The works of William Robertson : to which is prefixed an account of his life and writings

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JUN 2 41027
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THE

WORKS

ov

WILLIAM ROBERTSON, D.D.

PRINCIPAL OP THB UNIVERSITY OP EDINBURGH^

HISTORIOGRAPHER TO HIS MAJBSTT POR BCOTLANDj

A)n>

MEMBER OP THB ROYAL ACADEMY OP HISTORY

« AT MADRID. v

A<

T-

TO WHICa IS nSFIXXD
• •«••• »

AN ACCOUNT OF HIsilEE aOT) t^RVfiNOSv
BY THE REV. JLEAy^STkir^Ti, \ [

IN TWELVE VOLUMES.
VOL. IX.

LONDON:

niSTKD FOR W. SHARPE ft SOK, W. ALLA80K, C. CHAPFLX, W. ROBIN80K
& SONS, J. MOLLISON, T. FISHER, J. BUMPUS, G. & J. OFFOR, J. CRANWRLL,
J. KVANS & SONS, J. MAYNARO» X. Wn.SOK, W.RATNKS & SON, T. MASON,
J. ROBINS & CO. AND W. HARWOOD, LONDON ; ALSO W. STKWART & CO.
AND J. CARFRAE, EDINBURGH ; AND W. TURNBULL, GLASGOW.

1820.

Printed bj Walker and Grei^
EdinlMirglu

r^

THE

HISTORY

OF

A M E Bit G -M:

• !• • •

• • • • «

• • • < •• •

VOL. II.

*\» •• •• ml •

• • • • •

fl

THE

HISTORY

OF

AMERICA.

BOOK IV.

Twenty-six lyears had elapsed since Colum- book
bus conducted the people of Europe to the

New World. During that period the Spa- wimp^ti
niards had made great progress in exploring wmthm
its various regions. They had visited all the ^'"^'^^
islands scattered in different clusters through
that part of the ocean which flows in between
North and South America. They had sailed
along the eastern coast of the continent, frcmi
the river De la Plata to the bottom of the
Mexican Gulf, and had found that it stretched
without interruption through this vast portion
of the globe. They had discovered the great
Southern Ocean, which opened new prospects
in that quarter. They had acquired spme

VOL. II. A

HISTORY OF AMERICA.

knowledge of the coast of Florida^ which led
them to observe the continent as it extended
in an opposite direction ; and though they
pushed their discoveries no farther towards the
north, other nations had visited those parts
which they neglected. The English, in a voy-
age, the motives and success of which shall be
related in another part of this History, had
sailed along the coast of America from Lia-
brador to the confines of Florida; and the
Portuguese, in quest of a shorter passage to the
East-Indies, had ventured into the northern
seas, and viewed the same regions.* Thus,
at the period where I have chosen to take a
view of the state of the New World, its extent
was known almost from its northern extremity
to thirty-five degrees south of the equator.
The countries which stretch from thence to
the southern boundary of America, the great
empire of Peru, and the interior state of the
extensive dominions subject to the sovereigns
of Mexico, were still undiscovered.

The vast
extent of
the New
World.

When we contemplate the NeW World, the
first circumstance that strikes us is its immense
extent. It was not a small portion of the earth,
so inconsiderable that it might have escaped
the observation or research of former ages.

\

* Herrera, dec. 1. lib. vi. c. 16.

HISTORY OF AImIIeRICA.

which Columbus discovered. He made known
a new hemisphere, larger than either Europe,
or Asia, or Africa, the three noted divisions of
the ancient continent, and not much inferior
in dimensions to a third part of the habitable
globe.

America is remarkable, not only for its
magnitude, but for its position. It stretches
from the northern polar circle to a high south-
em latitude, above fifteen hundred miles be-
yond the farthest extremity of the old conti-
nent on that side of the line. A country of
such extent passes through all the climates
capable of becoming the habitation of man,
and fit for yielding the various productions pe-
culiar either to the temperate or to the torrid
regions of the earth.

Next to the extent of the New World, the Owndob.
grandeur of the objects which it presents to aenteto

view is most apt to strike the eye of an observer.
Nature seems here to have carried on her ope-
rations upon a larger scale, and with a bolder
hand, and to have distinguished the features of
this country by a peculiar magnificence. The ^*f ™*«**"
mountains in America are much superior in
height to those in the other divisions of the
globe. Even the plain of Quito, which may be
considered as the base of the Andes, is elevated
farther above the sea than the top of the Pyre-

I

4

HISTORY br AMERICA.

nees. This stupendous ridge of the Andes, no
less remarkable for extent than elevation, rises
in different places more than (jne-third above
the Peak of 'Teneriffe, the highest land in the
ancient hemisphere. The Andes may literally
be said to hide their heads in the clouds ; the.
storms often roU, and the thunder burets below
their sun^mits, which, though exposed to the
rays of the sun in the centre of the torrid zone,
are covered with everlasting snows.*

RiTcrt, From these lofty mountains descend rivers,
proportionably large, with which the streams in
the ancient continent are not to be compared,
either for length of course, or the vast body of
water which they roll towards the ocean. The
Maragnon, the Orinoco, the Plata in South
America, the Mississippi and St Laurence in
North America, flow in such spacious chan-
nels, that, long before they feel the influence
of the tide, they resemble arms of the sea ra-
ther than rivers of fresh water, t

Lakes. The lakes of the New World are no less
conspicuous for grandeur than its moutitains
and rivers. There is nothing in other parts
of the globe which resembles the prodigious
chain of lakes in North America. They may

* See Note I. Page 347. f See Nots II. Page 348.

fV

HISTORY or AHERICA.

properly be termed inland seas of fresh water ;
and even those of the second or third class in
magnitude are of larger circuit (the Caspian
Sea excepted) than the greatest lake of the
ancient continent.

The New World is of a form extremely fa- ^J^JJ^^
vourable to commercial intefcoufse. When a comae*,
continent is formed, like Africa, of one vast
solid mass, unbroken by arms of the sea pene-
trating into it» interior parts, with few large
rivers, and those at a considerable distance
from each other, the greater part of it seems
destined to remain for ever uncivilized, and to
be debarred from any active or enlarged com-
munication with the rest of mankind. When,
like Europe, a continent is opened by inlets of
the ocean of great extent, such as the Medi-
terranean and Baltic ; or when, like Asia, its
coast is broken by deep bays advancing far
into the country, such as the Black Sea, the
Gulfs of Arabia, of Persia, of Bengal, of Siam,
and of Leotang ; when the surrounding seas
are filled with large and fertile islands, and
the continent itself watered with a variety of
navigable rivers, those regions may be said to
possess whatever can facilitate the progress of
their inhabitants in commerce and improve-
ment. In all these respects, America may
bear a comparison with the other quarters of
the globe. The Gulf of Mexico, which flows

6 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

in between North and South America, may be
considered as a Mediterranean Sea, which
opens a maritime commerce with all the fer-
tile countries by which it is encircled. The
islands scattered in it are inferior only to
those in the Indian Archipelago, in number,
in magnitude, and in value. As we stretch
along the northern division of the American
J hemisphere, the Bay of Chesapeak presents a
spacious inlet, which conducts the navigator
far into the interior parts of provinces no less
fertile than extensive j and if ever the pro-
gress of culture and population shall mitigate
the extreme rigour of the climate in the
more northern districts of America, Hudson's
Bay may become as subservient to commer-
cial intercourse in that quarter of the globe,
as the Baltic is in Europe. The other great
portion of the New World is encompassed on
every side by the sea, except one narrow
neck which separates the Atlantic from the
Pacific Ocean ; and though it be not opened
by spacious bays or arms of the sea, its interior
parts are rendered accessible by a number of
large rivers, fed by so many auxiliary streams,
flowing in such various directions, that, almost
without any aid from the hand of industry
and art, an inland navigation may be carried
on through all the provinces, from the river
De la Plata to the Gulf of Paria. Nor is this
bounty of nature confined to the southern di-

\

mSTORT OF ABCERICA.

vision of America: its northern continent
abounds no less in rivers which are navigable
almost to their sources ; and by its immense
chain of lakes» provision is made for an inland
communication, more extensive and commo-
dious than in any quarter of the globe. The
countries stretching from the Gulf of Darien
on one side» to that of California on the other,
which form the chain that binds the two parts
of the American continent together, are not
destitute of peculiar advantages. Their coast
on one side is washed by the Atlantic Ocean,
on the other by the Pacific. Some of their
rivers flow into the former, some into the
latter, and secure to them all the commercial
benefits that may result from a communication
with both.

But what most distinguishes America from
other parts of the earth, is the peculiar tempe-
rature of its climate, and the different laws to
which it is subject with respect to the distribu-
tion of heat and cold. We cannot determine
with precision the portion of heat felt in any
part of the globe, merely by measuring its dis-
tance from the equator. The climate of a
country is affected, in some degree, by its ele-
vation above the sea, by the extent of conti-
nent, by the nature of the soil, the height of
adjacent mountains, and many other circum*
stances. The influence of these, however, is,

turaof iti

A

J

8

Predomi-
nance of
cold.

HISTORY OF AMERICA.

from various causes, less considerable in the
greater part of the ancient continent; and
from knowing the position of any country
there, we can pronounce with greater certain-
ty, what will be the warmth of its climate, and
the nature of its productions.

The maxims which are founded upon ob-
servation of our hemisphere, will not apply to
the other. In the New World, cold predomi-
nates. The rigour of the frigid zone extends
over half of those regions, which should be
temperate by their position. Countries where
the grape and the % should ripen, are buried
und^r snow one-half of the year j and lands
situated in the same parallel with the most
fertile and best cultivated provinces in Europe,
are chilled with perpetual frosts, which almost
destroy the power of vegetation. * As we ad-
vance to those parts of America which lie in
the same parallel with provinces of Asia and
Africa, blessed with an uniform enjoyment of
such gepial warmth as is most friendly to life
and to Vegetation, the dominion of cold conti-
nues to be felt, and winter reigns, though dur-
ing a short period, with extreme severity. If
we proceed along the American continent into
the torrid zone, we shall find the cold preva-

* See Note III. Page 349.

f\

HISTORY OF ABfERICA. 9

lent in the New World extending itself also to book
this region of the globe, and mitigating the -_ \j'
excess of its fervour. While the negro on the
coast of Africa is scorched with unremitting
heat, the inhabitant of Fern breadies an air
equally mild and temperate, and is perpetually
shaded under a canc^y of grey clouds, which
intercepts the fierce beams of the sun, without
obstructing his friendly influence.* Along the
eastern coast of America, the climate, though
more similar to that of the torrid zone in other
parts of the earth, is nevertheless considerably
milder than in those countries of Asia and
Africa which lie in the same latitude. If from
the southern tropic we continue our progress
to the extremity of the American continent,
we meet with frozen seas, and countries hor-
rid, barren, and scarcely habitable for cold,
much sooner than in the north.t

Various causes combine in rendering the CmucsoT
climate of America so extremely different from ^^^
that of the ancient continent. Though the
utmost extent of America towards the north
be not yet discovered, we know that it advan-

* Yoyage de Ulloa, torn, i, p. 453. Anson'a Voyif e,
p. 184.

f Anion's Voyage, p. 74. ; and Voyage de Quiros, chez
Hist, de Gen. des Voyages, torn. sir. p. 83. Richard, Hist.
Natur. de FAir, ii, S05> &c.

10 HISTORY out AMERICA.

BOOK ces much nearer to the pole than either Europe
or Asia. Both these liave large seas to the
north, which are open during part of the year ;
and even when covered with ice» the wind that
blows over them is less intensely cold than
that which. blows over land in the same high
latitudes. But in America the land stretches
from the river St Laurence towards the pole,
and spreads out immensely to the west. A
chain of enormous mountains, covered with
snow and ice, runs through all this dreary
region. The wind, in passing over such an
extent of high and frozen land, becomes so
impregnated with cold, that it acquires a pierc-
ing keenness, which it retains in its progress
through warmer climates, and it is not entirely
mitigated until it reach the Gulf of Mexico.
Over all the continent of North America, a
north-westerly wind and excessive cold are
synonynious terms. Even in the most sultiy
weather, the moment that the wind veers to
that quarter, its penetrating influence is felt in
a transition from heat to cold no less violent
than sudden. To this powerful cause we may
ascribe the extraordinary^ dominion of cold, and
its violent inroads into the southern provinces
in that part of the globe.*

* Charlevoix, Hut. de Nov. Fr. iii. 165. Hist, Generate
Voyagei , torn. xt. 215, &c.

rv

HISTORY or AMERICA. H

Other causes, no less remarkable, ditninidi sook
the active power of heat in those parts of the
American continent which lie between the
tropics. In all that portion of the globe, the
wind blows in an invariable direction from east
to west. As this wind holds its course across
the ancient continent, it arrrv^es at the coun-
tries which stretch along the western shores of
Africa, inflamed with all the fiery particles
which it hath collected from the sultry plains
of Asia, and the burning sands in the African
deserts. The coast of AfHca is, accordingly,
the region of the earth which feels the most
fervent heat, and is exposed to the unmitigated
ardour of the torrid zone. But this same wind
which brings such an accession of warmth to
the countries lying between the river of Sene-
gal and Caffraria, traverses the Atlantic Ocean
before it reaches the American shore. It is
cooled in its passage over this vast body of
water, and is felt as a refreshing gale along the
coast of Brasil* and Guiana, rendering these
countries, though among the warmest in Ame-
rica, temperate, when compared with those
which lie opposite to them in Africa.t As this
wind advances in its course across America, it
meets with immense plains, covered with im-
penetrable forests, or occupied by large rivers.

« See Notx IV. Page 849. f See Non Y. Page $5%

12 HISTORY or AMERICA.

BOOK marshes, and stagnating waters, where it can
Wp-y^/ recover no considerable degree of heat. At
length it arrives at the Andes, which run from
north to south through the whole continent.
In passing over their elevated and frozen sum-
mits, it is so thoroughly cooled, that the grea-
ter part of the countries beyond them hardly
feel the ardour to which they seem exposed by
their situation.* In the other provinces of
America, from Tierra Firm^ westward to the
Mexican empire, the heat of the climate is
tempered, in some places, by the elevation of
the land above the sea, in others, by their ex-
traordinary humidity, and in all, by the enor-
mous mountains scattered over this tract. The
islands of America in the torrid zone are either
small or mountlainous, and are fanned alter-
nately by refreshing sea and land breezy.

The causes of the extraordinary cold towards
the southern limits of America, and in the seas
beyond it, cannot be ascertained in a manner
equally satisfying. It was long supposed that
a vast continent, distinguished by the name of
Terra Aus&alis Incognita^ lay between the
southern extremity of America and the Ant-

» Acosta, Hilt. Novi Orbis, Ub. ii. c. 11. Buffon, Hist.
NttureUc, &c. torn. ii. 512, ftc. ix. 107, &c. Osbom'i
Collect of Voyages, ii. p. 868.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. Ig

arctic pole. The same principles which ac-
count for the extraordinary d^ree of cold in
the northern regions of America^ were em-
ployed in order to explain that which is felt at
Cape Horn and the adjacent countries. The
immense extent of the southern continent, and
the large rivers which it poured into the ocean,
were mentioned and admitted by philosophers
as causes sufficient to occasion the unusual
sensation of cold, and the still more uncom-
mon appearances of frozen seas in that region
of the globe. But the imaginary continent to
which such influence was ascribed having been
searched for in vain, and the space which it^
was supposed to occupy having been found to
be an open sea, new conjectures must be
formed with respect to the causes of it tem-
perature of climate, so extremely different
from that which we experience in countries
removed at the same distance from the oppo-
site pole.*

After contemplating those permanent and Condition
characteristic qualities of the American conti- disooTered.
nent, which arise from the peculiarity of its
situation and the disposition of its parts, the
next object that merits attention is its condi-
tion when first discovered, as far as that de-

* See Note VI. Page 353.

#1

14 mSTORY OF AMERICA.

BOOK pended upon the industry and operations of
man. The effects of human ingenuity and la-
bour are more extensive and considerable, than
even our own vanity is apt at first to imagine.
When we survey the face of the habitable
globe, no small part of that fertility and beauty
which we ascribe to the hand of nature, is
the work of man. His efforts, when continued
through a succession of ages, change the ap-
pearance and improve the qualities of the
earth. As a great part of the ancient conti-
nent has long been occupied by nations far
advanced in arts and industry, our eye is ac-
customed to view the earth in that form which
it assumes when rendered fit to be the resi-
dence of a numerous race of men, and to sup-
ply them with nourishment.

Rude and BuT iu the New World, the state of man-
el. ^* kind was ruder, and the aspect of nature ex-
tremely different. Throughout all its vast
regions, there were only two monarchies re-
markable for extent of territory, or distinguish-
ed by any progress in improvement. The rest
of this continent was possessed by small inde-
pendent tribes, destitute of arts and industry,
and neither capable to correct the defects, nor
desirous to meliorate the condition of that part
of the earth allotted to them for their habi-
tation. Countries occupied by such people,
were almost in the same state as if they had

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 15

be^n without inhabitants.' Immense forests ^^^
covered a great part of the uncultivated earth ;
and as the hand of industry had not taught the
rivers to run in a proper channel, or drained
off the stagnating water, many of the most
fertile plains were overflowed with inunda-
tions, or converted into marshes. In the
southerti provinces, where the warmth of the
sun, the moisture of the climate, and the fer-
tility of the soil, combine in calling forth the
most vigorous powers of vegetation, the woods
are so choked with its rtok luxuriance as to
be almost impervious, and the surface of the
ground is hid from the eye under a thick cover-
ing of shrubs and herbs and weeds. In this
state of wild unassisted nature, a great part of
the large provinces in South America, which
extend from the bottom of the Andes to the
sea, still remain. The European colonies have
cleared and cultivated a few spots along the
coast, but the original race of inhabitants, as
rude and indolent as ever, have done nothing
to open or improve a country, possessing al-
most every advantage of situation and climate.
As we advance towards the northern provinces
of America, nature continues to wear the same
uncultivated aspect, and in proportion as the
rigour of the climate increases, appears more
desolate and horrid. Tliere, the forests, though
not encumbered with the same exuberance of
vegetation, are of immense extent ; prodigious

17

16 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

^?v^ marshes overspread the plains, and few marks
^_r-yVi^ appear of human activity in any attempt to
cultivate or embellish the earth. No wonder
that the colonies sent from Europe were asto-
nished at their first entrance into the New
World. It appeared to them waste, solitary,
and uninviting. When the English began to
settle in America, they termed the c6untries
of which they took possession. The Wilderness.
Nothing but their eager expectation of finding
mines of gold, could have induced the Spa-
niards to penetrate through the woods and
marshes of America, where, at every step, they
observed the extreme difference between the
uncultivated face of nature, and that which it
acquires under the forming hand of industry
and art.*

tsome.

Unwhob- The labour and operations of man not only
improve and embellish the earth, but render it
more wholesome and friendly to life. When
any region lies neglected and destitute of cul-
tivation, the air stagnates in the woods, putrid
exhalations arise from the waters j the surface
of the earth, loaded with rank vegetation, feels
not the purifying influence of the sun or of the
wind ; the malignity of the distempers natural
to the climate increases, and new maladies no

♦ See Note VIL Page 9ff7.

k

* Gomara, Hist, c.20.22. Oviedo, Hist. Kb.ii. c. 13:.
lib. V. c 10. P. Mart. Epist. 54^5. Decad. p. 176.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. I7

less noxious are engendered* Acoordingiy, all
the provinces of America, when first discover-
ed, were found to be remarkably unhealthy*
This the Spaniards experienced in every expe-
dition into the New World, whether destined
for conquest or settlement. Though, by the
natural constitution of their bodies^ their habi*
tual temperance, and the persevering vigour of
their minds, they were as much formed as any
pe<^le in Europe for active service in a sultry
climate, they felt severely the fatal and perni-
cious qualities of those uncultivated regions
through which they marched, or where they
endeavoured to plant colonies. Great num-
bers were cut oiF by the unknown and violent
diseases with whid) they were infected. Such
as survived the destructive rage of these ma-
ladies, were not exempted from the noxious
influence of the climate. They returned to
Europe, according to the description of the
early Spanish historians, feeble, emaciated,
with languid looks, and complexions of such a
skkly yellow colour, as indicated the unwhole-
some, temperature of the countries where they
had resided.*

VOL; II.

1$ HISTDRT OF AWSRtCA.

The uocultivated state of the New World
afiected not only the temperature of the air,
ite animals, but the qualities of its productions. The prin*
ciple of life seems to have been less active and
vigorous there, than in the ancient cpntijoent*
Notwithstanding the vast extent of America^
and the variety of its climates, the di&rent
species of animals peculiar to it are much fewer
in' proportion, than those of the other hemi-
sphere. In the islands, there were only four
kinds of quadrupeds known, the lai^eat of
which did not exceed the size of a rabbit. On
the continent, the variety was greater ; and
though the individuals of each kind could not
fail of multiplying exceedingly, when almost
unmolested by men, who were neither so nu*
merous, nor so united in society, as to be for«
midable enemies to the animal creation, the
number of di$;tinct species must still be consi*
dered as extremely small. Of two hundred
different kinds of animals spread over the face
of the earth, only about one-third existed in
America at the time of its discovery.^ Nature
was not only less proline in the New World,
but she appears likewise to have been less vi-
gorous in her productions. The animals ori-
ginally belonging to this quarter of the globe
appear to be of an inferior race, neither so

* Buffim, Hist. NatureUe> torn, ix, p. 86.

^.

mSTCHRT OF AMERICA. 19

robost; nor so fierce, as those of the other con- book
tinent America gives birth to no creature of
such bulk as to be compared with the elephant
or rhinoceros^ or that equals the lion and tiger
in strength and ferocity.* The r<f;;^of firasil,
die largest quadruped of the ravenous tribe ill
the New Worlds is not larger than a calf df six
monllis old* The Puma and Jaguar^ its fiercest
beasts of prey, which Europeans have inaccu-
rately denominated lions and tigers, possess
neither the undaunted courage o£ the Airmer,
nor the ravenous cruelty of the lattent They
are inactive and timid, hardly formidable to
man, and often turn their backs upon the
least appearance of resistance.^ The same
qualities in the cUmate of America, which'
stinted the growth and enfeebled the spirit of
its native animals, have proved pernicious to
such as have OGtigrated into it voluntarily from
the other conianent, or have been transported
thither by the £urope^s.§ The bears, the

" * See NoTi VIII. Page 358.

f BufFon, Hist. Natur. torn. ix. p. 87. Margfavii, Hist.
Brat.Braail, p.ffi9»

X Bttffon, Hist. Natur. ix. 13. 203. Acosta, Hist. lib. it.
e* 94f. PisoBtft Hist. p. 6. Herrera, dec. 4. Hb. It. c* 1.
lib. X. c. 13.

$ Churchill^ T. p. 691. (h^alle, Hdat. of ChiU, Church,
iii. p. 10. Sommario dc Ovi<ido> c. 14—22. Voyage du
Des Marchais, iii. 299.

2a HISTORY OF AMERICA.

wolves, the deer of America, are not equal in
size to those of the Old World.*. Most of the
domestic animals with which the Europeans
have stored the provinces wherein they settled,
have degenerated, with respect either to bulk
or quality, in a country whose temperature
and soil seem to be less favourable to the
strength and perfection of the animal crea-.
tion.t

Insects and The sam« causes which checked the growth
^^ ^ and the vigour of the more noble animals, were
friendly to the propagation and increase of rep-
tiles and insects. Though this is not peculiar
to the New World, and those odious tribes,.
nourished by heat, moisture, and corruption^
infest every part of the torrid zone ; they mul-
tiply faster, perhaps, in America, and grow to
a more monstrous bulk. As this country is,
on the whole, less cultivated, and less peopled,^
than the other quarters of the earth, the active
principle of life wastes its force in productions
of this inferior form. The air is often darken-
ed with clouds of insects, and the ground co-
vered with shocking and noxious reptiles. The
country around Porto-Bello swarms with to2ula

♦ BuflToD, Hist. Natur. ix. 103. Kalm'g Travels,,, i. 102.
Biet. Voy. de France Equinox, p. 339.
t See Note IX. Page 360.

mSTORT OF AMERICA^ 21

in such multitudes, as hide the surface of the
«aith. At Guyaquil, snakes and vipers are
hardly less numerous. Carthagena is infested
with numerous flocks of bats, which annoy not
only the cattle 'but the inhabitants.* In the
islands, legions of ants have, at different times,
consumed every vegetable production,! and
left the earth entirely bare, as if it had been
burnt with fire. The damp forests, and rank
soil of the countries on the banks o£ the Ori-
noco and Maragnon, teem with almost evtry
offensive and poisonous creature, which the
power of a sultry sun can quicken into life.t

The birds of the New World are not distin- Bii4«.
guished by qualities so conspicuous and cha-
racteristical, as those which we have observed
in its quadrupeds. Birds are more indepen-
dent of man, and less affected by the changes
which his industry and labour make upon the
state of the earth. They have a greater pro-
tpensity to migrate from one country to ano-
ther, and can gratify this instinct of their na-

* Voyage -de UUoa^^ torn. L p. 89. Id. p. 147. Her-
reray dec. 11. lib. iii. c. 3. 19.

f See Note X. Page S60.

t yoye^e de Condamine, p. 167. Gumilla, iii. 120, &c.
Hist, gener.^des Voyages, xiv. 317. Dumont, Memoires sur
la Louisiane, u 108. Sommario de Oviedoi c $2 — 62.

i

£2 HIS^TORT OF AMLRlCk.

BOOK tare withaut difficulty or danger. Hence the
number of birds commop to both continents is

v-i-Y'-*'

much greater than that of quadrupeds; and
even such as are peculiar to America nearly
resemble those with which mankind were ac-
quainted in similar regions of the ancient hemi* '
sphere. The Am^ican birds of the torrid
zone, like those of the same climate in Ask
and Africa, are decked in plumage whieli
dazzles the eye with the beanty of its colours ;
but nature, satisfied with clothing them in this
gay dress, has denied most of tfaem^ that melody
of sound, and variety of notes,, nirhieh catch and
delight the ear. The birds of the temperate
climates there, in the same manner as in our
continent, are less splendid in their ai^pearaaee;
jbut, in compensation for that defect, they hare
voices of greater compass, and more mdlodjbus.
In some districts of America, the unwholesome
temperature of the air seems to be un&vouralile
even to this part of the creation. The mimber
of birds is less than in other countries, and tiie
traveller is struck with the amazing solitude
and silence of its forests.* It is remarkable,
however, that America, where the quadrupeds

♦ Bourgucr, Voy. au Perou, 17- Chanvalou, Voyage h la
Martinique, p. 96. Warren's Descript. Sorhiam. Osbom's
Collect, ii. 924. Lettres Edif. xxiy. p. SSS. Charlcv. Hi«t.
de la Nouvi France, in. 155.

ik

BISTORT OF AMUICil. 2S

«re so dwnrfish and dastardlyp should produce book
^eCandoTf which is entitled to pre-eminence
over all the flying tribe» in bulk, in strength,
md in courage.*

The soil in a continent so extensive as Arne* ^^
rica, must of course be extremely various. In
each of its proyinces» we find some distinguish*
ing peculiarities ; the description of which be-
longs to those who write their particular history.
In general we may observe, that the moisture
and cold which predominate so remarkably in
all pcuts of America, must have great influence
upon the nature of its soil ; countries lying in
the same paraUel with those regions which '
never feel the extreme rigour of winter in the
ancient continent, are frozen over in America
during a great part of the year* Chilled by
this intense cold, the ground never acquires
warmth suflScient to ripen the fruits which are
found in the corresponding parts of the other
continent. If we wish to rear in America the
productions which abound in any particular
district of the ancient world, we must advance
several degrees nearer to the line than in the
other hemisphere, as it requires such an increase

I* Voyage de Ulloa, i.363, Voyagfe de Condamine, 175.
Buffon, BkL Nat« zri. IS^. Voyage du Deft Marchaity iif.
820.

i

^if HISTORY OF AMERICA.

of heat to counterbalance the natural frigidity
of the soil and climate.* At the Cape of Good
Hope, several of the plants and fruits peculiar
to the countries within the tropics, are culti-
vated with success ; whereas, at St Augustine,
in Florida, and Charlestown, in South Caro-
lina, though considerably nearer the line, they
cannot be brought to thrive with equal certain-
ty.t But, if allowance be made for this diver-
sity in the degree of heat, the soil of America
is naturally as rich and fertile as in any part of
the earth. As the country was thinly inhabit-
ed, and by a people of little industry, who had
none of the domestic animals which civilized
nations rear in such vast numbers, the earth
was not exhausted by their consumption. The
vegetable productk>ns to which the fertility of
the soil gave birth, often remained untouched,
and being suffered to corrupt on its surface, re-
turned with increase into its bosom.4: As trees
and plants derive a great part of their nourish-
ment from air and water, if they were not des-
troyed by man and other anim^ds, they would
render to the earth more, perhaps, than they
take from it, and feed rather than impoverish
it. Thus the unoccupied soil of America may
have gone on enriching for many ages. The

♦ See Note XI. Page 361. f See Note XII. Page 361.
t Buffon, Hist. Natur. i. 242. Kalm, i. 151.

■v

HISTORY e¥ AMERICA.* 85

vast number as well as eiwirmous size of tHe ^^^
trees in America^ indicate the extraordinary
vigour of the soil in its native state. When
the Europeans first began to cultivate the New
World, they were astonished at the luxuriant
power of vegetation in its virgin mould ; and
in several j^ces the ingenuity of the planter is
still employed in diminishing and wasting its
superfluous fertility, in order to bring it down
to a state fit for profitable culture**

Having thus surveyed ihe state of the New How wm
World at the time of its discovery, and consi- p«o^?
dered the peculiar ^satures and qualities which
dislinguish and characterize it, the next in-
quiry that merits attention is, How was Ame-
rica peopled? By what course did mankind
migrate from the one continent to the other?
and in what quarter is it most probable that a
communication was opened between them ?

We know, with infaUible certainly, that all ^^"^
the human rafce spring from the same source, <»^>t
and that the descendants oi one man, under
the protection as well as in obedience to the
command of Heaven, miiltiplied and rej^enish*

* Charlevoix, Hist, de Nour. Fran. iii. 405. Voyage du
Des Marchais, ill. 929* Lery i^. de Bfy^ part iii. p. 174*
See Note XIIL Page 362.

36 DISTORT OF AU£RICA.

BOOK ed the eafth. But neither the annals nor the
traditions of nations reaeh back to those re-
mote ages, in which they took possesKsion of the
di£fereiit countries wh^e they are now settled.
We cannot trace the branches of this first fa«
mdy, or point out with certainty the time and
manner Jq which they divided and spread over
the &ce €^ the globe* Even among the moet
enlightened people^ the p^iod of authentic
history is extremely short; and every thing
prior to that is fabulous op obscure. It is not
surprising, then, that the unlettered inhabitants
of America^ who have no solicitude about fu*
tority, and little curiosity concerning what is
past, should be altogether unacquainted with
their own original. The people on the twor
opposite coasts of America, vho occupy those
countries in America which approach nearest
to the ancient continent, are so remarkably
rud^ that it is altogether vain to se^ch among
them for such information as might discover
the place from whence they came, or the an-
cestors of whom they are descended.* What-
ever light has been thrown on this subject,
is derived, not from the natives of America,
but from the inquisitive genius of their con-
querors.

^ * Venegsa's HisU «f Cslifonia, i. 60.

■x

I

VaiioDi

HISTOE7 or amebica; «7

WfiEv die people of Europe unexpeetedfy Boot
dsBcovered a New World, removed at a vast
distance fiotn every part of the anctent conti*
neot which was then known, md filled with in«
habitants whose appearance and manners 6if'
fered rraaarkably from the rest of the human
species, the question concerning their origmal
became naturally an object of curiosity and at-
tention« The theories and speculatkms of in-
genious men with respect to this mhjeeU would
£11 many volumes ; but ane often so wild and
ehimerical, that I should oflfer an insult to the
understanding of my readers, if I attempted
dither minutely to enumerate or to refute them.
Some have presumptuously imagined, that the
peoj^ of America were not the c^kpting of the
same oommon parent wilii the rest of mankind,
but that th^ i^rmed a separate race of men,
distingnishable by pecuMar features in the con-
stituti(m of their bodies, as wMl as in the diar-*
acteristio qualities cf tbejr minds. Others con-
tend, diat they are descended fi'om some rem-
nant of the antediluvian inhabitants of the
earth, who survived the deluge which swept
away the greatest part of the human species in
the days of Noah ; and preposterously suppose
rode, uncivilized tribes, scattered over an un«
cultivated. ecmtinent, to be the most ancient
race of people on the earth. There is hardly
any nation, from the north tc^ the south pole, to
which some antiquary, in the extravagance of

as HISTORY OF AMERICA-

BOOK conjeekme, has not ascribed the honour of peo-
pling America. The Jews, the Canaanites, the
Phoenicians, the Carthagenians, the Greeks,
the Scythians in ancient times, are supposed to
have settled in this western world. The Chi-
nese, the Swedes, the Norwegians, the Welsh,
the Spaniards, are said to have sent colonies
thither in later ages, at different periods, and
(HI various occasicHis* Zealous advocates stand
forth to support the respective claims of those
people ; and though they rest upon no better
£3undation than the casual resemblance of some
customs, or the supposed affinity between a few
words in their different languages, much erudi-
tion and more zeal have been employed, to lit-
tle purpose, in defence of the opposite systems.
Those regions of conjecture and controversy
belong not to the historian. His is a more li-
mited province, confined to what is established
by certain or highly probable evidence. Be-
yond this I shall not venture, in o£fering a few
observations, which may contribute to throw
some light upon this curious and much agitated
question.

Ought not 1, There are authors' who have endeavoured

founded on by mere conjecture to account for the peopling

]^^^^ of America. Some have supposed that it was

originally united to the ancient continent, and

disjoined from it by the shock of an earthquake^

or the irruption of a deluge. Others have ima-

f\

HtSTORT OF AttERICA. £9

gined, that some vessel being fcaced from its book
course by the violence of a westerly wind> might
be driven by accident towards the Ammcan
coast, and have given a beginning to popula-
tion in that desolate continent.* But with
ri^pect to all those systems, it is vain either
to reason or inquire, because it is impossible to
come to any decision. Such events as they
suppose are barely possible, and may have hap-
pened. That they ever did happen, we have
no evidence, either from the clear testimony of
history, or from the obscure intimations of tra-
dition.

2. NoTmNG can be more frivolous or uncer- ««"
tain than the attempts to discover the original of
of the Americans, merely by tracing the re^
semblance between their manners and those of
any ^particular people in the ancient continent.
If we suppose two tribes, though placed in the
most remote regions of the globe, to live in a
climate nearly of the same temperabire, to be
in the same state of society, and to resemUe
each other in the degree of their improvement,
they must feel the same wants, and exert the
same endeavours^ to supply tbem. The same
objects will allure, the same passions wUl ani-

* Parson's Remains of Japhet, p. 240. Ancient Univers.
Hist. vol. XX. p. 164. P. Fejjoo, Teatro Critico, t<«i. r.
p. S04^ &c. Acosta, Hist. Moral. Novi Orbis^lib. i. c 16. 19^

90 HISTORY OF AMESilCA.

800E inate tbem, and the dame i^as and lebtimests
will arise in their minds^ The character and
occupations of the hunter in America* must be
little different from those of an Asiatic who
depends for subsistence on, the chase^ A tribe
of savages on the banks of the Danube^ must
nearly resemble one upon the plains washed
by the Mississippi* Instead then of presuming
from this similarity, that there is any affinity
between themi we should only conclude, that
the disposition and manners of men are formed
by their situation, and arise from the state of
society in which they live. The moment that
begins to vary, the character of a people must
chai]^. In proportion asl it advances in im-
provement, their manners refine, their powers
and talents are called forth. In evevy part of
the earthy the progress of man hath been ilearly
the same j and we can trace him ib his career
from the rude simplicity of savage life, until
he attains the industry, the arts, and the* ele-
gance of polished society. There is nothing
wonderful then in tbeinmilitude between the
Aaittricam' and the barbarous nation^t of our
continent. Had Lafitau, Garda, and many
other authors. irtitaided to this^ they would not
have perplexed a subject winch they pretend
to illustrate, by their fruitless endeavours to
establish an affinity between various races of
people in the old and new continents, upon
no other evidence than snch a resemblance in.

<^

HIOTORT OF AMEBICA* SI

their tnaaoers as necessarily arises from the ^^^
similarity of their conditioiu There are, it is
true, amoi^ every people, some customs which,
as they do not flow from any natural want or
desire peculiar to their situation, may be deno-
minated usages of arbitrary institution. If be-
tween two nations settled in remote parts of
the earth, a perfect agreement with respect to
any of these should be discovered, one might
be led to suqpect that they were connected by
some affinity. If, for example, a nation were
found in America that consecrated the seventh
day to religious worship and rest, we might
justly suppose that it had derived its knowr
ledge of liiis usage, which is of arbitrary insti-
tution, from the Jews. But, if it were disco-
vered that another nation celebrated the first
appeanuice of every new moon with extroor^
dinary demonstrations of joy, we should not
be entitled to conclude that* the observation
of this montUy festival, was borrowed from the
Jews, but ought to consider it oeierely as the
exin*e8sion of that joy which is natural to man
on the return of the planet wfaicb guides and
cheers him in the. night, Tlie> msta&ces of
customs, meoely arbitrary, commoi io the in*
habitants of bpth hemiapbeces, are^ indeed, so
few and so equivocal, that no theory eoncem*
ing the population, of thft; New World oi^m
to be founded upon tliem. .

Si HISTORY or AMERICA.

BOOK 3. The theories which have been formed
with respect to the original of the Americans,

orofrdi- from obscrvation of their religious rites and
practices, are no less fanciful, and destitute
of solid foundation. When the religious opi-
nions of any people are neither the result of
rational inquiry, nor derived from the instruc-
tions of revelation, they must needs be wild
and extravagant. Barbarous nations are in-
capable of the former, and have not been bless-
ed with the advantages arising from the latter.
Still, however, the human mind, even where
its operations appear most wild and capricious,
holds a course so regular, that in every age
and country the dominion of particular pas-
sions will be attended with similar effects.
The savage of Europe or America, when filled
with superstitious dread of invisible beings, or
with inquisitive solicitude to penetrate into the
events of ftiturity, trembles alike with fear, or
glows with impatience. He has recourse to
rites and practices of the same kind, in order
to avert the vengeance which he supposes to
be impending over him, or to divine the secret
which is the object of his curiosity. Accord-
ingly, the ritual of superstition in one conti-
nent seems, in many particulars, to be a tran-
script of that established in the other, and
both authorize similar institutions, sometimes
so frivolous as to excite pify» sometimes sa
bloody and barbarous as to create horror. But

HISTORY OF AAIERICA. 33

without supposing any consanguinity betweeil book
such distant nations, or imagining that their
religious ceremonies were conveyed by tradi-
tion from the one to the other, we may ascribe
this uniformity, which, in many instances,
seern^ very amazing, to the natural operation
of superstition and enthusiasm upon the weak-
ness of the human mind.
«

4. We may lay it down as a certain prin- ^2^**^
ciple in this inquiry, that America was not a^iyn*-
peopled by any nation of the ancient conti- T^^^^
nent, which had made considerable progress
in civilization. The inhabitants of the New
World were in a state of society so extremely
rude, as to be unacquainted with those arts
which are the first essays of human ingenuity
in its advance towards improvement. Even
the. most cultivated nations of America were
strangers to many of those simple inventions
which were almost coeval with so.ciety in
other parts of the world, and were known in
the earliest periods of civil life with which we
have any acquaintance. From this it is mani-
fest, that the tribes which originally migrated
to America, came off from nations which must
have been no less barbarous than their poste-
rity, at the tinje when they were first disco-
vered by the Europeans. For, although the
elegant and refined arts may decline or perish,
amidst the violent shocks of those revolutions

VOL. ir. c

34

HISTOKY or AMERICA.

iv.

and disasters to which nations are exposed^ tbe
necessary arts of life, when once they hare
been introduced among any people, are never
lost. None aSihe vicissitudes m human affiiini
affect these, aiid they continue to be practised
as long as the race of men exists* If ev^ die
use of iron had been known to the parages of
America, or to their. progenit<»fs j if ever they
had employed a plough, a loom, or a forge,
the utility of these inventions would have pre-
served them, and it is impossible that they
should have been abandoned or forgotten.
We may conclude, then, that the Americans
sprung from some pec^le, who were themselves
in ^uch an early and unimproved stage of so-
ciety, as to be unacquainted with all those
necessary arts which continued to be unknown
among their posterity when first viidted by the
Spaniards*

nor from
the south-
ern regions
of our eon-
tinent

5. It appears no less evident, that America
was not peopled by any colony from the more
southern nations of the ancient oMtinetit.
None of the rude tribes settled in that part
of our hemisphere can be supposed to have
visited a country so remote. They possessed
neither enterprise, nor ingenuity, nor power^
that conld prempt them to undertake, or en-
able them to perform, such a distant voyage*
That the more civilised ,nations in Asia or
Africa are not the progenitors of the Ameri-

H01MmT OF AMBRICSi* 36

tans tt mztaSesti not only from the obwnrationi book
which I have already made concerning their
ignorance of the most simple and necessary
$s% bttt from . an additionid dnnmstance.
Whenerer any peofde have experienced the
idrantages which men enjoy by tbeii dominioa
ovet the inferior aninuls^ they can neither
subsist without the nourishment which these
afibrd, nonearry on amy oossidexvUe ofenAioa
m&^penAeBt of thdr miiiistry mod labour* Ac*
l^rdtnglyv the first; tare of the SpaniBrds, when
they d^tdted ih ibmerica, was to stock it with
all tiie doihestie airimala of Eurbpe ; and if,
prior to thein^ the Tyrians, the Carthaginians^
the Chinese^ or any othn pdished people, had
taken possession cdT that contkienty we should
hfit^ found there the animals peculiar to those
l^giom^of the globe wbere they were^origmdly
suited. In all Amerida, howeTer, there is not
one aftifnat^ tame or wild, which properly be*
IcMigs to the warm> or evear the more tempe*
rate totudtries of the aneidnt cooftinent. The
camel, the droMsedafy, the hors^ the cow,
v^ett M tmuii niiknown in America as the
elepbant or the )»»« From whidi it is ob^
vlou^ that the people who first settled in the
western world did Hot isdue from the coontries
where those animdis abound, and where men,
from having been long accustomed to their
aid, would naturally consider it^ not only as
beneficial, but as indispensably necessary to the

u I

36 HISTORY' OF ABiERie^.

improvement, and even the preservation, of
civil society.

The two Q^ From considering the animals with wbicJb

continents ^ i v

seem to America is stored, we may conchide that the
ne^stto nearest point of contact between the old a^d
to^? Ae »ew continents is tbwards the northern extre-
north. luity of both, and= that there the.ccmimunicar
tion was opened, and the intercourse carried
on between them. All the extensiViC countries
in America which lie within the tropics, or
approach near to them, are filled mth indige-
nous animals of various kinds, entirely difkr
rent from those in the corresponding regio^is
of the anci^it continent. But the northern
provinces of the New World abound with
many of the wild animals which are common
in such parts of our hemisphere as lie in »
similar situation. The b^u*, the wolf, the fojc,
the hare, the deer, the roebuck, the elk, and
several other species, frequent the forests of
North America no less than those in. the north
of Europe and Asia.* It seems to be evident,
then, that the two continents approach each
other in this quarter, and are either united, or
so nearly adjacent, that these animals might
pass from the one to the other.

* Buffon, Hist* Nat. ix, p. 97, &c.

HISTORY OF AMERICA . 9f

7. The actual vicinity of the two continents
is so clearly established by nuxlern discoveries,
that the chief difficulty with respect to the
peopling of America is removed. While those
immense regions which stretch eastward from
the river Oby to the sea of Kamchatka were
unknown or imperfectly explored, the north--
east extremities of our hemisphere were sup-
posed to be so far distant from any part of the
New World, that it was not easy to amt&vt
how any communication should have been
carried on between them. But the Russians,
having subjected the western part of Siberia to
their empire, gradually extended their know*
ledge of that vast country, by advancing to*
wards the east into unknown'provinces. These
were discovered by hunters in their excursions
after game, or by soldiers employed in levying
the taxes ; and the court of Moscow estimated
the importance of those countries, only by the
small addition which they made to its reveoiae.
At length Peter the Great ascended the Rus-
sian throne. His enlightened, comprehensive
mind, intent upon every circumstance that
could aggrandize his empire, or render his
reign illustrious, discerned consequences of
those ^scoveries which had escaped the obser-
vation of his ignorant predecessors. He per-
ceived, that in proportion as the regions of Asia
extended towards the east, they must approach
nearer to America; that the communication

98 H^nxmr or AMERICA.

BOOK between the two contiineiitB, which had long
been searched for in vam» would probably be
found in this quarter ; and that by opening it»
some part of the wealth and csommerce of the
western worhl might be made to flow into hie
dominions by a new channel. Such an object
miited a genius that deUghted in grand schemes.
I Peter drew up instructions with his own hand
for proseoittng this design, and gave orders for
carrying it into execution.*

.His successors adopted his ideas, and pur-
,sued his plan. The officers whom the Ruesian
court employed in this service, had to struggle
with so many difficulties, that their progress
was exta^mely sbw. Encouraged by some
faint traditions among the people of Siberia,
concerning a successfiil vbyage in the year one
tiiousand six huncfred and foirty<*eigbt, round
the north<*east promontory of Asia, they at-
tempted to follow the same course. Vessels
were fitted out, with this view, at diffisrent
times, from the rivers I^eim and Koij^ma ; but
in a frozen ocean, which natm'e seemis pot to
&av6 destined for navigation, they were expose
ed to many disasters, without being able to ac«-
complish their purpose. No vessel fitted out

* Muller, Voyages et Decouvertes par les Kusses, toin.i.
p. 4| 8k 141.

<%

msTOBj or JMmicA. , 39

hy the Riwsian cwrt eynT doHbled this forBai- booic
daU«> Cqpf : * we are i9d«b|:ed &r what i^ Wryw^
koown of tboae extr Qwei regions of Ash, to the
(Hflcoveriae made m e^wsiaos by land. In i^l
tho9e pro¥uio^ ii» opinion prevaila» ths^ th^rf
are ewntiies of gi^mt ^xtmt apd i9erti}ity»
which He ait 00 eo»uder«liile distaoiee from the^r
^wn eoa^^ These the Russiaas tms^Moed to
be p»rt of America ; and 9evef al cirowistances
eoocurred, not only in oonfirmiiig the«i in this
bel^£ but in persuading them that some por-
tion of that continent c wld not be very remote.
Tree^of vaiimis kinds unknown in those naked
r^^m of Asia, ei?e driven npcMn the coaat by
an easterly, wind. By the same wind, floating
ioe is brought thither in a few days ) flights of
};m^^ fMrrive annually from the same qnartfs* ;
and a imdition abtws anumg the inhabitants,
ef an intereouiise formerly carded on with 3giw
cowutries aitnated to ti»e east^

ArrcE weighing ail these paitipnlars,. and
comparing (^9 position of the countries in Asia
wfaidii had bew discovered, with such parts in
the north-w^t of America 9» were already
known, the Busman court £pif med a plan, which
would have hardly occurred to a nation leas
accustomed to engage ia arduous undertakings.

* See Note XiV. Page $02.

40 HliSTORY OF AMERICA,

BOOK and to contend with great difficulties. Ordew
were issued to build two vessels at the small
village of Ochotz, situated on the sea of Kam«
chatka» to sail on a voyage of discovery.
Though that dreary uncidtivated region fur-
nished nothing that could be of use in con-
structing them, but some larch trees ; though
not only the iron, the cordage, the sails, and
all the numerous articles requisite for their
equipment, but the provisions for victualling
them, were to be carried through the immense
deserts of Siberia, down rivers of difficult navi-
gation, and along roads almost impassable,, the
mandate of the sovereign, and the perseverance
of the people, at last surmounted every obstacle.
1741. Two vessels were finished, and, under the com-
mand of the Captains Behring and Tschirikow,
sailed from Kamchatka, in quest of the New
World, in a quarter where it had never been
approached. They shaped theiir course towards
the east ; and though a storm soon separated
the vessels, which never rejoined, and many
disasters befel them, the expectations from the
voyage were not altogether frustrated. Each
of the commanders discovered land, which to
them appeared to be part of the American con-
tinent ; and, according to their observaticms, it
seems to be situated within a few degrees of
the north-west coast of California. Each set
some of his people ashore : but in one place the
inhabitants fled as the Russians approached ;

^.

HISTORY OF AlfERICA. 41

in another, they carried off those who landed^ book
and destroyed their boats. The violence of the
weather, and the distress of their crews, oblig-
ed both captains to quit this inhospitable coast*
In their return they touched at several islands,
wMch stretch in a chain from east to west be*
tween the country which they had discovered
and the coast of Asia. They had some inter-
course with the natives, who seemed to them
to resemble the North Americans. They pre-
sented to the Russians the calumet, or pipe of
peace, which is a symbol of friendship univer-
sal among the peojde of North America, and
an usage of arbitrary institution, peculiar to
them.

Thouoh the islands of this New Archipelago
have been frequented since that time by the
Russian hunters, the court of St Petersburgh,
during a period of more than forty years, seems
to have relinqui^ed every thought of prose-
cuting discoveries in that quarter. But in the
year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-
eight, it was unexpectedly resumed. The
soverei^ who had been lately seated on the
throne of Peter the Great, possessed the ge^
nius and talents of her illustrious predecessor.
During the operations of the most arduous and
extensive war in which the Russian empire
was ever engaged, she formed schemes and
executed undertakings, to which more limited

4^ HISTORY OF AM£RI€A»

BOOK abifittes would have been incapable of attend^
^j^f^.^^ ing but amidst the leisure of pacific times# A
new voyage of discovery from the eastern
extremity of Asia was planned, and Captain
Krenitzin and Lieutenant Leva9heff were ap«
pointed to comnjiand the two vessels fitted out
for that purpose. In their voyage outward
they held nearly the i$ame coui^se with the
former navigators, they touched at the same
islands, observed their situation and produc*-
tions more carefully, and discovered several
new islsmds, with which Behring and Tschiri*^
kow had not fallen ia. Though they did not
proceed so far to the east aa to revisk the
country which Behring and Tschirikow supr
posed to be part of the American continent,
yet, by returning in a course comidembly to
the north of theirs, they corrected 9omt capi^
tal mistakes into whu^h their predei^ssors had
fallen, and have contributed to facilitate the
progress of future navigators in those seas**

Thus the possibility of a communication be-
tween the cpntinents in this quarter re^ts no
longer upon mere conjecture, but is established
by undoubted evideiiM.t , Some trU)e» or some
. families of wandering Twtars, fjmn the xestletf

* See NoTK X¥. I^ge S63.

t M^Ol^'s V^gragc^, ton* i, 2^ ic 9ff7. 276.

mSTMlY OF AUniCiu 48

i^irit peculmr to their nee, might mignite to book
the newest islands, and, rude as their know*
ledge of navigatiou wa#, might, by passing
from one to the other, reach at length the
coast of America^ and give a beginning to
population in that continent The distance
between the Marian or X4adrone Ldands and
the nearest land in Asia, is greater than that
between the part of America which the Rus*
sdans discovered, and the coast of Kmnehatlca ;
and yet the inhabitants of those islands are
maniiestlj of Asiatic extract If, notwithstand-
ing their remote situation, we admit that the
Marian Islands were peopled from our conti-*
nent, distance alone is no reason why we
should hesitate about admitting that the Ame«
ricans may derive their original from the same
source* It is probaUe thaut future navigators
in those seas, by steering farther to the north,
may find that the continent of America ap-
proaches still nearar to Asia. According to
the information of the barbarous people who
inhabit the country about the north-east pro-
montory of Asia, there lies, off the coast, a
small island, to which they sail in less than a
day. From that they cmi descry a large con^
tinent, whteh, aoi^ording to their description,
is covered with forests, and possessed by peo-
ifle whose language they do not understand.*

* MuUsrs YoyngBM et Decouv. i. 166.

44

mSTORY or AMERICA.

IV.

BOOK By them they are supplied with the skins of
martens, an animal unknown in the northern
parts of Siberia, and which is never found but
in countries abounding with trees. If we
could rely on this account, we might conclude
that the American continent is separated from
oUrs only by a narrow strait, and all the diffi-
culties with respect to the communication be-
tween them would vanish. What could be
offered only as a conjecture when this History
was first publishe!d, is now known to be certain.
The near approach of the two continents to
each other has been discovered and traced in a
voyage undertaken upon principles so pure and
so liberal, and conducted with so much profes-
sional skill, as reflect lustre upon the reign of
the sovereign by whom it was planned, and do
honour to the officers entrusted with the exe-
cution of it.*

Another It is Hkewisc evident from recent discove-

^^"^" ries, that an intercourse between our continent

^tJT^ and America might be carried on with no less

facility from the north-west extremities of

A. D. 83a Europe. As early as the ninth century, the

Norwegians discovered Greenland, and planted

colonies there. The communication with that

country, after a long interruption, was renewed

in the last century. Some Lutheran and Mora-

• See Note XVL Page S65.

rv

HISTORY OF AMERICA 45

vian missioHaries, prompted by zeal for propa- boos.
, gating the Christian faith, have ventured to \_ Vr
settle in this frozen and uncultivated r^ion.^
To them we are indebted for much curious in-
formation with respect to its nature and inha^
bitants. We learn, that the north-west coast
of Greenland is separated from America by a
very narrow strait ; that, at the bottom of the
bay into which this strait conducts, it is highly
probable that they are united ;t that the inha-
bitants of the two countries have some inter-
course with one another ; that the Esquimaux
of America perfectly resemble the Green-
landers in their aspect, dress, and mode of liv-
ing ; that some sailors who had acquired the
knowledge of a few words in the Greenlandish
language, reported that these were understood
by the Esquimaux ; that, at length, a Moravian a.d.i764.
missionary, well acquainted with the language
of Greenland, having visited the country of
the Esquimaux, found, to his astonishment,
that they spoke the same language with the
Greenlanders j that they were in every respect
the same people, and he was accordingly re-
ceived and entertained by them as a friend
and a brother, t

* Crantz's Hist, of GreenK i. 242. 244. Prevot. Hist.
Gen. des Voyages, torn, xv; 152. not. (96).
t Eggede, p.2,S.
X Craiitz'0 Hist, of GreenL p. 261 > 262.

Ml RtfirrOBY 6T AM£ftlCA.

^^^ By these decisive fttcts, not only the eonsati'
gtiinitj of «he Esquimaux ^nd Oreenlanders is
e^khliishidj but th^ possibilitj of peopling
Anteiica from the north of Europe is demon-
strated. If the Norwegiiiiis, in a harb&rous
age, when science had not begun to dawn in
the north of Europe^ poss^sed such naval skill
as to open a communication with Greenland,
their ancestors, as much addicted to roving by
sea as the Tartars are to wandering by land,
might, at some more remote period, accomplish
the same voyage, and settle a colony there,
whose descendants might, in progress of time,
migrate into America. But if, instead of ven-
turing to sail directly from their own coast to
Greenland, we snppose that the Norwegians
held a more cautious course, and advanceiA
from Shetland to the Feroe Islands, and ftcnA
them to Iceland,* in all which they had planted
colonies ; their progress may have be^n so gra-
dual, that this navigation cannot be consider-
ed as either longer or more hazardous, than
those voyages which that hardy and enterptig^
ing race of men is known to have performed in
every age.

^P««w>iy 8. Though it be possible that America may
from the have received its first inhabitants from our con-
tinent, either by the north-west of Europe or
the north-east of Asia, there seems to be good
reason for supposing that the progenitors ^f all

HISTORY or AHJCRICA*

47

the American nations, from Cape Horn to the bo<mc
southern confines of Labrador, migrated from
the latter rather than the former. The Esqui*
maux are the only people in America, who, in
their aspect or character, bear any resemblance
to the northern Europeans. They are mani*
fesdy a race of men distinct from all the na-
tions of the American continent, in language,
in disposition, and in habits of life. Their ovu
ginal, then, may watrantably be traced up to
that source which I have pointed oat. But
amcHig all the other inhabitants of America,
there is such a striking similitude in the form
of their bodies and the qualities of their minds,
that, notwithstanding the diversities occasioned
by the influence of climate, or unequal progress
m improvement, we must pronounce them to
be descended from one source. There may be
a variety in the shades, but we can everywhere
trace the same original colour. Each tribe has
something peculiar which distinguishes it, but
if) all of them we discern certain features com-
mon to the whole race. It is remarkable, that
in every peculiarity, whether in their persons
or dispositions, which characterize the Ameri*
cans, they have some resemblance to the rude
tribes scattered over the north-east of Asia,
but almost none to the nations settled in the
northern extremities of Europe. We may,
therefore, refer them to the former origin, and
conclude that their Asiatic progenitors, having

17

IV.

48 HISTORY OF AM£Rt<U«

BOOK settled in those parts of America where the
Russians have discovered the proximity of the
two continents, spread gradually over its vari-
ous regions. This account of the progress of
population in America coincides with the tradi-
tions of the Mexicans concerning their own
origin, which, imperfect as they are, were pre-
served with more accuracy, and merit greater
credit, than those of any people in the New
World. According to them, their ancestors
came from a remote country, situated to the
north-west of Mexico. The Mexicans point
out their various stations as they advanced
from this into the interior provinces ; and it is
precisely the same route which they must have
held, if they had been emigrants from Asia.
The Mexicans, in describing the appearance of
their progenitors, dieir manners and habits of
life at that period, exactly delineate those of
the rude Tartars from whom I suppose them
to have sprung.*

Thus have I finished a Disquisition which
has been deemed of so much importance, that
it would have been improper to omit it in
writing the history of America. I have ven-

♦ Acosta, Hist. Nat. & Mor. lib. vii. c. 2, &c. Garcia,
Origen de los Indios, lib. v. c. S. Torquemada, Monar. Ind.
lib. i. c. 2, &c. Boturini Benaduci, Idea de una Hist, de la
Amer. Septentr. § xvii. p. 127.

fv

AoMnmiit

BISTORT OF AMERICA. 49

tured to inquire, but without presuming to book
decide. Satisfied with offering conjectures, I
pretend not to establish any system. When
an investigation is, from its nature, so intri-
cate and obscure, that it is impossible to ar-
rive at conclusions which are certain, there
may be some merit in pointing out such as are
probable.*

The condition and character of the American coodiiioo
nations at the time when they became known teroftiM
to the Europeans, deserve more attentive con-
sideration than the inquiry concerning their
original. The latter is merely an object of
curiosity ; the former is one of the most impor-
tant as well as instructive researches which can
occupy the philosopher or historian. In order
to complete the history of the human mind,
and attain to a perfect knowledge of its nature
and operations, we must contemplate man in
all those various situations wherein he has been
placed. We must follow him in his progress
through the different stages of society, as he
gradually advances from the infant state of
civil life towards its maturity and decline. We
must observe, at each period, how the faculties
of his understanding unfold ; we must attend to
the efforts of his active powers, watch the vari-

* Memoires sur la Louisiane, par Dumont, tom.i. p. 119.
VOL. II. D

50 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Oils movements of desire and affection, as they
rise in his breast, and mark whither they tend,
and with what ardour they are exerted. The
philosophers and historians of ancient Greece
and Rome, our guides in this as well as every
other disquisition, had only a limited view of
this subject, as they had hardly any opportu-
nity of surveying man in his rudest and most
early state. In all those regions of the earth
with which they were well acquainted, civil so-
ciety had made considerable advances, and na-
tions had finished a good part of their career
before they began to observe them* The Scy-
thians and Germans, the rudest people of whom
any ancient author has transmitted to us an au-
thentic account, possessed flocks and herds, had
acquired property of various kinds, and, when
compared with mankind in their primitive state,
may be reckoned to have attained to a grieat
degree of civilization.

^rorSthan ^^"^ *^® discovcry of the New World en-
in any put laTgcd the Sphere of contemplation, and pre-
sented nations to our view, m stages of their
progress much less advanced than those where-
in they have been observed in our continent
In America, man appears under the rudest
form in which we can conceive him to subsist.
We behold communities just beginning to
unite, and may exa^line the sentiments and
actions cf human beings in the infancy of social

1

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 51

life, while they feel but imperfectly the force book
of its ties, and have scarcely relinquished their
native liberty. That state of primeval simpli-
city, which was known in our continent only
by the fanciful description of poets, reaUy «x«
isted in the other. The greater part of its in-
habitants were strangers to industry and labour,
ignorant of arts, imperfectly acquainted with
the nature of property, and enjoying, almost
without restriction or controul, the blessings
which flowed spontaneously from the bounty
of nature. There were only two nations in this
vast continent which had emerged from this
rude state, and had made any considerable pro-
gress in acquiring the ideas, and adopting the
institutions, which belong to polished societies*
Their government and manners will fall natu-
rally under our review in relating the discovery
and conquest of the Mexican and Peruvian
empires ; and we shall have there an opportu-
nity of contemplating the Americans in the
state of highest improvement to which they
ever attained.

At present, our attention and researches nut inqui.
shall be turned to the small independent tribes ^ the '
which occupied every other part of America.
Among these, though with some diversity in
their character, their manners, and institutions,
the state of society was nearly similar, and so ex-
tremely rude, that the denomination of savage

est tribes-

^ I

52

SlSTORY OF AMERICA.

may be applied to them all. In a general his-
tory of America, it would be highly improper
to describe the condition of each petty com-
munity, or to investigate every minute circum-
stance Mrhich contributes to form the character
of its members. Such an inquiry would lead
to details of immeasurable and tiresome extent.
The qualities belonging to the people of all the
different tribes have such a near resemblance,
that they may be painted with the same fea-
tures. Where any circumstances seem to con-
stitute a diversity in their character and man-
ners worthy of attention, it will be sufficient to
point these out as they occur, and to inquire
into the cause of such peculiarities^

Difficulty
of obtain-
ing infor-
matioDy

It is extremely difficult to procure satisfying
and authentic information concerning nations
while they remain uncivilized. To discover
their true character under this rude form, and
to select the features by which they are distin-
guished, requires an observer possessed of no
less impartiality than discernment. For, in'
every stage of society, the faculties, the senti-
Bients, and desires of men, are so accommodate
ed to their own state, that they become stan-
dards of excellence to themselves, they affix the
idea of perfection and happiness to those at-
tainments which resemble their own, and where-
ever the objects and enjoyments to which they
have been accustomed are wanting,, confidently

HISTORY OF AMJCRICA. 53

pronounce a people to be barbarous and miser*
able. Hence the mutual contempt with which
the members of communities, unequal in their
degrees of improvement, r^ard each other.
Polished nations, conscious of the advantages
which they derive from their knowledge and
arts, are apt to view rude nations with peculiar
scorn, and, in the pride of superiority, will
hardly allow either their occupations, their feel-
higs, or their pleasures, to be worthy of men.
It has seldom been the lot of communities, in
their early and unpolished state, to fall under
the observation of persons endowed with force
of mind superior to vulgar prejudices, and ca-
pable of contemplating man, under whatever
aspect he appears, with a candid and discern*
ing eye.

The Spaniards, who first visited America, ^l^*?*^"
and who had opportunity of beholding its va* the fintob^
rious tribes while entire and unsubdued, and
before any change had been made in their ideas
or manners by intercourse with a race of men
much advanced beyond them in improvement,
were far from possessing the qualities requisite
for observing the striking spectacle presented
to their view. Neither the age in which they
lived, nor the nation to which they belonged,
had made such progress in true science, as in-
spires enlarged and liberal sentiments. The
conquerors of the New World were mostly illi-

54f

HISTORY OF AMERICA.

terate adventurers, destitute of all the ideai»
which should have directed them in contem-
plating objects so extremely different from
those with which they were acquainted. Sur-
rounded continually with danger, or struggling
with hardships, they had little leisure, and less
capacity, for any speculative inquiry. Eager
to take possession of a country of such extent
and opulence, and happy in finding it occupied
by inhabitants so incapable to defend it, they
hastily pronounced them to be a wretched or-
der of men, formed merely for servitude ; and
were more employed in computing the profits
of their labour, than in inquiring into the ope-
rations of their minds, or the reasons of their
customs and institutions. The persons who
penetrated at subsequent periods into the inte-
rior provinces, to which the knowledge and de-
vastations of the first conquerors did not reach,
were generally of a similar character ; brave
and enterprising in an high degree, but so un-
informed as to be little qualified either for ob-
serving or describing what they beheld.

and iheir
prejudices ;

Not only the incapacity, but the prejudices
of the Spaniards, render their accounts of the
people of America extremely defective. Soon
after they planted colonies in their new con-
quests, a difference in opinion arose with re-
spect to the treatment of the natives. One
party, solicitous to render their servitude per-

1%

HISTORT OF AMERICA. 5jS

petual, represented them as a brutish, obstinate ^^^^
race, incapable either of acquiring religious
knowledge, or of being trained to the functions
of social life. The other, full of pious concern
for their conversion, contended, that, though
rude and ignorant, they were gentle, affection-
ate, docile, and by proper instructions and re*
gulations might be formed gradually into good
Christians and useful citizens. This contro-
versy, as I have already related, was carried on
with all the warmth which is natural, when at-
tention to interest on the one hand, and reli-
gious zeal on the other, animate the disputants.
Most of the laity espoused the former opinion;
all the eqclesiastics were advocates for the lat-
ter ; and we shall uniformly find, that, accord-
ingly as an author belonged to either of these
parties, he is apt to magnify the virtues or ag-
gravate the defects of the Americans far be-
yond the truth. Those repugnant accounts
increase the difficulty of attaining a perfect
knowledge of their character, and render it
necessary to peruse all the descriptions of them
by Spanish writers with distrust, and to receive
their information with some grains of allow-
ance.

Almost two centuries elapsed afler the dis- ^ ^'^^
covery of America, before the manners of its of phikao-
inhabitants attracted, in any considerable de-
gree, the attention of philosophers. At length

phin.

56 BISTORT OF AMERICA.

BOOK they discovered, that the contemplatioti of the
condition and character of the Americans, in
their original state, tended to complete our
knowledge of the human species ; might enable
us to fill up a considerable chasm in the history
of its progress ; and lead to speculations no
less curious than important. They entered
upon this new field of study with great ardour ;
but, instead of throwing light upon the sub-
ject, they have contributed, in some degree, to
involve it in additional obscurity. Too impa-
tient to inquire, they hastened to decide ; and
began to erect systems, when they should have
been searching for facts on which to establish
their foundations. Struck with the appearance
of degeneracy in the human species throughout
the New World, and astonished at beholding a
vast continent occupied by a naked, feeble,
and ignorant race of men, some authors, of
great name, have maintained that this part of
the globe had but lately emerged from the sea,
and become fit for the residence of man ; that
every thing in it bore marks of a recent origi-
nal ; and that its inhabitants, lately called into
existence, and still at the beginning of their
career, were unworthy to be compared with
the people of a more ancient and improved
continent.* Others have imagined, that, un-

* M. de Buffon, Hist. Nat. iii. 484, &c. ix. 103. 114.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 57

der the influence of an unkindly climate, whidi ^^^
checks and enervates the principle of life, man ^^yw
never attained in America the perfection which
belongs to his nature, but remained an animal
of an inferior order, defective in the vigour of
his bodily frame, and destitute of sensibility,
as well as of force, in the operations of his
mind.* In opposition to both these, other
philosophers have supposed that man arrives
at his highest dignity and excellence long
before he reaches a state of refinement ; and,
in the rude simplicity of savage life^ displays
an elevation of sentiment, an independence of
mind, and a warmth of attachment, for which
it is vain to search among the members of
polished societies.t They seem to consider
that as the most perfect state of man, which is
the least civilized. They describe the manners
of the rude Americans with such rapture, as if
they proposed them for models to the rest of
the species. These contradictory theories have
been proposed with equal confidence, and un-
common powers of genius and eloquence have
been exerted, in order to clothe them with an
appearance of truth.

As all those circumstances concur in ren-
dering an inquiry into the state of the rude

* M. de P. Recherches Philos. su^ les Amerio. pasmm.
f M. Rou8«9au.

SS HISTORY OF kWSRltA.

BOOK nations in America intricate and obscure, it is

IV. . .

necessary to carry it on with caution. Wlien
guided in our researches by the intelligent ob-
servations of the few philosophers who have
visited this part of the globe, we may venture
to decide. When obliged to have recourse to
the superficial remarks of vulgar travellers, of
sailors, traders, buccaneers, and missionaries,
we must often pause, and, comparing detached
facts, endeavour to discover what they wanted
sagacity to observe. Without indulging con-
jecture, or betraying a propensity to either sys-
tem, we must study with equal care to avoid
the extremes of extravagant admiration, or of
supercilious contempt for those manners which
we describe.

Me^ob- In order to conduct this inquiry with greater
the inquiry, accuraoy, it should be rendered as simple as
possible. Man existed as an individual before
he became a member of a community ; and
the qualities which belong to him under his
former capacity should be known, before we
proceed to examine those which arise from the
latter relation. This is peculiarly necessary in
investigating the manners of rude nations.
Their political union is so incomplete, their
civil institutions and regulations so few, so
simple, and of such slender authority, that men
in this state ought to be viewed rather as inde-
pendent agents, than as members of a regular

fv

HISTORY Ct AMERICA. 59

society. Hie character of a savage results
almost entirely from his sentiments or feelings
as an individual, and is but little influenced by
his imperfect subjection to government and
order. I shall conduct my researches con-
cerning the manners of the Americans in this
natural order, proceeding gradually from what
is simple to what is more complicated.

I SHALL consider, I. The bodily constitution
of the Americans in those regions now under
review. IL Tbp qualities of their minds.
III. Their domestic state. IV. Their politi-
cal state and institutions. V. Their system of
War, and public security. VI. The arts with
which they were acquainted. VII. Their reli-
gious ideas and institutions. VIII. Such sin-
gular detached customs as are not reducible to
any of the former heads. IX. I shall conclude
with a general review and estimate of their
virtues and defects.

I. The bodily constitution of the Ameri- V^ ~»-

stittition

cans.— *The human body is less afiected by oftheir
climate than that of any other animal. Some
animals are confined to a particular region of
the globe, and cannot exist beyond it ; others,
though they may be brought to bear the inju-
ries of a climate foreign to them, cease to mul-
tiply when carried out of that district which
nature destined to be their mansion. Even

60 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

BOOK such as seem capable of being naturalized in
various climates, feel the effect of every, re-
move from their proper station, and gradually
dwindle and degenerate from the vigour and
perfection peculiar to thieir species. Man is
the only living creature whose frame is at once
so hardy and so flexible, that he can spread
over the whole earth, become the inhabitant
of every region, and thrive and multiply under
every climate. Subject, however, to the ge-
neral law of nature, the human body is not
entirely exempt from the operation of climate ;
and when exposed to the extremes either of
heat or cold, its size or vigour diminishes.

for&r The first appearance of the inhabitants of
the New World filled the discoverers with such
astonishment, that they were apt to imagine
them a race of men different from those of the
other hemisphere. Their complexion is of a
reddish brown, nearly resembling the colour of
copper.* The hair of their heads is always
black, long, coarse, and uncurled. They have
no beard, and every part of their body is
perfectly smooth. Their persons are of a full
size, extremely straight, and well propor-
tioned, t Their features are regular, though

• Oviedo, Sommario, p, 46. D, Life of Columbus, c. 24.
t See Note XVII. Page 372.

mSTORT OF AMERICA. 61

often distorted by absurd endeavours to im-
prove the beauty of their natural form, or to
(render their aspect more dreadful to their
enemies. In the islands, where four-footed Mowfc«-
animals were both few and small, and the
earth yielded her productions almost sponta-
neously, the constitution of the natives, nei*
ther braced by the active exercises of the
chase, nor invigorated, by the labour of culti-
vation, was extremely feeble and languid. On
the continent, where the forests abound with
game of various kinds, and the chief occupa-
tion of many tribes was to pursue it, the hu-
man frame acquired greater firmness. Still,
however^ the Americans were more remark-
able for agility than strength. They resem-
bled beasts of prey, rather than animals formed
for labour.* They were not only averse to
toil, but incapable of it; and when roused
by force from their native indolence, and com-
palled to work, they sunk under tasks which
the people of the other continent would have
performed with ease.t This feebleness'of con-
stitution was universal among the inhabitants
of those regions in America which we are sur-

* See Note XVIII. Page 573.

t Oviedo, Som. p. 51. C. Voy. de Correal, ii. ISS.
Wafer's Description, p. 131.

62 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

BOOK veying, and may be considered as character-
istic of the species there.*

The beardless countenance and smooth skin
of the American seems to. indicate a defect of
vigour, occasioned by some vice in his frame.
He is destitute of one sign of manhood and of
strength. This peculiarity, by which the in-
habitants of the New World are distinguished
from the people of all other nations, cannot be
attributed, as some travellers have supposed,
to their mode of subsistence.t For though
the food of many Americans be extremely in-
sipid, as they are altogether unacquainted
with the use of salt, rude tribes in other parts
of the earth have subsisted on aliments equally
simple, without this mark of degradation, or
any apparent symptom of a diminution in their
vigour.

L«8 appe- ^g jjj^ external form of the Americans leads

tite.

us to suspect that there is some natural debi-
lity in their frame, the smallness of their appe-
tite for food has been mentioned by many
authors as a confirmation of this suspicion.

* B. Las Casas, Brev. Relac. p. 4/. Torquem. Monar.
i. 580. Oviedo, Sommario, p. 41. Histor. lib. ni. c 6.
Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ix. c. 5. Siraon, p. 41.

t Charlev. Hist, de Nouv. Fr. iii. 310.

rv

mSTO&Y OF ABfERICA. 6S

The quantity of food which men consume book
varies according to the temperature of the
climate in which they Uve, the degree of acti-
vity which they exert, and the natural vigour
of their constitutions* Under the enervating
beat of, the torrid zone, and when men pass
their days in indolence and ease, they require
less nourishment than the active inhabitants of
temperate or cold countries. But neither the
warmth of their climate, nor their extreme
laziness, will account for the uncommon de-
fect of appetite among the Americans. The
Spaniards were astonished with observing this,
not only in the islands, but in several parts of
the continent. The constitutional temperance
of the natives far exceeded, in their opinion,
the abstinence of the most mortified hermits;*
while, on tlie other hand, the appetite of the
Spaniards appeared to the Americans insatiably
voracious ; and they afiirmed, that one Spa-
niard devoured more food in a day than was
sufficient for ten Americans.t

A PROOF of some feebleness in their frame, ^^»^^

msiics of

still more striking, is the insensibility of the dmn.
Americans to the charms of beauty, and the

* Ramusio, iii. 304<. F. 306. A. Simon Conquista, &c.
p. 39. Hakluyt, iii. 468. 508.
f Herrera, dec. 1. lib. ii. c. 16.

17

QQ HISTOEY OF AHERIHA.

BOOK emineace have laid hold on this as sufficient to
>^ jr 1 . account for what is peculiar in the coastitu-
tiou of its inhjabitants. They rest on physical
causes alone» and consider the feeble frame
and languid desire of the Americans^ as con-
sequences of the temperament of that portion
of the globe which they occupy. But the in-
fluences of political and moral causes ought
not to have been overlooked. These operate
with no less effect than that on which many
philosophers rest as a full explanation of the
singular appearances which have been men-
tioned. Wherever the state of society is such
as to create many wants and desires, which
cannot be satisfied without regular exertions
of industry, the body, accustomed to labour,
becomes robust and patient of fatigue. In a
m(Ke simple state, where the demands of men
are so few and so moderate, that they may be
gratified, almost without any efibrt, by the
spontaneous productions of nature, the powers
of the body are not called forth, nor can they
attain their proper strength. The natives of
Chili and of North America, the two temperate
regions in the New World, who live by hunt-
ing, may be deemed an active and vigorous
race, when compared with the inhabitants of
the isles, or of those parts of the continent
where hardly any labour is requisite to procure
subsistence. The exertions of a hunter are
not, however, so regular, or so continued, as

?^

HISTORY OF AMERICA. &J

those of persons employed in the culture of ®J^*
the earth, or in the various arts of civilized
life; and though his agility may be greater
than theirs, his strength is on the whole in-
ferior. If another direction were given to the
active powers of man in the New World, and
his force augmented by exercise, he might ac-
quire a degree of vigour which he does not in
bis present state possess. The truth of this is
confirmed by experience. Wherever the Ame-
ricans have been gradually accustomed to hard
labour, their constitutions become robust, and
they have been found capable of performing
such tasks, as seemed not only to exceed the
powers of such a feeble frame as has been
deemed peculiar to their country, but to equal
any effort of the natives either of Africa or of
Europe.*

The same reasoning will apply to what has
been observed concerning their slender de-
mand for food. As a proof that this should be
ascribed as much to their extreme indolence,
and often total want of occupation, as to any
thing peculiar in the physical structure of
their bodies, it has been observed, that in those
districts where the people of America are ob-
liged to exert any unusual effort of activity.

See Note XIX. Page 373.

08 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

BOOK in order to procure subsistence, or wherever
they are employed in severe labour, their ap-
petite is not inferior to that of other men, and,,
in some places, it has struck observers as re-
markably voracious.*

The operation of political and moral causes
is still more conspicuous, in modifying the
degree of attachment between the sexes. In
a state of high civilization, this passion, in-
flamed by restraint, refined by delicacy, and
cherished by fashion, occupies and engrosses
the heart. It is no longer a simple instinct
of nature ; sentiment heightens the ardour of
desire, and the most tender emotions of which
our frame is susceptible, sooth and agitate the
soul. This description, however, applies only
to those, who, by their situation, are exempted
from the cares and labours of life. Among
persons of inferior order, who are doomed by
their condition to incessant toil, the dominion
of this passion is less violent ; their solicitude
to procure subsistence, and to provide for the
first demand of nature, leaves little leisure for
attending to its second call. But if the nature
of the intercourse between the sexes varies so
much in persons of difierent rank in polished

* Gumilla, ii. 12. 70. 247. Lafitau, i* 515. Ovalle,
Church, ii. 81. Muratori, i. 295.

mSTOftY OF AttERICA. 69

societies, the condition of man, while he re- ^^^^«
mains uncivilized, must occasion a variation v^^y"^/
still more apparent. We may well suppose,
that amidst the hardships, the dangers, and the
simplicity of savage life, where subsistence is
always precarious, and often scanty, where
men are almost continually engaged in the pur-
suit of their enemies, or in guarding against
their attacks, and where neither dress nor re-
serve are employed as arts of female allure-
ment, that the attention of the Americans to
their women would be extremely feeble, with-
out imputing this solely to any physical defect
or degradation in their frame.

It is accordingly observed, that in those
countries of America, where, from the fertility
of the soil, tlxe mildnessof the climate, or some
farther advances which the natives have made
in improvement, the means of subsistence are
more abundant, and the hardships of savage
life are less severely felt, the animal passion of
the sexes becomes more ardent. Striking ex-
amples of this occur among some tribes seated
on the banks of great rivet's well stored with
food, among others who are masters of hunting
grounds abounding so much with game, that
they have a regular and plentiful supply of
nourishment with little labour. The superior
degree of security and affluence which these
tribes etijoy, is followed by their natural effects.

70

HISTCmT OF AMIQRICA.

BOOK The passions imi^nted in the human frame by
the hand- of nature, acquire additional force^;
hew tastes and desires arefprmed; the women,
as thejr are more valued and admired, become
more attentive to dress and ornament; the
men, beginning to feel how much of their own
happii^ss depends upon theiPf Qo longer dis-
dain the arts of witining their £ivour and affec-
tion. The intercourse of the sexes becomes
very different from that which takes place
among their ruder countrymen ; and as hardly
any restraint is imposed on the gratification of
desire, either by religion, or laws* or decency,
the dissolution of their manners is excessive.*

None of
themde-
fomied*

NoxwiTHSTANpiN0 the feeble m^e of the
Americans, hardly any of them are deformed,
or mutilated, or defective in any of their senses.
AU travellers have been struck with this cir-
cumstance, and have celd>rated the uniform
symmetry and perfection of their external
figure. Some aulliors search for the cause of
this appearance in their physical condition.
As the parents are not exhausted or over-
fatigued with hard labour, they suj^ose that
their children are born vigorous and sound.
They imagine, that in the liberty of savage

r\

* Biet, 389. Ckarlev. iii. 423.
Louimae, L 155.

Dumont. Mem. sur

HISltmY 0¥ AMERICA. 7I

life, the human body, naked and unconfined sook'
from its earliest age, preserves its natural
form; and that all its limbs and members
acquire a juster proportion than when fetter*,
ed with artificial restraints, which gtint its
growth and distort its shape.* Skmiething,
without doubt, may be ascribed to the opera-
tion of these causes ; but the true reasons of
this apparent advantage, which is common to
all savage nations, lie deeper, and are closely
interwoven with the nature and genius of that
state. The infancy of man is so long and so
helpless, that it is extremely difficult to rear
children among rude nations. Their means
of subsistence are not only scanty, but preca-*
rious* Such as live by hunting, must range
over extensive countries, and shift often from
place to place. The care of children, as well
as every other laborious task, is devolved upon
the women. The distresses and hardships of
the savage life, which are often such as can
hardly be supported by persons in ftdl vigour,
must be fatal to those of more tender age.
Afraid of undertaking a task so laborious, wd
of such long duration, as that of rearing their
ofi^ring, the women, in some parts of Amef-y v./ ' ^■
rica, procure frequent abortions by the use oi P^^^^-' •
certain herbs, and extinguish the first sparks

* Pi«o, p. 6.

72 HISXaRY OF AMERICA.

BOOK of that life which they are unable to cherish.*
Sensible that only stout and well-formed chil<-
dren have force of constitution to stru^le
through such an hard infancy, other nations
abandon or destroy such of their progeny as
appear feeble or defective, as unworthy of at*
tention.t Even when they endeavour to rear
all their children without distinction, so great
a proportion of the whole number perishes
under the rigorous treatment which must be
their lot in the savage state, that few of thcMse
who laboured under any original frailty attain
the age of manhood.t Thus, in polished so-
cieties, where the means of subsistence are
secured with certainty, and acquired with
ease i where the talents of the mind are often
of more importance than the powers of the
body ; children are preserved notwithstanding
their defects or deformity, and grow up to be
useful citizens. In rude nations, such persons
are either cut off as soon as they are bom, or,
becoming a burden to themselves and to the
community, cannot long protract their lives.
But in those provinces of the New World,
where, by the establishment of the Europeans,

* Ellis's Voyage to Hudson's Bay, 198. Herrera, dec, 7.
lib. ix. c. 4.

t Gumilla, Hist. ii. 234. Techo's Hist, of Paraguay, &e.
Churchill's Collect vi. 108.

i Creuxii Hist. Canad. p«57.

/\

mSTORT OF AMERICA. 75

more regular provisicHi has been made for the book
subsistence of its inhabitants, and they are
restrained from laying violent hands on their
childrra, the Americans are so far from being
eminent for any superior perfection in their
form, that one should rather suspect smne pe*
culiar imbecility in the race, from the extra*
ordinary number of individuals who are de-
formed, dwarfish, mutilated, blind, or deaf.*

How feeble soever the constitution of the Umibmuty

of tfaar ap-

Americans may be, it is remarkable, that there
is less variety in the human fi>rm throughout
the New World, than in the anciept continent.
When Columbus and the other discoverers first
visited the different countries of America which
lie within the torrid zone, they naturally ex-
pected to find people of the same complexion
with those in the corresponding regions of the
other hemisphere. To their amazement, how-
ever, they discovered that America contained
no negroes ;f and the cause of this singular
appearance became as much the object of cu-
riosity, as the fact itself was of wonder. In
what part or membrane of the body that hu-
mour resides which tinges the complexion of
the negro with a deep black, it is the business

* Voyage dc Ulloa, i. 232- f P« Martyr, dec. p. 71.

74 HISTORY OF AMEftlCA.

BOOK of anatomists to inquire and describe. Ttie
powerful operation of heat appears manifestly
to be the cause which produces this striking
variety in the human species. All Europe, a
great part of Asia, and the temperate countries
of Africa, are inhabited by men of a white com-
plexion. All the torrid zone in Africa, some
of the warmer regions adjacent to it, and seve-
ral countries in Asia, are filled with people of
a deep black colour. If we survey the nations
of our continent, making our progress from
cold and temperate countries towards those
parts which are exposed to the influence of
vehement and unremitting heat, we shall find,
that the extreme whiteness of their skin soon
begins to diminish; that its colour deepens gra-
dually as we advance; and after passing through
all the successive gradations of shade, termi-
nates in an uniform unvarying black. But in
America, where the agency of heat is checked
and abated by various causes, which I have al-
ready explained, the climate seems to be desti-
tute of that force which produces such wonder-
ful effects on the human frame. The colour of
the natives of the torrid zone in America, is
hardly of a deeper hue than that of the people
in the more temperate parts of their continent.
Accurate observers, who had an opportunity of
viewing the Americans in very different cli-
mates, and in provinces far removed from each

HjiSTOBY W AMERICA. 75

other» bave been struck with the amaziiig skai- book
lacity of their figure and Mfect.*

But though the hand of nature baa deviated
so little fiiom one staodard in fashioning the
human form in America, the creation of ftncy
bath been various and extravagant. The same
fables that were current in the ancient conti-
nent, have been revived with respect to the
New World, and America too has been pec^led
v^th human beings of moastroua and fantastic
appearance. The inhabitants of certain pro-
vinces were described to be pigmies of tiiree
feet high ; those of others, to be giants of an
enormcNis size* Some travellers published ac-
ccHWts of people with only one eye ; others pre-
tended to have discovered men without heads,
whose eyes and mouths were planted in their
breasts. The variety of nature in her produc*
tions is indeed so great, that it is presumptuous
to set bounds to her fertility, and to reject in-
discriininately every relation that does not per-
. fectly accord with our own limited observation
and experience.. But the other extreme, of
yielding a hasty assent, on the slightest evi-
dence, to whatever has the appearance of being
strange and marveUous, is still more unbecom-
ing a philosophical inquirer ; as, in every pe-

♦ See Note XX. Page »T*.

76 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

^j'v.^ nod, men are more apt to be betrayed into
error by their weakness in believing tpo much,
than by their arrogance in believing too little.
In propcMtion as science extends, and nature is
examined with a discerning eye, the wonders
which amused ages of ignorance disappear.
The tales of credulous travellers concerning
America are forgotten ; the monsters which
they describe have been searched for in vain j
and those provinces where they pretend to have
found inhabitants of singular forms, are now
known to be possessed by people nowise diffe-
rent from the other Americans.

Though those relations may, without discus-
sion, be rejected as fabulous, there are other
accounts of varieties in the human species in
some parts of the New World, which rest upon
better evidence and merit more attentive exa-
mination. This variety has been particularly
observed in three different districts. The first
of these is situated in the Isthmus of Darien,
near the centre of America. Lionel Wafer, a
traveller possessed of more curiosity and intel-
ligence than we should have expected to find
in an associate of Buccaneers, discovered there
a race of men, few in number, but of a singular
make. They are of low stature, according to
his description, of a feeble frame, incapable of
enduring fatigue. Their colour is a dead milk
white ; not resembling that of fair people

HISTORY OF AMERICA.

77

among Europeans, but without any ttncture of book
a blush or sanguine complexion. Their skin
is covered with a fine hairy down of a chalky
white ; the hair of their heads, their eye-brows,
and eye-lashes, are of the same hue. Their
eyes are of a singular form, and so weak, that
they can hardly bear the light of the sun ; but
they see clearly by moon Jight, and are most
active and gay in the night.* No race similar
to this has been discovered in any other part of
America. CorteSy indeed, found some peraons
exactly resembling the white people of Darien,
among the rare and monstrous aninuds which
Montezuma had collected.t But as the power
of the Mexican empire extended to ilie pro-
vinces bordering on the Isthmus of Darien,
they were probably brought thence. Singular
as the appearance of those people may be, they
cannot be considered as constituting a distinct
species. Among the negroes of Africa, as well
as the natives of the Indian islands^ nature
sometimes produces a small number of indivi-
duals, with all the characteristic features and
qualities of the whijte people of Darien. The
former are called Albinos by the Portuguese,
the latter Kackerlakes by the Dutch. In Da-
rien the parents of those Whites are of the same

* Wafer, Descript. of Isth. ap. Dampicr, iii. p. S46.
f Cortes ap. Ramus, iii. p. 241. E.

78 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

BOOK cc^our with the other natives of the country ;
and this observation applies equally to the ano-
malous progeny of the negroes and Indians.
The same mother who produces some children
of a colour that does not belong to the race,
brings forth the rest with the complexion pecu-
liar to her country.* One conclusion may then
be formed with respect to the people described
by Wafer, the Albinos and the Kackerlakes ;
they are a degenerated breed, not a separate
class of men ; and from some disease or defect
of their parents, the peculiar colour and debili-
ty which mark their degradation are transmit-
ted to them. As a decisive proof of this, it has
been observed, that neither the white people of
Darien, nor the Albinos of Africa, propagate
their race ; their children are of the colour and
temperament peculiar to the natives of their re-
spective countries.t

The second district that is occupied by
inhabitants difiering in appearance from the
other people of America, is situated in a high
northern latitude, extending from the coast of
Labrador towards the pole, as far as the coun-
try is habitable. The people scattered over

* Margrav. Hist. Rer. Nat. Bras. lib. viii, c. 4.

t Wafer, p. 348. Demanet, Hist, de 1' Afrique, ii. 234.
Recherch. Philos. sur les Amcr. ii. 1, *c. Note XXI.
Page 375. "*

HISTOBT OF AMERICA. 79

those dreary regions, are known to the Earo^ book
peans by the name of Esquimaux. They them-
selves, With that idea of tl^ir own «u|>eriority
which consoles the rud^t and most wretched
nations, assume the name of iCera&V or Men.
They are of a middle size, and robust, with
heads of a disproportioned bulk, and feet as
remarkably small. Their complexion, though
swarthy, by being continually exposed to the
rigour of a cold climate, inclines to the Euro-
pean white rather than to the copper colour of
America, and the men have beards which are
sometimes busby and long.* From these marks
of distinction, as well as from one still less equi-
vocal, the affinity of their language to that of
the Greenlanders, which I have already men*
tioned, we may conclude, with s<Mne decree of
confidence^ that the Esquimaux are a race dif*
fereht from the rest of the Americans.

Wb cannot decide with equal certainty con-
cerning the inhabitants of the third district,
situated at the southern extremity of America.
These are the famous Patagonians, who^ dur-
ing two centuries and a half, have afibrded a
subject of controversy to the learned, and an

"» EUis's Voy. to Huds. Bay» p. ISl. 139. De la Pothe-
rie, torn. i. p. 79. Wales'^ Joum. of a Voy. to Churchill
River, Phil. Trans, vol. Ix. 109^

17

I

80 HISTORY or AMERICA.

BOOK object of wonder to the vulgar. Tliey are
supposed to be one of the wandering tribes,
which occupy that vast but least known region
of America, which extends from the river de
la Plata to the Straits of Magellan. Their
proper station is in that part of the interior
country which lies on the banks of the river
Negro J but in the hunting season, they often
roam as far as the straits which separate l^erra
del Fuego from the main land. The first ac-
counts of this people -were brought to Europe
by the companions of Magellan,* who de-
scribed them as a gigantic race, above eight
feet high, and . of strength in proportion to
their enormous size. Among several tribes of
animals, a disparity in bulk as considerable
may be observed. Some large breeds of horses
and dogs exceed the more diminutive races in
stature and strength, as far as the Patagonian
is supposed to rise above the usual standard of
the human body. But animalsf attain the
highest perfection of their species, only in
mild climates, or where they find the most
nutritive food in greatest abundance. It is not
then in the uncultivated waste of the Magel-
lanic regions, and among a tribe of improvident
savages, that we should expect to find man
possessing the highest honours of his race, and

* Falkner's Description of P«tagonia> p. 102.

BISTORT or AMERICA. gl^

distinguiflfaed by a soperiority of size and vi- boor
gour, far beyond what he has reached in any -_ \r
other part of the earth. The most explicit and
unexceptionable evidence is requisite, in order
to establish a fact repugnant to those general
principles and laws, which seem to aflfect the
human frame in every other instance, and to
decide with rei^ect to its nature and qualities.
Such evidence has not hitherto been produced.
Though several persons, to whose testimony
great respect is due, have visited this part of
America since the time of Magellan, and have
bad interviews with the natives ; though some
have affirmed, that such as they saw were of
gigantic stature, and others have formed the
same concluaion from measuring their foot-
steps, or from viewing the skeletons of their
dead j yet their accounts vary from each other
in so many essential points, and are mingled
with so many circumstances manifestly false
or fabulous, as detract much from their credit.
On the other hand, some navigators, and those
among the most eminent of their order for dis-
cernment and accuracy, have asserted that the
natives of Patagonia^ with whom they had in-
tercourse, though stout and well made, are not
of such extraordinary size as to be distinguish-
ed from the rest of the human species** The

♦ See Note XXU." Page 375!
VOL. II. F

HISTOBY OF AM£RICA>

existence of this gigantic rtee df m^Q Beema»
then, td be one cf those points in natural hi^*-
toryt ^h ]!<eEip«ct ta which a cautious inquirer
will hesitate^ afocl will choose to suspend his
assent, until more complete evidence shall de-
cide» wheUier he ought to admit a iactt seem-
ingly kicot^istent with what reason and expe*
rience ^ave discovered concerning the struc^
ture aod condition of ittaa, in all the various
situations in which he has been observed*

Their state
of health.

Ik order to form a complete idea with re-
tqpect to the constitution of the inhabttafiCs of
this and the other hemisphere, we should at-
tend not only to the make and vigour of tbeir
bodies^ but consider what degree of health
they enjoy, and to what period of longevity
they usually arrive. In the &miplicity of thoc^.
savage state, when man is not impressed with
Idbour, or ^[lervsted by luxury, or disquieted
with care, we are apt to im^ine that bis life
will flow on almost untrmibled by disease or
suffering, until l|is days be terminated in ex-
treme old age, by the gradcid decays of na-
ture. We find, accordingly, among the Ame-
ricans, a^ well as among other rude people^
perscms, whose decrqiit and sbrrvdled form
seems to indicate an extraordinary length of
life. But as most of them are unacquainted
with the art of numbering, and all of them as
forgetful of what is past, as they are impro-

rK

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 88

vident of what is to come, it is impossible to
ascertain their age with any degree of pre-
cision.* It is evident that the period of their
longevity must vary considerably, according to
the diversity of climates, and their different
modes of subsistence. They seem, however,
to be every-where exempt from many of the
distempers which afflict polished nations. None
of the maladies which are the immediate off*
spring of luxury, ever visited them ; and they
hav6 no names in their languages by which to
distinguish this numerous train of adventitious
evils.

But whatever be the situation in which man
is placed, he is born to suffer; and his dis-
eases, in the'SaVage state, though fewer in
number, are like those of the animals whom
he nearly resembles in his mode of life, more
violent and more fatal. If luxury engenders
and nourishes distempers of one ^cies, the
rigour and distresses of savage h'fe bring on
those of another. As men in this state are
wonderfully improvident, and their means of
subsistence precarious, they often pass firona
extreme want to exuberant plenty, according
to the/ vicissitudes <tf fortune in the chase, or

• Ulloa, Notic. Amteric. 823. Bancroft, Nat. Biit. of
Gttiana, 334.

8* HISTORY OF AMERICA.

in consequence of the various degrees of abun-
dance with which the earth affords to them its
productions^ in different seasons. Their incon-
s^iderate gluttony in the one situation, and their
severe abstinence in the other, are equally
pernicious^ For though the human constitu-
tion may be accustomed by habit, like that df
animals of prey, to tolerate long famine, and
then to gorge voraciously, it is not a little
affected by such sudden and violent transitions.
The strength and vigour of savages are at some
seasons impaired by what they suffer from a
scarcity of food ; at others, they are afHicted
with disorders arising from indigestion and a
superfluity of gross aliment These are so com-
mon, that they may be considered as the um-
voidable consequence of their BOode of subsistp
ing, and cut off considerable numbers in the
prime of life. They are likewise extremely
subject to consumptions, to pleuritic^ asthma-
tic, and paralytic disorders,* brought on by the
immoderate hardships and fatigue which tbey.
endure in bunting and in war ; or owing to the
inclemency of the seasons to which they are
continually exposed. In the savage state,
hardships and fatigue violently assault the con-
stitution. In polished societies, intemperance

♦ Charlev. N. Fran. iii. 364. Lafitau, ii. 360. De la
Potherie, ii. 37.

HISTCmT or AMERICA. 85

undermifles it. It is not easy to determine
which o£ them operates with most fatal effect^
or tends most to abridge human life. The in-
fluence of the former is certainly most exten-
sive. The pernicious consequences of luxury
reach only a few members in any community ;
the distresses of savage life are felt by all. As
&r as I can judge, after very minute inquiry,
ijbe general period of human life is shorter
among savages than in well regulated and in-
dustrious societies*

One dreadful malady, the severest scourge
with which, in this life, offended Heaven chas-
tens the indulgence of criminal desire, seems
to have been peculiar to the Americans. By
communicating it to their conquerors, they
have not only amply avenged their own wrongs,
but by adding this calamity to those which
formerly imbittered human life, they have,
perhaps, more than counterbalanced all the
benefits which Europe has derived from the
discovery of the New Worlds This distemper,
from the country in which it first raged, or
from the people by whom it was supposed to
have been spread over Europe, has been some-
times called the Neapolitan, and sometimes the
JPrench disease. At its first appearance, the
infection was so malignant, its symptoms so
violent, its operation so rapid and fatal, as to
baffle all the efforts of medical skill. Astonish-

86 HISTORY OF ABIERICA.

ment and terror aceompanied this imkiiowtt
affliction in its progress^ and men began to
dread the extinction of the human race by sndk
a cruel visitation. Experience, and the inge*
nuity of physicians, gradually discovered reme*
dies of such virtue as to cure or to mitigate the
evil. During the course of two centuries and
a half, its virulenee seems to have abated con^
siderably. At length, in the saiM manner with
the leprosy, which raged in Europe for some
centuries, it may waste its force and disappear ;
and in some happier age, this western infection,
like that from the East, maybe known only by
description.*

Poi^and II. Aftbr Considering what appears to be
^^kidl peculiar in the bodily constitution of the Ame*
ricans, our a(;tention is naturally turned to-
wards the powers and qualities of their minds.
As the individual advances from the ignorance
and imbecility of the infant state to vigour
and maturity of understanding, something simu
lar to this may be observed in the progress of
the i^ecies. With respect to it, too, there is a
period of infancy, during which several powers
of the mind are not unfolded, and all are feeble
and defective in their operation. In the early
ages of society, while the condition of man is

* See NoTB XXIII. Fage S77.

fntdtecv

HWFORY or AMERICA* 07

simile wad rode, his tmaon k bttt Kttle eier- Rook
ci^ed^ and bi$ desires move withia a yery sar*
rovr Bphece. Hence arise two remarkaUe ctuk
racterifitics of the humw miod in this state.
Its ioteUeetual povers are ei^tieinely limited )
its emotions and c^Bxts are ftw and languid*
Both these distinctions an eonspieiious among
the rudest and moat tinimpnived of the Ame*
tioMi tribes, and consttiiite a striking part of
thek deseiiption*

What, amoqg polished sattons, is called spe*
culative reasoning or researchf is altogether t>«/«^
unknown in the rude state of society, and never
becomes the occupation or amusement of the
human faculties^ until man be so far im]Hroved
as to have secured, with c^tainty, the meaM
of subsistence, as well as the possession of lei^
sure and tranquillity. The thoughts and atteo«*
tion of a savage are confined within the small
circle of objects immediately conducive^ to His
preservation or enjoyment Evesry thing boi^
yond that, escapes his observation, or h pen-
fectly indifierent to him^ Like a mere animal,
what is before his eyes interests and affiscts
hint} what is out of sight, or at a distance^
makes little impression.* There are several
people in America, whose limited understand-

^ Ulloa, Noticias Americ. S8S.

88 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

ings seem nbt to be capable of forming an
arrangement for futurity; neither their solici-
tude nor their foresight extend so far. They
follow blindly the impulse of the appetite
which they feel, but are entirely regardless of
distant consequences, and even of those remov-
ed in the least degree from immediate appre-
hension. While they highly prize such things
as serve for present use, or minister to present
enjoyment, they set no value upon those which
are not the object of some immediate want.*
When, on the approach of the evening, a Carib-
bee feels himself disposed to go to rest, no
consideration will tempt him to sell his ham-
mocks But, in the mornings when he is sally^
ing out to the business <h* pastime of the day,
he will part with it for the slightest toy that
catches his fancy, t At the close of winter,
while the impression of what he has suffered
from the rigour of the climate is fresh in the
mind of the North American, he sets himself
with vigour to prepare materials for erecting
a comfortable hut to protect him against the
inclemency of the succeeding season ; but, as
soon as the weather becomes mild, he forgets
/(vhat is pasl^ abandons his work, and never

* Venegas, Hist, of Calif, i. 66. Supp. Church. ColL
w^ 693. Borde, Descr. des Caraibes, p. 16. Ellis' Voy, 194!.
t iabat, Voyages, ii. 11*, 115. Tertre, iu 385*

BISTORT OF AMERICA. g9

thinks of it more, until the return of cold com- boor

. IV.

pels bitn, when too late, to resume it.*

If, in concerns the most interesting, and
seemingly the most simple, the reason of man^
while rude and destitute gf culture, diflers so
little frdm the thoughtfess levity of children,
or the improvident instinct of animals, its ex-
ertions in other directions cannot be very con-
siderable. The objects towards which reason
turns, and the disquisitions in which it engages,
must depend upon the state in which man is
placed, and are suggested by his necessities
and desires. Disquisitions, which appear the
most necessary and important to men in one
state of society) never occur to those in ano-
ther. Among civilized nations, arithmetic, or
the art of numbering, is deemed an essential
and elementary science ; and in our continent,
the invention and use of it reaches back to ai
period so remote as is beyond the knowledge
of history. But among savages, who have no
property to estimate, no boarded treasures to
count, no variety of objects or multiplicity of
ideas to enumerate, arithmetic is a superfluous
and useless art. Accordingly, among some
tribes in America it seems to be quite un-
known. There ^re many who cannot reckon

* Adair's Hist, of Amer. InjdiaDS, 417.

90 HISTORY or AMERICA.

^^OK farther than three ; and have no denomiiiaiibti
to distinguish any nnoiber above it.* Several
can proceed as far as ten, others to twenty.
When they would convey an idea e£ any nutn*
ber beyond these> they point to the hair of
their head, intimating that it is equal to t^m^
or with wonder declare it to be so great that it
cannot be reckoned.t Not only the Amtth
cans, but all nations, while exlremcly rude,
se«n to be unacquainted with the art of com*
putation.t As soon, however, as they acquire
such acquaintance or connexion with a variety
of objects, that there is frequent occasion to
combine or divide them, their knowledge rf
numbers increases ; so that the state of this art
among any people, may be considered as ofl©
standard by which to estimate the degree of
their improvement. The Iroquois, in North
America, as they are much more civBized than
Jthe rude inhabitants of Br^il, Paraguay, or
Guiana, have likewise made greater advance!
in this respect ; though even their arithmetio
does not extend beyondra thousand, as in their
petty transactions they have no occasion fof

* Condam. p. 67. Stadias ap. de Bry, ix, 128. Lei7«
ibid. 251 . Biet, 362. Lettr. Edif. 23. 314.

f Dumont Louis, i. 187. Herrera, dec. 1. lib.iii. c. S.
Biet, 396. Borde, 6*

i This is the case with the Greenlanders, Crantz, i. 225.
and with KamtchatkadaleB, M. I'Abbl Chapp4, iii. 17*

HISTiMlT OF AUERICA. 91'

any higher nufldber.* The Cherdcee^ a less sock
considerable nation on the^same continent, can
reckon only as far as a hundred, and to that
extent. have nsbnes for the several numbers;
the smaller tribes in their neighbourhood can
rise no higher than ten.t

In other respects, the exercise of the under* no abstract
standing amoi^ rude nations is still more
limited. The first ideas of every human beii^
must be such as he receives by the senses*
But in the mind of man, while in the savage
state, there seem to be hardly any ideas but
what enter by this avenue. The objects around
him are |)resented to his eye. Such as may
be subservient to his use, or can gratify any
of his appetites, attract his notice ; he views
the rest without curiosity or attention. Satis-
fied with considering them under that simple
mode in which they appear to him as sepa-*
rate and detached, he neither combines them
so as to form general classes, nor contemplates
their qualities apart from the subject in which
they inhere, nor bestows a thought upon the
operations of his own mind concerning them.
Thus he is unacquainted with all the ideas

* Charlev. Nouv. Franc, iii. 402.
f Adair's Hist of Amer. Indians, 77. See Note XXIV.
Page 878.

92 HisraRY OF America.

which have been denominated universal^ or
abstract, or of reflection. The rartge of his
understanding must, of course, be very con-
iitied, and his reasoning powers be employed
merely on what is sensible. This is so re-
markably the case with the ruder nations of
America, that their language (as we shall after-
wards find) have not a word to express any
thing but what is material or corporeaK TtTnes
spaccj substance, and a thousand other terms,
which represent abstract and universal ideas,
are altogether unknown to them.* A naked
savage, cowering over the fij'e in his miserable
cabin, or stretched under a few branches
which afford him a temporary shelter, has as
little inclination as capacity £3r useless specu*
lation. His thoughts extend not beyond what
relates to animal life ; and when they are not
directed towards some of its concerns, his
mind is totally inactive. In situations where
no extraordinary effort either of ingenuity or
labour is requisite, in order to satisfy the simple
demands of nature, the powers of the mind <su*e
so seldom roused to any exertion, that the ra*
tional faculties continue almost dprmant and
unexercised. The nutnerous tribes scattered
over the rich plains of South America, the
inhabitants of some of the islands, and of se-

* Condam. p. 54.

mSTORY OF AMERICA. QS

veral fertUe regions on the continent, come *^*
under tbis description. Their vacant counte- *
nance, their staring unexpressive eye, their
listless inattention, and total ignorance of sub-
jects which seem to be the first which should
occupy the thoughts of rational beings, made
such impression upon the Spaniards, when
they first beheld those rude people, that they
ccmsidered them as animals of an inferior or*
der, and could not believe that they bekmg-
ed to the human species.* It required the
authority of a papal buji to counteract this (^i*
aion, and to conyince them that the Amen*
cans were capable of the functions, and entit*
led to the privileges of humanity .t Since that
time, persons more enlightened and impartial
than the discoverers or conquerors of America,
have had an opportunity of contemplating the
most savage of its inhabitants, and they have
been astonished and humbled with observing,
how nearly man, in this condition, approaches
to the brute creation. But in severer climates,
where subsistence cannot be procured with the
same ease, where men must unite more closely,
and act with greater concert, necessity calls
forth their talents, and sharpens their inven-
ticm, so that the intellectual powers are more

* Herrera, dec. 2. lib., ii. c. 15.
f Torquem. Mon. Ind. iii. 198.

g4f HISTORY OF AMERICA.

BOOK exercised and improved. The North Ameri-
s^py^ can tribes and the natives of Chili, who inhabH
the temperate regions in the two great districts
of America, are people of cultivated and en-
larged understandings, when viewed in compa-
rison with some of those seated in the islands,
or on the banks of the Maragnon and Orinoco.
Their occupations are more various, their sys-
tem of policy, as well as of war, more complex,
their arts more numerous. But even among
them, the intellectual powers are extremely
limited in their operations, and unless when
turned directly to those objects which interest
a savage, ar6 held in no estimation. Both the
North Americans and Chilese, when not en-
gaged in some of the functions belonging to a
warrior or hunter, loiter away their time in
thoughtless indolence, unacquainted with any
other subject worthy of their attention, or ca-
pable of occupying their minds.* If even
among them reason is so much circumscribed
in its exertions, and never arrives, in its highest
attainments, at the knowledge of those gene-
ral principles and maxims which serve as the
foundation of science, we may conclude, that
the intellectual powers of man in the savage
state are destitute of their proper object, and

* Lafitau, ii.2.

rv

HISTOBT OF idifimiCA. 95

€a(mot acquire any considerable degree of vi-

goar and enlargement.

Fbom the same causes^ the active efioita of ^1^^
the mind are few, and, <m most occasions, the mind
lati^uid. If w€ examine into the motives bnguid.
wbidi rouse men to activity in civili^d life,
and prompt them to persevere in &tiguing
exertions of their ingenuity or strength, we
i^all find that they arise chiefly from acquired
wants and appedtes. These are numerous and
importunate; they keep the mind in perpe-
tual agitation f and, in order to gratify them,
kvention must be always on the stretch, and
industry must be incessantly employed. But
the desires of simple nature are few, and where
I favourable dimate yields almost spontaneous*
ly what suffices to gratify them, they scarcely
stir the soul^ or excite any violent emotioiu
Hence the people of several tribes in America
waste their life in a listl^s indolence. To be'
free from occupation, seems to be ^1 the en*
joyment towarib which they aspire. They will
ccoitinue whole days stretched out in their
hammocks, or seated on the earth in perfect
icKeMss» without, changing thdr potfUire, or
raising, their eyes from the ground, or utter*
iag a single word.*

* Bouguer, Voy. au Perou, 102. Borde, 15.

i

96

HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Such is their aversion tolabour, that neither
the hope of future good, nor the apprehension
of future evil, can surmount it. They appear
equally indifferent to both, discovering little
solicitude, and taking no precautions to avoid
the one, or to secure the other. The cravings
of hunger may rouse them ; but as they devour,
with little distinction y whatever will appease
it$ instinctive demands, the exertions which
these occasion are of short duration. Desti-
tute of ardour as well as variety of desire, they
feel not the force of those powerful springs,
which give vigour to the movements of the
mind, and urge the patient hand of industry
to persevere in its efforts. Man, in some parts
of America, appears in a form so rude, that
we can discover no effects of his activityi and
the principle of understanding which should
direct it, seems hardly to be unfolded. Like
the other animals, he has no fixed residence ;
he has erected no habitation to shelter him
from the' inclemency of the weather ; he has
taken no measures for securing certain sub-
sistence ; he neither sows nor reaps j but
roams about, as led in search of the plants and
fruits which the earth brings forth in succes-
sion^ and in quest of the game which he kills
in the forests, or of the fish which he catches
in the rivers.

/v

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 97

This description, however, applies only to
some tribes. Man caniiot continue long in
this state of feeble and uninformed infancy.
He was made for industry and action, and the
powers of his nature, as well as the necessity
of his condition, urge him to fulfil his destiny.
Accordingly, among most of the American
nations, especially those seated in rigorous
climates, some efforts are emjdoyed, and some
previous precautions are taken, for securing
subsistence. The career of regular industfy
is begun, and the laborious arm has made the
first essays of its power. Still, however, the
improvident and slothful genius of the savage
state predominates. Even among those more
improved tribes, labour is deemed ignominious
and degrading. It is only to work of a cer-
tain kind that a man will deign to put his
hand. The greater part is devolved entirely
upon the women. One-half of the community
remains inactive, while the other is oppressed
with the multitude and variety of its occupa-
tions. Thus their industry is partial, and the
foresight which regulates it is no less limited.
A remarkable instance of this occurs in the
chief arrangement with respect to their man-
ner of living. They depend for their subsist-
ence, during one part of the year, on fishing ;
during another, on hunting ; during a third,
on the produce of their agriculture. Though
experience has taught them to foresee the re-

VOL. II. G

^ HISTORY OF AMERICA.

turn of those various seasons, and to make
some provision for the respective exigencies
of each, they either want sagacity to propor-
tion this provision to their consumption, or are
so incapable of any command over their appe-
tites, that from their inconsiderate waste they
often feel the calamities of famine as severely
as the rudest of the savage tribes. What they
suffer one year, does not augment their indus-
try, or render them more provident to prevent
similar distresses.* This inconsiderate thought-
lessness about futurity, the effect of ignorance
and the cause of sloth, accompanies and cha-
racterizes man in every stage of savage life ^t
and, by a capricious singularity in his opera-
tions, he is then least solicitous about supply-
ing his wants, when the means of satisfying
them are most precarious, and procured with
the greatest difficulty.1:

d^iti^ III. After viewing the bodily constitution of
the AmericaQS, and contemplating the powers
of their minds, we are led^ in the natursd order
of inquiry, to consider them as united together

♦ Charlev. N. Fr. iii. SS8. Lettr. Edif. 2S. 298. Dc-
script. of N. France, Osborn's Collect, ii. 880. De la Po-
therie, ii. 63.

t Bancroft's Nat. Hist, of Guiana, 326. 333.

t Sec Note XXV. Page 378.

Ik

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 09

in society. Hitherto our researches have been
confined to the operations of understanding
respecting themselves as individuals, now they
will extend to the degree of their sensibility
and affection towards their species.

The cbmestic state is the first and most sim-
j^e form of human association. The union of
the sexes, among different animals, is of longer
or shorter duration in proportion to the ease or
difficulty of rearing their ofi&pring. Among
those tribes where tfie season of infancy is shorty
and the young soon acquire vigour or agility,
no permanent union is formed. Nature com-
mits the care of training up the offiprmg to the
mother alone i and her tenderness, without any
other assistance, is equal to the task. But
where the state of infancy is long and helpless,
and the joint assiduity of both parents is requi-
site in tending their feeUe progeny, there a
more intimate connexion takes place, and con-
tinues until the purpose of nature be accom-
plished^ and the new race grow up to full matu*
rity. As the infancy of man is more feeble and
helpless than that of any other animal, and he
is dependent, during a much longer period, on
the care and foresight of his parents, the union
between husband and wife c&ine early to be
considered, not only as a solemn, but as a per-
manent contract. A general starte of promis-
cuous intercourse between the sexes never

100 HISTORY OF AMERICA-

existed but in the imagination of poets. In the
infancy of society, when men, destitute of arts
and industry, lead a hard precarious life, the
rearing of their progeny demands the attention
and efforts of both parents j and if their union
had not been formed and continued with this
view, the race could not have been preserved.
Accordingly, in America, even among the
rudest tribes, a regular union between husband
and wife was universal, and the rights of mar*
riage were understood and recognized. In
those districts where subsistence was scanty*
and the difficulty of maintaining a family was
great, the man confined himself to one wife*
In warmer and more fertile provinces, the faci-
lity of procuring food concurred with the influ-
ence of climate in inducing the inhabitants to
increase the number of their wives.* In some
countries, the marriage union subsisted during
life ; in others, the impatience of the Ameri-
caris under restraint of any species, together
with their natural levity and caprice, prompted
them to dissolve it on very slight pretexts, and
often without assigning any cause.t

* Lettr. Edif. 23. 318. Lafitau, Moeurs, i. 554f. Lery
ap. de Bry, iii. 234. Journal de Grillet et Bechamel, p. 88.

t Lafitau, i. 580. Joutel, Journ. Histor. 345. Lozano,
Dedcr. del Gran Chaco, 70. Hennepin, Mceurs des Sau-
Tages, p. 30. 33.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 101

But in whatever light the Americans con-
sidered the obligation of this contract, either as
perpetual, or only as temporary, the condition
of women was equally humiliating and miser-
able. Whether man has been improved by the
progress of arts and civilization in society, is a
question which, in the wantonness of disputa-
tion, has been agitated among philosophers.
That women are indebted to the refinements of
polished manners for a happy change in their
state, is a point which can admit o( no doubt.
To despise and to degrade the female sex, is
the characteristic of the savage state in every
part of the globe. Man, proud of excelling in
strength and in courage, the chief marks of pre-
eminence among rude people, treats woman, as
an inferior, with disdain. The Americans, per-
haps from that coldness and insensibility which
has been considered as peculiar to their consti-
tution, add neglect and harshness to contempt.
The most intel%ent travellers have been struck
with this inattention of the Americans to their
women. It is not, as I have already observed,
by a studied display of tenderness and attach-
ment, that the American endeavours to gain
the heart of the woman whom he wishes to
marry. Marriage itself, instead of being an
union of affection and interests between equals,
becomes, among them, the unnatural conjunc-
tion of a master with his slave. It is the ob-
servation of an author, whose opinions are de-

lOS HISTORY OF AMERICA.

BOOK servedly of great weight, that wherever wives
are purchased^ their condition is extremely^ de-
pressed.* They become the property and the
slaves of those who buy them. In whatever
part of the globe this custom prevails, the ob*.
servation holds. In countries where refine-
ment has made some progress, women, when
purchased, are excluded from society, shut up
in sequestered apartments, and kept under the
vigilant guard of their masters. In ruder na*
tions, they are degraded to the meanest func*
tions. Among many people of America, the
marriage-contract is property a purchase. The
man buys his wife of her parents. Though un-
acquainted with (lie use of money, or with such
commerdal transactions as take place in more
improved society, he knows how to give an
equivalent for any object which he desires to
possess. In some places, the suitor devotes bis
service for a certain time to the parents of the
maid whom he courts ; in others, he hunts for
them occasionally, or assists in cultivatmg th&r
fields, and forming their canoes i in others, he
offers presents of such things as are deemed most
valuable on account of their usefulness or rari-
ty.t In return for these, he receives his wife ;

* Sketches of Hist, of Man, i. 184.
t Lafitou, Moeurs, &c. i. 560, Ac. Charlev. iii. 285, &c.
Herrera, dec. 4. lib. iv. c 7. Dumont, ii. 156.

mSTORT OF IMERICil. 103

and this circumstance, added to the low estima- book

• IV

tion of women among savages, leads him to con-
sider her as a female servant whom he has pur*
chased, and whom he has a title to treat as an
inferior. In all unpolished nations, it is true,
the functions in domestic economy which fall
naturally to the share of women, are so many,
that they are subjected to hard labour, and^nust
bear more than their full portion of the com-
mon burden. But in America their condition
is so peculiarly grievous, and their depression
so complete, that servitude is a name too mild
to describe their wretched state. A wife,
among most tribes, is no better than a beast of
burden, destined to every office of labour and
fatigue. While the men loiter out the day in
sloth, or spend it in amusement, the women
are condemned to incessant toil. Tasks are
imposed upon them without pity, and services
kre received without complaisance cnr grati-
tude.* Every circumstance reminds women
of this mortifying inferiority. They must ap-
proach their lords with reverence ;, they must
regard them as more exalted beings, and are
not permitted to eat in their presence.t There

* Tertre, ii. 382. Borde, Relat. des Moeurs des Caraibes,
p. 21. Biety 857. Condamme, p. 110. Fermin, i. 79.

t Gmnilla, i. 15S. Barrere, 164. Labat, Voy. iL 78.
ChanvaloDy 51. Tertre, ii. SOO.

104i HISTORY OF AHERICA.

are districts in America where this dotninion
is so grievous, and so sensibly felt, that some
women, in a wild emotion of maternal tender- '
ness, have destroyed their female children in
their infancy, in order to deliver them from
that intolerable bondage to which they knew
they were doomed.* Thus the first institution
of social life is perverted. That state of do-
mestic union towards which nature leads the
human species, in order to soften the heart to
gentleness and humanity, is rendered so un-
equal, as to establish a cruel distinction be-
tween the sexes, which forms the one to be
harsh and unfeeling, and humbles the other to
servility and subjection.

Their wo- Jx is owiug, pcrhaps, in some measure to

men not _ , /. , - i • i

proUfic. this state of depression, that women in rude
nations are far from being prolific.! The vi-
gour of their constitution is exhausted by ex-
cessive fatigue, and the wants and distressies of
savage life are so numerous, as to force them
to take various precautions in order to pre-
vent too rapid an increase of their progeny.
Among wandering tribes, or such as depend
chiefly upon hunting for subsistence, the mo-
ther cannot attempt to rear a second child,
until the first has attained such a degree of

* Gumilla, ii. 233. 238. Herrera, dec. 7. lib. ix. c. 4.
t Lafitauy ]. 590. Charlevoix, iii. 304.

/^f^^

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 105

vigour as to be in some measure independent of book
her care. From this motive it is the universal
practice of the American women to suckle
their children during several years;* and as
they seldom marry early, the period of their
fertility is over before they can finish the long
but necessary attendance upon two or three
ciuldren.t Among some of the least polished
tribes, whose industry and foresight do not
extend so far as to make any regular provision
for their own subsistence, it is a maxim not to
burden themselves with rearing more than two
children ^t and no such numerous families as
are frequent in civilized societies, are to be
found among men in the savage state. § When
twins are born, one of them commonly is
abandoned, because the mother is not equal to
the task of rearing both.H When a mother
dies while she is nursing a child, all hope of
preserving its life fails, and it is buried toge-
ther with her in the same grave.^ As the

* Herrera, dec. 6. lib. i. c. 4.

f Charley, iii. 303. Dumont, Mem. sur Loiusiane, ii.
270. Denys, Hist. Natur. de TAmerique, &c, ii. 365.
Charley. Hist, de Parag. ii. 422.

% Techo's Account of Paraguay, &c. ; Church. Collect,
vi. 108. Lett. Edif. 24f. 200. Lozano, Descr. 92.

§ Maccleur's Journal, 63.

II Lett. Edif. x. 200. See Note XXVI. Page 384.

f Charley, iii. 368. Lett. Edif. x. 200. P. Melch. Her-
tiandeZ) Menior, de Cheriqui, Colbert. Collect. Orig. Pap. 1 .

IV,

106 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

BOOK parents are frequently exposed to want by their
own improvident indolence, the difficulty of
sustaining their children becomes so great, that
it is not uncommon to abandon or destroy
them.* Thus their experience of the difficulty
of training up an infant to maturity, amidrt
the hardships of savage life, often stifles the
voice of nature among the Americans, and
suppresses the strong emotidns of parental ten-
derness.

Parental BuT, though ueccssity compels the inhabi-

and*^ tants of AmcHca thus to set bounds to the in*
^*^' crease of their families, they are not deficient
in affection and attachment to their offspring. .
They feel the power of this instinct in its full
force; and as long as their progeny continue
feeble and helpless, no people exceed them in
tenderness and care.t But in rude nations,
the dependence of children upon their parents
is of shorter continuance than in polished so-
cieties. When men must be trained to the
various functions of civil life by previous dis-
cipline and education ; when the knowledge of
abstruse sciences must be taught, and dexte-
rity in intricate arts must be acquired, b^ore a
young man is prepared to begin his career of

* Vttiegas, Hist of Californ. i. 82.
t GumOla, i. 211. Biet, 390.

^^

mSTORT OF AMERICA. IO7

action, the attentive feelings of a parent are ^^^
not confined to the years of infancy, but ex-
tend to ^wliat is more remote, the establishment
of his child in the woiid. Even then his 8(^«
dtode does not terminate. His protection
may still be requisite, and his wisdom and ex-
perience still prove useful guides. Thus a per-
manent connexion is formed ^ parental tender-
ness is exercised, and filial respect returned,
throiughout the whole course of life. But in
the simplicity of the savage state, the afl^tion
c£ parents, like the instinctive fondness of ani-
mals, ceases almost entirely as soon as their
oflSspring attain maturity. Little instruction
fits them for that mode of life to which they
are destined. The parents, as if their duty
were accomplished when they have conducted
their children through the helpless years of
inlfoncy, leave them afterwards at entire li-
berty. Even in their tender age, they seldom
advise or admonish, they never chide or chas-
tise them. They suffer them to be absolute
masters of their own actions.* In an Ameri-
can hut, a father, a mother, and their poste-
rity, live together like persons assembled by
accident, without seeming to feel the obliga-
tion of the duties mutually arising from this

* Charlev. iii. 272. Biet, S90. GumHla, i. 212. Lh-
fitau, i. 602. Creuxii Hist. Canad. p. 71 • Fernandez,
Kelac. Hist, de los Cheqmt. 33.

108 HISTORY or AMERICA.

BOOK connexion.* As filial love is not cherished by

IV.

the continuance of attention or good offices,
the recollection of benefits received in early
infancy is too faint to excite it. Conscious of
their own liberty, and impatient of restraint,
the youth of America are accustomed to ^ct as
if they were totally independent. Their pa-
rents are not objects of greater regard than
other persons. They treat them always with
neglect, and often with such harshness and in-
solence, as to fill those who have been witnesses
of their conduct with horror.t Thus the ideas
which seem to be natural to man in his savage
state, as they result necessarily from his cir-
cumstances and condition in that period of his
progress, affect the two capital relations in do-
mestic life. They render the union between
husband and wife unequal. They shorten the
duration, and weaken the force, of the con-
nexion between parents and children.

?^^!^ IV. From the domestic state of the Ameri-

cans, the transition to the consideration of their
civil government and political institutions is
natural. In every inquiry concerning the ope-

♦ Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. iii. 273.

t Gumilla, i. 212. Tertre, ii. 376. Charlev. Hist, de
N. France, iii. 309. Charlev. Hist, de Parag. i. 115. Lo-
zano, bescript. del Gran Chaco, p. 68. 100, 101. Ter-
nandez, Relac. Histor. de los Chequit. 426.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 1Q9

rations of men when united together in society, ^y *
the first object of attention should be their
mode of subsistence. Accordingly as that
varies, their laws and policy must be difierent.
The institutions suited to the ideas and exi-
gencies of tribes which subsist chiefly by fish-
ing or hunting, and which have as yet acquired
but an imperfect conception of any species of
property, will be much more simple than those
which must take place when the earth is adti-
vated with regular industry, and a right of pro-
perty, not only in its productions, but in the
sml itself, is completely ascertained.

All the people of America, now under re- JJjJ^
view, belong to the former class. But though
they may s^ be comprehended un'der the ge-
neral denomination of savage^ the advances
which they had made in the art of procuring
to themselves a certain and plentiful subsist-
ence, were very unequal. On the extensive
plains of South America, man appears in one
of the rudest states in which he has been ever
observed, or, perhaps, can exist. Several tribes
depend entirely upon the bounty of nature for
subsistence. They discover no solicitude, they
employ little foresight, they scarcely exert any
industry, to secure what is necessary for their
support. The Topayers of Brasil, the Guaxeros
of Tierra Firm^, the Caiguas, the Mosos, and

jl^ HISTORY OF AMERICA.

BOOK several other people of Paraguay, are unao
>^. ! ^ y quainted with every species of cultivation.
They neither ^ow nor plant. Even the culture
of the manioc, of which cassada bread is made,
is an art too intricate, for their ingeauity, or
too fatiguing to their indolence. The roots
which the earth produces spontaneously, the
fruits, the berries, and the seeds, which they
gather in the woods, together with lizards and
other reptiles, which multiply amazingly with
the heat of the climate in a fat soil, moistened
by frequent rains, supply them with food dur-
By eahmg. ing some part of the year.* At othfer times
they subsist by fishing ; and nature seems to
i>ave indulged the laziness of the South Ame-
rican tribes by the liberality with which she
ministers, in this way, to llieir wants. The
vast rivers of that region in America abound
with an infinite variety of the most delicate
fish. The lakes and marshes formed by the
annual overflowing of the waters, are filled with
all the different species, where they remain
shut up, as in natural reservoirs, for the use of

♦ Nieuhoff, Hist, of Brasil; Church. Coll. ii. 134. Si-
mon, Conquista de Tierra Firmfe, p, 166. Techo, Account
of Paraguay, &c. ; Church, vi. 78. Lettr. Edif. 23. 384.
10. 190. Loeano, Descrip. del Gran Chaco. p. 81. Ribas,^
Histor. de los Triumfos, &c. p.7.

^

mSTORT OF AMERICA. HI

the inbabitantsi* They swarm in such shoals, book
that in some places diey are catcbed without
art or industiy.* In others, the natives have
discovered a method of infecting the water
with the juice of certain plants, by which the
fish are so intoxicated, that they float on the
surface, and are taken with the hand.t Some
tribes have ingenuity enough to preserve them
without salt, by drying or smoking them upon
hurdles over a slow fire.t The prolific quality
of the rivers in South America induces many
of the natives to resort to their banks, and to
depend almost entirely for nourishment on
what their waters supply with such profusion.^
In this part of the globe, hunting seems not to
have been the first employment of men, or the
first effort of their invention and labour to ob-
tain food* They were fishers before they be-
came hunters ; and as the occupations of the
former do not call for equal exertions of acti-
vity or talents with those of the latter, people
in tliat state appear to possess neither the same
degree of enterprise nor of ingenuity. The
petty nations adjacent to the Maragnon and

♦ See Note XXVII. Page 384.
f See Note XXVIIJ. Page 885.
t Condam. 159. GumiUa, ii. 37. Lettr. Edif. 14>. 199.
23. 328. Acugna, Relat. de la Rit. dei Amaz. 138.
§ Barrere^ Relat. de Fr. Equin. p. 155.

17

I

H^ HISTORY OT AMERICA.

Orinoco^ are manifestly the most inactive and
least intelligent of all the Americans.

By hunt- None but tribes contiguous to great rivers
™^* can sustain themselves in this mannen The

greater part of the American nations, dispersed
over the forests with which their country b
covered, do not pi:ocure subsistence with the
same facility. For although these forests, es-
pecially in the southern continent of America,
are stored plentifully with game,* considerable
efforts of activity and ingenuity are requisite
in pursuit of it. Necessity incited the natives
to the one, and taught them the other. Hunt-
ing became their principal occupation ; and as
it called forth strenuous exertions of courage,
of force, and of invention, it was deemed no
less honourable than necessary. This occupa-
tion was peculiar to the men. They were
trained to it from their earliest youth. A bold
and dexterous hunter ranked next in fame to
the distinguished warrior, and an alliance with
the former is often courted in preference to
one with the latter.t Hardly any device,
which the ingenuity of man has discovered for
ensnaring or destroying wild animals, was un-

♦ P. Martyr, Decad. p. 324. Gumilla, ii- 4, &c.
Acugna, i« 156.
t . Charlev. Histoire de la N. France, iii. 115.

I

HISTORY OF AMERICA . lid

known to the Americans. Whfle engaged in
this favourite exercise, they shake off the indo-
lence peculiar to their nature, the latent powers
and vigour of their minds are roused, and they
become active, persevering, and indefatigable.
Their sagacity in finding their prey, and their
address in killing it, are equal. Their reason
and their senses being constantly directed to-
wards this one object, the former displays such
fertility of invention, and the latter acquire
such a degree of acuteness, as appear almost
increildble. They discern the footsteps of a
wild beast, which escape every other eye, and
can follow them with certainty through the
pathless forest. If they attack their game
openly, their arrow seldom errs from the
mark j* if they endeavour to circumvent it by
art, it is almost impossible to avoid their toils*
Among several tribes, their young men were
not permitted to marry, until they had given
such proofs of their skill in hunting as put it
beyond doubt that they were capable of pro-
viding for a family. Their ingenuity, always
on the stretch, and sharpened by emulation as
well as necessity, has struck out many inven-
tions, which greatly facilitate success in the
chase. The most singular of these is the dis-.v

* Biet, Voy.* de France Equin. 357. Davies' Discov.
of the River of Araaz. Purchas, iv. p. 1^7*
VOL. II. H

114 HISTORY OF AMEAICA;

BOOK covery of a poison in which they dijp the arrows
v,^^ L^ employed in hunting. The slightest wound
with those envenomed shafts is mortid. If
they only pierce the skin, the blood fixes 'and
congeals in a moment, and the strongest ani-
mal falls motionless to the ground* . Nor does
this poison, notwithstanding its violence and
subtlety, infect the flesh of the animal wfaicfa it
kills. That may be eaten with perfect safety,
and retain its native relish and qualities. All
the nations situated upon the banks of the
Maragnon and Orinoco are acquainted with
this composition, the chief ingredient in which
is the juice ^extracted from the root of the
curare^ a species of withe.* In other parts rf
America, they employ the juice of the numch^
niUe for the same purpose, and it operates with
no less fatal activity. To people possessed of
those secrets, the bow is a more destructive
weapon than the mudket, and, in their d:ilful
hands, does great execution among the birds
and beasts which abound in the forests of Ame-
rica.

By agricui- But the life of a hunter gradually leads man
to a state more advanced. The chase, even
where prey is almndant, and the dexterity of

* Gumiilai ii. 1, &c. Condam. 208. Recherch. Philos.
ii. 239. Bancroft's Nat. Hiit. of Guiana^ 281^ &c.

HISTORY OF AMEBICA. ]]5

tbe hunter much improved, a£brd$ but an uu* ^^'^
certain maintenance, and at some seasons it
must be suspended altogether. If a savage
trusts to his bow alone for food, he and his
family wtll be often reduced to extreme dis-
tress.* Hardly any region of the earth fur-
nishes man spontaneously with what his wants
require* In the mildest climates, and most
fertile soils, his own industry and foresight
must be exerted, in some degree, to secure a
r^ular supply of food. Their experience of
this surmounts the abhorrence of labour natural
to savage nations, and compels them to have
recourse to culture, as subsidiary to hunting*
In particular situations, some smaQ tribes may
subsist by fishing, independent of any produc*
tion of the earth raised by dieir own industry.
Bat Uirou^out all America, we scarcely meet
with any nation of hunters which does not
practise some species of cultivation.

The agriculture of the Americans, however, i*v .
is neither extensive nor laborious. As game oftiMir
and fish are their principal food, all they aim ^*'*^
at, by cultivation, is to supply any occasional
defect of these. In the southern continent of
America, the natives confined their industry
to rearing a few plants, which, in a rich soil

* See Note XXIX. Page 886.

IV

1 16 HISTORY Ol- AMERICA .

BOOK and warm dimate, were easily trained to ma-
turity. The chief of these is maizey welt
known in Europe by the name of Turkey or
Indian wheat, a grain extremely prolific, c£
simple culture, agreeable to the taste, and af-
fording a strong hearty nourishment. The
second is the manioc^ which grows to the
size of a large shrub, or small tree, and pro-
duces roots somewhat resembling parsnips.
After carefully squeezing out the juice, these,
roots are grated down to a fine powder, and
formed into thin cakes, called Cassada bread,
. which, though insipid to the taste, proves no
contemptible food.*^ As the juice of the ma-
nioc is a deadly poison, son^e authors have
celebrated the ingenuity of the Americans,
in converting a noxious plant into wholesome
nourishment. But it should rather be consi-
dered as one of the desperate expedients for
procuring subsistence, to which neciessity re-
duces rude nations ; or, perhaps, men were
led to the use of it by a progress, in which
there is nothing marvellous. One species of
manioc is altogether free of any poisonous
quality, and may be eaten without any prepa-

♦ Sloane, Hist, of Jam. Introdact. p, 18. Labat, i. 394.
Acosta, Hist. Ind. Occid. Natur. lib. iv. c. 17. Ulloa, i. 62.
Aublet, Mem. 8ur le Magnioc. Hist, des Plantes, torn. ii.
p. 65f &c.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 117

ration but that of roasting it in the embers, book
This, it is probable, was first used by the Ame- >vv^
ricans as food ; and necessity having gradually
taught them the art of separating its perni-
cious juice from the other species, they have
by experience found it to be more prolific as
well as more nourishing** The third is the
plantain^ which, though it rises to the height
of a tree, is of such quick growth, that in less
than a year it rewards the industry of the
cultivator with its fruit This, when roasted,
supplies the place of i}read, and is both palat-
able and nourishing.! The fourth is the po-
tatOf whose culture and qualities are too well
known to need any description. The fifth is
pimentOf a small tree, yielding a strong aro-
matic spice. The Americans, who, like other
inhabitants of warm climates, delight in what-
ever is hot and of poignant flavour, dfeem this
seasoning a neeessary of life, and mingle it
copiously with every kind of food they take.t

Such are the various productions, which
were the. chief object of culture among the
hunting tribes on the continent of America ;

* Martyr, Decad. 301. Labat. i. 411. Gumilla, iii. 192.
Machucha Milic. Indiana, 164. See Notb XXX. Page
386.

t See Notb XXXI. Page 387.

X Gumilla, iii. 171. Acosta, lib. iv. c. 20.

118 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

BOOK and with a moderate exertion of active and

IV.

provident industry, these might have yielded
a full supply to the wants of a numerous
people. But men, accustomed to the free and
vagrant life of hunters, are incapable of regu-
lar application to labour, and consider agri-
culture as a secondary and inferior occupa-
tion. Accordingly, the provision for subsist*
ence, arising from cultivation, was so limited
and scanty among the Americans, that, upon
any accidental failure of their usual success in
hunting, they were often reduced to extreme
distress.

In the islands, the mode of subsisting was
considerably different. None of the large ani*
mals which abound oh the continent were
known there. Only four species of quadru-
peds, besides a kind of small dumb dog, exist-
ed in the islands, the biggest of which did not
exceed the size of a rabbit.* To hunt such
diminutive prey, was an occupation which re-
quired no eflTort either of activity or courage.
The chief employment of a hunter in the isles
was to kill birds, which on the continent are
deemed ignoble game, and left chiefly to the
pursuit of boys.t This want of animals, as

* Oviedo, lib. xii. in proem.

t Ribas, Hist de lbs Triumf. p. 13. De la Potherie,
ii.SS. iii. 20.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 119

well as their pecuUar situation^ led the idand-
en to depend principally upon fishing for their
subsistence.* Their rivers, and the sea with
which they are surrounded, supplied them with
this species of food. At some particular sea*
sons, turtle, crabs, and other shell-fish, abound-
ed in such numbers, that the natives could
support themselves with a facility in which
their indolence delighted.t At other times
they ate lizards, and various reptiles of odious
forms4 To fishing, the inhabitants of the
islands added some degree of agriculture.
Maize, § manioc, and other plants, were culti-
vated in the same manner as on the continent.
But aU the fruits of their industry, together Tn^ «r^
with what their soil and climate produced
{spontaneously, afforded them but a scanty
maintenance. Though their demands for food
were very sparing, they hardly raised what was
sufficient for their own consumption. If a few
. Spaniards settled in any district, such a small
addition of supernumerary mouths soon ex-
hausted their scanty stores, and brought on a
famine.

* Oriedoy lib. xiii. c. 1. Gomara, Hist, Gener. c*28.
t Gomara» Hist. Gener. c. 9. Labat, ii. 221, Ac.
j: Oviedo, lib. xiii. c. S.
§ See Note XXXII. PageS87.

120 HISTORY OF AMERICA*

Two circumstances, common to all the sa^

vage nations of America, concurred with
^o causes those which I have already mentioned, not
perfection, ouly iu rendering their agriculture imperfect,
but in circumscribing their power in all their
operations : They had no tame animals ; and
they were unacquainted with the useful me-
tals.

rf*^i^* In other parts of the globe, man, in his
animals. rudest statc, appears as lord of the creation,
giving law to various tribes of animals, which
he has tamed, and reduced to subjection. The
Tartar follows his prey on the horse which
he has reared ; or tends his, numerous herds,
which furnish him both with food and cloth*
ing : the Arab has rendered the camel docile,
and avails himself of its persevering strength :
the Laplander has formed the rein-deer to be
subservient to his will ; and even the people of
Kamtchatka have trained their dogs to labour.

I ' This command over the inferior creatures is

one of the noblest prerogatives of man, and
among the greatest efforts of his wisdom and

i power. Without this, his dominion is incom-

plete. He is a monarch who has no subjects ;
a master without servants, and must perform
every operation by the strength of his own arm.
Such was the condition of all the rude nations
i ^ in America. Their reason was so little improv-

' ed, or their union so incomplete, that they

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 121

seem not to have been conscious of the supe* boor
riority of their nature, and 8u£fered all the ani-
mal creation to retain its liberty, without esta*
blishing their own authority over any one spe-
cies. Most of the animals, indeed, which have
been rendered domestic in our continent, do
not exist in the New World j but those peculiar
to it are neither so fierce nor so formidable, as
to have exempted them from servitude. There
are some animals of the same species in both
continents. But the rein-deer, which has been
tamed and broken to the yoke in the one he-
misphere, runs wif d in the other. The bison of
America is manifestly of the same species with
the homed cattle of the other hemisphere.*
The latter, even among the rudest nations in
our continent, have been rendered domestic ;
and, in consequence of his dominion over them,
man can accomplish works of laboxir with greater
facility, and has made a great addition to his
means of subsistence. The inhabitants of many
regions of the New World, where the bison
abounds, might have derived the same advan-
tages from it. It is not of a nature so indo-
cile, but that it might have been trained to be
as subservient to man as our cattle.t But a

* BufFon, Artie. Bison.

t NouF* Decouverte par Hem^epin^ p. 192. Kalm,

IV,

Ifi HISTORY OF AMERrCA.

BOOK savage^ in that ttncultivated state wfa^'cdn the
Americans were discovered, is the enemy of the
other animals, not their superior. He wastes
and destroys, but knows not how to multiply
or to govern them.*

This, perhaps, is the most notable distinction
between the inhabitants of the Ancient and
New Worlds, and a high pre-^eminence of dvi-^
lized men above such as continue rude. The
greatest operations of man, in changing and
improving the face of nature, as well as l|b
most considerable effi>rts in cultivating the
earth, are accomplished by means of the aid
which he receives from the animals whom he
has tamed, and employs in labour. It is by
their strength that he subdues the stubborn soil,
and converts the desert or marsh into a fruitful
field. But man, in his civilized state, is so
accustomed to the service of the domestic ani*
mals, that he seldom reflects upon the vast be-
nefits which he derives from it. If we were to
suppose him, even when most improved, to be
deprived of their useful ministry, his empire
over nature must in some measure cease, and
he would remain a feeble animal, at a loss how
to subsist^ and incapable of attempting such

• Boffon, Hitt. Nat. ix. 85. Hist. Philofl. ot Polit. des
Etablifsem. des £urop. dans les deux lodes, vi. 364.

Wtatorihe

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 12$

arduous undertakjugs as their assistance eoaUes ^ook
him to execute with ease.

It is a doubtful point, whether the dominion
of man over the animal creation, or his acquir-
ing the use of metals, has contributed most to
extend his power. The era of this important
discovery is unknown, and in our hemisi^iere
very remote. It is only by tradition, or by
digging up some rude instruments of our fore-
fktbers, that we leara that mankind were ori-
ginally unacquainted with the use of metals, and
endeavoured to supply the want of them by
employing flints, shells, bones, and other hard
substances, for the same purposes which metals
serve among polished nations. Nature com-
pletes the formation of some metals. Gold,
silver, and copper, are found in their perfect
state in the clefts of rocks, in the sides of
mountains, or the channels of rivers. These
were accordingly the metals first known, and
"first applied to use. But iron, the most ser-
viceable of all, and to which man is most
indebted, is never discovered in its perfect
form; its gross and stubborn ore must feel
twice the force of fire, and go through two
laborious processes, before it become fit for
use. Man was long acquainted with the other
metals before he acquired the art of fabricat-
ing iron, or attained such ingenuity as to per-
fect an invention, to which he is indebted for

134 aiSTORT or AMEHICA.

those instruments wherewith he subdues th#
earth, and commands all its inhabitants. But
in this, as well as in many other respects, the
inferiority of the Americans was conspicuous.
All the savage tribes scattered over the conti-
nent and islands, were totally unacquainted
with the metals which their soil produces in
great abundance, if we except some trifling
quantity of gold, which they picked up in the
torrents that descended from their mountains,
and formed into ornaments. Their devices to
supply this want of the serviceable metals, wecf
extremely rude and awkward. The most sim-
ple operation was to them an undertaking of
immense difficulty and labour. To fell a tr^
with no other instruments than hatchets of
stone, was employment for a month.* To
form a canoe into shape, and to hollow it, con-
sumed years ; and it frequently b^an to rot
before they were able to finish it*t Their
operations in agriculture were equally slow and
defective. In a country covered with woods
of the hardest timber, the clearing of a small
field destined for culture required the united
efibrts of a tribe, and was a lyork of much time
and great toiL This was the business of the
men, and their indolence was satisfied with

« Gumillft, iii, 196.

t Borde, Relet, des Caraibes, p. 22.

HisrrcmT of America. 125

performing it in a very slovenly manner. * The ^^00%
labour of cultivation ivas left to the women^
who, after digging, or rather stirring the field,
with wooden mattocks, and stakes hardened in
the fire, sowed or planted it ; but they were
more indebted for the increase to the fertility
of the soil, than to their own rude industry.*

Agriculture, even when the strength of
man is seconded by that of the animals which
he has subjected to the yoke, ancf his power
iaugmen ted by the use of the various instnir
ments with which the discovery of metals has
furnished him, is still a work of great labour ;
and it is with the sweat of his brow that he
renders the earth fertile. It is not wonderftil^
thetii that people destitute of both these advan-
tages should have made so little progress .in
cultivation, that th^y must be considered as
depending for subsistence on fishing and hunt-
ing, rather than on the fruits of their owq la-
bour.

From this description of the mode of sub- PoUtjVatiB*
sisiing among the rude American tribes, the n^ing'^hJ^
form and genius of their political instituti<ms
may be deduced, and we are enabled to trace

* Gumilla, iii. 166, &c. Lettr. Edif. xii. 10.

1C6 BisTonr of ajicesica.

BOOK yariotit circumstances of distinction between

IV.

tliem and more civilized nations.

ties.

1. Divided 1. Thby wwe divided into small indepem
dent communities* While hunting is the chief
source of subsistence, a vast extent of territory
is requtsitefor supflorting a small number of peo«
pie. In proportion as men multiply and unite,
the wild animals, dn which they depend for food,
diminish, or fly. at a greater distance from the
haunts of their enemy. Th^ increase of a so-
ciety in this state is limited by its own nature^
and the members of it must either disperse,
like the game which they pursue, or fall iipcto
some better method of procuring food than by
huntings Beasts of prey are by nature soU^
tary and unsocial ; they go not forth to the
chase in herds, but delight in those recesses of
the forest where they can roam and destroy un-
disturbed. A nation of hunters resembles them
both in occupation and in genius. They can-
not form into large communities, because it
would be impossible to find subsistence ; and
they must drive to a distance every rival who
may encroach oh those domains which they
consider as their own. This was the state of
all the American tribes ; the numbers in each
were inconsiderable, though scattered over
countries of great extent j they were far re-
moved from one another, and engaged in per-

HISTORY OF AMERICA. Ifff

petual hostilities or rivalship.* In Amencsi,
the word nation is not of the same import at
in other parts of the globe. It is i^lied to
small societies, not exceeding, perhaps, two or
three hundred persons, but occupying pro*
vinces greater than some kingdoms in Europe.
The country of Gukma, though of larger
extent than the kingdom of France, and di-
vided among a great number of nations, did
not contain above twenty-five thousand inha*
bitants.t In the provinces which border on
Ae Orinoco, one may travel several hundred
miles in difierent directi<ms, without finding
a single hut, or observing the footsteps of a
human creature, t In North. America, where
the climate is more rigorous, and the soil less
fertile, the desolation is still greater. Hiere,
journeys of some hundred leagues have been
made through uninhabited plains and forests. S
As long as hunting continues to be the chief
employment of man, to which he trusts for
subsistence^ he can hardly be said to have oc-
cupied the earth. II

* Lozanoy Deicrip. del Gran Chaco, 59. 62. Fernandez,
Relac. HUt. de log Chequit. 162.

f Voyages de Marchaia, W. S5S.

i 6iimma,ii.l01.

$ M.Fabrj, quoted by Bafib&,iii. 488. Lafitau, iL 179.
Boasu, TraTels through Louisiana, i. 111. See Note
XXXIIL Page 388.

n See NoTS XXXIV. Page ^89.

17

128 HWTORY or AMERICA.

BOOK a. Nations whieh depend upon bucting are,
in a great measure, strangers to the idea of

Idea of
property,

unac property. As the animals on which the hun-
^the ter feeds sae not bred under his inspection,
nor nourished by his care, he can claiid no
right to them, while they run wild in the
forest. Where game is so plentiful that it
may be catcfaed with little trouble, men never
dream of appropriating what is of small value,
or of easy acquisition. Where it is so rare,
that the labour or danger of the chase requires
the united efibrts of a tribe, or village, what is
killed is a common stock, belonging equally
to all, who, by their skill or their cours^e,
have ccmtributed to the success c^ the excur-
sion. The forest, or hunting-grounds, are
deemed the property of the tribe, from which
it has a title to exclude every rival nation.
But no individual arrogates a right to any dis-
trict of these, in preference to his fellow-citi-
zens. They belong alike to all ; and thither,
as to a general and undivided store, all repair
in quest of sustenance. The same principles
by which they regulate their chief occupation,
extend to that which is subordinate. Even
agriculture has not introduced among them a
complete idea of property. As the men hunt,
the women labour together, and after they have
shared the toils of the seed-time, they enjoy the

HISTORY OF AMERICA* 1S9

harvMti in common.^* Among some tribes, the ^^^
increase of their cultivated lands is deposited
in a public granary, and divided among them
at stated times, according to their wants.t
Among others, though they lay up separate
stores, they do not acquire such an exclusive
light of property, that they can enjoy super-
fluity, while thme around them sufier want.t
Thus the distinctions arising from the inequality
of possessions are unknown. The terms rich or
^ar enter not into their language, and being
strangers to property, they are unacquainted
with what is the great object of laws and po-
licy, as well as the chief motive which induced
mankind to establish the various arrangements
of regular govemment.§

3. People in this state retain a high sense of Higii wnte
equality and independence. Wherever the idea andiiMk.
of property is not established, there can be no p**"^"**^
distinction among men, but what" arises from
personal qualities. These can be ccmspicuous
only on such occasions as call them forth into
exertion. In times of danger, or in affiurs of

*^ Dr Ferguson's Essay, 125.

t Gumilla, i. 265. Brickell, Hist of N. Carol. 827.
See Note XXXV. Page S90.

% Denys, Hist. Natur. ii. 392, 89S.

§ P. Martyr, dec. p. 45. Veneg. Hist, of Californ. i. 66.
Lery, Navig. in BrasU, c. 17.
VOL. ir. I

150 USTORT OF AMERICA.

intricacy, the wisdom and experience of age are
consulted; and prescribe the measures which
ought to be pursued. When a tribe of savages
takes the field against the enemies of their
country, the warrior of most approved courage
leads the youth to the combat.* If they go
forth in a body to the chase, the most expert
and adventurous hunter is foremost, and di-
rects their motions. But during seasons of
tranquillity and inaction, when there is no oc-
casion to display those talents, all pre-eminence
ceases. Every circumstance indicates that all
the members of the community are on a level.
They are clothed in the same simple garb.
They feed on the same plain fare. Their
houses and furniture are exactly similar. No
distinction can arise from the inequality of
possessions. Whatever forms dependence on
one part, or constitutes superiority on the
other, is unknown. All are freemen, all feel
themselves to be such, and assert with firmness
the rights which belong to that condition.t
This sentiment of independence is imprinted
so deeply in their nature, that no change of
condition can eradicate it, and bend their
minds to servitude. Accustomed to be abso-

* Acosta, Hist. lib. vi. c. 19, Stadius, Hist. BrasD, \\b.
ii. c. 13. De Bry, iii. p, 1 10. Biet, 361 .
t Labat, vi. 124. Brickell, Hist, of Carol. 310.

subofdiii^

tioni

feet

HISTORY OP AMERICA. 131

lute masters of their own conduct, they disdain
to execute the orders of another ; and having
never known controul, they will not submit to
correction.^ Many of the Americans, when
they found that they were treated as slaves by
the Spaniards, died of grief; many destroyed
themselves in despair.t

4. Among people in this state, government &»wy
can assume little authority, and the sense of
civil subordination must remain very imperfect.
While the idea of property is unknown, or in-
completely conceived ; while the spontaneous
productions of the earth, as well as the fruits
of industry, are considered as belonging to the
public stock, there can hardly be any such sub-
ject of difference or discussion among the mem-
bers of the same community, as will require
the hand of authority to interpose in order to
adjust it. Where the right of separate and
exclusive possession is not introduced, the
great object of Jaw and jurisdiction does not
exist. When the members of a tribe are called
into the field, either to invade the territories of
their enemies or to repel their attacks ; when

♦ See NoTB XXXVL Page 391.

t Oviedo, lib. iii. c. 6. p. 97- Vega, Conquist. de la
Florida, i. SO. ii. 416. Labat, ii. 1S8. Benzo, Hi«t. Nqy.
Orb. lib. iv. c. 25.

152 HISTORY or AMERICA.

they are engaged together in the toil and dan-
ger« of the chase, they then perceive that they
are part of a political body. They are con-
scious of their own connexion with the com-
panions in conjunction with whom they act ;
and they follow and reverence such as excel in
conduct and valour. But, during the intervals
between such common efforts, they seem scarce-
ly to feel the ties of political union.* No visi-
ble form of government is established. The
names of magistrate and subject are not in use.
Every one seems to enjoy his natural indepen-
dence almost entire. If a scheme of public
utility be proposed, the members of the com-
munity are left at liberty to choose whether
they will or will not assist in carrying it into
execution. No statute imposes any service as
a duty, no compulsory laws obUge them to per-
form it. All their resolutions are voluntary,
and flow from the impulse of their own minds.t
The first step towards establishing a public ju-
risdiction has not been taken in those rude so-
cieties. The right of revenge is left in private
hands.t If violence is committed, or blood is
shed, the community does not assume the power

* Lozano, Descr. del Gran Chaco, 93. Melendez Te-
foros Verdaderos, ii. 23. See Note XXXVII. Page 392.
t Charlev. Hist. N. France, iii. 266. 268.
t Herrera, d<ec. 8. lib. iv. c. 8.

HISTORY OP AMERICA. 135

either of inflicting or of moderating the punish- ^^^^
ment It belongs to the family and friends of
tifie person injured or slain to avenge the wrong,
or to accept of the reparation offered by the
aggressor. If the elders interpose, it is to ad*
vise, not to decide, and it is seldom their coun-
sels are listened to ; for as it is deemed pusil-
lanimous to suffer an offender to escape with
impunity, resentment is implacable and ever-
lasting.* The object of government among
savages is rather foreign than domestic. They
do not aim at maintaining interior order and
police by public regulations, or the exertions
of any permanent authority, but labour to pre-
serve such union among the members of their
tribe, that ,they may watch the motions of their
enemies, and act against them with concert 2lnd
vigour.

Such was the form of political order esta- To what

I • people

bushed among the greater part of the Ameri- th(»e de.
can nations. In this state were almost all the ^^!^
tribes spread over the provinces extending east-
ward of the Mississippi, from the mouth of the
St Laurence to the confines of Florida. In a
similar condition were the people of Brasil, the
inhabitants of Chili, several tribes in Paraguay

* Charlev. Hist. K. France, iii. 271, 272. Lafit i. 486.
CaAsani, Hist, de Nuevo Reyno de Granada, 226.

184 mSTORY or AMERICA.

and Guiana, and in the countries which stretch
from the mouth of the Orinoco to the penin*
sula of Yucatan. Among such an infinite num*
her of petty associations, there may be pecu*
liarities which constitute a distinction, and
mark the various degrees of their civilization
and improvernent. But an attempt to trace
and enumerate these would be vain, as they
have not been observed by persons capable of
discerning the minute and delicate circum-
stances, which serve to discriminate nations re«
sembling one another in their general charac-
ter and features. The description which I
have given of the political institutions that took
place among those rude tribes in America, con-
cerning which we have received most complete
information, will apply, with little variation, to
every people, both in it3 northern and southern
division, who have advanced no farther in civi-
lization than to add some slender degree of
agriculture to fishing and hunting.

Imperfect as those institutions may appear,
several tribes were not so far advanced in their
political progress. Aitoong all those petty na^
tions which trusted for subsistence entirely to
fishing and hunting, without any species of cul-
tivation, the union was so incomplete, and their
sense of mutual dependence so feeble, that
hardly any appearance of government or order
can be discerned in their proceedings. Their

HISTORY OF AMERICA* 1S5

wants are few, their objects of pursuit simple^
they form into separate tribes, and act together
£roni instinct, halnt, or conveniency, rather
than from any formal concert and association.
To this class belong the Califomians, several
of the small nations in the extensive country
of Paraguay, some of the people on the banks
of the Orinoco, and on the river St Magdalene,
in the New Kingdom of Granada.*

Bi/T though among these last mentioned sooMifw.
tribes there was hardly any shadow of regular ^mtmm
government, and even among those which I
first described its authority is slender and con-
fined within narrow bounds, there were, how<-
ever, some places in America where govern-
ment was carried far beyond the degree of
perfection which seems natural to rude nations.
In surveying the political operations of man,
either in his savage or civilized state, we dis-
cover singular and eccentric institutions, which
start as it were from their station, and fly ofi"
so wide, that we labour uh vain to bring them
within the general laws of any system, or to
account for them by those principles which
influence other communities in a similar situa-

* Venegas, i. 68. Lettr. Edif. ii. 176. Techo, Hist, of
Parag. ; Churchill, vi. 7a. Hist. Gen. des Voyagci, xiv.

74.

wanner To>

136 HISTORY 07 ABIERIGA.

tion. Some instances of this occur among
those people of America, whom I have includ*
ed under the common denomination of saoage.
These are so curious and important, that I shall
describe them, and attempt to explain their
origin.

Ptaticuiar- Ijj tijg jje^ World, as well as in other parts

ly in some ' , *

of^ of the globe, cold or temperate countries ap-
pear to be the favourite seat of freedom and
independence. There the mind, like the body,
is firm and vigorous. There men, conscious of
their own dignity, and capable of the greatest
efforts in asserting it, aspire to independence,
and their stubborn spirits stoop with reluctance
to llie yoke of servitude. In warmer climates^
by whose influence the whole frame is so much
enervated, that present pleasure is the supreme
ftlicity, and mere repose is enjoyment, men
acquiesce, almost without a struggle, in the
dominion of a superior. Accordingly, if we
proceed from north to south along the conti-
nent of America, we shall find the power of
those vested with authority gradually increas-
ing, and the spirit of the people becoming
more tame and passive. In Florida, the autho-
rity of the sachems, caziques, or chiefs, was
not only permanent, but hereditary. They
were distinguished by peculiar ornaments, they
enjoyed prerogatives of various kinds, and
were treated by their subjects with that reve-

mSTORT OF AMERICA* 19jr

rence which people accustomed to subjection
pay to a master.* Among the NatcheZy a
powerful tribe now extinct, formerly situated
on the banks of the Mississippi, a difference of
rank took place, with which the northern tribes
were altogether unacquainted. Some families
were reputed noble, and enjoyed hereditary
dignity. The body of the people was const*
dered as vile, and formed only for subjection.
This distinction was marked by appdlations
which intimated the high elevation of the one
state, and the ignominious 'depression of the
other. The former were called Respectable ;
the latter, the Stinkards. The great Chief, in
whom the supreme authority was vested, is re-
puted to be a being oS superior nature, the
brother of the sun, the sole object of their wor-
ship. They approach this great chief with
religious veneration, and honour him as the
representative of their deity. His will is a law
to which all submit with implicit obedience.
The lives of his subjects are so absolutely at
his disposal, that if any one has incurred his
displeasure, the offender comes with profound
humility, and offers him his head. Nor does

* Cardenas y Cano Ensayo ChronoL a la Hist, de Flo-
rida, p. 46. Le Moyne de Morgues Icones Floridae, ap.
deBry, p. 1.4*, &c. Charlev. Hist. N. Fi'ance, iii. 467>
468.

188 HISTORY O^ AMERICA.

®^^^ the dominion of the chiefs end with their
w^y^^ lives : their principal officers, their favourite
wives, together with many domestics of infe-
rior rank, are sacrificed at their tombs, that
they may be attended in the next world by
the same persons who served them in this ; and
such is the reverence in which they are held,
that those victims welcome death with exulta-
tion, deeming it a recompense of their fidelity^
and a mark of distinction, to be selected to
accompany their deceased master.* Thus a
perfect despotism, with its full train of super-
stition, arrogance, and cruelty, is established
among the Natchez ; and by a singular fatality,
that people has tasted of the worst calamities
incident to polished nations, though they them-
selves are not far advanced beyond the tribes
around them in civility and improvement. In
bkn^ Hispaniola, Cuba, and the larger islands^ their
caziques or chiefs possessed extensive power.
The dignity was transmitted by hereditary
right from father to son. Its honours and
prerogatives were considerable. Their sub-
jects paid great respect to the caziques, and
executed their orders without hesitation or
reserve.t They were distii^uished by peculiar

* Dtimont, Memoir. Hist, sur Louisiane, i. 175. Charl.
Hist. N. France, iii. 419, &c. Lettr. Edif. 20. 106. 111.

t Herrera, dec. 1. lib. i. c. 16. lib. iii. c. 44. p. 88. Life
of Columbus, ch. 32.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 199

dmaments, and in order t6 preserve or aug- *^*
ment the veneration of the people, they had
the address to call in the aid of superstition
to uphold their authority. They delivered
their mandates as the oracles of heaven, and
pretended to possess the power of regulating
the seasons, and of dispensing rain or sunshine,
according as their subjects stood in' need of
them.

In some parts of the southern continent, the ^ ^««*
]H>wer of the cazigues seems to have been as
extensive as in the hies. In Bogota, which is
now a province of the New Kingdom of Gra-
nada, there was settled a nation, more consi-
derable in number, and more improved in the
various arts of life, than any in America except
the Mexicans and Peruvians. The people of
Bogota subsisted chiefly by agriculture. The
idea of property was introduced among them,
and its rights, secured by laws, handed down
by tradition, and observed with great care.*
They lived in towns, which may be termed
large when compared with those in other parts
of America. They were clothed in a decent
manner, and their houses may be termed com*
modious, when compared with those of the

t Piedrahita, Hist, de las Conquist. del N. Reyoo de
Gran. p. 46.

140 HISTORY OF AAfERICA.

BOOK small tribes around them. The effects' of thi«

IV.

uncommon civilization were conspicuous. Go-
vernment had assumed a regular form. A
jurisdiction was established, which took cog-
nizance of different crimes, and punished them
with rigour. A distinction of ranks was
known : their chief, to whom the Spaniards
gave the title of Monarch, and who merited
that name on account of his splendour as well
as power, reigned with absolute authority.
He was attended by officers of various condi-
tions ; he never appeared in public without a
numerous retinue ; he was carried in a sort of
palanquin with much pomp, and harbingers
went before him to sweep the road and strew
it with flowers. This uncommon pomp was
supported by presents or taxes received from
his subjects, to whom their prince was such an
object of veneration, that none of them pre-
sumed to look him directly in the face, or ever
approached him but with an averted counte-
nance.* There were other tribes on the same
continent, among which, though far less ad-
vanced than the people of Bogota in their
progress towards refinement, the freedom and
independence, natural to man in his savage

* Herrera, dec. 6. lib. i. c. 2. lib. v. c. 56. Piedrahita,
c. 5. p. 25, &c. Gomara, Hist. c. 72.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 141

Itate, was much abridged^ aod their caziques book
had assumed ^Ltensive authority.

IV.

It is not easy to point out the circumstancest 2S^^
or to discover the causes, which contributed to guhr ap.
introduce and establish among each of those
people a form of government so different from
that of the tribes around them, and so repug*
nant to the genius of rude nations. If the per-

^ sons who had an opportunity of observing them
in their original state had been more attentive
and more discerniog, we might have received
information from their conquerors sufficient to
guide us in this inquiry. If the transactions of
people, unacquainted with the use of lettws,
were not involved in impenetrable obscurity,
we might have derived some information from
this domestic source^ But as nothing satis&c-
tory can be gathered, either from the accounts
of the Spaniards or from their own traditions,
we must have recourse to conjectures, in order
to explain the irregular appearances in the po«
litical atate of the people whom I have meu**
timied. As all those tribes which had lost
their native liberty and independence were
seated in the torrid zone, or in countries ap-
preaching to it, the climate may be supposed
to have had some influence in forming their
minds to that servitude, which seems to be the
destiny of man in those regions of the globe.

" But though the influence of pUmate, more

14C HISTORY OF AMERICA.

BOOK powerful than that of any other natural catise^
is not to be overlooked ; that alone cannot be
admitted as a solution of the point in question*
The operations of men are so complex, that
we must not attribute the form which they as*
sume to the force of a single principle or cause.
Although despotism be confined in America
to the torrid zone» and to the warm regions
bordering upon it, I have already observed that
these countries contain various tribes, some of
which possess a high degree of freedom, and
others are altogether unacquainted with the re*
straints of govermnent. The indolence and ti-
midity peculiar to the inhabitants of the islands^
render them so incapable of the sentiments or
effi)rt» necessary for maintaining independence,
that there is no occasion to search for any
other cause of their tame submission to the
will of a superior. The subjection of the
Natchez, and of the people of Bogota, seems
to have been the consequence of a difference
in their state from that of the other Ameri-
cans. They were settled nations, residing
constantly in one place. Hunting was not
the chief occupation of the former, and the
latter seem hardly to have trusted to it for
any part of their subsistence. Both had made
such progress in agriculture and arts, that the
idea of property was introduced in some de-
gree in the one community, and fully esta-
blished in the other. Among people in this

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 14S

3tate, avarice and ambition have acquired ob*
jects^ and have begun to exert their power;
views of interest allure the selfish ; the desire
of pre-eminence excites the enterprising ; do«
minion is courted by both ; and passions un-
known to man in his savage state, prompt
the interested and ambitious to encroach on
the rights of their fellow-citizens. Motives,
with which rude nations are equally unac*
qualnted, induce the people to submit tamely
to the usurped authority of their superiors.
But even among nations in this state, the spirit
of. subjects could not have been rendered so
obsequious, or the power of rulers so un*
bounded, without the intervention of super-
stition. By its fatal influence, the human
mind, in every stage of its progress, is de-
pressed, and its native vigour and indepen-
dence subdued. Whoever can acquire the
direction of this formidable engine, is secure
of dominion avei his species. Unfortunately
for the people whose institutions are the sub-
ject of inquiry, this power was in the hands of
their chiefs. The caziques of the isles could
put what responses they pieced into the
mouths of their Cemis or gods ; and it was by
their interposition, and in their name, that
they imposed any tribute or burden on their
people.* The same power and prerogative

* Herrera, decl. lib. iii. c. 3r

55

144 HISTORY OF ABI£RICA.

was exercised by the great chief of the Nat^
chez, as the principal minister as well as the
representative of the Sun, their deity. The
respect which the people of Bogota paid to
their monarchs was likewise inspired by reli-
gion, and the heir-apparent of the kingdom
was educated in the innermost recess of their
principal temple, under such austere disci-
pline, and with such peculiar rites, as tended
to fill his subjects with high sentiments con-
cerning the sanctity of his character, and the
dignity of his station.* Thus superstition,
which, in the rudest period of society, is either
altogether unknown, or wastes its force in
childish unmeaning practices, had acquired
such an ascendant over those people of Ame-
rica, who had made some little progress to-
wards refinement, that it became the chief in-
strument of bending their minds to an untime-
ly servitude, aud subjected them, in the begin-
ning of their political career, to a despotism
hardly less rigorous than that which awaits na-
tions in the last stage of their corruption and
decline.

S^wlL"* ^- After examining the political institu-
tions of the rude nations in America, the
next object of attention is their art of war, or

♦ Piedrahita,p.27,

HSSTORT or AMERICA. 145

th^r provision for public security and defence.
The small tribes dispersed over America are
not only independent and unconnected, but
engaged in perpetual hostilities with one an-
other.* Though mostly strangers to the idea
of separate property vested in any individual,
the rudest of the American nations are well
acquainted with the rights of each community
to its own domains. This right they hold to
be perfect and exclusive, entitling the pos-
sessor to oppose the encroachment of neigh-
bouring tribes. As it i$ of the utmost con-
sequence to prevent them from destroying or
disturbing the game in their hunting grounds,
they guard this national property with a jea^
lous attention. But as their territories are
extensive, and the boundaries of them not ex-
actly ascertained, innumerable subjects of dis-
pute arise, which seldom terminate without
bloodshed. Even in this simple and primitive
state of society, interest is a source of discord,
and oflen prompts savage tribes to take arms,
in order to repel or punish such as encroach on
the forests or plains, to which they trust for
subsistence.

But interest is not either the most freqnent .
or the most powerfld motive of the incessant •i^nm

iii/Wir.

TMrmo-

* Ribas, Hist, de los Triumf. p. 9.
VOL. II. K

146 blSTOllY OF AM£ftlCA.

BOOK hoatilities among rude nations. These must
be imputed to the passtoh of revenge, which

rages with such violence in the breast of sa-
vages, that eagerness to gratify it may be con-
sidered as the distinguishing characteristic of
men in their uncivilized state. Circumstances
of powerAil influence, both in the interior go-
vernment of rude tribes, and in their external
operations against foreign enemies, concur in
cherishing and adding strength to a passion
fatal to the general tranquillity. When the
right of redressing his own wrongs is left in
the hands of every individual, injuries are felt
with exquisite sensibility, and vengeance exer*
cised with unrelenting rancour. No time can
obliterate the memory of an offence ; and it is
seldom that it can be expiated but . by the
blood of the o^nder. In carrjdng on their
public wars, savage nations are influenced by
the same ideas, and animated with the same
spirit, as in prosecuting private vengeance.
Fran the In Small commuuities, every man is touched
with the injury or affiont offered to the body
<^ which he is a member, as if it were a per-
sonal attack upon his own honour or safety.
The desire of revenge is communicated from
breast to breast, and soon kindles into rage.
As feeble societies can take the field only in
small parties, each warrior is conscious of the
importance of his own arm, and feels that to

q>irit of
▼engeanoe.

HISTOET OF AMJEHICA. 147

it is coimnitted a considerable portion of the ^^k
public vengeMCie. War, which between ex-

tensive kingdoms i& carried on with little ani-
mosity, is prosecuted by small tribes with all
the TsbKour of a private quarrel. The resent*
ment of nations is as implacable as that of in-
tlividuals. It may be dissembled or suppressed, H«icedic
but is never extinguished; and often, when Sa^
least expected or dreaded* it bursts out with
redoubled fury.* When polished nations have
obtained the glory of victoiy, or have acquired
an addition of territory, they may terminate a
war with honour. But savages are not satis-
fied until they extirpate the community which
is the object of Ikeir hatred. They fight, not
to conquer, but to destroy* If they engage
in hostilities, it is with a resolution never to
see the face of the enemy in peace, but to
I»*osecute the quarrel with immortal emnity.t
The desire of vengeance is the first, and almost
the only principle, which a savage instils into
the minds of his children.]: This grows up

• Boucbery Hi«t. Nat de N. France* p. 93. Charlev.
Hist, de N. Fr«&ce^ lii, 215. 251. Lery up. de Bry, Ui. 20i.
Creittii Hist. Canad. p. 72. Lozano» Descr. del Gran
Chacoy 25. Hennep. Moeurs des Sauv. 40.

t Charlev. Hist. N. Pr. iii. 251. Colden, i. 108. ii. 126,
Barrere, p. 170. 173.

X Charlev. Hist. N.Fr. iii. S26. Lery i^. de Biy^ iii, 8S€.
Xiossaoo> Hist de Parng. L 14<4.

148 mSTORT OF AMERICA.

BOOK ^ith him as he advances in life ; and as hi^

IV

attention is directed to few objects, it acquires
a degree of force unknown among men whose
passions are dissipated and weakened by the
variety of their occupations and pursuits. The
desire of vengeance, which takes possession of
the heart of savages, resembles the instinctive
rage of an animal, rather than the passion
of a man. It turns, with undisceming fury,
even against inanimate objects. If hurt acci-
dentally by a stone, they often seize it in a
transport of anger, and endeavour to wreak
their vengeance upon it.* If struck with an
arrow in a battle, they will tear it from the
wound, break and bite it with their teeth, and
dash it on the ground.t With respect to their
enemies, the rage of vengeance knows no
bounds.^ When under the dominion of this
passion, man becomes the most cruel of all
animals. He neither pities, nor for^ves, nor
spares.

The force of this passion is so well under-
stood by the Americans themselves, that they
always apply to it, in order to excite their
people to take arms. If the elders of any
tribe attempt to rouse their youth from sloth,

♦ Lcry ap. de Bry, iii, 190.

t Lery ap. de Bry, iii. 208. Herrera, dec. i. lib. vi. c. «-

/

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 149

if a chief wishes to allure a band* of warriors to book
follow him in invading an enemy^s country,
the most persuasive topics of their martial elo-
quence are drawn from revenge. <* The bones
of our countrymen/' say they, " lie uncover-
ed; their bloody bed has not been washed
clean. Their spirits cry against us ; they must
be appeased. Let us go and devour the people
by whom they were slain. Sit no longer inac-
tive upon your mats ; lift the hatchet, console
the spirits of the dead, and tell them that they
shall be avenged."*

Animated with such exhortations, the youth na
snatch their arms in a transport of fiiry, raise
the song of war, and bum with impatience to
embrue their hands in the blood of their ene-
mies. Private chiefs often assemble small par-
ties, and invade a hostile tribe, without con-
sulting the rulers of the community. A single
warrior, prompted by caprice or revenge, will
take the field alone, and march several hun-
dred miles to surprise and cut off a straggh'ng
enemy .t The exploits of a noted warrior, in
such solitary excursions, often form the chief
part in the history of an American campaign ;t

* Charley. Hist. N- Fr. iii, 216, 217. Lery ap. de Bry,
iii.2M.
t See Note XXXVIII, Page 393.
t See Note XXXIX. Page S93. .

laO HISTOUT W AMERICA.

iRooisi and thmr elders connive at lucfa irregular sal*
%J^ MeB, M they tend to cherish a martial spirit,
and aecuitom their people to enterprise and
danger.* But when a war is national, and
undertaken by public authority, the dclibe-
rations are formal and slow. The elders as-
semble, they deliver thdir opinions in solemn
speeches, they weigh with maturity the Mture
<tf the enterprise, and balance its bem^ial or
disadvantageous consequences with no incon-
siderable portion of political discernment or
sagacity. Their priests and soothsayers are
consulted, and sometimes they ask the advice
even of their women, t If the determination
be for war, they prepare for it with much cere-
mony. A leader ofkt% to conduct the expe*
ditioh, and is accepted. But no man is con-
strained to follow him i the resolution of the
' community to commence hostilities imposes no
obligation upon any member to take part in
the war. Bach individual is still master of his
own conduct, and his engagement in the ser-
vice is perfectly voluntary.t

Mfideof The maxims by which they regulate their
"^^ military operations, though extremely different

* BoMu, i. 140. Lery ap. de Bry, 215. Hennepin,
Moeurs des Sauv. 41. Lafitau, ii. 169.
t Charlev, Hist. N. Fr.215. «68. Biet, 367. 380.
i Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. 217, 218.

HISTOET or AMERICA. 151

firtm thoie which take place among more dvi- book
U«ed and populoiis nations, are well suited to
their own political state, and the nature of the
country in which they act. They never take
the field in numerous bodies, as it would re-
quire a greater effort of foresight and industry
than is usual am<H^ savages, to provide fbr
their subsistence, during a march of some hun-
dred milea through dreary forests, or during a
long voyage upon their l^es and rivers. Their
annies are not encumbered with baggage or
military stores. Each warrior, besides his arms,
carries a mat and a small bag of pounded maize,
and with these is completely equipped for any
service. While at ,a distance from the enemy^s
frontier, they disperse through the woods, and
support themselves with the gaose which they
kill, or the fish which they catch. As they
af^roach nearer to the territories of the nation
which they intend to attack, they collect their
troops, and advance with greater caution. Even
in their hottest and most active wars, th^ pro-
ceed whoUy by stratagem and ambuscade. They
place not tiieir glory in attacking their enemies
with apm force. To surprise and destroy is
the greatest merit of a commander, and the
highest pride of his followers. War and hunt-
ing are their only occupations, and they con-
duct both with the same spirit and the same
arts. They follow the track of their enemies
through the forest. They endeavour to disco-

I6it HISTORY Q(F AMERICA^

^9^^ veritheir haants, theyiurk in some thicket n«ar
to the0e» and, with the patience of a sportsman
lymg in i wait for game, will continue in their
station day after day, until they can rush upon
their prey when most seoire, and least able to
re^at thetn. If they meet no strag^dng party
of the enemy, they, advance towards their vil-
lages^ but with wch. solicitude to conceal their
own approach, that they dBbeii creep on their
hands and feet through the woods, and paint
their skins of the same colour with the wither-
ed leaves, in order to avoid detection** If so
fortunate as to remain unobserved, they set on
fire the enensies'. huts in the dead of night, and
massacre the inhabitants, as they fly naked and
defenceless from the flames. If they hope to
effect a retr^t without being pursued, they
carry off some prisoners, whom they reserve for
a more dreadful fkte. But if, notwithstanding
all their address and precautions, they find
that their motions are discovered, that the ene*
my has taken the alarm, and is prepared to
oppose them, they usually deem it most prudent
to retire. They regard it as extreme folly to
meet an enemy who is on his guard, upon equal
terms, or, to give battle in an open field. The
most distinguished success is a disgrace to a

♦ Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. iii. 237,238. H«nnep. Moeurs
des Sauv, p. 59.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. IS8

leader, if it has been purchased with any con- boo«
sideraUe loss of his followers,* and they never -u, ^^^r
boast of a victory, if stained with the Mood <^
their own countrymen.t To fall in battle, in-
stead of being reckoned an honourable death, " '
is a misfortune which subjects the memory of
a warrioi" to the imputation of rashness or im-
prudence.t

TnissystAn of war was universal in Ameri-> Notowii^
ca ; and the small uncivilized tribes, diqiersed ZTi
through all its diflerent regions and climates^ ^^^"^^"'^
display more craft than boldness in carrying on
their hostilities. Struck with this conduct, so
q^posite to the ideas and maxims of Europeans,
several authors contend that it flows from a
feeble and dastardly i^irit peculiai* to the Ame-
ricans, which is incapable of any generous or
manly exertion. § But when we reflect that
many of these tribes, on occasions which Call
for extraordinary efforts, not only defend them-
selves with obstinate resolution, but attack their
enemies with the most daring courage, and that
they possess fortitude of mind superior to the

* See Note XL. Page ^93.

t Charlev. Hist- N, Fr. iii. 2S8. 307. Biet, 381. Lafi-
tau, Moeun des Sauy. ii. 24^.

t Charlev. iii. 376- See Note XLI. Page 394.

§ Recherches Phiios. sur les Americ. i. 115. Vojrage
de March. W. 410.

154 HISTORY OF AM£RICil.

ffoos. aense of danger or the fear of death, we must
ascribe their habitual caution •to some other
cause than constitutional timidity.* The num<-
ber of. men in each tribe is so small, the diffi*
culty of rearing new members amidst the hard-
ships and dangers of savage life so great, that
the life of a citizen is extremely precious, and
the preservation of it becomes a capital object
in their policy. Had the point of honour been
the same among the feeble American tribes as
amcHig the powetiul nations of £urope; had
they been taught to court fame or victory in
contempt of danger and death, they must have
been ruined by maxims so ill adapted to their
condition. But wherever their communities
are more populous, so that they can act with
considerable force, and can sustain the loss of
several of their members without being sen-
sibly weakened, the military operations of the
Americans more nearly resemble those of other
nations. The Brasilians, as well as the tribes
situated upon the banks of the river De la
Plata, often take the field in such numerous
bodies as deserve the name of armies.! They
defy their enemies to the combat, engage in
regular battles, and maintain the conflict with

* Lafitaui Moeurs des Sauv. ii. 248, 249. Charkv. N.
Fr. iii, 307.
t Fabri Veriss. Descrip. Indiae ap. de Brjr, vii. 42.

of €ratf Of

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 16S

that deqpefate ferocity, whidi is natural to man >^k
mho^ having no idea of war but that of exter-
minating their enemies, never give or take
quarter.* In the powerful empires of Mexico
and Peru, great armies were assembled, fre-
quent battles were fought, and the theory as
wdl as practice of war were different from
what took place in those petty societies which
assume the name of nations.

But though vigilance and attention are the
qualities chiefly requisite, where the object of
war is to deceive and to surprise ; and though
the Americans, when acting singly, display an
amazix^ degree of address in concealing their
own motions, and discovering those of an
enemy, yet it is remarkable, that, when they
take the field in parties, they can seldom be
brought to observe the precautions most essen-
tial to their own security. Such is the diffi-
culty of accustoming savages to subordination,
or to act in concert ; such is their impatience
under restraint, and such their caprice and
presumption, that it is rarely they can be
brought to conform themselves to the counsels
and directions of their leaders. They never
station sentinels around the place where they
rest at night ; and after marching some bun-

« See NoTB XLU. Page 3^5.

156

BOOK

IV.

HISTORY OF AMERICA.

dred miles to surprise an enemy, are often sur*
prised themselves, and cut off, while sunk in
as profound sleep as if they .were not within
reach of danger.*

If, notwithstanding this negligence and se*
curity, which often frustrate their most artful
schemes, they catch the enemy unprepared,
they rush upon them with the utmost ferocity,
and tearing off the scalps of all those who fall
victims 'to their rage,t they carry home those
strange trophies in triumph. These they pre-
serve as monuments, not only of their own
prowess, but of the vengeance which their
arm >has inflicted upon the people who were
objects of public resentment. 1^ They are still
more solicitous to seize prisoners. During
their retreat, if they hope to eflfect it unmo-
lested, the prisoners are commonly exempt
from any insult, and treated witii some degree
of humanity, though guarded with the most
strict attention.

^'^SoT' ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ temporary suspension, the

«8. rage of the conquerors rekindles with new

fury. As soon as they approach their own

* Charlcv. N. Fr. iii. 236, 237. Lettr. Edif. 17. 308/
20. 130. Lafit. Moeura, 247. Lahontan, iL 176.
t See Note XLIIL Page 395.
i Lafit. Moeurs, ii. 256.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. I57

frontier, some of their number are despatched
to inform their countrymen with respect to the
success of the expedition. Then the prisoners
begin to feel the wretchedness of their condi-
tion. The women of the village, together
with the youth who have not attained to the
age of bearing arms, assemble, and formii^
themselves into two lines, through which the
prisoners must pass, beat and bruise them with
sticks or stones in a cruel manner.* After
this first gratification of their rage against their
enemies, follow lamentations for the loss of
such of their own countrymen as have fallen
in the service, accompanied with words and
actions which seem to express the utmost an-
guish and grief. But in a moment, upon a
signal given, their tears cease ; they pass, with
a sudden and unaccountable transition, from
the depths of sorrow to transports of joy ;
and begin to celebrate their victory with all
the wild exultation of a barbarous triumph.t
The fate of the prisoners remains still unde-
cided. The old men deliberate concerning it.
Some are destined to be tortured to death, in
order to satiate the revenge of the conquerors;
some to replace the members which the com-
munity has lost in that or former wars. They

* Ldiontan, ii. 184*. '

t Chttrtey. Hist. N. Fr. iii. 241. Lafit. Moeur«, ii. 264.

16$

HISTORY or Alf£Rl€A.

BOOK
TV.

who are reserved for this milder fate, are led
to the huts of those whose friends have been
killed. The women meet them at the door*
and if they receive theoii their su^rings are
at an end. They ane adopted into the family,
and according to their phrase, are seated uJkmi
ibe mat of the deceased. They assume his
name, they hold <lie same rank, and are treat-
ed thenceforward with all the tenderness due
to a father, a brother, a husband, or a friend*
But if, either from«cilprice or an unrelenting
desire of revenge, the women of any family
refuse to accept of the prisoner who is offered
to them, his doom is fixed. No power can
then save him from torture and death.

Hidrin.

ooncemmg
their fate^

and foiti-
tude under
torture.

While their lot is in suspense, the prisoners
themselves appear altogether unconcerned
about what may befal them. They talk, they
eat, they sleep, as if they were perfectly at
ease, and no danger impending. When the
fatal sentence is intimated to them, they de-
ceive it with an unaltered countenance, raise
their death-song, and prepare to ^sufier like
men. Their conquerors assemble as to a so*
lemn festival, resolved to put the fortitude of
the cslptive to the utmosit proof. A stene en*
sues, the bare description of which is enough
to chill the heart with horror, wherever men
have been accustomed, by milder inatttutions,
to respect their species, and to melt into ten-

HilSTOBY OF AMERICA* 1^9

demess at tlie sight of human safferii^^B^ The book
prisoners are tied naked to a stake, but so as to
be at liberty to move round it. All who are
present, men, women, and children, rush upon
them like furies. Every species of torture is
applied that the rancour of revenge ean mvent*
ScMne bum their limbs with red-hot irons, some
mangle their bodies with knives, others tear
their flesh from their bones, pluck out their
nails by the roots, and rend and twist their
sinews. They vie with one another in refine-
ments of torture. Nothing sets bounds to their
rage but the dread of abridging the duration
of their vengeance by hastening the death of
the sufferers ; and such is their cruel ingenuity
in tormenting, that, by avoiding industriously
to hurt any vital part, they often prolong this
scene of anguish for several days. In spite of
all that they suffer, the victims continue to
chant their. death»song with a firm voice, they
boast of their own exploits, they insult their
tormentors for their want of skill in avenging
their friends and relations, they warn them of
the vengeance which awaits them on account
of what they are now doing, and excite their
ferocity by the most provoking reproaches and
threats. To dii^Uy undaunted foititude in
such dreadful situations, is the noblest triumph
of a warrior. To avoid the trial by a volun^
taiy death, or to shrink under it, is deemed
infamous and cowardly. If any one betray

17

j50 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

symptoms of timidity, his tormentors often des-
patch him at once with contempt, as unworthy
of being treated like a man.* Animated with
those ideas, they endure, without a groan, what
it seems almost impossible that human nature
should sustain. They appear to be not only
insensible of pain, but to court it. " Forbear,*'
said an aged chief of the Iroquois, when his
insults had provoked one of his tormentors to
wound him with a knife, " forbear these stabs
of your knife, and rather let me die by fire, that
those dogs, your allies, from beyond the sea,
may learn by my example to suffer like men.'^t
This magnanimity, of which there are frequent
instances among the American warriors, in-
stead of exciting admiration, or calling forth
sympathy, exasperates the fierce spirits of their
torturers to fresh acts of cruelty .t We^iy, at
length, of contending with men whose con-
stancy of mind they cannot vanquish, some
chief, in a rage, puts, a period to their suf-
ferings, by despatching them with his dagger
or club.§

* De la Potherie, ii. 2S7. m. 4A.

f Golden, Hist, of Five Nations, i. 200.

:( Voyages de Lahont. i. 236. r.

§ Charlev. Hist. N. Fran. iii. 243, &c. 385. Lafit.
Moeurs, iL 265* Creuxii Hist. Canad. p. 73. Hennep.
Moeurs des Sauv. p. 64, &c. Lahont. i. ^3, &c Tertre,
ii. 405. De la Potherie, ii. 22, Sec.

mSTORT OF AKERICA. l6l

This barbarous scene is often succeeded by
one no less shocking. As it is impossible to
appease the fell spirit of revenge which rages
in the heart of a savage," this frequently
prompts the Americans to devour those un»
happy persons who have been the victims of
their cruelty. In the ancient world, tradition
has preserved the piemory of barbarous na-
tions of cannibals, who fed on human flesh.
But in every part of the New World there
were people to whom this custom was iamiliar.
It prevailed in the southern continent,* in
several of the islands,! and in various districts
of North America.^ Even in those parts,
where circumstances, with which we are un-
acquainted, had in a great measure abolished
this practice, it seems formerly to have been
so well known, that it is incorporated into the
idiom of their language. Among the Iroquois,
the phrase by which they express their resolu-
tion of making war against an enemy is, '^ Let
us go and eat that nation.'^ If they solicit the
aid of a neighbouring tribe, they invite it to
" eat broth made of the flesh of their ene-

*■ Stadius ap. de Bry, iii. 12S. Lery, ibid. 210. Biet,
384. Lettr. Edif, 2S..S41. Piso, 8. Condamine, M. 97.
Ribas, Hist, de los Triumf. 4<7S.

t Life of Columb. 529. Mart. Dec. p. 18. Tertre, ii.
405.

% Dumont, Mem. i. 2^. Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. i. 259.
ii. 14. iii. 21. De la Potherie; iiL 50.-
VOL. II. L ,

HISTOHY Of AM£RiCA.

BOOK mies/'* Nor Was the pt^ttice pecuH<tf to rode
v^pyl^/ ufipc^ished tribes j the priacipte from which it
took rise is so deefidy footed in the tniiKls of
the Americaniii that it subsisted in Mexico,
one of the civilized empires in the New World ;
and relics of it may be discovered among the
more mild inhabitants of Peru. It wias not
scarcity of food, as some authors imagine, and
the importunate cravings of hunger, which
forced the Americans to those horrid repasts
on their fellow-creatures. Human ^esh was
never used as common food in d-tty country,
and the various relations concerning people
who reckoned it among the stated means of
subsistence, flow from the credulity and mis-
takes of travellers. The rancour of revenge
first prompted men to this barbarous action.t
The fiercest tribes devoured none but prisoners
taken in war, or such as they regarded as ene^
mies.t Women and children, who were not
the objects of enmity, if not cut off in the fury
of their first inroad into an hostile country, sel-
dom suffered by the deliberate effects of their
revenge. S

* Charkv. Hist N. Fr. iii. fi08, 309. Lettir. £di£ «S.
p. 277. De la Pdtberie, 11,298. See Note XLIV. PageS9e.

t Biet, 383. Blanco, Conversion de Piritu, p. 28. Ban-
croft, Nat. Hfait of Guiana, p. 259, &c.

t See Note XLV. Page 396.

§ Biet, 382. Bandini, Tita di Amerigo, 84. Tmrfej
405. Fermin, Descrip. de Sarin, i. 54f.

ffiSTORT OF AHERICA. 108

Titfi {)eoi4e of South America gratify ibeir book
feveiige in a manner somewhat different, but
with no less unrelenting rso^cour. Their pri-
soners, after meeting at their first entrance with
the same rough reception as among the North
Americans,* are not only exempt from injury,
but treated with the greatest kindness* They
are feasted and caressed, and some beautiful
young women are appointed to attend and so-
tebe them. It is not easy to account for this
part 1^ their conduct, unless we impute it to a
Mfinement in cruelty. For, while they seem
studious to attach the captives to life, by sup-
plying them with every enjoyment that can
render it agreeable, their doom is irrevocably
fixed. Oh a day appcmited, the victorious tribe
assembles, the prisoner is brought forth with
great soletanity, he views the preparations for
the Sacrifice with as much indifference as if he
himself were not the victim, and, meeting his
fate with undaunted firmness, is despatched with
a singte biow« The moment he falls, the wo-
men seize the body, and dress it for the feast.
They besmear dbeir children with the blood,
in order to kindle in tilieir bosoms a hatred of
their enemies, Whidi is never extinguished ) and
all jmn in feeding upon the flesh with amazing

* Sladius ap. de Bry, iii. p. 40. 123.

164 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

greediness and exultation.* To devour the
body of a slaughtered eijemy, they deem the
most com'plete and exquisite gratification of re-
venge. Wherever this practice prevails, cap-
tives never escape death, but they are not t<Mr-
tured with the same cruelty as among tribes
which are less accustomed to such horrid
feasts, t

As the constancy of every American warrior
may be put to such severe proof, the great ob-
ject of military education and discipline in the
New World, is to form the mind to sustain it
When nations carry on war with open force,
defy their enemies to the combat, and vanquish
them by the superiority of their skill or courage,
soldiers are trained to be active, vigorous, an4
enterprising. But in America, where the ge-
nius and maxims of war are extremely different,
passive fortitude is the quality in highest esti-
mation. Accordingly, it is early the study of
the Americans to acquire sentiments and ha-
bits, which will enable them to behave like
men, when their resolution shall be put to the
proof. As the youth of other nations exercise
themselves in feats of activity and force, those
of America vie with one another in exhibitions

* Stadius ap. de Bry, iiL 128, &c. Lery, ibid. 210.
t See Note XL VI. Page 397.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 165^

of their patience under suflferings. They har- ROok
den their nerves by those voluntary trials, and
gradually accustom themselves to endure the
sharpest pain without complaining* A boy
and girl will bind their naked arms together,
and place a burning coal between them, in or-
der to try who first discovers such id^atience
as to shake it off.* All the trials customary
in America, when a youth is admitted into the
class of warriors, or when a warrior is promot-
ed to the dignity of captain or chief, are ac-
commodated to this idea of manliness. Tliey
are not disphys of valour, but of patience ;
they are not exhibitions of their ability to of-
fend, but of their capacity to suffer. Among
the tribes on the banks of the Orinoco, if a
warrior aspires to the rank of captain, his pro-
bation begins with a long fast, more rigid Uian
any ever observed by the most abstemious her-
mit. At the close of this the chiefs assemble ;
each gives him three lashes with a large whip,
applied so vigorously, that^ his body is almost
flayed, and if he betrays the least symptom of
impatience, or even sensibility, he is disgraced
for ever, and rejected as unworthy of the ho-
nour to which he aspires. - After some interval,
the constancy of the candidate is proved by a
more excruciating trial. He is laid in a ham-

♦ Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. iii.,307.

166 HISTORY OP AMERICA.

MOK mock with his hands bound jfast, and an innu-
merable multitude of venomous ants, whose
Inte occasions exquisite pain, and produces a
violent inflammation, are thrown; upon him.
The judges of his merit stand around the ham-
mock, aji»d, while these cruel insects fasten upon
the most sensible parts of his body, a sigh, a
groan, an involuntary motion expressive of
what he suffers, would exclude him for ever
from the rank of captain. Even after this evi-
dence of his fortitude, it is not deemed to be
completely ascertained, but must stand another
test more. dreadful than any he has hitherto un-
dergone. He is again suspended in his ham^
mock, and covered with leaves of the palmetto.
A fijfe of stiukii^ herbs is kindled underneath,
so as he may feel its h^t, and be imvolved in
it3 smoke. Though scorched and almost sufib-
cated, he must continue to endure with the
same patient insensibility. Many perish in this
rude essay of their firmness and courage, but
such as go throi^h it with api^use, receive
the ensigns of their new dignity with much
solemnity, and are ever after regarded as lead-
ers of approved resolution, whofite behaviour, in
the most trying situations, will do honour to
their country.* In North America, the pre-
vious trial of a warrior is neither so formal nor

* GuBailla, ii. 296, &c. Biet, S76, Ac.

BISTOBV t>f AMSRIC4. 16?

<o sevei^ ; tfaoiigh even there, before t youth •^^^
13 permitted to bear arms, bis patience add for^
titude are proved by blows, by fire, and by in**
suits, more intolerable to a haughty spirit thau
both.*

The amazing steadiness with which the
Americans endure the most exquisite torments,
has induced soine authors to suppose that, from
the peculiar feebleness of their frame, their sen»
sibility is not so acute as that of other people ;
as women, and persons of a relaxed habit, are
observed to be less afiected with pain than ro-
bust men, whose nerves are more firmly braced.
But the constitution of the Americans is not so
different, in its texture, from that of the rest of
the human species, as to account fi^r this diver-
sity in their behaviour. It flows from a prin-
ciple of honour, instilled eaily, and cultivated
with such care, as to inspire man in his rudest
state with an heroic magnanimity, to which
philosophy hath endeavoured, in vain, to form
him, when more highly improved and pcrfished.
This invincible constancy he has been taught
to consider as the chief distinction of a man,
and the highest attainment of a warrior. The
ideas which influence his conduct, and the pas-
sions which take possession of his heart, are

♦ Charlev. Hist. N, Fr. iii. 219.

168 HISTORY OF ABf ERICA-

few. They operate of course with more deci-
sive effect, than when the mind is crowded with
a multiplicity of objects, or distracted by the
variety of its pursuits ; and when every motive
that acts with any force in forming the senti-
ments of a savage, prompts him to suffer with
, dignity, he will bear what might seem to be
impossible for human patience to sustain. But
wherever the fortitude of the Americans is not
roused to exertion by their ideas of honour,
theit feelings of pain are the same with those
of the rest of mankind.* Nor is that patience
under sufferings, for which the Americans have
been so justly celebrated, an universal attain-
ment. The constancy of many of the victims
is overcome by the agonies of torture. Their
weakness and lamentations complete the. tri-
umph of their enemies, and reflect disgrace
upon their own country.t

Wasted by ^ The perpetual hostilities carried on among
tu^JwT^ the American tribes, are productive of very
fatal effects. Even in seasons c£ public tran-
quillity, their imperfect industry does not sup-
ply them with any superfluous store of pro-
visions ^ but when the irruption of an enemy

♦ See Note XLVII. Page 398.
t Charlev. Hwt. N. Fr. Jii. 248. 385. De la Potherie,
iii. 48.

HISTQICT OF AMERICA. l69

desolates their cultivated lands, or disturbs
them in their hunting excursions, such a cala-
mity reduces a community, naturally improvi-
dent and destitute of resources, to extreme
want. All the people of the district that is
invaded, are frequently forced to take refuge
in woods or mountains, which can afibrd them
little subsistence, and where many of them
perish. Notwithstanding their excessive cau-
tion in conducting their military operations,
and the solicitude of every leader to preserve
the lives of his followers, as the rude tribes in
America seldoiti enjoy any interval of peace,
the loss of men among them is considerable in
proportion to the degree of population. Thus
famine and the sword combine in thinning
their numbers. All their communities are
feeble, and nothing now remains of several
nations, which were once considerable, but the
namew* *

Seksibus of this continual decay, there dre Recruit
tribes which endeavour to recruit their national t^"^^^
force when exhausted, by adopting prisoners «*?p*»»«
taken in war, and by this expedient prevent
their total extinction.^ The practice, however,
is not universally received. Resentment' ope-

* Charlev. Hist. N. Fr. iii. 902, 203. 429. Gumilla, ii.
227, &c.

lyO HISTOBT or AMEiaCA.

BOOK ratei^ more powerfiilly among s^vaget^ than
v,^p^^ ooQBideiations of policy. Far the greater part
of their captives was anciently saorificed to
their vengeance, atid it is only since their
numbers began to decline fast, diat they have
generally adopted ipilder maxims. But such
as they do naturalize, renounce for ever their
native tribe, and assume the manners as well
as passions of the people by whom they are
adopted,* so entirety, that they often join them
in expeditions against their own countrymen.
Such a sudden transition, and so repugnant to
one of the most powerful instincts implanted
by nature, would be deemed strange among
many people ^ but among the members of
small communiti^, where national enmity is
violent ^d d^ep-rooted, it has the appearance
of being still more unaocountable. It seems,
however, to result naturally from the pqnciplea
upon which war is carried on in America.
When nations aim at exterminating their ene-
mies, no excl^ange of prisoners can ever take
place* From the moment one is made a pri-
soner, hip country and his friends consider bim
as dead.t He hap incurred indelible disgrace
by suffering himself to be surprised or to be
t^ken by a^ enemy j and were be to return

• Charlev. Hist. N. Fr, iii. 245, &c. Lafit. ii, 308.
t See Note XL VIII, Page 398.

IV.

HISTORY OF ABOatlCA. }71

home, after suqh a staiii upon his honoiirt hit mn»k
nearest relations would not receive or even
acknowledge that they knew him.* Some
tribes w^e still more ngid» and if a prisoner
retixmedf the infamy which he had brought on
his country was expiated by putting him in*
stantly to death.t As tb^ unfortunate captive
is thus an outcast from his bwn country, and
the iiies which bound him to it are irreparably
iirolcen, he feels less reluctance in forming a
new conneafion with pec^e, who, as an evi-
dence of their friendly sentiments, not only
deliv^ him from a cruel death, but ofier to
admit him to all the rights of a feUow-citizen.
The perfect similarity of manners among
savage nations facilitates and completes the
u^iion, and induces a captive to tranaf^ not
only his allegiance, but his affection, to the
community into the bosom of which he is re«
ceived.

But tbou^ war be the chief occupation of 'nieirmfo.
men in their rude state, and to excel in it ^eir war to po*
highest distinction and pride, their infhriority S^"*"
is always manifest when they engage in compe-
tition with polished nations. Destitute of that '
foresight which discerns and provides for re^

* Lahont. ii. 185, 186.

X Henrera, dec* 3. lib. iv. c. 16. p« 173.

1Y3 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

mote events, strangers to the union and mutual
confidence requisite in forming any extensive
plan of operations, and incapable of the subor-
dination no less requisite in carrying such plans
into execution, savage nations may astonish a
disciplined enemy by their valour, but seldom-
prove formidable to him by their conduct ; and
whenever the contest is of long continuance,
must yield to superior art.* The empires of
Peru and Mexico, though their progress in
civilization, when measured by the European
' or Asiatic standards, was inconsiderable, ac-
quired such an ascendency over the rude tribes
around them, that they subjected most of them
with great facility to their power. When the
people of Europe overran the various pro-
vinces of America, this superiority was still,
more conspicuous. Neither the courage nor
number of the natives could repel a handful
of invaders. The alienation and enmity pre-
valent among barbarians, prevented them from
uniting in any common scheme of defence, and
while each tribe fought separately, all were
subdued.

Their arts. VI. The arts of rudc uatious unacquainted
with the use of metals, hardly merit any atten-
tion on their own account, but are worthy of

* See Note XLIX. Page 399.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. I78

some notice, as far as they serve to displky the book
genius and manners ot man in this stage of his
progress. The first distress a savage must feel,
will arise from the manner in which his body
is afiectedi by the beat, or cold, or moisture, of
llie climate under which he lives ; and his first !>■«>■
care will be to provide some covering for his
own defence. In the warmer and more mild
climates of America, none of the rude tribes
were clothed. To most of them, nature had
not even suggested any idea of impropriety in
being altogether uncovered.* As, under a mild
climate, there was little need of any defence
from the injuries of the air, and their extreme
indolence shunned every species of labour to
which it was not urged by absolute necessity,
all the inhabitants of the isles, and a consi-^
derable part of the people on the continent,
remained in this state of naked simplicity.
Others were satisfied with some slight cover-
ing, such as decency required; But though
naked, they were not unadorned. They dress-
ed their hair in many different forms. They
fastened bits of gold, or shells, or shining
stones, in their ears, their noses, and cheeks.t
They stained their skins with a great variety

* Lery, Navigat. ap. de Bry, iii. p. 164. Life of Colum-
bus, c. 24. Venegas, Hist, of Califora. p. 70.
t Lery ap. de Bry, iii, p. 165. Lettr. Edif. 20. 223.

i^4f itISTOR V OF AH£Ri€ A .

BOOK ^ fisgare^ ; and they fipefit much time, attd

n^.

submitted to gi^eat ^aiti, in ornamenting their
persons in this fantastic manner. VaUilT;
however, which finds endless occupation ibt
ingenuity and invention, in i^ations where
dress has become a complex and intricate ait,
is circumscribed within so narrow bounds^
and confined to so few articles among naked
savages, that they are tiot satisfied with those
simple decorations, and have a wonderful pro-
pensity to alter the natural form of their bodie&»
in order to render it (as they imagine) more
perfect and beautiful. This practice was uni-
versal among the rudest of the Aqierican
tribes. Their operations for that purpose
begin as soon as an infant is born. By com-
pressing tjbe bones of the skull, while still soft
and flexible, some flatten the crown of tbeit
heads ; some squeeze them into the shape of a
cone ; others mould them as much as possible
into a square figure ; * and they <^en endan*-
ger the lives of their posterity, by their violent
and absurd efibrts to derange the plan of na*
ture, or to improve upon her designs. But in
all their attempts either to adorn or to new-

« Oviedo, Hist. Kb. iii. c.5. UDoa, i. S29. Voyage de

I^abat, ii. 72. Charlevoix, iii. 323. Gumilla, i. 197, &c.

Acugna, Relat. de la Riv. dea Amaz. ii. 83. Lawson's
Voyage to Carolina, p. 33.

HISTORY OP AMERICA. 175

ffiodel their persons, it seems to have been less ^^m
t^ object of the Americtns to please, or to
appear beautiful, than to give an air of dignity
and terror to their aspect. Their attention to
dress had more reference to war than to gal*
kufitry. The di^rence in rank and estimation
between the two sexes was so great, as seems
to have eRtinguished, in some measure^ dieir
solicitude to appes^ mutually amiable. The
man deemed it beneath him to adorn his per-
son, tot the sake of one <hi whom he was accus-
tomed to look down as a slave. It was when
die warrior had in view to enter the council of
his nation, or to take the field against its ene-
mies, that he assumed his choicest ornaments,
and decked his person with the nicest care.*
The decorations of the women were few and
simple ; whatever was precious or splendid was
reserved for the men. In several tribes, the
women were obliged to spend a considerable
part of their time every day in adorning and
painting their husbands, and could bestow
little attention upon ornamenting themselves.
Among a race of men so haughty as to despise,
or so cold as to neglect them, die women na-
turally became careless and slovenly, and the
love of finery and show, which has been

* Wafer's Voyage, p. 142. Lery ap. de Bry, iii, 167.
CharleT. Hist. N. Fran. fii..216. tt2.

17

176 HISTORY OF AM£RI€A«

BOOK deemed their favourite passion, was codfiiied
^^Mi \^' chiefly to the other sex.* To deck his person
was the distinction c^ a warrior, as well as one
of his most serious occupations.t In one part
of their dress, which, at first sight, appears
the most singular and capricious/ the Ameri-
cans have discovered considerable sagacity ia
providing against the chief inconveniences of
their climate, which is often sultry and moist
to excess. All the different tribes which re-
main unclothed, are accustomed to anoint and
rub their bodies with the grease of animals,
with viscous gums, and with oils of different
kinds. By this, they check that profuse per-
spiration, wliich, in the torrid zone, wastes the
vigour of the frame, and abridges the period
of human life. By this, too, they provide
a defence against the extreme moisture dur-
ing the rainy season. 1: They likewise, at cer-
tain seasons, temper paint of diiferent colours
with those unctuous substances, and bedaub
themselves plentifully with that composition.
Sheathed with this impenetrable varnish, their
skins are not only protected from the pene-
trating heat of the sun, but as all the innu-

* Charlev. Hist, de la Nouv, Fran. iii. 278. 327. Lafit.
ii. 53. Kalm's Voyage, iii. 273. Lery ap. de Biy, iii. 169,
170. Purch. Pilgr. iv. 1287. Ribas, Hist, de los Triumf.
&C.472.

t See Note L. Page 899. J See Note LI. Page 400.

BffiTOBT or AMERICA. I77

merable tribes of insects have an antipathy to book
the smell of taste of that mixture, they jare de*
livered from their teasing persecution, which,
amidst forests and marshes, especially in the
wanner r^ons, would have been altogether
intolerable in ^ state of perfect nakedness.*

The next object to dress dmt will engage bm
the att^ation of a savage, is to prepare some ***^
habitation which may affi>rd him shelter by
day, and a retreat at night Whatever is con-
nected with his ideas of personal dignity, what*
ever bears any reference to his military cha-
racter, the savage warrior deems an object of
importance. Whatever relates only to peace-
able and inactive, life, he views with indiffer-
ence. Hence, though finically attentive to
dress, he is little solicitous about the elegance
or disposition of his habitation. Savage na-
tions, far from that state of improvement in
which the mode of living is considered as a
mark of distinction, and unacquainted with
those wants which require a variety of accom-
modation, regulate the construction of their
houses according to their limited ideas of ne-
cessity. Some of the American tribes were so
extremely rude, and had advanced so little

* Labat, ii. 93. Gumilla, i. 190. 202. Baocroft, Nat.
Hist, of Guiana, 81. 280.

VOL. II. M

17$ HISTORY OF AMERICA.

beyond the primeval simplicky of natere, that
they had no houses at all. During the day, liiey
take shelter from the scorching rays of the son
undet thick trefes ; at night, they form a shed
with their branches and leaves.* In the rainy
season they retire into cot^es, formed by the
hand of nature, or hollowed out by their own
industry.t Others, who have no fixed abode,
and roam through the forest in quest of game,
sojourn in temporary huts, which they erect
with little labour, and abandon without imy
concern. The inhabitants of those vast plains
which are deluged by the overflowing of riv«rs,
during the heavy rains that fall periodicaUy
between the tropics, raise bouses upon piles
fastened in the ground, or place them among
the boughs of trees, and are thus safe amidst
that wide extended inundation which sur-
rounds them.t Such were the first essays of
the rudest Americans towards providing them-
selves with habitations. But even among tribes
which are more improved, and whose residence
is become altogether fixed, the structure of

* See Note LII. Page 400.

+ Lettres Edif. v. 273. Venega», HiBt. of Cidifor. i. 76.
Lozano, Descrip. del. Gran Chaco, p. 56. Lettres Edif.
ii. 176. Gumilla, i. 385. Bancroft, Nat. Hist, of Guiana,
277.

X Gumilla, i. 225. Herrera, dec. 1. lib.ix. c.6. Oviedo,
Sommar. p. 53. C.

iV

HISTORY OF AMSRICA* 179

their houses » extremely mean and simfrfe. i^^
Tliey are wretidied huts, sometiai^s of an ob«
long and sometimes of a circular fbrm, intend-
ed merdly for shelter, with no view to de-
gance, «id little attentkn to cotaveniencj.
The doors are so low that it is necessary to
bmd or. to creep on the hands and feet in
order td enter them. They are without win-
dows, and have a large hole in the middle of
the roof, to convey out the smeke. To follow
travellers in other minute circumstances of
their descrq»tioas, is not only beneath the dig*
nity of history, but would be foreign to the ob*
ject of my researches* One circumstance me-
rits attention, as it is singular, and illustrates
the character of the peof^. Some of their
houses are so large as to contain accommoda-
tion for fourscore or a hundred persons. These
are built for the reception of different families,
which dwell together under the same roof,*
and often around a common fire, without sepa-
rate apartments, or any kind of screen or parti-
tion between the spaces which they respective-
ly occupy.^ As soon as men have acquired dis-
tinct ideas oi properly ; or when they are so
much attached to their females, as to watch
them with care and jealousy ; families, of
course, divide and settie in separate houses,

* See Note Lill. Page 401.

/

130 HISTORY OF AMERICA*

BOOK \irhere tbey can secure and guard whatever

IV.

they wish to pireserve. This singular mode of
habitation among several people of America,
may therefore be considered, not only as the
effect of their imperfect notions concerning
property, but as a proof of inattention and in-
difference towards their women. If they had
not beien accustomed to perfect equality, such
%n arrangement could not have taken place.
If their sensibility had been s^t to have taken
alarm, they would not have trusted the virtue
of their women amidst the temptatioos and op-
portunities of such a promiscuous intercourse.
At the same time, the perpetual concord which
reigns in habitations where so many families
are crowded together, is surprising, and ai9S>rds
a striking evidence that they must be people of
either a very gentle, or of a very phlegmatic
temper, who, in such a situation, are unac-
quainted with animosity, brawling, and dis-
cord.*

TheiranM. Afteb making some provision for his dress
and habitation, a savage will perceive the ne-
cessity of preparing proper arms with which to
assault ora-epel an enemy. This, accordingly,

* Joum. de Grillet et Bechamel dans la Goyane, p. 65*
Lafit. Moeurs, ii. 4. Torquem. Monarq. i. 24*7. Journal^
Hist, de Joutel, 217. Lery, Hist. Brasil. ap. de Bry, iii.
538. Lozano, Descr. del Gran Chaco, 67.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 181

has early exercised the ingenuity and invention
of all rude nations. The first offensive weapons
were doubtless siich as chance presented, and
the furst efforts of art to improve upon these,
were extremely awkward and simple. Clubs
made of some heavy wood, stakes hardened in
the fire, lances whose heads were armed with
flint or the bones of some animal, are weapons
known to the rudest nations. AH these, how-
ever, were of use only in close encounter. But
men wished to annoy their enemies while at a
distance, and the bow and arrow is the most
early invention for this purpose. This weapon
* is in the hands of people whose advances in
improvement are extremely inconsiderable, and
is familiar to the inhabitants of every quar-
ter of the globe. It is remarkable, however,
that some tribes in America, were so destitute
of art and ingenuity, that they had not attain-
ed to the discovery of this simple invention,*
and seem to have been unacquainted with the
use of any missive weapon. The sling, though
in its construction not more complex than the
bow, and among many nations of equal anti-
quity, was little known to the people of North
America,! or the islands, but appears to have
been used by a few tribes in the southern con-

* Piedrahita, Conq. del Nuevo Reyno, ix. 12.

f Naufr. de AW. Nun. Cabeza de Baca, c. x. p. 12.

18g HISTOhT OF AMERICA.

BOOK tinent.* The people in some provinces of
Chilli and those of Patagoniai towards the
southern extremity of America, use a weapon
peculiar to themselves. They fasten stones,
about the size of a fist, to each end of a leather
thong of eight feet in length, and swinging
these round their heads, throw them with such
dexterity, that they seldom miss the object at
which they aim.t

Their do- Am«ng pcoplc who had hardly any occupa-
utenaUs. tiou but War or hunting, the chief exertions
of their invention,^ as well as industry, were
naturally directed towards these objects. With*
respect to every thing else, tHeir wants and de-
sires were so limited, that their invention was
not upon the stretch. As theit food and habi-
tations are perfectly simple, their domestic
utensils are few and rude. Some of the south-
ern tribes had discovered the art of forming
vessels of earthen ware, and baking them in
the son so as they could endure the fire. In
North America, they hollowed a piece of hard
wood into the form of a kettle, and filling it
with water, brought it to boil by putting red-
hot stones into it.§ These vessels they used in

* Piedrah. p. 16. See Note LIV. Page 402.
t Ovalle's' Relation of Chili ; Church. Collect, iii. 82.
Falkner's Descript, of Patagoa. p. ISO*
t See Note LV. Page 402.
§ Charlev. Hist. N. Fran. iii. 332.

HISTOBT QF AMERICA. 183

preparing part of iJieir prOvisioos ; and this
may be considered as a step towards refinenoeat
and luxury, for men in their rudest state were P*?^*,
not acquainted with any method of dressing
their victuals but by roasting them on the fire ;
and among several tribes in America, this is
the only species of cookery yet known.* But
the masterpiece of art among the savages of ^^^'
America, is the construction of their canoes.
An Esquimaux^ shut up in his boat of whale-
bone, covered with the skins of seals^ can
brave that stormy ocean, on which the barren-
ness of his countiy compels him to depend for
the chief part of his subsistence.! The people
of Canada venture upon their rivers and lakes
in boats made of the bark of trees^ and so tight
that two men CBXk carry them, wherever shal-
lows or cataracts obstruct the navigation.^ In
these frail vessels they undertake and aoccun-
pHsh long voyages.^ The inhabitants of the
isles, and of the southern continent, form their
canoes by hollowing the trunk of a large tree,
with infinite labour j and though in appearance
they are extremely awkward and unwieldy,
they paddle and steer them with such dexte-
rity, that Europeans, well acquainted with all
the improvements in the science of navigation,

* See Note LVI. Page 403. f EHis* Voy. 133.

t See Note LVII. Page 403. § Lafit. Mceure, &c. ii. 213.

184 HtSTORT OF AMERICA.

have been aitonished at the rapidity of their
motion, and the quickness of their evolutions.
Their pirogues, or war-boats, are so large as to
carry forty or fifty men ; their canoes employ-
ed in fishing and in short voyages are less capa-
cious.* The form as well as materials of all
these various kinds of vessels, is well adapted
to the service for which they are destined ; and
the more minutely they* are examined, the
mechanism of their structure, as well as neat-
ness of their fabric, will appear the more sur-
prising.

But, in every attempt towards industry
(iiey apply amoug the Americans, one striking quality in
to labour, ^j^^jj^ character is conspicuous. They apply to
work without ardour, carry it on with little
activity, and, like children, are easily diverted
from it. Even in operations which seem the
* most interesting, and where the most powerful

motives urge them to vigorous exertions, they
labour with a languid listlessness. Their work
advances under their hand with such slowness,
that an eye-witness compares it to the imper-
ceptible prc^ess of vegetation.t They will
spend so many years in forming a canoe, that
it often begins to rot with age before they finish

♦ Labat, Voyages^ ii. 91, &c, 131.
t Gmnilla, ii. 297.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 185

it. They will suflfer one part of a roof to decay
and perish, before they complete the oAer.*
The slightest manual operation consumes an
amazing length of time, and what in polished
nations would hardly be an effi>rt of industry,
is among savages an arduous undertaking.
This slowness of the Americans in executing
works of every kind, may be imputed to vari-
ous causes. Among savages, who do not de-
pend for subsistence upon the effi>rts of regular
industry, time is of so little importance, that
they set no value upon it ; and provided they
can finish a design, they never regard how long
they are employed about it. Hie tools which
they employ are so awkward and defective,
that every work in which they engage must
necessarily be tedious. The hand of the most
industrious and skilful artist, were it furnished
with no better instrument than a stone hatchet,
a shell, or the bone of some animal, would find
it difficult to perfect the most simple work. It
is by length of labour that, fie must endeavour
to supply his defect of power. But above all,
the cold phlegmatic temper peculiar to the
Americans, renders their operations languid.
It is almost impossible to rouse them from that
.habitual indolence in which they are sunk ; and
unless when engaged in war or hunting, they

^ Borde, Relftt. des Caraibes, p. 22.

BOOK
IV.

186 HISTORY OF AmcmcA.

BOOK, seem iocapable of exerting any vigorous ^flbrt.
-1^ \^' Their ardpiir of application is not so great as
fb call forth xthat inventive spirit which sug-
gests expedients for facilitating and abridging
labour. They will return to a task day after
day, but all their methods of executing it are
tedious and operose.* Even since the -Euro-
peans have communicated to them the know-
ledge of their instrumentSi and taught them to
imitate their arts, the peculiar genius of the
Americans is conspicuous in every attempt
they make. They may be patient and assidu-
ous in labour, they can copy with a servile and
minute accuracy, but discover little invention,
and np talents for despatch. In spite of instruct
tion and example, the spirit of the race predo-
minates ; their motions are natur^dfy tardy, aad
it is in vain to urge them to quicken their pace.
Among the S^niards in America, the work qf
an Indim is a phrase by which they describe
any thing, in the execution of whidi an im-
mense time has been employed, aiad mocii la-
bour wasted.t

Their reii- VII. No circumstauce respeeting rude na-

^^* tions has been the object of greater curiosity

than their religious tenets and rites ; and none.

* See Noi^i: LVIII. Page 404.

t Voyages de tJUoa, i. 335. Lettr. Edif. &c. 15. 348.

^W

HISTORY OF ABHCRICA. 187

perhaps, has been so imperfectly understood,
or represented with so little fidelity. Priests
and missionaries are the persons who have had ^S|%
the best opportunities of carrying on this in- inthbin-
quiry, among the most uncivilized of the Ame- ^"^'
rican tribes. Their minds, engrossed by the
doctrines of their own religion, and habituated
to its institutions^ are apt to discover some-
thing which resembles those objects of their
veneration, in the opinions and rites of every
people. Whatever they contemplate, they view
through one medium, and draw and accommo-
date it to their own system. They study to
reconcile the institutions which fall under their
observation, to their own creed, not to enplain
them according to the rude notions of the peo-
ple themselves. They ascribe to them ideas
which they are incapable of forming, and sup-
pose them to be acquainted with principles and
factSy which it is impossible that they should
know. Hence, some missionaries have been
induced to believe, that even among the most
barbarous nations in America, they had disco-
vered traces, no less distinct than amazing, of
their acquaintance with the sublime mysteries
and peculiar institutions of Christianity. From
their own interpretation of certain expressions
and ceremonies, they have concluded that these
people had some knowledge of the doctrine of
the Trinity, of the incarnation of the Son of
God, of his expiatory sacrifice, of the virtue of

188 mSTORT OF AMERICA.

the cross, and of the eflScacy of the sacra-
ments.* In such unintelligent and credulous
guides we can place little confidence.

But, even when we make our choice of
conductors with the greatest care, we must
not follow them with implicit faith. An in-
. quiry into the religious notions of rud^ nations
is involved in peculiar intricacies, and we must
often pause in order to separate the facts which
our informers relate, from the rea£;onings with
which they are accompanied, or the theories
which they build upon them. Several pious
writers, more attentive to. the importance of
the subject than to the condition of the people
whose sentiments they were endeavouring to
discover, have bestowed much unprofitable
labour in researches of this nature.!

Confined to There are two fundamental doctrines, upon

two articles. , . . /•

which the whole system of religion, as far as
it can be discovered by the light of nature,
is established. The one respects the being of
a God J the other, the immortality of the soul.
To discover the ideas of the uncultivated na-
tions under our review with regard to those

* Venegas, i..88. 92. Torqaemada, ii. 445. Garcia,
Origen, 122. Herrera, dec. 4. lib.ix. c. 7. dec. 5. lib.iv.
c.7^

t See Note LIX. Page 404-.

rv

HISTORY OF AMERICA.

189

iflaportaDt points, is not only an object of curi-
osity, but may afiR>rd instruction. To these
two articles I shall confine my researches, leav-
ing subordinate opinions, and the detail of
local superstitions, to more minute inquirers.
Whoever has had any opportunity of examin* tim
ing into the religious opinions of persons in the ^ ^^^
inferior ranks o^life, even in the most enlight-
ened and civilized nations, will find that their
system of belief is derived from instruction, not
discovered by inquiry. That numerous part
of the human species, whose lot is labour,
whose principal and almost sole occupation is
to secure subsistence, views the arrangement
and operations of nature with little reflection,
and has neither leisure nor capacity for enter-
ing into that path of refined and intricate spe-
culation, which conducts to the knowledge of
the principles of natural religion. In the early
and most rude periods of savage life, such dis- "
quisitions are altogether unknown. When the
intellectual powers are just beginning to un-
fold, and their first feeble exertions are directed
towards a few objects of primary necessity and
use ; when the faculties of the mind are so
limited, as not to have formed abstract or gene-
ral ideas ; i^hen language is so barren, as to be
destitute of names to distinguish any thing that
is not perceived by some of the senses ; it is
preposterous to expect that mjin should be
capable of tracing with accuracy the relation

100 HISTORY OF AM£RI€A.

BOOK betireen cause and effect; or to suppose that
he should rise from the contemplation of the
one to the knowledge of the other, and form
just conceptions of a Deity, as the Creatw and
Governor of the universe* The idea of crea*
tion is so familiar wherever the mind is enlarge
ed by science, and illuminated with revelation,
that we seldom reflect how profcHind and ab«
struse this idea is, or consider what progress
man must have made in observation and re-
search, before he could arrive at any knowle^e
of this elementary principle in religion. Ac-
cordingly, several tribes have been discovered
in America, which have no idea whatever of a
Supreme Being, and no rites of religious wor*
ship. Inattentive to that magnificent spectacle
of beauty and order presented to their view ;
unaccustomed to reflect either upon what they
themselves are, or to inquire who is the author
of their existence,-«**men, in their savage state,
pass their days like the aaimals around them,
without knowledge or veneration of any supe-
rior power. Some rude tribes have not in their
language any name for the Deity, nor have the
most accurate observers been able to discover
any practice or institution which seemed to
imply that they recognized his authority, or
were solicitous to obtain his favour.* It is

* Biet, 539. Lery ap. de Bry, iii. 221. Nieuhoff;
Church. Coll. ii. 132. Lettr. Edif. 2. 177. Id. 12, IS.

Htst^RY or AManicA. 191

however oxAy among men in the m<Mt uncnlti-
Tated state of nature, and while their intellec*
taal faculties are so feeble and limited as hard*^
ly to ^evate tbem above the irrational creation,
that we dfflcover this total insensibility to the
impressians of any invisible power.

But the human mind, formed for religion,
soon opens to the reception of ideas, which are
destined, when corrected and refined, to be the
great source of consolation amidst the calami*
ties of lifoi Among some of the American
tribes, stili in the infancy of improvement, we
discern apprehensions of some invisible and
powerful beings. These apprehensions are ori-
ginally indistinct and perplexed,* , and seem to
be suggested rather by the dread of impending
evils, than to flow from gratitude for blessings
received. While nature holds on her course
with uniform and undiisturbed regularity, men
enjoy the benefits resulting from it, without in«
qniiing concerning its cause. But every de-

Venegas, i. S7- Lozano, Descript. del Gran Chaco, 59.
Fernand. Mission, de Chequit. 39. Gumilla, ii. 156.
Rochrfort> Hi«t. dts AntiUes, p. 468. Margrave, Hist, in
Append, de C^ilien^ibus, 286. UUoa, Notic. Americ. 335,
&c. Barrere, 218, 219. Harcourt, Voyage to Guiana;
Porch. Pilgr. iv. p. 1273. Account of Brasil, by a Portu-
gaese ; Ibid. p. 1289. Jones's Journal, p. 59. See Note
LX. Page 405.

17

192 HISTORY OF ABI£RI€1.

BOOK viatioD from this regular course roases and as*
toDisbes them. When they befadd events to
which they are not accustomed^ they search
for the reasons of them with eager curiosity.
Their understanding is unable to penetrate into
these; but imagination/ a more forward and
ardent faculty of the mind, decides without
hesitation. It ascribes the extraordinary oc-
currences in nature to the influence of invisible
beings, and supposes that the thunder, the hur-
ricane, and the earthquake, are effects df their
interposition. Some such confused notion of
spiritual or invisible power, superintending over
those natural calamities which frequently deso*
late the earth, and terrify its inhabitants, may
be traced aqiong many rude nations.* But
besides this, the disasters and dangers of savage
life are so many, and men oflten.find themselves
in situations so formidable, that the mind, sen-
sible of its own weakness, has no resource but
in the guidance and protection of wisdom and
power superior to what is human. Defected
with calamities which oppress him, and exposed
to dangers which he cannot repel, the savage
no longer relies upon himself; he feels his own
impotence, and sees no prospect of being extri-
cated but by the interposition of some unseen
arm. Hence, in all unenlightened nations, the

* See Note LXI. Page 405.

HlSTORt OF AMtHlCA. 108

first rites or practices which bear any resera- mo^
blance to acts of religion, have it for their ob^
ject to avert evils which men suffer or dread.
The Manitom or OkkU of the North Ameri*
cans were amulets or charms, which they ima*
gf ned to be of such virtue, as to preserve the
persons who reposed confidence in them from
every disastrous event, or they were consider-
td as tutelary spirits, whose ^d they might im*
plore in circumstances of distress.* The CemU
c£ the islanders were reputed by them to be the
authors o£ every calamity that afflicts the human
race ; they were represented under the most
frightful forms, and r^igious homage was paid
to them with Ho other view than to appease
these furious deities^t Even among those tribes
whose religious system was more enlarged, and
who had formed some concepticm of benevo-
lent beings which ddighted in conferring be-
nefits, as well as of malicious powers prone to
inflict evil, superstition still appears as the oS^
ffpring of fear, and all its efibrts were employed
to avert calamities. They were persuaded that
their good deities, prompted by the beneficence
of their nature, would bestow every blessing in

• Charier. N. Fr. iii. S4S, &c. Creuxii Hist. Canad.
p. 8S^ &c.
t Oviedo, lib. iii. c 1. p. 111. P. Martyr, dec. p. 103,

VOL. II. N

MfiWW* J: Wd. *h(E}ir Qffiy :a«xiety WW ta/5JooA
^od <^|if e$9|^ tl»ft wrftth of thje ppw»s^ vhoo^
tbey : tegfoiij^ as the eneffues of mfiDktn4.* ^

Si^^fi were Ihe i^qperf^^ct ^nQ^pti0ii«. of the
^e^t^ pE^rt^:of th^ AoiieficaQs with reapect to
kbe.ii)t;eqK>sitio99 qf 'mmi\^ s^gwtfif att^Bucbb
j)|rP9S|t ui^iversaiLy, was the meaa a,i(id.iUU>jend
Aiy<i9t' P^i their superpt^pqs. Were ili^e itp trace
^tacl^ t^^ . id^ffl, qf otl&er . aations tP tbjLt ^ rude
§tfitisi)i, which histo;^ first preseqtsi (l^mr.to/our
l^^w, w^ -^tiiQuld discover ^ surprii^^ rei^env
j[>IWQe in their teoQt^ and practices^; and should
\j^ cpityipp^, that) in similar cirfi^ti^stancefib
;th9 fa^^s oif tlie hQnifin mind hold nearlj
, Ihe same ^^oii^-se in-tbeir progire^sy ^d arrive at
almqij; tHfE^ same qQuclusions. ^Xba impressidos
pf fear. :afff|/ conspsliQuAus in aU tbe^fysteois of
i»up^stitipn formed in tW situaifei&n. The cbosjt
exalted nqtipns of menrrise no hi^^etr than to a
perplexed fqpprehensioniof certain henigs, whose
power^ though superndtural, is limited as well
as partiaL

SrJS^i- But, among other tribes, -which have been
mty in their lougcr uuitcd, or havc made greater progress

notions. -—————-_— ,-JL__^_^^»_«.«-—»—

* Tertre, ii. S66. Borde, p. U, State of Virginia, by
a Native, book iii. p, i32, SS. Damonti i* 165. Bancrcrft,
Kat. Hist, of Guiana, 309. %

UBTORT (UP AMM»WA, jgtf

ID itaprovemenf^ we diacdm -aotike feeble poiot> sook
ie^ tovards more just and adequate concept
ttour 6f the power th&t presides in nature.
Th^ seen^ to perceive that there most be soikie
universal cause to whom bHI things are indebted
for their being. If we may judge by some of
thek' expressions^ they appear to acknowledge
a divine power to be the maker of the worl^
»id the disposed of alt events. They denomi«>
nake htm the Great S^jririt* Biit these ideais
aiefaint and tonfwe4 and when they attempt
to ebqrlaiil them» it is manifest, that amoi^
them the word ymit has a meaning very di£*
ferent from that in which we employ it» smd
that they have no conception of any deity but
what is corporeal. They believe their gods to
be of the human form, though of a nature more
excdlent than man, and retail sudi wild inco*
herent fables ccmceming their functions and
operatioiiSy as are altogether unworthy of a
place bfi history.' Even anH)ng these tribes,
tbere is^ na established form of puUic worship f
there ane no temples erected in honour of ihetr
deities ; and no ministers peculiarly consecrat-
ed to their service. They have the knowledge
however, of several superstitions ceremonies
and practices handed down to them by tradi-

♦ Charley. N. Fr. iii. 343. Sagard, Voj. du Pays des
HuroDs, 226.

IQ6 HISTORY OF AM£IUCA.

BOOK tion, and to these* they have recourse with a
childish credulity, when roused by any emer<*
gence from their usual insensibilit}^ and excit^^
ed to acknowledge the power, and to implore
the protection of superior beings.*

Syiceni The tribe of the ^h^atchez, and the people of

nJ^^. Bogota, had advanced beyond the other uncul-
tivated nations of America in their ideas of re-
ligion as well as in their political institutions ;
aqd it is no less dilBicult to explain the cause
of this distinction, than of that wbiph we have
already considered. The Sun was the chief
object of religious worship among the Natchez.
In their temples, which were constructed with
some magnificence, and decorated with various
ornaments, according to their mode of archi-
tecture, they preserved a perpetual fire, as the
purest emblem of their divinity. Ministers
were appointed to watch and feed this sacred
flame. The first function of the great chief of
the nation, every morning, was an act of obei-
sance to the sun ; and, festivals returned at
stated seasons, which were celebrated by the
whole community with solemn but unbloody
rites.t This is the most refined species of su-

* Charlev. N. Fr. iii. 345. Golden, i. 17.
t Dumont^ i. 168, &c. Charlev. N. Fr. iii. 417, Set. 420-
Lafitou, i. 167.

r

mSTORY OF AMERICA. 197

perstition known in America, and, perhaps, one
of the most natural as well as most seducing.
The sun is the apparent source of the joy, fer-
tility, and life, diffiised through nature; and
while the human mind, in its earlier essays to-
wards inquiry, contemplates and admires his
universal and animating energy, its admiration
is apt to stop short at what is visible, without
reaching to the unseen cause ; and pays that
adoration to the most glorious and beneficial
work of God, which is due only to him who
formed it. As fire is the purest and most ac-
tive of the elements, and in some of its quali-
ties and effects resembles the sun, it was, not
improperly, chosen to be the emblem of his
powerful operation. The ancient Persians, a
people far superior, in every respect, to that
rude tribe whose rites I am describing, found-
ed their religious system on similar principles,
and established a form of public worship, less
gross and exceptionable than that of any people '
Restitute of guidance from revtslation. This
surprising coincidence in sentiment between
two nations, in such difilerent states of improve-
ment, is one of the many singular and unac-
countable circumstances which occur in the
history of human affairs.

Among the people of Bogota, the sun and
moon were, likewise, the chief objects of vene-
ration. Their system of religion was more re-

198 mSTOllY OF AMERICA.

gular and complete, though less pu^e, than that '
of the Natchez. They had temples, altars,
priests, sacrifices, and that long train of cere-
monies, which siqiecstition introduces wherever
she has fully established her dominion over the
minds of men. But the rites of their worship
were cruel and bloody* They offered human
victims to their deities, and many of their prac-
tices nearly resembled the barbarous institu-
tions of the Mexicans, the genius of which we
shall have an opportunity of considering more
attentively in its proper place.*

Their ideas WiTH rcspcct to the othcr great doctrine of
tibe^^ religion, concerning the immortality of the
^^ soul, the sentimirats of the Americans were
more united: The 'human mind, eVen when
least impioved and invigorated by culture^
shrinks from the thoughts of annihilation, and
looks forward with hope and expectation to a
state of future existence. Tliis sentiment, re-
sulting from a secret consciousness of its own
dignity, from an instinctive longing after im-
mortality, is universal, and may be deemed
natural. Upon this are founded the most ex-
alted hopes of man in his highest state of im-

* Piedrahita, Coiiq. del N. fieyno, p. 17. Herrera,
dee. 6. lib. v. e.6«

HISTOftT or AMXXICA. fP9

provement ; nor his nature vifhhieM from him
tliis soodiing conaolattQO« in the most early and
fude period of his progress^ We can trace
this ofMnion from one extremity of America
to the oih&, in some regions mere faint and
obscure, in others more pnfectly developed,
hut nowhere unknown. The most unciviiized
of its savage tribes do not apprehend death as
the extinction of. being. All entertain hopes*
of a future and more happy state, where they
shaU be for ever exempt from the calamities
which imbitter human life in ^its present con-
dition: This future state they conceive to be
a delightful country, blessed with perpetual
spring, whose forests abound with game, whose
rivers swaim with fish, whwe fSunine is never
felt, and uninterrupted plenty shall be enjoyed
without labour or toil. But as men, in form*
ing their first imperfect ideas concerning the'
invisible world, wppose that there tkny shall
continue to feel the same desires, and to be
engaged in the same occupatimis, as in the
present wmld ; they naturally ascribe eminence
and distinction, in that state, to the same qua-
lities and talents which are here the object of
their esteem. The Americans, accordingly,
allotted the highest place, in their country of
spirits, to the skilful hunter, to the adventu-
rous and successful warrior, and to such as had
tortured the greatest number of captives, and

flOO mSTORT OF AMERICA. |

i

TOOK i devoured their flesh.* These notiam were w j

prevalent) that they gave rise to an universal'

lioduoe custom, which is at once the strongest evidence

to

bury mm, that the Americans believe in a future state,
S^dl^L ^^ t^6 best illustration of what they expect
there. As they im^ne, that departed spirits
begin their career anew in the world whither
they are gone, that their friends may not enter
upon it defenceless and unprovided, they bury
together with the bodies of the dead, their bow
their arrows, and other weapons used in hunt*
ingor war.; they deposite in their tombs the
skins or stu£& of which they make garments,
Indian corn,, manioc, venison, domestic uten-
sils, and whatever is reckoned among the ne-
cessaries in their simple mode of life, t In
some provinces, upon the decease of a cazique
or chiei^ a certain number of his wives, of his
favourites, and of his slaves, were put to death,
and interied together with him, that he might
appear with the same dignity in his future
station, and be waited upon by the same at-
tendants4 This persuasion is so deep-rooted,

♦ Lery ap. de Bry, iii. 222, Charlev. N. Fr. iii. S51, Ac.
De la Potberie, ii. *5, &c, iii. 5.

t Chronica de Cieca de Leon, c. 28. €ktgard» 28S.
Creux. Hist Canad. p. 91. Rochefort, Ukt. des Antilles,
568. Biet, S91. De la Potherie, ii. 44. iii. 8. Blanco,
Convers. de Piritu, p. 85.

t Dumont, Louisiane, i. 208, Sec Oviedo, lib. v. c. 8.
Gomara,Hist.Geii.c.28. P. Mart, decad. 804. Charlev.

tiooooo-

ffiSrmiT OF AMERICA. 901

that maoiy of the decMsed person's rotainers book
offer themsdves as voluntary victims, and court
the privil^e of accompanying their departed
master, as an high distinction. It has heen
found difficult, on some occasions, to set
bounds to this enthusiasm of affectionate duty,
and to reduce the train of a favourite leader
to such a number as the tribe could aflford to
spare.*

Among the Americans, as well as other un-
civilized nations, many of the rites and obser-
vances which bear some resemblance to acts
of religion, have no connexion with devotion^
but proceed from a fond desire of prying into
futurity. The human mind is most apt to feel,
and to discover this vain curiosity, when its
own powers are most feeble and ^uninformed.
Astonished with occurrences, of which it is
unable to comprehend the cause, it naturally
fancies, that there is something mysterious and
wonderful in their origin. Alarmed at events
of which it cannot discern the issue or the
consequences, it has recourse to other means
of discovering them, than tiie exercise of its

N. Fr. iil. 421. Herreniy dec I . lib. iii. c. S. P. Mdchior
Hernandez, Memor. de Cherlqui; ColL Orig, Paperty i.
Chron. de Cieea de Lesn, c 9S.
«SefNpTBLXIL Page 406. . , . .

9fi»

Hiisde.
partment
belongs to
tfaeir phy-

ai9T0RY OF Aftt£RI«A*

own aiagacity. Wherever su^ntition is so
eatablisbed as to form a regular systear, ths3
desire of penetrating into the secrets of futu*
rity is Gonnicted with, it* Divination becomes
a religious act. Priests, as the .ministers of
Heaven^ pretend to deliver its oracles to men.
They axe the only soothsayers, augurs, and
amgicians^ who profess the sacred and impor-
tant art of disclosing what is hid from other
eyes.

But,. among rude nations, who pay no vene-
ration to any superintending power, and who
have no estaUished rites or ministers of reli-
gion, th^T curiosity to discover what is future
wd unknown, is cherished by a different prin-
ciple, and. derives strength from^ another al-
Uwee. . As the diseases of men in the savage
state are, as has been alr^y observed, like
• those of the animal creation, few, but extr^ilely
violent, their impatirace imder what th^y suf-
fer,, and solicitude for the recovery; of health,
soon I inspired them with extrac»'dinary xeve-
r^ice for Auch as pretended to ui^derstand the
nature of their maladies, and to be possessed
of knowledge sufficient to preserve or deli-
ver them from their sudden and •fatal effects.
These ignorant pretenders, however, were such
utter strangers to the structure of the human
frame, as to be equally unacquainted with
the causes of its dis([»rd«^^ and the mabner

V

HlfiTORT OF AMSRICA. £00

in "Vffhich they will terminate. Superstition^
mingled frequently with some portion of craft,
supplied what they wanted in science. They
imputed the origin of diseases to supernatural
influence, and prescribed or performed a va-
riety of mysterious rites, which they gave out
to be of such efficacy as to remove the most
dangerous and invleterate maladies. The cre-
dulity and love of the marvellous, natural to
uninformed men, favoured the deception, and
prepared them to be the dupes of those impos-
tors. Among savages, their first physicians
are a kind of conjurors or wizards, who boast
that they know what is past, and can fbretel
what is to come. Incantations, sorcery, and
mummeries of diverse kinds, no less strange
than frivolous, are the means which they em-
ploy to expel the imaginary causes of malig-
nity ;* and, relying upon the efficacy of these,
they predict witli confidence what will be the
fate of their deluded pati^^ts. Thus super-
stition, in its earliest form, flowed from the
solicitude of man to be delivered from present
distress, not from his dread of evils awaiting
him in a future life, and was originally inr
grafted on medicine, not on religion. One
of the first and most intelligent historians of

* P. Melch. Hernandez, Memorial de Cheriqur; CoUef^l.
Orig. Pap. i.

304 HISTOAT OF AMERICA.

America! was struck with this alliance between
the art of divination and that of physic, among
the people of Hispaniola.* But this was not
peculiar to them. The Alesis, the Piayas^ the
AutmoinSf or whatever was the distinguishing
name of their diviners and charmers in other
parts of America, were all the physicians of
their respective tribes, in the same manner as
the Buhitos of Hispaniola. As their function
led them to apply to the human mind when
enfeebled by sickness, and as they found it, in
that season of dejection, prone to be alarmed
with imaginary fears, or amused with vain
hopes, they easily induced it to rely with im-
plicit confidence on the virtue of their spells^
and the certainty of their predictions, t

^raduaUy WHENEVER mcu ackuowledgc the reality of
supernatural power and discernment in one
instance, they have a propensity to. admit it in
others. The Americans did not long suppose
the efficacy of conjuration to be confined to
one subject. They had recou^e to it in every
situation of danger or distress. When the
events of war were peculiarly disastrous, when

♦ Oyiedo, lib. v. c. 1.

t Herrera, dec. i. lib. iii. c. 4. Ogborne, Coll. ii. 860.
Dumont, i. 169, &c. Charlev. N. Fr. iii. 361. 364, &c.
LawBon, N. Carol. 214. Ribas> Triumf. p. 17. Biet, 386.
DclaPotherie,ii.35, &c.

HISTOftr OF AMERICA. 905-

they met with unforeseen disappointnoients in
huntings when inundations or drought threa-
tened their crops with destruction, they called
upon their conjurers to b^in their iocanta^
tions, in order to discover the causes of those
calamities, or to foretel what would be their
issue.* Their confidence in this delusive art
gradually increased, and manifested itself in
all the oiccurrences of life. When involved in
any difficulty, or about to enter upon any trans-
action of moment^ every individual regularly
consulted the sorcerer, and depended upon his
instructions to extricate him from the former,
as well as to direct his conduct in the latter.
Even among the rudest tribes in America, su-
perstition appears in this form, and divination
is an art in high esteem. Long before man
bad acquired such knowledge of a deity as in-
spires reverence, and leads to adoration, we
observe him stretching out a presumptuous
hand to draw aside that veil with which Provi-
dence kindly conceals its purposes from human
knowledge; and we find him labouring with
fruitless anxiety to penetrate into the myste-
ries of the divine administration. To discern
and to worship a superintending power, is an

♦ Charlev. N. Fran. iii. S. Dumont, i. 173. Fernand.
Relftc. de lod Chequit p. 40. Lozano, ^4. Margrave,
279.

JB06 mSTORF OF ABIERICA.

BOOK eridtece of' the ^largement and msltcoriiy of
^J -^1^ the butiian imderstanding } a Taih desire of
prying into futurity, is the error of its^ infancy,
and a proof of its weakness.

Fkom this weakness .proceeded likewise the
£iith of th^ Americans in dreams, their obser«
vation of omens, their attention to the chirping
of birds aiid the cries of animals^ oU which
they suppose to be indicatiohs of future events ;
and if any one of these prognostics is deemed
unfavourable, they instantly abandon the pup
suit of those measures on which they are most
eagerly bent.*

Detached VIIL BuT if wc would form a complete idea
"^^^^^^"^ of the uncultivated nations of America^ we
nrast not pMs uncAserved some singular cus-
tomsy which, though universal and character*
istic, could not be reduced, with propriety, to
any of the articles into which I have divided
my inquiry concerning their manners.

i|Ove rf Among savages, in every part erf the globe,

the love of dancing is a favourite passion. ASr
during a great part of their time, they languish

* Charlev. N. Fr. iii. 96i. 35S. Stadius ap. de Bty, iii.
190. Creuxii Hist. Canad. 84<. Techo^ Hist, of Parag.;
Church. Coll. vi. 37. De la Potherie, iii. 6.

HisTomr OF mSMiCA. juy

m a state df imctiMty and iniiokfflcei' 'widioiit
any occiipstkm to rouse or interest tbem, thfj
delight, imivecsally ia a< pastime whicb* <Mdl8
forth the active poweis of their natuve into
exercise. The Spaniards, when they first
visited Airieriea, were astonished at the fond-
jiesfl of the hativies for dancing, and fcieheld
with wondra a people, cold and unammated in
moat of their other puteuits, kindle into iifd,
and exert themselves l^th ardour, afs often as
this favourite amusement recurred. Among
them^ indeed, dancing ought not to be deno-
minated an amusahent It is 3 serious and
important occupation, which mingles in every
ckrcurrence of public or private life. If any
intercourse be necessary between two Ame-
rican tribesf the ambassadors of the one ap-
proach in a< solemn dance, and present the ca-^
lumet or einblehi of peace; the sachems of the
other receive it with the same ceremony.* K
war is denounced against an enemy, it is by a
danoe, expressive of the resentment which
they feel, and c^ the vengeance which they
meditate, t If the wrath of their gods is to be
appeased, or their beneficence to be celebrat-
ed ; if tiiey rqoice at the birth of a ^hild, or

♦ De la Potherie, Hist. ii. 17, &c. Charlev. N. Tr. iii.
211. 297. La Kontan, i. 100. 187. Hennepin, Decou.
146,&c-

t Charlev. N. Fr. iii- 298. LaEtau, i. 523.

17

rr.

(OS DISTORT OF AM£RICA.

BOOK mourn the death of a friend/ they have dances
qsproprialed to each of these sttuationsy and
suited to the different sentiments with which
they are then animated. If a person is india-
posedy a dance is prescribed as the most effec*
tual means of restoring him to health ; and if
he himself cannot endure the fatigue of such
an exercise, the physician or conjurer performs
it in his name, as if the virtue of his activity
could be transferred to his patient.t

All their dances are imitations of some ac«
tion ; and though the music by which they are
regulated is extremely simple and tiresome to
the ear by its dull monotony, some of their
dances appear wonderfully expressive and ani-
mated. The war-dance is, perhaps, the most
striking. It is the representation of a com-
plete American campaign. The dq)arture of
the warriors from their village, their march into
the enemy's country, the caution with which
they encamp, the address with which they sta-
tion some of their party in ambush, the manner
of surprising the enemy, the noise and ferocity
of the combat, the scalping of those who are
slain, the seizing of prisoners, the triumphant

' * Joutely 343. Gomaray.Hist. Gen. c. 19Q.

t Denjrs, Hist. Nat. Ids. Brickell, S72. DelaPotherie,
ii. 86.

Jl

HISTORY or AMERICA. SOQ

return of the conquerors, and the torture of
the victims^ are successively exhibited. The
performers enter with such enthusiastic ardour
into their several parts ; their gestures, their
countenance, their voice, are so wild, and so
well adapted to tlieir various situations, that
Europeans can hardly believe it to be a mimic
scene, or view it without emotions of fear and
horror.*

But however expressive s^ome of the Ameri-
can dances may be, there is one circumstance
in them remarkable, and connected with the
character of the race. The songs, the daqces,
the amusements of other nations, expressive of
the sentiments which animate their hearts, are
oflen adapted to display or excite that sensibili*
ty which mutually attaches the sexes. Among
some people, such is the ardour of this passion,
that love is almost the sole object of festivity
and joy ; and as rude nations are strangers to
deh'cacy, and unaccustomed to disguise any
emotion of their minds, their dances are often
extremely wanton and indecent. Such is the
Calenda, of which the natives of Africa are so
passionately fond ;t and such the feats of the

* De la; Potherte, ii. 116. Charlev. N. Fr. iii. 297. La-
fitau, L523.

f Adanson, Voyage to Senegal, iii. 287. Labat, Vbyag.
iv.463. Sloane, Hist. Nat.of Jam. Introd. p.4d« Fermin,
Descript. de Surin. i. 139.

VOL. II. O

'

SIO HISIX^AT or AMERICA*

dancing girls^ which the Afiiatica contemplate
with so much avidity of desire^ ^ut, atnoiDg
the Americana^ more cold and indifferent to
their females, frotn causes which I have already
explainedi the passion of love mangles but little
with their festivals and paattmea. Their songiB
and dances are mostly solemn and martial j
they are connected with some of the serious
and important affairs of life ;* and having im>
relation to love or gallantry, are seldom com-
mon to the two sexes, but executed by the
men and women apart.! If, on soine occa*
sions, the women are permitted to join in the
festival, the character of the entertainment is
still the same, and no movement or gesture is
expressive of attachment, or encour^gea fami*-
liarity4

An immoderate love of play, especially at
games of hazard, which seems to' be natural to
all people unaccustomed to the occupationa <^
regular industry, is likewise universal amoqg
the Americans. The same causes, which so
often prompt persona in civilized life, who ar#

* Descript. of N. Fraatce ; 08b<mie» Col. ii. 88S. Chae-
l€¥. N. Ff • iii. 84?.

t Wafer's Account of Istfamus, &c. 169. h&ry ap. de
Bry, iiL 177. Loeano, Hist, de Parag. i. 149. HerreE%
dec 2. lib. vii. c. 8. dec. ♦• lib. x. c. 4. Sot Note LXIII.
Page 406.

t Barrere, Fr. Equin. p. 191.

m^fORT OF AMCIIICA. f]l

at their ease, to have recourse to this pastime,
render it the delight of the savage. The for*
mer are independent of labour, the latter do
sot feel the necessity of it ; and as both are
unemployed, they run with transport to what-
ever is iotenesttng enough to stir and to agi-
tate their minds. Hence the Americans, who
at other times are so indifferent, so phlegmatic^
so silent, and animated with so few desires, as
soon as they engage in play become rapacious,
impatient, noisy, and almost fiantic with eager*
Hess. Their fursr, their domestic utensils, their
dothes, their arms, are staked at the gaming-
table, and when all is lost, high as their sense
of independence is, m a wild emotion of des-
pair or of hope, they will often risk their per-
sonal liberty upon a single cast.* Among
several tribes, such gaming parties frequently
recur, and become their most acceptable en-
tertainment at every great festival. Supers
stition, which is apt to take hold of those pas->
sions which are most v^orous^ finequenUy lends
its aid to confirm and strengthen this favourite
inclination. Their conjurors are accustomed
to prescribe a solemn match at play, as one of
the most efficacious methods of appeasing their
gods, or of restoring the sick to health.t

* Charier. N. FrAii. iiL 261. SIS. Lafil«i> ii. S98, *c.
RHhm, Triomf. 15. BrickeH, dS&
t Charlev. N. Fran. iiL 262.

A

212 HISTOttr OF AMERICA^

From causes similar to those which render
them fond of play, the Americam are ex-
and for tremefy addicted to drtmkenness. Ifc seems to
have been one of the first exertions of hatnan
ingenuity to discover some composition of an
intoxicating quality ; and there is hardly any
nation so rude, or so destitute of invention, as
not to have succeeded in this fatal research.
The most barbarous of the American tribes
have been so unfortunate as to attain this art ;
and even those which are so deficient in know-
ledge, as to be unacquainted with the ndethod
of giving an inebriating strength to liquors by
fermentation, can accomplish the same end by
other means. The people of the islands of
North America, and of California, used, for
this purpose, the smoke of tobacco, drawn up
with a certain instrument into the nostrils, the
fumes of which ascending to the brain^ they felt
all the transports and phrenzy of intoxication.*
In almost every other part of the New World,
the natives possessed the art of extracting aii
intoxicating liquor from maize or the manioc
root, the same substances which they convert
into bread. The operation* by which they eflfect
this nearly resembles the common one of brew-
ing, but with this difference, that in place of

* OviedoV Hist ap. Ramud. iii. 113. . Veaeglui, i. 68.
Naufrag. de Cabeza de Baca^ cap. 26. See Notr LXIV.
Page 406.

HISTORY or ABfERICA. CIS

^est^ they use a naaseous infusion of a certain book
quantity of maize or manioc chewed bj their
women. The saliva excites a vigorous fermen-
tation, and in a few days the liquor becomes fit
€m drinking. It is not disagreeable to the taste,
and when swallowed in large quantities, is of
an intoxicating quality.* This is the general
beverage of the Amaicans, which they distin-
guish by various names, and for which they feel
such a violent and insatiable desire, as it is not
^asy, either to conceive or describe. Among
polished nations, where a succession of various
functions and amusements keq)s the mind in
continual occupation, the desire for strong
drink is regulated in a great measure by the
climate, and increases or diminishes according
to the variations of its temperature. In warm
regions, the delicate and sensible frame of the
inhabitants does not require the stimulation of
fermented liquors. In colder countries, the
constituti(m of the natives, more robust and
more sluggish, stands in need of generous
liquors to quicken and animate it. But among
savages, the desire of something that is of
power to intoxicate, is in every situation the
same. All the people of America, if we except
some small tribes near the Straits of Magellan,
whether natives of the torrid zone, or inhabi-

♦ Stadius ap, de Bry, iiL IIL Lery, ibid. 175.

814 HI«rOR¥ OF AMERICA.

BOOK tants of its more temperate rtgiimBf or placed
by a harder fate in the sev^e climates towardi
its northera or southern extremity^ appear to
be equally under the dominion of tUs appe^
tite.* Such a similarity of taste, among people
in such different aituations, mutt be ascribed
to the influence of some moral cause, and
cannot be considered as the effect of ai^ phy-
sical or constitutional want While engaged
in war or in the chase, the savage is often in
the most interesting situations, and all the
powers of his nature are roused to the most vi*
gorous exertions. But those animating scenes
are succeeded by long intervals of repose, dur-
ing which the warrior meets with nothing that
he deems of sufficient dignity or importance te
merit his attention. He languishes and mopes
in this season of indolence. The posture of
his body is an emblem of the state of his mind.
In one climate, cowering over the fire in his
cabin ; in another, stretched under the shade
of some tree, he* dozes away his time in deep^
or in an unthinking joyless inactivity, not &r
removed from it. As strong liquors awake
him from this torpid state, give a brisker mo-

* Gumilla, i. 257. Lozano, Descn del Gran Chaco, 5(5.
103. Ribas, 8. UUoa, i. 249. 337. Marchai8,.iv. 436.
Fernandez, Mission, de los Chequit. 35. Barrere, p, 203.
Blanco, Conrera. de Piritu, 31.

IV.

mSTOBT OF ANVRICA. 91$

lion to his ipiri4»» and eiriivefl him more tho*
rmigblj than either dancing or g»mti^ hia
lav^oCthemisaxceastvet A 8av«ge^ whea not
ejigi^ed in action* is a pranve melancholy ani-
mal i but as soon as he taates, <Nr has a pro-
spect of tasting, the intoxicating draiigfatf ha
becomes gay and frolicsome.* Whatever be
the occasion or pretext on which the Ajneri-
cttus aasemblet the meeting always terminates
in a debauch. Many of their festivals have
no oth^ ob^tt and they welcome the return
of tbem with transports of joy. As they are
qot accustomed to restrain any appetite, tliey
sat no bounds to this. The riot often conti*
Dues without intermission several days; and
whatever may be the fatal effe^ of their ex<r
cess, they never cease. from driidcing as long
^ one drop of li<pior remains. The persons
of greatest eminence, the most distinguished
warriors, and the chiefs most renowned fof
their wiadom> have no greater command of
themselves than the most obscure member of
the community. Their eagerness for present
enjoyment renders them blind to its fatal con*
sequences } and those very men» who in other
situations seem to possess a force of mind more
than human, are in this instance inferior to
children in foresight, as well as consideration^

* Melendez Tesoros Verda^ iiu 869.

216 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

BOOK and mere riaves of brutal appetife.* When
their passions, naturally strong, are heightened
and inflamed by drink, they are guilty of the
most enormous outrages, and the festivity sel-
dom concludes without deeds of violence or
bloodshed.!

But, amidst this wild debauch, there is one
circumstance remarkable ; the women, in most
of the American tribes, are not permitted to
partake of it. t Their province is to prepare
the liquor, to serve it about to the guests, and
to take care of their husbands and friends,
when their reason is oveqpowered. Tliis ex-
clusion of the women from an enjoyment so
highly valued by savages, may be justly con-
sidered as a mark of their inferiority, and as
an additional evidence of that contempt with
which they were treated in the New World.
The people of North America, when first dis-
covered, were not acquainted with any intoxi-
cating drink ; but as the Europeans early
found it their interest to supply them with spi-
rituous liquors, drunkenness soon became as
universal among them as among their country-
men to the south ; and their women having

• Ribas, 9. UUoa, i. 338.

t Lettr. Edif. ii. 178. Torqueoiada^ Mod, Ind. i, 339.

t fice Note LXV. Page 407-'

iH.

mSTOR Y OF AMERICA . «1 7

acquired this new taste, indulge it with as little b^«
decency and moderation as the men.*

It were endless to enumerate all the detach- put to
ed customs which have excited the wonder of J^jjj
travellers in America ; but I cannot omit one
seemingly as singular as any that has been
mentioned. When their parents and other re-
lations become old, or labour under any dis-
temper which their slender knowledge of the
bealing art cannot remove, the Americans cut
short their days with a violent hand, in order
to be relieved from the burden of supporting
and tending them. This practice prevailed
a:mong the ruder tribes in every part of the
continent, from Hudson's Bay to the river De
la Plata ; and however shocking it may be to
those sentiments of tenderness and attachment,
which, in civilized life, we are apt to consider
as congenial with our frame, the condition of
man in the savage state leads and reconciles
him to it. The same hardships and difficulty
of procuring subsistence, which deter savages,
in some cases, from rearing their children,
prompt them to destroy the aged and infirm.
The declining state of the one is as helpless as
the infancy of the other. The former are no

* Hutchinson, Hist, of Massachus. 469. Lafitau, ii. 125.
Sagard, 146.

91»

HISTORY OF AMERICA.

5^^ less uaable than the latter to perforin the ftmc-
tions that belong to a warrior or buntert or t^^
endure, those various distresses in which sava-
ges are so often involved, by tbeir o^ want of
foresight and industry. Their relations feel
this ; andr incapable of attending to the wanta
or weaknesses of others, their impatience un«
der an additional burden prompts them to ex--
tinguish that life which they find ii dificult to
sustain. This is not regarded as a deed of
cruelty, but as an act of mercy. An Amen-*
can, broken with years and infirmities, con*
scious that he can no longer depend on the aid
^ those around him, places himself contented-
ly in his grave ; and it is by the hands of bis
children or nearest relations that the thong ia
pulled, or the blow inflicted, which releasee
him for ever from the sorrows of life.*

Genenl
estimate
of their
character.

IX* After contemplating the rude Ameri-
can tribes in such various lights ; after faking
a view of their customs and manners from so
many different stations, nothing remains but
to f<»*m a general estimate of their character^
compared with that of more polidied nations*
A human being, as he comes originally from
the hand of nature, is everywhere the same.

* Gassani, Hist, de N. ReyiK> de Gran. p. 300. Pit o,
p. 6. Ellis, Voy. 191. Gumilla, i. 333.

mSTORT OF AMKRICA. 919

At hk first appearanoe in the state of infancy^ book
whether it be among the rudest savages or in
the most civilized nation, we can discera no
quality whkh marks any distinction or supe«
riority. The capacity of improvemart. seems
to be the same j and the talents he may after*
wards acquire, as well as the virtues he owy
be rendered capable of exercising, depend, in
a great measure, upon the state of society in
which he is placed. To this state his mind
naturally accommodates itself and from it re«
ceives discipline and culture. In proportion
to the wants which* it accustoms a human be*
ing to feel, and the functions in which these
engage him, his intellectual powers are called
forth. According to the connexions which it
establishes between him and- the rest of bis
qpecies, the affections of his heart are exerted.
It is only by attending to this great principle,
that we can discover what is the character of
man in every different period of bis progress.

If we apply it to savage life, and measure the
attainments of the human mind in that state
by this standard, we shall find, according to an
observatk>tt which I have already made, that
t)\e intelleetual powers of man must be ex-
tremely limited in their operations. They are
conned within the narrow sphere of what be
deems necessary for supjrfying his own wants.
Whatever has not some relation to these, nei^

i

ff20 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

BOOK titer attraicts his attention, nor is the object or
his inquiries. But however narrow the bounds
oiay be within which the knowledge of a savage
is circumscribed, he possesses thoroughly that
small pc»lion which he has attained. It was
not communicated to him by formal instruc-
tion ; he does not attend to it as a matter of
mere 8|)eculation and curiosity ; it is the re-
sult of his own observation, the fruit of h»
own experience, and accommodated to his con-
dition and exigencies. While employed in
the active occupations of war or of hunting,
he often finds himself in difficult and perilous
situations, from which the efforts .of his own
sagacity must extricate him. He is frequently
engaged in measures, where every step depends
upon his own ability to decide ; where he. must
rely solely upon his own penetration to discern
the dangers to which he is exposed, and upon
his own wisdom in providing against them.
In consequence of this, he feels the knowledge
which he possesses, and the efforts which he
■*■■ makes; and, either in deliberation or action,

rests on himself alone.

PoHiieai As the talcuts of individuals are exercised

and improved by such exertions, much politi-
cal wisdom is said to be displayed in conduct-
ing the affairs of their small communities.
The council of old men in an American tribe,
deliberating upon its interests, and determin-

IV.

, HISTORY or AMERICA. ^}

ing with respect to peace or war^ has been com- ^^^^
pared to the senate in more polished republics*
The proceedings of the former, we are told^
are often no less formal and sagacious than
those of the latter. Great political vrisdom is
exhibited in pondering the various measures
proposed, and in balancing their probable ad-
vantages against the evils of which they may
be productive. Much address^ and eloquence
are employed by the leaders, who aspire at ac«
quiring such confidence with their countrymen
as to have an ascendant in those assemblies**
But, among savage tribes, the field for dis-
playing political talents cannot be extensive.
Where the idea of private property is incom-
plete, and no criminal jurisdiction ia establish-
ed, there is hardly any function of internal
government to exercise. Where there is no
commerce, and scarcely any intercourse among
separate tribes ; where enmity is implacable,
and hostilities are carried on almost without
intermission ^ there will be few points of pub-
lic concern to adjust with their neighbours ;
and that department of their affairs which may
be denominated foreign, cannot be so intricate
as to require much refined policy in conduct-
ing it. Where individuals are so thoughtless
and improvident as seldom to take effectual

♦ Charley. N. Fr. iii. 269, &c.

tee tflSTORY OF AMERICA.

BOOK precautions for self-preservation, it is vain to
'^^ Ij^' expect that public mesisures and deliberations
will be regulated by the contemplation of re-
mote events. It is the genius of savages to
act from the impulse of present passion. Tb^
have neither foresight nor temper to form com*
plicated arrangeimeiits with respect to their fu«^
tore conduct. Tt^e consultations of the Ame-
ricans, indeed, are po frequent, std their nego*
ciations are so many,* and so long protracted;
as to give their proceedings an extraordinary ^
aspect of wisdom. But this is not owing so
mnch to the depth of their schemes, as to the
coldness and phlegm of their temper, which
render them slow in determining.t If we ex-
cept the celebrated league that united thd
Five Nations in Canada into a federal republic^
which shall be' considered in its proper place^
we can discern few such traces of political wis-
dom among the rude American tribes, as dis-
cover any great degree of foresight, or extent
of intellectual abilities. Even among them, we
shall find public measures more fi'equently di-
rected by the impetuous ferocity of their youths
than regulated by the experience and wisdom
of their old men.

♦ See NoTB LXVI. Page 407.
t Chariev. N. Fr. iii. 271.

HISTORY (^ AMERICA. CSS

As the coodttion of man in the savage state
is unfavourable to the progress of the under*
standing, it has a tendency likewise^ in some
respects, to check the exercise of affection, and
to render the heart contracted. The strongest
ieeling in the mind of a savage, is a sense of
his own independence. He has sacrificed so
small a portion of his natural liberty by beconu
ing a member of society, that he remains, in
a great degree, the sole master of his own ac*
tions.* He oflen takes his resolutions alone,
without consulting, or ieeling any connexion
with the persons around him. In many of his
operations, he stands as much detached from
the rest of his species, as if he had formed no
union with them. Conscbus how little he de*
pends upcm other men, he is apt to view them
with a careless indifference. Even the force of
his mind contributes to increase this uncon*
cern ; and as he looks not beyond himself in
deliberating with respect to the part which he
should act, his solicitude about the conse*
• canoes of it seldom ext^^ farther. He pur«
sues his own career, and indulges his own fmcy,
without i»|uiring or regarding whether what
he does be agreeable or offensive to others,
whetiber they may derive benefit or receive
liurt from it. Hence the ungovernable caprice

* Fernandee^ Iff tiuiaa. de los Cbequit. S3.

' 46

J

HISTORY OF AMERICA-

^^^^ of savages, their impatience under any species
v^py^ of restraint, their inability to suppress or mode-
rate any inclination, the scorn or neglect with
which they receive advice, their high estima-
tion of themselves, and their contempt of other
men. Among them, the pnde of independence
produces almost the same effects with inter^t*
edness in a more advanced state of society : it
refers every thing to a man himself; it leads
him to be indifierent about the manner in
which his actions may affect other men ; and
renders the gratification of his own wishes the
measure and end of conduct.

Hardness To the samc cause may be imputed the hard*
**^ ness of heart, and insensibility, remarkable ia
all savage nations. Their minds, roused only
by strong emotions, are little susceptible o£
gentle, delicate, or tender a£fection6.* Their
union is so incomplete, that each individual
acts as if he retained all his natural rights en-
tire and undiminished. If a favour is confer-
red upon him, or any beneficial service is per-
formed on his account, he receives it with
much satisfaction, because it contributes to
his enjoyment ; but this sentiment extends not
beyond himself; it excites no sense of obliga-
tion ; he jfipther feels gratitude, nor thinks of

* Charley. N. Fr. iii. 309.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 325

making any return.* Even among persons the book
most dosely connected, the exchange of those \,^yl^
good offices which sftxengthen attachment, moU
lify the heart, arid sweeten the intercourse of
life, is not frequent. The high ideas of inde-
pefidenee among the Americans nourish a sul*
len reserve, which keeps them at a distance
from e^ach other. .The nearest relations are
mutually afraid to make any demand, or to soli*
cit any service,! lest it should be considered by
the other as imposing a burden, or laying a re*
straint upon his will.

I HAVE already remarked the influence of iMa»«Wp
this bard unf(^eling temper upon domestic life,
with respect to the connexion between hus-
band and wife, as well as that between parents
and children. Its effects are no less conspi-
cuous, in the performance of those mutual
offices of ' tenderness which the infirmities of
our nature frequetitly exact. Among some
tribes, when any of their number are seized
with any violent disease, they are generally
abandoned by all around them, who, careless
of their recovery, fly in the utmost consterna-
tion from the supposed danger of infection, t

* Oviedo, Hist. lib. xvi. c. 2. See Note LXVII. Page
408. t De la Potherie, iiL 28.

i Lettre de P. Cataneo ap. Muratori Christian, i. 309.
Tertre, ii. ^lO. LcKsano, 100. Hcrrera, dec. 4. lib. yiii.
VOL. II. P

m

226 HISTORY OF AMERICA-

But even where they are not thus deserted^
the cold indifference with which they are at-
tended can afford them little consolation. No
look of sympathy, no soothing expressions, no
officious services, contribute to alleviate the
distress of the sufferers, or to make them for-
get what they endure.* Their nearest relations
will often refuse to submit to the smallest in-
conveniency, or to part with the least trifle,
however much it may tend to their accommo-
dation or relief.t So little is the breast of a
savage susceptible of those sentiments which
prompt men to that feeling attention which
mitigates the calamities of human life, that, in
some provinces of America, the Spaniards have
found it necessary to enforce the common
duties of humanity by positive laws, and to
oblige husbands and wives, parents and chil-
dren, under severe penalties, to take care of
each other during their sickness, t The same
harshness of temper is still more conspicuous
in their treatment of the animal creation. Prior
to their intercourse with the people of Europe,
\he North Americans had some tame dogs,
which accompanied them in their hunting ex-

c. 5. dec. 5. lib. iv. c. 2. Falkner's Descript. of Patagonia,
98.

* Gumilla, i. 329. Lozano, 100.

t Garcia Origen, Sec. 90. Herrera, dec. 4. lib. riii. c. 5.

t Cogulludo, Hist, de Yucathan, p. 300.

mSTOftY or AMERICA. «27

cursionsy and served them with all the ardour
and fidelity peculiar to the species. But, in-
stead of that fond attachment which the hunter
natiirally feels towards those useful companions
of his toils, they requite their services with
neglect, seldom feed, and never caress them.*
In other provinces the Americans have become
acquainted with the domestic animals of Eu-
rope, and avail themselves of their service ; but
it is universally observed that they always treat
them harsh]y,t and never employ any method,
either for breaking or managing them, but
force and cruelty. In every part of the de-
portment of man in his savage state, whether
towards his equals of the human species, or
towards the animals below him, we recognize
the same character, and trace the operations of
a mind intent on its own gratifications, and
regulated by its own caprice, with little atten-
tion or sensibility to the sentiments and feel-
ings of the beings around him.

After explaining how unfavourable the Tadtur-
savage state is to the cultivation of the under- ^
standing, and to the improvement of the heart,
I should not have thought it necessary to men-
tion what may be deemed its lesser defects, if

* Charlev. N. Fr. iii. 119. 3S7.
f Ulloa, Notic. American* SI 2.

228 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

the character of nations, as well as of irtdhi-
duals, were not often more distinctly tnarked
by circumstainces apparently trivial than by
those of greater moment. A savage, frequent-
ly placed in situations of danger and distress,
depending on himself alone, and wrapped up
in his own thoughts and schemes, is a serious
melancholy animal. His attention to others is
small. The range of his own ideas is narrow.
Hence that taciturnity which is so disgusting
to men accustomed to the open intercourse of
social conversation. When they are not en-
gaged in action, the Americans often sit whole
days in one posture, without opening their
lips.* When they go forth to war, or to the
chase, they usually march in a line at some
distance from one another, and without ex-
changing a word. The same profound silence
is observed when they row together in a canoe.t
It is only when they are animated by intoxi-
cating liquors, or roused by the jollity of the
festival and dance, that they become gay and
conversible.

Cunning. To the Same causes may be imputed the re-
fined cunning with which they form and exe-
cute their schemes. Men who are not habi-
tuated to a liberal communication of their own

* Voyage de Bouguer, 102. f Gharlev. iii. 340.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. QgQ

BOOK
IV,

sentiments and wishes, are apt to be so dis- book
trustful, as to place little confidence in others.

and to have recourse to an insidious craft in
accomplishing their own purposes. In civiliz-
ed life, those persons who, by their situations,
have but a few objects of pursuit on which
their minds incessantly dwell, are most re-
markable for low artifice in carrjring on their
little projects* Among savages, whose views
are equally confined, and their attention no
less persevering, those circumstances must ope-
rate still more powerfully, and gradually ac-
custom them to a disingenuous subtlety in all
their transactions. The force of this is in-
creased by habits which they acquire in carry-
ing on the two most interesting operations
wherein they are engaged. With them war is
a system of craft, in which they trust for suc-
cess tQ stratagem more than to open force, and
have their invention continually on the stretch
to circumvent and surprise their enemies. As
hunters, it is their constant object to ensnare,
in order that they may destroy. Accordingly,
art and cunning have been universally observ-
ed as distinguishing characteristics of all sava-
ges. The people of the rude tribes of America
are remarkable for their artifice and duplicity.
Impenetrably secret in forming their measures,
they pursue them with a patient undeviating
attention ; and there is no refinement of dissi-
mulation which they cannot employ, in order

230

mSTORY OF AMERICA.

BOOK
IV.

to ensure success. The natives of Peru were
engaged above thirty years, in concerting the
plan of that insurrection which took place un-
der the vice-royalty of the Marquis de Villa-
Garcia ; and though it was communicated to a
great number of persons, in all different ranks,
no indication of it ever transpired during that
long period ; no man betrayed his trust, or by
an unguarded look, or rash word, gave rise to
any suspicion of what was intended.* The
dissimulation and craft of individuals is no less
remarkable than that of nations. When set
upon deceiving, they wrap themselves up so
artificially, that it is impossible to penetrate in-
to their intentions, or to detect their designs.!

Virtues.

Indepen-
dent spirit

But if there be defects or vices peculiar to
the savage state, there are likewise virtues
which it inspires, and good qualities to the
exercise of which it is friendly. The bonds of
society sit so loose 'upon the members of the
more rude American tribes, that they hardly
feel any restraint. Hence the spirit of inde-
pendence, which is the pride of a savage, and
which he considers as the unalienable preroga-
tive of man. Incapable of controul, and dis-
daining to acknowledge any superior, his mind.

* Voyage de Ulloa, ii. 309.

t Gumilla, i. 162. Charley, iii. 109.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. SSI

tliough limited in its powers, and erring in book
many of its pursuits, acquires such elevation ^^^^^^
by the consciousness of its own freedom, that
he acts on some occasions with astonishing
force, and perseverance, and dignity.

As independence nourishes this high spirit Fortkndt.
among savages, the perpetual wars in which
they are engaged call it forth into action.
Such long intervals of tranquillity as are fre-
quent in polished societies, are unknown in the
savage state. Their enmities, as I have ob-
served, are implacable and immortal. The
valour of the young men is never allowed to .
rust in inaction. The hatchet is always in
their hand, either for attack or defence. Even
in their hunting excursions, they must be on
their guard against surprise from the hostile
tribes by which they are siurounded. Accus*
tomed to continual alarms, they grow familiar
with danger ; courage becomes an habitual
virtue, resulting naturally from their situation,
and strengthened by constant exertions. The
mode of displaying fortitude may not be the
same in small and rude communities, as in
more powerful and civilized states. Their sys-
tem of war, and standard of valour, may be
formed upon different principles, but in no situ-
ation does the human mind rise more superior
to the sense of danger, or the dread of death,
than in its most simple and uncultivated state.

232

HISTOET OF AMERICA.

Another virtue remarkable among savages^
is attachment to the community of which they
are members. From the nature <^ their poli-
tical union, one might expect this tie to be ex-
tremely feeble. But there are circumstances
which render the influence, even of their loose
mode of association, very powerful. The Ame-
rican tribes are small : combined against their
neighbours, in prosecution of ancient enmities,
or in avenging recent injuries, their interests
and operations are neither numerous nor com-
plex. These are objects^ which the unculti-
vated understanding of a savage can compre-
hend. His heart is capaUe of forming con-
nexions which are so Httle diffused. He assents
with warmth to public measures, dictated by
passions similar to those' which direct his own
conduct. Hence the ardour with which indi-
viduals undertake the. most perilous $ervice9
when the community deems it necessary.
Hence their fierce and deep-rooted antipathy
to the public enemies. Hence their zeal for
the honour of their tribe, and that love of their
country, which prompts them to brave danger
that it may triumph, and to endure the most
exquisite torments, without a groan, that it
may not be disgraced.

sadsfacdon Thus, in eveiT situation where a human
own oondi- being can be placed, even in the most unfa-
vourable, there are virtues which peculiarly

HISTORY or AMERICA. 233

beloBg to it ; there are affections which it calls book
forth ; there is a species of happiness which it
yields. Nature, with most beneficent inten*
tion, conciliates and forms the mind to its con*
dition ; the ideas and wishes of man extend not
beyond that state of society to which he is
habituated. What it presents as objects of con-
templation or enjoyment, fills and satisfies his
mind, and he can hardly conceive any other
mode of life to be pleasant, or even tolerable.
The Tartar, accustomed to roam over exten*
sive plains, and to subsist on the product of his
herds, imprecates upon his enemy, as the
greatest of all curses, that he may be con«
demned to reside in one place^ and to be
nourished with the top of a weed. The rude
Americans, fond of their own pursuits, and
satisfied with their own lot, are equally unable
to comprehend the intention or utility of the
various accommodations, which, in more po-
lished society, are deemed essential to the
comfort of life. Far from complaining of their
own situation, or viewing that of men in a
more improved state with admiration or envy,
they regard themselves as the standard of ex-
cellence, as beings the best entitled, as well as
the most perfectly qualified, to enjoy real hap-
piness. Unaccustomed to any restraint upon
their will or their actions, they behold with
amazement the inequality of rank, and the
subordination which takes place in civilized

*34f HISTORY or AMERICA.

BOOK
IV.

life, and consider the voluntary submission i^f
one man to another, as a renunciation^ no less
base than unaccountable, of the first distinc-
tion of humanity. Void of foresight, as well
as free from care themselves, and delighted
with that state of indolent security, they won-
der at the anxious precautions, the unceasing
industry, and complicated arrangements of
Europeans, in guarding against distant evils,
or providing for future wants ; and they often
exclaim against their preposterous folly, in thus
multiplying the troubles and increasing the
labour of life.* This preference of their own
manners is conspicuous on every occasion.
Even the names by which the various nations
wish to be distinguished, are assumed from
this idea of their own pre-eminence. The ap-
pellation which the Iroquois give to themselves
is, the chief of men.\ Caraibe^ the original
name of the fierce inhabitants of the Wind-
ward Islands, signifies, the warlike people.t
The Cherokees, from an idea of their own su-
periority, call the Europeans Nothings, or the
accursed race, and assume to themselves the
name of the beloved people.^ The same prin-
ciple regulated the notions of the other Ame-

* Charley. N. Fr. iii. 308. Lahontan, ii. 97.

f Coldan, i. S.

X Rochefort, Hist des Antilles^ 4e55.

§ Adair, Hist, of Amer. Indians, p. 82.

BISTORT OF AMERICA* 995

licans concerning the Europeans ; for although, book
at first, they were filled with astonishment at
their arts, and with dread of their power, they
soon came to abate their estimation of men
whose maxims of life were so difierent from
their own. Hence they called them the froth
qfthe seOf men without father or mother. They
supposed, that either they had no country of
their own, and therefore invaded that which
belonged to others ;* or that, being destitute of
the necessaries of life at home, they were
obliged to roam over the ocean, in order to rob
such as were more amply provided.

Men, thus satisfied with their condition, are
far from any inclination to relinquish their own
habits, or to adopt those of civilized life. The
transition is too violent to be suddenly made.
Even where endeavours have been used to
wean a savage from his own customs, and to
render the accommodations of polished society
^miliar to him ; even where he has been allow-
ed to taste of those pleasures, and has been
honoured with those distinctions, which are
the chief objects of our desire, he droops and
languishes under the restraint of laws and
forms, he seizes the first opportunity of break-
ing loose from them, and returns with transport

* Benzon. Hift. Novi Orbit, lib, iii. c, 21.

S36

HISTORY OF AMERICA.

to the forest or the wild, where he can enjoy a
careless and uncontrolled freedom**

Thus I have finished a laborious delineation
of the character and manners of the uncivilized
tribes scattered over the vast continent of Ame-
rica. In this, I aspire not at rivalling the great
masters who have painted and adorned savage
life, either in boldness of design, or in the glow
and beauty of their colouring. I am satisfii^ed
with the more humble merit of having per-
sisted with patient industry, in viewing my
subject in many various lights, and collecting
from the most accurate observers such detach-
ed, and often minute features, ^ as might enable
me to exhibit a portrait that resembles the ori-
ginal.

General Before I closc this part of mv work, one

caution »

withreipect observation more is necessary, in order to jus-
^ '*"' tify the conclusions 'which I have formed, or

quiry.

to prevent the mistakes into which such as
examine them may falL In contemplating the
inhabitants of a country so widely extended as
America, great attention should be paid to the
diversity of climates under which they are
placed. The influence of this I have pointed
put with respect to several important particu-

* Charlev. N. Fr. Hi. 322.

%

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 23?

iars whidi iaye been the object of research ; 9^^*
but even where it has not been mentioned, it
ought, not to be overlooked. The provinces of
America are of such different temperament,
that this alone is sufficient to constitute a dis-
tinction between their inhabitants. In every
part of the earth where man exists, the power
of climates operates, with decisive influence,
upon his condition and character. In those
countries which approach near to the extremes
of heat or cold, this influence is so conspicuous
as to strike every eye. Whether we consider
man merely as an animal, or as being ei^dowed
with rational powers which fit him for activity
and speculation, we shall find that he has uni-
formly attained the greatest perfection of which
his nature is capable, in the temperate regions
of the globe. There his constitution is most
vigorous, his organs most acute, and his form
most beaiitiful. . There, too, he possesses a
superior extent of capacity, greater fertility of
imagination, more enterprising courage, and a
sensibility of heart which gives birth to desires
not only ardent but persevering. Ih this fa-
vourite situation he has displayed the utmost
efforts of his geniu^, in literature, in policy, in
commerce, in war, and in all the arts which im-
prove or embellish life**

* Dr Ferguson's Essay on the History of Civil Society,
part iii. c. 1.

gS8 mSTO&Y OF AMERICA.

BOOK Xhis powerful operation of climate is felt
most sensibly by rude nations, atid produces
greater effects than in societies more improved.
The talents of civilized men are continually
exerted in rendering their own condition more
comfortable ; and, by their ingenuity and in-
ventions, they can, in a great measure, supply
the defects, and guard against the inconve-
niences of any climate. But the improvident
savage is affected by every circumstance pecu-
liar to his situation. He takes no precaution
either to mitigate or improve it. Like a plant
or an animal, he is formed by the climate un-
der which he is placed, and feels the full force
of its influence.

In surveying the rude nations of America,
this natural distinction between the inhabitants
of the temperate and torrid zones is very re-
markable. They may, accordingly, be divided
into two great classes. The one comprehends
all the North Americans, from the river St
Laurence to the Gulf of Mexico, together with
the people of Chili, and a few small tribes to-
wards the extremity of the southern continent.
To the other belong all the inhabitants of the
islands, and those settled in the various pro-
vinces which extend from the Isthmus of
• Darien almost to the southern confines of
Brasil, along the east side of the Andes. In
the former, which comprehends all the regions.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 2S9

of the temperate zone that in America are in-
habited, the human species appears manifestly
to be more perfect. The natives are more
robust, more active, more intelligent, and
more coumgeous. They possess, in the most
eminent degree, that force of mind and love
of independence, which I have pointed out
as the chief virtues of man in his savage state*
They have defended their liberty with perse-
vering fortitude against the Europeans, who
subdued the other rude nations of America
with the greatest ease* The natives of the
temperate zone are the only people in the New
World who are indebted for their freedom
to their own valour. The North Americans,
though long encompassed by three formidable
European powers, still retain part of their ori-
ginal possessions, and continue to exist as
independent nations. The people of Chili,
though early invaded, still maintain a gallant
contest with the Spaniards, and have set
bounds to their encroachments; whereas, in
the warmer regions, men are more feeble in
their frame, less vigorous in the efforts of their
mind, of a gentle but dastardly spirit, more
enslaved by pleasure, and more sunk in indo-
lence. Accordingly, it is in the torrid zone
that the Europeans have most completely esta-
blished their dominion over America ; the most
fertile and desirable provinces in it are sub-
jected to their yoke j and if several tribes there

17

240 HigXOBY QF AMERICA. ^

BOOK still enjoy independence, it is either because
^^* they have never been attacked by an enemy
already satiated with conquest, and possessed
of larger territories than he was able to occupy,
or because they have been saved from oppres-
sion by their remote and inaccessible situa-
tion.

Conspicuous as this distinction may appear
between the inhabitants of those different re-
gions, it is not, however, universal. Moral
and political causes, as I have formerly ob-
served, afiect the disposition and character of
individuals, as well as nations, still more power-
fully than the influence of climate. There
are, accordingly, some tribes, in various parts
of the torrid zone, possessed of courage, high
spirit, and the love of independence, in a de-
gree hardly inferior to the natives of more
temperate climates. We are too little ac-
quainted with the history of those people, to
be able to trace the several circumstances in
their progress and condition, to which they
are indebted for this remarkable prei-eminence*
The fact, nevertheless, is certain. As early as
the first voyage of Columbus, he received in-
formation that several of the islands were in-
habited by the Caribbees^ a fierce race of men,
nowise resembling their feeble and timid neigh-
bours. In his second expedition to the New
World, he found this information to be just.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 241

and was himself a witness of their intrepid
valour.* The same character they have main-
tained invariably in all subsequent contests
with the people of Europe ;t and, even in our
own times, we have seen them make a gallant
Btand in defence of the last territory which
the rapacity of their invaders had left in their
possession^ Some nations in Brasil were no
less eminent for vigour of mind and bravery
in war.§ The people of the Isthmus of Darien
boldly met the Spaniards in the field, and fre-
quently repelled those formidable invaders. 11
Other instances might be produced. It is not
by attending to any single cause or principle,
liow powerful and extensive soever its influ-
ence may appear, that we can explain the -
actions, or account for the character of men.
Even the law of climate, more universal, per-
haps, in its operation than any that affects the
human species, cannot be applied, in judging
of their conduct, without many exceptions.

* Life of Columbus, c. 47, 48. See Note LXVIIL
Page 408.

f Bochefort, Hist, des Antilles, 53h
* i See Note LXIX. Page 409.

§ Lery ap. de Bry, iii. 207, &c.

II Herrera, dec. 1. lib. x. c. 15, &c. ; dec. 2. passim*

VOL. II.

r^

THE

HISTORY

OF

AMERICA.

BOOK V.

When Grijalva returned to Cuba, he found
the armament destined to attempt the con-
quest of that rich country which he had dis- pJ^
covered, almost complete. Not only ambition, ^ona ot
but avarice, had urged Velasquez to hasten foTi^
his preparations ; and having such a prospect ^^^
of gratifyihg both, he had advanced consider-
able sums out of his priiote fortune towards
defraying the expense of the expedition. At
the same time, he exerted his influence as go-
vernor, in engaging the most distinguished per-
sons in the colony to undertake the service.*

* See Note LXX. Page 410.

2518.

iJ4* HISTORY OF AMERICA,

At a time when the spirit of the Spanish na-
tion was adventurous to excess, a number of
soldiers, eager to embark in any daring enter-
prise, soon appeared. But it was not so easy
to find a person qualified to take the command
in an expedition of so much importance ; and
the character of Velasquez, who had the right
of nomination, greatly increased the difficulty
of the choice. Though of most aspiring ambi-
tion, and not destitute of talents for govern-
ment, he possessed neither such courage, nor
«uch vigour and activity of mind, as to under-
take in person the conduct of the armament
which he was preparing. In this embarrassing
situation^ he formed the chimerical scheme,
not only of achieving great exploits by a de-
puty, but of securing to himself the glory of
conquests which were to be made by another.
In the execution of this plan, he fondly aimed
at reconciling contradictions. He was solicit
tons to choose a commander of intrepid reso-
lution, and of superior abilities, because h&
knew these to be requisite in order to ensure
success ; but, at th^ same time, from the jea-
lousy natural to little minds, he wished this
person to be of a spirit so tame and obsequi-
ous, as to be entirely dependent on his will.
But when, he came to apply those ideas in
forming an opinion concerning the several
officers who occurred to his thoughts as wor-
thy of being entrusted with the command, he

taSTORY OF AM£RICA. 84t5

Soon perceived that it was impossible to find
such incompatible qualities united in one cha*
racter. Such as were distinguished for cou- ^^^^
rage and talents^ were too high-spirited to be
passive instruments in his hands. Those who
appeared more gentle and tractable, were des-
titute of capacity, and unequal to the charger
This augmented his perplexity and his fears.
He deliberated long, and with much solicitude,
and was still wavering in his choice, when
Amador de Lares, the royal treasurer in Cuba,
and Andres Duero, his own secretary, the
two persons in whom he chiefly confided, were
encouraged by this irresolution to propose a
new candidate, and they supported their re-
commendation with such assiduity and address,,
that, no less fatally for Velasquez than happily
for their country, it proved successful.*

The matt whom they pointed out to him was Hf «?-
Peniando Cortes. He was born at Medellin, cortescom'
a small town in Estremadura, in the year one
thousand four hundred and eighty-five, and
descended from a family of noble blood, but
of very moderate fortune. Being originally
destined by hijs jpareAts to the study oClaw, as
the most likely method^ of bettering his con-

* B. Diaz> c. 19. Gomara, Cron. c. 7* Herrera, dec 2,
libtiii. c. 12.

246 HISTORY OF AMERICA-

dition, he was sent early to the university of
_ Salamanca, where he imbibed some tincture of
ws. learning. • But he was soon disgusted with an
academic life, which did not suit his ardent and
restless genius, and retired to Medellin, where
he gave himself up entirely to active sports and
martiar exercises. At this period of life, he
was so impetuous, so overbearing, and so dis-
sipated, that his father was glad to comply
with his inclination, and send him abroad as
an adventurer in arms. There were in that
age two conspicuous theatres, on which such
of the Spanish youth as courted military glory
might display their valour ; one in Italy, under
the command of the Great Captain ; the other
in the New World. Cortes preferred the for-
mer, but was prevented by indisposition from
embarking with a reinforcement of troops sent
to Naples. Upon this disappointment he turn-
ed his views towards America, whether he was
allured by the prospect of the advantages which
he might derive from the patronage of Ovan-
. do,* the governor of Hispaniola, who -was his
kinsman. When he landed at St Domingo in
one thousand five hundred and four, his recep-
tion was such as equalled his fnost sanguine
hopes, and he was employed by the governor
in several honourable and lucrative stations.

* See Note LXXI. JPage 415.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. Qifj

These, however^ did not satisfy his ambition ;
and in the year one thousand five hundred and
eleven he Obtained permission to accompany i^i^
Diego Velasquez in bis expedition to Cuba»
In this service he distinguished himself so
much, that notwithifttanding some violent con-
tests with Velasquez, occasioned by trivial
events unworthy of remembrance, he was at
length taken into favour, and received an ample
concession of lands and of Indians, the recom-
pense usually bestowed upon adventurers in
the New World.*

Though Cortes bad not hitherto acted in
high command, he had displayed such qualities
in several scenes of difficulty and danger, as
raised universal expectation, and turned the
eyes of ibis countrymen towasds him, as oile
capable of performing great things. The tur-
bulence of youth, as soon as he found objects
and occupations suited to the ardour of his
mind, gradually subsided, and settled into a
habit of regular indefatigable activity. The
impetuosity of his temper, when he came to
act with his equals, insensibly abated, by being
kept under restraint, and mellowed into a cor-
dial soldierly frankness. These qualities were
accompanied with calm 'prudence in concert-

* Gomara, Cron. c. 1, 2, S.

24» HISTORY OF ABiERICA.

ing hi* schemes, with persevering vigour iit
executing them, and with what is peculiar to
1^18* superior genius, the art of gaining the confi-
dence and governing the minds of men. To
all which w^re added the inferior accomplish-
ments that strike the vulgar, and command
their respect; a graceful person, a winning
aspect, extraordinary address in martial exer-^
cises, and a constitution of such vigour as to
be capable of enduring any fatigue.,

As soon as Cortes was mentioned to Velas-
quez by his two confidants, he flattered him-
self that be had at length found what he had
hitherto sought in vain, a man with talents for
command, but not sm object £ov jealousy.
Neither the rank nor the fortune of Cortes, as
he imagined, were such that he could aspire at
independence. He had reason to believe that
by his own readiness to bury ancient animosi-
ties in oblivion, as well as his liberality in con-
ferring several recent favours, he had already
gained the good-will of Cortes, and hoped, by
this new and unexpected mark of confidence,
that he might attach him for ever to his inte-
rest.

Soon be- Cortes, receiving his commission with the

lousof^ warmest expressions of respect and gratitude
to the governor, immediately erected his stan-
dard before his own house, appeared in a mili-

Oct 23.

HISTORY qr AKERICA. 249

tary dress, and assumed all the ensigns of his book
new dignity. His utmost influence and acti- ^J,^^
vity were exerted in persuading many of his i«i«-
friends to engage in the service, and in urging
forward the preparations for the voyage. All
his own funds, together with what money he
could raise by mortgaging his lands and In*
dians, were expended in purchasing military
stores and provisions, or in supplying the wants
of such of his officers as were unable to equip
themselves in u manner suited to their rank.*
Inoflensive, and even laudable as this conduct
was, his disappointed competitors were mali-
cious enough to ff^ve it a turn to his disadvan-
tage. They represented him as aiming already,
with little disguise, at estaiblishing an indepen-
dent authority over his troops, and endeavour-
ing to secure their respect or |ove by his osten-
tatious and interested liberality. They re-
minded Velasquez of his former dissensions
with the man in whom he now reposed so much
confidence^ and foretold that Cortes would be
more apt to avail himself of the power which
the governor was inconsiderately putting in his
hands, to avenge past injuries, than to requite
recent obligation?. These insinuations made
such impression upon the suspicious mind of
Velasquez, that Cortes soon observed some

^ See NoTS LXXII. Page 415.

«50 mSTORY or ABfERICl.

symptoms of a growing alienation and distrust
in his behaviour, and was advised by Lares and
1518. Duero to hasten his departure, before these
should become so confirmed as to break out
with open violence. Fully sensible of this
danger, he urged forward his preparations with
such rapidity, that he set sail from St Jago
de Cuba on the eighteenth of November, Ve-
lasquez accompanying him to the shore, and
taking leave of him with an appearance of per-
fect friendship and confidence, though he had
' secretly given it in charge to some of Cortes^s
officers, to keep a watchful eye upon every part
of their commander's conduct.*

Endeavours CoRTEs proceeded to Trinidad, a small set-

to depnye

him of his tlement on the same side of the island, where
^°^ he was joined by several adventurers, and re-
ceived a supply of provisions and military
stores, of which his stock was still very incom*
plete. He had hardly left St Jago, when the
jealousy which had been working in the breast
of Velasquez grew so violent, that it was im-
possible to suppress it. The armament was no
longer under his own eye and direction; and
he felt, that as- his power over it ceased, that
of Cortes would become more absolute. Ima-
gination now aggravated every circumstance

* Gomarsy Croa, c. 7. B. Diaz, c, 20.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. ftSl

which had formerly excited suspicion : the ri* book

vals of Cortes industriously threw in reflections \^'^cf

which increased his fears } and with no less art ^sis.

than malice they called superstition to their

aid, emptying tbe predictions of an astrologer

in order to complete the alarm. All thecle, by

their united operation, produced the desired

effect. Velasquez repented bitterly of his own

imprudence, in having committed a trust of so

much importance to a person whose fidelity

appeared so doubtful, and hastily despatched

instructions to Trinidad, empowering Verdu«

go, the chief magistrate there, to deprive Cor*

tea of his commission. But Cortes had already

made such progress in gaining the esteem and

confidence of his troops, that, finding officers as

well as soldiers equally zealous to support his

authority, he soothed or intimidated Verdugo,

and was permitted to depart from Trinidad

without molestation.

From Trinidad Cortes sailed for the Ha- •ndioky
vana, in order to raise more soldiers, and to armt
complete the victualling of his fleet. There
several persons of distinction entered into the
service, and engaged to supply what provisions
were still wanting ; but as it was necessary to
allow them some time fi:>r performing what
they had promised, Velasquez, sensible that he
ought no longer to rely on a man of whom he
had so openly discovered his distrust, availed

252 msToitY OF America.

himself of the interval which this unavoidable
delay afibrded, in order to make one attempt
\5i8. more to wrest the command out of the hands
of Cortes. He loudly complained of Verdu-
go's conduct, accusing him either of childish
facility or of manifest treachery, in suffering
Cortes to escape from Trinidad. Anxious to
guard against a second disappointment, he sent
a person of confidence to the Havana, with pe<»
remptory injunctions to Pedro Barba, his lieu^
tenant-governor in that colony, instantly to
arrest Cortes, to send him prisoner to St Jago
under a strong guard, and to countermand the
sailing of the armament until he should re«*
ceive farther orders. He wrote likewise to the
principal officers, requiring them to assist
Barba in executing what he had given him in
charge. But before the arrival of his mes*
senger, a Franciscan friar of St Jago had se-
cretly conveyed an account of this interest-
ing transaction to Bartholomew de Olmedo, a
monk of the same order, who acted as chap-
lain to the expedition.

'cortade- CoRTEs, forewarned of the dans^er, had time

feats his ' , • /» « o »

schemes, to take prccautions for ms own safety. His
^^' first step was to find some pretext for removing
from the Havana Diego de Ordaz, an officer
of great merit, but in whom, on account of his
known attachment to Velasquez, he could not
confide in this trying and delicate juncture*

prqMura-

^.

HISTORY or AMERICA. 253

He gave him the command of a vessel des«
tined to take on board some provisions in a
small harbour beyond Cape Antonio, and thus i^i<-
made sure of his absence, ivithout seeming to
suspect his fidelity. When he was gone. Cor-
tes no longer concealed the intentions of Ve»
lasquez from his troops ; and as officers and
soldiers were equally impatient to set out on
.an expedition, in preparing for which most of
them had expended all their fortunes, they
expressed their astonishment and indignation
at that illiberal jealousy^ to which the gover-
nor was about to sacrifice, not only the honour
of their general, but all their sanguine hopes of
glory and wealth. With, one voice they en.-
treated that he would not abandon the impor*
tant station to which he had such a good title.
They conjured him not to deprive them of a
leader whom they followed with such well-
founded confidence, and offered to shed the
last drop of their blood in maintaining his au*
thority. Cortes.was.easily induced to comply
with what he himself so ardently desired. He
swore that he would never desert soldiers who
had given him such a signal proof of their
attachment, and promised instantly to conduct
them to that rich country, which had been so
long the object of their thoughts and wishes.
This declaration was received with transports
of military applause, accompanied with threats
and imprecations against all who should pre-

S54 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

sume to call in question the jurisdiction of
their general, or to obstruct the execution of
i5i8. jiis designs.

^^^ Every thing was now ready for their depar-

his forces, turc ; but, though this expedition was fitted,
out by the united efforts of the Spanish power
in Cuba ; though every settlement had contri-
buted its quota of men and provisions ; though
the governor had laid out considerable sums,
and each adventurer had exhausted his stock,
or strained his credit, the poverty of the pre-
parations was such as must astonish the present
age, and bore, indeed, no resemblance to an
armament destined for the conquest of a great
empire. The fleet consisted of eleven vessels ;
the largest of a hundred tons, which was dig-
nified by the ttame of Admiral ; three of se«
venty or eighty tons, and the rest small open
barks. On board of these were six hundred
and seventeen men ; of which five hundred
and eight belonged to the land service, and a
hundred and nine were seamen or artificers.
The soldiers were divided into eleven com-
panies, according to the number of the ships ;
to. each of which Cortes appointed a captain,
and committed to him the command of the
vessel while at sea,^ and of the men when on
shore.* As the use of fire-arms among the

* See Nou LXXIII. Page 416.

HISTORY or AMERICA. 255

nations of Europe was hitherto confined to a • book
few battalions of reguhurly disciplined infantry^ ^^ r^
only thirteen soldiers were armed with muskets, liis.
thirty-two were cross-bowmen» and the rest had
swords and spears. Instead of the usual de-
fensive armour, which must have been cumber-
some in a hot climate, the soldiers wore jackets
quilted with cotton, which experience had
taught the Spaniards to be a sufficient protec-
tion against the weapons of the Americans.
They had only sixteen horses, ten small field-
pieces, and four falconets.*

With this slender and ill-provided train did ^, '^
Cortes set sau, to make war upon a monarch Hisdeptf.
whose dominions were more extensive than all c^^
the kingdoms subject to the Spanish crown*
As religious enthusiasm always mingled with
the spirit of adventure in the New World, and,
by a combination still more strange, united
with avarice, in prompting the Spaniards to all
their enterprises, a large cross was displayed
in their standards, with this inscripticm. Let
usfoBqfw the cross, for under Ms sign we shaH
conquer*

So powerfully were Cortes and his followen
animated with both these passions, that no less

* B. Diaz, c. 19.

46

#

^6

HISTORY OF AMERICA.

i5ia

eager to plunder the opulent country whither
they were bound, than zealous to propagate
the Christian faith among its inhabitants, they
set out, not with the solicitude natural to men
going upon dangerous services, but with that
confidence which arises from security of suc-
cess, and certainty of the divine protection.

Touches at
Cotumel;

Maidi4.
andat Ta-
basca

As Cortes had determined to touch at every
place which Grijalva had visited, he steered
directly towards the island of Cozumel : there
he had the good fortune to redeem Jerome de
Agifilar, a Spaniard, who had been eight years
a prisoner among the Indians. This nmn was
perfectly acquainted with a dialect of their
language, understood through a large extent
of country, and possessing besides a conader-
able share of prudence and sagacity, proved
extremely useful as an interpreter. From
Cozumel Cortes proceeded to the river of Ta-
basco, in hopes of a reception as friendly as
Grijalva had met with there, and of finding
gold in the same abundance ; but the disposi-
tion of the natives, from some unknown cause,
was totally changed. After repeated endea-
vours to conciliate][their good-will, he was con-
strained to have recourse to violence. Though
tlie forces of the enemy were numerous, and
advanced with extraordinary courage, they
were routed with great slaughter, in several
successive actions. The loss which they sus-

\

aiSTOSY or AMERICl. 257

tained, and still more the astonishment and
terror excited by the destructive efiect of the
fire-arms, and the dreadful appearance of the i^i^-
horses, humbled their fierce spirits, and induced
them to sue for peace. They acknowledged the
King of Castile as their sovereign, and granted
Cortes a supply of provisions, with a present of
cotton garments, some gold, and twenty female
slaves.*

CoKTES continued his course to the west- f"r«"*J

St Juan de

ward, keeping as near the shore as possible, in uituu
order to observe the country ; but could dis-
cover no proper place for landing, until he
arrived at St Juan de Ulua.t As he entered ^p^ 2.
this harbour, a large canoe full of people,
among whom were two who seemed to be per-
sons of distinction, approached his ship with
signs of peace and amity^ They came on
board without fear or distrust, and addressed
him in a most respectful manner,, but in a lan-
guage altogether unknown to Aguilar. Cortes
was in the utmost perplexity and distress, at an
event of whicb be instantly foresaw all the con-
sequences, and already felt the hesitation and
uncertainty with which he should carry on the

♦ See Note LXXIV. Page 416.
t B, Diaz, c. 31—36. Gomara, GrOH. g. 18—23. Her-
rera, dec. 2. lib. iv. c; 1 !• &c*
VOL. II. R

£58 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

great schemes which he meditated, if, in his
transactions with the natives, he must depend
1^19- entirely upon such an imperfect, ambiguous*
and conjectural mode of communication as
the use of signs. But he did not remain long
in his embarrassing situation ; a fortunate ac-
cident extricated him, when his own sagacity
Could have contributed little towards his relief
One of the female slaves, whorti he had receiv-.
ed from the cazique of Tabasco, happened to
be present at the first interview between Cor-
tes and his new guests. She perceived his dis<-
tress, as well as the confusion of Aguilar ; and
as she perfectly understood the Mexican laa*
guage, she explained what they had said in the
Yucatan tongue, with which Aguilar was ac-
quainted. This woman, known afterwards hy
the name of Donna Marina, and who nAkes a
conspicuous figure in the history of the New
World, where great revolutions ^ere brought
about by small causes and inconsiderable in-
struments, was bom in one of the provinces o€
the Mexican empire. Having been sold as a
slave in the early part of her life, after a variety
of adventures she fell into the hands of the
Tabascans, and had resided long enough among
them to acquire their language, without losing
the use of her own. Though it was both tedi-
ous and troublesome to converse by the inter-
vention of two different interpreters, Cortes
was so highly pleased with having discovered

tniopi.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. ^g

this tnefthod of canying oq some intercourse
with the people of a country into which he was
determined to pen€tratet that in the transports i^'isi
of his joy he considered it as a visible interpo*
sition of Providence in his favour.*

He now learned that the two persons whom
he had received on board of his ship were de«
puties from Teutile and Hlpatoe, two officers
entrusted with the government of that province
by a great mcHiarch^ whom they called Monte*
zuma ^ and that they were sent to inquire what
his intentions were in visiting their coast, and
to ofifer him what assistance he might need, in
order to continue his voyage. Cortes, struck
with the appearance of those people, as well as
the tenor of the message, assured them, in re-
spectful terms, that he approached their coun-
try with most friendly sentiments, and came to
propose matters of great importance to the weU
^re of their prince and his kingdom^ which he
wtould unfold more fully, in person, to the
governor and the general. Next morning,
without waiting for any answer, he landed his
troops, his horses, and artillery ; and having
chosen proper ground, began to erect huts for
his men, and to fortify his camp. The natives.

* B. Diaz, c. 37, 38, 39. Gomara, Cron. c. 25, 26. Her-
vera, dec. 2. lib. y. c. 4.

360 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

BOOK instead of opposing the entrance of those fatal
\^^«^ guests into their country, assisted them: in all
WW.' their operations, with an alacrity of which they
had ere long good reason to repent*

His first Next day Teutile and Pilpatoe entered the

interview •' * , _

with the Spanish camp with a numerous retinue, and
exicans. (^^jj^^g Considering them 3S the miniaters of a
great monarch, entitled to a degree of attention
very different from that which the Spaniards
were accustomed to pay to the petty caziques
with whom they had intercourse in the isles^
received them with much formal ceremony*
He informed them,, that he came as ambas-
sador from Don Carlos of Austria, King of
Castile, the greatest monarch of the East, and
was entrusted with propositions of such mo-
ment, that he could impart them to none but
the Emperor Montezuma himself, smd there-
fore required them to conduct him,, without
loss of time, into the presence of their master.
The Mexican officers could not conceal their
utieasiness at a request, which they knew would
be disagreeable, and which they foresaw might
prove extremely embarrassing to their sove-
reign, whose mind had been filled with many
disquietir^ apprehensions, ever since the for-
mer appearance of the Spaniards on his coasts.
But before they attempted to dissuade Cortes
from insisting on this demand, they endeavour-
ed to conciliate his good-will, by entreating

V

I

HISTORY OF ASfERICA. «6l

^im to accept of certain presents, which, as
humble slaves of Montezuma, they laid at his
feet They were introduced with great parade, i*>»«
and consisted of fine cotton cloth, of plumes of
various colours, and of ornaments of gold and
silver "to a considerable value ; the workman-
ship of which appeared to be as curious as the
piatemls were rich. The display of these pro-
duced an effect very different from what the
Mexicans intended. Instead of satisfying, it
increased the avidity of the Spaniards, and
rendered them so eager and impatient to be«
^ome masters of a country which abounded
with such precious productions, that Cortes
icould haffdly listen with patience to the argu-
ments which Filpatoe and Teutile employed
to dissuade him from visiting the capital, and
in a haughty determined tone he insisted on
his demand, of being admitted to a personal
audience of their sovereign. During this in-
terview, some painters, m die train of the
Mexican chiefs, bad been diligently employ-
ed in delineating, upon white cotton cloths,
figui*es of the ships, the horses, the artillery,
the soldiers, and whatever else attracted their
eyes as singular. When Cortes observed this,
and was informed that. these pictures were to
be sent to Montezuma, in order to convey to
bim a more lively idea of the strange and won-
derful objects now presented to their view^

«62 HISTORY or AMERICA.

than any words could commuQicate, fae re-
solved to render the representation still more
1510. animated and interesting, by exhibiting such
a spectacle as might give both them and their
monarch an awftil impression of the extraor-
dinary prowess of his followers, and the irre-
sistible forcje of their arms. The trumpets, by
his order, sounded an alarm ; the troops, in a
moment, formed in order of battle, the infantry
performed such martial exercises ais were best
faulted to display the e£Sect of their different
weapons ; the horse, in various evolutions,
gave a specimen of their agility and strength.}
the artillery, pointed towards the thick woods
which surrounded the camp, were fired, and
made dreadful havoc among the trees* The
Mexicans looked on with that silent amaze-
ment which is natural, when the mind is struck
with objects which are botii awful and above
its comprehension. But, at the explosion of
the cannon* many of them fled, some fell to
the ground, and all were so much confounded
at the sight of men whose power so nearly
resembled that of the gods, that Cortes found
it difBcult to compose and reassure them. The
painters had now many new objects on which
to exercise their art, and they put their fancy
on the stretch in order to invent figures and
sjnnbols to represent the extraordinary things
which they had seen.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 263

Messengers were immediately despatched
to Montezuma with those pictures, and a full
account of every thing that had passed since ^s\o.
the arrival of the Spaniards, and by them Cor- ^JJ^
tes sent a present of some European curiosities Momefo.
to Montezuma, which, though of no great "^
value, he believed would be acceptable on ac-
count of their novelty. The Mexican mo-
Barchs» in order to obtain early information of
every occurrence in all the comers of their
extensive empire, had introduced a refinement
in police, unknown, at that time, in Europe.
They had couriers posted at proper stations
along the principal roads ; and as these were
trained to agility by a regular education, and
relieved one another at moderate distances,
they conveyed intelligence with surprising
rapidity. Though the capital in which Monte-
zuma resided was above an hundred and eighty
miles from St Juan de Ulua, Cortes's presents
were carried thither, and an answer to his de-
mands was received in a few days. The same
officers who had hitherto treated with the Spa-
niards, were employed to deliver this answer ;
but as they knew bow repugnant the determi-
nation of their master was to all the schemes
and wishes of the Spanish commander, they
would not venture to make it known until they
had previously endeavoured to soothe and
mollify him. For this purpose they renewed His|
their negociation, by introducing a train of a

26^ HISTORY OF AMERICA.

hundred Indians, loaded with presents sent to
him by Montezuitia. The magnificence of
^51^. these wa« such as became a great monarch,
and far exceeded any idea which the Spaniards
had hitherto formed of his wealth. They were
placed on mats spread on the ground,, in such
order as shewed them to the greatest advan-
tage. Cortes and his officers viewed, with
admiration, the various manufactures of the
country ; cotton stuffs so fine, and of such de-
licate texture, as to resemble silk ; pictures of
animals, trees, and other natural objects, form-
ed with feathers of different colours, disposed
and mingled with such skill and elegance, as to
rival the works of the pencil in truth and beau-
ty of imitation. But what chidly attracted
their eyes, were two large plates of a circular
form, one of massive gold representing the sun,
the other of silver, an emblem of the moon.*
These w£re accompanied with bracelets, cel-
lars, rings, and other trinkets of gold ; and
that nothing might be wanting which could
give the Spaniards a complete idea of what the
<!ountry afforded, with some boxes filled with
pearls, precious stones, and grains of gold un-
wrought, as they had been found in the mines
^r rivers. Cortes received all these with an
appearance of profound veneration for the mo-

* See NoxE LXXV, Page 417.

rv

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 265

aarch by whom they were bestowed. But
whan the Mexicans, presuming upon this, in-
formed him, that their master, though he de- '^^^
sired him to accept of what he had sent as a Forbids
token of regard for that monarch whom Cortes appimch
represented, would not give his consent that ****^p'*^
foreign troops should approach nearer to his
capital, or even allow them to continue longer
in his dominions, the Spanish general declared,
in a manner more resolute and peremptory
than formerly, that he must insist on his first
demand, as he could not, without dishonour,
return to his own country, until he was admit-
ted into the presence of the prince whom he
was appointed to visit in the name of his sove-
reign. The Mexicans, astonished at seeing
any man dare to oppose that will, which they
were accustomed to consider as supreme and
irresistible, yet afraid of precipitating their
country into an open rupture with such formi-
dable enemies, prevailed with Cortes to pro-
mise, that he would not move from his present
camp, until the return of a messenger whom
they sent to Montezuma for farther instruc-
tions.*

The firmness with which Cortes adhered state of ti»
to his original proposal, should naturally have to^l^t

that period.

* B. Diaz, c. 39, Gomara, Cron. c. 27. Herrera, dec. 2.
lib. V* c. 5, 6.

^66 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

brought the negociatioh between him and
Montezuma to a speedy issue, as it seemed
1519. to leave the Mexican monarch no choice, but
either to receive him with confidence as a
friend, or to oppose him openly as an enemy.
The latter was what might have been expected
from a haughty prince in possession of exten-
sive power. The Mexican empire, at this
period, was at a pitch of grandeur to which
no society ever attained in so short a period.
Though it had subsisted, according to their
own traditions, only a hundred and thirty
years, its dominion extended from the North
to the South Sea, over territories stretching,
with some small interruption, above five hun-
dred leagues from east to west, and more
than two hundred &om north to south, com-
prehending provinces not inferior in fertility,
population, and opulence, to any in the torrid
zone. The people were warlike and enterpris-
ing; the authority of the monarch unbounded,
and his revenues cmisiderable. If, with the
forces which might have been suddenly assem-
bled in such an empire, Montezuma had fallen
npon the Spaniards while encamped on a bar-
ren unhealthy coast, unsupported by any ally,
without a place of retreat, and destitute of
provisions, it seems to be impossible, xcven with
all the advantages of their superior discipline
and arms, that they could have stood the
^hock, and they must either have perished in

rv

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 267

such an unequal contest, or have abandoned
the enterprise.

1519.

As the power of Montezuma enabled him to chanctcr
taka this spirited part, his own dispositions narch.
were such as seemed naturally to prompt him
to it. Of all the princes who had swayed the
Mexican sceptre, he was the most haughty,
the most violent, apd the most' impatient of
controuL His subjects looked up to him with
awe, and his enemies with terror. The former
he governed with unexampled rigour; but
they were impressed with such an opinion oC
bis capacity, as commanded their respect ;
and, by many victories over the latter, he had
spread far the dread of his arms, and had
added several considerable provinces to his
dominions. But though his talents might be
suited to the transactions of a state so imper-
fectly polished as the Mexican empire, and
sufficient to conduct them while in their ac*
customed course, they were altogether inade-
quate to a conjuncture so extraordinary, and
did not qualify him either to judge with the
discernment, or to act with the decision requi-
site in such a trying emergence.

From the moment that the Spaniards appear- ^.^^
kd on his coast, he discovered symptoms of ti- terror upoA
midity and embarrassment. Instead of taking of the spa-
such resolutions as the consciousness of his own "^""^

^68 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

power, or the memory of his former exploits,
might have inspired, he deliberated with an
1519. anxiety and hesitation which did not escape the
notice of his meanest courtiers. The perplexity
and discomposure of Montezuma's mind upon
this occasion, as well as the general dismay of
his subjects, were not owing wholly to the im-
pression which the Spaniards had made by the
novelty of their appearance, and the terror of
their arms. Its origin may be traced up to a
more remote source. There was an opinion, if
we may believe the earliest and most authentic
Spanish historians, almost universal among the
Americans, that some dreadful calamity was
impending over their heads, from a race of for-
midable invaders, who should come from regions
towards the rising sun, to overrun and desolate
their country. Whether this disquieting appre-
hension flowed from the memory of some natu-
ral calamity which had. afflicted that part of the
globe, and impressed the minds of the inhabi-
tants with supjerstitious fears and forebodings,
or whether it was an imagination accidentally
suggested by the astonishment which the first
sight of a new race of men occasioned, it is im-*
possible to determine. But as the Mexican^
were more prone to superstition than any people
in the New World, they were more deeply aflect-
ed by the appearance of the Spaniards, whom
their credulity instantly represented as the iri-
s.trument destined to bring about this fatal revo-

r^

HISTORY OF AMERICA.

lotion which thev dreaded. Under those cir-

ft

cumstanceSy it ceases to be incredible that a
handful of adventurers should alarm the mo- ^^i^
narch of a great empire, and all his subjects.*

Notwithstanding the influence of this im- continues
pression, when the messenger arrived from the cu^^
Spanish camp with an account that the leader
of the strangers, adhering to his original de-
mand, refused to obey the order enjoining him
to leave the countiy, Montezuma assumed some
degree of resolution, and, in a transport of rage
natural to a fierce prince unaccustomed to meet
with any opposition to his will, he threatened
to sacrifice those presumptuous men to his gods.
But his doubts and fears quickly returned, and
instead of issuing orders to carry his threats
into execution, he again called his ministers to
confer and ofier their advice. Feeble and tem-
porizing measures will always be the result
when men assemble to deliberate in a situation
where they ought to act. The Mexican coun-
sellors took no effectual measure for expelling
such troublesome intruders, and were satisfied
with issuing a more positive injunction, requir-
ing them to leave the country ; but this they

* Cortes Relatione Seconda, ap. Ramus, iii. 234^ 2S5.
Herrera, dec. 2. lib. iii. c. 1. lib, ▼. c. 11. lib. ▼!!. c. 6.
Gomara^ Cron. c. 66. 92. 144'.

8570 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

preposterously accompanied with a present of
such value, as proved fresh inducement to re«
1519. main there.

Anxiety Meanwhile, the Spaniards were not without

hLsfonstf solicitude, or a variety of sentiments, in deli-
^^' berating concerning their own future conduct.
From what they had already seen, many of them
formed such extravagant ideas concerning the
opulence of the country, that, despising danger
or hardships, when they had in view treasures
whiph appeared to be ineiihaustible, they were
eager to attempt the conquest. Others, esti-
mating the power of the Mexican empire by
its wealth, and enumerating the various proofs .
which had occurred of its being under a wdU*
regulated administration, contended, that it
would be an act of the wildest frenzy to attack
such a state with a small body of men, in want
. of provisions, unconnected with any ally, and
already enfeebled by the diseases peculiar to
the climate, and the loss of several of their
number.* Cortes secretly applauded the ad-
vocates for bold measures, and cherished their
romantic hopes, as such ideas corresponded
with his own, and favoured the execution of
the schemes which he had formed. From the
time that the suspicions of Velasquez broke out

* B. Diaz, c. 40.

rv

ftlSTORT OP AMERICA. 271

with open violence in the attempts to deprive
him of the command, Cortes saw the necessity
of dissolving a connexion which would obstruct
and embarrass all his operations, and watched
for a proper opportunity of coming to a final
rapture with him. Having this in view, he
had laboured by every art to secure the esteem
and affection of his soldiers. With his abilities
for comtnand, it was easy to gain their esteem }
and his followers were quickly satisfied that
they might yely, with perfect confidence, on
the conduct and courage of their leader. Nor
was it more difficult to acquire their affection.
Among adventurers, nearly of the same rank,
and serving at their own expense, the dignity
of command did not elevate a general above
mingling with those who acted under him.
Cortes availed himself of thia freedom of inter*
course, to insinuate himself into their favour,
and by his affable manners, by well-timed acts
of liberality to some, by inspiring all with vast
hopes, and by allowing them to trade privately
with the natives,^ he attached the greater part
of his soldiers so firmly to himself, that they
almost forgot that the armament had been fit-
ted out by the authority, and at the expense of
another.

* See Note LXXVL Page 418.

46

872 HISTORY BY AMERICA.

During those intrigues, Teutile arrived with
the present from Montezuma, and, together
with it, delivered the ultimate order of that mo-
narch to depart instantly out of his dominions ;
and when Cortes^ instead of complying, renew-
ed his request of an audience, the Mexican
turned from him abruptly, and quitted the camp
with looks and gestures which strongly express-
ed his surprise and resentment. Next morning,
none of the natives, who used to frequent the
camp in great numbers, in order to barter with
the soldiers, and to bring in provisions, appear-
ed. All friendly correspondence seemed now
to be at an end, and it was expected every mo-
ment that hostilities would commence. This,
though an event that might have been foreseen,
occasioned a sudden consternation among the
Spaniards, which emboldened the adherents of
Velasquez not only to murmur and cabal against
their general, but to appoint one of their num-
ber to remonstrate openly against his impru-
dence in attempting the conquest of a mighty
empire with such inadequate force, and to urge
the necessity of returning to Cuba, in order to
refit the fleet and augment the army. Diego
de Ordaz, one of his principal officers, whom
the malecontents charged with this commis-
sion, delivered it with a soldierly freedom and
bluntness, assuring Cortes that he spoke the
sentiments of the whole army. He listened to
this remonstrance without any appearance of

^

mSTORT OF AlfERICA. 875

emotion, and as he well knew the temper and
wishes of his soldiers, and foresaw how they
would receive a proposition fatal at once to all ^^i^-
the splendid hopes and schemes whidi they
had been forming with such complacency, he
carried his dissimulation so far as to seem to
relinquish his own measures in compliance
with the request of Ordaz, and issued orders
that the army should be in readiness next day
to re-embark for Cuba. As soon as this was
known, the disappointed adventurers exclaim-
ed and threatened ; the emissaries of Cortes,
mingling with them, inflamed their rage ; the
ferment became general ; the whole camp was
almost in open mutiny -, all demanding with
eagerness to see their commander. Cortes
was not slow in appearing; when, with one
voice, officers and soldiers expressed their asto-
nishment and indignation at the orders which
they had received. It was unworthy, they
cried, of the Castilian courage, to be daunted
at the first aspect of danger, and infamous to
fly before any enemy appeared. For their
parts, they were determined not to relinquish
an enterprise that had hitherto been success-
ful, and which tended so visibly to spread the
knowledge of true religion, and to advance the
glory and interest of their country. Happy
under his command, they would follow him
with alacrity through every danger, in quest
of those settlements and treasures which he
VOL. ir. s

.274b JUSTORT ap AMERiCU.

liad flo long hdd out to their vidw $ bat if he
chose rather to xetum to Coba, and tattel^
m9. ;give: op all his hopes of distinction and opu-
lence to ka envious rivalj» they would instantly
choose another general to ccHiduct them in
that path of glory which he had not spirit to
.enter.

Cortes, delighted with their ardour, took
no offence at the boldness with which it was
uttered* The sentiments were what he him-
self had inspimd, and the warmth of expression
satisfied him that his followers had imbibed
them thoroughly* He affected, however, to
be surprised at what he heard, declaring that
his orders to prepare for embarking were issued
from a persuasion that this was agreeable to
his troops; that, from deference to what he
had been informed was their inoUnatioe, he
had sacrificed his own private opinion, which
was firmly bent on establishing immediatdy a
settlement on the sea-coast, and then on en-
deavouring to penetrate into the interior part
of the country ; that now he was convinced
of his error ; and as he perceived that they
were animated with the generous spirit which
breathed in every true Spai^iard, he would re-
sume, with fresh ardour, his original plan of
-operation, and doubted not to conduct themi
in the career of victory, to such independent
fortunes as their valour merited. Upon this

mSTOBY OP AMBKICA. gJS

d^aratian, shouts of applaine testified the ex-*
cess of their joy. The measure aeeined to be
taken with unanimous Cjonaent; such as se* i^ia
cretly condemned it being obliged to join in
the acclamations, partly to conceal their dis*
affection from their general, and partly to
avoid the imputation c^ cowardice fnom their
fellow-soldiers,*

Without allowing bis men time to cool or £<teUiib«

to reflect, Cortes set about carrying his des%n gIva go-

into execution. In order to gii^e a beginning

to a colony, he ^issemUied the principal per*

sons in bis army, and by their suffirage elected

a <x>uncil and magistrates, in whom the govern^K

ment was to be vested. As men naturally

transplant the institutions and &mm of the

mother«coufitry into tlmr new settlements^

this was framed upon the model of a Spanish

corporation. The magistrates were distio*

guisfaed by the same names and ensigns of

office^ and were to exercise a similar jumdic*

tioh. Ml the persons chosen were most^firmly

devoted to Cortes, and the instrument of their

Section was framed in the king's name, witht

out any mention of their dependence on Ve*

lasquez. The two principles of avarice and

^thusiasm, which prompted the Spaniards to

* B. Diaz, c. 40^ 41, 4^. Herrera, dec. £. lib. v. c. 6, 7.

276

HISTORY OF AMERICA.

1519.

all their enterprise in the New World, seem
to have concurred in suggesting the name
which Cortes bestowed on his infant settle-
ment. He called it, The rick tiwn qfthe true
Cross.*

Reagns
his com-
miKion,

The first meeting of the new council was
distinguished by a transaction of great mo-
ment. As soon as it assembled, Cortes applied
for leave to enter ; and approaching with many
marks of profound respect, which added dig-
nity to the tribunal, and set an example of
reverence for its authority, he began a long
harangue, in which, with much art, and in
terms extremely flattering to persons just en-
tering upon their new function, he observed,
that as the supreme jurisdiction over the colony
which they had planted was now vested in this
court, he considered them as clothed with the
authority, and representing the person of their
sovereign; that accordingly he would com-
municate to them what he deemed essential to
the public safety, with the same dutifiil fidelity
as if he were addressing his royal master } that
the security of a colony settled in a great em-
pire, whose sovereign had already discovered
his hostile intentions, depended upon arms,
and the efiicacy of these upon the subordina-

* Villa rica de la vera Cruz.

HISTORY OT AMERICA. 277

tion and discipline preserved among the troops ;
that his right to command was derived from a
commission granted by the governor of Cuba ; i^i^-
and as that had been long since revoked, the
lawfulness of his jurisdiction might well be
questioned ; that he might be thought to act
upon a defective, or even a dubious title ; nor
could they trust an army, which might dispute
the powers of its general at a juncture when
it ought implicitly to obey his orders ; that,
moved by these considerations, he now resign-
ed all his authority to them, that they, havii^
both right to choose, and power to confer full
jurisdiction, might appoint one, in the king's
name, to command the army in its future ope-
rations ; and as for his own part, such was bis
zeal for the service in which they were en-
gaged, that he would most cheerfully take up
a pike with the same hand that laid down the
general's truncheon, and convince his fellow-
soldiers, that though accustomed to command, .
he had not forgotten how to obey. Having
finished his discourse, he laid the commission
from Velasquez upon the table, and after kiss-
ing his truncheon, delivered it to the chief ma-^
gistrate, and withdrew.

The deliberations of the council were not andischo.

long, as Cortes had concerted this important Ju^ceimd

measure with his confidants, and had prepared «*^
the other members, with great address, for the

278 HISTOEY or AMJERICA.

BOOK part which he wished them to take. His re-
^p/.^^ aigoation was accepted j and as the uninter*-
1519. rupted tenour of their prosperity tinder his
conduct afforded the most satisfying evidence
of his abilities for command, they, by their
unanimous suffrage, dected him chiefs-justice
of the colony, and captain-general of its army,
and appointed his commission to be made out
in the king's name, with most ample powers,
which were to continue in force until the royal
pleasure should be farther known. That this
deed might not be deemed the machination of
a junto, the council called together the troops,
and acquainted them with what had been re-
solved. The soldiers, with eager applause, ra-
tified the choice which the council hacl made ;
the air resounded with the name of Cortes, and
all vowed to shed their blood in support of his
authority.

Anertshifl CoRT£s haviug now brought his intrigues to
^^^ur. *^® desired issue, and shaken off his mortifying
dependence on the governor of Cuba, accepted
of the commission which vested in him supreme
jurisdiction, civil as well as military, over the
colony, with many professions of respect to the
' council, and gratitude to the army. Together

with his new command, he assumed greater
dignity, and began to exercise more extensive
powers. Formerly he had felt himself to be
only the deputy of a subject j now he acted

HISTORY OF AMERICA. ^9

as the representative of his sovereign. The
adherents of Velasquez, fully aware of what
would be the effect of this change in the situa- 15'ia
tion of Cortes, could no longer continue silent
and passive spectators of his actions. They
exclaimed openly against the proceedings of
the council as illegal, and against those of the
army as mutinous. Cortes, instantly perceiv-
ing the necessity of giving a timely check to
such seditious discourse by some vigorous mea-
sure, arrested Ordaz, Escudero, and Velasquez
de Leon, the ringleaders of this faction, and
sent them prisoners aboard the fleet, loaded
with chains. Their dependants, astonished
and overawed, remained quiet ; and Cortes,
more desirous to reclaim than to punish his
prisoners, who were officers of great merit,
courted their friendship With such assiduity
and address, that the reconciliation was per-
fectly cordial ; and on the most trying occa-
sions, neither their connexion with the gover*
nor of Cuba, nor the memory of the indignity
with which they had been treated, tempted
thelm to swerve from an inviolable attachment
to his interest.* In this,^ as well as his other
negociations at this critical conjuncture, which
decided with respect to his future fame and

♦ B. Diaz, C.42, 43. Goroara, Cron. c. 30, 31. Her-
rera, dec. 2. lib. v. c. 7.

280 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

BOOK fortune, Cortes owed much of his success to

V.

v^^,^^ the Mexican gold, which he distributed with a
1519. liberal hand both among his friends and iiis
opponents,*

His friend- Cortes having thus rendered ilie union be-
ed b^tfae tween himself and his army indissoluble, by en-
^P*^' gaging it to join him in disclaiming any depen-
dence on the governor of Cuba, and in repeat-
ed acts of disobedience to his authority, thought
he might now venture to quit the camp in
which he had hitherto remained, and advance
into the country. To this he was encouraged
by an event no less fortunate than seasonable.
Some Indians having approached his camp in
a mysterious manner, were introduced into his
presence. He found that they were sent with
a proffer of friendship from the cazique of
Zempoalla, a considerable town at no great dis-
tance ; and from their answers to a variety of
questions which he put to them, according to
his usual practice in every interview with the
people of the country, he gathered, that their
master, though subject to the Mexican empire,
was impatient of the yoke, and filled with such
dread and hatred of Montezuma, that nothing
could be more acceptable to him than any pros-
pect of deliverance from the oppression under

* B. Diaz, c. 44.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. ftSl

which he groaned. On hearing this, a ray of
light and hope broke in upon the mind of Cortes.
He saw that the great empire which he intend- i^i»-
ed to attack was neither perfectly united, nor
its sovereign universally beloved. He conclud-
ed, that the causes of disaffection could not be
confined to one province, but that in other
comers there must be malecontents, so weary
of subjection, or so desirous of change, as to
be ready to follow the standard of any protec-
tor. Full of those ideas, on which he began
to form a scheme, that time, and more perfect
information concerning the state of the coun-
try enabled him to mature, he gave a most
gracious reception to the Zempoallans, and
promised soon to visit their cazique.*

In order to perform this promise, it ifras ^^2u
not necessary to vary the route which he had
already fixed for his march. Some officers,
whom he had employed to survey the coast,
having discovered a village named Quiabislan,
about forty miles to the northward, which,
both on account of the fertility of the soil and
commodiousness of the harbour, seemed to be
a more proper station for a settlement than
that where he was encamped, Cortes deter*
mined to remove thither. Zempoalla lay in

* B. Diaz, c. 41. Grnnara, Cron. c. 28.

fSA HISTORY OF AMERICA.

his way, where the cazique received him in
the manner which he had reason to expect —
1519. with gifls and caresses, like a man solicitous to
gain his good-will ; with respect approaching
almost to adoration, like one who looked up to
him as a deliverer. From him he learned many
particulars with respect to the character of
Mpntezuma, and the circupistances which ren-
dered his dominion odious. He was a tyrant,
as the cazique told him with tears, haughty,
cruel, and suspicious ; who treated his own
subjects with arrogance, ruined the conquered
provinces by excessive exactions, and oflen
tore their sons and daughters from them by
violence ; the former, to be offered as victims
to his gods i the latter, to be reserved as con-
cubines for himself or favourites. Cortes, in
reply to him, artfully insinuated, that one great
object of the Spaniards in visiting a country
so remote from their own, was to redress griev-
ances, and to reheve the* oppressed ; and hav-
ing encouraged him to hope for this interpo-
sition in due time, he continued his march to
Quiabislan.

Builds a The spot which his officers had recommend-

ed as a proper situation, appeared to him to be
so well chosen, that he immediately marked
out ground for a town. The houses to be
erected were only huts; but these were to
be surrounded with fortifications, of sufficient

fort.

V

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 289

strength to resist the assaults of an Indian book '
army. As the finishing of those fortifications ^j- *-^^
was essential to the existence of a colony, and wi«*
of no less impoitance in prosecuting the de«
signs which the leader and his followers medi*
tated, both in order to secure a place of retreat,
and to preserve their communication with the
sea, every man in the army, officers as well as
soldiers, put his hand to the work, Cortes hint-
self setting them an example of activity and
perseverance in labour. The Indians of Zem*
poalla and Quiabislan lent their aid ; and this
petty station, the parent of so many mighty
settlements, was soon in a state of defence.*

While engaged in this necessary work. Cor- condades
tes had several interviews with the caziques ila^wi^
of Zempoalla and Quiabislan; and availing ^|^^
himself of their wonder and astonishment at
the new objects which they daily beheld, he
gradually inspired them with such an high opi-
nion of the Spaniards, as beings of a superior
order, and irresistible in arms, that, relying on
their protection, they ventured to insult the
Mexican power, at the very name of which
they were accustomed to tremble. Some of
Montezuma's officers having appeared to levy

* B. Diaz, c. 45, 46. 48. Gomara, Cron. c* 32, 33. 37.
Henrcra, dec.^. lib. v. c. 8, 9.

S84 ^ aiSTORY Ot AMERICA.

the usual tribute, and to demand a. cem
number of human victims as an expiatioDi
M19* their guilt in presuming to hold intercoura
with those strangers whom the Emperor k
commanded to leave his dominions, instead of
obeying the order, the caziques made them pii
soners, treated them with great indignity ^d
as their superstition was no less barbarous than
that of the Mexicans, they prepared to sacri-
fice them to their gods. From this last danger
they were delivered by the interposition of
Cortes, who manifested the utmost horror at
the mention of such a deed. The two caziques
having now been pushed to an act of such open
rebellion, as left them no hope of safety \>\it in
attaching themselves inviolably to the Spa-
niards, they soon completed their uniofH with
them, by formally acknowledging themselves
to be yassals of the same monarch. Their ex-
ample was followed by the Totonaques, a fierce
people who inhabited the mountainous part of
the country. They willingly subjected them-
selves to the crown of Castile, and oflfered to
accompany Cortes, with all their {otk^j in his
march towards Mexico.*

Cortes had now been above three months
in New Spain ; and though this period had not

* B. DiaZ) c. 47. Gomara, Cron. Sd> 36. Herrera, dec.
2. lib. v.c. 9,10, 11.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 285

b^n distinguished by martial exploits, every
moment had been employed in operations,
which, though less splendid, were more impor-
tant. By his address in conducting his in-
trigues with his own army, as well as his saga-
city in carrying on his negociations with the na^ ^^^^^^
tives, he had already laid the foundations of his by <ie
future success. But whatever confidence he
might place in the plan which he had formed,
he could not but perceive, that as his title to
command was derived from a doubtful autho-
rity, he held it by a precarious tenure. The
injuries which Velasquez had received, were
such as would naturally prompt him to apply
for redress to their common sovereign j and
such a representation, he foresaw, might be
given of his conduct, that he had reason to
apprehend, not only that he might be degrad-
ed from his present rank, but subjected to pu-
nishment. Before he began his march, it was
necessary to take the most effectual precautions
against this impending danger. With this
view he persuaded the magistrates of the* colo-
ny at Vera Cruz to address a letter to the
King, the chief object of which was to justify
their own conduct in establishing a colony in-
dependent on the jurisdiction of Velasquez.
In order to accomplish this, they endeavoured
to detract from his merit in fitting out the
two former armaments under Cordova and
Grijalya, affirming that these had been equip-

386 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

BOOK ped by the adventurers who engaged in the
expeditions, and not by the governor. They

1519. contended that the sole object of Velasquez
was to trade or barter with the natives, not to
attempt the conquest of New Spain, orto settle
a colony there. They asserted that Cortes, and
the officers who served under him, had defray-^-
ed the greater part of the expense in fitting out
the armament. On this account, they humbly
requested their sovereign to ratify what they
had done in his name^ and to confirm Cortes
in the supreme command by his royal commit*
sion. That Charles might be induced to grant
more readily what they demanded, they gave
him a pompous description of the couotiy
which they bad discovered ; of its riches, the
number of its inhabitants, their dvilization and
arts ; they related the progress which they had
already made, in annexing some parts of the
country situated on the sea-coast to the crown
of Castile ; and mentioned the schemes which
they had formed, as well as the hopes which
they entertained, of reducing the whole to sub<-
jection.* Cortes himself wrote in a similar

* In thig letter it is asserted, that though a considerable
number of Spani^ds had been wounded in their various
eneounters with the people of Tabasco, not one of them
died, and all had recovered in a very short time. This
seems to confirm what I observe in p. 297. concerning the
imperfection of the offensive weapons used by the Ameri-

iflSTORT OF AMERICA. ^7

Mrain ; and as he knew that the Spanish cour^
accustomed to the exaggerated representations
of every new country by its discoverers, would i«i»-
give little credit to their splendid accounts of
New Spain, if these were not accompanied
with such a specimen of what it contained as
would excke an high idea of its opulence, he
solicited his soldiers to relinquish what they
might claim as their part of the treasures which
iiad hitherto been collected, in order that the
whole might be sent to the King. Such was
the ascendant which he had acquired over their
minds, and such their own romantic expecta*
tions of fiiture wealth, that an army of indigent
and rapacious adventurers was capable of this
generous eiSRirt, and offered to their sovereign
the richest present that had hitherto been trans**
mitted from the New World.* Portocarrero and
Montejo, the chief magistrates of the colony^
were appointed to carry this present to Castile,

oaniB. la tkis letter^ the human tacrifices offered by the
Mexicans to their deities are described minutely, and with
great horror ; some of the Spaniards, it is said, had been
eye-witnesses of those barbarous rites. To the letter is
subjoined a catalogue and description of the presents sent
to the Emperor. That publisked by Gomara, Cron. c. 29.
•eema to have been copied from it. Pet. Martyr describes
many of the articles in his treatise * De Insulis nuper inven-
til/ p. 854, &c.
* See Note LXXVII. Page 4ia.

288 HISTORt OF AMERICA.

BOOK ^ith express orders not to touch at Cuba in
\^»yi^,# their passage thither.*

1519.

A«oiu|unu While a vessel was preparing for their de-
Vu^^ parture, an unexpected event occasioned a
general alarm. Some soldiers and sailors, se-
cretly attached to Velasquez, or intimidated
at the prospect of the dangers unavoidable iu
attempting to penetrate into the heart of a
great empire with such unequal force, formed
the design of seizing one of the brigantines»
and making their escape to Cuba, in order to
give the governor such intelligence as might
enable him to intercept the ship which was to
carry the treasure and despatches to Spain.
This conspiracy, though formed by persons of
low rank, was conducted with profound secre-
cy ; but at the moment when every thing was
ready for execution, ihey were betrayed by one
of their associates.

Hedestroys Though the good fortuuc of Cortcs inter-
posed so seasonably on this occasion, the de-
tection of this conspiracy filled his mind with
most disquieting apprehensions, and prompted
him to execute a scheme which he had long
revolved. He perceived that the spirit of dis-
affection still lurked among his troops ; that

* B. Diaz, c. 54. Gomara, Cron. c. 40.

mSTOHY OF AMERICA. 289

thougb hitberto checked by the uniform suc-
cess of his schemes, or suppressed by the hand
of authority, various events might occur which ^^^^•
would encourage and call it forth. He ob-
served, that many of his men, weary of the
fatigue of service, longed to revisit their settle-
ments in Cuba; and that upon any appear-
ance of extraordinary danger, or any reverse
of fortune^ it would be impossible to restrain
them from returning thither. He was sensible
that his forces, already too feeble, could bear
no diminution, and that a very small defection
of his followers would oblige him to abandon
the enterprise. After ruminating often, and
•with much solicitude, upon those particulars,
he saw no hope of success but in cutting off
all possibility of retreat, and in reducing his
men to the necessity of adopting the same
resolution with which he himself was animat-
ed, either to conquer or to perish. With this
view, he determined to destroy his fleet ; but
as he durst not venture to execute such a bold
resolution by his single authority, he laboured
to bring his soldiers to adopt his ideas with re-
spect to the propriety of this measure. His
address in accomplishing this was not inferior
to the arduous occasion in which it was em-
ployed. He persuaded some, that the ships
had suffered so much by having been long at
sea, as to be altogether unfit for service ; to
others he pointed out what a seasonable rein-

VOL. II. T

ago HISTORY OF AM£RiCAv

300K forcevient of strength they would derive from
}^f0^\^^^ the junction of an hundred men, now unpro-
>5i9* fitdbly employed as sailors ; and to all he re-
presented the necessity of fixing their eyes and
wishes upon what was before them, without
allowing the idea of a retreat once to f nter
their thoughts. With universal consent the
shipi^ were drawn ashore, and after stripping
them of their sails, rigging, irou works, and
whatever else might be of use, they were broke
in pieces. Thus, from an effort of magnanir
mity to which there is nothing parallel in his-
tory, five hundred men voluntarily consented
to be shut up in a hostile country, filled with
powerful and unknown nations ; and havipg
precluded every means of escape, left them?
selves without any resource but their own va-
lour and perseverance.*

Nothing now retarded Cortes j the alacrity
of his troops and the disposition of his allies
were equally favourable. All the advantages^
however, derived from the latter, though prpr
cured by much assiduity and address, were
well nigh lost in a moment, by an indiscreet
sally of religious zeal, which, on ipany occa^
sions, precipitated Cortes into actiotas incon-

* Relat. di Cort^ ; Ramus, iii. 225. B. Diaz, c. 57, 58'
Herrera, dec. 2. lib. t. c. 1*.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. S9l

sistent with the prudence that distinguishes
his character. Though hitherto he had nei-
ther time nor opportunity to explain to the '^i^*
natives the errors of their own superstition, or
to instruct them in the principles of the Chris-
tian faith, he commanded his soldiers to over-
turn the altars and to destroy the idols in the
chief temple of Zempoalla, and in their place
to erect a crucifix and an image of the Virgin
Mary. The people beheld this with astonish-
ment and horror ; the priests excited them to
arms j but such was the authority of Cortes,
and so great the ascendant which the Spaniards
had acquired, that the commotion was appeas-
ed without bloodshed, and concord perfectly
re-established.*

Cortes began his march from Zempoalla Advaiicc*
on the sixteenth of August, with five hundred ^nti^.
men, fifteen horse, and six field-pieces. The
rest of his troops, consisting chiefly of such as
from age or infirmity were less fit for active
service, he left as a garrison in Villa Rica,
under the command of Escalante, an officer of
merit, and warmly attached to his interest.
The cazique of Zempoalla supplied him with
provisions, and with two hundred of those
Indians called Tamemes, whose office, in a

* B. Diaz, c. 41, 42, Herrera, dec 2, Mb, v. c. 3r 4.

292 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

TOuhtrj where tame animals were unknownv
was to carry burdens^ and to perform all ser-
1519. vile labour. They were a great relief to the
Spanish soldiers, who hitherto had been obliged
not only to carry their own baggage, but to
drag along the artillery by main force. He offer-
ed likewise a considerable body of his troops,
but Cortes was satisfied with four hundred ;
taking caxe^ however, to choose persons of
^uch note as might prove hostages for the
fidelity of their master. Nothing memorable
happened in his progress, imtil he arrived on
the confines of Tlascala. The inhabitants of
that province, a warlike people, were implac-
able enemies of the Mexicans, and had bees
united in an ancient alliance with the caziques
of Zempoalla. Though less civilized than the
subjects of Montezuma, they were advanced
in improvement far beyond the rude nations of
America, whose manners we have described.
They had made considerable progress in agri-
culture ; th«y dwelt in large towns ; they were
pot strangers to some species of commerce ;
and in the imperfect accounts of their institu-
tions and laws, transmitted to us by the early
Spanish writers, we discern traces both of dis-
tributive justice and of criminal juri3diction in
their interior police. But still, as the degree
of their civilization was incomplete, and as
they depended for subsistence, not on agricul-
ture alone, but trusted for it in a great mea-

1519.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. ^93

sure to hunting, they retained many of the
qualities natural to men in this state. Like
them, they were fierce and revengeful ; like
them, too, they were high-spirited and inde-
pendent. In consequence of the former, they
were involved in perpetual hostilities, and had
but a slender and 'Occasional intercourse with
neighbouring states. The latter inspired them
with such detestation of servitude, that they
not only refused to stoop to a foreign yoke,
and maintained an obstinate and successful
contest in defence of their liberty against the
superior power of the Mexican empire, but
they guarded with equal solicitude against do-
mestic tyranny ; and disdaining to acknow-
iedge any master, they lived under the mild
and limited jurisdiction of a council elected by
their several tribes.

Cortes, though he had received information ^*^X
concerning the martial character of this people, Tiasoaians.
flattered himself that his professions of deliver-
ing the oppressed from the tyranny of Monte-
zuma, their inveterate enmity to the Mexicans,
and the example of their ancient allies the
Zempoallans, might induce the Tlasealans to
grant him a friendly reception. In order to
dispose them to this, four Zempoallans of great
eminence were sent ambassadors, to request, in
his name, and in that of their cazique, that
they would permit the Spaniards to pass through

^94 HiSTOEY OF AM£RI€A«

%he territories of the republic, in their way to
Mexico, But instead of the favourable answer
1519. which was expected, the Tlascalans seized the
ambassadors^ and without any regard to their
public character, made preparations {(xc sacri-
ficing them to their gods. At the same time^
they assembled their troops, in order to oppose
those unknown invaders, if they should attempt
to make their passage good by force of arms.
Various motives concurred in precipitating the
Tlascalans into this resolution. A fierce people^
shut up within its own narrow precincts, and
little accustomed to any intercourse with fo*
reigners, is apt to consider every stranger as
an enemy, and is easily excited to arms. They
concluded, from Cortes'* proposal of visiting
Montezuma in his capital, that, notwithstand-
ing all his professions, he courted the friend-
ship of a monarch whom they both hated and
feared. The imprudent zeal of Cortes in vio-
lating the temples in Zempoalla, filled the
Tlascalans with horror j and as they were no
less attached to their superstition than the
other nations of New Spain, they were impa-
tient to avenge their injured gods, and to ac-
quire the merit of offering up to them, as vic-
tims, those impious men who had dared to
prcrfane their altars : they contemned the small
number of the Spaniards, as they had not yet
measured their own strength with that of these
new enemies, and had no idea of the superi-

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 295

Y»rity which they derived from their arms and
discipline.

1519.

CoRTES) after waiting some days, in vain, Aug. 5a
for the return of his ambassadors, advanced h.^^^
into the Tlascalan territories. As the resolch
tions of people who delight in war are execut*
ed With no less promptitude than they are
formed, he found troops in the field ready to
oppose hfin. They attacked him with great
intrepidity, and, in the first encounter, wound-
ed some of the Spaniards, and killed two
horses 4 a los$, in their situation, of great mo-
ment, because it was irreparable. From this
specimen *•£ their courage, Cortes saw the ne-
cessity of proceeding with caution. His army
marched in close order ^ he chose the stations
where be halted, with attention, and fortified
every camp with extraordinary care. During
fourteen days he was exposed to almost unin-
terrupted assaults, the Hascalans advancing
with numerous armies, and renewing the attack
in various forms, with a degree of valour and
perseverance to which the Spaniards had seen
nothing parallel in the New World. The
Spanish historians describe those successive
battles with great pomp, and enter into a mi-
nute detail of particulars, mingling many ex-
s^gerated and incredible circumstances * with

* See Note LXXVIIL Page 418.

296

HISTORY OF AMERICA-

1519.

such as are real and marvellous. But no power
of words can render the recital of a combat in-
teresting, where there is no equality of danger ;
and when the narrative closes with an account
of thousands slain on the one side, while not a
single person falls on the other, the most la*
boured descriptions of the previous disposition
of the troops, or of the various vicissitudes in
the engagement, command no atteption.

Some sin-
gvilar cir-
cumstances
in it.

There are some circumstances, however, in
this war, which are memorable, and merit no*
tice, as they throw light upon the character
both of the people of New Spain, and of their
conquerors. Though the Tiascalaw brought
into the field such numerous armies as appear
sufficient to have overwhelmed the Spaniards,
they were never able to make any impression
upon their small battalion. Singular as this
may seem, it is not inexplicable. The Tlas-
calans, though addicted to war, were, like all
unpolished nations, strangers to military order
and discipline, and lost in a great measure
the advantage which they might have derived
from their numbers, and the impetuosity of
their attack, by their constant solicitude to
carry off the dead and wounded. This point
of honour, founded on a sentiment of tender-
ness natural to the human mind, and strength-
ened by anxiety to preserve the bodies of their

HISTORY or AMERICA. 297

countrymen from being devoured by their ene-
mies, was universal among the people of New
Spain. Attention to this pious office occupied ?^^^'
them even during the heat of combat,* broke
their union, and diminished the force of the
impression which they might have made by a
joint efibrt

Not only was their superiority in number ol
little avail, but the imperfection of their mill-
tary weapons rendered their valour in a great
measure inofiensive. After three battles, and
many skirmishes and assaults, not one Spaniard
was killed in the field. Arrows and spears,
headed with ilint or the bones of fishes, stakes
hardened in the fire, and wooden swords,
though destructive weapons among naked In-
dians, were easily turned. aside by the Spanish
bucklers, and could hardly penetrate the e^-
caupikSf or quilted jackets, which the soldiers
wore. The Tlascalans advanced boldly to the
charge, and often fought hand to hand. Many
of the Spaniards were wounded, though all
slightly, which cannot be imputed to any want
of courage or strength in their enemies, but to
the defect of the arms with which they assailed
them.

* B. Diaz, c. 65.

i^98 HisTORr or aacoiica.

Notwithstanding the fury with which the
Tlascalans attacked the Spaniards, they seemed
1519. to have conducted their hostih'ties with some
degree of barbarous generosity. They gave the
Spaniards warning of their hostile intentions,
and as they knew that their invaders wanted
provisions, and imagined, perhaps, like the
other Americans, that they had left their own
country because it did not afford them subsist-
ence, they sent to their camp a large supply
of poultry and maize, desiring them to eat
plentifully, because they scorned to attack an
enemy enfeebled by hunger ; and it would be
an affront to their gods to offer them famished
victims, as well as disagreeable to themselves
to feed on such emaciated prey.*

When they were taught by the first encoun-
ter with their new enemies, tliat it was not easy
to execute this threat ; when they perceived,
in the subsequent engagements, that notwith*
standing all the efibrts of their own valour, of
which they had a very high opinion, not one of
the Spaniards was slain or taken, they began to
conceive them to be a superior order of beings,
against whom human power could not avail.
In this extremity they had recourse to their
priests, requiring them to reveal the mysterious

* Herrera, dec. 2. lib. vi. c. 6. Gomara, Croii. c. 47>

HISTORY or AMERICA. 399,

cftuses of «uch extraordinary eveots, and to de«
dare what new means they should employ in or-
der to repulse those formidable invaders. The 1^19.
priests, after many sacrifices and incantations,
delivered this response :«— That these strangers
were the offspring of the sun, procreated by his
animating energy in the regions of the east ;
that, by day,^ -while cherished with the influence
of his parental beams, they were invincible ;
but by night, when his reviving heat was with-
drawn, their vigour declined and faded like the
herbs in the field, and they dwindled down iU'-
to mortal men.* Theories less plausible have
gained credit with more enlightened nations,
and have influenced their conduct. In conse-
quence of this, the Tlascalans, with the implicit
confldence of men who fancy themselves to be
under the guidance of Heaven, acted in con-
tradiction to one of their most established
maxims in war, and ventured to attack the
enemy with a strong body in the night-time,
in hopes of destroying them when enfeebled
and surprised. But Cortes had greater vigi-
lance and discernment than to be deceived by
the rude stratagems of an Indian army. The
sentinels at his out-posts, observing some ex-
traordinary movement among the Tlascalans,

♦ B. Diaz, c. 66.

300 HISTORY OF AMERICA,

gave the. alarm. In a moment the troops were
under arms, and sallying out, dispersed the
15J9. party with great slaughter, without allowing it
to approach the camp. The Tlascalans, con-
vinced by sad experience that their priests had
deluded them, and satisfied that they attempt-
ed in vain, either to deceive or to vanquish
their enemies, their fierceness abated, and they
began to incline seriously to peace.

The TW They were at a loss, however, in what raan-
poMd to ner to address the strangers, what idea to form
^**^ of their character, and whether to consider
them as beings of a gentle or of a malevolent
nature. There were circumstances in their
conduct which seemed to favour each opinion.
On the one hand, as the Spaniards constantly
dismissed the prisoners whom they took, not
only without injury, but oflen with presents of
European toys, and renewed their offers of
peace after every victory ; this lenity amazed,
people, who, according to the exterminating
system of war known in America, were accus-
tomed to sacrifice and devour without mercy
all the captives taken in battle, and disposed
them to entertain favourable sentiments of the
humanity of their new enemies. But, on the
other hand, as Cortes had seized fifty of their
countrymen who brought provisions to his
camp, and, supposing them to be spies, had cut

AISTORY OF AMERICA. 301

off their hands ;* this bloody spectacle, added
to the terror occasioned by the fire-arms and
horses, filled them with dreadful impressions of *^^^-
the ferocity of their invaders.t This uncer-
tainty was apparent in the mode of addressing
the Spaniards. " If," said they, " you are
divinities of a cruel and savage nature, we pre-
sent to you five slaves, that you may, drink their
blood and eat their flesh. If you are mild
deities, accept an' offering of incense and varie-
gated plumes. If you are men, here is meat,
and bread, and fruit, to nourish you.*'1: The
peace, which both parties now desired with
equal ardour, was soon concluded. The Tlas- concluded.
calans yielded themselves as vassals to the
crown of Castile, and engaged to assist Cortes
in all his future operations. He toek the re-
public under his protection, and promised to
defend their persons and possessions from in-
jury or violence*

This treaty was concluded at a seasonable Adv»ntag«

*' of it to the

juncture for the Spaniards. The fatigue of ser- Spaniards.
vice among a small body of men, surrounded
by such a multitude of enemies, was incredible.

* Cortes, Relat.; Ramus, ili. 228. C. Gomara, Cron. c.48.
t See Note LXXIX. Page 420.
% B. Diaz, c. 70. Gomara, Cron. c. 47. Herrera, dec. 2.
lib. vi. c. 7.

902 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

Half the army was on duty every night, and
even they whose turn it was to rest, slept always
1519. iipon their arms, that they might be ready to
run to their posts on a moment's warning.
Many of them were wounded ; a good number,
and among these Cortes himself, laboured un-
der the distempers prevalent in hot climates^
and several Had died since they set out from
Vera Cruz. Notwithstanding the supplies
which they received from the Tlascalans, they
were often in want of provisions, and so desti-
tute of the necessaries most requisite in dan^
gerous service, that they had no salve to dress
their wounds, but. what was composed with the
fat of the Indians whom they had slain.*
Worn out with such intolerable toil and bard-
ships, many of the soldiers began to mtirmur,
and, when they reflected on the multitude and
boldness of their enemies, more were ready to
despair. It required the utmost exertion of
Cortes*s authority and address to check this
spirit of despondency in its progress, and to re-
animate his followers with their wonted sense
of their own superiority over the enemies with
whom they bad to contend.t The submission
of the Tlascalans, and their own triumphant

* B. Diaz, c. 62. 65.

t Cortefi, Relat. ; Ramus, iii. 229. B. Diaz^ c. 69. Go*
mara, Cron. c. 51.

HISTORY or A1IERICA4 308

(BDtry into the capital city, where they were re« 90ok
ceived with the xeverence paid to beings of a y ^^^^
superior order, banished, at once, from the 1^19.
minds of the Spaniards, all memory of past suf-
ferings, dispelled every anxious thought with
respect to their future operations, and fully sa-
tisfied them that there was not now any power
in America able to withstand their arms.*

Cortes remained twenty days in Tlascala, in Cortessou.
order to allow his troops a short interval of re« ^thdr
pose after such hard service. During that time *^^**"^5
he was employed in transactions and inquiries
of great moment with respect to his future
schemes. In his daily conferences with the
Tlascalan chiefs, he received information con-
cerning every particular relative to the state of
the Mexican empire, or to the qualities of its
sovereign, which could be of^ use in regulating
his conduct, whether he should be obliged to
act as a friend or as an enemy. As he found
that the antipathy of his new allies to the Mexi-
can nation was no less. implacable than had
been represented, and perceived what benefit
he might derive from the aid of such powerful
confederates, he employed all his powers of in«^
sinuation in order to gain their confidence.
Nor was any extraordinary exertion of these

* Cortes, Relat. ; Ramus, iii.230. B. Diaz, c. 72.

46

304 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

necessary. The Tlascakinfs, with the levity of
mind natural to unpolished men, were, of their
r5i9. own accord, disposed to run from the extreme
of hatred to that of fondness. Every thing in
the appearance and conduct of their guests was
to them matter of wonder.* They gazed with
admiration at whatever the Spaniards did, and
fancying them to be of heavenly origin, were
eager not only to comply with their demands,
but to anticipate their wishes. They offered,
accordingly, to accompany Cortes in his march
to Mexico, with all the forces of the republic,
under the command of their most experienced
captains.

which he But, after bestowing so much pains on ce-
lortbyhb menting this union, all the beneficial fruits of
it were on the point of being lost, by a new
efiusion of that intemperate religious zeal with
which Cortes was animated, no less than the
other adventurers of the age. They all consi"
dered themselves^ as instruments employed by
Heaven to propagate the Christian faid), and
the less they were qualified, either by their
knowledge or morals, for such a function,
Aey were more eager to discharge it. The
profound veneration of the Tlascdans for the
Spaniards, having encouraged Cortes to explain

* See Note LXXX. Page 421.

rash zeal.

HISTORY or AMERICA. SQS

to some of their' chiefs the doctrines of the
Christian religion, and to insist that they should
abandon their own superstitions, and embrace ^s\9,
the faith of their new iriends, they, according
to an idea universal among barbarous nations^
readily acknowledged the truth and excellence
of what he taught ; but contended, that the
Teule& of TIascala were divinities no less than
the God in whom the Spaniards believed ; and
as that Being was entitled to the homage of
Europeans, so they were bound to revere the
same powers which their ancestors had wor-
shipped^ Cortes continued, nevertheless, to
urge his demand in a tone of authority, ming-
ling threats with his arguments, until the Tlas-
calans could bear it no lonfger, and conjured
him never to mention this again, lest the gods
^should avenge on their heads the guilt of hav-
ing listened to suieh a proposition. Cortes^ as-
tonished and enraged at their obstinacy, pre-
pared to execute by force what he could not
accomplish by persuasion, and was going to
overturn their altars, and cast down their idols
with the same violent hand as at Zempoalla, if
Father Bartholomew de Olmedo, chaplain to
the expedition, had not checked his inconside-
rate impetuosity* He represented the impru-
dence of suoh an attempt in a large city newly
reconciled, and filled with people no less super-
stitious than warlike; he declared, that the
proceeding at Zempoalla had always appeared

VOL. II. u

306 HISTORY OF AJIEERICA.

to bim precipitate and unjust; that religioii
was not to be prj^gated by the swords or in-
1^19- iidels to be converted by violence ; that o^er
weapoos.were to be employed in this ministry;
patient instruction must enlighten the under-
standing, and pious e^tample captivate the
heart, before men could be induced to aban^
don eritor, and embrace the truths* Amidst
scenes, where a narrow-minded bigotry ap-
pears in such close uni^i with oppression and
cruelty^ saitiments so liberal and humane
soothe tihe mind with unexpected pleastire ;
and at a time when the rights of conscience
were little understood in the Christian worlds
and the idea of toleration uiiktiown» one i» as-
tonished to find a Spanish monk of the six*
teenth ceirtury amopg the first fuivQcates against
persecution, and in^ behalf of religious liberty.
The remonstrances of an ecclesiastic no Jesfi^
respectable for wisdom than virtue had their
proper weight with Cortes. He left the Tlas-
<!alans in the undisturbed exercise <^ their owa
rites, requiring only that they should desist
from their horrid practice of ofiering human
victims in sacrifice.

AdTanccs CoRTES, as soou as his troops were fit for

to Cholula. . ■ . ■ ^

service, resolved to continue his march towards

* B. Diaz, c, 77. p. 54?. c. 83. p. 61-

mSTOBY OF AMERICA. QffJ

Mexico, notwitfastaiicfiog the earnest dmva^
sfves of the Tlascalans, who represented bis
destruction as nnavoidable^ if he put himseif )5i9.
in the power of a prince so faithless and cruel
as Montezuma. As he was accompanied by
six thousand Tlascalans, he had now the com-
mand of forces which resembled a regular
army. They directed their course towards Oct 13.
Cholula ; Monteeuma, who had at length con-
sented to admit the Spaniards into his pre*
sence, having informed Cortes^ that he had
given orders for bis friendly reception there*
Cholula was a considerable towii> and though
only five leagues distant from Tlascala, was
formerly an independent state, but had been
lately subjected to the Mexican empire. This
was considered by all the people of New Spain,
as a holy place, the sanctuary and chief seat of
their gods, to which pilgrims resorted from
every province, and a greater number of hu-
man victims were Offered in its principal tem-
ple than even in that of Mexico** Montezuma
teems to have invited the Spaniards thither,
either from some superstitious hope that the*
gods would not suffer this sacred mansion to
be defiled, without pouring down their wrath
upon those impious strangers, who ventured to

* Torquemada, Monar. lad. 1. 2S1, 282. ii. 291. Go-
m^ra, Cron# c. 61. Henrera, dec. 2. lib. vii. c. 2.

308

HISTORY or AMERICA.

1519.

insult their power in the place of its peculiar
residence; or from a belief that he himself
might there attempt to cut them off with more
certain suecess, under thie immediate protecr
tion of his divinities.

TTie seve-
rity of his
proceduw
there.

Cortes bad been warned^ by the TIascalans,;
before he set out on his march, to keep a
watchful eye over the Cholulans. He himself,
though received into the town with much
seeming respect and cordiality, observed se-
veral circumstances in their conduct which ex-
cited suspicion. Two of the Tlascalans, who
were encamped at some dbtanee from the
towii, as the Cholulans refused to admit their
ancient enemies within its precincts, having
found means to enter in disguise, acquainted
Cortes, that they observed the women and
children of the principal citizens retiring in
great hurry every night ; and that six children
had been saicrificed in the chief templcj a rite
which indicated the execution of some warlike
enterprise to be approaching. At the same
time, Marina the interpreter received infor-
mation from an Indian woman of distinction,
whose confidence she had gained, that the de-
struction of her friends was concerted ; that
a body of Mexican troops lay concealed near
the town ; that some of the streets were bar-
ricaded, and in others, pits or deep trenches
were dug, and slightly covered over, as traps

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 309

into whidh th6 horses might fall ; that stones
or missive weapons were collected on the tops
of the temples, with which to overwhelm the i^^^-
infantry ; that the fatal hour was now at hand,
and their ruin unavoidable. Cortes, alarmed
at this concurring evidence, secretly arrested
three of the chief priests, and extorted from
them a confession that confirmed the intelli-
gence which he had received. As not a mo-
ment was to be lost, he instantly resolved to
prevent his enemies, and to inflict on them
such dreadful vengeance as might strike Mon-
tezuma and his subjects with terror. For this
purpose, the Spaniards and Zempoallans were
drawn up in a large court, which had been
allotted for their quarters, near the centre of
the town ; the Tlascalans had orders to ad-
vance^ the magistrates, and several of the
chief citizens were sent for, under various pre-
texts, and seized. On a signal given, the
troops rushed out, and fell upon the multitude,
destitute of leaders, and so much astonished,
that the weapons dropping from their hands,
they stood motionless, and incapable of de-
fence. While the Spaniards pressed them in
front, the Tlascalans attacked them in the rear.
The streets were filled with bloodshed and
death. The temples, which afforded a retreat
to the priests and seme of the leading men,
were set on fire, and they perished in the
flames. This scene of horror continued two

310

HISTORY OF AMERICA..

1519.

days ; during which the wretched inhabitant*
suffered all that the destructive rage of the
Spaniards, of the implacable revenge of their
Indian allies, could inflict. At length the car-
nage ceased, after the slaughter of six thou^
sand Cholulans^ without the loss of a sin^e
Spaniard* Cortes then released the magiSi-
trates, and reproaching them bitterly for their
intended treachery, declared, that as justice
was now appeased, he forgave the ofience, but
required them to recal the citizens, who had
fled, and re-establish order in the town. Sudi
was the ascendant which the Spaniards had
acquired over ihisi superstitious, race of m^n,
and so deeply were they impressed with an
opinion of their superior discernment, as welt
as power, that, in obedienee to this commaiM},
the city was in a few days filled again witli
people, who, atnidst the ruins of their sacred
buildings, yielded respectful service to men
whose hands were stained with the blood of
their relations adod fellQW-citi^ens.'^

Oct. 29. Fmm Cholula^ Cortes advanced directly to*^

Advances in*-. i • i i -i

towards wards Mexico, which was omy twenty leagues
distant. In every fdace thofough; wl^cb he

Mexico.

* Cortes, Relat. Riamus. iii. 231. B; Diaz, c. 8S. Go-
mara, Cron. c. 64. Herrera^ dec. 2. lib. vii. c. 1, 2. See
NoteLXXXI. Paj^4i2X.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. SH

passed, be was recdved as a person possessed book
of sufficient power to deliver the empire irom ^p^^l^»^
tbe oppression under which it groaned; and i^is*
the caziques or governors communicated to
him all the grievances which they felt under
tbe tyrannical government of Montezuma,
with th^ unreserved confidence which men
naturaUy repose in superior, beings. When
Cortes first observed l3ie seeds of discontent in
the remote provinces of the empire, hope
dawned upon bis mind ; but when he now dds*
covered such symptoms of alienation fixym
their monarch near the seat of government, he
concluded that the vital parts of tbe constitu* '
tion were afiected, and conceived the most
sanguine expectations of overturning a state,
wbose natural strength was thus divided and
knpaired. While those reflections encouraged
the general to persist in his arduous uncbertak-
iaagv the soldiers were no letis animated by ob*
servations more obviow to their edacity.. Iiai
descending from iJie mountains c^ Chalco^
across which the road lay, the vast plain of
Mexico opened graduaUy to their view. When Km view
they first behdd this prospect, one of the most
striking and beautiful on the face of the earth ;
when they observed fertile and cultivated fields,
stretching farther than the eye could reach ;
when they saw a lake resembling the sea in ex-
tent, encompassed with large towns, and dis-
covered the capital city rising upon an island

31ft

HISTORY OF AMERICA.

1519.

in the middle, adorned with its temples and
turrets ; the scene so far exceeded their ima-
giqatioa, that some believed the fanciful de-
scriptions of romance were realized, and that
Its enchanted palaces and gilded domes were
presented to their sight ; others could hardly
pexsiiade themselves that this wonderful spec-
tacle was any thing more than a dream.* As
they advanced, their doubts were removed, but
their amazement increased. They were now
fully satisfied that the country was rich beyond
any conception which they had formed of it,
and flattered themselves that at length they
should obtain an ample recompense for all their
services and sufferings.

Theirre-
solutioii of
Montezo^

Hitherto they had met with no enemy to
oppose their progress, though several circum-
stances occurred which led them to suspect
that some design Was formed to surprise and
cut them off. Many messengers arrived auc-
cessively from Montezuma, permitting them
one day to advance, requiring them on the
next to retire, as his hopes or fears alternately
prevailed ; and so wonderful was this infatua^
tion^ which seems to be unaccountable on any
supposition but that of a superstitious dread <rf
the Spaniards, as beings of a superior nature^

* See Note LXXXII. Page 422.

mSTORT OF AMERICA. 313

ikat Cortes was almost at the gates of the capi-
tal, before the monarch bad determined whe-
ther to receive him as a friend, or to oppose 1519.
him as an enemy. But as no sign of open
hostility appeared, the Spaniards, without re-
garding the fluctuations of Montezuma's senti-*
ments, continued their march along the cause-
way which led to Mexico through the lake,
with great circumspection and the strictest dis-
cipline, though without seeming to suspect the
prince whom they were about to visit.

When they drew near the city, about a titou- his fint
sand persons, who appeared to be of distinction, ^^^^
came forth to meet them, adorned with plumes, spanwrfi.
and clad in mantles of fine cotton. Each of
these, in his order, passed by Cortes, and salut-
ed him according to the mode deemed most '
respectful and submissive in their country^
They announced the approach of Montezuma
himself, and soon after his harbingers came in
sight. There appieared first two hundred per#
^ns in ai\ uniform dress, with large plumes of
feathers, alike in fashion, marching two and
two, in deep silence, bare-footed, with their
eyes fixed on the ground. These were follow-
ed by a company of higher rank, in their most
showy apparel, in the midst of whom was Mon-
tezuma, in a chair or litter richly ornamented
with gold, and feathers of various colours.
Tour of his principal favourites carried him on

3H, HISTORY OF AMERICA.

BOOK their shoulders, others supported a canopy of
^ljt/^l/ carious workmanslup over his head. Before
Ui9- bim marched three officers with rods of gold in
their hands, which they lifted up on high at
certain intervals, and at that signal all the
people bowed their heads, and hid their faces^
as unworthy to look on so great a monarch.
When he drew near, Cortes dismounted, ad*
vancing towards him with officious haste, and
in a respectful posture. At the same time
Montezuma alighted from his chair, and lean«*
ing on the arms of two of his near relations,
approached with a slow and stately pace, .his
attendants covering the street with cotton
cloths,: that he might not touch the ground.
Cortes accosted him with profound reverence,
after the European fa^ion. ^ He returned the
salutation, according to the mode of his coun-
try, by touching the earth with h». hand, and
dien kiting it. This ceremony, the customary
expression of veneration £rom inferiors towards
those who were above them in rank, appeiffed
smch amazing condescension in a proud mo-
narch, who scarcdy deigned to consider the
rest of mankind as q£ the same species with
himself, that all his subjects £rmly believed
those persons, before whom he humbled him-
self in this man^ner, to be something more than
human*. Accordingly, as they marched throij^
the crowd, the Spanis^ds frequendy, and with
much satisfaction, heard thein^elves denomi-

HISTORY OF AMERICA/ SIS

nated Teuks, or divinities. No thing material ^^^^
passed in this first interview. Montezuma con^ v^yW
ducted Cortes to the quarters which he had ^^^^
prepared for his reception, and immediately
took leave of him, with a politeness not uxt-»
worthy o£ a court more refined. " You are
now," says he, " with your brothers in your
own house ; refresh yomselves after your fa*
t%ue, and be happy until I return."* The
place allotted to the Spaniards for their lodging
was a house built by the fisither of Montezuma.
It was surrounded by a stone wall, with towers
at proper distances, which served for defence
as well as for arnament, and its apartments and
<;ourts were so large, as to accommodate bortb
the Spaniards and their Indian allies. The
first care of Cortes was to take precautions for
bb security, by planting the artillery so a& to
command the different avennes whidiiled to it,
by appointing a large division of his troops to
be alwajs on guard, and by posting sentiada
at propcar stations, with ix^unctkins to observe
the same v^yant discipline as if they wece
within sight of an enenny's casnp.

I» the evening, Mofntezama returned to visit ^'^^**
his gaests with tike same porafi as in their first Spaniards.

* Cartes, Relat. Ram. lii. 232—235. B. Diaz, c. 83— S8.
^nmva, Cron. c.64fyS5» Herf #va, dee. d^ lib. vii. c. 3, 4>, 5.

316 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

interview, and brought presents of such value,
not only to Cortes and to his officers, but even
1519. to the private men, as proved the liberality of
the monarch to be suitable to the opulence of
his kingdom. A long conference ensued, in
which Cortes learned what was the opinion of
Montezuma with respect to the Spaniards. It
was an established tradition, he told him, among
the Mexicans, that their ancestors came ori-
ginally from a remote region, and* conquered
the provinces now subject to his dominion;
that after they were settled there, the great
captain who conducted this colony returned to
his own country, promising, that at some fu-
ture period his descendants should visit them,
assume the government, and reform their con-
stitution and laws ; that from what he had
heard and seen of Cortes and his followers, he
was convinced that they were the very persons
whose appearance the Mexican traditions and
prophecies taught them to expect ; that ac-
cordingly he had received them, not as stran-
gers^ but as relations of the same blood and
parentage ; and' desired that they might consi-
der themselves as masters in his dominions, for
both himself and his subjects should be ready
to comply with their will, and even to prevent
their wishes. Cortes made a reply in his usual
style, with respect to the dignity and power of
his sovereign, and his intention in sending him
into that country ; artfully endeavouring so to

HISTORY OF AMERICA: 317

frahie his disoourse, that it might coincide as
much as possible with the idea which Monte-
zuma had. formed concerning the origin of the '^^^^
Spaniards. Next morning, Cortes and some
of his principal attendants were admitted to a
public audience of the Emperor. The three
subsequent days were employed in viewing the
city ; the appearance of which, so far superior
in the order of its buildings and the number of
its inhabitants to any place the Spaniards had
beheld in America, and yet so little resembling
the structure of an European city, filled them
with surprise and admiration*

Mexico, or Tenuchtitlan^ as it was anciently
called by the natives, is situated in a large
plain, environed by mountains of such height,
that, though within the torrid zone, the tem-
perature of its climate is mild and healthful.
All the moisture which descends from the high
grounds is collected in several lakes, the two
largest of which, of about ninety miles in cir-
cuit, communicate with each other. The wa-
ters of the one are fresh, those of the other
brackish. On the banks of the latter, and on.
some small islands adjoining to them, the ca-
pital of Montezuma's empire was built. The
access to the city was by artificial causeways
or streets formed of stones and earth, about
thirty feet in breadth. As the waters of the
lake during the rainy season overflowed the flat

§

S18

HISTORY OF AMERICA.

1519.

country, these causeways were of considen^
length. That of Tacuba, on the west, extendi
ed a mile and a half; that of Tepeaca,* on
the north- west, three miles j that of Cuoyacan,
towards the south, six miles. On the east
there was no causeway, and the cHy could be
approached only by canoes.t In each of these
ca\iseways were openings at proper intervals^
through which the waters flowed, and over
these beams of timber were laid, which being
covered with earth, the causeway or street had
everywhere an uniform appearance. As the
approaches to the city were singular, its con-
struction was remarkable. Not only the tern-
pies of their gods» but the houses belonging to
the monarch, and to persons of distinctioD,
were of such dimensions, that, in comparison
with any other buildings which had been hither*
to discovered in America, they might be term-
ed magnificent The habitations of the com-

* I am indebted to M. Clavigero for correGting an error
of importance in my de«cription of Mexico. From the east*
where Tezeuco was situated, there was no causeway, as I
have observed, and yet by some inattention on my part, or
on that of the printer, in all the former editions one of the
causeways was said to lead to Tezeuco. M. Clavigerd't
measurement of the length of these causeways differs soiihe-
what from that which I have adopted from F* Torribio.
Clavig. ii. p. 72.

t F. Torribio. MS.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 819

Aon people were mean, resembliog the huts of *ook
other Indians. But they were all placed in a \_ ^^^t'
regular manner, on the banks of the canals ^^i^*
which passed through the city, in some of its
districts, or on the sides of the streets which
intersected it in other quarters. In several
places were large openings or squares, one of
which, allotted for the great market, is said to
have been so spacious, that forty or fifty thou-
sand persons carried on traffic there. In this
city, the pride of the New World, and the no-
blest monument of the industry and art of man,
while unacquainted with the use of iron, and
destitute of aid from any domestic animal, the
Spaniards who are most moderate in their com-
putations reckon, that there were at least sixty
thousand inhabitants.*

But how much soever the novelty of those iiieir dan-
objects might amuse or astonish the Spaniards, fti^^
they felt the utmost solicitude with respect to
their own situation. From a concurrence of
circumstances, no less unexpected than favour-
able to their progress, they had been allowed to
penetrate into the heart of a powerful kingdom,
and were now lodged in its capital, without hav-

« Cortes, Relat. Rap), iii. 239. D. Relat. della gran
Citta de Mexico, par un Gentelhuomo del Cortese. Rem.
ibid. SO*. E, Herrera, dec. 2. lib. vii. c. 14-, &c,

46

330 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

iiig once met with open opposition from it» mo-
narch. The Tlascalans, however, had earnest-
1519. ly dissuaded them from placing such confidence
in Montezuma as to enter a city of such pe-
culiar situation as Mexico, where that prince
would have them at mercy, shut up as it were
in a snare, from which it was impossible to
escape. They assured them that Uie Mexican
priests had, in the name of the god&, counselled
their sovereign to admit the Spaniards into the
capital, that he might cut them off there at one
blow with perfect security.* They now per-
ceived too plainly, that the apprehensions of
their allies were not destitute of foundation ;
that, by breaking the bridges placed at certain
intervals on the causeways, or by destroying
part of the causeways themselves, their retreat
would be rendered impracticable, and they
must remain cooped up in the centre of a hos-
tile city, surrounded by multitudes sufficient to
overwhelm them, and without a possibility of
receiving aid from their allies^ Montezuma
had, indeed, received them with distinguished
respect. But ought they to reckon upon this
as real, or to consider it as feigned ? Even if
it were sincere, could they promise on its con-
tinuance? Their safety depended upon the
will of a monarch in whose attachment they

♦ B. Diaz, c. 85, 86.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. 521

had no reason to confide ; and an order flowing book
from his caprice, or a word uttered by him in \^ \y
passion, might decide irrevocably conc^ning i^i^-
their fate.**

These reflections, so obvious as to occur to
the meanest soldier, did not escape, the vigilant ^i^gj^ct
sagacity of their general. Before he set out ^°"*^
from Cholula, Cortes had received advice from
Villa Rica,t that Qualpopoca, one of the Mexi-
can generals on the frontiers, having assembled
an army in order to attack some of the people
whom the Spaniards had encouraged to throw
off the Mexican yoke, £scalante had marched
out with part of the garrison to support his al-
lies ; that an engagement had ensued, in which,
though the Spaniards were victorious, Esca-
lante, with seven of bis men, had been mortally
wounded, his horse killed, and one Spaniard
had been surrounded by the enemy and taken '
alive ; that the head of this unfortunate cap-
tive, after being carried in triumph to different
cities, in order to convince the people that their
invaders were not immortal, had been sent to
Mexico^t Cortes, though alarmed with this

* B. Diaz, c. 94.

t Cortes^ Relat. Ram. iii. 235. C.
X B. Diaz, c. 93, 94. Herrera, dec.2» lib. viii. c. 1.
VOL* !!• X

SSt HISTORY OF AMERICA.

intelligence, as an indication of Montezuma's
hostile intentions, had continued his march.
1519. But as soon as he entered Mexico, he became
sensible, that, from an excess of confidence in
the superior valour and discipline of his troops,
as well as from the disadvantage of having no-
thing to guide him in an unknown country, but
the dfefective intelligence which he bad receiv-
ed from people with whom his mpde of com-
munication was very imperfect, he had pushed
forward into a situation, where it was difficult
to continue, and from which it was dangerous
to retire. Disgrace, and perhaps ruin, was the
certain consequence of attempting the latter.
The success of his enterprise depended upon
supporting the high opinion which the people
of New Spain had formed with respect to the
irresistible power of his arms. Upon the first
symptom of timidity on his part, their venera-
tion would cease, and Montezuma, whom fear
alone restrained at present, would let loose
upon him the whole force of his empire. At
the same time he knew, that the countenance
of his own sovereign was to be obtained only
By a series of victories, and that nothing but
the merit of extraordinary success could screen
his conduct from the censure of irregularity.
From all these considerations, it was necessary
to maintain his station, and to extricate hidiself
out of the difficulties in which one bold step
had involved him, by venturing upon another

rv

HISTORY OF AMURICAf 8^

Still bolder. The situation was tiying, but his
mind was equal to it ; and after rerolving the
matter with deep attention, he fixed upon a i^i^-
plan no less extraordinary than daring. He ^^^^
determined to seize Montezuma in his palace,
and to carry him as a prisoner to the Spanish
quarters. From the superstitious veneration of
the Mexicans for the person of their monarch,
as well as their implicit submission to his will,
iie hoped, by having Montezuma in his power,
to acquire the supreme direction of their afiairs ;
or, at least, with such a sacred pledge in his
hands, he made no doubt of being secure from
any effort of their violence.

This he immediately proposed to his officers. His i
The timid startled at a measure so audacious, ^^^b^
and raised objections. The more intelhgent
and resolute, conscious that it was the only
resource in which there appeared any prospect
of safety, warmly approved of it, and brought
over their companions so cordially to the same
opinion, that it was agreed instantly to make
the attempt. At his usual hour of visiting
Montezuma, Cortes went to the palace, accom-
panied by Alvarado, Sandoval, Lugo, Velas-
quez de Leon, and Davila, five of his principal
officers, and as many trusty soldiers. Thirty
chosen men followed, not in regular order, but
sauntering at some distance, as if they had Ho
object but curiosity ; small parties were posted

324 MISl'ORY Ot AM£RICil.

BOOK at proper intervals, in all the streets leading
\,0»/.,^ from the Spanish quarters to the court ; and
1519. the remainder of his troops, with the Tlascdan
allies, were under arms ready to sally out on
the first alarm. Cortes and his attendants
were admitted without suspicion ; the Mexi-
cans retiring, as usual, out of respect. He
addressed the monarch in a tone very different
from that which he had employed in former
conferences, reproaching him bitterly as the
author of the violent assault made upon the
Spaniards by one of his officers, and demanded
public reparation for the loss which they had
sustained by the death of some of their compa-
nions, as well as for the insult offered to the
great prince whose servants they were. Mon-
tezuma, confounded at this unexpected accu-
sation, and changing colour, either from con-
sciousness of guilt, or from feeling the indig*
nity with which he was treated, asserted his
own innocence with great earnestness, and, as
a proof of it, gave orders instantly to bring
Qualpopoca and his accomplices prisoners to
Mexico. Cortes replied, with seeming com-
plaisance, that a declaration so respectable left
no doubt remaining in his own mind, but that
something more was requisite to satisfy his fol-
lowers, who would never be convinced that
Montezuma did not harbour hostile intentions
against them, unless, as an evidence of his con-
fidence and attachment, he removed from his

w

HISTORY OF AMERICA^ ^^

own palace, and took up his residence in the book
Spanish quarters, where he should be ^rved

and honoured as became a great monarch* i^i<^i
The first mention of so strange a proposal
bereaved Montezuma of speech, and almost of
motion. At length, indignation gave him
utterance, and he haughtily answered, *^ Hiat
persons of his rank were not accustomed yolun*
tarily to give up themselves as prisoners ; and
were he^ mean enough to do so, his subjects
would not permit such an afiront to be offered
to their sovereign." Cortes, unwilling to em-
ploy force, endeavoured alternately to sooth
and to intimidate him. The altercation be-
came warm ; and having continued above three
hours, Velasquez de Leon, an impetuous and
gsllant young man, exclaimed with impatience,
" Why waste more time in vain ? Let us either
seize him instantly, or stab him to the heart."
The threatening voice and fierce gestures with
which these words were uttered, struck Mon*
tezuma. The Spaniards, he was sensible, had
now proceeded so far, as left him no hope that
they would recede. His own danger was im-
minent, the necessity unavoidable. He saw
both, and abandoning himself to his fate, com-
plied with their request.

His officers were called. He communicated Momjezu-
to them his resolution. Though astonished and to the
afflicted, they presumed not to question the will ^J^.

3^6 mSTORT OF AMERICA.

BOOK of their master, but carried him in silent pomp,
y^tm,^^^^ all bsikhed in tears, to the Spanish quarters.
1*19. When it was known that the strangers were
conveying away the Emperor, the people broke
out into the wildest transports of grief and
^ . rage, threatening the Spaniards with imme-
diate destruction, as the punishment justly due
to their impious audacity. But as soon as
Montezuma appeared with a seeming gaiety of
countenance, and waved his hand, the tumult
was hushed ; and upon his declaring it to be of
his own choice that he went to reside for some
time among his 'new friends, the multitude,
taught to revere every intimation of their sove-
reign's pleasure, quietly dispersed.*

Thus was a powerful prince seized by a ftw
strangers in the midst of his capital, at noon-
day, and carried off as a prisoner without oppo-
sition or bloodshed. History contains nothing
parallel to this event, either with respect to the
temerity of the attempt, or the success of the
execution ; and were not all the circun^stances
of this extraordinary transaction authenticated
by the most unquestionable evidence, they
would appear so wild and extravagant, as to
go far beyond the bounds of that probability

* B. Diaz, c. 95. Gomara, Cron. c. 83. Cortes, Relat.
Ram. iii. p. ^5, 236. Herrera, dec. 2. lib. riii. c. 2, 3.

HISTORY OF AMERICA. SS7

which must be preserved even in fictitious nar«
rations.

1519.

Montezuma was received in the Spanish Rfceived
quarters with all the ceremonious respectwhich rtat^S^.
Cortes had promised. He was attended by his
own domestics, and served with his usual state.
His principal officers had free access to him,
and he carried on every function of govern-
ment as if he had been at perfect liberty. The
Spaniards, however, watched him with the
scrupulous vigilance which was natural in
guarding such an important prize,* endeavour-
ing at the same time to sooth and reconcile
him to his situation, by every external demon-
stration of regard and attachment. But from
captive princes the hour of humiliation and
suffering is never far distant. Qualpopoca, subjected
his son, and five of the principal officers whq indignitiefl.
served under him, were brought prisoners to
the capital, in consequence of the orders which Dec. 4.
Montezuma had issued. The Emperor gave
them up to Cortes, that he might inquire into
the nature of theu* crime, and determine their
punishment. They were formally tried by a
Spanisdi court-martial; and though they had
acted no other part than what became loyal
subjects and brave men, in obeying the orders

♦ Sec NoTB LXXXIII. Page 422.

d2S mStORT OF AMERICA.

of their lawful savereign, smd in opposing the
invaders of their country, they were condemn-
1519. ed to be burnt alive. The execution of such
atrocious deeds is seldom long suspended.
The unhappy victims were instkntly led forth.
The pile on which they were laid was compos-
ed of the weapons collected in the royal maga*
zine for the public defence. An innumerable
multitude of Mexicans beheld, in sil^oit asto-
nishment, the double insult offered to the ma-
jesty of their empire j an officer of distinction
committed to the flames by the authority of
strangers, for having done what be owed in
duty to his natural sovereign ^ and the arms
provided by the foresight of their ancestors for
avenging public wrongs, consumed before their
eyes.

But these were not the most shocking indig-
nities which the Mexicans had to bear. The
Spaniards, convinced that Qualpopoca would
not have ventured to attack Escalante without
orders from his master, were not satisfied with
inflicting vengeance on the instrument em-
ployed in committing that crime, while the
author of it escaped with impunity. Just be-
fore Qualpopoca was led out to sufier, Cortes
entered the apartment of Montezuma, followed
by some of his officers, and a soldier carrying a
pair of fetters ; and approaching the monarch
with a stem countenance, told him, that as the

HISTORT OF AMERICA. BtQ

persons who were now to undergo the puninh* *^*
ment which they merited, had charged him as w«y^»^
the cause of the outrage committed, it was i5i9.
necessary that he likewise should make atone^
ment for that guilt ; then turning away abrupt-
ly, without waiting for a reply, commanded
the soldiers to clap the fetters on his legs* The
orders were instantly executed. The discon-
solate monarch, trained up with an idea that
his person was sacred and inviolable, and' con-
sidering this profanation of it as the prelude of
immediate death, broke out into loud lamenta-
tions and complaints. His attendants, speech-
less with horror, fell at his feet, bathing them
with their tears ; and bearing up the fetters in
their hands, endeavoured with officious tender-
ness to lighten their pressure. Nor did their
grief and despondency abate until Cortes re-
turned from the execution, and with a cheerful
countenance ordered the fetters to be taken off.
A& Montezuma's spirits had sunk with unmanly
dejection, they now rose into indecent joy;
and with an unbecoming transition, he passed
at once from the anguish of despair, to trans-
ports of gratitude and expressions of fondness
towards his deliverer.

Ik those transactions, as represented by the R«w»« of
Spanish historians, we search in vain foi' the conOuct.
' qualities which distinguish other parts of Cor-
tes's conduct. To usurp a jurisdiction which

S90 IMSTORY OF ABfERICA.

BOOK could not belong to a stranger, who assumed
^1^- ',_j- no higher character than that of an ambassador
1519. from a foreign prince, and, under colour of it,
to inflict a capital punishment on men whose
conduct entitled them to esteem, appears an
act of barbarous cruelty. To put the monarch
of a great kingdom in irons, and, after such
ignominious treatment, suddenly to release him,
seems to be a display of power no less inconsi-
derate than wanton. According to the com-
mon relation, no account can be given either of
the one action or the other, but that Cortes,
intoxicated with success, and presuming on the
ascendant which he had acquired over the
minds of the Mexicans, thought nothing too
bold for him to undertake, or too dangerous to
execute. But, in one view, these proceedings,
however repugnant to justice and humanity,
may have flowed from that artful policy which
regulated every part of Cortes*s behaviour to-
wards the Mexicans. They had conceived the
Spaniards to be an order of beings superior to
men. It was of the utmost consequence to
cherish this illusion, and to keep up the vene-*
ration which it inspired. Cortes wished that
shedding the blood of a Spaniard should be
deemed the most heinous of all crimes ; and
nothing appeared better calculated to esta-
blish this opinion, than to condemn the first
Mexicans who had ventured to commit it to a
cruel death, and to oblige their monarch him-

HISTORY OF AMERICA.. SSI

self to submit to a mortifyiog indignity, as an ^^^
expiation for being accessory to a deed so atro* ^,^0^^^
cious.*

The riirour with which Cortes punished the i^^*

1 1 /» 11.- The power

unhappy persons who first presumed to lay vio^ wfaich cor.
lent hands upon his followers, seems according- S"*'^^
ly to have made all the impression that he de-
sired. The spirit of Montezuma was not only
overawed, but subdued. During six mo^sths
that Cortes remained in Mexico, the monarch
continued in the Spanish quarters, with an ap-
pearance of as entire satisfaction and tranquil*
lity, as if he had resided there not from con-
straint, but through choice. His ministers and
officers attended him as usual. He took cog-
nizance of all affiiirs ; every order was issued in
his name. The external aspect of government
appearing the same, and all its ancient forms
being scrupulously deserved, the people were
so little semible of any change, that they obey-
ed the mandates of their monarch with the
same submissive reverence as ever. Such was
the dread which both Montezuma and his sub-
jects had of the Spaniards, or such the venera-
tion in which they held them, that no attempt '
was made to deliver their sovereign from con-
finement i and though Cortes, relying on this

♦ See Note LXXXIV. Page 42S.

35a

BOOK
V.

1520.

HISTORY OF ABffiRICA*

ascendant which he had acquired over their
minds, permitted him not only to visit his tem-
ples, but to make hunting excursions beyond
the lake, a guard of a few Spaniards carried
with it such a terror as to intimidate the muU
titude, and secure the captive monarch.*

Thus, by the fortunate temerity of Cortes i»
seizing Montezuma, the Spaniards at once ^-
cured to themselves more extensive authority
in the Mexican empire than it was possible
to have acquired in a long course of time by
open force ; and ^they exercised more absolute
sway in the name of another than they could
have done in their own. The arts of polished
nations, in subjecting such as are less improv-
ed, have been nearly the same in every period.
The system of screening a foreign usurpation,
under the sanction of authority derived from
the natural rulers of a country ; the device of
employing the magistrates and forms already
established as instruments to introduce a new
dominion, of which we are apt to boast as
sublime refinements in policy peculiar to the
present age, were inventions of a more early
period, and had been tried with success in the
West, long before they were practised in the
East.

* Cortes, Relat. p. 996. £. B. Diaz, c. 97, 98, 99.

HI8T0ET OF AMERICA. S33

Cortes availed himself to the utmost of the
power which he possessed by being able to
act in the name of Montezuma. He sent som6 isaoi
Spaniards, whom he judged best. qualified for he'^w
such commissions, into different parts of the ^^'^
empire, accompanied by persons of distinction,
whom Montezuma appointed to attend them
both as guides and protectors. They visited
most of the provinces, viewed their soil and
productions, surveyed with particular care the
districts which yielded gold or silver, pitched
upon several places as proper stations for fui-
tare colonies, and endeavoured to prepare the
minds of the people for submitting to the Spa-
nish yoke. While they were thus employed,
Cortes, in the name and by the authority of
Montezuma, degraded some of the principal
officers in the empire, whose abilities or inde-
pendent spirit excited his jealousy, and substi-
tuted in their place perscms less capable or
more obsequious.

One thing still was wanting to complete his
security. He wished to have such command
of the lake as mi^t ensure a retreat, if, either
from levity or disgust, the Mexicans should
take arms against him, and break down the
bridges or causeways. This, too, his own ad^
dress, and the facility of Montezuma* enabled
him to accomplish. Having frequently enter-
tained his prisoner with pompous accounts of

334 fflSTORY OF AMERICA, v

the Europeafl marine and art of navigation, tie
awakened his curiosity to see those moving pa-
i5sa laces, which made theil* way through the water
without oars. Under pretext of gratifying this
desire, Cortes persuaded Montezuma to appoint
some of his subjects to fetch part of the naval
stores which the Spaniards had deposited at
Vera Cruz to Mexico, and to employ others in
cutting down and preparing timber. With
' their assistance, the Spanish carpenters soon
completed two brigantines, which afforded a
frivolous amusement to the monarch, and were
considered by Cortes as a certain resource, if
he should be obliged to retire.

Monte- Encouragsd by SO mafiy instances of the

sunui ac-

knowledges mouarch's tame submission to his will, Cortes
^^^J ventured to put it to a proof still more trying.
He urged Montezuma to acknowledge himself
a vassal of the King of Castile, to hdd his crown
of him as superior, and to subject his dominions
to the payment of an annual tribute. With this
requisition, the last and most humbling that can
be made to one possessed of sovereign autho-
rity, Montezuma was so obsequious as to com-
ply. He called together the chief men of his
empire, and in a solemn harangue, reminding
them of the traditions and prophecies which
led them to expect the arrival of a people
sprung from the same stock with themselves, in
order to take possession of liie supreme power.

UD.

BISTORT 6F AMERICA. QS5

he declared his belief that the Spaniards were
,this promised race ; that therefore he recogniz-
ed the right of their monarch to govern the isVo.
Mexican empire ; that he would lay his crown
at his feet, and obey him 9S a tributary. While
uttering these words, Montezuma discovered
how deeply he was a£fected in making such a
sacrifice. Tears and groans frequently inter^
rupted his discourse. Overawed and broken
as his spirit was, it still retained such a sense of
dig'uity, as to feel that pang which pierces the
heart of princes when constrained to resign in*
dependent power. The first mention of such a
resolution struck the assembly dumb with asto-
nishment. This was followed by a sudden
murmur of sorrow, mingled with indigna-
tion, which indicated some violent erupticm
of rage to be near at hand. This Cortes fore-
saw, and seasonably interposed to prevent it,
by declaring that his master had no intention
to deprive Montezuma of the royal dignity,
or to make any innovation upon the con-
stitution and laws of the Mexican empire.
This assurance, added to their dread of the
l^anish power, and to the authority of their
monarch's example, extorted a reluctant con-
sent from the assembly.* The act of submis-
sion and homage was executed with all the for-

* See Note LXXXV. Page 484.

46

#

SS6 BJsnNmY OF America.

B<M)K maKttes which the Spaniards were pleased to
>mm^^ prescribe.*

The Montezuma, at the desire of Cortes, accom-

^"ta^^L^ panied this profession of fealty and homage
JJ^^'^y with a magnificent present to his new sove-
n»rd8. reign ; and after his example, his subjects
brought in veiy liberal contributions. The
Spaniards now collected all the treasure which
had been either voluntarily bestowed upon
them at different times by Montezuma, or had
been extorted from his people under various
pretexts ; and having melted the gold and sil-
ver, the value of these, without including jewels
and ornaments of various kinds, which wefe
preserved on account of their curious work-
manship, amounted to six hundred thousand
pesos. The soldiers were impatient to have it
divided, and Cortes complied with their desire.
i^I^^oif ^ ^^ ^^ *^® whole was first set apart as the
discontent tax due to the King. Another fifth was allot-
^occasion- ^^ ^^ Cortcs as comouuider in chief. The
sums advanced by Velasquez, by Cortes, and
by some of the officers, towards defi*aying the
expense of fitting out the armament, were then
deducted. The remainder was divided amoc^
the army, including the garrison of Vera Cru2>

* Cortes, Relat. 238. D. B. Diaz, c. 101. Gomara,
Cron. c. 92. Henrera, dep. S. lib. 9C. c 4.

1

i5fla

BISTCmT OF AMERieA. 99?

in proportion to their diSkxeot. ranks* Aftcv » ^^^
many defsilcations, the share of a priirate man
did not exceed a hundred pesos. This sum fell
so far below their sanguine eacpectations» that
^me soldiers rejected it with scorn, and others
murmured so loudly at this cruel disiq>poiiit-
ment of their hopes^ that it required aU thie ad«
dress of Cortes, and no small estation of his
liberality, to appease tl^m. The complaints
of the army were not altogether destitute of
foiindation. As the crown had contributed
nothing towards the equifmient or success of
the armament^ it was not without regtet that
the scrfdiers beheld it sweep away so great a
proportion of the treasure purchased by their
blood and toil. What fell to the share of Uie
general appeared, according to the ideas of
wealth in the sixte^ith century, an enormous
sum* Some of Cortes's £Bivourites had secretly
appn^riated to their own use seraral omamrat?
of gold, which neither paid the royal fifth, nor
were brought into account as part of the com^
mon stock* It was, however, so manifestly the
interest of Cortea at this period to make alarge
remittance to the King^ that it it highly pro*
bable those concealments were not of great
coiisec|iienoe*

The total ^sum amassed by the Spaniards ^^m
bears no proportion to the ideas which might ^J^^
be formed, either by reflecting on the desK^rip• "»^. .

VOL. II. Y

I

33S mSTORT or AMERICA.

BOOK tioM given by historians of the ancient spkii^
^^^^.^^ dour of Mexico, or by considering the prodnc-
15^. lions of its mines in modern times. But anaong
the aodent Mexicans, gold and silver were not
tibe standards by which the worth of other
commcfdities was estimated ; and, destitute of
the artificial value derived from this cireuufi*
stance, were no farther in request than as they
furnished, materials for ornaments and trinkets.
The^ were either consecrated to the gods in
their teftiples, or were worn as marks of distinc-
tion by their princes and some of their most
eminent chiefi. As the consuniption of the
precious n^etals was inconsiderable, the de-
mand for them was not such as to put ieither
the ingenuity or industry of the Mexicans on
the stretch, in order to augment their store*
They were altogether unacquainted with the
art of working the rich mines with which their
country abounded. What gold they had was
gathered in the beds of rivers, native, and
ripened into a pure metallic state.* The ut-
ujiost eflfort of their labour in search of it was
to wash the earth carried down by torrents
from the mountains, and to pick out the grains
of gold which subsided ; and even this simple
operation, according to the report of the p©r.

* Cortes, Relat, p. 236. F. B. Diaz, c. 102, 103. Go-
mara, Cron. c.90.

X£3T0llT OF AMERICA. 339

sons whom Cortes appointed to survey the book
provinces where there was a prospect of finding s^-y^
mines, they performed very unskilfully.* From 1520.
all those causes, the whole mass of gold in pos-
session of the Mexicans was not great. As
silver is rarely found pure, and the Mexicail
art was too rude to conduct the process for
refining it in a proper manner, the quantity of
this metal was still less considerable.t Thus,
though the Spaniards had exerted all the power
which they possessed in Mexico, and often with
indecent rapacity, in order to gratify their pre-*
dominant passion, and though Montezuma had
fondly exhausted his treasures, in hopes of
satiating their thirst for gold, the product of
both, which probably included a great part of
the bullion in the empire, did not rise in value
above what has been mentioned^

But however pliant Montezuma might be in Mcmteitt.
Other matters, with respect to one pomt he was bie with
mflexible. Though Cortes often urged him, "^^^^
with the importunate zeal of a missionary, to
renounce his false gods, and to embrace the
Christian faith, he always rejected the propo-
sition with horror. Superstition, among the
Mexicans, was formed into such a regular and

* B. Diaz, c. 103. t Herrera, dec. 2. lib. ix. c. 4.

t See Note LXXXVI. Page 425.

340 KISTOaT OF ADOOIKA.

BOOK complete system, that its institDtiona nfttutiiUy
^^^^ ^ took J&at hold of the mind ; and whde the rude
1590- tribes in other parts of America were, easily
induced to relinquish a few notipna and ritesi
so loose and arbitrary as hardly to merit the
name of a public reUgion^ the Mexicans ad-
Wed tenaciously to their mode of worship,
which,, however barii>arotts, was accompanied
with such order and solemnity as to render it
an object of the highest veneration^ Cortes^
finding all his attempts ineffectual to shake the
constancy of Montezuma^ was so much ea-
raged at his obstinacy, that in a transport of
aeal he led out his soldiers, to throw down the
idols in the great temple by force* But the
priests taking arms in defence of their altsrsi
and the people crowding with great ardour to
support them, Cortes's prudence overruled hk
zeal, and induced him to desist from his rash
attempt, after dislodging the idols &am one of
the shrines, and placing in their stead aa image
of the Virgin Mary.*

2?M^r^ From that moment the Mexicans, w1k> had

cvis to de- permitted the imprisonment of their sovereign,

spraurds. and sufl^red the exactions of strangers without

a Juggle, begftn to meditate how they miglrt

expel or destroy the Spaniards, and thought

♦ See Note LXXXVIL Paje 425.

>

HISTORY or AMEAICA. 841

themsdves called upon to avenge tfadr insulted
deities. The priests and leading men held
frequent ooosuhations with Montezuma for i^
this purpose. But as it might prove fatal to
the captive monarch to attempt either the one
or the other by violence, he was willing to try
more gentle means. Having called Cortes
into his presence, he observed, that now, as
all the purposes of his embassy were fully ac-
complished, the gods had declared their will,
and the people signified their desire, that he
and his fcdlowens should instantly depart out
of the empire. With this he required them
to comply, or unavoidable destruction would
fall suddenly on their heads. The tenour of
this unexpected requisition, as well as the de*
termined tone in which it was uttered, left
Cortes no room to doubt that it was the result
of some deep scheme concerted between Mon<-
tezuma and his subjects. He quickly per-
ceived, that he might derive more advant^^
from a seeming compliance with the monarch's
mdination, than from an ill-timed attempt
to change or to oppose it ; and replied, with
great composure, that he had already begun
to prepare for returning to his own country ;
but as he had destroyed the vessels in which
he arrived, some time was requisite.for buikU
ing other ships. This appeared reasonable.
A number of Mexicans were sent to Vera
Cruz to cut down timber, and some Spanish

<•

S49 HISTORY OF AMERICA.

^r|>enters wer^ appointed to superintend the
work. Cortes flattered himself, that during
159a this interval he might either f&id means to
avert the threatened danger, or receive snch
reinforcements as would enable him to despise
it

AMwty Almost nine months were elapsed since

of Cortes. Portocarrcro and Montejo had sailed with his
• ' despatches to Spaing and he daily expected

their return with a confirmation of his autho-
rity from the King. Without this, his con-
dition was insecure and precarious } and after
all the great things which he had don^ at
might be his doom to bear the name and suffer
the punishment of a traitor. Rapid and ex*
tensive as his progress had been, he could not
hope to complete the reduction of a great em*
pire with so small a body of men, which by
this time diseases of various kinds had consider-
ably thinned ; nor could he apply for recruits
to the Spanish settlements in the islands, until
he received the royal approbation of his pro-^
ceedings.

^nieamirai While he remained in this cruel situation,

of a new • t i . • v

amament, auxious about wbat was past, uncertain witb
respect to the future, and, by the late declai'
ration of Montezuma, oppressed with a new
addition of cares, a Mexican courier arrived
with an account of some ships having appear-

HISTaiiT eF AMISRICA. S4fS

ed on die jcoast. Cortes, with fond credulity,
imaginii^ that his meflsaagers were returned
from Spain, aiid that the completion of all his ^520.
.wishes and hopes was at hand, imparted the
glad .tidings to his companions, who. received
them with transports of mutual gratulation.
Their joy was not of long continuance. »A
courier from Sandoval, ^wbom Cortes had ap-
pointed to succeed Escalante in command at
Vera Cruz, brought certain information that *

the armament was fitted out by Velasquez,
governor of Cuba, and instead of bringing the
aid which they expected, threatened them with
immediate destructicoi.

The motives which prompted Velasquez to fittedoutby
this violMit measure are obvious. Frokn the
circumstances of Cortes's departure, it was im<*
possible not to suspect his intention of throw-
ing off all dependance upon him. His neglect-
ing to transmit any account of his operations
to Cuba, strengthened this suspicion, which
was at last confirmed beyond doubt, by the in-
discretion of the bfiicers whom Cortes sent to
Spain. They, from some motive which is not
cleariy explained by the contemporary histo-
rians, touched at the island of Cuba, contrary
to the peremptory orders of their general.*

* B. Diaz, c. 54, 55. Herrera, dec, 2. lib. v. c. 14. Go-
mara, Croii.c.96.

SMf Hit TORY OF MMEMICA.

BOOK By this memi Velasquez not only leamed that
\^/ a^ Cortes and his followers, after foroMdly re-
15M. noundng all connexion ^ith him, bad eefca^
blished aa independent colony in New Spaio,
and were soliciting the King to confinn their
proceedings by his authority; but he obtain*
ed particular informaticm concerning the opu-
lence of the country, the valuable presents
which Cortes had received, and the inviting
prospects of success that opened to his view.
Every passion which can agitate an ambitious
mind ; shame, at having been bo grossly over-
reached ; indignation, st being betrayed by
the man whom he had selected as d)e oia§ed;
of his favour and confidence ; grief, for having
wasted hb fortune to: aggrandize an enemy ;
and despair of recovering so fair an opportu*
nity of establishing bis £ime and extemUng bis
power, now raged in the bosom of Velasquez.
AU these, with united ibtce, elicited him to
make an extraordinary eflbrt, in order to be
avenged on the author of his wrongs, and to
"wrest from him his usurped authority and con-
quests. Nor did he want the appeariince of a
good title to justify such' an attempt* The
^ent whom he sent to Spain with an account
of Orijalva's voyage, had met with a most fa*
vourable reception ; and from the specimens
which he produced, such high expectations
were formed concerning the opulence of New
Spain, that Velasquez was authorized to pro-

HISTORT OF AMERICA. d4d

tocate the discovery of the country, and ap- book
pmntcd governor of it during life, with more ^^>r^w
extensive power and privileges than ^had beett ^^^
granted to any adventurer from the time df Ov
lumbus.* Elated by this distinguishing mark
of favour, and warranted to consider Cortes
not only as intruding upon his jurisdiction, but
as disobedient to the royal mandate, he deter-
mined to ^vindicate his own rights, and the
honour of his sovereign, by force of arms.t
His ardour in carrying on his preparations was "^^^^
such as might have been expected from the ofNarvae*,
violence of the passions with which he was
animated; and in a short time an armament
was completed, consisting of eighteen ships,
which had on board fourscore horsemen, eight
hundred foot soldiers, of which eighty were
musketeers, and an hundred and twenty cross-
bow men, together with a train of twelve pieces
of cannon. As Velasquez's experience oi^ the
fatal consequence of committing to another
what he ought to have executed himself, bad
not rendered him more enterprising, he vested
the command of this formidable body, which,
in the infancy of the Spanish power in Ame-
rica, merits the appellation of an army, in
Pampbilo de Narvaez, with instructions to

* Herrera, dec. 2* lib* iii. c. 11.
t See Note LXXX VIII. Page 428.

346 HISTORY OF AMERICA,

seize Cortjts and bis principal officers, to send
them prisoners to him, and then to complete
159a the discovery and conquest of the country in
his name.

NOtES

AND

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Note I. p. 4'.

Xh£ height of the most elevated point in the Pyrer
nees is, according to M. Cassini, six thousand six
hundred and forty-six feet. The height of the moun-
tain Giemmi, in the canton of Berne, is ten thousand
one hundred and ten feet. The height of the Peak of
Teneriffe, according to the measuronent of P. Feuille,
is thirteen thousand one hundred and serenty-eight feet«
The height of Chimborazzo, the most elevated point of
the Andes, is twenty thousand two hundred and eighty
feet; no less than seven thousand one hundred and two
feet above th&highest mountain in the ancient continent.
Voyf^ de D. Juan Ulloa; Observations Astron. et
Physiq. torn. ii. p. 114. The line of congelation on
Chimborazzo, or that part of the mountain which is
covered perpetually with snow, is nd less than. two
thousand four hundred feet from its summit PtevoU
Hist. Gener. des Voyages, vol. xiii^ p. 636.

348 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

Note IL p. 4^

As a particular description makes a stronger impres-
sion than general assertiori% I shall give one of Rio de
la Plata by an eye-witness, P. Cattaneo, a Modenese
Jesuit, who landed at Buenos Ayres in 1749, and thus
represents what he felt when such new objects were
first presented to his view. " While I resided in Eu-
rope, and read in books of history or geography that
the mouth of the river de la Plata was an hundred and
fifty miles in breadth, I considered it as an exaggera-
tion, because in this hemisphere we have no example
of such vast rivers. When I approached its moutb, I
had the most vehement desire to ascertain the truth
with my own eyes ; and I have found the matter to be
exactly as it was represented. This I deduce parti-
cularly from one circumstance : When we took oar
departure fix>m Monte- Video, a fort situated^ more
dian a hundred mfiles from the moutb of the river, and
where its breadth is cmisiderably diminished, we sailed
a complete day before we discovered th^ land on the
opposite bank of die. river ; and when we were in the
*middle of tlie channel, we could not discern land on
eidier side., and saw nothing but the sky and water, as
if we had bewi in some great ocean. Indeed we'
should have taken it to be sea, if the fresh water of the
river, which was turbid like the Po, had not satisfied
us that it was a river. Moreover, at Bueios Ayres,
another hundred miles up the river, and where it h
still much narrower, it is not <mly imposrible to dis-
cern the opposite coast, which is indeed very low and
flat, but one cannot perceive the houses <»* the tops of
the steeples in the Portuguese settlemi^nt at Colonia

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. di9

9U the other side of the river/' Lettera prima, pub-
lished by Muratori, II Christianesimo Felicd, &c. i.
p. 257-

Note IIL p. 8.

NxwFouiniLAND» part of Nova Scotia, and Canada,
are the countries which lie in the same parallel of lati*
tnde with the kingdom of France; and in every part
of these the water of the rivers is firozen daring winter
to the thickness of several feet; the earth is ^vered
with snow as deep; almost all the birds fly, during
that season, from a climate where they could not live.
The country of the Esquimaux, part of Labrador, and
the oonntrieft on the south of Hudson's Bay, are in the
same parallel with Great Britain; and yet in all these
the cold is so intense, that even the industry of Euro-*
peafts has not attempted cultivation.

Note IV. p. II.

AcosTA IS the first philosopher, as fisur a« I know,
who endeavoured to account for the different degrees
of heat in the old and new continents, by the agency
of the winds which blow in each. Hist. Moaral. Sec.
Ub. iu aadciii. M. de Buffon adofrts this theory, and
has not only improved it by new observations, but has
employed his amamog powerit of descriptive dioquence
in embdlishing and placing it in the most striking
lig^t. Some remarks may be added, which t^id to ^
illustrate moate fully a doctrine of much importance

^50 NOTES AND lLlXJtftRATIOH9»

in every inquiry concerning the temperature of Yarictt
climates.

Whek a cold wind blows over land^ it must in b
passage rob the surface of some of its beat. B/
means of this, the coldness of the wind is abated
But if it continue to blow in the same directioiiy it
will come, by degrees, to pass over a'surfiM^e nbeadj
cooled, and will suffer no longer any abatemeat of
its own keenness. Thus, as it adyances over a large
tract of land, it brings on all the severity of intoise
frost.

> Let the same wind blow over aa extensive and
deep sea; the superficial water must be immediately
cooled to a certain degree, and the wind piopoitionaUy
warmed. But the superficial and colder water becom-
ing specifically heavier than the warmer water bdow
it, descends; what is warmer supplies its plao^ wfaidi,
as it comes to be cooled in its turn, continues to warn
the air which passes over it, or to diminish its cold.
This change of the superficial water and saocesave
ascent of that which is warmer, and the consequent
successive abatem^it of coldness in the air, is aided
by the agitation caused in the sea by the mechanical
action of the wind, and also by the motion of the tides.
, This will go on, and the rigour of the wind will con-
tinue to diminish, until the whole water is so fiss cooled
that the water on the sur&ce is no longer removed (rem
the action of the wind, fast enough to hinder it from
being arrested by^frost. Whenever the sur&ce freezes,
the wind is no longer wanped by the water from be-
low, jEund it goes on with undiminished cold.

NOTBS AND ILLUSTRATlONiM 951

' FnoM those principles may be explained tht severity
of winter frosts in extensive continents ; their mildness
in small islands; and the superior rigour of winter in
those parts of North America with which w^ are best
acquainted. In the north-west parts of Europe, the
severity of winter is mitigated by t^e west winds, Which
usually blow in the months of November, December,
and part of January. ' • -

On the other hand, when a warm wind blows over
land, it heats the surface, which must therefore cease
to abate the fervour of the wind. But the same wind
blowing over water, agitates it, brings up the colder
water from below, and thus is continually losing some^
what of its own heat»

: But the great power of the sea to. mitigate the heat
of the wind or air passing over it, proceeds from the
following circumstance ; — that on account of the trans-
parency of the sea, its surface cannot be heated to a
great d^ree by the sun's rays ; whereas the ground,
subjected to their influence, very soon acquires great
heat. When, therefore, the wind blows over a torrid
continent, it is soon raised to a heat almost intolerable ;
but during its passage over an extensive ooean, it is
gradually cooled; so that on its arrival at the farthest
shore, it is again fit for respiration.

Those principles will account for the sultry heats
of large continents in the torrid zone; for the mild
climate of islands in the same latitude; and for the
superior warmth in summer which large continents,
situated in the temperate or colder zones of the earth,
enjoy, when compared with that of islands. Hie

17

S5it HOTEa AND ILLUSTRATIONS*

keat of n climate dqpends not ooly upon the inune-
diate effect of the sun's rays, but on ihm continued
operation on the effect which they have fbnnerly
produced^ and which remains for some time in the
ground. This is the reason why the day is warmert
about two in the afternoon, the summer warmest about
the middle of July, and the winter cohiest about the
ttiddle of January.

The forests which cover America, and hinder the
sunbeams from heating the ground, are a great cauae
of the temperate climate in the equatorial parts. The
ground not being heated, cannot heat the air; and
the leaves, which receive the rays intercepted from the
ground, have not a mass of matter sufficient to absorb
heat enough for this purpose. Besides, it is a known
fiict, that the vegetative power of a plant occaaions a
perspiration from the leaves in proportion to the heat
to which th^ are exposed ; and, from the nature of
eviqporation, this perspiration produces a cold in the
leaf proportional to the persfHration. Thus the eBect
of the leaf in heating the air in contact with it, ia
prodigiously diminished. For those observation^
which vthrow much additional light on this curious
subject, I am indebted to my ingenious friend, Mr
JRobison, professor of natural philosophy in the uni*
versity of Edinburgh.

NoteV.|>. 11.

Thd climate of Brasil has been described by two
eminent naturalists, Piso and Margrave, who observed
U with a philosophical accuracy for which we search

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 958

in Tain in the accounts of many other provinces in
America. Both represent it as temperate and mild,
when compared with the climate ef Africa. They
ascribe this chiefly to the refreshing wind which blowa
continually from the sea* The air is not only cool,,
but ehilly through the night, in so much that the
liatives kindle fires every evening in their huts ; Piso
de Medicina Brasiliensi, lib. i. p. 1. &c. Margravius
Hifitor. Rerum Natural. Brasilia^, lib. viii. c. 3. p. 264l
Nieuhc^, who resided long in Brasil, confirms their
descripti<Mv; Churchill's Collection, vol. ii. p. 26.
Gumillay n^o wi^ a missionary many years among
the Indians upon the river Orinoco, gives a similar
descrq)tiim of the temperature of the climate there ;
Hist, de rOrenoque, tom. i. p. 26. P. Acugna felt a
very considerable d^ree of cold in the countries on
the banks of the river An^azons ; Relat. vol. ii. p. 56.
M. Biety who lived a considerable time in Cayenne,
gives a similar account of the temperature of that cli-
mate, and ascribes it to the same cause; Voyage de
la France £quinox, p. 330. Nothing can be more-
difierent from these descriptions than that of the burn-
ing heat of the African coast given by Mv Adanson ;
Voyage to Senegal, passim*.

Note VI. p. 13.

Two Frenrfi frigates were sent upon a voyage of
discovery in the year 1739. In latitude 44° south,
th^ began to feel a considerable degree of cold. In
latitude 48% they met with islands of floating ice;
Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes, tomt ii.
p. 2569 &c. Dr Halley fell in with ice in latitude 59° ;

VOL^.n. z

S54 irOtfiS AK0 ItLUdlr&ATIdN*.

Id. torn. i. p. 47. Commodore Byron, when o>ii the
eoai^ of Patagonia^ latitude 50^ SS' fioufh, or the AU
teenth of December, which i« midisiimmer in that part
of the globe, the twenty-lirst of December being the
longest day there, eomp^#es the climate to that of Eng*'
tand in the middle of winter; Voyages by Hawkes-
worth, i. Q5. Mr Banks havbig knded on Terra del
Fuego, in the Bay of Good Success^ ktitade 55% on
the sixteenth of January, which correspond to the
month of July in our hemisphere, two of his atten-
dants died in one night of extreme cold, and all the
party were in the most imminent dupger of perishing;
Id. ii. 51 9 32, "By the fourteenth of March, eorres^
ponding to September in our hemisphere, winter was
set in with rigour, atid the mountains were covered
with snow ; Ibid. 72. Captain Cook, in his t^o jage
towards the South Pole, furnishes new and striJdng
instances of the extraordinary predominance of coid
in this region of the globe. ** Who would bare
thought (says he) that an island of no greater extent
than seventy leagues in circuit, Mtuated between the
latitude of 54^ and SS"^, should, iifthe very height of
summer, be in a manner wholly covered, many fathoms
deep, with frozen snow; but more especially the S. W.
coast? The very summits of the lofty mountains were
cased with snow and ice; but the quantity that lay in
the valleys is incredible^ and at the bottom of the
bays the coast was terminated by a wall of ice of con-
siderable height;'* Vol* iL p. 217.

In some places of th^ ancient contineaat, an extra*
ordinary degree of cold prevails in very low latitudes*
Mr Bogle, in his embassy to the court of the DeW
Lama, passed the winter of the year 1774r at Cham-

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 953

aanping^ in latitude Sl"^ S9' N. He ofteA foond the
thernKxmeter in his room twenty-nine degrees under
the freezipg point by Fahrenheit's scale ; and in the
middle of April the standing waters w«re all frozen,
and heary showers of snow frequently &U. The extra-
ordinary elevation of the country seems to be the cause
of this excessire cold. In travelling from Indostan to
Thibet, the ascent to the summk of the Boutan moun*
tains is very great, but the descent on the other side ia
not in equal proportion. The kingdom of Thibet
is an elevated region, extiremely bare and desolate;
Account of Thibet, by Mr Stewart, read in the Royal
Society, p. 7« The extraordinary ccdd in low lati-
tudes in America cannot be accounted for by the
same cause. Those regions are not remarkable for
elevation. Some of them are countries depressed and
level.

The most obvious and probable cause of the superior
degree of cold towards the southern extranity of Ame-'
rica, seems to be the form of the continent there. Its
breadth graduidly decreases as it stretches from St
Antonio southwards, and from the Bay of St Julian to
the Straits of Magellan its dimensions are much con*
tracted. On the east and west sides it is washed by
the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. From its southern
point it is probable that a great extent of sea, without
any c(msidenible tract of land, reaches to the Antarctic
pole. In whichever of these directions the wind blows,
it is cooled before it approaches the Magellanic r^ona
by passii^ over a vast body of water ; nor is the land
there of such extent, that it can recover any consider*
able degree of heat in its progress over it. These cir-
cumstances concur in rendering the temperature cf

356 NOTES AND ILLUSXaATIONS.

the air in diis district of America more similar to that
of an insular, than to that of a continental climate,
and hinder it from acquiring the same degree of sum-
mer heat with places in Europe and Asia in a corres-
ponding northern latitude^ The north wind is the
only one that reaches this part of America, after blow-
ing over a great continent. But from an attentive
survey of its position, this will be found to hare a ten-
dency rather to diminish than augment the degree of
heatv The southern extremity of America is properly
the termination of the immense ridge of die Ande%
which stretches* nearly in a direct line from north to
south, through the whole extent of the continent The
most sultry regions in South America, Guiana, Brasi/^
Paraguay, and Tucuman, lie many degrees to the east
of the Magellanic regions. The level country of Peru^
which enjoys the tropical heats, is situated consider-
ably to the west of them. The north wind then,
though it blows over land, does not bring to the
southern extremity of America an increase of heat
collected in its passage over torrid r^ions; but before
it arrives there, it must have swept along the summits
of the Andes, and comes impregnated with the cold of
that frozen region*

Though it be now demonstrated that there is no
southern continent in that region of the globe which
it was supposed to occupy, it appears to be certain
from Captain Cook's discoveries, that there is a large
tract of land near the soulh pole^ which is the source
of most of the ice spread over the vast Southern Ocean ;
Vol. ii. p. 2S0. 2S9, &c. Whether the influence of
this remote frozen continent may reach the southern

190TES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 357

extremity of America, and a£fect its climate, is jin in-
quiry not unworthy of attention*

Note VIL p. 16.

M. CoNDAMiKE is one of the latestand most accao*
rate observers of the Ulterior state of South' America.
^< After desoMiding &om the Andes, (says he)^ one be-
holds a vast and uniform prospect of water and verdure,
'^ and nothing more. One treads upon the' earth, but
does not -see it; as it is so entirely covered with luxu-
riant plants, weeds, and shrubs, that it would require
a considerable degree of labour to clear it for the space
of a foot ;" Relation abreg^ d'tm Voyage, &c. p. 48.
One of the singularities in the forests is a sort of osiers,
or withes, called bejucosbj the Spaniards, Uanes by the
French, and nibbes by the Indians, which are .usually
employed as ropes in America. This is one of the
parasitical plants, which twists about the trees it meets
with, and rising above their highest branches, its ten-
drils descend perpendicularly, strike into the ground,
take root, rise up around another tree^ and thus mount
and descend ^temately. Other tendrils are carried
obliquely by the wind, or some ^accident, and form a
confusion of interwoven cordage, which resembles the
rigging of a ship ; Bancroft, Nat Hist, of Guiana,
99. These withes are often as thick as the arm of a
man ; lb. p. 75. M. Bouguer's account of the fm'ests
in Peru, perfectly resembles this description^ Voyage
au Peru, p. 16. Oviedo gives a similar description of
the forests in other parts of America-; Hist. lib. ix.
p. 144. D. The country of the Moxos is so much
•verflowedf - that they are obliged to reside on the

35B KOTBIS AND tBt/USTaATIONS.

flummit of soine rku^ groond during some part of
the year, and have no communication with their oons''
trymeo at any distance ; Lettres Edifiantes, torn. x.
p. 187. Garcia gives a full and just description of the
rivers, lakes, woods, and marshes, in those countries of
America which lie between the tropics ; Origan de los
Indies, lib. iL c« 5. {4, 5. The incredible hardships
to which Gonzalez Pizano waft exposed in attempting
to march into die country to the east of . the Andesy
omvey a very striking idea nf that part of Adu^rica in
its original vncnltivaied state; GarciL de la Vega,
Royal. Conuaent. of Fern, part ii* book iii. c. 2'-«^.

Note VIIL p. 19.

The animals of Ameriea seem not feo have been
always of a siate inferior to those in other <]uarters <^
the globe. From antlara of the moosendeer whidi
have been found in America, it appears to have been
an animal of great size. Near the banks of the Ohio^
a considerable number of bones of an immei»e magni-
tiftde hav^e beoi found. The place where this discovery
has been made Hes about one hundred and ninety miles
below the junction^ of the river Scioto with the Ohio.
It is about four miles distant from the banks of the
latter, on the aide of the marsh called the Sak Lidc.
The bonea He in vast quantities about five or six feet
under ground, and the stratum is visible in the bank
on the edge of the Lick; Jomnal &f Colonel George
Crt^lan^ MS. penes me. This spot seems to be acoct-
rately laid down by Evans in his map. These bones
must have belonged to animals of enormous bulk; and
naturalists being acquainted with no liraig creatare of

VOTES AND ILLlTflTaATIQNfi. 359

«

such size) were at first inclined to think that they were
mineral substances. Upon reoeiving a greater num-
ber of specimens, and after inspecting them more nar-
cowly, they npre now allowed to be the bon^s of an
unimaL As the eleptemt i^ the largest known qua-
^uped, and the tusks whic^ were found nearly re-
seaabledy both in fonn and quality, the tusks of an
elq^hant) it was conduded that the ^ar^cas^ deposited
on the Ohio ware of that species. But IDr Hunter,
Gf» df (the persiHis of our age b^st qualified tp decide
with respect to Ihis povat, hailing accurately ewmined
several pmrcels of tusksf and grinders^ 4Uid jaw«4Kmes,
aent from the C^io to London, gives it as bis opmcoi,
4|akal^ tjiey did not beloi^ to an elephant, but to some
imgs caitdivorous animal of an unknown ^)eci«s ; Phil.
Toaasact. toI. Iviii. p^ Si. Bones of the same l^nd,
tend as -rediarkaible lor their aise, have been found Aeiur
ihe mouths of tbe great rivers Qby, Jenifseia, and
L^ia» in IKbena ; Strattrenbtf^f DescripUfm t^Norih
mnd East Parts ^Europe aHd Asia^ .p. M2, .&c The
elephant seems to be GCtnfined in his range io ithe (tor-
rid zcme, and never multiplies beyond it. In jmoh
fooid regions as those ibcwdering on ike f!roBen.8cK,ilie
could not live. The existence of such ki^ge' ailimal^
in America might open a wide field for oonfectiihe.
The more we contemplate the face of nature, and con«
sider the variety of her productions, the more we must
be satisfied, that astonishing changes have been made
in the terraqueous globe by convulsions and revolu-
tions, of which no aeooimt is .preserved in history.

560 HOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

Note IX. p. 20.

• This degeneracy of the domestic European animals
in America may be imputed to «ome of tkese causes.
In the Spanish settlements, which are situated either
within ihe torrid zone, or in countries bordering upon
it, die increase of heat, and diversity of food, prevent
sheep and homed- cattle from attaining the same size
as in Europe. They seldom become so &t, and tlieir
flesh is not so juicy, or of such delicate flavour. In
North America, where the climate* is more favour-
able, and similar to that of Europe^'^the quality x)f the
grasses which spring op naturally in their pasture-
grounds is not good; Mitchell, p. 161, Agriculture
is- still so much in its infancy, that arti6cial food for
cattle is not raised in any quantity. During a winter,
long in many provinces, and rigorous in all, no proper
€are is taken of theirt^attle. The general treatment
of their horses and homed cattle is injudicious and
iiArah in all the EngUsh colcmies. These circumstan-

. ecu contribute more, perhaps, than any thing peculiar
in the quality of thedimate^ to the degeneracy of breed

j|n. the horses, cows, and she^, of many of the North

. )Ahierican provinces^

' Note X. p. 21.

In the year 1518, the island of Hispaniola was
afflicted with a dreadful visitation of those destructive
insects, the particulars of which Herrera describes,
and mentions a singular instance of the superstition of
the Spanish planters. After trying various methods

NOTES AND ILLC78TRATION8. 961

•of extenninatijDg the ants, thej resolved to implore
IM'otection of the saints; but as the calamity was new,
"they were at a loss to find out the saint who cotild
give them the most effectual aid. They cast lots in
order to discov^ the patron whom they should invoke.
The lots decided in favour of St Saturninus. They
celebrated his festival with great solemnity, and im-
mediately, adds the historian, the calamity began to
abate; Herrera, dec. 2. lib.iii. c. 15. p. 107.

Note XL p. 24.

The author of Recherches Philosophiques sur les
Americains, supposes this difference in heat to be equal
to twelve degrees, and that a place thirty degrees from
the equator in the old continent is as warm as one
situated eighteen degrees from it in America, torn. i.
p. 1 1 . Dr Mitchell,' after observations carried on dur-
ing thirty years, contends that the difference is equal to
fourteen or fifteen degrees of latitude ; Present State,
fcc. p. 257.

NoteXII. p. 24.

January Sd, 1765, Mr Bertram, near the head of
St John's river, in East Florida, observed a frost so
intense, that in one night the ground was frozen an
inch thick upon the banks of the river. The limes,
citrons, and banana trees, at St Augustin, were de-
.'Stroyed ; Bertram's Journal, p. 20. Other instances
of the extraordinary operations of cold in the southern
provinces of Morth America, are collected by Dr

862 N0TE9 ANO IjLLUSTHATfOJSrS,

Mitchell; Present State, p. 206, &c. Fdomaij 7th,
1747, the froBt at Charlestown was so intense, that a
{iers^n having 'Carried tivo quajrt battles of hot water
to bed, in the monns^ they were split to pieces, and
jthe water converted into solid hmp^ of ice. In a
litchen, where lliere was a fire, the water in ajar, in
whidh there was m large live ed$ was froisen to the
bottom* Almost all the (grange and oUvie fa^eos w&ce
destroyed; I>escripU]On of South Carodioa, Svo. liwd.
1761.

Note XIII. p. 25.

A utMAMKABhE instance of this occurs in Dutch
•Guiana, a oountry everywhere level, and so low, that
during the rainy seasons it i» usually coveited with
wceter near two feet in height llbis rcnd^s Ae soil
3o rich, that on the aurface^ for twelve niches in di^th,
it is a stntufli cipet&ct joianure, and as such has been
transported to Barbadoes. On the banks of the Ease-
quebo, thirty crops of ratan canes have b^en raised
successively ; whereas in the West-Indian islands not
more than two is ever expected from the richest land.
The expedients by which the planters endeavour to
diminish this excessive fertility of soil are various;
Bancroft, Nat. Hiat. ofGaiiana, p. JO, &c.

Note XIV. p. S9.

MviXEB seems to h|ive believed, without sufficient
evidence, that the Cape had been doubled^ tc»n. i.
p. 11, &c.; and the Imperial Academy of St Peters-

VOrES AKD ILLUSTRATIONS. S63

burgli givie sbme countenance to it, by the manner in
which Tschukaiskoi*nos$ is laid down m tibeir charts.
But i am assured, from undoubted authority, that no
Russian vessel has ever saUed round that cape; and
as the country of Tschuiki is not subject to the Rns*
sian ^mpine, it is very imperfectly known.

Note XV. p. 42.

Were this the place £}r entering into a long and
intricate geographical disquisition, many curious ob-
servations might arise from ccmiparkig the accounts of
the two Russian voyages and the charts of their respec-
tive navigations. One remark is applicable to both.
We cannot rely with absolute certainty on the position
which they assign to several of the plac^ whidi they
visited. The weather was so extremely foggy, that
1h^ seldom saw the sun or stars ; and the position of
the islands and supposed continents was commonly
d^ermined by reckoning, not by observation. Belui
ring and Tschirikow proceeded much farther towards
the east than Kraiitzin. 'Die land discovered by
Behring, which he imagined to be part of the Ame-
rican oontijient, is in the 236th degree of longitude
from th« first meridian in the Isle of Ferro, and in 58^
28'* of latitude. Tsdiirikow oame upon the same coast
in longit. 241% latit. 86''; MuUer, i. 248, 249. The
former must have ad^^nced BO degrees from l:fae Port .
of Petropawlowski, from which he took his departure,
and ^t^ latter 65 degrees. But from the chart of
Krenitan's voyage, it appeals th«t he did not sail
farther towards the east dian the 208th degree, and
•nly 32 degrees from Petropawlowski. In 1741, Beh

864 XOTES AKD ILLUSTBATIOXS.

ring and Tschirikow, both in going aild returhtng,
held a course which was mostly to the south of that
chain of islands which they discovered ; and observing
the mountainous and rugged aspect of the head*-lands
which they descried towards the north, they supposed
them to be promontories belonging to some part of the
American continent, which, as they fancied, stretched
as &r south as the latitude 56. In this manner they
are laid down in the chart published by MuUer, and
likewise in a manuscript chart drawn by a mate of
Behring's ship, communicated to me by Mr Professor
Robison. But in 1769 Krenitzin, after wintering in
the island Alaxa, stood so far towards the north in his
return, that his course lay through the middle of what
Behring and Tschirikow had supposed to be a conti-
nent, which he found to be an open sea; and that
they had mistaken rocky isles for the head-lands of a
continent It is probable, that the countries disco-
vered in 1741, towards the east, do not belong to the
American continent, but are only a continuation of
the chain of islands. The number of volcanoes in this
region of the globe is remarkable. There are several
in Kamtchatka, and not oAe of the islands, great or
small, as far as the Russian navigation extends, is
without them. Many are actually burning, and the
mountains in all bear marks of having been once in a
state of eruption. Were I disposed to admit such
conjectures as have found place in other inquiries con-
cerning the peopling of America^ I might suppose that
this part of the earth having manifestly suffered vio-
lent convulsions from earthquakes and volcanoes, an
isthmus, which, may have formerly united Asia to
America, has been broken, and formed into a cluster
49f islands by die $hock;

NOTES ANDIIXUSTRATIONSir 36fl

It is singular, that at the very time the I^ussian
nayigators were attempting to make discoveries in. the
north-west of America, the Spaniards were prose-
cuting the same design from another quarter. In
1769, two small vessels sailed from Loretto in Cali-
fornia to explore the. coasts of the country to the north
of that peninsula. They advanced no farther than the
port of Monte- Rey in latitude 36^ But, in several
successive expeditions fitted out from the port of St
Bias in New Galicia, the Spaniards have advanced as
far as the latitude 58 ; Gazeta de Madrid^ March 19..
and May 14. 1776. But as the journals of those voy-
ages have not yet been published, I cannot compare
their progress with that of the Russians, or shew how
near the navigators of the two nations have approadi-
ed to each other. It is to be hoped, that the enlight^
ened minister who has now the direction of American
affairs in Spain, will not withhold this information
from the public.

Note XVI. p. 4^.

Our knowledge of the vicinity of the two continents^
of Asia and America, which'was very imperfect when
I published the History of America in. the year 1777,
is now.cqoEnplete. Mr Coxe's Accomit.of the .Russian
Discoveries between Asia asid J^mGns^ {jrinted in the
year 1780, contains mahy jcurious and important facts
with respect to the various attempts of the Russians
to open a communication with the New World; ; The
history of the great Voyage of Discovery, begun by
Captain Cook in 1776, and completed by Captains

966 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIOKfd.

Qerk and Gore, published in the year ITSO^ commu-
nicates all the information that the curiosity of man-
kind could desire with regard to this subject.

At my request, my friend Mr Playfair, Professor
of Mathematics in the University of Edinburgh, has
compared the narratiye and charts of those iilustrioas
navigators, with the more imperfect relations and maps
of the Russians. The result of this comparison I com^
riiunicate in his own words^ with much greater confi-
dence in his scientific accuracy, than I could have
T^itured to place in any observations which I myself
might have made upon the subject.

^ The discoveries bf Captain Cook in his last voyage
have confirmed the conclusions which Dr Robertson
had drawn, and have connected together the &cts from
which tihey were deduced. They have now rendered
it certain that Behring and Tschirikow touched on the
coast of America in 1741. The former discovered
land in lat. 58*" 28', and about 236** east fi*om Ferro.
He has given such a description of the Bay in which
he anchored, and the high mountain to the westward
of it, which he calls St Mias, that thou^ the account
of his voyage is much abridged in the English transla-
tion, C^)tain Cook recognized the plac6 as he sailed
along the western coast of America in the year 1778.
The Isk of St Hermogenes, near the niouth of Cook's
River, Schumann's Isles on die coast of Alashka, and
Fc^gy Isle^ retain in Captain Cook's chart the names
which they had received firom the Russian navigator;
Cook's Voy. vol.ii. p. 34>7.

MOTES AND XLLU8TBATION8. 867

^ TscHiBiKow csme upon tke same coast about
^^ SO' tntthet soath than Bebring^ near the Motwt-v
Edgecumbe of Captain Coofc.

(( With regard to Krenitziii, we kam.froin Coxe^a
Account of the Russian Discoveries, that he sailed
from the mouth of the Kamtchatha river with two
ships in the year 1 76S. With his own ship he reached
the island Oondashk% in which there had been a
Russian settlement since the year 1762, where he
wintered, probably in the same harbour or bay where
Captain Cook afterwards anchored. The other ship
wintered at Alaahka, which was supposed to be an
island, thoi^h it be in &ct a part of the American
continent. Krenitzin accordingly returned without
knowing that either of his ships had been on the ooast
of America; and this is the more surprising, because
Captain Cook has informed us that Alashka is under-
stood to be a great continent, both by the Russians
and the natives at Oonolashka.

<< According to Krenitnn^ the ship which had
wintered at Alashka had hardly sailed W to the east^
ward of the harbour ^f St Peter and St Paul in
Kamtchatka; but, according to the more accurate
charts of Captain Cook, it had sailed Ho less than
S?"" 17' to the eastward of that ba^bour. There is
nearly the same mistake of 5^ in the longitude which
Krenitzin assigns to Ooncdashka. It ia remarkable
enough, that in the chart of those seaa put into the
hand of Captain Cook hy the Russians on that island^
there was an error of the same kind^ and very nemrly
of the same extent.

46

S68 KOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

*^ But what is of most ooDsequence to be remarked
on the sobject is» that the diacoTeries of Captain Coo]i
have fully verified Dr Robertson's conjecture, << that it
is probable that future navigators in those seas> by
steering ferther to the north than Behring and Tschi*
rikow or Krenitzin had done, may find that the conti*
nent of America approaches still nearer to that of Asia;*'
VoL ii« p. 43. It has accordingly been found that
these two continents, which in the parallel of 55^, or
that of the southern extremity of Alashka, are about
four hundred leagues asunder, a{^roach continually to
one another as they stretch together toward the north,
until, within less than a degree from the polar circle,
they are terminated by two capes, only thirteen leagues
distant. The east cape of Asia is in latitude 66^ 6%
and in longitude 190^ 22' east from Greenwich; the
western extranity of America, or Prince of Wales'
Cape^ is in latitude 65^ 46', and in longitude 191° 45%
Nearly in the middle of the narrow strait (Behring^s
Strait) which separates these capes, are the two islands
of St Diomede, firom which both continents may be
seen. Captain King informs us, that as he was saiKng
through this strait, July 5. 1 779, the fog having cleared
asrayy he enjoyed the pleasure of seeing frcHn the ship
the continents of Asia and America at the same mo-
ment, together with the islands of St Diomede lying
between them,- Cook's Voy. vol. iii. p. 244.

, « Beyond this point the strait opeos towards the
Arctic Sea, and the coasts of Asia and America diverge
so &st from one another, that in the parallel of 69°
they are more than one hundred leagues asunder; lb*
p. 277. To the south of the strait Aere are a number
of islands, Clerk's, King^s, Anderson's, &c. which, ^

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIOKS. 369

well a» those of St Diomede, diajr have frcilitated the
migratioiis of the aatiTes from the one oonllnent to the
other* Captaiii Cook, however, on die author!^ of the
Rossians at Ocmolaahka, and for other good reascms,
haOs diminished the number c^ islands which bad been
inserted in former diarts of the northern Archipelago.
He has also placed Alashka, or the promontory which
stretches from the continent of America S. W. towards
Kamtchatka, at the distance of five degrees of longi-
tude &rther from the coast of Asia than it was reckon^
ed by the Russian navigators.

" Tub geography of the Old and New World is
therefore equally indebted to the discoveries made in
this memorable voyage ; and as many errors have been
corrected, and many deficiencies supplied by means of
these discoveries, so the accuracy of some former ob-
servations has been established. The basis of the map
of the Russian empire, as far as regarded Kamtchatka
and the country of the Tschutzki, was the position of
four places, Yakutsh, Ochotz, Bolcheresk, and Petro-
pawlowski, which had been determined by the astro-
_ nomer Krassilnicow in the year 174f4; Nov. Comment.
Petrop. vol. iii. p. 465, &c. But the accuracy of his
observations was contested by Mw Engel, and M. Robert
de Vaugondy; Coxe, Append, i. No. 2. p. 267. 272;
and the former of these geographers ventured to take
away no less than 28 degrees from the longitude which,
on the £dth of Krassilnicow's observations, was assigned
to the eastern boundary of the Russian empire. With
how little reason this was done, will appear from consi-
dering that our ^^tish navigators, having determined
the position of Petropa^«'low8ki by a great number of
very accurate observations, found the longitude of that
VOL. II. A a

SF]0 NOTES ilNDILLUfiTEATIOlfS.

port 158^ 43^ £• from Greenwich^ and its latitiide
SS^ V; agreeing, the first to less than sev^a minutes,
and the second to less than half a minute, with the
oalculations of the Russian astronomer: a eoincidenoe
which, in the situatiosi of so remote a place, does not
leave an uncortmnty of more than four Eogli^ miles,
and which, for the ciedit of seia;ide, deserves to be par-
ticularly remarked. The chief error in the Russian
maps has been, in not extending the boundaries of that
empire sufficiently towards the east. For as there was
nothing to connect the land of the Tsehutzki and the
north-east point of Asia with those places whereof the
position had been carefuUy ascertained, except the im-
perfect accounts of Behring's and Synd's v&yskge^y con-
siderable errors could not fidl to be introduced, and
that point was laid down as not more than 2S^ 2' east
of the meridian of Pelaropawlowski ; Coxe, App. i.
No. 2.* By the observations of Captain King, the.dif^
ference of longitude between Petropawlowski and the
East Cape is 31^ 9'; that is, 8^ 7^ greater than it was
supposed to be by the Russian gec^aphera." — It ap-
pears from Cook's and King^s Yoy. iii. p. 272. that the
continents of Asia and America are usually joined toge-
ther by ice during winiter. Mr Samwell confirms this
account of his superior officer. ^ At this places viz.
near the latitude of 66^ N. the two coasts are only thir-
teen leagues asunder, and about midway between them
lie two islands, the distance from which to either shore
is short of twenty miles. At this place the natives of
Asia could find no difficulty in passing over to the op-
posite coast, which is in sight of iheir own. That in
a course of years such an event would happen, either
through design or accident, cannot admit of a doiibt.
The canoes which we saw among die Tschutaki were

NOTES AND ILLUSTKATIONS. 571

capable of pefforming a much longer voyage ; aiid,
however rude they may have been at some distant pe-
riod, we can scarcely suppose them unequal to a passage
of six or seven leagues. People might have been car-
ried over by accident on floating pieces of ice. They
might also have travelled across on sledges or on foot;
for we have rtason to believe that the strait is entirely
firoaen .over in the winter; so that, during that season,
the continents, with respect to the communication be-
tween them, may be considered as one land ;" Letter
from Mr Samwell, Scots Magazine for 1788, p.6(H.
It is probable that this interesting portion of geogra-
fikical knowledge will, in the course of a few years,
receive farther improvement. Soon after the publica-
tion of Captain Cook's last voyage, the great and en-
lightened Sovereign of Russia, attentive to every thing
that may contribute to extend the bounds of science,
or to render it more accurate, formed the plan of a
new voyage of discovery, in order to explore those
.parts of the ocean lying between Asia and America
which Captain Cook did not visit, to. examine more
accurately the isjands which stretch from one continent
almost to the other, to survey the north-east coast of
the. Russian empire, from the mouth of the Kovyma
or Kolyma, to the North Cape, and to settle, by as-
tronomical observations, the position of each place
worth notice. The conduct of this important enter-
prise is committed to Captain Billings, an English
officer in the Russian service, of whose abilities for
that station it will be deemed the best evidence, that
he accompanied Captain Cook in his last voyage. To
render the expedition more extensively useful, an emi-
nent naturalist is appointed to attend Captain Billings.
Six years will bo requisite for accomplishing the pur-

372 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

poses of the voyage ; Coxe, Supplement to Russian
Discoveries, p. 27, &c.

Note XVIL p. 60.

Few travellers have had such opportunity of observ-
ing the natives of America, in its various districts, as
Don* Antonio UUoa. In a work lately published by
him, he thus describes the eharacteristicat features of
the race : " A very small forehead, covered with hair
towards its extremities, as far as the middle of the eye-
brows; little eyes; a thin nose, small and bending to-
wards the upper lip ; the countenance broad ; the ears
large ; the hair very black, lank, and coarse ; the Ihnbs
well turned, the feet small, the body of just proportion,
and altogether smooth and free from hair, until old age,
when they acquire some beard, but never on the cheeks;'^
Noticjas Amerieanas, &c. p. S07. M. le Chevalier de
Pinto, who resided several years in a part of America
which UUoa never visited, gives a sketch of the gene-
ral aspect of the Indians there. <<They are all of
coppeV colour, with some diversity of shade, not in
proportion to their distance from the equator, but ac-
cording to the degree of elevation of the territory
which they inhabit. Those who live in a high coun-
try are fairer than those in the Qiarshy low lands on
the coast. Their face is round, farther r«noved, per-
haps, than that of any people from an oval shape.
Their forehead is small, the extremity of their ears
far from the face, their lips thick, their nose flat,
their eyes black, or of a chesnut colour, small, but
capable of discerning objects at a great distance.
Their hair is always thick and deek^ and without any

NOTES AND ILXU STRATI ONS. 37^

tendency to curL They hav^ no hair on any part o£
their body but the head. At the first aspect, a South-
ern American appears to be mild and innocent, but
on a more attentive view, one discovers in his counte-
nance something wild, distrustfiil, and sullen ;" MS.
penes me. The two portraits, drawn by hands very
difikrent from those of .common travellers, iiave a near
resemblance.

Note XVIIL p. 61.

Amazing accounts are given of the persevering
speed of the Americans. ' Adair relates the adven-
tures of a Chikkasah Warrior, who run through woods
and over mountains, three hundred computed miles,
in a day and ^,half and two jiights; Hist, of Amen
Ind. 396.

Note XIX. p. 67.

M. GoniN L£ Jeune, who resided ^fteen years
among the Indians of Peru and Quito, and twenty
years in the French colony of Cayenne, in which
there is a constant intercourse with the Galibis and
other tribes on the Orinoco, observes, that the vigour
of constitution among the Americans is exactly in pro-
portion to their habits pf labour. The Indians, in
warm climates, such as those on the coasts of the
.South Sea, on the river of Amazons, and the river
Orinoco, are not to^be compared for strength .with
those in cold countries ; and yet, says h^, boats daily
fiet out from Para, a Portuguese settlement on the

S74 NOT£S AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

river Amazons, to ascend diat river against the va-
pidity of the stream, and with the same crew they
proceed to San Pablo, which is eight hundred leagues
distant. No crew of white people, or even of negroes^
would be foiHid equal to a taA of 9ich persevering
&tigue, as the Portuguese have experienced, and yet
the Indians, being accustomed to this labour from
their infancy, perform it ; MS. penes me.

Note XX. p. 75.

Don Antonio Ulloa, who virited a great part of
Peru and Chili, the kingdom of New Granada, and
several of the provinces bordeting on the Mexican
Gulf, while employed in the same service with the
French mathematicians during the space of ten years,
and who afterwards had an opportunity of viewing
the North Americans, asserts, << that if we have seen
one American, we may be said to have seen them all,
their colour and make are so nearly the same;" Notic.
Americanas, p. 308. A more early observer, Pedro
de Cieca dej^eon, one of the conquerors of Peru, who
had likewise traversed many provinces of America^
affirms, that the people, men and women, although
there is such a multitude of tribes or nations as to be
almost innumerable, and such diversity of climates,
j^ppear nevertheless like the children of one &ther and
mother; Chronica del' Peru, parte i. c. 19. There
is, no doubt, a certain combination of features, and
peculiiifity of aspect, which forms what may be called
an Eurc^an or Asiatic countenance. There mxtst
likewise be one that may be denominated American,
common to the whole race. This may be supposed to

k

NOTES ANB ILLUSTRATIONS* STJS

Strike the traveller at first flighty while not only the
various shades which distinguish peo{ile of difFeiPent
regions, but the peculiar features which discriminate
individuals, escape the notice of a transient observer.
But when persons who had resided so long among the
Americans concur in bearing testimony to the similar
rity of thdr appearance in every climate^ we may con-
clude that it is more remarkable than that of any other
race. See likewise Garcia, Origen de los Indios, p. Siu
^4i2» Torquemada, Monarch. Indiana, iL 571.

Note XXI. p. 78.

M. L£ Chevalixr D£ Pinto obseTves, that^ in the
interior parts of Brasil^ he had been informed that
-some persons resembling the white people of Darien
have been found; but that the breed did not continue,
and their children became like other Americans. This
race, however, is very imperfectly known ; MS. penes
me.

Note XXII. p. 81.

The testimonies of different travellers concerning
Ac Patagonians, have been collected and stated with
a considerable degree of accuracy by the author of
Recherches Philosophiques, &c. tom. i. 281, &c. iiL
181, &C. Since the publication of his work, several
navigators have visited the Magellanic regions, and,
like their predecessors, difier very widely in their ac-
Gomits of its inhabitants. By Commodore Byron and
jiis crew, who sailed through the Straits in 1764, the

376 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

common rize of the Patagonians was Estimated to be
eight feet, and many of them much taller; Philos.
Transact, vol* iviL p. 78. By Captains Wallis and
Carteret, who actually measured them in 1766, they
were found to be from six feet to six feet five and seven
inches in height; Phil. Tnms. vol. be. p. 22. Tbese^
however, seem to have been the very people whose
size had been rated so high in the year 1764; for
several of them had beads and red baize of the same
kind with what had been put on board Captdh Wal-
lis's ship, and he naturally concluded that they had
got these from Mr Byron; Hawkesw. i. In 1767
they were again measured by M. Bougainville, whose
account differs little from that of Captain Wallis;
Voy. 129. To these I shall add a testimony of ^eat
weight. In tlie year 1762, Son Bernardo Ib^gnez de
Echavarri accompanied tjie Marquis de Valdfelirios to
Buenos Ayres, and resided there several years. He
is a very intelligent author, and his r^utation for ve-
racity unimpeached among his countrymen. In speak-
ing of the country towards the southern extremity of
America, *^ By what Indians," says he, *< is it possess-
ed? Not certainly by the fabulous Patagonians, who
are supposed to occupy this district. I have from
many eye-witnesses, who have lived among those Indi-
ans, and traded much wLtli them, e true and accurate
description of their persons. They are of the same
stature with Spaniards. I never saw one who rose in
height two varus and two or threa inches," i.e. about
80 or 81.332 inches English, if Echavarri makes his
computation according to the vara of Madrid. This
agrees nearly with the measurement of Captain Wal-
lis; Reyno Jesuitico, 238. Mr Falkner, who resided
^s a missionary forty years in the. southern parts of

NOTES AND ILLtJSTRATIONS. 377

Ameriea, says, that <^ the Patagonians, or Puelches,
are a large-bodied people; but I never heard of that
g^antic race which others have mentioBed, though I
have seen persons of all the different tribes of South-
em Indians;" Introd. p. 26. M» Dobrizhoffer, a Je*
suit, who resided eighteen years in Paraguay, and who
hftd seen great numbers of the various tribes which
inhal»t the countries situated upon the Straits of Ma-
gellan, confirms, in eveiy point, the testimony of his
brother-missionary Falkner^ Dobrizhc^er enters into
scHne detail witli respect to the opinions of several
authors, concerning the stature of the Patagonians.
Having mentioned the reports of some early travellers
with regard to the extraordinary size of some bones
found on that coast, which were supposed to be hu-
man, and having endeavoured to shev^ that these bones
belonged to some large marine or land animal, he
concludes, ^< de hisce ossibus crede quicquid libuerit,
dummodo, me suasore, Patagones pro gigantibus de-
sinas habere;" Historia de Abissonibus, vol. ii. p. 19,
&c.

Note XXIII. p. 86.

Antonio Sanchez Ribeiro, a learned and inge-
nious physician, published a dissertation in the year
1765, in which he endeavours to prove, that this dis-
ease was not introduced from America, but took its
rise in Europe, and was brought on by an epidemical
and malignant disorder. Did I choose to enter into a
•disquisition on this subject, which I should not have
mentimied if it had not been intimately connected
with this part of my inquiries, it would not be difficult
to point out some mistakes with respect to the &cts

378 KOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

upon which he founds, as well as some errors in the
consequences which he draws from them. The rapid
eommimication of this disease from Spain over Europe^
seems however to resemble the progress of an epidemic,
rather than that of a disease transmitted by infectioR^
The first mention of it is in the year 1493, and bef<»re
the year 1497 it had made its appearance in most
oountries of Europe, with sUch alarming symptoms as
rendered it necessary for the civil magistrate to inters
pose, in order to check its career. — Since the publi-
cation of this work, a second edition of Dr Sanchez's
Dissertation has been communicated to me. It ccm-
tains several additional fiicts in confirmation of his
opinion, which is supported with such plausible argu-
ihents, as render it a subject of inquiry well desarving
the attention of learned physicians.

NotfiXXIV. p. 91.

The people of Otaheite have no denomination for
any number above two hundred, which is sufficient
for their transactions; Voyages by Hawkeaworth, iL,
22S.

Note XXV. p. 98.

As the view which I have givoi of rude nations k
extremely d^erent from that exhibited by very respec-
table authors, it may be proper to produce some of the
many authorities on which I found my description.
The manners of the savi^e tribes in America bftve
never been viewed by p^sons more capable of ob-

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONlS. 879

serving them with discernment, dian the philosophers
employed by France and Spain, in the year 1735,' to
determine the figure of the earth. M. Bouguer,
D. Atitonio d'UMoa, and D. Joi:ge Juan, resided long
among the natives of the least ciTilized provinces ia
Peru. M. de la Cmidamine had not only the same
advantages with them for observation, but, in his
Aroyage down the Maragnon, he had an opportunity of
inspecting the state of the various nations seated on its
banks, in its vast course across the continent of South
America. There is a wonderful resemblance in their
arepresentation of the character of the Americans.
« They are all extremely indolen^'* says M. Bouguer;
** they are stupid r; they pass whole days sitting ill the
«ame place, without moving, or speaking a single word*
It is not easy to describe the degree of their indiflfei^nce
for wealth and all its advantages. One does not well
.know what motive to propose to them, when one would
persuade them to perform any service. It is vain to
offer them money,; they answer, that they are not
Jiungry ;'* Voyage an Perou, p. 102. ** If one con-
siders them as men, the narrowness of their under^
standing seems to be incompatible wifh the excellence
of the soul. Their imbecility is so visible, that one
can hardly form an idea of them different from what
one has of the brutes. Nothing disturbs the tranquil-
lity of their souls, equally ins^sible to disasters and to
prosperity. Though half-naked, they are as contented
as a monarch in his ihost splendid array. Riches do not
attract them in the smallest degree, ailKl the authority
or dignities to which they may aspire are'so little the-
objects of their amlntion, that an Indian will receive
with the same indifference the office of a judge (alcade)
or that of a hangman, if deprived of the former and ap-

380 NOTfeS AND ItLUSTRATIOM^,

pointed to the latter. Nothing can move or change
them. Interest has no power over them, and they
oftoi xefhse to perform a small service, though certain
of a great recomp^ise. Fear makes no impression
upon them, and respect as little. Their dispositioh is
so singular that there is no method of influenciug them,
no means of rousing them irom that indiflference which
b proof against all the endeavours of the wisest persons;
no expedient which can induce them to abandon that
gross ignorance, or lay aside that careless n^igence,
which disconcert the prudoice and disa{^int the care
of such as are attentive to iheir welfare;" Voyage
d'UUoa, tom« L Sd5. SS6. Of those singular qualities
he^ produces many extraordinary instances, p. 3S6 —
347. ^' Insensibility," ^ays M. de la Condamine, << h
the bans of the American character. \ leave others
to determine, whether this should be dignified with the
name of apathy, or disgraced with that of stupidity. It
arises, without doubt, from the small number of their
ideas, which do not extMid beyond their wants. Glut-
tons even to voracity, when they have wherewithal to
satisfy their appetite. Temperate, when necessity
obliges them, to such a degree, that they can endure
want without seeming to desire any thing. Pusillani-
mous and cowardly to excess, unless when they are
rendered desperate by drunkenness. Averse to labour,
indifferent to every motive of glory, honour, or grati-
tude; occupied entirely by the object that is present,
and always determined by it alone, without any solici-
tude about futurity; incapable of foresight or of reflec-
tion ; abandoning themselves, when under no restraint,
to a puerile joy, which they express by frisking about,
and immoderate fits of laughter; without object or
design, they pass their life without thinking, and grow

NOTES AND IL1USTBATION9. SStk

old without advancing beyond childhood, of which
they retain all the detects. If this description were
applicable only to the Indians in some provinces- of,
Peru, who are slaves in every respect but the name,
one might believe, that this degree of degeneracy was
occasioned by the servile dependence to which they are
reduced; the example <yf the modern Greeks being
proof how far servitude may degrade the human spe-
cies. But the Indians in die missions of the Jesuits,
and the savages who still enjoy unimpaired liberty,
being as limited in their faculties, not to say as stupid
as the other, one cannot observe, without humiliaticm,
diat man, when abandoned to simple nature, and de-
prived <^ the advantages resulting from education and
society, diifiers but littk from' the brute creation;"
Voyage de la Riv. de Amaz. 52, 5S. M. de Chanvar
Ion, an intelligent and philosophical observer, who
visited Martinico in 1751, and resided there six years,
gives the following description of the Caraibs : << It is
not the red colour of their complexion, it is not the
singularity of their features, which constitutes the chief
difference between them and us. It is their excessive
simplicity ; it is the limited degree of their faculties.
Their reason is not more enlightened or more provi-
dent than the instinct of brutes. The reason of the
most gross peasants, that of the negroes brought up in
the parts of Africa most remote from intercourse with
Europeans, is such, that we discover appearances of
intelligence, which, though imperfect, is capable of in-
crease. But of this the understanding of the Caraibs
seems to be hardly susceptible. If sound philosophy
and religion did not afford us their light, if we were to
decide according to the first impression which the view
of that people makes upon the mind, we should be dis-

3S& NOTES AND UPLUSTRATIONS.

posed to believe that they do not belong to the same
species with us. Their stupid eyes are the true .mir-
ror of their souls; it appears to be without fiinctions.
Their indolence is extreme ; they have never the least
solicitude about the moment which is to succeed that
which is present;" Voyage a la Martinique, p. 44, 45.
51. M. de la Borde, Tertre, and Rochefort, confirm
this description. ^^ The characteristics of the Califor-
nians," says P. Yenegas, « as well as of all other Indi-
ans, are stupidity and insensibility ; want of knowledge
and reflection ; inconstancy, impetuo^ty, and blindness
of appetite; an excessive sloth, andal^rrence of all
labour and fatigue; an excessive love of pleasure and
amusement of every kind, however trifling or brutal ;
pusillanimity; and, in fine, a mosit wreU^ed want of
every thing which constitutes the real man, and ren«
ders him rational, inventive^ tractable, and useful to
himself and society. It is not easy for E^ropeansi
who never were out of their own country, to conceive
an adequate idea of those people ; for, even in the least
firequented corners of the globe, there is not a natk)n
so stupid, of such contracted ideas, and so weak both
in body and mind, as the unhappy CaUfornians.
Their understanding cqfmprehendb little more than
what th^ see; abstract ideas, a»d much less a chain
of reasoning, being &r beyond their power; so that
they scarce ever improve their first ideas, and these are
in general false or at least inadequate. It is in vun to
represent to them any future advantages which.will re-
sult to them frcm doing or abstaining from this or that
particular immediately present ; the relation of means
and ends being beyond the stretch of their faculties.
Nor have they the least notion of pursuing sa^ inten-^
tions as will procure themselves some future good, or

NOTBS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 38S

guiurd them against future erils* Tbeir will is propor-
tional to their faculties, and all their passions move in
a very narrow sphere. Ambition they have none, and
are more desirous of being accounted strong than va-
liant. The objects qf ambition with us, honour, fame^
reputation, titles, posts, and distinctions of superiority^
are unknown among them ; so that this powerful spring
of action, the caiiise of so much seei^ing good and reid
evil in the world, has no power here. This dispositikm
of mind, as it gives them up to an aTpa/apg languor and
lassitude, tbeir lives fleeting away in a perpetual inacti-
vity and detestation of labour, so it likewise induces
them to be attracted by the first object which their
own fancy, or the persuasion of another, places before
them; and at the same time renders them as prone to
alter their resolutions with the same fadlity. They
look with indifference upon any kindness done them;
nor is even the bare remembrance of it to b<d expected
from them. In a word, the unhappy mortals may be
compared to children, in whom the developement of
reason is not completed. They may indeed be called
a nation who never arrive at manhood ;" Hist.. o£
California, Engl. Tran^l. i. 64. 67. Mr Ellis gives a
similar account of the want of foresight and ineonaft-
derate disposition of the people adjacent to Hudson's
Bay ; Voyage p. 194, 19&

The incapacity of the Amerioans is so remarkable^
that negroes from all the different provinces of Africa
are observed to be more .capable of improving by in-
struction. They acquire the knowledge of several
particulars which the Americans cannot, comprehend.
Hence the negroes, though slaves, value themselves as
a superior order of beings, and look, down upon the

46

684 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

Am^ricaiis with contempt, as void of capacity and of
rational discernment ; Ulloa, Notic. Americ. 522^ 323v

Note XXVL p. 105.

DoBBizHOFFER, the last traveller I know who has
resided among any tribe of the ruder Americans, has
ex:plained so fully the various reasons which have in-
duced their womeii to suckle their children long, and
never to undertake rearing such as were feeUe or dis-
torted, and even to destroy a considerable number of
their o£&pring, as to throw great light on the observa-
tions I have made, p. 71, 72 ; Hist, de Abissonibus,
vol. ii. p. 107. 221. So deeply were these ideas im-
printed in the minds of the Americans, that the Peru-
vians, a civilized people, when compared with the bar-
barous tribes whose manners I am describing, retain-
ed them ; and even their intercourse with the Spaniards
has not been able to root them out. When twins are
bom in any family, it is still considered as an ominous
event, and the parents have recourse to rigorous acts
of mortification, in order to avert the calamities with
which they are threatened. When a child is bom
with any deformity, they will not, if they can possibly
avoid it, bring jt to be bi^tized, and it is with difScul-
ty they can be brought to rear it ; Arriaga, Extirpac.
de la Idolat del Pera, p. 32, 3S.

Note XXVII. p. ill.

The number of the fish in the rivers of South
America is so extraordinary, as to merit particular

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATfONSi. 885

notice. << In the Maragnon (says P. Aeugna) fis^ arr
so plentiful, that, without any art^^thiey may take tfaem^
with the hands;" p, 138. " In the Orinoco (says P..
GumHla), besides an infinite* variety^ of other fish, tior-v
toise or tixrtle abound in snch numbers, that I cannot
find words to express it. I doubt not but thst such bb^
pead my account wiU accuse me of exaggeration ;' but
I can affirm that it is as difficult Co count them, as to
count the sands on the bank»^ of that river. One majr
judge of their number by the amazing consumption of
them; for all the nations contiguous to the river, and
even many who are at a distance, flock thither at the
season of breeding,, and not only find sustenance dur<-
ing that time, but carry off great numbers both of the
turtles and of their eggs," &c. Hist, de TOrenoque,
ii. c. 22. p. 59. M. de la Condamine confirms theii;
accounts, p. 159L

Note XXVIII. p. 111..

Piso describes two of titese plants, the Curunmpe^
and the Guajana-^ Titnbo. It is remarkable, that though
they have this f^tal efiect upon fishes^ they are so far
firom being noxious to the human species, that diey
are used in' medicine with success. Piso, lib. iv. c. 88..
Bancroft mentions anodiery^ the Hiarree, a small quan-
tity of which is sufficient to inebriate all* the fish to a'
considerable distimce^ so that in a few minutes tfaejr
float motionless on the surface of the water, and are
taken with ease. Nat. Hist. o£ Guian% p. 106^

VOL. lU B b*

I

9B6 K0TB8 AND IIXUSTBATIQVS.

Note XXIX. p. 115.

Remabkaue inoltfices occur of the calamities
which rttde nations m£fer by fiunine. Alvar Nugnez
Cabeca de Vaea, one of the most gallant and virtuous
of the Spanish adventurers, resided almost nine years .
among the savages of Florida* They were unacquaint^
ed with every qiecies of agriculture. Their subsistaiee-
was ppor and precarious. ^* They live chiefly (says
he) upon roots of difiersnt plants, which they procure
with great difficult, wandering from place to place m
search of them. Sometimes diey kill game, sometimes
diey oatch fish, but in such small quantities, diat their
hunger is so extreme as compels them to eat spsders^
the eggs of ants, worms, lizards, serpents, a kind of.
unctuous earth; and I am persuaded, that if in this
country there were any stones, they would swallow
these. They preserve the bones oi fishes and serpents,
which they grind into powder, and eat. The only
season when they do not suffer much from famine, is
when a certain fruit, w^iich he calls Tuttas, is ripe.
This is the same with the QpunUet^ or prickly pear, of
a reddish and yellow colour^ with a sweet insipid taste.
They are sometoes obUged to travel fin* boim their
usual place of residence, in order to find them ;" Nau-
fragios, c. xviii. p. 20, 21, 22. In another place he
observes, that they are frequently reduced to pass two
or three days without food, c. xxiv. p. 27.

Note XXX. p. 117.

M. Fermin has given an accurate description of the
two species of manioc, widi an account of its culture.

to whidi he has tulded some experiments, in order to
ascertain the poisonous qoi^ties of the juice extracted
from that species which he calls the bitter cassava.
Among the Spaniards, it is known by the name of
Yuca bravd. Descr. de Surin. torn* i. p. 66.

NotkXXXL p. 117.

The plantain is found in Asia and Africa, as well
as in America. Oviedo contends, that it is not an
indigenous plant of the New World, but was intro*
dttced into the island of Hispaniola, in the year 1516,
by Father Thomas de Berlanga, «nd that he trans-
planted it from the Canary Islsmds, whither the ori-
ginal slips had been brought from the £ast*>Indies.
Oviedo, lib. viii. c. 1. But the opinion of Acosta and
other naturalists, who reckon it an American plant,
seems to be better founded. Acosta, Hist. Kat. lib. iv.
21. It was cultivated by rude tribes in America, who
hlid little intercourse with the Spaniards, and who
were destitute of that ingenuity which disposes men
to borrow what is useful from foreign nations. Ou-
miUa, iii. 186. Wafer^s Voyage, p. 87.

Note XXXII. p. 119.

It is remarkable, that AcoSta^ one of the most accu-
rate and best informed writers concerning the West-
Indies, affirms, that maize, though cultivated on the
continent, was not known in the islands, the inhabi-
tants of which had none but cassada bread. Hi^t.
Nat. lib. iv« c. 16. Bnt P. Martyr, in the first book of

3^ NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

hift first Decad, which was written in the year 14-95,
upon the return of Columbus from his first voyage,
expressly mentions maize as a plant which the islanders
cultivated, and of which they made bread, p. 7. Go-
mara likewise asserts, that they were acquainted with
the culture of maize. Hist. Gener. cap. 28. Oviedo
describes maize without any intimation of its being a
plant that was not natural to Hispaniola. Lib. vii. c. I.

Note XXXIII. p. 127.

New Holland, a country which formerly was only
known,, has liately been visited by intelligent observers.
It lies in a region-of the globe where it must enjoy a
very favourable climate^ as it stretches from the 10th
to the SSth degree of northern latitude. It is of great
extent, and from its square form must be much more
than equal to all Europe. The people who inhabit
the various parts of it appear to be of one race. They
are evidently ruder than most of the Americans, and
have made still less progress in improvement and the
arts of life. There is not the least appearance of cvir
tivation in any part of this vast region. The inhabi-
tants are extremely few, so that the country appears
almost desolate. Their tribes are still more inconsi-
derable than those of America. They depend for sub-
sistence almost entirely on fishing. They do not settle
in one place, but roam about in quest of food. Both
sexes go stark-naked. Their habitations,, utensils, &c.
are more simple and rude than those of the Americans*
Voyages, by Hawkeswortfa, iii. 622„ &c. This, per-
haps, is the country where man. has been discovered in
the earliest stage of his progress ; and it exhibits a

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS, 889

miserable specimen of his condition and powers in that
uncultivated state. If this country shall be more fulljr
explored by future navigators, the comparison of the
manners of its inhabitants -vnth those of tihe Americans
will prove an instructive article in the history of the
human species.

Note XXXIV. p. 127.

P. Oabriel Marest, who travelled from liis station
among the Illinois to Machillimakinac, thus describes
the face of the country : — ^ We have inarched twelve
days without meeting a single human creature. Some-
times we found ourselves in Tast meadows, of which
we could not see tlie boundaries, through which there
flowed many brooks and rivers, but without any path
to conduct us. Sometimes we were obliged to open a
passage across thick forests, through bushes and un<-
derwood filled with briers and thorns. Sometimes we
had t6 pass through deep marshes, in which we sunk
up to the middle. After being fatigued through the
day, we had the earth for our bed, or a few leaves,
exposed to the wind, the rain, and all the injuries of
the air ;" Lettr. Edifiantes, ii. 360. Dr Brickell, in
an excursion from North Carolina towards the moun-
tains, A. D. 1730, traveHed fifteen days without meet-
ing with a human creature. Nat. Hist, of North Caro-
Ena, 'S99. Diego de Ordas, in attempting to make a
settlement in South America, a. d. 15S2, marched fifty
days through a country without one inhabitant. Her-
rera, dec. S. lib. L ell.

^

390 lfOTS9 AND ILLUJBITRATIONS.

NcxebXXXV. p,l29.

I STEOKGLY susp<9Gt that a community of goods, imd
an undivided store, are known only among tiie rude^
tribes of hunters ; and. that as soon as. any spepies of
agriculture or regular industry is known, the idea of
an exclusive right of property to the fruits of them is
introduced. I am confirmed in this opinion by ac-
counts which I have received concerning the state of
pi^apettY among the Indiajss in very different regions
of America* << The idea of the nativ^^ of Brasil con-
cerning property is» that if any person cultivate a fields
he alone ought to enjoy the produce of it, and no other
has a title to pretend to it* If an individual or family
go arhunting or fishing, what is caught belongs to ik^
individual or to the family, and they coiiAmuniqate 4V>
part of it to any but to their cazique, or to such of
their kindred as happen to be indigos ed. Xf any per-*
son in the village come to their hut, he may sit down
fireely, and eat without asking liberty. But this is the
consequence of their general principle of hospitality ;
for I never observed any partition of the increase of
their fields, or the produce of the chase, which I could
consider as the result of any idea concerning a comr
munity pf goods. On the contrary, they are so much
attached to what they deem to be their jHx>perty, that
it would be extremely dangerp^s to encroach upon iU
As far-as I have seen or can learn, tb^e is not one
tribe of Indians in South America, among whom thai
qommunity of goods which has been so highly extolled
is known. The circumstance in th^ goyeminei^t of the
Jesuits, most irksome to the Indians of Paraguay, was
the community of goods which those fathers intro-

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATION'S. S9l

daced. This was repugnant to the original ideas of
the Indians. They were acquainted with the rights
of private exclusive property, and they submitted with
impatience to regulations which destroyed them ;" M.
le ChevaL de Finto, M& penes me. << Actual pdsses-*
4iion (says a missionary who resided several years among
the Indians of the Five Nations) gives a right to the
soil, but whenever a possessor sees fit to quit it, ano*
ther has as good right to take it as he who left it.
This law, or custom, respects not only the particular
spot on which he erects his house, but also his plant-
ing goound. If a man has prepared a particular spot
of ground, on which he designs in future to build or
plant, no man has a right to incommode him, much
less to the fruit of his labours, until it appears that he
voluntarily gives up his views. But I never heard of
any formal conveyance from one Indian to another in
dieir natural state. The limits of every canton are cir-^
cumscribed ; that is, they are allowed to hunt as far
as such a river on this hand, and such a mountain gh
the other. This area is occupied and improved by
individuals and their fiimilies. Individuals, not the
community, have the use and profit of their own 1b«
hours, or success in hunting;*' MS. of Mr Gideon
Hawley, ^^7i€5 me.

Note XXXVI. p.isi.

This ££Perence of temper between the Americans
and negroes is so remarkable, that it is a proverbial
saying in the French islands, <* Regarder un sauvage
de travers, c'est le battre ; le battre, c'est le tuer ; battre
un negre, c'est le nourrir ;'* Tertre^ ii. 490.

992 i?0X£S JOfD ILLUSTRATIONS.

NoteXXXVIL p.132.

The description of lihe political state of the people
4of Cinaloa perfectly resembles that of the inhabitants of
North America. <^ They have neither laws nor kmgs
^says A missionary who resided long among them) to
punish any crime. Nor is there among them any spe-
cies of atiiihority, or political government, to restrain
them in any part of their conduct It is true, that they
acknowledge .certain caziques, who are heads of their
families or villages, but their authority appears chiefly
in war, .and the expeditions against their enemies. This^
authority the caziques obtain not by hereditary right,
but by their valour in war, or by the power and num-
'ber of their families and relations. Sometimes they
pwe their pre-eminence to their eloquence in display-
ing their own exploits;" Ribas, Hist de las Triumph.
&c. p. 11. The state of the Chiquitosin South Ame-
rica is nearly the same» . ^' They have no regular form
of government or civil life, but in matters of public
concern they listen to the advice of their old men, and
usually follow it. The dignity of cazique is not he*
reditary, but conferred according to merit, as the re-
ward of valour in war. The union among them is
Imperfect TTieir society resembles a republic without
any head, in which every man is master of himself, and,
upon the least disgust, separates from tihose with whom
he seemed to be connected;" Relacion Historical de
las Missionesdelos Chiquitos, por P. Juan Patr. Fer-
nandez, p. 32, 33. Thus, under very different climates,
when nations are in a similar state of society, their in-
stitutions and civil govemmjeut assume the same forixu

KOTES AKJD ILLUSTEATIONS. 393

Note XXXVIIL p. 149.

'" I HAVE known the Indians (says a person well ac-
^aainted with their mode of life) to go a thousand miles
for the purpose of revenge, in pathless woods, over hills
and mountains, through huge cane-swamps, exposed to
the extremities of heat and cold, the vicissitude of sea^-
SODS, to iiung^ and thirst Such is their over-boiling
revenge&d temper, that they utterly contemn all those
things as imaginary trifles, if they are so happy as to
get the scalp of the murderer, or enemy, to satisfy the
craving ghosts of their deceased relations ;" Adair's
Hist, of Amer. Indians, p. ISO-

Note XXXIX. p.U9-

In the account of the great war betweoi the Algon-
qiiins and Iroquois, the achievements of Piskaret, a
famous chief of the Algonquins, performed mostly by
himself alone, or with one or two companions, make a
capital figure. De la Potherie, i. 297, &c. Colden's
Hist, of Five Nations, 125, &c.

Note XL. p. 153.

.The life of an unfortunate leader is often in danger^
and he is always degraded from the rank which he had
acquired by his former exploits. Adair^ p. 388.

4

394 NOTES AKB ILLUSTRATIOKS.

Note XLI. p*> 153.

As the ideas of the North Americans, with respect
to the mode of carrying on war, are generally known,
I have founded my observations chiefly npon the testi-
mony of the authors who describe them. But the same
maxims took place among other nations in the New
World. A judicious missionary has giren a view of
the military operations of the people in Gran Chaco,
in South America, perfectly similar to those of the
Iroquois. <<They are much addicted to war (says
he), which they carry on fiiequent]y among themselves,
but perpetually against the Spaniards. But they may
rather be called thieves than soldiers, for they never
make head against the Spaniards, unless when they can
assault them by stealth, or have guarded against any
mischance by spies, who may be called indefatigable.
They will watch the settlements of the Spaniards for
one, two, or three years, observing by night every thing
diat passes with the utmost solicitude, whether they may
expect resistance or not, and until they are perfectly se-
cure of the event, they will not venture upon an attack ;
so that when they do give the assault, they are certain
of success, and free from all danger. These spies, in
order that they may not be observed, will creep on all-
four like cats in the night; but if they are discovered,
make their escape with much dexterity. But, although
they never choose to hce the l^aniards, if they be sur-
rounded in any place whence they cannot escape, they
will fig^t with deqierate valour, and sdl their lives very
dear ;" Lozano, Descript. del Gran Chaco, p. 78.

K07ES ANB ILLUSTRATIONS. 39^

Note XLIl. p. 155.

Lery, who was an eye-witness of the proceedings of
the ToupinamboSf a Brasilian tribe, in a war against
a powerful nation of their enemies^ describes their
t;ourage and ferocity in very striking terms. Ego cum
Gallo altero^ paiilo curiosius, magno noatropertenlo (si
enim ab hostibus capti aut lesi fuias^us, devorationi
fiussemits devoti), barbaros nostros in militiam euntes
^mitari voloi. Hiy niuHero MOO capita, cum hostibns
ad littus deoertarunt, tanta ferocitate^ ut vel rabidos el
jRuriosos quosque superarent. Cum primnm hostes con*
qtexere, in ma^os atque editos ululatus perruperunt.
Haec gens adeo fera est et truculenta, ut tantisper dma
▼irium vel tantiilum restat, continue dimicent, fbgam*
que nxinquam capessant. Quod a natura illis inditum
esse reor. Testor intexea me, qui non serael, turn
peditum turn equitum copias ingentes, in aciem instruc*
tas hie oontpexi, tanta nunquam yoluptate vid^adis
peditum kgionibus armis fulg^itibus, quanta turn pug^
nantibiis istis percnsaum feisse, Lery, Hist. Navigat
in Brasil. ap. de Bry, iii. 207, 208, 209.

Note XLIIL p. 156.

It was originally the practice of the Americans, as
w«U as of other tavage nations^ to cut off the heads of
the enemies wboia they slew, and to carry them away
m trophies* But, aa they found tbcae cumbersome in
their retreat^ "which Ihey ahKays make very rapidiy^
«ad often through a vast exl^mt of country, they
became 8«tisfied with tearing ofF their scalpa. Thia

4

396 KOTSS AND ILLUSTRATIONS,

custom, though most prevalent in North America,
was not unknownamong the southern tribes. Lozano,
p. 7^-

Note XLIV. p. 162.

The terms of the war-song seem to be dictated hj
the same fierce spirit of revenge. << I go to war to re-
venge the death of my brothers ; I shall kill ; I shall
extenninate; I shall bum my enemies ; I shall bring
away slaves; I shall devour their heart, dry their flesh,
drink their blood; I shall tear off their scalps, and
mf^e cups of dieir skulls.'' Bossu's Travels through
Louisiana, vol. L p., 102. I am informed, by persons
on whose testimony I can rely, that as the number of
people in the Indian tribes has decreased so much,
almost none of their prisoners are now put to death.
It is considered as better policy to spare and to adqpt
them. Those dreadful scenes which I have described
occur now so rarely, that missionaries and traders who
have resided long among the Indians, never were wit-
nesses to them*

Note XLV. p. 162.

All the travellers who have visited the most uncivi-
lized of the American tribes a^ee in this. It is con-
finned by two remarkable circumstances, which oc-
curred in the conquest of different provinces* In the
expedition of Narvaez into Florida in the year 1528,
the Spaniards were reduced to such extreme 'distress
by fiunine, that, in order to preserve their own lives,

i

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 397

they ate such of their companions as happened to die.
This appeared so shocking to the natives, who were
accustomed to devour none but prisoners, that it filled
them with horror and indignation against the Spaniards.
Torquemada, Monarch. Ind. ii. p. 584. Nauiragios de
Alv. Nugnez Cabeca de Vaca, c. xiv. p. 15. During
the siege of Mexico,, though the Mexicans devoured
with greediness the Spaniards and Tlascakns "whom
they took prisoners, the utmost rigour of the famine
which they 8n£Eered could not induce them to touch the
dead bodies of their own countrymen. Bern. Diaz del
Castillo, Conquist de la N. £spagna> p. 156*

Note XLVI. p. 164.

Many singular circumstances concerning the treat-
ment of prisoners among the people of Brasil, are con-
tained in the narrative of Stadias, a German officer in
the service of the Portuguese, published in the yean
1556. He was taken prisoner by the Taupinambos^
and remained in captivity nine years. He was often
present at those horrid festivals which he describes, and
was destined himself to the same cruel fate with other
prisoners. But he saved his life by extraordinary
efforts of courage and address. De Bry, iii. p. 34, &c.
M. de Lery, who accompanied M. de Villagagnoa in
his. expedition to Brasil, in the year 1556, and who re-
sided some time in that country, agrees with Stadius
in every circumstance of importance. He was fre-
quently an eye-witness of the manner in which the
Brasilians treated their prisoners. De Bry, iii. 210.
Several striking particulars omitted by them, are men-

898 moVes and illtjstrations.

tioned by a Poriugiiese author. Putchasy Pilgr. m

Note XLVII. p. ld«.

Thoi/gh I have followed that c^inion ooaeeming
the apathy of the Americans, which appeared to me
most rational, and supported by the authority of the
most respectable authors, other theories have been
formed with regard to it, by writers of great eminoice.
D. Ant. UUoa, in a late work, contends that the tex-
ture of the skin and bodily habit of the Americans is
such, that they are less sensible of pain than the rest of
mankind. He produces several proofs of this, firom the
manner in which they endure the most cruel chirurgi-
cal operations, &c. Noticias Americanas, p. 313, 514.
The same observation has been made by surgeons in'
Brasil. An Indian, they say, never complains under
pain, and will bear the amputation of a leg or arm
without uttering A single groan. MS. penes me.

, Note XLVIIL p. 170.

1
This is an idea natural to all rude nations. Among
the Romans, in the early periods of their* common*
wealth, it was a maxim that a prisoner, <* turn deeessisse
videtur cum captus est." Digest, lib. xhx. tit. 15. c
1 8. And afterwards, when the progress of refinement
rendered them more indulgent widi respett to this ar-
ticle, they were obliged to employ two fictions of law
to secure the property, and permit the return of a cap-

NOTBS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 399

tive; tiie one by the Lex Corndia, and the other by
the Jos Fostliminii. Heinec. Elem* Jun Civ* sec. brd*
Pand» iu p. 294. Among the negroes the same ideas
prevail* No ransom was ever accepted for a prisoner*
As soon as one is taken in war, he is reputed to be
dead ; and he is so in effect to his country and his &*
mily* Voy. du ChevaL des Mardbais, i. p..369»

Note XLIX. p. 172-

The people of Chili, the most gallant and high*
spirited of all the Americans, are the only exception -
to this observation. They attack their enemies in the
open field; their troops are ranged in regular order;
their battalions advance to the chaij^ge, not only with
courage, but with discipline* The North Americans,
though many of them have substituted the European
fire-arms in place of their own bows and arrows, still
adhere to their ancient maxims of war, and carry it
on according to dieir own peculiar system* But the
Chilese nearly resemble the warlike nations of Europe
and Asia in their military operations* Ovalle's ReU«
tion of Chili ; Church* Coll. iii* p* 71* Lozano, Hist.
Parag. i. I**, 145.

Note L* p. 17fi.

HsRKiKA gives a remarkable proof of this. In
Yucatan, the men are so solicitous about dicsr dress,
that they carry about with them mirrors, probably
m^de of stone, like those of the Mexicans, Dec. iv. lib*
iii. c« 8. in which tibey delight to view themselves;

46

400 NOTES AND ILLUSTAATIONSv

but the women never use tbem, Dec. m lib* stl c. S.
He takes notice^ that among the fierce tribe of d»e
Punches^ in the New Kingdom of Granada, none but
distinguished warriors were permitted either to pierce
their lips and to wear green stones in them, or to
adorn their heads with plumes of feathers, Dec. vii»
lib. ix. c. 4. In spme provinces of Peru, though tbmt
empire had made considerable progress in civilization,
the state of women was little improved. All the toil
of cultivation and domestic work was devolved upon
them, and they were not permitted to wear bracelets,
or other ornaments, with which the men were fond of
decking themselves. Zarate, Hist, de Peru, i. p. 15,
16.

Note LI. p. 17G.

I HAVE ventured to call this mode of anointing and
painting their bodies, the dress of the Americans^
This is agreeable to their own idiom. As they never
stir abroad if they are not completely anointed, they
excuse themselves when in this situation, by. sayings
that they cannot appear because they are naked* Gur
milla. Hist de FOrenoque, i. 191.

Note LII. p«i?8.

Some tribes in the province of Cinaloa, on the Gulf
d£ California, seem to be among the rudest people of
America united in the social state. They neither cul-*
tivate nor sow; they have no houses in which they
reside. Those in the inland country subsist by hunt-

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 401

ing; thofle on the sea-ccmst chiefly by fidhifig* Bodi
depend upon the spontaneous productions of the earth,
fruits, plants, and roots of irarious lands* In the rainy
season, as they have no balxtations to afford them
shelter, they gather bundles of reeds, or strong grass,
and binding them together at one end, they open them
at the other, and fitting them to dieir heads, they are
covered as with a large ci^, whidi like a penl>-house
throws off the rain, and will keep them dry for several
hours* During the warm season, they form a shed
with the branches of trees, which protects them from
the sultry rays of the sun. When exposed to cold,
they make large fires, round which they sleep in the
open air. Historia de los Triumphos de Nuestra
Santa F^ entre Gentes las mas barbaras, &c. por P.
And. Perez de Ribas, p. 7, &c.

KoTisLIII. p. 179.

These houses resemble barns. <* We have mea-
sured some which were a hundred and fifty pacea
long, and twenty paces broad. Above a hundred per-
sons resided in some of them;" Wilson's Account of
Guiana; Purch. Pilgr. vol. iv. p. 1263. Ibid. 1291.
<< The Indian houses," says Mr Barrere, <^ have a
most wretched appearance, and are a striking image
of the rudeness of early times. Their huts are com-
monly built on some rising ground, or on the banks
of a river, huddled sometimes together, sometimes
stra^ling, and always witlunit any order. Hieir
aspect is melancholy and disagreeable. One sees no-
thing but what is hideous and savage. The uncul-
tivated fields have no gaiety. The silence which reign»

VOL. II. c c

402^ KOTES ANB ILLUSTRATIONS*

thcrt, ttnicM when ioterrapted by ike disagreeabls
iMtos of birds, or cries of wild beasts, is extremely
dismal f Relat. de la France Equin. p« 146.

Note LIV. p. 182.

Some tribes in South America can send their ar«
rows to a great distance, and with considerable force,
without the aid of the bow. They make use of a
hollow reed, about nine feet long, and an inch thick,
which is called a Sarbacane. In it they lodge a small
arrow, with some unspun cotton wound about its great
end; this confines the air, so that they can blow it
with astonishing' rapidity, and a sure aim, to the dis^
tance of above a hundred paces. These small arrows
are always poisoned. Fermin, Descr. de Surin. i. 55*
Bancroft's Hist, of Guiana, p. 281, &c. The Sarba-
cane is much used in some parts of the East-Indies.

Note LV. p. 182.

I MIGHT produce many instances of this, but shall
satisfy myself with one, taken from the • Esquimaux.
^ Their greatest ingenuity (says Mr Ellis) is shown in
the structure of th^r bows, made commonly of three
pieces of wood, each making part of the same arch,
very nicely and exactly joined together. They are
commonly of fir or larch ; and as this wants strength
and elasticity, thefr supply both by bracing the back
of the bow with a kind of thread, or line, made of the
sinews of their de^, and the bow-string of the same
materials* To make them draw more stiffly, they dip

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS* 40S

them into wat^, which causes both the back of the
bow. and the string to contract, and consequently
gives it the greater force ; and as they practise from
dieir youth, th^ shoot with very great dexterity ;**
Voyage to Hudson's Bay, p. 138.

NoTi LVL p. 18$.

Necessity is the great prompter and guide of man-
kind in their inventions. There is, however, such
inequality in some parts of their progress, and some
nations get so far the start of others in circumstanceft
nearly similar, that we must ascribe this to some events
in their story, or to some peculiarity in their situation,
with which we are unacquaint^. The people in the
island of Otaheite^ lately discovered in the South Sea,
far excel most of the Americans in the knowledge and
practice of the arts of ingenuity, and yet they had not
invented any method of boiling water; and having no
vessel that would bear the fire, they had no more idea
that water could be made hot, than that it could be
made solid. Voyages by Hawkesworth, i. 466. 4S4.

Note LVII. p. 1S3.

One of diese boats, which could carry nine men,
weighed only sixty pounds. Gosnal, Relat, des Voy.
a la Virgin.; Rec. de Voy. au Nord, torn. v. p. 40?^

404 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

Note LVIII. p. 166-

A HEHARKABLE proof of this ig produced by UUoo.
In weaving hammocks, coverlets, and other coarse
cloths, which they are accustomed to manu&cture,
their industry has discovered no more expeditious me-
thod than to take up thread after thread, and after
counting and sorting them each time, to pass the woof
between themf so that in finishing a small piece of
those stuffs, they frequently spend more than two years.
Voyage, i. SS6. Bancroft gives the same description
of the Indians of Guiana, p. 255. According to Adair,
the ingenuity and despatch of- the North American In-
dians are not greater, p. 4>22. From one of the engra-
vings of the Mexican paintings in Purchas, vol. iii.
p. 1106. I -think it ^probable that the people of Mex;-
ico were unacquainted with any better or more expedi-
tious mode of weaving. A loom was an inventt<m be-
yond the ingenuity of the mo^ improved Americans..
Jn all their works they advance so slowly, that one of
thar artists is two months at a tobacco^pe with hik
knife befinre he finishes ita Adair, p. 423%

NoteLIX. p. 188.

The article of. religion in P. Lafitau's Mceurs des
Sauvages, extends to 347 tedious pages in quarto.

VOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 405

NoteLX. p. 191*

I HAVE referred the reader to sereral of the authors
-who describe the most uncivilked nations in America.
Their testimony 18 uniform. That of P. Bibas concer-
ning the people of Cinaloa, coincides with the rest. *^ I
was extremdly attentiye (says he), daring the years I
^ resided among than, rto ascertain whether they were to
he considered as idolaters ; and it may be affim^ed with
the most perfect exactness, that though among some of
them there may be traces of idolatry, yet others have
not the least knowledge of iGod, or even of any false
<deity, nor pay any formal adoration to the Supreme
Being who exercises dominion over the world ; nor
have they any conception of the providence of a Crea-
tor or Governor, from whom they expect in t^e next
life the reward of their ^ood, or the punishment of
their evil deeds. Neither do they publicly join in
any act of divine worship;" Ribas, Triumphos, &a
p. 16.

Note LXL p. 192.

The people of Brasil were so *much affrighted by
thunder, which is frequent and awful in their country,
as well as in other parts of the torrid zone, that it was
not only the object of religious reverence, but the
most expressive name in their language for the Deity
was Taupan^ the same by which they distinguished
thunder. Piso de Medec. Brasil. p. 8. NieuhofF;
Church. ColL ii. p. 132.

406 KOTBll AND IJLLUSTBATIONS.

NotE LXIL p. sou

Bt die accoimC which M. Damont, En eye-witness,
gives of the fiineral of the great ddef of the Natdiez,
it ^)pean» that the feelings <fi the persons who sutfered
on that occasion were very different. Some solicited
the honour with eagerness ; others laboured to avoid
their doom, and several saved their lives by flymg to
the woods* As die Indian Brahmins give an intoxi«-
eating draught to the wom^t who are to be burnt to-
other with the bodies of their husbands, which ren*
ders them insensible of their approaching fate, the
Natchez obliged their victims to swallow several lar^e
pills of tobacco, which produce a similar efifect. Mem.
iie Louis, i. 227.

Note LXIH. p. 210.

On some occasions, particularly in dances instituted
far the recovery of persons whp iire indisposed, they
are extremely licentious and indecent. De la Potherie
Hist &c. ii. p. 42. Charlev. N. Fr. iii. p. 319. But
the nature of their dances is commonly such as I have
described.

Note LXIV. p. 212.

TwE Othomacaas, a tribe seated on the 'banks of the
Orinoco, employ for the same purpose a composition
which they call Yupa* It is formed of the seeds of an
unknown plant reduced to powder, and certain shells

burnt and pulverized Tlie dSbCU of thi% irhieu drawB
up into the nofitrilt, are so violent, that they resemble
madness rather than intoxicattOD. . Gmnillay L 286.

Now LXV. p* 21S.

Tbovgu this observmtioii holds ime among the
greater part of the ^soathem tribes, there ane some iA
vfhkik the intemperance of the wonwn is as exisessive
as that of the men. Bancroft's Nat Hist. o£ Guiana,
p. 275.

Nore LXVI. p. 232.

£v£K in the most intelligent writers coneeitiing the
manners of the Amerieans, one meets with inconsis^
Usxt and inexplicable circnmstanees. The Jesuit Char^-
levoix, who, in consequence of the contmversy between
his order and that of the Fnmciscaas, with respect to
the talents and abilities of die North Amexicatis, is
disposed to represent their intellectiial as well as moral
qualities in the most favourable light, asserts, that
they are engaged in continual negociations with their
neighbours, and conduct these with the most refined
address^ At the saipe time he adds, << that it behoves
their envoys or plenipotentiaries to exert their abilities
avd eloquence; for if the terms which they offer are
not accepted of, they had need to stand on their
guard. It frequently happ^s^ that a blow with a
hatchet is the only return givai to their propoaitiotis.
. The envoy is not out of danger, even if he is sofortu-
jif^ as to avoid the stroke; be may expect to b^ pur-

#?

408 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

sued, and if Uken, to be burnt;'' Hist K Fr. iii. 351.
. What .occurs, toL ii. p. 394. concerning the manner
in which the Tlasealans treated the ambassadors firom
Zempoalla, corresponds with the fact related by Char-,
levoix. Men capable of such acts of violence, seem
to be unacquainted with the first . principles upon
which the intercourse between nations is founded;
and instead of the perpetual negociations which Char-
levcmc mentions, it seems almost impossible that there
should be any correspondence whatever among diem.

Note LXVII. p. 225.

It is a remark of Tacitus concerning the Germans,
<< Gaudent muneribus, sed nee data imputant, nee
aoceptis obl^;antur ;'' C. 21. An author who had a
good opportunity of observing the principle which
leads savages neither to express gralitude for favours
which diey had received, nor to expect any return for
such as they bestowed, thus explains their ideas : << If,
say they, you give me this, it is because you have no
need of it yourself; and as for me, I never part with
that which I think necessary to me." Memoire sur ies
Galibis; Hist, des Plantes de k Giiiane Fran9oise par
M. Aublet, tom. ii. p. 110.

Note LXVIIL p. 241.

Am). Bernalbes, the contemporary and friend of
Columbus, has preserved some circumstances con-
cerning the bravery of the Caribbees, which are not
mentioned by Don Ferdinand Columbus, or the other

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS* 409

iiistorians of that period^ wfacHie woiks have been
published. A Caribbean canoe, with four men,, two
women, and a boy, fell in unexpectedly with the fleet
of Columbus in his second voyage, as it was steering
through their islands. At first they were struck almost
stupid with astonishment at such a strange spectacle,
and hardly moved from the spot for above an hours^
A Spanish bark, with twenty-five men, advanced to^
wards ^em, and the fleet gradually surrounded them^
so as to cut off their communication with the shore.
<^ When they saw that it was impossible to escape
(says the historian), they seized their arms with un-
daunted resolution, and began the attack. I use the
expression, with undaunted resolution^ for they were
few, and beheld a vast number ready to assault them.
They wounded jseverai of the Spaniards, although
they had targets, as well as other defensive armour ;
and even after their canoe was overset, it was with no
little difficulty and danger that part of them were
taken, as they continued to defend themselves, and to
use their bows with great d^cterity while swimming in
the sea;" Hist, de D. Fern, y Ysab. MSS, c. 119.

Note LXIX. p. 24fl.

A PBOBABLE conjecture may be formed with respect
to the cause of the distinctioil in character between the
Caribbees and the inhabitants of the larger islands.
The former appear manifestly to be a separate race.
Their langu£^e is totally difierent from that of thmr
neighbours in the large islands. They themselves have
a tradition, that their ancestors came originally from
some part of the continent, and having conquered and

^

410 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

extennmated the anoient iniiabitant% took possesiion
of their lands, and of their women. Rochefort, 384.
TertK^ 566. Hence they call themsdiTes Ba/mtree^
which signifies, a man come from beyond sea. Labat.
vi. ISI. Accordingly, the Caribbees still nse two
disttiict languages, one peculiar to the men, and the
other to the women. Tertre, S6i. The language of
the men has nothing commoB with that Bpohok in the
large islands. The dialect of the wom» consUerably
resembles it. Labat. 1S9. This strongly confirms the
tradition which I have mentioned. The Caribbees
themselires imagine, that they were a colony from the
GaliUSf a powerfid nation of Ouiana, in South Ame-
rica. Tertre, 561. Rochefort, S48. But as their
fierce manners apjMroach nearer to those of the people
in the northern continent, than to those of the natives
of South America ; and as their language has likewise
some affinity to that spoken in Florida, their origin
should be deduced rather fitim the fi>rmer than from
the latter. Labat. 128, &c. Herrera, dec. i. lib. ix.
c. 4. In their. wars, they still observe their ancient
practice of destroying all the males^ and preserving the
womei;:! either for servitude or for breeding.

Note LXX. p. 243.

Our knowledge of die events which happened in
the conquest of New Spain, is derived fcatn sources of
information more original and audientic than that of
any transaction in the history of America. The letters
of Cortes to the Emperor Charles V. are an historical
monument, not only first in order of time, but of the
greatest authenticity and lvalue. As Cortes early as-

K0TB8 AKJ9 ILLUSTRATIOKS. 411

fttmed a ccHiiiiiiind independent of Velasquez, it be-
came necemtary to convey such an account of his
operations to Madrid, as might procure him the ap*-
probation of his sovereign.

Th£ first of his despatches has never been made
public. It was s^t from Vera Cru2, July 16. 1519.
As I imagined that it might not r^ch the Emperor
until he arrived in Germany) for which he set out
«arly in the year 151^0 in order to receive the Imperial
crown, I made diligent search for a copy of this des-
patch, both in Spain and in Germany, but without
success* This, however, is of less consequence) as it
'could not contain any thing very material, bdng writ-
ten so soon after Cortes arrived in New Spain. But,
in searching for the letter from Cortes, a copy of one
from the colony of Vera Cruz to the Emperor has been
discovered in the Imperial library at Vienna. Of this
I have given some account in its pr<:^er place, p. 285.
of this volume. The second deiq>atch, dated October
50. 1520, was published at Seville, a. d. 1522, and
the third and fourth soon after they were received. A
Latin translation of them appeared in Germany, a. n.
1532. Ramusio soon after made them more generally
known, by inserting them in his valuable collection.
They contain a regular and minute history 6f the ex-
pedition, with tnaity curious ptlrticulars concerning the
policy and manners of the Mexicans. l1)e work does
honour to Cortes; the style is simple and perspicuous;
but as it was manifestly his interest to represent his
own actions in the fairest light, bis victories are pro-
bably exaggerated, his losses diminished^ and his acts
0f rigour and violence softened.

412 NOT£S AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

The next in order is the Cronica de la Nueva
Espagna, by Francisco Lopez de Gomara, published
A* o. 1554. Gomara's historical merit is considerable.
His mode of narration is clear, flowing, always agree-
able, and sometimes elegant. But he is frequently in-
' accurate and credulous; and as he was the domestic *
chaplain of Cortes after his return from New Spain,
and probably composed his work at his desire, it is
muiifest that he labours to magnify the merit of his
hero, and to conceal or extenuate such transactions
418 were un&vourable to his character. Of this Her-
rera accuses him in one instance, Dec. 2. lib. iii. c. 2.
and it is not once only that this is conspicuous. He
writes, however, with so much freedom concerning
several measures of the Spanish court, that the copies
both of his Historia de las Indias, and of his Cronica,
were called in by decree of the Council of the Indies,
and they were long considered as prohibited books jn
Spain ; it is only of late that license to print them has
been granted. Pinelo, Biblioth. 58j9.

The Chronicle dT Gomara induced Bemal Diaz
del Castillo to compose his Historia Verdadera de la
Conquista de la Nueva Espagna. He had been an
adventurer in each of the expeditions to New Spain,
and was the companion of Cortes in all his battles and
perils. When he found that neither he himself, nor
many of his fellow-soldiers, were once mentioned by
Gomara, but that the fame of all their exploits was
ascribed to Cortes, the gallant vet^an laid hold of his
pen with indignation, and composed his true history.
It contains a prolix, minute,^ confused narrative of all
Cortes's operations, in such a rude vulgar style as
might be expected from an illiterate soldier. But as

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 413

he relates transactions of which he was witness, and in
which he performed a considerable part, his account
bears all the marks of authenticity, and is accompanied
with such a pleasant naivete^ with such interesting de-
tails, with such amusing vanity, and yet so pardonaUe
in an old soldier who had been (as he boasts) in a
hundred and nineteen batdes, as renders bis book <me
of the most singular that is to be found in any lan-
guage.

Pet. Martyr ab Angleria, in a treatise De Insulis
nuper inventis, added to his Decades .de Rebus Ocea-
nicis et Novo Orbe, gives some account of Cortes's
expedition. But he proceeds no farther than to relate
what happened after his first landing. This work,
which is brief and sligh^ seems to contain the infor-
mation transmitted by Cortes in his first despatches,
embellished with several particulars communicated to
the author by the officers who brought the letters from
Cortes.

But the book to which the greater part of modeni
historians have had recourse for information concern-
ing the conquest of Kew Spain, is Historia de la
Conquista de Mexico, por D. Antonio de Solis, first
published a. d. 1684. I know no author in any lan-
guage whose literary fame has risen so far beyond his
real merit. De Solis is reckoned by his countrymen
one of the purest writers in the Castilian tongue ; and
if a foreigner may venture to give his opinion concern-
ing a matter of whidbi Spaniards alone are qualified
to judge, he is entitled to that praise. But though his
language be correct, his taste in composition is far
from being just. His periods are so much laboured

414 NOTES AND ILLUSTAATIONS.

fts to be often bUS, and sometimei tnmid ; the %«fei
which he employs by way of ornament are Ireqaenl2y
trite or improper, and his observations sop^-fidaL
These blemishes, however, might ea^Iy be overlookedf
if he were not defective with respect to all the great
qualities of an historian. Destitute of that patient iu'^
dustry in research whidi conducts to the knowledge of
truth ; a stranger to that impartiality which weighs
evidence with cool attention ; and ever eager to esta* .
blish his favourite system of exalting the character of
Cortcu into that of a perfect hero, exempt from error,
and adorned with every virtue ; he is l^ss solicitous to
discover what was true than to relate what might ap-
pear splendid. When he attempts any critic^ dis*
cussion, his reasonings are fallacious, and founded
upon an imperfect view of %;ts* Though he some**
times quotes the despatches of Cortes, he seems not to
have consulted them ; and though he sets out with
some censure on Gbmara, he frequently prefers his
authority, the most doubtful of any, to dnit of the
other contemporary historians.
•
But of all the Spanish writers, Herrera furnishes
the fullest and most accurate information concerning
the conquest of Mexico, a^ well as every other transac-
tion of America. The industry and attention idth
which he consulted not only the books, but the origin
nal papers and public records, which tended to throw
any light up<m the subject of his inquiries were so
great, and he usually judges of the evidence before
him with so much impartiality mxd candour» that his
Decads may be ranked among the most judicious and
useful historical collections. If, by attempting to re»
late the various occurrences in the New World in a

KOTBS AND ItI.U8TBATIONS; 415

strict chronological order, the arrangement of events
in his work had not been rendered so perplexM, dis-
connected, and obscure, that it is an unpleasant task
to collect from d^rent parts of his book, and piece
together the detached shreds of a story, he might justly
have been ranked among the most eminent historians
of his country. He gives an account of (iie materials
from which he composed his work, Decad. 6. lib. iii.
c. 1^.

Note LXXL p. 246.

Cortes purposed to have gone in the train of Ovan-
do when he set out for his government in the year.
1502, but was detained by an accident. As he was
attempting in a dark night to scramble up to the win-
dow of a lady's bed-chamber, with whcxn he carried
on an intrigue, an old waU, on the top of which he
had mounted, gave way, and he was so much bruised
by the &11 as to be unfit for the voyage. Gomara»
Cronica de la Nueva Espagna, cap. 1.

NoTjiLXXIL p. £49.

Cqrtbs had two thousand pesos in the hands of
Andrew Duero, and he borron^ fcmr tfaoasaii^
These sums are dbout equal in value to fifteen hnn«-
dred pounds sterling ; but -as the porice of 'C^eiy thing
was extrevoely bi^ in America, they made but a scasK
ty stock when applied towards the equipment of a mir
litary wpedition. Herrera, dec. 2. Wa. iii. c. 2. B.
Diftj, c. 90.

46 -

416 H0XE8 AND ILLUSTRATJOK5.

Note LXXIII. p- 254.

The names of those gfdlant officers, which will often
occur in the subsequ^it story, were Juan Velasquez de
Lecm, Alooso Hernandez Portocarrero, Francisco de
Montejo, Christoval de Olid, Juan de Escalante^ Fran-
cisco de Morla, Pedro de Alvarado, Francisco de
Salceda, Juan de Escobar, Gines de Nortes. Cortes
himself commanded the Capitana, or Admiral. Fran*
Cisco de Orozco, an officer formed in the wars of Italy,
had the command of the artillery* The experienced
Alaminos acted as chief pilot*

Note LXXIV. p. 257.

In those different cdnflicts, the Spaniards lost only
two men, but had a considerable number wounded*
Though there be no occasion for recourse to any. su-
pernatural cause to account either for the greatness oi
their victories or the smallness of their loss, the l^»a-
nish historians fail not to ascribe both to the patro-
nage €& St Jago, the tutelar saint of their country,
who, as they relate, fought at the head of their coun-
trymen, and by his prowess gave a turn to the fate of
the battle* . Gomara is the first who mentions this
apparition of St James. It is amusing to observe the
embarrassment of B* Diaz del Castillo, occasioned by
the stru^le between his superstition and bis veracity.
The former disposed him to believe this miracle, the
latter re^ti^ined him from attesting it* ^< I acknow-
ledge," says he, « that all our exploits and victories
are owing to our Lord Jesus Christ, and that in this

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS* 417

battle there wa& such a number of Indians to every
one of us, that if each had thrown a handful of earth
they might have buried us, if by the great mercy of
God we had not been protected. It may be that the
person whom Oomara mentions as having appeared
on a mottled grey horse, was the glorious apostle Sig*
nor San Jago or Signor San Pedro, and that I, as
being a sinner, was not worthy to see him. This I
know, that I saw Francisco de Morla on such a horsey
bul^ as an unworthy transgressor, did not deserve to
see any of the holy apostles. It may have been the
will of Crod that it was so as Gomara relates, but until
I read his Chronicle I never heard among any of the
conquerors that such a thing had happen^" Cap*
34-

Note LXXV. p. 264.

Sevebal Spanish historians relate this occurrence
in such terms as if they wished it should be believed,
that the Indians, loaded with the presents, had carried
them from the capital in the same short space of time
that the couriers performed that journey. This is in-
credible, and Gomara mentiwis a circumstance which
shows that nothing extraordinary happened on this
occasion. This rich present had been prepared for
Grijalva, when he touched at th^ same place some
months before, and was now ready to be delivered, as
soon as Montezuma sent orders for that purpose. Go-
mara, Cron. c. xxvii. p. 28.

According to B. Diaz del Castillo, the value of the
silver plate representing the moon, was alone above
VOL. II. D d

\

418 NOTES AND IXLUSTRATIONS. ^

twenty thousand pesos, about five thousand pounds
sterlhig.

Note LXXVL p. 271.

This private trafSc ivas directly contrary to flie
instructions of Velasquez, who enjoined, that what-
ever was acquired by trade should be thrown faito the
common stock. But it appears, that the soldiers had
each a private assortment of toys, and other goods
proper for the Indian trade, and Cortes gained their
favour by encouraging this under-hand barter. B.
Diaz, c. 41.

Note LXXVII. p. 287.

GoMARA has published a catalogue of the various
articles of which this present consisted. Cron. c. 49.
P. Mart}rr ab Angleria, who saw them after they weie
brought to %>ain, and who seems to have examined
them with great attenlicHi, gives a description of each,
which is curious, as it conveys some idea of the pro-
gress which the Mexicans had made in several arts of
elegance. De InsuMs niqper inventiS| p. 554, &c.

Note LXXVIIL p. 295.

There is no circumstance in the history of the
conquest of America which is more questionably than
die account of the numerous armies brought into the

CSQTJ&& AKD ILLUSTRATIONS. 419

£eld against the Spaniards* As the war with the re-
public of Tlascala, though of short duration, was one
of the most considerable which the Spaniards waged
in America^ the account given of the Tlascalan armies
merits .some attention. The only (luthentic informa-
tion concerning this, is derived from three authors.
Cdrtes, in his second despatch to the Emperor, dated
at Segura de la Frontera, October SO. 1520, thus esti-
mates the number of their troops : In the first battle
6000; in the second battle 100^000; in the third
battle 150,000. Relat ap. Ramus, iii. 228. Bernal
Diaz del Castillo, who was an €^e-witnes8^ an4 en-
gaged in all the actions of this war, thus reckons their
numbers : in the first battle 3000, p. 43. ; in the second
battle 6000, ibid. ; in the third battle 50,000, p. 45*
Gomara, who was Cortes's chaplain after his return to
Spain, and published his Cfonipa in 1552, follows the
computatioii of Cortes, except in the second battle,
wh^re he reckons the TlascaUi^s i^ 80,000, p. 49. It
was manifestly the interest jo£ Cortes to magnify his
own daAgers and exploits. For it was only by t^e
merit of extraordinary servi^i^es, that he could hope
to atone for his irregular conduct in assuming an in-
dependent command. B. Diaz, though abimdantly dis-
posed io place his own prowes$, and that of his fellow-
conquerors, in the most advantageous point of lights
had not the same temptation to exaggerate; and it
is probable that his account of the numbers approaches
nearer to the truth. The assembling of an army of
150,000 men require many previous arrangements,
and such provisions for their subsistence as seems to
be beyond the foresight of Americans. The degree
of cultivation in Tlascala does not seem to have been
so great, as to have furnished such a vast army with

480 , NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

provisions. Though this province was so much better
cultivated than other r^ons of New Spain, that it
was called tke country of breads yet the Spaniards in
their march suffered such want^ that they were obliged
to subsist npon^Tunas, a species of fruit which grows
wild in the I fields. Herr^ra, dec. ii. lib. vi. c« 5» p.
182.

IToTE LXXIX. p. sal.

These unhappy victims are Said to be persons of dis-
. tinction. It seems improbable that «o great a number
as fifty shpuld be employed as spies. So many pri-
smiere had been taken iuul dkumss^ and the Tlaaca-^
lans had sent so many messages to the Spanish quarters,
that there appears to be no reason for hazarding the
lives of so many considerable people, in order to pro*
cure information about the position and state of their
camp. The baibarous manner in which Cortes treated
a people unacquakited with the laws of war established
amcMig polished nations, appears -so shocking to the
later Spanish wrfters» that they diminish the number
of those whom he puniidied «o -cruelly. Herrera says,
that he cut off the hands o( seven, and the thumbs of
some more ; Dee. ii. lib. ii. c. 8. De Solis rdates, that
the hands of fourteen or fifteen were cut off, and the
thumbs of all the rest; Lib. ii. c. 20. But Cortes
himself, Relat. p. 228. b. and after him Gomara, c. 48.
^rm, that the hands of all the fifty were cut off.

^OTES AND ILLUSTRATtdKS. 421

Note LXXX. p. S04,

The horses were objects of the greatest astonish*-
m^t to all the people of New S^ain. At first they
imagined the horse and his rider, like the Centaurs of
the ancients, to be some monstrous animal of a terrible
form ; and supposing that their food was the same as
that of men, brought flesh and bread to nourish them«
Even after thejr' discovered their mistake, they believed
the horses devoured men in battle, and when they
neighed, thought diat they were demanding their
prey. It was not the interest of the Spaniards to
amdeceive them. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. ell.

Note LXXXI. p. SIO.

According to Bart, de las Casas, there was no rea-
son for this massacre, and it was an act of wanton
cruelty, perpetrated merely to strike terror into the
people of New Spain. Relac. de la Destruyc. p. 17.
Ac. But the zeal of Las Casas often leads him to ex-
aggerate. In opposition to him, Bern. DiaZj c. 83.
asserts, that the first missionaries sent into New Spain
by the Emperor made a judicial inquiry into this tran-
saction ; and having examined the priests and elders of
Choltila, found that there was-a real conspiracy to cut
off the Spaniards, and that the account given by Cortes
*was exactly true. As it was the object of Cortes at that
time, and manifestly his interest, to gainr the good-will
of Montesuma, it is improbable that he should have
taken a step which tended so visibly to alienate him
from the Spaniards, if he had not believed it to be ne*

4S2 VOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

cessary for his own pr^ervation. At the same time^ the
Spaniards who served in America had such contempt
for the natives, and thought them so little entitled to
the common rights of men, that Cortes might hold the
Cholulans to be guilty upon slight and imperfect evi- ,
4ence. The severity of the punishmept was certainly
excessive and atrocious.

Note LXXXIL p. 312.

This description is taken almost literaUy from Ber-
nal Diaz del Castillo, who was so unacquainted with th^
art of composition, as to be incapable of embellishing
his narrative* He relates in a simple and rude style
what passed in his own mind, and that of his fellow-
soldiers, on that occasion ; *^ and let it not be thought
strange," says he, ^^ that I should write in this manner
of what then happened; for it oii^ht to be considered,
that it is one thing to relate, another to have beheld
things that were never before seen, or h^rd, or spoken
of among men.'' Cap. 86. p. 64. b.

Note LXXXIII. p. 327.

B. Diaz del Castillo gives us some idea of the fatigue
and hardships they underwent in performing this, and
other parts of duty. During the nine months that they
remained in Mexico, every man, without any distincticffi
between officers and soldiers, slept on his arms in his
quilted jacket and gorget. They lay on mats, or straw
spread on the floor, and each was obliged to hold him*
self as alert as if he had been on guard. << This,'* adds

NOTES AKD ILLUSTJRATIONfiU 4^

be^ ^ became so habitaal to me, that even now, in my
advanced age, I always sleep in my clothes, and never
in any bed. When I visit my Encomienday I reckon
it suitable to my rank to have a bed carried along
with my other baggage, but I never go into it; but,
according to custom, I He in my clothes, and walk fre*
quently during the night into the open air to view the
stars, as I was wont when in service." Cap. 108.

NoteLXXXIV. p. 331.

Cortes himself, in his second despatch to the Em^
peror, does net explain the motives which induced him
either to condemn Qualpopoca to the flames, or to put
Montezuma in irons. Ramus, iii. 236. B.' Diaz is
silent with respect to his reasons for the former ; and
the only cause he assigns for the latter was, that he
might meet with no interruption in executing the sen-'
tence pronounced against QuaIp(^)oca; c. xcv. p. 75.
But as Montezuma was his prisoner, and absolutely in
his power, he had no reason to dread him ; and the in-
sult offered to that monarch could have no effect but
to irritate him unnecessarily. Oomara supposes that
Cortes had no other object than to occupy Montezuma
Mrith hiaown distress and sufferings, that he might give
less attention to what befel Qualpopoca ; Cron. c. 89.
Herrera adopts the same opinion ; Dec. ii. lib. viii. <j. 9.
Bet it seems ah odd expedient, in order to make a per-
son bear one injury, to load him with another that is
greater* De Solis imagines, that Cortes had nothing
else in view than to intimidate Montezuma, so that he
might make no attempt to rescue the victims from their
fate ; but the spirit of that monarch was so submissive,

46

424^ NOTES AND ILIiirSTBATlONSv

and be bad so tamely gi^en^ iip^ tbe priscHiers to tbe
.disposal of Cortes, tbat he had no cause to apprehend
any cqf)position from him.. If the explanation which I
have attempted to fi^e of Cortes's proceedings on this
occasioU'be not admitted, it appears to me, that therjr
must be reckoned among the wanton and barbarous,
acts of oppression which occur too often in the history
of the conquest of America.

Note LXXXV. p. 3S5.

De SoLis asserts, lib. ir. c. S. that the proposition^
of doing homa^ to th& Kin£ of .%)ain came from
Montezuma himself, and was made in order to induce
the Spaniards to depart out of his dominions. He de-
scribes his conduct on this occasion, as if it had been
founded upon a scheme of profound policy, and exe-
cuted with such refined address as to deceive Cortes
himself. But there is no hint, or circumstance in th^.
C(mtemporary historians^ Cortes, Diaz, or Gomara, to
justify this theory. Montezuma^ on other occasions,,
discovered no such extent o£ art and abilities.. The
anguish which he felt in performing this humbling
ceremony jis natural, if we suppose it to have beep in*
voluntary. But, according to the theory of De Solis^
which sui^ses that Montezuma was executing what
he himself had proposed, to have assumed an appear-
ance of sorrow would have been preposterous, and
inconsistent with his <Mvn design of deceiving the
Spaniards*

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 4Sd

Nora LXXXVL p- SS9.

In several of die proviticeiE^ the Spaniards, with all
their industry and influence, could collect no gold. In
others, they procured only a few trinkets of small value.
Montezuma assured Cortes, that the present which he
offered to the King of Castile, after doing homage, con-
sisted of all the treasure amassed by his father ; and
told him that he had already distributed the rest of his
gold and jewek among the Spaniards. B. Diaz, c. 104.
Gomara relates, that all the silver collected amounted
to 500 marks. Cron. c. 93. This agrees with the ac-
count given by Cortes, that the royal fifth of silver was
100 mnrlcfi^ Relat 339. B. So that the sum total of
silver was Only 4000 ounces, at the rate of eight ounces
a mark, which demonstrates the proportion of silver to
gold to have been exceedingly small.

NoteLXXXVII. P.S40.'

D£ Sous, lib. iv. c. 1. calk in question the truth of
tkus transaction, from no bett^ reason than that it was
fnoonsistent with that prudence which distinguishes
the character of Cortes. But he ought to have re*
collected the impetuosity of his zeal at Tiascala, which
Was no less imprudent. He asserts, that the evidence
for it rests upon the testimony of B. Diaz del Castillo,
of Gk>niara, and of Herrera. They all concur, indeed^
in meiitioniBg this incondderate step which Cortes
took; and they had good reason to do so, for Cortes
himself relates this ^Lploit in his secpnd 'despatch to
the Emperor, and seems to glory in it. Cort. Relate

VOL. ir. E e

426 N0T£8 AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

Ramus, iii. 140. D. This is one instance, among
many, of De Solis's having consulted with little atten-
tion the letters of Corses to Charles V., from which
the most authentic^ information with r^peet to his
operations must be derived.

Note LXXXVIII. p. 345.

Herbera and De Solis suppose that Velasquez was
encouraged to equip this armament against Cortes by
the accounts which he received from Spain concerning
the reception of the agents sent by the colony of Vera
Cruzy and the warmth with which Fonseca, Bishop of
Burgos, had espoused his interest, ^nd condfimiuad the
proceedings of Cortes. Herrera, dec. 2. lib. ix. c. 18.
De Solis, lib. iv. c. 5. But the chronological order of
events refutes this supposition. Portocarrero and
Montejo sailed from Vera Cruz, July 26. 1519. Her-
rera, dec. 2. lib. v. c. 4. They landed at St Lucar in
October, according to Herrera, Ibid. But P. Martyr^
who attended the court at that time, and communicat-
ed every occurrence of moment to his correspondents
day by day, mentions, the arrival of these agents for
the first time in December, and speaks of it as a recent
event. , Epist. 650. . All the historians agree^ that the
agents of Cortes had their first audience of the Empe-
ror at Tordesillas, when he went to that ;town to visit
his mother in his way to St Jago de Compostelhu
Herrera, dec 2. lib. v. c. 4. De Solis, lib. iv. c. 5.
But the Emperor set out from VaUadoUd for Torde^
sillas on the Ilth of Mardi 1520; and P. Martyr
mentions his having seen at that time the presents
made to Charles, Epist. 665. The armament under

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 427

Narvaez sailed from Cuba in April 1520. It is mani-
fest then that Velasquez could not receive any account
of what passed in this interview ad: Tordesillas, previous
to his hostile preparations against Cortes. His real
motives seem to b^ those which I have mentioned.
The patent appointing him Adelantado of New Spain,
with such extensive powers, bears d^te November IS.
1519. Herrera, dec. 2. lib. iii. c. II. He might re-
ceive it about the beginning of January. Gomara
takes notice, that as soon as this patent was delivered
to him, he began to equip a fleet and levy forces.
Cron. c. 96.

END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.

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