The works of Hubert Howe Bancroft

THE WOEKS

OF

HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.

* I

'• !,\J *

HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.

VOLUME XXXIV.

CALIFORNIA PASTORAL.

1769-1848.

SAN FRANCISCO:

THE HISTORY COMPANY, PUBLISHERS.
1888

Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1888, by

HUBERT a. BANCROFT,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

AH Rights Rese-nted.

u. c.

DEMY OF

FIG COAST

«Y

u.Sf

CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTION — COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATION AND SAVAGISM3, 1

CHAPTER II.

COLONIAL POLICY OF SPAIN, , 57

CHAPTER III.

MEXICO AS SEEN THROUGH THE EYES OF SCIENCE AT THE OPENING OF

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY, , 97

CHAPTER IV.

LOTOS-LAND 135 *--

CHAPTER V.

OPPOSING FORCES, 151

CHAPTER VI.

GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA, 179

CHAPTER VII.

COLONIZATION PUEBLO SYSTEM, AND LAND GRANTS, 248

CHAPTER VIII.

LOTOS-LAND SOCIETY 260

CHAPTER IX.
MILITARY SYSTEM • 294

CHAPTER X.

WOMAN AND HER SPHERE, 305 V

(v)

vi CONTENTS.

PAGE

CHAPTER XI.

PASTURES AND FIELDS, 335

CHAPTER XII.

V FOOD, DRESS, DWELLINGS, AND DOMESTIC ROUTINE, 360

CHAPTER XIII.

AMUSEMENTS, 406

CHAPTER XIV.

OCCUPATIONS AND INDUSTRIES, 437

CHAPTER XV.

INLAND TRADE AND COAST TRAFFIC, 459

CHAPTER XVI.

Ot FUTILE FIGHT WITH IGNORANCE, 493

CHAPTER XVII.

CALIFORNIANISMS, 526

CHAPTER XVIII.

LAW, GOVERNMENT, AND RELIGION, 537

CHAPTER XIX.

CRIMES AND COURTS, 571

CHAPTER XX.

A VERY HEALTHY COUNTRY, 611

CHAPTER XXI.

BANDITTI, 641

CHAPTER XXII.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PASTORAL CALIFORNIA, 751

GLOSSARY, , , 793

nAT.TFO"R.NTA PASTORAL.

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTION.
COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

That which constitutes history, properly so called, is in great part omitted
from works on. the subject. — Herbert Spencer.

BEFORE penetrating into the mysteries of our mod-
ern lotos-land, or entering upon a description of the
golden age of California, if indeed any age character-
ized by ignorance and laziness can be called golden,
let us glance at life and society elsewhere on this
planet, particularly as it existed in Spain and Mexico,
and within the charmed circles of the highest earthly
intelligences, these places and conditions being more
intimately than any others connected with the spirit-
ual conquest and occupation of Alta California in the
eighteenth century.

Great as is the difference between men and races on
the globe, we are apt sometimes to make it more than
it is. Especially is this the case with regard to mental
culture, and the progress of peoples in arts and indus-
tries. It is an interesting study to place, side by side,
at the same points of time, widely separated societies,
and note their outworking of the problem of progress,
each independent of and without any knowledge of
the existence of the other, and yet both apparently
driven forward by the same forces, and building, like
bees their cells, upon one model. And nowhere is
there a more befitting field for such investigation

CAL. PAST. VOL. I. 1 ( 1 )

2 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

than in comparing the civilizations and savagisins of
Europe and America, more particularly of the Span-
iards and the Aztecs, as matters stood just before the
discovery by Columbus, and while there was yet no
knowledge whatever one of the other.

Glance first at the beginning of the dark age in
Europe, which was the end of the first epoch of civ-
ilization in that quarter. One mighty wave of pro-
gress had swollen up, rolled along the centuries, and
subsided, and for a time all was calm. From old age
and luxury Roman civilization died, and Germanic
barbarism and Christianity assisted at its burial.

Social systems, like creeds and polities, evolve from
conditions apparently fortuitous. Before the occupa-
tion of western Europe by the Romans, society con-
sisted of small-town agricultural communities, every
family providing its own necessities, living in a state
of independence, paying no taxes, supporting no gov-
ernment, the revenue of states being for the most part
obtained from the working of state lands by state
slaves. Sometimes a number of these towns would
confederate, and the confederations divide their time
between cultivating the ground and warring on each
other. Every citizen was a soldier and a land-owner,
and much of his time was spent in attempting to de-
fend or increase his domain. For every one of these
conditions we may find a parallel in the earlier periods
of the history of more than one of the American ab-
original nations.

The foundation of our present social structure was
laid in Europe by the Romans in the days of repub-
lican grandeur. Sending out their armies north and
west, they laid under contribution fair provinces and
fastened upon the people their laws. In their social
structure there was no intelligent middle class; a
profligate aristocracy and a cruel populace comprised
the republic. All the world besides themselves were
barbarians, and if caught were made slaves. In their
colonies were but two classes, conqueror and con-

FEUDALISM. 3

quered. Under their systematic devastations and
crushing rule, depopulation and desolation followed
them. But with the empire arose a protective spirit
which spread tranquillity and fostered a species of
base culture. The intellect was forced into a hot-
house development, and codes of manners were estab-
lished, but under a condition of bondage so servile as
to fetter mind and degrade morals. Into this mass of
tutored ignorance a martial spirit was infused by the
fierce tribes from Germany, and a spirit of supersti-
tion and bigotry by the churchmen of Rome. Then
glowed a redder immorality than ever republic had
seen. The Romanized natives of Spain who had
more readily adopted, and more rapidly developed,
the arts and industries of their masters than the other
colonies, at first attempted to raise the barbarous
Visigoths to their level. But it is easier to pull down
than to build up. Their own social structure was none
of the strongest; the preponderance of power was
with the barbarians; the loutish north men bore heavily
upon them, and Spain in common with all Europe
lapsed into the age of darkness.

Ancient barriers were broken down, and ancient
laws obliterated as by one general act of oblivion.
Society, molten, was recast. The lands of Europe were
parcelled anew. Conquered provinces were broken
into fragments, and distributed among the military
chieftains who had taken part in the conquest. A
multitude of independent states were formed, differing
in language and traditions, but all falling into a system
of military tenures with singular uniformity. From
the ninth to the fourteenth centuries, essentially the
same species of feudality, though in modified forms,
existed throughout Europe. This uniformity is to be
attributed, not to any connivance of the conquerors,
who were of widely different stocks and training, but
to social necessities, which under like conditions worked
out similar results. Phases of European feudalism
were scattered all over America, from Alaska to Pat-

4 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

agonia, and were formed to some extent ever among
the so-called savage nations. The first great law,
common to all, both in Europe and America, was
that of self-protection. The possession of lands which
were won by the sword must be held by the
sword. Every land-holder was a soldier, and a feudal
kingdom partook more of the character of a military
than a civil government. These military sovereign-
ties in the various dismembered provinces were with-
out political system, separate and independent.

In the Old World, the conqueror assuming dominion .
over the territory allotted him divided it among his
chiefs or barons, who in return stood ready with men
and arms according to their ability, and at their own
cost, to obey the call of their king in order to make
or repel an invasion. The nobles, accepting the con-
ditions, built for themselves castles and fortifications,
and partitioned their lands among their vassals, who
in like manner were bound to do military service ac-
cording to the pleasure of their lord. The title to
lands thus held by feudal tenure was vested in the
sovereign, and few other obligations rested upon the
occupant than that of attending him in his wars. Cap-
tives taken in battle, and freemen who were unable to
secure land, sunk into a state of serfdom or villanage.
They were employed in tending flocks and cultivating
the ground. Their condition was but little better than
that of absolute slavery.- They were bound to the soil
and made to pass with it, but could not be removed
from it ; nor did they possess any of the rights pertain-
ing to liberty or property. Thus society during the
feudal ages was but a state of vassalage, of greater or
less degree.

This system, however well adapted to purposes of
offence and defence, was but little calculated to pro-
mote internal tranquillity, or lay the foundations of
powerful states. Every feudal baron within his own
domain was absolute master. Even the king could
not interfere to regulate his internal affairs. He

FEUDALISM. 5

could make war upon his own account at pleasure,
inflict the death penalty upon his vassals, seize and
hold the lands of his neighbor, if he possessed the
power, with none to question him. All the world
lived in barracks. The master of a household was
but chief of a band of robbers. To overrun adjacent
lands, murder the inhabitants, burn the houses and
drive oif the cattle, was the ordinary and honorable
occupation of life. Following the promptings of am-
bition or revenge, neighboring barons would for a
moment lay aside their hereditary feud, and join
against some distant 'or more powerful foe; after
which each returned to his ancient quarrel with the
other with new vigor. By their bloody contentions
the nobles thus kept the country in a state of perpet-
ual fermentation. Husbandmen, in the pursuit of
their vocation, tremblingly ventured beyond the pre-
cincts of the castle during the day, and at night hud-
dled in small villages beneath its walls. They were
moreover obliged to hold themselves in readiness to
attend their master in his raids at any moment.
Marriage among them was discouraged. Soldiers to
fight, rather than women and children to feed, was
the necessity of the feudal lord. Redress for injuries
rested upon the arm of the injured, and when forms
of justice were established, matters wrere but little
changed; for decisions were governed by passion
rather than principle, and too often the judge was the
criminal, and the accuser his victim.

Social intercourse was prevented ; commerce be-
tween foreign nations ceased; seas were infested by
pirates; every foreigner was an enemy. Mediaeval
regulations made the stranger a vassal of the lord
within whose domain he rested more than a year and
a day; shipwrecked mariners were made slaves. The
property of strangers was at their death confiscated to
the ruler. Highways were filled with banditti, so
that travellers could journey only in companies. Laws
were made and customs established which almost pro-

6 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

hibited distant journeys, so that all knowledge of
remote nations was lost. Under these baneful in-
fluences population increased but slowly, and increase
of such a character obviously tended to strengthen
the baron, make powerless the sovereign, and rivet
still tighter the chains of the vassal. Humanity thus
restrained became dwarfed. Budding civilization with-
ered in such uncongenial climes, and Europe plunged
into profound ignorance. But for the Ottoman on the
east and the barbarian on the north, the feudal system
would not have existed so long in western Europe.
Finally it collapsed in a struggle between sovereigns
and nobles. And all this while, and later, the people
were nothing but the plaything of the rulers, the tools
alternately of kings, barons, and priests.

In Spain the feudal system was greatly modified
by the eight centuries of Christian warfare, which not
only developed Spanish valor and Spanish chivalry to
the greatest advantage, but knit the several king-
doms of the peninsula in one common cause. The
condition of the Spanish peasantry was improved,
rather than otherwise, by a war in which personal
prowess rose above social distinctions; yet the atti-
tude of classes was essentially the same as in France
and Germany. Villanage was less known in Castile
and Leon than in Aragon, whose institutions and geo-
graphical position gave to that kingdom a peculiar
physiognomy.

Thus was the humanity of our own civilization caged
like wild beasts in a menagerie; penned up in petty
principalities, duchies, and baronial provinces; a state
of universal antipathies but one remove from savagism.
Obviously out of these grim shadows not a step could
be made till the partition walls were battered down.
Whence was deliverance to come? What mighty
power should arise and breathe peace upon the na-
tions, heal innumerable hatreds, and cause thousands
of hereditary foes, as one man, to sheathe their bloody

THE CRUSADES. 7

swords and clasp hands like brothers? It was not
by the will of man, nor through man's invention, that
these feudalistic fetters were to be broken ; but as ever
in human affairs, it was that mysterious power of
progress ever working in and round societies. On
this occasion that power was Christianity, the religion
of all others with which European civilization seemed
most inclined to fraternize. An aid in itself to pro-
gress, it has been aided and purified thereby. When
Aryan paganism gave way to the purer Semitic faith,
Christianity became a power mightier than Rome her-
self— a power destined, in the hands of Roman pontiffs,
to rule Christendom long after Rome the mighty had
fallen. CaBsar and Christ, the sword of Rome and
the faith of Rome, were for a time one in purpose and
in power; but faith, rising superior to brute force,
seized the sword and for a time wielded it in her own
interests.

It was the very irony of religion, that frenzied zeal
which, during the crusades, gave Christianity the
form of chivalry. The martial spirit now became
inflamed by fanaticism, and society was profoundly
moved.

From the earliest ages of the church, it had been
deemed an act of piety for believers in Christ to make
a pilgrimage to his tomb, and gaze upon the scenes by
which he was surrounded when working out the re-
demption of man. The right of these pious persons
to visit the holy sepulchre was never questioned by
the Mohammedans until near the close of the eleventh
century, when a series of atrocities were committed by
a horde of Turkish invaders which roused all Christen-
dom. The nations of Europe paused in their inter-
necine bickerings, and turned their eyes with one accord
toward the east. During the two succeeding centuries
millions of volunteers came forward and enlisted in
holy crusades against the profane infidels. Although
extremely disastrous to the crusaders themselves, the
effect of this movement on civilization was most bene-

8 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

ficial. To join as believers and brethren in a common
cause, to turn the arms which for centuries had been
drawn only against each other upon a foe of their faith,
was to dissolve the insane crystallizations of ages.
Chieftains of proud families, who for generations had
nourished an inveterate hate one for the other, threw
aside their animosities, and joining hands in Christian
union if not in Christian love, hurled their united
strength against the enemy, vying with each other in
acts of magnanimity. The enlightening benefits of
travel and intercourse with the more refined cities of
Ttaly and the east, the awakening of a new faith between
man and man, the necessity of acknowledging human
rights and duties other than those of power and place,
roused the intellect from its long lethargy. A people,
who for ten generations had hardly lost sight of the
banner which waved from their castle tower, were led
forth as from a duno-eon to behold scenes hitherto be-

o

yond their conceptions. Side by side they marched
through new and wondrous regions, where, in place of
imps and ogres, creatures of their clouded imaginations,
they found a people like themselves, ready to join in
promoting, a cause in which their whole soul was en-
gaged. The doctrine of universal enmity became less
defined, and vague conceptions of human relationships
arose.

The immediate effect of the crusades was to asso-
ciate arid intermix mankind. Europe became more
intimately acquainted with the luxuries and refine-
ment of Asia. The power of the maritime cities
Genoa, Pisa, and Venice, whose vessels carried the
crusaders eastward, was increased. The absence of
feudal lords on their pious wars delivered the land
somewhat from contentions; households were split
into fragments and scattered, and their independence
inspired them to labor. A consciousness of manhood
arose in their breasts, and with it came self-respect,
wealth, domestic comfort, and social advancement.
Population increased, towns were built; manufactories

CHIVALRY. 9

established; and a class between the nobleman and
the churl appeared. Serfs who had enlisted in the
holy cause on their return were free men. Many of
the barons, in setting out on their crusade, had been
obliged to part with their landed possessions in order
to procure a becoming outfit; many never returned,
and of their estates some were bought by the sover-
eign at a nominal price, others reverted to the crown
in default of heirs. Thus, as the feudal aristocracy
declined, government centralized, and regal authority
gained strength.

Spain, meanwhile, had infidels enough at home; the
whole Mohammedan war was but one grand crusade,
and petty feudalistic fights were swallowed up in one
large fight ; so that neither the feudal system which
bound men, nor the holy adventures which liberated
them, obtained in Spain as elsewhere throughout
Europe. Another phenomenon, however, which grew
out of all this, imported into Spain at an early day,
finding there a rich soil, took root, and flourished
extravagantly, deeply tinging the character of the
nation.

Chivalry, from chevalier, knight, or horseman — we
might call it mounted monarchism; now the cham-
pion was for Christ, and now for a fair lady — at once
defender of the faith, and defender of all things else;
protector of the innocent; righter of the wronged;
under the banner of the cross, crusader; wandering
over the world in quest of adventure, knight-errant.

A strange blending of religion and gallantry, of
joustings and justice; a fantastic sentiment fortunate
for humanity at this juncture, most fortunate for
woman, lifting her up from her low estate, arraying
her in brightness, and placing her among the stars,
meanwhile toning down man's cragginess, polishing
manners, calling up finer instincts, ornamenting, adorn-
ing strength with sympathy and valor with constancy,
arraying virtue in robes of loveliness, stripping some-

10 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

what from war its ferocity, from vice its hideousness;
truly, a nobler fanaticism than that which adds tor-
ture to ignorance, and better at all events than the.
beastly customs of feudalism. Acting in conjunction
with the holy adventures, and before the creation of
standing armies, chivalry played its part in the great
work of civilizing man.

But whence more directly came chivalry? About
the middle of the tenth century humane men of
the nobler sort, fired by self-sacrificing devotion to
an unselfish cause, ingrafted upon certain orders of
knighthood the sentiments of protection to the weak,
and vindication of the rights of humanity. This
chivalrous spirit was fostered by the crusades, and in
the eleventh century, tournaments, regulated by fixed
laws, were established throughout Christendom. To
eradicate the grosser evils of feudalism, to redress
wrongs, to vindicate the right, to merit divine favor
by meting out fair justice to man, were among the ex-
alted purposes of this romantic sentiment. Hence
woman, as the ensemble of all that is lovely and depend-
ent, became the prime object of chivalrous devotion.
Here it was that she was first raised from a servile
state, and placed beside that divine love of which she
is the incarnated essence. Thus we see in the chival-
ric ideal a blending of things temporal and spiritual ;
a materialization of Christianity. It was an outward
manifestation of the inner and hidden life of the mon-
astery. For a time this spirit well accorded with the
genius of the age; chivalry became the great religious
and social inspiration, .and all creeds and customs were
made to conform to it. Neither is it strange that in
this new glow of manhood the sentiment swelled to
excess, nor that this excess, like all excesses, brought
about reaction and decline. As in the church, that
inordinate zeal, which, amidst filthy poverty and self-
torture, wrought out joys ecstatic, thus elevating the
mind by debasing the body ; as the age of asceticism
was followed by an age of clerical gluttony — so this

KNIGHT-ERRANTRY. 11

excessive devotion to holy saints and lovely woman
wrought out its own destruction, and ended in licen-
tiousness.

The sentiment became chronic; a sort of chivalric
slang crept into language ; crusaders were dubbed vas-
sals of Christ; the soldier who at the crucifixion
pierced the Saviour's side was pronounced a dastardly
knight who thereby disgraced his order; the virgin
mother of God was a fair lady, worthy the exalted
devotion of every true knight. Even the most bene-
ficial part of the chivalric ideal, the worship of woman,
was carried to such an extreme as in the end to result
in a lovelier immorality, and into wickedness rendered
all the more seductive from being veiled. Neverthe-
less, the temporary union of chivalry and Christianity
against wickedness in high places could not be other
than a great step toward refinement.

The special political and social state of Spain dur-
ing the Arab invasion, no less than something in the
Spanish character itself, contributed to develop a
chivalric ideal of more than ordinary vividness.
"Spain gives us," says Hegel, "the fairest picture of
knighthood in the middle ages, and its hero is the
Cid;" and, adds Schlegel, "the spirit of chivalry has
nowhere outlived its political existence so long as in
Spain." For this lofty and more than fanciful species
of chivalry, Spain is indebted to the Saracens. It
has even been held that they originated the system
and taught it to Europe. Sismondi affirms that those
"notions on the point of honor, which not only pos-
sessed a great influence over the system of chivalry,
but even over our modern manners, rather belonged
to the Arabians than to the German tribes."

Upon the ruins of the knights templar and hospital-
ler, who obtained large possession in Spain after their
return from the crusades, arose three new chivalric
orders; Santiago or St James, Calatrava, and Alcan-
tara. The first of these orders was approved by
papal bull in 1175. The story of its origin is briefly

12 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

as follows: During their struggles with the infidels,
the apostle St James had vouchsafed on many occa-
sions to appear in aid and encouragement of the
Christians. His body, which had been miraculously
discovered, was interred at Compostela, a small town
in Galicia. Thither resorted many pilgrims who, in
the performance of their pious duty, suffered greatly
from the constant annoyances of the Arabs. For the
protection of these devout itinerants, several knights
and cavaliers united and formed the order of Santi-
ago. The members of this order were distinguished
by a white mantle, upon which was embroidered a
red cross, shaped as a sword, under which was an
escalop shell, this being the device upon the banner
of their saint when he appeared to them upon the
eve of battle. And many a death-shriek has gone
up from the wilderness of America in answer to
the terrible battle-cry of the steel-clad Christians:
"Santiago y d, ellosl" Saint James and at them!
The fraternity of Santiago were sworn to obedience,
chastity, and community of property. The orders of
Calatrava and Alcantara imposed upon their members
greater austerity. The obligation of perpetual celi-
bacy was assumed; they were obliged to sit at table
in unbroken silence; to eat the plainest food, with
but one dish of meat three times a week, and to sleep
armed and ready for battle. During the conquest
of Granada these chivalric orders vied with each
other in presenting an imposing appearance in the
field. There always existed between them a generous
rivalry; at the first in the loftiness and severity of
their vows, and at the last in the skill with which
they evaded them.

Chivalry at length met its death at the hand of mili-
tary art. As early as the fourteenth century knights
began to desert their round-table principles, and fight
for those who would pay them best. But in Spain
the spirit lingered long after the form had departed.
Not until Cervantes had published his caustic carica-

WALLED TOWNS. 13

ture, a hundred years and more after America's dis-
covery, was the passion for knight-errantry wholly
eradicated from the popular mind. The ridiculous
antics of the valorous knight of La Mancha were too
much for even the sedate Spaniard to swallow, with
all his reverence for the past.

With the building of walled towns there is a new
shuffle and a new deal in the game of statecraft. The
mail-clad barons and their restless retainers find their
match in the stout burghers of the cities. This new-
order, the French tiers-etat, the English commonalty,
is played by the kings against the nobles, and the re-
sult is a decline in lawless oppression, and a rise in
lawful tyranny. Hitherto every link in the chain
which bound men together was forged by injustice.
The weak and the wretched, unable to defend them-
selves, were forced to take refuge within castle walls;
and thus the power of the nobles was increased as that
of the people diminished. The forming of indepen-
dent municipal communities, therefore, with a republi-
can form of government, is a long stride forward.
Banding and walling themselves in, the commoners
are able to bid defiance to their old masters. The
sovereign, who is king in name only, regards the rise
of this new power with favor ; or if not, he is power-
less to oppose it.

The towns become cradles of liberty, a refuge for
the oppressed. Slaves and serfs resorting thither,
and there remaining unmolested for one year, are free
men. Wealth, the precursor of refinement, begins to
accumulate; laws are made and the machinery of
courts adapted to requirements. To enlarge their in-
fluence, municipalities join the sovereign against his
barons, or forming leagues among themselves, become
independent of both king and nobles.

Kingcraft now becomes an art. Baronial castles
are thrown down, burying dead feudalism beneath the
ruins. A check is placed upon the growing power of

14 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

the cities, and surging to the opposite extreme mon-
archy rises into despotism. A divine power, if not a
celestial origin, is ascribed to rulers. The king can do
no evil; his word is not only law, but righteous law.
The doctrine of balancing power arises — first, domes-
tic, the feudal principle balanced by the municipal,
with the ecclesiastical held in reserve to be thrown
into either side of the scale as the interests of the
church dictate; and finally, as petty principalities
coalesce, the states thus formed hold each other in
check. That brilliant trio, Charles V., Francis I.,
and Henry VIII., divide between them Europe and
America, then fight each other for the supremacy.
These mighty potentates in their lust of pomp and
power, actuated by no principle save that of personal
aggrandizement, crimson the soil of Europe with the
blood of their subjects, and then themselves return to
dust.

With artful kingcraft, killing becomes an art.
Hitherto men had roamed for prey singly or in small
bands ; now they unite and establish rules under which
their murderous propensities may be more fully grati-
fied. Time was employed not unequally in pursuing
those arts which led to taking and to sustaining life.
The undrilled artisan, however, made but a poor sol-
dier, while raids and fightings wrere not the schools of
prosperous husbandry, nor were the higher functions
of the government less paralyzed by the heterogeneous
fragments into which the military force of the nation
was split. Grand results can be achieved only by
united strength and concerted action. It is only when
the resources of the state are firmly grasped and ab-
solutely wielded by one sole sovereign, that tranquillity
at home and respect abroad can be maintained. Be-
fore armies were established, disputatious cavaliers
vacillated, almost at will, between the court and their
feudal domains; but however fascinating such a life
might be to themselves, it was one little calculated to

STANDING ARMIES. 15

elevate the people, or strengthen the arm of the gov-
ernment. In order to mitigate this evil, the sov-
ereigns of Europe, about the middle of the fifteenth
century, introduced the system of standing armies.
During the turbulence and anarchy of feudalism, ex-
cept in Spain where the several states were obliged
to unite against the encroachments of the Arabs,
knowledge of military tactics and the manoeuvring of
large bodies of troops were in a measure lost. In
1445 Charles VII. of France withdrew from the in-
fluence of the barons fifteen hundred men-at-arms,
and placed them under pay of the government. His
example was followed by other nations, to whom the
advantages of the system soon became apparent. The
employment of mercenary troops, who adopted arms
as a profession, and who were kept in constant train-
ing, and under the immediate eye of their king, greatly
strengthened the government; while the mass of the
people, relieved from sudden and constant calls to do
military service, were enabled to prosecute their sev-
eral vocations with greater advantage to themselves
and to the state.

Up to this time the rules of chivalry had prevented
gentlemen from appearing upon the field of battle ex-
cept in full armor and mounted, with all the gaudy
paraphernalia of the tournament. And by them the
fate of battle was determined; but little dependence
was to be placed on undisciplined churls drawn from
the baronial estates. All this was now changed by
the appearance of a new element in military practice,
destined by intensifying war to promote the interests
of peace. Gunpowder, an invention of the Chinese,
was carried by the Arabs into Spain, whence it spread
throughout Europe.

With the use of fire-arms the machinery of war
became more complicated, the necessity for disci-
pline was increased; the mounted cavalier, encased in
breastplate, helmet, and shield, lost his advantage, and
the cavalry became less formidable. But the adop-

16 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

tion of any new invention at that time took place but
slowly, and not until long after the conquest of Amer-
ica were their ancient implements of warfare laid aside
by the Spaniards. A curious medley of death-deal-
ing instruments was displayed upon the battle-fields
of the sixteenth century. Cross-bows, battle-axes,
pikes, and arquebuses, short-swords, bucklers, daggers,
and pistols were placed into the hands of the infantry;
while the stately knight, glittering in full armor with
lance and sword, sought out some duel better suited

x o

to his arm and humor. Besides a clumsy artillery,
hurling from various machines balls of stone or iron,
there were mounted archers who did good service.
The long-bow was a formidable weapon, projecting an
arrow two hundred yards through a breastplate or
an inch plank. The Saracen knight fought with lance
and buckler, mounted on a richly caparisoned horse ;
the Saracen footmen with cross-bow, cimeter, spear,
and arquebuse.

Fortress walls were scaled by the escaladores, under
cover of mantelets, or movable parapets; and for ef-
fecting an entrance into walled towns, large wooden
towers, provided with ladders, drawbridges, and all
the requisite apparatus, were rolled up to the ram-
parts, whence the attacking party emerged upon the
wall-top and descended into the city.

During the wars of Granada, artillery being the
arm most necessary for the carrying of fortified places,
their catholic majesties" gave every attention to the
perfection of this weapon. From Valencia, from Bar-
celona, from Portugal, from Flanders, and from Sicily
powder was brought, and with that belonging to the
kingdom, deposited in underground magazines. Ar-
tillery officers were procured from Italy, France, and
Germany; guns were multiplied; their construction
was improved, and more convenient proportions given
to their caliber. The batteries increased the rapidity
and force of their fire ; burning mixtures were brought

GUNPOWDER. 17

into requisition, and the mobility of the guns likewise
augmented.

Perhaps no period in the history of human warfare
unites so many elements of awful splendor as during
this transition, when upon the same battle-field was
seen the parting flourish of ancient chivalry, mingling
with the sulphurous smoke of scientific warfare. There
the gallant knight, glittering in burnished steel,
mounted on decorated steed, singled out his foe and
rushed proudly to the charge, amid the flash of fire-
lock, the twang of long-bow, and the clatter of pike
and battle-axe. The camp was brilliant with brave
ostentation and rich display. There were gay pavil-
ions, decorated with flaunting pennons and silken
hangings; gold-embroidered furnishings, luxurious
couches, generous wines, and rich food, served from
plate of gold and silver. Upon the battle-fields of
Spain there was the stately Spanish knight, little
less than kingr who brought into the field a thousand

O 7 O

vassals, all his own serving-men, and all at his own
expense. There were gallant chevaliers from France,
with pages and esquires, and English yeomen, armed
cap-a-pie, who fought with long-bow, pike, and battle-
axe.

After the siege of Constantinople, in 1453, in
which cannon pla*yed an important part, the applica-
tion of gunpowder to purposes of war rapidly extended,
and hastened the decline of chivalry. The Spaniards,
who at the first had suffered severely from the artil-
lery of the Moors, at length seized and turned against
the invaders their own weapons, and with them finally
battered down the walls of Malaga and Granada, and
drove their instructors from Spain.

So all things worked together; and a,s the opposi-
tion of negative electricity accumulates and intensifies
the positive, so the presence, through succeeding ages,
of hereditary enemy and infidel, produced that iiifatu-

CAI,. PAST., VOL. I. 2

18 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

ation of loyalty and superstition which Buckle reviles
as the two predominant elements of Spanish character.

With standing armies and gunpowder, the right of
individuals to wage private war was discountenanced.
Disputes were referred to courts of justice, and heavy
penalties inflicted upon those who sought redress for
injuries at the head of their retainers. It was a strange
bias of intellect, the deciding of judicial causes by mor-
tal combat, the invoking of God's justice by armed
champions, and the settling of disputes by the endur-
ance of pain.

Points of law were determined by skill in sword
exercises. Even religious disputants referred their
controversy to trial by combat. To be vanquished in
battle was clear evidence that the cause was unjust.
In England, as late as 1571, a trial by combat was
permitted by the court of common pleas; and the cus-
tom prevailed, in cases where the evidence was not
clear, of permitting criminals to obtain an acquittal
upon purging themselves by oath.

Many absurd practices, humiliating to reason, were
resorted to in the decisions of justice. Endurance in
handling red-hot iron, walking upon heated plough-
shares, holding the arm in boiling water, standing with
arms extended before a crucifix, were among the
whimsical methods employed to determine the guilt
or innocence of the accused. A direct appeal to the
court of heaven was the most infallible means of ob-
taining justice, and numberless are the instances among
the records of the church in which the almighty mi-
raculously interposed his arm in vindication of the
right. To such an absurdity was this system of mili-
tary jurisprudence carried, that in some instances the
judge upon his bench, when about to deliver his sen-
tence, might be impeached by the culprit, and defied
to mortal combat. Finally, here as elsewhere, the
king interposes between heaven and mankind, and
appeal is made from the decisions of feudal barons to
.him instead of to God direct. The accidental discov-

LITERATURE. 19

ery in Italy, about the middle of the twelfth century,
of a copy of the Pandects of Justinian, tended greatly
to promote the study of law and the influence of
courts.

Again, in the mysterious workings of mind do we
see knowledge begotten of intensified ignorance. That
curiosity which led to learning from mediseval torpid-
ity was aroused by a spirit of theological controversy.
Disputations between Arian and Pelagian, Peripa-
tetic and Platonist, however absurd in themselves,
excited inquiry; and metaphysical wranglings over
nonsensical shadows of doctrine was perhaps as good
a mental exercise as any other.

While Greece was the empire of letters, Rome be-
came the empire of political power. The arts and
culture of Greece were carried by her captors to the
world's ends. Greek was the language of letters and
refinement, Latin of legislation and religion.

Spanish intellect during the sixteenth century dis-
played a freshness and versatility unsurpassed by any
nation of modern times. The illiterate adventurer,
thrown suddenly from the beaten paths of his ances-
tors into untried fields, exhibited a marvellous fertility
of talent for seizing occasion; while in the higher
orders of society, literature attained its greatest excel-
lence among those whose lives were most active. The
system of paid historiographers instituted by Alfonso
the Wbe continued; but at this time there had arisen
other writers, fresh, active minds, sprung from the
ranks of a progressive people, who, for the love of
truth or fame, or from an overflowing redundancy of
thought, turned from the more practical employments
in which many of them had already acquired fame,
and devoted their lives to the ennobling occupation of
literature. The most eminent poets were also the
most famous soldiers; the greatest statesmen were
ecclesiastics. Juan Boscan, who introduced Italian
versification into Spain, acquired a name for oratory
and statecraft before the poet's wreath was awarded

20 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

him. Garcilaso cle la Vega crowded into a short life
of thirty-three years a series of military achievements
which shed upon his name scarcely less lustre than
his poetical genius, to which the Castilian language is
indebted for its sweetest and most glowing pastoral
poem. Hurtado de Mendoza served Charles V. as
ambassador and military governor. Cervantes, after
losing his left hand fighting the Turks at Lepanto,
and spending five years in captivity among the Alge-
rines, upon his return to Spain was thrown into prison,
and there wrote the first part of his inimitable satire.
While following a sailor's life, Columbus not only
applied himself to geography and astronomy, but
attained proficiency in polite literature, and wrote
Latin verses for amusement. Lope de Vega and many
other eminent writers were also soldiers of no mean
reputation.

The pursuit of letters flourishes with the prosperity
of states. Intellectual culture rises, culminates, and
declines with the wealth arid happiness of the people.
The same elements are congenial to both; both are
nurtured in the same school of discipline, ripen in the
same sunshine of success, and decay alike with luxury
and inaction. The functions of the mind are wrought
into activity by the stirring events which make great
the nation. The heart swells with enthusiasm in bat-
tling for God, for country, for the approbation of the
fair, and bursts forth in religious and romantic song.
In the calmer moods which follow long periods of suc-
cessful warfare, science unfolds her mysteries, art blos-
soms, and the comforts and luxuries of leisure multiply.
The repose which followed the expulsion of the Moors,
the newly acquired wealth of the Indies, and the
grandeur attained by Spain under the brilliant reigns
of Ferdinand, Charles, and Philip were alike favorable
to the pursuit of literature.

A history of literature is but a history of the nation;
for not only what is expressed, but the forms of ex-
pression, denote the character and progress of the

CULTURE OF LETTERS. 21

people. Hence if we would learn the correlative
effect of letters upon Spain and Spain upon letters,
we must go back to the same source whence other
phases of civilization are evolved.

The culture of letters, first carried to the peninsula
by the Romans, after sinking beneath Visigothic bar-
barism, revived under the Arabs. Excepting, as we
well may, the miserable theologic drivel of the Gotho-
Latin fathers of the Spanish church, science and learn-
ing first appeared at Cordova. Schlegel, with the
proverbial zeal of a neophyte, and newly converted
champion of the church, has tried, without avail, to
underrate the Arabic influence. Humboldt, verging
to the other extreme, exalts it beyond measure. The
Arabs, he says, are the ''actual founders of physical
science," the authors of chemical pharmacy. They
"scared back to some extent the barbarism which had
shrouded Europe for more than two hundred years."
They had a "far extended and variously developed
literature," and they "lead us back to the imperishable
sources of Greek philosophy." "The reigns of the
two Abderrahmans," says Ticknor, " and the period
of the glory of Cordova, which begun about 750 and
continued almost to the time of its conquest by the
Christians in 1236, were more intellectual than could
be found elsewhere." The kingdom of Granada, which
succeeded, was scarcely less famed for its learning and
refinement than for its opulence and ostentatious
luxury.

Scattered over the plain of Granada at the time of
its conquest were no less than fifty colleges and seventy
public libraries where literature was pursued, and the
sciences of astronomy, mathematics, and chemistry
cultivated.

Jewish literature attained eminence under the
caliphs of Spain. The Moslem schools at Granada,
Cordova, Barcelona, and Toledo were thrown open to
Israelites, who became proficient in medicine, mathe-
matics, and astronomy.

22 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

Then it was in the southern part of Spain that lit-
erature first took root. There in the most beautiful
climate of Europe, in Barcelona and Valencia, as well
ts in southern France, was the native seat of that
sweet Proven§al poetry, "the joyous science." From
Catalonia, Valencia, and Aragon it passed to Castile.
It dates back to the eighth century, but received its
great stimulus from the crusades. "The crusades,"
says Buckle, " increased the stock of fables, and all the
fictions of the east were suddenly let loose upon
Europe." In the twelfth century nearly every coun-
try of Europe had heard the fame of the gai saber.

In Spain, as Lafuente has shown, this literary move-
ment did nob limit itself to poetry and works of the
imagination. It extended also to theology, ethics, his-
tory, politics, and jurisprudence. Translations of the
bible and commentaries on its chronicles, books of law,
of government, and of theology appeared. So great
was the respect paid for learning at the close of the
fourteenth century, that on the accession of King Don
Martin of Aragon, the judicial and political question
of succession was neither fought out nor settled by
the nobles, but decided by a committee of learned
ecclesiastics and jurists.

This general progress of public feeling toward en-
lightenment contributed much to the creation of the
University of Barcelona in 1430, by the ancient magis-
tracy of that city. It was endowed with thirty-two pro-
fessorships, including chairs of theology, jurisprudence,
medicine, philosophy, grammar, rhetoric, anatomy,
Hebrew, and Greek. From the intimate commu-
nication between the Aragonese and the Italians, the
Renaissance, rising in Italy since the fall of Con-
stantinople, was carried to the peninsula. Spain
was fortunate in securing Florence as a teacher.
When Cosmo di Medici died in 1464, his grandson
Lorenzo succeeded to the rule of Florence, and to the
guiding of great events. The crescent had eclipsed
the cross at the golden horn of the Bosporus; with

SPANISH LITERATURE. 23

the city of Constantino had utterly fallen the last pil-
lar of the eastern empire. The learned men whom
the great capital had nursed were scattered abroad,
fleeing with their books and instruments, wandering
they knew not whither. Lorenzo gathered many to
his Tuscan city, and spared neither gold nor care that
they and their manuscripts should make their stay
permanent. It is well known what such a policy did
for Florence; and how this light made many dark ab-
surdities untenable for Europe, and even for Spain.
New universities sprang up ; Castile took her place
in the race, and everything indicated for Spain the in-
auguration of new and great things. There the sci-
ences were more backward in the fifteenth century than
letters. Astronomy, cosmography, physics, and math-
ematics had, it is true, their professors in the universi-
ties of Salamanca and Alcala. But the information
possessed on these subjects was neither equal to that
in Portugal since the time of Prince Henry, nor com-
mensurate with the material and scientific revolution
that the discovery of the New World had produced.
"Salamanca," says Hare, "once possessed twenty -five
colleges, twenty convents, twenty -five professors, and
twenty-five arches of its bridge; but the last alone re-
main intact — colleges, churches, convents, and pro-
fessorships having alike fallen. The university, which
boasted above ten thousand students in the fourteenth
century, has now little more than one thousand; and
the splendid collegiate buildings, palaces worthy of the
corso of Rome or the grand canal of Venice, are either
in ruins or let out to poor families."

While the Mohammedan contest was raging the
fiercest, and the corrupted Latin of the Spaniards was
merging into the Castilian dialect, Alfonso X. as-
cended the throne of Castile, and for his zeal in pro-
moting the intelligence of his people, was surnamed
The Wise. To his Arab tastes he was indebted for
this title. He labored to introduce into Europe the
sciences, arts, and manufactures of his Arab neighbors.

24 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

He was something of an astronomer, something of a
chemist, and he proposed a system of the heavens
based upon the Ptolemaic scheme. He patronized
letters, and his own writings contributed not a little
to their advance, and to that of science. , He invited
many eastern philosophers to his court, and he had
many of their works translated into Castilian. Of
the more material advantages, gunpowder, our min-
erals, paper, and the compass, though not discovered
by the Arabians, were introduced by them to Euro-
pean use. The first schools and libraries in the penin-
sula, in mediaeval times, were those of the Mussulmans.
" The number of Arabic authors which Spain pro-
duced," says Sisrnondi, "was so prodigious, that many
Arabian bibliographers wrote learned treatises on the
authors born in particular towns." Was it any won-
der, then, with all this, that to the Arab colleges,
academies, and libraries there resorted in great num-
bers, not only the sons of the faithful, but also Chris-
tians from different parts of Europe? So much for
the eastern, for a long time not only the principal
but the only source of learning and culture in Spain.
Up to this time, which was the middle of the thir-
teenth century, the literature of Spain consisted of
romantic poems of the order of El Romancero del Cid,
and a multitude of chivalric ballads of like quality.
As manifestions of temperament, these effusions, are
not without value. For hundreds of years heroic
romances and tales of knight-errantry constituted
the popular literature of Spain, and these monstrous
fictions were devoutly accepted as true history. No
absurdity was too great for belief; and although this
folly was effectually crushed by the renowned Don
Quixote toward the latter part of the ^sixteenth cen-
tury, shortly before which time the passion for reading
books of chivalry was never more absorbing nor the
influence more baneful, its impress remains indelibly
stamped upon the Spanish mind. Their dramatic
writings consisted chiefly of religious farces and alle-

ALFONSO THE WISE. 25

gorical plays, which can scarcely be ranked as literature,
much less poetry. Alfonso digested the then existing
opinions concerning morals, religion, and legislation,
into a uniform system of laws, applicable to the
various conditions of his people. This work was
called Las Siete Partidas, from the seven parts into
which it was divided. The learned monarch drew
largely from the code of Justinian, as well as from
other sources. In this compilation was laid, not only
the foundation of Spanish jurisprudence, but it em-
bodied such sound ethical maxims as to affect, not only
the polities of Spain, but of the colonies of Louisiana
and Florida, and through them to exert a modifying
influence upon the government of the United States.
But unfortunately, the paths of literature for the
two succeeding centuries lay not through fertile fields
nor by clear running streams. In place of a natural
growth, advancing step by step from barbaric igno-
rance, the Spanish intellect plunged at once from the
dreamy languor of chivalric ballads into the depths of
mysticism and theological speculation. Imagination
still usurped the domain of reason; the battle was be-
tween nominalism and realism; men fought, not for
the truth, but for the abstract idea. The faith for
which the Spaniards had so long struggled clouded
their understanding, and prevented that unprejudiced
inquiry into causes which lies at the foundation of
all progress. Only the theological subtleties of the
Greeks had been absorbed by the Latins, while the
more sensible Arabians seized upon Aristotelean
philosophy, and applied it to useful arts. The church
was by no means unwilling that her secrets should be
guarded by a dead language. Cardinal Bembo seeing
one day a priest engaged in translating a portion of
the bible exclaimed, "Leave off this child's play;
such nonsense does not become a man of gravity."
Latin therefore continued to be the language of the
church, and as the clergy only were taught, the
church monopolized learning. All through the dark

26 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

age there glimmered beams of light from Constan-
tinople, from Bagdad, and from Cordova. The Om-
miades kept up regular communication with the
Byzantine emperors. To the papacy as the tem-
poral and ecclesiastical power of the church of Rome
was opposed the caliphate as the temporal and ecclesi-
astical power of Mohammedanism. While the bishop
of Rome held undisputed temporal and spiritual sway
in Italy, in Castile, and over the entire north of
Europe, the caliph of Mohammed held undisputed
temporal and spiritual sway at Cordova, as well as at
Samarcand. The bishop of Rome was pope because
he was emperor; the caliph of Mohammed was em-
peror because he was pope. As intercourse with the
Greeks and Saracens increased, there was manifest
throughout Europe an awakened interest in learning.
In Constantinople Greek was a living language until
that city was conquered by Mohammed II. in 1453.
In 1458 it was first taught at Paris, in 1481 it was
printed at Milan, and taught at Oxford in 1488.
With the restoration of Greek literature in Italy,
about the beginning of the fifteenth century, began a
new era in the extension of knowledge. It was this
light breaking in from the east that dispelled the
long darkness. Latin, which as the language of the
learned had hitherto kept wrapped within its mystic
folds the wisdom of the ancients, fell into disuse.
From vulgar and aboriginal dialects modern lan-
guages were formed, and literature was taken from
church control and spread before the people. Schools
arose, and laymen as well as clergymen were taught.
Inquiry and argument left the unprofitable fields of
windy scholasticism, and entered the more practical
paths of science. Penetrating eyes were cast upon
human affairs, and saw therein elements not reached
by the meditations of the cloister. Men dared to give
license to thought, to give rein to reason, and with it
to invade the sacred precincts of old delusions, and
demand of bigots the why and wherefore of their ab-

PRIOTTffQ. 27

surdities. Italy again becomes the seat of learning
and refinement. The Byzantine school of art, trans-
planted with Greek literature, breaks forth in dazzling
splendor. The divine in man assumes form. A new
music floating through the chambers of the soul finds
vent, coagulates upon the canvas, and concretes in
marble statues and cathedral domes. Popular litera-
ture finds expression in Ariosto, Poloziano, and Pulci ;
and art in Michael Angelo, Tiziano, and Leonardo da
Vinci. The subtle disputations of scholastics fade be-
fore the more philosophic reasonings of Machiavelli
and Lorenzo. The Ptolemaic idea of astronomy,
which placed the earth in the centre of the universe
and sent the whole heavens whirling around it, is
exploded by the theory of a solar system promul-
gated by Copernicus.

And as if all this were not enough for the enfran-
chisement of the intellect, another and still mightier
power appears — the art of printing. Beside this arti-
fice, simple yet wonderful, all the inventions of man sink
to insignificance. Transfixing thought, giving per-
petual speech to the wisdom of ages, bringing up the
dead past and surrounding the present with myriads of
tongues, it is more magical than magic, more cunning
than sorcery. The power of the pulpit was thenceforth
doomed to give way before the power of the press.
Although printing was invented in Germany about
1440, the art was not established in Spain until 1474;
and while destined eventually to effect the complete
emancipation of learning, it was so pampered at first by
the jealousy of the clergy and the restrictions of govern-
ment, that its influence was greatly retarded. Under
the pontificate of Alexander VI. a censorship of the
press was decreed, and no book was suffered to be
printed without special permission from the clergy, *
under pain of fire for the book and excommunication
for the author. Four centuries have since passed
away, and these fetters are scarcely yet entirely
removed.

28 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMG.

By a singular coincidence, says Lafuente, printing
was introduced into Spain in the year Isabella began
to occupy the throne of Castile. She received and
protected the art with ardor. By an ordinance made
in Seville the 25th of December, 1477, and directed to
the city of Murcia, it was commanded that Teodorico
Aleman, "printer of books in these kingdoms, be freed
of all taxes and duties whatever — he being one of the
chief inventors and practisers of the art of printing,
having dared the many perils of the sea to bring it to
Spain." By means of this and other wise measures
emanating from the lively protection of Queen Isabella,
and notwithstanding it was so completely muzzled by
fanaticism, the marvellous art of Gutenberg spread
itself throughout Spain. And from the printing of
the Cantares a la Virgen, in Valencia, till that of the
polyglot bible, appeared a multitude of important
books. Before the end of the fifteenth century there
were printing establishments in all the principal cities
of Spain, in Valencia, Barcelona, Saragossa, Seville,
Toledo, Valladolid, Burgos, Salamanca, Zamora, Mur-
cia, Alcala, Madrid, and in others of less consideration.

With Granada fallen and America discovered, Spain
was becoming unified, and Castile, indeed, was in some
sort becoming Spain. All literature showed life.
Chronicle writing was abundant, and began to crystal-
lize into history. Isabella then turned her attention
to the cultivation of letters with all the ardor of iier
nature. She summoned to her court the learned Mil-
anese, Peter Martyr, and directed him to open a school
for the reclamation of noble youths from ignoble pur-
suits, by inculcating in them a taste for literature.
She encouraged the most eminent Italian scholars to
take up their residence at her court, and to excite emu-
ulation applied herself to the study of Latin, which she
had first began after heraccession to the throne. Under
royal auspices a spirit of intellectual rivalry sprang up,
and for the first time in Spain the profession of letters
rose to an equality with the profession of arms. Men

PRIESTCRAFT. 29

and women of all classes were stimulated to seek dis-
tinction in letters. But even this generous ambition
must rest subservient to the fierce bigotry of the
times. While Isabella thus fostered the advancement
of knowledge among her people, her minister, Ximeuez,
was zealously collecting from all quarters the heretical
manuscripts of the Arabs, to which Spanish scholar-
ship was most greatly indebted, and burning them
in huge piles in the public square of Granada. Two
centuries later with Velasquez and Murillo the glory
of Spanish art departed, and with Solis and Calderon
the brilliant reign of Spanish letters terminated.

Throughout all this extravaganza of expanding
thought the ministers of superstition were not idle.
Raised to power by the murky moisture of intellectual
night, they saw and seized their opportunity. Nor
for this are they entitled to special blame. It has
long been the fashion to heap upon rulers, temporal
and spiritual, the odium attaching to the sins of the
people; as if kings and priests made man, forged his
fetters, and whipped him into servitude. In a socio-
logical sense, even in despotic and superstitious times,
rulers and ecclesiastics were none the less servants
and ministers of the people than now. They were
simply the incarnation of the spirit of servility, of
intellectual fear, and of abasement inherent in the
masses. Nor were they more cruel, or designing, or
hypocritical than other men. The king believed him-
self the Lord's annointed; the priest believed himself
God's vicegerent; in this there was nothing strange,
so long as their subjects held faith in miracles, witch-
craft, apparitions, and monsters. It is true that
priests, by surrounding an appearance of learning with
the paraphernalia of imposing forms, may by persua-
sions, and threatenings of supernatural visitations,
long hold the unthinking mind under bondage of fear;
but this can never be unless the people first bestow
the power. The religion of a people, like their gov-

30 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

ernment, is of their own making or of their own en-
during. It is never much above or below the moral
ideal of the masses. But for the people to forge for
themselves fetters, thrust their willing hands into
them, and then cry that they are held, is childish; and
it is scarcely less so for writers of history to inveigh
against one of a nation, or one class, for performing
the functions of an office in which they are sustained
by the people. When we hear rattle th,e chains of
the struggling mind, we are too apt to forget how
they came there, to forget that bondage is an inheri-
tance, and to blame human holders of power for not
behaving more than godlike, and hasten to lay it down
and free the race. These teachers are not the crafty
serpents their biographers make them; they are
worms like their fellows ; not possessed of any super-
human knowledge more than are our teachers of to-
day. There is no Serbonian bog of more hopeless
depth than the teachings of ignorance.

Nevertheless, as we shall see, the Spanish ministers
of Christ were not wholly consistent in their practice
with the teachings of their divine master. Their
practice was not wholly consistent with their profes-
sion; they taught charity, mercy, peace; and for the
enforcement of these mild precepts they brought car-
nage, inquisitorial tortures, and all the demoniacal
passions the nature human is heir to. It will not
do to survey ecclesiastical morality by the light of
ecclesiastical history. " The pathway of Christ's fol-
lowers is red not alone with the blood of the saints;
the history of persecution is the history of the church ;
for every martyr to Christ's love ten have been mar-
tyred for the love of Christ. Not that the Christians
of the fifteenth century were more cruel or less sincere
than the Christians of the first century. Both were
eaten up of zeal; but in the authoritative elaboration
of its dogmas latter-day faith grew ferocious, and sub-
tle disputations over forms of infinitesimal importance
were followed by copious blood-lettings. The schisms

CHRISTIANITY. 31

and slaughterings of the several branches of the
church during the second and third five centuries of
its existence were more foolish than the quarrelling
for the shadow of an ass. With the Bigendians of
Lilliput it was a matter of no small consequence, and
a point of orthodoxy, that all eggs should be cracked
at the big end, wherefore the Smallendians denounced
them as vile and heretical, because any one but the
most bigoted and abandoned of God could see that
eoftrs should be broken at the small end. Profitless

*

disputation has not wholly ceased even in our own
day.

The moral ideal of the Greeks and Romans was
patriotism; that of the early Christians, fraternity;
that of the mediaeval Christians, asceticism and self-
torture. When pagan civilization lapsed into the
dark age, political unity was destroyed, and reli-
gious unity usurped its place ; just as in the national
unfolding from savagism, superstition follows, if in-
deed it does not accompany, despotism. Creeping,
trembling humanity must have something to cling
to; if not substance, then it seeks to embrace shadows.
No sooner, however, than the mind, enlightened by
experience, is able to distinguish between idle fancies
or personalities placed by the imagination behind
appearances, and the concrete fact that this deadly
f'c.ir, mother of the twin cubs superstition and igno-
rance, begins to lose its power, and gradually fetich
worship, dead-hero worship, king worship, image wor-
ship, and the like disappear.

Christianity was taught in Spain as early as the
second century — some say earlier — entering the coun-
try probably from Africa. By the end of the third
century churches were established. The arrival of
the Visigoths made no change in religion, they, too,
having already embraced Christianity.

Spain was early, noted for an extreme religious zeal.
Nowhere in Europe did the clergy acquire such un-
bounded influence over the minds of the people.

32 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

Sismondi, it is true, asserts that not until the time of
Charles V. did the Spaniards become in any special
degree bigoted or slavishly religious; but maintained
in a great degree their independence against that
church of Rome of which they subsequently became
the most timid vassals. This view, however, is
hardly that of his brother historians. Buckle, for
one, not only affirms the early superstition of Spain,
but sees physical, a priori reasons why it should
have been so. Famines, epidemics, earthquakes, and
general unhealthiness of climate, he says, are among
the most important physical causes of ultra-religiosity;
both by their effect in inflaming superstition and over-
awing inquiry, and in their shortening their average
duration of life, thus increasing the frequency and
earnestness with which supernatural aid is invoked.
In these unfavorable natural features, no European
country has been so unfortunately situated as Spain.
In this theory, Mr Froude thinks there is a great
deal of truth ; though at the same time he instances,

• • •

on the other side of the question, "Japan, the spot in
all the world where earthquakes are most frequent,
and where, at the same time, there is the most serene
disbelief in any supernatural agency whatever." It
seems, on the whole, a mere question of the compara-
tive influence of certain admitted powers, none of
which were likely to be at all favorable to cool, fear-
less reasoning. Look, for example, at the fitful, pre-
carious life of the Spaniard himself, through so many
generations of his early national existence, while the
Toledo kept as best it could against the cimeter the
western gates of Europe. In such times "thought
and inquiry were impossible ; doubt was unknown ; and
the way was prepared for those superstitious habits,
and for that deep-rooted and tenacious belief, which
have always formed a principal figure in the history
of the Spanish nation."

So much for Buckle ; it must be recognized, how-
ever, with regard to the effects of this latter cause,

RELIGION IN SPAIN. S3

that before the Saracens had at all set foot in the
peninsula, "no kingdom was so thoroughly under the
bondage of the hierarchy as Spain." This is what
Hallam thinks of it; while Lafuente, treating of the
Gotho-Spanish kingdom as early as the seventh cen-
tury, speaks of "the influence and preponderance of
the clergy, not then only in ecclesiastical matters, but
also in the policy of the state." In fact, of the national
councils held at that time, it is not easy to determine
whether they are to be considered as ecclesiastical or
temporal assemblies. Milman affirms them to have
been both. To such an extent had the clergy insinu-
ated themselves in the affairs of state.

Turn again to the results of the Mohammedan
invasion as set forth by the historian of English civili-
zation : " There were three ways in which the Moham-
medan invasion strengthened the devotional feeling of
the Spanish people. The first was by promoting a
long and obstinate religious war; the second was by
the presence of constant and imminent dangers; and
the third was by the poverty, and therefore the igno-
rance, which it produced among the Christians."

The war which drove the infidels from Spain was a
war for the faith, a crusade no less than a conquest.
The interests of the church, as well as the interests of
the nation, were at stake; hence in martial matters
the clergy took active interest, and played therein no
mean part. Not only did they animate the soldiers
by their enthusiasm, and comfort them with promises
of divine approbation, but abbots and bishops joined
in councils of war, and led armies to battle. While
the kino; fought for the church, the church could do

O O '

no less than to inculcate such maxims as should tend
most to the service of the king. Likewise the king
stood by the church and dearly regarded its interests.
And now these two great powers, which had marched
hand in hand for ten centuries and more, were ap-
proaching the meridian of their glory. The courts of
Isabella, Ferdinand, Charles, and Philip, with all their

CAI* PAST., VOL. I. 3

34 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

forms and august pageantries, might well have passed
for models of celestial mansions; as if the gods had
come down and taken up their abode with men. And
so, indeed, many regarded it. "Whatever the king
came in contact with," says Buckle, " was in some de-
gree hallowed by his touch. No one might mount a
horse which he had ridden; no one might marry a
mistress whom he had deserted. Horse and mistress
alike were sacred, and it would have been impious for
any subject to meddle with what had been honored by
the Lord's anointed."

The despotic power embodied in a united church and
state brought the Spanish people into a state of servile
homage to king and clergy, and imprinted on their
character its deepest color. Fired by earthly hopes
on the one side, and heavenly hopes on the other, the
mind became greatly inflamed. It became part of
their religion to be loyal, and part of their loyalty to
be religious. Upon the eve of battle the priest, to
stimulate their zeal, wrought miracles, declared omens,
and conjured to their aid the potent elements of
heaven. The most trivial circumstances were seized
as tokens of success or failure.

As the learning of past ages lay hidden in the lan-
guages understood only by the clergy, such expositions
and interpretations could be placed upon it as best
suited their purpose. Thereby, in the eyes of the
ignorant, they were clothed in mysterious powers;
they were special confidants of the deity, and held
the disposal of earthly and heavenly blessings at
their command. Hence all united to do them rever-
ence. A large share of the spoils of battle fell to
them. In every province wrested from the Moors,
extensive grants were made for ecclesiastical institu-
tions, and any attempt to curb their avarice, or dis-
pute their authority, was denounced as impious and
heretical. Priests were kings, ministers, lawyers, or
soldiers as the interests of the church demanded.
They engaged in trade, and owned manufactories.

POWER OF THE CLERGY. 35

A monk could travel from one end of Spain to the
other without money, his blessing being more than
compensation for his entertainment. The proudest
grandees servilely attended the clergy on occasions of
great display, such as the burning of a heretic, or in
celebrating mass, gladly embracing every opportunity
of manifesting their zeal for the church by humbling
themselves before its meanest functionaries. The
abbess of Huelgas ranked above all the ladies of
Spain save the queen. Few throughout Christendom
were higher in ecclesiastical dignity than the arch-
bishop of Toledo, ex officio primate of Spain and grand
chancellor of Castile. His was the metropolitan
church whose canons dwelt in stately palaces, and
whose revenues were princely rather than priestly.

In 1549 a convent was founded by Ramon Beren-
guer in Catalonia, on the spot where the body of
Poblet, a holy hermit, had been revealed by mystic
lights. The shrine became famous. Monarchs en-
riched it with their wealth and honored it with their
remains. If we may credit Hare, "five hundred
monks of St Bernard occupied but did not fill the
magnificent buildings. Their domains became almost
boundless, their jewelled chalices and gorgeous church
furniture could not be reckoned. The library of
Poblet became the most famous in Spain, so that it
was said that a set of wagons employed for a whole
year could not carry away the books. Poblet grew to
be the Westminster abbey of Spain, and its occupants
became more exclusive. Their number was reduced
to sixty-six, but into that sacred circle no novice was
introduced in whose veins ran other than the purest
blood of a Spanish grandee. He who became a monk
of Poblet had to prove his pedigree, and the chap-
ter sate in solemn deliberation upon his quartering^."
Every monk had two servants to attend him, and
when he went out he rode upon a snow-white mule.
The whole peninsula was searched for these mules,
and they commanded an enormous price. '

36 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

Nowhere in Christendom did religion enter into
the daily life of the people as in Spain. Every house
was a school of superstition. Every guild had its
patron saint. Thousands of vulgar conceits, omens,
prognostics, tales of witchcraft, magic, and diabolic
holiness were current among the masses. Piety was
made practical. "God and St Bridget bless you!"
cries the milkmaid to the cow, and there were no
more kickings. She who would know the Christian
name of her lover had but to stretch a thread across
the doorway, and the. name of the first man who
stepped over it was the name of him whom she
should marry. The distaff must not remain loaded
over Sunday, or the linen of the following week
would be of bad quality, and thousands of like ab-
surdities. In French falconry, if we may believe
Paul Lacroix, before hunting, the birds were sprinkled
with holy water, as on St Hubert's day hounds and
accoutrements of the chase were blessed by the
priests. The enemies of the falcon were then sol-
emnly addressed in the manner following : " I adjure
you, O eagles ! by the true God, by the holy God, by
the most blessed Virgin Mary, by the nine orders of
angels, by the holy prophets, by the twelve apostles,
to leave the field clear to our birds, and not to molest
them : in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and
of the Holy Ghost."

Emblematic of all industries and interests was the
cross. The body is fashioned like a cross; churches
were built in the form of a cross; seas could not be
safely traversed except in cross-masted vessels, nor
the earth made fertile by any other than a cruciform
spade.

To impress the popular mind, mystery-plays or pas-
sion-plays were introduced, in which scripture inci-
dents were arrayed in the gaudy paraphernalia of the
drama. In these repulsive exhibitions, ecclesiastics
appeared upon the stage in the characters of the
patriarchs and apostles, and even of the deity. Adam

INSANE SUPERSTITION. 37

and Eve paraded before the chaste audience naked,
and Lucifer stalked the boards with horns and cloven
hoof and forked tail. There the Christ was crucified,
the creator sat in judgment, and the fires of hell were
brightly burning. Later, when taste became refined
by art, these spectacles were modified or abandoned
for the more impressive grandeur of architectural
piles, vaulted aisles and pictured windows; pointed
spires and deep-toned bells; with statues, incense,
tapers, and the imposing ceremonials of the mass.
In Spain more than elsewhere art was subordinated
to religion; image worship was the most fertile field
of the sculptor and painter. Science, if used at all,
was employed only to elucidate some doctrine of
the church. In every way, by interpolation of scrip-
ture, by exalting blind faith, by nursing besotted
ignorance and trembling credulity, science was smoth-
ered and rationalistic thought crushed. Innovation,
deviation from time-honored tenets, was heresy. To
think was a crime; to study nature, magic; to attempt
to interpret nature by a natural, or any other than a
biblical, standard was sorcery.

In every village was a sorcerer, wise man, or magi-
cian, a most useful member of society, who, being in
correspondence with agencies infernal, wrought mira-
cles, cured the sick, and brought to light that which
was lost. Days lucky and unlucky in which to buy and
to sell were duly noted in the almanac. Joan d'Arc
not only heard voices in the air, and beheld strange
visions, but she made the French and English soldiery
see them. Columbus, on first sighting San Salvador,
saw the western coast of Asia, and he commanded
every one of his men to see in that island Asia, and
to believe and know that it was the veritable Cipango,
the Japan of India, that they saw under penalty of
having the tongue of every doubter cut out. What
had men to do with their senses, with reason? The
sum of duty in those days was very simple — only be-
lieve. Whatever could not be understood might be

38 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

attributed, with Don Quixote, to enchantment, or the
work of some wicked magician. And so John Faust,
the printer, was a witch ; and storms and deaths and
all evils were attributed to witches; and witches were
burned by thousands.

Sorcery and witchcraft were for centuries defended
by the ablest scholastics. Thomas Aquinas, St Au-
gustine, Gerson, and Bodin fought as hard against
scepticism in witchcraft as in worship. Neither abil-
ity, purity of intention, nor a self-sacrificing search
for truth were proof against error; instance Martin
Luther blackening the wall with his inkstand hurled
against an imaginary devil, and the puritan fathers
who fled persecution, only for Christ's sake to perse-
cute each other. Whoever attempted to question
the truth of witchcraft was hushed by passages from
scripture, by which or from which anything or nothing
can be proved. The logic of superstition was a meas-
uring of error by error, by which method the truth
has never yet been meted out.

Toledo was famous for its witches. At Calahorra
in 1507 thirty women were burned for witchcraft.
Hundreds of instances might be cited where women
and men were thus tortured to death by these pro-
foundly blind and pious men. The unfortunates who
thus suffered were deemed criminally depraved, ac-
cursed of God, children of Satan, whom to send by
an excruciating death to eternal torment were a
righteous duty. So clergymen dealt with the tainted
of their flock, so magistrates dealt with the accused,
so dealt friend with friend, and mothers with children.

Any man having aught against another had but to
twist his body into a knot, call the semblance of agony
to his face, cry witch, and charge the evil on his enemy
to be forever rid of him. As late as 1484 Innocent
VIII. complains by papal bull " that numbers of both
sexes do not avoid to have intercourse with the infer-
nal fiends, and that by their sorceries they afflict both
man and beast. They blight the marriage bed, de-

PATRISTIC ABSURDITIES. 39

stroy the births of women and the increase of cattle;
they blast the corn on the ground, the grapes in the
vineyard, the fruits of the trees, and the grass and
herbs of the field." Strange that the creator and pre-
server of all things should stand still and see the
innocent suffer for what he has done, and open not his
mouth !

Patristic writings are full of their jugglery. Among
the long catalogue of miracles deemed authentic by
St Augustine were five cases of bringing the dead to
life. During life birds brought fruit to the anchorite,
and at death lions dug his grave and howled his requiem.
Often the virgin descended, and lifting the pious sup-
plicant from his knees, comforted him. Images every-
where cured the sick and winked and blinked upon
the worshippers at their shrine. Under direction of
the Virgin of the Pillar at Saragossa chronic diseases
were cured and amputated limbs restored. Every vil-
lage had its shrine ; every temple its miracle-working
relic. So rapidly grew the hair of a Burgos crucifix
that it required cutting once a month. Even fishes
left their element and thronged about St Anthony
to hear him preach. By the angelic host were scat-
tered the armies of princes opposed to the church.
Missionaries, led by duty into the wilderness, were
there either supernaturally protected or granted
glorious martyrdom. All this smacks somewhat of
pious fraud, but yet more of mental aberration.

To-day Hare affirms that fifty thousand pilgrims
flock to Saragossa on the 12th of October, that day
being the festival of the Virgin of the Pillar. " God
alone," says Pope Innocent III., " can count the mira-
cles which are there performed," and Cardinal Retz,
who was at the place in 1649, solemnly declares that
"he saw with his own eyes a leg which had been cut
off grow again upon being rubbed with oil from one of
the virgin's lamps." St Vincent Ferrer of Valencia
made those who were born blind to see; he made the
lame to walk, raised the dead, converted thirty-five

40 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

thousand Jews, and performed many other minor
feats. Ponderous volumes are filled with the mirac-
ulous doings of holy men, with the visions they had
seen, and the visitations made to them. Thus were
children taught by their parents, pupils by their
teachers, soldiers by their king; thus were men as-
sured of the truth by those whom they regarded as
the ministers and representatives of God's will and
power on earth. Such was the atmosphere in which
the belief of our New World adventurers was formed.

The clergy easily obtained permission to establish
courts for the decision of all questions relative to
their creeds and to their property. By extending
under various artifices the jurisdiction of these spirit-
ual courts, they were made to include the greater part
of all cases arising for litigation. Codes of laws were
formed, and rules established whereby uniform and
consistent decisions were made. The fulmination of
ecclesiastical edicts became common, and were more
dreaded than bodily punishment. Their system of j uris-
prudence gradually superseded arbitration by combat,
and their courts were regarded as more strictly tem-
ples of justice than those of the feudal magistrates.
Finally a system of canon law was framed in accord-
ance with their pretensions, and thereafter the church
refused to submit her affairs to the decision of tem-
poral tribunals.

Joining the king against the nobles, the clergy
plunged deep into political intrigue, directing the
affairs of government, and entering largely into juris-
prudence. Priestcraft, an essential constituent of chiv-
alry and the crusades, became the dominant power of
civilized societies, and gave coloring to all religious
wars. Wealth followed as a natural sequence. One
half the property of Spain was at one time under con-
trol of the church, and all of it exempt from taxation.

The court of Rome, during the latter part of the
fifteenth and the early part of the sixteenth centuries,
was at the height of its power, and the depth of its

IRONY OF HUMILITY. 41

corruption. The popes, after the council of Constance,
added to their spiritual and quasi-temporal sovereignty
over Christendom a complete civil and secular author-
ity in the papal states. The primacy of St Peter, at
first a state of simple guardianship, became powerful
through the power of the Romans. The authority
over provincial churches which the city of Rome, as
mistress of the world, gave to the early pastors of
Rome, upon the advent of Mohammed and the fall of
the sees of Antioch, Alexandria, and Constantinople,
was left supreme. The superiority, at first conceded
by virtue of parental protection, was then claimed as
a right. As the empire of Rome declined, the empire
of St Peter maintained the supremacy, and in the
eleventh century Hildebrand, under title of Gregory
VII., promulgated the bold conceit that the successor
of St Peter as vicegerent of the creator is sovereign
of the world. Thus the patriarch of Rome became
the pope of Rome. Although subscribing himself
Servus Servorum Dei, servant of the servants of God,
he was content to be nothing less than master of the
masters of men. Twelve hundred years after Christ,
the vicar of Christ assumes that temporal authority
which Christ himself declared to be no part of his
mission. The exit of Colonna, as Martin IV., from
Constance, was more glorious than Christ's entry into
Jerusalem. Arrayed in gorgeous robes, and mounted
on a richly caparisoned mule, forty thousand horse-
men, among whom were kings, princes, and prelates,
knights, and learned doctors, escorted him beyond the
city walls. On one side rode the emperor, and on the
other the elector of Brandenburg, each holding a rein,
His housings were supported by princes, and he rode
beneath a canopy borne by four counts.

The mighty and noble being thus brought under
the yoke, such fatherly precepts were instilled into
their minds as should keep them zealous and trac-
table. A system of rewards and punishments was
invented. Pet names were given in return for emi-

42 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

nent services. Ferdinand of Spain for expelling the
Moors was permitted to call himself Most Catholic
Majesty; the king of Portugal was dubbed Most
Faithful; Louis XL, Most Christian; while Henry
VIII. , for opposing Luther, was styled Defender of
the Faith, and for opposing the pope was anathema-
tized. Christian monarchs, faithful to the church,
were confirmed and strengthened in their government,
and their dominions enlarged; while maledictions
were hurled at those who dared to disobey ; crusades
were preached, not against infidels alone, but against
Christian nations whose rulers refused to bow before
the papal power. Multitudes from every land flocked
to Rome, as formerly pilgrims flocked to the holy
sepulchre.

It is inconsistent with earthly affairs for greatness
like this to last. The fruit of it ripened and decayed.
The pope who made himself higher than man lived
lower than the brute. Sixtus IV. who reigned from
1471 to 1484 was led by his nepotism into base in-
trigues and treacherous conspiracies. Innocent VIII. ,
1484-1592, is accredited by his mildest historians
with seven illegitimate children, offspring of various
women. The very name of Alexander VL, 1492-
1503, the father of Caesar and Lucretia Borgia, is
synonymous with cruelty and licentiousness. " The
impure groves of antiquity," says Merle D'Aubigne,
" probably never saw the like of the wickedness per-
petrated under his roof." He secured his election
by buying every cardinal at a fixed price; and on the
day of his coronation he made his son Caesar arch-
bishop of Valencia and bishop of Pampeluna. This
youth, worthy of his illustrious father, first murdered
his brother and threw the body into the Tiber, then
strangled his brother-in-law, and finally becoming
jealous of his father's favorite, stabbed him to the
heart in the very presence of the pontiff. He kept
a band of hired assassins constantly at hand to do his
bidding. Lucretia Borgia, twice married, lived in-

IMMORAL PONTIFFS. 43

cestuously at the same time with her father and two
brothers. The Borgias, father and children, turned
the imperial city into a harem. Falling at length a
victim to his own diabolical cunning, the pope died of
poison which he had prepared for others. Yet in
justice to Alexander VI., it may be said that notwith-
standing his incestuous debaucheries he was one of
the most able princes of his age. He successfully
quelled the refractory spirit of his barons, although
he did not scruple to use poison and poniard in effect-
ing his purpose. He was devoted to the welfare of
the people, and kind to the poor. Julius II., 1503-
1513, notwithstanding his love of war and his en-
couragement of art — became prematurely old from
intemperance and sensual excesses. With such pas-
tors, what may be expected of the people?

The wickedness of the pontiffs did not die with
them, but spread like a pestilence through all ranks
of the priesthood, and infected every grade of society.
Simony and licentiousness were of the most common
occurrence. While the church was burning heretics
for simple differences of opinion, one half of her priest-
hood purchased their preferments, and lived in open
concubinage.

Yet civilization owes Roman Catholicism some-
thing; for example, the unification of society during
the dark age; restraining the passion for war con-
sequent on the subordination of political power to
divinely deputed papal power; the unification of the
Christian church, growing out of the doctrine of papal
infallibility; the abolition of slavery; the softening and
refining of manners, and multitudinous social cour-
tesies and benefits.

Thus we have seen how the people of Spain were
educated into ignorance and fanaticism; how truth was
hidden away, and falsehood and superstition clothed
in the semblance of truth; how devotion to the king
and to the church was rewarded, and devotion to

44 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

country and conscience punished. Now let us see
how proselytes were made in Spain in the sixteenth
century, as I have elsewhere in this series fully de-
scribed the engines of conversion in America. And
I ask the reader to compare the human sacrifices of
Europe with the human sacrifices of America; com-
pare the bloody butcheries of the Christians with
those of the Aztecs; compare the diabolical savagisrn
of Spain and England and France, about the time of
the conquest, with the worst that was found in the
New World.

So dear was the purity of the faith to both spiritual
and temporal rulers, that in the twelfth century in-
quirers, or inquisitors, were appointed throughout
Europe to examine persons suspected of heresy. If
spiritual chastisement failed to make plain the mys-
teries of religion, the unbeliever was turned over to
the secular arm. Made fertile by the copious effu-
sions of Mohammedan blood, no soil in Europe was
better prepared for growing these rank weeds of coer-
cion, none more prolific, than that of Spain.

Following Lafuente in his notice of this institution,
it appears that as early as 1232 Gregory IX. directed
the archbishop of Tarragona, as to the establishment
of its courts, in Catalonia, Aragon, Castile, and Na-
varre. The inquisitors were Dominicans as usual.
The king of Castile, St Ferdinand, proved his re-
ligious zeal by helping with his own shoulders to
carry the wood for the burning of heretics. The king
Don Diego of Aragon attended with his sons at the
torture of Pedro Durango de Baldach, burned by sen-
tence of the Inquisitor-general Burguete.

In Castile, at least, this tribunal presently fell to
pieces: so that in 1464 in that kingdom no inquisition
was to be found, but many desired its reestablishment.
No steps, however, were taken in that reign. In
1478, at the request of Isabella, who was acted upon
by her spiritual advisers, Sixtus IV. empowered the
catholic kings to elect three prelates, and other eccle-

INQUISITION. 45

siastical doctors and licentiates, of good life, to inquire
after and proceed against the heretics and apostates
of the realm, according to law and custom.

The modern inquisition was established in the con-
vent of San Pablo de Sevilla, whence it moved in
1481 into the fortress of Triana. In appearance, this
odious institution harmonized with the orthodox faith ;
in reality, the Spanish inquisition was less an ecclesi-
astical than a political tribunal. It placed in the hand
of the sovereigns a powerful instrument for suppress-
ing faction and strengthening royal despotism. The
mechanism of the modern inquisition was prepared
more especially for the conversion of Jews and Mo-
hammedans. As the order-loving citizen looks compla-
cently upon the gibbet erected for the punishment of
crime, so orthodox Spaniards at first regarded this
ominous instrument, which was to punish usurious
unbelievers and turbaned infidels, with favor rather
than with fear; but in the end they found, to their
cost, that hidden power should be wielded only by the
hand of omniscience.

Forty-five inquisitors-general, with the Dominican
Torquemada at their head, were appointed by their
catholic Majesties and the pope conjointly. Thirteen
courts were organized, and edicts issued calling upon
all persons to give information against any suspected
of heresy. Every now and then some member of a
society mysteriously disappeared from his accustomed
haunts, never again to be seen. When arrested, the
prisoner was conducted to the secret dungeon of the
inquisition, and all intercourse with the world forbid-
den him. Evidence was given in writing, but the
name of the witness was known only to the judges.
The accuser and the accused were never brought face
to face. Often the prisoner knew not for what crime
he was accused. Secret and presumptive testimony
was allowed, and the most absurd proof admitted. To
convict of Judaism, it was only necessary to eat with
a Jew, to wear better clothes than usual on the Jewbh

46 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

sabbath, to drink Jewish wine, or keep a Jewish mis-
tress. After undergoing a mock trial, those who re-
fused to confess the crime charged upon them, whether
guilty or not, were put to the torture.

Three ordeals were practised in Spain for determin-
ing the guilt or innocence of the prisoner: the cord,
water, and fire. Trial by the cord was performed by
fastening the hands of the victim behind his back with
a strong cord, one end of which was passed through a
pulley attached to the roof of the chamber. The exe-
cutioner then raised the victim to the ceiling, and
after holding him suspended for a time, suddenly loos-
ened the cord, permitting him to drop within a foot of
the floor, when his fall was suddenly checked. By
this terrible shock, the cord was made to cut into the
flesh, and the joints were dislocated. The shocks
were repeated until confession was made or life endan-
gered. The ordeal by water was performed by bend-
ing the body over a wooden horse, in such a manner
that the feet were higher than the head, and respira-
tion extremely painful. A lever and cords were then
employed to distort the body and cut the flesh. While
undergoing the most excessive agony in this position,
in order to render torture yet more active, the mouth
and nostrils were covered with a piece of fine linen,
wetted, through which the victim with the utmost
difficulty respired. Water was then poured upon the
face, a small quantity of which slowly filtered through
the linen. In the frantic efforts of the sufferer to
swallow and to breathe, blood-vessels were ruptured,
the linen was saturated with blood, and the body
broken and lacerated by the cords in a horrible man-
ner. In the ordeal by fire, the feet of the victim were
placed, firmly bound, near the fire. Oil or lard was
then rubbed over them, until the flesh was literally
cooked, and the bones protruded. Such are the sick-
ening details by which alone we may show how Chris-
tians labored for the salvation of souls only four
hundred years ago!

AUTO-DE-Ftf. 47

The demoniacal solemnities of the inquisition cul-
minated in that grandest and most imposing ceremonial
of the church, the auto-de-fe, or act of faith, upon
which occasion punishment was inflicted upon the con-
demned. Once more I would ask how to distinguish
the radical difference between the human sacrifices of
the Mexicans and Peruvians and the malignant enor-
mities of the inquisitorial tribunal, except that the
former was attended by far less passion and cruelty
than the latter. Punishments of persons convicted
by the court of the inquisition were of various grades.
Property in every instance was confiscated; and as a
great part of the wealth of the kingdom was in the
hands of heretical Jews and Moors, convictions were
rapid and easy. Some were condemned to be burned,
others who could not be found were burned in effigy.
Some were condemned to be reconciled — by which
term is meant fines, imprisonment, or disenfranchise-
ment.

On the morning of the day appointed for the dismal
spectacle, the populace were awakened by the muffled
sound of the cathedral bell, and soon a crowd of eager
spectators thronged the streets and public square.
The dungeon doors of the tribunal were then thrown
open and the unfortunate victims were brought forth.
First in the procession were placed the penitents, or
those condemned to do penance and be reconciled.
Next, barefooted, clothed in san benitos, or long yel-
low frocks, decorated with scarlet cross, and pictures
of imps and fires of hell to which the -wearer's soul is
doomed, with a high pointed-crowned hat upon the
head, and a large crucifix borne before them, were
those condemned to death. Then followed effigies of
uncaught heretics; and in black coffins garnished with
infernal symbols, the bones of those who had died
under torture or during confinement. The Dominicans
of the holy office, arrayed in sable robes, with the
banner of the inquisition borne aloft, led the proces-
sion, while long files of monks in sacerdotal livery

48 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

brought up the rear. Nobles and grandees joined in
the ceremony, zealous to set the seal of their approval
upon this sanguinary sacrifice to their faith.

The dismal cortege then marched through the prin-
cipal streets of the city to the church. Then a ser-
mon was preached, and the sentences pronounced; at
the close of which an officer of the holy office struck
each victim upon the breast with his hand, signifying
that the inquisition thereby abandoned the condemned
to the civil authorities, chains were then placed upon
the prisoners, and they were led forth to execution.
Those who recanted at the last moment were kindly
strangled before being cast into the fire; otherwise,
they were denied that favor, and burned alive. Thus
were punished between 1481 and 1808 340,000 per-
sons, of whom 32,000 were burned. Such were the
measures adopted to turn the hearts of men to the
mild teachings of Him wrhose name and mission was
love. Such were the arguments used to impress
reason with the truths of religion. Who can wonder
that cruelty and fanatic zeal characterized the Spanish
adventurers to the New World, when at home such
foul acts for the stifling of human thought were pom-
pously performed by mighty sovereigns and holy eccle-
siastics ?

In 1561 Ferdinand was succeeded by Charles, a
sincere, honest, and by no means bad-hearted man.
Yet the religious current into which he was cast
swept him into the most barbarous and bigoted ex-
tremes. A terribly fervent light, and hid under no
bushel, was his to the heretic. To buy a heterodox
book was death. To be a heretic was flames and fire,
both in this world and that which was to come. In
the low countries the deaths for this cause were esti-
mated at one hundred thousand. Almost the last
deed of the old emperor was to add a codicil to his
will, abjuring his son to show no mercy to the accursed
plant of Lutheranism.

Eight well did Philip keep his father's precept.

REVIVAL OF LETTERS. 49

His motto was, " Better not to reign than reign over
heretics.'/ A life guided by this loadstar left such a
blood track as may be imagined; and so thoroughly
did he his work that heresy, which convulsed all
Europe, was in Spain practically dead by the year
1570. From the Pyrenees to Gibraltar all were
loyal, all were orthodox. Then further aimed the be-
nignant Philip, even at the empire of Europe, that he
might utterly away from the earth with those rude
doctrines that still offended his nostrils from many a
quarter. Thus the spirit of intolerance, kindled by
the Mohammedan wars, and fanned into a fierce flame
by the reformation, was kept alive by the mighty
power of these royal bigots.

The revival of letters, which acted as a powerful stim-
ulant in mental development, produced a corresponding
advance in morals. As laymen were enabled to read
for themselves, they were no longer dependent upon
the clergy for an interpretation of sacred and secular
writings. Men began to think and to judge for them-
selves. The clouds of superstition were dispelled by
the revelations of science. The dogmas of the church
and the lives of the clergy were compared writh the
teachings of the apostles. The foul diseases bred by
ecclesiastical excesses threatened ruin to the cjmrch.
The reformation which broke out about 1520 under
Luther in Germany and Zwingli in Switzerland di-
vided Europe anew. The unity of the church was
forever broken. A power mightier than that of
armies and rituals had arisen — the power of thought,
the right to judge, moral and intellectual freedom.
The impulse thus given to thought can scarcely be
understood by us. We can probably never fully
realize, first, how thoroughly the black pall was
flung over learning and reason by the mediseval
church; and secondly, how vehemently it was torn
asunder with the rise of speculative discussion. But
in Spain protestantism was destined to a short career.

CAL. PAST., VOL. I. 4

50 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

That implacable hatred for heretics which for so many
centuries had nerved the arm of the nation, and kept
in a fervent glow the spirit of fanaticism and persecu-
tion, had not yet time to cool. Luther's doctrines
were fiercely met by the inquisitors; his books were
seized and burned as fast as they appeared, and those
who read them were excommunicated. Soon after
the Index Expurgatorius, or list of books condemned
by the inquisition as dangerous to Spain, was pub-
lished, and any person in whose possession a copy of
one of those books should be found was condemned
to death. Thus the rising spirit of inquiry, destined
to regenerate all Europe, was crushed, and bigotry
and fanaticism still held rule in Spain.

The effects of the reformation were nevertheless
keenly felt upon the peninsula, and the church herself
set about correcting those abuses which heretical
reformers were not allowed to touch. Arms and
missionaries were liberally bestowed upon the New
World, and the colonists charged to exert their utmost
powers to extend the faith to the benighted natives.
While Luther was nailing his theses to the church
door at Wlirtenberg, Cortes was thundering at the
portals of Mexico. " God clearly chose this bold
captain, Don Fernando Cortes," says the pious Men-
dieta, "and adopted him as an instrument to open
through him the gate, and prepare the way for the
preachers of his gospel in this New World, where the
catholic church might be restored and recompensed
in the conversion of many souls, for the great loss and
injury which the accursed Luther was to cause, at the
same epoch in the old Christianity."

Yet another reaction. The zealot to please God
first plunges into the depths of poverty and woe ; then
basks in sunny sloth and fatness; then growing ambi-
tious, soars to eminence in statecraft, war, and wealth,
only to be thrust down by the jealous arm of royalty.
Before corruption had reached its height, or a refor-
mation had been thought of, papal sovereignty began to

POPULAR REPRESENTATION. 51

decline. It was the wealth of the clergy, however,
that was taken from them, rather than their religion.
Ferdinand and Isabella were no less vigilant in sup-
pressing ecclesiastical power than in curbing the pre-
tensions of the nobles. They claimed as a right the
nomination to episcopal sees; the utmost care was
taken by the crown to obtain and hold the sovereign
jurisdiction in church affairs. Although the reverence
of Ferdinand for the church was unbounded, his crafty
zeal preferred himself as spiritual overseer, and he
took care to have all ecclesiastical dignities and emol-
uments throughout his entire dominions at his own
disposal.

Queen Isabella watched with solicitous care eccle-
siastical morals, and endeavored by every means in her
\xnver to elevate and purify the church. Besides a
system of vigorous purgations, and introducing the
most wholesome reforms, new zeal was imparted to
the church by new ecclesiastical orders. In 1534
Ignatius of Loyola founded the society of Jesuits,
denouncing luxury and self-indulgence, holding in
abeyance the senses, and renewing the ancient obliga-
tions of chastity and poverty.

Thus I have sketched lightly, but I trust not with
undue proportion, the salient points of church influ-
ence in Spain; more lightly still the reformation
which was strangled in its swaddling-clothes. What
had Spain to do with such things? She could see no
sheep not of this fold. She had only for such sheep
nameless torture and execration. She worshipped
blindly, fervently, wholly; no Laodicean drop in all
her bottomless devotion. Father Juan Francisco de
San Antonio spake with the voice of Spain when he
said: "The pope, then, is our visible monarch and
emperor, in things spiritual, in things temporal; the
living God of the earth, or vicar of God; the two
constituting on earth a single tribunal.

"Papa stupor mundi, qui maxima rerum.

"Nee Deus est, nee homo, quasi neuter inter utrum-
que."

52 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

As I have said, the world is not without obligation
to the church for the part she played in the darkest
ages, even though her influence did bring that dark-
ness down on the noon of Greek and Roman culture;
and that obligation still exists for manifold reasons to
this day. And while we remember with horror the
past crimes of civilization, let us beware for the future
of those delusions which swallow as in a black gulf all
the nobler attributes of soul and sense.

Popular representation existed in the several king-
doms of Spain at an early period. According to Fer-
reras the first cortes or congress of Castile was held
at Burgos in 1 169. It was composed of three estates,
the clergy, nobility, and commonalty. In Catalonia
the third estate was the representatives of cities,
and the presence of the clergy was not indispensable.
The king summoned and presided over the cortes in
person. Spain before the coalescence of Aragon and
Castile was separated into minor provinces and petty
kingdoms, whose rulers possessed authority but little
superior to some of their most powerful subjects. The
cortes of Aragon was composed of four estates : ricos
hombres, or nobility of the first class ; infanzones, knights
or nobility of the second class; deputies of towns and
representatives of the clergy. In ancient times the
power of this body was supreme. Twelve members con-
stituted a quorum, and no measure could be adopted
without a unanimous "vote; kings were created and
deposed by this body at will, and every branch of pub-
lic affairs was under its control. Upon the coronation
of a king the monarch was conducted before the as-
sembly, the Gran Justicia being seated on a throne
and surrounded by the grandees and prelates of the
realm; the coronation oath was administered, where-
upon each of the nobles drew his sword, and placing
its point upon the king's heart, exclaimed: "Nos, que
valemos tal que vos y juntos podemos mas que vos,
vos facemos rey para que guardeis la ley e si non,

SANTA HERMANDAD. 53

non." We, each one of us your equal, and together
mightier than you, we make you king, that you may
keep the law, and if not, not.

Upon the union of the several kingdoms of the pen-
insula under one monarchy, the local legislative bodies
were merged into one national cortes composed of two
bodies, a senate, and a chamber of deputies, whose
deliberations must be apart from each other, and apart
from the presence of the king. An act of the cortes
must be sanctioned and promulgated by the sovereign
before it becomes a law; but in the absence or inca-
pacity of a monarch their authority of the cortes is
absolute. Ferdinand and Isabella brought forward
several engines to weaken the power of the cortes.
The inquisition — by silently removing objectionable
persons ; balancing one element of the assembly against
another so that the whole could be easily wheedled \
by the establishment of the military orders of Santi-
ago, Calatrava, and Alcantara, and the formation of a
military police, called the santa hermandad, or holy
brotherhood. This fraternity was a sort of feudal
vigilance committee, a legally organized company of
knights-errant, formed by the villages for the pur-
pose of preventing enormities which were prevalent
beyond the settled portions of the country. Each
pueblo, or town, elected two alcaldes, or justices of the
peace — one noble, the other plebeian, under whom were
placed inferior officers having at command a cuadrilla,
or company. The cuadrilleros or members of this
association, sometimes attended by the alcaldes, at
other times independently, scoured the country for evil-
doers who when caught were tried and executed on
the spot, or taken to the village and there confined.
This fraternal engine wielded by the king against the
unrighteous seigniorial justices, and the unjust oppres-
sions of the nobles, greatly assisted to increase the
power of the throne, which had hitherto been unable
to prevent the intestine disorders which captious sub-
jects constantly occasioned. In time the santa her-

54 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

rnandad deteriorated, and the association was abolished.
That justice which works in secret is never permanent;
its influence becomes pestilential, and if continued,
oftentimes turns and wreaks a deadly vengeance upon
its author.

I have here dwelt upon Europe's savagisms and
civilizations, from the twelfth to the sixteenth cen-
turies, more fully than America's, from the fact that
the latter, so far at least as the Pacific States are con-
cerned, has been fully presented in my Native Races, to
which the reader is referred for further comparisons;
suffice it to say in conclusion that in all the phases
and stages of human progress in all parts of the world,
and in all ages of mankind, there are present innu-
merable parallelisms, the lowest savagism having in it
appparently the germ of the highest civilization. We
see in savage tribes the same necessities met by similar
means, the same progressional phenomena present in
uniform sequence in all human societies, rude or cul-
tured.

As regards religions, superstitions, witchcraft, and
priestcraft, the Americans were no whit behind the
Europeans; they could not surpass them in absurdity.
Every nation had its theory of creation and a future
state. The Pimas had their deluge as well as the
Hebrews; the Pueblos their sacred fire; the Califor-
nians their sanctuaries of refuge; the Miztecs their
straight and narrow way to paradise ; and the people of
Yucatan their phallic worship. I can understand the
Yakima word for soul as readily as I can that of
the Buddhists, or Christians, or Mohammedans. The
Eskimos enjoyed witchcraft long before the Salem
puritans, and the Thlinkeets gave to certain animals a
humanity before Darwin was born.

Every American nation had its order of priesthood;
one of the principal cities of the Zapotecs, Topaa, was
ruled like Rome by a sovereign pontiff'. The people
of the Mosquito Coast had their pantheon as well as
the Greeks. The Mexicans had their ceremonial cal-

AMERICAN CIVILIZATIONS. 55

endar, and prayers and offerings were everywhere.
The Chinese had their Confucius, the Christians and
Mohammedans their respective originators, and the
Aztecs their Quetzalcoatl as well as their Nameless
One, their Supreme Creator, their only living and true
God. They had their monasteries and religious festi-
vals.

It is a slander upon savagism to talk of its extraor-
dinary treacheries and cruelties in view of the facts
of European civilization. Compare the barbarities of
the chivalrous Pedro de Alvarado, not to mention
Francisco Pizarro, and the tortures inflicted on Span-
iards by the Frenchman L'Olonnois in the West
Indies, with those of any wild men the world has ever
seen. Yet more: compare the most horrible sav-
agisms of any rge or land with the barbarities of
Englishmen in India within the present century.

As regards government and society, it is hardly
necessary to refer again to the absolute monarchies of
the Nahuas and Mayas, with their scores of subordi-
nate limited monarchies. Outside of them all was
Tlascala, with its aristocratic republican system, and
parliament, or senate ; and the confederation of states
in Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlacopan, capable of acting in
some respects only as a whole, while the authority of
each at home was supreme. Where among five hun-
dred others did the Aztecs get their idea of the cere-
mony of anointment and coronation, to say nothing
of zoological gardens, revenue system, orders of
nobility, women consecrated to chastity, national
games, dancing, and gymnastics, social system of aris-
tocracy, plebeians and slaves, tenures of land and taxa-
tion, and knightly order of tecuhtli ?

I cannot speak here of the manuscripts, alphabets,
calendars, and system of the Mayas; the cremation
rites, chronological records, cloth and paper manufac-
tories, code of laws, courts of procedure, and gladia-
torial combats of the Nahuas; or of the currency,
government, religion, slavery, ornamentation, court-

56 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS AND SAVAGISMS.

ship and marriage, war- weapons, feasts, houses, and
dress of the Chinooks, the Nootkas, and all the rest
of them.

Glancing at the primitive history of the American
peoples we discover in more nations than one traces of
a bright age and a dark age, with numberless turn-
ings and overturnings, until, as in the Old World,
feudalism and chivalry are passed, and standing
armies, learning, and persecution for opinion's sake
are reached.

I would not be understood for a moment as one
attempting to place the aboriginals of America on an
equality with Europeans four hundred or eight hun-
dred years ago. The Indians, savage or civilized,
were far behind the Europeans; yet not so far as
many affirm. I say only that it is striking, the simi-
larity of humanity, of nature, and progress everywhere
on this planet. It shows that if God made man in
Europe, he made the men of America, and that the
God of the crusader, the God of the pirate, of the
inquisitor, of the modern college professor, the modern
counterfeiter, the modern monopolist, and corrup-
tionist, the God of the Mohammedan, the Christian,
the Jew, and the Aztec, is one and the same being.
Or, if it be nature, and man is indigenous, his unfold-
ing is but part of the general evolvings of the universe
which makes one all worlds and systems of worlds.

CHAPTER II.

COLONIAL POLICY OF SPAIN.

I do not know anything more ludicrous among the self-deceptions of well-
meaning people than their notion of patriotism, as requiring them to limit
their efforts to the good of their own country ; the notion that charity is a
geographical virtue; and that what is holy and righteous to do for people on
one bank of a river, it is quite improper and unnatural to do for people on
the other. — Ruskin.

POLITICS as a science is too young yet to tell alto-
gether from what has been what shall be. And yet,
few philosophers are found with sufficient assurance
to speculate upon the progressional vagaries which
three or five centuries hence shall stand out against
the feudalisms, the knight-errantries, trials by combat,
rack and thumb-screw conversions, and religion-revo
lutions of five or three hundred years ago. But unless
human nature be born anew, there is little fear that our
successors will not find their full quota of follies to tilt
for withal. We are not quite ready to place colony-
planting in the category of infatuations such as holy-
sepulchre crusading, yet those who shall come after
us may be. Nevertheless, the twenty-sixth century
may derive benefits from the experiences of the six-
teenth.

The two hundred years following the discoveries by
Columbus, the Cabots, and Vasco da Gama were the
world's great age of colonization. Before the six-
teenth century, and after the seventeenth, there were
distant settlements established by parent states, but
none such as then appeared. And none such will ap-
pear again until for civilization time bridges another

(57)

58 COLONIAL POLICY OF SPAIN.

Sea of Darkness, and some new Christianity finds fer-
tile heathen fields to plough.

Plantation, corresponding to the Dutch volk-planting,
stands as the early English equivalent for the word
colony, from colo, to till the soil and dwell in a place,
as originally applied to the grants by Roman generals
of conquered countries, similar to the settlements
made later by the Russians in Central Asia, which
were at first military centres and afterward towns.
Yet the former terms referred rather to countries
than to cities. Long before this, however, we recog-
nize the colonization idea with different motives — for
purposes both of trade and agriculture, as among the
Phoenicians and Greeks; for purposes of migration,
conquest, plunder, and occupation, as among the north-
ern barbarians; from excess of population, from a love
of gold, for purposes of proselyting, and in order to
escape servitude, religious persecution, or other kin-
dred inflictions. Those who go, dream of acquisition
in one or more directions; those who send, expect ad-
vantage. Carthage, herself a colony and the mother
of colonies, defined a policy by which she established a
great navy, and controlled Mediterranean commerce.
The Greek colonies were nominally free, but some-
times tributary to the parent state. The causes actu-
ating or underlying colonial migrations have not arisen
as a rule from any noble impulse or principle. The
Puritans, landing on the wild shore of New England,
present the sublimest- picture in colonial history, and
almost the only one at all sublime. Neither for greed
nor glory did they leave comfortable homes; neither
to defraud the natives, nor fasten on them a strange
religion, did they brave the wilderness. It was intel-
lectual freedom they would have, the highest, holiest
aspiration humanity is heir to. It is somewhat signifi-
cant in this connection that the descendants of these
people did not long remain colonists. Yet even here,
if the truth must be told, was conduct incompatible
with justice and strict moral principle, by a people

EARLY COLONIZATIONS. 59

who claimed to have sacrificed all for these same prin-
ciples of justice and morality.

This business of colonizing in its earlier stages was
seldom pleasant or profitable, either to parent or off-
spring. The first attempts were almost always fail-
ures so far as the happiness of the latter was concerned.
There was usually too much of the fighting and gov-
erning elements among the emigrants, and too few
hands accustomed to the axe, and spade, and like
implements for the building of substantial common-
wealths. Neither have the sovereigns of Europe
played any noble part in this people-planting. How
the Genoese was obliged to importune them for the use
of three or four small vessels 1 Ferdinand spent some
money on succeeding voyages, and then like Henry
of England graciously permitted his subjects to dis-
cover and colonize new lands at their own cost ; and
after receiving a royal share of whatever was pur-
chased or plundered from the natives, he held all as
crown property and crown v;.ssals.

After the Latin races of Europe had wrested from
savage or half-civilized nations three fourths of the
world, the larger part of the territory so seized was
taken by the Teutonic races and divided into common-
wealths, which were in some instances united in feder-
ations more free and forward than their originals. It
strains our credulity somewhat to believe it, but prob-
ably Pope Alexander, Ferdinand, John of Portugal,
Elizabeth, and Charles II. were serious when they is-
sued maxims under which the world might be right-
eously partitioned and possessed, ordering all heathen
lands to be seized and their inhabitants if need be slain.
We should call such doings to-day piratical, abomina-
ble, only some captious critic might choose to place
in the same category such transactions as the seizure
and annexation to the United States of Texas, Cali-
fornia, and the lands intermediate, the British .con-
quest of Scinde and the Punyaub, and the French
occupation of Algiers and Tahiti.

60 COLONIAL POLICY OF SPAIN.

The European occupation of America was by means
of colonies. The whole territory from Patagonia to
Labrador was early cut into unequal parts claimed by
different European powers. During the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries, America was popularly
designated 'The Colonies.' Then from five America-
holding nations prior to 1674, the number was reduced
to four, and after 1763, for the most part to three;
between 1775 and 1825 European domination in
America became almost extinct; meanwhile in the
United States arose the political principle called the
Monroe doctrine, which declared that any attempt on
the part of European nations to extend their system or
control over any part of this continent not already
occupied by them, would by the United States be
regarded as dangerous to their peace and safety.

Judging from our present stand-point, greater results,
ethical, intellectual, and material, have arisen from the
colonizations of Great Britain than from those of any
other nation. I refer to voluntary offshoots rather
than to colonizations at the cannon's mouth. Though

O

the first century of Spanish- American history was
mediaeval rather than modern, Spain's colonists in
America were not persons impelled to escape the
trade-guilds, or commercial, political, or religious dom-
ination of imperial cities that ground them under
imposts and intellectual tyrannies. Spaniards did not
wish to free themselves from anything. They were
satisfied with their country and all its despotisms and
fanaticisms. Even before thinking of themselves, they
conquered and colonized for their king. And their
establishments when founded were like neither the
Phoenician factories nor the Roman garrisons; take
from them their gold mines and repartimientos, and
there was little of them one would accept as a gift.
Immediate gain with glory, spiritual gain and mate-
rial gain with the glory of conquest and lordly domi-
nation, was the purpose of the Spanish colonist. Like
a child or a savage to gratify a passion or achieve a

ENGLAND'S METHOD 61

proximate result he would undergo any hardship ; but
in that thorough and persistent application for remote
advantages which characterizes the higher order of
intelligence he was found wanting. His passionate
energy differed widely from that persistent industry
which reared the political fabric of the Anglo-Saxons
in North America.

The English colonist thought of the future. Whether
he remained at home, or wherever he walked upon the
earth, he could not beguile himself of the idea that he
was a free man. He had no thought of murder and
rapine as means of subsistence, but betook himself to
agriculture, laboring with his hands, and instructing
his children in those natural rights of which men must
always stand ready voluntarily to relinquish some for
the better securing of others; yet not with sufficient
regard for the rights of others, I regret to say. So far
as their own people were concerned, the Anglo-Saxon
were ready enough to fill their breasts with a love of
liberty in all its highest and purest forms. In these
sentiments, which were already necessities, lay the
security which bound them first in states, and later in
federations. Thus while the southern American colo-
nies were kept weak and puerile by the excessive legis-
lation of the parent government, as we shall presently
see, the New England colonies, content with nothing
less than a political liberty which should enable them
to make their own laws and rear their own institutions,
grew strong in the exercise of natural and inherited
rights. Subsequently, when the yoke of Spain dropped
off by reason of its own rottenness, all Spanish America
lapsed into a state of revolution, which became the
primary condition of their progress, while revolution
to the Anglo-American is upon instinct abomination.
The difference then between Teutonic America and
Latin America is not circumstantial but an inherited
difference. From their mother one received the germ
of strength which unfolded in magnificent civility; the
other weakness, with its attendant stagnation and

82 COLONIAL POLICY OF SPAIN.

death. One sought the conquest of savages, the
other the conquest of self. The colonization of the
one was a birth ; that of the other a burial. It can-
not be charged to climate. We all know what a
garden of wealth blossomed in the West India
Islands after they were wrested from the Spaniards
by the French, English, and Dutch, little enough hav-
ing been made of them before that time.

In all which, there is not so very much after all for
England to be proud of. Yet she is proud ; and she
would tell you it is because these founders of new
nations were Englishmen, whose descendants have
continued the work and upheld the great principles of
freedom underlying English institutions. She will
tell you bad rulers and not the English people at-
tempted to deprive the colonists of their rights; but
is it bad rulers, or is it Englishmen, who even while
I write are still practising their old-time atrocities?
As to English colonies, British America and Australia
are less English colonies than sovereign states. Her
treatment of the American plantations and the peo-
ple of India add nothing to her glory. It is the
irony of honesty and humanity to hear English states-
men talk of the honor of it — the honor of the parent-
age of nations not one of which was brought forth
save in cruelty and injustice. I shall have much to
say of the narrow and suicidal colonial policy of
Spain, yet I find little in that of other nations at that
time better or more liberal. I find nothing so impoli-
tic as the peremptory measures by which the attempts
of the American colonists to manufacture certain
articles for themselves were met by the British parlia-
ment, not to mention imposts and other tyrannies.
Read the declaration of independence if you would
know the rest. Besides her colonies, England's pride
has been her maritime strength, employed sometimes
in carrying bibles, sometimes in forcing on unwilling
nations negro slaves, tobacco, opium, and in other

COMPARATIVE COLONIZATION. 68

like detestable traffics injurious to men and morals.
Though we have less of Asia in America than yet
clings to Europe, we may still find here, up to a recent
period, slavery apart from savagism, and polygamy
without Mohammedanism. English policy shows no
systematic attempt to raise savages from their low
estate, or otherwise to improve them solely for their
own good, such as we find among the Spaniards. The
English generally found it to their interests to
maintain friendly relations, and some few feeble
efforts were made to christianize after a fashion; but
Spaniards established for the natives thousands of
churches, colleges, and schools. The horrors of con-
quest over, the policy of the Spanish government
toward the natives became exceedingly benign. On
many occasions it encouraged colonial industries with
exceeding disinterestedness and liberality. Even while
George III. was crowding his colonists into open op-
position, Cdrlos III. was pacifying his New World sub-
jects by every means in his power. It is asserted of
the latter, Spain's best and most liberal-minded mon-
arch, and of his minister, the conde de Aranda, that
they soberly had under consideration at one time the
policy of giving the American kingdoms autonomy, or
independence, and that such policy was not carried
out through fear lest the small white population should
be overwhelmed by the natives. The aim of the gov-
ernment certainly was that communities in its Ameri-
can kingdoms should be as highly cultured as any in
Europe. It is but fair to add, however, that the
Spaniards in these efforts had to deal with civilized
nations; in their intercourse with the Apaches, Co-
manches, and other fierce tribes they were as unsuc-
cessful as the English.

Notwithstanding her many benevolent motives and
acts, Spain, like England, imposed many evils in fet-
tering political and intellectual liberty, in restricting
commerce, manufactures, and the like. How then
came British rule to be of so much shorter duration

64 COLONIAL POLICY OF SPAIN.

in New England than Spain's rule in Mexico? Be-
cause, as I have said, New England was settled by
men who left their country through a love of liberty,
and this they were -deter mined to have in its broadest
sense. The Spaniards, on the other hand, left home
to rule negroes and Indians ; they soon saw their mis-
take in killing so many of the natives; and after that
they treated them better than the English, who found
them unprofitable laborers, particularly if forced. The
Spaniards were satisfied with luxury and laziness;
they desired rather to enslave others than to be free
themselves; and so long as their grim superiors but
smilingly frowned on their irregularities and shared
the proceeds, all was serene enough.

The fact is, the system of holding foreign communi-
ties permanently subordinate and contributory to the
mother community, as we shall all in time conclude,
is unnatural arid unjust. Colonies are ephemeral; they
will not last. A parent may rightly govern a child,
but the mature offspring is as independent as himself.
So states may justly protect, and while protecting
govern their colonies until they can stand alone; after
which it is optional with the latter to be ruled or not.
Further than this, it is unjust to the members of the
home government to undergo taxation for the benefit
of any community other than its own. All men, all
nations, all communities, young and old, have equal
rights; in natural justice the colony has as much right
to share in ruling the mother country as has the
mother country to interfere in the colony. And be-
ing unnatural and unjust, permanent subjection of
colonists will disappear as have feudalism and the
crusades. England to-day in India is trying to pour
the new wine of western civilization into the old bot-
tles of eastern civilization. From first to last, that is,
so long as anything like rule continues, discontent has
reigned among the British colonies. Comparatively
seldom have the Spanish colonies manifested irritation,
or displayed symptoms of rebellion : not that they had

LESSONS FOE, GOVERNMENTS. 65

less cause, but by reason of their loyalty and content.
It is true that three or four viceroys were deposed by
the people, Spaniards and natives acting together, but
disloyalty or discontent with the home government
had little to do with these acts. Governments are
permanent only as they fairly represent the national
character. For centuries in Mexico and elsewhere,
there existed this essential congruity between political
forms and the people. The trouble in the end was
that, fast as the colonists had degenerated, the parent
government had degenerated faster; weak as was
Mexico, Spain was weaker.

It has taken governments a long time to learn, and
there are some statesmen who seem yet unaware of it,
that liberty and equity alone are conducive to gain.
Trade has been the never-failing excuse; but experi-
ence shows that self-governing English-speaking states
buy far more in England than do her huge colonial
infants. And it is now quite well understood by the
philosophers of England, if by no one else, that loss
entails on the acquiring and ruling of distant territory ;
that bare acres politically added to national domain are
a minus quantity, beneficial to individuals, perhaps,
but prejudicial to the interests of the community at
large. Undoubtedly, benefits accrue to some by reliev-
ing overcrowded civilized populations; but let this be
a private and business affair. Governments should
practically stay at home. For the benefit of both,
those who remain may help some to go ; but let not
such help be given with a view to subsequent imposi-
tion. Leave colonization and trade, where religion
and all ethics are or should be, to natural channels, if
we would see the most made of them. The good old
right to steal lands, and to kill and enslave ad libitum
unoffending men, formed the main features of colony-
planting, followed by others no less onerous to the
colonists; hence its later history is a record of decline.
We may rule servants, but not sons.

CAL. PAST., VOL. I. 5

66 COLONIAL POLICY OF SPAIN.

There were three prime factors in the Spanish colo-
nial fabric, the government, the emigrants, and the
pacified peoples. All colonial power and property
were vested in the crown; America had been a free
gift to Isabella and Ferdinand by the pope, who de-
rived title from St Peter, and he from the creator.
From the sovereigns flowed all grants, and to them
reverted all lands. All governors, magistrates, and
officials, civil and ecclesiastical, were created and de-
posed at pleasure. To the settler belonged no rights
or privileges apart from the crown. To municipalities
was given the liberty of electing their officials, but
from the people sprang no political power. It is a
significant fact that the king of Spain likewise called
himself king of the Indies ; indicating thereby that his
transatlantic possessions were provinces, and integral
parts of the crown domain, rather than colonies in the
ordinary sense. The cedulas reales, by which the
royal pleasure was expressed, formed in reality the
first legislative code of the kingdom of the Indies,
embodied in the Recopilacion de las Indias, back of
which was that of Castile, and Las Siete Partidas, or
the common law of Spain. After the establishment
of the council of the Indies, legislative power vested
in that body, under the king; executive power, in the
captains-general and viceroys, under the king.

I have fully narrated in the first volume of my
history of Central America how government was es-
tablished in the Indies, first under the Admiral of the
Ocean Sea, and continued by his successors, and sec-
ondly under the audiencia of Santo Domingo. Fol-
lowing the continental conquests, New World affairs
were divided into two great governments, with the
viceroy of New Spain at the head of one, and the
viceroy of Peru at the head of the other. Subse-
quently this division becoming inconvenient, a third
viceroyalty was established at Santa Fe de Bogota^
whose jurisdiction extended over the kingdom of
Tierra Firme and the province of Quito, and later that

DELEGATED POWER. 67

of Rio de la Plata. In forms and paraphernalia, gov-
ernors of the smaller colonies imitated the viceroys,
as the viceroys in turn imitated royalty. Within their
respective territories the viceroys exercised sovereign
authority, representing the person of the king and
invested with his functions. They were supreme over
every department of government, civil and military,
and were the embodiment of the two great powers,
legislative and executive. They appointed to all va-
cant offices ad interim, and nominated to many high
posts, that is to say, when the king's jealousy permitted
him to leave so much power at the disposal of any
servant. The viceroy's court was modelled on the
court of Spain, having a regularly established house-
hold with guards of horse and foot, parasites and
courtiers, and numerous officers and attendants. He
might employ the royal 'we' in speaking of himself,
but this was not common; he was legally addressed
as ' excelentisimo.'

Next in authority were the audiencias, or sovereign
tribunals, elsewhere explained. With these the vice-
roy might not intermeddle ; indeed, though not subject
to them his acts were sometimes brought under their
review by way of legal restraint interposed between the
sovereign and the subject. The viceroy exercised no
judicial or' ecclesiastical powers. Yet after all the
audiencia might only advise; in case of collision, the
will of the viceroy generally prevailed. Irtvthe absence
or death of the viceroy, supreme power vested in the
audiencia.

Arid notwithstanding all this viceregal pomp and
power, such of the laws of Spain, however just and
desirable, as were obnoxious to the settlers, received
little attention in the colonies. There were many
honest viceroys and other officials, but often the vice-
roy was as ready as any one to wink at popular irreg-
ularities— for a consideration. At one time it was
difficult to find either in Spain or in the Indies a
revenue officer who would not take a bribe. The

68 COLONIAL POLICY OF SPAIN.

contraband trade was in volume equal to one third of
all the colonial traffic. Justice and injustice could be
bought and sold, and the natives were abominably
misused in the face of what were intended as the
most righteous laws in their favor. And so notorious
was national delinquency at one time that 'Spanish
honesty' became synonymous with 'Punic faith.' The
fact is, the government was so ponderous and unwieldy
as to be in some directions inoperative, and justice
was overwhelmed by the endless forms and display by
which it was surrounded. The innumerable offices,
boards, and tribunals incident to this complex and use-
less machinery, occupied an army of officials, few of
whom were endowed with political or commercial
morals higher than the filling of their pockets without
incurring punishment. It was no disgrace to steal
from the government; there was no disgrace in being
caught at it, provided the method of it had not been
bungling, and some certain things, such as the king's
fifth, had not been profaned.

Those were the days of much governing. Isabella
and Ferdinand had early determined that their duty
in this respect should not be neglected in the Indies.
Upon neither the Portugese, French, nor English in
America was inflicted the protection of the parent
state to any such extent as in the Spanish colonies.
Lands lacking silver and gold possessed little in the
eyes of royalty worth protecting ; and so their sub-
duers were for a while left to struggle and grow strong
unmolested. Acquainting themselves with the soil
and climate of their new possessions, and the charac-
ter of the natives, the Spanish sovereigns set them-
selves about to regulate everything. The fruits,
vegetables, and domestic animals of the Old World

O 7

were transplanted to the new. Emigration was en-
couraged; free passage offered; grants of land with
Indian laborers were freely made, as God had given
them much in this direction, and at little cost; colo-
nists were exempt for a time from taxation. Five

REVENUE. 69

hundred artisans, scientists, and agriculturists were
sent to Espaiiola; and to any one promising to culti-
vate land for four years, besides a repartimiento, were
given seed and stock. Towns were endowed with
privileges equal to any in Spain. Married men were
particularly favored.

Thus we see if their catholic Majesties governed
much and demanded much, they gave with a liberality
in marked contrast, not only with that of other nations,
but with their own subsequent policy. Presently they
tired of sowing, and determined to reap. An ava-
lanche of edicts was hurled at the heads of the de-
fonceless colonists. A heavy tax was put upon gold,
first two thirds, and subsequently one fifth, and all
minerals, precious stones, and dye-woods were reserved
to the crown. Then for a time enterprise languished,
for this was prior to the epoch of systematic pecula-
tions. Under the system of licenses to private per-
sons for purposes of discovery and trade, colonization
revived, for here was opportunity. The natives were
naked and possessed much gold, and there was no
king's army present to protect them. Erelong it be-
came necessary to establish the Casa de Contratacion,
or House of Trade-, and the Consejo de las Indias, or
Council of the Indies, for the more perfect manage-
ment of colonial commerce and colonial government.
And so protection became oppression; and the Span-
ish sovereigns would have smiled had any one told
them that, in order to insure greater and permanent
good, the more widely extended the commonwealth
the simpler should be its laws and forms of govern-
ment.

At first Spain's revenue from her American king-
doms was not large. The Netherlands gave Charles
V. four million to one million from the Indies. Then
industries were established in the colonies, and the
yield increased, until Carlos III. was able to boast,
after paying one hundred thousand well-disciplined

70 COLONIAL POLICY OF SPAIN.

soldiers, the cost of one hundred ships of the line, and
all other expenses of government, one hundred millions
of dollars in the treasury, and all from America. Then
came mismanagement. And later, though the reve-
nues from the colonies were large, government ex-
penses there and everywhere grew large also ; so that
neither the parent state nor the colonies were benefited
by this excessive governing. Besides the king, only
the rapacious official, who, himself impressed by hol-
low show, sought by the same means to impress
others, and the clergy, who came in for a large share
of the spoils, sucking substance from every industry,
derived much benefit from the system. As among
our legislators to-day, more ingenuity and brain-power
were employed by the officials to keep their places, and
increase their already enormous perquisites, than in
the entire administration of public affairs. The vice-
roy's salary, reaching to thirty thousand dollars per
annum, was but a small part of his income. By
the sale of lucrative offices, the monopoly of certain
branches of commerce, and by innumerable frauds and
abuses of power, the viceroy might accumulate such
sums as would enable him after a few years of service
to return to Spain with a princely fortune. It is said
that a viceroy received fifty thousand dollars on one
occasion in birthday presents. On the other hand,
several viceroys entered office rich and abandoned it
in debt, and some refused all presents.

Finance, as well as everything else, was founded on
the theory that the king was proprietor of the land.
Certain of the natives paid a capitation tax ; some a
primicias, or first-fruits tax; others gave eighteen
months' service in the mines, not all at one time, be-
tween the ages of eighteen and fifty. A tenth of the
proceeds from cultivated lands went to the church in
the form of tithes, which, added to the many subse-
quent requirements of the crown, imposed upon the
planter taxation at every turn. After the raw mate-
rial paid a tenth, the prepared article, such as indigo,

GOVERNMENT. 71

cochineal, and sugar, paid again. Then there were
the customs duties, the alcabala, or vendor's duty on
articles of commerce, and the quinto, or fifth, of the
proceeds from the mines. The sale of tobacco, salt,
and cards was monopolized by the king's officers; the
postal revenue belonged to the crown. For keeping
a ferry, for keeping game-cocks, and for selling liquors,
special duties were paid in some of the provinces.
Between 1522 and 1645, certain offices were made
salable by law ; such as those of high sheriffs, notaries
of all classes, clerks of audiencias and inferior courts,
receivers and proctors, councilmen and clerks of coun-
cils, inspectors of weights and measures, collectors of
judicial penalties, all officers and servants of the mint,
the postmaster-general of New Spain, assessors, audi-
tors of royal accounts, official sellers of stamped paper,
and many others. These offices, whenever vacant,
were put up and sold by auction to the highest bidder ;
they were heritable, descending from father to son,
and were so held during good behavior, and also pro-
vided the anala, or yearly tax, was paid to the crown.
The owner dying leaving no heir, the office reverted
to the king and was sold again. " The king of Spaine,"
growls Lopez Vaz, "because hee hath many other
countries under him, hee doth little esteeme of this
countrey, but doth take out of it all things that are
for his profit, having used those people with great
crueltie, and taking of them much tribute."

It was the policy of the king to keep the colonies
in a state of perpetual puerility, and he succeeded. It
is impossible for free progressive institutions to ger-
minate among a people having no desire for liberty or
knowledge. Offices and exactions were the dominant
idea of Spaniards in taking possession of the New
World. Every one of them must have something
to rule — if not Spaniards, then Indians or negroes.
The highest ambition of the colonist was to imitate
Spain and Spanish institutions, not to throw them off"

72 COLONIAL POLICY OF SPAIN.

or improve upon them. As their parent government
had fettered and flogged them, so would they fetter
and flog others; meanwhile thanking God for a fresh
people so to christianize and civilize. And yet the
time came when among those who made Mexico in-
dependent were Spaniards themselves, to be buffeted
and abused for their pains a little later.

We have noticed in Ferdinand's instructions to
Ovando in 1501, how first he was to worship his God,
and make the natives worship the same deity; to good
men only should be given office, and there must be
exercised kindness and humanity in practising the im-
position of repartimientos. He must be moderate in
his household expenses, and make others so; he should
leave judgment to judges, be kind to all brotherhoods,
pay no heed to tale-bearers; he should be considerate
in council, careful in example, discouraging idleness,
attentive to business, displaying courage and brevity
in all things, yet not hasty or passionate; but when
punishment was necessary he must send it swiftly and
surely.

The Spanish sovereigns were exceedingly jealous of
their prerogatives, not only as against foreigners, but
as against their own subjects; and this spirit increased
with the increase of their knowledge of the extent
and value of their American possessions. Commerce,
mining, agriculture, and every art and industry were
placed under a system of severe restrictions. No for-
eign vessel might trade with the colonies ; no foreigner
might visit them under penalty of death and confisca-
tion of property. All merchandise to and from the
Indies must be carried in Spanish bottoms. For a
time even intercolonial commerce was forbidden. Be-
tween Mexico and Peru, between Guatemala and
Chile, there must be no civilizing intercourse. But
this highly impolitic restriction was formally removed
by Carlos III. in 1774.

Many manufactures were prohibited, and even the

COMMERCE. 73

cultivation of the olive and the vine. Whatever it
was best for them to have, the mother would kindly
supply — their furniture, their clothes, and no small
portion even of their food. Her own welfare first,
the welfare of the colonies second, was Spain's maxim.
And lest the sovereign's subordinates in America
should learn to love themselves more than him,
and the new homes better than the old ones, it was
finally ordained that natives of Spain should fill the
higher and larger proportion of offices in Spain's
colonies; and these must be of the purest rank, chape-
tones, of old Christian families untainted by Jewish
or Mohammedan blood, uncensured by any inquisition.
From first to last, however, many natives of America
have also held high office there, political, judicial, and
ecclesiastical, under royal appointment. And then it
must be remembered that in Spain even, high office
could not be held in the occupant's own province.
What folly to try to make communities at once self-
operative and dependent !

Its exclusiveness was the most hateful feature of
Spanish colonial commerce. Monopoly is to commerce
what coercion is in religion, the most outrageous of
tyrannies; and the day will come when a free people
will no more submit to monopolies, or iniquitous com-
binations in railway, wheat, or other traffics, than
they would bow before the unjust mandate of a royal
despot. Monopoly is but a form of robbery, in which,
under guise of fair dealing, the strong extort from
the weak without due compensation.

The old-time delusion was still entertained that
money was not only wealth; but the most valuable
and imperishable of property ; hence that commercial
policy was best which brought into Spain and kept
there the largest amount of gold and silver. The
resources of the country were strained to produce this
result. Every article of foreign growth or manufac-
ture must be furnished the colonies by Spain alone,
and to Spain must be sent all products from the soil

74 COLONIAL POLICY OF SPAIN.

or mines of her dependencies. The quantity, quality,
kind, and price of all merchandise sent to the colonies
were determined by the considerate mother. And it
was the aim of both government officials and monopo-
lizing merchants to make the supply always fall short
of the demand, so that buyers would be eager and
prices buoyant. That equity attending all healthy
transactions, which benefits the buyer as much as the
seller, was wanting.

For a time all Europe was obliged to go to Lisbon
for Indian products, as previously Alexandria had
been the dep6t. So in Spain all American commerce
was restricted to one port, Seville at first, and after-
ward Cadiz; and in America to Portobello and Vera
Cruz. Between these ports passed the annual fleet,
convoyed by vessels of war. And on the other side
of the continent for two centuries and more the Span-
ish galleons were carried by the trade-winds straight
across from Acapulco to Manila, returning by a
northern circuit. The Genoese had sailed at Spain's
cost in search of the Indies, and the ambitious Span-
iard was not satisfied until they were found, nor until
the papal partition bull had been construed to fit
Spain's pretensions at the Philippine Isles, nor until
this rich traffic was established between Asia and
America with a Spanish entrep6t at either end of the
line.

It was to the single port of Cddiz that all merchan-
dise was sent from France, England, Holland, and else-
where after Spain had, with the expulsion of her
artisan, driven manufacturers from her shores. All
these goods must then pay a heavy duty on enter-
ing Spain, and another on leaving Spain, and another
on entering Mexico, and another by the seller — one
hundred per cent in duties, and two hundred per cent
more taxes and profits must thus be added to the cost
before Spain's colonist could call his own any Euro-
pean article. Thus it was not long after the planting
of the Spanish colonies before Spain's neighbors were

CLIMATE. 75

deriving more benefit from them than Spain herself,
which had so jealously guarded them, and yet did guard
them, not dreaming that they were not a source of
the highest profit to her. And it was not until 1778
that Spain's eyes were fairly opened upon the subject,
and Mexico and Peru were in some degree delivered
from this thraldom.

The process of peopling the New World from Spain
was not a rapid one. The estimate is given that sixty
years after the discovery by Columbus there were not
more than fifteen thousand Spaniards in the Indies.
Yet of these there were many of the first class; while
from the other states of Europe there went to Amer-
ica few besides the second, or third, or tenth class.
It was ordered by the catholic sovereigns in 1508
that all convicts and infamous persons should be sent
to the Indies; but in 1548 this was changed, and none
bat good catholics, no suspected persons even, were
allowed to go.

Vastly different was life and society at home and in
the colonies Nature presented to Europeans the
New World on a scale grander than any to which they
had been accustomed. Mountains were higher and
plains broader, lakes were deeper and rivers larger;
vegetation was more redundant ; the air was clearer,
heat and cold intenser, and colors brighter. Almost
all the territory at first occupied by the Spaniards lay
within the tropics, with high interior plateaux; and
it was on these table-lands, raised from miasmatic
jungles into cold ethereal heights, that aboriginal civil-
ization awoke to consciousness. There, too, the
colonist was suddenly freed from twenty centuries of
conventionalisms, many of them so hollow and super-
stitious as should make mankind blush for ever having
practised them, and some of which are unfortunately
continued to this day in Europe, and foolishly copied
in America; but now the colonist was free in so far
as he would be free of which priceless privilege some

76 COLONIAL POLICY OF SPAIN.

advantage was taken, though not nearly enough. Now
the cohesions of societies might be established on new
bases. The Spaniard might live in lordly ease arid
independence amidst the serfs and cattle of his vast
estate, anjd the Englishman might sing psalms, burn
witches, and indulge in empire-building after his
fashion.

It was a paradise of license and sensual enjoyment
the Spaniards sought, and here they found all that
their wildest fancy had pictured. Gold was the first
and more immediate agency to this accomplishment;
and so having skimmed the placers they sat down to
centuries of day-dreams. The slower, surer road to
opulence was disdained at the beginning, but with a
little gold wherewith to stock much land and buy
many vassals, the aim of life was accomplished. The
first conquerors were dissatisfied when all was given
them, grants of land, and laborers, and stock; then
they cried alone for gold. The Spanish system of re-
partimientos which involved a division of the natives
with a division of the land, and was so highly esteemed
in after years, appeared at first to many as a trap to
catch the simple. Some accepted the offer of the be-
nign ' monarch, and with their natives they gathered
the gold from their lands, or cut the dye-woods, after
which they planted sugar-cane brought from the
Canaries, or abandoned their plantation and went back
to Spain.

It would seem that this should be the last place on
earth, and these the conditions least favorable, for en-
gendering class differences; and yet, seldom has this
flummery been carried to a greater extent than here,
where were littered droves of mongrels, half and
quarter breeds, eighths and sixteenths, the blue blood
of Spain mingled with the tawny blood of America
and the -black blood of Africa, until almost all trace of
it was lost, and the stream was made turgid by these
intermixtures, to the ultimate decadence of all con-
cerned. It is said that in South Carolina, Jamaica,

SOCIETY. 77

and Java, the mulatto cannot long reproduce itself,
while in Florida, Mexico, and Central America there
is no difficulty in so doing. But it is not necessary
to descend to these lowest depths for class divis-
ions. The Creoles, as the offspring of Europeans born
in America were called, though descendants of the
conquerors, and preserving in their veins the best
blood of Spain untainted, were in many instances by
law degraded, and made inferior to those shiftless
chapetones who had lived in idleness at home. What
policy could be more suicidal than this, which in effect
debarred those entitled by their enterprise to the most
honorable positions from any but a scanty lot in the
institutions of the country, and made them by virtue
of their devotion wellnigh ostracized. In the distri-
bution of lands and natives, the conquerors and their
descendants were supposed to be favored before all
others, but men from Spain must manage the govern-
ment and institutions of the country. Thus degraded
and left to indolence and listless and luxurious indul-
gence, they sank into the strange position of wealthy
and respected human beings, having homes but no
country, having acknowledged rights but no voice in
their vindication ; they were lords of lands and vassals,
and yet the most impotent of mankind. Thus was
engendered hate between classes which subsequently
lapsed into chronic civil wars.

Attempts have been made to classify these several
castes, though without pronounced success. Robert-
son places first the chapetones, or old Christians, un-
tainted by Jewish or Mohammedan blood ; second,
Creoles; third, mulattoes and mestizos, the former the
offspring of an African and European, and the latter
of an American and European; and lastly Indians and
negroes unadulterated. Marriage with the natives
was encouraged by the government, but few, of their
connections were ratified by any holier sentiment
than lust. There was one only great leveller of
rank, the church. Torquemada says that on Sun-

78 COLONIAL POLICY OF SPAIN. i

days and feast days the gentleman could not be dis-
tinguished from the plebeian, or the knight from the
squire, all dressing alike in rich garments. And yet
oidores and high dignitaries would fight over place and
the position of their chair at church as quickly and as
fiercely as over political preference.

Where the aboriginal inhabitants were essentially
extirpated, independent nations of the descendants of
Europeans sprang up; protective interference with
regard to the natives, to any considerable extent, is
found only where the half-civilized existed in such
numbers as to render it impracticable to teach or tor-
ture them to death.

Teutonic America has been sufficiently cursed by
its absorption of the dregs of Europe; but it has been
still worse with Latin America, whose invaders thus
mixed with their blood that of the Indian and African
to such an extent as to produce a mongrel popula-
tion inferior to any decided type. With the example
of Chile before them, however, the Spanish and Por-
tuguese in America need not despair of approaching
the success achieved by the English. At all events,
the hypothesis of Humboldt and Hegel, in vogue fifty
years ago, that all the Spanish colonies in America
would be in time overthrown and subordinated by the
Teutonic race, and that the great republic thence aris-
ing would fall in pieces by its own weight, seems now
less likely to prove true. Thinking Americans are
satisfied with the extent of their domain; it is only
gamblers in mines, land speculators, and demagogues
who would now and then create a sensation by crying
up some injury, only to be atoned by a cession of ter-
ritory.

Even though some of the Spanish- American states
are not so far advanced in culture and strength as
their European primogenitor, they are for the most
part intelligent and strong enough to have put on
independence, and to manifest a desire for progress.
It is now conceded by those best able to judge that

CHURCH AND CLERGY. 79

the difference in the results of Latin and Teutonic
colonial attempts in America is as much due to a dif-
ference of national bent and home influence as of race.
The Spanish colonists had been under the strictest
political ecclesiastical restraint at home; and before
achieving political independence they had to emanci-
pate their minds, while the English threw off in some
degree their intellectual fetters before sailing for
America.

The Spaniards in Mexico and Central America
were after all not so much colonists as conquerors.
In the absence of any ennobling idea or principle,
such as centralized and agglutinated the efforts of the
Puritans on the shores of New England, they were
left to the full indulgence of their lust, and so began
to degenerate the moment they laid down their arms.
To rule the aboriginals, holding their sons as serfs
and their daughters as concubines while fastening on
them their laws and their religion, to garner wealth
and live at ease, were among the highest aspirations
of the successors of the conquerors; hence with the
very beginning of their social structure a dry-rot set
in, which nullified the effects of the many progres-
sional stimulants by which they were surrounded.

Blood admixtures with the Aztecs, a soft climate or
dreamy atmosphere, or external operations, such as the
encroachments and absorbing influence of the United
States, have had but a share in the degeneracy of the
Spaniards in Mexico. Grievous blame falls on the old
institutions of Spain transplanted to a rich and virgin
soil, in which they grew riotous at first, and then fell
into decay, and in whose management those most inter-
ested were not permitted to take part; Christianity
propagated at the point of the sword, and wealth
accumulated by injustice and cruelty; one part of
society fattened to grossness by the abasement of
another part, and withering restrictions upon all pro-
gress— these are not the methods for the attainment of
the highest culture. The primary power in Mexico

80 COLONIAL POLICY OF SPAIN.

until late has been the sword; after that the church;
the people have been little better than serfs. At one
time the clergy, whom we will next more particularly
consider, besides their tithes held one half the landed
property of Mexico. But now war and religion are
giving way in some measure to the arts of peace and
healthy development.

•The church, I say, ruled with a strong hand the
infant colonies. Ecclesiastics were welcomed to the
New World, and by the time the settler arrived his
spiritual ruler was ready for him. Ecclesiastical gov-
ernment was established in America under forms and
degrees similar to those in Spain ; archbishops, bishops,
deans, and minor clergymen, among whom were the
curate, the doctrinero, and the missionary. From the
pope the king received full privileges with regard to
the external polity of the church in America. The
hierarchy in the New World was as imposing as in
Spain; its influence was as great. The revenues of
the clergy were large, and their establishments ex-
pensive. Among the early acts of Ferdinand was the
building, at his own cost, of the cathedral church at
Santo Domingo, and charging the prelates to exercise
extraordinary diligence, "that the devil might no more
prevail in the Indies." The prelates should look well
to the subordinate clergy, and chastise offenders.
Heretics, Jews, and Mohammedans, if any crept in,
should be exterminated, that the church might not be
scandalized among the -natives. No clergyman might
go to the Indies without a license. Friars were fur-
nished with a free passage and provisions, and on
arrival they were under the special protection of the
governor, who was to see that the clergy performed
their duty m the bond of peace. Plate for service
passed free of duty.

Nothing was to interfere with the building of
churches, the clergy had ground given them apart
from the laity, and it was forbidden to lay any imposi-

EFFECT OF RITUAL. 81

tions upon them. They might accumulate property,
and dispose of it by will. When no prelate was
present to take charge of a new church that was built,
the king's treasurer should attend to payments. In
their respective districts, prelates were to act as inquis-
itors; and neither governors nor secular judges might
interfere in matters belonging to this sacred enginery.

On the other hand, it was ordained that prelates
should not meddle in secular affairs; they should visit
the Indians of their jurisdiction at least once a year.
They should not employ ecclesiastical censures for
slight offences, nor lay pecuniary fines upon the natives.
Persons dying might choose their burial-place, pro-
vided it was consecrated ground. Friars must not
press sick persons to leave them legacies. Children
of infidels must be baptized; Indians and negroes
must attend church. Indians were not to pay for
marriages or funerals.

By apostolic authority, and under the text that to
us are given the heathen for an inheritance, the clergy
were permitted to do much as they pleased with the
Indians, though under strict laws. To these, how-
ever, they frequently paid little attention. I have
seen it stated that their system of prescripts was
carried so far that they reminded their converts,
among other things, of their matrimonial duties at
midnight, by means of a bell ! Friars were allowed
every liberty to go from place to place to preach the
gospel. They might not be punished by secular
power, but if delinquent must be turned over to their
superiors. Franciscan monasteries must be at least
five leagues apart.

When we consider the power of the Roman ritual
over the imagination even of the most enlightened
Europeans, we may possibly conceive something of
the effect upon the Americans. There is something
remarkable in its mobility to adapt itself to every
character and class, to every climate and condition.
Add to the power of forms the power of property, the

CAL. PAST., VOL. I. 6

82 COLONIAL POLICY OF SPAIN.

power of example, and the power of life and death,
and there was nothing left to the native but blind
submission. And it is wonderful how strong is the
catholic church to-day; with the papacy an abstraction
rather than a reality; with the church itself a society
of individuals and not a government, and rent as it
has been by schisms and controversies — it is stronger
perhaps than Mohammedanism and Buddhism, which
for the most part have held the even tenor of their
way, Shiites and Sunnites to the contrary notwith-
standing. And yet all was not serene in regard to
the temporal affairs of these holy men who had thrown
off all worldliness. One would almost take the bishops
for men of Belial when one saw them disputing about
curacies and emoluments. And these feuds were cur-
rent, not only between the secular clergy and opposing
religious orders, but among brethren of the same order
for provincial or conventual offices of honor. These
disputes lasted many years, particularly as to the
holding of such offices b.y Spaniards, gachupines, or
Creoles, all to the infinite disgust of pope and king, to
whom appeals were constantly being made.

Eccentric as we all know society to be, we can hardly
realize the conflicting absurdities which the human
mind is capable of entertaining. We punish minor
misdemeanors and let go great crimes; we persecute
and kill in the name and for the sake of the peace of
Christ; we enforce the gentle precepts of a gentle
faith at the point of the bayonet; then we quarrel
among ourselves, and straightway organize and arm,
divide and fight, Christians meanwhile praying, not for
their enemies, nor for the right, but each for their
respective side. But blessed be war; else shortly
there should not be stand ing-rooin on this planet for
the wise men such enlightenment would engender I

Little is to be said of the effect of Spanish coloniza-
tion on the natives of the New World. Swift was
their departure upon the approach of the Europeans,

NATIVE RACES. 83

and damnable the way of it. The enslavements, dis-
eases, and religion of European civilization hastened
to complete the work begun by the sword. Some few
of the wild tribes inhabiting unwholesome lowlands
were left unmolested. The conquerors of a community
either absorb or are absorbed by the conquered. The
civilization of the Nahuas and Mayas not being strong
enough, like the Grecian, to take captive its conquer-
ors, was merged into theirs, to the debasement of
both. The natives were not in the eyes of their con-
querors like Christian hat- wearers, or turbaned infidels ;
they were a sort of raw material for Christianity to
work upon, without need of exercising any humane
economy in the use of it. The effect was to create in
the breasts of the weaker race wants, such as beliefs,
clothes, and brandies, whereby could be sown civiliza-
tion's diseases, so that civilization's drugs might be
sold, spiritual and temporal. Not all of these wants,
however, were permitted gratification; instance the
regulations forbidding natives to ride on horseback,
and withholding the white man's privilege of keeping
mistresses.

Thousands perished while attending the Spaniards
during their conquests and civil wars. How many
has Vasco Nunez to answer for? how many Cortes?
how many Pizarro the Infamous ? In the mines of
the mountains perished many, under the hard labor to
which they were unaccustomed, and before the cold,
penetrating air that struck with fatal chills their
enervated frames, so suddenly forced from their warm,
sunny vales. But by far the greater part simply dis-
appeared. For in whatsoever garb the European
stranger approached them, whether as pilferer, priest,
or peltryman, his presence was deadly. European
piety was little less pestilential than European avarice.
Both ill accorded with the native regime; both engen-
dered disease, struck down stalwart warriors, swept
thousands from the earth with a rapidity and certainty
unattainable by steel and gunpowder.

84 COLONIAL POLICY OF SPAIN.

When the fair continent of North America lay revel-
ling in primeval plenty, upon its western half alone, if
we include all of Mexico and Central America, dwelt
more than six hundred nations, tribes, or peoples,
speaking more than six hundred languages or dialects
of languages. Before the European came with his
superior arms, his steel, saltpetre, priests, and blood-
hounds, his strange diseases, his stranger lusts, his love
of gold and God and glory, wherein were woes un-
numbered heaped on men whose only crime against their
tormentors was in living where their creator had placed
them, and striking now and then a feeble blow in de-
fence of their homes — before that time the place was
heaven as compared with what it has ever been since.
These beings here residing were not the beastly things
they have been painted. They were human, and nearer
ourselves in their nature and their thoughts than many
have supposed. In them were the same likes and dis-
likes, the same aspirations and passions, the same
mixture of pride, avarice, credulity, and suspicion, of
artlessness, shrewdness, trustfulness, and treachery,
found in all humanity. With natural quickness of
perception they united close reasoning powers; with
dignified melancholy, a fondness for ornament and dis-
play Under whatsoever sun, within whatsoever wrap-
pings of flesh or environment, human nature is no less
individual than wonderful.

It is a sad tale, presented in any of its phases.
Whatever the primitive process of obtaining food, it
was much more easy and certain than ever afterward.
If the implements used by the wilder tribes in the
capture of animals for food and clothing were less ef-
fectual, animals were less wild and more easily cap-
tured. Invention springs from necessity, and when
the necessity which called forth the invention ceases,
the progress made in that direction is soon lost. One
of the greatest hardships imposed upon the natives,
particularly toward the north, was despoiling their
country of game, and leaving nothing wherewith to

AMERICANS AND EUROPEANS. 86

sustain life. Wild men cannot suddenly change their
habits, and derive subsistence from new sources.
Many of the fur-hunters supplied the natives with
weapons superior to their own for the purpose of kill-
ing fur-bearing animals, and then as game became
scarce left them without ammunition. It has been
claimed for the Spaniards that the conquest stopped
the horrible sacrifice of human beings which was check-
ing the growth of population; but how much growth
of population did the Spaniards check with their fire-
locks and swords? As though the growth of native
American populations was a matter of such vast con-
cern to Europeans! And how many human lives did
Spain sacrifice in christianizing America ?

Touching the rights of civilization to lands held by
hunting tribes, I would say a word. While recogniz-
ing fully the economical principle, that, unlike personal
propertjr acquired by labor, the lands of the earth
belong to the whole human race, not to be monopo-
lized by a few and their successors to the exclusion of
the rest, I am yet unable to perceive any rights apper-
taining to civilization that do not apply to savagism.
If every individual born upon this earth has a right to
his share of it, as he has a right to his portion of the
water, the air, and the sunshine, and that without
the distinctions of wealth, inheritance, or culture, then
the savage has a right to his portion equally with the
civilized man. Nor may agricultural nations say with
reason to hunting nations, " Adopt our mode of life
and take up less room," so long as the agricultural
nations permit certain of their members to occupy
lands not according to their necessities but limited only
by their means with which to buy. So long as the
minds of men are not equally cultivated, the soil can-
not be. The several parts of the earth's surface have
their several populations, each differing from the others
in progress and condition. One has no more right
than another to call upon his neighbor to abandon
traditional customs and assume ill-fitting conditions.

86 COLONIAL POLICY OP SPAIN.

It is neither just nor expedient that land should be
held by individuals in large parcels, no more by the
civilized man for his flocks than by the savage for a
game preserve. When a landed proprietor fails to be
a purchaser, when he does not improve his lands or
permits them to deteriorate, from an economical stand-
point he is as much a detriment to civilized society as
would be a savage with his game park, or a European
nobleman with his. "They do not make a good use
of their lands," says civilization of savagism. And who
is to be the judge? And is every rich man's lands
and money to be taken from hirn because he gambles,
keeps mistresses, buys legislatures, bribes judges, fos-
ters iniquitous monopolies, and is a curse to his kind
generally ? Better a thousand times leave lands in the
hands of their aboriginal holders than allow them to
become the property of the average man of millions.

It is a piggish race, this human race of ours, and
one that delights in its piggishness. The first comers
and their descendants attempt to monopolize all the
available land, and mankind forever after must buy or
rent or steal from them. Who were those first rob-
bers we may not always know, nor does it much
matter, for we are just as ready to rob to-day as ever
we were. One thing is evident. The native Amer-
icans, as a rule, held their lands in common, as the
property of the nation, which custom civilization to-
day might well consider. In marked contrast to this
policy, landed property in America was not cut by the
colonists into parcels- convenient to persons of moder-
ate means, and made to pass easily from one to another,
but large tracts, sometimes whole provinces, were
seized and held as encomiendas, greatly to the detri-
ment of the colonies.

The right of Europeans to seize and occupy the
lands of the Indians was never questioned by the
stronger party; neither did they pause to inquire if
the almighty erred in creating America, or if he made
half a world for the malevolent sport and domination

INTERNATIONAL LAW. 87

of the other half, or if his servant Alexander might
not possibly have exceeded the bounds of his commis-
sion. Occupancy, by which the lands of a nation
were made its captor's, was among the Romans a nat-
ural law, and the property of an enemy res nullius,
as I have elsewhere explained. Aristotle taught that
Greeks were called upon to recognize no more rights
in barbarians than in brutes; and Caesar said it was
the right of war to treat the conquered as the con-
querors pleased. By the discoveries of the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries, this Roman principle of occu-
pancy became somewhat confounded, and failed to
determine how much of an island or a continent the
sovereign of an adventurer could claim by reason of a
lucky discovery, or what were the acts necessary to be
performed to secure legal possession against other
nations of the European world. These points were
settled, as usual, by fighting, the victor construing the
law. If our teachers would stop their cant, and fully
recognize the absolute and inexorable right of might,
half the problems of mankind would be solved at once.
It-were amusing, if not so painfully absurd, to hear
Montesquieu and the rest of them talk about "la loi
de la nature," and "la loi de la lumiere naturelle," in
connection with the rights of the conqueror. Natural
justice recognizes no right of conquest; and yet all
nations acquiesce in, and most of them justify, such
robbery. As is often seen in communities of men, so
in communities of nations, wrong once become perma-
nent is acknowledged by international law as a right,
and as such it usually passes into history. In the
present day of enlightened and purified morals, ag-
gressors committing this species of robbery usually
seek to shield themselves under some claim, real or
pretended, and so escape the world's censure, for even
the simplest of us now recognize the principle as
atrocious; or as in the case of the treaty of Guada-
lupe Hidalgo between the United States and Mexico,
the victor pays the vanquished money, and so ratifies
the theft by forced bargain and sale.

88 COLONIAL POLICY OF SPAIN.

Montesquieu is sadly in error when he supposes it
the wish of the Spaniards to sweep the country of its
aboriginals, so that they might the better occupy.
Such a charge might much more truthfully be
brought against any other European nation. Ter-
ritory was nothing to the Spaniard without subjects;
mountains of metal and rich alluvial plains were
valueless without laborers. Never was a conquered
race more tenderly considered — in theory. Other na-
tions were less scrupulous. Spain would ship no slaves
from Africa, but her colonies bought them from the
French and Dutch, until England browbeat her into
buying all her slaves from English ships. And always
the other nations of Europe far exceeded the Spaniards
in their cruelty to negro slaves, the English roasting
them alive at Jamaica for desertion, and this within a
century. In short, when the directors of the East
India Company themselves admit that "the vast for-
tunes acquired in the inland trade have been obtained
by a scene of the most tyrannical and oppressive con-
duct that was ever known in any age or country," it
is idle to argue upon the relative cruelty of European
nations.

There was no system of destruction practised by
the Spaniards. In their eager desire to seize the
present, and secure every means for its enjoyment,
only too many of them worked the natives to their
death. This was all, except the mystery that the
simple presence of civilization, even when overflowing
with kindness, is poisonous to savagism. Still more
untrue is the assertion made by many that the exter-
mination of the Americans was urged by the catholic
ecclesiastics, who claimed the slaughter of idolaters
to be pleasing to God. If ever there was piety or
purity in man, if ever charity or heavenly zeal, then
do these high and holy qualities shine resplendent in
those ministers of peace who abandoned country and
self, sank name and identity, and laid down their
lives for the salvation of souls in the wilds of

COST OF IT ALL. 89

America. And as for those general charges in cer-
tain quarters that in some of the later occupants of
holy office spirituality had turned to flesh, their zeal
to laziness and lust, resulting in nothing more impor-
tant than repeating prayers and breeding nullius filii,
I can only say that I have elsewhere given the his-
tory of all as fully and fairly as I am able.

And here the anomaly presents itself, that while the
parent government in all its ordinances and instruc-
tions is more just and tender toward its savage sub-
jects than are the colonists, through corrupt agents the
natives may be more vilely treated than they would
be by filibusters or pirates. Alone in a wilderness,
with no doting parent to call .upon for protection, the
private colonist or settler hesitates ere he raises a
swarm of enemies about his ears. Many of the
atrocities attending government colonization are ab-
sent in private colonization. The conduct of Peru
stands out in contrast to that of Pizarro no less
marked than the subsequent doings in Pennsylvania
contrast with those in Peru.

And what price was Spain to pay for all her follies,
crimes, and indulgences, for the outrages of her con-
querors, the maladministration of her agents, her
selfish exclusiveness, her vagarious policy, her exac-
tions and enjoyment? For nations, no more than indi-
viduals, can indulge in crimes and follies with impunity.
In colonial affairs as elsewhere, greed generates disas-
ter. Tyrannies and unjust exactions bring their own
punishment. Iniquity is inexorably alien from per-
manent prosperity. Spain's punishment was earlier
and more severe than that of other European nations
equally or more guilty, and whose reckoning is yet to
come. If England's God lives, then England has yet
to make her final reckoning.

Besides superior energy, Spain possessed material
advantages which placed her before all other nations
at the beginning of the sixteenth century. Her mer-

90 COLONIAL POLICY OF SPAIN.

cantile marine was the finest in the world, numbering
over one thousand vessels. The quays of Seville were
crowded. The manufactures of Spain were ample, in
addition to her own requirements, to supply all her
colonies. Cloth and coral-work were produced at
Barcelona, which city rivalled Venice ; silk and gro-
ceries at Valencia; cloth at Cuenca and Huete; swords
and muskets at Toledo ; silk, paper, and flaxen goods
at Granada; cloth at Ciudad-real, Segovia, and Villa-
castin; steel blades at Albacete; soap and groceries at
Yepes and Ocana; hats and saddles at Cordova; linen
in Galicia, and cutlery and plate at Valladolid. Some
of these cities employed a thousand workmen. Hus-
bandry was conducted by the Moriscos under the best
methods then known. By systems of irrigation, the
soil was made to yield large returns in rice, cotton,
sugar, and other products. Even the Spanish lan-
guage and the universities felt the impulse. As early
as 1550, the descendants of the conquered Aztecs and
Peruvians were found in the schools of Spain, and
Indian words in her language.

Some time later look again this way. How different
the picture Spain presents toward the close of the sev-
enteenth century. Her soil, exhausted, runs to waste ;
her factories are closed; her artisans and her agricul-
turists gone — one million of her best and most indus-
trious subjects, the Moriscos, at a single blow; the
small, round worm has been busy among the quarter-
ings of Castile ; her domain is dismembered, Holland
and Portugal gone, Artois, Roussillon, and Franche
Comte, and after another hundred years, nearly all
these broad Americas have slipped from her posses-
sion. The expulsion of the Moors by Felipe III.
followed the destructive foreign wars of Felipe II. ;
and with the beginning of the seventeenth century
her commerce and manufactures began to fail. Men
were even wanting for the army, and ships lay rotting
at anchor for lack of sailors.

The navy, which in Philip's time had been the ter-

PRINCE AND PEOPLE. 91

ror of the sea, was now reduced nine tenths. Arse-
nals and magazines were empty, and frontier fortresses
ungarrisoned. Crime and disorder prevailed through-
out the land. Simony and peculation were unblush-
ing and enormous; so that, while the people were
ground by taxation, the public revenue was small.
As a remedy, which in truth only aggravated the
disease, the currency was debased. Any third-rate
power might now insult with impunity the heirs of
Charles the Magnificent, and of Philip, his most
catholic son. The lesson is — and let it be written in
the sky and graven on the eternal hills — neither in-
dividuals nor nations can long live by impositions
practised on their fellow-men.

Still there was territory enough. Often has the
judicious pruning of a too widely spread empire proved
beneficial. It was pith and pulse Spain now lacked.
She had bled her own veins; played mother pelican to
the church; and now to this complexion things have
come. In vain shall a Charles aim at universal em-
pire; even petty Duke Maurices will not have it so.
In vain shall your nether-millstone-hearted Philip
float invincible armadas. In vain shall Fernando de
Herrera and Luis de Leon gain the topmost height of
Spanish lyricism ; in vain a Calderon or a Vega im-
mortalize their drama ; even in vain shall the greatest,
grandest, richest name of all, Cervantes, take royal
place in the fame-roll of literature. Let Mariana and
Solis paint the history of their country thick and
bright, bull above all quick: these glories fade so fast.
All these piped to a country that would not dance;
or if it did it was only the general dance of death. Of
late Spain has slept with more or less heaviness; a
sleep somewhat troubled, it is true, with fevered
dreams, wherein mingled with smaller sprites French
revolutions, Isabellas, and Carlists, Hohenzollerns and
Amadeos, and Prims, and republics, and one hardly
knows what else.

During the middle age, and up to the time of Fer-

92 COLONIAL POLICY OF SPAIN.

dinand the catholic, the people of Spain possessed
greater liberty than any people in Europe. But about
that time monarchism took a long stride forward,
fanaticism following closely at its heels. The power
of the nobles, undermined by Ferdinand, was com-
pletely broken by Charles, and for three centuries
thereafter Austrian and Bourbon princes ruled Spain
with a despotism almost absolute. These Austrians
and Bourbons were ever remarkable for their piety ;
but although they loved the church much, they loved
themselves more. The little game of prince, priest,
and people was then played somewhat after this fash-
oin: The prince was in possession of the power. This
power he derived from the people, who helped him to
break down the nobles, and hold in check the clergy ;
in return, the prince employed the church to rivet the
chains of despotism tighter and tighter upon the peo-
ple; so that with the mind enslaved by the clergy,
and their every action at the order of the king, this
so lately free and chivalrous commonalty was doomed
to be thrust backward at the very time the new light
broke in upon Europe ; at the very time when liberty
of thought and action would have carried it forward
with any nation in Christendom. Thus to the great-
ness of Spain in the sixteenth century Spaniards of
to-day owe their littleness; to the teachings of tradi-
tion, enforced by the strong arm of royalty, they owe
their ignorance ; and to the wealth of the New World
they owe their poverty.

The student of civilized history has see* how gen-
erations of discipline made strong the arm of Spain ;
how loyalty and religion united to concentrate and
direct the energies of the people; how the enginery
of the inquisition was hurled against the reformation
and every kind of religious inquiry; how a religious
war stimulated religious zeal, how zeal fanned the
flames of loyalty, and how loyalty and zeal bound
men together for good and evil. He has seen how
man's nobler impulses came forward and bowed before

CHURCH AND STATE. 93

this shrine; how church and state divided between
them chivalry, learning, and wealth, leaving the peo-
ple poverty and obedience. And when Granada fell,
leaving tyranny master of the field; when not a here-
tic, not an alien, polluted the soil of Spain ; when from
the Pyrenees to Gibraltar, from the Mediterranean to
the Atlantic, all were loyal, all Christian — where was
this mighty enginery next to be directed? Most
opportunely at this juncture a New World dropped into
the lap of Spain. And such a world ! Truly it was
a reward of merit for eight centuries of godly service.
To her piety and patriotism Spain had sacrificed her
wealth. She was left by the successful termination of
the Mohammedan contest strong but poor. In this
New World was wealth untold. God, grown kinder
to his people than in ages past, there paid cash for
proselytes. A new crusade was preached, in which
gold was the reward of piety, in which romance be-
came reality, and glory here was but the harbinger of
glory hereafter. And in her colonial policy Spain
could be hampered by no constitutional restraints.
She might model her colonial affairs and issue her
edicts by mere act of prerogative, and change them
at pleasure. Whenever through the usual mistakes
attending first attempts things went wrong, laws were
made to fit the like emergencies of the future, and
soon such a mass of ordinances and edicts were heaped
up that even the Spanish government could not en-
force the half of them.

The epoch of discovery was the supplement of the
crusades, the crowning result of the grand levelling
of partition walls by advancing civilization. Then,
through the stubborn zeal of Luther in Germany
and Zwingli in Switzerland, assisted by the amorous
propensities of Henry VIII. , Europe was divided
anew, the north becoming protestant, and the south
remaining catholic. By her excessive exclusiveness,
Spain repelled that which constitutes the very essence
of progress, curiosity, inquiry, scepticism. The result

94 COLONIAL POLICY OF SPAIN.

as seen in Spain and some parts of Spanish America
to-day speaks volumes.

The question could scarcely have arisen in the six-
teenth century whether this New World seized so
eagerly, clutched so greedily, would prove a blessing
or a curse to its possessor. What I lands more fertile
and fifty times broader than Spain not a blessing?
Surely gold and pearls and slaves are blessings, to
say nothing of new empires to govern, and millions of
heathen souls to save.

The immediate effect of the colonies on the mother
country was to quicken life, expand commerce, and
enlarge all industries. Commercial companies were
formed. The prices of all commodities advanced.
Money was plenty, and everybody rich. Some com-
plained, not of the abundance of gold, but because it
now required so much to buy so little — an extra mule
for the traveller being almost necessary to carry his
purse. Then, knowing little of the principles of
economy or of foreign commerce, the government
stepped in with its suicidal restrictions and monopolies,
and confounded what might, if left to natural chan-
nels, have proved beneficial to the commonwealth.
More men then went to America, draining the coun-
try still further of its bone and sinew, and more gold
was sent to Spain. The cost of labor and of raw
material rose rapidly; indeed, it was soon impossible
to obtain these essentials of manufactures in Spain to
the extent required. It was easier and more alluring,
however fatal, to let others do the work, while Spain
commanded the situation and handled the gold; and
so Portugal, France, Flanders, and England were em-
ployed to furnish the required commodities, while the
Spaniards gave themselves up to enjoyment. They
were breeding at Spain's cost communities of artisans,
which more than soldiers or sailors were to become
the bulwark of the nation, and Spain was forced to
pour into their coffers her dearly loved gold in ever-
increasing ratio; until finally, notwithstanding the

REFLECTIVE INFLUENCE. 95

enormous yield of the two Americas, she had not suf-
ficient for her own necessities. The galleon service,
for more than two centuries the pride of Spain on
both the Atlantic and Pacific, was essentially at
an end by the middle of the eighteenth century.

Further and yet further grew the rage for wealth,
and the distaste for labor. Waste was the order of
the day in both public and private affairs. The more
gold Spain got, the more she required; the more she
suffered from her exactions, the more she exacted.
Now the king and his court, and innumerable minia-
ture establishments, and households of all grades, were
kept aflame by western gold alone. Industries of
every kind were abandoned, and men lived only for
that for which brutes live, to eat, sleep, and propa-
gate. Far better were the days of war than these
days of enervating peace. It was as if all Spain had
laid down everything useful, and had adopted gam-
bling as an occupation. And when this influx of
wealth began to diminish, it was found too late : that
the nation had nothing on which to depend for sup-
port. Spain became impoverished. Gone were the
mercantile glory of Seville and Cadiz. A resort to
laws prohibiting the export of specie and raising the
value of copper was without benefit.

Nor was this all the disastrous effect of Spanish
colonization in America on the aborigines, on the col-
onists, and on the people of Spain. There were even
wider effects than these — such as the influence upon
the commercial and political intercourse of nations,
which the thoughtful student of the times will con-
sider. Partly from the reflex influence of her colonies,
and partly from other causes, Europe to-day is more
republican than monarchical. England, Holland, and
Portugal are monarchies in form only; France has
struggled into republicanism, and even Spain has at-
tempted it.

Thus to the Spanish people America was a Lerna
of ills, a Naboth's vineyard. They despoiled the in-

96 COLONIAL POLICY OF SPAIN.

habitants of a distant land only to dissipate their ill-
gotten wealth, and then sink beneath the excess of
self-indulgence and sensuality. Two civilizations Spain
succeeded in crushing before her fall, an eastern and
a western ; in Mexico and Peru it was her evil destiny
to destroy a culture but little inferior to her own, and
in her turn to be destroyed thereby. Spain was
ruined by her successes. Let men and nations learn
the lesson, for there are yet many in like manner to
be ruined. Lord Macaulay and others resolve all
the causes of the decay of Spain into one cause;
which term signifies, if it signifies anything, an erring
people, a corrupt priesthood. But this is not what
Macaulay means to say. He assumes too pointedly
that the Spanish nation fell into decay through the
retrogression of its sovereigns, which assuredly wras
not the case. Were our Philips and Charleses worse
than your Georges and your Louises; why, then, did
not England and France attain these depths 1 A mon-
arch may helm the ship of state toward the rocks and
create temporary disaster; but no nation was ever
ruined solely by its rulers. With the people who
constitute the nation and make the rulers, the blame
must chiefly rest.

CHAPTER III.

MEXICO AS SEEN THROUGH THE EYES OF SCIENCE AT THE
OPENING OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

Multitude omnis, sicut nature, maris, per se immobilia est; ut venti et
aurse cient, ita aut tranquillum aut procellae vobis sunt. — Livy.

THE two Californias were invaded and occupied by
priests from Mexico, at a time when this region was
held to be a part of Mexico. Mexico has been once
seen; perhaps twice. The conquerors were close ob-
servers— that is, of gold or anything worth stealing;
but by the eyes of comprehensive genius Mexico has
never been so viewed, before or since, as by Frederick
Henry Alexander von Humboldt at the opening of
the present century. His visit to our continent was
in the interest of general science, rather than in that
of any particular persons or place. He was thirty
years of age when he landed in South America in
1799; thirteen years of his life had thus far been
devoted to close study, and before him were yet sixty
other years. We are told that he was a vain man,
and very egotistical; but surely he had something to
be vain of, and his ego was by no means a small one,
either as regards time or dimensions. In his match-
less commentaries we hardly know which to admire
most, the universe which he describes so perfectly, or
the all-comprehending intellect capable of such deline-
ation.

Alexander von Humboldt was born in Berlin on the
14th of September, 1769, when the first mission of Alta
California was being founded at San Diego. His
father, Major Alexander George von Humboldt, had

CAL. PAST., VOL. I. 7 (97)

98 MEXICO IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

been in succession chamberlain to the great Frederick,
and to Elizabeth, princess of Prussia. His mother
when married by his father, was the widow of a cer-
tain Baron Von Holwede, and was descended from a
Burgundian family, Colomb by appellation, notable
craftsmen in glass in their old country. The young
Humboldt was for the most part brought up in his
father's old castle of Tegel, three leagues from Berlin.
Here Alexander and his elder brother William played
and studied, in a quiet, unrestricted way, till 1786,
when they commenced their academical life at the
university of Frankfort on the Oder. In 1788 they
removed to that of Gottingen, "a staid, grave place,
full of earnest students and learned professors," among
which last were Blurnenbach, Heine, and Eichhorn.
The university life of the brothers ended in 1789.

In 1790 Alexander visited Holland and England
in company with George Foster and Van Genns, and
published his first work, Observations on the Basalts- of
the Rhine. In 1791 ho began studying under Werner,
the celebrated geologist, at Freyberg. The result of
some of his observations in the mines of that district
was published in 1793: Specimen Floras Freibergensis
Subtcrranese. In 1795 he visited part of Italy and
Switzerland, and 1798 found him in Paris, where he
became acquainted with Bonpland, the naturalist, des-
tined soon to be his companion in travel, and with
many other French savans. He here published, in
conjunction with Gay Lussac, ResearcJies on the Com-
position of the Atmosphere, and on his own account a
work on subterranean gases.

From his boyhood, Humboldt had been planning
some great voyage of discovery; and in 1789 he was
in Madrid, applying for permission to explore the
Spanish possessions in America. That permission
was granted, and having secured Bonpland as a
coadjutor, he sailed from Corunna in the sloop Pizarro,
on the 5th of June, 1799. On the 19th of June the
Pizarro put into Santa Cruz, in the island of Teneriffe;

ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT. 99

and the naturalists, availing themselves of the few
days the ship remained there, ascended the famous
Pico de Teyde. In the middle of July they reached
Cumana, South America, and landed. They spent
the rest of the year in visiting the coast of Paria, the
Indian missions of Chaymas, and the provinces of
New Andalucia, New Barcelona, Venezuela, and
Spanish Guayana. Leaving Caracas in January 1800,
they examined the charming valleys of the Aragua,
and the great lake of Valencia, or Ticarigua, resem-
bling in general appearance that of Geneva, but with
its shores clothed in all the beauty and luxuriance of
a tropical vegetation. From Puorto Cabello they went
south, crossing on horseback the vast plains of Cala-
bozo, Apure, and Orinoco, and the dreary llanos.
At San Fernando, on the river Apure, they began a
fatiguing navigation of more than 3,000- miles. They
performed this in canoes, crouching in awkward pos-
tures, scorched by the terrible sun which not only
lightens but colors and burns, and devoured by a ten-
fold Egyptian plague of crawling, creeping, and flying
things. Sailing down the Apure, they entered the Ori-
noco at the seventh degree of north latitude, and then,
ascending this river, passed the cataracts of Mapures
and Atures, and gained the conflux of the Guaviari.
Thence they ascended the small rivers Atab and
Temi. From the mission of Javita, they passed over-
land to the sources of the famous Rio Negro. About
thirty Indians were employed to carry the canoes
through lofty forests to the creek of Pemichin. Fol-
lowing the current now, they shot into the Rio Negro,
descending to San Carlos. From this they remounted
to the Orinoco, by way of the Cassiquiari, and thus
forever cleared up all doubts as to the existence of a
communication between the Orinoco and the Amazon.
Passing up the Orinoco, they visited the volcano
Daida and the mission of Esmeralda ; but the Guaicas,
an independent native tribe of very fair complexion
and small build, yet extremely warlike, prevented the

100 MEXICO IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

travellers from reaching the sources of the Orinoco.
From Esmeralda they descended the swelling river to
its mouth, and then returned to Cumana, by the plains
of Cari, and the mission of the Caraibs, a race, next
to the Patagonians, the largest and stoutest known.

After a short rest, necessary to their enfeebled
strength, they sailed for Cuba on the 16th of Novem-
ber, and were nearly shipwrecked on the way. They
remained three months in that island; and fearing
accident, Humboldt sent a good part of his collections
and manuscripts to Europe.

In March 1801 they hired a small vessel and sailed
for Cartagena, South America. Owing to adverse
circumstances, the voyage was tedious, and they
arrived too late in the season for crossing1 the isthmus

O

of Panama, and reaching Guayaquil or Lima ; they
however pushed on up the Magdalena up Santa Fe
de Bogota.

In September 1801, though the rainy season was
not quite over, they began their journey to Quito,
crossed the Andes of Quindiu, arrived at Cartago in
the fine valley of Cauca, passed through Popayan, the
capital of the province, through the dangerous defiles
of Almaguer, through the town of Pasto, the village
of Tulcan, and the valley of Guaillabamba, and in
January 1802 reached Quito. Nearly six months
were here devoted to researches of various kinds in
the surrounding country. Near midsummer, in com-
pany with Don Carlos Montiifar, .they visited the
Nevado del Chimborazo. They traversed the fright-
ful ruins of Riobamba and other villages, destroyed
by an earthquake February 7, 1797, and climbed
the Cuchilla de Guandifa. On the eastern slope of
Chimborazo they stood on the highest spot ever
before trod by man. They then descended to the
region of vegetation and followed the great chain of
the Andes, with fifteen or twenty baggage mules.
Skirting the high savannas of Tiocaxas, they ad-
vanced to Sitzun, in the woody paramo of Assuay,

ARRIVAL IN MEXICO. 101

and crossed the mountains by that dangerous passage.
Advancing toward Cuenca, they found ruins of
palaces of the incas. Beyond that town was Loja ;
from Loja they passed into the vale of the bed of the
Cutaco; mounted again to the forest of Chulucanas,
near vast ruins of the incas' battle-fields; crossed
the mountains to San Felipe, and embarked on the
Chamaya; descended it to the cataract of Rentema,
ascended the eastern declivity of the Cordilleras;
examined the argentiferous mountain of Gualgayoc;
visited the towns of Micuipampa and Cajamarca, and
the ruins of the palace of Atahualpa in the vicinity
of the latter place; reached Lima, capital of Peru,
entering for the first time that "long narrow valley
bounded by the shores of the Pacific in which rain
. and thunder are unknown."

In January 1803 the travellers embarked for Guaya-
\A quil ; from Guayaquil reached Acapulco by sea, land-
A ing in Mexico, 23d of March, 1803. Acapulco stands
I in the recess of a bay near a chain of granitic moun-
P tains. The port is part of an immense basin cut in
^ granite rocks — a coarse-grained granite like that of
J Fichtelberg and Carlsbad, toothed and rent like the
^ Catalonian Montserrat. In two hemispheres Hum-
boldt had seen few wilder sights, few scenes at once
more dismal and more romantic. The climate was
terribly sultry and noxious, the inhabitants sickly and
wretched. A silk cotton tree, bombax ceiba, whose
overturned trunk nvas more than seven metres in cir-
cumference, proved the tremendous force of the venda-
vales, by which it was often swept.

In the beginning of May, the travellers set out in
the direction of the capital, ascending by the burning
valleys of Papagayo and Mescala — thermometer 89.6°
Fahr. in the shade — to the higher plains of Chilpan-
cingo, Tehuilotepec, and Tasco, existing in a more
temperate layer of the atmosphere, blessed with the
pleasant shade of oak, cypress, pine, and tree-fern, and
rich in wheat-fields and barley-fields, even on their

102 MEXICO IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

hills, to a height of 6,000 feet above the sea. Having
visited the noted mines of Tasco, and seen its beautiful
church, they passed on to Cuernavaca on the south
slope of the cordillera of Guchilaque, to fix its longi-
tude, which was incorrect on the common maps.
Near this place was the remarkable monument of
Xochicalco, which Humboldt did not visit, having
at that time unfortunately no knowledge of its exist-
ence. It was a natural hill or mass of rocks, which
had been wrought into a conic form, in five terraces of
masonry; the whole surrounded by a great fosse, mak-
ing an intrenchment of nearly 4,000 metres in circum-
ference. Among the hieroglyphic ornaments which
decorate a pyramid, with which the great upper ter-
race or platform is crowned, are figures of men sitting
cross-legged after the Asiatic fashion. Humboldt
concluded from the foregoing information which he
collected, and from its position being indicated in a
very ancient native map by two warriors in combat,
that the place served the purpose, not only of a temple,
but also of a fort. Its origin is referred to the Toltecs,
for this nation is to the Mexican antiquarians what
the Pelasgian colonists were to the archaeologists of
Italy — anything of which a Mexican knows nothing is
Toltec.

We next find our scientists in the city of Mexico.
They found the latitude of the capital at the convent
of St Augustine by meridian altitudes of the sun
and stars. The longitude was deduced from the
eclipses of the satellites of Jupiter, from the distances
between the moon and sun, from transference of the
time from Acapulco, and from a trigonometrical esti-
mation of the difference of meridian between Mexico
and Vera Cruz. This method of check and counter-
check was followed as far as possible in all cases, and
though detailed accounts of these things can hardly
interest any but scientific men, they give to the most
superficial some idea of the minute and patient indus-
try of Humboldt.

CITY AND COUNTRY. 103

Mexico is described by earlier writers as seated in
the midst of waters, but it is now more than two miles
from the margin of the diminished Tezcuco. This, a
result of increased drainage, has not contributed to
the general fertility of the valley. A lack of vigorous
vegetation has been becoming more and more appar-
ent since the conquest, at which time the clayey soil,
being washed by more frequent inundations, was cov-
ered with beautiful verdure. The climate of the city
of Mexico is generally mild, even in winter, as that of
Naples. In point of appearance it is one of the finest
cities in the new continent. It is more imposing and
majestic, though not perhaps so beautiful or so smil-
ing as when great teocallis lifted their minarets over
the heads of an unconquered people, and waters pressed
on its foundations, and thousands of boats shot through
its street-canals — an Aztec Venice. The present arch-
itecture is generally pure in style and of good taste,
not surcharged with ornament, but solid, often even
magnificent. Seldom are to be seen those ponderous
wooden balconies which disfigure so many other Eu-
ropean-founded cities in the Indies and Americas ; but
here the balustrades and gates are of Biscay iron
ornamented with bronze.

The travellers were somewhat surprised to see in
this city many fine establishments devoted to science
and the fine arts — a school of mines which was gradu-
ally introducing juster ideas of mining geology, and
some sorely needed reforms in mining methods — a
fine arts academy, owing its existence to the liberality
of private citizens, and the protection of Minister
Galvez, and possessing a collection of plaster casts
finer than anything of the kind in Germany. Lao-
coon writhed there in the supreme agony of his immor-
tal struggle with the serpents of Tenedos; and the
divine form of the Apollo Belvidere had cast out for-
ever those hideous monstrosities that the Aztecs de-
lighted to honor. In this academy instruction was
free, and here were found studying and competing all,

104 MEXICO IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

Indian and white, whom talent and opportunity fa-
vored, for art is nature, and makes the whole world
kin, knowing no aristocracy but that of genius. The
excellent instruction supplied by this school has had
already a great influence on the architectural taste of
the nation. In Mexico, Guanajuato, and Queretaro
were many edifices which would have adorned the
finest streets of Paris, Berlin, or St Petersburg. For
the great square of the city, Don Manuel Tolsa,
director of the class of sculpture, had just completed
a magnificent bronze equestrian statue of Charles IV.,
reigning king of Spain, and Humboldt had the pleas-
ure of witnessing both its casting and its erection. In
this square were the new cathedral with its massive
towers, built over the remains of the great temple of
Mexith, and the viceroy's palace, fronting the spot
on which the palace of Montezuma had formerly stood.
Buried in one of the passages of the university
of Mexico was a great double Aztec idol, in basaltic
porphyry, which had been dug up by workmen en-
gaged on an excavation in 1790, conveyed to the uni-
versity, and concealed there lest it might trouble the
weak faith of the Aztec youth. Humboldt, by dint
of solicitation, secured the privilege of examining and
sketching it. He supposed it to represent the Aztec
o'od of war and his wife. He also studied the stone

•

of sacrifice, and the calendar-stone. The first was
adorned in relief with the triumphs of some old Aztec
warrior, probably a king. This stone, Humboldt, con-
trary to the usual hypothesis, supposed to have served
the purpose, not of an altar for the sacrifice of human
victims, but of a temalacatl, one of those great stones
on which, as on a platform, prisoners were allowed to
contend, in certain cases, for their lives with Mexican
warriors. As to the calendar-stone — the most impor-
tant of all the Aztec monuments, and one which seems
to prove the existence of a civilization which we have
some difficulty in believing to be the result of ob-
servations made by a nation of mountaineers in the

VALLEY OF MEXICO. 105

uncultivated regions of the new continent — Hum-
boldt compared the circumstances attending its pos-
session by the Aztecs to those in which a language,
rich in words and in grammatical forms, is found with
a people whose paucity of ideas is wholly incommen-
surate with the multiplicity of media adapted to con-
vey and embody them. " Those languages rich and
flexible, those modes of intercalation which presup-
pose an accurate knowledge of the duration of the
astronomical year, are perhaps only the remnants of an
inheritance, transmitted to them by nations hereto-
fore civilized, but since relapsed into barbarism."
Humboldt had often been struck with the analogy
which existed between the ancient tradition and
memorials of various peoples of Asia — the Thibetans
and Japanese, for example — and those of the Mexican
races; but this analogy was nowhere so apparent as
in the division of time revealed in this calendar, in
the employment of recurring periods, and in the in-
genious though embarrassing method of designating
a day or a year, not by numbers, but by astrological
signs. The system of the methods of those Asiatic
nations and these American is essentially the same.

The valley of Mexico is in many respects unique.
It is surrounded as by a circular wall with a remark-
able chain of porphyritic and basaltic mountains.
The whole valley is but the dried-up bottom of
an ancient lake. The five basins of fresh and salt
water in the centre of the plateau, "the five lakes
Zumpango, San Christobal, Tezcuco, Xochimilco, and
Chalco, are to the geologist but the feeble remnants of
a great sheet of water which formerly covered the whole
valley of Tenochtitlan." Yet despite the interest
attaching to this valley historically, geologically, and
in respect to its various hydraulic constructions, there
existed no map giving its true form. Humboldt,
therefore, fixed by many astronomical observations
the limits of the valley, and from these and a great
mass of collected material constructed an excellent

106 MEXICO IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

map. By a bold simile he compared the whole valley
to that of the mountains of the moon.

The distinguished visitor was received at the capi-
tal with all that consideration and hospitality to which
his condition and his personal merit alike entitled him.
Among the several congenial spirits which he found,
he took especial delight in Don Jose Antonio Pi-
chardo, whose house to him was as the house of Si-
giienza to the traveller Gemelli. This man had the
finest collection of hieroglyphic paintings in the capital;
sacrificing his fortune to obtain them, copying what
he could not buy. In the new as in the old continent,
the collection and conservation of objects of national
importance are generally left to private individuals,
and those not always the richest of the people. But
Humboldt was a man of the salons as well as of the
museums, and was as perfect in flirtation and sarcasm
as in handling fossils or gymnoti. His flirting was
probably a mere foil of politeness and relaxation, but
his sarcasm was incisive. These, his less philosophi-
cal qualities, or if you will his littleness, have been
quietly ignored by his biographers as derogatory to
his dignity, or to his amiability. In the city of Mex-
ico he seems positively to have been smitten outright
by a famous Creole beauty, La Giiera Rodriguez,
daughter-in-law of that Count de Regla who built,
equipped, and presented to the king of Spain two
ships of war, of the largest size, in mahogany and
cedar, and offered to pave the road from Vera Cruz to
the capital with silver,- if his Majesty of Spain would
visit his American provinces. "She was then very
young, though married, and the mother of two chil-
dren," says Madame Calderon de la Barca. "He came
to visit her mother ; she was sitting sewing in a corner
where the baron did not perceive her; until, talking
very earnestly on the subject of cochineal, he inquired
if he could visit a certain district where there was a
plantation of nopals. • To be sure,' said La Gtiera from
her corner, 'we can take M. de Humboldt there;'

MINES AND MANUFACTORIES. 107

whereupon, he first perceiving her, stood amazed, and
at length exclaimed, ' Vdlgame Dios ! who is that girl?'
Afterwards he was constantly with her, and more
captivated, it is said, by her wit than by her beauty;
considering her a sort of western Madame de Stael."
Humboldt next visited the mines of Moran and
Real del Monte, handled the obsidian interstratified
with the pearl-stones and porphyries of Oyamel, and
used by the ancient Mexicans in the manufacture of
knives, and sketched the basaltic columns of the
Staffa-like cascade of Regla. Returning to the capi-
tal in July, he again left it to visit the rich mines in
the north of the viceroyalty, principally Guanajuato.
And on his way thither he first examined that great
opening in the mountain of Suicog, the canal of Hue-
huetoca, excavated to prevent undue risings of the val-
ley lakes, and untimely inundations of its metropolis.
It was choked up in 1629, and flooded the town for
five years, filling its streets with canoes as in the old
Cortes times. From the valley of Tular, through
which this desagile ran, Humboldt passed by the moun-
tain of Calulpan, and the town of San Juan del Rio,
to the city of QueretarOj a place noted for its tasteful
buildings, which was also making some praiseworthy
attempts to manufacture certain kinds of cloth by
an execrable system. In August, Humboldt visited
certain of these manufactories. The technical process
in the preparation for dyeing was very imperfect.
The situation of the workshops was unhealthy in the
extreme, and the treatment of the workmen abomina-
ble. The convicts of the country were distributed
among these factories, that they might be compelled
to work. But free men were confounded with these
convicts, and subjected with them to the treatment of
felons. Every workshop was a dark prison, whose in-
mates, shut in by double doors, were ragged, pallid,
and many of them deformed. Even those who by a
refinement of sarcasm were called free, never saw the
faces of their families except on Sundays; while all

108 MEXICO IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

were subjected to merciless floggings upon the most
trivial infringements of the regulations. This power
over free workers is gained by choosing from the
poorer Indians such as it is thought will suit the work ;
then advancing them money, or in other ways draw-
ing them into debt. Such is the improvidence of the
majority of these people, and their passion for intoxi-
cation and gambling, that the plot generally succeeds.
In such a case the man is a debtor, that is to say, he
is a slave, whom it is lawful to enclose in the work-
shops till he shall have worked out his debt; which
he generally does with his life. It is not thus that
the manufactures of a country are permanently ad-
vanced, nor thus that a desire for that advancement
is likely to be excited in the minds of the people.

Humboldt next went to Guanajuato, stopping on
his way at the mines of Sotolar, Juchitlan, Las
Aguas, Maconi, El Doctor, and San Christobal. He
remained here two months investigating the geology
and botany of the country ; the first, principally in
connection with the mine of Valenciana, the richest
in Guanajuato, the richest in all Mexico. Here in
1760, with goats feeding on the hills around him, a
stout-hearted Spaniard named Obregon began to
work a vein above the ravine of San Javier. It
had been an old Indian mine, and was supposed to be
exhausted. Obregon kept sinking his pit and his
money, and that of his friends, with but little result
for many years. In 1767 he was forced to take a
petty merchant of Rayas as a partner; and from that
time the pit grew richer as it was sunk deeper, and
from 1771 it yielded over $1,000,000 annually.

In general, in Mexican mines the mineral was
abundant, but, weight for weight, much poorer than
that of the European mines. A contempt for inno-
vation among the master miners also enormously in-
creased the cost of extraction, by the use of antiquated
machinery and exploded methods of 'working. A lit-
tle more method, a little more attention to the ad-

MINERALS AND METALS. 109

vances in chemistry arid mechanics, would have
reduced the expenses by half. In the process of
amalgamation especially, there was an enormous waste
of mercury, which itself should be a never-failing
source of wealth. Few countries have so many indi-
cations of cinnabar as this table-land from the 19th to
the 22d parallels. Weighing, however, upon what
was extracted were various vexatious government
regulations, forcing, for example, every mine-owner
to buy such and such a proportion of the government
imported mercury, and in fact, dealing out the sup-
plies from all sources in an arbitrary and enterprise-
destroying way.

The ores, too, when extracted, are subjected to
various imposts and duties of seignorage. Now, it
is the same with these direct imposts on gold and sil-
ver as with the profit the government derives from
the sale of mercury. Mining operations will increase
as these imposts diminish, and as the mercury indis-
pensable to amalgamation shall be furnished at a
lower price. Huinboldt was astonished that Adam
Smith should mingle with the soundest ideas relative
to the exchange of metals a defence of the suicidal
duties of seignorage. Considering, then, the vast ex-
tent of the cordilleras, the probable richness of their
deposits, and the wasteful way in which the compara-
tively few veins already examined have been worked, it
is probable that the mines of Mexico have yet to reach
their maximum. The opinion that Mexico produces
only perhaps the third part of the precious metals
which it could under happier political and social cir-
cumstances, under a better administration and with a
more industrious and better instructed people, is com-
mon to the most intelligent individuals of that country.

Humboldt knew well that this was in direct contra-
diction with most authors on political economy — they
affirming the American mines to be partly exhausted,
and partly too deep for further remunerative explora-
tion— still he believed that theoretic opinions must

110 MEXICO IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

give way before the results of the patient investigation
and comparison of facts. Neither did he share in
another very general idea, that the mines were at bot-
tom more injurious than helpful to the country, and
non-productive in the long event of any permanent
good. Of course, notwithstanding the great advan-
tage of the precious metals in purchasing the goods of
other nations, it is well to understand definitely that
it is in the nature of things that such stores will one

O

day run out, and that even immense developments of
them will, nearly in proportion to those developments,
diminish their commercial value; that in fact the only
capital which constantly multiplies and increases itself,
through time, consists in the produce of agriculture.
And those who have more knowledge of the interior
than the vague information at that time accessible
could give, know that the principal riches of Mexico
are not in her mines, but in an agriculture which has
been gradually extending and improving since the end
of the preceding century. Yet all this, however true,
is inferential of nothing to the prejudice of mining as
a valuable source of national wealth; it merely shows
that agriculture is another and on the whole a more

C7

reliable and permanent contributor to that end. It is
not to the mines of Mexico that any backwardness
in the other departments of national industry is justly
attributable, but to those political, moral, and physical
stumbling-blocks hitherto obstructing the advancement
of the Spanish colonial interests. If these mines have
fostered a spirit of reckless expenditure and specula-
tion, they have also called out, and do call out, enter-
prise, invention, and geological and chemical research.
If, indeed, these coveted metals add little to the real
wealth of the world, their seeking creates or stimulates
a thousand necessities which do. Roads are built,
great systems of traffic inaugurated, and an increased
demand springs up for those things which sustain
life and make it enjoyable. The influence of mining
on agriculture is plainly shown by the fact that the

CLIMATE AXD VOLCANOES. Ill

best cultivated lands in Mexico are those extending
from Salamanca toward Silao, Guanajuato, and the
Villa de Leon ; that is to say, the lands appertaining
to the richest mining region of the known world.
And now, in dismissing the subject of mining, we may
add that Humboldt received little information from
any public collections of minerals. At Mexico, as at
Madrid, while these collections contained the rarest
specimens from other and distant countries, those
illustrative of the mineralogical geography of New
Spain were almost entirely wanting. It is to be
hoped, however, that the proprietors of the mines will
gradually come to see how much it concerns their in-
terest that a knowledge of localities in detail, and of
the properties and positions of the several minerals,
should be facilitated and extended.

From Guanajuato Humboldt went south, by Sala-
manca and the valley of San Jago, to Valladolid
(Morelia), a small city of 18,000 inhabitants, and cap-
ital of the province of Michoacan, the most fertile and
delightful of Mexico. Next he descended, notwith-
standing the heavy autumn rains, to the plain of Jo-
rullo, by way of Pascuaro, situated on the shore of
Lake Pascuaro, whose picturesque beauty riveted the
attention of the traveller. But admiration gave place
to awe at sight of the Malpays, a tract of three or
four square miles in extent, which had been suddenly
thrown up into a great dome by volcanic forces, in
June 1759. On this again six great masses appeared,
of from 1,300 to 1,700 feet each above the old level of
the plains. Among these the great volcano of Jorullo
was conspicuous; and the whole was surrounded by
thousands of little cones from six to nine feet in
height, and always covered with vapor. On the night
this eruption occurred, the earth rolled like a troubled
sea, and spouting fire, ashes, and mud, swallowed
the two rivers of Cuitamba and San Pedro. The
subterraneous fires at this time were moderated, and
vegetation was beginning to appear on the sides of

112 MEXICO IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

the great volcano. Still, such was the effect of the
innumerable small cones, or ovens, as they were called,
that the thermometer, even at a great distance from
the surface, and in the shade, marked 109°. On the
19th of September, Humboldt descended 250 feet into
the burning crater of the central cone of Jorullo, and
collected its gaseous products.

The position of this volcano gave rise to a curious
train of speculation in the mind of its visitor. He
remarked that there had existed from historic times a
parallel of volcanic mountains, situated in a line at
right angles to the axis of the great cordillera of And,-
huac. The Peak of Orizaba, the two volcanoes of
Puebla, Popocatepetl and Iztaccihuatl, the Nevado de
Toluca, the Peak of Tancitaro, and the Volcan de
Colima, compose a single "parallele des grandes eleva-
tions," from the Atlantic to the Pacific; and when
Jorullo sprang up, it sprang up in line. Considering
all this, he supposes it to be not improbable that there
exists in Mexico, at a great depth in the interior of
the earth, a line of weakness, as modern physicists
would call it, 137 leagues in length, through the
porphyritic rocks, from ocean to ocean. Perhaps, too,
this chasm extends to that archipelago called by Coll-
nett the Archipelago of Revillagiedo (Revilla Gigedo),
around which, in the same parallel of which we have
been speaking, pumice-stone and other volcanic prod-
ucts have been seen floating on the Pacific.

From Valladolid the traveller returned toward
Mexico by the plateau of Toluca, where he examined
the trunk of the famous hand-leaved tree, the cheiros-
temon platano'ides of Professor Cervantes, nine yards
in circuit, and of great antiquity. He also climbed
and found the level of the adjacent mountain, which,
itself over 15,000 feet high, contains a lake in its
crater at an elevation of 12,000 feet, from which flows
a cold stream, temperature 48° Fahr. Humboldt was
once more in the capital about the close of September.
Here he and his companion set themselves to arrange

MOUNTAINS AND PYRAMIDS. 113

their geological and botanical specimens, to calculate
various measurements which they had made, and plat
out some of their maps — especially the geological
atlas — all of which served to detain them till the close
of the year.

In the beginning of January 1804, Humboldt went
and examined the eastern slope of the cordillera, and
then visited Puebla de los Angeles and the pyramid
of Cholula. This pyramid was about four times the
dimensions of the Place Vendome, and covered with
a heap of bricks to twice the height of the Louvre.
From its great platform Humboldt made many astro-
nomical observations. The eye there commands a
magnificent prospect: Popocatepetl, Iztaccihuatl, Ori-
zaba, and the stormy sierra of Tlaxcala loom — three
of them higher than Mont Blanc; two, burning vol-
canoes. Mass was said in a small chapel where the
temple of Quetzalcoatl, god of the air, had once stood
in the golden age of the people of Andhuac. As to
the end subserved by these pyramids, their essential
part was the tower-shaped edifice which crowned the
whole, and contained the images of the divinity to
whom the structure was dedicated — not the receptacles
or chambers in which certain dead were placed. They
were tombs and temples, but especially temples ; they
were generally artificial hills raised in the midst of a
plain to serve as bases for altars.

Humboldt perceived a great analogy between the
Mexican teocallis, of which Cholula is the most strik-
ing type, and the ancient temple of Bel at Babylon—
not only in construction, but in object: either being
at once a tomb and a temple. There also existed
strong analogies between the form of these teocallis
and that of the other pyramids of Asia and Egypt;
but on the other hand, their destinies were different.
The pyramids of Asia and Egypt served only as the
tombs of illustrious personages. Between the Egyp-
tian and the Mexican, the pjrramid of Belus is prob-
ably a connecting link, inasmuch as it wrould seem that

CAL. PAST., VOL. L 8

114 MEXICO IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

the addition of the temple to the latter was an acci-
dental circumstance.

Next, the volcanoes of Iztaccihuatl and Popocatepetl
were visited, measured, and the latter ascended. This
"Volcan grande de Mexico" is higher than Mont
Blanc, and in the scientist's opinion grander in aspect
than anything Europe can show.

The travellers then descended, often by steep slopes
and through dense forests, to Jalapa, where they
lodged in the convent of Saint Francis. This charm-
ing town commanded a magnificent view; on the one
side the ocean arid its sultry adjacent plains; on the
other the cordilleras of Ana"huac, the peak of Orizaba,
and the square-topped Cofre de Perote.

The intendency of Vera Cruz contains a remarkable
ruin, that of Papantla — a pyramid which Humboldt
describes, but does not seem to have visited.

The dangerous route through thick forests and other
impediments, between Jalapa and Perote, was thrice
barometrically levelled, to determine its capabilities
for a post-road, then under the consideration of the
government.

From Jalapa they descended to Vera Cruz. The
yellow fever, vomito negro, of Vera Cruz has a sensible
influence on the supply of commodities in Mexico and
their price. This is the only port on the eastern coast
which can afford any shelter to large vessels. But
when the terrible epidemic is upon the city, no vessels
that can possibly help it land, and no muleteers from
the interior can be .induced to enter its precincts.
Commerce stands still, for it cannot get carriage for
the merchandise; mining falls away, for iron, steel,
and mercury become beyond price in the mountains.
There were two remedies' usually proposed for this;
the one to utterly root out and raze the town, and
compel its reestablishment at some more healthy spot;
the other, to adopt some plan to render the port more
habitable; the latter should if possible be the course
followed, considering, not only the immense sums in-

TIERUA CALIENTE. 115

vested by the government in its fortifications, but the
fate of the 16,000 individuals whose fortunes are to a
great extent staked on its existence.

In February Humboldt and Bonpland saw in the
hospital of San Sebastian what would seem to have
been the only case of the epidemic then in Vera Cruz,
it being the cold season. The yellow fever was not
considered contagious at Vera Cruz; still it is improb-
able that there are many unprofessional persons who
would care to carry their medical researches to such
an extent as this, in a town of such an unpleasant
character. The air of Vera Cruz from its natural sur-
roundings is always tainted with putrid emanations,
which, breathed for the shortest time when at their
maximum, introduce disorder into all the vital func-
tions. Yet so potent is use, that persons born in that
city are not, while in it, exposed to contract the
disease. Let them, however, leave their native coun-
try, let them visit Habana, Jamaica, or the United
States, and they often fall victims to its particular
type there; and conversely the same is true of the
inhabitants of these latter places when they visit Vera
Cruz.

From Vera Cruz the scientists were carried to
Habana by a Spanish frigate, leaving Mexico on the
7th of March. Having spent two months at Habana,
packing and shipping their various collections, they
sailed for Philadelphia, visited Washington, and
spending eight weeks in the United States, studying
with interest the men and institutions of the great
republic.

On the 9th of June they set out for Europe, and
landed at Bordeaux August 3, 1804, having been five
years absent from Europe on their American explora-
tions ; of which time about a year had been spent in
Mexico.

At the time of Humboldt's visit to Mexico — or New
Spain, as he preferred to call it — "the wealth of the
great landed proprietors had attained its maximum.

116 MEXICO IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

The extraordinary success of mining adventures, which
had gone on flourishing with scarcely any interruption
for nearly a century, had stimulated the cultivation
of the soil; and from the comparatively low price of
labor, immense fortunes were realized by landlords
and capitalists."

On his arrival in New Spain Humboldt was favor-
ably impressed by the contrast offered by its civiliza-
tion to the very limited culture of most of the Spanish
South American colonies. This contrast led him to
study very particularly the causes which led to this
result. Rarely has there been a man better qualified
by nature and education for such a work. Profound
in many of the natural sciences, and knowing more or
less of all, at home in many languages and loving
literature, a man of society, with German sober sense
and French esprit, who knew how to conciliate those
with whom he was brought into contact, he was in
every sense qualified for his self-imposed task. No
light task either, when we consider the magnitude of
its results, and the paucity of previous information
existing on the subject. To ascertain the exact out-
line of elevation of the great table-land of Mexico, he
executed five great surveys : the first across the whole
country from ocean to ocean — from Acapulco to Mex-
ico, and from Mexico to Vera Cruz; the second from
Mexico to Guanajuato, by Tula, Queretaro, and Sala-
manca; the third from Guanajuato through Pascuaro to
the volcano of Jorullo; the fourth from Valladolid
to Toluca and thence to Mexico ; the fifth was devoted
to the neighborhood of Moran and Actopan. He
determined the exact heights above sea-level of 208
points, situated in the country bounded by the par-
allels 16° 50' and 21° of north latitude, and lying
between the meridians 98° 28' and 162° 8' of longitude
east from Paris.

In the main, the soil, climate, and vegetation of
Mexico resemble those of the temperate zones; but
its productions are of no one type ; it depends little

CLIMATE AND SOIL. 117

on latitude, for nature has piled all climates upon the
backs arid flanks of its mountains. Its worst want is
that of old Spain herself, a want of water. There are
parts of the Mexican interior so arid and destitute of
vegetation, that their aspect recalls the plains of the
two Castiles; and where saline efflorescence abounds,
the steppes of central Asia. This evil has augmented
since the conquest by the Europeans, who have de-
stroyed without planting, to an alarming extent, and
drained to excess great tracts of country. I have
called attention to the effects of this latter evil in the
valley of Mexico itself; and the effects of the former are
perhaps even more disastrous. For timber grows
scarcer year by year, while the demand as steadily in-
creases, and the lands cleared of their wood seem often
to become barren. The influence of forests is princi-
pally preservative, cooling and refreshing the air, and
protecting the soil against the direct rays of the sun.
Humboldt proves that a single tree, with foliage of a
given horizontal section, exercises an influence of this
kind several thousand times greater than a surface of
humid or grassy soil equal in area to this section.

Happily, however, the sterility of which we have
spoken is only to be found in the most elevated plains,
and a great part of the kingdom appertains to the
most fertile regions of the earth With proper cul-
tivation the many climates and varying soils of Mexico
could be made to supply, in greater or less extent, all
the productions of all the zones. But again, in a few
seaports and deep valleys, this fertility is balanced by
a terrible concomitant. Beneath the burning sun of
the tropics, extraordinary fertility too often indicates
an atmosphere charged with deadly miasma, laden
with the terrible germs of tropic fever. It was this
which made the price of labor three times as high at
Vera Cruz as on the central plateau.

Manufactures had made but small progress in the
Spanish colonies— a thing hardly to be grieved at if
many were conducted after the brutal system followed

118 MEXICO IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

at Queretaro; a thing in no case to be wondered at,
considering the vexatious and suspicious policy of the
home government toward colonial productions — a
policy whose spirit embodied and stigmatized itself by
orders for the rooting up of vines, lest the wine of
Spain should suffer by competition; by indirect and
direct discouragement in all similar cases.

This was partly the usual modern colonial policy.
For ages all the mother countries of Europe had con-
sidered a colony as a sort of step-child, which, pos-
sessing few of the privileges of home province, was
to be subjected to more enactments and restrictions
than a conquered one It was only thought useful in
so far as it supplied raw material for the metropolitan
manufactures, and consumed again in turn a greater
or less portion of these manufactures, when carried to
its harbors by metropolitan ships. Such principles
are easy of adaptation, and perhaps very slightly pro-
ductive of evil to islands of small extent, or to isolated
factories on the shores of a continent. It was other-
wise with the Spanish colonial provinces, particularly
with New Spain, where were sufficient hands to fur-
nish labor, and a demand sufficient to pay them. If
other reasons were necessary, they would be found in
the enormous expense of transporting goods inland, an
expense which would, properly applied, go far to pro-
duce them on the spot, and an expense still further
increased by the support of officers to guard against
smuggling. Strictly speaking, there existed no royal
decree declaring that" manufactures should not exist;
but then it is on the spirit in which laws are adminis-
tered that their effects depend, and where indirect
and equivocal decrees can, by their manner of execu-
tion, be made to produce the required effect, there is
evidently no necessity for a waste of thunder in edicts
more explicit.

As an example of the method followed by the
Spanish government in dealing with private enter-
prise, read the following: "II n'y u qu'un demi-siecle

MANUFACTURES. 119

que deux citoyens, animes du zele patriotique le plus
pur, le comte de Gijon et le marquis de Maenza, con-
curent le projet de conduire a Quito une colonie d'ou-
vriers et d'artisans de 1'Europe : le ministere espagnol
feignant d'applaudir a leur zele, ne crut pas devoir leur
refuser la permission de monter des ateliers ; mais il
sut tellement entraver les demarches de ces deux
homines entreprenans, que s'etant apercus a la fin que
des ordres secrets avoient ete donnes au vice-roi et a
Taudience, pour faire echouer leur entreprise, ils y
renoncerent volontairement."

In New Spain the manufacture of powder was
wholly a royal monopoly, as in most other countries.
But here, as elsewhere, the government which creates
artificial restrictions and monopolies is smitten with
the plague of contraband. Humboldt, as the result of
diligent research, concluded that the quantity of pow-
der manufactured by the royal mill near Santa Fe,
three leagues from the city of Mexico, was to that sold
fraudulently in the proportion of one to four. The
mines are the principal consumers; they are dispersed
far from towns, in the wildest and most solitary situa-
tions, on the ridges and in the ravines of the cordi-
lleras, where it is impossible to watch the smuggler.
This branch of contraband cannot be met but by re-
ducing the price of the government powder, or what
is better, by throwing the trade entirely open.

The manufacture of money and plate was an impor-
tant branch of Mexican industry. The smallest towns
had their goldsmiths' and silversmiths' shops, and the
mint of Mexico was the richest and most extensive in
the world. The academy of the fine arts and the
drawing-schools of Mexico and Jalapa had done much
to diffuse a taste for the beautiful forms of the antique.
Services of plate had been manufactured in the capital
which, for elegance and finish, might be compared
with the beautiful products of European taste and
skill.

The mint was* a building of simple architecture,

120 MEXICO IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

adjoining the viceroy's prJace. The silver produced
in all the mines of Europe would not give employment
to this mint for more than 15 days. Yet the various
machines in use were far from as perfect as those in
the French and English mints, and the motive power
was still mules, though the building was so situated
that water might be easily applied.

The taxes on importation, the alcabala and the in-
numerable derechos, tended to clog Mexican commerce,
in the legitimate sense, and promote smuggling. Hum-
boldt, by the collection and examination of exact data,
found that the yearly importation of foreign goods
into Spain, contraband included, amounted to about
twenty million of piastres, and that the export of its
agricultural and manufacturing industry amounted to
about six million piastres. Now, the mines of New
Spain produced yearly 23 million of piastres; from
eight to nine were exported on account of the king.
Deduct, then, from the 15 million of piastres remain-
ing fourteen million, to meet the excess of the impor-
tation over the exportation, and we find a million of
piastres, balance, in favor of Mexico, thus :

Piastres.

Mexico pays annually for foreign goods. . . 20,000,000
Mexico exports on account of the king. . . 8,000,000

Expenditure of Mexico — 28,000,000

Mexico receives for her exports 6,000,000

Mexico draws from her mines 23,000,000

Income of Mexico 29,000,000 ,

Balance in favor of Mexico 1,000,000

The specie wealth of New Spain was then annually
increasing by something less than a million piastres.
In collecting the matter for the various tables on
which his conclusions are based, Hurnboldt endeavored
to inform himself on the spot in each province, as to
its trade, agriculture, and manufactures; collecting
and comparing all the information which might pos-
sibly be of value, from all sources — in commercial
matters principally from merchants of intelligence,
and the various tribunals of commerce.

As to the amount of the contraband trade, it had

ROADS AND TRAFFIC. 121

been exaggerated by the greater number of authors
who had treated of Spanish commerce. For example,
it was affirmed in certain widely circulated works that
the English alone, before 1765, gained by the contra-
band trade — principally profits of the Jamaica mer-
chants— more than 20 million of piastres per annum.
To show the exaggeration of this, it is only necessary
to add the sum mentioned to the quantity of gold and
silver registered at Cddiz, as arriving from the colonies
on account of the king, or in payment of Spanish
goods, to find that the total sum exceeds the actual
produce of the mines.

The means of interior communication in Mexico
were by no means worthy of an important kingdom.
This was being in part remedied by the construction
of a magnificent road between Vera Cruz and Perote ;
a road in which, as we have before shown, Humboldt
took the liveliest interest, and which would, he con-
sidered, when completed, be a worthy rival to the
roads of the Simplon and Mount Cenis, and exercise
moreover an appreciable effect in lowering the price
of those commodities whose carriage formed a con-
siderable item in their price. It had been begun,
under the direction of Sr Garcia Conde, while
Humboldt was staying at Jalapa, in February 1804,
at its most difficult points, in the ravine called Plan
del Rio, and on the Cuesta del Soldado. It was in-
tended that columns of porphyry should be placed
along the road, graven, not only with the distances,
but also with the elevation of each pillar above the
level of the sea.

Humboldt strongly advocated the introduction of
camels as beasts of burden in Mexico. He did not
think the table-land through which the great roads
passed too cold for them ; and he was sure they would
suffer less than horses and mules from the aridity of
the soil and the lack of water and pasturage to which
beasts of burden are exposed north of Guanajuato,
especially in that desert by which New Biscay is
separated from New Mexico.

122 MEXICO IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

Highly impressed with the importance of an inter-
oceanic communication, Humboldt collected all acces-
sible information, arid mapped in eight several sketches
the various points at which such communication
might be possible. Having discussed in detail the
various obstacles and advantages to be overcome and
hoped for in a junction of the two oceans, at some
point of Central America, Mexico, or even north of
there, he finally concluded in favor either of a passage
through the isthmus of Nicaragua, or of one through
that of Cupica — at the very northern extremity of
South America — not because these were the shortest,
but because, if the imperfect information then attain-
able could be depended upon, they were the least
obstructed by natural obstacles for canals of large
dimensions — such, in fact, as would constitute a veri-
table strait, by which vessels of the size usual in the
Indian and Chinese trade could pass — not a mere
means of inland carriage for barges and flat-boats.
Humboldt pointed out the Caledonian canal in Scot-
land as one possessing all the qualities required for an
interoceanic highway of the world's ships. He be
lieved, however, that a joint association for such an
undertaking could only be founded when the practica-
bility of such a canal — a canal capable of receiving
vessels of 300 or 400 tons burden — between latitudes
7° an 18°, had been fully proved by accurate prepara-
tory surveys, arid the ground fixed upon and recog-
nized. Also, that whatever government might own
the soil on which such a canal should be established,
the benefit of such hydraulic work should belong to
every nation of both worlds which would contribute,
by taking shares, toward its execution.

Next in eligibility to Nicaragua and Cupica, he
put the isthmus of Tehuantepec — the importance of
the Goazacoalco to this end had been discussed by
Cortes as early as the conquest—and Humboldt only
gave to the Isthmus of Panamd, a fourth place as to
probable practicability.

GOVERNMENT. 123

New Spain, socially as well as physically, was the
country of inequality. In no other country could
such alarming contrasts in the distribution of for-
tunes, civilization, and population have been seen.
The wealth, luxury, refinement, and elegance of the
higher class had its frightful antithesis in the naked,
foul, and depraved misery of the pariahs of the land.
This inequality of fortune existed, not only among the
whites, but was often found among the mixed and
Indian castes.

Within the twenty years preceding Humboldt's visit,
the Spanish- American youth of the settlements of the
new continent, being brought more and more into con-
tact with Anglo-Americans, English, and French, had
sacrificed a part of their national prejudice and formed
a marked predilection for those nations more energetic
and more advanced in culture than the Spaniards. It
was then nothing strange to him that the political
movements of Europe, since 1789, should have excited
the keenest attention among a people long aspiring to
rights, the privation of which is at once an obstacle
to the public prosperity, and a motive of resentment
against the mother country. Certain viceroys and
governors had proceeded to take measures, which, far
from calming the agitation of the colonists, had only
imbittered the nascent ill feeling. These over- zealous
rulers pretended danger in all associations for the pur-
suit and dissemination of knowledge. Printing-presses
were prohibited in towns counting forty or fifty thou-
sand inhabitants ; and to possess and read quietly the
works of Montesquieu, Robertson, or Rousseau was
to be suspected of revolutionary principles. Now, to
to be just, this terror was not wholly without founda-
tion; 1789 was quite sufficient to scare any Spanish
viceroy; it had scared all the kings of Europe — had
burst upon Europe like a storm, causing a general
holding on of crowns with the one hand and clinging
to thrones with the other. "That whirlwind of the
universe," as Carlyle has it, wherein were "lights ob-

124 MEXICO IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

literated, and the torn wrecks of earth and hell hurled
aloft into the empyrean, black whirlwind, which made
even apes serious, and drove most of them mad," was
quite equal to causing, by the terror of its infernal
pyrotechnics, a fit of moral curfew-legislation, and
confused piling of bushels upon lights, pitiful to see-
arising out of flabbiness of liver and oscillation of
knees among ministers and governors and the like in
Mexico. But it was not in these futilities that the
security of a Spanish government lay, but rather in
the dispersion of the inhabitants over so vast an extent
of country, and in the mutual hatred of the various
castes. The lack of sociability, the utter want of all
sympathy between these differing castes could have but
one effect on an advancing national life. Wise after
its generation — a generation soon to be known no
more in Mexico — the government fanned these ani-
mosities so that in division there might be weakness,
and that in wranglings Within there might be left
neither stomach nor capacity for strivings without.
In this policy, and not in armies of small effect and
rigorous measures of worse than none, lay the true
security of Spain. As to a foreign foe, Humboldt
considered New Spain almost impregnable from the
physical accidents of her position. From a land
attack, the nature of the soil and the intervening
deserts protect her; and toward the sea the natural
fortress of the tierra templada looks down upon coasts
better guarded by the sword of the pestilence than
by the guns of San Juan de Uliia at Vera Cruz, or
of San Diego at Acapulco.

Though the Indians were no longer legally subject
to forced labor, they were in the mass in a state of
miserable degradation. Driven to the worst lands,
indolent, if not by original disposition, at least by that
character superinduced by long political depression,
and unnerved by the listless fatalism which is its inva-
riable concomitant, perhaps consolation, they live, let-
ting each day provide for itself. Except in intoxica-

SOCIETY. 125

tion, no passion, no sentiment but that of indifference,
appears in their faces, whatever the dark elements
that mingle in their hearts. Perhaps this has com-
menced in self-control; and probably, with time, be-
came in some sort insensibility. With regard to these
people, Humboldt gives it as his impression, that
although they possessed in a high degree powers of
exact reasoning and quickness of apprehension, they
were of all races the most destitute of imagination.
Yet he wisely observes: "We must be exceedingly
cautious in pronouncing on what we are pleased to
call the moral and intellectual tendencies of peoples
from whom we are separated by differences of lan-
guages, manners, and customs .... How can a travel-
ler, after having sojourned some time in a distant coun-
try, arrogate to himself the right to pronounce on the
various faculties of soul, and of the preponderances of
reason, wit, or imagination among races?"

How could he form any idea of the capabilities of
the Mexican people as then existing? Crushed by
generations of oppression; brutalized by unavailing
toil; deprived of their ancient writings, religions, and
priests ; and having appropriated little in their place —
they were no fair examples of that people whose civil-
ization shines from the mighty structures, elaborate
sculptures, and curious hieroglyphics that remain, or
that have been — shines with a light caught at the noon
of Aztec history, and that flickers yet, though the
sun of its glory has long since set in blood. The Az-
tecs love to build their cabins on the slopes of the
lonely mountains, and retire from the neighborhood of
Europeans — from that social life with which a sad ex-
perience has so disgusted them. They love the soli-
tude which gives them again the freedom of nature,
and perhaps carries them back in memory, to their
antique grandeur, for

"The hills have no memory of sorrow or death,
And their summits are sacred to liberty. "

There is, let us hope, a brighter future in store for

126 MEXICO IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

the Indians in Mexico ; and it is certain, as the records
of the poll-tax prove, that, however, at an earlier date
this indigenous population may have been diminished
by the cruelties of the conquerors, at the time of Hum-
boldt's visit, and for fifty years before, they had been
steadily increasing.

Connected with these peoples are several great
problems of origin, antiquity, and civilization, concern-
ing which we shall attempt to present Humboldt's
conclusions. And first, as intimately connected with
these, we may speak of the age of the American con-
tinent. He looked with a good deal of quiet ridicule
on the idea that the so-called new continent was in
reality younger than the old. Was it that its exuber-
ance of volcanic action indicated a modern structure,
the engines of whose elevation were not yet cold? If
so, is not southern Italy the twin of this ultimate off-
spring of chaos? Who asserts this? yet why should
philosophers put asunder times and causes which effect
has joined ? He preferred to suppose that the volca-
noes of America had, in the mass, preserved their fires
longer than those of the other continents, because the
mountains through which they acted happened to be
in general close to the sea — a neighbor which, in some
way yet to be explained, appears, with few exceptions,
to influence the energy of these subterranean fires.
Aside from this, there are reasons founded on hydro-
static laws and geological discoveries which would
forbid the idea of any large part of America remain-
ing submerged after the emergence of the old conti-
nent. Lastly, to account for the superior climate and
soil of most parts of America, compared with that of
Africa, for example, it is not at all necessary to sup-
pose a later birth or upheaval from the central dark-
ness. Its physical conformation, its outlines, mountains,
and rivers, are fully sufficient to account for this.

Nor does the existence of man seem to date, in
America, from any more recent epoch than in the
other continents. It is not necessary to suppose that

RACE PROBLEMS. 127

the countries the most anciently inhabited are those
which show the largest populations. There are vast
tracts of northern Asia as scantily peopled as the
plains of New Mexico and Paraguay. Beneath the
tropics, natural obstacles — the vigor and mass of
the vegetation, the breadth of rivers, and the frequency
and extent of their inundations — fetter the migrations
of peoples.

He believed in the unity of origin of the human race ;
and as nearly as might be in the unity of stock of the
American aborigines, with the exception of those bor-
dering the polar circle. Yet, it is well to understand
that a European who decides on the resemblance of
swarthy races is subject to a particular illusion. The
uniformity of color conceals for a long time diversity
of features — the eyes are less fixed on the expression,'
soft, melancholy, or ferocious, as it may be, than on
the strange skin, and the coarse black hair, so level
and glossy that it seems always moist. Besides, it is
intellectual culture which individualizes faces; where
this is wanting, there is rather a physiognomy of tribe
than of individual — something which may be also ob-
served in comparing domesticated animals with those
which inhabit the wild places of nature.

Though he thus gives us his opinion as to the origin
of these autochthones, and does actually discuss the
question in various parts of his works, he considered
this whole question of the first origin of the people of
a continent as entirely beyond the province of history,
and even of philosophy.

It is evident, from the whole tone of his reflections
on the parentage of the American races, that he is in
favor of an Asiatic origin, but from what particular
stock he derives them it is difficult to say. On the
whole, and by companion of various passages, he
seems to lean toward the opinion that the Toltecs
and Aztecs were a part of those Hiongnoux, or
descendants of Hiong-nu, known at different times
under the name of Kalkas, Kalmuks, and Burattes —

128 MEXICO IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

warlike shepherds, who, under their name of Huns,
have laid waste the fairest regions of civilized Europe,
and changed more than once the face of eastern Asiatic
politics.

He seems to favor China as the point at which this
emigration left the Old World. Let us not forget that
we are discussing, not the original colonizing of the
American continent, inhabited as early, according to
Humboldt, as the rest of the world, but that of Mex-
ico. " It is historically demonstrated that Bonzes and
other adventurers navigated the Chinese sea, to seek
a remedy which should secure immortality to man.
It is thus that under Tschin-chi-houang-ti, 209 years
before Christ, three hundred couples of young people
of both sexes, sent to Japan, established themselves
at Nipon instead of returning to China. Might
chance not have conducted a similar expedition to the
Aleutian Islands, to Alaska, or New California? The
American continent and the Asiatic only approaching
at the north, and the distance separating them in
the temperate zone being too considerable for such a
voyage, we must suppose this disembarkation to have
taken place beneath the inhospitable climate between
the 55th and 65th parallels; and that this civilization
penetrated little by little southwards, the usual direc-
tion of American migration, as all data would indicate,
at that time." Remains of Chinese or Japanese
vessels have even, it has been affirmed, been found on
the American coast as early as the 14th century.

He then seems to bring his colonists south by slow
stages into Mexico, and connects the monuments of the
Gila with this migration.

The Mexicans made use of hieroglyphics in chroni-
cling their migrations and other historical events;
though in a manner very far from that perfection to
which the Egyptians had attained. The Mexican
writings were principally rough paintings of events,
eked out by a few conventional signs representing the
elements and relations of time and place; while the

AZTEC CULTURE. 129

Egyptian writings approached nearer to narratives,
composed of arbitrary and simple characters, suscepti-
ble of being employed separately, and of being differ-
ently combined. It is only by a refinement of the
latter method that the painting of ideas becomes easy
and approximates to writing.

The rudeness of these Mexican paintings no doubt
denotes the infancy of art; still, we must not forget
the end they were principally intended to subserve —
that of a simple record; and that the necessity of
simplicity, and rapidity of execution, would lead a
people, who so expressed their ideas, to attach as
little importance to artistic painting as do the literati
of Europe, in their manuscripts, to a fine handwriting.
So we may see in all this a potent means of spoiling
the taste of a nation. This constant familiarity with
the most hideous and disproportionate figures, and
this obligation — under pain of confusion — to preserve
the same forms without change, were enough to root
out all sense of delineative grace, all feeling of the
beautiful in art; without which sense and feeling,
painting and sculpture, be they never so diligently
followed, cannot rise above the ranks of the mechan-
ical.

As to the value of proofs of migration or origin, to
be derived from languages themselves, whether writ-
ten or spoken, Humboldt seems to have considerably
changed, or at least modified, his ideas in his later
works. His first opinion of their importance, as ex-
pressed in the introduction to his Personal Narrative,
was extravagantly high ; the most concise and perfect
idea of his mature conclusions on this subject may be
given by a quotation from his Tableaux de la Nature :
"The analogies of languages are worthy of no con-
fidence when they are limited to mere accord of the
sounds in their roots. It is necessary to penetrate
into the organic structure, the grammatical flexions,
and all that interior mechanism where traces appear
of the work of intelligence."

CA.L. PAST., VOL. I. 9

130 MEXICO IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

His only definite conclusion as to the languages of
Mexico was that their great variety proved as great
a variety of races and origin — a conclusion which, un-
less the terms race and origin are understood in some
illogically restricted and comparative sense, is flatly
in contradiction with the manner in which he else-
where expresses himself.

We may here notice an interesting kind of record of
migration, which Humboldt pointed out as worthy of
attentive examination. He says identities of tastes
among various peoples, as to the cultivation of certain
plants, indicate either identity of race or a contact
more or less ancient; so that vegetables, like lan-
guages or physiognomies, may become historical monu-
ments. A few strange vegetables, a few foreign
words, either in the possession of the wanderers or
among those through whom they have passed, will often
fix the road by which a nation has crossed a continent.
Considered thus, the potato furnishes a problem. Not
known in Mexico before the arrival of the Spaniards,
it was yet cultivated elsewhere in America from lati-
tude 40° south to 50° north. Did the South Ameri-
can tribes succeed in penetrating northward to the
banks of the Rappahannock ? or did the potato wander
south, like the successive peoples who have appeared
on the plateau of Andhuac? In either case, how
came it not to take root in Mexico? It is probable
that potato cultivation gradually extended itself north
from Chile by Peru and the kingdom of Quito, to the
table-land of Bogotd,, the course followed by the incas
in their conquests. But here the Cordilleras, which
had preserved a great elevation all the way from Chile,
fall suddenly near the sources of the river Atrato.
Now, in the tropics, potatoes grow only in the cold and
foggy climates secured by elevated grounds. Such
were not to be found in Choco and Darien; but
instead, close forests inhabited by hordes of hunters,
enemies of every sort of civilization and cultivation.
Here, then, is the barrier which physical and moral

CHARACTER OF HUMBOLDT. 131

causes have opposed to further progress from this side.
As to the north, if Raleigh's settlers really did find
potatoes there, as is asserted, we can hardly refuse to
believe that this plant is independently indigenous to
the northern hemisphere.

And now we have followed the distinguished natu-
ralist from the shores of Europe to that new continent,
which, if Columbus discovered, he revealed; from
plains rocked by the earthquake, up to mountains
where the lava shaped the path, and down again to
marshy sloughs, where gymnoti writhed in the ooze,
flashing at will through their slimy and spotted skins
such terrible shocks as no man or beast could endure
— or farther south, between the Orinoco and the
Amazon, where the soil is hid by impenetrable forests,
ceaselessly echoing the noise of waterfalls, the roaring
of the jaguar, and the weird cries of the bearded
ape, presaging rain, and sounding itself like the first
muffled sounds of a distant tempest. On the sand
banks lay the crocodiles, motionless as logs, and with
gaping mouths, seeming in their clumsy way to pant.
On the river banks the boa watched, wTith its tail
anchored on some branch, and its spotted skin coiled
like a spiral; and the jaguar, as he couched along his
favorite limb, in silent ambush, flattened himself still
more at the traveller's step. There were men, too,
not less savage, who could drink the blood of their
enemies; or, venomous as a viper or a Borgia, kill by
the scratch of a thumb-nail — "men who revealed to
man the ferocity of his species." As Humboldt
passed to the northern continent and Mexico, we fol-
lowed him still, no longer afar off and vaguely, but
step by step, and leaving no notable word or work
without its faithful chronicle. For us his work is
done, and if Asia sees him on her distant steppes, and
the Uralian mountains, and the Siberian prison-house
of the tzars, we follow him not.

132 MEXICO IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

Humboldt as a savant and a man astonishes us, not
so much by his height as by his breadth. It is proba-
ble that in any simple branch of research and learning
there have been greater men ; but for comprehensive
knowledge his equal had not at this time appeared.
Not a peak piercing heaven, too awful, too barren for
any sentiment save awe, but a mighty table-land, such
as he loved to describe, broad as a continent and far
above vulgar level ; yet not so high but that golden
grains and purple fruits dwelt' there. Though egotis-
tical he was humble, as all great souls are who have
lifted themselves over petty men and things by stern
and patient labor; for the illimitable fields of the
universe widen as we climb. There is a time when
young and eager minds think they are very near to
the most perfect truth — think it but needs another
thought, another fact, and their theory of cosmos will
be complete, ineluctable, irrefragable. But every new
fact trails in new thoughts, new complications, and
new contradictions. Men of average mind stop here;
they become frightened, seize an opinion, and stick to
it as a battered limpit to a rock ; or worse, become
aggressively bigoted. But Humboldt was a great
man, for he could always see two sides to a question;
a great man who knew what he did not know.

Such knowledge seems sadly wanting, for the most
part, to his biographers — a race by whom he has been
ridiculously overpraised, they either not knowing or
not caring to remember that in both the literary and
scientific parts of his work were constantly employed
the revision and aid of almost all the great men of
his day. Probably no man ever enjoyed the intimate
society of so many philosophers as Humboldt, and
few appear to have made a better use of it. It is
only by studying his enormous scientific and friendly
correspondence that a just idea of his means of
information can be formed.

He could not write of natural history like Buffon,
nor of philosophy and physics like his German Goethe ;
he could not paint a ruin or an antique palace like

r GENIUS AND HABITS. 133

him who looked on Melrose by night; the setting sun,
a storm among the mountains, like the creator of
Manfred; a primeval forest, a Niagara, like Chateau-
briand ; or the glory of the firmament, the clouds of
heaven, and the mountain- tops, like the peerless John
Ruskin ; yet he was not very far from the sublime in
the massive and square simplicity of his great works.
He had the purity of uninflated style, preserving
always a perfect adaptability and fitness to the end he
kept in view. He made no attempt to give what it
pleases Ruskin to call "the far higher and deeper
truth of mental vision, rather than that of the physi-
cal facts;" and consequently, his descriptions are of
more use to engineers and geographers than to painters
and poets. He could not soar, and he was wise enough
not to court an Icarian failure. This is in itself an
element of greatness not to be despised.

Of Humboldt's method of working, we will tran-
scribe Bayard Taylor's account : "The habits of Hum-
boldt are not remarkable, except in the limited number
of hours necessary to sleep, and in temperance and
regularity. His time is systematically divided. He
rises at six in the winter, and five in the summer,
studies two hours, drinks a cup of coffee, returns to
his study, and commences the task of answering his
letters, of which he receives yearly more than one
hundred thousand. From twelve until two he receives
visits, and returns to work at two. At four he dines,
in summer with the king, in winter at home. From
four until eleven he passes at the table, and generally
in company with the king, but sometimes at the meet-
ings of learned societies, or in the company of his
friends. At eleven he retires to his study, and con-
tinues there until one or two, answering letters, or
writing his books, or preparing them by study. His
best books have all been written at midnight. He
sleeps four hours." With such a brain, for so long a
time so employed, there is no wonder that great things
came of it.

134 MEXICO IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

It was Humboldt himself who said that " the course
of the world refuses to admit of great exceptions to its
compensatory system of pleasure and sadness," and he
proved it well. Liberal in politics and religion, he
was a bitter morsel, upon which bigots and reactiona-
ries were always gnawing. Take the following ex-
tract from his friend Varnhagen's diary, date 26th of
December, 1848: "Humboldt has called ; he assures
me that were it not for his position at court he
would not be suffered to remain in the country, but
would be expelled, so strong is the hatred of the
ultras and bigots against him." And at this time he
was in his eightieth year. In February 1854 Hum-
boldt writes: "I live in a monotonous and sad mood —
et mourant, avant le principe." His brother was dead
long before, and he had no consolation but in his own
heart — a heart which was never closed by envy or
avarice against any worthy object, his enemies even
being judges. His was a hard and lonely journey,
without wife or child; even though his path was
paved with honor. At' the best of times, u the way
to fame is like the way to heaven — through much
tribulation." But since the beginning of the world —

"Be the day weary, or be the day long,
At length it ringeth to even song. "

And after bearing up stoutly to his 90th year against
the infirmities of age, he took to his bed for the last
time in April 1859. The traveller was setting out
on his last journey. On the 6th of May he died.
Rarely Berlin sees such a funeral; the princes of the
royal blood of Prussia stood bareheaded by his coffin
with the greatest and the poorest of their people.

"He is gone —

Who never sold the truth to serve the hour,
Nor paltered with eternal God for power;
Who let the turbid streams of rumor flow
Thro' either babbling world of high and low;
Whose life was work, whose language rife
With rugged maxims hewn from life;

. . .he wears a truer crown
Than any wreath that man can weave him.

. . . Speak 110 more of his renown,
Lay your earthly fancies down,
And in the vast cathedral leave him,
God accept him, Christ receive him."

CHAPTER IV.

LOTOS-LAND.

In the afternoon they came unto a land,

In which it seemed always afternoon,

All round the coast the languid air did swoon,

Breathing like one that hath a weary dream.

The Lotos-Eaters.

IF ever one were justified in rising out of the path
of exact narration, and indulging in a brief spell of
the fanciful or ideal, it is in thinking of California
when the white men came. A narrow strip of sea-
board, the air low breathing and of tender tone, with
green and grizzly mountains for a background, all
opening toward the sun- waves — this is our lotos-land,
where fancy may place the lotos-tree, with its leaves
like the ears of elephants, and its branches drooping
down from heaven. Among these branches are birds
of sweetest song, whose strains are fresh from para-
dise, and under their shadow angels pause and rest.
The seeds of this tree each encloses an houri; and from
its roots spring the two rivers which flow by the in-
visible throne of Allah. Sitting on a lote-tree, rising
from the watery mud, the Egyptians picture deity,
while the great desert prophet places a lote-tree in
his seventh heaven.

It is a winterless earth's end perpetually refreshed
by ocean, a land surpassed neither by the island grotto
of Calypso, the Elysian fields of Homer, nor the island
valley of Avalon seen by King Arthur in his dying
thought. Here day after day, and year after year,
may come the stranger, and eat the lotos, and be
happy; he may eat the lotos and forget the old home
and country, forget the wife and children, content for-

(135)

136 LOTOS-LAND

ever to rest in this strange land, waking to fall asleep
again, and dream day-dreams and night-dreams, as
he floats silently down the sluggish stream of time.
Here might be placed the Hebrew's Eden, or the
beatitude of the Buddhist; here ma^ the dark-eyed
Italian enjoy his dolce far niente, and the sighing
ghost of Charles Lamb find a region beyond the do-
main of conscience. And I doubt not, if proper search
be made, that here may be found the singing-tree of
the Arabian tale, the leaves whereof are mouths, each
one of which discourses harmonious music.

At either end of this seaboard strip is a beautiful
bay; San Diego, in the south, the starting-point in
Alta California of the Franciscan friars in their tour
northward, the initial point in their line of mission
buildings, San Francisco being the northern terminus.

What shall I say of this land, and not lay myself
open to the charge of hyperbole, grosser than any
ever indulged in by the ancients? If they wrote
much about their Arabys and Arcadias — the world
learning their stories by heart and repeating them
over and over to this day — may not I write a little
about a better country 1 But indeed, there is no need
here for exaggeration, even if I desired to indulge in
it; plain, homely prose best fits this and all honest
occasions.

Grant that Andalusia is the garden of Spain,
Amboise of France, Italy of Europe, and Sicily of
Italy, and we may justly claim for our lotos-land a
place before them all- as the garden of the world.
Grant to be not wholly fanciful the great story of the
Greek Ulysses ; we can match it in tangible truth from
the lips of the English Anson and Cook, when among
the soft South Sea isles, and from the profane mouths
of scores of ship-masters sailing along the California
main, who tell how they often were forced to drag
back their seamen to the vessel, provided they were
fortunate enough to catch them, so loath were they to
abandon the fascinations of the shore.

PHYSICAL FEATURES. 137

I do not say that there are here no off days, no
treacherous rocks, or slimy reptiles, or poisonous
plants; I do not say that winds never blow and
storms never beat; that there are no withering
northern blasts, or sand- whirlings in the desert, or
snow on the mountain-tops; or that sometimes when
night sets in the eastern ridges do not subside and
cover their heads beneath the fog-blankets of the
valleys — but these are the exceptions, and there are
scarcely enough such days to break the dead monot-
ony of the warm, misty mornings that overspread the
happy hills and echoing canons, forever wooed by the
enchanting smile of ocean. Here along we may be
sure are no waters of adversity beneath which the
sea-flower blooms not.

But I have seen the Mediterranean angry, spite-
fully so; one would infer from the high recorded ex-
periences of the veracious old Ulysses, in his little
paddlings thereabout, that he had been five times
round the world, to have seen so many things which
never existed. When we have catalogued the ills of
all other Edens, the fever-breeding sun, the foul, float-
ing miasma, and other pestilential airs of Amboise and
Andalusia, of Egypt and Italy, and have spread them
all out before our California lotos-land, we shall then^
see the poverty of this place in death-dealing agencvgs."*%
To grass and flowers., indeed, death ~ comes not in the
cold and melancholy robe of autumn ; but sublimated
by the summer's §ujn^ undecaying they die, leaving
their part substantial for the hungry brute, like the
departing soul which leaves the substance of its life in
generous deeds. And we are even told of saints de-
parted, whose bodies were preserved by the gods from
decay, even as Hector's body was kept fresh and
roseate by the devotion of Venus and Apollo.

Fling yourself in early morning, the sky red-flush-
ing with the rosy dawn, upon a point of land — Point
Loma, if you will — and looking seaward and shore-
ward along the white, curving line of sand, until in

138 LOTOS-LAND.

the far perspective shore, sea, and sky meet; pres-
ently you may see Aurora stealing over the eastern
mountains, and peeping in upon her favorite fairy-land,
nestling warm and glowing under a coverlet of gray
mists, while with roseate lips she kisses night away.

Salute this land, blessed above all lands I Salute
the unstained altars and sky-roofed temples of her
gods! It is not the Arcadia of tradition, sung by
poets, and etherealized by romance writers as a golden
refuge-land, free from the harsh prosaic life of other
lands; it is the Arcadia of reality, with the three
fates plying their lively trade — Lachesis who spins
the thread of life, Clotho who holds the distaff, and
Atropos who clips, clips, clips, every time-tick ending
an earthly existence and opening an eternity; yet with
sweet vales flowered by fairy fingers, and watered by
smoky streams and dew dropped by departed night,
and opening through the mountains vistas far inland
of a country where day is but night warmed and
lighted by the unseeing sun, and night but shadowy
day; where spring and winter, life and decay, fetch
and carry fair forms and sweet odors, their coming and
going being not birth and death, but only change, and
man most of all most unintelligibly changeable, per-
chance with daughters who even now, like butterflies,
lie dreaming in their ante-natal home.

Almost all the days are halcyon, wherein upon the
surface of the sea the kingfisher may lay its eggs to
incubate. So gently slide the seasons from summer
to autumn, and from winter to spring, that summer
seems but winter smiling, and winter but the sum-
mer born anew by the refreshing rain. So gently
fades the summer, like stars before the rising moon;
so sweetly falls the winter rain robing all nature in
gay livery ! Stingless winter with its freshening rains
spins the green and flowery coverlid which spring
spreads over the hills and plains.

Spring breathing bliss comes, and holding winter in
her warm embrace until his surly mood is melted.

SEA AND SEASONS. 139

spreads the hills with brilliant tapestry, paves the val-
leys with tender green, and freights the gentle winds
with the melody of birds and the fragrance of flowers.
Over the white shining peaks float the white shining
clouds, with a purity and splendor equalled only by
the glories of Bunyan's celestial city Gentle showers
succeed the heavier rains of winter, and after the
spring showers are the invisible morning dew-clouds,
which, after dropping their celestial moisture, hie at
the bidding of the sun to realms impalpable. Then
from the refreshed earth spring life-sustaining fruits,
low panting to perform their mission of martyrdom.

Spring skips over the hills scattering daisies, touch-
ing with a livelier hue the palpitating vales, distilling
into the blades of grass a darker green, deepening the
crimson on the robin's breast, while the lapwing crests
himself anew ; then summer comes to every valley and
garden, curing the grass, and reddening and yellowing
the luscious fruit, filling the air with rich aroma.

Soft, warm, billowy sea bordered by a soft, warm,
billowy shore ; billowy green shore bordering a billowy
blue sea, and canopied by a deep blue sky; the
mornings always young, the nights soothing, gentle
dews descending wooing fragrance from the fragrance-
breathing flowers, the valleys carpeted with green, the
plains clothed in balm and beauty ; while always toward
the east the hills rise and roll off* in voluptuous swells,
like the heaving breast of a love-lorn maid. On pin-
nacles of the aged mountain range stands flushed by
western light the aged snow. Over blossoming lawns
rush the wild, bellowing herds, treading out honey and
perfume, while the bashful hare, innocently bold, leaps
through the tall grass. In the air are swallows, birds
of luck and consolation, sacred to the penates.

Like the happy valley of Rasselas, it is compara-
tively inaccessible except from one side; yet softly on
this slanting shore falls the slanting light, gilding the
slanting shore.

The soil is light and dry, and like Attica, it is a

140 LOTOS-LAND.

land of olives, vines, and honey, of sheep and cattle,
rather than of corn or cereal cultivation. Low-bend-
ing branches, freighted with fruit fair as any that
ever tempted Eve, yet all unforbidden seek the hand,
begging earth and man to relieve them of their fra-
grant burden. Sun-painted grapes glowing in rich
purple, green, and black clusters, fragrant with the
unawakened, care-dispelling juice, coquet wantonly
with wind and leaves.

Here and there the earth has clothed herself above
the dark and sappy green in a coat of many colors —
eschscholtzias, yellow as gold ; lupins, blue as the robe
of the ephod, or purple as Caesar's toga ; ancient colum-
bines, twining convolvuli, and lilies white and shining
as snow. • There is laurel for the Parthian victor's
wreath, wild olive for the Olympian, green parsley
for the Nernean, and green pine-leaves for the Isth-
mian. Gray groves of olive, dark green orange-trees
gilded with golden fruit — the olive, symbol of peace,
emblem of chastity, sacred to Pallas Athene. For
when the gods decreed that whoever should produce
a gift most useful to man should have possession of
the land, and Poseidon, with his trident striking the
ground made to appear the horse, Athene meanwhile
planting the olive, did not the gods decide that the
olive was more useful to man than the horse, and so
gave the city to the goddess, from whom it was
called Athense?

Back of the Coast Range our lotos-land reaches
not; but agencies are there at work, and none the less
influential because unseen. There is the proud Sierra,
standing like a crystalled billow rolled in from the
ocean, scarred and knotted by avalanche, riven by
earthquakes, rent asunder by frost and fire, filed
down by rasping glaciers, cut by winds into geometric
irregularity, rounded by rain into symmetry and
rhythm, and topped by silvered cones and turreted
peaks. Standing there, arrayed in purple robes of
majesty, with an immaculate glacial crown, like Atlas

MOUNTAIN RANGES. 141

keeping asunder heaven and earth, and holding up
the sky, our monarch Sierra assumes the dictatorship
of all this region — Father of all, Dominator, Pre-
server !

The pliocene tertiary period probably saw the waves
of the great ocean forced to recede from the base of
the Sierra, and the valley of California lifted from
beneath the primeval waters by the same Titanic
power that upheaved the adjacent acclivities. Check-
ing with adamantine walls the pretentious ocean, the
great range ever after presides over our western sea-
board and its destiny, directing air currents and water
currents, regulating temperature and creating climates.
With its own garment of earth it clothes the plain,
and overspreads its slimy surface with rich alluvium,
heedless of itself. The ambitious winds it checks,
compels the clouds to give up their humid freightage,
and drop their moisture in fructifying rain and snow
upon its western slope, while the cold, dry, wrung-
out air is permitted to escape eastward to the unhappy
consolation of the desert. Rearing its head above
the limits of life, watching the stars by night and
flashing back in proud defiance the sun's rays by day,
it lays its immutable laws on all flesh and grass.
Turning its back upon the east and all old-time tradi-
tions, it guards our little newly made world as did
Olympian Jove his Greece; folding in his quickening
embrace our happy valleys.

The minor ranges, like subordinate divinities, join
also in controlling nature, oft in selfish quarrelling
mood ; one extending a shielding moisture-gathering
barrier, another excluding too long the refreshing
breeze, and exposing the basin-like valleys to the
fierce solar rays, or admitting the withering northers.
These western later-born formations of metamorphic
cretaceous rock are embraced by the Coast Range with
its numerous spurs and peaks, of which only three rise
above 5,000 feet. On one side they present mostly
an abrupt and forbidding front, while the other side

142 LOTOS-LAND.

melts away in soft verdant or tawny hills. Although
less majestic, they form in their extent and location
the main orographic feature, and help to frame the
many fertile valleys of the country, with their waving
wild grass and native groves and vines. The lead-
ing chain, interlocking with the dominant Sierra at
Mount Shasta in the north and Mount Pinos in the
south, forms that huge basin, the great valley of Cali-
fornia, famed for its golden wealth, first in yellow
metal, subsequently in yellow grain.

Trickling from the side of the Sierra, fed by the
melting snow, now hoarsely tumbling over rocky ob-
structions, now creeping sullenly through gloomy
canons, settling in silent crystal pools, and shooting
swiftly on in broad, shallow rapids, the Sacramento
and San Joaquin wend their tortuous way down to
the quiet plains. Under the influence of the warm
sun upon the snow above, and the coolness of the
night, their clear, cold waters rise and fall each day
with the regularity of the tide. From the wooded
valleys lying between the parallel ridges, springs
shoot up and send their rivulets to swell the larger
streams. A series of singularly regular table hills,
rising into mountains farther up, where they assume
the form of battlements, with all the angles of regular
fortifications and bastioned wings and front, mark the
course of these headwaters for many miles. The
table mountains, for from fifty to two hundred feet
from their flat tops, present a blank, cheerless surface,
with perpendicular sides, then slope off in uneven
descent, with here and there small indentations con-
taining a few stunted trees and meagre vegetation.

There are no outlets offered, aside from mountain
passes, save the portal pierced by the mighty streams
through the Carquinez Straits and the Golden Gate.
That rush of waters drained the inland sea once left by
receding ocean, and still drains its relic in the bay of
San Francisco, ever widening the channels which are
still too narrow or shallow for the swelling spring

VALLEYS AND STREAMS. 143

flow. It is in truth two valleys merged in one, with
two great rivers that join in sisterly embrace near
the outlet, forming one continuous line. Each pre-
sents a beautiful leaf-like ramification of tributaries,
one hundred and twenty miles long on an average,
flowing from the east as the higher slope, owing to
the greater upheaval of the Sierra and its heavier
wash. This system embraces the main flow of the
country; a few minor streams fall into the same bay,
the rest into the ocean in great number, but small in
importance. For instance, the only navigable stream
— and that only near its mouth — south of the bay of
San Francisco is the Salinas; all south of that are by
autumn lost in the sands before reaching the sea.

The five eastern tributaries of the basin partake of
the romantic interest centring in the country, passing
as they do through so wide a range of altitude, scenery,
and wealth. From the sharply profiled sky-line of
the great Sierra, where the snow-clouds sweep from
peak to peak through the cold dry ether, and falling,
hang in glistening festoons from pinnacle and dome,
the brook leaps down in boisterous play, entering open
vales all afoam from their mad race, pausing in lacus-
trine hollows, rippling over shallows, eddying around
rocks, and splashing against bowlders. Descending
farther, the gnarled and storm- whipped coniferse which
hover about the limits of plant-life are soon left, the
thinly scattered pines gather in aroma-shedding clus-
ters, the white rocky summits are shut out by the
deepening foliage of stately groves, and at length a
belt of black, compact forest is entered, vast in extent
and wildly sublime, bounded by earth-fractures, fan-
tastic with buttress, towers, and bastions. Closely
fitting the mountains like a vesture, rising and falling
with their heaving sides, and wrapping their limbs in
its warm velvety folds, a robe of emerald succeeds a
crown of hoary white. A belt of billowy forest in-
tervenes between this and the prairie-plain below.
Ranged in long vistas of sweeping colonnade, or gath-

144 LOTOS-LAND.

ered in dense groups, standing aside from brambled
crags and tufted bluffs to let in the glowing sunshine,
are myriads of barbed arrow-shafts and fluted green
spires piercing the sky, sable points of pine flanking
the Sierra, and drooping plumes of swarthy cypress
and closely interwoven firs and cedars casting cold
shadows on the earth, and roofing it in infinite verdure.

Then the ocean-seeking stream emerges upon a hilly
bench sloping roughly toward the plain, and covered
with red metalliferous earth, blushingly conscious of
its embosomed treasures. Here along this western base
of the Sierra, from Siskiyou to San Diego, stretches
the famous gold belt of California, with its thousands
of dead streams, soon to be flooded by currents of
human toilers inflowing from every corner of a tributary
world. A general dryness characterizes this region,
as if nature, exhausted in her mightier efforts above,
paused before entering upon the more delicate tracery
of the valley. Rising duskily from the plain, and
fringing the background wall of dark green firs with
golden-berried manzanita and polished madrono, with
antlered maple and dogwood, the Sierra foothills
present their own peculiar aspect. Their rusty vege-
tation and dull gray undergrowth, their groves of
dwarfed pine trimmed with large broad- spreading oak,
accord well with the scorched soil and lurid, coppery
tone. Even air and sky seem significant of the met-
allurgical processes which have here been going on
since time began.

Much of the barrenness is due to the age of frost,
which in the building of the Sierra succeeded the age
of fire. Slowly creeping down the mountain, its
monster glaciers forced their way through earth and
solid rock, and ribbed the western slope from top to
bottom, at intervals of twenty or thirty miles, with
eroded canons and serpentine chasms. Lesser furrows
were ploughed between, and thus the Sierra's base
was sculptured into a maze of foothills. Then there
was the widening process by the rains of winter and

FURTHER CONFIGURATIONS. 145

the melted snow of summer, which came in rushing
brooks and vaulting torrents, freighted with earth and
rock and gold, heaping up the old moraine, and mak-
ing ready for the grand carnival.

A little farther and the streams enter the level plain,
gliding dreamily past old and festooned oaks along the
grassy banks, finally to merge and enter all together
into the great receptacle. The course of the two main
rivers differs more than that of the tributaries. The
San Joaquin, rising in a vast expanse of morass cen-
tring round Tulare Lake, flows through marshy soil,
somewhat turbid, yet still free from the yellow tinge
that after 1848 testified to the disembowelling along
the eastern base. The Sacramento runs for a lona?

O

distance in the midst of striking mountain scenery ere
it enters the broad plain to expand between the fenny
banks.

The space enclosed by the two ranges is character-
ized by grand beauty of topography, of uneven har-
mony, and uniform irregularities of surface. For
hundreds of miles the great central plain, fertile as the
valley of the Nile, extends flat as a prairie and almost
without a break, swaying from side to side, narrowing
between the low red hills and bolder headlands thrown
out from either range ; then widening so as to embrace
the ever-moving landscapes, the rusty ridges and flu-
viatile ravines, and clusters of piquant, saucy hills and
circular glens. Mark its meandering watercourses
winding round the green-enamelled glacis, and creeping
with gentle murmurs through the tules, or round sol-
itary buttes, with crests wreathed in soft silvery cloud-
mantles, which rise abruptly from a plain carpeted
with long, wavy grass ! It sweeps round the arena,
rising here and there in long undulations, and throw-
ing itself in angry waves upon the base of the Sierra,
and finally breaks into a chain of open plains whose
links are formed by forest-clad promontories, which
sometimes extend half-way across the valley, and cut
it into transverse sections of successive ridges and in-

CAL. PAST., VOL. I. 10

146 LOTOS-LAND

tervening glades, their sides fretted with rivulets and
flashing cascades winding in successive leaps and rests
down to a base garnished with blazing yellow and
purple flowers, arid expanding into smiling vales, like
isle-dotted estuaries of the ocean. The Coast Range
with its series of ranges is full of these long valleys,
running parallel with the coast, some exposed to the
winds and fogs of the ocean, others so sheltered as to
enjoy an almost tropical climate. All of them may
be classed among the loveliest spots of earth, our lotos-
land still remaining apart, unapproachable.

Round the whole circumference of the valley of
California, clustered like a great diamond set in a circle
of diamonds, this system of minor valleys extends, in-
tricate and confusing at the northern end, but more
simple toward the south. Most of the smaller ones
are oblong in shape, and have a level surface. Far
up the sides of the Sierra, even, hundreds of them are
found, well-watered, fertile, and exceedingly beautiful.
The soil in the great valley consists chiefly of rich,
deep loam, covered in places by beds of drift. At the
northern end, where the plain rises and blends with the
foothills, the surface is red and gravelly ; but south-
ward, and throughout almost the entire area of the
great and small valleys, for purposes of agriculture
the soil exceeds in richness the most favored districts
of France, Italy, or the Rhine.

Much is idyllic, park-like land, with natural mead-
ows arabesque with tawny wild-oat fields, patches of
blossoming pea, and golden mustard beds sown and
husbanded by nature, and interspersed with indige-
nous vineyards, fruit thickets, and fairy flower-gardens
laid out in exquisite pattern, stars and crosses and
chaplets of yellow, purple, white, and red ; all varie-
gated with scraggy, scattering oaks, clustering groves,
and clumps of undergrowth, freckled by the shadows
of floating clouds, and lighted by trembling lakes and
lakelets, shining tule lagoons, and rivers which now
race through the canons like frightened herds, then

CLIMATIC FEATURES 147

with muffled feet roam the low-lying Lombardy plains;
canopies of glistening foliage flushed with misty sun-
shine, with branches densely matted into a smooth,
continuous belt of russet gold and green. Warm, sen-
suous life is filling lowland, lawn, and meadow, and
fringing the foothills which here and there crop out
in little zones of timbered land, crowned by beech and
birch, ash, myrtle, and laurel, or garlanding with
tulips and wild onion, flax and prickly chaparral, the
smooth-browed hills that rise from these seas of ver-
dure.

The foggy district, or seaward side of the northern
section of the Coast Range, is clad in majestic forests
of redwood, which overspread its sides like the shadow
of the Eternal ; while the southern section, and inner
ridges and valleys of the range, are smooth and bare,
and dotted at intervals with orchard-like oak gather-
ings, groves of stately arbutus, azalea, and royal
laurel, and red hills covered with maple, hazel, berry-
bearing bushes, red-stalked, glistening manzanita, sub-
dued pines of balsamic odor, and tangled solitudes of
annual and perennial plants and sweet-smelling shrubs,
mustard plains, heather wastes, and meadows, all
drinking in the morning vapors. Trailing through
the valleys are long lines of sycamore, garnished with
mistletoe, and on every side lakelets of blue lupine,
golden buttercups, fleurs-de-lis, white lilies, and dainty
hare-bells, tessallated beds of purple larkspur and
thistle-blossoms, white and variegated convallaria and
wild honeysuckles woven in fairy network, crypto-
gamousand delicate ferns, and over all presiding vener-
able oaks, bearded with long flowing moss of silver-
gray. The madrono, with its smooth bronze trunk and
curling bark, its blood-red branches and varnished,
waxen leaves, fit garniture for a murderer's grave, is
at Monterey a stately tree, but northward dwindles
to a shrub. Here, also, nature spreads her green car-
pet in autumn and takes it up in summer.

The animal kingdom is no less profuse. Pelican

148 LOTOS-LAND

and sea-gull fish together in the bays; seals and sea-
lions bask and bark upon the islands of the shore;
myriads of noisy wild fowl fill the lakes and tule-
marshes ; the streams and ocean swarm with salmon-
trout and cod and herring; lions, panthers, and the
great grizzly bear roam the forests, preying upon
elk and deer; hares and rabbits fill the underbrush;
coyotes howl upon the hillside at night, and by day
sneak around the edges of watercourses; the plains
are perforated by ground-squirrels ; and larks, robins,
and tufted quail make the luxuriant wild oats their
covert.

Here birds and beasts may rest content and never
migrate, their little journeys between valley and moun-
tain being scarcely more than an afternoon's ramble.
Piping on the tangled hillside is heard the soft note of
the curlew, likewise the rustling of the pheasant, the
chirrup of the blackbird, the whistling of the par-
tridge, and the sweet songs of the robin and meadow-
lark. Even the prudent bee, careless for the future,
sometimes leaves neglected the honey-bearing flowers
and fails to lay in a winter's store. To elk and ante-
lope, deer and bear, hill and plain, scorched by summer
sun or freshened by winter rains, are one ; bounteous
nature brings forth the tender verdure, cures the
grass, and provides the acorns. Here is no frozen
winter, and before the white man came to stir the
ground, no damp, malarious summer; cool, invigorat-
ing nights succeed the warmest days. Ice and snow,
banished hence, sit cold and stolid on distant peaks,
staring back into the face of the sun his impotent
rays, and throwing its eternal glare over the perspir-
ing earth and back to mother ocean.

In the survey of grand scenery, distance always
lends enchantment; in California, distance covers the
naked earth, fills up spaces which intervene between
clumps of foliage, mats the thin grass into lawns invit-
ing to repose, tones down rugged deformities, bridges
aDDalling chasms, blends colors, veils the hills in purple

WONDERS OF NATURE. 149

gauze, and casts a halo over the remoter mountains;
until the landscape, cold and forbidding perhaps
under closer scrutiny, fades away in warm, dreamy
perspective. Nowhere on earth do landscapes display
so great a variety of tints and shades. Italy may
boast the blue haze, but only Californian skies disclose
the golden.

Besides these qualities of land and sky and water,
ever varying and inspiring, ever revealing fresh re-
sources and new blessings, there are natural wonders,
the show-grounds of our lotos-land, unsurpassed for
their beauty, grandeur, and marvel. Instance the
Yosemite chasm, with its series of stupendous domes
and peaks, of perpendicular walls nearly a mile in
height, of rushing cascades fed by glaciers, and its
succession of waterfalls matchless in height and strik-
ing features. Within the radius of less than half a

O

dozen miles is here presented a combination of magnifi-
cence which lures travellers from every corner of the
globe, and leaves them impressed with ineffaceable
awe and admiration. And this plateau-rent has its
counterpart, or nearly so, in the Hetch-hetchy.
Along the approaches to both are numerous groves of
mammoth trees that rise from pedestals of more than
thirty feet in diameter, into majestic proportions and
height, or lie in petrified masses. There are natural
arches and bridges, three hundred feet in span, formed
by burrowing rivers, and caves with stalactite and
tortuous chambers; and there are bubbling lakes and
springs of miraculous virtue, among them the world-
famed geysers, fuming and spurting their steam and
heated water, hissing and roaring under the volcanic
forces that impel them; weird in aspect, and Plutonic
in their many local appellations.

Everything is great and glorious, compact and
peculiar, in this favored country; in soil and climate,
resources and enjoyments, it more than verifies the
glowing scenes ascribed to an ever-retreating Hes-
perides, even to the doubling of the golden apples, in

150 LOTOS-LAND.

glittering metal, and in fruit of orange groves and
orchards. Here, at the world's end, nature has in
truth made the last and supreme effort toward a mas-
terpiece. .

Thus dreamily the Pacific had slept the sleep of the
ages, its waters unploughed save by whale and por-
poise, its sunny islands breaking into ripples the sea's
lazy swells, or frowning back the laboring tempest.
Thus ages have rolled along, centuries have come and
gone, while no stranger approached the gilded shore.
And now, silent as a snow-bound canon of the Sierra,
lonely as night on a moon-lit lake, beautiful as un-
folding womanhood upon whose face the rude gaze of
man hath never brought a blush, sits California, on
the shore of a great sailless sea, the world's divinest
poem, all unsung save by the waters that murmur
their presence at her feet, save by the mountain birds
and wild fowl, the land beasts and water beasts, that
raise their voices to scare away the stillness; all hid-
den and unknown her blushing beauties and her
treasures, save to the native men and women, who,
clothed in the innocence of Eden, creep through the
chaparral, or lie listless on the bank beside their rustic
rancheria.

"Let us swear an oath, and keep it with an equal mind,
In the hollow Lotos-land to live, and lie reclined
On the hills like gods together, careless of mankind. "

CHAPTER V.

OPPOSING FORCES.

The visage of the hangman frights not me!
The sight of whips, racks, gibbets, axes, fires,
Are scaffoldings on which my soul climbs up
To an eternal habitation.

Massinger.

WHILE the happy wild man lay outstretched upon,
the softly rounded promontory, lay and sunned him-
self, lulled by the low, murmuring tones of ocean,
dreaming half awake of the fishing presently to be
done, of the early morrow's hunt, the periodic raid
upon his neighbor, too long postponed; his faithful
wives meanwhile catching grasshoppers, and curing
savory reptiles for the future food-supply — while these
and other necessary measures in the aboriginal econ-
omy were being carried out, there came to these
Arcadian shores men from afar, from beyond the
great waters, men of fairer skins, and subtler brains,
and more determined purpose than the isolated Indian
could hope to have — they came to tell the happy
wild man that it was all a mistake: a mistake first
that he had not been created differently, and secondly,
that he had been made at all. In any event, he was
in the wrong place, and in fact was altogether wrong
himself.

He had his gods, other men had theirs; other men
were stronger than he, and their gods were stronger
than his gods. If he would abandon the gods of his
fathers, and disclaim all ownership to the land of his
fathers, then the incoming and more righteous men

151

152 OPPOSING FORCES.

and gods would permit them to live, and walk upon
the ground, and breathe the air, and feel the sunshine,
otherwise they should be killed, they and their wives
and their little ones ; for it is thus that the stronger
men and gods decree, even as these wild men bear
themselves toward one another. The difference be-
tween them was only on the surface. All men at
heart are still brutes.

This was the lesson these gentle savages were now
to be taught ; they had never known it else. Hitherto,
on their hills and in their canons, these lords aborigi-
nal had themselves dwelt like Olympian deities, con-
tent with their nectar and ambrosia, and careless of
the joys or woes of the busy world without, careless of
the moanings of mankind, careless of the weariness
and heaviness of heart of others, of wars and revolu-
tions, of biting want and pestilence, of seas tumultuous
and deserts scorching, of Christian butcheries, of politi-
cal snarlings, of joy-dispelling books, of inquisitions, of
murky, reptile-breeding prisons, of penitential castiga-
tions, of hunger, cold, and heat, of wars on evil, the
moanings of progress, and the creaking wheels of civil-
ization.

All that was bright and sunny, all that savored of
out-of-doors, belonged to them. They were cheerful
and thoughtless and trifling, but they were not morose,
or melancholy, or sad. They were human and child-
like as Homeric heroes in their petulance and tears.
Enough they had both of gods gloomy and gods sunny ;
but though the evil spirits cried aloud, there was al-
ways at hand a certain escape. Sure I am the gods
of their warm, billowy shore were sunny deities, how-
ever black the priests may have painted them.

Hitherto the savage had supposed himself — if in-
deed he thought at all — one with his environment; of
hills and vales, of ocean and sky, of trees and fruits
and game, a part. He had his theory of how all these
came about, how the world was made — though not
imagining that it extended far beyond the mountains

COMING OF THE MISSIONARIES. 153

yonder — how man was created, and whither he goes
when he leaves this wox'id. His conceptions were cruder
than those of the Europeans; nevertheless, he had the
same right to them that the Europeans had to theirs,
and who shall say where none know which was right
or wrong?

Whosoever his creator, and for whatsoever purpose
made, the California savage was fulfilling the design
of that being concerning him. He was not, as the
incoming strangers would say, an interloper in this
world, and occupying ground which should be put to
better use; the same agency or being that made this
charming lotos-land placed in it these dark-skinned
children of nature, perhaps to develop into something
fairer and better, perhaps to be slain by men from
other lands, or civilized and christianized out of this
world into happier realms.

However this may have been, it was while nature
was warm and fragrant, and humanity here was free,
uncursed by conventionalisms, that these men came —
holy men, they called themselves, men of God, priests,
padres, friars, monks, at all events, missionaries, in
long gray gowns, with shaven head, slightly bent
in attitude of circumspection, with book and beads
whereby to hold communion with the great Jehovah
who lives beyond the sky, on the other side of chaos,
in the realm of the illimitable. There were also
others, not holy, but bearing firelocks and swords and
spears, to kill men with; one clan being by profession
soul-savers, the other destroyers of men's bodies.

"Why come they hither?" the wondering wild man
asks. "What do they desire ?" "What would they
have us do?" "Why did they leave their homes if
they are honest folk and have honest homes?"

"Peace, savage! What should you know of the
great doctrines of salvation, the nature and attributes
of the trinity, of mediation, transubstantiation, im-
maculate conception, and the rest ? What should you
know of missionary labor — you whose mission it is to

154 OPPOSING FORCES.

eat and sleep, hunt a little, fight a little, but in all
things taking God at his word, not trying to interfere
with his plans,. or improve his handiwork?

Like you, these men have their traditions regard-
ing the origin and end of things, tales told when the
world was young, and intellect clouded, and men were
very, very ignorant — as ignorant as you, poor shock-
head ! Yet it is from these poor and ignorant men
who lived many thousand years ago, and who knew
much less than men know now, but who believed all
the more knowing so little, and whose imaginative and
inventive faculties were quite good for filling gaps-
it is from such as these that we are supposed to receive
all our knowledge of the creator of the universe, his
character and attributes, his ways and works, and of
heaven, his dwelling-place, and of hell, where lives his
great enemy Satan, whom the omnipotent cannot
wholly overcome, though he be called omnipotent,
still being unable fully to cope with this adversary.

These who are now wending their way hither,
round through the canons and over the rolling hills,
sleeping under the madrono, or in the clustered man-
zanita, eating their frugal meal by the clear running
water, and praying into the inhabited heavens — these
sainted strangers are coming hither to do you good,
to tell you what the ignorant and superstitious of ages
past said of the supernatural, and to ask you to be-
lieve it. They bring their formulas and ceremonials,
and tell you thus and so; if you accept their state-
ments— which I grant is somewhat difficult for a rea-
sonable savage to do — well; then you shall be permitted
to wait upon them, and work for them, build houses,
tend cattle, and till lands for them; you shall pray
like them, and bless and curse as do they; and when
you all die, you shall follow them to the happy heaven
they tell about, and wait upon them there. If you re-
fuse their proffered benefits, which they. have come so
far and suffered such tribulation to bestow, then these
with the firelocks and steel will shoot you dead, and

THEORY OF PROSELYTISM. 155

cut you in pieces, you and your wives and little ones ;
for so their masters bid them do.

They have come to tell you that you are very
wicked, while they are very good ; to tell you that the
maker of this universe is their particular friend, that
they know him well, and all about him — his impulses,
thoughts, desires, and purposes; and that they are
specially commissioned by this almighty one to come
to this lotos-land and tell the people here that they
are all bad, altogether bad, vile, miserable sinners,
fit only to be cut in pieces, unless they will say that
they believe what is now being told them, in which
case they shall some day go to heaven, there to sit
and sing the praises of their masters throughout all
eternity, while watching with holy satisfaction the
writhings of the tortured who never had so said.

It was quite a mistake on the part of the creator
to have made you at all, redskin brother, and unless
we can improve his handiwork we shall murder you.
We do not know how a perfect being can produce
imperfect work, but we know that it is so — and be-
sides, we want this land, and we must have it; so
speak quickly, for we must know whether we are to
kill you, or only cultivate you to death." Thus came
the serpent civilization into this Eden, and the inhabi-
tants thereof from that moment were doomed.

Again the wild man asks, "What benefit should
flow from this serene and heavenly life?" And the
answer is, "Besides religion, your beasts and reptiles
and birds of prey will be exterminated, the wilderness
will be turned into a garden, famines will cease, pesti-
lence will be controlled, physical forces now antago-
nistic to your well-being will be subjugated, and you
will be less dependent on fitful nature.

"You do not want them, you say, or their religion.
You are better off as you are, as the real and true
creator made you and placed you, and you do not
believe that their traditions, or knowledge of the un-
knowable, are better than vours, or that they know

156 OPPOSING FORCES.

more than you of what they have never seen, of what
no one has ever seen — for surely they could not ask
you, you say, ignorant and superstitious though you
are, to accept as true what other ignorant and super-
stitious men said they saw ages and ages ago. And
if the strong white man has the right to take the
lands of the weak red man because he does not make
the best use of them, may not any one who is able
take the possessions of another on the same ground?
And why do they wish to persuade or force you to
accept their faith ; and what would they say were you
to cross the ocean and endeavor to thrust your religion
down their throats ? "

Ah! gentle savage, these are pertinent questions.
There are several reasons why they wish you to accept
their faith. The principles upon which proselyting
stand are benevolence, superstition, and selfishness.
Probably the last named should be placed first. These
men firmly believe that by making converts to their
faith, as they call it, they will be most liberally paid
for it after their death. They have many maxims to
this effect. They will shine as stars; they will have
a high seat in heaven; they will in many ways be
specially favored by their heavenly father, all the wiiile
having the satisfaction, as I have said, of seeing those
who would not listen to them broiling in regions below.

Again, if you accept their religion you accept them,
and their earthly master, the king of Spain; you must
give up your liberties and your lands, and work for
them, thereby making them rich and comfortable
even in this life, so that they secure a foretaste of
heaven here. Piety with property is great gain, niy
good savage.

Then, too, strange as it may seem, believing what
they tell you is true, it is natural, not only for reli-
gionists but for scientists and all who have any enthu-
siasm in what they think and do, to endeavor to win
over to their way of thinking as many as possible.
This proselyting spirit is all well enough within proper

MISSIONARY WORK. 157

limits; it is well enough so long as sound reasoning
only is employed, and not steel and gunpowder. Co-
ercion in this direction is the greatest of crimes. In
propagating creeds, or in moral conquest, conversion,
or proselyting, men are secured more easily being led
than driven. Argument has little to do with conversion
in savage minds, but example much, and food and trink-
ets more. Let a superior race practise pompously
any tenets, I care not what they are, among savage
peoples, and the doctrines so promulgated will prove
catching. See how radically in political matters a
leading mind can change opinion throughout the entire
community. So a strong-minded missionary will con-
vert his thousands and make them do his bidding by
sheer force of will.

These missionaries are men of sublime heroism, of
unbounded faith, of limitless credulity. In their
devotion to their faith they are as firm as Abdiel,
upon whom Satan's eloquence urging heaven to revolt
fell powerless. They have been told that it is the
thing to do to convert the heathen, to make them
stand still while they mumble dogmas and scatter
water over them. Therefore they do not fear. Man
can do them no harm, for if killed they enter heaven
at once. And in truth, some of them seemed as
hard to kill as Saint Cecilia, who, kept of Christ,
felt it no woe to be shut in a hot bath, and whose fair
neck the executioner could by no chance smite in two.

Muscular strength was the Greek ideal of manly
character; strength through weakness, that of the
Christian. Anaesthetic fanaticism does much for those
called to suffer martyrdom. The dull, unintellectual
nature of the extreme bigot renders him in some
measure insensible to suffering.

Regarding the matter after the manner of men, the
aboriginal inhabitants of our lotos-land have existed
long enough. They have accomplished their destiny
and are ready to die. Their work is done. That for
which they are here is upon the original basis con-

158 OPPOSING FORCES.

eluded; there is nothing further for them to do, and
they can accomplish nothing on a new basis — for they
cannot shift their position.

The early conquerors believed themselves divinely
inspired to discover lands and christianize the people ;
we of to-day see in it all the natural product of his-
torical antecedents. The power of the almighty tem-
pered their steel. "Ah ! thou my good sword, hail,
bright Toledo, soul-saver, slave-maker, land-giver,
gold-finder, I worship thee ! Of all things, what can
give me so much as thou? Sensuality and salvation,
wealth and worship, lust, avarice, and immortal glory.
God and Satan recompense me for doing devilish
deeds in Christ's name. Cut and slash, thou sweet
blood-letter, thou holy hewer of quivering flesh! I
bow to thee ! "

In the solitude and gloomy shade of their wilder-
ness, although alone, no one knowing their where-
abouts, the missionaries felt, at all events, that the
eyes of God were upon them — the eyes of the om-
nipotent Jehovah, of the Lord Christ, and of the holy
virgin, stealing through soul and sense like the gaze
of a tender mother, which penetrates with such strong
magnetic influence the breast of her not wholly uncon-
scious sleeping child. Their faith, like Mambrino's
helmet, rendered them invulnerable to evil. They
could pray for a safe and prosperous journey to what^
ever spot God pleased, for thither were they bound,
and then strike out boldly and confidently into the
unknown, trackless wild. To them the loss of a life
was insignificant compared to the loss of a soul.
Teaching, as they did, with the doctrines of their
faith the arts of civilization, these missionaries were
in the strictest economical sense productive laborers.
In their mission were united all the utilities, material,
moral, and ideal. And every opportunity is given
heaven to bless them; they always leave a handle for
providence to take hold of, as the Mussulman leaves
upon his shaven crown a lock for the angel's hand to
grasp while being borne aloft to paradise.

POWER OF PROSELYTING. 159

Happy combination ! Soldiers for Christ and soldiers
for the king. Christ for men, and men for souls,
the devil helping, taking his chance of securing even
some of the elect We can understand how the king
of Spain might employ soldiers; but that the Lord
Christ should want such scrubby things as these going
up and down the earth killing savages for him is past
the comprehension of all wisdom. A little learning
made priest and secretary pretentious, puffed up with
proud superiority. And in their own eyes the Mexi-
can soldiers were ever cool, gallant, patriotic, and of
inflexible courage. Their hearts swelled with high
devotion to a cause.

In the new-comers were united the attributes of
settler and saint. Like Ulysses, they were men of
pious wiles, these missionary fathers; they were wise
as serpents, though not always as harmless as doves.
They knew how to captivate and capture the wild
men. First they entered into intimate relationships
with them, material and mental, placing themselves
in their stead, seeing with their eyes, thinking their
thoughts, and weighing and measuring their every
idea and idiosyncrasy.

At the outset their material condition must be im-
proved. A savage can understand that religion is a
good thing when it feeds and clothes him. In pro-
portion to the presents given will his faith be. The
St Simonian society of Jesuits in Paraguay, uniting
with religion a community of worldly interests, brought
.the minds of the natives under such control, that not-
withstanding their abhorrence of work, they submitted
themselves with reverence to the new authority, and
labored faithfully for the community.

Wealth is ever the precursor of civilization. More
than that, wealth is the foundation-stone of religion.
Of all intellectual and aesthetic culture, poverty is the
enemy. To send missionaries among the savage
heathen with empty hands avails little. Abstract fu-
ture good they cannot understand, but food and proxi-

160 , OPPOSING FORCES.

mate comforts appeal to their strongest reason, the
seat of which is the stomach. Little reaping there
will be if with the word there be not also sown
wheat, corn, and barley. Little fruit, if with the
formulas of faith there be not also potatoes planted,
or orange-trees, or olives. To civilize poverty is im-
possible. To christianize savage ignorance is impos-
sible. Feed and clothe if you would educate and
elevate. Educate and elevate if you would christianize.
Plant the valleys and cover the hills with herds ; give
savages material benefits if you would see them enjoy
spiritual comforts. These material benefits are wealth,
and with them wealth is religion. But here the
blessed strangers are upon us. And the pathway of
their holy zeal is as beautiful as the rainbow-bridge
let down from heaven for a pathway for Iris when on
an errand of discord.

Ave Maria ! Santisima madre de dios ; vfrgen san-
tisima [ Bells wag their discordant tongues and call
to prayers; prayers everywhere; in the church and
over the hills, about the granaries and gardens, the
storehouses and corrals; prayers by the padre, by the
blooming damsel, and the shrivelled old woman, by
comandante, hidalgo, and vaquero. Pray, brothers,
pray! Beseech him who made this universe to finish
it, and do better work than formerly; beseech him
who made us bad now to make us good, and to do a
a little better by us every way. Pray, and peradven-
ture the great creator- will change his mind and pur-
pose because we ask it — we, who know so much better
what this world should be, who could make so much
better a world had we the power. Then pray, broth-
ers, pray! arid we shall see come of it what we shall
see.

Hail, holy virgin ! Hail, holy child ! Hail, father of
all, omnipotent regulator ! One father in heaven ; many
fathers on earth — holy fathers, sole agents and repre-
sentatives of our father in heaven; fathers of every

MEDITATIONS OF THE SAVAGE. 161

nation, tongue, and color; fathers of the black gown,
Augustinian and Dominican ; fathers Franciscan, blue
and gray; Carmelite fathers of the white gown, and
all the rest; fathers true and fathers false; fathers
pure and impure; fathers who are not fathers, and
fathers, alas, too much! Twelve children crowned
the joys of happy Father Gabriel, missionary president
of the two Californias, in the year of our Lord 1819—
so it is said, and a wise father, he.

Further the red man ruminates: "If all that they
do and say be good for white people, it must be good
for the red ; for we are told if we pray enough, and
in the right way, the almighty will revise his work,
and we shall all be made white, and cunning, and have
great good here, and a better place than others in
heaven; though why a repentant sinner should be
made more of by the select society above the clouds
than one who has never sinned, it is difficult to under-
stand."

Doubtless heaven is a happy place; but earth is
more substantial. Doubtless the joys of heaven are
very fine; but few care to leave earth's sunshine to
go there. Doubtless Christianity is a great boon ; the
native Americans are willing that Europe should have
the whole of it. Doubtless angels dislike leaving the
comforts of the celestial city to do drudgery work here
on earth; but in self-sacrifice there is happiness — in
which case it is not self-sacrifice.

There are earthly angels as well as heavenly ; they
are ofttimes indeed of earth earthy, and not always
very clean; spiritually minded, but gross and material
on the surface — very. Two or three hundred years
ago there were more angels on this earth than now ;
there were too many; men had to labor too hard to
feed and house them; the way to heaven can now be
pointed out more briefly and with fewer words; so
some of them went to heaven, while others went — to
work.

There is more to Christianity than monks and nuns

CAL. PAST., VOL. I. 11

162 OPPOSING FORCES.

— for example, the bell, invented by Paulinus of Nola,
about the year 400; the organ, brought from the
Greek church to the western one in the seventh or
eighth century; the gothic cathedral, which sprang
from the religious efflorescence of the twelfth century
— all these were powerful aids to make men fit for
heaven, to make many fit for heaven who were not fit
to live on this earth.

The Franciscan fathers who kindly came to our
lotos-land, who came from afar to our lotos-land to
drive out Satan, were astonished to learn that no
devils were here before they came. Why do devils
so beset good men ; and why did not these fathers
stay at home and fight them there? "I have seen
and defied innumerable devils," says the truthful and
refined Martin Luther.

St Bonaventura tells a story of St Francis of As-
sisi, our San Francisco, who died a victim of asceti-
cism, of which performance he should be reasonably
ashamed. Raising himself and gazing upon his ema-
ciated limbs, "I have sinned against my brother, the
ass!" he cried; then sinking back he fell into a trance,
in which a voice, attributed by the holy man to the
devil, spake to him and said, "Francis, there is no
sinner in the world whom, if he be converted, God
will not pardon; but he who kills himself by hard
penances will find no mercy in eternity." This was
very kind of the devil, who seemed to possess the
better sense of the two. (xMany priests about this
time whipped themselves iiuo eternity, who awaking
there were no doubt surprised at their former folly.
The natives of the New World used to commit suicide
to get away from these same hated Christians, who
could stop them only by threatening to kill themselves
and follow them to the next world. Significant of
sorrow and of terror were the words de imitatione
Christi, and de contemptu omnium vanitatum, breathing
as they did the inspiration of medieval religion. To
the dogs with this world a'nd all its beauties and bless-

RELIGION-MAKERS. 163

ings I Let selfishness be refined and sublimated!
Fast, pray, scourge, and sit in sackcloth, for so shall
the soul find plenty and joyous honors hereafter.
Human nature is fitting an immortal soul predestined
to eternal damnation by a beneficent creator only as a
sacrifice to be offered up for the subsequent benefit of
the spiritual nature. Hence the holy fathers cry, Be-
ware of the devil! and Dante revels in purgatorial
pictures.

To the church and clergy of Spain, America is in-
debted for woes unnumbered. The struggle against
the ineradicable principle of evil within the heart,
against the fascinating demon of wrong-doing, began
with the race. Grecian philosophers attempted its
analysis, and formed codes of ethics, by which the
highest destinies of man were attainable; but with
the advent of Christianity, asceticism found a richer
soil. In order to crush out natural passions to free
the mind from bare and material things, and restore
the original purity of the soul, Christians sought in the
solitude of the desert, or apart upon the mountain, or
in the close seclusion of the monastery, the companion-
ship of God and holy angels. Or it may be, a van-
quished warrior in life's battle retires, heart-sick, for
penitence ; it matters not whither so that he be alone
— alone to lay bare the secret workings of the heart
before the intelligence that created it. Thus the path
of the believer was a Jeremiad, a lamentation, a tale
of woe. Hating life, the body a loathed encumbrance,
he would anticipate death and enter at once a glorified
* existence

Emulation is excited ; admiring crowds gather around
the hermit's hut; monasteries are built, and thus the
inward spiritual life finds outward expression Aus-
terity and discipline, having attained perfection, grow
haughty. The humble saint becomes proud of his
humility. For a time he still denies himself sensual
indulgence, but only in order the better to gratify the
more subtle vices of pride and power. He accepts

164 OPPOSING FORCES.

proffered adulation, assumes authority, levies tribute
for his godliness, waxes fat, and enjoys religion. No
more caves or shaky huts, or midnight vigil, fast, or
penance ; but stately castles, broad fields, and well-filled
larder. Crowds now flock for admittance to the church
that gives her votaries both sensual and celestial joys.
Mendicant orders overspread the land like locusts.
To escape starvation or violence, paupers become
monks. The lean and ghostly hermit is now a portly
abbot, and in place of stony cavern and scanty herbs,
rich viands, generous wines, voluptuous revels; and to
grace their pleasures, if we may credit Draper, "visions
of loveliness were converted into breathing, blushing
realities, who exercised their charms with better effect
than of old their phantom sisters had done." Behold
the end of righteousness overmuch; so hard it is for
man to re-create himself I

Is not the philosophy of living to avoid extremes ?
The golden mean is the rosetta stone of social hiero-
glyphics. The man who through all the waves of
passion, by the craggy walls of prejudice, and through
the tortuous paths of reason, holds nearest a medium
course, lives nearest a perfect life, and nowhere does
excess appear more offensive than in religion. In the
earlier stages of the church, many of her votaries, in-
spired by the examples of the apostles who lived with
simplicity and suffered with resignation, labored to
outdo their exemplars in virtue, and render their
lives yet more simple and self-denying. To such an
extent was this conceit carried that self-abnegation,
which in the first instance was a necessity, became in
the eyes of enthusiasts a positive excellence. If in-
difference to wealth is commendable, abject poverty is
more praiseworthy; if fortitude under trials is well,
self-flagellations and bodily torture is better.

Christ inculcated on the mind of his followers es-
trangement from the world, fasting, meditation, prayer.
The earlier zealots went further, and for meditation
retired to hermitages, built monasteries for prayer,

EVOLUTION OP SAINTS. 165

and spent their lives in keeping their body at death's
door by starvation and torments. These anchorites,
by rigid fasting and sleepless and incessant contempla-
tion, wrought their imagination into a frenzy not
unlike the deliriums of opium, of alcohol, or of fever.
They saw visions and dreamed dreams. The sensibil-
ity of the body was blunted, and strange phantasms
floated through the brain. Thus the apparitions and
miracles of the church are not in every instance as
some would have them, inventions of designing priests.
Numberless instances are recorded of struggles with
emissaries of Satan, of fierce wrestlings with imps
and diabolic monsters, of visions and revelations of
heavenly or hellish import, in which the sincerity
of the visionary was beyond question. The victims
of these hallucinations may have been insane, but they
were not impostors.

To doubt the sincerity of the monks and friars who
came as missionaries to the New World is to doubt
religion, and give the lie to humanity. Schooled in
the discipline of the cloister, the old nature with the
old life is eradicated. By their vows, the world with
its passions and ambitions is forever denied them.
Laying aside their apparel and adopting that of their
order, giving up their very name for some simple or
saintly appellative, identity, personality, that which
generous minds most highly prize, and which consti-
tutes the most powerful incentive to noble actions, is
lost. Honors and rewards await them not here but
hereafter. They have nothing to hope for from man,
nothing to fear; for earthly ignominy and pain only
add to their future joys, and death itself is but a re-
lease from toil and suffering to the eternal joys of
paradise. Nicolini tells us that when the citizens of
Vienna threatened to throw Legay into the Danube
for promulgating the reforms of Ignatius of Loyola, he
scornfully replied: "What care I whether I enter
heaven by land or water?"

And Motley says: "Priesthood works out its task,

166 OPPOSING FORCES.

age after age; now smoothing penitent death-beds,
consecrating graves, feeding the hungry, clothing the
naked, incarnating the Christian precepts in an age
of rapine and homicide, doing a thousand deeds of love
and charity among the obscure and forsaken — deeds
of which there shall never be a human chronicle, but
a leaf or two, perhaps, in the recording angel's book;
hiving precious honey from the few flowers of gentle
art which bloom upon a howling wilderness."

The power of the priesthood is invariably in propor-
tion to the ignorance and superstition of the people.
The greater the ignorance, the greater is the honesty
and sincerity in religion, and consequently the more
easily is the mind led to perceive a special interposition
of supernatural powers in human events. To the
forces of nature, and the apparent prevalence of chance
in human affairs, a cause must be assigned, and
without a knowledge of the true and natural cause,
extraordinary events are attributed to supernatural
agencies. As the causes which govern natural phe-
nomena are known, that which before was supernatural
in nature disappears. Eclipses, comets, and earth-
quakes are no longer evidences of divine displeasure.
But so long as the people remain in poverty and igno-
rance, so long will they blindly follow their religious
teachers.

At this time, not only were men taught to believe,
but forced to believe. Proselytism is an essential
element of every religion ; and as teachers are possessed
of power, so, whether priest or puritan, will they en-
force their teachings. To persuade if possible, if not
to coerce; to win by love, or terrify by punishments;
to compel the intellect to receive what reason rejects:
to make men believe to be true what they know to be
false ; to constrain to a life of hypocrisy, or doom to
martyrdom ; to force by violence convictions that can-
not be carried by arguments; to torture men in accept-
ing forms and creeds which conscience teaches them to
reject — or failing in this to kill them. These were

SPANISH CHRISTIANITY. 167

the instruments with which religion wrought in the
fifteenth century.

Thus it was that not alone nobles and prelates, but
the illiterate dregs of old Castile, were lofty in their
loyalty, exalted in their piety, fearless of any danger
save the gods and devils of their own creation. As
adventurers to the New World, without a murmur
they would encounter the inhospitable climate, inhale
the malarious air, wade through tangled morasses,
climb rugged mountains, swelter under a tropical sun,
and all for the love of God, and gold, and glory;
traversing the trackless wilderness, scourging, bap-
tizing, working miracles, scorning pain, disease, and
death in their mad efforts to save from hell men not
half so near that place as themselves. Carried away
by a ferocious enthusiasm, they became devilish in their
desires to make men Christians; butchering their fel-
low-men by scores, thousands, converting and killing—
meanwhile ravishers of maids, murderers of old men
and children, perfidious liars and cheaters, laying a fair
land waste in the name of peace. Their heroism was
as high for plunder as for piety; for lands and captive
slaves they could wrestle as fervently as for souls, and
their unscrupulous severity in the accomplishment of
their desires was only equalled by their versatility in
the choice of means. Why they were so, what made
them so, it is easy enough to see in the ignorance and
blind fanaticism growing out of their religious teach-
ings, and in their social maxims.

Nor were these heterogeneous, discordant elements,
though thrown together by a conjunction of classes
and clans, destined to remain apart, some in one and
some in another; on the contrary, they combined in
greater or less degree in the individual, and formed
the basis of Spanish, more particularly of Castilian,
character. In the same person we see united enthu-
siastic piety with cruel avarice; indeed, we need not
go back four centuries, nor look alone upon the Span-
ish Peninsula, for unions of ill-assorted and badly min-

168 OPPOSING FORCES.

gled traits of human character; for even now in Anglo-
Saxon-puritan stock, in every adventurous crew turned
loose into a wilderness in search of gold, away from
the inquisitorial influences of social life, may be seen
cropping out the fruits of excessive liberty, the same
lustful, venal, infernal spirit which possessed the Span-
ish conquerors of the New World.

Father Junipero, blessed and just! While on the
Atlantic side of our present domain Anglo-Ameri-
cans were fighting for deliverance from the paternal
chains, Hispano- Americans on the Pacific were bring-
ing to a benighted though happy race that civilization
and Christianity which always sends native nations to
earth. Those first pure priests who came hither,
devoted ministers of the living God, who really de-
sired the welfare of the aboriginals, desired them to
live and not die; these with their comforts and their
kindness killed as surely as did Cortes and Pizarro
with their gunpowder, steel, and piety.

Scion of the conquerors, a conqueror himself; they
fighting naked savages, he fighting fiends; they con-
quering for Charles, he for Christ; Christ and Charles,
both all-powerful, yet both needing fighters; both be-
nignant, yet both requiring the slaughter of some
millions of God-made men to add to their general
glory and particular comfort and happiness ! So these
saints and soldiers would have us believe.

Junipero was a conqueror, and his greatest achieve-
ment was the conquest of self; as Publius Syrus used
to say, "Bis vincit, qui se vincit in victoria" — he con-
quers twice who conquers himself in victory. Though
outwardly mild and humble, a fire of devoted enthu-
siasm burned within ; but with self sacrificed — so sub-
ordinated that he envied his divine master but one
thing, crucifixion — this fire shot forth occasionally,
when he fancied his redeemer slighted or insulted,
but never for slight or insult placed upon himself.

Hear how a brother friar tells in orthodox tones

THE PADRE PRESIDENT. 169

the story of his life: "Junipero Serra was born on
the 24th of November, 1713, at the villa de Petra,
island of Mallorca, belonging to Mediterranean Spain.
His parents were people in humble circumstances, but
of devout and pious faith according to the catholic
church. His father's name was Antonio Serra, his
mother Margarita Ferrer. From his childhood he
was of a grave, benevolent, serious character, and his
greatest pleasure was in attending the church of San
Bernardino in his native town.

"These habits impressed upon his mind the duty of
devoting himself to the service of the church, and he
accordingly assumed the habit of a Franciscan friar at
the age of sixteen. His zeal and exemplary conduct
endeared him to his superior, and the brethren of the
order, who vied with each other in forwarding his
views, and perfecting his theological studies. His
affectionate, earnest, and devout spirit led him to seek
the conversion of the American Indians to the faith
of Christ, and he accordingly became a missionary of
the Society for the Propagation of the Faith. In
accordance with the functions of his new office, and
with the benedictions of his friends and those of the
brotherhood of San Francisco, he proceeded to Mex-
ico, and for many years officiated in the Indian mis-
sions of the Sierra Gorda, and of Saba on the frontiers
of that country. But moved by the accounts received
about this time of the expulsion of the Jesuits from
Lower California by the Spanish government, his
heart was drawn by the ardor of a fervent zeal to de-
vote his life to the conversion of the Indians of these
remote regions, who he believed were now about to
be abandoned to their savage and brutal habits. Ac-
cordingly, encouraged by the viceroy and authorities
of Mexico, and with the assistance of many devout
catholics of that country, he embarked with a band of
brother missionaries of the Franciscan order at San
Bias, meeting at that port the exiled Jesuits from
Lower California. Arrived in that distant province,

170 OPPOSING FORCES.

and finding the religious establishments there placed
under the control of the Dominicans, with the aid of
the officers of the Spanish government at Loreto he
projected two expeditions to Alta California, one by
land on the shore by the gulf, and the other by sea.
The one by land brought the first live-stock, about
600 in number of all kinds, to this country ; and in a
comparatively short space of time, from the fineness
of the climate and richness of the pastures, they were
numbered by tens of thousands.

"At San Diego, on the meeting of the two compa-
nies, was founded in 1769 the first mission of Alta
California. In the year following was founded the
presidio of Monterey, and the mission of Carmelo. By
the year 1784, he had founded and settled with priests
the establishments of San Francisco Dolores and
Santa Clara in the north, and those of San Luis
Obispo, San Antonio, San Buenaventura, San Ga-
briel, and San Juan Capistrano in the south; at each
of which places were also retained small companies of
the king's soldiers.

"Gradually the priests, under the energetic but
paternal direction and care of the venerable president,
gathered into their missions the wild Indians of the
valleys of the coast. His and their lives were of great
exposure, labor, and perpetual risks and disadvantages,
through which they persevered with an indefatigable
zeal, known only to men imbued with direct purposes,
and a lively, ardent faith, which knew no quenching
in a new field for the reaper's sickle, and laborers dis-
proportioned to the work. They built houses, conse-
crated churches, planted vineyards and orchards, sowed
fields, stocked the pastures, taught the gentiles labor
and the consolation of Christ's religion, and finally
triumphed over all difficulties of the first settlement
of a frontier wilderness, which, after their sacrifices
and privations, sprung to life and bloomed and blos-
somed as the rose.

"But this was not the only reward of the devoted,

DEATH OF JUNIPERO SERRA. 171

energetic, and pious life of the founder ot our state.
His aim was the crown of glory, the possession of
which animates the devoted catholic to lay down his
life, if necessary, when he remembers for all trials
and sufferings that he that converteth a soul to God
shall shine as a star in the firmament of heaven.

"And now, age creeping on apace, and privations
and exposures having had their natural effect on his
frame, he was taken sick in the month of August,
with a severe complaint of the throat and lungs, at
the mission of Carmelo. Long and anxiously did the
friends and companions of the venerable founder of
California nurse and attend him with the most tender
care; but he told them from the first, with serenity
and calmness, that God was about to call him to Him-
self, and entreated their prayers for the salvation of
his soul, and that he might be permitted through
Christ to enter into the enjoyment of heaven, and of
those who had devoted their lives to the glory of God
and the conversion of the gentiles His Indian chil-
dren bewailed with groans and tears the melancholy
approach of the time which was to separate him for-
ever from their sight, who had left all to rescue them
from barbarism and the lives of brute beasts.

" At last his body, spent with exhaustion and weak-
ness, but his mind clear to the last, the father of Cal-
ifornia sank to rest in the arms of his beloved friend
and disciple, Francisco Palou, as gently as an infant
on its mother's breast.

" This event took place on the day of San Augustin
at the mission of Carmelo, near Monterey, in the year
1784, at the age of seventy-one, lacking a few weeks.
Fifty-four years of his life had he officiated as a
priest, thirty-five of which were spent among the In-
dians of California and Mexico, as a missionary of the
catholic church. His body was buried near the last-
mentioned mission, in one of the most beautiful vales
of California, within sound of old ocean's solemn re-
quiem, and amid the tears and mournings of the con-

172 OPPOSING FORCES.

verted heathen whom he and his companions had
trained to the enjoyment of Christian habits and con-
solations. Great was the sorrow felt by the mission-
aries and simple people of those days, in our then
remote country, at the loss of the venerable founder
and president of the missions — a feeling which ex-
tended even to Mexico, where his memory was revered
by all classes of people.

"Junipero Serra was a man of great benevolence
and amiability of character, charity, and generosity,
combined with a fervent zeal in his high duties, which
attached to him with strong affection all who came
within the sphere of his influence. He was a man oi
the most indefatigable and industrious habits, of great
perseverance, enterprise, and personal courage ; and it
may be said that no man with a different character
could have accomplished, in those days, objects sur-
rounded with such perverse difficulties. Before his
death, after fourteen years' labor, he had founded the
presidio of Monterey and pueblos of San Jose and Los
Angeles, and gathered nearly 6,000 savage Indians
into nine of the [afterwards] wealthiest missions of the
country.

"His government was frugal, thrifty, and full oi
well-directed energy; for at his death the live-stock
of these establishments numbered nearly 20,000 head,
and the teaching of the priests was taking deep root
in the minds of the wild Indians who had not yet ac-
knowledged the sway of the Spanish government. His
life was published in Mexico, in 1787, under the fol-
lowing title; and a highly curious and. interesting
book it is to those whose souls are not altogether
given to gain. Relation Historica de la Vida y Apos-
tolicas Tareas del Venerable Padre F. Junipero Serra y
de las Misiones que fundo en la California septentrional
y Nuevos Establecimientos de Monterey: escrita por Fr.
Francisco Palou. Impresa en Mexico, por Don Felipe
de Zuniga y Ontiveros, 1787.

" To one great mind, imbued with the loftiest prin-

MISSION OF SAN CARLOS. 173

ciples of conduct, and directed with great circumspec-
tion and energy, do we owe the foundation of the
structure of our Pacific empire, which has, within four
years, shaken to the roots old systems and principles,
crusted and hardened by the past 6,000 years. He
sowed the seed, and we reap the fruit; but who can
tell what a day will bring forth?

" We now conclude a feeble attempt to sketch the
life of a great and good man, but at the same time an
humble catholic missionary. To him is California
forever indebted for a perpetual monument in the af-
fections of her people ; for though hitherto known by
fame to but few of the present new race inhabiting
her beautiful valleys, and digging in her snow-capped
mountains, and scarcely heard of out of the records
of the Spanish catholic church of Mexico and Cali-
fornia, the more necessary is it to hold up to men, in
these greedy times, the imitation of so rare a person.

"Since the present bishop of Monterey has assumed
his office, search has been made in the Carmelo mission
for the place where the body of Junipero Serra was
laid ; but from the loss of many of the mission records,
and none now living in Monterey who were alive at
the time of his death, it has been without success up
to the present period. The spot where our venerable
founder first said mass in Monterey in 1769 is still
traditionally pointed out by the old Spanish natives
of the town."

Thus simply, though not wholly witnout redundancy
and undue assumption, one brother recites the praises of
another. It was in 1852 that this sketch was printed
in the San Francisco Herald, edited by that bright
little Irish catholic, John Nugent. One hundred
years after Serra's death, his devoted brethren are
at work endeavoring to restore the old mission church
of San Carlos, in the Carmelo valley, under whose
stone flags the body of the venerable president was
laid at rest.

"Of the twenty-one missions," these brethren go on

174 OPPOSING FORCES.

to say, "established in California, a few are well pre-
served, others are in ruins, and of some not a vestige
is left to mark the spot where they once stood. The
most picturesque and poetic of these historic land-
marks of our state, and the noblest work of Padre
Serra, is the old stone church of San Carlos, at Car-
melo ; and it is a sad spectacle and a reproach to Cali-
fornia to see this venerable pile sharing the common
fate and slowly crumbling into dust."

Serra was a good and great man ; some of his suc-
cessors were good men; some of them were not so
good. The climate of California is dangerous to pas-
sive piety. The gold of California is never found
perfectly pure. There was no mistaking the material
of which Serra was made. A furnace cannot emit a
fervent heat and not be glowing hot within. However
mild his heart and mind, in his veins ran not altogether
milk and honey. Early piety is not always the most
lasting. Though he could not boast a life sanctified
by youthful sins, or even youthful sufferings, there
was something more than piety in Serra's California
life — there was wealth and power, power and wealth
for the church, of course — the almighty not having
retained as much property on this planet when he
made it as he now desired to have — and for Junipero
himself, the promised transformation into 600 firma-
ment stars, or one of the best positions in heaven, at
his option.

The indifference of the Spaniards early in America
to suffering, and to women, may be traced directly to
their long religious war. They must accustom them-
selves to cruelty, war being so cruel; and accustomed
to inflict cruelty, they must accustom themselves to
bear it. And as for women, tame, indeed, must be
earthly forms, fit only for earthly use, beside her whom
they worship in heaven — her for whom they fight and
die.

But this religious loyalty, which in California was
of the first consequence in promoting the discipline of

JUNIPERO'S SUCCESSORS. 175

both priests and soldiers, and so securing unanimity
of purpose and unity of action, we would hardly look
for it to continue throughout the century, being so far
removed from the source of supply, and the authors
of all this wilderness magnificence being dead.

Time was when a man's morals, or his religious be-
lief, affected his pecuniary credit, and still more his
ability to hold office; but now the banker does not
ask of his customer who wishes to borrow money what
his opinion may be in regard to the immaculate con-
ception. Divorced by science, religion and govern-
ment are no longer allies. Morality and religion were
Junipero's stock in trade ; and every fibre of his nature
was so imbued with them that, in the subjugation oi
the wilderness, a handful of men under his guidance
was equal to an army under the direction of another.
Northward he marched, high, holy, and serene, his
mind and attitude as God's Gabriel, planting at inter-
vals those great monuments to his faith, which hence-
forth were to stand there in their monotonous influence
like the breaking of time waves on the shore of eter-
nity's great ocean.

But alas! Junfpero's successors were not all like
him. As a rule, they could not be called handsome
men, or men of refined feelings, or great intellect, or.
superfine morality. But in the eyes of their flock
what were they ? Whatever they chose to be. Over
their whitewashed wild ones they exercised a too
powerful influence. In their features earth's defor-
mity and heaven's divinity met ; so that although they
might be the most ill-favored of men, they were yet
the most beautiful of beings. By their looks and
life and teachings, and by these alone in the minds
of the simple savages, must be shaped heaven's eter-
nal glory, just as cosmogonic conceptions are shaped
by climate and configuration.

Junipero was a man of great will-power and energy.
Yet who could not exercise will and energy, knowing
that the almighty walked by his side to bear him up

176 OPPOSING FORCES.

or pitch him into heaven in case he fell. Charmed
and awed as we are by the active manifestations of
force in nature, we are none the less interested in
watching the energy of action in man. Eloquence is
intellect ablaze; and what is lacking in intellect may
often be made up in dogmatic declamation, in loud-
mouthed nothings, and whiningly winning ways, at-
tended by muscular outspreading, air-beating, and
sweating. Boys will run to see a dog-light, and men
and women will flock to see a man fight, even though
he have no other adversary than an imaginary devil.
Nevertheless, they were pelicans in their piety, these
self-sacrificing fathers of the church, and were always
ready if necessary to feed their young with their own
blood.

Priests and piety, as a subject, must ever present a
chapter of contradictions. Imagination is more often
powerful than reality. The fathers were schooled in the
mysteries of the imagination, and now they must teach
their disciples. By the overheated zeal of the Chris-
tian light their souls were scorched as their skins had
been by the glorious sun's effulgent brightness. Min-
gled with his prayers were groans, tears, convulsions.
^Closing his eyes to this world, he opened them upon
a world of illusions. An apocalyptic vision was the
reward of every fasting. Hell and heaven opened to
them; angels tuned their lyres to earthly strains, and
fiends whispered in their ears. Paul and John and
their patron father appeared and held converse with
them. The hopping of a toad was as significant to
them of God's will as was the kneeling of his camel
to Mohammed. The laws of God they could inter-
pret and act upon as they pleased; hence it was the
law of exigency, and the laws of nature held greater
sway over the actions of the missionaries than the
laws of Spain or Mexico. The history of that civili-
zation to which we belong is a history of seculariza-
tions. The church wraps ancient learning in a napkin

CHARACTER OF THE MISSIONARIES. 177

and lays it away; since which time the ingenuity of
man has been employed to strip off the coverings, and
let the light shine forth. All things desirable having
been pronounced sacred and appropriated by the
clergy, there must be restitution. Hence we have the
secularization of everything, from the convents of
Europe to the missions of Alta California.

The minds of God's ministers were constructed
upon the ghastly skeleton of abstract religious con-
templation and ceremonious homage as propitiatory of
offended deity. As to real knowledge, they had none.
The oracles of the church, the precepts of the fathers,
were to them poetry, philosophy, and science. In
worldly wisdom they were wise to salvation. Poor in
this world's goods they were rich in heavenly treasures.
Nor were they without a godly pride. They were
proud in their humility, proud of their self-abasement,
grateful in their contemplations, inflexible in their
penitence, and sagacious in their passion. Soft as
Araby's air before their maker, they were cruel as
blood-hounds to his disobedient subjects. Of the light,
ministering angels; of the darkness, fiends. They
were cruel to be kind, at least so they fancied, as
kindly cruel, these soul-savers, as the surgeon who
cuts and kills his victim in no blood-thirsty or revenge-
ful mood. And to this end emotion must be sacrificed
to motive. Heroic and courageous as they were,
these qualities were often seen to fade before the sym-
pathetic and humane.

They had come from afar, and by a toilsome way;
never men struggled so hard to achieve martyrdom.
Were there no angels at their own doors to entertain,
no whiter, nearer souls to save? Or is it that the re-
ward is in proportion to the effort rather than to suc-
cess? Surely there were worse men in Spain for
whom Christ died than these harmless lote-eaters.
But in Spain every man whose soul was worth saving
might have a priest of his own if he liked. They
were plenty enough, and idle enough. But that was

CAL. PAST., VOL. I. 1?

178 OPPOSING FORCES.

too easy; there were lands where Christianity was
not so overdone. Too great prosperity is accounted
rather an evil than a blessing , if God does not punish
he is nursing his wrath. Like Rodrigo, king of
Spain, whom by way of penance the hermit consigned
to a cave filled with snakes and lizards, which, mirac-
ulously restrained, for days would not touch him;
God would not accept the sacrifice, would not even
permit his servant the pleasure of being eaten by holy
reptiles; but finally one day, as the hermit, who had
been passing the night in prayer, came to him, he joy-
fully exclaimed, "They eat me now ! they eat me nowl
I feel the adder's bite!" And so forgiven, his sins
atoned, rejoicingly he dies.

It was the Augustan age of missions, this, when the
good Junfpero lived and died; all savagedom must be
placed on the stool of repentance. And theirs was
the Benedictine motto, Ora et labora. Pray and
work — especially pray. If work was too fatiguing,
prayer was easy and always effectual; for if it brought
not the desired blessing, it seemed none the less satisfy-
ing to the suppliant. They who invoked the aid of
heaven averted calamities, and brought down ven-
geance upon the enemies of the nation. It was they
who soothed the dying, brought pardon for sins, and
procured eternal happiness for the soul. But muffled
be your joy, let your triumph be low toned, your bells
ring out their peals in whispers, and your guns bellow
in noiseless puffs, for the souls that here should most
rejoice have shot beyond the ether 1

CHAPTER VI.

GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

And ever against eating cares
Lap me in soft Lydian airs.

— L' 'Allegro.

FIRST the Golden Age, and then the Age of Gold.
How different! And yet between the end and be-
ginning of a decade California gives us a specimen
of each, which brief period presents two episodes
of society the history of the world cannot parallel.
Both were original, both phenomenal; and so closely
upon the heels of one followed the other, that for an
instant both were on the ground at the same time.
But only for an instant. The lamb may lie down
with the lion, and peradventure escape being eaten;
not so with the mild and nerveless inhabitant of
southern California, and the wild, tigerish gold-seeker
scenting the metal from afar.

It was when the gold-seekers came that tnis golden
age of California was destined to be alloyed with brass ;
for not the age of gold was California's true golden age.
The age of gold was the age of avarice, the age of bru-
tal murders, of wild rudeness and insane revellings.
More nearly resembling the euthanasia of the ancients
was the pastoral life preceding the finding of the
Sierra's treasures. Never before or since was there
a spot in America where life was a long happy holi-
day, where there was less labor, less care or trouble,
such as the old-time golden age under Cronos or
Saturn, the gathering of nature's fruits being the

179

180 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

chief burden of life, and death coming without decay,
like a gentle sleep.

To constitute a true golden age, there must be pres-
ent certain conditions. Though there need be no
great riches, there must be enough, so that all may
live in plenty. Never were so many men in America
so rich as now ; yet no one would think of calling this
a golden age. We lack the true sources of happiness —
innocence and contentment — essential to a golden age.
We indulge too much in luxury and vice to please the
gods, and so we are cursed with crimes, political and
social. A golden age must be a time of truth, of
right, and reason, and universal moderation. Men
must be satisfied and women virtuous. Women must
be satisfied and men honest.

Half-way between savagism and civilization, Cali-
fornia's pastoral days swept by, midst the dreamy rev-
eries of a race half-way between the proud Castilian
and the lowly root-digger of the Coast Range valleys.
How much of culture, wealth, refinement, morals, and
religion does it take to make men the most miserable ?
Gold for use must have alloy ; in the golden age there
is no alloy. It is not for use, a golden age, but for
enjoyment. Savagism suffers too greatly from heat
and cold, from hunger and a too deep debasement.
Savagism has no golden age ; if it had, it would not
be savagism; yet the naked wild man, when he is
happy, is very happy ; he has his periods of heavenly
bliss, but they are too short and fitful, and the inter-
vals are filled with a too deep despondency.

But let not civilization boast overmuch. What
though savages are ignorant and lazy lotos-eaters,
there is not a fancied benefit civilization has that is
not dearly paid for. As for ignorance, there is plenty
of it left; they who read writings in the sky are not
half so learned as they fancy. And as for energy,
had we less of it, smaller penitentiaries would answer,
and there would be fewer people at large who ought
to be in them. A man rolls up his five or fifty million

WEALTH AND WISDOM. 1S1

and dies; what is he the better for it all, or any one
else? Peupeumoxmox, the savage, struggled nobly
for the welfare of his people, and died. Peter Funk,
the millionaire, struggled bravely for himself, for Mrs
Funk, and the little Funks, and they all died. There
are many Funks abroad, and they are getting thicker
and less worshipful every day; but only once in a
lifetime do we meet with a Peupeumoxmox, either
savage or civilized.

The human race is yet in its childhood. This planet,
which for thousands of ages has been preparing for
man, is but just now ready — is, indeed, not wholly
finished The six thousand or sixty thousand years
of infancy have barely sufficed to rid the best of us of
our swaddling-clothes ; a large portion of mankind yet
wear them, or wear none. Manhood, with its earnest
labors, is dawning upon us; the mind is just beginning
to think, and the hands to work. Nature in some
slight degree is being laid under contribution; already
we annihilate space, walking by steam and talking by
electricity. Yet everything to man is crude, unde-
veloped, and ill defined. Our religion is mixed with
superstition, our politics with selfishness, our morality
with fashion, and of science we know next to nothing.
It is only in a simple and quiet life that the soul finds
an antidote to the materialism of engrossing intercourse
with the world, and is able to place itself en rapport
with nature and the supernatural.

After California's golden age and age of gold comes
the age of silver, into the mysteries of which we will
not attempt at this time to penerate. What, then, is
there here a deterioration ? In many respects, yes.
Men have enough in the silver age, but they are not
satisfied. The bronze age is a time of violence, of
wars and misdeeds. Is it progress when social, poli-
tical, and commercial morals sink into the depths? Is
it progress when men rise from the ground and through
lying and chicanery get hold of the people's money,
organize iniquitous and grinding monopolies for the

182 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

purpose 01 extorting from a too long suffering and
patient people more money? Is it progress when all
the world, like silly sheep, rush to the gambling pools
of swindling manipulators of shares?

The heroic age — none such has yet appeared on
these shores. We have had heroes enough, braver
and better than any who lead armies to battle, or in-
dividually excel in the art of manslaughter — heroes
who conquer self, who put under foot their baser pas-
sions, who toil on all through a weary life, self-denying,
self-sacrificing for some good and worthy object, for
wife and children, God bless them, for the right,
for humanity, for something better than the mere
heaping up of money as a soul-substitute. An age of
heroes, yes; but beware the age heroic; likewise the
brazen age, still more the ages of iron, stone, and clay,
ages of deep debasement to w ich we know not but
we may be unconsciously drifting.

The shepherd of the pastoral age is not the shep-
herd of to-day. On the gently sloping hillside, under
the outspread, bearded oak, sat the shepherd of pastoral
days, gazing out upon the liquid crystal, and watching
his flocks as month after month they continued to wax
fat and increase. Serene his thoughts, and some-
times mighty; mighty and serene as those of their
herds, as they lay upon the warm, dry grass ruminat-
ing. The shepherds of to-day are wolves ; the people
are their silly sheep, which they fatten but to devour.
Shepherds of the pastoral times knew something of
astronomy, and were fall of piety to the gods. The
shepherds of to-day know how to salt a mine, how to
discriminate in freights and fares, how to keep up the
price of sugar, of flour, how to swindle, cheat, and lie ;
they, too, are full of piety; there is no god like their
god, and his name is Mammon.

It was in rather humble guise that church and
state came marching hand in hand up along the ocean
border, two or three priests representing the one, and
twice or thrice as many soldiers the other. It was

MISSION-PLANTING. 183

enough, however, considering the power behind and
the impotence before them; not to mention the al-
mighty maker of the universe and the king of Spain,
or their legions in heaven and in Europe, there were
colleges and convents enough in Mexico to quite con-
found Satan, who flourished in a mild form in these
parts. There was the college of Zacatecas, with mis-
sions in Chihuahua and Durango; the college of San
Fernando in Mexico, with missions in Alta Califor-
nia. The Franciscans also had missions in Sonora,
Sinaloa, and Texas; the Dominicans in Guadalajara,
Durango, and Zacatecas ; and the Augustinians, Car-
melites, and Mercenarios, with the others, over nearly
all Spanish America.

After several expeditions by water and a thorough
examination of the country along the shore, sites
about fifteen leagues apart were selected for missions,
which should be heavenly mile-stones and temples of
God in the wilderness, resting-places of hospitality and
devotion for the wayfarer; and for the fat padres who
should dwell therein, acting as middle-men between
God and his creatures, they were marks of merit for
stripes, humility, and services rendered, and foretastes
of heaven. Thanks, cowled prjests; but ages before
you brought hither your not too lovely persons, there
was not a foot of this lotos-land from San Diego Bay
to San Francisco that had not its living temple to
God, be it a pebble, a flower, or a horned toad.

In the "selection of mission sites, care was taken to
be not far from a landing for ships, and yet not so
near that their Indians would be contaminated by
the evil influence of soldiers and sailors. There must
be water at hand, some tillable land, and a fair extent
of pasturage.

The work of conversion was quickly begun and
went bravely on. In due time mission buildings were
erected, and settlers came in and clustered near the
presidio, thus forming towns, many of which remain
to this day, some having grown into respectable cities.

184 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

To the first one built in this northernmost section
of Spain's heathen fields was given the name of San
Diego, probably in honor of San Diego de Alcald,
who was a saint sprung from the Franciscan order.
It was founded on the 16th of July, 1769, according
to the record of the foundation appearing on its first
book of baptisms, "at the expense of the catholic
monarch. Don Carlos III., rey de las Espanas, whom
God prosper, defrayed under most ample authority
from his Excellency Don Cdrlos Francisco de Croix,
Marques de Croix, present viceroy, governor, and
captain-general of this New Spain, by the most Illustri-
ous Don Joseph de Galvez, of the council and chamber
of his Majesty in the royal and supreme of the Indies,
intendent of the army, and visitador general of this
Nueva Espana, by the religious of said apostolic col-
lege, San Fernando of Mexico."

Its first ministers were the father preacher Friar
Junipero Serra, president, and the father preacher
Friar Fernando Parron, apostolic preachers of said
college of San Fernando of Mexico, associated with
the father preacher Friar Juan Vizcayno, appointed
to the foundation of another mission.

The book from which these extracts were taken
replaced the originals commenced at the foundation,
and which were destroyed during an Indian revolt
in 1775, together with other books and papers, the
church ornaments, sacred vessels, houses, and uten-
sils of the mission. It appears that up to the 5th of
November, 1775, 470 adults and children had been
baptized.

The mission was first established on the hill or
beach afterward occupied by the presidio at the port
of San Diego, which the natives called Cosoy. It
was subsequently transferred, in August 1774, to
another site up the river, two leagues distant, known
among the natives as Nipaguay, where the destruc-
tion took place. The authors of the revolt were gen-
tiles and neophytes from upwards of 70 rancherias

MISSION SAN DIEGO. 185

or villages, and in overwhelming numbers assaulted
the mission, which they partly plundered, and mostly
burnt, wounding the corporal and three soldiers of
the mission guard, and killing a carpenter, Jose Ur-
selino, a blacksmith, Jose Manuel Arroyo, and the
missionary Friar Luis Jaume; his fellow- missionary,
Friar Vicente Fuster, and another blacksmith, Felipe
Romero, miraculously escaping with life. Fathers
Serra and Parron had charge of the mission to about
the middle of April 1770, when Serra departed to
found a mission at Monterey, leaving in his place
Friar Francisco Gomez, Father Vizcayno having re-
turned to Mexico via Lower California. Parron and
Gomez administered the religious and temporal affairs
of the mission for more than a year, when, owing
to sickness, one returned to Lower California, and the
other went away by sea to Mexico. It was then that
the president appointed to succeed them Friar Fran-
cisco Dumetz and Luis Jaume, who had recently
arrived in California, together with eight others, by
sea. Dumetz remained there a year, and was then
transferred to Monterey, being succeeded by Friar
Juan Crespi, who had been till then Serra's compan-
ion at the San Carlos. In September 1772, Crespf
was returned to Monterey, and replaced by Friar
Tomas de la Pena, who remained in the mission till
September 1773, when Father Fuster took his place
by appointment made by the vice-president of the
mission, Father Francisco Palou, who acted in the
place of Father Serra, absent in Mexico. Jaurne was
murdered, as we have seen. It seems that, besides
the fathers already named, Friars Pablo Mugartegui,
Miguel Sanchez, Gregorio Amurrio, and Fermin
Francisco de Lasuen had visited the mission and oc-
casionally officiated.

It was the river of San Diego on which the mis-
sion was placed, a brave enough stream when flushed
with the rains of winter, but sinking into the sands of
humility in summer. If there is c.nywhere a fairer

186 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

patch of earth and sea than here extends for fifty miles
in every direction, it has yet to be found. The soil,
though not so rank as to fill the air with noxious va-
pors arising from redundant vegetation, is still rich
enough for the breeding of a noble race. The ocean
sits here in calm majesty, unruffled by the cold winds
of the north, or the sweltering fumes of the steam-
ing south, while the sky above offers the shortest
open roadway to heaven. An area forty miles square
was placed under tribute, and soon the flocks of the
missionaries in charge of the whitewashed savages
covered the rocky hills. All was serenity hereabout
for the fat and sanctified cattle until the year of
grace 1830.

According to the records of the mission, the
number of baptisms of all classes therein and in the
presidio to the 14th of June, 1846, of which any evi-
dence appeared, was 7,126, including those effected
prior to the 5th of November, 1775, when the church
and books were destroyed; the number of marriages to
April 30, 1846, the date of the last entry, 2,051, from
the date of the foundation. Friar Vicente Pascual
Oliva, the last priest at San Diego, went to San
Luis Hey when the forces of the United States land-
ed at the port in 1846; when they reached San Luis,
he transferred himself to San Juan Capistrano, where
he died. The last entry of deaths was in May 1831,
to which date the number of burials was 4,156; the
second book of the mission was not in the parish
church toward the end of 1877, and must have been
lost. The book of interments, which replaced the one
burnt by the Indians in 1775, shows on its first entry
the following- facts: " Of the crews of said vessels," San

O

Antonio, alias El Principe, and the San Carlos, alias El
Toy son, " and chiefly of the second, many arrived
severely suffering from scurvy, or mal de loanda,
and of them died one half of the detail of twenty -five
volunteer soldiers of Catalonia, who with their lieu-
tenant, Don Pedro Fages, had come by sea upon the

PROM THE MISSION BOOKS. 187

said San Cdrlos ; so that within a few months after the
foundation of the mission the account of deaths showed
the number of them to have exceeded sixty, to all of
whom, but one boy, were administered the sacraments
of penitence, communion, and extreme unction."
Father Serra, not being able to remember all the
names, omitted to mention any, contenting himself
"with praying to God, our Lord, that the names of
all of them be inscribed in heaven, and their souls per
Misericordiarn Dei requiescant in pace, Amen. "

Good men died there, and were buried in the mis-
sion church, for all good men die, though all may not
be buried in sanctified ground. On the 19th of
December, 1784, they buried Juan Figuer; January
30, 1800, Juan Mariner; August 29, 1807, Nicolas
Lslzaro; July 2, 1812, Pedro Panto, supposed to have
been poisoned by his cook; October 19, 1838, Fernando
Martin. Father Vicente Pasqual Oliva, the last of
the missionaries who officiated at San Diego, died
at San Juan Capistrano January 2, 1848, and was
solemnly buried on the 29th.

I find that on October 30, 1824, an Indian was ex-
ecuted by shooting for some crime not stated. Savages
were not usually honored by a special shot, with fire-
lock, powder, and ball. On April 23, 1826, an Indian
was executed who was an accomplice in killing three
soldiers and a neophyte, all of whom, as well as the
executed one, were buried by Father Fernando Mar-
tin. A commander did San Diego mission the honor
to die and be buried there, namely, Captain Jose
Maria Estudillo, on the 9th of April, 1830.

It was a great event at Mission San Diego, the con-
secration of a new church, the one latest existing, on
the 12th of November, 1813, the day of San Diego.
The benediction took place on the 12th by Father Jose
Barona, Father Geronimo Boscana preaching the ser-
mon. On the following day were transferred thereto
the remains of the missionaries Jdume, Figuer, Mari-
ner, and Panto. The sermon was delivered by Friar

188 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

Tomds Ahumada, a Dominican from Mission San
Miguel in Lower California, The ministers of the
mission at the time were Friars Jose Sanchez and
Fernando Martin.

A magnificent pile for one reared in the heart of
savagedom, and not by the hands of experienced arti-
sans, was that of San Luis Hey, north of San Diego,
and at a little distance from the sea. It was founded
by Father Peyri in 1798. The buildings surrounded
a large square, in the centre of which played a foun-
tain, while the gardens were filled with fruits, and
the fields with grain and cattle. This Padre Antonio,
as Peyri was called, on his departure from the coun-
try, took with him two or three Indian boys, one of
whom turned priest and lived in Rome, lived a sainted
savage near the Vatican.

Northward the good men go, and on the site called
by the natives Sajirit, and also appearing as Quanis
Savit, found San Juan Capistrano, Father President
Junipero Serra officiating on the 1st of November,
1776, assisted by Father Gregorio Amurrio at royal
expense during the rule of Viceroy Bucareli, yclept
" insigne favorecedor de estos nuevos establecimien-
tos." Its first ministers were fathers Pablo de Mugdr-
tegui and the aforesaid Amurrio. The mission held
fifteen leagues of and along the seaboard, extending
back to the mountains, which area was interspersed
with shady groves and fertile ravines, and covered
with herds of stock and fields of waving grain.

On the 7th of September, 1806, was consecrated to
the service of God a new church built by the neo-
phytes of stone and lime, with vaults. The con-
struction was begun on the 2d of February, 1797,
and terminated in 1806. The benediction took place
on the day aforesaid by Father Estevan Tapis, presi-
dent of the missions, assisted by fathers Jose' de Mi-
guel and Jose Antonio de Urresti, ministers of Mission
San Miguel; Marcos Antonio de Victoria of Mission
Santa Barbara; Jose M. de Zalvidea of Mission San

CHURCH CONSECRATION. 189

Fernando; Antonio Peyri of Mission San Luis Rey;
Pedro de la, Cueva of Mission San Jose; and Juan
Norberto de Santiago and Jose Faura, ministers of
San Juan Capistrano. There were also present at
the imposing ceremonies Lieutenant-colonel Jose Joa-
quin de Arrillaga, governor of California, Manuel
Rodriguez, captain commandant of San Diego, Lieu-
tenant Francisco Maria Ruiz of the presidial com-
pany of San Diego, Joaquin Maitorena, alferez of
Santa Bdrbara, besides a large concourse of soldiers,
civilians, and neophytes of San Juan and the neighbor-
ing missions. On the 9th of the same month were
transferred to the new church, from the former one,
the bones of Father Vicente Fuster, minister of the
mission, who died on the 2 1st of October, 1800. He
was, it will be remembered, the companion of Father
Jaume at San Diego in November 1775, at the time
the soul of Jaume was set free by the natives. All
this was not enough to intimidate a terrible earth-
quake, which cracked the walls and rattled down the
rafters and stones, killing forty -three persons, and se-
riously injuring a much larger number. This mark
of the Almighty's displeasure occurred on the 8th of
December, 1812.

Here let me relate a miracle. No one who ever
lived and worshipped God in California better deserves
a name in history and a place in heaven than Padre
Jose Maria Zalvidea. He was a missionary Martin
Luther, if such a monstrosity could be conceived of,
eminent in talents, virtues, and efficient services, par-
ticularly in the development of the material resources
of San Gabriel and other mission districts. He
greatly loved to engage in hand-to-hand conflict with
his archenemy, Satan, at whom he would scream,
kick, and incontinently spar with his fists, until the
devil was so frightened he dare not come near him.
After that he would mellow, like a great lump of sweet
cream, into the rich milk of human kindness.

One day in the spring of 1841, while the pious

190 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

father was blessing San Juan Capistrano by his pres-
ence, he walked out among the cattle, his eyes fixed
upon his holy book, his soul communing with heaven.

" Have a care, good father," shouted a vaquero.

"He for whom God cares, my son, himself need
have no care," calmly replied the priest, as he raised
his eyes and encountered the threatening attitude of a
mad bull. Then lowering them to his book again, he
continued his reading, turning neither to the right
hand nor to the left. The beast bellowed lustily ; the
father began to sing a hymn. The beast tore up the
earth with its feet, throwing dirt upon the sacred ves-
tures of the priest. Then the animal charged upon
the padre, while all who saw it held their breath in
horror, feeling sure that the next moment the good
man would be gored to death.

"Peace, peace, malignant spirit!" the father said
and smiled; "come, come, wouldst thou throw dirt
on me?"

The mad bull paused, then raised its head, dropped
its tail, and trotted away to another part of the field,
overcome by the power of God and the magic of a
good man's voice.

The mission Sari Gabriel Arcdngel, near Los An-
geles, was founded at royal expense, pursuant to orders
of Viceroy Marques de Croix and the visitador-general
of New Spain, Joseph de Galvez, by Father Junipero
Serra, president of the missions, on the 8th of Sep-
tember, 1771. Its first ministers were fathers Pedro
Benito Cambon and Joseph Angel Somera. The
number of baptisms of all classes from the foundation
to the 29th of December, 1850, was quite large, reach-
ing 9,123. The number of marriages is unknown, the
record being incomplete from 1840 to 1849. After
October 1850, the town of San Gabriel was in charge
of parish priests. The last certificate of interment,
dated December 28, 1850, bears the number 6.117, of
which 1,707 were prior to the end of 1800. Among
the gente de razon buried are included those who were

MISSION SAN GABRIEL. 191

inhabitants of the town of Los Angeles. Several
missionaries of the college have died, and been in-
terred in the church of this mission, to wit: July 28,
1803, Miguel Sanchez; October 12, 1804, Antonio
Cruzado, who had served 22 years in Sierra Gorda
and 33 in this California ; January 15, 1811, Francisco
Dumetz; June 16, 1821, Roman Ullibarri; December
21, 1821, Joaquin Pascual Nuez; July 6, 1831, Ge-
ronimo Boscana; and on July 16, 1833, Jose Bernardo
Sanchez, ex-president of the missions. Thomas Eleu-
terio Estenaga died some time in 1847, while on the
llth of November, 1850, Bias Ordaz breathed his
last.

This mission occupied one of the most charming
spots in California. Its gardens abounded in oranges,
grapes, figs, pomegranates, peaches, apples, limes,
pears, and citrons, and the air was perfumed with its
trees and flowers. Wine, brandy, and cattle were
here produced in great abundance.

People are apt to tell and believe great stories about
money. Large sums in specie have been reported as
existing at the missions, especially at San Gabriel,
but such statements should be taken with allowance.
Where was such money to come from? Most of the
transactions with merchants were exchange of goods.
There was some coin in the country, of course — more,
indeed, in the northern missions than at the south,
owing to trade with the Russians, who usually paid
for the wheat they bought partly in money. There-
fore, let it be understood that when I give the amount
of specie at a mission, I only repeat from the record,
but without fully believing it myself.

To drink and not get drunk; to teach temperance
and keep the world sober while manufacturing rum at
a good profit ; these are vital questions alike for good
livers, priests, and political economists. Janssens tells
a story showing how the liquor-loving savages of San
Gabriel used to outwit him while making into wine
and brandy the grape crop of the mission. It was in

192 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

1840, while Don Juan Bandini was in charge. Jans-
sens observed that the Indians at work about the
stills were always more than half drunk, and well
swollen out in face and belly; the question was, How
did they get hold of the liquor? In vain was every-
thing closely watched night and day, and every imagi-
nary loop-hole kept under lock and key. In vain
liberal rations of wine were dealt out to them morn-
ing, noon, and night. The mysterious intoxication
increased, and bellies and faces waxed bigger and
bigger. Finally it all came out, and no thirsty Maine
man or Boston anti-prohibitionist showed more
shrewdness in evading the law than these so lately
gentle heathen, thus whitewashed by civilization.

It was Janssens' custom, after he had fed the stills,
to leave the Indians tending the fires, while he retired
to his room, through which ran the tubes of the
brandy stills and the water, the only exit the fluid had
from the stills. It was a comparatively easy matter
to watch the master, and while he was not looking,
raise the cover of the stills and help themselves. This,
however, was soon detected, and padlocks put on the
covers, while the offenders were ironed. Then fol-
lowed a neater trick. The wine was conveyed from
the fermenting vats in barrels, with one of the heads
off, the head being carried at the end of a long stick
by the hindermost man. The burden was heavy, and
the poor carriers were permitted to set it down and
rest occasionally. " O, if this stick were only hollow I"
sighed the hindermost. "A cane would do," answered
the foremost, "and we could then take our turn carry-
ing the barrel-head." And so it all came about; after
which manifestation of the power of mind over matter,
it were calumny to say that these heathen could not
be christianized.

In a beautiful plain north of San Gabriel was the
mission of San Fernando, founded in 1797, where was
distilled annually two thousand gallons each of wine
and fine brandy. In 1826, besides large herds of

SAN FERNANDO AND SAN BUENAVENTURA. 193

cattle, slicep, horses, mules, and swine, it had in store
$50,000 worth of merchandise, and $90,000 in specie.

The mission of San Buenaventura owned about
1,500 square miles, sixteen leagues north of San Fer-
nando. Besides stock, orchards, and vineyards, it had,
ten years before its secularization in 1835, $35,000 in
merchandise, $27,000 in specie and church ornaments,
and clothing to the value of $61,000.

Saint Bonaventura, cardinal-bishop, was one of the
great doctors of the church, and ex-minister-general of
the Franciscans. This establishment, with the Santa
Bdrbara channel at its door, was founded at royal
expense on the 31st of March, 1782, by the father-
president, Junipero Serra, associated with Father
Pedro Benito Cambon — both priests remained in
charge temporarily until the arrival of the royal ship,
which brought out more missionaries. Anew church

O

was dedicated to the service of God in the mission on
the 9th of September, 1809, by its ministers, friars
Jose Senan and Marcos Antonio de Victoria, assisted
by the clergyman, Jose Ignacio Argiiello, a son of ex-
governor pro tern. Joseph Dario Argiiello of this Cal-
ifornia, and subsequently governor of Lower California,
and friars Luis Gil de Taboada, Jose Antonio Calzada,
Jose Antonio Urresti, and Jose Maria de Zalvidea,
ministers respectively of Santa BaYbara, Santa Ines,
San Fernando, and San Gabriel. On the llth of the
same month were transferred thereto from the old
church the remains of Father Vicente de Santa Ma-
ria, ex-minister, who died on July 16, 1806. This
church was greatly damaged by earthquakes, which
rendered it necessary to erect a temporary hut of straw
at San Joaquin and Santa Ana, about three quarters
of a league away, to serve as a temple. The people
had been obliged to move from the mission buildings,
fearing from the agitation of the sea that a tidal wave
would flood it. In November 1818, there was another
flight from the mission, during the presence of three
weeks and three days on the coast of two insurgent

CAL. PAST. 13

194 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

ships of Buenos Aires, which, under Bouchard, had
bombarded and plundered Monterey. There is an
entry in the book of baptisms of the mission, on the
30th of December, 1827, in which the minister, Friar
Josef Altimira, formerly of San Francisco, and who
first planted the symbol of Christianity in the Sonoma
valley, certifies having christened Papenajda, a half-
breed from the Hawaiian islands, "whose natives live
without knowing the true God, in a most dark and
diabolical superstition, practising idolatrous rites, and
paying a cult, ' muy animal 6 bestial que dan al padre
pe la mentira, y gefe de los abismos.'" The zealous
father stated this upon information given him by his
steward, an Englishman named George Colman, who
had lived ten years on those islands, and had lately
joined the catholics. Among the notable burials here
recorded were three soldiers, in 1810, murdered by
Mojaves, who visited the mission; of three Indian
centenarians, all women, one of 100, another of 105,
and the third of 114, and supposed to be even older.
Also, besides Father Santa Maria, were buried in the
mission church August 25, 1823, Jose Senan, vice-
prefect, and twice president of the missions; June 18,
1831, Francisco Suner.

Santa Barbara, famous for its choice wines and pro-
fuse hospitality, was located some nine leagues north
of San Buenaventura, upon a picturesque elevation
about three miles inland. The mission buildings were
of stone walls, with two towers at one end, between
which was a high gable, and two wings, all of stone.
The roof was covered with tiles laid in cement, and
in the towers were several richly toned bells from
Spain. In one of the wings lived the padres; the
other was the prison, while rows of adobe huts near
by were occupied by the Indians. Near the church
was a beautiful garden, surrounded by a high fence of
stone and cement, yielding a variety of choice fruit.
In front of the church were constructed of solid ma-
sonry a series of tasteful fountains, a pool, and a res-

MISSION SANTA BARBARA. 195

ervoir seventy feet long. Water was brought from
an adjoining hill through an open stone aqueduct, and
near it were the grist-mill and bath-house, the latter
a stone structure six by ten feet, over the door of
which a beautiful jet of water was thrown from a
stone lion's head. The water, after performing divers
duties, was carried to the tannery, and finally dis-
persed over the soil in irrigating canals. The church
was sixty by one hundred and sixty feet, forty feet in
height, and the walls eight feet in thickness. Paint-

O ' O

ings adorned the walls, and sepulchral vaults, the
final resting-place of the clergy, underlaid the floor.
Richly furnished dressing-rooms opened into the
church, and the ususl paraphernalia of worship adorned
the altar. From the chancel a door opened into a
walled cemetery consecrated to the burial of baptized
Indians. Within this enclosure was a general tomb,
six feet in depth, with heavy walls six feet apart, in
which the Indians were first buried. As the place
became filled, the bones were removed to a spot within
the enclosure.

According to a certificate of the father-president,
religious ceremonies were held by him on the spot
where the presidio was established on the 21st of
April, 1782. The foundation of a mission was sus-
pended till toward the end of 1786, when it was car-
ried out half a league to the northwest. Notable
events: January 10, 1795, Ignacio Rochin, soldier,
executed for murder; February 4, 1798, was buried
Captain Jose Francisco Ortega, who was a sergeant
of the troops at the foundation of San Diego in 1769,
a most efficient officer; February 11, 1801, Jose An-
tonio Rosas, a soldier, born in Los Angeles, convicted
of bestiale peccatum,, and sentenced to be burnt, together
with the beast, was shot; his body was passed over
fire, and then given Christian burial; February 24,
1824, there was an Indian revolt, and some twenty-
nine of the rebels were killed, thirteen of whom were
buried by the missionary, and the rest by their com-

196 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

panions; December 28, 1848, Joseph Lynch, Peter
Reiner, and Peter Quinn, murderers of the Reed fam-
ily in the mission San Miguel, were executed at Santa
Barbara, and buried in the city cemetery; Ramon
Rodriguez, who lost his life in the pursuit of these
malefactors, had been buried on the 13th of the same
month; February 26, 1852, Carlos Antonio Carrillo,
who, in 1838, received from Mexico the appointment
of governor of California, but was not permitted to
act as such by the northern Californians, was buried
here to-day. It is known that the remains of Gov-
ernor Figueroawere deposited in the mission in 1835.
though no record of the fact appears in its books.
There is no evidence that they were taken away again.
The following missionaries were buried in the mission
church, to wit: February 14, 1793, Antonio Paterna;
December 2, 1829, Antonio Jayme, who had served
upwards of 30 years in California; Antonio Menendez,
a Dominican, who was acting as chaplain of the pre-
sidio by permission of the father-president, Narciso
Duran; November 1834, Francisco Javier de Uria;
December 18, 1840, Buenaventura Fortuny; May 3,
1846, Francisco Garcia Diego, first bishop of the Cal-
ifornias, who died on the 30th of April, at the age of
sixty years; June 3, 1846, Narciso Duran, president
of the missions, one of the guardians of the vacant
diocese, who had been vicar-forain of the bishop of
Sonora, and twice prefect of the missions.

The missionary, Friar Luis Gil de Taboada, said
that on the 8th of December, 1812, while he was at
the presidio of Santa Barbara, the earth shook most
violently, and the sea receded, forming a high hill.
He, with all the people, ran toward the mission,
chanting the litany to the virgin Mary. Suddenly
there was a great calm. And yet all was not calm.
For, upon setting up in the ground a pole with a ball
upon the top, in a place where no wind blew upon it,
the ball was constantly in motion during eight days.
After that, the ball would keep still for two or three

SANTA FNS. 197

hours, and then move again. This lasted about a
fortnight. Hundreds of miracles went unrecorded
hereabout, because, first, they were too frequent to be
startling, and secondly, the fat priests were too lazy
to write them down.

It was an even thing between them sometimes —
Christ and Belial — as represented by the army chap-
lain and the soldiers, though when it came to the
darker-skinned natives — for that of the Mexican was
dark enough — both Christ and Belial were against
them.

There was Father Antonio Menendez, at one time
chaplain at Santa Barbara, a Dominican of gay feather
even for an army chaplain of the olden time. Men's
souls for heaven, but women for himself, he loved,
and wine and cards. This good man was once sta-
tioned at San Diego, at the time when Pio Pico as a
young man was trading between that point and Lower
California. One day Pico arrived with a fine lot of
sugar, upon which the good priest cast his eye covet-
ously.

" What say you, Don Pio, let me deal you a little
monte this evening?"

"With pleasure, holy father, and may Saint Domi-
nic help us."

Game after game continued, until when the short
hours were reached, all of Pico's sugar had melted
into the priest's capacious maw. And with this lot
of sugar was gone young Pico's entire capital, none of
which the priest offered to return. On the contrary,
he reviled his victim.

" Know you, Pio amigo, that you just now reminded
me of our Saviour's visit to this world ? "

" How so ? " growled Pico.

"Listen," said the priest:

" ' Cristo vino al mundo & redimir el pecado;
Vino por lana y se fue trasquiladol ' "

Which is to say :

Christ came to ransom man of woman born;
He sought his sheep, himself departed shorn.

198 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

The mission of Santa Ines, thirteen leagues north
of Santa Barbara, held less land than any of the oth-
ers, but it possessed beautiful horses, and vast herds
of other stock. In 1823, the property of this mission
was valued at $800,000.

The natives called the place Alajulapu. It was on
the 1 7th of September, 1804, that it was formally taken
from them by Father Estevan Tapis, president of the
missions, associated with three other missionaries. Its
first ministers were fathers Jose Antonio Calzada and
Jose Romualdo Gutierrez. Among others buried
here were the missionaries, Jose Antonio Calzada,
December 24, 1814, whose remains were transferred
on July 4, 1817, to the new church this day dedicated
to divine service; July 26, 1836, Marcos Antonio
Saizardo Vitoria y Odriozola; September 20, 1840,
Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta; May 24, 1842, Ramon
Abella; December 28, 1845, Juan Moreno. An ec-
clesiastical seminary was established here on the 4th
of May, 1844.

In 1836, when Colonel Mariano Chico, the newjefe
politico and comandante general, was in Santa Barbara,
on his way to Monterey to take formal possession of his
offices, Father Antonio Jimeno, then chief missionary cf
Santa Ines, provided a meal for him and suite at the
Tecolote, where lived the neophyte Cristobal Manojo,
an Indian sixty years old, but lively and witty, and with
Spanish speech peculiarly quaint. The savage was di-
rected by the father to be present, and attend on the
great man, who was apprised of the Indian's peculiar
wit and ways. But the fellow failed to present himself,
and only turned up after Chico had departed. Being
asked to account for his failure to come and present
his respects to the jefe politico, he answered:

"O, father, it did not suit me to be in company with
a bad man. He is a rascal. Don't you see he is a
boy, and wears spectacles? I saw him when he was
coming, and noticed his eyes looking from under his
spectacles. I am afraid of him."

PURISIMA AND SAN LUIS. 199

"Nay, not so," said the other, "he is a good gentle-
man; he is our general."

"Wait a while, and you will see," said the savage.
"A ver quien gana, tii 6 yo" — tell me by and by if he
be good or bad.

It is a matter of history that this jefe politico was
one of the most despotic rulers who ever came to the
Californias.

Then there was Purisirna, and the regal San Luis
Obispo, and fourteen leagues away San Miguel, whose
lands, sixty leagues in circumference, contained many
farming tracts of remarkable fertility.

La Purisima was first founded on the valley of the
Santa Rosa river, in the place called by the natives
Algsacupi, on the 8th of December, 1787, by Father
Fermin Francisco de Lasuen, president of the mis-
sions. Its first ministers were fathers Vicente Fuster
and Joseph Arroita. The mission was transferred,
on April 23, 1813, to the Canada de los Berros, and
the site called Amiiu by the Indians. Its ministers
then were Mariano Payeras and Antonio Ripoll. The
former, while prefect of the missions, died, and was
buried in this mission on the 29th of April, 1823. On
the 1st of January, 1836, there were in this estab-
lishment 192 men and 130 women.

The mission named Gloriosisimo Principe Arcdngel
Senor San Miguel was placed on the site known by
the natives as Raticd, or Vaticd. The date of foun-
dation was the 25th of July, 1797, and the founder,
President Lasuen. Its first ministers were friars
Buenaventura Sitjar and Antonio de la Concepcion.

The mission of San Luis Obispo, one of the wealthi-
est in California, was situated three miles from the
coast, and about eighteen leagues north from La
Purisima. Luis Martinez, under whose charge the
agriculture and industry of this mission assumed the
grandest proportions, was a man of no common energy
and ability. Every mountain stream was made tribu-
tary to his rich lands, which covered a wide area along

200 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

the ocean. He planted cotton, grew olives, taught
his Indians to catch otter, and navigate a launch to
Santa Barbara. At Santa Margarita was a well-filled
granary 190 feet long. Upon his table were always
found the choicest delicacies, rich wines, and game ;
and his guests were welcomed and entertained in a
princely manner. When obliged to abandon his
work, upon its secularization in 1834, it is said that
he returned to Spain with piety and industry well
rewarded in the shape of money to the amount of
$100,000. This the good father no doubt thought
better than taking his chances on everything in the
next world.

San Luis Obispo de Tolosa, this mission is called,
and it dates from the 1st of September, 1772, when
it was formed by Junipero Serra on the Canada de
los Osos, called by the natives Tixlini. The first
ministers who took charge of the spiritual and tem-
poral affairs of its neophytes were Domingo Juncosa
and Joseph Cavalier. The records of this mission are
incomplete. The number of baptisms therein from
the date of foundation to September 21, 1821, was
2,549. The original book of marriages was burnt
on November 29, 1776, at which time there had
been 56, and to the end of 1784, 163. The num-
ber of deaths to the 7th of November, 1838, includ-
ing a few not neophytes, were 2,441.

Jose de Jesus Pico, speaking of gold found near
the mission early in the century, says : " To several
of us Father Luis A. Martinez, in 1829, gave gold;
to myself, Raimundo, and Gabriel de la Torre, and
Francisco Soto, he made a present of about twenty
ounces of gold, not coined, but in little balls of one
ounce each ; because he had much affection for us,
who had been his pupils and acolytes here in the mis-
sion where we learned to chant church music. The
two brothers Raimundo and Gabriel and I had been
with the padre over a year before we enlisted as
soldiers. This gold must have been found at the

SOLEDAD. 201

place called San Jose, near the mission. There were
then — we being little boys — about twelve Spaniards
within the site proper of the mission, who, as I be-
lieve, were engaged in cleaning silver and gold; and
I ground my belief on this, that the father had many
flasks of quicksilver, together with tools and materials
for cleaning these metals. I know this, that we often
desired to go in and see what these men were doing,
and never were permitted. It was only some Indian
alcalde that was allowed to enter the quarters under
menace of severe punishment if he divulged any
secret.". . ."When Jose Mariano Bonilla took charge
of the mission he still found a room full of flasks of
quicksilver and cotton, and it was he who sold the
quicksilver to a vessel."

This Martinez once travelled from San Luis Obispo
to San Cdrlos in a fine coach, with coachman and pos-
tillion. The two savages who served in the latter
capacity were gorgeously attired, silver and gold trap-
pings shining resplendent. Now when this came to
the ears of the father-prefect, Sarria, who was humil-
ity itself, he was wroth, and Martinez was severely
reprimanded for his violation of the rules of the
Franciscans, as in this carriage ride, however much
he may have enjoyed it, there was about it little pov-
erty or humility.

It was customary for the prelate and the mission-
aries to assemble from time to time at the San Cdrlos
mission for the purpose of consultation. On such
occasions the missionaries proceeded to Monterey in
carriages, while others rode on horseback. From

O '

Monterey to the Carmelo, some four or five miles, all
walked, proceeding in double file, the Indian servants
in charge of the carriages and animals bringing up
the rear.

In the plain called Llano del Rey, fifteen leagues
south-west from Monterey, stood Soledad, the inde-
fatigable father of which mission, in order to obtain a
plentiful supply of water, constructed with Indian

202 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

labor an aqueduct fifteen miles in length, by means
of which 20,000 acres of fertile land was every year
redeemed for the summer drought. So rapidly did
horses breed at this mission that they were given
away at times in order to preserve pasturage for
cattle.

Nuestra Senora de la Soledad was placed on the
site named by the natives Chuttusgelis, the 9th of
October, 1791, by the father president. Lasuen, who
made Friars Diego Garcia, and Mariano Rubf its first
ministers. The records show that there were 2,290
baptisms to 1841, 738 marriages, and 1887 deaths in
the same period. This mission holds the remains of
Colonel Jose Joaquin de Arrillaga, governor and
commander of the forces of California, who died there
on the 24th of July 1814, and was buried the 26th;
also those of the missionary Florencio Ibanez, who
was buried on November 18, 1818.

Mrs Ord states that the mission San Miguel was
visited by her in 1833, when it still retained its
wealth, Father Cabot showing her the warehouses
full of produce and goods; there was also a consider-
able amount of money. When she was there again
in 1835, she did not see even a tumbler to drink out
of, and had to use a small jicara that she had with
her. All the effects of the mission, the cattle inclu-
sive, had disappeared.

The mission San Antonio de Padua was begun on
the 14th of July 1771. It is situated in the sierra of
Santa Lucia and Canada de los Osos. Its founder
was Serra, and its first ministers were Friars Miguel
Pieras and Buenaventura Sitjar. The number of
baptisms effected in it to the 14th of June 1850 was
4,571; of marriages to June 18, 1846, 1,282; of
deaths to April 22, 1849, 4,063. Interred in this
church were: March 15, 1801, Francisco Puyol, min-
ister of San Carlos, and September 3, 1808, Buena-
ventura Sitjar, both of whose remains were on the
14th of June, 1813, placed in one grave in the pres-

MISSION SAN ANTONIO. 203

bytery; February 8, 1830, Juan Bautista Sancho,
who with Father Pedro Cabot left Spain in company
and lived together for a period of twenty-six years in
this mission; May 24, 1835, Vicente Francisco de
Sarria, minister of La Soledad, and who had served as
prefect of the missions two terms of six years each.
On the death of the president, Father Senan, who
named Sarria his successor in August 1823, the latter
assumed the duties, calling himself vice-president of
the missions. Through his mediation the Indian
revolt at Santa Ines, La Purisima, and Santa Barbara
in 1824, was terminated. When the mission San
Antonio was in charge of fathers Juan Cabot and
Juan B. Sancho, the latter directed agricultural oper-
ations, and also attended to the music, the mission
having a good orchestra. He always kept near his
person a handsome Indian boy named Josafat, who
was charged to give timely warning of the venomous
ants abounding in that region. Nevertheless the
padre was often bitten, and then Josafat received a
whipping at the hands of the mestizo, Antonio Rosas.
Later Josafat became a good cook, whereupon the
pious Sancho gormandized, and in consequence often
had the stomach ache, for which Josafat was blamed,
and given six or eight lashes, which caused the latter
to ruminate on the mysterious ways of providence.
These facts were obtained from Josafat himself in
1847, when he was still living in San Antonio at an
advanced age.

A redeemed red man, named Jacinto, was once de-
tected by Father Ambris, the parish priest, carrying
off some fruit from the mission orchard at San An-
tonio hidden in a corner of his blanket. On being
called a thief and a shameless fellow, he answered,
"No Senor, I am no thief; those trees were sprinkled
by my father and myself with the blood of our loins
and buttocks. They did not cost you anything; and
you claim them as your own simply because you say
to us 'Dominus Vobiscum." Whereupon he turned

204

away, imitating the padre's lame walk and laughing
at him. Oh, the beast, the backslider! But was
there not here in this benighted brain more of mani-
fest thought and originality of ideas than are found
in twenty scores of pulpits?

Early in 1835 there was an Indian uprising ; about
300 armed savages coming to the mission and threat-
ening to kill the administrator, Mariano Soberanes,
and his family, who had to shut themselves up in the
mansion and barricade its doors. But through the
eloquent pleadings of Captain Juan de D. Padilla, an
old veteran of the Mexican war of independence, and
the clerk and schoolmaster Florencio Serrano, and
their good offices with Father Vazquez del Mercado,
who seemed to be the instigator of the insurrectionary
movement, the Indians retired without committing

* O

any violence. A few days later Administrator Sobera-
nes was recalled by Governor Figueroa.

San Antonio was on a stream sixteen leagues north
of San Miguel. Its lands embraced a circuit of forty-
eight leagues, and the waters of San Antonio were
conducted for twenty miles in paved trenches and dis-
pensed over rich tracts.

La Purisirna was seven leagues northward from
Santa Ines, in the Coast Range, with about 1,300
square miles of land. This mission was likewise cele-
brated for the beauty and speed of its horses. At one
time cattle increased to such an extent that permits
were granted by the presiding priest for free slaugh-
ter in order to reduce^ the number. Thousands were
killed under these permissions for the hides and tallow.

In the valley of Carmelo, which opens upon the
little bay four miles south of Monterey, and through
which winds a beautiful stream, stood the imposing
mission of San Cdrlos, founded in 1770, and secular-
ized with the rest by 1835. It was an undulating,
grassy country, over which were scattered oak, pine,
and birch trees, the whole carpeted and perfumed
with flowers in the spring. The mission buildings

MISSION SAN CA"RLOS. 205

Stood on an elevation near the sea, and enclosed a
square of about half an acre. On the north side of
the square was the church and the apartments of the
padres, while the adobe houses of the natives occu-
pied the other sides. The dining-hall adjoining the
church was about twenty by forty feet, with grated
windows and wooden inside shutters. On one side
was an aperture through which food from the kitchen
was passed, while from the other sides doors opened
into the four cells of the friars. An outside stairway
led to the church tower, where hung six bells, one of
which rang for meals, work, and rest, and the others
for church services; and by means of which the daily
routine of the mission was conducted with such regu-
larity that even the laboring animals understood and
obeyed. Ten years before its fall a piratical cruiser
was reported on the coast, when the worthy frairs
counted up their specie to bury it, and 'found on hand
$40,000. The place was deserted in 1840, overgrown
with grass and brush, with scattering Indian huts in
the vicinity, a family of half-breeds keeping the keys
of the church.

The mission San Carlos Borromeo was originally
founded on June 3, 1770, on a site a gunshot from the
beach of Monterey, and three times as far from the
port on an inlet communicating with the bay at high
water. It was transferred in 1771 to Carmelo bay
and river; hence it has often been called mission del
Carmelo, but San Cdrlos was always its proper name.
The foundation was made by Serra, at royal expense,
like that of the other missions, and its first ministers
were the father president and Father Juan Crespi.
Among those buried in its church were : August 29,
1784, prefect and president, Jumpero Serra, doctor of
philosophy, by Father Francisco Palou, in the pres-
ence among others of the reverend Cdrlos Diaz, cap-
tain of the royal vessel San Carlos, and friars Buena-
ventura Sitjar, minister of San Antonio, Mathias de
Santa Catharina of San Cdrlos, and Antonio Paterna

206 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

of San Luis Obispo. June 27, 1803, was interred
Fermin Francisco de Lasuen, president of the mis-
sions, vicar-forain for the bishop of Sonora, commis-
sary of the Inquisition. He was buried by Father
Baltasar Carnicer, Lieutenant-Colonel Jose Antonio
Romeu, governor and commander of the forces, who
died at Monterey on April 9, 1792, was buried at
San Carlos on the following day. Lieutenant-colonel
Pedro de Alberni, captain of the Catalan infantry
company, and military commandant of Alta Califor-
nia, who died at Monterey, March 11, 1802, was like-
wise buried here.

The edifice had a single aisle. In the south was a
small chapel, being the first church founded by Father
Junipero Serra, and was named Capilla de los Dolores.
In the centre of the altar in this chapel was a large
statue of Christ, later placed in the catholic parish
church at Monterey. In the same parochial church
were placed a St John the Evangelist and a Dolorosa,
formerly belonging to that chapel. Above the sanc-
tuary of the large church was the chief or high altar.
St Charles, the patron saint, occupied a niche oppo-
site the centre of the altar, St Joseph on one side,
and St Anthony with the child Jesus on the other.
There were other niches with statues of the arch-
angels, and other altars with saints and devices of the
catholic worship. The church had two towers, one
of them arched with four large bells which were
heard at the presidio ; the other tower had two bells.
Among the statues and pictures were those of St
Benedict of Palermo, a Dolorosa with Christ dead in
her arms, and a small statue of Christ of the size of
an average child of two years. Of pictures there
was a St Rose, one of Glory, another of Hell, ex-
hibiting the condemned in their tortures. There were
fourteen paintings of the passion of Christ, which
were placed in the parish church of Monterey. There
was one remarkable painting representing a beautiful,
vain woman with a snake coiled around her arm, and

AN AMOROUS POET. 207

in the act of biting her under one of her breasts, the
ornaments in her ears and on her arms were toads,
serpents, and other unclean animals.

Paulino Serra, an Indian who was baptized at the
San Cilrlos mission by the father president, was till
the day of the priest's death his body servant. Pau-
lino was married, but not satisfied for he became
enamoured of the caporal's wife. He was a knowing
chap; and though his Spanish was imperfect, he was
none the less thereby prevented from perpetrating
poetry. On day while sitting at the house of Toribio
Martinez, an old soldier and founder of the presidio,
situated in the Huerta Vieja, just out of the presidio's
walls, he broke out in the following quatrain

Aqui me siento, me canto,
Rimado con el Pader
A ver si puedo me saco
Del caporal su mujer.

Which transformed into correct Spanish would be

Aqui me siento d cantar
Arrimado a esta pared
Por ver si puedo. sacar
Del caporal la mujer.

which signifies that he was there singing, seated by
the wall, to see if he could not draw out the idol of
his heart, the caporal's wife.

On St John's day in 1842 Rafael Gonzalez of Mon-
terey invited several friends to dine with him. He
had an Indian cook named Principis, an ex-neophyte
of the San Cdrlos mission, of whom he was particularly
proud.

" I will show you this day, senores, specimens of
the culinary art such as you do not often encounter."

The viands were thereupon ordered served. The
guests waited, but nothing was brought in. Gonzalez
grew impatient, and asked of his servants if dinner
was not yet ready.

"No, nor will it be, I fear, senor."

"What!" demanded the master.

"There is no dinner."

"No dinner! Send hither the cook."

208 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

"Now, fellow, tell me, why dost thou not serve the
dinner ? "

"Senor, it has all been eaten," coolly answered the
savage.

"All eaten; what do you mean7?"

"Dost not thou eat every day, Senor? Months
pass, sometimes, wherein my parientes may not once
fairly fill themselves. I cannot see my kindred suffer I "

Within an amphitheatre of mountains benched by
scalloped hills arid broad flats sinks a basin, rimmed
even on the seaward side ; and in this basin sits the
town of Santa Cruz; while on the rim, at the end
of the bench, where the river San Lorenzo breaks
through, and amidst hundreds of beautiful homes,
stands the mission, the old church — which the last
time I saw it was in use as a stable — cornering on the
bluff, with an irregular square in front of it. Patches
of fresco still adhered to the walls of the chapel.

On the left, looking toward the ocean down a steep
embankment, is the broad river-bottom of the San
Lorenzo, covered with waving foliage of every hue of
green. Beyond, the bank rises into a bluff again,
back of it the plain or bench, and back of that the
mountains. From this point the western sun sinks,
not into the sea, but behind the hills. Just above the
lighthouse is a stony beach, the strata upturned edge-
wise, and upon this unyielding barrier, full of holes
and abrasions, the waves break eternally, wave after
wave, every moment one. Thus at Santa Cruz to-
day is seen a city with its shops, churches, and
temples of sensuality; its street-cars, telegraphs, and
diverging lines of railways; its bummers and boot-
blacks ; its lawyers, doctors, and merchants ; its milli-
ners and milliner-made women. •

The mission was founded on the 25th of September,
1791, its first ministers being friars Alonso Salazar
and Baldomero Lopez. On the 10th of May, 1794,
Friar Thomas de la Pena, associated with other priests,
dedicated, with the usual pomp, the new church.

SANTA CRUZ. 209

Garcia Diego, bishop of the Californias, on the 16th
of June, 1844, declared its main altar privileged, in
that all priests, whether secular or regular, officiating
thereat, might free from the sufferings of purgatory
the soul of the person in whose behalf the holy sacri-
fice of the mass should be applied, this privilege to be
good only for one hundred years, reckoned from said
year. The bishop ordered the minister of Santa Cruz
to give due publicity to his decree. This mission was
plundered by Indians and others in 1818, during the
removal of valuables, because of the invasion and
bombardment of Monterey by two armed insurgent
vessels from Buenos Aires under Bouchard. A gen-
eral inventory and valuation of the mission and its
property, made on December 1, 1835, showed the
total of assets to be $84,335, and of liabilities, $4,979.
The mission had 3,700 head of neat cattle, 110 tame
horses, 400 mares, and 2,900 head of sheep, 28 hogs,
besides 30 yoke of oxen, 41 mules, 7 jacks, 4 pregnant
jennies, and a drove of yeguas aburradad.

A monster of cruelty ruled here froni 1818 to 1821
— Father Ramon Olbes, though he kept the neophytes
well clothed and fed. He would attend in person to
the distribution of rations, first to the men and then
to the women. Once he noticed two neophyte women
with scratched faces, for they had been fighting. One
of them was childless. Olbes inquired into the cause
of the quarrel, and demanded the reason of the woman
having no children, why it was so. Neither decency
nor humanity restrained the priest. He would not
accept the woman's explanation, and undertook to ex-
amine her person, but she resisted so violently that he
was obliged to call to his aid the alcalde and the in-
terpreter. Thereupon the brutes stripped the woman,
and had her severely flogged, after which she was
placed in irons, and confined in the monferio, or single
women's quarters. The next step taken by this nine-
teenth century missionary of Christ was to have a
wooden doll made, resembling a new-born child, and

CAL. PAST. 14

210 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

compelled the woman to carry it about as if it were
her infant, thus wreaking his revenge, and bringing
the poor creature into deep debasement by reason of
her infirmity. For nine days she was compelled to
present herself at the church door with this insult in
her arms. All the sterile women became greatly
alarmed lest they should be so treated. The woman's
husband must likewise be brought into ridicule. A
pair of ox-horns were fastened with thongs to his
head, in which guise, being also in irons, the man was
brought from his prison to attend mass every day.
As he passed along, the other Indians mocked him,
playing with him as with a bull.

Upon the authority of Lorenzo Asisara, a neophyte
born at this mission, this same Father Olbes often
had the Indians flogged on their bellies. Even chil-
dren of eight or ten years were given twenty-five
lashes by the hand of a strong man, either on the back
or belly, according to the padre's whim. He never
ordered less than fifty lashes to a grown man or wo-
man. Once there was a riot, because he wanted to
flog on the belly a man named Ddmaso, who had not
been at work that afternoon, and was somewhat late
in reporting himself after working hours.

The mission of San Juan Bautista, situated thirty
miles northeasterly from Monterey, was founded in
1794, and secularized in 1834. In 1820, it owned
$75,000 in merchandise, $20,000 in specie, 44,000 cat-
tle, 69,000 sheep, and 6,000 horses.

The aboriginal name of the place was Popeloutachom.
The father-president, Lasuen, officiated at the found-
ing, on the 21st of June, 1797, and the first ministers
appointed thereto were Joseph Manuel de Martiarena
and Pedro Adriano Martinez. The number of chris-
tenings effected from the foundation to the 9th of
December, 1849, was 4,896, including the gente de
razon ; that of marriages to November 29, 1849, Ir313 ;
and that of burials to November 23, 1849, 4,617.
There are burials recorded in the mission books :

SAN JUAN AND SANTA CLARA. 211

tember 14, 1808, Father Andres Dulanto; November
25, 1821, Sebastian Arrista, "intendente honoraris de
provincia, comendado de la real 6rden americana de
Isabel la catdlica," a native of and refugee from Peru,
who died on the 24th; November 4, 1825, Father
Estevan Tapis, minister of the mission, and ex-presi-
dent of the missions. He had been minister of other
missions. A poor fellow, buried October 28, 1819,
lost his life "because he ate tobacco mixed with burnt
shells, which is customary among the Indians." On
the 13th of June, 1803, was laid the corner-stone for
a new church, which was finished and dedicated to
the service of God on the 23d of June, 1812.

Six miles from the embarcadero, at the southern
extremity of the bay of San Francisco, in one of the
richest valleys of the state, is situated the mission of
Santa Clara, which in 1823 branded as one year's in-
crease 22,400 calves. Besides a most magnificent
church edifice, garnished with massive silver, the mis-
sion owned merchandise to the amount of $120,000,
75,000 head of cattle, 6,000 horses, and 82,000 sheep.

This mission was established on the 12th of Janu-
ary, 1777, by Junipero Serra, on the site called by the
natives Thamien, and dedicated to " Santa Clara de
Assis, virgen, abadesa, y matriarcha de su celeberrima
religion." Its first ministers were friars Joseph An-
tonio de Murguia and Thomas de la Pena. On the
19th of November, 1781, was laid by Serra the cor-
ner-stone of a new church for the mission, which being
finished on the fifth Sunday after easter, was on that
day solemnly dedicated to divine service by Father
Serra, in the presence of fathers Francisco Palon and
Pena. Governor Pedro Fages, who acted as secular
sponsor, and Joseph Joachim Moraga, commandant of
the presidio of San Francisco, were also present. On
the 6th of March, 1833, the mission was transferred
by the Fernandino friars to those of the college of
Guadalupe de Zacatecas, and several ministers have
been buried in the church of this mission: May 12,

212 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

1784. Joseph Antonio de Jesus Maria Murguia, and
on the 22d of November, 1830, Magin Catala, to
whom was popularly attributed certain miraculous
powers, on the strength of which, it is presumed, the
church took, in 1884, preliminary steps toward his
beatification. Eusebio Galindo says: "Very many
years before the Americans took this country, he told
us we were to be witnesses of extraordinary events,
including atmospheric changes, droughts, and other
calamities, predicting at the same time the discovery
of great riches toward the north, the coming of im-
mense numbers of strangers from all parts of the
world, and the establishment of many religious sects.
He likewise announced that the missionaries would be
expelled from California, but he would remain till
death overtook him, which came to pass.

According to Kotzebue, tiie monjerio of Santa
Clara in 1824 was entitled to the name of dungeon.
He says the dungeons were opened two or three times
a day to allow the inmates to attend church ; that he
saw the girls rush eagerly to breathe the fresh air,
and were driven into the church by an old white man
with a stick. After church service, they were driven
back to their prisons. Some had their feet ironed, as
a consequence of detected transgression.

In a rich valley east of the southern end of San
Francisco bay, and fifteen miles north of the town
which bears its name, was situated the mission of San
Jose. This establishment for many years supplied
the Russian settlements with grain. The archives
now before me affirm that from 80 bushels of wheat
sown was gathered the same year 8,600 bushels, and
the year following, from the scatterings of the first
harvest, 5,200 bushels. Besides a fine vineyard and
fruit-trees, in 1825 it owned 62,000 cattle, besides
horses, sheep, and mules, and watched over 3,000
Indians.

Mission San Jose boasted a good stone church,
which was preserved beyond the days of secularization.

MISSION SAN JOS& 213

The place where was founded this mission was
called by the natives Oroysom. On the llth of June,
1797, the father-president, Lasuen, performed the
ceremony, its first ministers being padres Isidro Bar-
cenilla and Agustin Merino; but the first baptism
took place only on the 2d of September of that year.
The number of baptisms at this church from that date
to May 8, 1859, was 8,945; that of marriages from
September 24, 1797, to May 17, 1859, 2,587; and of
deaths to April 25, 1859, 6,945. There is no entry
in the book of interments for the period from May 1,
1849, to May 18, 1850. There is an entry by Father
Duran on May 7, 1832, which says, " estoy aburrido
con tanto enfermo, y morirse estos indios mas fragiles
que el vidrio"; adding that he had five boys whose
only occupation was to keep him advised of Indians
taken sick, that no one should die without the sacra-
ments. Father Rafael de Jesus Moreno, minister of
Santa Clara, one of the college of Guadalupe Zacate-
cas, was buried here on June 9, 1839. Jose Maria
Amador assures us that the Indians of mission San
Jose were dealt with most rigorously. Violations of
duty were seldom overlooked, a slight punishment be-
ing fifteen lashes, and a more serious one twenty-five.
Any Indian failing to attend his work for two weeks,
without leave or without good excuse, received fifty
lashes. Fighting in the rancherias, accompanied with
bloodshed, was punished with one hundred lashes, and
the offenders were also kept in irons at the guard-
house during the hours of rest for a week or two.
Indians who failed to present themselves for prayers
at the church were recorded in a list. No Indian was
ever sent for, but when he made his appearance, the
father at San Jose would say, "dente el socorro espi-
ritual "- —let him have the spiritual relief, according to
the fault; if the absence had been of one day, six
lashes; if from two days to a week, fifteen to twenty-
five lashes. Sometimes the grim inquisitor would
wax facetious over his painful duty.

214 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

"Ah, Lugo, is that you ? Which way sits the wind,
my son?"

" From the southwest, Senor.

"Yes, yes," Duran would say, striking a meditative
attitude. "Well, let it rain."

Then, as the "spiritual relief" fell on the shoulders
of the culprit, the good father would stand by and
emphasize the blows by ridicule or cutting irony, or
if in the humor, he might remit a portion of the pun-
ishment.

Every day there were a number of Indians flogged
— some days as many as ten. The Indians did not
seem greatly to mind short floggings, for after receiv-
ing them, they would rise up cheerfully and go to
their work.

Jose Maria Amador, who relates to me the above,
says that he never saw at the missions of Santa Clara,
San Jose, San Francisco de Asis, San Rafael, or San
Francisco Solano, the cruel punishments inflicted of
which he heard as occurring at Santa Cruz, San An-
tonio, and other places. He looks upon the punish-
ments he witnessed in the light more of reprimands
than cruelty.

He relates an occurrence at Santa Clara, while
Padre Jose Viader had charge of the mission. Three
Indians had failed to appear at roll-calling. There
was a large hole in the ground near the ayunte, into
which the three Indians, by the advice of a soldier,
went, and covered themselves with dry grass, which
the soldier set fire to. The Indians rushed out, greatly
frightened, which set the padre roaring with laughter.
They came and knelt before him, kissing his hand,
and he forgave them.

The Indians had converts to their beliefs as well as
the Christians. For instance : the owl could paralyze
the forefeet of horses on dark nights so that they
could not travel. Then there were miracles in the
form of sleight-of-hand. Amador says that when he
was majordomo of the mission San Jose, an Indian of

MISSION SAN FRANCISCO. 215

Santa Clara, named Firmo, often came there to pro-
mote dances and practise devilish tricks. On such
visits, the San Josd Indians failed to report for work.
Father Gonzalez ordered Amador to ascertain the
cause of such absences. He disguised himself and
went to the woods where the dance was going on.
The Indians recognized him, but said nothing to the
sorcerer. This man swallowed a piece of pita, or agave
fibre, saying beforehand that a viper would come out
of one of his big toes, and it so happened. He did it
twice, with the utmost neatness, and Amador was
greatly surprised. However, he had the fellow seized,
bound, and carried to the mission, where he was put
in irons, and awarded a novenary of twenty-five lashes,
that is to say, this number of lashes every day during
nine days, to teach him that he should not practise
deviltry, and that it might serve as a warning to
others.

The Santa Clara mission buildings were once of
broad extent, and the seat of much wealth. The
padre president sought to forestall the inroads of civ-
ilization by leaving the surrounding lands to immi-
grants ; but the inevitable was thus but for a short
time warded off.

Mission San Francisco was founded on the 1st of
August, 1776, and its first ministers were fathers
Francisco Palou and Pedro Benito Cambon. The
corner-stone of a new church was laid April 25, 1782.
The record says that under the stone were placed
some relics — bones of Saint Pius, and other saints,
five medals, and a considerable quantity of silver coin.
The mission was visited by an epidemic of measles .in
1806, causing the death of 236 children between the
24th of April and the 27th of June. The following
entry appears in the book of interments, under date
of July 22, 1814, and signed by Father Ramon Abella :
"Buried to-day Biridiana, the last adult that saw the
first ministers who founded the mission ; at that time
she was about 25 years of age; "y de seis leguas al

216 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

contomo todos se han muerto de los que vieron a los
primeros padres ; y de los que han nacido despues
raros son los que viven." This resulted in 38 years; and
it must be borne in mind that to the 20th 01 January,
1810, 3,896 Indians had been baptized, besides 197
children de razon. It is therefore not to be wondered
at that a project was entertained since 1822 to trans-
fer the mission to the northeastern contra costa, on the
gentile frontier. In March 1823, Father Jose Alti-
mira, then a minister of San Francisco, in a memorial
to Governor Argtiello, recommended the transfer, and
an exploration was authorized and effected, the symbol
of Christianity being planted by the missionary in the
Sonoma valley on the 4th of July, 1823. San Fran-
cisco was represented to be on its last legs, and San
Rafael, a branch of said mission, could not subsist
alone. Altimira, by the governor's authority, went
over to San Rafael, and took possession of the prop-
erty. On the 23d, he departed for Sonoma, with an
escort and laborers, and at once commenced to erect
necessary buildings. However, the father-prefect
opposing the scheme, and complaining of such usurpa-
tion of his prerogative, much correspondence ensued,
until finally a compromise was arrived at. New San
Francisco was to remain as a mission of regular stand-
ing, with Altimira as its first minister, but he was to
retain his connection as an associate with old San
Francisco. Neither this mission nor San Rafael was
suppressed. It was -agreed, however, that neophytes
of old San Francisco could, if they wished, be trans-
ferred to San Rafael, and return within a year.

• A soured sailor of the Dutch-English persuasion,
just prior to the middle of the century, saw in the
sheltered plain of Dolores about twenty scattered
houses, the only sign of activity being the bringing in
of a bullock. "The road to the mission was fatiguing
and monotonous," he says, ''and led through thickets
of low trees and deep sand. The surrounding coun-
try was far from being picturesque; we saw it, more-

SITE OF THE FUTURE METROPOLIS. 217

over, under sad auspices, ruinous, dirty, and about to
become the abode of the Mormonites. The church
of the mission, a slovenly, ill-built edifice, decorated
in a tawdry, unpleasant style, common in the poorer
churches in Spain and Italy, was still in repair.
The houses intended for the Indians, were of the
meanest description, mere mud hovels, with only one
apartment, but disposed regularly in ranges and
streets. These were for the married couples; those
Indians who remained single were locked up in a
quadrangle, formed by the houses of the superior,
the priests, and officers of the establishment. The
church, the factories or workshops, and the prison —
everything, was carried on within itself; carpenter-
ing, weaving, blacksmiths' work, were all pursued
with success under the auspices of the industrious,
painstaking padres. However, the confinement in
which the Indians were kept, and a solitary life, were
usually found so irksome that few of them contin-
ued long under lock and key ; they soon acquiesced
in that state of passive obedience which it was
the aim of the institution to establish. That the
fathers did not go beyond appears to have been their
great fault, the rock on which their system struck.
We found the house of the superior in the posses-
sion of some Mormons, who had arrived in great
force; they are a peculiar sect with sensual maxims,
but apparently as long as they can exist in plenty,
disposed to be harmless." Here are our blessed peo-
ple brought down to the level of swine, and Latter-
day Saints placed on a par with rattlesnakes which will
not bite unless unduly stirred up !

In San Francisco Bay, and all along the coast, seals
and sea-otter were very numerous. Senor Amador,
of Mission San Jose, affirms that in 1830 with three
or four natives he lassoed thirty out of a hundred sea-
otter which he found at Point Quintin. The last of
the race within the Golden Gate were at the mouth
of Sonoma Creek, a small but happy family, under

218 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

the protection of Vallejo. There they enjoyed un-
disturbed their ancient home until 1846, when certain
hunters crept in from Santa Bdrbara in light canoes
and shot every one of them, securing forty-two skins
valued at sixty dollars each.

In 1825 the property of the mission of San Fran-
cisco consisted of lands forty leagues in circumference,
$35,000 in merchandise and $25,000 in specie, 76,000
head of cattle, 3,000 horses, 79,000 sheep, 2,000 hogs,
and 18,000 bushels of wheat and barley.

The record books of the mission San Rafael have
been nearly all lost. I found at Saint Vincent's
Orphan Asylum one book of marriages, and at the
parish church of Dolores one of baptisms, marriages,
and deaths; the former beginning in August 1840, af-
forded no information worth relating here. The latter
shows that San Rafael Arcdngel, called an aswtencia
was founded at the placed called by the natives
Nanaguanui, by the father prefect Sarria on the 14th
of December, 1817, in the presence of fathers Abella,
Gil, and Duran. Father Luis Gil was placed in
charge, but it was declared that San Rafael being a
part of San Francisco, the ministers could act at
either place. The saintly missionary Juan Amoros
who had been serving in California since September
1804, the first fifteen years in San Cdrlos, and the
remainder of the time in San Rafael, died July 14,

1832, and was buried here.

Mission San Francisco Solano, situated in the
Sonoma Valley, began its work on the 26th of De-
cember, 1823, with the burial of an Indian woman
from San Francisco; on the 4th of April 1824 oc-
curred the first baptism. The number of baptisms
from that date to the end of 1839 was 1,494; that of
interments to the end of 1839 was 875. The record
shows that the mission was visited by a pestilence in

1833, and that about sixty natives died of it between
August 13th and November 28th. The smallpox
raged badly from July to December 1838.

FATHER JOSE SORENIZO QUIJAS. 219

The last minister of San Francisco Solano was Padre
Jose Lorenzo Quijas. In person he was large and
of great strength ; in character he was resolute and
fearless. Alvarado says that he excelled in oratorical
powers and, being no hyprocrite, he did not hesitate to
inveigh from the pulpit against what seemed to him
immoral, whether the offender was grandee or churl.
Kind-hearted as well as strong-minded, he was often
found on the side of the weak. Feeling it his duty
to champion the cause of certain prisoners in confine-
ment, in 1838, at Sonoma, the bold friar found him-
self in collision with the feudal lord of the north.
Again in 1843, when Vallejo resisted the collection of
tithes for the purpose of founding a seminary at
Santa Barbara, Quijas was unsparing in upbraiding
the recusant son of the church.

At the same time his own moral character was by
no means above reproach. He preached well, and
fought well for the right ; but he could not help lov-
ing wine and women, for he was human; besides,
could he not sell himself whatever indulgence he re-
quired, being one of the Lord's anointed? In taking
the habit of his order, there clung to him some of
the old Adam of his early life, for in his youth,
Father Quijas had earned his living as a muleteer.
He had five trains of pack -mules, and used to carry
goods to Santa Fe, bringing back to Mexico beeves
and sheep. He fell hi love with a fair Santaferiana
who jilted him, and in despair he became a friar.
Salvador Vallejo says that during the first few years
of his residence at Sonoma he was considered a model
of virtue, but by reason of frequent visits to the
trading vessels his morals were corrupted, and he
took to strong drink, which ultimately made a wreck
of him. He frequently went, without a pass, to
Ross, and always returned full of liquor, and bring-
ing plenty with him. The Russians themselves, no
triflers with the bottle, swore that Father Quijas
could hold his own with any Kadiak at Ross, while

220 GOLDEN AGE OF CALirORNIA.

Alvarado, who was well qualified to form an opinion
in the matter, held that the friar could lay any man
in California under the table.

In his cups he was, up to a certain stage, good-
humored and agreeable, but when he exceeded that
limit, which was almost always the case, he became
quarelsome, and even dangerous.

Arnaz; relates that when the governor of Ross
visited San Francisco, a ball was given on board the
Russian vessel. This ball Father Quijas attended,
and was so carried away by his enthusiasm that he
hastened to borrow Arnaz' coat in order to take part
in the dance.

The estimated wealth of the twenty-one missions
at the time of their opulence, in stock and grain, was
$435,000, San Gabriel heading the list with $110,000,
while San Rafael had but $5,000 worth of property.

All the missions of Upper California were under
the control of a father president, who was responsible
for his actions only to his superiors of the college of
San Fernando in the city of Mexico. Each mission
was directly managed by a resident priest, whose
power over his flock was absolute, but who was sub-
ject to removal from one mission to another by the
father president. It was the duty of the resident
father to keep books of accounts and to make annual
returns to the father president, which should be a
faithful exhibit of the state of his charge, both 'in
sacred and secular things ; it should state the number
of baptisms and conversions, births, marriages, and
deaths ; and should set forth the amount of stock and
grain produced during the year, and the quantity re-
maining on hand. This statement was forwarded to

O

the father president with a request for such articles
as were needed by the mission for use during the
ensuing year.

Thus we observe as a rule the missionaries and the
soldiers coming, a little band of each together, to

FOUNDING OP MISSIONS AND PRESIDIOS. 221

occupy the country for God and the king, taking up
their quarters near enough to be of aid to each other,
but not so near that the soldiers should interfere with
the work of the saints. The presidio, or soldiers'
quarters, was usually at the port,, or near the landing,
as I have said, while the mission buildings would be
placed some two leagues away. And when settlement
began, the incomers at first always located them-
selves having an eye to proximity to the presidio, the
towns indeed springing up usually immediately around
them. But soon, owing to the mild character of the
people and the country, immigrants settled themselves
anywhere and everywhere throughout the entire
region.

When a mission was to be founded, the first build-
ing erected was the presidio, whose forts and walls
were of adobe, the latter eighteen feet high in some
places, and in other less exposed points twelve or four-
teen feet. On each side of the presidio was a clear
space of about 300 feet. The walls were six feet
thick, and had iron or bronze guns at each corner.
The guns were generally useless, except to inspire
terror. The San Diego Indians called them creators
of thunder. Church, warehouses, and dwellings were
all inside the walls. The gates were of heavy timber.
Besides the central establishment there were on an
extent of from thirty to forty square leagues, a num-
ber of accessory farms, and a few branch chapels at
which religious services were held on stated days.

In the neighborhood of each presidio, and generally
at a distance of four or five leagues, ranches de real
hacienda, or ranches nacionales, were set apart for the
use of the soldiers. These, at first, were also intended
for depositaries of tithes, to be collected in cattle and
grain by the government; but as the missions were
never liable to tithes, and the other settlements were
of small value, this branch of revenue was never of
much consequence, and the ranches only contained a
few cattle belonging to the presidios. They were un-

222 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

der the direction of the commandants of the respect-
ive presidios.

The lands of each mission joined those of other
missions on either side, so that all were connected, or,
in other words, the missionaries occupied all the land
along the coast, except the presidios, the three pueblos
and their lands, and a few ranches which were held by
virtue of grants from the king of Spain.

I have said elsewhere that the missionaries objected
to any settlements in the country but the missions ;
the presidios they regarded as a necessary evil. They
would like to have all the lands to themselves. Jose
Maria Amador related to Commandant-general Vic-
toria the following case, which occurred in his pres-
ence. He and another soldier had gone to the mission
San Luis Obispo escorting Father Tapis, who was
then president and vicar-forain. It was on a quiet
night, with the moon shining brightly. Amador and
an old man from Spain were sitting on one side. The
priests began a discussion on the nature of the moon,
and the old Spaniard was asked by one of them for
, his opinion. He coolly remarked as follows: "Land
it cannot be, nor water; frost, still less. Were it
land, there would be sheep of the missions up there.
For when your reverences hear of some poor fellow
asking for a piece of land to place his live-stock on,
and earn a living for himself and family, you say to
the government that he must not have it, because the
mission needs it for its flock of sheep."

At a later date, many of these ranches, by virtue
of the colonization law, were given to private individ-
uals; but while they pertained to the missions, each
rancho was managed by a mayordomo, either de razon
or an Indian. Each rancho was, as a rule, dedicated
to one particular branch of industry — as horned cattle,
sheep, agriculture, and the like; but where two or
more branches were attended to on the same rancho,
each of these was under the care of a capataz. The
neophytes who labored on these ranches dwelt there,

MISSION BUILDINGS. 223

aad were subject to the same general discipline as
those at the mission proper. Early in the present
century, there were about 50,000 Indians connected
with the missions. JN one but the alcaldes, carporales,
and vaqueros were allowed to ride on horseback.

During the epidemic of measles, about 1825, which
carried off so many natives, the mortality seemed to
be greater on Sundays and Mondays ; this was attrib-
uted to the free use of beef, as the slaughter of cattle
and distribution of the meat took place on Saturday.
The neophytes at the San Carlos mission were reduced
from 1,000 to 300 souls. During the small-pox of
1834, which ravaged the northern part of the state,
particularly Sonoma, the southern section almost en-
tirely escaping, the natives suffered severely from be-
ing left to themselves. It was a scurvy trick for civ-
ilization to bring its pestilence and foul diseases to
scatter among these simple savages, and then abandon
them to their fate, not to mention rum, syphilis, and
other virulent refinements, causing fearful havoc.

The ranches de ganado mayor of the presidio com-
panies were formed at their cost, and well tended by
a corporal and four privates, who acted as herders.
In a certain month, once a year, the free soldiers gath-
ered there to brand the cattle, the comandante gener-
ally attending. This was concluded with a ball. The
soldiers also had large fields of grain on the river
near Monterey. In later times, Comisario Herrera
attempted to interfere in the management of the pre-
sidio ranches, or ranches nacionales, intending to make
personal profits out of them. Yet he knew they were
the property of the troops. This gave rise to disputes
between the comandante at Monterey and the comi-
sario, whereupon the governor despoiled the owners
of the property.

The mission buildings, besides the church, which
was always the grand and prominent figure, consisted
of the dwellings of the padres and their attendants,
barracks for the escolta, storehouses, outhouses, and

224 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

corral sheds. Then there were huts and houses of all

frades, built chiefly of adobe, however, for the tamed
ndians, married and single, the former living in
houses of their own, and the latter divided, the boys
in one house and the girls in another, each watched
over by proper superiors. Often the buildings at a
mission were disposed around a large hollow square,
the different edifices being accessible from the interior.
One or two large doorways, called portones, gave in-
gress to the court-yard. The house of the padre min-
istro, which was next the church, and like it fronted
outward, was also in the square. Opening into the
interior of the square were the workshops of the car-
penters, blacksmiths, saddlers, weavers, hatters, tan-
ners, soap-boilers, as well as the warehouse where
were deposited the agricultural products and manu-
factured articles of the missions, and the effects which
the padres bought from vessels or traders. Within
the square were the kilns for burning brick and tile.
Outside the square were the pits where adobes were
made. Sometimes the buildings were partly of adobe
and partly of adobe, stone and cement, with roofs of
timber and tile, all being of very solid construction.
The missions purchased from importers all such articles
as were required for their Indians, and as a rule the
missionaries were faithful and honest in their transac-
tions.

The house of Virmond was the only one in Mexico
at one time that did business with the padres, receiving
in payment the stipends, or orders on the pious fund,
payable on presentation. Other business of missions,
in 1840, was done through the administrators. "Al-
though appointed to enrich themselves, the adminis-
trators kept good faith with us traders," says Arnaz.
On planting a mission, the first object of the fathers
was to induce wild Indians to come in from the sur-
rounding country and settle near them, to become do-
mesticated, to accept the faith as it was held out to
them, and to assist in cultivating the soil.

TRAINING OF NEOPHYTES. 225

At the several missions, the native dialect was
generally different, and this had to be learned by the
priests, the Indians being taught at the same time to
speak Spanish, the latter language coming more and
more into use. The children were early taught Span-
ish, and encouraged as much as possible to drop their
mother tongue.

In a few of the missions, boys of musical tastes
were taught, besides their prayers, even in their own
toncme, vocal and instrumental music, and their ser-

O ' a 7

vices were in times utilized to add solemnity to the
high mass. I have in my library a curious relic from
1813 of the San Jose mission, a large folio of sheep-
skin leaves, bound in wood, the first few pages of
which give lessons on gamut ; the rest being chants for
masses. The Indians were also utilized as acolytes,
and in other capacities about the churches. I have
likewise another specimen of mission music, a hymn
for a quartette choir written on parchment that had
previously contained writing which had been, not very
carefully, erased. The notes pertaining to each part
are in a color distinct from that of the others. The
music is simple and adapted to the comprehension of
the neophyte choristers, nor is it inharmonious. The
words written in the church Latin which ignore
dipthongs, etc., are those of a hymn of the catholic
church, which may have possibly been the composi-
tion of the pious padre who wrote the music, and
perhaps composed it. In my library is also a copy
of a trisagion supposed to have been composed by the
native Californian Juan Jose Higuera.

The temporal as well as the spiritual welfare of
their charge was in the hands of the priests, who
taught the Indians, with something of civilization's
politics and moralities, agriculture and mechanics,
taking care that the practice incident to these teach-
ings should redound to the public weal. Thus was
cleared the land round the missions, and houses built,
and water for general use and irrigation brought in.

CAL. PAST. 15

226 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

While some looked after the stock, others planted
corn, potatoes, fruit-trees, and vines, and still others
learned to be carpenters, masons, weavers, smiths,
quarrymen, and the like. Whenever strangers who
knew anything of mechanics, arrived at the missions,
says Robinson, the padres availed themselves of their
services to teach the Indians. The centenarian
Eulalia Perez, who lived many years in the missions,
stated that a neophyte was taught the work for which
he manifested a liking. The more intelligent were
likewise taught to read and write. It was so, at least,
at San Gabriel, when Father Zalvidea was in charge.

O

And while these thus near the drippings of the sanc-
tuary were proceeding so gloriously along the highway
to heaven, the surrounding pagans, living some dis-
tance back, would come over the hills, and down to
where the sweets of earth and heaven were being
hived by the busy swarm of industry, waiting arid
watching for what they could get of the crumbs of
civilization without working for them.

The natives were quick to learn the mechanic arts
and willing to work ; but left to themselves they
would do nothing. They were but children, and
needed the presence of the father. And so it was
that lands were not assigned to individuals or families,
but to communities having an overseer. In that
way they would work and eat together, cultivating
the land in common.

Likewise the padres were physicians for the body
as well as for the soul. If they were so great and
good as they claimed, they and their god and their
king, then they must do great and good things, as
they claimed their master did of old, feed, clothe,
heal the sick, raise the dead, and cast out devils.
The climate being salubrious and food plenty, the
priests were usually equal to the emergency; though
the whitewashed savages could not fail to notice that
howsoever prevailed for a time the legerdemain of the
priests, Satan was sure in the end to get the best of

DIVERS CUSTOMS AND REGULATIONS. 227

them ; for under the white dispensation as under the
red, all men sooner or later came to grief, were
obliged to die, and be buried in the ground — where-
upon the priests would then say it was all for their
good, and that they might in this way alone reach
heaven, the poor savages perforce accepting it all as
true, not having power to contradict or question.

At each mission there was an infirmary, consisting
of a galeron, or gallery, and some mats on which the
sick neophytes lay; sometimes the padres acted as
physicians, but generally the Indians preferred being
treated by their hechiceros, or medicine-men, who by
study or tradition had acquired a certain knowledge
of the virtues of plants. The missionaries had direc-
tions to perform the Csesarean operation on women
who died enceinte. I notice that one was performed
at San Francisco on November 12, 1805, and another
at San Jose December 21, 1825. In both cases the
dead children were baptized sub conditions. There is
no evidence of any such operation being ever performed
at the missions on a living woman.

The charitable and conscientious-priest could not do
all he desired on his stipend of $400 a year. For him
who served the maker and ruler of the universe this
was rather a small allowance, even in this lotos-land.
Half of his money he must spend on his own dress, for
his livery must be in some degree in accordance with
his pretensions; then he must have his chocolate and
his wine, and good tobacco and other articles. His
rations had to be paid for out of the stipend, and a
few pesos had to go in relieving the necessitous, etc.
When adult prisoners were brought into a mission by
a converting expedition, they were first taught to say
their pater noster and one or two other prayers, and
then were christened. Men and women were soon
after ranged in separate lines in presence of the mis-
sion people, and haranged by the padre, with the aid
of an interpreter, on the merits and responsibilities of
Each person was asked whether he or

228 GOLDEN AGE OP CALIFORNIA.

she wished to be married, and every one saying aye,
was ranged in a separate line of his or her sex. Any
man or woman who admitted having had sexual con-

O

nection, was placed apart to be married to her or him
with whom that connection had been, to be married
whether they were willing or not. The rest of the
men were then asked, one by one, which of the
women opposite they chose to marry. If the selected
woman showed unwillingness to accept the man, he
had to choose again. If any could not be matched
among the gentiles, christianized men and women were
called up to choose or be chosen. If several women
chose one man, and he did not manifest a preference
for any of them, their names were thrown together
into a box, and the man drew out one, whose owner
was forthwith through a messenger, advised of the
result, and required to set forth her objections, if any
she had. The marriages of the several couples took
place on different days, for each one, or for such
group of old and new Christians.

There was an Indian herder named Cashuco, who
was chosen by ten women at the same time. They
cast lots, and the one that drew the prize was made
supremely happy.

Care was taken early to instill into the hearts and
minds of the native children the power of religion
and the dogmas of the church ; infants who lived with
their parents at or near the mission were brought
almost every day to. the priests, who would see to
their food and general comfort, until they were four
or five years of age, after which the child remained at
the mission. Thus these little California shock-heads
became, indeed, children of the church. The mission-
aries were very attentive to their spiritual duties,
exerting themselves to increase the number of Chris-
tians, and in keeping the latter well instructed in the
tenets of the faith; often using to that end the
Indian language. They were at all hours of the day
or night prompt in administering the sacraments, or

GOOD AND BAD MEN. 229

attending to the needs of the sick, for they often
acted as physicians and furnished medicines to their
neophytes, and even to the gentiles who came to beg
for such assistance. The gentiles were never refused
food when they asked for it. This was an induce-
ment to many gentiles to embrace mission life.

Down to the period preceding Echeandia's rule,
which was from 1825 to 1831, the mission Indians
regarded the missionaries with the awe and submis-
sion of children, but this governor imbued them with
the idea that they were citizens and had political
rights, thereupon discipline became relaxed, and the
ministers were not obeyed as formerly. The old
Spanish friars or Fernandinos, were mostly moral
men. A few of their number caused scandal. Much
cannot be said in favor of the Guadalupanos, who
succeeded the former in later years in the management
of the northern missions. The good men among
them were few, the scandalous ones many. Among
the few who deserve especial mention were Garcia
Diego, the first bishop of the Californias and prede-
cessor of Bishop and later Archbishop Alemany ; Gon-
zalez, who after the death of the first bishop, was for
a long time guardian of the diocese, and Bernardino
Perez, who went home to become the guardian of his
college. It is quite possible that the founders at first
purposed not merely to convert the natives to Chris-
tianity, but to teach them also the arts of civilized
life. But be it as it may, they were taught what was
barely necessary to utilize their labor. Neither the
government nor the missionaries took any pains to
make them in any way capable of relying on them-
selves after the secularization of the missions, which
had to be the case pursuant to the royal orders under
which the system of missions was established. The
neophytes never became anything else than large
children, with many vices, incapable as a rule of rea-
soning or of self-control, or of earning independently
their own living. This was clearly shown at the

230 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

secularization of the San Carlos. The commissioner
was. instructed to make three partitions of the prop-
erty, one for the Indians, one for the government,
and one for the church. The Indians accordingly
took their portion of horses, sheep, neat cattle, goats,
grain, etc., besides one piece of land for each single
one, and two pieces for such as had families. It was
forbidden to buy any of the property from them. But
thia precaution amounted to nothing. In about one
year the Indians had either sold or gambled away
what they had not eaten or drunk. After a while
some died, and the rest dispersed, abandoning their
lands, which eventually fell into the hands of rancheros,
under grants by the government. The administrators
after the secularization, never took care of the Indians
as the friars had done. The recently catechised mostly
rejoined their gentile tribes, and often led the bands
that raided the ranches to plunder and drive off stock.
Before the secularization of the missions, but the
missionaries were aware of its coming on, the latter
resolved to turn to money as much of the cattle as
they could dispose of. Immense numbers of cattle
were slaughtered, contracts with private persons
being entered into to accomplish the object in view,
the contractors receiving one-half of the hides. The
slaughter was so large that the government became
alarmed at the thought that the country would be
left without any cattle, if such destruction were not
checked. It accordingly adopted measures to put a
stop to it. Pio Pico was one of those who entered
into such contract with the mission San Gabrial, ac-
cording to his own statement. Mrs Ord, who had the
best opportunity to know the facts, denies that there was
any such wholesale slaughter of cattle. Nevertheless
she acknowledged having heard that the mission
San Gabriel did have about 30,000 heads killed, be-
cause it had not land enough for its enormous stock,
said to have been about 100,000. And possibly San
Luis Hey did the same.

MISSION RULE AND ROUTINE. 231

The bachelors lived in a separate edifice, and were
locked in at night, the key being given to the padre.
The young women lived in another edifice, called the
monjerio, under a matron who guarded them night
and day. They were locked in at night and the key
given to the padre. The alcaldes by order of the
mayordomo gave the Indians their task, and released
the locked-up bachelors, as did the matron the spinsters.
The unmarried were fed daily. The married received
every Saturday one ration for the week of maize,
wheat, frijoles, and meat, fresh or dried. Breakfast
was eaten at daybreak, of atole or pozole. At 11:30
A. M., laborers returned from work to the pozolera, if
the work was near enough, and went back to work at
1 P. M., stopping at sunset, when the third meal was
given, of atole as before. They were well fed.

Once a year the mission Indians were allowed to
go to the woods to gather fruits. It was generally
the old men and women who went, escorted by some
others. Every Indian received one blanket a year,
and if he tore it, or wore it out, before the year was
over, he received another. Every man received a
taparabo, or loin cloth, and a cot on de jerga, or serge
blouse. Every woman got serge for a petticoat. In
later times a variety of cloth was given for clothing.
Indians working at remote ranches generally lived
there, and had their pozolera.

The missions had various mayordomos, who were
charged with different branches or with a rancho.
They were gente de razon. Capataces, who were also
interpreters, were chosen from the most intelligent;
one of their duties was to transmit orders to those
who did not understand Spanish. They also aided
the alcaldes and mayordomos in keeping order.

The mission herders were chiefly Indians, and
tended stock under the care of mayordomos, many
receiving saddles and boots. Women were seldom em-
ployed in field work, because there were generally
men enough. They attended rather to weaving, sew-

232 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

ing, and keeping the houses clean. In each workshop
was a teacher de razon. Indians could not quit the
premises without leave, Avhich was seldom granted.
Many were sent under contract to work at presidios
and ranches, the pay going to the community, it was
said — the padre receiving it, however. A lew Indian
boys were taught to read, and other accomplishments,
besides trades. They acted as the pages of the
padre, and were better dressed and fed than the
others. None but vaqueros might ride. Nearly all
the missions had musicians

Each mission had an escolta of generally one cabo
and four men, to keep order and protect the padres.
San Gabriel had a larger force. Ordinary punish-
ments were administered by the padres, aided if
necessary by the escoltas.

In graver cases the person in charge at the mission
had to - secure the guilty person, investigate the
charge, and report to the comandante of the presidio.

Eulalia Perez, for many years llavera, or house-
keeper, at San Gabriel, says that the married neophytes
lived in their rancherias, and with them their children
while small. At from 7 to 9 years girls were brought
to the monjerio, where they were reared until the
time of marriage. A married Indian woman, known
as the madre abadesa, had charge of the monjerio.
Every night this was locked, and the key given to the
llavera, who took it to the padre ministro.

At the door of the monjerio stood an Indian who
called the roll of names as the girls went in at night ;
she who was missing was the next day brought to the
monjerio, and shut up for a certain time; her mother,
if she had one, was also brought and punished for hav-
ing detained the child. In the morning the girls went
first to mass, and then to the pozolera, where they
broke their fast, sometimes with champurrado — choc-
olate with atole of maize — with dulce and bread, or
on feast days, pozole and meat. After this, each
monja literally nun, went about her daily task.

MISSION RULE AND ROUTINE. 233

From the earliest days the missions were allotted
by two ministers each. As a rule, the one most com-
petent to attend to temporal affairs was placed in
charge of them, while the other looked after the spir-
itual. The former also assisted in baptizing, burying,
and teaching. Prior to 1828, the padres had no stew-
ards; they would select from the neophytes the most
suitable for such work, and place them in charge, each
of some one part of the farm work. The padre took
personal care of the warehouses, and superintended
the cutting of garments for the natives, and the dis-
tribution of rations. They labored much harder than
after 1828. Very few missions had servants de razon,
unless it was sometimes the llavero. Occasionally
they would employ the corporal of the guard, or some
old soldier, who understood how to till the soil, but
this was usually discountenanced by the comandantes
of presidios, on the plea that after a soldier gained the
good will of the padres and became accustomed to
the luxuries and comforts of the mission, he neglected
military duties.

The Indians rose early. After dawn the bell rang
for mass, which the padre said while the Indians re-
cited the prayers. After the first mass another padre
said a second mass, after the Indians had gone to work,
breakfast being over. All Indians in the rancherias
came to the pozolera before dawn, to take breakfast of
atole, made of barley roasted and ground, and sifted.

The bachelors and spinsters breakfasted after mass,
which, as residents at the mission, they had to attend
daily. The neophytes had three meals each day, the
desayuno before going to work, the comida at 12 M.,
and the cena after work was done. Their food con-
sisted, besides the pinole, of beans and maize or wheat
cooked together. Sometimes in the morning they
were given meat and atole, which was maize boiled
with lime, and after a thorough cleansing, ground by
the women into a paste, after which it was made into
a gruel. To the married there was served out every

234 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

week a ration of grain, maize, wheat, or beans, and
daily one of meat, generally fresh, but sometimes
dried.

Then again three further times each day the mission
bells would ring, when, whatever was being done, off
went the hat arid a prayer was said. At such times
the monte-dealer paused in his exciting game; no
matter how nefarious the pursuit which at the time
occupied the devotee, these bells brought him at once
into communion with his maker — at least in form.

At mass there was a sermon on some point of doc-
trine, some portions thereof being delivered in the
Indian tongue, as was done by Padre Zalvidea and
others. When the padre ministro was unable to do
this, he had recourse to an interpreter. Generally,
however, the neophytes had learned sufficient Spanish
to be able to understand what was said. Regidores
led the recitations, and they also taught pagans to
pray; the office was generally held by some blind
person. None were so poor or unfortunate that they
could not serve God.

The mass was generally sung, the musicians and
singers being neophytes, several of whom understood
music well and had excellent voices. There was at
Santa Bdrbara an Indian named Antero, who died
about 1843, whose excellent tenor voice filled the
church, and was admired by foreigners as well as
Californians. He also played the bass-viol.

The same religious exercises which were held in the
morning were repeated in the afternoon. Sometimes
the morning labor lasted from sunrise till 11:30 or 12,
when a second meal was eaten, after which work re-
commenced at 1 or 1:30, and lasted till sundown in
the season of short days; but during the time of long
days, work ceased about an hour or so before nightfall.

On Sunday, which was a day of rest, the Indian men
presented themselves at mass, each dressed in a clean
blanket, shirt, and breech-clout.

Coronel says that at the sound of the morning bell

MISSION ROUTINE. 235

all the neophytes arose, went to the church, and of-
fered a short prayer. At the second ringing of the
bell they went to breakfast, desayuno, the single men
and women to the pozolera, or place where the pozole
was prepared, and the married to their own houses.
All these operations took place before sunrise. At
the third summons of the bell, just at sunrise, the
cuadrillas of neophytes went about their labors. The
ox-drivers, gananes, goad and yoke in hand, presented
themselves at the corral. The caporal, or mayor-
domo's assistant, whose duty it was to look after the
oxen, indicated to each the animals which he should
take. The ox-drivers yoked each his oxen, and when
all were ready went in groups to the localities assigned
them. •

At 11 A. M. one or two carts laden with a refresco,
made of water and vinegar and sugar, or lemon and
sugar, were sent by the padres to the Indian laborers
in the field as a preventive of illness.

It was a curious spectacle, that of a priest, aided
only by four or five Californians, called soldiers —
though such they were not — managing a large num-
ber of neophytes, with such perfect order, and without
the least want of respect on the part of the Indians.
It is true that these Indians worked for their mainte-
nance, and a blanket and shirt, which was what the
men generally received, although to the women were
given rebozos, and stuff of which to make enaguas, or
petticoats , nor did they receive other instruction than
that contained in the doctrina of the church; yet
they respected all gente de razon. These Indians had
learned the organization of the family; this alone was
progress. It is true that at some missions where the
padres still had charge in 1834, discipline had become
lax, for the Indians were full of the idea of the liberty
which secularization would bring them.

The neophytes were divided into gangs, cuadrillas,
some being laborers afield, others herdsmen, others
artisans, others hunters. Each cuadrilla had its re-

236 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

spective overseer, who managed his men according to
the instructions given to him by the padre ministro.

Each cuadrilla of neophytes, when working in a
place apart from the others, was directed in its labors
by an alcalde, or capataz (foreman), who in the after-
noon, after work was done, gave an account thereof
to the principal overseer, and he to the padre, at the
same time receiving his orders for the next day.

The neophyte men were taught all the trades —
carpentering, blacksmithing, how to weave, make
blankets, carpets, and many other things. The wo-
men learned to spin, sew, and all the various domestic
duties. At every mission, day after day, the girls
could be seen out in the square at the spinning-
wheels, and the men at their various occupations.
"The missions were like a large prison at the east in
this respect," says Robinson, "where they carry on
work, with workshops of all kinds."

The neophyte women were also employed in har-
vesting and cleaning the grain, in cutting the grapes,
in cleaning the wool and weaving it, and sometimes in
bringing clay for the manufacture of tiles, especially
the single women, who were constantly employed.

Mission padres used to offer Indian girls of eight
and ten years to serve in the houses of the wealthy,
exacting in return that they should be taught to sew.
When they reached fifteen, the padre would urge
neophytes to seek them in marriage, and get them
back to the mission. There were accordingly many
good sewing-girls and dancers among the Indians.

The workshops were under the supervision of a di-
rector, or master workman de razon, or that of an
Indian who understood the work. The mission of
San Fernando had one mayordomo for field-work and
one for the house. As to manufactures at the mis-
sions, although they fell far short of perfection, they
sufficed for the wants of that epoch. With regard to
agriculture, it may be said that, while the implements
of modern husbandry were of course unknown, it was

MISSION MANUFACTURES. 237

nevertheless in a sufficiently advanced state. The
principal cereals cultivated gave abundant harvests,
amply sufficient for the missions' use, and wherewith
to sell to and aid the people de razon and the presidial
troops.

"From my own observation," says Coronel, "and
from what I learned from frequent conversation with
Padre Zalvidea of San Juan Capistrano, the system
of agriculture, manufactures, and instruction in opera-
tion at the missions was based on a work entitled,
Casa de Campo y Pastoril, a treatise which contained
full information regarding the proper management of
the property and the laborers."

At the missions he who passed judgment on the
offences of the neophytes was the padre ministro. He
heard the complaints of the alcaldes, mayordomos, or
foremen, and ordered the application of the punish-
ment— stripes (azotes), or the stocks (el cepo), irons
(grilles), or the corma (a sort of portable ambulatory
stocks). Besides this, there was always a calaboose in
which to secure culprits. When the punishment con-
sisted of azotes, the culprit was either triced up to a
post or stretched face downward on the ground, his
breech-clout was removed, the flap of his shirt raised,
and the alcalde or capataz delivered on his buttocks,
or the back below the shoulders, the number of blows
ordered by the padre. Generally punishment was
administered at the guard-house, which was next to
the calaboose.

Neophytes were sometimes punished by confinement
and the stocks. When the offence was grave the
offender was taken to the guard-house, there bound
to a post or cannon, and given 25 stripes, or more ac-
cording to the case. Sometimes the head was put in
the stocks; at others a gun was tied to the legs just
behind the knees, and the hands were brought down
and tied to the gun. This was a severe punishment,
and was called the ley de Bayona. Padres Zalvidea
and Sanchez always showed great kindness to the
Indians.

238 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

The system of corporeal punishment established by
the padres was adopted by the administrators of mis-
sions, the alcaldes, and commissioners, and even by
individuals who had Indians in their service. Every
one arrogated to himself the right to chastise at his
own pleasure the Indians in his service.

The mission Indians fancying themselves abused
at their missions had a right to prefer complaints before
the comandante of the presidio to whose jurisdiction
the mission belonged; and it was his duty to redress
their wrongs, but obviously for several reasons there
were few such complaints made.

While Padre Duran was at San Jose* several Co-
sumnes presented themselves for baptism, which rites
they received, together with a blanket and a shirt, as
usual. Misdemeanors were punished every Sunday
after mass with a dozen or more lashes at the church
door, after which the culprit went to kiss the padre's
hand in sign of submission. One of these Cosumnes
who had been thus punished became enraged, and on
reaching the padre took off the shirt, and threw it with
his blanket at the feet of the holy man, saying : " Padre,
take back thy Christianity; I want none of it; I will
return a pagan to my country "

In early times the padres were wont to go to distant
rancherias unaccompanied by any military escort, thus
imperilling their lives. After the assassination of
Padre Quintana, the government adopted severe
measures prohibitory of the padres' running like risks.
Therefore, the escoltas received strict orders, the
corporal and soldiers being individually responsible
for a compliance therewith, never to allow the padre
to leave the mission without the escolta, whether he
liked it or not.

One Salvador Espinosa, soldier of an escolta, was
obliged, on a certain occasion, to use force in order to
prevent the padre, who was better mounted than
he, from going on in advance. Espinosa was put in the
stocks, and the padre complaining of him was obliged

PRESIDIO SOLDIERS. 239

to appear before Governor Sola, who, on learning the
circumstances, approved of what Espinosa had done,
and praised the fidelity with which he had obeyed
orders. It is to be noted that in those times, " cuando
todavia se amarraban los perros con longanizas" (when
dogs were still fastened with sausages) — or in other
words, before the people of California had their eyes
opened — laying violent hands on a padre ministro was
a most heinous offence, which was punished with the
greatest severity. The individual so offending lost
his position in society, being excommunicated and
ostracized.

The corporal of the escolta had criminal jurisdiction,
and in cases of weightier import which did not come
within the cognizance of the padre, he it was who
ordered punishment, consisting of lashes and the stocks,
to be administered. In still graver cases he made the
preliminary examination, and then sent the culprit to
the presidio for judgment. The corporal was charged
with the defence of the missions in case of a sudden
attack by either internal or external foes, and possessed
even the power of life and death, but this only on an
emergency when it was impossible to communicate
with the comandante of the presidio.

In early times double escoltas were stationed occa-
sionally at the missions, such an escolta being com-
manded by a sergeant. In those days the corporal of
an escolta was appointed by the governor, who alone
could remove him. In an urgent case, however, he
might be suspended by the comandante of the presidio
to the jurisdiction of which the mission belonged.
Ordinarily the escolta consisted of a corporal and five
men.

A soldier of the escolta kept watch by day, and at
night a sentinel was placed, who by means of a bell
announced the four watches. Of course the corporal
had to be present at each relief; and when there was
a less number than four enlisted men in the escolta,
was himself obliged to keep a watch, which was either

240 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

the first or the last. The mission furnished rations
of meat and grain to the escolta, afterward sending in
the account to the habilitacion.

The married corporals and soldiers of an escolta
had their families with them at the mission, and there
was a little group of houses for the use of the troops.
The wives of the married men prepared the meals of
the bachelors, who made over to these women their
rations free of charge. On extraordinary occasions,
such as feasts of the church, the padres made presents
of fruit and wine to the escolta and their families.
When the corporal acted as mayordomo, he received
from the missions additional pay as such, say $10 a
month.

In the mission escolta it was so arranged that one
soldier acted as sentinel from 6 A. M. till 12, another
till 6 P. M., another from 6 to 9 p. M., the rest all taking
their turn for three hours during the night. When
the padre wanted an escort, the soldier was sent who
had been sentinel el cuarto de alba, or the next one.
The day sentinel walked with sabre or sword, the one
by night with musket constantly in hand. Cabo and
men had all to sleep in the guard-house, whether mar-
ried or single. When the cabo did not watch them,
the soldiers would seek the Indian girls at the ranch-
eria.

On October 7, 1827, Jefe Politico Echeandia issued
a bando to the effect that no person should leave his
place of residence without apprising the local au-
thority, or spend the night away from it without a
pass; persons found without such passes must be de-
tained, and no person should tarry at any other place
than that specified, or beyond the specified time, unless
sickness or other sufficient cause rendered it necessary.
In no case should any one settle in any place without
permission.

Each mission was not only self-supporting when
once established, but was an instrument for the rapid
accumulation of wealth. They possessed within them-

NATIVES AND PRIESTS. 241

selves all the elements of success. They guaranteed
to their converts the most possible of both worlds.
They acquired titles to broad and fertile lands, arid
paid their laborers in spiritual wares. Their costly
edifices, workshops, and storehouses were erected and
filled upon a credit which was to run throughout time;
all their work wras done by laborers, who at the close
of every day found themselves more and more indebted
to their employers — obligated to such an extent that
implicit and blind obedience and faithful services
throughout time and eternity would be all too short
in which to make their acknowledgments.

It would appear that if it were possible under any
circumstances for Christianity and civilization to bene-
fit the Indians of America, such fruits could not fail
to appear among the missions of California. That the
purest motives sometimes actuated the missionaries in
devoting their lives to this work, there is no question ;
that their treatment of the natives was upon the
whole kind and judicious, all travellers bear testimony,
and their success outwardly was great. Thousands
were brought into the fold, taught morality, industry,
and the arts of peace. Their condition was greatly
benefited; and with the exception of the wilder spirits,
within whose breasts the longings for their ancient
liberty still burned, they were contented and happy.
But it was all the same to the doomed red man, as if
Satan with his angels was let in upon the country to
burn and destroy. To the savage, civilization is
Satan.

After secularization, mingled with the Californians,
as servants, and partly by marriage, were many abo-
rigines from the plains and missions. The mission,
broken up and despoiled, no longer afforded shelter to
its children, save a few of more solid character, who
had managed to secure a portion of the community
land and effects, and retain them. The rest had been
dispersed to seek refuge among settlers or in the wil-
derness, leaving the establishments which had been

CAL. PAST., VOL. I. 16

242 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

built up with so much labor and devotion to be carried
away by plunderers, or to decay under the unavailing
efforts of half a dozen remaining friars. These, per-
force, must now turn their attention to the spiritual
wants of the settlers, whose fitful ears heard the peal
of bells only on sabbath mornings, rolling faintly
through the distance, and to be drowned perhaps by
more alluring calls, unless revived by promptings of
gallantry and display. The natives who deserted to
the woods relapsed into barbarism among the wild
Indians, living in rancherias of sheds or brush arbors,
depending on the hook or trap for food, with roots and
fruit, and occasionally some maize from a petty field
tended by the women. The practice obtained in the
forties, though forbidden by law, for families to pur-
chase Indian boys and girls from New Mexico. It
was winked at because of the benefit accruing to the
Indians so purchased, for they were educated and
treated as members of the family whom they served.

Adhering to the traditionary usage of missionaries,
the settlers would still descend upon these waifs in
armed force, and after killing a number of warriors,
capture the women and children, or even men, for
compulsory service in tillage and toil, for which no
compensation was accorded beyond food and scanty
covering. Such outrages afforded just cause for re-
taliation under the guidance of mission fugitives ; and
although generally confined to stock-stealing, their
raids at last caused great anxiety, especially in the
south, with constant calls for garrisons or volunteer
expeditions. In the north the scantiness of popula-
tion had led to a more general employment of natives
at fair wages, which were squandered during frequent
intervals of idleness in tawdry finery and needless
articles of consumption. But of social and domestic
characteristics we shall have fuller facts anon.

Before the revolution a salary of $400 per annum
was allowed to each of the priests connected with the
missions. This salary was discontinued by the repub-

FATE OF THE NATIVES. 243

lie, greatly to the disgust of the clergy, who were also
required to renounce allegiance to the king of Spain
and acknowledge the authority of the republic. An
order was executed liberating from the jurisdiction of
the missions all christianized Indians of good character,
who were to have lands assigned them for cultivation.
The work of the missions was still to continue ; they
were to appoint parish curates over the liberated In-
dians, and prosecute their efforts to reclaim untamed
gentiles. All this gave rise to much dissatisfaction,
and many of the missionaries abandoned their labors.

The new order of things, instigated no doubt by the
most philanthropic and economic motives, operated
against the interests of the church in California.

The Indians thus emancipated were essentially the
support of the missions, under the strict surveillance
of the priests ; they performed their labors faithfully,
held in check the vicious, and were an example to
all ; but with their new liberty, unaccustomed to the
exercise of forethought or self-command, they soon
fell into dissolute habits, and rapidly melted away.

The care and discipline of the fathers being with-
drawn, as a matter of course the spirituality of their
children was soon dissipated. Abandoning themselves
to spirituous liquor when they could obtain it, and
giving way to laziness and vice, the converts fell ; and
as their own original means of support had been
withdrawn from them, the depth of their degradation
was greater than during their primitive state. Some
of them pursued the shadow of their former progress,
and cleared the weeds from spots sufficient to sustain
themselves ; others abandoned all attempt to maintain
their former state of comparative ease and happiness,
and made acquisitions only in the new vices which
were taught them by the settlers who were now
rapidly closing in around them.

The administrators placed in charge of the missions
after their secularization were most of them incompetent
or unprincipled men. The few who were honest tried

244 GOLDEN AGE OP CALIFORNIA.

to save the property, but their efforts were unavailing
against the orders they constantly received to deliver
it to others. It is well known that several adminis-
trators grew rich by despoiling the establishments
they had control of. Stealing was carried on to such
an extent, that plates, pots, and pans, doors, tiles, and
every other movable thing was made away with from
several missions. The departmental government tol-
erated these things to secure the support of a certain
clique.

After secularization the administrators slaughtered
large bands of cattle under the pretext of covering ex-
penses. One of the occasions of great slaughter was
to meet the cost of the schooner California for govern-
ment uses. It was said the schooner cost 7,000 hides.
Nothing was utilized but the hides. The slaughter-
ings were let to contractors who frequently killed
largely in excess of the number required, carrying off
the surplus for their own benefit.

Soon after Alvarado became governor, in 1836, he
began to lend cattle to his friends and favorites, few,
if any, of which were ever repaid. None of the
loans were of less than 100 head, some even exceeded
1,000. Add to that the orders of the government
for cattle to meet debts, and the draft was ruinous.
The loans were made on the following terms : to
return the same number of animals and of the same
quality in five years; otherwise, to pay the price
stipulated if demanded by the government or any
ecclesiastical authority, a way of doing business so
criminally loose as to invite rascality. In Soledad
1,000 head were sold at $1.50 each, payable in goods,
when the current price was $4 to $5 per head in sil-
ver. The same man gave 800 cows of from one year
to three years old for fifty horses. The same fellow de-
livered fifty cows belonging to the Soledad mission
for fifty bottles of common brandy. A general de-
bauch followed. This according to the testimony of
Estevan de la Torre.

INDIAN LANDS. 245

After the missions had been stripped of their live-
stock, the administrators and others petitioned for
lands, which they stocked with neat cattle, sheep, and
horses from the missions. Some of them would take
just enough to pay themselves for arrears of salary; oth-
ers were less scrupulous. The government was well
aware of the rascality, but accustomed to such dealings.

When Alvarado, Jose Castro, and their forces, re-
turning from the south in 1836, arrived at Tecolote,
the place where the eccentric Indian Cristobal Mano-
jo lived, he greeted them "Viva California libre,
mete la mano onde quiere ! " Being asked what he
meant by saying "poke in the hand where you
please," he coolly answered, "pues, todo se la roban,"
which means, "well you steal everything." All
laughed, and he was let alone. After the missions
were fully secularized, Manojo's remark fully ex-
pressed the situation.

All governments are erected upon the supposition
that a large proportion of their servants must be ras-
cals, who shall give bonds for their good behavior.
The chief difference in this regard between the Mexi-
can government, including the California branch of it,
and some others in Europe and America, was this,
that while in the latter it was expected that some of-
ficials would prove honest, no such state of things
was looked for among the Mexicans. If any were
above peculation or other rascality, they were the ex-
ception, and their honesty was often the result of a
lack of avarice, or the absence of any disposition to ap-
propriate to their own use the public funds.

The colonial laws of Spain gave the Indians a right
to as much land as they needed and would use for
cultivation and pasturage. Settled communities were
to be provided with land for this purpose, and the
scattered families of the wilderness were ordered
brought to the villages, tamed, and christianized. It
was for this, primarily, that the. missions had been
established. Indian lands in actual use and occupa-

246 GOLDEN AGE OF CALIFORNIA.

tion could not be granted to Spaniards. Mission lands
were the property of, or held for the benefit of, the
Indians. This was the theory: when a grant was
made of land upon which was a rancheria, or Indian
settlement, such grant was made subject to the rights
of the Indian, and the grantee did not acquire title or
possession until the village, of its own free will, re-
moved from the grant. So much better were the
laws of man than the deeds of these men of God !

The system of despoliation which began with the
conquerors was continued around the circle of mis-
sionary enterprise, until the cause was left where it
was commenced, with the difference only of a few
millions of Indians having disappeared in the mean
time. The Jesuits, by their influence and address, had
obtained from individuals the means with which to
found the missions of the Californian peninsula, and the
natives were then called upon to contribute to their
support. Fortune rolled in upon their efforts, and w hen
in the height of their prosperity the orders reached
them from Carlos III. to turn over all their property
to the Franciscans and depart from the country with-
out the spoils, was created the Pious Fund of Cali-
fornia; and the Franciscans, with splendid resources,
immediately set out for their new field in the north,
where, after drawing upon the natives for thirty thou-
sand laborers for half a century, they acquired immense
wealth, only to be themselves deprived of power, and
their neophytes robbed, through the secularization of
their missions, in 183.3-5, by agents of the government.
But the end was not yet ; for as the government was
robbed by the administrators, so were the Californians
robbed by the incoming Yankees. What power shall
next appear to wrest these lands from us we cannot
tell ; but whatever it may be, as good and civilized
Christians, we must hail it as sent of God, in his in-
finite mercy and wisdom, and for the glorious purposes
of progress.

WILL THERE BE ANOTHER? 247

Decay and death, however, are not our present
theme, but life, and light, and joy. All through the
golden age lay this blissful land in slumber breathing,
dreaming like the unblown blossom of its future glo-
ries, its soft wind sighing the longings of ambitious
youth; meanwhile onward marching the constrained
impatient world through time from eternity to eter-
nity, never ceasing, never resting, the same force that
brings men into life hurrying them hence, the same
summer sun that warms into being, that forces from
the buried seed the wide-spread tree and sweetens the
ripening fruit, bringing rottenness and death. Woods
decay, forests fall, rivers die, mountains melt, nations
come and go, mind only remains, and with the ages
gathers strength and volume.

Gone are those happy hours when plenty bloomed,
and care and wealth alike were unknown; gone are
the light labors and healthful sports, without which
Eden would be no paradise; and in their place we
have the screeching of steam, the bustle of trade, the
cumbrous activities of opulence, and hearts heavily
freighted with care.

Will California ever have another golden age1? I
trust so ; but not in the near future. When it comes
it will be neither an age of savagism, nor an age of
pastoral sensuousness, nor yet an age of city-building,
of soil-subduing, of mad money -gathering; but it will
be the day when mind and morality shall reign supe-
rior to avarice and passion, when genius is worshipped
in place of gold, and when studious leisure and taste-
ful simplicity shall take the place of absorbing lust and
gaudy splendor.

CHAPTER VII.

COLONIZATION, PUEBLO SYSTEM, AND LAND GRANTS.

But still there is unto a patriot nation,

Which loves so well its country and its king,
A subject of sublimest exultation.

— Don Juan.

THE thrifty padres from the start insisted that the
missions would hardly support the neophytes, let alone
providing for the presidios ; wherefore the government
contemplated, as early as 1776, establishing pueblos
or towns in fertile regions. This plan had a double
object, namely, supplying the new presidios at reduced
cost, and settling the land with gente de razon.

Governor Felipe de Neve recommended two spots
as eminently fitted for this purpose, one on the river
Porciuncula in the south, and another on the Guada-
lupe in the north. Without waiting for the sanction
of his superior, he proceeded at once to found the
northern town, with nine soldiers from Monterey and
San Francisco, and nineteen other persons, with their
families, making a total of 66 colonists. The pueblo
was founded near the eastern bank of the Guadalupe,
and about three fourths of a league southeast of thtr
Santa Clara mission. This foundation took place on
the 29th of November, and the town was named San
Jose de Guadalupe, though an effort was occasionally
made to attach to it the name of Galvez, the visitador-
general of New Spain, to whose energetic measures
was due the existence of the new establishments. To
each settler were given a tract of irrigable land suffi-
cient to sow thereon three bushels of Indian corn, a
house-lot, ten dollars a month, and a soldier's ration,

(248)

FOUNDING OF SAN JOS& 249

besides a yoke of oxen, two cows, one mule, two sheep,
two goats, and the requisite seed and implements.
Such was the origin of the beautiful city of San Jose,
on which has been bestowed in later years the well-
merited title of the garden city.

Neve's act could, until 1781, be regarded as only
experimental. From the beginning it met with oppo-
sition from the missionaries, who now were willing to
supply the presidios. But the governor had another
object in view, which was to people the land with
Spanish subjects.

A regulation for the military government of the
new settlements, duly sanctioned by superior author-
ity, has been credited to Governor Neve, and went
practically into effect early in 1781. It embraced also
a plan of colonization. Under it was made a formal
redistribution of the lands in the pueblo of San Jose,
and the foundation of Los Angeles on the Porciiincula
was also effected. This regulation bears the title of
Reglamente e Instruction para los Presidios de la Penin-
sula de California, Erection de Nuevas Misiones, y fo-
mento del pueblo y extension de los Establecimientos de
Monterey. Its 14th section deals with the subject of
pueblos and colonization. Under this section, settlers
were to be brought from the older provinces. Each
of them was to receive a house-lot, and a tract of land
for cultivation, being four fields of 200 varas square
each, some live-stock, implements, and seed, to be by
them gradually repaid in five years from the products
of their lands. Adults leaving their country to settle
in California were, furthermore, to be allowed in cloth-
ing and other necessary effects, at cost price, $116.50
a year during the first two years, and $60 yearly for
the next three years. The settlers were also exempt
from taxes and tithes during the entire period of five
years. As communities they were, besides, entitled
to the use of government lands for pasturage, and to
all needed wood and water. Other colonists, such as
honorably discharged soldiers, were to have the same

250 COLONIZATION, PUEBLO SYSTEM, AND LAND GRANTS.

privileges in respect of lands. In return for these
favors, the colonists were to sell to the presidios ex-
clusively the surplus products of their lands at fair
prices, to be from time to time fixed by the govern-
ment, taking as a basis the market prices for such
products in the southern province?. In the absence
of other purchasers, this condition was a benefit rather
than a burden. Each settler was to hold himself in
readiness with his horses and arms for military duty.
Other conditions were to the benefit of the colonist,
rather than to the government. The settlers were to
have their farms within the pueblo limits of four square
leagues; they could neither sell nor encumber their
lands; they were to build houses, construct ditches
for irrigation, cultivate their lands, and keep their
implements in serviceable order; they were forbidden
to kill or dispose of their live-stock except under cer-
tain conditions, nor was any one to have over 50 ani-
mals of any kind, so that none should monopolize the
wealth of the pueblo. Each community was bound
to construct dams and irrigating sluices, provide roads
and streets, erect a church and the necessary town
buildings, and keep the propios, or pueblo lands, tilled,
as from their products had to be defrayed the munici-
pal expenditures.

The colonization system thus established must be
held to have been a wise one, well suited to the re-
quirements of the country. And yet, it failed to
yield the desired results, owing to the character of
the settlers, most of whom were half-breeds. Some-
thing may be due, likewise, to the mildness of the
climate, and to the influential opposition of the mis-
sionary college of San Fernando in Mexico, whose
faiars were opposed to any other establishments in
the land but their missions. They felt obliged to
endure the presidios, but they wanted the government
to provide for them.

Captain Rivera y Moncada, former commandant of

POUNDING OF LOS ANGELES. 251

the new establishments, and now lieutenant-governor
of the two Californias, was directed to procure settlers
for the southern town on the Porciuncula. The or-
ganized expeditions, consisting of soldiers and priests,
started for California, to found several missions in the
Santa Bdrbara channel, as well as of colonists for the
new pueblo. They arrived at different times, without
mishap, at San Gabriel, and the pueblo of Nuestra
Senora de los Angeles, otherwise called Reina de los
Angeles, was founded on the 4th of September, 1781,
with twelve settlers and their families, 46 persons in
all, whose blood was a mixture of Indian and negro,
with a few traces of Spanish. Lands were given to
them, and the possession was formally confirmed at
the expiration of the first five years, in September
1786, by Alfdrez Jose Dario Argtiello, commissioned
therefor by Governor Fages, Neve's successor. Nine
of the settlers then remained, each of whom was sum-
moned, and in the presence of his neighbors, and of
the legal witnesses, who acted in lieu of a notary pub-
lic, the commissioner granted him first the house-lot,
then the four fields, and finally the iron for branding
his live-stock. A form of measurement of town lots
and lands was gone through, and a separate title-deed
was drawn up for each of the grants, and signed by
the commissioner and his legal witnesses. None of
the grantees knowing how to read or write, each ap-
pended a cross to the documents, after he had been
duly informed of its contents. At San Jose, the same
formalities had been effected, in May 1783, by Lieu-
tenant Joseph Moraga under similar powers from the
governor. At this place education was not utterly
absent, one of the settlers, the ancestor of the after-
ward famous bandit, Jose Tiburcio Vazquez, being
able to sign his name, while the alcalde, Archuleta,
was not so fortunate. The boundary between the
pueblo and the mission Santa Clara was defined in
1801, making the Guadalupe river the line, with a
reservation of mountain woodland. In July of that

252 COLONIZATION, PUEBLO SYSTEM, AND LAND GRANTS.

year the limits were surveyed, and landmarks fixed,
the missionaries having gained a point. The place
was given the name of San Jose de Alvarado in 1839,
in honor of Governor Juan B. Alvarado, who then
ruled California.

The municipal officers were at first appointed by
the governor, and afterward chosen by the people.
The governor was, however, represented at each pue-
blo by a comisionado, usually a corporal or sergeant,
whose duty it was to see to the maintenance of order,
to the furnishing of supplies for passing troops, and to
the compliance with the fundamental regulation. The
municipal officials were under his supervision, though
he was not allowed to hinder them in their legitimate
functions.

Nothing further was done toward forwarding colo-
nization in California, except to allow a few discharged
sailors at ports to become colonists. Thus it was that
down to 1790 no new pueblos were founded ; no other
immigration of pobladores occurred. A few changes
took place, it is true, some settlers leaving, and some
discharged soldiers and a few sailors being enrolled as
colonists ; a few boys grown to manhood had taken
to farming in preference to becoming soldiers. The
population of both pueblos had varied from 185 to
220, of both sexes and all ages. The settlers had
shown some inclination to disorder, but on the whole,
must have given due attention to their tillage. Los
Angeles, in 1791, was transferred from its former site,
which in heavy rains was exposed to freshets, to a
higher one. The agricultural products exceeded the
average of the missions. Los Angeles, in 1790,
yielded more grain than any mission, San Gabriel
only excepted.

The necessity of an increase of the Spanish popu-
lation being fully recognized it was contemplated to
establish more pueblos of gente de razon. In Novem-
ber 1795, orders came to select a proper site to found
a villa to bear the name of Branciforte, in honor of

BRANCIFORTE OR SANTA CRUZ. 253

the Marques de Branciforte, viceroy of Mexico. It
was intended to be a military town, thoroughly forti-
fied, and peopled by soldiers ; though in the matter of
land grants the existing pueblo regulation, and the
laws of the Indies were to be enforced. Every officer
and soldier was to have his town-lot, and between
the lots of the officers were others to be assigned to
chiefs of Indian rancherias who might wish to live
among the Spaniards. The site finally chosen was
Santa Cruz, because it afforded facilities for exporting
merchandise, with abundance of fish and good building
materials. It was concluded that the settlers should
be from cold or temperate climes. Houses and gran-
ary were to be built and made ready, so that they
could immediately after their coming devote them-
selves to the cultivation of the soil. The scheme of
having Indian chiefs among the settlers was given up
as impracticable, as there were no suitable chiefs at
hand ; but mission Indians might be advantageously
admitted in the colony to work with and learn from
the gente de razon. Governor Diego de Borica, who
was a man of practical views, called for four classes of
settlers, to wit : robust tillers of the soil, mechanics,
artisans, and a few sailors to develop whale-fishing,
as whales abounded on the coast. The college of San
Fernando objected to the site selected so near a
mission, but no heed was paid to it, and Borica was
directed in January 1797 to proceed at once with the
foundation, which he did, receiving as settlers a num-
ber from San Jose' and Los Angeles who had no
lands. He was promised new settlers and artisans
from Mexico ; but the people sent out were not the
best suited to lay the foundation of a moral, law-abid-
ing community ; perhaps it was hardly consistent with
the eternal fitness of things that a colony bearing the
name of one of the worst men that ever disgraced a
country should succeed. To this day Santa Cruz
feels the effects of the bad beginning made there by
Branciforte. Most of the new settlers were vagrants

254 COLONIZATION, PUEBLO SYSTEM, AND LAND GRANTS.

and minor criminals. The ship Conception arrived at
Monterey on the 12th of May 1797, with a party of
such colonists in a most pitiable condition from ill-
health and destitution. Gabriel Moraga as comisionado
carried out the foundation. His instructions were to
see that the townsmen lived peaceably ; to tolerate no
prostitution, gambling, drunkenness, or neglect of
work. Such offences were to be severely punished.
The observance of religious duties was to be enforced ;
each settler had to produce from time to time a cer-
tificate to the effect that he had attended to the
church service, the confessional, and communion, as
prescribed by the ecclesiastical authority. The colo-
nists were to maintain the best relations with the
friars, to have no intercourse whatever with the
natives of the neighboring mission. A number of
other useful recommendations need not be detailed.
Among them was one to see that the settlers prepared
shelters for men and animals before the arrival there
of C6rdoba, the 'government engineer. C6rdoba ar-
rived in August, surveyed the lands, did something
toward erecting temporary houses, began a canal for
irrigation, and made search for suitable materials for
the permanent buildings. He furnished the governor
with an estimate of the cost, $23,405, which was
duly forwarded to the viceroy. In October the
works were suspended for want of funds, and thus was
the greatness of the villa de Branciforte indefinitely
put off. Nevertheless, the place did not remain
empty. There were some temporary huts, nine set-
tlers, the comisionado, and the military guard. These
settlers were not convicts, though of a class that
Guadalajara, whence they came, could well afford to
part with. They were provided with means to get
along, after a fashion, for the first five years, but
never showed a disposition for hard work. In 1798
Governor Borica requested Moraga to stir them up
against their natural laziness. Indeed, they were not
only lazy, but vicious, and the governor pronounced

POPULATION AND RESOURCES. 255

them a curse to the country for their dishonesty and
immorality. Down to 1800 there was no change in
the number, though a few discharged soldiers were
added to the settlement. Moraga was in charge till
1799, and was succeeded by Ignacio Yallejo, a just
man. The crop of 1800 was 1,100 bushels of wheat,
maize, and beans, and the live-stock had reached 500
head of horses, and neat cattle. The settlement of
Branciforte was the last one attempted during the
Spanish or Mexican domination.

The united population of San Jose, Los Angeles,
and Branciforte in 1800 was about 550, in a little over
100 families, including twelve or fifteen men raising
cattle in the vicinity, whose families mostly dwelt in
the towns. About thirty of these families had been
imported from Mexico, and the increase resulted from
children grown to manhood, and discharged soldiers,
some of whom were pensioners. Agriculture and
stock-raising were the only industries of the towns-
men. In 1800, they had 16,500 head of cattle and
horses, about 1,000 sheep, and raised some 9,000
bushels of grain, the surplus of which found a ready
sale at the presidios. Each settler cultivated his
fields, and delivered yearly to the common fund a cer-
tain quantity of grain, which served to defray the
town's expenses. At each pueblo was a guard of sol-
diers, who were practically settlers. The alcalde and
regidores had charge of the municipal affairs, and the
comisionado a general supervision. Most of the labor
was done by natives not attached to the missions.
Father Salazar reported that the settlers were idlers,
and cared more for gambling and guitar-playing than
for tilling their lands or educating their offspring.
Los Angeles was the most populous as well as pros-
perous. Branciforte was still in debt to the govern-
ment at the end of 1800.

The governor of California had endeavored, in
1797, to obtain from New Spain superior approval to
a scheme intended to force retired soldiers to dwell in

256 COLONIZATION, PUEBLO SYSTEM, AND LAND GRANTS.

pueblos. He wanted, also, a reenforcement of mar-
riageable women. His efforts failed. But another
class of colonists, obtainable with greater ease, was
sent out, thus making of California a penal colon}-,
which, to some extent, Fages was the author of. In
1791, three convicts were brought to Monterey.
That same year a convict blacksmith was instructing
the Indians at San Francisco. In 1798, twenty -two
convicts, of various grades of criminality, were brought
by the Conception, all of whom were put to learn and
teach trades. Such arrivals were afterward quite
frequent. In 1800, a number of foundlings were sent
from Mexico, and here distributed among the families
in the presidios. The practice of sending convicts to
California was continued by the Mexican republic as
late as 1834.

After the occupation of California by Spain, in
1769, the absolute title of land vested in the crown.
There was no individual ownership of land. Usufruc-
tuary titles only existed during the Spanish rule. The
king held actual possession of the ground occupied by
the presidios and a few adjoining lands. The abori-
gines were recognized as the owners, under the crown,
of all the lands needed for their support. This ar-
rangement limited the area, thus leaving a portion
open to colonization. So it was that under the gen-
eral laws of the Indies four square leagues, or their
equivalent, of land could be assigned to each pueblo.
Neither missions, church, nor religious orders owned
any land. The missionaries had only the use of the
land needed for mission purposes, namely, to prepare
the Indians that they might in time take possession
as individuals of the land they were then holding in
commonalty. This purpose once accomplished, the
missions were to be secularized, and made pueblos,
the houses of worship naturally going under the con-
trol of the church, and the missionaries going to seek
other fields of usefulness. It was planned from the

PUEBLO LANDS. 257

beginning that each mission and presidio should even-
tually become a pueblo, and that other pueblos should
likewise be founded, each having four square leagues
of land assigned thereto. The settlement of boun-
daries was left for the future, when called for by the
increase of the number of towns. The missions, in
their temporary occupation, were not restricted as to
area. The conversion of most of the presidios and
missions into towns was finally effected under a law of
1834. This law, according to the spirit of the Span-
ish laws, involved the distribution of the mission lands
to the ex-neophytes.

The granting of lands to natives or Spaniards in
California was permitted as early as 1773. Thus we
see that a grant was made to Manuel Buitron in 1775.
In the same way, informal grants were made to the
inhabitants of San Jose in 1777. Neve's regulation
established the mode of granting land, as we have
seen, providing, likewise, for the gradual extension of
towns by the grant of new lots and fields. All grants,
however, were forfeited by abandonment, failure to
cultivate, or non-compliance with the requirements of
the law. Such lands could not be alienated at all
until full possession had been given.

It is known that in 1784 Governor Fages allowed
several men to temporarily occupy certain lands. In
1786, he was authorized to grant tracts not exceeding
three leagues in extent, nor encroaching on the area
of any pueblo, nor causing detriment to any mission
or Indian rancheria. The grantees had to build a
store house on each rancho, and to keep at least
2,000 head of live-stock. Governor Borica, in 1795,
for substantial reasons, opposed the granting of ran-
chos, though recommending that settlers of good
character should be allowed to occupy lands near
missions, to be granted them at a later day if deemed
expedient. Several ranches existed at the time under
such temporary permits. Preference was given by
the government to this arrangement, possibly because

CAL. PAST. 17

258 COLONIZATION, PUEBLO SYSTEM, AND LAND GRANTS.

the settlers were not willing or able to comply with
the terms demanded in the case of full grants. Some
ranches occupied by special permits were subsequently
taken from the holders because needed by the mis-
sions.

At the end of the eighteenth century, there were
in California eighteen missions and four presidios
without settlers, but each was intended to become in
due time a pueblo ; three towns of Spaniards, so called,
with about 100 heads of families; and finally, twenty
or thirty men occupying ranches under provisional
permits, which involved no legal title to the lands.
The Spanish cortes, in 1813, passed a decree to reduce
public lands to private ownership; but this decree,
like another of the same year for the secularization of
missions, was unknown in California before 1820, and
was therefore inoperative. Colonization rules were
decreed by the Mexican government on November
21, 1828, to give effect to an act of congress of August
18, 1824; but they did not authorize the distribution
of mission lands. The mode of granting lands to in-
dividuals prescribed by the law was the one rather
carelessly practised till 1846. A law of April 6, 1830,
somewhat modified those of 1824 and 1828, authoriz-
ing the national government to seize all lands required
for national defences, and forbade frontier colonization
by foreigners who were citizens of an adjoining nation.

In 1822, after the Spanish sovereignty had ceased,
the provincial diputacion passed an act establishing
ayuntamientos for towns, but the change from the old
system was only in name, and in the addition of a
treasurer and secretary to the former list of officials.
After the government of Mexico became centralized,
and the new regime took effect in California, ayunta-
mientos were suppressed, being replaced by justices of
the peace and prefects.

Monterey, a presidio since 1770, was made a town
in 1820. In 1828, the ayuntamiento adopted an ordi-
nance for the preservation of good order. In 1830,

ORGANIZATION OF PUEBLOS. 259

the territorial diputacion fixed the extent and boun-
daries of the town lands. I find that Monterey was,
in 1840, raised by the diputacion to the rank of a city,
and declared to be the capital of the then department
of California. Los Angeles had been, by a decree of
the Mexican congress of May 23, 1835, made not only
a city, but the capital of the territory, which naturally
caused much displeasure among the people in the
north, with corresponding elation in the south ; but as
the people of Los Angeles made no provision of build-
ings for public uses, the matter dropped out of sight
for some time. An attempt was subsequently made
to make that decree effective, which failed, and it was
only in 1845 that Los Angeles actually became the
seat of government, remaining so until the country
ceased to be an appendage of the Mexican republic.
As a result of the secularization of the missions,
new pueblos were organized, namely, San Juan de
Arguello, Las Flores, San Dieguito, and San Pascual
in the south, San Juan de Castro, San Francisco, and
Sonoma in the north. Santa Barbara, the former
presidio, also became a town.

CHAPTER VIII.

LOTOS-LAND SOCIETY.

Quanto mas que cada uno es hijo de sus obras. — Cervantes.

THE theory of the mission system was to make the
savages work out their own salvation, and that of the
priests also. In fact, whatever work was to be done,
it was foreordained that the natives should do it.
Work was a necessity of civilization. Souls to save
was a necessity of the church. Servants to raise
cattle and till the land was ever an indispensable
factor in missionary economy, Here were all the
elements for a new church militant, a new heaven
and a new earth.

Since that beauteous mischief, unreflective Pandora,
opened her box, evils have been abroad; the gods
concealed our food, hid from us fire, and then decreed
that we must work to find them if we would not go
hungry and cold.

Pity the poor Spanish man who does not like to
work! The motto of the Zacatecas padres, as indeed
of many more modern churchmen, was, "Divertirse
hoy que ya manana. es otro dia." This California
country, about as well any could, suited the Mexican
settler, with his inherent indolence, relieved only by
slow, spasmodic energy. With the richest of soil
around him, which to the scratching of the wooden
plough would yield sixty and a hundred to one, he
disdained tillage, partly because this labor had been
turned over to Indian serfs, partly because there was
no market for cereals. The plodding tasks and nar-

(260)

OPPOSED TO WORK. 261

row confines of the farm were not for him. More
suited to the chivalric instincts of the Mexican, com-
ing to him honestly in his Spanish blood, was general
domination over animals, with lordly command of
men and horses to aid him in controlling vast herds
and flocks. It pleased him to have at his bidding
a suite of dusky retainers, drawn from wandering
tribes; for the settlers served one another only as
friends and brethren, connected as they often were
by consanguinity in greater or smaller decree.

With few inhabitants, and a vast extent of country,
land was of little value, and could be occupied as fancy
dictated, the stock-raiser extending his range beyond
original limits whenever the communal tract round
the pueblo became too narrow for a rising ambition.
Cattle, indeed, roamed in a half-wild state upon
the plains, and wiry-limbed, swift horses, of larger
size and longer neck than the Mexican prototype,
were subordinated at times by nomadic rancheros.
Cattle formed a ready recourse with which to obtain
from flitting trading vessels such comforts and luxuries
as growing taste suggested. The annual rodeo con-
stituted the stock-taking period, when additions to the
herds were counted and branded, old marks inspected,
and stragglers from adjoining ranges restored to
claimants. The occasion became a rural festival,
from the necessary congregation of neighbors for mu-
tual aid and supervision of interests. Wives and sis-
ters lent their charms to the meeting, and animation
to the scene, by inspiring the horsemen to more dash-
ing feats, either in rounding up the herds, or dur-
ing the sports that formed the appropriate finale to
the event.

These were the equestrian days of California. The
saddle was the second and life-long cradle of the race.
The men in walking grew awkward, as indicated by
the uneven gait% attended by the jingling of the im-
mense spurs at the heels. Riding began in early
childhood. The boy, mounted by a friendly hand,

262 LOTOS-LAND SOCIETY.

sped away in exhilarating race, whirling the lariat at
whatsoever attracted his fancy, and speedily acquiring
skill for veritable game. The saddle became an object
of dearest pride, elaborate with stamped leather and
glittering adornments, which extended from the high
pommel to the clumsy wooden stirrup, partly hidden
by the leather cover that shielded the foot. The
bridle was of braided rawhide, with a large and cruel
bit. Little was thought of long horseback journeys,
and camping under the open sky, with the saddle for
a pillow and blankets for a cover. The horse might
be exchanged from among the bands roaming in all
directions. Even the women preferred riding to driv-
ing in the clumsy, springless carretas, with frames of
rawhide, and sections of logs for wheels. Wagon-
roads did not exist. When women rode, they would
generally be seated in front of their cavalier, shaded
by his huge sombrero.

The Californian ever aspired to gallantry; with a
graceful figure, when mounted, he was well favored.
Latin peoples are more demonstrative in their man-
ners than Anglo-Saxons, more picturesque in their
politeness. The common people are more cordial,
and the better bred young men more gallant. To
French politeness Spaniards add chivalrous courtesy.
With only a lasso for a weapon, he ranked not as a
soldier, but was not the less venturesome and dashing
in facing wild herds, in bearding the grizzly, in mount-
ing and taming the wild horse. Frank and good-
natured, polite and ever punctilious, he proved a good
friend and admirable host, until checked somewhat in
certain directions by the rebuff and deception on the
part of blunt and grasping foreigners. Spoiled partly
by bountiful nature, he yielded his best efforts to
profitless pursuits, heedless of the morrow. Moved
by impulses which soon evaporated, his energy was
both unsustained and misdirected, and he fell a ready
prey to unscrupulous schemers. He lived for the
enjoyment of the hour, in reverie or sport, rejoicing

RELIGION AND LAZINESS. 263

in bull-fighting and bear-baiting, eager for the chase
as for the fandango, and sustaining the nagging ex-
citement with gambling, winning or losing with an
imperturbability little in accord with his otherwise
movable nature; yet he gambled for excitement, while
the foreigner, who freely gave vent to his feelings in
round oaths or ejaculations, was impelled mainly by
avarice.

Sunday morning was spent, where possible, in de-
votion, with senses quickened to loftier feelings by
the solemnity of the place, the illuminated splendor
of the altar, the beauty of the chant, the awe-imposing
ritual. This duty was quite irksome, however, in-
volving as it did so great a restraint. After service,
amends were made, the remainder of the day being
passed in active games or social entertainments. The
load of sins removed by penance or confession, the
soul was ready to take on a fresh load of iniquity, to be
as easily removed another day. And when in winter
time the sun hurried the day along, and night slack-
ened its pace, then lovers met. The old-fashioned
rule in Spain was that a kiss was equivalent to be-
trothal; but there were here many kisses for every
betrothal, and many betrothals for every marriage,
and sometimes a marriage without a priest. The
guitar and violin were in constant use, the players
being always ready for dance and song, the simple
music being usually marked by a plaintive strain. The
singing was frequently improvised, especially in honor
of guests, or in sarcastic play upon men and events.

Lazy some of them might be, and were; day after
day, at morning and at night, lazily they told their
rosary, lazily attended mass, and lazily ate and slept.
They were as sleepy, and indolent, and amorous, as if
they fed exclusively on mandrakes. But the languor
of ennui was not common with them. They could do
nothing easily and not tire of it. Theirs was that
abnormity wherein rest was the natural condition.

Supremest happiness was theirs ; the happiness that

264 LOTOS-LAND SOCIETY.

knows no want, that harbors no unattainable longing,
no desires that might not be gratified, the happiness
of ignorance, of absence of pain. Nor might it truth-
fully be said of them that theirs was only a negative
happiness. Was it not happiness to breathe the intoxi-
cating air, to revel in health and plenty, to bask in
the sunshine and fatten on luscious fruits, to enjoy
all of God's best gifts uncursed, in their Eden to pos-
sess their souls in peace? And of the doings of the
outer world, of past ages, of progress- —these are not
happiness; does not knowledge bring with it vastly
more of pain than pleasure? Yet sadness they were
not wholly free from ; a shade of melancholy is char-
acteristic of their features. But what of that? Does
not the serenest joy often spring from quiet hearts,
and sad thoughts find expression in sweetest song ?

There were not lacking verse-makers among them,
though in poetry no attempt was made to achieve the
upper regions of Parnassus, their half-fledged muse
being apparently content to flutter round the moun-
tains bare.

Like their language, the Spanish are a poetic,
rythmic people; yet stern, majestic, and with a melan-
choly tone. In their softer moods they are touch-
ingly sweet and tender, but when roused their tongue
is terrible.

The empirical law of human nature, which asserts
that youth is impetuous and old age cautious, finds in
the Hispano-Californians an exception; the young
men were impetuous, and the old men scarcely less
so. A life-long experience failed to generate circum-
spection.

Though bursting with conditions favorable to wealth,
there was comparatively little wealth in the land.
Gold lay scattered in the streams and imbedded in
the crevices of the Sierra foothills, and the valleys
were fat with grain-producing soil. Yet there lacked
the applied labor that should turn these resources into
tangible riches. Some, nevertheless, acquired what

POVERTY AND PLEASURE. 265

might be called wealth in those days, though not by
voluntarily saving part of their earnings, but because
they could not spend their accumulations. They did
not love money. Any time they would pour out a
gallon of it for a pint of pleasure ; but the trouble was
too often that there was nothing to buy.

Life then was unlike any of the modifications of
feudal Europe; it was unlike the fixed features of
Oriental society, the nomadic communities of Arabia,
the aristocratic tribes of America, or any of the great
types of human society, aboriginal or colonial, that
had ever before existed. Idleness there did not seem
to visit the people with its usual curse. Firmly
enough they held that pleasure, up to a certain point,
must be classed among the utilities, as well as plough-
ing or sheep-raising, for without enjoyment the race
would speedily degenerate.

The products of these engendering conditions were
of the most material and practical kind, such as were
wealth and wealth producing. As they were not
largely exchanged for money, silk, foreign wine, and
tobacco, not sunk or squandered in these things, they
were left to increase, which they did rapidly. All
were productive consumers as well as productive
laborers. Little was lost or squandered in luxuries
or pleasures. Luxury and pleasure there were an
abundance of, but they were of such a character as
not to be dependent upon money or wealth.

Years passed by with never a broken siesta of priest
or comandante, with never a noon-day disturbance,
midday and midnight were alike sacred to slumber.

Though farming was limited, their wants being not
extensive in this direction, and the care of horses and
cattle claiming the most attention, yet seed-time and
harvest were epochs in their quiet lives, and some-
times pruning and vintage, for in due time the padres
had well-filled wine-cellars, in the disposition of which
they themselves were not their worst customers. In
their farming operations, as in everything else, they

266 LOTOS-LAND SOCIETY. .

held, with Hesiod, to their lucky and unlucky days.
The old men saw visions, the young men dreamed
dreams. Nor were women old or young without their
schemes — innocent and childlike little plots they were;
not bloodless, indeed, for the blood of young men and
maidens is rich and warm; but there was little of
blood-spilling in these dreams and schemes other than
the blood of bullocks fat for feasting;.

O

Living thus surrounded by such scenes of natural
beauty, amidst olive orchards and vineyards, ever
looking forth from sunny slopes on the bright waters
of bay and sea, living so much in the open air with
high exhilaration and healthful exercise, many a young
woman glowed in her lustrous beauty, and many a
young man unfolded as perfect as Apollo. Even the
old were cheerful, strong, and young in spirit.

Gathered at their festivals, it might be said of the
assembly as some one said of the lonians gathered at
Delos, so fresh and blooming were they, as if blessed
with endless youth. And indeed, life here was almost
like a returning of the world to its infancy ; a return-
ing of mankind to artless, thoughtless boyhood, when
science held little sway, and men lived simple lives,
and excess of piety and excess of culture had not
sobered the mind and made serious the art of living.
It was almost as in the early days of Greece, when
religion was but a love of the beautiful; when every
star was tenanted by a god, and every stream was
made to move and sing by some laughter-loving
nymph; when Jove himself hurled the thunder and
flashed the lightning, and made the clouds to move,
such things as laws of nature being yet unheard of.
And of the young women at work, one might almost
imagine them the princess Nausicaa and her maidens,
washing in the stream the household linen, stamping
it clean with their pretty bare feet, and ending their
labors with ball-game and banquet. By their behavior
one would think they were born in the silver age of
Hesiod, when childhood lasted for a hundred years,

DECLINE OF SAVAGISM. 267

for none of these were one hundred, and they all acted
like children.

As nature grows, so grows man's intelligence; as
nature speaks, so speaks the heart of man. The bird
sings, and man prays; human life, like leaves, comes
arid goes, and no one knows whence or whither. That
which built mountains builds churches; seas and for-
ests, like nations, are born and die ; that which unfolds
the hidden seed unfolds the germ of intellect; nature
and man — wild man or tamed — are one, and all alike
are but blind chance or the development of infinite
thought.

In America, wherever the European plants himself,
the native, is overshadowed. And the lower in the
scale of humanity he is, the quicker he dies. No peo-
ple have longer endured the intimate contact of Euro-
peans than the Nahuas of the Mexican table-land.
The Tasmanians have gone, and the Australians, the
New Zealanders, and the Hawaiians are fast going.
Our food, our drink, our clothes, our shelter, our
piety, our cruelty, our diseases — all tend to waste
them away. Being intellectually weak and inferior,
they sink into the earth beside their neighbor of ranker
individuality.

Take from the mountains or prairies hardy wild
cattle; confine, feed, and fatten them, and they are
the first to fall before some rinderpest. Wild beasts
never can be made to work beside domesticated ani-
mals. A civilized horse would kill a dozen of the
untamed kind at ploughing, whereas, free, the wild
horse would soon run the tame one to death on the
prairies. Our present civilization tends to toughen
men; it does not enervate and degrade, like that of
ancient Greece and Rome. In Spain, in Sicily, and
in Gual, the barbarian with the Roman endured. The
contact was beneficial rather than prejudicial to both
barbarian and Roman. But then, these barbarians
were not exactly savages, nor were the^Romans then
the hardy, warlike people they once were.

268 LOTOS-LAND SOCIETY.

The savage is not so far removed from us as we
may at first suppose. All are children of one common
father; and weighed in the great balance of life and
immortality, the primitive man will if anything turn
the scale. Every one of the great blessings upon
which civilization so prides itself carries with it to
some extent a counteracting curse. Man, in emerging
from a savage state, has much to give up. The re-
straints of civilized life to the savage are like prison
walls. He cannot jump at once from unbounded lib-
erty, from perfect freedom in thought and action, from
health and the full enjoyment of nature, into the
strait-jacket of forms and refinements, without un-
dergoing a severe struggle. The growth must be
gradual. The seed cannot at once be transformed into
a tree, nor the child into the man. Every attempt
that has ever yet been made to abruptly change
the life and condition of the Indian has proved a fail-
ure. Even the catholic fathers in California, actuated
by the kindest motives, devoting their lives to the
amelioration of one of the most abject races of the
world, raising them from a condition of nakedness,
hunger, want, and exposure, and comfortably clothing,
housing, and feeding them, were doomed to see them

fradually fade away. They can no more endure
indness than cruelty.

Their songs of native gladness were changed to
minor moods, as they were made to sit in sackcloth,
and cry peccavi!

The savages are great imitators; and once the
missionaries succeeded in gaining their good-will, they
soon were full of some kind of enthusiasm, they hardly
knew what. These strange white men they felt to
be their superior, hence to do as they did soon became
the fashion among them, even to falling down and wor-
shipping a saint-figure with crucifix and skull, glaring
down upon them from the church wall — certainly no
small tax upon the credulity of the savage or civilized
mind.

LATIN AND AMERICAN RACES. 269

So far as the natives were concerned, between the
fathers spiritual and the soldiers temporal it was an
absolute despotism they were under, with no inter-
mediate class between the rulers and the ruled; and
if they avoided Scylla the government, they were
sure to fall on Charybdis the church.

The natives were of necessity forced to obey their
spiritual advisers, and indeed, soldiers of the presidio,
and citizens of the pueblo, rancheros, vaqueros, and
loungers, were all subject to a mild clerical espionage.
Between the intellectual caliber of the missionaries
and that of the natives there was a great difference,
with no intermediate class. It was the cunning of
civilization, the cunning of Christianity, the cunning
of zealous, self-devoted fanaticism, in close and deadly
contact with savage simplicity. Had there been any
to stand between them, any to question the one as
to the validity of his pretensions and encourage the
other to disobedience, the missionaries never would
have succeeded.

Natural advantages exercise a powerful influence
upon a people, particularly where they are indige-
nous. But those countries possessing the greatest
advantages of soil and climate do not always produce
the greatest people. Of energy there was enough
among the Spanish colonists, but it was of that
spasmodic kind which aroused by passion subsides
before beneficial results are secured. It was the very
opposite of that tenacious and stubborn principle
which governed the Anglo-Saxons in America, whose
patient and self-denying industry laid the foundations
of superior political institutions.

Both Indian and Spaniard were alike in natural
indolence, love of luxury, fondness for amusement, and
hatred of menial occupations. Both would undergo
the greatest hardships without a murmur; but when
the passion had cooled, or when the exigency which
called. forth these spasms of energy had passed, there
came a reaction in which indulgence was in as great

270 LOTOS-LAND SOCIETY.

excess as the discipline had been severe. For the
continuous application of those faculties of body and
mind which alone achieve permanent greatness, the
Latin races were children beside the Anglo-Saxon.

For a time few foreigners were here, the population
being chiefly Indian and Mexican, with presently in-
terminable intermixtures. All others were regarded
with more or less suspicion, and were plainly made to
understand that their presence was not desired, unless
they would become catholics, and marry a woman of
the country, which indeed many did.

Across the mountains came the uncouth sons of
the Saxons. At one time in all the mission churches
te deum was sung for divine interposition to save the
country from the Americans. And when the stran-
gers came, all along this line of missions the past was
there ; these buildings might be a thousand years old,
howsoever virgin the country. Immigration brought
innovation, steamboats and stage-coaches were the
curse conveying to silent ranches and sleepy pueblos
vagabonds and sharpers. As a rule, there was no
public house in these towns ; such things were un-
needed where hospitality only placed the distributor
under obligations.

A bitter feeling sprang up early between the Cali-
fornians and the Mexican government, resulting from
the policy of the latter to turn their country into a
penal colony for Mexican convicts. This displeasure
became further increased when the government re-
solved to fill all the official positions with Mexicans,
to the exclusion of Californians. This feeling soon
grew to one of hostility toward the people of Mexico,
or, as they were called, j"l°s de la otra banda." "The
best of the Mexicans among us," says Alvarado,
"were insulting and offensive and were far more cor-

O

dially hated than any foreigners." Alvarado had
once inflicted chastisement with his own hands, on a
Mexican schoolmate named Romero, for making in-

CALIFORNIANS VERSUS MEXICANS. 271

suiting remarks on the dress of the administration of
which he was a member. A quarrel between Alva-
rado and Alferez Pliego was another event growing
out of the sectional hatred. The character and con-
duct of the battalion of cholos, brought by General
Micheltorena in 1842, capped the climax, exasperat-
ing the Californians to open rebellion, for the
soldiers were not only vicious and a disgrace to
the service, but altogether useless, and a burden
which the slightly developed country could ill sup-
port.

Said Jose de Jesus Vallejo to Cerruti: "General
Micheltorena sent to Mexico, by Coronel Tellez, a
person in whom he placed full confidence, several offi-
cial notes addressed to the minister of war of the
Mexican republic, demanding of him assistance to
fight the Californians, whom he represented as un-
worthy of his confidence, because they were united by
masonic bonds and all conspired against him. I be-
lieve that General Micheltorena would have done a
great deal better if he had frankly confessed that the
soldiers under his orders were thieves and not military
men, and such a pack of cowards that our rancheros,
mounted on their horses, carrying in their arms their
young children, fought one against three, and van-
quished them." The following will give some idea of
what the quarrel was composed of:

General Micheltorena's officers, with a few honora-
ble exceptions, were corrupt and altogether bad.
Colonel Garfias, an old veteran, who had been ap-
pointed commander of the battalion, refused the com-
mand, and told the general : " Most of your officers
are a miserable set. If you send them to buy six
pence worth of cigarettes, they will lose the coin."
Among them was a Lieutenant Aguado, whose
servant was a cholo soldier. The latter was coming
from the direction of the orchards — in Los Ano-eles, —

O

wrapped in a striped woolen blanket, and meeting
the lieutenant, opened his wrap a little to show the

'272 LOTOS-LAND SOCIETY.

head of a large turkey, and said, "My lieutenant, see
what a fine violon (base viol) I have with me." " That
is right, my son, take it to my quarters," answered
Aguado, who well knew he would have for his dinner
a good share of the stolen turkey.

Manuel Requena, a citizen of Los Angeles, notified
Alcalde Coronel in 1842 that his poultry yard had
been robbed of a number of turkeys, and that he had
reason to believe the thieves were some of Michel-
tore na's lambs. An Indian woman identified one
of them at the barracks. On being asked what
had become of the turkey, he answered with a
question and a reply thereto. Didn't you receive a
nice little stew from my woman? And you ate it?
So did I and my companions. He alleged not having
stolen the turkey, and explained the process by which
he came to have it, drawing out of his pocket a line at
the end of which were several pieces of crooked needles
securing a number of grains of corn. He added that
it was a way he had of amusing himself, and in passing
Requena's house, he threw those little grains on the
other side of the fence to see if he could catch some
crows or other birds. Presently he felt a pulling at
the line, whereupon he slowly and carefully drew it
to himself, fearing that the line might part; finally he
discovered that the violincito had entangled itself.
He then wrapped it up in his serape, judging that it
was his by right of conquest. Being told by his
colonel that this was theft, he answered that he had
always understood theft to be taking things without
their owner's consent; but in the present case the
little animal had come to him of its own accord. This
ingenious pleading did not, however, save him from
the punishment, in the form of blows with withes,
that his commander ordered applied to his bare back.

The first foreigners who established themselves
among the Californians were regarded by those who
came later from Mexico as renegades and apostates,
or even traitors to their countrymen. They accused

CHARACTER OF THE CALIFORNIANS. 273

them of secretly plotting for their expulsion, fearing
that their ascendency over the Mexicans was in dan-
ger of being shared or destroyed by the poor but bold
and enterprising settlers who were beginning to reach
the country. The majority of these older emigrants
had conformed to the catholic religion, and were ac-
customed to out-Mexican the Mexicans in drinking,
gambling, and fandangoing, that they might obtain
favor of the Californians, and become traitors in the
eyes of the minnows of Mexico — the female minnows
especially.

The character of the Californians was what in
the main would be called good — mild, well-meaning
enough, though not very pronounced. They had re-
ceived but little training, scarcely any education, yet
they possessed virtues worthy of record. They were
kind-hearted and liberal ; a person could travel from
San Diego to Sonoma without a coin in his pocket, and
never want for a roof to cover him, a bed to sleep on,
food to eat, and even tobacco to smoke. Serrano says
in travelling he once came to the house of some poor
people who had but one bed; this they wished to give
him and sleep themselves on hides spread on the
ground. The guest resisted, until they considered
themselves slighted, and he was forced to yield. This
hospitality was not only extended to acquaintances,
but to strangers; and if any one attempted to pay for
services rendered, the poorest Californian would never
accept any reward, but would say, "Sefior, we are
not in the habit of selling food."

" On arriving at a rancho," says Arnaz, " the traveller
was received with joy, and the best things were pre-
pared for him, with horses and servants on leaving.
Even their beds were given up. When the missions
flourished a man could travel from one end of Califor-
nia to the other, obtaining horses, servants, food, etc.,
without cost to him, and this hospitality was kept up,
or nearly so, by rancheros after the decline of the mis-

CAL. PAST. 18

274 LOTOS-LAND SOCIETY.

sions.'' Some of Belden's party reached Aguirre's
ranch o unable to speak Spanish, and hardly knowing
how to get along. He made signs for food. The
Californians lassoed a bullock, killing it, and told
them to leave the hide and take as much meat as
they wanted, and refused to accept pay.

Every man travelling carried his serape, which
served him well in rainy or cold weather; at night
it was a covering to sleep under. He could always
count upon a hide to lie on in the common houses,
arid a simple bed in those of the better class.

At the missions the same. The traveller being fed
was lodged in the guest's apartment; his horse was
taken care of, and when he departed he was given
provisions for the remainder of his journey. If his
horse was tired out, he was given another, until such
time as he returned to exchange it for his own. " And
so/' says Robinson, "any stranger travelling through
the country could stop at any one of the missions as
long as he pleased — for months, if he chose; his plate
would always be laid at table, and every possible at-
tention paid to him. When ready to leave, all he had
to do was to tell the padres, and his horses would be
ready, with a guide, and provisions for the road, which
were generally a chicken or two, a boiled tongue, a loaf
of bread, boiled eggs, a bottle of wine, and a bottle of
brandy, and the traveller was at no expense whatever."
A gentleman bummer, as the slang of to-day would
have it, could thus spend a lifetime going round from
mission to mission, and be always well received, and
all free of charge. He must have a constitution that
could endure some religion, however. The padres
were always glad to have strangers come.

"It is a proverb here," Bidwell remarks in 1841,
"and I find a pretty true one, that a Spaniard will
not do anything which he cannot do on horseback.
He does not work, perhaps, on an average one month
in the year. He labors about a week when he sows
his wheat, and another week when he harvests it; the
rest of the time is spent in riding about."

r PHYSIQUE. 275

Both the men and women were quite fine-looking,
tall, robust, well-made, handsome in feature, and
healthy in appearance. There was here a greater
purity of race than in Mexico. Many of the women
were as fair as those of New York, and had rosy
cheeks, contrasting with their jet-black hair, eye-
brows, and eyelashes. Their beauty was by no means
of an inferior order. Both the men and women had
small feet.

Vischer saw in San Diego and Santa Barbara the
cradles of California society, the classic type, Greek
or Roman, running through whole families, with a fre-
quent occurrence of the oriental and Gothic. Their
demeanor was one of quiet dignity, all affectation be-
ing absent.

As I have said, the people were all indolent; only
here and there was one who showed any inclination
to better his condition. They were not vicious, and
drunkenness was a rare thing in the country. They
lived comfortably, and were happy. Their wants
originally were few and simple. They knew nothing
beyond their own country, and had no desire for any-
thing but what their own land afforded them, until
other things brought by the incoming vessels attracted
their attention. They passed away their time with-
out care, had their amusements when not occupied in
their necessary labors, and never gave a thought to
the future. In a moral point of view, they com-
pared favorably with the people of other countries.

The Californians, generally, were the happiest and
most contented of communities, more free from care,
anxiety, and trouble than any others in the world.
They were simple-minded, and not at all sanguinary ;
shedding blood was abhorrent to their nature. They
were different from many of their countrymen of other
parts of Mexico in this regard. "Their fine physique
was due," says Torres, "probably to the quantity of
roast meat eaten, without vegetables."

One who left New Mexico in consequence of the

276 LOTOS-LAND SOCIETY.

insecurity of life and property of foreigners there, and
came to California not with any intention of remaining,
says: "Receiving so much kindness from the native
Californians, I arrived at the conclusion that there was
no place in the world where I could enjoy more true
happiness and true friendship than among them. There
were no courts, no juries, no lawyers, nor any need of
them. The people were honest and hospitable, and
their word was as good as their bond; indeed, bonds
and notes of hand were entirely unknown among the
natives."

All over this great west, for that matter, travellers,
trappers, wanderers, were treated with a kindness and
hospitality that they felt to be beyond thanks or recom-
pense. Those who quietly remain at home in the enjoy-
ment of indulgent ease can hardly comprehend the joy of
houseless missionaries and pioneers in meeting friends,
and friendly receptions now and then in the course of
their weary journey ings. But the settler in a strange
land could, and he always was kind to strangers. He
knew too well that solitude could have no charm, save,
perhaps, infrequency. He had felt that faintness and
sickness which come to the rudest heart with long
separations from friendship and sympathy. The soli-
tary are generally the most hospitable. From the
lonely and wandering Tartars, the little band of Arabs
that huddle round a well, or the half-dozen huts that
constitute a western settlement, the stranger is never
turned empty away. The having 'suffered like things
is at the root of this, as of most other virtues of deed
or expression. Who can pity the poor like the poor?
Who can sing of blindness like Milton, or of love like
Sappho, or depict an exile like Hugo?

Particularly is the hijo del pais well formed, graceful
in his movements, and athletic. Spending his life in
manly pursuits, roaming his native hills, breathing the
pure air of the Pacific, the horse his companion, the
lasso his weapon, he carries about him and into all life's
commonplaces the chivalrous bearing of the cavaliers

MIND AND MORALS. 277

of old Spain. His courage no one will question who
has seen him face a herd of wild cattle, or lasso a
grizzly, or mount an unbroken horse, or fix his un-
flinching gaze upon the muzzle of a pistol pointed
at his breast. He is by nature kind and frank.
The treatment he received at the hand of hard-
featured, ill-mannered, grasping, and unprincipled
strangers taught him to be suspicious; but his confi-
dence once gained, he is yours wholly and forever. In
his ardent nature there is no half-way course : either
he loves or hates; in his eyes every one he meets is
either for or against him, every one is either friend or
foe.

Absolutely unconfined, socially and politically, or as
nearly free as it were possible for poor erring humanity
to be who cannot escape a master of some sort, or who
make any pretensions to government, religion, or social
ethics — masters of all their eyes surveyed, the beauti-
ful earth and its fruits as free as the sweet air and
sunshine, lands unlimited, cattle on a thousand hills,
with ready-made servants to tend them, born here,
basking here, with none to molest or make afraid,
with woman to love, and offspring to rear, and priest
to shrive, with heart full and stomach full, yet relieved
from skull-cracking brains withal — how should they
be else than happy, than lovers of home and country?

Life at San Diego in 1825, what was it? Life,
not death, for nine tenths of life is death or a dream-
ing. "Ah, what times we used to have!" exclaims
what a little later was a wrinkled old woman of reflect-
ive memory. "Every week to La Playa, aboard the
ships — silks ! officers ! rebozos ! music ! dancing ! frolic ! "
Such was the impression a ship at La Playa every
week for one or two weeks created on the female mind
in the year 1825.

"Days of primitive simplicity, its traces not yet all
gone from among the descendants of the founders,"
continues the sighing one. "The summer labors and
harvest and their cattle filled most of their wants.

278 LOTOS-LAND SOCIETY.

The missionaries drew a heavy commerce from abroad
that supplied many luxuries in exchange for the pro-
ducts of individual industry. The arrival of a ship was
more than a sensation; its date served the memory
to reckon ordinary events thereafter. And cold the
heart not to relish the gayety and enjoyment that
followed the dropping of the anchor at La Playa.
Liberality on one side, unbounded hospitality on the
other, contributed to gild and prolong the festive
hours."

In the south society was most refined at Angeles
and Santa Barbara, these settlements being larger
and the people more wealthy than elsewhere on the
coast. Moreover, at these points larger military forces
were in garrison, and the officers were men of a culture
far superior to that of the rough rancheros, wherefore
an improvement in manners was felt. In this vicinity,
too, were to be found choice lands, together with the
most inviting climate ; and these lands were secured by
the most influential of such as came to the country.

San Diego would, undoubtedly, have been the
metropolis of early Alta California had the country
immediately surrounding the harbor been as fertile as
the valleys of Santa Barbara and Los Angeles, which
latter place bore off the palm — although in point of
respectability, Santa Barbara was not far behind.

The blood of Spain, already somewhat mixed with
that of the people of Montezuma, was still further
reduced by the occasional union of the Mexican and
Indian. When in 1835 the government began to make
grants of land, and the missions were secularized and
sold and the troops disbanded, many of the common
soldiers wived with Indians. Hence came the baser
stock of Hispano-Californians, such as, in the time of
gold discoveries, were yclept greasers.

Thus there were two distinct classes — that which
sprang from the admixture of Mexican and Indian,
and that of Mexican blood alone.

Whiteness was the badge of respectability, and the

POPULATION. 279

white Anglo-American mated with her he chose from
among the rich dusky daughters of Mexican descent.
Thisclaiin is to this day rather a sensitive point, not only
with the Mexico-Californians themselves, but with
the Americans and Englishmen who married here.
A too close scrutiny of the blood with which they
allied themselves is not always palatable to the fathers
of dark-complexioned children, especially if the fathers
be rich and respectable and the sons and daughters
educated and accomplished.

Morineau's observations in 1834 are not wide of the
mark. " Since the time of La Perouse," he says, "the
Creole population of California has increased rapidly.
The number of births is triple that of deaths. There
are often nine or ten children in a family. This is
owing to the good climate, and the exercise which the
youths take — lassoing, riding, etc. Their violent ex-
e,rcise and lack of education make the Californians
rough and almost brutal. They have little regard for
their women, are of a jealous disposition, and are strict
with their families. Although brusque, they are kind
to strangers. Their wives are dunces, attached to
their children, and hospitable. Being almost all re-
lated to each other, they live in great intimacy.
There is no difference of rank among them. One who
has become rich by his industry is neither admired
nor envied by any one. Theft is extremely rare.
Murder is without example. They do not like work,
but are all day in the saddle, looking after their herds,
or hunting. The women manage the household. In
the evenings they sometimes go to pass the time with
a neighbor, and play cards for money. Without prid-
ing themselves on their politeness, they sometimes
give balls, and dance to the guitar and violin. Besides
the jota and jarabe, which they dance in pairs, they
have a favorite dance executed by a single woman.
From the crowd of admirers are thrown pieces of
money at the feet of the dancer, while the tallest cava-
lier places his hat on her head and his cloak on her

280 LOTOS-LAND SOCIETY

shoulder; a gage which he may not take back with-
out making an offering to the beauty. The Creoles
served no drink at their festivals but brandy ; lately
they have used French wines. The women prefer
Frontignac and the men Bordeaux. If the men are
fond of violent exercise, the women like spectacles of
a similar kind, such as bear and bull fights and horse-
races." Which is as this man saw it.

Laplace avers that "whatever good qualities the
native Californians may have inherited with their
Castilian blood are more than counterbalanced by
their laziness, pride, vindictiveness, and jealousy of
foreigners. For the most part they are very igno-
rant, and pass their time smoking and sleeping when
not gambling. They are indifferent husbands, faith-
less and exacting, and very hard masters. The women
are pretty, but vain, frivolous, bad managers, and ex-
travagant. They prefer to take their husbands from
among the foreigners. The houses of the lower class
were scarcely better than Indian huts. An air of
squalor and slovenliness was over things and persons.
Some of them when mounted and equipped had a fine,
brave appearance, not in their case always a proof of
bravery. Their daughters and v/ives were gracious
and attractive."

" The state of society here," says Wilkes, " is ex-
ceedingly loose ; envy, hatred, and malice predominate
in almost every breast, and the people are wretched
under their present rulers. Female virtue, I regret
to say, is also at a low .ebb ; and the coarse and lasci-
vious dances which meet the plaudits of the lookers-
on show the degraded tone of manners that exists."
Y/ilkes found the men with no trades, and dependent
for everything upon the Indians at the missions. They
were so indolent, and withal had so much pride, that
they regard all manual labor as degrading. "An an-
ecdote was related to me," he says, " of one who had
been known to dispense with his dinner, although the
food was but a few yards off, because the Indian was

PATRIARCHAL CUSTOMS. 281

not at hand to bring it to him. . . . Priest and layman
are alike given up to idleness and debauchery." They
delay paying their debts, but always pay in the end if
they can. Had Wilkes seen more, perhaps he would
not have been quite so dogmatical.

The constant horse-riding made them slovenly in
appearance and manner. They were so little used to
walking that they waddled from one side to the other.
They were roused from idleness only by the necessity
of looking after the herds.

Arrillaga and many other governors were continu-
ally complaining to the viceroy of the need to repair
this or that fort or house, the want of artillerymen at
certain forts, and the need of padres at presidios, all of
which, by a little thought and energy, could have been
accomplished by the soldiers at no expense; artillery-
men could have been sent from a central presidio to
train soldiers in gunnery at other points, and pious
readings might have been held by sergeants. ^

Little wonder is it, therefore, that in looking back
the old inhabitants, sorrowing, maintain that Cali-
fornia was a perfect paradise before the foreign im-
migration set in to corrupt patriarchal customs; then
robbery and assassination were unheard of, blasphemy
rare, and fraudulent creditor not known. Captains
would sell goods along the coast, and return in
twelve or eighteen months after to receive payment
in produce. " I never heard of a complaint against
Californian rancheros," says Fernandez, "from Argiie-
llo's to Figueroa's time."

Micheltorena relates that Santa Anna, on sending
him to this country, said that the Californians were
lambs which he commended to his care. "I wish,"
retorted the governor later during the revolts, "that
Santa Anna would come to pasture them now.

"The Californians vent their grief too reservedly,"
says Hayes, in 1856. " It is only to their friends they
unbosom themselves, and always very quietly. As

282 LOTOS-LAND SOCIETY.

yet they have not come universally to appreciate their
position as a part of the people."

"Nature gave the Californians high talents," says
Bandini, " frankness, and simple manners. They were
hospitable, and were capable of making great sacrifices
to aid the afflicted. I do not believe there is one of
the many white men who professes a trade ; their oc-
cupation is tending stock, some small cultivation, and
idling."

Speaking of the characteristics of the families who
came to pastoral California, Sepulveda says: "Settled
in a remote part from the centre of government,
isolated from and almost unaided by the rest of the
Mexican states, and with very rare chances of com-
munication with the rest of the world, they in time
formed a society whose habits, customs, and manners
differed in many essential particulars from the other
people of Mexico. The character of the new settlers
assumed, I think, a milder form, more independence,
and less of the restless spirit which their brothers in
old Mexico possessed. To this the virtuous and in-
telligent missionaries doubtless contributed greatly."

In January 1845 Larkin at Monterey writes to
Parrott at Mazatlan: "The people here do not know
what Mexican family to associate with, it being im-
possible to decide whether the officer and his woman
are man and wife or not. This has held so too often
in Monterey, from the generals to the ensigns. Dr
Mora was sent out here when I came up, with his
wife, as he said — opened house, purchased furniture,
received company, and paid visits. In a few weeks
came an order from the government in Mexico to
retain part of his pay for his wife in Mexico. In
twenty- four hours this man and wife had not a Cali-
fornian house open to them, to my knowledge. This
is not a single case. This couple have now gone, with
three or four more officers, and 50 to 75 soldiers have
run away. If General Micheltorena would despatch
the whole of them, arid depend on the Californians,

COLOR AND CASTE. 283

he would do well. At present soldiers use knives and
officers swords too much for good order." Perhaps
the consul was a little more particular and prudish
than he would be were he living in Monterey to-day.

In 1796 I find the governor referring to a tailor in
very courteous words. Coupled with this conventional
politeness of the governor were some fiery doings on
the part of the females. In the San Diego archives
it is recorded in 1843 that a man was fined fifty
dollars in a conciliation suit, because his wife had
severely beaten an Indian servant, a niece of the
alcalde of a town. Thus it seems that gentle woman
had her race prejudices. When a negro was taken
from the Bouchard party, a strong-minded female,
who proposed to burn him alive, tried to find out if he
had a tail, as the holy fathers had taught them to
believe that all heretics had a tail. This upon the
authority of Governor Alvarado in his manuscript
Historia de California.

The Creoles had no servants as a rule, and they
rarely were able to get Indians from the missions to
tend the cattle. Neighbors regarded the property of
one another to some extent as common, and none
cared whether the other slaughtered one of his bullocks
or took one of his horses. They called one another
cousins though no relationship existed. When fami-
lies met at a house, every woman went about the
household duties as if she lived there. On returning
from church, they often remained at the first rancho
belonging to one of the party for the night. The men
went to kill a fat calf, and the women set about different
duties as if they were at home. After eating there
was singing, music, and dancing.

The Californians were not accustomed to see negroes
except in menial positions, and of these there were
only two in 1831, a female slave brought from Peru,
and the negro captured from Bouchard's party. This
was the reason the women of California, especially,
were very adverse to associating at balls and parties

284 LOTOS -LAND SOCIETY.

with the gobernador negro Victoria, cs they called
him. All this, however, was somewhat upon the
principle of the so-called respectable women of our
day waging war on prostitutes. They find it neces-
sary to do so in order to keep their own virtue up to
the social and commercial standard. Now, the women
of California were dark, while each, above all things,
aspired to be of lighter skin than her neighbor; so
she daubed on the cosmetics and powder, and held up
to holy horror a negro.

One governor did not like to see the Spanisn peo-
ple decline in social dignity, and in 1799 he wrote to
the viceroy, referring to rather indecorous means re-
sorted to by the poor subalterns to subsist; such as
letting their wives and daughters wash their own
clothes, and make bread and sew for others, and at
the same time fail to procure shoes and stockings for
the children.

The lower classes of the community, which were
composed chiefly of a mixture of Spanish with aborigi-
nal blood, presented a cadaverous appearance. They
were bushy-headed, black-eyed, and sinewy. Except
when roused by some excitement, they were drowsy
and listless. A society of these beings presented the
appearance of having been recently emptied out of a
dilapidated graveyard before the sounding of the final
trump, and sleepily resting until called somewhere
again.

The following tale savors more of the manners of
unfledged fiends than of the nature human. On the
12th of January, 1822, in a thicket near the Mission
Dolores of San Francisco, the body, partially eaten by
wild beasts, of an Indian boy and a bit of rope of raw-
hide were found. By order of Captain Argiiello, the
matter was investigated by Lieutenant Martinez. It
was ascertained that the remains were those of Juan,
a pajarero, a boy employed to frighten birds from the
growing grain. The other pajareros were summoned,
and BrauKo, to whom, because of his slight knowl-

GOSSIP AND SALUTATION. 285

edge of religion, no oath was administered, stated that
about the 5th or 6th of the month, he, as pajarero,
was in charge of the planted field close by the mission.
Marcelo, aged eleven years, invited deceased to go for
wood, which, however, the latter declined to do. Mar-
celo, continuing to urge him, Juan threw a small
stone at him, which struck Ventura, aged nine years,
on the head. Marcelo and Juan then grappled, the
latter being brought to the ground. Marcelo then
called Vicente, aged ten years, who cried, "Kill him!
kill him!" Vicente then tied the raw-hide rope,
which Marcelo had for fetching wood, round the neck
of the prostrate boy. Meanwhile Marcelo was fasten-
ing Juan's hands, and called out to Ventura and Ilde-
fonso, nine years old, to come and assist. The four
carried Juan to a piece of rising ground and threw
him down. Vicente tightened the rope about Juan's
neck, at the same time filling his inouth with earth;
Marcelo had charge of the hands while he kicked
Juan in the stomach; Ventura, with a large stone,
beat Juan upon the breast. Thus the little murderers
choked and pounded their poor comrade to death.
Juan being despatched, the four boys scratched a shal-
low grave in the sandy soil and buried the body;
which done, they went away, taking with them the
dead boy's blanket and cotton breech-clout. After
they had gone away, the deponent ran off to the mis-
sion. The four boys made a full confession, declaring
that they knew it was wrong to kill any one, and that
their hearts ached for what they had done to Juan.

They were great gossips and newsmongers. Having
lived so long upon the little events of their spell-bound
days, they were filled with inquisitive awe, and ear-
nestly questioned one another as they met, and what-
ever the occasion, a long questioning conversation
followed. They had their rendezvous in every town,
where, before siesta, they assembled to talk — a sort
of social and business exchange. Their place of meet-

286 LOTOS-LAND SOCIETY

ing was usually the open street, and if the sun became
oppressive, or the rain troublesome, they either
wrapped their capacious cloaks more closely around
them, or withdrew to the shelter of some shed or shop.

Before 1825 the military chiefs and the padres
were regarded as demi-gods, and woe to the unhappy
person who passing within a hundred varas of them
did not take off his hat. Friends then termed one
another valedor. Bandini and Pico addressed each
other as estimado or amado compadre; and wives as
comadres.

Indians saluted thus:

"Ave Maria Purisima!"

"Sin pecado original concebida!"

"Mar a Dios!" (for amar a Dios.)

"Mar a Dios!"

The second and fourth lines were the answers.

Father Junipero taught the Indians of San Cdrlos
to salute all with "Amar a Dios," a fashion which
spread all over the country, and was used even by
pagans.

Persons of the same Christian name, in writing or

7 O

speaking of or to one another, used the word tocayo — •
namesake, as in other Spanish countries.

It was the custom for any of the pueblo, white as
well as Indian, meeting a padre to kiss his hand.

The population being limited, it was impossible to
have any social gathering without inviting all classes,
arid impossible to pay the usual attentions to social
distinctions between different grades of civil and mili-
tary employes, when these different grades were held
by different members of the same family.

Says Sir Simpson: "A son, though himself the
head of a family, never presumes to sit, or smoke, or
remain covered in presence of his father; nor does
the daughter, whether married or unmarried, enter
into too great familiarity with the mother." With
this exception, Californians knew little of the restraints
of etiquette ; generally, all classes associated equally,

OBEDIENCE OF CHILDREN. 287

and on particular occasions, such, as one's saint's day,
or the day of one's marriage, those who could afford
it gave a ball to the whole community. Singing and
dancing was as common as eating and sleeping. For
days beforehand sweetmeats and delicacies were pre-
pared in great variety, and the festivities were often
continued for several nights.

"All are musicians, and in every house may be heard
the guitar or singing. They play nothing but national
music, fandangos, boleros, etc. In a word, the Cali-
fornians are a happy people, possessing the means of
physical pleasure to the full, and knowing no higher
kind of enjoyment."

"Until I was twenty-six years of age," says Pib
Pico, "I was in complete subjection to my mother,
my father being dead. When younger I could repeat
the whole catechism from beginning to end, and she
would send for me to do so for the edification of
strangers."

It was considered improper for a young man to
smoke in presence of an older person, even though
the latter was but five or six years older.

A Frenchman says that the Californian is hospita-
ble, but vain and shy. " The father expects great sub-
mission from the children, even after their marriage.
A child seldom sits at table with the father, who
generally eats alone, served by his wife and children.
Smoking is almost innate with them, and a man is
seldom seen without his cigar; still a son will not
smoke before his parents." What would this French-
man say of the French?

"I saw," says Arnaz. "more than once in the north
and south an old man lashing his son, who was mar-
ried and had children, the son humbly kneeling to
receive the blows. The same respect was shown to
the mother, and nearly the same to all old people."

They were strict observers of the habits of good
society. In 1833, we find Figueroa, the governor,
sending to the president of the ayuntamiento the

288 LOTOS-LAND SOCIETY.

pamphlet which Joaquin Goinez de la Cortina pub-
lished about the rights and duties of society.

The cards of most of the Mexican governors of
California had the arms of their ancestors, and a
family motto, either of a religious cast or of a warlike
nature, or still oftener referring to some act of gal-
lantry. Governor Figueroa's card bore the words
Honor y Lealtad.

Friendly reunions were held at times without danc-
ing. Fresh meat was hung up under a tree, and a
huge fire kept burning to enable any one to cook a
steak when hungry.

Social rank was settled by the amount of Spanish
blood each could lay claim to. Dana affirmed there
were but few of pure Spanish blood. These kept up
an exclusive system, and were ambitious to speak pure
Castilian. From the extreme upper class they de-
scended by regular shades. Each person's caste was
decided by the quality of the blood, and the least drop
was sufficient to raise one from the position of serf
and entitling him to full dress, long knife, etc. An
altogether too high estimate, during the past half-
century, has been put upon this superficial glance at
the early Californians by this sailor boy.

On the ranches, after supper, every one went to bed;
or they amused themselves in some way, playing
cards, or playing the vihuela, a kind of guitar, singing
and dancing in a family reunion.

People generally arose at 6 or 7, according to the
season. The civilian had no other occupation than
stock-raising or agriculture. After the desayuno, he
took his yokes of oxen and went to work; or attended
to cattle and the stock kept for service. The men as
a rule, though not always, looked after all the out-door
work ; the women attended to the in-door labor, and
the bringing up of the children, the care of their hus-
bands and brothers.

" In Monterey," it has been said, " there are a num-
ber of English and Americans, who are called Ingleses,

TRAFFIC AND HORSEMANSHIP. 289

from their speaking the English language. These
have married Californians, have joined the catholic
church, and have acquired considerable property, owing
to their possessing more industry, frugality, and enter-
prise than the natives, and these qualities soon bring
the whole trade of the town into their hands. They
usually keep shops, in which they retail to advantage
the goods purchased in large quantities from vessels
arriving in the port. They also send merchandise into
the interior, receiving hides in payment; these they
again barter with the vessels for goods. In every
town on the coast foreigners are to be found engaged
in this lucrative traffic. In Monterey, but two shops
are kept by natives. The people are naturally sus-
picious of foreigners, and would not have allowed them
to remain in their towns if they had not become good
catholics; but by marrying natives of the country,
and bringing up their children as catholics and Span-
iards, taking care not to teach them the English lan-
guage, they managed to allay suspicion, and even
become popular; so much so that the chief alcaldes,
both at Monterey and Santa Bdrbara, are Americans
by birth.

"The men are always on horseback; horses "being
as plentiful in the country as dogs and chickens are in
Juan Fernandez. These animals are never stabled, but
are allowed to run wild and seek for pasture where
they please ; they are however branded, and attached
to their neck is a long green-hide rope, called a lasso,
which trails behind them, and renders them easy to
catch when wanted. One is generally caught in the
morning, a saddle and a bridle is thrown over him,
and he is used for the day; at night he is turned loose,
and another takes his place the next day. When they
go long journeys, they ride one horse till he breaks
down; another is then caught, saddled, and bridled,
and ridden till his strength also fails him, when a third
undergoes the same process; and so on until the jour-
ney is accomplished. There are not better riders in

CAL. PAST. 19

290 LOTOS-LAND SOCIETY.

the world than the Californians, perhaps from, their
being so early accustomed to equestrian exercises; as
they mount on horseback even so young as four or
five years old, their little legs not being long enough
to come half-way down the horse's ribs, and from
thenceforth they are so continually on horseback that
they may almost be said to have grown there. The
stirrups are covered or boxed up in front, to prevent
the feet catching when riding through the woods ; the
saddles are large and heavy, strapped very tight upon
the horse, and having large, high pommels, round
which the lasso is coiled when not in use. They can
hardly go from one house to another except on horse-
back, there being always several of these animals stand-
ing tied to the door-posts of the little cottages. When
a cavalier wishes to show his activity, he makes no
use of the stirrups in mounting, but striking his horse
sharply he springs into the saddle as the animal starts;
then, with a prick from his long spurs, he dashes off
at full gallop. Their spurs are most cruel instruments ;
they have four or five rowels, each about an inch long,
and dull and rusty. The flanks of the horses are often
in a terrible state from their use.

"Monterey is also a great place for cock-fighting, as
well as gambling of every kind, to which may be added
fandangos, dances, and every sort of amusement and
knavery. Trappers and hunters who occasionally come
down here from the Rocky Mountains, bringing with
them valuable skins and furs, are greeted with every
sort of pleasure and dissipation whilst their money
lasts ; when, however, their time and their money have
been completely wasted, they are quickly sent away
stripped."

The cainameros called the English and Americans
'greasers' because they bought fat and tallow, and the
latter returned the compliment because the Californians
sold the stuff. Abrego says that many supercargoes
knew no Spanish, and on entering a house would say:
"Seiior, mi quiere grease," hence the name greaser

AT MISSION SAN JOSfi. 291

was applied to supercargoes or captains who traded in
grease, while it was also applied by them to the Cali-
fornians who sold it.

When Josd de Jesus Yallejo took command of the
mission San Jose, there were 5,000 Indians there, men,
women, and children. To keep this body in order but
eight men were required, five soldiers and three offi-
cers. An outbreak was not feared, for two reasons:
the savages were of a mild and friendly disposition,
and being not all of one tribe, but of different and oppug-
nant peoples, if one should entertain evil, or endeavor
to hatch conspiracy, the others would be sure to report
it.

To feed this horde, fields of wheat were cultivated,
the Indians cutting it with sickles, and carrying it on
their backs to the thrashing corral, where the horses
tramped it out, the wind winnowing it. It was then
sacked in bags made of sail-cloth, and some of it stored
and some sold to the Russians. In summer on Sat-
urdays a hundred cattle were killed, and the meat
given in rations to the Indians, great quantities being
dried in the sun for winter use. To those who would
not work, or who absented themselves from morning
and evening prayers, the whip was applied, the culprit
having the choice of a raw-hide or hazel twigs. The
mother who through neglect allowed her child to
die must carry a wooden block of equal size, and for
the same length of time she would have carried the
child had it lived.

"The Indian girls and widows," says the daughter,
Guadalupe, "were separated from the others; a whole
square of houses was assigned to their use, where they
were kept secluded and busy, spinning, etc. A large
pond of water was in the court-yard for their use in
washing and bathing. They were visited by their par-
ents, but were never allowed to leave except to walk for
exercise or to go to prayers, always well guarded by al-
caldes. They left this nunnery or cloister only to be
married. Ten or twelve of them would gather to-

292 LOTOS-LAND SOCIETY.

gether to go and demand a husband of the padre, nam-
ing whom they had selected, and it is said that it wag
never known that one of these elected husbands refused.

"Widows lamented as much for this imprisonment,
which was sure to follow, as for the dear departed.

"Wheat, barley, and hides were the chief articles
of trade with the Russians. In the winter when the
roads could not be travelled by wagons, about a thou-
sand Indians were loaded each with a hide, and thus
carried them to the embarcadero.

"Among the whites, one of their customs in balls
was to stop in the middle of the dance at the word
'bomba,' called by the musicians, and the gentleman
who occupied the floor had to say something in com-
pliment to his partner. This was commonly said in
verse, and often improvised for the occasion.

" Girls who persisted in marrying against the con-
sent of their parents were made to take the whole
responsibility of housekeeping."

In conclusion, we may sum up our Lotos-land
society in this wise: ignorant, lazy, religious, the
religion being more for women, children, and Indians
than for European men — though Coronel speaks of
pausing in the midst of a fandango or rodeo to pray ;
and all went to church, though they gambled freely
afterwards. It was common for heads of families and
all circumspect persons to wear sanctimonious faces in
the presence of the young, refraining from the men-
tion of wickedness lest they should be contaminated.
Morals at first were quite pure ; later they became
very bad, syphilis being quite common among all
classes and both sexes.

They were a frank, amiable, social, hospitable peo-
ple, and honest enough where it did not require too
great an exertion to pay their debts. No obligations
of any kind weighed very heavily upon them. They
were an emotional race ; their qualities of mind and
heart floated on the surface ; they not only possessed
feeling but they showed it.

GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS. 293

f

They were not a strong community in any sense,
either morally, physically, .or politically ; hence it was
that as the savages faded before the superior Mexi-
cans, so faded the Mexicans before the superior
Americans. Great was their opportunity, exceedingly
great at first if they had chosen to build up a large
and prosperous commonwealth ; and later no less mar-
velous, had they possessed the ability to make avail
of the progress and performance of others. Many
were defrauded of their stock and lands ; many quickly
squandered the money realized from a sudden increase
in values. They were foolish, improvident, incapable ;
at the same time they were grossly sinned against by
the people of the United States. There was a class
of lawyers, the vilest of human kind, whose lives
were devoted to a study of the cunning and duplicity
necessary to defraud these simple-minded patriarchs.
Nevertheless, as I have said, it would be difficult to
find in any age or place, a community that got more
out of life, and with less trouble, with less wear and
wickedness, than the people of Pastoral California.

CHAPTER IX.

MILITARY SYSTEM.

So Jove's bold bird, high balanced in the air,
Stoops from the clouds to truss the quivering hare.

— Homer.

CALIFORNIA from its first settlement, and almost to
the end of the Spanish domination, was under a
strictly military rule. A provisional arrangement
existed until the beginning of 1781, when Governor
Felipe de Neve's Reglamento e Instruction para los
Presidios de la Peninsula de California, went into
effect. Under this regulation the governor had au-
thority over the two Californias, with the seat of
government at Monterey, and the commandant of
the presidio of Loreto, in Lower California, was ex-
officio lieutenant-governor. Upper California was
divided into four military districts, with a presidio at
each, whose commandant was clothed with civil and
criminal jurisdiction within its limits. \.t that time
there were three presidios, namely, at San Diego,
Monterey, and. San Francisco; the fourth one was
established, in 1782, at Santa Barbara, The military
force then consisted of four lieutenants, four sub-
lieutenants or alfereces, one surgeon, six sergeants,
sixteen corporals, and 172 privates, from which num-
ber the missions and pueblos of San Jose were fur-
nished with guards. The rest of the force garrisoned

o o

the forts, cared for the horses and cattle, and carried
the mails, this last-named service being the hardest
in time of peace. There were also a few mechanics
and native servants. During the Spanish domina-
tion only men of good character were admitted in

(294)

PRESIDIAL COMPANIES. 295

the service of the presidial companies. Each soldier
had a broadsword, lance, shield, musket, and pistols;
six horses, a colt, and mule. One horse was kept
constantly saddled and ready day and night. Each
company had also an extra supply of arms, and an
armorer to keep arms in repair. The governor was
provincial inspector of the presidios, in the dis-
charge of which separate duties he was assisted by
an ayudante inspector of the rank of captain, and with
the pay of $2,000 a year.

In the presidial companies were a few cadets and
soldados distinguidos. The former received their ap-
pointments from the viceroy, and though doing duty
in the ranks, did not live with the soldiers, but asso-
ciated with the officers. As they received only a
soldier's pay, they were required to have an income
to enable them to live and dress genteelly. Their
promotion was direct to alferez. The soldado distin-
guido was mustered into the service like any other
soldiers; but on producing evidence of gentle birth
was enrolled as a distinguido, with the prefix Don to
his Christian name. Any commissoned officer's son
would have the privilege. He lived in the barracks,
and did military duty as the other soldiers, but was
exempt from all menial work. He had to go through
the grades of corporal and sergeant before obtaining
a commission of alferez. Another peculiarity of the
service was the granting to old veterans who had ren-
dered honorable service from 30 to 40 years as pri-
vates or corporals, on their retirement, the honorary
rank of officers-alferez for 30, and lieutenant for 40,
years — besides their pensions. They could wear the
uniform of such rank.

To provide a system of regular defence against for-
eign invasion was found to be surrounded with insup-
erable difficulties. Forts would be of little use in a
distant province having no resources of its own. It
was then decided to have batteries of eight 12-pound-
ers for each port, with a sufficient number of gunners

296 MILITARY SYSTEM.

as a protection against mere corsairs, and vessels for
coasting service. During a period of war with
France a company of Catalan volunteers, called the
Companfa Franca de Voluntaries de Cataluiia, or
Compania de Fusileros de Montana, 75 men in all,
was sent out as reinforcements, and distributed at
San Diego, Monterey, and San Francisco; its cap-
tain, Brevet, lieutenant-colonel Pedro de Alberni,
being stationed at the last-named place as command-
ant of the presidio. A small detachment of artillery-
men under Sergeant Roca was also provided. An
inspection of the fortifications at the three presidios —
Santa Barbara had none — by an engineer officer in
1797, established the fact that they were exceedingly
defective, indeed, almost useless. In Monterey there
was a barbette battery consisting mostly of a few logs
of wood, irregularly placed, behind which stood about
eleven pieces of artillery. In San Diego, according
to the records, the priests blessed in November 1796,
the esplanade, powder magazine, and flag. Early
in 1795 Point Guijarros had been chosen for a fort of
ten guns. This work was not finished until after
1800. In San Francisco the presidio buildings were
more or less damaged. The San Joaquin fort, in
form of a horse-shoe, was completed in 1794, and its
eight guns mounted on the spot now known as Fort
Point. Its main walls were of adobe faced in the
embrasures with bricks; the cost was $6,000. The
elements soon began their work of destruction, and
repairs had to be almost constantly going on. An-
other battery was planted in 1797 on Point Medanos,
since known as Point San Jose and Black Point, re-
named Mason. At that time it was called Bateria
de la Yerba Buena. It was a less elaborate work
than the San Joaquin, mostly constructed of brush-
wood fascines, with eight embrasures, and five 8 -pound
guns. No garrison was kept here, but the work was
daily visited, and to some extent kept in order. In
1816 the San Joaquin was repaired, and in 1820 it

SUPPLIES AND PAY. 297

had twenty guns, of which three were 24-pounders.
The presidio was newly built in 1816.

Supplies for the presidios came at stated periods
from Mexico and San Bias on the royal ships from
the latter place. They were purchased there, in ac-
cordance with the memorias, or memoranda, of articles
needed, forwarded a year in advance, in March or
April, by the governor to the viceroy of Mexico, and
delivered to the presidial officers and men for their
pay. There was an important change made under
the new system. Formerly the men were charged a
profit of 150 per centum on the effects delivered them.
This extra charge was now done away with, the sup-
plies being furnished at cost and free of freight from
San Bias. But to offset this the pay of the men was
reduced 40 per centum ; thus a sergeant's pay was re-
duced to $262, the corporal's to $225, the private's to
$217.50, and the mechanic's to $180. The pay of
the lieutenant was made $550, that of the alferez
$400, and the surgeon's $450. The men had likewise
to submit to losses and damages incurred at sea, and
to the payment of a commission of two per cent to
an habilitado, elected by all the company, who under
the inspection of his commanding officer received and
distributed the pay and rations, and kept the com-
pany accounts. This habilitado could purchase Cali-
fornia productions when offered for sale. There was
an habilitado-general in the city of Mexico to attend
exclusively to the affairs of both Californias, who was
chosen by the votes of the companies' officers. This
position was in after years often filled by an officer from
California. The accounts for each presidial company
were kept separate. No articles of luxury could be
included in the memorias sent to Mexico for supplies.
Some coin came with each invoice, enough to cover
the pay of the governor, and one or two other officers,
with a small amount for the soldiers.

At the beginning of 1799 the expense of the mili-
tary establishment was nearly $74,000, which included

298 MILITARY SYSTEM.

$4,000 for the governor's salary. From each private
soldier of the presidial companies was retained a
certain portion to form the fondo de retention, which
did not go into the royal treasury. The total of such
retention, at first of $50, and later of $100, was reim-
bursed to the man on his being mustered out of the
service at the end of his term. There were other
funds, to wit : fondo de gratification, made up from an
extra allowance to each company yearly of $10 per
private soldier, and intended to meet contingent ex-
penses. The liability of the presidial company was
well defined. Horses, mules, and all effects assigned
thereto, were duly charged. If any animal died, or
any of the effects were lost, whatever the cause, even
by defalcation of its habilitado, the company had to
pay for the same, unless for some powerful reason the
government in Mexico exempted it from the respon-
sibility. The fondo de invalidos proceeded from the
discount of eight maravedis on each dollar, from offi-
cers and men, and was applicable to the payment of
pensions on their retiring after service of at least
eighteen years; and the fondo de montepio was an-
other deduction from officers' pay for pensions to their
widows and orphans. It must be borne in mind that
officers could not marry without first obtaining the
king's consent. Such consent was not given to any
one below the rank of captain, unless he produced
evidence of having an income of his own, separate
from his pay ; even then his widow would not be en-
titled to montepio, though she would probably get a
pension if he had died in battle. The widow of an
officer who married her when he was of the age of
sixty years or upwards, was not paid any montepio.

In the decade, 1801-10, the Catalan infantry com-
pany was withdrawn from California, and the cavalry
companies were increased by about 90 men. In 1810
the total force of the presidios was 412 men, to wit,
two captains, one more absent in Mexico acting as
habilitado-general, one surgeon, four lieuti -lants,

299

four alfereces, nine sergeants, 31 corporals, 4 cadets,
242 privates, three mechanics, one phlebotomist,
making 301, besides 95 invalidos, and 15 artillerymen.

Officers and soldiers, at such hours as they were
not attending to their military duties, would cut
wood, and procure other things for their families.
Some were shoemakers, others tailors, etc. The
mission escorts, usually consisting of a corporal and
five privates, beside their strictly military duties of
standing guard, and looking after their arms and
ammunition, were required to protect the persons of
the priests in and out of the missions. The corporal
had charge of the criminal justice; in certain cases
which were beyond the priest's authority, he could
order flogging and stocks. In very serious cases it
was his duty to institute proceedings of investigation
in writing, and to forward them, together with the
witnesses and accused to the presidio for trial. He
could at times, in defending the mission from assaults,
exercise extraordinary powers, even to the point of
taking life. However, he could do this only when
there was no time to apprise the commandant of the
presidio, and await his action. In the early years
there were occasions, when double escorts, some of
them under sergeants, were stationed at missions. In
those times the corporal or sergeants were appointed
by the governor himself, and he alone could remove
them ; though in urgent cases the respective com-
mandants might suspend them.

Early in the present century, most of the men in
California were soldiers, beginning their career on
entering their sixteenth year. The rule was to leave
to parents, having two or more sons, one chosen by
themselves. The rest were mustered into the cavalry,
or artillery, the choice being left to the recruit.
Later in the third decade, when the government
called on the alcaldes for recruits, usually the va-
grants, lazy, or vicious, were summoned. Governor
Figueroa called them " rnataperros, ensilladores de

300 MILITARY SYSTEM.

caballos agenos, quitadores de algun cuero." Of
course, the industrious and well-behaved were often
mustered in from necessity, and occasionally out of
spite on the part of the alcaldes to them or their
families.

Discipline was very rigid. Among the punishments
inflicted on soldiers for serious offences, besides loss
of pay, were death, hard labor in the chain-gang, im-
prisonment, increase of service, etc., carreras de ba-
queta, the culprit having to run between two lines of
men, each man armed, with a ramrod and striking him
as he pleased. The old Spanish articles of war pre-
scribed the death penalty for even what would appear
a trivial offence in a civilian. It was really astonish-
ing how any man could escape the death penalty.
Grumbling was a serious matter. Once a number of
men at Santa Barbara made known through their
sergeant to Captain de la Guerra, that they wanted
to know how their account stood. After forming the
company in line, the captain walked up and down,
and asked who were the grumblers. He then related
how once some men for saying, "must we eat bread
like this ? " were shot. He told one or two more stories
of a like nature, and awed the men so that a dead
silence prevailed. Finally, they all begged pardon,
which he granted, and no more was said about the
accounts.

The decade 1811-20 was in New Spain, as well as
in South America, one of strife. Revolution raged,
and the Spanish authorities were often at their wit's
ends to procure the means for carrying on the war
against the insurgents. This state of affairs was pur-
posely kept secret in California. The archives, both
secular and ecclesiastic are silent. Nevertheless,
mails being pretty regular all the time, the officers
and friars must have known what was taking place in
the viceroyalty. There were no signs of disaffection
to Spain among the troops, and all awaited patiently
the result of the struggle, though the viceroy was

A SWINDLING GOVERNMENT. 301

constantly abused in every one's mind for his apparent
neglect to send supplies. The troops suffered severely
for want of clothing, shoes, and other articles that
the missions could not furnish. Owing to the in-
fluence of Father Pay eras, prefect of the missions, the
soldiers did not want for food. The missionaries,
though with an occasional grumble, furnished grain
and other things on credit, as the provincial govern-
ment had no funds to pay for them. Rations were
distributed, which occasionally might be traded to
Spanish ships, or illegally to the Russians or Ameri-
cans. The friars were also without their stipends,
but they carried on a surreptitious trade with for-
eigners; whereas the soldiers were in a sorry plight,
having nothing to sell.

With the change of sovereignty the soldiers lost all
arrears of pay due them, including what they had in
the fondo de retention, and the old invdlidos did not
get their pensions. Amador says that for over eigh-
teen years' service he received nothing — aside from
his rations — from the government, Spanish or Mexi-
can. Or, as he expresses it, " el linico prest que
recibi fueron los 14 agugeros de flecha que tengo en
mi cuerpo." The hapless soldier underwent hard-
ships, had to stand guard, pass sleepless nights, march
and countermarch at all hours and in all seasons when
required, carry mails, care for horses, etc. Further-
more he had to be humble and submissive to his su-
periors, or in other words, an abject slave.

Shortly before the oath to support Mexican inde-
pendence was finally administered, one Pedro Cha-
bolla appeared before Governor Sola, who was a
martinet, and usually, when in public, wore his
colonel's uniform and had in his hand his baton of
command. Chabolla, took off his hat, saluted, and
put it on again. Sola eyed him in astonishment, and
demanded what he meant by wearing his hat in the
governor's presence. Chabolla answered, " Liberty
has given me the right to wear this hat." He had

302 MILITARY SYSTEM.

been reading the Acta Constitutiva, adopted by the
Sovereign Provisional Junta of Mexico in 1822,
which had surreptitiously entered California in pam-
phlet form, and the soldiers had read it. Sola was
furious; with his cane he struck Chabolla several
times, and sent him to the calaboose. Chabolla in an
irate manner said before retiring : " Senor Gobernador:
Your senoria in punishing me unlawfully makes use of
the legislative, executive, and judicial powers." The
acta enjoined that the three powers should not be
vested in the same person.

Another instance is given of Sola's military despo-
tism. Rafael Galindo, who had been a soldier, asked
him in Monterey permission to buy some cigarettes
from the habilitado of the presidial company. Sola
came close to Galindo, and brusquely said:

"Who are you?"

"The alcalde of San Jose," was the answer.

"Then attend to your duties at San Jose," said the
governor.

The presidial companies could do but little service
in the coast defence, as was evident when Monterey
and other parts were assailed by the Buenos Aires
insurgents with two ships, under Bouchard, in 1818.
This occurrence made a stir at court in Mexico, and a
cavalry company from the escuadron de Mazatlan,
composed of good, orderly men, and an infantry one
from San Bias, mostly made up of jail-birds, together
with a small detachment of artillerymen, and a few
poor arms and ammunition, were sent out the next
year.

The same military system continued under Mexican
rule. Guards were not kept at the secularized mis-
sions. The force in 1835 consisted of 307 men, in-
cluding 22 officers of all ranks, among whom were the
governor and commander-in-chief, who was a brigadier-
general, and two naval lieutenants. The organizations
were one artillery company, 38 men, four presidial
companies, 138 men, Mazatlan company, reduced to

GARRISONS AND ARMS. 303

37 men, and a small detachment of infantry, 36.
Later, a militia was organized in battalions, called
auxiliares defensores de la patria. The presidial and
other companies declined to mere skeletons. The
last record about the San Diego company is Alferez
Salazar's report of November 1842, to the effect that
he had 14 men without arms or ammunition. Earlier
in the same year, Mofras saw a few soldiers and an
officer at the pueblo, and a few cannon half buried
amid the ruins of the presidio and fort. When Com-
modore Jones seized Monterey in 1842, Phelps, mas-
ter of the American ship Alert, spiked the guns, and
threw every movable article into the bay. After
1842, an occasional wail is heard that San Diego has
neither soldiers nor means of defence.

From 1842 to 1845 the batallon fijo, brought by
General Micheltorena, garrisoned the department, caus-
ing a very heavy expenditure. This battalion was
withdrawn on the general's departure. In 1845, the
Monterey company still existed, with 20 or 30 men,
though the presidio had disappeared. In the previous
year, an auxiliary company of cavalry had assumed
the role of defenders of the country from internal and
external foes. The so-called fort had about twelve
men, and three or four serviceable guns. At San
Francisco were, in 1845, an alferez and ten men from
the old San Francisco company, which during several
years had been stationed at Sonoma. Forty or fifty
defensores held themselves ready to fight. The com-
pany at Sonoma — 40 or 50 men — was disbanded about
1844. For a time there had been an Indian infantry
company, which was also mustered out. There were
some sixty militiamen in the district. Down to 1843,
the place was entirely under military control. Ac-
cording to a report of the minister of war of Mexico,
there were in California in 1840 three 24-pounders of
iron, mounted, eight 8-pounders, eight 6-pounders,
ten 4-pounders, one 2-pounder, some of iron, others of
brass ; a number were dismounted.

304 MILITARY SYSTEM.

In the latter part of 1845, the monthly pay-roll of
officers, a few retired soldiers, and one widow, amounted
to $2,959. There were officers enough for a force of
3,000 men, all drawing pay with more or less regu-
larity. A number of those officers were useless, and
many of them rendered no service. The rank and pay
were given them as a reward of partisanship. When
the Americans invaded California, most of those fel-
lows proved themselves utterly incapable. In July
1846, the Californian forces, 400 or 500 strong, and
all mounted, concentrated at Los Angeles. They Jiad
neither food nor clothing for several days. Then
some old oxen were provided for their use. There
was a compania de honor, made up of officers. The
first old ox slaughtered for this company was nick-
named the "buey fundador de la mision de San Ga-
briel." The men of the company of honor preferred
to it the pears and apples they used to steal from the
private orchards. When the forces were on their
march south, even the officers, their commander, Jose
Castro, excepted, went hungry. In the Soledad val-
ley, he received from the Guadalupe rancho a large
supply for himself of cooked provisions, poultry and
pastry. He supped alone, under a tree, with his back
turned to his hungry companions. When he had sat-
isfied his appetite, he wrapped up the things, and left
the bundle on the ground, covered by his saddle.
About midnight, Lieutenant Josd Antonio Chavez
crawled to the spot, and brought away the eatables, and
with his friends demolished them; after doing which,
he went back with the bones, and placed them, together
with dry horse-dung, under the saddle. Then finding
a bottle with brandy, he of course confiscated it. Next
morning Castro, on discovering the trick, looked
around with a fierce scowl, using the vilest of lan-
guage, and threatening dire vengeance, but no one
paid him the slightest attention. Ever after, on re-
ceiving new supplies, he would hold his orderly, Felipe
Espinosa Barajas, responsible for them.

CHAPTER X.

WOMAN AND HER SPHERE.

Kennst du das Land wo die Citronen bliihn,
Im dunkeln Laub die Gold-Orangen gliihn,
Bin sanfter Wind vom blauen Himmel weht,
Die Myrte still und hoch der Lorbeer steht,
Kennst du es wohl ?

Dahin ! Dahin
Mocht ich mit dir, o, mein Geliebter, ziehn.

— Goethe.

WOMEN were not treated with the greatest respect:
in Latin and in savage countries they seldom are;
hence, as these were half Latin and half savage, we
are not surprised to learn that the men too often idled
away their time, leaving the women to do all the work
and rear the family. True, while the women, besides
attending to their domestic duties, cut the wood, cul-
tivated the garden, went washing to the water, where
they erected an arbor, the men were on horseback
lassoing wild cattle, and if they brought home some
meat the wife was thankful and content.

There was strong affection, and never a happier
family than when the ranchero, dwelling in pastoral
simplicity, saw his sons and his son's sons bringing to
the paternal roof their wives and seating them at the
ever-lengthening table. Additions were sometimes
made to that most comfortable of buildings, the family
adobe, and if here was not the highest intelligence
and refinement, happiness was present.

On the other hand, as Sanchez says, the women
were not without their champions. Chico and Pico

CAL. PAST., VOL. I. 20 ( 305 )

306 WOMAN AND HER SPHERE/

did the most for them, and for their education, accord-
ing to tradition, refusing them nothing. During all
their wars, he affirms, the Californians never neglected
their wives and daughters. True, there were times
when the women were exposed to hardships, and some
men did not treat them with due consideration. This,
however, changed gradually; and with Pico's rise the
difference became so radical that even the gentlest

O

women seized their husbands by the beard.

Fermina Espinosa, owner of Santa Rita rancho,
now Sotoville, was very masculine, and did all the
rancho work, breaking colts, lassoing cattle, while her
husband did nothing but eat, sleep, smoke, and in-
crease an already numerous family. She was much
respected. V. Avila of Sal-si-puedes rancho had four
daughters, fair and blue-eyed, who worked like men,
roamed the mountains in men's attire, guarding stock
and felling timber. They also made blankets and
cheese, and drove the old wooden-wheeled ox-cart
here and there as duty demanded. One girl married;
the rest remain single to care for the old father.

The days of legal discipline were not yet over, and
woman here came in for her share. I will quote a
few cases in actual life taken from the archives.

In 1840, at Los Angeles, Prefect Arguello directs
the 2d justice of the peace to conduct by force a
woman who refuses accompanying her husband. At
San Jose, Juan Lisaldo complained to the alcalde
that he believed his wife Maria de las Nieves was
about to abscond. A summons was issued on the
27th of April, 1847, and the case tried the same day.
The alcalde directed that the parties be united again,
or be imprisoned until they consented to live together.
On the 1st of May a letter was sent to the priest of
Santa Clara, who ordained that they should be com-
pelled to live together. After three days given for
reflection, Maria refused to comply, whereupon she was
put in prison, there to learn obedience.

Said Sub-prefect Sunol to Alcalde Guillen: "If Juana

FELICITIES AND INFELICITIES. 307

Galindo still manifests repugnance toward her husband
and refuses going back to him, the alcalde shall have
her taken from her house, and putting handcuffs on her,
shall deliver her to her husband, charging him with
her care and responsibility. Dios y Libertad."

Writing to Ortega the 25th of March, 1783, Fages
declares that he has learned what has passed between
Curro and his girl-wife, and thinks it is her love for
her parents which makes her object to the duty imposed
by nature. Let her go and live with Curro in some
other place, suggests the governor, and then she will
yield to his desire.

Yet plainer is the complaint of Jose Madariaga to
the justice of the peace at Monterey in 1845 — too plain
for printing forty years later. Repelling all of his
advances, he finally asked her if she had made a vow
of chastity, and was answered no. He proposed that
they should confess to the priest, who should suggest
a remedy, but she refused to confess, or have anything
to do with the priest. That night she ran away.

Sometimes the wife even dared to complain of the
husband. At Monterey, in 1846, Mariano Silva, cap-
tain of artillery, petitions in the name of Senora Briones
that her husband Miranda be exiled at least fifty leagues
from his family at Yerba Buena, because of drunken-
ness, immorality, and cruelty. He had already been
exiled from Sonoma for immoral conduct.

"It was considered very improper for any girl to
receive a proposal of marriage," writes the charming
Guadalupe Vallejo, "before her parents had been
consulted by the lover or his parents. Old maids
were scarce, and very much thought of. A lady who
did not marry in those times was not for lack of suitors,
for, indeed, white women were very much in demand,
but from choice; and therefore she was very much
admired and venerated.

"I have an aunt (a sister of my mother), whose
parents having died, and being dissatisfied with hei

308 WOMAN AND HER SPHERE.

life at her uncle's, formed the determination of accept-
ing the first offer that should be made to her. She
was then fourteen years of age, and they lived at a
ranch a few miles from Santa Barbara.

"Very soon a letter came to her uncle, with proposals
of marriage for his niece, from Don Ignacio Peralta, a
young gentleman from San Jose. She was told of it;
and (I think) that much to the surprise of all, she ac-
cepted, although she had never laid eyes on the suitor.
The answer was accordingly sent, and arrangements
proceeded for the wedding. The accepted lover soon
arrived, accompanied by his brother; and indeed, it
required all her moral courage and strength to sustain
herself in her determination ; for such uncouth person
she had never seen before; she was totally unprepared
io meet her fate with such a face. However, she
kept her word, and rode on horseback, accompanied
by her friends, to Santa Barbara to be married. She
says that she wept bitterly all the way ; her face, all
tear-stained, -was more like that of one proceeding to
a funeral than that of a happy bride. He died last
year, after having been married fifty-nine years. She
was at last liberated from her cruel fate, at the age of
seventy- three ! "

It was common to betroth children at a young age,
an arrangement effected by the fathers, the children
being seldom consulted. About two years before the
marriage, the girl's father would ask the other father
for his son, who was sent to live in the house of the
former. This act made them novios, or affianced, and
the young man treated the girl's father as his own,
working for him, and being regarded as a son, not
even opposing the infliction of corporal punishment
for faults. When the young man had learned to work,
the marriage was consummated.

Girls married at from thirteen to fifteen, the parents
selecting the husband. A man wishing to marry sent
his father to ask the father of the girl; he himself
never asked for her, for that was not considered proper,

COURTSHIP AND BETROTHAL. 309

though he might address a letter intimating his desire
to the girl's parents. In whatever way negotiations
had been opened, the applicant was obliged to wait
eight or ten days for an answer. If during that time
he heard nothing, he might then beg his father to go
for the answer. Sometimes the answer would come
at once. The parties were usually married in the
church; sometimes there were two bridesmaids and
two groomsmen. There was usually no marriage set-
tlement, notwithstanding the lengthy deliberations of
the senors over the event.

The marriage day fixed, the fathers spoke to the
priest, who proceeded with the publication of the bans,
unless he was paid to omit them. The bridal party
marched silently to church, and without music; but
after the ceremony, friends received them at the door
with music, and bore them home in triumph. If the
pair lived at a distance in the country, another band
of musicians met them half-way, and all proceeded to
the rancho, where an arbor had been prepared for
the dance, which lasted sometimes a week or more.

The wagons of the party were adorned with colored
coverlets, and silk kerchiefs, branches, and flowers.
The men were all on horseback, and some of the
women, who, at times, had a man on the croup of their
horse. A special table was generally set for promi-
nent guests; the others feasted beneath the trees, by
the creek or spring, cooking their own steaks. Most
of the men played instruments, so that the musicians
could always be relieved.

Often the happy pair were dressed ki their ordinary
apparel, the bride adding only a crown of artificial
flowers, sometimes white, but usually variegated.
Often the fathers would not allow the pair to meet
till after the feast. The padre attended, but was not
detained more than a day. The padrinos of the pair
were selected by the parents of both. The pair con-
sidered it a duty to visit the padre after mass the
Sunday following the marriage, accompanied by their

310 WOMAN AND HER SPHERE.

fathers and padrinos, to give thanks. The padre pre-
sented the party some fruit. The fee was paid in money
or produce. This according to Hijar.

Another relates that when the marriage contract is
agreed on by the parties, the first care of the bride-
groom is to get, by buying, begging, or stealing, the
best horse possible, and also a saddle and a silver-
mounted bridle; the overleathers of the saddle must
Ptewise be embroidered. These articles were deemed
indispensable to a wedding, no matter how poor the
parties might be. The bridegroom must furnish the
bride with not less than six articles of each kind of
woman's clothing, and provide everything necessary
to feast his friends for one, two, or three davs.

•I

The wedding day being come, the fine horse is sad-
dled, and the bridegroom takes up before him on his
horse his future godmother, and the future god-
father takes the bride before him on another fine
horse, and so they gallop to church. The ceremony
over, the newly married couple mount one horse, and
the godfather and godmother mount the other, and
so they gallop back to the house of the bride's parents,
where they are received with squibs and firing of mus-
kets. Before the bridegroom has time to dismount,

O 7

two persons who are in readiness seize him and re-
move his spurs, which they keep until he redeems
them with a bottle of brandy, or money to buy one.
The married couple then enter the house, w^here the
near relatives are waiting in tears to receive them
alone. They kneel down before the parents and ask
a blessing, which is bestowed. Then the bridegroom
signs to some one near him, whereupon the guitar
and violin strike up, and dancing and drinking begin.
Shortly after Micheltorena's arrival in 1842 at
Angeles, he and his officers and the prominent people
were invited to a wedding there, to be held in a huerta.
Branches of willows were laid thickly upon a trellis-
work to afford shade. At the further end thereof an
apartment was formed of yellow cloth, open toward

WEDDING FORMALITIES. 311

the trellis-cover, in which were placed half a dozen
chairs for the general, his wife, and officers, and be-
hind which were rude benches in rows. In the centre
of the room was a large table covered with clean
cloths, china plates, and cut-glass decanters. At one
side was a row of barrels of drink — wines, brandy,
and other liquors.

A calf hung ready for roasting in the huge glowing
fire, and other fires were ready for various prepara-
tions, while delicacies of all kinds abounded.

Between eleven and twelve A. M. the marriage party
left the church for the grove, attended by all the
guests, godfathers, and parents — all marching in pro-
cession, preceded by music of violins and guitars play-
ing popular airs. The general arrived an hour later,
was conducted to the grove by the bridal party, and
seated by the side of the bride, at the head of the
table, while the general's wife sat next to the groom,

7 O C7

then the godfathers, and next the officers according to
rank, and after them the people of the country. Toasts
were given, and four hours after the general's arrival
they rose from table and proceeded to the house,
where the ball took place. The soldiers were invited
to the second table. The party did not break up till
dawn of day.

Men have a trick or two in love, as well as women ;
both sometimes deviate from immaculate cleanliness in
their tricks. A woman will say of a man whom she
tries in vain to marry, that she has refused him once,
twice, several times. Male wooers — I cannot call
them men — are sometimes black in heart enough when
defeated to rail against the sex with Draconian sever-
ity. So it was with the baser sort of early adven-
turers among the Californians ; and so it was that
many credulous fools were caught by these lagos, and
many worthy and chaste dames guiltless met reproach.
It is not probable that the women of the time were
cold as the curded snow that hangs on Diana's temple ;
but is that a reason why they should be cursed on

312 WOMAN AND HER SPHERE. ^

every convenient occasion, bitterly as was Meroz, in
richest pioneer idiom ?

It was a happy day for the Californian bride whose
husband was American; and happier still for the Cali-
fornian husband whose bride was Yankee. In 1847
there lived at the rancho of San Lorenzo two bachelor
brothers who once entertained Mr Bryant for the
night. They were men of intelligence and politeness,
and their hearts yearned for something to relieve the
desolation of their loneliness. They prayed with sim-
ple earnestness that Mr Bryant should send them two
American women, that they might marry, live happy,
and die lamented.

Girls were taught to sew, embroider, and weave.
Some could knit (tejer) fine garters, chiefly silken, for
the botas of the vaqueros, with silk or gold thread tufts,
or knots of gold and silk and silver, bearing figures of
men, hearts, etc., forming quite a bunch on the side
of the calf. The rich strove to place all possible
ornaments there.

A prudent calculation gives each California family
an average of ten children; if some had none, others
had twenty or twenty-five.

The occupations of the women were in every way
superior to those of the men, as well as more arduous
and continuous. They had charge of the kitchen and
of the sewing, which was by no means a light task,
for there was a great deal of embroidery about the
clothing of both men and women, as well as bed-linen;
and all of this was the work of their hands. In iron-
ing the hand was used instead of a flat-iron, by many
women. They also combed and braided every day the
hair of their fathers, husbands, and brothers. Many
of them made the bread, candles, and soap consumed
by the family, and many took charge of sowing and
harvesting the crops.

Notwithstanding the fact that women were sedu-
lously taught that for them to be able to write was
prejudicial, and at most they might learn to read, they

MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE. », 313

were of good morals, says Coronel, industrious, and
neat. Dedicated to their domestic duties, many of them
were able to assume, and did assume, such as legiti-
mately pertain to men. They were both charitable
and hospitable, the housewife holding that articles of
food should not be sold to neighbors, and gave to others
such as to them were lacking, and of which she her-
self possessed a superabundance. Mothers carefully
guarded their daughters, and often the traveller went
away without having even seen other than the male
members of the family.

On the rancho were big vessels in which the women
bathed in winter. In summer all women resorted to
the rivers or seashore. They were, with few excep-
tions, excellent swimmers, surpassing the women per-
haps of any other country in this art. The poor
women entered the water with merely a cloth tied
round the neck to cover the breast. The rich \vomen
were attended by Indian servants, who carried the
canasto (coras, baskets) with amole (soap-plant), a mate
(calabash cup) for pouring water, and a broad-rimmed
straw hat. Besides the hat, they used, at times, a
blue bathing-dress and sandals.

" I never saw a mother in California," says Torres,
"give her infant to a stranger to be suckled. Califor-
nia mothers were tender, and as wives, affectionate.
The few unfaithful wives were Mexicans."

Divorce was not easy in those days, unfortunately.
By Mexico law, marriage by the church rite was a
sacrament, and could not be dissolved by civil tribu-
nals. But the marriage of the unfaithful without the
church was but a simple contract. There were few
marriages in pastoral times not hallowed by the per-
formances of the priest. A wife might through the
ecclesiastical court obtain a separation from a drunken
husband, provided she had money or influence enough.
On the 18th of May, 1842, the bishop writes the
prefect at Angeles with reference to his decision of

314 WOMAN AND HER SPHERE.

May 9th, in the divorce suit of Sepulveda, that the
civil judges must not interfere in the case, but remit
it to his ecclesiastical court. The prefect accordingly,
on June 7th, urges the judges of Angeles to tell the
wife to appear at Santa Barbara, and state her case
in person or through the curador.

On the 18th of December, 1835, a prominent citizen
of San "Diego sued his wife for gambling away $1,000,
and asked for a separation. The wife confessed the
fault, but begged pardon, and promised better behavior.
A temporary separation was granted by the alcalde.

Governor Mason, on the 8th of December, 1847,
assures Mrs Hetty C. Brown that neither he nor the
alcaldes can grant her a divorce. "If your husband
has abandoned you," he says, "and left the county, I
think he should be viewed as though he were dead."
That is all very well, but may the poor widow marry
again ?

The juez eclesi&stico of the northern missio'ns, on
the 31st of August, 1835, asks the aid of the civil
authority to oblige the consorts Angel Bojorges and
Maria Gabriela Altamirano to resume at once their
conjugal relations, there being no ecclesiastical law
which permits their living apart.

Petra, wife of Hilario Ponciano, living at San Diego
in 1838, was accused of infidelity by her husband, who
asked for a separation before the alcalde, who turned
the matter over to Padre Oliva as ecclesiastical judge.
Several papers, summons for witnesses, etc., are on
record. The woman was once sent back from the
mission to the alcalde for want of proper proofs and
a proper place to confine her.

For the dissolution of the civil contract of marriage
proceedings were after the following fashion: The
amounts granted as alimony, it will be noticed, were
not excessive. On the 18th of March, 1842, appeared
before Judge Fernandez, of Monterey, Maria Guada-
lupe Castillo, with her hombre bueno, Gabriel de la
Torre, and also her husband, Edward Watson, with

THE EVER-MEDDLESOME PRIEST. 315

his hombre bueno, Manuel Castro. Maria asked a
separation on the ground of frequent ill treatment.
The husband, at first reluctant, finally agreed to a
divorce. The judge ordered that the wife should live
at la Torre's house, the husband to pay $12 monthly
for the support of her and her child.

"Tell Casilda Sepiilveda," writes the prefect to the
juez de la instancia of Angeles, "that the bishop is
ready to let any objections regarding the dissolution
of her matrimony with Teodoro Trujillo be brought
before the ecclesiastical tribunal." The bishop had
written the prefect on May 3d a sharp letter on cer-
tain preliminary cognizance taken by the juez de la
instancia, in this case, and declared any steps taken by
him to be void; and in accordance with that letter the
prefect wrote the juez as above. On the 16th Padre
Este'nega of San Gabriel writes the prefect that the
girl Casilda who seeks a divorce from T. Trujillo re-
fuses to enter the private house he. desires to consign
her to till she shall be ready to appear before the eccle-
siastical court at Santa Bdrbara. He desires the pre-
fect to compel her to appear before that court. The
prefect replies to the judge of Angeles that there need
be no restriction of liberty; the girl might appeal in
writing to Santa Barbara. Again the padre writes,
May 17th, that he merely asks her to restrict herself
to an honorable house for a time, and then appear in
person at Santa Bdrbara.

On the 19th of February, 1842, suit was begun
before Josd Z. Fernandez, justice of the peace at
Monterey, by Maria Ana Gonzalez, to obtain a divorce
from her husband, Jose M. Castanaresv She presented
herself with her hombre bueno, Jose' Abrego, and Cas-
tanares with his, Florencio Serrano. The parties being
agreed to separation absolute, and for mutual tranquil-
lity, it appeared best to the hombres buenos, and the
judge determined to grant the usual certificate. The
plaintiff having asked for alimony, the husband assigned
$250 a year for the present, to be increased if his cir-

316 WOMAN AND HER SPHERE.

cumstances should become better, he being free to live
where he pleased. Upon this hearing, the arrange-
ment not seeming entirely good to the judge, he or-
dered that Ana should reside at the house of her
father, Rafael Gonzalez, to which measure all agreed.
On the 7th of December following, the parties in this
suit came together with their hombres buenos, and
agreed to withdraw the causes of complaint, remaining
from date united in the bonds of matrimony, the pro-
ceedings of the 19th of February to be null. Happy
conclusion! In 1811 the president of missions wrote
to the missionary at San Rafael, transcribing author-
ization by the bishop of Sonora on March 1, 1811, to
the missionaries of California to ratify, in foro conc-ien-
tiae, after imposing a salutary penalty, marriages con-
tracted unlawfully in face of the church with unknown
impediment of affinity when illicit copulation had oc-
curred, provided one of the contracting parties was in
good faith and was ignorant of the relationship — the
impediment not to be made known to the innocent
party; otherwise, if the impediment had been pub-
lished before court this privilege was not to apply to
either of the parties.

In 1821 the governor asked the padre prefecto to
order the hysterical padre Gil de Taboada not to
interfere in marriages. He had broken several en-
gagements, among them that of Valle and Catalina
Mamaneli. The latter had her father's consent, and
was willing, when this padre ordered her to retire into
seclusion for a few days and repent of the engagement.

In 1825, at Santa Barbara, J. A. Yorba wanted to
marry a first cousin of his first wife, who was fond of
his children. The request was not granted by the
padre president.

One Carpo, a neophyte, had when a gentile married
a woman, also a gentile, after the gentile manner, who
died. He had become a Christian before marrying
another woman, also a Christian. It was discovered
that the women were daughters of two gentile sons

MORALITY MANUFACTURERS. 317

of the same father, but of different mothers. Padre
Arroyo separated Carpo and his wife, and reported
the case to Padre Prefecto Sarri'a, who decided that
a dispensation should be given, and the couple re-
married, the first marriage being null, as the women
were within the prohibited degrees of affinity. At
San Diego, in 1825, one Valdez asked permission to
marry a relative in the second degree, with whom he
had had intercourse. He desired this also on the
score "of God's service and the salvation of his soul."
The president remarked that he could serve God and
save his soul with any woman, and denied the petition.
In a letter to a padre the president said that if the
impediment to the marriage were unknown to the
public, the dispensation would have been easier to
obtain.

The neophyte Felipe, being a widower, had been
betrothed or desired to marry a neophyte woman, but
they were within the second degree of affinity, for
the woman had had intercourse with Felipe's cousin,
which she confessed to Padre Arroyo, otherwise the
matter was a secret. Padre Arroyo reported to the
Padre Prefecto Sarrfa, who decided that they should
be married, since they were betrothed, and in order
to avoid scandal ; and moreover Felipe was innocent,
and might not be able easily to find another woman to
his liking. That the woman might recognize the
favor done by holy church, she must hear mass on
three days, but without telling her husband or any
one else why.

In 1825 M. C. Montero, enceinte by the soldier
Soto, had agreed to marry Garcia, an own nephew
of Soto, to escape dishonor, and Garcia took steps to
obtain a dispensation, owing to the relationship.
Montero soon changed her mind and wanted to marry
Ingles, claiming that the relationship between Soto
arid Garcia was interdicting. Garcia, who had re-
mained constant, then demanded reimbursement of
expenses for dispensation. The padre president at

318 WOMAN AND HER SPHERE.

first declared the palabra de esponsales between Mon-
tero and Garcia to be null; but other padres repre-
sented that dispensations between second cousins had
often been granted, and that this marriage had been
ratified, and the president accordingly declared the
marriage valid, unless Montero could present better
objections.

Maria Josefa Castro was brought to the juzgado by
Antonio Galindo, with the request to be married.
The parish priest was present and ordered her to
be depositada till her disability as to age should be
removed by proper authority. Thereupon the sub-
prefect referred her to the prefect, that this might be
done in accordance with the petition of herself and of
the padre priest.

On the 23d of June, 1847, Padre Gonzalez, governor
of the diocese, declared the marriage of F. de Paula
Johnson and Juana Silva valid ; but as they confessed
in marrying to have broken the laws of their parents
and of the church, they should be subject to the
penalty of the santo concilio, except excommunication.
In view of time and persons he reduced the $180
fine to $70 for each witness of the act, and took off
$160 from the fine imposed upon the contracting
parties, so that they need pay but $200 before cohab-
iting, which should be exacted from them by the
judge if need be, the fines to go toward the cult of the
parish. During the three festive days on which this
edict should be published, and during mass, the two
should kneel where the novios watched. The ratifi-
cation and blessing should not be given until the third
festive day. Gonzalez requests the judge to enforce
these fines from the seven witnesses and the princi-
pals.

On the 3d of September, 1844, a threat of excom-
munication was addressed by the bishop, Garcia
Diego, to the diocesans of San Jose, which stated
that the bishop had seen with great grief that Felipe
Patron and Maria Natividad Higuera had contracted

MORE ABOUT MARRYING. 319

matrimony with the impediment of the third degree
of affinity, without previous dispensation.

He called this a most horrible crime, such union
being illegitimate, detestable, and condemned by the
church, and that such commerce should be held as
criminal and incestuous. He ordered this declaration
to be read from the pulpit on three feast days, and
required the juez of the town to separate Felipe
Patron and Maria Natividad without hopes of ever
obtaining dispensation. If the parties refused to obey,
and to separate, he ordered the padre to immediately
inform him, that he might fulminate against them the
terrible sentence of excommunication, to be read from
the pulpits of his diocese as an example and horrible
warning to perjurers, and to all those who dared
deceive the church — with further pious whoops to
frighten the faithful.

Among his universal powers and prerogatives the
potentate of New Helvetia assumed the solemnization
of marriages. But in due time the disaffected of his
people began to question the genuineness of his minis-
trations, and to pronounce the article he vended
bogus. Wives ran away, and would not return at his
mandate, and men began to question the rights of
heirs so born to inherit. Sutter turned this way and
that, and found no relief. Meanwhile humanity were
born and died, the world went round, and the waters
of the Sacramento rolled to the ocean, despite the
momentous question of the quality of marriages on
its banks.

The men made the laws in and for California; the
women were expected to obey. Hence it was ordained
that the woman an officer married must have $3,000.
All mothers were forbidden from leaving as heir to
the estate any child who has contracted a marriage
in opposition to the father's will. From the various
padrones it was ascertained that a great proportion
of the married women were from 15 to 20 years of

320 WOMAN AND HER SPHERE.

age. Yet high above nature was law in these parts :
if too young to marry, the law might declare the dam-
sel old enough. The prefect of Santa Clara in 1841
decreed that Ramona Prudenciana Buelna should be
considered of age, in order that she might marry
Manuel Cantua.

By Mexican law, the wife, during the continuance
of the marriage, had a revocable arid feigned dominion
in, and possession of, one half the property jointly
acquired by her and her husband, gananciales; but the
husband was the real and veritable owner, and had
the irrevocable dominion in all the gananciales, and
might sell and dispose of them at pleasure.

After the death of the wife the husband may dis-
pose of the gananciales, without being obliged to
reserve for the children of the marriage either the
property in or proceeds of the gananciales. If the
heirs of a deceased wife be the children of the mar-
riage, they had the right of succession on the death
of the father to the whole estate — gananciales — with
the right in the father to dispose of one fifth ; but by
the estate in law was understood the residue after all
debts had been paid. A father during his lifetime,
and after the death of his wife, might, although there
had been children of the marriage, dispose of the
gananciales for any honest purpose, when there was
no intention to defraud the children, and might by
will direct the sale of them for the payment of his
debts.

A royal order of December 16, 1803, declared that
minors — men under 25 and women under 23 — could
not marry unless with the consent of parents ; and the
parents were not required to give their reasons for
any opposition they might offer. If there were no
parents, grandparents, or guardians, the jueces might
object without giving their reasons, and license must
be asked of the king through the governor, and by
consent of officers, if they belonged to the military.
A law of the 23d of June, 1813, gave to jefes poll-

LOCAL MORALS 321

ticos authority to grant or refuse license for contract-
ing marriage to hijos de familia, whose fathers should
have refused it to them.

A wife once summoned her husband before an al-
calde for havino- serenaded another woman.

O

" Bring forth the culprit," said the judge, "and let
him play to us as he played before the woman he
wished to captivate."

When this was done, the judge asked:

"Is that the tune you played ?"

"Si, Senor."

"Is that the best you can play it?"

"Si, Senor."

"Then I fine you two dollars for disturbing the
public peace."

One Jose Maria Perez, sentenced by the viceroy to
six years' service at the San Francisco presidio, desired
to marry the maiden Maria Margarita Rodriguez.
Argiiello, as the man was under sentence, did not take
upon himself the decision of the case, but referred it
to Arrillaga, who decreed that if Perez was 25 years
of age the petition should be granted. Thereupon
Argiiello concedes the license.

During the last years of Mexican rule, morals de-
clined in Santa Barbara, as shown by the many ille-
gitimate children there. Yet even after the coming
of the Americans, it was difficult to find there a pub-
lic woman native to the place.

There was at times and places a looseness in the
women as to chastity. The young girls were mostly
particular, and closely guarded withal; but among
the married women of the common class, there was
looseness— not remarkably so, but they were less
strict than American women in this respect. The
women occupied themselves with the care of their fam-
ilies, and in sewing. They were domestic, but spent
much time in visiting, going to dances, picnics, and en-
joying themselves. They were clean in habits, and about

CAL. PAST. 21

322 WOMAN AND HER SPHERE.

their houses, however poor these might be. They
washed out of doors, generally going to some spring
or ^creek in the vicinity.

Abrego remarks in 1874 on the alarming decline of
morality since the conquest. Formerly each couple
would raise ten or twelve children on the average, and
sometimes twenty-four; at this time two were a fair
estimate.

"I hear from the most unexceptionable authority,"
writes Sir James Douglas, of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany, in his private journal, "that the ladies in Cali-
fornia are not in general very refined or delicate in
their conversation, using gross expressions, and indulg-
ing in broad remarks which would make modest women
blush. It is also said that many, even of the respect-
able classes, prostitute their wives for hire; that is,
they wink at the familiarity of a wealthy neighbor who
pays handsomely for his entertainment. This infa-
mous practice was introduced from Mexico, where it
is almost general. This is done with some respect to
insulted virtue. If openly asked to do so, they would
feel insulted ; they merely play the part of complaisant
husbands. There seems indeed to be a total over-
throw of public morals among this degenerate people,
even from the priest downward."

While the men, says one who pictures in rather
high colors, are "thriftless, proud, and extravagant,
and much given to gaming, the women have but little
education and a great deal of beauty, the natural con-
sequence being that their morality is none of the
purest; the instances of infidelity, however, are much
less frequent than might be anticipated, for one vice
is set against another, and a certain balance is ob-
tained; thus, though the women have but little virtue,
their husbands are jealous in the extreme, and their
revenge is deadly and almost certain. A few inches
of cold steel have been received by many an unwary
man, who has perhaps been guilty of nothing more
than mere indiscretion of manner. Thus, with the

FEMALE FORM DIVINE. 323

married women, the difficulties that surround any
attempt at indiscretion are numerous, whilst the con-
sequences of discovery are fatal. With the unmarried,
too much watchfulness is used to allow of any liaison ;
the main object of the parent being to marry his
daughter well, the slightest slip must necessarily dis-
arrange such a scheme. The sharp eyes of a duena,
and the poniard of a father or brother, are therefore a
great protection, rendered absolutely requisite from
the characters of both men and women ; as the fond
father or affectionate brother, who would lay down his
life to avenge the honor of his daughter or sister,
would be equally ready to risk that life to complete the
dishonor of another. Of the poor Indians little care is
taken. The priests, indeed, at the missions are said to
keep them very strictly, and rules were usually made
by the alcaldes to punish their misconduct ; but it all
amounts to little. If any of the girls should chance to be
discovered following evil courses, the alcalde orders them
to be whipped, and keeps them at work for a certain
period sweeping the square of the presidio, or carry-
ing mortar and bricks for building; yet at any time a
few reales will buy them off. Intemperance is a com-
mon vice amongst the Indians, but the Spanish inhabi-
tants are, on the contrary, extremely abstemious." So
says this one : another says the reverse ; but men and
women are not everywhere exactly the same.

There are dances, says this same observer, which
are "particularly liked by the females — who more than
any other women in the world seek to draw forth
admiration — as it enables them to show the handsome
roundings of their naked arms, and their small and
elegantly turned feet, as also to develop to full advan-
tage the graceful vivacity of their motions, as they
wind through the mazes of their national dance, which
is of itself sufficiently attractive. The females gener-
ally are exceedingly well shaped, and have a slight tint
of brown in the skin; but a pair of black and sparkling
eyes, and teeth of the whitest color, give to their

324 WOMAN AND HER SPHERE.

countenances an appearance of the greatest animation.
They wear neither caps nor bonnets, but have their
hair turned upon the crown of the head, where it is
held by a tortoise-shell comb, very high in the back;
the tuft thus formed is pierced by a thick and long pin
of gold, silver, or copper, which has at one of its
extremities a ball or globe of the same metal. When
they are going out they wear basquinas, more or less
ornamented, and a mantilla which covers their heads;
the ends of these being gathered up and crossed over
the breast draws the mantel tight round the hips, and
shows the graceful shape of the wearer to great ad-
vantage. In these descriptions, allusion is only made
to the Creoles of a pure Spanish or Mexican origin, for
the greater portion of the inhabitants of California are
of mixed origin, which gives to their color a tint of
reddish brown, and to their countenances a rather hard
and wild appearance."

Many of them were clear-skinned, dark brunette,
with lustrous eyes, long black glossy hair, and carry-
ing themselves with indescribable grace and ease, with
fine manners and personal appearance characteristic of
the Latin race. Jewelry and gorgeous dress shone
beneath the blue wreathings of the cigarritos, enough
to fill the measure of delight in indulgent father and
hopeful lover.

The beauty of women is of shorter duration in
Spanish countries than in the United States; but
the monster Time behaves differently in the two
places. In the states, the sere and yellow leaf of
beauty shrivels into scragginess in the extremes of
the type ; but in Spanish-speaking countries it is not
the withering of the gourd of beauty that those have
to deplore who sit beneath its shadow with so great
delight, but it is the broadening of that shadow.
Without altogether indorsing sylph-like forms, it is
yet safe to affirm that degrees of beauty in women
are not in direct ratio to the degrees of the latitude
of their circumference.

IDIOSYNCRASIES AND CHARACTERISTICS. 325

At night the dwelling-place of woman was as dis-
tinct as by day, only darker; blonde had become
brunette — that was all. The orange leaves glittered
in the moonlight with a glaucous sheen, and the air
was moist with the subtile perfume that betrayed the
hidden blossom. And women passed to and fro on
the arms of their caballeros, as fair as those of any
age or country, with eyes like the soul of night, and
soft forms fit for light and love, and lips parted in the
ruddy strife of head and heart.

Settlers north of the bay were in constant danger
both from Indians and the bears. Even the women
were accustomed to carry guns or pistols, when they
went out to make calls. Mrs Vallejo has a small rifle
which she used to carry for this purpose; and she says
that in the earlier years she had fired the rifle at
bears to keep them out of the court-yard of her house.
Stock had to be carefully guarded, and could not be
allowed to run at large at night, as in the south,
where bears were nearly extinct before this time.

The field labors of a ranchero, whether they con-
sisted in rodeos and herraderos or were agricultural,

O '

were concluded about 11 o'clock, at which time the
laborers went to dinner and to rest till 2 o'clock. In
a poor family, the women attended to all the menial
service; in those families able to afford it, this was
performed by Indian servants of both sexes. At 2
p. M. rich and poor alike returned to their field labors,
which lasted till nightfall. Of course rich rancheros
employed field-hands.

Mr Bryant, while on a journey from Los Angeles
to San Francisco in 1846, stopped for the night at a
small adobe country house, where he was comfortably
provided for. The good woman of the house was
delighted above measure by an incidental remark of
the questioned traveller, to the effect that clothing
and finery of ail sorts would become immensely re-
duced in price under the new regime. Wittingly or
unwittingly, he had struck a chord tender in the uni-

326 WOMAN AND HER SPHERE.

versal female heart, and her Vivan los Americanos!
was so genuine that in the morning she could hardly
be persuaded to accept remuneration for her trouble ;
and only, at last, on the condition of her guest taking
with him a good supply of her cookery for future use.

" California women are an interesting race in many
respects," writes Hayes in his Emigrant Notes — "a
kind-hearted, amiable, industrious set. I like them
better than the men. These have their virtues too,
as well as their faults. They have all the politeness
of manner of the Spanish stock whence they sprung,
betraying often a spice of the Indian character with
which they have been familiarized. Especially I love
the children, so sprightly and quick to learn."

"Formerly," says Salvador Vallejo, "our cattle
roamed by thousands, yet not one was stolen, for the
unwritten law of the land granted to the weary travel-
ler the privilege of killing cattle whenever he wanted
beef. Since the transfer of California .... many na-
tive Californians have been hanged for stealing cattle ;
and I firmly believe that some of the victims did not
know that under the new government it was a crime
to kill a steer of which he had not a bill of sale."

Robinson says that "the men are generally indolent
and addicted to many vices, caring little for the wel-
fare of their children. Yet the women do not appear
to have felt this bad influence, and in few places of
the world, in proportion to inhabitants, can be found
more chastity, industrious habits, and correct deport-
ment, than among the women. It is not unusual to
see the most perfect familiarity between the two
classes. This often leads strangers to form incorrect
opinions. They are firm to the observances of their
church, and the most trifling deviation therefrom is
looked upon with abhorrence."

The women were passionately fond of fine, showy
dresses; they generally exhibited good taste, as far as
they had the means. They were rather pleasing in
their dress, with not a great deal of jewelry, though

FURTHER PECULIARITIES. 327

fond of it. One almost universal article of dress was
the rebozo to cover the head and shoulders. Some of
the rel^ozos were very fine and costly, made of silk,
others were of cotton, or linen, according to the purse
of the wearer.

Previous to 1830, or thereabout, the men of Cali-
fornia were of good morals. Of course there were the
disreputable, drunkards, gamblers, men who abandoned
their families to want ; but such cases were rare. "The
women of California," says Aniador, "were always
noteworthy for their excellent conduct as daughters,
sisters, wives, and mothers. They were virtuous and
industrious, and devoted to their family duties."

Subsequent to 1830 the moral tone of society was
lowered. This was owing to the more extended inter-
course with foreigners, who were not all of good
character; to the greater facility of acquiring means,
and to political disturbances — these latter in particular
opening the door to evil customs which were dissemi-
nated amongst the men. Gambling, drunkenness,
lewdness, and vagrancy became common, and these
vices brought in their train theft, which was necessary
to sustain them.

There were hundreds of little peculiarities and
strange ways, most of which dropped out of use, never
having been recorded. The month of May they used
to call Maria. A boy must not take his first shave
without permission from his father, who seldom gives
it before the age of twenty-two, when the time has
come for him to marry.

The women, at intervals, had a general wash-up, on
which occasions, their own clothes being done, they
would ask their neighbors for theirs, and demanded
no recompense for the work. "My clothes were thus
often washed without charge," says Hijar. When
their washing was concluded, after six or more days,
they returned home and feasted. A calf was killed,
and songs and joy followed. While the women re-

328 WOMAN AND HER SPHERE.

mained at the creek, under the arbor, sleeping in the
open air, the males of the family regarded this camp
as their home.

The aguadores who brought water from the Carmelo
were Indian boys; they carried a forked stick, serving
to hold up one cask while the other was being filled ;
and also to climb up behind the casks where they rode
on the ass' rump. "It was very amusing," says Al-
varado, "to see them running races, and often decked
in bright-colored flowers."

Formerly the veleros, or manufacturers of tallow
candles, used to carry them for sale in two large bas-
kets on the back of a burro; but after the coming of
the cholos the candles were carried on the shoulder
fastened round the circumference of two hoops which
hung from the ends of a stick four feet long, some-
thing in the Chinese style.

A woman from Chile thought her California cousins
preferred the floor to a chair to sit on, as they rest
better so.

While Robinson was at San Diego, in 1829, Ban-
dini's house was bendecida, or blessed. The general,
his officers, and a number of friends were present.
The ceremony took place about noon; the chaplain
went through the different apartments and sprinkled
holy- water on the walls, uttering verses in Latin. The
party then sat down to an excellent dinner, after which
was music and a dance, followed in the evening by a
fandango. It was better than insurance, and not so
expensive.

Sepulveda, speaking of Pastoral California, says:
" There was one link in the chain of society of those
days which contributed to keep in a strong and affec-
tionate unison the social relations between men. It
was the relation of compadre. Whoever stood god-
father or godmother to a child was the compadre
or comadre of the father and mother of the infant.
Always treating each other with respect and affection,
and having the child as a living token of their esteem,

LANGUAGE OF FLOWERS. 329

it was rare to see these pleasant relations disturbed..
It no doubt added much to the harmony of society."

At the death of a father it was customary for the
younger brothers to respect the elder; who stood in
the position of father to the family. Nothing could
have a better effect, that of mutual assistance and
trust on the entire family, than the observance of this
beautiful custom.

When two men were so intimate as to be constantly
together in order to indicate a feeling deeper than
that merely of a friend, they designated each other as
valedor. The word was also applied by the rancheros
to any one whom they especially appreciated and
trusted.

The extent of kinship wras incalculable ; for to such
an extent had the different families of California
intermarried, that all were akin by usage, if not by
blood.

When a man found his wife enceinte, he invited the
persons whom it was agreed to make padrinos or god-
parents, and they at once began preparations, accord-
ing to their means, although it wanted five or more
months till the event. Fifteen or twenty days after
delivery, the new creature was taken to the parish
church to be baptized. On going to the house to take
the infant to church, the padrinos marched through
the streets playing instruments, to testify their joy.
The family came to the door to receive them, and
then all marched to church, playing on the way.

After the ceremony, the party was received outside
by some who waited for them, with rockets, bell-toll-
ing, and music, and all joined to accompany them to
the house of the parents, to which the padre was
invited. All comers were regaled with panecito,
bread made for the occasion, and slices of watermelon,
and other refreshment, called by the general name
volo. To the padre and his assistants some money
was given, and presents distributed by the godparents.
Then began a ball, lasting one or two days. The

330 WOMAN AND HER SPHERE.

nearest relatives were expected to attend the baptism
without invitation ; others were invited. The baptism
took place at night. Those who lived far from the
mission had it done on Sundays after mass.

From Jose de Jesus Vallejo I have the language of
flowers, as rendered by Governor Chico in 1836, and
accepted throughout California in the interpretation
of a gift of flowers : Yerba buena, I wish to be useful ;
white Indian cress (nasturtium), I wish to be a nun ;
red Indian cress (tropoeolum majus), my heart is drip-
ping blood ; tuberose, I wait for thee ; red rose, thou
art the queen of thy sex; white rose, thou art the
queen of purity; passion flower, hatred and rancor;
hundred leaves, I am dying for thee; turnsol, I can-
not bear the sight of thee ; dahlia, I love only thee in
this world; jasmine, thou art a coquette; red pink, I
am justified in feeling jealous; hortensia, I want to
marry thee ; violet, modesty ; geranium, I will always
love thee; evergreen, my love will be eternal; the
winter gillyflower, I sigh for thee.

Captain H. S. Burton fell in love with the charm-
ing Californian, Maria del Amparo Ruiz, born at Lo-
reto, and aged sixteen. She promised to marry him.
The servants reported this to a certain ranchero who
had been unsuccessfully paying his addresses to her,
and he informed Padre Gonzalez, saying that a cath-
olic should not marry a protestant. The padre
thanked the man in a letter, which the latter hawked
about offensively, out of spite, because his suit had
been rejected. But for all this, the Loreto girl
married the Yankee captain. Although a heretical
marriage, Rubio, guardian of the see, deemed it
discreet not to declare it null, but to remove the
impediments. He accordingly allowed the marriage
before the padre at Santa Barbara, before two
witnesses, omitting proclamas conciliares, nuptial
benediction, and other solemnities, but with the
condition that the wife should not be seduced from
the church, that the children should be educated

A LOVE STORY. 331

as catholics, and that the wife should pray God to
convert the captain to the church.

Meanwhile the guardian of the diocese learned with
great satisfaction of the pains the alcalde was at to
prevent the protestant clergyman at Monterey from
authorizing the marriage of Captain Burton and
Maria del Amparo Ruiz — she being a catholic — and
on the 23d of August, 1847, Governor Mason ordered
all the authorities of California not to authorize any
marriage where either of the parties was a catholic.
Padre Gonzalez understood that this order was bind-
ing, and therefore to be observed until rescinded by
competent authority. As this order was necessary
in order that catholics might not contract marriages
which would be null, Gonzalez wrote to the governor,
requesting him to ratify his predecessor's order, and
if necessary call the attention of all the authorities
thereto. Padre Gonzalez again thanked the alcalde
for his zeal in preventing the infringement of the laws
of Catholicism by any catholic attempting to marry
according to the protestant rite, and hoped for his
aid in seeing that no innovation be made, but that
the government ratified Mason's order.

Concepcion Maria Argliello, daughter of Jose Dario
Argiiello, who had been governor of California in
1814-15, and sister of Luis Argiiello, who was ap-
pointed governor in 1822, was a beautiful girl of good
education and refined manners. She was residing in
the fort of San Francisco in 1807 at the time of the
arrival in California of the Russian frigate Juno, hav-
ing on board as passenger Count Rezanof, grand
chamberlain of the Russian emperor, who fell in love
with the young Californian, and with her consent
requested her parents to allow him to marry her. To
this proposal they agreed, deeming it highly advan-
tageous to be related by marriage to the young diplo-
mate. Count Rezanof took his departure from Cali-
fornia, intending to go to Russia, and there mako
the necessary arrangement for his intended marriage,

332 WOMAN AND HER SPHERE.

but unfortunately, while crossing a desert, he fell from
his horse and was killed.

On receipt of the terrible news, the fair Concepcion,
arrayed as a beata, that is to say, one who wears a re-
ligious habit, and is engaged in works of charity, left
San Francisco and went to Santa Barbara, where she
spent her time in the small church of the Franciscan
friars, and at night retired to the room allotted to her
in the house of Captain De la Guerra. During the
many years she thus lived, the young men of Santa
Barbara tried their utmost to induce her to take part
in their festivities, and some went so far as to insist
that she should marry, but all to no purpose. Had
she not narrowly missed being a countess? So she
continued her works of charity and humiliation, going
into the miserable dwellings of the neophytes, where
she spent hour after hour attending to the wants of
some dying Indian, or teaching young children the
Christian doctrine. Finally, when the good sisters of
Saint Dominic, in 1850, opened in the town of Benicia
the academy of Saint Catherine, she repaired to their
convent, and resided there until 1860, when she died, at
the advanced age of seventy-six years. This incident
is given as an example to be followed by all good Cali-
fornia girls who so narrowly miss becoming countesses !

About the year 1837, the wild Indians of Lower
California fell upon the rancho of Pio Pico, killed some
people, and carried off the daughters, Tomasa and
Ramona, of Ley va, the majordomo.

The wife of Licentiate Cosme Pena, ex-asesor of
California, eloped with a musician named Arias. On
their journey, they were captured by Indians of the
Colorado river; he was killed, and she kept as a wife
of one of the chiefs. She was later captured from
them by the Indians Castucho, Martin, and others,
who held Tomasa and Ramona.

The occupations of the women were not only much
superior, but more laborious and continual, than those
of the men. The kitchen was, of course, in their en-

MANNERS AND MORALITY. 333

tire charge, or at least under their supervision. Many
of them made bread, candles, soap, and even worked
in the field. Needlework was in constant demand,
and in every form. They made their own garments,
as well as those of their fathers, husbands, and broth-
ers, all calling for embellishments in the way of em-
broidery, fine stitching, etc. The utmost care and
taste were displayed in the beds and bedding, the
linen being embroidered, or otherwise adorned.
Clothing being expensive, economy demanded that
they should be kept well mended, and made, when
possible, to look almost new. Pressing was done
with the hand until the piece became perfectly smooth.

The well-to-do of both sexes used the best material
they could procure, silk, wool, velvet, etc. The poorer
classes, while dressing in the same style, had to be
content with inferior goods.

The women daily braided the hair of their male
relatives till late times, as long as queues were in
fashion. The hair was usually parted in the middle,
and thrown over the back and tied ; one braid of three
tresses was then made, a la Chinois. Most men tied
a black silk kerchief round the head, with the knot'
behind or above the forehead. The women let the
hair cover their ears, parted in the middle, and braided,
as with the men. Lugo has it that men shaved all
the beard, except that from the temple to the border
of the jaw. The shaving was usually done every
third day, and certainly on Saturday afternoon or
Sunday morning.

Living in concubinage by the common people was
considered, during the Spanish domination, a heinous
offence, and was severely punished. The man would
be condemned to hard labor in irons, and exile for a
number of years. The woman had her hair clipped
short, and was forced to stand with a puppet-babe at
her breast at the church door every Sunday at the
hour of mass, during a month or so, that she might
serve as a warning.

334 WOMAN AND HER SPHERE.

About 1829 or 1830, during Governor Echeandia's
term, it was judicially proved that a soldier of the
Monterey company was holding illicit relations with
a woman and her daughter at the same time, and that
the latter was pregnant by him. These facts having
become known to Father Ramon Abella, he reported
them to the authorities. The result of the trial was
that the soldier was made to marry the pregnant
woman. The man #nd woman, from the day of the
first publication of the bans, were compelled to kneel
near the presbytery, in full sight of the public, bound
together by the neck with a thick hempen rope, and
having before them a washtub filled with green grass,
representing the manger of a stable, to signify that
the man and woman had been living like beasts. At
each publication of the bans, Father Abella delivered
remarks from the pulpit relevant to the subject, to
remind his flock that the penalties of hell would cer-
tainly befall those who indulged in incestuous prac-
tices. The couple afterward lived happily together,
and had a numerous family. Their descendants live
in California, and flourish to this day.

CHAPTER XL

PASTURES AND FIELDS.

There Jove accords a lengthened spring,
And winter wanting winter's sting,
And sunny Aulon's broad incline
Such mettle puts into the vine,
Its clusters need not envy those
Which fiery Falernum grows.

Horace.

FOR many years cattle-raising was the chief if not
the sole occupation of the Hispano-Californians. It
was a mode of life well suited to their temper and
habits. There was little work about it, little of the
drudgery of labor such as attended agriculture and
manufactures ; and if in the pursuit there was little of
the sweet power that displays itself in the domination
of men, the ranchero might at least rule cattle.

Then, too, stock-raising brought men up to a level;
for in wealth and occupation there was here in those
days a low level and a high level. Upon the low
level rested contented those who had nothing; upon
the high level were those who had something. Be-
tween something and a hundred times more, there was
little difference. Land in itself was valueless, so that
it made little difference whether one's possessions were
counted by acres or square leagues. So with live-
stock. Four thousand of any kind was as satisfying
as forty thousand, or four hundred thousand, as a
moderate number was more than a man could sell, and
as many as he cared to attend to. Hence as the
horses and cattle brought from Mexico increased,
until the proper care of them involved more exertion

(335)

336 PASTURES AND FIELDS.

than the owner cared to put forth, they were allowed
to relapse into barbarism, grow wild, and range at will
over the San Joaquin and Sacramento plains.

Such was the state of things that for a time any
one might kill cattle at pleasure for food, so long as
the hide was placed within easy reach of the owner.
But later, when immigration set in, values began to be
set on cattle. A large amount of stock fell into the
possession of the officers of Micheltorena, who, seeing
that the revolution was about to come, sold these
animals to Spence, Fitch, and other foreigners.

In the early days it was common for Californians to
go in companies to catch wild horses on the Mariposa
plains and elsewhere at certain seasons of the year,
carrying brandy, tobacco, and other articles for festive
enjoyment. Sutter says there were vast droves of
wild horses in the San Joaquin and Tulare valleys,
bred from those stolen by the Indians from the mis-
sions. They rapidly increased into immense droves.
They were not claimed by the Indians, to whom it
came easier to steal horses when they wanted them
than to tame them. Later, Americans and Califor-
nians went there and lassoed them, catching all they
wanted. There were few wild horses in the Sacra-
mento Valley when Sutter went there.

Bidwell affirms that in 1842 there were many sheep
in some places. On the rancho of Livermore were
6,000, and Sutter had 1,000. They were small and
the wool rather coarse. There were a few fine hogs;
one weighing 200 pounds was worth $4 or $5. The
cattle were very large, and were in great numbers.
There was no regular price for them, but it stood at
about $4 per head. Hides were worth $2 ; tallow $6 per
100 pounds. Horses were very numerous, and worth
from $8 to $30. Mares were never worked or ridden,
and were worth from $3 to $5. The mules were large
and fine, and worth $10 unbroken, and $15 broken.
Jacks were worth from $100 to $200 each. Broken
oxen fetched $25.

AGRICULTURAL INDUSTRY. 337

The missionaries generally had a manual on agri-
culture, which they followed in the cultivation of the
soil. In planting wheat they would soak the seed in
lye. This was the practice in Spanish times, and
was continued after the country became separated
from Spanish domination. Cultivation of produce in
the district of Monterey was limited to the space
lying between the Tucho and the Pilarcitos, in small
portions, apart from the plantations at Alisal, the
Sauzal, Natividad, San Cayetano, Bolsa del Pajaro,
Corralitos, Salsipuedes, Las Aromas, a portion of the
San Juan valley, San Felipe, San Isidro, the Carnea-
dero, and La Brea, besides El Carmelo.

Special droves of mares were provided at the mis-
sions and on ranches, with jackasses to raise mules.
And in order to arouse the passions of the former to
the point of allowing themselves to be approached by
the latter, there were caballos volteados, which with-
out being capable of procreating, brought about the de-
sired effect.

Severe droughts were often experienced. In 1809-
10 the missions and presidios suffered greatly for
pasturage and crops, especially the horses for the use
of the troops and mission vaqueros. In 1820-21
there was another visitation of the same kind, and
the live-stock of the missions, now increased to 400,-
000, had much difficulty in finding grass enough to
keep them in condition fit for food. It was more
severely felt than that of 1809-10. Governor Sola
caused a large number of mares to be sold. Past ex-
perience had taught the missionaries the necessity of
laying up grain, dried meat, fat, etc., for two years.
They also had trained fishermen to furnish food from
the sea, not only in keeping lent, and weekly one
day's abstinence from meat, but in order that mussels
and fish, so abundant on the coast, should help to
economize the laid up stores. In 1823 a special dis-
pensation was issued by Senan, the father-president,
to use meat, eggs, etc., on forbidden days, owing to.

CAL. PAST. 22

338 PASTURES AND FIELDS.

the scarcity of maize and beans, from want of rains,
especially in the south, which was further intensified
by a plague of locusts and caterpillars. In the season
of 1824-25, the best known in California from 1770
to 1864, sufficient water fell to keep, together with
the ordinary winter rains, the pastures and sowings
in excellent condition until the great drought of 22
months between the rains of 1828 and 1830, during

w ^5

which the wells and springs of Monterey gave out,
and water for the use of families had to be brought
from the Carmelo river, three miles distant. Hardly
any crops were obtained, and it was estimated that
fully 40,000 head of horses and neat cattle perished
throughout the province. Hundreds of mares were
killed, and many were sold by the missions at 25 and
5o cents each. At Purisima several large droves,
as reported, were driven over the cliff into the sea to
speedily kill them, so as to save pasture for the cattle
and sheep. To the north of San Juan Bautista the
grass was in better condition than to the south. At
this time Governor Echeandia was secularizing the
missions, and the padres took a great dislike to the
raising of sheep ; and indeed the native Californians
generally had the same feeling, sheep being by them
considered beneath the attention of rancheros a'hd*
vaqueros. The season of 1840-41, some years after
the secularization of the missions, in which no rain
worth mentioning fell for fourteen consecutive months,
was severely felt, particularly south of Soledad; but
not nearly so many animals perished as in the drought
of 1828-30. In fact they were now scattered, and
better cared for. Large quantities having died dur-
ing that visitation, or been destroyed by wolves,
coyotes, and bears, added to the dislike of the ranch-
eros to herd them, their number had been reduced to
less than 20,000 from about 153,000 in 1831. Sub-
sequent droughts do not come within the scope of this
book, having occurred after the period embraced in
the pastoral period of California.

CUSTOMS OF THE CATTLE-RAISERS.

339

STATISTICS OF 1834.

Mission.

Date of
Foundation.

Indians.

Horned

Cattle.

Horses.

Sheep,
Goats,
and
Pigs.

Harvest.

San Diego

June 16 1769

2,500

12,000

1,800

17,000

Bush.
13,000

Sail Luis Rey

June 13, 1798.

3,500

80,000

10,000

100,000

14,000

San Juan Capistrano
San Gabriel. . .

Nov. 1, 1776.
Sept 8 1771

1,700
2 700

70,000
105 000

1,900
20 000

10,000
40 000

10,000
20 000

San Fernando

Sept 8 1797

1 500

14 000

5 000

7 000

8 000

San Buenaventura. .
Santa Barbara
Santa lues

Mar. 31, 1782.
Dec. 4, 1786. .
Sept. 17 1804

1,100
1,200
1 300

4,000
5,000
14 000

1,000
1,200
1 200

6,000
5,000
12 000

3,000
3,000
3 500

Purfsima

Dec. 8, 1787 .

900

15 000

2000

14 000

6 000

San Luis Obispo. . . .
San Miguel

Sept. 1, 1771 .
July 25 1797

1,250
2 000

9,000
4 000

4,000
2 500

7,000
10 000

4,000
2 500

San Antonio

July 14, 1771

1 400

12 000

2000

14 000

3 000

Soledad

Oct. 9, 1791. .

700

6,000

1,200

7 000

2 500

Carmelo.

June 3 1770

500

3 000

700

7 000

1 500

San Juan Bautista. .
Santa Cruz

June 24, 1799.
Aug. 28, 1791,

1,450
600

9,000
8,000

1,200
800

9,000
10 000

3.500
2500

Santa Clara.

Jan 18 1777

1 800

13 000

1 200

15 000

6 000

San Jose

June 18, 1797

2 300

2400

1 100

19 000

10 000

San Francisco
San Rafael. . .

Oct. 9, 1776. .
Dec 18 1817

500
1 250

5,000
3 000

1,600
500

4,000
4 500

2,500
1 500

Solano

Aug. 25 1823.

1 300

3 000

700

4 000

3 000

Total

31,450

396,400

61,600

321 500

123 000

STATISTICS OF 1842.

Mission.

Indians.

Cattle.

Horses.

Sheep, Goats,
and Pigs.

San Diego.

500

20

100

200

San Luis Rey.

650

2 800

400

4 000

San Juan Capistrano
San Gabriel

100
500

500
700

150

500

200
3 500

San Fernando

400

1 500

400

2 000

San Buenaventura..

300

200

40

400

Santa Barbara

400

1 800

180

400

Santa Ines

250

10000

500

4 000

Purfsima

60

800

300

3 500

San Luis Obispo

80

300

200

800

San Miguel

30

40

50

400

San Antonio

150

800

500

2 000

20

Carmelo. . ....

40

San Juan Bautista

80

...

Santa Cruz

50

Santa Clara

300

1 500

250

3 000

San Jose

400

8,000

200

7 000

San Francisco

50

60

50

200

San Rafael

20

Solano.

70

Total

4 450

29 020

3 820

31 600

340 PASTURES AND FIELDS.

When an hacendado wished to nuquear or slaughter
his cattle, he sent six men on horseback, who rode at
full speed over the fields, armed with knives. Passing
near an animal, one gave it a blow with the knife in
the nerve of the nape of the neck, and it fell dead.
These nuqueadores passed on, and were followed as by
a flock of hungry vultures, by dozens of peladores,
who took off the hides. Next came the tasajeros, who
cut up the meat into tasajo and pulpa; and the funeral
procession was closed by a swarm of Indian women,
who gathered the tallow and lard in leather hampers.
The fat was afterward tried out in large iron or cop-
per kettles, and after cooling somewhat was put up in
skin botas, containing on an average 20 arrobas, or
500 pounds. It was sold in 1840 at $2 per arroba,
half in money and half in goods. A field after the
nuqueo looked like Waterloo after the charge of the
old guard.

Marsh says that in Mexican times one man had 500
saddle-horses for the use of his rancho. One mission
had 100,000 horses and mules. Cattle were killed off
on the mission lands after the secularization in 1834;
it commenced in 1832, and continued until checked by
the governor. They were on the decrease until 1840.
"Sheep are small," remarks Clymer, "and produce a
small quantity of coarse wool along the back, the belly
being entirely bare. Their cattle are of good size, and
handsomely built. Some farms or ranchos have from
five to twenty thousand head of such stock on them,
with large stocks of horses and sheep." The way the
padres estimated their stock was to count those they
branded. If these were 5,000, they estimated 15,000
for the year.

A great number of vaqueros, or mounted herdsmen,
were necessary to look after the stock, which was half
wild at best. At San Jose, at a rodeo, or gathering
of stock for the purpose of counting it, Visitador Hart-
nell says that Administrator Castro was assisted by a
mayordomo and fifty vaqueros.

THE LASSO. 341

The yearly rodeo was not only for branding and
dividing stock, but for making the cattle accustomed
to a certain place, and prevent their going hopelessly
wild.

The missions had a weekly rodeo, and killed twenty
or thirty or more cattle for provisions. The Indians
killed them before a mayordomo de campo, who dis-
tributed the meat for the week. The razon people
came to cut for themselves. The bones were left in
the corral till the following Friday, when they were
piled up outside of the rodeo. Each mission had
three corrals, one for cattle, the others for sheep and
horses.

On Friday morning some neophytes were sent to
bring in stock for the Saturday slaughter. On Satur-
day morning some mounted Indians lassoed and
brought out the stock from the corral, for other In-
dians. These lassoed the beast by peal, threw it,
killed, flayed, and cut it up. Head, spine, and intes-
tines were rejected. The fat was dragged to the
mission in the hide. Thus twenty or thirty heads
were killed weekly for food.

When the year was bad and pastures meagre the
padres ordered a desviejar, that is, the killing of old
stock. On such occasions, Indians and white men
were armed with lances, and entered the corrals
mounted. They were also hunted up in the fields.
The hides were taken off, and the flesh left for beasts
and birds, or for the Indians.

Markoff tells of a novel way of catching wild oxen
in California. A trained ox was taken out with the
hunter. The wild ox was then lassoed and bound,
after which his horns were tied to those of the trained
ox, which dragged him home to be slaughtered. This
was to avoid carrying the meat a long distance.
Wild horses were caught at the watering-places by
lasso, or by false corrals. When several had been
caught they were tied in pairs and driven home, or to
the next catching-place.

342 PASTURES AND FIELDS.

The dexterity of the Californians with the lasso was
surprising. As for their horsemanship they were not
surpassed by the Cossacks of Tartary. "It is com-
mon," says Bidwell, "for them to take up things from
the ground going upon a full run with their horses.
They will pick up a dollar in this way. They fre-
quently engage the bear on the plain with their las-
soes, and two holding him in opposite directions with
ropes fastened to the pommels of their saddles. I was
informed that two young boys encountered a large
buck elk in the plains, and having no saddles, fastened
the ropes round the horses' necks, and actually dragged
the huge animal into the settlements alive."

Morineau writes : " Dans la vue de menager les
paca*ges pour les boeufs, un arrete de gouvernement
defend a chaque particulier d'avoir plus de 20 jumento
poulinieres. C'est aussi par le meme motif que Ton
fait tuer tous les ans, plusieurs milliers de chevaux
sauvages, bien que Ton ne tire aucun parti de leurs
depouilles." Mules were employed on hard labor,
and asses were kept for their reproduction. Each
mission possessed 10,000 or 12,000 sheep. The
Creoles raised few sheep. The wool was good, but
that used in the country was made only into coarse
stuffs. Pigs were not raised at the missions, as the
Creoles did not care for the flesh, and the Indians have
always had a horror of it.

Writes the governor, July 7, 1844, to the alcalde of
San Francisco: "The French fragata and other ves-
sels may buy stock in San Francisco, but none must
sell a heifer at less than six dollars, or abuse will
spring up and injure the country."

In the session of assembly of July 24, 1834, the
comision de gobernacion presented a dictd,men on the
petition of Chabolla to catch (correr) mestefio stock
for urgent want. Permission was thereupon granted
to any one under the same plea, on condition of giving
one fifth to the nation. The sindico was to account
for the one fifth, leaving it in care of the grantee. The

STOCK REGULATIONS. 343

grantee was to destroy (tumbar) the corrals erected
for the purpose. This license was valid for once only,
at the judgment of the ayuntamiento, which would
determine the time when each one should perform the
corrida.

One Villavicencio, May 17, 1830, was given a per-
mit to go after runaway cattle betwreen the Final del
Temascal and the Sierra de la Panocha. He was to
report the events which might take place, names of
those who accompanied him, and the marks on the
ears, in order that he might be paid immediately ac-
cording to custom.

Victoria, writing to the minister of relations on the
7th of June, 1831, says: "As regards caballar, the wild
kind called mesteno inundate the fields. Formerly
there were large slaughters; this he has restrained,
thinking that this slaughter should be made useful if
only in the hides."

On the 21st of June, Figueroa wrote to the alcalde
of San Jose that the assembly had ordered that every
owner of stock and horses and his paid servants should
meet to give personal aid at the customary rodeos,
without excepting his sons, if he should have any old
enough. No persons might excuse themselves or
others from helping without some good reason. Per-
sons exempted from these services were mechanics,
non-owners of stock, those physically impeded, sexa-
genarians, except their sons and paid servants, in case
the exempt parties owned stock.

In the San Diego archives I find a decree of Feb-
ruary 1835, in which the assembly declares that 150
head of cattle are needed to entitle the owner to a
brand. The alcalde must determine who shall have
a brand and who a mark.

•

A person desiring to make use of a particular iron
for marking cattle petitioned the juez de paz to that
effect; fac-similes of the fierro and venta accompanied
the petition. The juez decreed in accordance with the
petition, and registered the marks in the libro de regis-

344 PASTURES AND FIELDS.

tros. The municipal regulations of San Jose, of Jan-
uary 16, 1835, say that none might mark, brand, or
kill stock except on days designated by the ayuntami-
ento, and never without permit of the juez de campo,
who should inform the alcalde of such. Penalty for first
offence twenty reales; whoever lassoed or saddled a
beast not belonging to him should pay $9, and as much
more as the owner claimed in justice.

California was infested by Mexican convicts, who,
knowing that they could make no use of stolen cattle if
not bearing the mark of the seller, were accustomed to
forge the brands of well-known sellers, thus causing
great confusion. A few were arrested; but the local
authorities did not understand the magnitude of the
crime, and simply exiled the prisoners to other pueblos,
where they went on with the traffic.

"In 1843," says Bias Pena, "I slaughtered with my
men 1,300 heads of cattle in Captain Fitch's rancho.
Part of the meat I made into tasajo, that is to say, it
was jerked and dried; the rest was pickled. The tal-
low was sent to the United States in guts, or bladders,
or hides. The green hides were stretched on the
ground until they became sufficiently aired, when they
were folded and sewed with an awl, an opening being
left near the neck, through which the tallow was
poured. These hides filled with fat were called botas,
and when ship-masters signed bills of lading they ac-
knowledged having received so many botas of fat."

As far back as 1770, every owner of horses, cattle,
asses, mules, and sheep was by law compelled to brand
his stock. Each ranchero had two private brands, one
called 'el fierro para herrar los ganados,' and the other
'fierro para ventear.' No one could adopt or change
his branding-irons without permission of the governor
of California. Before me is a decree of Governor
Figueroa of May 17, 1834, granting to ensign M. G.
Vallejo permission to use a new branding-iron for
the cattle and other animals on his estate.

In order to mark cattle, sometimes their ears were

ORIGINAL STOCK. 345

cut in a certain way. A petition to be allowed to
use such marks was made to the juez de paz, a fac-
simile of the mark accompanying the same. The
juez granted the permission, and registered the same
in a book kept for the purpose.

On the 9th of April, 1844, at Los Angeles, Ban-
dini made a long speech before the ayuntamiento,
criticising the laws relating to hides, and urging
better measures to protect stock-owners. He ended
by proposing that no hides should be sold which had
not the owner's mark. Stock-raisers, who according
to the law of 1827 should have brands, should send in
the notice of the registro thereof, in one month ; others
should register their brands. Marks were also to be
sent in.

The ayuntamiento of Angeles, on the 14th of
August, 1847, declared that niesteno (wild) horses
might be chased on Lugo's rancho, after due notice, so
as to allow the neighbors to attend. All branded ore-
jano beasts that were mestenos, and fell, belonged to the
one who formed the corrida. Fallen beasts belonging
to participants in the corrida were given up to them.
Those falling which belonged to non-participants, for
them the owners should pay $1 per head, $2 for
mules, four reales for wild mares (bronca or potra),
which sums went to the former of the corrida.
Beasts with unknown brands were divided, one going
to the former of the corrida, and the other to the
municipal fund. A juez de campo should attend the
corrida, and watch over these rules, and see that
beasts were given to their rightful owners. A gratu-
ity was to be given him from the part going to the
municipal fund.

The horses of California were understood to be
generally of Andalusian stock, introduced from
Mexico, and originally from Spain. Among the
animals broke for use were fine saddle-horses, never
used for harness. Horses were excellent for their
work, and capable of great endurance, even on poor

346 PASTURES AND FIELDS.

treatment. They were rarely stabled or groomed.
The rancheros generally had large numbers, out of
which they would choose two or three or more for
use, and keep them tied to posts about the house;
and when the horses began to, be a little thin from
hard riding and want of feed, they would turn them
loose in the pasture, and bring in others. Nothing-
was done toward improving the breed. When a very
fine colt was obtained, instead of keeping it for a stal-
lion, they would castrate it and use it as a saddle-horse.

By 1821-4 the wild horses became very numerous,
so that approaching the towns they would eat up the
grass and spoil the pasture for the tame horses, and
when they went away take the latter along with
them. The government accordingly resolved to hold
a general slaughter. Corrals were formed near the
pueblos, and the horses, wild and tame, were driven
into them, and the entrance closed. Animals were
then taken out by their owners. A small gate wras
then opened to allow only one beast to pass out at a
time. Two or three lancers were then placed at the
gate, who stabbed the wild horses as they passed out,
and thousands were thus killed.

The Californian genius for lying is shown by the
statement of Pio Pico that when, on the arrival of
the Hijar colony, Figueroa convoked the diputacion,
he, Pico, rode from his rancho to Los Angeles, a dis-
tance, by his own account, of almost sixty leagues, in
one day. He also states that for the purpose of being
present at bull-baits he frequently rode in one day
from San Diego to Los Angeles.

The California cavalier held it a disgrace to ride a
horse with the hair clipped from the tail. On one
occasion a fandango -was going on, and surrounding
the house were the horses of the participants, with
elaborately trimmed saddles, and the long hair of their
tails combed out so as to look their best. One of the
dancers, Jose Antonio Yorba, a famous practical joker,
slipped out of the house unobserved, and cut off the

HORSES FOR MEN AND WOMEN. 347

tails of all the horses, his own among the number,
that suspicion might be averted from himself, and
returned quietly to the dance. Great was the con-
sternation and chagrin of the dancers when, after the
revelry was over, they led out their fair partners to
place them on their saddles before mounting behind
them, as was the custom. It was as if a great calam-
ity, attended with shame or disgrace, had come upon
them.

Horses de sobrepaso, or as they were called de
genero 6 generosos, wrere destined for women and
friars.

Some of the rancheros lived in feudal style, each
having his band of Indian retainers subject to his
authority. Warner's mayordomo said he could raise
for his master 300 fighting men in a few hours.

The rancheros had large bands of breeding mares.
"The horses multiplied to such an extent," says Belden,
"that in seasons of drought they would destroy large
numbers of mares, and perhaps some of the horses,
driving them over a precipice to get rid of them, and
thus save feed for the cattle, which were more valuable
than horses, on account of the hides and tallow. The
rancheros hardly ever cut grass, had no barns, and
in a dry time had nothing to rely upon. Occasionally
a farmer might have a little hay, but very rarely, and
so far as they fed their horses about the house, they
used barley."

Few cows were kept near the house for milking ;
the milch cows generally were not gentle, and to milk
them their hind legs were tied together, and the head
tied to a post. Scarcely any cheese or butter was
made.

Mission San Gabriel was the mother of agriculture
in California. She early raised wheat and sold it to
the Russians; she planted the vine, and by and by
the orange.

Companies were sometimes formed for agricultural

348 PASTURES AND FIELDS.

pursuits. Before me is a contract, although very
loosely worded, and in every way crude, in which nine
individuals agree to cooperate, without dispute or dis-
tinction, in the work and labor of the Palo Colorado
rancho. They agree to their compact, and whenever
any one of the copartners shall withdraw, he loses all
right to participation in profits. Profits are to be
divided proportionately between the nine who sign,
and four women who also take part in the labors.

Private estates, if devoted to stock, were called
ranches; if chiefly for plantation, haciendas. The
establishments of Buriburi, San Antonio, Pinole, San
Pablo, Napa, Santa Teresa, and Petaluma were not
ranches, but haciendas. In these the buildings were
large and sumptuous, had a house for servants, and a
room for implements, and another for milk and cheese,
another for tallow and lard put up for exportation in
skins. Each establishment had thousands of cattle
and droves of mares. Some had over a hundred
Indian retainers under white mayordomos. Each
hacienda had rooms for guests, and travellers were
entertained without charge. A Californian never
used to speak of his farm by acres, but by leagues.
One of four or five leagues was considered quite small.
A thrifty farmer should have 2,000 horses, 15,000
head of cattle, and 20,000 sheep, as his productive
stock, on which he should not encroach, except in an
emergency.'

Vallejo had really land without limit; nominally,
he held thirty-three leagues, equal to 146,000 acres,
with 400 or 500 acres under cultivation, the rest being
used for pasturage. Of stock he had from 12,000 to
15,000 head of neat cattle, 7,000 or 8,000 head of
horses, and 2,000 or 3,000 sheep. He had also 300
working men, with their usual proportion of females
and children, all kept in a nearly naked state, poorly
fed, and never paid. Where there was any fence, it
was made of small willows, placed in the ground and
woven into wicker-work, the flimsy affair requiring to
be renewed every season.

DWELLINGS AND PRODUCTS-. 349

The people devoted themselves to raise only the
quantity needed for their wants. They did not look
to making a fortune for themselves or their posterity.
If they had, and had raised 1,000 bushels of wheat
or corn, where would they sell it?

Victoria declared to the minister of relations on the
7th of June, 1831, that viniculture promised to de-
velop largely, and in time to become the most valuable
of exports. The progress of agriculture was due to
the friars and their Indians, who were the only in-
dustrious hands in the country.

Castanares says that the olive-oil (aceite de comer)
made at San Luis Obispo was as good as or better
than the Spanish, and the olives of San Diego were
as good as those of Seville.

Previous to 1842, according to Vallejo, the Califor-
nian rancheros were celebrated for their high sense of
honor and good faith. They used to select as a site
for their houses and corrals hills of small elevation,
with springs near by. They generally avoided the
plains, fearing floods, although the rains were never
so heavy as they have on several occasions been since
the American occupation.

The colonists about San Jose first selected a raised
spot near running water, and placed four large logs in
the ground ; on them other smaller ones were laid, and
on these a roof of tule-leaves tied together and made
water-proof. Then they placed a line of large stones
on the ground from post to post, and with mortar and
smaller stones built the walls up to the roof. Then
the house was divided into two or three rooms, and
finally the tapanco or attic was built. The furniture
consisted of a cot covered with skins, a few common
blankets, half a dozen trays (troughs), a little com-
mon crockery, three or four small chairs of wood
covered with skins, half a dozen stools, and a table.
Thrifty people put in painted wooden doors and white-
washed the walls outside and in ; but the lazy poor
used hides for doors. Near the house they made a
corral on a level spot, and in front of it they put two

350 PASTURES AND FIELDS.

or three large posts, nailing a fresh bull's hide to each,
and anointing the posts with bull's blood. The cattle
were at intervals of a few days forced into this corral
until they were used to it, and hundreds could easily
be driven in by two vaqueros. Each ranchero raised
corn and vegetables enough for his own family, be-
sides raising cattle.

Taking the fanega at 2^ English bushels, the har-
vest in 1831 w^ould be as follows :

Quarters.

Wheat 7,857i

Maize 3,414^

Frijoles 514

Barley 2, 314

Beans, garvanzas, and pease 338

Total 14,438

Reckoning the average price of grain at the same
period to be, wheat and barley $2 a fanega, and maize
$1.50, the following would be the value of the produce:

Wheat $49,114.25

Maize 21,340.00

Barley 11,570.00

Pease and beans (reckoned as barley) 4,260.00

Total $86,284.25

In 1834 the several missions harvested in wheat,
maize, beans, etc. :

Fanegas.

San Diego 13,000

San Luis Key 14,000

San Juan Capistrano 10,000

San Gabriel 20,000

San Fernando 8,000

San Buenaventura 25,000

Santa Barbara 3,000

Santa Ines 3,500

Purisima 6,000

San Luis Obispo 4,000

San Miguel. 2,500

San Antonio 3,000

Soledad 2,500

Carmelo 1,500

San Juan Bautista / , 3,500

Santa Cruz 2,500

Santa Clara 6,000

San Jose 10,000

San Francisco . . 2,500

San Rafael. 1,500

Solano 3,000

Total , 145,000

AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS. 351

In 1841 so little wheat had been sown in Upper
California, and the harvest was so bad on account of
drought, that two schooners were sent to San Bias
and Guaymas for flour.

The various inventories of missions from 1834 to
1846 show a gradual abandonment of field-work —
broken down fences, useless ploughs, etc., fill the
record — here and there is an announcement of a small
patch of grain. Orchards and vineyards are also half
if not wholly ruined.

Some of the Californians have tried to raise tobacco
on their farms. It grew luxuriantly, but in quality
would not compare with that of the eastern coast of
the continent. Cotton was planted in 1846, and
grew well. The cotton of California was pronounced
superior to that of Acapulco, and received the atten-
tion of the Tepic manufacturers. Flax and hemp
were produced to meet all necessities for textures and
ropes.

Wheat was sometimes separated by the Indians
rubbing the heads of the grain in their hands, and
blowing the chaff away, and was ground between two
stones by hand.

On being harvested the grain was put into a stack,
and a corral was made, like the thrashing floor of an-
cient times, an enclosure, generally of a circular form.
The grain was then spread over the ground and a band
of horses was turned in, and driven round over it to
tramp it out. The grain, after being thrashed out was
winnowed from the straw, which was done, throwing
it up in the air when there was a wind, to have the
chaff blown away. They generally washed it before
the grinding, and made their flour in a mule mill with
two stones, one upon another, a bolt being attached
to the upper stone, which made one revolution only
as often as the mule went round. The operation was
necessarily a slow and tedious one.

On the 6th of September, 1845, Pio Pico, senior
member of the most excellent junta departamental

352 PASTURES AND FIELDS.

and acting governor of the department, issued the fol-
lowing decree intended to protect vineyards and their
owners from depredators : 1 st. Every owner of a vine-
yard who sells grapes in any quantity exceeding 15
pounds must furnish a voucher to the purchaser, who
will keep it for his protection. If such owner gives
to his servants over two pounds, he must also give
them a paper stating the fact. 2d. It is forbidden to
purchase grapes from Indians and servants of the or-
chards, without they produce the voucher spoken of
in the preceding article. 3d. Any person, not the
owner of a vineyard, desiring to establish a place for
fermenting grape juice, must obtain a permit from the
first alcalde, and submit himself to the police visits
that must be made to examine his premises, tubs, etc.,
and produce, whenever it is demanded, the vouchers
mentioned in article first. 4th. The alcaldes will visit
all premises reported to them where fermentation is
carried on, and every citizen is bound to render every
possible assistance, for the fulfilment of each one of
the articles of this decree. 5th. The alcaldes per-
sonally, or through trusty persons, but still under their
own responsibility, will make a daily examination in
the huts of the Indian rancherias that may be in the
environs of this city, to ascertain if there are in them
any grapes, or fermentation thereof, which have not
been lawfully acquired. 6th. Those officials in the
same manner will visit and examine all taverns, at least
twice every week ; also the houses of persons having
the license mentioned in article third.

Any owner of a vineyard infringing the proviso of
article first, incurred the fine of $50, or had to un-
dergo the penalty of forty days in the public works.
In a tavern or house having permission to ferment
grape-juice, if any of this fruit was found without the
proper voucher, as per article first, the grape and juice
were confiscated, and the tavern-keeper or owner was
subjected to a fine of $§0, or two months in the public
works. Any person caught stealing in a vineyard,

FREE TOWNS. 353

upon being convicted, was to suffer the punishment of
four months at public work, with shackles to his legs
if a civilian ; if of the military, he would, within the
time prescribed by law, be turned over to military au-
thority, with the proofs of guilt, to be punished accord-
ing to the magnitude of the offence.

Among my original documents is one without date
or signature, but which may be placed in the year
1845. It is a calculation of what a plantation in
Petaluma could yield in one year. It states that 15
yokes of oxen are needed. Price of their transporta-
tion there unknown. No price given for the land to
be used, such a thing being unknown in the country.

Expense:

200 quintals barley, for sowing, at $6 $1,200

40 quintals potatoes, for sowing, at $4 160

15 men needed say 100 days for sowing, etc., cost of supporting them

at $4 per day 400

15 men needed same time for gathering crops, etc 400

Interest on money at 6 per cent per month, 8 months, from Dec. to

July .. .- 844

$3,004

Expected to yield:

Barley, 35 quintals for each one sown — 7,000 quintals, sold at $3. . . .$21,000
Potatoes, 25 quintals for each one sown — 1,000 quintals, sold at $2. ... 2,000

$23,000
Allowing to the laborers one third for their work 7,666

For the hacienda $15,334

Deduct the expenses above 3,004

Net proceeds $12,330

In 1835 there were only three free towns, with
charters, independent of the missions and presidios, in
all Upper California. These towns were to a great
extent peopled by the old Spanish or Creole soldiers,
who after a certain term of service at the missions
had permission to return to their native land or settle
in the country. Most of them were married and had
families; and when the retirement to the pueblos was
preferred, grants of land with some necessary articles
were given them to commence their new occupation of
husbandry, which, with the aid of the natives, they

CAL. PAST. 23

354 PASTURES AND FIELDS.

generally prosecuted successfully. The most fertile
spots were generally chosen for the pueblos, and the
produce of these not only supported the inhabitants
of the place, but supplied the neighboring mission
and presidio. The principal pueblo at this time was
Los Angeles, whose population was about 1,500. It
had an alcalde, three regidores, arid a sindico, com-
posing the ayuntarniento, or town council. Before
this, Los Angeles had been proposed for the capital
of the country; and as the Spaniards in their colonies
always used to have an inland site for the capital,
this scheme might have been adopted if the country
had remained in their hands; but at this time it was
thought that Monterey would be the capital until a
population should arise on the bay of San Francisco,
when it would no doubt be fixed there. The second
free town was San Jose", whose population in 1835
was 600. It was governed in the same way as Los
Angeles. The inhabitants raised wheat and cattle,
and traded in the skins and tallow of deer, which were
abundant in this district. The third free town was
Branciforte, whose population was not more than 150.
This place had also its alcalde, but was dependent on
the military commandant of Monterey.

The little progress made by free settlers in populat-
ing California arose not only from the inaptitude of
the Spaniards for colonizing such a country, but from
the jealousy of the missionaries who claimed almost
all the land. By this means only a few settlers were
admitted, and these had to be firm adherents of the
missionaries, and blindly obey their mandates. The
total of the free settlers at this time did not ex-
ceed 5,000. In this number were included all white
and mixed castes who lived in the country, in the free
pueblos, and at the missions and presidios. Of such,
many lived at the missions and on their lands, and
could scarcely be said to be independent of them.

The constant revolutions in the south caused great
discontent among the working classes, and many

IRRIGATION. 355

families who had come from Sonora and San Bias to
settle about Los Angeles changed their minds and
went north to the region of San Jose and Santa
Clara.

A growl was sent down from Sonoma to the gov-
ernor in 1844, setting forth the oppression felt by the
laboring class because of the tithes and the tariff,
and whereby the ranchero was- made a vassal of
the trader. Foreign hunters had destroyed otter
hunting, and were destroying beaver trapping, and
the supercargoes were destroying cattle-raising — the
only three branches of industry in California. Agri-
culture did not flourish, for traders would receive only
hides and tallow— and the hides and tallow of all the
stock in California would not suffice to pay what was
owing to trading vessels. The remedy suggested
was to grant to whaling vessels full permission to
come into California ports for repairs and supplies.
This would foment agriculture, and take away from
the trading vessels their ruinous monopoly.

It is interesting to see how irrigating ditches were
managed in the olden time. Here is a proclama-
tion made by the alcaldes of Los Angeles on the 7th
of March, 1841. The time is at hand when the irri-
gating ditch should be repaired, and due order should
be observed in the necessary work: 1st. The ditch
will still be under the charge of a man of probity who
shall oversee the repairs, keep a list of proprietors of
vineyards and cultivated lands which are in the city,
and employ the requisite number of laborers. 2d. As
soon as notice is given by the ditch commissioner, each
cultivator shall send an Indian with the necessary
implements, and whoever has three riegos must send
two Indians — who must not be missing when the day's
work is needed. 3d. From among the cultivators two
shall be appointed to assist the commissioner in man-
aging the Indians ; they must be mounted, and shall be
exempt from furnishing Indians. 4th. The commis-
sioner is to see that the ditch is kept clean and the

350 PASTURES AND FIELDS.

minor ditches in good order; also that fairness be ob-
served in the use of the water, which shall not be
wasted. 5th. The commissioner must see that each
citizen making use of the water shall have a good stop-
gate — which does not leak — at the point where he
taps the main ditch. 6th. Each master, on sending
his peon to labor, is to furnish him with the day's
ration, in order that he may have no pretext for leaving
the work, of which the commissioner shall fix the hours.
7th. Should the main ditch give way at any point, the
nearest owner of a vineyard or tilled land shall with
his servants hasten thither in order to prevent waste
of water. 8th. As it has been noticed that many wait
till the work in the ditch is done before sowing, they
are forewarned that they also must aid in the neces-
sary labors. 9th. The collector will see that those
who wash clothes in the main ditch, or who throw
filth into the same, or who allow swamp-land to be
formed, are amenable to condign punishment.

As these measures are intended for the general goodr
any infraction of the first eight articles will be pun-
ished as follows: a fine of $4 for the first offence, and
$8 for the second, while a third infraction will subject
the culprit to be punished as disobedient. Each infrac-
tion of article ninth will be punished with a fine of $1.
That every one be informed of the above, and that no
one may allege ignorance, let this decree be published
by bando, and posted in the public places.

The ground was ploughed once or twice. A yoke of
oxen guided by an Indian dragged a plough with an iron
point made by an Indian blacksmith. When iron was
wanting, ploughs of oak without the iron point were
used at the missions as well as by individuals. Furrows
were made with the same plough, with a wooden share
fastened thereto for the purpose of making the furrow
wider. Seed was sown by hand; three, four, or
five grains of maize or beans were planted. Barley
and wheat were sown broadcast, and the ground was

A CALIFORNIA RANCHO. 357

afterward harrowed, for which purpose branches of
trees were used.

The harvest was gathered from July to September,
sometimes however beginning in May, in which case
all the grain was harvested by August. Men, women,
and children each carried on their back a cora, into
which the grain was thrown, and which when full was
emptied into a cart. The grain was thrashed by men
with sticks (garrotes), and winnowed by women who
tossed it in wooden bowls called bateas. The grain
was stored in bulk, in immense granaries called trojes.
This is Pio Pico's description.

Almost every native Californian had his rancho
and herds of cattle and horses. Some had several
ranches in different parts of the country. They grew
a few vegetables and fruit, maize and wheat. The
women ground the corn and made tortillas. From
time to time the man killed a number of cattle for
their hides and tallow; these, and some of the beef
saved, were sold to vessels, and in this manner the
people obtained their wearing apparel and other com-
modities. About 1846 a change of view, as regarded
the soil, came on gradually, when Americans got hold
of land and began to cultivate it. There were not
many extensive attempts at agriculture till after 1846,
when the new-comers began to scatter around the
Santa Clara valley and cultivate there and on the
other side of the bay.

In early times, after obtaining an allotment of land
from the governor, settlers would go to the mission-
aries, and obtain the loan of a few hundred head of
stock, which they would return at the expiration of a
certain time — say five years. The cost of obtaining
possession of the land was about $12; so that in those
days it required no great amount of capital or ability
to lay the foundation of a large and lucrative business.
In order to obtain judicial possession of a tract of land,
application was made to the alcalde of the district,
who, with two witnesses and a riata fifty feet in

358 PASTURES AND FIELDS.

length, would go out on horseback, and measure off
the tract. The ceremony was commenced by throw-
ing up a pile of stones or earth as an initial point, and
planting a cross thereon. This initial point was called
a mojonera. They cultivated only little grain, but
had small milpitas where they raised vegetables in
the summer. At that season families would go to
the milpitas, put up a brush house, and plant a few
things — corn, beans, melons, and peppers; and there
were some small fields of corn, wheat and barley,
where they raised in favorable seasons enough for
their use — corn and wheat for breadstuff, and the
barley for feeding their horses.

Vehicles consisted of carts with a hide on the bot-
tom, one on top, and hides on the sides. The wheels
were made of one piece of wood, not very round, and
some with iron tires. They were drawn by one or
more yokes of oxen. A cushion was at times placed
on the hide in the cart for the accommodation of the
family. The mission of San Luis Obispo had 50
wagons of two wheels, which were, together with
the harness, and other appurtenances, including the
iron work, made in it. The wagons were drawn
by four mules each, and were used for carrying tallow,
etc. Francisco Rico in 1844 started from the presidio
of San Francisco with three loaded carts drawn by
lean oxen, bound on a revolutionary expedition, the
creaking of the wheels was such that it could be
heard for nearly a mile away. It took them the
whole day to reach Yerba Buena — the distance is
now gone over by cable and steam cars in about three
quarters of an hour. " I know of only two carriages,"
says Arnaz, "an old.calesa owned by the padres of
Santa Bdrbara, and another by Jose de la Guerra.
They were old-fashioned, very like hand chairs with
low wheels, known as literas. Martinez, the mission-
ary of San Luis Obispo had a fine coach of leather,
varnished black. He used harness with bells. In
1842-3, they began to introduce calesas and carts,

AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS. 359

with spoked wheels from the United States. On the
isthmus of Nicaragua a species of conveyance ob-
tained which was not found on the rugged mule trails
of the isthmus of Panama". This was a cart, the
wheels of which were two cross-cuts from a log with
holes bored through the heart, and a pole run through,
and linch-pinned at either end, on which rests a cane
or reed frame covered with rawhides. The vehicle
was drawn by one or two yoke of oxen, yoked by
lashing the foreheads of two abreast to strong sticks
about four feet in length. This was the orthodox
vehicle throughout all Central, and indeed all Span-
ish America, including the Californias.

The California plough was a crooked limb of a tree,
with a piece of flat iron for a point, and a small tree
for the pole. Each plough was drawn by a yoke of
oxen and tended by a ganan. The field once broken
and corn ploughed, was well moistened and harrowed.
Furrows were made wherein maize and beans were
thrown. The Russian plough, though difficult to
manage, and complicated, was not much better. Sut-
ter's blacksmith improvised a few better ploughs. At
nearly every mission two or three date palms were
grown. They were planted in most of the southern
missions in honor of St Francis, and as symbols of
the holy land. They had some connection in the
priests' mind with Christ and the trinity, and were
planted by the padres, among other purposes, to
supply leaves and branches for Palm Sunday.

CHAPTER XII.

FOOD, DRESS, DWELLINGS, AND DOMESTIC ROUTINE.
Non bene olet, qui bene semper olet. — Martial.

FEW people of any age or clime did more living per
diem than the pastoral Californians. Not that they
ate and drank excessively, or spent large sums in fes-
tivities, or on the whole were extravagant in their
dress, or built for themselves palatial residences; in
all these things they were quite temperate, for one
very good reason, if no other — lack of opportunity.
As for eating, their appetite was healthy, but there
were few French cooks in the country, and condiments
and groceries were not present in great variety or
refined quality. They could make strong drink in
unlimited quantity, and they could get drunk upon
occasion. Dress they certainly would have gone much
further in, if they had had the money, and if there
had been anything at hand to buy. As for houses,
the climate was kind and men were lazy.

And so they lived. Opening their eyes in the
morning they saw the sun; they breathed the fresh
air, and listened to the song of birds; mounting their
steeds they rode forth in the enjoyment of healthful
exercise; they tended their flocks, held intercourse
with each other, and ran up a fair credit with heaven.
How many among the statesmen, among the profes-
sional and business men and artisans of our present
high civilizations, can say as much? It was their
business to live, to do nothing but exist; and they
did it well.

(360)

FOOD, SUPPLIES AND HABITATIONS. 361

It was with difficulty, during their first years in
California, that the good padres — for the early priests
were really good men — were able to secure food for
themselves and their dusky lambs. They lacked the
pozole and atole which had proved so efficacious in
drawing the natives of Lower California into the
Christian fold. Indeed, down to the middle of March
1773, Father Junipero and his associates could offer
their converts nothing but a little milk. On the
other hand, the natives had furnished much in the
form of seed and fish. Missionaries and soldiers had
to depend on the chase for meat. This was owing in
a great measure to the bad quality and careless packing
of provisions sent from San Bias.

In the beginning all were poor; the rich as a rule
did not penetrate the wilds of America; so that in
matters of dress, food, and habitation there was little
difference. When settlement began, the head of a
family was his own architect and builder. Country
houses were mostly of one style, in the form of a
parallelogram ; four adobe walls were put up, though
sometimes a frame-work of timbers was erected, the
spaces and interstices being filled with adobes. Some
church walls were made in this way. But generally
there was no wood about the structure, except the
door, widow-frames, and roof-timbers. The simplest
style of an adobe house is a tenement of one room.
The next more pretentious had a cross partition sepa-
rating the one room into two. Then a still larger
house would contain several rooms, or additional
rooms were added to the original structure, or out-
houses were built. Better class houses had a portico
on one or both sides. Tiles were the orthodox roof
covering, but frequently tules or rods were placed on
the rafters, over them a coating of .mud, and then
straw or asphaltum. Hoofs of thatch were sometimes
used. The old manners and usages of the Califor-
nians began to undergo material changes with the
coming, in 1834, of quite a numerous colony, most of

362 FOOD, DRESS, AND DWELLINGS.

whose members were from the city of Mexico. Many
ladies at once adopted wide dresses, combs, dressing
their hair high, silk shawls, shoes of silk or other fine
material. Some of the most prominent among the men
adopted the pantaloons and other garments. A ma-
jority of the rancheros left off the short breeches for
the calzonera and the heeled boot for the bota de ala.
After the Americans became possessed of the coun-
try another change was experienced, which still sub-
sists. But more of this hereafter. Domestic routine
from the first was based on that of Spain with some
modifications. The kitchens in some houses had
hornillas made of adobes, on which the pans or pots
were placed to stew or boil. In other parts they had
only stones for ovens.

The Spanish missionaries, as a rule, after the mass
broke their fast with chocolate and toast or some sort
of biscuit. At about 11 A. M. they would take a glass
of brandy, with a piece of cake and cheese, " para
hacer boca." Dinner at noon consisted of vermicelli,
rice, or bread soup ; next the olla, made with beef or
mutton and ham, together with legumes, as beans, len-
tils, Spanish peas, and greens. The dinner ended
with fresh or dried fruit, sweetmeats, and cheese.
Wine was taken ad libitum. Supper was served be-
tween 7 and 8, and consisted of a roast pigeon or
other light meat and chocolate. This was about the
daily fare. When the fathers had guests at table, as
commissioned officers, occasionally sergeants, mer-
chants, or other respectable persons, extra dishes were
provided. No charge was made for lodging or re-
freshments, and the guests were, moreover, furnished
with provisions and fresh horses to continue their
journey. This practice afterward became general at
private ranchos, hospitality being only limited by the
means of the host.

The usual fare in well-to-do families was as follows :
first, the desaywio, at daybreak, milk mixed with a
little pinole of maize, finely sifted, and a small quantity

CALIFORNIA TABLE FARE. 363

of sugar; some had, instead of milk, chocolate, or
coffee with or without milk, and bread or biscuit with
butter; next, between 8 and 9 A. M., was served the
almuerzo, or regular breakfast, consisting of good fresh
beef or veal, roasted, or otherwise prepared, well fried
beans, and a cup of tea or coffee, with milk. Some
used bread made of wheaten flour, others a kind of
bread made of maize, of a circular shape, flattened out
very thin, baked over a slow fire on aflat, earthen pan,
and which was known as tortilla de maiz, to distinguish
it from the one made of wheaten flour with a little fat,
which was called tortilla de harina. Dinner took
place at noon, and consisted of good broth, d, la espa-
nola, made usually of beef or mutton, and to thicken
the broth rice, garbanzos, good cabbage, etc., were
boiled with it. After the broth came soups a" la es-
panola, made with rice, vermicelli, tallarines, macca-
roni, punteta, or small dumplings of wheaten flour,
bread, or tortilla de maiz. The next course was the
puchero, which usually was the meat and vegetables
from which the broth had been made, with sauce to
stimulate the appetite. This sauce was generally
confectioned in summer with green peppers and red
tomatoes, minced onions, parsley, or garlic. In win-
ter the sauce was made with dried peppers. Lastly,
there were fried beans. With this meal the tortilla
de maiz was generally eaten, and sometimes some
dulce or sweetmeat, which made a drink of water
after it quite palatable. In the afternoon, chiefly in
summer, a cup of chd, as tea was called in California,
or coffee, was taken, by the women with milk, and by
the men with a small glass of liquor. At night there
was a light supper of meat ragout, or roast, finishing
with beans. These were the usual meals among the
principal classes. It is hardly necessary to say that
fish of every kind, where it could be had, was fre-
quently used, especially on Fridays, and other days
when the church inhibited the use of flesh.

On this fare the inhabitants, for the most part, suf-

364 FOOD, DRESS, AND DWELLINGS.

fered from few diseases, kept robust, strong, agile, and
of good color, had a numerous progeny, and lived to
a good old age. For the food was simple and whole-
some. Then, too, the Californians were no gourmands ;
a sensitive palate was too troublesome. The Mexican
tortilla remained the substitute for bread. Stewed
beans were a favorite dish of rich and poor. Meat,
particularly beef, was largely consumed, fresh, jerked,
and in soups. Nearly all dishes were highly seasoned
with peppers and garlic. Chicken and hard green
cheese were common enough, but milk, though in a
country occupied by hundreds of thousands of cattle,
was not plentiful. Chocolate, being high-priced, was
reserved for the few. Drunkenness, in the early times,
had little opportunity for indulgence, owing to salu-
tary regulations, which limited the sale of liquors and
rendered them costly. Later, there was more of it.
According to Pio Pico, brandy was not abundant at
the northern missions in 1821, and when any was sent
thither from the south, it was as the smile of provi-
dence, particularly the brandy of San Fernando, then
preferred to any native article. In 1841, there was
quite a stir against the sale of spirituous liquors, par-
ticularly on holidays and Sundays.

The people at large lived almost entirely o.i beef,
reddish beans, and tortillas. They used but little
flour. Corn they ate in the form of tortillas. Beef
was frequently cut in slices or strips, and roasted be-
fore an open fire on an iron spit. Peppers and beans,
as well as the corn, were raised, and the peppers were
used to season almost everything.

Pozole was a stew composed of maize, pigs' feet,
pumpkin, and peppers. Pinole was flour of roasted
maize. It was generally taken in water, with sugar
or panocha added. Atole was a thick gruel of maize
flour; an atole de pinole, a gruel of pinole. Panocha,
so called in different parts of Spanish America, chin-
cate in Mexico, chancaca in Peru, panela in Colombia,
was the coarsest of brown sugar in small cakes, moulded

MORE ON CALIFORNIA FOOD. 365

in wooden moulds, without any pretence of clarifica-
tion.

An early breakfast among the better class might
be of good chocolate of Spain, made with milk or
water, and taken with bread, tortilla of wheat or
maize, with butter (mantequilla). The poorer class
breakfasted still earlier, taking milk with pinole, es-
quite, or roasted maize (tostado). Others ate frijoles,
or fried meat, often cooked with chile, onions, tomatoes,
and frijoles — a solid meal taken by those who would
not eat again until four or five in the afternoon. In
lent, the first meal was not taken till 12 o'clock, and
the second at 8 p. M. These two meals of noon and
night generally consisted offish, abalone, good colache,
made of minced (picado) squash cooked, quelites (field
plant) cooked, and mixed with some frijoles. There
was no coffee or tea. Coffee was not generally known
in California for many years after the settlement of
the country.

Lechatoli was a dish of wheat with milk and pano-
cha, or squash with milk and panocha or sugar. Then
there was roasted asadera, or curded milk formed like
round tortillas, but thicker, cheese, butter-cakes, and
cuajadas, or curd. In lent, the supper was of colache,
quelite, and beans, with maize tortillas. The women
also made a thick tortilla of maize called niscoyote, in
which fat was an ingredient in a small quantity, to-
gether with sugar, panocha, or honey to sweeten it.
There was a way of making the common tortilla last
many months by mixing in yucca, and drying in ovens.
Thus prepared, they were called totopo, and furnished
to campaigning soldiers. Bunuelos were round cakes
made of white corn-meal generally, and fried in lard
after the manner of doughnuts. Women sent them
to their friends at Christmastide, and often, for a joke,
would fill them with cotton wool. Bunuelos were
much appreciated at that season.

Except in some of the best families, they never set
a table, but would go into the kitchen, have the food

366 FOOD, DRESS, AND DWELLINGS.

taken from the kettles, and passed round in plates.
Some had no plates; most people used clay dishes
(cajetes) of the same form as common plates. Knives,
forks, and spoons of our day were seldom seen, but
there were horn spoons and forks ; or they would take
up the meat and beans with a piece of tortilla, and eat
it all together. The knives used were those employed
for any purpose. Town and country life were alike.

Green corn, helotes, was a favorite dish with the
white men, according to Alvarado. The Indians did
not like it, or thought it sat heavy on the stomach.
It was eaten roasted, baked, or boiled. It was often
an ingredient of the sancocho, a dish of meats, pota-
toes, and other vegetables, boiled together, and sea-
soned. The result, besides sancocho, was the olla podri-
da; in fact, the latter was probably the earlier name in
California, but the other was introduced from South
America by Bandini, Malarin, Hartnell, and Fitch.
Potatoes were unknown until introduced from Oregon.

The board furnished a farm hand at the missions
included neither liquor, coftee, nor tea,, even after
these drinks became common among the better class.
Rations were given him weekly, and consisted of as
much as he could consume of beef, lard, maize, beans,
and lentils. Other things, such as pumpkins, onions,
and chiles, the laborer raised on land which he was
allowed to make use of.

At the proper season the neophytes were permitted
to go out to the forest and gather nuts, seeds, and
fruits, to which they were accustomed, and of which
they were very fond. This store, with the regular
food of the mission crops, made a great abundance.
After cattle became plenty, they were killed every
Saturday, and enough meat was given to each Indian
for eight days.

In Spanish America, the miking of a cow — wher-
ever it happened there was a cow to be milked — gen-
erally required the united efforts of three persons.
One held the cow by the head; a second held the

MORE ON TABLE DELICACIES. 367

reata confining her hind legs, and battled with the
hungry calf, while the third milked with one hand,
holding the receptacle for it in the other. Milk pails
were unknown, and the rancho's assortment of crock-
ery was small, so that, if several cows were milked,
all the tumblers, tea-cups, and bowls were brought
into requisition. Meanwhile the ranchero, his wife
and children, the unoccupied servants, and the stranger
within the gates, assisted as spectators. Milk was
sold by the bottle. One of the missionaries of San
Francisco offered, in 1815, to supply Kotzebue's ship
with fresh stores daily, including two bottles of milk,
boasting that he was the only man about all San
Francisco bay who, after many difficulties, had suc-
ceeded in obtaining milk from cows.

Markoff speaks of a supper he partook of at Santa
Clara in 1835. "The tea-kettle was brought in, and
with it the supper. The Spaniards had been sitting
with their hats on during the conversation, and when
they seated themselves at the table they did not doff
them. Don Jose's family sat at one table, which was
set with various dishes. The first course consisted of
hashed meat; and following his example, we also fell
to with our spoons over the dish in the centre of the
table. In this mess there was so much pepper that
my mouth was burning after eating two small pieces,
while the Spaniards were attacking it with the great-
est gusto . . . The banquet was concluded with baked
apples and plenty of tea. After supper all hands
smoked." Duhaut-Cilly, in 1827, said that Califor-
nians did not consider venison fit to eat. Hijar as-
sures us that the cow was killed to obtain the calf,
which was held to be a succulent morsel, and that
only a small portion of the cow was eaten, the rest
being left to Indians or beasts. I have it on good
authority that among the Hispano-Californians were
beings in the form of men who did not scruple, when
on a journey, to lasso a vaquilla, cut out the frazada,
and let her loose again. This frazada, or fresada as .

368 POOD, DRESS, AND DWELLINGS.

the illiterate called it. was the meat covering1 the ribs.

O

Hispano-Californians never took kindly to bear's meat,
pork, or even mutton. They liked beef, and were
particutarly found of veal, to obtain which they
killed the female calf of six months to a year. But
their favorite morsel was the frazada, which they
would, when in the field, throw upon the hot coals,
and turning it once or twice, would eat it half raw
with a little salt, of which article they always had
some with them. Arnaz says that he tasted the
frazadas several times, and his palate never appre-
ciated their vaunted merits, as it always found them
tasteless, and tough as sole leather.

Some of them were good cooks. Arnaz even
assured us that they could have compared with those
served at the celebrated bodas de Camacho so elo-
quently described by Cervantes in his Don Quixote.

But the aboriginal Californian always liked beef,
horse-flesh better, and donkey's meat still more.
Poor jack, so despised elsewhere, except when needed
for hard, unrequited work, or to breed a hybrid, was
here highly appreciated by the native American for
his meat. Inocente Garcia relates the followino- in-

O

cident. About 1836 he was appointed by Governor
Alvarado administrator of San Miguel mission. Be-
fore taking possession of his trust he ascertained that
the neophytes were in the habit of going out, way-
laying travellers to rob them, and stealing horses to
eat them, not even those of the mission escaping their
depredations. He saw the necessity of checking
these abuses, and afterward corrected them. One
day, sitting on a bench in the portico of the minister's
house, two gentiles from the Tulare region came to
see him ; they spoke in a dialect which he pretended
not to understand, and he called for an interpreter,
through whom they asked for food. He gave them
some bread. The interpreter went away, but the
gentiles stayed. At this moment a vaquero passed
by mounted on a fine horse. One of the gentiles

HORSE AND MULE MEAT. 369

then remarked, "see how fine and fleshy that horse
is, so good to eat;" to which the other fellow an-
swered, "Yes, very good indeed ; but it could not
possibly be so good and so sweet as the young donkey
which was sold us last night by the alcalde, Juan, and
we ate up at the temascal." Garcia understood them
well, and had the temascal searched for the bones of
young jack. The Indian's words proved true. This
was but one instance, among many, of Indian predi-
lection for asses' meat.

Senora Paz Espinola used to do washing, and besides
kept a wooden bench in front of her house where she
sold fried fish. For half a real, an Indian or a ]aborer
could buy two or three tortillas and fried fish enough
to appease hunger for twelve hours. On feast days,
said senora used to move her establishment to the
church door, and sell meat pies, well seasoned with
chile. For a real she gave two of the empanadas and
a glass of apple cider.

There was a somewhat puerile attempt at bread
laws by the Monterey ayuntamiento in 1835. The
sindico asked for instructions as to the weight and
quality of bread. It was agreed that no rules could
be made as to the weight, except that persons should
be obliged to sell the weight they declared to deliver ;
and when the quality was bad, they should lose the
amount of their baking. If not of bad quality, but fell
short in weight, the bread should be disposed of among
the prisoners.

"The Californians," says one, "are celebrated for
the manufacture of sugared pastry ; amongst these are
azucarillos, a kind of white biscuit formed from crys-
tallized sugar. It is melted in iced water, and forms
a delightful drink, being sweet, with a delicate, aro-
matic flavor."

They were a great people to make visits to their
friends and relatives, the whole family going, and stay-
ing a week or a month. Of these visitors, sometimes
fifty of them would light upon a place together, when

CAL. PAST. 24

370 FOOD, DRESS, AND DWELLINGS.

the tortilla-makers would get no rest day or night.
Of a bullock butchered one morning, there would not
be enough left for breakfast next morning.

For a long time there was a prejudice against pork,
the people refusing even to use lard in their cooking,
confining themselves to beef fat. Pigs were only fit
to make soap of, they thought. Neither did they
care to eat bear, or sheep flesh ; beef alone suited them,
especially vaquillas six or twelve months old ; and they
relished roasted meat the best. When a beef was
slaughtered, the ribs were quickly bared of the hide,
and ihefrazada — the meat on the ribs — cut out. This
was thrown on the coals with a sprinkling of salt, and
when half cooked was eaten with relish. "1 never
cared for it," says Arnaz; "it had no taste, and seemed
like leather." Roast meat and milk was the usual
food of rancheros, with cheese, asaderas, frijoles, and
tortillas. But at feasts they could prepare many rich
dishes. Women did not eat with the men. Poor
people had no tables; they sat on the ground and ate
with their fingers.

All mankind will have their alcohol and opium in
some form. The California aboriginals had a drink,
the pispibata, which the padres would not allow them
to use, so strong was it, and so deleterious. It was
made of powdered calcined shells, wild tobacco juice,
and islais, or wild cherries, powdered, shaken, and
ground, water being added, until it assumed a consis-
tency almost solid. Sometimes maize, or fruit of easy
fermentation, was used. The pispibata was a power-
ful decoction, equal to a mixture of rum, tobacco juice,
and opium — if one can imagine what that would be.
The horrible mixture prepared, the savages would seat
themselves round it, in the hot sun, and dipping the
forefinger into the mass they would touch it to their
tongue and give a smack of satisfaction. This done
two or three times, the participant fell back dead
drunk, or dead indeed if a little too much should be

INTOXICATING DRINK. 371

taken. It is said that during the lethargy, the moder-
ate participant seemed to realize his most ardent hopes
indulged in while awake, and that though the body
was paralyzed, the soul entered the realms of superla-
tive happiness.

In 1834 Gallardo and Arzaga of Sonora petitioned
the jefe for permission to erect a brandy distillery near
San Felipe, and to have the ten dollars municipal tax
removed. This was in June. Before the year had
expired, Gamboa y Caballero was granted permission
by Figueroa to make mescal brandy for one year
between Monterey and San Luis Obispo, but he must
pay the municipal dues.

Most of the missions manufactured aguardiente
from grapes, apples, and pears. The brandy of San
Fernando acquired great reputation in California.
Graham had a still on the Vergeles rancho, and used
wheat and maize. A bottle of Catalan brandy used to
cost twelve reales, or an ox-hide. Gamboa used to fill
an empty brandy-keg with water, expose it to the sun
for half a day, then put in burnt sugar and ground
chile. This he would sell to the savages as brandy;
and when they complained that there was no happiness
in it, he would say that he had kept it so long it had
lost its strength. An alcoholic liquor was obtained
from the baked torogtii root, which was crushed, left
in earthen pots to ferment, and then heated for dis-
tillation.

At San Jose good wine and brandy were made long
before the days of the amorous Naglee. Padre Duran
was skilled in this pious industry. His aguardiente
was as clear as crystal, or when treated with burnt
sugar became of a clear yellow. It was doubly dis-
tilled, and as strong as the reverend father's faith.

The wine of pastoral days was made after this man-
ner: Suitable ground was selected, and a desvan or
platform placed thereon. This was covered with clean
hides, and the grapes piled upon it. Some well-
washed Indians, having on only a zapeta, the hair

372 FOOD, DRESS, AND DWELLINGS.

carefully tied up and hand covered with cloth where-
with to wipe away the perspiration, each having a
stick to steady himself withal, were put to treading out
the grape juice, which was caught in coras, or in leath-
ern bags. These were emptied into a large wooden tub,
where the liquid was kept two or three months, under
cover of the grape-skins, to ferment. Such as did not
flow off was put into wooden presses, and the juice
into copper jars, and covered with a kind of hat.
Through two or three inserted tubes heat was con-
veyed to the mass to aid evaporation and condensa-
tion These jars served as a still for brandy. For
white wine the first juice only was taken and stored.

On the 28th of April, 1840, the assembly passed to
the committee the proposition of Gonzalez to prohibit
brandy distilling from wheat, maize, and barley, as
prejudicial to health; and the introduction thereof from
abroad, for this was prejudicial to the agriculturists.
The prohibition of wheat, maize, and barley brandy
was approved.

In 1843 there were at Santa Bdrbara two good
stills, and two that were valueless; San Buenaventura
had four, two being useless, with eleven barrels of
brandy in store; San Antonio had a still worth $100
in 1845, and two wine-presses with some jars, barrels,
and tools, worth in all $200.

On the 10th of October, 1845, the prefect writes
from Monterey to the secretary of government of the
harm done by making aguardiente from grain, as well
as the abuses and public scandal caused by its cheap-
ness, and the evil effects to the public health by its
use ; he thinks the prefecture should not grant licenses
for its manufacture. Two years before this, the Mon-
terey prefect had ordered the sub-prefect at San Jose
not to allow the making of liquor from molasses and
grains, with an 'orden superior.'

Drunkenness was not common, says Arnaz; the men
usually took a mouthful or so of brandy, but few
drunken men were seen, although liquor was common

PASSION FOR ADORNMENT. 373

and cheap. Most took wine for dinner at Angeles,
where it was made ; elsewhere water was used. Drink-
ing was more prevalent in the north, though not ex-
cessive there.

On this outskirt of civilization, not to say creation,
we find humanity just as insane over the subject of
dress and ornamentation of person as in Paris or St
Petersburgh, and the men were as silly as the women.
There was a great variety of attire present, more among
the men than among the women; and to give what
everybody says upon the subject may have the appear-
ance of repetition; but in this way only can this va-
riety be intelligently placed before the reader. I
arrange my notes on this subject chronologically, to
give the sketch the greater historical value. If there
are apparent contradictions herein, they must be
charged to my authorities, who wrote at different times,
and under various circumstances. It is only in listen-
ing to them all, however, that we can learn all.

This much may be said by way of preface, that
the ordinary orthodox dress of the Californian was
a broad-brimmed hat of dark color, gilt or figured
band round the crown, lined under the riin with silk ;
short silk or figured calico jacket; open-necked shirt;
rich waiscoat, if any; pantaloons open at sides below
the knee, gilt laced, usually of velveteen or broadcloth ;
or short breeches and white stockings ; deer-skin shoes,
dark brown, and much ornamented; a red sash round
the waist, and poncho or serape. The latter was al-
ways a mark of the rank or wealth of the owner, and
was of black or dark blue broadcloth, with velvet trim-
mings down to the coarse blanket poncho of various
colors.

Women wore gowns of silks, crape, calicoes, etc.,
with short sleeves, and loose waist without corset;
shoes of kid or satin, sashes or belts of bright colors ;
and almost always necklace and ear-rings. They had
no bonnets, the hair hanging loose or in long braids.

374 FOOD, DRESS, AND DWELLINGS.

Married women did it up on a high comb. Over the
head a large mantle was thrown, drawn close round
the face while out of doors. In the house they carried
a small scarf or neckerchief, and on top of the head a
band with star or ornament in front. This according
to Dana in 1835.

The men of 1780, says Amador, soldiers and civil-
ians alike, used knee-breeches of cloth or velveteen —
pana; it had a flap, called a tapabalazo, sometimes
narrow, sometimes wide, and the band at the knee was
fastened by a buckle of silver or other metal. The
stocking was of wool or silk. The jacket was short.
The military jacket was also short; the little standing
collar — collarin — facings — vueltas — and braidings or
other adornments — franjas — were red, as was the waist-
coat of cloth. The stock, or corbatin, was black and
well adjusted, so that the chin remained up.

When the soldier went on service he put on his
cuera. This was made of seven thicknesses of ante-
lope hide, called gamuza. It was a sort of waistcoat,
made in three pieces, and was fastened under the arms
with thongs of the same material. It fell to the knee,
and served as a protection against arrows. He carried
also an oval adarga, or shield, of ox-hide doubled; on
the inside it had a loop for the arm.

The bota, or legging, was shaped like a stocking-leg,
reached from the ankle to just below the knee, where
it was confined by a garter of silk or thread, according
to the taste or means of the wearer. The shoe of ber-
ruchi — a term probably applied to the shape or make
of the shoe — came to above the ankle, and outside of
the bota, being fastened on the outside. The hat was
of wool, low in the crown, broad in the brim, and fas-
tened by means of a cord passing under the chin and
called a barbiquejo. The dress of the officer was
the same as that of the enlisted man, except that the
materials were finer. It bore devices indicative of the
wearer's rank. The officer in full dress, in 1780, wore
a three-cornered hat ; and for ordinary service one like

WOMEN OF QUALITY. 375

that of the soldier. The officer wore a sword four or
five Flemish spans, cuartas flamencas, in length, and
having a steel scabbard, which he used as a cane. On
a campaign he carried also a lance, a poignard, pistols,
and a carbine. The soldiers carried the same offens-
ive arms as the officer on a campaign.

In my collection of state papers relative to early
California is a list of two and a half pages, giving the
goods and various supplies required for the annual
consumption of San Jose and Los Angeles in 1796.
It comprises varieties of silk, woollen, and cotton
goods, thread, needles, and scissors. Among the
articles of dress are six dozen scarlet silk stockings for
women; the prevailing colors of other goods are scar-
let and blue. Various implements of agriculture are
named ; also a considerable supply of carpenters' tools.

A woman of quality, of this period, when she paid
or received visits, or on festive occasions, would appear
in a white skirt with an embroidered hem of four
fingers in width; over this another of a silky stuff called
sarga, and blue, green, or black in color; a low shoe
with a buckle of silver or other metal, the heel being
of moderate height; silken stockings, black or red; a
rebozo of silk or thread; a necklace of pearls — or rather
an imitation of them. In the house, occupied in
domestic duties, she wore a white skirt of a coarse
linen fabric called crea, and over it a colored skirt of an
inferior kind of sarga of color. The poor woman
dressed in the same way as the rich, except that her
skirt was of a very coarse bayeta, or flannel, a coarse
woollen stuff, generally red or blue.

In the San Jose archives is written that in 1804, at
Monterey, Comandante de la Guerra, with great pain,
had noticed that the uniform, by which the grace of so
many monarchs had desired to distinguish that portion
of their loyal vassals who serve under their banners,
had in this jurisdiction become not only despicable, but
even ridiculous, on account of the number of paisanaje,
or civilians, who had shamelessly adopted the same,

376 FOOD, DRESS, AND DWELLINGS.

without any privilege other than their own fancy. To
correct this abuse, he prohibited thenceforth to civil-
ians of any class the wearing of any insignia or adorn-
ment of those used by the troops — especially the
cuffs, collarin, or edging of the collar, and the solapa
or lapels of a red color, which said civilians have here-
tofore notably affected. Any one who hereafter might
be seen with any of these appendages should have
them taken away, and should suffer eight days' arrest
in the calabozo. A repetition of the offence would be
punished according to the condition and circumstances
of the offender. All which was published by bando,
and corporals of escoltas were charged with carrying
out the order.

In 1816 Amador says: "I came to wear trousers
made of deer-skin, which, well made and having a sil-
ver braid down the side, were worth $12." This was
during the scarcity.

The dress of the women at Governor Sola's inaugu-
ration ball in 1816 was the same style as had been
used by the first families nearly half a century before —
an enagua of fine white muslin, almost transparent,
coming down half-way from knee to foot, ornamented
with spangles of gold and floreado, all round, presenting
a very striking appearance in the light of lamps, torches,
and candles.

Hair in front was cut short and came down to the
middle of the forehead; this front, or as a modern
girl would say, bang, was then called the tupe. A
lock on each side, called balcarras, hung down to the
cheek ; the rest of the hair was gathered up behind in
black or colored silk net. A close-fitting jacket of silk
joined the enagua at the waist, and was buttoned or
hooked up to the neck: Flesh-colored silk stockings,
low shoes of white satin, pendants and dormilonas,
very long ear-drops, and strings of Lower California
pearls round the neck, were worn; also a wide scarlet
ribbon round tne waist, whose ends fell to the bottom
of the skirt, with a gold plate five or six inches wide

DURING SOLA'S RULE. 377

terminating each end. There was also a rebozo of
silk of different colors. Street shoes, or zapatos de
patillo, had high heels made of light wood. This dress
seems to have been different from that worn in Mex-
ico; for Governor Sok is said to have regarded it as
a novelty; and he was much gratified to find here re-
vived the costume of ancient Castilian women, which
recalled the scenes of his youth. What a reflection
on damsels and dames all the time imagining they
were conquering in the latest cut and fit of their
clothes! '

In 1816-18, when no goods came from Mexico on
account of the war for independence, the women, rich
and poor alike, made use of the jerga, a very coarse
woollen stuff woven at the missions, and were glad to
get it, holding it as the finest muslin. Those who were
able bought wool and sent it to be knitted into stock-
ings by the Mexicans or Indians; the poor wore the
stockings which nature gave them. The jerga was
currently known as muselina de las misiones, or mis-
sion muslin.

The officers, who of all others were best able to
obtain clothes, had only a collar and shirt front fastened
to the inside of the waistcoat by means of a button-
hole to the flap. The back of the waistcoat was next
the skin, for the wearer had no shirt. Some of the
soldiers wore a shirt made of the jerga at the missions;
others wore their old shirts patched until frayed into
mere threads. In fact, the troops were almost naked.
Almost all were shoeless. Many even mounted guard
with bare feet and the body wrapped in a blanket.
Nevertheless, they served contentedly, so great was
their affection for their officers!

The same condition of things existed throughout
California. The women dressed in garments of jerga;
occasionally one had a chemise of manta, or cotton
goods, but the nagua or skirt was always of jerga.
The wives of officers made out to do with indiana, as
the printed cotton stuff was called, and sarga. For

378 i FOOD, DRESS, AND DWELLINGS.

slippers they used coletilla, a coarse unbleached hempen
stuff, or paiio — cloth — when obtainable.

Before Echeandia's arrival, observes Machado, the
dress was a shirt of cotton or other fabric, vest with-
out facings (chaleco sin voltear) reaching to the waist
of different color, the troops using blue. Over the
chaleco went the chupin, which was a levita with lap-
pets, and bright red braiding, also round the neck.
This was the soldiers' fashion ; but the rest wore nearly
the same, the color varying according to taste.

Short pants of cloth, coleta, drill, or other stuff, the
troops using pano. They reached to the knee, where
they opened to the outside, with lapels to both sides,
and with six buttons on each side. The fine hats
from Spain were kept with care. The common palm
hats were made by Indians.

Speaking of 1824, Torre says that the women
dressed nearly all alike, whatever their position, ex-
cept that those who were better off used finer tex-
tures. The customary dress was blue indianas or coleta
for work-days; on festival days muslins and other
finer material. Petticoats were trimmed with blue
silk»and black bodice, the sleeves coming to half-way
between the elbow and forearm. They had a purple
or scarlet belt around the waist, and a black or other
colored kerchief around the neck fastened with pins
across the breast. The hair was neatly combed into
a single plait which hung down the back, the plait
set off with various colored ribbons according to taste.
Women of superior pretensions dressed the hair like
ordinary women until the fashions came, and aristo-
cratic distinctions became more marked. Their shoes
were of calf-skin, blue coleta, or satin, with silk or
cotton stockings. A silk or cotton rebozo covered
the head and part of the face when they went out into
the street. When mounted on horseback it was car-
ried tied to the left side.

Lugo places upon women of this period short skirts
fastened about the waist. Their upper garment was

ANGELES COSTUMES. 379

a short-sleeved chemise, which came to a little below
the waist. Beneath this skirt they wore another of
bayeta — a coarse, heavy flannel — and under this an-
other of material coarse or fine, according to their
means. This latter skirt very poor women did not
wear. On feast days the well-to-do women wore jackets
of velvet, cloth, or satin. About 1830 women began
to use combs of tortoise-shell, or other less costly mate-
rial. They wore low shoes, with or without heels,
the latter called de resbalon, and were used at balls.
Women wore hats only when they rode to some dis-
tant place.

Soldiers dressed like civilians, except that on their
jackets were their insignia, and when they went on
an expedition they wore the cuera, which was a
kind of waistcoat of many thicknesses of antelope-
skin, and in the exterior seams had a welt of green
cloth. This cuera was used by the cavalry de cuera
only.

He who could buy them wore stockings, but many
had neither shoes nor socks, because unable to pur-
chase them. Men's neckerchiefs were frequently
embroidered at the ends like lace.

When mounted, the men often wore two pieces of
well-tanned deer-skin, very soft, stitched to a narrow
belt of the same skin, which was tied round the
waist; each of these fell over the thigh below the
knee, and was fastened underneath with small thongs.
These were called arrnitas, and were used when they
entered the corrals to lasso cattle, the armitas pro-
tecting the breeches from the chafing of the rope.
Others somewhat similar were worn, called armas,
made of goat-skin, tanned with the hair on. At the
narrowest part they were fastened to a belt of skin to
tie round the waist, and hung down to the tapadera of
the stirrups. The armas afforded shelter from the
rain, and from the brambles and chamise; they were
also useful for sleeping in when obliged to camp out.

At Los Angeles, Duhaut-Cilly remarks that the

380 FOOD, DRESS, AND DWELLINGS.

men alone wear a dress that can be termed national,
arid adapted to their life on horseback. Short
breeches of dark cloth or velvet, terminating at the
knee with gold or silver galloon, but not buttoned.
The open breeches permit a view of the edge of the
wide white drawers descending half- way down the leg,
covering partly white stockings, which are loose, for
tight and drawn-up stockings would be ridiculed.
The doublet worn as a sobretodo, or surtout, is
usually of the same material as the breeches, without
collar, but adorned with a red flounce and facing. Its

7 O

many metal buttons are not for use, nor are the laps
big enough to cover the chest.

As they use no braces, the white shirt peeps out
between trousers and vest. To avoid this, a red faja
or sash is wound round the waist. Their shoes or
short boots are laced over the foot. The upper-leather
is divided lengthwise in two parts, one yellow, the
other brown — rather tasteful. At the heel of the shoes
a fringed piece of leather projects, serving to support
the big spurs.

When on horseback they wear the leg enveloped
in leggings called gamuzas; of this they are most
proud, and the manner of enveloping the calf is an
esteemed art. Woe to him who allows the form of
the leg to be seen ! The shoe is besides tightly fixed
around the leg by a cord of silk and gold worked by
his lady-love. Hats are usually of felt, flat and broad-
brimmed. A mantle is worn in cold weather, and
consists of a piece of cloth with an opening for the
head, called a poncho, or mangas, in different parts of
Spanish America. This dress wants neither grace
nor dignity, but the chief advantage is the freedom of
limbs it allows.

The dress of the women is more ridiculous, being a
strange mixture of California and foreign styles.
When seeking to imitate the Mexican fashion they
go to the extreme of extravagance, so as to make
gravity difficult to observe. Few are content with

AT THE DANCE. 381

simple home fashions. A certain set who had intro-
duced about 1826 an extreme in Parisian bonnets,
like small baskets or melons, were dubbed cabezas
melones. The women of good families, remarks Ser-
rano, speaking of the next decade, dressed with much
plainness and modesty, the chief characteristics being
the exceeding cleanliness of their linen at all great
gatherings, whether at church or at the frequent pic-
nics. At the dances so frequently given at private
houses, and tp which indiscriminate entrance was not
allowed, the females appeared not only well dressed,
but with good display. Some days before a large
party, the women used to put their heads together
and agree upon what dress they would wear, what
kind of stuff, its color, and trimmings, and color of the
shoes ; this was that they might appear very charming
from the harmony of their dress and ornaments. The
material on these occasions was sometimes silk, or
very fine lawn or linen, the stockings being usually
silk, and shoes of the very finest satin. It was a low
shoe of a single sole; some were white, others dark
blue or coffee-color; and there were the very whitest
and finest lace kerchiefs over the shoulders, covering
the upper part of the breast. Necklaces, ear-rings,
and rings of gold were abundant ; the hair was dressed
according to the fashion of the period, with fine tor-
toise-shell openwork combs and a golden band.

They wore other adornments, such as flowers, belt,
and ribbons in great variety.

The daily female foot-wear consisted of thread
stockings, and strong, black leather shoes, or of
morocco leather. Their dresses were usually of calico
or merino, with long sleeves down to the hand, and
neck close to the throat; the skirt being extremely
wide, and reaching to the instep without touching
the ground. The breast was covered with a fine and
pretty silk kerchief, flowered, in different colors;
the hair-dressing consisted in separating their beauti-
ful tresses in two equal parts, and forming a plait of

382 FOOD, DRESS, AND DWELLINGS.

each interlaced with ribbons of some dark shade ; these
plaits were crossed in opposite directions, and wound
round the upper part of the head, terminating on the
top, at the back part, and thereon was placed a black
or coffee-colored velvet bow. While occupied in
household duties, to protect this from dust the head
was covered with a good-sized silk kerchief of differ-
ent colors, arranged in graceful folds, so as to give it
the appearance of a coquettish little cap. The gen-
eral mode of dress of all classes was modest and
simple.

The women's hat when on horseback — for only then
they wore one — was of felt, very high, less than two
inches of brim, wider above than below — looked like a
sugar loaf. Before putting on the hat, a handkerchief
bordered with different colored silk was laid on the
head, which covered the back, front, and part of the
cheeks, and was fastened by a pin under the chin.

This was the dress usually worn in former times;
later came in the fashion of the tunic, which was a
narrow sack without sleeves, with only loops for the
arms. This tunic was called the medio paso, for
it was so narrow the woman could scarcely walk.
Small sleeves were worn to cover the arms, with a
strap behind and in front to keep them up ; the one
in front was buttoned. Such an arrangement was
very inconvenient. This tunic was the only change
that took place in a long time. Afterward came wide
tunics, buttoned behind with wide sleeves — mangas
de monjas. So successive changes were introduced,
varying until the arrival of the Mexican colony in
1834; and as intercourse with the outside world
became more frequent, there was little difference be-
tween the dress of California females and those of
other countries

The cavalry soldier's carbine was carried in the
leather cover of the saddle ; the lock was enveloped in a
piece of chamois, and was moreover enveloped in a fox-
skin bag, the whole fixed in the saddle cover, leaving

SOLDIERS' UNIFORMS. 383

the tail and part of the fox's legs outside. A shield
hung at one side of the saddle bow. The soldier also
carried a lance and sword, a cartridge-box on the belt,
at one side of which was a little pocket for spare
flints. The shield was of several hides, slightly con-
vex in front, with armlet inside so as to cover nearly
the whole front of the rider without preventing the
use of his fire-arm. The infantry arms were musket
and bayonet, with cross-belts, one to carry the bayo-
net, the other the cartridge-pouch. The artillery
carried a carbine and short sword.

The presidio companies wore the following: The
hat was the usual wide-brimmed one with the crown
de la panocha; instead of the parti-colored ribbons, it
had a silk cord with tassels hanging on the brim.
The hair in a plait with a piece of ribbon at the end,
green or red ; a kerchief loose around the neck, fall-
ing over the breast, adorned with spangles; cotton or
linen shirt and black cloth jacket with scarlet facings.
The vest was of stuff called coleta, yellow and bor-
dered in front with black silk. One or two sashes of
different colors passed around the stomach ; some put
a woman's cotton scarf or a sash of blue coleta of a
third of a vara wide. Short breeches of cloth with
bragueta, a fall or flap in front, fastened with a large
silver or copper button. These were open on the
outside of the leg for about a third of a vara above
the knee. In this opening were a row of buttons on
one side and holes on the other; the breeches reached
a little below the knee, having at the extremity about
an inch breadth of gold lace; pockets on each side
called bolsicos; below the breeches were wide linen
or cotton drawers. White cotton or woollen stock-
ings; chamois riding-leggings reaching down to the
instep, sewed a little at the heel, and otherwise open
behind; they were in several folds tied with silken
garters, hand-wrought and adorned with spangles,
scales, and tassels, which hung upon the leg below the
knee; the shoe, which was called del berruchi, opened

384 POOD, DRESS, AND DWELLINGS

on the outside, where it was fastened with a thong;
the* shoe came up to the instep, and the leggings went
inside, and over the shoe fell a flap of the same
chamois.

On service a soldier had a thick cuera de gamuza
stitched ; this was a kind of short sack which reached
to the knees with a button to fasten it at the neck a
little below the throat; on the left shoulder was a
button whereon to hang the hat when the soldier
went to mass without arms. The officers appeared in
black pantaloons with low waistband, rather wide, de
tapabalazo audio, a broad flap across the front, and a
pocket on each side, a short jacket or frock of black
cloth with lace appointments and epaulets according
to rank. When in full dress they wore a three-cor-
nered hat, and also a cuera when on field duty. Citi-
zens wore a similar dress to that of the soldiers, ex-
cepting the cuera and military distinctions.

The full dress of the artillery was white, a short
feuttoned-up coat called huacaro, with blue facing; a
mameluke of cotton or linen stuff; a wide scarlet
sash; half-boots open in front, tied with a thong;
on the head a kind of cap with tricolor pompon the
shape of the Mexican flag; a waistcoat of white
cotton buttoned to the throat. Officers wore a red
coat with green facing, white pantaloons with wide
flap; sometimes light blue pantaloons with broad
gold lace on the outer seain; a purple velvet waist-
coat or of scarlet cloth. When dressed in white the
waistcoat was scarlet; when the coat was scarlet they
wore blue pantaloons and purple waistcoat. Infan-
try, full-dress coat, dark blue cloth, scarlet facings;
pantaloons, blue cloth with red piping down the seam ;
waistcoat of same cloth, tall chaco with pompon.
Officers wore the same uniform, with only the differ-
ence of the lace on the pantaloons, shoulder-straps
and facings, and coat and vest.

The affairs of the nation were insignificant as com-
pared with the importance of the caballero's trappings.

> CAVALIER'S ATTIRE. , 385

The bit was very rude and heavy, and suspended by
narrow leather bands dyed black. The reins were
woven of very narrow strips of calf-skin, the same as
the lazo; they were very long, and to the end was at-
tached a long whip (latigo) plaited in a similar manner,
and which terminated in two pointed ends; the bridle
(head-stall) that supported the bit was called the
cabezadas, and this as well as the reins was adorned by
the poorer classes with buttons and silver buckles, and
by the rich with ornaments of the same metal engraved
or in relief (ya grabados, 6 ya calados), the same kind
of adornment was on the monturas (saddles) and spurs.
The montura, or saddle, should consist of an immense
wooden saddle-tree, whose colossal rounded head served
to hold the lasso when a horse or bull was caught.
This saddle-tree was secured to the back of the horse
by a broad band made fast to the lower part by strong
strips of hide passing under the belly to the other side
of the saddle, which had an iron ring and buckle.
There was a leather band made fast to the tree to
save the horse from being chafed. Under the tree
were placed one or two blankets, called sudaderos,
doubled several times; the tree was covered with a
broad sheet of leather having two openings, one for
the head of the tree, the other for the cantle, the ends
hanging down over both sides of the horse; this cover
was called a mochilla, and upon it was set another
somewhat larger, the coraza. This was handsomely
set off with embroidery-work called talabarteria, such
as birds, flowers, or other tasty patterns ; also through
little holes pierced in it could be seen pieces of silk or
cloth of various colors. This second cover was rather
costly, as it was also bordered with silk or gold
and silver thread, and it was not used on work-days.
When travelling, over these two covers was placed
a third, also finely adorned, and at the sides in front
were two pockets, cubos, of leather with covers, like
holsters, the covers secured by a strap and buckle,
broche, of the same material. These holsters served

CAL. PAST. 25

386 FOOD, DRESS, AND DWELLINGS.

to carry food, or anything else too large to be carried
in the coat pocket. At the back of the saddle-tres to
cover the croup of the horse, and tie with thongs a
maleta with clothes or the serape doubled, was placed
a large piece of leather in semicircular shape, or like
the tail of a bird. This was fastened to the saddle-
tree with thongs, and was called an anquera. The stir-
rups were made of coarsely wrought oak, hung from
the saddle-tree by leather straps called arzones; the
front of the stirrups were each covered with two
rounds of leather, over which was another piece of
triangular shape. These three pieces were called the
tapaderas, and were so large as almost to touch under
the horse's belly. The enormous spurs had four
or six long sharp rowels, under the infliction of
which the poor beast suffered the tortures of the in-
quisition.

Bias Pena, born at Monterey in 1823, says that in
his day men wore corduroy or cloth breeches, jackets,
broad-brimmed, low-crowned hats, placing around the
crown a girdle of silver or gold thread, or simply of
beads, commonly called chaquiras, but to which the
missionaries gave the name of paternosters. In rainy
weather the hat was covered with a thin yellow oil-
cloth. Top-boots were common, botas de ala 6 de talon,
of chamois-skin or leather, most of them being made in
the country, the upper part secured with silk ribbons
of Various colors. They also wore berruchi shoes, and
another kind called zapatcnies, a large clumsy affair.
The berruchi were tied on the outer side, the zapatones
on the middle of the foot, with thin straps or with
strings.

Some of the men wore short breeches, reaching
down to the knee only, open about six inches on the
outer side, where were buttons of silver, or of sorne^
base metal, according to the wearer's means. They
had falls which were closed with a fine silver button,
or with one of copper if the wearer could not afford
the former. The buttons used by the wealthy had the

CALIFORNIA!! TOILETS. 387

Mexican eagle stamped on them. The breeches were
secured round the waist with a handsome silk or crape
sash, which was further ornamented with tassels of
gold or silver thread, the ends hanging on either side,
or both on one side, but never in the middle. Men
were likewise accustomed to wear cloth sleeves of blue,
coffee-color, or black, with silk or velvet cuffs, round
which was silver or gold thread wound. The hair
was braided like that of the Chinese, but never in-
creased by any false hair. In 1840 they began to
leave off these cues, and cut the hair short behind,
leaving it long in front. This way of dressing the
hair went by the name of peinado de furia, the fury
fashion of carrying the hair.

Women in former times braided the hair in one piece,
and twisted it round the top of the head, which
fashion was called peinado del molote, the molote being
held by a comb made of horn, or of tortoise shell, ac-
cording to the pecuniary means of the wearer. The
American captain, Fitch, in one of his voyages from
Peru, brought four tortoise-shell combs, which he sold
at $600 each, one of them being purchased by Jose de
la Guerra y Noriega for his wife, one by Mariano Es-
trada, another by Joaquin Maitorena, who shortly
afterward was elected a deputy to the national con-
gress, and Vallejo the last one.

Until six or eight years of age, children wore short
shirts. From an early day, boys whose parents could
afford it indulged in trousers of cloth. After that
age they wore pantaloons of jerga, or bayeton, or
coleta — chiefly the last. Children of wealthy parents
wore shoes, but generally a boy put on shoes only
after he could earn them. More pains were taken
with regard to girls' shoes. It was rare to see a boy
of less than 12 or 14 years with a hat.

The following was the way in which a rich young
man of Los Angeles was dressed on his wedding day,
in 1842. Yellow hat of vicuna wool, with abundance
of glass-seed beads ; the under-part of the brim nearly

388 FOOD, DRESS AND DWELLINGS.

covered with silver lace. The jacket easy set, of
green satin, with large flaps of the same material, its
buttons being of Mexican pesetas with the eagle stamp
on the exterior. The waist-coat of yellow satin with
the pocket flaps buttoned up with gold dollars. Broad
breeches of red velvet to the knees, held with silver
buckles. The buttons of the breeches flap, plainly
visible being also pesetas. On these buttons, the one
known as the atrancador exhibited a motto in these
words, "No me saques sin razon, ni me metas sin
honor." A buckskin boot of the natural color, bound
to the knee where the breeches ended, with green
silk ribbons forming a flower, and with tassels from
which depended little figures of cats, dogs, puppets,
etc., made of seed-glass beads, interpolated with em-
bellishments of gold and silver thread. Where the
boot-leg ended began the shoe, which was sharp-
pointed and turned upwards, with tinsel ornaments,
most of them in the form of roses. The manga was of
sky-blue cloth of the finest quality, with red lining ;
the opening for the head was lined with black velvet,
and was oval-shaped, with silver galloon all round it,
and fringed. The hair in three braids fell upon the
jacket ; at the end was a large flower of green ribbon.
To light his cigarette he used a mechero, or cotton
twist burnt at one end, with a steel piece and a flint-
stone weighing about an ounce ; from the mechero
hung an ornament of beads, beautifully made. This
mecha or tinder was perfumed with Peruvian balsam.

The bride of about eighteen, a brunette, was brisk
in her movements. She wore a dress of yellow satin,
adorned in the lower part with green ribbons ; white
satin shoes with the . points turning upward, flesh
colored stockings, black handkerchief round the head,
a triangular shawl, and artificial flowers.

Lugo, who in his Vida de un Rccnchero, writes of
1824, says that most of the men bound around the
head a black silken handkerchief, some tying it behind,
others over the forehead. Over this was placed a

HATS AND SHOES. 389

hat of the fashion we now use. It was always se-
cured by a barbiquejo, or throat-strap, of antelope-
skin, or of silken ribbon, which latter mode was in
voo-ue among such as were in comfortable circum-

O ^?

stances. He who affected a dashing style wore his
hat cocked on one side, or tilted far back on the head.
The hats in general use were called poblanos, because
they came from Puebla in Mexico, and were low in
the crown and rather broad of brim. Some of fine
vicuna wool were bought only by the officers, or men
of means. Some hats were of leather, and others,
which were made by the Indians, of palm-leaves.
The botas, which may be translated leggings, were
of antelope-skin — a/ whole skin, less the legs, forming
one bota — from the neck of the animal downward.
The skin reached to just below the ankle, and was
sewn for a short distance at the lower end.
Most men. used the whole width of the skin, but
some doubled it into two, others into three folds.
The bota was secured by a strap, a ribbon or a garter
woven of silk intermingled gold and silver thread
spangles and esearchi (gold and silver twist, such
as is used in epaulettes). The bota was well and
elaborately stamped or worked (dibujada), and bound
on the edges. The shoes were of calf-skin, embroi-
dered with white thread of the maguey; came up to
the ankle only; were open on the outside that the
foot might be introduced, the opening being closed by
a flap bound with some colored material, and fastened
with black leathern straps or silken cords. Men of
means wore about the neck a whole silken handker-
chief— black generally. A man's hair was seldom cut
—never, were he a soldier. His hair was combed
back and parted in the middle. It was then tied as
high on his head as possible, and in three strands,
braided into a sort of cue which hung down the
back like those of the Chinese. At last the soldiers
were forced to cut their hair. The women wore
the hair in the same fashion — except that their ears

390 FOOD, DRESS, AND DWELLINGS.

were concealed. The face was clean-shaven, except
the part covered by a whisker from the temple to the
edge of the lower jaw. Generally men shaved every
four or five days; but some did so only on Saturday
night or Sunday morning — in order to present them-
selves clean of face at mass.

The full dress uniform of the frontier soldier was
that in use from the earliest days of the conquest.
All the horses were large and of one color. The sol-
diers wore their cueras, or leather jackets, being a
sleeveless sack, or surtout, sewed and quilted, with
four or five dressed sheep-skins, finely tanned, of a
yellowish color, and so thick .that the Indian arrows
could not easily penetrate them. They had also
an adarga, or shield, made of the thickness of two
ox-hides, untanned; they were oval-shaped, and of
about 1 00 inches in circumference. Inside of it was
a strap, through which the soldier put his left arm.
The face of the shield was well varnished, and the
king's arms painted on it. The flint-lock gun was
carried in a sack of well-tanned cow-hide, embroidered
on the outside, laid across the pommel of the saddle,
and was well covered to protect it from the rain.
They used also a long lance, or spear, with a flexible
filbert-wood pole. A cartridge-box attached to the
waist contained the powder and ball; five days' provis-
ions were carried in bags at the saddle bow; a cow-
hide covering extended from the waist to below the
knee, to protect the legs from rain and from shrubs;
the trousers were quite short, reaching only to the
knee, and from there was visible a boot of chamois
leather that covered the legs. The hat was low-
crowned; the soldier wore his hair long, and flowing
on the back on gala-days.

A California dragoon's dress, as Beech ey saw it,
was a round, blue cloth jacket, with red cuff's and
collar, blue velvet breeches unbuttoned at the knees,
showing white cotton stockings, cased over half-way
in deer-skin boots; a black hat, with very wide

WOMEN OF THE TWENTIES. 391

brim and low crown, kept in order by its own weight ;
a profusion of dark hair, which met behind and dangled
half-way down the back in a thick cue. A long
musket, with fox-skin round the lock, was balanced on
the pommel of the saddle ; the bull's-hide shield still
had the Spanish arms ; a double-fold deer-skin cuirass
covered the body. The feet were armed with a tre-
mendous pair of iron spurs, secured by metal chains,
and were thrust into enormous wooden, box-shaped
stirrups.

The dress of the middle class of females in 1829,
says Robinson, "is a chemise with short embroidered
sleeves, richly trimmed with lace, a muslin petticoat
flounced with scarlet, and secured at the waist by a
silk band of the same color, shoes of velvet or blue
satin, a cotton rebozo or scarf, pearl necklace and ear-
rings, with the hair falling in broad plaits down the
back. Others of the higher class dress in the English
style, and instead of the rebozo, substitute a rich and
costly shawl of silk or satin. . . . Short clothes and
jacket trimmed with scarlet, a silk sash about the
waist, botas of ornamented and embroidered deer-skin,
secured by colored garters, embroidered shoes, the
hair long, braided, and fastened behind with ribbons,
a black silk handkerchief around the head, surmounted
by an oval and broad-brimmed hat, is the dress uni-
versally worn by the men of California."

Tornds Yorba, proprietor of the rancho de Santa
Ana, between San Gabriel and San Juan Capistrano,
wore upon his head a black silk handkerchief, the four
corners hanging down behind. "An embroidered
shirt, cravat of white jaconet tastefully tied, a blue
damask vest, short clothes of crimson velvet, a bright
green cloth jacket, with large silver buttons, and shoes
of embroidered deer-skin." On some occasions, such
as a feast day or festival, his display exceeded in value
a thousand dollars.

After 1832-3 the dress of the men was modified.
Calzorieras came into fashion. The calzoneras are

392 FOOD, DRESS, AND DWELLINGS.

pantaloons with the exterior seam open throughout
its length. On the upper edge was a strip of cloth-
red, blue, or black — in which were the button-holes.
On the other edge were eyelet-holes for the buttons.
In some cases the calzonera was sewn from the hip to
the middle of the thigh, in others buttoned. From
the middle of the thigh downward the leg was cov-
ered by the bota, used by every one, whatever his
dress.

Gomez states that up to 1834, when the colony
came, the dress was a big green silk kerchief tied
round the head, the knot in front; another kerchief
wrapped the neck; a blue wide chaleco, partly open
below to exhibit a belt of crimson silk — often two or
three belts — a blue jacket adorned with big metal
buttons; short, wide breeches secured at the knees;
boots of deerskin like polainas — spatterdashers or leg-
gings— secured with colored silk bands, adorned with
mottoes in silk and beads ; shoes clasped in front —
abrochados — a wide-brimmed hat, low crowned, and
small opening secured by a string — barbiquejo. In
the wide pockets of the jacket a silk handkerchief
was carried. The braided hair fell over the shoulder.

And thus Pena: The men wore braids like Chi-
nese, but without adding false hair. In 1840 this form
was abandoned for short hair, very short behind, leav-
ing it very long — largo — in front. This was termed
de furia. The women formerly used one braid, later
two. The single braid was coiled on the crown, and
this was termed del molote. A comb of horn or tor-
toise kept it in place.

Coronel, in 1834, describes the underskirts of the
women as elaborately and tastefully embroidered.
The clothing of the men who could afford it was made
by the women of the family. The jacket, of cloth, with
many button-holes worked round the edges, was bound
with ribbon or cloth and elaborately stitched. The
waistcoat, of cloth or silk, was also elaborately stitched
with silks of divers colors, the button-holes also being

COSTUME IN THE THIRTIES. 393

elaborately worked with the same. The manga, or
riding-jacket, adorned at the wrist with cloth, velvet,
or fringe, was also made by the women, as were the
ataderas, or garters, used by the men to keep up the
legs of their boots, and which were woven of silk with
beads in the figures of animals, fruit, etc. The skirts
of the men were also embroidered.

The dress of a senora of some means was a timico,
or gown, the skirt very narrow and de medio paso, be-
fore mentioned, that is, so small in circumference at the
bottom that the wearer could take but half a step at a
time, made of gauze or of silk, with the waist very high
in the neck and close fitting. This was adorned with
ribbons and the like according to the taste of the wearer.
Underneath the skirt was worn another of red flannel.
On the shoulders was a rebozo of the shape of the
Spanish mantilla, and on the feet low shoes of divers
materials. The hair was drawn smoothly and tightly
to the back of the head, and plaited in a single braid,
which was tied above by a ribbon, and below ended in
a rosette or bow, also of ribbon. A kerchief of silk was
worn about the neck, the ends being knotted in front.
Some women used the camorra, a black silken shawl
coquettishly disposed about the head and shoulders.

The men wore breeches which reached almost to
the knee. The exterior seam was open for about six
inches from the bottom, the edges being bound with
ribbon, cloth, or braid, and ornamented with four or
six buttons of silver or some other metal. The open-
ing in front of the breeches was secured by a single
button of silver about the size of a silver dollar. The
waistcoat was of cloth, velvet, silk, or cotton stuff,
came well down over the belly, and was capriciously
adorned. The jacket was of like materials, but larger,
and was similarly adorned. The botas, a sort of leg-
ging which had heels, were made each of the entire
skin of a deer tanned and dyed black or red, and was
tooled or embroidered with silk capriciously. A strap
passed under the bottom of the foot. From the top

394 FOOD, DRESS, AND DWELLINGS.

the bota was doubled over until it came to just below
the knee, where it was confined by the atadera, or gar-
ter. The shoe was made of tanned calf or buckskin
in four or six pieces, each being of two colors, red and
black, the piece going over the instep being embroi"
dered with silk or thread of maguey. The sole of the
shoe was of tanned ox-hide, single, so that it might be
flexible, allowing the foot to cling to the stirrup, and
ending in a point which turned up over the toe and
protected the leather of the shoe from the stirrup.
The shoe so made was called del berruchi. The hat,
broad in the brim and round as to the crown, was of
wool, and kept on the head by means of a ribbon two
inches wide passing under the chin, and ornamented
below the chin by a great rosette. Almost all the
men bound a large black handkerchief about the head
after the manner of the lower classes in Andalusia.

On the arrival, in the Hijar colony, of women from
the city of Mexico, fashionable females exchanged
their narrow skirts for more flowing garments, and
abandoned the braided hair for the coil, and the large
combs till then in use for smaller combs. The poorer
women, and in general old women, from the waist
down dressed in an underskirt only, dispensing with
the gown — the material being according to the means
of the wearer — and a chemise with sleeves coming
below the elbow. The neck and breast were covered
by a black handkerchief, of silk or cotton, doubled
corner- wise, the corner being secured at the back and
the two points passing over the shoulders and cover-
ing the neck and breast, and fastened at the waist by
pins. The poorer women retained and continually
wore the rebozo of linen or cotton. Their shoes,
made by a member of the family or other relative, were
called del berruchi, for the sole ended in a turned-up
point, and another point at the heel. All women of
means wore stockings, for it was deemed immodest
to allow more than the face and hands to be uncovered.
Sheets and pillow-cases were embroidered, more or

PECULIARITIES OF THE PERIOD. 395

less elaborately, and as stuffs were costly, they were
mended and remended as long as possible.

At the missions were kept a great store of woollen
cloths, blankets, serapes, jergas, etc., and at length
some of them manufactured sayal and pafio good
enough for clothes for the missionaries. Formerly
no gente de razon went without shoes; but the cholos
of Micheltorena introduced the custom of wearing
sandals of rawhide, protecting the feet from stones,
but not against the hot sun. t

In the Vallejo documents are some satirical verses
of Buelna entitled, Paquete que se andan dando —
Dandies arriving — in bad rhyme and worse grammar,
addressed to the first native rancheros who wore
levitas, frock-coats, and tirantes, or suspenders.

"On arriving from Mexico in 1834," says Hijar, "I
was surprised to see the men with hair as long as that
of the women, worn in a braid over the back, or
gathered in the crown of the hat."

When he went on an Indian expedition, or when in
the military service, the California!! added to his usual
riding-dress the cuera, a long overcoat made of seven
thicknesses of antelope-hide stitched together, which
covered the body from the neck to the knees, and pro-
tected the wearer against arrows. He also carried on
his left arm a concavo-convex oval shield — adarga — the
convex side outward. His arms consisted of an old
flint-lock escopeta, occasionally a lance, sometimes
pistols, .these latter rarely, and only for officers.
Generally all carried the Spanish Toledan rapier.
The same arms and equipment were used by military
men, who were however distinguished by their in-
signia and devices. The knife was an article of prime
necessity, and was carried in a sheath stuck in the
garter on the outside of the right leg. The sword,
although not of much use to civilians, was carried by
all mounted men, and was fastened on the left-hand
side of the saddle, under the leg.

Markoff, at San Francisco about 1835, thus de-

396 FOOD, DRESS, AND DWELLINGS.

scribes the rig of Senor Castro, the alcalde^ on his
visit to that place: "He rode in a long blue velvet
cloak, with a small cape of the same color, resembling
a woman's pelerine, embroidered and trimmed with
yellow velvet. Beneath the cloak a petticoat or short
skirt was visible, held together by a wide silk scarf,
from which a beautiful dagger protruded. A black
felt hat and long black mustaches gave his face a
martial and severe expression." At this time the
women wore slipper-shaped shoes of satin or buck-skin,
with heels; they were fond of jewelry; had each as
many silk dresses as she could afford. Bernardo Yorba,
of Santa Ana, had 150 dress patterns of silk and satin
of the finest sort, and whenever a son or daughter
married, to the bride was given a trunk full of dresses
worth $80 or $100 each.

A custom which called my attention in Santa Bar-
bara in 1840, says Arnaz, was the camorra of the wo-
men—a black silk kerchief, folded into a band of about
two inches in width, tied round the forehead, into a
knot under the nape. This gave the Santa Bdrbara
women a different appearance from others in southern
California, and all there used it.

Wealthy women wore pearl or gold bead necklaces ;
aretes or coquetas of gold, diamond rings, and the like.

The shoes of the men were often of gamuza, em-
broidered with gold and silver thread. The women
had silken shoes for balls, but cotton shoes for ordinary
wear. People sometimes bought ready-made clothing,
but generally purchased the cloth, made it up them-
selves into the style of dress desired.

Sir Simpson, of the honorable Hudson's Bay Com-
pany, found the women of California in 1844 wearing
a short gown, displaying a neat foot and ankle with
white stockings and black shoes; a handkerchief on
the head concealed all the hair, except a single loop on
either cheek ; the shoulders were swathed in a shawl,
and over all when they walked out was the "beautiful
and mysterious mantilla."

HATS, BOOTS, AND BREECHES. 397

The dress of the men was more showy and elab-
orate: a broad-brimmed hat tied round with parti-
colored cord or handkerchief; a shirt usually of the
finest linen, with a profusion of lace and embroidery
on the breast; a cotton or silk jacket of the gayest
hues, with frogs on the back and numerous buttons
on breast and cuffs; the pantaloons split on the outside
from the hip to the foot with a row of buttons on
either edge of the opening, which is laced nearly down
to the knee; and a silken belt round the waist serving
the purpose of braces. Under the pantaloons peer
out full linen drawers, with boots of untanned deer-
skin, the one on the right leg invariably forming a
scabbard for a knife.

Heeled boots, de ala 6 de talon, were used of deer
or calf skin, and chiefly made in California. The
upper part of the boot was secured with silk bands of
various colors. The shoes were called berruchi and
zapatones. The berruchis were laced on the side, the
zapa tones in the centre of the foot with cords or thongs.
When women went out to ride, Serrano says, they
put on the head a broad sun cloth, white or colored,
and ornamented at the four corners with embroidery
of silk, gold, silver, or beads. This was intended to
keep the face cool by its flapping ; over it was placed
a wide straw hat as a protection from the sun; at the
right side she carried her silk shawl or rebozo, a part
of the dress that is highly esteemed and great care
taken of.

It was regarded as ill-bred to expose the ears, and
so the long hair was allowed to cover them. Says
the Californian, in April 1847: "For a month past
the question has been agitated among the women,
Shall they, or shall they not, adopt the use of bonnets ?
From present indications the ayes have it. Who
will supply them?"

At Angeles twenty-six years later we find a bride-
groom at a fashionable wedding dressed in a yellow
hat of vicuna-skin, adorned with heavy bands of cha-

398 FOOD, DRESS, AND DWELLINGS.

quira beads of different colors, with tufts of the same
material, the falda or skirt almost covered below with
heavy silver galloons. A wide chaqueta, or jacket, of
green satin, with large flaps, was ornamented with
buttons of Mexican pesetas, the eagle on the face.
Vest of yellow satin, with pockets de cartera, buttoned
with gold escuditos, worth $1 each, eagle facing out-
ward. Wide breeches of red velvet were sometimes
seen, reaching to the knees, where they were fastened
by silver hebillas on the side. The bragueta, which
revealed itself at every movement, was set with
pesetas, one of which, of copper and very large, called
atrancador, bore an inscription which decency forbids
a mention of here. Some of the people displayed
botas of deer-skin, of natural color, reaching to the
knee, where they were secured with green silk bands,
tied in a rose, with pendants holding figures of cats,
dogs, dolls, etc., of chaquira beads and gold and silver
thread, called alinos. Where the botas ended began
the shoe, which was pointed upwards, with colgaduras
covered with tinsel figures, generally roses, which
were introduced between the coverings and fixed with
cement ; the rest was covered with embroidered green
silk manga, tastefully braided — terciada — of blue fine
cloth, with red lining. The opening for the head,
called muceta, was bordered with black velvet of oval
form, with silver galloon around and pendones of the
same stuff. The hair, according to the prevailing
fashion, fell in a braid over the jacket, ending in a rose
of green ribbons. He used a mechero to hold the
cigarrito of native tobacco and maize leaf, with flint and
steel weighing an ounce. From the end of the mecha,
or wick, hung a bead doll, well worked, one cuarta in
size, and perfumed with Peruvian balsam.

The bride wore a tunic of yellow satin, adorned be-
low with green stripes; white satin shoes called ber-
ruchi, pointed upwards ; stockings of flesh-colored silk;
panoleta with green points, triangular, with a green silk
flower in the end falling over the back and secured

CLOAK AND SPURS. 399

over the breast with a similar flower; black mascada
gathered like a turban on the head, surmounted by a
crown of white artificial flowers, closed by costly
Chinese silk of different colors, with figures of birds,
fruit, etc. ; ear-rings of false pearls and necklace of the
same.

A writer on Santa Bdrbara speaks of the prevailing
costume of the country as consisting of "a broad-
brimmed hat, usually black, with a gilt or figured band
round the crown, and lined with silk; a short jacket of
silk or figured calico, the European skirted body-coat
being never worn; the shirt usually open at the neck ; a
waist-coat, when worn, always of a rich quality; the
trousers, wide, straight, and long, usually of velvet,
velveteen, or broadcloth, occasionally knee-breeches
are worn with white stockings; shoes of deer-skin are
used; they are of a dark brown color, and being made
by the Indians, are commonly much ornamented;
braces are never worn, the indispensable sash twisted
round the waist serving all their purposes; the sash
is usually red, and varies in quality according to the
means of the wearer; if to this is added the never-
failing cloak, the dress of the Californian is complete.
The latter article of dress, however, is a never-failing
criterion of the rank or wealth of its owner. The
caballero, or gentleman aristocrat, wears a cloak of
black or dark blue broadcloth, with as much velvet
and trimming on it as it is possible to put there ; from
this, the cloaks gradually descend through all grades
until the primitive blanket of the Indian is reached.
The middle class wear a species of cloak very much
resembling a table-cloth, with a large hole in the cen-
tre for the head to go through; this is often as coarse
as a blanket, but it is generally beautifully woven with
various colors, and has a showy appearance at a dis-
tance. There is no working-class amongst the Span-
iards, the Indians doing all the hard work ; thus a
rich man looks and dresses like a grandee, whilst even
a miserably poor individual has the appearance of a

400 FOOD, DRESS, AND DWELLINGS.

broken-down gentleman ; it is not, therefore, by any
means uncommon to see a man with a fine figure and
courteous manner dressed in broadcloth or velvet, and
mounted on a noble horse, completely covered with
trappings, who perhaps has not a real in his pocket,
and may even be suffering from absolute hunger."

Many Californians wore silver spurs, and plated
work on their saddles and reins; and on arriving at
the house of a friend, they would give the servant a
dollar to take off their spurs. General Vallejo says
that after the discovery of gold he used to fling the
boy who held his horse an ounce, equivalent to sixteen
dollars. Later the general would have been glad to
have had some of those ounces back in his pocket.

" Leading Californians," Torres remarks, "as Guerra,
Alvarado, Vallejo, Alvarez, always wore short hair
since I knew them, while the middle-blood people
wore it long." A popular hat was the sombrero de
vicuna, yellow, with wide rim, and a crown four or
five inches high. They were not flexible, but were
light. On the rim round the crown lay a coil of gold
or silver braid, while some persons placed an emerald
where the coil united. A hat without a coil cost $40 ;
but after the conquest an imitation very similar to the
vicuna was introduced, which at first brought the
same price as the real article, and then fell to half an
ounce. Americans liked them for their comfort.

Thus we see that although the appetite was moder-
ate, vanity ruled high, as displayed in elaborate and
costly trappings and attire, and that here, as in the
animal kingdom, the male donned the gayer plumage.
To this love of finery, the trading vessels pandered
by bidding freely for hides and tallow with articles of
fancy and utility. While supplying cloth and ribbons,
however, they could not dictate the fashions, which
followed those of Mexico, although there they were
greatly modified by Europe.

The true import of home, that great promoter of

HOME SURROUNDINGS. 401

culture, was little understood. The Californian lived
in the open air and in the invigorating sunshine. The
low, one-story dwelling of adobe, or mud arid sticks,
was reserved for sleep and storage. Notwithstanding
the gleaming whitewashed walls and bright tile roof,
it lacked allurements, and was devoid of the romantic
aspect so widely attributed to Anglo-Saxon country
houses. No pretty creepers, no infolding grove, no
shady trees in close proximity, no ornamental garden
fringe, to relieve the desolate bareness, which was in-
creased by the absence of architectural decorations,
and by the smallness and depth of the window open-
ing, seldom glazed, and often barred. This combined
dearth of taste and carelessness was a Spanish inher-
itance.

The door opened frequently into an only room, with
clay floor, for lumber was costly from the lack of
mills. The simple furniture consisted of a bench or
two along the walls, perhaps some chairs plaited with
rawhide thongs, a table; in one corner a stretcher
with a hide cover for a bed, perhaps curtained off in
the absence of walled partitions. The low walls were
relieved with a looking-glass, some gaudy prints of
martyrs, and a madonna image, or crucifix, with its
dim light which shed a gleam of solemnity through
the half-gloom of the corner, a guiding-star to loftier
thoughts. The Anglo-Saxon hearth was not to be
seen. The only fireplace was in a shed or separate
hut, partly because of the mild climate, partly from a
superstitious aversion to fires in dwellings. In this
hut could be seen a few pieces of pottery and iron-
ware, and a hand-mill for grinding the daily supply of
flour. Near by hung the hammock wherein the lord
and master swung himself into reverie while awaiting
preparation for the meal by the mistress and her
handmaidens.

The guest was placed in possession of the premises

—theoretically; the key to the gate perhaps was

given him; the house was his own, and all its inmates

CAL. PAST. 26

402 FOOD, DRESS, AND DWELLINGS.

were his servants. On retiring to rest, the family
united in pronouncing a benediction, and calling on all
the saints to guard him.

There was also a better class of houses, built after
the Spanish fashion, in squares, with small inner court
filled with luxuriant plants, watered by a fountain in
the centre. All around the court ran a corridor, upon
which opened the large, half-lighted rooms, with low
ceiling, and furnished with something of barbaric
luxuriousness. The red-tiled roof with fervid stolid-
ity returned the sun's stare. Several of the richer
families possessed, after 1824, handsome bureaus, large
mirrors, tables inlaid with shells — all brought from
China or Peru.

The rancho house was of wood (palo parado), with
tule roof, and had at the most two divisions, one for a
sitting-room (sala) y -alcoba), the other for sleeping in.
If the family was large, they spread into both rooms.
Many houses had a door of sticks covered with an ox
or horse hide, but none had locks; nor was it neces-
sary to lock the door on the outside, for none wished
to rob, and besides there was nothing to steal. If the
family were absent for some days, the things of value
were taken along, such as the trunk of clothes and
bed.

Some had beds of poplar (alamo or alamillo) lined
with leather, and with it sheets, blankets, and cushions,
according to means. Others slept in big cacdistes,
made of latitas with a hide on top. Others slept on a
hide. The furniture consisted of a table, a bench,
stools, whalebone seats, small cacdistes of reed, latita.

Outside the house were adobe benches (poyetes) at
least a vara high, often whitewashed like the wall.
Sometimes the whitewash was too difficult to obtain.

In some parts the kitchen was an adobe oven (hor-
nillas), upon which the pots were placed to cook.
Others had only stones to support the pots over the
fire.

" The houses," remarks a traveller, " in all the

MISSIONS AND RANCHOS. 403

towns, are of one story, and are built of bricks. These
bricks are about four and a half inches square and
from three to four inches thick, hardened in the sun.
They are cemented by mortar made of clay, and the
whole is of a common dirt color. The floors are gen-
erally of earth, the windows grated, mostly without
glass, and the doors, which are seldom shut, open into
the common room, there being no passage or entrance
halls. Some of the wealthier inhabitants, however,
have glass to their windows, and have their floors
boarded. The common houses have two or three
rooms which open into each other, the furniture con-
tisting of a bed or two, a few chairs and tables, a
looking-glass, a crucifix of some material or other, and
a few small daubs of paintings enclosed in glass, repre-
senting some miracle or martyrdom. They have no
chimneys nor fireplaces to the houses, the climate
being such as to make fires unnecessary; all the
kitchens are detached from the houses. The Indians
do all the hard work, two or three being attached to
every house; and even the poorest amongst the
inhabitants are able to keep one at least. All that
has to be given to these poor creatures is their food,
and occasionally a small piece of coarse cloth and a
belt to the men, and a coarse gown, without either
shoes or stockings, to the females."

The mission children, Wilkes affirms, were for the
most part left to take care of themselves and run
about naked and dirty. A large number died from
accidental falls from horses, which they rode from
earliest childhood. Amador says: "When I was a
young man every one retired for the night at eight or
nine o'clock, immediately after supper. Each young
person of either sex slept in an apartment under lock
and key. The parents always arose very early in the
morning in order to open the doors, the father those
of the boys' apartments, the mother those of the girls'."

Although hospitable, the Californians seldom al-

404 FOOD, DRESS, AND DWELLINGS.

lowed strangers in their private family rooms. In the
houses of the wealthy there were rooms for strangers,
but they were not allowed to enter into familiar con-
versation with the young women. It was common
for the Californian to sleep out of doors, when the
saddle-tree served as a pillow, while lying on the sad-
dle-cover with his serape over him.

Small children of both sexes had various games.
On moonlit nights they played galliua ciega, or blind-
man's buff; they rode wooden horses about the hills;
they played vaquela, which consisted of throwing bits
of stone, or the like, at a mark drawn on the ground
at a certain distance. There was also a game called
caiia, or tangano, the American ducks and drakes,
a game which Roman children played, meta in ludo,
and to-day almost universal. On the result of the
game they bet buttons, encouraged so to do by their
elders, who staked money. Often urchins might be
seen without a button on their clothes, all having been
cut off by them and laid upon the altar of fortune.

A fondness for some particular name was frequent.
Thus, Juan Antonio Hernandez had three sons named
Jose Basilio, Jose Fernando, and Jose Antonio, while
two of his daughters were named Maria.

Parents, or rather fathers — for the punishment
usually hurt the mother as much as the child — were
very strict with their children. A common way of
inflicting punishment was to oblige the youthful
wrong-doer, while his parents and playmates were
eating their noon meal at the table, to kneel before a
hide-covered stool, bearing an earthen plate, a tin cup,
and a wooden spoon, in one corner of the dining-room.
"It was a thousand times worse than flogging," says
Alvarado, "as I know by frequent experience; but
we never used to increase the shame of it by laugh ing
at the culprit. And as soon as the father went out,
mother and brothers and sisters always hastened to
the one en penitencia, and gave him all the choice
food he could eat, besides their sympathy."

BOYS AND WOMEN. 405

And Vallejo laments: "In our day a boy would
have been buried in the bowels of the earth sooner
than appear before his father with a cigar in his
mouth ; but now it is common. Before the Americans
came, our sons, meeting us on the street, came up re-
spectfully, and with hat in hand, said, 'Sefior padre,
he salido de su casa con a"nimo de ir con Fulano a" dar
un paseo. i Me per mite Vd. que continue divirtiendo-
mef If we consented, he saluted again, and went
away; but if we refused, he obeyed without a word.
Now, children say, 'como te va, papa", a" donde vas?'
Then, 'como estd, Vd., senor padre, que se le ofrece?"

Writing from Monterey, on the 1st of July, 1785,
to Diego Gonzalez, Governor Fages communicated
the following order by the comandante general. It
being notorious that the officers and troops of the pre-
sidios conduct themselves among the missions with
great laxity and immorality, very prejudicial from the
scandalous deeds committed with the Indian females,
the governor is ordered to prevent a continuance of
such evils, and to issue an order condemning such
practices, and imposing severe punishment to those
who commit them, overlooking none in this matter.

The padre presidente, speaking to his flock the 6th
of May, 1829, regrets the many promises given by
men to incautious women, often merely for the pur-
pose of enjoying the privileges of marriage. When
the men thereupon wish to marry others, the women
interposed objections. He finds the remedy in a ce-
dula of April 10, 1803, which orders that no tribunal
shall admit petitions regarding marriages unless cele-
brated by authorized persons, or promised by public
writing. Hence the women must know that no heed
will be given to their complaints, unless the promise
is proved by escritura piiblica.

CHAPTER XIII.

AMUSEMENTS.

Verum pone moras, et studium lucri;
Nigrorumque memor, dum licet, ignium,
Misce stultitiam consiliis brevem:
Dulce est desipere in loco.

— Horace.

THE Californians were much given to diverting
themselves. Indeed, to pass the time pleasantly, joy-
ously, was one of the serious considerations among this
world's affairs, and was on a par with eating, drinking,
and religion, which latter was but the securing of a
happy existence in the heavenly kingdom, while busi-
ness, learning, and all that were but secondary affairs.
And why should they not devote themselves to what-
ever they most enjoyed? Is not this the privilege —
nay, the chief end — of man, of all animate things, the
butterfly and the bee, apes and women, and no less
the merchant, the politician, the preacher, and ped-
ler, and pig?

It is said by Senor Arnaz that the San Diego peo-
ple were very merry and fond of fandangos, while those
of Los Angeles were more reserved, and at Santa Bdr-
bara they were still more so, their superior gravity in
that quarter having a religious tint, due to the padres
and to the great De la Guerra, the latter being not
only the defender of Santa Bdrbara, but the consoler
of the poor. During the later years of Mexican rule
morals declined, as shown by the many bastard chil-
dren, sober Santa Barbara having her full quota of
these. Entertainments were more common at Mon-

(406)

SAN DIEGO AND SANTA BARBARA. 407

terey, where the contact with strangers, the presence of
the governor and officials, had stamped the customs and
manners in accordance. Picnics (paseos al campo) and
balls were frequent. Society was organized and classes
separated ; order and fun reigned at entertainments.
Cooper, Aniesti, and Abrego's houses were the cen-
tres where balls were given on festival nights, with-
out ostentation or cost. At public balls rich wines
and delicacies were plentiful.

Picnics to the country were common, in which sev-
eral families joined, each contributing something, such
as chickens, stuffed turkeys, tamales, enchiladas, etc. ;
usually a fat calf was killed on the spot and roasted
in the open air.

One or more carretas went in advance with provis-
ions. Elderly and married females went on horseback,
on their own saddles ; the young women rode with the
young men, having a straw stirrup to rest the foot, the
man seated behind with an arm around the damsel to
support her, his hat on her head, while his head was
bare, or a handkerchief bound around it.

Arrived at the picnic-ground, all alighted, and the
fun began under the trees, eating, drinking, singing,
dancing, and games. For the picnic, mats covered
with shawls were spread on the ground, and on these
were placed the eatables, wines, etc. On returning
to town, a ball was given in the house of some one of
the party, which lasted until the following morning.
The young men supplied the wines. It was usual to
have a supper at midnight.

Sometimes on a picnic they would ride in wagons
drawn by oxen, and in returning various popular songs
would be sung. If a violin or guitar player was pres-
ent, a friend would mount behind him to guide the
horse while he played. In the fruit season, people de
razon were always allowed to enter the mission or-
chards and gather fruit.

Dona Refugio de Bandini speaks enthusiastically
of the time when she was a girl. ''How often did we

408. AMUSEMENTS.

spend half the night at a tertulia till 2 o'clock in the
morning, in the most agreeable and distinguished so-
ciety. Our house would be full of company — thirty
or forty persons at the table; it would have to be set
twice. A single fiesta might cost $1,000, but in those
days the receipts at my husband's store were $18,000
a month. The prettiest women were to be found at
San Diego."

The permission of the authorities had to be obtained
to hold a ball and illumination ; as for instance, the one
at Carrillo's house, in honor of Fitch's return with his
bride in 1830.

Dancing was a passion with the Californians. It
affected all, from infancy to old age; grandmothers
and grandchildren were seen dancing together; their
houses were constructed with reference to this amuse-
ment, and most of the interior space was appropriated
to the sala, a large, barn-like room. A few chairs
and a wooden settee were all its furniture. If a few
people got together at any hour of the day, the first
thought was to send for a violin and guitar, and should
the violin and guitar be found together, in appropri-
ate hands, that of itself was sufficient reason to send
for the dancers.

In early times balls broke up at 10 or 11 o'clock
at night. Subsequent to 1817, or thereabout, the
keeping of such early hours began to be disregarded.
Finally the balls lasted the night through. In 1840,
on the occasion of the marriage of one of his sons,
Amador remembers that there was a ball at the house
of Salvio Pacheco, at San Jose, which lasted all night,
and until 9 o'clock in the morning, continuing again
at 8 in the evening of this second day, and kept
up all night. In 1843, at the marriage of another
son, dancing continued for three days and nights. The
supply of wine, aguardiente, and comestibles of all
kinds was unlimited.

Probably the best analysis of California dances and
dancing is by Coronel, and dates from 1834. For a

PASTORAL DANCES. 409

ball, he says, a large space in front of the house
selected was roofed with boughs, three of its sides
being covered with white cotton stuff adorned with
ribbons and artificial flowers. The fourth side was
left open, and there horsemen collected in a group, a
strong fence preventing the intrusion of the horses.
Around the three enclosed sides were seats for the
women. The musicians, consisting of a violinist, a

O '

guitarist, and two or three singers, stationed them-
selves in a corner, where they were out of the way.

The master of ceremonies, or bastonero, was called
el tecolero; from the first he was present organizing
everything connected with the ball. He led out the
women when they danced singly;' beginning at one
end of the salon. Clapping his hands, he took steps
to the music in front of her whom he desired to call
out. She rising went to the centre of the salon, and
with both hands taking hold and extending her skirts,
began to dance to the sound of the music. After
taking a turn or two in the centre of the salon, she
retired and another took her place. In this way all
the women present were in turn called out, except
such as could not dance or did not desire to do so,
and these, for compliment's sake, rose, and giving a
hand to the tecolero, were by him turned and reseated.
While the women were dancing, the men on horseback
kept up a continual movement, and sky-larking, com-
ing and going, and disputing places, each endeavoring
to force his horse to the front.

If the piece were to be danced by a couple, the
horsemen who wished to take part dismounted, re-
moved their spurs, and hung them at the saddle-bow;
then, hat in hand, they entered the salon, and took
out each the female selected. The piece concluded,
the women retired to their seats and the men re-
mounted.

Their balls the Californians called sones, and though
all were much alike, they varied in the song and in
the ceremonies. The jota was the favorite, and was
danced thus : Each cavalier took out a lady, and the

410 AMUSEMENTS.

couples faced one the other. The music commenced,
and the singers began their verses, or estribillos — a
kind of refrain of lyric couplets of not a very high
order of poetry — and immediately each set of couples
commenced to move the hands and arms capriciously,
taking care that this should last as long as the verse
lasted. Then the singers began an estribillo, and all
the couples taking hold of hands formed in a circle a
chain, whereupon the men went in one direction and
the women in the other until partners met again, when
each couple took its proper place. The singers then
began another verse, and the couples began to make
different figures, but during the estribillo the move-
ments were as during the first. Of this dance, the
step consisted in alternately raising the feet and hop-
ping gracefully in time with the music. When the
dancers understood this dance it was very harmonious
and graceful ; hence it was generally executed by the
older people who fully understood it, and because this
dance required in its execution a certain majestic grace.
The words of the verses were according to the caprice
of the singers, and perhaps came down from ancient
times. The estribillo was long or short, according to
the number of couples taking part in the dance.

The bamba was danced only by those women who
knew it, for it consisted of many intricate steps which
changed frequently. The most dexterous placed on
the head a tumbler of water; on the floor was placed
a handkerchief with two of the corners tied together.
This handkerchief, the dancer while dancing took
up with her feet and concealed about her person —
sometimes doing so with two or three handkerchiefs.
These she would afterward again place on the floor.
All this she did without a single drop of water being
spilled. The feat concluded, the tecolero took from
her the glass of water, and amid frantic applause she
returned to her seat.

The zorrita was danced by couples, as was the sota,
from which it differed in that during the singing of
verse the men made to their partners signs or demon-

ZORRITA, ZOTA, AND FANDANGO. 411

strations in keeping with the sentiment of the verse.
During the estribillo each two couples, joining hands,
made a turn or chain. A second estribillo indicated
the time when the men gave a leap while clapping
their hands. Los camotes was a dance somewhat
similar to the foregoing, though the time of the music
as well as the verses and movements were distinct.
This dance was characterized by very measured move-
ments, and at the end of the estribillo the man
saluted his partner, another taking his place. More-
over, the dancers also sang. El borrego was danced
by a man and a woman. When the music struck up
they began to take steps, and on the singing com-
mencing, each took out a handkerchief and made
motions with the hands appropriate to the sense of
the words — for if the verse said borrego, the man
feigned an attack on his partner, who made motions
with the handkerchief as if baiting a bull, capear; if
the verse said borrega, the r61es were reversed. El
burro was generally danced at reunions of persons
who were intimate, and toward the close of the diver-
sion. As many men as women took hold of hands
and formed a circle. Another person, either man or
woman, took place within the circle as burro. When
the music commenced, those forming the circle began
to dance about the central figure. Two or three verses
were sung, and at a certain word each man embraced
a woman, and the person who was left alone became
burro. In all these dances, there was a great variety
in the words of the versos and estribillos.

The fandango was danced by a man and a woman.
It was necessary that he should understand the dance,
for after a jaleo with castanets, or if he did not know
how to use them, snapping his fingers, with changes
and motions of arms, several walks were taken, while
the music played and the singer finished the verso and
estribillo. The music ceasing, the singer said bomba !
and the man had to recite a verse, generally of an
amorous character, to his partner — which poetry was
good or bad according to the intelligence of him re-

412 AMUSEMENTS.

citing the same. On a repetition of the performance,
the lady was the one who recited the verse. If she
did not or could not do so, the man recited another
verse. Another man would then step forward, and
the tecolero would lead out another woman.

El jarabe is the national dance of the Mexican peo-
ple, and is of a capricious character, for many words
and airs being mingled, each change requires new steps
and movements. The tecolero selected a man and
woman who he knew could dance it well. They
began to dance, and in the pauses between the differ-
ent airs the singers sang verses according to the music
which had just been played.

La contradanza was a dance of the better class of
society. The partners stood in two rows — the men
facing the women. The music was that of a slow
waltz — during the first four bars the figure was
formed, and during the next four waltzing took place.
The figures referred to were capricious, but generally
the same routine was followed. Young persons rarely
took part in this dance. The old women of the lower
class also had their popular dances. El caballo was
danced by a man and woman, who, when the music
commenced, began to balance to each other. While
the verso was sung, there were movements of handker-
chiefs. At a certain designated time the woman
seized her skirts before and behind as if about to
mount a horse, the man got astride of his handker-
chief, and to the sound of the music they made move-
ments as if on horseback.

Torre says that the balls given at a celebration of
nuptials lasted regularly three days. The people ate,
drank, and danced day and night ; while some rested
or slept, others continued the festivities. These balls
were given in arbors, the ground being well watered
and beaten level some days previous. The arbor was
lined inside with sheets, bed-covers, or other articles,
to exclude the wind; around the sides were benches.
The women occupied one end, entirely separated from
the men. If the women were numerous and filled

MUSIC AND SONG. 413

the seats, the men would stand at the entrance, which
was very wide, some on foot, others on horseback.
The musicians occupied a place assigned to them in
the middle of one of the sides. The tecolero went
around beating time with his feet and leading out the
females to dance. His method was to make pirouettes,
or changes of place, accompanied by clapping the
hands. very soon the female came forward dancing,
while he made a turn around her like a cock around a
hen. The music consisted usually of two violins and
a guitar, which latter the player thrummed as hard as
he could. Soon came out two or three singers, who
squatted in front of the musicians to sing the air for
dancing, for the greater part of the dance was carried
on to song accompaniment.

The female who came out to dance retired to her
place when she so desired, and the tecolero con-
tinued beating time with his feet and bringing out the
women one by one until he had exhausted the number.
The woman who did not know how to dance well, or
could not for some other reason, came out, gave one
turn, and returned to her place.

It often happened that while a woman was dancing
one or more men on horseback would enter the arbor
with glasses or bottles of aguardiente, wherewith they
sprinkled the ground where she danced, at the same
time making their horses dance, and shouting, "fiche-
las todas, mi alma; sabe que soy suyo, yo la amparol"
Throw it all in, my darling; know that I am thine, and
will guard theel Presently rows began, and scrim-
mages, and these brave ones went forth to fight out-
side.

In the early days there was a dance called the con-
tradanza, very measured. The jota was the favorite
dance among Californians. It was accompanied by
verses and refrain. In the verse occurred certain
figures, and in the refrain a chain of hands. On oc-
casions there were sixteen couples in the jota, and
never less than four. The refrain was long when the

414 AMUSEMENTS.

couples were numerous. The verses were unlimited
in number. For example, when commencing the jota
a verse such as the following was sung :

Palomita, vete al Campo,
Y dfle a los tiradores
Que no te tiren, porq'eres
La duena de mis amores.

Then followed the refrain:

El cuervo en el aire
Vuela vigilante
Vuela para atria
Vuela pa delante.
Sf la piedra es dura;
Tu eres un diamante,
Porque no ha podido
Mi amor ablandarte:
Si te hago un carifio
Me haces un desprecio,
Y luego me dices
Que yo soy el necio;
Como si el quererte
Fuera necedad.
Pero anda, ingratota,
Que algun dia entre suefio
Tti te acordaras
Que yo fui tu duefio.

There were various styles of refrain and verses sung :

Entre las flores de lirio
No te pude conocer,
Que no parecias muger,
Sino Angel del Cielo empfreo.

Refrain :

Yo vide una rata
Con treinta ratones,
Unos sin orejas,
Otros ore jones:
Unos sin narices,
Otros narizones.
t Unos sin hocico

Otros hocicones.
Mariana me voy
Para los Sauzales,
A ver & mi china,
La Rosa Morales.
Manana me voy
Para Vera Cruz
A ver H mi chata
Maria de la Luz.
En fin el burreon
Siempre canta mal.
Pajaro lucido
Solo el Cardenal;
Palomita blanca,
Pico de coral,
Llevale a mi duefia
Este memorial.

JARABE AND JOTA. 415

The jarabe was also danced, in which two or four
persons took part, who endeavored to excel in the
shuffling of feet and singing of verses.

Then there were dances among the very low classes;
these were the same, but with more license and lati-
tude. These generally ended with a fight, broken
heads, filthy language, and insults.

The dances changed somewhat with time; under
Echeandia it was customary to place a guard at the
entrance, those among respectable persons being gen-
erally held in the parlor of the government house.
For these there were invitation tickets issued, which
had to be shown to the sentry. All respectable fami-
lies, however poor, received invitations. Later, these
dances became demoralized, and respectable families
withdrew from them, holding balls only at their homes,
when some modern dances were introduced.

Amador, born in 1781, says : " When I was a young
man, the dances in vogue were the jarabe, the pon-
torico, the navamba, the cuando, the queso, and other
airs (sones) which I do not remember." From Ama-
dor's use of the word son, it is evident that these were
names of different airs and dances, in faster or slower
time, a single couple, or several, occupying the floor,
each individual introducing the steps he chose while
keeping time to the music. In fact, these dances re-
sembled minuets and the like, rather than modern
dances.

A ball always concluded with las cuadrillas or the
jota. The latter came from Spain, differing slightly
in the various provinces, that of Aragon being the
better known, and was a very quick, lively dance. It
resembled an English country-dance, or an American
Virginia reel — the men and women standing in long
lines facing each other — with which twenty years
since a country ball in the United States concluded,
and in some parts so continues to do.

In 1800 few houses had any other floor than the
bare earth. The owners would bring two boards,

416 AMUSEMENTS.

which were nailed upon three wooden horses, thus
forming a platform on which women might dance;
also those of the men who danced well. The jarabe
was danced by couples, two, three, or four, who en-
deavored each to execute the most difficult and varied
stops.

Robinson describes a fandango at Bandini's house
in San Diego in 1829. Any one might attend without
an invitation. The room was some 50 feet long by
20 wide, crowded along its sides. A mass of people
around the door shouted their approbation of the per-
formances. Two persons danced the jarabe, keeping
time to the music by drumming with their feet, on
the heel-and-toe system. The female dancer stood
erect, with head a little inclined to the right shoulder,
her hands holding her dress so as to show the execu-
tion of her feet. Her partner, sombrero undoffed,
rattled with his feet with wonderful dexterity. His
arms behind his back secured the points of his serape.

Dye, who came to California in 1832, gives the fol-
lowing about ball-room customs, which, he says, were
common among the highest and lowest. Indeed, in
earlier days there was very little class distinction;
the poor and rich associated on equal terms, and at-
tended the same parties, "excluding only such persons
— especially women — as were known to be lewd, or of
notoriously bad conduct in other respects." This state
of things changed in later years, however, and class
extinction grew clearly defined — say from 1 840 to
1C 50. Formerly private soldiers arid their wives were
allowed at the best balls, but afterward such a thing
was never seen.

When a woman was a skilful dancer, she had a
good opportunity to display her graces. The men
would become enthusiastic and applaud her, and as
a mark of particular appreciation would place their
hats on her head, one on top of the other; and when
her head could bear no more, she would take the hats
in her hands, dancing all the time; still more hats,

BALL-ROOM CUSTOMS. 417

and even coin, were thrown at her feet, and when she
returned to her seat these were gathered up by the
tecolero and brought to her. All the hats in her pos-
session had to be redeemed by the owners with coin —
each one paying what he pleased, from two reales to
five dollars.

When the ball broke up, the men accompanied the
women to their homes, playing music. When the
female element had been disposed of, the men went
into the street on horseback, and sang to music more
or less vulgar songs. Tired of this, they would ride
to the fields and lasso or colear (seize by the tail) the
stock; or they would watch in the streets for some
animal to give it gambia with the lasso from opposite
sides. The men would frequently leave the ball at
intervals to buy brandy at the tienda.

"At a party in Santa Barbara," says Garcia, writ-
ing in 1836, "the band was brought by the ship Qui-
jote, consisting of six negroes, with a bombo, two tam-
bores, a timbal, and two clarinets, all of fearful
discord. Thompson's house was lighted up by 8 p. M.,
with six tallow candles placed along the wall in
candlesticks. Soon the most prominent families be-
gan to arrive, and the music started, a violin, a guitar,
and two singers. The negroes could play only for
certain dances. There was a motley of colors, which
from the mingling presented a fine appearance.
There was also a figure in mask, generally black,
which was termed camorra, if with turban. If the
mask was narrow, of small surface, like a mere band
with a knot in front, it was called melindre. When
the director shouted yataal yataa! each person rushed
for his partner. At 11 or 11:30, supper was an-
nounced, consisting of tongue, olives, bread, cheese,
and wine. After this dancing was resumed. At
last the ball concluded with the canastita de flores,
consisting of a ring formed by all the dancers, who
circled around, singing. At the last word, each man
rushed forward to embrace the girl he loved. As a

CAL. PAST. 27

418 AMUSEMENTS.

rule, some female was left in the cold, and became the
duefia de las burlas. This was repeated several times,
so that the duefia was changed."

Doctor Maxwell, long a prominent physician in
San Francisco, writing in 1843, says: "We, the offi-
cers of the squadron, gave a ball at the government
house. At that time the female population of Mon-
terey had never tasted cake, mince-pie, or anything
of that sort, and the stewards of our messes were set
to work making all kinds of delicacies of the kind for
the supper. Our Madeira wine was all expended, so
we were obliged to depend on whiskey-toddy, which
the ladies thought very fine, and some of them in-
dulged in it rather too freely. At the ball were a
number of American hunters, who had come to town
because of our presence there. Captain Armstrong's
dancing was very vigorous, and the perspiration rolled
down his cheeks. The natives called him Brazos
Fuertes.

"These people had the most extraordinary customs.
They would come on board ship and dance all day,
and we would go ashore and dance all night. They
would sit down to table, and every woman would
spread her handkerchief in her lap ; whatever we had
on the table they would eat a part of, and carry off
the rest in their handkerchiefs — nuts, figs, everything.
Their manners were exceedingly primitive.' The
doctor went still further with some plain relations.
Indeed, these people, in their unsophisticated ways,
would do things sometimes that would be considered
improper by our more prudish people.

Every Saturday at the missions the neophytes had
a ball. Some missions had a separate place for this;
at others the dance went on in the field. Where a
place was set aside, it consisted of a rotunda, ten yards
or more in diameter, formed of poles, separated from
one another, which supported a tule roof.

MISSION INDIANS. 419

The ball began about sunset. The music consisted
of drum, horn trumpets, and small sticks, like cas-
tanets, which set up a terrific hum-drum. A fire
was lighted in the centre of the dancing-place, and sev-
eral outside for the audience.

The dancers were usually men, covered with a loin-
cloth, and lines of black, blue, and red colors over the
body and face. On the head they wore a hat with
various feathers. Each held a stick taller than him-
self. They placed themselves in file, and began to
circle round the fire to the music, making contortions
and grimaces, and shouting somewhat like sailors
heaving the anchor. After a while the leader of the
file would throw a live sparrow-hawk (gavilan) into
the fire, which all turned with their poles while
dancing, so as to roast it well. When done it was
raked out to be distributed.

During the dance an Indian arrived as from a great
distance, covered with feathers, and on his head
plumes bigger than those of the rest. On seeing him
all shrieked in afright, arid ran to hide. Amid the
shrieks the name of cucusuy (devil) was distinctly
heard. Cucusuy retired after a few moments to hide
behind the trees, whence he uttered cries at intervals,
in imitation of some animal. When he departed the
dancers resumed, the ball continuing until the mayor-
domo ordered all to bed.

Duhaut-Cilly in 1824 saw twelve mission Indians
dressed in a long shirt, and feathers on the head,
dance in wonderful accord, striking the ground with
sticks, gesticulating with arms and eyes, making signs
of love, hate, terror. The body was kept curved, the
knees somewhat bent. The scene was lighted up by
torches. The orchestra formed a half-circle of women
surrounded by a row or two of dilettanti. The har-
mony was plaintive and wild, moving the nerves
rather than the soul. While the actors rested, a
horn was blown to drive away evil spirits; the padres
winked at these scattered pagan superstitions.

420 AMUSEMEKTS.

Three days of dancing at Sonora celebrated the
treaty between Vallejo and Succara. "Oh," exclaims
the autocrat, "with what joy I pass in review the
scenes at which I was present in those happy days!
Although thirty-eight years have passed, I remember
with pleasure the graceful movements of the pretty
daughters of the Suisun warriors, and the wives of
the fierce chiefs of the Sotoyomes in the dance.
The dances were much more charming than those
invented by the boasted modern civilization; and
their manner of dress was so simple as to leave
exposed to the view of the curious the larger part of
the dancer's body, and they presented a tout ensemble
to cause a thrill, and give one an idea of the terrestrial
paradise."

In 1837, at San Jose, a fandango required the pre-
vious permission of the alcalde. Owners or occupants
of the house where held were responsible, jointly with
the authors of the ball, for disorders. In a non-
licensed dance, the first offence was a fine of $20 and
the stoppage of the festivity. After the first offence
there should be an increase of fine and punishment dis-
cretionary with the alcalde.

In 1839 there was a municipal decree in force at
Santa Barbara, to the effect that whoever gave a ball
in his house should pay $1, or be fined $2. Day di-
versions were exempted; likewise parties at night
when the number did not exceed three families, and
the hour not beyond 10 P. M.

In 1846 the citizens of Los Angeles seemed dissat-
isfied with the fine of $2 upon Indians for every fan-
dango.

In 1821 the waltz was prohibited by the church,
under penalty of excomunion mayor. Nevertheless,
Juan Bandini introduced it in California in 1830, and
it was danced that same year at a ball given by the
governor to the diputacion at Monterey.

In the mission of San Carlos de Monterey, gener-

INAUGURATION CEREMONIES. 421

ally known as the Carmelo, situated about three miles
from the capital, resided the great theologian, Fray
Vicente Francisco de Sarria, and his able secretary,
Fray Estevan Tapis, the former at that time president
of the missions. On the day appointed for the festivi-
ties on the inauguration of the last Spanish governor of
the Californias, Don Pablo Vicente de Sola, in 1816,
the astute father gave orders to all the missionaries
to attend, and each to bring with him whatsoever he
thought might add to the entertainment. Thereupon
one of the two missionaries then attached to each mis-
sion attended. The late acting governor, Argtiello,
had also issued orders to the commanding officers of
the military posts, and to the military commissioners
of the towns, to be present at the ceremony. The
comandante of Monterey made ready for the great
occasion the plaza of the presidio, 200 varas square,
with houses of adobe, tile-roofed, and surrounded by a
wall twelve feet in height. The place was entered by
a large gate, which was locked and the keys deposited
with the commanding officer of the principal guard
every evening at sunset. In the centre of the plaza
were constructed broad covered corridors or galleries
supported by strong pillars. All the habitation build-
ings were classified as quarters for the commanders,
officers, and soldiers, who were mostly men of family.
On this occasion they ornamented the place with pine
and other boughs, placed along the front of the gal-
leries, and so arranged that the place presented a very
attractive appearance. The church standing on one
side, as well as all the other edifices and trees, shone
brilliant from lights placed within clay vessels. In
the centre of the plaza stood the flag-staff, at the top
of which waved the Spanish ensign with its lion of
Castile.

On the following day, about twenty priests, with
their president, were in attendance at the church to
chant a te deum, assisted by thirty Indian musicians
collected from the different missions, together with an

422 AMUSEMENTS.

equal number of singers. Governor Sola, escorted by
the late governor and all the officers of the staff and
garrison, walked to the temple, and amidst the salutes
of the artillery of the fort, and of the cavalry here
stationed, partook in the solemn services, which ended
with an eloquent and appropriate sermon by Fray
Vicente. Afterward the governor and his suite re*
paired to the centre of the plaza, and the cavalry force,
consisting of about 100 men, were posted forming a
half-circle, under the command of Captain Jose Maria
Estudillo, Sub-lieutenant Jose Estrada, and the adju-
tants, 1st sergeants Don Ignacio Vallejo and Don Jose
Dolores Pico. Governor Sola harangued the force
with a majestic voice, his words ringing bombast
through the plaza; and on to the woods, "Soldiers of
Cortes!" he cried, "brave sons of Mars! You have
conquered a vast territory." This was indeed true;
for on cuffing the chieftain of the Monterey rancheria,
they might claim the subjugation of all the nations,
tribes, and peoples from the sea of Cortes to Fuca
Strait. "Soldiers of Cortes! all this was owing to
your subordination, discipline, and courage, and to the
apostolic zeal of these venerable ministers of God, who
have contributed an equal share with you in civilizing
and christianizing so many thousands of neophytes,
who now find themselves dwelling peacefully in the
missions of this grand colony. I congratulate myself,
together with you, in the name of our monarch, at
the state of progress they are in, assuring you that
our king will know how to extend to you and to his
children that love with which his Majesty rewards his
most faithful vassals." Mark the occult and subtle
significance of these and like eloquent words, which
were received by his auditors with enthusiastic vivas
to the king and to his Senoria.

All the high and festive officials thereupon repaired
to the reception-room of the governor's house, when
the comandante announced the arrival of twenty young
damsels, who came "a dar el besamano d Su Seno-

FEASTING AND GAMES. 423

mi" — to kiss the hand of his senoria in the name
or their parents, according to custom. Among those
prominent for their beauty and manner were Mag-
dalena Estudillo, Magdalena Vallejo, and Josefita
Estrada. Upon, the word, the first named stepped
forward and informed his senoria that she and her
companions had come on behalf of their parents and
friends, to tender to his senoria their felicitations
on his accession to the government of the peninsula.
All these girls were dressed in the height of elegance,
according to the usages and fashions of the times;
they kissed the governor's horny hand, and the fat,
flabby hands of the missionaries. The good governor
liked it, and would not have objected to more. The
priests were accustomed to it. The governor, of
course, was overwhelmed at the sight of so much
gathered loveliness. He invited them to take seats,
addressed them in appropriate terms, and filled with
gratitude, he caused his orderly to bring into the
reception-room several beautiful boxes that he had
brought from Mexico, containing sweetmeats, one of
which he gave to each of the lovely damsels, who
thereupon retired, well satisfied at having thus fulfilled
so pleasing and important a duty.

The governor and suite then repaired to the dining-
room, where was ready an ambigu, or luncheon, con-
sisting of domestic and game birds, cordials and wines,
fresh and preserved fruits, the production of the south-
ern part of the peninsula, prominent amongst the nice
things being the olives of Sari Diego, the oranges and
pomegranates of San Gabriel, the figs, pitahayas, and
preserved dates of Lower California, and the wines of
the San Fernando mission, whose padres so well
understood the business that the like of them has
never been repeated to this day. The table was fur-
ther set off with roses and other flowers from Don
Felipe Garcia's garden, about half a mile east of the
presidio. Don Felipe was quite aged, having been
one of the first settlers of the capital. Present were

424 AMUSEMENTS.

three of his charming white daughters, white as snow
and with rosy cheeks, and black hair reaching down to
their feet. And such was its profusion that their
necks had grown thick in carrying it. His worship
was quite struck with the magnificence of this banquet,
which displayed such liberality and good taste. The
bread and cakes were of wheat flour from the mission
of San Antonio, famous over all others in the country
for its good quality. After the ambigu, which was
about 1 P. M., and the toasts and usual compliments
being over, as the quantity of viands left was so great,
orders were given to put up tables, and call in the pop-
ulace to eat and be filled. About five hundred were
thus fed, and there was still food enough left to keep
the officers in good humor for a fortnight.

The commandant now informed the governor that
the soldiers, dressed in their vaquero's garb, were
ready to exhibit before his worship their customary
entertainment. The governor expressing his assent,
forthwith four riders mounted on fiery steeds entered
the plaza through the great gate of the presidio. They
were covered with an embroidered cuirass, and an an-
quera with bells. They were not alone, but with
them were two large black bears; four other horse-
men drove in two fierce bulls, which were to be made
to fight. The crowd shouted and made their bets.
The native musicians loudly sounded their violins,
flutes, and drums. After the fight was over, the gov-
ernor was told by the comandante that these beasts
were continually coming down from the high moun-
tains and destroying cattle, and that the inhabitants
had no means of exterminating them. A ball was
announced for the evening, and the padres took their
departure.

Two days later, the governor, with his escort of
officers, soldiers, and private persons, repaired to the
San Cjtrlos mission, proceeding by the Calvario road.
This road went through a dense forest of pine, about
a thousand varas from the mission buildings. In the

AT THE MISSION CHURCH. 425

forest were placed many great crosses, significant of
Christ's sufferings. They had not proceeded far, when,
behold ! a band of holy men appeared, to the number
of twenty, all wearing newly washed robes, and at-
tended by a multitude of young Indians, who also
had on their dress of acolytes. The vanguard of
the acolotists was closely followed by the padres
marching in two wings, and in the centre, upon a
grand platform, was set a crucifix; next came a
horde of whitewashed savages, to the number of two
thousand, each carrying a branch in his hand. The
governor was escorted by twenty-five cavalrymen in
full uniform. Behind the escort came a goodly num-
ber of females of all ages, and all mounted on fine
horses. The governor and his officers stopped, alighted,
and walked to the centre, where the crucifix was pre-
sented by the president of the missions. His wor-
ship, and the officers one by one, kissed the feet of
that effigy, and then repaired to the temple. The
acolytes kept burning incense in a large number of
silver thuribles. The church ceremony consisted of a
sermon preached in Spanish and in Indian by the vir-
tuous Fray Juan Amoros.

When Costromitinoff came to San Francisco with
the Russian governor in 1842, he gave a ball on board,
to which all the families around were invited, the ship
being fitted for the occasion, and with burning per-
fumes to deaden the smell of the Kodiaks. Real
sherry wine was offered in honor of the Californians
at the banquet preceding the ball. Arnaz says that
Padre Quijas came and changed dress with him, he
taking' the priest's robe and dancing the quadrille
with him, to the enjoyment of the girls.

So great was the respect for parents in California
that a young man would never dance in their presence
until permitted. They were not allowed to join a ball
before twenty, although they may have learned to
dance in the absence of their parents. After 1831 the
custom became less strict. Balls were begun by the

426 AMUSEMENTS.

older people, no J^oung person taking part unless mar-
ried. When the old men retired, then the more ad-
vanced youth entered.

Larkin gives the following as the cost of a ball :
2 dozen wine, $19; 1^ dozen beer, $13.50; 30 pies,
$13; cake, $12; box raisins, $4 ; cheese, $1.50; 9 bot-
tles aguardiente, $13.50; music, $25; 9 pounds sperm
candles, $9; 'comida, $5; 5 pounds coffee, $2.50; 6
pounds sugar, $3; servants, $4. Total, $125.

After this was a sham fight of the Indians, termi-
nating with their loosening the strings of their bows,
and laying their arms at the feet of the governor as
a mark of submission. The Indians were dismissed
after presents of beads had been distributed among
them.

On the arrival at San Diego of the Hijar colony, a
ball was given in their honor by Jose Antonio Aguirre,
and another by Juan Rocha. After the Californians
had danced their sones, and other antiquated ambles,
the new-comers performed the more modern move-
ments in vogue at the capital. For the first time the
waltz, the quadrille, and the contradanza were made
known to the people of California.

The following is a literal translation of a printed
invitation to a ball: " Jose Figueroa, Jose Antonio
Carrillo, Pio Pico, Joaquin Ortega, and the licentiate
Rafael Gomez, request your attendance at 8 o'clock
this evening, at a ball that will be given at the house
of the first named, to congratulate the directors of
colonization and their estimable fellow-travellers, the
election of deputies for the territory, and the country
upon its enjoyment of union and peace. Monterey,
Nov. 1, 1834. Citizen Mariano Bonilla."

All Californians could make shoes and play the
vihuela or guitar. Every night they passed through
the streets giving serenades and singing what occurred
to them. One song ran :

Ya- pario la rata— 30 ratones,
Unos sin cabeza — y otros cabezones.

HISTORIC INSTRUMENTS. 427

The airs played at balls were el malcriado, el afor-
rado, el grullo, el tuza, el maracumbe, la vaquilla, etc.
Most raen could play instruments and sing, so that mu-
sicians were easily relieved at a party. At San Cdrlos
in the inventory of church property of 1843 appear
three violines, one violon, one tatubora, and one trian-
gulo.

All through these pastoral days there was present
the material for a hundred pastoral poems, only there
was not present any discovered Theocritus or Virgil
to write them.

Arnaz states — in some of which points he is mis-
taken— that the usual instruments were violins, gui-
tars, and some clarinets and harps. The pioneer
piano was played by Manuel Jimeno. Santa Bdrbara
was foremost in having the guitar, Guillermo Carrillo
being the player. Opera music was not known, but
the women could play and sing pretty Spanish songs.
The Soberanes girls had no musical knowledge, yet
they sang well. The best violin and harp players
were at Angeles; the harp players were from Mex-
ico, one Lopez being prominent. The violinists were
Californians, the best being the first husband of
Stephen Forster's wife. The missions had orchestras
of Indians taught by the padres, consisting usually of
one bombo, one drum, one triangle, one violin, sev-
eral base viols, and one flute. The players sang also
in the choir, assisted by others. Although at times
in good compass, yet it was often dissonant, both in
playing and singing. The Indians could not grasp
music. They were never called to play at a ball ; there
the guitar and violin were commonly used, and at rare
times the band was brought from a man-of-war.

Notwithstanding what Arnaz says. San Gabriel
had an orchestra of Indians who played flutes, guitars,
violins, drums, triangles, and cymbals. All other
missions had more or less good orchestras and singers.
Everything played in the temple was called a minuet.

Joaquin Carrillo, father-in-law of Vallejo, was an

428 AMUSEMENTS.

accomplished violinist. When a soldier he was one
night playing at a ball at the house of Comandante
Ruiz at San Diego. Ruiz was fond of a certain air,
which he ordered Carrillo to play; and because he
thought the latter too long in tuning his instrument,
Ruiz ordered him put in the stocks, and sent the
guests home, it being then about midnight.

While Commodore Jones was at Monterey, many
balls were given in his honor by Larkin and others.
On one occasion Larkin borrowed of Abrego one of
the three first pianos brought to California. They
were brought from Baltimore by Captain Smith, one
sold to Jose Abrego, another in San Pedro to Eulogio
Celis, and the third to M. G. Vallejo at San Fran-
cisco. Abrego granted the request, but suggested
that a piano would not be of much use, since no one
knew how to play on it. But to the surprise of all,
it was solemnly affirmed, the boy Pedro Estrada suc-
ceeded in playing the instrument, although he had
never touched one before! It was proposed to send
the boy to Mexico to be educated in music, but the
advice of David S pence prevailed, who thought a car-
penter more useful than a musician.

Most of the instruments used in the mission choirs
were made at the missions, and were consequently
rude and inferior. The ancient popular songs of the
Californians were introduced from Sonora.

Their passion for music is aptly illustrated by an
incident of the war. California once conquered, the
United States authorities adopted the judicious policy
of conciliating the Mexican element in every way
possible. Rights of property were respected, and the
people were invited by" proclamations of amnesty and
protection to return to their homes, and no violence
should be offered to any. The commodore, when
at Los Angeles, even went so far as to request Cap-
tain Phelps, long a trader on the coast and a man
familiar with the ways of the people and possessing
their confidence, to visit them in their hiding-places,

POWER OF MUSIC. 429

assure them of safety, and induce them to come forth.
Captain Phelps replied : " You have a fine band of
music ; such a thing was never before in this country.
Let it play one hour in the plaza each day at sunset,
and I assure you it will do more toward reconciling
the people than all your written proclamations, which,
indeed, but few of them could read." " My suggestion
was adopted," continued the captain, "and the results
were soon evident. At first the children on the hill
ventured down and peeped round the corners of the
houses. A few lively tunes brought out the vivas of
the elder ones, and before closing for the day quite a
circle of delighted natives surrounded the musicians.
The following afternoon, the people from the ranches
at a distance, hearing of the wonderful performance,
began to come in. I saw the old priest of the mission
of San Gabriel sitting by the church door, opposite
the plaza, and introduced him to some of the officers.
The old man said he had not heard a band since he
left Spain, over fifty years ago. 'Ah!' said he, 'that
music will do more service in the conquest of Califor-
nia than a thousand bayonets.' J:

The Californians were not without their dramatic
performances. The Pastorela, composed by Padre
Florencio of the Soledad mission, and a copy of
which is among the Vallejo documents, was often per-
formed. It was a great favorite, and was usually
brought out on Christmas eve. Pio Pico used to play
the part of Bato, the chief shepherd; the Valiejos fre-
quently took part. But the best player, and the one
who used to get most applause, was Jacinto Rodriguez,
who used to go to the seashore to practise his part,
uttering fearful shouts, and making all kinds of crazy
gestures, to the great amusement of the boys who hid
near by and watched him. Under Chico's rule, in
1836, a company of Mexican maromeros (acrobats)
came to Monterey to perform.

430 AMUSEMENTS.

There were some fine race-horses here in pastoral
times. Covarrubias saw a horse from San Diego at
Mexico in 1830 which was famous for short distances.

It was common to race to church on Sundays with
oxen-drawn wagons, containing the family. , The stakes
were money, stock, or balls. Many oxen galloped
like horses, and did so from practice without being
urged with the goad.

As in all other affairs, the law, with its superior
wisdom and strength, was not far away. In 1834
Governor Figueroa writes to Alcalde Jimeno prohib-
iting the running of stray horses at Monterey, San
Jose, and San Francisco.

In 1839 at Los Angeles Avila and Duarte agreed
on a horse-race, betting a barrel of brandy, two broken
horses, and five dollars. Duarte broke the rules of the
race by giving a blow on the head of Avila' s horse and
blocking the way, and Avila appeared before the alcalde
with witnesses to demand the stakes, although Duarte's
horse had come in ahead. Avila failed to clearly
prove the infringements. After hearing the testimony
pro and con, the alcalde decided that as the course
was not properly fenced, the parties should pay a fine
of $10 each, and that the race be repeated in twenty
days, in presence of a regidor.

Suit was brought at Los Angeles, in 1840, against
Fernando Sepulveda to pay A. Pico 100 calves and
one horse lost at a race — conditions having been
legally arranged. Sepulveda had promised to pay,
but afterward refused, although the judge had decided
against him with costs, in accord with article 91 of law of
congress, 1837. Sepulveda, on being threatened with
execution, pleaded that his property belonged to his
father; he was merely an hijo de familia. The bonds-
man was now called, upon, but he showed that young
Sepulveda had won bets before, and received the stakes
with the father's knowledge. The judge seized the
stock representing stake and costs, but was ordered by
government to return it, Septilveda's assertions regard-

HORSE-RACING AND COCK-FIGHTING. 431

ing the minority of the son being recognized. The
Angeles judge delayed obeying this order, and the
documents and a copy of Sepulveda's statement was
sent to the supreme tribunal of Mexico.

On the 7th of June, 1841, the governor writes the
prefect of Angeles, desiring that some persons of the
city shall propose regulations for horse-races, so that
the municipal funds may receive some benefit from a
tax thereon. The cause of this order was a dispute
between two men arising from a horse-race. July 27,
1841, the prefect and five vecinos met to propose rules
for horse-racing, which were submitted to government
approval. Every race should be arranged by legal
obligation (obligacion juridica), wherein amount of
bets, conditions, and rules were to be specified, and
from which no appeal was allowed. Those who bet
without subjecting themselves to this law were never-
theless bound by it. The winner paid a tax of twenty
reales for every $25 bet, $5 for $50, $6 for $100, and
6 per cent beyond this, payable to the municipal fund
at the racing-place. If effects were staked, they
were to be valued in the presence of the judge of the
place, in order that the tax be collected. Persons
must advise the judge of amount staked in order that
the tax be collected.

In August 1842, Prefect Argiiello decided that a
horse-race between Nicolas A. Den and Pio Pico
must be run over para cortar cuestiones. On the
14th of April, 1846, the governor abolished the law
passed by the prefect of Angeles imposing a tax on
horse-races (corredores de caballos).

The carrera del gallo, next to horse-racing, was one
of the most popular sports among the native Califor-
nians. A live cock was buried with the head above
ground. At a signal a horseman would start at full
speed from a distance of about sixty yards, and if by
a dexterous swoop he could take the bird by the head,
he was loudly applauded. Should he fail, he was

432 AMUSEMENTS,

greeted with derisive laughter, and was sometimes
unhorsed with violence, or dragged in the dust at the
risk of breaking his limbs or neck. Another amuse-
ment was to place on the ground a rawhide, and rid-
ing at full speed suddenly rein in the horse the
moment his fore-feet struck the hide.

There was also the running or coursing of bulls—
corrida de toros. For this sport a large space of ground
was enclosed by a stout fence, outside of which were
erected stands for the spectators. The bull lassoed
by the horns was brought and loosed in the arena,
within which were 100 or more mounted men, and
outside an equal number. Those within the enclosure,
who were the best horsemen and generally the most
prominent of the rancheros, with their mangas or
serapes baited the bull. This was termed capotear el
toro. The animal was occasionally pricked with the
rejon — which was an iron-pointed lance of about 4 feet
in length. When the bull had become tired, and con-
sequently less mettlesome, the gate was opened, and
he was driven forth at full speed. Behind him came
those within the enclosure, those without joining
them, and following after, endeavored to colear or
rabear the animal — i. e., seize him by the tail and
throw him. In disputing this honor there was much
jostling and coming together of horses; and it was
frightful to behold such a group of men and horses
sallying out of the enclosure at the risk of life and
limb. There were always, on these occasions, men
and horses more or less injured. Several bulls in
succession were thus coursed.

Another diversion, also on horseback, was known
as the juego de la varaf the game 'of rods. The play-
ers formed in a ring, the horses facing inwards. One
of the number then rode around the circle, having in
his hand a stout rod of quince or other similar wood,
which from behind he gave to one of the players.
He who received the rod pursued the giver, directing
blows at his shoulders, which the latter by the exer-

BULL AND BEAR FIGHT. 433

else of skilful horsemanship endeavored to elude, until
gaining a vacant place in the circle he was exempt
from further persecution. This sport was continued
for hours, and he who was not a skilled horseman
received a good drubbing.

A bull and bear fight after the sabbath services in
church was indeed a happy occasion. It was a soul-
refreshing sight to see the growling beasts of blood tied
with a long reata by one of its hind feet, so as to leave
it free to use its claws and teeth, to one of the bull's
feet, leaving it otherwise free for attack or defence.
The fight usually took place inside of a strong wooden
fence, behind which, and at a short distance, was
erected a high platform for women and children, most
of the men being on horseback outside the ring, with
reatas ready, and loaded guns, in case the bear should
leap the barrier, or other accident occur. The diver-
sion was kept up for hours, or until one or other of
the animals succumbed, and it often happened that
both were killed.

There were also bull-fights by skilled and practised
toreadores, which consisted in baiting the beasts on
foot or horseback, each human brute trying to
excel the other, sticking little darts with colored paper
flags into the animal's hide. To succeed cleverly
required some skill, as the part where they should be
placed was just between the shoulders; and if the
toreador struck any other place he was jeered by
the spectators. The bulls were seldom killed, except
when some toreador wished to show his skill and
courage with a two-edged sword and give it the golpe
de gracia.

" We used to make bears and bulls fight," remarked
Bias Peiia, "for which purpose we tied the bull and
bear together, the bull having one of his fore-legs
strapped, and the bear one of his hind-legs. Some-
times the bull came off victorious, and at other times
the bear, the result depending somewhat upon the ages
of the beasts. The bears were caught on Mount

GAL. PAST. 28

434 AMUSEMENTS.

Diablo with reatas made by the native Californians,
of four strings of ox-hide, the skin being first dried in
the sun and then soaked in water. When they began
to exhale a bad odor, they were cut up in strips of
about half an inch in width, and braided." Arnaz
thinks that in bear and bull fights the bear generally
obtained the victory. "I was present," he says, "when
a bear killed three bulls. The animals were tied by
one foot; sometimes they were tied to one another,
with plenty of loose rope. The bull was generally
left free, and was the first to attack. The bear stood
on the defensive, and either put his paw in the face
of the bull or seized him by the knee, which made
the bull lower its head and bellow, whereupon the
bear seized its tongue. They were at this juncture
usually separated to save the bull."

Bear stories are not hard to tell. Manuel Larios
was very expert with the lasso, or reata. One day he
left his rancho of Santa Ana, for the rancho Quien
Sabe, on some business. Upon the summit of a small
hill he saw a bear digging at a squirrel-hole. Throw-
ing the reata he lassoed the bear, which thereupon
furiously rushed toward him. Larios ran with the
bear quite close to his horse's heels, until on reaching
a small tree he threw the end of the reata over a
branch, and catching it again without stopping, he had
the bear dangling almost before either of them knew
it. The beast could scarcely touch the ground with
the hind-feet. Larios took two turns round the tree
with the reata pretty tightly drawn. He then alighted
and secured the end of the reata to a strong shoot.
With one end of a rope he tied one of the bear's hind-
legs, and with the other lassoed one of the fore-legs,
leaving the tree between, tightened it to the tree, and
with a silk belt tied well the two hind-legs, and then
with the rope did the same with the fore-legs. He
now loosened the reata, and brought the fore-legs
-quite close together, always keeping the tree between
himself and the ferocious monster. This done, with a

A BEAR STORY. 435

stick he worked off his reata, and went his way to
Quien Sabe.

Arrived at the rancho he related his adventure,
which told more like a Sindbad-the-sailor story than a
true tale. It was the duty of the men of Quien Sabe
to go that same day to the rodeo ; but their blood was up
for bears, and business must wait. They went off in
various directions, Larios and two others toward the
little hill where he had left bruin tied. Passing along
a slope where was a large rye-field, suddenly there
leaped before them a she- bear with three cubs. In-
stantly all were in hot pursuit. They lassoed her two
or three times, and as often she threw off the reatas.
At last the men let her go and pursued the cubs, each
following one. One of the cubs escaped. Another
pursued by Sol6rzano was overtaken, but the cub was
so small it was impossible to use the reata on it in
the rye-field. Leaping from his horse Solorzano
seized the cub, which could scarcely run in the rye.
Throwing his serape over him, he tied the young
beast without difficulty. Larios followed the third
cub, and running as hard as the ground would per-
mit going down hill, overtook it, let himself partly
down from his horse, seized one of the cub's legs, and
thus running he lassoed it by the neck, and then let
the leg go, and pulled the cub along. When Sol6rzano
and Larios reached clear ground, they tied the cub.

The big bear and the two cubs were carried to
Santa Ana. Some^days later the big one was made
to fight bulls. It killed one bull, and was gored to
death by another. Of the cubs, one hanged itself
accidentally, and the other became a pet of the boys.
Thus ends the bear story of Larios.

The tekersie was a favorite game with the Indians.
This was to send rolling a ring of three thumbs (pollici)
in diameter, and to throw upon it two sticks, four feet
long, so as to stop its course. If one or both traversed
the ring, or the ring fell upon one or two, they counted
so many points. When one couple had taken its turn

436 AMUSEMENTS.

playing, others followed, until it had gone the rounds
of the party.

Another favorite game of the Indians, played by
both men and women, was to divide into two bands,
each with a curved stick seeking to push a wooden
ball to a mark, while the other band endeavored to
thrust it back. It was deemed fun at a festival to
place clothing on top of a mast smeared with tallow
and sprinkled with dust and ashes, and let the In-
dians climb for it.

One of the few amusements of the padre at San
Jose was to throw rolled-up pancakes into the gaping
mouths of the boys, which would be caught by the
teeth and swallowed like lightning, amid laughter and
jokes.

The game of billiards was introduced at Monterey
in 1828. No bets were allowed, and the price of the
game was one real.

CHAPTER XIV.

OCCUPATIONS AND INDUSTRIES.

Strangers to ill, they nature's banquets proved,

Rich in earth's fruits, and of the blest beloved,

They sank in death, as opiate slumber stole

Soft o'er the sense, and whelmed the willing soul.

Theirs was each good, the grain-exuberant soil

Poured its full harvest uncompelled by toil:

The virtuous many dwelt in common blest,

And all unenvying shared what all in peace possessed.

— Hesiod.

HERE, as elsewhere throughout America, it was as
masters and not as laborers that men of the Latin
race delighted to pose. Clymer says he never saw a
Spanish Californian who was a mechanic, or who cul-
tivated land. The aboriginal was the laboring man,
and though not so badly treated here as in some other
parts, his condition was practically that of a slave.
Indeed, notwithstanding a law of July 13, 1824, to
the contrary, there are instances approaching traffic
in slaves.

Antonio Jose" Roeha says that a man from New
Mexico offered to sell him a boy that he had
bought from one of the gentile tribes on the way to
California, and to save the child from slavery, he
determined to give him the $70 demanded, with the
intent of adopting him as a son, and teaching him
Christianity, thus keeping him until he reached his
majority, and then giving him his liberty. This may
have been benevolence, or a pretext, or both.

Wages were sometimes paid, farm laborers from $3

(437)

438 OCCUPATIONS AND INDUSTRIES.

to $10 a month, the mayordomo or overseer $16, a clerk
$15; a neophyte carpenter at San Luis Hey was paid
$8, who could have got $12 at Sutter's. Nevertheless,
the native laborers could not move about from one
place to another without a permit; they were paid
whatever their masters chose, which were the chief
conditions of slavery. Sutter says it was common
for both Indians and Hispano-Californians to seize
Indian women and children and sell them, and John
Chamberlain asserts that while he was living at the
Sacramento in 1844-6, it was the custom of Sutter
himself to buy and sell Indian girls and boys.

Here, as elsewhere, an Indian laborer in debt to his
master could not leave his service until the debt was
paid. On quitting service the laborer must get from
his late employer a paper showing that he is properly
discharged. For refusing to give such a paper, or re-
ceiving a servant without it, except in the case of day
laborers, the penalty was five dollars. In 1840 Ar-
gliello, the prefect of Angeles, directed that owners of
ranches having gentile Indians in their service should
send them to the mission to be baptized by the minis-
ter. Says Bandini : " The neglect of the supreme gov-
ernment, the indifference of local governors, and the
contempt and sinister views of the padres have pre-
vented the advance of the Indians, and reduced them
to vice and servility." I find among the archives of
San Diego, in 1836, F. M. Alvarado petitioning the
authorities in reference to a fine of $75 for whipping
an Indian servant, asserting that although forbidden
by law it was the custom.

Markoff, speaking of affairs in 1835, says that the
Indian laborers were well satisfied with a fathom of
black, red, and white glass beads for a season's work.
Beads were in great demand among them, and com-
manded high prices. In addition to the payment of
beads, the Indians must be furnished with parched
corn unground; not because they would not eat any-
thing else, but because the Spaniards would not allow

SHIP-BUILDING. 439

them to get used to better food, saying that they do
not even earn that. The Indians, however, were satis-
fied with this, and if they wanted a delicacy they
caught a field-mouse and roasted it on a stick.

There were, however, many among these Indians
who had already become accustomed to living in
houses, and acquired a considerable knowledge of
domestic labor. To these the Californians either paid
a salary, or clothed and fed them at their own table.
Whenever an Indian became tired of this most primi-
tive civilization, he was at liberty to return to his
native hills.

After the Russians of Ross and Bodega, little was
accomplished in ship-building until the coming of the
Americans. There were Prior, Wolfskill, Yount,
Laughlin, and Prentice at San Pedro, at work on a
schooner for hunting sea-otter ; and two or three years
later the famous Peor es Nada was built at Monterey
by Joaquin Gomez. Under Alvarado's rule, some
small vessels were built at Santa Cruz for the coast
trade between Monterey and San Luis Obispo. The
captain of the port of Santa Barbara was somewhat
chagrined when on the 18th of April, 1839, the ship
Monsoon arrived from Boston, and he had no boat in
which to visit her officially; whereupon he .petitioned
the government and a boat was provided for him.

Comandante Vallejo, on June 1, 1840, at Sonoma,
grants to John Davis and Mark West permission to
cut timber on government lands in the vicinity of
Drake and Bodega bays, for building boats to ply in
the bay of San Francisco. They were to report every
month the state of their work, and the persons em-
ployed, and the license to be duly recorded.

In 1841 John Davis of Yerba Buena asked the co-
mandante general for permission to use the Mexican
flag on a schooner, which he intended to build at the
embarcadero where now stands Napa city ; the boat
to be called Susmia, to be of thirty tons burden, and

440 OCCUPATIONS AND INDUSTRIES.

employed in the coasting trade, he being a Mexican
citizen. She took a cargo of potatoes to Mazatlan in
1843, where ship and cargo were both sold.

If Sir George Simpson tells the truth, there was
not in 1842, on the inland waters of San Fran-
cisco, or anywhere upon the coast from this point to
San Diego, any boat, barge, canoe, or other floating
thing, except the native balsa made of bulrushes, in
which priests and publicans used to cross the bay, or
even sometimes venture out to sea. But Sir George
Simpson did not tell the truth.

Michel torena saw the great advantage a steam ves-
sel would give for transport, and formed a company in
1842 to buy one; but there were no lucky stock-gam-
blers or money kings here then. The Englishman
Bocle asked permission the year following to build a
35 tons vessel for the coast trade, which request the
governor readily granted.

Gregson says he worked with Henry Marshall at
Sutter's fort in 1845, sawing lumber for a schooner to
be built on the headwaters of the Cosumnes, fifty
miles away. They received for the lumber $30 a
thousand feet. In July 1846, upon the testimony of
Boggs, there were at Yount's rancho Chiles, Bald-
ridge, Davis, Rose, Chino, and Reynolds, the three
last named ship-carpenters. They were building for
the Napa River a launch, which was christened at the
embarcadero, with the imposing ceremonies used on
such occasions.

A forest law obtained; permission was required
to fell trees; the exportation of timber was forbidden,
and the transport from port to port required a permit
from the alcalde, who should keep an account of the
quantity. Penalty to be equivalent to the value of
timber estimated by two experts, and to be paid to the
municipal fund of the defrauded place. Captains of
vessels were the responsible parties. All vessels
might take needful supplies of timber for repairs, after
consulting the captain of the port and the alcalde.

DESTRUCTION OP FORESTS. 441

On the 13th of May, 1834, a despatch from San
Francisco was read in the assembly at Monterey,
stating that a number of foreigners were occupied
within that jurisdiction destroying the forests. The
jefe recommended measures to preserve the woods, and
a change of the reglamento of August 17, 1830, im-
posing a tax on timber.

Figueroa in his report in 1834 to the secretary of
fomento says that many public works are needed. At
the capital and elsewhere casas consistoriales are of
absolute necessity, and the plans and estimates he has
ordered made are in an advanced state. On account
of the swampy condition of the road to the landing at
Monterey, it is necessary to construct a paved street.
As Monterey is the principal port for the daily in-
creasing foreign commerce, a wharf is needed. The
cost would not be great. He has confided to his sec-
retary, Captain Zamorano, the making of a topographi-
cal plan of Monterey which approaches completion.
The government ordered a strong fortification above
San Francisco Bay, commanding the Russian estab-
lishment of Ross.

Echeandia formed a plan, but went no further. The
governor was now resolved to carry it into effect, and
made a few preliminary preparations. The chronic
lack of funds, however, prevented the happy consum-
mation of this projected benefit.

About the middle of 1845 a pier was constructed
at Monterey, contracted for by the authorities with
Larkin. Estevan de la Torre furnished 1,500 cart-loads
of stone at $1 a load; the stone was quarried by some
military deserters and Indians, who were given their
food and $1 each daily. The piles were furnished by
Garner at $4 each, laid down near the pier. The cost
of the pier was $8,000, more or less, and was made a
preference charge on the custom-house.

Markoff declares that "the Californians have neither
windmills nor water-mills with large stones. Some of
them, but only a few, possess hand-mills ; while for

442 OCCUPATIONS AND INDUSTRIES.

the most part they obtain flour by crushing the grain
between two large stones. You can imagine how
much flour one man can make in this manner in a clay.
. . . This is the reason why in California, where wheat
may be said to grow wild, flour is dear. A loaf about
half the size of our French 'bulkas' costs one real; that
is, they sell eight for a piastre, and even at that price
they are not always to be had."

On the 22d of July, 1847, the Angeles ayuntamiento
being in session, the committee on streets reported on
their arrangement of the thoroughfares: the proposal
of 15-varas-wide streets was opposed to comfort and to
law. Libro 4, titulo 7, ley 1, says that streets shall
be wide in cool places and narrow in warm places ; and
where horses are used, they shall be broad. ^

In February 1848, the agricultural land-owners of
Angeles were called upon to send the peones with
tools, to aid in repairing the irrigation- works, under
penalty of four reales a day until the work was done.

If there was one thing the Californians could do
better than another, it was carrying the mails ; though
when it came to carrying them or not carrying them,
that was a different matter.

They began to ride almost as soon as they could
walk, and such children as were not killed in the be-
ginning became expert riders. A boy as soon as he
had the strength would go out upon the hills, lasso a
wild colt, halter and mount it, and then let it go flying
over the open country until exhausted. If the colt
fell in jumping a ditch, or rolled over in order to get
rid of its burden, the boy looked out to keep on top.
Corrals were formed by driving poles (estantes) into the
ground ; these were secured by ledges (latas) tied with
thongs. The corral was about 200 varas in diameter.

Twice a week a courier was despatched in either
direction between the missions, starting from San
Diego at one end and San Francisco at the other;
letters and messages were thus conveyed from one

CARRYING THE MAILS. 443

point to another along the entire line — each mission
contributing its quota, and furnishing its share of
horses and messengers. The courier was always a
Spanish soldier, never an Indian.

Referring to the delays of couriers, Gutierrez,
writing to the padres and officials in February 1836,
orders that mails leave Monterey on the 7th of the
month, at 8 P. M. The soldier carrying it is to be re-
lieved by another at Santa Barbara, who is to be relieved
at San Gabriel by the soldier who takes the mail to
San Diego. Mails to leave San Diego the 22d of
every month, at 5 A. M., for San Gabriel, Santa Bar-
bara, and Monterey. A. horse and vaquero, to attend
the soldier in case of accident, was to be kept ready;
and the courier kept to time, according to an enclosed
table of arrivals and departures at each halting-place.
The people were to be notified twenty-four hours be-
fore arrival, so as to have letters posted.

Above Monterey the service was particularly poor.
Says Vallejo, writing to the minister of war in 1841 :
" The administration of the post-office in this depart-
ment is an unknown thing; there is no regularly
established mail service. The mails are exposed to
all who choose to tamper with them, and offenders have
no fear of punishment." W. A. Bartletfc thus writes
to Tlie Calif omian in 1846: "There is a regular ex-
press mail from the headquarters of the northern
military district at Yerba Buena to Sonoma and New
Helvetia, leaving every Wednesday morning, and re-
turning from Sonoma as soon as the river mail arrives.
Also constant communication from headquarters at
Yerba Buena to Sauzalito, San Rafael, San Pablo,
Pinole, Cerrito, and other points on the opposite
coast."

Half a year afterward, the editor of The Californian
thus laments: "Ii^ is a melancholy sight for a poor
editor to look over the packages of eight weeks of
his little paper, and see no possible means of sending
them to his subscribers, and little encouragement to

444 OCCUPATIONS AND INDUSTRIES.

subscribers to be two months at a time without their
papers." In the spring of 1847 a new mail arrange-
ment went into effect. The first arrival brought many
letters and papers. Quartermasters at military posts
were the postmasters. Where there was no military
post, the alcalde received, delivered, and forwarded the
mails. The arrangement was for military purposes ;
and as there was no other mail in the country, the
governor ordered that the citizens "be accommodated
by having their letters and papers sent free of expense."

This service was performed on horseback by a party
consisting of two soldiers, which started every other
Monday from San Diego and San Francisco, the par-
ties meeting at Dana's rancho the next Sunday to
exchange mails; starting back on their respective
routes the next morning, and arriving at San Diego
and San Francisco on the Sunday following. The
mail was thus carried once a fortnight from San Diego
to San Francisco, and from San Francisco to San
Diego.

From San Diego, the mail arrived at San Luis Hey
Monday evening; at the pueblo de los Angeles,
Wednesday noon; at Santa Barbara, Friday evening;
at Monterey, Thursday evening; and at San Fran-
cisco, Sunday evening. From San Francisco, the mail
arrived at Monterey Wednesday evening; at Dana's
rancho, Sunday evening; at Santa Barbara, Tuesday
evening; at the pueblo de los Angeles, Friday noon;
at San Luis Hey, Saturday evening; and at San
Diego, Sunday evening. This was exceedingly quick
work as compared with that in some other localities.
For example, Castaiiares found in 1843 at Mazatlan a
mail-bag with many important communications, which
had been lying there since 1837 !

Lugo states that public rodeos were generally held
in April, to allow each man to pick out his own from
the mission stock. When the time came, the alcalde
beat the drum, and announced the day when the
rodeo would begin. A juez de campo presided.

SOWING AND REAPING. 445

The owners singled out their stock, and took it to
one of the four apartaderos. Thereupon the juez de
campo revised the various herds, before the owner
could take them away. No document was given;
indeed, few could write one. Arrived at his rancho,
the owner branded the calves, and cut the ears with
his peculiar mark.

Stock was let into the fields to finish the remnants
of the harvest. The stubble was pulled out, heaped
up, and burned. Maize, frijoles, lentils, chick-pease,
calabash, and melons were sown from March to May
and June, and harvested in August and September.
Wheat and barley were sown generally in December
and January, sometimes in November. Barley was
reaped in May and June, and wheat in July and
August. Special lands were generally kept for each
of these grains. Pease could be sown at any time.

Reaping wheat was done by knives and sickles, and
stacks formed to be carted to the thrashing-floor.
Here they were spread, and mares sent in to trample
out the grain, while the straw was turned. Such
straw as was not thoroughly thrashed was thrown in
again, or beaten with sticks. For maize, pease, and
frijoles, heavy sticks were used; and for other things,
smaller sticks. The grain was next freed from chaff
(paja) by blowing (ventear), first with the aid of wooden
forks, then with shovels.

Those who had no granary put the grain in leather
bags, holding from three to six fanegas. Horse-
hides were generally used, since cattle-hides were
reserved for sale. The maize was kept in the ear,
and was shelled by hand when needed for food. Such
as was sold had to be shelled by thrashing (d, fuerza de
garrotazos). Frijoles, pease, lentils, and chick-pease
were kept in bags, or in dry places. Their enemy
was the grub (gorgojo), which attacked them while
stored. Grubs were not so numerous as now. Rats
and mice also did damage, but worst of all were squir-
rels, moles, crows, and sanates (a bird). Bird-catchers

446 OCCUPATIONS AND INDUSTRIES.

had to be kept busy against them, traps set, and small
arrows used. Grain culture was a small industry
before 1825-30, rancheros raising sufficient only for
their own use, and to supply the presidios. The mis-
sions had to produce largely to feed their people.

The poor people who had no stock of their own
were generally employed as vaqueros to handle the
stock, work in matarizas, and to some small extent in
cultivating the soil. The gente de razon did the prin-
cipal work, that is, handling stock, marking, branding,
and killing. The poorest labor was done by the some-
what christianized Indians.

Coronel says that the men occupied themselves
exclusively in caring for the cattle and horses, but this
only during the season of the rodeos, that they might
protect their own interests, and when the slaughter of
cattle took place, in order to collect the hides and tal-
low wherewith to make purchases and the payment
of their debts — for these articles served in lieu of
money. They were not devoted to agriculture; for
at the missions they obtained what grain they wanted.
Some, however, cultivated land for their own use, and
later, as the missions decayed, all were compelled to
pay some attention to cultivating their land. At this
time the men of a certain age still preserved the
character of their Spanish progenitors. Formal and
upright, imperious yet honorable, in their business
transactions — however great the value involved — no
aid of men learned in the law, or even that of wit-
nesses, was sought or needed. But these character-
istics rapidly disappeared as what was then deemed
knowledge increased.

Speaking of the splendid riding, Sepiilveda says
that the few who were not good riders were looked
upon with a sort of contempt. Their attachment to
their steeds was as great as the Arab's, and the great-
est token of friendship between man and man was the
present of their best horse.

The Californians always galloped, says Gomez, never

HORSEMANSHIP. 447

reining in to smoke. When the horse tired, the trav-
eller would catch the first other one he saw, and so con-
tinue changing his steed, always sure of recovering it on
returning. The hat was small in the opening and a
string was put on to secure it. The rider usually had
his mouth open as if to keep the hat-string tight, and
the hat secure ; often as he rode along he filled the
air with popular ditties. If rain overtook the horse-
man, he would ride into the first house he came to, if
there were no outhouses or sheds.

The story goes that a horseman of San Jose won a
wager that he could start at full gallop with a salver
of a dozen wine-glasses filled to the brim, and after
fifty rods to stop suddenly and hand down the salver
without having spilled a drop.

In horsemanship, the Californians compared favor-
ably with the sturdy Chilians and the flimsily attired
and almost effeminate Peruvian. Both the Califor-
nian man and horse were superior to the Mexican in
strength and weight, and by the different arrangement
of the saddle-gear — the girth exactly in the centre,
and stirrup forward, almost an appendage from the
pommel — his figure erect and well poised. The Gau-
cho of the pampas perhaps might excel him in some of
the light exercises; but for hard work, strength, and
agility, the Californian stood unrivalled. Serrano re-
marks that when Californian women ride on horseback
they use the same trappings and saddles as men,
though without ornaments; some are exceedingly
skilful in managing a horse, mounting alone and with
agility. As the saddles on which they ride have the
saddle-bow and stirrups taken off, they use as a stir-
rup for one foot a silk band, one end being made fast
at the pommel, the other at the cantle. When the
lady is not a skilful rider and is afraid, the caballero
seats her on the saddle, and taking off his spurs mounts
on the crupper, and taking the reins guides the horse.

Breaking horses was a science. A wild horse was
lassoed; a headstall and saddle put on; and a man

448 OCCUPATIONS AND INDUSTRIES.

mounted to run him tame, using the more spurs and
whip the more he bucked.

According to Amador, though the Californians
have always been good horsemen and vaqueros, they
were not equal to the Mexicans. Nevertheless, they
have distinguished themselves at rodeos and in lasso-
ing cattle, horses, and even bears. They were never
notable toreros, or bull-fighters. Amador's testimony
is not sustained.

Californians objected to mounting horses whose
mane and tail had been cut; nor would they ride a
mare. "We were at Monterey for about three
months," says Maxwell, writing of 1842; "we became
intimate with many of the families in town, and used
to spend our time pleasantly. But the Californians
were very bitter, Castro especially. I had bought a fine
mare for nine dollars; it was considered very ultra for
a man to ride a mare in those days, and the girls used
to call out after me, Yegua! yegua!"

Young fellows would often remove the reins of
their horses and guide them merely with blows of their
hat upon the head. At times they would lasso some
animal, cast away the lazo, follow it, and pick it up at
full run. Bonifacio Lopez, weighing three hundred '
pounds, used to ride his horse at full speed up and
down a perilous trail at Soledad near San Diego, to
the great wonder even of his countrymen.

At San Gabriel were woven serapes and blankets,
as well as a coarse woollen stuff called jerga. There
were also manufactured saddles, bits, botas, and shoes.
There was a soap-boiling establishment, a larger car-
penter's shop, and a lesser one — in which latter boys
were taught the use of tools. Wine and olive oil
were made, likewise bricks and adobes. Chocolate
was made of cacao brought from abroad. Dulces and
limonada were made, and sent by Padre Sanchez to "
Spain In each department was a maestro, that is,
an Indian, who being well instructed, had become de

DOMESTIC MANUFACTURES. 449

razon. Of course there was at first a white man at
the head of the weaving department, but when the
Indians were sufficiently instructed, he withdrew.

Salvador Vallejo had a large soap factory at his
Napa rancho, which brought him in several thousand
dollars a year. Larkin and Fitch also made a good
profit on soap. It is a fact that savages and filthy
nations take kindly to soap.

"All agree in pronouncing the country good for
fruit," says Bidwell. "I saw in Ross, toward the
end of January, a small but thrifty orchard of apple,
peach, pear, cherry, and quince trees, most of them
as green as in summer. Flowers were abundant.
The wine grape is cultivated, and grows to great
perfection."

It is a singular fact that the padres discouraged
the growth of oranges and lemons outside of the
mission grounds, being apparently as jealous of monop-
olizing these, as that the whole kingdom of Christ
should be subject to their sole administration.

From the earliest years the government provided
master carpenters, masons, blacksmiths, weavers, etc.,
for instructing the Indians. The man in charge of
the soap factory was however an hombre de razon,
paid by the mission.

All the woollen goods made were coarse and suited
to the necessities of the time, for in the early days
of the country the government tolerated no display
of luxury. Father Duran well understood how to
make wine and aguardiente; clear brandy of San Jose,
which came out with the appearance of clear water,
was colored with a sirup made with burnt sugar.
The color was then light yellow. The brandy was
double-distilled, and therefore very strong.

At San Luis Obispo cotton clothes were made of
good quality, as well as rebozos, quilts, and other
things of the same material. So says Mrs Ord.

According to Jose Maria Amador the mission San
Jose had 5 looms making 150 woollen blankets weekly,

CAL. PAST. 29

450 OCCUPATIONS AND INDUSTRIES.

and one which made 9 serapes during the same time.

Janssens assures us there were 400 barrels of wine
and 135 of brandy made in San Gabriel in 1840.

Jose de J. Pico informs us that during Father Luis
A. Martinez' management of mission San Luis Obispo,
down to 1830, its Indians were better clothed than
the soldiers and other gente de razon. "At the mis-
sion," he says, "good blue cloth was made for cloaks
and pantaloons, and manta, because there were planta-
tions of cotton which yielded considerably."

The theory of religious colonization had it that it was
right and proper for the missionaries to get as much
land, labor, or other benefits out of savagism as pos-
sible, the inestimable "benefits of Christianity being
more than an offset for anything savagedom could
offer, had each convert a world to give. Hence it
was that if the natives could be made to work for
nothing, the padres did not scruple to let them do so.
But after a time it was demonstrated that to pay
them four or six dollars a month, and let them spend
the money at the mission store, was cheaper than to
give them nothing. In 1842 the wages of a white
man, not a mechanic, were about $25 a month, skilled
labor receiving three dollars a day — not far from
prices to-day.

The relations between the missionaries and the mili-
tary officers were not always friendly. There was a
corpulent minister at La Soledad, Florencio Ibanez,
who was sent to California for having knocked an
officer down with his fist in Pitic, Sonora. He never
extended privileges to the officers, and when any one
of them came to the mission, he made him eat of the
same food out of the pozolera that the neophytes got,
saying that it was what he himself had. Once Cap-
tain de la Guerra visited the mission and attempted
to embrace the padre, but the latter only permitted
him to touch his habit. However, this priest was an
intimate friend of Governor Arrillaga, and repeatedly
made presents to the common soldiers, all of whom

PADRE IBANEZ. 451

loved him for his charity. He would say that the
officers had their pay, and must live on it, and that
the neophytes needed for themselves all that the mis-
sion produced. He at all times manifested a great
interest for his flock, treating them kindly, and teach-
ing them not only the best way of doing their work,
but also vocal and instrumental music. At their
death, he paid their remains the same honors as to
those of the wealthy. Most of the Fernandino friars
were exemplary men, and Padre Ibanez was one of
the best beloved by the Indians.

Two missionaries of considerable prominence — Jose
Altimira, who planted the symbol of Christianity in
the valley of Sonoma, and Antonio Ripoll, a very en-
thusiastic priest, who served in La Purisima and
Santa Barbara — effected their escape, in 1828, on an
American vessel, from the port of Santa Bdrbara.
They went on board with the pretext of purchasing
goods, and never returned. A letter left on the

o '

beach, and addressed to Captain de la Guerra, informed
him of their intention to save themselves from the
harsh treatment which the authorities of Mexico were
inflicting on Spaniards. They acted on the idea that
Mexican priests would soon come out to relieve them,
and then they, the old Spanish missionaries, would be
expelled without mercy. Previous to jumping into
the boat that conveyed them to the ship, they tenderly
bid the Indians good-bye, but did not signify their
intention not to come back. Father Ripoll was weep-
ing, and Altimira uttered not a word. The fathers
did not carry any money with them. All the money
the mission Santa Barbara had was left behind.

Altimira had been for several months at Santa
Bdrbara in ill health. Ripoll's colleague, Francisco
Suner, was blind. These fathers, like all the other
Spanish missionaries, had refused to swear allegiance
to the constitution of Mexico. It was for this reason
that the father-prefect, Vicente Francisco de Sarria,
was imprisoned.

452 OCCUPATION AND INDUSTRIES.

The Californians had a great lack of enterprise.
As an example : Chiles and Baldridge found an ad-
mirable site for a mill on the Napa river, on Salva-
dor Vallejo's rancho. They offered to buy it, but
nothing would induce Salvador to sell. Then they
offered to erect a fine flour-mill there, and give him an
interest in it for the site, but he refused, saying that
the mill would frighten his cattle. Sage Salvador !
He had all he wanted ; how could the mill add to his
happiness ?

Sir George Simpson expresses the opinion that in
industry the Californians were perhaps the least prom-
ising colonists in the world, being inferior to what
the savages had become under the training of the
priests, so that the spoliation of the missions tended
directly to stop civilization. There were once large
flocks of sheep, but now in 1842 there were scarcely
any left. Wool used to be manufactured into coarse
cloth ; and because the Californians were too lazy to
weave or spin, or even to clip and wash the raw ma-
terial, sheep were destroyed, to make room for horned
cattle. Soap and leather used to be made in the mis-
sions, and also dairy products, but now, he says, nei-
ther buttar, cheese, nor other preparation of milk is
to be found in the province. The missions produced
annually 80,000 bushels of wheat and maize, which
they converted into flour ; at present the government
paid $28 a barrel for flour. Beef was occasionally
cured for exportation, yet now, though quantities of
meat are destroyed annually, the authorities had to
purchase salted salmon as sea stores for a small vessel,
and so on. But the Hudson's Bay magnate, like
many another, throwing a glance at the country as he
passes by or through it, though he might see much,
he could not see all.

Leather was made to some extent, but in no pro-
portion to the demands or possibilities of the country.
At most of the missions some leather was tanned, the

LEATHER-WORKS. 453

Santa Barbara inventory of 1845 showing a tannery
house, five good vats, and other articles in proportion.
Hall says the natives "made shoes from leather
tanned by themselves, in a hurried process ; that is, a
sham process. They used to take a large ox-hide,
gather up its corners, hang it on a tree or beam raised
with posts, then fill the hide with water and oak bark,
and place therein the skins to be tanned. In this
manner they prepared sole-leather. The uppers for
shoes were made from smoked deer-skin, colored. Not
a bad-looking shoe was the final result of their labor
on skins."

Some work in wool was carried on by the Indians,
who, says Clymer, "beat the wool with two sticks in
place of cards, and when it is beaten enough, they
spin it with a stick, and lay the warp by driving a
number of small sticks in the ground. It is raised
by letting a stick run through sufficiently to pass a
small ball through, and brought up with the same
stick. Of course their fabric is coarse, but they make
it very durable." In 1845 San Antonio had two
looms, Santa Ines two, Santa Barbara four large looms
and one small one, and so on. In Petaluma, San
Jose, Santa Clara, and in the more southern missions
were weaving factories, where striped serapes with
black and white borders were made.

On the 7th of June, 1831, Victoria writes the min-
ister of relations that manufacturing exists only at the
missions, and is performed by neophytes, who make
ordinary woollen textures for which part of the wool
from their sheep is used. Some missions have woven
blankets, serapes, sackcloth (sayal), and panetes. There
are also at the missions smiths, carpenters, shoemakers,
tanners, etc., though capable of greater perfection.
There is a lamentable carelessness, due in great part
to want of men, and the abundance of the actual neces-
saries of life.

Nothing was rn de of stone, clay, gold, silver, iron,
copper, or lead; nor of hair, silk, feathers, or bones.

434 OCCUPATIONS AND INDUSTRIES.

Leather and sole-leather were made from hides, for
shoes and other uses. Of wool were made blankets
and serapes — very coarse work.

The inventory of San Gabriel in 1834 includes one
wool-weaving establishment with four looms; a brandy
distillery with eight stills; a wine manufactory with
three presses; a smithy, carpenter-shop, soap factory,
and two grist-mills.

The inventory of San Miguel in 1837 values the
shoemaking shop with its implements in round figures
at $26; hat-making, $60; weaving — 25 good wheels — •
$564; carpenter-shop with implements, $114; tallow-
inelting, $46; soap-making, $170; mill, for mule labor
and hen-house, $99; tannery house, with implements,
$300. At San Antonio the weaving establishment
was valued at $1,212.

Wheat was ground on metates at first, and for a
considerable time. In 1833 there was an adobe grist-
mill run by water at Capistrano mission, which was
destroyed by an overflow, a wooden one being after-
ward erected in its place.

A water-mill at Petalurna, belonging to Bell, in
1838 ground 100 pounds daily. Then there was the
arrastra, some of which had two or three stones,
smooth on one side, the one above it being secured
with a piece of iron. Iron pasadores were obtained
from the vessels, and a pole fastened to the pasador.
To this pole horses were attached, and made to move
in a circle round the stones.

The year 1842 saw grist-mills in Santa Cruz county,
one built by Dodero, an Italian, and another on the
Potrero by one Weeks. The stones were of granite,
found in that vicinity. The women washed the wheat,
and separated the flour with a sieve; they had no
bolt. Bell had a good mill in Napa Valley by this
time, and Yount had one near the Sonoma Valley.
Peter Sainsevain in 1844 erected a flour-mill on the
Guadalupe River, in the San Jose valley. He used
French buhr-stones, and a silk bolting-cloth, and ground

SUGAR-MAKING. 455

75 fanegas of wheat a day. Some Frenchmen had a
saw-mill near Santa Cruz in 1844; there was one
erected at San Gabriel in 1846; and the following
year Monterey had one.

The Indians made sugar, and why should not the
Californians ? A reed which grew in the Tulares was
cut by the natives when ripe, placed on metates, and
crushed. When the refuse was removed, there re-
mained crystals of fine flavor, something like aziicar
candi, or rock candy, and of which taniales were
made, rolled in reed leaves.

Hijar speaks of a coffee-colored bulb, called torogiii,
somewhat larger than the Mexican cacomite of which
sugar was made. The bulbs were placed in a hole
in the ground, on a bed of hot stones and embers,
and baked, in which form they were used to sweeten
atole. Then there were the panocha balls made from
the crystallized saccharine matter shaken from the dried
leaves of a wild reed of light stem found near the
missions.

In the year 1838 there came to Monterey one Octa-
vio Custot, surnamed El Azucarero, the sugar-maker,
so called because he did not know how to make sugar.
He was a sharp fellow, this Octavio; and thinking
that among the simple-minded people of our lotos-
land it were easy enough to live by one's wits, he de-
serted from his ship. With the Swiss of New Hel-
vetia, he thought what a fine thing it would be to lay
the Califormas at the feet of France.

But El Azucarero — it was at Sonoma that he ac-
quired this title, and it was in this wise: Closeted
one day with the autocrat of the frontier, he revealed
the startling intelligence that he could make sugar; he
could fabricate the genuine saccharine substance from
beets. •

Vallejo was a man of progress. All his life he had
spent in this far-away wilderness, and there were now

456 OCCUPATIONS AND INDUSTRIES.

coming to these shores so many strangers with so
many strange tales, ideas new to him, and things never
before heard of, that he was ready to believe almost
anything. Indeed, there was no reason why sugar
should not be made from beets, and perhaps tea from
oak leaves, and coffee from manzanita berries.

"Doubtless all is as you say," remarked Vallejo;
"but where are the beets?"

"Grow them," replied Custot.

"I have no seed," said Vallejo.

"Send for some," answered Custot.

Indeed, the cunning Octavio had all along reckoned
on this — on the absence of facilities, and the restful
days in store for him while awaiting them; for this,
to a deserted sailor, was a fat country, with balmy air
and beautiful women.

To his mayordomo at Petaluma Vallejo finally sent
the fellow, with orders to place at his disposal four
yoke of oxen, eight Indians, and a dwelling and pro-
visions. "Civilization is indeed a boon," thought Oc-
tavio, as he lay under a madrono smoking his pipe,
while the slow-stepping oxen furrowed forty acres.

Seed was found at Mazatlan, and when it came it
was pronounced of good quality — very good quality.
"But," said Octavio, "nothing can be done now; it is
too late to plant this season." So there was nothing
to be done but to extend to El Azucarero his free and
easy living at Petaluma through the summer.

At length the rains came, the seed was put into the
ground, the beets grew, sun and virgin soil combining
to make the biggest and reddest roots on record. The
master came frequently from Sonoma to see the
beets grow, and in his mind to compute the quantity
of sugar each contained, and how much would that be
an acre, and what was forty times that, and it was
about time to think of getting barrels ready.

Finally came to Sonoma July 1830, and with it a
fine box of sugar from Custot to the senora, who pro-
nounced it fine — very fine; equal to her loaf-sugar

A HOUSE SHINGLED. 457

brought from Peru. "Here is an industry worth
having," mused the master — "oxen, Indian labor, un-
limited lands; why, I will have in beets millions of
acres, and presently ships carrying hence the great
staple to every quarter of the earth."

But what is this the senora says, as she returns
with the servant from putting in the storehouse with
the other the new production? Her sugar is gone!
A dozen loaves of her best Peruvian stolen! Ah! all
is clear ; she always knew that Octavio to be a thief.
Vallejo hurried to Petaluma, demanded to see the
process, and was told it would not bear too much light.
"True; nor yourself," replied Vallejo as he ordered
Solano to take the impostor to Yerba Buena. Solano
obeyed, landing El Azucarero v^aist-deep in water.

Crossing the plains, George Yount dropped himself
down in Sonoma, and stood before the master.

"What can you do?" demanded Vallejo.

"Many things," said Yount.

"I do not want you to do many things; what one
thing can you do that no one else does here?"

"I have seen no shingles in California; your new
house yonder is about ready for them; I can make
shingles."

"What are tzin — tzin — , how you call them — tzin-
gals?"

Yount explained, going through with all the opera-
tions, barking the felled tree, cross-cutting in block
eighteen inches long, splitting and shaving, and all
with the simplest tools.

" Very well," replied Vallejo, who had followed him
attentively, though half incredulously; "you shall
make me some tzingals and roof my house."

The work was done, and the autocrat was highly
pleased; he had a 'tzingaled' house, the first in all
the two Californias, and he was very proud of it.
This looked indeed like civilization.

Again the mechanic stood before the master.

458 OCCUPATIONS AND INDUSTRIES.

"What shall I give you?" asked Vallejo.

"I would like some land in Napa Valley, if you
would lend me a few heifers so that I might start a
herd," said Yount.

"How much land?"

"Haifa league."

"You can't have half a league; we don't give half
leagues here, with five hundred miles on our north,
and a thousand on our east, unoccupied. You can
have four leagues."

"I will take a league," said Yount, who was think-
ing of the care and cost attending the ownership of so
large a tract.'

"You can have two leagues, and nothing less,"
replied Vallejo; and so the matter ended.

CHAPTER XV.

INLAND TRADE AND COAST TRAFFIC.

With ships the sea was sprinkled far and nigh,
Like stars in heaven and joyously it show'd,
Some lying fast at anchor in the road,
Some veering up and down, one knew not why.

— Wordsivorth.

UNDER the exclusive policy pursued by Spain to-
ward her American colonies, California could have,
during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, no
external trade. Indeed, aside from a few products
furnished to the Philippines galleon, and to the trans-
ports which brought supplies for the presidios and
missions, and some salt sent from time to time to San
Bias, on government account, she exported nothing
down to 1786. A royal order of this year allowed a
free trade for eight years with San Bias, which priv-
ilege was later extended for five years more with duties
reduced one-half; but California derived little if any
advantage from the concession.

The mother country undertook in 17-85 to open a
trade between the Californias and China, bartering
peltries for quicksilver ; and a commissioner was ap-
pointed to study the question and make the necessary
arrangements for carrying out the scheme. Skins of
various kinds were to be procured by the Indians,
delivered to the missionaries, and then be turned over
to the government agent at from $2.50 to $10 each,
according to size and color. Private persons were
forbidden to become purchasers of furs. The friars
favored this project, which would afford an additional
income to the missions. The agent obtained about

(459)

460 INLAND TRADE AND COAST TRAFFIC.

1,600 otter skins, returning with them to Mexico,
whence at the end of 1787 he took them to Manila
for account of the royal treasury. Before 1790 the
number of skins shipped to that Asiatic port from
both Californias was 9,729, at a total cost, including
the agent's salary and expenses, of $87,669. But in
the latter year it was thought best to leave the fur
trade in private hands. However, it appears that
some otter skins were procured for government ac-
count after that time. The English were intriguing
to secure the business, which was checked by the
treaty entered into in October 1790, between Great
Britain and Spain, inhibiting the subjects of the
former power from killing otter within thirty miles
of any part of the coast occupied by the latter, — that
is, all of California below San Francisco, — and from
engaging in any trade with the Spanish establish-
ments.

There were several reasons why the trade in pel-
tries met with ill success. First, the furs obtained in
California were fewer in number than had been ex-
pected, because the natives lacked skill and the neces-
sary implements. Secondly, the quality of the otter
skins was inferior to that of the skins taken to China
from the Northwest Coast. Third, the tariff of prices
fixed by the government agent at first was con-
sidered excessive. The royal fur traders were not
satisfied with a fair profit. Then, too, the Spaniards
did not know how either to prepare the skins or con-
duct the business. Nor were private individuals dis-
posed to engage in a business which had been aban-
doned by the government. Nevertheless, the natives
continued gathering furs for the missions, and in
later years American smugglers carried off consider-
able quantities in exchange for goods.

There was no development whatever in any other
commercial branch. Each year two transports came
to California, one usually visiting San Diego and
Santa Barbara, and the other Monterey and San

THE FUR TRADE. 461

Francisco, with supplies for the missions and presidios.
The Manila galleon touched at Monterey in 1784 and
1785. Every precaution was taken to prevent com-
munications of foreign vessels with the country,
though in cases of distress such vessels were fur-
nished stores and water. The laws prohibited trade
not only with foreign vessels, and for foreign goods,
but with Spanish vessels and for Hispano- American
goods, if brought by other than the regular trans-
ports. At first even the transports were not allowed
to bring any other goods than those which had been
called for by the habilitados of the presidios. It is
known, however, that this rule was not closely kept;
the officers and others on the ships bringing on private
speculation from San Bias articles for barter with the
soldiers, for liquors, bright colored cloths, trinkets,
etc. A trifling quantity of produce, brandy, figs, and
raisins, was imported overland for the friars from
Lower California. Several projects were contem-
plated to foster trade, but they never took effect. In
1788 the governor issued a new schedule of prices of
live-stock, agricultural products, and articles he was
likely to require : horses, $3 to $9 ; asses, $6 to $7 ;
calves, $1.50; bulls, $4; sheep, 75 cents to $2; swine
$1 to $4; mules, $16 to $20; mares, $3; cows, $4;
oxen, $5; goats, 75 cents to $1 ; jerked beef, 75 cents
per 25 Ibs. ; fresh beef, 25 cents per 25 Ibs. ; hides,
untanned, 37 cents; tanned, $2.25; wool $1.25 to $2
per 25 Ibs; wheat, $2 per fanega; barley, $1 per
fanega; maize $1.50 per fanega; beans, $2.50 per
fanega; flour, $1.25 to $2 per 25 Ibs.; sugar, 25 cents
per Ibs.; brandy, 75 cents per pint. The list was
modified some years later, with an increase in the
price of some articles; the number of articles was
also greatly augmented, including those of luxury,
which in the earlier years had been severely excluded.
Early in the 19th century American vessels began
to appear at California ports, under the pretext of
needing supplies, their real object being to secure

462 INLAND TRADE AND COAST TRAFFIC.

otter skins, for which they had goods to give in ex-
change, in which illicit traffic they were sometimes
successful. The Americans were not the only for-
eigners poaching in the Spanish preserves of the Cali-
fornias; the Russians also endeavored to establish
commercial relations in some form. Joseph O'Cain,
commander of the ship O'Cain, persuaded Baranof,
chief of the Russo- American colonies, to let him have
a number of Aleuts, with their bidarkas, to take
otters on shares. O'Cain left Kadiak in October

1803, and did some trading on the coast of Alta
California. He touched at San Diego in January

1804, for provisions, which were denied him. After
hovering some time on the coast of Lower California,
he returned to Kadiak in June with 1,100 otter skins
to be shared with the Russians. The same ship, and
another American vessel under Russian auspices,
visited the coast of Lower California in 1805 and
1806. These voyages yielded about 6,250 otter skins.
The Russians allege that Baranof forbade their hunt-
ing on the California coast without special permission
from the Spanish authorities, but no such permission
was either asked for or obtained. From this time on,
for ten years or upwards, the Yankees with the aid
of the skilful Aleuts, under contracts with the Rus-
sians, had things their own way in California. They
disposed of their goods by barter with the friars, and
even occasionally with the officials. The hunters, be-
came more and more emboldened, until they actually
came to take otter in the bay of San Francisco, under
the very eyes of the Spanish authorities, who were
powerless to prevent it. It is known that the Russo-
Alaskan company thus obtained nearly 10,000 otter
skins as their share of the number taken by the con-
tractors. It is believed that the latter were honest
in rendering an account of the animals killed ; but in
other respects they caused trouble and loss to the
company by occasional sharp practice. The contract
system was discontinued about 1815.

REZA"NOFS ADVENTURE. 463

In 1806 famine stalked in Alaska, owing to the
wreck of a vessel with supplies, and the failure of an-
other to arrive. Scurvy also made its appearance,
Hunger, misery, despair, and death were fast reduc-
ing the number of the colonists. The chamberlain,
Rezanof, who had come to Sitka the previous year
on a visit of inspection, loaded the ship Juno with
such articles as were thought to be acceptable in Cali-
fornia, and proceeded to the port of San Francisco,
which he reached early in March, after a stormy pas-
sage, in which the lives of all on board were repeat-
edly in peril. Rezanof well knew that trading with
foreigners was forbidden in California, but he hoped
to soften the hearts of the Spanish authorities to
relieve the pressing need of food. Possibly there
might be a little business transacted in furs, if not
with the permission of the officials, then through the
connivance of the missionaries. But he had for a
time to contend with Governor Arrillaga's regard for
duty. While admitting that commerce would be
beneficial to the people of California, the governor
felt bound to comply with the strict orders he had
from the crown and the viceroy of New Spain. The
most he would permit was the purchase of cereals for
cash ; no sales of goods from the ships, nor purchase
of peltries should be allowed. But where diplomacy
failed, love, all-conquering love, succeeded. Rezdnof
won the heart of Concepcion Arguello, the coman-
dante's daughter, and offered his hand to her in mar-
riage. Through this intermediary the comandante's
influence was brought to favor the chamberlain's
wishes. Arrillaga found himself at last unable to
resist the pressure of the friars, the people, his own
inclinations to favor the country, and the arguments
of his friend of thirty years' standing, Captain Jose
Dario Argliello. He yielded, and a complicated plan
was devised, by which specie was made to appear as
the medium of purchase on both sides, Rezanof s name
not appearing in the transactions. Pursuant to this

464 INLAND TRADE AND COAST TRAFFIC.

arrangement the ship was soon loaded with wheat and
flour, maize, barley, beans, oats, arid pease; salt, soap,
tallow, etc. The ship delivered goods, which had
originally cost about $5,000. Rezdnof now delayed
his departure as little as possible, and arrived safely
at Sitka on the 19th of June.

The Russians after this • determined to establish a
settlement on the coast of California, the port of
Bodega and the country back of it being the chosen
spot. The Russian emperor gave his assent, without
saying anything of Spanish opposition. The Russo-
American company was simply authorized, as re-
garded commerce, to arrange the matter in their own
way. The first attempt at Bodega in 1810 was un-
successful. Meanwhile Captain Jonathan Winship,
in the O'Cam, visited the California coast in 1810-11,
under contract with the company, and returned to
Alaska with 5,400 otter skins. His brother, Nathan
Winship, in the Albatross, under a similar contract,
took 1,120 skins. Several other ships were at this
time engaged in the same traffic, namely, the Isabella,
Mercury, Catherine, Amethyst, and Charon. The Rus-
sians finally effected the desired settlement, com-
menced agricultural operations, and made efforts to
open a trade with California, but their overtures were
unfavorably received, and they were ordered to quit
the territory. While the revolutionary war raged in
Mexico, California was left without supplies. Fortu-
nately a small trade with Peru began, two ships
coming from Callao with cloth and miscellaneous
goods, to barter for tallow, hides, and other produce.
The American ship Mercury was captured on the coast
with a cargo worth "$16,000, which afforded consid-
erable relief. The Russians at Ross were after a
time allowed to send to San Francisco, in bidarkas,
goods to the amount of $14,000. From this time
commercial relations were rarely interrupted. In
1814 another Spanish vessel sold $16,000 worth of
goods for treasury drafts. A small amount of money

BUSINESS WITH ALASKA AND LIMA. 465

was also obtained from two English vessels that
visited Monterey and San Francisco. Lieutenant
Moraga was sent a third time to Ross to order the
Russians to depart ; but the officer in charge, Kuskof,
found it convenient not to understand a message con-
veyed to him in Spanish, and despatched his clerk to
San Francisco with the usual cargo, which by the in-
dulgence of Captain Luis Argiiello, the comandante,
found a ready sale, and the Russians met ever after
with the same success, to the benefit of the troops
and people of California, for they not only furnished
needed articles, but purchased large quantities of
grain. And thus it was that from the year 1815 to
the end of the Spanish domination, in 1822, the period
of most complete interruptions of trade with Mexico,
and consequently of greatest want, with what the
Russians furnished and vessels from Lima brought,
the situation was rendered less insufferable. In
fact, during the last half of the decade 1811-20, there
was no need on the part of foreign vessels to
resort to smuggling, for the Spanish authorities were
glad to purchase every cargo, Spanish or foreign,
though duties were exacted on all exports and im-
ports, according to a tariff devised to meet, as alleged,
the needs of California ; but practically, there was no
obstacle to free commercial relations. Nevertheless,
there is nothing to show that any trade was carried
on with foreign vessels, even contraband, except by
the government. Of course there was smuggling
even then to some extent.

The missionaries claimed exemption from export
and import dues, but Governor Sola heeded them not,
and finally they had to be content with the cold comfort
of paying by a pro rata contribution, a sum of money
believed to exceed the amount of duties demanded.
The governor accused the friars of being unscrupulous,
inasmuch as they bought goods on speculation, pre-
tending that they were for the missions, and shipped
liquor and other merchandise under the title of gifts,

CAL. PAST. 30

466 INLAND TRADE AND COAST TRAFFIC.

etc. He thought it needful to watch their proceed-
ings, on behalf of the country's interests.

In April, 1821, was published in California, a royal
order of the preceding year, -exempting from duties
national products exported on Spanish bottoms to
San Bias and the Californias. But this order, con-
nected as it was with some commercial schemes which
had no effect, brought no benefit to California. The
rates of duties exacted in the last decade were now
continued. Nine vessels entered California ports
during this year, and in 1822 there were twenty on
the coast, one being a government transport, and six
whalers which entered San Francisco for supplies.
The rest traded goods for California produce. In
1823 there were seventeen vessels, three of them
Russian men-of-war, five whalers, and the rest
traders, purchasing tallow, hides and produce. The
duties on imports and exports collected at Monterey,
amounted to upwards of 17,500, which may or may
not include $6,500 received at San Francisco and
San Diego.

The British subjects, Hugh McCulloch and Wil-
liam Edward Petty Hartnell, the latter becoming a
permanent resident as well as a citizen, brought a
cargo of goods in 1822, and proposed, both to the
government and to the prefect of the missions, to
enter for Begg and Company of Glasgow and Lima,
into a contract to keep the province regularly supplied.
Such a contract was actually concluded for three
years, to begin from. January 1, 1823. A scale of
prices was arranged, Prefect Payeras saying that the
times when hides and tallow where to be had for the
asking had passed. The following was the schedule
fixed in the contract: hides, $1 each, large and small;
wheat, $3 per fanega ; tallow, $2 per arroba of 25 Ibs;
suet, $3; lard, $4; soap, $16 per 100 Ibs; beef in
pickle, including bone, $4 per 100 Ibs, without casks.
Other articles were included without mentioning their
prices ; such as horns, hair of horses and cattle, hemp,

EXPORTS AND IMPORTS. 467

wine, brandy, saffron for dyeing, skins of bears, foxes,
etc. The only article to be received in unlimited
quantities was hides. Wheat in large quantities was
to be taken only in the event of the wheat crop being
short in Chili. The contractors were bound to
despatch at least one vessel every year, which was to
touch at each harbor or roadstead, take all the hides
offered, and at least 25,000 arrobas of tallow, and to
pay for the same in money, or such goods as might
be desired. There were a few other conditions which
it is unnecessary to enumerate.

In September 1824, a tax of ten per cent, on pro-
ducts was decreed. The comandantes of presidios
were instructed to facilitate the sale of products as
much as possible; taxes on exports were repealed
from January 1, 1825, but a duty of 25 per cent was
imposed on all coin taken from the province.

From this time it is unnecessary to detail the
development of trade from year to year, under the
privilege of free intercourse, subject only to duties as
required elsewhere. The ever lean treasury could
ill-afford to lose the amount the parties in interest
would contribute toward its relief. Every such con-
tribution was a godsend. A colony of foreign
traders controlled the commerce, and the system of
exchanging hides and tallow for goods brought from
abroad did not vary much between 1823 and 1846.

Complete records of revenue exist for only three
years, making the average $70,000 annually; the
receipts for about 1837 did not exceed $60,000
yearly. Exports could not vary much in value at
California prices from imports. For three years the
average of exports from San Francisco was $83,000 ;
the annual exports from California to Honolulu for
five years was $45,000. Sir James Douglas, of the
Hudson's Bay Company, in 1841 estimated the total
exports of California at $241,000, the largest item
being $70,000 for hides.

During General Micheltorena's rule, a decree was

468 INLAND TRADE AND COAST TRAFFIC.

issued, in 1844, forbidding the importation of nation-
alized foreign goods from Mexican ports. This decree
was repealed by his successor in 1845, as was another
placing restrictions on trade by whalers. These ves-
sels could now sell goods to any amount in exchange
for produce by paying the regular duties, and were
exempt from the payment of the tax of $30 formerly
exacted from them. Every vessel was required to
pay $50 per month for a license to engage in the retail
trade. This was constituted a special fund to pay the
guards placed on the vessels, and for the construction
of a pier at Monterey. The traders objected to the
presence of these watchmen, but not to the tax.

The total revenue collected by the custom-house in
1845 was about $140,000. The records and other
sources speak of sixty vessels having been in Califor-
nia in that year. A dozen names mentioned are
rather doubtful, many of them resting on unreliable
statements, and eight were men-of-war, which, if not
regular traders, must have brought large supplies.
The Matador paid into the treasury $67,000, which
far exceeded the amount ever paid before by any one
ship. Between 1841 and 1845, 134 vessels arrived.
Among them were 45 of American nationality, 11
British, 8 French, 7 German and Swedish, 5 Russian,
3 South American. In the case of 29, — many of which
were smugglers and reticent, — no nationality appears
in the records. Of the 134, 43 were whalers and 22
ships of war or of scientific exploration.

It may be of interest to the general reader to know
what were, in the late years of the Mexican domina-
tion, the ruling prices for the chief articles. Brandy
of the country was $50 a barrel ; a fat beef, $5 ; sheep,
$2 ; wheat, $3 per fanega; maize and pease, $1.75 a fa-
nega; beans, $2.50, oats, $1.50, a fanega; butter, $2
for 5 Ibs; milch cows, $8 each; and hogs, $6; horse-
skins, $1 in merchandise, and $.75 in money; ox-hides,
$2 in merchandise, $1.50 in silver; deerskins, $.50 to
$1, according to size; beaver skins, $3 per Ib. More

PRICES CURRENT. 469

than 3,000 skins were obtained each year. Otter
skins became very scarce. Scarcely 100 were taken
in 1842; they were worth in California from $35 to
$40, at Mazatlan from $50 to $55, and in Mexico
from $60 to $70. They were not regularly exported
to China after 1840. The skins of fresh- water otters
were worth only $2 to $3. Wild goat skins were
worth 25 cents; skins of the hair seal, 75 cents; of
the fur seal, $3 to $4. Californians would pay for
shoes $4, boots $15, vermicelli $10 a box, woollen
socks $10 a dozen, silk stockings $2.50 to $5 a pair,
linen thread $4 a lb., silk handkerchiefs $2 each, su-
gar $20 per 100 Ibs, nails 37 cents per lb., calico 50
cents a yard, brown cotton 37 cents a yard, not to
mention a rebozo at $150, a serape of Saltillo at $200
to $300, a saddle at $300, etc.

In 1839-40, while the country was at peace, some
native Californians united to export their products
independently of foreign traders. This relieved the
want of money somewhat, since they sent letters of
exchange on their agents in Mexico and La Paz and
received money in return. But the arrival of Michel-
torena unsettled things again, and each one looked out
for himself, and not for the country. Freight to the
Sandwich Islands or Mazatlan was $20 per ton ; pas-
sage, $60 and $30, or $80 and $40; time, 14 to 20
days. To Boston, freight was $40 per ton, hides 75
cents each, and tallow 50 cents per arroba; passage,
$150 to $50. To Callao, $25 per ton, hides 37 and 50
cents, tallow $3 per arroba; passage, $200 to $120,
according to agreement with the captain; time, 50 to
60 days.

The fat from the weekly slaughter of cattle at the
missions was dragged in on the hide, made into soap,
or melted and put up in leather botas. The melting
coppers were of iron, of 200 or more gallons capacity.
The hides were stretched on the ground, and held by
sticks driven into the ends. When dry, they were
stored for shipment.

470 INLAND TRADE AND COAST TRAFFIC.

Sutter says that when he first came to California,
" articles on trading vessels were so high that he who
went on board with $100 in money or hides, could
carry away his purchases in a pocket handkerchief."

The trading ships, after entering their cargoes, and
supplying the wants of Monterey, usually proceeded
to San Francisco, where, mooring off Yerba Buena
cove, they despatched boats to various points of the
bay to bring the rancheros and their families to the
ship. Stearns was the first to export cattle horns on a
large scale.

There was usually, says Davis, a considerable float-
ing population, mostly made up of runaway sailors,
disposed at all times to purchase goods on credit ; but
as they were men who spent as fast as they earned,
the greater part of their earnings going for tobacco
and drink, their credit was naturally below par. These
remarks do not apply to permanently settled foreigners,
nor to the hunters and trappers who came across the
mountains and remained in California. They were
men of a different type, true, sober, and industrious.
Most of them continued as hunters and trappers here,
and were confidently trusted by merchants and traders.

Davis' father owned and commanded the ship Eagle,
of Boston, and visited California with goods early in
this century. On one of his trips to California he
went into Refugio, a rancho situated a few miles west
of Santa Barbara. Many of the well-to-do Califor-
nians, as well as the missionaries, visited the ship to
make purchases, and as the captain had no use for
hides or tallow, the rancheros and priests produced
their Spanish doubloons to make payments, or tendered
otter skins, which were then plentiful and acceptable.

About 1823 was organized a company of otter-
hunters. They were Kadiaks from Alaska. Their
way was to pursue in their boats the otter in the bay
of Monterey, and when the latter became tired out,
kill them with arrows. The otter used to sleep on a
bed of sea-weed, opposite the sand-banks of the bay.

THICKS OF THE TIMES. 471

The Kadiak skin boats would take positions in line ;
then from a large boat several shots were fired ; the
frightened otter would start on a run, and the boats
pursued them with the utmost speed. Their boats
were made of seal-skins, the hair having been removed ;
they had a wooden frame inside, and they sounded
like a drum ; generally each boat carried two or three
Kadiaks. In this manner were destroyed all the otter
on that part of the coast, and further down.

The padres were the chief customers in those days,
and spent freely from their well-filled coin-bags, or
from their stores of otter-skins, which they accumu-
lated largely from the bay of San Francisco and along
the coast. They were extremely jealous of the Rus-
sians, who were making fortunes out of the business.
The padres had become regular traders. The China
goods they bought were not for their own use and
enjoyment, but were resold to the rancheros at a profit.
They were shrewd traders, making their purchases
with good judgment, and at lower prices than the
rancheros. They frequently supplied the latter with
goods from their stores, taking in payment hides and
tallow, furs and cattle. Captain Davis' voyages to
this coast on the Eagle proved successful, realizing
about $25,000 profit on each, in Spanish doubloons
and otter -skins, from his sales in California and the
Russian settlements. He was among the first traders
from Boston, and had everything pretty much his own
way. John Meek, who in after years traded on this
coast as master of the Don Quixote, was Davis' mate.
On one of his first voyages here on the Don Quixote,
he received a present from Comandante Ignacio Mar-
tinez of three heifers and a young bull, which were
carried to Honolulu. In 1871 Meek was living there,
and owned a rancho about 25 or 30 miles from the
town. He then had between four and five thousand
head of cattle, and had been for years supplying1 for-
eign men-of-war and other vessels with beef cattle, all
the offspring of the little band presented by Martinez.

472 INLAND TRADE AND COAST TRAFFIC.

There was considerable competition in later years
among the traders on the coast, and there were not
wanting instances of sharp practice in the collection of
hides and tallow, especially during the slaughtering
season. Merchants trusted the rancheros largely for
the goods they sold them, and the indebtedness was
paid when the hides and tallow were prepared. Most
of the rancheros were in debt at the time. One of
them, for instance, would promise the trader to supply
him at a specified time with hides and tallow, but
shortly before the time so fixed another trader, to
whom he was also indebted, would come, and by per-
sistent efforts and blandishments, so work upon him
as to secure for himself a good portion of the esquilmos
which had been promised to the first trader. When
the latter in due time presented himself, and demanded
the fulfilment of the ranchero's promise, such demand
the poor man could not disregard. Then the second
trader's claim had also to be attended to in some way,
at least in a measure, and so, between debt and duty,
the ranchero was pretty well pulled to pieces. The
hides were often received in a green state, and had to
be staked out and dried at Yerba Buena or San Diego.
Davis often had them staked out in a meadow by the
waterside in Yerba Buena, between what are now
Washington and California streets. It was considered
legitimate among traders for the best to outstrip the
others in Hhe race for precedence. Business was
transacted in a straightforward manner between the
merchants and the Californians. The purchaser never
had occasion to ask the price, the seller quietly nam-
ing it at once, which was accepted or declined with-
out more ado. No advantage was taken. There
were, of course, exceptions, but this was the rule.

The merchant, Don Jose Antonio Aguirre, owner
of the ship, Joven Guipuzcoana, once had a new super-
cargo, a young man, who was a stranger to and igno-
rant of affairs in California. While the ship lay at
San Pedro, Aguirre being absent on the shore, Agus-

MACHADO'S BOND. 473

tin Machado, a well-to-do ranchero, and a man of
sterling character, but who could neither read nor
write, went on board to make purchases, his carts be-
ing at the landing. After his goods had been selected,
as he was about having them placed in a launch to be
carried on shore, the supercargo asked him for pay-
ment, or some guaranty or note of hand. Machado
stared at him in great astonishment ; at first he could
not comprehend what the man meant. Such a de-
mand had never been made from him before, nor, in
fact, from any other ranchero. After a while, the
idea struck him that he was distrusted. Plucking
one hair from his beard, he seriously handed it to the
supercargo, saying, "Here, deliver this to Senor
Aguirre, and tell him it is a hair from the beard of
Agustin Machado. It will cover your responsibility ;
it is sufficient guaranty." The young man felt much
abashed, took the hair and placed it inside of his book.
Machado carried away the goods. Aguirre was cha-
grined on hearing that the supercargo had demanded
a document from Machado, a man whose word was as
good as the best bond, even for the entire ship's cargo.
Jose* M. Estudillo, who was a brother-in-law of
Aguirre, and in his employ from boyhood, relates the
above, and also the following occurrences in which
the same Agustin Machado was concerned. In 1850
Aguirre despatched him, Estudillo, to Los Angeles
to collect old bills, many of which were outlawed;
but the greater part of them were finally paid. He
visited Machado's rancho, La Bayona, to collect a bal-
ance of about $4,000, and happened to arrive when
the house was full of company. He was cordially
received as a guest, and a little later on being apprised
of the object oi his visit, Machado said that he had
been for some time past thinking that he was indebted
to Aguirre. As Estudillo could not remain long,
Machado made him take a fresh horse, and prom-
ised to see him in Los Angeles in two days. On the
time appointed Machado was there, and delivered him

474 INLAND TRADE AND COAST TRAFFIC.

the whole sum at the door of Manuel Requena's
house, and refused to take a receipt, saying that
Aguirre was not in the habit of collecting the same
bill twice.

Before 1826 nine or ten trading craft, and later
twice as many, came to the coast each year laden
with goods to be exchanged for hides and tallow.
Restrictions imposed by the laws were regularly dis-
regarded by the authorities of California under Mexi-
can rule. Gradually, as the excess of duties developed
smuggling, wayports and embareaderos were closed,
and even Santa Barbara and San Francisco. In the
last years other restrictive measures were attempted,
but they generally came to naught; subordinate offi-
cials were mostly influenced by the traders, and even
the governor often had to submit to the inevitable
when a supercargo or owner threatened to take his
valuable cargo.

The people seldom resorted to the stores to sell
their produce, preferring to await the arrival of vessels
which paid more. There was no rivalry between the
mission padres and private persons, although they had
the same object in view. The padres often gave good
advice to the latter in trade.

Laplace went aboard one of the ships which was
moored near the land for trading. The goods were
spread out on deck. The greater part of those offered
were of little value, except the articles relating to the
feminine toilette, which were more costly and in great
demand. There were household and agricultural
implements, side-arms and fire-arms, powder and lead,
marine stores, hardware, woolen and cotton stuffs,
and a hundred other things easy to sell in a new
country.

Phelps, who was in the California and Boston trade
in 1840, says that all ships intending to trade on the
coast came there to make the best bargain they could
with the authorities respecting duties, gave security
for payment, and received permission to trade at all

DUTIES AND DEBTS. 475

the ports until the voyage was completed. The duties
on an invoice of cargo averaged about 100 per cent,
payable half in cash, and half in esquilmos, hides and
tallow, or goods from the ship. As I have before
stated, there was but a limited quantity of specie in
the country. Trading vessels brought only moderate
sums, barely enough to meet the duties. Many of
them borrowed what money they needed for that
purpose. Most of the trade was an exchange of
goods for domestic produce. Bryant, Sturgis, & Co.,
the Boston firm, not only furnished most of the goods
used in California, but also most of the coin for the
payment of the salaries of the revenue and military
officers, which payments were contingent on the
arrival of the next ship — the duties on a cargo being
always anticipated by custom-house orders on such
ship for their pay, in goods and cash in equal propor-
tion.

To give some idea of the labors of the trading voy-
ages made by the Boston traders on the California
coast, Phelps states that on his 1840-43 voyage, his
ship was seven times at San Francisco, thirteen times
at Monterey, three times at Santa Cruz, four times
at San Luis Rey, seventeen times at Santa Bdrbara,
seventeen times at San Pedro, five times at Refugio,
and returned to the depot ten times, frequently an-
choring at other places along shore. The bow anchor
was hove up 131 times, and the crew killed and con-
sumed while on the coast 203 bullocks. In collecting
and curing a hide cargo, and finally stowing it on
board ship, each hide had to be handled twenty-two
times.

The want of enterprise was apparent on the part
of the people by their paying high prices, with much
grumbling, for salt and dealboards, which could easily
have been procured at San Francisco and elsewhere.
Sea-otter skins were purchased at $20 a piece, while
the animals swam about in the bay.

The Californians could have done well in furs had

476 INLAND TRADE AND COAST TRAFFIC.

they not been so shiftless. Amador, mayordomo of
the mission of San Jose, states that with three In-
dians he rode to Point Quintin in 1830, and caught,
by lassoing, 30 sea-otter out of about 100 which were
on the shore. Previous to 1846, there was a small
community of these animals about the entrance of
Sonoma Creek, which were under the special care of
Vallejo, who would not allow them to be disturbed.
But in 1847 some hunters from Santa Barbara were
in the bay, and not having the fear of the northern
autocrat before their eyes, they shot every one of
them, obtaining 42 skins worth $60 each, after which
slaughter of the innocents, few others were ever seen
in San Francisco Bay.

"As respects trade," says Wilkes in 1841, "it may
be said that there is scarcely any, for it is so inter-
rupted, and so much under the influence of the gov-
ernor and the officers of the customs, that those
attempting to carry on any under the forms usual else-
where, would probably find it a losing business. For-
eigners, however, contrive to evade this by keeping
their vessels at anchor, and selling a large portion of
their cargoes from on board. Great partiality is shown
to those of them who have a full understanding with
the governor; and from what I was given to under-
stand, if this be not secured, the traders are liable to
exactions and vexations without number. The enor-
mous duties, often amounting to 80 per cent, ad valorem,
cause much dissatisfaction on the part of the consum-
ers; the whole amount raised is about $200,000 per
annum, which is found barely sufficient to pay the
salaries of the officers and defray the expense of the
government feasts, which are frequent and usually
cost $1,000 each."

The operation of curing hides is as follows: To
soften the hides, they are soaked for some days in
sea water. They are then stretched on the ground,
and fastened with small stakes. All particles of flesh,
which might decompose, are then carefully removed

PEDLING VESSELS. 477

with a knife. They are next placed on racks to
dry. The inside part having been powdered with
salt, they are folded in their length, and left with the
hair outward. They are then pressed to flatten them,
and packed in the ship with the aid of jack-screws.
It was not uncommon to see a brig of 160 tons loaded
with 14,000 hides, and a three-masted American ship
of 360 tons, with 30,000 hides.

The Hudson's Bay Company's Simpson writes in
1842: " Few vessels visit San Francisco except such
as are engaged in collecting hides or tallow, the tallow
going to Peru, the hides to England or the United
States. Each ship has a supercargo or clerk, who in
a decked launch carries an assortment of goods from
farm to farm, collecting hides, and securing by his
advances as many as possible against the next ma-
tanza, which is generally in July and August. The
current rate for a hide is $2 in goods, or $1.50 in
specie, the difference arising from the circumstance
that goods are held at a price sufficient to cover bad
debts. The exports of hides do not exceed 60,000,
yet at present there are fully sixteen ships on the
coast scrambling for hides or tallow. Supposing half
to be engaged in the latter business, there remain
eight for such a number of hides as would take at
least three years to fill them. The A lert, belonging
to one of the oldest houses in the trade, has spent
some 18 months on the coast, but is still about a third
short of her full tale of 40,000. A vessel has to keep
pedling from one place to another, taking her chances
of bad weather and anchorage in all the ports from San
Francisco to San Diego. As the hides are all green,
or nearly so, each vessel has to cure them for herself;
and as the upper half of the coast, owing to the rains
and fogs of the north-westers, is unsuitable, the hides
have to be carried to the drier climate of the southern
ports, particularly San Diego ; and then the curing is
a great loss of time." Evidently Sir George was not
in love with Californians or their traffic.

478 INLAND TRADE AND COAST TRAFFIC.

Herewith I give a specimen of commercial corre-
spondence of the period :

SAN FRANCISCO, Oct. 8, 1845.

MR JAMES WATSON: Dear Sir — I wish you would
purchase for me, payable next season or in the spring,
three bales of sugar, of Malarin, if he will let you
have it, at six dollars the arroba. And if not, see if
Don Manuel Diaz will let you have it at that price or
less. Get two bales at any price you can, if you can-
not get it at the price named, and deliver one to the
Advance when she arrives in Monterey, and send the
other one or two, as may be, to San Francisco, in
California, I want it for immediate ship's use, as I am
borrowing sugar here for daily use.

Yours truly, H. MELLUS.

In 1842 common calico paid a duty of one eighth of
a dollar a vara. The Mexican tariff imposes a tax of 45
per cent on 'artfculos permitidos;' but in California,
where no prohibition exists, articles in this category
are admitted at 40 per cent ad valorem. Foreign
ships pay $1.50 per ton for right of anchorage.
Whalers pay a simple duty of $10 when it is supposed
they come in merely to provision. If, however, they
sell any merchandise, they have to pay the regular
duties. Ships that put in for safety pay no duties,
but on condition that they sell nothing. Mexican
ships bringing cargoes from Mexican ports pay no
duty. Monterey is the only port open to foreign com-
merce, and any ship which l£, moins de relache pour
avarie' runs a risk of being seized as a smuggler.
When once the ships .have discharged their cargoes at
the custom-house at Monterey, and have paid their
duties, they are at liberty to take their merchandise
on board again, and trade along the coast until they
have disposed of their entire cargo.

It may be imagined how easy was smuggling under
such circumstances. The American and English ships
sometimes landed merchandise at isolated points on
the coast ; but they preferred to wait out at sea, or

GOVERNMENT REGULATIONS. 479

at an uninhabited island, for ships which had already
paid their duties, to which they transferred their
cargo. Some ships in this manner sold two or three
times the value of their original cargo. Coin being
scarce in California, captains, supercargoes, and mer-
chants paid part of the duties in merchandise at current
prices. Thus we observe at different times different
regulations, though statements vary somewhat, as a
matter of course.

Governor Micheltorena promulgated his decree on
hides the 31st of December, 1843. At every port an
agente de policia was to be appointed by the local
authorities, who should inspect all hides exported in
national vessels. No hide should be shipped without
being examined and marked by this agente. Hides
not bearing the owner's brand and sale-mark should
be confiscated by the alcaldes, and the buyer, or per-
son in whose hands they are found, should be fined $5
for each hide. Every four months the agente should
report to the local authorities for publication the num-
ber of hides exported, with a statement of their marks
of ownership. To the agente of San Francisco all
vessels must present themselves on entering or leav-
ing the bay. The agentes to collect from those in-
terested one real for each hide marked. Failing to
attend to his duties, the agente should pay a fine
of $4 each up to 10 hides exported without the
proper marks; $5 each from 10 to 50 hides, and so on,
increasing $1 per hide for each additional 50. For a
second offence he should lose his position. Fines to
be in three parts: the first to go to the informer, the
second to the owner of the brand, and the third to
the municipal fund. Confiscated hides to go to the
owner if he can prove he has not sold them. If he
cannot prove this, the hides to be divided like the
fines, between the informer and the municipal fund.

From Monterey, on the 22d of March, 1845, Lar-
kin writes: "The laws of Mexico are but little heeded
here, only as they may suit the country. No atten-

480 INLAND TRADE AND COAST TRAFFIC.

tion is paid to the Mexican tariff; every single article
that can be brought to this country can be entered
by paying about 30 per cent duties on its value in
Monterey; there are no prohibitions whatever from
foreign ports; there is even a law here prohibiting
foreign goods being introduced from San Bias and
Mazatlan, with guias, pases, unless the owners will
pay the duties the same as if introduced from a foreign
port. Any foreign vessel entering cargo, and paying
duties at this custom-house, can carry on the coasting
and retailing trade on board for two or three years,
from San Francisco to San Diego, having a store on
board, with glasses and shelves; or on shore, selling a
vara or bale of calico, and carrying freight up and
down the coast as they please. Whalers are allowed
to trade, paying no tonnage, but duties on what they
say they have sold, and $30 port charges."

Again, January 4, 1846, he says: "Monterey is the
only port in this department where foreign vessels can
enter to pay their duties. Vessels under the Mexican
flag, direct from any other port of Mexico, can touch
at any of the ports of California before arriving at
Monterey; yet they must pay their duties here, which
by the tariff of Mexico is about 1 5 per cent on the
import duties, every time they are transported by
land or water from one Mexican state to another;
shipping dollars pay the enormous duty of 10 per cent
from one state or department to another. The aver-
age duties of California for the last seven years
amount to $85,985 per year, of which 15 to 18 per
cent is paid to the collector of the custom-house and
his subordinates ; of the remainder, the treasurer pays
about one third to the civil authorities, and the bal-
ance to the military. The officers of the custom-house
receive their salaries in full; the civil and military re-
ceive by an average rate according to the amount of
each entry, which is divided at the time it is received;
they must then wait till the arrival of a new vessel,
which may be one month or six. The rule of this

CUSTOM-HOUSE METHODS. 481

custom-house is to demand the duties in cash and
hides in 80, 130, and 160 days. As the officers can-
not wait so long a period, they in general take orders
from the treasurer in sums of $5 to $1,000 on the
supercargoes, who pay them at sight in goods, or the
owner must wait the stipulated time for payment."

From the Larkin archives of 1845, 1 extract as fol-
lows: The regular Boston traders generally have two
vessels on the coast at the same time. After collect-
ing in company for periods varying from 12 to 18
months, one of them returns home, leaving the others
until a fresh ship relieves her, tims continually keep-
ing the work of collecting going on.

The hide-houses are in San Diego, to which place
each vessel proceeds two or three times during the
year, to land such hides and tallow as may have been
collected from nine or ten ports between San Fran-
cisco and San Diego, the customer being expected to
pay a part of his debt in produce every time the ves-
sel anchors in port.

There are no Mexican vessels in California owned
by Mexicans or Californians ; they belong to natural-
ized foreigners. The laws of Mexico are observed
only when they are for the interest of Californians.
Little regard is paid to the tariff. The collector of
Monterey imposes such duties on many articles as he
considers requisite at the time.

Although against the laws of Mexico, the governors
and generals of California, since the independence,
have allowed the coasting trade from San Diego to
San Francisco to all foreign vessels which have paid
their duties in Monterey. In 1844-5 Micheltorena
levied a tax of $50 per month on foreign vessels for
this license of coasting ; $5,000 was collected March
28, 1846. Governor Pico annulled this law.

The payments of duties are made in about 90, 130,
and 180 days. The supercargoes in general agree
upon the second payment, making it in cash, and
bullock-hides at $2 apiece; cash, should the vessel

CAL. PAST. 31

482 INLAND TRADE AND COAST TRAFFIC.

pay less than $6,000; from $6,000 to $12,000, two
thirds cash and one third hides; from $12,000 to
$18,000, half cash; over $18,000, one third cash and
two thirds hides.

On the collector's arranging the amount, mode of
payment, and taking two securities, he retains suffi-
cient for the salaries of his officers, and passes the
remainder to the treasurer. They both then draw in
sums of from $4,000 to $5,000 on the supercargo or
agent, payable at the specified time; some orders for
cash, some for hides; the creditors and officers receiv-
ing a draft on the pro rata system as far as the duties
of the vessel then entering may suffice.

The supercargo or agent has a store fitted up on
board ship, with shelves, show-cases, drawers, and
scales, selling from one pound of tea, shot, etc., to a
box or bag, and again from a yard of silk or calico to
a bale.

From Boston, cargoes consist of groceries, furni-
ture, dry goods, crockery, hardware, etc., from which
cargo the holder of the draft can choose the amount
drawn from in his favor, or a part of it, taking the
supercargo's due-bill for the remainder, both drafts
and due-bills being negotiable; they are sometimes
cashed at a discount of two per cent a month. In
many cases the supercargo has debts against the
holder of the draft, which is always accepted as pay-
ment for his or any other demand.

The duties of the principal vessels amount to from
$5,000 to $25,000; they also pay one real per each
large bale for storage in the custom-house; half of that
sum for wharfage; and have the use of the custom-
house and warehouses for storage and sales until the
arrival of the next vessel that may require the build-
ings. Tonnage duties are $1.50 per ton to all foreign
vessels, and all Mexican vessels from foreign ports.
There are no other port charges; no wharfage, pilot-
age, or light-house fees, nor any health or quarantine
regulations. There is no article prohibited by the

FOREIGN IMPORTATIONS. 483

custom-house, no prohibition or restriction of any
kind; no bounties or navigation acts; no drawbacks
on shipping or their cargoes; no board of trade or
other establishment relating to commerce in Califor-
nia. Coins, currency, weights, and measures of Eng-
land and the United States are in common use in
California. By long custom, whale-ships are allowed
to enter Monterey and San Francisco on paying from
$10 to $20 port charges, and a certain percentage on
such matters as they may barter for supplies.

The imports from San Bias, Mazatlan, and Aca-
pulco consist of rice, sugar, panocha, nux vomica, sad-
dlery, silk and cotton rebozos, cotton and woollen
serapes, shoes, and some English, American, and
German goods.

Imports from the United States and elsewhere
are domestics in very large quantities; shoes, hats,
furniture, and farming utensils, chiefly of New
England manufacture; groceries, china goods, iron,
hardware, and crockery, which are sold to the mer-
chants and farmers on the coast, on a credit of from
one to two years, payable in hides, tallow, dried beef,
lumber, soap, etc.

The vessel obtains a coasting license to trade, and
collect produce until she is filled, which occupies from
12 to 24 months, the vessel's consort the next year
taking the balance of the cargo and debt for collec-
tion. The Boston vessels return to that port with
from 20,000 to 40,000 bullock-hides, the owner
expecting about one hide for each dollar invested in
cargo and expenses of all kinds. The tallow is
exchanged for hides with vessels bound to Callao.

In former years, considerable fur was exported —
prime sea-otter skins for the Canton market being
worth in Monterey as high as $40 each ; there is still
some fur and gold shipped. Shingles, lumber, spars,
and horses are shipped to the Sandwich Islands; beef
fat, wheat, and beans to the Russian settlements on
the north-west coast, in exchange for drafts on St
Petersburg.

484 INLAND TRADE AND COAST TRAFFIC.

On the 8th of October, 1845, the assembly decreed
that traders who bought hides should register in the
books kept for that purpose the name of sellers,
marks, and value. A commission appointed by the
alcaldes should meet at the market (comercio) every
Saturday, and collect the hides brought during the
week. The commission should take a list of sellers
and marks, and qualify them, whether legal or not, in
accordance with the books of the juzgado. Hides with
false sale-marks should be applied to the municipal
fund, and the sellers held as thieves, to be judged by
the alcaldes, the price to be returned to the purchaser,
and the value of the animal to its owner. No one
should sell stock (bienes de campo) without putting
on the sale-mark. Those who deal in hides should
obtain a pass from the nearest authorities, when send-
ing them to any place, and present the pass to those
in charge at the fort for inspection. Prefects, sub-
prefects, and alcaldes were authorized to inspect hides
and receive passes. This service should be regarded
as a public benefit. Hides inspected weekly as per
article 2 were marked with the national brand, and
needed no pass.

Hartnell, in the draught of a letter to R. C. Wyllie
in 1844, says that articles of English manufacture best
adapted to this market are brown and white cottons,
coarse and fine, for shirting, sheeting, etc.; prints of
good quality and fast handsome colors; cotton and silk
handkerchiefs of all descriptions; good stout vel-
veteens, blue and black; fustian, principally brown;
muslin; cambric muslin; bishop's lawn ; cotton lace of
all descriptions ; cloth of all kinds, principally blue and
black; cassimere; cassinet; flannel, principally red and
white; bayeta ; a very small assortment of linen goods,
among which some of the finest Irish linen and cam-
bric; cotton, woollen, and silk stockings; handsome
gown patterns; cashmere shawls; all kinds of hard-
ware; tinware; earthenware; glassware; needles, most-
ly very fine; cotton and linen thread; sewing-silk;

SHIP CARGOES AND STORE STOCKS. 485

hats, boots, and shoes; ready-made clothes of all
descriptions, including plenty of white and checked
shirts; Scotch griddles; butchers' knives; knives and
forks; silver and brass thimbles; all kinds of knick-
knacks for women's work-boxes; stout hoes, spades,
shovels; window-glass, principally 8 by 10 inches;
nails of all kinds, particularly cut nails; furniture of
all kinds — a small assortment very elegant, the rest of
middling quality; tea-trays of all sizes; carpeting,
a small quantity; oil-cloth; artificial flowers; false
pearls ; the finest and smallest beads that can be pro-
cured, of all colors, and needles to work them with;
gold and silver lace from £ to 2 inches wide ; perfum-
ery; iron pots and kettles; candlesticks; sickles; a
few good common silver hunting- watches. A cargo
of goods direct would leave an immense profit on the
invoice, but two years' time would be necessary to
realize it. Payment would be almost entirely in hides
at $2 each, which would have to be salted; and tallow,
at 12 reales the arroba, brought to pay half the
amount.

In 1840 coin was scarce in the country, owing to
rumors of civil war, the moneyed men either hoarding
it or shipping it away. Hardship in consequence fell
on the rancheros, who were obliged to slaughter great
numbers of cattle for the hides and tallow wherewith
to pay their debts. Many were thus injured to their
ruin.

In 1841-2, says J. J. Vallejo, few vessels arrived
with merchandise — so that the Californians, of whom
a majority owed the foreign merchants large amounts,
were obliged, in order to meet their obligations,
to kill great quantities of cattle for their hides and
tallow, which were the only articles admitted in pay-
ment by the supercargoes of vessels. In this way
disappeared more than two thirds of the country's
wealth ; and many Indians, and some white men, who
were accustomed to gain a living by driving cattle,
were left without the means of subsistence for them-
selves and their large families.

486 INLAND TRADE AND COAST TRAFFIC.

Retail stores bought directly from vessels, on credit,
as did rancheros, selling also on credit, the customer
bringing the hide and tallow to the store whenever he
slaughtered. If the slaughter did not suffice to 'pay
a debt, the live-stock was given, and all store-keepers
had herds, except Spear & Hinckley of San Francisco.

A part of the small interior trade was that from
the salinas lagoons, or salt ponds, situated between
the ocean sand-dunes and the Monterey River. Salt
was here obtained for the mission and the troops,
some being sent to San Bias on the king's ships as
early as 1770. Salt being a royal monopoly, no
sooner did men begin to make and move it than a
guard was placed over it by order of the government.
The commander of the guard would • bring Indians
from Soled ad and Carmelo, and gathering all the salt
from the three lagoons into one pile, covered it with
sticks and branches, to which they set fire, so as to
melt the surface and form a crust over the mass, which
would protect it from the dampness of the contiguous
ocean. When all was ready for its shipment, it was
brought to the warehouse at Monterey, and placed in
charge of the habilitado, and sent away in tanned
leather bags brought by the ship for that purpose.

When Fremont wanted horses in 1846, he sent to
the natives of the Tulare plains, and purchased 187
horses and mules, paying for each animal one small
butcher-knife and a string of beads.

There was some trade with New Mexico. Parties
were wont to come across the country with packs of
blankets which they exchanged for mares, horses, and
mules. Each party would take away from 1,000 to
2,000 animals. On several occasions these New Mexi-
cans were really thieves, and stole many head of stock.
The last considerable robbery of this kind took place
in 1844-5, when a Canadian, or Frenchman, named
Charley Fou, got away with some 2,000 horses and
mules. An armed party went from Angeles in pur-
suit of the thieves, but finding them superior in point

THE FIRST ARRIVAL. 487

of numbers and well armed, returned without having
accomplished anything.

The Amajaves, Cochanes, and Yumas used every
year at certain times to bring to Angeles antelope-
skins and tirutas — blankets which they wove by hand
with great perfection, and which were very durable,
in color white and black — made with the wool of the
wild sheep once tame (borregos cimarrones), which
they chased in Sonora. These tirutas were much
sought after by the rancheros, who used them as
saddle-cloths. In exchange for them, the Indians
took mares and horses. These Indians were led by
their capitanes, who were presented by the authorities
with horses and cast-off clothing.

We may be sure that the arrival of the first foreign
vessel at Monterey was an event. It was in 1817.
Lieutenant Don Josd Maria Estudillo was comandante
of the military post, and Don Vicente Pablo de Sola
was governor. On a soft spring morning, while a
gentle breeze was blowing in from the north-west, the
look-out stationed at Punta de Pinos came rushing in
on horseback through the presidio gate, and made
straight for the comandante's house.

"What is the matter?" asked Don Jose, coming to
the door.

"A sail! A strange sail, far out at sea; it is very
far out, but it seems to have the intention of coming
here," replied the look-out.

" Ho, there ! My glass and trumpet," shouted the
commander; "and bring my coat, the best one with
the gold braid; and don't forget my boots and hat.
Where is my sword ? and hunt me up that chart of the
flags of all nations."

Arrayed in his most imposing habiliments, the com-
mander was ready to meet the enemy.

"Now sound the drum!" he cried, "and let the
infantry and artillery appear ; let all who love their
country join with me in her defence, prepared to
shed our last drop of blood for God and the King!"

488 INLAND TRADE AND COAST TRAFFIC.

The drummers rushed forth, beating for dear life
round the plaza, while the troops mounted their
horses, and the artillerymen and militia repaired to
the fort. The women made everything ready for
flight, and the old men and boys got out their old
swords and fire-locks, and scoured from them the rust.
At the fort the men heated some balls red hot, so as
to do the fullest execution upon the ship.

"Is it a pirate," they wondered, "or a Frenchman,
or Yankee?" It did not matter: it was all one; it
should see, whatever it was, that the country was not
to be so easily wrested from its noble. and brave de-
fenders.

Slowly and surely as an impending fate, the vessel
approached, until distinctness marked its every out-
line, and the ever-broadening sails were loosened and
allowed to flap in the wrind.

The commander planted himself at the foot of the
fort. He clutched his big trumpet nervously; he
gazed at frequent intervals through his glass, and
studied attentively his flag pictures. Life was sweet,
but his mind was made up. Life without honor was
valueless : and better eyes dim in death than awake to
see California sons slain, her daughters ravished, and
the little children with their brains dashed out upon
the rocks!

By and by, after faithful study, applying to the mat-
ter to the fullest extent the exercise of his astute
intellect, the commander pronounced the strange sail
a schooner of 80 or 100 tons burden, but of what
nation it was impossible to determine. The streaked
and starred bunting flying at the mast-head was not
on his chart of the flags of all nations, which was fully
fifty years old. It was evidently a private signal, and
there was not a reasonable doubt of its being that of a
corsair, the red streaks signifying rivers of blood, and
the stars the number of cities taken. He thought he
could discern warlike preparations on board; never-
theless, he would play on her at once his old success-

BRAVE DEFENCE. 489

ful tactics, and raise a white flag. If he could thus
lure the enemy into his power, he might yet save the
commonwealth. Presently the gallant comandante
placed his trumpet to his lips and bellowed :

"Qu(5 buque?"

"No sabe Espanol," was the reply which came back
across the water as from another world.

"Ship ahoy! Quebandera?" bravely persisted Don
Jose', determined to know the truth, however unpalat-
able.

"Americana!" came from the schooner.

If there were now only a boat at hand; if Spain, in
the days of her grandeur, had only supplied the met-
ropolitan seaport of Alta California with a boat where-
with to board ships, he would show the world what
a brave man will do in the service of his country. But
alas ! there was none. And not without show of reason
Ferdinand, Charles, Philip, might ask, why burden
Spain with the expense of a small boat at the port of
Monterey, which has no commerce?

Meanwhile the governor, who had tarried to mend
some rips in his full-dress uniform, appeared upon the
scene, attended by his officers, all with shoes blacked
and hair oiled.

All on shore felt the dreaded moment approaching,
as a boat was seen lowered from the vessel and making
toward them. Fearlessly it approached the land, and
as the bow touched the beach a man stepped forth,
smirking, and nodded to the august assemblage. In-
stantly he was surrounded by soldiers, and the meas-
ure taken of his man-killing capabilities. He was
arrayed all in black, high hat and swallow-tail coat —
a private disguised as a priest, it was whispered.
Fortunately for the peace of California, the creature
carried no weapon. He was wholly in their power.
If, as they supposed him to be, he was the captain of
that great arid villanous-looking craft, they had him
in their power.

Leaving the army to guard the boat, lest some

490 INLAND TRADE AND COAST TRAFFIC.

daring sailor should rush to the rescue of his captain,
the Yankee skipper, for such was the quality of the
invader, in the centre of a platoon of cavalry was con-
ducted into the presence of the governor. Signifying
that he spoke only English, an interpreter was pro-
cured in the person of a seaman from the boat.

The Californians were now in a position to take the
matter coolly, as did old Nestor, who, after feasting
and sacrificing with Telemachus and his crew, turned
and bluntly asked them if they were thieves or mur-
derers, or what.

The comandante thought it safe enough at this
juncture to charge the prisoner with being the spy of
some enemy, and so he boldly said, though of what
enemy, and why a spy, wTas not set forth in the com-
plaint.

The prisoner declared he was no spy, and was not
an enemy.

"Then tell me, sir," the governor demanded, "who
you are, whence and why you came, whither bound,
and what flag you sail under?"

"I am an American," the captain replied; "I sail
under the United States flag; I am last from the Rus-
sian possessions, and am bound for the Hawaiian
Islands; I have stopped to offer for sale some Chinese
goods, of which I have a supply on board."

The governor thereupon retired to his house to
hold a council with his officers, while the prisoners
were conducted to the plaza, and placed in the centre,
still closely guarded.

While the council were discussing the matter, the
sailor being minutely questioned apart from the cap-
tain, the people of the town, men, women, and children,
congregated about the captain, and discussed his
character and quality.

"He is a Jew," said one. " You can tell by the tails
of his coat."

"He is a cannibal," remarked another; "for he
chews tobacco, which is more filthy than eating hu-
man flesh."

MIXED RELIGION. 491

In any event, they all agreed that he was a sea-
heathen, as they could see in every feature that he
had never been baptized; and this opinion was presently
more fully confirmed in their minds when the noon
bell sounded for the Ave Maria, and the prisoner
neither kneeled nor removed his hat like the others.

" Down ! down on your knees, barbarian ! " the
guard exclaimed, as best they were able to make
themselves understood. The skipper turned pale,
thinking his hour had come, and that he was thus to
be shot.

"Hell!" said he, "you wouldn't murder a man like
wild Indians, would you?" But when he understood
that they only wished him to pray a little, he put
on the outward appearance of piety with thankful
alacrity.

It was a picture for the tin-type man, truly, the
soldier of mixed Spanish and Indian blood, clad in his
cuera, or yellow leather jacket, armed with long
sword, lance, and bloody-looking knife, kneeling be-
side a ship-master of Anglo-Saxon origin, in diplo-
matic attire, the guard with bended head, having one
eye on the being he was praying to, and the other on
the prisoner, while all around over the plaza were the
scattered populace down on their knees where the
stroke of the noon bell had met them.

"Ask your master if he would not like to become a
Christian," said the soldier to the sailor, as they
presently wended their way to the governor's council-
room, whither they had been summoned.

"He says he is a Christian," was the reply of the
interpreter. The Mexican man of prayer could not
believe such a thing possible of one so ignorant of the
commonest intercourse with heaven, and charged
the sailor with lying.

With the dust marks still upon his knees and on the
tails of his diplomatic coat, the captain was ushered
into the august presence of the governor.

:'We cannot find you guilty of being a pirate or a

492 INLAND TRADE AND COAST TRAFFIC.

spy, for lack of evidence, though doubtless you are
both. A storm might have blown you hither; and
wanting water you may have said you had Chinese
goods to sell. Neither can we prove your flag pirati-
cal, though it looks so, as indeed do you. You may
have water; but you must be off within five hours or
be hanged."

We may be sure that the captain did not unneces-
sarily delay his departure. Five months afterward
an English man-of-war in like manner disturbed the
serenity of the sleepy capital. From the boat sert
ashore, in polite terms and good Spanish, the officials
were informed that the ship was on a voyage of
observation round the world, and had called that the
officers might pay their respects to the governor of
California. As there were powder and shot here
wherewith to blow the town to atoms, and as the high
responding parties were smoothed the right way, the
reply was as courteous as had been the announcement.

CHAPTER XVI.

A FUTILE FIGHT WITH IGNORANCE.

For ignorance of all things is an evil neither terrible nor excessive, nor
yet the greatest of all; but great cleverness and much learning, if they be
accompanied by a bad training, is a much greater misfortune. — Plato.

OWING to the very exceptional nature of education
among the Californians, it will be necessary, in treat-
ing of what little did exist, to enter somewhat into
detail, and adhere strictly to the chronological order
of a few meagre facts ; for from the earliest settlement
of the country until it became an integral part of the
American republic, California had no well-established
system of schools. All of the instruction imparted to
her sons and daughters was due to the spasmodic and
short-lived efforts of rulers, who, on coming into office,
deemed it their duty to initiate reform, and yet lacked
the ability and power to overcome the obstacles which
at every step confronted them. These obstacles, we
shall find, were ever alike in kind, although varying
in degree, and consisted in the chronic depletion of
the public treasury, and an inveterate unwillingness
on the part of the people, which was theirs by right
of inheritance from illiterate ancestors, to give to their
children an education better than that which had
fallen to their own lot.

In all that pertains to the proper discipline and' en-
lightenment of the intellect, the Californians, com-
pared even with their brethren in many of the Mexican
states, were deficient. Almost without exception, the
early settlers, men and women. of mixed blood, drawn

U93)

494 A FUTILE FIGHT WITH IGNORANCE.

from the humbler ranks of Spanish colonial society,
were unable either to read or to write. The alcalde
of San Francisco in 1781 could not sign his name to
a document conveying the possession of land. Equally
ignorant were the non-commissioned officers and pri-
vates of the presidial companies ; for these men were
chiefly Mexican half-breeds, while the handful of
Spaniards in their ranks were of the unenlightened
peasantry of the mother country; and not infrequently
it was found necessary for the commanding officer at
one garrison to request that there might be sent to
him from some other presidio a man qualified to act
as amanuensis. Out of fifty men comprising the
Monterey company in 1785, but fourteen could write.
Among the thirty men of the San Francisco com-
pany, only seven could write. Thirteen years later
but two out of twenty-eight men in this same com-
pany could write. Again, in 1794, not a soldier of
the company was able to read or write, and the com-
manding officer asked that one so qualified should be
sent to him from Santa Barbara.

The commissioned officers themselves possessed only
that rudimentary education at the time considered
sufficient for the Spaniard who, while yet scarcely
more than a child in years, embraced the profession
of arms; and few of them had the opportunity, even
had they possessed the inclination, to improve their
minds during the years of hardship passed at a fron-
tier post.

Nor at a time when growing weakness at home
presaged the downfall of Spanish dominion in Amer-
ica, did the education of the masses in a new and
remote colony form any part of the policy of a gov-
ernment whose aim it was in all its cisatlantic posses-
sions to maintain its subjects in ignorance, in order
that they might less murmuringly bear the increasing
exactions of the crown.

Not until children born in California had in their
turn become parents was the least attempt made to

POSITION OF WOMAN. 495

establish public schools in the country; and that child
was fortunate indeed whose parents were able or will-
ing to instruct him to the extent of reading with
hesitation, and writing the few misspelled words that
at rare intervals should serve to convey to others in
graceless language the very primitive ideas of the
writer. Occasionally some woman, fortunate among
her sisters, with a mother's love imparted to her little
ones her own scant store of knowledge, while at times
the amiga, as she was significantly called, performed
the same duty toward a neighbor's child, or taught
to the ambitious soldier the simple accomplishments
necessary to his promotion. Jose Maria Amador says
that in his childhood — and he was born in 1794 — there
were no schools; and what little instruction he, as
well as his brothers, acquired, he owed to his mother,
Maria Ramona Noriega, who also instructed the chil-
dren of some of their neighbors. She moreover
taught to read and write a few soldiers desirous of
becoming corporals.

To the count of Revilla Gigedo, second viceroy of
that illustrious house, and by far the most liberal of
all the viceregal rulers of New Spain, is due the
suggestion which in 1793 caused a royal order to issue
concerning education in California, by which schools
were to be established, not only for the children of
gente de razon, but for the neophytes, who were to be
taught to read, write, and speak Spanish, the use of
their own language to be in every way discouraged.
The later portion of the royal order was communicated
by Governor Borica to Father President Lasuen, and
that most politic of Californian prelates hastened to
promise his cooperation in a scheme of which neither
he nor his subordinate friars at heart approved ; for
presently a want of funds was the extraordinary ex-
cuse for non-compliance, pleaded by men who avow-
edly had dedicated their lives to the rescue of their
fellow-creatures from the multiform degradation of
savagism.

496

A PCJTILE FIGHT WITH IGNORANCE.

Borica did succeed, however, in establishing a sys-
tem of public schools, if system be the proper term
for a plan alike crude in conception and practically
inefficient. In December 1794, he inquired of the
commandants of the presidios and the comisionados of
the pueblos, whether, in their respective jurisdictions,
there were any persons who knew how to read and
write, and were otherwise fitted to become instructors
of children.1 He also desired information as to what

1 In the accompanying I give a list of the teachers of public schools, places
at which they taught, terms of service, and salaries, from 1794 to 1846.

Name.

Place.

Salary.

Term of Service.

Manuel de Vargas

San Jose.

Dec. 17C4-June 1795

Ramon Lasso

San Jose.

'July 1765-May 1796

Manuel de Vargas
Jos6 Manuel Toca.

San Diego .

$250 per annum

July 1795-Dec. 1798.

Manuel Boronda
Jose Rodriguez

San Francisco .

Taught gratuitously .

May 1796-June 1797.
May 1796

Jos6 Medina . . . .

Santa Larbara

June 1797-Dec. 1798

Jos6 Alvarez

July 1797

Manuel de Vargas

Santa Bdrbara.

Jan. 1799.

Rafael Villavicencio.. . .

San Jos6

Oct. 1811.

Miguel Archuleta

Monterey .

Jan. 1818-1822

Antonio Buelna

San Jose. .

-Mar 1820.

Rafael del Valle

San Jose.

April 1820-Dec 18'/0

Joaquin Buelna ....

San Jose. .

Extra pay

Jan. 1821-June 1822

Labastida

San Jose.

Extra pay

July 1822

Jose Berreyesa

San Francisco

Mar 1823-Oct 1823.

Jos6 Antonio Romero. . .

San Jos6

$15 per month

April 1823.

Luciano Valdes

Los Angeles.

Jan. 1828-Nov. 1830.

Antonio Menendez. .

Aug 1828-Dec 182J

Jos6 Tiburcio Castro. . .
Joaquin Botiller
Vicente Moraga

Monterey
Los Angeles. . .
Los Angeles. . .

Taught gratuitously . .
$15 per month. . . .

Jan. 182J.
Dec. 1830-Dec. 1831,
Jan. 1832.

Pablo de la Ossa. . .

Sta Gertrudis.

Jan 1833.

Cristdval Aguilar
Francisco Pantoja

L/os Angeles. . .
Los Angeles. . .

Jan. 1833.
Feb. 1833-Feb. 1834.

Petronilo Rios

Monterey .

Feb 1833

Jos6 Maria Aguila
Juan Iguera

Monterey
Monterey

$20 per month

March 1834.
June 1834.

Jos£ de los Santos Avila.
Victor Prudon
Ignacio Coronel

Braneiforte. . . .
San Gabriel. . .

$10 per month
$1000 per annum ...
$1000 per annum

July 1834.
Nov. 1834.
Nov 1834

Miguel Avila

Monterey

Jan. 1835.

Domingo Amador

ST) T>pr month

Jan 1835-Aug 1835

Marcos Bonilla
Jos6 Maria Silva .

Santa Barbara.
Santa Cruz . .

$1000 per annum

April 1835.
-Oct. 1835.

Jos6 Fernandez . .

Santa Cruz . . .

Nov. 1835.

Jos6 Mariano Romero. . .

Monterey

Nov. 1835-Nov. 1836.

3ot>6 Zenon Fernandez. .

San Jos6

Feb. 1836.

Juan Padilla . .

San Antonio. . .

April 1836.

Florencio Serrano.

Dec 1836

Ignacio Coronel

Los Angeles. .

July 1838-Sept. "S40.

A. A. de Miera y Norefia.

San Jos6

y

April 1840-Dec. 1841.

Enrique Cambuston. . .
Jos6 Maria Campina . . .
Agustin Davila. . . .

Monterey ....
Monterey ....

B1200 per annunjA. . .
:U000 per annum
Each child $2 50 per m

Aug. 1840-Jan. 1846.
July 1841-May 1843.
Dec 1841

Jos<5 Pefia

May 1842

W. E. P. Hartnell
Guadalupe Medina
Francisca Gomez
Luisa Argtiello

Monterey ....
Los Angeles. .
VIonterey ....

i!200 per annum ....
»500per annum ... •. .
$40 per month

June 1843-Feb. 1844.
Aug. 1843-July 1844.
June 1844-Apr. 1846.

Guadalupe Medina
Boca
Jorge Allen . 1

Los Angeles. .
Sonoma

poOO per annum
?40 per month.

"an. 1845.
Jan. 1845.

Manuel Gutierrez
Florencio Serrano

San Jo^e.
Monterey .

f>500 per annum

Nov. 1845-July 1846.
Jan. 1846- July 1846.

ACTION OF GOVERNORS. 497

compensation they would require, and from what
source this was to come. Masters supposed to be
competent were found, and Borica repeatedly expressed
his satisfaction with the speedy success that had
crowned his efforts. Not later than the 12th of
December, 1794 — I am unable to establish the date
more satisfactorily — Manuel de Vargas, a retired ser-
geant, opened in the public granary at San Jose the
first primary school in California. Vargas shortly
afterward went to San Diego to open a school there,
and Ramon Lasso took his place at San Jose. Early
in October 1795, Jose Manuel Toca became the mas-
ter of a school at Santa Bdrbara.

I have been unable to ascertain the names of the
masters at Monterey and San Francisco, the last of
the presidios to have a school, but the five schools
named were in operation early in 1796.

Not without difficulty, however, did the energetic
governor accomplish what he did, for at the very out-
set he found himself confronted with the necessity of
creating funds for these establishments, and the want
of properly qualified teachers. The men whom he
had appointed teachers were retired veterans, whose
knowledge of what they were called upon to teach
was but slight, and who from their age as well as
their experience of life were ill fitted to become
instructors of youth. It is possible that these appoint-
ments were regarded by the governor as temporary,
and to last only until the arrival of teachers from
Mexico. The other difficulty he hoped to evade by
decreeing that when the people would not. voluntarily
support the school-master a contribution should be
levied, payable in grain when money was not forth-
coming. This order was dated October 19, 1795, and
bachelors were to be taxed as well as married men.

By this decree the attendance of all children over
seven and under ten years of age, both of civilians and
soldiers, was made obligatory; and such of the non-
commissioned officers of the presidial companies who

CAL. PAST. 32

498 A FUTILE FIGHT WITH IGNORANCE.

were unable to read and write were ordered to attend.
The hours of school were early in the morning and
again in the afternoon, in order that in the interval

O

the children might aid their parents in the necessary
labor of the household or the field. The only text-
books were primers furnished by the parents of the
children ; but paper for writing was supplied by the
habilitado, to whom it was afterward returned, that it
might be made use of in the manufacture of cartridges.

^

The prime object of instruction was to learn the doc-
trina cristiana, or Christian doctrine; and this the
children acquired by rote, repeating it line by line and
sentence by sentence after the master. Reading and
writing were matters of secondary importance, and
were taught to no child until he had treasured up in
his memory the contents of the catechism.

Upon the schools thus established, the governor
looked with excusable pride, for he hoped that they
were but the forerunners, necessarily imperfect, of
flourishing academies. He took great interest in the
progress of the scholars, and naturally supposed that
the parents would appreciate his endeavors. He re-
quired that, at stated periods, reports of the number
of scholars in attendance at the different schools should
be made to him, and for several months this was done.

He also required that their copy-books should be
submitted to his inspection.

But presently there was a notable falling off in the
attendance; nor could the threats to which he now
had recourse accomplish what persuasion had failed to
do. Parents, seeing that under the instruction of
masters but little less, ignorant than themselves their
children did not make much progress, suddenly dis-
covered that in order to lead the same monotonous
life of sluggish toil that had fallen to their own lot,
not even the most rudimentary knowledge was imper-
ative. Books they possessed not, letters they neither
received nor were called upon to write, while the few
formal documents that were needed could be drawn by

SCHOOL-MASTERS. 499

the few among them capable of the task, and who made
such profitless drudgery their business. Why, indeed,
should their children know more than they or their
fathers knew ? Reasoning thus, and with the plausible
pretence that the services of their children were neces-
sary to the support of the family, they gradually with-
drew them from the schools. On their part the masters,
conscious perhaps of their lack of qualifications for an
office which had been in a measure forced upon them,
as well as discontented because of their scant salary
and the difficulty of obtaining even that pittance, took
but slight pains to enforce the attendance of unwilling
scholars.

Thus it came to pass that some time before the ex-
piration of Borica's term of office, teachers were almost
entirely wanting, those who still pretended to teach
assembling their scholars but once a week; and the
youth of the country, instead of learning to read and
write, and to stand before the king as that zealous
ruler had hoped, were growing up to manhood as their
fathers had done, without education save in horseman-
ship, and the primitive agriculture then practised ; fit
for nothing but the unintellectual life of a ranchero, or
enlistment in one of the presidial companies. A blight
fell upon education in California, similar to that which
after the death of Charlemagne paralyzed the schools
of his empire.

Another generation needed instruction before the
subject of education was again taken up in earnest;
for during the long second term of Arrillaga the
apathetic, nothing was done for the more permanent
establishment of better schools. But his successor was
a man of different mould. Shortly after his arrival at
Monterey, Sola summoned to his presence the school-
master and his pupils, the latter bringing with them
their cartridge paper and their books. After exam-
ining these, the governor announced his intention of
attending to their education more closely than his

500 A FUTILE FIGHT WITH IGNORANCE.

predecessor had done. Thereupon, the worthy peda-
gogue, apparently considering this remark as a reflec-
tion upon himself, and anxious moreover to bask in
the rays of the rising sun, with much earnestness and
at great length, explained that his pupils were well
read, though few of them could read a word, for the
lives of various saints and like ghostly lore was at
their tongue's end. Many of them were also especially
adept in the singing of masses, for their voices had
been carefully trained by the neophyte Jose, choir-
master at the neighboring mission, and a master of his
art; and they took part in the weekly processions of
the rosary. Nor were these the sole accomplishments
of the youths who yearly on the feast day of Our Lady
of .Guadalupe pronounced discourses in honor of her
merit, which won the applause of listening multitudes.
What more was necessary than this heavenly disci-
pline? As for a knowledge of earth, any fool keeping
his eyes open would learn that.

To this erudite tirade, his Excellency listened atten-
tively, at its close remarking dryly that for all this a
little education would not harm the young Californians,
and that there were other branches of learning fully
as important as sacred music. After a servant had
distributed fruits and sweets to the children, Sola dis-
missed them, bidding some of the more advanced
scholars to wait upon him the following day. On
their presenting themselves, he explained the impor-
tance of close attention to study, and at the close of
the interview presented them with a copy of the con-
stitution of 1812, some recent decrees of the cortes
and numbers of the . Gaceta de Mexico, and, most ac-
ceptable gift of all, a copy of Don Quixote. Promising
them more when these should have been carefully
perused, the governor dismissed the lads, who returned
to their fellows with a glowing account of the interest
taken in them by their new ruler.

In this way Sola caused the schools to be reopened
at various places in the province. As masters, he

COST OF LEARNING. 501

selected settlers, or invalided soldiers of good character,
to whom a gratuity was given, or some soldier who
taught reading and religion. Out of his own abun-
dant means he founded at the capital a school for boys,
and one for girls. He caused the reins of discipline
to be tighter drawn, complaint against a master being
regarded as a sort of high treason, to be punished
with the utmost severity; and wisely holding that on
the education of youth depends the progress of the
state, punished such short-sighted parents as refused
to send their children to the schools.

In a letter to Comandante Argiiello of San Fran-
cisco he wrote: "No admita Vm disculpa alguna d, los
padres que rehusan enviar sus hijos d, la escuela porque,
si no se educa la juventud, el pais en vez de progresar,
forzosamente se vera obligado a retroceder, cosa que
es deber de las autoridades evitar a, todo riesgo,"

Desirous of founding a high school, he invited to
Monterey two Spanish professors of ability and ex-
perience; but to men of narrow though educated
minds, life in California proved irksome, and the im-
ported pedagogues remained in the country but a few
weeks. Observing that the neophytes evinced a cer-
tain aptitude for singing the Latin of the mass, and
took great interest in assisting at that ceremonial as
well as in all pertaining to the service of the church,
he proposed to the viceroy the establishment of a
college similar to that of San Gregorio de Mejico.
The expense was to be borne by the mission commu-
nities, each of which should send to the college half a
dozen young Indians, who, under the supervision of
two of the friars, should be taught writing, grammar,
philosophy, and ethics. It was Sola's well-founded
opinion that thus there could soon be instructed a
body of missionaries who would be of inestimable ad-
vantage in the conversion of their kinsfolk. He also
sutwested the foundation of an establishment where

OO

the female neophytes, who at the tender age of three
years should be taken from their mothers, mi^ht un-

502 A FUTILE FIGHT WITH IGNORANCE.

der the care of a discreet matron be instructed in the
ordinary household duties of women. But men of
the stamp of Quiroga no longer existed in New Spain,
while the political condition of the viceroyalty was
such as to render even the discussion of such a scheme
impracticable.

It was evident that no aid of any kind could be
expected from Mexico, and Sola was left alone to
battle in behalf of education against the covert influ-
ence of the friars, which fanned into open resistance
the inveterate dislike of an ignorant people to any
project for the mental improvement of their children.
When, therefore, in addition to this the governor
found himself opposed and crippled because of the
chronic lack of funds in the public treasury, it cannot
be wondered at that even an enthusiasm such as his
became discouraged, and that he abandoned the profit-
less struggle.

The earlier years of Sola's administration may be
regarded as the golden age of education in California,
since heretofore the schools had never been equalled,
while later they were unsurpassed. Of these schools,
the following is a description: The room itself was
long, narrow, badly lighted; with unadorned walls,
save by a huge green cross or the picture of some
saint, generally the virgin of Guadalupe, suspended
over the master's head, or to one side of his table;
dirty everywhere, and in places dilapidated. Around
its sides were ranged roughly made benches. There
was a rude platform at one end, sometimes with a rail-
ing, but more frequently without, on which was placed
a table covered with a dingy black cloth. Behind
this table was seated, in a greasy dress of fantastic
fashion, an old invalided soldier of ill-tempered visage
and repulsive presence. As the scholars reluctantly
entered its chilling atmosphere, each walked the length
of the room, kneeled before the cross or saint, recited
aloud the bendito, and crossed himself. His devotions

THE LUCKLESS SCHOOL-BOY. 503

finished, he, trembling, approached the master, saying,
"La mano, Senor maestro;" whereupon that grave
functionary, with a sort of grunt or bellow, gave him
his hand to kiss. The boy then put his hat on the
heap formed in a corner by those of his school-fellows,
took his accustomed seat, and as soon as a larger boy
had shown him his lesson, began to recite, in a high
tone and with a vehemence that caused the veins of
his neck to swell, his allotted task of the caton, or
primer. If learning to write, he placed some heavy
black lines, called a pauta, under the coarse paper,
which he ruled with a piece of lead, afterward taking
the paper and his pen to the master, who, sharpening
the latter with a knife, set him a copy according to
his grade, of which there were eight, ranging from
coarse marks and pot-hooks to fine writing in the old-
fashioned round hand. The sheet completed, the child
took it to the master. "Here is a blot, you little
rascal I" "Pardon, Senor maestro, to-rnorrow I will
do better." "Holdout your hand, sirrah!" and the
necessary discipline, without which no education could
be achieved, was duly administered. During the time
devoted to the examination of the copies, the ferule
had but little rest. But on the black cloth lay another
and far more terrible implement of torture — a hempen
scourge with iron points — a nice invention, truly, for
helping little children to keep from laughing aloud,
running in the street, playing truant, spilling ink, or
failing to know the lesson in the dreaded doctrina, the
only lesson taught, perhaps, because it was the only
one the master could teach, this latter offence being
unpardonable. This very appropriate inquisitorial
implement was in daily use. One by one each little
guilty wretch was stripped of his poor shirt, often his
only garment, stretched face downward upon a bench,
with a handkerchief thrust into his mouth as a gag,
and lashed with a dozen or more blows, until the blood
ran down from the little lacerated back. Ah, heavenly
Father, what fools! and what innumerable follies civil-

504 A FUTILE FIGHT WITH IGNORANCE.

ization and Christianity have to answer for! It was
held that while the children were at school their par-
ents could not call upon God in their behalf, but that
the master was alone answerable to him, as well as to
the civil authorities and the church. The master was
also responsible for any want of application on the part
of his pupils; as a set-off, however, he was directed to
counsel and warn the children, and to apply the tor-
ture when deemed necessary, especially for shortcom-
ings concerning the doctrina cristiana, for which no
excuse, as I have said, could be accepted. Moreover,
the master's conduct was watched by the parents; and
if the children did not make satisfactory progress, com-
plaint was made to the comisionado or alcalde.

Six or twelve months were devoted to the primer,
or A B C book. A like time was given to the caton,
which, though also a primer, was regarded as a second
book, an incongruous mass of reading, obtuse, useless,
corrupt, absurd; lessons of servility to the stupid
alcalde; gross doctrines ill defined. After this the
child entered upon the course of writing from the
first to the eighth grade, after which he learned the
first four rules of arithmetic — this accomplishment,
however, not being taught universally. Through
the whole course ran the doctrina, the most accursed
torment of all — the children reciting these sublime
lessons of ignorance like parrots.

Even in the same school there was no uniformity
in the reading-books. They were all religious works,
chief among them being the famous Catecismo de
Ripalda, after which ranked in importance the Caton
Cristiano, a Novena de la Virgen, in some one of her
many attributes, or the life and martyrdom of any of
the innumerable Spanish saints. In committing these
to memory, each paragraph was associated with dire
mental torments, the remembrance of each page
indelibly fixed by the all-purifying scourge.

Vallejo, to whom I am indebted for many facts
connected with the subject of education, writing at a

RELIGION IN EDUCATION. 505

time when upwards of half a century separated him
from the occurrences which he relates, says: "The
catechism of Father Ripalda 1 Who among the sur-
viving, elders of the native Californians is not ac-
quainted with Father Ripalda? Who among them
possessed of a glimmering of reason, and the least
desire for liberty of conscience, does not detest that
monstrous code of fanaticism, which, like some veno-
mous serpent, entwining itself about the heart of
youth, slowly devours iti — the while implanting in
their innocent understanding principles of tyranny
and superstition incompatible with our institutions —
I had almost said inimical to human dignity!"

The Spanish government, while not prescribing
what class of text-books should be used in the schools,
took especial pains to prohibit certain political cate-
chisms and pamphlets published in Spain, and which
seditiously savored of other things than the divine right
of kings. Among the prohibited text-books, which
do not, however, appear to have made their way to
California, were : "Cateeisrno politico arreglado a la
constitution de la monarquia espanola para ilustracion
del pueblo, instruccion de la juventud y uso de las es-
cuelas de primeras letras; por D. J. C. en Cordoba,
en la imprenta real de D. Rafael Garcia Dominguez —
aiio de 1812; Catecismo patri6tico, 6 breve exposicion
de las obligaciones naturales, civiles y religiosas de un
buen Espanol; compuesto por un pdrroco del arzobis-
pado de Toledo: Madrid: Imprenta de Ibarra, 1813;
Lecciones politicas para el uso de la juventud Espanola;
por el Dr. D. Manuel Cupero, Cura del Sagrario de
Sevilla: Impresa en la misma por D. Jose Hidalgo —
aiio de 1813 ; Catecismo politico Espanol constitucional
que d, imitacion del de doctrina cristiana compuesto por
el Sr Reynoso, presenta al piiblico E. E. D. C. N. En
Malaga, en la oficina de D. Luis Carreras, ano 1814;
Catecismo cristiano politico compuesto por un magis-
trado para la educacion de su hijo y dado d luz por el
ayuntamiento de Antequera para el uso de sus escuelas,

506 A FUTILE FIGHT WITH IGNORANCE.

impreso en la misma por la viuda e hijos de Galvan,
aiio 1814."

Compare these with the text-books we place in the
hands of our children to-day, and we may well excuse
any manifestation of feeling on the part of one who,
like Vallejo, had been subjected in the days of his
tender youth to their tortures.

This, then, was the routine of study during five
days of the week, except when some feast or fast of
the church gave the glad children a holiday. Satur-
days were days of review and examination. Occasion-
ally the children were taken to church in order to be
present at the mass and listen to long sermons, dry
and tedious. Now and then they were made to con-
fess to some grim old missionary.

This was the almost unvarying routine of school-boy
life. Their mothers had some pity for them, as after
a frugal breakfast, pale and tearful they left their
homes; but their fathers, saying, "As I was ground so
be thou ground," took away all hope. Vallejo thus
graphically closes his account of the early schools:
"The escuela antigua was a heaping up of horrors, a
torture for childhood, a punishment for innocence. In
it the souls of a whole generation were inoculated
with the virus of a deadly disease. . . . There opened,
black and frightful, the tomb of thought, and the
school, which should be the gilded vestibule carpeted
with roses, by which the human family enters the
sanctuary of civilization, in the time of the viceroys
and the earlier governors of California was but the
gloomy and harmful passage which swallowed slaves
for the future use of monarchy. In my mind there
rise up such painful emotions, such bitter remem-
brances of the sad consequences due to the education
which our masters gave us, that the mere recollection
is absolutely painful. Recalling to mind these things
is like the dream of the escaped victim who sees aris-
ing from the depths the spectre of his hated execu-
tioner. The old school should have been called the

YOUTHFUL DIPLOMACY. 507

school of servilism, since it was the torture-chamber
wherein was done to death the sentiment of dignity
which perished amid a thousand torments, physical
and moral, encompassing the martyrdom of the body,
and extinguishing the light of reason in the new-born
man." Such being the case, there was fully enough
of education in pastoral California, after all.

Not that the little Californians were angels, deserv-
ing no discipline. They were like other school-boys
of other times and countries in frequently infringing
the rules laid down for their guidance, and were, in-
deed, if the truth must be told, sometimes found in
open rebellion against the master. At Monterey, it
was customary to allow the boys to go to the beach
in order to see the incoming ships. On one of these
rare occasions, the Princesa was signalled in the offing,
and the usual permission was given. The elder
scholars had nearly completed a copy of the habili-
tado's accounts, on which they had bestowed unusual
care, as it was intended for transmission to Mexico,
and were bidden by the master to carefully put away
their manuscript, and to close as they went out the
gatera, or hole cut in the door for the passage of the
cat. Heedless of everything but the anticipated
pleasure, these injunctions were forgotten, and the
eager children hurried to the shore. There they met
Sola, who received them kindly, as was his wont, and
was well pleased with their report of the progress
made in the task which he had allotted to them. In
due time the ship anchored; the commander and pas-
sengers came on shore, and the unwilling lads returned
slowly to school, to find that, in consequence of their
neglect, a number of hens had invaded the classic pre-
cinct, and overturning the ink-bottles, had ruined be-
yond redemption their elaborate copies. Their hearts
almost ceased to beat as they thought of the impend-
ing consequence; for their preceptor, while miserly in
the expenditure of cigarrillos, was nowise niggardly in
the use of the ferule, which, moreover, through long

508 A FUTILE FIGHT WITH IGNORANCE.

practice, he wielded with no mean skill. Their sus-
pense was not long. The master entered, and taking
in the situation at a glance, with a scowl more than
usually demoniacal ordered the whole school into the
torture-chamber, an inner apartment with no means
of egress save through the school-room. He was
obeyed in ominous silence. But when he ordered two
of the elder boys to seize the first victim, they flatly
refused. Encouraged by this bold stand, their com-
rades closed the wooden shutter of the only window,
and began discussing the advisability of laying out the
pedagogue on the bench, and applying to his back
the scourge. If well laid on, it might serve as a
reminder to lessen their tortures, which presently it
would be their turn to endure. When it fully came
home to him —this amazing impudence — the school-
master took to his heels and reported the matter to
the commanding officer of the presidioc, who in turn
informed the governor. A commissioner was sent to
investigate the matter, who pardoned the rebels, on
the ground that their excessive joy at the arrival of
the Princesa so affected their minds for the moment
as to render them irresponsible agents.

Little learning as the boys got, far less was imparted
to the girls; it was not necessary or desirable that
a woman should know anything beyond household
duties. Besides plain cooking, plain sewing, sufficient
for making plain clothes, unvaried in fashion, worn
by themselves, their husbands, and their children,
made up the sum of their accomplishments. With
the exception of the single instance of a girl's school,
to which I have alluded, there were none established
until a much later day. In the towns, the daughters
of some of the prominent families assembled at the
house of the mother of one of them, who taught them
to read and write, in the same way that the boys
were taught, although not to the same extent.
They also learned to weave in hand-looms the gaudy

MISSION INSTRUCTION. 509

rugs which, spread upon the floor of the church, served
them as seats. Or seated on the floor of the school-
room, or of the inner corridor of the house, each child
with her hoop-like embroidery-frame upon her knees,
they slowly wrought with the needle in cotton stuff
not over fine the simple embroidery intended for the
embellishment of valances, and the like, which ulti-
mately were to form part, and frequently all, of the
maker's dower. The simple cookery known to Cali-
fornians, and the care of children, each girl learned at
home.

The friars took no part in public instruction, and
this may well excite our wonder, for they were them-
selves all men of good education, some of them deeply
learned. But they taught, only in a desultory way
and as if for pastime, their favorites among the sol-
diers of the escoltas, or the few children de razon who
lived at the missions. One enthusiastic religious was
wont to arise at untimely hours of the night in order
to instruct the sentry at his post, and with the ramrod
of his pupil's musket trace in the ashes of the guard-
house hearth the letters of the alphabet. A few
there were who, mastering the tongue of those whose
welfare, material and spiritual, was in their keeping,
endeavored to make clear to their benighted intel-
ligence mysteries not easily comprehended by Plato
or Paul. As a rule, however, the friars, adopting
the traditional policy of their country and their cloth,
that education was bad for the Indians, although in
the few cases where it had been tried in California
the result had been good, prevented the neophytes
from acquiring a knowledge of reading and writing,
and taught even to their household servants only such
menial duties as were necessary to their own comfort.
Of what avail was learning in this lotos-land ? There
was in it neither health, wealth, nor happiness ; besides,
it was a great waste of labor; for if the soul was
saved, the mind at death would know all, and that
was soon enough.

510 A FUTILE FIGHT WITH IGNORANCE.

Thus, as we have seen, a twofold obstacle hindered
the progress of education, and during the administra-
tion of Argiiello nothing was accomplished. In 1824
he presided at a meeting of the provincial assembly,
on which occasion the question of the establishment
of a high school for the education of youths was
mooted, but it was decided that there were no funds
that could be applied to such a purpose. Of eight
members present, the half spoke in favor of the estab-
lishment of the hospicios de estudios, in view of its
great benefit to California. A little later, Sola, who
still preserved his interest in California as well as his
enthusiasm for the promotion of learning, and now
represented the province in the Mexican congress,
wrote to Argiiello of the formation of an institute for
the promotion of science in the republic, and invited
the Californians to contribute to the estimated expense,
which was not slight. Though aware that he was
about to be removed, and, moreover, no friend to Sola,
Argiiello sent circulars to the friars, and to the more
prominent among the laymen. The priests refused
to aid an enterprise favored by enemies of the mon-
archy, and the others said that they had no time for
science. California contributed nothing; and as the
other states did no more, the enterprise failed. No
public interest in education could be awakened, and
each father of a family followed his own inclination.

Echeandia held that learning was the corner-stone
of a people's wealth, and its encouragement the chief
duty and greatest glory of a governor. He believed
in the gratuitous and compulsory education of rich
and poor, Indians and. gente de razon alike. These
were favorite ideas with him, openly and frequently
expressed; and when the matter came to the ears of
the friars, who through many channels ever kept
themselves informed of what was said at the govern-
ment house of the territory, they, having neither for-
gotten nor forgiven his secularization scheme, called
upon God to pardon the unfortunate ruler unable to

GOVERNORS AND FRIARS. 511

comprehend how vastly superior a religious education
was to one merely secular. This, however, did not
prevent the governor from calling on the fathers to
establish at each mission, and at its proper charges, a
primary school, whose teachers were to be capable
men of good moral character. The fathers promised
obedience, determined all the time to disobey.

While at Tepic, on his way to take possession of
his government, he had been obliged to inform the
supreme authority that the two teachers of primary
schools in California who had already reached Aca-
pulco were unable to go farther, because the province
could not defray the cost of their passage to Monterey.
Shortly after he reached Monterey the assembly, at
his instigation, voted to request the supreme govern-
ment that it should send, at its own cost, some masters
for primary schools in California. The number of
masters, who were also to establish, if possible, an
academia de gramatica, where philosophy, law, and
drawing should be taught, is not mentioned. Me-
chanics for a rope- walk which might be useful to vessels
were also asked for. The requests were not granted.

Nothing daunted, the governor continued to battle
with recalcitrant friars and stupid ayuntamientos. He
left no means untried to gain the support of the latter,
in one instance directing that there should be elected
to that body only members who should at least be able
to write legibly, and threatening that were this requi-
site not complied with judicial action would, conform-
ably to law, suspend their right of citizenship.

Finding that the civil authorities were powerless to
carry out his commands, some of them in despair
asserting that it was useless to endeavor to pay a
teacher if not a single child attended school, Echean-
•dia called upon the commanding officers at the presidios
to compel parents to send their children. This meas-
ure was to a certain extent effective, and the alcaldes
again set to with a will, he of Monterey voluntarily
acting as master of a school whose sole belongings con-

612 A FUTILE FIGHT WITH IGNORANCE.

sisted of a covered table, one arithmetic, and four
primers.

So the magistrate was able to make a brave show-
ing— on paper — when in 1829 he reported to the
supreme government that there were in existence in
the province eleven primary schools, with an attend-
ance of 339 pupils. This report was dated at San
Diego, May 19, 1829.

The schools were as follows: one at San Jose
pueblo with 30 scholars; one at San Miguel mission
with three scholars; one at Santa Barbara presidio
with 67 scholars; one at Santa Barbara mission with
44 scholars; San Buenaventura had 36 scholars; San
Fernando 20; Los Angeles pueblo 61; San Diego
presidio 18; San Gabriel mission 8; San Juan Capis-
trano 17; San Luis Rey 35. It will be observed that
the Monterey school was once more closed for want of
a teacher, and that of San Francisco had not been
reopened.

The governor added that the schools had been par-
alyzed by the lack of funds and the impossibility of
obtaining suitable teachers. Municipalities and mis-
sions were now prepared to pay capable teachers; for
even at the schools for gente de razon only poor
instruction was given in the doctrina cristiana, read-
ing, and writing. At the mission schools the young
neophytes learned only to sing the mass awkwardly,
to play wind and stringed instruments, and repeat the
doctrina, while the attendance was small because of
the necessary work afield. He therefore called on the
supreme government for aid.

But the enthusiasm. of the subordinate authorities
was short-lived, and Echeandia, unable to contend
against the enmity of the friars, the indifference of the
people, and the poverty of the treasury, accomplished
no more than his predecessors had done. Reluctantly
he abandoned the contest, and the cause of education
again declined. The schools, few in number and pre-
sided over by incapable teachers, were open only

CASA DE EDUCACION. 513

about one third of the time, at irregular intervals, and
for brief periods, according to the condition of the
treasury. Any circumstance was seized upon as a
pretext for closing the schools. In March 1832, it
coming to light that the assessor had introduced some
aguardiente without paying duty thereon, the mer-
chants at Monterey also resisted payment on their
introductions of liquor until the assessor should pay.
Consequently the schools, which at the time were
maintained by these funds, were closed. Some of the
teachers of the mission schools went so far as to
employ their pupils as servants about the house, or in
gathering herbs which the master sold for his own
profit. During the period of anarchy which followed
Echeandia's term of office, and even before the secu-
larization of the missions, these schools one by one had
ceased to exist.

At this juncture W. E. P. Hartnell, a Roman
catholic Englishman of liberal education, and profi-
cient as a linguist, who some years previously had
married a woman of the country and engaged in trade
at Monterey, in which he had not met with success,
concluded to establish at Monterey a school for boys.
For that purpose he associated himself with the Rev.
Patrick Peter Short, a refugee priest from the French
missions at the Hawaiian Islands. He also obtained
the concurrence of the friars, and of the governor, Fi-
gueroa, who promised aid. Hartnell thereupon issued
a prospectus. In this document, which is dated De-
cember 10, 1833, he announced that he would open a
'casa de educacion' for a limited number of pupils,
not under eight years of age. He counted upon the
patronage of the government, and of a considerable
number of honorable citizens and foreigners, who had
already contributed liberally to the preliminary ex-
penses of the undertaking. By the favor of God, the
establishment would be opened at the beginning of
the coming year; and as there were but limited ac-
commodations for pupils — the wilderness hereabout

CAL. PAST. 33

514 A FUTILE FIGHT WITH IGNORANCE.

being narrow — early application should be made. In-
struction would be given in reading and writing; Span-
ish grammar; French, English, German, and Latin;
arithmetic and book-keeping ; mathematics and philos-
ophy. Particular attention would be given to teach-
ing the Christian doctrine, and to the boys' habits
and manners. For his board and lodging and educa-
tion, each pupil should pay $200 yearly. They should
furnish their own books and stationery, and bring
with them certain articles of clothing. Three weeks
thereafter, namely, on January 1, 1834, the Seminario
de San Jose was formally opened at the rancho del
Patrocinio, an estate near Monterey belonging to
Hartnell. Fourteen boys were brought together
under these happy auspices, and yet in a year and a
half the school was closed.

In May 1834 Governor Figueroa reported to the
supreme government that there were primary schools
only at Monterey, Santa Bdrbara, and Los Angeles,
which were taught by ill-qualified, inexperienced men,
and attended by but few children. They were all for
boys; for girls none existed; nor of late years had
any attempt been made in the direction of female
education. These facts the governor set forth in a
speech delivered shortly afterward at the opening
session of the assembly, whereupon that body asked
from the supreme government an annual sum for the
support of public schools, to which request no atten-
tion was paid.

Aid was at hand, however; while the governor and
the ayuntamientos were searching for men and money,
the Hijar colony arrived, with a teacher for the
normal school, which it was proposed to establish at
Monterey, and eight, of whom one was a woman, for
the primary schools.

At a session of the assembly, held November 3,
1834, a bill of the following tenor was passed: 1. The
governor should designate the places at which the

THE HIJAR TEACHERS. 515

teachers brought by Hijar were to open schools. 2.
These teachers should receive the salary assigned them
by Hijar — $1,000 per annum — and be paid from the
municipal funds, or the community property of the
missions, as the governor might determine, in money
or in produce. 3. The teachers of primary schools
should first be required to pass the examination by
law indicated. 4. The teacher proposed for the
normal school should also comply with the law pre-
vious to establishing himself at the capital. 5. The
governor should see to it that one or more persons
from each pueblo, chosen from among those most apt
for the purpose, attended the normal school. These
should be maintained while at the normal school by
the pueblos. 6. Senora Ignacia Paz should open at
Monterey a primary school for girls; she should
undergo an examination, and receive a salary of $600
per annum.

Still th e cause of education did not thrive. The Cali-
fornians did not like new-comers ; and soon there were
complaints on the score of morals against the masters.
Some of these, finding Hijar's representations to some
extent false, returned to Mexico. Then some of the
schools were confided to the old-time pedagogues, who
were incompetent, he of Monterey, for instance, being
unable to spell correctly his native language. And
above all, the old opponents of progress, the ignorance
and indifference of the people, which led them in some
cases into avowed opposition to the governor's scheme,
were unconquerable.

At Los Angeles not a man could be found who was
able to discharge the duties of fiscal in an alcalde's
court. Of thirty rancheros of San Antonio, San
Pablo, and elsewhere, who petitioned the governor
that their properties might be separated from San
Francisco and joined to San Jose, only eleven could
sign their names.

At first the alcaldes, urged thereto by the governor,
threatened to punish the priests who did not comply

516 A FUTILE FIGHT WITH IGNORANCE.

with the law; but these having little effect, educational
matters were allowed to drift and decline.

In February, 1835, Figueroa instructed -the alcalde
of San Diego that parents need not be required to
send their children to the school when this was not
convenient. At the San Diego ex-mission the In-
dians were excused from attending school because they
did not like the master. Kind treatment or punish-
ment equally failed to prevent the schools from being
deserted; parents preferred to employ their children
in labor, and when search was made for them by some
conscientious master — which, however, was of rare oc-
currence— they concealed themselves.

Nor was Alvarado, himself one of a handful of native
Californians who in spite of all obstacles had acquired
some little education, a whit more successful in his
persistent endeavor to advance the cause of learning.
His first message to the so-called congress of Califor-
nia urged the necessity of public instruction, and he
made other appeals to the same effect. But the
treasury still remained in its normal empty condition,
and save by the stereotyped reiteration of laws on the
part of the ayuntamientos, nothing was accomplished.
Continuing his efforts, however, the governor visited
frequently the schools at the capital, rewarding the
meritorious and rebuking those deserving of censure.
But the government was powerless to render pecuniary
aid, and the negligence of parents insurmountable. At
Los Angeles, when Ignacio Coronel, a man of fair
education and good ability, called a meeting of his
fellow-townsmen to select a suitable locality for the
school of which he had charge, there was exhibited an
almost entire lack of interest in the matter, and few of
those present offered to contribute to the necessary
expense.

After four years, Alvarado, in another speech de-
livered at the opening of the assembly, said that in
the whole territory there was scarcely a single school.

CALIFORNIANS AT THE ISLANDS. 517

That the ignorance of the people was as great as ever,
is evidenced by a mass of documents in my collection.
At Santa Bdrbara there was no one qualified to act
as secretary to the alcalde's court. At San Jose the
juez de paz, as he himself informed the prefect, being
unable to write, appointed an amanuensis.

While it was so impossible to maintain in the terri-
tory the necessary primary schools, it was proposed
that a number of young Californians should be edu-
cated at the military academy of Chapultepec. The
plan was abandoned, however, on the ground that it
was better to bring up Californians in their own coun-
try, where their morals were less likely to be cor-
rupted, and where they were less liable to be seduced
into participation in revolutions.

About this time the sons of several foreigners who
had married Californians, and had settled in the coun-
try, were in need of education, and with a few of the
sons of native Californians, were sent to a school at
the Hawaiian Islands, which had been for several
years successfully taught by the missionaries. But
the expense deterred many parents from sending their
sons thither. After they had i^eefi there some months,
the boys wrote to their parents asking for some horses
and their equipments. The first Sunday after receiv-
ing the gifts they went out to amuse themselves, and
other game being scarce, they lassoed and nearly killed
three natives. The boys were arrested and lodged in
jail, being liberated only at the intercession of the for-
eign consuls.

When Bishop Garcia-Diego took possession of his
diocese, he signified in his first pastoral his intention
of attending to the primary schools; and in accord-
ance with orders from Rome, he busied himself with
the project of founding a seminary at Santa Barbara.
But although he succeeded in obtaining from Michel-
torena a grant of eight square leagues of land, he was

518 A FUTILE FIGHT WITH IGNORANCE.

unable to raise the money for building an episcopal
residence.

/ Micheltorena endeavored to adopt a new system for
the establishment of schools. He exhorted the mas-
ters to be patient and kind, and sought by means of
rewards to arouse in the children a love of study.
These he caused to be distributed at an examination
of the pupils of the Monterey schools, and made
similar gifts at such times as he visited them unan-
nounced. Among other reforms, he concluded that
instead of two poor teachers for the normal school, at
salaries of $1,000 and $1,200, one good one was better,
and Hartnell was appointed with a salary of $1,200.
He also stimulated to action the ayuntamiento of Los
Angeles, although the corporation wondered where
the necessary funds were to come from.

The ayuntamiento, at its session of January 11,
1844, claimed that there were no municipal funds
which could be appropriated to the schools, for there
were none except such as arose from fines and land
dues, and requested that Los Angeles might be put
on an equal footing with Monterey, whose schools
received an annual appropriation of $600. The gov-
ernor replied that he was engaged in preparing regu-
lations for the schools, and that meanwhile $500 per
annum should be given to the schools of Los Angeles.
Micheltorena also agreed to purchase a suitable build-
ing for a school.

The governor spent several weeks in perfecting his
educational scheme, and finally issued a decree by
which schools were reestablished at San Diego, Los
Angeles, Santa Barbara, Monterey, San Jose, San
Francisco, and Sonoma. The plan adopted, though
but a slight improvement on the others, was perhaps
the best that under the circumstances could have been
devised. The decree was issued May 1, 1844, and
contained the following articles: 1. Each school as
soon as opened should be located in the teacher's
house until a suitable locality was provided. 2. Read-

THE GOVERNOR'S PLAN. 519

ing, writing, the four fundamental rules of arithmetic,
and the doctrina should be taught. Girls, however,
should also be instructed in making and mending
clothes, and to a certain extent in embroidery and
weaving by hand. 3. The schools should be open
from 8 to 11 A. M. and from 2 to 5 P. M., except on Sun-
days, national holidays, the saint's day of the town,
and scholars were excused on their own saint's day.
4. All children of from 6 to 11 years of age should
attend school, unless a valid reason was given for not
doing so, or unless the child were instructed at home
or elsewhere, in the branches specified. 5. The
school-mistress might, if she would, receive children of
less than the specified age. 6. When it should be
necessary to exact the fine or impose other penalties,
as specified by law, the judge must take into consid-
eration the circumstances of the case; for the child
might be ill, or have to work at home. 7. Pupils
were to furnish their own books and stationery. 8.
The school-mistresses were to be appointed by the
governor, from names sent to him by the ayunta-
inientos, and were to receive each $40 monthly, the
payment being preferred to that of any salary in the
territory. 9. The school-mistress, always keeping
good order in view, should arrange the school work to
suit themselves — the sexes, however, being kept sepa-
rate— should attend to the religious education of the
children, and pay due regard to their acquiring proper
social manners. 10. The most holy virgin of Guada-
lupe was named as patroness of the schools, and her
image wras to be assigned a suitable place in each of
them.

The governor likewise issued a proclamation, in
which, after an exhortation on the usefulness of edu-
cation and a recital of the obstacles which heretofore
had prevented the establishment of schools, he called
upon the patriotism of officials and people to support
them. The proclamation closed with the announcement
that on the first Monday in June the schools should be

520 A FUTILE FIGHT WITH IGNORANCE.

opened with a solemn mass, and with the concurrence of
all the leading people. It does not appear that schools
were even opened at all of the places indicated by the
governor, and at the places where they were estab-
lished it was found to be impossible to raise money to
pay the teachers.

In the autumn of this year, another attempt was
made by a few foreigners to secure an education for
their sons, who had long since returned from the Is-
lands; but the plan was never carried into effect.

Nine men signed an agreement, whereby each was
to pay annually for three years $100 to a school-master
from the United States, who should be a Roman cath-
olic, and bring with him satisfactory certificates as to
ability and character. He should teach Spanish and
English grammar, writing, and mathematics for six
hours daily during five days of the week. Each sub-
scriber had the privilege of sending two boys to the
school, and by the payment of an additional $50 was
entitled to send a third ; but the number of pupils was
never to be more than thirty-six. Each subscriber
agreed to board the master for three months, either at
his own house or some other, and each was to furnish
the books and stationery used by his sons. At other
hours than those specified, the master was at liberty
to teach other pupils.

A visionary proposition was made to the govern-
ment by Henri Cambuston, a Frenchman who had
been master of the Monterey school, but had been
discharged on account of some trouble with the pre-
fect. He offered to teach more branches, from pri-
mary instruction to the application of the sciences,
than any four men could have taught properly; the
offer was not accepted.

Within a year after its adoption, the impracticability
of Micheltorena's regulations for the schools had been
abundantly shown, and he had but just left the coun-
try when the assembly resolved to ask the supreme

PROHIBITION OF BOOKS. 521

government to furnish five teachers of primary
schools on the Lancasterian plan, and two professors
competent to teach the higher branches and the two
principal foreign languages. But when this request
reached Mexico, other matters engaged the atten-
tion of the government, and the request was not
granted.

During his brief term of office, Pico took steps for
the establishment of schools similar to those attempted
by his predecessors, and encountered the same obsta-
cles— want of funds, lack of competent teachers, indif-
ference on the part of parents — which rendered his
efforts fruitless.

Such is the brief history of the schools of Califor-
nia under the dominion of Spain and Mexico. There
were, indeed, none worthy of the name until a diifer-
ent race came into possession of this fair land, and
broke the spell that seems to bind every colony of the
Spaniards still ruled by their descendants. The Cali-
fornians of 1846 were scarcely more learned than those
of 1769; they hardly knew enough fully to realize
their ignorance.

In 1845 but eleven of twenty-five voters at San
Diego were able to write. In March 1845 Alcalde
Leese of Sonoma reported to the governor that the
pueblo contained upward of 100 inhabitants, but that
among the civilians there were but two persons com-
petent to serve as judges, for they were the only ones
who could write. Two months later, Marcos Baca,
one of the persons referred to by Leese, requested the
governor to excuse him from acting as judge, for he
could neither read nor write. Baca stated, moreover,
that the judge should be removed from office, as he
also was incapable. Private letters and official docu-
ments in my collection, in penmanship and in spelling,
as well as in the crudity of the ideas expressed, bear
testimony to a lamentable condition of ignorance.

Among such a people books were a superfluity; and

522 A FUTILE FIGHT WITH IGNORANCE.

only in later years were a few volumes collected by
two or three individuals. During the early years of
the missions, they had been furnished with certain
approved religious and historical works. Among
these were copies of Venegas and Palou's Vida de Ju-
nipero Serra. But the Inquisition, which throughout
Spain's wide domain was the ruler in all that related
to the mental development of her subjects, prohibited
the introduction into California of any but a certain
stripe of books, and watch was kept on the luggage of
the few foreigners who visited the country.

In January 1797, the governor, writing to the
viceroy, reported that Captain Dorr's French pilot
had furnished him with the voyages of Biron, Car-
taret, and Cook, and that he had given in return the
memoirs of Sully and the voyages of Tavanier. As
these works were all in the French language they
could not have worked great harm to people unable
to read them.

One would think that it was about time for mind
to be emancipated in America, but one of the first
acts of the church in Mexico was to insist upon the
full rigor of the prohibition. Heretofore, indeed, the
ban had been inoperative, because there were no
transgressors; but now that trade with California was
open to the world the case was different. The Bos-
ton skippers arid supercargoes indulged in little ven-
tures of their own, which did not appear on the ship's
manifest — among other things a few books which they
bartered for hides and tallow to two or three Califor-
nians athirst for knowledge. The friars were vigilant,
however, and not infrequently detected the illicit
traffic, and condemned the volumes, in all the sober-
ness of mediaeval times, to be burned in the market-
place. In 1831 some persons who had in this way
come into possession of prohibited books were duly
disciplined by the church.

But in the lotos-eating days, few books were ac-
quired, and except the collections of religious works

LIBRARIES AND BOOK-BURNERS. 523

at the missions, which at the time of their seculariza-
tion consisted in the aggregate of some 3,000 volumes
valued in the inventories at about $4,800, there was
no such thing as library, public or private, in Califor-
nia, until the arrival of the Hijar colonists, who
brought with them a few books. While limited in
number, these must also have been only such as the
church permitted, for as late as 1838, at least, the
supreme government ordered certain books to be
taken away from their owners and destroyed. A list
of works "contraries d la religion que de pronta
providencia se manda recoger e impedir su introduc-
cion," is given in an order issuing from the depart-
ment of state, dated July 2, 1838. And this was
only eleven years prior to the time when such a flood
of infernal literature was poured into the country as
should call Serra Salvatierra, and all the rest of them
back to that dear old besotted book-burner, Zumarraga.
Shakespeare, Smollett, and Shelley. Oh 1 Tom Paine
and Luther, Bunyan and Byron, Voltaire and Victor
Hugo, Eugene Sue, Paul de Kock, and Reynolds.
Oh ! Oh ! Oh I If now the scions of California nobility
could only read what delicious draughts of wickedness
might be theirs 1

There were in 1846 three or four libraries in Cali-
fornia, other than those of the missions, being M. G.
Vallejo's, at Sonoma, Hartnell's, which had cost him
a good sum, and from which he readily lent to his
friends ; Francisco Pacheco's collection was worthy of
notice, consisting as it did of periodicos empastados, and
books on Mexican history. Captain de la Guerra at
Santa Barbara had a lot of scientific and religious
books. None of these libraries remained long in the
original owner's possession, Vallejo's being burned ;
Hartnell's divided among his descendants; Pacheco's
went into the possession of his brother-in-law, Mariano
Malarin, of Santa Clara. De la Guerra's was proba-
bly scattered among his sons and their descendants.

524

The padres, as I have intimated, during the period
of full sway over the consciences of the Californians,
did all they could to check intellectual development,
by preventing the circulation of books containing
modern philosophical ideas. A number of books re-
ceived by one of the Carrillos from the American
bark Volunteer were burned by the missionaries, who
obtained after much exertion, the permission of the
jefe-politico, Echeandia. This was between the
years 1825 and 1831. In the latter year on board of
the Mexican vessel Leonor was a large collection of
books of the class interdicted by the church. They
were the property of the German merchant Virmond,
and were not on the ship's manifest. A spiteful or
fanatical sailor reported the matter to the padres at
San Francisco. Vallejo, then comandante at this
place, went on board, warned Virmond and Fitch,
the commander of the Leonor, and offered to buy the
books, which were sold to him for 400 hides and 10
skins of tallow. This was the best library in Cali-
fornia up to this time. By 5 o'clock the next morn-
ing the books were safely in the purchaser's house.
Jose Castro and Juan B. Alvarado, who became in
later years so prominent in California, took some of
these books to Monterey to read.

Later, Castro's very pious chere amie, on confessing
her own and her lover's sins, told the padre that he
and Alvarado had been reading Rousseau's and other
prohibited works. About the same time Father
Estenega at San Francisco surprised Vallejo reading
Telemachus. The president of the missions demanded
the surrender of the books, and due penitence, etc.,
and the demand not being complied with, the three
were excommunicated, and the decree was duly pro-
claimed at the several missions. Neither of them
cared much for that, and went on with their reading,
though the books were kept where they could not be
easily discovered. But their mothers, sisters, and
female friends were filled with terror at the fate

A GAME OP EXCOMMUNICATION. 625

awaiting them, both here and hereafter. A short
time afterward, Alvarado had some money to pay to
Father Duran, the prelate of the missions and vicar-
forain of the bishop of Sonora, and went to his resi-
dence ; but before offering to deliver the money, told
him that he was one of the excommunicated, and in-
asmuch as he bad heard Father Sarria say that it
was sinful to hold any relations with an excommuni-
cated person, he was sorry to be thus prevented from
paying him the money. Thereupon he turned to
go away. But the padre called him back, saying :
''Listen Juanito; thou hast misunderstood what
Padre Sarria said. What thou sayst applies only to
persons under excommunication major, and not the
minor. I have power to annul the sentence, and to
do much more. From now thou and thy companions
are absolved, and I can give you permission to read
prohibited books, even the protestant bible. Let us
have the money, and we will still be friends, for I
believe that the sons of the old settlers who suffered
with us in early times, will not permit the Mexican
government to drive us out after so many years of
toil, simply because our vows will not permit us to
take the oath of allegiance demanded of us." Alvarado
returned thanks and took lunch with the padre.

CHAPTER XVII.

CALIFORNIANISMS.

Wer etwas Treffliches leisten will,
Hatt' gern was Groszes geboren,
Der sammle stillt und unerschlafft
Im kleinsten Punkte die hochste Kraft.

— Schiller.

THE inhabitants of California have retained in
common use, since the annexation of the country to
the United States, a considerable number of Spanish,
Mexican, and Hispano-American words and phrases.
Among them are some which seem to be of purely
Californian origin. The able jurist, Ignacio Sepulveda,
remarks that though the Californian settlers did not
preserve the Castilian language in its purity, yet thev
retained a great many memories of old Spain, with
many of the concise proverbs which the Moors
brought to the peninsula, and many of its legends and
traditionary songs.

'r Beginning with the word greaser, so commonly
applied by Americans to their Mexican neighbors,
Salvador Vallejo, in his Notas Historicas gives a ver-
sion which may be taken for what it is worth. He
says that in 1844-5, when large numbers of immigrants
were arriving overland, and most every one drove a
heavy ox team by which their aged relatives, their
women and children, had accomplished the journey,
the Caynameros, who for mother wit were the Irish-
men of California, nocked around the wagons, from
which came forth human beings with dirty faces and
greasy hands, the drivers pulling out greasy mat-
tresses and with greasy hands spreading them on the

(526)

THE GREASER. 527

ground. It made the savages smile to see such greasy
civilization, to see a people more greasy than them-
selves, and so they called them mantecosos, greasy
ones; and at the last it turned out that whenever a
Caynamero spoke of any one who had come over the
plains, he called him a mantecoso. The nick-name
having been afterward explained to the overland im-
migrants, they turned the tables on the Indians, angli-
cized greaser, and applied it to them, and finally to
all native Californians and Mexicans. In 1846 the
word was also used in connection with the people of
Matamoros, and all Mexicans with whom the Amer-
ican army came in contact. Its use there is said to
have originated as follows : The Americans did noi
especially fancy greasing the wheels of their wagons,
and made the natives do it for them. Hence they,
and presently all the Mexicans, came to be termed
greasers.

Adobe. An unburned, sun-dried large brick.

Aguaje, The Mexicans and Californians apply this
word to springs. In Spanish it has reference only to
the sea.

Alameda. A grove of trees.

A Iforjas. Saddle-bags, commonly made of rawhides.

Alisal. A grove of alisos, or alder trees.

Aparejo. A pack-saddle, also applied to appurten-
ances of machinery.

Arrastra. An old-fashioned mill for crushing ore.

Arroyo. A brook ; also applied to the dry bed of one.

Ayunte pronounced by the illiterate jayunte (hah-
yuhn-tay). The assembling of the Indian single men
and grown-up boys, as well as their quarters in the
mission.

Baqueano. In Spanish it means an expert. In
Spanish- America it is especially applied to one who
knows well a country and its roads.

Berruchi. A peculiar form of men's shoes in old
times. Possibly it meant also the material the shoes
were made o£

528 CALIFORNIANISMS.

Bonanza, and Borrasca in sea parlance mean respec-
tively fair weather and storm. In mining the former
is applied to a mine that is yielding well ; and the
latter to one that will not pay expenses.

Brea. Pitch ; also applied to tar.

Buscon. A poor miner seeking for metal.

Caballada* In California signifies the herd of broken
horses of an individual or of an armed force.

Cacaste, or cacaxtle. A basket ; also a footstool.

Canada. A deep ravine, small canon, or narrow
valley with steep sides.

Canon. The original meaning in Spanish is a tube.
It is applied also to a narrow, tunnel-like passage for
a stream of water between high precipitous banks ; a
canyon.

Carpa. Used in California for tents, or shelter.

Cateador, like buscon, refers to a miner who is look-
ing for metal.

O

Cedazo, a fine sieve; also a figure of the contre-
dance.

Cha. The Californian term for tea.

Chahuixtle. A disease of wheat caused by long
drought.

Chapapote. A bituminous substance ; also applied
to tar.

Chaparro. A short, thick-set man.

Chapulin and CJiapul. Mexican for locust, and
grasshopper. In Spanish langosta, salton, and grillo
for different species.

Chichiguo, as applied to sucking calves, and toruno
to bull calves. Chichigua is applied to milch cows,
and possibly, as in Central America, to wet nurses.

Chinguirito. Rum distilled from the refuse of
sugar. Applied also to all ardent spirits.

Chirrion, from the Spanish chirriar, to squeak.
Chiefly applied to an unwieldy cart. It means also a
heavy whip. A chirrionazo is a blow with a chirrion ;
a pela de chirrionazos, means a sound thrashing with
a chirrion.

MIXED SPANISH AND INDIAN WORDS. 529

Comilitona, an old Spanish word, now comilona.
An abundant feast; a sort of picnic and barbecue,
with plenty of meat, bread, mezcal, etc.

Corral. A pen for live-stock ; even a poultry yard.
Hence the California verb ' to corral,' to drive into a
corral.

Coyote. A small California wolf; also a mining
term, meaning to dig a hole similar to the burrow of
a coyote. It is used likewise as an adjective applied
to any person or thing native, or indigenous to the
country.

Cuera was a jacket of several thicknesses of chamois
or other skin, used by the presidial troops for cam-
paigning against hostile Indians.

Cueradera, the practice of killing cattle to steal the
hides.

Cuero, the hide of cattle or horses.

Denunciar, or to make a denundo. To report to
the government a crime or plot; a metal bearing site,
or unoccupied land.

Diafenado. A day on which no work could be
done. Used in California as dia de fiesta.

Embarcadero. A place of embarking, or landing.

Expediente. The collection of original papers relat-
ing to a government affair.

Encinal. A grove of encinos, or oaks.

Fandango. A dance of the common people.

Fuste. A saddle-tree.

Gorguez. Probably a corruption of the Spanish
gorguz, a species of dart used in the olden time. In
California, gorguez means an ox-goad.

Habilitacwn. The act of authorizing a thing, or the
provision made in money, goods, etc., to carry out a
project.

Habilitado was the paymaster and business man of
a presidial company.

Huero. In Spanish, it is an unfecundated egg ; un-
substantial, empty, insignificant. In California, it
was applied to persons of light complexion and hair.

CAL. PAST. 34

530 CAL1FORNIANISMS.

Huilo. A man without physical strength, or weak
in the legs.

Jacal, or Jacale. A. temporary hut covered with
canes or tule.

Jdquima. A head-stall for breaking wild horses.

Jam. An arrow or dart.

Jarazo. An arrow wound.

Jilotear. As pronounced by the illiterate. The
word is helotear: to pick Indian corn in the milk,
which is called helote.

Lazar. To lasso, or catch animals with a rope.

Manada. A herd of sheep, also called borregada.
A manada de yegiws is a herd of breeding mares
under the lead of a stallion. When the mares were
used for breeding mules, a caballo volteado was placed
with them. A mare, after she had been touched by
a jackass, was called a yegua aburrada.

Mangos. Bed-clothes and blankets.

Mecate. Mexican for rope.

Mesteno and Mostrenco. Live-stock without owner.
Generally applied to wild horses or cattle.

Milpa. A field of Indian corn.

Mochilas, or Mochillas. Leathern flaps for covering
a saddle-tree. A soldier's mochila is his knapsack.

Mocho. Applied to a bull or cow with horns cut
off; also to any human being or animal that has lost
a piece of a finger, thumb, toe, ear, etc.

Monjerio. The quarters of the single Indian wo-
men, or even young widows, in the missions.

Naranja de agua. A measure of water of about the
diameter of an orange, which is rather an indefinite
measure.

Orejano. Res Orejana defierro. Cattle marked on
the ears, though not necessarily with an iron brand.

Panino. An epithet applied to land suitable for
any purpose.

Panoclw for panoja. An ear of millet or maize;
applied to the disc-shaped loaves of coarse sugar;
otherwise called panela, and in Peru, chancaca.

MIXED SPANISH AND INDIAN WORDS. 531

Placer. A place where gold is found in dirt, either
on dry land or in the bed of a stream.

Playa. The sea-beach.

Plaza. An open square in a town.

Pozo. A spring or well.

Pueblo. A chartered town.

Rancho. A tract of land used almost wholly for
pasturage. It rarely had, in Mexican times, less than
four miles in extent; in most cases, not less than 30.
Since the American annexation, rancho, anglicized
ranch, is applied even to small farms, and to single
houses. The verb, to ranch, has been coined in con-
nection with farming. It is bad form.

Ranchero. A person owning a rancho. or living
in one.

Ranchena. An Indian village, or collection of
Indian lodges. It may also be a place of scattered huts.

Realar, or echar realada. To seize by royal right.
No lonorer heard.

O

Reata. A rope made of rawhide, used for lassoing
animals.

Recogida. A gathering of horses.

Res. A head of neat cattle.

Rodeo. Rounding up cattle for separating or mark-
ing them.

Rubrica. A scroll or flourish appended by people
of the Spanish race to their signatures, as a necessary
part of them. Officials in the Spanish dominions
often use the riibrica alone to public documents.

Sauzal. From sauz, or sauce, willow, means a grove
of willows.

Sauzalito. This diminutive means a small grove of
willows.

Sierra. The original meaning is a saw; a serrucho
is a common carpenter's saw. The word is commonly
used to express a chain of mountains.

Socoyote. As is applied to the youngest child
of a family ; also to the lowest servant.

Tdpalo. A shawl.

532 CALIFOKNTANISMS.

Tapanco. Used to mean a cock-loft or room over
the garret.

Tardeada. A. march begun late in the day.

Tecolero. The master of ceremonies at a ball.

Tecolote. A. species of owl.

Tequezquite. A mineral salt, chiefly used in the
mines.

Tequio. A task allotted to the mission neophytes,
after completing which they were allowed to rest.

Tierras de temporal Lands depending entirely on
rains for their cultivation ; distinguished from tierras
de regadio, or irrigated lands.

Tierras de abrevadero. Lands having deposits of
water to which cattle resort.

Tule. Water-reeds.

Tular. Field of tules.

Vallado is used to signify a wide, deep trench, with
the earth taken therefrom thrown up on one side.
The vallado served as a boundary fence. In Spain
and some parts of Spanish America vallado means a
kind of fence or wall of rummed earth surmounted by
stones or rods, and planted on the summit with
maguey, cactus, pinuelas, blackberry vines, or some
other thorny plants.

Vacuno. Neat cattle.

Vacuna. Vaccination, and also the vaccine virus.

Vaquero. A cow-herder. Used also as an adjec-
tive, as in silla vaquera, a saddle of the kind used by
vaqueros.

Zanja, An irrigating ditch, such as one in Los
Angeles.

Zanjero is the official having charge of the zanja,
to see that it is in good order, and to attend to
the distribution of water, etc.

To the above may be added other words, not of
Spanish or Mexican origin, which have peculiar
meanings in California, as for instance :

Bed-rock, borrowed from mining, is often used to
imply the bottom of a subject.

MIXED SPANISH AND INDIAN WORDS. 533

Bummer, an idle, worthless fellow, who earns
nothing, and has no means of support.

Bumming around, playing the role of a bummer.

Claim. The piece of ground measured out for
mining by a party or a company. There are bar,
bank, hill, flat, tunnel, claims; also land claims.

Diggings. Ground where gold is dug for. Wet
diggings are on banks or bars of streams of water.
Dry diggings are in places which are dry at certain
periods of the year.

To dry up is a slang phrase, signifying to stop, say
no more, fail, go away, disappear, etc.

To freeze out. Used by miners to express that
certain stockholders or others concerned in a mine
have been forced to sell their shares or interest.

Gulch. A gully.

Hoodlum. Applied to young vagabonds, especially
of towns. The word does not necessarily imply that
the individual will not work, for there are young
persons who work in the day, and act as hoodlums in
the evening, on holidays, etc. The word is generally
used to mean a young man or woman who is con-
stantly disturbing the peace, or causing annoyances.
Most of the hoodlums are vicious, and sooner or later
swell the criminal class. Many of them in San
Francisco affect a certain rakish dress, peculiar shoes
and hats, and mode of arranging their hair, which
makes them out at once to be of the class.

Hydraulic. A mining process by which water is
thrown through a hose or pipo upon the dirt, to wash
out the gold.

To knock down. To steal. In miner's parlance, to
steal valuable pieces of auriferous quartz from a
lode.

Pay-dirt. Auriferous dirt that yields wages, or
1 pans out well.' When wages were high, it was equiv-
alent to yielding abundantly. When a mine has be-
come exhausted it is said to have 'petered out.'
Hence, both expressions are applied to other affairs.

534 CALIFORNIANISMS.

To prospect. To hunt for places containing gold,
silver, etc.

Prospect is the discovery made after prospecting.
When a prospector finds gold in one or more particles,
he says he has found the color.

Rocker or Cradle, an apparatus resembling a domes-
tic cradle, used to wash the gold clear of the dirt.

Sluice. A. wooden trough used for washing dirt
to separate the gold dust or nuggets.

Ground Sluice. A trough or hole made in the
ground for washing dirt.

Tail- Sluice. A sluice placed below other sluices
from which it receives dirt and water.

Sluice-Fork. A fork resembling one for stirring
manure. The prongs are blunt, the width the same
at point and heel.

Sluice-Head is the amount of water used in the
sluice. Water is constantly running into the sluice
through an opening.

Slum is slimy dirt.

To strip. To clear the pay-dirt of worthless earth.

Square meal is a full and sufficient meal eaten at
table.

Tailings. A mining word, meaning the waste of a
quartz-mill, rocker, sluice, etc.

Tom. A wooden trough, of 10 to 15 feet in length
in which to wash out auriferous earth.

Tom- Stream and Tom-Head. The quantity of water
used in a torn.

Wing-Dam. A dam made in a river or creek, so
as to shut out the water from a part of the bed.

A word as to the popular use of the terms ' Califor-
nian ' and 'American.' I object strongly to the use of
these words, in their common acceptation, as, strictly
speaking, incorrect and misleading. In my Native
Races of tJie Pacific States, I apply the word ' Califor-
nian ' to the native inhabitants of California, and the
word 'American ' to the native inhabitants of America.
And these are and can be the only strictly accurate

•CALIFORNIA!?' AND 'AMERICAN.' 535

application of the words to peoples. It is a gross
absurdity to call the people on one side of the Niagara
River, Canadians, and those on the other side Ameri-
cans ; or to call those on one side of the Rio Grande,
Mexicans, and those of the other side Americans.
An equal absurdity it is to call Europeans who came
from Spain or Mexico and settled in one part of the
state at one time Californians, and Europeans who
came from England or the United States and settled
in another part or the same part of the state at an-
other time, Americans. Yet, after turning the matter
well over in my mind, I see no other way than to fall
in with fallacy, and drift with the tide into the slough
of inaccuracy. The words have become so identified
with the history of the times that it is now impossible
to change them; and even were this possible, it is
difficult to find other words practicable to be used as
substitutes. The words 'Anglo-American' and ' His-
pano- American ' are much more exact, but these are
too clumsy for popular use. All the more repugnant
to me is this forced misuse of these words here, when,
in another work, I have applied them in a totally
different and the only correct sense; for thus I find
myself the instrument of an anomaly which in the
same literature applies to the same words different
meanings.

There is yet another application of the word ' Cali-
fornian ' rapidly springing into use, which increases
the difficulty. Shortly after the country fell into the
hands of the United States, returned gold-seekers
were called Californians; and as California grew
mightily, and became famous throughout the world,
and as the word became the synonym of freeness,
flushness, manliness, and enterprise, it pleased the
fancy of these adventurers ; and ever since, wherever
the state's adopted sons have wandered — in the east,
in Europe, and in Asia — they have proudly recorded
their names as Californians. Nor do I see any way
to avoid this application of the word in this connec-

536 CALIFORNIANISMS.

tion. The present inhabitants of the country must
have a name, and are justly entitled to the use of the
word. But that makes the abnormity no less un-
pleasing to the writer, who finds himself forced to
apply to a proper name three several meanings, with
nothing but the connection and the intelligence of the
reader to determine in each instance which is meant.
In writing upon the aborigines of America and Cali-
fornia, therefore, I call the natives Americans and
Californians, respectively; in speaking of the events
that transpired under and immediately subsequent to
Spanish and Mexican rule, I call the Spanish and
Mexican occupants of the country Californians, in
contradistinction to the people of the United States
known as Americans; and later, as the before-men-
tioned distinctions become • obliterated, and people of
all lands and nations are proud to merge their nation-
ality into that of the land of their adoption, these, too,
shall have given them the name they so love — Cali-
fornians.

CHAPTER XVIIL

LAW, GOVERNMENT, AND RELIGION.

Aviendo y deviendo ser los Historiodores puntuales, verdaderos, y no nada
apassionados, y ni el interes, ni el miedo, el rancor ni la aficion, no les haga
torcer del camino de la verdad, cuya madre es la Historia emula del tiempo,
deposito de las acciones, testigo de lo passado, exemplo y aviso de lo pre-
sente, advertencia de lo por venir. Cervantes.

IF the three great principles underlying ethics, name-
ly, law, government, and religion, are proper criteria of
progress, the Hispano-Californians were the most civ-
ilized of peoples. Law, dating from Spain and Mexico
centuries back, was present to superfluity, though to
tell the truth it was very moderately applied. Gov-
ernment, civil and ecclesiastical, was piled round them
mountain high, as if the two great purposes of God
and man were, one class to rule and another te obey.
As for religion, it was like a limitless swamp; all
were engulfed in it.

But law, government, and religion are not elements
or essentials of progress ; they have but little to do
with progress except at certain stages. Savages,
strictly such, have no law or government, and but a
poor excuse for religion. Men the highest cultivated
have, or have need of, little more of these bonds than
savages. But in the intermediate stage they are
found to be essential. Law and government were
stronger in feudal times than later ; and religion was
much more the master of advanced peoples fifty years
ago than now.

In few of Spain's colonies, or in any part of her do-
minions, or in the communities growing out of her col-

(537)

538 LAW, GOVERNMENT, AND RELIGION.

onizations, has there been much lack of governing1.
Dominion has ever been a prominent feature with the
Latin race, to say nothing of the Anglo-Saxon, half of
the nation being always quite ready to govern the
other half. And as for laws, there was no end to
them. Men were made to eat and sleep by law, to
work, dress, play, and pray by law, to live and die by
law.

Nor was California slighted in this respect, as I have
said. A pueblo of 500 inhabitants should be ruled by
an ayuntamiento, consisting of an alcalde, three alder-
men, and one procurador smdico. These officers were
to be elected each year according to the law of election,
the alcalde and two of the aldermen to be changed
every year, while one alderman and the procurador
were to serve for two years.

One writing of Monterey places it at the head of
civilization. "The whitewashed houses," he says,
"have a much better effect in the landscape than
those of Santa Barbara, or of California towns gener-
ally, which are all of a dirty mud color ; the red tiles
of the roofs also contrast well with the white sides of
the houses, and with the bright fresh green of the
lawn, upon which the dwellings, about a hundred in
number, are dotted about irregularly here and there.
There are not, in this or in any other town of Califor-
nia, either streets or fences, except here and there a
small patch fenced in for a garden, so that the houses
being placed at random on the green, and being all of
one story and of the cottage form, have a remarkably
pretty effect when seen from a distance.

"Monterey is decidedly the pleasantest and most
civilized-looking place in California. In the centre of
the town is an open square surrounded on the four
sides by lines of one-storied plastered buildings. In
the middle of the square are some half-dozen cannon,
some mounted, others not. This is the presidio, or
fort. Every town has a presidio in its centre, or
rather, every presidio has a town built round it, as the

PASTORAL MONTEREY. 539

*&r**^^ >

forts were first built by the Mexican government, and

the people then erected their dwellings round them
for protection. The presidio here is entirely open and
unfortified. A short time back there were several
officers stationed here, with long and sounding titles,
and about eighty soldiers. These, however, were very
poorly paid, fed, and clothed, and consequently just as
poorly disciplined. The governor-general, or as he is
commonly called, the general, has his residence here,
and Monterey is thus the seat of government. This
officer is appointed by the central government of
Mexico, and is the chief civil and military officer. In
addition to the general, each town has its comandante,
who is the chief military officer of the station, and
has charge of the fort, and conducts all transactions
with foreigners and foreign vessels. The civil officers
consist of two or three alcaldes and corregidores, who
are elected by the inhabitants. Of courts of law
and jurisprudence generally, the inhabitants have no
knowledge whatever. Small municipal matters are
regulated by the alcaldes and corregidores, whilst
everything pertaining to the general government, to
the military, and to foreigners is left to the coman-
dante, acting under the orders of the governor-general.
Capital cases are decided by him upon personal in-
spection if he happened to be near, or by minutes,
transmitted to him by the proper officer, if the offender
chances to be at a distant place. No protestant has
any civil rights, nor can he hold property; nor in fact
is he allowed to remain more than a few weeks ashore,
unless he belongs to some vessel, so that any Ameri-
cans or English who intend to reside at Monterey are
compelled to become catholics."

The only ranchos given as property, to holders dur-
ing Spanish time were those of the Nietos, Verdugos,
Dominguez, the Maligo of Bartolo Tapia, and proba-
bly also la Ballona of the Zunigas.

Here are some of the ordenanzas municipales for the
ayuntamientos for 1823. One of the principal pre-

540 LAW, GOVERNMENT, AND RELIGION.

rogatives granted by the constitution to the ayunta-
mientos, contained in the 8th faculty of article 321,
is that of forming the municipal ordenanzas of the
pueblos, and presenting them, accompanied by a report
through the diputacion territorial for approval. These
ordenanzas should comprehend the order to be ob-
served in the internal government of the ayunta-
miento, and in what must be observed by the citizens
as to police, utility (comodidad), and health. The prin-
ciples governing the interior affairs of the ayunta-
miento can be generalized; but as to external matters,
these will be different in the different pueblos.

1. The pueblo shall have a house for the use of the
ayuntamiento, with the necessary offices for the secre-
tary, the archives and accounts, as well as a warehouse
for the implements and tools needed for public works,
and barracks for the national guard when this be or-
ganized. 2. This house shall be termed the casa con-
sistorial, and the apartment where the ayuntamiento
meetings are held the sala capitular. 3. As soon as
installed, the ayuntamiento shall by a plurality of votes
appoint a secretary, a virtuous and capable person—
whose appointment shall be subject to the approval of
the provincial deputacion, and who shall not be removed
except by consent of the same body; a treasurer, or
depositary of the common funds — this being a person
approved only by the ayuntamiento ; a coritador fiscal,
whose duty shall be that of keeping the municipal ac-
counts, and authorizing drafts made by the committee,
such as come within his province; one or two porters,
who shall summon members to meetings, and make
themselves generally useful; a store-keeper, who shall
take care of and keep in order the tools, etc., as well as
the furniture and the standards of weights and meas-
ures.

4. The ayuntamiento being installed with the solem-
nities prescribed by the constitution, on the first day
in January, which is not a holiday, an extraordinary
session shall be held for the purpose of the appoint-

MUNICIPAL PROCEDURE. 541

merit o'f committees, according to article 321 of the
constitution — the secretary having previously read
the ordinances and the article mentioned. See article
47 of these ordinances.

5. There shall be appointed, besides these commit-
tees, regidores auxiliares to assist the alcalde — accord-

" ^j

ing to the second part of said article — in caring for
the police and security of the pueblos, this, if suffi-
ciently extensive being divided into cuarteles districts.

6. The ayuntamiento as a body shall be called
ilustre until the cortes determine the proper title, and
while in session its members shall address one another
as V. S.

7. Until it shall be determined whether or not the
members of the ayuntamiento must use a uniform,
they may use those in vogue among former ayunta-
mientos, and see that they be of stuffs made in the
country ; no one being obliged to wear uniform if he
be not able to afford it, it being sufficient that he pre-
sent himself decently. Military men will wear their
uniforms.

8. Ordinary sessions shall be held on Tuesdays and
Thursdays of each week without any summons being
necessary, but he who will be unable to attend will pre-
viously give due notice to the president, who shall be
thejefe-politico, where there be one, and in the following
order the 1st and 2d alcaldes and the senior regidor.

9. To constitute a quorum all voting members must
attend, but this being impossible, a number, consist-
ing of one more than half the whole, will suffice.

10. At the hour fixed upon, the porters shall indi-
cate the same to the president, and the members shall
enter the sala capitular, and by order of seniority in
office take their seats around the table with the presi-
dent at the head. The secretary shall occupy a sep-
arate table at the foot of the main table. All shall
conduct themselves urbanely and circumspectly. The
porter shall be at hand outside of the sala, in order
to come when called and keep outsiders from entering.

542 LAW, GOVERNMENT, AND RELIGION.

11. Should a member arrive after the sitting be
opened, he is to be received by the others standing,
and the secretary must inform him of what business
has been done.

12. The session will commence by the secretary
reading minutes of the last meeting, that, if necessary,
amendments may be made, and that a clean copy be
made and duly signed at the present sitting.

13. Reception of reports, written or verbal, of
committees, shall then be in order. 14. He who has
the floor shall be listened to attentively, and not
interrupted by others. After all desirous of speak-
ing have done so, the vote shall be taken — the junior
members voting first.

15. Should the sindico make any verbal proposition,
he shall be attentively heard before the matter be
acted on; if in writing it shall be discussed, but not
resolved until the next meeting, or if a very intricate
matter, the meeting thereafter.

16. When the secretary lays before the council an
order, or a bando circular of the jefe-politico, it shall be
read slowly, and afterward ordered passed to the al-
calde for publication or execution — except where it be
referred to a committee within the cognizance of which
it may come. The alcalde will, as ordered, cause the
same to be sent to the next ayuntamiento, and he
and the secretary will acknowledge having received
and circulated the same.

17. Should any order be received from the pro-
vincial diputacion, relative to economy in expending
propios y arbitrios, it must be communicated to the
contador and tesorero -for their guidance.

18. Should the order or bando circular relate to a
matter interesting to the juez of first instance, eccle-
siastical juez, or other functionary, he shall be officially
notified in writing by the president and secretary.

19. The discussion of business treated of being fin-
ished, and — provided that the proceedings have been
lengthy — the minutes of the secretary signed by the

MUNICIPAL PROCEDURE. 543

president, that they may be afterward written out,
the expedientes shall be given to the committees,
that the same be examined or executed.

20. Should the juez eclesidstico, and he of first in-
instance, have occasion to attend a sitting of the ayun-
tamiento, the former shall be seated on the right hand
of the alcalde, and the latter on the left ; either when
alone shall be seated on the right — as also the coman-
dante militar — but any other public functionary must
sit below the sindico.

21. Should any diputacion of farmers, merchants,
or artisans present itself to the ayuntamiento, in
order to treat of anything relating to their respect-
ive trades, etc., or the imposition of contributions,
they shall be seated on. seats separated from those of
the members of the ayuntamiento; but any one citi-
zen who may present himself individually shall remain
on foot unless he have some military or civil distinc-
tion— being a military officer or having belonged to
the ayuntamiento, or a letrado, or some person con-
sulted on the point under discussion — in which case
he shall have a separate seat; if a clergyman, he shall
sit among the members next to the decano.

22. Citizens' petitions requiring study or resolution
shall be referred to a special committee, which shall ex-
amine the same and report at the next meeting of the
ayuntamiento ; but no business can be so referred to a
person not a member, though he be a relative of a
member. 23. Should any individual petition have
any relation to the public, it shall be referred to the
sindico, that he examine the same and report as the
occasion may demand; and in any matter of this nature
his opinion shall be heard before the same is decided.

24. Should the petition be one in which is con-
cerned any member of the ayuntamiento, or his rela-
tive, intimate friend, or person to whom he is under
obligations, or on whom he in any way depends, such
member shall not vote, or shall leave the sala when
the matter may require, that the others vote freely.

544 LAW, GOVERNMENT, AND RELIGION.

25. Should the matter treated of be of a reserved
nature, all the members are obliged to be reticent ; and
whoever divulges the secret shall be voted as weak-
minded, and be held responsible for resultant damages.

26. What has been determined upon by the ayun-
tamiento cannot be revoked without grave motives, or
without the previous consent of the sindico, and the
concurrence of all who previously voted on the ques-
tion.

27. Should the secretary be ill or unavoidably ab-
sent, the junior regidor shall act in his stead ; if the
regidor be busy on some committee, a secretary ad
interim shall be appointed by a plurality of votes
who shall deliver to the secretary, on his return, the
minutes, etc., signed by the members.

28. In the same manner, the sindico shall be re-
placed by the junior regidor ; the alcalde by the regi-
dores in order of seniority; when, however, there be
two alcaldes or two sindicos, one shall fill the vacancy
of the other, and only when both be absent shall the
above course be taken.

29. If on the day of any ordinary meeting any
matter requiring immediate action should arise, mem-
bers shall be cited.

30. In case of special meetings members shall be
cited by means of notes signed by the president and
secretary.

81. The sfndico may ask that a special meeting be
called, and is not obliged to give his reasons ; any other
member shall make a like request through and in ac-
cord with the sindico, informing him of the case that
he may ask what is fitting, and that all the members
be cited — they signing the citation and returning it
to the portero for a record of their having been cited.

32. At stated as well as at extraordinary meetings
members may request that their vote be recorded
apart from the rest in a book kept for the purpose,
but this will not excuse them from signing the minutes
according to the will of the plurality.

MUNICIPAL PROCEDURE. 545

33. No individual vote shall be recorded, unless so
ordered by the president.

34. If the matter debated be not urgent, any mem-
ber may suspend the taking of a vote until further
discussion, provided that he signify his intention of
bringing forward new arguments. No business can
be thus suspended for more than 3 sittings — on the
4th the vote to be taken.

35. Should a special meeting be called to consider
some sealed communication addressed to the ayunta-
miento, the secretary shall not open the same until one
more than the half of the members be present, when,
if the matter be grave, there must be unanimity in
voting — in case of disagreement all the members be-
ing cited.

36. No member while engaged on a special com-
mittee may absent himself until its labors are concluded,
and then only for cause, and with permission of the
president.

37. No authority may summon the ayuntamiento
as a body to appear before it; and should any individ-
ual member be cited, it must be by an official commu-
nication.

38. Communications to the ayuntamiento from the
different authorities must be in writing, and must be
answered in the same way; or if deemed .better, by a
committee of one or two.

39. Nor can the ayuntamiento summon before it
any public functionary, except for consultation or
agreement, which shall be done by an official communi-
cation.

40. Should the judge of first instance be obliged to
judge civilly or criminally a member of the ayunta-
miento, he shall, in a polite manner, give official com-
munication to the president, unless he be taken in the
act, when it is necessary only to advise the president
that the party has been arrested without it being
necessary to say why.

41. An arrested member of the ayuntamiento must
be detained at the casa consistorial under the respon-

CAL. PAST. 35

546 LAW, GOVERNMENT, AND RELIGION.

sibility of the president, or one of the regidores, as he
should be in case of imprisonment being necessary, or
there be no bondsman according to law; but if sen-
tenced to death or corporal punishment, he must be
delivered to the juez and go to the jail.

42. During the trial, and until the crime be deter-
mined, his vacancy in the ayuntamiento shall be filled
in the usual way.

43. The same course shall be followed if the alcalde
formulate the sumaria until the culprit be legally placed
at the disposition of the juez.

44. Should the culprit be the alcalde, the 2d alcalde,
or the senior regidor, shall take his place.

45. Should the arrest be arbitrary or illegal, the
ayuntamiento shall, by its sindico, make a formal com-
plaint to the juez of the nearest partido, according
to law, for they should aid and honor one another as
members of the same body.

46. If the offence be committed by a regidor as
regidor, the alcalde cannot judge it, but shall, through
the sindico, formalize the accusation before the juez
de partido, and if it be for an infraction of the consti-
tution, the same juez shall form the sumaria, and for-
ward the same through the provincial diputacion to
the proper authority.

47. In accordance with article 4 — ut supra — there
shall be appointed a juez de aguas y de plazas, an in-
spector of cattle-killing and bakeries, a police judge,
one of schools, and one or more of public works, roads,
forests, and jails, who shall act according to a special
ordinance formed for that object.

48. There shall also be a committee of ways and
means (hacienda), composed of an alcalde and a regi-
dor, the contador, and the secretary.

49. These persons shall take turns, of one month
each, in collecting the rents of propios, or other sums
of a like nature, the contributions of arbitrios or capi-
taciones levied in accord with the provincial diputa-
cion, and shall pay these sums into the treasury — the
contador entering the same on his books.

MUNICIPAL PROCEDURE. 547

50. No money for expenses shall be drawn without
there being presented to the treasurer a draft signed
by the alcalde and secretary — cognizance of the same
being taken by the contador in the books, all the doc-
uments being retained by the treasurer as vouchers
for balancing his accounts.

51. Accounts shall be balanced on the 1st of each
month, on which occasion the members of the com-
mittee of ways and means (hacienda) shall attend, and
the accounts audited by the committees of producto
and consuino shall be presented, and the estimates for
the ensuing month shall be made.

52. No item of the accounts shall be admitted by
the treasurer or depositary, unless it be certified by the
contador that he has taken account of it; nor shall
the latter certify to any taking of funds for expense,
unless the same be approved by the provincial diputa-
cion for any object whatever, not even for the secre-
tary's pay — as was determined by the decree of July
13, 1813.

The record of the ayuntarniento sessions of Angeles
afford little information as to rules and mode of pro-
cedure, besides what the reglamento prescribes. The
president as 1st alcalde, and hence usually a man of
more influence and sagacity, as may be supposed, than
he ordinary regidores, generally proposes the more im-
portant projects. There appears to be no record of any
motions being formerly seconded; they are referred
to the general vote, discussed, and passed or rejected.
The resolution is given to the president to carry out
by vote of authorization, or a commission is elected to
do so. Often a subject is by vote transferred to the
president, or to a committee to decide as it pleases.

The limit of power, as regards the nature of a sub-
ject or its extent, may be seen in the various proceed-
ings in the police regulations where mention is made
as to when the government or assembly have to be
appealed to, as of higher authority in the respective
matters. The acts of a meeting are re-read at the next
one to be approved finally. Often a petition or meas-

548 . LAW, GOVERNMENT, AND RELIGION.

lire is exempted from the usual routine of several read-
ings and report of a committee, and passed the same
day.

Previous to 1823, the alcalde was elected at the
beginning of the year under superintendence of the
ministros, who should notify the governor.

On the llth of May, 1836, Jefe-politico Chico is-
sued the following decree for the better enforcement
of the law of December 29, 1835 : 1st, Cuerpos de
seguridad y policia to be established in the territory.
2d, These cuerpos to be composed of jefe-politico, sm-
dicos of the ayuntamiento, and four comisarios of po-
licia, chosen from the leading citizens. 3d, The
comisarios to be approved by the respective ayuntami-
entos by a plurality of votes during the first week in
January. 4th, Four substitutes were also to be ap-
pointed. 5th, The ayuntamiento should notify members
of their appointment, and also notify all encargados and
masters of haciendas. 6th, No one should be excused
from serving without just cause. 7th, The duties of
the members will be: 1st, to care for the public tran-
quility at their place of residence; 2d, to pursue and
arrest evil-doers, and deliver them to the judges; 3d, to
obey the orders of the alcalde constitucional. 8th,
Residents of all municipalities are obliged to aid the
officers of police with their persons, horses, arms, and
whatever may be required, but the comisarios are to
act kindly. 9th, Ayuntamientos will report to the
governor the organization of these cuerpos according
to this decree. 10th, Disobedience to be severely
punished. This is taken from the San Diego archives.

I give herewith the provisional rules for the em-
ployees of the office of governor's secretary, prepared
by the chief clerk and secretary ad interim, Francisco
Arce, conformably to powers conferred on him by
the law of March 20, 1837, and approved by Michel-
torena.

Secretary's functions: Art. 1. To have charge of

RULES OF GOVERNOR'S OFFICE. 549

everything connected with the office, being respon-
sible for whatever documents may be intrusted to him
by the governor. Art. 2. To see that the employes
comply faithfully with their duties, and that they do
not divulge matters taking place in the office. Art.
3. To sign all orders or documents sent him for that
object by the governor, and to strictly comply with
and give speedy despatch to everything sent or
recommended to him. Art. 4. To report immediately
every paper or document which may come into his
possession from other sources, and which may depend
for despatch on the governor's decision. Moreover,
he shall, once or twice daily, report to the governor
for orders.

Escribiente's functions: Art. 1. To comply strictly
with the present rules, and carry out faithfully all
orders given by the secretary. Art. 2. Shall come
to the office at 8 A. M., and work till 12 M., come again
at 2, and work till 6 P. M., except on the customary
holidays. Art. 3. Shall be responsible to the secre-
tary for any document not forthcoming when needed;
and to the government for the slightest infraction of
these rules. Art. 4. Shall take care that all matters
confided to him be despatched with neatness, and keep
silent as to matters confided to him by the governor
or secretary.

With Victoria's arrival, the officers already began
to look upon the soldiers as inferiors. Formerly, there
had been no distinction, for officers' and soldiers' fami-
lies treated one another as equals.

Jose Marfa Amador, writing of 1827, relates:
"After ten years and five months of service in the
San Francisco company of cuera, I determined to ask
for my discharge. I went to Captain Arguello to
demand the same. He refused, and offered me a
chevron of sergeant if I would remain in the service.
This I refused, saying that he had not favored me
when promotion would have been timely, notwith-

550 LAW, GOVERNMENT, AND RELIGION.

standing my being the son of an officer, and having
always done my duty faithfully.

"All the acknowledgment of my services had been
the title of soldado distinguido — a title which was
mine by right. I confess that, during the time I was
his servant, he had frequently asked me to take
wine with him. The advantage of being a soldado
distinguido — there were four of us in the company-
was this: we were not obliged to do any kind of
work other than the occupying of our places in the
ranks, and mounting guard. When ordered to do
anything else, and we agreed to do it, we received ten
reales extra pay in advance. When told that there
was no money, we refused flatly to do what was
desired."

When Spaniards first began coming to California,
pursuant to a royal order the government furnished
to each soldier of the garrisons a broadsword, lance,
an oval leathern shield, a firelock, and pistols. The
sword had to be of the standard size ; the lance-heads
were about two feet in length, one and a half inches
wide, well strengthened in the centre, so that they
formed a swell, and sharp on both sides, with a guard
to check the weapon from going in too far, and to
facilitate its being pulled out, and the repetition of
, blows. The shield was like those long in use before
and after this time; the firelock as well as the pistols
were cocked, and had locks after the Spanish fashion;
the gun-barrel was of the length of three feet of a toise
— a toise being a French measure of six feet, equiva-
lent to seven Spanish feet — the stock was well propor-
tioned. The barrels- of the pistols did not exceed ten
inches. The calibre of the guns and pistols was of
one ounce; the hammers of the guns were of the finest
temper, in order that they could stand the action of the
sun.

Besides the troops of the line, artillery and cavalry,
each presidio had a certain number of Indian scouts,
who were armed with pistol, shield, and spear, besides

MILITARY MATTERS. 551

having their bows, and their quivers filled with arrows.
There was always an extra supply of arms at each
post, and they were kept in perfect order. An
armorer, who was also a private, to whom extra pay
was allowed, had charge of the armament of his com-
pany, and his duty was to keep the same clean and in
good repair.

Each soldier was allowed six horses, one pony, and
one mule ; the captain of the presidio saw that the
animals were properly cared for and fed. Each man
was required to have one of his horses ready saddled
and supplied with forage, day and night; the captains
and officers were held responsible for the strict fulfil-
ment of this order ; the safety of the port and of the
settlements might depend upon the troops being in
readiness to start at a moment's notice, and to put a
stop to the raids of the savages.

The Indian scouts were also supplied with a saddle
and bridle; the former was of the kind later known
under the name of silla vaquera, or vaquero's or cow-
herder's saddle; it was provided with the usual ap-
pendages of caparison; long and wide leathern skins
attached to the pommel to cover the thighs and legs,
little cushions and closed wooden stirrups; the use of
large stirrups was strictly forbidden.

11 Notwithstanding our privileges," continues Ama-
dor, " Captain Argiiello frequently put us in the
stocks, the culprit lying on the ground, with no rest
for the head, and exposed to the sun. This punish-
ment the captain termed the pena arbitraria, and said
that he inflicted it because, in refusing to assist in load-
ing mules and conducting them from Santa Cruz to
the presidio, we gave a bad example to the other sol-
diers. But as soon as Dona Rafaela, wife of Captain
Argiiello, saw us in the stocks, she would insist that
we should be liberated; many times coming personally
to make the corporal of the guard free us. I imagine
that she and the captain had an understanding about
this; for one day in his presence, and that, of the,offi-

552 LAW, GOVERNMENT, AND RELIGION.

cer of the guard, she herself opened the stocks and
set us at liberty, after obtaining permission of the
officer of the guard. The captain merely laughed,
and called us, as was his custom, costales de azuinbre."
(Azumbre is a measure used for liquids, and azumbrar
is to use that measure. It was also used, as are very
many other Spanish words, to express drunkenness.
The expression may be taken to signify 'empty-pated
fellows;' literally, it is 'sack of azumbre.')

Justice was somewhat erratic : severe to-day, lax
enough to-morrow. Mexican thieves were so plenti-
ful in 1838 that Alvarado thought two at least might
well be spared, and under color of martial law ordered
them to be shot.

"I can assert," says Arnaz, "that from 1840 to 1843
perfect security for person prevailed in California
towns and highways, except from savages in remote
localities, as at El Nacimiento, Asuncion, Paso de
Robles, and Las Pasitas. Fink's was the only mur-
der and robbery I heard of."

The alcalde was the justice, and all disputes and all
suits were brought before him. Minor cases he de-
cided himself, but cases of great importance, and all
commercial cases, were referred to the government
at the north. After the suppression of alcaldes and
ayuntamientos, under the central regime, there were
justices of the peace who exercised the judicial func-
tions formerly performed by the alcaldes.

Alvarado divided the territory into districts and
cantons, at the head of each district placing a
prefect with a sub-prefect to aid him. Toward the
close of the year 1839, in accordance with a law of
congress, the ayuntamientos were suppressed, the pre-
fects being authorized to take charge of business con-
nected with land titles in order to bring the same
before the government. The law referred to provided
that there should be letrados or escribanos publicos,
(which will bear translating into notaries public, since

JUDICIAL DISTRICTS. 553

their duties were similar), for the purpose of authenti-
cating all acts, judicial as well as civil; and at points
where there were no such officers, the jueces de paz,
aided by two witnesses, were empowered to act in their
stead. On the suppression of the ayuntamientos,
jueces de paz were named, who performed the duties
of the former alcaldes constitucionales, with this dif-
ference: that, whereas the 1st alcalde had been pres-
ident of the ayuntamiento and juez de la instancia,
now the 1st juez de paz possessed the powers of juez
de la instancia who took cognizance of suits at law,
and the substantiation of criminal causes. The 2d
juez de paz took charge of preliminary matters in crim-
inal cases, and of conciliatory and verbal civil suits.

The San Diego district in 1844 extended to Santa
Margarita, one league beyond San Luis Hey. San
Juan Capistrano extended from Las Flores puebhto,
six leagues south, to Rio Santa Ana. Santa Barbara
extended from rancho Simi on the north slope of Santa
Susana to the rancho lying half-way between Purf-
sirna and San Luis Obispo. Monterey extended from
San Luis Obispo to near San Juan Bautista, though
judicially it held sway farther north. San Jose ex-
tended over Santa Clara and San Jose' mission and
ranches.

In case of a sale of real estate, the alcalde acted as
notary. The protocol of terms was signed by the par-
ties, by the judge, and two witnesses, and sometimes
by two or three other witnesses called instrumentales.
The original deed remained in the archives, a certi-
fied copy being given to parties. The judge, clerks,
or parties would read the document aloud to all.

For very grave crimes, twenty-five lashes daily were
given for nine days, but this sentence was indulged
in only by military commanders or the government.
Twenty-five lashes were the most imposed by the
padres.

On one occasion Pio Pico came to Angeles from
San Diego. Before reaching Angeles, he was informed

554 LAW, GOVERNMENT, AND RELIGION.

that the alcalde would not let him enter the place
without a passport. Having none, he forged one —
signing to it the name of the comandante of San Diego.
This, on reaching Angeles, he presented. The alcalde,
who did not know how to read, took the paper and
pretended to read it. Thereupon he expressed him-
self as perfectly satisfied, and returned the document
to Pico.

In a letter from the alcalde of Monterey to the
governor, under date of December 19, 1848, reference
is made to the enclosed verdict of a jury of six Mex-
icans, against Salvador Nieto for having challenged
Nicolas Silvas and fired a pistol at him. He is con-
demned to six months public labor, and Silvas to three
months for accepting the challenge and leaving his
house with arms.

It was common to challenge an opponent out of
jealousy, after a quarrel over a game. Place and
time appointed, they met, and without further words
began to slash with their swords, inflicting terrible
wounds. When one of them became tired, a rest was
allowed. When one cried enough, and recognized the
other as the best man, the victor dictated conditions.
The usual meeting-places were the Huerta Vieja,
Huerta del Hey, or Canada de la Segunda. Care was
taken to prevent observation.

Writing to the governor from San Jose April 15,
1825, Father Duran, vicario foraneo, acknowledges
the summary of proceedings formed against Cabo
Canuto Boronda, and Meliton Soto, civilian, for fight-
ing a duel near Santa Barbara, in which case he is
asked to give his opinion as regards the penalty im-
posed by the church for the offence. The church, he
says, cannot look with indifference on the almost cer-
tain eternal damnation of those who die in a duel, and
has accordingly imposed the most terrible punishment,
namely, that of excomunion mayor, ipso facto incur-
renda. He refers to the laws on this offence — intro-
duced by the devil to destroy men's souls — which also

LATIN LYING. 655

deny burial in consecrated ground to the fallen. To
this the bull detestabilem of Pope Benedict XIV.
adds denial of sacred burial, even when the person
dies some time after, in consequence of the wounds.

Boronda appears to have been challenged by Soto,
and the duel was fought with deadly weapons, not
pistols, in a canada, without witnesses. Hence they
incurred excommunion mayor late sententia ipso facto
incurrenda, and must conduct themselves as required
to obtain absolution. One excuse was ignorance of
the punishment, but this plea was rarely admitted.
The absolution for the case was termed ad cautelam.

If the Californians were fluent and polite liars, they
came honestly by this, with other amiable vices, in-
heriting them from their Mexican and Spanish ances-
try. To lie was a small matter; to be caught lying,
even, was not a great matter. Religion, on a Sunday
morning, was a serious matter ; on a Sunday afternoon,
it was a trifling matter. Perjury was a horrible of-
fence— sometimes. With easy consciences and facile
tongues, they did not really expect to be visited by
punishment, here or hereafter, for false swearing.
Governor Sola says, in 1821, it was customary for
witnesses to deny a knowledge of facts whenever it
might be deemed uncharitable to speak truth which
would bring injury upon another — just as it is to-day
with regard to our railway magnates testifying where
their interests are concerned ; if there is no other way
of getting around it, their memory is sure to fail
them. One certainly could not expect a fifty-million
dollar man to remember anything which it was clearly
to his interests to forget.

So it is with nine-tenths of those who are put upon
the witness stand in any country. Not all of them
intend to swear falsely, but few speak or practise the
whole truth and nothing else. It may be bias of
mind or bias of feeling, but it is a singular fact that
the bias is always in favor of the affiant's interests.
How often in a court of justice do we hear witnesses

556 LAW, GOVERNMENT, AND RELIGION.

swearing diametrically opposite to each other, so that
it is impossible to say that one or both of them are
not perjuring themselves, and yet they can hardly be
punished for purjury, as it is impossible to tell which,
if either, is telling the truth. And so when a man
swears he cannot remember ; there is no way of prov-
ing that he is swearing falsely, or that he can and
does remember, and would be very quick to give the
desired imformation were it to his interest to do so.

Hence, when we complain that a Mexican's word
cannot be relied on, that his sense of honor as a rule,
is not sufficiently strong to keep him honest, that as
he suspects every one himself, he expects every one to
suspect him, that as he believes to be true not more
than half of what is told him, so he expects not more
than half of what he says will be believed, and so on,
— I say when we complain of the short-comings of the
Hispano-American, let us not forget those of the
Anglo-American.

The ecclesiastical government in 1835 was arranged
somewhat in this wise : The two Californias and So-
nora together formed one diocese, under a bishop with
a stipend of $6,000. Until California should be erected
into a bishopric, there was to be a vicar, appointed
by the bishop of Sonora, as he was usually called, for
each of the two California territories. The necessary
curacies were established, each mission being such;
and were the curate clergyman or friar, he could not
be a Spaniard. The curate must have sufficient means
apportioned to him for the support of himself and his
subordinates, collecting nothing from his parishioners,
and making no charge for baptism. Curates were
ecclesiastical judges, their acts to be before two wit-
nesses, with appeal from their decisions to the vicar.
Curates should act fraternally, and settle matters
amicably.

The mission churches afforded asylum for political
or military refugees, but were hardly sufficient to
shield notorious criminals. The chapels of the pre-

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS. 557

sidios, whose expenses were defrayed by the garrison,
gave no such protection.

Pontifical bulls being counterfeited at Rome, and also
breves and rescriptos on indulgences and other favors,
the president decreed in 1833 that six months from
date no bula or rescripto should be received which did
not come provided with the visto bueno of the Mexi-
can consul at Rome.

The Angeles ayuntamiento in 1845 resolved that
the present ecclesiastical authorities should set aside
a place for Indians to hear mass, because they were
too dirty to mix with gente de razon.

Says Alvarado : " In California we have never had a
bishop, and consequently the people do not desire one.
Here the friars are in general looked upon with indif-
ference, because every one is poor and devoted to
agriculture. That is, there is no fanaticism, such as
I have been told exists in other parts of the republic.
Here we have no religious establishments."

Father Mercado, of mission San Antonio, being
called on, March 10, 1836, to ratify on oath what he
had on the 28th of December, 1835, represented to
the diputacion against the treatment of the Indians
of San Antonio by the administrator, Ramirez, refused
to do so, pleading his privilege as a priest, and his
position as ecclesiastical authority in San Antonio ; he
denied that the fiscal had any authority to demand
testimony from him. The fiscal quoted the law of
the llth of September, 1820, under which he claimed
the right to interrogate the padre, and allowed him
five hours within which to come and testify.

The five hours having elapsed without the padre
appearing, the fiscal wrote him that for the last time
he summoned him to appear forthwith; otherwise, he
would at once declare the charge against Ramirez
false and calumnious.

Still Mercado did not come; but on the same day
he answered in writing that he would like the fiscal
to show him the law under which he could declare

558 LAW, GOVERNMENT, AND RELIGION.

his charges false and calumnious, and that he pro-
tested beforehand against such an illegal action on
the fiscal's part.

Mercado finally appeared in person before the fis-
cal, and took the oath 'in verbo sacerdotis,' and
stated that the church canons forbid ecclesiastics to
appear before secular judges, unless in self-defence, or
in defence of the church, or of such persons as could
not act for themselves. Ecclesiastical as well as civil
laws, and the holy father's command, and even under
the penalty of mortal sin, impose upon all the literate,
and also upon the priests of Indians (pdrrocos de
indios), to defend these unfortunate beings against
any abuses they may be subjected to.

There may be those who would like to know what
the San Francisco chapel contained in the year of our
Lord 1831. There were six images on canvas of the
virgin, San Diego, and St Dominick, one statue of
St Francis, five complete ornaments, two pluvials or
copes, rose and black, six stoles, five sets of altar linen
(on which the communion bread and wine are put to
be consecrated), one set of embroidered linen, five
ornaments of the altar, six albs, one surplice, one con-
secrated stone of the altar, one silver chalice with
patine and little spoon, one large silver cup, one pair
of vessels for wine and water, silver saucer and tum-
bler, one silver and one copper small bell, two incen-
sories, two gilt wooden stands for the missal, one
old wooden palabrer, two covers for the altar, two
amices, one manotejo, thirteen purificatories, six silk
embroidered blue ribbons for amices, two missals,
one of them old, one" ritual, one Christ crucified of
wood with the inri of silver, one Christ crucified of
copper, one old gilt niche, six copper candlesticks for
wax tapers, one copper candlestick in pieces, two large
bells, one copper letter, one tin box for communion
wafers, two small candlesticks, two parvapalias of
front ornaments, one white linen cloth, two long cas-

SOUL-SAVING MACHINERY. 559

socks, one old useless carpet, one wooden bench, one
arm-chair, two sets of red curtains in windows, one
case for the ornaments, one wooden confessional, two
old gilt screens, one small vial for the holy oil, one
old trunk for the dry goods of the church, one old
breviary, one old via crucis, and one iron implement
for making communion wafers — machinery enough, if
properly fed with money, to save a hundred thousand
souls.

It was too much the fashion with foreigners to ma-
lign all classes. The priests, they said, possessed little
learning or intelligence, and this little they devoted to
the crushing and plundering of their people. They were
dissolute and unscriptural, fatherly in a too literal sense,
bringing too much of heaven to earth if of such is the
kingdom of heaven; and loving eau-de-vie, the water
of life, more than the bread of life. For the laity,
they were the largest order of animals then known,
as well as the dirtiest ; a people wholly lying in wicked-
ness, and lacking soap. They were supercilious, yet
ignorant and superstitious, and full of beastly habits.
That they were over-ridden by their clergy they con-
sidered a benefit, if not to themselves, at least to their
neighbors, for when the blind lead the blind both fall
into the ditch. The Indians were as wild and timid
as the beasts of chase among which they existed, with
the exception of a few slightly advanced by becoming
Mexicans by connection with the missions. The ap-
pearance of an immigrant for the first time in a ranche-
rfa of the natives produced an effect sickening and pitiful,
as indicative of their treatment by the Californians.
All capable of flight escaped, while the women appeared
wailing for mercy, and endeavoring to appease supposed
ferocity by offerings of such food as they possessed.
On the departure of the stranger, they made the place
echo again with cries of surprise and joy. The gov-
ernment was a rotten military despotism; and the
courts of so-called justice were run by hard bribery
and hard swearing, legal and profane.

560 LAW, GOVERNMENT, AND RELIGION.

Sunday was the great gala-day, devoted to religion
and amusement. After mass the young and fashion-
able belle returned home and dressed for the ball-room.
The waltz 'which followed so closely their worship
was all the more fantastic from the previous sombre
solemnities. The mind for the present was freed
from further anxiety, and the heart, relieved of its
burden of sin, bounded lightly forth, a new creature.
Aboriginals, those who could obtain it, resorted to
liquor as a panacea for their troubles.

The ideal of the time and place was pleasure. Re-
ligion was a power, wealth a blessing, and chastity
comely; but religion, wealth, and chastity were made
secondary to pleasure. The fathers saw this, and so
made religion pleasurable; the rich men felt it, and
so opened their houses to festive throngs ; the humble,
the poor, the good, and the wicked, whatever else might
befall them, were not to be cheated of their round of
pleasure.

On Christmas night, 1837, while the families of San
Diego were gathered at Pio Pico's house, the religious
comedy of El diablo en la pastorela was performed.
In the play appeared an angel, the devil, a hermit,
and a Bartolo, in the persons of Guadalupe Estu-
dillo, Felipe Marron, Isidora Pico, and other girls.
On each side of the scene were six little girls dressed
in white with red head-gear. During the represen-
tation the women sang hymns of adoration to Jesus.

The government demanded of all the fulfilment of
church precepts. All except the disabled had to assist
at mass on Sundays and ordained days. If any one was
noticed to fail in attendance for some time without just
cause, the authorities sought him out and reprimanded
him.

In easter (pascua florida) all had to confess and
take sacrament, and assist at doctrina. Each received
a paper from the padre to show that he had complied
with church duties that year. When one reached the
age for confession, this was no 'onger requisite, or at

INSTANT IN PRAYER. 561

least was not compulsory. Still, they performed their
duties in obedience to the wish of their parents, al-
though the government did not meddle.

Religious education was carefully attended to. In
every house, before dawn, an alabado was said and sung
by the united family. At noon, prayers were again
offered up. At the oracion — about 6 P. M.- — and at
night, before retiring, a rosario was recited, and an-
other alabado chanted in chorus. At a fandango or
a ball, at 8 o'clock, the head of the family has been
known to cause the diversion to cease while he recited
the rosario, which occupies about a quarter of an hour,
in which all present were obliged to join, after which
the festivities were resumed. Many times at rodeos,
at the wonted hour for prayer, old men would cause
labor to be suspended while they, and with them all
the bystanders, offered up a prayer. Indeed, among
the more pious life was one continuous petition, or
series of petitions, to the almighty powers for favors
desired, and calamities to be averted. The most insig-
nificant of every day affairs were referred to the man-
ager of the universe, to be passed upon and adjusted.

It was an altogether abnormal condition of affairs,
so far as law, government, and religion were concerned.
The natives, when let alone, were wholly natural;
when under the domination of foreign missionaries, it
was worse than artificial. There were no other appli-
ances for the debasement of intellect which would
equal these. For though the mind when left alone
may fall into a thousand fantastic fanaticisms, when
played upon and impressed by more skilled minds, the
result is an intimidation of intellect painful to see. If
missionaries, or others who would convert the whole
world to one way of thinking in religious affairs, would
but observe how quickly both body and mind wither
under the malign influence of superiority, savages and
children would be more let alone, would be less under
restraint in the application of ancient traditions and
meaningless formulas to the training of intellect.

CAL. PAST. 36

562 LAW, GOVERNMENT, AND RELIGION.

A godchild, wherever and whenever he met his
godfather or godmother, was obliged to take off his
hat and offer a brief prayer, after which a benediction
was bestowed by the sponsor. The obligations of the
sponsors were such that in case of the godchild be-
coming an orphan, the sponsors took the place of
parents, and provided him with food and education.
At all times it was the duty of the sponsor to give
salutary counsels to the godchild.

The compadrazgo was a bond of affinity existing
between the parents of the child on the one side, and
the sponsors of the child on the other — that is, it was
so .held by the church, but not by civil law. At a
baptism the officiating priest always explained the
relations thus contracted. Compadre and comadre were
the words used in speaking to or of the sponsors of
one's child — the same words being by them applied to
the parents of the child. The words mean literally
co-father and co-mother. We have no kindred term
in English, unless it be the now obsolete — in that sense

O 7

— gossip, a perfectly well-formed Saxon word, against
the retaining of which no objection could be reasonably
urged.

About September 1847, two Indians were con-
demned to be hanged for murdering a foreigner. The
cords were adjusted by the attending padres, but both
knots slipped, and except a slight choking they were
both uninjured. In a moment one of the priests
mounted a horse and galloped to the governor's, urg-
ing a reprieve on the plea of a special dispensation
of providence. Governor Mason refused, and the
Indians were hanged. .

The robes of the paores were deemed by the In-
dians sacred things, precious relics. In 1833 at the
death of Padre Sanchez the women took fragments
of his dress, sewed them up in little silk or velvet
bolsillas, and wore them round their necks as blessed
relics.

It was the custom in California to give thanks to

THE MILL OF THE GODS. 563

God at break of day, in a loud voice. One gave the
thread of the prayer, the rest responding. Men, wo-
men, children, all were good Christians at heart, al-
though most knew nothing of the rudiments of their
religion.

It seemed hard on the poor padres in California,
that after spending their whole lives to gain heaven,
they should be left to flounder about in purgatory
perhaps for a year or more, and all because there were
none in certain times and places to give prompt sufra-
gios. Finally, it was agreed that for lack of quality
there should be quantity, every mission padre cele-
brating twenty masses every time a brother priest
died. As there were then twenty-one missions, there
would be 420 masses for every priest dying.

Says Friar Juan Sancho, guardian of the college of
San Fernando de Mexico, writing to the viceroy, the
Conde de Galvez, in answer to the viceroy's despatch
covering general royal order of January 31, 1784:
"From the reports of the padres in charge of the Cali-
fornia missions, which owe their being and advance
chiefly to the efforts of Don Josef de Galvez — each
of the nine missions has its church well supplied with
ornaments, vessels, etc., the $1,000 given by the vice-
roy for the founding of each having been augmented
by what the padres have been able to economize in
their yearly stipends.

"Each mission has the buildings necessary for the
padres' dwelling, storehouses, and the like. Each has
a building for youths, and another for maidens, pre-
sided over by persons detailed for that purpose by the
priest. Each has barracks for the escolta. These
buildings, together with the houses for married Indians,
comprise the pueblo, or mission. At each mission live
its children, at least the adults, for many little ones by
reason of tender age live with their pagan parents,
who take them almost every day to the mission that
the priest may see them, and in order to receive food

564 LAW, GOVERNMENT, AND RELIGION.

for them, until the age of four or five, after which the
child remains at the mission.

"At the sound of the morning bell, the Indians go to
the church, where the priest recites prayers and doc-
trina in Spanish. After hearing mass, they go to break-
fast. The same religious exercises are repeated every
afternoon. Although at almost each mission the na-
tive dialect is different, by the padres' exertions most
of the Indians speak Spanish, and some confess in this
language. At the same time the priests have learned
the Indian tongues. The children learn Spanish
easily. The efforts of the padres for the spiritual
amelioration of the natives are ceaseless. As the
padres also look after the temporal welfare of the
natives, they instruct them in what pertains to social
and political life, and in all operations connected with
the cultivation of the land, the padres actually per-
forming all these operations that they may learn.
Thus they have cleared the best land near the missions,
and have brought water to irrigate it. Each year
there is planted as much as is possible. The new
Christians learn also to be carpenters, masons, smiths,
quarrymen, and the like, under the direction of the
padres. The Indians produce everything that is pro-
duced, and consume it. The pagans that visit the
missions are given what there is to give, the padre
knowing that thus they are more readily attracted to
a Christian mode of life. The padres also are physi-
cians and surgeons, making use of remedies sent from
the college, and of herbs the virtues of which expe-
rience has shown them.

" One affliction the padres suffer — they cannot, as
they desire, clothe their neophytes. Of his stipend
of $400, each padre spends the half in his own dress,
chocolate, wine and wax for the church; and other
things of less import — such as medicines, trinkets for
the Indians, etc. It costs nearly $100 to conduct
these things from Mexico to San Bias. The other
$100 is spent on blankets and coarse stuffs for cloth-

SAINTS AND SAVAGES. 565

ing — that is, the balance left after the necessary pur-
chasers of things for the church and implements of
husbandry. So there is not enough to halt' clothe
the Indians. Although nearly every year there is a
superabundance of grain arid cattle, no advantage ran
be taken of it, for there are no buyers. If the padres
sell anything, it is only losing it and not receiving its
value, the purchaser asserting when payment is asked
that he has no money.

"Through the instruction of the padres, the Indians
soon become skilled in the mechanic arts. They are
quick at learning, and are docile. Though they work
well when the padre is present, they will not other-
wise apply themselves, which, considering the new-
ness of civilized life to them, is not to be wondered
at. Without the continual care of the padres, they
woidd relapse into barbarism. This is the reason
why the lands have not been assigned by families, and
why all cultivate them in common, and live and eat
together. At present they are not capable of living in
any other way; many years must elapse before they
will be. They are like children, and have yet to learn
how to live a political and civil life in Christian society.

"At these missions, there are no cofradias, nor her-
mandades, nor any branch of commerce. The padres
do not even think of receiving any obvencion. In
December of the past year, an order of the king was
intimated to the* padres of these missions, and its
punctual observance exacted. Paragraph 19 of that
order provides that only at missions near presidios, or
at those near the pagan frontier, shall there be two
padres. All these nine missions are on the pagan
frontier, and almost every night many pagans sleep at
one or all of them, so it would seem that none are
obliged to go on with only one padre. The king
orders that the statutes, which in 1780 the coinisario
general de Indias framed by royal order, shall be ob-
served punctually. Paragraph 6, number 3, of these
statutes, orders that no minister shall reside alone at

566 LAW, GOVERNMENT, AND RELIGION.

the new missions. As the missions are distant one from
another, and the assaults of savages may take place
at any time, a padre living alone is exposed to death
without receiving the sacraments — a contingency
which should by all means be avoided. Therefore,
these padres beseech the viceroy not to allow them to
live alone, but to provide that they shall continue to
reside two at a mission."

Governor Micheltorena,in his interview with Bishop
Diego, said that the clergy of California swam in
luxury and lasciviousness, having abandoned the ways
of the missionaries of old. The early padres slept on
the ground with an adobe for a pillow, and a hide for
a blanket; while now the padres Heal, Jimeno, Quijas,
Mercado, Santillan, and others had luxurious beds
adorned with curtains, and provided with good mat-
tresses. Formerly they punished the padre who car-
ried a silver watch, but to-day all the priests go with
gold watches and chains. They engage in all manner
of illicit pleasures, and all without hindrance from
their bishop. The scandalous conduct of the clergy
impelled all who could afford it to send their children
abroad to be educated, and keep them from the per-
nicious example of unchaste priests. So said the gov-
ernor to the bishop.

The Senora Pad ilia once complained indignantly
to the juez de paz, for herself, and in the name of
other religiously inclined females' accustomed to go
to the chapel to say their prayers. On this occasion,
they were about to commence their novenas and via
crucis, when the sacristan, Mariano Quarte, would not
serve them in the via crucis, saying that he did not
know how to pray the same, but he did know the
novena, always supposing they would give him five
reales apiece, as had been done formerly after finishing
the novena by those women whom he had accom-
panied in this exercise; and that complainant and the
others were also obliged to do this. No one would
object to this were the sacristan not paid by the people

PAY AND PRAY. 567

to serve in all things necessary. They believe that
they should pay nothing, for the public pays the sac-
ristan a salary, and he does not do his duty as he
should.

Mr Reed of Yerba Buena, whose family had been
insulted by a drunken priest, being asked why he had
not knocked the drunkard down, answered that under
the law if a layman struck a priest he had to suffer
amputation of his right hand in punishment.

The early fathers were not remarkable for their
intelligence, or their faculties for reasoning. " La verite
est que ces bons peres n'eetaient pas de grands cri-
tiques," says Le Clerc; and the more they were like the
apostles the more simple were they. Their writings
were like those of men who had never seen daylight,
or heard the roar of ocean, or smelt a violet. They
could neither receive nor communicate strange truths,
and childish credulity characterized their thoughts
and actions.

The Californians, says Gomez, had been led to be-
lieve that the fathers of Zacatecas were true apostles,
living models of virtue and goodness. But what was
their surprise when thej/ came hither to find them
drunkards, adventurers, who sallied forth at night in
search of fun, with women at their arm, with whom
they lived more or less openly. For them it was a
vice to abstain from pleasure. Among these pleasure-
loving priests were Father Ordaz, Father Real, also
Mercado and Anza. Ordaz, however, was a Fernan-
dino.

Captain Phelps tells a story of Ermitinger, the
trapper, and a padre of San Rafael mission. The
scene occurred at a small party given by Glen Rae,
under-factor of the Hudson's Bay Company in charge
at Yerba Buena Cove. The priest, who had been
drinking rather freely, disclosed a penchant for kiss-
ing the men after, the fashion of the Latin race.
Ermitinger, who was a stranger, a rough man, and a
rigid woman-kisser, declined the fraternal embrace.

O

"In vain," says the captain, "we tried to keep the

568 LAW, GOVERNMENT, AND RELIGION.

priest quiet ; but as he increased his libations, so grew
his foolish persistence. Making a desperate effort to
accomplish his purpose, most unexpectedly he came in
contact with the back of the hunter's hand, which sent
him sprawling across the room. 'Stranger,' said Er-
mitinger, 'when I was in the Rocky Mountains I swore
that I would never allow myself to be hugged by a
Blackfoot Indian or a grizzly bear; but I would suffer
the embraces of either in preference to those of a
drunken priest.'"

In robbing the church, the government required
no more plausible pretext than did the church in rob-
bing the people. War was a standing excuse; and
here the people must not only pay, but come up and
be shot. They are fine things, civilization, religion,
and well worth paying and dying for, and all so neces-
sary, for so religions and civilizations are established.

It is interesting to follow the manipulations of the
fondo piadoso in California. So firmly established in
the Peninsula were the ramparts of Satan that the
hosts of the Lord could not prevail against them—
without money; with money all things are possible,
the devil himself, from the earliest times in these
regions to the present day, whether in legislative or
cathedral halls, being unable to withstand its influence.
A royal junta, appointed in 1681 to consider the mat-
ter, offered money, but not enough; even the Jesuits
were riot tempted by the advances of the government.

Finally, in 1697, fathers Salvatierra and Ugarte
offered to undertake the work on their own account
if the government would give them their own way,
which it was very glad to do, for it was a shame to
give over to Beelzebub any portion of Christ's king-
dom, even so God-forsaken a spot as the Peninsula.
But even these priests, ripe as they were for martyr-
dom, and depending chiefly on spiritual weapons, must
have money. It is wonderful how spirits even are
wooed and won by the cold, impassive metal.

t

THE PIOUS FUND. 569

The priests began to borrow and beg, and the peo-
ple gave willingly enough, security being well assured
in heaven if all were lost on earth. One man, Caba-
llero y Ozio, gave $20,000 ; another, Puente y Peiia,
desiring something more than a hut in heaven such
as this sum would buy, with his wealthy wife put up
half a million dollars in lands and cattle. Others
gave, until the pious fund aggregated a million dollars,
arid a board was appointed to take charge of it, the
government meanwhile eyeing it closely. Ten thou-
sand dollars would found a mission in those days, and
the establishments of Upper California were not with-
out participation in the pious fund.

From the Jesuits the pious fund passed to the junta
de temporalidades, and when this board was extin-
guished, to the ininisterio de hacienda, after which it
went to the minister of relaciones. It was invested
at this time in buildings occupied mostly by the gov-
ernment and paying no rent, which was equivalent to
confiscation by the government.

The government divided the fund into three branches
for its better administration: one embracing the city
estates and the interest of the capital; the second,
embracing the hacienda Cienega del Pastor, in Jalisco ;
and the third, the other country estates in Guanajuato,
Potosf, and Tamaulipas. All these branches depend
directly on the secretary of affairs.

The secretary of state gives a review of the condition
of the pious fund in 1830, and calls the attention of
congress to the fact that not only had the missions of
Alta California sustained themselves during the with-
drawal of the pious fund stipends from 1811 to 1818
and 1823 to 1830, but actually provided $271,311 for
the troops there, which had been also neglected by the
government. Hence some modifications in the admin-
istrative system should be entertained, reserving the
funds for the poorer establishments, both for support
of their missionaries and for their exterior progress.
He foresees the most glowing results to the Califor-

570 LAW, GOVERNMENT, AND RELIGION.

nians in applying to its development the yearly fund
revenue of 30,000 pesos or more.

Says Carrillo : " The people of California are well
convinced that to the missions is due the little pros-
perity hitherto attained by their country. They be-
lieve that the government is bound to protect and
develop the missions. They well know that the in-
come of the pious fund ought to be expended for that
purpose, and that the missionaries have not been paid
for years — and that the government treasury is in-
debted to that fund some $500,000 principal and inter-
est." In 1836 the Mexican government obtained from
the pope the establishment of a bishopric in California,
and gave the administration of the pious fund to the
bishop. But this functionary was soon bankrupt, and
the fund turned over to a government director to
manage. The amount, yielding six per cent, was now
$1,698,745.

That black angel, Santa Anna, pretending to a bet-
ter care of these gifts of piety and charity, in 1842
ordered the fund, now amounting to a million and a
half, to be swept into the government treasury, or
thieves' strong-box, Upper California's declared por-
tion, after passing the ordeal of a joint commission,
being finally declared to be $900,000.

CHAPTER XIX.

CRIMES AND COURTS.

Les republiques finissent par le luxe; les monarchies par la pauvret£. —
Monteaquieu.

IT is not among a lazy, improvident people that we
go to look either for the greatest criminals or the
strictest administration of justice. Few desired to
kill; there was but little to steal; it was easier and
more, profitable to be satisfied with poverty on a full
belly than to enjoy a lean and hungry higher sphere.
Illicit hate was thus reduced to a minimum; while
illicit love was not driven into the thorny path marked
out for it by the saintly and sentimental of the more
frigid moralities. Governor Alvarado affirms, with
perhaps a slight stretch of truth, and himself the
father of children born out of wedlock, that in pre-
American times there were no prostitutes. Some
women, indeed, may have given themselves up to
their heart's desire, but it was through the heart's
impulse, and not base passion. Money had nothing to
do with it, until the Americans came — which would
seem to say that the wicked ones from the United
States paid the women they prostituted, while the
good Mexicans did not. The truth is, in lotos-eating
lands loves licit or illicit are not harshly denominated
crimes, but rather the effect of the weather.

So with cattle-stealing, probably the next great
wickedness, it was rather a manly occupation, some-
times a war measure, unlucky on the part of the
person caught at it, but not specially disgraceful even

though it might be death.

(571)

572 CRIMES AND COURTS.

Slander was an offence. On the 12th of March,
1828, the governor, writing to the comandante at
Monterey, ordered him to exact reparation from Maria
Vasquez for calumniating the honor of the wife of
Captain Gonzalez. But back in 1785 I find in the
state papers Governor Fages writing from Monterey
to Diego Gonzalez, desiring him to warn the heads of
families to be scrupulously mindful to correct among
themselves all excess of bickering and discord, and to
hold each responsible for any disturbance they cause.

In the archives of Santa Cruz, I find written in May
1835 that it is notorious that vagrancy is excessive in
the pueblos. And the governor ordered that alcaldes
should establish tribunales de vagos, or vagrants'
courts, to hear and determine cases against vagrants,
conforming proceedings to the law of the 3d of March,
1828.

In November 1833, Governor Figueroa issued cir-
culars to the comandantes of the four presidios, that
from each presidio there should every month be sent
out a military expedition which should visit the places
of refuge and deposit of horse-thieves. The missions
and neighbors nearest at hand should supply the
necessary horses. Expeditions should be made at any
time during the month, to be commanded by an officer,
sergeant, or corporal, who should conform to the orders
of the comandante of the presidio. All horses found
in the possession of any one without the venta, that
is to say, sale mark, or other legal formality showing
rightful possession, should be restored to the owners.
Cattle found at the tulares, and in other waste places,
should be considered as stolen, and the actual posses-
sors thieves; and they should be held responsible for
damage done by the gentiles whom they incite to
steal the cattle. Alcaldes, comandantes, proprietors,
owners of ranches and estates, and their mayordomos,
should aid in pursuing cattle-thieves, arresting those
caught in the act, or where there might be proofs of
crime, and delivering them to the proper authority.

CATTLE-STEALING. 573

The monthly expedition should take place at the
time most convenient, and any hunters encountered,
if foreigners, were to be told that hunting is prohib-
ited; and if Mexicans or naturalized, that they must
have permission from the government.

All commerce should be carried on in the civilized
districts, and on no account with the wild Indians, who
possess no property whatever ; any one found carrying
on a clandestine traffic should be deemed a smuggler,
his goods confiscated, and placed at the disposal of the
judge, who should decide whether they are to be for-
feited or not.

The Indians should be well treated, and be made
to understand that if they stole stock they will in fu-
ture be brought by force to the presidios for punish-
ment; that all were under the obligation to inform
against robbers, and if they did not, they too would
be punished.

Alcaldes as well as comandantes militares, proprie-
tors of ranches, haciendas, and;their mayordomos, were
to pursue all stock-thieves, apprehending them when
caught in the act, or having proof of their crime, and
to hand them over to the judge, who as quickly as
possible should sentence and punish.

There were laws against gambling and against
drinking; no special increase in the vices seems to
have been noticed after the passages of these regula-
tions. The gente de razon, or people of reason, were
the only class the law allowed to drink at all, the wild
gentiles not having any reason to be affected by fire-
water, it were a waste giving it to them. A wager
on a game not forbidden by law was a legal contract
in 1833. On all the ranches where there were shops,
the ranchero encouraged gambling among his laborers.
The games were of cards, and the players would
bet hides, money, and any article of clothing, to
their shirts. The money and hides generally fell to
the ranchero, in exchange for aguardiente and other
merchandise. Later, store-keepers allowing gambling

574 CRIMES AND COURTS.

were fined $6 for the first offence, $12 for the second,
and for the third offence according to the decision of
the judge. Bankers of games and monteros paid the
same penalties, and those assisting $1 each.

Echeandia, writing to the minister of justice in
Mexico, in June 1829. says: " Formerly San Francisco,
Monterey, San Diego, and Santa Barbara were the
four heads of departments, and the respective coman-
dantes had cognizance of government and the admin-
istration of justice according to the formulario de
Colon, and in the graver cases sent the expedientes,
or information, to the governor for his decision, or that
of a court-martial, or for him to send to the viceroy.
Since the independence, things have changed. The
government, in order to have a rental, has opened
commerce to foreigners, and there are many in the
country. Civil population has increased, arid the num-
ber of military officers decreased. The alcalde of An-
geles within his limits, and on the neighboring farms
to a distance of nine or more leagues, and the alcalde of
San Jose" in his jurisdiction, determine civil causes not
exceeding $100 in value, and criminal matters where
only reparation is to be made, or a light punishment
inflicted." In matters of greater importance, they
take the first depositions, which they remit to Echean-
dia, who, according to the military system, determines
the matter, or consults the nearest asesor, or legal
adviser, who is at Sonora, or calls a court-martial, or
sends the matter to the minister of justice, or war, or
of the navy, as the case may be. In his small juris-
diction, the alcalde of Branciforte determines matters
verbally, and in graver affairs sends the expediente
to the comandante of Monterey, who proceeds in a
military manner. The alcaldes of Monterey and
Santa Barbara, as well as the respective comandantes,
take cognizance of civil matters- not in excess of $100,
and act — criminally — as the alcalde of Angeles, ex-
cept that they refer proceedings to the comandantes.

At the presidios of San Francisco and San Diego,

THE ALCALDE'S AUTHORITY. 575

the comandantes proceed in a military manner in
minor matters, and in graver cases as the others.
There are therefore six districts for the administra-
tion of justice. This itself is in a lamentable condition
for want of a letrado, or legal adviser, which makes
it impossible to proceed properly in military or other
depositions.

Savage says that in 1826 there were no competent
courts of law to try civil or criminal cases. The
alcaldes of the towns were authorized to act as jueces
comisionados, or fiscales, in criminal cases, to make
investigations, and suggest release or punishment of
the accused; but being ignorant of law, they could not
even do this properly, and they often acknowledged
their ignorance in the dictdmen fiscal. And as late
as 1847 Bryant found no written statute law, the only
law books being a digested code entitled Laws of
Spain arid the Indies, published in Spain, a century
before, and a small pamphlet defining the powers of
various judicial officers, emanating from the Mexican
government since the revolution. A late governor
of California told a magistrate to administer the law
"in accordance with the principles of natural right
and justice;" and this was the foundation of Califor-
nia jurisprudence — the true foundation, indeed, of all
justice. The local bandos or laws were enacted,
adjudicated, and executed by the alcaldes. The
alcalde had jurisdiction in all municipal matters, and
in cases for minor offences, and for debt in sums not
over one hundred dollars. In cases of capital offences,
the alcalde had simply power to examine, testimony
being taken down in writing and transmitted to the
juez de primera instancia, or first judge of district
before whom the case was tried. The trial by hom-
bres buenos, to which any one that might demand it
was entitled, differed from our trial by jury only in
the number of the jurors, they having three or five, as
ordered by the magistrate. With honest magistrates,
the system of law in California operated well; but

576 CRIMES AND COURTS.

with corrupt and ignorant magistrates, too frequently
in power, the consequences were bad.

I find among the archives of the administration of
justice, of 1824, the following instructions for the tri-
bunales of la instancia of California compiled by the
asesor thereof.

"As the alcaldes constitucionales exercise the func-
tions of jueces de la instancia — in conformity with
articles 1 and 3, chapter IV., degree of October 9, 1812,
still in force in the republic — and as no distribution of
partidos has been made, nor jueces de letras appointed
for them, as the alcaldes have no escribanos, or other
subalterns, who might advise them, as it would not be
easy for them in a short time to solve doubts arising —
I have deemed this cartilla necessary, in order that it
be of service to them, it being understood that my
labor has been unofficial, and that as asesor of Cali-
fornia I am not obliged to do it — whence it follows
that it has the same authority as would the produc-
tion of any individual lawyer who desires uniformity
of proceeding, and who has held strictly to the practice
and formulae generally in use."

1. Having been informed that an offence has been
committed, the juez shall draw up a document called
cabeza de proceso, which must set forth the information,
and order an inquiry into the alleged offence. This must
be signed by the alcalde and two testigos de asistencia,
who act instead of an escribano publico — of this pro-
ceeding it being said that they actuaron por receptoria.

2. The alcalde will then proceed to verify in person
the fact of an offence having been committed: in a
case of homicide, he will inform himself as to where the
body is, of the wounds and their dimensions ; shall make
a drawing of the weapon, as part of the sumaria, in
order that two experts may verify its having caused
the wounds; if the alcalde be alone, he should make
an examination of the locality where the crime was
committed

COURT OF FIRST INSTANCE PROCEDURE. 577

3. After taking declarations concerning the crime,
he shall take that of the criminal himself, and there-
after take such proceedings as the case deru nd.

4. Should the crime be proven even by circumstan-
ces, the alcalde shall draw up the document called de
bien preso (that culprit is well held), endeavoring to do
this within the 60 hours stipulated by article 191 of the
general constitution. This he shall make known to the
accused, and shall send a copy to him who acts as alcaide
(jailer), that he may comprehend his responsibility.
If it be manifest that the accused be not delinquent,
or that the crime is unimportant, the alcalde shall set
him at liberty, or order the proceedings to be quashed.

5. In case the prisoner should be guilty, and there
be no further documents to be made out, he shall be no-
tified to name a defensor — or having none, or refusing
to do so, the juez shall do so. In the presence of this
defensor, the culprit's confession shall be taken as to
all of which he is in the sumaria accused, and he shall
be confronted with any or all of the witnesses, if this be
considered convenient.

6. At this stage, the suinaria is to be sent to the
offended party — if there be one — as is his right, and
to the defensor, that he may answer the charges made.
The alcalde shall wait for this such time as appears
well to him — even for the 80 days prescribed by law;
the witnesses, except those who have been confronted
with the accused and qualifying as acceptable, those
of deceased witnesses or those who live at a distance.

7. The proofs or allegations of the offended party
and of the defensor — or of this latter alone when the
proceeding has been de oficio — having been received,
the same shall be made public, and after the prosecu-
tion and the defence have pleaded de bien probado,
the case shall be sent to the asesor in order that he
may pass upon the matter definitively, and pronounce
sentence.

8. The decision of the asesor being received, and
being in conformity with the alcalde's opinion, sentence,

CAL. PAST. 37

578 CRIMES AND COURTS.

must be passed within eight days — according to
article 18, chapter ii., of the decree of October 9, 1812.

9. The sentence pronounced shall be notified to the
acusador, and to the reo. If either appeal, the original
cause shall be sent to the supreme court of justice, in
order that in its quality as audiencia the sentence be
approved or modified.

10. Should accuser and accused conform to the
sentence, and the crime be a trifling one for which the
law does not prescribe corporal punishment, sentence
shall be executed by the alcalde ; but if it be grave, the
cause and the customary official communication shall
be sent to the supreme court after the time for appeal
has passed, although neither party, being cited, de-
mands such proceeding.

11. If the delinquent be an ecclesiastic, at what-
ever stage of the proceedings this fact appear, the
matter must be transferred to his proper judge, ex-
cept the crime be atrocious, in which case the civil
and ecclesiastical judges shall sit jointly.

12. If the criminal be a military man, he may be
apprehended at once, the first steps in the sumaria be
taken, and an account of the same, together with the

•

testimony, be given to the officer under whose com-
mand the criminal is, and this latter placed at the dis-
position of said officer — except that the offences have
been committed while the perpetrator was a deserter,
in which case, or should delinquent be of that class
which has lost the fuero militar, the alcalde shall con-
tinue to manage the case until definite sentence be
pronounced — this in accordance with decrees of Octo-
ber 14, 1823, February 13 and April 12, 1824.

13. Should the criminal take sanctuary, his delivery
shall be demanded of the ecclesiastical judge — this
having been preceded by the caucion juratoria (bond
that he be returned on demand) that no capital pun-
ishment be inflicted — and the case properly prepared
shall be sent to the asesor.

14. Should the asesor declare that the offence is

COURT OF FIRST INSTANCE PROCEDURE. 579

not an excepted one, or that the proof is insufficient
to take away the immunity of the culprit, he shall be
condemned por providencia (temporary resolution of
juez) as the asesor may rule — before its execution the
matter being reported to the supreme court of justice,
sentence being executed when the offence is such as
bars the right of asylum to the criminal.

15. Should the supreme court of justice return the
case to the court of first instance, as coming within
the exception treated of in the latter part of article
14, this latter tribunal shall present a certified copy
of the delito, and a communication on ordinary paper
to the ecclesiastical judge of the district, and demand
the full and complete delivery of the culprit — where-
upon the trial shall proceed in the usual manner.

16. In case of a refusal to comply, on the part of
the ecclesiastical judge, the alcalde shall report the
same to the supreme court of justice, in order that the
corresponding recourse to force may be justified.

17. In case a criminal cannot be found, there shall
issue an exhorto giving his description ; and the desired
result not being obtained in this manner, he shall be
summoned by three edicts, issued at intervals of nine
days, which shall be posted in public places, and his
family shall be notified — it being stated whether it be
the first, second, or third edict.

18. The alcalde shall make the general and weekly
visits to the carcel in the manner prescribed by law,
and shah1 make a monthly report of the result to the
supreme court of justice, accompanying the same with
a list of causes pending, with a specification of the day
of the commencement of the proceedings, and the
stage these have reached.

Here follow various forms for the use of alcaldes in
the before- mentioned proceedings. They are the fol-
lowing : For the cabeza de proceso of the inquiry into
a crime; certification of the cuerpo del delito; decla-
ration of the surgeon or surgeons; declaration of the
experts; declaration of the culprit; the document

680 ERRATIC JUSTICE.

called de bien preso; acceptance of position by the
defensor, and his oath; confesion con cargos, of the
criminal ; confronting of witnesses and criminal ; docu-
ment called de prueba; ratification of his testimony by
witness ; formality in case of dead or absent witness ;
definite sentence ; form of edict for summoning absent
culprits.

Whenever a person was arrested for any offence of
a serious character, he was imprisoned and fettered,
and so held until his trial was concluded.

Sir Simpson thought the judicial system "rotten to
the core." "In cases of real or fictitious importance,"
he says, "the alcalde reports to the prefect of his dis-
trict, the prefect to the governor of the province, and
the governor to the central authorities of Mexico."
Meanwhile, the accused endures in a dungeon a men-
tal torture in most cases more than adequate to his
alleged guilt. The ordinary result after the delay "is
a receipt either for dismissing or for punishing without
trial — perhaps for punishing the Innocent and for dis-
missing the guilty. . . Frequently, however, the sub-
ordinate functionaries, under the influence of personal
feelings, such as caprice, or vindictiveness, or indigna-
tion, or love of popularity, pronounce and execute
judgment on their own responsibility. Thus, a prefect
of the name of Castro, being informed that a man had
murdered his wife in a fit of jealousy, caused the of-
fender to be instantly destroyed under this sentence :
'Let him be taken out and shot before my blood cools.'
A commandant named Garvaleta similarly disposed of
a suspected murder, on the principle that he had before
been accused of a similar crime. Occasionally, the
government is unable to carry into effect its ideas of
justice. In 1837, when the foreigners of Los Angeles
carried before Alvarado some wretches who confessed
to the murder of a German, they were told : ' I have
not sufficient force to carry the law into execution
against them, but if you have evidence of their crime,
do as vou consider right."'

STRANGEST OF STRANGE PLACES. 581

The alcalde generally walked with a silver headed
cane, with it summoned parties into court. Or a man
bearing the cane summoned a person ; if he disobeyed
he was sure to be fined. When the parties appeared
in court, each, if he wished, could select a hombre
bueno, arbitrator, or juryman. Then the alcalde made
the parties tell their story and heard the witnesses,
if any; after which the alcalde and arbitrators would
decide. Sometimes the alcalde decided the cases him-
self at once."

Governor Chico, writing to the alcalde of Angeles
on the 4th of May, 1836, orders him to arrest crimi-
nals, for alcaldes primeros are as jefes politicos in their
jurisdiction. Thieves and murderers are to be given
up to the comandante militar, according to the law of
October 29, 1835, which orders them to be tried, by a
military court; or he may try them himself, as sub-
delegate, which the law declares him to be.

"As an instance of the way civil cases are disposed
of in this strangest of strange places/' writes the
Hudson's Bay Company's Douglas, in his journal, in
1840, "I may cite the example of a Mr. Stokes, who
summoned a farmer before the alcalde, to compel the
payment of a debt which had been two years out-
standing, contrary to the previous stipulation between
the parties. The justice, instead of meeting the case,
referred it to arbitration. The case was going against
the farmer, who entreated for a further indulgence, as,
if compelled to pay at that moment, he would be com-
pelled to sell his cattle at a heavy sacrifice. 'Well,'
says the justice, 'how long do you ask?' 'Why,' says
the farmer, 'I promise to make the first instalment in
twelve months hence.' 'Very well/ replied the jus-
tice, with the utmost indifference, 'that will do;' and
the case was dismissed without further proceedings."

In 1834, Governor Figueroa published the text of
the law passed by the Mexican congress, and approved
by President Santa Anna, regulating the judiciary
system of the republic. The parts particularly refer-

582 CRIMES AND COURTS.

ring to California were that the state of Sonora and
territory of Alta California should form one circuit.
Until a convenient division of the republic into dis-
tricts should be made, each of the twenty states
should be considered one district. District judges
should have cognizance of causes and affairs affecting
the federation. There should be one district judge in
the territory of the Californias. The seat of the dis-
trict courts should be in the capitals of the states and
territories not on sea-coast, or in the principal port
of those which are; the government might change
the place when deemed expedient for the benefit of
the federation. The district court should have a
notary appointed by the government with a salary
not exceeding $1,200, and no fees. In the absence of
a notary, the judge should appoint one — if there were
none, the judge should collect the pay to remunerate
attorneys, witnesses, and a clerk. The district court
should have a sheriff appointed by the judge, with
a salary of $200 or $300, and no fees. Fiscals should
have a salary of $1,500, and no fees. The district
judge of the Californias should have a salary of
$3,000. His promoter fiscal's salary should be $2,000.

As in the case of wages of common and skilled
labor, so with regard to salaries, they were about where
they are to-day in many parts of the United States.

Hall states that "according to the leyes constitu-
tional of December 30, 1836, each department was to
be provklsd with a superior tribunal. On the 23d of
May, 1837, the Mexican congress passed a law mak-
ing provisions for such a tribunal for California, out
of which two courts were to be formed. This tribu-
nal was to be composed of four ministros, or judges,
and one fiscal, or attorney -general. The three senior
judges were to compose the first sala, or bench, and
the junior one the second. The second bench was
known as the court of the second instance, which
took cognizance of appeals from the court of first in-
stance, and also original jurisdiction in certain cases.

THE ALCALDE'S FUNCTIONS. 583

The first bench was the court of third instance, with
appellate powers. These courts were to sit at the
capital of the department. There was to be a court
of first instance at the chief town in each district,
with original general jurisdiction of all suras over one
hundred dollars. No superior tribunal was ever es-
tablished under this law in California; nor were there
any judges of the court of first instance; certainly
none in San Jose until 1849, when they were appointed
by United States authority." The governor of the
department, in his message to the assembly in 1840,
expresses his regret that no superior tribunal existed,
and that there were no judges of first instance, adding
that the justices of the peace in the towns had begun
to exercise the judicial functions in the first instance.
The governor also informed that body that they had
power by the act of July 15, 1839, to appoint judges
for the interior; but they failed to use their faculties
in this respect.

In the decree of the Mexican congress of March 2,
1843, it is stated that in the Californias there had been
no courts of second and third instance established;
and by act 28th, the governors of these departments
were ordered "to take care that justice is punctu-
ally and completely administered in first instance, by
judges of that grade, if there be such, or by alcaldes,
or justices of the peace."

The supreme court of the United States, in the
case of the United States against Castillero, held that
the alcalde in San Jose could not perform the func-
tions of judge of first instance, under the mining laws,
as provided by the Mexican decree of the 2d of De-
cember, 1842; and that his acts relating to perfecting
title to the Almaden mines were void. The judicial
officers then known at San Jose were first and second
alcaldes and justices of the peace.

The alcalde's court had appeal to courts of first
instance, which had original jurisdiction in cases over
$100. If a single judge was in commission, he took

584 CRIMES AND COURTS.

cognizance of civil and criminal cases. If two were
appointed, their jurisdictions were divided, one judge
only constituting the court. The court of second in-
stance was an appellative tribunal, consisting of as
many judges, not exceeding three, as corresponded
with the districts in the department. These judges
were the court of second instance for the district?
they represented, and they entertained appeals from
all judgments of the court of first instance in that
district. The court of third instance was the last
resort, except to the supreme tribunal at Mexico. All
the judges of second instance in the department, or a
majority, constituted this court. It entertained ap-
peals only in cases involving more than $4,000. Its
review of cases was general, not being confined to the
questions raised below, but it could not review those
on which the two inferior courts had concurred.

In a letter from Monterey, in May 1845, Larkin
writes of the condition of the laws as follows : "In
California there is a large allowance of laws sent on
by the supreme government, and as the paper is not
very good to make paper segars, the law-books are
laid on the shelf. To make a thousand-dollar obliga-
tion good, it is necessary to purchase from government
an $8 stamped paper; and I have never seen an al-
calde enforce the payment of the debt, although $8
was paid to make it legal. Sometimes the debtor
pleads too much rain for his crops, at other times the
season is too dry, or he 's too busy to attend to the
debt; as the alcalde has neither sheriff nor constable,
fees nor commission, and is forced to serve for one
year, nolens volens, collecting debts is at the lowest
stage. If a person with stolen property was brought
forward, and said he purchased the article from an
Indian who had left for some other place, the trial
might be put off until the Indian returned, or the sup-
posed sheriff had time to look for him. Some people
dislike prosecuting a man for stealing his horse, for
fear he should be told that the man was only bringing

UNCOMFORTABLE JAILS. 585

him home by a roundabout road, and demand a dol-
lar for his trouble. If a person is really convicted of
a crime, he is ordered to some other town, and is sure
to go when he gets ready, and return when he has
occasion. As some of the jails are uncomfortable, the
prisoners are often kept outside; as the food is bad,
they go home to get better, and always return to the
prison door when ordered. There was one day a com-
plaint made to the alcalde by the person who lost the
property stolen, that the thief was every day out of
prison and every day passed his house. The alcalde
said he was very sorry, and in extenuation remarked
that he had told the prisoner to take his forenoon
and afternoon pasear on the other side of the town.
On another complaint of the prisoner, after his trial,
reaching the store where he had been stealing, before the
merchant, the alcalde said : To-day is Saturday, to-mor-
row is the sabbath, Monday is a feast-day, but on Tues-
day or Wednesday the man shall be informed that he
is a prisoner, and dealt with accordingly. Sometimes
the alcalde puts a few of the Indian prisoners to work
on his own farm. When they become tired of the
fare, they run away on his worship's horses, if they
are fat; as the Indians eat these horses, they never
steal poor ones.

"The alcaldes pick up the drunken Indian cooks and
stewards in the afternoons of feast-days, and discharge
them next morning in time to cook their masters'
breakfasts. Some of the Monterey prisoners are
banished to San Diego; those of San Diego to Mon-
terey— that's fair. If they commit a second offence,
they may be banished back again, and find their own
horses on the road, which are easily borrowed with a
lasso. So that the owners of a Monterey horse, which
has been stolen near home and then again at San
Diego, may see the animal again, in bad condition it
is true, but then he gets his horse, by giving the
man who says he found him at San Diego a dollar or
two; and that's cheap for bringing a broken-down
horse 500 miles."

586 CRIMES AND COURTS.

During Echeandia's time, 1825-31, robberies were
frequent. His successor, Victoria, made a vow that
during his rule property should be safe left unguarded
on the public highway. He published an edict that
larceny to the value of two and a half dollars and
upwards would be punished with death. It was not
long before he had occasion to put his sincerity to the
test. Two servants of the San Cdrlos mission ob-
tained the keys of the warehouse from an Indian boy
who acted as a page of the priests, and robbed it.
The men were convicted, and sentenced to death.
The missionary came to Monterey, threw himself at
Victoria's feet, and implored him to spare their lives;
but he was inflexible, and the two men were shot.
The boy was flogged almost to death.

A little later, an Indian boy, of less than 20 years
of age, stole some buttons from the military stores,
which he gambled away. They were picked up, and
valued at $2.50. The boy was tried, convicted, and shot.

In that same year, 1831, one evening, at about six
o'clock, an Indian entered the house of Venancio Ga-
lindo and his wife, Romana Sanchez, and seized their
two children, a boy and a girl. The former managed
to escape. The Indian ravished the girl, and after-
ward killed her. 'The little boy said that the coyote
had seized his sister. On the strength of this, the
soldier, Francisco Rubio, nicknamed Coyote, was ar-
rested, tried by court-martial, and sentenced to death.
The evidence, it was alleged by many, did not justify
such a finding; nevertheless, Victoria approved the
sentence. The officers, M. G. Vallejo and Jose An-
tonio Sanchez, and several others, including the priest
who prepared him for the awful change, believing
Rubio innocent, exerted themselves to save him, but
nothing availed, and he was shot. His innocence is
said to have, been made evident some time after. The
Indian perpetrator of the crimes was captured, and
being in a miserable condition from venereal disease,
died in the prison before his trial was ended.

MEXICAN MISCREANTS. 587

A fellow named Mariano Duarte, whose mother or
grandmother was an Indian of the mission San An-
tonio, was placed in charge of the public school of the
town of San Jose. Some of the school-girls accused
him of having assaulted them. He was taken to San
Francisco, tried, and sentenced to hard labor in the
public works. He was accordingly kept fettered, and
put to breaking stones, sweeping the plaza, etc. At
the expiration of his sentence he was released, and
died shortly after.

Another man, named Cornelio Resales, for violat-
ing his step-daugnter, was kept a close prisoner in
irons at the guard-house in San Francisco, working as
a tailor, but he died after a little more than a year's
imprisonment.

An ex-soldier, named Diego Felix, who lived at the
Huerta Vieja, about half a mile from Monterey, in
1840, murdered his wife, inflicting most horrible
wounds on the head and body of his victim. The
most heartrending part of the case was that the wo-
man being enceinte, he cut her open, and dragged out
the child, which also exhibited evidences of having
been killed with blows. It seems that Felix went to
the house of his mother-in-law, where his wife was,
and asked her to go home, as he wanted her. On the
way, he kept pricking her in the back with a poniard.
After committing the murders, he coolly walked up
and down a distance of 70 paces outside of his house,
but when he saw a military guard coming to arrest
him, made an attempt to escape, which proved unsuc-
cessful. He was secured, and taken to Monterey.

A superstition prevailed at the time in California
that if a person killed another, and the corpse fell face
downwards, the slayer could not escape, but would
hover around the spot to his final undoing. Several
cases occurred to confirm this idea. The prisoner at
his trial pleaded that he had done his duty, as he
would not be a willing cuckold, or assent to infamies.
But the evidence proved that his wife's frailties had

588 CRIMES AND COURTS.

been with his own knowledge and consent, and his
displeasure had been caused by her failing to give
him the amount of money she had formerly supplied
him with. It was true that he had unsuccessfully at-
tempted to kill one of the men with whom she had
committed adultery. As martial law was then in
force, Governor Alvarado had the murderer tried by
court-martial, aided by the civil judge, and he was
sentenced to be shot at 7 P. M., just 12 hours from the
commission of the crimes. Just after the reading of
the sentence, an edict was published, embodying the
law prohibiting, under the penalty of death, that any
one should crave mercy for the criminal.

The body of an Indian woman being found eaten
by coyotes at San Gabriel, and a man accusing her
husband of having murdered her, the matter was
duly investigated, and the charge proved to be a
calumny. Whereupon the false accuser was sentenced
to imprisonment, and to receive 35 lashes, twelve
lashes a day for the first two days, and eleven on the
third day.

One Albitre for having illicit intercourse with an
Indian married woman was put to hard labor for two
months at a presidio, after which he was forced to
live at a great distance from his home. The woman
was also exiled. Wives were not to be abused. One
Garcia was sentenced for maltreating his wife, and
one Higuera likewise for cutting off his wife's hair
out of jealousy. A soldier who had ruined a girl,
and refused to make her his wife, was confined in a
fort in irons, and forced to pay her $50 out of his sav-
ings in the fondo de retencion. In March 1841 Uribe
was fined $5 for challenging to a duel with a " bone,"
and Ibarra was fined $1.50 for accepting the chal-
lenge.

Pastoral California never had a hangman or public
executioner. An order of the Mexican government,
in 1835, to organize a force of from five to ten men
in places where no executioner could be obtained, was

DEATH PENALTIES. 589

not carried out here, and the few executions that
occurred were done by the regular troops.

Among the crimes committed in California, prior
to the American annexation, which were expiated
with the death penalty, were the following :

In 1840 a German named Fink, who owned a shop
in Los Angeles, was assassinated and his goods stolen.

O ' C?

The perpetrators left the corpse in a locked room, the
key of which they threw out on the hill, and carried
away the effects. The body remained four days in
the room, until, after some hesitation, the alcalde
forced the street door. Inside everything betokened
violence and death. The body was found with a large
cut in the forehead, already in a state of putrifaction.
After some inquiry it was discovered, a few days
after, that Eugenia Valencia, mistress of Santiago
Linares, had carried a bundle to San Gabriel, and
was engaged in making for herself petticoats trimmed
with green ribbons. She was forthwith arrested and

o

the goods were secured. Linares was also arrested at
the same time. He confessed the crime and gave the
names of his two accomplices. All three were secured,
convicted, sentenced to death, and shot on the spot
were the crimes were committed.

Antonio Valencia, in 1842, stabbed Aguila in the
back and killed him. The cause was that Aguila, a
large, powerfully built man, was beating Valencia's
small brother. Valencia was tried and shot. This
seems somewhat severe.

In 1842 Manuel Gonzalez, a Peruvian shoemaker,
while at work in the San Isidro rancho, was threat-
ened with violence by a drunken Englishman, who
had a hatchet in his hand. Manuel had no means of
escape, and so he stabbed the Englishman in the
heart with his knife. The Englishman fell dead. The
slayer was tried in Monterey for murder, and sen-
tenced to be shot. While in the chapel he was
shrived by Father Antonio Anzar, who was noted for
his ignorance. The prisoner complained of the in-

590 CRIMES AND COURTS.

justice of his sentence, claiming that he had killed
the 'man in self-defence. Anzar wanted him to ac-
cept his fate with resignation, and as Manuel refused,
the priest burst out, "Be resigned, be resigned, you
beast, for whether you are or not you must die."
Manuel still persisted in denying that he was a
criminal, "pues alld te las compongas," said Anzar.
The man was shot on the 27th of July 1842. Public
opinion very properly disapproved of this execution.
Alvarado was accused of permitting it because the
slain man was an Englishman, though the latter had
deliberately and from a spirit of jealousy gone to
assail the Peruvian at his house.

One Sunday in July 1845, three females, mother,
daughter, and granddaughter, the latter a girl of
about eleven years, together with some small children
were bathing near the beach at Monterey, in a little
stream where there was a grove of willows. An
Indian rushed out of the grove armed with a knife,
and a club, seized the girl and tried to violate her in
the presence of the other women, who endeavored to
protect her. He struck with the club on the head
the elder woman, and felled her to the ground sense-
less. He then began to beat the other woman, nearly
killing her; the children ran away and reported what
was occurring. A friendly Indian named Sebastian,
and other men rushed to the spot — the first to reach
the arroyo was Sebastian, who seized the malefactor,
but received a perpendicular stab from the shoulder.
The wretch was finally overpowered, disarmed, and
bound. Colonel Alvarado, commanding at Monterey,
had the criminal forthwith shot without the formality
of a trial.

In pastoral days in California, it was customary to
take boys to see executions and public punishments,
to serve as a warning. Rafael Pinto relates that he
was present at the execution of two robbers at Mon-
terey. The minister of mission San Ciirlos addressed
the parents on the necessity of watching their

HOW TO PILL AN ORDER. 591

children. His brother-in-law, Bonifacio, an Italian
with whom he lived, then held him tight with one
hand, and with the other gave him a severe flogging.
Pinto pleaded that he had done nothing to deserve
punishment, but it did not avail him. Bonifacio an-
swered that it was true that he had done no wrong,
that he was a good boy; but the flogging was in-
flicted so that he should remember that day through-
out his life — and as Pinto said, "No se me ha olvi-
dado, por cierto."

It was related of a certain person who had occu-
pied a prominent position in California, and was the
owner of a rancho in the district of Monterey, that
one day in the thirties he lacked a few hides to com-
plete a contract, and employed a man to furnish them
on that same day. Now, it was well known to all
that the man was a sort of vagrant vaquero, not over-
scrupulous how he obtained his hides, and for this
reason, and because he must have them quickly, and
at no advanced price, that the contractor applied to
that particular man. "I cannot bring them in to-day,"
remonstrated the vaquero.

"I said to-day," the ranchero replied.

" But I have not the hides, and the nearest herd,
except your own, is four or five leagues away."

"Before 12 o'clock to-night, bring me the hides I
need. Now go."

The job was done. The vaquero was praised and
paid. But next day when the ranchero's Indian went
for his master's cows, he found many of them missing.
A chilling suspicion crept upon the owner of the
rancho. He mounted a horse, rode forth, and after
due search found the carcasses of his cows in the
chaparral, in the upper end of a canon. He rode
slowly back, his wrath rising meanwhile.

"You villain, you slew my cows!" exclaimed the
now furious owner of the rancho.

"Certainly, sir, it was my only chance to fill your
peremptory order."

592 CRIMES AND COURTS.

The tricked ranchero was too shrewd not to know
that he had himself laid the trap in which he was
caught. He had to be content with cursing and
kicking the wily vaquero, the latter being only too
happy to escape with such a mild punishment.

Governor Alvarado, who was in Angeles in 1837,
fell in with a girl, and took a house for her use. Cas-
tro, on observing him enter, ordered artillery salvos
during his visit. Those who inquired why these
salvos were fired, were answered: "In honor of the
act of the governor." When this girl bore her first
child, there was a great demonstration Li the town;
a drinking bout of fifteen days ensued, and a sum of
money was taken from the public funds and scattered
among the people. "The birth of this bastard cost
$5,000," growls the alcalde.

Thus we see that in matters of morality, private or
political, it was among the pastoral Californians much
as it is with us to-day : vice in the high circles was
winked at, while the poor were severely punished, too
severely in many instances.

In going over the matter of the murder of Padre
Quintana, there is something to be learned of criminal
procedure. In the registry of deaths, at Santa Cruz,
October 14, 1812, Padre Marquinez certifies to the
burial of Padre Andres Quintana, who was found
dead in his bed, having died a natural death, it was
said by Surgeon Manuel Quijano, who made a post-
mortem examination. There is a marginal note to
the entry, written by Padre Marquinez at some later
jime, stating that the circumstances attending the
death were a<min investigated, when it was discovered

C7 t^* '

that he was murdered by Christian Indians of this
and Santa Clara missions. Inveigled into the garden
to administer the sacrament to a dying man, he was
thereupon smothered.

Writing to Padre Marquinez on the 15th of Octo-
ber, Don Jose Maria Estudillo says: "It is absolutely

THE AFFAIR OF PADRE QUINTANA. 593

essential that Surgeon Manuel Quijano make a post-
mortem examination of the body of Padre Quintana,
who, according to common report, died on the morn-
ing of the 12th — the circumstances of his death be-
ing very suspicious. Estudillo has been ordered by
Governor Arrillaga to make this inquiry, and be-
seeches and enjoins the padre to permit the exhuma-
tion of the body, which after examination shall be
reinterred." On the same date Padre Marquinez
gives the desired permission.

On the 23d, Lieutenant Estudillo reports to Gov-
ernor Arrillaga "that the post-mortem examination of
the body, and the investigations in relation to the
death of Padre Quintana, were commenced on the
14th and terminated on the 22d. No evidence of
violence was found. The padre was a valetudinarian,
and unable even to dress himself."

Time passes. In volume xliv. of the Provincial
-State Papers, we find recorded, under date of March
10, 1816, that Governor Sola orders the murderers of
Father Quintana, the Indians Lino, Antonino, Qufrico,
Julian, and Fulgencio, of Santa Cruz, to receive each
200 lashes, azotes, except the one last named. The
two first are also to suffer ten years of presidio im-
prisonment, the two next six, the last seven. On the
28th it was determined that they should suffer their
sentence at Santa Barbara.

Referring again to the State Papers, we find that
on the 21st of March, 1820, at San Francisco, Ignacio
Martinez, juez fiscal, certifies, "that by order of Co-
mandante Argtiello he took the declaration of the neo-
phyte Alberto, of the mission of Santa Cruz, accused of
being concerned, with seven other neophytes, in the
murder of Father Quintana in 1812. Alberto, being
sworn, said that Qufrico invited him to join in the mur-
der. One night about dark Quirico called him into
the garden, he supposed to steal fruit, but was told by
Quirico that they were going to kill the padre. Alberto
asked why. They went to the gardener's house and

CAL. PAST. 38

594 CRIMES AND COURTS.

found the others outside in a group. Andres then
spoke to Alberto, and told him they were going to
kill the padre. Alberto said he would have nothing to
do with it; he left them at once, and went to his house
and to bed. On the following day he heard that the
padre was dead, and supposed that they killed him.

Alberto confessed that he had done wrong in not
giving notice to the guard or the mayordomo. He did
wrong in running away to the woods, he said, but did
so because his son told him that the others were being
taken. He knew nothing of the matter until Quirico
spoke to him as related.

After a long interval, we find again a relation given
by Lorenzo Asisara, ex -cantor of the mission of Santa
Cruz, given at Watsonville, July 10, 1877.

" The story I am about to tell," says the narrator,
"was told to me in 1818 by my father, who was a
neophyte of Santa Cruz, one of its founders, and one
of the first who were baptized. His name was Ve-
nancio Azar, and he was the gardener of the mission.
He witnessed all that happened at the time of the
death of Father Quintana.

"The Indians came together at the house of Julian,
also a gardener, and agreed to kill the padre. Donato,
who worked inside the mission, had by the padre's
order been chastised with a disciplina, the thongs of
which had wire points, each blow cutting into the
flesh. Donato determined to revenge himself, and he
it was who called together the party of fourteen men,
among them the padre's cook, Antonino, and his ser-
vants, Vicente and Miguel Antonio.

"The fourteen Indians met at the house of Julian,
to consider in what way they might avoid the cruel
punishment they suffered at the hand of Padre Quin-
tana. Lino, the brightest of all, said that in his ser-
mons the padre taught that God did not do that way.
He asked what should be done with him, since he
could neither be driven away nor accused before the
judge. Andres, father of Lino, said: 'Let us kill the

ASISARA'S STORY. 595

padre, unknown to any except those here present.'
Julian, the gardener, then said: 'How can we manage
it?' This man's wife then suggested that he should
feign illness, and that then the padre would come to
him, and it could be done. This Lino approved;
whereupon all assented to the plan, and agreed to
carry it into execution the next Saturday night.

" Father Quintana had proposed to bring the people
together in the plaza on Sunday, in order to try the
new cuarta he had made, the points of the lashes being
of wire. Accordingly, about 6 o'clock on Saturday
night word was sent to the padre that the gardener was
dying. The Indians were already in ambush behind
two trees at the sides of the path by which the padre
must pass. The padre went to the house of Julian,
who appeared to be dying, administered the sacrament,
and returned to the mission unharmed, for their cour-
age failed those in ambush. The supposed dying man
followed close upon the heels of the priest.

"Within an hour the wife of Julian went to summon
the padre to her dying husband. He accompanied
her to the house in the garden, she crying and wring-
ing her hands. The padre examined the man's pulse,
but found he had apparently nothing the matter with
him. However, he anointed him. When the padre
left the house, Julian rose, and washing off the sacred
oil, followed the priest, but those in ambush again
allowed him to pass. While the padre sat at supper,
the conspirators came together again at Julian's house,
Julian alleged that the padre had poisoned the oil
with which he had anointed him, 'echado yerba en
los oleos,' and that their faint-heartedness would prove
the cause of his death. The woman averred that if
they did not carry out their agreement, she would de-
nounce them. Thereupon, they all said that this time
there should be no failure, and bade her fetch the
priest. She found the padre at supper, and he at once
accompanied her. This time three servants with lan-
terns preceded, and Lino came behind the priest. He

596 CRIMES AND COURTS.

found Julian apparently very far gone, and speechless.
He recited the prayers for the dying, but did not ap-
ply the sacrament, and said to the woman: 'Thy hus-
band is now prepared to live or die; do not summon
me again.' The priest left the house, Julian follow-
ing him.

"As the padre reached the two trees where the
conspirators were in hiding, Lino threw his arms
around him, and said, 'Stop, padre! thou must con-
verse a while.' The lantern-bearers turned around,
and seeing the people sallying from behind the trees,
turned and fled. The padre said to Lino, ' What art
thou about to do to me, my son?' Lino replied,
'Those who wish to kill thee will answer.' 'What
have I done to you, my children, that you should
murder me?' Andres said, 'Why hast thou had a
cuarta of iron made?' The priest said, 'My sons, un-
hand me, for I must go this moment.' Andres then
asked him why he had made the cuarta, and the priest
said it was for those who were bad. Then several
exclaimed, 'Well, thou art in the power of the bad
ones. Remember thy God!'

"Many of those present wept, and commiserated the
priest, but could do nothing for him, as they were
compromised. The padre begged for his life for some
time, promising to leave the mission. One said, 'Thou
art going to no part of the earth, padre; thou art go-
ing to heaven.' This was the end of the colloquy.
Those who had not been able to seize the padre found
fault with the others, saying that the .conversation
had gone far enough ; that he should be killed at once.
They then muffled the priest's head with his gown,
and after he was smothered, in order that no signs of
violence should be apparent, they squeezed one of his
testicles until he had apparently expired. Then they
took him into his house and put him to bed. One of
the two lantern-bearers who had run away wanted to
inform the guard, but the other dissuaded him, say-
ing that it would be the cause of their own death.

ASISARA'S STORY. 597

"When the priest was undressed and put to bod,
all the evil-doers, including Julian's wife, were present.
Andres asked Lino for the keys of the warehouse,
saying that they wanted money and beads. In the
party were three Indians from Santa Clara, who
wanted to know what money there was. Lino opened
the strong-box and showed them. These Indians
took a considerable sum ; what they could want it for,
I know not. All the others took some of the money.

"They then demanded the keys of the single women's
quarters, monjerio, which Lino gave them, together
with the key of the single men's quarters, ayunte.
Those of both sexes went, without making any noise,
to the lower part of the garden, and passed the night
there together, until 2 o'clock in the morning. Lino
had a girl in the sala of the mission.

" During the night Lino went into the padre's
room, and found him coming to his senses. He called
his accomplices, and they destroyed the other testicle.
This was done by Donato, and had the desired effect.
Donato told Lino to close the chest containing the
plata colorada, as the Indians called gold, and eight of
them, taking it to the garden, buried it there. The
others knew nothing of this. After the men and
women had retired to their quarters, the assassins
assembled in order to receive instructions from Lino
and Donato as to their future conduct. Some wanted
to run away, but were dissuaded by the rest, who held
that the matter would never come to light, as no one
knew ofitjgave themselves. As Donato proposed, in
order tflRresure that the padre was dead they went
into his room, when they found him cold and stiff.
Lino showed them the iron cuarta which was to have
been tried the next day, and assured them that it
would not now be used. Lino then gave them some
sugar and panocha, and sent them to their houses.
Lino arranged the padre's room, placed his book at his
bedside, all as the priest himself was wont to do. He
told the others that in the moi ning he would not ring

598 CRIMES AND COURTS.

the bell, an omission which would bring the mayor-
domo and the corporal of the escort to see what was
the matter.

"It was Sunday morning, and the bell was always
rung at 8 o'clock, because at that hour the Branciforte
people began to come in to be present at mass. The
mayordomo, noticing this, went to inquire into the
matter. Lino was in the sala, and when asked why
he had not rung the bell, said that the padre was still
within, sleeping or praying, and that he, Lino, did not
like to disturb him. The mayordomo went away, and
the corporal of the escolta came on a like errand. The
mayordomo returned, and they resolved to wait a lit-
tle while. At length Lino said that they being pres-
ent, he would knock at the door, provided that should
the padre be angry they would shield him. This they
agreed to, and Lino knocked at the door and called to
the priest. There was no sound from within, and the
other two wanted Lino to ring the bell, which he
refused to do. They then retired, charging Lino to
call the priest again presently, as it was very late. All
the servants were about their daily tasks as usual, so
that no suspicion was created. At 10 o'clock the
mayordomo returned, and asked Lino to call out to the
priest and learn what ailed him. Lino called loudly
but ineffectually, and the mayordomo, Cdrlos Castro,
told him to open the door. Lino excused himself from
entering. At this juncture the corporal, Nazario
Galindo, arrived, and they ordered Lino to open the
door. Although he had the key in his pocket, Lino
went out to look for a key; brought in a large bunch,
none of which would open the door; pretended that
the key he had belonged to the kitchen, and with it
opened the door of the priest's room, which opened
into the plaza. He opened the door into the sala and
came out sobbing, saying that the priest was dead, and
that he would go and toll the bell. Only the corporal
and the mayordomo entered the room to satisfy them-
selves that the padre was dead. The other missions

ASISARA'S STORY. 599

were written to, and Father Marquinez, who was at
Monterey, was summoned. Some of the old neophytes,
and others, who suspected nothing, wept bitterly;
Lino, within the house, bellowed above them all.

" The priests came from Santa Clara and other
missions to bury Father Quintana. All believed that
he had died a natural death, but not until the body
had been opened and the stomach examined with
regard to poison. Finally, by chance some one noticed
that the testicles had been destroyed, but though con-
vinced that their condition had something to do with
the cause of his death, they kept silence.

"Several years after Father Quintana's death,
Emiliana, wife of Lino, and Maria Tata, wife of An-
tonino, had a quarrel. These women were seamstresses
of the mission, and were at work behind a wall. The
mayordomo, Carlos Castro, passing by overheard
them, he understanding the Indian tongue. Each
accused the husband of the other of being concerned
in the murder of the priest. Castro told Father
Olbes, and he informed Father Marquinez, who sent
his servants to tell Julian and his accomplices to run
away, if not they would be taken. Father Olbes sent
for the two women, separately, and pretending that
he wanted them to cut and make some clothing, shut
them up in separate rooms. The mayordomo, Castro,
was acting in unison with the priest. After dinner
the priest examined each of the women separately,
and apparently without much questioning each ac-
cused the husband of the other. The priest dismissed
them with a present; and then ordered Corporal
Galindo to arrest the assassins, but without telling
them why. The gardeners and the cook were taken,
Antonino first. He, when asked, denounced one of his
comrades, who in turn denounced another, and so on.
Finally, all were taken except Lino.

" Lino, supposed to be very valiant as he was very
powerful, was taken by stratagem, by Cdrlos Castro,
his compadre. Castro gave Lino a knife, and told

600 CRIMES AND COURTS.

him to cut some hair from white mares and black
mares, in order to make a gay head-stall for the
padre's beast. Lino suspected something, and there
were indeed two soldiers hidden behind the corral.
Lino said: 'Compadre, why are you deceiving me?
I know you are going to take me prisoner. Take
your knife, compadre. What I thought would be is
already done; I'll pay you for it. Had I so wished
on the night I killed the priest, I could have made an
end of mayordomo, soldiers, and all.' All the accused
and their accomplices were taken to San Francisco,
my father being one. The actual assassins were sen-
tenced to receive each a novenario of 50 azotes, that
is, 50 lashes a day for nine days in succession, and to
labor on the public works at San Diego. The others,
including my father, were set at liberty, for they
served as witnesses, and were not shown to have
taken part in the assassination."

But however lax may have been Echeandia, or
howsoever to the other extreme may have gone Victoria
and Alvarado, there was always present that gross
favoritism which usually attends the administration
of justice at the hands of the Latin race. The poor
stood little chance against the rich. It will be no-
ticed that the severe and public examples were made
for the most part of the friendless and ignorant,
Indians, soldiers, and low trash of various shades
of color. Within certain bounds, and with due regard
to certain conventionalisms, the rich and influential of
all times and nations may commit all the crimes of
the decalogue with impunity. As a rule, it was in
California as in Mexico, there was little real principle,
little inherent honesty and integrity in high places.

And however primitive may have been the condi-
tion of Pastoral California down to the third decade
of the present century, from that time for a brief
period matters were worse. The natives were in a
state of insubordination ; robberies and other crimes
were prevalent, and little or nothing was done to

CLASS HATRED. 601

check them, there was ill-feeling between the people
of the north and south, and both hated those from
Mexico. The worst cancer was the plundering and
wasting of the public funds, until the bottom of the
treasury chest may be said to have dropped off.

Eusebio Galindo, a pure white man born in California,
in 1802, and descended from the first founders of the
country, bewailing,in 1877, the sad condition his country
had been brought to by disunion and misgovernment
on the part of the men who ruled its destinies under
the Mexican flag, said, " This California during the
time she was ruled by the Spaniards was a perfect
paradise, where all lived in peace, and had the where-
withal for his or her support. He concluded with
the following quotation :

" Lindo pais, California,
Principio fue de mi vida,
Hermoso paraiso ameno,
Jardin de gloria escondida."

The animosity of the Hispano-Californians toward
their Mexican fellow-citizens reached a climax in 1844
when the former resorted to lampoons couched in
scurrilous language, and with obscene pictures, anony-
mously insulting the officers of the Mexican battalion,
stationed at Monterey, especially those who had
wives. Their authors thus manifested the spirit of
provincialism prevailing among their countrymen.
The abused officers, not knowing their opponents,
vented their wrath upon all Californians in vulgar
and quixotic expressions, showing themselves to be
low-bred braggarts. This mutual abuse continued
until even the most respectable families of the
place were not spared. The hostility became so in-
tensified that it showed itself at public and private
gatherings, and even at church. It must be said that
the conduct pursued by both sides was equally repre-
hensible. At last the Californians abandoned these
vile practices, and resorted to the more manly course
of open rebellion against their ruler, who too often
richly deserved it.

602 CRIMES AND COURTS.

One Limon, in. 1839, was accused of rape on a girl
at San Fernando mission. The case was sent to the
alcalde of Angeles, January 12th. A lengthy trial
ensued, owing to the circumstantial evidence. At one
time it was proposed to send the case to the governor
for military trial, but it was concluded in Angeles
after all. A promoter fiscal was appointed ad hoc,
and a defensor. The latter delayed the case greatly
to bring in fresh evidence. It was passed or repassed
from fiscal to defensor for argument and answer, and
finally the alcalde pronounced sentence of two years in
the presidio on circumstantial evidence, the want of
proper medical care of the fatally injured girl being
taken into account. On May 2d the sentence was
read to the culprit in presence of the judge, fiscal, de-
fensor, and two chief witnesses for want of a notary.
All signed it, including the prisoner.

Mode of proceedings in the adultery case of Casta-
nares and Herrera, Monterey, June and July 1836:
The written arguments of each was presented to the
alcalde of Monterey, in which place the parties resided.
The alcalde ordered the argument of the one party to
be presented to the other party for answer within a
certain number of days. This order was signed by
him and two others, one a secretary, and the other a
regidor. The same order was submitted to the party
who prepared the argument, and he signed his ap-
proval, the above trio signing as witnesses. This
order, with the argument, was submitted to the
party who had to answer; he signed his name in
acknowledgment, and this was countersigned by the
trio. The party who prepared the argument was
notified of the acknowledgment, and signatures again
affixed. The same formula was used in regard to the
answer.

Diego Leyba was accused of having killed a cow
belonging to Rafaela Serrano at San Dieguito. The
suit was begun July 11, 1839, at San Dieguito by
Osuna, alcalde of San Diego. The head of the cow

THE CASE OF SURGEON BAUL 603

which had been buried by Leyba was dug up and
found to bear the mark of Serrano. The examination
of witnesses concluded July 15th. The results were
sent July 16th to the prefect, Tapia, at Los Angeles.
July 26th, the prefect sent back the papers, and in-
formed Osuria that, according to article 181 of the
law of March 20, 1837, he must forward the accused
with sufficient guard, 'per cordillera,' from mission to
mission to the first alcalde of Los Angeles, and also
the papers. August 1st, Osuna obeyed this order.
August 5th, Antonio Machado, senior regidor, in the
absence of the alcalde, sent back the papers for some
corrections in form, and ordered several witnesses to
appear at Los Angeles. Two of the witnesses were
found to have gone to Los Angeles, and another, an
Indian alcalde, was sent up. August 9th, Osuna sent
back the papers. Rafaela made a deposition August
7th that Leyba had a right to kill the cow. He was
fined $5 for hiding the cow's 'remains,' the fine
to go to the municipal fund. The papers were re-
turned to the alcalde at San Diego. Two additional
official communications between the prefect and the
alcalde are given, dated November 2d and 14th. The
whole record occupies about thirty pages of the records
of San Diego. This almost parallels some cases occur-
ring in English and American courts.

In the case of Surgeon Bale, accused in 1840 of dis-
respect of civil authorities, the judge arrested Bale,
but released him, as he enjoyed the 'fuero militar. '
The judge then laid the matter before the coman-
dante de armas, who ordered the ayudante de la
plaza to take cognizance as juez fiscal of the matter,
which he proceeded to do, appointing a secretary for
that purpose. When sworn, Bale placed his right
hand on the pommel of his sword, and being asked if
"bajo su palabra de honor prometia a la nacion decir
verdad, " answered, "Si juro. " The judge and secre-
tary then went to Mrs Larkin's house to take her tes-

604 CRIMES AND COURTS.

timony. They also went to Bale's house, he being
there under arrest, in order to take his. Stokes,
another witness, was summoned to appear through the
civil authority. The sworn statement of the accused
was taken. The judge then sent the papers to the
comandante, who sent them to the cornandante -gen-
eral, who gave a decision to the effect that, although it
was impossible to prove that the civil authorities were
entitled to respect, yet they must be respected. This
decision was sent back to the comandante for execu-
tion. The papers were then to be returned to the
comandante-general, in order to be placed in the
archives.

The wisdom of the Roman law-givers attracted the
attention of the world, but it pales beside that of the
California alcaldes. A man named Juan lodged a
complaint that he had loaned Pedro a sum of money
which the latter refused to pay, although he was rich
in horses and cattle.

Pedro was summoned before the alcalde, when
Juan stated the case, and appealed to Pedro for the
truth of what he said, which was readily acknowl-
edged.

"Then," said the alcalde, "since you owe this debt,
why do you not pay it?"

" Because, senor," replied Pedro, " I have no
money. "

'•But," interrupted Juan, "thou hast a flock, horses,
oxen, and everything. "

"Well said, Juan," exclaimed the alcalde; "and he
shall sell them and pay the debt, or I will teach him
what law is, and what is justice."

"Your worship is an honest and a wise man," said
Juan with a bow.

Pedro looked puzzled, and after a moment remarked,
" But, sir, a word by your leave;" then turning to Juan,
continued, "Well, Juan, didst thou lend the money to
me, or didst thou lend it to my oxen, or to my horses,
or to my flock ? "

PHENOMENAL WISDOM. 605

"I lent it to you, Pedro."

" Thou sayest well ; if thou didst lend the money to
me. then of course I am responsible, and I must pay ;
but if thou didst lend it to my oxen, or to my horses,
or to my flock, it is clear they are responsible, and
they must pay." And he looked triumphantly at the
alcalde.

The magistrate had listened attentively, then after
a pause drew himself up and said with much gravity,
"Pedro, thou art right, and thy property cannot be
sold."

" And what then am I to do?" asked Juan.

"Wait," said Pedro, "till I get money to pay you."

"That is all that can be done according to law in
the case," said the alcalde, and dismissed the parties.

The jurisdiction in civil suits of the comandantes
militares, also in criminal cases not purely infractions
of military discipline or violations of the military fuero,
had by virtue of law ceased prior to 1832, although
durino1 Victoria's time these officers continued arbi-

o

trarily to exercise such powers.

This is what Hastings told the immigrants of 1843-6
in regard to proceedings in alcalde's courts, in Cali-
fornia. One wishing to recover a demand applied to
the alcalde, who instead of issuing a written summons,
despatched a servant to the residence of the defendant,
informing: him that his attendance at the alcalde's

o

office would be required on a certain day, to answer
the complaint of the plaintiff; and that if he did not
appear at the time and place designated, the alcalde
would determine the case ex parte.

When the parties appeared, the alcalde interrogated
the defendant, whereupon the latter proceeded to offer
such excuses as might occur to him ; or he would curse
his opponent vociferously, declaring that he would not
pay. The plaintiff would then take the floor, and reply
to the defendant, or hurled back his abuse, answering
his insults by stronger and more numerous insults, and

606 CRIMES AND COURTS.

more vehement and profane cursing. If proceedings
took the latter course, his honor had nothing to do
but to weigh the insult and profanity, and give his
judgment according to the preponderance; if the for-
mer course was adopted, the strength and validity of
the excuses were weighed against the justness of the
demand. Money, however, had more effect than
pleading or oaths, and was usually resorted to by one
party, or by both.

These reports of foreigners, however, who knew
little or nothing of what they were saying, were to a
great extent exaggerated and false. Justice then was
plain and crude, but it differed not so much after all
from justice now, which neither in America nor Eu-
rope, nor yet in Asia, is often found wholly unadul-
terated.

The old form of oath by officers on rendering ac-
counts of public funds was still observed in 1836:
"I certify and swear by God, our Lord, and the sign
of the cross, that the amount of the foregoing account is
faithfully and lawfully expended for the articles therein
expressed." The oath of protestants was made 'por
Dios y la biblia.' Catholics were sworn on a cross,
and when none was at hand, the officer administering
the same held up the right hand with thumb and
forefinger crossed. In a certain matrimonial license,
an officer testified by his word of honor, with his hand on
his sword, and would be sworn in no other way. The
padre says that therefore he was fain to accept the
same.

The method of stamping the government seal on pub-
lic documents at one time was by greasing the seal and
holding it in the blaze of a candle until the soot served
as ink, and then the impression was made bv hand.

Injustices' courts, the plaintiff was called the parte
actora, and the defendant the parte demandada. Ac-
cording to the ordenanza, where several soldiers were
tried jointly for the same crime of robbery, each was
obliged to name a separate defensor.

ESCRIBANOS. 607

It was the practice that persons called to act in
judicial investigations as escribanos, or as testigos de
asistencia, were sworn by the fiscal or juez comisiona-
do, to a faithful discharge of their duties, one of which
was to keep secret everything connected with the
case.

No officer in any way concerned as a party in a case
could act as fiscal or judge to investigate the same.
In whatever stage the proceedings might be, so soon
as he was named in any document or deposition as a
witness or party interested, his functions as such fiscal
had to cease.

In suits before jueces de paz, for less amount than
$100, the judgment — el juicio — was verbal, without
the necessity of hombres buenos, although sometimes
these were brought in, for the recovery of $100 or
upwards; or in grave cases of injury plaintiff and de-
fendant each appeared with their hombres buenos. If
the parties agreed, the case went no farther; in case of
non-agreement, then testimony was taken, and a written
judgment entered before a juez de primera instancia.

When creditors brought claims of less than ten
dollars before Judge Castanares, he would turn to
Abrego, his clerk, and say, "Pay the claimants, so that
I may not have to listen to their talk."

Abel Stearns was addressing the old burly, rough,
but good-natured Alcalde Antonio Machado, with one
foot on the round of a chair. The alcalde endured it
for a while, and then exclaimed, "Senor, be kind enough
to abandon the chair; this court objects to being ad-
dressed by counsel standing on one foot, like a crane. "

The old Spanish proceeding of making prisoners
kneel to hear their sentence when notified by the
judge and escribano was practised in California, to
judge from the proceeding of fiscal Alfe*rez Sanchez
with the Indian Luis. In this case, it seems that the
prisoner had to kneel when notified of his acquittal — a
more pertinent practice than the other.

Papel sellado, or stamped paper, was in Spanish

608 CRIMES AND COURTS.

countries the source of considerable revenue. Deeds
of sales of land, mortgages, notes — all documents re-
lating to money value above a certain amount, powers
of attornej^, copies of marriage and baptism, nearly all
kinds of contracts — had to be written on such paper.
In a lawsuit, the costs ran up enormously by reason of
the great number of 'pliegos' of stamped paper which
the lawyer charged for.

Stamped paper was issued in periods of two years.
That of the third class was worth two reales, and was
sufficient for a power of attorney to collect soldiers' pay.

The stamped paper used in 1827 — in one instance
at least — bore the stamp of Carlos IV. for 1810 and
1811; that of Fernando VII. for 1814 and 1815; and
the Mexican stamp for 1827 and 1828

The sentences in criminal cases were almost always
to labor on public works. Most of the offenders were
Indians, and the highest sentence in San Diego in
1835-6 was a year's labor for stealing a barrel of
aguardiente.

When not employed on public works, prison labor
was farmed out to private individuals. As there were
no good jails, it was customary to flog some and fine
others. Occasionally, culprits were imprisoned and
worked in a chain-gang.

A case is cited of one Ramon Soto at San Jose,
charged by Juan Meresia of having pawned a serape
with him and then stealing it. The case was tried be-
fore John Burton, alcalde, who adjudged the defendant
guilty, and ordered him to pay a fine of $5, besides $6
for the serape, and costs -of court $1.75, or labor on the
public works. On another occasion, Thomas Jones
complained that Pedro Mesa had stolen his horse — the
defendant was fined $5, "and $9 for saddling the horse ;
and costs of court, taxed at $4.75; $2 for the guard."

Pico, in 1845, ordered it published by bando that it
was common to see delinquents set at liberty, which
was a scandalous outrage on private interests, and the
right of the public to have crime punished — vindicta

WORKSHOPS RECOMMENDED. 609

publica — and was probably owing to the want of energy
on the part of the local authorities. The government
proposed to put an end to it, and ordered the alcalde
to see that crimes were punished in accordance with
the laws.

In 1836 Governor Gutierrez informed the alcalde
of Angeles that persons imprisoned for petty offences
might go out and seek their food, others must be main-
tained at municipal expense. To prevent immorality
and misery in prisons, the governor recommended
workshops to be established in the chief California
prisons by means of private contract which should
yield something to the prisoners.

Juan Malarin complained to the judge of first
instance that an Indian was sentenced to the chain-
gang for having been drunk. The tribunal reproved
the judge, expressing surprise at his conduct, the crime
being one not subject to so severe a punishment.

To the president of the tribunal of justice, a com-
mission appointed to visit the prisons of California
reported in 1842 : That the Monterey prison contained
five persons, two de razon and three neophytes. The
commission put the usual questions to the two, and they
answered that from the time of their imprisonment
they had been given no food; the authorities did not
know how they were to subsist. One of them during
the first days begged of certain persons, until the
others at length gave him some food that was brought
from their house. Often they asked for water, and were
told there was no one to fetch it. From the situation
of the prison the sun could not enter it; and there
were other matters which the commission wished to
mention, but there was no space for them in the report.

Similar questions to the neophytes elicited replies
that they were sentenced to quarry stones for the jetty ;
they were taken out to work at 8 A. M. and stopped
at 5 P. M; the only food they got in the twenty-four
hours was a piece of raw meat at 9 A. M., and so small
as to leave nothing for supper.

CAL. PAST. 39

610 CRIMES AND COURTS.

The commission then inspected the calabozo, and
were surprised at the picture it presented. It was
without any floor but the bare earth, and so wet that
a stick would sink some distance into it. The walls
were black, and so dark that an object could not be
seen more than a yard off. There was neither light
nor ventilation, except through two small skylights;
it was very unhealthy, and the more so when many
people had to sleep therein. They had to use a barrel
as a privy, and the whole place was a sink-hole of filth.
The commission severely denounced the condition of
the prisons, and added that although criminals should
be punished, they should still be afforded the accom-
modations and comforts that reason and humanity
dictate. Signed by Jose Antonio Estudillo, Antonio
Maria Osio, and Jose Maria Castanares.

In reply, Jose Fernandez, judge of first instance,
concerning the state of the prisons, explains that the
causes complained of arise from lack of funds to meet
expenses. The prisoners can only be given meat suffi-
cient for their subsistence. They are not, however, as
has been represented, dying of hunger, or so wasted
away as to be unable to work. The prison has no
jailer, nor any patio for the prisoners to sun themselves
in ; and it has not been deemed prudent to take them
from the prison and place them in the plaza under
care of the troops, from which they could escape and
no one be responsible. The meat is supplied to them
raw, because there are not a sufficient number to pay
for the cooking, neither is there a military escort to
take them to a place of labor.

CHAPTER XX.

A VERY HEALTHY COUNTRY.

Lasst, Vater, gerrag seyn das grausame Spiel! — Schiller.

SAID Charon to Mercury, to whom was due from the
Styx River ferry-man certain money for boat-tackle,
following Lucian: "I cannot give it you now, but if
war or pestilence should send souls hither in paying
numbers, you can make the amount and more by
cheating each one a little in the passage-money."
Considering that California never had a war, nor any
pestilence to speak of, there seems to have been con-
siderable sickness for such a very healthy country ; and
it is quite certain that Charon found business better
after the introduction of civilization than before.

In physical appearance, the Californians were vastly
superior to the people of the other Mexican states.
Tall, muscular, and well favored, their complexion was
neither sallow like that of some, nor swarthy as is the
case of others. And they were probably as healthy
and athletic as any people in the world.

These characteristics were theirs by inheritance;
for in the instructions of the viceroy to Captain Rivera,
it was ordered that the head of each family desiring
to emigrate to California should be a hale country
laborer, without blemish, physical or moral. Recruits
for the presidios, selected with even greater care,
were to be of not less than eighteen nor more than
thirty years of age, at least two varas in height, and
of healthy color and good presence, without marks of
any kind on body or face.

(611)

612 A VERY HEALTHY COUNTRY.

Like Kentucky, Missouri, and all virgin lands
where there are present no counteracting causes,
California bred a fine race, notwithstanding the many
race intermixtures. Says Bayard Taylor in 1846:
''The Californians, as a race, are vastly superior to the
Mexicans. They have larger frames, stronger muscle,
and a fresh, ruddy complexion, entirely different from
the sallow skins of the tierra caliente, or the swarthy
features of those Bedouins of the west, the Sonorians.
The families of pure Castilian blood resemble in
features and build the descendants of the Valencians
in Chile and Mexico, whose original physical superior-
ity over the natives of the other provinces of Spain
has not been obliterated by two hundred years of
transplanting."

The first settlers were generally — with the excep-
tion of the governor, the missionaries, and a few of the
officers, who were Spaniards — from Sonora, Sinaloa,
and Nueva Vizcaya, and consequently of mixed race,
those of pure Spanish blood being comparatively few.

The child of Spanish blood born in America is a
criollo; the offspring of Spaniard and Indian, a mestizo;
that of Spaniard and negro, a mulato; that of free
negroes, a moreno, and of free mulatos, a pardo; that
of negro and Indian, a zambahigo, zambo, or cambujo;
that of Spaniard and mestizo, a cuarteron; that of Span-
iard and mulato, a lobo. Coyote is a generic term ap-
plied, when human beings are referred to, to an Indian
born in New Spain.

Even the non-commissioned officers were, to a con-
siderable extent, of mixed lineage, and the wives of the
soldiers were in many cases Indians. Single men on
arriving in the country took to themselves wives from
among the neophytes, in the absence of women of
their own race, and their descendants continuing to
intermarry, most of the gente de razon, or sentient
beings — by which high-sounding designation these
people of mixed lineage loved to distinguish them-
selves from their kinsmen among the neophytes and

SMALL WOMEN. 613

the unconverted savages, even in the third generation-
consisted of individuals of every conceivable gradation
of mingled Spanish and Indian blood, at the same time
taking great pride and comfort in considering them-
selves of pure Spanish descent.

Later, the class of immigrants from Mexico was, to a
great extent, composed of men and women of mixed
race. About 1830 there began to arrive Americans
and Europeans, chiefly from Great Britain, who
married women of the country; the mixture of races
becoming in this way still more complicated, although
the traces of Indian lineage gradually became less,
until at the time of the American conquest they were
scarcely perceptible.

The women of California were rather small; they
were brunettes with fine black hair, good teeth, and
generally well favored. They were remarkably fecund,
and marrying as they did at an early age, at thirty a
woman was generally the mother of five or six chil-
dren, while families of twelve, or even twenty, were
not uncommon, and in several instances this latter
number was exceeded. In 1828 the births were to
the deaths as three to one.

Why should it not be so ? All else was fecund, while
still the missionaries sang "and only man is vile."
The mothers could usually count their children ; with
the fathers the task was more difficult. Some essayed
to distinguish them all ; others a part. Ignacio Vallejo
counted 12 children: Joaquin Carrillo, 12; Jose* de
la Guerra, 10; Jose Argiiello, 13; J. M. Pico, 9; Fran-
cisco Sepulveda, 11; J. M. Ortega, 11 ; J. Bandini, 10;
N. Berreyesa, 11; M. G. Vallejo, 12; Josefa Vallejo,
11 ; Fel. Soberanes, 10; J. A. Castro, 26. Juana Cota
died leaving 500 descendants.

"A native was pointed out to me one day," says
Taylor, "as the father of thirty-six children, twenty
of whom were the product of his first marriage, and
sixteen of his last. Another, who had been married
twelve years, already counted as many heirs. " Secun-

614 A VERY HEALTHY COUNTRY.

dino Robles got by one wife twenty-nine children.
Jose Maria Martin Ortega was the oldest of twenty-
one children, and himself the father of twenty -one.
One of his sisters had twenty-two. The wife of J. A.
Castro had twenty-six children; Mrs Hartnell had
twenty-five. Lieutenant Wise met at Monterey a
woman thirty-seven years old, the mother of nineteen
children, and apparently able to have as "many more.
In the vicinity of Santa Bdrbara were a couple of
gente del pais who in 1850 had seen before their
eightieth year 105 children, grandchildren, and great-
grandchildren. During the journey of the Hijar colo-
nists to San Juan Bautista, one of the carts contain-
ing women and children was at a certain point upset;
when .righted, it was found that two more colonists
had been added to the number, apparently as well as
any of them. Since the conquest, the fecundity of
women not native to the soil has been the subject of
frequent remark. In 1848 there were born in Sono-
ma, then a hamlet consisting of some forty families,
no less than nine pairs of twins and one set of triplets.

This prolificness was by every one attributed to the
climate, or to the virtues of some particular spring.
Women who for some years had borne no children
on coming to California regained their fecundity, and
those hitherto childless became fruitful.

When Mrs Benjamin Hayes, who was an invalid,
came to Los Angeles in 1850, the native women ex-
pressed surprise that she had no children. "But
never mind, " they said in their kind-hearted efforts to
comfort her, " California es muy fertil. " And so the
good woman soon found it to be.

But while the mixed race thus multiplied, the abo-
riginal lords of the land declined. Here as elsewhere
those twin gifts of civilization to the red man, disease
and distilled liquor, wrought their wonted ills ; more-
over, the Indian women, naturally not very fecundr
sought to prevent childbirth by the use of the thorn-
apple, this custom, perhaps, being also of comparatively
recent introduction.

LONG-LIVED PEOPLE. 615

The Californians were moreover a long-lived people ;
well-authenticated cases of great longevity were not
at all infrequent among the Indians as well as among
those of mixed race. Many individuals reached the
age of eighty or ninety, while the years of not a
few have exceeded one hundred. Indeed, Father
Martinez of San Miguel wrote that there were at that
mission several Indian women of more than one hun-
dred years of age. At Angeles Antonio Valdes died
in 1859 at the age of ninety-two, and in 1858 Guada-
lupe Romero aged one hundred and fifteen. Marfa
Ignacia, an Indian woman, reached the age of ninety -
six ; Fernando and Pldcido, Indians, were at the time
of their death, respectively, one hundred and two and
one hundred and thirty-seven years old. A short time
before his decease, the latter had danced at a fandango.
Crisostomo Galindo was living in 1875 at the age of
one hundred and three. Maria Marcelina Dominguez,
on whose land the famous grape-vine of Santa Bar-
bara grew, died in 1865 aged one hundred and seven.
Ursula Madariaga, who was twelve years old when in
1767 the Jesuits were expelled from Mexico, died at
Monterey in 1856. Justiniano Roxas, an Indian who
died at Santa Cruz in 1875, was baptized at that
mission in 1792; and in the entry of his baptism, it is
noted by the officiating priest that he was then at least
forty years of age. Eulal a Perez, who died in 1878,
at the time of dictating her recollections in December
1877, laid claim to one hundred and thirty-nine years,
but did not present any proofs. I saw her in 1874,
and she certainly did not appear so aged. From my
own observation, as well as from a careful consideration
of the evidence, I am inclined to think that she was
born not before 1760.

On the other hand, diseases of many kinds pre-
vented a corresponding increase of population among
the gente de razon, and ran riot among the neophytes.
Of all these diseases, syphilis, in its many varied mani-
festations, was the most widely disseminated among

616 A VERY HEALTHY COUNTRY.

all classes and both races. It is impossible to deter-
mine whether or not in 1769 the evil already existed
here; for it might well have been brought hither by
the sailors of Cabrillo and Vizcaino; its existence, at
some of the missions at least, dates from the arrival
of Anza's expedition in 1776. The disease spread
with frightful rapidity, and as early as 1805, syphilis,
together with its legitimate offspring, scrofula and
consumption, yearly caused the death of hundreds at
the several missions, while the subsequent annual re-
ports of the friars almost invariably give these diseases
as the chief causes of death. "It is almost universal,
both among Spaniards and Indians," says Langsdorff,
"and occasions so much the greater devastation among
them as they themselves resolutely reject all medical
assistance for it." Rarely did a neophyte reach the
age of sixteen without showing signs of the disease,
while frequently the symptoms were present at birth,
in such children as mothers did not, owing to their
own diseased condition, abort. Many of the friars
themselves, notably those of the college of Guadalupe.
were contaminated, and many men of respectable posi-
tion died of the effects of a disease by some considered
incurable.

Other diseases, never entirely absent from the set-
tlements and the missions, and frequently very fatal
at the latter, were dysentery, catarrhal fevers, and
pleurisy. These diseases, which seem to have been
more prevalent at the beginning of the rainy season
and just after the rains ceased, were aggravated by
the want of cleanliness among the neophytes, as well
as by their gluttony, added to a lack of care on the
part of their ignorant associates, and the dangerously
slight knowledge of medicine in almost all instances
possessed by the friars, their only physicians.

Epidemic diseases, however, were not infrequent;
and of these the most dreaded, although by no means
the most fatal, was the small-pox, which on several
occasions visited the country. In 1781 this disease is

ON THE ALERT. 617

said to have made its appearance among the children
of the immigrants who came with Captain Rivera from
Ijoreto. The party encamped about a league distant
from the mission of San Gabriel, and remained there,
presumably, until the disappearance of the symptoms,
which, as they were confined to children, may have
been like those of chicken-pox. Certainly the disease
could not have been of an alarming type.

But early in 1798 the authorities were on the alert,
and on the 9th of May the ship Conception, with
several cases of small-pox on board, arrived at Santa
Barbara. The governor immediately ordered the ves-
sel to be disinfected, and the passengers placed in
quarantine for forty days. As the five sick persons
recovered, and the infection did not spread, the com-
mandant of the town, some three weeks after the ves-
sel's arrival, in disregard of the governor's orders,
released the passengers from quarantine. The gov-
ernor was furious, and swore that should the disease
gain footing in the country the commandant should
hang for it, and that the representation which, signed
by the friars and others who had landed from the ship
as well as by the officers of the garrison, had been for-
warded to the capital, would not suffice to shield him.
Happily for all, the infection did not spread.

Early in May 1838, the small-pox, the appearance
of which had been for months anticipated with dread,
was brought from Ross to Sonoma by one Miramontes,
a negro corporal of cavalry, and spread with frightful
rapidity among the wild Indians, thousands of whom
died. It is estimated that fully three fifths of the
savage population of the Sacramento Valley were
swept away. The infection does not seem to have
spread south of Monterey, but everywhere it was very
fatal among the Indians, while sparing the gente de
razon.

Again, in May 1844, the same scourge made its
appearance, brought from San Bias by the kanaka
crew of the California. One man was put ashore at

618 A VERY HEALTHY COUNTRY.

Cape San Lucas and died there; another died while
the vessel lay at San Pedro, and a third died at sea
before reaching Monterey. The other kanakas were
nearly well when the schooner arrived at the latter
place, and no one of her many passengers caught the
infection. But the disease spread among the Indians
at -Monterey, it is said, from the clothing which Lar-
kin, one of the passengers, gave to his servant to be
washed. About one hundred Indians died, but only
one person de razon. Considerable alarm was felt
throughout the southern country, particularly at San
Gabriel, owing to a venereal eruption, and at other
places because of a kind of itch; but the disease was
confined to Monterey.

A curious disease was that which afflicted many of
the early missionaries. It was characterized by mel-
ancholy, nervous prostration, and finally perturbation
of the intellect. In 1799 two insane friars were
allowed to retire to their college; and within a few
years previous to that time there had been several
similar cases. Absence from the country invariably
worked a cure.

As late as 1830 the Californians regarded consump-
tion as contagious. When a person died of that dis-
ease, his clothing and effects were burned, and the
walls of the room scraped and whitewashed. On one
occasion, while governor Pablo Vicente de Sola ruled
the Californians, a wealthy Spaniard died, leaving the
whole of his property to the fondo piadoso de las Cali-
fornias; but as he had been a consumptive, his furni-
ture and clothing were "consigned to the flames, and in
the excitement the jewelry and money which he had
willed to the fondo piadoso were lost or stolen. When
the case was reported to Mexico, the president of the
college of San Fernando, who had been made adminis-
trator of the property, began suit against the authori-
ties of the then province of the Californias, from whom
he claimed the full value of the property destroyed
and stolen. The lawsuit lasted nearly twenty years,

THE DISEASE LATIDO. C19

and was finally decided against the priesthood in 1843
by Governor Micheltorena, who improved the oppor-
tunity for the purpose of giving to Bishop Garcia
Diego, the first ecclesiastic who held that high office
in this country, a lesson as to the loose manner in
which the ministers of the altar attended to their
duties.

In 1802, about the close of the rainy season, there
appeared, notably at Monterey, La Soledad, and San
Luis Obispo, an epidemic, of which the symptoms were
a cough, pains in various parts of the body, and later
fever, accompanied in the majority of cases by a stric-
ture of the throat. This disease, very fatal at La
Soledad but less so at other places, was attributed to
a change of temperature, and in the opinion of eccle-
siastics and laymen alike, yielded to prayer rather
than to human remedies. It is a pity that all dis-
eases will not yield to prayer, and death also, and all
other infelicities; but how then would heaven be
peopled ?

Langsdorff heard of a disease at San Jose called the
latido, which was confined to adults. It began by a
pulsation in the lower belly, which constantly in-
creased; pains were felt in that region, and in the
neck, as though a string were drawn tightly over those
parts; loss of appetite was attended by sickness and
an indurated condition of the belly ; cramps were fre-
quent, and even in male patients hysterical affections.
The sufferer might linger, but gradually wasted away
and died. No satisfactory cause was assigned to this
disease.

In 1819, no supplies having arrived from Mexico
during a period of several months, a plague of lice
came upon the troops at San Francisco, who were put
to great shift for want of clothing, and were in conse-
quence unable to keep themselves clean. Any one
passing the door of the guard-house was immediately
covered by these insects, for the wind carried them
hither and thither. Bathing in the sea and boiling

620 A VERY HEALTHY COUNTRY.

their garments gave some relief, or rather a respite;
but the annoyance continued until in 1820 trade with
the Russians opened.

Toward the close of November 1832, an epidemic, the
nature of which is not specified, appeared at Angeles,
and although not fatal, was so prevalent that it was
necessary to postpone for some three weeks a primary
election ordered to be held on the first Sunday in
December; for meanwhile not only were the four
judges of election unable to serve, but scarcely a voter
could leave his house. A person signing himself
Trapper says that he was in the Sacramento and San
Joaquin valleys in 1832, when they were crowded
with Indians, and again in the following year, when a
fearful visitation of remittent fever, more violent than
any recorded in their traditions, had caused the almost
utter annihilation of these people.

At the missions, and sometimes among the gente de
razon, the greatest devastation was caused by the
measles. In 1806 this disease, hitherto unknown in
the country, raged for many months, and carried off
the neophytes by scores. Almost all the pregnant
women affected by it miscarried, and nearly all the
children at the more northern missions died. The
gente de razon who fell ill on this occasion almost
invariably recovered, while the disease did not spread
among the gentiles. In 1827-8, however, the havoc
wrought by this disease was more wide-spread, though
not as great. On this occasion many children de
razon also were victims.

A.t the missions, a variety of causes contributed to
a mortality among the Indians about this time, per-
haps unequalled in any country. The following table
of the death-rate among the neophytes, from the
first occupation of the country until the secularization
of the missions, has been carefully made up from
the statistical tables printed in another part of this
series :

THE DEATH RATE.

621

YearUd'lts

Child.

Both

Year

Ad'lts

Child.

Both

Year

Ad'lts

Child.

Both

%

%

%

%

%

%

%

7

%

1769

5.55

20.00

8.69

1791

5.84

10.00

7.39

1813

5.32

14.86

7.08

1770

G.12

14.28

7.21

1792

6.42

10. 6t

7.85

1814

5.43

13.15

6.82

1771

8.14

13.13

9.68

1793

3.99

12.77

6.77

1815

7.02

15.77

8.54

1772

8.03

12.95

9.48

1794

4.20

14.44

6.56

1816

6.10

16.00

8.28

1773

6.14

10.62

7.53

1795

5.18

19.44

8.44

1817

6.37

14.98

8.03

1774

7.00

8.87

7.64

1796

6.27

19.74

9.16

1818

6.28

15.40

8.06

1775

6.97

10.57

8.09

1797

4.97

14.15

7.05

1819

5.37

14.16

7.13

177C

4.72

6.13

5.17

1798

5.46

15.77

7.80

1820

5.56

12.67

6.98

1777

6.65

14.25

8.68

1799

5.15

26.81

9.65

1821

5.31

14.23

7.06

1778

6.22

10.38

7.52

1800

7.12

13.82

9.13

1822

6.17

17.46

8.39

1779

6.15

10.19

7.45

1801

7.02

14.63

8.87

1823

5.01

15.00

6.95

1780

5.23

9.12

6.60

1802

8.97

15.66

10.45

1824

5.81

11.18

6.87

1781

5.84

11.71

7.79

1803

5.71

15.46

7.84

1825

6.83

12.85

7.97

1782

4.44

10.04

6.31

1804

6.28

20.66

9.01

1826

5.70

9.55

6.57

1783

4.46

9.67

6.16

1805

5.53

16.09

7.61

1827

6.05

15.50

7.95

1784

4.24

7.12

5.10

1806

13.50

32.34

17.02

1828

7.17

21.37

9.87

1785

3.39

6.74

4.46

1807

5.91

14.01

7.54

1829

5.37

9.68

6.23

178G

5.20

9.26

6.55

1808

5.65

14.53

7.31

1830

4.18

7.54

4.79

1787

3.85

8.14

5.31

1809

4.96

14.74

6.76

1831

5.38

7.48

5.79

1788

5.03

9.41

6.67

1810

5.36

12.41

6.65

1832

7.10

7.76

7.23

1789

6.02

8.93

7.65

1811

5.92

15.57

7.64

1833

6.01

10.93

7.07

1790

8.18

7.97

8.09

1812

6.06

14.59

7.68

1834

5.02

9.37

5.98

For 66 years, average, adulta 5.93%, children 13.29%, both 7.60%.

Men and women, even of a people so abject as were
the Indians of California, born to a freedom for count-
less generations enjoyed by their kindred, cannot ea-
sily be reduced, without suffering by it, to a condition
of quasi slavery, such as was in effect the lot of the
mission neophytes, whose very children were some-
thing less than their kinsmen of the woods. En-
feebled also by unaccustomed labor and unwonted diet,
at times insufficient, but not infrequently, because of
their unbridled gluttony, excessive, as well as by in-
adequately ventilated and unclean sleeping apartments,
they fell an easy prey to diseases more fatal than any
hitherto known among them, and to which their nat-
urally filthy personal habits and mode of living ren-
dered them highly susceptible. Ignorance on the
part of mothers, added to a want of proper care, at
times becoming criminal inhumanity, tended to in-
crease the mortality among children. Moreover,
there was, throughout the entire country, a lamen-
table want of medical aid, especially at the missions,
where there was available only the empiric skill of the

622

A VERY HEALTHY COUNTRY.

friars, or the equally dangerous practice of the native
medicine-men. Among the neophytes there seems to
have been a marked failure of female offspring, due to
some natural law, or possibly, in great part, to the de-
liberate intention of infanticidal mothers. At all the
missions, the number of males was excessive, and raids
similar to that recorded in Roman history were en-
couraged by the ministers themselves for the purpose
of supplying the needed wives. From the earliest
times, the frightful mortality at the missions, espe-
cially those of the north, and notably San Francisco
and Santa Clara, attracted the attention of the author-
ities, civil and ecclesiastic. The excess of deaths over
births was always great, and, as I have said, the defi-
cit was made good by conversions, sometimes by forci-
ble abduction, among the neighboring free Indians.

It is true that a surgeon accompanied an early
expedition to Monterey; but he became demented on
arriving, and was unable even to put proper labels on
the packages of medicines which had been brought
for distribution to the different missions. Later there
was a surgeon almost constantly under pay, as well
as a phlebotomist, but they were attached to the
Monterey presidial company, and rarely absented
themselves from the capital, at times absolutely re-
fusing to do so. Herewith I give a list of surgeons:

Name.

Hank.

Term of
Service

Pay.

Remarks.

Pedro Prat . . .

1769-1771

Pedro Castan.

Surgeon ....".

1773-1774

Ad interim.

Jos6 Davila
Manuel Moreno

Surgeon
Surgeon

1774-1783
1785

Discharged.
Ordered to Cal. ; did not come.

Pedro Carbajal
Pablo Soler
Jos£ Castillo

Surgeon
Surgeon
Phlebotomist.

1785-1787
17yl-1800

17.2-1818

$840
$360

Acting at various times.
.Resigned.

Juan de Dios Morelos.

Surgeon

1800-1802

Relieved.

Manuel Torres
Jos6 Maria Benites. . .
Manuel Quijano

Surgeon
Surgeon
Surgeon

1802-1803
1803-1807
1807-1824

$650
* $550
$1,000

Resigned.
Exchanged with Quijano.

J. Evan. Perez de Leon

Surgeon

1829

$1,500

A. Gonz. del Castillo..
Manuel de Alva. . .

Surgeon
Surgeon. . .

1830
1831-1840
1832

$i,500

Ordered to Cal. ; did not come.
Retired on sick certificate.

Manuel Crespo.

Edward Bale . . .

Surgeon

1840-1843
1844

$840
$1,413

Resigned.

Faustino Moro

*,In 1S04 was increased to $1,000 per annum. From 1771 until 1773, and again from
178rf to 1785 there was no surgeon in the service.

NEED OF PHYSICIANS. 623

In 1804 the viceroy, in view of the alarming mor-
tality at the missions, increased the pay of the sur-
geon, with the understanding that he should each
year make a tour of the country for the purpose of
sending to Mexico a report concerning the diseases of
the gente de razon, as well as those of the neophytes,
their causes and treatment. These orders were re-
peated in the following year, the bishop of Sonora
also interesting himself in the matter, and Surgeon
Benitez made a tour of inspection to the northward of
Monterey, and to the southward as far as San Luis
Obispo. The results of his observations he embodied
in a long and able report. No other extended tour
seems to have been made, either by him or by his
successors; after two or three years, the custom ap-
pears to have fallen into abeyance, and was never
revived by the Mexican government, except on one
occasion. Indeed, with the single exception of Benitez,
the surgeons appear to have possessed but little pro-
fessional skill, while some of them lacked proper
professional titles. No man of parts seemed to be
willing to come to California, notwithstanding the
government's offer of additional pay, while not even
an increase of pay, amounting to more than fifty per
cent, proved an inducement sufficient to retain compe-
tent men. These men, moreover, constantly complained
of the denial of perquisites and privileges which they
deemed their due.

Later, the country was still without medical men,
and in 1829, Echeandia reported that there were none
in the territory, unless two or three quacks might be
so considered. Afterward, and previous to 1846, a
limited number of quasi physicians, chiefly foreigners,
practised at various places, and the surgeons of for-
eign war vessels were frequently called upon. Fran-
cisco Torres, a Mexican, was in practice at Monterey
in 1835; John Marsh obtained a license to practise
medicine at Angeles, February 25, 1836; Nicholas Den
was practising at Santa Barbara; Edward Bale, an
Englishman, came before 1837; Robert Money, a

624 A VERY HEALTHY COUNTRY.

Scotchman, with no diploma or medical knowledge,
practised medicine at Angeles in 1844. Hartnell, in
a letter to Wyllie, 1844, says that a young Irish sur-
geon had just settled at Angeles, and that a surgeon
for the troops was about to arrive from Mexico, but
that there were no physicians or even apothecaries in
the country. At Monterey, in March 1846, John
Townsend and Andres Castillero, the latter not a med-
ical man, signed a certificate of ill health as 'profesores
de medicina.' In June 1846, Francisco de la Guerra
writes from Santa Barbara to the governor, that for
want of good medical men in the country he has been
obliged to employ the surgeon of a British war vessel,
i The results of the practice of the friars at their mis-
sions gave greater force to the time-honored cus-
tom of the Indians, who almost invariably preferred
their own medicine-men ; so that not infrequently the
missionaries, with politic shrewdness, comprehending
their own weakness, wisely abandoned their field to
their more successful fellow-practitioners whenever
the treatment consisted in the employment of simples,
as was usually the case, severely punishing neverthe-
less all cases of sorcery that came within their
knowledge.

As late as 1828 the corporal of the guard at Santa
Ines reported to his commanding officer at Santa
Barbara that three of the neophytes of that mission
made a practice of dancing in one of the houses of the
rancheria, and of bringing thither those of their com-
rades who were dangerously sick; the latter being in-
formed that each one who had danced should contribute
beads or some other offering, in order that the dance
might find favor in the eyes of the devil, and they in
consequence be healed. The culprits were imprisoned
on a charge of sorcery, and admitting the charge,
were sentenced by their minister to be whipped and
remanded to prison. The commandant ordering an
investigation, it appeared that the dancing took place
on two several occasions, and that the sorcery consisted
in touching the sick with feathers as our priests touch

SIMPLE REMEDIES. 625

persons with holy water, the medicine-men meanwhile
dancing. On the second occasion, some of the by-
standers ridiculed the proceedings, and one of the
prisoners threatened to bring about the death of the
skeptics by means of a composition of herbs. The
prisoners were kept closely confined for some fourteen
months, when it was ordered by the commandant-
general, to whom the matter had been referred, that
in consideration of this fact, one of them should be
released, while the others should, in the presence of
the assembled neophytes, receive twenty-five blows
each.

In certain cases, especially for the treatment of
arrow-wounds, the gente de razon depended almost
entirely upon the skill of their Indian dependents.
These men, conscious of their power, at times giving
their services only after much entreaty, cured or
killed as it happened. Even as late as 1844 these
Indian practitioners were in great demand, and were,
no doubt, for the most part as good as any.

Drugs of various kinds for distribution among the
missions were brought by the surgeon who accom-
panied the first expedition, and afterward a fresh
supply was from time to time sent from Mexico ; some-
times the stock on hand was excessive, but much more
frequently there were scant supplies or none at all,
while generally their quality was none of the best.

The remedies most in vogue were the simples which
grew in every garden in the land. Upon these they
depended rather than upon the drugs of which the use
was not well understood. A decoction of borage
leaves was very efficacious in catarrh, influenza, and
the like. In 1814 a tree resembling the cinchona was
found in abundance at Quiniado, near San Antonio;
the bark was used as a febrifuge, but being sent to
Spain for examination, was found not to contain qui-
nine sufficient to make it valuable. For the itch, baths
were given. The thermal waters of San Diego, Santa
Bdrbara, and San Juan Capistrano were frequently

CAL. PAST. 40

626 A VERY HEALTHY COUNTRY.

resorted to. Until they saw the Spaniards use these
baths the Indians would not do so; for having seen in
them dead birds and the like, they feared their effect.
The virtues attributed to the water of the spring
called Poliri have already been alluded to, and are also
spoken of by Sanchez. In various diseases, mint was
a favorite remedy. Plenty of vegetable food was
recommended by Surgeon Benites. In 1802, after an
epidemic had raged unchecked for three months at
Monterey, prayer proved an effective remedy. In
1860 a clove of garlic, applied by Mrs Estudillo to
the third finger of the left hand of Judge Hayes,
while causing pain and raising a blister, cured the
toothache. In 1817 Father Suner had satisfied him-
self that the chief cause of death among the neophytes
was the weaving of woollen garments, for the sweat of
these people, being very viscid, was with difficulty
washed from them, and that the remed}7 lay in the
cultivation of hemp and flax. In 1823 Father Gil
opined, with considerable reason, if the reports touch-
ing his own condition were true, that for gdlico there
was no other remedy than the providence of God.
This opinion Father Abella supplemented by saying
that the Indians did not care for their health, but like
every son of Adam, pined for freedom and women.
Bleeding was resorted to in cases of pleurisy.

The most extraordinary remedies are those men-
tioned in a little book called Botica General de los
Remedios Experimentados, reprinted from the Cadiz
edition, and published, in all seriousness, by M. G.
Vallejo at Sonoma in 1838. Each remedy had been
carefully tested by experience, many of them bringing
to mind those of the Chinese pharmacopoeia, while
some appear to have been in vogue among birds. The
date of the publication is a sufficient comment on the
condition of medical science in California at that time.
The last remedy of the list is not the least curious. It
reads thus: For impaired eye-sight, do as the swallow
does — bruise the leaves of swallow-wort and anoint the

RED WINE AND ROSEMARY. 627

eyes with the juice. For earache, fill the ears with
'orines propios calientes. ' For constipation, imitate
the ibis, and use a clyster of salt water. An agreeable
remedy was a decoction of red wine and rosemary,
which was prescribed for weakness, and was said to be
very comforting, while as a wash, it preserved beauty
and banished wrinkles. A glassful of sugar water,
with the unimportant addition of a like quantity of
aguardiente, whenever one felt inclined, gladdened the
heart, purified the blood, was exceedingly good for
the head and stomach, cleansed the spleen, and opened
the appetite. The toothache was cured by carrying
in the mouth the eye-tooth of a man, or that of a
black dog. Cancer yielded to a wash distilled from
wine in which rosemary leaves and flowers had been
boiled. Pleurisy was cured by 'excreuierito del ca-
ballo reciente,' dissolved in wine, and well strained ;
and the same liquor taken internally aided difficult
parturition. A remedy that should be recorded in
letters of gold was the following : Take a radish cut
in four pieces, and two drams of powdered broom
seed ; put them in half a pint of white wine to which
a few drops of lime-juice had been added, and leave
them there for twenty-four hours. This draught
would dissolve a stone in the bladder, though it were
as big as a lemon. Chicken stewed in wine cured
catarrh, and eggs boiled in vinegar the dysentery.
That the colic may never return, drink for several
successive days a decoction of mint, and be bled at
the wane of the moon in May, or drink daily some
aguardiente with a fresh egg in it. For the bloody
flux, use a clyster of the blood of a sucking pig. For
kidney complaints, eat four ounces of fresh butter, and
immediately afterward drink half a pint of white wine.
Scorbutic tumors were dissolved by the application of
cloths moistened in a liquor distilled from vipers. For
erysipelas, sprinkle the face with the fresh blood of a
black hen, and tie to the neck a twig of broom. For
jaundice, eat radishes and sugar, and place over the

628 A VERY HEALTHY COUNTRY.

heart a poultice of the same in a cloth dyed with cochi-
neal ; this is also a cure for melancholy. For excessive
vomiting apply to the pit of the stomach a cataplasm
\ofroast pork and veal. Wash the swellings produced
by chilblains with water in which sardines have been
cooked. Powdered soot, sage, and salt, mixed with
the white of an egg, and bound around the wrists, will
prevent a continuance of fever and ague. Powdered
aiustard seed, well sifted and used as snuff — in mod-
eration though, for the habit grows upon one — will
enable one to comprehend more in an hour than others
who do not know the remedy can in a day.

As may readily be supposed, no judicious system
of treatment was possible among a rude people abhor-
ring national cures, and whose diseases, when not
inevitable, seemed almost to be sought. And as to
the practitioners of medicine themselves, there seemed
to be exercised but little supervision. In early times,
military surgeons were by royal edict compelled to
give immediate notice to the civil authorities of any
case wherein their services were required. The first
omission to do so was punished by a fine of twenty-
five dollars; a second offence by a fine of double that
amount, and banishment for two years to a distance
of twenty leagues; a third transgression by a fine of
one hundred dollars, and four years in the chain-gang.
But this regulation fell into disuse. In fact, it seemed
to be the general opinion that the use of medicines
was injurious rather than useful, their abuse tending
even to retard the desired increase of population. The
alcalde of Santa Barbara, in a report made to the gov-
ernor, in July 1834, thought that the empirical prac-
tice of such physicians as were then in the country
had shown that they were not only unnecessary, but
prejudicial to the propagation of the human race.

As is to this day generally the case in Spanish Amer-
ica, to be of Anglo-Saxon race was tantamount to being
a physician, and much evil was wrought in Califroiiia
by American and British pretenders.

A CRYING EVIL. 629

So crying an evil had the quackery of these mcr>
become, that in 1844 the governor decreed that any
one pretending to practice medicine or surgery should,
previous to receiving a license from an ayuntamiento
or judge, produce documentary proof that he was what
he claimed to be. The decree also regulated the price,
of the medicines furnished, and the amount of the fe<3
which might be demanded. Disobedience was pun-
ished by fine, and continued transgression by expul-
sion from the place where the culprit resided.

From the earliest times the neophytes, seeing that
the gente de razon possessed no knowledge even of
the diseases introduced by themselves, manifested
great repugnance to the treatment prescribed at the
missions, and in these cases, refusing to submit thereto,
held to their own traditional remedies in all complaints
of which they had a knowledge. Their chief remedy
for all ills was the temescal, to the use of which
the most strenuous objection was made by the civil
authorities, as well as the missionaries, who often
ordered the temescales to be destroyed ; but the In-
dians as frequently reconstructed them in out-of-the-
way places, so that finally a compromise was effected,
by which the neophytes were allowed to use the te-
mescal in the presence of a watchman, who prevented
the subsequent bathing in cold water. The friars- also
generally adopted the use of the simples employed by
the Indians, from motives of policy, or because expe-
rience showed them that such remedies were really
serviceable. In cases of arrow-wounds, the gente de
razon gladly submitted to the Indian treatment.

Jose Maria Amador, a noted Indian-fighter, had dur-
ing a certain expedition received four arrow-wounds,
which were both dangerous and painful, and received
treatment at the hands of an Indian, who brought
from the woods a root, red in color and some eight
inches long, called yerba de jarazo; another of about
the same size, and although of a yellowish color, be-
lieved to be of the same familv ; and a third root which

630 A VERY HEALTHY COUNTRY.

was long, delicate, and fragile. After chewing the
red root, the Indian applied it to the wounds, at the
same time giving to Amador the third root, with orders
to chew it and swallow the juice. He did so, and the
blood flowed very freely from the wounds, which
had been opened and enlarged by the application re-
ferred to. The Indian, with wooden pinchers, then
removed the arrow-heads, which had remained in the
flesh, an extremely painful operation, causing the
wounded man to swoon. The yellow root was then
applied as the yerba de jarazo had been. Amador
was then carried to his home, and receiving no further
treatment, was within a month well of his wounds,
and entirely sound. Perhaps if left alone, he might
have been well in a fortnight. Palomares, in like
circumstances, experienced similar treatment at the
hands of an Indian, who moreover, in order to aid in
cleansing the wounds, sucked from them the coagu-
lated blood.

Sanitary precautions were from time to time ord.ered
by the home government, and later by the local
authorities. In 1785 the viceregal government trans-
mitted to Monterey twenty copies of a treatise on
small-pox, which had been sent from Spain, and or-
dered their distribution among the people of Cali-
fornia, and in 1797 the viceroy ordered that precau-
tions against that disease, then prevailing in Oajaca,
should be enforced.

These instructions were of the following tenor: Each
settlement should have a pest-house at a sufficient dis-
tance from all dwellings, and taking into consideration
the prevailing winds, to leeward. Immediate notice
of any case of disease to be given to the nearest magis-
trate. Magistrates were to divide the settlements into
districts, a strict quarantine to be maintained as to those
infected. In the event of a pest-house being occupied,
the atmosphere in its neighborhood was to be purified
by means of bonfires. Letters from such a district were

SMALLPOX. 631

to be disinfected with fumes of sulphur, and the mail-
carrier was to wear linen clothing, which he should re-
move before entering a place not infected. When it
had been found impossible to prevent infection by other
means, then vaccination was to be resorted to. If the
disease became general, charitable societies were to
be formed. Those who died of small-pox were to be
buried in retired places, and under no circumstances in
the usual cemeteries. Prayers, the most efficacious of
all remedies, were to be addressed to God, to his most
holy mother, and to his saints, if haply all of them
together might successfully cope with Satan in this
matter. In case of any emergency, justices might for
necessary expenses have recourse to the public funds.
Finally, clergymen, magistrates, and others in author-
ity were to adopt such further sanitary measures as
under the circumstances should seem proper.

When in the year following the Conception brought
the small-pox to California, these precautions were,
to the extent that was necessary, adopted. Again, in
1840, the government sent instructions for the treat-
ment of small-pox, which were put in practice four
years later.

In June 1844, a committee of citizens requested
the ayuntamiento of Los Angeles to issue a decree on
the subject, and early in the following month the
asked for action was taken. The number of watch-
men was increased. These men were to see that
water for drinking was clean; that only healthy cat-
tle were slaughtered for food; that all offal was re-
moved from the precincts of the town, and that meat
was kept in well- ventilated places; that no tavern-
keeper should permit the assemblage of drunkards
and vagabonds, under penalty of five dollars for the
first offence, and double that amount for the second,
while for the third his place should be closed by the
alcalde; that unripe fruit was not sold; that vessels
arriving at San Pedro from infected places should be
quarantined; that no infected person should come

632 A VERY HEALTHY COUNTRY.

within four leagues of the town, and that other per-
sons coming from infected places should be detained
at a like distance for three days, and compelled to wash
their clothing ; that citizens should be recommended to
bathe frequently and keep their houses clean, to ab-
stain from the use of chile and other stimulating food,
and to thoroughly wash corned beef before cooking
it; that all dwellings should be daily fumigated with
sulphur or sprinkled with vinegar. This decree
should be read at every dwelling in the place.

Early in 1805 the president of the missions re-
ceived from the bishop of Sonora an intimation to the
effect that the king had sent to New Spain an expedi-
tion under his physician, Balmis, for the purpose of
introducing vaccination, and the friars were instructed
to allay any unfounded prejudice against its use, but
no vaccine matter was sent to California. In 1806
cow-pox appeared in the cattle, and inoculation was
at first practised with considerable success, but exemp-
tion from danger soon produced carelessness. Vaccina-
tion proper does not seem to have been introduced until
1817, when some lymph was brought by a Spaniard
named Jose' Verdia, and a little later by the surgeon
of a Russian war vessel. Again, in 1821, the surgeon
of a Russian war vessel, the Kutusoff, presented the
governor with some vaccine matter which he had
brought from Lima; but it had lost its virtue. In
1823 orders were sent from Mexico that vaccine
lymph should be properly preserved in vials, or that
a constant succession of matter should at public ex-
pense be maintained in healthy children. This decree,
however, seems to have been inoperative, and a few
years later the governor ordered the commandants of
the presidios to use every endeavor for the procure-
ment of good matter, and wrote to the authorities of
Tepic requesting that some might be sent to him. In
1829 the Russians, for the third time, acted a neigh-
borly part, and left at San Diego and Monterey some
vials of lymph, which proved a timely gift. In later

SANITARY MEASURES. 633

years there were periodical flutters of apprehension,
as in 1840 and in 1844, regarding the small-pox, but
there seems to have been no lack of vaccine matter.
Sanitary measures were taken also in 1833, when
considerable alarm was felt lest cholera- morbus, which
had appeared at Chiapas, should visit the territory.
In December of that year the governor published a
circular issued by the secretary of state, which advo-
cated the wearing of a small plate or medal of copper
next the skin as a guard against infection, and ordered
that the precautions indicated by Surgeon Alva should
be observed. Certain additional precautions were de-
creed by the governor himself. Cleanliness of houses,
streets, and public buildings was made obligatory.
Cemeteries were to be established when necessary. At
the missions the friars were to see that the order was
obeyed. No one was to be out of doors after eight
o'clock at night, save in case of necessity; and those
found at balls, or frequenting taverns and like resorts,
should be condemned to four days' labor on the public
works. Under a penalty of six dollars for disobedi-
ence, liquor could be sold only between the hours
of eleven in the morning and three in the afternoon.
Houses were to be fumigated, and bonfires lighted.
Corpses were to be buried within twenty-four hours
after death, but at the same time precautions against
premature burial were to be observed. Graves were
to be at least two varas and a half in depth. On the
decease of a person, no tolling of bells was to be
allowed, nor any other noisy demonstrations. The
use of fat meats and watery vegetables was prohib-
ited. In Monterey patients who had no facilities for
being treated at home were to be removed to the hos-
pital. At Los Angeles the ayuntamien{o was directed
to take the necessary steps. The following precau-
tions were adopted at the presidios: Cleanliness was
ordered; floors when swept were to be but slightly
sprinkled; the men were to be well protected by
clothing; the sale of liquor and fruit at or near the

634 A VERY HEALTHY COUNTRY.

barracks was prohibited; food was to be served in
vessels of clay; the rations were to be of rice, beans,
vermicelli, mutton, and veal; lime or charcoal to be
thrown into the sinks; every night the quarters to be
fumigated by burning a mixture of salt and vinegar;
the men were warned against liquor and women.

In 1844, when similar alarm was felt, the command-
ant of Monterey caused some guns to be fired, thereby
meriting a reproof from the governor, who thought
that, as the cholera did not actually exist in the coun-
try, the precaution was needless. In 1847 the ayun-
tamiento of Angeles ordered, as a sanitary measure,
that all offal should be burned.

Extraordinary sanitary precautions were practised
at Monterey after the death of Commandant Sal in
1800. He died of phthisis, believed to be very infec-
tious; and by direction of Surgeon Morelos, steps
were taken to guard against any spreading of the dis-
ease. The roof, doors, and windows of the house in
which he died were burned; the bricks of the floor
were removed, and the surface of the walls was cut
away. Four months after Sal's death the building
was still in this condition. The greater part of the
furniture and all clothing used by him were also
burned.

This does not seem, however, to have been at all
an exceptional case, for a few months later, two
women having died of phthisis at Santa Bdrbara, the
governor directed that their clothing should be burned,
the walls picked, the lock and key of the door cleansed
by fire, and the places where they had slept fumigated.

From time to time quarantines were established for
certain specific purposes. In 1781 Rivera's expedition
from Loreto was compelled to remain for some time
encamped at the distance of a league from the mission
of San Gabriel, as it was feared that it might have
brought small-pox from Lower California. In this
case, there seems to have been no cause for alarm.
In May 1797, thirty- four persons suffering from scurvy

HOSPITALS ESTABLISHED. 635

landed from the Princesa at Santa Bilrbara, and
although this disease is neither contagious nor infec-
tious, they were lodged in a building apart from
others, and no intercourse with the inhabitants per-
mitted. In the autumn of that year, orders were sent
from Mexico requiring a quarantine to be established
as to vessels infected with small-pox, and early in the
following year the Conception, which with small-pox
on board arrived at Santa Bdrbara, was quarantined.

At the missions hospitals for the use of the neo-
phytes were early established, but do not appear to
have answered the purpose for which they were in-
tended. Until 1833 there seem to have been no pub-
lic hospitals in the country; but toward the close of
that year, when it was feared that cholera morbus
might become epidemic, the governor, in accordance
with orders from Mexico, decreed that a provisional
hospital should be established at Monterey at the ex-
pense of the general government. In 1837 the mili-
tary hospital at Monterey was reorganized by a decree
of the president. This hospital was rated as of the
second class. Its director was to be the surgeon ap-
pointed in accordance with the law of 1828, who was
to have two assistant practitioners; the number of
nurses was to be proportionate to that of the beds
occupied.

In May 1844, the small-pox was brought to Mon-
terey. On the 28th the ayuntatniento determined to
establish a hospital for poor patients. A board of
health composed of prominent citizens met and drew
up rules for its government, which the next day were
submitted to a meeting, called by the governor, and
composed of the ayuntamiento, the officers of the gar-
rison, and the heads of families residing at the capital,
by which they were approved. This board of health
consisted of Larkin, Spence, Watson, and Osio, pre-
sided over by Serrano. A house in the outskirts was
taken at a monthly rental of eight dollars. Any poor
person was to be admitted, and food and medicine to

636 A VERY HEALTHY COUNTRY.

be distributed to those for whom there was no room.
The care of sailors who might be admitted was to be
paid for by the master of the vessel or the respective
consul. Two nurses were appointed, and a corporal
and four men were to give burial to such patients as
should die. There being no physician, a committee
was empowered to establish a rational mode of treat-
ment. On motion of the governor, another committee
was appointed to solicit pecuniary aid. The ayunta-
miento resolved to pay for the lighting of the build-
ing, and to give boards and hides, no better material
being available, for beds. A committee appointed at
the meeting referred to collected funds. The govern-
ment agreed to give $125 monthly during the contin-
uance of the epidemic; Micheltorena individually gave
twenty-five; the bishop, twenty-five; Larkin, five;
and twenty-eight others from one to four dollars each
— all on the same condition. The total monthly
amount promised was $249. The residents of Mon-
terey gave what bedding they were able to spare.
This hospital was visited at least twice a day by a
member of the board of health, and visits were also
made by the governor and his wife. About this same
time a hospital had been established at Angeles, but
was soon found to be unnecessary.

In 1845 the general government decreed that two
per cent of the net yield of fines imposed upon smug-
glers, and of the amounts accruing from the sale of
smuggled goods that were confiscated, should be set
aside for hospitals of charity.

After the death of an individual, whatever might
have been his position, for a shroud the corpse was
clothed in a Franciscan habit — of greater merit were
it an old one of one of the padre missionaries. While
the patient was dying, this was spread over him as a
coverlet, for it was believed that thus the matter of
indulgences would be facilitated. The relatives and
friends of the dying man were, in great numbers,
assembled in or near the house, and prayers were con-
tinuous.

DISPOSITION OP THE CORPSE. 637

Shortly after death the corpse was clothed in the
Franciscan habit, and laid on the floor with a stone
under the head, and with four candles about it. Then
all the town, with few exceptions, were obliged to pay
a visit to the corpse and take part in the prayers,
which were continued at short intervals until the
burial took place, being also accompanied with sundry
mournful alabados shouted in chorus, which were
alone sufficient to inspire melancholy.

The corpse was at the proper time placed on a
table covered with a black cloth, which was borne by
four persons, who were from time to time relieved.
The priest and his acolytes preceded the corpse, and
at certain distances paused in order to chant the proper
portions of the ritual. .

On reaching the church, the proper mass was said
or sung, according to the sum which the family chose
to spend. This ceremony concluded, the cortege pro-
ceeded, in the same order, to the cemetery, where the
body was encoffined, the coffin having hitherto been
carried on in the rear. The padre recited the final
prayers for the dead, and the coffin was placed in the
sepulchre. As the family of the deceased, as well as
every one else, including women and children, accom-
panied the deceased to his grave, the weeping and
lamenting was great.

When the head of a family died, its members, even
those living at a distance, were obliged to take part
in the obsequies. Occasionally, in order to await their
arrival, the corpse was kept unburied for two or three
days. The death of a small child was an occasion for
rejoicing rather than one of mourning, and there was
a ball, accompanied by eating and drinking, rockets,
and the firing of muskets ; for it was thought that the
souls of young children went directly to heaven. The
little corpse was dressed to represent an angel, usually
the patron saint of the child.

Josd de Jesus Vallejo, dictating to Cerruti, says:
" With reference to the appointment of Doctor Bale,

638 A VERY HEALTHY COUNTRY.

chief physician of the Californian army, I will say
that those who criticised it showed bad taste, because
the northern part of New California was continually
exposed to the attacks of the Indians, and we had no
other physician than the Indian Petronio, who cured
his friends and killed his enemies. The scarcity of
doctors among us was so great that, as far back as
1844, when near my estate, a soldier named Francisco
Soto accidentally shot himself, I sent two Indians to
Sonoma to escort Doctor Petronio to San Jose ; but
the proud infidel refused to accede to my request, and
sent me word that he would not move one inch unless
Castro should come in person to solicit his assistance.
My emissaries returned to San Jose, reported to Castro
what Petronio had said, and that officer without de-
lay mounted his horse and rode to Sonoma to beg the
Indian to come and cure his wounded soldier and
relative. Petronio at first refused, but after a while
he acceded to his petition, and returned with him to
San Jose, where he restored his health to the wounded
man by means of herbs whose virtue to him only was
known."

Hijar states that when an adult died the body was
placed on a table or on the ground, with four lights.
There were fires outside — at which the watchers were
eating and drinking brandy. Some remained with the
dead telling their beads, who were relieved by others,
so that the praying was kept up the whole night.
In due time the body was placed in a coffin, and borne
on the shoulders of men to the church. On placing
the corpse in the grave, the priest took a handful of
earth and threw it upon the coffin, an act which the
nearest relatives, and then the friends, followed. The
sexton thereupon filled up the grave.

If the family had means, an old robe was bought of
the padres, at more than twice the price of a new one,
and in this the body was enveloped. Under other
circumstances, a robe of blue stuff was made. If
poverty was extreme, the body was interred without

A CEMETERY PRESENTED. 639

shroud or coffin. The responses of the padre over the
body had to be paid for, hence the poor received no
prayers.

The city of Los Angeles had constructed a cemetery
at its own expense, and presented it to the church on
the 2d of November, 1844, on condition that there
should be no charge for burial from Angeles people.
The bishop objected to a hampering clause, and
claimed that the property fell to the church by the act
of consecration. This was referred to the committee
on police, which said that it considered it wrong to
deprive an owner of his property merely because a
religious rite is performed over it. The bishop's per-
mission to erect the cemetery was not called for; it
was a needed public measure. The ground and build-
ings having been erected by the Angeleans, they could
fix a condition of exemption from tax. What had the
church contributed?

The ayuntamiento of Monterey in 1835 appointed
a commission to select a burial ground for foreigners
separate from that for resident catholics. The alcalde
Soberanes of Monterey one day received notice that
there was a man lying dead in the house of Joaquin
Gomez. The corpse was that of Hilario Ortiz, and
the alcalde sent notice to Padre Real to bury it.
The good father, learning that Ortiz died of excess of
drink, ordered his carcass to be buried in the woods.

On 31st of July, 1839, the cemetery at Monterey
was consecrated, having been in use since 1770. It was
60 varas square; the wall was built by the convicts,
under the auspices of Alvarado, and the more im-
mediate direction of Spence, who obtained permission
to select a spot for his family, and improve it, and it
should always be known as belonging to him.

The unventilated sleeping halls at the missions was
one of the causes of the enormous death rate, and
there were no remedies. One third of the population
died in infancy, one third before puberty, the last
third was left in bad health.

640 A VERY HEALTHY COUNTRY.

I saw a letter from J. Carrillo to Jose de la Guerra,
informing him when his wife's funeral was to take
place. On the margin of the letter was a narrow
piece of black ribbon, fastened with a wafer, signify-
ing that the writer was in mourning. Red and black
are the colors of the Devil and Death; yet Death
himself is white, and the Devil is not always so fiery
red as he is painted.

CHAPTER XXI.

BANDITTI.

Three merry boys, and three merry boys,

And three merry boys are we,
As ever did sing in a hempen string

Under the gallows-tree.

— Fletcher.

THERE seems to be a prejudice in some quarters
against the profession of highwayman. It is not
enough that the knight of the road be well-bred,
polite in his dealings with men, chivalrous to the fair
sex, faithful to his associates in business, true to all
his compacts with his customers, benevolent to the
poor, pious and penitent on all stated church occasions,
an affectionate husband, kind father, and useful
member of society. It has become the custom of our
refined and discriminating civilization, when such a
person is caught to kill him ; for which reason many
good men have been kept out of the profession, and
have in consequence fallen into evil ways.

This is all the more singular when there are
throughout the land so many meaner kinds of thievery
which people seem to think little of. It is meaner
thievery to betray a trust in friendship or business ; to
cheat in one's dealings; to buy goods and not pay for
them; to adulterate food, drink, or medicines; to
filch a neighbor's good name ; to blackmail for pur-
poses of gain or to increase the circulation of a news-
paper. It is meaner thievery to give or accept a
bribe; to get control of the food supply and make
the poor pay an exorbitant price for bread ; to build
a railroad with the people's money, and then run it

CAL. PAST. 41 (641)

642 BANDITTI.

to further bleed the people, unjustly discriminating,
buying off healthy competition, and closing all other
avenues of approach. It is meaner thievery for
manipulators of stocks to extract money from people's
pockets through false representations and chicanery ;
or for lawyers to sell their services to defeat the ends
of justice; or for administrators to defraud widows
and orphans by means of the machinery of the
probate court; or for a judge to be influenced by a
desire for popularity or reelection. Commerce, poli-
tics, and conventional society have their banditti,
scourging all who fall within their reach; and while
these go unhanged the punishment of the lesser vil-
lain should be light. There are a thousand worse
kinds of wickedness than the highwayman's, which
the law never thinks of touching or society of con-
demning. On the contrary, he who legally cheats,
swindles, steals, or betrays a friend, and does it suc-
cessfully, making sufficient money or fame thereby, is
a good and great man, whom men praise and women
adore. Beside many of our so-called respectable
members of society the highway robber is a noble-
man, as illustrated by the very pleasant" fiction of
Robin Hood, in his forest of Sherwood, who stole
only from fat priests, peculating officials, and those
avaricious money -grinds who preyed upon the weak
under cover of the law, being too cowardly to take
the risk of breaking it. And were it possible to-day
to send out upon the king's highway, there to meet
their victims and openly prosecute their callings, all
those who thus legitimately cheat their neighbors by
superior cunning and perverting the righteous action
of the law, or who resort to the thousand grand and
petty infamies common in the great and universal
struggle for riches, there would not be enough of us
left in town to fill a third rate church on Sunday.

But neither Joaquin Murieta nor Tiburcio Vazquez
were Robin Hoods, though with six or eight centuries
of historic truth-stretching and romancing they may

THE IDEAL HIGHWAYMAN. 643

become such, and, indeed, to many a Pastoral Cali-
fornian were such in their day. The deeds of high-
waymen, as herein depicted, extend some time past
the pastoral days proper; but they were largely com-
posed of Hispano-Californians, and their adventures
were to a great extent in southern California, though
extending to the mines, which afforded them a rich
field after the discovery of gold, and where, for
the completion of the narrative, we are obliged to
follow them. Nor with the advent of gold and
American domination did the character and condition
of southern California change from the old regime as
rapidly as was the case in the northern regions.

Brigandage, when directed against that encroach-
ing and heretical neighbor, the insolent gringo, was a
chivalric ideal of the Mexican, and no less so of his
Hispano-Californian fellow-citizen. It partook of the
natures at once of political privateering, religious cru-
sading, and race revenge. Pecuniarily it was the
sharp practice of the stock operator, and the crushing
injustice of the railway monopolist, combined.

The Californios, as the Hispano-Californians loved
to call themselves, like the citizens of the other North-
Mexican States, were peculiarly fitted for this voca-
tion. In the first place, they felt certain of the needed
sympathy of a considerable portion of those belonging
to their race, which gave them assurance. They also
entertained the idea, however erroneous, that by con-
tributing a share of their ill-gotten gains to the
church, their malefactions would be dealt with by its
ministers as mere irregularities, or as venial sins
easily washed away. The soul was not, therefore, in
serious jeopardy. Bright eyes were not lacking to en-
courage deeds of valor and smile upon success, or
shed tears of sorrow if reverses befell the objects of
their admiration and love. A passionate fondness for
display proved an important factor; pride lent a reck-
less daring ; and superstition raised every fear of con-
sequences into heroic stoicism. Unbridled passions

644 BANDITTI.

fed merciless severity, and no trammeled conscience
tinged the mad enjoyment of illicit chase. Add to
these, perfect horsemanship, the skilful use of arms,
and an easy retreat, and we have players in this game
of life and death unmatched by any place or people.
Some few of Anglo-Saxon lineage attempted the
profession of highwayman in California, but their
efforts proved failures. It is not their proper voca-
tion. They lack the requisite qualifications ; and then
the burden of opprobrium presses too heavily upon
them. In one sense they are not clever enough for
classic villainy ; in another sense they are too clever
for it. Rather let their deeper cunning keep their
indirections within the limits of law, and out of the
duplicities of business bring wealth and honor. They
with their wits are stronger ; for with their wits they
pipe for the law to dance, and play conventionalism
against honorable ethics to the swelling of their purse.
Before entering their career they weigh probabilities,
never afterward stopping to time their speed toward
the death goal. For their month or year of inglorious
fame, and riches many or few, they give that which
thousands give for twelve or twenty dollars a month
without the glory, without even the ignominious fame
of the robber, namely their life. In the case of the
highway robber, in his infernal canonization, with the
advocatus diaboli appearing on one side, and the ad-
vocatus dei on the other, we find the evil and the good
in them not so unequally balanced as popular opinion
inclines to pronounce. Highway robbery is bad,
people say. It is better not to steal at all ; but men
will steal; all men will steal a little, and women, too,
and children. At least there is something courageous
in stopping a stage, two men against ten sometimes,
as Falstaff would say; but in legalized stealing there
is nothing manly, nothing but cowardice and meanness.

Let me introduce some of our most famous gentle-
men of the road, surely as much entitled to a place

JOAQUIN MURIETA. 645

on the pages of history, as those who become famous
robbing within the bounds of conventionality. First
of all, as king of California cut-throats, stands the
boy, Joaquin Murieta, the Fra Diavolo of El Dorado,
a native of Sonora, Mexico, who came to California
in 1849. He was but a few months more than
twenty-one years of age when he died, and his
brilliant career of crime occupied less than three
years. What railway magnate can say as much ? The
terms brave, daring, able, faintly express his qualities.
In the canons of California he was what Napoleon
was in the cities of Europe; and it is but fair to say
that he as visibly displayed a high order of genius.
Joaquin would have been no more out of place com-
manding at Toulon, than Bonaparte would have been
scouring the Salinas plains.

Of medium height, and somewhat slender in figure,
he was extremely active and athletic, and no less
graceful in movement than handsome in person. A
high forehead gave his features, which were not im-
proved by prominent cheek-bones, an intellectual
caste; large black eyes blazing with vindictive pur-
pose, kindled with enthusiasm, or melting in tender
affection, displayed the earnestness of his nature,
while a well shaped mouth showed at once firmness
and sensuality. Long flowing hair of glossy black
fell on his shoulders, and on his upper lip was a thin
silky moustache, as belonging to one who had never
shaved. His manner was frank and cordial; his
voice silvery and of generous utterance ; and though
so youthful in appearance there was that about him
which made him both loved and feared, and which
impressed friend and stranger alike with profound
respect. It has been said that he lived in Los
Angeles, and had a fair reputation up to 1852, when
his brother-in-law was arraigned with some others for
the murder of General Bean, and in his confession
stated that the year before Murieta had joined him
and others in a horse-stealing exploit, the horses

846 BANDITTI.

being retaken by a Tejon chief. Murieta on hearing
this fled and became an outlaw and a terror.

Murieta had higher aims than mere revenge and
pillage. His continuous conflicts with military and
civil authorities, and armed populace, would in any
other country in America have been dignified with
the term revolution. He had been educated in the
school of revolution in Mexico, where the line be-
tween rebel, robber, pillager, and patriot had been to
a great extent obliterated. It is easy to see that he
regarded himself rather as a champion of his country
than as an outlaw.

Joaquin, when in his seventeenth year, became
enamoured of the beautiful dark-eyed Rosita Felix,
who was of Castilian descent, and sweet sixteen ; she
returned his passion with all the ardor of her nature.
Her hard-grained old father on discovering this amour
flew into a rage, and would have vented it upon the
boy had he not taken to flight. Rosita followed her
lover to the northern wilderness, assisted him in his
efforts at honest living, attended him through all the
perils of his unlawful achievements, and finally, when
death so early severed them, returned to the land of
her childhood, and under the roof of his parents
mourned her well-beloved through long dreary years.
Besides Rosita there were many other female mem-
bers of this unholy fraternity who waited on their
lords with loving hearts. Carmelita, a voluptuous
beauty, the fascinating Reyes Felix won from a packer,
and, bringing her on, his horse behind him into
camp one evening, dropped her in the midst of his
associates with the laconic introduction "there is my
wife." And when later Briseis goes, Achilles weeps,
but not for Briseis; rage wrings from him tears.

Rosita had left a little brother at her home in
Sonora, Reyes Felix, who, when the fame of the dash-
ing brigand reached his ear, burned with romantic
passion to join him. Not long afterward his father
died, and the liberated boy, then fifteen years of age,

GARCIA, CLAUDIO, AND GONZALEZ. 647

immediately sought the robber chief, and became one
of his most devoted followers. But alas! the vigi-
lants of Los Angeles finally rewarded his merits by
hanging him.

One monster there was in Joaquin's band, Manuel
Garcia by name, though commonly known as Three-
fingered Jack, from having had one finger shot off
during Mexico's war with the United States. Proba-
bly he was the most sanguinary of them all ; his repu-
tation was no less conspicuous for cruelty than for
bravery ; cruel men are not usually the most courage-
ous. He was as rugged in features as he was large
and powerful in frame, and was so ferocious in his
appearance that few of his associates enjoyed his
society. His disposition was as different from the
frank generosity of Joaquin, as was his repulsive
form from the lithe grace of his master. To gratify
his love of human butchery he chose the most prolific
source, and adopted as a specialty of the profession
what was known as sticking Chinamen. How he de-
lighted in seeing them scatter, as with a whoop he,
always well attended, dashed among them! What
fun it was to catch them and cut their throats ! Some
times he shot the contents of his pistol into them, but
that was too tame ; Jack loved to see the flowing
crimson, and a knife was the only weapon for that.
So expert by practice he became — catching them by
the tail and with a peculiar twist of his own inven-
tion throwing up the chin so as to preseat an unob-
structed mark — that out of every ten, he used to
boast, not more than five escaped. If there were
more than ten, of course the proportion was against
him.

Yet in all this, Garcia added little to the reputa-
tion achieved while Joaquin was yet at school in
Sonora. As far back as 1846 we find him at the head
of a band between Sonora and Bodega with the two
Americans, Cowie and Fowler, stripped and bound to
a tree, while Garcia and his associates were torturing

648 BANDITTI.

them by throwing knives at their bodies as at a
target. It is even said that as this pastime became
tiresome he resorted to other outrages too horrid and
indecent for recital.

The daring Claudio was at one time the associate
of Joaquin, and at another captain of his own com-
pany, scattering terror along the foothills. The year
1852 rang with his renown. Of all those who de-
lighted in daring, and who remorselessly washed away
obstructions with blood, none were more forward than
Captain Claudio. He was the lean and restless Cas-
sius of the band. Thirty-five years of age, slight
but vigorous in physical construction, with a lively
play of passion behind his dusky features, was the
cautious Claudio. That he was brave was undisputa-
ble, but yet more prominent were his faculties for
scheming. With consummate cunning he could both
plan and execute. Never did scoundrel more fittingly
wear the garb of honest man than Captain Claudio,
when there was a consideration. Beneath the ver-
satile exterior, however, the deeper current of his
nature flowed without a ripple, and its burden was
hate, revenge. So much had Captain Claudio to be
forgiven ; and yet he never forgot or forgave !

Pedro Gonzalez was prominent in Joaquin's associa-
tion as an expert horse-thief; and where a constant
supply of fresh and fast horses was of such vital im-
portance, he proved an invaluable adjunct. He did
not delight in human blood like Garcia, nor was he a
good counsellor such as Valenzuela, nor yet so dashing
and daring as Claudio ; but besides his talents in the
acquisition of fine horses, he was a skilful spy; and
so we may write him down, sine invidia, a most
worshipful robber.

Almost a counterpart of the chieftain, though much
older than his leader, was a prominent member of his
band, called also, sometimes, Joaquin, but never, unless
by mistake, Murieta. He was known also as Carrillo,
Botiller, and other aliases. His true name was Joa-

HARRY LOVE, THIEF-CATCHER. 649

quin Valenzuela. It was this similarity in name and
person, as much as any other circumstance, which
gave to Murieta a reputation well-nigh supernatural,
in the minds of some, for ubiquity.

It was unaccountable how one person appeared so
often in different places at the same time ; and when
Murieta's death was announced, there were those who
with great pertinacity insisted that he was yet alive.
Valenzuela had served an apprenticeship at brigan-
dage in Mexico, under Jarcinta, a famous guerrilla
chief, who had in former years been a friar, and a
Carlist in Spain. His experience, added to his re-
markable ability, gave him a prominent place in the
government of the organization, and important ex-
peditions were often entrusted to his leadership.

Glance now at a robber-hunter. Harry Love was
a law-abiding desperado. Here is a sugar-plum for
him. Harry delighted to kill wild men and wild
beasts. He was a killer of the Cceur de Lion order;
a tall, straight, Black Knight figure, with bright burn-
ing eyes, and long glassy ringlets falling over his
shoulders. He used to wear a sword given him by a
Spanish count whom he had rescued from the savages,
so it was said; and the way and walk of him were
knightly as of ancient cavalier. Savages he had
butchered until the business afforded him no further
pleasure. He thought now he would like to kill
Joaquin Murieta. Harry greatly enjoyed slaying
human beings, but he did not like so well to be
hanged for it; so he asked the legislature at Sacra-
mento if he might go out and kill Joaquin. The law-
makers gave him permission; and, as doughty as
Theseus on his first journey to Athens, he set out.

Tomas Marfa Carrillo, a soldier of the lately dis-
banded Californian army, headed a ruffian gang, and
Andres Armijo, another. The country between
Soledad and San Miguel in 1849 was infested by

630 BANDITTI.

roving bands of Sonorans and Californians, who
sacked ranches, and waylaid travellers. The power
of the alcaldes — the Mexican system still existing —
barked by the provisional government under General
Riley, was utterly inadequate to meet the present
emergency.

Salomon Pico, — whose near companions, Cecileo
Mesa and William Otis held prominent positions,—
was captain of a well-organized and formidable band
of malefactors roaming round Monterey during the
spring of 1851. Little fear had Captain Pico of
capture, in a region where the friends of his youth,
and of his numerous relatives dwelt, and where,
indeed, the very adobes of the ancient capitol trem-
bled at the mention of his name. Among the ranch-
eros, there were, however, foes, as well as friends.
From the latter he received voluntary aid ; from the
former he took what he pleased of their goods.
Nevertheless, but for treachery, the inept town's people
never would have dared to assail him. The Escobar
rancho, situated six miles from Monterey, was then
in charge of an American named Josiah Swain, whose
death Salomon Pico and his company had decided
upon. But one of the band who would take no part
in the proposed murder, fled to Monterey, exposed
his confederates, and directed the citizens to their
capture. This was about the middle of April 1851.
Of the five brought into town, three, Pico, Mesa, and
Otis, were tried by the people and sentenced to be
hanged, but were rescued by the authorities. The
fate of Otis is given elsewhere. Mesa was discharged.
Pico was bailed out, and he escaped from the country.
He finally went to live in Lower California, near our
frontier, and some years after for his share in some
political squabble, was shot by order of local authority.

Doctor Thomas J. Bell, from Alabama, by profes-
sion physician, miner, gambler, and robber-captain,
was by far the most intelligent, accomplished, and
kind-hearted American gentleman who ever took the

TOM BELL AND VAZQUEZ. 651

road in California. He flourished in the region of
the San Joaquin, and north of it, during the summer
of 185G. As compared with Joaquin he was older,
more intellectual, more humane, and fitted better to
thieve within the limits of the law ; the Sonoran chief
was of keener instincts, quicker movements, and pos-
sessed of far greater administrative ability.

Second only in name and achievements to Joaquin
Murieta, in the history of California highwaymen,
stands Tiburcio Vazquez ; but except in skill of horse-
manship, and dexterity in catching and killing men,
one was the opposite of the other. Joaquin was of
gentle blood, and as handsome, and gay, and chival-
rous as any youthful knight-errant; Vazquez was a
hybrid, half Indian, coarse, treacherous, brutish.
His boyhood was spent in taming wild mustangs,
cutting flesh with bowie-knives, and shooting, dancing
the bolero and fandango, and betraying young
damsels. Indeed, he was a bedeviled Don Juan at
love. Repulsive monster though he was, the dear
creatures could not help following him.

Tiburcio with difficulty finds an excuse for taking
up the hatchet. " The Americans came in and elbowed
me at the dance," he complains. "They drew after
them the prettiest girls, so I killed them." Obtain-
ing his mother's blessing, and commending himself to
the protection of the saints, he set out upon his pious
purpose.

There were twenty years and more between the
reigns of Joaquin and Tiburcio, though there were
twenty years intervening between Tiburcio's first
murder and his last. To realize how the boyish heart
of Vazquez burned within him as he heard ringing
the praises of the matchless Joaquin, we have only to
note the circumstance that almost within the year
after Joaquin's exit, Tiburcio slew his first man. It
was a brave beginning ; Tiburcio was then at the ten-
der age of fifteen. Could he but see Joaquin after
that, as his eyes had previously been permitted to

652 BANDITTI.

feast themselves on the shining face, the graceful
form, and the glittering adornments of the great
leader, perhaps Joaquin might deign to take him
by the hand, and smile on him encouragement.

Tiburcio's most devoted follower was his cousin,
Leiva, and most devotedly he stole Leiva's wife. Yet
Leiva remained true to him. What was a wife beside
glory and friendship ? Poltes, king of Thrace, thought
it hard for Menelaus to lose a wife ; yet probably Paris
wanted one, he said, when applied to for assistance to
recover the fair Helen. This king was more accom-
modating, if possible, than Leiva, for to preserve peace
and good-fellowship he proposed to give his own wives,
of whom he had two, one to Menelaus arid one to
Paris, and so all should be content. Rosalia was the
name of Leiva's stolen wife. She loved Leiva well
enough, but who could resist Captain Vazquez, the
adored of all, he who never sighed to senorita or
senora in vain, the fleet of foot, the untiring dancer,
the fearless rider, the bold brigand. Who so pleasing
to her woman's eye, so gratifying to her woman's
pride ? All articles standing on shop shelf, or glitter-
ing as personal adornment among the multitude, are
his, and hers, whenever he chooses to take them.
Since the time when Camilla, attracted by the bril-
liant accoutrement of the priest, Chlorus, chased him
round the battle-field until a Tuscan spear laid her
lifeless, full many a woman has sacrified herself to or-
nament.

Captain Juan Soto, mustang stealer, and tutor to
the apt scholar Tiburcio, and who subsequently served
under his pupil, was a dashing horseman, who could
hide behind his horse at full speed. Soto was a fa-
vorite with the ladies. Brave deeds make dark eyes
sparkle. Then the horses he stole I The brass steed
of Cambuscan, which in one day would carry its rider
to any spot of earth by simply whispering the name
of the place in its ear and turning a pin, was scarcely
more fleet of foot.

SANATE, MORENO, CHAVEZ. 653

Captain Sanate, with Moreno acting as lieutenant,
roamed round Los Angeles. Sanate with his entire
company attended unbidden a ball once given in Los
Angeles. Dashing up to the house, some stood guard
while others entered, robbed the men, danced with
the women whether they would or no, ate the supper,
drank the wine, and with a polite adieu vanished.
Lucifer was alive in them ; after attending this pleas-
ure-party, they plundered some houses and captured
a bevy of senoritas, which raised the town. The
marshal pursuing, Sanate shot him dead.

Moreno was a traitor. The night of the stolen
dance he had secured, among other plunder, a valuable
watch. A reward of $1,500 having been offered for
Sanate's head, Moreno shot him, killed Bulvia, who
had detected him, and carting both bodies to the jailer
at Los Angeles, told a story of heroic daring, how he
had been taken captive, and how he had killed his
captors and carted them thither. Moreno was the
idol of the hour; the brigands were such a bother.
Unfortunately, he showed the stolen watch to a jew-
eller, who recognized it, and Moreno was sent to San
Quentin for fourteen years. The authorities deemed
the $1,500 sufficient payment for the murder, without
the further expense of a hanging.

Clodomiro Chavez was the tool of Vazquez. Before
he knew the bandit chief, he lived an honest life in
the vicinity of San Juan, where his younger days
were spent. Shortly before the Tres Pinos tragedy,
he was in the service of Estanislao Hernandez. Se-
duced by Vazquez, it soon was his ambition to be a
robber chief. But he lacked the qualities of his mas-
ter. Physically he was a splendid specimen of a man,
being over six feet in height, weighing 250 pounds, and
yet as lithe and strong as a tiger. His qualifications,
for the career of a leader of banditti stopped here.

Vazquez was cunning and reckless, and had always
ready, conviviality for his comrades, money for those
in want, and a smile for everybody. His personal

654 BANDITTI.

magnetism and influence over others was something
wonderful. Chavez, on the other hand, was intellect-
ually dull, with a cold-blooded, lymphatic tempera-
ment, repelling rather than inviting friendship. Fol-
lowers joined Vazquez because they could not stay
away from him. Chavez' band was composed of
those who became robbers from necessity, and not be-
cause they loved their leader. Chavez was killed
near Texas Hill, in Arizona, in November 1875,
$2,000 having been offered for his head.

In the manuscripts of J. J. Vallejo and others, I
find mentioned a Mexican Fra Diavolo, Vicente
Gomez, who toward the close of the Mexican war
for independence, commanded a band of guerrilleros
in the service of the republic. And of such were
hundreds. This man was noted for the savagery of
his instincts. The Spaniard who fell into his clutches
was castrated; this practice gaining for Gomez the
title of El Capador, which was invariably appended
to his name. The victim was then usually sewn up
in a fresh ox hide placed in the sun, and left to perish,
attended by the most horrible sufferings, caused by
the contraction of the hide as it dried up. Spanish
women met a still more horrible fate. The inhumani-
ties of the monster shocked even his ruffian followers,
who, incited thereto by their queridas, remonstrated
against such sanguinary measures.

"Sanguinary!" exclaimed Gomez. "You surely do
not call me sanguinary. Show me the man who, with
as artistic torturings as mine, puts out life with less
bloodshed." Gomez, for having taken part in a re-
bellion, was sent by the Mexican government as an exile
to the Californias, and was shot dead by a lieutenant
named Eamirez, who, pleading that the deed had been
accidental, was acquitted at his trial. Gomez con-
ducted himself quietly while in California.

The unsettled condition of society in California,
the abundance of money, the amount of travel, mostly

THE HIGHWAYMAN'S HEAVEN. 655

by treasure-laden miners, on the lonely roads of the
mountains and plains, the herds of fine horses graz-
ing everywhere within easy reach of the robber, and
finally, the soft and genial climate of the country,
rendered possible, developed, and conduced to the
prosperity of the guild of highwaymen, who had for
their field of operations a territory quite as extensive,
and as rich in booty and stirring hazard as was the
Spanish Main to the dreaded buccaneers, self-
styled the Brotherhood of the Coast.

Having briefly alluded to the chief men who won
for themselves a name in the career of crime, I will
now proceed to relate some of the exploits of him
who deservedly stood head and shoulders over all
other knights of the road in California, if not, indeed,
superior to the most famous leaders of highwaymen
recorded in the annals of other countries.

Joaquin Murieta, the terror of the Stanislaus, has
a history, which though crimson with murder, abounds
in dramatic interest. He was a Mexican of good
blood, as I have said, born in the department of
Sonora, and received an ordinary education in the
schools of his native country. In his youth he is
said to have been mild, affectionate, and genial in dis-
position, the pet of the maestro, and a favorite among
his fellows of the play-ground. Yet, while acknowl-
edging the pulpy sweetness of his boyhood, it is safe
to presume that there was a dash of bandit blood in
the veins of Joaquin, which was eventually to fire his
heart with the madness for an outlaw life. As Joa-
quin and his Rosita reached the new El Dorado, the
first flash of the great gold fever was then spreading
over its wild ranges. In the memorable spring of
1850 we find him engaged as an honest miner among
the Stanislaus placers, where he had a rich claim, and
was fast amassing a competency, when, one evening,
a party of some half dozen American desperadoes
swagro-ered into his little cabin where with Rosita he

OO

was resting after a hard day's work.

656 BANDITT

" You don't know, I suppose, that greasers are not
allowed to take gold from American ground," began
the leader insolently.

"If you mean that I have no right to niy claim, in
obtaining which I have conformed to 'all the laws of
the district, I certainly did not know it," answered
Joaquin with quiet dignity.

" Well, you may know it now. And you have got
to go; so vamouse, git, and that instanter, and take
that trumpery with you," jerking his thumb toward
Rosita. "The women if anything are worse than the
men."

Joaquin stepped forward with clinched hand, while
the hot blood mantled his face: "I will leave these
parts if such be your wish, but speak one word
against that woman, and though you were ten times
an American, you shall rue it."

Scarcely were these words uttered when another
of the party reached over and struck Joaquin a severe
blow in the face. The latter sprang for his bowie-
knife, which he had thrown upon the bed on return-
ing from his work, when Rosita, instinct with the
danger such rashness threatened, threw herself before
him, and seizing him in her arms, frantically held
him. For the intruders to thrust aside the woman
and strike the unarmed man senseless was the work
of a moment. When Joaquin awoke to consciousness,
it was to find Rosita prostrate, her face buried in her
clothes, sobbing hysterically. Then he knew the
worst.

Fleeing from his outraged home on the Stanislaus,
Joaquin and his devoted companion sought refuge on
a modest little rancho, hid away in the rugged seclu-
sion of the Calaveras mountains. His dream of peace
was soon broken, however, by the sudden apparition
of two bearded missionaries, whose monosyllabic
warning, "Git! " threw down his hopes and household
gods once more into the dust. The hapless twain
were driven out from the shadows of Calaveras, and

EVOLUTION OP A DEMON. 657

once more became fugitives in the land. We next
find Joaquin working as a miner at Murphy Dig-
gings; but luck was against him in the placers, and
he finally assumed the gay and remunerative occupa-
tion of monte-dealer, a department of industry at the
time deemed respectable, even for Americans, not a
few of them being thorough adepts in the art of ''lay-
outs," and both swift and relentless in catching their
customers "in the door."

The new vocation was well-suited to the suave
young Sonorense, and fortune for awhile seemed to
befriend him, the uncoined gold of the miners rolling
into his ever thickening purse. But his pathway was
destined to blush with redder hues than rosy fortune
wears. While riding into town a horse that he had
borrowed from a half-brother of his who lived on
a rancho near by, he was accosted by an American
claiming the animal to have been stolen from him.
Murieta pleaded that it was not his, but borrowed.
This, however, availed him not. Indeed, it seems
that the claim was a well-founded one, and Murieta
was charged with the theft, the penalty whereof was
death. A half-drunken crowd soon gathered around,
and Murieta's protestations of innocence, and offers of
money for a respite until witnesses- could be forth-
coming to prove the truth of his statement, were dis-
regarded. He was pulled down from the saddle, and
amid cries of " kill the thief I hang the greaser 1 " they
hurriedly carried him to the rancho of his brother,
whom they summarily launched into eternity from
the branch of a neighboring tree. Joaquin was
stripped, bound to the same tree, and flogged. While
the heavy lash was lacerating his back, a demoniac
expression appeared upon his face; he looked around
and stamped the features of each of his perse-
cutors on the tablets of his memory. When the exe-
cutioners had finished their work, they departed,
leaving him with his dead. It was then that Joaquin
Murieta registered his oath of vengeance which he so

CAL. PAST. 42

658 BANDITTI.

relentlessly kept, rarely sparing even the innocent.
From that hour he was the implacable foe of every
American, and even of every being that bore the resem-
blance of a gringo. Lucifer had him now for his own.
Words have been put in Murieta's lips to the effect
that he had at one time felt a great admiration for
Americans and their institutions; and only after ex-
periencing unjust persecution and brutality at their'
hands, had the scales fallen from his eyes, and a
deadly hatred seized him. To avenge the wrongs in-
flicted on himself and his countrymen, who were con-
stantly kicked, and cuffed, and robbed, was now the
purpose of his life. To kill, destroy, marking his swift
trail with blood, was now his dream ; for every stripe
that had been laid upon his yet unhealed back ten
Yankee lives should be forfeited, and these ruffianly
Anglo-Saxons be made to understand that the free
citizens of the sister republic had not wholly sunk
their origin, nor lost their manhood. Letting all this
pass, however, the fact stands that not long after the
infliction of the flogging, an American was found dead
near Murphy Diggings, literally hacked to pieces
with a knife. The body turned out to be that of one
of those who had flogged Joaquin, and hanged his
brother. Suspicion was not long at fault reaching
the author of the bloody act. Other murders fol-
lowed in swift succession, robbing being one of the
incidents of each case. It then began to be whispered
that the young victim of Yankee brutality was
wreaking his vengeance. Joaquin's bloody deeds
were in everybody's mind, and his name became a
terror. Within a few months the dashing boy was
at the head of an organized band of highwaymen,
which ravaged the country in every direction. This
band consisted sometimes of twenty, and at other
times of as many as eighty. The boy leader gave
proof every day of possessing a peculiar genius for con-
trolling the most accomplished scoundrels that had
ever congregated in Christendom, He was their

RULES OF THE ROBBERS. G59

master; his word was their law, and woe betide him
who dared to disobey, while to break faith with a
fellow -robber was quick death. A member of the
band, perforated by four bullets, was captured in
February 1853, at Los Muertos, near Los Angeles,
brought to San Andreas, tried, and hanged by the
people. He was but an humble menlber of the profes-
sion, and when he saw that death was certain, he was
induced to talk a little. He said that no member of the
fraternity was much respected who had not killed his
man, and each ranked in importance according to the
number that he had slain. This was something as it
is in the army. Every member was bound under
most solemn oaths, first, to obey his superiors. Dis-
obedience was punished with death. There was
hardly one chance in a hundred that a traitor could
escape; for it was the duty and pleasure of the be-
trayed whose lives were jeopardized by the treachery
to hunt and slay the informer. It was well under-
stood by all, even the stupidest of them, that good
faith unto one another, union and discipline, were es-
sential as well to their personal safety as to pecuniary
success. This completeness of organization, coupled
with the awful power wielded by the leader, enabled
the band during nearly three years to carry on its
operations, and hs boyish chief to flit between towns
and country* flipping his fingers in the face of police
and people, while throughout the length and breadth
of the Californian valley, from Shasta to Tulare, and
along the coast line of missions the country was wail-
ing its dead and ringing with rewards. The modus
operandi to accomplish the purposes of the organiza-
tion was as follows: Each subaltern was restricted
to certain limits beyond which he dare not step. He
had to be at all times ready to receive an order from
any captain or lieutenant of the band. His eyes and
ears were to be always open, and his mouth closed ;
passing events were to be narrowly observed, such as
the yield of the various mining claims, the drift of

660 BANDITTI.

the gold dust, where a company kept their money, or
certain Chinamen had hidden theirs. It was, more-
over, his duty to shelter and protect any of the
brotherhood needing his assistance ; to warn them of
danger, and provide horses and aid to escape; and gen-
erally, to assist them in all their undertakings.

Joaquin was always splendidly mounted; in fact
much of his success depended on his horses. It was
the special business of a certain portion of the brother-
hood to keep the company well supplied with the best
horses in the country. There were, also, members
living in towns, and among the peaceable inhabitants,
pursuing honest occupations, who were spies, and kept
the officers of the band advised of matters they were
desirous of knowing.

To relate the hundred of incidents in which Joa-
quin and his chief captains and lieutenants personally
displayed their skill and courage, would occupy more
space than I can devote to the matter. I will, how-
ever, narrate some of the most daring deeds of the
young leader.

In 1851 while sojourning in a secluded part of San
Jose, he attended a fandango, where he became in-
volved in a fracas, for which he was arrested and fined
$12 by the magistrate. Being in charge of Deputy
Sheriff Clark, who was not aware of his being the
robber chief, he invited the latter to go with him to
his house for the money. Clark had become obnoxious
to Murieta for his vigorous pursuit of the band. On
reaching an unfrequented place the robber suddenly
turned upon the officer, and with a smile said, "Accept
the compliments of Joaquin," and drove his jewelled
poignard to the hilt in his breast. In the autumn of
the same year Murieta and his band were at the
Sonoran camp near Marysville, where they committed
a number of robberies, and five murders, every one of
the murdered men bearing on his neck the fatal mark of
the flying noose. All had been lassoed, and dragged at
the saddle bow by the lariat. In the wild region west

HIGHWAYMAN GALLANTRY. 661

of the white pyramid of Shasta, the band roamed many
months engaged in horse-stealing, with now and then
a murder. Once while two of the band were gallop-
ing near the town of Hamilton, an elk rushed past
them hotly pursued by a beautiful girl mounted on a
fine steed. She hurled her lasso at the animal and
secured it, only to find herself in Ker turn held fast
by the lariats of the two banditti. Her terror was
distracting. She implored them not to harm her,
but little did they care for her entreaties. There
was only one voice on earth which they would heed,
and that came unexpectedly as if from another world.
" Restore that girl to her horse instantly." It was
Joaquin who spoke.

One evening not long afterward, Joaquin was sit-
ting at a monte table in a small town on the Feather
river, when an American boastfully offered to bet
$500 that he would kill the scoundrel Joaquin the
first time he met him. Carried away by one of his
dare-devil impulses, Joaquin sprang upon the table,
and thrusting his pistol in the man's face cried, "I
take the bet ; Joaquin is before you; " then tossing
the corner of his serape over his shoulder, he jumped
down, strode out of the room, mounted his horse and
rode away with some of his henchmen at his heels.

In the spring of 1852 Murieta drove 300 stolen
horses through southern California into Sonora. On
his return after a few weeks, he was quartered at the
Arroyo de Cantua, situated between the Coast Range
and the Tulare lake. It is possible that it was just
previous to this that they sojourned for a while in
Los Angeles and vicinity. Riding with some of his
men toward San Luis Gonzaga, and his purse being
light, Murieta, after the manner of Robin Hood, re-
solved to rob the first man that came along. The
victim happened to be a young fellow named Albert
Ruddle, who was driving a wagon loaded with gro-
ceries. Joaquin requested the loan of what money
he had, promising to return it at an early opportunity.

662 BANDITTI.

Ruddle made a movement as if to draw a weapon.
He was told to keep quiet or he would be killed, but
as he persisted, Joaquin with a muttered imprecation,
slashed him across the neck with his knife, almost
severing the head from the body. After rifling the
dead man's pockets the robbers rode off.

While in Los Angeles for a few days, he heard that
Deputy Sheriff Wilson of Santa Barbara was on his
trail, with the avowed intention of taking him dead
or alive. He got up a sham fight between two Indians
in front of the hotel were Wilson was staying. The
latter came out to see the fight, when Joaquin rode
swiftly to him, and hissing his own terrible name in his
ear, drove a bullet through his head and drove away.

Riding one day alone toward the town of Los
Hornitos, the chief met young Joe Lake, a playmate
of his boyhood. 1 In the course of their conversation
Joaquin revealed his present mode of living, and said,
"Joe, you are the only American whose good opinion
I crave. Believe me my friend, I was driven to this
by hellish wrongs." " Why don't you leave the coun-
try, and abandon your criminal life?" answered Joe.
" Too late, Joe, I must die now as I live, pistol in
hand. Do not betray me ; do not divulge having met
me here. If you do, I shall be very sorry," signifi-
cantly tapping the stock of his revolver. Lake
deemed it his duty to appraise the authorities of
Murieta's presence, and the usual persecution began.
The next morning a portly ranchero came up to Lake,
and saying, "You betrayed me, Joe!" plunged a knife
into his breast, and rode away unharmed.

One evening Joaquin rode into a camp where about
25 miners were at supper, and sitting sideways on his
horse entered into conversation with them. It so
happened that a man who knew him by sight soon
after came from the creek, and on seeing him called
out, "That is Joaquin, why, in the name of God don't
you kill him?" Putting spurs to his horse with one
bound he cleared the camp and dashed down the

DAHING DEEDS. 663

canon. Finding his way blocked there he returned
toward the camp, to avail himself of a narrow coyote
trail around the brow of a precipice that overhung
the awful depths of the canon below. A shower of
bullets greeted his reappearance, but none touched
him, as he dashed up and along that dizzy path, wav-
ing his dagger and shouting defiance.

In the early part of March, 1853, Joaquin, un-
attended, visited a large Mexican camp on Burns
creek, about twenty miles from the town of Mariposa.
He presented the appearance of a dashing cavalier,
with plumed sombrero, gold laced cloak, and gayly
caparisoned steed, as he slowly rode down the principal
thoroughfare of the camp, tinkling his spurs to the
measures of some lively fandango, and was the cyno-
sure of many admiring glances from the eyes of the
senoritas. Passing in front of a saloon he called for
a drink, and was just lifting it to his lips, when an
American, one of two who were standing together
and had recognized him, drew his revolver and fired
a shot that cut the plume of the brigand's hat. The
drink was never taken, but Joaquin, after having
wounded one of the Americans in the arm and the
other in the abdomen, galloped away without a
scratch.

Later in the same month, Murieta and three or
four of his men robbed a Chinese camp at Rich gulch,
not far from San Andreas, of about $10,000, leaving
three dead and five wounded. The next morning
they entered another Chinese camp at the foot of the
mountains, gashed the throats of three of the China-
men, mortally wounded five others, and carried off
some $3,000 in gold. They next visited several other
Chinese camps, all of which they desolated, the cries
of their victims being heard at long distances. Find-
ing themselves pursued by a party of Americans, they
calmly continued their devastation, until the pursuers
were within half a mile of them, when they mounted
their steeds, and rode away with the speed of the wind.

664 BANDITTI.

On one occasion, Murieta riding leisurely in disguise
through Stockton, he saw the hand-bills ofterino-

O O

$1,000 for his capture. Taking from his pocket a
pencil, he wrote on the margin beneath one of them,
"I will give $5,000. Joaquin," and quietly rode
away.

One night a cattle-dealer, whose name was Cocari-
ouris, was camping with one companion on the San
Joaquin, when they were visited by several Mexicans,
splendidly mounted and gaily attired, who asked for
supper and a place to sleep. Their occupation being
quits evident, they were treated with much politeness,
and their requests promptly complied with. In the
morning the robber was cordially greeted by the cat-
tle dealer:

"And how does Senor Joaquin this morning?"

"You know me, then," replied the robber.

" I knew you the moment I saw you," said Coca-
riouris.

"And why did you not kill me last night when I
slept, and secure the reward?" demanded Joaquin.

"I do not like to kill men; I do not care for the
reward," replied the host. "Besides, you never in-
jured me ; you asked for food; if every man deserving
to be hanged went supperless, there would be many
an empty chair at more tables than mine."

"True," replied Joaquin, meditatively, "and I will
see that you lose nothing by your broad philosophy."

Cocariouris was often on the road with large herds
of stock, not one head of which was ever, to his
knowledge, touched by any of Murieta's band.

The audacity of this chief, united to his celerity of
movement, at a time when the country had no com-
munication by railway or telegraph, enabled him and
his men to effect the most remarkable escapes, as we
have seen. He would show himself now here, now
there, like an impish apparition which vanished at the
approach of danger.

In February 1853, Joaquin and his band swept

LOVE AND HATE. 665

through Calaveras, robbing and slaughtering as they
went. Again was a reward of a $1,000 offered by
the governor for his capture. The people of Mokel-
umne Hill and elsewhere were indignant at the small-
ness of the amount, when they themselves had spent
many thousands in their fruitless attempts. The
scourge continued, and gloom overspread the foothills.

One evening in April 1853, shortly before Joaquin's
death, three men rode up to the house of a rancho on
the Salinas plains and demanded refreshments for
themselves and their horses, which were readily and
politely served. After supper they informed their
host that they were from the upper country on their
way to Sonora to buy cattle. Their spokesman being
asked if they had seen or heard of the famous Joaquin,
he replied, "I am that Joaquin, and no man shall take
me alive." He then gave his oft-repeated narrative
of the wrongs which had been inflicted on him and
his. In the morning, after paying for the night's
lodging and refreshments, Joaquin and his companions
departed southward, as he had said, but on]y went as
far as the region of San Luis Obispo and Santa Bdr-
bara, and the cattle they took they seldom paid for.
Murieta's movements were now very closely watched,
and it was thought that his destination was Lower
California.

I have merely referred to a few of the doings of
this famous band of marauders, or a portion of it under
the immediate direction of Murieta in person. But
it should be borne in mind that the excellently organ-
ized fraternity was often divided, and under his sev-
eral lieutenants, Garcia, Claudio, Ruiz, and others,
bore the terror of their chiefs name simultaneously
in widely different directions. Their operations be-
came so repeated and destructive, extending mean-
while over such a great extent of country, that no
community felt safe.

At last, the people throughout the state were
aroused to the importance of suppressing this over-

666 BANDITTI.

whelming evil. For three years this bloody work
had been going on — a long time in that rushing epoch
— and it was a reflection on the manhood of California
that the robbers should go so long uncaught. At
length, on the 17th of May, 1853, the legislature of
California passed an act authorizing Harry Love to
bring his mountaineer's experience, bravery, and
tested nerve into action, with a well-organized and
equipped body of twenty mounted rangers, to hunt
the marauders down. Love was soon in the field,
and lost no time in getting upon the track of the bri-
gands.

Poor Joaquin! Love encompassed him without
and within. For his girl, Antonia la Molinera, who
went about with him dressed in men's clothes, proved
false, having run away with a traitorous member of
the band, Pancho Daniel. Murieta swore he would
kill both of them ; and Antonia when she heard of it,
and knowing him so well, and realizing that her life
was not safe for a moment as long as he was at lib-
erty, resolved to betray him into the hands of justice.

Murieta sent first Vergara to kill her, but Vergara
proved false, and let the girl live, abandoning the
banditti, and going to work on the rancho of Palos
Verdes, where was later Wilmington. Murieta sent
another member of his band to bring back Vergara,
but a few days thereafter the messenger was found
murdered in the street in Los Angeles. Likewise,
others of Joaquin's . girls were giving him trouble.
Thus discord was in the camp, men proving traitor-
ous and women false, which shows that the life of a
robber is not always a happy one.

Stealthily enough Harry Love with his fierce eyes
and flowing hair, followed upon the trail of Joaquin,
spying upon him by night, and keeping under close
cover by day, thirsting for the blood-money, thirsting
both for the blood and the money, eager to slay the
slayer and rob the robber.

CAPTURE OF THE BAND. 667

Thus tne toils which must inevitably sooner or
later end such a career were closing round Joaquin.
In the latter part of July, with eight of his rangers,
Love came upon a party of Mexicans in camp near
the Tejon pass. Six of them were seated round a
small fire, where preparations for breakfast were going
forward, while the seventh, he of the slender figure,
and graceful limbs, and, large black eyes, and Icng
black hair, a perfect Apollo, richly dressed, blooming
in the pride of health and manly beauty, was wash-
ing down a superb bay horse, at a little distance from
the fire, with some water which he held in a pan.
Joaquin was unknown to the rangers, who dashed
into the camp before they were discovered, and suc-
ceeded in cutting the robbers off from their horses.
Captain Love rode up to the one standing by his
horse, and enquired whither they were going.

"To Los Angeles," the chief replied.

Turning to one of the others, the captain put the
same question when an entirely different answer, was
returned. Joaquin bit his lip and spoke up angrily,
"I command here; address yourself to me." He
then moved a few steps toward the fire, around which
lay the saddles, blankets, and arms of the party. He
was ordered to stop, and when he did not heed, Love
cocked his revolver upon him and told him to stand
or he would shoot. The chief tossed his hair back
scornfully while his eyes blazed with the lightnings
of his wrath, and stepping backward he stood again
by the side of his handsome steed, his jewelled hand
resting lightly on its mane. Three-Fingered Jack
stood a little distance away, fully armed and waiting
for his chief. At this critical moment Lieutenant
Byrnes, with whom Joaquin was well acquainted,
moved up, and Joaquin realizing that the game was
up, called out to his followers to save themselves the
best they could, and threw himself upon the back of
his charger without saddle or bridle, and sped down
the mountain like a tempest. He leaped his horse

668 BANDITTI.

over a precipice, when he fell, but was on his feet
again in a moment, and remounting, the daring rider
dashed on. Close at his heels came the rangers,
firing as they rode, and soon the gallant steed, struck
in the side, fell to the earth, and Joaquin ran on
afoot. Three balls had pierced his body, when he
turned with a lifted hand toward his pursuers, and
called out: "It is enough; the work is down,"-
reeled, fell upon his right arm, and, sinking slowly
down before his pursuers, gave up the ghost without
a groan.

Three-Fingered Jack, cornered, fought like a tiger,

" O o

but the end was at hand. And so with others of the
company. Claudio had fallen some time before.
The bandits, now left without an efficient leader, and
admonished by the swift and sorrowful fate of Joaquin,
broke up the organization, and stole away from the
theatre of their crimes. For purposes of identifica-
tion, the head of Joaquin, and the mutilated hand of
Three-Fingered Jack, were severed from the bodies,
and, preserved in spirits, were brought to San Fran-
cisco in August 1853, by Black and Nuttall, two of
Harry Love's rangers. The head was placed on ex-
hibition, as the following notice, which appeared in
the papers of the city on the 18th of August, and for
several days following, will show : " Joaquin 's Head I
is to be seen at King's, corner of Halleck and San-
some streets. Admission one dollar." Then followed
certificates of persons .who had known Joaquin, as to
the identity of the head. No money was recovered,
though one of the prisoners declared that Jack had
thrown away a heavy purse of gold during the chase.
It is probable that others did the same, as the heavy
operations of the band must have kept them well sup-
plied with dust and coin. The growth, after death,
of the hair on the head of Joaquin, and the finger-
nails of Jack's hand, caused quite a sensation among
those not accustomed to such phenomena.

The number of murders committed by Joaquin and

CLAUDIO CAUGHT. 669

his men during the comparatively brief period in which
they were abroad is truly astonishing. They were
particularly hard on the Chinamen, literally strewing
the highways with their carcasses, like slaughtered
pigs, and robbing them at every turn. Several rene-
gade Americans were among the robbers who won
the respect of the bandit chief by deeds as bloody and
heartless as ever stained the annals of human wrong.
Claudio, as I have said, met his fate some time
before the tragic scene at the Tejon pass. In the
early part of 1853, attended by six of his men, Claudio
was ravaging the country between Salinas and Mon-
terey, robbing and slaying with a reckless hand.
One Cocks, a justice of the peace at Salinas, and,
withal a fearless man, summoned a party of eight and
started in pursuit of the brigands. On the Salinas
river, near Cooper's crossing, stood the adobe cabin
of a man named Balder, whose reputation was very
bad. Cocks and his party surrounded this house at
night, and there, as they expected, found the robbers.
A watch dog gave the alarm; but the Americans had
already dismounted, and taking off their spurs, rushed
in close to the walls. There was but one thing to do,
for Claudio was not the kind of villain tamely to die
in a kennel; bidding his men to follow, he threw the
door open, and boldly led the way into the darkness,
firing as he went. Unfortunately for the bandit he
ran into the arms of Squire Cocks, who, being a pow-
erful and determined man, held him with a grip of
steel, until the robber dropping his revolver, ex-
claimed, "Estoy dado, senor; no tengo armas." I
surrender sir: I have no arms. The lie was scarcely
spoken when something was seen to glitter in the
hand of Claudio. It was a murderous dirk which he
had drawn from his legging; but a bullet from
the pistol of an American stretched him lifeless before
he could use it. With a single exception the brigands
were all shot dead in the fight that ensued ; the one
making his escape being wounded, and was captured

670 BANDITTI.

next day. He was sent to San Quentin for a term
of years and afterward hanged.

Second only to Joaquin Murieta's band during the
earlier days of highway robbery in California was
that of Tom Bell, or Thomas J. Bell, as he subscribed
his name. He was a native of Alabama, where he
received a medical education, came to California in
1850, and at first worked honestly enough as a miner,
but finally took to gambling. Having unsuccessfully
wooed the fickle goddess at the card-table, he became
desperate, and going out upon the highway, he took
her by the throat. Bell was six feet high, lithe, sin-
ewy, sanguine in temperament, and quick in action ; of
a sandy complexion, with a light blue eye, which,
though ordinarily mild, would, when aroused by op-
position, blaze with the intensity of his wrath. He
had six or eight followers, and in the summer of 1856
they roamed the foothills from the Yubas to Granite
city. He was kind-hearted and magnanimous for a
robber and murderer, and sometimes disgraced his
calling by acts that proved him to be possessed of a
human heart.

A traveller carrying a large sum of money was one
afternoon riding along a shady mountain road that led
down to the valley, beguiled, maybe, by beautiful
visions of the far-off home to which he was returning,
and was just throwing back his head to attack the
high part of " The Girl I Left behind Me," a plaintive
melody he had been devotedly whistling for half an
hour, when he heard the clatter of horses' feet on the
road behind him. Turning in his saddle, he saw
three horsemen galloping rapidly after him, some fifty
yards away, one of whom called to him to stop. Real-
izing the true character and import of the invitation,
the traveller put spurs to his horse, and soon pursuers
and pursued were racing like the wind down the
mountain. A shot from Bell's pistol struck the fugi-
tive in the leg, and brought him down. Having re-

ADVENTURES OF BELL. 671

lieved the man of his money, instead of despatching
him with a knife, or leaving him to die in the road, of
hemorrhage, the bandit doctor proceeded skilfully and
tenderly to take up the severed artery, and bind the
wound. Just as he was finishing, he heard a wagon
passing on the road, and directed one of his men to
wait upon the teamster. This was promptly done,
the astonished individual brought to a stand, and dis-
encumbered of his money. A bed was then hastily
made in the bottom of the wagon, the wounded man
placed upon it, and the driver told to proceed, but to
drive slowly and avoid the ruts. In answer to the
request of the traveller to tie his horse to the wagon,
Bell declined, but promised to turn it loose at that
spot after stripping it of its gear, which he did.

A singular tragedy occurred in connection with the
attempted recapture of three of Bell's band who had
escaped from the Nevada jail. Just after dark, on the
night of the 3d of November, 1856, the sheriff re-

^j "

ceived intelligence that the highwaymen lay concealed
in a cabin at Gold Flat. Taking with him four men,
the sheriff set out to effect a capture. Crossing a dark
ravine on his way, he found four horses tied, and sus-
pecting something wrong, he determined to wait there
until the owners, whom he believed to be robbers,
should make their appearance. Presently the sheriff
heard a noise in the bushes near by.

"Who's there?" he called out.

"Move, and I'll shoot you," was the reply.

Instantly there came a shot from the darkness, then
two other shots, which were quickly returned by the
sheriff's party. The sheriff was killed at the first fire,
and one of his men mortally wounded. The men in
the thicket then rushed up, and to the horror of all
present learned that they had been firing on friends.
It appears that two parties, each unknown to the other,
had started out at the same time, from different places,
in search of the robbers, who were even then not far
distant, when this calamitous encounter occurred.

672 BANDITTI.

Five of Tom Bell's band were captured and lodged
in Calaveras jail about the first of October. Bell was
at that time of the party, but made his escape. In
order to throw the officers off the scent, one of the
confederates reported that his chief was at a spot 200
miles distant, which ruse gave him time to escape.
Beil, however, was caught and executed on the upper
San Joaquin the 4th of October, 1856.

Holcombe valley, in August 1851, was infested by
a band of desperadoes, having as their leader one
Johnson. They stole from Bear Valley all the milch
cows and beef cattle, also horses, and whatever they
wanted. One day Johnson entered a clothing store,
made several purchases, received his bill, and then
ordered the storekeeper to receipt it. This he refused
to do until he had received the money; whereupon
Johnson drew his revolver, and told him that he
should not only receipt the bill but give him five dol-
lars besides. The storekeeper complied, but had the
fellow arrested. The robber submitted to a trial,
partly for the fun of it, as he had his fellows in the
court-room and openly defied the law. It all did not
avail him much, however, for he met a tragic death
soon after. On election day there was a general fight
in Holcombe valley, in which Johnson took a hand.
He knocked an American down, and drawing his re-
volver was about to use it when officer St John shot
him. The wound proved fatal within a few hours.

In 1851, Jim Irvin passed via Angeles to Mexico
with a band of twenty-five or thirty desperadoes.
They stopped at Coyote rancho, where Ricardo was
in charge, and bound him, compelling a surrender of
the best horses, food, etc. Ricardo complied; but on
being released next morning he got a band of Cahuilas
to join him in an ambush, whence they slaughtered
every one of the robbers. The Indians remained in
ambush, while Ricardo rushed forward and became the
avenger of his own wrongs. Ricardo was no robber
or gambler, but an honest fellow who loved fighting.

UNHAPPY ANGELES. 673

In 1851-3 there were more desperadoes in Los
Angeles than in any place on the coast. All bad
characters driven from the mines went there to be
near the Mexican border if forced to move farther;
and Mexican outlaws stopped in the city or vicinity
on coming to the mines. The two sets met and
fought, using knife or bullet on the least provocation,
the Mexican preferring the knife, at close quarters.
It was a common question in the morning: "Well,
how many were killed last night ? " The average
mortality from fights and assassinations in 1853 was
one a day. In this year California showed a greater
number of murders than all the United States besides,
and a greater number in Angeles than in all the rest
of California. Sheriffs and marshals were killed at
pleasure ; and at one time the office of sheriff, worth
1 10, 000 a year, went a begging. Two had been
killed within the year.

Crooked-nose Smith had killed his half dozen men
in the upper country before he came to Angeles,
and here he promised not to kill any one, but did
shoot a gambler the day before leaving, pleading that
he must keep his hand in. Cherokee Bob had killed
six Chilenos in one fight, coming out riddled and
slashed from the conflict. Ricardo Urives, a noted
fighter, was beset by a crowd in Calle de los Negros,
the lowest locality in Los Angeles. He fought his
way out with revolver and bowie knife although shot,
stoned, and slashed all over. At the end of the
street he gained his horse and rode back to the spot
where first attacked to fire his last shot. Armed with
the empty revolver he scattered the people and re-
turned to be bandaged. He had three bullet wounds,
and was stabbed in many places. He then rode up
and down the main street for an hour, daring the
police to arrest him, and then trotted off to his sisters'
rancho.

One of the Smiths was arrested at San Gabriel
and tried by a hastily constituted lynch-court for

CAL. PAST. 43

674 BANDITTI.

some crime. The sentence was instant hanging; but
at the final moment a man interfered and he was
given up to the constable. The lynch -court again
met and resolved to save expense by a quick but fair
trial. The mob compelled the jailer to surrender the
keys, and Smith was released from the pine log to
which he and a number of others had been chained.
Nothing could be proved against him, and the com-
mittee reported accordingly to the mob, asking what
was to be done. A fellow rose to propose fifty lashes,
but this was voted down. Immediately after, another
man proposed eighty-five lashes, and the surrender of
Smith to the military as a deserter. This was unani-
mously carried.

At the same time a Mexican was brought in for
stabbing a pie-vender, and sentenced at first to hang-
ing, but finally to eighty-five lashes. On his plea
that he was no thief, but a man of honor, he was
allowed to receive his lashes first. Smith now pleaded
that as an American he should not be lashed by an
Indian. A purse of sixteen dollars was accordingly
made up for a white whipper. A young man, a new
arrival, accepted the task, and did it with a will.
Meanwhile the gamblers became incensed against a
man who would do such service for money, and seiz-
ing the whipper they began to toss him in a blanket
till he finally came down so hard that he broke his
neck, as was believed at the time. He was restored
in a' drug store, and paid his hard-earned sixteen dol-
lars for the treatment.

Jack Powers, the lord among the 400 gamblers of
Angeles, and owning a rancho, hounds, and horses,
became involved, and was to be ejected by the sheriff.
Escaping an attempt to arrest him at Santa Barbara,
Jack seized the only piece of artillery in the town
and marched with his friends to his rancho. Sheriff
Twiss pursued, but was defeated with the loss of two
or three persons. Jack reached his rancho. fortified it,
and mounted a stove-pipe from his kitchen as a cannon,

SOME VERY BAD MEN. 675

defying the sheriff, who was at last obliged to raise
the siege. This was in January 1853. For a long
time afterward, Jack would be attended by a troop of
retainers, who assured his freedom from arrest. He
finally went away to Arizona, and died upon a rancho
he had there.

There had been a party of malefactors in Los
Angeles region known as the Manilas, numbering
about thirteen, among whom were • Pancho Daniel,
after he left Murieta, Juan Mores, Espinosa, Andres
Fontes, Chino Varelas, then only a boy, One-eyed Pigui-
nino, and Faustino Garcia. Flores and some others
had escaped from the state's prison. One day the
party started in pursuit of a man who was going in a
wagon from Los Angeles to San Juan Capistrano.
Fortunately for the man they missed him on the road ;
but the robbers continued their way to Capistrano.
They visited the shop of one Michael Kraszewski, a
Russian-Pole, wounded the owner's assistant, plun-
dered the shop, and carried away the goods on two
horses, and promised to return soon, which they did
the next day. They robbed the shop of George
Flughardt, whom they murdered, and threw into
the street what they did not care to take away
with them. After that they made a second visit
to Kraszewski's place, robbing it, and throwing out
many things. They also took horses and mules
wherever they found them. This affair lasted till
about two in the morning. Two Americans, whom the
robbers demanded of John Forster to kill them, with
Forster's aid escaped, and reported the matter at
Los Angeles. All this was toward the end of De-
cember 1856. Sheriff Barton came with a party of
six men, though he had been warned on the way not
to go farther with so small a force. About 16 or
18 miles from San Juan. Barton at the head of four
men — the other two being from 50 to 100 yards be-
hind— going along on the road behind a knoll, was

676 BANDITTI.

attacked by the highwaymen, the two men who were
behind ran away, gave information at Jose Sepulveda's
rancho, and pursued their way to Los Angeles.
Barton and his four men were killed. The mur-
derers returned to San Juan, where they talked
bravely, Baying that they belonged to an organization
of five hundred, and that the same night the principal
houses of Los Angeles had been plundered, one of
them being that of W. Childs, whose safe had been
broken open. They stayed some hours, took provis-
ions out of the shop of a Portuguese without paying
for them, and departed. Another party started under
Tomd-s Sanchez, from Los Angeles, against the male-
factors, and saw them, but they did not come to
blows. Andres Pico also came out with another
party of native Californians. Both parties hotly
pursued the robbers. Flores and two others were
caught in a narrow canon. Juan Cartabo and another
were finally taken and strung up on the spot now
known as the Canada de la Horca. Flores managed
to get away, the other two were taken to Santa Ana,
to the house of Teodosio Yorva, tied, laid down on
the ground, and watched ; but they escaped. After
that a continual search was kept up by the people
until Flores was recaptured, and taken to the jail from
which he was removed only to be hanged. The rest
of the Manilas were captured at different places and
killed, excepting the Chino Varelas, who was spared
on account of his youth; and one who escaped to
Lower California, and was killed there in some politi-
cal emeute. The chief men of the Manilas had been
Pancho Daniel and Flores. The former rarely
showed himself except during the night. When
Barton was killed a boot was found with a pistol hole
through its leg, which was recognized as Daniel's.
It was proved against him afterward in Los Angeles,
and made part of the evidence which led to his being
hanged. The Manilas had a countersign. They
were accustomed to post guards who challenged per-

SAN DIEGO FRIGHTENED. 677

sons approaching. " Quien Vive ? " the answer being
" Isla," alluding, probably, to San Quentin, which the
Mexicans and Californians often called La Isla. The
second challenge was " Que gente ? " and the answer,
" Manila."

The occurrences at San Juan Capistrano were
related to me together with many details by Kras-
zewski himself. For events in Los Angeles I have
placed faith on the narrative of Antonio Franco Cor-
onel, one of the investigating committee in the matter
of General Bean's murder. Much credit was due to
Sheriff" Tomas Sanchez for clearing the country of
criminals. Being a man of ample means, and of great
popularity among the Californians, he not only took
an active part personally in the persecution, but had
all the time at his command a force of men supported
by himself, which he kept in constant motion. Those
were difficult times, and Mexicans and Californians
would have fared badly, because they were all unjustly
suspected of sympathizing with the banditti, and
even of rendering them aid. Fortunately, a young
American lawyer, of ability and uprightness, Joseph
Brent, who was esteemed by the whole community,
acted as the mediator of the native Californians, and
his wise counsels and offices averted many difficulties.

In August 1858, a rumor was set afloat in San
Diego to the effect that the town was to be attacked
and pillaged by the horde of fugitive marauders and
outlaws who had taken refuge on the southern border
from the storm that had been raised against them in
Alta California. The week of the annual feast at
San Luis Hey was designated as the time when the
bold attempt was to be made, and, on investigation,
the report being found to be based on reliable data,
the wildest excitement prevailed in the town. A
meeting was called at the armory of the San Diego
Guards, and measures taken to protect the town,
which were kept up for many nights, but the attack
was never made. The incident, however, aptly illus-

678 BANDITTI.

trates the anarchical condition of affairs in certain
portions of the state at that time.

Two years after the fall of Joaquin Murieta, Ti-
burcio Vazquez began his career of crime. He was
born at Monterey in 18 39, and received a fair English
education. He was of mixed Indian and Mexican
blood, bold and cruel, alert and cautious. One night
in 1854, young Vazquez attended a fandango in Mon-
terey, and became involved in a quarrel with another
Mexican about- one of the girls in the room. A con-
stable interfered to quiet the disturbance, when Vaz-
quez stabbed him to the heart. He became an outlaw
for a time, but the matter was misrepresented to the
court, and the excitement blew over. In 1857, he
was convicted of horse-stealing, and sentenced to the
state prison. He escaped from San Quentin in June
1859, but was again convicted of horse-stealing the
August following, and returned. Both terms expired
in 1863, August 13th, and Vazquez walked forth a
free but not a reformed man. In the latter part of
1864, an Italian butcher was murdered and robbed at
Enriquita. Vazquez acted as interpreter at the coro-
ner's inquest. It was afterward discovered that he
and a Mexican, named Faustino Lorenzana, had com-
mitted the deed ; but they had in the mean while dis-
appeared from that district.

In 1865, Vazquez eloped with a young daughter of
a ranchero living near the base of Mount Diablo, and
took the road for Livermore. Her father overtook
them, however, early next day, and a pistol fight be-
gan. Vazquez received a shot in the arm, and fled,
while the daughter, also wounded, was left swooning
in her father's arms.

In 1867, for stealing cattle in Sonoma county, Vaz-
quez was again thrust into San Quentin, whence he
was discharged June 4, 1870. In the following au-
tumn he united himself with two others, Procopio, or
Red-handed Dick, and Juan Soto, and together they
ravaged the counties of Santa Clara, Monterey, Fresno,

EXPLOITS .OF VAZQUEZ. 679

and Alameda, stages being robbed, ranches plundered,
and horses run off, in swift and startling succession.
Juan Soto was soon afterward shot dead in a hand-to-
hand battle with Sheriff Morse of Alameda, and the
others fled to Mexico, but in a short time returned to
San Francisco, where Procopio was arrested. Vaz-
quez then, in company with two or three other despe-
radoes, selected Cantua canon, a narrow defile in the
mountains near the New Idria mines, as his retreat,
and thence descended upon the neighboring regions.
They stopped the Visalia stage near Soap lake, robbed
the passengers of everything, tied them, and laid them
on their backs in a field, and drove the stage round
the point of a hill, out of the view of passing teams.
They then robbed three or four teamsters on the road
to Hollister, and later the same day, Vazquez, being
alone, stopped and robbed Thomas McMahon, later a
leading merchant of Hollister, of $750 in gold.

These outrages stirred up the country, and the con-
stable of Santa Cruz, following hotly on the trail of
Vazquez, overtook him, and a fight took place, in
which both were severely wounded. After he was
shot, Vazquez rode sixty miles to his hiding-place in
Cantua canon, and nearly died from loss of blood.

Weary of small game, Vazquez conceived the pro-
ject of robbing a railway pay-car. Associating with
him a few determined men, he selected a point between
Gilroy and San Jose, and began to tear up the track.
They were rather slow in their work, and the train,
ten minutes ahead of time, came down upon them be-
fore they were ready, whereupon they scattered them-
selves.

About 7 o'clock in the evening of August 26, 1873,
two Mexicans, from the direction of the New Idria
mines, rode up to Snyder's store at Tres Pinos, and
dismounting entered, and engaged the clerk, John
Utzerath, in conversation. Presently, five others
rode up and dismounted. Three of them, one being
Vazquez, remained outside, while the four others en-

680 BANDITTI.

tered the store, levelled their pistols at the inmates,
six or seven in number, and compelled them to lie
down on the floor, in which position they were tied,
and robbed. The brigands then ransacked the store,
taking all the cash, and considerable clothing, provi-
sions, and tobacco. While these things were trans-
piring within, Vazquez was holding a bloody carnival
without. A Portuguese sheep-herder, who had just
put up his flock, was entering the store, unconscious
of what was going on, when Vazquez ordered him to
stop. Not understanding him, he paid no attention
to the command, whereupon Vazquez fired upon himt
the ball taking effect in his mouth, causing him to
fall, and as he attempted to rise, the robber fired
again, killing him outright. Haley, a teamster who
was on the road, was ordered to lie down, and on at-
tempting to discuss the question, was knocked sense-
less by a blow from Vazquez' pistol, in which condition
he remained for some time. George Redford, a team-
ster, was attending to his team, which stood in front
of the store, when the shooting began. Vazquez or-
dered him to lie down, but the poor fellow, being
quite deaf, could only understand that he was in
danger, turned and ran toward the stable, but was
shot dead by Vazquez before he had reached the door.
Scherrer, a blacksmith, was out in the road when the
affair began, and ran toward Davidson's hotel, near
the store. A shot from Vazquez' pistol whistled over
his head as he gained the building, and rushed on up
stairs. Davidson, his wife, and brother-in-law, were
in the hotel, and Mrs Davidson coming forward to
close the door, one of the robbers called out, "Close
the door and keep it closed, and you shall not be
harmed." She had nearly complied, when Vazquez
rushed up and fired through the door, the shot pass-
ing through the heart of Mr Davidson, and he feh1
dead into the arms of his wife. .Having finished their
work of murder and pillage, the robbers took seven
horses from the stable, and escaped to the mountains.

CAPTURE 'OF VAZQUEZ. 681

One night in December, Vazquez, with eight native
Californians, two Americans, and a negro, tied their
horses on the bank of the river opposite Kingston,
Fresno county, crossed a bridge on foot, and took pos-
sess on of a hotel and two stores on the main street.
They bound and robbed thirty -five men, in addition
to the hotel and stores, getting a considerable booty,
and having successfully given battle to the citizens,
who had collected under arms, made good their escape.

The sheriffs of half a dozen counties then began to
camp on the trail of the robber, and it was not long
before the hitherto lucky villain was in the grasp of
the law. On the 14th of May, 1874, the plan for his
capture having been perfected with the utmost secrecy
and skill, a party of eight men under the leadership
of a sheriff's officer, suddenly made a descent on the
house of Greek George, near Los Angeles, where
Vazquez was known to be, and surprised hini at the
dinner table. He had disencumbered himself of his
arms, four revolvers and a Henry rifle, and was in no
condition to face his foes. Leaping through a back
window with the agility of a cat, Vazquez stood for
a moment undecided, rushed for his horse, but was
struck by a rifle ball. Turning, he was struck again;
and thus shot after shot told him that his game of
life was played to the end, whereupon he threw up
his hands, walked toward his captors, the blood
streaming from his wounds, and said, with a faint
smile:

" Boys you have done well ; I have been a damned
fool." He was hanged at San Jose on the 19th of
March, 1875.

Santo Sotelo, half brother of Chico Lugo, and
companion of Jose Tapia, the last of a band infesting
southern California for a year previous, was caught in
July 1877. After the capture and conviction of
Lugo and Tapia, Sotelo was left alone. He was
tracked to a canon in the San Bernardino mountains.
To escape detection he shaved his face of its shaggy

682 BANDITTI.

beard. The capture of Sotelo was in this wise:
While riding near Lake Elizabeth, a young Califor-
riian, Rafael Lopez, saw in the distance a horse tied
to some bushes. Approaching cautiously he discov-
ered the figure of a man prostrate upon the ground
under the shade of a tree, tranquilly smoking a
cigarette. Young Lopez recognized the robber in-
stantly, and determined upon his capture. Fastening
his horse he crept stealthily up behind the tree until
he almost stood over Sotelo, when he placed the
muzzle of a pistol in his face and ordered him to keep
quiet, which the robber did not fail to do. Alone
Lopez then performed the difficult and dangerous feat
of binding and bringing to justice the outlaw.

But not to Joaquin, Bell, and Vazquez belong all
the honors of Californian brigandage. Dropping back
into more exclusively pastoral times, we find that
second only to the Mexicans was the aboriginal high-
wayman, who to become a first-class robber must
be civilized. An Indian of San Francisco, christian-
ized under the name of Pomponio, was in 1823 the
terror of the shore and bay, from Santa Cruz to
Sonoma. The natives he robbed of their women,
and the missions of their goods. He killed ad libitum,
the assassination of his fellow savages being his special
delight. Pomponio was chief of quite a band. One
of his lieutenants was Gonzalo, a neophyte of Carmelo,
and a man of extraordinary determination. In one
of his raids Gonzalo was captured, and confined at
Carmelo in irons, with a heavy ring round each ankle,
and both rings secured to a post in such a manner
that he could not extricate himself, though his hands
were free. He well knew that death or some terrible
punishment awaited him. I have it on good author-
ity, incredible as it may appear, that while the guard
was asleep, Gonzalo deliberately drew his knife which
had not been taken from him, and cut ofF both of his
heels, so as to slip his feet out of the rings, and thus

THE GENTLE SAVAGE AS HIGHWAYMAN. 683

effected his escape. History records no instance of
greater coolness and nerve than this of the San Fran-
cisco bandit savage. Finally, after a long career of
crime, once, while hotly pursued, Gonzalo's horse fell
with him and broke his leg. Through the assistance
of Pomponio he escaped capture, but he soon saw
that his time on earth was drawing to a close. He
was anxious now to achieve heaven, though in the
heaven of the highwayman where all steal, the ques-
tion might arise who were there to be robbed, and if
it was heaven to the victims ? However this might
be, he was as determined now to have heaven, as ever
he had been to cut a throat ; so he asked Pomponio
to summon a confessor. But Pomponio objected to
confessions upon principle, especially where something
not to his benefit might be said. So instead of going
for a priest he ran his lance through his comrade, thus
saving much needless trouble.

Another of his lieutenants, Baltasar, from the Sole-
dad mission, being mortally wounded near Santa
Cruz, begged Pomponio to hasten with him to the
church, where he might receive spiritual aid. Him
likewise Pomponio killed and burned. A native
wood chopper in the Santa Clara forest he burned
upon his own wood-pile. Pomponio once took a son
of Reyes Berreyesa into the woods to kill him ; but
the bandit's companions begged for the boy's life and
saved it. The chief could not, however, refrain from
stripping and beating the boy, and sending him naked
to his lather with the message to come and catch
Pomponio if he was a man. Pomponio was finally
captured, and shot at Monterey the 6th of February,
1824.

A little later we find the Indian robber Y6scolo, a
neophyte of Santa Clara, and his brother Julian, both
chiefs of robber bands, and famous before 1843. They
were the terror even of professional horse-thieves,
whom they often attacked and slew, driving off their
booty. Sexgil was another noted robber-chief of

684 BANDITTI.

this epoch. The brothers, Y6scolo and Julian, re-
mained united till 1843, when the former was killed
and beheaded in Sierra Azul de Santa Clara by five
Spaniards. Julian badly wounded, escaped with the
band, for which good fortune they were indebted to
the roughness of the ground. Shortly after Julian
and Sexgil were pardoned by the government on con-
dition of their extirpating the horse thieves with
which this region was infested; but proving worse in
their depredations than the thieves they were sent to
catch, they were finally transported to Mexico as
convicts.

Domingo Hernandez made killing foreigners a
specialty. He was born at Monterey, and in 1842
was a cavalry soldier. Of medium stature, bronze
complexion, with large head and broad shoulders, he
was at once active and strong. His mouth was
enormous, and the teeth set wide apart, so that how-
ever horrible might be his frown, his laugh was worse.
In 1846 he deserted from Torres' force, and with
Capistrano Lopez and others went to Natividad and
engaged in stealing cattle. This Capistrano Lopez
was quite notorious. During the revolution of 1845
against Micheltorena, a soldier was despatched by the
general with despatches from San Fernando to Mon-
terey, who, on his return, was waylaid on the edge of
the woods opposite David Spence's rancho, by Capi-
strano Lopez and his party, robbed of $800 in Mexi-
can gold which the general's wife had placed in
charge of the soldier to take to her husband, and
murdered. The body was left unburied, and the
bones were still on the spot in 1848. If Californian
accounts are true, Lopez had been a traitor to his
country before the Americans seized it. They say
that when Fremont was entrenched on the Gavilan,
where a large Californian force under Castro was on
the point of assailing him, Lopez was sent to spy his
movements, He then visited the American camp

HERNANDEZ THE SPECIALIST. 685

and advised Fre'mont of Castro's plan, which service
was rewarded with six Mexican doubloons. Fremont
and his men that night slipped away. Another time,
in the latter part of 1846, when the American con-
sel, Larkin, was a prisoner at San Luis Obispo, in
the hands of Francisco Rico, who held him as a hos-
tage, Lopez, with two others, Chavez and Espinosa,
plotted to kill Rico and Jose' Antonio de la Guerra,
and rescue Larkin. Rico escaped in the night. I
have the particulars of this affair from Rico himself.

Hidden by the Cuesta de los Pinacates, Hernandez
and his fellow-bandits would shoot passengers whom
they imagined carried valuables. If any one escaped,
he was waylaid a second time at the mouth of the
Canada. The bodies of the victims were left unburied,
arid the horses allowed to go with their saddles on,
for the robbers did not want any tale-telling trumpery.

Hernandez was at last captured, tried by Judge
Serrano and a jury at Monterey, and sentenced to be
hanged. A number of sympathizers from among the
Bear party men and the volunteers having made some
demonstrations toward rescuing the prisoner, the judge
obtained from General Kearny a guard of thirty men,
under Captain Burton, to be present at the execution.
There was nothing present for the purpose but a well
rope, which broke, letting fall the prisoner to the
ground. This was regarded by the Californians pres-
ent, who had never seen any executions by the rope,
as the will of God, and they shouted, "Viva Nuestra
Senora del Refugio." The perplexed judge, from whom
I have a full account of this affair, after a short con-
ference with Captain Burton and the priest, resolved
to take the prisoner back to the jail, where he left
him unguarded in the room that had served him as
capilla. Both judge and priest gave Hernandez no
little good advice as to the way he should live, and
sympathizers made up a purse for him. That same
night the fellow slipped off, and on the following day
some one complained to the judge that Hernandez

686 BANDITTI.

had but a while before been gambling with him in the
custom-house corridor, and the villain having lost, he
pounded the winner and took away the money.

Hernandez continued his criminal career on the
Soledad road. He boasted of the way he used to kill
travellers who had the appearance of foreigners. He
would ask the victim for a cigar, or a light, and pre-
tending to be occupied with the cigar, he would let
the traveller advance a few steps, and then shoot him
from behind. He said that he would never spare a
foreigner, and had a string of foreigners' ears fastened
to his saddle-bow. Another artistic way he had of
murdering was by striking a knife half a yard long
into the shoulder blades of a traveller as he passed
him. He enjoyed the victim's agonies, and would kill
without expectation of obtaining any booty. Her-
nandez at last came back to his former haunts at Na-
tividad, and to the rancho de las Aromas. He often
visited San Francisco, in disguise, and under an as-
sumed name. At Santa Cruz, he and his associate in
crime, Capistrano Lopez, were captured and hanged
by the people. Thus ended the career of these two
monsters. •

Francisco Hernandez, a brother of Domingo, was a

' ^j '

lazy, drunken gambler, cattle-thief, and bad character
generally. His exploits were about the Canada del
Gavilan, in the centre of well-stocked ranches. The
cattle he stampeded and rounded up afterward he
slaughtered; the hides he sold to dishonest dealers,
of whom there were too many at hand at Monterey
and San Juan Bautista. He would in gambling be-
come so absorbed in the play as to forget his horse,
which would remain tied to a fence for hours, and
even days, without food or water, if others did not
provide for it. Once he took his wife and children to
Vallecitos, and left them in charge of his brother
Agustin. After many months of absence on his crim-
inal pursuits, he came back when he was not expected.
His wife was enceinte, Agustin rushed out, revolver

SOME BLOODY WORK. 687

in hand, and ordered him to leave without dismount-
ing, as he was no longer recognized as her husband,
having neglected to provide for her during so many
months. Leaving the premises, Francisco joined the
Daniel band of highwaymen at New Idria, descending
to Los Angeles, and disappeared. Some think he was
slain by his personal enemies, and others that he was
hanged by vigilants. His wife, in later years, became
eager to abandon Agustin, of whose mode of living she
knew not, but suspected his complicity with Tiburcio
Vazquez in some murders and other criminal acts.

Juana Hernandez, the wife of a drunken vagabond
living on the Calabazas laguna, came to Monterey in
1843, and became the mistress of Alferez Marquez,
one among the worst of the officers in Micheltorena's
famous battalion of cholos. Some time afterward her
husband died, and it was suspected that she and her
paramour had poisoned him. In fact, both she and
Marquez committed themselves, and revealed the plot
before Judge Serrano. The revolution against Mi-
cheltorena having broken out in 1845, and martial
law being proclaimed, the two escaped. Marquez
went south, and later departed for Mexico, where he
was for a time a school-master at Hermosillo, and
afterward lighthouse-keeper at Mazatlan. Juana,
who had returned to her rancho, while drunk was
burned to death, and was buried at Santa Cruz.

In 1875, on the 4th of December, six Mexicans of
Chavez' band entered the store of the brothers Gaskill,
and robbed it, first killing L. H. Gaskill. Teodoro
Vazquez tried to murder the brother, but was shot
dead himself. After some more bloody work on both
sides, the storekeepers hid themselves, and the house
was plundered ; the robbers afterward rode off toward
Fort Yuma, killing Alphonse Leclaire and Antonio
L. Sosa, and committing wanton depredations as they
went. Three of the bandits only were able to travel.
One was killed, and two were badly wounded. These

688 BANDITTI.

two the sheriff easily arrested, but on the next day
the people took them from his hands and hanged
them.

In 1877, there was a nest of horse-thieves, Mexi-
cans and Californians, just above Los Banos, over the
divide in Merced county. One night in September,
several horses were stolen from the rancho of Hugh
French. Several stockmen, with a deputy sheriff,
went in pursuit, and found Nacho Avila, a notorious
robber, at the door of a cabin. Being allowed to put
on his coat, boots, and hat, the desperado suddenly
fired upon the man nearest him, and wounded him,
though not fatally. The robber was soon riddled, and
finally a shot-gun brought him down dead.

It is understood that Anastasio Garcia acted for a
time, during the period of hostilities between the Cal-
ifornians and Americans, as a spy of the latter, about
the region of San Juan Bautista, and was well paid
for his service. Later, he waylaid and murdered a
Mr Wall, on the Guadalupe rancho. Upon the news
reaching Monterey, a brother of the murdered man,
late in the afternoon, came with a number of Ameri-
cans and Californians, among whom was Captain
Joaquin de la Torre, to the assassin's hut, where they
found him in company with his wife. Torre ap-
proached the hut, and demanded that he should come
out, but was answered, "Go away, Joaquin, I have
no trouble with you." But the captain insisting, the
door was suddenly opened, and both men fired their
revolvers simultaneously. Torre's bullet struck the
woman's arm, but that of Garcia had entered Torre's
chest, who fell to the ground dead. The assassin
rushed out, and was met by Wall. Some fighting
ensued, but tne assassin succeeded in escaping into
the Sauzal woods near the hut. After further misdo-
ing, he was caught and hanged.

Stage robberies have been frequent throughout the
entire Pacific slope. The express treasure-box was

THE STAGE BUSINESS. 689

the prize usually sought, though passengers were gen-
erally relieved of their valuables at the same time.
As a rule, life was never taken, except in case of re-
sistance. It was a common occurrence on the stage
lines of Nevada, Idaho, and Montana in 1863, and
subsequently, at some lonely place in the road for a
company of three or four armed and mounted men to
dash up to the stage, stop the horses, cover the driver
with a gun, and order the passengers to throw up
their hands, when one or two of the bandits would
'go through' them.

In 1855, banditti, commanded by Francisco Garcia,
with his assistants, Indian Juan, Bias Angelino, and
Sebastian Flores, infested the Santa Clara mountains.
After accumulating considerable plunder, Indian Juan
desired to retire from active service, when the others
refused to part with him, or to giv*e him his share of
the spoils. He threatened to bring suit against them,
but his threat cost him his life, as Garcia and Ange-
lino shot him. In 1856, Flores became dissatisfied,
and delivering himself to the authorities, turned state's
evidence, thus causing the arrest of his commander,
Garcia, and his companion, Angelino. The latter was
executed, but Garcia effected his escape, continued
his career of crime farther south. Seventeen years
later, he was arrested and tried at San Jose for the
murder of Indian Juan, Flores being a witness against
him, but the evidence not being deemed sufficient, he
was acquitted.

I will mention a few stage robberies as illustrative
of the traffic. On the 12th of August, 1856, the
Comptonville coach, full of passengers, at the crossing
of Dry creek, before reaching Marysville, was stopped
by six mounted highwaymen, who demanded the sur-
render of valuables. The passengers refused, and a
fight ensued, about forty shots being fired. The stage
was riddled, and a number of the passengers were
seriously wounded, but the robbers, whose leader was
Tom Bell, were driven away, and failed to capture

CAL. PAST. 44

690 BANDITTI.

the ten thousand dollars in gold-dust which was on
board the stage.

On the Geiger grade, three miles from Virginia
city, the stage was robbed of $7,000 by six men with
Henry rifles. The treasure-safe was blown open,
shivering the body of the stage by the explosion.
Six days previous $9,000 had been taken from the
stage between San Juan and Nevada by three masked
men, who blew open the treasure-safe. One of them
took from a passenger his loaded revolver, removed
the caps, and returned it to the owner ; no attempt
was made to rob the passengers. This was at half-
past four o'clock in the morning. Immediately the
news reached Nevada. Sheriff" Gentry with six men
started out, and by noon the three robbers were
killed and the money recovered.

Port Neuf canon in Idaho, some thirty miles south
of Fort Hall, was a favorite spot of banditti roaming
the Montana and Utah road. For two years succeed-
ing the opening of the mines of Idaho and Montana
this was the rendezvous of road agents. Through
the canon the road in places was walled with thick
brush, and the whole region round seemed designed
by the devil as the retreat of his special providence.
Leisurely along up the canon came the stage one day
in the middle of July 1865, when from the thick
brush was heard the command to halt; and on the
instant a human form with sooty face stood before the
leaders. Six other human forms with sooty faces
bearing shot guns in their hands then took their sta-
tion round the stage. The passengers were brave,
but bravery here was of no avail. After some fumb-
ling two or three of them pointed their pistols out of
the stage window and fired. As a matter of course
the robbers poured a volley of buckshot from their
guns into the coach. One of the passengers instantly
sank dead ; three others were killed in springing from
the stage; two escaped into the bushes; the driver
was wounded, There was a large amount of treasure

DISOBEDIENT TRAVELLERS. 691

aboard, estimated by some at seventy thousand dol-
lars this being one of the main lines of travel be-
tween the new mines and the settlements. Doubtless
the passengers desired to keep their money. Some
of them would have liked to retain their lives even at
the loss of their gold. The foolish firing of two or
three brought destruction on all, two only ' at great
peril and subsequent hardship' escaping with their
lives. The robbers taking from the dead men the
treasure which they would have preferred to take
from them while living, went their way. Travellers
through a robber infested country should either take
an escort strong enough to fight, or submit with
grace to have their pockets emptied, that is to say, if
with their money they do not wish to lose their lives.
Sooty souls with sooty faces bearing buckshot-loaded
guns in their hand? do not gather in a quiet canon
round a stage containing seventy thousand dollars
either to sing love songs to the moon, or to be fright-
ened from their purpose by a half dozen passengers,
or to stand and be shot at by them.

Stage-drivers, as a class, we find honest, sober, and
trust-worthy; but now and then 1 am obliged to
write one down a villain. Such a one was Frank
Williams, hanged by the people of Montana in De-
cember 1865, for complicity in a Port Neuf canon
robbery. It seems that Williams drove his load into
ambush ; and being suspected, he was narrowly
watched while at Salt Lake city, where he was seen to
spend money freely, scattering several thousand dol-
lars about the town when it was well known that he
had nothing but his wages honestly to draw from.

He was finally arrested at Godfrey's station, be-
tween Denver and Julesburg. At first he was so
overwhelmed that he could scarcely speak ; afterward
he confessed, giving the names of his confederates,
fifteen in all.

In November 1865, the overland stage was robbed
near Virginia city, in Six Mile canon below the Gould

692 BANDITTI.

and Curry mill. There the driver found the road
blockaded with some old sluice boxes and a broken
wagon. Five masked men appeared and pointing three
shot guns and two revolvers at the nine passengers,
ordered all hands up, which mandate was with alacrity
obeyed. The express box and pockets of the passen-
gers were then emptied of their treasures, which
yielded the robbers about five hundred dollars each ;
all were obliged to contribute save one, a woman,
whom the highwaymen would not disturb.

The Indians rifled one of Hill Beachy's stages on
the Humboldt and Idaho road the 9th of November,
1866. This year was remarkable for stage robberies.
Both Marker's and Lotta's stages were stopped on
the 8th of May ; and the same day a like outrage
was perpetrated between Nevada and San Juan.
In this latter adventure the only occupants of the
coach were Chinese, and the banditti reposed such
confidence in the driver that when he gave his word
that the treasure-box was empty, they did not blow
it open. On the Rough and Ready road within one
mile of Grass Valley H. J. Teal was attacked by
highwaymen, and several shots exchanged. This
neighborhood seemed literally alive, with them, or
doubtless it was one band committing numerous dep-
redations. The 8th of December, a Chinaman was
robbed on the Colfax road ; the two above mentioned
the next day; the 10th one Humphrey was robbed
near the South Yuba bridge where Cooper and Kyle
were killed and plundered a short time before ; on
the 9th a Chinaman was robbed on the trail between
Little York and Bear river; and six Chinamen were
attacked by highwaymen near Bear river on the 13th.
In this last encounter the celestials resisted, killed two
of the robbers, and drove away the rest. If through-
out the coast there had been proportionate activity,
a volume would soon be filled with the record.

Two express boxes were on the Boise stage passing
Point Neuf canon one day in May 1868, one contain-

AUSTIN'S STORY. 693

ing $1,800 and the other $10,000. Near their favor-
ite retreat three masked highwaymen appeared and
ordered the driver as usual to throw off the box.
Jehu dropped the one containing the lesser amount
and went his way with the other. From one passen-
ger they obtained $850 in coin. Another with $300
in currency in his pocket swore so stoutly that he
had no money that he was permitted to go unsearched.

S. Austin, stage-driver, tells the following story :
"I commenced. driving stage for John Hailey on the
15th of October 1867, from Umatilla to Meacham's
summit of the Blue mountains. I continued driving
on the route until the 14th of November the same
year, when I was transferred to the mountain route
from Meacham's to Union town, east side of Grand
Kond valley. I had driven but a few trips when I
met several of these parties now arrested, and be-
came satisfied in my own mind from the manner in
which they conducted themselves that they were
getting a livelihood by unlawful means. From this
time I commenced watching every move they made,
and did all I could when meeting them to make
them believe that I was friendly toward them. On
the 16th of June 1868, J. F. Wheeler arrived in La
Grande, in pursuit, as he said, of two thieves en route
for Portland, representing himself as Deputy United
States marshal from Boise city.

"On the 15th of June 1868, I quit driving for a
short vacation, and on the 17th went on a visit to
Walla Walla. The second day after my arrival there
I found Dr La Burr and wife. I had been ac-
quainted with these people some nine or ten years,
having first met them when they lived near Rock
Point, on Rogue river, southern Oregon. I was
anxious to have a private conversation with La Burr,
and so took advantage of the first chance. I went
with him to a watch and jewelry store, where he sold
between $400 and $500 worth of dust, he stating to
the storekeeper that it came from a camp near Shasta

694 BANDITTI.

mines — giving it a name which I knew to be false,
as there was no such place in that section of country.
Before he had got the money for his dust I walked
out of the store, and I again met him as usual. In
the course of our talk he asked me if I had quit driv-
ing. I told him that I had not quit entirely, but
that I expected to soon ; that I had been in the coun-
try nearly eighteen years and always worked for
every dollar I got, and that I had become tired of
hard work, and intended soon to resort to some other
means of making A living. He then asked me if I
thought of taking unfair means to make a raise. I
answered that I did. He then wanted to know if
I was really getting desperate, and I told him that
I was satisfied that the boys knew enough, and if
they would only give me a few points I would soon
be all right. Whereupon he told me to ask John —
meaning J. F. Wheeler — when he came up, for a few
points, and he was satisfied that he would give them
to me, as he liked me very much.

" I then left him, and on the 28th of June, 1868, I
again took charge of my stock. And on the same
evening of my arrival at La Grande, I learned from
Melvin Bailey that Wheeler came up the trip before
I returned, and had gone to Dr La Burr's, his brother-
in-law. Next morning I crossed over the mountain as
usual, and on my return next day I met Wheeler in
La Grande. After supper we took a walk round
town, when he commenced talking of the conversation
I had had with Dr La Burr at Walla Walla. He told
me then that he wanted me to go in with them and
become one of the band. I told him that was what
I was on, but I did not like to go in with a man if
he could not stand up to the work. He said I need
not be alarmed, for he had been in some tight places,
and that he would be true to me to the last. I then
accepted of the position, and was considered as be-
longing to the band.

"During the talk he told me Ls had taken part in

PLAYING TRAITER. 695

a great many highway robberies ; he was one of the
band that robbed Wells. Fargo, & Co. near Virginia
City, in the spring of '67, and in Montana in the
fall of '67, and committed several other robberies
of less importance. He then told me that his busi-
ness down was to pick out a place to rob Wells,
Fargo, & Co.'s express in the Blue mountains, and
that the place they had chosen was a mile on the road
from Pelican station towards Meacham's. He was
going direct home to Boise city, and would send the
boys right down; and that they would be there in.
two weeks at furthest; reporting themselves one at a
time at Dr La Burr's rancho in the valley, when he
would tell them that I was one of the band. The last
thing he said as we parted was : 'Be careful, Doc., and
look out that everything goes right.' I told him I
would do so. Melvin Bailey, who was barkeeper at
' Our House ' in La Grande, informed me from time
to time of the arrival of the boys at La Burr's rancho ;
who had all, four in number, arrived there by the 25th
of July, Dave Johnson, having a lame back when he
arrived at the rancho, got another man by the same
name to take his place. The band, now composed of
George Savage, John Billings, Tom Corey, and John-
son, left the rancho and secreted themselves in the
mountains near to the place that Wheeler had chosen
for the robbery.

"About this time there was a great deal of travel-
ling on the road, and a great many camping over night
near the place that had been selected, so that they
were compelled to change the place to two miles
farther on toward Meacham's. Having learned, as I
believed, what was necessary, I sent for Wells, Fargo
& Go's division agent, Charles Woodward, and made
him acquainted with all the facts. I suggested that
the best way would be to let them go ahead with the
robbery, and afterward go quietly to work and arrest
the whole band, which course of action was agreed
upon. On the 2d day of August, at about five

696 BANDITTI.

o'clock in the morning, I saw some four or five dead
limbs lying across the road, and as the stage passed
over them, causing them to snap and break, the
robbers, at this signal, jumped from their hiding
places, and before I could put my foot on the brake, I
was looking down the muzzle of a double-barreled
shotgun, within six feet of me. The robbers cried
out ' halt 1 ' each one repeating it, which I did. They
then ordered the messenger, J. Sheppard, to throw
up his hands, which he did; then they told him to
throw his gun down. He said he did not have his
gun They told him the third time to throw it down,
and also remarked that they would not tell him again,
when I reached over and took his gun and threw it
to one side of the road. They then ordered the mes-
senger t@ get down, and the passengers, of whom
there were three, to get out of the stage, and marched
them, with their hands above their heads, to about
twenty yards in front of the team, where two of the
robbers stood guard over them.

"I remained in my seat. One of the robbers told
me to throw out the treasure-box, and then to throw
out everything in the boot, which I did. I next
heard them at work breaking open the treasure-box
in the rear of the stage, and as I knew there was
nothing but rocks in it — Woodward took the treasure
out at Uniontown — I was afraid that they might
suspect that I had given some information, and if they
did, I had concluded my time had come; but, as luck
would have it, they did not suspect anything was
wrong. They then opened the mail, and the passengers'
baggage, and took such things as they consid-
ered valuable. Next, they went through the pas-
sengers' pockets. After this I heard one of them
remark that ' this was the damnedest, poorest crowd
he had ever struck.' They then took my leaders
from me, and ordered me to drive up and let the pas-
sengers get in, when they ordered all aboard and for
me to drive on, and that no one should look back.

AN EXTENSIVE CAPTURE. 697

We had proceeded more than half a mile before any
of them spoke, when one of them observed that he
felt a little hungry.

" From information that I gave, John Billings and
Melvin Bailey were arrested at Walla Walla on the
26th of August. On the night of the 27th and
morning of the 28th, in Grand Rond valley, Dr La
Burr, McFay, Dave Johnson, James Wheeler, and
Johnson, were arrested. On the evening of the 29th
I arrived at Boise city, and on the morning of the
30th I found there was no one of the party there but
John Wheeler. As soon as an opportunity offered I
took him out to the edge of the town to have a
private talk. I informed him that Billings and an
old friend of mine had robbed the Warren's express,
forty-five miles out from Lewiston, and that they had
killed the expressman, and broke a merchant's thigh
who was with him and attempted to escape; that
they got $12,000 in treasure, and carried it about
twenty miles and cached it in a cliff of rocks,
that they had come back to Walla Walla valley, and
were now at work in the harvest field.

"This story I told for the purpose of finding out
where the rest of the party were, and it was entirely
without foundation. I then asked him where the
rest of the boys were, and he told me they had gone
to Silver City to make a raid on Beachey's safe ; that
they would do it soon if they had not already. He
then got to talking about Billings, and he said that
he blamed Billings for being too fast; that if it had
not been for him Welch would not have been killed
in the Lemhi robbery last fall.^ I asked him if he
saw Welch killed. He said he did; that he was the
tall one they spoke of being among the robbers.
About ten minutes after this conversation with me he
was arrested and taken to prison by parties who came
with me from Umatilla for that purpose. In a short
time we were on our way to Silver City in pursuit of
the rest of the robbers. We here arrested three,

698 BANDITTI.

George Savage, Goodwin, and one young man whose
name I do not know, and brought them down to
Boise, where we got Wheeler, and continued on our
journey. When within a mile or two of La Grande,
it being very dark and rainy, Savage and Wheeler
made good their escape from the stage. We contin-
ued on to town, and purchased horses and started in
pursuit of the fugitives. On the second day, about
two o'clock, we captured Wheeler within about
three miles of La Burr's house. All the other pris-
oners arrived safe in Portland; Corey and Savage
being the only two of the band at large."

On the Elko road in September 1868 eight masked
men armed with Henry rifles, shotguns, and pistols,
near Cold Creek station, called to the stage driver to
stop and dismount.

" Take the horses by the bits then," said Faulks, for
such was his name. "I have a frisky team to-night."
The robbers complied with this reasonable request, as
horses were not to be brought to a stand by guns.
Next the driver was told to unhitch and take charge
of his team. Two of the five passengers were women,
who were politely assured by the chief of the band
that they should not be molested.

" If we are attacked, it will be about here," remarked
Mr Bichard to Shadrock Davis, the stage-agent, by
whom he was seated on the box, with a slug-loaded
shot-gun across his lap. It was on the Fort Yuma
road, in November 1869, and the place was a ravine
near Pilot Knob. Scarcely was the sentence uttered,
when from the darkness the word "haltl" was heard,
and two men appeared before the leaders. Bichard
raised his gun and snapped the cap, but the charge
did not explode. He then fired the other barrel,
when one of the robbers cried, "My God, I am shot!"
and fell dead. Other banditti now came up, and a
skirmish with the passengers, who were prepared for
them, followed. Finally the robbers were driven off,
after they had killed one of the horses. Three of

ARTISTIC WORK, 699

them were subsequently captured. The desert is a
bad place for banditti. Water and provisions are
scarce, and the places for obtaining them are wide
apart, so that if the attempt prove unsuccessful, their
capture is almost certain. In this instance, one of
them came into a station rather than die upon the
desert.

On Wednesday night, the 20th of October, 1869,
the moon shone brightly as the stage trundled out of
Angeles on the Santa Barbara road. Seven passen-
gers were inside ; Cliff was the driver, and beside him
sat the ex-postal agent and correspondent of the San
Francisco Times. Quarter past six was the hour of
departure, and the occupants of the coach were not
yet comfortably seated when, reaching a point about
a mile from the outskirts of the city, four men, wear-
ing masks of black cloth, with eye-holes, and tied
round the neck, stepped forward from the road-side,
where they had been sitting. Two of them caught
the leaders by the reins, and a third, apparently chief
of the band, rushed up to the wheel, and presenting a
pistol, in a clear,, authoritative, but not unpleasant,
voice, cried, "Hold up there; put down that brake!"
The driver obeyed.

" Keep your horses quiet ; let that gentleman beside
you throw out the express boxes, and there will be no
trouble." Then turning to the ex-postal man, he said,
"Now, hurry up that express matter." Slowly the
ex-postal man drew out one of the boxes, and dropped
it upon the road.

"The other box, and be quick about it." This was
not spoken in a harsh or ungentlemanly tone, but there
was that quiet, self-possessed determination in the
voice that put an immediate end to the ex-postal
man's meditations, and the second box lay beside the
first. The ex-postal man, thinking his work done,
now took his seat, when another order came.

"Get down, and step to the rear of the coach."
This was spoken in a most affable manner, as though

700 BANDITTI.

discipline now secured, the speaker could afford to be
pleasant. At the spot indicated stood the fourth rob-
ber, joined by one from the front.

"Have you any fire-arms?" he demanded of the ex-
postal man, his new acquaintance.

"Yes," was the reply, drawing from his breast a
pistol. Proceeding to the stage door, the chief ad-
dressed one of the passengers.

" Step out, sir; you have a belt, I believe," and there-
upon took from him one thousand dollars in money and a
derringer. The passenger was placed close to the ex-
postal man, face to face, their noses almost touching.
The other passengers were then ordered out, their
money and valuables taken from them, after which
they were arranged in pairs, in position similar to the
first. About two thousand five hundred dollars in all
was thus secured, when the chief robber ordered the
passengers in, and said to Cliff, "Drive on, now, and
be sure you don't come back."

Often, on both the northern and southern overland
stage routes, the stations were attacked, the inmates
killed, the houses robbed, and the stock driven off.
The following is but one of scores of like occurren-
ces. On Christmas eve, in 1870, three Mexicans rode
up to the Mission Camp station on the Tucson road,
thirty-six miles east of Arizona city, killed the inmates,
three men and one woman, rifled the premises, and
starting off were soon over the line into Sonora.

O

It is not often we find a whole hotel seized by ban-
ditti, as happened in the case of the Hoffman House,
at Firebaugh's ferry, the 26th of February, 1873. It
was after supper, when the guests were seated round
the fire chatting and smoking, that there suddenly
appeared in their midst a band of armed men, who or-
dered every one present to prostrate himself upon the
floor, face downward, if he did not wish the assistance
of a bullet in the operation. All were humbly obedi-
ent, and the work of plunder was quietly performed —
so quietly, indeed, that the landlord, who was absent

TRAIN ROBBERIES. 701

at the time, knew nothing of it until he returned. On
entering the door, he found his nose in uncomfortable
proximity to the barrel of a six-shooter, and taking
the hint, he immediately handed the bandit treasurer
the key to his strong-box. Meanwhile the Visalia
stage arrived, the driver of which, with all the pas-
sengers, were soon laid beside the other live corpses.
And all this for $400 in money and $200 in clothing.
Of the marauding party, one was French and the
others Spanish. It hardly paid.

Quite an artistic piece of work was done on the
eastward-bound train from Verdi the 4th of November,
1870. As the train was moving from the station, five
armed men jumped aboard the express-car, and took
possession of the train. The engineer was directed to
stop at a stone-quarry four miles west of Reno. There
the robbers were joined by three confederates, and
$42,000 in gold were taken; $80,000 in silver were
left strewn about the car floor, being too cumbersome
to carry. This illustrates the disadvantage of a me-
tallic currency, and speaks volumes for the demoneti-
zation of silver. During the robbery, the passenger
cars were uncoupled from the others, and placed under
guard. Their purpose accomplished, the robbers or-
dered the engineer to take them one mile farther, and
there drop them, which being done, they struck out
with their booty toward Washoe and Virginia city,
and the rifled train proceeded on its way.

Arrived at Reno the alarm was given. The tele-
graph wires had been cut by the robbers, but they
were quickly rejoined and soon the lightning was car-
rying the intelligence in every direction. Large
rewards were offered by the express and railroad com-
panies. Scouting parties were sent out from Reno,
and detectives employed at San Francisco, Sacra-
mento, and Virginia. The first arrest was that of
Charles Roberts, keeper of the hotel in Antelope
valley, whose house was known to be a rendezvous
for desperadoes. To save himself Roberts made such

702 BANDITTI.

exposition as led to the capture of others. Tilton
Cockerill was taken into custody at the hotel. Sol.
Jones was arrested as he was entering Clover valley,
in Plumas county, by a scouting party, and soon fan-
cied his interest lay in conducting his captors to
the spot where he and Cockerill had planted their
share of the plunder, some $7,000 or $8,000. One by
one the robbers were nearly all captured, and much of
the treasure recovered. The name of the ring leader
was J. Davis, formerly a mine superintendent at Vir-
ginia city, Nevada.

About this time- an eastward bound passenger
train was robbed on the Union Pacific road. Big
Springs, Nebraska, was a lonely telegraph station,
162 miles east of Cheyenne, at which the train stopped
when signaled to do so. The train was due at 10.48
p. M. About half past nine on the night of the 18th
of September, 1877, thirteen masked men rode up to
the station, cut the wires, demolished the telegraph
instruments, and securing Barnhart, the keeper, or-
dered him to put out the red light, and give the
signal that orders there awaited the train.

Barnhart obeyed. Obedience is a cardinal virtue
in this region, and one very generally practised when
gentlemen of the road command. Barnhart did not
want to die. The railway was not his religion;
besides, thirty dollars a month wages did not include
martyrdom. It is well enough to talk to poor men
about being faithful, and dying at their post; but,
how faithful are rich men? how much sacrifice of self
for others may we look for from a railway president
or express manager? The train arrived on time and
stopped. The engineer and fireman were soon secured,
and a guard stationed at each door. The con-
ductor on coming out upon the platform found his
head between two revolvers. He was ordered to
throw up his hands, which command he failed not to
obey. From the express car was then taken $65,000
in coin and some in currency, and the passengers were

EXTENSIVE OPERATIONS. 703

relieved of their money, watches, tickets, and other
valuables. The arrival of a freight train put the
robbers out a little, and hastened their departure.
They mounted their horses and rode northward,
leaving $300,000 unmolested in the through-safe,
which having a combination lock they had not time
to force open.

Before leaving the train the robbers had thrown
water on the engine fires, but after they had gone the
engineer quickly kindled them with the waste tallow.
George Vroman was the name of this engineer, and
he manifested more presence of mind, and bravery,
than any of the others. As the train slackened, after
shutting off steam and reversing his engine in answer
to the signal, a voice called out, "Come down out of
that," and a shot whizzed past his ear. Vroman
sprang through the window of the cab, ran along
the footboard, climbed over the boiler, and hid behind
the dome. There he was discovered and placed under
guard. When ordered to empty the water tanks he
pretended to obey, but evaded the order, so that he
was ready to move on very soon after the departure
of the robbers.

Charles Miller, the express messenger, told a mosis
doleful story. Never should he forget that horrible
night, he said. As the train neared the captured
station he was wakened from a pleasant sleep by the
agent's private signal. He arose and looked out of
the window, saw the red light, and opened his door.
The robbers sprang in, and covering him with their
weapons, broke open the way-safe and took from it
some $400 in currency.

They then directed their attention to the combina-
tion through-safe, which was fastened to the iron-
work of the car, under the messenger's folding berth,
and whose combination was known only to the agents
at Ogden, Cheyenne, and Omaha. The thieves ex-
amined it attentively, while one of them thrusting his
cocked pistol in Miller's face ordered him to open it.

704 BANDITTI.

"I cannot open it," said Miller instinctively pushing
aside the dangerous iron.

"You will, will you?" exclaimed the robber jam-
ming the weapon into Miller's face and cutting his
upper lip so that the blood flowed freely. This
practice with the cocked pistol was continued for some
time, until his head was badly bruised, when other
terrorism was resorted to, as shoving him down upon
the floor and jerking him up, throwing him over a
chair, and like unpleasurable gymnastics. The mes-
senger protested he could not open the safe, and
begged for mercy, until at last, overcome with
pain, he implored the thieves to kill him and
have done with it. The conductor, hearing the
messenger's cries, assured the robbers that it was
utterly beyond his power to open the safe, and
explained to them how it was, so as finally to convince
them. The arrival of the freight train before men-
tioned put a stop to further proceedings. As
Miller's tormentor turned from him to take his final
departure, he placed his revolver against his head and
hissed, — "You dirty whelp; if I thought you knew
that combination I would blow your brains out."

After a detention of an hour, the cut wires were
lapped, the alarm was given, and the train moved on.
The railway and express companies offered $5,000
each for the capture of the robbers and the recovery
of the money. The robbers were pursued, and within
a week, two of them were overtaken between Denver
and Wallace. Showing fight they were killed, and
$20,000 of the stolen money was recovered.

But this is wandering far from our pastoral high-
waymen. The examples here given, however, show
quite a stride of progress in the profession, from the
roadwork of the dashing Murieta and Vazquez to
robbing railway trains beside the wires speeding
lightning intelligence I

CHAPTER XXII.

FOUNDING OP THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

Sed ituiu est in viscera terral;

Quasque recondiderat, Stygiisque admoverat umbris,
Effodiuntur opes, irritamenta maloram.

— Ovid.

WE have elsewhere seen how civilization on the
shores of San Francisco bay had its beginning; it
was also during the days of Pastoral California that
the foundations of the future metropolis were here
laid. It was here upon the border of Yerba Buena
cove that the quiet hold on men of the pastoral period
was rudely snapped asunder by the first great throes
of progress incident to the gold-digging era ; and it is
here, more properly than elsewhere, that we should
take our leave of the old-time regime, and introduce
the new. It is here, more plainly than elsewhere,
that we see coming from over the shimmering sea,
from the far western embrace of sky and ocean, the
golden, glittering light of the setting sun, which
marks the passing hence of the golden age ; on the
morrow begins the age of gold 1

Civilization was a long time in coming hither. The
highest enlightenment of reason was not quick to com-
plete its circuit round the globe. It should not be
forgotten that Pastoral California, vegetating between
the points of time 1769 and 1848, was the beginning
of the end of man's intellectual encompassment of
the earth. Nor would it appear unnatural, that after
a westward glance at the seemingly limitless ocean,
the mind should turn backward to dwell for a moment

CAL. PAST. 45 ( 705 )

706 FOUNDING OF THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

on the ways by which this supreme achievement had
wrought itself out.

From the Armenian Garden, following orthodox
mythology, or from the Bactrian as the Germans
have it ; from Ethiopia, Egypt, or Arabia ; from the
rich and beautiful valleys of the Tigris and the Eu-
phrates, or from the Gobi desert; from Babylon's tow-
er-top, or from the mounts of Caucasas, Altai, or Atlas
—from the primordial centres of population, the
hypothetical cradle of the human race, wherever or
whatever these may have been, thence men primeval
looked to the east and to the west, and taking upon
them their several roles they began their march of
centuries, which was to end only on their reaching
the ends of the earth. On every side of this geo-
graphical centre — so runs the tale — primeval waters
covered the earth, and as these waters receded the
limits of terrestrial life were extended, and the race
dispersed ; yet some say that there was no one common
primordial centre at all, but that every region suffi-
ciently favored by nature had its own centre of popu-
lation, thus making men everywhere products of the
soil.

However this may have been, certain it is that Euro-
pean civilization was, for many ages, confined to narrow
central limits within the temperate zone, and that be-
yond these limits, as beyond the limits of the knowable
of every age and every belief, were the realms of fancy,
inhospitable climes, and supernatural domains filled
with creatures of the imagination, uncouth monsters
and beautiful fairies, seraphs and hobgoblins, angels and
devils. Jove reigned on Mount Olympus, and Pluto
presided over the infernal regions; meanwhile this
earth was measured and mapped, the stars were told,
and the track of the sun marked out as it made its
daily circuit over the heads and before the eyes of
men. Opinion was no less dogmatic then than now.

Strabo, the Greek geographer, undertook to define
the boundaries of the then known world; after him

ONE OF THE EARTH'S ENDS. 707

the Roman, Pomponius Mela, and later still the
Alexandrian, Ptolemy, who embodied in his system
all the knowledge of his predecessors, and whose
works with their twenty and more revisions were the
standard text-books for thirteen centuries— that is to
say from the second to the fifteenth. Ptolemy's
world embraced little more than the shores of the
Mediterranean, those of the Persian gulf and the
Red sea. Northward was a belt of cold, and south-
ward a belt of heat — a frigid and a fiery zone, that
no man might inhabit, nor even so much as pass
through. Nevertheless, somehow in due time men
were crowded through or over these frost and fire
walls, willingly or unwillingly it may have been, forced
to the north and to the south, and were bleached and
blackened thereby; but contemporaneous wise men
apparently knew little of it; nor of these barbaric
migrations, forced or otherwise, have I here anything
to say. It is sufficient to know that in those days, to
men of science and philosophy, the world, which was
the true cosmos or universe, had ends and sides, and
top and bottom ; to the east and to the west were the
ends, on the north and on the south were the sides ;
and these sides, as before said, were impenetrable
walls, a wall of frost and a wall of fire. Heaven
was above and hell beneath; and being unable in the
flesh to attain the one, and unwilling to explore the
other, there was no help for these ancients but to
remain cooped up within some thirty or forty degrees
of latitude, and from their aboriginal centre slowly to
mark out for themselves paths to the eastward, and to
the westward. And this they did ; and after certain
centuries reached the earth's end — that toward the
east on the shores of the China sea being a veritable
end, that toward the west on the shores of what they
called the Sea of Darkness, a hypothetical or imagi-
nary and mistaken end. True, long before Ptolemy,
Plato had peopled Atlantis, and the learned Alexan-
drian geographer knew of the Fortunate Isles, now

708 FOUNDING OF THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

called the Canaries, lying some distance out in thia
sea of darkness, and made them his western limit or
first meridian; which, indeed, save as a nucleus of
poetic myths, seems at that time to have been their
only use. But for several thousand years it was
thought that the ends of the earth had been reached,
that they were separated only by the sea of dark-
ness, and that they were no great distance apart.
Even the daring Genoese himself died in this belief,
supposing that he had only crossed over from one end
of the earth to the other.

Later, notwithstanding the sea of darkness with
its real perils and its fabulous monsters, the leaven of
progress working in compressed humanity, caused
European civilization to burst its boundaries, and a
farther west was found ; first, from the ninth to the
eleventh centuries, by way of Scandinavia to Ice-
land, and Greenland, and Helluland, and Vinland, as
recorded in the sagas of the northmen; and then
again in the fifteenth century, when, after a refresh-
mo1 mediaeval slumber, mankind awoke and heard the

<5

very winds and waves of the dark sea crying for in-
vestigation, whispering of rich realms beyond, of
lands and gold and slaves ; then it was when this be-

o

yond would no longer rest quietly undiscovered, that
Isabella of Spain and the Genoese navigator entered
into a little speculation, if so be they might thereby
control a hemisphere between them. Strangely
enough these tardy . adventurers found the New
World already peopled; whence they tried to tell
but could not. The fathers gazed upon naked red-
painted men and women, then rushed to holy writ
and cried Behold the scattered tribes of Israel!
Philosophers examined tawny skin and lank hair and
astutely considered form and features; then some
said they were Phoanicians, others Egyptians, Scan-
dinavians, Africans, Chinese, Japanese, until the
whole eastern hemisphere was ransacked to find a
father for the Americans,

MISTAKEN IDEAS. 709

But the end was not yet. The Spaniards by sail-
ing west had reached no new western earth's end, but
only, as they supposed, the old east end. Instead of
journeying eastward overland through India, or fol-
lowing the newer route of Prince Henry round the
cape of Good Hope, they had cut across from end tp
end, and distanced Portugal and England, and all the
world. But alas for the geography of Ptolemy, for
the careful calculations of Columbus, for the measur-
ings of worlds unknown, and of seas unsailed I So are
fading gradually all the lines and angles of every ad-
measurement of every beyond ! The globe was larger
by one third than the fifteenth century measure ;
nevertheless, as the Genoese surmised, sailing far
enough in that direction would bring him in some
way around to the other end. That is to say, but
for America, which lay stretched out in mid ocean
almost from pole to pole, and until every foot of it was
surveyed, European navigators did not cease their
attempts to find a passage through, and but for a
mutinous crew that clamored loudly for land, Colum-
bus might have reached India, might by sailing west
have found the east; nay, he was sure he had found
it, for he called the country India West, the people
Indians, and straightway set about looking for the
Grand Khan and the magnificent cities of Marco
Polo. Cuba he knew to be Zipangu, that is to say
Japan, and he made his seamen swear that they had
touched the coast of Asia. But swearing that it
was so, and dying in that belief, did not make it so ;
it was much the same, however, to the unconscious
navigators who sailed to and fro as among the Islands
of the Blessed, fancying themselves meanwhile well-
nigh at their antipodes.

The first Spaniard to touch the continent of North
America was the adventurous notary of Triana,
Rodrigo de Bastidas, who sailed along the shores of
Darien in 1501; but not until Vasco Nunez de Balboa,
in 1513; crossed the Darien isthmus, and stood upon

710 FOUNDING OF THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

the border of the broad Pacific, was the ultimate of
this western earth's end attained. Entering the water,
he stood there knee deep in brine, ranting to the
winds and waves, claiming sovereignty over half the
world, talking to nations beneath his feet, to multi-
tudes of savage islanders, talking to Kamtchatka, to
China, to Australia, and to the two Americas, ten
thousand miles of western seaboard, talking to the old
other earth's end, talking westward to the east, hail-
ing across half a hemisphere of ocean old-time migra-
tors from the opposite direction. And, indeed, he
was the first from the Gobi desert thus privileged so
to talk.

Next the licentiate, Gaspar de Espinosa, explored
the shores of this new South Sea one hundred leagues
northwestwardly, and after him Gil Gonzalez, a little
farther; then Hernan Cortes, with his keen-scented
band, despoiled Montezuma the Second of his Mexican
empire, and afterward surveyed the gulf of Cortes,
now California, taking possession of all the lands he
could hold on every side ; Pascual de Andagoya sailed
southward from Panama, and was followed by Fran-
cisco Pizarro, who vied successfully with all his breth-
ren in avarice and cruelty ; Nuno de Guzman penetrated
northward from the city of Mexico, and Cabeza de
Vaca crossed from Florida to Sinaloa. Ulloa, Coro-
nado, and Mendoza took possession of the seven cities
of Cibola, now New Mexico, and the country round
about ; hundreds of priests and pilferers, for the love
of God and the love of gold, spread out in every di-
rection ; zealous fathers, Jesuit, Dominican, and Fran-
ciscan, ready to lay down their lives for souls, planted
a line of missions, at intervals of fifteen leagues or
thereabouts, nearly a thousand miles in extent, stretch-
ing from Cape St Lucas through the two Californias
to San Francisco bay — a marvel of missionary enter-
prise unexampled in the annals of the church ; Cabrillo
and the English pirate, Drake, sailed northward along
the shores of California ; Monaldo and Juan de Fuca

STRANGE HUMANITY. 711

voyaged to the imaginary strait of Anian, and Captain
Cook, Bodega y Quadra, Maurelle, and Arteaga con-
tinued the survey of the coast to Mount St Elias and
beyond ; French and English fur-hunters crossed from
Hudson bay and the Mississippi river, and the Rus-
sians from Kamtchatka — and the finding of the west-
ern earth's end was complete.

What then ? Six thousand, or sixty thousand, years
had been consumed in this journey from the Gobi
desert to San Francisco, distant apart scarce half the
earth's circumference along the line of the thirty-
seventh parallel straight as the bird flies. True,
other men, somehow, from somewhere, had found
their way thither before Vasco Nunez; but they were
not of this fold, they entered not by the gate, they
were civilization's black sheep, not of Christ but of
Belial, not children of God but children of the devil.
Besides which, they occupied too much land — more
than they could properly account for to their maker,
or to his vicegerent of St Peter's, and had more gold
than was good for naked wild men keeping no bank
account. So the orthodox Gobi desert men turned
to and killed them off, theoretically, because God had
made a mistake after building America in putting
them there, practically because they wanted their
lands themselves. Hence, as a recorded beginning at
either extremity of this ten thousand miles of thirty-
seventh parallel, we have the origin of a race and the
end of a race, a cradle and a grave. Strange that
puritan, priest, and plunderer should join hands in an
unholy crusade on men whose only crime against their
despoilers was in being what God had made them,
and enjoying what God had given them. And look
at the flimsy attempt at justification by civilization for
such diabolicalism. " Better be in hell than unbap-
tized," cried Zumdrraga and his confreres, and straight-
way millions were slaughtered for the meek and lowly
Christ. "Castilians were not made for work," said
Cortes to his companions; "why should we labor with

712 FOUNDING OF THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

our hands for that which we can more easily win with
our swords ? " — so other millions were reduced to
slavery, and made to plant maize, and dig for gold.
Even our latter-day jurists write in their books,
" Barbarous nations have no right to hold large tracts
of uncultivated lands needful to overcrowded civiliza-
tion"; and yet the civilized gentleman may have his
ten or twenty thousand acres of forest or park while
as many fenced-out paupers starve. Why have sav-
ages not the rights of civilized men ? Why may they
not enjoy their heritage, and unfold after their fash-
ion ? Did the almighty make the world cultivated,
and man civilized, or gave he rights to one over an-
other ? Say, rather, that savagisni has not the might
to hold its lands; or better still, say nothing about it,
and let myterious progress have its way. Of a truth,
the Gobi desert men made of this western earth's end
a rare slaughter-house when they had found it. There
was no escape for the poor unbaptized ; Vasco Nunez
with wet feet rang out their requiem from the shores
of Panamd bay, and the end of their thousand or ten
thousand ages of unwritten history is at hand. Whence
they came and why, what they left accomplished, and
whither they have gone, who shall say?

Truly may we declare the finding of this western
earth's end to be accomplished. There is no more
left of this little world within the walls of frost and
fire, no more unoccupied temperate zone, no more of
God's government lands fit for a white man to live on,
which may be had for the clearing of it. The former
littleness of man and the greatness of his surroundings
may now be contrasted with the present greatness of
man and the littleness of his surroundings ; for thus
were occupied six thousand, or sixty thousand, years
in accomplishing a ten thousand miles' journey, which
may now be made between moons.

Now, with the western earth's end found, and its
aboriginal occupants comfortably put to rest, what is
civilization going to do about it? It is well enough

THE PROBLEM Of CIVILIZATION. 713

to look back through history that we may learn what
others have done under like conditions, but nowhere
do we find the conditions ; nowhere in the annals of
our race do we find a society or a civilization similarly
conditioned to that of the Pacific states of North
America to-day. No other part of America or of the
globe was so settled. Never before was one half the
world discovered, seized, and appropriated by the other
half; never before were the native races of so vast an
area annihilated by their conquerors; never before
have all the civilized and semi-civilized nations of the
globe combined their energies to form a new creation.
Many nations have been subdued, annihilated by
other nations; many colonies have been planted in
various parts, at various times, by various peoples,
but never before did all the world unite for purposes
of colonization and settlement. The colonies founded
by Carthaginians and Phoenicians on the shores of the
Mediterranean, and later those of Greece and Rome
in Asia, Africa, and other parts of Europe, were sim-
ply one with the mother country, having no life, or
nationality, or individuality, and though they lived to
be a thousand years old, so long as the mother was
strong enough, or until she died, she nursed them.
Europe partitioned among her nations the two Amer-
icas, and yet the recipients were not satisfied. Each
was keenly jealous of all the others, constantly fearful
lest some part of their sometimes unknown territory
should be infringed on, or that some straggling mer-
chant or trapper should carry away some of their
gold, or peltries, or slaves. Even Isabella of Castile,
a devoted spouse and high-minded woman, would not
allow her husband's subjects the same New World
privileges as her own; indeed, for some time after its
discovery, none but Castillians might go to the Indies
without special license. All this, however, is now at
an end ; colonization was well enough in its way, but
like superstition, and war, and despotism, and bigotry,
— all at certain epochs essential to human progress, —

714 FOUNDING OF THE 'GREAT METROPOLIS.

this latter-day civilization of ours wants none of them.

The world has become so small of late, and its sev-
eral parts brought into such nearness of relationship,
that there is no more room for colonization; and those
superannuated societies, those old offspring that still
cling to their mother's apron-string would do well,
for both parent and child, to sever the connection as
soon as possible. Were Canada to assume a manly
independence, and become a v ital actuality, land would
not be worth twice as much on one side of the Niagara
river as on the other.

California is no colony, nor in the ordinary accepta-
tion of the term, has it ever been. It has been and
is what no other part of the world ever has been or
will be. It is a spot reserved by providence for the
solution of the grandest problem incident to humanity.
It is the last parcel of temperate zone, kept fresh by
nature for the planting of a new empire, whereunto
all the nations of the earth, with all their combined
mechanical contrivances and mental activities, are
contributing of their energies. It is the special do-
main of the new social science, where social evolution
may find freest play, where, stripped of many of the
old-time prejudices, men think for themselves, and
where the survival of the fittest in the world's art,
industry, science, literature, and opinion is sure to
prevail. Into its lap are emptied the world's store-
house of knowledge, the accumulation of all human
experiences. Latest born of nations, all nations as-
semble at the birth. At once the frontier and termi-
nus of progress, it stands out in bold, infantile bigness.
Essentially cosmopolitan, both theoretically and in-
stinctively, it belongs to no polity, sect, or creed, but
to humanity ; any citizen of the world may, in a short
time — too short a time — become its citizen, made one
with its people and its interests. Nominally joined
to a confederation of states, with which it is in hearty
sympathy, and from which it hopes never to be called
upon to separate, really it does much as it pleases, and

A GLANCE FORWARD. 715

feels the pulsations of prosperities and panics on the
other side of the continent only in a faint degree.

And as with California, so with the rest. Few
parts of the world present such unique and varied in-
terests as this western coast of North America. Few
parts of the world ever so drew on every other part;
like the prevailing winds and oceanic currents along
its borders, the intelligence and industries of all nations
flow thereto. Few parts of the world, in regard to
its natural products, were ever so drawn upon by
every other part; grain from valleys and table-lands,
and gold from rich gulches and metal- veined sierras,
the one giving life to man, and the other to commerce,
under some one of their several influences penetrate
the remotest channels of human intercourse. Besides
this, there are numberless correlative cords of greater
or lesser tension — cords of remembrance, that draw
the wanderer ever toward his early home ; oppugnant
cords of ambition, avarice, which at the first were im-
proving industries, laudable activities, and praisewor-
thy enterprise, but which later stiffen into shackles,
fossilizing the features, and steeling the heart, and
drawing the victim ever farther and farther from the
redeeming memories of a purer life; cords of inter-
twined affections, not without overstretchings, and
sometimes snappings, but which will not be wholly
put aside or uprooted; cords of prejudice, of patriot-
ism, of fanaticism, of numberless loves and hates, ra-
diating hence as from a common centre to the farthest
corners of Christendom and pagandom.

Now, without attempting the r61e of prophet, stand-
ing here by Yerba Buena cove, on the site of the future
metropolis, there are some things connected with the
future of this Pacific domain which, in the ordinary
course of human events, may with some degree of
certainty be anticipated. For example, we may claim
for our Pacific empire, whether it be composed of one
nation or of several, a unity found in no other terri-
tory of equal importance and extent on the globe.

716 FOUNDING OP THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

First, the boundaries of this territory are well defined ;
not imaginary, nor hypothetically drawn, but fixed
and determined as walls of adamant, and by nature
herself. On the one side is the continental axis, in
the form of a series of continuous, irregularly-terraced
mountain ranges, which, as a mountain system, with-
out including that of South America, rightly belong-
ing to it, is the longest and broadest line of elevated
surface on the earth. And if this Rocky mountain
chain be not protection or impediment enough, there
is yet another higher, more sharply-defined, and pre-
cipitous parallel range, with a nomenclature beginning
at the north with the Alaskan mountains, continued
by the Cascade range, the Sierra Nevada, and finally
subsiding toward the southern extremity of Lower
California — an inner wall, giving to the country its
climate, and to the people their character; checking
the moisture-laden currents from the Japan sea,
wringing from the clouds their fertilizing dew, and
throwing it back upon the western slope; meanwhile
checking somewhat the arid Rocky mountain air, that
sometimes sweeps down from the treeless steppes and
elevated plains to the eastward ; walling in warmth
and humidity, and walling out cold and dryness, thus
giving to the Pacific coast a higher average tempera-
ture, and toward the north, where the Japan currents
first strike the continent, a moister climate, than that
of corresponding eastern latitudes. On the other side
is a common oceanic highway, inviting to free inter-
course. This two-fold influence, the one barring out
contiguous nations while walling in the states of the
Pacific, the other bringing into nearness the inhabi-
tants of the whole seaboard, and letting light in from
all the world, will shape the destiny of our future
empire.

Though continental, this western strip of Pacific
seaboard is essentially oceanic. There will be little
need here of fighting for an outlet to pent up indus-
tries. Our whole domain fronts on the world's largest

A MIGHTY SEABOARD. 717

maritime thoroughfare. As this planet is laid out and
constructed, we have a first-class location. Measured
from the mouth of the Mackenzie river, along the
border of the Arctic Ocean westward to Bering strait,
thence southward along the Pacific to Panamd, across
the Isthmus, and northward along the gulf shores to
Rio del Norte, and seven thousand miles of travel
will scarcely complete the circuit.

But how stands the matter in regard to the south-
ern portion of our Pacific territory, where the conti-
nent narrows down to a succession of isthmuses, the
last of which, obnoxious to commerce — all the more
tantalizing by reason of its insignificance — is but a
mere thread, holding together the two continents.
What elements of unity are here ? what affinity can
exist between this and the region to the northward ?
Surely Mexico and Central America should form an
exception to the rule. There is no spot on earth so
central, none so easily accessible to every other spot,
as this same string of isthmuses. Its shores are
washed by the two mightiest of oceans ; it is equally
convenient to both sides of the two Americas, to
Europe, to Asia, to Africa, and to Australia. It is
the natural pivot upon which the commerce of the
world should turn; the balance of trade should be
always in its favor. It should be the common fair-
ground of nations for the interchange of the world's
knowledges ; of arts, of industries, and of science ; of
merchandise, money, and mind. Besides its magnifi-
cent central situation, with the eyes of all continents
and great islands ever upon it, its interior is one of
the most lovely and favorable retreats for man.
There, indeed, the primitive races of America attained
their highest culture. Descending from the north,
the Rocky mountain chain as it enters the hot and
humid air of the tropics, rises into cooler and more
healthful regions, and flattens out in a broad plateau,
or series of plateaux, delightful for the abode of man,
where reigns perpetual spring, and fruits and flowers

718 FOUNDING OP THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

never cease to come and go, — a happy Absynian
Valley, fit for Plato's Republic, or More's Utopia.

What, then, prevents this fair domain from asserting
its sovereignty, and becoming the new Venice ? Simply
this : it is walled up, shut in on every side but one,
and that opening to the north and into the temperate
zone of our Pacific territory. Lest this fair land
should play the wanton with less favored spots, nature
surrounds her borders with a miasmatic tierra caliente,
which renders the occupation of her shores impossible
to any but the acclimated. So deadly is the influence
on Europeans of the swampy exhalations from the
border-lands of Mexico and Central America, that
the oft-repeated attempts to found there large cities
has in every instance proved a disastrous failure.
From the earliest times of which we have any knowl-
edge, the aboriginal inhabitants of the highlands could
not live upon the sea-coast. Now, Mexican mer-
chants, of European origin, doing business in the sea-
port towns, often have their residence in the hills or
mountains back, visiting their places of business at
intervals, and hastening back at the earliest possible
moment. I might cite twenty examples where the
Spaniards have attempted to plant cities on either side
of this land, and failed, at a cost of more than twice as
many thousand lives, — instance Veragua, Santa Maria
de la Antigua, Portobello, old Panamd, Espiritu
Santo, and the like. Hence it is that the only safe
and natural pathway for the occupants of Mexican
and Central American plateaux is northward along
their table-lands, and into the more northerly part of
our Pacific States domain. Let him who does not
see the natural oneness of this region, put two or
three lines of railways from Alaska to the isthmus of
Panamd so that intercommunication, that prime
element of progress, can be free and easily accom-
plished, and the sceptic will not have long to wait
for results.

With a general average climate cold enough to

INFLUENTIAL CAUSES. 719

stimulate to industry, but not so cold as to make
comfort depend on the entire product of man's labor ;
warm enough to invite to refining leisure, but not so
hot as to enervate or sap the energies of body or mind ;
with rain enough to warrant, for the most part, an
abundant harvest but not sufficient — except along the
borders of the aforesaid southern part, insignificant in
area as compared to the whole — to produce a redun-
dant or uncontrollable vegetation, here are all the
elements and stimulants of high culture. Indeed,
that the advanced civilization of the Aztecs, Mayas,
and Quiches, of the southern table-lands, was not
likewise found in the equally favorable parts to the
northward, must be attributed, not to soil or climate,
but to unknown incidental or extrinsic causes, to wars
and social convulsions, to the turnings and over-turn-
ings of the long unrecorded past. So far as we can
now see, there is nothing here to prevent man from
being master, nothing to prevent the complete sub-
ordination of nature, and the complete develop-
ment of mankind in perpetual unfoldings. Although
extending almost from pole to equator, intersecting
nearly all the northern latitudes, there are fewer
extremes of climate in what may be termed the habi-
table portions of the Pacific States than one at the
first glance would suppose. And this freedom from
extremes I hold to be the fundamental element of
progress, of perfect living, and happy dying; this
freedom is a freedom from the greatest curse human-
ity is heir to, from indeed the only evil, the imperson-
ation of all evil, — extremes of opinion, of action;
extremes in religion, in polity, and in society. Nature
herself teaches us the lesson; our very mother earth
for the highest perfecting of her children must be
moderate, neither too much gentleness nor too much
harshness, neither sterility nor redundancy, neither
bleak hills and barren plains, lest the people starve,
nor an undue or superabundant vegetation, lest man

720 FOUNDING OF THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

be overwhelmed, and swallowed up by it ; for in either
case how shall he obtain the mastery over material
things, still less over ignorance and superstition ?

Along the shores of the Arctic ocean and the
strait of Bering, the Eskimo, for three-fourths of the
year, dozes torpidly in his den, and must forever so
doze, unless his climate changes. His three months
of nightless summer are an insufficient compensation
for his three months of sunless winter, and the six
months of glimmering twilight. The lowlands of
Central America, under a vertical sun, which lifts un-
ceasingly the waters from either ocean, and pours
them on the land, covering the swampy soil with a
dense damp foliage of hot-house growth and decay,
generating disease and death, is a fitter home for
noxious reptiles and wild beasts than for civilized
man. A fringe of cold and heat at either end, and
on the side dryness; for besides the ill-fated hyper-
borean and tropical man, the root and reptile-eating
cave-dweller of the Great Basin, between the Sierra
Nevada and the Rocky mountains, are equally unfor-
tunate. There alternate barren hills and treeless
plains and rainless seas of sand, which afford cold
comfort for man and beast. Thus we find the seat of
our imperial domain well-nigh circumscribed by ill-
favored elements, while one of the fairest portions of
earth lies within, basking before the broad Pacific sea.
At either end and on the western side are the extremes,
cold and heat, and dryness, and these and all other
extremes men do well everywhere to shun — but the ill-
favored borders as compared to the territory enclosed
is insignificant both in area and importance. At the
extreme north and south rain falls often and abun-
dantly, while the portion intermediate is watered al-
ternately— the northern part in the so-called winter
months, and the southern part in the summer. It
were easy to show, likewise, that in the scarcity of
great navigable rivers, railways and the ocean will
direct traffic, making one place almost as accessible as

THE WORLD ENCOMPASSED. 721

another, throwing all into contiguity with less pro-
vincialism and clanship than are found in older
societies.

In the geological formation of the Pacific domain,
nature's convulsive throes are everywhere manifest.
Its origin is igneous rather than aqueous ; fire is the
architect of its hills, and in place of large rivers, and
inland seas, and broad prairies that characterize the
eastern slope, there are mighty mountain ranges
thrown into sunlight from below, and covered with
volcanic peaks which stand like plutonic smoke-stacks
all along the seaboard from Saint Elias to Nicaragua,
while the seething Geyser-chaldrons, and innumerable
thermal and sulphuric springs that form the safety-
valves of subterranean laboratories, give warning that
the underlying forge-fires are not yet wholly extin-
guished. Even the hazy morning air, resting on
green hill or more distant purple sierra, betokens its
peculiar creation.

In the absence of many extensive harbors in near
proximity to each other, population and commerce
will be concentrated; there will be fewer large cities
on the western than there are on the eastern coast.
The principal indentations of the western coast are
the open bay of Panamd, the smaller parts of Nicoya
and Fonseca, the great gulf of California, the bays of
San Diego and San Francisco, the mouth of the
Columbia river, and the sounds in the vicinity of
Vancouver, Queen Charlotte and Kadiak islands.
As if to make amends for the scarcity of good harbors
along the shore line of their vast navigable waters,
midway between its hot and cold extremes was fash-
ioned one, which in its formation, betokens the most
skilful art and fairest handiwork.

Such were the paths by which the Gobi desert
men found their way to this western earth's end, and
made ready to plant a new Babylon at Yerba Buena
cove. Climates come and go; on the same spot of

CAL. PAST. 46

722 FOUNDING OF THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

earth we see geologic evidences of vast periods, — now
of Arctic winter, and now of tropical summer. That
which was once sea is now land, and where seas once
rolled mountains now point their summits heaven-
ward. So it is with men in their hopes and fears,
their beliefs and blind imaginings, their hot desires,
and mad ambitions.

Innumerable as are the secrets of the universe,
they reveal themselves to man but slowly. So it was
when cizilization crept from primeval centers seeking
new channels like the melted snow sent by the all-
awakening sun down from the mountain top upon
the arid plain. Cautiously the clouded intellect peeps
from old-time surroundings over the sea of darkness
out into the savage wilderness beyond the limits of
the advancing light.

Why our old teachers, so eager here to make us
understand, should be so backward to enlighten us
when they get to heaven and know as they are
known, none can tell. When in 1769 the Franciscan
fathers went forth to spy out the land northward
from San Diego bay, they marked the places favor-
able to their missions, and from the calendar of saints
and angels drew names to tell the several spots. Now,
Padre Junipero, history relates, was deeply solicitous
that the patron of his order, thrice blessed St Francis,
should have due recognition in the bestowal of names,
to which honor the saint himself seemed indifferent,
for never a day and a bay would he give them to-
gether. In vain the padre president besought God
and asked the virgin's aid. Then he urged the matter
upon the visitador general, Galvez, who bluntly re-
plied, " If our seraphic father, Saint Francis of Assisi,
would have his name to signalize some station on these

O

shores, let him show us a good haven."

So when the little band under Father Crespi, after
wearily plodding along an unbroken sea-coast from
San Diego, first stood upon the highlands overlooking
a broad placid lake-like and well-nigh land-locked

SAN FRANCISCO BAY. 723

/

sheet, fringed with verdure, dotted with green isles,
and filled with noisy water-fowls, and riotous seals
and sea-lions, while over the glittering waters the soft
sweet hazy Californian air cast its peculiar charm,
" Surely," they said, "this must be the bay of San
Francisco." And so it was called. Planned by no
niggardly architect, sculptured by no bungling hand,
broad and deep like a highland loch, with well rounded
borders, and sentinel islands, and massive portals,
with bays within bays, and stretching altogether
sixty miles in length, averaging six miles in width,
with a shore line of two hundred and seventy miles
or thereabouts, San Francisco bay is unsurpassed
in beauty and utility by any the sun shines upon.
Into it flow the San Joaquin arid Sacramento, float-
ing seaward the wondrous mineral and agricultural
wealth of their valleys, while between two cliffs, less
than a mile asunder, is the only channel communicat-
ing with the ocean, the Golden Gate, whicii opens to
the world California's treasures. Here on a peninsula
which separates the waters of the bay from those of
the sea are now being laid the foundations of a
mighty metropolis, the queen city of this coast, while
stretching out two thousand miles to the north, and
two thousand miles to the south, lies the western
world's end, ready and waiting for the great problem
which is to be worked out by the bringing together,
and heaping up, of human experiences, a fair and
chosen spot whereon man may achieve his ultmate
endeavor.

On the northern end of the peninsula, about half
way between the Golden Gate and Clark Point, and
three miles northwest of what was subsequently
called Yerba Buena cove where first the present city
of San Francisco began to grow, at a little indenta-
tion of the shore, was planted, in the year 1776, the
presidio of San Francisco, and on a rocky eminence,
at the narrowest point of the Golden Gate, a fort.
The miniature bay in front of it where all vessels then

724 FOUNDING OF THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

anchored was called the port of San Francisco, and
the mission, which was established some four miles
away over the sand-hills toward the south, on a little
gulf — or lake the father called it — that ran up from
the bay, was at first called the mission of San Fran-
cisco, but afterward was often termed the mission of
Dolores. There was then no town. A few so-called
settlers congregated about the presidio, or took up
their residence at the mission; but all the peninsula,
bay, mission, presidio, and settlement were known
only by the name of San Francisco. Yerba Buena
cove was more sheltered than the port of the presidio,
so that vessels often lay at anchor there for greater
safety. It was likewise nearer to the mission, and a
better landing for that point. Roads ran from Yerba
Buena to the mission and to the presidio, and from
the presidio to the fort, and to the mission.

The first marriage celebrated in the church of the
presidio of San Francisco was on the 28th of No-
vember, 1776, between Francisco Antonio Cordero,
a soldier of the Monterey company, and Juana Fran-
cisca Pinto, daughter of Pablo Pinto, a soldier of the
presidial company of San Francisco. Cordero was
born in Loreto, Lower California, and his bride in
the city of Sinaloa. Father Palou performed the
marriage ceremony. The next marriage was that of
Jose Francisco Sinova, a soldier from Spain, and
Maria Gertrudis Bohorques, of Sinaloa.

On the tenth day of August previous, Palou had
baptized the first white child born in the presidio of
San Francisco, Francisco Soto, a son of the soldier
Ignacio Soto and his wife Maria Barbaro de Lugo.

O

The first person buried in the presidio church was
Manuela Luz Munoz.

On the testimony of Juan Salvio Pacheco, who
came from Monterey in 1810 as a soldier in the mili-
tary company assigned to the presidio in San Fran-
cisco, the first of the adobe buildings at the iort were
then built, and others in process of construction.

VISIT OF ECHEANDfA. 725

All were finished when he left the service fifteen
years later. Mission Dolores was built before he
arrived. At that time, when Mexico was throwing
off the yoke of Spain, the finances of the government
were in a sad state, and loyalty was purchased by the
soldier at the price of his wages. The soldiers of the
presidio were faithful to Spain ; Spain had not where-
with to pay them; consequently for ten years they
were penniless.

The origin of the name of Yerba Buena is as fol-
lows : Between what was later Clark and Kincon
points, there was a cove or crescent at the head of
which, where later was the junction of Montgomery
and Sacramento streets, was a little laguna, lake, or
arm of the bay, on whose borders grew a kind of
mint, the seeds of which were supposed to have been
accidently dropped there by the sailors who used to
land in this cove long before there was any human
habitation. The people prized the herb for its medici-
nal properties, and gathered and dried it for family
use.

Echeandia, the jefe-politico and comandante general,
visited this place in 1827. Leaving mission Santa
Clara on the morning of May 20th, he reached the
presidio of San Francisco at three o'clock the same
day. There su senoria was received by the officers
Ignacio Martinez and Jose Sanchez amid a salvo of
artillery, and the ringing of bells. He passed the
night in the quarters prepared for him, at the break
of day mounted his horse and reviewed the troops,
expressing his pleasure at their proficiency, and his
sorrow that such brave fellows should be in so ragged
a condition and look so care-worn. Addressing his
secretary, Zamorano, he directed that two hundred
dollars should be delivered to the habilitado of the
company wherewith to purchase clothing for such
well-deserving veterans. The jefe next visited Yerba
Buena, ascended one of the seven hills, later known
as Telegraph hill, which overlooked the place, and

726 FOUNDING OF THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

carried away by the enthusiasm evoked by the mag-
nificent scene before him, exclaimed, "How beautiful I
How wonderful ! Mexico does not know what a jewel
she possesses here." While at the presidio Echeandia,
who was an engineer officer, spent several days draw-
ing plans for the building of forts near the entrance
of the bay, taking note also of the islands of Alca-
traz and Angeles as points of defence.

When ready to return Echeandia made a speech to
the garrison of the presidio, praising the men for the
good services they had done to the cause of civiliza-
tion, and assured them that -he would consider it a
high honor to lead them to the field of glory. In
conclusion he said " Your officers have made me aware
of one fact that you are displeased because the gov-
ernment of Mexico has sent criminals to settle in the
country that during so many years you have defended
with unequal bravery. I recognize the justice of
your complaints; and you may rest assured that I
will spare no efforts to induce the government of
Mexico to change its purpose of colonizing California
with convicts."

One night during the year 1840, a panther, which
had been observed for several days prowling about the
settlement, seized and carried off an Indian boy eight
years old from the yard of Mr Leese, where now is
the corner of Clay and Dupont streets. The boy was
not rescued, nor ever afterward seen. During the
same year Captain Phelps whose ship, the Alert, owned
by Bryant, Sturgis & Co. of Boston, then lay at
Yerba Buena, sent his second officer with a boat's
crew to cut firewood at Bincon point. Placing the
firkin containing their provisions in the fork of a tree
the sailors went to work. At noon, on going for their
dinner, they found a female grizzly bear and her cubs
posted round the firkin cooly discussing its contents.
Not relishing the air and manner of the matron, the
sailors beat a hasty retreat, and rushing down to the
beach made for the ship as fast as possible. This

THE BEGINNING OF YERBA BUENA. 727

scene occurred not far from where was placed Folsom
street wharf.

In 1834, General Jose Figueroa, the chief civil
authority of California, in accord with the wishes of
the people of San Francisco presidio, who were un-
willing to continue longer under military authority,
directed that a popular election should be held for a
municipal corporation. Sub-lieutenant M. G. Vallejo,
then comandante of the place, was ordered to remove
the presidial or cavalry company to Sonoma, and
ample powers were given him to form a colony there.

Figueroa was next asked to permit Yerba Buena
to trade with foreign vessels, which hitherto had been
prohibited, the law requiring that vessels should lay
almost under the guns of the fort. This had been the
practice from the earliest days of the presidio, although
duties had been paid on ships and cargoes at the cus-
tom-house of Monterey, and vessels came to San
Francisco under special license. General Figueroa,
being always desirous of promoting the advancement
of California, decreed that the fondeadero, or the
anchoring-ground, of Yerba Buena — so called for a
long time past — should be thereafter the trading place
or port, open to foreign vessels which had entered
their cargoes at the Monterey custom-house, this
privilege being also extended to whaling ships. Pedro
del Castillo, an old resident, was then appointed a re-
ceiver of public revenue.

The alcalde, Francisco Sanchez, being satisfied that
the Yerba Buena anchorage was likely to attain great
importance from these concessions, petitioned Figue-
roa to transfer and found the municipality of San
Francisco at the mission of San Francisco de Asis, or
Nuestra Senora de los Dolores. The former was the
legitimate name of the mission, and on Saint Francis'
day, October 4th, was yearly celebrated by the inhab-
itants and missionaries with feasts and rejoicing ; the
latter was looked upon as a patroness of the mission,
and the people used to shorten the name, and from

728 FOUNDING OF THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

custom during many years came to call the establish-
ment la mision de Dolores. The name of the mission
of San Francisco Solano was also changed by usage
to Sonoma, which is a name of the aborigines of the
place.

Pursuant to the petition of Sanchez, General Fi-
gueroa transferred the municipality of San Francisco
to the mission Dolores, granting to it jurisdiction over
the whole territory of the presidio, including Yepba
Buena, the ranches situated in the Contra Costa, and
even as far as that of Las Pulgas on the south ; all
these places were thus put under the municipal gov-
ernment of San Francisco residing in the mission Do-
lores.

At this time, Jose Joaquin Estudillo, an old military
officer of the presidio of San Francisco, was residing
in Contra Costa with a large family, and having no
land of his own, he addressed a petition to Figueroa
modestly asking for the place called Yerba Buena, to
establish there a small rancho. Figueroa caused an
investigation to be made by the territorial deputation.
Juan B. Alvarado, who later became governor of
California, was then a member of that board, and op-
posed the petition, being prompted thereto, as he says
in a letter which I have in my possession, "by the
conviction that as the port had been opened to foreign
trade by Figueroa, it was very natural that a commer-
cial town should be founded in this place, and there-
fore inexpedient that the land should be granted to a
single person. Whereupon the petition was not
granted. This expediente, which was formed in the
most legal manner, was seen by me in the possession
of a lawyer in San Francisco when the revising com-
mission were examining United States titles, and I
was consulted upon its validity. I testified that it
had none, for the reasons above set forth. The result
was that Figueroa issued a decree authorizing families
to ask for lots in Yerba Buena, one hundred varas
square for each family."

RECOLLECTIONS OP ALVARADO. 729

The affairs of Yerba Buena remained in this state
till the death of Figueroa, which occurred in August
1835.

"In this same year," continues Alvarado, "whilst
I was an employe in the custom-house at Monterey,
holding the office of inspector and commandant of the
revenue guards, I was commissioned by the chief of
said custom-house to inspect the revenue collect-
ing office at San Francisco, and to report upon the
state of trade in the place, particularly with reference
to whaling vessels, which in large numbers visited the
port every year to procure fresh stores, and pass the
winter, information having been received that they
were carrying on a large contraband trade by landing
goods, or transferring them to other vessels that had
been already despatched at the Monterey custom-
house with their duties settled for, a practice most
detrimental to the interests of the public treasury.
After a thorough investigation, I became convinced
that some measure should be at once adopted in this
matter, for the place, though containing at the time
perhaps a dozen houses, represented, nevertheless, a
rapid progress in trade. On my return to the capital,
I laid the facts before the collector of customs.

"In the following year, 1836, symptoms of revolu-
tion were noticed in the country, arising from the
greatly disturbed condition of Mexico. The result
was a revolution in this country, caused by the differ-
ences of opinion between the inhabitants of the south
and the north, and during which period Yerba Buena
affairs remained unchanged.

"In 1839, when the authorities of Mexico sent me
the commission of governor, and there was appointed,
agreeably to the central constitution, a sub-prefect for
the northern district, this officer was ordered to reside
at the mission Dolores. The sub-prefect's name was
Don Francisco Guerrero, to whom I gave orders to
lay out Yerba Buena, measuring first a public plaza,
and to divide the rest of the level ground into streets,

730 FOUNDING OP THE GREAT METROPOLIS,

thus giving to the place the character and form of a
regular town. Guerrero appointed for this purpose a
person named Bioche, a resident of the place, formerly
a ship-master, a native of Switzerland, and considered
as the only person competent to effect the measure-
ment. It was done ; the plaza was laid out as now
existing under the name of Portsmouth square, or
plaza. The rest was laid out in streets, which em-
braced the ground within Pacific, Pine, and Stockton
streets, and to the bay, the rest of the ground being
then. considered unfit to build on.

" I may be mistaken about the exact time when I
issued this order, but you can easily ascertain it. I
am quite sure that the present city government has
my original order. I also ordained that grants of
fifty vara lots should be made, binding the grantees
to fence their lots and to build on them."

This is the history of Yerba Buena; thus organized
and arranged, it was found by the Americans. As
Yerba Buena was a newly created town, the Mexican
authorities had not time to organize and incorporate
it, so that all that it lawfully occupied was the ground
laid out in streets and plazas under Bioche's plan.
During Alvarado's administration, by request of the
inhabitants of Contra Cesta, he detached that region
from the municipal jurisdiction of San Francisco, and
appointed a justice of the peace, who had his residence
on the rancho San Lorenzo.

Thus came about the beginning of Yerba Buena,
which was, indeed, the beginning of the great metro-
polis, though the site of the latter was not yet deter-
mined. Indeed, few troubled themselves about the
future greatness of the country, though there were
some whose minds occasionally were accustomed to
dwell thereon — men of healthy imagination and sage
counsel, notably Robert Semple, Thomas O. Larkin,
and M. G. Vallejo, who thought upon and believed
in the future of the country, and were of opinion that
the time had come when a spot should be selected the

SITE FOR AN EMPERIAL CITY 731

most favorable for a great commercial emporium.

And having looked about them for the best place,
and having found it, Vallejo said to the others, "You
shall select the site, and I will furnish you such land
as you require, only your great city shall bear the
name of my beloved wife, Francisca." This was in
the autumn of 1846. The two men who thereupon
accepted this trust, in practical sagacity, business abil-
ity, wealth, and political influence combined, were
second to none then upon the coast. Moreover, they
were honest men, something akin to patriots; and al-
though not above the consideration of money in the
premises, yet, while thinking to do the best for them-
selves, they thought to do the best for the present
public, and for posterity.

Glance round the bay; for it is not necessary to
consider if by the bay of San Francisco, or at some
other point, the metropolitan city of the west coast of
North America should be planted ; from Panamd to
Sitka there is no other place. Glance round it then,
and place your finger if you can on another spot so
suitable as the one selected by these three wise men.
Easy enough of access to the ocean, easy ef access to
the great valley of California, with deep waters, good
anchorage, bluff banks, and soft healthful airs, round
all the globe nature nowhere laid out the grounds of
a large city more beautifully or with greater care.
An imperial place men could have made of it. Front-
ing on either side of the strait of Carquinez, and ex-
tending backward and eastward as far as they might
choose to go, there would be no restriction, neither in
land nor water facilities. With nature seconded, and
not wholly subdued, in laying out a city there, the
streets winding gracefully over and about the smooth
round hills, and not pitched at them in straight lines
and angles, as the mad bull goes; with spacious urban
parks, and suburban homestead plats measured not by
inches but by acres ; with the strait and river spanned
by costly and substantial bridges, the whole taking in

732 FOUNDING OF THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

what now comprises Benicia, Martinez, Vallejo, and
Mare Island, Collinsville and Antioch, and as much
IE ore as might be required, I venture once more to
assert, that taken as a whole there is no spot on earth
superior to it. Well and artistically laid out, artisti-
cally and well built, well and honestly governed, and
with men of ability and integrity for citizens, and
graced by virtuous and intelligent women withal, the
place would have been as nearly paradise as this earth
shall ever produce. Athens, Rome, Paris, London,
Venice, Vienna, St Petersburg, and the rest of them
do not surpass what this could be.

On the other hand, the cold, bleak, circumscribed,
sand-blown, and fog-soaked peninsula on wThich the
city of San Francisco is actually placed, was about as
ill-chosen as possible. And for it let the names of
those who thwarted the purposes of better men be
anathematized. I regard it a base act, beside which
ordinary infamy were tame, an act imposing endless
expense, inconvenience, discomfort, and disease upon
millions of men for probably thousands of years, that
two or three persons happening to possess the power
should for petty and personal motives have so treated
California, her present generation, and her posterity.
Washington A. Bartlett, alcalde, worked upon by
some half dozen persons who had invested a few hun-
dred dollars in Yerba Buena lots and shanty -building,
and Joseph L. Folsom, quartermaster, and large lot-
holder, who died early and derived little benefit there-
from, are those to whom we are principally indebted
for this mistake. That in early times it was the
custom of ocean steamers after landing their passen-
gers at San Francisco to proceed at once to Benicia,
and there remain until again required for service, and
.that the United States established in the same place
its depot of arms and supplies for the military stations
on the Pacific coast, together with their barracks,
storehouses, magazines, and shops, and also reserved
Mare Island for a navy-yard, assuredly were proofs

PRANCISCA BENICIA. 733

sufficient as to the relative natural advantages of the
peninsula of San Francisco and the strait of Car-
quinez.

An exceedingly brilliant stroke of circumvention
the lot holders of the Cove thought it, and it pleased
them none the less because it displeased Semple,
Larkin, and Vallejo, to change the unknown, local,
and village name of Yerba Buena to the world re-
nowned appellation of San Francisco ; so that vessels
clearing from foreign ports, as was their custom, to
San Francisco bay, local names being to distant parts
unknown, on arrival, there at Yerba Buena cove was
San Francisco town. That settled the matter. The
place was convenient to ship-masters, however incon-
venient to Californians ; it suited those who possessed
the power to make the change ; and now throughout
all time, while moulder the bones of Bartlett and
Folsom, the people may sit upon the fence and
whistle for a remedy. They may spend thousands of
years, and millions upon millions of money in a useless
and enforced crossing and recrossing of the bay for
an infinitely worse spot than was there awaiting them
on the other side.

It was in January, 1847, that by the alcalde's order
the name Yerba Buena was changed to San Francisco,
too nearly like Francisca for both to remain ; and the
latter being not yet laid out, while the former was
already a hamlet of lively pretensions, Carquinez
strait must yield and the sandy peninsula prevail.
Thus the three wise men were thrown back upon the
other name of Mrs Vallejo, Benicia, by which to call
their now doomed metropolis. And with a firm
reliance on providence, which in this instance sadly
failed them, they went on, and the following June
laid out Benicia city, in dimensions one mile by five
miles. The first house was begun the 27th of
August, and by March, 1848, two hundred lots had
been sold at an average price of eighteen dollars each,
and fourteen buildings of wood and adobe had been

734 FOUNDING OF THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

erected, one being a two-story house twenty by fifty-
six feet.

I will insert here, as most pertinent, a description
of Yerba Buena and the peninsula, taken from tjie
California Star of January 30, 1847, being part of an
editorial written while the name Yerba Buena yet
graced the head of its columns. As a literary com-
position it does not compare very favorably with our
editorials of the present day; indeed, it would scarcely
take a premium in one of our Chinese schools ; never-
theless, it is worth as much to us as any of the
stanzas of Childe Harold. I give it verbatim; orthog-
raphy, syntax, and punctuation.

" Yerba Buena, the name of our town which means
GOOD HERBS, is situated on the southwest side of the
principle arm of San Francisco bay, about five miles
from the ocean, on a narrow neck of land varying
from four to ten miles in width. The narrowest place
being sixteen miles south west of the town. It is in
latitude 37° 45' north. This narrow slip of land is
about sixty miles in length, extending from the point
formed by the bay and the ocean, to the valley of San
Jose. The site of the town is handsome and com-
manding— being an inclined plain of about a mile in
extent from the water's edge to the hills in the rear.
Two points of land, — one on each side, extending into
the bay form a crescent or small bay in the shape of
a crescent in front, which bears the name of the town.
These points afford a fine view of the surrounding
country — the snow capped mountains in the distance
—the green valleys beneath them the beautifull,
smooth and unruffled bay in front and on either side,
at once burst upon the eye. There is in front of the
town a small Island, rising high above the surface of
the bay, about two miles long, and one wide, which is
covered the greater part of the year with the most
exuberant herbage of untrodden freshness. This
little island is about three miles from the shore.
Between it and the town is the principle anchorage.

SPECIMEN OF EARLY LITERATURE. 735

Here the vessels of all nations rest in safety and
peace, and their flags are displayed by the aromatic
breeze. Two hundred yards from the shore, there is
twenty four feet water, and a short distance beyond
that, as many fathoms. The beach in front of the
now business part of the town, is shelving ; but it will
no doubt in a short time become filled up and become
the most valuable part of the place.

" The climate here is, in the winter, which is the
rainy season, damp and chilly. During the balance
of the year it is dry, but chilly, in consequence of
the continual strong winds from the north and
north west. There is but little variation in the
atmosphere throughout the year; — the thermometer
ranging from fifty five to seventy degrees Fahrenheit.

"Yerba Buena is one of the most healthy places on
the whole coast of the Pacific. Sickness of any kind
is rarely known among us. The salubrity of the cli-
mate— beauty of the site of the town — its contiguity
to the mouth of the bay — the finest harbor on the
whole coast in front — the rich and beautiful country
around it, all conspire to render it one of the best
commercial points in the world.

" The town is new, having been laid off in 1839 by
Captain John Vioget; and notwithstanding all the
troubles in the country, has gradually increased in
size and importance. It now contains a population
of about five hundred permanent citizens. Two years
ago there were but about two hundred.

" Three miles south is the mission Dolores on Mis-
sion creek, surrounded by a small valley of rich beau-
tiful land. The water from this creek can easily be
brought by means of aqueducts to any point to supply
ve? sels. For the supply of the citizens the best of well
water is obtained in every part of the town by boring
the distance of forty feet.

"•In going south from Yerba Buena, the traveller
passes over this narrow neck of land ; a most delight-
ful region interspersed with hills, valleys, and moun-

736 FOUNDING OF THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

tains — the valleys rich and beautiful — the hills covered
with tall pines, red-wood and ceder that have with-
stood the tempests and whirlwinds of a century, and
the mountains rising in majestic grandeur to the clouds.
In passing out, the valley of San Jose opens to the
view in all the loveliness of the climate of Italy and
beauty of the tropics. This valley is about sixty
miles in length and ten in width. The Pueblo which
means an incorporated town is the principal place of
business for the valley, and is about five miles from
Santa Clara, the landing of the bay, or as it is termed
here ''the embarcadaro." Passing on from here
north east, the traveller in a few hours ride reaches
the Straits, which seperate the Suisun bay, formed
by the confluence of the Sacramento and San Joa-
quin Rivers, from that of San Pablo. Here it seems
that the accumulated waters of a thousand years had
suddenly rent the opposing mountain asunder and
flowed with tremendous force to the great basin of
the deep.

" On the north side of the bay from the straits to
Sousilito is one of the finest districts of country in
all upper California.

" Next to Yerba Buena, Sousilito is the best point
on the whole bay for a commercial town, — It is seven
miles a little east of north from this place on the
opposite side of the bay, and has long been a water-
ing point for vessels.

"An attempt has recently been made to lay off and
build up a town at the straits to supersede the two
last mentioned places. It will no doubt, however
be an entire failure.

"San Francisco bay being the safest and most
commodious harbor on the entire coast of the Pacific,
some point on it must be the great mart of the west-
ern world. We believe Yerba Buena is the point,
commanding as it does now, all the trade of the sur-
rounding country, and there being already a large
amount of capital concentrated here.

CHANGE OF NAME. 737

" The town of Yerba Buena is called in some of
the old maps of the country San Francisco. It is
not known by that name here however.

"The town takes its names from an herb to be
found all around it which is said to make good tea ;
and possessing excellent medicinal qualities, it is
called good herb or Yerba Buena."

The prediction concerning the crescent is fulfilled ;
the aromatic breeze which displays the flags of the
vessels of all nations that rested in safety and peace
before the town is now, alas ! sadly diluted with coal
smoke and foul effluvia. I find San Francisco on
several old maps, drawn even before the town of
Yerba Buena was laid out, before there was a house
there, but the name invariably designates either the
old northern mission, or the bay, both of which were
called San Francisco. When this article was printed
in the California Star gold had not been discovered,
the valley of California was unsettled; any distance
back from the shores of San .Francisco bay, except in
the direction of San Diego, seemed almost out of the
world. When therefore it was proposed to plant the
metropolis on the straits of Carquinez and Suisun
bay, it seemed like going far out of the way. To
select a site convenient to ships was then much more
thought of than the convenience of an interior popu-
lation. When the valley of California began to
swarm with gold-seekers, and travellers thence from
San Francisco must either go south sixty miles to
clear the bay before going north, or else cross the bay
in a barge, some San Franciscans saw their mistake,
though few of them, having their dearest interests
at stake, would ever acknowledge it.

In the eleventh number of its issue, which was on
the 20th of March 01 this Fame year, the California
Star took down the name of Yerba Buena and hoisted
that of San Francisco. " Our readers will perceive
that in our present number," says the editor, " we
have conformed to the change recently made in the

CAL. PAST. 47

738 POUNDING OF THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

name of our town, by placing at the head of our
paper San Francisco instead of Yerba Buena. The
change has now been made legally, and we acquiesce
in it, though we prefer the old name, the one by
which the place has always been known in this coun-
try. When the change was first attempted, we
viewed it as a mere assumption of authority, with-
out law or precedent, and therefore adhered to the
old name of Yerba Buena. It was asserted by the
late alcalde, Washington A. Bartlett, that the place
was called San Francisco in some old Spanish paper,
which he professed to have in his possession."

Let us glance now at the business pretentious of
the new town. In the same journal of April 17th
following, W. A. Leidesdorff advertises lumber from the
Bodega steam-mills ; Ward and Smith offer for sale
the schooner Commodore Shubrick; Stout, Sirrine, and
Header agree to fill orders for Santa Cruz lumber ;
B. R. Buckelew establishes himself as a jeweller. In
May W. W. Scott opens a store at Sonoma, and E.
Walcott takes the smith shop of J. C. Davis & Co.
James Biddle, commanding the Pacific squadron, in
June prohibits the exportation of quicksilver from
California ; Ward and Smith desire to sell ten thous-
sand pounds fine navy bread, also drygoods, groceries,
and California wines and brandies. The general busi-
ness firms of Geltron and Company, Robert A. Parker,
adobe store, Dickson and Hay, Mellus and Howard,
William H. Davis, Pearson B. Shelly, and Shelly
and Norris appear in the columns of the Califomian
and the Star in July, together with William Pettet as
house and sign painter, L. Everhart as tailor, and
Jasper O'Farrell as civil engineer and surveyor; John
Cousens informs all persons that the sheep on Yerba
Buena island belong to him, and that they must not
be molested. E. P. Jones, lawyer and late editor of
the Star, in August, aseumes the management of the
Portsmouth house, now enlarged and having a bar
and a billiard table. George M. Evans, at the house

PRE-AURIFEROUS BUSINESS MEN. 739

of H. Harris, above the slaughter-house of Cousens,
says in September that he will to order make adobes
for houses, chimneys, and ovens. Edward F. Folger,
corner Montgomery and Washington streets, adver-
tises the bark Whitton, R. Geltron master, to sail for
Panamd, the 1st of October. C. L. Ross, corner of
Washington and Montgomery streets, offers fifty
barrels of potatoes from the islands, and grapes from
Sonoma. W. H. Davis has eighty-one thousand feet
of Oregon lumber landing from the bark Janet. Rose
and Reynolds want some men to dig a foundation
and race for a mill in Napa valley. The buildings
and other improvements at the junction of the San
Joaquin and Stanislaus are offered for sale. Mr and
Mrs Skinner assume the management of Brown's
hotel, changing the name to that of City hotel. J.
Vioget offers for sale the Portsmouth house. An-
drew Hoeppener has a warm spring one mile from
Sonoma that will cure rheumatism. Such were some
of the business indications at San Francisco during
the year 1847. This year, on the 20th of October, and
about the same time for several subsequent years, a
severe north wind did serious damage to shipping.

Robert Semple establishes a ferry across Carquinez
strait in May. He announces his new ferry house
at Benicia in two notices in the Californian, dating
one Benicia city, September 1847. In this first
notice he states that he is then " building a house on
the opposite side of the strait, for the comfort and
accommodation of persons wishing to pass from the
south side." A boat was to be kept always on either
side to avoid detention, and barley and corn would be
found there for sale. For crossing, horses must pay
one dollar, men fifty cents, horse and man one dollar.
There were good roads from Benicia city to Santa
Clara, to Amador's rancho, and to New Helvetia.
"It will be perceived," concludes the proprietor, "that
this is the nearest and much the best road from Santa
Clara to New Helvetia, and from Santa Cruz to

740 FOUNDING OF THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

Bodega." Before the travel to the mines, the ferry
paid a profit of one hundred and fifty dollars a month,
and was deemed one of the best properties of the
kind in California. With high magnanimity the pro-
prietors donated the whole proceeds, together with
several lots, for the benefit of schools, which conduct
was in marked contrast to the slow and narrow policy
prevailing at San Francisco.

For many years prior to Anglo-American occupa-
tion, war and trading vessels entered the bay of San
Francisco, whalers lay in Sauzalito bay, and ships of
circumnavigation anchored off the presidio. There
was no inland commerce, for we can hardly call Sut-
ter's occasional visits such. But in 1847, besides
Sutter's twenty-ton sloop, manned by six Indians, ply-
ing somewhat regularly the round trip in three weeks
between San Francisco and New Helvetia, there was
a smaller sloop used occasionally, and another vessel
of similar construction running to the Mormon settle-
ment on the Stanislaus. The 22d of August, a square-
rigged vessel, the brig Frandsca, 100 tons, entered
San Pablo bay with a load of lumber for Benicia.

The total exports for the quarter ending December
31, 1847, according to J. L. Folsom, collector of the
port of San Francisco, amounted to $49,597.53, of
which $30,353.85 were for products of California,
shipped $320 to the Islands, $21,448.35 to Peru, $560
to Mazatlan, $7,285.50 to Sitka, and $700 to Tahiti.
Of the $19,343.68 foreign products, $2,060 worth
went to the United States, $12,442.18, of which $11,-
340 were gold and silver coin, went to the Hawaiian
Islands, and $4,831.50 to Mazatlan. The imports
were $53,589.73, of which $6,790.54 came from the
United States, $7,701.59 from Oregon, $3,676.44
from Chili, $31,740.73 from the Islands, $2,471.32
from Sitka, $492.57 from Bremen, and $710.54 from
Mexico. Quite a commerce, and far-reaching withal,
and one of which the embryo metropolis might well
be proud, even if its collector's statement, if reported

COMMERCE AND NAVIGATION. 741

correctly, does show a discrepancy of $100 in one
place, $40 in another, $10 in another, and $6 in an-
other.

On the 1st of January, 1848, was started a so-called
regular packet for Sonoma. For this purpose the
management employed the sloop Stockton, Briggs,
master, agent at Sonoma, A. Hoeppener, leaving San
Francisco on Mondays, and Sonoma on Wednesdays.
The craft called launches had been for some time ply-
ing between the Napa embarcadero and San Francisco,
when, on the 1st of February, the clipper-built prize
schooner, Malek Adhel, crossed San Pablo bay, and
entering Napa creek, anchored in four and a half
fathoms of water at half tide. T. Cordua gives notice
in the Calif ornian of April 26, 1848, that he will run
a monthly launch from San Francisco to New Meck-
lenburg, in the Sacramento valley, touching at Nicho-
las, Algeirs, the embarcadero of Bear creek, Hardy's,
at the mouth of Feather river, Sutterville, Brazoria,
Montezuma, and Benicia city; in connection with
which a horse and wagon would run regularly between
New Mecklenburg and Daniel Silles', in the upper
Sacramento valley. Here was river and stage navi-
gation,— quite a stretch of it.

The beginning of 1848 saw at the Cove a thriving
seaport town, which, with the surrounding shrub-clad
hills and valleys, presented from Signal Hill a view of
35 adobe public buildings, well-stocked warehouses,
stores, and dwellings, and 160 snug frame buildings,
with their respective outhouses and enclosures, glit-
tering in whitewash and fresh paint. Builders now
began to think of permanence, and put heavier timbers
and better material into their houses. More wharves
were built, on which, as well as on the beach and
temporary landings, were stacked and strewn bales,
boxes, and barrels of merchandise, and the usual para-
phernalia of commercial industry. Barges with white
sails skirted the bay for hides and tallow, and as-
cended the streams with goods. Whalers, and Oregon

742 FOUNDING OP THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

and California coasting vessels, entered and departed
through the Golden Gate. The election of school
trustees was ordered by the town authorities. Nor
were these preparations made a day too soon.

With its American population, its commercial char-
acter, and its two newspapers, being all that were
printed within the territory, San Francisco now began
to assume that supremacy destined to be perpetual
among the cities of the coast. Its growth, though
rapid, was irregular. A spasm of advancement was
followed by a period of comparative quiet. So full of
energy were the people, so eager to become immedi-
ately rich, that in regard to increase in values and
volume of business, the future was anticipated; if
prices doubled, they must double again shortly, and
when the reaction came, which event was certain,
people complained. During the Mexican war period,
business had been good. Troops had been landed,
immigrants by sea had arrived, and town lots had
rapidly advanced. In the absence of these stimulants,
the year 1848 opened dull, and the citizens deemed it
advisable to make better known to the people of the
eastern states the capabilities and prospects of Cali-
fornia. To this end the California Star was engaged
to print an account of the resources of the country, to
be written by V. J. Fourgeaud.

It will be remembered that the governor, Juan B.
Alvarado, in 1839 directed the alcalde of Yerba
Buena, Francisco de Haro, to have the Cove surveyed,
so that the lots which were then being given to any
who would build on them should not be granted at
random, and this work was given to Jean Vioget.
In 1841 came officers and servants of the great Hud-
son's Bay Company, and added its influence upon the
hamlet. After a brief breathing spell, appeared upon
the. plaza the spirit of 1776, in the form of the Amer-
ican flag, wafted thither over subdued Mexican domain,
and set up in 1846 by John B. Montgomery, com-
mander of the sloop Portsmouth, who appointed Wash-

PORTSMOUTH SHIP AND SQUARE. 743

ington A. Bartlett, one of his lieutenants, alcalde of
Yerba Buena ; the name of the ship was given to the
square, and that of the commander to the principal
street. Bartlett likewise showed design, and that not
for good, when he changed the name from Yerba
Buena to San Francisco, as did also Folsom, the
quartermaster, when he selected this place as the point
where should be kept tho military stores of the
United States.

San Francisco was early active in deeds of hospital-
ity and benevolence as well as of enterprise. The
first use to which the first house was put was feasting.
The occasion was the day of American independence,
when some sixty guests danced all night, and all the
next day, so that Mr Leese's Fourth, as he remarks,
ended on the fifth. Thanksgiving was celebrated the
18th of November, 1847. And it was a liberal sum,
$1,500, for a town of 300 inhabitants, to give to the
survivors of the Donner party in February 1847.
The 28th of May, the town was illuminated in honor
of Taylor's victory at Buena Vista. And patriotic
was the village withal. Every tenement pretending
to the dignity of dwelling, whether of cloth, .mud, or
boards, was lighted ; bonfires were lighted, and guns
fired. July gave two gala days, the 4th and the 7th,
the latter being the anniversary of the hoisting of the
United States' flag by Commodore Sloat at Monterey.
A second illumination occurred the 1 1th of August,
1848, celebrating peace between the United States
and Mexico. In January 1848, there was a masked
ball at the American House. Between forty and fifty
participants attended in costume; the refreshments
were excellent, and dancing continued nearly all night.
A yet grander affair of the kind occurred the follow-
ing 22d of February. T. W. Perry, house and sign
painter, corner of Montgomery and Jackson streets,
furnished the masks.

Presently times became dull, some of the merchants
said, and the depression, indeed, must have been seri-

744 FOUNDING OF THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

ous when such firms as W. A. Leidesdorff, Mellus and
Howard, Robert A. Parker, and Ward and Smith,
discontinue in March not only their advertisements,
but their subscriptions, from the Californian. The
publication of this newspaper, which had been started
in Monterey by Chaplain Colton and Robert Semple
in July 1846, using the same materials employed by
the Californians for printing since 1834, and issued
during the rest of that year in the old capital, was
continued in San Francisco from the beginning of
January 1847. On the other hand, Dickson and Hay,
Shelly and Norris, and W. H. Davis announced busi-
ness extension, with increased facilities, to which was
coupled the complaint that half the community were
going wild into land and other speculations. Proper-
ties shifted from one person to another, and none
thought sufficiently of improving. "One million of
hardy, industrious persons are wanted to drive these
money-gathering drones out of the country," cries the
editor of the •Californian. How few of us know of
what we complain, or how should be the remedy !
Here is an editor at this early day railing at capital
in California, and in the same issue, without being
aware of the inconsistency, is complaining of the ef-
fects of the absence of it. The gold, and coal, and
copper, and silver thrusting their notice every day
upon him, he does not know what to do with, and yet
he wishes all who do not work with their hands well
out of the country,

During the early part of 1848 there are not many
business changes. C. C. Smith and Company open a
store at New Helvetia in January; at Sonoma, M.
J. Haan and L. G. Blume dissolve, and Victor
Prudon and M. J. Haan form a copartnership. In
its issue of the 22nd of January three columns of the
Star, or nearly one-fifth of its entire space is occupied
by an advertisement of Brandreth's pills in Spanish
and English, C. L. Ross, agent. Dickson and Hay
removed from next door to Leidesdoff. and opened

BUSINESS MEN OF '48. 746

their Bee Hive store opposite the lumber yard of
C. L. Ross, beside Mr Ellis. Win Beere began a
cabinet manufactory in the rear of the adobe store on
Clay street.

The 18th of February C. V. Gillespie appears with
an assortment of Chinese goods, embroidered shawls,
handkerchiefs, lacquered ware, vases, and gunpowder
from Canton direct by the ship Eagle. The Colon-
nade House was opened on Kearny street, a few doors
from Portsmouth square, in March, by Conway and
Westcott, and with a restaurant and reading room
became a leading house. William S. Clark announces
in the Calif ornian the 15th of March, that he has a
new warehouse, at the stone pier foot of Broadway, to
let. On Sacramento street between Montgomery
street and the beach William Foster opens a furniture
establishment. He is shortly succeeded by McLean
and Osburn. Shelly and Norris advertise in the
Californian as wholesale and retail merchants, corner
of Kearny and Clay streets. Lazarus Everhart is a
fashionable tailor 6:1 Montgomery street. Henry
Hart man establishes a tinsmith's shop on Pacific
street between Dupont and Stockton streets. David
Ramsay could find no name for the place where his
store stood, and so advertised in the Calif ornian, the
1 5th of March, a stock of teas, sugars, silks, preserves,
blankets, matting, cordage, rice, and the like on
the street nearly opposite the custom house.
George Denecke is a baker. Beside publishing the
Californian, B. R. Buckelew continued his watch,
clock, and jewelry business. Folsom, the quarter-
master, asked for sealed proposals for 180 tons of hay
for the United States. It must be of oats and clover,
cut and cured while the oats are in the milk and the
clover in the bloom, pressed into bales and delivered
at some embarcadero on the bay. Robert T. Ridley
would pasture animals throughout the year at his
rancho three miles from mission San Francisco de
Dolores. Isaac Williams, rancho del Chino, will pay

746 FOUNDING OF THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

$1,000 or $1,500 in cattle and wild mares for the
building of an adobe fence.

William Atherton, in April 1848, established him-
self in the leather business at San Francisco, his tan-
nery and shop being on the corner of Shubrick and
Vallejo streets. The Californian of April 5th com-
plains that John Couzens, the butcher, — Cozens he
should have written it — had left town without paying
his advertising and subscription bill. By the 26th of
April Jacob Harlan had established "a livery stable
and horse bazar " near Washington Square ; house and
ship carpenters, corner of Kearny and Pacific streets,
were Hood and Wilson. The Shades Tavern, by T.
and H. Smith, corner of Pacific and Stockton streets,
advertised the 12th of April, shows how the business
portion of the town was extending in that direction.
Oliver Magnent wishes to sell his new flouring mill
near the San Jose embarcadero. Dickson and Hay
advertises in the Californian of April 26th one case
of stationery for . sale. T. Cordua offers to supply
overland travellers to the east at San Francisco prices,
with good flour, hams, bacon, and smoked beef; also
working and beef cattle; all at his farm, New Mecklen-
burg, centre of the Sacramento valley, and near where
the road branches off to the United States. So C. C.
Smith, at New Helvetia, offers to supply persons wish-
ing to return to the States with horses, mules, pack-
saddles, picket-ropes, and provisions.

Over Mr Parker's new meat and vegetable stand,
called Washington market, George Eggleston, this
same month, set up a new sign, the sign of the bleed-
ing pig ; and it bled so perfectly in the picture that
the editor of the Californian, who had been asked to
drink on the occasion, and who had drank several
times at the expense of Eggleston, as he was about to
retire to his home, turned, and regarding the work of
art attentively for a time, at length exclaimed : — '•' I
am so damned deaf that I cannot hear it squeal."

A more complete list of the principal business

MORE BUSINESS HOUSES. 747

houses in San Francisco during the winter of 1848-9
would embrace C. L. Ross; Mellus and Howard;
Dickson and Hay ; Ward and Smith, No. 3 Mont-
gomery street; J. Bawden, wholesale commission
merchant, foot of Broadway; Sherman and Ruckel,
general commission merchants, corner Clay and Mont-
gomery streets; Starkey, Janion, and Company,
commission merchants; A. J. Grayson, general mer-
chandise, north-east corner of City Hotel building;
Davis and Carter, general merchants, corner Clay and
Montgomery streets ; William S. Clark, auction and
commission, at the ship wharf, foot of Broadway ; R.
A. Parker, general merchant, Clay street; I. Mont-
gomery, keeper of the Shades tavern and bowling
alleys, corner of Pacific and Stockton streets, and
dealer in general merchandise ; De Witt and Harrison,
Sansome street ; Finley, Johnson and Co., commission
merchants, Portsmouth House, Clay street ; Wet-
more and Gilman, jobbing and commission; Cross,
Hobson and Co., commission merchants; Leighton,
Swasey, arid Co., general merchants, Clay street ;
Robert Wells and Co., dry -goods and groceries; J.
Angelo, varieties, opposite the Shades ; beside B. R.
Buckelew's shop, George Storey established himself
as a watch-maker at C. Russ' corner Montgomery
and Pine streets. Candy men were E. Wehler and
Schlotthauer. Anthony Welter made boots and
shoes. Naglee and Sinton advertise town lots. Dring

O ^3

kept the adobe store. There was the firm of E. and
H. Grimes, dissolved by the death of the senior part-
ner. C. V. Gillespie was notary public; and bought
gold-dust. Among the attorneys were L. W. Has-
tings; T. R. Per Lee; E. P. Jones; and Francis J.
Lippitt. The name of J. Henry Poett was added to
the physicians ; also A- D. Noel. On the south side
of Portsmouth square stood the City Hotel, kept by
J. H. Brown. On the corner of Pacific and Sansome
streets, opposite the ship anchorage was a public
house kept by George Denecke. Beside the Wash-

748 FOUNDING OF THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

ington market of George W. Eggleston and Co.,
there was the Central market of which Edmonson and
Anderson were proprietors ; for sale there were meat
and vegetables, and a schooner was kept constantly
plying to all parts of the bay for supplies. Later the firm
was dissolved, Edmonson continuing. Karl Shlottour
kept a bakery in the rear of Washington market ; one
was kept by John Bowden, on Broadway near the
ship wharf. Willliam Hood and Charles Wilson
were house and ship carpenters. John Weyland, Clay
street, furnished tents for the gold mines. N. K.
Benton joined C. L. Ross the 1st of January under
the firm name Ross, Benton, and Co. In the new
cream-colored house of Mr Wetmore, just above the
quatermaster's office, Richard Carr took daguerreo-
type portraits. The Shades tavern was burned the
15th of January.

Sales by auction began early, and later as-
sumed large proportions. Dickson and Hay adver-
tised in the California Star, Febuary 6, 1847, an
auction sale of a variety of merchandise by the
schooner Currency Lass from the Hawaiian Islands.
Howard and Mellus the 1st of March sold the prize
goods of the U. S. ship Cyane, consisting of dry-goods,
hardware, and groceries. The Sarmiento, a vessel of
twenty tons, was sold by Ward and Smith, Mont-
gomery street, the 4th of September. William R.
Garner offered the brig Primavera at auction the 9th
of November. Wm McDonald gave notice to sell by
auction part of the cargo of the Chilian ship Confed-
eration, consisting of dry-goods, provisions, and
liquors, the 10th of November.

In January 1848 McDonald and Buchanan formed
a copartnership, and opened an auction and commis-
sion business at the north-east corner of Portsmouth
Square. W. M. Smith offered miscellaneous mer-
chandise at auction the 22nd. The seizure of the
cargo of the schooner Mary Ann for breach of cus-
toms regulations gave McDonald and Buchanan a

THE MORMONS. 749

sale the 4th of February. A double-planked, cedar-
built and copper-fastened launch was sold at auction
by W. S. Clark at the foot of Clay street wharf the
22nd of February. McDonald and Buchanan held
an auction sale of general merchandise the 26th of
February. In the Calif ornian of March 1 5th, Wil-
liam S. Clark announces himself established as a com-
mission merchant and general auctioneer, near the
ship anchorage foot of Broadway.

Religions become somewhat entangled in the new
community, a» well as nationalities. The catholic of
course was the orthodox creed, the best for business,
as well as for social and spiritual advancement ; yet
Samuel Brannan made Mormonism pay, as long as he
could secure for himself a tenth of all the earnings of
the saints. In his manipulations of piety and property
which followed, Sam well understood the power of
printer's ink. He had brought out with him, on the
Brooklyn, a printing press, and material for a news-
paper, which he started, calling it the Star. This
journal being accused of Mormon proclivities, the
CaUfornian of April 26, 1848, would like to know
whether headlong fanaticism, urged by designing
leaders, may not endanger the peace of communities ;
and that when the doctrines of any sect or society in-
terfere with the wholesome operation of the laws
under which they live, if means should not be taken
for the suppression of such pretended religion. Thus
early at the Cove the sects begin to snarl.

It may truthfully be said, however, that when the
times, the trials, the discomforts, the harassing anx-
iety and oftentimes suffering are taken into account
there was wonderfully little snarling either among
saints or sinners. It speaks volumes for humanity,
for the young and adventurous humanity here con-
gregated in particular, that there was so little fighting,
so few murders or robberies in California during the
first flush of the gold discovery, or until professional
cut-throats had arrived from the British penal colonies.

750 FOUNDING OF THE GREAT METROPOLIS.

I will rest here with my narrative of the progress
of the young metropolis, to be taken up again in my
Inter Pocula, as what follows properly belongs to the
gold-digging era.

At the close of Hesiod's golden age, the men then
living were made demons or genii; some became
angels, and moved invisibly in air. Thus it was when
the Age of Gold terminated the Golden Age of Cali-
fornia, the missionaries, their associates, and convicts,
rapidly were sublimated ; some of them became angels,
more of them became demons, a few remain to this
day as they were before the fall — manly men.

CHAPTER XXIII.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PASTORAL CALIFORNIA.

Car 1'occasion a tous sea cheveux & front; quand elle est oultre passee,
vous ne la pouvez plus revocquer; elle est chauve par le derriere de la teste,
et jamais plua ne retourne. — Rabelais.

FOR a country and a period so little known as Pas-
toral California, nothing can be of greater interest to
a lover of literature than a description of the books
and manuscripts containing information upon the sub-
ject. Particularly is this the case when so few of
the sources of information are in print, or are known
to students of history. It is safe to say that of the
six volumes of this series devoted to Pastoral Cali-
fornia, not more than one tenth of the information
contained in them was ever before in print, or even in
the English language. Mission and government
archives, and state and family papers furnished some
material; but more than half of all that has been
gathered relating to this interesting epoch, or which
is now in existence concerning it, was taken by me
or by my agents from the mouths of living witnesses.

The bibliography of California is naturally divided
into two periods by the change from Mexican to
Anglo-American occupation, which was effected almost
simultaneously with the gold discovery. The first
period has something over 1,600 titles, and the latter,
which is constantly increasing in number, some 2,100.
The authorities given in the list at the beginning of the
first volume of my History of California contain vir-
tually the history of California from the earliest days
of its settlement to the present time. Every scrap

(751)

752 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PASTORAL CALIFORNIA.

of paper existing in the public archives, secular or
ecclesiastical, or in private hands, to within the last
twenty years, is in the list; the papers being either
original, or copied, or in the form of an epitome of
the original ; to which must be added the recollec-
tions of Californians, Mexicans, or foreigners who

* o

lived in the country prior to its becoming a part of
the United States.

The first bibliographical period of California, being
that of California Pastoral, may be again divided
into two parts, one being before and the other after
Spanish occupation in 1769. What is known of the
country before this date is mostly in printed form;
on Alta California between the years 1769 and 1848
I have over eleven hundred manuscripts, not to men-
tion many thousand papers and documents of from
one to several pages each, which have no distinguish-
ing titles, and are not quoted separately in the history.

For the period preceding 1769, California is not the
exclusive nor even the chief subject of any book;
and yet, no less than fifty-six treat of this distant
region, and of the voyages hither. This number
might be augmented or lessened without laying my-
self open to the charge of inaccuracy. Four of them,
namely, Acosta, Historia Natural y Moral ; Apostolicos
Afanes de la Compania de Jesus ; Bernal Diaz del Cas-
tillo, Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de Nueva
Espana ; and Villasenor, Theatro Americano, merely
allude to California as u part of the vast dominions
of the Spanish crown in America ; and one, Sergas of
Esplandian, is a romance giving the name California
to the province before this region was discovered. A
large number of the books are cosmographical, or
once popular collections of voyages and travels.
There are eight works of voyages. Cabrera Bueno,
Drake, Hakluyt, Herrera, Linschoten, Piirchas, Torque-
mada, and Venegas, whose books contain the actual
knowledge then existing in print. The rest were of
interest chiefly because of their quaint cosmographical

VOYAGES' AND COSMOGRAPHIES. 753

notions or conjectures on the name of California.
There were sixteen descriptive cosmographical works
of the old type, namely, America, Blaeu, ZfAvity,
Gottfriedt, Heylyn, Laet, Low, Luyt, Mercator, Montanus,
Morelli, Ogilby, Ortelius, West Indische Spieghel, and
Wytfliet. To these may be added four English
records of a somewhat different class, Camden, Camp-
bell, Coxe, and Davis. Then there are sixteen of the
once popular collections of voyages and travels, of
which Aa, Hacke, Harris, Sammlung, Ramusio, and
Voyages are the most notable. We must notice, be-
sides, six works which treat of voyages — none of them
actually to California — or the lives of especial navi-
gators, the authors being, Burton, Clark, Dampier,
Rogers, Shelvocke, and Ulloa. To these may be added
a number of important documents relating to this
primitive epoch, which appeared in print only in mod-
ern times ; they are to be found in Ascension, Cabrillo,
Cardo7ia, Demarcacion, Evans, Niel, and Salmeron.
California, as I said before, was but incidentally al-
luded to in such books, a few of which contain what
visitors had ascertained regarding this coast. The
rest are full of errors, and of superficial repetitions,
drawn out of the writers' brains upon the mythical
strait of Anian. And there may be other minor
documents which mention California in connection
with the Northern Mystery. Between 1769 and
1824 was the period of inland exploration, and of the
establishment of Spanish domination in California,
which was effected by means of missions, and mili-
tary posts, called presidios, and a little later of pue-
blos or incorporated towns. For this epoch I have
four hundred titles, sixty of the works being in print.
Among the latter are three which treat exclusively
of California ; two Costans6, Diario Historico de los
Viages de Mar y Tierra hechos al norte de California,
and Monterey, Extracto de Noticias, Mexico, 1770, fur-
nishing important records of the first expeditions to
San Diego and Monterey in 1769-70; the third,

CAL. PAST. 4S

754 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PASTOHAL CALIFORNIA.

Palou, Vida de Junipero Serra, being the standard
history of California down to 1784.

Miguel Costans6, an alferez, or sub-lieutenant of
royal engineers, was the cosmographer of the first
expedition despatched from Mexico to California, and
his Diario Historico was published in Mexico in 1776.
In later years he acquired distinction as an engineer,
and his reports of 1794-5 on defences of California,
fortifications of Vera Cruz, and drainage of the valley
of Mexico, stamped him as an accomplished officer.
It is satisfactory to know that his merits were both
appreciated and rewarded. In 1811 he was still liv-
ing as a mariscal de campo, or major-general, a rank
more sparingly bestowed at that time than at present,
and therefore more significant of merit.

o

Francisco Palou, a Franciscan friar of the college of
San Fernando, in Mexico, is a prominent figure in
connection with the first fifteen years of California
history. He was the senior priest, next to the father-
president, Junipero Serra, and during a temporary
absence of the latter in Mexico, held the position for
a few months during 1773 and 1774 of acting presi-
dent, which he reluctantly accepted, in deference to
the unanimous wish of his companions, and the request
of the commandant of the new settlements. Father
Palou was a native of Pal ma, in the Balearic island
of Mallorca, and born probably about 1722. In 1740
he became a pupil of Father Serra, with whom, and
with Father Juan Crespi, another Californian priest,
he contracted a life-long friendship, forming a saintly
trinity who devoted all their powers, physical
and mental, to the apostolic work of converting and
civilizing the natives. Palou came to Mexico with
Serra, joined the college of San Fernando, and being
assigned to the Sierra Gorda missions, served there
from 1750 to 1759, after which he resided several
years at his college. After the expulsion of the Jes-
uits from New Spain, the missions of Lower California
being entrusted to the priests of San Fernando, Palou

WORKS OF FRANCISCO PALOU. 755

was sent there under President Serra, and in 1768
took charge of San Francisco Javier. Under a
subsequent arrangement with the Dominicans, the
Lower California missions were transferred to that
order. President Serra departed for Upper Califor-
nia in 1769, and Palou, as acting president, made the
formal delivery of the missions in 1773, and started
for San Diego and Monterey. After serving some
time in the San Ca~rlos, he went to found the San
Francisco bay establishments. Finally, ill health
compelled him to ask for permission to return to his
college, which was granted him in a royal order of
October 1784. Meanwhile, Serra having died in
August of the same year, Palou succeeded him ad
interim in the presidency, and acted until Father
Lasuen was appointed to the office, in September
1785. He was now free to leave California, and did
so, arriving at his college in February 1786. In July
he was chosen guardian of his college, his brethren
thus showing their great regard for him. His death
occurred probably in 1790, although some assert it
was a few years later.

Palou's memory should always stand high in Cali-
fornia. He was not only a founder of missions, an
exemplary priest, and a man with a liberal mind and
of broad practical views, but to him we owe the first
history of Alta California. His fame will live through
his Vida de Junipero Serra, and Noticias de Calif ornias.
In the preface of the former, issued in Mexico in
1787, he solemnly declares that all his statements are
truthful. "Como el alma de la Historia es la verdad
sencilla, puedes tener el consuelo, que casi todo lo que
refiero lo he presenciado, y lo que no, me lo han re-
ferido otros padres misioneros mis companeros dignos
de fe." The other work, bearing the title Noticias de
la (Antigua y] Nueva California, in two volumes, was
concluded in 1783, this being the last year mentioned
therein. There is good reason to believe that some
portion of it was written as early as 1773, at San Car-

756 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PASTORAL CALIFORNIA.

los mission. His original manuscript at the college
of San Fernando has disappeared, but under a royal
order of 1790 a copy was prepared in 1792, the accu-
racy of which was duly attested. This work is divided
into four parts. Part I. gives the annals of Lower
California under the Franciscans, from 1768 to 1773,
and forms forty chapters of the first volume ; part II.
describes the expedition to Monterey, and the foun-
dation of the first five missions, covering the period
from 1769 to 1773, and occupying fifty chapters of
the same volume ; part III. is a collection of docu-
ments— not arranged in chapters — on events of 1773-
4; and part IV. continues in forty-one chapters the
narrative from 1775 to 1783. The author clearly in-
dicates, in a preface headed Jesus, Maria, y Jose, his
object in undertaking this laborious task, namely, to
provide a full record, for the future use of the chroni-
cler of his religious order, of the apostolic labors of
the priests of San Fernando college in the two Cali-
fornias which had passed under his observation, with-
out suppressing any facts, not even those which pru-
dence and religious piety would counsel the chronicler
" dejar para el secreto del archive, las que solo se es-
criben para lo que pueda convenir para tapar la boca
d los emulos del ministerio apostdlico." He concludes
with the following assurance as to the manner he in-
tended to narrate events, " todo lo cual con toda sin-
ceridad y verdad referire en esta recopilacion."

Next in importance to the writings of Palou come
the works of navigators who visited California and
other parts of the western coast, and gave descriptions
of these countries. Such were Chamisso, Choris, Kot-
zebue, Langsdorff, La Perouse, Marchand, Maurelle,
Roquefeuil, Relation del Viage hecho por las goletas
Sutil y Mexicana, and Vancouver. La Perouse, Van-
couver, and a few others do not confine themselves to
their own personal observations, but furnish other ma-
terial on the earliest history of the country, which
thus became known to the world for the first time.

SPANISH AND ENGLISH WOEKS. 757

Fleurieu and Navarrete, competent editors, added to
two of the voyage-narratives many data on earlier ex-
plorations. There are, moreover, the general works
on America of Alcedo, Anquetil, Bonnycastle, Birney,
Forster, Humboldt, and Raynal; a number of Mexican
works, Arricivita, Clavigero, Cortes, Guia, Presidios,
and Rosignon, which contain matter on California;
and as many collections of voyages and travels, such
as those of Berenger, Kerr, Laharpe, Pinkerton, Viagero
Universal, and Voyages, furnish some information on
the country for that period.

The Gaceta de Mexico is the only Mexican newspaper
for this period which calls for mention here. There
are only seven printed documents or articles of the
Spanish government on the subject, though possibly
many documents mention California as a province of
New Spain. Two essays appear with the books of
voyages already named, which were contributed by
visitors. William Shaler, a shipmaster, was the first
American visitor whose narrative appeared in print in
the United States. This man was later United States
consul in one of the Barbary states, and afterward at
Habana, where he died of cholera in 1834. Sola, the
last Spanish governor, made a report on California,
which was printed in Mexico, and was the basis of
another by Deputy M. M. Castanares, toward the
end of the Mexican domination. Two instructions
for Californians were put in type ; one of the Spanish
voyage-collections gave an account of the history and
condition in reference to affairs of the peninsula. Some
papers of this time, not printed till many years later,
are quite important, especially those given in Palou,
Noticias, and the Documentos para la Historia de Mexico.
There are some nineteen titles of this class.

The period from 1824 to 1848 embraces the
Mexican rule till 1846. and the conquest and military
rule of the United States to the gold discovery.
This might properly be made a division, historically,
but bibliographically it would be inconvenient, for

753 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PASTORAL CALIFORNIA.

which reason I treat it all as one epoch. My list
presents seven hundred titles. With reference to
history, we have the narratives of fifteen voyagers
who visited this coast : Beachy, Belcher, Cleveland, Coul-
ter, Dana, Duhaut-Cilly, Huish (not a visitor), Kotze-
bue, Laplace, Mofras, Morrell, Petit-TJiouars, Ruschen-
berger, Simpson, and Wilkes. For the merits of the
productions I would place Petit-Thouars at the head
of the list, and Coulter at the foot. Mofras and
Wilkes are pretentious, but by no means the most
valuable. We must add some scientific works, which
resulted from some of these voyages, — Hinds, Richard-
son, and several productions in United States Exploring
Expedition, — two official accounts of exploring jour-
neys across the continent, — Emory and Fremont;
with these may be classed several .accounts of California
by different persons, namely, Bidwell, Bilson, Boscana,
Bryant, Farnham, Kelley, Pattie, and Robinson, gener-
ally furnishing also a narrative of the trip by land or
sea. There are four compiled historical accounts by
foreigners who had not visited the country, Cutts,
Forbes, Greenhow, and Hughes; that of Forbes deserves
the credit it has always enjoyed as a standard work.
Forbes obtained much of his information from resi-
dents of California whose original manuscripts have
been for several years past on the shelves of my
library. Then there were half a dozen or more works
on Oregon which briefly mention California, and sev-
eral speeches in the United States congress or else-
where in pamphlet form, among which are notably
those of Clark, Hall, TlLompson, and Webster. This
number might be greatly increased by taking in every
printed paper in which California is mentioned in
connection with the Oregon question or the Mexican
war. To all such titles may be added those of the
general works of Beyer, Blagdon, Barrow, Combier.
UOrbigny, Irving, Lafond, Lardner, Murray, and
Tytler, which contain allusions to the' province of
California.

FIRST PRINTING IN CALIFORNIA. 759

Among the Spanish works for this period six hold
the first position. Their titles are Botica, Figueroa,
Reglamento, Ripalda, Romero, and Vallejo. These are
the first books printed in California, and most of
them were entirely unknown until I alluded to them
in my first volume on California. Historically speak-
ing Figueroa' s Manifiesto is the only important one of
them. The Reglamento contains the by-laws of the
territorial deputation or legislature of California, and
was printed in Monterey in 1834. This copy was
kindly presented me by Cdrlos Olvera of Monterey
county, whose father had been a member of the Cali-
fornia assembly. I know of no other copy in exist-
ence. There may be named in connection with these
books several pamphlets, printed in Mexico, but treat-
ing of California affairs. There titles are Carrillo
(Carlos Antonio), Castanares (Manuel), Fondo Piadoso,
Garcia Diego (first bishop of the Californias), Junta
de Fomento, and San Miguel. There are, moreover,
sixteen documents of the Mexican government, under
the heading of Mexico, which give valuable data on
California, and if those in which the province or de-
partment is merely mentioned are also reckoned, the
number would be greatly enlarged. Finally, I have
thirty-five general works on Mexico, all of which
have information, often very valuable ; such are those
of Alaman, Ayala, Bermudez, Bustamante, Cancelada,
Escudero, Fonseca, Guerrero, Iriarte, Muhenpfordt,
Oajaca, Rejon, Riesgo, Sales, San Miguel, Semblanzas,
Thompson, Unzueta, and Willie; about one dozen of
these are the writings of Cdrlos Maria Bustamante,
which I have still more complete in the original
authograph manuscript.

Proceeding now to speak of documents, the pro-
ductions of the California press are entitled to the
first place. There are fifty -five of them separately
printed; some titles being Alvarado, California, Castro,
Cli/co, Diputacion, Dodrina, Figueroa, Gutierrez, Hi jar,
Mason, MicJieltorena, Plan, Pronundamiento, Rtley,

760 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PASTORAL CALIFORNIA.

Shubriclc, Vallejo, and Zamorano. Three or four of
these are proclamations of United States officials, one
is a commercial paper, one a poetical effusion, and an-
other an advertisement; the great mass of them,
however, are documents which emanated from the
Hispano-Californian government. I next take note
of a series of documents of the Mexican government in
collections or newspapers, and seven semi-official ones.

Some of the titles are Ayuntamiento, Compania,
Decreto, Dictamen, Iniciativa, Jones, Mexico, Plan, Ban-
dini, ' C,' Castanares, Chico, Flores, Iniestra, and Sina-
loa. There are seventeen topic collections or sepa-
rate reports emanating from United States officers,
most of which relate to the acquisition of California
and printed by their government. They appear "under
the following titles : California and New Mexico, Con-
quest, Cooke, Expulsion, Fremont, Johnson, Jones,
Kearny, Kelley, Marcy, Mason, Monterey, Shubriclc,
Slacum, Sloat, Stockton, War with Mexico. Some of
these are the president's messages with documents
containing a large number of important papers.
Three titles refer to matters inserted in the books of
navigators already named, Botta, Documens, and San-
cliez ; six to articles or documents appearing in the
Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, to wit, Pages, Galit-
zin, Le Netrel, Morineau, Scala, and Smith ; and twelve
are articles in American or English periodicals, such
being Americans, Campaign, Coulter, Evans, War West,
Fourgeaud, History of -the Bear Flag, LarJdn, Peirce,
Reynolds, Squier, and Warner.

I have in my library about twenty periodicals or
publications containing information about California
before 1848 ; namely, American Quarterly Register,
American Quarterly Review, American Review, Ameri-
can State Papers, Annals of Congress, Arrillaga, Colo-
nial Magazine, Congressional Debates, Congressional
Globe, Edinburgh Review, Hansard's Parliamentary De-
bates, Home Missionary, Hunt's Merchants' Magazine,
London Mechanics' Magazine, North American Review,

PERIODICALS. 761

.

Nouvettes Annales des Voyages, Quarterly Review, Revista
Scient'fica, and Southern Quarterly Review. My cata-
logue shows about seventy newspapers, of which forty
are printed in Mexico ; a much larger number con-
tained mention of California at some time. I give
here the names of only those which are valuable
sources of information. In California, the Monterey
Californian, San Francisco Californian, San Francisco
Star, and San Francisco Star and Californian; in
Honolulu, the Friend, Haivaiian Spectator, Sandwich
Island Gazette, Sandwich Island News, and Polynesian ;
in Oregon, the Spectator. Niles' Register has been
found most useful among the eastern periodicals.

I have about one hundred and fifty titles of books,
documents, and articles relating to Californian history
prior to 1848, though printed later. Of this number,
seventy-five are in book form, and include some im-
portant monographs on early affairs of the country,
several collections of documents, reprints and transla-
tions of early works, treatises on Mexican law affect-
ing California, many briefs in land cases, official papers
of the United States government on the conquest and
military rule, but printed after 1848, Russian papers
on the Ross and Bodega colony, several narratives of
visitors, and several works on the Mexican war. Some
of these in alphabetical order are, Abbott, Bigelow, Cali-
fornia, California Land Titles, California and North
Mexico, Calvo, Cavo, Colton, Cooke, Diccionario, Docu-
ments, Doyle, Drake, Dunbar, Dwinelle, Figueroa,
Flagg, Fremont, Furber, Gomez, Guerra, Hale, Halleck,
Hartmann, Hawes, Hoffman. Homes. Ide, Jay, Jenkins,
Jones, Lancey, Marcou, McGlashan, Mansfield, Mexican
War, Palou, Phelps, Ramsay, Randolph, Revere, Ripley,
Rivera, Stockton, Taylor, Upham, Vallejo; Velasco,
Vischer, Tikhmenef, Materialui, Rezanof, Markof, and
KJilsbnikof, the most important being those appearing
under the names of Dwinelle, Ide, Larkin, McGlashan,
and Palou. About the same in number are the doc-
uments and articles of this class, and quite similar in

762 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PASTORAL CALIFORNIA.

their character and variety to the books, including
also titles of pioneer reminiscences in newspapers,
which might be multiplied ad infinitum. Such are
Archibald, Arroyo, Assembly, Biographical Sketclies,
Boggs, Bowers, Brooklyn, Brown, Buchanan, Clark, Dall,
Daubenbiss, Degroot, Dwindle, Dye, Elliot, Espinosa,
Folsom, Foster, Fremont, Hale, Halleck, Hecox, Hittell,
Hopkins, Jones, Kern, Kearny, King's Orphan, Kip,
Leese, McDougall, McPherson, Marcou, Marsh, Mason,
Mexico, Micheltorena, Peckham, Reed, Sherman, Steven-
son, Stillman, Stockton, Sutler, Taylor, Toomes, Trask,
Vallejo, Veritas, Victor, Warren, Wiggins, and WolskilL
Of the three hundred titles of works quoted in my
History of California, which were printed after 1848T
but containing attempts at historical research em-
bracing the periods prior and subsequent to that year,
there are two of a general nature entitled to especial
consideration. I refer to TuthiWs History of California,
San Francisco, 1866, 8vo, xvi., 657 pages, and Glee-
sons History of the Catholic Church in California, San
Francisco, 1872, 8vo, 2 vol., xv., 446, 351 pages.
The former is the work of a clever and honest writer,
and deserves more credit than the public has awarded
it. Without claims to exhaustive research, it has
been intelligently prepared, and is certainly a good
popular history. About one third of it treats of the
period preceding the gold discovery. The author was
a journalist, and died shortly after the publication of
his book. Gleeson, a less able writer than Tuthill,
and religiously biassed, was not wholly free from in-
accuracies. As a catholic priest, he had facilities for
consulting authorities, which he did as appears in his
many details. He had also free access to my library.
His picture of mission life and annals is pleasant, and
tolerably accurate. Sketches found under the head-
ings of Capron, Cronise, Frost, and Hastings contain no
original material, and their authors made only an in-
adequate and partial use of that which was easily
accessible to them.

LOCAL ANNALS. 763

My list contains some seventy titles of local histo-
ries, which possess considerable importance. Some
of them are the centennial sketches prepared at the
suggestion of the United States government, such as
those of Los Angeles, by Warner and Hayes, and of
San Francisco, by John S. Hittell. The latter is in-
cidentally a history of California, and like the earlier
Annals of San Francisco, by Soule and others, has
much merit. Hall's History of San Jose is also a cred-
itable work. There are likewise many county histo-
ries, several of them in atlas form, copiously illustrated
with portraits, maps, and views, each containing a
preliminary sketch of California history, with more
details respecting the county which is the subject of
the work. Most of these books have been prepared
mainly as a speculation, but in some of them good
material was furnished. Few are reliable on matters
of early history, but afford in the aggregate consider-
able data on local annals after 1840, as well as bio-
graphical details. Without being properly history,
they supply some useful material for history.

I will now proceed to speak of the thousand and
more remaining titles of manuscript authorities in
my collection, from which alone the history of Cali-
fornia could be written more completely than from
all other sources combined. These authorities have,
for the most part, never been consulted by any other
wrriter, and essentially exist only on my shelves.

First : Thirteen collections of Californian public
archives, the originals of which are about 350 bound
volumes of from 300 to 1,000 documents each, and
an immense quantity of unbound papers from San Fran-
cisco, Los Angeles, Salinas, San Jose, Santa Cruz,
San Luis Obispo, Santa Barbara, and Sacramento, all
of which have been transferred in full or epitomized
copies to my library. These copies or extracts are
more useful for historical purposes than the originals,
because they are more legible, and free from repeti-

764 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PASTORAL CALIFORNIA.

tions and verbiage. As to the nature of these docu-
ments, it is enough to say that they are the originals,
blotters, or certified copies of the records of the Span-
ish and Mexican governments for the respective period
of their domination over California, national, provin-
cial, territorial, departmental, as well as municipal.
Among them are many for the time the country was
under military rule, after its occupation by the United
States. They embrace from the year 1768 to that of
1850. In these collections, containing over 250,000
documents, about 200 have been quoted in my history
under distinct titles.

Second : In the nature of public archives, we have
also the missionary records. As the missions became
secularized, their records of baptisms, marriages, and
interments naturally went into the possession of the
secular priests in charge of the several parishes.
Other mission papers, gathered in collections, are held
by the archbishop of San Francisco, the bishop of
Monterey and Los Angeles, and the Franciscan con-
vent at Santa Barbara, the last named being much

O

the largest. All these papers, as well as the old mis-
sion records, have been at my disposal for taking
extracts, by the courtesy of the respective ecclesiastical
authorities, and of the parish priests having the records
in charge.

Third: I have seven collections of public archives,
similar to those above named, with this difference: that
they are originals collected by me from private
persons.

Fourth : Some scattering papers which were found
at a few of the missions, yielded me a volume of ex-
tracts and statistics ; and from private sources I ob-
tained fifteen originals of similar nature.

Neither the secular nor mission archives are com-
plete. Large numbers of the former had been de-
stroyed, even before the last change of flag, and many
others had not been surrendered to the United States'
authorities, or to those of the catholic church, and re-

MANUSCRIPT ARCHIVES. 765

mained in private hands. My efforts to gather these
scattered papers were rewarded beyond my most san-
guine expectations, the results being shown in : —

Fifth: fifty collections of Documentos para la His-
toria de California, in 110 volumes with not less than
40,000 documents, thousands of which are very val-
uable, containing records to be found nowhere else.
One-half of them are originals, and of the same char-
acter as those in the public and mission archives;
while the other half is even of greater worth, being
largely private correspondence of prominent citizens
and officials on current affairs, and affording an almost
unbroken record. Twenty-nine of these collections
bear the names of the Californian families whose rep-
resentatives presented them to me; each heading is
followed by Documentos or Papeles. The following is
a list of them: Alviso, Arce, Avila, Bandini, Bonilla,
Carrillo, Castro, Coronel, Cota, Estudillo, Fernandez,
Gomez, Gonzalez, Guerray Noriega, Marron, Moreno,
Olvera, Pico, Pinto, Requena, Soberanes, Valle, and
Vallejo. Of these, the most valuable is that of
Mariano G. Vallejo, in 37 large volumes with not less
than 20,000 original papers. Vallejo, one of the
most enlightened of the Hispano-Californians, was
born in Monterey in 1808. After receiving the
scanty rudimentary education which the country then
afforded, he entered the military service in 1823 as
a cadet of the Monterey presidial cavalry company.
He received his promotions in regular order, and
when a lieutenant commanding the company and post
of San Francisco, he was commissioned to securalize
the San Francisco Solano mission. In 1834 he car-
ried out the instructions of Governor Figueroa, and
installed a civil government in San Francisco. In
1835 he founded Sonora, holding the double-commis-
sion of comandante, and director of colonization
on the frontier north of San Francisco. In 1836 he
joined the revolutionary movement which ousted the
jefe-politico and coniandante-general, Gutierrez, from

766 BIBLIOGRAPHY OP PASTORAL CALIFORNIA.

his position. Prom this time until 1842, the two au-
thorities were separated, Vallejo holding that of
comandante-general, which was recognized in 1838 by
the government in Mexico. In 1842 he surrendered
the office of comandante-general, and was appointed
commandant of the northern line from Sonoma to Santa
Ines.

The next collection in extent is that of the Guerra
y Noriega family of Santa Barbara. The founder of
this family in California, Jose Antonio de la Guerra
y Noriega, occupied during his long life a position
hardly second to any other individual for his ability,
independence, sterling character, and generally ac-
knowledged merits. He was a native of Spain, of
gentle parentage, and of high family connections, and
came to California as a cadet in 1801. He rose
gradually until he attained the rank of captain, in 1818.
During his long military career, he filled the positions
of habilitado, or paymaster of military companies,
commanded several posts, that of Santa Barbara being
the last. He was also chosen habilitado-general in
Mexico, and deputy to the Mexican congress. He
retired from the service of 1842, though he continued
to wield, as he had wLlded before, a powerful influence
in Santa Barbara, which, to his credit be it said, was
always for the general weal. In Santa Bdrbara he
was called the patriarch, to whom the people generally
applied to settle controversies. His charities, and
those of his wife, nee Maria Antonia Carrillo, were
almost unbounded. Probably his Spanish birth pre-
vented his reaching a high political and military rank
under the Mexican rule. Captain de la Guerra died
in 1858, leaving several sons and daughters, some of
whom have held honorable positions. His two
daughters, Mrs Hartnell and Mrs Ord, have also
contributed to the information contained in this vol-
ume. For extended biographical information on the
late captain, I refer to the pioneer register and index
of my History of California.

COLLECTIONS OF DOCUMENTS. 767

Of course, the value of a collection must not be
judged solely by its bulk ; for some of the smaller
ones, containing all the papers which the donor had
to give, such, for instance, as those of Moreno, Olvera,
and Pinto, are quite as important as some of the larger
ones.

Sixth : There are twenty collections under foreign
names, in some cases that of the pioneer family who
owned them, and in others that of the collector or
donor. Such appear under the headings of Ashley,
Documentos, Fitch, Griffin, Grigsby, Hayes, Hittell, Lar-
Idn, Janssens, Mclnstry, Monterey, Murray, Pinart, Sav-
age, Sawyer, and Spear. Most of the documents in
these collections are in English, but aside from this,
they are of the same nature as the others. At the
head of this class stand Thomas 0. Larkin's nine vol-
umes of Documents for the History of California, pre-
sented to me by Mr Larkin's family, through his
son-in-law, Mr Sampson Tarns. This collection, be-
yond a doubt, exceeds all the others in value for the
history of California in 1845-6, for without its con-
tents, the history of that eventful period could be but
imperfectly given. Larkin, a native of Massachusetts,
was the consul, and confidential agent of the United
States government, as well as a leading merchant at
Monterey. His correspondence and relations with
the leading men of California, both native and foreign,
were extensive. He was constantly in contact with
traders and visitors at the department's seat of gov-
ernment. The letters regularly passing between him
and certain prominent foreigners, mostly Americans,
at San Diego, Los Angeles, and San Francisco, con-
tain almost all that was worth recording of the coun-
try's political, social, commercial, and industrial affairs
in those years and several preceding ones. Larkin
was also intimate with the masters of vessels trading
on the coast, and with merchants at the Hawaiian
islands. This collection contains letters from Fremont,
Suttcr, Sloat, and other prominent actors in the events

768 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PASTORAL CALIFORNIA.

of California, not to speak of the despatches to and
from the United States government, and commanders
of war ships. There are, from the same source, a large
mass of commercial papers, which have supplied me
with pioneers' names, dates, and prices ofcommodities.

Seventh : I have in my list five hundred and fifty
titles of separate manuscript documents, and could
properly extend their number to thousands ; but pos-
sessing such vast material, I have found much con-
venience in condensation. Of diaries, journals, and
log-books of expeditions by sea and land, there are no
less than eighty which I place in the first class. The
second class is composed of government documents,
numbering 163, of which 27 are orders, instructions,
and reports emanating from Spanish or Mexican offi-
cials in Mexico ; 75 are similar parts from high
authorities in California, 34 like documents from
commandants and other inferior officers in California,
and 27 are Mexican and Californian reglamentos, pro-
vincial and municipal. The third class consists of
104 mission documents of various kinds, emanating
from the guardians of the San Fernando college, and
from other high ecclesiastical authorities in Spain and
Mexico; 52 are papers from mission presidents and
prefects, and from the bishop, and 47 reports, letters,
etc., of the missionary fathers. The fourth arid last
class is composed of miscellaneous papers, numbering
nearly 200 titles, which are very important, but too
numerously subdivided -to be detailed here ; some of
them are old diaries, narratives, personal records, ac-
counts of battles, treaties, papers connected with civil
and criminal trials, with the Russian settlement at
Ross, etc.

Eighth : The scattered correspondence of about two
hundred of the most prominent men, forming a like
number of titles. The author's name is followed by
some word significant of the document's character,
such as carta, correspondencia, escritos, etc. Seventy of
these were men who wrote prior to 1824, and 130

MANUSCRIPT DOCUMENTS. 769

flourished later. Of the whole number, 20 were Span-
ish or Mexican officials who wrote out of California,
20 were Franciscan friars of the Californian missions,
48 foreign pioneer residents in California, and 111
were native, Mexican, or Spanish citizens and officials
of California. Several of these collections in each
class would form singly a thick volume.

Ninth : There is still one more class of manuscript
material to be noticed, namely, the recollections I have
taken cf men living at the time I began my re-
searches, which in many cases include those of their
fathers ; altogether covering the history of California
from its settlement. Besides those contained in other
volumes, I have the reminiscences of 160 old residents,
half of whom were natives or of Spanish blood, and
the other half foreign pioaeers who came to the coun-
try prior to 1848. Of the former class a considera-
ble number occupied prominent public positions
equa7ly divided between the north and south. Treat-
ing of these men in alphabetical order, I begin by
Jose Abrego, a Mexican who came to California in
1834. Being young, intelligent, and of good charac-
ter, as well as of attractive manners, he soon attained
influence among all classes, leading to his preferment
in political life, and his holding offices of trust con-
tinuously from 1836 to the end of the Mexican domi-
nation, notably that of treasurer of the department
from 1839 to 1846. No man was more highly re-
spected, or had better opportunities to be posted on
the affairs of California than Abrego.

Of Juan Bautista Alvarado, governor of California
from 1836 to the end of 1842, I need give here no
biographical details, as I have done so elsewhere.
Suffice it to say that he possessed the brightest mind
of any Californian of his time. He has been accused,
mainly through church influence, of having plundered
the missions. He was responsible for their destruc-
tion simply because he was the governor; but no one
could justly charge him with having appropriated

CAL. PAST. 49

770 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PASTORAL CALIFORNIA.

to his private uses any portion of the mission prop-
erty. Other accusations, chiefly that of hostility to
foreigners, were greatly exaggerated, and in the main,
false. In my list of authorities are many of Alvara-
do's writings. His original letters from 1836 to 1842
are extremely interesting, and reliable, as well as the
best authority extant on the history of those years.
Indeed, they alone furnish the true inwardness of that
eventful period. Alvarado also dictated for my use
in 1876 an Historia de California in five volumes,
which in the preface he calls California antes del '48.
"Civilization down to the preceding century," he
writes, " recognized only the rights of the stronger
and more cunning. The Indians were more numer-
ous than the Spaniards, but the latter were artful, and
by crafty means subjugated the natives. The poor
natives were reduced by the friars to such a state of
servility that they dared not entertain even a thought
without the consent of the priest. Mofras, Gleeson,
and others have tried to throw a stain upon my name,
and to misrepresent my executive acts, because I
struck the death-blow to the worm-eaten system of
education which the friars practised toward the In-
dians. But I want the church and the world to know
that, prompted by motives of humanity, I resolved to
free the Indians from that thraldom. My republican
education revolted against their being any longer
made the victims of men whose gowns and cowls
were gray, but whose "souls were black, and insensible
to the sufferings of thousands of unfortunates, who,
deprived of their freedom, were mere puppets in the
hands of those coarse priests, who, while preaching
purity of soul and body, were steeped in every species
of vice. ...I am satisfied of having done my duty,
have faith in divine justice, and am ready to render
an account to my creator of my acts in the premises."
Alvarado in this diatribe refers not only to the sys-
tem, but to some of the friars, whom he names, whose
conduct was anything but praiseworthy.

MANUSCRIPT HISTORIES. 771

There was a peculiar vein of generosity in Alva-
rado's character. He was not rancorous toward his
opponents, nor did he visit upon their families any
responsibility for hostile acts. Very often, while his
political opponents were working1 in the south to oust
him from power, he was protecting and providing for
their families in the north. One of these men, a
prominent officer, noted for his bitter hostility to
Governor Alvarado, left his family in Monterey with-
out provisions. His party having been defeated, he
preferred to abandon California; and had it not been
that Alvarado, through a third party, provided for
the wife and children during two years, they would
have suffered for the necessaries of life. I have also
a manuscript by Alvarado entitled Primitivo Descubri-
miento, which is an interesting account of the discov-
ery of gold placers in the San Fernando valley in
1841.

Jose Antonio Alviso gave me at Salinas his inter-
esting Campana de Natividad. Valentin Alviso, edu-
cated in Massachusetts, and who has occupied several
local offices in Livermore, furnished me valuable
Documentos para la Historia, forming the Alviso family
records; he has also rendered me aid in other ways,
besides contributing to the Livermore papers.

Jose Maria Amador, a son of Pedro Amador, one
of the first soldiers that came to California, was also
during many years of his life a soldier, first in the
artillery, and next in the presidial company of San
Francisco. After him was named Amador county in
California, and he has been credited, though this is
doubtful, with the naming of Mount Diablo in 1814.
There have been few men in California about whom so
many stories have been told by the newspapers as
this old Californian. He was often spoken of as a
centenarian, a Spanish officer, the first child born in
San Francisco, founder of Sonoma, etc., all of which
were untrue. Even he had come to represent him-
self as older than he really was, saying that he was

772 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PASTORAL CALIFORNIA.

born in 1781. when his birthday was the 18th of
December, 1794. In 1877 he was living in pov-
erty, and a cripple, with his youngest daughter, near
Watsonville; but his memory was unimpaired, and he
cheerfully dictated for my use, within about a week,
some two hundred pages of his recollections of
early times. His Memorias contain a fund of anec-
dotes on events and men, as well as information on the
manners and customs of Californians from his youth,
followed by his experiences in the gold placers after
1848. Some of his stories must be taken with allow-
ance, for like most old soldiers he was a little given
to exaggeration. Nevertheless, the book is both use-
ful and entertaining. I will insert some examples.
Relating how his father brought his family to Cali-
fornia, he said, that the sergeant had three children of
his second marriage when he was assigned to the San
Francisco company : " los condujo en alforjas, dos en
una, y otro en la otra alforja, y para emparejar el peso,
puso una piedra en la ultima. Mi madre arreaba la
mula en que venian los ninos, y mi padre la tiraba."
Once in 1837 a party of Cosumnes raided his rancho,
San Ramon, and carried away about one hundred
animals. In the attempt to recover the property, he,
the alferez Prado Mesa, and two Englishmen, Robert

' O '

Livermore and another, were wounded, Amador re-
ceiving four flints in his body, which were afterward
extracted. An expedition of 70 soldiers and citizens,
with 200 auxiliary Mokelumnes, started out to avenge
the outrage. About 200 Cosumnes, half of them
Christian Indians and the other half gentiles, were
captured by treachery at the Stanislaus, and brought
away in a collera. The auxiliaries demanded the sur-
render to them of the Christian prisoners, to be put
to death, and the demand was granted. At intervals
of a mile or so, six of the Christians were made to
kneel, and after a prayer were shot with arrows. Then
it was resolved to kill the gentiles, after baptizing them.
Says Anaaclor: "I ordered Nazario Galindo to take a

MANUSCRIPT MEMOIRS. 773

bottle with water; I took another; he began at one
end of the collera, and I at the other. We baptized
all the Indians, and they were afterward shot through
the back. One of the men escaped, and swam across
the river. He was, however, killed the next day
together with some 23 other men, in an assault
against his rancheria by the Mokelumnes ; when they
captured the women and children, about 160 in num-
ber, all of whom were brought to the mission San
Jose and baptized." Captain Jose de Jesus Vallejo
reprimanded Mesa for the execution of the Indians.
Mesa laid the blame on Amador, from whom Vallejo
demanded an explanation, receiving for an answer
that "las tortillas sabrosas se comen en la casa, y las
amargas en la sierra." With Amador 's Memorias
are several pages contributed by Asisara, an ex-
neophyte of Santa Cruz on important events and
matters connected with that mission.

Francisco Arce, a native of Loreto, came to this
California when a boy, and held office during many
years, his last positions, prior to the American annex-
ation, having been chief clerk in the office of the
government secretary, and lastly secretary ad interim
of Comaiidante-general Castro. He thus had every
opportunity to be informed on the inwardness of
public affairs. Being also a lieutenant of auxiliary
militia, he was captured with a lot of horses for the
Californian cavalry, by a squad of the Bear party,
at the beginning of their revolt in 1846. He went
with Castro to Mexico, and served in the Mexican
valley against the United States forces, part of the
time in the San Patricio legion of Irish deserters.
Taken prisoner, he barely escaped being shot owing to
his resemblance to O'Leary, a deserter from the
American army. He finally abandoned the service,
and returned in 1848 to Lower California, and in the
next year to Monterey. In 1877 I obtained from
him a collection of historical documents, and a dicta-
tion of seventy-one pages of his Memorias Hisioricas.

774 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PASTORAL CALIFORNIA.

Arce states that Juan Caballo, a soldier thus named
because of his horse-like features, had stolen some
poultry from a woman, whereupon the general caused
him to appear and answer to the complaint. Striking
a military attitude, the man said: "It was not I, my
general, but my gossip Coyote " — another soldier, who
for his resemblance to a fox was nicknamed Coyote—
"que hace algun tiempo que le ha dado por la pluma"
(who for some time past has taken to the pluma, which
word means both feather and pen). The general re-
plied "Get out of here, you knave;" and laughing
wondered if Coyote was writing a book; he paid
the woman for her poultry. Arce added that these
things were of daily occurrence, and the general never
was out of humor. His wife, however, complained,
saying that she did not like to see her husband penni-
less because of the rascalities of his soldiers.

Jose Arnaz, a native of Spain, came to California
as the supercargo of a Mexican trading vessel in
1840, ana pursued the same occupation for about
three years, when he retired and went into business
for himself at Los Angeles. His name has appeared
in the events in connection with the ex-mission of San
Buenaventura, which he claimed to have purchased in
1846. In 1877 I found him to be a genial, intelligent
person in comfortable circumstances, and with an in-
teresting family living at his rancho Santa Ana near
San Buenaventura. In 1878 he furnished me one
hundred pages of his valuable Recuerdas, mainly on
the life and customs of the traders and rancheros of
California in the fourth decade of the present century.
His information on the mode of carrying on trade on
the coast of California at this period is extremely in-
teresting. He also has supplied much important in-
formation on social customs at Los Angeles, Mon-
terey and San Francisco early in the forties. Of
the Polin spring, at the presidio of San Francisco,
then famous for its supposed effects on barren women,
he says : "Women used to come from all parts of the

MANUSCRIPT BOOKS AND PAPERS. 775

coast to drink of and bathe in the Polin water. The
wife of Captain Spear, who was a native of the
Hawaiian Islands, after several years' marriage, had
no children. One day Juana Briones, a laundress,
asked the captain if he would like offspring, and be-
ing answered affirmatively, guaranteed that if Mrs
Spear were entrusted to her care, he should have his
desire. "Take her," said Spear, whereupon the two
women marched off together. In one year from that
day Mrs Spear had twins, all owing to a free use of
the Polin water.

Jose and Juan Bandini were father and son. The
former, a Spanish master mariner, came the first time
to California in 1819, with military reinforcements
and supplies, and after taking the oath of allegiance
to independent Mexico, settled with his son Juan, a
Peruvian by birth, soon after 1822, at San Diego. In
1827 he wrote a long Carta Historicay Descriptiva de
California for Eustace Barron, of which I have the
blotter copy. I have also a manuscript Historia de
California, left by Juan Bandini at his death, together
with many of his original letters and other papers.
Nearly all the papers, as well as the two long writings
were placed in my library several years ago by Don
Juan's widow, then residing at Los Angeles. These
writino-g, being full of data on the affairs of California,

O * O ^_

have been thoroughly utilized in my history. For
biographical sketches of these two important men of
southern California, the reader is referred to the
Pioneer Register, volume II of my History of Cali-
fornia.

Narciso Botello, a Sonoran by birth, came to Cali-
fornia in 1833. Being a man of good abilities and
fair education, his services were soon in demand in
various quarters. He became secretary of the ayun-
tamiento of Los Angeles, and clerk of the court of
first instance. Later he occupied a seat in the de-
partmental assembly. In the political dissensions be-
tween Mexicans and Californians, he invariably sided

776 BIBLIOGRAPHY 0? PASTORAL CALIFORNIA.

with the former, and in the difficulties .between the
southern and northern Californians, his sympathies
were with the south. He was well acquainted with
the affairs that agitated the country, and no one was
better informed than he upon every event which oc-
curred in the southern section. The value of his
Anales del Sur, dictated for me in San Diego in Janu-
ary 1878, is a narrative of the political and other com-
plications of California from 1836 to 1847, in most of
which he was personally concerned. His experiences
are related with clearness and precision, though not
always without bias. That portion which touches
upon events resulting from the American occupation
in 1846-7, is full of interesting details. Other valua-
ble parts of the Anales are those referring to social
customs, public instruction, and the administration of
justice. After the annexation of California to the
United States became a fixed fact, Botello was for a
time a justice of the peace in 1858-9, and a notary
public in Los Angeles. At the time he dictated the
Anales he was in poor circumstances, and living in the
Santa Maria rancho near San Diego.

The next in the list of my original authorities en-
titled to more than a passing notice, is Manuel de J.
Castro. This able Hispano-Californian played an im-
portant, and sometimes an honorable part in Californian
affairs, during the latter part of Mexican domination.
Fully informed, both on the events that passed before
him, and on the men who figured in them, his testi-
mony, when not driven by necessity from the truth,
is of the highest importance. From him, in 1875, I
was able to secure three volumes of Documentos para la
Historia de California, a most important collection of
original papers. A few years later I managed to get
— how, is told in my Literary Industries — another col-
lection of similar documents, together with valuable
Lower California material. And finally I obtained
his Relation de la Alta California, which was dictated
to a copyist in my service. This narrative, whatever

MORE ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS. 777

the personal character of the author may be, I place
among my most valuable material, down to the time
when were healed the dissensions between Governor
Pico and Comandante-general Castro, immediately
after the revolt of the so-called Bear party. In con-
nection with this revolt he eloquently speaks of the
execution of old Sergeant Berreyesa and the Haro
twins, near San Rafael, and of the effect such an
event had on the Californians. " This news filled
with consternation our whole camp," he writes. " It
was a night of profound meditation. It was till then
unknown whether the Californians would have to
struggle against savage hordes organized under the
bear flag which the foreign rebels had adopted, or
whether, in the event of a declaration of war between
Mexico and the United States, they would have to
fight against civilized soldiers; inasmuch as Captain
Fremont, an officer of the regular army, and under
the protection of the United States government, had
become the leader of an invading band of adventurers
or pirates." In regard to the reconciliation between
the two chief authorities of the department, he says :
" Prefect Castro," — that is himself — "had the satis-
faction of mediating at the private interview of
Comandante-general Castro and Governor Pico, which
took place on the arroyo of the Santa Margarita
rancho, and of prevailing on the two rulers, to warm-
ly embrace one another as an earnest of their sincere
reconciliation, and of their desire to work in unison in
the defence of their country." Don Manuel, I believe,
holds rank in the Mexican military service, never
having discarded his original allegiance, though he
has lived in California many years since the country
became a part of the American union.

Another authority which I consider of the highest
value is Antonio Franco Coronel's Cosas de California.
The author came with his parents to this distant
territory of Mexico when a lad, in 1834. His father,
Ignacio Coronel, had been a soldier, first of the Span-

778 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PASTORAL CALIFORNIA.

ish army in Mexico, and later served under Iturbide.
He came with the colony of Hijar and Padres engaged
as a public instructor, a position that he did not finally
obtain because of the failure of the colony. He was
in subsequent years occupied most of the time as the
principal of a school in Los Angeles, and also con-
nected with the city council, and the courts. Botello,
on speaking of public instruction in Los Angeles, fur-
nishes the following testimony respecting him: " Don
Ignacio Coronel was a man of sound judgment, and
of fair education, and without doubt the town of Los
Angeles is indebted to him for much good service in
this branch, to which he devoted himself with great

• ^

earnestness, aided by his elder daughter Josefa, and
even at times by his wife. His was the only school
existing in the town."

Antonio, his son, held several positions of trust
under Mexican rule. During the military opera-
tions in the south in 1846-7, he contributed his ser-
vices against the American invaders, and while on his
way to Mexico with despatches and a flag taken from
Commander Mervine at San Pedro, narrowly escaped
capture by General Kearny's troops. After Califor-
nia became a portion of the American union, Coronel
accepted the situation in good faith, and afterward
held a respectable standing both socially and politi-
cally in Los Angeles, near which city he has a vine-
yard and orange orchard. He held the positions as
an American citizen of county assessor, mayor, member
of the city council, and state treasurer, and was placed
on the board of agriculture. He is a man of ac-

O

knowledged ability, as well as a useful citizen. From
him I obtained several valuable papers regarding his
father and himself, and in 1877 he dictated for me his
Cosas de California. This is a folio volume of 265
pages, full of valuable material. The first 140 pages
treat of historical events in California, and biographi-
cal notes on men who took part in them from early in
the third decade of the present century to the consoli-

COSAS DE CALIFORNIA 779

dation of American power. The next 46 pages con-
tain the author's experiences in the gold placers, with
many interesting anecdotes which I have utilized in
another volume. Following are several pages on re-
lations with the Indians of the frontier. The narra-
tive is full of interest. There are several pages
devoted to the annals of crime in the vicinity of Los
Angeles during the four or five years which imme-
diately succeeded the discovery of gold in California.
From page 211 to the end the narrative furnishes
copious information on missions, population, public
instruction, mode of life, occupations, food, dress, and
amusements of the Californians. The whole book is
full of valuable matter related in a clear and pleasant
style, free from exaggeration or bias.

Another voluminous and most valuable contribu-
tion is that of Victor E. A. Janssens, a resident of
Santa Bdrbara, under the title of Vida y Aventuras en
California, dictated by him for my use in 1878. A
Belgian by birth, Janssens, while still a lad came
from Mexico with the Hijar and Padres colony in
1834. It is unnecessary to detail here his career,
which has been set forth in the Pioneer Register of
the fourth volume of the History of California, this
series. He had good opportunities for observation, and
seems to have improved them. He was well informed
regarding everything that took place before and after
the American annexation ; his statements are entitled
to high consideration. The book begins with an ex-
cellent narrative of colony affairs, which is followed
by a detailed and clear account of later events, namely,
political disturbances almost from the beginning of
Colonel Chico's rule to the end of the war between
the factions of Alvarado and Carrillo in 1838. In
continuation are several pages giving a vivid account
of Indian raids and other troubles on the frontier of
Lower California and at San Diego. There is also
valuable information on mission affairs, agriculture
and other industries, social matters, etc. He next

780 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PASTORAL CALIFORNIA.

relates the trouble betweed Pico and Castro, and the
military operations of the Californians and Ameri-
cans during the war of 1846-7 ; his adventures and
successes in the gold diggings, Indian assaults against
his rancho, criminal annals and other matters of great
interest. The whole forms a folio of two hundred
and twenty -three pages, every one of which affords
both entertaining and instructive reading. Besides this,
I had copied for my library his collection of Documen-
tos para la Historia de California, containing several
important records. As a specimen of the author's
descriptive powers, I will insert here the manner in
which the Coronel and Olvera families were treated
in 1836, simply because they were from Mexico.
This affair took place immediately after the revolution
which drove out of the country Comandante-general
Gutierrez. Janssens was in the company of those
families at the time. "On reaching the rancho of
the Verdugos, almost opposite Cahuenga, near Los
Angeles, they saw a gathering of people as if for a
ball. Opposite the large mansion was a small adobe
house occupied by an old woman who kindly afforded
shelter to the wearied travellers. Many persons at
the large house were drinking liquor, and every now
and then was heard the cry 'Down with Mexico!'
'Death to the Mexicans! ' This state of things grew
more and more alarming as the night advanced. One
of the hostile Californians came to me and asked who
I was. Not liking his looks I represented myself to
be a Frenchman. At every moment was heard the
same cry of ' Mueran los Mejicanos!' Don Ignacio
Coronel and his family, and the rest of the party, in-
cluding myself, Rojas, and Ortiz, became greatly
alarmed, and there was good reason for it.'' He goes
on detailing the continued insults they were the ob-
jects of during that night, and concludes the nar-
rative as follows: "On the next morning we started
for San Gabriel. These infamous people, not satisfied
with the injury and insults they had inflicted, followed

JANSSENS, ORD, AND OSIO. 781

after us, lassoed a wild bull, and on passing the
Arroyo Seco, almost opposite the town of Los An-
geles, they let the brute loose. It rushed madly
upon us, and attacked the cart. The men in charge
of the cart succeeded in driving the bull away, and
we passed the arroyo. Nothing could of course be
done against such persons, who made us think that
we were passing midst tribes of wild Indians." The
travellers were relieved from further insult by Lieu-
tenant Rocha, a Mexican who had charge of the mis-
sion. The immigrants called this unhappy espisode
their Noche Triste.

To Mrs Prudenciana Lopez Moreno, widow of
Jose Matias Moreno, the last secretary of Pio Pico's
government, I am indebted for having permitted me
in 1878 to examine her late husband's papers, and
make copies, resulting in a volume of Documentos para
la Historia de California, among which are also some
important records of the frontier district of Lower
California.

Mrs A. Ord, ne'e de la Guerra, and whose first
husband was Don Manuel Jimeno Casarin, who held
several high positions in California, among them
those of member of the assembly, government secre-
tary, and several times acting governor, dictated for
me at Santa Barbara in 1878, her Ocurrencias de Cali-
fornia, a manuscript of one hundred and fifty-six
pages, which is beyond a doubt one of the most reli-
able and fascinating narratives in my collection, treat-
ing as it does not only of political affairs, about
which she was fully informed, but of social life and
the missions.

Antonio Maria Osio's Historia de California manu-
script, a copy of which I obtained through the cour-
tesy of John T. Doyle, is a work of much merit, and
with those of Vallejo, Alvarado, and Bandini, makes
the collection for this period most complete. Like
the others, however, it is very uneven as a record of
facts, and could not be held as a safe guide in the ab-

782 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PASTORAL CALIFORNIA.

sence of the original records. A biographical sketch
of Osio is given in volume IV. of my History of
California.

A special notice is due to the thirty pages of a
narrative under the title of Una Vieja y sus Recuerdos,
dictated in 1877 by Eulalia Perez, Widow Marine,
the famous centenarian of San Gabriel, and which is
full of interesting items, particularly on mission life
and daily routine.

The last Mexican governor of California, Pio Pico,
dictated for me in 1878 some of his recollections
which appear on my shelves entitled Historia de Cali-
fornia. In interest and accuracy this contribution
favorably compares with other statements by pioneers.
Don Pio also gave me at the same time two volumes
of original Documentos para la Historia de California,
which contain many important papers. His relative,
Ramon Pico, added to my collection three volumes
of Documentos para la Historia de California which be-
longed to his late father Antonio Maria Pico, who
was a prominent man both before and after the ac-
quisition of this country by the United States. Jose
de Jesus Pico of San Luis Obispo, in Acontecimientos
en California, seventy-eight pages, has given his
personal experiences, which seem to be pretty well
authenticated by official records. To this narrative
he appended two original documents of the highest
importance.

Three others of the 'citizens of California, Rafael
Pinto, Florencio Serrano and Estevan de la Torre,
residing here previous to the American occupation,
have contributed very extensive and varied data
of the most desirable kind about the country. Pinto,
a native Californian, and an honorable man, in his
Ap witaciones para la Historia de California, one hun-
dred and six folio pages, dictated for me at Hollister
in 1878, furnished a narration of political events both
north and south, in most of which he was a partici-
pant as a military officer. Here, as well as in the

ORIGINAL CUSTOMS RECORDS. 783

description of social customs, his narrative is truthful
and entertaining.

Pablo de la Guerra was collector of customs ad in-
terim in Monterey, and the superior officer of Pinto,
who was receiver of revenue at San Francisco. The
former ordered the latter to present himself in Mon-
terey, but the order was not obeyed. The two offi-
cers were friends, but duty must be placed before
friendship among honorable men. Hence it was
when the tardy Pinto at length appeared at Mon-
terey, the superior Pablo frowned.

" How now, sir," he said, " whose time is this you
squander ? "

"I was ill," replied Pinto.

"Ill, were you I" I have heard of such sickness,
and have a sure cure for it, — fifteen days' confinement
under arrest."

Pinto went dolefully to prison, though not un-
happy at heart ; for he carried there the image of the
young wife for whose sweet society he had postponed
his going. Pablo knew all about it, and went every
day to visit his friend in prison. Pinto's penitence so
worked upon him, that on tho fifth day the prisoner
was free. Again among his comrades, Pinto turned
to his superior, and said : "Sir, I impeach you for de-
reliction of duty, and as I cannot commit you, I im-
pose a fine; a bottle of champagne."

"How is that?" asked Pablo, as he ordered
the wine brought on.

"Did not your love for me cheat justice out often
of the fifteen days demanded for my disobedience?"
asked Pinto.

From the same source I received the original
records of the San Francisco custom-house down to
1846, which were still in Pinto's possession. Why they
had not fallen with California and her lands and gold
—all for fifteen millions — into the hands of the
United States officers, when the American flag was
hoisted over Yerba Buena, and the custom-house was

784

seized, I will relate. When news arrived of the cap-
ture of Monterey by Commodore Sloat, Pinto re-
solved to depart before San Francisco should also be
taken. Before going he packed his trunks, placing in
them the custom-house papers and flag, and sent them
to the house of William A. Leidesdorff, the American
vice-consul. Commander Montgomery, after taking
possession of the town and the custom-house, learning
that Leidesdorff had Pinto's trunks, demanded that they
should be opened. This the consul refused to do; and
as the commander did not press the matter, the trunks
in due time were delivered to their owner. The flag
Pinto presented years after to Philip Roach for the
Pioneer Society, and the papers finally came to me,
and now figure on my shelves under the title of Pinto,
Documentos para la Historia de California.

Florencio Serrano had held judicial positions under
Mexican rule, and after the American occupation he
succeeded Colton as alcalde at Monterey. A man
of pure European blood, of fair education, and good
repute, he was somewhat superior to his associates.
In his old age he was blind and poor, though not in
want, as his sons cared for him and their mother.
Before his death he dictated his Apuntes para la His-
toria de California, in which he gives a full statement
of his life, and recollections of Californian affairs,
throwing light upon many important topics, in excel-
lent language and entertaining style. The manuscript
is a voluminous one, and I look upon it as one of the
most valuable in my collection.

Estevan de la Torre, a son of the secretary under
Sola the last Spanish governor, unlike his brothers
Joaquin and Gabriel, never allowed himself to figure
in politics, though he did take part in the last two
years' military movements for the defence of his
country. He preferred the peaceful pursuits of agri-
culture, commerce, and other honest occupations, and
was noted as an industrious, hard-working man. In
1877, he was in comfortable circumstances, had a wife

DIVERS MANUSCRIPTS. 785

and children,, and enjoyed the respect of all who knew
hiin. That year he dictated to my secretary at Mon-
terey material for a volume of 234 folio pages, ap-
pearing in my collection with the title of Reminiscencias.
This excellent contribution has been often quoted in
my History of California, being particularly valuable
as a picture of manners and customs in Mexican
times, as well as a trustworthy record of public events
passing under his observations. He also relates his
experiences in the gold placers.

I must mention more briefly some others, who are
none the less worthy, as I am warned that I am nrar
the end of this volume.

Catarina Avila de Rios, widow of Sergeant Petro-
nilo Kios of the artillery, dictated her Recuerdos His-
toricos, being mainly an account of the massacre of
the Reed family and others, at San Miguel in 1849.

Antonio Berreyesa, Relation, is an account of the
murder of Sergeant Berreyesa, his uncle, and of the
Haro twins, by Fremont's men in 1846, and of his
own troubles with squatters and land-lawyers.

Juan Bojorges, Reeuerdos, are his reminiscences on
Indian campaigns. Kftengrf 3]OJOCHiQ

Jose Canuto Boronda, Wotas, are notes on his old-
time adventures. He was a soldier, and long served
as the orderly of Sola, the last Spanish governor.

Felix Buelna, Narration, comprises some of his
recollections.

Domingo and Jose Antonio Carrillo ; to the wid-
ows of these once prominent Californians I am in-
debted for many valuable papers connected with the
history of their country, including among them no
less a paper than the original convention of Cahuenga
between Andres Pico and Fremont, in January 1847,
which put an end to hostilities between the Ameri-
cans and Californians.

Agustin Escobar, Campana de '46, and Clemente
Espinosa, Apuntes, contain brief notes on especial
topics.

CAL. PAST. 50

786 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PASTORAL CALIFORNIA.

Jose M. Estuclillo, Datos Historicos: consisting
mainly of a narrative of events in the San Diego
region, and data on the coasting trade in pre- American
times.

Ignacio Ezquer, Memorias, dictated in 1878, being
a few of his recollections on early events.

Henry D. Fitch was an American shipmaster, mer-
chant, and land-owner who came to California before
1827. His widow Josefa Carrillo de Fitch presented
me in 1875 a large number of documents of interest
for Californian history, including1 her marriage certifi-
cate, and her husband's Mexican naturalization papers.
She also dictated an interesting Narracion. I have
likewise in the Vallejo and Cooper collections, hun-
dreds of Captain Fitch's business and personal letters.

Jose Fernandez, a Spaniard who came to California
in 1817, and served in Argiiello's expedition to the
north in 1821. In the course of his life, during the
Mexican rule, he filled several local offices, besides
holding the rank of captain in the militia. After the
American occupation he was a town councilman. In
1874 he dictated for me his Cosas de California, a
most interesting narrative. Fernandez was held in
respect and esteem by all who knew him.

Miguel Flores, gave me at San Jose* in 1877, Re-
cuerdos Historicos, relating only to a short period of
Californian history, but not devoid of interest.

Eusebio Galindo, born in 1802, and many years a
soldier of the San Francisco presidial company, in
1877 contributed his Apuntes, which contain much
matter worthy of preservation.

Inocente Garcia in his Hechos Histo'ricos gives de-
tails of the old soldier's life, his experiences as a mis-
sion administrator, observations of a general nature,
and a few specimens of his poetical compositions.

Jose E. Garcia, Episodios, and M. Garcia, Apuntes
sobre Micheltorena. The latter is a brief account of
the Batallon Fijo de California brought by Michel-
torena to this country in 1842. Nicanor de J. Cas-

DOCUMENTS AND MANUSCRIPTS. 787

tillo Garnica writes Recuerdos of events in 1844-6.

Jose de los S. and Luis C. German, brothers, of
Tres Pinos, under the title of Sucesos related what
they knew of California events in 1844-7, which on
several points proved valuable material for history.

Vicente P. Gomez in a thick folio volume under the
title of Lo que Sabe, contributed a large stock of in-
formation upon almost all subjects connected with
California history and social life. His vein of anec-
dote seemed inexhaustible, and many were the stories
he told while working in my library and in the various
archives.

Teodoro Gonzalez who lived in California since 1825,
held several municipal and judicial offices, and became
a man of wealth, was placed where he could under-
stand the causes and effects of the several revolutions
which disturbed the country. Though his memory
was failing in 1877 he related many important details
which are preserved in his Revoluciones de California.
Mauricio Gonzalez, a pioneer of 1840, gave in his
Memorias on the revolution and campaign against
Micheltorena in 1844-5, and also a collection of orig-
inal papers that had belonged to his father, the first
collector of customs of Monterey. Rafael Gonzalez,
of Santa Barbara, in his Experiencias relates what
passed before him, in most of which he was a partici-
pant.

William Edward Petty Hartnell was a highly edu-
cated and honorable Englishman, who resided in
California since 1822, and married Sefiorita Teresa de
la Guerra. A detailed account of his career is
given in the Pioneer Register, volume III, of iny
History of California. I possess hundreds of letters
and papers which emanated from or belonged to
him. Indeed, his family documents form more than
one volume of the Vallejo collection, and should be
under his own name. Among these were the original
records of the Convention of '49, and the valuable
Diario del Visitador General de M-isiones, 1839-40.

788 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PASTORAL CALIFORNIA.

Carlos N. Hijar's California en '34 contains mainly
data on the colony of Hijar and Padres. The author
came with his uncle Jose M. Hijar, who had a com-
mission as jefe-politico and director of colonization of
California.

Julio Cesar, an intelligent ex-neophyte of San
Luis Key living at Tres Pinoain 1878, dictated to my
secretary Cosas de Indias, a really good account of
mission affairs.

Cayetano Juarez, a soldier of the San Francisco
company in 1828, alcalde of Sonoma in 1845, and in
later years a wealthy ranchero of Napa county, gave
in some rambling Notas. This is the man who planned
the rescue of the Sonoma prisoners in 1846 from
the Bear party, and swam about nine miles to escape
capture.

Justo Larios, Convulsiones de California., is an in-
teresting account of the political disturbances. Esto-
lano Larios, gives Vida y Aventuras, not of himself
but of his father, a famous bear hunter.

Of Jacob P. Leese, pioneer of 1833, I have a
biographical sketch, and the Bear Flag Revolt, which
is the best narrative on the subject extant. His wife
furnished me an Historia de los Osos to which I ascribe
no special value.

Apolinaria Lorenzana was one of the foundling
children sent to California by the viceroy of Mexico
in 1800, and who were here distributed, as she ex-
pressed it " como perritos, entre las familas," Living
at Santa Bdrbara in 1878, blind and indigent, she
related in a volume entitled Memorias de la Beata
many interesting items on early times, especially in
regard to San Diego.

Jose del C. Lugo, of Los Angeles, who at one time
was in affluent circumstances, and occupied a promi-
nent position, in Vida de un Ranchero treats of political
and other events, manners and customs, etc., in the
years preceding and immediately succeeding the
American annexation.

OTHER MANUSCRIPTS. 789

Then we have by Juana Machado Ridington, of San
Diego, Tiempos Pasados de California; by Felipa
Osuna Marron, also of San Diego, Recuerdos, and the
Papeles Originates of her late father, an old alcalde of
that town and mission administrator.
. Juan B. Moreno's Vida Militar consists of a few
facts on military operations during the American
war. Francisco Palomares' Memorias are chiefly his
adventures as an Indian fighter, which are supposed
to be truthfully related.

Manuel Torres' Peripetias de la Vida, en California
is a readable manuscript, devoted to manners of life,
and remarks on early men, rather than a narrative of
events. The author, a Peruvian, and at one time a
member of the state legislature, came to California
in 1843.

Ignacio del Valle, a native of Mexico and a mili-
tary officer, figured largely in the political affairs of
California. After the American occupation he held
several offices of honor, and served also in the state
legislature in 1852. His record has been that of a

O

good officer and honorable citizen. In 1877 he con-
tributed with the title of Lo Pasado de California a
few pages of his recollections, which are quite inter-
esting, and also presented me a number of documents,
among which are some important ones. They appear
on my shelves in his name as : Valle, Documentos para
la Historia de California. I may mention further,
Victoriano Vega, Vida Californiana, 62 pages. Pablo
Vejar, Recuerdos de un Viejo, 90 pages. Vejar led an
adventurous life, and vividly records it. He was
the only prisoner taken by Kearny's army at San
Pascual.

To the above array of original authorities I might
add many other contributors, whose narratives,
though less voluminous, are not on this account less
worthy of being quoted in my work on California.
Their names have been duly presented in its pages.

Of the foreign pioneers who have given their tes-

790 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PASTORAL CALIFORNIA.

timony upon California!! affairs, prior to 1848, being
87 in number, 12 wrote on particular subjects; 20
were residents of California earlier than 1840 ; 35 came
overland as emigrants, hunters, soldiers, and settled
previous to 1845-8, and 20 over the seas, as traders
or sea- faring men. Of these numerous contributors,
the following are entitled to high commendation, the
first place belonging by all rights to William Heath
Davis' Glimpses of the Past, which furnish most de-
tailed and accurate records of early events and men.
Davis first came to California when a boy, again in
1833, and a third time in 1838, from which year he
has been a permanent resident here, and engaged in
commercial enterprises. These facts are mentioned
only to make patent the favorable opportunities
he has had, making use of his naturally bright in-
tellectual powers, to acquaint himself with and retain
in his memory all events, and traits of personal char-
acter which were brought under his observation.
A biographical sketch of him may be seen in the
the Pioneer Register of volume IT. of my History
of California. His Glimpses of the Past cover hun-
dreds of pages containing not only his personal expe-
riences, but thousands of items of early men and
times, especially on commerce, and the customs of
the natives and foreign pioneers. His memory is
fresh, but his recollections are, in many instances,
based on memoranda made years ago.

Other foreign contributors deserving especial men-
tion are the following : William Baldridge, a pioneer
of 1843, for his Days of '46, written in 1877, and for
several papers given by him at various times for
newspapers and books, which are noted for their com-
mendable accuracy. Josiah Belden, Historical State-
ment, of 70 pages ; a narrative such as a man of his
clear head would produce. I have also a number of
his letters. John Bidwell of Chico. His printed
Journey to California is now among rare books. For
the particulars of Bidwell's early life I must refer to

PIONEER MANUSCRIPTS. 791

the Pioneer Register in vol. II. of ray History of Cali-
fornia, and confine my remarks here to his California
in 1841-8, a manuscript of 233 pages dictated by him
for me, and which I regard as one of the most valuable
in my collection of pioneer reminiscences. Aside from
that I have many of his letters, and other papers,
throwing light on California events. Henry W. Big-
ler, Diary of a Mormon, an excellent narrative of the
inarch of the Mormon battalion to California in 1847,
as well as on details of the gold discovery in 1848.
Joseph B. Chiles, Visit to California in '41. This
person made several overland journeys to this country
after that year. John Forster, Pioneer Data, besides
other contributions respecting his experiences since
he first came to California early in the thirties.
Walter Murray's Narrative of a California Volunteer is
a copy of his original diary, which his widow placed
at my disposal. It is one of the best authorities on
the history of Stevenson's regiment, to which the
author belonged, especially on the operations of the
same in Lower California, in which Murray par-
ticipated. It will be well to observe that Murray
was afterward a lawyer, journalist, and district judge,
having also served as a member of the legislature. It is
said of George Nidever, a Tennessean hunter who
came to California in 1833, that he killed 200 grizzly
bears. His Life and Adventures is a long and most
valuable narrative. In 1878, at the age of 76, he put
into a target three rifle-balls in succession within the
space of a square inch at the distance of sixty paces.
Nidever died at Santa Barbara in 1883. Of John
Augustus Sutter I give an extensive biographical
notice in the Pioneer Register of vol. V. of the
History of California. His Personal Recollections I took
from his lips at his home in Pennsylvania.

Jonathan T. Warner, a pioneer of 1831, and one of
the men most conspicuous in California since the
American annexation, contributed to newspapers and
to different parties important items on early history

792 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PASTORAL CALIFORNIA.

of this country, which have been made known to the

V '

public by the press. His contributions to the cen-
tennial history of Los Angeles is of great value. He
has furnished me a brief Biographical Sketch, and a
more extended book of Reminiscences, which I have
often quoted in the History of California. He is
recognized as one of the best authorities.

Benjamin Davis Wilson, a Tennessean trapper and
trader who came to California in 1841, and who occu-
pied a position of prominence before and after the
United States' acquisition of California, in his Observa-
tions, dictated late in 1877, a few months before his
death, at his estate called Lake Vineyard, near San
Gabriel, has contributed data on historical events of
considerable value, but in some parts inaccurate.

The testimony of foreigners, taken all in all, I re-
gard as of less value than that of the native Califor-
nians ; for although the latter may be the superior of
the former in native mendacity, foreigners have in
many cases taken but little interest in the subject.

As might be expected, while the contributions of
both native and foreign pioneers have been in the ag-
gregate of much value, I have found in many cases,
as the result of defective memory, a strange and often
inexplicable mixture of truth and fiction. Fortu-
nately I have not been put to the necessity of basing
the history of California wholly on this kind of evi-
dence. Original documents have been at hand in
abundance to guard, corroborate, and correct.

GLOSSARY.

For the benefit of those among my American and English readers who
may not be conversant with the Spanish language, I append a list of the
mpre common words used in Mexico and Hispano-California, and con-
tained in my History of California and in this volume, together with their
corresponding significations in our vernacular.

Abadesa. Abbess.

Abajenos. Inhabitants of southern

California.

Abismo. Bottomless pit.
A boca llena. Perspicuously, openly.
Abortos del infierno. Hellish abor-
tions.

Aburrido. Disgusted.
Acontecimiento. Event.
Acuerdos. Decisions.
Acusador. Accuser.
Agiotistas. Money-changers, stock-
brokers, bill-brokers, discounters of
govt warrants.

Agregados. Attaches, added.
Agugeros. Holes.
Alabado. Praised be.
Alameda. Grove of trees.
Alcabala. Excise; also customs du-
ties.

Alcaldadas. Alcalde's blunders.
Alcalde mayor. Magistrate of a dis-
trict inferior to a governor's.
Alcahueteria. Bawdry, trickery,

concealment.
Alcatraz. Pelican.
Alinud. Twelfth of a fanega, q. v.
Alrnuerzo. Breakfast (usually a sec-
ond one).

Alocucion. Address.
A medias palabras. With mere hints.
Ameno. Agreeable, enchanting.
Amigas. Primary schools.
Amo. Master, owner.
Amor patrio. Love of country.
Anata. Annats.

(793)

Aprehensor. Captor.

Ap antes. Notes, memoranda.

Arancel. Tariff.

Arbitrios. Means, resources.

Archivo. Record office; in plural,
archives.

Ardilla. Squirrel.

Arete. Earring.

Arreglo. Arrangement.

Arribenos. Inhabitants of northern
California.

Arriero. Muleteer.

Arroba. Twenty -five pounds.

Arroyo. Rivulet, or current.

Asamblea. Assembly.

Asistencia. Assistance; branch of a
mission.

Atentado escandalosfsimo. Most
scandalous outrage.

Audiencia. Supreme court; in Mex-
ico, together with the viceroy, it
was also a royal council.

Auto-de-fe. Sentence by the inquisi-
tion.

Auto de posesion. Act of possession.

Averfa. Average, damage.

Averiguacion. Investigation.

Ayuntamiento. Municipal council.

Azotes. Lashes.

Bahia redonda. Round bay.

Banda. Side, scarf.

Bando. Edict.

Bando econdmico. Financial edict.

Barranca. Ravine, precipice.

Basquina. Upper petticoat.

794

GLOSSARY.

Beato, a. Devout.

Benemerito de la patria. Deserving
well of the country.

Bidarka. Skin boat.

Bienes. Property.

Bolas de plata. Silver balls.

Boleto de desembarco. Landing per-
mit.

Bolsilla. Little purse.

Bolsillo. Pocket.

Borrador. Blotter-copy.

Borregada. A flock of sheep.

Borrego. Sheep; also name of a Cal.
dance.

Brazo de mar. See ' Estero. '

Brazos fuertes. Powerful or strong
arms.

Brea. Rosin, pitch.

Breves, Papal briefs.

Bronco. Unbroken horse.

Buenos dias. Good morning.

Bulas. Papal bulls.

Burla. Mockery.

C

Caballar. Belonging to or resembling

horses.
Caballo. Horse. Muy de a caballo.

An accomplished horseman.
Cabecera. Head town of a district;

source of a river.
Cabeza. Head. Cabeza de proceso.

Head of a criminal proceeding.
Cabo de Hornos. Cape Horn.
Cabotage. Coasting trade.
Cacaiste. Mexican, a sort of bench.
Calabozo. Calaboose, prison.
Calzada. Causeway, paved highway,

high-road.

Campana. Campaign.
Campo. Field.

Canada. Glen or dale between moun-
tains; dale.
Canon. Cannon. Cafioncito. Small

cannon.

Candnigo. Canon.
Caiitares a la Virgen. Canticles to

the Virgin.

Capador. Gelder or castrator.
Capataz. Boss.
Capitan de armas. Commander of

troops.

Capitana. Flag-ship.
Capitanejo. Petty chief.
Carrera de baqueta. Running the

gauntlet.

Carta. Letter, chart.
Carta de naturaleza. Certificate of

naturalization.

Carta de seguridad. Passport, or
permit to reside.

Casa consistorial. Municipal hall.

Casas Grandes. Large houses.

Casas reales. Buildings of the crown.

Castigo de sangre. Punishment
drawing blood.

Catorce. Fourteen.

Caucion juratoria. A person's own
recognizance.

Cayuco. Dug-out.

Cedula. Letter.

Celador. Watchman.

Celeberrima. Most celebrated, or il-
lustrious.

Cepos. Stocks for punishment.

Cerro. Hill.

Chahuistle. Rust.

Chancaca. See 'Panocha.'

Chapeton. One of noble birth who
never was of any use; one who came
to America without a royal pass-
port.

Chapulin. Locust.

Cimarrones. Runaways or deserters.

Clerigo. Clergyman.

Comandante de escuadron. Major of
cavalry.

Comandante superior politico y mili-
tar. Superior civil and military
commandant.

Comendador. Knight commander.

Comilitona. See 'Comilona.'

Comilona. A feast with plenty of
edibles.

Comisario.
official.

Comision.

mision reservada. Secret commis-
sion.

Companero. Companion, comrade,
chum.

Compania de honor. Company of
honor.

Campania extrangera. Company of
foreigners.

Comodidad. Comfort, utility.

Compadre, comadre, gossips.

Compadrazgo. Bond of affinity be-
tween the parents of a child on one
side, and the sponsors of the child
on the other.

Compania franca. Privileged com-
pany.

Condiciones convenidas. Conditions
agreed upon.

Cdngrua. Stipend.

Congreso constituyente, Constituent

Commissary, a treasury
Commission, trust. Co-

Conministro. Assistant minister.

GLOSSARY.

795

Conquistado, a, os, as. Conquered,
subjugated.

Conquistar. To conquer.

Consejo. Council. Conse jo-general
de pueblos unidos. Council-general
of united towns, or people.

Consideracion no menor. Of not less
consideration.

Contador. Accountant, auditor.

Contestacion. Answer.

Contribucion forzosa. Forced loan.

Contorno. In circuit.

Convenio. Convention, agreement.

Corbeta. Corvette, or sloop-of-war.

Cordilleras. Messages from place to
place.

Corma. Species of fetters.

Corral. A pen for live-stock, and
even for poultry.

Coyote. A small California wolf.

Cuadrilla. Gang.

Cuarta. A whip.

Cuarto de las solteras. Single wo-
men's quarters.

Culto. Cult, worship, cultured.

Custodia. Number of convents, not
enough for a provincia; remon-
strance.

Cuero. Hide of cattle or horses.

Cuerpo. The body.

Cuerpo del delito. Corpus delicti.

D

De estilo. Usual.

Definidores. The councillors of a
custodia.

Delitos de sangre. Crimes with
bloodshed.

Derechos. Duties.

Derrochador. Squanderer.

Derrotero. Directions for sailing.

Desagiie. Drainage.

Desahogo. Relief.

Desayuno. Breakfast.

Descubridor. Discoverer, or detector.

Desesperado. Desperado.

Destierro. Banishment.

Diablo. Devil.

Dia de fiesta. Feast-day.

Dia del juicio. Day of judgment.

Dictamen. Report, opinion.

Dieta. Daily pay.

Diezmos. Tithes.

Diran y Diremos. They will say, and
so shall we.

Discretorio. Council of a head con-
vent.

Dispensa. Pantry-room.

Divertirae, To amuse oneself.

Doctrina. Doctrine; curacy held by

friars.
Doctrineros. Friars in charge of

parishes.
Donatives. Donations, gifts.

E

Echado. Past participle of echar, to
throw, or put in. Echado yerlia en
los dleos. Had put poison in the
sacred oil.

Echar con cajas destempladas. To
dismiss unceremoniously.

Economia de sangre. Saving of
bloodshed.

El capitan fraile tenia mas mafias que
un burro de aguador. The friar
captain had more tricks than the
donkey of a water-carrier.

Embarcadero. Landing-place.

Emigrados. Emigrants, immigrants.

Empastados. Bound.

Enchilada. Stuffed peppers.

Enfermo. Sick.

Enramada. A shed or hut covered
with branches of trees.

Ensenada. A bight, or small bay,
cove.

Entrada. Entry, entrance, invasion,
excursion.

Escala. See 'Puerto de Escala.'

Escalador, es. Climber, one who
scales walls.

Escandalos. Scandals.

Escandalo de gran tamano. Large-
sized scandal.

Escoltas. Mission guard.

Escondida. Hidden.

Escribano. Notary.

Escrito. Writing; also written.

Espinazo. Spine.

Estado. Statement, or account.

Estero. Creek, cove, arm of the sea.

Estoy. I am.

Excusa. Excuse.

Excma, contraction of excelentisima.
Most excellent.

Excomunion mayor. Excommunica-
tion major.

Expediente. Collection of papers
upon a subject.

F

Fandango. A dance of the common

people.

Fanega. A bushel and a half.
Farallones. Small, pointed islands,

hummocks.

796

GLOSSARY.

Favorecedor. Favorer, friend.

Festejar. To entertain, to feast.

Fidelidad. Fealty, faithfulness.

Fierro. Branding-iron.

Fomento. Development.

Fondo de gratificacion. Extra allow-
ance to each milit. company.

Foudo de Invalidos. Fund of inva-
lided soldiers.

Fondo de Montepio. Fund of pensions
for officers' widows and orphans.

Fondo de retencion. Fund of amounts
retained.

Forzados. Forced.

Fragata. Frigate, full-rigged ship.

Fragiles. Fragile.

Frail ero. One under the influence of
priests.

Fresno. Alder tree.

Fuego. Fire.

Fuero eclesiastico. Ecclesiastical
privileges.

Fuero militar. Military privileges.

Fumos. See 'Humos.'

G

Gabelas. Imposts.

Ganado. Live-stock, cattle.

Gananciales. Property acquired dur-
ing marriage.

Ganan. Ploughman, herdsman.

Gefatura. Office of a gefe or chief.

Gefe. Chief. Gefe politico. Politi-
cal chief.

Gente. People.

Gente de razon. Civilized people.

Gentilidad. Heathen people or region.

Gloria. Glory.

Golpe de estado. Coup d'etat, revo-
lution.

Golpe de mano. Coup de main, dar-
ing stroke.

Gracias. Favors, thanks, graces.

Grilles. Shackles.

Grito. Cry, declaration.

Guarda-almacen. Store-keeper.

Guardia. Guard and guard-house.

Giiera. Mexican for light complexion
and hair.

Guerra. War. Junta de guerra.
Council of war.

Guijarro. Cogglestone.

Habilitacion. Habilitado's office; also

provision.
Habilitado. Paymaster and business

agent of a presidial company.

Hambre. Hunger.

Hermoso. Handsome.

Herrar. To brand.

Hidalgo. One of gentle birth.

Hijo del Pais. Native of the country.

Hoja de servicio. Record of service.

Hombre. Man. Hombre de bien.
Honest man.

Hoy. To-day.

Huero. Unfecundated egg. In Cal-
ifornia a person of light complexion
and hair.

Huilo. A man without physical
strength, or weak in the legs.

Humos. Smoke.

Inaudito atentado. Unheard of out-
rage.

Inconvenientes. Objections.

Indigente, es. Indigent.

Indulto. Pardon.

Insigne. Signal, notable.

Intendente honorario de provincia.
An honorary intendent of province.

Interventor. Comptroller, supervisor.

Islas desiertas. Desert islands.

Jacal. Straw building.

Jara. An arrow, or dart. Jarazo.
An arrow wound.

Jardin. Garden.

Juez. Judge.

J ugador. Gambler.

Junta. A board or corporation,
meeting. Junta Instituyente. In-
stituting board.

Juramento. Oath.

Juzgado. Court of justice.

Laguna. Small lake.

Lanchas. Launches, or lighters.

Latido. Throb.

Latitas. Small laths.

Lazar. To lasso, or catch animals

with a rope.
Legua. League.

Levantamiento. Uprising, revolt.
Libros de patentes. Copy-book of

instructions.
Lindo. Beautiful, handsome.
Liviandad. Levity, incontinence.
Lobos. Wolves. Lobos Metodistas.

Methodist wolves.

GLOSSARY.

797

Lobos marines. Sea-wolves, sea

lions.

Lomas. Heights.
Llano. Plain
Llavero. Keeper of the keys. In

the missions, the store-keeper.

M

Machete. Cutlass. Macheteros
Men armed with machetes.

Madrina. Godmother, or female
sponsor.

Mai. Evil, complaint.

Malvado. Villain, wretch, wicked

Manada. A herd of sheep.

Mangas. Bed-clothes and blankets

Manguillo. Friar's sleeve.

Manifesto. Manifesto.

Manta. Cotton cloth.

Mantilla. Head cover for women.

Manana. Morning, and to-morrow.

Mariposa. Butterfly.

Mariscadas. Military raids.

Maromeros. Rope-dancers.

Mas 6 menos. More or less.

Matanza. Slaughter.

Matriarca. Matriarch.

Mecate. Mexican for rope.

Medio real. Half a real, or 6J cents.

Mejicano. Mexican. A lo Mejicano.
After Mexican fashion.

Memorias. Memoranda.

Mentira. Lie.

Mercenarios. friars of the Order of
Mercy; mercenary.

Mesteno. See 'Mostrenco.'

Milpas. Indian corn-fields.

Ministros fundadores. The friars
who found a mission.

Ministros suplentes. Substitute jus-
tices.

Misa. Mass.

Morro. Steep cliff.

Mostrenco, s. Strayed, having no
owner. Bienes mostrencos. Goods
without a known owner.

Mochilas, or mpchillas. Leathern
flaps for covering a saddle-tree, a
knapsack.

Mocho. A bull or cow with horns
cut off. Applied also to human be-
ings or animals that have lost a
finger, thumb, etc.
Morirse. To die.
Muerto. Dead.
Muchachos. Boys.

Nada mas.

N
Nothing more.

Neoffa (coined word). Status of neo-
phyte.

Niflas exppsftas. Girl foundlings.

Nombramiento. Appointment.

Novenario de azotes. Daily flogging
for nine days.

Novia. Sweetheart, bride.

Nuqueador. One who broke the
necks of cattle.

Nutria. Otter.

O

Obispado. Bishopric.

Obras piadosas. Benevolent institu-

tions.

Oleo. The sacred oil.
Onza. Gold coin worth sixteen silver

dollars.

Orden. Order, command.
Ordenanzas. Ordinances.
Orejano. Wild. Res orejana de fierro.

Cattle marked on the ears.
Orgullo. Pride.
Oso. Bear.
Otro, a, os, as. Other.

Pacotilla. Small trading venture.

Padre. Father.

Padrino. Godfather, or sponsor.

Padron. Census.

Pais. Country.

Paisanos. Civilians, fellow-country-
men.

Palabra de esponsales. Betrothal.

Palos. Sticks, blows with a bludgeon
or cudgel. Matar a palos. To kill
with blows.

Panela. See 'Panocha.'

Panocha. An ear of millet or maize;
applied to the disc-shaped loaves of
coarse sugar.

i'apel. Paper, writing.
~"apel de Iglesia. Church asylum
certificate.

'apeleta. Cheque, or ticket.
Paquete mercante. Merchant packet-
ship.

'arages. Places, or regions.

Jarafso. Paradise.

'arecer. Opinion, or report.

'arroquia. Parish, and parish
church.

'artido. Sub-district.

'ascua florida. Easter.

'aseo maritime. Excursion by sea.

'astorela. Idyl, poem in which the
speakers act as shepherds.

798

GLOSSARY.

Patronato. Royal patronage over the
church.

Pedrero. Swivel-gun.

Pelador. Flayer, skinner.

Peor es Nada. Nothing is worse.

Perdulario. Devil-may-care.

Periddicos. Periodicals, newspapers.

Permanencia. Permanence, stay.

Pescadero. Fishing-place, fishmonger.

Pez. See 'Brea.'

Pienso que no. I think it will not be.

Placer. Place where gold is found in
dirt, either on dry land or in the
bed of a stream.

Platica. Discourse, colloquy; also
pratique.

Playa. Sea-beach.

Plaza. Open square in a town.

Pliego. Sheet of paper.

Pobfadores. Settlers or founders of a
town or country.

Poder ejecutivo. Executive author-
ity.

Policia. Police.

Politicos arbitristas. Scheming poli-
ticians.

Populachero. One who courts the
rabble.

Portero. Door-keeper.

Pozo. Spring or well.

Pozolera. Pozole pot.

Prebendado. Prebendary, canon.

Preferencia. Preference. De prefer-
encia. In preference.

Presbitero. Presbyter, clergyman.

Presidiarios. Convicts.

Presidio. Frontier post, penal place.

Prest. A soldier's pay.

Prestamo. Loan.

Pretesto. Pretext.

Prevenciones. Instructions.

Primicias. First fruits.

Principio. Beginning.

Proceder. Proceeding.

Proclama. Proclamation.

Promovedor. Promoter.

Propiedad. Proprietorship, property,
propriety.

Propios. Town lands.

Provincia. Province.

Proyecto, Project. Proyecto de ley.
Bill or draft of a law.

Pueblo. Chartered town; also people.

Pueblos de visita. Indian towns vis-
ited from a distant convent.

Puerto de cabotage. Port open to
coasting trade.

Puerto habilitado. Port open to com-
merce.

Puerto de escala. Way port.

Pulpa. The most solid part of the

flesh.
Puflado de advenedizos. Handful of

upstarts.

Quejas. Complaints, grievances.
Quinterna. Five nominees.

R

Racion. Ration.

Rancheria. Indian village.

Ranchero. A person owning a rancho
or living iu one.

Rancho. Tract of land used almost
wholly for pasturage. Since the
American annexation, it has been
anglicized ranch, and applied to
even small farms and single houses.

Real. Royal, real, a silver coin, a
royal camp or tent. In Spanish
times, a mining district.

Realistas. Royalists.

Reata. A rope of rawhide for lasso-
ing animals.

Reatazo. A lash with a reata or
lariat.

Recogida. A gathering of horses.

Reconocimiento. Recognition, ac-
knowledgment.

Recuerdos. Recollections.

Reducido, os. Reduced.

Regidor. Alderman.

Reglamentos. Regulations, or by-
laws.

Reintegro. Reimbursement, or re-
payment.

Rendicion. Surrender.

Reo. An indicted person.

Repartimientos. Apportionments.

Res. A head of neat cattle.

Reservado, a. Reserved, or confiden-
tial.

Revolucionario. Revolutionist.

Rifleros. Riflemen.

Roble. Oak tree.

Rodeo. Rounding up cattle.

Romancero del Cid. Collection of
romances or ballads of the Cid; also
the singer of such.

Ronda de cabrones. Patrol of cuck-
olds.

Ropa. Clothing.

Rosario. A rosary, evening prayers.

Riibrica. A scroll or flourish appended
by Spanish people to their signa-
tures.

GLOSSARY.

799

S

Sala. Hall, or parlor.

Sala capitular. Municipal hall.

Sangre azul. Blue blood, noble birth.

Salida. Excursion.

Salinas. Salt marshes.

Sambenito. Garment worn by the
penitent convicts of the inquisition.

Santa Obediencia. Sacred obedience.

Sauz. Willow. Sauzal. Willow
grove. Sauzalito. Small grove of
willows.

Seguridad. Security, or safety.

Seia. Six.

Senorla. Lordship, worship, honor.

Sierra. A saw; also a chain of moun-
tains-

Sierrita. Small sierra.

Sierra Nevada. Ridge of mountains
covered with snow.

Silla. Chair, or saddle. Silla vaquera.
Saddle used by vaquero.

Sin. Without.

Sindico. A town's attorney.

Sinodo. Stipend of a missionary;
also synod.

Sitio. Small stock range.

Situado. Appropriation.

Socoyote. Applied to the youngest
child of a family, and also the low-
est servant.

Soldado. Soldier.

Soldado distinguido. Private soldier
of gentle birth.

Sombrero. Hat.

Sublevado, a, os, as. Rebelled, rebel-
lious.

Sucesos. Events, occurrences, suc-
cesses.

Sumaria. The first proceeding in a
trial.

Suplente. Substitute.
T

Tamal. Indian meal dumpling stuffed

with minced meat, chicken, etc.
Tapalo. A shawl.
Tapanco. Cock-loft, or room over

the garret.
Tardeada. March begun late in the

day.
Tasajo. Jerked beef. Tasajero. One

who prepares jerked beef.
Tecolero. Master of ceremonies at a

ball.

Tecolote. Species of owl.
Temblor. Shake. Temblor de tierra,

or terrernoto. Earthquake.
Tescallis. Aztec temples.

Tequezquite. Mineral salt used chiefly
in mines.

Tequio. Task allotted to the mission
neophytes.

Terna, tern. Composed of three.

Terreno. Ground.

Testigo. Witness.

Tierras. Lands. De temporal;
Lands depending entirely on rains.
De regadio; Irrigated lands. De
abre vanero ; Land: i having deposits
of water to which animals resort.

Tierra de guerra. Hostile country.

Tierra de paz. Land at peace.

Tierra firme. Main land.

Tierra incognita. Unknown land.

Tocante. Concerning, about.

Toison de oro. Golden fleece.

Tomista. Liquor-drinker.

Tonto. Stupid, foolish.

Trabajadores. Laborers.

Tratado. Treaty, convention, agree-
ment.

Tratamiento. Compellation.

Tule. Water-reed. Tular. A field
of tules.

U

Usia. Contraction of vuestra sefioria,
your lordship, or worship, or honor.

V

Vacuna. Vaccination, and also the
vaccine virus.

Vacuno (Ganado). Neat cattle.

Valgame Dios. God protect me.

Vallado. A wide, deep trench; also
a kind of fence or wall with thorny
plants on top.

Vaquero. A cow-herder.

Vara de justicia. A justice's verge.

Vecindario. The citizens of a town,
district, or street.

Vecino. Resident, neighbor, neigh-
boring.

Venta. Sale mark of cattle.

Viatico. Provision for a journey;
also the viaticum sacrament.

Vicario castrense. Deputy of the
chaplain-gen. Vicario fordneo.
Vicar forain.

Vida. Life.

Vidrio. Glass.

Villanos. Villains, wretches.

Violincito. A small fiddle.

Visitador. Inspector.

Vocal. Voting member of a corpora-
tion.

800

GLOSSARY.

Vociferaciones alarmantes. Alarm-
ing clamors, or outcries.

Vdmito negro. Black vomit, yellow
fever.

Vuesencia, contracted V. E. for
Vuestra excelencia. Your excel-
lency.

Yataa, for ya est£. All ready.

Yerba. Literally, herl; often used

to imply poison.
Yerba buena. Mint; literally, good

herb.

Zacate. Grass.

Zanja. An irrigating ditch, such as

that in Los Angeles.
Zanjero. The official in charge of

the zanja.

INDEX.

Abella, Father, incest punished by,
334.

Abrego, J., story of, 428; manuscript
of, 769.

Acapulco, Humbolclt at, 1803, 101;
commerce with, 483.

Agriculture, in Cal., 347-59; 445-6,
449.

Aguado, Lieut, story of, 271-2.

Aguadores, business of, 328.

Agurre, J. A., stories of, 472-4.

Ahumada, Friar T., mention of, 188.

Alaska, commerce, etc., with, 463-5.

Alberni, P. de, mention of, 206; com-
mand of, 296,

Altimira, J., mention of, 194, 216.

Alvarado, J. B., mention of, 244-5,
252, 270-1; 'Historia deCal., ' MS.
283; quot. from 404; petition of,
438; education in Cal., 516-7; ex-

' com. of, 524-5; manuscript history,
769-71.

Alviso, J. A., manuscript of, 771.

Amador, Mayordomo, otter taken by,
1830, 476.

Amador, J. M., stories of, 214-15;
story of, 222; quotation from, 327;
descript. of dress, 374; quotation
from, 403; dances mentioned by,
415; remarks of, 448; statement of,
449-50; education of, 495; manu-
script of, 771-2.

America, early civilization in, 54-6,
58-96; age of continent, 126-7;
origin of races, 127-8.

Americans, encroachments of, 461-2.

Amords, J., inaug. of Sola, 1816, 425;
mention of, 218.

Amurrio, G., mention of, 188.

Amusements, descript. of, 406-36.

Arce, F., manuscript of, 773.

Argiiello, C. M., love-story of, 331-2.

Argiiello, Gov., inaug. of Sola, 1816,
421; education in Col., 510.
CAL. PAST. 51

Arguello, A. J. D., mention of, 251.

Argiiello, C., mention of, 463.

Xrguello, J. D., intercedes with Ar-
rillaga, 463.

Argiiello, Prefect, mention of, 438.

Armijo, A., bandit, 649.

Arnaz, J., manuscript of, 774.

Arnaz, statement of, 287; remarks on
dress, 396; descript of bull-fight,
434; statements of, 427.

Arrillaga, J. J. de, mention of, 202;
Rezanof's negotiations with, etc.,
463^1.

Arroyo, Padre, mention of, 317.

.£vila, V., daughters of, 306; horse-
race of, 430.

B

Baca, M., mention of, 521.
Baldridge, W. manuscript of, 780.
Balls, cost and descript. of, 425-8.
Bamba, dance, descript. of, 410.
Bandini, Dona R. de, mention of,

407-8.

Bandini, J., remarks, of, 282; quota-
tion from, 438; Banditti, 641-704;

manuscript of, 775.
Barcenilla, L, mention of, 213.
Barona, J., mention of, 187.
Bartlett, W. A., letter to 'The Cali-

fornian,' 443.

Bean, Gen., murder «of, 677.
Bear-fights, descript. of, 433-5.
Bell, T. J., bandit, 650-1; history,

670; adventures, 671; capture, 672.
Bell, grist mills of, 454.
Belden, J. quotation from, 347;

manuscript of, 790.
Benicia, founding of, 733, 739.
Berreyesa, A., manuscript, 785.
Bibliography, 751 etseq.
Bid well, J., quotation from, 342;

remarks of, 449; manuscript of,

790.
Bigler, H. W., manuscript of, 791.

(801)

802

INDEX.

Bodega, Port., Russ. settlement at,

464-5.
Bonpland, with Humboldt's exped.,

98-115.
Borica, D. de, founding of Santa

Cruz, 1797, 253-4; land policy of,

education in Cal., 495-9.
Bojorges, J., manuscript, 785.
Borrego, dance, descript. of, 411.
Boscana, G., mention of, 187.
Boston, commerce with, 481-3.
Botello, N., manuscript of, 776.
Branciforte, Town, mention of, 354.
Brandy, manufact. of, 371-2, 449, 454.
Bryant, journey of, 1846, 325-6.
Bryant, Sturgis and Co., trade with

Cal., 475.

Bull-fights, descript. of, 432-4.
Buelna, F., manuscript, 785.
Burro, dance, descript. of, 411.
Burton, H. S., marriage of, 330-1.

C

California, the aborig. era, 135-50;
physical features, 137-50; abori-
gines of, 151-61; missionaries in,
153-78; the aborig. era, 179; mis-
sionaries in, 182; missions of, 184,
-246, 256-7 ; pueblos, 248-56, 258;
land tenure, 256-8, 357; society
260-93; military system, 294-304;
woman's condition, etc., in, 305-33;
marriage and divorce in, 307-21;
immorality in, 321-3, 333-4, 405;
customs and amusements, 323-9;
dress, 326-7, 332-3, 362, 373-400;
stock-raising in, 335-47; droughts,
337-8; agric., 347-59, 445-6; food
and i rink, 361-73; dwellings and
furniture, 361 401-3; training of
children, 403-5; amusements, 406-
36; condition of Indians, 437-9;
ship-building in, 439-40; mails,
4424:; horsemanship in, 446-8;
manufact. of, 448-57; commerce,
459-87; taxation and revenue, 465-
8, 474-83; shipping, 468; educa-
tion, 493-521; libraries, etc., 521-4;
colloquial terms, 526.

Cambon, P. B., mention of, 190, 193,
215.

Cambuston, H., mention of, 520.

Camotes, dance, descript. of, 411.

Carquinez, strait of, site for a city,
731-2.

Carrillo, J., story of, 427-8.

Carrillo, Mrs, documents, 785.

Carrillo, T. M., bandit, 649.

Castillo, M. G., divorce of, 314-15.

Castro, Alcalde, dress of, 1835, 396.
Castro, J., story of, 304; mention of,

318; excommunication of, 524-5.
Castro, M. J., manuscript of, 776.
Catalan Volunteers, co. of, 296.
Caynameros, story of the, 526-7.
Chabolla, P., story of, 301-2
Chamberlain, J., statement of, 438.
Chavez, C., bandit, 653.
Chavez, J. A., story of, 304.
Chico, Gov., language of flowers,

330.

Chico, M., anecdote of, 198-9.
Children, training, etc., of, 403-5.
Chiles, J. B., manuscript of, 791.
China, commerce with, 459-60.
Christianity, spread of, 7-8.
Chivalry, origin, etc., of, 9-17.
Cholula, pyramid, descript. of, 113.
Church, influence of, 26-45, 80-2.
Civilization, comments on, 1-56;

effects of, 267-8.
Claudio, robber-chief, description of,

648; death, 669,

Clymer, quotation from, 340, 453.
Coin, scarcity of, 1840, 485.
Colonization, hist, of, 57-96.
Commerce, descript. of, 459-87.
Contradanza, dance, descript. of,

412.

Coronel, A. F., manuscript of, 777-8.
Crespi, J., mention of, 185, 205.
Coronel, J., on Cal. missions, 234-7;

remarks on dress, 392-3; ball de-
scribed by, 408-9; education in

Cal., 516.
Cortina, J. G. de la, pamphlet of,

288.
Costromitinoff, visit to San Francisco,

1842, 425.
Cotton, raising of, 351; manufacture

of, 449.

Cuernavaca, Humbolclt at, 1803, 102.
Custot, 0., story of, 1838-9, 455-7.

D

Dances, descript. of, 406-20.

Daniel, P., bandit traitor, 666; men-
tion, 675.

Davis, J., schooner built by, 439-40;
statement of, 470.

Davis, Capt., voyages of, 471.

Davis, W. H., manuscript of, 790.

Diego, G., mention of, 209; bishop of
Cal., 229.

Dolores, mission, tragedy near, 284-5.

Douglas, J., quotation from, 322.

Drama, the, descript. of, 429. \

INDEX.

803

Dress, descript. of, 326-7, 332-3, 362,

373-400.

Duarte, horse-race of, 430.
Duhaut-Cilly, remarks on dress, 379-

80; description of dance, 419.
Dumetz, F., mention of, 185.
Duran, Father, mention of, 213;

mention of, 238; aguardiente made

by, 371; liquors manufact. by, 449;

story of, 525.

Dwellings, descript. of, 361, 401-3.
Dye, descript. of ball-room customs,

416.

E

Earth's end, 706-21.
Echeandia, Jefe, order of, 240.
Echeandia, Gov., education in Cal.,

510-12.
Education, condition, etc. of, 493-

521.
England, colonies of, 60-5; commerce

with, 484-5.

Escobar, A., manuscript, 785.
Escoltas, descript. of, 238-40.
Espinola, Senora P., mention of, 369.
Espinosa, E., manuscript, 785.
Espinosa, S., mention of, 238-9
Espinosa, F., mention of, 306. .
Estudillo, J. M., mention of, 187;

stories related by, 472—4; story of,

1817, 487-92; manuscript, 786.
Ezquer, I., manuscript, 786.

F

Fages, Gov., land policy of, 257; let-
ter of, 307.

Fandango, dance, descript. of, 411-
12, 416.

Felix, R., mention, 646.

Fernandez, J., manuscript, 786.

Figueroa, Gov., letter of, 343; report
of, 441; education in Cal., 514, 516.

Florencio, Father, mention of, 429.

Flores, M., manuscript, 786.

Flour, manfact. of, 454.

Forster, J. manuscript, 791.

Franciscans, in Cal., 246.

Fuster, Father, mention of, 185, 189,
199.

Feudalism, spread of, 2-6; decay of,
6-9.

Galindo, E., manuscript, 786.

Galindo, R., story of, 302.

Garcia, F., party described by, 417;

inaug. of Sola, 423-4.
Garcia, I., J. E., andM., manuscripts,

786.

Garcia, I., story of, 368-9.
Garcia, Diego, education in Cal.,

517-18.
Garcia, M., Three-fingered Jack,

647; capture, 668.
Garfias, Col, mention of, 271.
Gamboa y Caballero, mention of,

371.
German, J. de los, S., and L. C.,

manuscript, 787.
Gloriosisimo Principe Arcangel, etc.

mission of, 199.
Gomez, F., mention of, 185.
Gomez, V. P., manuscript, 787.
Gomez, remarks on dress, 392; re-
marks of, 446-7.
Gomez, V., bandit, 654.
Gonzalez, Father, mention of, 318;

.opposed to protest, marriage, 330-

1.
Gonzalez, T. and M., manuscripts,

787.

Gonzalez, P., horse-thief, 648.
Gonzalez, R., story of, 207-8; men-
tion of, 229.

Gonzalez, M. A., divorce of, 315-16.
Guanajuato, Humboldt's visit to,

1803, 108.
Guerra, Capt. de la, story of, 300;

orders of, 375-6; library of, 523;

documents and characteristics, 766. _
Guijarros, Point, fortifications at,

296.
Gutierrez, mail regulations of, 443.

H

Habilitado, functions of the, 297.
Haciendas, descript. of, 348.
Hall, quotation from, 453.
Hernandez, D., bandit, 684-43.
Hartnell, W. E. P., contract, etc., of,

466-7; letter of, 484-5; school es-

tabl'd by, 513-14; library of, 523;

documents, 787.
Hayes, Judge, remarks of, 281-2;

326.
Herrera, Comisario, interference of,

223.

Higuera, M. N., marriage of, 318-19.
Hides, export of, 467, 479; collection,

etc. of, 472-7; curing, 476-7; sale

of, 484.

Hi jar, C. N., manuscript, 788.
Horsemanship, descript. of, 446-8.
Horse-racing, descript. of, 429-31.

804

INDEX.

Humboldt, A. von, travels, etc.,
of, 1799-1804, 97-116; character,
97, 106, 132; biog., 97-8, 131-5;
surveys of, 116; interoc. communi-
cation, 122; theories of, 126-30; re-
search and learning, 132-3; habits,
133; death, 1859, 134.

Ibanez, Father, story of, 450-1.

Indians, condition, etc., of, in Mex.,
124-6; Indians of Cal., 151-61;
mission management, etc., of, 220-
46; amusements of, 435-6; con-
dition of, 437-9; traffic with, 487.

Inquisition, workings of the, 44-9.

Irrigation, regulations for, 355-6.

Irvin, J., bandit, 672.

J.

Jalapa, Humboldt's visit to, 1803, 114.
Janssens, E. A., statement of, 450;

manuscript of, 779.
Jarabe, dance, descript. of, 412, 415-

16.

Jaume, Friar, mention of, 185.
Jimeno, Father A., mention of, 198.
Jones, Commodore, mention of, 428.
Jorullo, volcano, descript. of, 111-12.
Jota, dance, descript. of, 413-15.
Journals, ' The Calif ornian, ' 443-4.
Juarez, C., manuscript, 788.
Jurisprudence, mediaeval, 18-19.

K

Kuskof, at Ross Colony, 465.

Land-tenure, in Cal., 256-8, 357.
Laplace, remarks of, 280; statement

of, 474.

Larios, M., bear story of, 434-5.
Larios, J. and E., manuscripts, 788.
Larkin, letter to Parrott, 282-3; cost

of ball given by, 426; remarks of,

479-81; documents and biography,

767.

Las Flores, pueblo of, 259.
Lasuen, Father, mention of, 199;

mention of, 206, 210; education in

Cal., 495.

Leather, manufact. of, 448, 452-4.
Leese, J. P., manuscript, 788.
Leese, Alcalde, report of, 521.
Leiva, bandit, 652.
Libraries, mention of, 521-4.

Literature, spread of, 19-29; of pas-
toral Cal., see last chapter.

Lopez, Friar, mention of, 208; horse-
manship of, 448.

Lorenzana, A., manuscript, 788.

Los Angeles, city of founded, etc.,
251-2; site of transferred, 252; capi-
tal of Cal., 259; society, etc., at,
278; wedding at, 310-11; munic.
regulations, 345, 355-6, 442; pueblo
of, 354; dress in, 379-80; horse-rac-
ing at, 430-1; mail-service of, 444;
education at, 515-16, 518.

Love, H., description, 619; captures
Murieta, 666-7.

Lugo, J. del C., remarks on dress,
378-9, 388-9; manuscript, 788.

M

Machado, A., stories of, 378; 472-4.

Madariaga, J., complaint of, 307.

Mails, descript. of, 442—4.

Manilas, The, bandits, 676.

Manojo, C., anecdote of, 198-9.

Manufactures, of Mex., 117-20; of
Cal., 448-57.

Manuscripts, classes of, 767-9.

Markhoff, quotation from, 367; des-
cript. of dress, 395-6; pay of Ind.
laborers, 438; quotations from,
441-2.

Matron, F. 0., manuscript, 789.

Martierena, J. M. de, mention of,
210.

Martinez, L., biog., etc., 199-201.

Martinez, P. A., mention of, 210.

Martinez, Father, mention of, 450.

Mason, Gov., mention of, 314; order
of, 331.

Maxwell, J)r, ball described by, 418;
quotation from, 448.

Mazatlan, commerce with, 483.

McCulloch, H., contract, of, 466-7.

Meek, Capt. J., voyages, etc., of, 471.

Mellus, H., specimen letter of, 478.

Menendez, Father, mention of, 197.

Mercado, Father, mention of, 204.

Merino, Father, mention of, 213.

Mexicans, characteristics, etc., of,
260-93; amusements of, 406-35;
education of in Cal., 493-521; col-
loquial phraseol., 526.

Mexico Valley, descript. of, 105-6.

Mexico City, Humboldt at, 402-8;
descript. of, 103-4.

Mexico, Humboldt's travels in, 1803-
4, 101-116; mines of, 108-11; cli-
mate and soil, 116-17; manufact.
117-20; commerce, 120-1; com-

INDEX.

805

munication, 121-2; govt, 123-4;
Indians of, 124-6; origin of races,
1-27-8; hieroglyphics, 128-9; lan-
guages, 129-30.

Micheltorena, Gov., in Cal., 271-2;
story of, 281 ; wedding attended by,
310-11; co. formed by, 440; decree
of, 479; tax levied by, 481; educa-
tion in Cal., 517-20.

Military system of Cal., 294-304.

Missions of Cal., 184-246, 256-7,
274-6.

Mohammedanism, fall of, 7-13.

Montero, M. C., mention of, 317-18.

Monterey, a presidio, 258; a town,
258-9; a city, 259; society in,
288-90; presidio at, 294; fortifi-
cations of, 296, 303; garrison, 303;
district, agric. in, 337; munic. reg-
ulations, 369; amusements at,
406-7; ball at, 418; inaug. of
Gov. Sola, 421-5; ship-building
at, 439; pier built at, 441; mail-
service of, 443-4; saw-mill at, 455;
commerce of, 460-70; otter-hunting
at, 470-1; commerce of, 478-80;
foreign vessels at, 487-92; educa-
tion at, 497-502, 507-5, 512-14; ed-
ucation at, 515; education at, 518.

Mora, Dr, mention of, 282.

Moraga, Lieut J., founding of San
Jose, 251.

Moraga, G., founding of Santa Cruz,
254-5.

Morineau, remarks of, 279; quota-
tions from, 342.

Moreno, J. B., manuscript of, 789.

Moreno, Mrs P. L., documents, 781.

Mugartegui, Father, mention of, 188.

Murguia, mention of, 211.

Murieta, J., descript. of, 645; history,
655-8; achievements, 659-67; death,
668.

Murray, W., manuscript of, 791.

Neve, Gov., pueblo founded by, 248;

regulation of, 249-50, 294.
New Mexico, traffic with, 486.
New Spain, effect of revolution in,

300-2.

Nidever, G., manuscript of, 791.
Nieves, M. de las, story of, 306.

0

Obregon, mine worked by, 108. •
O'Cain, J., voyage of, 462.
Olbes, Father, cruelty of, 209-10.

Oliva, Father, mention of, 186-7.
Ord, Mrs A., mention of, 202, 230;

manuscript, 781.
Osio, A. M., manuscript 781.

Pacheco, F., library of, 523.

Pacheco, S., ball given by, 408.

Padilla, Capt., mention of, 204.

Palomares, F. 789.

Palou, Friar, Serra's biog., etc., 168-
72; mention of, 185, 285.

Papacy, influence of the, 40-5.

Parron, Friar F., mention of, 184-5.

Patron, F., marriage of, 318-19.

Payeras, M., mention of, 199.

Peltries, traffic in, 459-60.

Pefia, T. de la, mention of, 185,
208, 211.

Pefia, B., statement of, 394; remarks
on dress, 386, 392; description of
bull-fights, 433-^.

Peralta, I., story of, 308.

Perez., E., statement of, 226; manu-
script of, 782.

Perez, B., mention of, 229.

Peru, commerce with, 464—5.

Petaluma, flour-mill at, 454.

Peyri, Father, mention of, 188.

Phelps, Capt., statements of, 428-9;
474-5.

Pico, A., law-suit of, 1840, 430-1.

Pico, J. de J., mention of, 202; state-
ment of, 450.

Pico, P., contract of, 230; biog., 287;
treatment of women, 305-6; ran-
cho of attacked, 332; stories ,of,
346; decree of, 351-2; manuscript,
782.

Pico, S., bandit, 650.

Pinto, R., manuscript, 782, 784.

Pomponio, Indian bandit, 682-3.

Powers, J., desperado, 674-5.

Presidios, descript. of, 294-304.

Priestcraft, influence of, 29-40.

Printing, effect of discov., 27-8.

Proselytism, remarks on, 153-78.

Pueblos, descript. of, 248-56; 353-4.

Purisima, mission of, 199, 204;
drought at, 338.

Puyol, F., mention of, 202-3.

Q

Queretaro, Humboldt's visit to, 107;

factories of, 107-8.
Quijas, Father, J. S., character, etc.,

of, 219-20.

80G

INDEX.

B

Revenue, sources, amount, etc., of,
465-8, 474-83.

Revilla Gigedo, Viceroy, education
in Cal., 495.

Rezanof, Count, love story, 332; voy-
age, etc., of, 463-^.

Rico, F., journey of, 358.

Ridington, J. M., manuscript of, 789.

Rios, C. A. de, manuscript, 785.

Rivera y Moncada, Capt., mention
of, 250-1.

Robberies of railway trains, 700-4.

Robinson, quotation from, 326; re-
marks on dress, 391; fandango,
described by, 416.

Rocha, A. J., mention of, 437.

Rodeos, descript. of, 340-1.

Rodriquez, J., mention of, 429.

Romeu, mention of, 206.

Ross Colony, mention of, 464-5.

Ruiz, M., del A., marriage of, 330-1.

Ruiz, Comandante, story of, 428.

Russians, encroachments of, 461-5.

S

Sainsevan, P., flour mill of, 454-5.

Salazar, Friar, mention of, 208;
founding of Santa Cruz, 255; report
of, 303.

Salt, royal monopoly, etc. , of, 486.

San Antonio de Padua, mission of,
202-4.

San Bias, supplies obtained from,
297; commerce with, 459, 480, 483.

Saint Bonaventura, Bishop, mention
of, 193.

San Buenaventura, mention of, 193-
-4; education at,. 51 2.

Santa Barbara, mission of, 194-7; a
town, 259; society, etc., at, 278;
presidio at, 294, dress at, 396, 399;
morals, etc., of, 406; party at, 417-
18; munic. regulations at, 420;
mail-service of, 443-4; education at,
496-7, 512-14, 518; tannery at,
453.

San Carlos, mission of, 204-7.

Sancho, J. B., mention of, 203.

San Diege, mission of, 184; hist, of,
184-8; presidio at, 294; fortifica-
tions, etc., of, 303; munic. regula-
tions, 393; entertainments at, 406;
mail-service, 442-4; education at;
496-7, 512; education at, 516, 518,
rumored bandit invasion, 677-8.

San Dieguito, pueblo of, 259.

San Fernando, mission of, 192-3; edu-
cation at, 496, 512.

San Francisco Solano, mention of,
218-19.

San Francisco, mission of, 215-18;
a pueblo, 259; presidio at, 294;
fortifications of, 296-7; garrison
of, 303; mail-service, 442^4; com-
merce of, 460-70; otter-hunting
at, 462; commerce of, 477; edu-
cation at, 496-7, 512, 518; dis-
covery of bay, 722-3; founding
of city, 723-50; bay, 731, 736; site,
732; naming, 733; early business
houses, 744-9.

San Gabriel Arcangel, mission of,
190-2; mission of, 230, 232; agric. at,
347; mail-service of, 443; manufact.
at, 448, 454-5; education at, 496,
512.

San Jose, mission of, 212-14, 225; city
of founded, etc., 248-52; mission of,
291; munic. regulations, 344, 420;
colonists of, 349-50; condition of,
354; manufact. at, 449-50; educa-
tion at, 496-7, 512, 518.

San Juan de Argiiello, pueblo of, 259.

San Juan Bautista, mention of, 210-
11.

San Juan Capistrano, mission of, 188-
90; education at, 512.

San Juan de Castro; pueblo of, 259.

San Luis Obispo, mission of, 199-201;
manufac. at, 449-50.

San Luis Rey, mission of, 188; mail-
service of, 443; education at, 512.

San Miguel, mission of, 202; manu-
fac. at, 454; education at, 512.

San Pascual, pueblo of, 259.

San Rafael, mission of, 216-18.

San Pedro, ship-building at, 439.

Santa Clara, mission of, 211-12, 215.

Santa Cruz, mission of, 208-10; city
of founded, etc., 252-5; ship-build-
ing at, 439; Santa Cruz county,
grist-mills in, 454.

Santa liies, mission of, 198-9.

Sarria, V. F. de, mention of, 203,
421.

Semple, R., Carquinez ferry, 739.

Sepulveda, Gov., remarks of, 282;
quotation from, 328-9; law-suit
against, 430-1; remarks of, 446.

Sepulveda, I., remarks of, 526.

Serra, Father, biog., etc., of, 168-76;
mention of, 184-5, 188, 190, 193,
200, 206-7,211.

Serrano, F., mention of, 204; re-
marks on dress, 381; manuscript,
782, 784.

INDEX.

807

Ship-building, descript. of, 439-40.
Shipping, statist, of, 468; dues, 478.
Sitjar, B., mention of, 202-3.
Simpson, G., remarks on dress, 396;

remarks of, 440; letter of, 477.
Smiths, the, bandits, 673-4.
Soap, manufact. of, 448-9.
Soberanes, M., mention of, 204.
Sola, Gov., mention of, 239; stories

of, 301-2; remarks on dress, 377;

inaug., etc., of, 421-5; treatment of

missionaries, 465-6; education in

Cal., 499-502, 507, 510.
Soledad, mission of, 201-2.
Somera, Father, mention of, 190.
Sonoma, pueblo of, 259; education at,

518

Sotelo, S., bandit, 681.
Soto, J., bandit, 652.
South America, Humboldt's travels

in, 1799-1803, 99-101.
Spain, colonies of, 59-96; decadence

of, 89-96.
Spain, feudalism in, 6; chivalry, 9-13;

warfare, 15-17; literature, 19-29;

church influence, 29-51; class dis-
tinctions, 52-3.
Spaniards, characteristics, etc., of,

260-93; amusements of, 406-35.
Stock-raising, in Cal., 335-47.
Stage robberies, 688-700.
Sugar, manufact. of, 455.
Sutter, Gen., practice of slavery, 438;

manuscript of, 791.

Taboada, Friar, mention of, 196.

Tapis, Father, mention of, 188, 198,
211; priest of missions, 421.

Timber, regulations concerning, 441-
2.

Tobacco, raising, etc., of, 351.

Torre, remarks on dress, 378; festivi-
ties described by, 412-13.

Torre, E. de la, manuscript, 782, 784;
contract of, 441.

Torres, M.. manuscript of, 789.

Trujillo, T., mention of, 315.

U

United States, commerce with, 483.
V

Valenzuela, J., robber, 648-9.
Valladolid, Mexico, Humbold's visit

to, 1803, 111.
Valenciana, mine, mention of, 108.

Valle, I del, manuscript of. 789.

Vallejo, I., comisionado of Santa"
Cruz, 255.

Vallejo, J. de J., remarks of, 271;
at San Jose, 291 ; statement of, 485.

Vallejo, M. G., remarks of, 307-8;
farming operations of, 348; story
of, 400; quotation from, 405; dance
described by, 420; privilege granted
by, 439; remarks on mail service,
443; stories of, 455-8; education in
Cal., 504-7; library of, 523-4; town-
building, 730; biography and docu-
ments, 765.

Vallejo, S., remarks of, 326; soap-
factory of, 449; want of enterprise,
452.

Vargas, M. de, school opened by,
1794, 497.

Vazquez, T., bandit, description,
651-2; adventures, 678-80; capture
and death, 681.

Vega, V., manuscript of, 789.

Vejar, P., manuscript of, 789.

Veleros, business of, 328.

Vera Cruz, yellow fever, etc., in,
114-15.

Vergara, bandit traitor, 666.

Viader, Father J., story of, 214.

Vicente, Friar, inaug. of Gov. Sola,
1816, 422.

Victoria, letter of, 1831, 453.

Viticulture, in Cal., 352-3.

Vizcayno, Friar J., mention of, 184-5.

Vocabulary, at end of vol.

W

Warfare, descript. of, 15-17.
Warner, J. T., manuscript of, 791.
Wheat, raising, etc. of, 351, 353, 445.
Wilkes, remarks of, 280-1; remarks

on trade, 476.

Wine, manufact. of, 371-2, 454.
Winship, Capt. J., voyage of, 1810-

11, 464.

Wilson, B. D., manuscript of, 792.
Witchcraft, prevalence of, 38-9.
Wool, manufact. of, 448-50, 453-4.

X

Xochicalco, monument of, 102.
Y

Yerba Buena, town established, 723-
31 ; bears and panthers, 726; name,
734; survey, 735-6.

Yorba, B., mention of, 396,

808

INDEX.

Yorba, J. A., mention of, 316, 346-7.
Yorba, T., dress of, 391.
Ydscolo, Indian bandit, 683-4.
Yount, G., story of, 457-8.

Zalvidea, J. M., miracle wrought by,

189-90; mention of, 234-7.
Zamorano, Capt., mention of, 441.
Zorrita, dance, descript. of, 410-11.