiam de natura sit,

Pars minima est ipsa puella sui.a

Montium autem inprimis Presses dicitur Pan, quia in montibus
et locis editis Natura Rerum panditur, atque oculis et contem-
plation! magis subjicitur. Quod alter a Mercurio Deorum Nun-
cius sit Pan, ea allegoria plane divina est ; cum, proxime post
verbum Dei, ipsa mundi imago divinae potentiaa et sapientite
praaconium sit. Quod et poeta divinus cecinit, Cceli enarrant
gloriam Dei, atque opera manuum ejus indicat firmamentum*

1 Virg. Eel. ii. 63. * Ovid. Remed. Amor. 344. s Psalm xix. 1.

528 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

At Pana oblectant Nymphce, Animae scilicet ; deliciae enim
mundi Animse viventium sunt. Hie autem merito illarum
imperator, cum illas naturam quaeque suam tanquam ducem
sequantur, et circa eum infinita cum varietate, veluti singular
more patrio, saltent et choreas ducant, motu neutiquam cessante.
Itaque acute quidam ex recentioribus facultates animse omnes
ad Motum reduxit, et nonnullorum ex antiquis fastidium et
pracipitationem notavit, qui memoriam et phantasiam et ra-
tionem defixis praepropere oculis intuentes et contemplantes,
Vim Cogitativam, quae primas tenet, praetermiserunt.1 Nam
et qui meminit, aut etiam reminiscitur, cogitat ; et qui ima-
ginatur similiter cogitat ; et qui ratiocinatur utique cogitat :
denique Anima, sive a sensu monita, sive sibi permissa, sive
in functionibus intellectus, sive affectuum et voluntatis, ad
modulationem cogitationum saltat ; quae est ilia Nympha-
rum tripudiatio. Una vero perpetuo comitantur Satyri et
Silent, Senectus scilicet et Juventus. Omnium enim rerum
est aetas qusedam hilaris et motu gaudens, atque rursus aetas
tarda et bibula ; utriusque autem aetatis studia vere contem-
planti fortasse ridicula et deformia videantur, instar Satyri
alicujus aut Silent. De Panicis autem Terroribus prudentis-
sima doctrina proponitur. Natura enim rerum omnibus viven-
tibus indidit metum et formidinem, vitae atque essentiae suae
conservatricem, ac mala ingruentia vitantem et depellentem.
Veruntamen eadem Natura modum tenere nescia est, sed timo-
ribus salutaribus semper vanos et inanes admiscet; adeo ut
omnia, (si intus conspici darentur,) Panicis terroribus plenissima
sint ; praesertim humana ; et maxime omnium apud vulgum, qui
superstitione (quae vere nihil aliud quam Panicus Terror est) in
immensum laborat et agitatur, praecipue temporibus duris et
trepidis et adversis. Neque superstitio ista tantummodo in
vulgo regnat, sed ab opinionibus vulgi etiam in sapientiores ali-
quando insilit, ut divine Epicurus (si caetera quae de Diis dis-
seruit ad hanc normam fuissent) locutus sit ; Non Deos vulgi
negare profanum, sed vulgi opiniones Diis applicare profanum?

Quod vero attinet ad audaciam Panis, et pugnam per provo-
cationem cum Cupidine ; id eo spectat, quia materia non caret

1 The writer referred to is A. Donius. See his De Natura Hominis, 1581, the
titl° of the twenty-first chapter of the second book of which is Omnes Operationes
Spiritus esse Motum ft Sensum. For an account of this " motus " see the sixteenth
chapter of the second book. As might be supposed, Donius is altogether a materialist.

2 Diogenes Laert. x. 123.

LIBER SECUNDUS. 529

inclinatione et appetitu ad dissolutionem mundi et recidiva-
tionem in illud Chaos antiquum, nisi praevalida rerum concordia
(per Amorem sive Cupidinem significata) malitia et impetus
ejus cohiberetur, et in ordinem compelletur.1 Itaque bono
admodum hominum et rerum fato fit (vel potius immensa boni-
tate divina) ut Pan illud certamen adversum experiatur, et
victus abscedat. Eodem prorsus pertinet et illud de Typhone
in retibus implicate, quia utcunque aliquando vasti et insoliti
rerum tumores sint (id quod Typhon sonat), sive intumescant
maria, sive intumescant nubes, sive intumescat terra, sive alia,
tamen rerum natura hujusmodi corporum exuberantias atque
insolentias reti inextricabili implicat et coercet, et veluti catena
adamantina devincit.

Quod autem Inventio Cereris huic Deo attribuatur, idque
inter venationem ; reliquis autem Diis negetur, licet sedulo
quaerentibus et illud ipsum agentibus ; monitum habet rarum
admodum et prudens : hoc scilicet, ne rerum utilium ad vitam
et cultum inventio a philosophiis abstractis, tanquam Diis
Majoribus, expectetur, licet totis viribus in illud ipsum in-
cumbant ; sed tantummodo a Pane, id est experientia sagaci, et
rerum mundi notitia universal! ; qua? etiam casu quodam, ac
veluti inter venandum, in hujusmodi inventa incidere solet.
Utilissima enim quaeque inventa experiential debentur, et
veluti donaria quasdam fuere casu in homines sparsa.

Illud autem Musices certamen ejusque eventus salutarem
exhibet doctrinam, atque earn quae ration i et judicio humano
gestienti et se efferenti sobrietatis vincula injicere possit.
Duplex enim videtur esse harmonia, et quasi Musica; al-
tera sapientiae divina?, altera rationis hurnanaa. Judicio enim
humano, ac veluti auribus mortalium, administratio mundi
et rerum et judicia divina secretiora sonant aliquid durum
et quasi absonum; quae inscitia licet asininis auribus me-
rito insigniatur, tamen et illae ipsae aures secreto non palam
gestantur. Neque enim hujusce rei deformitas a vulgo con-
spicitur aut notatur.

Postremo minime mirum est si nulli Amores Pani attribu-
antur, praeter Conjugium Echus. Mundus enim se ipso, atque
in se rebus omnibus, fruitur ; qui amat autem frui vult ; neque
in copia desiderio locus est. Itaque mundi amores esse nulli
possunt, nee potiundi cupido (cum se ipse contentus sit), nisi

1 So in the original.
VOL. I. M M

530 DE AUGMENTIS SC1ENTIARUM

fortasse amores Sermonis. li sunt Nympha Echo, res non solida
sed vocalis ; aut si accuratiores sint, Syringa, quando scilicet
verba et voces numeris quibusdam, sive poeticis sive oratoriis,
et tanquam modulamine reguntur. Inter sermones autem sive
voces, excellenter ad conjugium mundi sumitur sola Echo. Ea
enim denmm vera est philosophia, quae mundi ipsius voces fide-
lissime reddit, et veluti dictante mundo conscripta est ; et nihil
aliud est quam ejusdem simulachrum et reflexio ; neque addit
quicquam de proprio, sed tantum iterat et resonat. Nam quod
Lunam Pan in altas silvas aliquando sevocasset, videtur perti-
nere ad congressum sensus cum rebus ccelestibus sive divinis.
Nam alia est Endymionis ratio, alia Panis. Ad Endymionem
dormientem sponte se demittit Luna ; siquidem ad intellectum
sopitum, et a sensibus abductum, quando que sponte influunt
divina ; quod si accersantur et vocentur a sensu, tanquam a
Pane, turn vero non aliud lumen prasbent quam illud,

Quale sub incertam lunam, sub luce maligna,
Est iter in silvis.1

Ad mundi etiam sufficientiam et perfectionem pertinet, quod
prolem non edat. Ille enim per partes generat ; per totum quo-
modo generare possit, cum corpus extra ipsum non sit ? Nam
de muliercula ilia lambe, filia Panis putativa, est sane ea
adjectio quaedam ad fabulam sapientissima. Per illam enim
repraesentantur eae, quae perpetuis temporibus passim vagantur
atque omnia implent, vaniloquae de rerum natura doctrinae,
reipsa infructuosae, genere quasi subdititiae, garrulitate vero
interdum jucundas, interdum molestse et importuuae.

Exemplum alterum Philosophic, secundum Parabolas antiquas, in
Politicis. De Bello, secundum fabulam Persei.

PERSEUS, Orientalis cum fuisset, missus traditur a Pallade ad
obtruncandam Medusam ; quae populis plurimis ad Occidentem
in extremis Iberiae partibus maximae calamitati fuit. Monstrum
enim hoc, alias crudele et immane, etiam aspectu tarn dirum
atque horrendum fuit, ut eo solo homines in saxa verteret.
Erat autem e Gorgonibus una Medusa, ac sola inter eas mor-
talis, cum reliquae passivae non essent. Perseus igitur, ad tarn
nobile facinus se comparans, anna ad dona a tribus Diis mutuo

1 Virg. JEn. vi. 270. The first tub ought of course to be per.

LIBER SECUNDUS. 531

accepit ; alas a Mercurio, talares scilicet non axillares : a Plu-
tone autem galeam ; scutum denique a Pallade et speculum.
Neque tamen (licet tanto apparatu instructus) ad Medusam
recta perrexit, sed primum ad Graeas divertit. Eae sorores ex
altera parente Gorgonibus erant. Atque Grasas ista? canae et-
iam a nativitate erant, et tanquam vetulas. Oculus autem iis
tantummodo et dens erat omnibus unicus ; quos, prout exire
foras quamque contigerat, vicissim gestabant, reversae autem
deponere solebant. Hunc itaque oculum atque hunc dentem
ilia? Perseo commodarunt. Turn demum cum se abunda ad
destinata perficienda instructum judicaret, ad Medusam pro-
peravit impiger et volans. Illam autem offendit dormientem,
neque tamen aspectui ejus (si forsan evigilaret) se committere
audebat, sed cervice reflexa et in speculum illud Pallaclis in-
spiciens, atque hoc modo ictus dirigens, caput Medusae abscidit.
Ex sanguine vero ejusdem in terram fuso statim Pegasus alatus
emicuit. Caput autem abscissum Perseus in scutum Palladia
transtulit et inseruit, cui etiamnum sua mansit vis, ut ad ejus
intuitum omnes ceu attoniti aut syderati obrigerent.

Fabula conficta videtur de belligerandi ratione et prudentia.
Atque primo omnis belli susceptio debet esse tanquam missio a
Pallade; non a Venere certe (ut bellum Trojanum fuit), aut
alia levi ex causa ; quippe cum in consiliis solidis decreta de
bellis fundari oporteat. Deinde de genere belli eligendo tria
proponit fabula praecepta, sana admodum et gravia. Primum
est, ut de subjugatione nationum jinitimarum quis non magno-
pere laboret. Neque enim eadem est patrimonii et imperil
amplificandi ratio. Nam in possessionibus privatis vicinitas prae-
diorum spectatur, sed in propagando imperio occasio et belli
conficiendi facilitas et fructus loco vicinitatis esse debent.
Itaque Perseus, licet Orientalis, tamen tarn longinquam expe-
ditionem usque ad extremum Occidentem minime detrectavit.
Hujus rei exemplum insigne est in belligerandi diversa ratione
patris et filii regum, Philippi et Alexandri. Ille enim in fini-
timis bellis occupatus urbes paucas imperio adjecit, idque non
sine maxima contentione et periculo; quippe qui et alias, et
praacipue in praelio Chasroneo, in ultimum discrimen adductus
fuit; at Alexander, longinquam expeditionem bene ausus in
Persas, nationes infinitas subjugavit, magis itineribus quam
praeliis fatigatus. Hoc ipsum adhuc clarius cernitur in propa-
gatione imperil Romanorum, qui quo tempore ex parte Occi-

M M 2

532 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

dentis vix ultra Liguriam armis penetraverant, eoaem tempore
Orientis provincias usque ad montem Taurum armis et imperio
complex! sunt. Etiam Carolus Octavus rex Galliae bellum
Britannicum (quod matrimonio l tandem compositum est) non
admodum facile expertus, expeditionem illam Neapolitannm
longinquam admiranda quadam facilitate et felicitate transegit.
Habent certe hoc bella longinqua, ut cum iis manus conseratur
qui militiae et armis invasoris minime sint assueti, quod in fini-
timis secus se habet. Etiam et apparatus in hujusmodi expe-
ditionibus solet esse diligentior et instructior, et terror apud
hostes ex ipso ausu et fiducia major. Neque etiam fere possit
fieri in illis expeditionibus remotis, per hostes ad quos tarn longo
itinere pervenitur, diversio aliqua aut invasio reciproca, quae in
belligerandi ratione cum finitimis saspius adhibetur. Caput
autem rei est, quod in subjugandis finitimis occasionum delectus
in augusto versatur; at si quis longinquiora non detrectet,
poterit pro arbitrio suo eo transferre bellum ubi aut disciplina
militaris maxime est enervata, aut vires nationis plurimum at-
tritas et consumptae, aut dissidia civilia opportune oborta, aut
aliaa hujusmodi commoditates se ostendant. Secundum est, ut
semper subsit causa belli justa et pia et honorifica et favorabilis.
Id enim alacritatem turn militibus turn populis impensas con-
ferentibus addit, et societates aperit et conciliat, et plurimas
denique commoditates habet. Inter causas autem belli, admo-
dum favorabilis est ea quae ducit ad debellandas tyrannides, sub
quibus populus succumbit et prosternitur sine animis et vigore,
tanquam sub Aspectum Medusae; quod etiam Herculi divinita-
tem conciliavit. Romania certe magna religio fuit, strenue* et
impigre accurrere ad socios tuendos, si quoquo modo oppress!
fuissent Etiam bella ob vindictam justam fere semper foelicia
fuerunt, sicut bellum adversus Brutum et Cassium ad vindican-
dam mortem Caesaris; Severi ad vindicandam mortem Perti-
nacis ; Junii Bruti ad vindicandam mortem Lucretias. Denique
quicunque bello calamitates hominum et injurias aut levant
aut vindicant, sub Perseo militant. Tertium, ut in omni
bello suscipiendo vera sit (estimatio virium; atque recte perpen-
datur utrum bellum sit tale quod confici et ad exitum perduci
possit, ne quis vastas et infinitas spes persequatur. Prudenter
enim Perseus inter Gorgonas (per quas bella representantur)

1 In 1491 Charles the Eighth married Anne of Brittany, and thus put an end to
the war which Bacon here speaks of.

LIBER SECUNDUS. 533

earn delegit quae in sua natura mortalis erat, neque ad impossi-
bilia animum adjecit. Atque de iis quas in suscipiendo bello
deliberationem subeunt, haec praecipit fabula ; reliqua ad belli-
gerationem ipsam pertinent.

In bello maxime omnium prosunt ilia tria Dona Deorum,
adeo ut fortunam ipsam fere regant et trahant. Accepit enim
Perseus celeritatem a Mercurio, occultationem consiliorum ab
Oreo, et providentiam a Pallade. Neque caret allegoria, eaque
prudentissima, quod alae illae celeritatis in rebus conficiendis
(cum celeritas in bello plurimum possit) talares non axillares
fuerint, atque pedibus non humeris additae ; quia non tarn in
primis belli aggressibus, quarn in iis quae sequuntur et primis
subsidio sunt, celeritas requiritur. Nullus enim error in bello x
magis frequens fuit, quam quod prosecutiones et subsidiarii im-
petus initiorum alacritati non respondeant. At galea Plutonis
(quas homines invisibiles reddere solebat) manifesta parabola
est. Nam consiliorum occultatio, post celeritatem, maximi ad
belluna est momenti. Cujus etiam celeritas ipsa pars magna
est. Celeritas enim consiliorum evulgationem praavertit. Ad
galeam Plutonis spectant, -ut unus bello praesit cum mandatis
liberis ; consultationes enim cum multis habent aliquid potius
ex cristis Martis, quam ex galea Plutonis. Eodem spectant
praetextus varii, et designationes ancipites, et famae emissarise,
quas oculos hominum aut perstringunt aut avertunt, atque vera
consiliorum in obscuro ponunt. Edam cautiones diligentes et
suspicaces de literis, de legatis, de perfugis, et complura alia,
galeam Plutonis ornant et revinciunt. At non minus interest
consilia hostium explorare, quam sua occultare. Itaque galeae
Plutonis adjungendum est speculum Palladia, per quod hostium
vires, inopia, occulti fautores, dissidia et factiones, progressus,
consilia cernantur. Quoniam vero tantum fortuitorum sus-
cipit bellum, ut nee in consiliis propriis occultandis nee in
hostium explorandis nee in celeritate ipsa multum fiduciae po-
nendum sit, ideo ante omnia sumendum Palladia scutum, Prom-
dentia scilicet, ut quam minimum Fortunas relinquatur. Hue
pertinent, explorato vias inire, castra diligenter inunire (quod
in militia moderna in desuetudinem fere abiit, castra vero instar
urbis munitas Romanis ad adversos praelii eventus erant), acies
stubilis et ordinata, non nimium fidendo cohortibus levis arma-
turaa, aut etiam equitum turmis; denique, omnia quae ad solidam
et sollicitam defensivam spectant ; cum plus valeat utique in

534 DE AUGMENTS SC1ENTIARUM

bellis scutum Palladis, quam gladius ipse Martis. Verum
Perseo utcunque copiis aut animis instructo restat aliud quid-
piam, maximi per omnia moment!, antequam bellum incipiatur:
nimirum, ut divertat ad Graas. Graeae autem proditiones sunt,
bellorum scilicet sorores, non germanse illae quidem, sed generis
nobilitate quasi impares. Bella enim generosa, proditiones de-
generes et turpes. Earum descriptio elegans est, ut caruz a
nativitate sint et tanquam vetulce, propter perpetuas proditorum
curas et trepidation es. Earum autem vis, (antequam in mani-
festam defectionem erumpant,) aut in oculo, aut in dente est.
Omnis enim factio, a statu quopiam alienata et in proditionem
propensa, et speculatur et mordet. Atque hujusmodi oculus et
dens tanquam communis est; nam quicquid dklicerunt et no-
verunt, fere per manus ab una ad alteram transit et percurrit.
Et quod ad dentem attinet, uno quasi ore mordent, et eadem
scandala jactant ; ut si unam audias, omnes audias. Itaque
Perseo sunt istas Graeae conciliandae atque in auxilium addu-
cendaa, praesertim ut oculum et dentem suum ei commodent;
oculum ad indicia, dentem ad rumores serendos et invidiam
conflandam et animos hominum sollicitandos. Postquam vero
omnia bene sint ad bellum prasparate disposita, illud in primis
curandum, quod Perseus fecit, ut Medusa dormiens inveniatur.
Prudens enim belli susceptor semper fere hostem assequitur
imparatum, et securitati propiorem. Denique in ipsis belli
actionibus atque insultibus, ille intuitus in speculum Palladis
adoperandus est. Plurimi enim ante ipsa pericula res hostium
acute et attente introspicere possunt; at in ipso periculi arti-
culo aut terrore offunduntur, aut pericula nimium praecipites
et a fronte spectant ; unde in ilia temere ruunt, vincendi me-
mores, vitandi obliti. At neutrum horum fieri debet ; sed in
speculum Palladis cervice reflexa inspiciendum, ut impetus recte
dirigatur absque vel terrore vel furore.

A bello perfecto et victoria sequuntur effecta duo ; Pegasi
ilia generatio et exsuscitatio, quaa satis evidenter Famam denotat,
quse per omnia volat, et victoriam celebrat, et reliquias belli
faciles et in votum cedentes efficit. Secundum, gestatio capitis
Medusa in scuto ; siquidem nullum praesidii genus huic ob prae-
stantiam comparari possit. Unicum enim facinus insigne et
memorabile, foeliciter gestum et perpetratum, omnes hostium
motus obrigescere facit, atque malevolentiam ipsam stupi-
dam reddit.

LIBER SECUNDUS. 535

Exemplum tertium Philosophies secundum Parabolas antiquas, in
Moralibus. De Cupiditate, secundum fabulam Dionysi.

NARRANT Semelem Jovis pellicem, postquam juramento eum
inviolabili ad votum indefinitura obstrinxisset, petiisse ut ad
amplexus suos accederet ialis qualis cum Junone consuesset.
Itaque ilia ex conflagratione periit. Infans autem quern in
utero gestabat, a patre exceptus, in femur ejus insutus est, donee
menses foetui destinatos compleret. Ex quo tamen onere Ju-
piter interim nonnihil claudicabat. Itaque puer, quod Jovem,
dum in femore ejus portaretur, gravaret et pungeret, Dionysi
nomen accepit. Postquam autem editus esset, apud Proserpi-
nam per aliquot annos nutritus est ; cum vero adultus esset, ore
fere muliebri conspiciebatur, ut sexus videretur tanquam am-
bigui. Etiam extinctus et sepultus quondam erat ad tempus,
et non ita multo post revixit. Atque prima juventa vitis cul-
turam, atque adeo vini confectionem et usum, primus invenit et
edocuit; ex quo Celebris factus et inclytus orbem terrarum
subjugavit, et ad ultimos Indorum terminos perrexit. Curru
autem vehebatur a tigribus tracto ; circa eum subsultabant dae-
mones deformes, Cobali vocati, Acratus et alii. Quin et Musas
comitatui ejus se adjungebant. TJxorem autem sibi sumpsit
Ariadnem, a Theseo desertam et relictam. Arbor ei sacra
erat hedera. Etiam sacrorum et caeremoniarum inventor et in-
stitutor habebatur ; ejus tamen generis, quae et fanaticae erant et
plenae corruptelarum, atque insuper crudeles. Furores quoque
immittendi potestatem habebat, Certe in orgyis ejus, a mulie-
ribus furore percitis duo viri insignes discerpti narrantur, Pen-
theus et Orpheus ; ille dum arbore conscensa spectator eorum
quae agerentur curiosus esse voluisset ; hie cum lyram suaviter
et perite pulsaret. Atque hujus dei res gestaa cum Jovis rebus
fere confunduntur.

Fabula videtur ad Mores pertinere, ut vix quicquam in phi-
losophia morali melius inveniatur. Describitur autem sub
persona Bacchi natura Cupiditatis, sive affectuum et perturba-
tionum animi. Primum igitur, quod ad natalia Cupiditatis
attinet. Origo cupiditatis omnis, licet nocentissimae, non alia est
quam Bonum Apparens. Sicut enim virtutis mater est Bonum
Existens, similiter cupiditatis mater est Bonum Apparens.
Altera Jovis (sub cujus persona anima humana repraesentatur)
uxor legitima, altera pellex ; quae tamen Junonis honores aemu-

M M 4

536 DE AUGMEM'IS SC1ENTIARUM

letur, tanquam Semele. Concipitur vero Cupiditas in voto
illiclto, prius temere concesso quam rite intellecto et judicato.
Atque post quam efFervescere coeperit, Mater ejus (natura scili-
cet et species boni), ex nimio incendio destruitur et perit. Pro-
cessus autem Cupiditatis a conceptu suo talis est. Ilia ab animo
humane (qui ejus est genitor) et nutricatur et occultatur, pra>
cipue in inferiori parte ejus, tanquam femore ; atque animum
pungit et convellit et deprimit, adeo ut actiones et decreta ab
ea impediantur et claudicent, Quinetiam postquam consensu
et tempore confirmata est et in actus erumpit, ut jam quasi
menses compleverit et edita plane sit atque nata, primo tamen ad
tempus nonnullum apud Proserpinam educatur, id est latebras
qu&rit, atque clandestina est, et quasi subterranea ; donee re-
motis Pudoris et Metus frsenis, et coiilita audacia, aut virtu tis
alicujus praetextum sumit aut infamiam ipsam contemnit. Atque
illud verissimum est, omnem affectum vehementiorem tanquam
ambigui sexus esse. Habet enim impetum virilem, impotentiam
autem muliebrem. Etiam illud prseclare, Bacchum mortuum
reviviscere. Videntur enim affectus quandoque sopiti atque
extincti ; sed nulla fides habenda est iis, ne sepultis quidem ;
siquidem praebita materia et occasione, resurgunt.1

De Inventions Vitis parabola pmdens est. Omnis enhn
affectus ingeniosus est admodum et sagax, ad iuvestigandum ea
quae ipsum alant et foveant. Atqui ante omnia quae hominibus
innotuere, vinum ad perturbationes cujuscunque generis exci-
tandas et inflammandas potentissimum est et maxime efficax ;
atque est Cupiditatibus in genere instar fomitis communis. Ele-
gantissime autem ponitur Affectus, sive Cupiditas, provinciarum
subjugator et expeditionis infinitae susceptor. Nunquam enim
partis acquiescit, sed appetitu infinite neque satiabili ad ulteriora
tendit, et novis semper inhiat. Etiam tigres apud Affectus sta-
bulant^et ad currum eorum subinde jugantur. Postquam enim
Affectus curulis esse creperit, non pedcstris, sed victor rationis
et quasi triumphtitor factus sit, in omnes qui adversantur aut se
opponunt crudelis est et indomitus ac immitis. Facetum autem
est, quod circa currum Bacchi subsultant illi d&mones defonnes

1 Yet Rochefoucauld has said " II est impossible d'aimer une seconde fois ce qu'on
a veritablement cesse d'aimer." — Reflexions Morales, 294. [The two observations arc
not, 1 think, incompatible with one another. Bacon speaks of the appetite rather than
the sentiment ; and Rochefoucauld does not say that a man cannot love again that
which he thinks he has ceased to love. — J. S.]

L113E11 SECUNDUS. 537

et ridiculi. Omnis enim affectus vehementior progignit motus
in oculis et ore ipso et gestu indecoros et inconditos, subsulto-
rios et deformes ; adeo ut qui sibi ipsi fortasse in aliquo afFectu
(veluti ira, arrogantia, amore) videatur magnificus et tumidus,
aliis tamen appareat turpis et ridiculus. Conspiciuntur autem
in Cupiditatis comitatu Muses. Neque enim reperitur ullus fere
affectus tarn pravus et vilis, cui non blandiatur aliqua doctrina.
Hac enim in re ingeniorum indulgentia et procacitas Musa-
rum majestatem in immensum minuit ; ut cum duces vitas et
signiferi esse debeant, sint non raro cupiditatum pedissequae
et oblectatrices.

Inprimis vero nobilis est ilia allegoria, Bacchum amoves suos
in earn effudisse, qua? ab alio relicta erat et fastidita. Certissi-
mum enim est, affectus id petere atque ambire, quod experientia
jampridem repudiavit. Atque norint omnes, qui affectibus suis
servientes et indulgentes pretium potiundi in immensum augent
(sive honores appetant, sive amores, sive gloriam, sive scientiam,
sive alia quaecunque) se res relictas petere, et a compluribus per
omnia fere sascula post experimentum dimissas et repudiatas.
Neque mysterio caret, quod hedera Baccho sacra fuerit. Hoc
enim duplici modo convenit ; primum quod hedera liyeme vire-
scat; deinde quod circa tot res (arbores, parietes, aedificia) ser-
pat ac circumfundatur et se attollat. Quod ad primum enim
attinet, omnis cupiditas per renitentiam et vetitum et tanquam
antiperistasin J (veluti per frigora brumae hedera) virescit, ac
vigorem acquirit. Secundo, affectus aliquis in humana anima
prsedominans omnes ejus actiones et decreta tanquam hedera
circumsepit; neque fere quicquam purum invenias, cui ilia cla-
viculas suas non imprimat. Neque mirum est, si superstitiosi
ritus Baccho attribuantur ; cum omnis fere malesanus affectus
in prams religionibus luxurietur, adeo ut haereticorum colluvies
bacchanalia ethnicorum superarit ; quorum etiam superstitiones
non minus cruentaa quam turpes extiterunt. Neque itidem
mirum est, si furores a Baccho immitti putentur ; cum et omuis
affectus in excessu suo veluti furor brevis sit, et si vehemen-
tius obsideat et incumbat, in insania saspius terminetur. Illud
autem de Pentheo et Orpheo inter Orgya Bacchi laceratis, evi-
dentem parabolam habet ; cum affectus quisque praevalidus erga
duas res sit asperrimus atque infensissimus ; quarum altera est

1 See infra, p. 542.

538 DE AUGMENT1S SCIENTIARUM LIB. SEC.

inquisitio in eum curiosa, altera admonitio salutaris et libera.
Neque auxilio fuerit, si ilia inquisitio fiat tantum contempla-
tionis aut spectandi gratia, tanquam arbore conscensa, absque
omni animi malignitate ; neque rursus, si admonitio ilia multa
cum suavitate et dexteritate adhibeatur ; verum utcunque non
tolerant Orgya aut Pentheum aut Orpheum. Postremo, ilia
confusio personarum Jovis et Baccjii ad parabolam recte traduci
potest ; quandoquidem res gestse nobiles et clarae, atque merita
insignia et gloriosa, interdum a Virtute et recta ratione et
magnanimitate, interdum autem a latente affectu et occulta
cupiditate (utcunque famae et laudis celebritate utraque res
pariter gaudeat) proveniant ; ut non facile sit distinguere facta
Dionysi a factis Jovis.1

Verum in theatro nimis diu moramur; transeamus ad pa-
latium animi; cujus limina majori cum veneratione et cura
ingredi couvenit.

1 It seems not improbable that Bacon was led to consider the ancient mythology
from the point of view which he has illustrated both here and in the Wisdom of the
Ancients, by an author with many of whose writings he was familiar. Plutarch's
treatise De hide et Osiride is very much in the same manner.

539

FRANCISCI BARONIS DE VERULAMIO,

VICE-COMITIS SANCTI ALBANI,

DE DIGNITATE ET AUGMENTIS
SCIENTIARUM,

LIBER TEETIUS.

AD REGEM SUUM.

CAPUT I.

Partitio Scientm in Theologiam, et Philosophiam. Partitio
Philosophiae in Doctrinas tres ; de Numine, de Natura, de
Homine. Constitutio Philosophiae Primae, ut Matris Corn-
munis omnium.

HISTORIC omnis (Rex optime) humi incedit, et ducis potius
officio quam lucis perfungitur; Poesis autem doctrinaa tan-
quam somnium : res dulcis, et varia, et volens videri aliquid in
se habere divini ; quod etiam somnia vendicant Verum jam
tempus est mihi ut evigilem, et me humo attollam, Philosophic
et Scientiarum liquidum aethera secans.

Scientia aquarum similis est. Aquarum aliae descendunt cce-
litus, aliae emanant e terra. Etiam Scientiarum primaria par-
titio sumenda est ex fontibus suis. Horum alii in alto siti sunt,
alii hie infra. Omnis enim scientia duplicem sortitur informa-
tionem. Una inspiratur divinitus, altera oritur a sensu. Nam
quantum ad illam quae docendo infunditur scientiam, cumulativa
ea est, non originalis ; sicut etiam fit in aquis, quae praeter
fontes primaries ex aliis rivulis in se receptis augescunt.
Partiemur igitur scientiam in Theologiam, et Philosophiam.
Theologiam hie intelligimus Inspiratam sive Sacram ; non Na-
turalem, de qua paulo post dicturi sumus. At illam (Inspira-
tam mmirum) ad ultimum locum reservabimus, ut cum ea

540 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

sermones nostros claudamus ; cum sit portus et sabbatum
humanarum contemplationutn omnium.

Philosophize autem objectum triplex, Deus, Natura, Homo ;
et triplex itidem Radius rerum ; Natura enim percutit intel-
lectum radio directo ; Deus autem, propter medium inasquale
(creaturas scilicet), radio refracto ; Homo vero, sibi ipsi mon-
stratus et exhibitus, radio reflexo.1 Convenit igitur partiri
Philosophiam in doctrinas tres : Doctrir.am de Numine, Doctri-
narn de Natura, Doctrinam de Homine. Quoniam autem par-
titiones scientiarum non sunt lineis diversis similes, quae coeunt
ad unum angulum ; sed potius ramis arborum, qui conjungun-
tur in uno trunco (qui etiam truncus ad spatium nonnullum
integer est et continuus, antequam se partiatur in ramos);
idcirco postulat res, ut priusquam prioris partitionis mem-
bra persequamur, constituatur una Scientia Universalis, quae
sit mater reliquarum, et habeatur in progressu doctrinarum
tanquam portio via3 communis antequam viae se separent et
disjungant. Hanc Scientiam Philosophic Primes, sive etiam
SajAenticB (qua? olim rerum divinarum atque humanarum sci-
entia definiebatur), nomine insignimus. Huic autem scientias
nulla alia opponitur; cum ab aliis scientiis potius limitibus
intra quos continetur quam rebus et subjecto differat; fastigia
scilicet rerum tantummodo tractans. Hanc ipsam utrum inter
Desiderata reponere oporteat, haesito ; sed arbitror tamen poni
debere. Equidem invenio farraginem quandam et massam in-
conditam doctrinae ex Theologia Naturali, ex Logica, ex parti-
bus quibusdam Physicas (veluti de Principiis et de Anima)
compositam et congestam; et sublimitate quadam sermonis,
hominum qui seipsos admirari amant, tanquam in vertice scien-
tiarum collocatam. Nos vero misso fastu id tantum volumus,
ut designetur aliqua scientia, quae sit receptaculum Axiomatum

1 The parallel which naturally suggests itself between light and knowledge has by
several writers been traced in the modifications of which light is susceptible. Thus
Roger Bacon, at the close of his Perspectii-a, likens vision by direct light to divine
knowledge, by refracted light to angelic knowledge, and by reflected light to human ;
and again to man's knowledge in the state of glory '• facie ad faciem," to his knowledge
in the intermediate state, and to that which he has in this present life ; " et haec est
recte per reflexionem, secundum quod dicit apostolus, Videmus nunc per speculum in
aenigmate." And in this life also vision is triple . " scilicet recta in perfectis. fracta in
imperfectis; et in mails et in negligentibus mandata Dei, est etiam per reflexionem" —
an assertion in support of which he quotes S. James, i. 23. and 24. But all these
illustrations differ from that in the text, inasmuch as they relate to the different kinds
of knowledge which appertain to different orders and states of being, and not to the
differences which arise from the nature of the object. For a nearer parallel, at least
with respect to the radius reflcxus, see Plutarch De Curiositate, c. 3.

LIBER TERTIUS. 541

qua? particularium scientlarum non sint propria, sed pluribus
earum in commune competant.1

Plurima autem id genus Axiomata esse nemo ambigat. Ex-
empli gratia, Si incequalibus eequalia addas, omnia erunt incequa-
lia, regula est ex Mathematicis. Eadem et in Ethicis obtinet,
quatenus ad justitiam distributivam ; siquidem in justitia Com-
mutativa, ut paria imparibus tribuantur ratio aequitatis po-
stulat; at in distributiva, nisi imparia imparibus prasstentur,
iniquitas fuerit maxima.2 Qua in eodem tertio conveniunt, et
inter se conveniunt, regula est itidem ex Mathematicis ; verum
simul tarn potens in Logica, ut syllogism! sit fundamentum.
Natura se potissimurn prodit in minimis3, regula est in Physicis
tarn valida, ut etiam Democriti atomos produxerit ; veruntamen
earn recte adhibuit Aristoteles in Politicis, qui contemplationem
reipublica3 orditur a familia. Omnia mutantur, nil interit4, re-
gula itidem in Physicis, hoc modo prolata ; Quantum Natures
nee minuitur nee auaetur. Eadem competit Theologian Naturali,
sic variata ; Omnipotently sunt opera, Aliquid ex nihilo facere,
et Aliquid in nihilum rcdigere ; quod etiam Scriptura testatur,
Didici quod omnia opera qua fecit Deus perseverent in perpe-
tuum ; non possumus eis quicquam addere, nee auferre.5 Interi-
tus rei arcetur per reductionem ejus ad principia, regula est in
Physicis; eadem valet in Politicis (ut recte notavit Machia-
vellus), cum ilia quae interitum rerumpublicarum maxime pro-
hibent nihil aliud fere sint quam reformatio earum et reductio
ad antiques mores.6 Putredo serpens magis contagiosa est quam
matura 7, regula est in Physicis ; eadem insignis etiam in Mora-
libus ; cum homines profligatissimi et maxime facinorosi minus
corruptelae inferant publicis moribus quam qui aliquid vidcntur
habere sanitatis et virtutis, et ex parte tantum mali sunt.
Quod conservativum est Formae majoris, id activitate potentius9,
regula est in Physicis ; etenim, ut non abscindatur ipse rerum
nexus, nee detur (ut loquuntur) vacuum, facit ad conservandam
fabricam universi; ut vero gravia congregentur ad massam

1 It is to principles of this kind that the title of Axioms is given by Aristotle.
Bacon's first instance resembles that which Aristotle gives in the Anal, Post. i. 8.
But most of his other instances are of a different character.

2 See for the difference between distributive and commutative justice, the Nlco-
machean Ethics, v. cc. 3, 4, 5.

3 This passage has been already quoted, Book IL C. 2.

4 Ovid. Metam. xv. 165. 5 Ecclesiast, iii. 14.

6 Macchiav. Discorsi, iii. § 1. ' Vide supra, p. 466.

8 This dictum is, I think, Bacon's own ; at least I have not met with it.

542 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

terrae, facit ad conservandam tantum regionem denaorum.
Itaque prior motus posteriorem doraat. Eadem tenet in Poli-
ticis ; nara quae faciunt ad conservandam ipsam politiam in sua
natura validiora sunt quam quae ad bene esse particularium
in republica membrorum conducunt. Similiter eadem locum
habet in Theologia ; etenim in theologicis virtutibus, Charitas,
quas est virtus maxime communicativa, pra3 reliquis omnibus
eminet. Augetur vis agentis per antiperistasin contrarii1, re-
gula est in Physicis. Eadem mira praestat in Politicis ; cum
omnis factio ex contraria ingruente vehementer irritetur. To-
nus discors in concordem actutum desinens concentum commendat,
regula est Musicae. Eadem in Ethicis et Affectibus obtinet,
Tropus ille Musicus, a clausula aut cadentia (quam vocant), cum
jamjam adesse videatur, placide elabendi, convenit cum tropo
Rhetorieo expectationem eludendi. Fidium sonus tremulus ean-
dem afFert auribus voluptatem, quam lumen, aquas aut gemmae
insiliens, oculis ;

splendet tremulo sub lumine pontns.3

Organa sensuum cum organis reflexionum conveniunt ; hoc in
Perspectiva locum habet ; oculus enim similis speculo 3, sive
aquis ; et in Acoustica ; instrumentum enim auditus obici intra
cavernam simile. Haec pauca enumerasse sufficiet ad exempla.
Quinimo Magia Persarum (quae in tantum est celebrata) in eo
potissimum versabatur, ut architecturas et fabricas rerum natu-
ralium et civilium symbolizantes notaret.4 Neque hasc omnia

1 The doctrine of Antiperistasis, that is of the increase of intensity of one of two
contraries by the juxtaposition of the other, is applied by Aristotle, Meteor, i. c. 13.,
in the case of heat and cold, to explain the formation of hail. It is formally and
generally stated in Averroes's commentary on this passage. See also Arist. Probl. ii.
16., and Plutarch's Queest. Naturales.

2 Virg. &a. vii. 9.

8 That the word speculum is here used for " a glass " appears from the corresponding
passage in the Advancement of Learning. This use of the word, though certainly un-
common, is sanctioned by the authority of C. Agrippa, who, distinguishing lenses from
mirrors, calls the former " specula perspicua." See his celebrated work, De incertifu-
dine et vanitate scientiarum," with which Bacon seems, though he has spoken with
undeserved contempt of its author, to have been familiar. The phrase used by S. Paul,
" we see through a glass," is in the Vulgate " videmus per speculum," but it is at least
doubtful whether in both versions it was not intended to suggest the idea of vision by
reflected light ; so that the authority of the English translators cannot be cited in
support of Bacon's use of the word " speculum ;" though on the other hand there are
commentators who affirm that the word used in the original (4c6tfrpov') means what
in Latin is denoted by " speculare," in which case the vision 81' ^ff6irrpov is of
course by transmitted light

4 The system of Zoroaster, with which we are but imperfectly acquainted, was at
one time the subject of almost as many idle fancies as the philosophy of Hermes
Trismegistus. The first idea of the connexion between the Persian magic and the art
of government was suggested by the circumstance mentioned in the Alcibiades of

LIBER TERTIUS. 543

qure diximus, et alia hujus generis, similitudines merge sunt
(quales hominibus fortasse parum perspicacibus videri possint),
sed plane una eademque naturae vestigia aut signacula, diversis
materiis et subjectis impressa. Atque haec res adhuc sedulo
tractata non est. Invenias fortasse in scriptis quse ab ingeniis
celsioribus promanarunt hujusmodi Axiomata raro et sparsim
inserta ex usu argument! quod tractant; corpus vero aliquod
tfilium Axiomatum qua? vim habeant quandam primitivam et
summariam ad scientias, nemo composuit; cum tamen sit res
ejusmodi, quaB insigniter naturam unam faciat ; quod Philoso-
phies PrimcR munus esse autumant.

Est et alia hujus Philosophise Primae pars, quae si ad vocabula
respicias, vetus est ; si ad rem quam design amus, nova. Est
autem inquisitio de conditionibus adventitiis Entium (quas Tran-
scendentes dicere possumus), Pauco, Multo ; Simili, Diverse;
Possibili, Impossibili ; etiam Ente, et Non Ente ; atque ejus-
modi. Quandoquidem enim ista sub Physica proprie non
cadant, dissertatio autem Dialectica circa ea magis ad argumen-
tandi rationes quam ad rerum existentiam sit accommodata,
consentaneum omnino est ut hasc contemplatio (in qua non
parum est dignitatis et utilitatis) haud deseratur prorsus, sed in
scientiarum partitionibus nonnullum saltern inveniat locum.
Veruntamen hoc intelligimus fieri debere longe alio, quam quo
tractari solet, modo. Exempli gratia ; nemo, qui de Multo et
Pauco verba fecit, hoc egit ut causa reddatur cur alia in natura
tarn numerosa et ampla sint et esse possint, alia tarn rara et mo-
dica ; nam certe fieri non potest, ut in rerum natura tanta sit
copia auri quanta ferri ; tanta rosas quanta graminis ; tanta spe-
cificati quanta non-specificati.1 Similiter nemo qui de Simili et
Diverse disseruit, satis explicavit cur quasi perpetuo inter spe-
cies diversas interponantur participia quaedam, quae sunt specie!
ambiguaa ; veluti muscus, inter putredinem et plantam ; pisces
qui hasrent et loco non moventur, inter plantam et animal;
sorices et mures, et alia nonnulla, inter animalia ex putredine et

Plato that the princes of Persia were by the same persons instructed in politics and

in magic. Thus the elder Mirandula observes, " Utriusque (Zoroastris et Zamolxidis)
magia quid sit, Platonem si percontemur, respondent in Alcibiade, Zoroastris magiarn
non esse aliud quam divinam scientiam, qua. filios Persarum regum erudiebant, ut ad
exemplar mundanae reipublicae suam ipsi regere rempublicam edocerentur." — Johannis
Pici Mirandulce Apologia. (But compare J. F. Mirandula for an account of his
uncle's change of opinion on this subject. Vide his De Rerum Pranotione, vii. c. 2.)

The reference to Plato in the passage I have quoted is rather an unscrupulous one,
as Plato gives no information as to the nature of the Persian magic.

1 Vide supra, note, p. 502.

544 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

ex semine prognata1 ; vespertiliones, inter aves et quadrnpedes ;
pisces volantes (qui jam notissimi sunt), inter aves et pisces ;
phocae, inter pisces et quadrupedes ; et alia hujusmodi. Neque
rursus causam indagavit quispiam, cur cum similia similibus
gaudeant, ferrum ferrum non trahat, quod magnes facit ; neque
aurum ipsum aurum, licet argentum vivum alliciat. Circa
haec, et similia, in disceptatione de Transcendentibus illis altum
est silentium ; orationis enim apices, non rerum subtilitates,
secuti sunt homines. Quamobrem horum Transcendentium,
sive conditionum Entium adventitiarum, inquisitionem veram et
solidam, secundum naturae non sermonis leges, Philosophiam
Primam recipere volumus. Atque de Philosophia prima (sive
de Sophia) quam inter Desiderata haud immerito retulimus,
haac dicta sint.

CAPUT II.

De Theologia Natural! ; et Doctrina de Angelis et Spiritibus,
qu(R ejusdem est Appendix.

COLLOCATA igitur sua in sede Communi Scientiamm Parente,
instar Berecynthiaa tanta gaudentis ccelesti sobole,

Omnes coelicolas, omnes supera alta tenentes ;2

revertamur ad partitionem illam trium Philosophiarum, Divinaa,
Naturalis, et Humanae. Nam Theologia Naturalis, Philoso-
phia etiam Divina recte appellatur. Diffinitur autem haec, ut
sit talis scientia, seu potius scientias scintilla, qualis de Deo
haberi potest per lumen naturae et contemplationem rerum
creatarum ; et ratione objecti, sane divina, ratione informatio-
nis, naturalis censeri potest. Hujus scientiae limites ita vere
signantur, ut ad atheismum confutandum et convincendum,
et ad legem naturae informandam, se extendant; ad religio-
nem autem astruendam non proferantur. Quamobrem nee

1 It is exceedingly difficult to ascertain what animals were generally supposed to be
produced by equivocal generation. In a note on a passage in the Novum Organum
(ii. 41.) 1 have collected some contradictory opinions on this question. That mice
are mentioned as intermediate between the classes of animals which can and cannot be
equivocally generated, is perhaps connected with Aristotle's having affirmed that by
licking salt they breed without impregnation. This however does not affect the truth
of the remark in the text ; but it is worth while to notice that the aberrant types,
as they are called, of any class often appear to connect that class with more than
one other. E. g. the Monotremata and especially the Ornithorhynchus connect the
Mammalia with Reptiles as well as with Birds.

2 Virg. JEn. vi. 788.

LIBER TERTIUS. 545

Deus unquam edidit rairaculura quo converteretur atheus ;
quia poterat ipso naturae lumine ad notitiam Dei perduci ; verum
miracula ad convertendos idololatras l et superstitiosos designata
sunt, qui numen agnoverunt sed in cultu ejus aberrarunt ; quo-
niam non sufficit lumen naturae Dei voluntati declarandae, aut
cultui ejus legitimo prodendo. Sicut enim opificis potentiam et
peritiam ostendunt opera ejus, imaginem autem minime; sic
opera Dei conditoris omnipotentiara et sapientiam ostendunt,
imaginem ejus haudquaquam depingunt. Atque hac in re
ethnicorum opinio a sacra veritate recedit. Illi siquidem mun-
dum imaginem Dei statuebant, hominem mundi. At Sacrae
Literae baud tali honore mundum dignantur, ut Dei uspiam
imago dicatur, sed solummodo opus manuum ejus; hominem
vero imaginem Dei immediate substituunt. Quocirca, quod
sit Deus, quod rerum habenas tractet, quod summe potens,
quod sapiens et praescius, quod bonus, quod remunerator, quod
vindex, quod adorandus, etiam ex operibus ejus demonstrari
et evinci potest; et admirabilia complura secreta circa attri-
buta ejus, et multo magis circa regimen et dispensationem
super universum, etiam sobrie ex iisdem elici et manifestari
queunt; estque istud argumentum a nonnullis utiliter per-
tractatum.2 Verum ex intuitu reruin naturalium atque
liumanre rationis principiis, de fidei mysteriis vel ratiocinari
vel etiam suadere vehementius, aut rursus ea curiosius in-
trospicere et ventilare et de modo mysterii inquirere, baud
tutum meo judicio fuerit. Da Fidei qua Fidei sunt. Nam vel
ethnici, in illustri ilia et divina de aurea catena fabula hoc
ipsum concedunt, quod Jovem de ccelo ad terras deducere nee
homines potuerunt nee Dii ; e contrario, quod Jupiter pertrahere
eos potuerit e terra ad ccelum.3 Quare frustra sudaverit, qui
coelestia religionis arcana nostrse rationi adaptare conabitur.
Decebit potius mentes nostras ad crelestis veritatis thronum
adorandum attollere. In hac igitur parte Theologiae Naturalis,
tantum abest ut defectum aliquem observem, ut excessum po-
tius reperiam; ad quern subnotandum paulum sum digressus,
propter maxima incommoda et pericula quae ex eo turn re-
ligioni turn philosophiae impendent; utpote qui et religionem

1 Idolatras in the original. — /. S.

2 This passage, and others to the same effect, show how far Bacon was from wishing
to do away with natural theology, however much he was disposed to complain of the
abusive employment of final causes.

3 Vide supra, p. 487.

VOL. I. N N

546 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

haereticam procudet, et philosophiam phantasticam et super-
stitiosam.

Secus est quod ad Angelorum et Spirituum naturam atti-
nct, quae nee inscrutabilis est nee interdicta; ad quam etiam,
ex affinitate quam habet cum anima humana, aditus magna
ex parte est patefactus. Praecipit certe Sacra Scriptura,
Nemo vos decipiat in sublimitate sermonum, ct religions Ange-
lorum, ingerens se in ea quce non novit.1 Attamen si hoc
monitum diligenter perpendas, duo duntaxat in eo vetita repe-
ries ; adorationem scilicet, qualis Deo debetur, angelorum ; et
fanaticas de iis opiniones, vel ultra creaturse sortem eos effe-
rentes, vel ampliorem de Us cognitionem quam quis revera
adeptus sit venditantes. Ca3terum sobria circa illos inquisitio,
quae vel per rerum corporearum scalam ad eorum naturam per-
noscendam ascendat, vel in anirna humana veluti in speculo cam
intueatur, neutiquam prohibetur. Idem de Spiritibus statuen-
dum Immundis, qui a statu suo deciderunt.2 Consortium cum
iis atque usus operas eorum illicitus est ; multo magis qualiscun-
que cultus vel veneratio. At contemplatio et cognitio illorum
naturaa, potestatis, illusionum, non solum ex locis Scriptura?
Sacra?, sed ex ratione aut experientia, haud postrema pars est
sapientia? spiritualis. Sic certe Apostolus, Stratagematum ejus
non ignari sumus.3 Ac non minus Daemonum naturam investi-
gare in Theologia Natural! conceditur, quam venenorum in

1 Coloss. ii. 4. and 18.

* The theory of angels and that of fallen spirits form a large and not very profitable
chapter in every scholastic Sunima Theologia?. The dogmatic basis of these specula-
tions consists chiefly of spiritualising interpretations (sanctioned by the Fathers and
especially by S. Augustin) of certain texts of Scripture and of the supposed visions of
Dionysius the Areopagite. The theory of the angelic nature (both in its first and in
its fallen state) which the ingenuity of the schoolmen elaborated from these data, is a
most remarkable instance of metaphysical creation ; being no less than a determination
of the conditions of thought and volition which exist among intelligences of a higher
order than our own. That all such determinations are utterly unsatisfactory, both
from the want of data and from the inherent and insurmountable difficulty of the
problem to be solved, is not however to be denied.

I am not concerned to defend what the schoolmen have said upon the subject ; but
I may be allowed to mention in connexion with it an instance of the flippant ignorance
with which they are often spoken of. It is said in the history of Martinus Scriblerus
that they discussed the question whether angels know things best in the morning.
The assertion is of course founded on an absurd mistake of the meaning of the
inquiry, " utrum matutina cognitio potior sit quam vespertina." The doctrine of
matutinal and vespertinal cognition the schoolmen derive from S. Augustin, and
though neither its subtilty nor the eloquence with which it is expressed can prevent
its being censured as an unauthorised speculation, yet no wise man will think it a
matter to be jested with. I may refer with respect to it to Buonaventura's commen-
tary on the second book of the Sentences of Peter Lombard : Distinctio 4 : Quastio 2.
' " conclusio" is, " Angelus bonus habet cum matutina vespertinam quoque cogni-
tionem, qua non temporis sed dignitatis inter se habent ordinem."

3 2 Corinth, ii. II.

LIBER TERTIUS. 547

Physica, aut vitiorum in Ethica. Hanc autem scientiae par-
tern de Angelis et Dasmonibus inter Desiderata nuraerare non
licet, quippe quae ab haud paucis sit tentata. ^Equius esset,
ut scriptorum in hoc genere pars haud parva aut vanitatis
aut superstitionis aut subtilitatis inutilis arguantur.

CAPUT III.

Partitio Naturalis Philosophies, in Speculativam et Operati-
vam : quodque illce dues et in intentione tractantis, et in cor-
pore tractatus, segregari debeant.

MISSA igitur Theologia Natural! (cui inquisitionem de Spiri-
tibus, ut Appendicem attribuimus) accedamus ad secundam
partem ; videlicet illam de Natura, sive Philosophiam Natu-
ralem. Optime Democritus, Scientiam de Natura in profundis
mineris sive puteis latere demersam.1 Non male Chymici, Vul-
canum alteram naturam esse ; quinetiam id celeriter perficere,
quod natura per ambages et temporis moras solet.2 Quidni
igitur Philosophiam in duas partes secemus, Fodinam et Forna-
cem ; et duo constituamus Philosophorum munera, Operarios in
Mineris et Fabros ? Sane utcunque videamur haec per lusum
loqui, tamen hujus generis partitionem utilissimam esse cense-
mus, cum proponetur vocabulis familiaribus et scholasticis ; hoc
est, ut dividatur doctrina de Natura in Inquisitionem Causarum
et Productionem Effectuum ; Speculativam et Operativam. Al-
tera naturae viscera perscrutatur ; altera naturam veluti super
incudem efformat. Neque me fugit quam arcto copulentur
vinculo Causae et EfFectus, ut explicationem eorum aliquatenus
conjungi sit necesse. Attamen quandoquidem omnis solida et
fructuosa Naturalis Philosophia duplicem adhibeat scalam, earn*
que diversam ; Ascensoriam et Descensoriam ; ab Experientia
ad Axiomata, et ab Axiomatibus ad nova Inventa ; consultissi-
mum judico, ut has duae partes, Speculativa et Operativa, et in
intentione tractantis et in corpore tractatus separentur.

1 See Diogen. Laert. in Pyrrho, c. 72.

- For a parallel between the Vulcanus Elementatus, who is nearly equivalent to the
vis formatrix of nature, and the Vulcanus ignis, see Paracelsus's tract entitled
Meteorornm, c. 4.

N N 2

548 DE AUGMENT1S SCIENTIARUM

CAPUT IV.

Partitio Doctrinae Speculative de Natura, in Physicara Specia-
lem, et Metaphyslcam -, quorum Physica Causam Efficientem
et Materiam, Metaphysica Causam Finalem et Formam inqui-
rit. Partitio Physicce in Doctrinas de Principiis Rerum, De
Fabrica Rerum sive de Mundo, et de Varietate Rerum. Par-
titio Physicce de Varietate Rerum in Doctrinam de Concretis
et Doctrinam de Abstractis. Partitio Doctrinae de Concretis
rejicitur ad easdem Partitiones, quas suscipit Historia Naturalis.
Partitio Doctrinae de Abstractis in Doctrinam de Schematis-
mis Materiae, et Doctrinam de Motibus. Appendices duce
Physicce Speculative, Problemata Naturalia, Placita Anti-
quorum Philosophorum. Partitio Metaphysics in Doctrinam
de Fonnis, et Doctrinam de Causis Finalibus.

NATURALIS Philosophise partem, quae Speculativa est et theo-
retica, in Physicam Specialem et Metaphysicam dividere placet.
Atque in hac partitione attendant homines nos vocabulum Me-
taphysics usurpare sensu a recepto et vulgato discrepanti. Hie
autem locus admonendi videtur de nostro, in genere, circa usum
vocabulorum instituto. Id hujusmodi est, ut tarn in prsemisso
vocabulo Metaphysics quam in aliis ubi conceptus et notiones
nostrae novae sunt et a receptis recedunt, maxima certe cum
religione antiqua vocabula retineamus. Cum enim futurum
speremus ut ordo ipse et dilucida rerum explicatio, quam sub-
jungere conamur, nos a prava vocabulorum quibus utimur in-
telligentia liberent, in caeteris omnino avemus (quatenus sine
veritatis ac scientiarum dispendio fieri possit) vel minimum ab
antiquorum aut opinionibus aut loquendi more deflectere. Qua
in re Aristotelis confidentiam promde subit mirari, qui impetu
quodam percitus contradictionis et bellum universae antiquitati
indicens, non solum nova artium vocabula pro libitu cudendi
licentiam usurpavit, sed etiam priscam omnem sapientiam ex-
tinguere et delere annisus est. Adeo ut neque nominet uspiam
authores antiquos, neque dogmatum eorum mentionem ullam
faciat, nisi quo aut homines perstringeret aut placita redar-
gueret. Sane si famam nomini suo ac sequacium turbam
affectaverit, hoc rationibus suis in primis accommodatum. Si-
quidem in veritate philosophica asserenda et recipienda, idem
contingit quod in veritate divina ; Veni in nomine Patris, nee re-

LIBER TERT1US. 549

cipitis me ; si quis venerit in nomine suo, eum recipietis.^ Sed ex
hoc ccelesti aphorismo, si quern praecipue designaverit specte-
mus, (nempe Antichristum, omnium saeculorum impostorem
maximum,) colligere licet istud ipsum, Venire in nomine suo,
nulla antiquitatis aut (si ita loqui licet) paternitatis habita
ratione, rem mali ominis esse ad veritatem; utcunque earn
saspenumero comitetur ilia fortuna, Eum recipietis. Caeterum
de viro tarn eximio certe et ob acumen ingenii mirabili, Aristo-
tele, crediderim facile hanc ambitionem eum a discipulo suo
accepisse, quern fortasse semulatus est; ut si ille omnes na-
tiones, hie omnes opiniones subigeret, et monarchiam quandam
in contemplationibus sibi conderet. Quanquam fieri possit, ut
apud aliquos tetricos et linguae acerbae simili eum discipulo suo
titulo insigniretur,

Felix terrarum praedo, non utile mundo
Editus exemplum :2

eodem modo,

Felix doctrinse prsedo, &c.

Nobis vero ex altera parte (quibus, quantum calamo valemus,
inter vetera et nova in literis foedus et commercium contrahere
cordi est) decretum manet, antiquitatem comitari usque ad aras,
atque vocabula antiqua retinere, quanquam sensum eorum et
definitiones saspius immutemus ; secundum moderatum ilium et
laudatum in civilibus novandi modum, quo, rerum statu novato,
verborum tamen solennia durent ; quod notat Tacitus ; Eadem
magistratuum vocabula.3

Redeamus igitur ad acceptionem vocabuli Metaphysicce,
nostro sensu. Patet ex iis quae supra disseruimus, disjungere
nos Philosophiam Primam a Metaphysica, quae hactenus pro re
eadem habitae sunt. Illam Communem Scientiarum Parentem,

1 S. John, v. 43.

2 This is a curious misquotation from Lucan. The original is —

" Illic Pellsei proles vesana tyranni,
Felix praedo, jacet, terrarum vindice fato
Raptus ; sacratis totum spargenda per orbem
Membra viri posuere adytis. Fortuna pepercit
Manibus, et regni duravit ad ultima fatum.
Nam sibi libertas unquam si redderet orbem
Ludibrio servatus erat — non utile mundo
Editus exemplum, terras tot posse sub uno
Esse viro." LUCAN. x. 21.

It is obvious that terrarum in the first line does not depend on prcedo, but on fato ; so
that Bacon has changed not only the order of the words, but also the construction.

3 Tac. Ann. i. 3. We see from this passage, how little Bacon had of the spirit of an
iconoclast.

N N 3

550 DE AUGMENTIS SC1ENTIARUM

hanc Naturalis Philosophise Portionem posuimus. Atqui Philo-
sophise Primae, communia et promiscua Scientiarum Axiomata
assio-navimus. Etiam Kelativas et Adventitias Entium Condi-

O

tiones (quas Transcendentes nominavimus), Multum, Paucum ;
Idem, Diversum ; Possibile, Impossible ; et hoc genus reliqua,
eidem attribuimus: id solummodo cavendo, ut physice, non
logice tractentur. At inquisitionem de Deo, Uno, Bono,
Angelis, Spiritibus, ad Theologiam Naturalem retulimus.
Merito igitur quaeri possit quid tandem sit quod Metaphysics
relinquatur? Certe ultra Naturam nihil; sed ipsius Naturoe
pars multo praestantissima. Atque profecto, citra veritatis
dispendium, hue usque de veterum sententia respondere liceat,
Physicam ea tractare qua? penitus in materia mersa sunt et
mobilia, Metaphysicam abstracta magis et constantia. Eursus,
Physicam in natura supponere existentiam tantum et motum
et naturalem necessitatem ; at Metaphysicam etiarn mentem
et ideam. Nam hue forte redit ea quam dicemus res. Verum
iios earn, missa sermonis sublimitate, perspicue et familiariter
proponemus. Partiti sumus Naturalem Philosophiam in Cau-
sarum Inquisitionem et Productionem Effectuum. Inquisitio-
nem Causarum in Theoricam conjecimus. Earn in Physicam et
Metaphysicam partiti sumus. Ergo necesse est, ut vera diffe-
rentia harum sumatur ex natura causarum quas inquirunt.
Itaque absque aliqua obscuritate aut circuitione, Physica est
qua? inquirit de Efficiente et Materia ; Metaphysica quas de
Forma et Fine.1

2 Physica igitur Causarum vaga et incerta et pro modo
subject! mobilia complectitur ; Causarum constantiam non as-
sequitur.

1 The classification of causes here referred to is Aristotle's. In the first book of the
Metaphysica he has applied it, with singular felicity, to the history of philosophical
speculation. In order to apprehend its nature, it is necessary to take the word cause
in a wider signification than is ordinarily done.

The efficient cause is that which acts — the material cause that which is acted on ;
as when the fire melts wax, the former is the efficient, the latter the material cause
of the effect produced. The formal cause is that which in the case of any object de-
termines it to be that which it is, and is thus the cause of its various properties ; it
is thus the "ratio essentiae," the "\6yos TTJS oi)<rios." The final cause is that for the
sake of which any effect takes place, whether the agent is or is not intelligent ; semper
enim intenditur finis, non autem semper cognoscitur. These four kinds of causes may
be divided into two classes, extrinsic and intrinsic ; the efficient and final belonging to
the first class, the material and formal to the second. It is obvious that these dis-
tinctions involve the postulate of what has been called the theory of physical influence,
that is, that one substance really acts on another, and must at least be modified if we
adopt any such theory on this subject as that of Leibnitz or of Herbart.

2 All that follows, as far as the end of the paragraph in p. 561., is an addition to the
Advancement of Learning. — J. S.

LIBER TERTIUS. 551

Limus ut hie durescit, et baac ut cera liquescit,
Uno eodemque igne.1

Ignis duritiei causa, sed in limo ; ignis colliquationis causa,
sed in cera. Partiemur autem Physicam in doctrinas tres.
Natura enim aut collecta in unum, aut fusa et sparsa est. Col-
ligitur vero in unum Natura, aut propter communia rerum
omnium principia, aut propter unicam integralem universi
fabricam. Itaque haec Unio Naturae duas peperit Physicae
partes: unam de Principiis Rerum, alteram de Fabrica Uni-
versi sive de Mundo, quas etiam Doctrinas de Summis ap-
pellare consuevimus. Tertia doctrina (quae de natura sparsa
sive fusa tractat) omnimodam rerum varietatem et summas mi-
nores exhibet. Ex his igitur patet tres omnino reperiri doctri-
nas physicas, de Principiis Rerum, de Mundo sive de Fabrica
Rerum, et de Natura multiplici sive sparsa; quae postrema
(ut diximus) omnimodam rerum varietatem continet, estque
veluti glossa prima aut paraplirasis circa naturae interpreta-
tionem. Harum trium partium desideratar totaliter nulla ;
cseterum quam vere tractentur, non est hie diffiniendi locus.

At Physicam Sparsam, sive de Varietate Rerum, rursus in
duas partes dividemus; Physicam de Concretis, et Physicam
de Abstractis ; sive Physicam de Creaturis et Physicam de
Naturis. Altera (ut logicis vocabulis utamur) inquirit de
substantiis, cum omni varietate suorum accidentium ; altera
de accidentibus, per oinnem varietatem substantiarum. Veluti,
si inquiratur de leone aut quercu, ilia complura diversa acci-
dentia suffulciunt : contra, si inquiratur de calore aut gravitate,
ilia plurimis distinctis substantiis insunt. Cum vero omnis
Physica sita sit in medio inter Historiam Naturalem et Meta-
physicam, prior pars (si recte advertas) Historiae Natural!
propior est ; posterior Metaphysicae. Physica autem Concreta
eandem subit divisionem, quam Historia Naturalis ; ut sit vel
circa Ccelestia, vel circa Meteora, vel circa Globum Terra et
Maris, vel circa Collegia Majora quas Elementa vocant, vel circa
Collegia Minora sive Species ; etiam circa Prater-generationes,
et circa Mechanica. Etenim in hisce omnibus Historia Na-
turalis factum ipsum perscrutatur et refert, at Physica itidem
causas : sed intellige hoc de causis fluxis, Materia scilicet et
Efficiente. Inter hasce Physicae portiones manca prorsus et
imperfecta est ea, quae inquirit de Coelestibus, cum tamen

1 Virg. Eel. viii. 80.

N N 4

552 DE AUGMENT1S SCtENTIARUM

propter nobilitatem subject! praecipuae hominibus curas esse
deberet. Etenira Astronomia fundata est in phasnomenis non
male ; sed humilis est, et minime etiam solida : at Astrologia
in plurimis etiam fundamento caret. Certe Astronomia talem
offert humano intellectui victimam qualem Prometheus olini,
cum fraudem Jovi fecit. Adduxit ille, loco bovis veri, pellem
bovis, grandis et pulchri, stramine et foliis et viminibus suffar-
cinatam. Exhibet similiter et Astronomia exteriora coelestium
(astrorum dicimus numerum, situm, motus, periodos) tanquam
pellem cceli, pulchram, et in systemata fabre concinnatam ; at
viscera desunt, (Rationes nempe Physicae,) ex quibus (Hypo-
thesibus Astronomicis adjunctis) eruatur theoria, non qua?
phasnomenis tantum satisfaciat (cujus generis complures in-
geniose confingi possent), sed qua? substantiam et motum et
influxum coelestium, prout revera sunt, proponat. Explosa
enim fere jampridem sunt ilia, Raptus Primi Mobilis, et Soli-
ditas Call, (stellis in orbibus suis tanquam clavis in laquearibus
infixis). Nee multo melius asseritur, quod sint diversi Poli
Zodiaci et Mundi; quod sit Secundum Mobile renitentiae in
adversum Primi Mobilis raptus ; quod omnia in coelo ferantur
per circulos perfectos ; quod sint eccentrici et epicycli, quibus
motuum in circulis perfectis constantia servetur ; quod a Luna
in superius nulla sit mutatio aut violentia ; et hujusmodi.
Atque harum suppositionum absurditas in Motum Terras
Diurnum (quod nobis constat falsissimum esse) homines im-
pegit. At vix quisquam est, qui inquisivit causas physicas
turn de substantia coelestium tarn stellari quam interstellari ;
turn de celeritate et tarditate corporum coslestium ad invicem;
turn de incitatione motus diversa in eodem planeta ; turn de
motuum consecutione ab Oriente in Occidentem, aut e contra ;
deque progressionibus, stationibus, et retrogradationibus ; turn de
motuum sublatione et casu per apogaea et perigaea; turn de
motuum obliquatione, vel p§r spiras se versus tropicos texendo
et retexendo, vel per sinuationes quas Dracones ' vocant ; turn
de polis rotationum, cur magis in tali parte cosli siti sint quam
in alia ; turn de alligatione quorundam planetarum ad distantiam
certam a sole : hujus (inquam) generis inquisitio vix tentata est,

1 The word Draco is mostly used with reference to the Moon's orbit, and denotes
the two zones included between it and the ecliptic ; the nodes being respectively the
Caput and Cauda Draconis. The symbols which are still used both for the nodes of
the moon's orbit and for those of other orbits seem derived from this use of the word
Draco.

LIBER TERTIUS. 553

sed in mathematicis tantum observationibus et demonstrationibus
insudatur. Eas autem ostendunt quomodo haec omnia ingeniose
concinnari et extricari possint, non quomodo vere in natura
subsistere ; et motus tantum apparentes, et machinam ipsorum
fictitiam et ad placitum dispositam, non causas ipsas et veri-
tatem rerum indicant.1 Quocirca non male Astronomia (qualis
nunc habetur) inter Artes Mathematicas, non sine dignitatis
suae dispendio, numeratur ; cum debeat potius (si proprias partes
tueri velit) constitui Physicse pars quasi nobilissima. Qui-
cunque enim Superlunarium et Sublunarium conficta divortia
contempserit, et Materice Appetitus et Passiones maxime Catlw-
licas (quae in utroque globo validae sunt, et universitatem rerum
transverberant) bene perspexerit, is ex illis quae apud nos cer-
nuntur luculentam capiet de Rebus Coelestibus informationem,
et ab iis e contra quae in coelo fiunt haud pauca de Motibus
Inferioribus (qui nunc latent) perdiscet; non tantum quate-
nus hi ab illis regantur, sed quatenus habeant passiones com-
mune::.2 Quamobrem hanc partem Astronomiae, quas Physica

1 It is difficult to know what mode of investigation Bacon here intends to recom-
mend. The problem of astronomy necessarily is, before any investigation as to the
causes of the motions of the heavenly bodies can be undertaken, to determine what
those motions really are. The distinction between real motions and apparent motions
must be recognised before any progress can be made. And this distinction is not
between a fact and a theory in the common acceptation of the words, but between a
right theory and a wrong one. Bacon complains that the physical causes of the
occasional immobility and regression of the planets have not been inquired into : but
in this complaint is involved the theoretic assumption that the planets really are
stationary and really do regress. This assumption is made in order to account for
their appearing to us to change the direction of their motion. It is the obvious
explanation, but nevertheless a wrong one ; and if the phenomena in question are not
physical phenomena but optical, to what purpose is it to attempt to assign physical
causes for them ? And so in the other cases which he mentions. The value of any
hypothesis for the explanation of the phenomena of course depends on its simplicity
and its completeness, and the attempt to reduce all the celestial motions to perfect
circles was at the time at which it was made a great step in advance ; though the idea of
circular motion was unduly retained when it was found to be producing not simplicity
but complication. But consciously or unconsciously the mind is always introducing
principles of arrangement (ideas or hypotheses) among the objects of its attention, and
the error of the passage in the text is in effect the common one of assuming that the
form of hypothesis with which the mind happens to be familiar is on that account an
absolute fact. It is well to remark, as the Newtonian philosophy is often spoken of
as the great result of Bacon's methods, that none of Newton's astronomical discoveries
could have been made, if astronomers had not continued to render themselves liable
to Bacon's censure.

2 This prediction has been fulfilled by the history of physical astronomy, and the
information gained respecting the "motus inferiores" may be divided into two parts,
" quatenus hi ab illis regantur" and " quatenus habeant passiones communes." To
the first belong the theory of the tides and those of precession and nutation, to the
second that of the earth's figure, which depends on the law of universal gravitation,
and which therefore may be said to be a result of our knowledge of celestial phe-
nomena. The way in which what takes place in one part of the solar system is,
so to speak, reflected in others, is one of the most interesting subjects in physical
astronomy.

554 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

est, desiderari statuimus. Earn Astronomiam Vivam nomlna-
biraus, ad diiferentiam bovis illius Promethei suffarcinati, et
solummodo figura tenus bovis.

At Astrologia multa superstitione referta est, ut vlx aliquid
sanum in ea reperiatur. Attamen earn potius expurgandam,
quam prorsus abjiciendarn esse censemus. Quod si quis hanc
scientiam non in ratione aut contemplationibus physicis, sed in
caeca experientia et complurium saeculorum observatione fun-
datam esse contendat, ideoque rationum physicarum examen
rejiciat (quod jactabant Chaldaei), is eadem opera et auguria
revocet, et aruspicinam et exta et omnigenas fabulas deglutiat ;
nam et base omnia ut diutinae experientiae et per manus traditas
disciplines dictamina fuisse asserebantur. Nos vero et ut Phy-
sicae portionem Astrologiam recipimus, et non plus ei quam
ratio et rerum evidentia concedit tribuimus ; demptis supersti-
tionibus et commentis. Ut vero rem paulo attentius introspi-
ciamus : Primo quam inane illud commentum, quod singuli
planetae vicissim per horas regnent, ut spatio viginti quatuor
horarum regna sua ter repetant, praster horas tres supernurne-
rarias ! Attamen hoc commentum nobis divisionem hebdomadae
(rem tarn antiquam et tarn late receptam) peperit ; ut ex alter-
natione dierum manifestissime patet ; cum in principio diei se-
quentis regnet semper planeta, a planeta prioris diei quartus ;
propter tres illas horas quas diximus supernumerarias.1 Se-
cundo, pro commento vano rejicere non dubitamus doctrinam de
Thematibus Cceli ad puncta temporis certa, cum distributions
domorum; ipsas scilicet Astrologiae delicias, quae bacchanalia
quaedam in coelestibus exercuerunt. Nee satis mirari possumus
viros quosdam egregios, et in Astrologia principes, tarn levi ad
ista astruenda argumento innixos esse ; aiunt enim, quando illud
prodat experientia ipsa, solstitia, aequinoctia, novilunia, pleni-
lunia, et hujusmodi stellarum revolutiones majores manifesto et
insigniter operari super corpora naturalia ; necesse esse ut posi-
turoi stellarum magis exacta? et subtiliores effectus quoque magis
exquisites et occultiores producant. Illi vero seponere primo de-

1 This explanation of the origin of the names of the days of the week is given
by Dio Cassius, xxxvii. c. 21. He also gives another which is free from an objection
which has been alleged against the first ; namely that the names are older than the
division of the day into twenty-four hours. It is that the successive days were assigned
to the respective planets which are fourth in order from each other, from some notion
of analogy in the divine harmony to a musical progression by fourths. Joseph Scaliger,
as quoted by Selden, deduces the order of progression from the properties of a heptagon
inscribed in a circle. See on this subject a very learned essay by Archdeacon Hare in
the first volume of the Philological Museum.

LIBER TERTIUS. 555

buerant operationes Solis per calorem manifestum ; et similiter
Lunae vim quandam magneticam super incrementa aestuum semi-
menstrua ; (nam fluxus et refluxus maris quotidianus alia res
est ;) his vero sepositis, reliquas planetarum vires super naturalia
(quatenus experientia comprobantur) tenues admodum et infir-
mas et quasi latitantes reperient, etiam in revolutionibus majori-
bus. Quare contrario prorsus modo concludere debuerant ;
nimirum cum revolutiones illas majores tarn parum possint,
exactas illas et minutas positurarum differentias nihil omnino
virium obtinere. Tertio, Fatalia ilia, quod hora nativitatis
aut conceptionis fortunam foetus regat, hora incosptionis for-
tunam incoepti, hora qusestionis fortunam rei inquisitor, atque
(ut verbo dicamus) doctrinas de nativitatibus, electionibus, et
qu&stionibus, et istiusmodi levitates, maxima ex parte nihil
certi aut solidi habere, et rationibus physicis plane redargui
et evinci judicamus. lllud igitur magis attinet dicere, quid
tandem in Astrologicis retineamus aut probemus? atque in
iis quae probamus, quid desideremus? Nam hujus postremje
rei gratia (nempe ejus quod desideratur) sermonem hunc
instituimus, cum alias censuris (ut ssepe diximus) non vacemus.
Atque inter recepta certe doctrinam de Revolutionibus plus
sanitatis quam reliqua habere censemus. Verum id optimum
factu foret, si regulas quasdam praescribamus, ad quarum
trutinam et normam Astrologica examinentur ; ut utilia retine-
antur, rejiciantur inania. Prima ea sit, de qua jam ante monui-
mus Revolutiones majores retineantur, valeant minores horosco-
porum et domorum.1 Illae instar tormentorum grandium ictus
suos a longinquo jacere queant, has tanquam arcus minores
spatia evadere et vires deferre non possunt. Secunda est;
Operatio coelestium in corpora omnigena non valet, sed tantum in
teneriora, qualia sunt humores, aer, et spiritus ; atque hie tamen
excipimus operationes caloris solis et coelestium, qui et ad metalla
et ad plurima subterranea proculdubio penetrat. Tertia est ;
Omnis operatio coelestium potius ad massas rerum extenditur,

1 The heavens are in astrology divided into twelve compartments or houses, by
means of six great circles which pass through the north and south points of the
horizon, and divide the ecliptic into twelve equal portions. One of these circles coin-
cides with the horizon, and the point of the ecliptic through which it passes at the
moment of the nativity of the person whose destiny is to be ascertained, or of the com-
mencement'of the event whose fortunes are to be predicted, is called the horoscope.
These divisions are spoken of by Sextus Empiricus, who with Julius Firmicus is our
earliest authority on the subject of astrology. He seems rather to give the name of
houses to definite signs of the Zodiac than to the divisions of which we have been
speaking ; a sense in which the term is also used by later writers.

556 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

quam ad individua ; oblique tamen pervenit etiam ad individua
nonnulla : ilia scilicet, quas ex individuis ejusdem specie! sunt
maxime passibilia, et tanquam cera mollior ; veluti cum consti-
tutio aeris pestilens corpora minus resistentia occupat, magis
resistentia praeterit. Quarta est praecedenti non dissimilis ;
Omnis operatic ccelestium non in puncta temporum out angustias
minutas, sed in spatia major a, defluit et dominatur. Itaque prae-
dictiones de temperaturis anni verse esse possint ; de diebus
singulis, pro vanis merito habentur. Postrema est (quae etiam
prudentioribus astrologis semper placuit) quod nulla insit astris
fatalis necessitas ; sed quod inclinent ea potius quam cogant.1
Addimus et illud (in quo in partes Astrologiae, si fuerit emen-
data, non obscure venire videbimur) nimirum quod nobis pro
certo constet, Coelestia in se habere alios quosdam influxus
praeter Calorem et Lumen ; qui tamen ipsi secundum regulas
illas quas jam posuimus, et non aliter, valent. Verum illi in
intima Physica latent, et longiorem dissertationem postulant.
Visum est igitur nobis (his quae diximus rite perpensis) inter
Desiderata reponere Astrologiam his principiis nostris consen-
taneam ; atque sicut Astronomiam quaa physicis rationibus
nitatur, Astronomiam Vivam nominavimus ; ita et Astrologiam
quas per easdem regitur, Astrologiam Sanam appellare placet.
Circa quam recte conficiendam licet ea quae diximus non parum
profutura sint, pauca tamen addemus more nostro, quae liquido
proponent et ex quibus sit coagmentanda, et ad quas adhibenda.
Primo in Astrologiam Sanam recipiatur doctrina de commix-
tionibus radiorum, conjunctionibus scilicet et oppositionibus, et
reliquis syzygiis sive aspectibus planetarum inter se. Planeta-
rum autem per signa zodiaci pertransitum et locationem sub iisdem
signis etiam huic parti, de commixtionibus radiorum, assignamus.
Locatio enim planetae sub signo est conjunctio quaedam ejusdem
cum stellis signi. Quinetiam sicut conjunctiones, ita et op-
positiones et reliquae syzygice planetarum erga stellas signorum
notandae sunt, quod adhuc plene factum non est. At commix-
tiones radiorum stellarum fixarum ad invicem utiles quidem
sunt ad contemplationem de fabrica mundi, et regionum subja-
centium natura ; ad praedictiones minime, quia semper eodem
modo se habent. Secundo, recipiantur accessiones singulorum
planetarum propius ad perpendiculum, aut recessiones ab ipso,

\ This gnome is commonly quoted from Ptolemy.

LIBER TERTIUS. 557

secundum regionum climata. Habent enim planetae singuli
non minus quam Sol, suas aestates, suas hyemes; in quibus
fortius aut infirmius radios jaciant, propter rationem perpendi-
culi. Etenim nobis dubium non est, quin Luna posita in Leone
fortius operetur super corpora naturalia apud nos, quam posita
in Piscibus. Non quod Luna sub Leone ad cor respiciat, sub
Piscibus ad pedes (sicut fabulantur) ; sed propter elevationem
versus perpendiculum et approximationem ad stellas majores,
eadem prorsus ratione qua et Sol.1 Tertio, recipiantur apogcea
et perigaa planetarum, cum debita disquisitione, ad quaa perti-
neat planetce vigor in seipso, ad quae vicinitas ad nos. Planeta
enim in apogaeo, sive exaltatione sua, magis alacer est ; in peri-
ga3o autem, sive casu suo, magis communicat. Quarto, recipi-
antur (ut summatim dicamus) oinnia reliqua accidentia motus
planetarum ; quales singulorum in itinere suo accelerationes, re-
tar dationes, progressus, stationes, retrogradationes ; quales distan-
tice a Sole, combustiones, augmenta et diminutiones luminis, eclipses,
et si quae sint alia. Etenim faciunt haac omnia, ut planetarum
radii vel fortius vel debilius, diversis denique modis et virtuti-
bus, operentur. Atque quatuor ista ad radiationes stellarum
spectant. Quinto, recipiantur quae naturas stellarum, sive erra-
ticarum sive fixarum, in propria sua essentia et activitate rese-
rare et detegere ullo modo queant ; qualis magnitude ; qualis
color et aspectus ; qualis scintillatio et vibratio luminis ; qualis
situs versus polos aut cequinoctium ; quales asterismi ; qua3 aliis
stellis magis immixtce, quae magis solitaries ; quas superiores, qua3
inferiores ; quae ex fixis intra vias Soils et planetarum (Zodiacum
scilicet), quas extra ; quis ex planetis velocior, quis tardior ;
quis moveatur in ecliptica, quis pervagetur in latitudine; quis
possit esse retrogradus, quis minime ; quis patiatur omnimodam
distantiam a Sole, quis alligetur ; quis moveatur celerius in
apogcBO, quis in perig&o ; denique anomalia Mortis, expatiatio
Veneris, et labores sive passiones admirandae, quae non semel et
in Sole et in Venere deprehensae sunt2, et si quae sint alia.
Postremo, recipiantur etiam ex traditione, natures et inclinationes
planetarum particulares, atque etiam stellarum fixarum ; quae,
quandoquidem magno consensu tradantur, non leviter (prae-
terquam ubi cum physicis rationibus plane discordant) rejiciendae

1 The reason which Bacon rejects seems to be nearly as conclusive as that which he
admits.

2 See the Descrtptio Globi Intellectualis, for some account of these passiones.

558 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

sunt. Atque ex talibus observationibus coagmentatur Astroloyia
Sana; et secundum eas tantum Schemata Coeli et componere et
interpretari oportet.

Adhibetur autem Astrologia Sana ad pradictiones fidentius,
ad electiones cautius, ad utraque autem intra terminos debitos.
Praedictiones fieri possint de Cometis futuris, qui (ut nostra
fert conjectura) prsenunciari possunt, et de omni genere meteo-
rorum, de diluviis, siccitatibus, ardoribus, conglaciationibus, terras
motibus, irruptionibus aquarum, eruptionibus ionium, ventis et
pluviis majoribus, anni variis tempestatibus, pestilentiis, morbis
grassantibus, ubertate et caritate frugum, bellis, seditionibus,
sectiS) transmigrationibus populorum, denique de omnibus re-
rum vel naturalium vel civilium motibus aut innovatidnibus
majoribus. Ad magis autem specialia, et forte singularia,
praedictiones ist83 (licet minore certitudine) deduci possint, si
repertis primo hujusmodi temporum inclinationibus generalibus,
acri judicio vel physico vel politico applicentur illis speciebus
aut individuis qua3 hujusmodi accidentibus maxime sint ob-
noxia ; veluti si quis ex praecognitione tempestatum anni, eas
reperiet (exempli gratia) magis oleis quam vitibus, magis
phthisicis quam hepaticis, magis incolis collium quam vallium,
magis monachis quam aulicis (propter victus rationem diversam)
propitias aut perniciosas ; aut si quis ex cognitione influxus
quern cojlestia habent super spiritus humanos, reperiat eum
talem esse ut magis populis quam regibus, magis viris doctis et
curiosis quam animosis et militaribus, magis voluptariis quam
negotiosis aut politicis, faveat aut adversetur. Hujusmodi
autem innumera sunt ; sed (quemadmodum diximus) non tan-
tum cognitionem illam generalem quce sumitur ex astris (quae
sunt agentia) verum etiam particularem subjectorum (quae sunt
passiva) requirunt. Neque Electiones prorsus rejiciendae sunt ;
sed parcius illis quam Praedictionibus fidendum. Videmus enim
in plantationibus et seminationibus et insitionibus, aetatuin lunae
observatione,s non esse res omniuo frivolas. Sunt et multa ejus
generis. Verum et Electiones istae, etiam magis quam Praedi-
ctiones, per nostras regulas cohibenda? sunt. Atque illud sem-
per attendendum ; valere Electiones in illis tantum casibus, ubi
et virtus coelestium talis sit quae non subito transeat, et actio
inferiorum similiter talis quae non statim absolvatur ; quemad-
modum fit in illis exemplis quae memoravimus. Nam nee incre-
menta lunae subito transiguntur, nee incrementa plantarum,

LIBER TERTIUS. 559

Punctualitas vero temporis omnino repudianda. Inveniuntur
autem et talia complura (quod quis minus putet) in Electionibus
circa civilia. Quod si quis nos compellat eo nomine, quod ex
quibus ista Astrologia emendata elici possit, et rursus ad quas
utiliter adhiberi, aliquid monstravimus ; quis vero sit eliciendi
modus neutiquam docuimus; ille minus aequus fuerit, cum
artem ipsam (cujus debitores non sumus) a nobis exigat. Hoc
tamen circa illud ipsum quod petit monebimus ; quatuor tantum
esse modos, quibus ad hanc scientiam via sternatur. Primo,
per experimenta futura ; dein, per experimenta prceterita ; rursus,
per traditiones ; ultimo, per rationes physicas. Atque quod ad
experimenta futura, quid attinet dicere ? cum ilia sasculis com-
pluribus ad eorum copiam comparandam indigeant, ut de iisdem
cogitationem suscipere frustra fuerit. Quod vero ad expe-
rimenta proeterita ; ea certe in manu hominum sunt ; licet res sit
laboriosa, et multi otii. Possint enim astrologi, (si sibi non
desint,) omnes casus majores (veluti inundationes, pestilentias,
pralia, seditiones, mortes regum, si placet, et similia,) ex histo-
riaj fide depromere ; et situm co3lestium, non secundum thema-
tum subtilitatem sed juxta regulas eas revolutionum quse a nobis
adumbrate sunt, qualis fuerit sub iisdem temporibus, intueri ;
ut ubi manifestos fuerit eventuum consensus et conspiratio, ibi
pradictionis norma probabilis constituatur. Quatenus ad tradi-
tiones ; eas ita ventilare oportet, ut qua? cum rationibus physicis
manifesto pugnent e medio tollantur ; quae vero cum iis bene
consentiant etiam authoritate sua valeant. Quantum denique
ad physicas rationes ; illaa maxime huic inquisition! accommo-
date sunt, quae de catholicis material appetitibus et passioni-
bus, et de motibus corporum simplicibus et genuinis inquirunt.
His enim alis ad coelestia ista materiata ascenditur tutissime.
Atque de Astrologia Sana hactenus.

Insania3 autem Astrologies (prater ea qua3 a principio nota-
vimus commenta) alia quasdam portio superest non praster-
mittenda ; quiB tamen ab Astrologia secludi solet, et in Magiam
quam vocant Caelestem transferri. Ea nacta est mirum com-
mentum ingenii liumani, nimirum ut benevolus aliquis situs
astrorum in sigillis aut signaculis (puta metalli, aut gemmas
alicujus ad intentionem proprias) excipiatur, qua3 horas ejus
foelicitatem alias prastervolaturain detineant, et quasi vola-
tilem figant. Quemadmodum graviter ille conqueritur, de tarn
nobili apud antiques arte jampridem amissa ;

560 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

Annulus infuso non vivit minis Olympo,
Non magis ingentes humili sub lumine Phoebos
Fert Gemma, aut celso divulsas cardine Lunas.1

Certe reliquias Sanctorum, earumque virtutes, recepit Ecclesia
Romana ; (neque enim in divinis et immateriatis fluxus tem-
poris obest ;) verum ut condantur reliquiae coeli, quo hora quae
recessit et tanquam mortua est reviviscat et continuetur, mera
est superstitio. Missa igitur haec faciamus, nisi forte Musae
aniculae jam factae sint.

Physicam Abstractam in duas partes rectissime dividi posse
statuimus; doctrinam de Schematismis Materice, et doctrinam
de Appetitibus et Motibus. Utrosque cursim enumerabimus,
unde verae Physical de Abstractis adunibratio quaedam deduci
possit. Schematism! Materiae sunt, Densum, Rarum ; Grave,
Leve ; Calidum, Frigidum ; Tangibile, Pneumaticum ; Volatile,
Fixum ; Determinatum, Fluidum ; Humidum, Siccum ; Pingue,
Crudum ; Durum, Molle ; Fragile, Tensile ; Porosum, Unitum ;
Spirituosum, Jejunum ; Simplex, Compositum ; Absolutum, im-
perfecte Mistum; Fibrosum atque venosum, Simplicis positurcs
sive jfiquum ; Similare, Dissimilare ; Specificatum, non Speci-
jicatum ; Organicum, Inorganicum ; Animatum, Inanimatum ;
neque ultra rem extendimus. Sensibile enim et Insensibile,
Rationale et Irrationale, ad doctrinam de Homine rejicimus.
Appetituum vero et Motuum duo genera sunt. Sunt enim vel
Motus Simplices, in quibus radix omnium naturalium actionum
continetur, pro ratione tamen Schema tismorum Materiae ; vel
Motus Compositi sive producti, a quibus ultimis recepta philo-
sophia (quae parum de corpore naturae stringit) auspicatur.
Debent autem haberi hujusmodi Motus Compositi (quales sunt
generatio, corruptio, et reliqui) pro pensis quibusdam aut Sum-
mis Motuum Simplicium, potius quam pro motibus primitivis.
Motus Simplices sunt Motus Antitypice, quern vulgo motum ne
fiat penetratio dimensionum vocant ; Motus Nexus, quern motum
ex fuga vacui appellant ; Motus Libertatis, ne detur compressio

1 I have not been able to discover whence these lines are taken. The notion they
refer to gave rise to the word " Talisman," which seems to be a modification of the
Greek word TtAeoyta, used like <rToix«wjua in the sense of a configuration of the
heavenly bodies. See Salmasius De Annis Climactericis, and compare Von Hammer
on Talismans, in the Mines de I' Orient. For this last reference I am indebted to the
kindness of Mr. Scott, of Trinity College, Cambridge. See also Heyne, Opuscula, vol. 6.,
and the work to which he refers, namely the Speculum Lapidum of Camillus Leonardus,
book 3rd. Some other references will be found in Le Roux de Lincy Lime des
Legendes. •

LIBER TERTIUS. 561

aut extensio praeternaturalis ; Motus in Sphceram novam, sive ad
rarefactionem et condensationem ; Motus Nexus secundi, sive ne
detur solutio continuitatis ; Motus Congregationis Majoris, sive
ad massas connaturalium suorum, qui vulgo dicitur Motus Na-
turalis ; Motus Congregationis Minoris, qui vulgo dicitur Sym-
pathise et Antipnthise ; Motus Disponens, sive nt partes bene
collocentur in toto ; Motus Assimilationis, sive multiplicationis
naturaa suse super aliud ; Motus Excitationis, ubi agens nobi-
lius motum in alio lateutem et sopitum excitat ; Motus Sigilh
sive Impressionis3 operatio scilicet absque communication e sub-
stantise ; Motus Regius, sive cohibitio reliquorum motuum a motu
praedominante ; Motus absque termino, sive rotatio spontanea;
Motus Trepidationis, sive Systoles et Diastoles, corporum scili-
cet quse locantur inter commoda et incommoda ; postremo De-
cubitus, sive Exhorrentia Motus, quss etiam plurimarum rerum
est causativa. Hujusmodi sunt Motus Simplices, qui ex pene-
tralibus naturas vere prodeunt; quique complicati, continuati,
alternati, fraenati, repetiti, et multis modis aggregati, Motus
illos composites, sive Summas Motuum qua? receptas sunt, aut
illis similes constituunt. Summcs Motuum sunt decantati illi
motus, Generalio, Corruptio ; Augmentatio, Diminutio ; Altera-
tio, et Latio ; etiam Mixtio, Separatio ; Versio. Supersunt tan-
turn tanquam Appendices Physics, Mensurce Motuum; quid
possit Quantum, sive Dosis Natures ? Quid possit Distantia, id
quod Orbis Virtutis sive Activitatis * non male vocatur ? Quid
possint Incita'tio et Tarditas ? Quid brevis aut longa Mora ?
Quid Vis aut Hebetudo rei ? Quid Stimulus Peristaseos ? Atque
hse sunt Physicce verce de Abstractis partes genuinas. Etenim in
Schematismis Materiaa, in Motibus Simplicibus/ in Summis sive
Aggregationibus Motuum, et in Mensuris Motuum, Physica de
Abstractis absolvitur. Nam Motum voluntarium in animalibus ;
Motum qui fit in actionibus sensuum ; Motum phantasies, appe-
titus, et voluntatis ; Motum mentis, decreti, et intellectualium ; ad
proprias doctrinas amandamus. Illud tamen iterate monemus,
universa base quaa diximus in Physica non ulterius tractari,
quam ut inquirantur Materia et Efficiens ipsorum : retractan-
tur enim in Metaphysica, quoad Formas et Fines.

Physicse subjungemus Appendices insignes duas, quae non
tarn ad materiam quam ad modum inquisitionis spectant ;

1 The allusion is to Gilbert. See note at p. 526.
VOL. I. O O

562 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

blcmata Naturalia, et Placita Antiquorum Philosophorum. Prior
Natures multiplicis, sive Sparsce, appendix est ; secunda Na-
tures unitce, sive Summarum. Utraque ad solertem Dubita-
tionem pertinet, quae scientia? pars est non contcmnenda. Nam
Problemata particulares dubitationes complectuntur ; Placita
generates i circa Principia et Fabricam. Problematum exem-
plum nobile est in libris Aristotelis : quod genus operis meruit
certe, non solum ut posterorum laudibus celebraretur, verum
etiam ut eorum laboribus continuaretur ; cum Dubitationes
indies oriantur novae. Attamen in hac re adhibenda est cautio,
magni utique momenti. Dubiorum commemoratio et propo-
sitio duplicem in se habet fructum : unum, quod Philosophiam
muniat contra errores ; quando id quod non plane liquet non
judicatur aut asseritur (ne error errorem gigneret), sed sus-
penditur de eo judicium, et non fit positivum ; alterum, quod
Dubitationes, in codicillos relatae, totidem spongias sunt,. quae
incrementa scientiae perpetuo ad se sugant et alliciant ; unde fit
ut ilia quaa, nisi praecessissent Dubitationes, leviter et sicco pede
transmissa fuissent, Dubitationum admonitu attente et studiose
observentur. Verum ha3 duas utilitates vix unum compensant
incommodum quod, nisi sedulo prohibeatur, se ingeret ; nimi-
rum quod Dubitatio, si semel admittatur tanquam justa et fiat
quasi authentica, statim defensores in utramque partem suscita-
bit, qui etiam posteris eandem licentiam dubitandi transrnit-
tant ; adeo ut homines ingenia sua intendant et applicent ad
hoc, ut alatur potius Dubitatio quam terminetur 'aut solvatur.
Cujus quidem rei exempla et in jurisperitis et in academicis
ubique occurrunt, quibus moris est ut Dubitationem semel ad-
missam perpetuam esse velint, nee minus dubitandi quam asse-
rendi auctoramenta amplectantur : cum tamen ille demum sit
ingenii usus legitimus, qui ex dubiis certa faciat, non qui certa
in dubium vocet. Quare Kalendarium Dubitationum, sive Pro-
blematum in natura, et desiderari assero et suscipi probo ; modo
curae sit, ut aucta scientia indies (quod fiet proculdubio, si nos
audiant homines) qua? clare discussa? sint Dubitationes ex Albo
deleantur. Huic Kalendario aliud addi cuperem, non minus
utile : cum enim in omni inquisitione inveniantur hasc tria ; per-
spicue Vera} Dubia, perspicue Falsa ; utilissimum foret Kalen-
dario Dubiorum Kalendarium Falsitatum et errorum popularium,
vel in historia naturali vel in dogmatibus grassantium, adjun-
gere ; ne illae amplius scientiis molest® sint.

LIBER TERTIUS. 563

Quod ad Placita Antiquorum Philosophorum, qualia fuerunt
Pythagoras, Philolai, Xenophanis, Anaxagora?, Parmenidis,
Leucippi, Democriti, aliorum, (quae homines contemptim per-
currere solent,) BOH abs re fuerit paulo modestius in ea oculos
conjicere. Etsi enim Aristoteles, more Ottomanorum, regnare
se haud tuto posse putaret, nisi fratres suos omnes contruci-
dasset * ; tamen iis, qui non regnum aut magisterium sed veri-
tatis inquisitionem atque illustrationem sibi proponunt, non
potest non videri res utilis diversas diversorum circa rerum
naturas opiniones sub uno aspectu intueri. Neque tamen
subest spes, quod veritas aliqua purior ex illis aut similibus
theoriis speranda ullo modo sit. Quemadmodum enim eadem
phenomena, iidem calculi, et Ptolemaei principiis astronomi-
cis et Copernici competunt; ita experientia ista vulgaris qua
utimur, atque obvia rerum facies, pluribus diversis theoriis se
applicare potest ; ubi ad rectam veritatis indagationem longe
alia severitate opus fuerit. Eleganter enim Aristoteles; /«-
f antes primo balbutientes quasvis mulieres appellare matres ; post
autem propriam matrem discernere 2 ; sic certe puerilis expe-
rientia omnem Philosophiam appellabit matrem ; adulta vero
matrem veram internoscet. Interea juvabit Philosophias dis-
crepantes, veluti diversas Naturae glossas (quarum una fortasse
uno loco, alia alio est emendatior), perlegere. Optarim igitur
ex Vitis Antiquorum Philosophorum, ex fascicule Plutarchi de
Placitis eorum, ex citationibus Platonis, ex confutationibus
Aristotelis, ex sparsa mentione qua? habetur in aliis libris, tarn
ecclesiasticis quam ethnicis, (Lactantio, Philone, Philostrato,
et reliquis,) opus confici cum diligentia et judicio de Antiquis
Philosophiis. Tale enim opus nondum extare video. Atta-

1 Bacon, it is probable, alludes particularly to a memorable and then recent instance
of this practice. Mahomet III., ou becoming Sultan in 1595, put to death nineteen of
his brothers and ten or twelve women supposed to be with child by his father. Pope,
perhaps unconsciously, has imitated Bacon. In the character of Addison, he speaks of
him as one who could

" Bear, like the Turk, no brother near the throne."

It is worthy of remark that the practice in question was established as a fundamental
law of the state by Mahomet the Second. I quote his words from the French edition
of Von Hammer's History of the Ottoman Empire. "La plupart des legistes ont
declare que ces de mes illustres fils ou petits-fils qui monteront au trone pourront faire
executer leurs freres afin d'assurer le repos du monde — ils devront agir en conse-
quence."— L'Histoire de I' Empire Ottoman, iii. p. 302.

A little further on Von Hammer remarks that " la legalite" du meurtre est consacre"e
non seulement pour les freres du Sultan mes encore pour ses neveux et ses petits-
fils."

2 Physic, i.e. 1.

oo 2

564 DE AUGMENTIS SC1ENTIARUM

men hie moneo, ut hoc fiat distincte, ita ut singulae Philosophise
seorsum componantur et continuentur ; non per titulos et
fascicules (quod Plutarchus fecit) excipiantur. Quaevis enim
Philosophia integra seipsam sustentat, atque dogmata ejus sibi
mutuo et lumen et robur adjiciunt; quod si distrahantur, pere-
grinum quiddam et durum sonant. Certe quando apud Taci-
turn lego facta Neronis aut Claudii, circumstantiis temporum,
personarum, et occasionum vestita, nil video quod a proba-
bilitate prorsus abhorreat; cum vero eadem lego in Suetonio
Tranquillo, per capita et communes locos, minimeque in serie
temporis repraesentata, portenta quaedam videntur et plane
incredibilia, Neque absimilis est ratio Philosophise, quando
proponitur integra, et quando in frusta concisa et dissecta.
Neque vero ex hoc Placitorum Philosophies Kalendario nuperas
theorias et dogmata exclude ; sicut illam Theophrasti Paracelsi,
eloquenter in corpus quoddam et harmoniam philosophise re-
dactam a Severino Dano l ; aut Telesii Consentini, qui Parme-
nidis philosophiam instaurans arma Peripateticorum in illos
ipsos vertit ; aut Patricii Veneti, qui Platonicorum fumos sub-
limavit; aut Gilbert! popularis nostri, qui Philolai dogmata
reposuit ; aut alterius cujuscunque, si modo dignus sit. Horum
vero (quoniam volumina integra extant) summae tantum inde
conficiendae, et cum caeteris conjungendae. Atque de Physica
cum Appendicibus ha?c dicta sint.

Quantum ad Metaphysicam, assignavimus jam ei inquisi-
tionem Causarum Formalium et Finalium; quae assignatio,
quatenus ad Formas, incassum facta videatur. Invaluit siqui-
dem opinio atque inveteravit Rerum Formas essentiales, seu
veras differ entias, nulla humana inveniri diligentia posse. Quae
opinio interim nobis elargitur atque concedit, inventionem For-

1 Severinus was a Danish physician. He died in the year 1602, leaving several
works on medical and philosophical subjects, in which he followed the opinions of
Paracelsus. I am only acquainted with his Idea Mediciiice Philosophies, which there
is reason to think Bacon had read. His writings are in point of style much superior
to those of Paracelsus, who was however unquestionably a man of far more original
genius.

Telesius's principal work is his De Rerum Naturd [the first two books of which
were published in 1565, and the whole in 1586]. Bacon derived more ideas from him
than from any other of the " novelists," as he has somewhere called the philosophical
innovators, and has written a separate treatise on three systems of philosophy, of which
his is one. See the third volume of this edition.

Patricius attempted to amalgamate the Platonic and Aristotelian philosophies. His
principal work entitled \r,va de Universis Philosophia was published in 1591. It
is not of much interest, but I shall have occasion to refer to it in connexion with
Bacon's De fluxit et refiuxn man's.

LIBER TERTIUS. 565

marum ex omnibus scientiae partibus dignissimam esse quee
investigetur, si modo fieri possit ut reperiantur. Ad inven-
tionis possibilitatem vero quod attinet, sunt certe ignavi re-
gionum exploratores, qui ubi nil nisi coelum et pontum vident,
terras ultra esse prorsus negant. At manifestum est, Platonem,
viruin sublimis ingenii (quique veluti ex rupe excelsa omnia
circumspiciebat1), in sua de Ideis doctrina Formas esse verum
scientia objectum vidisse ; utcunque sententiae hujus verissimae
fructum amiserit, Formas penitus a Materia abstractas, non in
Materia determinatas, coiitemplando et prensando; unde factum
est, ut ad speculationes theologicas diverteret, quod omnem
naturalem suam philosophiam infecit et polluit. Quod si
diligenter, serio, et sincere ad actionem et usum oculos con-
vertamus, non difficile erit disquirere et notitiain assequi quae
sint illae Formae, quarum cognitio res humanas miris modis
locupletare et beare possit. Substantiarum enim Formae (uno
Homine excepto2, de quo Scriptura, Formavit hominem de limo
terra, et spiravit in faciem ejus spiraculum vitas 3, non ut de
caeteris speciebus, Producant aqua, producat terra*"), species
inquam creaturarum, (prout nunc per compositionem et trans-
plantationem inveniuntur multiplicatas,) ita perplexae sunt et
complicate ut aut omnino de iis inquirere frustra sit, aut inqui-
sitio earum, qualis esse potest, seponi ad tempus, et postquam
Formae simplicioris naturae rite exploratae sint et inventae, turn
demum institui debeat. Quemadmodum enim nee facile esset,
nee ullo modo utile, Formam soni investigare ejus qui verbum
aliquod constituat; cum verba compositione et transpositione
literarum sint infinita ; at soni qui literam aliquam simplicem
exprimat Formam inquirere (quali scilicet collisione, quali
instrumentorum vocis applicatione, constituatur) comprehen-
sibile est, imo facile ; (quae tamen Formae literarum cognitae ad
Formas verborum illico nos deducent5:) eadem prorsus ratione

1 Compare the phrase used by S. Augustine in speaking of the Platonists : "de sil-
vestri cacumine videre patriam pacis, et iter ad earn non invenire." — Confess, vii. 21.

2 Those who deny the cognoscibility of Forms admit of one exception, it being a
received article of faith, to deny which is by the Clementine constitutions declared a
heresy, that the rational soul is the substantial form of man ; and it is to be observed
that Bacon guards himself against being supposed to overlook this exception, in
admitting that substantial forms are so " perplexed and complicated " as to be, for the
present at least, hopeless subjects of inquiry.

a Gen. ii. 7. * Gen. i. 20. 24.

5 There can be, I think, no doubt that the passage in the Philebus (p. 17. et infra of
Stephens) in which Plato speaks of the analysis of sounds into their constituent

oo a

566 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

Formam inquirendo leonis, quercus, auri, imo etiam aqua aut
aeris, operara quis luserit: Formam vero inquirere Densi, Rari;
Calidi, Frigidi ; Grams, Levis ; Tangibilis, Pneumatici ; Vola-
tilis, Fixi; et similium tarn Schematismorum quam Motuum,
quos in Physica tractanda magna ex parte enumeravimus (et
Formas Prima Classis appellare consuevimus J), quique (veluti
literse alphabet!) numero baud ita multi sunt, et tamen
Essentias et Formas omnium substantiarum conficiunt et
sustinent2; hoc est, inquam, illud ipsum quod conamur;
quodque earn partem Metaphysicae de qua nunc inquirimus
constituit et diffinit. Neque hsec officiunt, quominus Physica
easdem naturas consideret quoque (ut dictum est), sed tantum
quoad causas Jluxas. Exempli gratia, si de causa inquiratur
Albedinis in nive vel spuma; recte redditur, quod sit subtilis
intermixtio aeris cum aqua. Haec autem, longe abest, ut
sit Forma Albedinis, cum aer etiam pulveri vitri aut crystalli
intermixtus albedinem similiter procreet, non minus quam si
admisceatur aquae; verum Causa Efficiens ilia tantum est,
quas nihil aliud quam vehiculum est Forma?.3 At in Meta-
physica si fiat inquisitio, hujusmodi quidpiam reperies ; corpora
duo diaphana iutermixta, portionibus eorum opticis simplici
ordine eive aequaliter collocatis, constituere Albedinem. Hanc
Metaphysicae partem desiderari reperio. Nee mirum ; quia illo
inquirendi modo qui hue usque in usum venit, nunquam in
saeculum comparebunt Rerum Formes. Radix autem mali
hujus, ut et omnium, ea est ; quod homines et propere nimis, et
nimis longe, ab experientia et rebus particularibus cogitationes
suas diveliere et abstrahere consueverunt, et suis meditatio-
nibus et argumentationibus se totos dedere.

elements, and which is a " locus classicus" with reference to his method of induction,
is here alluded to. See the General Preface, p. 26.

1 So in the original. The sense seems to require (e< quorum formas Formas Primae
Classis appellare consuevimus). See infra p. 568. — J. S.

2 It clearly appears from this passage that Bacon's doctrine was that the forms of
all substances might be determined by combining the results of a limited number ot
investigations of the forms of schematisms and motions, or as he elsewhere calls them
of simple natures. (See Novum Orgamim, ii. 5.) For the phrase " Formae primae
classis," see infra p. 668. The difficulty of effecting this combination might be in-
superable ; he did not profess to be able to decide a priori that it was not so ; but at
any rate it would be only a synthetical difficulty and would not present itself until his
analysis of nature was completed and the forms of her constituent elements determined.
Of the possibility of attaining these two ends — namely (1.) an analysis of nature
resulting in the formation of a complete list of " naturae simplices," and (2.) the
determination of their forms — he seems never to have doubted.

3 See Nov. Org. p. 270.

LIBER TERTIUS. 50 7

Usus autem hujus partis Metaphysics, quam Desideratis
annumero, duas ob causas vel maxime excellit. Prima est,
quod scientiarum omnium officium sit et propria virtus, ut
experientiae ambages et itinera longa (quantum veritatis ratio
permittit) abbrevient ; ac proinde remedium veteri querimonias
afferant, de Vita brevi et Arte longa.1 Illud vero optime
prasstatur, Axiomata scientiarum in magis generalia, et quse
omni materiae rerum individuarum competant, colligendo et
uniendo. Sunt enim Scientise instar pyramidum, quibus Hi-
storia et Experientia tanquam basis unica substernuntur ; ac
proinde basis Naturalis Philosophiae est Historia Naturalis.
Tabulatum primum a basi est Physica; vertici proximuni
Metaphysica ; ad conum quod attinet et punctum verticale
(opus quod operatur Deus a principio usque ad finem 2 ; sum-
mariam nempe naturae legem), haesitamus merito, an humana
possit ad illud inquisitio pertingere. Caeterum haec tria verae
sunt Scientiarum contabulationes, suntque apud homines
propria scientia inflates et theomachos tanquam tres moles
giganteae :

Ter sunt conati imponere Pelio Ossam,

Scilicet atque Ossae frondosura involvere Olympum : 3

apud eos vero qui seipsos exinanientes omnia ad Dei gloriam
referunt, tanquam trina ilia acclamatio, Sancte, Sancte, Sancte.
Sanctus enim Deus in multitudine operum suorum, sanctus in
ordine eorum, sanctus in unione. Quare speculatio ilia Par-
nienidis et Platonis, (quamvis in illis nuda fuerit speculatio,)
excelluit tamen; Omnia per scalam quandam ad unitatem
ascendere.4 Atque ilia demum scientia caeteris est praestantior,

1 " Vita brevis, ars vero longa, occasio autem prseceps, experimentum periculosum,
judicium difficile." — Hippocrates, Aph. i. 1. I quote from Leonicenus's version.

2 Eccles. iii. 11. * Virg. Georg. i. 281.

4 No such doctrine as this is to be found in the remains which have come down to
us of the writings of Parmenides, and it is in effect inconsistent with what we know of
his opinions. His fundamental dictum appears to have been that that which is, is
one ; incapable of change or motion. That visible things are in any sense parts or
elements or attributes of the one immutable substance is, as far as we can judge, a
later doctrine. To the question, what then are the phenomena of the visible universe,
Parmenides gives no answer ; unless we account as an answer what he says of their
delusive and non-existent character. Even Plato was far from teaching the doctrine of
an ascent to unity in the sense in which Bacon probably employed the terms. He
no doubt adopted in his own sense the dictum of the Eleatae, tv rk vdma; but with
him as with them mere phenomena have no true existence. In later writers however
Bacon may easily have found expressions derived from the authority of Plato and Par-
menides, and more consonant with his own views of the nature of the universe. But
so far as they themselves were concerned, it may I think be safely stated that
though the latter affirmed the et>6ri,s of that which exists, no doctrine of eVaxris entered
into his teaching ; and that that which presents itself in the system of the former was

o o 4

568 DE AUGMENT1S SCIENTIARUM

qujB humanum intellectum minimum multiplicitate onerat ;
quam liquet esse Metaphysicam *, quippe quae contemplatur
pracipue simplices illas rerum Formas (quas superius Formas
Primes Classis nominavimus 2) ; quandoquidem, licet immero
paucre, tamen coinmensurationibus et coordinationibus suis
omnem varietatem constituunt. Secunda res, quae hanc Meta-
physics partem de Formis nobilitat, haec nimirum est ; quod
potestatem humanam emancipet maxime et liberet, eamque in
amplissimum et apertissimum operand! campum educat. Nam
Physica per angustos et impeditos calles humanam operam
dirigit, naturae ordinariae flexuosos tramites imitata; sed latct
undique sunt sapientibus vies; Sapientise nimirum (quae a
veteribus rerum divinarum et humanarum scientia3 diffinie-
batur) mediorum copia et varietas semper suppetit. Causae
enim Physicae novis inventis, in simili materia, lucem et ansam
praebent. At qui Fonnam aliquam novit, novit etiam ultimam
possibilitatem superinducendi naturam illam in omnigenam mate-
riam, eoque minus inter operandum restringitur et alligatur
vel ad Materice Basim, vel ad Conditionem Efficientis. Quod
genus sciential eleganter describit etiam Salomon, etsi sensu
magis divino; Non arctabuntur gressus tui, et currens non
habebis offendiculum.4 Intelligit scilicet Sapientiae vias nee
angustiis nee obicibus obnoxias esse.

Metaphysicae pars secunda est Finalium Causarum inqui-

essentially different from Bacon's ascent to unity. The opinions of Parmenides would
be more accurately indicated by the formula If fb ov than by %v TO, vavrtt, or if the
latter be employed, it should be understood to suggest the ellipsis of Ka\av/j.eva, — a
remark apparently confirmed by Plato's expressions in the Sophist, p. 242, "Denique
ut uno verbo complectar, Parmenides statuit simplex ens, sive TO oirAws 6v, Platonici
ens perfectum, sive rb irai/Te\(as iv, h. e. tale in quo sit una r&v ov-rtav irdi/ruv com-
plexio," — is Karsten's statement of the contrast between the doctrine of Parmenides
himself, and that to support which he was cited as an authority. Karsten's Parmenides,
p. 210.

1 This passage resembles one in the Metaphysics, i. 2. ; but I am not sure that the
resemblance is more than accidental. Bacon, so far as I have observed, though he
quotes Aristotle frequently, never refers to any passage in the Metaphysics.

2 It is evident from this that the simple natures (the schematisms and motions) are
not the " Formae primse classis ;" although the literal interpretation of the passage
referred to in the text would make it appear that they are so. For the simple natures
are the proper objects of Physica Abstracta, and consequently are not identical with
the Forma; primae Classis, which are the subject of Metaphj sica.

The " Formae primae Classis" are the forms of simple natures, and in the former passage
(v. supra p. 566.) the clause between parentheses involves an anacoluthon, and refers
not to that which immediately precedes it, but to the word " formam " at the beginning
of the sentence. The construction would be regular if in this clause we were to re-
place the word "et"by"has autem" [or by " et quorum formas. " The "simple
natures" are the same in both passages ; but Physica deals only with the material and
efficient causes of them; Metaphysica with the formal and final causes. — J S.]

' See Cicero, Tusc. Quaest. iv. 26. * Proverbs, iv. 12.

LIBER TERTIUS. 569

sitio, quam non ut prcetermissam sed ut male collocatam
notamus. Solent enim inquiri inter Physica, non inter
Metaphysica. Quanquam si ordinis hoc solum vitium esset,
non mihi fuerit tanti. Ordo enim ad illustrationem pertinet,
neque est ex substantia scientiarum. "At haec ordinis inversio
defectum insignem peperit, et maximam philosophise induxit
calamitatem. Tractatio enim Causarum Finalium in Phy-
sicis inquisitionem Causarum Physicarum expulit et dejecit;
effecitque ut homines in istiusmodi speciosis et umbratilibus
causis acquiescerent, nee inquisitionem causarum realium et
vere Physicarum strenue urgerent ; ingenti scientiarum detri-
mento. Etenim reperio hoc factum esse, non solum a Platone,
qui in hoc littore semper anchoram figit; verum etiam ab
Aristotele, Galeno *, et aliis, qui saepissime etiam ad ilia vada
impingunt. Etenim qui causas adduxerit hujusmodi, palpebras
cum pilis pro sepi et vallo esse ad munimentum oculorum ; aut
corii in animalibus firmitudinem esse ad propellendos calores et
frigora ; aut ossa pro columnis et tralibus a natura induci quibus
fabrica corporis innitatur ; aut folia arborum emitti quo fructus
minus patiantur a sole et vento : aut nubes in sublimi fieri ut
terram imbribus irrigent ; aut terram densari et solidari ut statio
et mansio sit animalium ; et alia similia ; is in Metaphysicis
non male ista allegarit, in Physicis autem nequaquam. Imo,
quod cospimus dicere, hujusmodi sermonum discursus (instar
Remorarum, uti fingunt, navibus adhserentium) Scientiarum
quasi velificationem et progressum retardarunt, ne cursum
suum tenerent et ulterius progrederentur ; et jampridem
effecerunt ut Physicarum Causarum inquisitio neglecta defi-
ceret ac silentio praeteriretur. Quapropter Philosophia Natu-
ralis Democriti et aliorum, qui Deum et Mentem a fabrica
rerum amoverunt, et structuram universi infinitis natura? pra>
lusionibus et tentamentis 2 (quas uno nomine Fatum aut For-
tunam vocabant) attribuerunt, et rerum particularium causas
Material necessitati sine intermixtione Causarum Finalium
assignarunt, nobis videtur (quantum ex fragmentis et reliquiis

1 See especially Galen's De usu Partium, which is in effect a treatise on the doctrine
of final causes as exemplified in animal physiology. He calls the last book, which in-
troduces the general considerations to which the subject leads, the Epode of the whole
work ; explaining that he does so, because the Epode is sung while the chorus stands
at the altar of the deity.

8 See in illustration of this phrase, Lucretius, v. 835. et seq., and infra note 2.
at p. 682.

570 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

philosophise eorum conjicere licet) quatenus ad Causas Phy-
sicas, multo solidior fuisse et altius in naturara penetrasse quam
ilia Aristotelis et Platonis ; hanc unicam ob causam, quod illi
in Causis Finalibus nunquam operam triverunt ; hi autem eas
perpetuo inculcarunt. Atque magis in hac parte accusandus
Aristoteles quam Plato, quandoquidem fontem Causarum
Finalium, Deum scilicet, omiserit, et Naturam pro Deo substi-
tuerit ; causasque ipsas Finales potius ut logicse amator, quam
theologian, amplexus sit. Neque hsec eo dicimus quod Causa?
ilia? Finales vera? non sint, et inquisitione admodum digna?, in
speculationibus Metaphysica? ; sed quia, dum in Physicarum
Causarum possessiones excurrunt et irruunt, misere earn pro-
vinciam depopulantur et vastant. Alioquin, si modo intra
terminos suos coerceantur, magnopere hallucinantur quicunque
eas Physicis Causis adversari aut repugnare putent. Nam
causa reddita, quod palpebrarum pili oculos muniant, nequicquam
sane repugnat alteri illi, quod pilositas soleat contingere humidi-
tatum orificiis :

Muscosi fontes, &C.1

Neque causa reddita, quod coriorum in animalibus firmitudo
pertinet ad cceli injurias propulsandas, adversatur illi alteri,
quod ilia firmitudo Jit ob contractionem pororum in extimis corpo-
rum per frigus et deprcedationem aeris ; et sic de reliquis : con-
spirantibus optime utrisque causis, nisi quod altera intentionem,
altera simplicem consecutionem denotet. Neque vero ista res
in dubium vocat Providentiam Divinam, aut ei quicquam dero-
gat, sed potius eandem miris modis confirmat et evehit. Nam
sicut in rebus civilibus prudentia politica fuerit multo altior et
mirabilior, si quis opera aliorum ad suos fines et desideria abuti
possit, quibus tamen nihil consilii sui impertit, (ut interim ea
agant qua? ipse velit, neutiquam vero se hoc facere intelligant,)
quam si consilia sua cum adniinistris voluntatis sua? communi-
caret ; sic Dei sapientia effulget mirabilius cum Natura aliud
agit, Providentia aliud elicit, quam si singulis schematibus et
motibus naturalibus Providentia? characteres essent impressi.
Scilicet Aristoteli, postquam naturam Finalibus Causis im-
pregnasset, Naturamque nihil frustra facere, suique voti semper
esse compotem* (sz impedimenta abessent), et hujusmodi multa eo

1 Virff. Eel. vii. 45.

'•* See Arist. De Part. Anim. L 13 ; Polit i. 5 ; and many other passnges.

LIBER TERT1US. 571

spectantia posuisset, amplius Deo non fuit opus. At Demo-
critus et Epicurus, cum atomos suos praedicabant, eousque a
subtilioribus nonnullis tolerabantur ; verum cum ex eorum
fortuito concursu fabricam ipsam rerum absque Mente coiiluisse
assererent, ab omnibus risu excepti sunt. Adeo ut tantum absit
ut Causse Physicae homines a Deo et Providentia abducant, ut
contra potius philosophi illi qui in iisdem eruendis occupati
fuerunt, nullum exitum rei reperiant nisi postremo ad Deum et
Providentiam confugiant.1 Atque hsec de Metaphysica dicta
sint, cujus partem de Causis Finalibus in libris et Physicis et
Metaphysicis tractatam noil negaverim ; in his recte, in illis
perperam propter incommodum inde secutum.

CAPUT V.

Partitio Operatives Doctrines de Natura, in Mechanicam et Ma-
giam ; qua respondent partibus Speculative^ : Phy sices Mecha-
nica, Metaphysics Magia ; et Expurgatio vocabuli Magics.
Appendices dues Operatives; Inventarium Opum Humana-
rum et Catalogus Polychrestorum.

OPERATIVAM de Natura similiter in duas partes dividemus,
idque ex necessitate quadam. Subjicitur enim haec divisio
division! priori doctrinae Speculative : Physica siquidem et
inquisitio Causarum Efficientium et Materialium producit Me-
chanicam ; at Metaphysica et Inquisitio Formarum producit
Magiam. Nam Causarum Finalium inquisitio sterilis est, et
tanquam virgo Deo consecrata nihil parit.2 Neque nos fugit

1 "C'est Dieu," affirms Leibnitz in a spirit not unlike that, of the text, " qui est la
derniere raison des choses et la connoissance de Dieu n'est pas raoins le principe des
sciences que son essence et sa volonte sont les principes des etres." And a little further
on he remarks that " les principes generaux de la Physique et de la Mecanique meme
dependent de la conduite d'une intelligence souveraine, et ne sauraient etre expliques
sans le faire entrer en consideration. C'est ainsi qu'il faut reconcilier la piete avec la
raison, et qu'on pourra satisfaire aux gens de bien qui apprehendent les suites de la
philosophic mecanique ou corpusculaire, comme si elle pouvait eloigner de Dieu, et des
substances immaterielles, au lieu qu'avec les corrections requises, et tout bien entendu,
elle doit nous y mener." — Lettre a Bayle, p. 106. of Erdmann's edition.

2 No saying of Bacon's has been more often quoted and misunderstood than this.
Carrying out his division of the Doctrina de Natura, which as we have seen depends
upon Aristotle's quadripartite classification of causes, he remarks that to Physica cor-
responds Mcchanica, and to Metaphysica, Magia. But Metaphysica contains two parts,
the doctrine of forms and the doctrine of final causes. Bacon remarks that Magia cor-
responds to Metaphysica, inasmuch as the latter contains the doctrine of forms,
that of final causes admitting from its nature of no practical applications. "Nihil
parit," means simply " non parit opera," which though it would have been a more

572 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

esse et Mechanicam saepius mere empiricam et operariam, qua? a
Physica non pendeat; verum hanc in Historian! Naturalem
conjecimus, a Philosophia Natural! segregamus. Loquimur
tantum de ea Mechanica, quae cum Causis Physicis conjuncta
est. Veruntamen intervenit quaedam Mechanica, qua? nee
prorsus operaria est, neque tamen philosophiain proprie at-
tingit. Operum enim inventa omnia, quae in hominum noti-
tiam venerunt, aut casu occurrerunt et deinceps per manus
tradita sunt, aut de industria quaesita. Qua? autem intentio-
naliter inventa sunt, ilia aut per causarum et axiomatum
lucem eruta sunt, aut per extensionem quandam vel trans-
lationem vel compositionem inventorum priorum deprehensa;
quae magis ingeniosa quaedam res est et sagax, quam philosophica.
Hanc vero partem, quam neutiquam contemnimus, non multo
post, cum de Experientia Literata inter Logica tractabimus,
cursim perstringemus. Enimvero Mechanicam, de qua nunc
agimus, tractavit Aristoteles promiscue ; Hero in Spiritalibus ;
etiam Georgius Agricola, scriptor recens, diligenter admodum
in Mineralibus ; aliique quamplurimi in subjectis particula-
ribus1; adeo ut non habeam quod dicam de omissis in hac
parte; nisi quod Mechanica promiscua, secundum exemplum
Aristotelis, diligentius debuissent continuari per labores recen-
tiorum, pra3sertim cum delectu eorum Mechanicorum, quorum
aut causae magis obscurae aut effectus magis nobiles. Verum
qui in hisce insistunt, quasi oras tantum maritimas perreptant,
- premendo litus iniquum.2

precise mode of expression would have destroyed the appositeness of the illustration.
No one who fairly considers the context can, I think, have any doubts as to the limi-
tation with which the sentence in question is to be taken. But it is often the misfor-
tune of a pointed saying to be quoted apart from any context, and consequently to
be misunderstood.

1 The Mechanical Problems of Aristotle are here referred to. Of Hero, an Alex-
andrian physicist, who flourished about B. c. [100], Fludd makes frequent mention,
and it is perhaps on this account that he is here introduced. It is remarkable that no
notice is taken of Archimedes who, beyond all comparison, was the greatest mecha-
nical philosopher of antiquity. With his writings however there is reason to think
that Bacon had no acquaintance, and in the Historia Densi et Rari his most popularly
known invention, that of the method of detecting the adulteration of Hiero's crown, is
mentioned in a manner which seems to show that Bacon did not distinctly apprehend
the principle on which it depends. With contemporary scientific writers, Bacon
seldom appears to be acquainted, and it is therefore less remarkable that no mention
is made of Stevinus, Galileo, Guldinus, or Ghetaldus. Galileo's astronomical dis-
coveries were of course more generally known than his mechanical researches.

The writings of Agricola, who has been called the German Pliny, are even now, it
is said, of considerable value, and certainly entitle him to a high place among the
scientific men of the 16th century. His greatest work is the De re metallica, in
twelve books [published at Basle in 1555].

2 Hor. Od. ii. 10.

LIBER TERTIUS. 573

Meo siquidem judicio vix possit aliquid in Natura radicitus
verti aut innovari, vel per casus aliquos fortuitos, vel per tenta-
menta experimentorum, vel ex luce causarum physicarum, sed
solummodo per Inventionem Formarum. Si igitur desiderari
earn partem Metaphysicae quae de Formis agit posuimus, se-
quitur ut Naturalis etiam Magia, quae ad earn est relativa,
similiter desideretur. Verum hoc loco postulandum videtur,
ut vocabulum istud Magics, in deteriorem partem jampridem
acceptum, antique et honorifico sensui restituatur. Etenim
Magia apud Persas pro sapientia sublimi, et scientia consen-
suum rerum universalium, accipiebatur * ; atque etiam tres illi
reges, qui ab Oriente ad Christum adorandum venerunt, Mago-
rum nomine vocabantur. Nos vero earn illo in sensu intelli-
gimus, ut sit scientia quae cognitionem Formarum Abditarum
ad opera admiranda deducat ; atque, quod dici solet, activa cum
passivis conjungendo magnalia naturae2 manifested Nam quan-
tum ad Naturalem Magiam (quae in libris plurimorum volitat3)
credulas quasdam et superstitiosas traditiones et observationes
de Sympathiis et Antipathiis rerum, atque de occultis et specificis
proprietatibus complectentem, cum frivolis ut pluriinum experi-
mentis, potius occultandi artificio et larva quam reipsa admi-
randis ; non erraverit .sane, qui earn dixerit a scientia quam
quagrimus tantum distare, quoad veritatem naturae, quantum
libri rerum gestarum Arthuri ex Britannia, aut Hugonis Bur-
degalensis, et hujusmodi heroum umbratilium, drfferunt a Cae-
saris Commentariis, quoad veritatem historicam. Manifestum
enim est Caesarem majora revera perpetrasse, quam illi de
heroibus suis confingere ausi sunt, sed modis faciendi minime
fabulosis. Hujusmodi doctrinas bene adumbravit Fabulae de
Ixione ; qui cum Junonis, Potentiae Deaa, concubitum animo
sibi designaret, cum evanida nube rem habuit, ex quae Cen-
tauros et Chimaeras progenuit. Sic qui insana et impotenti
cupiditate feruntur ad ea quas per imaginationis tantum fumos
et nebulas cernere se putant, loco operum, nil aliud quam
spes inanes, et deformia quaedam ac monstrosa spectra, susci-
pient. Hujus autem Magiae Naturalis, levis et degeneris,

1 See supra, p. 542.

• " Magnalia naturae " is, it may be remarked, a favourite phrase with Paracelsus.
The word magnalia occurs in the Vulgate; see Ps. cvi. 22., where our version is " won-
drous works."

3 See for instance the Natural Magic of G. B. Pbrta, published in [1589] ; which
quite deserves the character here given of the class to which it belongs.

574 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

operatic super homines similis est soporiferis quibusdam
medicamentis, quae somnum conciliant, atque insuper inter
dormiendum la?ta et placentia somnia immittunt. Primo enim
intellectum humanum in soporem conjicit, canendo proprieta-
tes specificas, et virtutes occultas et tanquara coelitus demissas,
et per traditionum susurros solummodo perdiscendas ; unde
homines ad veras causas eruendas et indagandas non amplius
excitantur et evigilant, sed in hujusmodi otiosis et credulis
opinionibus acquiescunt; deinde vero innumera commenta
grata, et qualia quis optaret maxime, instar somniorum, insi-
nuat. Atque operas pretium est notare in illis scientiis, quae
nimium trahunt ex phantasia et fide (quales sunt Magia ista
levis, de qua nunc loquimur, Alchymia, Astrologia, et alia?
consimiles), media sua et theoriam solere esse magis monstrosa,
quam finis ipse est, et actio quo tendunt. Versio argenti, aut
argenti vivi, aut alicujus alterius metalli, in aurum, res creditu
dura ; attamen longe verisimilius est, ab homine qui Ponderis,
Coloris jlavi, Malleabilis et Extensibilis, Fixi etiam et Volatilis
naturas cognitas et perspectas habuerit, quique similiter prima
mineralium semina et menstrua diligenter introspexerit, posse
aurum multa et sagaci molitione tandem produci ; quam quod
pauca Elixiris grana, paucis momentis, alia metalla in aurum
vertere valeant per activitatem ejusdem Elixiris, qua? naturam
scilicet perficere et omni impedimento liberare possit. Similiter
senectutis retardatio, aut gradus alicujus juventutis instauratio,
non facile fidem reperiat; attamen longe verisimilius est, ab
homine qui naturam Arefactionis et spirituum super solida cor-
poris deprcedationes bene norit ; quique naturam Assimilationis
atque Alimentationis, vel perfections vel pravioris, perspexerit;
naturam etiam spirituum et quasi flamma corporis, alias ad
consumendum appositae alias ad reparandum, notarit; posse
per diaetas, balnea, unctiones, medicinas proprias, accommo-
data etiam exercitia, et similia, vitam prolongari aut vigorem
juventutis aliqua ex parte renovari; quam quod hoc fieri
possit per guttas pauculas, aut scrupulos alicujus pretiosi
liquoris aut quintessentice. Rursus, ex astris fata elici posse
non statim aut facile homines consenserint ; ilia vero, quod
Hora Nativitatis (quae saepissime ex pluribus accidentibus
naturalibus vel acceleratur vel differtur) vitae totius fortunam
regat ; aut quod Hora Quaestionis sit cum re ipsa quae quaeritur
confatalis; meras nugas dixeris. Attamen tanta exercet hu-

LIBER TERTIUS. 575

manum genus impotentia et intemperies, ut non solum quae
fieri non possunt sibi spondeant, sed etiam maxime ardua sine
molestia aut sudore, tanquam feriantes, se adipisci posse con-
fidant. Verura de Magia hactenus ; cujus et vocabulum ipsum
ab infamia vindicavimus, et speciem veram a falsa et ignobili
segregavimus.

Hujus vero partis, Operatives scilicet de Natura, duce sunt
Appendices, magni utraque pretii. Prima est, ut fiat Inventa-
rium Opum Humanarum, quo excipiantur et breviter enume-
rentur omnia hominum bona et fortunae (sive sint ex fructibus
et proventibus naturae, sive artis) quas jam habentur, et quibus
homines fruuntur; adjectis iis quas olim innotuisse constat,
nunc autem perierunt ; ad hunc finem, ut qui ad nova inventa
accingitur, de jam inventis et extantibus negotium sibi non
facessat. Hoc vero Inventarium magis erit artificiosum magis-
que etiam utile, si quae communi hominum opinione Impossibilia
reputantur in unoquoque genere adjunxeris ; atque una Proximo.
Impossibilibus, quae tamen habentur, copules ; ut alterum hu-
man am inventionem acuat, alterum quadantenus dirigat ; utque
ex his Optativis et Potentialibus, Activa promptius deducantur.
Secunda est, ut fiat Kalendarium eorum Experimentorum, quae
maxime Polychresta sunt, et ad aliorum inventionem faciunt
et ducunt. Exempli gratia; experimentum artificialis congla-
ciationis aqua per glaciem cum sale nigro, ad infinite pertinet J ;
hoc enim modum condensationis secretum revelat, quo homini
nihil est fructuosius. Praesto enim est ignis ad rarefactiones ;
verum in condensationibus laboratur. Plurimum autem facit
ad inveniendi compendium, si hujusmodi Polychresta proprio
Catalogo excipiantur.

1 The artificial congelation of water by snow and salt Bacon has elsewhere spoken
of as a recent discovery. I have not been able to ascertain by whom it was made.
In Boyle's New Experiments of Cold, it is said to be familiarly made use of in Italy,
though scarcely known in England ; and in the collection of experiments published by
the Florentine Academicians in 1667 (in which collection the celebrated "Florentine
experiment," which is in reality due to Bacon, is contained), artificial congelations are
spoken of, but (probably because the subject was commonly known) without any
reference to the history of the invention. " Sal nigrum," it may be well to mention,
is saltpetre.

576 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

CAPUT VI.

De magna Philosophies Naturalis, tarn Speculative quam Ope-
ratives, Appendice Mathematica ; quodque inter Appendices
potius poni debet, quam inter Scientias Substantivas. Parti-
tio Mathematics, in Puram et Mixtam.

OPTIME Aristoteles, Physicam et Mathematicam generare Pra-
cticam sive Mechanicam.1 Quare, cum jam tarn Speculativam
quam Operativam partem doctrinae de Natura tractaverimus,
locus est ut de Mathematica dicamus, quae ad utramque est
scientia auxiliaris. Haec siquidem, in Philosophia recepta,
Physicac et Metaphysical pars tertia adjungitur ; at nobis ista
retractantibus et recolentibus, si earn ut scientiam substantivam
et principalem designate in animo esset, magis consentaneum
videretur et rei ipsius naturae et ordinis perspicuitati, ut con-
stitueretur tanquam portio Metaphysicae. Quantitas enim (quae
subjectum est Mathematicaa) Materiae applicata veluti Dosis
Naturae est, et plurimorum effectuum in rebus naturalibus
causativa; ideoque inter Formas Essentiales numeranda est.
Figures autem et Numerorum potentia in tantum apud antiques
valere visa est, ut Democritus principia varietatis rerum in
Jiguris atomorum praecipue collocaverit ; ac Pythagoras naturam
rerum ex numeris constitui asseruerit. lllud interim verum
est, Quantitatem inter Formas Naturales (quales nos eas intel-
ligimus) omnium maxime esse abstractam, et a materia separa-
bilem ; quod ipsum in causa fuit, cur et diligentius exculta et
acrius inquisita ab hominibus fuerit quam aliae quaecunque
Formae, quae omnes in materia magis sunt immersae. Cum
enim id hominum animis plane insitum sit (plurimo certe cum
scientiarum detrimento) ut Generalium quasi campis liberis
magis quam Particularium silvis et septis delectentur, nil re-
pertum est Mathematicis gratius et jucundius, quo appetitus
iste expatiandi et meditandi expleretur. Etsi autem haec vera
sint, nobis tamen qui non tantum veritati et ordini, verum
etiam usui et commodis hominum consulimus, satiua demum
visum est Mathematicas, cum et in Physicis et in Metaphysicis
et in Mechanicis et in Magicis plurimum polleant, ut omnium
Appendices et copias auxiliares designare. Quod etiam quo-
dammodo facere compellimur, propter delicias et fastum Mathe-

1 Arist. Praef. ad Quaest. Mechan.

LIBER TERTIUS. 577

maticorum, qui hanc scientiam Physicae fere imperare dis-
cupiant. Nescio enim quo fato fiat ut Mathematica et Lo-
gica, quae ancillarum loco erga Physicam se gerere debeant,
nihilominus certitudinem suam prae ea jactantes, dominatum
contra exercere praesumant. Verum de loco et dignitate hujus
scientiae minus curandum, de re ipsa videamus.

Mathematica aut Pura est, aut Mixta. Ad Puram referun-
tur Scientiae, quae circa Quantitatem occupatae sunt, a Materia
et Axiomatibus physicis penitus abstractam. Ese duae sunt,
Geometria et Arithmetica; Quantitatem altera Continuam, altera
Discretam tractans. Quae duae artes magno certe cum acumine
et industria inquisitae et tractate sunt ; veruntamen et Euclidis
laboribus in Geometricis nihil additum est a sequentibus, quod
intervallo tot saeculorum dignum sit; et doctrina de Solidis
nee a veteribus nee a modernis pro rei usu et excellentia**in-
structa et aucta est.1 In Arithmeticis autem, nee satis varia
et commoda inventa sunt Supputationum compendia, praasertim
circa Progressiones, quarum in Physicis usus est non me-
diocris2, nee Algebra bene consummata est3; atque Arithme-
tica ilia Pythagorica et Mystica, quae ex Proclo et reliquiis
quibusdam Euclidis crepit instaurari, expatiatio qusedam spe-
culationis est. Hoc enim habet ingenium humanum, ut cum

1 We might here expect to find some mention of Archimedes and of Apollonius,
whose labours contributed more to the progress of geometry than those of Euclid, who
was rather a systematiser than an original discoverer, and whose Elements do not em-
brace the whole extent of the geometry of the Greeks. The doctrine of conic sections,
which was commenced by Plato, and the method of limits of Archimedes, both most
important portions of the Greek geometry, are of course not to be found in Euclid's
Elements, not to mention a variety of isolated investigations. It is undoubtedly true
that even long after Bacon's time geometry advanced more slowly beyond the limits it
had attained in antiquity than other parts of mathematics, though in the present day
it may be said to have become a new science. See on this head, the Apergu Historique
des Methodes de la Geometric of M. Chasles, himself one of those who have contributed
the most to its recent progress.

2 One would certainly not infer from this remark, to which there is nothing corre-
sponding in the Advancement of Learning, that Bacon was aware that in the interval
which had elapsed since its publication, the greatest of all inventions for facilitating
arithmetical computations had been made known. Napier's Logarithms were pub-
lished in 1614, and reprinted on the continent in 1620; in which year Gunter's Canon
of Triangles was also published. In 1618 Robert Napier's account of his father's
method and Briggs's first table of Logarithms were both published. In the year suc-
ceeding that of the publication of the De Augmentis his larger tables, and probably
those of Wingate, made their appearance.

These dates are sufficient to show how much the attention of mathematicians was
given to the subject. It would almost seem as if some one, possibly Savile, had told
Bacon — what was no doubt true — that the application of the doctrine of series to
arithmetical computation was not as yet brought to perfection, and that he had adopted
the remark without understanding the importance of the discovery to which it referred,
and perhaps without being aware that any such discovery had been made.

VOL. I. P P

578 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM LIB. TERT.

ad solida non sufficiat, in supervacaneis se atterat. Mixta ha-
bet pro subjecto Axiomata et portiones physicas ; Quantitatem
autem considerat, quatenus est ad ea elucidanda et demon-
stranda et actuanda auxiliaris. Multae siquidem naturae partes
nee satis subtiliter comprehendi, nee satis perspicue demon-
strari, nee satis dextre et certo ad usum accommodari pos-
sint, sine ope et interventu Mathematics. Cujus generis sunt
Perspectiva, Musica, Astronomia, Cosmographia, Architecture,
Machinaria1, et nonmillae alias. Caeterum in Mathematicis
Mixtis integras aliquas portiones desideratas jam non reperio,
sed multas in posterum praedico, si homines non ferientur.
Prout enim Physica majora indies increnienta capiet, et nova
Axiomata educet; eo Mathematicas opera nova in multis indi-
gebit, et plures demum fient Mathematicas Mixtae.

Jam autem doctrinam de Katura pertransivimus, et Desi-
derata in ipsa notavimus. Qua in re, si a priscis et receptis
opinionibus discesserimus, eoque nomine contradicendi ansam
cuiquam praebuerimus ; quod ad nos attinet, ut dissentiendi
studium longe a nobis abest, ita etiam et contendendi con-
silium. Si haec vera sunt,

Non canimus surdis, respondent omnia silvse;2

vox naturae ingeminabit, etsi vox hominum reclamet. Quem-

admodum autem Alexander Borgia dicere solebat de expedi-

tione Gallorum Neapolitana, eos venisse cum creta in manibus

quo diversoria sua notarent,non cum armis ut perrumperent* ; sic

nobis magis cordi est pacificus veritatis ingressus, ubi quasi

creta consignentur animi qui tantam hospitem excipere possint,

quam qui pugnax est, viamque sibi per contentiones et

lites sternat. Absolutis igitur duabus partibus

Philosophiae, de Numine et de

Natura, restat tertia de

Homine.

1 Machinaria means the art of making machines, not mechanics in the common
sense of the word. It therefore appears from this enumeration that Bacon was
not acquainted with any application of mathematics to statics or dynamics, as he
would certainly not have included these fundamental portions of mixed mathematics
in the nonnulloc aliae with which the list concludes. The omission of any reference
to the mathematical doctrine of motion is not surprising, though Galileo's researches
were known for many years before the publication of the De Augmentis; the theory
of equilibrium, however, is as old as the time of Archimedes ; and we might there-
fore have expected that it would have been here mentioned.

2 Virg. Eel. x. 8. » See Nov. Org. i. 35.

579

FRANCISCI BARONIS DE VERULAMIO,

VICE-COMITIS SANCTI ALBANI,

DE DIGNITATE ET AUGMENTIS
SCIENTIARUM

LIBEB QUARTUS.

AD BEGEM SUUM.

CAPUT I.

Partitio Doctrines de Homine in Philosophiam Humanitatis et
Civilem. Partitio Philosophies Humanitatis in Doctrinam
circa Corpus HomiDis et Doctrinam circa Animam Hominis.
Constitutio unius Doctrines generalis de Natura sive de Statu
Hominis. Partitio Doctrines de Statu Hominis in Doctrinam
de Persona Hominis et de Fcedere Animi et Corporis. Par-
titio Doctrines de Persona Hominis in Doctrinam de Miseriis
Hominis et de Praerogativis. Partitio Doctrines de Fcedere
in Doctrinam de Indicationibus et de Impressionibus. As-
signatio Physiognomiae et Interpretationis Somniorum Na-
turalium Doctrines de Indicationibus.

Si quis me (Bex optime) ob aliquid eorum quae proposui aut
deinceps proponam impetat aut vulneret, (praeterquam quod
intra praesidia Majestatis tuae tutus esse debeam,) sciat is se
contra morem et disciplinam militias facere. Ego enim bucci-
nator tantum, pugnam non ineo ; unus fortasse ex iis de quibus
Homerus,

Xatpin KJjpfKJC, Aiog dyyt\oi r'/dk Kal dvSp&v : 1

hi enim inter hostes, etiam infensissimos et acerbissimos, ultro
citroque inviolati ubique commeabant. Neque vero nostra
buccina homines advocat et excitat ut se mutuo contradictio-

1 Horn. II. i. 334.
ft 2

580 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

nibus proscindant, aut secum ipsi praelientur et digladientur ;
sed potius ut pace inter ipsos facta conjunctis viribus se adver-
sus Naturam Rerum comparent, ejusque edita et munita ca-
piant et expugnent, atque fines imperil humani (quantum Deus
Opt Max. pro bonitate sua indulserit) proferant.

Veniamus nunc ad earn scientiam ad quam nos ducit oracu-
lum antiquum ; nempe ad scientiam nostri. Cui, quo magi,s
nostra intersit, eo incumbendum est diligentius. Haec scientia
Homini pro fine est scientiarum ; at Naturae ipsius portio tan-
turn. Atque hoc pro regula ponatur generali ; quod omnes
scientiarum partitiones ita intelligantur et adhibeantur, ut
ecientias potius signent aut distinguant quam secent et divel-
lant; ut perpetuo evitetur Solutio Continuitatis in Scientiis.
Hujus etenim contrarium particulares scientias steriles reddidit,
inanes, et erroneas ; dum a fonte et fomite communi non alun-
tur, sustentantur, et rectificantur. Sic videmus Ciceronem
oratorem de Socrate et ejus schola conquerentem, quod hie
primus Philosophiam a Rhetorica disjunxerit; unde facta sit
Rhetorica ars loquax et inanis.1 Constal similiter sententiam
Copernici de Rotatione Terras (quae nunc quoque invaluit),
quia phaenomenis non repugnat, ab Astronomicis Principiis non
posse revinci ; a Naturalis tamen Philosophise Principiis, recte
positis, posse. Artem denique Medicam videmus, si a Naturali
Philosophia destituatur, empiricorum praxi haud multum prae-
stare. Hoc igitur posito, accedamus ad Doctrinam de Homine.
Ea duplex est. Aut enim contemplatur Hominem segrega-
tum, aut congregatum atque in societate. Alteram harum
Philosophiam Humanitatis, alteram Civilem vocamus. Philo-
sophia Humanitatis, sive Humana, ex partibus similibus illis,
ex quibus Homo ipse, consistit ; nempe ex scientiis quae circa
Corpus, et ex scientiis quae circa Animam versantur. Verum
priusquam distribution es particulares persequamur, constitua-
mus scientiam unam generalem de Natura et Statu Hominis ;
digna enim certe res est ut emancipetur hasc scientia et in
scientiam seorsum redigatur. Conficitur autem ilia ex iis rebus
quae sunt tarn corpori quam animae communes. Rursus, hsec
scientia de Natura et Statu Hominis distribui potest in duas
partes; attribuendo alteri naturam hominis indivisam, alteri
vinculum ipsum animae et corporis ; quarum prunam doctrinam

1 Cicero De Orat. iii. c. 19.

LIBER QUARTUS. 581

de Persona Hominis, secundam doctrinam de Foedere voca-
bimus. Liquet autem hasc omnia, cum sint communia et mixta,
primae illi division! scientiarum circa Corpus et scientiarum
circa Animam versantium assignari non potuisse.

Doctrina de Persona Hominis duas res praecipue complecti-
tur ; contemplationes scilicet de Miseriis Humani Generis, et de
ejusdem Praerogativis sive Excellentiis.1 Atque deploratio
humanarum aerumnarum eleganter et copiose a compluribus
adornata est, tarn in scriptis philosophicis quam theologicis.
Estque res et dulcis simul et salubris.

At ilia altera de Praerogativis digna visa res nobis, quae inter
Desiderata proponatur. Elegantissime certe Pindarus (ut ple-
rumque solet) inter laudandum Hieronem ait, eum decerpere
summitates ex omnibus virtutibus* Equidem plurimum ad
magnanimitatem et humanum decus conferre posse putarem, si
ultimitates (ut loquuntur Scholastic!) sive summitates (ut Pin-
darus) humanae nature colligerentur ; praecipue ex historic
fide ; illud est, quid ultimum et supremum fuerit quo unquam
humana natura per se ascenderit, in singulis et corporis et
animi dotibus. Quanta res, quae de Caesare narratur, quod
amanuensibus quinque simul dictare suffecerit ? Quin et ex-
ercitationes illas antiquorum rhetorum, Protagorae, Gorgia3;
etiam philosophorum, Callisthenis, Posidonii, Carneadis, — ut de
quovis themate in utramque partem ex-tempore disserere ele-
ganter et copiose potuerint, — Ingenii Humani Vires baud parum
nobilitant. Res autem usu minor, at ostentatione et facultate
fortasse major, quam de Archia magistro suo memorat Cicero ;
eum magnum numerum optimorum versuum, de us rebus quce turn
agerentur, potuisse dicere ex-tempore.3 Tot millibus hominum
nomina reddere potuisse Cyrum aut Scipionem, magnum memo-
ries decus.4 At virtutum moralium palmae non minus celebres,
quam intellectualium. Quantam rem in exercitio patientice ex-
hibet historia ilia vulgata de Anaxarcho, qui quaestioni et tor-

1 Pascal has finely expressed the essential connexion which subsists between them.
" Toutes ces miseres," he remarks, speaking of man's life, " prouvent sa ^grandeur,
ce sont miseres de grand seigneur, miseres d'un roi depossede." — Pensees, prem.
partie.

2 Find. Olymp. i. 20. 3 Cicero, pro Archia, c. 8.

4 Xenophon says that Cyrus knew the names of all the officers (4?«p6m) in his
army ; later writers go much farther, and affirm that he knew the names of all his
soldiers. Compare Valerius Max. viii. 7. with Xenophon's statement, Cyrop. v. 3.
The same exaggeration occurs in Solinus, c. 5. : " Cyrus memoriae bono claruit, qui in
exercitu cui numerosissimo preefuit nominatim singulos alloqueretur." The Scipio
litre mentioned is Lucius Scipio Asiaticus. Vide Solin. ubi sup. or Pliny, vii. 34.

If 3

582 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

mentis subjectus linguam (indicii spem) dentibus praescidit, et
in os tyranni exspuit.1 Neque tolerantia cedit (licet dignitate
plurimum), quod saeculo nostro accidit in Burgundo quodam,
Principis Aurasionensis interfectore.2 Is virgis ferreis flagel-
latus et forcipibus ignitis laceratus, nullum prorsus gemitum
edidit ; quinetiam cum forte fractum aliquid desuper in caput
adstantis cujuspiam incideret, ustulatus jam nebulo et in mediis
tormentis risit; qui tamen paulo ante, cum cincinni capillitii
quos gestabat tonderentur, fleverat. Animi quoque mira sere-
nitas et securitas, sub ipsum tempus mortis, in pluribus enituit ;
qualis fuit ilia centurionis apud Taciturn. Is cum a milite, qui
eum ex imperato occisurus esset, juberetur ut cervices porri-
geret fortiter, Utinam (inquit ille) tu tarn fortiter ferias.3 At
Joannes Dux Saxonioe, cum inter ludum scacchorum diploma,
quo nex ejus in posterum diem mandabatur, allatum esset,
adstantem quendam ad se vocavit, et subridens, Specta, inquit,
num. non potiores paries ludi hujus teneam. Iste enim (ad collu-
sorem innuens), me mortuo,jactabit suas potiores paries fuisse.*
Noster vero Morus, Anglise Cancellarius, cum pridie quo mori-
turus esset tonsor ad eum veniret (missus scilicet ad hoc, ne
forte capillitio promisso esset apud populum in spectaculo mi-
serabilior) eumque interrogaret num tonderi placeret, renuit ;
atque ad tonsorem versus, Mihi, inquit, cum rege de capite meo
controversia est ; antequam vero ilia terminata fuerit, sumptus in
ittud non faciam. Quin et idem, sub ipsum mortis articulum,
postquam jam caput in truncum fatalem reclinasset, rursus se
paululum erexit, et barba quae ei erat promissior leniter amota,
At certe hcec, inquit, non offendit regem. Verum, ne hoc loco
longiores simus, satis patet quid velimus ; nempe ut Miracula
Natures Humana, viresque ejus et virtutes ultimae, tarn animi
quam corporis, in volumen aliquod colligantur; quod fuerit

1 The story is somewhat differently told by Diogen. Laert. ix. 69 ; but in Pliny
and Valerius Maximus we find it related as in the text A similar story is told of
Leaena in Elian's Hist. Var.

2 The person referred to is Balthazar Gerard of Franche Comte, who shot William
IX. Prince of Orange at Delft in 1584. Vide Histoire Generale des Pay* Bat,
v. 384.

3 Tac. Ann. xv. 67. In the same spirit Giordano Bruno told his judges that it
might well be that they had felt more fear in condemning him than he in hearing
himself condemned.

* The Elector of Saxony, of whom this story is told, was, in 1547, irregularly con-
demned to death by Charles V. The sentence was not executed ; and it seems doubt-
ful whether the Emperor ever intended that it should be.

According to De Thou, the Elector, after making some remark on the Emperor's
injustice, resumed and won the game.

LIBER QUARTUS. 583

nstar Fastorum de Humanis Triumphis. Qua in re institutum
V^alerii Maximi et C. Plinii probamus, diligentiam et judicium
^oruna requirimus.

Quantum ad doctrinam de Foedere, sive de Communi Vin-
3ulo Animje et Corporis, ea in duas partes tribui possit. Quem-
admodum enim inter foederatos intercedunt et mutua rerum
suarum communicatio et mutua officia, sic foedus istud animse et
corporis duabus sirniliter rebus continetur ; nimirum ut descri-
batur quomodo hcec duo (Anima scilicet et Corpus) se invicem
detegant ; et quomodo invicem in se agant ; Notitia sive Indica-
tione, et Impressione. Harum prior (descriptio scilicet, qualis
possit haberi notitia de anima ex habitu corporis, aut de corpore
ex accidentibus animi) duas nobis peperit artes ; utramque
Praedictionis ; inquisitionibus, alteram Aristotelis alteram Hip-
pocratis, decoratam. Quanquam autem tempora recentiora has
artes superstitiosis et phantasticis mixturis polluerint; repur-
gatae tamen ac in integrum restitutae, et fundanientum habent
in natura solidum, et fructum edunt ad vitam communem
utilem. Prima est Physiognomia, quas per corporis lineamenta
animi indicat propensiones ; altera Somniorum Naturalium In-
terpretatio, quae corporis statum et dispositionem ex animi
agitationibus detegit. In harum priore, partem nonnullam
desiderari perspicio. Siquidem Aristoteles ingeniose et solerter
corporis fabricam, dum quiescit, tractavit; eandem in motu
(nimirum gestus corporis) omisit ; qui tamen non minus artis
observationibus subjiciuntur, et majoris sunt usus.1 Etenim
lineamenta corporis animi inclinationes et propensiones gene-
rales ostendunt ; oris autem et partium motus et gestus, in-
super aditus et tempora et praesentis dispositionis et voluntatis
signa declarant. Ut enim aptissimis atque elegantissimis Ma-
jestatis tuae verbis utar, Lingua aures ferit, gestus vero oculos
attoquitur.2 Hoc vero bene norunt veteratores complures et
astuti homines, quorum oculi in aliorum vultu et gestibus ha-
bitant, idque in commodum suum trahunt ; utpote in quo fa-
cultatis et prudentias suae pars maxima vertatur. Nee sane

1 The physiognomical method of Aristotle consists chiefly in tracing the resemblances
which exist between different kinds of animals and different individuals of the human
species ; a method followed by later writers, particularly G. B. Porta, and Lebrun, whose
illustrations of his theory are well known, though the essay which they accompanied
seems to have been lost.

* " For as the tongue speaketh to the eares, so doeth the gesture speake to the eyes
of the auditour." — Basilicon Doron, book iii. /. S.

p r 4

584 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

negari potest hoc ipsum simulationis in altero indicem esse
mirificum, et monere homines optime de electionibus temporum
et opportunitatum adeundi personas ; quae civilis prudentiae
pars est non parva. Nemo autem putet hujusmodi solertiam
aliquid quidem valere circa homines individuos, sub regula
autem non cadere ; nam ad unum fere modum omnes ridemus,
et ploramus, et erubescimus, et frontem contrahimus ; et sic (ut
plurimum) de motibus subtilioribus. Si quis autem hie Chiro-
mantiae meminit, sciat rem esse prorsus vanam, et in hujusmodi
sermonibus quos tractamus nee dignam quidem quae nominetur.
Quod vero ad Somniorum Naturalium Interpretationem attinet,
res est quorundam laboribus pertractata, sed plurimis ineptiis
scatens. Illud tantum in praesentia innuo, basim illam huic rei
quae maxime est solida non substerni. Ea hujusmodi est : ubi
idem fit ab interna causa quod fieri quoque solet ab externa,
actus ille externus transit in somnium. Similis est stomachi
oppressio ex crasso vapore, atque incubitu ponderis externi ;
itaque qui incubo laborant pondus sibi superimponi, magno
cum apparatu circumstantiarum, somniant. Similis viscerum
pensilitas1 ex fluctuum agitatione in mari, et ex flatu circa
praecordia collecto ; itaque hypochondriac! saepius navigationes
et agitationes super aquas somniant. Sunt et innumera id
genus.

Posterior pars doctrinae Focderis (quam Impressionem nomi-
navimus) in artem nondum redacta est ; sed obiter tantum et
carptim inter alios tractatus aliquando intervenit. Ilia eandem
antistrophen cum priori habet. Quippe duo considerat: aut
guomodo, et guousque, humores et temperamentum corporis immu-
tent animam, in eamque agant ; aut rursus, quomodo et quousque
animce passiones vel apprehensiones immutent corpus, et in illud
agant ? Horum prius in re medica interdum tractari videmus ;
at id ipsum se miris modis religionibus inseruit. Pharmaca
enim praescribunt medici, quae morbis animae persanandis inser-
viant, ut in curationibus maniae et melancholiae ; quinetiam
medicinas porrigunt ad animum exhilarandum, ad cor munien-
dum, atque inde fortitudinem augendam, ad ingenium acuen-
dum, ad memoriam roborandam, et similia. At diaetae, et
delectus ciborum et potuum, et ablutiones, et aliae circa corpus

1 By " viscerum pensilitas " Bacon means their not being supported from below, but
merely hanging from their attachments. See, in illustration of this phrase, the Sylva
Sylvarum (733).

LIBER QUARTUS. 585

observantiae, in secta Pythagorseorum, et in haeresi Manichaeo-
rum, et in lege Mahometi, omnem modum superant.1 Ordina-
tiones quoque legis cseremonialis sanguinis et adipis esum
prohibentes, ac animalia munda ab immundis distinguentes
(quatenus ad cibi usum), et plurimae sunt et prsecisae. Imo
Christiana fides ipsa (quamvis a caeremoniarum nube libera
et serena) usum tamen retinet jejuniorum, abstinentiarum, et
aliarum rerum quae ad corporis macerationem et humiliation em
spectant, tanquam rerum non mere ritualium sed etiam fructuo-
sarum. Atqui radix omnium hujusmodi praaceptionum (praeter
ipsam caeremoniam, et exercitium obedientiae) in hac re con-
sistit, de qua loquimur ; nimirum, quod anima compatiatur
corpori.2 Si quis autem judicio infirmior existimet istas cor-
poris in animam impressiones aut immortalitatem animae in
dubium revocare aut imperio animae in corpus derogare, levi
dubitationi leve responsum suffecerit. Exempla petat vel ab
infante in utero matris, qui simul cum matris affectibus compa-
titur 3, et tamen e corpore matris suo tempore excluditur ; vel a
monarchis, qui, licet potentes, a servorum impetu quandoque
flectuntur, salva interim maj estate sua regia.

Jam quod ad partem reciprocam (de Anima et affectibus
ejus in Corpus agentibus), ilia quoque in medicina locum inve-
nit. Nemo enim medicus est paulo prudentior, quin Accidentia
Animi, ut rem maximi ad sanationes suas momenti, quaeque
omnia alia remedia plurimum vel adjuvet vel impediat, con-
sideret et tractet. At aliud quidpiam, quod hue pertinet, parce
admodum, nee pro rei vel subtilitate vel utilitate, inquisitum
est ; quatenus scilicet (missis affectibus) ipsa imaginatio animce,
vel cogitatio perquam Jixa, et veluti in Jidem quandam exaltata,
valeat ad immutandum corpus imaginantis ? Quamvis enim vim
habeat ad nocendum manifestam, haud tamen inde sequitur
pari potentia praeditum esse ad subveniendum ; non magis
hercle quam si quis concluserit, quoniam reperitur aliquis aer
ita pestilens ut subito interimat, debere quoque esse aliquem
aerem ita salubrem ut decumbentem subito restituat. Atque

1 All these are probably surpassed by the Institutes of Menu, so far as they relate to
the way of life of the Brahmins.

2 The difficulty of conceiving the nature of the reciprocal influence of the mind
and body led to its being altogether rejected by Malebranche and by Leibnitz. See
the Tkeodiccea of the latter for a statement of the three theories, namely that of phy-
sical influence, that of occasional causes, and that of pre-established harmony.

3 Having probably, as S. Thomas Aquinas tells us, the same guardian angel. See
his S. T. i. 113. 5.

586 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

base inquisitio nobilis profecto esset usus ; verum (ut ait Socrates)
natatore Delia indiget, quia mergitur in profundo.1 Rursus
inter has doctrinas de Foedere, sive consensibus animae et cor-
poris, non alia fuerit magis necessaria quam ilia disquisitio de
Sedibus propriis et Domiciliis quae singulae Animae Facilitates
babent in Corpore ejusque Organis. Quod genus scientiae qui
sectati fuerint, non desunt ; sed quae habentur in plerisque aut
contro versa sunt aut leviter inquisita ; ut majori diligentia et
acumine opus sit. Nam sententia introducta a Platone, qua
Intellectus in Cerebro, tanquam in arce, collocatus est ; Ani-
mositas (quam ille satis imperite Iracundiam vocavit, cum
Tumori et Superbiae sit propior) in Corde ; Concupiscentia
autem et Sensualitas in Jecinore ; neque prorsus contemnenda
est neque cupide recipienda.2 Rursus, nee collocatio facul-
tatum illarum intellectualium (Phantasias, Rationis, Memoriae)
secundum Ventriculos Cerebri, erroris expers est. Atque
doctrinam de Natura Hominis indivisa, ac etiam de Fcedere
Animi et Corporis, explicavimus.

CAPUT II.

Partitio Doctrince circa Corpus Hominis in Medicinam, Cosme-
ticam, Aihleticam, et Voluptariam. Partitio Medicines in
Officia tria : viz. in Conservationem Sanitatis, Curationem
Morborum, et Prolongationem Vitae : quodque pars postrema
de Prolongatione Vitas disjungi debeat a duabus reliquis.

DOCTEINA circa Corpus Hominis eandem recipit divisionem,
quam bona corporis ipsius quibus inservit. Bona corporis
humani quatuor sunt; Sanitas, Forma sive Pulchritudo, Vires,
Voluptas. Totidem igitur scientiae; Medicina, Cosmetica,
Athletica, et Voluptaria, quam Tacitus appellat eruditum
luxum?

Medicina ars inprimis nobilis, et ex generosissima prosapia
secundum poetas. Illi enim introduxerunt Apollinem prima-
rium medicinae deum ; cui filium dederunt ^Esculapium, deum

1 Socrates is said to have remarked on a treatise by Heraclitus, that it required a
Delian diver. The remark has, however, also been ascribed to Crates. See Diog.
Laert. ii. 22. and ix. 12.

* See the Timaeus, p. 71. 8 Tac. Ann. xvi. 18.

LIBER QUARTUS. 587

itidem et medicinae professorem ; qulppe cum Sol in natura-
libus sit vitae author et fons, Medicus ejusdem conservator et
tanquam scaturigo altera. At decus longe illustrius accedit
medicinae ex operibus Servatoris, qui et animae et corporis
medicus fuit ; et sicut animam doctrinaa suae ccelestis, ita corpus
iniraculorum suorum, objectum veluti proprium constituit.
Nusquam enim legimus miraculum aliquod ab eo patratum
circa honores aut pecunias (praster unicum quo tributum redde-
retur Caesari), sed tantum circa corpus humanum aut conser-
vandum aut sustentandum aut persanandum.

Subjectum istud Medicinae (Corpus nimirum Humanum) ex
omnibus quae natura procreavit maxime est capax remedii;
sed vicissim illud remedium maxime est obnoxium errori.
Eadem namque subjecti subtilitas et varietas, ut magnam
medendi facultatem praebet, sic magnam etiam aberrandi faci-
litatem. Quocirca, quemadmodum ars ista (prassertim quo
nunc habetur modo) inter praecipue conjecturales, ita inqui-
sitio ejus reponenda est inter summe arduas et accuratas.
Neque propterea cum Paracelso1 et Alchymistis ita desipi-
mus, ut putemus inveniri in corpore humano quae singulis
universitatis rerum speciebus (stellis, mineralibus, et aliis)
respondeant, sicut illi fabulantur; leviter et crassa Minerva
traducentes emblema illud veterum (quod homo esset Micro-
cosmus sive epitome totius mundi) ad hoc commentum suum.
Verum nihilominus hue res redit, ut (quod occcepimus dicere)
non inveniatur inter corpora naturalia aliquod tarn multipliciter
compositum quam Corpus Humanum. Videmus enim herbas
et plantas ex terra et aqua nutriri ; animalia ex herbis et fructi-
bus ; Hominem vero ex carnibus ipsorum animalium (quadru-
pedum, avium, piscium); etiam ex herbis, granis, fructibus,
succis et liquoribus variis; non sine multiplici commixtione,
conditura, et praeparatione horum corporum, priusquam homini
sint in cibum. Adde quod animalibus vivendi modus sit sim-
plicior, affectusque qui in corpus agant pauciores et ad unum
fere modum operantes ; ubi Homo locis habitationum, exercita-
tionibus, afFectibus, somno et vigiliis, vices prope infinitas varia-
rum mutationum subit. Usque adeo verum est, unam inter
res caeteras Corporis Humani massam maxime fermentatam et
ex plurimis coagmentatam esse. At Anima contra substantia-
rum est simplicissima, ut non male cecinerit ille ;

1 See note 3. p. 339. — /. S.

588 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

purumque reliquit

./Ethereum sensum, atque aura'i simplicis ignem.1

Unde minime est mirandum, Animam sic collocatam requiem
non invenire ; juxta axioma illud, Motum rerum extra locum esse
rapidum, placidum in loco. Verum ut ad rem redeamus. Varia
ista et subtilis Corporis Humani compositio et fabrica effecit, ut
sit instar organi musici operosi et exquisiti, quod harmonia sua
facile excidit. Quare apud poetas, summa ratione, Musica
cum Medicina in Apolline conjungitur; quia similis fere sit
utriusque artis Genius ; atque in eo consistat plane medici
officium, ut sciat humani corporis lyram ita tendere et pulsare
ut reddatur concentus minime discors et insuavis. Ergo de-
mum ista subject! inconstantia et varietas artem reddidit magis
conjecturalem ; ars autem tarn conjecturalis cum sit, locum
ampliorem dedit non solum errori, verum etiam imposture.
Siquidem omnes alias propemodum artes et scientist virtute sua
et functione, non successu aut opere, judicantur. Advocatum
ipsa agendi et dicendi facultas, non exitus causae, commendat ;
gubernator navis clavi tenendi peritia, non expeditionis for-
tuna, se probat. At Medicus, et fortasse politicus, vix habent
actiones aliquas proprias quibus specimen artis et virtutis sua?
liquido exhibeant ; sed ab eventu praecipue honorem aut dedecus
reportant, iniquissimo prorsus judicio. Quotus enim quisque
novit, segroto mortuo aut restitute, item republica stante vel
labante, utrum sit res casus an consilii ? Fit itaque saspissime
ut impostor palmam, virtus censuram, referat. Quin ea est
hominum infirmitas et credulitas, ut saepenumero agyrtam aut
sagam docto medico praeponant. Quare poetae oculati plane et
perspicaces fuisse videntur, cum .^Esculapio Circem sororem
dederunt, utrumque e Sole prognatum ; sicut habetur in ver-
sibus ; de JEsculapio Phoebigena,

Hie repertorem medicinae talis et artis

Fulmine Phoebigenam Stygfas detrusit ad undas ; 3

et similiter de Circe Solis filia,

Dives inaccessis ubi Solis filia lucis

Urit odoratam nocturna in lumina cedrum.3

Omnibus enim temporibus, fama et opinione vulgi, sagas et
aniculae et impostores medicorum quodammodo rivales fuere, et

1 Virg. &n. vi. 747. * Yirg. Mn. vii 772. ' Virg. JEn. vii. il.

LIBER QUARTUS. 589

de curationum celebritate cum iisdem fere certarunt. Ex hoc
die sodes quid sequitur? Nempe ut medici ita secum, quem-
admodum Salomon in re graviori, Si unus et stulti et meus
eventus erit, quid mihi prodest quod mqjorem sapientice dedi
operam ? 1 Equidem medicis minus succenseo, si saepenumero
vacent alicui alteri studio quod adamant, magis quam arti suas
propriae. Invenies etenim inter eos poetas, antiquarios, criticos,
rhetores, politicos, theologos, atque in iis artibus magis quam
in professione propria eruditos. Neque hoc fit, ut arbitror,
quia (ut quidam declamator contra scientias medicis objicit)
habeant quae sibi obversentur objecta tarn fceda et tristia, ut
animum ad alia abducere iis omnino sit opus; (nam qui ho-
mines sint niliil humani a se alienum putent^:} sed obhoc ipsum
de quo nunc agimus ; nempe quod arbitrentur parum ipsis in-
teresse vel ad existimationem vel ad lucrum, utrum artis suas
mediocritatem an perfectionem in ea majorem assequantur.
Morbi enim tsedia, vitas dulcedo, spei fallacia, et amicorum
commendatio, efficiunt ut homines facile in medicis qualibus-
cunque fiduciam collocent.3 Verum si quis hasc attentius
perpendat, ea potius ad culpam medicorum quam ad culpae
excusationem spectant. Neque enim spem abjicere, sed vires
potius intendere debuerant. Nam si cui placet observationem
expergefacere suam et paulatim circumspicere, etiam ex exem-
plis obviis et familiaribus facile deprehendet quantum obtineat
imperii Intellectus Subtilitas et Acumen in varietatem sive
Materiae sive Formae Rerum. Nil magis varium quam homi-
num facies et vultus ; eorum tamen discrimina infinita retinet
memoria ; imo pictor ex pauculis colorum testis, acie oculi usus
et vi phantasiae et manus constantia, omnium facies qui sunt,
fuerunt, atque etiam (si coram repraesentarentur) qui futuri
sunt, penicillo imitari ac describere posset. Humana voce nil
magis varium ; hujus tamen discrimina in singulis personis
facile internoscimus ; quinetiam non desunt moriones et panto-
mimi quidam, qui quotquot libuerit reddere sciunt et ad vivum
exprimere. Nil magis varium quam soni articulati, verba
scilicet; via tamen inita est, ea reducendi ad paucas literas
alpliabeti. Atque illud verissimum est, non ex eo quod mens

1 Eccles. ii. 15.

2 Homo sum, humani nihil a me alienum puto." — Ter. ffeauton, i. 1. 25.

8 " Tant que les liommes mourront et aimeront a vivre," is the remark of a French
writer, " le medecin sera rail!6 et bien paye."

590 DE AUGMENTIS SC1ENTIARUM

humana sit minus subtilis aut capax, perplexitates et acatalepsias
in scientiis plerumque pro venire ; sed ex eo potius, quod ob-
jectum nimis in remoto collocatum sit. Sicut enim sensus
procul ab objecto dissitus plurimum fallitur, debite appropin-
quatus non multum errat ; ita fit in intellectu. Solent autem
homines naturam tanquam ex praealta turri et a longe despicere,
et circa generalia nimium occupari ; quando si descendere pla-
cuerit, et ad particularia accedere, resque ipsas attentius et
diligentius inspicere, magis vera et utilia fieret comprehensio.
Itaque hujus incommodi remedium non in eo solum est, ut
organum ipsum vel acuant vel roborent, sed simul ut ad ob-
jectum propius accedant. Ideoque dubitandum non est quin si
medici, missis paulisper istis generalibus, naturae obviam ire
vellent, compotes ejus fierent, de quo ait poeta,

Et quoniam variant morbi, variabimus artes ;
Mille mali species, mille salutis erunt.1

Quod eo magis facere debent, quia philosophise ipsse quibus
innituntur medici, sive methodici sive chymici, (medicina autem
in philosophia non fundata res infirma est,) parvi revera sunt.
Quare si nimis generalia, licet vera forent, hoc vitium habeant,
quod non bene homines ad actionem deducant ; certe majus est
periculum ab illis generalibus quse in se falsa sunt, atque loco
deducendi seducunt.

Medicina igitur (uti perspeximus) adhuc taliter comparata
est, ut fuerit magis ostentata quam elaborata, etiam magis ela-
borata quam amplificata ; cum labores in earn insumpti potius in
circulo quam in progressu se exercuerint. Plurima enim in ea
yideo a scriptoribus iterata, addita pauca. Earn in tres partes
dividemus, quae tria ejus officia nominabimus. Primum est
Conservatio Sanitatis; secundum Curatio Morborum; tertium
Prolongatio Vitae. At istud postremum non videntur medici
tanquam partem principalem artis suae agnovisse, verum idem
reliquis duobus satis imperite immiscuisse. Putant enim, si
propulsentur morbi antequam ingruant, et curentur postquam
invaserint, prolongationem vitae ultro sequi. Quod licet minime
dubium sit, tamen parum acute prospiciunt horum utrumque ad
morbos tantum pertinere, et ad earn solummodo vitae prolonga-
tionem quae a morbis abbreviatur et intercipitur. Atqui filum

1 Bacon here probably intentionally deviates from the original, in which the first
line is, Et quoniam variant animi, variamus et artes. Vide Ovid. Remed. Amor. 525

LIBER QUARTUS. 591

ipsum vitae producere, ac mortem per resolutionem simplicem et
atrophiam senilem sensim obrepentem ad tempus summovere,
argumentum est quod nemo ex medicis pro dignitate tractavit.
Neque vero subeat animos hominum ille scrupulus, ac si hsec
res fato et Divinas Providentiae commissa in artis * officium et
munus jam primum a nobis revocaretur. Providentia enim
proculdubio mortes quascunque, sive ex violentia sive ex morbis
sive ex decursu aetatis, pariter regit ; neque tamen ideo prae-
ventiones et remedia excludit. Ars autem et industria humana
naturae et fato non imperant, sed subministrant. Verum de
hac parte paulo post dicemus ; haac tantum interea praefati, ne
quis tertium istud officium medicinae cum duobus prioribus
(quod fere adhuc factus est) imperite confundat.

Quod ad officium tuenda sanitatis attinet (ex officiis praedictis
Medicinae primum), multi de eo scripserunt, cum in aliis rebus
satis imperite, turn nimium (ut arbitramur) delectui ciborum,
minus quam par est quantitati eorum, tribuentes. Quin et in
quantitate ipsa, tanquam philosophi morales, mediocritatem
nimis laudarunt; cum et jejunia in consuetudinem versa et
victus liberalis cui quis assueverit melius sanitatem tueantur
quam istse mediocritates quae Naturam ignavam fere reddunt,
neque excessus neque indigentiae cum opus fuerit patientem.
Exercitationum autem species quae in sanitate tuenda plurimum
pollent, nemo ex medicis bene distinxit aut annotavit ; cum vix
inveniatur aliqua inclinatio in morbum quae non exercitatione
quadam propria corrigi possit. Morbis renum globorum lusus
convenit, pulmonum sagittatio, stomachi deambulatio et gestatio,
atque aliis alias. Verum cum haec pars, de Valetudinis Conser-
vatione, secundum totum tractata sit, defectus minores persequi
non est nostri instituti.

Quod vero ad Curationem Morborum attinet, ilia demum
pars est Medicines in qua plurimum laboris insumptum est,
licet fructu satis tenui. Continet autem doctrinam de morbis
quibus corpus humanum subjicitur ; una cum eorundem causis,
symptomatibus, et medelis. In hoc secundo officio medicinae,
multa sunt quas desiderantur. Ex his pauca sed maxime
insignia proponemus, quas enumerasse satis duxerimus absque
aliqua ordinis aut methodi lege.

Primum est, intermissio diligentiae illius Hippocratis, utilis
admodum et accuratae, cui moris erat narrativam componere
oasuum circa asgrotos specialium; referendo qualis fuisset morbi

592 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

natura, qualis medicatio, qualis eventus.1 Atque hujus rei
nactis nobis jam exemplum tarn proprium atque insigne, in
eo scilicet viro qui tanquam parens artis habitus est, minime
opus erit exemplum aliquod forinsecum ab alienis artibus
petere ; vehiti a prudentia jurisconsultorum, quibus nihil
antiquius quam illustriores casus et novas decisiones scriptis
mandare, quo melius se ad futures casus muniant et instruant.
Istam proinde Continuationem Medicinalium Narrationum de-
siderari video ; pra3sertim in unum corpus cum diligentia et
judicio digestam; quam tamen non intelligo ita fieri debere
amplam, ut plane vulgata et quae quotidie obveniant excipiat
(id enim infinitum quiddam esset, neque ad rem) ; nee rursus
tarn angustam, ut solummodo mirabilia et stupenda (id quod a
nonuullis factum est) complectatur. Multa enim in modo rei
et circumstantiis ejus nova sunt, quae in genere ipso nova
non sunt. Qui autem ad observandum adjiciet animum, ei
etiam in rebus quae vulgares videntur multa observatu digna
occurrent.

Item in Disquisitionibus Anatomicis fieri solet, ut quas
corpori humano in universum competant, ea diligentissime
usque ad curiositatem et in minimis quibusque notentur ; at
circa varietatem quae in diversis corporibus reperitur, medi-
corum diligentia fatiscit. Ideoque Anatomiam Simpliceni
luculentissime tractari assero, Anatomiam Comparatam desi-
derari statuo. Partes enim singulas recte perscrutantur
homines, earumque consistentias, figuras, situs; sed illarum
partium diversam in diversis hominibus figuram et conditionem
minus observant. Atque hujus omissionis causam non aliam
esse arbitramur, quam quod ad primam inquisitionem inspectio
unius aut alterius anatomise sufficere possit; ad posteriorem
vero (quae comparativa est, et casum recipit) necesse est ut
plurimarum dissectionum attenta et perspicax observatio ad-
hibeatur. Prior etiam res est, in qua homines docti in praa-
lectionibus suis et in coetu astantium se jactare possunt; at
secunda ea est, quae tacita et diutina experientia tantum acquiri
potest. Illud interea minime dubium est, quod internarum
partium figura et structura parum admodum externorum
membrorum varietati et lineamentis cedat ; quodque corda aut
jecinora aut ventriculi tarn dissimilia sint in hominibus, quam

1 See Hippocrates De Epidemiis, of which however, only the first and third books
appear to be his. The other five also contain a variety of cases.

LIBER QUARTUS. 593

aut frontes aut nasi aut aurcs. Atque in his ipsis differentiis
partium internarum reperiuntur saepius causes continentes l
multorum morborum ; quod non attendentes medici humores
interdum minime delinquentes criminantur ; cum ipsa mechanica
partis alicujus fabrica in culpa sit. In quorum morborum
cura opera luditur, si adhibeantur medicinaa alterantes (quia
res alteration em non recipit) ; sed emendanda res est, et ac-
commodanda seu pallianda per victus regimen et medicinas
familiares. Similiter, ad Anatomiam Comparatam pertinent
accurataj observationes tarn humorum omnigenum, quam
vestigiorum et impressionum morborum in corporibus variis
dissectis. Etenim Humores in anatomiis tanquam purgamenta
et fastidia fere praetermitti solent ; cum tamen inprimis neces-
sarium sit notare quales et quam multiplices sint humorum
differentium species (non nimium in hac re tribuendo divi-
sionibus eorum receptis) qui in corpore humano aliquando
inveniantur ; et in quibus cavitatibus et receptaculis quilibet
ipsorum sedes et nidulos suos figere potissimum soleat ; quoque
juvamento, aut damno; atque his similia. Itidem vestigia et
impressiones morborum, et interiorum partium ab iis Isesiones
et devastationes, in diversis anatomiis cum diligentia notanda ;
nempe apostemata, ulcera, solutiones continuitatis, putrefacti-
ones, exesiones, consumptiones ; rursus, contractions, exten-
siones, convulsiones, luxationes, dislocation es, obstructiones,
repletiones, tumores; una cum omnibus materiis praeterna-
turalibus quae in corpore humano inveniuntur (veluti calculis,
carnositatibus, tuberibus, vermibus, ethujusmodi); hsec(inquam)
omnia, et his similia, per earn quam diximus Anatomiam
Comparatam et multorum medicorum experimenta in unum
collata, magna cum cura perquiri et componi debent. At
Varietas ista Accidentium in Anatomicis aut perfunctorie
tractatur, aut silentio prseteritur.

De illo vero altero det'ectu circa Anatomiam (nempe quod
non fieri consueverit in corporibus vivis) quid attinet dicere?
Res enim haec odiosa et barbara, et a Celso recte damnata.2
Neque tamen illud minus verum est (quod annotatum fuit

1 This phrase is taken from Celsus: " Igitur hi qui rationalem medicinam profi-
tentur hac necessaria esse proponunt : Abditarum et morbos continentium causarum
notitiam, deinde evidentium," &c. — Celsus, Pracfutio.

• " Incidere autem vivorura corpora et crudele et supervacuum est" — Celsius,
Prafatio.

VOL. I. Q Q

594 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIA.RUM

a priscis) poros complures et meatus et pertusiones, quae sunt
ex subtilioribus, in anatomicis dissectionibus non comparere;
quippe quae in cadaveribus occluduntur et latent; cum in
viventibus dilatentur, et possent esse conspicui.1 Itaque ut
et usui consulatur simul et humanitati, non est omnino rejici-
enda Anatomia Vivorum, neque ad fortuitas chirurgicorum
inspectiones (quod Celsus fecit) remittenda ; cum hoc ipsum
bene expediri possit per dissectionem brutorum vivorum quae,
non obstante suarum partium dissimilitudine ab humanis, huic
inquisitioni adhibito judicio satisfacere possint.2

Item in inquisitione illorum de Morbis, inveniunt morbos
complures quos insanabiles decernunt, alios jam inde a prin-
cipio morborum, alios post talem quampiam periodum. Ita
ut L. Syllae et Triumvirorum proscriptioues res nihili fuerint
prae medicorum proscriptionibus, per quas tot homines iniquis-
simis edictis morti dedunt; quorum tamen plurimi minore
cum difficultate evadunt, quam illi olim inter proscriptiones
Romanas. Neque igitur dubitabo inter Desiderata reponere
opus aliquod de Curationibus Morborum qui habentur pro
Insanabilibus ; ut evocentur et excitentur medici aliqui egregii
et magnanimi, qui huic operi (quantum largitur natura rerum)
incumbant ; quando hoc ipsum, istos morbos pronunciare insa-
nabiles, neglectum et incuriam veluti lege sanciat, et igno-
rantiam ab infamia eximat.

Item, ut paulo ulterius insistam ; etiam plane censeo ad
officium medici pertinere, non tantum ut sanitatem restituat,
verum etiam ut dolores et cruciatus morborum mitiget;
neque id ipsum solummodo cum ilia mitigatio doloris,
veluti symptomatis periculosi, ad convalescentiam faciat et
conducat ; imo vero cum, abjecta prorsus omni sanitatis spe,
excessum tantum praebeat e vita magis lenem et placidum.
Siquidem non parva est foelicitatis pars (quam sibi tantopere

1 This difficulty is almost entirely removed by the perfection to which the art of
making anatomical preparations has been brought. Berengario of Carpi, who died at
Ferrara in 1550, is said to have been the first person who made use of injections in
order to render the vessels visible. He employed water (probably coloured ) for this
purpose. Swammerdam was the first to inject with wax. In one branch of anatomy,
namely the doctrine of the development of the osseous parts, the use of madder in the
food of the living animal has led to very curious results. It stains the portions of bone
developed during its use of a bright red. Duhamel was the first to use this means of
studying the growth of bone. Flourens has also employed it.

• Even this in the extent to which it has been carried appears to stand much in
need of an apology ; and it is satisfactory to find that one of our best anatomists seems
o think so. I refer to Brodie's Physiological Enquiries.

LIBER, QUARTUS. 595

precari solebat Augustus Csesar) ilia Euthanasia ' ; quae etiam
observata est in excessu Antonini Pii, quando non tarn mori
videretur quam dulci et alto sopore excipi. Scribitur etiam
de Epicure, quod hoc ipsum sibi procuraverit ; cum enim
morbus ejus haberetur pro desperate, ventriculum et sensus
meri largiore haustu et ingurgitatione obruit; unde illud in
epigrammate,

hinc Stygias ebrius hausit aquas.8

Vino scilicet Stygii laticis amaritudinem sustulit. At nostris
temporibus medicis quasi religio est, cegrotis postquam deplorati
sint assidere ; ubi meo judicio, si officio suo atque adeo huma-
nitati ipsi deesse nolint, et artem ediscere et diligentiam prae-
stare deberent, qua animam agentes facilius et mitius e vita
demigrent. Hanc autem partem, inquisitionem de Euthanasia
Exteriori (ad differentiam ejus Euthanasias qua? animae praspa-
rationem respicit) appellamus, eamque inter Desiderata repo-
nimus.

Item in Curationibus Morborum illud generaliter desiderari
reperio ; quod medici hujusce aetatis, licet Generales Intentiones
Curationum non male persequantur, Particulares tamen Medi-
cinas quas ad curationes morborum singulorum proprietate
quadam spectant, aut non bene norunt aut non religiose
observant. Nam medici traditionum et experientiae probatas
fructum magistralitatibus suis destruxerunt et sustulerunt ;
addendo et demendo et mutando circa medicinas, prout iis
libitum fuerit; et fere pharmacopoeorum more quid pro quo
substituendo ; ita superbe imperantes medicines, ut medicina
non amplius imperet morbo. Demptis enim Theriaca et Mi-
thridatio et fortasse Diascordio et Confectione Alkermes3 et
paucis aliis medicinis, ad nulla fere certa pharmaca se religiose

1 " Fere quoties audisset cito ac nullo cruciatu defunctum quempiam sibi et suis
fi/Bavaaiav similem (hoc enim et verbo uti solebat) precabatur." — Suet, in Aug.
c. 99.

And so when life's sweet fable ends
His soul and body part like friends,
No quarrels, murmurs — - no delay —
A kiss, a sigh, and then away.

CRASHAW : Lines prefixed to the English
translation of Cornaro.

2 See for this story Diog. Laert. x. 16.; the words quoted are the end of the mo-
dern Latin version of an epigram there given. The original contains nothing which
corresponds to the word ebrius, which in the more recent editions of Diog. Laert. is
replaced by Jcetius. Gassendi in his essay on Epicurus substitutes protinus.

3 Theriaca, from which treacle is a corruption, is the name of a nostrum invented by
Andromachus, who was physician to Nero. For an account of the history and composition

QQ 2

596 DE AUGMENT-IS SCIENTIARUM

et severe astringunt. Nam medicamenta ilia quas in offici-
nis prostant venalia, potius in promptu sunt ad intentiones
generates, quam accommodata et propria ad curationes par-
ticulares; siquidem speciatim nullum morbum magnopere
respiciunt; verura generatim ad obstructiones aperiendas,
concoctiones confortandas, intemperies alterandas pertinent.
Atque hinc praecipue fit, ut empirici et vetulas saepenumero
in curandis morbis foelicius operentur quam medici eruditi ;
quia medicinarum probatarum confectionem et compositionem
fideliter et scrupulose retinent. Equidem memini medicum
quendam apud nos in Anglia, practica celebrem, religione
prope Judaeum, librorum lectione tanquam Arabem, solitum
dicere, Medici vestri Europcei sunt quidem viri docti : sed non
norunt particulares curationes morborum. Quinetiam idem
ludere solebat, parum decore, dicendo, Medicos nostros simi-
les esse Episcopis : liyandi et solvendi claves habere, et nihil
amplius. Sed ut serio quod res est dicamus; plurimum
referre censemus, si rnedici aliqui, et eruditione et practica
insigniores, opus aliquod conficiant de medicinis probatis
et experimentalibus ad morbos particulares. Nam quod spe-
ciosa quis ratione nixus existimet decere medicum doctum
(habita ratione complexionis aegrorum, aetatis, tempestatis
anni, consuetudinum, et hujusmodi) potius medicinas ex tern-
pore aptare, quam certis aliquibus praescriptis insistere; id
fallax res est, et experientiae non satis attribuit, judicio plus
nimis. Sane quemadmodum in republica Romana cives erant
utilissimi et optime compositi qui aut consules populo favebant,
aut tribuni in partes senatus inclinabant ; ita in hac materia de
qua agimus medicos eos probamus qui aut in magna eruditione
traditiones experientiae plurimum faciunt, aut in practica insigni
saethodos et generalia artis non aspernantur. Modificationes
vero medicinarum (si quando sit opus eas adhibere) potius in
vehiculis earum exercendae sunt, quam in ipso corpore medi-
cinarum ; in quo nil novandum, absque evidenti necessitate.
Hanc igitur partem, quoe de Medicinis Authenticis et Positivis
tractet, desiderari statuimus. Res autem est, quae tentari non

of mithridaticura, see Celsus, v. 23. The invention of what was called diascordium is
ascribed to Fracastorius, who speaks of it as " Diascordium nostrum " in his De Cont.
Morb. Cur. iii. 7. The confection of Alkermes in its original form seems to have
been invented by Mesne, an Arabian physician. About Bacon's time what was called
mineral kermes, which was a preparation of antimony, was a popular medicine, but it
s probable that he here refers either to the confection of Mesne or to some modifica-
tion of it

LIBER QTJARTUS. 597

debet absque acri et sevcro judicio, et tanquam in synodo
raedicorum selectorum.

Item inter praeparationes medicinarum, mirari subit (prae-
sertim cum Medicinae ex Mineralibus a Chymicis in tantum
evectae et celebratae sint1, ciunque tales medicinae tutius
adhibeantur ad exteriora quam intro sumantur) neminem
adhuc inventum, qui per artem Thermas Naturales et Fontes
Medicinales imitari annixus fuerit ; cum tamen in confesso sit
thermas illas et fontes virtutes suas ex venis mineralhim, per
quas permeant, nancisci ; quinetiam, in manifestum hujus rei
documentum, bene norit humana industria discernere et distin-
guere per separationes quasdam ex quo genere mineralium
hujusmodi aquae inficiantur; veluti an ex sulphure, vitriolo,
chalybe, aut aliquo simili? Qute naturalis aquarum tinctura,
si ad artificiosas compositiones reduci posset, fuerit in potestate
hominis et plura genera earum prout usus postulat efficere, et
temperamentum ipsarum pro arbitrio regere. Hanc igitur
partem, de Imitatione Naturae in Balneis Artificialibus (re
proculdubio et utili et in promptu) desiderari censemus.

Ne vero singula scrupulosius exequamur quam vel institute
nostro vel hujusce tractatus naturae convenit, claudemus hanc
partem defectus alterius cujusdam enumeratione, qui maximi
nobis videtur momenti ; nimirum quod medendi ratio, quae ob-
tinuit, sit nimio plus compendiosa quam ut insigne aliquid aut
arduum prasstare possit. Etenim judicio nostro opinio fuerit
magis blanda quam vera, si quis existimet medicamentum
aliquod tarn potens aut fcelix fieri posse, ut usus ejus simplex
curationi alicui grandiori sufficiat. Mirabilis profecto foret
oratio quae pronunciata, aut etiam srepius repetita, vitiurn
aliquod animo penitus insitum aut inveteratum corrigere aut
tollere possit. Longe certe abest. Verum quae in natura
eximie possunt et pollent, sunt ordo, prosecutio, series, vicissi-
tude artificiosa. Quaa, licet majus quoddam in prascipiendo
judicium majoremque in parendo constantiam requirant, tamen
efFectuum magnitudine abunde rem compensant. Etsi autem
ex opera medicorum quotidiana, quam invisendo, assidendo,
praoscribendo, aegrotis praestant, putaret quispiam haud segniter
ipsos curationem persequi atque in eadem certa quadam via

1 The school of medicine of which Paracelsus was the head distinguished itself from
the Galenists, who had chiefly recourse to vegetable decoctions and infusions, by the
use of mineral medicines. This school has been called that of the latro-chemists.

QQ 3

598 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

insistere ; tamen si quis ea quae praescribere et ministrare
soleant medici acutius introspiciat, inveniet pleraque vacilla-
tionis et inconstantiae plena, et quae ex tempore excogltentiir
et in mentem illis veniant absque certo aliquo aut prasviso
curationis tramite. Debuerant autem etiam ab initio, post
morbum bene perspectum et cognitum, seriem curandi ordinatam
meditari; neque ab ea absque gravi causa discedere. Atque
sciant pro certo medici, posse (exempli gratia) tria fortasse aut
quatuor medicamenta ad morbum aliquem gravem curandum
recte prasscribi, qua? debito ordine et debito intervallo sumpta
curationem prasstent ; quorum singula s"i per se tantum sume-
rentur, aut si ordo inverteretur, aut inter vallum non servaretur,
fuerint prorsus nocitura. Neque tamen id volumus, ut omnis
scrupulosa et superstitiosa curandi ratio in pretio sit tanquam
optima (non magis quam omnis via arcta via sit ad ccelum):
verum ut aeque recta sit via, ac arcta et difficilis. Hanc autem
partem, quam Filum Medicinale vocabimus, desiderari ponimus.
Atque ha3C ilia sunt, quae in doctrina medicinae de Curatione
Morboram desideramus ; nisi quod restet unicum, quod plu-
ris est quam ilia omnia. Desideratur nimirum Philosophia
Naturalis Vera et Activa, cui Medicinae scientia inasdificetur.
Cseterum ilia non est hujusce tractatus.

Tertiam partem Medicinae posuimus illam de Prolongations
VitcB, quae nova est, et desideratur ; estque omnium nobilissima.
Si enim tale aliquid inveniri possit, non versabitur tantum me-
dicina in curationum sordibus, nee medici ipsi propter neces-
^itatem solummodo honorabuntur ; sed utique propter donum
mortalibus ex terrenis quasi maximum, cujus poterint esse
secundurn Deum dispensatores et administri. Licet enim Mun-
dus homini Christiano ad Terram Promissionis contendenti
tanquam Eremus sit, tamen in Eremo ipso profiscentibus cal-
ceos et vestes (corpus scilicet nostrum, quod animae loco
tegminis est) minus atteri, Gratiae Divinae munus quoddam
aestimandum. Hac de re, quia est .ex optimis, eamque inter
Desiderata posuimus, ex more nostro et Monita dabimus et
Indicia et Prascepta.

Primo monemus, ex scriptoribus circa hoc argumentum nemi-
nem esse, qui aliquid magni, ne dicamus aliquid sani, repererit.
Aristoteles certe commentarium de hoc edidit perpusillum, in
quo nonnihil inest acuti; quod ipse omnia esse vult, ut solet.1

1 Aristotle's tract De Long. §• Brev. Vita, which, as Bacon remarks, is very brief

LIBER QUARTUS. 599

At recentiores tarn oscitanter et superstitiose de hoc scripse-
runt, ut argumentum ipsum ob eorum vanitatem tanquam
vanum et vecors haberi cceperit.

Secundo monemus, ipsas intentiones quae hue spectant me-
dicorum res nihili esse, et cogitationes hominum a re potius
abducere quam versus earn dirigere. Sermocinantur enim,
mortem in destitutione calidi et humidi consistere ; debere
itaque calorem naturalem confortari, humorem autem radicalem
foveri. Perinde ac si haec res jusculis, aut lactucis et malvis,
nut amydo1, aut jujubis, aut rursus aromatibus, aut vino gene-
roso, aut etiam spiritu vini et oleis chymici c onfici possit ;
quoe omnia obsunt potius quam prosunt.

Tertio monemus, ut homines nugari desinant, nee tarn faciles
sint ut credant grande illud opus, quale est naturae cursum
remorari et retrovertere, posse haustu aliquo matutino aut usu
alicujus pretiosae medicinae ad exitum perduci ; non auro pota-
bili, non margaritarum essentiis, et similibus nugis ; sed ut pro
certo habeant Prolongationem Vitae esse rem operosam, et quas
ex compluribus remediis atque eorum inter se connexione idonea
constet.2 Neque enim quisquam ita stupidus esse debet, ut
credat quod nunquam factum est adhuc, id fieri jam posse, nisi
per modos etiam nunquam tentatos.

Quarto monemus, ut homines rite animadvertant et distin-
guant circa ea quae ad vitam sanam, et ea quaa ad vitam longam,
conferre possunt. Sunt enim nonnulla quae ad spirituum alacri-
tatem, et functionum robur, et morbos arcendos prosunt ; quse
tamen de summa vitas detrahunt, et atrophiam senilem absque
morbis accelerant. Sunt et alia quoe ad prolongationem vitae et
atrophiam senilem longius summovendam juvant; sed tamen
non usurpantur absque periculo valetudinis, adeo ut qui iis
utentur ad prolongationem vitae debeant simul incommodis
occurrere, quae alioquin ex eorum usu supervenire possint.
Atque Monita hactenus dedimus.

relates to the length of life of all kinds of animals, and even of plants. Sanchez, a
Spanish physician, who wrote a treatise on the same subject, thus remarks on Aristo-
tle's : " Adeo longe breviterque disseruit Aristoteles, ut mirum sit tantum philosophum
tarn indigne rem hanc tractasse." Not long before the publication of the De Auy-
mentis, the Methusala Vivax of Dornavus was printed at Hanover ; it contains an in-
quiry as to the causes of antediluvian longevity ; Dornavus refutes the notion that
the years in which the ages of the Patriarchs are stated are in reality only lunations,
by referring to their, ages when their first-born sons were begotten.

1 This is manifestly a mistake for amyJo. Amylum, or starch, is mentioned by
Celsus as one of the " cibi lenes."

2 The matter is much simplified by the Schola Salernitana:

" Cur moriatur homo cui salvia crescit in horto ? " Reyimen Sanitatis
QQ 4

600 DE AUGMENT1S SC1ENTIARUM

Quod ad Indicia attinet; tale hujus rei (quam ammo meti-
mur) plasma est. Conservantur res et durant duobus modis ;
aut in Identitate sua, aut per Reparationem. In Identitate sua,
ut musca aut formica in succino ; flos aut pomuni aut lignum in
conservatoriis nivalibus ; cadaver inter balsama. Per Repara-
tionem, ut in flamma, et in mechanicis. Operanti ad Prolon-
gationem Vitae utroque genere utendum est (disjuncta minus
possunt), corpusque humanum conservandum, quemadmodum
Inanimata conservantur, ac rursus quemadmodum Flamma con-
servatur, ac denique quadantenus ut Mechanica conservantur.
Tres igitur sunt ad prolongandam vitam intentiones ; Retarda-
tio Consumptions, Probitas Reparationis, et Renovatio ejus
quod coepit veterascere. Consumptio fit a duabus Deprasdatio-
nibus ; depraedatione spiritus innati, et deprasdatione aeris am-
bientis. Prohibitio utriusque duplex ; aut si agentia ilia fiant
minus prsedatoria, aut si patientia (succi scilicet corporis) red-
dantur minus depraedabilia. Spiritus fit minus prasdatorius, si
aut substantia densetur, ut in usu opiatorum et nitratorum, et in
contristationibus ; aut quantitate minuatur, ut in diaetis Py thago-
ricis et Monasticis ; aut motu leniatur, ut in otio et tranquilli-
tate. Aer ambiens fit minus praedatorius, si aut minus incalescat
a radiis solis, ut in regionibus frigidioribus, in speluncis, in
montibus, et columnis anachoretarum ; aut summoveatur a cor-
pore, ut in cute densa, et in plumis avium, et in usu olei et
unguentorum absque aromatibus. Succi corporis redduntur
minus deprsedabiles, si aut duri facti sint, aut roscidi sive ole-
osi. Duri, ut in victu aspero, vita in frigido, exercitationibus
robustis, balneis quibusdam mineralibus. Roscidi, ut in usu
dulcium, et abstinentia a salsis et acidis, et maxime omnium in
tali mistione potus, quas sit partium valde tenuium et sub-
tilium, absque tamen omni acrimonia aut acedine. Reparatio
fit per Alimenta. Alimentatio autem promovetur quatuor mo-
dis : per concoctionem viscerum ad extrusionem alimenti, ut in
confortantibus viscera principalia; per excitationem partium
exteriorum ad attractionem alimenti, ut exercitationibus et
fricationibus debitis, atque unctionibus quibusdam et balneis
appropriatis ; per praeparationem alimenti ipsius, ut facilius se
insinuet et digestiones ipsas quadantenus anticipet, ut in va-
riis et artificiosis modis cibi condiendi, potus miscendi, panis
f crmentandi, et horum trium virtutes in unum redigendi ; per
confortationeni ipsius ultimi actus assimilationis, ut in soimio

LIBER QUARTUS. 601

tempestivo, et applicationibus quibusdam exterioribus. Reno-
vatio ejus quod ccepit veterascere fit duobus modis: vel per
intenerationem habitus corporis ipsius, ut in usu malacissa-
tionum ex balneis, emplastris, et unctionibus, quae talia sint'ut
imprimant, non extraliant ; vel per •expurgationem succi ve-
teris, et substitutionem succi novi, ut in tempestivis et repetitis
purgationibus, sanguinis missionibus, et diaetis attenuantibus,
quae florem corporis restituunt. Atque de Indiciis hactenus.

Praecepta, quanquam ex ipsis Indiciis plurima possint deduci,
tria tamen veluti praecipua subjungere visum est. Prcecipimus
primo, ut prolongatio vitae expectetur potius a diaetis statis
quam a regimine aliquo victus familiari, aut etiam a medica-
mentorum particularium excellentia. Etenim quae tantavirtute
pollent ut naturam retrovertere valeant, fortiora plerumque
sunt et potentiora ad alterandum quam ut simul in aliqua medi-
cina componi, multo minus in victu familiari interspergi possint.
Superest itaque ut seriatim, et regulariter, et ad tempora certa
et vicibus certis recurrentia, adhibeantur.

Secundo prcecipimus, ut prolongatio vitae expectetur potius
ab operatione in spiritus, et a malacissatione partium, quam a
modis alimentandi. Etenim cum corpus humanum ejusque
fabrica (missis externis) a tribus patiatur, spfritibus scilicet,
partibus, et alimentis ; via prolongationis vitae per alimentandi
modos longa est, atque per multas ambages et circuitus ; at vias
per operationes super spiritus et super partes multo breviores
sunt, et quibus citius ad finem desideratum pervenitur; eo
quod spiritus subito patiantur et a vaporibus et ab affectibus,
quae miris modis in eos possunt; partes item per balnea aut
unguenta aut emplastra, qua? subitas etiam impressiones faciunt.

Tertio pracipimus, quod malacissatio partium per exterius
fieri debet per Consubstantialia, Imprimentia, et Occludentia.
Consubstantialia enim benevolo partium amplexu libenter exci-
piuntur, et proprie malacissant. Imprimentia autem et vir-
tutem malacissantium, tanquam vehicula, facilius et altius
deducunt, atque ipsa partes nonnihil expandunt. Occludentia
autem virtutem utrorumque retinent et paulisper figunt, et
perspirationem, quae est res malacissationi opposita (quia humi-
dum emittit), cohibent. Itaque per haec tria, (sed potius ordine
disposita et succedentia, quam commixta,) res absolvitur. In-
terim in hac parte monemus, non earn esse intentionem malacis-
sationis ut nutriat partes per exterius, sed tantum ut eas reddat

602 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

magis idoneas ad nutriendum. Quidquid enim magis aridura
est, minus est activum ad assimilandum. Atque de Prolonga-
tione Vitse, quae est pars tertia Medicinae noviter ascripta, haec
dicta sint.1

Veniamus ad Cosmeticam, qua? certe partes habet civiles,
partes rursus efFoeminatas. Corporis enim munditia et decor
honestus recte existimatur promanare a modestia quadam mo-
rum, et a reverentia; inprimis erga Deum, cujus creaturae
sumus ; turn erga societatem, in qua degimus ; turn etiam erga
nosmetipsos, quos non minus, imo magis, quam alios revereri
debemus. Verum adulterina ilia decoratio, quae fucos et pi-
gmenta adhibet, digna certe est illis defectibus qui earn semper
comitantur ; cum non sit aut ad fallendum satis ingeniosa, aut
ad utendum satis cornmoda, aut ad salubritatem satis tuta et
innocua. Miramur autem pravam hanc consuetudinem fucandi
leges censorias, tarn ecclesiasticas quam civiles, (quae alias in
luxuriam circa vestes aut cultus capillorum effceminatos admo-
dum fuerint severae) ita diu fugisse. Legimus certe de Jeza-
bele, quod pigmentis faciem obliverit; verum de Esthera et
Juditha nil tale perhibetur.

Pergamus ad Athleticam. Earn sensu intelligimus paulo
largiori, quam accipi consuevit. Hue enim referimus, quid-
quid versatur circa conciliandam qualerncunque (quam corpus
humanum suscipit) Habilitatem ; sive sit Agilitatis, sive Tole-
rantiaa. Quarum Agilitas duas habet partes, Robur et Veloci-
taterirj4ta Tolerantia itidem duas, vel Indigentiarum Naturalium
Patientiam, vel in Cruciatibus Fortitudinem. Quorum omnium
videnius saepenumero exempla insignia, in practica funanibulo-
rum ; in duro victu hominum quorundarn barbarorum ; in
stupendis viribus maniacorum; et in constantia nonnullorum
inter exquisita tormenta, Imo si aliqua alia reperiatur facul-
tas quae in priorem partitionem non cadit (qualis in Urinatori-
bus saepe conspicitur, qui mirifice anhelitum cohibere possunt),
ad hanc ipsam artem aggregari volumus. Atque quod talia
fieri quandoque possint, manifestissimum est ; at philosophia et
inquisitio causarum circa eadem fere neglecta jacet ; hanc arbi-
tramur ob causam, quod hominibus persuasum sit hujusmodi
magisteria naturae solumuiodo vel ex peculiari certorum homi-
num indole (quae sub disciplinam non cadit), vel a diutina ab

1 Compare Bacon's Hittoria Vita et Mortis, particularly for the view he takes of
the depredations of the animal spirits.

LIBER QUARTUS. 603

annis usque puerilibus consuetudine (quae potius imperari quam
doceri solet), obtinere. Quod etsi verum prorsus non sit,
tamen defectus hujusmodi rerum quid attinet notare ? Certa-
mina enira Olympica jam diu cessarunt ; turn etiam in ejusmodi
rebus mediocritas sufficit ad usum, excellentia autem mercena-
riae cuidam ostentationi fere inservit.

Postremo accedimus ad Artes Voluptarias. Eae secundum
sensus ipsos dispertitaa sunt. Oculos oblectat praecipue Picto-
ria, cum aliis artibus innumeris (quae ad magnificentiam spectant)
circa aedificia, horfcos, vestes vasa, calices, gemmas, et similia.
Aures demulcet Musica, quse tanta vocum, spiritus, chordarum,
varietate et apparatu instructa est. Olim etiam Hydraulica
pro Coryphaeis quibusdam artis ejus habita sunt, quae nunc
prope obsoleverunt. Atque artes, quaa ad visum aut auditum
spectant, prae aliis prascipue liberales habitae sunt. Sensus hi duo
magis casti ; scientiae magis eruditae ; quippe qui etiam Mathe-
maticam veluti ancillam in familiis suis habeant. Etiam altera
ad memoriam et demonstrationes, altera ad mores et affectus
animi nonnihil respicit. Reliquorum sensuum oblectationes,
atque artes circa ipsos, minus in honore sunt ; veluti luxuriae
quam magnificentias propiores. Unguenta, odoramenta, deliciae
et cupediae mensarum, maxime autem incitamenta libidinis, re-
ctius censore quam doctore indigent. Optime sane a quibusdam
annotatum est, nascentibus et crescentibus rebuspublicis artes
militares florere, in statu et culmine positis liberales, at ad de-
clinationem et decasum vergentibus voluptarias. HaWPvero
aetas nostra, vereor ne tanquam in decasu fcelicitatis in artes
voluptarias inclinet. Quare ista missa faciamus. Cum Artibus
Voluptariis Joculares copulo. Deceptiones siquidem sensuum
inter delectationes sensuum reponendae sunt.

Jam vero, transcursis doctrinis illis circa Corpus Humanum
(Medicina, Cosmetica, Athletica, Voluptaria), illud obiter mo-
nemus: cum in corpore humano tot res in considerationem
veniant, Partes, Humores, Functiones, Facultates, Accidentia ;
cumque (si nobis integrum esset) constitui oportuisset corpus
unicum doctrinae de Corpore Humano, quae ista omnia com-
plecteretur (simile illi doctrinae de Anima de qua mox dicemus),
tamen ne artes nimis multiplicentur, neve veteres artium limites
(plus quam necesse fuerit) transponantur ; doctrinam de Parti-
bus Corporis Humani, de Functionibus, de Humoribus, de
Respiratione, de Sonino, de Generatione, de Fo3tu et Gesta-

604 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

tione in Utero, de Augmentis, de Pubertate, de Canitie, de
Impinguatione, et similibus, in Corpus Medicinae recipimus ;
licet ad officia ilia tria non proprie pertineant ; sed quia Corpus
ipsum Hominis sit per omnia Medicinae subjectum. Motum
autem Voluntarium, et Sensum, ad doctrinam de Anima rejici-
mus; siquidem Animae partes in his duobus sunt potiores.
Atque sic doctrinam, quae circa Corpus Hominis versatur, (quod
Animae pro tabernaculo duntaxat est,) claudimus.

CAPUT III.

Partitio Philosophies Humana circa Animam, in Doctrinam de
Spiraculo et Doctrinam de Anima Sensibili sive Producta.
Partitio secunda ejusdem Philosophies in Doctrinam de Sub-
stantia et Facultatibus Animae et Doctrinam de Usu et Ob-
jectis Facultatum. Appendices dues, Doctrine de Facultatibus
AnimcB ; Doctrina de Divinatione Naturali, et Doctrina de
Fascinatione. Distributio Facultatum Animee Sensibilis, in
Motum et Sensum.

VENIAMUS ad doctrinam de Anima Humana ; e cujus thesauris
omnes caeterae doctrinae depromptae sunt. Ejus duae sunt partes ;
altera tractat de Anima Rationali, quae divina est; altera de
Irrationali, quae communis est cum brutis. Notavimus autem
paulo superius (ubi de Formis loquebamur) differentes illas
duas Animarum emanationes, quae in prima utriusque crea-
tione se dant conspiciendas ; nimirum, quod altera ortum ha-
buerit a Spiraculo Dei, altera e Matricibus Elementorum.
Nam de Animae Rationalis generatione primitiva ita ait Scri-
ptura, Formavit hominem de li.mo terra t et spiravit infaciem ejus
spiraculum vitce. At generatio Animse Irrationalis, sive Bruto-
rum, facta est per verba ilia, Producat aqua; Producat terra1;
haec autem Anima (qualis est in homine) Animae Rational!

1 To the same effect S. Thomas Aquinas says: "Anima brutorum producitur ex
virtute aliqua corporea, anima vero humana a Deo. Et ad hoc signiflcandum dicitur
Gen. i. quantum ad alia animalia Producat terra animam viventem ; Quantum vero
ad hominem dicitur quod inspiravit in faciem ejus spiraculum vitfe." — Sum. Theol.
i. 75. 6.

But the doctrine that in man there is an irrational soul, as in brutes, to which the
rational soul is a distinct addition, is not only not countenanced as M. Bouillet sup-
poses by S. Augustine and the schoolmen (see his edition of Bacon's philosophical
works, ii. p. 531.), but is distinctly condemned by them. Bacon derived it from
Telesius. See General Preface, p. 50.

LIBER QUARTUS. 605

organum tantum est, atque originem habet et ipsa quoque,
quemadmodum in brutis, e limo terra?. Neque enim dictum
est, Formavit corpus hominis de limo terrce, sed Formavit liomi-
nem ; integrum scilicet hominem, excepto illo spiraculo. Quam-
obrern partem primam doctrinaa generalis circa Animam
Humanam, doctrinam de Spiraculo appellabimus ; Secundam
vero, doctrinam de Anima Sensibili sive Producta. Neque
tamen, cum hactenus Philosophiam solam tractemus (quippe
Sacram Theologiam in fine operis collocavimus) partitionem
istam a Theologia mutuarenms, nisi etiam cum principiis Phi-
losophic conveniret. Plurimoe enim et maxima? sunt Animas
Humanae prsecellentiae supra animas brutorum, etiam philo-
sophantibus secundum sensum manifestae. Ubicunque autem
tot et tantarum invenitur excellentiarum symbolum, ibi merito
semper constitui debet differentia specifica. Itaque nobis non
nimium placet confusa ilia et promiscua philosophorum de
Animas Functionibus tractatio ; ac si Anima Humana gradu
potius quam specie discriminata esset ab anima brutorum ;
non aliter quam sol inter astra, aut aurum inter metalla.

Subjungenda est etiam partitio alia Doctrinae Generalis circa
Animam Humanam, antequam de speciebus fusius loquamur.
Etenim quae de speciebus postea dicemus utramque partitionem,
turn illam quam jam modo posuimus, turn istam quam nunc
proponemus, simul tractabunt. Secunda igitur partitio sit, in
doctrinam de Substantia et Facultatibus Animae, et doctrinam
de Usu et Objectis Facultatum.

Praemissis itaque his partitionibus geminis, ad species acce-
damus. Doctrina de Spiraculo, eademque de Substantia Ani-
mae Rationalis, complectitur inquisitiones illas de natura ejus ;
utrum nativa sit ilia, an adventitia; separabilis, an insepara-
bilis ; mortalis, an immortalis ; quatenus legibus materice alligata,
quatenus minime ; et similia. Quae vero hujus sunt generis,
licet etiam in philosophia et diligentiorem et altiorem inquisi
tionem subire possint quam adhuc habetur, utcunque tamen in
fine religion! determinanda et diffinienda rectius transmitti
censemus. Aliter enim erroribus haud paucis et sensus illusi-
onibus onmino exponentur. Etenim cum Substantia Animae
in creation e sua non fuerit extracta aut deducta ex massa coeli
et terras, sed immediate inspirata a Deo ; cumque leges creli et
terrae sint propria subjecta philosophise ; quomodo possit cogni-
tio de Substantia Animae Rationalis ex philosophia peti et

606 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

haberi? Quinimo ab eadem inspiratione divina hauriatur, a
qua Substantia Animae primo emanavit.1

Doctrina vero de Anima Sensibili sive Producta, etiam qua-
tenus ad Substantiam ejus, vere inquiritur; at ea inquisitio
nobis quasi desiderari videtur. Quid enim ad doctrinam
de Substantia Animae faciunt Actus Ultimus et Forma Cor-
poris, et hujusmodi nugae logicae2? Anima siquidem Sen-
sibilis sive Brutorum plane substantia corporea censenda
est, a calore attenuata et facta invisibilis; aura (inquam)
ex natura flammea et aerea conflata^ aeris mollitie ad impres-
sionem recipiendam, ignis vigore ad actionem vibrandam, do-
tata; partim ex oleosis, partim ex aqueis nutrita; corpore
obducta, atque in animalibus perfectis in capite praecipue locata,
in nervis percurrens, et sanguine spirituoso arteriarum refecta
et reparata ; quemadmodum Bernardinus Telesius, et disci-
pulus ejus Augustinus Donius, aliqua ex parte non omnino
inutiliter asseruerunt.3 Itaque de hac doctrina diligentior fiat
inquisitio ; eo magis, quod haec res non bene intellecta opi-
niones superstitiosas et plane contaminatas, et dignitatem
Animae Humanse pessime conculcantes, de Metempsychosi et
Lustrationibus Animarum per periodos annorum, denique de
nimis propinqua Animae Humanae erga animas brutorum per
onmia cognatione, peperit. Est autem haec Anima in brutis

1 The anima rationalis is immaterial, — the anima sensibilis is as much material as
any other part of man's frame. To it however Telesius, whom Bacon here follows,
ascribes sensation, imagination, &c., leaving the higher faculties, and especially the
moral sense as the portion of the anima rationalis. Donius, to whom Bacon refers a
little further on, in effect rejects the anima rationalis altogether ; admitting, in appa-
rently insincere deference to received opinions, that it may exist ; but holding that, if
it does so, it is incognisable by human reason.

2 Bacon refers to the Aristotelian definition of the soul, " Actus primus corporis
physici organic! vitam potentia habentis," and to the doctrine immediately connected
with this definition that the soul is the form of man. It is obvious that the actus
primus may also be spoken of as actus ultimus, according to the direction in which the
arrangement proceeds, but I do not know whether Bacon had any reason for deviating
from the usual phraseology.

With respect to the phrase " forma corporis," it is to be remarked that the Scotists
maintained the existence of a " forma corporis," that namely which gives the body
corporeity distinct from the informing principle or soul of man ; — a subtlety intro-
duced to evade the difficulties which the gradual development of the body from its
first rudiments to perfection, — that is, its gradual progress to corporeity, — appears to
present when contrasted with the way in which the rational soul is infused. For it was
a received opinion that the soul is not " ex traduce," that is, not derived from that of
the progenitor, but on the contrary is infused as it were ab extra into the body it
informs.

* See the fifth book of Telesius De Rerum Natura, and the second book, parti-
cularly the fourth and fifth chapters, of Donius De Natura Hominis ; and compare
Campanella De Sensu Rerum, ii. 4. Campanella follows Telesius more closely than
Donius does.

LIBER QUARTUS. 607

anima principalis, cujus corpus brutorum organum ; in homine
autem, organum tantum et ipsa Animae Rationalis ; et Spiritus
potius appellatione quam Animas indigitari possit. Atque de
Substantia Animae hactenus.

Facultates autem Animae notissimaa sunt ; Intellectus, Ratio,
Phantasia, Memoria, Appetitus, Voluntas, denique universae
illas, circa quas versantur scientise Logicae et Ethicae. Sed in
doctrina de Anima, Origines ipsarum tractari debent, idque
physice, prout animas innatae sint et adhasreant ; Usus tantum
ipsarum, et Objecta, illis alteris artibus deputantur. Atque in
hac parte nihil egregii (ut nobis videtur) adhuc repertum est ;
quanquam desiderari earn haud sane dixerimus. Habet etiam
pars ista De Facultatibus Animaa, appendices duas; quae et
ipsae, quemadrnodum tractantur, potius fumos nobis exhibuerunt
quam flammam aliquam lucidam veritatis. Altera harum est
doctrina de Divinatione Naturali ; altera de Fascinatione.

Divinationem ab antiquis, nee male, in duas partes divisam
liabemus ; Artificialem, et Naturalem. Artificialis, ratiocinando,
ex indicatione signorum, prasdictionem colligit : Naturalis, ex
ipsa animi praesensione interna, absque signorum adminiculis,
praesagit. Artificialis duplex; altera argumentatur ex Causis,
ajtera ex Experimentis tantum, coeca quadam authoritate.
Qua? posterior, ut plurimum, superstitiosa est; quales erant
ethnicorum disciplines circa Inspectionem Extorum, Volatum
Avium, et similia. Etiam Chaldasorum Astrologia solennior,
non multo melior. At Artificialis Divinatio utraque inter
diversas scientias spargitur. Habet Astrologus praedictiones
suas, ex situ astrorum. Habet etiam Medicus suas, de morte
ingruente ; de convalescentia ; de symptom atibus morborum su-
perventuris, ex urinis, pulsibus, aspectu asgrorum, et similibus.
Habet et Politicus suas ; O urbem venalem, et cito perituram si
emptorem invenerit l ; cujus vaticinii fides non diu morata est ;
impleta primum in Sylla, postea in Caesare. Hujusmodi igitur
praedictiones praesentis non sunt instituti, verum ad artes
proprias remitti debent. Naturalis autem Divinatio, ex vi
scilicet interna animi ortum habens, ea demum est de qua
nunc agitur. Haec duplex est; altera Nativa, altera per In-
fluxum. Nativa hoc nititur suppositionis fundamento; quod
anima in se reducta atque collecta, nee in corporis organa
diffusa, habeat ex vi propria essentiae suae aliquam prasnotionem

1 Sallust, in Bell. Jugurth. 38.

608 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENT1ARUM

rerum futurarum. Ilia vero optime cernitur in somnis,
ecstasibus, confiniis mortis ; rarius inter vigilandum, aut cum
corpus sanum sit ac validum.1 Hujusmodi vero status animi
procuratur fere aut adjuvatur ex abstinentiis, atque illis rebus
quae animam a muneribus corporis exercendis maxime sevocant,
ut sua natura absque impeditionibus exteriorum gaudere possit.
Divinatio vero per Influxum hoc altero suppositionis funda-
mento nititur; quod anima, veluti speculum, illuminationem
quandam secundariam a prsescientia Dei et spirituum excipiat ;
cui etiam idem, qui priori, status et regimen corporis confert.
Eadem enim animas sevocatio efficit, ut et sua natura impensius
utatur, et divinorum influxuum sit magis susceptiva ; nisi quod
in Divinationibus per Influxum anima fervore quodam atque
tanquam numinis prassentis impatientia (qua? apud priscos Sacri
Furoris nomine vocabatur) corripiatur ; in Divinatione autem
Nativa, quieti potius et vacation! propior sit.

Fascinatio autem est vis et actus imaginationis intensivus in
corpus alterius: (vim enim imaginationis super corpus proprium
ipsius imaginantis superius perstrinximus.) In hoc genere
schola Paracelsi, et ementitas Naturalis Magia3 cultores, tarn
fuerunt immodici ut imaginationis impetum et apprehensionem
Miracula-patranti Fidei tan turn non exagquarint.2 Alii ad
similitudinem veri propius accedentes, cum occultas rerum
energias et impressiones, sensuum irradiationes, contagionum
de corpore in corpus transmissiones, virtutum magneticarum
delationes, acutius intuerentur, in earn opinionem devenerunt,
ut multo magis a spiritu in spiritum (cum spiritus praa rebus
omnibus sit et ad agendum strenuus, et ad patiendum tener
et mollis) impressiones et delationes et communicationes fieri
poterint. Unde increbuerunt opiniones factaa quasi populares
de Genio superiori, de hominibus quibusdam infaustis et
ominosis, de ictibus amoris et invidias, et alia? his similes.

1 A curious illustration of this remark is mentioned in the geography ascribed to
Ibn Haukal. When a prince among the Khazars was made Khakan, he was strangled
with a piece of taffeta, and asked, when he could scarcely breathe, how long he had
to reign. He answered so many years ; and if he reached the term, was then put to
death. This was also a Turkish usage, except that it does not seem that they put the
prince to death if he lived as long as he had foretold. See Klaproth, Tableaux Hist,
de VAsie, p. 273.

On the subject of natural divination see Campanella, De Sensu Rerum, iii. 7 — 11.'
lie says of himself : " Ast ego, cum mali quippiam mini imminet, inter somnium et
vigiiiam audire soleo vocem clare loquentem mihi ' Campanella, Ccimpanella," et inter-
dum alia addentem, et ego attendo nee intelligo quis sit."

a See Paracelsus's tract De Vi imaginative and many other parts of bis writings.

LIBER QUARTUS. 609

Atque huio conjuncta est disquisitio, quomodo imaginatio
intendi et fortificari possit ? Quippe si imaginatio fortis tan-
tarum sit virium, operae-pretium fuerit nosse quibus modis
earn exaltari et seipsa majorem fieri detur ? Atque hie oblique,
nee minus periculose, se insinuat palliatio quasdam et defensio
maxima? partis Magias Caeremonialis. Speciosus enim fuerit
prastextus, caeremonias, characteres, incantationes, gesticula-
tiones, amuleta, et similia, non ex aliquo tacito aut sacramentali
cum malis spiritibus contractu vires nancisci l ; sed eo pertinere
tantum, ut imaginatio illius qui his utitur roboretur et exaltetur ;
quemadmodum etiam in religione usus imaginum, ad mentes
hominum in rerum contemplatione defigendas et devotionem
precantium excitandam, invaluit. Attamen mea talis est sen-
tentia; etiamsi detur vim Jmaginationis esse utique potentem;
atque insuper caeremonias vim illam intendere et roborare ;
posito denique quod adhibeantur caeremoniae ad hanc inten-
tionem sincere, atque tanquam remedium physicum, absque
aliqua vel minima cogitatione de invitandis per ipsas auxiliis
spirituum ; haberi nihilominus debent pro illicitis, propterea
quod sententiae illi divinae adversus hominem propter peccatum
lata? repugnent et recalcitrent, In sudore vultus comedes panem
tuum.2 Siquidem Magia ejus generis egregios illos fructus
quibus Deus pretium laborem constituit, adipiscendos proponit
per paucas easque faciles et minime operosas observantias.

Supersunt doctrinae duae, quae ad Facultates Animas Inferioris
sive Sensibilis praecipue spectant; utpote quas cum organis
corporeis maxime communicant; altera de Motu Voluntario,
altera de Sensu et Sensibili. In priori haruin, etiam alias
satis jejune inquisita, unica pars fere integra deest. Etenim de
officio et fabrica commoda nervorum et musculorum, et aliorum
qua? ad hunc motum requiruntur ; quasque pars corporis qui-
escat dum alia moveatur ; turn quod hujusce motus rector et
quasi auriga sit imaginatio, adeo ut dimissa imagine ad quam
motus fertur statim intercipiatur et sistatur motus ipse (ut cum
deambulamus, si alia subeat cogitatio acris et defixa, continue
consistimus) ; et aliae nonnullae subtilitates non malas, in obser-
vationem et inquisitionem jampridem venerunt. Quomodo

1 Paracelsus says that the devil's claiming credit for the efficacy of these devices is as
absurd as if, while the sheep were inquiring to whom a lock of wool belonged, the
wolf should come up and affirm that it was his.

2 Gen. iii. 19.

VOL. I. BE

610 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

vero compressiones et dilatationes et agitationes spiritus (qui
proculdubio motus fons est) corpoream et crassam partium
molem flectat, excitet, aut pellat, adhuc diligenter inquisitura
et tractatum non est. Neque mirum, cum Anima ipsa Sensibilis
hactenus potius pro entelechia et functione quadam habita sit,
quam pro substantial At quando jam innotuerit ipsam esse
substantiam corpoream et materiatam, necesse est etiam ut
quibus nixibus aura tarn pusilla et tenera corpora tarn crassa et
dura in motu ponere possit inquiratur. De hac parte igitur,
cum desideretur, fiat inquisitio.

At de Sensu et Sensibili longe uberior et diligentior adbibita
est inquisitio, tarn in tractatibus circa ea generalibus quam
in artibus specialibus, utpote Perspectiva, Musica; quam vere,
nihil ad institutum; quandoquidem ilia tanquam Desiderata
ponere non liceat. Sunt tamen dute partes nobiles et insignes,
quas in hac doctrina desiderari statuimus ; altera de Differentia
Perceptionis et Sensus, altera de Forma Lucis.

Atque differentiam inter Perceptionem et Sensum bene
enucleatam debuerant philosophi tractatibus suis de Sensu
et Sensibili praemittere, ut rem maxime fundamentalem.
Videmus enim quasi omnibus corporibus naturalibus inesse
vim manifestam percipiendi ; etiam electionem quandam arnica
amplectendi, inimica et aliena fugiendi. Neque nos de
subtilioribus perceptionibus tantum loquimur; veluti cum
magnes ferrum allicit; flamma ad naphtham assilit; bulla
bullae approximata coi't; radiatio ab objecto albo dissilit ;
corpus animalis utilia assimilat, inutilia excernit ; spongiae pars
(etiam super aquam elevata) aquam attrahit, aerem expellit ;
et hujusmodi. Etenim quid attinet talia enumerare ? Nullum
si quid em corpus ad aliud admotum illud immutat aut ab illo
immutatur, nisi operationem prsecedat Perceptio reciproca.

1 In the school philosophy, at least among the Realists, every substantial form (and
the soul among the rest) was regarded as a substance. This of course implies the
possibility of its independent existence, though, as form and matter are correlatives,
it is difficult to understand how cither can exijt apart from the other. This difficulty
however seems to have been completely surmounted or set aside ; and thus, for instance,
St Thomas Aquinas affirms that angels are immaterial forms (Sum. Theol. i. 61).
Bacon's remark that the soul had hitherto been looked on rather as a function than a
substance refers, I think, to Melancthon's exposition of the Aristotelian doctrine.
For Melancthon, whose views of the Peripatetic philosophy had long great influence in the
Protestant universities, affirms that, according to the true view of Aristotle's opinion,
the soul is not a substance but an eVT€A.exeta or functio. The word <FW«A<fx«a he
conceives to be only a modification of eVSeAe'xeict, which he proposes to render " habi-
tualis agitatio seu Swo^tis guacdam ciens actiones." See his De Anima, c. 15.

LIBER QUARTUS. 611

Percipit corpus meatus quibus se insinuat ; percipit impetum
alterius corporis cui cedit ; percipit amotionem alterius corporis
a quo detinebatur, cum se recipit; percipit divulsionem sui
oontinui, cui ad tempus resistit ; ubique denique est Perceptio.
Aer vero Calidum et Frigiduin tarn acute percipit, ut ejus
Perceptio sit longe subtilior quam tactus humani; qui tamen
pro calidi et frigidi norma habetur. Duplex igitur depre-
henditur circa hanc doctrinam hominum culpa; alia, quod
earn intactam et intractatara (cum tarnen sit res nobilissima)
plerumque reliquerunt; alia, quod qui huic contemplation!
forte animum adjecerunt longius quam par est provecti sunt, et
Sensum corporibus omnibus tribuerunt ; ut piaculum fere sit
ramum arboris avellere, ne forte instar Pblydori ingemiscat.
At debuerant illi Differentiam Perceptionis et Sensus, non
tantum in comparatione sensibilium ad insensibilia, secundum
corpus integrum, explorare, (veluti plantarum et animalium) ;
verum etiam in corpore ipso sensibili animadvertere, quid in
causa sit cur tot actiones expediantur absque omni tamen
Sensu ; cur alimenta digerantur, egerantur ; humores et succi
sursum deorsum ferantur ; cor et pulsus vibrent ; viscera sua
quaeque opificia, sicut officinae, producant ; et tamen haec omnia,
et complura alia, absque Sensu fiant ? Verum homines non
satis acute, qualis sit actio Sensus, viderunt ; atque quod genus
corporis, quae mora, qua> conduplicatio impressionis ad hoc
requirantur, ut dolor vel voluptas sequatur ? Denique diffe-
rentiam inter Perceptionem simplicem et Sensum nullo modo
nosse videntur ; nee quatenus fieri possit Perceptio absque
Sensu. Neque enim hasc verborum tantum controversia est,
sed de re magni prorsus momenti. De hac igitur doctrina
(ut inprimis utili, et ad plurima spectante) melius inquiratur.
Quandoquidem etiam circa hanc rem inscitia tantum apud
nonnullos ex antiquis philosophis potuerit, ut omnibus sine
discrimine corporibus animam infundi putaverint ; neque enim
videbant quomodo Motus cum discretione fieri potuerit absque
Sensu, aut Sensus adesse absque Anima.1

1 There is a remarkable similarity between the view which Bacon here maintains and
that which we find in several passages in the writings of Leibnitz. See his Mona-
dologie, §§ 14. and 19., or his Principe* de la Nature et de la Grace, § 4. The distinc-
tion between perceptio and sensus corresponds in Leibnitz's language to that between
perception and apperception, a distinction on which the classification of the diiferent
orders of monads essentially depends. It is not probable that Bacon was acquainted with
the most celebrated treatise on the doctrine of universally diffused sensation, namely

B B 2

612 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

De Forma Lucis quod debita non facta fuerit inquisitio
(praesertim cum in Perspectiva strenue elaborarint homines),
stupenda quaedam negligentia censeri possit. Etenim nee in
Perspectiva nee alias aliquid de Luce quod valeat inquisitum
est. Radiationes ejus tractantur, origines minime. Sed collo-
catio demum Perspective inter Mathematica hunc ipsum de-
fectum, et alios similes, peperit; quia a Physicis praemature
discessum est. Tractatio autem de Luce et causis ejus in Phy-
sicis rursus superstitiosa fere est, tanquam de re inter divina et
naturalia media; adeo ut quidam ex Platonicis earn Materia
ipsa antiquiorem introduxerint : cum enim spatium esset diffla-
tum, id primum lumine, postea vero corpore impletum fuisse,
vanissimo commento asseruerunt; quando tamen Scriptura3
Sacraa massam coeli et terrse tenebrosam, ante lucem creatam,
diserte posuerint.1 Quae vero physice et secundum sensum de
ea tractantur, ea statim ad radiationes descendunt, ut parum
physicae inquisitionis circa hanc rem extet. Debuerant autem
homines contemplationes suas submittere paulisper, et quid sit
Corporibus omnibus Lucidis commune inquirere, tanquam de
Forma Lucis. Etenim quam immensa est corporis differentia
(si ex dignitate considerentur) inter solem et lignum putridum,
aut squamas etiam piscium putridas ? Inquirere etiam debue-
rant, quid tandem in causa sit cur aliqua ignescant, et Lucem
ex se jaciant calefacta, alia minime ? Ferrum, metalla, lapides,
vitrum, ligna, oleum, sevum, ab igne, vel flammam vibrant vel
saltern rubescunt; at aqua, aer, acerrimo et tanquam furenti
calore fervefacta, nihil tamen Lucis adipiscuntur, nee splen-
dent. Quod si quis hoc eo fieri putet quod proprium sit ignis
lucere, aqua autem et aer igni omnino inimica sint ; is sane
nunquam per obscura noctis in aqua salsa, tempestate calida,
remigavit; cum guttulas aquae, ex remorum concussione subsi-
lientes, micare et lucescere videre potuisset. Quod etiam fit in

the De Sensu Rerum of Campanella, as it was not published much before the appearance
of the De Avgmentis ; but the same doctrine had, as Brucker remarks, been taught,
though not in so formal a manner, by Telesius, with whose works Bacon was as we
know familiar ; and it may in truth be traced in the writings of Giordano Bruno, of
Csesalpinus, and of Gilbert, and probably in those of many of their contemporaries.
See for Leibnitz's remarks as to the origin of this doctrine, his letter to Thomasius,
referred to in the note at p. 46.

1 Bacon appears to refer to the visionary opinions of Fludd. See the first part of
Fludd's great work referred to in the note at p. 526. The process of creation is illustrated
by some curious engravings. There is an account of Fludd's views on this and other
subjects in Tennemann's History of Philosophy, ix. p. 218.

LIBER QUARTUS. 613

spuma maris ferventiore, quam Pulmoncm Marinum1 vocant.
Quid denique habent commune cum flamma et ignitis cicen-
dulae et luciolse ; et inusca Indica, quoe cameram totam illustrat ;
et oculi quorundam animalium in tenebris ; et saccharum inter
radendum aut frangendum ; et sudor equi nocte aestuosa festi-
nantis ; et alia nonnulla ? Quin et homines tarn parum in hac
re viderunt, ut plerique scintillas e silice, aerein attritum putent.
Attamen quando aer calore non ignescat, et Lucem manifesto
concipiat, quomodo tandem fit ut noctuae et feles et alia non-
nulla animalia noctu cernant ? Adeo ut ipsi aeri (quando visio
absque Luce non transigatur) necesse est inesse Lucem aliquam
nativam et genuinam, quamvis tenuem admodum et infirmam,
quag tamen sit radiis visivis hujusmodi animalium proportionata,
iisque ad videndum sufficiat.2 Verum hujusce mali (ut plurimo-
rum) causa est, quod homines ex instantiis particularibus For-
mas naturarum Communes non elicuerunt ; id quod nos tanquam
subjectum proprium Metaphysics posuimus, quae et ipsa Phy-
sicae sive doctrinae de Natura pars est. Itaque de Forma et
Originibus Lucis fiat inquisitio, eaque interim inter Desiderata
ponatur. Atque de doctrina circa Substantiam Animas tarn
Rationalis quam Sensibilis, cum Facultatibus
suis ; atque de ejusdem doctrinae
Appendicibus, haec
dicta sint.

1 See Novum Organum, iL 12. p. 242., where Bacon speaks of the same pheno-
menon.

* That there is always some light in the air is a doctrine of Telesius's. See note 1.

w it 3

614

FRANCISCI BARONIS DE VERULAMIO,

VICE-COMITIS SANCTI ALBANI,

DE DIGNITATE LT AUGMENTIS
SCIENTIARUM

LIBER QUINTUS.

AD REGEM SUUM.

CAPUT I.

Partitio Doctrines circa Usum et Objecta Facultatum Animce
Humana in Logicam, et Ethicam. Partitio Loyicce in Artes
Inveniendi, Judicandi, Retinendi, et Tradendi.

DOCTRINA circa Intellectum (Rex optime) atque ilia altera circa
Voluntatem Hominis, in natalibus suis tanquam gemellae sunt.
Etenim Illuminationis Puritas et Arbitrii Libertas simul incoe-
perunt, simul corruerunt.1 Neque datur in universitate rerum
tarn intima sympathia, quam ilia Veri et Boni. Quo magis
rubori fuerit viris doctis, si scientia sint tanquam angeli ala-
ti, cupiditatibus vero tanquam serpentes, qui humi reptant;
circumgerentes animas instar speculi sane, sed menstruati.2

Venimus jam ad doctrinam circa Usum et Objecta Faculta-
tum Anima? Humanse. Ilia duas habet partes, casque notis-
simas et consensu receptas ; Logicam et Ethicam : nisi quod
Doctrinam Civilem, quae vulgo ut pars Ethica? collocatur, jam
ante emancipaverimus, et in integram doctrinam dc Homine
Congregate sive in Societate constituerimus ; hie tantum de

1 Namely at the fall ; as St. Thomas Aquinas observes : "Homo peccando llbcrum
arbitrium dicitur perdidisse, non quantum ad libertatem naturalem quae est a coactione,
sed quantum ad libertatem quae est a culpa et miseria." — Sum. Theol. i. 83. 2.

2 For an account of the notion on which this use of the word menstruatus is
founded, see Aristotle De Insomniis, 2. 8., or Pliny [vii. 13.]

LIBER QUINTUS. 615

Homine Segregate tractantes. Logica de Intellectu et Ra-
tione ; Ethica dc Voluntate, Appetitu, et AiFectibus disserit :
altera Decreta, altera Actiones progignit. Verura quidem est,
quod Pliantasia in utraque provincia, tarn judicial! quam mini-
sterial!, legati cujusdam aut internuncii aut procuratoris reci-
proci vices gerit. Nam Sensus idola omnigena Phantasiae tradit,
de quibus postea Ratio judicat : at Ratio vicissim idola electa et
probata Phantasia3 transmittit, priusquam fiat executio decreti.
Siquidem motum voluntarium perpetuo prajcedit eumque in-
citat phantasia; adeo ut phantasia sit utrique, tam rutioni
quam voluntati, instrumentum commune ; nisi quod Janus iste
bifrons sit et duas obvertat facies. Facies enim rationem aspi-
ciens, veritatis habet effigiem ; facies autem actionem aspiciens,
effigiem bonitatis ; qua? tamen sint facies,

quales decet esse sororum.1

Neque vero merus et nudus internuncius est phantasia ; sed
authoritatem non exiguam vel accipit vel usurpat, praster dela-
tionem simplicem mandati. Recte enim Aristoteles ; Id impe-
ril habet anima in corpus, quod dominus in mancipium : ratio
vero in phantasiam, quod in libera civitate magistratus in civem2,
ad quern possit sua vice redire dominatio. Videmus enim
quod in iis qua? sunt fidei et religionis, phantasia supra ipsam
rationem scandat et evehatur ; non quod illuininatio divina
locum habeat in phantasia, (quin potius in ipsa arce mentis et
intellectus) ; verum quemadmodum gratia divina in virtutibus
utitur motibus voluntatis, ita similiter gratia divina in illumina-
tionibus utitur motibus phantasias ; unde fit ut religio semper
adituin sibi ac viam ad animum quaesierit per Similitudines,
Typos, Parabolas, Visiones, Insomnia. Rursus haud humile est
regnum phantasiae in persuasionibus, a vi eloquenticc insinuatis.
Nam ubi per orationis artificia hominum animi demulcentur,
inflammantur, et in quamcunque partem pertrahuntur, totuni
illud fit per exuscitationem phantasias, quas impotens jam facta
non solum rationi insultat, verum eidem vim quodammodo facit,
partim occoecando partim extiniulando. Neque tamen causa
videtur, cur a partitione priore discedamus. Nam phantasia

1 Metamorph. ii. 14.

* j) /j.ff yap $VXT) TOW adiiMTos &p\et Secnrori/cV dp^v, 6 8£ vovs TTJJ pe'{e us
iro\iTiKtiv Kal Pcurt\ticfiv. — Arist. Pol. i. 3.

ope£is ought rather to have been rendered by appetitus than by phantasia ; but the
\\hole quotation was probably made from memory.

R R 4

616 DE AUGMENTIS SC1ENT1ARUM

scientias fere non parit ; siquidem poesis (quae principio phan-
tasiae attributa est) pro lusu potius ingenii quam pro scientia
habenda. Potestatem autem phantasise in naturalibus, doctrinae
de Anima paulo ante assignavimus. Earn vero quam habet
cum rhetorica cognationem illi ipsi arti (de qua infra tractabi-
mus) remitti par est.

Pars ista Humana? Philosophic qua? ad Logicam spectat,
ingeniorum pluriniorum gustui ac palato minus grata est; et
nihil aliud videtur quam spinosae subtilitatis laqueus ac tendi-
cula. Nam sicut vere dicitur, Scientiam esse animi pabulum* ;
ita in hoc pabulo appetendo et deligendo plerique palatum nacti
sunt Israelitarum simile in deserto; quos cupido incessit re-
deundi ad ollas carnium, mannce autem fastidium cepit ; quae
licet cibus fuerit ccelestis, minus tamen sentiebatur almus et
sapidus. Eodem modo (ut plurimum) illae Scientias placent,
qua? habent infusionem nonnullam carnium magis esculentam2;
quales sunt Historia Civilis, Mores, Prudentia Politica, circa
quas hominum cupiditates, laudes, fortunae, vertuntur et occu-
pataa sunt. At istud lumen siccum plurimorum mollia et madida
ingenia ofFendit et torret. Caeterum unamquamque rem pro-
pria si placet dignitate metiri, Rationales Scientias reliquarum
omnino claves sunt. Atque quemadmodum manus instrumen-
tnm instrumentorum, anima forma formarum3, ita et illae artes
artium ponendae sunt. Neque solum dirigunt, sed et robo-
rant; sicut sagittandi usus et habitus non tantum facit ut
melius quis collimet, sed ut arcum tendat fortiorem.

Artes Logicaa quatuor numero sunt; divisae ex finibus suis
in quos tendunt. Id enim agit homo in Rationalibus, aut ut
inveniat quod qucesiverit ; aut judicet quod invenerit ; aut re-
tineat quod judicaverit; aut tradat quod retinuerit. Necesse
igitur est, ut totidem sint Artes Rationales ; Ars Inquisitionis
seu Inventionis; Ars Examinis seu Judicii; Ars Custodiae
seu Memoriae; et Ars Elocutionis seu Traditionis.4 De
quibus jam sigillatim dicemus.

1 Mr. Markby, in his edition of the Advancement of Learning, refeK to Cicero,
Acad. Qu. ii. 41. : " Est enim animorum ingeniorumque naturale quoddam quasi pabu-
lum consideratio contemplatioque naturse." — /. S.

2 [So in the original,] Esculentarum ?

" That the hand is the instrument of instruments, and the soul the form of forms, is
said by Aristotle. See the De Anima, iii. 8.

4 These divisions are adopted from Peter Ramus ; the artes logics including what
Hamus calls Dialectic and Rhetoric, of which the former is divided into Inventio and
Judicium, and the latter into Elocutio and Pronunciatio.

LIBER QUINTUS. 617

CAPUT II.

Partitio Inventivce in Inventivam Artium, et Argumentorum :
quodque prior hurum (qua eminef) desideretur. Partitio In-
ventivce Artium in Experlentiam Literatam, et Organum
Novum. Delineatio Experientiae Literata3.

INVENTIONIS duae sunt species, valde profecto inter se discre-
pantes; una Artium et Scientiarum, altera Argumentorum et
Sermonum. Priorem haruni desiderari prorsus pronuncio. Qui
quidem talis mihi videtur esse defectus, ac si quis in inventario
conficiendo bonorum alicujus defuncti ita referat, Numerate
pecunice nihil. Tit enim caetera omnia pecunia parantur, ita et
per hanc artem reliquee acquiruntur. Atque sicut India Occi-
dentalis nunquam nobis inventa fuisset nisi praecessisset acus
nauticas inventio, licet regiones illaa immensae, versoriae motus
pusillus sit ; ita non est cur miretur quispiam in Artibus per-
lustrandis et promovendis ampliores progressus factos non esse,
quandoquidem Ars ipsa Inveniendi et Perlustrandi Scientias
hactenus ignoretur.

Hanc Scientiae desiderari partem plane in confesso est. Primo
enim Dialectica nihil profitetur, imo ne cogitat quidem, de In-
veniendis Artibus, sive Mechanicis sive (quas vocant) Liberali-
bus ; aut etiam de illarum Operibus, harum vero Axiomatibus
eliciendis ; sed quasi prseteriens homines alloquitur et diuiittit,
edicens ut cuique in sua arte credant.1 Celsus, vir prudens,
non solum medicus, (licet moris sit omnibus in laudes artis pro-
priae effundi) graviter et ingenue de empiricis et dogmaticis
medicorum sectis loquens, fatetur, Medicamenta et remedia priits
fuisse inventa, de causis vero et rationibus posterius disceptatum :
non or dine converso, causas ex natura rerum primo erutas fuisse,
easque inventioni remediorum prceluxisse.2 At Plato non semel
innuit, Particularia infinita esse ; maxime rursus generalia minus
certa documenta exhibere ; medullam igitur scientiarum, qua arti-
fex ab imperito distinguitur, in mediis propositionibus consistere,
quas per singulas scientias tradidit et docuit experiential Quin

1 See Arist. Prior. Analyt. i. 30.

2 See Nov. Org. i. 73. This is not what Celsus himself confesses, in the passage to
which Bacon apparently refers ; but what he represents the Empirics as urging against
the Rationalists. — J. S.

8 Bacon appears to refer principally to the passage in the Philebus, p. 17., which has
already been mentioned. See note at p. 565. In the corresponding passage in the

618 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

et ill! qui de primis rerum inventoribus aut scientiarum origi-
nibus verba fecerunt, casum potius quam artem celebrarunt ;
atque animalia bruta, quadrupedes, aves, pisces, serpentes,
magis quam homines, tanquam Scientiarum doctores intro-
duxerunt :

Dictamnum Genitrix Diet sea carpit ab Ida
Puberibus caulem foliis, et flore comantem
Purpureo : non ilia feris incognita capris
Gramina, cum tergo volucres hsesere sagittae.1

Adeo ut minime mirum sit (cum in more apud antiques fuerit
rerum utilium inventores consecrare) apud .^Egyptios, gentem
priscam (cui plurimae Artes initia sua debent), templa plena
fuisse simulachris brutorum, hominum vero simulachris prope
vacua ;

Oranigenumque Deum monstra, et latrator Anubis,
Contra Neptunum, et Venerem, contraque Minervam, &c.2

Quod si malis, ex traditione Graecorum, Artes potius homi-
nibus ut inventoribus tribuere; haudquaquam tamen dixeris
Prometheum ad ignis inventionem contemplationes adhibuisse ;
aut cum silicem primo percuteret scintillas expectasse; sed
casu in illud incidisse, atque (ut amni)furtum Jovifecisse. Ita
ut ad artium inventionem quod attinet, caprae silvestri pro
emplastris, Philomelae pro modulationibus musicis, Ibidi pro
lavationibus intestinorum 3, operculo ollae quod dissiliit pro
re tormentaria, denique (ut verbo dicamus) casui aut cuivis
alteri rei plus debeamus, quam dialectics. Nee vero multo
aliter se habet modus ille inveniendi, quern recte describit Vir-
gilius,

Ut varias usus meditando extunderet artes
Paulatim.4

Non enim alia hie proponitur inveniendi methodus quam cujus
bruta ipsa sunt capacia, et quam crebro usurpant; nimirum

Advancement of Learning, he refers to the Thecetetus, which is certainly a mistake, as
no such remark is to be found there. The nearest approach to it is, I think, T& n\v
oroixeTa &\oyct *cal 6,-yvaxrra. tlvai, alff6r)Ta. 5e, &c. , the relation of letters to sj llables
and words being here as elsewhere typical of the nature of knowledge.

1 Virg. .En. xii. 412. 2 Virg. ^n. viii. 698.

3 See Plutarch, De Solertid Animalium, or De Inide. Compare Pliny. The story
of the accidental invention of gunpowder by Schwartz is well known. So too is it said
that the Jesuit's bark was discovered by the lions who cured their fevers by drinking
the water into which it had fallen. It is obvious that all stories of this kind are more
or less mythical. The subject has been systematically discussed by Virey. (Journal
de Pharmacie, 1818.)

4 Virg. Georg. i. 133.

LIBER QUINTUS. 619

fittentissima circa unam rem sollicitudo, ejusque perpetua exer-
citatio, quas sui conservandi necessitas hujusmodi animantibus
imponit. Cicero enim vere admodum ; Usus uni ret deditus, et
naturam et artem scepe vincit.1 Quare si prgedicetur de homi-
nibus,

— — Labor omnia vincit
Improbus, et duris urgens in rebus egestas ;2

etiam de brutis similiter quaeritur,

Quis expedivit psittaco suum Xaipi ? s

Corvo quis auctor fuit, ut magna siccitate lapillos immitteret
arbori cavae, ubi aquam forte conspexerit, ut surgentem laticein
rostro posset attingere ? Quis viam monstravit apibus, qui4
per aerem, tanquam vastum mare, agros floridos, licet multum
ab alvearibus dissitos, solent petere, et favos suos denuo repe-
tere ? 5 Quis fonnicam docuit, ut grana in colliculo suo repo-
nenda circumroderet prius, ne reposita germinarent et spem
suam illuderent ? 6 Quod si in versu illo Virgiliano quis notet
verbum illud Extundere, quod difficultatem rei, et verbum illud
Paulatim, quod tarditatem innuit, redibimus unde profecti
sumus, ad JEgyptiorum illos Deos; cum hactenus homines
modice rationis facultate, neutiquam vero officio artis, usi sint
ad inventa detegenda.

Secundo, hoc ipsum quod asserimus (si advertatur paulo

1 " Assiduus usus uni rei deditus et ingenium et artem ssepe vincit." — Cicero, Pro
Balbo, c. 20.

2 Virg. Georg. i. 145. 3 Persius, Prolog.

4 Qui, as M. Bouillet remarks, is clearly a mistake for qua.

5 Much more remarkable than the return of the bees to their hive is the appearance
of mathematical knowledge shown in the construction of their cells. In every case of
instinct, the impulse in obedience to which the Instinctive act is performed is a matter
at the nature of which we can only guess ; but the case just mentioned has a dim -
culty of its own. The bees may be supposed to know when they have reached their
hive ; but how do they perceive that the cell has acquired its just proportions ? Several
attempts have been made to explain away this especial difficulty ; but those which I
am acquainted with appear to be quite unsatisfactory. It is worthy of remark that
the degree of accuracy with which the cells are constructed has been exaggerated ;
one writer after another having repeated, on the supposed authority of Maraldi, what
Maraldi never said. According to his observations the angles of the terminal rhomb
are about 108° and 72°. He does not attempt to determine them more precisely,
although he has generally been supposed to do so. It has been recently stated that
the mathematical problem which the cells of bees suggest was first correctly solved by
Lord Brougham in the notes to his edition of Paley's Natural Theology ; but this
statement is, it need scarcely be said, erroneous.

6 This statement is probably taken from Plutarch, De Solertid Animalium. The sup-
posed grains of corn are no doubt the nymphse. Huber repeatedly observed ants in the
act of tearing the integument in which the young ant was enclosed, in order to facili-
tate its exit. This practice is, it may be presumed, the origin of the notion mentioned
in the text.

620 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

diligentius) demonstrat Inductionis forma, quam proponit Dia-
lectica; qua scilicet scientiarum principia inveniantur et pro-
bentur; quae vitiosa plane est et incompetens, et naturam
tantum abest ut perficiat, ut etiam earn pervertat et detorqueat.
Qui enim modum acute introspexerit quo ros iste aethereus
scientiarum, similis illi de quo loquitur poeta,

aerei mellis coelestia dona, l

colligatur, (cum et scientiae ipsae ex exemplis singulis, partim
naturalibus partim artificialibus, tanquam prati floribus et horti,
extrahantur,) reperiet profecto animum suapte sponte et nativa
indole Inductionem solertius conficere, quam quae describitur a
dialecticis ; siquidem ex nuda enumeratione particularium (ut
dialectic! solent) ubi non invenitur instantia contradictoria,
vitiose concluditur; neque aliquid aliud hujusmodi Inductio
producit quam conjecturam probabilem. Quis enim in se reci-
piet, cum particularia quae quis novit aut quorum meminit ex
una tantum parte compareant, non delitescere aliquod quod
omnino repugnet ? Perinde ac si Samuel acquievisset in illis
Isa'i filiis quos coram adductos videbat in domo, et minime
qujesivisset Davidem, qui in agro aberat.2 Atque hasc Indu-
ctionis forma (si verum omnino dicendum sit) tarn pinguis est
et crassa, ut incredibile videatur tarn acuta et subtilia ingenia
(qualia in his rebus meditationes suas exercuerunt) potuisse
earn mundo obtrudere, nisi illud in causa fuisset, quod opera
festinata ad theorias et dogmata contendissent, particularia
autem (praesertim moram in iis longiorem) ex fastu quodam et
elatione animi despexissent. Illi enim exempla, sive instantias
particulars, vice lictorum aut viatorum adhibuerunt ad sum-
movendam turbam, ut dogmatibus suis viam aperirent ; neuti-
quam autem ea inde ab initio in consilium advocarunt, ut
legitima fieret et matura de rerum veritate deliberatio. Certe
perculserit animos pia et religiosa quaedam admiratio, cum
videamus eadem calcata vestigia, ad errorem ducentia, in divinis
et humanis. Quemadmodum enim in Divina Veritate perci-
pienda aegre quis in animum inducat ut fiat tanquam parvulus ;

1 Virg. Georg. iv. 1.

2 1 Sam. xvi We see from this very strong condemnation of the ordinary mode of
induction, how much Bacon must have conceived his own method to differ from it.
It is in fact, impossible to apprehend Bacon's idea of his own process of induction, if we
assume that it was to differ from that in common use only by being more systematic
and more accurate. See the General Preface, p. 22.

LIBER QUINTUS. 621

ita in humana perdisceiida, provectos utique, puerorum more,
prima Inductionum elementa adhuc legere et retractare, res
humilis existimatur et quasi contemnenda.

Tertio, si concedatur principia scientiarum ex Inductione qua
utuntur, vel sensu et experientia, recte posse constitui, certissi-
mum est tamen axiomata inferiora ab iis per syllogismum non
posse (in rebus naturalibus, quse participant ex materia) recte
et tuto deduci. In Syllogismo enim fit reductio propositionum
ad principia per propositiones medias. Haec autem sive Inve-
niendi sive Probandi forma, in Scientiis Popularibus (veluti
Ethicis, Politicis, Legibus, et hujusmodi) locum habet ; imo et
in Theologicis ; quandoquidem Deo pro bonitate sua placuerit
captui humano se accommodare; at in Physicis, ubi Natura
opere, non adversarius argumento constringendus est, elabitur
plane veritas ex manibus, propter longe majorem naturalium
operationum quam verborum subtilitatem ; adeo ut succumbente
Syllogismo, Inductionis (verse scilicet et emendatae) officio
ubique opus sit, tarn ad principia magis generalia quam ad pro-
positiones inferiores. Nam syllogismi ex propositionibus con-
sistunt ; propositiones ex verbis ; verba notionum tesserae sunt ;
quare si notiones ipsae (quae verborum animae sunt) male et
varie a rebus abstrahantur, tota fabrica corruit.1 Neque labo-
riosa vel consequentiarum argumentorum vel veritatis proposi-
tionum examinatio rem in integrum unquam restituet ; cum error
sit (ut loquuntur medici) in digestione prima ; quae a functioni-
bus sequentibus non rectificatur. Non igitur absque magna et
evident! causa evenit, ut complures ex philosophis (aliqui autem
eorum maxime insignes) Academici fuerint et Sceptici, qui
scientiae humanas et syllepsium certitudinem sustulerunt; ultra
verisimilitudinem aut probabilitatem negantes earn pertingere.
Tnficias non iverim, visum esse nonnullis Socratem, cum scien-
tiae certitudinem a se amoveret, per ironiam tantum hoc fecisse2,
et scientiam dissimulando simulasse ; renunciando scilicet iis
quae manifesto sciebat, ut eo modo etiam quae nesciebat scire

1 Compare Novum Organum, i. 13. and 14. The formation of abstract conceptions
is one of the objects of Bacon's inductive method, as well as the establishment of
axioms. See Gen. Pref. p. 37. It is difficult to understand how the subtlety of
language and the subtlety of natural operations can be compared. Bacon must be
understood to mean that scientific terms and the conceptions which they express are
not an adequate representation of the natural phenomena which have led to their
formation.

2 "Socrates autem, de se ipso detrahens in disputatione, plus tribuebat iis quos
volebat refellere. Ita cum aliud diceret atque sentiret, libenter uti solitus est ea dis-
simulatione quam Grseci fipcavtiav vocant." Cic. Ac. Qu. ii. 5. 15. — J. S.

622 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

putaretur. Neque etiam in recentiore Academia (quam amplexus
est Cicero) ilia opinio Acatalepsiae admodum sincere culta fuit.
Etenim qui eloquentia floruerunt hanc fere sectam sibi de-
suinpserunt, ut in utramque partem copiose disserendi gloriam
assequerentur ; unde a via ilia recta, per quani ad veritatem per-
gere debuissent, tanquam ad deambulationes quasdam amoenas,
animi causa institutas, deflexum est. Constat tamen nonnullos
sparsim in utraque Academia (veteri et nova), multo magis
inter Scepticos, Acatalepsiam istam simpliciter et integre tenu-
isse.1 Verum in hoc maxime ab illis peccatum est, quod
sensuurn perceptiones calumniabantur ; unde Scientias radicitus
evellebant. Sensus vero, licet saspenumero homines aut fallant
aut destituant, possint tamen multa adjuti industria ad scientias
sufficere; idque non tarn ope instrumentorum (licet et haec
quoque aliqua ex parte prosint) quam experimentorum ejus
generis, quae objecta subtiliora quam pro sensus facultate ad
objecta sensu comprehensibilia producere queant. Debuerant
autem potius defectum hac in parte imputasse mentis turn
erroribus turn contumaciae (quae rebus ipsis morigera esse re-
cusat), et pravis demonstrationibus, et modis ratiocinandi et
concludendi ex perceptione sensuum perperam institutis. Haec
autem loquimur, non quo intellectui detrahatur, aut negotium
totum deseratur ; sed quo intellectui auxilia commoda compa-
rentur et subministrentur, quibus rerum ardua et naturae ob-
scuritatem vincere possunt. Nemo enim tanta pollet manus
constantia, aut etiam habitu, ut rectam lineam ducere aut per-
fectum circulum circumscribere manu libera possit ; quod tamen
ope regulae, aut circini, facere in promptu est. Haec igitur res
ipsa est quam paramus, et ingenti conatu molimur ; ut scilicet
mens per artem fiat rebus par, utque inveniatur Ars quaedam
Indicii et Directionis, quae caeteras artes earumque axiomata
atque opera detegat et in conspectum det. Hanc enim merito
desiderari posuimus.

Ars ista Indicii (ita enim earn appellabimus) duas habet
partes. Aut enim defertur Indicium ab experimentis ad experi-
menta ; aut ab experimentis ad axiomata, quae et ipsa nova expe-

1 There is something very striking iu one of the earliest expressions of this way of
thinking : —

Kal rJ> fj.fv ovv craves otirts av^ip ISev, ouSe TIS $arai
flows a/j.<pl Gfiuv -re Kal Siffffa Ae^co irepl iravruv,
tl -yap Kal ra /jM\iffTa TVX.OI TfTfteffpevov flir^iv
avrbs ofjuas OVK olSe, SOKOS 5" eVI train TtrvKTat.

XEKOFHANES, apud Sextum Empiricum.

LIBER QUINTUS. C23

rimenta designent. Priorem harum Experientiam Literatam1
nominabimus, posteriorem vero Interpretationem Naturae, sive
Novum Organum. Prior quidem (ut alibi attigimus2) vix pro
Arte habenda est aut parte Philosophise, sed pro Sagacitate
quadam ; unde etiam earn Venationem Panis (hoc nomen ex
fabula mutuati) quandoque appellamus. Attamen quemadmo-
dum possit quis in via sua triplici modo progredi; aut cum
palpat ipse in tenebris ; aut cum alterius manu ducatur, ipse pa-
rum videns ; aut denique cum vestigia lumine adhibito regat:
similiter cum quis experimenta omnigena absque ulla serie aut
methodo tentet, ea demum mera est palpatio ; cum vero nonnulla
utatur in experimentando directione et ordine, perinde est ac si
maim ducatur : atque hoc illud est quod per Experientiam
Literatam intelligimus. Nam Lumen ipsum, quod tertium fuit,
ab Interpretatione Naturae, sive Novo Organo, petendum est.

Literata Experientia, sive Venatio Panis, modos experi-
mentandi tractat. Earn (cum desiderari posuerimus, neque res

1 With reference to the question how far Bacon thought it possible for observa-
tion to be carried on apart from theory, (see General Preface, p. 61. )> it is» I
think, important to remark that this notion of an Experientia Literata, as an in-
termediate step between simple experimentation absque vlld serie aut methodo and
the Interpretation of Nature, was not an after-thought, but formed part of his origi-
nal design in the earliest shape in which it is known to us. " This part of Invention
(he says in the Advancement of Learning) concerning the Invention of Sciences, I
purpose (if God give me leave) hereafter to propound : having digested it into two
parts : whereof the one I term Experientia literata, and the other Interpretatio natures ;
the former being but a degree or rudiment of the latter." Now if he meant by " Experi-
entia literata " the same thing which he describes here, or anything like it, — which I
see no reason to doubt — he must have seen even then the impossibility of making a
collection of facts sufficient for the purposes of Interpretation without the help of some
principle of arrangement, some " series et methodus," some " sagacitas " in seeking
and selecting ; which necessarily implied some amount of theory. Such theory was
indeed to be provisional only, and subject at all times to revision. It was not to be
allowed as an axiom. But it does not appear that he would have put any other re-
striction upon the exercise of human sagacity in this way. The process might have
been carried therefore to an indefinite length, and the further the better. And though
it may be true that no amount of diligence and sagacity could ever have made a
collection of facts complete enough to lead to the discovery of Forms by the method
of the Novum Organum, it seems impossible to fix a point beyond which, through
successive reductions of particular phenomena and groups of phenomena under laws more
and more general, further progress could not have been made towards the highest
law which includes them all. And such progress men have in fact been making ever
since Bacon's time ; the whole of our experimental philosophy being what he, I think,
would have described as Experientia literata, and allowed as legitimate and successful
— so far as it goes. Whether, if he could see the results which it has produced
during the last two hundred years, he would still believe in the possibility of arriving
ultimately at what he would have called "the Interpretation of Nature" may be doubted ;
but that if this " hunt of Pan " were conducted as skilfully and assiduously by the
whole body of inquirers through the entire field of nature as it has been by particular
inquirers in particular fields, we should be able to approach much nearer to such a
consummation than anybody now imagines — this I cannot doubt that he would still
believe. — J. S.

2 See Nov. Org. i. 100.

624 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

sit plane perspicua) pro more et institute nostro aliquatenus
adumbrabimus. Modus Experimentandi praecipue procedit, aut
per Variationem Experiment! ; aut per Productionem Experi-
ment!; aut per Translationern Experimenti; aut per Inver-
sionem Experimenti ; aut per Compulsionem Experimenti ; aut
per Applicationem Experimenti ; aut per Copulationem Expe-
rimenti; aut denique per Sortes Experimenti. Universa vero
ista cohibita sunt citra Terminos Axiomatis alicujus inveniendi.
Ilia enim altera pars de Novo Organo omnem Transitionein
Experimentorum in Axiomata, aut Axiomatum in Experi-
ment^ sibi vindicat.

Variatio Experimenti fit primo in Materia ; scilicet quando
Experimentum in jam cognitis, certae materias fere adhaesit;
nunc vero in illis quae similis sunt speciei tentetur; veluti
Confectio Papyri in pannis linteis tantum probata est, in sericis
minime, (nisi forte apud Chinenses) ; neque rursus in filaceis,
compositis ex setis et pilis, ex quibus conficitur (quod vocamus)
Camelotum ; neque denique in laneis, gossipio l, et pellibus ;
quanquam hasc tria postrema magis esse videntur heterogenea ;
itaque admisceri possint potius quam per se utilia esse. Item
insitio in arboribus fructiferis in usu est; in arboribus silve-
stribus raro tentata ; licet perhibetur ulmum in ulmum insitam
miras producere foliorum umbras. Insitio etiam in floribus
rara admodum est ; licet hoc jam coeperit fieri in rosis musca-
tellis, quae rosis communibus foeliciter inoculantur. Etiam
variationem in parte rei inter variationes in materia ponimus.
Videmus enim surculum in trunco arboribus insitum foelicius
pullulare, quam si terrae indatur. Cur non et semen cepae capiti
alterius cepae viridis inditum foelicius germinet, quam si nudae
terras commissum fuerit? Atque hie radix pro trunco variatur;
ut haec res insitio quaedam in radice videri possit. Variatio
Experimenti fit secundo in Efficiente. Radii Solis per specula
comburentia calore ita intenduntur, ut materiam quae ignem
facile concipiat accendere possint: num et radii Luna? per
eadem ad lenissimum aliquem gradum teporis actuari possunt ;
ut videamus, utrum corpora omnia coelestia sint potestate 2

1 Cotton paper was known long before that made from rags. It seems probable
that the art of making paper came to the west of Europe from Constantinople, and
that our word quire, of which the equivalent in Low Latin is manus, is a token of its
Greek origin, and means properly a handful of paper.

2 The elements and their primary qualities (hot, cold, moist, dry), being confined
to the sublunary part of the universe, nothing which lies beyond the region of fire,
which is next to the orb of the moon, can, according to the school philosophy, be

LIBER QUINTUS. 625

calida? Item color es radiosi, per specula scilicet, intenduntur:
num etiam calores opaci (quales sunt lapidum ct metallorum
antequam candeant) idem patiuntur, an potius sunt luminis in
hac re partes nonnullae ? ' Item succinum et gagates fricata
paleas trahunt : num etiam et ad ignem tepefacta ? Variatio
Experimenti fit tertio in Quanto; circa quod diligens admo-
dum est adhibenda cura, cum hoc multi circumstent errores.
Credunt enim homines, aucta aut multiplicata quantitate, pro
rata augeri aut multiplicari virtutem. Et hoc fere postulant
et supponunt, tanquam res sit mathematicae cujusdam certi-
tudinis ; quod omnino falsissimum est. Globus plumbeus uniiis
librce a turri demissus (puta) decem pulsuum spatio ad terram
descendit : num globus duarum librarum, (in quo impetus iste
motus, quern vocant, naturalis duplicari debet,) spatio quinque
pulsuum terram feriet ? At ille sequali fere tempore descendet,
neque accelerabitur juxta rationem Quanti.2 Item sulphuris
(puta) drachma una, semilibrae chalybis admixta, earn fluere
faciet et colliquari: num igitur uncia sulphuris quatuor libris
chalybis ad colliquationem sufficiet? At illud non sequitur.
Certum enim est, olstinationem materice in patiente per Quan-
titatem augeri amplius, quam activitatem virtutis in agente.
Porro Nimium aeque fallit ac Parum. Etenim in excoctionibus
et depurationibus metallorum error est familiaris ; ut ad excocti-
onem promovendam, aut calorem fornacis aut additamenti
quod injiciunt molem augeant. At ilia supra moduni aucta
operationem impediunt; propterea quod vi et acrimonia sua

actually or formally hot. But the heavenly bodies, as the sun manifestly is, may be
hot potestate — that is, may have the power of heating whatever is susceptible of their
operation. It is known that the moon's rays have never as yet been sufficiently con-
centrated to produce any perceptible degree of heat.

1 The researches which Bacon here suggests, in which obscure radiant heat is dealt
with in the same manner as luminous heat, have been recently carried on with great
success, and have led to many interesting results. The question as to the nature of
the essential or formal connexion between heat and light remains however as yet un-
answered, though it may be hoped that it will shortly be satisfactorily solved.

Telesius, of whom more than of any one else Bacon was a follower, maintained that
heat and light were " contubernales natura?," and that where one was present the
other must be present too. Bacon, with a more subtle insight into nature, proposed to
trace the analogy which might exist between them in cases where, sensibly at least, the
dogma of Telesius seemed unfounded.

2 Long before the publication of the De Augmentis, the theory of the acceleration
of falling bodies, which of course includes the fact that all bodies fall from rest with equal
velocities (the resistance of the air being set aside), had been made known by Galileo
The experiments which he made about the year 1590 to show the absurdity of the
received opinion that the velocity of falling increases as the mass of the falling body led
to his leaving Pisa, where he had made them, and where he had in consequence been
involved in disputes with the adherents of the Peripatetic philosophy.

VOL. I. 88

626 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

multum ex metallo puro in fumos vertant et asportent ; ut et
jactura fiat, et massa qua? remanet magis sit obstinata et dura.
Debent igitur homines ludibrium illud mulieris ^Esopi cogitare ;
quae sperarat ex duplicata mensura hordei gallinam suam duo
ova quotidie parituram. At ilia impinguata nullum peperit.
Prorsus non tutum fuerit alicui Experimento Naturali con-
fidere, nisi facta fuerit probatio et in minore et in majore
Quanto. Atque de Variatione Experimenti hactenus.

Productio Experimenti duplex ; Repetitio, et Extensio ;
nimirum, cum aut experimentum iteratur, aut ad subtilius quid-
dam urgetur. Repetitionis exemplum tale sit. Spiritus Vini
fit ex vino per distillationem unicam ; estque vino ipso multo
acrior et fortior : num etiam spiritus vini ipse destillatus, sive
sublimatus, seipsum fortitudine aeque superabit ? At Repetitio
quoque non absque fallacia est. Etenim turn secunda exaltatio
prioris excessum non a?quat, turn etiam sapenumero per Itera-
tionem Experimenti, post statum sive acmen quandam opera-
tionis, tantum abest ut progrediatur natura, ut potius relabatur.
Judicium igitur in hac re adhibendum. Item Argentum Vivum,
in linteo aut alias in medio plumbi liquefacti, cum refrigescere
ccfiperit, insertum, stupefit, nee amplius fluit: num et idem
argentum vivum, si saepius immissum fuerit, ita figetur ut fiat
malleabile ? Extensionis exemplum tale sit : Aqua in summo
posita, et pensilis facta, et per rostrum vitri oblongum in vinum
dilutum immersa, separabit aquam a vino ; vino in summum se
paulatim recipiente, aqua in imo subsidente l : num etiam, quem-
admodum vinum et aqua (corpora scilicet diversa) hoc ingenio
separantur, possint quoque partes vini (corporis nimirum in-
tegri) subtiliores a crassioribus separari ; ut fiat tanquam destil-
latio per pondus, et in summo reperiatur aliquid spiritui vini
proximum, sed forte delicatius ? Item Magnes ferrum integrum
trahit: num etiam frustum magnetis, in dissolutione ferri im-

1 This experiment is more minutely described in the Sylva Sylvarum, i. 1 4. The
water in the inverted glass or phial is maintained by the pressure of the atmosphere at
a higher level than that of the wine and water into which the neck of the vessel con-
taining it is inserted, but as the density of the water is greater than that of the diluted
wine, it is in a position of unstable equilibrium. But for friction &c. the equilibrium
could not practically exist at all ; and after a little while it ceases to do so, the water
gradually subsiding to the bottom and forcing the wine and water or some part of it
into the vessel, which originally contained only water. The water for a considerable
time passes without mixing through the wine and water ; but of course there is no
separation between the wine and the portion of water with which it was originally
mixed, and the experiment succeeds just as well with pure as with diluted wine.

LIBER QUINTUS. 627

mersurn, ferrum ad se alliciet et se ferro obducet ? Item, Ver-
sorium Acus Nauticce se ad polos mundi applicat : num etiam
eadem via et consecutione qua coelestia ? Videlicet, ut si quis
acum in contrario situ, hoc est in puncto Australi, ponat, et
paulisper teneat, ac deinde viui omittat; num forte acus ad
Septentriones se conferet, eligendo potius rotare per occidentem
in situm desideratum quam per orientem ? Item, Aurum
argentum vivum,juxta positum, imbibit: num vero aurum recipit
illud argentum vivum intra se, sine extensione molis suae, ut
fiat massa quasdam ipso auro ponderosior? Item, Homines me-
mories serviunt collocando imagines personarum in locis : num
etiam idem assequentur (missis locis) et affingendo actiones
aut habitus personis ? Atque de Productione Experimenti
hactenus.

Translatio Experimenti triplex; aut a natura vel casu in
artem ; aut ab arte vel practica alia in aliam ; aut a parte
alicujus artis in partem diversam ejusdem. Translationis a
natura aut casu in artem innumera sunt exempla; adeo ut
omnes fere artes mechanica; a tenuibus initiis, natura aut casu
praebitis, ortum habuerint. Adagio receptum erat, Botrum
contra botrum citius maturescere1 ; id quod de mutuis amicitiae
operis et officiis increbuit. At nostri Cydrae (vini scilicet ex
pomis) confectores hoc optime imitantur. Cavent enim ne
poma tundantur aut exprimantur, antequam nonnullo tempore
in acervos conjecta mutuo contactu maturuerint; unde nimia
potus aciditas emendetur. Item, Iridum artificiosarum imitatio
ex aspersione spissa guttularum, ab Iridibus naturalibus ex
nube roscida facili ductu translata est. Item modus destillandi
vel ex alto peti, ex imbribus scilicet aut rore ; vel ex humili illo
experimento guttarum in patinis, ollis aqua? bullientis superim-
positis, adhaerentium, desumi potuit. Tonitrua autem et Ful-
gura imitari veritus quis esset, nisi operculum monachi illius
chymici, magno impetu et fragore subito in sublime jactum,
submonuisset. Verum quo haec res magis exemplis abundet, eo
pauciora adducere opus fuerit. Debuerant autem homines, si
illis utilia inquirere vacaret, naturalia opificia et operationes

1 This proverb Bacon doubtless took from Erasmus's collection. The Promus,
which I have already mentioned, contains nearly 200 Latin proverbs (and this among
the number) all of which are given by Erasmus. In more than one instance errors of
Erasmus's are copied in Bacon's extract, so that there can be no doubt as to the source
from which he derived them. See for the proverb in the text, Erasm. iii. 2. 49.

88 2

628 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENT1ARUM

singulas attente et minutim et ex composito intueri ; et secum
perpetuo et acriter cogitare, qusenam ex ipsis ad artes trans-
ferri possint. Speculum enim artis natura. Nee pauciora sunt
Experimenta, quae ab Arte in Artem, seu a Practica in Praeti-
cam, transferri possunt ; licet hoc rarius in usu sit. Natura
enim ubique omnibus occurrit ; at artes singulas artificibus
tantum propriis cognitas sunt. Specilla ocularia ad visum de-
bilem juvandum inventa sunt : num et comminisci quis queat
aliquod instrumentum, quod auribus appensum surdastris ad
audiendum juvet ? Item, imbalsamation.es et mel cadavera con-
servant : annon possit aliquid ex his in medicinam transferri,
quod etiam vivis corporibus prosit ? Item, sigillorum practica
in cera, caementis, et plumbo antiqua fuit : at hasc etiam im-
pressioni in chartis, sive arti typographicae, viam monstravit.
Item, sal in coquinaria carnes condit, idque melius hyeme quam
aestate : annon hoc ad balnea utiliter transferri possit, eorumque
temperamentum, quando opus fuerit, vel imprimendum vel ex-
trahendum ? Item sal, in nupero experiments de congladatio-
nibus artificialibus, magnas vires ad condensandum obtinere
reperitur l : annon possit hoc transferri ad condensationes metal-
lorum; cum jampridem notum sit aquas fortes, ex nonnullis
salibus compositas, dejicere et praecipitare arenulas auri ex
metallis aliquibus auro ipso minus densis 2 ? Item, Pictoria
imagine memoriam rei renovat: annon hoc traductum est in
Artem earn, quam vocant, Memoriae ? De his in genere moni-
tum sit ; quod nihil ad imbrem quendam inventorum utilium,
eorundemque novorum, veluti coelitus deducendum tantum
valere possit, quantum si experimenta complurium artium
mechanicarum uni homini, aut paucis qui se invicem colloquiis
acuere possint, in notitiam venerint ; ut per hanc, quam dici-
mus, Experimentorum Translationem, artes se mutuo fovere
et veluti commixtione radiorum accendere possint. Quamvis
enim Via Rationalis per Organum longe majora spondeat,

1 Bacon refers to the experiments exhibited by Drebbel in 1620. One of them was
of a boat that would go under water. See Nelli's Life of Galileo. I have not been
able to see the Chronicle of Alkmaar to which Nelli refers. It is said that in presence
of James I. Drebbel produced an intolerable degree of cold in Westminster Hall.

2 The experiment here referred to, which, as Professor Gumming has suggested to
me, may not improbably have been an alchemist's trick, is not sufficiently described to
make it possible to ascertain its nature. It appears probable, however, that it was
based on a reduction of a solution of perchloride of gold in an excess of acid by some
other metaL Of all metallic salts the perchloride of gold appears to be one of the
most easy to decompose. Its reduction by a metal is employed as a gilding process.

LIBER QUINTUS. 629

attamen ha3c Sagacitas per Experientiam Literatam plurima
interim ex iis quae in proximo sunt in genus humanum (tan-
quam missilia apud antiques donativa1) projiciet et sparget.
Superest ilia Translatio de Parte Artis in Partem diversam ;
qus& parum differt a translatione de arte in artem. Verum
quia artes nonnullas spatia magna occupant, ut etiam Transla-
tionem Experimentorum ferre intra seipsas possint, hanc etiam
speciem Translationis subjungere visum est. Praecipue, quia
magni prorsus est in nonnulla arte momenti. Plurimum enim
ad artem Medicinse amplificandam profuerit, si experimenta
partis illius medicinae de Curationibus Morborum ad partes
illas de Tuenda Sanitate et Prolongatione Vitae transferantur.
Si enim opiatum aliquod insigne ad spirituum in morbo pestilent!
furibundam incensionem reprimendam suffecerit, non dubitet
quispiam, quin simile aliquod, debita dosi familiare redditum,
etiam incensionem earn gliscentem et obrepentem qua? per
astatem fit aliqua ex parte frcenare et retardare possit. Atque
de Translatione Experiment! hactenus.

Inversio Experimenti fit, cum contrarium ejus quod Experi-
mento constat probatur. Exempli gratia ; Calidum per Specula
intenditur : num etiam Frigidum ? 2 Item, Calidum se diffun-
dendo fertur tamen potius in sursum : num etiam Frigidum se
diffundendo fertur magis in deorsum ? Exempli gratia ; acci-
pias bacillum ferreum, illudque in uno fine calefacias ; et deinde
erigas ferrum, parte calefacta subtus locata, in superiore parte
manu apposita ; actutum manum aduret ; parte autem calefacta
supra locata, et manu subtus, multo tardius aduret3 : num etiam,
si totum bacillum calefiat, et finis alter nive vel spongia in aqua
frigida tincta madefiat ; si nix aut spongia superius locetur, num
(inquam) frigus deorsum mittet citius, quam inferius locata
sursum ? Item, Radii Solis supra album dissiliunt, supra nigrum

1 See for an illustration of this phrase Sueton. in Calig. c. 1 8.

2 With Bacon, as with the Peripaticians, cold is not the negation of heat ; it is
something positive — the opposite of heat, and not merely its absence. Prevost's ex-
periment, in which two concave mirrors are placed opposite to one another with a
piece of ice in the focus of the one and a thermometer in that of the other, shows that
the effect apparently due to the radiation of cold may be made more intense in the
manner which Bacon suggests : the real explanation of the phenomenon of course de-
pends upon the " theory of exchanges."

8 It is obvious that the difference arises simply from the circumstance that the
air close to the hot end of the rod rises in the one case to that at which the hand is
applied, and in the other case does net do so. In other words, in the first form of the
experiment the effect of conduction is increased by that of convection, and in the
second is not,

s s 3

630 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

congregantur : num etiam umbras super nigrum disperduntur,
super album congregantur? Id quod in loco tenebroso, luce
per foramen exiguum tantum immissa, fieri videmus ; ubi ima-
gines rerum qua? foras sunt super papyrum quae alba est exci-
piuntur, super nigram minime. Item, Vena frontis ad dolorem
hemicranicum inciditur ; num etiam hemicranium scarificatur ad
sodam ? ' Atque de Inversione Experimenti hactenus.

Compulsio Experimenti fit, ubi urgetur et producitur Ex-
perimentum ad annihilationem vel privationem virtutis; in
reliquis enim venationibus fera capitur tantum, at in ista
occiditur. Exemplum Compulsionis tale est. Magnes ferrum
trahit: urge ergo ferrum, aut urge magnetem, ut amplius non
fiat attractio ; veluti, num forte si magnes ustus fuerit, aut in
aquis fortibus maceratus, virtutem suam deponet, aut saltern
remittet? Contra, si chalybs aut ferrum in Crocum Martis
redigatur, vel in chalybem quern vocant pra?paratum2, vel etiam
in aqua forti solvatur, num adhuc ea alliciat magnes ? Rursus :
magnes ferrum trahit per universa, qua? novimus, media ; nempe
si interponatur aurum, argentum, vitrum : urge igitur aliquod
medium, si fieri possit, quod virtutem intercipiat; probetur
argentura vivum ; probentur oleum, gummi, carbo ignitus, et
alia qua? adhuc probata non sunt. Item, introducta sunt nuper
Perspicilla qua visibilia minuta miris modis multiplicent: urge
usum eorum, vel ad species tarn pusillas ut amplius non va-
leant, vel ita grandiusculas ut confundantur. Scilicet, num
poterint ilia in urina clare detegere ea qua? alias non perspice-
rentur? Num poterint in gemmis, ex omni parte puris et
nitidis, grana aut nubeculas conspicienda dare ? Num et pul-
viscula in sole (qua? Democrito pro atomis suis et principiis
rerum falsissime objiciebantur3) tanquam corpora grandiuscula
monstrare? Num pulverem crassiusculum ex cinnabari et
cerussa ita ostendere distributum, ut appareant hie granula
rubra, illic alba ? Num rursus imagines majores (puta faciem,

1 Soda is a low Latin word for a headache. The context appears to require that it
should be a pain in the forehead, in order to establish an dva\oyta between the two
complaints and their remedies.

2 The chalybs prseparatus here mentioned is apparently that which is obtained by
the following process : " Limatura chalybis sic praeparatur subtilissime ; teritur in
mortario aeneo, et sctaceo cribratur, et decem dies in aceto infunditur, et remoto aceto
aduritur; et conservetur." See Amerinus (1535), p. 142. In another work of about
the same date (that of Franciscus ab Alexandria), scoriae are recommended instead of
filings.

9 Democritus maintained the absolute invisibility of his atoms. See Sextus Empi-
cus, Adv. Logic, i, 135., ii. 6. and elsewhere.

LIBER QUINTUS. 631

oculum, &c.) in tantum multiplicatas ostendere, in quantum
pulicem aut vermiculum ? Num byssum, aut hujusmodi tex-
tile linteura delicatius et paulo apertius, ita foraminatum
ostendere, ac si esset rete ? Verum in Compulsionibus Expe-
rimentorum minus moramur, quia fere extra limites Experien-
tiae Literatae cadunt, et ad Causas et Axiomata et Novum
Organum potius spectant. Ubicunque enim fit negativa, aut
privativa, aut exclusiva, coepit jam prasberi lux nonnulla ad
Inventionem Formarum. Atque de Compulsione Experiment!
hactenus.

Applicatio Experiment! nihil aliud est, quam ingeniosa tra-
ductio ejus ad experimentum aliud aliquod utile. Exemplum
tale sit. Corpora quceque suas habent dimensiones, sua pondera :
aurum plus ponderis, minus dimensionis, quam argentum;
aqua, quam vinum. Ab hoc traducitur experimentum utile;
ut ex mensura impleta, et pondere excepto, possis dignoscere
quantum argenti fuerit admixtum auro, vel aquas vino ; quod
fuit svprjica illud Archimedis.1 Item, Carries in nonnullis cellis
citius putrefiunt quam in aliis : utile fuerit experimentum hoc
traducere ad dignoscendos acres magis aut minus salubres ad
habitationem ; ubi scilicet carnes diutius vindicentur a putre-
dine. Possit idem applicari ad revelandas salubriores aut
pestilentiores tempestates anni. Verum innumera sunt ejus-
niodi. Evigilent modo homines, et oculos perpetuo alias ad
naturam reruni alias ad usus humanos vertant. Atque de
Applicatione Experimenti hactenus.

Copulatio Experimenti est applicationum nexus et catena ;
cum quaa singula profutura non fuissent ad usum aliquem, con-
nexa valeant. Exempli gratia ; Rosas aut fructus serotinos
habere cupis: hoc fiet, si gemmas praacociores avellas; idem
fiet, si radices usque ad ver adultum denudes, et aeri exponas ;

1 The fi'priKa of Archimedes related to the discovery of a method of determining
the specific gravity of a body which could not be made " implere mensuram." If he
had had a crown of pure gold of the same size and foim as the suspected one, he need
only have weighed the one against 1 he other ; and if the latter were lighter, the ques-
tion as to its being alloyed would have been settled. Or if he had been at liberty to melt
down a portion of the crown and to run it into a mould in which a piece of pure gold
had previously been moulded, he might then have weighed them and determined which
was the heaviest. But the problem he had to solve was quite different from this, and
required the application of the principles of hydrostatics. Yet both here and in the
Historia Densi et Rari Bacon refers to the discovery of Archimedes without distin-
guishing between his own inartificial method of determining specific gravities (which
consisted in filling a measure with different substances and then weighing it) and that
of Archimedes. Bacon's results are wonderfully accurate (with one remarkable excep-
tion), considering the manner in which they were obtained.

s s 4

632 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

at inulto magis, si copuletur utrunque. Item, ad refriyeran-
dum maxime faciunt glades et nitrum ; utrunque commixtum
multo magis. Verum et htec res per se perspicua est. Atta-
men fallacia ei saepe subesse possit, (ut et omnibus, ubi desunt
Axiomata,) si copula fiat ex rebus quae diversis et quasi pugnan-
tibus modis operantur. Atque de Copulatione Experimenti
hactenus.

Restant Sortes Experimenti. Hie vero experimentandi
modus plane irrationalis est, et quasi furiosus ; cum aliquid
experiri velle animum subeat, non quia aut ratio aut aliquod
aliud experimentum te ad illud deducat, sed prorsus quia similis
res adhuc nunquam tentata fuit. Haud tamen scio, an in hac
ipsa re (de qua nunc agimus) non aliquid magni lateat; si,
inquam, omnem lapidem in natura moveas. Magnalia enim
naturae fere extra vias tritas et orbitas notas jacent, ut etiam
absurditas rei aliquando juvet. At si ratio simul comitetur ;
id est, ut et manifestum sit simile experimentum nunquam
tentatum fuisse, et tamen causa subsit magna cur tentetur ;
turn vero haec res ex optimis est, et plane sinus natura? excutit.
Exempli gratia ; in operatione ignis super aliquod corpus na-
turale alterum horum hactenus semper evenit, ut aut aliquid
evolet, (veluti flamma et fumus in combustione vulgari,) aut
saltern fiat separatio partium localis et adnonnullam distantiam;
ut in destillatione, ubi faeces subsident, vapores in receptacula,
postquam luserint, congregantur. At destillationem clausam
(ita enim earn vocare possumus) nemo mortalium adhuc tentavit.
Verisimile autem videtur vim caloris, si intra claustra corporis
sua in alterando edat facinora, cum nee jactura fiat corporis nee
etiam liberatio, turn demum hunc Materiae Proteum, veluti
manicis detentum, ad complures transformationes adacturam;
si modo calor ita temperetur et alternetur ut non fiat vasorum
confractio. Est enim haec res matrici similis naturali, ubi calor
operatur, nihil corporis aut emittitur aut separatur ! ; nisi quod
in matrice conjungatur alimentatio ; verum, quatenus ad versio-
nem, eadem res videtur. Tales igitur sunt Sortes Experimenti.

Illud interim circa hujusmodi Experimenta monemus ; ut
nemo animo concidat, aut quasi confundatur, si experimenta
quibus incumbit expectationi suae non respondeant. Etenim

' This notion of the matrix being a closed receptacle in which great results arise
from the continuous application of heat under certain conditions is taken from Tele-
sius. See the De Rerum Natura, vi. 23.

LIBER QUINTUS. 633

quod succedit magis complacet; at quod non succedit saepe-
numero "non minus informal. Atque illud semper in animo
tenendum, (quod perpetuo inculcamus,) Experimenta Lucifera
etiam adhuc magis quam Fructifera ambienda esse. Atque de
Literata Experientia haec dicta sint, quae (ut jam ante diximus)
Sagacitas potius est et odoratio quaedam venatica, quam Scientia.
De Novo Organo autem silemus, neque de eo quicquam prae-
libamus ; quoniam de eo (cum sit res omnium maxima) opus
integrum (annuente favore divino) conficere nobis in animo est.1

CAPUT III.

Partitio InventivcB Argumentorum in Promptuariam et Topicam.
Partitio Topicce in Generalem et Particularem. Exemplum
Topicce Particularism in Inquisitione De Gram et Levi.

INVENTIO Argumentorum inventio proprie non est. Invenire
enim est ignota detegere, non ante cognita recipere aut revocare.
Hujusce autem Inventionis usus atque officium non aliud vide-
tur, quam ex massa scientiae, quaB in animo congesta et recon-
dita est, ea quae ad rem aut quaestionem institutam faciunt
dextre depromere. Nam cui parum aut nihil de subjecto quod
proponitur innotuit, ei Loci Inventionis non prosunt ; contra,
cui domi paratum est quod ad rem adduci possit, is etiam
absque arte et Locis Inventionis, argumenta tandem (licet non
ita expedite et commode) reperiet et producet. Adeo ut hoc
genus Inventionis (sicut diximus) Inventio proprie non sit ; sed
reductio tantum in memoriam, sive suggestio cum applicatione.
Attamen, quoniam vocabulum invaluit et receptum est, vocetur
sane Inventio ; siquidem etiam ferae alicujus venatio, et inventio,
non minus cum ilia intra vivariorum septa indagetur quam cum

1 It has been inferred from this passage that this part of the De Augmentis was
written before the publication of the Novum Organum. But it must be remembered
that the Novum Organum, which was published in 1620, was not an opus integrum.
Writing to Fulgenzio after the publication of the De Augmentis, Bacon says, " Debuerat
sequi Novum Organum ; interposui tamen scripta mea moralia et politica, quia magis

erunt in promptu. Haec sunt, &c Turn demum sequetur Organum Novum,

cui sccunda pars adhuc adjicienda est, quam animo jam complexus et metitus sum."
Afterwards he seems to have come to the conclusion that a sample of Natural History
was more urgently wanted, and therefore postponed the completion of the Novum Or-
ganum until he had finished the Sylva Sylvarum, which, according to Dr. Rawley, was
his last work ; and it does not appear that any portion of the second part was ever
wiitten. — J. S.

634 DE AUGMENT1S SCIENTIARUM

in saltibus apertis, dici possit. Missis vero verborum scrupulis,
illud constet ; scopum et finem hujusce rei esse promptitudinem
quandani, et expeditum usum cognitionis nostrae, potius quam
cjusdem amplificationem aut incrementum.

Atque ut parata sit ad disserendum copia, duplex ratio iniri
potest ; aut ut designetur, et quasi indice monstretur, ad quas
partes rem indagare oporteat ; atque haec est ea, quam vocamus
Topicam ; aut ut jam antea composita sint et in usum reposita
argumenta circa eas res quas frequentius incidunt et in dis-
ceptationem veniunt ; atque hanc Promptuariam nominabimus.
Haec autem posterior tan quam Scientise pars vix dici meretur;
cum in diligentia potius consistat, quam in eruditione aliqua
artificiosa. Veruntamen hac in parte Aristoteles, ingeniose
quidem sed tamen damnose, sophistas sui temporis deridet,
inquiens ; Perinde illos facere ac si quis calcearium professus
rationem calcei coirficiendi non doceret, sed exhiberet tantum
calceos complurimos diverse^ tarn formes quam magnitudinis. l
Attamen hie regerere liceat ; calcearium, si in officina nil
calceorum haberet, neque eos consueret nisi rogatus, egenum
prorsus mansurum et perpaucos inventurum emptores. Sed
longe aliter Salvator noster, de Divina Scientia verba faciens,
inquit ; Omnis scriba doctus in regno ccelorum similis est homini
patrifamilias qui profert de thesauro suo nova et vetera. 2 Vide-
mus etiam priscos rhetores oratoribus praecepisse, ut praesto
liaberent Locos Communes varies, jampridem adornatos, et
in utramque partem tractates et illustrates. Exempli gratia :
Pro Sententia legis, adversus Verba legis ; et e contra : Pro
fide Argumentorum, adversus Testimonia ; et e contra. Cicero
autem ipse, longa doctus experientia, plane asserit posse ora-
torem diligentem et sedulum jam prasmeditata et elaborata
habere quaecunque in disceptationem venient ; adeo ut in
causae ipsius actione nihil novum aut subitum inseri necesse
fuerit, praeter nomina nova et circumstantias aliquas speciales.3
At Demosthenis diligentia et sollicitudo eo usque processit,
ut quoniam primus ad cau3am aditus et ingressus ad ani-
mos auditorum praeparandos plurimum virium haberet, operae
pretium putaret complura concionum et orationum exordia
componere, et in promptu habere. Atque haec exempla et
authoritates merito Aristotelis opinioni prasponderare possint,

1 Arist. De Repreh. Sophist, ii. 9. 2 St. Matt. xiii. 52.

1 De Oratore, ii. 32—34.

LIBER QUINTUS. 635

qui nobis author foret ut vestiarium cum forfice commutare-
mus. Itaque non fuit omittenda haec pars doctrinse circa
Promptuariam, de qua hoc loco satis. Cum enim sit utrique,
tarn Logic® qnam Rhetoricae, communis ; visum est earn hie
inter Logica cursim tantum perstringere, pleniorem ejus tracta-
tionem ad Rhetoricam rejicientes.

Partem alteram Inventivas (nimirum Topicam) partiemur
in Generalem et Particularem. Generalis ilia est, quae in
Dialectica diligenter et abunde tractata est; ut in ejus ex-
plicatione morari non sit opus. Illud tamen obiter monendum
videtur, Topicam istam non tantum in argumentationibus, ubi
cum aliis manum conserimus, verum et in meditationibus, cum
quid nobiscum ipsi commentamur aut revolvimus, valere ; imo
neque solummodo in hoc sitam esse, ut inde fiat suggestio aut
admonitio quid affirmare aut asserere ; verum etiam quid in-
quirere aut interrogare debeamus. At prudens Interrogatio
quasi dimidium scientiae. Recte siquidem Plato; Qui aliquid
qucerit, id ipsum quod qucerit generali quadam notione comprehen-
dit; aliter qui jieri potest, ut illud cum fuerit inventum.agnoscat ? l
Idcirco, quo amplior et certior fuerit Anticipatio nostra, eo
magis directa et compendiosa erit Investigatio. lidem igitur
illi Loci qui ad intellectus nostri sinus intra nos excutiendos
et congestam illic scientiam depromendam conducent, etiam
ad scientiam extrinsecus hauriendam juvabunt ; ita ut si prae-
sto fuerit quis rei gnarus et peritus, commode et prudenter de
ea interrogari a nobis possit; et similiter authores, et libri,
et partes librorum, qui nos de iis quae quaerimus edoceant et
informent, utiliter deligi et evolvi.

At Topica Particularis ad ea quae dicimus longe confert
magis, et pro re fructuosissima habenda est. Illius certe
mentio levis a nonnullis scriptoribus facta est ; sed integre, et
pro rei dignitate, minime tractata. Verum missum facientes
vitium illud et fastum, quae nimium diu regnarunt in scholis ;
videlicet, ut quae praesto sint infinita subtilitate persequantur,
qua? paulo remotiora ne attiugant quidem ; nos sane Topicam
Particularem tanquam rem apprime utilem amplectimur ; hoc
est, Locos Inquisitionis et Inventionis, particularibus subjectis
et scientiis appropriates. Illi autem mixturae quaedam sunt,
ex Logica et Materia ipsa propria singularum scientiarum.

1 Bacon doubtless refers to the Memo, ii. p. 80., of Stephens.

636 DE AUGMENTIS SC1ENTIARUM

Futilem enim esse constat et angusti cujusdam animi, qui
existimet artem de scientiis inveniendis perfectam jam a
principio excogitari et proponi posse ; eandemque postea in
opere poni et exerceri debere. At certo sciant homines, Artes
inveniendi solidas et veras adolescere et incrementa sumere cum
ipsis inventis; adeo ut cum quis primum ad perscrutationem
scientiae alicujus accesserit, possit habere Prsecepta Inventivae
nonnulla utilia ; postquam autem ampliores in ipsa scientia
progressus fecerit, possit etiam et debeat nova Inventionis
Praecepta excogitare, quae ad ulteriora eum fo3licius deducant.
Similis est sane haec res viae initae in planitie ; postquam enim
viae partem aliquam fuerimus emensi, non tantum hoc lucrati
sumus ut ad exitum itineris propius accesserimus, verum
etiam ut quod restat viae clarius prospiciamus. Eodem modo.
in Scientiis, gradus itineris quisque, ea quae a tergo reliquit
praetervectus, etiam ilia quae super sunt propius dat in con-
spectum. Hujus autem Topicae Exemplum, quoniam earn
inter Desiderata reponimus, subjungere visum est.

Topica Particularis, sive Articuli Inquisitionis
de Gram et Levi.

1. Inquiratur, qualia sint corpora quae Motus Gravitatis
sunt susceptibilia ; qualia, quae Levitatis ; et si qua? sint medise,
sive Adiaphorae Naturae ?

2. Post Inquisitionem de Gravitate et Levitate Simplicem,
procedatur ad Inquisitionem Comparatam; quae nimirum ex
Gravibus plus, quae minus ponderent, in eodem dimenso?
Etiam, quae ex Levibus celerius ferantur in altum, quae tar-
dius?

3. Inquiratur de eo quod possit et operetur Quantum
Corporis ad Motum Gravitatis.1 Atqui videatur hoc primo
aspectu quasi supervacuum ; quia rationes Motus debeant sequi
rationes Quanti : sed res aliter se habet. Nam licet in lanci-
bus Quantitas Gravitatem corporis ipsius compenset (viribus
corporis undique coeuntibus per repercussionem sive resisten-
tiarn lancium vel trabis), tamen ubi parva datur resistentia,
(veluti in decasu corporum per aerem) Quantum Corporis
parum valet ad Incitationem Descensus; cum viginti pondo
plumbi, et libra una, eodem fere spatio cadant.

1 See note 2. p. 625.

LIBER QUINTUS. 637

4. Inquiratur, utrum Quantum Corporis ita augeri possit, ut
Motus Gravitatis prorsus deponatur ; ut fit in globo terrse, qui
pensilis est, non cadit ? Utrum igitur possint esse alias massse
tarn grandes, ut se ipsae sustentent ? Nam latio ad centrum
terras res fictitia est ; atque omnis massa grandis motum lationis
quemcunque exhorret, nisi ab alio appetitu fortiori vincatur.

5. Inquiratur de eo quod possit et operetur Resistentia
Corporis Medii, vel occurrentis, ad Regimen Motus Gravitatis.
Corpus vero descendens aut penetrat et secat corpus occurrens,
aut ab eo sistitur. Si penetret, fit penetratio aut cum levi
resistentia, ut in acre ; aut cum fortiori, ut in aqua. Si sista-
tur, sistitur aut resistenti'a dispari, ubi fit praegravatio, ut si
lignum superponatur cerae ; aut aequa, veluti si aqua superpona-
tur aquae, aut lignum ejusdem generis ligno ; id quod appellat
schola (apprehensione quadam inani) Non ponderare corpus nisi
extra locum suum.1 Atque heec omnia motum Gravitatis va-
riant. Aliter enim moventur Gravia in lancibus, aliter in
decasu ; etiam aliter (quod mirum videri possit) in lancibus
pendentibus in aere, aliter in lancibus immersis in aqua ; aliter
in decasu per aquam, aliter in natantibus sive vectis super
aquam.

6. Inquiratur de eo quod possit et operetur Figura Corporis
Descendentis ad regendum motum Gravitatis; veluti figura
lata cum tenuitate, cubica, oblonga, rotunda, pyramidalis ; et
quando se vertant corpora, quando eadem qua dimittuntur posi-
tura permaneant.

7. Inquiratur de eo quod possit et operetur Continuatio et
Progressio ipsius casus sive descensus, ad hoc, ut majori incita-
tione et impetu feratur ; et qua proportione, et quo usque inva-
lescat ilia incitatio ? Siquidem veteres levi contemplatione
opinati sunt (cum motus naturalis sit iste) eum perpetuo augeri
et intendi.

8. Inquiratur de eo quod possit et operetur Distantia aut

1 This dictum was undoubtedly commonly received, yet it is opposed to the express
statement of Aristotle, — ep ffj avrov 7&p X'fy? TcwTa /3c£pos tfx« ir\^v irvpbs Kal 6 a-fip.
— De Ccel. iv. 4. But we find in the commentary of Simplieius, that Ptolemy main-
tained on experimental grounds that eV TTJ eavrov x*'P<? °^T€ T^ 88wp otfff 6 o}jp «x«
/3<{poSi See the Scholia in Arist. of Brandis, p. 517. Themistius held the same
opinion as Ptolemy. Aristotle's meaning is thus explained away by Averroes : " Per
gravitatem innuit ipsam proclivitatem et passionem, quae in eo est ad moveri deorsum,
modico quocunque patrocinio eveniente, iccirco et in proprio sibi loco quoquomodo
gravitatem habet magis quam levitatem, eo quod magis inclinatur recipere motum
deorsum quam motum sursum." — Paraph, in quarto De Coelo.

638 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

Proximitas corporis descendcntis a Terra, ad hoc, ut celerius
cadat, aut tardius, aut etiam non omnino (si modo fuerit extra
orbem activitatis globi terrae, quae Gilbert! opinio fuit1); atque
simul de eo quod operetur Immersio Corporis Descendentis
magis in Profundo Terrae, aut Collocatio ejusdem propius ad
Superficiem Terra. Etenim haec res etiam motum variat, ut
operantibus in mineris perspectum est.

9. Inquiratur de eo quod possit et operetur Differentia Cor-
porum, per qua? motus Gravitatis diffunditur et communicatur :
atque utrum aeque communicetur per corpora mollia et porosa,
ac per dura et solida ; veluti si trabs lancis sit ex altera parte
lingulae lignea, ex altera argentea (licet fuerint reductae ad
idem pondus), utrum non progignat variationem in lancibus ?
Similiter, utrum Metallum, Lanae aut Vesica3 inflatae superim-
positum, idem ponderet quod in fundo lancis ?

10. Inquiratur de eo quod possit et operetur in communica-
tione motus Gravitatis Distantia Corporis a Libramine ; hoc
cst, cita et sera perceptio incubitus, sive depressionis ; veluti
in lancibus, ubi altera pars trabis est longior (licet reducta ad
idem pondus), an inclinet hoc ipsum lancem? aut in tubis
arcuatis, ubi longior pars certe trahet aquam, licet brevior pars
(facta scilicet capacior) majus contineat pondus aquae.2

11. Inquiratur de eo quod possit Intermixtio sive Copu-
latio Corporis Levis cum Corpore Gravi ad elevandam corporis
Gravitatem ; ut in pondere animalium vivorum, et mortuorum ?

12. Inquiratur de secretis Ascensibus et Descensibus Par-
tium Leviorum et Graviorum in uno corpore integro; unde
fiant saepe accuratae separationes ; ut in separatione vini et
aquae, in ascensione floris lactis, et similibus ?

13. Inquiratur, quae sit Linea et Directio Motus Gravitatis ;
et quatenus sequatur vel centrum terrae, id est massam terrae,
vel centrum corporis ipsius3, id est, nixum partium ejus. Cen-
tra cnim ilia ad demonstrationes apta sunt ; in natura nihil
valent.

14. Inquiratur de Comparatione motus Gravitatis cum mo-

1 See notel. at p. 526.

2 The theory of the lever, to which the first part of this inquiry relates, was as
well understood in Bacon's time as it is now ; that of the siphon, inasmuch as it de-
pends on the idea of atmospherical pressure, was then unknown, and could not be
established until this idea was introduced by Torricelli. The experiment which bears
his name, and which was in effect the construction of a mercurial barometer, corre-
sponds in the history of physics to the invention of the telescope in that of astronomy.

8 That is, the centre of gravity.

LIBER QU1NTUS. 639

tibus aliis ; quos scilicet vincat, quibus cedat ? Veluti in Motu
(quern appellant) Violento motus Gravitatis compescitur ad
tempus.1 Etiam, cum pondus longe majus ferri ab exiguo
magnete attollitur, cedit motus Gravitatis motui Sympathies.

15. Inquiratur de Motu Aeris; utrum feratur sursum, an sit
tanquam adiaphorus ? Quod difficile est inventu, nisi per ex-
perimenta aliqua exquisita. Nam emicatio aeris in fundo aquas
fit potius per plagam aquae, quam per motum aeris ; cum idem
etiam fiat in ligno. Aer autem ae'ri commixtus nihil prodit,
cum non minus levitatem exhibeat aer in acre, quam gravitatem
aqua in aqua ; in bulla autem, exili obducta pellicula, ad tem-
pus stat.

16. Inquiratur, quis sit Terminus Levitatis ? Neque enim
quemadmodum centrum terras posuerunt centrum gravitatis,
volunt (credo) ut ultima convexitas coeli sit terminus levi-
tatis : an potius, veluti gravia videntur eo usque ferri ut
decumbant, et tanquam ad Immobile ; ita levia eo usque feran-
tur ut rotari incipiant, et tanquam ad Motum sine Termino ?

17. Inquiratur, quid in causa sit cur Vapores et Halitus eo
usque in altum ac sita est regio (quam vocant) media aeris
ferantur ; cum et crassiusculse sint materias, et radii solis per
vices (noctu scilicet) cessent ?

18. Inquiratur de Regimine Motus Flammas in Sursum ;
quod eo abstrusius est, quia singulis momentis flamma perit,
nisi forte in medio flammarum majorum: etenim flammae,
abruptae a continuitate sua, parum durant.

19. Inquiratur de Motu in Sursum ipsius Activitatis Calidi ;
veluti cum calor in ferro candente citius gliscit in sursum,
quam in deorsum ?

Exemplum igitur Topicas Particularis tale sit. Illud in-
terim, quod monere occcepimus, iterum monemus ; nempe ut
homines debeant Topicas Particulares suas alternare, ita ut
post majores progressvis aliquos in inquisitione factos aliam et
subinde aliam instituant Topicam, si modo scientiarum fastigia
conscendere cupiant. Nos autem Topicis Particularibus tan-
turn tribuimus, ut proprium opus de ipsis, in subjectis natura-
libus dignioribus et obscurioribus, conficere in animo habeamus.
Domini enim quasstionum sumus*, rerum non item. Atque de
Inventiva hactenus.

1 In the Peripatetic philosophy it was believed that a projectile moves at first in a
straight line, as if not acted on by gravity, and then falls perpendicularly.

640 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

CAPUT IV.

Partitio Artis Judicandi in Judicium per Inductionem et per
Syllogismum ; quorum prius aggregatur Organo Novo. Par-
titio prima Judicii per Syllogismum in Reductionem Rectam,
et Inversam. Partitio secunda ejus in Analyticam, et Doctri-
nam de Elenchis. Partitio Doctrines de Elenchis, in ElencJios
Sophismatum, Elenchos Hermenias, et Elenchos Imaginum
sive Idolorum. Partitio Idolorum in Idola Tribus, Idola
Specus, et Idola Fori. Appendix Artis Judicandi, videlicet de
Analogia Demonstrationum pro Natura Subjecti.

TRANSEAMUS nunc ad Judicium, sive Artein Judicandi; in
qua agitur de natura Probationum sive Demonstrationum. In
Arte autem ista Judicandi (ut etiam vulgo receptum est) aut
per Inductionem aut per Syllogismum concluditur. Nam En-
thymemata et Exempla illorum duorum compendia tantum
sunt. At quatenus ad Judicium quod fit per Inductionem,
nihil est quod nos detinere debeat ; uno siquidem eodemque
mentis opere illud quod quasritur, et invenitur et judicatur.
Neque enim per medium aliquod res transigitur, sed imme-
diate, eodem fere modo quo fit in sensu. Quippe sensus, in
objectis suis primariis, simul et object! speciem arripit et ejus
veritati consentit. Aliter autem fit in Syllogismo ; cujus pro-
batio immediata non est, sed per medium perficitur. Itaque
alia res est Inventio Medii, alia Judicium de Consequentia
Argumenti. Nam primo discurrit mens, postea acquiescit. At
Inductionis formam vitiosam prorsus valere jubemus; legiti-
mam ad Novum Organum remittimus. Itaque de Judicio per
Inductionem hoc loco satis.

De illo altero per Syllogismum quid attinet dicere; cum
subtilissimis ingeniorum limis haec res fere attrita sit, et in
multas minutias redacta? Nee mirum, cum sit res qua? cum
intellectu humano magnam habeat sympathiam. Nam animus
humanus miris modis ad hoc contendit et anhelat, ut non pen-
silis sit, sed nanciscatur aliquid fixum et immobile cui tanquam
firmamento in transcursibus et disquisitionibus suis innitatur.
Sane, quemadmodum Aristoteles probare conatur inveniri in
omni motu corporum aliquid quod quiescit ; et fabulam anti-
quam de Atlante, qui ipse erectus coelum humeris sustinuit,
pereleganter ad polos mundi traducit, circa quos couversiones

I.IBER QUINTUS. 641

expediuntur ' ; similiter magno studio appetunt homines ali-
quem habere intra se cogitationum xYtlantem, aut polos qui
intellectus fluctuationes et vertigines aliquatenus regant ;
timentes scilicet, ne coelum ipsorum ruat. Itaque ad principia
scientiarum constituenda praepropere festinarunt, circa quae
omnis disputationura varietas verteretur, sine periculo ruinte
et casus ; nescientes profecto, eum qui certa nimis propere
captaverit in dubiis finiturum ; qui autem judicium tempestive
cohibuerit ad certa perventurura.

Manifestum est igitur, Artem hanc Judicandi per Syllo-
gismum nihil aliud esse quam reductionem propositionum ad
principia, per medios terminos. Principia autem consensu
recepta intelliguntur, atque a quasstione eximuntur. At ter-
minorum mediorum inventio libero ingeniorum acumini et
investigationi permittitur. Est autem Reductio ilia duplex ;
Directa scilicet, et In versa. Directa est, cum .ipsa propositio
ad ipsum principium reducitur ; id quod Probatio Ostensiva
vocatur. Inversa est, cum contradictoria propositionis redu-
citur ad contradictor him principii; quod vocant Probationem
per Incommodum. Numerus vero terminorum mediorum, sive
scala eorum, minuitur aut augetur pro remotione propositionis
a principio.

His positis partiemur Artem Judicii (sicut vulgo fere solet)
in Analyticam, et Doctrinam de Elenchis. Altera indicat,
altera cavet. Analytica enim veras formas instituit de conse-
quentiis argumentorum ; a quibus si varietur sive deflectatur,
vitiosa deprehenditur esse conclusio; atque hoc ipsum in se
elenchum quendam, sive redargutionem, continet. Rectum
enim (ut dicitur) et sui index est et obliqui. Tutissimum nihi-
lominus est Elenchos veluti monitores adhibere, quo facilius
detegantur fallacies, judicium alioquin illaqueaturaa. In Ana-
lytica vero nihil desiderari reperimus; quin potius oneratur
superfluis quam indiget accessionibus.

Doctrinam de Elenchis in tres partes dividere placet:
Elenchos Sophismatum ; Elenchos ffermenice ; et Elenchos
Imaginum sive Idolorum. Doctrina de Elenchis Sophismatum
apprime utilis est. Quamvis enim pinguius fallaciarum genus
a Seneca non inscite comparetur cum prastigiatorum technis,
in quibus quo pacto res geratur nescimus, aliter autem se

1 Arist. De Mot. Anim. 2 and 3.
VOL. I. T T

642 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENT1ARUM

habere rem quam videtur satis noviinus * ; subtiliora tamen
Sophismata non solum id praestant ut non habeat quis quod
respondeat, sed et judicium ipsum serio confundunt.

Ha3C pars de Elenchis Sophismatum praeclare tractata est ab
Aristotele, quoad praecepta; etiam a Platone adhuc melius,
quoad exempla; neque illud tantum in persona sophistarum
antiquoruni (Gorgise, Hippiae, Protagoras, Euthydemi, et reli-
quorum), verum etiam in persona ipsius Socratis, qui cum
illud semper agat, ut nihil affirmet sed a caeteris in medium
adducta infirmet, ingeniosissime objectionum, fallaciarum, et
redargutionum modos expressit. Itaque in hac parte nihil
habemus quod desideremus. Illud interim notandum; quamvis
usum hujus doctrinaa probum et praecipuum in hoc posuerimus,
ut redarguantur sophismata ; liquido nihilominus patere, usum
ejus degenerem et corr upturn ad captiones et contradictiones
per ilia ipsa sophismata struendas et concinnandas spectare.
Quod genus facultatis etiam pro eximio habetur, et haud parvas
affert utilitates; licet eleganter introducta sit a quopiam ilia
differentia inter oratorem et sophistam, quod alter tanquam
leporarius cursu prasstet, alter tanquam lepus ipse flexu.

Sequuntur Elenchi Hermenics ; ita enim (vocabulum potius
quam sensum ab Aristotele mutuantes) eos appellabimus.
Redigamus igitur hominibus in memoriam ea quae a nobis
de Transcendentibus et de Adventitiis Entium Conditionibus
sive Adjunctis (cum de Philosophia Prima ageremus) superius
dicta sunt. Ea sunt Majus, Minus ; Multum, Paucum ; Prius,
Posterius ; Idem, Diversum ; Potentia, Actus ; Habitus, Pri-
vatio ; Totum, Partes ; Agens, Patiens ; Motus, Quies ; Ens,
Non Ens; et similia. Inprimis autem meminerint et notent
differentes eas, quas diximus, harum rerum contemplationes ;
videlicet quod possint inquiri vel Physice, vel Logice. Phy-
sicam autem circa eas tractationem, Philosophies Primae
assignavimus. Superest Logica. Ea vero ipsa est res, quam
in prassenti Doctrinam de Elenchis Hermeniae nominamus.
Portio certe est haec doctrinae sana et bona. Hoc enim habent
notiones illae generales et communes, ut in omnibus disputa-
tionibus ubique intercurrant ; adeo ut nisi accurate et anxio
cum judicio bene jam ab initio distinguantur, universe disputa-
tionum lumini caliginem miris modis offusurae sint, et eo rem

1 Senec. Epist. 45

LIBER QUINTUS. 643

fere deducturas ut desinant disputationes in pugnas verborum.
Etenim aequivocationes et malae acceptiones verborum (prse-
sertim hujus generis) sunt Sophismata Sophismatum. Quare
etiam melius visum est istarum tractationem seorsura con-
stituere, quam earn vel in Philosophiam Primam sive Meta-
physicam recipere, vel ex parte Analytic® subjicere, ut
Aristoteles satis confuse fecit. Dedimus autem ei nomen ex
usu, quia verus ejus usus est plane redargutio et cautio circa
usum verborum. Quinimo partem illam de Prasdicamentis, si
rccte instituatur, circa cautiones de non confundendis aut
transponendis definitionum et divisionum terminis, praecipuum
usum sortiri existimamus, et hue etiam referri malumus.
Atque de Elenchis Hermeniae hactenus.

Ad Elenchos vero Imaginum, sive Idolorum, quod attinet;
sunt quidem Idola profundissimas mentis humanas fallacire.
Neque enim fallunt in particularibus, ut caeteras, judicio cali-
ginem offundendo et tendiculas struendo ; sed plane ex praedis-
positione mentis prava et perperam constituta, quas tanquam
omnes intellectus anticipationes detorquet et inficit. Nam
Mens Humana (corpore obducta et obfuscata) tantum abest ut
speculo piano, aequali, et claro similis sit (quod rerum radios
sincere excipiat et reflectat), ut potius sit instar speculi alicujus
incantati, pleni superstitionibus et spectris. Imponuntur autem
intellectui Idola, aut per naturam ipsam generis humani gene-
ralem ; aut per naturam cujusque individualem ; aut per verba
sive naturam communicativam. Primum genus Idola Tribus,
secundum Idola Specus, tertium Idola Fori vocare consuevimus.
Est et quartum genus, quod Idola Theatri appellamus, atque
super-indue turn est a prams Iheoriis sive philosophiis, etperversis
legibus demonstrationum. Verum hoc genus abnegari potest
et deponi ; itaque illud in praesentia omittemus. At reliqua
plane obsident mentem, neque prorsus evelli possunt. Igitur
non est, quod quis in istis Analyticam aliquam expectet ; sed
doctrina de Elenchis est circa ipsa Idola doctrina primaria.
Neque (si verum omnino dicendum sit) doctrina de Idolis in
artem redigi possit ; sed tantum adhibenda est, ad ea cavenda,
prudentia quaedam contemplativa. Horum autem tractationem
plenam et subtilem ad Novum Organum amandamus ; pauca
generaliter tantum de iis hoc loco dicturi.

Idolorum Tribus exemplum tale sit. Natura intellectus
humani magis afficitur Affirmativis et Activis quam Neyativis et

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644 DE AUG MENTIS SCIENTIARUM

Privativis ; cum rite et ordine rcquurn se utrique praebere
debeat. At ille, si res quaepiam aliquando existat et teneat,
fortiorem recipit de ea impressionem quam si eadem longe
pluries fallat aut in contrarium eveniat. Id quod omnis super-
stitionis et vanae credulitatis quasi radix est. Itaque recte
respondit ille qui, cum suspensa tabula in templo monstraretur
corum qui vota solverant quod naufragii periculum effugissent,
atque interrogando prenieretur, annon turn demum Neptuni
numen agnosceret ? Quassivit vicissim, At ubi sunt illi depicti,
qui post vota nuncupata perierunt?1 Atque eadein est ratio
supers titionum similium, sicut in Astrologicis, Insomniis,
Ominibus, et reliquis. Alterum exemplum est hujusmodi :
Animus humanus (cum sit ipse substantia scqualis et uniformis)
majorem prasupponit et affingit in natura rerum (Bqualitatem
et uniformitatem, quam revera est. Hinc commentum mathe-
maticorum, In ccelestibus omnia moveri per circulos perfectos,
rejiciendo lineas spirales. Hinc etiam fit, quod, cum multa
sint in natura monodica et plena imparitatis, affingat tamen
semper cogitatio kumana Relativa, Parallela, et Conjugata.
Ab hoc enim fonte elementum ignis cum orbe suo introductum
est, ad constituendam quaternionem cum reliquis tribus, terra,
aqua, aere. Chymici autem fanaticam iustruxerunt rerum
universarum plialangem, inanissimo commento inveniri fin-
gentes in quatuor illis suis elementis (coelo, aere, aqua, et
terra) species singulas parallelas invicem et conformes.2 Ter-
tium exemplum est superior! finitimum ; quod Homo fiat quasi
Norma et Speculum Natures. Neque enim credibile est (si
eingula percurrantur et notentur) quantum agmen Idolorum
philosophiaj immiserit naturalium operationum ad similitu-
dinem actionum humanarum reductio: hoc ipsum, inquam,
quod putetur talia naturam facere qualia homo facit. Neque
multo meliora sunt ista quam hasresis Anthropomorphitarum,
in cellis ac solitudine stupidorum monachorum orta ; aut sen-
tentia Epicuri huic ipsi in Paganismo respondens, qui Diis
humanam figuram tribuebat. At non opus fuit Velleio Epi-
cureo interrogare, Cur Deus ccelum stellis et luminibus, tanquam
cedilis, ornasset ?3 Nam si summus ille opifex ad modum sedilis

1 See Nov. Org. i. 46.

2 See note on Nov. Org. i. 45. — /. S.

3 Cicero De Nat Deor. i. c. 9. Compare the following extract from Galileo's letter
to Gallanzone Gallanzoni : — " Uno clei nostri piu celebri architetti se avesse avuto a

LIBER QUINTUS. 645

se gessisset, in pulchrum aliqucra ct elegantem ordinem Stellas
digerere debuisset, operosis palatiorum laquearibus consimilem ;
cum e contra aegre quis ostendat in tarn infinite stellarum
numero figuram aliquam vel quadratam, vel triangularem, vel
rectilinearem. Tanta est harmonise discrepantia inter spiritum
hominis et spiritum mundi.

Quod ad Idola Specus attinet, ilia ortum habent ex propria
cujusque natura et animi et corporis ; atque etiam ex educatione
et consuetudine, et fortuitis rebus, quae singulis hominibus
accidunt. Pulcherrimum enim emblema est illud de Specu
Platonis. Siquidem si quis (missa ilia exquisita parabolas
subtilitate) a prima infantia in antro aut caverna obscura et
subterranea ad maturam usque aetatem degeret, et tune dere-
pente in aperta prodiret, et hunc coeli et rerum apparatum
contueretur; dubium non est, quin animum ejus subirent et
perstringerent quampluriniae mira? et absurdissimae phantasias.
Nos vero scilicet sub aspectu coeli degimus ; interea tamen
animi in cavernis corporum nostrorum conduntur ; ut infinitas
errorum et falsitatum imagines haurire necesse si;., si e specu
sua raro tantum et ad breve aliquod tempus prodeant, et non
in contemplatione naturae perpetuo tanquam sub dio morentur.
Emblemati siquidem illi de Specu Platonis1 optime convenit
parabola ilia Heracliti, quod homines scientias in mundis propriis
et non in mundo majore qu&rant.

At Idola Fori molestissima sunt, qua? ex fcedere tacito inter
homines de Verbis et Nominibus impositis se in intellectum
insinuarunt. Verba autem plerunque ex captu vulgi induntur,
atque per differentias quarum vulgus cnpax est res secant ; cum
autem intellectus acutior aut observatio diligentior res melius
distinguere velit, verba obstrepunt. Quod vero hujus remedium
est (definitiones scilicet) in plurimis huic malo mederi nequit ;
quoniam et ipsae definitiones ex verbis constent, et verba
gignant verba. Etsi autem putemus verbis nostris nos impe-
rare ; et illud facile dictu sit, Loquendum esse ut vulgus, sen-

compartire nella gran volta del cielo la moltitudine di tante stelle fisse, credo io che
distribuite le avrebbe con bei partimenti di quadrati, esagoni, ed ottangoli ; interzando
le maggiori tra le mezzane e le piccole, con sue intere correspondenze, parendogli in
questo modo di valersi di belle proporzione : ma all' incontro Iddio, quasi che colla
mano del caso le abbia disseminate, pare a noi che senza regola simmetria o eleganza
alcuno le abbia colassu sparpagliate."

1 Plato, Republ. vi. For the reference to Heraclitus, seethe note 1. p. 164.

T T 3

646 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

tiendum ut sapientes l ; quinetiam vocabula artium (quae apud
peritos solum valent) huic rei satisfacere videri possint; et
definitiones 2 (de quibus diximus) artibus prasmissse (secundum
prudentiam Mathematicorum) vocabulorum pravas acceptiones
corrigere valeant; attamen haec omnia non sufficiunt, quo minus
verborum praestigiae et incantationes plurimis modis seducant,
et vim quandam intellectui faciant, et impetum suum (more
Tartarorum sagittationis) retro in intellectum (unde profecta
sint) retorqueant. Quare altiore et novo quodam remedio ad
hoc malum opus est. Verum hasc jam cursim perstringimus,
interim desiderari pronunciantes hanc doctrinam, quam Elenchos
Magnos, sive de Idolis animi humani nativis et adventitiis, appel-
labimus. Ejus autem tractationem legitimam ad Organum
Novum referimus.

Superest Artis Judicandi Appendix quaedam insignia ; quam
etiam desiderari statuimus. Siquidem Aristoteles rem notavit,
modum rei nullibi persecutus est. Ea tractat, quales demon-
strationes ad quales materias sive subjecta applicari debeant ;
ut haec doctrina tanquam Judicationes Judicationum contineat.
Optime enim Aristoteles neque demonstrationes ab oratoribus,
neque suasiones a mathematicis requiri debere monet.3 Ut si
in probationis genere aberretur, judicatio ipsa non absolvatur.
Quando vero sint quatuor demonstrationum genera, vel per
consensum immediatum et notiones communes ; vel per Inducti-
onem ; vel per Syllogismum ; vel per earn (quam recte vocat
Aristoteles) Demonstrationem in Orbem 4 (non a notioribus
scilicet, sed tanquam de piano) ; habent hae demonstrationes
singulse certa subjecta et materias scientiarum in quibus
pollent, alia a quibus excluduntur. Etenim rigor et curiositas
in poscendo probationes nimium severas in aliquibus, multo
magis facilitas et remissio in acquiescendo probationibus
levioribus in aliis, inter ea sunt numeranda quaB detrimenti
plurimum et impedimenti scientiis attulerunt. Atque de Arte
Judicandi haec dicta sint.

1 "Loquendum enim est ut plures, sentiendum ut pauci." — Niphus's Commentary on
Aristot. de Gen. et Corr. lib. i. fo. 29. G.
* Diffinitiones in the original. — /. S.
3 Arist Metaph. ii. 3. * Arist. Post. Analyt. ii. 13.

LIBER QUINTUS. 647

CAPUT V.

Partitio Artis Retinendi sive Retentive in Doctrinam de Admi-
niculis Memoriae, et Doctrinam de Meraoria ipsa. Partitio
Doctrines, de Memoria ipsa in Praenotionem, et Emblema.

ARTEM Retinendi, sive Custodiendi, in duas doctrinas partie-
mur; Doctrinam scilicet de Adminiculis Memorise, et Doctri-
nam de Memoria ipsa. Adminiculum Memoriae plane scriptio
est. Atque omnino monendum, quod Memoria sine hoc admi-
niculo rebus prolixioribus et accuratioribus impar sit; neque
ullo modo nisi de scripto recipi debeat. Quod etiam in Philo-
sophia Inductiva et Interpretatione Naturae praecipue obtinet.
Tarn enim possit quis calculationes Ephemeridis memoria nuda
absque scripto absolvere, quam interpretation! naturae per me-
ditationes et vires memoriae nativas et nudas sufficere ; nisi eidem
memoriae per tabulas ordinatas ministretur. Verum missa In-
terpretatione Naturae, quae doctrina nova est, etiam ad veteres
et populares scientias haud quicquam fere utilius esse possit quam
Memoriae Adminiculum solidum et bonum ; hoc est, Digestum
probum et eruditum Locorum Communium. Neque tamen me
fugit, quod relatio eorum quaa legimus aut discimus in Locos
Communes damno eruditionis ab aliquibus imputetur, ut quoe
lectionis cursum remoretur, et Memoriam ad feriandum invitet.
Attamen quoniam adulterina res est in Scientiis praecocem esse
et promptum, nisi etiam solidus sis et multipliciter instructus,
diligentiam et laborem in Locis Comniunibus congerendis magni
prorsus rem esse usus et firmitudinis in studiis judicamus ;
veluti quae Invention! copiam subministret, et aciem Judicii in
unum contrahat. Verum est tamen inter methodos et syntaxes
Locorum Communium quas nobis adhuc videre contigit, nul-
lam reperiri quae alicujus sit pretii ; quandoquidem in titulis
suis faciem prorsus exhibeant magis scholas quam mundi ; vul-
gares et paedagogicas adhibentes divisiones, non autem eas quae
ad rerum medullas et interiora quovis modo penetrent.

Circa Memoriam autem ipsam, satis segniter et languide
videtur adhuc inquisitum. Extat certe de ea ars quaepiam;
verum nobis constat turn meliora proscepta de Memoria confir-
manda et amplianda haberi posse quam ilia ars complectitur,
turn practicam illius ipsius artis meliorem institui posse quam

T T 4

648 DE AUGMENT1S SCIENTIARUM

quae recepta est. Neque tamen anibigimus (si cui placet hac
arte ad ostentationem abuti) quin possint praestari per earn non-
nulla mirabilia et portentosa ; sed nihilominus res quasi sterilis
est (eo quo adhibetur modo) ad usus humanos. At illud inte-
rim ei non imputamus, quod naturalem memoriam destruat et
super-oneret (ut vulgo objicitur) ; sed quod non dextre instituta
sit ad auxilia memoriae commodanda in negotiis et rebus seriis.
Nos vero hoc habemus (fortasse ex genere vitas nostro politicae)
ut quas artem jactant, usum non praebent, parvi faciamus. Nam
ingentem numerum nominum aut verborum semel recitatorum
eodem ordine statim repetere ; aut versus complures de quovis
argumento extempore conficere ; aut quidquid occurrit satirica
aliqua similitudine perstringere ; aut seria quaeque in jocum
vertere ; aut contradiction e et cavillatione quidvis eludere ; et
similia ; (quorum in facultatibus animi baud exigua est copia,
quasque ingenio et exercitatione ad miraculum usque extolli
possunt ;) base certe omnia et his similia nos non majoris faci-
rnus quam funambulorum et mimorum agilitates et ludicra.
Etenim eadem ferme res sunt ; cum haec corporis, ilia animi
viribus abutantur ; et admirationis forsitan aliquid habeant,
dignitatis parum.1

Ars autem Memoriae duplici nititur intentione ; Praenotione,
et Emblemate. Praenotionem vocamus abscissionem quandam
investigationis infinitae. Cum enim quis aliquid revocare in
memoriam conatur; si nullam Praenotionem habeat aut per-
ceptionem ejus quod quaerit, quaerit certe et molitur, et hac iliac
discurrit tanquam in infinite. Quod si certam aliquam Prasno-
tionem habeat, statim abscinditur infinitum, et fit discursus
Memoriae magis in vicino, ut venatio damae intra septa.2 Ita-
que et ordo manifesto juvat Memoriam. Subest enim Prasnotio,
id quod quaeritur tale esse debere ut conveniat cum ordine.
Similiter carmina facilius discuntur memoriter quam prosa. Si
enim haeretur in aliquo verbo, subest Praenotio, tale debere esse

1 Of the art of memory Agrippa remarks : " Solent enim in gymnasiis plerunque
hujus artis professione nebulones quidam scholaribus imponere ac rei novitate pecu-
niolam ab incautis emungere : turpe et impudentis est multarum rerum lectionem in-
star mercimoniorum ante fores explicare, cum interim vacua domus sit." — De Incert.
et Vanit. Scient. c. 10.

The illustration at the end of this passage may have suggested that which Bacon
employs in speaking of the method of Raymond Lully, vide infra, p. 669.

In Selden's Table-talk he is made to affirm that, whatever may be said of great
memories, no man will trust his memory when writing what is to be given to the
world. [See Table-talk, under title " Minister Divine."]

* Compare Nov. Org. ii. 26.

LIBER QU1NTUS. 649

verbum quod conveniat cum versu. Atque ista Praenotio est

Artificialis Memoriae pars prima. Nam in Artificial! Memoria

locos habemus jam ante digestos et paratos ; imagines extempore,

prout res postulat, conficimus ; at subest Praenotio, talem esse

debere imaginem, qualis aliquatenus conveniat cum loco ; id

quod vellicat memoriam, et aliquo modo munit ad rem quam

quaerimus. Emblema vero deducit intellectuale ad sensibile:

sensibile autem semper fortius percutit memoriam, atque in ea

facilius imprimitur quam intellectuale ; adeo ut etiam brutorum

memoria per sensibile excitetur; per intellectuale minime.

Itaque facilius retineas imaginem venatoris leporem perse-

quentis, aut pharmacopoei pyxides ordinantis, aut pedantii ora-

tionem habentis, aut pueri versus memoriter recitantis, aut mimi

in scena agentis, quam ipsas notiones inventionis, dispositionis,

elocutionis, memoriae, actionis. Sunt et alia quae pertinent ad

Memoriam juvandam (ut modo diximus); sed Ars quae jam

habetur ex his duobus jam praemissis consistit. Particulares

autem artium defectus persequi, fuerit ab instituto nostro rece-

dere. Igitur de Arte Retinendi sive Custodiae, haec

dicta sint. Jam vero ad quartum membrum

Logicae, quod Traditionem et Elocu-

tionem tractat, ordine

pervenimus.

650

FRANCISCI BARONIS DE VERULAMIO,

VICE-COMITIS SANCTI ALBANI,

DE DIGNITATE ET AUGMENTIS
SCIENTIARUM

LIBER SEXTUS.

AD REGEM SUUM.

CAPUT I.

Partitio Traditiva in Doctrinam de Organo Sermonis, Do-
ctrinam de Methodo Sermonis, et Doctrinam de Illustra-
tione Sermonis. Partitio Doctrines de Organo Sermonis in
Doctrinam de Notis Rerum, de Locutione, et de Scriptione ;
quarum duce posteriores Grammaticam constituunt, ejusque
partitioned sunt. Partitio Doctrines de Notis Rerum in
Hieroglyphica, et Characteres Keales. Partitio Secunda
Grammatical in Literariam, et Philosophantem. Aggregatio
Poeseos quoad Metrum ad Doctrinam de Locutione. Aggre-
gatio Doctrinae de Ciphris ad Doctrinam de Scriptione.

CONCEDITUB certe cuivis (Rex Optime) seipsum et sua ridere
et ludere. Quis igitur novit, mini forte opus istud nostrum
non descriptum fuerit ex libro quodam veteri, reperto inter
libros famosissimae illius bibliothecse Sancti Victoris; quorum
catalogum excepit magister Franciscus Rabelesius ? * Illic
enim invenitur liber, cui titulus est Formicarium Artium.
Nos sane pusillum acervum pulvisculi congessimus, et sub eo
complura scientiarum et artium grana condidimus ; quo formicaj
reptare possint, et paulatim conquiescere, et subinde ad novos
se labores accingere. At regum sapientissimus pigros quos-
cunque remittit ad formicas; nos autem pigros eos homines

1 Pantag. ii. 7. The humour of making catalogues of imaginary bookj probably
began with Rabelais.

LIBER SEXTOS. 651

pronunciamus, quibus acquisitis uti tantum cordi sit, neque
subinde novas scientiarum sementes et messes facere.

Accedamus nunc ad Artem Tradendi, sive Proferendi et
Enunciandi ea quae inventa, judicata, ac in memoria repo-
sita sunt ; quam nomine generali Traditivam appellabimus.
Ea omnes artes circa Verba et Sermones complectitur. Quam-
vis enim Ratio Sermonis veluti anima sit, tamen in tractando
disjungi debent Ratio et Sermo ; non minus quam Anima et
Corpus. Traditivam in tres partes dividemus ; Doctrinam circa
Organum Sermonis ; Doctrinam circa Methodum Sermonis ; et
Doctrinam circa Sermonis Illustrationem sive Ornatum.

Doctrina de Organo Sermonis vulgo recepta, qua? et Gram-
matica dicitur, duplex est ; altera de Locutione, altera de Scri-
ptione ; recte enim Aristoteles ; Cogitationum tesserce verba,
verborum literce.1 Utrunque Grammatics assignabimus. Verum
ut rem altius repetamus, antequam ad Grammaticam et partes
ejus jam dictas veniamus, in genere de Organo Traditivae
dicendum est. Videntur enim esse proles quaedam Traditiva3
alia?, praeter Verba et Literas. Hoc igitur plane statuendum
est; quidquid scindi possit in differentias satis numerosas ad
notionum varietatem explicandam (modo differentias illse sensui
perceptibiles sint) fieri posse vehiculum cogitationum de nomine
in hominem. Nam videmus nationes linguis discrepantes com-
mercia non male per gestus exercere. At in practica nonnul-
lorum, qui surdi et muti usque a nativitate fuerant et alias
erant ingeniosi, miros vidimus haberi inter eos et amicos suos,
qui eorum gestus perdidicerant, dialogos. Quinetiam notis-
simum fieri jam cospit, quod in China et provinciis ultimi
Orientis in usu hodie sint characteres quidam reales, non
nominates ; qui scilicet nee literas nee verba, sed res et notiones
exprimunt.2 Adeo ut gentes complures linguis prorsus discre-
pantes, sed hujusmodi characteribus (qui apud illos latius
recepti sunt) consentientes, scriptis communicent ; eousque ut
librum aliquem, hujusmodi characteribus conscriptum, quaeque
gens patria lingua legere et reddere possit.3

1 Arist. De Interpret i. 1.

2 In Acosta's History of the New World [book 6. c. 5.], which is a very interesting
book, the writer, in giving an account of the way in which the Mexicans used hiero-
glyphical characters, makes a digression on the writing of the Chinese, in a manner
which indicates that at that time their mode of writing was not generally known.

3 This assertion was made by the early missionaries, and has been constantly re-
peated since. Within certain limits it is true ; ju|t as an Italian and an Englishman
may read or write Latin equally well, though they pronounce it differently. But the

652 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

Nota3 igitur Rerum, quae absque ope aut medio Verborum
res significant, duplicis generis sunt; quarum prius genus
ex Congruo, alterum ad Placitum significat. Prioris generis
sunt Hieroglyphica, et Gestus ; posterioris vero ii, quos dixi-
mus, Characteres Reales. Hieroglyphicorum usus vetustus
admodum et in veneratione quadam habitus, prsecipue apud
^Egyptios, gentem valde antiquam ; adeo ut videantur Hi-
eroglyphica fuisse Scriptio quasdam ante-nata et senior ipsis
Elementis Literarum, nisi forte apud Hebraeos. Gestus autem
tanquam Hieroglyphica transitoria sunt. Quemadmodum enim
verba prolata volant, scripta maneut; ita et Hieroglyphica
gestibus expressa transeunt, depicta durant. Cum enim Pe-
riander, consultus de conservanda tyrannide, legatum astare
juberet ; atque ipse in horto deambulans summitates florum
eminentiorum carperet, ad caedem * procerum innuens2; non

structure of the spoken languages, or rather dialects, to which written Chinese can
correspond must be identical. It is difficult to attach a precise meaning to such state-
ments as Remusat's " Les signes de leur ecriture, pris en general, n'expriment pas des
pronunciations, mais des idees." Every character has in truth, he immediately after-
wards remarks, its sound ; and a Chinese book can of course be read aloud in Chinese.
Moreover the great majority of Chinese characters carry with them an indication of
their pronunciation. They consist of two elements, one being a simpler character of
the same sound, although generally speaking of totally different meaning, the other
referring more or less precisely to the meaning. Thus the character for a particular
kind of tree will contain, besides the phonetic element, the character for tree or wood
in general ; so too will very frequently that for a thing made of wood. These elements
have been termed Phoneticae and Classificae. But most of the latter admit of being
used in different combinations as Phoneticae. They correspond precisely with the
kind of hieroglyphics which Bunsen calls determinants, and are for the most part the
same as the radicals (as they are called) used in arranging words in the Chinese dic-
tionaries. The class of characters of which I have been speaking, is the fourth of the
six classes into which Chinese characters are commonly divided. They are called Hiai-
Ching, id est joined to sound, or Hing-Ching, id est representing the sound ; and it
is said that out of twenty-four thousand characters it was found that twenty-two
thousand are of this kind. See Callery, Systema phoneticum Scriptura Sinicce, i. 9.
He refers for his authority to a Chinese encyclopaedia.

The view taken of the nature of these characters in Marshman's Clavis Sittica, is,
as Remusat has pointed out, wholly wrong. It is much to be wished that a person
sufficiently acquainted with the subject would investigate the analogy which exists be-
tween the Chinese and Egyptian modes of writing ; not, of course, with any notion
of establishing a historical connexion (as was once attempted) between the two
nations. It is exceedingly remarkable, that as early as the fourth dynasty the
Egyptians seem to have bad a complete and even copious system of purely alpha-
betic characters, though, as Lepsius has shown, the majority of their alphabetic
characters are of later date. I must apologise for the length of this note on a subject
not very closely connected with the text.

1 Sedem in the original. — J. S.

2 Compare this with Solyman's lesson to his vizir on the art of sieges. " Come
close to me," said the Sultan, " but on your head be it if you tread on the carpet on
which I sit." The vizir reflected for a while, then gradually rolling up the carpet,
advanced close to his instructor. " All is said," resumed Solyman ; " you know now
how strong places are to be taken." The lesson was given, it is said, in relation to the
siege of Rhodes in 1521.

LIBER SEXTUS. 653

minus usus est Hieroglyphic©, quam si id in charta depinxisset.
Illud interim patet, Hieroglyphica et Gestus semper cum re
significata aliquid similitudinis habere, et emblemata quaedam
esse ; unde eas notas rerum ex congruo nominavimus. At Cha-
racteres Reales nihil habent ex emblemate, sed plane surdi
sunt ; non minus quam ipsa elementa literarum ; et ad placitum
tantum efficti, consuetudine autem tanquam pacto tacito recepti.
Illud interim liquet, vasta ipsorum multitudine ad scribendum
opus esse ; tot enim esse debent, quot sunt vocabula radicalia.
Haec igitur portio Doctrinae de Organo Sermonis quae est de
Notis Rerum, nobis ponitur pro Desiderato. Etsi autein tenuis
possit videri esse ejus usus, cum verba et scriptio per literas
sint organa Traditiva3 longe commodissima ; visum est tamen
nobis, veluti rei non ignobilis, aliquam hoc loco mention em ejus
facere. Tractamus enim hie veluti numismata rerum intel-
lectualium ; nee abs re fuerit nosse, quod sicut nummi possint
confici ex alia materia praeter auruni et argentum, ita et Notse
Rerum alias possint cudi, praeter Verba et Literas.

Pergamus igitur ad Grammaticam. Ea vero veluti viatoris
locum erga casteras scientias obtinet; non nobilem ilium qui-
dem, sed inprimis tamen necessarium ; prassertim cum scientias
nostris sasculis ex linguis eruditis, non vernaculis, potissimum
hauriantur. Neque tamen dignitas ejus parva censenda est;
quandoquidem antidoti cujusdam vicibus fungatur contra male-
dictionem illam confusionis linguarum. Sane hoc agit industria
humana, ut se restituat et redintegret in benedictionibus illis
quibus culpa sua excidit. Atque contra maledictionem primam
generalem de sterilitate terras et comedendo panem suum in
sudore vultus sui, reliquis artibus omnibus se munit et instruit.
At contra secundam illam de confusione linguarum, advocat
in auxilium Grammaticam. Ejus in linguis quibusque verna-
culis exiguus certe usus est ; in externis perdiscendis latior ;
amplissimus vero in illis linguis quae vulgares esse desierunt, et
in libris tantum perpetuantur.

Grammaticam etiam bipartitam ponemus ; ut alia sit Lite-
raria, alia Philosophica. Altera adhibetur simpliciter ad lin-
guas, nempe ut eas quis aut celerius perdiscat, aut emendatius
et purius loquatur. Altera vero aliquatenus Philosophies
ministrat. Qua in parte occurrit nobis Caesarem libros De
Analogia conscripsisse ; atque dubitatio subiit utrum illi hanc,
quam dicimus, Grammaticam Philosoplucam tractarint. Suspi-

654 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

camur tamen nil admodum in illis fuisse subtilius aut sublimius ;
sed tantum prseceptiones tradidisse de oratione casta et integra,
neque a consuetudine loquendi prava neque ab affectatione
aliquorum vitiata et polluta; in quo genere ipse excelluit.1
Veruntamen hac ipsa re moniti, cogitatione complexi sumus
Grammaticam quandam quae non analogiam verborum ad in-
vicem, sed analogiam inter verba et res, sive rationem, sedulo
inquirat ; citra tamen earn, quoe Logicae subservit, hermeniam.
Vestigia certe rationis verba sunt ; itaque vestigia etiam aliquid
de corpore indicant. Hujus igitur rei adumbrationem quandam
tenuem dabimus. Primo autem minime probamus curiosam
illam inquisitionem, quam tamen Plato vir eximius non con-
tempsit2; nimirum de impositione et original! etymologia
nominum ; supponendo ac si ilia jam a principio ad placitum
indita minime fuissent, sed ratione quadam et significanter
derivata et deducta ; materiam certe elegantem, et quasi
ceream, qua? apte fingi et flecti possit ; quoniam vero antiqui-
tatum penetralia perscrutari videtur, etiam quodammodo vene-
rabilem ; sed nihilominus parce veram, et fructu cassam. Ilia
demum, ut arbitramur, foret nobilissima Grammutica3 species,
si quis in linguis plurimis tarn eruditis quam vulgaribus eximie
doctus, de variis linguarum proprietatibus tractaret ; in quibus
quaeque excellat, in quibus deficiat, ostendens. Ita enim et
lingufe mutuo commercio locupletari possint, et fiet ex iis qua3
in singulis linguis pulchra sunt (tanquam Venus Apellis3)
orationis ipsius quaedam formosissima imago et exemplar quod-
dam insigne, ad sensus anirni rite exprimendos. Atque una
etiam hoc pacto capientur signa baud levia, sed observatu digna
(quod fortasse quispiam non putaret) de ingeniis et moribus
populorum et nationum, ex linguis ipsorum. Equidem libenter
audio Ciceronem notantem, quod apud Graces desit verbum,
quod Latinum illud ineptum reddat; Propterea, inquit, quod
Greeds hoc vitium tarn familiare fuit, ut illud in se ne agno-
scerent quidem : digna certe gravitate Komana censura.4 Quid

1 Aulus Gellius quotes from the Analogia of Csesar, a precept to avoid an unusual
word " veluti scopulum," Noctes Alt. 1. 10. Bacon refers to the Analogia in several
other places. Vide supra, p. [476. Observe that he there speaks of it as a grammatical
philosophy in which Caesar was endeavouring to bring words, which are the images of
things, into congruity with the things themselves. Whence it would seem that he
had changed his opinion as to the character of the book ; for this would be the very
analogia inter verba et res from which here he distinguishes it.]

2 See particularly the Cratylus.

3 Not the Venus of Apelles, but the Helen of Zeuxis.

4 " Nam qui aut tempus quid postulet non videt, aut plura loquitur, aut se ostentat,

LIBER SEXTUS. 655

illud quod Graeci in compositionibus verborum tanta licentia
usi sunt, Romani contra magnam in hac re severitatem adhi-
buerunt? Plane colligat quis Graecos fuisse artibus, Romanes
rebus gerendis, magis idoneos. Artium enim distinctiones
verborum compositionem fere exigunt; at res et negotia sim-
pliciora verba postulant. Quin Hebraei tantum compositiones
illas refugiunt, ut malint metaphora abuti quam compositionem
introducere. Quinetiam verbis tarn paucis et minime com-
mixtis utuntur, ut plane ex lingua ipsa quis perspiciat gentem
fuisse illam Nazaraeam, et a reliquis gentibus separatam.
Annon et illud observatione dignum (licet nobis modernis
spiritus nonnihil retundat) antiquas linguas plenas declina-
tionum, casuum, conjugationum, temporum, et similium fuisse ;
modernas, his fere destitutas, plurima per praepositiones et
verba auxiliaria segniter expedire ? Sane facile quis conjiciat,
utcunque nobis ipsi placemus, ingenia priorum saeculorum
nostris fuisse multo acutiora et subtiliora.1 Innumera sunt
ejusmodi, quae justum volumen complere possint. Non abs re
igitur fuerit Grammaticam Philosophantem a Simplici et Lite-
raria distinguere, et Desideratam ponere.

Ad Grammaticam etiam pertinere judicamus omnia ilia qua?
verbis quoquo modo accidunt, qualia sunt Sonus, Mensura,
Accentus. At prima ilia literarum simplicium cunabula (nempe
qua percussione linguae, qua apertura oris, qua adductione
labiorum, quo nisu gutturis, singularum literarum sonus gene-
retur) ad Grammaticam non pertinent, sed portio sunt Doctrinae
de Sonis, sub Sensu et Sensibili tractanda. Sonus, de quo
loquimur, Grammaticus ad Euphonias tantum pertinet et Dys-
phonias. Illarum quaedam communes sunt. Nulla enim est
lingua, quin vocalium concurrentium hiatus aut consonantium
concurrentium asperitates aliquatenus refugiat. Sunt et alias

aut eorum quibuscum est vel dignitatis vel commodi rationem non habet, aut denique
in aliquo genere aut inconcinnus aut mult.us est, is ineptus dicitur. Hoc vitio cumu-
lata est eruditissima ilia Grascorum natio ; itaque quod vim hujus mali Graeci non
vident, ne nomen quidem ei vitio imposuerunt, ut enim quaeras omnia quomodo Graci
ineptum appellent non reperies." — Cic. De Orat. ii. 4.

1 On this very interesting question, which Bacon was probably the first to propose,
Grimm has some good remarks in his essay on the origin of language, in the Berlin
Transactions for 1852. He shows that of the two classes of languages here con-
trasted each has its own merits, observing that mere fulness of grammatical forms is
not to be recognised as necessarily an advantage ; else we should be obliged to rate
Finnish, in which the noun has thirteen cases, above Sanscrit, in which it has eight,
and Greek, in which it has only five. It may be remarked in illustration of this,
that although there are in Sanscrit past tenses corresponding to the Greek aorists
and perfects, yet the accuracy of logical discrimination which appropriates the latter to
the completed action belongs to Greek only ; so too of the appropriation of the imper-
fect to express an uncompleted action. SeeBopp, Comparative Grammar, § 513.

656 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

respectivae, quse scilicet diversorum populorum auribus gratae
aut ingratae accedunt. Groaca lingua diphthongis scatet ; Latina
longe parcius. Lingua Hispanica literas tenues edit, easque
statim vertit in medias.1 Linguae quaa ex Gothis fluxere
aspiratis gaudent.2 Multa sunt ejusmodi: verum haec ipsa
fortasse plus satis.

At Mensura Verborum ingens nobis corpus artis peperit,
Poesim scilicet, non quatenus ad materiam (de qua supra) sed
quatenus ad stilum et figuram verborum ; versus nimirum sive
cannina. Circa quas ars kabetur quasi pusilla, exempla acce-
dunt grandia et infinita. Neque tamen ars ilia (quam Proso-
diam Grammatici appellant) ad carminum genera et mensuras
edocendas tantum restringi debeat. Adjicienda enim sunt prae-
cepta, quod carminum genus cuique materiae sive subjecto
optime conveniat. Antiqui hero'ica carmina historiis et en-
comiis applicaverunt ; elegos querimoniis ; iambos invectivis ;
lyricos odis et hymnis. Neque haec prudentia recentioribus
poetis in linguis propriis defuit. Illud reprehendendum, quod
quidam antiquitatis nimium studiosi linguas modernas ad men-
suras antiquas (heroicas, elegiacas, sapphicas, &c.) traducere
conati sunt3 ; quas ipsarum linguarum fabrica respuit, nee
minus aures exhorrent. In hujusmodi rebus sensus judicium
artis prseceptis praeponendum ; ut ait ille,
Coena3 fercula nostrae
Mallem convivis quam placuisse cocis.4

1 This is somewhat overstated. The Spanish generally retains the Latin tenuis at
the beginning of words and often in the middle. The tendency to the flattening
Bacon mentions is most marked in the case of p and 6. See Diez, Grammatik der
Romanischen Sprachen, i. 252., for a general table of consonantal changes in the Roman
tongues. A remarkable peculiarity in Spanish is the substitution of h (now dropped in
pronunciation) for the Latin/ at the beginning of words. It is not however universal,
and belongs to a comparatively late period of the language, no trace of it being found,
according to Diez, in the poem of the Cid.

* Bacon no doubt refers to High and Low German. The Gothic itself — commonly
called Moeso- Gothic, but which might perhaps be as fitly called Italian-Gothic, as the
existing remains of it belong probably to Italy in the time of Theodoric and his succes-
sors— is much less charged with aspirates than the tongues which claim descent from it.
The last editor of Dlphilas, after pointing out the prevalence of liquids and tenues, ob-
serves rather fancifully : " Our ancestors were not a mountain people ; they must have
dwelt on plains under a moist, mild climate." The analogy of Gothic with Sanscrit is
very striking. Bopp remarks : " When I read the venerable Dlphilas, I feel as if I were
reading Sanscrit."

3 This affectation prevailed about the same time in France and Italy, and a little
later in England. Jodelle was the first person, according to Pasquier, who produced a
French hexameter and pentameter.

Augustus von Schlegel, in his Indische Bibliothek, has an interesting essay on this
subject, especially with respect to the Greek hexameter. He endeavours to determine
the modifications necessary in order that it may be really naturalised in modern
languages.

4 Mart ix. 83.

LIBER SEXTUS. 657

Neque vero ars est, sed artis abusus, cum ilia naturam non
perficiat sed pervertat. Verum quod ad Poesim attinet, (sive
de fabulis sive de metro loquamur) est ilia (ut superius dixi-
mus) tanquam herba luxurians, sine semine nata, ex vigore
ipsius terras germinans. Quare ubique serpit, et latissime
diffusa est; ut supervacuum foret de defectibus ejus sollici-
tum esse. De ilia igitur cura est abjicienda. Quod vero ad
Accentus Verborum, nil opus est de re tarn pusilla dicere;
nisi forte illud quis notatu dignum putet, quod accentus Ver-
borum exquisite, accentus autem Sententiarum neutiquam in
observationem venit. Attamen illud fere universe generi hu-
mano commune est, ut vocem in fine periodi submittant, in
interrogatione elevent, et alia hujusmodi non pauca. Atque
de Grammatical parte, qua3 ad Locutionem spectat, hactenus,

Quod ad Scriptionem attinet, ea aut Alphabeto Vulgari
perficitur (quod ubique recipitur), aut Occulto et Private, de
quo inter singulos convenit ; quod Ciphras vocant. At Or-
thographia Vulgaris etiam controversiam et quaestionem nobis
peperit ; utrum scilicet eodem verba scribere oporteat quo pro-
nunciantur modo, an potius ex more consueto ? At ilia scriptio
quae reformata videri possit, (ut scilicet scriptio pronunciation!
consona sit,) est ex genere inutilium subtilitatum. Nam et
ipsa pronunciatio quotidie gliscit, nee /xmstans est; et deri-
vationes verborum, prsesertim ex linguis extraneis, prorsus
obscurantur. Denique cum ex more recepto scripta morem
pronunciandi nullo modo impediant, sed liberam relinquant,
quorsum attinet ista novatio ' ?

1 Every living language is continually changing; and the orthography gradually
follows changes of pronunciation. But to make the pronunciation of the present mo-
ment the standard of orthography is to set aside as far as possible the historical element
in the development of the language, and thus greatly to diminish its value as a record
of the progress of human thought, not to mention the effect which such a system would
have in making works composed before the era of the last reformation unintelligible.

[I cannot help thinking that Bacon would have pronounced a less confident judg-
ment on this question, if it had occurred to him that a system of notation might be
contrived which should not only represent the pronunciation of the particular time,
but accompany all changes of pronunciation which time might introduce ; so that the
written word should be at all times a true description of the spoken word. For this
purpose, nothing more is required than an alphabet containing as many distinct cha-
racters as there are distinguishable elementary sounds in the language, so that the same
sound may always be represented by the same character or combination of characters,
and no combination of characters may be used to represent more than one combina-
tion of sounds. Against a reform of orthography founded upon such a reconstruction
of the alphabet, it appears to me that none of the objections either in the text or in
the note can be justly urged. With regard to the history of the past, everything would
remain as it is. A dictionary containing the old and new spelling of every word in
the language would effectually preserve its etymological history (so far as our present

VOL. I. U U

658 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

Ad Ciphras igitur veniendum.1 Earum genera baud pauca
sunt : Ciphrae simplices ; Ciphrae non-significantibus characteri-
bus intermixtse ; Cipbrae duplices literas uno charactere com-
plexae; Ciphrae Rotae; Ciphrae Clavis; Ciphrae Verborum;
alise. Virtutes autem in Cipbris requirendae tres sunt ; ut sint
expedite, non nimis operosae ad scribendum ; ut sint fidae, et
r.ullo modo pateant ad decipbrandum ; addo denique, ut, si fieri
possit, suspicione vacent. Si enim epistolae in manus eorum
devenient qui in eos qui scribunt, aut ad quos scribuntur, po-
testatem habeant, tametsi Ciphra ipsa fida sit et decipbratu

orthography does preserve it) up to the present time. For the future, pronunciation
would still be free to change, and orthography would still follow ; but the changes of
pronunciation would be less rapid and capricious, and the corresponding changes of
orthography would be not gradual but immediate. Pronunciation would change, not
according to fashion or accident, but according to the laws of nature; and each change
would be registered as it came in the printed records of the language. All this would
surely be a great advantage, whether we regard language as a medium of communica-
tion, for which it serves best when it is most uniform and constant, or as a record of
the progress of human thought, for which it serves the better in proportion as capri-
cious and accidental changes are excluded and natural changes marked and regis-
tered.

Bacon was probably thinking of some particular scheme proposed in his own day,
in which the existing alphabet was to be used. Many such partial schemes of ortho-
graphical reform have been attempted from time to time, all of which may be justly
condemned as " useless subtilties," not because the thing aimed at — ut scilicet scriptio
pronunciation! consona sit — would be useless if accomplished, but because, without
such a reconstruction of the alphabet as should enable us to assign to each distinct
sound a distinct character, the thing cannot be accomplished. With an alphabet of
only twenty-six letters, it is impossible to make the spelling of English represent the
pronunciation, because there are more than twenty-six distinct sounds used in Eng-
lish speech. It has recently been shown, however, that with an alphabet of only forty
letters, every sound used in speaking good English may be represented accurately
enough for all practical purposes ; and a few more would probably include all the
sounds of all the classical languages In Europe.

Two or three alphabets of this kind have been suggested within the last hundred
years. There was one proposed by Benjamin Franklin, another by Dr. William
Young, another by Sir John Herschell. But the first serious attempt to bring such an
alphabet into general use, and fairly to meet and overcome all the practical as well as
all the theoretical difficulties, was made by Mr. Alexander Ellis and Mr. Isaac Pitman
in 1 848. And there can be no doubt that by means of their alphabet every English
word now in use may be so written that the spelling shall contain a sufficient direction
for the pronunciation. Nor is there any reason to apprehend that it would ever be
necessary to remodel it, since, however the fashion of pronunciation may change, it is
not likely that any new elementary sounds will be developed ; and therefore, though
we might have to spell some of our words differently, we should still be able to spell
them out of the same alphabet.

As for the fear that, if such a reformation were adopted, works composed previously
would become unintelligible, it has been ascertained by many experiments that chil-
dren who have learned to read books printed phonetically in the new alphabet easily
teach themselves to read books printed in the ordinary way ; and therefore, even if the
new system should become universal for all new books, no one would have any diffi-
culty in mastering the old ones. — /. S.]

1 See, for an account of these ciphers, the appendix at the end of the volume.
Bacon's biliteral cipher (see infra, p. 659.) seems, as I have there pointed out, to be
connected with one which had been given by Porta, which also depends on the prin-
ciple of which the Electric Telegraph is now a familiar illustration, that any number
of things may be denoted by combinations of two signs, as in the binary scale of
numeration.

LIBER SEXTUS.

659

impossibilis, tamen subjicitur haac res examini et quaestioni ;
nisi Ciphra sit ejusmodi, qu33 aut suspicione vacet aut examina-
tionem eludat. Quod vero ad elusionem examinis attinet,
suppetit inventum ad hoc novum atque utile, quod cum in
promptu habeamus, quorsum attinet illud inter Desideratr
referre, sed potius id ipsum proponere ? Hoc hujusmodi est ; ut
habeat quis duo alphabeta, unum literarum verarum, alterum
non-significantium ; et simul duas epistolas involvat, unam quse
secretum deferat, alteram qualem verisimile fuerit scribentem
missurum fuisse, absque periculo tamen. Quod si quis de
Ciphra severe interrogetur, porrigat ille alphabetum non-signi-
ficantium pro veris literis, alphabetum autem verarum literarum
pro non-significantibus. Hoc modo incidet examinator in epi-
stolam ilium exteriorem ; quam cum probabilem inveniet, de
interiori epistola nihil suspicabitur. Ut vero suspicio omnis
absit, aliud inventum subjiciemus, quod certe cum adolescentuli
essemus Parisiis excogitavimus ; nee etiam adhuc visa nobis res
digna est quae pereat. Habet enim gradum Ciphras altissimum ;
nimirum ut omnia per omnia significari possint ; ita tamen, ut
scriptio quae involvitur quintuple minor sit quam ea cui invol-
vatur : alia nulla omnino requiritur conditio, aut restrictio. Id
hoc modo fiet. Primo, universes literae alphabet! in duas tan-
tummodo literas solvantur per transpositionem earum. Nam
transpositio duarum literarum per locos quinque, differentiis
triginta duabus, multo magis viginti quatuor (qui est numerus
alphabet! apud nos) sufficiet.1 Hujus alphabet! exemplum
tale est.

Exemplum Alphabet! Biliterarii.2

D E F G

aaabb. aabaa, aabab. aabba.

L M N O

ababa. ababb. abbaa. abbab.

S T V W

baaab. baaba. baabb. babaa.

1 There is a simpler way of attaining the same end, viz. by using two sets of cha-
racters, the differences being, as in Bacon's method, intended to be imperceptible, and
making the length of the intervals at which those of one set recur significant of the
letters of the " interius scriptum." This is a system mentioned by writers on the
subject ; whether ever actually used, I do not know.

8 For this and the following examples, a special character is used in the original cell

u u 2

A
Aaaaa.

B

aaaab.

C

aaaba.

H

aabbb.

I

abaaa.

K

abaab.

P

abbba.

Q

abbbb.

R

baaaa.

babab.

¥

babba.

Z.

babbb.

660

DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

Neque leve quiddam obiter hoc modo perfectum est. Etenim
ex hoc ipso patet modus, quo ad omnem loci distantiam, per
objecta quae vel visui vel auditui subjici possint, sensa animi
proferre et significare liceat ; si modo objecta ilia, duplicis
tantum differentiae capacia sunt; veluti per campanas, per
buccinas, per flammeos, per sonitus tormentorum, et alia quae-
cunque. Verum ut incceptum persequamur, cum ad scribendum
accingeris, epistolam interiorem in Alphabetum hoc Bilitera-
rium solves. Sit epistola interior ;

Fuge.
Exemplum Solutionis.

F

Aabab.

V

baabb.

G

aabba.

E.

actbaa.

Praasto simul sit aliud Alphabetum Biforme ; nimirum quod
singulas Alphabet! Communis literas, tarn capitales quam
minores, duplici forma, prout cuique commodum sit, exhibeat.

Exemplum Alphabet! Biformis.J

a

b

a

b

a

b

a

b

a

b

a

b

A

A

a

a

B

B

b

b

C

C

c

c

D

D

d

d

E

E

e

e

F

F

f

f

G

G

9

g

H

H

h

b

I

7

i

i

K

K

k

k

L

L

I

I

M

M

m

m

~N

N

n

n

0

O

0

0

P

P

P

P

Q

CL

q

1

R

R

r

r

S

S

s

s

T

T

t

J

U

U

u

u

V

V

W

W

W

w

X

X

X

X

Y

Y

y

y

z

Z

z

z

Turn demum epistolse interiori, jam factae biliteratse, epi-
stolam exteriorem biformem literatim accommodabis, et postea
describes. Sit epistola exterior ;

Manere te volo donee venero.

tion, resembling handwriting, and apparently cut in wood for the occasion. But as
it is only in the Alphabetum Biforme and the Exempla Accomodationis that anything
depends upon the shape of the letters, I have printed all the rest in the common italic
type. — J. S.

1 This biform alphabet is set out somewhat differently in the original edition. The
characters are cut to represent handwriting, the distinctions being made by loops or
flourishes ; and the (a) or (6) is repeated in every case. By keeping the columns dis-
tinct, I have avoided the necessity of this repetition ; and I have obtained the requisite
distinction between the two sets of characters by using types belonging to two dif-
ferent founts. The particular forms of the letters are of course immaterial, so long as
those which stand for a can be clearly distinguished from those which stand for b ;
and the table, as I have arranged it, will be found easier of reference. — J. S.

LIBER SEXTUS. 661

Exemplum Accommodationis.

F V G E.

aabab.b aa bb.aa bba.aa baa.

Manere te volo donee venero.

Apposuimus etiam exemplum aliud largius ejusdem ciphrae,
scribendi omnia per omnia.

Epistola interior ; ad quam delegimus epistolam spartanam,

missam olim in scytale.

Perditae res. Mindarus cecidit. Milites esuriunt. Neque hinc
nos extricare, neque hie diutius manere possumus.

Epistola exterior, sumpta ex epistola prima Ciceronis ; in qua
epistola spartana involvitur.

Ego omni officio ac potius pietate erga te caeteris satisfatio omnibus :
Mihi ipse nunquam satisfacio. Tanta est enim magnitude tuorum erga
me meritorum, ut quoniam tu, nisi perfecta re, de me non conquiesti ;
ego, quia non idem in tua causa efficio, vitam mibi esse acerbam putem.
In causa heec sunt : Ammonius regis legatus aperte pecunia nos op-
pugnat : res agitur per eosdem creditores per quos cum tu aderas ageba-
tur : regis causa si qui sunt qui velint, qui pauci sunt, omnes ad Pom-
peium rem deferri volunt : senatus religionis calumniam, non religione
sed malevolentia,. et illius regiae largitionis invidia comprobat, Sfc.

Doctrina autem de Ciphris aliam secum traxit doctrinam
erga ipsam relativam. Ilia est de Deciphratione, sive resera-
tione ciphrarum, licet quis alphabetum ciphrae aut pactum de
latebra penitus ignoret. Res sane est ilia laboriosa simul et
ingeniosa, et arcanis principum, veluti et ilia prior, dicata. At-
tamen praecautione solerti fieri possit inutilis ; etsi quomodo res
mine se habent magni prorsus sit usus. Etenim si ciphrae intro-
ductae essent bonae et fideles, plurimae fuerint quae operam deci-
phratoris prorsus eluderent et excluderent ; quae tamen sint
satis commodas et expeditae ad legendum aut scribendum. Ve-
rum imperitia et inscitia secretariorum et amanuensium in aulis
principum tanta est, ut maxima plerunque negotia ciphris in-
firmis et futilibus committantur.

Interea fieri potest, ut suspicetur quispiam nos in enume-
ratione et quasi censu artium id agere, ut scientiarum copies (quas
veluti in aciem adducimus) auctse et multiplicatae magis sint
admirationi ; cum tamen numerus earum forte ostentari, vires

u u 3

662 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

tarn brevi tractatu vix explicari possint. Verum nos insti-
tutum nostrum fideliter urgemus, atque in hoc globo scien-
tiarum conficiendo etiam insulas minores aut remotiores omitti
nolumus. Neque vero (ut arbitramur) perfimctorie, licet cur-
sim, eas artes attingimus ; sed potius nucleos et medullas ipsa-
rum ex multa materiae massa stilo acuto excerpimus. Cujus
rei judicium ipsis illis qui in hujusmodi artibus peritissimi sunt
permittimus. Cum enim plerique qui multiscii videri volunt
hoc fere habeant, ut vocabula et exteriora artium passim ja-
ctantes, illarum ignaris admirationi, magistris ludibrio sint ; spe-
ramus nostra contrarium prorsus eventum habitura, ut peritis-
simi cujusque in artibus singulis judicium maxime detineant,
ae teris minoris sint. Quod vero ad artes illas qua3 minorum
quasi gentium videri possunt, si quis existimet nos nimium
quid ipsis tribuere, circumspiciat ille, et videbit homines in pro-
vinciis suis magnos sane et celebres, cum ad metropolim aut
sedem imperii forte migraverint, turbae fere immisceri, et in-
fcrioris notae esse ! : similiter minim non est, artes istas leviores
juxta artes principales et supremas collocatas dignitate minui ;
cum tainen iis qui operam illis pracipue impenderint, res vide-
antur utique magnae et praeclarae. Atque de Organo Sermonis
haec dicta sint.

CAPUT II.

Doctrina de Methodo Sermonis constituitur ut pars Traditivas
Substantiva et Principalis. Nomen ei inditur Prudentia Tra-
ditivae. Enumerantur Methodi genera diversa; et subjun-
guntur eorum commoda et incommoda.

VENIAMUS ad Doctrinam de Methodo Sermonis. Ea ut pars
dialecticae tractari consuevit. Etiam locum in Rhetorica per
nomen Dispositionis reperit. Verum collocatio ejus in famu-
litio aliarum artium in causa fuit, ut plurima qua? ad ipsam
spectant cognitu utilia prastermissa sint. Visum igitur est nobis
Doctrinam Substantivam et Principalem de Methodo consti-
tuere, quam nomine generali Prudentiam Traditivce appellamus.

1 Being then, as King James used to say, like ships at sea, and when at home like
ships in a creek ; a comparison which may possibly have been suggested by this pas-
sage, which occurs in the Advancement as well as here.

LIBER SEXTUS. 663

Itaque Method! genera (cum varia sint) enumerabiinus potius
quam partiemur. Atque de unica Methodo, et dichotomiis
perpetuis, nil attinet dicere.1 Fuit enim nubecula quaedam
doctrinse, qua? cito transiit ; res certe simul et levis et scientiis
damnosissima. Etenim hujusmodi homines, cum Method! sua?
legibus res torqueant et quaecunque in dichotomias illas non
apte cadunt aut omittant aut praeter naturam inflectant, hoc
efficiunt ut quasi nuclei et grana scientiarum exiliant, ipsi
aridas tantum et desertas siliquas stringant.2 Itaque inania
compendia parit hoc genus Method!, solida Scientiarum de-
struit.

Constituatur igitur prima differentia Methodi, ut sit aut
Magistralis, aut Initiativa. Neque vero verbum Initiative ita
intelligimus, quasi haec initia scientiarum tantum traderet, ilia
doctrinam integram ; verum contra (vocabulum a Sacris mu-
tuantes) earn dicimus Methodum Initiativam, qua? ipsa scientia-
rum mysteria recludat et denude t. Magistralis siquidem docet ;
Initiativa intimat. Magistralis poscit ut fides habeatur iis qua?
dicuntur; Initiativa vero potius ut examen subeant. Altera
scientias discentium vulgo; altera tanquam filiis scientiarum
tradit. Denique altera pro fine habet scientiarum (quales jam
sunt) usum ; altera earundem continuationem et ulteriorem
progressum. Harum posterior, via videtur deserta et interclusa.
Ita enim adhuc scientia? tradi consueverunt, quasi ex pacto tarn
docens quam discens errores asciscere cupiant. Etenim qui
docet, eo docet modo quo maxime dictis suis fides astruatur,
non quo ilia commodissime examini subjiciantur ; et qui discit,
sibi extemplo satisfieri, non legitimam disquisitionem praestolari
expetit; ut magis sit ei cordi non dubitare quam non errare.
Ita ut et magister, amore gloria?, infirmitatem scientia? suae pro-
dere caveat ; et discipulus, laboris odio, vires proprias experiri
nolit. Scientia vero, qua? aliis tanquam tela pertexenda tradi-

1 The allusion is to the method of Peter Ramus, which he made to apply to every
kind of science, and which depends, as Bacon says, on a dichotomising arrangement.
See, for Ramus's tabular statements of the contents of the seven liberal arts, the Pro-

fessio Regia P. Kami. (Basil, 1576 ; but there is probably an earlier edition. )

2 Ampere's Essay on the Philosophy of Science, though the work of a very able
man, is certainly open to this reproach. His classification attempts to introduce uni-
formity where uniformity is impossible. The objections to a dichotomising method are
pointed out by Aristotle, who shows that the last of the classes which we obtain by it
can have only a negative character. Professor Owen, in his Lectures on the Tnvcrte-
brata, I'emarks that no class thus constituted has been found satisfactory. Such a one
for instance is that denoted by Dr. Prichard's word Allophyl for tribes not of Indo
Germanic origin. See Trendeleuburg, Elementa Loyices, p. 1 29.

u u 4

664 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

tur, eadem Methodo (si fieri possit) animo alterius est insinu-
anda, qua primitus inventa est. Atque hoc ipsum fieri sane
potest in scientia per Inductionem acquisita ; sed in anticipata
ista et praematura scientia (qua utimur), non facile dicat quis
quo itinere ad earn quam nactus est scientiam pervenerit. At-
tamen sane secundum majus et minus possit quis scientiam pro-
priam revisere, et vestigia suas cognitionis simul et consensus
remetiri ; atque hoc pacto scientiam sic transplantare in animum
alienum sicut crevit in suo. Artibus enim idem usuvenit quod
plantis. Si planta aliqua uti in animo habeas, de radice quid
fiat nil refert ; si vero transferre cupias in aliud solum, tutius
est radicibus uti quam surculis. Sic traditio (quae nunc in usu
est) exhibet plane tanquam truncos (pulchros illos quidem)
scientiarum, sed tamen absque radicibus; fabro lignario certe
commodos at plantatori inutiles. Quod si disciplinae ut crescant
tibi cordi sit, de truncis minus sis sollicitus ; ad id curam adhibe,
ut radices illassce, etiam cum aliquantulo terras adhserentis, ex-
trahantur. Cujus quidem generis traditionis Methodus ma-
thematicprum, in eo subjecto, similitudinem quandam habet ;
generatim autem non video quod aut in usu sit, aut quod quis
inquisition! ejus dederit operam. Proinde earn inter Desiderata
numerabimus, eamque Traditionem Lampadis, sive Methodum
ad Filios, appellabimus.1

Sequitur aliud Methodi discrimen, priori intentione affine,
reipsa fere contrarium. Hoc enim habet utraque Methodus
commune, ut vulgus auditorum a selectis separet; illud opposi-
tum, quod prior introducit modum tradendi solito apertiorem ;
altera, de qua jam dicemus, occultiorem. Sit igitur discrimen
tale, ut altera Methodus sit Exoterica, altera Acroamatica.
Etenim quam antiqui adhibuerunt praecipue in edendis libris
differentiam, earn nos transferemus ad ipsum modum tradendi.
Quinetiam Acroamatica ipsa apud veteres in usu fuit, atque
prudenter et cum judicio adhibita. At Acroamaticum sive

1 This illustrates the circumstance that several of Bacon's minor works are ad-
dressed as to a son or sons ; by whom we are to understand those who are qualified
to be disciples. In the Redargutio Philosophiarum, the speaker addresses his audience
as " filii ; " and we find a corresponding phrase in the New Atlantis.

[I understand by jftlios in this passage not so much those who are qualified to be
disciples, as those who will carry on the work. The traditio lampadis refers to the
Greek torch-races, in which there were relays of runners, and each as he was spent
handed the torch to a fresh man. The methodus adfilios is the method which, having
in view the continual progression of knowledge, hands over its unfinished work to
another generation, to be taken up and carried forward. See preface to the Novum
Oryanum, note B at the end. — J.S.]

LIBER SEXTUS. 665

^Enigmaticum istud dicendi genus posterioribus iemporibus
dehonestatum est a plurimis, qui eo tanquam lumiue ambiguo
et fallaci abusi sunt ad merces suas adulterinas extrudendas.
Intentio autem ejus ea esse videtur, ut traditionis involucris
vulgus (profanum scilicet) a secretis scientiarum summoveatur ;
atque illi tantum admittantur, qui ant per manus magistrorum
parabolarum interpretationem nacti sunt, aut proprio ingenii
acumine et subtilitate intra velum penetrare possint.

Sequitur aliud Methodi discrimen, magni prorsus ad scientias
momenti ; cum scilicet scientise traduntur aut per Aphorismos,
aut Methodice. Notatu enim inprimis dignum est, in consue-
tudinem plerunque venisse ut homines ex pauculis axiomatibus
et observationibus, in quovismodo subjecto, artem constituant
quasi completam et solennem; earn ingenii quibusdam com-
mentationibus suffarcinando, exemplis illustrando, et Methodo
revinciendo. At ilia altera Traditio per Aphorismos plurima
secum fert commoda, ad quse Traditio Methodica non attingit.
Primum enim de scriptore specimen dat, utrum ille leviter et
perfunctorie scientiam hauserit, an penitus imbiberit. Apho-
rismi enim, nisi prorsus forent ridiculi, necesse est ut ex medul-
lis et interioribus scientiarum conficiantur. Abscinditur enim
illustratio et excursio ; abscinditur varietas exemplorum ; ab-
scinditur deductio et connexio ; abscinditur descriptio practice ;
ut ad materiem Aphorismorum nihil relinquatur, praeter copiam
observationum bene amplam. Igitur ad Aphorismos non suffi-
ciet quispiam, imo de eis nee cogitabit sane, qui se neutiquam
copiose et solide instructum ad scribendum perspexerit. At in
Methodis,

Tantum series juncturaque pollet,

Tantum de medio sumptis accedit honoris ;*

ut speciem artis nescio cujus praeclarae ssepenumero reportent,
ea quse, si solvantur, segregentur, et denudentur, ad nihilum
fere recasura forent. Secundo, Traditio Methodica ad fidem
et consensum valet; ad indicationes de praxi minus innuit;
siquidem demonstrationem quandam in orbe prae se fert, parti-
bus se invicem illuminantibus, ideoque intellectui satisfacit
magis; quia vero actiones in vita communi sparguntur, non
ordine componuntur, ideo magis iisdem conducunt etiam sparsa
documenta. Postremo Aphorism!, cum scientiarum portiones
quasdam et quasi frusta tantum exhibeant, invitant ut alii

1 Hor. Ep. ad Tisones, 242.

666 DE AUGMENT1S SCIENTIARUM

etiam aliquid adjiciant et erogent ; Traditio vero Methodica,
dum scientiam integram ostentat, secures illico homines reddit,
quasi jam summa adeptos.

Sequitur aliud Methodi discrimen, magni et illud quoquc
momenti ; cum scilicet scientise traduntur aut per Assertion cs
adjectis Probationibus, aut per Quaestiones una cum Determi-
nationibus.1 Hanc autem posteriorem Methodum si immode-
ratius quis persequatur, scientiarum profectui non minus ilia
officit, quam fortunis et progressibus exercitus cujuspiam impe-
dimento et damno foret, si in minutis quibusque castellis aut
oppidis expugnandis subinde hasreat. Etenim si quis in acie
sit superior, et sumrnae belli sedulo incumbat, minora ilia loca
ultro se submittent. Illud tamen inficias non ierim, urbem
aliquam magnam et munitam a tergo relinquere haudquaquam
semper tutum esse. Eodem modo, confutationibus in scientia-
rum Traditione temperandum, iisque parce utendum; et ad
hoc tantum, ut majores praeoccupationes animorum et praeju-
dicia frangantur ; minime autem ut leviores dubitationes exci-
tentur et provocentur.

Sequitur aliud Methodi discrimen, ut scilicet Methodus sit
subjected matericB qua tractatur accommoda. Alio enim modo
traduntur Mathematica (quae sunt inter scientias maxime abs-
tracta et simplicia) ; alio Politica (quae maxime sunt immersa
et composita). Neque (ut jam diximus) Methodus uniformis
in materia multiformi commode se habere potest. Equidem
quemadmodum Topicas Particulares ad inveniendum probavi-
mus, ita et Methodos Particulares ad tradendum similiter
aliquatenus adhiberi volumus.

Sequitur aliud Methodi discrimen, in tradendis scientiis cum
judicio adhibendum. Illud autem regitur per informationes et
anticipationes de scientia (quae tradenda est) in animis discen-
tium prius infusas et impressas. Aliter enim tradi debet
scientia quae ad animos hominum nova et peregrina prorsus
accedit; aliter ea quae opinionibus jampridem imbibitis et
receptis est affinis et familiaris. Ideoque Aristoteles, Demo-
critum sugillare cupiens, revera eum laudat ; Si (inquit) serio
disputare velimus, non sectari similitudines, etc. 2 ; id vitio ver-

1 The last is the Scholastic method. Vide supra, note 1. p. 454.

rcut &tioi6TH(riv. — Nicom. Ethic, vi. 3. It is difficult to know why Bacon supposed
Aristotle to allude to Dcmocritus, as there is no reason to doubt the correctness of the

LIBER SEXTOS. 667

tens Democrito, quod in comparationibus esset nimius. At illi
quorum documenta in opinionibus popularibus jam sedes suas
collocarunt, non aliud habent quod agant, nisi ut disputent et
probent. Illis contra quorum dogmata opiniones populares
transcendunt, gemino labore opus est ; primo ut intelligantur
quae afferunt, deinde ut probentur : ita ut necessum habeant con-
fugere ad auxilia similitudinum et translationum, quo se captui
hominum insinuent. Videmus igitur sub infantia doctrinarum
saaculis rudioribus, cum syllepses illae, quae jam factae sunt
vulgares et tritae, novae fuerant et inauditae, omnia parabolis et
similitudinibus plena fuisse.1 Alias evenisset, ut quae propone-
bantur, aut absque nota seu attentione debita transmissa aut
pro paradoxis rejecta fuissent. Etenim regula quaedam est
Traditivae, quod scientia omnis quce anticipationibus sive prcesup-
positionibus non est consona, a similitudinibus et comparationibus
suppetias petere debeat.z

Atque de Methodorum diversis generibus haec dicta sint ; iis
videlicet quae antehac ab aliis notata non fuerunt. Nam quan-
tum ad caeteras illas Methodos, Analyticam, Systaticam, Diasre-
ticam, etiam Crypticam, Homericam3, et similes, recte sunt eae
inventse et distributee; neque causa videtur, cur illis immo-
remur.

At Methodi Genera hujusmodi sunt, Partes autem duae;
altera de Dispositione totius Operis vel Argument! libri alicujus ;
altera de Limitatione Propositionum. Etenim ad Architectu-

received opinion that the allusion is to Plato's illustration of the nature of knowledge
which will be found at p. 197 of the Theatetus. On different occasions Aristotle
blames those who in philosophical questions employ similitudes or comparisons ; but
it does not appear that in any such passage he refers to Democritus.

Mr. Munro, to whom I am indebted for the substance of this note, has pointed out
to me the passage in Sextus Empiricus, Adversus Logicos, in which the opinion held
by Democritus and others of the Physicists that " like is known of like " is men-
tioned. If any commentator has asserted that such a view of the nature of know-
ledge is condemned by Aristotle as would make it dependent upon this notion of
5fjLoi6ri)s, and that this notion was held by Democritus, we should get a probable ex-
planation of the error into which Bacon seems to have fallen ; but the simplest expla-
nation is that he put the name of Democritus for that of Plato by mere inadvertence.
It may be remarked that Democritus might be charged not only with propounding
a materialistic view of the nature of knowledge, but also with employing illustrations
in support of it derived from material objects.

1 " Mens hebes ad verum per materialia surgit,
Et demersa prius, hac visa luce resurgit."

SUGER, Abbot of St. Denis, in Didron,
Histoire de DiSU, p. 9.

2 Compare Plato, Politic. 277. : xoX«rt«>, ^ vapaSelyncun xP^e"ov, IKWUS
KvwBdl ri -riuv (n.ti^6va>v.

3 See, for most of these terms, the Rhetoric of Ramus.

668 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

ram spectat non solum fabrica totius sedificii, sed etiam effor-
matio et figura columnarum, trabium, et slmilium. Methodus
vero veluti scientiarum Architectura est. Atque hac in parte
melius meruit Ramus, in optimis illis regulis (KadoXov irpfarov,
Kara iravros, tcad' avro, &c.) renovandis1, quam in unica sua Me-
thodo et Dichotomiis obtrudendis. Veruntamen nescio quo fato
fit, ut in humanis (sicut saepius fingunt poetae) rebus pretiosissimis
semper adhibeantur perniciosissimi quique custodes. Certe cona-
tus Kami circa illam propositionum limam, conjecit eum in
epitomas illas et scientiarum vada. Auspicate enim et foelicis
cujusdam genii ductu processerit oportet, qui axiomata scientia-
rum convertibilia facere attentaverit, et non simul ea reddiderit
circularia, aut in semet recurrentia. Conatum nihilo secius
Kami in hac parte utilem fuisse non inficiamur.

Supersunt duae adhuc Propositionum Limitationes, praeter
earn ut fiant Convertibiles ; altera de Extensione, altera de
Productione ipsarum. Sane habent Scientias, si quis recte
advertat, praeter profunditatem, alias duas dimensiones ; latitu-
dinem scilicet, ac longitudinein suam. Ac profunditas quidem
ad ipsarum veritatem et realitatem refertur ; ha3 enim sunt quas
soliditatem conferunt. Quantum ad reliquas duas, latitude
accipi et computari potest de scientia in scientiam ; longitude
vero sumitur a summa propositione ad imam in eadem scientia.
Altera fines et veros scientiarum terminos complectitur, ut
propositions proprie non promiscue tractentur, et evitetur
repetitio, excursio, denique confusio omnis; altera normam
praescribit, quousque et ad quern particularitatis gradum propo-
sitiones scientiarum sint deducendae. Sane dubium non est,
quin aliquid exercitationi et practices sit relinquendum ; oportet
siquidem Antonini Pii vitium evitari, ne simus Cymini Sectores
in scientiis, neve divisiones ad infima quaeque muliplicemus.2
Itaque qualiter in hac parte nobis ipsi temperemus, inquisitione
plane dignum est. Videmus enim nimium generalia (nisi de-
ducantur) parum infonnare, quin potius hominum practicorum
ludibrio scientias exponere; cum nihilo magis ad practicam
faciant quam chorographia Ortelii universalis ad viam mon-
strandam quae Londino ducit Eboracum. Certe regulaa optmias

1 These rules are in reality Ramus's own, though he professed to find them in
Aristotle. They were however suggested to him by the fourth chapter of the first
book of the Posterior Analytics. See the preface to Vakrius Terminus.

2 Vide supra, note 3. p. 472.

LIBER SEXTUS. 669

speculis ex metallo non inscite assimilantur l, in quibus cernun-
tur utique imagines, sed non antequam expolita fuerint; sic
juvant demum regulge et prascepta, postquam exercitationis
limam subierint. Quod si tamen usque a principio regulas illae
fieri possint nitidae et quasi crystallinse, id optimum factu foret,
quandoquidem exercitatione assidua minus indigebunt. Atque
de Scientia Methodi (quam Prudentiam Traditivce nominavi-
mus) haec dicta sint.

Neque tamen illud praetermittendum, quod nonnulli viri
magis tumidi quam docti insudarunt circa Methodum quandam,
legitimae Methodi nomine baud dignam ; cum potius sit Me-
thodus imposturse ; quae tamen quibusdam ardelionibus acceptis-
sima proculdubio fuerit. Haec Metbodus ita scientiaa alicujus
guttulas aspergit, ut quis sciolus specie nonnulla eruditionis
ad ostentationem possit abuti. Talis fuit Ars Lullii ; talis
Typocosmia a nonnullis exarata ; quas nihil aliud fuerunt quam
vocabulorum artis cujusque massa et acervus ; ad hoc, ut qui
voces artis habeant in promptu, etiam artes ipsas perdidicisse
existimentur. Hujus generis collectanea officinam referunt
veteramentariam, ubi praesegmina multa reperiuntur, sed nihil
quod alicujus sit pretii.2

1 Assimulantur in the original. — J. S.

2 The fundamental idea of Lully's art, and of all similar methods, may be thus
stated : — The propositions which in the aggregate make up the sum of human know-
ledge consist of combinations of a certain number of conceptions. If then we had a
complete list of these conceptions so arranged as that all their admissible combinations
could be obtained by a mechanical process, such a list would be virtually equivalent
to a complete encyclopaedia. Even an incomplete list would give a certain portion,
greater or less according to circumstances, of all the knowledge which relates to the
conceptions which enter into it. It is obvious that such a method can give no criterion
of the truth of the propositions which it evolves ; but it may be so managed as that
every proposition shall be intelligible, To take a very simple instance : I confine my-
self to a table consisting of three columns, the first column to consist of names of
quadrupeds, as horse, stag, mouse, &c. ; the second of adjectives, such as large, small,
rare, &c. ; the third of names of classes of animals, as ruminant, rodent, and the like.
With a few more such columns Lully would have said that the natural history of
quadrupeds could be completely made out. Take any word from the first column,
any word from the second, any word from the third, and connect them by the logical
copula ; and if you are fortunate, you obtain a result as reasonable as this —"a mouse
is a small rodent." But of course it might have appeared that a horse was a ru-
minant

Notwithstanding this obvious and incurable defect, different arrangements and modi-
fications of the art were proposed by many writers, some of whom probably believed
that it contained a key to all knowledge, while others believed that it would be at
least useful as a means of arranging and suggesting to the mind all that could be said
truly or falsely on a given subject. It appears to have suggested to Leibnitz one of
his early tracts, that on the art of combination, and thus to have led him to his notion
of reducing reasoning to a calculus. Analogous to Lully's art is a puerility which has
recently been revived, namely, mechanical verse-making. It seems also to have sug-
gested to Trithemius his method of secret writing, the fundamental idea of which may
be explained by saying that if there were six and twenty animals in the first column
of my table, the same number of adjectives in the second, and of classes in the third,

670 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

CAPUT III.

De Fundamentis, et Officio Rhetoric®. Appendices tres Rhe-
toricce, qua ad Promptuariam tantummodo pertinent ; Colores
Boni et Mali, tarn Simplicis quam Comparati; Antitheta
Rerum ; Formulae minores Orationis.

VENIMUS jam ad Doctrinam de Illustratione Sermonis. Ea
est, quae Rhetorica dicitur, sive Oratoria : scientia certe et in
se egregia, et egregie a scriptoribus exculta. Eloquentia au-
tem, si quis vere rem asstimet, sapientia proculdubio est inferior.
Videmus enim quanto intervallo haec illam post se relinquat,
in verbis quibus allocutus est Mosem Deus, cum ille munus
sibi delatum propter defectum elocutionis recusasset; Habes
Aaronem, ille erit tibi vice oratoris, tu vero ei vice Dei.1 At
fructu et popular! existimatione, sapientia eloquentias cedit.
Ita enim Salomon, Sapiens corde appellabitur prudens, sed dulcis

each column might represent a complete alphabet, and the proposition " a mouse is
a small rodent " would stand for a word of three letters. With more columns
longer words .might be spelt, &c., &c. It is obvious that in this case the truth or
falsehood of the propositions used would be of little or no moment

Lully's art was, it is said, revealed to him by an angel, after he had taken the reso-
lution of giving up the world and of devoting himself to studies for which his previous
way of life had unfitted him. Cornelius Agrippa, who had himself written an exposition
of it, thus condemns it in the De Vanit. et Incert. Sclent, c. 9. : " Hoc autem admonere
vos oportet, bane artem ad pompam ingenii et doctrinae ostentationem potius quam
ad comparandam eruditionem valere, ac longe plus habere audacia quam efficaciae."
Though much cannot be said in favour of his method, yet Lully himself is one of the
most remarkable persons of the middle ages. The story of his renouncing the world
in consequence of the intense revulsion of feeling produced by the sudden extinction
of a passionate love is well known ; whether authentic or not, it is a striking illustration
of the solemn words of Peter Damiani : " Quid ergo sit caro doceat ipsa caro."
Lully says of himself: " I was married, I had begotten children, I was tolerably rich, I
was wanton and worldly. All this with a willing mind did I forsake, that I might
further God's glory and the public good, and exalt the holy faith ; I learnt Arabic ;
many times went I forth to preach to the Saracens ; for the faith's sake I was made
prisoner and kept in bonds and beaten ; forty and five years have I laboured to stir
up the rulers of the Church and Christian princes to take heed to the public good ;
now am I old, now am I poor, yet in the same mind still, by God's help, will so con-
tinue to my life's end." Accordingly he went again to Africa, and, preaching the
Gospel, was on the feast of St. Peter and St. Paul stoned and left half-dead. Some
Genoese merchants put him on board their ship and there he died, and was buried in
his native island of Majorca in 1315. See Antonio, Bibl. Hisp. Vet. vol. ii. p. 123.
See, with respect to Lully in general, and particularly as to the charge of heterodoxy
made against him, Perroquet, Apologie de la Vie et des Ecritz du Hen heureux Raymond
LuUy.

The foolish story, still occasionally repeated, of Raymond Lully having made gold for
Edward the Third, is sufficiently refuted by the date of his death, which occurred, ac-
cording to authority which there is no reason to doubt, while Edward the Third was a
child, and nearly thirty years before the coinage of the nobles said to have been
made of Lully's gold. Camden is, I am afraid, responsible for the currency of the
story, which in Selden's Table Talk seems to be transferred from Lully to Ripley.

1 Exod. iv. 16.

LIBER SEXTUS. 671

eloquio majora reperiet1 ; baud obscure innuens sapientiam fa-
mam quandam et admirationem cuipiam conciliare, at in rebus
gerendis et vita communi eloquentiam praecipue esse efficacem.
Ad artis vero hujus culturam quod attinet; Aristotelis erga
rhetores sui temporis aemulatio, atque Ciceronis studium acre
et vehemens illi nobilitandae totis viribus incumbens. cum longo

* D

usu conjuncture, in causa fuerunt ut in libris suis de hac arte
conscriptis seipsos vicerint. Dein Exempla ilia luculentissima
hujusce artis, quae in Orationibus Demostbenis et Ciceronis
habentur, praeceptorum acumini et diligentiae addita, profectus
ipsius geminarunt. Quare, qua3 in hac arte desiderari inve-
nimus versabuntur potius in Collectionibus quibusdam, qua?
tanquam pedissequas huic arti praesto sint, quam in disciplina
et usu artis ipsius. Nam etiam turn cum Promptuariae cu-
jusdam inter Logica mentionem faceremus, uberiora ejus rei
exempla in Rhetoricis polliciti sumus.

Veruntamen ut, more nostro, circa radices hujus artis glebam
paululum aperiamus et subigamus ; Rhetorica certe Phantasiae,
quemadmodum Dialectica Intellectui, subservit. Estque, si
quis altius rem penetret, officium et munus Rhetorieae non aliud
quam ut Rationis dictamina. Phantasies applicet et commendet,
ad excitandum appetitum et voluntatem. Regimen enim ra-
tionis impeti et perturbari videmus tribus modis : vel per Illa-
queationem Sophismatum, quod ad Dialecticam pertinet; vel
per Praestigias Verborum, quod ad Rhetoricam; vel per Af-
fectuum Violentiam, quod ad Ethicam. Quemadmodum enim
in negotiis quae cum aliis contrahimus vinci quis et perduci
solet vel Astu, vel Importunitate, vel Vehementia; ita etiam
in ilia negotiatione interna quam nobiscum exercemus, aut Ar-
gumentorum Fallaciis subruimur, aut Impressionum et Obser-
vationum Assiduitate sollicitamur et inquietamur, aut AiFectuum
Impetu concutimur et rapimur. Neque vero tarn infceliciter
agitur cum natura humana, ut illae artes et facultates ad ra-
tionem deturbandam valeant, neutiquam vero ad eandem robo-
randam et stabiliendam ; verum ad hanc rem longe magis.
Finis enim Dialectics est docere formam argumentorum, ad
praesidia intellectus, non ad insidias. Finis itidem Ethicas
affectus ita componere, ut rationi militent, non autem earn in-
vadant. Finis denique Rhetoricae phantasiam implere obver-
sationibus et simulachris, quae rationi suppetias ferant, non

1 Trov. xvi. 21.

672 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

autem earn opprimant. Abusus enim artis ex obliquo tantum
interveniunt, ad cavendum, non ad utendum.

Quapropter in Platone summa fuit iniquitas (licet ex non
immerito erga Rhetores sui temporis odio orta), cum Rheto-
ricam inter artes voluptarias collocavit ; earn similem esse
dicens Coquinariae, quae non minus cibos salubres corrumperet,
quam insalubres gratiores redderet, condimentorum varietate
et deliciis abutens.1 Absit autem, ut oratio noil frequentius
versetur in rebus honestis ornandis, quam in turpibus obli-
nendis. Hoc enim ubique praesto est : siquidem nemo est quin
honestius loquatur, quam aut sentiat aut faciat. Sane a Thu-
cydide optime notatum est, tale quidpiam solitum fuisse objici
Cleoni ; quod cum semper deteriorem partem tueretur, in hoc
multus esset, ut eloquentiam et sermonis gratiam carperet:
probe quippe cum sciret, de rebus sordidis et indignis non posse
quempiam pulchre loqui ; at de rebus honestis facillime.2 Ele-
ganter enim Plato (licet jam in trivio decantetur) Virtus si
conspici daretur, ingentes sui amores -concitaret3 ; at Rhetorica
virtutem et bonum depingit plane, et reddit quasi conspicuum.
Cum enim in corporea effigie ilia Sensui monstrari nequeant,
superest ut per ornatum verborum Phantasies, repraesentatione
quantum fieri potest viva, coram sistantur. Siquidem mos
Stoicorum merito derisus est a Cicerone, qui concisis et argutis
sententiis et conclusionibus virtutem animis hominum imponere
satagebant, quae res parvum habet cum phantasia et voluntate
consensum.4

Porro, si affectus ipsi in ordinem compulsi et rationi prorsus
morigeri essent, verum est nullum magnopere futurum per-
suasionum et insinuationum, quse aditum ad mentem praabere
possint, usum; sed satis fore si res ipsae nude et simpliciter
proponantur et probentur. Verum affectus, contra, tantas se-
cessiones faciunt, quinetiam tantas turbas et seditiones movent,
(secundum illud,

Video meliora proboque,

Deteriora sequor). *

1 See the Gorgias, p. 462. et seq.

2 See Diodotus's answer to Cleon, iii. 42. : e5 fjiv flirfiv olit tu> rjyttTai irepl TOV ^
KoAoG Svvaa-Qai, K.T.\. — J. S.

3 See the Phaedrus, p. 250. ; and compare what Socrates relates in the Symposium
of what he had heard from Diotime.

4 Cicero De Fin. iv. cc. 18 and 19. The same remark occurs also in other parts of
Cicero's works.

5 Ovid, Metamorph. vii. 20. Bacon often quotes Ovid, but never I think by name.

LIBER SEXTUS. 673

ut ratio prorsus in servitutem et captivitatem abrepta foret,
nisi eloquentiae suada efficeret quo minus phantasia a parti-
bus affectuum staret, sed potius opera ejus fcedus ineatur inter
rationem et phantasiam contra affectus. Notandum est enim,
affectus ipsos ad bonum apparens semper ferri, atque hac ex
parte aliquid habere cum ratione commune; verum illud in-
terest, quod Affectus intuentur prcecipue bonum in prcesentia ;
Ratio prospiciens in longum, etiam futurum et in summa. Ideoque
cum qua in praesentia obversentur impleant phantasiam for-
tius, succumbit plerunque ratio et subjugatur. Sed postquam
eloquentia et suasionum vi effectum sit ut futura et remota con-
stituantur et conspiciantur tanquam prassentia, turn demum,
abeunte in partes rationis phantasia, ratio fit superior.

Concludamus igitur non deberi magis vitio verti Rhetorics,
quod deteriorem partem cohonestare sciat, quanr Dialecticae,
quod sophismata concinnare doceat. Quis enim nescit contra-
riorum eandem rationem esse, licet usu opponantur? Porro
non eo tantum differt Dialectica a Rhetorica, quod (ut vulgo
dicitur) altera instar pugni, altera instar palmae sit, (altera
scilicet presse, altera fuse tractet1); verum multo magis, quod
Dialectica rationem in suis naturalibus, Rhetorica qualis in
opinionibus vulgi sita est, consideret. Prudenter igitur Ari-
stoteles Rhetoricam inter Dialecticam et Ethicam cum Politica
collocat, cum ex utrisque participet.2 Siquidem probationes
et demonstrationes Dialectics universis hominibus sunt com-
munes ; at probationes et suasiones Rhetoricae pro ratione au-
ditorum variari debent; ut quis tanquam musicus, auribus
diversis se accommodans, sit demum

Orpheus in silvis, inter delphinas Arion.3

Quae quidem applicatio et variatio orationis (si quis ejus per-
fectionem et culmen desideret) eo usque extendi debet, ut si
eadem ipsa apud diversos homines sint dicenda, apud singulos
tamen aliis atque aliis yerbis sit utendum. Quanquam hac
parte Eloquentiae (politica scilicet et negotiosa, in privatis ser-
monibus) maximos oratores plerunque destitui certum sit;
dum ornatum et formulas elegantes orationis captantes, volubili
ilia applicatione et characteribus sermonum, quibus versus
singulos uti consultius foret, excidunt. Certe non abs re fuerit

1 See Cicero De Fin. ii. 17. by whom the remark is ascribed to Zeno.

2 Arist. Rhet. i. 2. 8 Virg. Eel, viii. 56.

VOL. I. XX

674 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

circa hoc ipsum, de quo mine dicimus, novam instituere in-
quisitionem, eamque nomine Prudentiae Sermonis Privati in-
digitare, atque inter Desiderata reponere ; rem certe quam quo
attentius quis recogitet, eo pluris faciet. Utruni vero haec
inter Rhetorica an Politica collocetur, baud magni refert.

Descendamus modo ad Desiderata in hac arte, quse (ut ante
diximus) ejus sunt generis, ut pro Appendicibus potius censeri
debeant quam pro portionibus artis ipsius ; et pertinent omnia
ad Promptuariam. Primo igitur non invenimus, qui pruden-
tiam illam simul et diligentiam Aristotelis bene persecutus sit
aut suppleverit. Hie nimirum co2pit colligere Signa Popularia
sive Colores Boni ac Mali Apparentis, tam simplicis quam com-
parati, qui sunt vere Sophismata Rhetorica. Sunt autem exiinii
usus, praesertim ad negotia et prudentiam Sermonis Privati.
Labores vero Aristotelis l circa colores istos in tribus claudicant :
primo, quod, cum multi sint, paucos admodum recenseat ; se-
cundo, quod Elenchos sues non habeant adjunctos ; tertio, quod
videtur ille usum eorum ex parte ignorasse. Usus enim eorum
non magis ad probandum quam ad afficiendum et commoven-
dum subservit. Complures siquidem loquendi formulas, qua?
idem significant, varie tamen afficiunt. Nam longe fortius
penetrat quod acuminatum est, quam quod obtusum ; licet in
ipsa percussione vires aequaliter intendantur. Nemo est certe,
qui non magis afficiatur, audiens inimici tui de hoc miros tri-
umphos agent,

Hoc Ithacus velit, et magno mercentur Atridae;*

quam si simpliciter dicatur, Hoc rebus tuis incommodabit.
Itaque mucrones isti et aculei sermonum minime sunt negli-
gendi. Cum vero hanc rem ut Desideratam proponamus, ex
consuetudine nostra illam Exemplis fulciemus. Pra3cepta enim
minus rem illustraverint.

Exempla Colorum Boni et Mali, tam Simplicis
quam Comparati.

SOPHISMA.

1. Quod laudant homines et celebrant, bonum ; quod vituperant
et reprehendunt, malum.

1 See the first book of the Rhetoric, chapters 6 and 7. The first, second, third, and
sixth of the Sophismata which Bacon goes on to give are found there.

* Virg. J2n. ii. 104. See for the remark here made, Aristotle ubi supra. He
uotes the expression in the Iliad which corresponds to Bacon's quotation, II. i. 255.

LIBER SEXTUS. 675

ELENCHUS.

Fallit Sophisma quatuor modis ; scilicet, aut propter Igno-
rantiam ; aut propter Malam Fidem ; aut propter Studia et
Factiones ; aut propter Ingenia Laudatorum et Vituperatorum.
Propter Ignorantiam ; quid vulgi judicium ad examen boni et
mali ? Melius Phocion, qui cum populus ei praeter solitum
applauderet, quaesivit; Num forte deliquisset?1 Propter Malam
Fidem ; laudantes enim et vituperantes suam rem saepius agunt,
neque loquuntur ut sentiunt :

Laudat venales qui vult extrudere merces.2

Item, Malum est, malum est (inquit emptor), sed cum recesserit,
turn gloridbitur? Propter Factiones ; cuivis enim patet, con-
suescere homines, eos qui suarum partium sunt immodicis
efferre laudibus ; qui autem contrariarum sunt, infra meritum
deprimere. Propter Ingenia; alii enim natura facti sunt et
compositi ad adulationem servilem, alii contra Momi et tetrici ;
ut laudando et vituperando suis Ingeniis tantum obsecundent,
parum de veritate solliciti.

SOPHISMA.

2. Quod etiam db inimicis laudatur, magnum bonum ; quod
vero etiam ab amicis reprehenditur, magnum malum.

Sophisma fundamento hoc niti videtur; quod quae ingratiis
et contra animi nostri affectum et propensionem loquimur, ea
ipsa vim veritatis a nobis extorquere facile creditur.

ELENCHUS.

Fallit Sophisma propter Astutiam, tarn Inimicorum quam
Amicorum. Inimici enim laudes quandoque tribuunt, non
invite, nee a vi veritatis coacti ; sed eas tamen deligentes, quae
inimicis suis invidiam et pericula conflare possint. Itaque
apud Graecos superstitio quaedam invaluit, ut crederent, si quis
ab altero laudaretur animo malevolo et proposito nocendi,
naribus ejus pustulam annasci solere. Fallit iterum, quia
laudes interdum impertiunt inimici, tanquam praefatiunculas
quasdam, ut postea liberius et maliciosius calumniarentur. Ex
altera parte, fallit etiam hoc sophisma propter astutiam Ami-
corum. Solent enim et illi vitia amicorum interdum agnoscere
et praedicare, non quod aliqua vis veritatis eos cogat, sed ea
eligentes quae minimum amicos suos laedere possint ; ac si caetera

1 Plutarch, in Phocion, c. 8. 2 Horace, Ep. ii. 2. 11. 8 Trov. xx. 14.

x X 2

676 DE AUGMENTIS SC1ENTIARUM

quidem viri optimi essent. Fallit iterum, quia Amici quoque
reprehensionibus suis (sicut de Inimici laudibus diximus) tan-
qnam praefatiunculis quibusdam utuntur, quo paulo post in
laudes effusius excurrant.

SOPHISMA.

3. Cujus privatio bona, id ipsum malum ; cujus privatio mala,
id ipsum bonum.

ELENCHUS.

Fallit Sophisma duobus modis ; aut propter Comparationem
Boni et Mali ; aut propter Successionem Boni ad Bonum, aut
Mali ad Malum. Propter Comparationem ; si bonum fuerit
generi humano privari esu glandium, non sequitur quod malus
ille erat; sed Dodona bona, Ceres melior.1 Neque, si malum
fuit populo Syracusano Dionysio seniore privari, sequitur quod
Dionysius ille bonus fuerit, sed minus malus quam junior.
Per Successionem ; etenim privatio boni alicujus non semper
dat locum malo, sed quandoque majori bono ; ut cum flos
decidit, fructus succedit ; nee privatio alicujus mali dat semper
locum bono, sed interdum majori malo. Nam sublato inimico
Clodio, Milo simul et segetem glorias perdidit.2

SOPHISMA.

4. Quod bono aut malo vicinum est, id ipsum itidem bonum
aut malum : quod vero remotum est a bono, malum ; quod a malo,
bonum.

Habet hoc fere rerum natura, ut quae natura sua conveniant,
etiam locis conveniant ; quae vero contraria? naturae sunt, etiam
intervallis distent ; cum singula arnica sibi associare, iuimica
summovere gaudeant.

ELENCHUS.

Sed fallit Sophisma tribus modis; primo propter Destitu-
tionem ; secundo propter Obscurationem ; tertio propter Pro-
tectionem. Propter Destitutionem ; fit ut quae in suo genere
amplissima sunt et maxime excellunt, omnia quantum fieri
potest ad se trahant, et in vicino quaeque posita destituant ac
quasi media confidant. Itaque in propinquo arborum grandium

1 The allusion is to the following lines : —

" Prima Ceres ferro mortales vertere terram
Instituit, cum jam glaudes atque arbuta sacrae
Deficerent silvse, et victum Dodona negaret." VIRG. Georg. i. 147.

2 " Quid enim odisset Clodium Milo, segetem ac materiam suse gloriae ? " — Cic. Pro
Mi. 36.

LIBER SEXTUS. 677

virgulta nunquam laeta reperies. Recte etiam ille, Divitis servi
maxime servi. Nee male cavillatus est qui inferius famulitium
in aulis principum festorum vigiliis comparavit ; quae festa sua
in proximo attingunt, ipsas autem jejuniis addicuntur.1 Propter
Obscurationem ; etenim et hoc habent quasque in suo genere
prasstantissima, ut licet proxima non extenuent aut destituant,
tamen obscurent et obumbrent ; quod etiam de Sole notant
astronomi; quod sit scilicet aspectu bonus, conjunctione et
approximatu malus. Propter Protectionem ; nam non solum
res coeunt et congregantur propter consortium et natures simi-
litudinem, sed etiam malum (prsesertim in civilibus) confugit
ad bonum, ut lateat et protegatur. Itaque scelerati homines
petunt asyla Divorum, et vitium ipsum se in virtutis umbram
recipit :

Ssepe latet vitium proxiinitate boni.2

Contra, et bonum se aggregat ad malum, non propter con-
sortium, sed ut illud convertat et reformet in bonum. Itaque
et medici magis accedunt ad asgrotos quam ad sanos, et Ser-
vatori nostro objectum est, quod conversaretur cum publica-
nis et peccatoribus.

SOPHISMA.

5. Cut cceterce partes vel secta secundas unanimiter deferunt
(cum singuloe principatum sili vendicenf) melior reliquis videtur :
nam primas quaque ex zelo videtur sumere, secundas autem ex
vero et merito tribuere.

Ita Cicero argumentatur sectam Academicorum, qua? acata-
lepsiam tenuit, philosophiarum fuisse praestantissimam. Inter-
roga enim (inquit) Sto'icum, qucs secta sitpotior; ille suam cceteris
anteponet : deinde qua secundas teneat ; Academicam fatebitur.
Age similiter cum Epicureo (qui Stoici vix aspectum toleraverii),
postquam suam sectam collocarit in summo, cottocabit Academicam
in proximo.* Similiter, vacante dignitate aliqua, princeps si
competitores singulos interrogaret quern post se potissimum
commendare vellent, verisimile est secunda illorum vota in
eum qui prsecipue dignus et optime meritus fuerit concursura.

ELENCHUS.

Fallit Sophisma propter Invidiam. Solent enim homines,

1 Namely Henry Noel. See the Apophthegms.

* " Et lateat vitium proximitate boni." OVID. Ars Amand. ii. 662.

8 The passage of Cicero here referred to is a fragment of the Academ. ad Varr. pre-
served by St. Augustine.

X x 3

678 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

proxime post se et factionem suam, in eos inclinare et propen-
dere qui reliquorum maxime sint enerves et imbelles, quique
eis minimum molestia? exhibuerunt ; in odium illorum qui illis
plurimum insultarunt aut incommodarunt.

SOPHISMA.

6. Cujus excellentia vel exuperantia melior, id toto genere
melius.

Hue pertinent Formula? illae usitatae : Ne pervagemur in
generalibus. Conferamus particularem aliquem cum particularly

&c.

ELENCHUS.

Videtur hoc Sophisma satis nervosum, et magis Dialecticum
quiddam quam Rhetoricum. Attamen interdum fallit. Primo
quia sunt res baud paucae, periculo plurimum obnoxiae, qua?
tamen si evadant ca3teris antecellant ; ita ut genere sint deteri-
ores, quia saepius periclitantur et excidunt; individuo autem
nobiliores. In hoc numero est Gemma Martia, de qua Galli-
cum adagium ; Filius Parisiorum et Gemma mensis Martii, si ex
illis evadat unus, erit instar decem aliorum.2 Adeo ut in genere
gemma Maii gemmae Martii praestet ; sed tamen in individuo
optima gemma Martii optimae gemmae Maii prasferatur. Fallit
secundo, propter naturam rerum in aliquibus generibus aut spe-
ciebus magis (equalem, in aliquibus magis incequalem ; quemad-
modum in observationem venit climata calidiora generaliter
ingenia producere acutiora ; at in frigidioribus ingenia ilia qua?
eminent etiam acutissimis calidarum regionum prsestare. Si-
militer, in exercitibus compluribus, si res duello inter singulos
transigeretur, fortasse ad unam partem accederet victoria ; si
copiis universis, in alteram. Etenim excellentiae et exuperantiae
casum recipiunt ; at genera natura aut disciplina reguntur.
Quinetiam, in genere, metallum lapide pretiosius; attamen
adamas praecellit auro.

SOPHISMA.

7. Quod rem integram servat, bonum ; quod sine receptu est,
malum. Nam se recipere non posse, impotentia genus est ; po-

entia autem bonum.

Hinc confinxit ^Esopus fabulam de duabus ranis, qua? in
magna siccitate, cum aquae ubique deficerent, delibeiarunt quid

1 In the Colours of Good and Evil, this adage is given in French: —
" Bourgeon de Mars, enfens de Paris,
Si un eschape, il en vaut dix."

LIBER SEXTUS. 679

sibi demum agendum esset. Prior autem ; Descendamus (inquit)
in puteum profundum, neque enim verisimile est ibi aquam defutu-
ram. Cui altera ita regerit ; Quin si forte ibi quoque aqua deficiet,
quomodo exinde rursus ascendere poterimus ? Firmamentum
autem liujus Sophismatis est, quod actiones human® adeo sint
incertae et periculis expositse, ut illud optimum videatur quod
plurima habeat effugia. Hue spectant formulae illas, quas in
usu sunt ; Obligatum plane et obstrictum te reddes : Non tantum
quantum voles sumes exfortuna, &c.

ELENCHUS.

Fallit Sophisma primo, quia in actionibus humanis fortuna
urget ut aliquid demum decernatur. Etenim, ut eleganter a
quopiam dictum est, etiam non statuere est aliquid statuere ;
adeo ut saepenumero consilii suspensio pluribus nos implicet
necessitatibus quam si aliquid statuissemus. Videtur autem
iste morbus quidam animi similis ei qui reperitur in avaris ; sed
translatus a cupiditate retinendi opes ad cupiditatem retinendi
arbitrium et potestatem. Siquidem avarus frui non vult, ne
quid detrahat de summa ; ita et hujusmodi scepticus nil exequi
vult, ut omnia ei sint integra. Fallit secundo, quia necessitas,
et illud (quod aiunt) Jacta est alea, stimulos addit animis ; sicut
inquit ille, Cceteris pares, necessitate certe superiores estis.1

SOPHISMA.

8. Quod quis culpa sua contraxit, majus malum; quod ab
externis imponitur, minus malum.

Hujus rei causa est, quod morsus conscientiaB ad versa con-
duplicet; contra, conscium sibi esse quod culpa quis vacet,
magnum praebet in calamitate solatium. Itaque poetae ea
pathemata maxime exaggerant, tanquam desperationi propiora,
ubi quis seipsum accuset et discruciet ;

Seque unum clamat causamque caputque malorum.2

Contra, calamitates virorum insignium elevat et diluit inno-
centiae et meriti conscientia. Porro cum malum ab aliis inten-
tetur, habet quivis quod libere conqueri possit ; unde dolores
sui exhalent neque oor suffbcent. Etenim iis quae ab in-
juria hominum profecta sunt, indignari solemus, aut ultionem
meditari, aut denique Nemesim divinam vel implorare vel ex-

1 " Virtute pares, necessitate superiores estis. " — Livy, iv. 28.
* •" Se causam clamat crimenque caputque malorum." VIRG. Mn. xii. 600.

x x

680 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

pectare ; quinetiam, si a Fortuna ipsa inflictum quid sit, tamen
datur quaedam cum Fatis ipsis expostulatio ;

Atque Deos atque astra vocat crudelia mater.1

Contra, ubi quis malum aliquod sua culpa contraxerit, sti-
muli doloris intro vertuntur, animumque magis vulnerant et

confodiunt.

ELENCHUS.

Fallit istud Sophisma, primo propter Spem ; quae malorum
magnum est antidotum. Etenim culpae emendatio saape in
nostra potestate sita est; fortunae vero minime. Itaque De-
mosthenes non semel cives suos hujusmodi verbis affatus est ;
Quod ad proBterita pessimum, id ad futura optimum est. Quid
hoc tandem sit ? Hoc ipsum scilicet, quod vestra incuria et culpa
res vestj'CB male se habeant. Nam si vos officio vestro per omnia
perfuncti essetis, et nihilominus status vester, ut nunc, laborasset,
ne spes quidem reliqua esset eum futurum aliquando meliorem.
Cum vero errores vestri in causa potissimum fuerint, coiifidendum
plane vos illis emendatis pristinum statum vestrum recuperaturos.
Similiter Epictetus, de gradibus tranquillitatis animi verba
faciens, infimum locum illis attribuit qui alios accusant, su-
periorem iis qui seipsos, supremum vero illis qui nee alios nee
seipsos.3 Fallit secundo, propter insitam animis humanis Su-
perbiam; qua aegre adducuntur homines ut errores proprios
agnoscant. Hoc vero ut evitent, patientiam adhibent longe
majorem in iis malis quae culpa sua contraxerunt. Etenim,
quemadmodum fieri videmus, ut cum culpa admissa sit, neque
de authore constiterit, supra modum excandescunt homines
et tumultuantur ; quod si postea in notitiam pervenerit culpam
illam ad filium aut uxorem aut gratiosum aliquem pertinere,
statim sedantur turbae et consilescunt ; eodem modo fit, cum
res aliqua accidit propter quam necessitas incumbit culpam in
nos ipsos recipiendi. Id quod in mulieribus saspissime con-
spicitur, quae si quid infoeliciter egerunt contra consensum
parentum aut amicorum, qualecunque infortunium sequatur,
illud sedulo dissimulabunt.4

SOPHISMA.
9. Gradus privationis major videtur quam gradus diminu-

1 Virg. Eclog. v. 23.

2 See the first and the third Philippic for passages to this effect.

' Encliirid. c. 5. 4 Bacon makes the same remark in the Essay on Marriage.

LIBER SEXTUS. 681

tionis ; et rursus, gradus incozptionis major videtur quam gradus
incrementi.

Canon est in Mathematicis nullas esse rationes nihili ad ali-
quid. Itaque gradus nullitatis et quidditatis majores videntur
gradibus incrementi et decrementi. Sicut monoculo durius est
unum perdere oculum, quam utrunque oculum habenti. Simi
liter, complures liberos habenti gravius est ultimum qui super-
stes fuerit filium amittere, quam reliquos priores. Itaque et
Sibylla cum duos priores libros combussisset, pretium tertii
duplicavit ; siquidem illius amissio gradus fuisset Privationis,
non Diminutionis.

ELENCHUS.

Fallit Sophisma primo, propter eas res quarum usus in suffi-
cientia quadam sive competentia, hoc est, quantitate determi-
nata, consistit. Si quis enim obligetur po3naliter ad solutionem
certae pecuniae sumrnae ad diem certum, gravius ei fuerit nummo
unico aureo carere, quam si, posito quod ille unicus parari non
potuerit, deessent etiam decem alii. Similiter in decoctionibus
fortunarum, damnosior videtur gradus obaerationis qui primus
sortem minuit, quam extremus, qui ad egestatem redigit. Hue
spectant formulas illae usitatae; Sera in fundo parsimonia:1
Parum interest utrum nihil habeas, an quod nihil juvet, etc.
Fallit secundo, propter illud principium in natura, quod cor-
ruptio unius sit generatio alterius.* Adeo ut gradus ipse Priva-
tionis ultimas minus interdum incommodet, quoniam ansam et
stimulum praebet novae alicui rationi ineundae. Unde etiam
Demosthenes saepius conqueritur apud cives suos ; Conditiones
minus utiles et honorificas, quas a Philippo impositas subibant,
nihil aliud esse quam alimenta qu&dam ipsorum ignavice et socor-
dice; ut multo Us fuisset satius illis omnino carere, propter ea quod
hoc pacto industria illorum melius acui possit ad alia paranda
remedial Novimus certe medicum quendam qui mulieribus

1 This sentence occurs in the first of Seneca's epistles, and is given as a proverb by
Erasmus. See his Adagia, ii. 2. 64. Seneca probably took it from Hesiod, 5eiA^ $' M
irvOfjifvi <t>ei5<a, Op. et Dies, v. 339. ; and the right reading is perhaps misera, not sera.

2 Arist. De Gen. et Corr. i. 4.

3 Wats refers to the first Philippic, towards the end of which there is a passage not
unlike that in the text ; but the phrase " alimenta socordiae," which Bacon has quoted
in several parts of his works, is not to be found there. He derived it from H. Wolfs
translation of a passage in the third Olynthiac, c. 33., where the Greek is simply tcrri
ravra TO. -r^v fKdffrov j>a9vfj.ica> vpGov eVauJovoj/ra, which Wolf renders by " alimenta
sunt vestrum omnium socordiae. " There is no reference to Philip's conduct in the
immediate context, the "alimenta socordiae" being in reality matters of internal
arrangement. It seems as if Bacon read the oration in Wolfs version, and adopted

682 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

delicatis querentibus se male habere sed tamen a medicamentis
omnibus abhorrere, solebat dicere, non minus facete quam
morose, Vobis omnino opus est ut deterius valeatis, quo medica-
menta etiam qucelibet libenter toleretis. Quinetiam ipse gradus
Privationis sive indigentiae ultimas salutaris esse possit, non
tantum ad excitandam industriam, verum etiam ad imperandam
patientiam.

Quod ad secundum membrum hujus Sophismatis, illud eodem
quo prius fimdamento (de gradibus quidditatis et nullitatis)
nititur. Hinc tanta usurpantur de initiis negotiorum prseconia ;

Dimidium facti, qui bene coepit, habet, &C.1

Hinc Astrologorum superstitio, qui judicium faciunt de dispo-
sitione aut fortuna hominis ex momento sive articulo nativitatis
aut conceptus.

ELENCHUS.

Fallit Sophisma primo, quoniam in nonnullis primae rerum
incoeptiones nihil aliud sunt quam quae Epicurus in philosophia
sua appellat Tentamenta2 ; id est, rudimenta qusedam, quse
nihili sunt nisi iterentur aut provehantur. Itaque in hoc casu
gradus secundus dignior videtur et potentior quam primus.
Quemadmodum in plaustris, equus qui penultimus est plus

the phrase " alimenta socordiae " (the point of -which belongs to the translator and not
to Demosthenes) without comparing it with the original. [I think, however, that the
idea of " alimenta " is really involved in the word firav£dvovra, when taken with the
context, and that no other word could have given the meaning so well. To exhibit
the full meaning in Demosthenes's words, it is necessary to quote the whole sentence.
'Eav ovv a\\a vvv y' en aira\\ayfvres rovruv ruv f8iav I9e \-fiffrjre ffrparevetrBai re Kal
irpdrreiv d£io>s v/j.iav avruv, Kal rals irtptovtriais rais olxoi rat/rats aQopfjLais eVi ra e£a>
ruv ayaQcav •xpfjariaQe, Iffcas bv Iffats S> &v8pts 'A6r)vatoi re\fi6v TI Kal fj.eya KTriaataQe
ayadSv, Kal riav roioincav XTJJUJUOTCOJ' oTroAA-a^e/ijTe, a TO"IS dffdevovfft irapb. T&V
larpwv ffiriots 5i5o/ueVois toiwe. Kal yap oi/r" iffxvv exetj-a i=VT\.Qi\ffiv o%-f atro-
6v4l<TKtu> (<}• Kal ravra, a Vffj.eff6f vvv vfifis, oCre TOffavra effTiv ware iatpf\ttav ex*"' T"**
SiapKrj, oCr* dvoyv6vras a\\o TI irpdrreiv eif, dA\* ezn ravra T^JV (naffrov padupiav
11/j.aiv firav^dvovroL. The AVj/u/taro, or ravra & vep.*orQe vvv vfj.eis, to which Demosthenes
alluded, were apparently the theoric fund ; but it seems as if Bacon understood him
to allude to the small advantages recently gained over Philip, which gave occasion to
the speech; an interpretation which, if otherwise justifiable, would, I think, rather
improve the sense. — J. £]

1 Horace. Ep. L 2. 40. But bene is not in the original. Compare Ausonius, Epig.
81., and the proverbial phrase, apx^) ^fuav iravris, in Hesiod.

2 That is, inchoate productions, not having the conditions requisite in order to their
perfection and continuance. See Lucretius, v. 835. et sqq., on which passage Gassendi
remarks : " Supponit nempe fuisse varia quasi tentamenta naturae, adeo ut longe
plura animalium genera quam quae nunc habentur quasi affecta fuerint, sed ea tamen
sola superfuerint quae contigit perfici posse." See his Essay on Epicurus entitled In
Libr. X. Diog. Laert. de Physiol. Epicuri Animadversiones, (1649) p. 650. Pliny
alludes to a similar notion in his description of the convolvulus, — " veluti naturae
rudimentum, lilia facere condiscentis." — Hist. Nat. xxi. 1 1 . Rapin's lines are merely
a plagiarism of Pliny's phrase :

" Dulce rudimentum meditantis lilia quondam
Naturae, cum sese opera ad majora parabat."

LIBER SEXTTJS. 683

confert ad motum plaustri quam primus. Etiam non inepte
dici solet ; Convitium regestum illud esse quod pugnce sit reum.
Prius enim fortasse prsetervolaturum fuisset. Itaque prius
malo principium dedit, sed posterius modum dbstulit. Fallit
Sophisma secundo, propter dignitatem perseverantise ; quas in
progressu, non in aggressu sita est. Etenim casus aut natura
primum impetum progignere possunt; at affectus tantum-
modo maturus et judicium, constantiam. Fallit tertio in iis
rebus, quarum natura et cursus ordinarius in contrarium rei
incoeptse fertur ; ita ut prima incoeptio perpetuo evacuetur, nisi
vires continuentur. Quemadmodum in formulis illis usitatis
dicitur ; Non progredi, est regredi ; et Qui non prqficit, deficit ;
ut in cursu in adversum montis; remigatione in adversum
gurgitis. At contra, si in declivi montis motus incipiat, aut
secundo flumine remigatio fiat, turn gradus incoeptus longe
potiores partes tenet. Porro iste Color non tantum extenditur
ad gradum incceptionis qui sit a potentia ad actum, comparatum
cum gradu qui sit ab actu ad incrementum ; verum etiam ad
gradum qui sit ab impotentia ad potentiam, comparatum cum
gradu qui sit a potentia ad actum. Etenim gradus ab impoten-
tia ad potentiam major videtur quam a potentia ad actum.

SOPHISMA.

10. Quod ad veritatem refertur majus est quam quod ad
opinionem. Modus autem et probatio ejus quod ad opinionem
pertinet, hcec est; quod quis, si clam putaret fore, facturus non
esset.

Ita pronunciant Epicurei de Fcelicitate Stoicorum in Virtute
collocata, quod similis sit foelicitati histrionis in scena ; qui si a
spectatoribus et plausu eorum destitueretur, animis statim con-
cideret. Itaque virtutem, per ignominiam, Bonum Theatrale
vocant. Aliter fit in divitiis, de quibus ille, ;

• Populus me sibilat ; at mihi plaudo.1

Itidem in voluptate,

• Grata sub imo

Gaudia corde premens, vultu simulante pudorem.2

1 Horace, Sat. i. 1. 66.

8 This is a quotation from the Latin translation of Theocritus by Hessus (Paris,
1546.)- The original is, —

OHIJMGW aiSSpeva, KpaSia 8' ot evSov IdvBrj.

a line which occurs near the end of the twenty-seventh Idyll. The translation, unlike
most translations made in the sixteenth century, is printed without the text, and is
4 exceedingly loose andparaphrastic. Eobanus Hessus has been supposed one of **">
authors of the Epistola Obscurorum Virorum.

684 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

ELENCHUS.

Fallacia hujus Sophismatis subtilior paulo est ; licet responsio
ad exemplum quod adducitur facilis. Neque enim virtus eligitur
propter auram popularem ; cum etiam illud prasceptum sit, Ut
quis maxime omnium seipsum revereatur.1 Ita ut vir bonus idem
fuerit in solitudine, idem in theatro. Licet forte intendatur
virtus nonnihil per laudes, quemadmodum calor augetur per
reflexionem. Sed hoc suppositionem negat, non fallaciam red-
arguit. Elenchus vero talis est. Dato, quod virtus (praesertim
ea quae labores et conflictus subit) non eligeretur, nisi quod
laudes et fama earn comitari soleant ; baud inde sequitur, quod
appetitus et motus ad virtutem non sit praecipue propter se.
Siquidem fama possit esse causa tantum impulsiva aut sine qua
non, neutiquam efficiens aut constituens. Exempli gratia ; si
duo fuerint equi, quorum unus calcaribus non admotis quaevis
baud segniter praestaret, at alter calcaribus admotis priorem
longe superaret ; posterior iste (arbitror) palmam referet, et pro
equo meliore judicabitur. Neque quenqnam judicii sani com-
moverit formula ilia ; Apage istum equum, cujus spiritus siti sunt
in calcaribus. Quandoquidem enim instrumentum ordinarium
equitanti sit calcar, neque ullo modo oneri aut impedimento ei
sit, non minoris propterea asstimandus est equus qui calcare
incitatur; neque etiam ille alter, qui absque calcaribus mira
praestat, eo ipso melior, sed delicatior tantum, habendus est.
Simili ratione, gloria et honor virtuti pro stimulis et calcaribus
subserviunt; ac licet virtus sine illis paulo futura esset lan-
guidior, tamen cum semper ilia praesto sint ei etiam non invitata,
nil officit quominus virtus propter se quoque expetatur. Ita-
que recte redarguitur ilia positio ; Nota ejus rei, quod 2 propter
opinionem et non propter veritatem eligitur, hcBc est ; quod quis si
clam putaret fore, facturus nonfuisset.

SOPHISMA.

11. Quod opera et virtute nostra partum est, majus bonum;
quod ab alieno beneficio vel ab indulgentia fortunes delatum est,
minus bonum.

Causae hujus rei has sunt : primo, propter Spem de Future.
Siquidem in aliorum gratia aut fortunae ipsius ventis secundis,
non multum inest certitudinis ; propria vero industria aut

jAtffr' alffx^to ao.vr6v. PTTHAGORAS, Aur. Vers. v. 12,

* So in the original — J. S.

LIBER SEXTUS. 685

virtus semper domi adsunt. Adeo ut postquam boni quid
nobis hoc modo paratum fuerit, maneant etiam eadem instru-
menta in novos usus parata ; quin et consuetudine et successu
reddita validiora. Secundo, quia quod alieno beneficio adipi-
scimur, ejus etiam aliis debitores sumus ; cum quze per nos ipsi
comparaverimus nihil oneris secum trahant. Etiam si quid
indulgentia divina in nos cumulaverit, retributionem quandam
erga Dei bonitatem efflagitat, quod homines pravos et improbos
mordet ; ubi in priore genere illud Prophetae usuveniat, Lce-
tantur et exultant, immolant plagis suis, et sacrificant reti suo.1
Tertio, quia ea quae a virtute nostra minime profecta sunt,
nulla sequitur laus et existimatio. Quae enim fbelicitatis sunt,
admirationem quandam pariunt, laudem minime. Sicut ait
Cicero ad Caesarem ; Quce miremur habemus, quce laudemus
expcctamus."* Quarto, quia quae industria propria acquiruntur,
cum laboribus et contentione fere conjuncta sunt, quod non-
nullam habet in se suavitatem; uti Salomon, Suavis cibus a
venatu,3

ELENCHUS.

At quatuor inveniuntur Colores Oppositi, qui rem in con-
trariam partem inclinant, possintque esse prioribus instar
Elenchorum. Primo, quia Foslicitas vjdetur esse signum
quoddam et character Favoris Divini; et propterea turn in
nobismetipsis confidentiam et alacritatem generat, turn apud
alios authoritatem et reverentiam. Foelicitas autem ista etiam
fortuita complectitur, ad quae virtus aegre aspirat ; veluti
cum Caesar ad navis gubernatorem animos addendo dixit, C&sa-
rem portas et fortunam ejus.* Quod si dixisset, Ccesarem portas
et virtutem ejus, frigidum prorsus fuisset solatium periclitanti in
procella. Secundo, quia ea quae a virtute aut industria pro-
cedunt sunt imitabilia, et aliis patent ; cum foelicitas sit res in-
imitabilis, et praerogativa quaedam hominis individui. Itaque

1 Habakkuk, i. 15, 16.

2 Cicero pro Marcello, c. 9. ; but the quotation is inaccurate. [The meaning, how-
ever, is accurately given ; which (as in the passage from Demosthenes, p. 681.) could
not have been done in the exact words of the original without a long quotation, much
of which would have been irrelevant. When Bacon quotes an author as " saying "
anything, we are always to understand the words " in effect." — J. S.]

* In the Colours of Good and Evil, of which this tract is only an expansion, this
sentence is given in Latin as here, but without any reference to Solomon. There are
one or two of Solomon's proverbs to the same purpose, but none I think in these
words. It was probably suggested to Bacon by something in Solomon, and turned into
its present shape by himself. In after years, remembering where the thought came -
from, he may easily have forgotten that the expression was his own. — J. S.

4 Plutarch, De Fortuna Roman, p. 319.

686 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

in genere videmus res naturales artificialibus praeponi, quia
imitationem non recipiunt. Quod enim imitabile est, potentia
vulgatum est. Tertio, quae ex foelicitate proveniunt, bona vi-
dentur gratuita, nee laboribus empta ; at quae virtute pro-
pria, pretio veluti acquisita. Itaque eleganter Plutarchus de
rebus Timoleontis, hominis longe fortunatissimi, cum rebus
Agesilai et Epaminondae qui uno a3vo vixerunt comparatis,
dixit: Ulas Homeri carminibus fuisse similes, qua, cum alias ex-
cellant, sponte etiam jftuere videantur, et quasi Genium sapere.1
Quarto, quia quod prater spem aut praeter expectatum con-
tingit, gratiua et majore cum voluptate in hominum animos
influit. Illud vero neutiquam competit iis, quae propria cura
et ambitu comparantur.

SOPHISMA.

12. Quod ex pluribus constat et divisibilibus, est majus quam
quod ex paucioribus et magis unum ; nam omnia per paries con-
siderata majora videntur. Quare et pluralitas partium magni-
tudinem prce sefert ; fortius autem operatur pluralitas partium,
si ordo absit ; nam inducit similitudinem infiniti, et impedit com-
prehensionem.

Sophisma istud videtur etiam primo intuitu fallax, et quasi
palpabile ; siquidem non pluralitas partium tantum, sed majo-
ritas earundem, poterit constituere totum auctius. Attamen
abripit hoc ipsum Sophisma saepius phantasiam ; quinetiam in-
sidiatur sensui. Etenim aspectui ipsi brevior videtur via in
planitie, ubi nihil intercurrat quod visum frangat, quam in tali
tractu terrae ubi simul conspiciuntur arbores, aut aedificia, aut
aliud aliquod signum quod spatium metiri et dividere possit.
Sic homini bene nummato, postquam areas suas et marsupia
diviserit et digesserit, major etiam quam antea subit divitiarum
phantasia. Habet etiam vim in amplificationibus, si res in
plures portiones dividatur, atque singulae seorsum tractentur.
Hoc vero adhuc magis phantasiam implet, si fiat promiscue et
sine ordine. Confusio enim multitudinis opinionem generat.
Siquidem quae ordine ostenduntur aut proponuntur, turn ipsa
magis finita apparent, turn certum praebent argumentum nihil
esse praetermissum. At contra, quae confuse repraesentantur
non solum in se numerosa putantur, sed et suspicioni locum
relinquunt restare adhuc plura quae omittuntur.

1 Plutarch in Timol. c. 36.

LIBER SEXTUS. 687

ELENCHUS.

Fallit Sophisma primo, ubi quis ampliorem praeceperit de re
aliqua opinionem quam pro vera rei ipsius magnitudine. Etenim
cum hoc fit, distributio falsam illam opinionem destruet, et rem
in veritate sua, non autem cum amplificatione, monstrabit.
Itaque si quis morbo aut dolore corripiatur, horse longiores ei
videbuntur absque horologio aut clepsydra, quam si iisdem
mensurentur. Nam si taedium et vexatio morbi tempus videri
longius faciunt quam revera est, at computatio temporis errorem
ilium corrigit, et brevius facit quam opinio ilia falsa conceperat.
Etiam in planitie, contra quam superius dictum est aliquando
evenit. Licet enim visus in principio viam ostentet breviorem
sensui, quia indivisa est; tamen si ex eo obrepat opinio de
longe minori intervallo quam reperitur, opinionis ejus vanas
frustratio efficiet ut videatur demum etiam quam revera est
productior. Itaque si quis opinion! alicujus falsaa de magnitu-
dine rei cujuspiam velificari cupiat, caveat a distributionibus,
sed rem integram utique extollat. Fallit Sophisma secundo,
si distributio ea distrahatur, non autem simul obversetur, aut
uno aspectu visum feriat. Itaque si flores in horto aliquo in
plures torulos distinguantur, majoris quantitatis speciem prae-
bebunt quam si omnes in uno toro simul crescerent, modo toruli
illi oculis simul subjiciantur ; aliter enim unio distribution! dis-
tractae praevalebit. Sic reditus eorum majores videntur, quibus
prsedia et latifundia sua vicina aut conjuncta sunt. Nam, si
sparsim sita sint, non veniunt tarn facile sub aspectum. Fallit
Sophisma tertio, propter dignitatem unitatis supra multitudi-
nem. Omnis enim compositio, indigentiae in singulis signum
est certissimum ; ubi illud usu venit,

Et quae non prosunt singula, multa juvant.1

Itaque Marias partes potiores ; Martha, Martha, attendis ad
plurima, unum sufficit.2 Hinc ilia fabula JEsopi de vulpe et
feli. Jactabat enim vulpes quantas artes haberet et eftugia,
quibus se a canibus eriperet ; felis autem se unico tantum con-
fidere auxilio dixit, utpote quae tenuem scandendi facultatem
haberet; quod tamen reliquis illis vulpinis longe prasstantius
praesidium fuit : unde adagium ; Multa novit vulpes, sed felis
unum magnum? Quinetiam in hujus fabulas significatione morali

1 Ovid. Rem. Amor 420. 2 St. Luke, x. 41, 42.

8 " Multa novit vulpes, se'd echinus unum magnum," is a proverb in Erasmus's
collection. Vide Er. Adag. i. 5. 18.

688 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

idem cernitur. Nam potent! et fido amico niti plus praesidii
habet, quam artes et astutiae complurimae.

Atque haec exempli loco sufficient. Superest autem nobis ejus-
modi Colorum numerus etiam magnus, quos olim adolescentes
congessimus ; attamen sine illustrationibus suis atque Elenchis ;
quos hoc tempore concinnare non vacat. Ideoque Colores illos
nudos absque illustrationibus suis (cum superiores isti vestiti
prodeant) proponere, minime nobis consentaneum videtur. Illud
interim monemus; rem istam, qualiscunque ea videri possit,
haud parvi judicio nostro esse pretii : utpote quae ex Philoso-
phia Prima, et ex Politica, et ex Rhetorica participet. Atque
de Signis Popularibus sive Coloribus Boni ac Mali apparentis,
tarn Simplicis quam Comparati, hactenus.

Secunda Collectio, quae pertinet ad Promptuariam, et desi-
deratur, ea est quam Cicero (ut superius in Logica diximus l )
innuit; cum praecipit, ut in promptu habeantur Loci Com-
munes, in utramque partem disputati et tractati. Quales sunt,
Pro verbis legis et Pro sententia legis, &c. Nos vero hoc prae-
ceptum etiam ad alia extendimus ; ut non solum ad genus
Judiciale, sed etiam ad Deliberativum et Demonstrativum ad-
hibeatur. Omnino hoc volumus, Locos omnes quorum frequens
est usus (sive ad probationes et refutationes, sive ad suasiones
et dissuasiones, sive ad laudes et vituperia spectent) meditates
jam haberi ; eosque ultimis ingenii viribus, et tanquam improbe
et prorsus praeter veritatem, attolli et deprimi. Modum autem
hujus collections, tarn ad usum quam ad brevitatem, optimum
fore censemus, si hujusmodi Loci contrahantur in sententias
quasdam acutas et concisas 2 ; tanquam glomos quosdam, quo-
rum fila in fusiorem discursum, cum res postulat, explicari
possint. Atque similem quandam diligentiam in Seneca 3 re-
perimus, sed in hypothesibus sive casibus. Ejus generis, cum
plurima parata habeamus, aliqua ad exemplum proponere visum
est. Ea autem Antitheta Rerum nominamus.4

1 Supra, p. 634.

2 The habit of reducing arguments into this form accounts probably for the diffi-
culty of verifying many of Bacon's quotations. The form fittest for the promptuaria
was the form easiest to -remember and most convenient to use. See notes 2 and
3, p. 685. — J. S.

1 The Seneca here referred to is M. Annaeus Seneca, the rhetorician, who is sup-
posed to have been the uncle of L. Annseus Seneca, the preceptor of Nero.
4 Of these Antitheta many are Bacon's own, and are to be found in other parts of

LIBER SEXTUS.

689

Exempla Antithetorum.

I. NOBILITAS.

Pro.

Quibus virtus a genere pe-
nitus insita est, ii jam non
mail esse nolunt, sed ne-
queunt.

Nobilitas laurea, qua tern-
pus homines coronat.

Antiquitatem etiam in mo-
numentis mortuis veneramur;
quanto magis in vivis ?

Si nobilitatem familiarum
contemnas, quaa tandem erit
differentia inter sobolem ho-
minum et brutorum ?

Nobilitas virtutem invidiae
subducit, gratise tradit.

II. FORMA.
Pro.

Deformes naturam ulcisci
solent.

Et virtus nil aliud quam
interna forma; et forma nil
aliud quam externa virtus.

Deformes se a contemptu
per malitiam utique suam
vindicare cupiunt.

Forma virtutes splendere
facit, vitia rubere. -

III. JUVENTTJS.

Pro. Con.

Primse cogitationes, et ju- Juventus poenitentiae cam-
venum consilia, plus habent e pus.
numine. Ingenitus est juvenibus se-

his writings; others are doubtless quotations, of which I shall mention some, though
many more might probably be easily pointed out. [A great many of them will be
found in the Essays. — J. £]

VOL. I. Y Y

Contra.

Raro ex virtute nobilitas ;
rarius ex nobilitate virtus.

Nobiles majorum depreca-
tione ad veniam saspius utun-
tur, quam suffragatione ad
honores.

Tanta solet esse industria
hominum novorum, ut nobi-
les praa illis tanquam statute
videantur.

Nobiles in stadio respe-
ctant nimis saepe ; quod mali
cursoris est.

Con.

Virtus, ut gemma nobilis,
melius inseritur sine multo
auro et ornatu.

Quod vestis lauta deformi,
hoc forma improbo.

Similiter plerunque leves
sunt quos forma ornat et
quos movet.

690

BE AUGMENT1S SCIENTIARUM

Senes sibi sapiunt magis,
aliis et reipublicae minus.

Si conspici daretur, magis
deformat animos quam cor-
pora senectus.

Senes omnia metuunt, pra-
ter Deos.

IV. VALETUDO.
Pro.

Cura valetudinis animum
humilem facit et corpori sup-
plicem.

Corpus sanum hospes animae
est; aegrum, ergastularius.

Nil tarn summas actionum
promovet, quam prospera vale-
tudo; at contra infiruia feri-
atur nimis.

nilis authoritatis contemptus ;
ut quisque suo periculo sapiat.

Tempus, ad quae consilia
non advocatur, nee rata habet.

Senibus Veneres mutantur
in Gratias.1

Con.

Saepe convalescere est saepe
juvenescere.

Excusatio valetudinis poly-
chresta; ad quam etiam sani
confugimus.

Nimis arcto fbedere corpus
animae jungit sanitas.

Et lectus magna imperia
administravit, et lectica ma-
ghos exercitus.

V. UXOK ET LIBERI.
Pro.

Charitas reipublicae incipit a
farailia.

Uxor et liberi disciplina
quaedam humanitatis; at CO3-
libes tetrici et severi.

Coelibatus et orbitas ad nil
aliud conferunt, quam ad fu-
gam.

Morti sacrificat, qui liberos
non procreat.

Caetera foelices, in liberis
fere infortunati sunt; ne di-
vinae sorti nimium appropin-

Con.

Qui uxorem duxit et libe-
ros suscepit, obsides fortunae
dedit.

Generare et liberi, humana
sunt ; creare et opera, divina.

Brutorum aeternitas soboles ;
Virorum, fama, merita, et in-
stituta.

CEconomicaB rationes publi-
cas plerunque evertunt.

Aliquibus fortuna Priami
placuit, qui suis omnibus su-
perstes fuit.3

quent homines.2

1 This idea has been expressed in a different form by Mr. Milnes : —

" On that deep retiring shore

Frequent pearls of beauty lie ;
Where the passion-waves of yore
Fiercely beat and mounted high."

2 This seems to me to belong more properly to the other side of the argument ; but
if it be rightly placed where it is, it must mean that to be happy in his children is
happiness too great for a man, unless it be balanced by misfortune in other ways. — /. S.

8 The allusion is to Tiberius. See Suet in Tiber, c. 62.

LIBER SEXTUS.

691

VI. DIVITLS:.

Pro.

Divitias contemnunt, qui
desperant.

Invidia divitiarum virtutem
effecit deam.

Dum philosophi dubitant
utruin ad virtutem an volu-
ptatem omnia sint referenda,
collige instrumenta utriusque.

Virtus per divitias vertitur
in commune bonum.

Caetera bona provincialem
habent administrationem, di-
vitiae solas generalem.

Con.

Divitiarum magnarum vel
custodia est, vel dispensatio
quaedam, vel fama ; at nullus
usus.

Annon vides lapillis et id
genus deliciis fingi pretia, ut
possit esse aliquis magnarum
divitiarum usus ?

Multi dum divitiis suis
omnia venalia fore credide-
runt, ipsi in primis venerunt.

Non aliud divitias dixerim,
quam impedimenta virtutis ;
nam virtuti et necessarian sunt,
et graves.

Divitias bona ancilla, pessima
domina.

VTI. HONORES.

Pro.

Honores non tyrannorum
(ut loquuntur), sed Provi-
dentiae Divinae calculi sunt.

Honores faciunt et virtutes
et vitia conspicua ; itaque illas
provocant, haec refraenant.

Non novit quispiam quan-
tum in virtutis cursu profe-
cerit, nisi honores ei campum
praebeant apertum.

Virtutis, ut reruin aliarum,
rapidus motus est ad locum,
placidus in loco; est autem
virtutis locus honos.

VIII. IMPEKIA.

Pro. Con.

Felicitate frui, magnum Quam miserum habere nil
bonum est; sed earn et aliis fere quod appetas, infinita
impertiri posse, adhuc majus. quae metuas.

y Y 2

Con.

Dum honores appetimus
libertatem exuimus.

Honores dant fere potesta-
tem earum rerum, quas optima
conditio est nolle, proxima
non posse.

Honorum ascensus arduuo,
static lubrica, regressus prae-
ceps.

Qui in honore sunt, vulgi
opinionem mutuentur oportet,
ut seipsos beatos putent.

692

DE AUGMENTIS SC1ENTIARUM

Reges non hominum instar
sed astrorum sunt ; nam et in
singulos et in tempora ipsa
magnum habent influxum.

Qui Dei vices gerunt, iis
resistere non tantum laasae
majestatis crimen est, sed the-
omachia quajdam.

IX. LATJS,
Pro.

Virtutis radii reflexi laudes.

Laus honor is est, ad quern
liberis suffragiis pervenitur.

Honores a diversis politiis
conferuntur; sed laudes ubique
sunt libertatis.

Vox populi habet aliquid
divinum. Nam quomodo aliter
tot capita in unum conspirare
possint ? 2

Ne mireris, si vulgus verius
loquatur quam honoratiores ;
quia etiam tutius loquitur.

Qui in imperiis sunt, similes
sunt corporibus ccelestibus,
quae magnam venerationem
habent, requiem nullam.1

Nemo humanae sortis ad
Deorum convivia admittitur,
nisi ad ludibrium.

EXISTIMATIO.

Con.

Fama deterior judex quam
nuncia.

Quid viro bono cum saliva
vulgi?

Fama, veluti fluvius, levia
attollit, solida mergit.

Infimarum virtutum apud
vulgus laus est; mediarum
admiratio ; supremarum sensus
nullus.

Laus magis ex ostentatione
quam ex merito, et ventosis
magis accedit quam realibus.

X. NATURA.

Con.

Cogitamus secundum na-
turam ; loquimur secundum
prascepta; sed agimus secun-
dum consuetudinem.

Natura pedantius quidam
est ; consuetude magistratus.

Pro.

Consuetudinis progressus
est arithmeticus ; naturae geo-
metricus.

Ut in rebuspublicis se ha-
bent leges communes erga
consuetudines, eodem modo
in singulis se habet natura
ad consuetudinem.

Consuetude contra natu-
ram, quasi tyrannis quaedam
est; et cito ac levi occasione
corruit.

I .' "Ex quo se Caesar orbi terrarum dedicavit, sibi eripuit ; et siderum modo, quse
irrequieta semper cursus suos explicant, nunquam illi licet nee subsistere nee quicquam
suum facere." — Senec. Consol ad Polyb. c. 26.

<ptffj.T) 5' otiris ird/jiTrav dir6\\vTcu T^vriva iro\\ol

\aol <jyrnju£ovffi' 6tos vv ris tffn na.1 airr}. HESIOD, Op. et Dies. v. 683

LIBER SEXTUS.

693

Pro.

Virtutes apertae laudes pa-
riunt, occultae fortunas.

Virtutes officiorum laudes
pariunt, facultatum fortunas.

Fortuna veluti Galaxia ;
hoc est, nodus quarundam
obscurarum virtutum, sine no-
mine.

Fortuna saltern ob filias
suas honoranda est; Confi-
dentiam scilicet, et Authori-
tatem.

XII. VITA.
Pro.

Absurdum est accidentia
vitae magis amare, quam vitam
ipsam.

Prasstat ad omnia, etiam ad
virtutem, curriculum longum
quam breve.

Absque spatiis vitae ma-
joribus, nee perficere datur,
nee perdiscere, nee poenitere.

XL FOKTUNA.

Con.

Stultitia unius, fortuna al-
terius.

In fortuna illud praacipue
laudaverim, quod cum non
eligat, non tueatur.

Viri magni, dum invidiam
virtutum suarum declinarunt,
inter fortune cultores reperti
sunt.

Pro.

Qui zelo peccant non pro-
bandi, sed tamen amandi sunt.

Mediocritates moralibus de-
bentur, extremitates divinis.

Con.

Philosophi, dum tantum
apparatum adversus mortem
colligunt, ipsam magis timen-
dam efFecerunt.

Mortem homines timent,
quia nesciunt; ut pueri te-
nebras.

Non invenias inter hu-
manos affectum tarn pusillum,
qui si intendatur paulo vehe-
mentius non mortis metum
superet.

Mori velle non tantum for-
tis, aut miser, aut prudens, sed
etiam fastidiosus potest.1

XIII. SUPEBSTITIO.

Con.

Ut simia? similitude cum
nomine deformitatem addit,
ita superstition! similitude cum
religione.

1 " Mori velle, non tantura prudens et fortis, sed etiam fastidiosus potest." — Seneca,
Ep. 77.

TT 3

694

DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

Superstitiosus religiosus de-
signatus.

Fabulosissima quaeque por-
tenta cujusvis religionis citius
crediderim, quam haec omnia
sine numine fieri.

Quale odium est affectationis
in civilibus, tale superstitionis
in divinis.

Praestat nullam habere de
Diis opinionem, quam contu-
meliosam.

Non Epicuri schola, sed
Stoa, veteres respublicas per-
turbavit.

Non cadit in mentem hu-
manam, ut sit merus atheista
dogmate; sed magni hypo-
critae sunt veri atheistae, qui
sacra perpetuo contrectant,
sed nunquam verentur.

XIV. SUPERBIA.

Pro. Con.

Superbia etiam vitiis in- Hedera virtutum ac bono-

sociabilis ; atque ut venenum rum omnium superbia.

veneno, ita haud pauca vitia Caetera vitia virtutibus tan-

superbia expelluntur. turn contraria ; superbia sola

Facilis, etiam alienis vitiis contagiosa.

obnoxius est; superbus tan- Superbia optima vitiorum

turn suis. conditione caret, id est, late-

Superbia, si ab aliorum bris.

contemptu ad sui contemptum Superbus, cum caeteros con-

ascendet, fiet demum philo- temnit, se interim negligit.
sophia.

XV. INGRATITUDO.

Pro. Con.

Crimen ingrati animi nil Crimen ingrati animi non

aliud est, quam perspicacia suppliciis coercetur, sed Furiis

quaedam in causam beneficii permittitur.

collati.1 Arctiora sunt vincula be-

Dum grati erga quosdam neficiorum quam officiorum ;

ease volumus, nee caeteris jus- quare, qui ingratus, injustus,

titiam praestamus, nee nobis et omnia.

ipsis libertatem. Ea est conditio humana :

1 This sentence is more, I think, in the manner of Rochefoucauld than any other in
Bacon's writings.

LIBER SEXTUS.

695

Beneficii gratia eo minus
reddenda est, quod de pretio
non constat.

nemo tarn publica fortuna na-
tus est, quin privatae et gra-
tiae et vindictae se omnino
debeat.

XVI. INVIDIA.

Pro.

Naturale est exprobrationem
fortunse suse odisse.

Invidia in rebuspublicis tan-
quam salubris ostracismus.

Con.
festos

dies non

Invidia
agit

Nemo virtuti invidiam re-
conciliaverit praeter mortem.

Invidia virtutes laboribus
exercet, ut Juno Herculem.

XVII. IMPDDICITIA.
Pro.

Zelotypiae debetur, quod
castitas sit facta virtus.

Multa tristitia opus est,
ut quis Venerem rem seriam
putet.

Quid vel diaetae partem, vel
munditiae speciem, vel super-
bias filiam, inter virtutes col-
locas?

Amorum, ut avium silve-
strium, nulla proprietas est>
sed jus possessione trans-
fertur.

XVIII. CRUDELITAS.
Pro.

Nulla virtutum tam saepe
rea est, quam dementia.

Crudelitas, si a vindicta est,
justitia est ; si a periculo, pru-
dentia.

Qui misericordiam inimico
impertit, sibi denegat.

Non saepius phlebotomies
necessarias sunt in curationi-
bus, quam caedes in civili-
bus.

T T 4

Con.

Pessima Circes transforma-
tio impudicitia.

Impudicus prorsus reveren-
tiam sui perdidit; quod frae-
num est omnium vitiorum.

Omnes, ut Paris, qui formae
option em faciunt, prudentiae
et potentiae jacturam faciunt.

In veritatem non vulga-
rem incidit Alexander, cum
Somnum et Venerem mortis
arrhabones esse dixit.

Con.

Caedibus grassari, aut ferae
aut Furiae est.

Crudelitas viro bono semper
fabulosa esse videtur, et fictio
tragica.

696

DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

XIX. GLORIA VANA.

Pro.

Qui suas laudes appetit,
aliorum simul appetit utili-
tates.

Qui tarn sobrius est ut
nihil alienum curet, vereor ne
et publica aliena putet.

Ingenia in quibus aliquid
inane est, facilius curam rei-
publicae recipiunt.

Con.
Gloriosi semper factiosi,

mendaces, mobiles, nimii.
Thraso Gnathonis praecla.1
Turpe est proco sollicitare

ancillam ; est autem virtutis

ancilla laus.

XX. JUSTITIA.

Pro.

Imperia et politiae justitiae
tantum additamenta sunt ; si
enim justitia aliter possit
exerceri, illis minime fuerit
opus.

Justitiae debetur, quod
homo homini sit Deus, non
lupus.

Justitia etsi vitia tollere
non possit, tauten hoc efficit
ut non laedant.

Con.

Si hoc est justum esse, qutc
tibi fieri nolis ea alter! non
facere, dementia demum jus-
titia est.

Si suum cuique tribuendum
est, certe et venia humani-
tati.

Quid mihi aequitatem narras,
cum sapienti omnia inaequalia
sint?2

Considera qualis reorum
conditio fuerit apud Romanes,
et pronuncia justitiam e re-
publica non esse.

Vulgaris ista justitia politi-
arum, philosophus in aula;
hoc est, facit tantum ad re-
verentiam imperantium.

1 The allusion is to the Eunuchus of Terence.

2 [So in the original edition ; but] the sense requires incequalia to be replaced by
eequalia. There is no colour for the assertion that to the wise man all things are un-
equal ; but the Stoics, teaching that, except the distinction between right and wrong,
everything is to the wise man a matter of indifference, went on to maintain that he
could suffer wrong from no man, because no change of outward circumstance could in
any degree affect his inward and essential happiness. There is a treatise by Seneca,
of which the title is In Sapientem non cadere Injuriam, in which this doctrine is taught.
So far as the wise man was concerned, the difference between justice and injustice was
of no moment whatever, — a view which shows how strongly Stoicism tended to isolate

ach of its disciples from the rest of mankind. Even in Plato the same way of think-
ng may be observed. Cf. the words ascribed to Socrates in the Apology : ^ pin yap
Stv j8Acii|/ei ojrre Metros otfre "Avvros.

LIBER SEXTUS.

697

XXI. FORTITUDO.

Pro.

Nil terribile nisi ipse timor.

Nil aut in voluptate so-
lidum aut in virtute muni-
turn, ubi timor infestat.

Qui perieula apertis oculis
intuetur ut excipiat, advertit
et ut evitet.

Caeterae virtutes nos a do-
minatu liberant vitiorum ; for-
titudo sola a dominatu for-
tunae.

XXIL TEMPERANTIA.
Pro.

Eadem fere vis abstmendi
et sustinendi.

Uniformitates, concordia?,
et mensurae motuum ccelestia
sunt, et characteres aeterni-
tatis.

Temperantia, velut frigora
salubria, animi vires colligit
et firmat.

Exquisiti et vagi sensus
narcoticis indigent ; similiter
et affectus.

Con.

Praeclara virtus, velle perire
ut perdas.

Praeclara virtus, quam etiam
ebrietas inducit.

Vitae suae prodigus, alienae
periculosus.

Virtus ferreae aetatis forti-
tudo.

Con.

Negativae istae virtutes non
placent ; nam innocentiam
praestant, non merita.

Languet mens quse exces-
sibus caret.

Amo virtutes quae excel-
lentiam actionis inducunt, non
hebetudinem passionis.

Cum consonantes animi
motus ponis, paucos ponis;
nam pauperis est, numerare
pecus.

Ista Non uti ut non appetas ;
Non appetere ut non timeas ;
pusillanimi sunt et diffidentis.

XXHI. CONSTANTLY

Pro.

Basis virtutum constantia.

Miser est, qui qualis ipse
futurus sit non novit.

Imbecillitas humani judicii
rebus ipsis constare non po-
test; quare saltern sibi con-
stet.

Etiam vitiis decus aspirat
constantia.

Si ad fortunae inconstan-

Con.

Constantia, ut janitrix mo-
rosa, multa utilia indicia abi-
git.

JEquum est ut constantia
res adversas bene toleret ; nam
fere inducit.

Stultitia brevissima optima.

698

DE AUGMENT1S SCIENTIARUM

tiam accedat etiam inconstan-
tia mentis, in quantis tenebris
vivitur !

Fortuna tanquam Prote-
us, si perseveres, ad formam
redit

XXIV. MAGNANIMITAS.
Pro.

Si animus semel generosos
fines optaverit, statim non mo-
do virtu tes circumstant, sed et
numina.

Virtutes ex habitu aut prae-
ceptis, gregales aunt; ex fine,
heroicae.

Con.

Magnanimitas
poetica.

est virtus

XXV. SCIENTIA,
Pro.

Ea demum voluptas est se-
cundum naturam, cujus non
est satietas.

Dulcissimus prospectus in
errores aliorum subjacentes.

Quam bonum est orbes
mentis habere concentricos
universe !

Omnes affectus pravi falsae
aestimationes sunt ; atque ea-
dem sunt bonitas et veritas.

CONTEMPLATIO.

Con.

Contemplatio, speciosa in-
ertia.

Bene cogitare non multo
melius est, quam bene somni-
are.

Orbem Numen curat, tu
patriam.

Vir politicus etiam contem-
plationes serit.

XXVI.

Pro.

Si de rebus minutis libri
scripti forent, vix ullus esset
experientiae usus.

Lectio est conversatio cum
prudentibus ; actio fere cum
stultis.

Non inutiles Scientiae ex-
istimandae sunt, quarum in
se nullus est usus, si ingenia
acuant et ordinent.

LITERS.

Con.

In Academiis discunt cre-
dere.

Quae unquam Ars docuit
tempestivum Artis usum?

Sapere ex regula et ex
experientia, plane contrariac
rationes sunt ; ut qui alteri
assuefactus sit, ad alterum sit
ineptus.

LIBER SEXTUS.

699

XXVII.

Pro.

Opportuna prudentia non
est, quae celeris non est.

Qui cito errat, cito errorem
emendat.

Qui ex composite et non
obiter prudens est, nil magni
facit.

Artis saepissime ineptus usus
est, ne sit nullus.

Hoc fere omnes Academici
habent, ut ex qualibet re sole-
ant agnoscere quod sciant, et
non addiscere quod nesciant.

PROMPTITUDO.

Con.

Prudentia non alte petitur,
quae praesto est.

Prudentia, ut vestis, levis
quae expedita.

Cujus consilia non maturat
deliberatio, nee prudentiam
aetas.

Quae ad breve tempus ex-
cogitantur, ad breve tempus
placent.

XXVIII. TACITURNITAS IN SECRETIS.

Pro.

Taciturno nil reticetur ; quia
omnia tuto communicantur.

Qui facile loquitur quae scit,
loquitur et quae nescit.

Secretis etiam mysteria de-
bentur.

Con.

Varietas morum optime ani-
mum collocat in secreto.

Taciturnitas confessoris vir-
tus.

Taciturno omnia reticentur ;
quia silentium rependitur.

Tectus, ignoto proximus.

XXIX. FACILITAS.

Pro.

Amo virum alieno affectui
obnoxium, sed tamen judicium
ab obsequio revocantem.

Flexibilem esse, ad naturam
auri proxime accedit.

Con.

Facilitas, judicii quaedam in-
epta privatio.

Facilium beneficia, debita
videntur ; negationes, injuriae.

Sibi gratiam habet, qui a
facili aliquid impetrat.

Facilem omnes difficultates
premunt, nam omnibus se im-
plicat.

Facilis fere se recipit cum
pudore.

700

DE ATTGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

XXX. POPULARITAS.

Pro.

Prudentibus eadem fere pla-
cent; at stultorum varietati
occurrere, prudentiae est.

Colere populum, est coli.

Qui ipsi magni viri sunt,
neminem unum fere habent
quern vereantur, sed popu-
lum.

Con.

Qui valde cum stultis con-
gruit, ipse suspectus esse po-
test.

Qui turbse placet, fere et
turbas miscet.

Nil moderatum vulgo gra-
tum est.

Infima assentatio est assen-
tatio vulgi.

XXXI. LOQUACITAS.
Pro.

Qui silet, aut alios habet
pro suspectis aut suspectus
est ipse sibi.

Custodiae omnes infoelices,
miserrima silentii.

Silentium, stultorum virtus.
Itaque recte ille silenti: Si
prudens es, stultus es ; si stul-
tus, prudens.1

Silentium, veluti nox, in-
sidiis opportunum.

Cogitationes in profluente
sanissimae.

Silentium, solitudinis genus.

Opinioni se venditat, qui
silet.

Silentium nee pravas cogi-
tationes egerit, nee bonas dis-
tribuit.

XXXII. DISSIMULATIO.
Pro.

Dissimulatio compendiaria
sapientia.

Non idem dicere, sed idem
spectare, debemus.

CON.

Silentium verbis et gratiam
addit et auctoritatem.

Silentium, veluti somnus
quidam, alit prudentiam.

Silentium fermentatio cogi-
tationum.

Stilus prudentiae silentium.

Silentium ambit veritatem.

Con.

Cum cogitare secundum re-
rum veritatem non possimus,
at loquamur secundum cogita-
tionem.

1 This sarcasm is ascribed by Diogenes Laertius and Plutarch to Theophrastus, the
author of the Characters (which form the foundation of those of La Bruyere) and of
many other works. It has also been ascribed to Simonides. Bacon seems to have taken
it from Plutarch.

LIBER SEXTUS.

701

Etiam in animo deformis
nuditas.

Dissimulatio et decori est,
et praesidio.

Sepes consiliorum dissimu-
latio.

Aliqui bono suo falluntur.

Qui indissimulanter omnia
agit, ajque decipit; nam plu-
rimi aut non capiunt aut non
credunt.

Indissimulatio nihil aliud,
quam animi impotentia.

XXXIII.

Pro.

Docet improbare qui vere-
cundatur.

Quod actio oratori, id auda-
cia viro civili ; primum, secun-
dum, tertium.

Confitentem verecundiam
amo, accusantem odi.

Confidentia morum animos
promptius sociat.

Placet obscurus vultus, et
perspicua oratio.

Quibus artes civiles supra
captum ingenii sunt, iis dissi-
mulatio pro prudentia erit.

Qui dissimulat, praecipuo ad
agendum instrumento se pri-
vat, i. e. fide.

Dissimulatio dissimulatio-
nem invitat.

Qui dissimulat, liber non
est.

AUDACIA.

Con.

Audacia stultitise viator.

Inverecundia inutilis nisi ad
imposturam.

Confidentia stultorum im-
peratrix, prudentium scurra.

Audacia est stupor quidam
sensus, cum malitia voluntatis.

XXXIV.
Pro.

Vultus et gestus decora mo-
deratio, verum condimentum
virtutis.

Si et in verbis vulgo pare-
mus, quidni in habitu et ge-
stu?

Qui in levibus et quotidiana
consuetudine decus non reti-
net, sit licet vir niagnus, noris

PuNTOS1, AFFECTATIO.
Con.

Quid deformhis, quam sce-
nam in vitam transferre ?

Ex ingenuitate decorum, ex
arte odium.

Magis placent cerussatae
buccae et calamistrata coma,
quam cerussati et calamistrati
mores.

Qui animum ad tarn exiles

1 This word is clearly a mere gloss, being the English, if it can be called so, of that
which precedes it. A little further on Bacon uses the word " punctus " as a Latin
version of " punto ; " and the text might be corrected by substituting puncti for pantos.
But I should prefer to omit this word altogether.

702

DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

tamen hunc tantum certis ho-
ris sapere.

Virtus et prudentia, sine
punctis, velut peregrinae lin-
guae sunt ; nam vulgo non in-
telliguntur.

Qui vulgi sensum per con-
gruitatem non novit, is si nee
per observationem noverit,
omnium stultissimus est.

Puncti, translatio sunt vir-
tutis in linguam vernaculam.

XXXV

Pro.

Oratorum ara jocus.

Qui in omnibus modestum
leporem miscet, libertatem ani-
mi retinet.

Res est supra opinionem
politica, facile transire a joco
ad serium, a serio ad jocum.

Veritatis alias non perven-
turse saepe vehiculum jocus.

observationes applicat, magnae
cogitationis capax non est.

Affectatio, ingenuitatis pu-
tredo lucens.1

XXXVI.

Pro.

Annon vides omnes se quae-
rere? At amans solus se in-
venit.

Non est melior ordinatio
animi, quam ex imperio affectus
alicujus insignis.

Qui sapit, desiderium quae-
rat; nam qui non aliquid in-

Joci.

Con.

Istos deformitatum ac con-
cinnitatum aucupes, quis non
contemnat ?

Rerum magnitudinem eluere
joco, improbum artificium est.

Jocos turn considera, cum
risu destituti sunt.

Faceti isti fere non pene-
trant ultra superficiem rerum,
ubi joci sedes est,

TJbi jocus ad seria momenti
aliquid habet, ibi levitas pue-
rilis est.

AMOR.

Con.

Amori multum debet scena,
nihil vita.

Nil tarn varii nominis est
quam amor ; nam res aut tarn
stulta est ut se nesciat, aut
tarn turpis ut se fuco condat.

Odi istos Mono-Phronti-
stas.

1 The same image occurs in Ralegh's Lye :

" Go tell the Court it glows
And shines like rotten wood."

LIBER SEXTUS.

703

signiter appetit, ei omnia in-
grata sunt et taedio plena.1

Quidni in imitate acquiescat
unus?

XXXVII.
Pro.

Eadem facit amicitia quse
fortitude, sed suavius.

Suave condimentum omni-
um bonorum amicitia.

Pessima solitude, non veras
habere amicitias.

Digna malas fidei ultio, ami-
citiis privari.

xxxvni.

Pro.

Adulatio magis ex more,
quam ex malitia.

Laudando instituere, semper
formula fuit debita potentio-
ribus.

Angusta admodum contem-
platio amor.

AMICITIA.

Con.

Qui amicitias arctas copulat,
novas necessitates sibi impo-
nit.

Animi imbecilli est, partiri
fortunam.

ADULATIO.

Con.

Adulatio stilus servorum.

Adulatio calx vitiorum.

Adulatio aucupii illud ge-
nus, quod similitudine vocis
aves fallit.

Adulationis deformitas co-
mica, nocumentum tragicum.

Auribus mederi difficilli-
mum.

XXXIX. VINDICTA.
Pro.

Vindicta privata, justitia
agrestis.

Qui vim rependit, legem
tantum violat, non hominem.

Utilis metus ultionis pri-
vatae ; nam leges nimium ssepe
dormiunt.

Con.

Qui injuriam fecit, princi-
pium malo dedit ; qui reddidit,
modum abstulit.

Vindicta, quo magis natura-
lis, eo magis coercenda.

Qui facile injuriam reddit,
is fortasse tempore, non volun-
tate, posterior erat.

XL. INNOVATIO.
Pro.
Omnis medicina innovatio.

Con.
Novi partus deformes 'sunt.

1 " Qui nolet fieri desidiosus, amrt." Ov. Amares, i. 9. 46.

This is one of the lines contained in Bacon's Promns. — J. S.

704

DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

Qui nova remedia fugit,
nova mala opperitur.

Novator maximus tempus:
quidni igitur tempus imite-
mur?

Exempla remota, inepta
sunt; recentia, corrupta et
ambitiosa.

Imperitis et contentiosis
permitte, ut ad exempla res
agant.

Sicut qui nobilitatem in fa-
miliam introducunt digniores
fere sunt posteris ; ita novati-
ones rerum plerunque prae-
stant iis quae ad exempla fi-
unt.

Morosa morum retentio res
turbulenta est, aeque ac novi-
tas.

Cum per se res mutentur in
deterius, si consilio in melius
non mutentur, quis finis erit
mali?

Moris servi, temporis ludi-
bria.

XLL
Pro.

Fortuna multa festinanti
vendit, quibus morantem do-
nat.

Dum initia rerum amplecti
properamus, umbras prensa-
mus.

Fluctuantibus rebus adver-
tendum, inclinantibus agen-
dum.

Prima actionum Argo com-
mittenda sunt, extrema Bri-
areo.

Nullus author placet, prater
tempus.

Nulla no vitas absque inju-
ria ; nam praesentia convellit.

Quaa usu obtinuere, si non
bona, at saltern apta inter se
sunt.

Quis novator tempus imi-
tatur ; quod novationes ita in-
sinuat, ut sensus fallant ?

Quod prater spem evenit,
cui prodest minus acceptum,
cui obest magis molestum.

MORA.

Con.

Occasio primum ansam vasis
porrigit, deinde ventrem.

Occasio, instar Sibyllas, mi-
nuit oblatum, pretium auget.
Celeritas Orci galea.
Quae mature fiunt, judicio
fiunt ; quse sero, per ambitum.

LIBER SEXTUS.

705

XLII. PR-aSPARATIO.

Pro.

Qui parvia copiis rem ma-
gnam aggreditur, fingit oppor-
tunitatem ut speret.

Parvis apparatibus non for-
tuna, sed prudentia emitur.

Con.

Optimus terminus parandi,
prima occasio agendi.

Nemo speret se fortunam
apparatu ligare posse.

Alternatio l apparatus et
actionis, politica sunt ; distin-
ctio, tumida et infcelix.

Magnus apparatus, prodigus
et temporis et rerum.

XLIII. PRINCIPIIS OBSTARE.

Pro.

Plura pericula fallunt, quam
vincunt.

Minus operis est periculo
remedium adhibere, quam pro-
gressum ejus observare et
custodire.2

Non jam leve est periculum,
si leve videatur.

Con.

Docet periculum progredi
qui accingitur, et periculum
figit remedio.

Etiam in remediis periculo-
rum levia pericula subsistunt.

Praestat cum paucis peri-
culis3, quae invaluerunt, rem
habere, quam cum minis sin-
gulorum.

XLIV. CONSILIA VIOLENTA.

Pro.

Qui lenem istam prudentiam
amplectuntur, iis augmenta
mali salubria sunt.

Necessitas, quae violenta
consulit, eadem exequitur.

Con.

Omne remedium violentum,
praegnans novi mali.

Violenta consilia nemo dat,
praeter iram et metum.

XLV. SUSPICIO.

Pro. Con.

Diffidentia nervi prudentiae ; Suspicio fidem absolvit4

1 M. Bouillet proposes to read ahernatlo, by which the sense would be very much
improved. [It is alteratio in the original. But M. Bouillet's reading is so evidently
right that I have introduced it into the text. — /. S.]

2 " If a man watch too long, it is odds he will fall asleep." — Essays : Of Delays.
J. S.

* \_Remediis in the original edition.] The sense requires remediis to be replaced by
periculis. The word remediis appears to have been accidentally repeated from the last
sentence. [Or suggested by rem, which in the original stands at the end of the line
immediately below. — J. £]

* " Sospetto licenza fede," is an Italian proverb.

VOL. I. Z Z

706 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

at suspicio medicamentum ar- Suspicionum intemperies est
thriticum. mania quaedam civilis.

Merito ejus fides suspecta
est, quam suspicio labefacit.

Suspicio fragilem fidem sol-
vit, fortem intendit.

XL VI. VERBA LEGIS.
Pro. Con.

Non est interpretatio, sed Ex omnibus verbis elicien-
divinatio, qua? recedit a litera. dus est sensus, qui interpre-

Cum receditur a litera, ju- tetur singula.
dex transit in legislatorem. Pessima tyrannis lex in

equuleo.

XL VII. PRO TESTIBUS CONTRA ARGUMENTA.

Pro. Con.

Secundum oratorem non Si testibus credendum sit
secundum causam pronunciat, contra argumenta, sufficit tan-
qui argumentis nititur. turn judicem esse non surdum.

Qui argumentis potius credit Argumenta antidotum con-
quam testibus, etiam ingenio tra venena testimoniorum.
magis debet fidere quam sen- lis probationibus tutissimo
sui. creditur, quse rarissime men-

Tutum foret argumentis tiuntur.
credere, si homines nihil ab-
surdi facerent.

Argumenta, cum sint contra
testimonia, hoc praestant; ut
res mira videatur, non autem
ut vera.1

Atque haec Antitheta (quae nunc proposuimus) fortasse tanti
non fuerint ; sed cum jam olim parata et collecta a nobis essent,
noluimus diligentise nostrse juvenilis fructum perire; praesertim
cum (si quis acutius introspiciat) semina sint, non Jlores. In
illo autem adolescentiam plane spirant, quod sint in Morali sive
Demonstrative genere uberiora; in Deliberative et Judiciali
perpauca.

1 It would seem that the last clause ought to be " non autem ut non vera ; " the
res being the matter in favour of which testimony has been produced.

LIBER SEXTUS. 707

Tertia Collectio, quae pertinet ad Promptuariam, atque etiam
desideratur, est ea quam vocare placet Formularum Minorum.1
Illae autem sunt veluti vestibula, posticae, ante-camerae, re-
camerae, transitus, &c., orationis ; quae indiscriminatim omnibus
subjectis competere possint. Quales sunt Praefationes, Con-
clusiones, Digressiones, Transitiones, Promissiones, Declina-
tiones, et plurima ejusmodi. Quemadmodum enim in aedificiis
plurimum facit et ad voluptatem et ad usum, ut frontispicia,
gradus, ostia, fenestrae, aditus, transitus, et hujusmodi, commode
distribuantur; eodem modo etiam in oratione fit, ut additamenta
et interpositiones istae (si decore et perite formentur et collo-
centur) plurimum turn gratiae turn commoditatis universae ora-
tionis structures adjiciant. Harum Formularum exemplum
unum aut alterum proponemus, neque diutius iisdem immora-
bimur. Etsi enim sint res baud exigui usus, tamen cum nihil
in his addamus de nostro, sed tantum Formulas nudas ex De-
mosthene aut Cicerone aut alio quopiam selecto authore de-
scribamus, inferius quiddam videntur quam ut in eo tempus
teramus.

Exempla Formularum Minorum.

CONCLUSIO DELIBERATIV2E.

Sic et culpam praeteritam fas erit redimere, et futuris incom-
modis eadem opera prospicere.

PAKTITIONIS ACCURATE COROLLARTOM.

Ut omnes intelligant nihil me et subterfugere voluisse reti-
cendo, aut obscurare dicendo.2

TRANSITIO CUM MONITO.

Verum haec ita praetereamus, ut tamen intuentes et respe-
ctantes relinquamus.3

PR^-OCCUPATIO CONTRA OPINIONEM INVETERATAM.
Faciam ut intelligatis in tota causa quid res ipsa tulerit, quid
error affinxerit, quid invidia conflaverit.4

1 The Promus already referred to (p. 627.) contains some of these formulae.

2 Cicero pro Cluent. c. 1. But the quotation is inaccurate. The original is "nihil
me nee subterfugere voluisse reticendo nee obscurare dicendo." It is probable that
Bacon intended to write aut where et now stands.

3 Id. pro Sext. c. 5. A phrase resembling Dante's

" Non ragioniam di lor, ma guarda e passa."

4 Id. pro Cluent. c. 4.

z Z 2

708 DE AUGMENTIS SC1ENTIARUM

Haec pauca enumerassc, ad exempla satis f uerit ; cum quibus
Appendices Rhetoricas, qua? ad Promptuariam spectant, con-
cludimus.

CAPUT IV.

Appendices generates duos Traditivce ; Critica ct Paedagogica.

SUPEKSUNT duae appendices Traditivas in genere ; altera
Critica, altera Pasdagogica. Sicut enim pars Traditivae prae-
cipua in Scriptione Librorum consistit, ita pars ejus relativa
in Librorura versatur Lectione. Lectio autem vel magi-
strorum ope regitur, vel industria cujusque propria perficitur ;
atque huic rei inserviunt doctrinae illx, quas diximus, duas.

Ad Criticam spectant primo authorum probatorum limata
correctio et emendata editio ; quibus et ipsorum authorum honor
vindicatur, et studiosis lumen prasfertur. Qua tamen in re, studiis
haud parum detriment! intulit quorundam hominum diligentia
temeraria. Criticis enim haud paucis mos est, ubi incidunt in
quidpiam quod non intelligunt, vitium statim in exemplari
supponere ; veluti in illo loco Taciti : cum quaedam colonia jus
asyli apud senatum assereret, narrat Tacitus non aequis admo-
dum auribus quaa ab iis proferebantur fuisse ab imperatore et
senatu audita ; itaque legati causa diffisi bonam pecuniae sum-
mam Tito Vinio dederunt, ut eis patrocinaretur ; hoc itaque
pacto res obtinuit. Turn (inquit Tacitus) dignitas et antiquitas
colonice valuit : quasi arguments quae antea levia videbantur,
accedente pretio, novum turn pondus accepissent. At Criticus
quidam, non ex infimis, verbum Turn expunxit, et Tantum re-
posuit.1 Atque hac prava Criticorum consuetudine factum est,
ut (quod nonnemo prudenter , notavit) exemplaria maxime casti-
gata sint s&penumero minime omnium casta. Quinimo, ut verum
dicamus, nisi Critici fuermt eruditi in scientiis illis de quibus
libri ab ipsis editi tractant, periculo diligentia eorum non vacat.

1 Justus Lipsius, in his first edition of Tacitus, puts the following note at turn,
" Forte tantum ; " but he does nut alter the text, and in subsequent editions the note
is omitted. That Bacon had but an imperfect recollection of the passage, is plain from
his substituting the name of Titus Vinius for that of Fabius Valens, and from his
mentioning the senate, as if the transaction had taken place at Rome. It was by a
donative to the soldiery that the colony of Vienna was saved, not (directly at least) by
a bribe to their loader ; though Tacitus tidds that it was believed that he also had been
bought over, — '• ipsuin Valentcin magna pecunia cmptum." — Hist. i. 66.

LIBER SEXTUS. 709

Secundo ad Criticam spcctant authorum interpretatio et ex-
plicatio, commcntarii, scholia, notae, spicilegia, et similia. In
istiusraodi autem laboribus pessiinus ille Criticorum nonnullos
quasi morbus invasit, ut multa ex obscurioribus transiliant, in
satis vero perspicuis ad fastidium usque immorentur et expat i-
entur. Scilicet non tarn ilhid agitur ut author ipse illustretur,
quam ut Criticus ille multiplicem suam eruditionem et va-
riam lectionem, ubique arrepta occasione, ostentet. Optandum
inprimis foret (licet haec res ad Traditivam principalem, non
ad Appendices pertineat) ut qui argumenta obscuriora et no-
biliora pertractet scriptor, suas ipse explicationes subjungat;
ut et textus ipse digressionibus aut explicationibus non abrum-
patur, et note a scriptoris mente non recedant. Cujusinodi
quidpiam suspicamur de Theone Euclidis.1

Tertio ad Criticam spectat (quod etiam nomen eidem indidit)
de authoribus quos edunt breve aliquod judicium interponere;
et illos cum caeteris scriptoribus qui eadem tractant coniparare ;
ut per hujusmodi censuram studiosi et de librorum delectu
moneantur, et ad ipsam lectionem eorum instructiores accedant.
Atque hoc ultimum est Criticorum tanquam cathedra, quam
certe nostra setate nobilitarunt viri nonnulli magni, majores
certe nostro judicio quam pro modulo Criticorum.

Ad Psedagogicam quod attinet, brevissimum foret dictu,
Consule scholas Jesuitarum : nihil enim, quod in usum venit,
his melius. Nos tamen pauca more nostro mouebimus, tan-
quam spicas legentes. Omnino institutionem pueritie et juven-
tutis collegiatam probamus ; non in ffidibus privatis ; non sub
ludi-magistris tantum. Adest adolescentulis in Collegiis semu-
latio major erga equales ; adest quoque ipse vultus et aspectus
virorum gravium, quod facit ad verecundiam, et teneros animos
etiam a principio conformat ad exemplar ; denique sunt quideni
plurirna Educationis Collegiate commoda. In Ordine autem
et Modo discipline, illud inprimis consuluerim ; ut caveatur a
compendiis et a prcecocitate quadam doctrines, qua) ingenia reddat
audacula, et magnos profectus potius ostentet quam facial.
Quin et favendum nonnihil ingeniorum libertati, ut si quis qua)
ex more discipline sunt faciat, et siinul tempus ad alia in qua)

1 It seems probable that this remark, showing a kind of reading with which Bacon
does not seem to have been familiar (vide supra p. 577.). was derived from his friend
Sir Henry Savile. We find Theon's services in relation to Euclid's Elements depre-
ciatingly spoken of in Savile's Pnelectiones tresdecim in Princlpium Elcmentorum
Etcclidis (1U21), PI'. 12, 13.

'£ Z 3

710 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

propensus est suffuretur, ne utique cohibeatur. Porro operae
pretium fuerit diligenter animadvertere (quod fortasse adhuc
non fuerit notatum) esse duos assuefaciendi et exercendi et
prseparandi ingenia modos, eosque tanquam antistrophos. Alter
incipit afacilioribus, et ad magis ardua paulatim deducit; alter
ab initio duriora imperat et urget, ut iis obtentis, facilioribus
quis etiam suaviter perfungi possit. Alia enim est methodus,
incipere natare cum utribus, qui sublevent ; alia incipere sal-
tare cum calceis ponderosis, qui aggravent. Neque facile est
dictu, quantum harum methodorum prudens intermixtio con-
ferat ad promovendas tarn animi quam corporis facultates. Item
applicatio et delectus studiorum, pro natura ingeniorum quae
erudiuntur, res est singularis et usus et judicii ; quam etiam
bene et vere notatam et perspectam magistri parentibus adole-
scentium debent ; ut de genere vita?, cui filios suos destinent,
consulere possent. Verum et illud attentius paulo observan-
dum; non tantum in iis ad quae natura quisque sua fertur
longe maximos fieri profectus ; sed etiam ad ea ad quae vitio
nature quis maxime fuerit inhabilis, reperiri in studiis ad hoc
proprie delectis remedia et curationes. Exempli gratia; si
cuipiam ingenium tale sit quale est avium, ut facile abripiatur,
nee per moram (qualern oportet) intentum esse sustineat ; re-
medium huic rei praebebunt Mathematica, in quibus si evagetur
paulo mens, de integro renovanda est demonstratio. Etiam
exercitiorum, in erudiendo, partes liquet esse vel maximas. At
illud a paucis notatum est, quod exercitiorum debeat esse non
solum prudens institutio, sed etiam prudens intermissio. Opti-
me siquidem Cicero notavit, quod in exercitiis plerumque exer-
ceri contingat non minus vifia quam facultates1, adeo ut malus
habitus quandoque simul acquiratur et se insinuet cum bono.
Itaque tutius est intermittere exercitia, et subinde repetere,
quam assidue continuare et urgere. Verum de his satis. Sunt
certe hae res primo aspectu minus grandes et solennes, sed
fructuosae tamen et efficaces. Quemadmodum enim in plantis
ad foelicitatem vel infcelicitatem ipsarum plurimum faciunt in-
juriae aut auxilia quae iisdem cum tenerae fuissent inter venerint ;
quemadmodum etiam incrementa ilia immensa Imperii Romani
merito a quibusdam attribuuntur virtuti et prudentiae sex il-

1 Ciccr. de Orator, i. 33. [Compare the Essay on Nature in Men : — " Let not a
man force a habit upon himself with a perpetual continuance, but with some intermis-
sion. For both the pause reinforceth the new onset : and, if a man that is not perfect
be ever in practice, he shall as well practise his errors as his abilities, and induce one
habit of both." — /. S.]

LIBER SEXTUS. 711

lorum Regum, qui eidem in pueritia sua veluti tutores fuerunt
aut nutritii ' : sic certe cultura et institutio annorum puerilium
aut teneriorum eas habet vires, licet latentes et minime in
cujusvis observationem incurrentes, quas neque temporis diu-
turnitas neque laborum assiduitas et contentio postea ajtate
maturiore possint ullo modo aequiparare. Non abs re fuerit
etiam notare, facultates vel mediocres, si in magnos viros aut
res magnas inciderint, graves et insignes interdum producere
effectus. Ejus rei ponemus exemplum memorabile; quod eo
magis adducimus, quia Jesuitze eandem disciplinam non videntur
aspernari; sano (ut nobis videtur) judicio. Atque est res,
qua? si sit professoria, infamis est; verum disciplinaria facta,
ex optimis est. Intelligimus autem Actionem Theatralem ;
quippe qua? memoriam roborat; vocis et pronunciationis to-
num atque efficaciam temperat ; vultum et gestum ad decorum
componit ; fiduciam non parvam conciliat ; denique oculis ho-
minum juvenes assuefacit. Erit autem exemplum, e Tacito
desumptum, Vibuleni cujusdam, olim histrionis, tune temporis
autem militantis in legionibus Pannonieis. Ille sub excessu
Augusti seditionem moverat, ita ut Blaesus prafectus aliquos
ex seditiosis in carcerem conjiceret. Milites vero, impressione
facta, illos effractis carceribus liberarunt. At Vibulenus, apud
milites concionabundus, sic orsus est ; Vos (inquit] his innocen-
tibus et miserrimis lucem et spiritum reddidistis ; sed quis fratri
meo vitam, quis fratrcm mihi reddit 9 quern missum ad vos a
Germanico exercitu de communibus commodis node proximo, ju-
gulavit per gladiatores suos, quos in exitium militum habet atque
armat. Responde, Blase, ubi cadaver abjeceris ? Ne Jiostes
quidem sepulturam invident. Cum osculis, cum lachrymis do-
lorem meum implevero, me quoque trucidari jube ; dum inter-
fectos, nullum ob scelus, sed quia utilitati legionum consulebamus,
hi sepeliant.2 Quibus verbis invidias ac consternationis nimium
quantum concivit; adeo ut nisi brevi postea innotuisset nihil
horum fuisse, quinetiam fratrem eum nunquam habuisse, vix
a praefecto milites manus abstinuissent ; ille vero rem totam
tanquam fabulam in seen a peregit.

Nunc vero ad colophonem pervenimus tractatus nostri de
Doctrinis Rationalibus. In quibus, licet a partitionibus re-
ceptis interdum recesserimus, nemo tamen existimet nos illas

1 See Macchiavelli, Piscorsi [i. 19.]. - Tacit. Ann. i. 16—22.

Z Z 4

712 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM LIB. SEXT.

omnes improbare partitiones quibus usi non sumus. Duplex
enim nobis imponitur necessitas partitiones mutandi. Una, quia
haec duo, nimirum res natura proximas in unam classem redi-
gere, et res ad usum promendas conjicere in unum cumulum,
fine ipso et intentione sunt omnino diversa. Exempli gratia ;
secretarius aliquis regis aut reipublicae, in musaeo chartas
suas ita proculdubio distribuit, ut quae similis sint naturae si-
mul componat ; veluti fcedera seorsum, seorsum mandata, literas
ab exteris, literas domesticas, et similia, seorsum omnia : contra,
in scrinio aliquo particulari illas simul componit, quas, licet
diversi generis sunt, simul tamen usui fore existimet. Sic ni-
mirum, in hoc universal! sciential repositorio, nobis pro natura
rerum ipsarum partitiones erant instituendae ; cum tamen, si
particularis aliqua scientia fuisset pertractanda, partitiones fu-
issemus secuti usui et praxi potius accommodatas. Altera ne-
cessitas partitiones mutandi est, quia Desideratorum ad scientias
adjectio, et eorum cum reliquis in integrum corpus redactio,
etiam, per consequential^ scientiarum ipsarum partitiones
transtulit. Nam (demonstrationia gratia), esto quod artes quae
habentur rationem habeant numeri 15, adjectis autem Desi-
deratis numeri 20. Dico quod partes numeri 15, non sunt
esedem partes quae numeri 20. Nam partes numeri 15,
sunt 3 et 5 ; partes vero numeri 20 sunt 2, 4, 5,
et 10. Itaque patet, quod haec aliter
fieri non potuerint. Atque de
Scientiis Logicis haeo
dicta sint.

713

FRANCISCI BARONIS DE VERULAMIO,

VICE-COMITIS SANCTI ALBANI,

DE DIGNITATE ET AFGMENTIS
SCIENTIAEUM

UBEE SEPTIMUS.

AD KEGEM SUUM. . .. j

CAPUT I.

Partitio Ethical in Doctrinam de Exemplari, et Georgica
Animi. Partitio Exemplaris (scilicet Boni) in Bonum Sim-
plex, et Bonum Comparatum. Partitio Boni Simplicis in
Bonum Individuate, et Bonum Communionis.

PERVENTUM est (Rex optime) ad Ethicam, quse Voluntatem
Humanam intuetur et tractat. Voluntatem gubernat recta
ratio, seducit bonum apparens. Voluntatis stimuli, affectus;
ministri, organa et motus voluntarii. De hac Salomon, Ante
omnia (intuit) custodi, Fili, cor tuum; nam inde procedunt
actiones vitce.1 In hujus Scientiae pertractatione, qui de ea
scripserunt perinde mihi fecisse videntur, ac si quis scribendi
artem tradere pollicitus pulchra tantum exhibeat exemplaria
literarum, tarn simplicium quam copulatarum ; de calamo vero
ducendo aut modis characteres efformandi nihil praecipiat. Ita
et isti proposuerunt nobis exemplaria bella et luculenta atque
descriptiones sive imagines accuratas Boni, Virtutis, Officiorum,
Foelicitatis, tanquam vera objecta et scopes voluntatis et appe-
titus humani ; verum quomodo quis possit optime ad hos scopes
(excellentes sane et bene ab illis positos) collimare; hoc est^
quibus rationibus et institutis animus ad ilia assequenda subigi

1 Prov. iv. 23.

714 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

et componi pOBsit; aut nihil praecipiunt, aut perfunctorie et
minus utiliter. Disseramus quantum libuerit virtutes morales
in ammo humano esse habitualiter, non naturaliter l ; distin-
guamus solenniter inter spiritus generosos et vulgus ignobile,
quod illi rationuin momentis, hi praemio aut poena ducantur ;
praecipiamus ingeniose animum humanum, ut rectificetur, instar
bacilli in contrariam partem inclinationis suae flecti oportere 2 ;
aliaque insuper hujusmodi hinc inde spargamus ; longe tamen
abest, ut haec et alia id genus absentiam rei excusent quam
modo requirimus.

Hujusce neglectus causam baud aliam esse reor quam laten-
tem ilium scopulum, ad quern tot Scientise naviculae impin-
gentes naufragia passae sunt ; nimirum quod fastidiant scriptores
versari in rebus vulgatis et plebeiis, qua? nee satis subtiles sint
ad disputandum, nee satis illustres ad ornaudum. Sane baud
facile quis verbis assequatur, quantam calamitatem attulerit
hoc ipsum quod dicimus; quod homines ingenita superbia et
gloria vana eas materias tractationum eosque modos tractandi
sibi delegerint, quae ingenia ipsorum potius commendent quam
lectorum utilitatibus inserviant. Optime Seneca, Nocet illis
eloquentia, quibus non rerumfacit cupiditatem, sed sui3 ; siquidem
scripta talia esse debent ut amores documentorum ipsorum, non
doctorum, excitent. li igitur recta incedunt via, qui de con-
siliis suis id praedicare possint quod fecit Demosthenes, atque
hac clausula ea concludere ; Qua sifeceritis, non oratorem dun-
taxat in prcesentia laudabitis, sed vosmetipsos etiam non ita multo
post statu rerum vestrarum meliore.* Ego certe (Rex optime),
ut de meipso quod res est loquar, et in iis quae nunc edo et in
iis quae in posterum meditor dignitatem ingenii et nominis mei
(si qua sit) saepius sciens et volens projicio, dum commodis
humanis inserviam ; quique architectus fortasse in philosophia

1 Bacon refers to the Aristotelian definition of virtue, ?£is irpaKriict) rov
•which St. Thomas Aquinas thus illustrates — " Sunt autem quacdam potentise quas
secundum seipsas sunt determinate ad suos actus " (that is, naturaliter) " sicut
potentiae naturales activae, et ideo hujusmodi potentiae naturales secundum seipsas
dicuntur virtutes, potentiae autem rationales quae sunt propriae hominis non sunt de-
terminate ad unum, sed se habent indeterminate ad multa, determinantur autem ad
actus per habitum, et ideo virtutes humanse habitus sunt." — Sum. Theol. i. 2d»* 45. 1.

8 Arist. Eth. ad Nicom. ii. 9.

8 Ep. 52. sub fin. : — " Ad rem commoveantur, non ad verba composita. Alioqui
uocet illis eloquentia, si non rerum cupiditatem facit, sed sui." Seneca is speaking
of the auditors of popular lecturers on philosophy. The only kind of applause which
he -would allow tbe lecturer to affect or the audience to bestow, is that of young men
so stirred by the matter that they cannot refrain. — /. S.

1 Demosth. Olynth. ii. ad calc.

LIBER SEPTIMUS. 715

et scientiis esse debeam, etiam operarius et bajulus et quidvis
demum fio ; cum haud pauca, quae omnino fieri necesse sit, alii
autem ob innatam superbiam subterfugiant, ipse sustineam et
exequar. Verum (ut ad rem redeamus) quod ccepimus dicere,
delegerunt sibi philosophi in Ethica massam quandam materise
splendidam et nitentem, in qua potissimum vel ingenii acumen
vel eloquentiae vigorem venditare possint. Quae vero practicam
maxime instruunt, quandoquidem tarn belle ornari non possint,
maxima ex parte omiserunt.

Neque tamen debuerant viri tarn eximii desperasse de for-
tuna simili ei quam poeta Virgilius et sibi spondere ausus et
revera consequutus est ; qui non minorem eloquentiae, ingenii,
et eruditionis gloriam adeptus est in explicando observationes
agriculturae, quam .^Eneae res gestas heroicas enarrando.

Nee sum animi dubius, verbis ea vincere magnum
Quam sit, et angustis his addere rebus honorem.1

Certe si serio hominibus cordi sit, non in otio scribere quae per
otium legantur, sed revera vitam activam instruere et subor-
nare, Georgica ista Animi Humani non minore in pretio apud
homines haberi debeant, quam heroicae illse effigies Virtutis,
Boni, et Foelicitatis, in quibus tarn operose est insudatum.

Partiemur igitur Ethicam in doctrinas principales duas ;
alteram de Exemplar! sive Imagine Boni; alteram de Regi-
mine et Cultura Animi, quam etiam partem Georgica Animi
appellare consuevimus. Ilia Naturam Boni describit, haec
Regulas de animo ad illam conformando praescribit.

Doctrina de Exemplari (quae Boni Naturam intuetur et
describit) Bonum considerat aut Simplex, aut Comparatum;
aut Genera (inquam) Boni, aut Gradus. In posteriore horum,
disputationes illas infinitas et speculationes circa Boni Supre-
mum Gradum, quern Frelicitatem, Beatitudinem, Summum
Bonum vocitarunt, (quae ethnicis instar theologiae erant)
Christiana tandem fides sustulit, et missas fecit. Quemad-
modum enim Aristoteles ait, Adolescentes posse etiam beatos
esse, sed non aliter quam spe 2 ; eodem modo, a Christiana fide
edocti, debemus nos omnes minorum et adolescentum loco sta-
tuere, ut non aliam felicitatem cogitemus quam quae in spe
sita est.

Liberati igitur (bonis avibus) ab hac Doctrina, tanquam de

1 Georg. Hi. 289. 2 Aristot. Eth. ad Nicom. i. 10.

716 DE AUGMENTIS SC1ENTIARUM

coelo ethnicorum, (qua in parte proculdubio elevationem naturse
humanse attribuerunt majorem quam cujus ilia esset capax;
videmus enim quali cothurno Seneca, Vere magnum habere
fragilitatem hominis, securitatem Dei !) reliqua certe ab illis
circa Doctrinam Exemplaris tradita, minore aut veritatis aut
sobrietatis jactura, magna ex parte recipere possumus. Etenira
quod ad Naturam Boni Positivi et Simplicis spectat, illam
certe pulcherrime et ad vivum veluti in tabulis eximiis de-
pinxerunt ; virtutum et officiorum figuras, posituras, genera, af-
finitates, partes, subjecta, provincias, actiones, dispensations,
diligentissime sub oculos repraesentantes. Neque hie finis ;
nam haec omnia animo humano, magno quoque argumentorura
acumine et vivacitate et suasionum dulcedine, commendarunt
atque insinuarunt. Quinetiam (quantum verbis praestari possit)
eadem contra pravos et populares errores et insultus fidelissime
muniverunt Quatenus vero ad Naturam Boni Comparati,
huic rei etiam nullo modo defuerunt ; in constituendis trinis
illis Ordinibus Bonorum 2 ; in collatione Vitas Contemplativae
cum Activa 3 ; in discriminations Virtutis cum Reluctatione et
Virtu tis. jam Securitatem nactae et confirmatas ; in conflictu et
pugna Honesti et Utilis ; in Virtutum inter se Libramine,
nimirum cui quaeque praeponderet ; et similibus. Adeo ut
hanc partem de Exemplari insigniter excultam jam esse, et
antiques in ea re mirabiles se viros praestitisse, reperiam ; ita
tamen, ut philosophos longo post se intervallo reliquerit pia et
strenua theologorum diligentia, in Officiis et Virtutibus Mora-
libus et Casibus Conscientiae et Peccati Circumscriptionibus
pensitandis et determinandis exercitata.4

Nihilo secius (ut ad Philosophos redeamus) si illi (antequam
ad populares et receptas notiones Virtutis, Vitii, Doloris, Vo-
luptatis, et caeterorum se applicassent) supersedissent paulisper,
et radices ipsas Boni et Mali et radicum illarum fibras indagas-
sent ; ingentem meo judicio lucem illis omnibus quae postea in
inquisitionem ventura fuissent, affudissent; ante omnia, si
Naturam Rerum non minus quam Axiomata Moralia consuluis-

1 " Ecce res magna, habere imbecillitatem hominis, securitatem Dei." — Senec. Ep.
53.

2 Namely, the good which relates respectively to mind, body, and estate. See
Arist. Eth. ad Nicom. i. 8. 2.

3 Arist. Eth. ad Nicom. x. 7.

4 The aggregate of these inquiries constitutes what was called moral theology, which
in the later developments of scholasticism was treated apart from the rest of the sub-
jects contained in a " Summa Theologiac."

LIBER SEPTIMUS. 717

sent, doctrinas suas minus prolixas, magis autem profundas
reddidissent. Quod cum ab illis aut omnino omissum aut con-
fuse admodum tractatum fuerit, nos breviter retractabimus, et
Fontes ipsos Rerum Moralium aperire et purgare conabimur ;
antequam ad Doctrinam de Cultura Animi, quam ponimus
ut Desideratam, perveniamus. Hoc enim (ut arbitramur)
Doctrinam de Exemplari novis quodammodo viribus donabit.

Inditus est atque impressus unicuique rei appetitus ad du-
plicem Naturam Boni : alteram, qua res Totum quiddam est in
seipsa; alteram, qua est Pars Totius alicujus Majoris. Atque
posterior haec ilia altera dignior est et potentior ; cum tendat
ad conservationem Formae Amplioris. Nominetur prima Bo-
num Individual, sive Suitatis ; posterior Bonum Communionis.
Ferrum sympathia particular! fertur ad magnetem ; at si paulo
ponderosius fuerit, amores illos deserit, et tanquam bonus civis
et amator patriae Terram petit ; region em scilicet connaturalium
suorum. Ulterius paulo pergamus : Corpora densa et gravia
terrain petunt, congregationem magnam corporum densorum ;
attamen, potius quam natura rerum divulsionem patiatur, et
detur (ut loquuntur) Vacuum, corpora hujusmodi in sursum
ferentur, et cessabunt ab officio suo erga Terram, ut praestent
officium suum Mundo ipsi debitum. Ita quasi perpetuo obtinet,
ut conservatio Forma? magis Communis minores appetitus in
ordinem redigat. At praerogativa ista Boni Communionis
signatur praecipue in homine, si non degeneraverit ; juxta
memorabile illud Pompeii Magni dictum ; qui, quo tempore
Romam fames premeret, annonae importanda? praepositus, vehe-
mentissime autem ab amicis interpellate ne mari atroce tem-
pestate ingruente se committeret, illud tantum respondit;
Necesse est ut earn, non ut vivam ! ; adeo ut vita? desiderium
(quod in individuo maximum est) amore et fide in rempublicam
apud eum non praeponderaret. Sed quid moramur? Nulla
omnibus saeculis reperta est vel philosophia vel secta vel religio
vel lex aut disciplina, quse in tantum Communionis Bonum
exaltavit, Bonum vero Individuale depressit, quantum Sancta
Fides Christiana ; unde liquido pateat unum eundemque Deum
fuisse, qui creaturis leges illas Naturae, hominibus vero legem
Christianam dedisset. Propterea legimus nonnullos ex elcctis
et sanctis viris optasse se potius erasos ex Libro Vitae, quam ut

1 TrAew/ dvdKyt], fijf OVK avdyKT]. — Pint, in Pomp. C. 50.

718 DE AUGMENT1S SCIENTIARUM

salus ad fratres suos non perveniret ; ecstasi quadam charitatis
et impotent! desiderio Boni Communionis incitati.1

Hoc positum, ita ut immotum maneat et inconcussum, non-
nullis ex gravissimis in Morali Philosophia controversiis finem
imponit. Primo enim quaestionem illam determinat, de Vita
Contemplativa Actives praferenda ; idque contra sententiam
Aristotelis. Omnes siquidem rationes, quaB ab illo pro Con-
templativa afferuntur, Bonum Privatum respiciunt, atque In-
dividui tantum ipsius voluptatem aut dignitatem; quibus in
rebus Contemplativa palmam hand dubie reportat. Etenim
Contemplativa non absimilis est comparationi qua usus est Py-
thagoras, ut philosophise et contemplation! honorem ac decus
assereret. Qui ab Hierone, quisnam esset, interrogatus, re-
spondit; Hieronem non latere (si forte unquam Otympicis cer-
taminibus interfuisset) id ibi loci contingere, ut veniant eo alii
fortunes suce in agonibus periculum facturi; alii vero ut merca-
tores, ad merces distrahendas ; alii ut amicos undique conftuentes
convenirent, et epulis ac Jtilaritati indulgerent ; alii denique ut
cceterorum essent spectatores ; se autem unum esse ex illis} qui
spectandi gratia venerit.* Verum homines nosse debent, in hoc
humanae vitae theatre, Deo et Angelis solum con venire ut
spectatores sint.3 Neque sane fieri potuit, ut hac de re dubi-
tatio in ecclesia unquam suscitaretur (utcunque plurimis in ore
fuerit dictum illud, pretiosa in oculis Domini mors sanctorum
ejus4; ex quo loco mortem illam civilem, et instituta vitae
monasticae et regularis attollere soleant) ; nisi illud etiam una
subesset, quod vita ilia monastica mere Contemplativa non sit,
verum plane in officiis ecclesiasticis versetur ; qualia sunt jugis

1 In [the Cogitationes de Scientia Humana, an early fragment which will be printed
in Part III. of this edition from a MS. in the British Museum], Moses and St. Paul are
expressly mentioned in a passage of which the purport is the same as that of the text.
See Exodus, xxxii. 32., and Romans, ix. 3. Bacon here touches on what theologians call
the conditional sacrifice of salvation — a matter frequently referred to in the unhappy
controversy between Bossuet and Fenelon. The 33rd of the Articles of Issy, which
they both signed, sanctions the notion of this conditional sacrifice. It appears, how-
ever, that the article in question was one of the four added at Fenelon's suggestion
to Bossuet's original draft, and that the latter did not consent without reluctance to
its introduction. Fenelon's own views on the subject are developed in his Instruc-
tion Pastorale, &c., sec. 10., and elsewhere. St. Chrysostom, according to a passage
quoted by Fenelon, disapproved greatly of those who held that St. Paul speaks merely
of temporal death.

2 " Hiero " is a mistake for Leo (tyrant of Phliuns). The story of the inter-
view between him and Pythagoras is told by Cicero, Tusc. Quast. v. 3. Compare
lamblichus's Life of Pythagoras, in which, though the same sentiment is ascribed to
him, it is not put in a dramatic form.

8 Compare St. Augustin, speaking of St. Paul, De Civ. Dei, xiv. 9.
4 Psalm cxvi. 15.

LIBER SEPTIMUS. 719

oratio, et votorum sacrificia Deo oblata, librorum item theolo-
gicorum multo in otio conscriptio ad legis divinae doctrinam
propagandam ; quemadmodum et Moses fecit, cum per tot
dies in mentis secessu moratus esset. Quinetiam Henoch, ab
Adamo septimus, qui -videtur fuisse princeps Vitae Contem-
plative (etenim cum Deo ambulasse perhibetur) *, nihilominus
ecclesiam Prophetiae Libro (qui etiam a Sancto Juda citatur)
dotavit.2 Contemplativam vero quod attinet meram, et in
seipsa terminatam, quaeque radios nullos sive caloris sive lu-
minis in societatem humanam diffundat ; nescit earn certe
Theologia.

Determinat etiam quaestionem, tanta contentione agitatam,
inter scholas Zenonis et Socratis ex una parte, qui fcelicitatem
in virtute, aut sola aut adornata, (cujus semper in officiis vitae
partes potissimae) collocarunt, et reliquas complures sectas et
scholas ex altera parte ; veluti scholas Cyrena'icorum et Epicu-
reorum, qui earn in voluptate constituerunt, virtutem autem
(sicut fit in comoediis aliquibus, ubi hera cum famula vestem
mutet) plane ancillam statuerunt, utpote sine qua voluptati
commode ministrari non posset ; nee minus illam alteram Epi-
curi scholam, quasi Reformatam, quae foelicitatem nihil aliud
esse praedicabat quam animi tranquillitatem et serenitatem, a
perturbationibus liberi et vacui ; ac si Jovem de solio deturbare
vellent et Saturnum cum aureo saeculo reducere, quando neque
aestas nee bruma fuissent, non ver nee autumnus, sed una et
aequabilis aeris temperies ; denique et illam explosam Pyrrhonis
et Herilli scholam, qui sitam autumaverunt foelicitatem in scru-
pulis quibusque animi prorsus eliminandis ; nullam statuentes
fixam et constantem boni aut mali naturam ; sed actiones pro
bonis aut malis habentes, prout ex animo, motu puro et irre-
fracto aut contra cum aversatione et reluctatione, prodirent;
quae tamen opinio in haeresi Anabaptistarum revixit ; qui cuncta
metiebantur juxta motus et instinctus spiritus, et constantiam
vel vacillationem fidei. Liquet autem ista quae recensuimus
omnia ad privatam animorum tranquillitatem et complacentiam,
nullo modo autem ad Bonum Communionis, spectare.

1 Gen. v. 24.

8 St Jude, 14. Three MS. copies of the Ethiopia version of the book of Enoch
were brought from Abyssinia by Bruce. Dr. Lawrence published an English trans-
lation of it, which I have not seen. A German translation by Hoffman appeared at
Jena in 1833. Before Bruce's time, the contents of this apocryphal or uncanonical
book were, at least in Europe, wholly unknown.

720 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

Porro redarguit etiam Philosophiam Epicteti, qui hoc utitur
praesupposito ; foelicitatem in iis poni debere quse in potestate
nostra sunt ; ne scilicet fortunae et casibus simus obnoxii ! ; quasi
vero non multo fuerit foelicius in rectis et generosis intenti-
onibus et finibus, qui publicum bonum amplectantur, successu
destitui et frustrari, quam in omnibus quse ad privatam tantum
fortunam nostram referuntur voti perpetuo compotes fieri.
Sicut Consalvus, Neapolim digito militibus indicans, generosa
voce testatus est, Multo sibi optatius fore, unum pedem promo-
vendo, ad interitum cerium mere; quam unius pedis recessu,
vitam in multos annos producere."2 Cui etiam concinit Coelestis
Dux et Imperator, qui pronunciavit Conscientiam bonam juge
esse convivium3; quibus verbis aperte significat, mentem bona-
rum intentionum sibi consciam, utcunque successu careat, ve-
rius et purius et naturae magis consentaneum praebere gaudium,
quam universum ilium apparatum quo instrui possit homo, vel
ut desideriis suis fruatur vel ut animo conquiescat.

Redarguit itidem philosophise abusum ilium, circa Epicteti
tempora grassari cceptum : nempe quod philosophia versa fuerit
in genus quoddam vitae professorium, et tanquam in artem;
quasi scilicet institutum philosophiae esset, non ut pertur-
bationes compescerentur et extinguerentur, sed ut eausae et
occasiones ipsarum evitarentur et summoverentur ; ideoque par-
ticularis quaedam vita? ratio ad hoc obtinendum ineunda esset ;
introducendo sane tale genus sanitatis in animum, quale fuit

1 The moral philosophy of the Stoics is misunderstood when it is said that they
placed happiness in that which is in the wise man's power, in order that he may be
happy. They set out from the inquiry, " What is the end and purpose, the sum mum
bonum, of man's life ? " in which is involved the assumption that it has an end and
purpose, and that this is in its own nature attainable. And this assumption may be
developed into an answer to the inquiry in which it is involved. For as the wise
man, who is the representative of humanity in its best estate, must be capable of at-
taining the true end of his being, they concluded that whatever might in virtue of
outward circumstances be to him unattainable, must be, with reference to that end, a
thing indifferent ; or, in other words, that the summum bonum must be looked for in
that which is in his own power. That felicity in this sense is always in the wise man's
power is thus not an arbitrary assertion, but results from the principle that life is not
merely a purposeless dream.

2 " Desiderare piuttostodi avere al presente la sua sepoltura un palmo diterrenopiu
avanti, che col ritirarsi indietro poche braccie allungare la vita cento anni." — Gmc-
ciard. vi. 2.

Fernandez Consalvo of Cordova commonly called the Great Captain, and cer-
tainly one of the most successful soldiers of the age in which he lived, was employed
by the King of Spain in his Italian wars. He died at [Granada] in [December, 1515].
See, for the testimony to his merits of apparently an unwilling witness, Brantome's
Vies des Grands Capitaines, and for a panegyrical biography, Paulus Jovius.

3 "He that is of a merry heart hath a continual feast." — Proverbs, xv. 15.,
where the Vulgate is " Secura mens quasi juge convivium."

LIBER SEPTIMUS. 721

Herodici in corpore, cujus meminit Aristoteles ' ; ilium scilicet
nihil aliud per totam vitam egisse quam ut valetudinem cu-
raret, et proinde ab infinitis rebus abstiueret, corporis interim
usu quasi multatus; ubi si he-minibus officia societatis con-
sectari cordi sit, ilia demum valetudo maxime est expetenda
quse quaslibet mutationes et impetus quoscunque ferre et vin-
cere queat. Eodem modo et animus ille demum vere et proprie
sanus et validus censendus est, qui per plurimas et maximas
teutationes et perturbationes perrumpere potest. Ita ut opti-
me Diogenes dixisse visus sit, qui eas vires animi laudarit
qucB non ad caute abstinendum sed ad fortiter sustinendum vale-
rent'* ; quaeque animi impetum etiam in maximis praecipitiis
cohibere possint ; quaeque (id quod in equis bene subactis lau-
datur) praestent ut brevissimo spatio et sistere se et vertere
possint.

Postremo, redarguit idem teneritudinem quandam et inepti-
tudinem ad morigerandum, in nonnullis ex antiquissimis phi-
losophis et maxime in veneratione habitis notatam ; qui nimis
facile se a rebus civilibus subduxerint, ut indignitatibus et
perturbationibus se exuerent, atque magis, sua opinione, illi-
bati et tanquam sacrosancti viverent ; ubi consentaneum esset,
constantiam hominis vere moralis talem fore, qualem idem Con-
salvus in homine militari requirebat; nimirum ut honor ejus
contexeretur tanquam e tela crassiore ; minimeque tarn tenui
ut quidvis illud vellicare et lacerare possit.

1 Rhet. i. 5. 10. A similar account is given of Herodicus in the third book of
Plato's Republic. In illustration of the assertion that philosophy came to be a " pro-
fessorium vitse genus," see Aulus Gellius, ix. 2. and elsewhere. %

2 ri> Kparclv Kal fj3) rirraaBai ri56v(av apicnbv, ov rb ^ xp^^o-1- But this was not
said by Diogenes, but by Aristippus. See Diog. Laert. in Aristip. Bacon has else-
where (v. sup. p. 449.) confoundf d these two names. The error in both cases may
perhaps have arisen from a wrong entry in a commonplace book. The inaccuracy in
the present passage is the more remarkable as the most celebrated of Aristippus's say-
ings occurs in immediate juxta-position with the words I have quoted from Diogenes
Laertius.

[I should rather think that Bacon alludes to the following saying of Diogenes,
which is also in Diogenes Laertius : ^ir^jvei robs jut \\ovras yafjitlv Kal p)] ya/tfiv
Ka\ TOVS jteAAovToy TT\£IV Kal /J.T) KaTair\('iv TOVS ne\\6mas iro\iTfvea6ai Kal /XTJ iroAi-
TfVfyQat' Kal TOVS iraiSorpo(f>fiir /j.e\\ovras Kal ftij iraiSoTptxpelv Kal rovs irapaffKeuafa-
fifvous crvfi.ftiovi' -rots $vvd<nais Kal ft)j irpoaiovras : meaning that he admired the man,
not who was without passions, but who could command them. — /. £]

VOL. I. 3 A

722 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

CAPUT II.

Partitio Boni Individuals, vel Suitatis, in Bonum Activum, et
Bonum Passivum. Partitio Boni Passivi in Bonum Conser-
vativum, et Bonum Perfectivum. Partitio Boni Commu-
nionis in Officia Generalia, et Respectiva.

KEPETAMUS igitur jam et persequamur primum Bonum Indi-
viduale, et Suitatis. Illud partiemur in Bonum Activum, et
Bonum Passivum. Etenim haec quoque differentia Boni (non
absimilis certe illis appellationibus qua? Romanis in CEcono-
micis erant familiares, Promt scilicet et Condi) in universa
rerum natura impressa reperitur ; praecipue autem se prodit in
duplici rerum creatarum appetitu; altero se Conservandi et
Muniendi, altero se Multiplicand! et Propagandi. Atque hie
posterior, qui Activus est et veluti Promus, potentior videtur
et dignior ; ille autem prior, qui Passivus est et veluti Condus,
inferior censeri potest. Etenim in universitate rerum natura
Cffilestis praecipue Agens est, at natura terrestris Patiens.
Etiam in delectationibus animantium major voluptas est
generandi, quam pascendi. In oraculis quoque divinis pro-
nunciatur Beatius esse dare, quam accipere.1 Quin et in vita
communi nemo invenitur ingenio tarn molli et effeminate, quin
pluris faciat, aliquid quod ei in votis erat perficere et ad exitum
perducere, quam sensualitatem aliquam aut delectamentum.
Atque ista quidem Boni Activi praeeminentia in immensum
exaltatur ex intuitu conditionis humanas, quod sit et mortalis
et fortunes ictibus exposita. Nam si in voluptatibus hominum
posset obtineri perpetuitas atque certitudo, magnum pretium
eis accederet propter securitatem et moram.2 Quandoquidem
autem videmus hue rem recidere, Magni cestimamus mori tar-
dius3', et Ne glorieris de crastino ; nescis partum diei4 ; mirum
minime est, si omni contentione feramur ad ea quae temporis

1 Acts, xx. 35.

2 Compare Homer's noble lines : —

& ireirov, el juh' yap ir6\tfj.ov vepl

ftffftaff, otfre Kev avrbs tvl irpieToifft /wtxo'V'J1'
ofrrf Kf fff <n 4 \\oifj.i tua-xw Is KvStdvftpav
vvv 5', f(j.in)s yap Krjpes etyeffracrtv fbavdroio
fivptat, 6.5 OWK effTi (puyetv ^por"bv o65' vira\v£oii,

H. /t. 322.

• Seneca, Nat. Quaest. ii. 59. * Proverbs, xxvii. 1.

LIBER SEPTIMUS. 723

injurias non reformident. Ea vero nulla esse possunt, prater
opera nostra; sicut dicitur, Opera eorum sequuntur eos.1 Est
et altera praeeminentia Boni Activi haud exigua, et indita et
sustentata ex eo affectu qui humanas naturae, ut comes indivi-
duus, later! adhaeret ; amor scilicet novitatis aut varietatis. Ille
vero in sensuum voluptatibus (quas Boni Passivi pars sunt vel
maxima) angustus admodum est, nee latitudinem habet aliquam
insignem: Cogita quamdiu eadem feceris ; cibus, somnus, ludus ;
per hunc circulum curritur ; mori velle non tantum fortis, aut
miser, aut prudens, sed etiam fastidiosus potest? At in actis
vitae nostrae et institutis et ambitionibus insignis est varietas ;
eaque multa cum voluptate percipitur, dum inchoamus, pro-
gredimur, interquiescimus, regredimur ut vires augeamus,
appropinquamus, denique obtinemus, et hujusmodi; ut vere
admodum dictum sit, Vita sine proposito languida et vaga est.*
Quod sirnul et prudentibus et stultissimis competit, ut ait Sa-
lomon, Pro desiderio qu&rit cerebrosus, omnibus immiscet se.4
Quinetiam videmus reges potentissimos, ad quorum nutum
quaecunque sensibus grata sunt parari possent, nihilominus
procurasse sibi interdum desideria hurnilia et inania (quemad-
modum cithara fuit Neroni, gladiatoria Commodo, Antonino
aurigatio, et alia aliis), quas tamen ipsis fuerint omni affluentia
voluptatum sensualium potiora. Tanto voluptatem majorem
affert ut aliquid agamus, quam ut fruamur.

Illud interim paulo attentius notandum est, Bonum Activum
Individuale a Bono Communionis prorsus differre, quanquam
nonnunquam ambo coincidant. Quamvis enim Bonum istud
Individuale Activum saepe opera beneficentiae (quae ex Virtu-
tibus Communionis est) pariat et producat ; illud tamen in-
terest, quod ilia opera ab hominibus plurimis fiant non animo
alios juvandi aut beandi, sed plane propter se, atque potentiam
et amplitudinem propriam. Id quod optime cernitur, quando
Bonum Activum in aliquid impingit, quod sit Bono Commu-

1 Revel, xiv. 1.

2 Cogita quamdiu jam idem facias ; cibus, somnus, libido, per hunc circulum
curritur ; mori velle non tantum prudens et fortis aut miser, sed etiam fastidiosus
potest." — Seneca, Ep. 77.

That " tedium vitse " was considered by the Romans in the time of the Emperors
a reasonable and legally sufficient motive for suicide appears from the Digest iii. 2.
11. 3., from the Codex ix. 50. 1., and from several other texts; — the burden of life
being most felt in an advanced state of corrupt civilization.

8 " Vita sine proposito vaga est." — Seneca, Ep. 95.

4 This is probably another version of Prov. xviii. I. " Through desire a man
having separated himself seeketh and intermeddleth with all wisdom." — J. S.

3A 2

724 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

nionis contrarlum. Siquidem gigantea ilia animi conditio, qua
abripiuntur magni isti orbis terrarum perturbatores, (qualis fuit
L. Sylla, et plurimi alii, licet in modulo longe minore, qui
videntur ad hoc anhelare, ut omnes foelices et aerumnosi sint
prout sibi fuerint amici vel inimici l, atque ut mundus tanquam
ipsorum praferat imaginem ; quae vera est Theomachia) ; haec
inquam ipsa aspirat ad Bonum Activum Individuale, saltern
Apparens, etsi a Bono Communionis omnium maxime recedat.

At Bonum Passivum partiemur in Bonum Conservativum, et
Bonum Perfectivum. Etenim inditus est unicuique rei triplex
appetitus, quatenus ad Bonum Suitatis, sive Individui. Primus,
ut se conservet ; secundus, ut se perficiat ; tertius, ut se multi-
plicet sive diffundat. Atque hie postremus appetitus ad Bonum
Activum refertur, de quo jam modo diximus. Supersunt igitur
reliqua tantum duo, quae diximus, Bona ; ex quibus praecellit
Perfectivum. Minus enim quiddam est, conservare rem in suo
statu; majus vero, eandem ad naturam sublimiorem evehere.
Reperiuntur siquidem per res universas naturae aliquae nobi-
liores, ad quarum dignitatem et excellentiam naturae inferiores
aspirant, veluti ad origines et fontes suos. Sic de hominibus,
non male cecinit ille ;

Igneus est ollis vigor, et caelestis origo.3

Homini enim, assumptio aut approximatio ad divinam aut ange-
licam naturam est formae suae perfectio. Cujus quidem Boni
Perfectivi prava et praepostera imitatio pestis est ipsa vitae
humanae, et turbo quidam rapidus qui omnia abripit et subver-
tit; nimirum, dum homines, exaltationis vice formalis atque
essentialis, coeca ambitione ndvolent ad exaltationem tantum-
modo localem. Quemadmodum enim aegri, remedium mali sui
non invenientes, de loco in locum corpus agitant et volvunt,
quasi ex mutatione loci a seipsis abscedere et internum malum
effugere possint ; eodem modo evenit in ambitione, ut homines,
simulacro quodam falso naturae suae exaltandae abrepti, nihil
aliud adipiscantur quam loci quandam celsitudinem et fasti-
gium.

Bonum vero Conservativum nihil aliud est, quam receptio et
fruitio rerum natures nostrce congruentium. Hoc vero Bonum,

1 The epitaph which Plutarch says Sylla made for himself was probably in Bacon's
mind. It boasted that no man had surpassed him in doing good to his friends or evil
*o his enemies. See Hut. in Sylla.

2 Virg.'^En. vi. 730.

LIBER SEPTIMUS. 725

licet maxime sit simplex et nativum, tamen ex Bonis videtur
mollissimum atque infimum. Quin et hoc ipsum Bonum re-
cipit differentiam nonnullam ; circa quam partim vacillavit
judicium hominum, partim omissa est inquisitio. Boni siqui-
dem Fruitiouis, sive, quod vulgo dicitur, Jucundi, dignitas et
commendatio aut in Sinceritate fruitionis sita est, aut in ejus-
dem Vigore; quorum alterum inducit et praestat JEqualitas,
alterum autem Varietas et Vicissitude ; alterum minorem habet
mixturam Mali, alterum impressionem magis fortem et vividam
Boni. Caaterum horum utrum melius, ambigitur ; dein, num
natura humana utrunque simul apud se retinere possit, non
inquiritur.

Atque quantum ad id de quo ambigitur, ventilari coepit ilia
controversia inter Socratem et sophistam quendam.1 Ac So-
crates quidem asserebat, Fcdicitatem sitam esse in animi pace
constante et tranquillitate ; sophista vero in hoc, ut quis multum
appetat, et multum fruatur. Quin et ab argumentis delapsi
sunt ad convitia; dicente sophista Fcdicitatem Socratis stipitis
vel lapidis esse f&licitatem ; e contra So crate, sophistae Fozlicita-
tem, fodicitatem esse scabiosi, qui perpetuo pruriret et scalperet.
Neque tamen desunt utrique sententiae sua firmamenta. Nam
Socrati assentitur vel Epicuri schola ipsa, quse virtutis ad fceli-
citatem partes esse maximas non diffiteatur. Quod si ita sit,
certo certius est virtutis majorem esse usum in perturbationibus
sedandis, quam in rebus cupitis adipiscendis. Sophistae autem
nonnihil suffragari videtur assertio ilia cujus a nobis mentio
modo facta est, quod videlicet Bonum Perfectivum Bono Con-
servativo sit superius ; quippe quia cupitarmn rerum adeptiones
naturam videantur sensim perficere ; quod licet vere non faciant,
tamen et motus ipse in circulo speciem nonnullam prae se fert
Motus Progressivi.

At secunda quaestio (num, scilicet, natura humana non possit
et animi tranquillitatem et fruendi vigorem simul retinere), rite
diffinita, priorem illam reddit otiosam et supervacaneam. Annon
enim videmus haud raro animos nonnullorum ita factos et com-
positos, ut voluptatibus afficiantur vel maxime cum adsint, et
tamen earum jacturam non gravate ferant? Ita ut series ilia
philosophica, Non uti, ut non appetas ; non appetere, ut non
metuas; videatur esse pusilli cujusdam animi et diffidentis.2

1 See the Gorgias, p. 494.

* Compare Flutarch in Solone : Uroiros 5e K<t\ &jtvv))s 6 rtp <f<5&j> TTJI c?irogoA^s

3 A 3

726 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

Sane doctrinse plerseque philosophorum videntur esse paulo
timidiores, et cavere hominibus plusquam natura rerum postu-
lat. Veluti cum mortis formidinem medendo augent. Etenim
cum nihil aliud fere vitam humanam faciant quam mortis quan-
dam praaparationem et disciplinary quomodo fieri possit, ut ille
hostis mirum in modum non videatur terribilis, contra quern
muniendi nullus sit finis l ? Melius poeta (ut inter ethnicos),

Qui finem vitas extremum inter munera ponat
Naturae.2

Similiter et in omnibus annisi sunt philosophi animum huma-
num reddere nimis uniformem et harmonicum, eum motibus
contrariis et extremis minime assuefaciendo. Cujus causam
arbitror fuisse, quod ipsi vitas se privatae dedicarunt, a negotiis
et aliorum obsequiis immuni et liberae. Quin potius imitentur
homines prudentiam gemmariorum ; qui, si forte in gemma
inveniatur nubecula aliqua aut glaciecula quae ita posset eximi
ut magnitudini lapidis non nimium detrahatur, earn tollunt ;
aliter vero intactam earn relinquunt. Pari ratione, serenitati
nnimorum ita consulendum est, ut non destruatur magnanimitas.
Atque de Bono Individual! hactenus.

Postquam igitur de Bono Suitatis (quod etiam Particulare,
Privatum, Individuate, appellare solemus) jam dixerimus ; repe-
tamus Bonum Communionis, quod Societatem intuetur. Istud
nomine Officii vocari consuevit. Siquidem vocabulum Offidi
magis proprie attribuitur animo bene disposito erga alios ; vo-
cabulum Virtutis animo intra se recte formato et composite.
Verum ista pars, primo intuitu, Scientiae Civili deberi videtur.
Attamen si diligentius attendas, non ita. Siquidem tractat
regimen et imperium uniuscujusque in seipsum, neutiquam
vero in alios. Atque sicut in Architectura alia res est postes,
trabes, et caeteras aedificii partes eflformare, et ad a?dificandi
usum praaparare ; alia autem easdem ad invicem aptare et com-
paginare ; sicut etiam in Mechanicis, instrumentum aut machi-
nam fabricare et conficere, non idem est quod fabricatum
erigere, movere, et in opere ponere : sic doctrina de Conju-
gatione ipsa Hominum in Civitate, sive Societate, differt ab ea

1 "Ista enim philosophorum vita ut ait idem " (Socrates in the Phado) " commen-
tatio mortis est." — Tusc. Disp. i. 30. The reference is to the following passage : T)>
;i;AerT)^a avrb TOVTO effrt TWV <pt\off6<po>v, \vais KOI XUPI'(TIJI^>S tyvX.W ""^ r°v o'di/JLaros ;
which scarcely justifies Cicero's version of it Contrast Spinoza, Ethics, iv. 67.

2 Juven. x. 358 ; but^inew is in the original tpatium. Compare Bacon's Essay on
Death.

LIBER SEPTIMUS. 727

quse eos reddit ad hujusmodi Societatis commoda conformes et
bene affectos.

Ista pars de Officiis etiam in duas portiones tribuitur ; qua-
rum altera tractat de Officio Hominis in Communi ; altera de
Officiis Specialibus et Respectivis, pro singulorum profes-
sione, vocatione, statu, persona, et gradu. Harum primam
satis excultam, diligenterque a veteribus et aliis explicatam,
jam antea retulimus ; alteram quoque, sparsim quidem tracta-
tam, licet non in corpus aliquod integrum scientias digestam
reperimus. Neque tamen hoc ipsum, quod sparsim tracte-
tur, reprehendimus ; quinimo de hoc argumento per partes
scribi longe consultius existimamus. Quis enim tanta fuerit
vel perspicacia vel confidentia, ut de Officiis Peculiaribus et
Relativis singulorum ordinum et conditionum perite et ad
vivum disceptare et diffinire possit aut sustineat? Tractatus
autem qui experientiam non sapiunt, sed ex notitia rerum ge-
nerali et scholastica tantummodo deprompti sunt, de rebus
hujusmodi, inanes plerunque evadunt et inutiles. Quamyis
enim aliquando contingat spectatorem ea animadvertere quae
lusorem fugiant, atque jactetur proverbium quoddam magis
audaculum quam sanum, de censura vulgi circa actiones prin-
cipum, Stantem in valle optime perlustrare montem; optandum
tamen inprimis esset, ut non nisi expertissimus et versatissimus
quisque se hujusmodi argumentis immisceret. Hominum enim
speculativorum in materiis activis lucubrationes, iis qui in
agendo fuerint exercitati nihilo meliores videntur quam disser-
tationes Phormionis de bellis sestimatse sunt ab Hannibale, qui
eas habuit pro somniis et deliriis.1 Unum duntaxat vitium
illos occupat qui de rebus ad suum munus aut artem pertinen-
tibus libros conscribunt ; quod scilicet in illis ipsis Spartis suis
ornandis2 atque attollendis modum tenere nesciant.

In hoc genere librorum piaculum foret non meminisse (ho-
noris causa) excellentissimi illius operis, a Maj estate tua elucu-
brati, De Officio Regis.3 Scriptum enim hoc plurimos intra se
cumulavit ac recondidit thesauros, tarn conspicuos quam occul-
tos, Theologiae, Etliicas, et Politicae, insigni cum aspersione
aliarum artium; estque meo judicio, inter scripta quae mihi

1 See, for the story here alluded to, Cicero, De Orat. U. 18.

2 " Quam nactus es Spartam hanc orna." — Erasm. Adag. ii. 5; 1.

3 The proper title of this work is Basilicon Doron. It contains three books. The
first is, "Of a king's Christian duetie towards God;" the second, " Of a king'*
duetie in his office ; " and the last, " Of a king's behaviour in things indifferent,"

3 A 4

728 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

perlegere contigerit, praecipue sanum et solidum. Non illud
ullo loco aut inventionis fervore aastuat, aut indiligentige frigore
torpet aut dormitat; non vertigine aliquando corripitur, unde
in ordine suo servando -confundatur aut excidat; non digres-
sionibus distrahitur, ut ilia quae nihil ad rhombum sunt expatia-
tione aliqua flexuosa complectatur l ; non odoramentorum aut
pigmentorum fucis adulteratur, qualibus illi utuntur qui lecto-
rum potius delectationi quam argument! naturae inserviunt;
ante omnia vero, spiritu valet istud opus non minus quam cor-
pore ; utpote quod et cum veritate optime consentiat et ad
usum sit accommodatissimum. Quinetiam vitio illo, de quo
paulo ante diximus (quod si in alio quopiam, in rege certe et
scripto de majestate regia tolerandum fuerit) omnino caret;
nempe, quod culmen et fastigium regium non immodice aut in-
vidiose extollat. Siquidem Majestas tua regem non depinxit
aliquem Assyria? aut Persia? gloria et externo fastu nitentem et
coruscantem ; sed vere Mosem aut Davidem, pastores scilicet
populi sui. Neque vero mini unquam memoria excidet dictum
quoddam vere regium, quod in lite gravissima terminanda2 Ma-
jestas tua, pro sacro illo quo praeditus es spiritu, ad populos
regendos pronunciavit ; nimirum, Reges juxta leges regnorum
suorum gubernacula tractare, quemadmodum et Deus juxta leges
natures ; et ceque raro prcerogativam illam suam qua leges tran-
scendit ab illis usurpandam, ac a Deo videmus usurpari potesta-
tem miracula patrandi. Nihilo tamen secius ex libro illo
altero a Majestate tua conscripto, De Liber a Monarchia, satis
omnibus innotescit, non minus Majestati tua? cognitam esse et
perspectam plenitudinem potestatis regiae, atque ultimitates (ut
scholastic! loquuntur) jurium regalium, quam officii et muneris
regii limites et cancellos.3 Non dubitavi igitur in medium

0 o

adducere librum ilium, a Majestatis tua? calamo exaratum, tan-
guam exemplum primarium et maxime illustre tractatuum de
Peculiaribus et Respectivis Officiis. Quo de libro qua3 a me jam
dicta sunt, dixissem profecto, si ante annos mille a rege quopiam

1 Compare the corresponding passage in the Advancement -. — " not sick of dizziness
as those are who leese themselves in their order ; nor of convulsions, as those which
cramp in matters impertinent." — J. S.

2 Probably in the case of Sir Francis Goodwin, in 1604, when the question was
whether it belonged to the House of Commons or the Court of Chancery to judge of
the validity of an election. — /. S.

k This second work of James's is, " The Trew Law of Free Monarchies, or the re-
ciprock and mutual duetie betwixt a free King and his naturall Subjects," free being
nearly equivalent to absolute. This work was at first published anonymously, but is
included in the edition of King James's works which appeared in 1616.

LIBER SEPTIMUS. 729

conscriptus fuisset. Neque vero me movet decorum illud, quod
vulgo praescribitur, ne quis coram laudetur l ; modo laudes illas
nee modum excedant, nee intempestive aut nulla data occasione
tribuantur. Cicero certe, in luculentissima ilia oratione sua
pro M. Marcello, nihil aliud agit quam ut exhibeat tabulam
quandam singular! artificio depictam de laudibus Caesaris, licet
coram ipso oratio ilia haberetur. Quod et Plinius Secundus
fecit erga Trajanum.2 Itaque jam ad propositum revertamur.

Pertinet porro ad hanc partem de Officiis Respectivis Voca-
tionum et Professionum singularum, doctrina alia, tanquam
priori relativa sive opposita ; nimirum de Fraudibus, Cautelis,
Imposturis, et Vitiis ipsarum ; siquidem depravationes et vitia
officiis et virtutibus opponuntur. Neque omnino de his, in
plurimis scriptis et tractatibus, siletur; sed saepe ad ilia no-
tanda saltern obiter excurritur. At quo tandem modo? Per
satiram scilicet, et cynice (more Luciani), potius quam serio
et graviter. Etenim plus operae irnpenditur, ut pleraque in
artibus etiam utilia et sana maligno dente vellicentur, et ad
ludibrium hominibus exponantur, quam ut quse in iisdem cor-
rupta sunt et vitiosa secernantur a salubribus et incorruptis.
At optime Salomon ; Qucerenti derisori scientiam ipsa se abs-
condit, sed studioso fit obviam.3 Quicunque enim ad scientiam
accedat animo irridendi et aspernandi, inveniet proculdubio
quae cavilletur plurima, ex quibus vero doctior fiat perpauca.
Verum tractatio hujus de quo loquimur argumenti gravis et
prudens, atque cum integritate quadam et sinceritate conjuncta,
inter munitissima virtutis ac probitatis propugnacula videtur
numeranda. Nam sicut fabulose perhibetur de Basilisco, si
primus quempiam conspexerit, illico hominem perimit ; si quis
ilium prior, basiliscus perit; pari ratione fraudes, imposturas,
et malae artes, si quis eas prior detexerit, nocendi facultate pri-
vantur, quod si illae praevenerint, turn vero, non alias, periculum
creant. Est itaque quod gratias agamus Macciavello et hujus-
modi scriptoribus, qui aperte et indissimulanter proferunt quid
homines facere soleant, non quid debeant. Fieri enim nullo
modo potest, ut conjungatur serpentina ilia prudentia cum inno-
centia columbina, nisi quis mali ipsius naturam penitus per-

Plutarch, De se ipsum citra invid. laud. § 1.

2 Namely, in his Panegyrica. See below, p. 741.

3 Proverbs, xiv. 6.

730 DE AUGMENTIS SC1ENTIARUM

noscat.1 Absque hoc enim deerunt virtuti sua praesidia et
munimenta. lino, neque ullo modo possit vir bonus et probus
malos et improbos corrigere et emendate, nisi ipse prius omnia
malitias latibula et profimda exploraverit. Etenim qui judicio
plane corrupt o sunt et depravato hoc habent, ut praesupponant
honestatem in hominibus ab inscitia et simplicitate quadam
morum oriri ; atque ab eo tan turn, quod fides habeatur concio-
natoribus et paadagogis ; item libris, prasceptis moralibus, et iis
qui vulgo praedicantur et decantantur sermonibus. Adeo ut
nisi plane perspiciant opiniones suas pravas ac corrupta et de-
torta principia non minus illis qui hortantur et admonent quam
sibi ipsis esse explorata et cognita, probitatem omnem morum
et consiliorum aspernentur: juxta oraculum illud Salomonis
mirabile ; Non recipit stultus verba prudentice, nisi ea dixeris qua
versantur in corde ejus.z Hanc autem partem de Cautelis et.
Vitiis Respectivis inter Desiderata numeramus; eamque no-
mine Satires Series, sive Tractatus de Interioribus JRerum, appel-
labimus.

Etiam ad doctrinam de Officiis Respectivis pertinent Officia
Mutua, inter maritum et uxorem, parentes et liberos, dominum
et servum; similiter leges amicitiae, et gratitudinis ; necnon
civiles obligationes fraternitatum, collegiorum ; etiam vicini-
tatis; ac similium. Verum intelligatur hoc semper, ilia istic
tractari, non quatenus sunt partes Societatis Civilis (id enim nd
Politicam refertur,) sed quatenus animi singulorum ad ilia
Societatis Vincula tuenda instrui et prasdisponi debeant.3

At doctrina de Bono Communionis (quemadmodum et ilia de
Individual!) Bonum tractat non tantum simpliciter, sed et com-
parate ; quo spectat officia perpendere inter hominem et homi-
nem ; inter casum et casum ; inter privata et publica ; inter
tempus praesens et futurum. Sicut videre est in animadver-
sione ilia severa et atroci L. Bruti contra filios suos, illam a
plerisque in coelum laudibus efferri; at alius quispiam dixit,

1 Compare Charron De la Sagesse, liv. ii. c. 10. : " II faut temperer ct marier
1'innocence colombine en n'oflfensant personne avec la prudence et astuce serpentine
en se tenant sur ses gardes et se preservant des finesses, trahisons, et ambuches d'au-
trui." The whole chapter is worth comparing with Bacon's remarks on the art of
self-advancement

2 Proverbs, xviii. 2. The words are accurately quoted from the Vulgate : the
authorised version is wholly dissimilar.

8 Some curious matter as to the opinions of the Romans touching the Ordo offici-
orum, the order of precedence among relative duties, will be found in Aulus Gdlius
v. 13.

LIBER SEPTIMUS. 731

Infcelix, utcunque ferent ea facta1 minores.2

Id ipsum licet intueri in cceua ilia, ad quam invitati sunt
M. Brutus, C. Cassius, et alii. Illic enim cum ad animos explo-
randos circa conspirationem in caput Caesaris intentam, quaestio
astute raota esset Num licitum foret tyrannum occidere ? ibant
convivse in opiniones diversas ; dum alii dicerent, plane licere,
quod servitus ultimum esset malorum ; alii minime, quod tyrannis
minus exitialis esset quam bellum civile ; tertium autem genus
veluti ex schola Epicuri asserebat, indignum esse prudentes peri-
clitari pro stultis.3 Verum plurimi sunt casus de Officiis Com-
paratis, inter quos frequenter ille intervenit ; utrum a justitia
deftectendum sit propter salutem patrice, out hujusmodi aliquod
insigne bonum in futuro ? Circa quern Jason Thessalus dicere
solebat, Aliqua sunt injuste facienda, ut multa juste fieri pos-
sint*'. verum replicatio in promptu est; Authorem prcesentis
justiticB habes ; sponsorem futures non habes. Sequantur ho-
mines quae in prasentia bona et justa sunt; futura Divinaa
Providentiae remittentes. Atque circa doctrinam de Exem-
plari, sive de Bono, haec dicta sint.

CAPUT III.

Partitio Doctrines de Cultura Animi, in Doctrinam de Cha-
racteribus Animorum, de Affectibus, et de Remediis sive
Curationibus. Appendix Doctrines ejusdem, de Congruitate
inter Bonum Animi et Bonum Corporis.

NUNC igitur, postquam de Fructu Vitas (sensu intelligimus
philosophic©) verba fecerimus ; superest ut de Cultura Animi
quae ei debetur dicamus ; sine qua pars prior, nihil aliud videtur
quam imago quaedam aut statua, pulchra quidem aspectu, sed
motu et vita destituta. Cui sententiae Aristoteles ipse disertis

1 In the original, as also in the corresponding passage of the Advancement of Learn-
ing, fata is put for facta. — J. S.

2 Virg. JEn. vi. 823. It is less difficult to sympathise with Sultan Mahmoud of
Ghisnee. When he had killed the adulterer, he said " Now bring a light," and after
looking at the corpse called for water. " God is merciful — I was mistaken. I thought
no man would have ventured to commit such an outrage but my son ; and since you
told me of it three nights ago, I have neither eaten nor drunken." See Malcolm's
History of Persia.

3 See Plutarch in Brutus ; where however the story is somewhat differently told.

4 Plut, Reip. Ger. Pracep. 817.

732 DE AUGMENTIS SC1ENTIARLM

verbis suffragatur; Necesse est igitur de virtute dicere, et quid
sit, etex quibus gignatur. Inutile enim ferefuerit, virtutem qui-
dem nosse, acquirendcB autem ejus modos et vias ignorare. Non
enim de virtute tantum, qua specie sit, qucerendum est ; sed et
quomodo sui copiam faciat; utrunque enim volumus, et rem
ipsam nosse, et ejus compotes fieri. Hoc autem ex voto non
succedet, nisi sciamus et ex quibus, et quo modo. l Verbis adeo
expressis, atque etiam iterate, hanc partem inculcat; quam
tamen ipse non persequitur. Hoc similiter illud est, quod
Cicero Catoni Juniori veluti laudem non vulgarem attribuit ;
quod scilicet Philosophiam amplexus esset, Non disputandi
causa, ut magna pars, sed ita vivendi* Quamvis autem, pro
temporum in quibus vivimus socordia, paucis curae sit ut
animum sedulo colant et componant, et vitae rationem ad nor-
mam aliquam instituant (secundum illud Seneca?, De partibus
vitce quisque deliberat ; de summa nemo3: adeo ut haec pars
censeri possit supervacua) ; illud tamen minime nos movet ut
earn intactam relinquamus, quin potius cum illo Hippocratis
aphorismo concludimus ; Qui gravi morbo correpti dolores non
sentiunt, us mens cegrotat.4 Medicina illis hominibus opus est,
non solum ad curandum morbum, sed ad sensum expergefacien-
dum. Quod si quis objiciat animorum curationem Theologiae
Sacrae munus esse, verissimum est quod assent ; attamen Philo-
sophiam Moralem in famulitium Theologiae recipi instar ancillae
prudentis et pedissequae fidelis, quae ad omnes ejus nutus praesto
sit et ministret, quid prohibeat? Eteniin quemadmodum in
Psalmo habetur, quod oculi ancillce perpetuo ad manus domincs
respiciunt5, cum tamen minime dubium sit, quin haud pauca
ancillae judicio et curae relinquantur ; eodem modo et Ethica ob-
sequium Theologiae omnino praestare debet, ejusque praeceptis
morigera esse ; ita tamen ut et ipsa, intra suos limites, haud
pauca sana et utilia documenta continere possit.

Hanc igitur partem (quando praestantiam ejus in animo
recolo) in Corpus Doctrinac nondum redactam, non possum non
vehementer mirari. Earn igitur, ex more nostro, cum inter
Desiderata collocemus, aliqua ex parte adumbrabimus.

Ante omnia igitur in hac re (sicut et in universis quae

1 Arist Magn. Moral, i. 1.

2 "Neque disputandi causa, ut magna pars, sed ita vivendi." — Cicero, Pro Muran.
c.30.

* Seneca, Ep. 71. 4 Hippocr Aphorism, ii 6. s Psalm cxxiii. 2.

LIBER SEPTIMUS. 733

spectant ad practicam) ratio nobis est subducenda, quid in
nostra sit potestate, quid non. In altero enim datur alteratio,
in altero vero applicatio tantum. Agricolae nullum est impe-
rium aut in naturam soli, aut in aeris temperies ; itidem nee
medico aut in crasin et constitutionem naturalem aegri, aut in
accidentium varietatem. At in Cultura Animi, et morbis ejus
persanandis, tria in considerationem veniunt ; Characteres di-
versi Dispositionum ; Affectus ; et Remedia ; quemadmodum et
in corporibus medicandis proponuntur ilia tria, Complexio sive
Constitutio aegri ; Morbus ; et Curatio. Ex illis autem tribus,
postremum tantum in nostra potestate situm est, priora duo non
item. Verum et in illis ipsis quae in potestate nostra non sunt
non minus diligens facienda est inquisitio, quam in illis quae po-
testati nostras subjiciuntur. Etenim illorum perspicax et accu-
rata cognitio substernenda est doctrinae de Remediis, ut eadem
commodius et foelicius applicentur. Neque enim vestis corpori
aptari possit, nisi mensura corporis ante excipiatur.

Primus igitur articulus doctringe de Cultura Animi versabi-
tur circa diversos Characteres Ingeniorum sive Dispositionum.
Neque tamen loquimur de vulgatis illis propensionibus in vir-
tutes et vitia, aut etiam in perturbationes et affectus ; sed de
magis intrinsecis et radicalibus. Sane subiit animum etiam in
hac parte nonnunquam admiratio, quod a scriptoribus, tarn
Ethicis quam Politicis, ut plurimum neglecta aut praetermissa
sit ; cum utrique scientise clarissimum luminis jubar affundere
possit. In Traditionibus Astrologiae non inscite omnino distin-
cta sunt ingenia et dispositiones hominum, ex praedominantiis
planetarum ; quod alii a natura facti sint ad Contemplationes,
alii ad Res Civiles ; alii ad Militiam ; alii ad Ambitum ; alii
ad Amores ; alii ad Artes ; alii ad Genus Vitas Varium. Item
apud Poetas (heroicos, satiricos, tragicos, comicos) sparguntur
ubique simulachra ingeniorum, licet fere cum excessu et praeter
modum veritatis. Quin et hoc ipsum argumentum, de Diversis
Characteribus Ingeniorum, est ex iis rebus in quibus sermones
hominum communes (quod valde raro, interdum tamen con-
tingit) libris ipsis sunt prudentiores. At longe optima hujus
tractatus suppellex et sylva peti debet ab Historicis prudentio-
ribus ; neque tamen ab elogiis tantum, quae sub obitum per-
sonre alicujus illustris subnectere solent ; sed multo magis ex
corpore integro Historic, quoties hujusmodi persona veluti
scenam conscenclat. Ilia enim intertexta imago potior videtur

734 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

descriptio, quam elogii censura ; qualis habetur apud T. Livium,
African! et Catonis Majoris ; apud Taciturn, Tiberii, Claudii, et
Neronis ; apud Herodianum, Septimii Severi ; apud Philippum
Comineum, Ludovici undecimi Gallorum Regis ; apud Francis-
cum Guicciardinum, Ferdinandi Hispani, Maximiliani Csesaris,
et Leonis et dementis Pontificum. Isti enim scriptores, harum
personarum quas sibi depingendas deligerunt effigies quasi
perpetuo intuentes, nunquam fere rerum gestarum ab ipsis
mentionem faciunt, quin et aliquid insuper de natura ipsorum
inspergant. Etiam nonnullae in quas incidimus Relationes de
Conclavibus Pontificum, characteres de moribus Cardinalium
bonos exhibuerunt l ; sicut et literae legatorum, de consiliariis
principum. Fiat itaque ex ea quam diximus materia (quae
certe fertilis est et copiosa) tractatus diligens et plenus. Neque
vero volumus, ut Characteres isti in Ethicis (ut fit apud histo-
ricos, et poetas, et in sermonibus communibus) excipiantur,
tanquam imagines civiles integrae; sed potius ut imaginum
ipsarum lineae et ductus magis simplices ; quae inter se compo-
site et commixtse quascunque effigies constituunt; quot et
quales ese sint et quomodo inter se connexae et subordinatae ; ut
fiat tanquam artificiosa et accurata ingeniorum et animorum
dissectio, atque ut dispositionum in hominibus individuis secreta
prodantur, atque ex eorum notitia curationum animi praecepta
rectius instituantur.

Neque vero Characteres Ingeniorum ex natura impressi,
recipi tantum in hunc tractatum debent ; sed et illi qui alias
animo imponuntur, ex Sexu, -5£tate, Patria, Valetudine, Forma,
et similibus ; atque insuper illi qui ex Fortuna ; veluti Princi-
pum, Nobilium, Ignobilium, Divitum, Pauperum, Magistra-
tuum, Idiotarum, Foelicium, ^Erumnosorum, et hujusmodi.
Videmus enim Plautum miraculi loco habere, quod senex quis
sit beneficus ; Benignitas hujus ut adolescentuli est? D. autem
Paulus, severitatem disciplinae erga Cretenses praecipiens (In-
crepa eos dure) ingenium gentis ex Poeta accusat, Cretenses
semper mendaces, males bestics, venires pigri.* Sallustius id in

1 For an account of the writings here referred to, which were generally composed
by the " Conclavisti," but sometimes by one of the Cardinals, see Rnnke's work " Die
Ramischen Pdpste, sect. 5. of the Appendix. Among the Litterce Legatorum, those
of the Venetians are especially valuable. They are, properly speaking, reports made
to the senate on the ambassador's return.

2 Plaut. MIL Glori. iii. 1. 40.

* St Paul, Ep. to Titus, i. 12. and 13. The poet referred to is Epimenides.

LIBER SEPTIMUS. 735

regum ingeniis notat, quod apud eos frequens sit contradictoria
appetere ; Plerunque regies voluntates, ut vehementes sunt, sic
mobiles, scspeque ipsce sibi adversce.1 Tacitus observat honores
et dignitates ingenia hominum in deterius saspius flectere quam
in melius ; Solus Vespasianus mutatus est in melius? Pindarus
illud animadvertit, fortunam subitam et indulgentem animos
plerunque enervare et solvere ; Sunt qui magnam fcelicitatem
concoquere non possunt.3 Psalmus innuit, facilius esse modum
aclhibere et temperamentum in fortune statu, quam in incre-
mento ; Divitice si affluant, nolite cor apponere.* De similibus
quibusdam observationibus ab Aristotele in Rhetoricis men-
tionem obiter factom non inficior ; necnon in aliorum scriptis
nonnullis sparsim ; verum nunquam adhuc incorporate fuerunt
in Moralem Philosophiam ; ad quam principaliter pertinent ;
non minus certe quam ad agriculturam tractatus de diversitate
soli et glebae, aut ad medicinam, tractatus de complexionibus
aut habitibus corporum diversis. Id autem nunc tandem fieri
oportet, nisi forte imitari velimus temeritatem empiricorum,
qui iisdem utuntur medicamentis ad asgrotos omnes, cujuscun-
que sint constitutionis.

Sequitur doctrinam de Characteribus, doctrina de Affectibus
et Perturbationibus ; qui loco morborum animi sunt, ut jam
dictum est. Quemadmodum enim politici prisci de democratiis
dicere solebant, quod populus esset mari ipsi similis, oratores
autem ventis ; quia sicut Mare per se placidum foret et tranquil-
lum, nisi a Ventis agitaretur et turbaretur, sic et Populus esset
natura sua pacatus et tractabilis, nisi a Seditiosis Oratoribus
impelleretur et incitaretur 5 ; similiter vere affirmari possit na-

1 Sail. Bell. Jug. c. 121. Bacon has himself remarked that it is the solecism of
power to will contradictories ; a phrase of which we lose the force by not observing that
a solecism is properly " impar et inconveniens corapositura partium orationis," not
merely any kind of error. V. Sinnius Capito ap. A. Gellium, v. 20.

2 Tac. Hist. i. 50.

3 Bacon alludes to an expression which occurs in the first Olympic ode ; where
however there is no general reflexion on the difficulty " concoquendi felicitatem, "
though it is certainly said that Tantalus did not do so. Vide Find. Olymp. i. 88.

4 Ps. Ixii. 10.

5 "Ex quo intelligi potuit id quod saepe dictum est, ut mare quod sua natura tran-
quillum sit ventorum vi agitari atque turbari, sic et populum Romanum sua sponte
esse placatum, hominum seditiosorum vocibus ut violentissimis tempestatibus concitari."
— Cicero, Pro Cluent. c. 49. From one of the Apophthegms it would seem that Bacon's
phrase prisci politici refers especially to Solon, who however was thinking not of
popular orators but of Pisistratus. Solon's lines are well known : —

e'J ave/J.iav 51 &oAcicr<ra ra.pa.ff a t-r at, t)v Se TIJ

p.}) Kivfi, irdvTcav tarl SiKaiordrrj.

iv5pS>v 5' £K fj.eyd\(>iv ir6\is oAAt/Tca, K.T.\.

736 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

turam Mentis Humanae sedatam fore et sibi constantem, si
AfFectus, tanquam venti, non tumultuarentur ac omnia misce-
rent. Et hie rursus subiit nova admiratio, Aristotelem, qui tot
libros de Ethicis conscripsit, Affectus ut membrum Ethic®
principale in illis non tractasse ; in Rhetoricis autem ubi tra-
ctandi interveniunt secundario (quatenus scilicet oratione cieri
aut commoveri possint) locum illis reperisse; (in quo tamen
loco, de iis, quantum tarn paucis fieri potuit, acute et bene dis-
seruit).1 Nam disceptationes ejus de Voluptate et Dolore huic
tractatui nullo modo satisfaciunt ; non magis, quam qui de Luce
et Lumine tantum scriberet, de Particularium Colorum Natura
scripsisse diceretur ; siquidem Voluptas et Dolor erga Affectus
Particulares ita se habent, ut Lux erga Colores. Meliorem
certe in hoc argumento (quatenus ex his quae nunc extant con-
jicere liceat) diligentiam adhibuerunt Stoici; attamen talem,
quae potius in diffinitionum subtilitate quam in tractatu aliquo
pleno et fuso consisteret. Equidem reperio etiam libellos quos-
dam elegantes de nonnullis ex Affectibus ; veluti de Ira, de
Inutili Verecundia^ et aliis perpaucis.2 Sed si verum omnino
dicendum sit, doctores hujus scientiae praecipui sunt Poetae et
Historici; in quibus ad vivum depingi et dissecari solet,
Quomodo Affectus excitandi sunt et accendendi? Quomodo
leniendi et sopiendi? Quomodo rursus continendi ac refhe-
nandi, ne in actus erumpant ? Quomodo itidem se, licet com-
pressi et occultati, prodant ? Quas operationes edant ? Quas
vices subeant? Qualiter sibi mutuo implicentur? Qualiter
inter se digladientur et opponantur ? et innumera hujus generis.
Inter quae hoc ultimum plurimi est usus in Moralibus et Civi-
libus ; Qualiter (inquam) Affectus Affectum in ordinem cogat, et
alterius auxilio ad alterum subjugandum uti liceat? venatorum
et aucupum more, qui bestiae opera ad bestias, volucris alicujus
ad volucres, capiendas utuntur; quod fortasse aliter ex sese,
absque brutorum auxilio, homo tarn facile praestare non pos-
sit. Quin et hoc fundamento nititur excellens ille et per
omnia patens usus in civilibus Praemii et Prense ; quae rerum-
publicarum columen sunt; cum Affectus illi praedominantes,
Fonnidinis et Spei, alios omnes Affectus noxios coerceant et

1 See the second book of Aristotle's Rhetoric.

- Bacon was probably thinking of Plutarch's tract rtpl Suvairlas, which is I think
the only one on this subject which has come down to us from antiquity. On anger
there are two special treatises ; Plutarch's and Seneca's.

LIBER SEPTIMUS. 737

supprimant. Etiam sicut in regimine status non raro fit, ut
factio factione in officio contineatur, similiter fit et in regimine
mentis interno.

Pervenimus mine ad ilia, quae in nostra sunt potestate ; quae-
que operantur in animum, voluntatemque et appetitum afficiunt
et circumagunt, ideoque ad immutandos mores plurimum va-
lent. Qua in parte debuerant Philosophi strenue et gnaviter
inquirere, de viribus et energia Consuetudinis, Exercitationis,
Habitus, Educationis, Imitationis, JEmulationis, Convictus,
Amicitias, Laudis, Reprehensionis, Exhortationis, Fama3, Le-
gum, Librorum, Studiorum, et si quae sunt alia. Haec enim
sunt ilia quag regnant in Moralibus ; ab istis agentibus animus
patitur et disponitur; ab istis, veluti ingredientibus, confi-
ciuntur pharmaca, quae ad conservandam et recuperandam
animi sanitatem conducant ; quatenus remediis humanis id
praestari possit. Ex quorum numero unum aut alterum selige-
mus, in quibus paululum immoremur, ut reliquis sint exemplo.
De Consuetudine igitur et Habitu, pauca delibabimus.

Opinio ilia Aristotelis, plane mihi videtur angustias quasdam
contemplationis et negligentiam sapere, cum asserit in illas
actiones quae naturales sunt Consuetudinem nihil posse; ex-
emplo usus, quod si lapis millies projiciatur in altum, ne inclina-
tionem quidem sponte ascendendi acquirit; quinetiam, quod s&pius
videndo aut audiendo, nihilo melius aut videmus aut audimus.1
Quamvis enim hoc teneat in aliquibus ubi natura est perempto-
ria (cujus rei causas reddere in praasentia non vacat), aliter
tamen in illis fit in quibus natura, secundum latitudinem quan-
dam, patitur intentionem et remissionem. Sane videre potuit
chirothecam paulo arctiorem, manui saepius inducendo, laxiorem
reddi ; baculum usu et mora in contrarium flexus sui naturalis
incurvari, et in eodem statu paulo post durare ; vocem exercitando
magis fieri robustam et sonoram ; frigora astumque consuetu-
dine tolerari; et ejusdem generis complura. Quae quidem
posteriora duo exempla propius accedunt ad rem, quam quae ab
ipso adducta sunt. Attamen, utcunque hoc se habeat, quo
magis verum fuerit tarn virtutes quam mtia in habitu consistere,
eo magis ei contendendum fuerat ut normas praescriberet, quo-
modo hujusmodi habitus fuerint acquirendi aut amovendi. Plu-
rima siquidem confici possint praecepta de prudenti institutione

1 Arist Eth. ad Nicom. ii. 1.
VOL. I. 3 B

738 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

exercitationum animi, non minus quam corporis. Illorum pau-
cula recensebimus.

Primum erit, ut jam a principio caveamus a pensis vel magis
arduis vel magis pusillis quam res postulat. Nam si oneris
nimium imponatur, apud ingenium mediocre, bene sperandi
alacritatem obtundes; apud ingenium fiduciae plenum, opi-
nionem concitabis qua plus sibi polliceatur quam praestare
possit; quod secum trahit socordiam. In utroque autem in-
genii temperamento, fiet ut experimentum expectation! non
satisficiat ; id quod animum semper dejicit et confundit. Quod
si pensa leviora fuerint, magna inducitur in progressionis summa
jactura.

Secundum erit, ut ad exercendam facultatem aliquant, quo
habitus comparetur, duo imprimis tempora observentur ; alterum,
quando animus optime fuerit ad rem dispositus ; alterum
quando pessime. Ut ex priore, plurimum in via promoveamus ;
ex posteriore, nodos obicesque animi contentione strenua dete-
ramus ; unde tempora media facile et placide labentur.

Tertium erit illud praeceptum, cujus Aristoteles1 obiter me-
minit ; ut totis viribus (citra tamen vitium) nitamur in contra-
rium illius, ad quod natura maxime impellimur ; sicut cum in
adversum gurgitis remigamus, aut baculum incurvum, ut rectum
fiat, in contrarium flectimus.

Quartum praeceptum ex illo axiomate pendet, quod verissi-
mum est ; animum ad qu<ecunque fcelicius trahi et suavius, si
illud quo tendimus in intentione operantis non sit principale, sed
tanquam aliud agendo superetur ; quoniam ita fert Natura, ut
necessitatem et imperium durum ferme oderit. Sunt et alia
multa quae utiliter praecipi possint de regimine Consuetudinis.
Consuetudo enim, si prudenter et perite inducatur, fit revera
(ut vulgo dicitur) altera natura ; quod si imperite et fortuito
administretur, erit tantum simia naturae ; quae nihil ad vivum
imitetur, sed inscite tantum et deformiter.

Similiter, si de Libris et Studiis, eorumque ad Mores virtute
et influentia, verba facere vellemus ; numnam desunt plurima
praecepta et consilia fructuosa eo spectantia ? Annon unus ex
Patribus, magna cum indignatione, Poesim appellavit vinum
damonum*', cum revera progignat plurimas tentationes, cupidi-

1 Arist. Eth. ad Nicom. ii. 9.

2 Bacon seems to have been thinking of the following passage in Agrippa's De In-
cerlitudine, &c. c. 4. : " Augustinus Poesim vocat vinum erroris ab ebriis doctoribus

LIBER SEPTIMUS. 739

tates, et opiniones vanas ? Annon prudens admodum, et digna
qua? bene perpendatur, est sententia Aristotelis; Juvenes non
esse idoneos Moralis Philosophies auditores l ; quia in illis pertur-
bationum aestuatio nondum sedata est, nee tempore et rerum
experientia consopita ? Atque ut verum dicamus, annon ideo
fit, ut scriptorum priscorum praestantissimi libri et sermones
(quibus ad virtutem homines efficacissime invitati sunt; tarn
augustam ejus majestatem omnium oculis reprassentando, quam
opiniones populates in virtutis ignominiam, tanquam habitu pa-
rasitorum indutas, derisui propinando) tarn parum prosint ad
vitae honestatem et mores pravos corrigendos, quia perlegi et
revolvi non consueverunt a viris aetate et judicio maturis, sed
pueris tantum et tironibus relinquuntur ? Annon et hoc verum
est, juvenes multo minus Politicae quam Ethicae auditores
idoneos esse, antequam Religione et Doctrina de Moribus et
Officiis plane imbuantur ; ne forte judicio depravati et corrupti
in earn opinionem veniant, non esse rerum differentias morales
veras et solidas, sed omnia ex utilitate aut successu metienda ?
Sicut poeta canit ;

Prosperum et foelix scelus virtus vocatur :*
et rursus,

Ille crucem pretium sceleris tulit, hie diadetna.8

Ac poetae quidem haec satirice, et per indignationem loqui
videntur ; at Libri nonnulli Politici idem serio et positive sup-
ponunt. Sic enim Macciavello dicere placet, Quod si conti-
gisset Ccesarem hello superatum fuisse, Catilina ipso fuisset
odiosior4', quasi vero nihil interfuisset, praeter fortunam solam,
inter furiam quandam ex libidine et sanguine conflatam, atque
animum excelsum et inter homines naturales maxime omnium

propinatum. Hieronymus earn damoiium cibum appellat." The combination of the
two quotations might easily give rise to the phrase " daemonum vinum." The passage
of St. Augustine to which Agrippa refers occurs in the first book of the Confessions.

1 Arist. Eth. ad Nicom. i. 3. Aristotle, however, speaks not of moral but of political
philosophy. It is interesting to observe that the error of the text, which occurs also
in the Advancement of Learning, has been followed by Shakespeare in Troilus and
Cressida : —

" Not much

Unlike young men, whom Aristotle thought
Unfit to hear moral philosophy."
See Hector's speech in the second scene of the second act.

2 Senec. Here. Fur. 251. :—

Prosperum et felix scelus
Virtus vocatur.

3 Juven. xiii. 105. * Macchiav. Discorsi, i. 10,

3 B 2

740 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

(si ambitio abfuisset) suspiciendum. Videmus etiam ex hoc
ipso quam necessarium sit homines doctrinas pias et Ethicas,
antequam Politicam degustent, plenis faucibus haurire ; nimi-
rum, quod qui in aulis principum et negotiis civilibus a teneris
(ut aiunt) unguiculis innutriti sunt, nunquam fere sinceram et
internam morum probitatem assequantur ; quanto minus, si
accesserit etiam librorum disciplina ? Porro et in documentis
ipsis moralibus, vel saltern aliquibus eorum, annon cautio pari-
ter est adhibenda, ne inde fiant homines pertinaces, arrogantes,
et insociabiles, juxta illud Ciceronis de M. Catone ; Hcec bona,
qua videmus, divina et egregia, ipsius scitote esse propria ; qua
nonnunquam requirimus, ea sunt omnia non a natura, sed a
magistris ? l Sunt et axiomata alia complura de iis quae a Studiis
et Libris hominum animis ingenerantur. Verum est enim quod
dicit ille, Abeunt studio, in mores 2 : quod pariter affirmandum de
caeteris illis rebus, Convictu; Fama, Legibus patriis, et reliquis,
quas paulo ante recensuimus.

Caeterum Animi quaedam est Cultura, quae adhuc magis ac-
curata et elaborata videtur quam reliquae. Nititur autem hoc
fundamento ; quod omnium mortalium animi certis temporibus
reperiantur in statu perfectiore ; aliis in statu magis depravato.
Hujus igitur culturas intentio fuerit et institutum, ut bona ilia
tempora foveantur, prava vero tanquam ex kalendario delean-
tur et expungantur. Ac bonorum quidem temporum fixatio
duobus modis procuratur ; votis, aut saltern constantissimis
animi decretis ; et observantiis atque exercitationibus ; quae
non tantum in se valent, quantum in hoc, quod animum in
officio et obedientia jugiter contineant. Malorum temporum
obliteratio duplici itidem ratione perfici potest ; redemptione
aliqua vel expiatione praeteritorum ; et novo vitae institute,
veluti de integro. Verum haec pars ad Religionem plane
spectare videtur ; nee mirum, cum Moralis Philosophia vera
et genuina (sicut ante dictum est) ancillas tantum vices erga
Theologiam suppleat.

Quamobrem concludemus hanc partem de Cultura Animi
cum eo remedio, quod omnium est maxime compendiosum et
summarium, et rursus maxime nobile et efficax, quo animus ad
virtutem efformetur, et in statu collocetur perfectioni proximo.
Hoc autem est, ut fines vita actionumque deligamus et nobis ipsis

1 Cicero, Pro Muraen. c. 445. 2 Vide supra, p. 445.

LIBER SEPTIMUS. 741

proponamus rectos et virtuti congruos ; qui tamen tales sint ut eos
assequendi nobis aliquatenus suppetat facultas. Si enim haec duo
supponantur ; ut et fines actionum sint honesti et boni, et decre-
tum animi de Us assequendis et obtinendis Jixum sit et constans ;
sequetur ut continue vertat et efformet se animus una opera in
virtutes omnes. Atque haec certe ilia est operatio quae Naturas
ipsius opus referat ; cum reliquse, quas * diximus, videantur esse
solummodo sicut opera Manus. Quemadmodum enim Statu-
arius, quando simulachrum aliquod sculpit aut incidit, illius
solummodo partis figuram effingit circa quam manus occupata
est, non autem casterarum ; (veluti si faciem efformet, corpus
reliquum rude permanet et informe saxum, donee ad illud quo-
que pervenerit ;) e contra vero Natura, quando florem molitur
aut animal, rudimenta partium omnium simul parit et producit ;
eodem modo, quando virtutes habitu acquiruntur, dum tempe-
rantiae incumbimus, ad fortitudinem aut reliquas parum pro-
ficimus ; quando autem Rectis et Honestis Finibus nos dedi-
caverimus penitus et devoverimus, quascunque fuerit virtus
quam animo nostro commendaverint et imperaverint fines illi,
reperiemus nos jamdudum imbutos et prasdispositos habilitate et
propensione nunnulla ad earn assequendam et exprimendam.
Atque hie possit esse status ille animi, qui egregie ab Aristotele
describitur, et ab eo non Virtutis sed Divinitatis cujusdam
charactere insignitur. Ipsa ejus verba hasc sunt; Immanitati
autem consentaneum est opponere earn qua supra humanitatem
est, Hero'icam sive Divinam virtutem. Et paulo post ; Nam ut
feres neque vitium neque virtus est., sic neque Dei. Sed hie quidem
status altius quiddam virtute est; ille aliud quiddam a vitio" 2
Plinius certe Secundus, ex licentia magniloquentiae ethnics,
Trajani virtutem Divina? non tanquam imitamentum, sed tan-
quam exemplar, proponit, cum ait; Opus non esse hominibus
alias ad Deos preces fundere, quam ut benignos <eque et propitios
se dominos mortalibus pr&starent, ac Trajanus prcsstitisset.3
Verum hasc profanam ethnicorum jactantiam sapiunt, qui
umbras quasdam corpore majores prensabant. At religio vera
et sancta fides Christiana rem ipsam petit ; imprimendo animis

1 In all the editions qua occurs instead of quas. I follow M. Bouillet in restoring
what is doubtless the true reading.

2 Arist. Eth. ad Nicom. vi. 1.

3 " Pro nobis ipsis quidem hac fuit summa votorum, ut nos sic amarent quomodo
tu." — Plin. Paneg. C. 74.

S B 3

742 DE AUGMENTIS SC1ENT1ARUM

hominum charitatem, quae appositissime vinculum perfectionis1
appellatur, quia virtutes omnes simul colligat et revincit.
Sane elegantissime dictum est a Menandro de Amore Sen-
euali, qui Divinum ilium perperam imitatur, Amor melior
sophista ICBVO ad humanam vitam.2 Quibus innuit, morum decus
melius ab amore efformari quam a sophista et praeceptore
inepto, quem Icevum appellat. Siquidem universis suis operosis
regulis et praeceptionibus hominem tarn dextre et expedite
effingere nequeat ut seipsum et in pretio habeat et se belle
in omnibus componat, quam amor facit. Sic proculdubio, si
animus cujuspiam fervore Charitatis verae incendatur, ad ma-
jorem perfectionem evehetur quam per universam Ethicam
Doctrinam; quae Sophistae profecto habet rationem, si cum
altera ilia conferatur. Quinetiam, sicut Xenophon recte ob-
servavit, Ccsteros affectus, licet animum attollant, eum tamen
distorquere et discomponere per ecstases et excessiis suos ; amorem
vero solum eum simul et dilatare et componere3', sic omnes aliaa
Immanae quas admiramur dotes, dum naturam in majus ex-
si Itant, excessui interim sunt obnoxia? ; sola autem charitas
non admittit excessum. Angeli, dum ad Potentiam divinas
parem aspirarent, prasvaricati sunt et ceciderunt ; Ascendam
et ero similis Altissimo.4 Homo, dum ad Scientiam divinae
parem aspiraret, prasvaricatus est et lapsus ; Eritis sicut Dii,
scientes bonum et malum.5 Verum ad similitudinem divinaa
Bonitatis aut Charitatis aspirando, nee angelus nee homo
unquam in periculum venit aut veniet. Imo ad hanc ipsam
imitationem etiam invitamur; Diligite inimicos vestros, bene-
facite his qui oderunt vos, et orate pro persequentibus et calumni-
antibus vos, ut sitis Jilii Patris vestri qui in coelis est, qui solem
suum oriri facit super bonos et malos, et pluit super justos et
injiistos.* Quin et in ipso archetypo Naturae Divinaa, verba
sic collocat religio ethnica, Optimus Maximus ; scriptura autem
Sacra pronunciat, Misericordia ejus super omnia opera ejus. 7

1 Ep. to Coloss. iii. 14.

2 Not Menander, but Anaxandrides : —

epcas ffotyiffTov yiyverai Si$d,ffKa\os

ffKaiov iro\v Kpe'iTTuv irpbs rbv avBpwirov fiiov.

3 See the passage at the beginning of Xenophon's Symposium, in which the appear-
ance of Callias is described,

4 Isaiah xiv. 14. "Diabolus peccavit appetendo similitudinem Dei quantum ad
potentiam." — S. Thomas Aquinas, Sum. Theol Sec. Secund. q. 163. Compare the
note at p. 465.

* Gen. iii. 5. • St. Matth. v. 44. ' Psalm cxlv. 9.

LIBER SEPTIMUS. 743

Hanc itaque Moralis Doctrines partem, de Georgicis Animi,
jam absolvimus. In qua, si ex intuitu portionum ejus quas
perstrinximus, quis existimet operam nostram in hoc tantum-
modo etiam esse, ut ea in Artem seu Doctrinam redigeremus
quae ab aliis scriptoribus praetermissa sint tanquam yulgata et
obvia, et per se satis clara et perspicua ; suo judicio libere
utatur. Interim illud meminerit, quod ab initio monuimus,
propositum a nobis esse non rerum pulchritudinem, sed usum
et veritatem sectari. Recordetur etiam paulisper commentum
illud parabolas antiquae, de geminis Somni portis.

Sunt geminse Somni portae, quarum altera fertur
Cornea, qua veris facilis datur exitus umbiis ;
Altera candenti perfecta nitens elephanto,
Sed falsa ad ccelum mittunt insomnia Manes. *

Insignia sane magnificentia portce eburnecs ; tamen somnia
vera per corneam commeant.

Additamenti vice poni possit circa doctrinam Ethicam ob-
servatio ilia, inveniri nimirum relationem et congruitatem
quandam inter Bonum Animi et Bonum Corporis. Nam sicut
Bonum Corporis constare diximus ex Sanitate, Pulchritudine,
Robore, ac Voluptate ; sic Animi Bonum, si juxta Moralis
Doctrinas scita illud contemplemur, hue tendere perspiciemus ;
ut animum reddat sanum, et a perturbationibus immunem;
pulchrum, verique decoris ornamentis excultum ; fortem ac
agilem ad omnia vitae munia obeunda ; denique non stupidum,
sed voluptatis et solatii honesti sensum vivide retinentem.
Haac autem, sicut in Corpore, ita et in Animo, raro simul
omnia conjunguntur. Facile enim videre est multos ingenii
viribus et fortitudine animi pollentes, quos infestant tamen
perturbationes, quorumque etiam moribus vix aliquid ele-
gantiae aut venustatis aspergitur ; alios, quibus abunde est in
moribus elegantiae et venustatis, illis tamen non suppetit aut
probitas animi ut velint aut vires ut possint recte agere ; alios,
animo praeditos honesto atque a vitiorum labe repurgato, qui
tamen nee sibi ipsis ornamento sunt, nee reipublicae utiles ; alios
qui istorum fortasse trium compotes sunt, sed tamen, Stoica
quadam tristitia et stupiditate praediti, virtutis quidem actiones
exercent, gaudiis non perfruuntur. Quod si contingat, ex

1 Virg. JEn. vi. 894.
3u 4

744 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM LIB. SEPT.

quatuor istis duo aut tria aliquando concurrere, rarissime tamen

fit, quemadmodum diximus, ut omnia. Jam vero principale

istud membrum Philosophise Humanae, quse Hominem

contemplatur quatenus ex Corpore consistit

atque Anima, sed tamen Segregatum

et citra Societatem, a nobis

pertractatum est.

745

FRANCISCI BAEONIS DE VERULAMIO,

VICE-COMITIS SANCTI ALBANI,

DE DIGNITATE ET AUGMENTIS
SCIENTIAEUM

LIBER OCTAVUS.

AD REGEM SUUM.

CAPUT I.

Partitio Doctrines Civilis in Doctrinam de Conversatione, Do-
ctrinam de Negotiis, et Doctrinam de Imperio sive Republica.

VETUS est narratio (Rex Optime) convenisse complures phi-
losophos solenniter coram legato regis exteri, atque singulos
pro virili parte sapientiam suam ostentasse, ut haberet legatus
quae referret de mirabili sapientia Graecorum. Unus tamen ex
eorum numero silebat, et nihil adducebat in medium ; adeo ut
legatus ad eum conversus diceret, Tu vero quid hales quod re-
feram? Cui ille; Refer (inquit) regi tuo te invenisse apud
GrcBcos aliquem qui tacere sciret.1 Equidem oblitus eram in hac
artium synopsi Artem Tacendi interserere ; quam tamen (quo-
niam plerumque desideretur) exemplo jam proprio docebo.
Etenim, cum me tandem ordo rerum ad illud deduxerit, ut
paulo post de Arte Imperil tractandum sit ; cumque ad tan-
tum regem scribam, qui perfectus adeo in ea arte sit magister,
ipsamque ab incunabulis suis hauserit ; nee omnino immemor
esse possim, qualem apud Majestatem tuam locum sustinuerim ;
consentaneum magis existimavi meipsum tacendo de hac re,
apud Majestatem tuam, quam scribendo, probare. Cicero vero

This story is told of Zeno. See Plutarch De Garrulitate, and Diog. Laert. vii. 24.

746 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

non solum artis, verum etiam eloquentiae cujusdam, quae in
tacendo reperiatur, meminit. Cum enim sermones nonnullos
suos, cum alio quodam ultro citroque habitos, in epistola
quadam ad Atticum commemorasset, sic scribit ; Hoc loco
sumpsi aliquid de tua eloquentia, nam tacui.1 Pindarus vero
(cui illud peculiars est, animos hominum inopinato sententiola
aliqua mirabili, veluti virgula divina, percutere) hujusmodi
quidpiam ejaculatur; Interdum magis afficiunt non dicta quam
dicta.* In hac parte igitur, tacere, aut (quod silentio proxi-
mum est) brevis admodum esse, decrevi. Verum, antequam
ad Artes Imperii perveniam, baud pauca de aliis Doctrinae
Civilis portionibus sunt praemittenda.

Scientia Civilis versatur circa subjectum quod caste rorum
omnium maxime est materias immersum, ideoque difficillime ad
axiomata reducitur. Sunt tamen nonnulla quag hanc difficul-
tatem levant. Primo enim, quemadmodum Cato ille Censorius
de Romania suis dicere solitus est, Ovibus eos similes esse, qua-
rum gregem integrum minore quis molestia ageret quam unam
aliquam; quoniam si paucas ex grege ut rectam meant mam
propellere possis, cateree ultro sequentur3', similiter, hoc quidem
respectu, Ethicas munus est quodammodo illo Politicae difficilius.
Secundo, proponit sibi Ethica ut animus bonitate interna im-
buatuF et cumuletur ; at Civilis Scientia nihil amplius postulat,
praeter bonitatem externam: haec enim ad societatem sufficit.
Itaque non raro accidit, ut regimen sit bonum, tempora mala ;
siquidem in Sacra Historia illud non semel occurrit (cum de
regibus bonis et piis narretur), Sed adhuc populus non direxerat
cor suum ad Dominum Deum patrum suorum.* Itaque et hoc
quoque respectu duriores partes sunt Ethicaa. Tertio, hoc
habent respublicae, ut tanquam machinae grandiores tardius
moveantur, nee sine magno molimine; unde haud tarn cito
labefactantur. Sicut enim in ^Egypto septem anni fertiles ste-
riles septem sustentarunt ; ita in rebuspublicis priorum tem-
porum bona institutio efficit ut sequentium errores non statiin
perniciem inferant. At singulorum hominum decreta efe mores
magis subito subvert! solent. Hoc denique Ethicam gravat,
Politicae succurrit.

Scientia Civilis tres habet partes, juxta tres societatis ac-

1 Cic. Ep. ad Att. xiiL 42. The person in question was his nephew Q. Cicero.

2 Pindar. Nem. v. 32. 3 Tlut. in Cato. c. 8. * 2 Chr. xx. 33.

LIBER OCTAVUS. 747

tiones summarias; Doctrinain de Conversatione, Doctrinam
cle Negotiis, et Doctrinam de Imperio sive Republica. Tria
siquidem sunt Bona, quae ex Societate Civili homines sibi
parare expetunt; solamen contra Solitudinem; adjumentum
"in Negotiis ; et protectio contra Injurias. Suntque istae tres
prudentiae plane inter se diversse, et S83penumero disjunctse;
Prudentia in Conversando ; Prudentia in Negotiando ; et Pru-
dentia in Gubernando.

Enimvero, quod ad Conversationem attinet, ilia certe affe-
ctata esse non debet, at multo minus neglecta ; cum prudentia
in ejus moderamine et decus quoddam morum in seipsa prae se
ferat, et ad negotia tarn publica quam privata commode ad-
ministranda plurimum juvet. Etenim sicut actio oratori tanti
habetur (licet sit externum quiddam) ut etiam illis alteris par-
tibus, quae graviores et interiores videntur, anteponatur ; eodem
fere modo in viro civili, Conversatio ejusque regimen (ut-
cunque in exterioribus occupetur) si non summum, at certe
eximium locum invenit. Quale enim pondus habet Vultus
ipse, ejusque compositio ? Recte poeta ;

Nee vultu destrue verba tuo. l

Poterit enim quis vim orationis Vultu labefactare, et plane
prodere. Quin et Facta, non minus quam Verba, Vultu pa-
riter destrui possint, si Ciceroni credamus ; qui, cum fratri af-
fabil'itatem commendaret erga provinciales, non in hoc earn
potissimum sitam dixit, ut aditus prseberet ad se faciles, nisi
etiam vultu ipso comiter accedentes exciperet; Nil interest
habere ostium apertum, vultum clausum.2 Videmus quoque
Atticum, sub primum Ciceronis cum Caesare congressum, bello
adhuc fervente, diligenter et serio Ciceronem per epistolam
monuisse de Vultu et Gestu ad dignitatem et gravitatem
componendis.3 Quod si tantum possit Oris et Vultus solius
moderatio, quanto magis Sermo familiaris, et alia quae ad Con-
versationem pertinent? Atque sane summa et compendium

1 Ovid, De Arte Am. ii. 312.

2 No such remark occurs in the letter of advice which Marcus Cicero wrote to his
brother Quintus, when the latter was about to take possession of his province. But in
Quintus's tract De Petitione Consulates, in which he gives his brother advice as to
his conduct in canvassing for the consulship, we find the antithesis quoted in the text,
though somewhat differently worded. But of course the passage in which it occurs
has no reference to any class of "provinciales."

3 See Cicero, Ep. ad Att. ix. 12. ; and compare the eighteenth letter of the same
book, in which the interview with Cassar is described.

748 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

decori et elegantise morum in hoc fere sita sunt, ut quasi asqua
lance et propriam dignitatem et aliorum metiamur et tueamur ;
quod etiam non male expressit T. Livius (licet alii rei intentus)
eo personae charactere: Ne (inquit) aut arrogans videar, aut
dbnoxius ; quorum alterum est alienee libertatis obliti, alterum
sues.1 Ex contraria vero parte, si Urbanitati et elegantije
morum externae impensius studeamus, transeunt illaa in af-
fectationem quandam deformem et adulterinam ; Quid enim
deformiuSy quam scenam in vitam transferre ? Quinetiam, licet
in excessum ilium vitiosum minime prolabantur, temporis tamen
nimium in hujusmodi leviculis absumitur ; animusque ad curam
ipsarum, magis quam oportet, deprimitur. Ideoque sicut in
academiis adolescentes literarum studiosi, at sodalium congres-
sibus plus satis indulgentes, moneri soleant a prasceptoribus,
Amicos esse fares temporis ; sic certe assidua ista in Conver-
sationis decorum animi intentio magnum gravioribus medita-
tionibus furtum facit. Deinde, qui primas adeo in Urbanitate
obtinent et ad hanc rem unam quasi nati videntur, hoc fere
habent, ut sibi ipsis in ilia sola complaceant, et ad virtutes
solidiores et celsiores vix unquam aepirent; quando e contra,
qui sibi in hac parte defectus sunt conscii, decus ex bona ex-
istimatione quasrunt; ubi enim adest bona existimatio, omnia
fere decent; ubi vero ilia deficit, turn demum a commoditate
morum atque Urbanitate subsidium petendum est. Porro, ad
res gerendas vix gravius aut frequentius reperias impedimentum,
quam hujusce decori externi curiosam nimis observationem ;
atque illud alterum, quod huic ipsi inservit ; nimirum anxiam
temporis atque opportunitatum electionem. Egregie enim
Salomon : Qui respicit ad ventos, non seminal ; qui respicit ad
nubes, non metit'1: creanda siquidem nobis est opportunitas,
saapius quam opperienda. Ut verbo dicamus, urbana ista mo-
rum compositio veluti vestis animi est, et proinde vestis com-
moditates referre debet, Primum enim talis esse debet, ut sit
in usu communi; rursus, ut non sit nimis delicata aut sum-
ptuosa; deinde ita conficienda, ut si qua sit in animo virtus,
earn exhibeat maxime conspicuam ; si qua deformitas, eandem
suppleat et occultet; postremo, et super omnia, ne sit nimis

1 Liv. xxiii. 1 2. The original stands thus : " Si reticeam aut superbus aut ob-
noxius videar," and then as in the text. Compare with this maxim of Bacon's the
precept which Fenelon has given in the Lettres Spiriluelits.

2 Ecclesiast. xi. 4.

LIBER OCTAVUS. 749

arcta, atque ita animum angustiet ut ejusdem motus in rebus
gerendis cohibeat et impediat. Verum haec pars Scientise Ci-
vilis de Conversatione eleganter profecto a nonnullis tractata
est, neque ullo modo tanquam Desiderata reponi debet.

CAPUT II.

Partitio Doctrines de Negotiis in Doctrinam de Occasionibus
Sparsis, et Doctrinam de Ambitu Vitae. Exemplum Doctrines
de Occasionibus Sparsis, ex Parabolis aliquibus Salomonis.
PrcBcepta de Ambitu Vitce.

DOCTRINAM de Negotiis partiemur in Doctrinam de Occasio-
nibus Sparsis, et Doctrinam de Ambitu Vitae ; quarum altera
universam negotiorum varietatem complectitur, et vitae com-
munis tanquam amanuensis est ; altera ea tantum quae ad pro-
priam cujusque fortunam amplificandam spectant excerpit et
suggerit, quae singulis pro intimis quibusdam rerum suarum
tabellis aut codicillis esse possint. Verum antequam ad species
descendamus, aliquid circa Doctrinam de Negotiis in genere
praefabimur. Doctrinam de Negotiis pro rei momento tracta-
vit adhuc nemo, cum magna tarn literarum quam literatorum
existimationis jactura. Ab hac enim radice pullulat illud
malum, quod notam eruditis inussit ; nimirum, eruditionem et
prudentiam civilem raro admodum conjungi. Etenim si quis
recte advertat ex Prudentiis illis tribus quas modo diximus
ad vitam civilem spectare, ilia Conversationis ab eruditis fere
contemnitur, tanquam servile quiddam, atque insuper medi-
tationibus inimicum. Quod vero ad illam de Republica Ad-
ministranda, sane si quando rerum gubernaculis admoveantur
eruditi, munus suum non incommode sustinent; verum ea
promotio contingit paucis. De Prudentia autem Negotiandi
(qua de nunc loquimur) in qua vita humana plurimum ver-
satur, nulli omnino libri conscripti habentur; praeter pauca
quaedam Monita Civilia in fasciculum unum aut alterum col-
lecta, quae amplitudini hujus subjecti nullo modo respondent.
Etenim si libri aliqui extarent de hoc argumento, sicut de
caeteris, minime dubitaverim quin viri eruditi, aliquo experi-
entiaa manipulo instruct!, ineruditos, licet diutina experientia
edoctos, longe superarent, et proprio illorum (quod dicitur)
arcu usi magis e longinquo ferirent.

750 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

Neque vero est cur vereamur ne Scientias hujus tarn varia
sit materia, ut sub praeceptionibus non cadat : multo siquidem
angustior est quam ilia Reipublicae Administrandas scientia,
quam tamen apprime videmus excultam. Hujus generis Pru-
dentiae apud Romanes, optimis temporibus, extitisse videntur
nonnulli professores. Testatur enim Cicero moris fuisse,
paulo ante sua saecula, ut Senatores prudentia et rerum usu
maxime celebres (Coruncanii, Curii, Laelii, et alii) statis horis
in foro deambularent, ubi civibus copiam sui facerent, et con-
sulerentur, non de jure, sed de negotiis omnigenis ; veluti de
filia elocanda, sive de filio educando, sive de praedio coemendo,
de contractu, accusatione, defensione, aut alia quacunque re
quae in vita communi interveniat.1 Ex quo liquet, prudentiam
quandam esse consilium dandi, etiam in negotiis privatis, ex
universal! rerum civilium cognitione et experientia proma-
nantem ; quas exerceatur quidem in casibus particularibus,
extrahatur autem ex general! casuum consimilium observatione.
Sic enim videmus in eo libro quern ad fratrem conscripsit
Q. Cicero de Petitione Consulatus (quern unicum a veteribus
habemus, quantum memini, tractatum de Negotio aliquo Par-
ticulari)2 quanquam ad consilium dandum de re turn praesenti
potissimum spectaret, plurima tamen contineri axiomata poli-
tica, quae non usum solum temporarium, sed normam quandam
perpetuam circa electiones populares praescribant. In hoc
genere autem nihil invenitur quod ullo modo comparandum
sit cum Aphorismis illis quos edidit rex Salomon, de quo
testatur Scriptura, Cor illi fuisse instar arena marts 3 ; sicut
enim arenae maris universas orbis oras circundant, ita et sa-
pientia ejus omnia humana non minus quam divina complexa
est. In Aphorismis vero illis, praeter alia magis theologica,
reperies liquido haud pauca praecepta et monita civilia praestan-
tissima; ex profundis quidem sapientiae penetralibus scaturi-
entia, atque in amplissimum varietatis campum excurrentia.
Quoniam vero Doctrinam de Occasionibus Sparsis (quae Doctri-
nae de Negotiis portio est prior) inter Desiderata reponemus, ex
more nostro paulisper in ilia immorabimur ; atque exemplum

1 Cicero, de Orat iii. 33.

2 Frontinus's tract De Aqueeductibus belongs to the same class. Its chief object is
to give an account of the regulations affecting the Roman aqueducts, and of the frauds
which, on his appointment as Curator Aquarum, his examinations of the Castella, &c.,
enabled him to detect.

s 1 Kings, iv. 29.

LIBER OCTAVUS. 751

ejusdem ex Aphorismis sive Parabolis illis Salomonis desum-
ptum proponemus. Neque vero quis ut arbitramur nos merito
sugillare possit, quod ex scriptoribus Sacrae Scriptures aliquem
ad sensum politicum trahamus. Equidem existimo, si extarent
commentarii illi Salomonis ejusdem de Natura Rerum (in
quibus de omni vegetabili, a musco super murum ad cedrum
Libani, itemque de animalibus, conscripsit)1 non illicitum esse
eos secundum sensum naturalem interpretari ; quod idem nobis
liceat in Politicis.

Exemplum portionis doctrince de Occasionibus sparsis, ex pa~
rabolis aliquibus Salomonis.

PARABOLA.
1. Mollis responsio frangit iram.*

EXPLICATIO.

Si incendatur ira principis vel superioris adversus te, et
tuae jam sint loquendi partes, duo prsecipit Salomon : alte-
rum, ut fiat responsio ; alterum, ut eadem sit mollis. Prius
continet tria praecepta. Primo, ut caveas a silentio tristi et
contumaci ; illud enim aut culpam totam in te recipit, ac si
nihil habeas quod respondere possis ; aut dominum occulte
iniquitatis insimulat, ac si aures ejus defensioni licet justae
non paterent. Secundo, ut caveas a re comperendinanda,
neque tempus aliud ad defensionem postules ; hoc enim
aut eandem notam inurit quam prius (nimirum dominum
tuum nimia mentis perturbatione efferri), aut plane significat
te artificiosam quandam defensionem meditari, cum in promptu
nihil habeas ; adeo ut optimum semper fuerit, aliquid in pras-
sentia et e re nata in excusationem tui adducere. Tertio, ut
fiat prorsus responsio ; responsio (inquam) non mera confessio
aut mera submissio ; sed aliquid apologia? et excusationis in-
spergatur. Neque enim aliter tutum est facere, nisi apud
ingenia valde generosa et magnanima, qua? rara admodum
sunt. Sequitur posteriore loco, ut responsio sit mollis, minime
praefracta aut aspera.

PARABOLA.

2. Servus prudens dominabitur in Jilium stultum ; et partietur
hcereditatem inter fratres.3

1 1 Kings, iv. 33. 2 Prov. xv. 1. s Ib. xvii. 2.

752 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

EXPLICATIO.

In jomni familia turbata et discordi, semper exurgit aliquis
servus aut humilis amicus praepotens, qui pro arbitro se gerat ad
lites familiae componendas ; cuique eo nomine et familia tota et
dominus ipse sunt obnoxii. Ille, si suam rem agat, faniilise
mala fovet et aggravat; sin fidelis revera fuerit et integer,
plurimum certe meretur; adeo ut etiam tanquam inter fratres
haberi debeat, aut saltern procurationem haereditatis accipere
fiduciariam.

PARABOLA.

3. Vir sapiens, si cum stulto contenderit, sive irascatur sive rideat,

non inveniet requiem.1

EXPLICATIO.

Monemur saepius, ut congressum imparem fugiamus; eo sensu,
ne cum potioribus decertemus. At baud minus utile est moni-
tum, quod hie exhibet Salomon, Ne cum indigno contendamus.
Iniqua enim prorsus sorte haec res transigitur. Siquidem, si
superiores simus, nulla sequitur victoria ; si superemur, magna
indignitas. Neque juvat etiam, in hujusmodi contentione exer-
cenda, si interdum veluti per jocum agamus, interdum cum
fastu et contemptu. Nam quocunque nos vertamus, leviores
inde efficiemur, neque commode nos explicabimus. Pessime
autem fit, si hujusmodi persona quacum contendimus (ut Salo-
mon loquitur) aliquid afline habeat cum stulto ; hoc est, si sit
audaculus et temerarius.

PARABOLA.

4. Sed et cunctis sermonibus, qui dicuntur, ne accommodes aurem

tuam, ne forte audias servum tuum maledicentem tibi*

EXPLICATIO.

Vix credi possit, vitam quantum perturbet inutilis curiositas
circa illas res quae nostra intersunt : nimirum, quando secreta
ilia rimari satagimus quse detecta et inventa aegritudinem qui-
dem animo inferant, ad consilia autem expedienda nihil juvent.
Primo enim sequitur animi vexatio et inquietude, cum humana
omnia perfidiae et ingratitudinis plena sint. Adeo ut, si com-
parari possit speculum aliquod magicum, in quo odia et quaecun-
que contra nos ullibi commoventur intueri possemus, melius
nobis foret si protinus projiceretur et collideretur. Hujusmodi
enim res veluti foliorum murmura sunt, et brevi evanescunt.

1 Prov. xxix. 9. 2 Eccles. vu. 21.

LIBER OCTAVUS. 753

Secundo, curiositas ilia animum suspicionibus nimiis onerat,
quod consiliis inimicissimum est eaque reddit inconstantia et
complicata. Tertio, eadem mala ipsa soepissime figit, alias prae-
tervolatura. Grave enim est conscientias hominum irritare;
qui, si latere se putent, facile mutantur in melius ; sin depre-
hensos se sentiant, malum malo pellunt. Merito igitur summaj
prudentiae tribuebatur Pompeio Magno, quod Sertorii chartaa
universas, nee a se perlectas nee aliis permissas, igni protinus
dedisset. '

PARABOLA.

5. Advenit veluti viator pauperies ; et egestas quasi vir armatus.2

EXPLICATIO.

Eleganter describitur in Parabola, quomodo prodigis et circa
rem familiarem incuriosis superveniant naufragia fortunarum.
A principle enim pedetentim et passibus lentis, instar viatoris,
advenit obseratio et sortis diminutio, neque fere sentitur ; at non
multo post invadit egestas, tanquam vir armatus, manu scilicet
tarn forti et potente ut ei amplius resisti non possit ; cum apud
antiques recte dictum sit, Necessitate™, ex omnibus rebus esse
fortissimam.3 Itaque viatori occurrendum, contra armatum
muniendum.

PAEABOLA.

6. Qui erudit derisorem, ipse sibi injuriam facit ; et qui arguit

impium, sibi maculam generat.*

EXPLICATIO.

Congruit cum praecepto Salvatoris, ut non mittamus marga-
ritas nostras ante porcos. Distiuguuntur autem in hac Parabola
actiones praeceptionis et reprehensionis ; distinguuntur itidem
personse derisoris et impii ; distinguitur postremo id quod
rependitur; in priore enim rependitur opera lusa; in poste-
riore, etiam et macula. Cum enim quis erudit et instituit deri-
sorem, jactura primum fit temporis; deinde, et alii conatum
irrident, tanquam rem vanam et operam male collocatam ;
postremo, derisor ipse scientiam quam didicit fastidio habet. At
majore cum periculo transigitur res in reprehensione impii ; quia
non solum impius non auscultat, sed et cornua obvertit, et

1 See Plutarch, in Pomp. c. 20., and in Sertor. c. 27.

2 Prov. vi. 11., xxiv. 34.

3 \6yos ydp fffrtv OVK e/u&s, ffofytai' 8' firos,

Selves o.vd'yKris ojStv Iff^yfiv irAeW. EUBIP. Helena, 513.

Cf. Erasm. Adagia, ii. 3. 41. 4 Prov. ix. 7.

VOL. I. 3 C

754 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

reprehensorem, odiosum sibi jam factum, aut confestim convitiis
proscindit, aut saltern postea apud alios criminatur.

PARABOLA.

7. Filius sapiens latificat patrem : flius vero stultus mcestitice est

matri sues.1
EXPLICATIO.

Distinguuntur solatia atque aegritudines oeconomicae, patris
videlicet et matris, circa liberos suos. Etenim films prudens et
frugi praecipuo solatio est patri, qui virtutis pretium melius
novit quam mater ; ac propterea filii sui indoli ad virtutem pro-
pensae magis gratulatur ; quinetiam gaudium illi fortasse affert
institutum suum, quod filium tarn probe educarit, illique ho-
nestatem morum praaceptis et exemplo impresserit. E contra,
mater calamitati filii plus compatitur et indolet ; turn ob affectum
maternum magis mollem et tenerum, turn fortasse indulgentiae
suae conscia, qua eum corruperit et depravaverit»

PARABOLA.

8. Memoria Justi cum laudibus ; at nomen Impiorum putrescet*

EXPLICATIO.

Distinguitur inter famam virorum bonorum et malorum,
qualis esse soleat post obtium. Viris enim bonis, extincta in-
vidia (quae famam eorum, dum vixerant, carpebat), nomen con-
tinue efflorescit, et laudes magis indies invalescunt; at viris
malis (licet fama eorum, per gratiam amicorum et factionis suse
hominum, ad breve tempus manserit) paulo post fastidium
nominis oboritur ; et postremo laudes illoa evanidas in infamiam
et veluti in odorem gravem et tetrum desinunt.

PARABOLA.

9. Qui conturbat domum suam, possidebit ventos.3
EXPLICATIO.

TJtile admodum monitum, de discordiis et turbis domesti-
cis. Plurimi enim ex dissidiis uxorum, aut exhaeredationibus
filiorum, aut mutationibus frequentibus familiae, magna sibi
spondent; ac si inde vel animi tranquillitas, vel rerum sua-
rum administratio foelicior, sibi obventura foret. Sed plerunque
abeunt spes suae in ventos. Etenim turn mutationes illae, ut
plurimum, non cedunt in melius ; turn etiam perturbatores isti
amiliae suae molestias varias, et ingratitudinem eorum quos

1 Prov. x. 1. 2 Prov. x. 7. 8 Prov. xi. 29.

LIBER OCTAVTJS. 755

alils praeteritis adoptant et deligunt, saspemimero experiuntur :
quin et hoc pacto rumores sibi progignunt non optimos, et famas
ambiguas ; neque enim male a Cicerone notatum est ; Omnem
famam a domesticis manare.1 Utrunque autem malum per
ventorum possessionem eleganter a Salomone exprimitur; nam
expectationis frustratio, et rumorum suscitatio, ventis recte
comparantur.

PAEABOLA.
10. Melior est finis orationis, quam principium*

EXPLICATIO.

Corrigit Parabola errorem frequentissimum, non solum apud
eos qui verbis praecipue student, verum etiam apud pruden-
tiores. Is est, quod homines de sermonum suorum aditu atque
ingressu magis sint solicit! quam de exitu ; et accuratius ex-
ordia et praefatiunculas meditentur quam extrema orationum.
Debuerant autem nee ilia negligere, et ista, ut longe potiora,
praeparata et digesta apud se habere ; revolventes secum, et
quantum fieri potest animo prospicientes, quis tandem exitus
sermonis sit futurus, et quomodo negotia inde promoveri et
maturari possint. Neque hie finis. Quinimo non epilogos
tantum et sermonum qui ad ipsa negotia spectant egressus
meditari oportet ; verum etiam et illorum sermonum cura sus-
cipienda quos sub ipsum discessum commode et urbane injicere
possint, licet a negotio prorsus alienos. Equidem cognovi con-
siliarios duos, viros certe magnos et prudentes, et quibus onus
rerum tune praecipue incumbebat, quibus illud fuit perpetuum
et proprium, ut quoties cum principibus suis de negotiis ipso-
rum communicarent, colloquia in rebus ad ipsa negotia spectan-
tibus nunquam terminarent ; verum semper aut ad jocum, aut
aliud aliquid quod audire erat volupe, diverticula quasrerent;
atque (ut adagio dicitur) sermones marines aqua fluviatili sub
extremum abluerent.3 Neque hoc illis inter artes postremum
erat.

PARABOLA.

11. Sicut musccB mortua fcetere faciunt unguentum optimum, sic
hominem pretiosum sapientia et gloria, parva stultitia. 4

1 Q. Cicero, De Pet. Cons. § 5.

2 Eccles. vii. 8. The English version differs considerably from the Vulgate.

3 Erasm Adag. iii. 3. 26. This proverbial phrase Erasmus found in the Phcedrusot
Plato, and in Athenseus.

4 Eccles. x. 1.

3 C 2

756 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

EXPLICATIO.

Iniqua admodum et misera est conditio hominum virtute prae-
cellentium (ut optime notat Parabola), quia erroribus eorum,
quantumvis levissimis, nullo modo ignoscitur ; verum, quemad-
modum in gemma valde nitida minimum quodque granulum aut
nubecula oculos ferit et molestia quadam afficit, quod tamen si
in gemma vitiosiore repertum foret, vix notam subiret; simi-
liter in viris singular! virtute praeditis minima quaeque vitia
statim in oculos et sermones hominum incurrunt, et censura
perstringuntur graviore ; quae in hominibus mediocribus aut
omnino laterent aut veniam facile reperirent. Itaque viro
valde prudenti parva stultitia, valde probo parvum peccatum,
urbano et moribus eleganti paululum indecori, de fama et
existimatione multum detrahit. Adeo ut non pessimum foret
viris egregiis, si nonnulla absurda (quod citra vitium fieri
possit) actionibus suis immiscerent, ut libertatem quandam sibi
retineant, et parvorum defectuum notas confundant.

PARABOLA.

12. Homines derisores civitatem perdunt ; sapientes vero
avertunt calamitatem.1
EXPLICATIO.

Minim videri possit quod in descriptione hominum qui ad
respublicas labefactandas et perdendas veluti natura comparati
et facti sunt, delegerit Salomon characterem, non hominis
superbi et insolentis ; non tyrannic! et crudelis ; non temerarii
et violenti ; non impii et scelerati ; non injusti et oppressoris ;
non seditiosi et turbulenti; non libidinosi et voluptarii; non
denique insipientis et inhabilis ; sed derisoris. Verum hoc
sapientia ejus regis, qui rerumpublicarum conservationes et
eversiones optime norat, dignissimum est. Neque enim similis
fere est pestis regnis et rebuspublicis, quam si consiliarii re-
gum aut senatores, quique gubernaculis rerum adrnoventur,
sint ingenio derisores. Hujusmodi enim homines periculorum
magnitudinem, ut fortes videantur senatores, semper extenu-
ant ; iisque qui pericula prout par est ponderant, veluti timidis
insultant. Consultandi et deliberandi maturas moras, et medi-
tatas disceptationes, veluti rem oratoriam et tasdii plenam et ad
summas rerum nihil facientem, subsannant. Famam, ad quam
principum consilia praacipue sunt cornponenda, ut salivam vulgi

1 Prov. xxix. 8.

LIBER OCTAVUS. 757

et rem cito praetervolaturam, contemnunt. Legum vim et
authoritatem, ut reticula quaedam quibus res majores minime
cohiberi debeant, nil morantur. Consilia et praecautiones in
longura prospicientes, ut somnia quasdam et apprehensiones
melancholicas, rejiciunt. Viris revera prudentibus et rerum
peritis atque magni animi et consilii, dicteriis et facetiis
illudunt. Denique fundamenta omnia regiminis politici sinml
labefactant.1 Quod magis attendendum est, quia cuniculis et
non impetu aperto haec res agitur, neque coepit esse inter
homines (prout meretur) suspecta.

PARABOLA.

13. Princeps qui libenter prcebet aures verbis mendacii, omnes
servos habet improbos*

EXPLICATIO.

Cum princeps talis fuerit, ut susurronibus et sycophantis
absque judicio faciles et credulas aures prsebeat, spirat omnino
tanquam a parte regis aura pestilens quae omnes servos ejus
corrumpit et inficit. Alii metus principis rimantur, eosque
narrationibus fictitiis exaggerant ; alii invidiae furias concitant,
prassertim in optimos quosque ; alii criminationibus aliorum
proprias sordes et conscientias malas eluunt; alii amicorum
suorum honoribus et desideriis velificant, competitores eorum
calumniando et mordendo; alii fabularum argumenta contra
inimicos suos, tanquam in scena, componunt ; et innumera
hujusmodi. Atque base illi qui ex servis principis ingenio
sunt magis improbo. At illi etiam qui natura probiores sunt
et melius morati, postquam in innocentia sua parum praesidii
esse senserint (quoniam princeps vera a falsis distinguere non
novit), morum suorum probitatem exuunt, et ventos aulicos
captant, iisque servilem in modum circumferuntur. Nihil enim
(ut ait Tacitus de Claudio) tutum est apud principem cujus
animo omnia sunt tanquam indita et jussa.3 Atque bene Comi-
neus; Prcestat servum esse principis cujus suspicionum non est
finis, quam ejus cujus credulitatis non est modus.*

1 These remarks may remind the reader of Beranger's sarcasm :

" Un favori

Qui se croyait un grand ministre
Quand de uos maux il avait ri." Les Etoiles Filantes.

2 Prov. xxix. 12.

8 " Sed nihil arduum videbatur in animo principis cui non judicium non odium
erat nisi indita et jussa." — Tac. Ann. xii. 3.

4 See Philip de Comines's Memoirs, book i. c. 16.

3 c a

758 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

PARABOLA.

14. Justus miseretur animcB jumenti sui; sed misericordice. im«

piorum crudeles.1

EXPLICATIO.

Inditus est ab ipsa natura homino Misericordiaa affectus
nobilis et excellens ; qui etiam ad animalia bruta extenditur,
quae ex ordinatione divina ejus imperio subjiciuntur. Itaque
habet ista misericordia analogiam quandam cum ilia principis
erga subditos. Quinetiam illud certissimum est, quod quo
dignior est anima, eo pluribus compatiatur. Etenim animae
augustae et degeneres hujusmodi res ad se nihil pertinere
putant ; at ilia quae nobilior est portio universi, ex communione
afficitur. Quare videmus sub veteri lege baud pauca fuisse
praecepta, non tarn mere caeremonialia, quam misericordia? insti-
tutiva ; quale fuit illud de non comedendo carnem cum sanguine
ejus ; et similia. Etiam in sectis Essaeorum et Py thagorseorum
ab esu animalium omnino abstinebant. Quod etiam hodie
obtinet (superstitione inviolata) apud incolas nonnullos imperii
Mogollensis. Quin et Turcae (gens licet et stirpe et disciplina
crudelis et sanguinaria) brutis tarnen eleemosynas largiri solent;
neque animalium vexationes et torturas fieri sustinent.2 Verum,
ne forte haec quae diximus omnis generis misericordiae patro-
cinari videantur, salubriter subjungit Salomon ; Impiorum mise-
ricordias esse crudeles. Eae sunt, quando hominibus sceleratis
e faeinorosis parcitur justitia? gladio feriendis ; crudelior enim
hujusmodi misericordia, quam crudelitas ipsa. Nam crudelitas
exercetur in singulos, at misericordia ilia universum facinoroso-
rum exercitum, concessa impunitate, in homines innocentes
armat et immittit.

PAEABOLA.

15. Totum spiritum suum profert stultus ; at sapiens reservat

aliquid in posterum.3

EXPLICATIO.

Corrigit Parabola praecipue (ut videtur) non hominum vano-
rum futilitatem, qui dicenda tacenda facile proferunt ; non
parrhesiam illam, qua absque discrimine et judicio in omnes et

1 Prov. xii. 10. Bacou seems here to translate from the English version. The
Vulgate is, " Novit Justus jumentorum suorum animas ; viscera autem impiorum
crudella."

2 See Busbequius, Ep. 3.— J. S. * Prov. xxix. 11.

LIBER OCTAVUS. 759

omnia involant ; non garrulitatem, qua ad nauseam usque aliis
obstrepunt ; sed vitium aliud magis occultum ; nempe sennonis
regimen minime omnium prudens et politicum; hoc est, cum
quis ita sermonem (in colloquiis privatis) instituit, ut quaecunque
in animo habeat qua? ad rem pertinere putet, simul, et tanquam
uno spiritu et oratione continuata, proferat. Hoc enim pluri-
mum negotiis officit. Siquidem primo, oratio intercisa et per
partes infusa longe magis penetrat quam continuata ; quoniam
in continuata pondus rerum non distincte et sigillatim excipitur,
nee per moram nonnullarn insidet, sed ratio rationem antequam
penitus insederit expellit. Secundo, nemo tarn potenti et fcelici
eloquentia valet, ut primo sermonis impetu eum quern alloqui-
tur mutum et elinguem plane reddat; quin et alter aliquid
vicissim respondebit, et fortasse objiciet : turn vero accidit, ut
quas in refutationem aut replicationem reservanda fuissent,
praamissa jam et antea delibata vires suas et gratiam amiserint.
Tertio, si quis ea quae dicenda sunt non simul effundat sed per
partes eloquatur, aliud primo aliud subinde injiciens, sentiet ex
ejus quern alloquitur vultu et responso quomodo singula ilium
affecerint, quam in partem accepta fuerint ; ut quae adhuc re-
stant dicenda cautius aut supprimat aut excerpat.

PARABOLA.

16. Si spiritus potestatem habentis ascenderit super te, locum tuum
ne dimiseris ; quia curatio faciet cessare magma peccata,1

EXPLICATIO.

Praecipit Parabola quomodo se quis gerere debeat, cum iram
atque indignationem principis incurrerit. Praeceptum duplex :
primo, ut non dimittat locum suum ; secundo, ut curationi, tan-
quam in morbo aliquo gravi, diligenter et caute attendat. Con-
sueverunt enim homines, postquam commotos contra se principes
suos senserint, partim ex dedecoris impatientia, partim ne vulnus
observando refricent, partim ut tristitiam et humilitatem eorum
principes sui perspiciant, se a muneribus et functionibus suis
subducere ; quinetiam interdum ipsos magistratus et dignitates
quas gerunt in principum manus restituere. At Salomon hanc
medendi viam, veluti noxiam, improbat ; idque summa profecto
ratione. Primo enim, dedecus ipsum nimis ilia publicat;
unde turn inimici atque invidi audaciores fiunt ad laedendum,
turn amici timidiores ad subveniendum. Secundo, hoc pacto

1 Eccles. x. 4.
3 C 4

760 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

fit ut principis ira, quae fortasse si non evulgaretur sponte
concideret, magis figatur, et veluti principle jam facto hominis
deturbandi in pragcipitium illius feratur. Postremo, secessus
iste aliquid sapit ex malevolo, et temporibus infenso ; id quod
malum indignationis malo suspicionis cumulat. Ad curationem
autem pertinent ista : primo, caveat ante omnia ne stupiditate
quadam, aut etiam animi elatione, indignationem principis
minime sentire aut inde prout debeat affici videatur : hoc est,
ut et vultum, non ad tristitiam contumacem, sed ad moestitlam
gravem atque modestam componat ; et in rebus quibuscunque
agendis se minus solito hilarem et lastum ostendat ; quin et in
rem suam erit, amici alicujus opera et sermone apud principem
uti, qui quanto doloris sensu in intimis excrucietur tempestive
insinuet. Secundo, occasiones omnes vel minimas sedulo evi-
tet, per quas aut res ipsa quae indignationi causam praebuit
refricetur, aut princeps denuo excandescendi et ipsum quacun-
que de causa corarn aliis objurgandi ansam arripiat. Tertio,
perquirat etiam diligenter occasiones omnes, in quibus opera
ejus principi grata esse possit; ut et voluntatem promptam
redimendi culpam praeteritam ostendat, et princeps suus sentiat
quali tandem servo, si eum dimittat, privari se contigerit.
Quarto, culpam ipsam aut sagaciter in alios transferat, aut
animo illam non malo commissam esse insinuet, aut etiam
malitiam illorum, qui ipsum regi detulerunt vel rem supra
modum aggravarunt, indicet. Denique in omnibus evigilet, et
curationi sit intentus.

PARABOLA.

17. Primus in causa sua Justus ; turn venit alter a pars, et

inquirit in eum.1

EXPLICATIO.

Prima in unaquaque causa informatio, si paulisper animo
judicis insederit, altas radices agit, eumque imbuit et occupat ;
adeo ut aegre elui possit, nisi aut manifesta aliqua falsitas in
materia informationis, aut artificium aliquod in eadem exhibenda
deprehendatur. Etenim nuda et simplex defensio, licet justa
sit et praeponderans, vix praejudicium informationis primae com-
pensare, aut libram justitiae semel propendentem ad aequilibrium
reducere per se valet. Itaque et judici tutissimum ut nihil
quod ad merita causae spectat praelibetur priusquam utraque

1 Prov. xviii. 17.

LIBER OCTAVUS. 761

pars slmul audiantur; et defensorl optimum, si judicem senserit
prrcoccupatum, in hoc potissimum (quantum dat causa) in-
cumbere, ut versutiam aliquam et dolum malum ab adversa
parte in judicis abusum adhibitum detegat.

PARABOLA.

18 Qui delicate a pueritia nutrit servum suum, posted sentiet
eum contumacem. l

EXPLICATIO.

Servandus est principibus et dominis, ex consilio Salomonis,
in gratia et favore suo erga servos, modus. Is triplex est ;
primo, ut promoveantur per gradus, non per saltus ; secundo, ut
interdum assuefiant repulses ; tertio (quod bene prascipit Mac-
ciavellus 2) ut habeant prce oculis suis semper aliquid, quo ulterius
aspirare possint. Nisi enim base fiant, reportabunt proculdubio
principes in fine a servis suis, loco animi grati et officiosi, fasti-
dium et contumaciam. Etenim, ex promotione subita, oritur
insolentia; ex perpetua desideratorum adeptione, impatientia
repulsas ; denique, si vota desint, deerit itidem alacritas et in-
dustria.

PAKABOLA.

19. Vidisti virum velocem in opere suo; coram regibus stabit,
nee erit inter ignobiles*

EXPLICATIO.

Inter virtutes quas reges in delectu servorum potissimum
spectant et requirunt, gratissima est pros cunctis celeritas et in
negotiis expediendis strenuitas. Viri profunda prudentia, regi-
bus suspecti ; utpote qui nimium sint inspectores, et dominos
suos inscios et invitos ingenii sui viribus (tanquam machina)
circumagere possint. Populares, invisi; utpote qui regum
luminibus officiunt, et oculos populi in se convertunt. Animosi,
pro turbulentis saepe habentur, et ultra quam par est ausuris.
Probi, et vitas integral, tanquam difficiles existimantur, nee ad
omnes nutus heriles apti. Denique non est virtus alia, qure
non habeat aliquam quasi umbram, qua regum animi offendan-
tur; sola velocitas ad mandata nihil habet quod non placeat.

1 Prov. xxix. 21.

2 We find Macchiavelli's opinion, as to what the conduct of princes towards their
ministers ought to be, in the twenty -second chapter of 11 Principe. It hardly appears
to justify the reference here made to him ; but I have not met with any passage in
his writings which contains precisely the remark in the text.

3 Prov. xxii. 29.

762 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

Insuper, motus animorum regiorura celeres sunt, et morae minus
patientes. Putant enim se quidvis efficere posse ; illud tantum
deesse, ut cito fiat. Itaque ante omnia iis grata est celeritas.

PARABOLA.

20. Vidi cunctos viventes, qui ambulant sub sole, cum adole-

scente secundo, qui consurgit pro eo.1

EXPLICATIO.

Notat Parabola vanitatem hominum, qui se agglomerare
solent ad successores designates principum. Radix autem
hujus rei est insania ilia, hominum animis penitus a natura
insita; nimirum, ut Spes suas minium adament. Vix enim
reperitur, qui non delectatur magis iis qua? sperat, quam iis
quse fruitur. Quinetiam Novitas humanae natura? grata est, et
avide expetitur. In successore autem principis ista duo con-
currunt ; Spes, et Novitas. Innuit autem Parabola idem quod
olim dictum erat, primo a Pompeio ad Syllam, postea a Tiberio
de Macrone ; Plures adorare solem orientem, quam occidentem.2
Neque tamen imperantes multum hac re commoventur aut earn
magni faciunt, sicut nee Sylla nee Tiberius fecit ; sed rident
potius hominum levitatem, nee pugnant cum somniis : Est
autem, ut aiebat ille, Spes vigilantis insomnium.3

PARABOLA.

21. Erat civitas parva, et pauci in ea viri. Venit contra earn
rex magnus, et vadavit earn, instruxitque munitiones per gt/rum,
et perfecta est obsidio ; inventusque est in ea vir pauper et sa-
piens, et liberavit earn per sapientiam suam ; et nullus deinceps
recordatus est hominis illius pauperise

EXPLICATIO.

Describit Parabola ingenium hominum pravum et male-
volum. li in rebus duris et angustis confugiunt fere ad viros
prudentes et strenuos, licet antea contemptui habitos. Quam-
primum autem tempestas transient, ingrati demum erga con-
servatores suos reperiuntur. Macciavellus vero, non sine
causa, instituit quasstionem; Uter ingratior esset erga bene
meritos, princeps aut populus ? * Sed interim utrunque ingra-

1 Eccles. iv. 1 5. The English version differs considerably from the Vulgate.

2 Plut. in Pomp. c. 22., and Tacitus, Annal. vi. 46.

3 " Otia animorum et spes inaneset velut somnia quaedam vigilantium." — Quinlil.
vi. 2. 30. The apophthegm in the text is ascribed to Plato by ^Elian, Far. Hist. xiii.
28. M. Bouillet refers to Ecclesiasticvs, xiii. 13.

4 Eccles. ix. 14, 15. s Macch. Discorsi, i. 29.

LIBER OCTAVUS. 763

titudinis arguit. Attamen hoc non solum ex ingratitudine
principis aut populi oritur, sed accedit plerunque his invidia
procerum, qui secreto indolent eventui, licet foelici et prospero,
quia ab ipsis profectus non sit; itaque et meritum hominis
extenuant et ipsum deprimunt.

PARABOLA.

22. Iter pigrorum quasi sepes spinarum.1
EXPLICATIO.

Elegantissime ostendit Parabola Pigritiam in fine laboriosam
ease. Diligentia enim et sedula praaparatio id praestant, ut pes
in aliquod offendiculum non impingat, sed ut complanetur via
antequam ineatur. At qui piger est et omnia in extremum
momentum executionis differt, necesse est ut perpetuo et singulis
passibus quasi per rubos et sentes incedat, qui eum subinde de-
tineant et impediant. Idem observari possit etiam in familia
regenda ; in qua si adhibeatur cura et providentia, omnia placide
et veluti sponte procedunt, absque strepitu et tumultu ; sin haec
desint, ubi majoraliquis motus intervenerit, omnia simul agenda
turmatim occurrunt ; tumultuantur servi ; sedes personant.

PARABOLA.

23. Qui cognoscit in judicio faciem, non bene facit; iste, et pro

buccella panis, deseret veritatem,'2
EXPLICATIO.

Prudentissime notat Parabola, in judice magis perniciosam
esse facilitatem morum quam corruptelam munerum. Munera
enim haudquaquam ab omnibus deferuntur; at vix ulla est
causa, in qua non inveniatur aliquid quod flectat judicis ani-
mum, si personas respiciat. Alius enim respicietur, ut popu-
laris ; alius, ut maledicus; alius, ut dives; alius, ut gratus;
alius, ut ab amico commendatus ; denique omnia plena sunt ini-
quitatis, ubi dominatur respectus personarum ; et levi omnino
de causa, veluti pro buccella panis, judicium pervertetur.

PARABOLA.

24. Vir pauper calumnians pauperes similis est imbri vehementi

in quo paratur fames.3

EXPLICATIO.

Parabola ista antiquitus expressa et depicta fuit sub fabula
hirudinis utriusque ; nimirum, plenae et vacuae. Pauperis

1 Prov. xv. 19. - Prov. xxviii. 21. 3 Prov. xxviii. 3.

764 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

enim et famelici oppressio longe gravior est quam oppressio
per divitem et repletum, quippe qua? omnes exactionum technas
et omnes nummorum angulos perquirit. Solebat hoc ipsum
etiam spongiis assimilari ; qua? aridae fortiter sugunt, madidas
non item. Monitum autem utile continet, turn erga principes,
ne praefecturas provinciarum aut magi stratus viris indigentibus
et obaeratis committant ; turn erga populos, ne reges suos cum
nimia egestate conflictari permittant.

PAEABOLA.

25. Fans turbatus pede, et vena corrupta, est Justus cadens

cor am impio.1

EXPLICATIO.

Praecipit Parabola, rebuspublicis ante omnia cavendum esse
de iniquo et infami judicio, in causa aliqua celebri et gravi :
praesertim ubi non absolvitur noxius, sed condemnatur insons.
Etenim injuriae inter privates grassantes turbant quidem et
polluunt latices justitiae, sed tanquam in rivulis ; verum judi-
cia iniqua, qualia diximus, a quibus exempla petuntur, fontes
ipsos justitiae inficiunt et inquinant. Postquam enim tribunal
cesserit in partes injustitiae, status rerum vertitur tanquam in
latrocinium publicum ; fitque plane, ut homo homini sit lupus.2

PARABOLA.

26. Noli esse amicus homini iracundo, nee ambulato cum

homine furioso. 3

EXPLICATIO.

Quanto religiosius amicitiae jura inter bonos servanda et
colenda sunt, tanto magis cavendum est jam usque a principio
de prudente amicorum delectu. Atque amicorum natura et
mores, quantum ad nos ipsos spectant, omnino ferendi sunt ;
cum vero necessitatem nobis imponunt, qualem erga alios per-
sonam induamus et geramus, dura admodum et iniqua amicitias
conditio est. Itaque interest inprimis, ut praecipit Salomon, ad
vitas pacem et praesidia, ne res nostras cum hominibus iracundis,
et qui facile lites et jurgia provocant aut suscipiunt, commi-
sceamus. Istud enim genus amicorum perpetuo nos conten-
tionibus et factionibus implicabit ; ut aut amicitiam abrumpere,
aut incolumitati propriae deesse cogamur.

1 Prov. xxv. 26. 2 See Erasm. Adag. i. 1. 70. 3 Prov. xxii. 24.

LIBER OCTAVUS. 765

PARABOLA.

27. Qui celat delictum, quant amicitiam; sed qui altero

sermone repctit, separat feeder atos.1

EXPLICATIO.

Duplex concordiam tractandi et animos reconciliandi via ;
altera, quae incipit ab ainnestia ; altera quae a repetitione inju-
riarum, subjungendo apologias et excusationes. Equidem me-
mini sententiam viri admodum prudentis et politici ; Qui pacem
tractat, non repetitis conditionibus dissidii, is magis animos dulce-
dine concordice fallit quam aquitate componit. Verum Salomon,
illo scilicet prudentior, in contraria opinione est ; et amnestiam
probat, repetitionem prohibet. Etenim in repetitione haec
insunt mala ; turn quod ea sit veluti unguis in ulcere; turn quod
periculum impendeat a nova altercatione (siquidem de injuri-
aruni rationibus inter partes nunquam conveniet) ; turn denique
quod dcducat rem ad apologias ; at utraque pars malit videri
potius offensam remisisse, quam admisisse excusationenu

PARABOLA.

28. In omni opere bono erit abundantia ; ubi autem verba sunt

plurima, ibi frequenter egestas?
EXPLICATIO.

Separat Salomon hac Parabola fructum laboris linguae et
laboris manuum ; quasi ex altero proveniat egestas, ex altero
abundantia. Etenim fit fere perpetuo ut qui multa effutiant,
jactent multa, multa promittant, egeni sint, nee emolumentum
capiant ex illis rebus de quibus loquuntur. Quinetiam, ut
plurimum, industrii minime sunt aut impigri ad opera, sed tan-
tummodo sermonibus se, tanquam vento, pascunt et satiant.
Sane, ut poeta loquitur, Qui silet est firmus? Is qui conscius
est se in opere proficere, sibi plaudit et tacet ; qui vero e contra
conscius est auras se inanes captare, multa et mira apud alios
praedicat.

PARABOLA.

29. Melior est correptio manifesto,, quam amor occultus.4
EXPLICATIO.

Reprehendit Parabola mollitiem amicorum, qui amicitiae
privilegio non utuntur in admonendo libere et audacter amicos,

1 Prov. xvii. 9. 2 Prov. xiv. 23.

3 Ovid, Remed. Amor. 697. 4 Trov. xxvii. 5.

766 DE ADGMENTIS SCIEXTIARUM.

tarn de erroribus quam de periculis suis. Quid enim faciam
(solet hujusraodi mollis amicus dicere), aut quo me veriam ?
Amo ilium quantum quis maxime, meque si quid UK adversi con-
tigerit ipsius loco libenter substituerim ; sed novi ingenium ejus ; si
libere cum eo egero, onimum illivs qffendam, saltern contristabo ;
neque tamen prqficiam ; atque citius eum ab amicitia mea alienabo,
quam ab Us qua in animo Jixa habet abducam. Hujusmodi
amicum, tanquam enervem et inutilem, redarguit Salomon,
atque plus utilitatis ab inimico manifesto quam ab ejus generis
amico sumi posse pronunciat. Siquidem ea fortasse audire ei
contigerit ab inimico per contumeliam, quas amicus mussat prse
niniia indulo;entia.

o

PARABOLA.

30. Prudens advertit ad gressus suos ; stultus divertit ad dolos.1

EXPLICATIO.

Duae sunt prudentias species ; altera vera et sana, altera
degener et falsa, quam Salomon stultifies nomine appellare non
dubitat. Qui priori se dederit, viis et vestigiis propriis cavet ;
periculis prospiciens, meditans remedia, proborum opera utens,
contra improbos seipsum muniens ; cautus incoeptu, receptu
non imparatus ; in occasiones attentus, contra impedimenta
strenuus ; cum innumeris aliis, quae ad sui ipsius actiones et
gressus regendos spectant. At altera species tota est consuta
ex fallaciis et astutiis, spemque ponit omnino in aliis circum-
veniendis iisdemque ad libitum effingendis. Hanc merito
rejicit Parabola, non tantum ut improbam, sed etiam ut stul-
tam. Primo enim, minime est ex iis rebus quae in nostra
sunt potestate, nee etiam aliqua constant! regula nititur ; sed
nova quotidie comminiscenda sunt stratagemata, prioribus
fatiscentibus et obsoletis. Secundo, qui vafri et subdoli ho-
minis famam et opinionem semel incurrerit, prascipuo se ad res
gerendas instrumento prorsus privavit ; hoc est, fide : itaque
omnia parum votis suis consentientia experietur. Postremo,
artes istae, utcunque pulchrae videantur et complaceant, attamen
soepius frustrantur : quod bene notavit Tacitus ; Consilia callida
et audacia expectatione Iceta, tractatu dura, eventu tristia.2

1 Prov. xiv. 8. and 15 ? M. Bouillet refers to Prov. xv. 21.

2 Consilia callida et audacia prima specie Iseta, tractatu dura, eventu tristia essc."
These words, however, do not occur in Tacitus, but in the thirty-fifth book of Livy,
c. 32. Bacon's recollection was probably misled by the epigrammatic character of
the expression.

LIBER OCTAVUS. 767

PAEABOLA.

31. Noli csse Justus nimium, nee sapientior qitam oportet ; cur
abripiare subito ? l

EXPLICATIO.

Sunt tempora (ut inquit Tacitus) in quibus magnis virtutibus
ccrtissimum est exitium.3 Atque hoc viris virtute et justitia
egregiis aliquando subito, aliquando diu ante praevisum, con-
tingit. Quod si adjungatur etiam prudentia, hoc est, ut cauti
sint et ad propriam incolumitatem evigilent, turn hoc lucrantur
ut ruina eorum subito obveniat, ex occultis omnino et obscuris
consiliis ; quibus et evitetur invidia, et pernicies ipsos impa-
ratos adioratur. Quod vero ad illud nimium quod in Parabola
ponitur (quandoquidem non Periandri alicujus, sed Salomonis
verba sunt ista, qui mala in hominum vita saspius notat, nun-
quam prsecipit) intelligendum est non de virtute ipsa (in qua
nimium non est) sed de vana ejus atque invidiosa affectatione
et ostentatione. Simile quiddam innuit Tacitus de Lepido ;
miraculi loco ponens, quod nunquam servilis alicujus sententia?
author fuisset, et tamen tarn saevis temporibus incolumis man-
sisset; Subit (inquit) cogitatio, utrum hcec fato regantur, an
ctiam sit in nostra potestate cursum quendam tenere inter deforme
obsequium et abruptam contumaciam medium, periculo simul et
indignitate vacuum ? 3

PARABOLA.

32. Da sapienti occasionem, et addetur ei sapiential

EXPLICATIO.

Distinguit Parabola inter sapientiam illam quoa in verum
habitum increverit et maturuerit, et illam quas natat tantum in
cerebro et conceptu, aut sermone jactatur, sed radices altas non
egerit. Siquidem prior, oblata occasione in qua exerceatur,
illico excitatur, accingitur, dilatatur, adeo ut seipsa major
videatur; posterior vero, quse ante occasionem alacris erat,
occasione data fit attonita et confusa ; ut etiam ipsi qui ea se
przeditum arbitrabatur in dubium vocetur, annon praaceptiones
de ea fuerint insomnia mera et speculationes inanes ?

1 Eccles. vii. 16.

2 " Ob virtutes certissimum exitium." — Tac. Hist. i. 2.

3 " Unde dubitare cogor, fato et sorte nascendi, ut ccetera, ita principum inclinatio in
hos, offensioin illos : an sit aliquid in nostris consiliis, liceatque inter abruptam contu-
maciam et deforme obsequium pergere iter ambitione et periculis vacuum." — Tac.
Ann. iv. 20.

4 Prov. ix. 9. 5 Prov. xxvii. 14.

768 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENT1ARUM

PARABOLA.

33. Qui laudat amicum voce alta, surgendo mane, erit illi luco

maledictionis.1

EXPLICATIO.

Laudes moderatae, et tempestivae, et per occasionem prolataa,
famas hominum atque fortunae plurimum conferunt ; at immo-
derate, et streperae, et importune effusae, nihil prosunt: imo
potius, ex sententia Parabolas, impense nocent. Primo enim
manifesto se produnt, aut ex nimia benevolentia oriundas, aut
ex composite afFectatas ; quo collaudatum potius falsis praeconiis
demereantur quam veris attributis ornent. Secundo, laudes
parcae et modestae invitant fere praesentes, ut ipsis etiam aliquid
adjiciant; profusa? contra et immodicje, ut aliquid demant et
detrahant. Tertio (quod caput rei est) conflatur illi invidia,
qui nimium laudatur; cum laudes omnes nimisa videantur
spectare ad contumeliam aliorum qui non minus merentur.

PARABOLA.

34. Quomodo in aquis resplendent fades, sic corda hominum

manifesta sunt prudentibus.z

EXPLICATIO.

Distinguit Parabola inter mentes prudentium et caeterorum
hominum; illas aquis aut speculis comparans, quae species et
imagines rerum recipiunt; cum alterae similes sint terras, aut
lapidi impolite, in quibus nihil reflectitur. Atque eo magis
apte comparator animus hominis prudentis ad speculum, quia
in speculo imago propria spectari possit una cum imaginibus
aliorum ; id quod oculis ipsis sine speculo non conceditur. Quod
si animus prudentis adeo capax sit, ut innumera ingenia et
mores observare et internoscere possit, superest ut detur opera
quo reddatur non minus varius applicatione quam reprassen-
tatione ;

Qui sapit, iuuumeris moribus aptus erit. 3

Atque his Salomonis Parabolis diutius fortasse immorati
sumus, quam pro modo exempli ; dignitate et rei ipsius et au-
thoris longius provecti.

Neque tantum in usu erat apud Hebrseos, sed alibi etiam
priscorum sapientibus frequentissimum ; ut si cujuspiam ob-
servatio in aliquid incidisset quod vitae communi conducibile

1 Prov. xxvii. 14. - Prov. xxvii. 19. 3 Ovid, De Arte Amand. i. 760.

LIBER OCTAVOS. 769

fuisset, id redigeret et contraheret in brevem aliquam Senten-
tiam, vel Parabolam, vel etiam Fabulam. Verum, quod ad
Fabulas (sicut alias dictum est), illae exemplorum vicarii et
supplementa olim extiterunt : nunc, quando tempera histo-
riarum copia abundent, ad animatum scopum rectius et alacrius
collimatur. At modus scribendi qui optime convenit argu-
mento tarn vario et multiplici (quale est tractatus de Negotiis
et Occasionibus Sparsis) aptissimus ille esset, quern delegit
Macciavellus ad tractandas res politicas T ; nimirum per obser-
vationes, sive Discursus (ut loquuntur), super Historiam et
Exempla. Nam scientia quae recenter et quasi in conspectu
nostro ex particularibus elicitur, viam optime novit particularia
denuo repetendi; atque certe ad practicam longe conducit
magis, cum discursus sive disceptatio sub exemplo militat,
quam cum exemplum disceptationi subjungitur. Neque enim
hie ordo tantum spectatur, sed res ipsa. Cum enim exemplum
statuitur tanquam disceptationis basis, universe cum circum-
stantiarum apparatu proponi solet; quae discursum interdum
corrigant, interdum suppleant; unde fit loco exemplaris ad
imitationem et practicam. Ubi e contra, exempla in gratiam
disceptationis adducta succincte et nude citantur, et tanquam
mancipia nutus tantum disceptationis observant.

Hoc vero discriminis operas pretium fuerit observasse ; quod
sicut Historiae Temporum optimam praebent materiam ad Dis-
cursus super Politica, quales sunt illi Macciavelli, ita Historiae
Vitarum optime adhibentur ad Documenta de Negotiis ; quo-
niam omnem occasionum et negotiorum, tarn grandium quam
leviorum, varietatem complectuntur. Imo, reperire est basin
ad Praeceptiones de Negotiis, utraque ilia Historia adhuc com-
modiorem. Ea est, ut discursus fiant super Epistolas, sed
prudentiores et magis serias ; quales sunt illae Ciceronis ad
Atticum, et aliae. Siquidem Epistolae magis in proximo et ad
vivum negotia solent repraesentare, quam vel Annales vel Vitae.
Quare jam et de materia et de forma portionis primae Doctrinae
de Negotiis, quae tractat Occasiones Sparsas, diximus ; eamque
inter Desiderata numeramus.

Est et alia portio ejusdem Doctrinae, quae tantum differt ab
ilia altera de qua diximus, quantum sapere et sibi sapere. Al-
tera enim movere videtur tanquam a centre ad circumferen-

1 Vide sup., p. 513.
VOL. I. 3D

770 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

tiam ; altera, tanquam a circumferentia ad centrum. Est enim
prudentia quaedam consilii aliis impertiendi; est vero et alia
suis rebus prospiciendi ; atque hae nonnunquam conjunguntur,
ssepius separantur. Multi siquidem in suis ipsorum rationibus
instituendis prudentissimi sunt, qui tamen in rebuspublicis ad-
ministrandis aut etiam consiliis dandis nihil valent; formicae
similes, quae creatura sapiens est ad sese tuendum, sed horto
plane noxia. Haec virtus sibi sapiendi Romanis ipsis, licet pa-
triae optimis curatoribus, non ignota fait : unde Comicus, Nam
pol sapiens fingit fortunam sibi.1 Quin et in adagium apud
ipsos versum est, Faber quisque fortuna proprice 2 : et Livius
hanc ipsam Catoni Majori tribuit ; In hoc viro tanta vis animi
et ingenii inerat, ut quocunque loco natus esset sibi ipse fortunam
facturus videretur.3

Hoc genus Prudentiae, si quis ipsum profiteatur et palam
venditet, semper habitum est non modo non politicum, verum
etiam infaustum quiddam et inauspicatum : sicut in Timotheo
Atheniensi observatum est ; qui, postquam praeclara multa
facinora in decus et commodum civitatis suae edidisset, atque
administrationis suae (sicut turn moris erat) populo rationem
redderet, singula conclusit hac clausula ; Atque in hac re For-
tunes paries fuerunt nullce.4 Contigit vero, ut post id temporis
nunquam ei quicquam foeliciter cesserit. Sane nimis elatum
hoc et altum sapiens, eodem spectans quo Ezechielis illud de
Pharaone ; Dicis, Fluvius est meus, et ego fed memetipsum 5 ; aut
illud Habacuc prophetae ; Exultant et sacrificant reti suo 6 : aut
illud etiam poetae, de contemptore Deum Mezentio ;

Dextra mihi Deus, et telum quod missile libro,
Nunc adsint." 7

Denique Julius Caesar nunquam (quod memini) impotentiam
cogitationum suarum arcanarum prodidit, nisi simili dicto.
Cum enim aruspex ei referret exta reperta fuisse non bona,
admurmuravit submisse ; Erunt l&tiora cum volo 8 : quod etiam
dictum mortis suae infortunium non diu praecessit. Verum
excessus iste fiduciae (ut diximus) res, ut profana, ita semper
infoelix. Quapropter viris magnis et vere sapientibus visum,

" Nam sapiens quidem pol ipse fingit fortunam sibi."

PLAUT. Trinummus, ii. 2. 84.

Appius Claudius Is said to have been the author of this commonly quoted sentence.
1 Livy, xxxix. 40. * Plut in Sylla, c. 6. 5 Ezek. xxix. 3.

6 Habak. i. 16. ' Virg. ^En. x. 773. 8 Sueton. in Julio, c. 77.

LIBER OCTAVUS. 771

successus quoslibet fcelicitati suae, non virtuti aut industries,
tribuere : nam et Sylla Fcelicem se, non Magnum cognominavit1 ;
et Caesar (melius quam supra) ad navis gubernatorem : Casarem
vehis, et Fortunam ejus.*

Attamen istae sententiae; Faber quisque fortunes sues; Sapiens
dominabitur astris 3 ; Invia virtuti nulla est via * ; ac similes ; si
intelligantur et adhibeantur potius pro calcaribus ad industriam
quam pro stapedibus ad insolentiam, magisque ut progignant in
hominibus decretorum constantiam et robur quam arrogantiam
et jactantiam, tanquam sanae et salutares merito habitaa sunt, ac
proculdubio in pectoribus hominum magnanimorum sedem non-
nullam occuparunt ; eousque, ut cogitationes tales quandoque
aegre dissimulent. Videmus enim Augustum Cassarem (qui,
cum avunculo suo comparatus, potius ab illo diversus quam
inferior fuit, sed vir certe paulo moderatior) sub finem vita3
petiisse ab amicis qui lectum ejus circumstabant, ut postquam
expirasset sibi plauderent ; quasi conscius sibi fuisset, Mimum
vita a se commode transactum.6 Haac quoque doctrinae portio
inter Desiderata numeranda est ; non quin in praxi, etiam nimio
plus quam oportet, usurpata sit et frequentata; verum quod
libri de ilia silent. Quamobrem ex more nostro, sicut in
priore, nonnulla ejus capita recensebimus ; eamque Fair um
Fortunes, sive (ut diximus) Doctrinam de Ambitu Vitce, nomi-
nabimus.

Ac primo quidem intuitu novum quoddam et insolitum
argumentum tractare videbor, docendo homines quomodo For-
tunae suae Fabri fieri possint: doctrinam certe, cui quivis
libenter se discipulum addixerit, donee difficultatem ejusdem
habuerit perspectam. Non enim leviora sunt aut pauciora aut
minus ardua quae ad Fortunam comparandam requiruntur, quam
quae ad Virtutem ; resque est aeque difficilis ac severa, fieri vere
Politicum ac vere Moralem. At hujus Doctrinaa pertractatio
plurimum ad literarum turn decus turn pondus pertinet. Inter-
est enim inprimis honoris literarum, ut homines isti pragmatici
sciant eruditionem haudquaquam aviculae qualis est alauda

1 Vide Plut. in Sylla, c. 6. 2 Plut. De Roman. Fortun. p. 319.

3 This sentence is ascribed to Ptolemy by Cognatus.

4 Ovid, Met. xiv. 113.

5 « Amicos admissos percunctatus Ecquid videretur mimum vita commode trans-
egisse, adjecit et clausulam :

&6T€ Kp6-rvt Kal -rravres u/tets juerot x«P«s Krvif/jffart."
— Sueton. in Avg. c. 99

3 D 2

772 DE AUGMENT1S SCIENTIARUM

similem esse, quas in sublime ferri et cantillando se oblectare
soleat, at nihil aliud ; quinimo ex accipitris potius genere esse,
qui et in alto volare, ac subinde, cum visum fuerit, descendere
et praedam rapere novit. Deinde et ad perfectionem literarum
hoc ipsum spectat, quia legitima? inquisitionis vera norma est,
ut nihil inveniatur in globo materice, quod non habeat parallelum
in globo crystalline sive intellectu. Hoc est, ut nihil veniat in
Practicam, cujus non sit etiam Doctrina aliqua et Theoria.
Neque tamen literae hanc ipsam Fortunae Architecturam aliter
admirantur aut aestimant, quam ut opus quoddam inferioris
generis. Nemini enim Fortuna Propria, pro dono Esse ! sui a
Deo concesso, ullo modo digna retributio esse possit. Quin et
non raro fit, ut viri virtutibus egregii fortunas suae sponte
renuncient, ut rebus sublimioribus vacent. Digna tamen est
Fortuna, quatenus virtutis ac bene merendi organum est, sua
quoque speculatione et doctrina.

Ad hanc Doctrinam pertinent praecepta, nonnulla Summaria,
nonnulla Sparsa et Varia. Praecepta Summaria versantur circa
veram Notitiam et Aliorum et Sui. Primum igitur praeceptum
(in quo cardo Notitiae Aliorum vertitur) illud constituatur, ut
procuremus nobis quantum fieri possit fenestram illam, quam
olim requisivit Momus.2 Hie, cum in humani cordis fabrica tot
angulos et recessus conspicatus esset, id reprehendit quod de-
fuisset fenestra, per quam in obscuros illos et tortuosos anfractus
inspicere quis possit. Hanc autem fenestram obtinebimus, si
omni sedulitate nobis informationem comparemus et procure-
mus de personis, quibuscum intercedunt negotia, particularibus;
earumque ingeniis, cupiditatibus, finibus, moribus, auxiliis et
adminiculis quibus praecipue suffulciuntur et valent; et rursus
defectibus et imbecillitatibus, quaque ex parte maxime pate-
ant et obnoxii sint; amicis, factionibus, patronis, clientelis;
rursusque inimicis, invidis, competitoribus ; etiam temporibus
et aditibus

(Sola viri molles aditus et tempora noris) ; 3
denique institutis et normis quas sibi praescripserunt, et simili-

1 "Esse" is here used as an indeclinable substantive, a construction common among
the schoolmen. " Posse " and " Velle " are often used in the same way.

2 See Lucian. in Hermotim. 20. But as Bacon, in the Essay on Building, alludes
to a part of the story which Lucian does not tell, it is probable that his knowledge of
it was derived from some other source. The most obvious one is the JEsopic fable ;
but there Momus's wish is not quite the same as in the text. In the fable he com-
plains not that there are no shutters, Supt'Ses, in the breast, but that oZ ipptvfs are
inside it, and not on the surface.

3 Virg. .Sin. iv. 423.

LIBER OCTAVOS. 773

bus. Quinetiam non solum informatio capienda est de Personis,
sed insuper de Actionibus particularibus quae de tempore in
tempus in motu sunt et tanquam sub incude ; quomodo regantur
et succedant, quorum studiis foveantur, a quibus oppugnentur,
cujusque sint ponderis et momenti, et quid secum trahant, et
hujusmodi. Etenim Actiones praesentes nosse, et in se plurimum
prodest, et illud insuper habet quod absque hoc etiam persona-
rum notitia valde futura sit fallax et erronea. Mutantur enim
homines simul cum actionibus ; et alii sunt, dum actionibus ipsis
itnplicentur et obsideantur, alii postquam redierint ad ingenium.
Atque has de rebus particularibus informationes, qua? tarn ad
Personas quam ad Actiones spectant, sunt tanquam proposi-
tiones minores in omni active syllogismo. Nulla enim observa-
tionum aut axiomatum (unde conficiuntur majores propositiones
politico?) veritas. aut excellentia ad conclusionis firmamentum
sufficere possit, si in minore propositione fuerit erratum. Quod
vero hujusmodi notitia comparari possit, fidejussor nobis est
Salomon, qui ait; Consilium in corde viri, tanquam aqua pro-
funda; sed vir prudens exhauriet illud.1 Quamvis autem ipsa
notitia non cadat sub praeceptum, quoniam individuorum est,
attamen mandata de eadem elicienda utiliter dari possunt.

Notitia hominum sex modis elici et hauriri potest ; per Vul-
tus et Ora ipsorum ; per Verba ; per Facta ; per Ingenia sua ;
per Fines suos ; denique per Relationes Aliorum. Quantum
ad Vultus attinet, minime nos moveat vetus adagium, Fronti
nulla fides? Licet enim hoc ipsum non perperam dictum sit
de Vultus et Gestus compositione externa et generali, attamen
subsunt subtiliores quidam motus et labores Oculorum, Oris,
Vultus, et Gestus; ex quibus reseratur et patet (ut elegan-
ter ait Q. Cicero) veluti janua qucedam animi.3 Quis Tiberio
Caesare occultior ? At Tacitus, notans characterem et modum
loquendi diversum quo usus est Tiberius in laudando apud
senatum res a Germanico et a Druso gestas, de laudibus Ger-
manici sic ; Magis in speciem adornatis verbis, quam ut penitus
sentire videretur* ; de laudibus Drusi sic ; Paucioribus, sed inten-
tior, et fida oratione.5 Iterum Tacitus, eundem Tiberium alias

1 Prov. xx. 5. 2 Juven. ii. 8. 8 De Pet. Cons. § 11.

4 In the Advancement of Learning, this passage stands thus : — " None more close than
Tiberius, and yet Tacitus saith of Gallus, Etenim vultu offensionem conjecluverat. So
again, noting," &c. The passage referred to is in Annals, i. 12., and was probably
omitted by an oversight, for it is quite in point. — J. S.

5 Tac. Ann. i. 52. [" Rettulit tamen ad senatum de rebus gestis, multaque d

3D 3

774 DE AUGMENT1S SC1ENTIARUM

etiam ut nonnihil pellucidum notans ; In aliis (inquit) erai
veluti eluctantium verborum ; solutius vero loquebatur, quando
subveniret.1 Sane difficile reperiatur simulationis artifex aliquis
tarn peritus et egregius, aut vultus aliquis ita coactus, et, ut
ille loquitur, jussus, qui a sermone artificioso et simulatorio
possit istas notas sejungere, quin aut sermo sit solito solutior,
aut comptior, aut magis vagus et oberrans, aut magis aridus et
quasi eluctans.

Ad Verba Hominum quod attinet ; sunt quid em ilia (ut de
urinis loquuntur medici) meretricia. Sed isti meretricii fuci
optime deprehenduntur duobus modis ; cum scilicet proferuntur
verba aut ex improvise, aut in perturbatione. Sic Tiberius, cum
ex Agrippinae verbis aculeatis subito commotus esset et nonnihil
abreptus, extra innatae simulationis terminos pedem protulit ;
Audita hcec (inquit Tacitus) raram occulti pectoris vocem eli-
cuere ; correptamque Graco versu admonuit, ideo Icedi quid non
regnant* Quare poe'ta perturbationes hujusmodi non inscite
appellat Torturas, quod ab iis secreta sua prodere homines com-
pellantur :

Vino tortus et ira. 3

Ipsa sane testatur experientia paucos admodum reperiri, qui
erga arcana sua tarn fidi sint, animumque gerant adeo obfirma-
tum, quin interdum ex iracundia ; interdum ex jactantia ; inter-
dum ex intima erga amicum benevolentia ; interdum ex animi
imbecillitate, qui se mole cogitationum onerari amplius non
sustineat ; interdum denique ex alio quopiam afFectu ; intimas
animi cogitationes revelent et communicent. Ac ante omnia
sinus animi excutit, si simulatio simulationem impulerit ; juxta
adagium illud Hispanorum ; Die mendacium, et erues veritatem.4
Quin et Factis ipsis, licet humani anirai pignora sint certis-
sima, non prorsus tamen fidendum ; nisi diligenter atque attente
pensitatis prius illorum et magnitudine et proprietate. Illud
enim verissimum ; Fraus sibi in parvis fidem prastruit, ut ma-

virtute ejus memoravit, magis in speciem verbis adornata quam ut penitus sentire cre-
deretur. Paucioribus Drusum et finem Illyrici motus laudavit, sed intentior et fida
oratione."]

1 ... Compositus alias et velut eluctantium verborum, solutius promptiusque loque-
batur quotiens subveniret." — Tac. Ann. iv. 31.

2 Tac. Ann. iv. 52. In modern editions of Tacitus the last clause stands thus : —
" Non ideo laedi quia non regnaret."

3 Hor. Ep. i. 18. 38.

4 In the Advancement of Learning this proverb is given in Spanish : " Di mentira
y sacaras verdad."

LIBER OCTAVUS. 775

jore emolumento f allot. l Italus vero seipsum in ipso stare lapide
putat ubi prceco prcedicat, si melius solito tractetur absque causa
manifesta.2 Etenim officia ista minora homines reddunt osci--
tantes et quasi consopitos, tarn ad cautionem quam ad industri-
am, atque recte a Demosthene appellantur alimenta socordia.3
Porro proprietatem et naturam nullorum Factorum, etiam quge
beneficiorum loco habentur, subdolam et ambiguam, lucul enter
cernere licet ex eo quod Antonio Primo imposuit Mutianus ;
qui post reditum cum eo in gratiam, sed fide pessima, plurimos
ex Antonii amicis ad dignitates evexit ; Simul amicis ejus prce-
fecturas et tribunatus largitur.* Hoc autem astu, Antonium
non munivit, sed exarmavit penitus et desolavit, amicitias ejus
ad se transferendo.

Certissima autem clavis ad animos hominum reserandos ver-
titur in rimandis et pernoscendis vel Ingeniis et Naturis ipso-
rum, vel Finibus et Intentionibus. Atque imbecilliores certe
et simpliciores ex Ingeniis, prudentiores autem et tectiores ex
Finibus suis optime judicantur. Certe prudenter et facete
(licet meo judicio minus vere) dictum fuit a nuntio quopiam
Pontificis, sub reditu ejus a legatione apud nationem quandam
ubi tanquam Ordinarius resederat. Interrogatus de delectu
successoris sui, consilium dedit ; Ut nullo modo mitteretur aliquis
qui eximie prudens esset, sed potius mediocriter tantum ; quoniam
(inquit) ex prudentioribus nemo facile conjiciet, quid verisimile
foret illius gentis homines facturos. Sane non raro intervenit
ille error, et maxime familiaris est viris prudentibus, ut ex mo-
dulo ingenii proprii alios metiantur; ac proinde ultra scopum
saspius jaculentur, supponendo quod homines majora quasdam
meditentur et sibi destinent, et subtilioribus technis utantur,
quam quae illorum animos unquam subierint. Quod etiam
eleganter innuit adagium Italicum, quo notatur nummorum, pru-
dentittfjidei, semper minor es inveniri rationes quam quis putaretf
Quare in levioris ingenii hominibus, quia multa absurda faciunt,
capienda est conjectura potius ex propensionibus Ingeniorum

1 " Fraus fldem in parvis sibi praestruit, ut, quum opera pretium sit, cum magna
mercede fallat." — Livy, xxviii. 42.

2 Bacon alludes to the Italian proverb : —

" Chi mi fa piu caresse che* non suole
O m' a ingannato, o ingannar mi vuole."

3 See the note at p. 681. 4 Tac. Hist. iv. 39 .
5 Di danari, di senno, e di fede

C' e ne manco che non credi.
See the Advancement of Learning.

3D 4

776 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

quam ex destinationibus Finium. Porro, Principes quoque
(sed longe aliam ob causam) ab Ingeniis optinie judicantur ;
Privati autem ex Finibus. Principes enim fastigium adept!
humanorum desideriorum, nullos fere sibi propositos Fines
habent ad quos, prsesertim vehementer et constanter, aspirant ;
ex quorum Finium situ et distantia reliquarum suarum actio-
num possit excipi et confici directio et scala; id quod inter
alia causa est vel praecipua, ut corda eorum (quod Scriptura
pronunciat) sint inscrutabilia.1 At Privatorum nullus est, qui
non sit plane veluti viator, et proficiscatur intente ad aliquam
itineris metam, ubi consistat; unde non male divinare quis
poterit quid facturus sit, aut non facturus. Si enim in ordine
sit quidpiam ad finem suum, probabile est facturum ; sin sit in
contrarium finis, minime. Neque de Finium aut Ingeniorum
in hominibus diversitate informatio capienda est simpliciter tan-
turn, sed et comparate ; quid scilicet praedornmetur, et reliqua
in ordinem cogat. Sic, ut videmus, Tigellinus, cum se Pe-
tronio Turpiliano inferiorem sentiret in voluptatibus Neroni
ministrandis et praegustandis, metus (ut ait Tacitus) Neronis
rimatus est^ ; et hoc pacto aemulum evertit.

Ad notitiam quod attinet de hominum animis secundariam,
nimirum quae ab Aliorum Relatione desumitur, breviter die ere
sufficiet. Defectus et vitia didiceris optime ab inimicis ; vir-
tutes et facultates ab amicis; mores et tempora a famulis;
opiniones et meditationes ab intimis familiaribus, cum quibus
frequentius colloquia miscent. Fama popularis levis est; et
superiorum judicia minus certa; etenim coram illis tectiores
incedunt homines. Verior fama e domesticis emanat.3

Verum ad inquisitionem istam universam via maxime compen-
diaria in tribus consistit. Primum, ut amicitias multas compa-
remus cum ejusmodi hominibus qui multiplicem et variam
habent tarn rerum quam personarum notitiam ; inprimis vero
enitendum ut saltern singulos habeamus praesto, qui pro nego-
tiorum atque hominum diversitate, nos de unaquaque re cer-
tiores facere et solide inforniare possint. Secundo, ut prudens
temperamentum et mediocritatem quandam persequamur et in
libertate sermonis et in taciturnitate ; frequentius libertatem
usurpantes ; at cum res postulat, silentium. Libertas siquidem

1 Prov. xxv. 3. 2 Tac. Ann. xiv. 57.

3 "Fere omnis sermo ad forensem famam a domesticis emanat auctoribus." — Q.
Cicero, De Pet. Consul. § 5.

LIBER OCTAVUS. . 777

in sermone etiam alios invitat et provocat ut pari libertate erga
nos utantur, et sic multa deducit ad notitiam nostram ; at taci-
.turnitas fidem conciliat, efficitque ut ament homines secreta
sua apud nos tanquam in sinu deponere. Tertio, is nobis paula-
tim acquirendus est habitus, ut vigilante et praesente animo, in
omnibus colloquiis et actionibus, simul et rem quae instat gera-
mus et alia quae incidunt observemus. Nam sicut Epictetus
praecipit, ut Philosophus in singulis suis actionibus ita secum
loquatur ; Et hoc volo, et etiam institutum servare1 ; sic Politicus
in singulis negotiis ita secum statuat ; Et hoc volo, atque etiam
aliquid quod in futurum usui esse possit addiscere. Itaque, qui
eo sunt ingenio, ut nimium hoc agant, et toti sint in praesente
negotio quod in manibus habent, de iis autem quae interveniunt
nee cogitant quidem (id quod in se agnoscit Montaneus2), illi
certe ministri regum aut rerumpublicarum sunt vel optimi, sed
ad proprias fortunas claudicant. Interim cautio ante omnia
adhibenda, ut impetum animi et alacritatem nimiam cohibea-
mus ; ne multa sciendo ad nos multis immiscendum feramur.
Inftelix enim quiddam est et temerarium Polypragmosyne,
Itaque ista quam comparandam praecipimus Notitia? Rerum et
Personarum varietas hue tandem redit, ut et Rerum quas
suscipimus, et Hominum quorum opera utimur, magis cum
judicio delectum faciamus; unde cuncta et magis dextre et
magis tuto disponere et administrare sciamus.

Notitiam Aliorum sequitur Notitia Sui. Etenim non minor
diligentia adhibenda est, sed major potius, ut nos de nobis ipsis
quam de aliis vere et accurate informemus. Quippe cum ora-
culum illud, Nosce teipsum, non tantum sit canon prudentia?
universalis, sed et in Politicis praecipuum locum habeat. Optime
enim homines monet S. Jacobus ; Eum qui vultum in speculo
consider avit, oblivisci tamen illico qualis fuerit 3 ; ut omnino fre-
quenti inspectione sit opus. Idque tenet etiam in politicis.
Sed specula scilicet sunt diversa. Nam speculum divinum, in
quo nos contueri debemus, est Verbum Dei ; speculum autem
politicum non aliud est quam status rerum et temporum in
quibus vivimus.

Examen igitur accuratum, nee quale esse solet sui nimium
amantis, instituendum est homini de propriis Facultatibus,

1 Epict. Enchir. c. 9.

* See Montaigne's Essay, De V Utilite et de I'HonnSttete.

3 St. James, i. 23, 24.

778 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

Virtutibus, et Adminiculis : necnon de Defectibus, Inhabili-
tatibus, et Obstaculis : ita rationem subducendo, ut haec per-
petuo in majus, ilia autem minoris potius quam revera sunt
sestimentur. Ex hujusmodi autem examine in considerationem
veniant quag sequuntur.

Prima consideratio sit, quomodo alicui homini moribusque et
naturae suae cum temporibus conveniat ; quae si inventa fuerint
congrua, omnibus in rebus magis libere et solute agere, et suo
ingenio uti liceat; sin sit aliqua antipathia, turn demum in uni-
verso vitae cursu magis caute et tecte est incedendum, minusque
in publico versandum. Sic Tiberius fecit, qui morum suorum
sibi conscius cum sasculo suo non optime convenientium, ludos
publicos nunquam spectavit; quinetiam per duodecim conti-
nuos annos postremos nunquam in senatum venit ; ubi contra
Augustus perpetuo in oculis hominum vixit, quod et Tacitus
observat; Alia Tiberio morum via.1 Eadem et Periclis ratio
fuit

Secunda sit consideratio, quomodo alicui conveniat cum pro-
fessionibus et generibus vita qua? in usu et pretio sunt, quorum-
que sibi delectus sit faciendus ; ut si jam decretum non sit de
genere vitae, maxime aptum et ingenio suo congruum sumat;
sin jampridem id genus vitae ad quod minus a natura factus est
fuerit ingressus, sub prima occasione se subducat et novam
conditionem arripiat. Id quod a Valentino Borgia2 videmus
factum, ad vitam sacerdotalem a patre immtrito, quam tarn en
postea ejuravit, suo obsecutus ingenio, et vitae militari se appli-
cuit; quanquam principatu aeque ac sacerdotio indignus, cum
utrunque homo pestilens dehonestaverit.

Tertia sit consideratio, quomodo se habeat quis comparatus
ad aquales et et cemulos suos, quos verisimile sit eum habiturum
in fortuna sua competitores ; eumque vitae cursum teneat, in
quo maxima inveniatur virorum egregiorum solitudo, atque in
quo probabile sit seipsum inter caeteros maxime posse enitere.
Id quod a C. Caesare factum est ; qui ab initio orator fuit,
et causas egit, et in toga potissimum versabatur ; cum vero
vidisset Ciceronem, Hortensium, Catulum, eloquentiae gloria
excellere, rebus vero bellicis clarum admodum neminem, praeter

1 Tac. Annal. i. 54.

2 Better known as Caesar Borgia, son of Alexander the Sixth. After his change of
profession, for an account of which see Guicciardini, vi. 3., he was made Duke of the
Valentino!?, and is therefore spoken of by Italian writers as "il duea Valentino."
Bacon has here used this title as a praenomen.

LIBER CCTAVUS. 779

Pompeium, destitit ab incoepto, et potentiae illi civili multum
valedicere jubens transtulit se ad artes militares et imperatorias ;
ex quibus summum rerum fastigium conscendit.1

Quarta sit consideration ut naturae suae et ingenii rationem
habeat quis in deligendis amicis ac necessariis. Siquidem diversis
.versum genus amieorum convenit; aliis solenne et tacitur-
num; aliis audax et jactabundum ; et complura id genus. Certe
notatu dignum est, quales fuerint amici Julii Caesaris (Anto-
nius, Hirtius, Pansa, Oppius, Balbus, Dolabella, Pollio, reliqui).
Illi scilicet jurare solebant, Ita vivente Ccesare moriar"* ; infini-
tum studium erga Caesarem prae se ferentes; erga omnes alios
arrogantes et contemptores ; fueruntque homines in negotiis
gerendis impigri, fama et existimatione mediocres.

Quinta sit consideratio, ut caveat quis sibi ab exemplis, neque
ad imitationem aliorum se inepte componat ; quasi quod aliis
fuerit pervium, etiam sibi patere necesse sit ; neutiquam secum
reputans, quantum fortasse interfuerit inter suum et illorum
quos ad exemplum sibi delegit ingenium et mores. In quern
errorem manifesto incidit Pompeius, qui (ut Cicero scriptum
reliquit) toties solitus erat dicere ; Sylla potuit, ego non potero ? 3
Qua in re vehementer sibi imposuit, cum ingenium et rationes
agendi Sylla3 a suis toto ccelo (ut aiunt) distarent: cum alter
ferox esset, violentus, quique factum in omnibus urgeret ; alter
gravis, legum memor, omniaque ad majestatem et famam com-
ponens ; unde longe minus erat ad perficienda qua3 cogitarat
efficax et validus. Sunt et alia? hujus generis praeceptiones :
verum hae ad exemplum reliquarum sufficient.

Neque vero Nosse seipsum homini sufficit ; sed ineunda etiam
est ratio secum quomodo se ostentare, declarare, deniqnejlectere
se et effingere, commode et prudenter possit. Ad ostentandum
se quod attinet, nihil videmus usuvenire frequentius quam ut
qui virtutis habitu sit inferior, specie virtutis externa sit potior.
Non parva igitur est prudentia? praerogativa, si quis arte quadam
et decore specimen sui apud alios exhibere possit ; virtutes suas,
merita, atque fortunam etiam (quod sine arrogantia aut fastidio
fieri possit) commode ostentando ; contra vitia, defectus, infor-
tunia et dedecora artificiose occultando : illis immorans easque

1 See Plut. in Caesar, c. 3.

2 Bacon alludes to the phrase which occurs in Balbus's letter to Cicero -. " Ita
incolumi C«sare moriar." See the Ep. ad Att. ix. 8.

3 Cicero, Ep. ad Att. ix. 10.

780 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

veluti ad lumen obvertens, his subterfugia quaerens aut apte
ea interpretando eluens ; et similia. Itaque de Mutiano, viro
sui temporis prudentissimo et ad res gerendas impigerrimo,
Tacitus ; Omnium) quce dixeratfeceratque, arte quadam ostentator.1
Indiget certe res base arte nonnulla, ne taedium et contemptum
pariat : ita tamen ut Ostentatio quaepiam, licet usque ad vani-
tatis primum gradum, vitium sit potius in Ethicis quam in
Politicis. Sicut enim dici solet de calumnia ; Audacter calu-
mniare, semper aliquid hceret2 ; sic dici possit de jactantia (nisi
plane deformis fuerit et ridicula), Audacter te vendita, semper
aliquid hceret. Haerebit certe apud populum, licet prudentiores
subrideant. Itaque existimatio parta apud plurimos paucorum
fastidium abunde compensabit. Quod si ista de qua loquimur
sui ostentatio decenter et cum judicio regatur ; exempli gratia,
si nativum quendam pectoris candorem et ingenuitatem prae se
ferat ; aut si illis temporibus adhibeatur, vel cum pericula cir-
cumstent (ut apud viros militares in bellis), vel cum alii invidia
flagrent ; aut si verba quoe ad laudes proprias pertinent tan-
quam aliud agenti excidisse videantur, minimeque vel serio vel
prolixe nimis iis insistatur ; aut si ita quis se laudibus honestet,
ut simul etiam censuris et jocis erga se non abstineat ; aut si
denique hoc facit non sponte, sed tanquam lacessitus et aliorum
insolentiis et contumeliis provocatus; non parvum certe haec
res existimationi hominis cumulum adjicit. Neque sane exiguus
est eorum numerus, qui cum natura sint magis solidi et minime
ventosi, atque propterea hac arte honori suo velificandi careant,
moderationis suae nonnulla cum dignitatis jactura dant prenas.

Verum hujusmodi ostentationem Virtutis utcunque aliquis
infirmiore judicio et nimium fortasse ethicus improbaverit ;
illud nemo negarit, dandam saltern esse operam ut virtus per
incuriam justo suo pretio non fraudetur, et minoris quam
revera est asstimetur. Haec vero, in virtute asstimanda, pretii
diminutio tribus modis solet contingere. Primo, quando quis
in rebus gerendis se et operam suam offert et obtrudit, non
vocatus aut accersitus ; hujusmodi enim officiis remunerationis
loco esse solet, si non repudientur. Secundo, quando quis in
principio rei gerendae viribus suis nimium abutitur, et quod

1 " Omnium quae diceret atque ageret arte quadam ostentator." — Tac. Hist. ii. 80.

2 This precept seems taken from the advice given by Medius to Alexander's sy-
cophants. He told them to calumniate boldly, — "that the wounds they inflicte-l
might heal, but would always leave a scar." — Pint. Quomodo quis disctrnere, frc.,
c. 24.

LIBER OCTAVUS. 781

sensim erat prastandum uno impetu effundit ; id quod rebus
bene administratis praeproperam conciliat gratiam, in fine autem
satietatem inducit. Tertio, quando quis virtutis suae fructum
in laudibus, plausu, honore, gratia, sibi praebitis nimis cito et
leviter sentit, atque in iis sibi complacet ; de quo prudens
habetur monitum ; Cave ne insuetus rebus majoribus videaris, si
hcec te res parva sicuti magna delectat.1

Defectuum enimvero sedula occultatio minoris haudquaquam
momenta est, quam virtutum prudens et artificiosa ostentatio.
Defectus autem occultantur et latent maxime triplici quadam
industria, et quasi tribus latebris ; Cautione, Praetextu, et Confi-
dentia. Cautionem dicimus, quando iis rebus prudenter abs-
tinemus, quibus pares non sumus ; ubi contra ingenia audacula
et inquieta se facile ingerunt sine judicio rebus quibus non in-
sueverunt, et proinde defectus suos proprios publicant et quasi
proclamant. Prsetextum dicimus, cum sagaciter et prudenter
viam nobis sternimus et munimus, qua benigna et commoda
de vitiis et defectibus nostris fiat interpretatio, quasi aliunde
provenientibus aut alio tendentibus quam vulgo existimatur.
Etenim de latebris vitiorum non male poeta ;

Saepe latet vitium proximitate boni. 2

Quare, si quern defectum in nobis ipsis perceperimus, opera
danda ut personam et praetextum virtutis finitimae mutuemur,
sub cujus umbra lateat. Verbi gratia, tardo gr a vitas prae-
texenda, ignavo lenitas, et sic de caeteris. Illud etiam utile,
probabilem aliquam causam obtendere et in vulgus spargere, qua
adducti ultimas vires nostras promere refugiamus ; ut quod non
possimus, nolle videamur. Quod ad Confidentiam attinet, im-
pudens certe est remedium, sed tamen certissimum atque effica-
cissimum ; nempe, ut quis ea omnino contemnere et vilipendere
se profiteatur, quae revera assequi non possit : mercatorum pru-
dentium more, quibus solenne est et proprium ut pretium mer-
cium suarum attollant, aliorum deprimant. Est tamen et aliud
Confidentias genus hoc ipso impudentius ; nimirum, perfricta
fronte defectus suos etiam opinioni obtrudere et venditare, quasi
in iis quibus maxime destituitur se eminere credat ; atque ut
hoc facilius caeteris imponat, se in iis rebus quibus revera pluri-

1 " Videte ne insueti rerum m^jorum videamini, si vos parva res sicuti magna
delectat." — Rhetor, ad Heren. iv. 4.

2 Vide supra, p. 677.

782 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

mum pollet fingat diffidentem ; quemadmodum fieri videmus in
poetis ; poeta enim carmina sua recitante, si unum aliquem ver-
siculum non admodum dixeris probandum, audias illico ; Atque
hie versus pluris mihi constitit, quam reliquorum plurimi. Turn
vero alium quempiam versum adducet quasi sibi suspectum, ct
de eo quid putes sciscitabitur, quern satis norit inter plurimos
esse optimum et censurae minime obnoxium. Ante omnia vero
ad hoc quod nunc agitur, ut scilicet specimen sui quis edat
coram aliis illustre et jus suum in omnibus retineat, nil magis
interesse judico quam ne quis per nimiam suam naturae bonita-
tem et suavitatem se exarmet et injuriis et contumeliis exponat;
quin potius in omnibus aliquos aninii liberi et generosi, et non
aculei minus quam mellis intra se gestantis, igniculos subinde
emittat. Quae quidem munita vitae ratio, una cum prompto et
parato ad se a contumeliis vindicandum animo, aliquibus ex
accidente imponitur et necessitate quadam inevitabili, propter
aliquid infixum in persona aut fortuna sua; veluti fit in de-
formibus et spuriis et ignominia aliqua mulctatis ; unde hujus-
modi homines, si virtus non desit, frelices plerunque evadunt.

Quod vero ad se declarandum attinet; id alia res omnino est
ab ostentatione sui, de qua diximus. Neque enim ad virtutes
aut defectus hominum refertur, sed ad actiones vitae particulares.
Qua in parte nihil invenitur magis politicum, quam ut medio-
critas quaedam servetur prudens et sana, in sensa animi circa
actiones particulares aperiendo aut recondendo. Licet enim
profunda taciturnitas, et consiliorum occultatio, et is rerum
gerendarum modus qui omnia coecis et (ut modernae linguae
potius loquuntur) surdis artibus et mediis operatur, res sit et
utilis et mirabilis ; tamen non raro evenit, ut (quod dicitur)
Dissimulatio errores pariat, qui dissimulatorem ipsum illaqueant.
Nam videmus viros politicos maxime omnium insignes, libere
et indissimulanter fines quos peterent palam proferre non dubi-
tasse. Sic L. Sylla manifesto prae se tulit, Se omnes mortales
velfodices vel infodices fieri cupere, prout sibi essent vel amici vel
inimici. Sic Caesar, cum primum profectus est in Gallias, nil
veritus est profiteri, Se malle primum esse in villa obscura quam
secundum Romce.1 Idem Caesar, coepto jam bello, dissimulatorem
minime egit, si audiamus quid Cicero de illo praedicet. Alter
(Cassarem innuens) non recusat, sed quodammodo postulat, ut (ut

1 See Plutarch's Apophthegms.

LIBER OCTAVUS. 783

esf) sic appelletur Tyrannus.1 Similiter videmus, in epistola
quadam Ciceronis ad Atticum, quam minime fuerit Augustus
Cassar dissimulator ; qui in ipso ingressu ad res gerendas, cum
adhuc senatui esset in deliciis, solitus tamen erat in concionibus
apud populum jurare ilia formula ; Ita parentis honores consequi
liceat.* Illud autem non minus quiddam erat quam ipsa
tyrannis. Verum est, ad invidiam paululum leniendam, soli-
turn euin simul ad statuam Julii Cassaris, quae in rostris posita
erat, manum protendere. Homines autem ridebant, et plaude-
bant, et admirabantur, et inter se ita loquebantur ; Quid hoc est?
Qualis adolescens! Sed tamen nihil malitiae in eo suspicabantur,
qui tarn candide et ingenue quod sentiret loqueretur. Et isti
quidem, quos nominavimus, prospera omnia consecuti sunt;
Pompeius contra, qui ad eosdem tendebat fines, sed viis magis
umbrosis et obscuris (sicut Tacitus de eo loquitur, Occultior non
melior 3 ; atque Sallustius similiter idem insiinulat, Ore probo,
animo inverecundo*}, id prorsus agebat et innumeris technis
moliebatur, ut cupiditates suas et ambitionem alte recondendo
interim rempublicam in anarchiam et confusionem redigeret,
quo ilia se necessario in sinus ejus conjiceret, atque hoc pacto
summa rerum ad eum deferretur quasi invitum et renitentem.
Cum A'ero hoc se putaret consecutum, factus consul solus (quod
nunquam cuiquam contigisset), nihilo plus ad fines suos proficie-
bat ; eo quod etiam illi qui proculdubio eum fuissent adjuturi,
quid vellet non perciperent. Adeo ut tandem coactus sit tritam
et vulgarem inire viam ; ut scilicet, praetextu se Caesari oppo-
nendi, arma et exercitum compararet. Adeo lenta, casibus
obnoxia, et plerunque infoelicia, solent esse ea consilia quae
profunda dissimulatione obteguntur ! Qua de re idem sensisse
videtur Tacitus, cum simulationis artificia tanquam inferioris
subsellii prudentiam constituit, prae artibus politicis : illam
Tiberio, has vero Augusto Caesari attribuens. Etenim, de
Livia verba faciens, sic loquitur ; quod fuisset ilia cum artibus
mariti et simulatione filii bene composita.5

Quod ad amumm faciendum et effingendum attinet; totis viri-
bus certe incumbendum ut animus reddatur occasionibus et
opportunitatibus obsequens, neque ullo modo erga eas durus

1 Cicero, Ep. ad Attic, x. 4. 2 Ibid. xvi. 15.

3 Tac. Hist. ii. 38.

4 See, for the fragment, of Sallust here referred to, Suetonius De Claris Gramma-
ticis, c. 15.

5 Tac. Annal. v. 1

784 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

aut renitens. Neque enim majus fuerit impedimentum ad res
gerendas, aut fortunas hominum constituendas, quam illud
Idem manebat, neque idem decebat l ; videlicet, curn homines iidem
sint, et natura sua utantur, postquara occasiones se mutaverint.
Bene itaque Livius, cum Catonem Majorem introducit tanquam
fortunae suae architectum peritissimum, illud subjungit ; quod ei
fuerit ingenium versatile.'1 Atque hinc fit, quod ingenia gravia
et solennia et mutare nescia, plus plerunque habeant dignitatis
quam fcelicitatis. Hoc vero vitium in aliquibus a natura penitus
insitum est, qui suopte ingenio sunt viscosi, et nodosi, et ad
versandum inepti. At in aliis consuetudine obtinuit (quse est
altera natura) atque opinione quadam (quae in animos hominum
facile obrepit), ut minime mutandam sibi putent rerum gereu-
darum rationem, quam prius bonam et prosperam sint experti.
Prudenter enim observat Macciavellus in Fabio Maximo, quod
pristinum suum et inveteratum cunctandi et belli trahendi mprem
retinere mordicus voluerit, cum natura belli esset alia, et acriora
postularet consilia.3 In aliis porro idem vitium ex inopia judicii
progignitur, cum homines periodos rerum et actionum non tem-
pestive discernant, sed turn demum se vertant postquam oppor-
tunitas jam elapsa sit. Tale quidpiam in Atheniensibus suis
redarguit Demosthenes, eos aiens esse rusticis similes, qui in ludo
gladiatorio se probantes semper post pla gam acceptam in earn par-
tern muniendam scutum transferunt qua percussi sunt ; non prius.*
In aliis rursus hoc ipsum contingit, quia operam in via ea quam
semel ingressi sunt collocatam perdere gravantur, nee receptui
canere sciunt ; sed potius se occasionibus superiores fore con-
stantia sua confidunt. Verum ista animi viscositas et renitentia,
a quacunque ilia tandem radice pullularit, rebus gerendis et
fortunae hominum est damnosissima ; nihilque magis politicum
quam animi rotas reddere cum rotis fortune concentricas et
simul volubiles. Atque de praeceptis duobus Summariis, circa
Fortunae Architecturam, hactenus. Prsecepta autem Sparsa
haud pauca sunt. Nos tamen perpauca deligemus, pro modo
exempli.

Primum Praeceptum est ; Faber Fortunae amusse5 sua perite

1 " Remanebat idem neque decebat idem " is said by Cicero, in speaking of the youth-
ful character of the eloquence of Hortensius. See the De claris Orat. c. 95.

2 Livy, xxxix. 40. 3 Macch. Discorsi, iii. 9.

4 Demosth. 1 Philip. § 46. " Rustic! " is in the original fidpfiapoi ; and the illus-
tration is derived, not from fencing, but from boxing.
* The word amussis very seldom occurs, except in the phrase " ad amussim." Its

LIBER OCTAVUS. 785

utatur, eamque rite applicet ; hoc est, animum assuefaciat ut
reruin omnium pretium et valorem asstimet prout ad fortunam
et fines suos magis aut minus conducant ; hocque curet sedulo
non perfunctorie. Mira enim res, sed verissima ; inveniuntur
plurimi, quorum mentis pars logica (si ita loqui licet) est bona,
mathematica pessima; videlicet, qui de rerum consequentiis
satis firmiter judicant ; de pretiis vero imperitissime. Hinc fit,
ut alii privata et secreta cum principibus colloquia, alii auras
populares, tanquam magna adepti, admirentur; cum sit utrunque
saspenumero res et invidia et periculo plena ; alii autem res
metiantur ex difficultate, atque opera sua in eis impensa ; fieri
oportere existimantes, ut quantum moverint tantum etiam pro-
moverint ; sicut Cassar de Catone TJticensi, veluti per ironiam,
dixit; narrando quam laboriosus fuerit et assiduus et quasi
indefatigabilis, neque tamen multum ad rem ; Omnia (inquit)
magno studio agebat.1 Hinc etiam illud accidit, ut homines
saepius seipsos fallant ; qui si magni alicujus aut honorati viri
opera utantur, sibi omnia prospera promittant; cum illud verum
sit, non grandissima quasque instrumenta, sed aptissima, citius
et foelicius opus quodque perficere. Atque ad mathematicam
veram animi informandam, operas pretium est illud inprimis
nosse et descriptum habere, quid ad cujusque fortunam consti-
tuendam et promovendam primum statui debeat, quid secundum ;
et sic deinceps. Primo loco, Emendationem Animi pono ; animi
enim impedimenta et nodos tollendo et complanando, citius viam
fortune aperueris, quam fortunas auxiliis animi impedimenta
sustuleris. Secundo loco, Opes pono et Pecuniam ; quam
summo loco plurimi fortasse collocaverint, cum tanti sit ad
omnia us us. Verum earn opinionem similem ob causam ab-
judico atque Macciavellus fecit, in alia re non multum ab ea
discrepante. Cum enim vetus fuerit sententia, Pecuniam esse
nervos belli; ille contra non alios esse nervos belli asseruit^
quam nervos virorum fortium et militarium.^ Eodem prorsus
modo vere asseri possit, nervos fortune non esse pecuniam, sed
potius animi vires ; ingenium, fortitudinem, audaciam, constan-
tiam, moderationem, industriam, et similia. Tertio loco, colloco
Famam et Existimationem ; eo magis quod ilia asstus quosdam

ablative ought to be amussi, not amusse. I do not know whether there is authority
for either form.

1 The words of the original are " Hsec magno studio agebat." — Casar. Sell. Civil.
i. 30.

2 Macchiav. Discorsi, ii. 10. And for the opinion he refutes, see Cicero, Philipp. 5.

VOL. I. 3 E

786 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

habeant et tempora, quibus si non opportune utaris, difficile erit
rem in integrum restituere. Ardua enim res, Famam praecipi-
tantem retrovertere. Postremo loco, pono Honores, ad quos
certe facilior aditus per unumquodque ex illis tribus, multo
magis per omnia conjuncta, datur, quam si ab Honoribus auspi-
ceris et deinde ad reliqua perrexeris. Verum, ut in ordinc
rerum servando baud parum est momenti, ita non multo minus
in servando ordine temporis ; cujus perturbatione frequentissime
peccatur ; dum ad fines turn properatur quando initia essent
curanda ; atque dum ad maxima quaeque subito advolamus, qua;
in medio posita sunt temere transilientes. At illud recte pras-
cipitur ; Quod nunc instat agamus.1

Secundum Prasceptum est, ut caveamus ne animi quadam
magnitudine et praafidentia ad magis ardua quam par est fera-
mur, neve in adversum fluvii remigemus. Optimum enim
consilium circa fortunas hominum,

Fatis accede Deisque.2

Circumspiciamus in omnes partes, et observemus qua res
pateant, qua clausas et obstruct® sint, qua proclives, qua
arduaa ; neque viribus nostris, ubi non patet aditus commodus,
abutamur. Hoc si fecerimus, et a repulsa nos immunes prse-
stabimus ; et in negotiis singulis nimis diu non hasrebimus ; et
moderationis laudem reportabimus ; et pauciores offendemus ;
et denique foelicitatis opinionem acquiremus ; dum qua? sponte
fortasse eventura fuissent, nostra? industria? accepta ferentur.

Tertium Praaceptum cum proxime praacedente nonnihil
pugnare videri possit; licet probe intellectum, minime. Illud
hujusmodi est; ut occasiones non semper expectemus, sed
eas quandoque provocemus et ducamus. Quod etiam innuit
Demosthenes, magniloquentia quadam ; Et quemadmodum re-
ceptum est, ut exercitum ducat imperator ; sic a cordatis viris res
ipsce ducendcB, ut qua ipsis videntur ea gerantur, et non ipsi per-
sequi eventus tantum cogantur.3 Etenim si diligeuter attendu-
mus, duas observabimus easque discrepantes species eorum qui
rebus gerendis et negotiis tractandis pares habeantur. Alii
siquidem occasionibus commode sciunt uti, sed nihil ex se
moliuntur aut excogitant; alii toti sunt in macliinando, qui
occasiones quas opportune incidunt non arripiunt. Harum

1 Virg. Eel. ix. 66. 2 Lucan, viii. 486. 3 Dcmosth. Philipp. 1. § 45.

LIBER OCTAVUS. 787

facultatum altera, alteri non conjuncta, manca omnino et im-
perfecta censenda est.

Quartum est Praceptum, ut nihil suscipiamus in quo necesse
sit temporis plurimum insumere ; verum ut versiculus ille au-
rem semper vellicet;

Sed fugit interea, fugit irreparabile tempus.1

Neque alia subest causa cur ii qui professionibus laboriosis aut
rebus similibus se addixerunt, veluti jureconsulti, oratores,
theologi doctiores, librorum scriptores, et hujusmodi, in fortuna
sua constituenda et promovenda minus sint solertes, quam quod
tempore (alias scilicet insumpto) indigent ad particularia per-
noscenda, opportunitates captandas, et machinas quse ad fortu-
nam suam spectent comminiscendas et meditandas. Quinetiam
in aulis principum et rebuspublicis eos reperias et ad fortunam
suam promovendam et ad aliorum invadendam maxime efficaces,
qui nullo publico munere funguntur, sed in hoc de quo loqui-
mur Ambitu Vitas perpetuo occupantur.

Quintum est Praeceptum, ut Naturam quodammodo imite-
niur, quae nihil facit frustra. Id quod factu non erit admodum
difficile, si negotia nostra omnium generum perite commis-
ceamus et contexamus. In singulis enim actionibus ita
animus est instituendus et praeparandus, atque intentiones
nostrae alias aliis substernendae et subordinandas, ut si in aliqua
re voti compotes in summo gradu fieri non possimus, in secundo
tamen liceat consistere, imo vel in tertio ; quod si nee in
aliqua omnino parte rei haerere aut consistere possimus, turn
vero ad alium quempiam (praeter destinatum) finem operam im-
pensam flectamus ; sin nee in prcesenti aliquem fructum demetere
queamus, saltern aliquid ex ea extrahamus quod in futurum
prosit ; si vero nihil solidi nee in pra?senti nee in futuro inde
elicere detur, satagamus saltern ut aliquid existimationi nostras
inde accrescat ; et alia id genus ; rationes semper a nobis ipsis
exigendo, quibus constet nos fructus aliquid, plus minus, ex
singulis actionibus et consiliis nostris percepisse; neque ullo
modo permittendo, ut tanquam confusi ac consternati animum
illico despondeamus, si forte scopum principalem non licuerit
attingere. Nihil enim minus convenit viro politico, quam
uni rei unice esse intentum. Qui enim hoc facit occasionum

1 Virg. Georg. iii. 284.
3 E 2

788 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

innumerarum jactura mulctabitur, qune rebus agendis ex ob-
liquo intervenire solent ; quaeque fortasse magis fuerint pro-
pitiae et commodaa ad alia qure postea usui futura sint, quam
ad ea qure in manibus habeamus. Ideoque bene calleamus
illam regulam, Hcec op ortet facer e, et ilia non omittere.1

Sextum est Praeceptum, ut nos rei alicui nimis peremptorle
non astringamus, quanquam casui videatur primo intuitu minus
obnoxia ; sed semper habeamus vel fenestram apertam ad
evolandum, yel posticum aliquod secretum ad redeundum.

Septimum Praeceptum est antiquum illud Biantis; modo
non ad perfidiam, sed ad cautionem et moderationem, adhi-
beatur ; Et ames tanquam inimicus futurus, et oderis tanquam
amaturus.2 Nam utilitates quasque mirum in modum prodit et
corrumpit, si quis nimium se immerserit amicitiis infrelicibus,
molestis et turbidis odiis, aut puerilibus et futilibus Eemula-
tionibus.

Haec, exempli loco, circa doctrinam de Ambitu Vitae suffi-
cient. Illud enim hominibus in memoriam subinde reducen-
dum est, longe abesse ut adumbrationes ista?, quibus utirnur in
Desideratis, loco justorum tractatuum ponantur ; sed sint solum-
modo tanquam schedae aut fhnbriae, ex quibus de tela Integra
judicium fieri possit. Xeque rursus ita desipiinus, ut fortunam
absque tanto quantum diximus molimine minime parari assera-
mus. Probe enim novimus, earn tanquam sponte in gremiuin
aliquorum defluere; alii autem earn diligentia sola et assidui-
tate (cautione nonimlla aspersa) absque arte multa aut operosa

1 St. Matth. xxiii. 23. ; St Luke, xi. 42.

* La Bruyere's remarks on this precept are, I think, worth transcribing : — " Vivre
avec nos ennemis comme s'ils devoient un jour etre nos amis, ct vivre avec nos amis
comme s'ils pouvoient devenir nos ennemis, n'estni selon la nature de la haine, ni selon
les regies de 1'amitie : ce n'est point une maxime morale, mais politique. On ne doit
pas se faire des ennemis de ceux qui mieux connus pourroient avoir rang entre nos
amis. On doit faire choix d'amis si surs et d'une si exacte probite que venant a cesser de
1'etre, ils ne veuHlent pas abuser de notre conflance, ui se faire craindre comme nos
ennemis." — Les Caructeres, c. 4

[La Bruyere's rule would, I think, be perfect, if it were possible to make a certain
judgment of each man's character beforehand. The defect of it is, that, taking no
account of the necessary uncertainty of all such judgments, it fails to give any prac-
tical direction in the real affairs of life. Put it thus : — " Treat no man as your enemy
unless you are sure that he can never deserve to be your friend, make no man your
friend unless you are sure that he will never become your enemy ; " — and your prac-
tical direction becomes much the same as that of Bias. The question which in
morals is really disputable is, whether a man should encourage himself to doubt other
men, or not to doubt ; and this, being a question of more or less, cannot be determined
except in reference to particular cases. No man will say generally either that you
cannot doubt too much, or that you cannot doubt too little. Perhaps the best general
direction that can be given is to lean against your natural inclination, whichever way
it goes. If you are naturally inclined to distrust appearances, trust them more ; if to
trust, tru?t them less. — /.&]

LIBER OCTAVUS. 789

atlipiscuntur. Verum sicut Cicero, oratorem perfectum depin-
gens, non id vult ut causidici singuli tales esse debeant aut
possint : ac rursus, sicut in principe aut aulico describendo
(quod nonnulli tractandum susceperunt1) modulus effingitur
prorsus secundum artis perfectionem, non autem secundum
practicani vulgatam ; idem et nos in Politico instruendo praesti-
timus ; Politico (inquam) quoad fortunam propriam.

Enimvero illud utique monendum, Praecepta qua? circa hanc
rem delegimus et proposuimus, omnia ex genere eorum esse
quae Bonce Artes vocantur. Quod enim ad Malas Artes attinet,
si quis Macciavello se dederit in disciplinam, qui praecipit virtu-
tern ipsam non magnopere curandam, sed tantum speciem ejus in
pullicum versam ; quia virtutis fama et opinio homini adjumento
sit, virtus ipsa impedimento ; quique alio loco prascipit ut homo
politicus illud tanquam fundamentum prudentia SUCB substernat ;
quod prcesupponat homines non recte nee tuto ad ea quce volumus
flecti aut adduci posse, pr&terquam solo metu ; ideoque det operam
ut omnes, quantum in se est, obnoxii sint, atque in periculis et
angustiis constituti* : ita ut politicus suus videatur esse, quod
Itali dicunt, seminator spinarum ; aut si quis axioma illud quod
a Cicerone citatur amplecti velit; Cadant amid, dummodo
inimici inter -cidant3 ; sicut Triumviri fecerunt, qui inimicorum
interitum amicissimorum exitio redimebant ; aut si quis L. Ca-
tilinas imitator esse velit, ut rerumpublicarum incendiarius fiat
et perturbator, quo melius in aquis turbidis piscari et fortunam
suam expedire possit ; Ego (inquit), si in fortunis meis incen-
dium sit excitatum, id non aqua sed ruina restinguam* ; aut si
quis illud Lysandri ad se transferat, qui dicere solebat pueros
placentis, viros perjuries alticiendos5 ; cum aliis ejusdem farina?
pravis ac perniciosis dogmatibus; quorum (ut fit in caeteris
rebus omnibus) major est numerus quam rectorum et sanorum ;
si quis (inquam) hujusmodi inquinata prudentia delectetur ;
non ierim inficias eum (quandoquidem legibus charitatis et vir-
tutis omnibus seipsum solutum fortunae solummodo manciparit)
posse majore compendio et celerius fortunam suam promovere.

%

1 The allusion is probably to Macchiavelli's Principe, and to the Cortigiano of Cas-
tiglione.

2 See for these two quotations Macchiavelli's Principe, c. 17,1 8.

3 " Percant amici dummodo inimici intercidant." — Cicero, Pro Delotar. c. 9.

4 See Cicero, Pro Mursen. c. 25. ; and compare Sallust, Catil. c. 31.

5 Plutarch in Lysand. c. 8. The saying seems, however, not to be Lysander's. He
apparently only adopted it from Polyn-ates of Samos.

3 E 3

790 DE AUGMENTI3 SC1ENTIARUM

Fit vero in vita, quemadmodum et in via, ut iter brevius sit
ibedius et coenosius ; neque sane, ut per viam meliorem quis
incedat, multa circuitione opus est.

Tantum vero abest ut homines ad hujusmodi artes pravas
se applicare oporteat, ut potius sane (si modo sint apud se,
seque sustinere valeant, neque ambitionis turbine et procella
in adversum rapiantur) ante oculos proponere debeant non
solum mundi chorographiam generalem illam, quod omnia sint
vanitas et vexatio spiritus1 ; verum etiam et illam magis specialem,
videlicet quod ipsum Esse, sejunctum a Bene Esse, maledicti-
onis loco sit; et quo grandius sit Esse eo major sit maledictio;
quodque amplissimum virtutis prgemium sit ipsa virtus ; quem-
admodum et ultimum vitii supplicium est vitium ipsum ; sicut
egregie poeta,

Quae vobis, quae digna, viri, pro laudibus istis
Praemia posse rear solvi ? Pulcherrima primum
Dii moresque dabunt vestri.2

Et e contra non minus vere ille de sceleratis, Atque eum ulci-
scentur mores sui.s Quinetiam mortales, dum in omnes partes
cogitationes suas agitant et diffundunt ut fortunis suis recte
prospectum atque consultum sit, interim in mediis illis animi
transcursibus ad divina judicia et providentiam ffiternam oculos
attollere debent; quae saepissime impiorum machinationes et
consilia prava, licet profunda, subvertit et ad nihilum redigit ;
secundum illud Scriptura3, Concepit iniquitatem, et pariet vani-
tatem.4 Imo, etsi injuriis et malis artibus abstineant, attamen
haec jugis et irrequieta anhelatio ad ardua fortunae, absque
cessatione et quasi sine sabbato, tributum temporis nostri Deo
debitum minime solvit ; qui, ut videre est, facultatum nostra-
rum decimas, temporis autem septimas exigit et sibi seponit.
Quorsum enim fuerit os gerere in co3li sublimia erectum, men-
tern vero humi prostratam, et pulverem instar serpentis come-
dentem ? Quod etiam ethnicos non fugit ;

Atque affigit humo divina; particulam aurae.5

Quod si in hoc sibi quisquam adblandiatur, quod fortuna sua,
utcunque earn malis artibus obtinuerit, recte uti decreverit ;
sicut de Augusto Caesare et Septimio Severo solitum erat dici,

1 Eccles. ii. 11. 2 Virg. ^n. ix. 252.

3 Cicero, Ep. ad Att. ix. 12.

4 Ps. vii. 14. [or Job, xv. 35.] * Hor. Sat ii. 2. 79.

LIBER, OCTAVUS. 791

Debuisse illos out nunquam nasci, aut nunquam mori l ; tanta
in ambitu fortunae suae patrarunt mala ; tanta rursus summa
adepti, contulerunt bona ; intelligat nihilominus hanc malo-
rum per bona compensationem post factura probari ; consilium
autem hujusmodi merito damnari. Abs re postremo nobis non
fuerit, in cursu isto incitato et fervido versus fortunam nostram,
frigidam paulisper aspergere, haustam e dicterio illo non inele-
gante Caroli Quinti Imperatoris, in Institutionibus suis ad
filium; Imitari Fortunam mores mulierum, qua procos plus
nimio ambientes plerunque superbe aversantur.2 Verum hoc
ultimum remedium pertinet ad eos, quibus gustus ex morbo
animi corruptus est. Innitantur potius homines lapidi illi, qui
Theologian et Philosophic est tanquam angularis ; qua? idem
fere asserunt de eo, quod primum quceri debeat. Etenim
Theologia edicit, Primum qucerite regnum Dei, et ista omnia
adjicientur vobis 3: Philosophia autem simile quiddam jubet ;
Primum qucsrite bona animi, ccetera aut aderunt aut non oberunt.
Quamvis autem hoc fundamentum, humanitus jactum, interdum
locetur super arenas ; quemadmodum videre est in M. Bruto,
qui in earn vocem sub exitum suum prorupit ;

Te colui, Virtus, ut rem ; ast tu nomen inane es ; *

At idem fundamentum, divinitus locatum, firmatur semper in
petra. Hie autem Doctrinam de Ambitu Vitas, et simul
Doctrinam Generalem de Negotiis, concludimus.

1 See, with reference to Augustus, Aurelius Victor, Epit. c. 1. ; and for Severus,
his life by Lampridius.

2 It was on being obliged to raise the siege of Metz that Charles V. remarked that
Fortune was like a woman, — that, after having favoured him in his youth, she turned
against him when he was no longer young. There are, I believe, several papers of
instructions addressed by him to Philip II. In one or two which I have seen the
remark mentioned in the text does not appear to occur.

3 St. Matt. vi. 33.

4 This line is of course a translation of the following : —

2 r\rjfj.ov aper^j \6yos op' ?jff6' • ey&> 5e ffe

us tpyov tfffKovv, ffv 5' ap" I5ov\fves Tvxy>

which, according to Dio Cassius, xlvii., was the dying exclamation of Brutus. From
the way in which the lines are introduced by Dio Cassius, they appear to be a frag-
ment of a speech of Hercules in some lost tragedy. The first line and the first portion
of the second (which, in effect, is all that is here translated) occur nbt only in Dio
Cassius, but also in Plutarch, De Superstltione, where, however, no reference is made
to Brutus. Most editions of Dio Cassius are accompanied by a Latin translation. In
the earlier ones of those which I have seen, the words in question are given in prose,
and in the later in Iambic verse.

3E 4

792 DE AUGMENT1S SCIENT1ARUM

CAPUT III.

Partitiones Doctrines de Imperio, sive Republica, omittuntur ;
tantum aditus Jit ad Desiderata duo ; Doctrinam de Pro-
ferenclis Finibus Imperii, et Doctrinam de Justitia Universal!,
sive de Fontibus Juris.

VENIO jam ad Artem Imperii, sive Doctrinam de Republica
Adininistranda ; sub qua etiam (Economica continetur, ut
Familia sub Civitate. In hac parte, sicut jam an tea dixi.
silentium mini imperavi. Neque tamen prorsus diffidere debui,
quin possim de illafortasse non imperite aut inutiliter disserere;
utpote qui longa experientia edoctus, et per tot niunerum et
honorum gradus ad amplissimum regni magistratum, favore
Majestatis tuae indulgentissimo, nullo merito meo, evectus
fuerim; eundemque magistratum per annos quatuor integros
gesserim ; et quod pluris est, Majestatis tuas mandatis et collo-
quiis per annos octodeciin continues assueverim (quod etiam
e stipite aliquo politicum exculpere potuisset) ; quique etiam,
inter omnes artes, plurimum temporis in historiis et legibus
contriverim. Qua3 omnia non jactantia ad posteros refero, sed
quia ad literarum dignitatem nonnihil pertinere putem, quod
homo quispiam ad literas potius quam ad aliud quicquam natus,
et ad res gerendas nescio quo fato contra genium suum abreptus,
ad civilia tamen munera tarn houorifica et ardua sub rege pru-
dentissimo assumptus fuerit. Verum, si quid circa Politicam
posthac parturiet otium meum, erit fortasse proles aut abortiva
aut posthuma. Interim, ne scientiis omnibus jam veluti in
subselliis suis collocatis, sedes haec tarn excelsa omnino vacet,
decrevi duas tantum Civilis Scientias portiones, qua3 ad Arcana
Imperii non pertinent, sed sunt naturae magis communis, ut
Desiderata notare, earumque more nostro Exempla proponere.

Cum Artes Imperii tria Officia Politica complectantur ;
primo, ut Imperium conservetur; secundo, ut beatum tfficiatur et
florens; tertio, ut amplificetur Jinesque ejus longius proferantur ;
de duobus primis Officiis maxima ex parte egregie a nonnullis
tractatum est ; de tertio siletur. Illud itaque inter Desiderata
reponemus, et more nostro Exernplum ejus proponemus ; earn
doctrinae partem Consulem Paludatum, sive Doctrinam de
Proferendis Imperii Finibus, nominantes.

LIBER OCTAVUS. 793

Exemplum Tractatus Summarii de Proferendis Finibus
Imperil.

DICTUM Themistcclis, sibi ipsi applicatum, incivile certe fuit
et inflatum ; sin de aliis, atque in genere, prolatum fuisset,
prudentem sane observationem et pergravem censuram com-
plecti videatur. Rogatus in convivio ut citharam pulsaret,
respondit ; Fidibus se nescire ; cceterum posse oppidum parvum in
magnam civitatem evehere.1 Ista certe verba, ad sensum politi-
cum translata, facultates duas multum inter se discrepantes, in
iis qui rerum gubernacula tractant, optime describunt et distin-
guunt. Etenim si regum consiliarios, senatores, aliosque ad
negotia publica admotos, qui usquam fuerunt, attente intueamur,
reperientur profecto (licet rarissime) nonnulli qui regnum aut
civitatem e parvis ampla efficere possint, fidicines tamen sint
valde imperiti ; e contra autem, alii quamplurimi in cithara aut
lyra (hoc est, aulicis tricis) miri artifices, qui tantum abest ut
rempublicam aniplificare possint, ut potius a natura comparati
videantur ad statum reipublicae beatum et florentem labefactan-
dum et evertendum. Sane artes illas degeneres et praestigiaa,
quibus gffipenumero consiliarii atque rerum potentes et gratiam
apud principes suos et famam in vulgus reportant, haud aliud
uornen merentur quam peritix cujusdam fidicularia?; utpote
cum sint res magis grata? in prassens, et artificibus ipsis orna-
mento, quam ad rerumpublicarum, quarum sunt ministri, opes
et amplitudinem utiles aut accommodae. Occurrent proculdu-
bio et alii consiliarii atque reipublicas gubernatores mininie
spernendi, qui sint negotiis pares, possintque res commode
administrare, casque a manifestis prascipitiis et incommodis
conservare ; a virtute tamen ilia rerumpublicarum erectrice et
amplificatrice longo intervallo absunt.

Verum qualescunque demum fuerint operarii, conjiciamus
oculos in opus ipsum; qualis nimirum censeri debeat vera
Regnorum et Rerumpublicarum Magnitude, et quibus artibus
obtineri possit : Dignum profecto argumentum, quod principes
perpetuo in manibus habeant et diligenter meditentur; quo
nee vires suas in majus aestiniantes incoeptis se vanis et nimis
arduis implicent ; nee rursus easdem plus aequo despicientes ad
consilia pusillanima et meticulosa se demittant.

Magnitude Imperiorum, quoad molem et territoriurn, men-
surre subjicitur ; quoad reditus, calculis. Numerus civium et

1 Tlut. in Them. 2.

794 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

capita, censu; urbium et oppidorum multitudo et amplitude,
tabulis excipi possint. Attamen non reperitur inter civilia res
errori magis obnoxia, quam verum et intrinsecum excipere
valorem circa vires et copias imperil alicujus. Assimilatur
Regnum Ccelorum non glandi ant nuci alicui grandiori, sedgrano
sinapis, quod inter grana est minimum; quod tamen habeat
interim intra se proprietatem quandam et spiritum innatum,
quo se et citius attollat et latius diffiindat. Eodem modo, in-
venire est regna et status, ambitu quidem et regionum tractu
valde ampla, quae tamen adjftnes tilterius proferendos, aut latius
imperandum, sunt minus apta; alia contra, dimensione satis
exigua, qua3 tamen bases in quibus maximse monarchies ina3di-
ficentur esse possint.

1. Urbes inunitas, plena armamentariaj equorum propagines
generosa?, currus armati, elephanti, machina3 atque tormenta
bellica omnigena, et similia ; sunt certe ista universa nihil aliud
quam ovis induta pelle leonina, nisi gens ipsa stirpe sua et in-
genio sit fortis et militaris. Imo, nee numerus ipse copiarum
multum juvat, ubi milites imbelles sunt et ignavi. Recte enim
Virgilius; Lupus numerum pecorum non cur at.1 Exercitus
Persarum in campis Arbelas oculis Macedonum, tanquam va-
stum hominum pelagus, subjiciebatur ; adeo ut duces Alexandri,
nonnihil ipso spectaculo perculsi, regem interpellarent, atque
ut noctu praslium committeret ei auctores erant; quibus ille,
Nolo (inquit) suffurari victoriam.2 Ea autem etiam opinione
fuit facilior. Tigranes Armenius, castrametatus in quodam
colle cum exercitu quadringentorum millium, cum spectaret
aciem Romanorum, qua? quatuordecim millia non excessit,
contra se tendentem, in dicterio illo suo sibi complacuit ; Ecce
(inquit) hominum pro legatione nimio plus quam oportet, pro
pugna longe minus.3 Eosdem tamen, priusquam occubuisset
sol, satis multos ad ilium infinita strage profligandurn expertus
est. Innumera sunt exempla, quam sit multitudinis cum for-
titudine congressus impar. Primo igitur pro re certissima et
exploratissima decernatur et statuatur, quod caput omnium
quae ad magnitudinem regni aut status spectent sit ut populus
ipse sit stirpe *et ingenio bellicosus. Atque illud magis tritum
quam verum, quod nervi belli sint pecunice ; si desint nervi

1 Virg. Eel. vii. 52 - Vide sup. p. 476.

3 Plutarch, in Lucull., and Appian, Bell. Mithrid. c. 65

LIBER OCTAVUS. 795

lacertorum in gente raolli et effoeminata. Recte enim Croeso
ostentanti aururn respondit Solon ; At si quis (o rex) venerit, qui
melius quam tuferrum gestet, illi profecto totum hoc cedet aurum.1
Quare quicunque is tandem sit princeps aut status cujus sub-
diti nativi et indigenae non sint animosi et militares, potentiam
suam admodum sobrie aestimet; atque e contra principes qui
dominantur in gentes animosas et martias, norint illi satis vires
suas, si sibi alias non desint. Quod attinet ad copias merce-
narias (quod solet adhiberi remedium cum copise nativas desint),
plena sunt omnia exemplis, quibus liquido patet quod quicun-
que status illis innitetur, poterit fortasse pennas ad tempus
breve nido majores extendere, sed defluent illse paulo post.

2. Benedictio Judae et Tssacharis in unum nunquam con-
venient ; nimirum, ut eadem tribus aut gens sit simul et leonis
catulus, et asinus procumbens inter sarcinas.2 Neque unquam
fiet, ut populus tributis oppressus fortis existat et bellicosus.
Verum est, collationes publico consensu factas minus animos
subditorum dejicere et deprimere, quam quae ex imperio mero
indicuntur. Id quod liquido videre est in tributis Germaniaj
Inferioris, quas Excisas3 vocant; atque aliqua ex parte, in iis
quaa Subsidia nominantur apud Anglos. Etenim notandum
est, sermonem jam institui de animis hominum, non de opibus.
Tributa autem quas ex consensu conferuntur, et quae ex im-
perio imponuntur, etsi eadem res sint quoad opes exhauriendas,
varie tamen omnino animos subditorum afficiunt. Statuatur
igitur et hoc, populum tributis gravatum idoneum ad impe-
randum non esse.

3. Aspirantibus ad magnitudinem regnis et statibus prorsus
cavendum, ne Nobiles et Patricii, atque (quos vocamus) Ge-
nerosi majorem in modum multiplicentur. Hoc enim eo rem
deducit, ut Plebs regni sit humilis et abjecta, et nihil aliud fere

1 For the epigrammatic antithesis of gold and iron, see the conversation of Solon and
Croesus in Lucian's Charon.

2 Genes, xlix. 9. 14.

8 The excise, or accise (from acciisse) was originally in the Low Countries a mu-
nicipal tax ; it seems to have arisen from a privilege granted by Charles V. in 1536 to
certain towns, of imposing duties on wine, beer, and woollen and silken stuffs. See Histoire
Generals des Provinces- Unies, i. 236. That the inhabitants of these countries were
from an early time jealous of the administration of public money appears from the
following passage from Meteranus : " Status Belgici, Italico et Gallico gravati bello,
novennalem exactionem Regi consentiunt : harum autem pecuniarum administra-
tionem et praesidiorutn atque turmarum publice merentium satisfactionem suo officio
reservant : quae res multis sibi id arrogantibus non parum displicuit : hinc Regis
subditorumque mutua alicnatio et oftensio ort;i, cum Regi esset persuasum, hoc modo
suse mr\iestati summopere derogari." — Hist. Bdg. Meter, in anno 1554.

796 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

quam nobilium raancipia et operarii. Simile quiddam fieri
videmus in sylvis cseduis; in quibus, si major quam par est
caudicum sive arborum majorum relinquatur numerus, non re-
nascetur sylva sincera et pura; sed major pars in vepres et
dumos degenerabit. Eodem modo in nationibus, ubi nuine-
rosior justo est nobilitas, erit plebs vilis et ignava; atque eo
demum res redibit, ut nee centesimum quodque caput sit ad
galeam portandam idoneum; prsesertim si peditatum spectes,
qui exercitus plerunque est robur praecipuum ; unde succedet
magna populatio, vires exiguae. Nusquam gentium hoc quod
dico luculentius comprobatum est, quam exemplis Anglise et
Galliae; quarum Anglia, quamvis territorio et numero inco-
larum longe inferior, potiores tamen partes fere semper in bellis
obtinuit; hanc ipsam ob causam, quod apud Anglos coloni et
inferioris ordinis homines militia? habiles sint, rustici Gallite
non item. Qua in re mirabili quadam et profunda prudentiu
excogitatum est ab Henrico Septimo Anglian rege (id quod in
Vitas ejus Historia fusius tractavimus), ut prasdia minora atquc
domus agricolationis instituereniur, quas habeant certum eum-
que mediocrem agri modum annexum, qui distrahi non possit ;
eo fine ut ad victum liberaliorem sufficiat, utque agricultura
ab iis exerceretur qui domini fuerint fundi, aut saltern usu-
fructuarii, non couductitii aut mercenarii. Nam ita demum
characterem ilium, quo antiquam Italiam insignivit Virgilius,
merebitur regio aliqua ;

Terra potens armis, atque ubere gleba.1

Neque prsetereunda est ilia pars populi (qu« Anglia3 fere est
peculiaris, nee alibi (quod scio) in usu, nisi forte apud Po-
lonos), famuli scilicet Nobilium. Hujus enim generis etiam in-
feriores, quoad peditatum, agricolis ipsis minime cedunt. Quare
certissimum est, quod magnificentia et splendor ille hospitalis,
atque famulitia et veluti satellitia ampla, qua3 in more sunt
apud Nobiles et Generosos in Anglia, ad potentiam militarem
apprime conducant; ubi contra, Nobilium obscura et magis
privata et in se reducta vitaa ratio copias militares minuit.

4. Danda est onmino opera ut Arbor ista Monarchias, qualis
fuit Nebuchadnezzaris 2, truncum habeat satis amplum et ro-
bustum ad ramos suos et frondes sustentandos ; hoc est, ut
numerus indigenarum ad subditos extraneos cohibendos satis

1 Virg. ^En. i. 631. 2 Daniel, c. iv.

LIBER OCTAVUS. 797

superque sufficiat. Illi igitur status ad Imperil Magnituclinem
bene comparati sunt, qui Jus Civitatis lacile et libenter largi-
untur. Vana siquiclem fuerit opinio, posse manipulum homi-
num, utcunque animis et consilio excellant, regiones nimio plus
ampins et spatiosas imperil jugo colribere et fnenare. Id ad
tempus fortasse facere possint, sed diuturnitatem haec res non
assequitur. Spartan! parci fuerunt et difficiles in cooptandis
novis civibus. Unde, donee intra parvos limites dominati sunt,
res eorum firma? fuerunt et stabiles ; at postquam limites suos
coepissent proferre, et latius dominari quam ut stirps Sparta-
norum turbam exterorum imperio commode coercere posset,
potentia eorunci subito corruit. Nulla unquam respublica sinus
suos ad novos cives recipiendos tarn profuse laxavit, quam res-
publica Romana. Itaque par erat instituto tarn prudenti for-
tuna; cum in imperium toto orbe amplissimum succreverint.
Moris apud eos erat, Jus Civitatis prompte elargiri ; idque in
supremo gradu ; hoc est, non solum Jus Commercii, Jus Con-
nubii, Jus Haereditatis ; verum etiam Jus SufFragii, et Jus
Petitionis sive Honorum ; hocque rursus non singulis tantum
personis, sed totis familiis, imo civitatibus, et nonnunquam in-
tegris nationibus, communicarunt. Hue adde consuetudinem
deducendi Colonias, quibus Romana? stirpes in solum exterum
transplantabantur. Qua? duo instituta si simul componas, dices
profecto non Romanes se diffudisse super universum orbem;
sed contra orbem universum se diffudisse super Romanes ; qua?
securissima proferendi imperil est ratio. Subit mirari saspius
imperium Hispanorum, quod tarn paucis indigenis tot regna et
provmcias amplexari et fra?nare possit. At certe Hispania?
ipsae pro arboris stemmate satis grandi haberi debent; cum
longe ampliorem contineant regionum tractum quam Romas aut
Sparta? sub initiis suis contigerat. Porro, quanquam Jus Ci-
vitatis satis parce soleant Hispani impertire, quod proximum
tamen est faciunt ; quippe qui cujuscunque nationis homines
ad militiam suam ordinariam promiscue admittant. Quin-
etiam summum belli imperium haud raro ad duces natione non
Hispanos deferunt.1 Attamen et illam ipsam videntur non
ita pridem indigenarum paucitatem sensisse, eique succurrere

1 E. g. Bourbon, Prosper Colonna, Pescara, Egmont, Castaldo, Parma, Piccolomini,
Spinola. Of these, however, one or two might almost be called Spaniards ; and it must
be remembered that the dominions both of Charles V. and of his successors extended
beyond the natural limits of the Spanish monarchy.

798 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

cupiisse ; ut ex Pragmatica Sanctione, hoc anno promulgata,
cernere est.1

5. Certissimum est Artes Mechanicas Sedentarias, quae non
sub dio sed sub tecto exercentur, atque Manufacturas Delicatas
(quze digitum potius quam brachium requirunt), sua natura
militaribus animis esse contrarias. In universum, populi belli-

1 In 1618, the Cortes, among other projects of reformation, petitioned the king not
to grant any licences for monastic foundations.

The excessive multiplication of religious houses had attracted the attention of the
government long before; and the opinions of a number of ecclesiastics were taken on
the subject, in 1603, but nothing further seems to have been done. Subsequently
however to the representation of the Cortes, the state of the kingdoms belonging to the
crown of Castile was referred by the king to the council of Castile; and their report, which
is given at full length in Davila's Life of Philip the Third (see chap. 86.), is known as the
Gran Consulta de 1619. The distress and depopulation of the parts of Spain to which it
refers are stated in very strong language, the causes assigned being mainly excessive and
oppressive taxation, the increase of luxury, and the non-residence of the rich on their
estates. To relieve the revenue, the revocation of royal grants, when any fair reason
could be found for doing so, is recommended. Sumptuary laws are also proposed, and
some regulations tending to the relief of the agricultural class. The king is also
advised to be cautious in granting licenses to religious houses. Ortiz states expressly
that no measures were taken to carry out the recommendation of the council during
the reign of Philip the Third ; a statement which seems to be fully confirmed by the
silence of so copious and seemingly so painstaking an annalist as Gonzalez Davila.
The assertion to be found in some French and English books, that the king made a
decree in virtue of which those who introduced agricultural improvements on their
estates were ennobled, is in itself exceedingly improbable, and has perhaps no other
foundation than the imagination of some French economist who may have been mis-
led by the circumstance that in the Cortes of 1618 something was done with respect
to proofs of nobility. I speak however without having seen Navarrete's Conservation
della Moiiarquia. Soon after the accession of Philip the Fourth a royal decree or
Pragmatica was published which attempted to carry out some of the recommendations
of the council, and which gave certain privileges to persons who married, and further
immunities to those who had six children. For some account of its provisions, see
Cespedes' History of the first Six Years of Philip the Fourth (published at Lisbon in
1631, and reprinted in Spain in 1634), book 3. cc. 17, 18. Cespedes does not pre-
cisely fix the date of the decree, but it was plainly issued some time in the summer of
1622, and is 110 doubt that to which Bacon refers. The date assigned by Desormeaux,
namely the 10th of February 1624, is manifestly wrong; the sumptuary part of the
enactment was suspended on the occasion of the visit of Prince Charles in 1623. See
Mead's Letters to Stuteville, in Ellis's Letters.

It is a historical commonplace to assert that the depopulation of Spain was caused
by the expulsion of the Moriscos, but this alone could not have produced so permanent
an effect. The energies of the country were exhausted by excessive and unequal
taxation ; and the increase of the number of religious houses, especially of those belong-
ing to the Mendicant Orders, aggravated the evil. Rtnke has justly remarked that
Spain must always have been a thinly peopled country ; and he might have added, a
country in which there seems always to have been a tendency to become depopulated.
Thus in a passage of the Siete Partidas, quoted in the Gran Consulta, it is said to be
part of the duty of the king to see that the population of places does not fall off. Even
the word despoMado suggests a different idea from that which is expressed by weald or
wilderness. It may be well to remark that there seems no reason to doubt that the
population of Spain is much greater now than it was in the 1 6th century, although for
a considerable time there must have been a decrease. Cassmany, in an interesting essay
on the subject, has shown how much exaggeration there is in the statements made by
Spanish writers of the 16th and 17th centuries, as to the population and manufacturing
industry of the country in earlier times. According to him the population reached its
minimum about 1700.

LIBER OOTAVUS. 799

cosi feriari gaudent ; et pericula quam labores minus exhorrent.
Atque in hoc ingenio suo non sunt admodum reprimendi, si
animos ipsorum in vigore conservare cordi nobis sit, Magno
itaque adjumento Spartas, Athenis, Romas, aliisque antiquis
rebuspublicis fuit, quod habuerint non Ingenuos, sed Servos
plerunque, quorum laboribus istiusmodi opificia expediebantur.
Verum mancipiorum usus, post legem Christianam receptam,
maxima ex parte abiit in desuetudinem. Huic vero rei proxi-
mum est, ut artes istae alienigenis tantum permittantur, qui
propterea alliciendi aut saltern facile recipiendi sunt. Nativo-
rum autem plebs ex tribus generibus hominum constare debet ;
nempe ex agricolis, famulis ingenuis, et artificibus quorum
opera robur et lacertos viriles postulant ; cujusmodi sunt fabri
ferrarii, lapidarii, lignarii, et similes; non annumerando mi-
litiam descriptam.

6. Ante omnia ad Imperii Magnitudinem confert, ut gens
aliqua armorum studium profiteatur, tanquam decus suum, et
institutum vitas primarium, et in praecipuo honore habitum.
Quas enim a nobis adhuc dicta sunt, ad habilitates tantum erga
arma spectant ; quorsum autern habilitas, si non rei ipsi incum-
bitur, ut producatur in actum? Romulus (ut narrant, aut
fingunt) postquam e vivis excesserat illud civibus suis legavit,
ut ante omnia rem militarem colerent, unde in caput orbis
terrarum urbs eorum insurgeret.1 Imperii Spartani fabrica
universa (non nimis prudenter quidem, sed diligenter tamen)
ad ilium finem et scopum composita est et constructa, ut cives
sui belligeratores essent. Persarum et Macedonum idem erat
institutum, sed non tarn constans aut diuturnum. Britanni,
Galli, Germani, Gothi, Saxones, Normanni, et nonnulli alii,
etiam ad tempus armis se praecipue dediderunt. Turcae idem
institutum, lege sua haud paululum extimulati, hodie retinent,
sed magna cum militias suae (ut nunc est) declinatione. In
Europa Christiana, gens quas illud adhuc retinet et profitetur
soli sunt Hispani. Verum res est tarn liquida et manifesta,
unumquemque in eo proficere maxime in quo plurimum impen-
dit studii, ut verbis non indigeat. Satis sit innuisse, desperan-
dum omnino alicui nationi esge, quae non ex professo arma et
militiam colat iisque praecipue studeat et incumbat, sibi veluti
ultro obventuram insignem aliquam Imperii Magnitudinem;

1 Liv. i. 16.

800 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

contra autenr, certissimum esse temporis oraculum, nationes
illas quae in armorum professione et studiis diutius pcrmanse-
rint (id quod Romani Turcaeque potissimum fecere), miros in
Imperio Amplificando facere progressus. Quin et illae quae
bellica gloria per unius tantummodo saaculi spatium floruere,
inde tamen unico illo saeculo earn Imperil Amplitudinem asse-
cutae sunt, quam longo post tempore, etiam remissa ilia armo-
rum disciplina, retinuerunt.

7. Praecepto praecedenti affine est, ut status quis utatur ejus-
modi Legibus et Consuetudinibus, quae justas illi causas aut
saltern prastextus arma capessendi tanquam in promptu mi-
nistrent. Etenim ea est insita animis hominum justitiae appre-
hensio, ut bellum (quod tot sequuntur calamitates) nisi gravem
ob causam, saltern speciosam, inferre abstineant. Turcis praesto
est semper, et ad nutum, belli causa ; propagatio scilicet legis
et sectae suae. Romani, quanquam pro magno decore imperato-
ribus apud eos f'uerit si Fines Imperii ipsorum protulissent,
tamen ob hanc solam causam, ut fines proferrentur, nunquam
bella susceperunt. Aspiranti igitur ad imperium nationi illud
in more sit, ut sensum habeat vividum et acrem injuria? alicujus
vel subditis suis limitaneis vel mercatoribus vel publicis mi-
nistris illatae ; neque a prima provocatione diutius torpeat aut
tardet. Item, prompta sit et alacris ad auxilia mittenda sociis
suis et foederatis ; id quod perpetuum erat apud Romanes ; adeo
ut si forte in populum fcederatum, cui etiam cum aliis fredus
defensivum intercederet, hostilis impressio facta esset, atque
ille a plurimis suppetias peteret, Romani omnium primi semper
adessent, beneficii decus nemini praeripiendum relinquentes.
Quod vero attinet ad bella antiquis temporibus propter statuum
conformitatem quandam, aut correspondentiam tacitam, gesta,
non video in quo jure ilia fundata sint. Talia fuerunt bella
quae a Romanis suscepta erant ad Graeciam in libertatem vindi-
candam ; talia a Lacedaemoniis et Atheniensibus ad constituen-
das aut evertendas democratias et oligarchias ; talia quandoque
illata sunt a rebuspublicis aut principibus, sub praetextu subdi-
tos alienos protegendi et a tyrannide liberandi. Ad rem prae-
sentem sufficiat, ut illud decernatur; non esse expectandum
statui alicui Imperii Amplitudinem, nisi ad quamvis occasionem
justam se armandi protinus expergiscatur.

8. Nullum omnino corpus, sive sit illud naturale sive politi-
cum, absque exercitatione sanitatem suam tueri queat. Regno

LIBER OCTAVUS. . 801

autem aut reipublicae, justum atque honorificum bellum loco
salubris exercitationis est. Bellum civile profecto instar caloris
febrilis est ; at bellum externum instar caloris ex motu, qui vale-
tudini inprimis conducit. Ex pace enim deside atqiie torpente,
et emolliuntur animi et corrumpuntur mores. Sed utcunque res
se habeat, quatenus ad alicujus status fcelicitatem, Magnitudinis
proculdubio interest ut quasi semper in armis sit. Atque ex-
ercitus veteranus perpetuo tanquam sub vexilHs habitus, etsi res
sit magni proculdubio sumptus et impensae, attamen ejusmodi
est ut statui alicui quasi arbitrium rerum inter vicinos, aut
saltern plurimum existimationis ad omnia conferat. Id quod
insigniter cernere est in Hispanis, qui jam per annos centum et
viginti exercitum veteranum ad aliquas partes, licet non semper
ad easdem, aluerunt.1

9. Maris Dominium monarchic quaedam epitome est. Ci-
cero, de Pompeii contra Caesarem apparatu scribens ad Atti-
cum: Consilium (inquit) Pompeii plane Themistocleum est ; putat
enim., qui mart potitur, eum rerum potiri.2 Atque Caesarem
Pompeius proculdubio delassasset et attrivisset, nisi inani fiducia
inflatus ab illo incoepto destitisset. Praalia navalia quanti fue-
rint momenti, ex multis exemplis patet. Pugna ad Actium
orbis imperium determinavit. Pugna ad Insulas Cursolares
circulum in naribus Turcas posuit.3 Multoties certe evenit, ut
Victorias navales finem summae belli attulerint ; sed hoc factum
est, cum alese hujusmodi praeliorum totius belli fortuna com-
missa est. Illud minime dubium, quod qui maris potitur domi-
nio in magna libertate agit, et tantum quantum velit de bello
sumere potest ; ubi contra, qui terrestribus copiis est superior,
nihilominus plurimis angustiis conflictatur. At hodie, atque
apud nos Europaeos, si unquam aut uspiam, potentia navalis
(quD3 quidem huic regno Britannia} in dotein cessit) summi ad
rerum fastigia momenti est ; turn quia pleraque Europe regna
mediterranea simpliciter non sunt, sed maxima ex parte mari
cincta ; turn etiam quia utriusque Indiae thesauri et opes impe-
rio maris veluti accessorium quiddam existunt.

1 Commencing, that is, with the wars in Italy which arose out of the invasion of
that country by Charles VIII.

2 Cicero, Ep. ad Att. x. 8.

3 The Insulse Cursolares or Kurzolari islands are the ancient Echinades. The
naval engagement generally, though perhaps incorrectly, called the Battle of Lepanto,
took place off these islands in 1571. The Turkish fleet was defeated with great loss.
It was on this occasion that Cervantes lost his hand.

VOL. I. 3 F

802 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

10. Bella moderna veluti in tenebris gesta censeri possunt,
pra3 gloria et decore vario quae in homines militates priscis
temporibus a rebus bellicis resilire solebant. Habemus hodie,
fortasse ad animos faciendos, Ordines quosdam honorificos mili-
tiae; qui tamen jam facti sunt et armis et togas communes.
Etiam in Scutis Gentilitiis Stemmata nonnulla habemus ; insu-
per, Hospitia quasdam Publica militibus emeritis et mutilatis
destinata, et hujusmodi. Verum apud veteres, in locis ubi
victorias partae sunt extructa Trophaea ; Laudationes Funebres,
et Monumenta Magnifica occumbentium in bello ; Coronae
Civicre, Militares, singulis concessze ; nomen ipsum Imperatoris,
quod postea reges maximi a belli ducibus mutuati sunt ; rede-
untium ducum, bellis prospere confectis, celebres Triumplii ;
Donativa atque Largitiones ingentes in milites sub exercituum
dimissionem ; haec (inquam) tot et tanta fuerunt, et tarn insigni
splendore coruscantia, ut pectoribus mortalium etiam maxime
conglaciatis igniculos subdere, eaque ad bellum inflammare po-
tuerint. Ante omnia vero, mos ille Triumphancli apud Romanes
non res erat ex pompa, aut spectaculum quoddam inane, sed
inter prudentissima plane nobilissimaque instituta numeraudus ;
utpote, qui in se base tria haberet ; Ducum Decus et Gloriam ;
JErarii ex spoliis Locupletationem ; et Donativa Militum.
Verum honor Triumphi fortasse monarchiis non competit
praeterquam in personis regis ipsius aut filiorum regis ; quo'd
etiam temporibus Imperatorum Romae obtinuit ; qui honorem
ipsum triumphi sibi et filiis suis, de bellis qua? praesentes ipsi
confecerant, tanquam peculiarem reservarunt; Vestimenta
autem solummodo et Insignia Triumphalia aliis ducibus in-
dulserunt.

Verum, ut sermones hos claudamus, nemo est (ut testatur
Sacra Scriptura), qui sollicite cogitando potest apponere ad sta-
turam suam cubitum unum '; in pusillo scilicet corporis humani
modulo ; caeterum in magna regnorum et rerumpublicarum
fabrica miperium amplificare et fines proferre, reges penes et
dominantes est. Nam prudenter introducendo leges, instituta,
et consuetudines, quales jam proposuimus, et alias his similes,
posteris et saeculis futuris magnitudinis sementem fecerint.
Verum ista consilia apud principes raro tractantur, sed res for-
tune plerunque committitur.

1 S. Matthew, vi. 27. S. Luke, xii. 25.

LIBER OOTAVUS. 803

Atque haec habuimus, quae de Proferendis Imperil Finibus in
praesentia occurrunt. Verum quorsum ista commentatio ; cum
Monarchia Romana futura sit inter mundanas (ut creditur)
ultima ? Nisi quod nobis, institute nostro fidis neque uspiam
de via declinantibus, (quandoquidem Amplificatio Imperil fuerit
inter Officia tria Politices tertium) illud omnino praetermittere
non licuerit. Restat jam Desideratum alterum, ex iis quae
posuimus duobus ; nimirum, de Justitia Universali, sive de
Fontibus Juris.

Qui de Legibus scripserunt, omnes vel tanquam Philosophi
vel tanquam Jurisconsult! argumentum illud tractaverunt.
Atque Philosophi proponunt multa dictu pulchra, sed ab usu
remota. Jurisconsulti autem, suae quisque patriae legum, vel
etiam Romanarum aut Pontificiarum, placitis obnoxii et ad-
dicti, judicio sincere non utuntur ; sed tanquam e vinculis ser-
mocinantur. Certe cognitio ista ad viros civiles proprie spectat;
qui optime norunt quid ferat societas humana, quid salus
populi, quid aequitas naturalis, quid gentium mores, quid re-
rumpublicarum formae diversae ; ideoque possint de Legibus,
ex principiis et praeceptis tarn aequitatis naturalis quam poll-
tices, decernere. Quamobrem id nunc agatur, ut Fontes
Justitiae et Utilitatis Publicae petantur, et in singulis Juris
partibus Character quidam et Idea Justi exhibeatur, ad quam
particularium regnorum et rerumpublicarum leges probare,
atque inde emendationem moliri, quisque cui hoc cordi erit
et curas possit. Hujus igitur rei, more nostro, Exemplum in
uno titulo proponemus.

Exemplum Tractatus de Justitia Universali, sive de Fontibus
Juris, in uno titulo, per Aphorismos,

PROCEMIUM.
APHORI8MU8 1.

IN Societate Civili, aut Lex aut Vis valet. Est autem et vis
quaadam legem simulans, et lex nonnulla magis vim sapiens
quam sequitatem juris. Triplex est igitur Injustitiae Fons;
Vis mera ; Illaqueatio malitiosa praetextu Legis ; et Acerbitas
ipsius Legis.

APHORISMUS 2.

Firmamentum Juris Privati tale est. Qui injuriam facit, re
utilitatem aut voluptatem capit, exeniplo periculum. Caeteri

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804 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

utilitatis aut voluptatis illlus participes non aunt, sed exemplum
ad se pertinere putant. Itaque facile coeunt in consensum, ut
caveatur sibi per Leges ; ne injuriae per vices ad singulos red-
eant. Quod si ex ratione temporum et communione culpae id
eveniat, ut pluribus et potentioribus per legem aliquam peri-
culum creetur quam caveatur, factio solvit legem ; quod et
saepe fit.1

APHOEISMUS 3.

At Jus Privatum sub tutela Juris Publici latet. Lex enim
cavet civibus, magistratus legibus. Magistratuum autem au-
thoritas pendet ex maj estate imperii, et fabrica politise, et
legibus fundamentalibus. Quare, si ex ilia parte sanitas fuerit
et recta constitutio, leges erunt in bono usu ; sin minus, parum
in iis pra3sidii erit.

1 The doctrine of this aphorism resembles that of Hobbes, inasmuch as there is no
recognition of the principle that moral ideas lie at the root of civil rights. All the
evidence of which the nature of the subject admits tends to show that society has
always been held together, not by fear, but by notions more or less perfectly developed
of the distinction between right and wrong ; and to assert that in the absence of any
such notions selfish fear could serve as the " firmamentum juris privati," is at best
to assert that which never has been proved and never can be.

Of course it is not meant to deny that fear is the principle by means of which the
moral force of society becomes efficient in the repression of crime.

[That a notion of the distinction between right and wrong in general lies at the
bottom of all our notions of individual rights and wrongs ; that when we think of one
man as doing an injury to another, we think of him as doing something not only in
its effect hurtful, but in its nature unjust ; I do not think Bacon would have denied.
That in the absence of any such notion the interest which all men have in protection
from injury would lead them to concur in the measures necessary to secure protec-
tion to each, he would not, I think, have affirmed. But such questions did not enter
into the practical problem with which he had to deal ; which was this : Given our
common notions of right and wrong, jus and injuria, with all their constituent ele-
ments, what is the principle by which they are made to bear upon the protection of
individuals ? To this he answers : It is the interest which each individual has in being
himself protected. That the personal interest would be insufficient without the sanc-
tion of the " moral idea " to stimulate and support it, is probably true ; for we see
that actions the most dangerous to society, if committed by madmen, and therefore
not objects of moral disapprobation, are exempted from punishment ; the necessity of
self-defence requiring only that measures be taken to prevent the recurrence of them,
and the sense of justice refusing to sanction any further severity. But that the
" moral idea," unassisted by the sense of personal interest, could be still less relied upon
as a "firmamentum privati juris," seems to me still more certain ; for we see that the
penalties exacted or denounced by the laws, though proportioned with tolerable accu-
racy to the danger of the offence, bear no proportion at all to the moral disapprobation
of which it is the object Actions which are morally wrong in the highest degree, if
they be such as every man may protect himself against, are not punished at all.
Actions which the moral sense scarcely condemns, if such that the general permission
of them would entail a general insecurity of property, are punished with great severity.
And the truth seems to be, that to make an action seem a fit object of punishment,
there must be something morally offensive in it, but that the nature and amount of
punishment varies according to the interest of society in preventing it, and the diffi-
culty of effecting that end. Men are not content with less severity than they think
necessary for their protection, nor do they feel justified in using more. — J. S.]

LIBER OCTAVUS. 805

APHORISMUS 4.

Neque tamen Jus Publicum a$ hoc tantum spectat, ut ad-
datur tanquam custos Juri Private, ne illud violetur, atque ut
cessent injuries ; sed extenditur etiam ad religionem et arma
et disciplinarn et ornamenta et opes, denique ad omnia circa
Bene Esse civitatis.

APHORISMUS 5.

Finis enim et scopus quern leges intueri, atque ad quern
jussiones et sanctiones suas dirigere debent, non alius est quam
ut cives foeliciter degant. Id fiet, si pietate et religione recte
instituti ; moribus honesti ; armis adversus hostes externos
tuti; legum auxilio adversus seditiones et privatas injurias
muniti ; imperio et magistratibus obsequentes ; copiis et opibus
locupletes et florentes fuerint. Harum autem rerum instru-
menta et nervi sunt leges.

APHORISMUS 6.

Atque hunc finem optimae leges assequuntur, plurimae vero
ipsarum aberrant. Leges enim mirum in modum, et maximo
intervallo, inter se differunt ; ut alias excellant ; alias medio-
criter se habeant ; alias prorsus vitiosas sint. Dictabimus igitur,
pro judicii nostri modulo , quasdam tanquam Legum Leges, ex
quibus informatio peti possit, quid in singulis legibus bene
aut perperam positum aut constitutum sit.
APHOKISMUS 7.

Antequam vero ad corpus ipsum legum particularium deve-
niamus, perstringemus paucis virtutes et dignitates legum in
genere. Lex bona censeri possit, quas sit intimations certa ;
prctcepto justa ; executione commoda ; cum forma politics congrua;
et generans virtutem in subditis.

TITULUS L
De Prima Dignitate Legum, ut sint Certce.

APHORISMUS 8.

Legis tantum interest ut certa sit, ut absque hoc nee justa
esse possit. Si enim incertam vocem det tuba, quis se parabit ad
bettum ? l Similiter, si incertam vocem det lex, quis se parabit
ad parendum? Ut moneat igitur oportet, priusquam feriat.
Etiam illud recte positum est ; optimum esse legem, qua minimum
relinquit arbitrio judicis* : id quod certitudo ejus prasstat.

1 1 Corinth, xiv. 8. 2 Arist. Rhet. i. 1.

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80(j DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

APHORISMUS 9.

Duplex legum Incertitude : altera, ubi lex nulla prae-
scribitur ; altera, ubi ambigua et obscura. Itaque de Casibus
Omissis a lege primo dicendum est ; ut in his etiam inveniatur
aliqua norma Certitudinis.

De Casibus Omissis a Lege.
APHORISMUS 10.

Angustia prudentise humanae casus omnes quos tempus re-
perit non potest capere. Non raro itaqiie se ostendunt casus
omissi et novi. In hujusmodi casibus triplex adhibetur reme-
dium, sive supplementum ; vel per processum ad similia ; vel
per usum exemplorum, licet in legem non codluerint ; vel per
jurisdictiones qua statuunt ex arbitrio boni viri et secundum
discretionem sanam; sive ilia? Curias fuerint Praetoriae sive
Censoriae.

De Processu ad Similia, et Extensionibus Legum.
AFHOEISMDS 11.

In Casibus Omissis deducenda est norma legis a similibus ;
sed caute, et cum judicio. Circa quod servandae sunt regulse
sequentes. Ratio prolifica, Consuetudo sterilis esto, nee generet
casus. Itaque quod contra rationem juris receptum est, vel
etiam ubi ratio ejus est obscura, non trahendum est ad conse-
quentiam.1

APHORISMUS 12.

Bonum publicum insigne rapit ad se casus omissos. Quam-
obrem quando lex aliqua reipublicae commoda notabiliter et
majorem in modum intuetur et procurat, Interpretatio ejus
extensiva esto et amplians.

APHORISMUS 13.

Durum est torquere leges, ad hoc ut torqueant homines.
Non placet igitur extendi leges poenales, multo minus capitales,
ad delicta nova. Quod si crimen vetus fuerit et legibus notum ;
sed prosecutio ejus incidat in casum novum, a legibus non pro-
visum ; omnino recedatur a placitis juris potius quam delicta
maneant impunita.

1 "Quod contra rationem juris receptum est, non est producendum ad conse-
quentla." — Paulus, D. 141., Ff. De Div. Keg. Jur. It may be remarked that, al-
though the phrase " ad consequentias " is used as well as "ad consequential' yet
there seems to be no authority for " ad consequential^"

LIBER OCTAVUS. 807

APHORISMUS 14.

In statutis quae Jus Commune (praesertim circa ea quae fre-
quenter incidunt, et diu coaluerunt) plane abrogant, non placet
procedi per similitudinem ad casus omissos. Quando enim res-
publica tota lege diu caruerit, idque in casibus expressis, parum
periculi est si casus omissi expectent remedium a statute novo.

APHORISMUS 15.

Statuta quae manifesto Temporis Leges fuere atque ex occa-
sionibus reipublicse tune invalescentibus natse, mutata ratione
temporum, satis habent si se in propriis casibus sustinere
possint ; praeposterum autem esset, si ad casus omissos ullo
modo traherentur.

APHORISMUS 16.

Consequentise non est consequentia ; sed sisti debet extensio
intra casus proximos. Alioqui labetur paulatim ad dissimilia ;
et magis valebunt acumina ingeniorum, quam authoritates
legum.

APHORISMUS 17.

In legibus et statutis brevioris stili, extensio facienda est
liberius. At in illis quae sunt enumerativa casuum particu-
larium, cautius. Nam ut exceptio firmat vim legis in casibus
non exceptis, ita enumeratio infirmat earn in casibus non enu-
meratis.

APHORISMUS 18.

Statutum Explanatorium claudit rivos statuti prioris, nee
recipitur postea extensio in alterutro statute. Neque enim fa-
cienda est super-extensio a judice, ubi semel ccepit fieri extensio
a lege.

APHORISMUS 19.

Solennitas Verborum et Actorum non recipit extensionem
ad similia. Perdit enim naturam solennis, quod transit a more
ad arbitrium; et introductio novorum corrumpit majestatem
veterum.

APHORISMUS 20.

Proclivis est extensio legis ad casus post-natos ; qui in rerum
natura non fuerunt tempore legis latae. Ubi enim casus ex-
primi non poterat, quia tune nullus erat, casus omissus habetur
pro expresso, si similis fuerit ratio.

Atque de Extensionibus Legum in Casibus Omissis hsec
dicta sint : nunc de usu Exemplorum dicendum.

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808 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

De Exemplis, et usu eorurn.1

APHORISMUS 21.

De Exemplis jam dicendum est, ex quibus Jus hauriendum
sit, ubi Lex deficit. Atque de Consuetudine, qu» Legis species
est, deque Exemplis quas per frequentem usum in consuetu-
dinem transierunt, tanquam Legem Tacitam, suo loco dicemus.
Nunc autem de exemplis loquimur quas raro et sparsim inter-
veniunt, nee in legis vim coaluerunt ; quando et qua cautione
norma Juris ab ipsis petenda sit, cum Lex deficiat.
APHORISMUS 22.

Exempla a temporibus bonis et moderatis petenda sunt ; non
tyrannicis, aut factiosis, aut dissolutis. Hujusmodi exempla
temporis partus spurii sunt, et magis nocent quam docent.

APHORISMUS 23.

In exemplis, recentiora habenda sunt pro tutioribus. Quod
enim paulo ante factum est, unde nullum sit secutum incom-
modum, quidni iterum repetatur ? Sed tamen minus habent
authoritatis recentia ; et si forte res in melius restitui opus sit,
recentia exempla magis sseculum suum sapiunt quam rectam
rationem.

APHORISMUS 24.

At vetustiora exempla caute, et cum delectu, recipienda.
Decursus siquidem setatis multa mutat; ut quod tempore
videatur antiquum, id perturbatione et inconformitate ad
pra?sentia sit plane novum. Medii itaque temporis exempla
sunt optima, vel etiam talis temporis quod cum tempore
currente plurimum conveniat; quod aliquando prsestat tem-
pus remotius magis quam in proximo.

1 It is to be observed, that the principle on which the English courts have pro-
ceeded,— namely, that a decision on a point not previously decided on is to be accepted
merely as a declaration of an already existing law virtually contained in the unwritten
corpus juris entitled the Common Law, has had the effect of giving nearly equal
weight to all cases decided by a competent tribunal. On the other hand, we find in
the history of French jurisprudence that great uncertainty has existed as to the degree
of authority to which a "res judicata " was entitled ; the principle that " res judicata
pro veritate accipitur " extending only to the parties between whom the actual decision
was had. Thus it is related that De Thou was in the habit of saying, when it was
mentioned that in a case similar to the one before him a decree had been given in
favour of the plaintiff or defendant, " C'est bon pour lui; " implying that it was not of
authority in any other case. The Parliament of Paris was for a long time in the habit
of distinguishing the decisions to the principle of which it intended to give force of law
from other decisions, by a more solemn form of delivering j udgment ; thereby in effect
claiming what our courts have never claimed, namely, a power of making new law.
A collection has been published of these quasi-legislative decisions, with the title of
" Arrets rendus en robe rouge." It is evident that the practice of the Parliament of
Paris, which was probably followed by other of the French Parliaments, escapes from
gome of the inconveniences-of the English theory.

LIBER OCTAVUS. 809

APHOEISMUS 25'.

Intra fines exempli, vel citra potius, se cohibeto, nee illos
ullo modo excedito. Ubi enim non adest Norma Legis, omnia
quasi pro suspectis habenda sunt. Itaque, ut in obscuris,
minimum sequitor.

APHOEISMUS 26.

Cavendum ad exemplorum Fragmentis et Compendiis ; atque
integrum exemplum et universus ejus processus introspiciendus.
Si enim incivile sit, nisi tota lege perspecta, de parte ejus judi-
care1, multo magis hoc valere debet in exemplis ; quae ancipitis
sunt usus, nisi valde quadrent.

APHOKISMUS 27.

In exemplis plurimum interest, per quas manus transierint et
transacta sint. Si enim apud scribas tantum et ministros
justitiae, ex cursu curioe, absque notitia manifesta superiorum,
obtinuerint; autetiam apud errorum magistrum populum ; con-
culcanda sunt et parvi facienda. Sin apud senatores aut
judices aut curias principales ita sub oculis posita fuerint, ut
necesse fuerit ilia approbations judicum, saltern tacita, munita
fuisse, plus dignationis habent.

APHOKISMUS 28.

Exemplis quse publicata fuerint, utcunque minus fuerint
in usu, cum tamen sermonibus et disceptationibus hominum
agitata et ventilata extiterint, plus authoritatis tribuendum.
Quae vero in scriniis et archivis manserunt tanquam sepulta,
et palam in oblivionem transierunt, minus. Exempla enim,
sicut aquae, in profluente sanissima.

APHORISMUS 29.

Exempla quae ad leges spectant, non placet ab historicis peti ;
sed ab actis publicis et traditionibus diligentioribus. Versatur
enim infcelicitas quaedam inter historicos vel optimos, ut legibus
et actis judicialibus non satis immorentur ; aut si forte diligen-
tiam quandam adhibuerint, tamen ab authenticis longe varient.
APHOEISMUS 30.

Exemplum quod aetas contemporanea aut proxima respuit
cum casus subinde recurreret, non facile admittendum est.
Neque enim tantum pro illo facit quod homines illud quan-
doque usurparunt, quam contra, quod experti reliquerunt.

1 " Incivile est, nisi tota lege perspecta, una aliqua particula ejus proposita judicare
vel respondere. " — Celsvs, D. i. 3. 24.

810 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARIDI

APHOKISMUS 31.

Exempla in consilium adhibentur, non utique jubent aut
imperant. Igitur ita regantur, ut authoritas praeteriti temporis
flectatur ad usum praesentis.

Atque de Informatione ab Exemplis, ubi Lex deficit, base
dicta sint. Jam dicendum de Curiis Prastoriis et Censoriis.

De Curiis Prcetoriis et Censoriis.1
APHOKISMUS 32.

Curiae sunto et jurisdictiones, quae statuant ex arbitrio boni
viri et discretione sana, ubi legis nonna deficit. Lex enim

1 M. Bouillet remarks that every one who has commented on this tract of Bacon's has
condemned the institution of these Courts. M. Dupin is evidently much perplexed by
them. " Hie raera Utopia proponitur " is the commencement of his note on the thirty-
second aphorism. Doubtless it is odd that in inquiring how the law may be made
certain Bacon should have iutroduced two Courts, of which the distinguishing cha-
racter is the absence of any kind of certainty. But to every one who is acquainted
with the history of Englibh law, it is manifest that Bacon's intention was to give an
idealised description of the Court of Star-Chamber, and of the equity jurisdiction
of the Court of Chancery. Of the two institutions which he thus indirectly praises it
is not necessary to say much. The Court of Star-Chamber, though of use in parti-
cular cases was unquestionably on the whole, an instrument of injustice and op-
pression ; while, on the other hand, if equity had continued to be as indefinite as the
jurisdiction of the " curiae prastoriae," it. would soon have become a more intolerable
evil than any which it could have been applied to relieve.

[The apparent inconsistency of introducing these discretionary tribunals into a
scheme specially designed to make the operation of the law certain, admits, in my
opinion, of a satisfactory explanation. The uncertainty of the law is injurious in two
ways. On the one hand, it may lead me to expect that if I observe certain prescribed
conditions, my liberty will not be interfered with ; and when I think I have observed
them, it may, by some arbitrary or unexpected interpretation, take me up and send me
to prison. On the other hand, it may lead me to expect protection against particular
kinds of injury, or (failing protection) redress; and, from some defect in its pro-
visions, it may fail to prevent the injury or to afford the redress. The first kind of
uncertainty resides in the interpretation, the second in the framing, of the law ; and
against both it is necessary, as far as may be, to provide. The perftct remedy is a code
of laws so framed as to provide expressly for every possible case, coupled with a rule of
interpretation which leaves no discretion whatever to the judge. But this is for Uto-
pia. No lawgiver can perfectly foresee either the conditions of cases or the effect of
words. Laws will therefore pass occasionally, which, if strictly construed, will punish
the man whom they were intended to protect, and protect the man whom they were
intended to punish. To correct such errors, a discretion must be allowed somewhere
in the administration of the law ; and the question is, where ? According to Bacon's
scheme, the necessary discretion is to be confided, not to the ordinary tribunals, but to
others specially constituted for the purpose, and acting under restrictions and regula-
tions specially framed to prevent them from abusing it ; lest, in correcting one kind of
uncertainty, uncertainties of another kind be introduced. What these restrictions
and regulations should be, the rest of the section is occupied in explaining.

Now, to supply the defects of the law by the exercise of this kind of discretion was the
proper function of the Star-Chamber and the Court of Chancery ; and I see no occasion
to seek further for Bacon's motive in introducing •' an idealised description " of those
Courts, — or, I should rather say, a description of two Courts constituted as, in a per-
fect administrative system, the Star-Chamber and the Court of Chancery ought to be.

With regard to the character of the actual Star-Chamber, we are not to forget that Bacon
was not the only eminent jurist who approved of it. Sir Edward Coke, in the fourth book

LIBER OCTAVUS. 811

(ut antea dictum est) non sufficit casibus ; sed ad ea quas
plcrunque accidunt aptatur, Sapientissima autem res Teinpus1
(ut ab antiquis dictum est), et novorum casuum quotidie author
et inventor.

APHOKISMUS 33.

Interveniunt autem novi casus, et in Criminalibus, qui poena
indigent ; et in Civilibus, qui auxilio. Curias quae ad priora
ilia respiciunt, Ccnsorias ; qua? ad posteriora, Prcetorias appel-
lamus.

APHORISMUS 34.

Habento Curias Censoriae jurisdictionem et potestatem, non
tantum nova delicta puniendi, sed etiam poenas a legibus con-
stitutas pro delictis veteribus augendi ; si casus fuerint odiosi et
enormes, modo non sint capitales. Enorme enim tanquam
novum est.

APHOKISMUS 35.

Habeant similiter Curae Prastoriae potestatem, tarn subve-

of his Institutes, which was written in his old age, when he was regarded as the great
champion of the people against the Crown, speaks of it in terms as favourable as ever
Bacon did. " It is the most honourable Court" (he says) — " our parliament excepted
— that is in the Christian world, both in respect of the Judges of the Court, and of their
honourable proceeding according to their just jurisdiction, and the ancient and just orders
of the Court." And I cannot help thinking that modern constitutional writers have
judged of it too hastily from the accidental and exceptional circumstances which led to
its abolition. It was an instrument of government. When the government was oppressive
and unjust, it was an instrument of oppression and injustice. So, also, at many periods
of our history have the Courts of Common Law been. But if we would know whether
a Court constituted like the Star-Chamber had any necessary tendency to become an
instrument of oppression, we must consider it in connexion with the rest of the con-
stitution. Was it in any especial manner under the command of the Crown ? Cer-
tainly not : it was under the command of the Crown so far only and so long only as
the whole powers of government were under the command of the Crown. So far and
so long as the King could appoint his own ministers and maintain them and carry on
the government with, them in spite of the House of Commons, so far and so long he
could exercise an effectual control over the proceedings of a Court constituted like the
Star-Chamber ; no farther and no longer. The body of the Court was composed of
the chief officers of the government ; less than eight did not make a quorum ;
their proceedings were public ; each member gave his own sentence with the reasons ;
the majority decided ; the decree was solemnly recorded. As soon as the theory of a
responsible ministry was recognised, and the impossibility of carrying on the govern-
ment without money voted by the House of Commons gave the people an effective
check upon the Crown, they would have had a check equally effective upon the pro-
ceedings of a court of justice so constituted. Any abuse of its authority would have
led to a change of ministry, and to the transfer of that authority to other hands.

With regard to the Court of Chancery, it is less easy to say how it would have worked
had its jurisdiction been exercised according to the conditions here prescribed for the
Curia; Pr.-etoria; ; one of which is, that it was not to be confided to a single man.
" Curiac illae" (i. e. Curia? Censorise et Pretoria, see Aph. 36.) " uni viro ne commit-
tantur, sed ex pluribus constent." And in speculating upon the evil which it might
have become with powers so indefinite, we must not forget how great an evil it has
actually become in consequence of the rules by which its discretion has been defined
and limited. The nearest approach to certainty attained by the existing system appears
to be the certainty of damage to both parties. — J. S.]

1 6 aAriOcffraros \ry6/j.evos XP^vos flvai. — Xenoph. Hellenic, iii. 3. 2.

812 DE AUG MENTIS SCIENTIARUM

niendi contra rigorem Legis, quam supplendi defcctum Legis.
Si enim porrigi debet remedium ei quern lex praeteriit ; raulto
magis ei quern vulneravit.

APHORISMUS 36.

Curias istae Censorial et Praetorias omnino intra casus enormes
et extraordinarios se continento ; nee jurisdictiones ordinarias
invadunto ; ne forte tendat res ad supplantationem legis, magis
quam ad supplementum.

APHORISMUS 37.

Jurisdictiones istse in Supremis tantum Curiis resident©, nee
ad Inferiores communicantor. Parum enim abest a potestate
leges condendi, potestas eas supplendi aut extendendi aut
moderandi.

APHORISMUS 38.

At Curias illas uni viri ne committantur, sed ex pluribus con-
stent. Nee decreta exeant cum silentio ; sed judices sententise
suas rationes adducant, idque palam atque astante corona ; ut
quod ipsa potestate sit liberum, fama tamen et existimatione sit
circumscriptum.

APHORISMUS 39.

Rubricae Sanguinis ne sunto ; nee de capitalibus, in quibus-
cunque curiis, nisi ex lege nota et certa pronunciato. Indixit
enim mortem Deus ipse prius ; postea inflixit. Nee vita eri-
pienda nisi ei qui se in suam vitam peccare prius nosset.

APHORISMUS 40.

In Curiis Censoriis calculum tertium dato ; ut judicibus non
imponatur necessitas aut absolvendi aut condemnandi ; sed
etiam ut non liquere pronunciare possint. Etiam censoria non
tantum pcena, sed et nota esto ; scilicet quae non infligat suppli-
cium, sed aut in admonitionem desinat, aut reos ignominia levi
et tanquam rubore castiget.

APHORISMUS 41.

In Curiis Censoriis, omnium magnorum criminum et scele-
rum actus inchoati et medii puniuntor; licet non sequatur
effectus consummatus l ; isque sit earum curiarum usus vel
maximus ; cum et severitatis intersit, initia scelerum puniri ;
et clementiae, perpetrationem eorum (puniendo actus medios)
inter cipi.

1 Of the Star-Chamber, Bacon has said, in his History of Henry FIT., that it took
cognisance of " forces, frauds, crimes various of stellionate, and the indications or
middle acts towards crimes capital or heinous, not actually committed or perpetrated."

LIBER OCTAVUS. 813

APHORISMUS 42.

Cavendum inprimis, ne in Curiis Praetoriis praebeatur auxi-
lium in casibus quos lex non tarn omisit, quam pro levibus
contempsit, aut pro odiosis remedio indignos judicavit.

APHOEISMUS 43.

Maxime omnium interest Certitudinis Legum (de qua nunc
agimus), ne Curiae Praetoriae intumescant et exundent in
tantum, ut prastextu rigoris legum mitigandi, etiam robur et
nervos iis inciclant aut laxent ; omnia trahendo ad arbitrium.

APHORISMUS 44.

Decernendi contra Statutum Expressum, sub ullo aequitatis
praetextu, Curiis Praetoriis jus ne esto. Hoc enim si fieret,
Judex prorsus transiret in Legislatorem, atque omnia ex arbi-
trio penderent.

APHOEISMUS 45.

Apud nonnullos receptum est, ut jurisdictio quas decernit
secundum cequum et bonum, atque ilia altera quae procedit
secundum jus strictum, iisdam curiis deputentur ; apud alios
autem, ut diversis. Omnino placet curiarum separatio. Neque
enim servabitur distinctio casuum, si fiat commixtio juris-
dictionum ; sed Arbitrium Legem tandem trahet.
APHOEISMUS 46.

Non sine causa in usum venerat apud Romanos Album Prce-
toris, in quo prasscripsit et publicavit quomodo ipse jus dicturus
esset.1 Quo exemplo, judices in Curiis Praetoriis regulas sibi
certas (quantum fieri potest) proponere easque publice affigere
debent. Etenim optima est lex, quae minimum relinquit arbi-
trio judicis ; optimus judex, qui minimum sibi.

Verum de Curiis istis fusius tractabimus, cum ad locum de
Judiciis veniemus ; obiter tantum jam locuti de iis, quatenus
expediant et suppleant Omissa a Lege.

De Retrospectione Legum.
APHOEISMUS 47.

Est et aliud genus Supplement! Casuum Omissorum, cum lex
legem supervenit, atque simul casus omissos trahit. Id fit in

1 " Album praetoris est queedam tabula dealbata posita pro rostris, in qua. propone-
bantur edicta praetoris, ut facile ex eminenti conspicerentur et legerentur." — Vetus
Gloss, a Brissonio laudat. In the ordinary use of the word it signifies a collection of
the formulas by means of which actions were carried on, thus corresponding to the
register of writs in our municipal law. The edict contained a good deal more than a
mere collection of formulae, though these probably constituted a portion of it.

814 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

legibus sive statutis quae retrospiciunt , ut vulgo loquuntur ;
cujus generis leges raro et magna cum cautione sunt adhi-
bendae. Neque enim placet Janus in Legibus.
APHOEISMUS 48.

Qui verba aut sententiam legis captione et fraude eludit et
circumscribit, dignus est qui etiam a lege sequente innodetur.
Igitur in casibus fraudis et evasionis dolosaa, jus turn est ut
leges retrospiciant, atque alters? alteris in subsidiis sint ; ut
qui dolos meditatur et eversioneni legum prcesentium, saltern
a futuris metuat.

APHORISMUS 49.

Leges qua3 actorum et instrumentorum veras intentiones
contra formularum aut solennitatum defectus roborant et con-
firmant, rectissime praaterita complectuntur. Legis enim quse
retrospicit, vitium vel praacipuum est quod perturbet. At hujus-
modi leges confirmatoriae ad pacem et stabilimentum eorum quae
transacta sunt spectant. Cavendum tamen est, ne convellantur

res judicatfE.

APHOKISMUS 50.

Diligenter attendendum, ne eae leges tantum ad praeterita
respicere putentur, quae ante-acta infirmant ; sed et eae quae
futura prohibent et restringunt, cum praeteritis necessario con-
nexa. Veluti, si quae lex artificibus aliquibus interdicat, ne
mercimonia sua in posterum vendant ; hasc sonat in posterum,
sed operatur in praeteritum ; neque enim illis alia ratione victum
quaerere jam integrum est.

APHOKISMUS 51.

Lex Declaratoria omnis, licet non habet verba de praeterito,
tamen ad praeterita, ipsa vi declarationis, omnino trahitur. Non
enim turn incipit interpretatio cum declaratur, sed efficitur
tanquam contemporanea ipsi legi. Itaque Leges Declaratorias
ne ordinato, nisi in casibus ubi leges cum justitia retrospicere
possint.

Hie vero earn partem absolvimus, quae tractat de Incertitudine
Legum ubi invenitur lex nulla. Jam dicendum est de altera
ilia parte, ubi scilicet lex extat aliqua, sed perplexa et obscura.

De Obscuritate Legum.
APHOEISMUS 52.

Obscuritas Legum a quatuor rebus originem ducit ; vel ab

LIBER OCTAVUS. 815

accumulatione legum nimia, prsesertim adraixtis obsoletis ; vel a
descriptione earum ambigua aut minus perspicua et dilucida ; vel
a modis enucleandi juris neglectis aut non bene institutis ; vel
denique a contradictione et vacillatione judiciorum.

De Accumulatione Lcgum nimia.

APHORISMUS 53.

Dicit Propheta ; Pluet super eos laqueos. } Non sunt autem
pejores laquei quam laquei legum, praesertim poenalium; si
numero immensae, et temporis decursu inutiles, non lucernam
pedibus praebeant, sed retia potius objiciant,

APHORISMUS 54.

Duplex in usum venit Statuti Novi condendi ratio. Altera
statuta priora circa idem subjectum confirmat et roborat ; dein
nonnulla addit aut mutat. Altera abrogat et delet cuncta quae
ante ordinata sunt, et de integro legem novam et uiiiformem
substituit. Placet posterior ratio. Nam ex priore ratione
ordinationes deveniunt complicate et perplexas ; et quod instat
agitur sane, sed Corpus Legum interim redditur vitiosum. In
posteriore autem, major certe est adhibenda diligentia, dum de
lege ipsa deliberatur ; et anteacta scilicet evolvenda et pensi-
tanda antequam lex feratur ; sed optime procedit per hoc legum
concordia in futurum.

APHOEISMUS 55.

Erat in more apud Athenienses, ut contraria legum capita
(quas Anti-Nomias vocant) quotannis a sex viris examinaren-
tur ; et qua? reconciliari non poterant proponerentur populo, ut
de illis certum aliquid statueretur.2 Ad quorum exemplum, ii
qui potestatem in singulis politiis legum condendarum habent,
per triennium, aut quinquennium, aut prout videbitur, Anti-
Nomias retractanto.' Eae autem a viris ad hoc delegatis
prius inspiciantur et prseparentur, et demum Comitiis exhi-
beantur ; ut quod placuerit, per suffragia stabiliatur et figatur.

APHORISMUS 56.

Neque vero contraria legum capita reconciliandi, et omnia (ut
loquuntur) salvandi, per distinctiones subtiles et qusesitas, nimis

1 Psalm xi. 6.

2 The sex viri here mentioned are the 6eff/jLo6frou. See Schoman, De Com. Athen.
p. 259. The word Antinomia is used in the sense of a contradiction between different
laws by Justinian. In Plutarch (Symposiaca, ix. 13.) it is nearly equivalent to what
Jurisconsults designate by the phrase " casus perplexus."

816 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

sedula aut anxia cura esto. Ingenii enim haec tela est ; atque
utcunque modestiam quandam et reverentiam prae se ferat, inter
noxia tamen censenda est ; utpote qua3 reddat corpus univer-
sum legum varium, et male consutum. Melius est prorsus ut
succumbant deteriora, et meliora stent sola.
APHOEISMUS 57.

Obsoletae Leges et quse abierunt in desuetudinem, non minus
quam Anti-Nomiae, proponantur a delegatis ex officio tollen-
das. Cum enim Statutum Expressum regulariter desuetudine
non abrogetur, fit ut ex contemptu legum obsoletarum fiat
nonnulla authoritatis jactura etiam in reliquis; et sequitur
tormenti illud genus Mezentii, ut leges vivce in complexu mor-
tuarum perimantur. Atque omnino cavendum est a gangrasna
in legibus.

APHOEISMUS 58.

Quin et in legibus et statutis obsoletis, nee noviter promul-
gatis, Curiis Praetoriis interim contra eas decernendi jus esto.
Licet enim non male dictum sit, neminem oportere legibus esse
sapientiorem1 , tamen intelligatur hoc de legibus cum evigilent,
non cum dormitent. Contra recentiora vero statuta (quas juri
publico nocere deprehenduntur) non utique Praetoribus, sed
Regibus, et Sanctioribus Consiliis, et Supremis Potestatibus,
auxilium praebendi jus esto ; earum executionem per edicta aut
acta suspendendo, donee redeant Comitia, aut hujusmodi coetus
qui potestatem habeant eas abrogandi ; ne salus populi interim
periclitetur.2

1 Bacon refers perhaps to D'Argentre's maxim, " Stulta videtur sapientia quae
lege vult sapientior videri." In the passage from which these words are taken, he is
condemning the presumption of judges who depart from the text on the pretence of
equity. D'Argentre died in 1590.

Compare Aristotle, Rhet. i. 15. 12. : Kal Sri rb riav v6/juav ffo^xarfpov ^rjreiv elvai,
TOVT' tariv & tv roTs lira.ivovfj.fvots v6fu>is airayopeverai. See also Cleon's speech,
Thucyd. iii. 37. The " obliqua oratio," in the passage quoted from Aristotle arises
from the way in which the remark is introduced : namely, as what might be said by
a pleader to whom the letter of the law is favourable.

2 Here, as in the description of the Curise Censorite and Praetoriae, reference is
made to what actually existed in England in Bacon's time. In the concluding part
of this aphorism he sanctions the doctrine that an act of Parliament may provisionally
at least be suspended or set aside by an Order in Council. This doctrine was un-
doubtedly commonly maintained in Bacon's time, but it was nevertheless even then
protested against.

[When the rights of the people were not sufficiently secured against the powers of
the Crown, and therefore to weaken those powers was a patriotic object, such doctrines
were naturally protested against. For when the Crown could successfully and
safely abuse the powers it had, the evil could only be remedied or mitigated by taking
them away. And it was doubtless by restricting its authority in matters like this that
the people were in fact enabled to win the game, and exact sufficient securities for

LIBER OCTAVUS. 817

De novis Digestis Legum.1
APHORISMUS 59.

Quod si Leges alias super alias accumulate in tarn vasta ex-
creverint volumina, aut tanta confusione laboraverint, ut eas de
integro retractare et in corpus sanum et habile redigere ex usu
sit ; id ante omnia agito ; atque opus ejusmodi opus hero'icum
esto ; atque authores talis operis inter legislatores et instaura-
tores rite et merito numerantor.

APHOEISMUS 60.

Hujusmodi Legum Expurgatio, et Digestum Novum, quin-
que rebus absolvitur. Primo, omittantur obsoleta, quae Jus-
tinianus antiquas fabulas vocat.2 Deinde, ex Anti-Nomiis
recipiantur probatissimas, aboleantur contrariae. Tertio, Ho-
moio-Nomiae, sive leges quse idem sonant atque nil aliud sunt
quam iterationes ejusdem rei, expungantur; atque una qua3-
piam ex iis, quae maxime est perfecta, retineatur vice omnium.
Quarto, si quas legum nihil determinent, sed quaestiones tan-
tuna proponant, casque relinquant indecisas, similiter facessant.
Postremo, quae verbosas inveniuntur et nimis prolixae, contra-
hantur magis in arcturi.

APHOEISMUS 61.

Omnino vero ex usu fuerit in Novo Digesto Legum, leges
pro Jure Communi receptas, qua? tanquam immemoriales sunt
in origine sua, atque ex altera parte statuta de tempore in
tempus superaddita, seorsum digerere et componere; cum in
plurimis rebus non eadem sit, in jure dicendo, Juris Communis
et Statutorum interpretatio et administratio. Id quod fecit
Trebonianus in Digesto et Codice.3

themselves. But we must remember that throughout this treatise Bacon assumes the
existence of a government otherwise well constituted. And I am much inclined to
think that these securities being once attained, and the House of Commons having
in fact a veto upon all the proceedings of the Crown, such an authority might be in-
trusted to the government both safely and beneficially. Bacon was not considering
what powers could be exercised constitutionally, i. e. according to law and precedent,
by the English government, but generally what powers it was good for a people that
the governing authority should have. — J. S.~\

1 This section, and especially the 64th Aphorism, is spoken of with great commen-
dation by perhaps the highest authority on such subjects. See Savigny " On the
Vocation of our Time to Legislation," 3d edition, p. 20.

2 Institut. Prooem. § 3. The great bulk of Justinian's Institutiones are merely a
reproduction of those of Gaius.

3 The Digest consists of Excerpta from the works of a great number of jurists, so
arranged as to form a connected view of the whole of the Roman law. The Codex is
a collection of imperial ordinances most of which relate to particular cases, but are
nevertheless of general authority, while others are in form as well as in effect legisla-
tive enactments.

The Digest cannot be regarded as a Corpus of customary law : we find in every

VOL. I. 3 G

818 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

APHORISMUS 62.

Verum in hujusmodi Legum Regeneratione atque structura
nova, veterum legum atque libforum legis verba prorsus et
textum retineto; licet per centones et portiones exiguas eas
excerpere necesse fuerit: Ea deinde ordine contexito. Etsi
enim fortasse commodius atque etiam, si ad rectam rationem
respicias, melius hoc transigi posset per textum novum quam
per hujusmodi consarcinationem ; tamen in legibus, non tarn
stilus et descriptio, quam Authoritas, et hujus patronus Anti-
quitas, spectanda est. Alias videri possit hujusmodi opus scho-
lasticum potius quiddam et methodus, quam Corpus Legum
Imperantium.

APHOEISMUS 63.

Consultum fuerit in Novo Digesto Legum vetera volumina
non prorsus deleri et in oblivionem cedere, sed in bibliothecis
saltern manere ; licet usus eorum vulgaris et promiscuus prohi-
beatur. Etenim in causis gravioribus, non abs re fuerit legum
pra3teritarum mutationes et series consulere et inspicere ; ac
certe sollenne est antiquitatem prsesentibus aspergere. Novum
autem hujusmodi Corpus Legum ab iis qui in politiis singulis
habent potestatem legislatoriam prorsus confirmandum est ; ne
forte, praetextu veteres leges digerendi, leges novae imponantur
occulto.

APHORISMUS 64.

Optandum esset ut hujusmodi Legum Instauratio illis tem-
poribus suscipiatur, quae antiquioribus, quorum acta et opera
retractant, literis et rerum cognitione praestiterint. Quod
secus in opere Justiniani evenit. Infoelix res namque est, cum
ex judicio et delectu aetatis minus prudentis et eruditae antiquo-
rum opera mutilentur et recomponantur. Veruntamen saepe
necessarium est, quod non optimum.

Atque de Legum Obscuritate, quae a nimia et confusa earum

portion of it continual references to every source of law, — to leges, plebiscite, edicta,
senatus consulta, and imperial rescripts and constitutions, as well as to jus civile, in
the narrow sense in which the phrase is equivalent to immemorial custom. It is
scarcely necessary to mention that Tribonianus was Justinian's chief instrument in
the compilation of the Digest, Codex, and the Institutes. The first of these three
works is the greatest in extent and importance. It was drawn up by a commission of
seventeen persons, of which Tribonianus was the head, as he was likewise of the
smaller commissions by which the other two were compiled. By the Codex I mean
the Codex Repetitce Pra lect ioni.t : Tribonianus was not at the head of the commission
by which the original Codex was drawn up, and it has been conjectured that his dis-
satisfaction at this circumstance occasioned the revision.

LIBER OCTAVUS. 819

accumulatione fit, hoec dicta sint. Jam de Descriptione earum
Ambigua et Obscura dicendum.

De Descriptione Legum Perplexa et Obscura.
APHORISMUS 65.

Descriptio Legum obscura oritur, aut ex loquacitate et ver-
bositate earum ; aut rursus ex brevitate nimia ; aut ex prologo
legis cum ipso corpore legis pugnante.
APHORISMUS 66.

De obscuritate vero legum quae ex earum descriptione prava
oritur, jam dicendum est. Loquacitas quee in perscribendo
leges in usum venit, et prolixitas, non placet. Neque enim
quod vult et captat ullo modo assequitur, sed contrarium
potius. Cum enim casus singulos particulars verbis appositis
et propriis persequi et exprimere contendat, majorem inde
sperans certitudinem ; e contra quaestiones multiplices parit
de verbis ; ut difficilius procedat interpretatio secundum sen-
tentiam legis (qua? sanior est et verior) propter strepitum
verborum.

APHORISMUS 67.

Neque propterea nimis concisa et affectata brevitas, ma-
jestatis gratia, et tanquam magis imperatoria, probanda est ;
praesertim his sseeulis, ne forte sit lex instar Regular Lesbm.1
Mediocritas ergo assectanda est ; et verborum exquirenda gene-
ralitas, bene terminata; quse licet casus comprehensos non
sedulo persequatur, attamen non comprehensos satis perspicue
excludat.

APHORISMUS 68.

In legibus tamen atque edictis ordinariis et politicis, in
quibus ut plurimum nemo jurisconsultum adhibet, sed suo
sensui confidit, omnia fusius explicari debent, et ad captum
vulgi tanquam digito monstrari.

APHORISMUS 69.

Neque nobis prologi legum, qui inepti olim habiti sunt, et

1 " Lesbia regula dicitur quoties praepostere, non ad rationem factum, sed ratio ad
factum accommodatur." — Erasm. Adag. i. 93.

Bacon's meaning is, that if the law be too concisely stated it may be bent by the
interpretations which its excessive brevity will render necessary, so as to operate in a
way which the legislator did not contemplate. This will more clearly appear to be his
meaning from the following passage from the Nicomachean Ethics, v. c. 10. to which
Erasmus refers: TOV yap aoplffrov aopiaros Kal 6 KO.V&V eaTw, tiairfp Kal rrjs Af<r§ias
o(Ko5o/w)s 6 fjLo\v&Sivos Kavitiv. In building with irregularly shaped stones, flexible
rules might be found of use, and it would appear that the Lesbians were in the habit
of employing them.

3 G 2

820 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

leges introducunt disputantes non jubentes, utique placerent, si
priscos mores ferre possemus.1 Sed prologi isti legum plerun-
que (ut nunc sunt tempora) necessario adhibentur, non tarn ad
explicationem legis, quam instar suasionis ad perferendam legem
in Comitiis ; et rursus ad satisfaciendum populo. Quantum
fieri potest tamen, prologi evitentur, et lex incipiat a jussione.

APHORISMUS 70.

Intentio et sententia legis, licet ex praefationibus et praeam-
bulis (ut loquuntur) non male quandoque eliciatur, attamen
latitude aut extensio ejus ex illis minime peti debet. Saepe
enim praeambulum arripit nonnulla ex maxime plausibilibus et
speciosis ad exemplum, cum lex tamen multo plura complecta-
tur ; aut contra, lex restringit et limitat complura, cujus limita-
tionis rationem in praeambulo inseri non fuerit opus. Quare
dimensio et latitude legis ex corpore legis petenda. Nam prae-
ambulum saepe aut ultra aut citra cadit.

APHORISMUS 71.

Est vero genus perscribendi leges valde vitiosum. Cum
scilicet casus ad quern lex collimat fuse exprimitur in praeam-
bulo ; deinde ex vi verbi (talis) aut hujusmodi relativi corpus
legis retro vertitur in praeambulum, unde praeambulum inseritur
et incorporatur ipsi legi ; quod et obscurum est et minus tutum,
quia non eadem adhiberi consuevit diligentia in ponderandis et
examinandis verbis praeambuli, quae adhibetur in corpore ipsius
legis.

Hanc partem, de Incertitudine legum quae ex mala de-
scriptione ipsarum ortum habet, fusius tractabimus, quando de
Interpretatione legum postea agemus. Atque de Descriptione
legum Obscura haec dicta sint ; jam de Modis Enucleandi Juris
dicendum.

De Modis Enucleandi Juris, et Tollendi Ambigua.
APHORISMUS 72.

Modi Enucleandi Juris et Tollendi Dubia, quinque sunt.
Hoc enim fit aut per Perscriptiones Judiciorum ; aut per Scri-
ptores Authenticos ; aut per Libras Auxiliares ; aut per Pra-
lectiones ; aut per Responsa sive Consulta Prudentum. Haec

1 " Jubeat," says Seneca, speaking of law, " non disputet Nihil videtur mihi in-
eptius quam lex cum prologo." — Ep. 95.

LIBER OCTAVUS. 821

omnia, si bene instituantur, praesto erunt magna legum obscuri-
tati subsidia.

De Perscriptione Judiciorum.
APHORISMUS 73.

Ante omnia, judicia reddita in curiis supremis et principali-
bus atque causis gravioribus, praesertim dubiis, quaeque aliquid
habent difficultatis aut novitatis, diligenter et cum fide ex-
cipiunto. Judicia enim anchoraa legum sunt, ut leges rei-
publicae.

APHORISMUS 74.

Modus hujusmodi judicia excipiendi et in scripta referendi,
talis esto. Casus prascise, judicia ipsa exacte, perscribito;
rationes Judiciorum, quas adduxerunt judices, adjicito; casuum
ad exemplum adductorum authoritatem cum casibus principali-
bus ne commisceto ; de advocatorum perorationibus, nisi quid-
piam in iis fuerit admodum eximium, sileto.
APHORISMUS 75,

Personae quae hujusmodi judicia excipiant, ex advocatis
maxime doctis sunto, et honorarium liberale ex publico exci-
piunto. Judices ipsi ab hujusmodi perscriptionibus abstinento ;
ne forte opinionibus propriis addicti, et authoritate propria
freti, limites referendarii transcendant.
APHORISMUS 76.

Judicia ilia in ordine et serie temporis digerito, non per
methodum et titulos. Sunt enim scripta ejusmodi tanquam
historiae aut narrationes legum. Neque solum acta ipsa, sed et
tempora ipsorum, judici prudenti lucem praebent.

De Scriptoribus Authenticis.

APHORISMUS 77.

Ex legibus ipsis, quae Jus Commune constituunt; deinde
ex constitutionibus sive statutis; tertio loco ex judiciis per-
scriptis, Corpus Juris tantummodo constituitor. Praater ilia,
alia authentica aut nulla sunto, aut parce recipiuntor.
APHORISMUS 78.

Nihil tarn interest Certitudinis Legum (de qua nunc tracta-
mus) quam ut scripta authentica intra fines moderates coer-
ceantur, et facessat multitude enormis authorum et doctorum
in jure; unde laceratur sententia legum, judex fit attonitus,
processus immortales, atque advocatus ipse, cum tot libros per-

3 G 3

822 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

legere et vincere non possit, compendia sectatur. Glossa for-
tasse aliqua bona, et ex scriptoribus classicis pauci, vel potius
scriptorum paucorum pauculae portiones, recipi possint pro au-
thenticis. Reliquorum nihilominus maneat usus nonnullus in
bibliothecis, ut eorum tractatus inspiciant judices aut advocati,
cum opus fuerit; sed in causis agendis, in foro citare eos non
permittitor, nee in authoritatem transeunto.

De Libris Auxiliaribus.
APHORISMUS 79.

At Scientiam Juris et Practicam auxiliaribus libris ne nu-
danto, sed potius instruunto.1 li sex in genere sunto. Insti-
tutiones. De Verborum Significatione. De Regulis Juris.2
Antiquitates Legum. Summae. Agendi Formulae.
APHORISMUS 80.

Przeparandi sunt juvenes et novitii ad scientiam et ardua
juris altius et commodius haurienda et imbibenda, per Institu-
tiones. Institutiones illas ordine claro et perspicuo componito.
In illis ipsis universum Jus Privatuni percurrito; non alia
omittendo, in aliis plus satis immorando, sed ex singulis quadam
breviter delibando, ut ad Corpus Legum perlegendum acces-
suro nil se ostendat prorsus novum, sed levi aliqua notione prze-
ceptum. Jus Publicum in Institutionibus ne attingito, verum
illud ex fontibus ipsis hauriatur.

APHORISMUS 81.

Commentarmm de Vocabulis Juris conficito. In explicatione
ipsorum, et sensu reddendo, ne curiose nimis aut laboriose ver-
sator. Neque enim hoc agitur, ut diffinitiones verborum quae-
rantur exacte, sed explicationes tantum quce legendis juris libris
viam aperiant faciliorem. Tractatum autem istum per literas
alphabet! ne digerito ; id indici alicui relinquito ; sed collo-
centur simul verba qua3 circa eandem rem versantur, ut alterum
alteri sit juvamento ad intelligendum.

APHORISMUS 82.

Ad Certitudinem Legum facit (si quid aliud) tractatus bo-
nus et diligens de Diversis Regulis Juris. Is dignus est, qui
maximis ingeniis et prudentissimis jure-consultis committatur.
Neque enim placent quse in hoc genere extant. Colligendse

1 So in the original edition : q. nudato .... instntito. — /. S.

2 "De verborum significatione" and "De diversis regulis antiqui juris," are
respectively the penultimate and the last Tituli in the Digest.

LIBER OCTAVUS. 823

autem sunt regulae, non tantum notae et vulgatae, sed et alias
magis subtiles et reconditaa, quaa ex legum et rerum judicata-
rum harmonia extrahi possint ; quales in rubricis optimis quan-
doque inveniuntur ; suntque dictamina generalia rationis, quae
per materias legis diversas percurrunt, et sunt tanquam Sa-
burra Juris.

APHORISMUS 83.

At singula Juris Scita aut Placita non intelligantur pro
Regulis, ut fieri solet satis imperite. Hoc enim si reciperetur,
quot Leges tot Regulas ; Lex enim nil aliud quam Regula Im-
perans. Verum eas pro Regulis habeto, quae in forma ipsa
justitiae haerent: unde, ut plurimum, per Jura Civilia diver-
sarum rerumpublicarum easdem Regulae fere reperiuntur ; nisi
forte propter relationem ad formas politiarum varient.

APHORISMUS 84.

Post Regulam brevi et solido verborum complexu enuntia-
tam, adjiciantur Exempla, et Decisiones Casuum maxime lu-
culentae, ad Explicationem ; Distinctiones et Exceptiones, ad
Limitationem ; Cognata, ad Ampliationem ejusdem Regulae.
APHORISMUS 85.

Recte jubetur, ut non ex Regulis Jus sumatur ; sed ex Jure
quod est, Regula fiat.1 Neque enim ex Verbis Regulae pe-
tenda est probatio, ac si esset Textus Legis. Regula enim
Legem (ut acus nautica polos) indicat, non statuit.

APHORISMUS 86.

Praster Corpus ipsum Juris, juvabit etiam Antiquitates Le-
gum invisere ; quibus licet evanuerit authoritas, manet tameu
reverentia. Pro antiquitatibus autem legum habeantur scripta
circa leges et judicia, sive ilia fuerint edita sive non, quas ipsum
Corpus Legum tempore praecesserunt. Earum siquidem ja-
ctura facienda non est. Itaque ex iis utilissima quaeque ex-
cerpito (multa enim invenientur inania et frivola), eaque in
unum volumen redigito ; ne antiques fabulce, ut loquitur Tre-
bonianus, cum Legibus ipsis misceantur.
APHORISMUS 87.

Practicae vero plurimum interest, ut jus universum digeratur
ordine in Locos et Titulos ; ad quos subito (prout dabitur oc-
casio) recurrere quis possit, veluti in promptuarium paratum
ad prassentes usus. Hujusmodi Libri Summarum et ordinant

1 " Non ex regula jus sumatur ; sed ex jure quod est, regula flat." — Paulus, D.
§ De diversis rcgulis an ti'-iui juris, 1. I.

3 G 4

824 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

sparsa, et abbreviant fusa et prolixa in lege. Cavendum autem
est, ne summae istae reddant homines promptos ad practicam,
cessatores in scientia ipsa. Earum enim officium est tale, ut
ex iis recolatur jus, non perdiscatur. Summae autem omnino
magna diligentia, fide, et judicio sunt conficienda, ne furtum
faciant legibus.

APHOKISMUS 88.

Formulas Agendi diversas in unoquoque genere colligito.
Nam et practical hoc interest; et certe pandunt ilia? oracula
et occulta legum. Sunt enim non pauca qua3 latent in legibus,
at in formulis agendi melius et fusius perspiciuntur ; instar
pugni et palmae.

De Responsis et Consultis.
APHORISMUS 89.

Dubitationes Particulares qua? de tempore in tempus emer-
gunt dirimendi et solvendi, aliqua ratio iniri debet. Durum
enim est ut ii qui ab errore cavere cupiant ducem via? non in-
veniant, verum ut actus ipsi periclitentur, neque sit aliquis
ante rem peractam juris praenoscendi modus.

APHORISMUS 90.

Responsa Prudentum, quae petentibus dantur de jure sive
ab advocatis sive a doctoribus, tanta valere authoritate ut ab
eorum sententia judici recedere non sit licitum, non placet.1
Jura a Juratis Judicibus sumunto.

APHOKISMUS 91.

Tentari judicia per causas et personas fictas, ut eo modo
experiantur homines qualis futura sit legis norma, non placet.2

1 By the Roman Jurists the Responsa prudentium are reckoned among the Fontes
Juris, but there are few points in the history of Roman law on which it is more diffi-
cult to form a satisfactory opinion. We have no satisfactory information either as to
the form in which these Responsa were given, or as to the degree of authority with
which they were invested. The common opinion is, that they received absolute force
of law in virtue of an ordinance of Augustus, and that more precise regulations with
respect to cases in which a diversity of opinion existed were made by Hadrian. The
connexion between them and the law of citations of Honorius and Valentinian is also
a matter of much obscurity. See Bbcking's Pandekten, i. p. 36. Walter, Gesch. d. R.
Rechts, § 409. and 421. Hugo, Gesch. d. R. Rechts, § 313. and 385.

8 Lord Ellenborough refused to try a case in which a bet had been made on a point
of law. He asked, it is said, to see the record, and threw it down " with much in-
dignation." Tradition adds that he threw it at the head of the plaintiff's attorney.
Until lately, when it was found necessary in proceedings in equity to have the decision
of a jury on a question of fact, recourse was had to the machinery of a feigned issue ;
that is, an action was brought on an imaginary wager as to the truth or falsehood of
an agreed upon statement of facts. Possibly in Bacon's time a similar course may
have been adopted iu order to obtain the opinion of the judges on points of law. In

LIBER OCTAVUS. 825

Dedecorat enim majestatem legum, et pro prsevaricatione qua-
piam censenda est. Judicia autem aliquid habere ex scena
deforme est.

APHORISMUS 92.

Judicum igitur solummodo, tarn Judicia quam Responsa et
Consulta sunto. Ilia de litibus pendentibus, haec de arduis
juris quasstionibus in thesi. Ea Consulta, sive in privatis rebus
sive in publicis, a Judicibus ipais ne poscito (id enim si fiat,
judex transeat in advocatum) ; sed a Principe, aut Statu. Ab
illis ad Judices demandentur. Judices vero, tali authoritate
freti, disceptationes advocatorum, vel ab his quorum interest
adhibitorum, vel a Judicibus ipsis (si opus sit) assignatorum, et
argumenta ex utraque parte audiunto; et, re deliberata, jus
expediunto et declaranto. Consulta hujusmodi inter Judicia
referunto et edunto, et paris authoritatis sunto.1

De Prcelectionibus.
APHORISMUS 93.

Praelectiones de Jure, atque Exercitationes eorum qui juris
studiis incumbunt et operam dant, ita instituuntor et ordinantor,
ut omnia tendant ad quasstiones et controversias de jure sedan-
das potius quam excitandas. Ludus enim (ut nunc fit) fere
apud omnes instituitur et aperitur ad altercationes et quaesti-
ones de jure multiplicandas, tanquam ostentandi ingenii causa.
Atque hoc vetus est malum. Etenim etiam apud antiques

modern times the practice has been in accordance with what he a little further on
recommends ; the point of law being referred to the j udges directly, who, after
hearing counsel, certify their opinion of it to the Chancellor.

1 Bacon refers to the practice of extra-judicial consultations as it existed in his own
time. It does not, I believe, appear that it was ever the practice for private persons
to obtain through the intervention of the Privy Council authoritative decisions on
legal questions, but it is well known that the Court occasionally obtained " prajj'u-
dicia " from the judges on points in which it was itself interested. The effect of this
practice in promoting judicial servility is well seen in the case of ship-money ; the
extra-judicial decision of the judges in favour of its legality being unanimous, whereas
when the case came on in the exchequer chamber, it was affirmed to be legal
by a bare majority of seven against five.

[I cannot think that Bacon alludes to extra-judicial consultations of this kind ;
which were conducted in a different way from those he recommends, and resorted to
for a different purpose. The object of the Government in asking the judges' opinions
on the case privately before commencing a prosecution, was to ascertain that the case
was a good one, and so avoid the scandal and disrepute which then attended the failure
of a Crown prosecution. The object of the proceeding which Bacon here advocates, is to
provide a means of settling any disputed point of law, without either waiting for a real
cause in which it may be involved, or getting up a fictitious one ; and the manner of
it is to be public and formal. The case is to be regularly argued and the judgment
formally recorded. — J. S.]

826 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

gloria3 fuit, tanquam per sectas et factiones, quaestiones com-
plures de jure magis fovere quam extinguere.1 Id ne fiat
provideto.

De Vacillatione Judiciorum.
APHOKISMUS 94.

Vacillant Judicia, vel propter immaturam et praefestinam
sententiam; vel propter semulationem curiarum; vel propter
rnalam et imperltam perscriptionem Judiciorum; vel propter
viam praebitam ad rescissionem eorum nimis facilem et expedi-
tam. Itaque providendum est ut judicia emanent, matura de-
liberatione prius habita ; atque ut curiae se invicem revereantur,
atque ut judicia perscribantur fideliter et prudenter ; utque via
ad rescindenda judicia sit arcta, confragosa, et tanquam muri-
cibus strata.

APHORISMUS 95.

Si judicium redditum fuerit de casu aliquo in aliqua curia
principali, et similis casus intervenerit in alia curia, ne pro-
cedito ad judicium antequam fiat consultatio in collegio aliquo
judicum majore. Judicia enim reddita, si forte rescindi necesse
sit, saltern sepeliuntor cum honore.

APHORISMUS 96.

Ut curiae de jurisdictione digladientur et conflictentur, hu-
manum quiddam est ; eoque magis, quod per ineptam quandam
sententiam (quod boni et strenui sit judicis, ampliare jurisdicti-
onem Curies} alatur plane ista intemperies, et calcar addatur
ubi fraeno opus est. Ut vero ex hac animorum contentione
curias judicia utrobique reddita (quae nil ad jurisdictionem per-
tinent) libenter rescindant, intolerable malum ; et a regibus,
aut senatu, aut politia plane vindicandum. Pessimi enim ex-
empli res est, ut curiae, quae pacem subditis praestant, inter se
duella exerceant.

1 Our knowledge of the history of the two sects or schools of jurists which existed
during what is called the middle period of Roman jurisprudence is still imperfect,
though less so than before the discovery of the Institutes of Gaius. It appears pro-
bable that the importance of the differences of opinion between them has been ex-
aggerated, and that the sects themselves had died out before the time of Justinian,
The two schools respectively regarded Ateius Capito and Anstitius Labeo as their head
or founder ; but the followers of the former were called Sabinians or Cassians ; the
other school being that of the Proculeians j all these names being derived from those of
certain eminent followers of the two jurists just mentioned. Gaius, the author of the
Institutes, belonged to the former school, which is said to have been distinguished
from the other by a closer adherence to the letter of the law. Probably the best writer
on the subject is Dirksen, whose work was published in 1825. The distinction
between the character of the doctrines of the two schools is not very strongly marked.

LIBER OCTAVUS. 827

APHORISMUS 97.

Non facilis esto aut proclivis ad judicia rescindenda aditus
per Appellationes, aut Impetitiones de Errore, aut Revisus, et
similia. Receptum apud nonnullos est, ut lis trahatur ad
forum superius, tanquam res Integra ; judicio inde dato seposito,
et plane suspense. Apud alios vero, ut judicium ipsum maneat
in suo vigore, sed executio ejus tantum cesset. Neutrum
placet; nisi curias in quibus judicium redditum sit fuerint
humiles et inferioris ordinis ; sed potius, ut et judicium stet, et
procedat ejus executio ; modo cautio detur a defendente de
damnis et expensis, si judicium fuerit rescissum.

Atque hie Titulus, de Certitudine Legum, ad exemplum
Digesti reliqui (quod meditamur) sufficiet.

Jam vero Doctrinam Civilem (quatenus earn nobis tractare
visum est) conclusimus ; atque una cum ea Philosophiam Hu-
manam ; sicut etiam, cum Philosophia Humana, Philosophiam
in genere. Tandem igitur paululum respirantes, atque ad ea
qua? prastervecti sumus oculos retroflectentes, hunc tractatum
nostrum non absimilem esse censemus sonis illis et praeludiis
quae praetentant musici dum fides ad modulationem concinnant ;
quae ipsa quidem auribus ingratum quiddam et asperum ex-
hibent, at in causa sunt ut quae sequuntur omnia sint suaviora ;
sic nimirum nos in animum induximus ut in cithara musarum
concinnanda et ad harmoniam verani redigenda operam navare-
mus, quo ab aliis postea pulsentur chordae meliore digito aut
plectro. Sane, cum nobis ante oculos proponamus temporum
horum statum, in quibus literae jam tertio ad mortales videntur
rediisse ; et una diligenter intueamur quam variis jam nos invi-
serint instructae praesidiis et auxiliis ; qualia sunt, ingeniorum
nostri temporum complurium acumen et sublimitas ; eximia ilia
monumenta scriptorum veterum, quae veluti tot faces nobis
praelucent ; ars typographica, libros cujuscunque fortunae ho-
minibus larga manu suppeditans ; oceani sinus laxati, et orbis
ex omni parte peragratus, unde experimenta plurima priscis
ignota comparuerunt, et ingens accessit Natural! Historiae cu-
mulus ; otium, quo ingenia optima in regnis et provinciis
Europ® ubique abundant, cum negotiis minus his in locis im-
plicentur homines quam aut Graeci propter populares status,
aut propter ditionum amplitudinem Romani solebant ; pax qua
f'ruitur hoc tempore Britannia, Hispania, Italia, etiam mine

828 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM LIBER OCTAVUS.

Gallia, et alias regiones non paucse ; consumptio et exinanitio
omnium quae videntur excogitari aut dici posse circa controver-
sias religionis, quae tot ingenia jamdiu diverterunt a caeterarum
artium studiis ; summa et excellens Majestatis tuae eruditio, cui
(tanquam Phoenici volucres) aggregant se undique ingenia;
proprietas denique ilia inseparabilis quae Tempus ipsum se-
quitur, ut veritatem indies parturiat ; Haec (inquam) cum cogi-
tamus, non possumus non in earn spem animum erigere, ut
existimemus tertiam hanc Literarum periodum duas illas priores
apud Graecos et Romanes longo intervallo superaturam ; modo
saltern homines et vires suas, atque defectus etiam virium
suarum, probe et prudenter nosse velint; atque alii ab aliis,
inventionis lampada, non contradictionis torres, accipiant ;
atque inquisitionem veritatis pro incoepto nobili, non pro de-
lectamento aut ornamento putent ; atque opes ac magnificen-
tiam impendant in res solidas et eximias, non in pervulgatas et
obvias. Ad labores meos quod attinet, si cui libeat in eorum
reprehensione aut sibi aut aliis placere, veterem certe et ul-
timae patientiae petitionem exhibebunt illi ; Verbera, sed audi.1
Reprehendant homines quantum libuerit, modo attendant et
perpendant quae dicuntur. Appellatio sane legitima fuerit
(licet res fortasse minus ea indigebit), si a primis cogitationi-
bus hominum ad secundas provocetur, et ab asvo praesenti ad
posteros. Veniamus nunc ad earn Scientiam qua caruerunt
duae illae priscse temporum periodi (neque enim tanta illis
foelicitas concessa est), Sacram dico et divinitus Inspi-
ratam Theologiam ; cunctorum laborum ac
peregrinationum humanarum
sabbatum ac portum
nobilissimum.

1 See Plut in Themist c. 11.

829

FRANCISCI BARONIS DE VERULAMIO,

VICE-COMITIS SANCTI ALBANI,

DE DIGNITATE ET AUGMENTIS
SCIENTIARUM

LIBER NONUS.

AD REGEM SUUM.

CAPUT I.

Partitiones Theologiae Inspiratae omittuntur ; Tantum aditus fit
ad Desiderata tria ; Doctrinam de Legitimo Usu Rationis
Humana? in Divinis ; Doctrinam de Gradibus Unitatis in
Civitate Dei ; et Emanationes Scripturarum.

JAM vero (Rex optime) cum carina parva, qualis nostra esse
potuit, universum ambitum tarn veteris quam novi orbis scien-
tiarum circumnavigaverit (quam secundis ventis et cursu,
posterorum sit judicium), quid superest, nisi ut vota, tandem
perfuncti, persolvamus ? At restat adhuc Theologia Sacra,
give Inspirata. Veruntamen si earn tractare pergamus, ex-
eundum nobis foret e Navicula Rationis Humanaa, et transeun-
dum in Ecclesiae Navem ; quae sola Acu Nautica Divina pollet
ad cursum recte dirigendum. Neque enim sufficient amplius
Stellas Philosophise, quae hactenus praecipue nobis affulserunt.
Itaque par foret, silentium quoque in hac re colere. Quam-
obrem partitiones legitimas circa earn omittemus ; pauca tamen,
pro tenuitate nostra, etiam in hanc conferemus, loco votorum.
Id eo magis facimus, quia in corpore Theologiaa nullam prorsus
regionem aut tractum plane desertum aut incultum invenimus ;
tanta fuit hominum diligentia in seminandis aut tritico, aut
zizaniis.

830 DE AUGMENT1S SCIENTIARUM

Tres igitur proponemus Theologiae Appendices, quas non clc
niateria per Theologiam informata aut informanda, sed tantum-
modo de Modo Informationis, tractent. Neque tamen, circa
eos tractatus (lit in reliquis consuevimus) vel Exempla sub-
jungemus, vel Praecepta dabimus. Id theologis relinquemus.
Sunt enim ilia (ut diximus) instar votorum tantum.

1. Praerogativa Dei totum hominem complectitur ; nee minus
ad Rationem quam ad Voluntatem Humanam extenditur ; ut
homo scilicet in universum se abneget, et accedat Deo. Quare,
sicut Legi Divinae obedire tenemur, licet reluctetur Voluntas ;
ita et Verbo Dei fidem habere, licet reluctetur Ratio. Etenim,
si ea duntaxat credamus qua? sunt ration! nostrae consentanea,
rebus assentimur, non authori ; quod etiam suspectae fidei
testibus prastare solemus. At fides ilia, quae Abrahamo impu-
tabatur ad justitiam, de hujusmodi re extitit quam irrisui habe-
bat Sarah; quae in hac parte imago quaedam erat Rationis
Naturalis. Quanto igitur mysterium aliquod divinum fuerit
magis absonum et incredibile, tanto plus in credendo exhibetur
honoris Deo, et fit victoria Fidei nobilior. Etiam et pec-
catores, quo magis conscientia sua gravantur, et nihilominus
fidem de salute sua in Dei misericordia collocant, eo Deum
majore afficiunt honore ; omnis autem desperatio Deo pro con-
tumelia est. Quinetiam, si attente reni perpendamus, dignius
quiddam est credere quam scire, qualiter nunc scimus. In
scientia enim mens humana patitur a sensu, qui a rebus mate-
riatis resilit ; in fide autem anima patitur ab anima ; quae est
agens dignius. Aliter se res habet in Statu Glorias : tune
siquidem cessabit Fides, atque cognoscemus sicut et cogniti
sumus.

Concludamus igitur, Theologiam Sacram ex verbo et oraculis
Dei, non ex lumine naturae aut rationis dictamine, hauriri
debere. Scriptum est enim, Cadi enarrant gloriam Dei1', at
nusquam scriptum invenitur, Cceli enarrant voluntatem Dei.
De ilia pronunciatur, Ad Legem et Testimonia, si non fecerint
secundum verbum istud^, &c. Neque hoc tenet tantum in
grandibus illis mysteriis de Deitate, Creatione, Redemptione ;
verum pertinet etiam ad interpretationem perfectiorem legis
moralis ; Diligite inimicos vestros; benefacite his qui oderunt vos,
&c. ; ut sitisjilii patris vestri qui in ccelis est, qui pluit super

1 Ps. xix. 1. 8 Isaiah, viii. 20.

LIBER NONUS. 831

justos et injustos.1 Quae certe verba plausum ilium merentur,
Nee vox hominem sonat.2 Siquidem vox est quae lumen na-
turae superat. Quinetiam videmus poetas ethnicos, prassertim
cum pathetice loquantur, expostulare non raro cum legibus et
doctrinis moralibus (quae tamen legibus divinis multo sunt
indulgentiores et solutiores), ac si naturae libertati cum ma-
lignitate quadam repugnent :

Et quod Natura remittit,
Invida jura negant. 3

Ita Dendamis Indus ad Alexandra nuntios, Se inaudisse quidem
aliquid de nomine PythagortB et aliorum sapientum e Grcecia, et
credere illosfuisse viros magnos ; vitio tamen illo laborasse, quod
scilicet nimia in reverentia et veneratione habuissent rem quampiam
phantasticam, quam Legem et Morem vocitdbant.^ Quare nee
illud dubitandum, magnam partem legis moralis sublimiorem
esse, quam quo lumen natures ascendere possit. Veruntamen
quod dicitur, habere homines etiam ex lumine et lege natura?
notiones nonnullas Virtutis, Vitii ; Justitiae, Injuriae ; Boni,
Mali ; id verissimum est. Notandum tamen, Lumen Naturoc
duplici significatione accipi ; primo, quatenus oritur ex sensu,
inductione, ratione, argumentis, secundum leges coeli ac teme ;
secundo, quatenus animae humanae interno afFulget instinctu,
secundum legem conscientiae ; quae scintilla quaedam est, et
tanquam reliquiae, pristinas et primitivae puritatis. In quo po-
steriore sensu praecipue particeps est anima lucis nonnullas ad
perfectionem intuendam et discernendam legis moralis ; quae
tamen lux non prorsus clara sit, sed ejusmodi ut potius vitia
quadamtenus redarguat, quam de officiis plene informet. Quare
Religio, sive mysteria spectes sive mores, pendet ex Reve-
latione Divina.

Attamen usus Rationis Humanae in spiritualibus multiplex
sane existit, ac late admodum patet. Neque enim sine causa
est, quod Apostolus Religionem appellaverit Rationalem Cultum

1 St. Matth. v. 44. and 45 2 Virg. ^En. i. 328.

8 Ovid. Metara. x. 330.

4 The name of the person of whom this story is told by Plutarch is Dandamis, but
wherever Bacon has mentioned it, he spells it as in the text. Dandamis is also men-
tioned by Arrian, who, however, does not relate this anecdote. We find the same
story in Strabo ; but the name of the Indian is with him not Dandamis, but Mandanis.
See Plut. in Alex. c. 65., and Strabo, 1. xv. In the Tempr.ris Partus Masculus,
Bacon speaks of these remarks of Dandamis as one of the exceptions to his general
assertion of the worthlessness of the speculations of the philosophers of antiquity.

832 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM

Dei.1 Recordetur quis caeremonias et typos veteris legis; fue-
runt illae rationales et significativse, longe discrepantes a csere-
moniis idolatriae et magiae ; quae tanquam surdse et mutas erant,
nihil docentes plerunque, imo ne innuentes quidem. Prascipue
Christiana Fides, ut in omnibus, sic in hoc ipso eminet ; quod
auream servet mediocritatem circa usum Rationis et Disputa-
tionis (quae Rationis proles est) inter leges Ethnicorum et
Mahometi, quae extrema sectantur. Religio siquidem Ethni-
corum fidei aut confessionis constantis nihil habebat ; contra,
in religione Mahometi, omnis disputatio interdicta est ; ita
ut altera erroris vagi et multiplicis, altera vafrae cujusdam
et cautae imposturoe, faciem prae se ferat ; cum sancta Fides
Christiana Rationis usum et Disputationem (sed secundum
debitos fines) et recipiat et rejiciat.

Humanae Rationis usus, in rebus ad Religionem spectantibus,
duplex est ; alter in explicatione mysterii, alter in illationibus
quae inde deducuntur. Quod ad mysteriorum explicationem
attinet, videmus non dedignari Deum ad infinnitatem captus
nostri se demittere, mysteria sua ita explicando ut a nobis
op time ea possint percipi; atque revelationes suas in rationis
nostrae syllepses et notiones veluti inoculando ; atque inspira-
tiones ad intellectum nostrum aperiendum sic accommodando,
quemadmodum figura clavis aptatur figuras sera?. Qua tamen
in parte, nobis ipsis deese minime debemus ; cum enim Deus
ipse opera rationis nostrae in illuminationibus suis utatur, etiam
nos eandem in onines partes versare debemus, quo magis capaces
simus ad mysteria recipienda et imbibenda : modo animus ad
amplitudinem mysteriorum pro modulo suo dilatetur, non mys-
teria ad angustias animi constringantur.

Quantum vero ad Illationes, nosse debemus, relinqui nobis
usum rationis et ratiocinationis (quoad mysteria) secundarium
quendam et respectivum, non primitivum et absolutum. Post-
quam enim Articuli et Principia Religionis jam in sedibus suis
fuerint locata, ita ut a rationis examine penitus eximantur, turn
demum conceditur ab illis Illationes derivare ac deducere, se-
cundum analogiam ipsorum. In rebus quidem naturalibus hoc
non tenet. Nam et ipsa principia examini subjiciuntur ; per
Inductionem (inquam) licet minime per Syllogismum ; atque
eadem ilia nullam habent cum ratione repugnantiam, ut ab

1 Romans, xii. 1 .

LIBER NONUS. 833

codem fonte turn primte propositiones turn mediae deducantur.
Aliter fit in Religione ; ubi et primae propositiones authypo-
statae sunt, atque per se subsistentes ; et rursus non regun-
tur ab ilia Ratione quas propositiones consequentes deducit.
Neque tamen hoc fit in Religione sola, sed etiam in aliis
scientiis, tarn gravioribus quam levioribus ; ubi scilicet pro-
positiones primaria3 Placita sint, non Posita ; siquidem et in
illis rationis usus absolutus esse non potest. Videmus enim
in ludis, puta schaccorum, aut similibus, primas ludi normas
et leges mere positivas esse et ad placitum ; quas recipi, non
in disputationem vocari, prorsus oporteat ; ut vero vincas, et
perite lusum instituas, id artificiosum est et rationale. Eodem
modo fit et in legibus humanis ; in quibus baud paucae sunt
Maxima (ut loquuntur), hoc est, Placita mera Juris, quae
authoritate magis quam ratione nituntur, neque in discepta-
tionem veniunt. Quid vero sit justissimum, non absolute, sed
relative (hoc est, ex analogia illarum Maximarum), id demum
rationale est, et latum disputation! campum prasbet. Talis
igitur est Secundaria ilia Ratio, quse in Theologia Sacra locum
habet ; quas scilicet fundata est super Placita Dei.

Sicut vero Rationis Humanae in Divinis usus est duplex, ita
et in eodem usu duplex excessus ; alter, cum in Modum My-
sterii curiosius quam par est inquiritur ; alter cum Illationibus
aqua tribuitur authoritas ac Principiis ipsis. Nam et Ni-
codemi discipulus videri possit, qui pertinacius quaerat, Quo-
modo posset homo nasci cum sit senex?1 Et discipulus Pauli
neutiquam censeri possit, qui non quandoque in doctrinis suis
inserat, Ego, non Dominus ; aut illud, Secundum consilium
meum.2 Siquidem Illationibus plerisque stilus iste conveniet.
Itaque nobis res salubris videtur et inprimis utilis, si tractatus
instituatur sobrius et diligens, qui de Usu Rationis Humana;
in Theologicis utiliter praecipiat, tanquam Divina quaedam Dia-
lectica; utpote quas futura sit instar opiates cujusdam medicines,
quse non modo speculationum quibus schola interdum laborat
inania consopiat, verum etiam controversiarum furores quae in
Ecclesia tumultus cient nonnihil mitiget. Ejusmodi tractatum
inter Desiderata ponimus ; et Sophronem, sive de Legitimo usu
Rationis Humance in Divinis, nominamus.

2. Interest admodum pacis Ecclesiae, ut foedus Christianorum

' St. John, iii. 4. 2 See 1 Coriuth. viU

VOL. I. ^ H

834 DE AUGMENT1S SCIENTIARUM

a Servatore praescriptum, in duobus illis capitibus quse nonnihil
videntur discrepantia, bene et clare explicetur ; quorum alterum
sic diffinit; Qui non est nobiscum, est contra nos ; alterum
autem sic; Qui contra nos non est, nobiscum esf.} Ex his liquido
patet esse nonnullos articulos, in quibus qui dissentit extra
Fcedus statuendus sit; alios vero, in quibus dissentire liceat,
salvo Foedere. Vincula enim communionis Christianas ponun-
tur, Una Fides, Unum Baptisma, &c. 2; non Unus Hitus, Una
Opinio. Videmus quoque tunicam Salvatoris inconsutilem ex-
titisse ; vestem autem Ecclesise versicolorem. Paleas in arista
separandae sunt a frurnento; at zizania in agro non protinus
evellenda. Moses, cum certantem reperisset JEgyptium cum
Israelita, non dixit, Cur certatis ? sed gladio evaginato JE,gy-
ptium interfecit. At cum Israelitas duos certantes vidisset,
quamvis fieri non potuit ut utrique causa justa contingeret,
ita tamen eos alloquitur, Fratres estis, cur certatis ?3 His
itaque perpensis, magni videatur res et momenti et usus esse,
ut diffiniatur qualia sint ilia et quantse latitudinis, quas ab Ec-
clesias corpore homines penitus divellant, et a communione
fidelium eliminent. Quod si quis putet hoc jampridem factum
esse, videat ille etiam atque etiiim quam sincere et moderate.
Illud interim verisimile est, eum qui pads meutionem fecerit
reportaturum responsum illud Jehu ad nuntium (Nunquid pax
est, Jehu?} Quid tibi et pad ? Transi, et sequere me*; cum
non pax, sed paries, plerisque cordi sint. Nobis nihilominus
visum est tractatum de Gradibus Unitatis in Civitate Dei, ut
salubrem et utilem, inter Desiderata reponere.

3. Cum Scripturarum Sacrarum circa Theologiam informan-
dam tantae sint partes, de earum Intcrpretatione inprimis viden-

1 The two passages Bacon refers to are St. Luke, xi. 23. (or St. Matth. xii. 30.), and
St. Luke, is. 50. But the former he has not quoted accurately. The words of our
version are, " He that is not with me is against me ; " while the passage in the ninth
chapter is, " He that is not against us is for us."

2 Ephes. iv. 5.

" Sit ergo una fides universe quse ubique dilatatur ecclesiae, tanquam intus in
membris, etiamsi ipsa fidei unitas quibusdam diversis observation ibus celebratur,
quibus nullo modo quod in fide verum est impeditur : omnis enim pulchritudo filice
regis intrinsccus, ills autem observations qua; varie celebrantur in ejus veste intelii-
guntur. Unde illi dicitur < In fimbriis aureis circumamicta varietate.'" — St. Auyust.
Ep. ad Casutan. de jejuniis priscorum. He has elsewhere said, "Desupc-r texta
tunica, quid significat nisi unitatern ? " See his Exp.in Evan. Joan, in c. 3. and
other passages. Compare St. Jerome, Pro Libris adversus Jovin. Apolog., where the
many-coloured coat of Joseph is expressly mentioned, as well as the passage in the
Psalms to which St. Augustin refers.

3 See the second chapter of Exodus.

4 -1 Kings, ix. 1 9.

LIBER NONUS. 835

dum. Neque nunc de authoritate eas interpretandi loquimur, quae
in consensu Ecclesias firmatur ; sed de modo interpretandi. Is
duplex est ; Methodicus, et Solutus. Etenim latices isti divini,
qui aquis illis ex puteis Jacob! in infinitum prasstant, similibus
fere hauriuntur et exhibentur modis quibus aquas naturales
ex puteis solent. Has siquidem aut sub primum haustum in
cisternas recipiuntur, unde per tubos coraplures ad usum com-
mode diduci possunt ; aut statim in vasa infunduntur, subinde
prout opus est utenda3. Atque modus ille prior Methodicus
Theologiam nobis tandem peperit Scholasticam ; per quam Do-
ctrina Theologica in Artem, tanquam in cisternam, collecta est>
atque inde Axiomatum et Positionum rivuli in omnes partes
sunt distributi. At in interpretandi modo Soluto duo inter-
veniunt excessus: alter ejusmodi praesupponit in Scripturis
perfectionem, ut etiam omnis philosophia ex earum fontibus
peti debeat; ac si philosophia alia quasvis, res profana esset
et ethnica. Hoec intemperies in schola Paracelsi proecipue,
necnon apud alios invaluit : initia autem ejus a Rabbinis et
Cabalistis defluxerunt.1 Verum istiusmodi homines non id
assequuntur quod volunt ; neque enim honorem, ut putant,
Scripturis deferunt ; sed easdem potius deprimunt et polluunt.
Coclum enim materiatum et terram qui in Verbo Dei quas-
siverit (de quo dictum est ; Ccelum et Terra pertransibunt,
Verbum autem meum non pertransibit 2), is sane transitoria inter
aiterna temere persequitur. Quemadmodum enim Theologiam
in Philosophia quaarere, perinde est ac si vivos quaeras inter
mortuos ; ita e contra Philosophiam in Theologia quasrere, non
aliud est quam mortuos quaerere inter vivos. Alter autem
interpretandi modus (quern pro excessu statuimus) videtur primo
intuitu sobrius et castus ; sed tamen et Scripturas ipsas dede-
corat, et plurimo Ecclesiain anicit detrimento. Is est (ut verbo
dicamus) quando Scripturas divinitus inspirator eodem quo
Scripta Humana explicantur modo. Meminisse autem oportet,
Deo Scripturarum Author! duo ilia patere quas humana ingenia
fugiunt; Secreta nimirum Cordis, et Successiones Temporis.
Quamobrem, cum Scripturarum dictamina talia sint ut ad cor
scribantur, et omnium sajculorum vicissitudines complectantur ;
cum tcterna et certa praescientia omnium hacresium, contradi-
ctionum, et status Ecclesiae varii et, mutabilis, turn in communi

' In support of this statement, see Tennemann's History of Philosophy.

2 St. Mark, xiii. 3 1 .

3 II 2

836 DE AUGMENTIS SC1ENTIARUM

turn in electis singulis, interpretandae non sunt solumraodo
secundum latitudinem et obvium sensum loci ; aut respiciendo
ad occasionem ex qua verba erant prolata ; aut precise ex con-
textu verborum praecedentium et sequentium ; aut contemplando
scopum dicti principalem ; sed sic ut intelligamus complecti eas,
non solum totaliter aut collective, sed distributive, etiam in clau-
sulis et vocabulis singulis, innumeros doctrinae rivulos et venas,
ad Ecclesiae singulas partes et animas fidelium irrigandas.
Egregie enim observatum est, quod responsa Salvatoris nostri
ad quaestiones non paucas ex iis quse proponebantur non viden-
tur ad rem, sed quasi impertinentia ; cujus rei causa duplex
est; altera, quod cum cogitationes eorum qui interrogabant
non ex verbis, ut nos homines solemus, sed immediate et ex
sese cognovisset, ad cogitationes eorum non ad verba respondit ;
altera quod non ad eos solum locutus est qui tune aderant, sed
ad nos etiam qui vivimus, et ad omnis jevi ac loci homines qui-
bus Evangelium fuerit praedicandum. Quod etiam in aliis
Scripturae locis obtinet.

His itaque praslibatis, veniamus ad tractatum eum quern
desiderari statuimus. Inveniuntur profecto inter scripta theo-
logica libri Controversiarum nimio plures; Theologiae ejus,
quam diximus Positivam, massa ingens; Loci Communes;
Tractatus Speciales ; Casus Conscientiae ; Conciones et Homi-
lias ; denique prolixi plurimi in libros Scripturarum Commen-
tarii. Quod desideramus autem est hujusmodi : Cottectio scilicet
succincta, sana, et cum judicio, Annotationum et Observationum
super textus Scriptures particulares ; neutiquara in locos com-
munes excurrendo, aut controversias persequendo, aut in artis
methodum eas redigendo ; sed quae plane sparsae sint et nativae.
Res certe in concionibus doctioribus se quandoque ostendens,
quae ut plurimum non perennant ; sed quae in libros adhuc non
coaluit, qui ad posteros transeant. Certe quemadmodum vina
quae sub primam calcationem molliter defluunt, sunt suaviora
quam quae a torculari exprimuntur ; quoniam ha?c ex acino et
cute uvae aliquid sapiant ; similiter salubres admodum ac suaves
sunt doctrinae, qua3 ex Scripturis leniter expressis emanant, nee
ad controversias aut locos communes trahuntur. Hujusmodi
tractatum Emanationes Scripturarum nominabimus.

Jam itaque mini videor confecisse globum exiguum Orbis
Intellectuals, quam potui fidelissiine ; una cum designatione et

LIBER NONUS. 837

descriptione earum part him, quas industria et laboribus hominum
aut non constanter occupatas, aut non satis excultas, invenio.
Quo in opere, sicubi a sententia vetertim recesserim, intelligatur
hoc factum esse animo prqficiendi in melius, non innovandi aut
migrandi in aliud. Neque enim mihimetipsi, aut argumento
quod in manibus habeo, constare potui, nisi plane decretum
mihi fuisset aliorum inventis quantum in me fuerit addere ;
cum tamen non minus optaverim etiam inventa mea ab aliis
in posterum superari. Quam autcm in hac re sequus fue-
rim, vel ex hoc apparet; quod opiniones meas proposuerim
ubique nudas et inermes, neque alienee libertati per confuta-
tiones pugnaces praejudicare contenderim. Nam in iis quae
recte a me posita sunt, subest spes id futurum, ut si in prima
lectione emergat scrupulus aut objectio, at in lectione iterata
responsum se ultro sit exhibiturum ; in iis vero in quibus
mihi errare contigit, certus sum nullam a me illatam esse
vim veritati per argumenta contentiosa ; quorum ea fere est

ura, ut erroribus authoritatem concilient, recte inventis
derogent. Siquidem ex dubitatione error honorem acquirit;
veritas patitur repulsam* Interim in mentem mihi venit re-
sponsum illud Themistoclis, qui cum ex oppido parvo legatus
quidam magna nonnulla perorasset, hominem perstrinxit ;
Amice, verla tua civitatem desiderant.1 Certe objici mihi re-
ctissime posse existimo, quod verba mea scsculum desiderent ;
saaculum forte integrum ad probandum ; complura autem
sascula ad perficiendum. Attamen, quoniam etiam res qua>
que maxima? initiis suis debentur, mihi satis fuerit sevisse
Posteris et Deo Immortali ; cujus numen supplex precor, per

Filium suum et Servatorem nostrum, ut has et hisce

similes Intellectus Humani Victimas, Religione

tanquam sale respersas, et Glorias

SUBS immolatas, propitius

accipere dignetur.

> Not Themistocles, but Lysandcr. See Plutarch, Lac. Apophtlugmala.

FINIS.

838

NOVUS ORBIS SCIENTIARUM,

DESIDERATA,

LIB. II.

ERRORES Naturae, sive Historia Prater -Generationum.

Vincula Naturae, sive Historia Mechanica.

Historia Inductiva, sice Historia Naturalis in ordine ad conden-

dam Philosophiam.

Oculus Polyphemi, sive Historia Literarurn.
Historia ad Prophetias.
Philosophia secundum Parabolas Antiquas.

LIB. III.

Philosophia Prima, sive de Axiomatilus Scientiarum Com-

munibus.

Astronomia Viva.
Astrologia Sana.

Continuatio Problematum Naturalium.
Placita Antiquorum Philosophorum.
Pars Metaphysics de Formis Rerum.
Magia Naturalis, sive Deductio Formarum ad Opera.
Tnventarium Opum Humanarum.
Catalogus Polychrestorum.

DESIDERATA. 839

LIB. IV.

Triumph! Hominis, sive de Summitatibus Natura Humana;.

Physiognomia Corporis in Motu.

Narrationes Medicinales.

Anatomia Comparata.

De Curatione Morborum habitorum pro Insanabilibus.

De Euthanasia exteriore.

De Medicinis Authenticis.

Imitatio Tkermarum Naturalium.

Filum Medicinale.

De Prolongando Curricula Vita.

De Substantia Animce Sensibilis.

De Nixibus Spiritus in Motu Voluntario.

De Differentia Perceptions et Sensus.

Radix Perspectives, sive de Forma Lucis.

LIB. V.

Experientia Liter at a, sive Venatio Panis.

Organum Novum.

Topicos Particularcs.

Elenchi Idolorum.

De Analogia Demonstrationum.

LIB. VI.
De Notts Rerum.
Grammatica Philosophans.
Traditio Lampadis, sive Metlwdus ad Filios.
De Prudentia Sermonis Privati.
Colores Boni et Mali Apparentis, tarn Simplicis quam Compa-

rati.

Antitheta Rerum.
Formula Minores Orationum.

LIB. VII.

Satira Seria, sive de Interioribus Rerum.
Georgica Anirai, sive de Cultura Morum.

840 DESIDERATA.

LIB. VIII.

Amanuensis Vitae, sive de Occasionibus Sparsis.
Faber Fortunse, sive de. Ambitu Vitce.
Consul Paludatus, sive de Proferendis Imperil Finibus.
Idea Justifies Universalis, sive de Fontibus Juris.

LIB. IX.

Sophron, sive de Legitimo Usu Rationis Humana in Divinis.
Irenseus, sive de Gradibus Unitatis in Civitate Dd.
litres Coclestes, sive Emanationes Scripturarum,

APPENDIX.

[The following Notes on some old treatises on the art of writing !n cipher are re-
ferred to by Mr. Ellis, at p. 658. note 1. — J. S.]

THE earliest writer, I believe, on ciphers, except Trithemius whom
he quotes, is John Baptist Porta, whose work De occultis lite-
rarum notis was reprinted in Strasburg in 1606. The first edi-
tion was published when Porta was a young man. The species of
ciphers which Bacon mentions are described in this work. What he
calls the ciphra simplex is doubtless that in which each letter is re-
placed by another in accordance with a secret alphabet. (Porta, ii.
c. 5.) The manner of modifying this by introducing non-significants
and by other contrivances is described in the following chapter.
The ivheel cipher is described in chapters 7, 8, 9. It is that in which
the ordinary alphabet and a secret one are written respectively on
the rim of two concentric disks, so that each letter of the first
corresponds in each position of the second (which is movable) to a
letter of the secret alphabet. Thus in each position of the movable
disk we have a distinct cipher, and in using the instrument this disk
is made to turn through a given angle after each letter has been
written. The ciphra clavis is described by Porta, book ii. 15, 16.
It is a cipher of position ; that is, one in which the difficulty is ob-
tained not by replacing the ordinary alphabet by a new one, but by
deranging the order in which the letters of a sentence or paragraph
succeed each other. This is done according to a certain form of words
or series of numbers which constitute the key. The cipher of words
was given by Trithemius and in another form by Porta, ii. 19. (and
in a different shape, v. 16.). It is a cipher which is meant to escape
suspicion. Each letter of the alphabet corresponds to a variety of
words arranged in columns. Any word of the first column followed
by any of the second, and that followed by any of the third, &c., will
make, with the help of a non-significant word occasionally introduced,
a perfectly complete sense; and by the time the last alphabet has been
used, a letter on some indifferent subject has been written. Only sixty

842 APPENDIX.

alphabets are given by Porta, and therefore the secret communication
can consist only of sixty letters. It is worth remarking that when
Porta wrote it was usual to put the sign of the cross at the head of
an ordinary epistle. The first of his alphabets corresponds not to a
series of words but to two and twenty different modifications of the
figure of a cross, and his second alphabet similarly corresponds to
two and twenty different modifications of the introductory flourish.
His sixtieth alphabet is of the same kind. We see here perhaps
whence Bacon derived his idea of giving significance to seemingly
accidental modifications of the characters of ordinary writing.

The idea of a biliteral alphabet, which Bacon seems to claim as
his own, is employed, though in a different manner, by Porta. His
method is in effect this. He reduces the alphabet to sixteen letters,
and then takes the eight different arrangements aaa, aba, &c., to
represent them ; each arrangement representing two letters in-
differently : the ambiguity arising from hence he seems to disregard.
In this manner he reduces any given word or sentence to a suc-
cession of a's and 6's. At this point his method, of which he has
given several modifications, departs wholly from Bacon's. Let us
suppose the biliteral series to commence with aababb. A word of
two syllables and beginning with A indicates that two a's commence
the series ; any monosyllable will serve to show that one b follows,
another that it is succeeded by one a, and then any dissyllable will
stand for bb. Thus Amo te mi fill or Amat qui non sapit will repre-
sent the biliteral arrangement aababb, and so on on a larger scale.
Porta's method is therefore not, like Bacon's, a method scribendi
omnia per omnia, but only omnia per multa. Still the analogy of
the two methods is to be remarked: both aim at concealing that there
is any but the obvious meaning, and both depend essentially on re-
presenting all letters by combinations of two only. See the De oc.
Lit. Signis. v. c 3.

The Polygraphia of Trithemius (dedicated to Maximilian in
15081) consists of six books. The first four contain extensive
tables constituting four different ciphrce verborum; the first and
second of which are significant, and relate, the former to the se-
cond person of the Trinity, and the latter to the Blessed Virgin.
The fifth and sixth books are of less importance. Trithemius,
written in the cipher of the second book, becomes " Charitatem
pudicissimse Virginis Maria; productricis coexistentis verbi, robus-
tissimi commilitonis mei dilectissimi devotissime benedicamus ; vi-
vificatrix omnium," &c.

1 The edition of 1 GOO is that I use.

APPENDIX. 843

Traicte des Chiffres, ou secretes manieres d'escrire, par Blaise de
Vigenere, Bourbonnois. (Paris, 1587.)

This work is described by the author as what he had saved of his
work " Du Secretaire" written in Italy in 1567 and 68. The two
first books were stolen at Turin in 1569. The third is the founda-
tion of the present work. (v. f. 285. verso.) He says he had revealed
nothing of its contents.

The two authors whom he chiefly mentions are Trithemius and
Porta ; that is, modern authors ; for there is a great deal said of the
Cabala. The key ciphers of which Porta speaks he ascribes to a
certain Belasio, who employed it as early as 1549 : Porta's book not
being published until 1563, "auquel il a insere ce chiffre sans faire
mention dont il le tenoit." Porta's book, he goes on to say, was not
en vente until 1568. The invention was ascribed to Belasio by the
grand vicar of St. Peter at Rome, who had great skill in deciphering,
(f. 35. rect. and 37. verso.)

At f. 199. Vigenere gives an account of ciphers in which letters
are represented by combinations of other letters, — which Porta had
already done, but which he varies in a number of ways.

f. 200. A table where the twenty-three letters of the alphabet, and
four other characters are represented by combinations of abc. D
(e. gr.) = aaa, S— bac, &c.)

f. 201. A smaller table where an alphabet of twenty-one letters
is similarly represented.

f. 202. An alphabet of twenty letters represented by binary com-
binations of five letters, a=ED, &c.

f. 202. goes on to what Bacon speaks of, a cipher within a cipher.
You write in a common cipher with an alphabet of eighteen letters ;
the cipher being such that the five vowels are used as nulls ; then
by the last cipher these five vowels are made significant, and give
the hidden sense. He seems to speak of this as his own.

After mentioning a cipher described by Cardan, he goes on, f. 205,
to Porta's ciphers by transposition, &c.

At f. 240. he shows how characters may be multiplied by dif-
ferent ways of writing them ; which Porta had not done.

f. 241. An alphabet and #, each character written in four ways.

f. 241. verso, An application of these variations.

f! 242. He remarks that a great variety of uses may be made of
this idea, and gives some.

f. 244. He goes on " De ce meme retranchement et de la varie
figure, part une autre invention encore d'un chiffre carre" a double
entente, le plus exquis de tous ceux qui ayentcste decouvcrs jusqu'u

844

APPENDIX.

icy," &c. You write with twelve letters only, as in the subjoined
table, in which however I have not followed his ways of diver-
sifying.

T

E

M

N

R

S

2V

$

b,
/i

/3

9\

Pi

Pz

9*

Pz

y\

#2

In this table, Zj, for instance, represents 1st M, and 2nd R or S;
to distinguish whether R or S, he has recourse to a supplementary
contrivance by nulls.

f. 242. v. He refers to table at 200., and says the three letters a be,
(which there represent I) may be replaced by a single character4 ;
for this table represents in another column letters by dots. Thus

T is ; D • • • ; or if we will we may put o's for dots ; so that

D=o o o and T=oo ooo o; and the spaces may be filled up by a
slightly varied o. Thus D =00000, T =00000000, and thus the
whole cipher will apparently consist of o's.

The transition from this to Bacon's cipher is so easy that the
credit given to him must be reduced.

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

LONDON :

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Reece's Medical Guide - - - 13
Rich's Comp. to Latin Dictionary 18
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Juvenile Books.

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" Organic Chemistry- - 4
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Fairbairn's Infoi ma. for Engineers 8
Gwilt's Encyclo. of Architecture - 8
Harford'sEngr.n ings after Michael
Angelo 8
Herring on Paper-Making - - 9
Humphrcys's Parables Illuminated 10
Jameson'sSacred& Legendary Art 11
" Commonplace -Book - 11
Konig'sPictoiial Lil> of Luther - 8
Loudon's Rural Architecture - 13
MacDougall's Theory of War - H
Malan's Aphorisms on Drawing - 14
Most-ley's Engineering - 16
Piesse's Art of Perfumery - - 17
Richardson'3 Art of Horsemanship 18
Scrivenor on the Iron Trade - - 19
Stark's Printing - 23
Steam-Engine, by the Artisan Club 4
Ure's Dictionary of Arts, &c. - 22
Young on Pne-UaffaellitiMn - 24

Biography.

Arago's Autobiography - - 23
" Lives of Scientific Men - 3
Bodenstedt and Wagner's Schamyl 23
Buckingham's (J.S.) Memoirs - 5
Bunsen's Hippolytus 5
Clinton's (Fynes) Autobiography 6
Cockayne's Marshal Turenne - 23
Dennistoun's Strange & Lumisden 7
Forster'sDe Foe and Churchill - 23
Fulcher's Life of Gainsborouah - 8
Harford's Life of Michael Angelo - 8
Haydon's Autobiography,by Taylor 0
Hayward's ( hesterfield and Selwyn 23
Holcroffs Memoirs - 23
Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia - 13
Maunder's Biographical Treasury- 14
Memoir of the Duke of Wellington 23
Memoirs of James Montgomery - 15
Meriv ale's Memoirs of Cicero - 15
Rogers's Life and Genius of Fuller 23
Russell's Memoirs of Moore - - 16
" Life of Lord Wm. Russell 19
St. John's Audubon - 19
Southey'8 Life of Wesley - - 20
" Life and Correspondence 20
" Select Correspondence - SO
Stephen's Ecclesiastical Biography 21
Sydney Smith's Memoirs - - 20
Taylor's Loyola - 21
" Wesley .... 21
Waterton's Autobiography & Essays 22
Wheeler's Life of Herodotus - 24

Books of General Utility.

Acton's Bread-Book ... 3
" Cookery - ... 3
Black's Treatise on Brewing - - 4
Cabinet Gazetteer - - - - 5
" Lawyer - 5
Gust's Invalid's Own Book - - 7
Gilbarfs Logic for the Million - 8
Hints on Etiquette ... 9
How to Nurse Sick Children - - 10
Hudson'sExecutor's Guide - - 10
" on Making Wills - - 10
Kesteven's Domestic Medicine - 11
Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopedia - 12
London's Lady's Country C'ompa-

West on Children's Diseases - - 22
Willich's Popular Tables - - 24
Wilmot's Blackstone - 24

Botany and Gardening.

Hooker's British Flora - - - 9
" Guide to Kew Gardens - 9
« .. « Kew Museum • 9
Lindley's Introduction to Botany 13
" Theory of Horticulture - 12
Loudon's Hortus Britannicus - 13
" Amateur Gardener - 13
Trees and Shruba - - 13
" Gardening - 13
" Plants - - - - 13
" Self Instruction for Gar-
deners, &c. - - - - 13
Pereira's Materia Medica - - 17
Rivera's Rose-Amateur's Guide - 18
Wilson's British Mosses - - 24

Chronology.

Blair's Chronological Tables - 4
Brewer's Historical Atlas - 4
Bunsen's Ancient Egypt - - 5
Haydn's Benson's Index - 9
Jaquemet's Chronology - - 11
Johns& Nicolas'sCale'ndarofVictory !1
Nicolas's Chronology of History - 12

Commerce and Mercantile
Affairs.

Gilbart's Treatise on Banking - 8
Lorimer's Young Master Mariner 13
Macleod's Banking - 14
M'Culloch'sCommerce & Navigation 14
Scrivener on Iron Trade - - 19
Thomson's Interest Tablef - - 21
Tooke's History of P. ices - - 22
Tuson's British C jnsul's Manual - 22

Criticism, History, and
Memoirs.

Blair's Chron. ana Histor. Tables - 4
Brewer's Historical Atlas - - - 4
Bunsen's Ancient Egypt - - 5
" Hippolytus - - - 5
Burton's History of Scotland - 5
Chapman's Gustavus Adolphus - 6
Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul 6
Erskine's History oflndia - 7
Gleig's Leipsic Campaign - - 23
Gurney's Historical Sketches - 8
Haydon's Autobiography, by Taylor 9
Jeffrey's (Lord) Contributions - 11
Johns& Nicolas'sCalendar of Victory 11
Kcmble's Anglo-Saxons - - 11
Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia - 11
Macaulay's Crit. and Hist. Essays 13
" History of England - 13
" Speeches - 13
Mackintosh's Miscellaneous Works 14
« History of England - 14
M'Culloch'sGeogiaphicnIDictionary 14

Cleve Hall ...

Earl's Daughter (The) - 19
Experience of Life - - - 10
Gertrude ----- 19
Gilbart's Logic for the Young - 8
Hewitt's Boy's Country Book - 10
" (Mary) Children's Year - 10
Ivors 19 !
Katharine Ashton - 19
Laneton Parsonage - - •- 19
Margaret Percival - ... 19

Medicine and Surgery.

Brodie's Psychological Inquiries - 4 i
Bull's Hints to Mothers- - 5
" Management of Children - 5
Copland's Dictionary of Medicine - 6
Cust's Invalid's Own Book - 7
Holland's Mental Physiology - 9
" Medical Notes and Reflect. 9
How to Nurse Sick Children - - 10
Kesteven's Domestic Medicine - 11
I'ereira's Materia Medica - - 17
Reece's Medical Guide - 18
West on Diseases of Infancy - - 22
Wilson's Dissector's Manual - 24

Miscellaneous and General
Literature.

Carlisle's Lectures and Addresses 23
Defence of Eclipse of faith - - 7
Digby's Lover's Seat - 7
Eclipse of Faith ... 7
Greg's Political and Social Essays 6
Gurney's Evening Recreations - 8

Memoir of the Duke of Wellington 23
Merivale's History of Rome - -IS
" Roman Republic- - 15
Milner's Church History - - 15
Moore's (Thomas) Memoirs, &c. - 10
Mure's Greek Literature - 16
Norman by's Year of Revolution - 17
Raikes's Journal - 18
Ranke's Ferdinand & Maximilian 23
Kiddle's Latin Dictionaries - 18
Roberts's Southern Counties - 18
Rogers's Essays from Edinb. ReviewlS

Haydn's Book of Dignities 9
Holland's Mental Physiology - 9
Hooker's Kew Guides - - - 9
Howitt's Rural Life of England - 10
" ,VisitstoRemarkablel'laces!0
Jameson's Commonplace Book - 11
Jeffrey's (Lord) Contributions - 11
Last of the Old Squires - - 17
Macaulay's Crit. and Hist. Essays 1 3
" Speeches - - - 13
Mackinlosh'sMiscelhmcous Worls 14
Memoirs of a Maitre d'Armes - 53 j

Maunder's Treasury of Knowledge 15
" Biographical Treasury 14
" Geographical Treasury 15
" Scientific Treasury - 15

2 CLASSIFIED INDEX.

Maitland's Churchin the Catacombs 14
Martineau's Miscellanies - - 14

Martineau's Christian Life - - U
" Hymns - - 14

Moseley'sEngineering&Architecture 17
Nomos - - 17

Pascal's Works, by Pearce - - 17
Pillans's Contributions to Educationl7
Pinney on Duration of Human Life 17

Milner's Church of Christ - - 15
Montgomery's Original Hvmns - 15
Moore on the Use of the Body - 16

Our Coal-Fields and oar Coal-Pits 23
Owen's Le'ctures on Comp. Anatomy 17
Pereira on Polarised Light - - 17

Printing: Its Origin, &c. - - 23
Pycroft's English Reading - - 18
Rich's Comp. to Latin Dictionary IS

" " Soul and Body - 16
" 's Man and his Motives - 16
Mormonism - - - - - 23

Peschel's Elements of Physics - 17
Phillips's Fossils of Cornwall, &c. 17
" Mineralogy - - - 17

Riddle's Latin Dictionaries - - 18

Neale's Closing Scene - - 16

** Guide to Geology - - 18

Rowton's Debater - 18
Seaward's Narrative of his Shipwreckl9

Newman's (J.H. ) Discourses - 17
" on Universities - - 16

Portlock's Geology of Londonderry 18
Powell's Unity of Worlds - - 18

Sir Roger de Coverley - 20

Ranke's Ferdinand & Maximilian 23

Smee's Electro-Metallurgy - - 20

Smith's (Rev. Sydney) Works - 20

Readings for Lent - - - 19

Steam-Engine (The) - - - 4

Southey's Common -place Books - 20
" The Doctor &c. - - 20

Robinson's Lexicon to the Greek

Wilson's Electric Tel ^graph - - 23

Souvestre's Attic Philosopher - 23

Testament 18

Rural Sports.

" Confessions of a Working Man 23
Spencer's Psychology - - - 21

Saints our Example - - - 19
Sermon in the Mount - - 19

Baker's Rifle and Hound in Ceylon 3

Stephen's Essays - ... 21
Slew's Training System - - 21
Strachey's Hebrew Politics - - 21

Sinclair's Journey of Life - - 20
Smith's (Sydnev) Moral Philosophy 20
" (G".) Sacred Annals - - 20

Elaine's Dictionary of Sports - 4
Cecil's Stable Practice - - - 6
" Stud Farm - - - - 6

Thomson's Laws of Thought - 21

" Harmony of Divine Dis-

The Cricket-Field - - - - 7

Townsend's State Trials - - 22

pensations ----- 20

Davy's Piscatorial Colloquies - '

Willich's Popular Tables - - 24
Yonge's English-Greek Lexicon - 24

" (J.) Voyage and Shipwreck
of St. Paul - - 20

Ephemera on Angling - . . 1
" Book of the Salmon - 7

" Latin Gradus - - 24
Zumpt's La tin Grammar - - 24

Natural History in general.

Sonthey's Life of Wesley - - 20
Stephen's Ecclesiastical Biography 21
Tayler's ( J. J.) Discourses - - 21
Taylor's Loyola - 21

Hawker's Young Sportsman - - 9
The Hunting-Field ... 9
Idle's Hints on Shooting - - 10
Pocket and the Stud ... 9

Catlow's Popular Conchology - 6
Ephemera and Young on the Salmon 7
Gosse's Natural History of Jamaica 8

" Wesley - 21
Theologia Germanica 5
Thomson on the Atonement - - 21

Richardson's Horsemanship - - 18
Honalds's Fly-Fisher's Entomo-

Kemp's Natural History of Creation 23
Kirby and Spence's Entomology - 11
Lee's Elements of Natural History 12
Mann on Reproduction - - 14
Maunder's Natural History - - 15
Turton's Shells oftheBritishlslands 22

Thumb Bible (The) - - 21
Tomline's Introduction to the JBiWa 22
Turner's Sacred History - - - 22
Twining's Bible Types - - - 22
Wheeler's Popular Bible Harmony 24
Young's Christ of History - - 24

logy ------ 18
Stable Talk and Table Talk - 9
Stainton's June - 21
Stonehenge on the Grevhound - 21
Thacker's Courser's Guide - - 21
The Stud, for Practical Purposes - 9

Van der Hoeven's Handbook of

" Mystery - 24

Veterinary Medicine, &c.

Von Tschudi's Sketches in the Alps 23

Poetry and the Drama.

Cecil's Stable Practice - 6

Waterton's Essays on Natural Hist. 22

Aikin's (Dr.l British Poets - - 3

" Stud Farm 6

Youatt's The Dog - 24

Arnold's Poems 3

Hunting Field (The) - - - 9

" The Horse - 24

Baillie's (Joanna) Poetical Works 3

Miles's Horse-Shoeing - 15

1-Volume Encyclopaedias
and Dictionaries.

Bode's Ballads from Herodotus - 4
Calvert's Wife's Manual - - 6
*' Pneuma 6

" on the Horse's Foot - - 15
Pocket and the Stud - - - 9
Practical Horsemanship - 9

Arrowsmith's Geogr. Diet, of Bible 3
Elaine's Rural Sports - 4

Flowers and their Kindred Thoughts 11
Goldsmith's Poems, illustrated - 8

Richardson's Horsemanship - 18
Stable Talk and Table Talk - - 9

Brande's Science, Literature, and Art 4
Copland 's Dictionary of Medicine - 6

L. E. L.'s Poetical Works - - 12
Linwood's Anthologia Oxoniensis - 13

Stud (The) - - - - - 9
Youatfs The Dog - ... 24

Cresy's Civil Engineering - S

Lynch's Rivulet - 13

" The Horse - - 24

Gwilt's Architecture 8
Johnston's Geographical Dictionary 11
London's Agriculture - 13

Lyra Germanica 5
Macaulav's Lavs of Ancient Rome 13
Mac Donald's Within and Without 14

Voyages and Travels.

Auldjo's Ascent of Mont Blanc - 23

Rural Architecture - 13

Montgomery's Poetical Works - 15

Barnes's Vaudois of Piedmont - 23

Gardening - - - 13

" Original Hymns - 15

Baker's Wanderings in Ceylon - 3

" Plants - 13

Moore's Poetical Works - - 16

Barrow's Continental Tour - - 23

Trees and Shrubs - - 13

•' Epicurean- - 16

Earth's African Travels 3

M'Culloch'sGeographicalDictionary 14

" Lalla Rookh - 16

Burton's East Africa - 5

" DictionaryofCommerce 14

« Irish Melodies - - - 16

" Medina and Mecca - - 5

Murray's Encyclo. of Geography - 16
Sharp's British Gazetteer - - 19

" Songs and Ballads - - 16
Reade's Man in Paradise - - 18

Carlisle's Turkey and Greece - 6
De Custine's Russia - - 23

Ure's Dictionary of Arts, &c. - - 22

Shakspeare, by Bowdler - - 19

Eothen 23

Webster's Domestic Economy - 22

Southey's Poetical Works - - 2C

Ferguson's Swiss Travels - - 23

Religious Se Moral Works.

" British Poets - - - 20
Thomson's Seasons, illustrated - 21

Flemish Interiors - - - - 8
Forester's Rambles in Norway - 23

Amy Herbert - - - - 19
Arrowsmith's Geogr. Diet, of Bible 3

Political Economy and

" Sardinia and Corsica - 8
Gironiere's Philippines - - 23

Bloomneld'sGreekTestament - 4

Statistics.

Gregorovius's Corsica - - 23

Calvert's Wife's Manual - 6
Cleve Hall - - 19

Caird's Letters on A griculture - 6

Halloran's Japan - ... 8
Hill's Travels in Siberia - - 9

Conybeare's Essays ... 6
Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul 6
Cotton's Instructions in Christianity 7

Dodd's Food of London - * •• 3
Greg's Political and Social Essays 8
Jennings's Social Delusions - - 11
Laing's Notes of a Traveller- - 23

Hope's Brittany and the Bible - 23
" Chase in Brittanv - - 23
Hewitt's Art-Student in Munich - 10

Dale's Domestic Liturgy - - 7
Defence of Eclipse of Faith - 7
Discipline - 7

M'Culloch'sGeog. Statist. &c. Diet. 14
Dictionary of Commerce 14

" (W.) Victoria - 10
Hue's Chinese Empire - 10
Hue and Gabet's Tartarv & Thibet 23

Earl's Daughter (The) - - - 19
Eclipse ofTaith - - - .7
Englishman's Greek Concordance 7

Tegoborski's Russian Statistics - 21
waiich's Popular Tables - - 24,

Hudson and Kennedy's Mont
Blanc - - 10

Hughes's Australian Colonies - 23

Heb.&Chald.Concord. 7
Etheridi;e's Jerusalem - 7
Experience (The) of Life - - 19
Gertrude - 19

The Sciences in general
and Mathematics.

Humboldt's Aspects of Nature - 10
Hurlbut's Pictures from Cuba - 23
Hutchinson's African Exploration 23

Harrison's Light of the Forge - 8
Hook's Lectureson Passion Week 9

" Popular Astronomy - - 3
Bourne on the Screw Propeller - 4

Jerrmann's St. Petersburg - - 23
Kennard's Eastern Tour - - 11

Horne's Introduction to Scriptures 10

" 's Catechism of the Steam-

Laing's Norway - 23
" Notes of a Traveller - 23

Hnmphrcys's Parables Illuminated 10

Brande's Dictionary of Science, 4c. 4

M'Clure's North-West Passage - 14

Ivors ---... 19
Jameson's Sacred Legends - - 11
Monastic Legends - - 11
Legends of the Madonna 11

" Lectures on Organic Chemistry 4
Brougham and Routh's Principia 4
Butler's Rolls Sermons - 5
Cresy's Civil Engineering - - 6

Mason's Zulus of Natal - - 23
Mayne's Arctic Discoveries - - 23
Miles's Rambles in Iceland - - 23
Pfeiffer's Voyage round the World 23

Lectures on Female Em-
ployment - 11

DelaBeche'sGeologyofCornwall,&c. 7
De la Rive's Electricity - - 7

" Second ditto - - - 17
Scott's Danes and Swedes - - 19

Jerem. Taylor's Works- - - 11
iahschs Commentary on Exodus- 11
Katharine Ashton ... 19

Faraday's Non-Metallic Elements 8
Grove's Correla. of Physical Forces 8
Herschel's Outlines of Astronomy 9

Seaward's Narrative - 19

Weld's United States and Canada - 22
Werne's African Wanderings - 23

Konig's Pictorial Life of Luther - 8
Laneton Parsonage - - 19

Holland's Mental Physiology - 9
Humboldt's Aspects of Nature - 10

Wheeler's Travels of Herodotus - 24
Wilberforce's Brazil A: Slave-Trade 23

Letters to my Unknown Friends - 12
1 on Happiness - - - 12

" Cosmos - - - 10
Hunt on Light - 10

Works of Fiction.

Lynch's Rivulet - - - . il

Kemp's Phasis of Matter - - 11

Arnold's Oakfield ... 3

Lyra Germanica 5

Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia - 12

Macdonald's Villa Verocchio . 14

Macnaught on Inspiration - - 14

Mann on Reproduction - 14

Sir Roger de Coverley - 20

Maitlana's Church in Catacombs - 14

Marcet's (Mrs.) Conversations - 15

Southev's The Doctor &c. - - 20

- If

Morell's Elements of Psychology - 16

Trollop'e's Warden - 22

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