*
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
AT LOS ANGELES
66
:
THE
WRITINGS
OP
THOMAS JEFFERSON
BEING HIS
AUTOBIOGRAPHY, CORRESPONDENCE, REPORTS, MESSAGES,
ADDRESSES, AND OTHER WRITINGS, OFFICIAL
AND PRIVATE.
PUBLISHED BY THE ORDER OF THE JOINT COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS ON THE LIBRARY,
FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS,
DEPOSITED IN THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE.
WITH EXPLANATORY NOTES, TABLES OF CONTENTS, AND A COPIOUS INDEX
TO EACH VOLUME, AS WELL AS A GENERAL INDEX TO THE WHOLE,
BY THE EDITOR
H. A. WASHINGTON.
VOL. IV.
NEW YOEK :
PUBLISHED BY JOHN C. RIKER, 315 BROADWAY.
1857.
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1853, by
TAYLOR & MAURY,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of Columbia.
J35
V.-4
CONTENTS TO VOL. IV.
BOOK II.
PART III. — CONTINUED. — LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE UNI-
TED STATES DOWN TO THE TIME OF HIS DEATH. — (1790-1826,) — 3.
Adams, J., letter written to, 153.
Adams, Samuel, letters written to, 321, 389.
Adams, Mrs., letters written to, 545, 555, 560.
Attorney General of United States, letter written to the, 97.
Barlow, Joel, letters written to, 369, 437.
Barton, B. S., letters written to, 353, 470.
Bell, Colonel, letter written to, 174.
Bloodworth, Timothy, letter written to, 523.
Brackenridge, John, letters written to, 318, 341, 498.
Brown, Morgan, letter written to, 310.
Buchan, Earl of, letter written to, 493.
Burr, Colonel, letters written to, 184, 340, 349.
Cabanis, M., letter written to, 496.
Campbell, Colonel Arthur, letter written to, 197.
Carmichael & Short, letter written to, 9.
Carolina, South, Governor of, letter written to the, 97.
Carr, P., letter written to, 235.
Church, Mr., letter written to, 94.
Ciracchi, Mr., letter written to, 82.
Claiborne, Governor, letters written to, 486, 551, 558.
Clarke, Daniel, letter written to, 497.
Clinton, Governor, letter written to, 520.
Cooper, Thomas, letter written to, 452.
Coxe, Tenche, letters written to, 104, 345, 332.
Coxe, Mr., letter written to, 69
192489
iy CONTENTS TO VOL. IV.
Dearborne, Lieutenant, letter written to, 356.
Departments, Heads of, letter written to, 415.
Dexter, Samuel, letter written to, 359.
Dickinson, John, letters written to, 365, 424.
D'lvernois, Monsieur, letter written to, 113.
Dowse, Edward, letter written to, 477.
Duane, Mr, letter written to, 590.
Duke <k Co., letter written to, 51.
Dunbar, William, letters written to, 347, 537, 577.
Dupont, M., letter written to, 456.
Eddy, &a, Messrs., letter written to, 387.
Edwards, Dr. J., letters written to, 98, 164.
Fiuhugh, Peregrine, letters written to, 169, 216.
Gates, General, letters written to, 178, 212, 494.
Gallatin, Albert, letters written to, 427, 439, 449, 478,518, 543, 566, 588,
Genet, M., letters written to, 27, 67, 70, 72, 75, 84, 86, 90, 99.
Gerry, Eldridge, letters written to, 170, 187, 266, 390, 536.
Giles, William 13., letters written to, 118, 125, 132, 380.
Gilmer, Dr., letters written to, 5, 23.
Giroud, Mr., letter written to, 175.
Gore, Mr., letter written to, 55.
Granger, Gideon, letters written to, 330, 395, 542.
Hammond, Mr., letters written to, 56. 64, 76, 78, 94.
Harrison, Governor, letter written to, 471.
Hawkins, Colonel, letters written to, 325, 465.
Hite, Mr., letter written to, 145.
Ilumboldt, Baron, letter written to, 544.
Inuis, Henry, letter written to, 314.
Jackson, General, letter written to, 463.
Jackson, Major William, letter written to, 357.
Jaudens & Viar, letter written to, 21,
Teffernon, George, letter written to, 388.
Tones, Dr. Walter, letter written to, 392.
Supreme Court, letter written to the, 22.
King, Rufus, letter written to, 442, 528.
CONTENTS TO VOL. IV. V
Knox, General, letter written to, 385.
Kosciusko, General, letters written to, 248, 294, 430.
La Fayette, M., letters written to, 144, 363.
Langdon, John, letter written to, 163.
Latrobe, Mr., letter written to, 535.
Lewis, Jr., James, letter written to, 240.
Lewis, Captain Merriwether, letters written to, 492, 515, 521.
Lewis, Colonel N., letter written to, 276.
Lincoln, Levi, letters written to, 398, 405, 427, 450, 504.
Lithson, Mr., letter written to, 563.
Livingston, E., letter written to, 328.
Livingston, R. R, letters written to, 295, 337, 360, 408, 431, 447, 460.
510.
Logan, Mr., letter written to, 575.
Lomax, T., letters written to, 300, 361.
Macon, Nathaniel, letter written to, 396.
Madison, Bishop, letter written to, 299.
Madison, James, letters written to, 8, 23, 52, 63, 83, 102, 107, 110, 116,
121, 130, 135, 136, 150, 154, 16l', 166, 179, 182, 189, 193, 205,
207, 209, 211, 214, 218, 220, 221, 226, 230, 232, 234, 236, 238,
243, 249, 258, 261, 262, 278, 280, 291, 307,322,324,342,344,
355, 550, 557, 583, 584, 587.
Marsh, Amos, letter written to, 417.
Marshall, John, letter written to, 364.
Mason, Stephen Thompson, letter written to, 257.
Mazzei, P., letters Avritten to, 139, 552.
McGregory, Uriah, letter written to, 333.
McKean, Governor, letters written to, 349, 368.
Mercer, J. F., letters written to, 562, 198.
Monroe, James, letters written to, 6, 17, 134, 140, 148, 199, 241, 263, 282,
354, 366, 401, 419, 444, 446, 453.
Morris, Governeur, letter written to, 31, 71.
Nemours, Dupont d', letters written to, 435, 508.
Nicholas, P. N., letter written to, 327.
Nicholas, Wilson C., letters written to, 107, 304, 505, 505.
Nicholson, Mr., letters written to, 484, 567.
Niles, Nathaniel, letter written to, 376.
Noland, Mr., letter written to, 252.
vi CONTENTS TO VOL. IV
Odit, Mr., letter written to, 122.
Page, J., letter written to, 377.
Page, Governor, letter written to, 547.
Page, Mann, letters written to, 119, 203.
Paine, Thomas, letters written to, 370, 582.
Parker, Mr., letter written to, 309.
Patterson, Mr., letter written to, 225.
Pendleton, Mr., letter written to, 228.
Pendleton, Edward, letters written to, 274, 287, 293.
Pictet, Mr., letter written to, 462.
Pinckney, Thomas, letter written to, 176.
Pinckney, Mr., letters written to, 58, 85.
Priestley, Joseph, letters written to, 311, 316, 373, 440, 475, 524
Randolph, E., letters written to, 101, 192, 301.
Randolph, John, letter written to, 517.
Representatives, Speaker of the House of, letter written to the, 365.
Reyneval, Monsieur de, letter written to, 371.
Rhode island, General Assembly of, letter written to, 397.
R. N, letters written to, 319, 358.
Robinson, Moses, letter written to, 370.
Rodgers & Slaughter, Doctors, letter written to, 589.
Rowan, A. II., letter written to, 256.
Rutledge, Edward, letters written to, 124, 151, 189.
Rush, Dr. Benjamin, letters written to, 165, 335, 382, 425, 479, 507
Say, K, letter written to, 526.
Senate, Gentlemen of, letter written to, 362.
Senate, President pro. tern, of, letters written to, 364, 423
jhipman, Elias, and others, letter written to, 402.
Short, William, letter written to, 413.
Sibley, Dr., letter written to, 580.
Sinclair, Sir John, letter written to, 490.
Smith, Samuel, letter written to, 253.
Soderetrom, Mr., letter written to, 83.
State, Secretary of, letters written to, 109, 501, 585.
art, Mr., letter written to, 284.
Stoddart, Benjamin, letter written to, 360.
ker, French, letter written to, 181.
Story, Rev. Isaac, letter written to, 422.
CONTENTS TO VOL. IV. vii
Stuart, A., letter written to, 393.
Stuart, Colonel, J., letters written to, 149, 195.
Sullivan, James, letter Avritten to, 16*7.
Sullivan, Judge, letter written to, 575.
Taylor, John, letters written to, 245, 259, 565.
Tazewell, H., letters written to, 120, 160.
Treasury, Secretary of, letters written to, 528, 559.
Tucker, St. George, letter written to, 196.
Tyler, Judge, letters written to, 548, 574.
Volney, Mr., letters written to, 156, 569.
Warren, General, letter written to, 375.
Waring, Benjamin, letter written to, 378.
Washington, General, letters written to, 3, 26, 28, 88, 92, 100, 103, 105,
141.
White, Alexander, letter written to, 201.
White, Hugh, letter written to, 394.
Williams, David, letter written to, 512.
Williams, Jonathan, letter written to, 146.
Williamson, Dr., letters written to, 345, 483.
Wistar, Dr., letter written to, 350.
Wythe, George, letters written to, 127, 163.
Yznardi, Don Joseph, letter written to, 384.
Address lost, —29, 72, 74, 223, 469.
PART III. — CONTINUED.
LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE
U. S. DOWN TO THE TIME OF HIS DEATH.
1790-1826.
PART III. — CONTINUED.
LETTERS WRITTEN AFTER HIS RETURN TO THE
U. S. DOWN TO THE TIME OF HIS DEATH.
1790-1826.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
PHILADELPHIA, June 28,
DEAR SIR, — I should have taken time ere this to have con-
sidered the observations of Mr. Young, could I at this place have
done it in such a way as would satisfy either him or myself.
When I wrote the notes of the last year, I had never before
thought of calculating what were the profits of a capital invested
in Virginia agriculture. Yet that appeared to be what Mr.
Young most desired. Lest therefore no other of those, whom you
consulted for him, should attempt such a calculation, I did it ; but
being at such a distance from the country of which I wrote, and
having been absent from that and from the subject in considera-
tion many years, I could only, for my facts, recur to my own
recollection, weakened by time and very different applications, and
I had no means here of correcting my facts. I therefore hazard-
ed the calculation rather as an essay of the mode of calculating
the profits of a Virginia estate, than as an operation which was
to be ultimately relied on. When I went last to Virginia I put
the press-copy of those notes into the hands of the most skilful
and successful farmer in the part of the country of which I
wrote. He omitted to return them to me, which adds another
impediment to my resuming the subject here ; but indeed if I
4 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
had them, I could only present the same facts, with some cor-
rections and some justifications of the principles of calculation.
This would not and ought not to satisfy Mr. Young. When I
return home I shall have time and opportunity of answering Mr.
Young's enquiries fully. I will first establish the facts as adapt-
ed to the present times, and not to those to which I was obliged
to recur by recollection, and I will make the calculation on rig-
orous principles. The delay necessary for this will I hope be
compensated by giving something which no endeavors on my
part shall be wanting to make it worthy of confidence. In the
meantime Mr. Young must not pronounce too hastily on the im-
possibility of an annual production of £750 worth of wheat
coupled with a cattle product of £125. My object was to state
the produce of a good farm, under good husbandry as practised
in my part of the country. Manure does not enter into this, be-
cause we can buy an acre of new land cheaper than we can
manure an old acre. Good husbandry with us consists in
abandoning Indian corn arid tobacco, tending small grain, some
red clover, following, and endeavoring to have, while the lands
are at rest, a spontaneous cover of white clover. I do not present
this as a culture judicious in itself, but as good in comparison
with what most people there pursue. Mr. Young has never had
an opportunity of seeing how slowly the fertility of the original
soil is exhausted. With moderate management of it, I can
affirm that the James river lowgrounds with the cultivation of
small grain, will never be exhausted ; because we know that un-
der that cultivation we must now and then take them down with
Indian corn, or they become, as they were originally, too rich to
bring wheat. The highlands, where I live, have been cultivated
about sixty years. The culture was tobacco and Indian corn as
long as they would bring enough to pay the labor. Then they
were turned out. After four or five years rest they would bring
good corn again, and in double that time perhaps good tobacco.
Then they would be exhausted by a second series of tobacco and
corn. Latterly we have begun to cultivate small grain ; and ex-
cluding Indian corn, and following, such of them as were origin-
CORRESPONDENCE. 5
ally good, soon rise up to fifteen or twenty bushels the acre.
We allow that every laborer will manage ten acres of wheat, ex-
cept at harvest. I have no doubt but the coupling cattle and
sheep with this would prodigiously improve the produce. This
improvement Mr. Young will be better able to calculate than
anybody else. I am so well satisfied of it myself, that having
engaged a good farmer from the head of Elk, (the style of farm-
ing there you know well,) I mean in a farm of about 500 acres
of cleared land and with a dozen laborers to try the plan of
wheat, rye, potatoes, clover, with a mixture of some Indian corn
with the potatoes, and to push the number of sheep. This last
hint I have taken from Mr. Young's letters which you have been
so kind as to communicate to me. I have never before consid-
ered with due attention the profit from that animal. I shall not
be able to put the farm into that form exactly the ensuing
autumn, but against another I hope I shall, and I shall attend
with precision to the measures of the ground and of the product,
which may perhaps give you something hereafter to communi-
cate to Mr. Young which may gratify him, but I will furnish
the ensuing winter what was desired in Mr. Young's letter of
Jan. 17, 1793. I have the honor to be, with great and sincere
esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO DR. GILMER.
PHILADELPHIA, June 28, 1793.
DEAR DOCTOR, — * * * * Dumourier was known
to be a scoundrel in grain. I mentioned this from the beginning
of his being placed at the head of the armies ; but his victories
at length silenced me. His apostasy has now proved that an
unprincipled man, let his other fitnesses be what they will, ought
never to be employed. It has proved too that the French army,
as well as nation, cannot be shaken in their republicanism.
Dumourier's popularity put it to as severe a proof as could be
offered. Their steadiness to their principles insures the issue of
6 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
their revolution against every effort but by the way of famine.
Should that take place the effect would be incalculable ; because
our machine, unsupported by food, is no longer under the control
of reason. This crisis, however, is now nearly over, as their
harvest is by this time beginning. As far as the last accounts
come down, they were retiring to within their own limits ; where
their assignats would do for money, (except at Mentz,) England
too is issuing her paper, not founded like the assignats, on land,
but on pawns of thread, ribbons, &c. They will soon learn the
science of depreciation, and their whole paper system vanish into
nothing, on which it is bottomed. My affectionate respects to
Mrs. Gilmer, and am, dear Doctor, yours, sincerely.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
PHILADELPHIA, June 28, 1793.
DEAR SIR, — I have to acknowledge your favor of May 28. I
believe that through all America there has been but a single
sentiment on the subject of peace and war, which was in favor
of the former. The Executive here has cherished it with equal
and unanimous desire. We have differed perhaps as to the con-
duct exactly adapted to the securing it. We have as yet no in-
directions of the intentions or even the wishes of the British gov-
ernment. I rather believe they mean to hold themselves up, and
be led by events. In the meanwhile Spain is so evidently pick-
ing a quarrel with us, that we see a war absolutely inevitable
with her. We are making a last effort to avoid it, but our cab-
inet is without any decision in their expectations of the result.
This may not be known before the last of October, earlier than
which I think you will meet. You should therefore calculate
your domestic measures on this change of position. If France
collected within her own limits shall maintain her ground there
steadily, as I think she will, (barring the effect of famine which
no one can calculate,) and if the bankruptcies of England pro-
CORRESPONDENCE. 7
ceed to the length of an universal crush of their paper, which I
also think they will, she will leave Spain the bag to hold ; she is
emitting assignats also, that is to say exchequer hills, to the
amount of five millions English, or one hundred and twenty-five
millions French ; and these are not founded on land as the
French assignats are, but on pins, thread, buckles, hops, and
whatever else you will pawn in the exchequer of double the esti-
mated value. But we all know that five millions of such stuff
forced for sale on the market of London, where there will be
neither cash nor credit, will not pay storage. This paper must
rest then ultimately on the credit of the nation as the rest of
their public paper does, and will sink with that. If either this
takes place, or the confederacy is unsuccessful, we may be clear
of war with England. With respect to the increase of our ship-
ping, our merchants have no need, you know, of a permission to
buy up foreign bottoms. There is no law prohibiting it, and
when bought they are American property, and as such entitled
to pass freely by our treaties with some nations, and by the law
of nations with all. Such accordingly, by a determination of
the Executive, will receive American passports. They will not
be entitled indeed to import goods on the low duties of home-
built vessels, the laws having confined that privilege to these
only. We have taken every possible method to guard against
fraudulent conveyances, which, if we can augment our shipping
to the extent of our own carriage, it would not be our interest to
cover. I enclose you -a note from Freneau, explaining the inter-
ruption of your papers. I do not augur well of the mode of con-
duct of the new French minister ; I fear he will enlarge the evils
of those disaffected to his country. I am doing everything in
my power to moderate the impetuosity of his movements, and to
destroy the dangerous opinions which has been excited in him,
that the people of the United States will disavow the acts of
their government, and that he has an appeal from the Executive
to Congress, and from both to the people. Affairs with the
Creeks seem to present war there as inevitable, but that will
await for you. We have no news from the northern commis-
g JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
sioners, but of the delay likely to be attempted by the Indians ;
but as we never expected peace from the negotiation, I think no
delay will be admitted which may defeat our preparations for a
campaign. Crops here are likely to be good, though the begin-
ning of the harvest has been a little wet. I forgot whether I in-
formed you that I had chosen a house for you, and was deter-
mined in the choice by the southern aspect of the back build*
ings, the only circumstance of difference between the two pre-
sented to my choice. Give my best love to Mrs. Monroe, and be
assured of the affectionate esteem of, dear Sir, your friend and
servant.
TO J. MADISON.
June 29, 1793.
SIR, — I wrote you on the 23d, and yesterday I received yours
of the 17th, which was the more welcome as it acknowledged mine
of the 9th, about the safety of which I was anxious. I now risk
some other papers, the sequel of those conveyed in that. The
result I know not. We are sending a courier to Madrid to make
a last effort for the preservation of honorable peace. The affairs
of France are recovering their solidity, and from the steadiness
of the people on the defection of so popular and capital a com-
mander as Dumourier, we have a proof that nothing can shake
this republicanism. Hunger is to be expected ; but the silence
of the late papers on that head, and the near approach of harvest,
makes us hope they will weather that rock. I do not find that
there has been serious insurrection but in Brittany, and where
the noblesse having been as numerous as the people, and indeed
being almost the people, the counter-revolutionary spirit has been
known always to have existed since the night in which titles
were suppressed. The English are trying to stop the torrent of
bankruptcies by an emission of five millions of exchequer bills,
loaned on the pawn-broking plan, consequently much inferior to
the assignats in value. But that paper will sink to an immediate
CORRESPONDENCE. 0
level with their other public paper, and consequently can only
complete the rain of those who take it from government at par,
and on a pledge of pins, buckles, &c.7 of little value, which will
not sell so as to pay storage in a country where there is no specie,
and we may say no paper of confidence. Every letter which
comes expresses a firm belief that the whole paper system will
now vanish into that nothing on which it is bottomed. For even
the public faith is nothing as the mass of paper bottomed on it is
known to be beyond its possible redemption. I hope this will be
a wholesome lesson to our future Legislature. The war between
France and England has brought forward the Republicans and
Monocrats in every State, so that their relative numbers are per-
fectably visible.
TO MESSRS. CARMICHAEL AND SHORT.
PHILADELPHIA, June 30, 1793.
GENTLEMEN, — I have received from Messrs. Viar and Jaudenes,
the representatives of Spain at this place, a letter, which, whether
considered in itself, or as the sequel of several others, conveys to
us very disagreeable prospects of the temper and views of their
court towards us. If this letter is a faithful expression of that
temper, we presume it to be the effect of egregious misrepresent-
ations by their agents in America. Revising our own disposi-
tions and proceedings towards that power, we can find in them
nothig but those of peace and friendship for them ; and conscious
that this will be apparent from a true statement of facts, I shall
proceed to give you such a one, to be communicated to the court
of Madrid. If they find it very different from that conveyed to
them by others, they may think it prudent to doubt, and to take
and to gi^e time for mutual inquiry and explanation. I shall
proceed to give you this statement, beginning it from an early
period.
At the commencement of the late war, the United States laid
it down as a rule of their conduct, to engage the Indian tribes
10 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
within their neighborhood to remain strictly neutral. They ac-
cordingly strongly pressed it on them, urging that it was a family
quarrel with which they had nothing to do, and in which we
wished them to take no part ; and we strengthened these recom-
mendations by doing them every act of friendship and good
neighborhood, which circumstances left in our power. With some,
these solicitations prevailed ; but the greater part of them suffered
themselves to be drawn into the war against us. They waged
it in their usual cruel manner, murdering and scalping men,
women and children, indiscriminately, burning their houses, and
desolating the country. They put us to vast expense, as well
by the constant force we were obliged to keep up in that quarter,
as by the expeditions of considerable magnitude which we were
under the necessity of sending into their country from time to time.
Peace being at length concluded with England, we had it also
to conclude with them. They had made war on us without the
least provocation or pretence of injury. They had added greatly
to the cost of that war. They had insulted our feelings by their
savage cruelties. They were by our arms completely subdued
and humbled. Under all these circumstances, we had a right to
demand substantial satisfaction and indemnification. We used
that right, however, with real moderation. Their limits with us
under the former government were generally ill defined, question-
able, and the frequent cause of war. Sincerely desirous of living
in their peace, of cultivating it by every act of justice and
friendship, and of rendering them better neighbors by introducing
among them some of the most useful arts, it was necessary to
begin by a precise definition of boundary. Acccordingly, at the
treaties held with them, our mutual boundaries were settled ; and
notwithstanding our just right to concessions adequate to the cir-
cumstances of the case, we required such only as were incon-
siderable ; and for even these, in order that we might place them
in a state of perfect conciliation, we paid them a valuable con-
sideration, and granted them annuities in money which have
been regularly paid, and were equal to the prices for which they
have usually sold their lands.
CORRESPONDENCE. H
Sensible, as they were, of the wrong they had done, they ex-
pected to make some indemnification, and were, for the most
part, satisfied with the mode and measure of it. In one or two
instances, where a dissatisfaction was observed to remain as
to the boundaries agreed on, or doubts entertained of the au-
thority of those with whom they were agreed, the United States
invited the parties to new treaties, and rectified what appeared
to be susceptible of it. This was particularly the case with
the Creeks. They complained of an inconvenient cession
of lands on their part, and by persons not duly representing
their nation. They were therefore desired to appoint a proper
deputation to revise their treaty; and that there might be
no danger of any unfair practices, they were invited to come
to the seat of the General Government, and to treat with that
directly. They accordingly came. A considerable proportion
of what had been ceded, was, on the revision, yielded back to
them, and nothing required in lieu of it ; and though they
would have been better satisfied to have had the whole restored,
yet they had obtained enough to satisfy them well. Their na-
tion, too, would have been satisfied, for they were conscious of
their aggression, and of the moderation of the indemnity with
which we had been contented. But at that time came among
them an adventurer of the name of Bowles, who, acting from an
impulse with which we are unacquainted, flattered them with the
hope of some foreign interference, which should undo what had
been done, and force us to consider the naked grant of their
peace as a sufficient satisfaction for their having made war on us.
Of this adventurer the Spanish government rid us ; but not of
his principles, his practices, and his excitements against us.
These were more than continued by the officers commanding at
New Orleans and Pensacola, and by agents employed by them,
and bearing their commission. Their proceedings have been the
subject of former letters to you, and proofs of these proceedings
have been sent to you. Those, with others now sent, establish
the facts, that they called assemblies of the southern Indians,
openly persuaded them to disavow their treaties, and the limits
12 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
therein established, promised to support them with all the pow-
ers which depended on them, assured them of the protection of
their sovereign, gave them arms in great quantities for the avow-
ed purpose of committing hostilities on us, and promised them
future supplies to their utmost need. The Chickasaws, the most
steady and faithful friends of these States, have remained un-
shaken-by these practices. So also have the Chocktaws, for the
most part. The Cherokees have been teased into some express-
ions of discontent, delivered only to the Spanish Governors, or
their agents ; while to us they have continued to speak the lan-
sgtiage of peace and friendship. One part of the nation only,
settled at Cuckamogga and mixed with banditti and outcasts
from the Shawanese and other tribes, acknowledging control
from none, and never in a state of peace, have readily engaged
in the hostilities against us to which they were encouraged.
But what was much more important, great numbers of the Creeks,
chiefly their young men, have yielded to these incitements, and
have now, for more than a twelvemonth, been committing mur-
ders and desolations on our frontiers. Really desirous of living
in peace with them, We have redoubled our efforts to produce the
same disposition in them. We have borne with their aggress-
ions, forbidden all returns of hostility against them, tied up the
hands of our people, insomuch that few instances of retaliation
have occurred even from our suffering citizens ; we have multi-
plied our gratifications to them, fed them when starving, from
the produce of our own fields and labor. No longer ago than
the last winter, when they had no other resource against famine,
and must have perished in great numbers, we carried into their
country and distributed among them, gratuitously, ten thousand
bushels of corn ; and that too, at the same time, when their
young men were daily committing murders on helpless women
and children on our frontiers. And though these depredations
now involve more considerable parts of the nation, we are still
demanding punishment of the guilty individuals, and shall be
contented with it. These acts of neighborly kindness and sup-
port on our part have not been confined to the Creeks, though
CORRESPONDENCE. 13
extended to them in much the greatest degree. Like wants
among the Chickasaws had induced us to send to them also, at
first, five hundred bushels of corn, and afterwards, fifteen hun-
dred more. Our language to all the tribes of Indians has con-
stantly been, to live in peace with one another, and in a most
especial manner, we have used our endeavors with those in the
neighborhood of the Spanish colonies, to be peaceable towards
those colonies. I sent you on a former occasion the copy of a
letter from the Secretary of War to Mr. Seagrove, one of our
agents with the Indians in that quarter, merely to convey to you
the general tenor of the conduct marked out for those agents ;
and I desired you, in placing before the eyes of the Spanish
ministry the very contrary conduct observed by their agents here,
to invite them to a reciprocity of good offices with our Indian
neighbors, each for the other, and to make our common peace
the common object of both nations. I can protest that such
have hitherto been the candid and zealous endeavors of this gov-
ernment, and that if its agents have in any instance acted in an-
other way, it has been equally unknown and unauthorized by us,
and that were even probable proofs of it produced, there would
be no hesitation to mark them with the disapprobation of the
government. We expected the same friendly condescension from
the court of Spain, in furnishing you with proofs of the prac-
tices of the Governor de Carondelet in particular practices avow-
ed by him, and attempted to be justified in his letter.
In this state of things, in such dispositions towards Spain and
towards the Indians, in such a course of proceedings with respect
to them, and while negotiations were instituted at Madrid for
arranging these and all other matters which might affect our
friendship and good understanding, we received from Messrs, de
Viar and Jaudenes their letter of May the 25th, which was the
subject of mine of May the 31st to you ; and now again we
have received that of the 18th instant, a copy of which is en-
closed. This letter charges us, and in the most disrespectful
style, with
1. Exciting the Chickasaws to war on the Creeks.
14 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
2. Furnishing them with provisions and arms.
3. Aiming at the occupation of a post at the Ecores amargas.
4. Giving medals and marks of distinction to several In-
dians.
5. Meddling with the affairs of such as are allies of Spain.
6. Not using efficacious means to prevent these proceedings.
I shall make short observations on these charges.
1. Were the first true, it would not be unjustifiable. The Creeks
have now a second time commenced against us a wanton and
unprovoked war, and the present one in the face of a recent
treaty, and of the most friendly and charitable offices on our
part. There would be nothing out of the common course of
proceeding then, for us to engage allies, if we needed any, for
their punishment. But we neither need, nor have sought them.
The fact itself is utterly false, and we defy the world to produce
a single proof of it. The declaration of war by the Chickasaws,
as we are informed, was a very sudden thing, produced by the
murder of some of their people by a party of Creeks, and pro-
duced so instantaneously as to give nobody time to interfere,
either to promote or prevent a rupture. We had, on the con-
trary, most particularly exhorted that nation to preserve peace,
because in truth we have a most particular friendship for them.
This will be evident from a copy of the message of the Presi-
dent to them, among the papers now enclosed.
2. The gift of provisions was but an act of that friendship to
them, when in the same distress, which had induced us to give
five times as much to the less friendly nation of the Creeks.
But we have given arms to them. We believe it is the practice
of every white nation to give arms to the neighboring Indians.
The agents of Spain have done it abundantly, and, we suppose,
not out of their own pockets, and this for purposes of avowed
hostility on us ; and they have been liberal in promises of fur-
ther supplies. We have given a few arms to a very friendly
tribe, not to make war on Spain, but to defend themselves from
the atrocities of a vastly more numerous and poweii'ul ^c^its,
and one which, by a series of unprovoked and even unrepelled
CORRESPONDENCE. 15
attacks on us, is obliging us to look lowaids war as thb oiuy
means left of curbing their insolence.
3. We are aiming, as is pretended, at an establishment on the
Mississippi, at the Ecores amargas. Considering the measures
of this nature with which Spain is going on, having, since the
proposition to treat with us on the subject, established posts at
the Walnut h:Us and other places for two hundred miles upwards,
it would not have been wonderful if we had taken countervail-
ing measures. But the truth is, we have not done it. We wish-
ed to give a fair chance to the negotiation going on, and thought
it but common candor to leave things in statu quo, to make no
innovation pending the negotiation. In this spirit we forbid, and
deterred even by military force, a large association of our citi-
zens, under the name of the Yazoo companies, which had formed
to settle themselves at those very Walnut hills, which Spain has
since occupied. And so far are we from meditating the particu-
lar establishment so boldly charged in this letter, that we know
not what place is meant by the Ecores amargas. This charge
then is false also.
4. Giving medals and marks of distinction to the Indian chiefs.
This is but blindly hinted at in this letter, but was more point-
edly complained of in the former. This has been an ancient
custom from timr. immemorial. The medals are considered as
complimentary things, as marks of friendship to those who come
to see us, or who do us good offices, conciliatory of their good
will towards us, and not designed to produce a contrary disposi-
tion towards others. They confer no power, and seem to have
taken their origin in the European practice, of giving medals or
other marks of friendship to the negotiators of treaties and other
diplomatic characters, or visitors of distinction. The British
government, while it prevailed here, practised the giving medals,
gorgets, and bracelets to the savages, invariably. We have con-
tinued it, and we did imagine, without pretending to know, that
Spain also did it.
5. We meddle with the affairs of Indians in alliance with
Spain. We are perfectly at a loss to know what this means.
IQ JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
The Indians on our frontier have treaties both with Spain and
us. We have endeavored to cultivate their friendship, to merit
it by presents, charities, and exhortations to peace with their
neighbors, and particularly with the subjects of Spain. We have
carried on some little commerce with them, merely to supply
their wants. Spain too has made them presents, traded with
them, kept agents among them, though their country is within
the limits established as ours at the general peace. However,
Spain has chosen to have it understood that she has some claim
to some parts of that country, and that it must be one of the sub-
jects of our present negotiations. Out of respect for her then,
we have considered her pretensions to the country, though it was
impossible to believe them serious, as coloring pretensions to a
concern with those Indians on the same ground with our own,
and we were willing to let them go on till a treaty should set
things to right between us.
6. Another article of complaint is, that we have not used effi-
cacious means to suppress these practices. But if the charge is
false, or the practice justifiable, no suppression is necessary.
And lastly, these gentlemen say that on a view of these pro-
ceedings of the United States with respect to Spain and the In-
dians, their allies, they foresee that our peace with Spain is very
problematical in future. The principal object of the letter being
our supposed excitements of the Chickasaws against the Creeks,
and their protection of the latter, are we to understand from this,
that if we arm to repulse the attacks of the Creeks on ourselves,
it will disturb our peace with Spain ? That if we will not fold
our arms and let them butcher us without resistance, Spain will
consider it as a cause of war ? This is, indeed, so serious an in-
timation, that the President has thought it could no longer be
treated with subordinate characters, but that his sentiments should
be conveyed to the government of Spain itself, through you.
We love and we value peace ; we know its blessings from ex-
perience. We abhor the follies of war, and are not untried in its
distresses and calamities. Unmeddling with the affairs of other
nations, we had hoped that our distance and our dispositions
CORRESPONDENCE. 17
would have left us free, in the example and indulgence of peace
with all the world. We had, with sincere and particular disposi-
tions, courted and cultivated the friendship of Spain. We have
made to it great sacrifices of time and interest, and were disposed
to believe she would see her interests also in a perfect coalition
and good understanding with us. Cherishing still the same sen-
timents, we have chosen, in the present instance, to ascribe the
intimations in this letter to the particular character of the writers,
displayed in the peculiarity of the style of their communications,
and therefore, we have removed the cause from them to their
sovereign, in whose justice and love of peace we have confi-
dence. If we are disappointed in this appeal, if we are to be
forced into a contrary order of things, our mind is made up. We
shall meet it with firmness. The necessity of our position will
supersede all appeal to calculation now, as it has done heretofore.
We confide in our own strength, without boasting of it ; we respect
that of others, without fearing it. If we cannot otherwise prevail on
the Creeks to discontinue their depredations, we will attack them
in force. If Spain chooses to consider our defence against savage
butchery as a cause of war to her, we must meet her also in war,
with regret, but without fear ; and we shall be happier, to the last
moment, to repair with her to the tribunal of peace and reason.
The President charges you to communicate the contents of
this letter to the court of Madrid, with all the temperance and
delicacy which the dignity and character of that court render
proper ; but with all the firmness and self-respect which befit a
nation conscious of its rectitude, and settled in its purpose.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect es-
teem and respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most hum-
ble servant.
TO COLONEL. MONROE.
PHILADELPHIA, July 14, 1793.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of June 27th, has been duly received.
_ You have most perfectly seized the original idea of the procla-
vot,. iv. 2
13 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
mation. When first proposed as a declaration of neutrality, it
was opposed, first, because the Executive had no power to declare
neutrality. Second, as such a declaration would be premature,
and would lose us the benefit for which it might be bartered.
It was urged that there was a strong impression in the minds of
many that they were free to join in the hostilities on the side of
France, others were unapprised of the danger they would be ex-
posed to in carrying contraband goods, &c. It was therefore
agreed that a proclamation should issue, declaring that we were in
a state of peace, admonishing the people to do nothing contraven-
ing it, and putting them on their guard as to contraband. On
this ground it was accepted or acquiesced in by all, and E. R.,
who drew it, brought it to me, the draught, to let me see there
was no such word as neutrality in it. Circumstances forbid other
verbal criticisms. The public, however, soon took it up as a de-
claration of neutrality, and it came to be considered at length as
such. The arming privateers in Charleston, with our means en-
tirely, and partly our citizens, was complained of in a memorial
from Mr. Hammond. In our consultation it was agreed we were
by treaty bound to prohibit the enemies of France from arming
in our ports, and were free to prohibit France also, and that by
the laws of neutrality we are bound to permit or forbid the same
things to both, as far as our treaties would permit. All, there-
fore, were forbidden to arm within our ports, and the vessels
armed before the prohibition were on the advice of a majority
ordered to leave our ports. With respect to our citizens who had
joined in hostilities against a nation with whom we are at peace,
the subject was thus viewed. Treaties are law. By the treaty
with England we are in a state of peace with her. He who
breaks that peace, if within our jurisdiction, breaks the laws, and
is punishable by them. And if he is punishable he ought to b
punished, because no citizen should be free to commit his coun-
try to war. Some vessels were taken within our bays. There,
foreigners as well as natives are liable to punishment. Some
were committed in the high seas. There, as the sea is a com-
mon jurisdiction to all nations, and divided by persons, each hav-
CORRESPONDENCE. 19
ing a right to the jurisdiction over their own citizens only, our
citizens only were punishable by us. But they were so, because
within our jurisdiction. Had they gone into a foreign land and
committed a hostility, they would have been clearly out of our
jurisdiction and unpunishable by the existing laws. As the arm-
ament in Charleston had taken place before our citizens might
have reflected on the case, only two were prosecuted, merely to
satisfy the complaint made, and to serve as a warning to others.
But others having attempted to arm another vessel in New York
after this was known, all the persons concerned in the latter case,
foreign as well as native, were directed to be prosecuted. The
Attorney General gave an official opinion that the act was against
law, and coincided with all our private opinions ; and the lawyers
of this State, New York and Maryland, who were applied to,
were unanimously of the same opinion. Lately Mr. Rawle, At-
torney of the United States in this district, on a conference with
the District Judge, Peters, supposed the law more doubtful. New
acts, therefore, of the same kind, are left unprosecuted till the
question is determined by the proper court, which will be during
the present week. If they declare the act no offence against the
laws, the Executive will have acquitted itself towards the nation
attacked by their citizens, by having submitted them to the sen-
tence of the laws of their country, and towards those laws
by an appeal to them in a case which interested the country,
and which was at least doubtful. I confess I think myself
that the case is punishable, and that, if found otherwise, Con-
gress ought to make it so, or we shall be made parties in every
maritime war in which the piratical spirit of the banditti in
our ports can engage. I will write you what the judicial de-
termination is. Our prospects with Spain appear to me, from
circumstances taking place on this side the Atlantic, absolutely
desperate. Measures are taken to know if they are equally so
on the other side, and before the close of the year that question
will be closed, and your next meeting must probably prepare for
the new order of things. I fear the disgust of France is inevi-
table. We shall be to blame in past. But the new minister
20 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
much more so. His conduct is indefensible by the most furious
Jacobin. I only wish our countrymen may distinguish between
him and his nation, and if the case should ever be laid before
them, may not suffer their affection to the nation to be diminish-
ed. H., sensible of the advantage they have got, is urging a full
appeal by the Government to the people. Such an explosion
would manifestly endanger a dissolution of the friendship be-
tween the two nations, and ought therefore to be deprecated by
every friend to our liberty ; and none but an enemy to it would
wish to avail himself of the indiscretions of an individual to
compromit two nations esteeming each other ardently. It will
prove that the agents of the two people are either great bunglers
or great rascals, when they cannot preserve that peace which is
the universal wish of both. The situation of the St. Domingo
fugitives (aristocrats as they are) calls aloud for pity and charity.
Never was so deep a tragedy presented to the feelings of man.
I deny the power of the general government to apply money to
such a purpose, but I deny it with a bleeding heart. It belongs
to the State governments. Pray urge ours to be liberal. The
Executive should hazard themselves here on such an occasion,
and the Legislature when it meets ought to approve and extend
it. It will have a great effect in doing away the impression of
other disobligations towards France. I become daily more con-
vinced that all the West India islands will remain in the hands
of the people of color, and a total expulsion of the whites sooner
or later take place. It is high time we should pursue the bloody
scenes which our children certainly, and possibly ourselves,
(south of Potomac,) have to wade through, and try to avert
them. We have no news from the continent of Europe later
than the 1st of May. My love to Mrs. Monroe. Tell her they are
paving the steet before your new house. Adieu. Yours affec-
tionately.
CORRESPONDENCE. 21
TO MESSRS. DE VIAR AND JAUDENES.
PHILADELPHIA, July 14, 1793.
GENTLEMEN, — I have laid before the President your letters of
the llth and 13th instant. Your residence in the United States
has given you an opportunity of becoming acquainted with the
extreme freedom of the press in these States. Considering its
great importance to the public liberty, and the difficulty of sub-
jecting it to very precise rules, the laws have thought it less mis-
chievous to give greater scope to its freedom, than to the restraint
of it. The President has therefore no authority to prevent pub-
lications of the nature of those you complain of in your favor of
the llth. I can only assure you that the government of the
United States has no part in them, and that all its expressions of
respect towards his Catholic Majesty, public and private, have
been as uniform as their desire to cultivate his friendship has
been sincere.
With respect to the letters I have had the honor of receiving
from you for some time past, it must be candidly acknowledged
that their complaints were thought remarkable, as to the matters
they brought forward as well as the manner of expressing them.
A succession of complaints, some founded on small things taken
up as great ones, some on suggestions contrary to our knowledge
of things, yet treated as if true on very inconclusive evidence,
and presented to view as rendering our peace very problematical,
indicated a determination to find cause for breaking the peace.
The President thought it was high time to come to an eclairciss-
ment with your government directly, and has taken the measure
of sending a courier to Madrid for this purpose. This of course
transfers all explanation of the past to another place. But the
President is well pleased to hope from your letters of the llth
and 13th, that all perhaps had not been meant which had been
understood from your former correspondence, and will be still
more pleased to find these and all other difficulties between the
two countries settled in such a way as to insure their future
friendship.
22 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
I beg you to accept assurances of my particular esteem, and
of the real respect with which I have the honor to be, Gentle-
men, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE CHIEF JUSTICE AND JUDGES OF THE SUPREME COURT OF
THE UNITED STATES.
PHILADELPHIA. July 18, 1793.
GENTLEMEN, — The war which has taken place among the
powers of Europe, produces frequent transactions within our ports
and limits, on which questions arise of considerable difficulty,
and of greater importance to the peace of the United States.
These questions depend for their solution on the construction of
our treaties, on the laws of nature and nations, and on the laws
of the land ; and are often presented under circumstances which
do not give a cognizance of them to the tribunals of the country.
Yet their decision is so little analogous to the ordinary functions
of the executive, as to occasion much embarrassment and diffi-
culty to them. The President would, therefore, be much reliev-
ed, if he found himself free to refer questions of this description
to the opinions of the judges of the Supreme Court of the Uni-
ted States, whose knowledge of the subject would secure us
against errors dangerous to the peace of the United States, and
their authority insure the respect of all parties. He has there-
fore asked the attendance of such judges as could be collected in
time for the occasion, to know, in the first place, their opinion,
whether the public may with propriety be availed of their advice
on these questions ? And if they may, to present, for their ad-
vice, the abstract questions which have already occurred, or may
soon occur, from which they will themselves strike out such as
any circumstances might, in their opinion, forbid them to pro-
nounce on.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of great esteem and
respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient humble servant.
CORRESPONDENCE. 23
TO J. MADISON.
July 2-1, 1793.
I wrote you on the 14th, since which I have no letter from
you. It appears that two considerable engagements took place
between Prance and the combined armies on the 1st and 8th of
May. In the former, the French have had rather the worst of
it, as may be concluded by their loss of cannon and loss of
ground. In the latter, they have had rather the best, as is proved
by their remaining on the ground, and their throwing relief into
Conde, which had been the object of both battles. The French
attacked in both. They have sent commissioners to England to
sound for peace. General Felix Wimpfen is one. There is a
strong belief that the bankruptcies and demolitions of manufac-
turers through the three kingdoms, will induce the English to ac-
cede to peace. E. R. is returned. The affair of the loan has
been kept suspended, and is now submitted to him. He brings
very flattering information of the loyalty of the people of Vir-
ginia to the general government, and thinks the whole indispo-
sition there is directed against the Secretary of the Treasury per-
sonally, not against his measures. On the whole he has quieted
uneasiness here. I have never been able to get a sight of Billy
till yesterday. He has promised to bring me the bill of your
ploughs, which shall be paid. Adieu. Yours affectionately.
TO MR. GENET.
PHILADELPHIA, July 24, 1793.
SIR, — Your favor of the 9th instant, covering the information
of Silvat Ducamp, Pierre Nauvel, Chouquet de Savarence, Gaston
de Nogere and G. Blustier, that being on their passage from the
French West Indies to the United States, on board merchant
vessels of the United States, with slaves and merchandise, of
their property, these vessels were stopped by British armed ves-
24 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
sels and their property taken out as lawful prize, has been re«
ceived.
I believe it cannot be doubted, but that by the general law of
nations, the goods of a friend found in the vessel of an enemy
are free, and the goods of an enemy found in the vessel of a
friend are lawful prize. Upon this principle, I presume, the Brit-
ish armed vessels have taken the property of French citizens
found in our vessels, in the cases above mentioned, and I confess
I should be at a loss on what principle to reclaim it. It is true
that sundry nations, desirous of avoiding the inconveniences of
having their vessels stopped at sea, ransacked, carried into port
and detained, under pretence of having enemy goods aboard,
have in many instances introduced by their special treaties an-
other principle between them, that enemy bottoms shall make
enemy goods, and friendly bottoms friendly goods ; a principle
much less embarrassing to commerce, and equal to all parties in
point of gain and loss. But this is altogether the effect of par-
ticular treaty, controlling in special cases the general principle of
the law of nations, and therefore taking effect between such na-
tions only as have so agreed to control it. England has gener-
ally determined to adhere to the rigorous principle, having, in no
instance, as far as I recollect, agreed to the modification of letting
the property of the goods follow that of the vessel, except in the
single one of her treaty with France. We have adopted this
modification in our treaties with France, the United Netherlands
and Russia ; and therefore, as to them, our vessels cover the
goods of their enemies, and we lose our goods when in the ves-
sels of their enemies. Accordingly, you will be pleased to re-
collect, that in the late case of Holland and Mackie, citizens of
the United States, who had laden a cargo of flour on board a
British vessel, which was taken by the French frigate i'Ambus-
cade and brought into this port, when I reclaimed the cargo it
was only on the ground that they were ignorant of the declara-
tion of war when it was shipped. You observed, however, thai
the 14th article of our treaty had provided that ignorance should
not be pleaded beyond two months after the declaration of war,
CORRESPONDENCE. 25
which term had elapsed in this case hy some days, and finding
that to be the truth, though their real ignorance of the declaration
was equally true, I declined the reclamation, as it never was in
my view to reclaim the cargo, nor apparently in yours to offer to
restore it, by questioning the rule established in our treaty, that
enemy bottoms make enemy goods. With England, Spain, Por-
tugal and Austria, we have no treaties ; therefore, we have no-
thing to oppose to their acting according to the general law of
nations, that enemy goods are lawful prize though found in the
bottom of a friend. Nor do I see that France can suffer on the
whole ; for though she loses her goods in our vessels when found
therein by England, Spain, Portugal, or Austria, yet she gains
our goods when found in the vessels of England, Spain, Portu-
gal, Austria, the United Netherlands, or Prussia ; and I believe I
may safely affirm that we have more goods afloat in the vessels
of these six nations, than France has afloat in our vessels ; and
consequently, that France is the gainer, and we the loser by the
principle of our treaty. Indeed, we are the losers in every direc-
tion of that principle ; for when it works in our favor, it is to
save the goods of our friends, when it works against us, it is to
lose our own ; and we shall continue to lose while the rule is
only partially established. When we shall have established it
with all nations, we shall be in a condition neither to gain nor
lose,' but shall be less exposed to vexatious searches at sea. To
this condition we are endeavoring to advance ; but as it depends
on the will of other nations as well as our own, we can only ob-
tain it when they shall be ready to concur.
I cannot, therefore, but flatter myself, that on revising the cases
of Ducamp and others, you will perceive that their losses result
from the state of war, which has permitted their enemies to take
their goods, though found in our vessels ; and consequently, from
circumstances over which we have no control.
The rudeness to their persons, practised by their enemies, is
certainly not favorable to the character of the latter. We feel
for it as much as for the extension of it to our own citizens, theii
26 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
companions, and find in it a motive the more for requiring meas-
ures to be taken which may prevent repetitions of it.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obe-
dient humble servant.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
PHILADELPHIA, July 31, 1793.
DEAR SIR, — When you did me the honor of appointing me to
the office 1 now hold, I engaged in it without a view of continu-
ing any length of time, and I pretty early concluded on the close
of the first four years of our Republic as a proper period for with-
drawing; which I had the honor of communicating to you.
When the period, however, arrived, circumstances had arisen,
which, in the opinion of some of my friends, rendered it proper
to postpone my purpose for awhile. These circumstances have
now ceased in such a degree as to leave me free to think again
of a day on which I may withdraw without its exciting disad-
vantageous opinions or conjectures of any kind. The close of
the present quarter seems to be a convenient period, because the
quarterly accounts of the domestic department are then settled of
course, and by that time, also, I may hope to receive from abroad
the materials for bringing up the foreign account to the end of
its third year. At the close, therefore, of the ensuing month of
September, I shall beg leave to retire to scenes of greater tran-
quillity, from those which I am every day more and more con-
vinced that neither my talents, tone of mind, nor time of life fit
me. I have thought it my duty to mention the matter thus early,
that there may be time for the arrival of a successor, from any
part of the Union from which you may think proper to call one.
That you may find one more able to lighten the burthen of your
labors, I most sincerely wish ; for no man living more sincerely
wishes that your administration could be rendered as pleasant to
yourself, as it is useful and necessary to our country, nor feels
for you a more rational or cordial attachment and respect than,
War Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
COPvKESPONDENCE. 27
TO MR. GENFT.
PHILADELPHIA, August 7, 1793.
SIR, — In a letter of June the 5th. I had the honor to inform
you that the President, after reconsidering, at your request, the
case of vessels armed within our ports to commit hostilities on
nations at peace with the United States, had finally determined
that it could not be admitted, and desired that all those which
had been so armed should depart from our ports. It being un-
derstood afterwards, that these vessels either still remained in our
ports, or had only left them to cruise on our coasts and return
again with their prizes, and that another vessel, the Little Dem-
ocrat, had been since armed at Philadelphia, it was desired, in
my letter of the 12th of July, that such vessels, with their prizes,
should be detained, till a determination should be had of what
was to be done under these circumstances. In disregard, how-
ever, of this desire, the Little Democrat went out immediately
on a cruise.
I have it now in charge to inform you, that the President con-
siders the United States as bound, pursuant to positive assurances
given in conformity to the laws of neutrality, to effectuate the
restoration of or to make compensation for prizes, which shall have
been made of any of the parties at war with France, subsequent
to the fifth day of June last, by privateers fitted out of our ports.
That it is consequently expected, that you will cause restitu-
tion to be made of all prizes taken and brought into our ports
subsequent to the above-mentioned day by such privateers, in
defect of which, the President considers it as incumbent upon
the United States to indemnify the owners of those prizes; the
indemnification to be reimbursed by the French nation.
That besides taking efficacious measures to prevent the future
fitting out of privateers in the ports of the United States, they
will not give asylum therein to any which shall have been at
any time so fitted out, and will cause restitution of all such prizes
as shall be hereafter brought within their ports by any of the said
privateers.
28 JEFFEESON'S WORKS.
It would have been but proper respect to the authority of the
country, had that been consulted before these armaments were
undertaken. It would have been sasisfactory, however, if their
sense of them, when declared, had been duly acquiesced in.
Reparation of the injury to which the United States have been
made so involuntarily instrumental is all which now remains, and
in thi.s your compliance cannot but be expected.
In consequence of the information given in your letter of the
4th instant, that certain citizens of St. Domingo, lately arrived
in the United States, were associating for the purpose of under-
taking a military expedition from the territory of the United
States, against that island, the Governor of Maryland, within
which State the expedition is understood to be preparing, is in-
structed to take effectual measures to prevent the same.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obe-
dient, and most humble servant.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
August 11, 1793.
Thomas Jefferson, with his respects to the President, begs leave
to express in writing more exactly what he meant to have said
yesterday. A journey home in the autumn is of a necessity
which he cannot control after the arrangements he has made, and
when there, it would be his extreme wish to remain. But if the
continuance in office to the last of December, as intimated by the
President, would, by bringing the two appointments nearer to-
gether, enable him to marshal them more beneficially to the pub-
lic, and more to his own satisfaction, either motive will suffice to
induce Thomas Jefferson to continue till that time ; lie submits
it taerefore to the President's judgment, which he will be glad to
receive when convenient, as the arrangements he had taken may
require some change.
CORRESPONDENCE. 29
TO .
August 11,1793.
DEAR SIR, — I wrote you last on the 3d instant. Yours of
July 30th, came to hand yesterday. Besides the present which
goes by post, I write you another to-day to go by Mr. D. Ran-
dolph, who sets out the day after to-morrow for Monticello, but
whether by the direct route or via Richmond is not yet decided.
I shall desire that letter to be sent to you by express from Mon-
ticello. I have not been able to lay my hands on the newspaper
which gave a short but true view of the intention of the procla-
mation ; however, having occasion to state it in a paper which I
am preparing, I have done it in the following terms, and I give
you the very words from the paper, because just as I had finished
so far, 812.15. called on me. I read it to him. He said it present-
ed fairly his view of the matter. He recalled to my mind that I
had, at the time, opposed its being made a declaration of neutral-
ity on the ground that the Executive was not the competent au-
thority for that, and, therefore, that it was agreed the instrument
should be drawn with great care. My statement is in these
words : " On the declaration of war between France and Eng-
'and, the United States being at peace with both, their situation
was so new and unexperienced by themselves, that their citizens
were not, in the first instant, sensible of the new duties resulting
therefrom, and of the laws it would impose even on their dispo-
sitions towards the belligerent powers. Some of them imagined
(and chiefly their transient sea-faring citizens) that they were
free to indulge those dispositions, to take side with either party,
and enrich themselves by depredations on the commerce of the
other, and were meditating enterprises of this nature, as was
said. In this state of the public mind, and before it should take
an erroneous direction difficult to be set right, and dangerous to
themselves and their country, the President thought it expedient,
by way of Proclamation, to remind our fellow-citizens that we
were in a state of peace with all the belligerent powers ; that in
that state it was our duty neither to aid nor injure any ; to exhort
3Q JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
and warn them against acts which might contravene this duty,
and particularly those of positive hostility, for the punishment of
which the laws would be appealed to, and to put them on their
guard also as to the risks they would run if they should attempt
to carry articles of contraband to any." Very soon afterwards
we learnt that he was undertaking the fitting and arming vessels
in that port, enlisting men, foreign and citizens, and giving them
commissions to cruise and commit hostilities against nations at
peace with us, that these vessels were taking and bringing prizes
into our ports, that the consuls of France were assuming to hold
courts of admiralty on them, to try, condemn and authorize their
sale as legal prizes, and all this before Mr. Genet had presented
himself or his credentials to the President, before he was received
by him, without his consent or consultation, and directly in con-
travention of the state of peace existing and declared to exist in the
President's proclamation, and which it was incumbent on him to
preserve till the Constitutional authority should otherwise declare.
These proceedings became immediately, as was naturally to be ex-
pected, the subject of complaint by the representative here of that
power against whom they would chiefly operate, &c. This was
the true sense of the proclamation in the view of the draughts-
man and of the two signers ; but H. had other views. The in-
strument was badly drawn, and made the P. go out of his line
to declare things which, though true, it was not exactly his prov-
ince to declare. The instrument was communicated to me after
it was drawn, but I was busy, and only run an eye over it to see
that it was not made a declaration of neutrality, and gave it back
again, without, I believe, changing a tittle. Pacificus has now
changed his signature to "no Jacobin." Three papers under
this signature have been published in Dunlap. I suppose they
will get into Fenno. They are commentaries on the laws of na-
tions and on the different parts of our treaty with France. As yet
they have presented no very important heresy. Congress will
not meet till the legal day. It was referred to a meeting at my
office to consider and advice on it. I was for calling them. Kin.
against it. H. said his judgment was against it. But he would
COKEESPONDENCE. 31
join any two who should concur so as to make a majority either
way. R. was pointedly against it. We agreed to give our opin-
ions separately, and though the P. was in his own judgment for
calling them, he acquiesced in the majority. I pass on to the
other letter ; so adieu. Yours affectionately.
TO GOVERNEUR MORRIS.
PHILADELPHIA, August 16, 1793.
SIR, — In my letter of January the 13th, I enclosed to you
copies of several letters which had passed between Mr. Ternant,
Mr. Genet and myself, on the occurrences to which the present
war had given rise within our ports. The object of this com-
munication was to enable you to explain the principle on which
our government was conducting itself towards the belligerent
parties ; principles which might not in all cases be satisfactory to
all, but were meant to be just and impartial to all. Mr. Genet
had been then but a little time with us ; and but a little more
was necessary to develop in him a character and conduct so un-
expected and so extraordinary, as to place us in the most distress-
ing dilemma, between our regard for his nation, which is con-
stant and sincere, and a regard for our laws, the authority of
which must be maintained ; for the peace of our country, which
the executive magistrate is charged to preserve ; for its honor, of-
fended in the person of that magistrate ; and for its character
grossly traduced, in the conversations and letters of this gentle-
man. In tne course of these transactions, it has been a great
comfort to us to believe, that none of them were within the in-
tentions or expectations of his employers. These had been too
recently expressed in acts which nothing could discolor, in the
letters of the Executive Council, in the letter and decrees of the
National Assembly, and in the general demeanor of the nation
towards us, to describe to them things of so contrary a character.
Our first duty, therefore, was, to draw a strong line between their
32 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
intentions and the proceedings of their minister ; our second, to
lay those proceedings faithfully before them.
On the declaration of war between France and England, the
United States being at peace with both, their situation was so new
and unexperienced by themselves, that their citizens were not, in
the first instant, sensible of the new duties resulting therefrom,
and of the restraints it would impose even on their dispositions
towards the belligerent powers. Some of them imagined (and
chiefly their transient sea-faring citizens) that they were free to
indulge those dispositions, to take side with either party, and en-
rich themselves by depredations on the commerce of the other,
and were meditating enterprises of this nature, as there was
reason to believe. In this state of the public mind, and before
it should take an erroneous direction, difficult to be set right and
dangerous to themselves and their country, the President thought
it expedient, through the channel of a proclamation, to remind
our fellow-citizens that we were in a state of peace with all the
belligerent powers, that in that state it was our duty neither to
aid nor injure any, to exhort and warn them against acts which
might contravene this duty, and particularly those of positive
hostility, for the punishment of which the laws would be ap-
pealed to ; and to put them on their guard also, as to the risks
they would run, if they should attempt to carry articles of con-
traband to any. This proclamation, ordered on the 19th and
signed the 22d day of April, was sent to you in my letter of the
26th of the same month.
On the day of its publication, we received, through the chan-
nel of the newspapers, the first intimation that Mr. Genet had
arrived on the 8th of the month at Charleston, in the character
of Minister Plenipotentiary from his nation to the United States,
and soon after, that he had sent on to Philadelphia the vessel
in which he came, and would himself perform the journey by
land. His landing at one of the most distant ports of the Union
from his points both of departure and destination, was calculated
to excite attention ; and very soon afterwards, we learned that
he was undertaking to authorize the fitting and arming vessels in
CORRESPONDENCE. 33
that port, enlisting men, foreigners and citizens, and giving them
commissions to cruise and commit hostilities on nations at peace
with us ; that these vessels were taking and bringing prizes into
our ports; that the consuls of France were assuming to hold
courts of admiralty on them, to try, condemn, and authorize their
sale as legal prize, and all this before Mr. Genet had presented
himself or his credentials to the President, before he was re-
ceived by him, without his consent or consultation, and directly
in contravention of the state of peace existing, and declared to
exist in the President's proclamation, and incumbent on him to
preserve till the constitutional authority should otherwise declare.
These proceedings became immediately, as was naturally to be
expected, the subject of complaint by the representative here of
that power against whom they would chiefly operate. The
British minister presented several memorials thereon, to which
we gave the answer of May the 15th, heretofore enclosed to
you, corresponding in substance with a letter of the same date
written to Mr. Ternant, the minister of France then residing
here, a copy of which I send herewith. On the next day Mr.
Genet reached this place, about five or six weeks after he hart
arrived at Charleston, and might have been at Philadelphia, ii
he had steered for it directly. He was immediately presented to
the President, and received by him as the minister of the repub-
lic ; and as the conduct before stated seemed to -bespeak a design
of forcing us into the war without allowing us the exercise of
any free will in the case, nothing could be more assuaging than
his assurance to the President at his reception, which he repeated
to me afterwards in conversation, and in public to the citizens of
Philadelphia in answer to an address from them, that on account
of our remote situation and other circumstances, France did not
expect that we should become a party to the war, but wished to
see us pursue our prosperity and happiness in peace. In a con-
versation a few days after, Mr. Genet told me that M. de Ternant
had delivered him my letter of May the 15th. He spoke some-
thing of the case of the Grange, and then of the armament at
Charleston, explained the circumstances which had led him to it
VOL. iv. 3
34 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
before he had been received by the government and had con-
sulted its will, expressed a hope that the President had not so
absolutely decided against the measure but that he would hear
what was to be said in support of it, that he would write me
a letter on the subject, in which he thought he could justify it
under our treaty ; but that if the President should finally deter-
mine otherwise, he must submit ; for that assuredly his instruc-
tions were to do what would be agreeable to us. He accord-
ingly wrote the letter of May the 27th. The President took the
case again into consideration, and found nothing in that letter
which could shake the grounds of his former decision. My let-
ter of June the 5th notifying this to him, his of June the 8th
and 14th, mine of the 17th, and his again of the 22d, will show
what further passed on this subject, and that he was far from re-
taining his disposition to acquiesce in the ultimate will of the
President.
It would be tedious to pursue this and our subsequent corre-
spondence through all their details. Referring, therefore, for
these to the letters themselves, which shall accompany this, I
will present a summary view only of all the points of difference
which have arisen, and the grounds on which they rest.
1. Mr. Genet asserts his right of arming in our ports and of
enlisting our citizens, and that we have no right to restrain him
or punish them. Examining this question under the law of na-
tions, founded on the general sense and usage of mankind, we
have produced proofs, from the most enlightened and approved
writers on the subject, that a neutral nation must, in all things
relating to the war, observe an exact impartiality towards the
parties, that favors to one to the prejudice of the other, would
import a fraudulent neutrality, of which no nation would be the
dupe ; that no succor should be given to either, unless stipulated
by treaty, in men, arms, or anything else directly serving for
war ; that the right of raising troops being one of the rights of
sovereignty, and consequently appertaining exclusively to the
nation itself, no foreign power or person can levy men within its
territory without its consent ; and he who does, may be right-
CORRESPONDENCE. 35
fully and severely punished ; that if the United States have a
right to refuse the permission to arm vessels and raise men within
their ports and territories, they are bound by the laws of neu-
trality to exercise that right, and to prohibit such armaments and
enlistments. To these principles of the law of nations Mr.
Genet answers, by calling them "diplomatic subtleties," and
" aphorisms of Vattel and others." But something more than
this is necessary to disprove them ; and till they are disproved,
we hold it certain that the law of nations and the rules of neu-
trality forbid our permitting either party to arm in our ports.
But Mr. Genet says, that the twenty-second article of our treaty
allows him expressly to arm in our ports. Why has he not quoted
the very words of that article expressly allowing it ? For that
would have put an end to all further question. The words of
the article are, " it shall not be lawful for any foreign privateers
not belonging to subjects of the M. C. King, nor citizens of the
said United States, who have commissions from any foreign
Prince or State in enmity with either nation, to fit their ships in
the ports of either the one or the other of the aforesaid parties."
Translate this from the general terms in which it here stands, into
the special case produced by the present war. " Privateers not
belonging to France or the United States, and having commis-
sions from the enemies of one of them," are, in the present state
of things, " British, Dutch and Spanish privateers." Substituting
these, then, for the equivalent terms, it will stand thus, " it shall
not be lawful for British, Dutch or Spanish privateers to fit their
ships in the ports of the United States." Is this an express per-
mission to France to do it ? Does the negative to the enemies
of France, and silence as to France herself, imply an affirmative
to France ? Certainly not ; it leaves the question as to France
open, and free to be decided according to circumstances. And
if the parties had meant an affirmative stipulation, they would
have provided for it expressly ; they would never have left so
important a point to be inferred from mere silence or implications.
Suppose they had desired to stipulate a refusal to their enemies,
but nothing to themselves ; what form of expression would they
86 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
have used ? Certainly the one they have used ; an express stip-
ulation as to their enemies, and silence as to themselves. And
such an intention corresponds not only with the words, but with
the circumstances of the times. It was of value to each party
to exclude its enemies from arming in the ports of the other, and
could in no case embarrass them. They therefore stipulated so
far mutually. But each might be embarrassed by permitting the
other to arm in its ports. They therefore would not stipulate to
permit that. Let us go back to the state of things in France
when this treaty was made, and we shall find several cases
wherein France could not have permitted us to arm in her ports.
Suppose a war between these States and Spain. We know,
that by the treaties between France and Spain, the former could
not permit the enemies of the latter to arm in her ports. It was
honest in her, therefore, not to deceive us by such a stipulation.
Suppose a war between these States and Great Britain. By the
treaties between France and Great Britain, in force at the signa-
ture of ours, we could not have been permitted to arm in the
ports of France. She could not then have meant in this article
Jo give us such a right. She has manifested the same sense of
it in her subsequent treaty with England, made eight years after
the date of ours, stipulating in the sixteenth article of it, as in
our twenty-second, that foreign privateers, not being subjects of
either crown, should not arm against either in the ports of the
other. If this had amounted to an affirmative stipulation that the
subjects of the other crown might arm in her ports against us, it
would have been in direct contradiction to her twenty-second
article with us. So that to give to these negative stipulations an
affirmative effect, is to render them inconsistent with each other,
and with good faith ; to give them only their negative and natu-
ral effect, is to reconcile them to one another and to good faith,
and is clearly to adopt the sense in which France herself has
expounded them. We may justly conclude, then, that the arti-
cle only obliges us to refuse this right, in the present case, to
Great Britain and the other enemies of France. It does not go
on to give it to France, either expressly or by implication. We
CORRESPONDENCE. 37
may then refuse it. And since we are bound by treaty to refuse
it to the one party, and are free to refuse it to that other, we are
bound by the laws of neutrality to refuse it to the other. The
aiding either party then with vessels, arms or men, being unlaw-
ful by the law of nations, and not rendered lawful by the treaty,
it is made a question whether our citizens, joining in these un-
lawful enterprises, may be punished ?
The United States being in a state of peace with most of the
belligerent powers by treaty, and with all of them by the laws of
nature, murders and robberies committed by our citizens within
our territory, or on the high seas, on those with whom we are so
at peace, are punishable equally as if committed on our own in-
habitants. If I might venture to reason a little formally, with-
out being charged with running into ' subtleties and aphorisms,'
I would say that if one citizen has a right to go to war of his
own authority, every citizen has the same. If every citizen has
that right, then the nation (which is composed of all its citizens)
has a right to go to war, by the authority of its individual citi-
zen. But this is not true either on the general principles of so-
ciety, or by our Constitution, which gives that power to Congress
alone, and not to the citizens individually. Then the first posi-
tion was not true ; and no citizen has a right to go to war of his
own authority ; and for what he does without right, he ought to
be punished. Indeed, nothing can be more obviously absurd
than to say, that all the citizens may be at war, and yet the na-
tion at peace.
It has been pretended, indeed, that the engagement of a citi-
zen in an enterprise of this nature, was a divestment of the cha-
racter of citizen, and a transfer of jurisdiction over him to another
sovereign. Our citizens are certainly free to divest themselves of
that character by emigration and other acts manifesting their in-
tention, and may then become the subjects of another power, and
free to do whatever the subjects of that power may do. But the
laws do not admit that the bare commission of a crime amounts
of itself to a divestment of the character of citizen, and withdraws
the criminal from their coercion. They would never prescribe
38 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
an illegal act among the legal modes by which a citizen might
disfranchise himself; nor render treason, for instance, innocent
by giving it the force of a dissolution of the obligation of the
criminal to his country. Accordingly, in the case of Henfeild, a
citizen of these States, charged with having engaged in the port
of ( Charleston, in an enterprise against nations at peace with us,
and with having joined in the actual commission of hostilities,
the Attorney General of the United States, in an official opinion,
declared that the act with which he was charged was punishable
by law. The same thing has been unanimously declared by two
of the circuit courts of the United States, as you will see in the
charges of Chief Justice Jay, delivered at Richmond, and Judge
Wilson, delivered at Philadelphia, both of which are herewith
sent. Yet Mr. Genet, in the moment he lands at Charleston, is
able to tell the Governor, and continues to affirm in his corre-
spondence here, that no law of the United States authorizes their
government to restrain either its own citizens or the foreigners
inhabiting its territory, from warring against the enemies of
France. It is true, indeed, that in the case of Henfeild, the jury
which tried, absolved him. But it appeared on the trial, that the
crime was not knowingly and wilfully committed ; that Henfeild
was ignorant of the unlawfulness of his undertaking ; that in the
moment he was apprised of it he showed real contrition ; that he
had rendered meritorious services during the late war, and de-
clared he would live and die an American. The jury, therefore,
in absolving him, did no more than the constitutional authority
might have done, had they found him guilty : the Constitution
having provided for the pardon of offences in certain cases, and
there being no case where it would have been more proper than
where no offence was contemplated. Henfeild, therefore, was
still an American citizen, and Mr. Genet's reclamation of him was
as unauthorized as the first enlistment of him.
2. Another doctrine advanced by Mr. Genet is, that our courts
can take no cognizance of questions whether vessels, held by
theirs as prizes, are lawful prizes or not ; that this jurisdietion
belongs exclusively to their consulates here, which have beei.
CORRESPONDENCE. 39
lately erected by the National Assembly into complete courts of
admiralty.
Let us consider, first, what is the extent of jurisdiction which
the consulates of France may rightfully exercise here. Every
nation has of natural right, entirely and exclusively, all the juris-
diction which may be rightfully exercised in the territory it -oc-
cupies. If it cedes any portion of that jurisdiction to judges ap-
pointed by another nation, the limits of their power must depend
on the instrument of cession. The United States and France
have, by their consular convention, given mutually to their con-
suls jurisdiction in certain cases especially enumerated. But that
convention gives to neither the power of establishing complete
courts of admiralty within the territory of the other, nor even of
deciding the particular question of prize or not prize. The con-
sulates of France, then, cannot take judicial cognizance of those
questions here. Of this opinion Mr. Genet was when he wrote
his letter of May the 27th, wherein he promises to correct the
error of the consul at Charleston, of whom, in my letters of the
15th instant, I had complained, as arrogating to himself that ju-
risdiction ; though in his subsequent letters he has thought proper
to embark in the errors of his consuls.
But the United States, at the same time, do not pretend any
right to try the validity of captures made on the high seas, by
France, or any other nation, over its enemies. These questions
belong, of common usage, to the sovereign of the captor, and
whenever it is necessary to determine them, resort must be had
to his courts. This is the case provided for in the seventeenth
article of the treaty, which says, that such prizes shall not be ar-
rested, nor cognizance taken of the validity thereof ; a stipulation
much insisted on by Mr. Genet and the consuls, and which we
never thought of infringing or questioning. As the validity of
captures then, made on the high seas by France over its enemies,
cannot be tried within the United States by their consuls, so nei-
ther can they by our own courts. Nor is this the question be-
tween us, though we have been misled into it.
The real question is, whether the United States have not a
40 JEFFERSON S WORKS.
right to protect vessels within their waters and on their coasts ?
The Grange was taken within the Delaware, between the shores
of Jersey and of the Delaware State, and several miles above its
mouth. The seizing her was a flagrant violation of the jurisdic-
tion of the United States. Mr. Genet, however, instead of apolo-
gizing, takes great merit in his letters for giving her up. The
William is said to have been taken within two miles of the shores
of the United States. When the admiralty declined cognizance
of the case, she was delivered to the French consul according to
my letter of June the 25th, to be kept till the executive of the
United States should examine into the case ; and Mr. Genet was
desired by my letter of June the 29th, to have them furnished
with the evidence on behalf of the captors, as to the place of
capture. Yet to this day it has never been done. The brig
Fanny was alleged to be taken within five miles from our shore ;
the Catharine within two miles and a half. It is an essential at-
tribute of the jurisdiction of every country to preserve peace, to
punish acts in breach of it, and to restore property taken by force
within its limits. Were the armed vessel of any nation to cut
away one of our own from the wharves of Philadelphia, and to
chose to call it a prize, would this exclude us from the right of
redressing the wrong ? Were it the vessel of another nation, are
we not equally bound to protect it, while within our limits ?
Were it seized in any other of our waters, or on the shores of
the United States, the right of redressing is still the same ; and
humble indeed would be our condition, were we obliged to de-
pend for that on the will of a foreign consul, or on negotiation
with diplomatic agents. Accordingly, this right of protection
within its waters and to a reasonable distance on its coasts, has
been acknowledged by every nation, and denied to none ; and
if the property seized be yet within their power, it is their right
and duty to redress the wrong themselves. France herself has
asserted the right in herself and recognized it in us, in the sixth
article of our treaty, where we mutually stipulate that we will,
by all the means in our power (not by negotiation), protect and
defend each other's vessels and effects in our ports or roads, or
CORRESPONDENCE. 41
on the seas near our countries, and recover and restore the same
to the right owners. The United Netherlands, Prussia and Swe-
den, have recognized it also in treaties with us ; and, indeed, it
is a standing formula, inserted in almost all the treaties of all na-
tions, and proving the principle to be acknowledged by all na-
tions.
How, and by what organ of the government, whether judi-
ciary or executive, it shall be redressed, is not yet perfectly set-
tled with us. One of the subordinate courts of admiralty has
been of opinion, in the first instance, in the case of the ship Wil-
liam, that it does not belong to the judiciary. Another, perhaps,
may be of a contrary opinion. The question is still sub judice,
and an appeal to the court of last resort will decide it finally.
If finally the judiciary shall declare that it does not belong to
the civil authority, it then results to the executive, charged with
the direction of the military force of the Union, and the con-
duct of its affairs with foreign nations. But this is a mere ques-
tion of internal arrangement between the different departments
of the government, depending on the particular diction of the
laws and Constitution ; and it can in nowise concern a foreign
nation to which department these have delegated it.
3. Mr. Genet, in his letter of July the 9th, requires that the
ship Jane, which he calls an English privateer, shall be immedi-
ately ordered to depart ; and to justify this, he appeals to the 22d
article of our treaty, which provides that it shall not be lawful
for any foreign privateer to fit their ships in our ports, to sell
what they have taken, or purchase victuals, &c. The ship Jane
is an English merchant vessel, which has been many years em-
ployed in the commerce between Jamaica and these States.
S-,e brought here a cargo of produce from that island, and was
to take away a cargo of flour. Knowing of the war when she
left Jamaica, and that our coast was lined with small French
privateers, she armed for her defence, and took one of those
commissions usually called letters of marque. She arrived here
safely without having had any rencounter of any sort. Can it
be necessary to say that a merchant vessel is not a privateer ?
42 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
Thac thougn she has arms to defend herself in time of war, in
the course of her regular commerce, this no more makes her a
privateer, than a husbandman following his plough in time of
war, with a knife or pistol in his pocket, is thereby made a sol-
dier ? The occupation of a privateer is attack and plunder, that
of a merchant vessel is commerce and self-preservation. The
article excludes the former from our ports, and from selling whai
she has taken, that is, what she has acquired by war, to show it
did not mean the merchant vessel, and what she had acquired
by commerce. Were the merchant vessels coming for our pro-
duce forbidden to have any arms for their defence, every adven-
turer who had a boat, or money enough to buy one, would make
her a privateer, our coasts would swarm with them, foreign ves-
sels must cease to come, our commerce must be suppressed, our
produce remain on our hands, or at least that great portion of it
which we have not vessels to carry away, our ploughs must be
laid aside and agriculture suspended. This is a sacrifice no
treaty could ever contemplate, and which we are not disposed to
make out of mere complaisance to a false definition of the term
privateer. Finding that the Jane had purchased new carriages
to mount two or three additional guns, which she had brought
in her hold, and that she had opened additional port-holes for
them, the carriages were ordered to be re-landed, the additional
port-holes stopped, and her means of defence reduced, to be ex-
actly the same at her departure as at her arrival. This was
done on the general principle of allowing no party to arm within
our ports.
4. The seventeenth article of our treaty leaves armed vessels
free to conduct, whithersoever they please, the ships and goods
taken from their enemies without paying any duty, and to depart
and be conducted freely to the places expressed in their commis-
sions, which the captain shall be obliged to show. It is evident,
that this article does not contemplate a freedom to sell their prizes
here ; but on the contrary, a departure to some other place, al-
ways to be expressed in their commission, where their validity is
to be finally adjudged. In such case, it would be as unrcasona-
CORRESPONDENCE. 43
ble to demand duties on the goods they had taken from an ene-
my, as it would be on the cargo of a merchant vessel touching
in our ports for refreshment or advices ; and against this the
article provides. But the armed vessels of France have been
also admitted to land and sell their prize goods here for consump-
tion, in which case, it is as reasonable they should pay duties, as
the goods of a merchantman landed and sold for consumption.
They have however demanded, and as a matter of right, to sell
them free of duty, a right, they say, given by this article of the
treaty, though the article does not give the right to sell at all.
Where a treaty does not give the principal right of selling, the
additional one of selling duty free cannot be given ; and the laws
in admitting the principal right of selling, may withhold the ad-
ditional one of selling duty free. It must be observed, that our
revenues are raised almost wholly on imported goods. Suppose
prize goods enough should be brought in to supply our whole
consumption. According to their construction we are to lose our
whole revenue. I put the extreme case to evince, more extreme-
ly, the unreasonableness of the claim. Partial supplies would
aifect the revenue but partially. They would lessen the evil, but
not the error, of the construction ; and I believe we may say,
with truth, that neither party had it in contemplation, when pen-
ning this article, to abandon any part of its revenue for the en-
couragement of the sea robbers of the other.
5. Another source of complaint with Mr. Genet has been, that
the English take French goods out of American vessels, which
he says is against the law of nations and ought to be prevented
by us. On the contrary, we suppose it to have been long an es-
tablished principle of the law of nations, that the goods of a
friend are free in an enemy's vessel, and an enemy's goods law-
ful prize in the vessel of a friend. The inconvenience of this
principle which subjects merchant vessels to be stopped at sea,
searched, ransacked, led out of their course, has induced several
nations latterly to stipulate against it by treaty, and to substitute
another in its stead, that free bottoms shall make free goods, and
enemy bottoms enemy goods ; a rule equal to the other in point
44 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
of loss and gain, but less oppressive to commerce. As far as it
has been introduced, it depends on the treaties stipulating it, arid
forms exceptions, in special cases, to the general operation of the
law of nations. We have introduced it into our treaties with
France, Holland and Prussia ; and French goods found by the
two latter nations in American bottoms are not made prize of.
It is our wish to establish it with other nations. But this requires
their consent also, is a work of time, and in the meanwhile, they
have a right to act on the general principle, without giving to us
or to France cause of complaint. Nor do I see that France can
lose by it on the whole. For though she loses her goods when
found in our vessels by the nations with whom we have no
treaties, yet she gains our goods, when found in the vessels of
the same and all other nations ; and we believe the latter mass to
be greater than the former. It is to be lamented, indeed, that
the general principle has operated so cruelly in the dreadful
calamity which has lately happened in St. Domingo. The mis-
erable fugitives, who, to save their lives, had taken asylum in our
vessels, with such valuable and portable things as could be gath-
ered in the moment out of the ashes of their houses and wrecks
of their fortunes, have been plundered of these remains by the
licensed sea rovers of their enemies. This has swelled, on this
occasion, the disadvantages of the general principle, that "an
enemy's goods are free prize in the vessels of a friend." But it
is one of those deplorable and unforeseen calamities to which
they expose themselves who enter into a state of war, furnishing
to us an awful lesson to avoid it by justice and moderation, and
not a cause or encouragement to expose our own towns to the
same burning and butcheries, nor of complaint because we do
not.
6. In a case like the present, where the missionary of one gov-
ernment construes differently from that to which he is sent, the
treaties and laws which are to form a common rule of action for
both, it would be unjust in either to claim an exclusive right of
construction. Each nation has an equal right to expound the
meaning of their common rules ; and reason and usage have es-
CORRESPONDENCE. 45
lablished, in such cases, a convenient and well-understood train
of proceeding. It is the right and duty of the foreign mission-
ary to urge his own constructions, to support them with reasons
which may convince, and in terms of decency and respect which
may reconcile the government of the country to a concurrence,
It is the duty of that government to listen to his reasonings with
attention and candor, and to yield to them when just. But if it
shall still appear to them that reason and right are on their side,
it follows of necessity, that exercising the sovereign powers of
the country, they have a right to proceed on their own construc-
tions and conclusions as to whatever is to be done within their
limits. The minister then refers the case to his own govern-
ment, asks new instructions, and, in the meantime, acquiesces in
the authority of the country. His government examines his con-
structions, abandons them if wrong, insists on them if right, and
the case then becomes a matter of negotiation between the two
nations. Mr. Genet, however, assumes a new and bolder line of
conduct. After deciding for himself ultimately, and without re-
spect to the authority of the country, he proceeds to do what
even his sovereign could not authorize, to put himself within the
country on a line with its government, to act as co-sovereign of
the territory ; he arms vessels, levies men, gives commissions of
war, independently of them, and in direct opposition to their or-
ders and efforts. When the government forbids their citizens to
arm and engage in the war, he undertakes to arm and engage
them. When they forbid vessels to be fitted in their ports for
cruising on nations with whom they are at peace, he commissions
them to fit and cruise. When they forbid an unceded jurisdic-
tion to be exercised within their territory by foreign agents, he
undertakes to uphold that exercise, and to avow it openly. The
privateers Citoyen Genet and Sans Culottes having been fitted
out at Charleston (though without the permission of the govern-
ment, yet before it was forbidden) the President only required
they might leave our ports, and did not interfere with their
prizes. Instead, however, of their quitting our ports, the Sans
Culottes remains still, strengthening and equipping herself, and
40 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
the Citoyen Genet went out only to cruise on our coast, and to
brave the authority of the country by returning into port again
with her prizes. Though in the letter of June the 5th, the final
determination of the President was communicated, that no future
armaments in our ports should be permitted, the Vainqueur de La
Bastille was afterwards equipped and commissioned in Charles-
ton, the Anti-George in Savannah, the Carmagnole in Delaware,
a schooner and a sloop in Boston, and the Polly or Republican
was attempted to be equipped in New York, and was the subject
of reclamation by Mr. Genet, in a style which certainly did not
look like relinquishing the practice. The Little Sarah or Little
Democrat was armed, equipped and manned, in the port of Phil-
adelphia, under the very eye of the government, as if meant to
insult it. Having fallen down the river, and being evidently on
the point of departure for a cruise, Mr. Genet was desired in my
letter of July the 12th, on the part of the President, to detain
her till some inquiry and determination on the case should be
had. Yet within three or four days after, she was sent out by
orders from Mr. Genet himself, and is, at this time, cruising on
our coasts, as appears by the protest of the master of one of our
vessels maltreated by her.
The government thus insulted and set at defiance by Mr. Genet,
and committed in its duties and engagements to others, determin-
ed still to see in these proceedings but the character of the indi-
vidual, and not to believe, and it does not believe, that they are
by instructions from his employers. They had assured the British
minister here, that the vessels already armed to our ports should
be obliged to leave them, and that no more should be armed in
them. Yet more had been armed, and those before armed had
either not gone away, or gone only to return with new prizes.
They now informed him that the order for departure should be
enforced, and the prizes made contrary to it should be restored
or compensated. The same thing was notified to Mr. Genet in
my letter of August the 7th, and that he might not conclude the
promise of compensation to be of no concern to him, and go on
CORRESPONDENCE. 47
in his courses, he was reminded that it would be a fair article of
account against his nation.
Mr. Genet, not content with using our force, whether we will
or not, in the military line against nations with whom we are at
peace, undertakes also to direct the civil government ; and par-
ticularly for the executive and legislative bodies, to pronounce
what powers may or may not be exercised by the one or the
other. Thus, in his letter of June the 8th, he promises to re-
spect the political opinions of the President, till the Representa-
tives shall have confirmed or rejected them ; as if the President
had undertaken to decide what belonged to the decision of Con-
gress. In his letter of June the 4th, he says more openly, that
the President ought not to have taken on himself to decide on
the subject of the letter, but that it was of importance enough to
have consulted Congress thereon ; and in that of June the 22d,
he tells the President in direct terms, that Congress ought already
to have been occupied on certain questions which he had been
too hasty in deciding ; thus making himself, and not the Presi-
dent, the judge of the powers ascribed by the Constitution to the
executive, and dictating to him the occasion when he should ex-
ercise the power of convening Congress at an earlier day than
their own act had prescribed.
On the following expressions, no commentary shall be
made :
July 9. " Les principes philosophiques proclamees par le
President."
June 22. " Les opinions privees ou publiques de M. le Presi-
dent, et cette egide ne paroissant, pas suffisante."
June 22. " Le gouvernement federal s'est empresse, pousse
par je ne scais quelle influence."
June 22. " Je ne puis attribuer, des demarches de cette nature
qu"a des impressions etrangeres dont le terns et la verite triom-
pheront."
June 25. " On poursuit avec acharnement, en vertu des in-
structions de M. le President, les armateurs Francois."
June 14. " Ce refus tend a accomplir le systeme infernal du
48 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
roi d'Angleterre, et des autres rois ses accomplices, pour faire
perir par la famine les Republicans Francais avec la liberte."
June 8. " La lache abandon de ses amis."
July 25. " En vain le desir de conserver la paix fait-il sacrifier
les interets de la France a cet interet, du moment ; en vain le soil
des richesses l'emporte-t-elle sur 1'honneur dans la balance poli-
tique de 1'Amerique. Tous ces menagemens, toute cette conde-
scendance, toute cette humilite n'aboutissent a rien ; nos enne-
mis on rient, et les Francais trop confiants sont punis 'pour avoir
cru que la nation Americaine, avoit im pavilion, qu'elle avoit
quelque egard pour ses loix, quelque conviction de ses forces, et
qu'elle tenoit au sentiment de sa dignite. II ne m'est pas possi-
ble de peindre toute ma sensibilite sur ce scandale qui tend a la
diminution de votre commerce, a 1'oppression du notre, et a
1'abaissement, a 1'avilissement des republiques. Si nos concito-
yens ont ete trompes, si vous n'etes point en etat de soutenir la
souverainete de votre peuple, parlez ; nous 1'avons garantie quand
nous trtions esclaves. nous saurons la rendre redoubtable etant
devenus libres."
We draw a veil over the sensations which these expressions
excite. No words can render them ; but they will not escape
the sensibility of a friendly and magnanimous nation, who will
do us justice. We see in them neither the portrait of ourselves,
nor the pencil of our friends ; but an attempt to embroil both ;
to add still another nation to the enemies of his country, and to
draw on both a reproach, which it is hoped will never stain the
history of either. The written proofs, of which Mr. Genet him-
self was the bearer, were too unequivocal to leave a doubt that
the French nation are constant in their friendship to us. The
resolves of their National Convention, the letters of their Execu-
tive Council, attest this truth, in terms which render it necessary
to seek in some other hypothesis the solution of Mr. Genet's
machinations against our peace and friendship.
Conscious, on our part, of the same friendly and sincere dis-
positions, we can with truth affirm, both for our nation and gov-
ernment, that we have never omitted a reasonable occasion of
CORRESPONDENCE. 49
manifesting them. For I will not consider as of that character,
opportunities of sallying forth from our ports to waylay, rob and
murder defenceless merchants and others, who have done us no
injury, and who were coming to trade with us in the confidence
of our peace and amity. The violation of all the laws of order
and morality which bind mankind together, would be an unac-
ceptable offering to a just nation. Recurring then only to recent
things, after so afflicting a libel, we recollect with satisfaction,
that in the course of two years, by unceasing exertions, we paid
up seven years' arrearages and instalments of our debt to France,
which the inefficiency of our first form of government had suf-
fered to be accumulating ; that pressing on still to the entire ful-
filment of our engagements, we have facilitated to Mr. Genet the
effect of the instalments of the present year, to enable him to
send relief to his fellow citizens in France, threatened with fam-
ine ; that in the first moment of the insurrection which threaten-
ed the colony of St. Domingo, we stepped forward to their relief
with arms and money, taking freely on ourselves the risk of an
unauthorized aid, when delay would have been denial ; that we
have received according to our best abilities the wretched fugi-
tives from the catastrophe of the principal town of that colony,
who, escaping from the swords and flames of civil war, threw
themselves on us naked and houseless, without food or friends,
money or other means, their faculties lost and absorbed in the
depth of their distresses ; that the exclusive admission to sell
here the prizes made by France on her enemies, in the present
war, though unstipulated in our treaties, and unfounded in her
own practice, or in that of other nations, as we believe ; the
spirit manifested by the late grand jury in their proceedings
again&t those who had aided the enemies of France with arms
and implements of war, the expressions of attachment to his na-
tion, with which Mr. Genet was welcomed on his arrival and
journey from south to north, and our long forbearance under his
gross usurpations and outrages of the laws and authority of our
country, do not bespeak the partialities intimated in his letters.
And for these things he rewards us by endeavors to excite dis-
VOL. iv. 4
50 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
cord and distrust between our citizens and those whom they have
entrusted with their government, between the different branches
of our government, between our nation and his. But none of
these things, we hope, will be found in his power. That friend-
ship which dictates to us to bear with his conduct yet a while,
lest the interests of his nation here should suffer injury, will has-
ten them to replace an agent whose dispositions are such a mis-
representation of theirs, and whose continuance here is inconsist-
ent with order, peace, respect, and that friendly correspondence
which we hope will ever subsist between the two nations. His
government will see too that the case is pressing. That it is im-
possible for two sovereign and independent authorities to be go-
ing on within our territory at the same time without collision.
They will foresee that if Mr. Genet perseveres in his proceedings,
the consequences would be so hazardous to us, the example so
humiliating and pernicious, that we may be forced even to sus-
pend his functions before a successor can arrive to continue
them. If our citizens have not already been shedding each oth-
er's blood, it is not owing to the moderation of Mr. Genet, but to
the forbearance of the government. It is well known that if the
authority of the laws had been resorted to, to stop the Little
Democrat, its officers and agents were to have been resisted by
the crew of the vessel, consisting partly of American citizens
Such events are too serious, too possible, to be left to hazard, 01
to what is more than hazard, the will of an agent whose designs
are so mysterious.
Lay the case then immediately before his government. Ac-
company it with assurances, which cannot be stronger than true,
that our friendship for the nation is constant and unabating ;
that, faithful to our treaties, we have fulfilled them in every point
to the best of our understanding ; that if in anything, however,
we have construed them amiss, we are ready to enter into candid
explanations, and to do whatever we can be convinced is right ;
that in opposing the extravagances of an agent, whose character
they seem not sufficiently to have known, we have been urged
by motives of duty to ourselves and justice to others, which can-
CORRESPONDENCE. 51
not but be approved by those who are just themselves ; and
finally, that after independence and self-government, there is no-
thing we more sincerely wish than perpetual friendship with
them.
I have the honor to be, with great respect and esteem, Dear
Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.*
TO DUKE AND CO.
PHILADELPHIA, August 21, 1793.
GENTLEMEN, — Complaint having been made to the government
of the United States of some instances of unjustifiable vexation
and spoliation committed on our merchant vessels by the priva-
teers of the powers at war, and it being possible that other in-
stances may have happened of which no information has been
given to the government, I have it in charge from the President
to assure the merchants of the United States concerned in for-
eign commerce or navigation, that due attention will be paid to
any injuries they may suffer on the high seas, or in foreign coun-
tries, contrary to the law of nations, or to existing treaties, and
that on the forwarding hither well-authenticated evidence of the
same, proper proceedings will be adopted for their relief. The
just and friendly dispositions of the several belligerent powers af-
ford well-founded expectation that they will not hesitate to take
effectual measures for restraining their armed vessels from com-
mitting aggressions and vexations on our citizens or their pro-
perty.
There being no particular portion or description of the mercan-
tile body pointed out by the law for receiving communications
of this nature, I take the liberty of addressing it to the merchants
of Savannah for the State of Georgia, and of requesting that
through them it may be made known to all those of their State
* A copy of the preceding letter was sent, enclosed by the Secretary of State, to
Mr. Genet
52 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
whom it may concern. Information will be freely received either
from the individuals aggrieved or from any associations of mer-
chants who will be pleased to take the trouble of giving it in a
case so interesting to themselves and their country.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, Gentlemen, your
most obedient servant.
TO J. MADISON.
August 25, 1793.
SIR, — You will perceive by the enclosed papers that Genet has
thrown down the gauntlet to the President by the publication of
his letter and my answer, and is himself forcing that appeal to the
people, and risking that disgust which I had so much wished
should have been avoided. The indications from different parts
of the continent are already sufficient to show that the mass of
the republican interest has no hesitation to disapprove of this in-
termeddling by a foreigner, and the more readily as his object
was evidently, contrary to his professions, to force us into the
war. I am not certain whether some of the more furious repub-
licans may not schismatize with him.
TO J. MADISON.
September 1, 1793.
SIR, — My last was of the 25th, since that I have received yours
of the 20th, and Col. M's of the 21st. Nothing further has
passed with Mr. Genet, but one of his consuls has committed a
pretty serious deed at Boston, by going with an armed force
taken from a French frigate in the harbor, and rescuing a vessel
out of the hands of the marshal who had arrested her by process
from a court of justice ; in another instance he kept off the mar-
shal by an armed force from serving a process on a vessel. He
is ordered, consequently, to be arrested himself, prosecuted and
CORRESPONDENCE. 53
punished for the rescue, and his exequatur will be revoked. You
will see in the newspapers the attack made on our commerce by
the British king in his additional instructions of June 8. Though
we have only newspaper information of it, provisional instruc-
tions are going to Mr. Pinckney to require a revocation of them,
and indemnification for all losses which individuals may sustain
by them in the meantime. Of the revocation I have not the
least expectation. I shall therefore be for laying the whole busi-
ness (respecting both nations) before Congress. While I think it
impossible they should not approve of what has been done disa-
greeable to the friendly nation, it will be in their power to soothe
them by strong commercial retaliation against the hostile one.
Pinching their commerce will be just against themselves, advan-
tageous to us, and conciliatory towards our friends of the hard
necessities into which their agent has drawn us. His conduct
has given room for the enemies of liberty and of France, to come
forward in a state of acrimony against that nation, which they
never would have dared to have done. The disapprobation of
the agent mingles with the reprehension of his nation, and gives
a toleration to that which it never had before. He has still some
defenders in Freneau, and Greenlief s paper, and who they are I
know not : for even Hutcheson and Dallas give him up. I en-
close you a Boston paper, which will give you a specimen of what
all the papers are now filled with. You will recognize Mr.
A under the signature of Camellus. He writes in every
week's paper, and generally under different names. This is the
first in which he has omitted some furious incartade against me.
Hutcheson says that Genet has totally overturned the republican
interest in Philadelphia. However, the people going right them-
selves, if they always see their republican advocates with them,
an accidental meeting with the monocrats will not be a coales-
cence. You will see much said, and again said, about G.'s
threat to appeal to the people. I can assure you it is a fact. I
received yesterday the MS. you mentioned to me from F n.
I have only got a dozen pages into it, and never was more
charmed with anything. Profound arguments presented in the
54 JEFFEBSON'S WORKS.
simplest point of view entitle him really to his ancient signature.
In the papers received from you, I have seen nothing which
ought to be changed, except apart of one sentence not necessary
for its object, and running foul of something of which you were not
apprized. A malignant fever has been generated in the filth of
Water street, which gives great alarm. About 70 people had
died of it two days ago, and as many more were ill of it. It has
now got into most parts of the city, and is considerably infec-
tious. At first 3 out of 4 died, now about 1 out of 3. It comes
on with a pain in the head, sick stomach, then a little chill, fever,
black vomiting and stools, and death from the 2d to the 8th
day. Everybody who can, is flying from the city, and the panic
of the country people is likely to add famine to disease. Though
becoming less mortal, it is still spreading, and the heat of the
weather is very unpropitious. I have withdrawn my daughter
from the city, but am obliged to go to it every day myself. My
threshing machine has arrived at New York. Mr. Pinckney
writes me word that the original from which this model is copied,
threshes 150 bushels of wheat in 8 hours, with 6 horses and
5 men. It may be moved either by water or horses. Fortun-
ately the workman who made it (a millwright) is come in the
same vessel to settle in America. I have written to persuade him
to go on immediately to Richmond, offering him the use of my
model to exhibit, and to give him letters to get him into imme-
diate employ in making them. I expect an answer before I
write to you again. I understand that the model is made mostly
in brass, and in the simple form in which it was first ordered, to
be worked by horses. It was to have cost 5 guineas, but Mr.
Pinckney having afterwards directed it to be accommodated to
water movement also, it has made it more complicated, and costs
13 guineas. It will thresh any grain from the Windsor bean
down to the smallest. Adieu.
CORRESPONDENCE. 55
TO MR. GORE.
PHILADELPHIA, September 2, 1793.
SIR, — The President is informed through the channel of a let-
ter from yourself to Mr. Lear, that M. Duplaine, consul of France
at Boston, has lately, with an armed force, seized and rescued a
vessel from the officer of a court of justice, by process from which
she was under arrest in his custody : and that he has in like
manner, with an armed force, opposed and prevented the officer,
charged with process from a court against another vessel, from
serving that process. This daring violation of the laws requires
the more attention, as it is by a foreigner clothed with a public
character, arrogating an unfounded right to admiralty jurisdiction,
and probably meaning to assert it by this act of force. You
know that by the law of nations, consuls are not diplomatic
characters, and have no immunities whatever against the laws of
the land. To put this altogether out of dispute, a clause was in-
serted in our consular convention with France, making them
amenable to the laws of the land, as other inhabitants. Conse-
quently, M. Duplaine is liable to arrest, imprisonment, and other
punishments, even capital, as other foreign subjects resident here.
The President therefore desires that you will immediately insti-
tute such a prosecution against him, as the laws will warrant.
If there be any doubt as to the character of his offence, whether
of a higher or lower grade, it will be best to prosecute for that
which will admit the least doubt, because an acquittal, though it
might be founded merely on the opinion that the grade of offence
with which he is charged is higher than his act would support,
yet it might be construed by the uninformed to be a judiciary de-
cision against his amenability to the law, or perhaps in favor of
the jurisdiction these consuls are assuming. The process there-
fore, should be of the surest kind, and all the proceedings well
grounded. In particular, if an arrest, as is probable, be the first
step, it should be so managed as to leave room neither for escape
nor rescue. It should be attended with every mark of respect,
consistent with safe custody, and his confinement as mild and
56 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
comfortable also, as that would permit. These are the dis-
tinctions to which a consul is entitled, that is to say, of a partic-
ular decorum of deportment towards him, indicative of respect to
the sovereign whose officer he is.
The President also desires you will immediately obtain the
best evidence it shall be in your power to procure, under oath or
affirmation, of the transaction stated in your letter, and that in
this, you consider yourself as acting as much on behalf of M.
Duplaine as the public, the candid truth of the case being exactly
that which is desired, as it may be the foundation of an act, the
justice of which should be beyond all question. This evidence
I shall be glad to receive within as few days, or even hours, of
delay as possible.
I am also instructed to ask the favor of you to communicate
copies of any memorials, representations or other written corre-
spondence which may have passed between the Governor and
yourself, with respect to the privateers and prizes which have been
the subject of your letters to Mr. Lear.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obe-
dient servant.
TO MR. HAMMOND.
PHILADELPHIA, September 5, 1793.
SIR, — I am honored with yours of August the 30th. Mine
of the 7th of that month assured you that measures were taking
for excluding from all further asylum in our ports, vessels armed
in them to cruise on nations with which we are at peace, and for
the restoration of the prizes, the Lovely Lass, Prince William
Henry, and the Jane of Dublin, and that should the measures for
restitution fail in their effect, the President considers it as incum-
bent on the United States, to make compensation for the vessels.
We are bound by our treaties with three of the belligerent na-
tions, by all the means in our power to protect and defend their
vessels and effects in our ports or waters, or on the seas near our
CORRESPONDENCE. 57
shores, and to recover and restore the same to the right owners,
when taken from them. If all the means in our power are used,
and fail in their effect, we are not bound by our treaties with
those nations to make compensation.
Though we have no similar treaty with Great Britain, it was
the opinion of the President that we should use towards that na-
tnn the same rule which, under this article, was to govern us
with the other nations ; and even to extend it to captures made on
the high seas and brought into our ports, if done by vessels
which had been armed within them.
Having, for particular reasons, forborne to use all the measures
in our power for the restitution of the three vessels mentioned in
my letter of August the 7th, the President thought it incumbent
on the United States to make compensation for them ; and though
nothing was said in that letter of other vessels taken under like
circumstances, and brought in after the 5th of June and before
the date of that letter, yet where the same forbearance had taken
place, it was and is his opinion that compensation would be
equally due.
As to prizes made under the same circumstances, and brought
in after the date of that Letter, the President determined that all
the means in our power should be used for their restitution. If
these fail us, as we should not be bound by our treaties to make
compensation to the other powers, in the analogous case, he did
not mean to give an opinion that it ought to be done to Great
Britain. But still, if any cases shall arise subsequent to that
date, the circumstances of which shall place them on similar
ground with those before it, the President would think compen-
sation equally incumbent on the United States.
Instructions are given to the Governors of the different States,
to use all the means in their power for restoring prizes of this last
description, found within their ports. Though they will, of
course, take measures to be informed of them, and the General
Government has given them the aid of the Custom House offi-
cers for this purpose, yet you will be sensible of the importance
of multiplying the channels of their information, as far as shaL
58 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
depend on yourself or any person under your direction, in order
that the government may use the means in their power, for mak-
ing restitution. Without knowledge of the capture, they cannot
restore it. It will always be best to give the notice to them
directly ; but any information which you shall be pleased to send
to me also, at any time, shall be forwarded to them as quickly as
the distance will permit.
Hence you will perceive, Sir, that the President contemplates
restitution or compensation, in the cases before the seventh of Au-
gust, and, after that date, restitution, if it can be effected by any
means in our power; and that it will be important that you
should substantiate the fact that such prizes are in our ports or
waters.
Your list of the privateers illicitly armed in our ports, is, I be-
lieve, correct.
With respect to losses by detention, waste, spoliation, sustained
by vessels taken as before mentioned between the dates of June
the 5th and August the 7th, it is proposed, as a provisional meas-
ure, that the collector of the customs of the district, and the
British consul, or any other person you please, shall appoint per-
sons to establish the value of the vessel and cargo, at the times of
her capture and of her arrival in the port into which she is
brought, according to their value in that port. If this shall be
agreeable to you, and you will be pleased to signify it to me,
with the names of the prizes understood to be of this description,
instructions will be given accordingly, to the collectors of the
customs where the respective vessels are.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obe-
dient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. PINCKNEY.
PHILADELPHIA, September 7 1793.
Sin, — We have received, through a channel which cannot be
considered as authentic, the copy of a paper, styled " Additional
COPwRESPONDEtfCE. 59
Instructions to the Commanders of his Majesty's Ships of War
and Privateers," &c., dated at St. James's, June 8, 1793. If
this paper be authentic, I have little doubt but that you will have
taken measures to forward it to me. But as your communication
of it may miscarry, and time in the mean will be lost, it has
been thought better that it should be supposed authentic ; that
on that supposition I should notice to you its very exceptionable
nature, and the necessity of obtaining explanations on the sub-
ject from the British government ; desiring at the same time,
that you will consider this letter as provisionally written only,
and as if never written, in the event that the paper which is the
occasion of it be not genuine.
The first article of it permits all vessels, laden wholly or in
part with corn, flour or meal, bound to any port in France, to be
stopped and sent into any British port, to be purchased by that
government, or to be released only on the condition of security
given by the master, that he will proceed to dispose of his cargo
in the ports of some country in amity with his Majesty.
This article is so manifestly contrary to the law of nations,
that nothing more would seem necessary than to observe that it
is so. Reason and usage have established that when two nations
go to war, those who choose to live in peace retain their natural
right to pursue their agriculture, manufactures, and other ordinary
vocations, to carry the produce of their industry for exchange to
all nations, belligerent or neutral, as usual, to go and come freely
without injury or molestation, and in short, that the war among
others shall be, for them, as if it did not exist. One restriction
on their natural rights has been submitted to by nations at peace,
that is to say, that of not furnishing to either party implements "
merely of war for the annoyance of the other, nor anything
whatever to a place blockaded by its enemy. What these im-
plements of war are, has been so often agreed and is so well under-
stood as to leave little question about them at this day. There
does not exist, perhaps, a nation in our common hemisphere,
which has not made a particular enumeration of them in some or
all of their treaties, under the name of contraband. It suffices
60 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
for the present occasion, to say, that corn, flour and meal, are not
of the class of contraband, and consequently remain articles of
free commerce. A culture which, like that of the soil, gives em-
ployment to such a proportion of mankind, could never be sus-
pended by the whole earth, or interrupted for them, whenever
any two nations should think proper to go to war.
The state of war then existing between Great Britain and
France, furnishes no legitimate right either to Interrupt the agri-
culture of the United States, or the peaceable exchange of its
produce with all nations ; and consequently, the assumption of it
will be as lawful hereafter as now, in peace as in war. No
ground, acknowledged by the common reason of mankind, au-
thorizes this act now, and unacknowledged ground may be taken
at any time, and at all times. We see then a practice begun, to
which no time, no circumstances prescribe any limits, and which
strikes at the root of our agriculture, that branch of industry
which gives food, clothing and comfort to the great mass of the
inhabitants of these States. If any nation whatever has a right
to shut up to our produce all the ports of the earth except her
own and those of her friends, she may shut up these also, and so
confine us within our own limits. No nation can subscribe to
such pretensions ; no nation can agree, at the mere will or inter-
est of another, to have its peaceable industry suspended, and its
citizens reduced to idleness and want. The loss of our produce
destined for foreign markets, or that loss which would result
from an arbitrary restraint of our markets, is a tax too serious for
us to acquiesce in. It is not enough for a nation to say, we and
our friends will buy your produce. We have a right to answer,
that it suits us better to sell to their enemies as well as their
friends. Our ships do not go to France to return empty. They
go to exchange the surplus of one produce which we can spare,
for surplusses of other kinds which they can spare and we
want; which they can furnish on better terms, and more to
our mind, than Great Britain or her friends. We have a right
to judge for ourselves what market best suits us, and they have
none to forbid/ to us the enjoyment of the necessaries and
CORRESPONDENCE. 61
comforts which we may obtain from any other independent
country.
This act, too, tends directly to draw us from that state of peace
m which -we are wishing to remain. It is an essential character
of neutrality to furnish no aids (not stipulated by treaty) to one
party, which we are not equally ready to furnish to the other. If
we permit corn to be sent to Great Britain and her friends, we
are equally bound to permit it to France. To restrain it would
be a partiality which might lead to war with France ; and be-
tween restraining it ourselves, and permitting her enemies to re-
strain it unrightfully, is no difference. She would consider this
as a mere pretext, of which she would not be the dupe ; and on
what honorable ground could we otherwise explain it? Thus
we should see ourselves plunged by this unauthorized act of
Great Britain into a war with which we meddle not, and which
we wish to avoid if justice to all parties and from all parties will
enable us to avoid it. In the case where we found ourselves
obliged by treaty to withhold from the enemies of France the
right of arming in our ports, we thought ourselves in justice
bound to withhold the same right from France also, and we did
it. Were we to withhold from her supplies of provisions, we
should in like manner be bound to withhold them from her ene-
mies also ; and thus shut to ourselves all the ports of Europe
where corn is in demand, or make ourselves parties in the war.
This is a dilemma which Great Britain has no right to force upon
us, and for which no pretext can be found in any part of our
conduct. She may, indeed, feel the desire of starving an enemy
nation ; but she can have no right of doing it at our loss, nor of
making us the instruments of it.
The President therefore desires, that you will immediately en-
ter into explanations on this subject with the British government.
Lay before them in friendly and temperate terms all the demon-
strations of the injury done us by this act, and endeavor to ob-
tain a revocation of it, and full indemnification to any citizens
of these States who may have suffered by it in the meantime.
Accompany your representations by every assurance of our earn-
62 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
est desire to live on terms of the best friendship and harmony
with them, and to found our expectations of justice on their part,
on a strict observance of it on ours.
It is with concern, however, I am obliged to observe, that so
marked has been the inattention of the British court to every ap-
plication which has been made to them on any subject, by this
government, (not a single answer I believe having ever been
given to one of them, except in the act of exchanging a minis-
ter) that it may become unavoidable, in certain cases, where an
answer of some sort is necessary, to consider their silence as an
answer. Perhaps this is their intention. Still, however, desirous
of furnishing no color of offence, we do not wish you to name to
them any term for giving an answer. Urge one as much as you
can without commitment, and on the first day of December be
so good as to give us information of the state in which this mat-
ter is, that it may be received during the session of Congress.
The second article of the same instruction allows the armed
vessels of Great Britain to seize for condemnation all vessels, on
their first attempt to enter a blockaded port, except those of Den-
mark and Sweden, which are to be prevented only, but not
seized, on their first attempt. Of the nations inhabiting the
shores of the Atlantic ocean, and practising its navigation, Den-
mark, Sweden and the United States alone are neutral. To de-
clare then all neutral vessels (for as to the vessels of the belliger-
ent powers no order was necessary) to be legal prize, which shall
attempt to enter a blockaded port, except those of Denmark and
Sweden, is exactly to declare that the vessels of the United States
shall be lawful prize, and those of Denmark and Sweden shall
not. It is of little consequence that the article has avoided
naming the United States, since it has used a description applica-
ble to them, and to them alone, while it exempts the others from
its operation by name. You will be pleased to ask an explana-
tion of this distinction ; and you will be able to say, in discussing
its justice, that in every circumstance, we treat Great Britain on
the footing of the most favored nation where our treaties do not
preclude us, and that even these are just as favorable to her, as
CORRESPONDENCE. 63
hers are to us. Possibly she may he bound by treaty to admit
this exception in favor of Denmark and Sweden. But she can-
not be bound by treaty to withhold it from us. And if it be
withheld merely because not established with us by treaty, what
might not we, on the same ground, have withheld from Great
Britain during the short course of the present war, as well as the
peace which preceded it ?
Whether these explanations with the British government shall
be verbal or in writing, is left to yourself. Verbal communica-
tions are very insecure ; for it is only to deny them or to change
their terms, in order to do away their effect at any time. Those
in writing have as many and obvious advantages, and ought to
be preferred, unless there be obstacles of which we are not ap-
prized.
I have the honor to .be, with great and sincere esteem, dear
Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO J. MADISON.
September 8, 1793.
I have received and am charmed with No. 5. I thought the
introduction an useful lesson to others as I found it to myself, for
I had really, by constantly hearing the sound, been led into a
pretty free use of it myself. I struck out the passage you desired
in the page. I struck out also the words " and neutrality " in
the following passage, "taking the proclamation in its proper
sense as reminding all concerned, that as the United States were
at peace, the laws of peace and neutrality were still obligatory,"
also a paragraph of four lines that a minister from France was
hourly expected when the proclamation issued. There was one
here at the time ; the other did not arrive in six weeks. To
have waited that time should have given full course to the evil.
I went through Franklin with enchantment ; and what pecu-
liarly pleased me was, that there was not a sentence from which
it could be conjectured whether it came from north, south, east
64 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
or west. At last a whole page of Virginia flashed on me. It
was in the section on the state of parties, and was an apology
for the continuance of slavery among us. However, this cir-
cumstance may be justly palliated, it had nothing to do with the
state of parties, with the bank, encumbered a good cause with a
questionable argument. Many readers who would have gone
heart and hand with the author so far, would have flown oil in a
tangent from that paragraph. I struck it out. Justify this if you
please to those concerned, and if it cannot be done, say so, and
it may still be re-established. I mentioned to you in my last
that a French consul at Boston had rescued a vessel out of the
hands of a Marshal by military force. Genet has, at New York,
forbidden a Marshal to arrest a vessel, and given orders to the
French squadron to protect her by force. Was there ever an in-
stance before of a diplomatic man overawing and obstructing the
course of the law in a country by an armed force ? The yellow
fever increases. The week before last about three a day died.
This last week about eleven a day have died ; consequently, from
known data about thirty-three a day are taken, and there are
about three hundred and thirty patients under it. They are
much scattered through the town, and it is the opinion of the
physicians that there is no possibility of stopping it. They agree
it is a nondescript disease, and no two agree in any one part of
their process of cure. The President goes off the day after to-
morrow, as he had always intended. Knox then takes flight.
Hamilton is ill of the fever, as is said. He had two physicians
out at his house the night before last.
TO MR. HAMMOND.
PHILADELPHIA, September 9, 1793.
SIR, — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
two memorials of the 4th and 6th instant, which have been
duly laid before the President of the United States.
CORRESPONDENCE. 65
You cannot be uninformed of the circumstances which have
occasioned the French squadron now in New York to seek asy-
lum in the ports of the United States. Driven from those where
they were on duty, by the superiority of the adverse party in the
civil war which has so unhappily afflicted the colonies of France,
filled with the wretched fugitives from the same scenes of distress
and desolation, without water or provisions for the shortest voy-
age, their vessels scarcely in a condition to keep the sea at all, they
were forced to seek the nearest ports in which they could be re-
ceived and supplied with necessaries. That they have ever
been out again to cruise, is a fact we have never learned, and
which we believe to be impossible, from the information re-
ceived of their wants and other impediments to active service.
This case has been noted specially, to show that no inconve-
nience can have been produced to the trade of the other bellig-
erent powers, by the presence of this fleet in our harbors. I
shall now proceed to more general ground.
France, England and all other nations have a right to cruise
on our coasts ; a right not derived from our permission, but from
the law of nature. To render this more advantageous, France
has secured to herself, by a treaty with us, (as she has done also
by a treaty with Great Britain, in the event of a war with us or
any other nation) two special rights. 1. Admission for her prizes
and privateers into our ports. This, by the seventeenth and
twenty-second articles, is secured to her exclusively of her ene-
mies, as is done for her in the like case by Great Britain, were
her present war with us instead of Great Britain. 2. Admis-
sion for her public vessels of war into our ports, in cases of
stress of weather, pirates, enemies, or other urgent necessity,
to refresh; victual, repair, &c. This is not exclusive. As then
we are bound by treaty to receive the public armed vessels of
France, and are not bound to exclude those of her enemies, the
executive has never denied the same right of asylum in our ports
to the public armed vessels of your nation. They, as well as
the French, are free to come into them in all cases of weather,
piracies, enemies, or other urgent necessity, and to refresh, vic-
VOL. IV. 5
66 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
tual, repair, <fcc. And so many are these urgent necessities; to
vessels far from their own ports, that we have thought inquiries
into the nature as well as the degree of the necessities which
drive them hither, as endless as they would he fruitless, and
therefore have not made them. And the rather, because there
is a third right, secured to neither by treaty, but due to both on
the principles of hospitality between friendly nations, that of
coming into our ports, not under the pressure of urgent necessity,
but whenever their comfort or convenience induces them. On
this ground, also, the two nations are on a footing.
As it has never been conceived that either would detain their
ships of war in our ports when they were in a condition for ac-
tion, we have never conceived it necessary to prescribe any limits
to the time of their stay. Nor can it be viewed as an injury to
either party, to let their enemies lie still in our ports from year's
end to year's end, if they choose it. Thus, then, the public
ships of war of both nations enjoy a perfect equality in our ports ;
first, in cases of urgent necessity ; secondly, in cases of comfort
or convenience ; and thirdly, in the time they choose to con-
tinue ; and all a friendly power can ask from another is, to ex-
tend to her the same indulgences which she extends to other
friendly powers. And though the admission of the prizes and
privateers of France is exclusive, yet it is the effect of treaty
made long ago, for valuable considerations, not with a view to
the present circumstances, nor against any nation in particular,
but all in general, and may, therefore, be faithfully observed
without offence to any ; and we mean faithfully to observe it.
The same exclusive article has been stipulated, as was before ob-
served, by Great Britain in her treaty with France, and indeed
is to be found in the treaties between most nations.
With respect to the usurpation of admiralty jurisdiction by the
consuls of France, within these States, the honor and rights of
the States themselves were sufficient motives for the executive
to take measures to prevent its continuance, as soon as they
were apprized of it. They have been led by particular consider-
ations to await the effect of these measures, believing they
CORRESPONDENCE. 67
would be sufficient ; but finding at length they were not, such
others have been lately taken as can no longer fail to suppress
this irregularity completely.
The President is duly sensible of the character of the act of
opposition made to the serving of legal process on the brig Wil-
liam Tell, and he presumes the representations made on that
subject to the minister of France, will have the effect of opening
a free access to the officer of justice, when he shall again pre-
sent himself with the precept of his court.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obe-
dient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. GENET.
PHILADELPHIA, September 9, 1793.
SIR, — In my letter of June the 25th, on the subject of the ship
William, and generally of vessels suggested to be taken within
the limits of the protection of the United States by the armed
vessels of your nation, I undertook to assure you it would be
more agreeable to the President, that such vessels should be de-
tained under the orders of yourself or the consul of France, than
by a military guard, until the government of the United States
should be able to inquire into and decide on the fact. In two
separate letters of the 29th of the same month, I had the honor
to inform you of the claims lodged with the executive for the
same ship William and the brig Fanny, to enclose you the evi-
dence on which they were founded, and to desire that if you
found it just, you would order the vessels to be delivered to the
owners ; or, if overweighed in your judgment by any contradic-
tory evidence which you might have or acquire, you would do
me the favor to communicate that evidence ; and that the con-
suls of France might retain the vessels in their custody, in the
meantime, until the executive of the United States should con-
sider and decide finally on the subject.
68 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
When that mode of proceeding was consented to for your sat-
isfaction, it was by no means imagined it would have occasioned
such delays of justice to the individuals interested. The Presi-
dent is still without information, either that the vessels are re-
stored, or that you have any evidence to offer as to the place of
capture. I am, therefore, Sir, to repeat the request of early in-
formation on this subject, in order that if any injury has been
done those interested, it may be no longer aggravated by delay.
The intention of the letter of June the 25th having been to
permit such vessels to remain in the custody of the consuls, in-
stead of that of a military guard (which, in the case of the ship
William, appeared to have been disagreeable to you), the indul-
gence was of course to be understood as going only to cases
which the executive might take, or keep possession of, with a
military guard, and not to interfere with the authority of the
courts of justice in any case wherein they should undertake to
act. My letter of June the 29th, accordingly, in the same case
of the ship William, informed you that no power in this country
could take a vessel out of the custody of the courts, and that it was
only because they decided not to take cognizance of that case,
that it resulted to the executive to interfere in it. Consequently,
this alone put it in their power to leave the vessel in the hands
of the consul. The courts of justice exercise the sovereignty of
this country in judiciary matters ; are supreme in these, and lia-
ble neither to control nor opposition from any other branch of
the government. We learn, however, from the enclosed paper,
that the consul of New York, in the first instance, and yourself
in a subsequent one, forbid an officer of justice to serve the pro-
cess with which he was charged from his court, on the British
brig William Tell, taken by a French armed vessel within a mile
of our shores, as has been deposed on oath, and brought into
New York, and that you had even given orders to the French
squadron there to protect the vessel against any person who
should attempt to take her from their custody. If this opposi-
tion were founded, as is there suggested, on the indulgence of
the letters before cited, it was extending that to a case not within
CORRESPONDENCE. 69
their purview ; and even had it been precisely the case to which
they were to be applied, is it possible to imagine you might as-
sert it within the body of the country by force of arms ?
I forbear to make the observations which such a measure must
suggest, and cannot but believe that a moment's reflection will
•»vmce to you the depth of the error committed in this opposition
to an officer of justice, and in the means proposed to be resorted
to in support of it. I am therefore charged to declare to you ex-
pressly, that the President expects and requires that the officer of
justice be not obstructed in freely and peaceably serving the pro-
cess of his court, and that in the meantime the vessel and her
cargo be not suffered to depart till the judiciary, if it will under-
take it, or himself if not, shall decide whether the seizure has
been made within the limits of our protection.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obe-
dient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. COXE.
September 10, 1793.
Thomas Jefferson presents his compliments to Mr. Coxe. He
directed a census to be sent him in the moment of receiving his
note of the 5th. With respect to the placing consuls in the
British Islands, we are so far from being permitted that, that a
common mercantile factor is not permitted by their laws. The
experiment of establishing consuls in the colonies of the Euro-
pean nations has been going on for some time, but as yet we can-
not say it has been formally and fully admitted by any. The
French colonial authority has received them, but they have never
yet been confirmed by the national authority.
70 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO MR. MORRIS.
PHILADELPHIA, September 11, 1793.
DEAR SIR, — My late letters to you have been of August 16, 23,
and 26, and a duplicate of the two first will accompany this.
Yours lately received are April 4, 5, 11, 19, May 20, and June 1,
being Nos. 26 to 31. I have little particulars to say to you by
this opportunity which may be less certain than the last.
The north-western Indians have refused to meet our commis-
sioners, unless they would agree to the Ohio as our boundary by
way of preliminary article ; and this being impossible on account
of the army locations and particular sales on that side the river,
the war will go on. We may shortly expect to hear that General
Wayne is in motion. An infections and mortal fever is broke
out in this place. The deaths under it the week before last were
about forty, the last week about fifty, this week they will proba-
bly be about two hundred, and it is increasing. Every one is
getting out of the city who can. Colonel Hamilton is ill of the
fever, but is on the recovery. The President, according to an
arrangement of some time ago, set out for Mount Vernon on yes-
terday. The Secretary of War is setting out on a visit to Mas-
sachusetts. I shall go in a few days to Virginia. When we
shall reassemble again may perhaps depend on the course of this
malady, and on that may depend the date of my next letter.
I have the honor to be, with great and sincere esteem and re-
spect, dear Sir, your most obedient servant.
TO MR. GENET.
September 15, 1793.
SIR, — The correspondence which has taken place between the
Executive and yourself, and the acts which you have thought
proper to do, and to countenance, in opposition to the laws of the
land, have rendered it necessary, in the opinion of the President,
CORRESPONDENCE. 71
to lay a faithful statement of them before the government of
France, to explain to them the reasons and the necessity which
have dictated our measures, to renew assurances of that sincere
friendship which has suffered no intermission during the course
of these proceedings, and to express our extreme anxiety that
none may be produced on their part. This has accordingly been
directed to be done by the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United
States at Paris, in a letter, a copy of which I now enclose to you ;*
and, in order to bring to an end what cannot be permitted to con-
tinue, there could be no hesitation to declare in it the necessity
of their having a representation here, disposed to respect the
laws and authorities of the country, and to do the best for their
interest which these would permit. An anxious regard for those
interests, and a desire that they may not sutFer, will induce the
executive in the meantime to receive your communications in
writing, and to admit the continuance of your functions so long
as they shall be restrained within the limits of the law, as here-
tofore announced to you, or shall be of the tenor usually observed
towards independent nations by the representative of a friendly
power residing with them.
The President thought it respectful to your nation as well as
yourself, to leave to yourself the restraining certain proceedings
of the consuls of France within the United States, which you
were informed were contrary to the laws of the land, and there-
fore not to be permitted. He has seen with regret, however, that
you have been far from restraining these proceedings, and that
the duty has devolved on him of suppressing them by the au-
thority of the country. I enclose to you the copy of a letter
written to the several consuls and vice-consuls of France, warn-
ing them that this will be done if any repetition of these acts
shall render it necessary. To the consul of France at Boston,
no such letter has been written. A more serious fact is charged
on him, which, if proved as there is reason to expect, will render
the revocation of his Exequatur an act of immediate duty.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most
obedient servant.
* See p. 81.
72 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO MR. GENET.
MOXTICELLO, October 3, 1793.
SIR, — In a former letter which I had the honor of writing you,
I mentioned that information had been received that M. Du-
plaine, vice-consul of France, at Boston, had been charged with
an opposition to the laws of the land, of such a character, as if
true would render it the duty of the President immediately to
revoke the Exequatur, whereby he is permitted to exercise the
functions of vice-consul in these United States. The fact has
been since inquired into, and I now enclose you copies of the
evidence establishing it ; whereby you will perceive how incon-
sistent with peace and order it would be, to permit, any longer,
the exercise of functions in these United States by a person ca-
pable of mistaking their legitimate extent so far, as to oppose, by
force of arms, the course of the laws within the body of the
country. The wisdom and justice of the government of France,
and their sense of the necessity in every government, of preserv-
ing the course of the laws free and unobstructed, render us con-
fident that they will approve this necessary arrestation of the
proceedings of one of their agents ; as we would certainly do in
the like case, were any consul or vice-consul of ours to oppose
with an armed force, the course of their laws within their own
limits. Still, however, indispensable as this act has been, it is
with the most lively concern, the President has seen that the
evil could not be arrested otherwise than by an appeal to the au-
thority of the country.
I have the honor to be, with great esteem and respect, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.
MONTICELLO, October 17, 1793.
DEAR SIR, — I have carefully considered the question whether
the President may call Congress to any other place than that to
CORRESPONDENCE. 73
which they have adjourned themselves, and think he cannot
have such a right unless it has been given him by the Constitu-
tion, or the laws, and that neither of these has given it. The
only circumstance which he can alter as to their meeting, is that
of time by calling them at an earlier day than that to which
they stand adjourned, but no power to change the place is given.
Mr. Madison happened to come here yesterday, after the receipt
of your letter. I proposed the question to him, and he thinks
there was particular caution intended and used in the direction
of the Constitution, to avoid giving the President any power
over the place of meeting ; lest he should exercise it with local
partialities. With respect to the Executive, the Residence law
has fixed our office at Philadelphia till the year 1800, and there-
fore it seems necessary that we should get as near them as we
may with safety. As to the place of meeting for the Legisla-
ture, were we authorized to decide that question, I should think
it right to have it in some place in Pennsylvania, in considera-
tion of the principles of the Residence bill, and we might fur-
nish no pretext to that state to infringe them hereafter. I am
quite unacquainted with Reading and its means of accommodation.
Its situation is perhaps as little objectionable as that of Lancas-
ter, and less so than Trenton or perhaps Wilmington. However,
I think we have nothing to do with the question, and that Con-
gress must meet in Philadelphia, even if it be in the open fields,
to adjourn themselves to some other place. I am extremely
afraid something has happened to Mr. Bankson, on whom I re-
lied for continuance at my office. For two posts past I have not
received any letter from him, nor dispatches of any kind. This
involves new fears for the duplicates of those to Mr. Morris. I
have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem
and attachment, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble
servant.
74 JEFFEKSON'S WOKKS.
TO .*
GERMANTOWN, November 2, 1793.
I overtook the President at Baltimore, and we arrived here yes-
terday, myself fleeced of seventy odd dollars to get from Freder-
icksburg here, the stages running no further than Baltimore. I
mention this to put yourself and Monroe on your guard. The
fever in Philadelphia has so much abated as to have almost dis-
appeared. The inhabitants are about returning. It has been
determined that the President shall not interfere with the meet-
ing of Congress. R. H. and K. were of opinion he had a right
to call them to any place, but that the occasion did not call for
it. I think the President inclined to the opinion. I proposed a
proclamation notifying that the Executive business would be
done here till further notice, which I believe will be agreed.
H. R. Lewis, Rawle &c., all concur in the necessity that Congress
should meet in Philadelphia, and vote there their own adjourn-
ment. If it shall then be necessary to change the place, the
question will be between New York and Lancaster. The Penn-
sylvania members are very anxious for the latter, and will attend
punctually to support it, as well as to support much for Muhlen-
burg, and oppose the appointment of Smith (S. C.) speaker,
which is intended by the Northern members. According to
present appearances this place cannot lodge a single person more.
As a great favor, I have got a bed in the corner of the public
room of a tavern ; and must continue till some of the Philadel-
phians make a vacancy by removing into the city. Then we
must give him from four to six or eight dollars a week for cud-
dies without a bed, and sometimes without a chair or table.
There is not a single lodging house in the place. Ross and
Willing are alive. Hancock is dead. Johnson of Maryland has
refused Rec. L. and McE. in contemplation ; the last least. You
will have seen Genet's letters to Moultree and to myself. Of the
last I know nothing but from the public papers ; and he publish-
ed Moultree's letter and his answer the moment he wrote it.
[* Probably to Mr. Madison.]
COKEESPONDENCE. 75
You will see that his inveteracy against the President leads him
to meditate the embroiling him with Congress. They say he is
going to be married to a daughter of Clinton's. If so, he is
afraid to return to France. Hamilton is ill, and suspicious he
has taken the fever again by returning to his house. He of
course could not attend here to-day ; but the President had
showed me his letter on the right of calling Congress to another
place. Adieu.
TO MB. GENET.
GERMANTOWN, November 8, 1793.
Sm, — I have now to acknowledge and answer your letter of
September the 13th, wherein you desire that we may define the
extent of the line of territorial protection on the coasts of the
United States, observing that governments and jurisconsults have
different views on this subject.
It is certain that, therefore, they have been much divided in
opinion, as to the distance from their sea coast to which they
might reasonably claim a right of prohibiting the commitment
of hostilities. The greatest distance to which any respectable
assent among nations has been at any time given, has been the
extent of the human sight, estimated at upwards of twenty miles ;
and the smallest distance, I believe, claimed by any nation what-
ever, is the utmost range of a cannon ball, usually stated at one
sea league. Some intermediate distance have also been insisted
on, and that of three sea leagues has some authority in its favor.
The character of our coast, remarkable in considerable parts of
it for admitting no vessels of size to pass the shores, would enti-
tle us in reason to as broad a margin of protected navigation as
any nation whatever. Not proposing, however, at this time, and
without a respectful and friendly communication with the pow-
ers interested in this navigation, to fix on the distance to which
we may ultimately insist on the right of protection, the Presi-
dent gives instructions to the officers acting under his authority;
76 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
to consider those heretofore given them as restrained, for the pre-
sent, to the distance of one sea league, or three geographical
miles, from the sea shore. This distance can admit of no oppo-
sition, as it is recognized by treaties between some of the powers
with whom we are connected in commerce and navigation, and
is as little or less than is claimed by any of them on their own
coasts.
Future occasions will be taken to enter into explanations with
them, as to the ulterior extent to which we may reasonably carry
our jurisdiction. For that of the rivers and bays of the United
States, the laws of the several States are understood to have
made provision, and they are moreover, as being land-locked,
within the body of the United States.
Examining by this rule the case of the British brig Fanny, taken
on the 8th of May last, it appears from the evidence that the
capture was made four or five miles from the land ; and conse-
quently, without the line provisionally adopted by the President,
as before mentioned.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of respect and esteem,
Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. HAMMOND.
GERMANTOWN, November 10, 1793.
SIR, — As in cases where vessels are reclaimed by the subjects
or citizens of the belligerent powers as having been taken within
the jurisdiction of the United States, it becomes necessary to as-
certain that fact by testimony taken according to the laws of the
United States. The Governors of the several States to whom
the application will be made in the first instance, are desired im-
mediately to notify thereof the Attorney's of their respective dis-
tricts. The Attorney is thereupon instructed to give notice to
the principal agent of both parties who may have come in with
the prize, and also to the consuls of the nations interested, and
CORRESPONDENCE. 77
to recommend to them to appoint, by mutual consent, arbiters to
decide whether the capture was made within the jurisdiction of
the United States, as stated to you in my letter of the 8th in-
stant ; according to whose award the Governor may proceed to
deliver the vessel to the one or the other party. But in case the
parties or consuls shall not agree to name arbiters, then the At-
torney, or some person substituted by him, is to notify them of
the time and place, when and where he will be, in order to take
the depositions of such witnesses as they may cause to come be-
fore him, which depositions he is to transmit for the information
and decision of the President.
It has been thought best to put this business into such a train
as that the examination of the fact may take place immediately,
and before the witnesses may have again departed from the Uni-
ted States, which would too frequently happen, and especially in
the distant States, if it, should be deferred until information is
sent to the Executive, and a special order awaited to take the
depositions.
I take the liberty of requesting that you will oe pleased to
give such instructions to the consuls of your nation as may facil-
itate the object of this regulation. I urge it with the more earn-
estness because as the attorneys of the districts are for the most
part engaged in much business of their own, they will rarely be
able to attend more than one appointment, and consequently the
party who should fail from negligence or other motive to produce
his witnesses, at the time and place appointed, might lose the
benefit of their testimony altogether. This prompt procedure is
the more to be insisted on, as it will enable the President, by an
immediate delivery of the vessel and cargo to the party having
title, to prevent the injuries consequent on long delay.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obe-
dient, and most humble servant.
78 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO THE MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO GREAT BRITAIN.
GERMANTOWN. November 14th, 1793.
SIR, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the
7th instant, on the subject of the British ship Rochampton, taken
and sent into Baltimore by the French privateer the Industry, an
armed schooner of St. Domingo, which is suggested to have aug-
mented her force at Baltimore before the capture. On this cir-
cumstance a demand is granted that the prize she has made shall
be restored.
Before I proceed to the matters of fact in this case, I will take
the liberty of calling your attention to the rules which are to
govern it. These are, I. That restitution of prizes has been
made by the Executive of the United States only in the two
cases, 1st, of capture within their jurisdiction, by armed vessels,
originally constituted such without the limits of the United States ;
or 2d, of capture, either within or without their jurisdiction,
by armed vessels, originally constituted such within the limits of
the United States, which last have been called proscribed vessels.
II. That all military equipments within the ports of the
United States are forbidden to the vessels of the belligerent pow-
ers, even where they have been constituted vessels of war before
their arrival in our ports ; and where such equipments have been
made before detection, they are ordered to be suppressed when
detected, and the vessel reduced to her original condition. But
if they escape detection altogether, depart and make prizes, the
Executive has not undertaken to restore the prizes.
With due care, it can scarcely happen that military equipments
of any magnitude shall escape discovery. Those which are
small may sometimes, perhaps, escape, but to pursue these so far
as to decide that the smallest circumstance of military equipment
to a vessel in our ports shall invalidate her prizes through all
time, would be a measure of incalculable consequences. And
since our interference must be governed by some general rule,
and between great and small equipments no practicable line of
distinction can be drawn, it will be attended with less evil on the
.CORRESPONDENCE. 79
whole to rely on the efficacy of the means of prevention, that
they will reach with certainty equipments of any magnitude, and
the great mass of those of smaller importance also ; and if some
should in the event, escape all our vigilance, to consider these as
of the number of cases which will at times baffle the restraints of
the wisest and best-guarded rules which human foresight can de-
vise. And I think we may safely rely that since the regulations
which got into a course of execution about the middle of August
last, it is scarcely possible that equipments of any importance
should escape discovery.
These principles showing that no demand of restitution holds on
the ground of a mere military alteration or an augmentation of
force, I will consider your letter only as a complaint that the
orders of the President prohibiting these, have not had their ef-
fect in the case of the Industry, and enquire whether if this be
so, it has happened either from neglect or connivance in those
charged with the execution of these orders. For this we must
resort to facts which shall be taken from the evidence furnished
by yourself and the British vice-consul at Baltimore, and from
that which shall accompany this letter.
About the beginning of August the Industry is said to have
arrived at Baltimore with the French fleet from St. Domingo ; the
particular state of her armament on her arrival is lately questioned,
but it is not questioned that she was an armed vessel of some
degree. The Executive having received an intimation that two
vessels were equipping themselves at Baltimore for a cruise, a
letter was on the 6th of August addressed by the Secretary of
War to the Governor of Maryland, desiring an inquiry into the
fact. In his absence the Executive Council of Maryland charged
one of their own body, the honorable Mr. Killy, with the in-
quiring. He proceeded to Baltimore, and after two days' exam-
ination found no vessel answering the description of that which
was the object of his inquiring. He then engaged the British
vice-consul in the search, who was not able, any more than him-
self, to discover any such vessels. Captain Killy, however, ob-
serving a schooner, which appeared to have been making some
go JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
equipments for a cruise, to have added to her guns, and made
some alteration in her waist, thought these circumstances merited
examination, though the rules of August had not yet appeared.
Finding that his inquiries excited suspicion, and fearing the ves-
sel might be withdrawn, he had her seized, and proceeded in in-
vestigation. He found that she was the schooner Industry,
Captain Carver, from St. Domingo : that she had been an armed
vessel for three years before her coming here, and as late as April
last had mounted 16 guns ; that she now mounted only 12, and he
could not learn that she had procured any of these, or done any-
thing else, essential to her as a privateer, at Baltimore. He
therefore discharged her, and on the 23d of August the Execu-
tive Council made the report to the Secretary of War, of which I
enclose you a copy. About a fortnight after this (Sep. 6) you
added to a letter on other business a short paragraph, saying that
you had lately received information that a vessel named the In-
dustry had, within the last five or six weeks, been armed, manned
and equipped in the port of Baltimore. The proceedings before
mentioned having been in another department, were not then
known to me. I therefore could only communicate this para-
graph to the proper department. The separation of the Execu-
tive within a few weeks after, prevented any explanations on
this subject, and without them it was not in my power to either
controvert or admit the information you had received under these
circumstances. I think you must be sensible, Sir, that your con-
clusion from my silence, that I regard the fact as proved, was a
very necessary one.
New inquiries at that time could not have prevented the de-
parture of the privateer, or the capture of the Rochampton ; for
the privateer had then been out some time. The Rochampton
was already taken, and was arriving at Baltimore, which she did
about the day of the date of your letter. After her arrival, new
witnesses had come forward to prove that the Industry had made
some military equipments at Baltimore before her cruise. The
affidavits taken by the British vice-consul, are dated about nine or
ten days after the date of your letter and arrival of the Rochamp-
CORRESPONDENCE. 81
ton, and we have only to lament that those witnesses had not
given their information to the vice-consul when Mr. Killy en-
gaged his aid in the enquiries he was making, and when it would
have had the effect of our detaining the privateer till she should
have reduced herself to the condition in which she was when she
arrived in our ports, if she had really added anything to her then
force. But supposing the testimony just and full, (though taken
ex parte, and not under the legal sanction of our oath,) yet the
Governor's refusal to restore the prize was perfectly proper, for,
as has been before observed, restitution has never been made by
the Executive, nor can be made on a mere clandestine alteration
or augmentation of military equipments, which was all that the
new testimony tended to proves
Notwithstanding, however, that the President thought the in-
formation obtained on the former occasion had cleared this priva-
teer from any well-grounded cause of arrest, yet that which you
have now offered opens the possibility that the former was de-
fective. He has therefore desired new inquiry to be made be-
fore a magistrate legally authorized to administer an oath, and
indifferent to both parties ; and should the result be that the ves-
sel did really make any military equipments in our ports, in-
structions will be given to reduce her to her original condition,
whenever she shall again come into our ports.
On the whole, Sir, I hope you will perceive that on the first
intimation through their own channel, and without waiting for
information on your part, that a vessel was making military
equipments at Baltimore, the Executive took the best measures
for inquiring into the fact, in order to prevent or suppress such
equipments ; that an officer of high respectability was charged
with the inquiry, and that he made it with great diligence him-
self, and engaged similar inquiries on the part of your vice-con-
sul ; that neither of them could find that the privateer had made
such equipments, or, of course, that there was any ground for re-
ducing or detaining her ; that at the date of your letter of Sep.
6, (the first information received from you,) the privateer was de-
parted, had taken her prize, and that prize was arriving in port ;
VOL. iv. 6
82 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
that the new evidence taken ten days after that arrival can pro-
duce no other effect than the institution of a new inquiry, and
a reduction of the force of the privateer, should she appear to
have made any military alterations or augmentation, on her return
into our ports, and that in no part of this proceeding is there the
smallest ground for imputing either negligence or connivance to
any of the officers who have acted in it.
I have the honor to he, with much respect, Sir, your most obe-
dient and most humble servant.
TO MR. CIRACCHI, AT MUNICH.
PHILADELPHIA, November 14, 1793.
DEAR SIR, — I have received the favor of your letter of May
29, at Munich, and it was not till then that I knew to what place
or through what channel to direct a letter to you. The assur-
ances you receive that the monument of the President would
be ordered at the new election, were founded in the expectation
that he meant then to retire. The turbid affairs of Europe,
however, and the intercessions they produced, prevailed on him
to act again, though with infinite reluctance. You are sensible
that the moment of his retirement, kindling the enthusiasm for
his character, the affections for his person, the recollection of his
services, would be that in which such a tribute would naturally
be resolved on. This, of course, is now put off to the end of
the next bissextile ; but whenever it arrives, your title to the ex-
ecution is engraved in the minds of those who saw your works
here. Your purpose, with respect to my bust, is certainly flatter-
ing to me. My family has entered so earnestly into it, that I
must gratify them with the hope, and myself with the permiss-
ion, to make a just indemnification to the author. I shall be
happy at all times to hear from you, and to learn that your suc-
cesses in life are as great as they ought to be. Accept assurances
of my sincere respect and esteem.
CORRESPONDENCE. 83
TO MR. MADISON.
GERMANTOWN, November 17, 1793.
DEAR SIR, — I have got good lodgings for Monroe and yourself,
that is to say, a good room with a fireplace and two beds, in a
pleasant and convenient position, with a quiet family. They
will breakfast you, but you must mess in a tavern ; there is a
good one across the street. This is the way in which all must
do, and all I think will not be able to get even half beds. The
President will remain here, I believe, till the meeting of Congress,
merely to form a point of union for them before they can have
acquired information and courage. For at present there does not
exist a single subject in the disorder, no new infection having
taken place since the great rains of the 1st of the month, and
those before infected being dead or recovered. There is no
doubt you will sit in Philadelphia, and therefore I have not
given Monroe's letter to Sehal. I do not write to him, because
I know not whether he is at present moving by sea or by land,
and if by the latter, I presume you can communicate to him.
Wayne has had a convoy of twenty-two wagons of provisions,
and seventy men cut off fifteen miles in his rear by the Indians.
Six of the men were found on the spot scalped, the rest supposed
taken. He had nearly reached Fort Hamilton. R. has given
notice that he means to resign. Genet, by more arid more de-
nials of powers to the President and ascribing them to Congress,
is evidently endeavoring to sow tares between them, and at any
event to curry favor with the latter, to whom he means to turn
his appeal, finding it was not likely to be well received by the
people. Accept both of you my sincere affection.
TO MR. SODERSTROM, CONSUL OF SWEDEN.
GERMAN-TOWN, November 20, 1793.
SIR, — I received last night your favor of the 16th. No par-
ticular rules have been established by the President for the con-
84 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
duct of Consuls with respect to prizes. In one particular case
where a prize is brought into our ports by any of the belligerent
parties, and is reclaimed of the Executive, the President has
hitherto permitted the Consul of the captor to hold the prize un-
til his determinations is known. But in all cases respecting a
neutral nation, their vessels are placed exactly on the same foot-
ing with our own, entitled to the same remedy from our courts
of justice and the same protection from the Executive, as our
own vessels in the same situation. The remedy in the courts of
justice, the only one which they or our own can have access to,
is slower than where it lies with the Executive, but it is more com-
plete, as damages can be given by the Court but not by the
Executive. The President will gladly avail himself of any in-
formation you can at any time give him where his interference
may be useful to the vessels or subjects of his Danish Majesty,
the desire of the United States being to extend to the vessels
and subjects of that crown, as well as to those of his Swedish
Majesty, the same protections as is given to those of our own
citizens.
I have the honor to be, with much respect, Sir, your most
obedient servant.
TO MR. GENET.
GEBMANTOWN, November 22, 1798.
Sm, — In my letter of October the 2d, I took the liberty of no-
ticing to you, that the commission of consul to M. Dannery,
ought to have been addressed to the President of the United
States. He being the only channel of communication between
this country and foreign nations, it is from him alone that foreign
nations or their agents are to learn what is or has has been the
will of the nation, and whatever he communicates as such, they
have a right and are bound to consider as the expression of the
nation, and no foreign agent can be allowed to question it, to in-
terpose between him and any other branch of government, under
CORRESPONDENCE. 85
the pretext of cither's transgressing their functions, nor to make
himself the umpire and final judge between them. I am, there-
fore, Sir, not authorized to enter into any discussions with you
on the meaning of our Constitution in any part of it, or to prove
to you that it has ascribed to him alone the admission or inter-
diction of foreign agents. I inform you of the fact by authority
from the President. I had observed to you, that we were per-
suaded in the case of the consul Dannery, the error in the ad-
dress had proceeded from no intention in the Executive Council
of France to question the functions of the President, and there-
fore no difficulty was made in issuing the commissions. We are
still under the same persuasion. But in your letter of the 14th
instant, you personally question the authority of the President,
and in consequence of that, have not addressed to him the com-
mission of Messrs. Pennevert and Chervi. Making a point of
this formality on your part, it becomes necessary to make a point
of it on ours also ; and I am therefore charged to return you
those commissions, and to inform you, that bound to enforce re-
spect to the order of things established by our Constitution, the
President will issue no Exequatur to any consul or vice-consul,
not directed to him in the usual form, after the party from whom
it comes has been apprized that such should be the address.
I have the honor to be, with respect, Sir, your most obedient,
and most humble servant.
TO MR. PINCKNET.
GERMAN-TOWN, November 27, 1793.
DEAR SIR, — My last letters to you were of the llth and 14th
of September, since which I have received yours of July 5, 8,
August 1, 15, 27, 28. The fever, which at that time had given
alarm in Philadelphia, became afterwards far more destructive
than had been apprehended, and continued much longer, from
the uncommon drought and warmth of the autumn. On the
first day of this month the President and heads of the depart-
86 JEFFERSOtf'S WORKS.
ment assembled here. On that day, also, began the first rains
which had fallen for some months. They were copious, and
from that moment the infection ceased, no new subject took it,
and those before infected either died or got well, so that the dis-
ease terminated most suddenly. The inhabitants who had left
the city, are now all returned, and business going on again as
briskly as ever. The President will be established there in about
a week, at which time Congress is to meet.
Our negotiations with the North- Western Indians have com-
pletely failed, so that war must settle our difference. We ex-
pected nothing else, and had gone into negotiations only to prove
to all our citizens that peace was unattainable on terms which
any one of them would admit.
You have probably heard of a great misunderstanding between
Mr. Genet and us. On the meeting of Congress it will be made
public. But as the details of it are lengthy, I must refer for
them to my next letter, when possibly I may be able to send you
the whole correspondence in print. We have kept it merely
personal, convinced his nation will disapprove him. To them
we have with the utmost assiduity given every proof of inviolate
attachment. We wish to hear from you on the subject of
Marquis de La Fayette, though we know that circumstances do
not admit sanguine hopes.
The copper by the Sigon and the Mohawk is received. Our
coinage of silver has been delayed by Mr. Cox's inability to give
the security required by law.
I shall write to you again immediately after the meeting of
Congress. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of great es-
teem and respect, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO MB. GENET.
PHILADELPHIA, November 30, 1793.
SIR, — I have laid before the President of the United States
your letter of November 25th, and have now the honor to inform
CORRESPONDENCE. 87
you, that most of its objects being beyond the powers of the
Executive, they can only manifest their dispositions by acting on
those which are within their powers. Instructions are accord-
ingly sent to the district attorneys of the United States, residing
within States wherein French consuls are established, requiring
them to inform the consuls of the nature of the provisions made
by the laws for preventing, as well as punishing, injuries to their
persons, and to advise and assist them in calling these provisions
into activity, whenever the occasions for them shall arise.
It is not permitted by the law to prohibit the departure of the
emigrants to St. Domingo, according to the wish you now ex-
press, any more than it was to force them away, according to
that expressed by you in a former letter. Our country is open
to all men, to come and go peaceably, when they choose ; and
your letter does not mention that these emigrants meant to depart
armed, and equipped for war. Lest, however, this should be at-
tempted, the Governors of the States of Pennsylvania and Mary-
land are requested to have particular attention paid to the vessels
named in your letter, and to see that no military expedition be
covered or permitted under color of the right which the passen-
gers have to depart from these States.
Provisions not being classed among the articles of contraband,
in time of war, it is possible that American vessels may have
carried them to the ports of Jeremie and La Mole, as they do to
other dominions of the belligerent Powers ; but, if they have
carried arms also, these, as being contraband, might certainly
have been stopped and confiscated.
In the letter of May 15th, to Mr. Ternant, I mentioned, that,
in answer to the complaints of the British minister, against the
exportation of arms from the United States, it had been observed
that the manufacture of arms was the occupation and livelihood
of some of our citizens ; that it ought hot to be expected that a
war among other nations should produce such an internal de-
rangement of the occupations of a nation at peace, as the sup-
pression of a manufacture which is the support of some of its
citizens ; but that, if they should export these arms to nations at
gg JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
war, they would be abandoned to the seizure and confiscatior,
which the law of nations authorized to be made of them on the
high seas. This letter was handed to you, and you were pleased,
in yours of May 27th, expressly to approve of the answer which
had been given. On this occasion, therefore, we have only to
declare, that the same conduct will be observed which was an-
nounced on that.
The proposition to permit all our vessels destined for any port
in the French West India islands to be stopped, unless furnished
with passports from yourself, is so far beyond the powers of the
Executive, that it will be unnecessary to enumerate the objec-
tions to which it would be liable. I have the honor to be, &c.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
December 2, 1793.
Thomas Jefferson, with his respects to the President, has the
honor to send him the letters and orders referred to in Mr. Mor-
ris' letter, except that of the 8th of April, which must be a
mistake for some other date, as the records of the office perfectly
establish that no letters were written to him in the months of
March and April but those of March 12 and 15, and April 20 and
26, now enclosed. The enigma of Mr. Merlino is inexplicable
by anything in his possession.
He encloses the message respecting France and Great Britair/.
He first wrote it fair as it was agreed the other evening at the
President's. He then drew a line with a pen through the pas-
sages he proposes to alter, in consequence of subsequent infor-
formation, (but so lightly as to leave the passages still legible for
the President,) and interlined the alterations he proposes. The
overtures mentioned in the first alteration, are in consequence of
its having been agreed that they should be mentioned in general
terms only to the two houses. The numerous alterations made
the other evening in the clause respecting our corn trade, with
CORRESPONDENCE. 89
the hasty amendments proposed in the moment, had so much
broken the tissue of the paragraph, as to render it necessary to
new mould it. In doing this, care has been taken to use the
same words as nearly as possible, and also to insert a slight refer-
ence to Mr. Pinckney's proceedings.
On a severe review of the question, whether the British com-
munication should carry any such mark of being confidential, as
to prevent the Legislature from publishing them, he is clearly of
opinion they ought not. Will they be kept secret if secrecy is
enjoined ? certainly not, and all the offence will be given (if it
be possible any should be given) which would follow their com-
plete publication. If they would be kept secret, from whom
would it be ? from our own constituents only, for Great Britain is
possessed of every tittle. Why, then, keep it secret from them ?
no ground of support for the Executive will ever be so sure as a
complete knowledge of their proceedings by the people ; and it
is only in cases where the public good would be injured, and
because it would be injured, that proceedings should be secret.
In such cases it is the duty of the Executive to sacrifice their
personal interests (which would be promoted by publicity) to the
public interest. If the negotiations with England are at an end,
if not given to the public now, when are they to be given ? and
what moment can be so interesting ? If anything amiss should
happen from the concealment, where will the blame originate at
last ? It may be said, indeed, that the President puts it in the
power of the Legislature to communicate these proceedings to
their constituents; but is it more their duty to communicate
them to their constituents, than it is the President's to communi-
cate them to his constituents ? and if they were desirous of com-
municating them, ought the President to restrain them by mak-
ing the communication confidential ? I think no harm can be
done by the publication, because it is impossible England, after
doing us an injury, should declare war against us, merely because
we tell our constituents of it ; and I think good may be done, be-
cause while it puts it in the power of the Legislature to adopt
peaceable measures of doing ourselves justice, it prepares the
90 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
minds of our constituents to go cheerfully into an acquiescence
under the measures, by impressing them with a thorough and en-
lightened conviction that they are founded in right. The mo-
tive, too, of proving to the people the impartiality of the Execu-
tive between the two nations of France and England, urges
strongly that while they are to see the disagreeable things which
have been going on as to France, we should not conceal from
them what has been passing with England, and induce a belief
that nothing has been doing.
TO MR. GENET.
PHILADELPHIA, December 9, 1793.
SIR, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the
3d instant, which has been duly laid before the President.
We are very far from admitting your principle, that the gov-
ernment on either side has no other right, on the presentation of
a consular commission, than to certify that, having examined it,
they find it according to rule. The governments of both nations
have a right, and that of yours has exercised it as to us, of con-
sidering the character of the person appointed ; the place for
which he is appointed, and other material circumstances ; and
of taking precautions as to his conduct, if necessary ; and this
does not defeat the general object of the convention, which, in
stipulating that consuls shall be permitted on both sides, could
not mean to supersede reasonable objections to particular persons,
who might at the moment be obnoxious to the nation to which
they were sent, or whose conduct might render them so at any
time after. In fact, every foreign agent depends on the double
will of the two governments, of that which sends him, and of
that which is to permit the exercise of his functions within their
territory ; and when either of these wills is refused or withdrawn,
his authority to act within that territory becomes incomplete.
By what member of the government the right of giving or with-
drawing permission is to be exercised here, is a question on which
CORRESPONDENCE. 91
no foreign agent can be permitted to make himself the umpire.
It is sufficient for him, under our government, that he is inform-
ed of it by the executive.
On an examination of the commissions from your nation,
among our records, I find that before the late change in the form
of our government, foreign agents were addressed sometirpes to
the United States, and sometimes to the Congress of the United
States, that body being then executive as well as legislative.
Thus the commissions of Messrs. L'Etombe, Holker, Daune-
manis, Marbois, Creve-coeur, and Chateaufort, have all this
clause : " Prions et requerons nos tres chers et grands amis et
allies, les Etat Unis de 1'Amerique septentrionale, leurs gouver-
neurs, et autres officiers, &c. de laisser jouir, &c. le dit sieur, &c.
de la charge de notre consul," &c. On the change in the form of
our government, foreign nations, not undertaking to decide to
what member of the new government their agents should be ad-
dressed, ceased to do it to Congress, and adopted the general ad-
dress to the United States, before cited. This was done by the
government of your own nation, as appears by the commissions
of Messrs. Mangourit and La Forest, which have in them the
clause before cited. So your own commission was, not as M.
Gerond's and Luzerne's had been, "a nos tres chers, &c. le Pre-
sident et membres du Congres general des Etats Unis," &c., but
" a nos tres chers, &c. les Etats Unis de 1'Amerique," &c. Un-
der this general address, the proper member of the government
was included, and could take it up. When, therefore, it was
seen in the commission of Messrs. Dupont and Hauterieve, that
your executive had returned to the ancient address to Congress,
it was conceived to be an inattention, insomuch that I do not re-
collect (and I do not think it material enough to inquire) whether
I noticed it to you either verbally or by letter. When that of
M. Dannery was presented with the like address, being obliged
to notice to you an inaccuracy of another kind, I then mentioned
that of the address, not calling it an innovation, but expressing
my satisfaction, which is still entire, that it was not from any
design in your Executive Council. The Exequatur was there-
92 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
fore sent. That they will not consider our notice of it as an in-
novation, we are perfectly secure. No government can disre-
gard formalities more than ours. But when formalities are at-
tacked with a view to change principles, and to introduce an en-
tire independence of foreign agents on the nation with whom
they reside, it becomes material to defend formalities. They
would be no longer trifles, if they could, in defiance of the na-
tional will, continue a foreign agent among us whatever might
be his course of action. Continuing, therefore, the refusal to re-
ceive any commission from yourself, addressed to an improper
member of the government, you are left free to use either the
general one to the United States, as in the commissions of
Messrs. Mangourit and La Forest, before cited, or the special one,
to the President of the United States.
I have the honor to be, with respect, Sir, your most obedi-
ent, and most humble servant.
TO THE PRESIDENT.
December 11, 1793.
The President doubtless recollects the communications of Mr.
Ternant expressing the dissatisfaction of the Executive Council
of France with Mr. Morris, our Minister there, which, however,
Mr. Ternant desired might be considered as informal ; that Col.
Smith also mentioned that dissatisfaction, and that Mr. Le Brim
told him he would charge Mr. Genet expressly with their repre-
sentations on this subject ; and that all further consideration
thereon lay over therefore for Mr. Genet's representations.
Mr. Genet, some time after his arrival (I cannot now recollect
how long, but I think it was a month or more), coming to my
house in the country one evening, joined me in a walk near the
river. Our conversation was on various topics, and not at all of
an official complexion. As we were returning to the house, be-
ing then I suppose on some subject relative to his country (though
really I do not recall to mind what it was), he turned about to
CORRESPONDENCE. 93
me, just in the passage of the gate, and said, " but I must tell
you, we all depend on you to send us a good minister there, with
whom we may do business confidentially, in the place of Mr.
Morris." These are perhaps not the identical words, yet I be-
lieve they are nearly so ; I am sure they are the substance, and
he scarcely employed more in the expression. It was unexpect-
ed, and, to avoid the necessity of an extempore answer, I instant-
ly said something resuming the preceding thread of conversation,
which went on, and no more was said about Mr. Morris. From
this, I took it for granted, he meant now to come forth formally
with complaints against Mr. Morris, as we had been given to ex-
pect, and therefore I mentioned nothing of this little expression
to the President. Time slipped along ; I expecting his com-
plaints, and he not making them. It was undoubtedly his office
to bring forward his own business himself, and not at all mine,
to hasten or call for it ; arid if it was not my duty, I could not
be without reasons for not taking it on myself officiously. He
at length went to New York, to wit, about the of with-
out having done anything formally on this subject. I now be-
came uneasy lest he should consider the little sentence he had
uttered to me as effectually, though not regularly, a complaint ;
but the more I reflected on the subject, the more impossible it
seemed that he could have viewed it as such ; and the rather,
because, if he had, he would naturally have asked from time to
time, " Well, what are you doing with my complaint with Mr.
Morris ?" or some question equivalent. But he never did. It is
possible I may, at other times, have heard him speak unfavora-
bly of Mr. Morris, though I do not recollect any particular occa-
sion ; but I am sure he never made to me any proposition to have
him recalled. I believe I mentioned this matter to Mr. Randolph
before I left Philadelphia : I know I did after my return ; but I
did not to the President till the receipt of Mr. Genet's letter of
September 30, which, from some unaccountable delay of the
post, never came to me in Virginia, though I remained there till
October 25 (and received there three subsequent mails), and it
never reached me in Philadelphia, till December 2.
94 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
The preceding is the state of this matter, as nearly as I can
recollect it at this time, and I am sure it is not materially inaccu-
rate in any point.
TO MR. CHURCH.
PHILADLPHIA, December 11, 1793.
SIR, — The President has received your letter of August 16,
with its enclosures. It was with deep concern that he learnt the
unhappy fortunes of M. de La Fayette, and that he still learns
his continuance under them. His friendship for him could not
fail to impress him with the desire of relieving him, and he was
sure that in endeavoring to do this, he should gratify the sincere
attachments of his fellow citizens. He has accordingly employ-
ed such means as appeared the most likely to effect his purpose ;
though, under the existing circumstances, he could not be san-
guine in their obtaining very immediately the desired effect.
Conscious, however, that his anxieties for the sufferer flow from
no motives unfriendly to those who feel an interest in his con-
finement, he indulges their continuance, and will not relinquish
the hope that the reasons for this security will at length yield to
those of a more benign character.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obe-
dient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. HAMMOND, MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY OF GREAT BRITAIN.
PHILADELPHIA, Decembei 15, 1793.
SIR, — I am to acknowledge the honor of your letter of Novem-
ber 30th, and to express the satisfaction with which we learn, that
you are instructed to discuss with us the measures, which reason
and practicability may dictate, for giving effect to the stipula-
tions of our treaty, yet remaining to be executed. I can assure
you, on the part of the United States, of every disposition to les-
CORRESPONDENCE. 95
sen difficulties, by passing over whatever is of smaller concern,
and insisting on those matters only, which either justice to indi-
viduals or public policy render indispensable ; and in order to
simplify our discussions, by denning precisely their objects, I
have the honor to propose that we shall begin by specifying, on
each side, the particular acts which each considers to have been
done by the other, in contravention of the treaty. I shall set the
example.
The provisional and definitive treaties, in their 7th article,
stipulated that his " Britannic Majesty should, with all convenient
speed, and without causing any destruction, or carrying away
any negroes, or other property, of the American inhabitants,
withdraw all his armies, garrisons, and fleets, from the said
United States, and from every port, place, and harbor, within the
same."
But the British garrisons were not withdrawn with all conven-
ient speed, nor have ever yet been withdrawn from Machilimac-
kinac, on Lake Michigan; Detroit, on the strait of Lakes Erie
and Huron ; Fort Erie, on Lake Erie ; Niagara, Oswego, on Lake
Ontario ; Oswegatchie, on the river St. Lawrence ; Point Au-fer,
and Dutchman's Point, on Lake Champlain.
2d. The British officers have undertaken to exercise a juris-
diction over the country and inhabitants in the vicinities of those
forts ; and
3d. They have excluded the citizens of the United States
from navigating, even on our side of the middle line of the rivers
and lakes established as a boundary between the two nations.
By these proceedings, we have been intercepted entirely from
the commerce of furs with the Indian nations, to the northward
— a commerce which had ever been of great importance to the
United States, not only for its intrinsic value, but as it was the
means of cherishing peace with those Indians, and of superseding
the necessity of that expensive warfare we have been obliged to
carry on with them, during the time that these posts have been
in other hands.
On withdrawing the troops from New York, 1st. A large em-
96 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
barkation of negroes, of the property of the inhabitants of the
United States, took place before the commissioners on our part,
for inspecting and superintending embarkations, had arrived there,
and without any account ever rendered thereof. 2d. Near three
thousand others were publicly carried away by the avowed order
of the British commanding officer, and under the view, and
against the remonstrances of our commissioners. 3d. A very
great number were carried off in private vessels, if not by the
express permission, yet certainly without opposition on the part
of the commanding officer, who alone had the means of prevent-
ing it, and without admitting the inspection of the American
commissioners; and 4th. Of other species of property carried
away, the commanding officer permitted no examination at all.
In support of these facts, I have the honor to enclose you docu-
ments, a list of which will be subjoined, and in addition to them,
I beg leave to refer to a roll signed by the joint commissioners,
and delivered to your commanding officer for transmission to his
court, containing a description of the negroes publicly carried
away by his order as before mentioned, with a copy of which
you have doubtless been furnished.
A difference of opinion, too, having arisen as to the river in-
tended by the plenipotentiaries to be the boundary between us
and the dominions of Great Britain, and by them called the St
Croix, which name, it seems, is given to two different rivers, the
ascertaining of this point becomes a matter of present urgency ;
it has heretofore been the subject of application from us to the
Government of Great Britain.
There are other smaller matters between the two nations,
which remain to be adjusted, but I think it would be better to
refer these for settlement through the ordinary channel of our
ministers, than to embarrass the present important discussions
with them ; they can never be obstacles to friendship and har-
mony.
Permit me now, sir, to ask from you a specification of the par-
ticular acts, which, being considered by his Britannic Majesty as
a non-compliance on our part with the engagement contained in
CORRESPONDENCE. 97
the 4th, 5th, and 6th articles of the treaty, induced him to sus-
pend the execution of the 7th, and render a separate discussion
of them inadmissible. And accept assurances, &c.
TO THE ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE UNITED STATES.
PHILADELPHIA, December 18, 1*793.
SIR, — The Minister Plenipotentiary of France has enclosed to
me a copy of a letter of the 16th instant, which he addressed to
you, stating that some libellous publications had been made
against him by Mr. Jay, Chief Justice of the United States, and
Mr. King, one of the Senators for the State of New York, and
desiring that they might be prosecuted. This letter has been
laid before the President, according to the request of the min-
ister ; and the President, never doubting your readiness on all
occasions to perform the functions of your office, yet thinks it
incumbent on him to recommend it specially on the present oc-
casion, as it concerns a public character peculiarly entitled to the
protection of the laws. On the other hand, as our citizens ought
not to be vexed with groundless prosecutions, duty to them re-
quires it to be added, that if you judge the prosecution in ques-
tion to be of that nature, you consider this recommendation as
not extending to it ; its only object being to engage you to pro-
ceed in this case according to the duties of your office, the laws
of the land, and the privileges of the parties concerned.
I have the honor to be, with great respect and esteem, Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE GOVERNOR OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
PHILADELPHIA, December 23, 1793.
SIR, — It is my duty to communicate to you a piece of infor-
mation, although I cannot say I have confidence in it myself.
VOL. IV. 7
98 JEFFEKSON'S WOKKS.
A French gentleman, one of the refugees from St. Domingo, in-
forms me that two Frenchmen, from St. Domingo also, of the
names of Castaing and La Chaise, are about setting out from this
place for Charleston, with a design to excite an insurrection
among the negroes. He says that this is in execution of a gene-
ral plan, formed by the Brissotine party at Paris, the first branch
of which has been carried into execution at St. Domingo. My
informant is a person with whom I am well acquainted, of good
sense, discretion and truth, and certainly believes this himself.
I inquired of him the channel of his information. He told me it
was one which had given them many pre-admonitions in St.
Domingo, and which had never been found to be mistaken. He
explained it to me ; but I could by no means consider it as a
channel meriting reliance ; and when I questioned him what
could be the impulse of these men, what their authority, what
their means of execution, and what they could expect in result ;
he answered with conjectures which were far from sufficient to
strengthen the fact. However, were anything to happen, I
should deem myself inexcusable not to have made the commu-
nication. Your judgment will decide whether injury might not
be done by making the suggestion public, or whether it ought
to have any other effect than to excite attention to these two
persons, should they come into South Carolina. Castaing is
described as a small dark mulatto, and La Chaise as a Quarteron,
of a tall fine figure.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, your Excellency's
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO DR. EDWARDS.
PHILADELPHIA, December 30, 1793.
DEAR SIR, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your two
favors of July 30th and August 16th, and thank you for the in-
formation they contained. We have now assembled a new Con-
CORRESPONDENCE. 99
gress, being a fuller and more equal representation of the people,
and likely, I think, to approach nearer to the sentiments of the
people in the demonstration of their own. They have the ad-
vantage of a very full communication from the Executive of the
ground on which we stand with foreign nations. Some very
unpleasant transactions have taken place here with Mr. Genet,
of which the world will judge, as the correspondence is now in
the press ; as is also that with Mr. Hammond on our points of
difference with his nation. Of these you will doubtless receive
copies. Had they been out yet, I should have had the pleasure
of sending them to you ; but to-morrow I resign my office, and
two days after set out for Virginia, where I hope to spend the
remainder of my days in occupations infinitely more pleasing
than those to which I have sacrificed eighteen years of the prime
of my life ; I might rather say twenty-four of them. Our cam-
paign with the Indians has been lost by an unsuccessful effort
to effect peace by treaty, which they protracted till the season
for action was over. The attack brought on us from the Alger-
ines is a ray from the same centre. I believe we shall endeavor
to do ourselves justice in a peaceable and rightful way. We
wish to have nothing to do in the present war ; but if it is to be
forced upon us, I am happy to see in the countenances of all but
our paper men a mind ready made up to meet it, unwillingly, in-
deed, but perfectly without fear. No nation has strove more
than we have done to merit the peace of all by the most rigorous
impartiality to all. Sir John Sinclair's queries shall be answered
from my retirement. I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your
most obedient servant.
TC MR. GENET.
PHILADELPHIA, December 31, 1793.
SIR, — I have laid before the President of the United States
your letter of the 20th instant, accompanying translations of the
instructions given you by the Executive Council of France to be
100 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
distributed among the members of Congress, desiring that the
President will lay them officially before both houses, and pro-
posing to transmit successively other papers, to be laid before
them in like manner ; and I have it in charge to observe, that
your functions as the missionary of a foreign nation here, are
confined to the transactions of the affairs of your nation with
the Executive of the United States ; that the communications,
which are to pass between the Executive and Legislative
branches, cannot be a subject for your interference, and that the
President must be left to judge for himself what matters his
duty or the public good may require him to propose to the de-
liberations of Congress. I have therefore the honor of returning
you the copies sent for distribution, and of being, with great
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
PHILADELPHIA, December 31, 1793.
DEAR SIR, — Having had the honor of communicating to you
in my letter of the last of July, my purpose of returning from
the office of Secretary of State, at the end of the month of Sep-
tember, you were pleased, for particular reasons, to wish its post-
ponement to the close of the year. That term being now ar-
rived, and my propensities to retirement becoming daily more
and more irresistible, I now take the liberty of resigning the of-
fice into your hands. Be pleased to accept with it my sincere
thanks for all the indulgences which you have been so good as to
exercise towards me in the discharge of its duties. Conscious
that my need of them has been great, I have still ever found them
greater, without any other claim on my part, than a firm pursuit
of what has appeared to me to be right, and a thorough disdain
of all means which were not as open and honorable, as their object
was pure. I carry into my retirement a lively sense of your
goodness, and shall continue gratefully to remember it. With
very sincere prayers for your life, health and tranquillity, I pray
CORRESPONDENCE. 101
you to accept the homage of the great and constant respect and at-
tachment with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO E. RANDOLPH.
MONTICELLO, February 3, 1794.
DEAR Sra, — I have to thank you for the transmission of the
letters from General Gates, La Motte, and Hauterieve. I per-
ceive by the latter, that the partisans of the one or the other
principle (perhaps of both) have thought my name a convenient
cover for declarations of their own sentiments. What those are
to which Hauterieve alludes, I know not, having never seen a
newspaper since I left Philadelphia (except those of Richmond),
and no circumstances authorize him to expect that I should in-
quire into them, or answer him. I think it is Montaigne who
has said, that ignorance is the softest pillow on which a man can
rest his head. I am sure it is true as to everything political,
and shall endeavor to estrange myself to everything of that
character. I indulge myself on one political topic only, that is,
in declaring to my countrymen the shameless corruption of a por-
tion of the Representatives to the first and second Congresses,
and their implicit devotion to the treasury. I think I do good in
this, because it may produce exertions to reform the evil, on the
success of which the form of the government is to depend.
I am sorry La Motte has put me to the expense of one hun-
dred and forty livres for a French translation of an English poem,
as I make it a rule never to read translations where I can read
the original. However, the question now is, how to get the book
brought here, as well as the communications with Mr. Ham-
mond, which you were so kind as to promise me.
*******
This is the first letter I have written to Philadelphia since my
arrival at home, and yours the only ones I have received.
Accept assurances of my sincere esteem and respect. Yours
affectionately:
102 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO JAMES MADISON.
MONTICELLO, April 3, 1794.
DEAR SIR, — Our post having ceased to ride ever since the in-
oculation began in Richmond, till now, I received three days
ago, and all together, your friendly favors of March the 2d, 9th,
12th, 14th, and Colonel Monroe's of March the 3d and 16th. I
have been particularly gratified by the receipt of the papers con-
taining yours and Smith's discussion of your regulating proposi-
tions. These debates had not been seen here but in a very short
and mutilated form. I am at no loss to ascribe Smith's speech
to its true father. Every tittle of it is Hamilton's except the in-
troduction. There is scarcely anything there which I have not
heard from him in our various private though official discussions.
The very turn of the arguments is the same, and others will see
as well as myself that the style is Hamilton's. The sophistry
is too fine, too ingenious, even to have been comprehended by
Smith, much less devised by him. His reply shows he did not
understand his first speech ; as its general inferiority proves its
legitimacy, as evidently as it does the bastardy of the original.
You know we had understood that Hamilton had prepared a
counter report, and that some of his humble servants in the Sen-
ate were to move a reference to him in order to produce it.
But I suppose they thought it would have a better effect if fired
off in the House of Representatives. I find the report, however,
*o fully justified, that the anxieties with which I left it are per-
fectly quieted. In this quarter, all espouse your propositions
with ardor, and without a dissenting voice.
The rumor of a declaration of war has given an opportunity
of seeing, that the people here, though attentive to the loss of
value of their produce in such an event, yet find in it a gratifica-
tion of some other passions, and particularly of their ancient
hatred to Great Britain. Still, I hope it will not come to that ;
but that the proposition will be carried, and justice be done our-
selves in a peaceable way. As to the guarantee of the French
islands, whatever doubts may be entertained of the moment at
CORRESPONDENCE. 103
which we ought to interpose, yet I have no doubt but that we
ought to interpose at a proper time, and declare both to England
and France that these islands are to rest with France, and that
we will make a common cause with the latter for that object.
As to the naval armament, the land armament, and the marine
fortifications which are in question with you, I have no doubt
they .will all be carried. Not that the monocrats and paper men
in Congress want war ; but they want armies and debts ; and
though we may hope that the sound part of Congress is now so
augmented as to insure a majority in cases of general interest
merely, yet I have always observed that in questions of expense,
where members may hope either for offices or jobs for themselves
or their friends, some few will be debauched, and that is suffi-
cient to turn the decision where a majority is, at most, but small.
I have never seen a Philadelphia paper since I left it, till those
you enclosed me ; and I feel myself so thoroughly weaned from
the interest I took in the proceedings there, while there, that I
have never had a wish to see one, and believe that I never shall
take another newspaper of any sort. I find my mind totally ab-
sorbed in my rural occupations.
#######*#*
Accept sincere assurances of affection.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
MONTICELLO, April 25, 1794.
DEAR SIR, — I am to thank you for the book you were so good
as to transmit me, as well as the letter covering it, and your feli-
citations 011 my present quiet. The difference of my present
and past situation is such as to leave me nothing to regret, but
that my retirement has been postponed four years too long. The
principles on which I calculated the value of life, are entirely in
favor of my present course. I return to farming with an ardor
which I scarcely knew in my youth, and which has got the bet-
ter entirely of my love of study. Instead of writing ten or
104 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
twelve letters a day, which I have been in the habit of doing as
a thing in course, I put off answering my letters now, farmer-
like, till a rainy day, and then find them sometimes postponed by
other necessary occupations. The case of the Pays de Vaud is
new to me. The claims of both parties are on grounds which, I
fancy, we have taught the world to set little store by. The
rights of one generation will scarcely be considered hereafter as
depending on the paper transactions of another. My country-
men are groaning under the insults of Great Britain. I hope
some means will turn up of reconciling our faith and honor with
peace. I confess to you I have seen enough of one war never
to wish to see another. With wishes of every degree of happi-
ness to you, both public and private, and with my best respects
to Mrs. Adams, I am, your affectionate and humble servant.
TO TENCH COXE.
MONTICELLO, May 1, 1794.
DEAR SIR, — Your several favors of February the 22d, 27th,
and March the 16th, which had been accumulating in Richmond
during the prevalence of the small pox in that place, were lately
brought to me, on the permission given the post to resume his
communication. I am particularly to thank you for your favor
in forwarding the Bee. Your letters give a comfortable view of
French affairs, and later events seem to confirm it. Over the
foreign powers I am convinced they will triumph completely,
and I cannot but hope that that triumph, and the consequent dis-
grace of the invading tyrants, is destined, in order of events, to
kindle the wrath of the people of Europe against those who
have dared to embroil them in such wickedness, and to bring at
length, kings, nobles and priests to the scaffolds which they have
been so long deluging with human blood. I am still warm
whenever I think of these scoundrels, though I do it as seldom
as I can, preferring infinitely to contemplate the tranquil growth
of my lucerne and potatoes. I have so completely withdrawn
CORRESPONDENCE. 105
myself from these spectacles of usurpation and misrule, that 1
do not take a single newspaper, nor read one a month ; and I
feel myself infinitely the happier for it.
We are alarmed here with the apprehensions of war ; and sin-
cerely anxious that it may be avoided ; but not at the expense
either of our faith or honor. It seems much the general opinion
here, the latter has been too much wounded not to require repa-
ration, and to seek it even in war, if that be necessary. As to
myself, I love peace, and I am anxious that we should give the
world still another useful lesson, by showing to them other modes
of punishing injuries than by war, which is as much a punish-
ment to the punisher as to the sufferer. I love, therefore, Mr.
Clarke's proposition of cutting off all communication with the
nation which has conducted itself so atrociously. This, you
will say, may bring on war. If it does, we will meet it like
men ; but it may not bring on war, and then the experiment will
have been a happy one. I believe this war would be vastly
more unanimously approved than any one we ever were engaged
in ; because the aggressions have been so wanton and bare-faced,
and so unquestionably against our desire. I am sorry Mr. Cooper
and Priestly did not take a more general survey of our country
before they fixed themselves. I think they might have pro-
moted their own advantage by it, and have aided the introduc-
tion of improvement where it is more wanting. The prospect
of wheat for the ensuing year is a bad one. This is all the sort
of news you can expect from me. From you I shall be glad to
hear all sort of news, and particularly any improvements in the
arts applicable to husbandry or household manufacture.
I am, with very sincere affection, dear Sir, your friend and
servant.
TO THE PRESIDENT.
MONTICELLO, May 14, 1794.
DEAR SIR, — I am honored with your favor of April the 24th,
and received, at the same time, Mr. Bertrand's agricultural pro-
JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
spectus. Though he mentions my having seen him at a partic-
ular place, yet I remember nothing of it, and observing that he in-
timates an application for lands in America, I conceive his letter
meant for me as Secretary of State, and therefore I now send it
to the Secretary of State. He has given only the heads of his
demonstrations, so that nothing can be conjectured of their de-
tails. Lord Kaims once proposed an essence of dung, one pint
of which should manure an acre. If he or Mr. Bertrand could
have rendered it so portable, I should have been one of those
who would have been greatly obliged to them. I find on a
more minute examination of my lands than the short visits here-
tofore made to them permitted, that a ten years' abandonment of
them to the ravages of overseers, has brought on them a degree
of degradation far beyond what I had expected. As this obliges
me to adopt a milder course of cropping, so I find that they have
enabled me to do it, by having opened a great deal of lands
during my absence. I have therefore determined on a division
of my farm into six fields, to be put under this rotation : first
year, wheat ; second, corn, potatoes, peas ; third, rye or whe;at,
according to circumstances ; fourth and fifth, clover where the
fields will bring it, and buckwheat dressings where they will not ;
sixth, folding, and buckwheat dressings. But it will take me
from three to six years to get this plan underway. I am not yet
satisfied that my acquisition of overseers from the head of Elk
has been a happy one, or that much will be done this year to-
wards rescuing my plantations from their wretched condition.
Time, patience and perseverance must be the remedy ; and the
maxim of your letter, " slow and sure," is not less a good one in
agriculture than in politics. I sincerely wish it may extricate us
from the event of a war, if this can be done saving our faith and
our rights. My opinion of the British government is, that
nothing will force them to do justice but the loud voice of their
people, and that this can never be excited but by distressing their
commerce. But I cherish tranquillity too much, to suffer polit-
ical things to enter my mind at all. I do not forget that I owe
you a letter for Mr. Young ; but I am waiting to get full infor-
COEEESPONDENCE. 107
mation. With every wish for your health and happiness, and my
most friendly respects for Mrs. Washington, I have the honor to
be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. MADISON.
MONTICELLO, May 15, 1794.
DEAR SIR, — I wrote you on the 3d of April, and since that
have received yours of March 24, 26, 31, April 14 and 28, and
yesterday I received Colonel Monroe's of the 4th instant, inform-
ing me of the failure of the Non-importation Bill in the Senate.
This body was intended as a check on the will of the Repre-
sentatives when too hasty. They are not only that, but com-
pletely so on the will of the people also ; and in my opinion are
heaping coals of fire, not only on their persons, but on their
body, as a branch of the Legislature. I have never known a
measure more universally desired by the people than the passage
of that bill. It is not from my own observation of the wishes
of the people that I would decide what they are, but from that
of the gentlemen of the bar, who move much with them, and
by their intercommunications with each other, have, under their
view, a greater portion of the country than any other description
of men. It seems that the opinion is fairly launched into public
that they should be placed under the control of a more frequent
recurrence to the will of their constituents. This seems requi-
site to complete the experiment, whether they do more harm or
good. I wrote lately to Mr. Taylor for the pamphlet on the
bank. Since that I have seen the " Definition of Parties," and
must pray you to bring it for me. It is one of those things
which merits to be preserved. The safe arrival of my books at
Richmond, and some of them at home, has relieved me from
anxiety, and will not be indifferent to you. It turns out that
our fruit has not been as entirely killed as was at first .appre-
hended ; some latter blossoms have yielded a small supply of this
108 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
precious refreshment. I was so improvident as never to have
examined at Philadelphia whether negro cotton and oznabergs
can be had there ; if you do not already possess the information,
pray obtain it before you come away. Our spring has, on the
whole, been seasonable ; and the wheat as much recovered as its
thinness would permit ; but the crop must still be a miserable
one. There would not have been seed made but for the extra-
ordinary rains of the last month. Our highest heat as yet has
been 83, this was on the 4th instant. That Blake should not
have been arrived at the date of your letter, surprises me ; pray
inquire into that fact before you leave Philadelphia. According
to Colonel Monroe's letter this will find you on the point of de-
parture. I hope we shall see you here soon after your return.
Remember me affectionately to Colonel and Mrs. Monroe, and
accept the sincere esteem of, dear Sir, your sincere friend and
servant.
TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE.
MONTICKLLO, September 1, 1794.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of August the 28th finds me in bed,
under a paroxysm of the rheumatism which has now kept me
for ten days in constant torment, and presents no hope of abate-
ment. But the express and the nature of the case requiring
immediate answer, I write to you in this situation. No circum-
stances, my dear Sir, will ever more tempt me to engage in any
thing public. I thought myself perfectly fixed in this determin-
ation when I left Philadelphia, but every day and hour since
has added to its inflexibility. It is a great pleasure to me to re-
tain the esteem and approbation of the President, and this forms
the only ground of any reluctance at being unable to comply
with every wish of his. Pray convey these sentiments, and a
thousand more to him, which my situation does not permit me
to go into. But however suffering by the addition of every
single word to this letter, I must add a solemn declaration that
neither Mr. J. nor Mr. ever mentioned to me one word of
CORRESPONDENCE. 109
any want of decorum in Mr. Carmichael, nor anything stronger
or more special than stated in my notes of the conversation.
Excuse my brevity, my dear Sir, and accept assurances of the
sincere esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be,
your affectionate friend and servant.
TO WILSON NICHOLAS, ESQ.
MOXTICELLO, November 22, 1794.
SIR, — I take the liberty of enclosing for your perusal and con-
sideration a proposal from a Mr. D'lvernois, a Genevan, of con-
siderable distinction for science and patriotism, and that, too, of
the republican kind, though you will see that he does not carry
it so far as our friends of the National Assembly of France.
While I was at Paris, I knew him as an exile from his demo-
cratic principles, the aristocracy having then the upper hand in
Geneva. He is now obnoxious to the democratic party. The
sum of his proposition is to translate the academy of Geneva in
a body to this country. You know well that the colleges of
Edinburgh and Geneva, as seminaries of science, are considered
as the two eyes of Europe ; while Great Britain and America
give the preference to the former, and all other countries give it
to the latter. I am fully sensible that two powerful obstacles are
in the way of this proposition. 1st. The expense : 2d. The
communication of science in foreign languages ; that is to say, in
French and Latin ; but I have been so long absent from my own
country as to be an incompetent judge either of the force of the
objections or of the dispositions of those who are to decide on
them. The respectability of Mr. D'lvernois' character, and
that, too, of the proposition, require an answer from me, and that
it should be given on due inquiry. He desires secrecy to a cer-
tain degree for the reasons which he explains. What I have to
request of you, my dear Sir, is, that you will be so good as to
consider his proposition, to consult on its expediency and practi-
cability with such gentlemen of the Assembly as you think best,
JEFFERSON'S WOKKS.
and take such other measures as you shall think best to ascertain
what would be the sense of that body, were the proposition to
be hazarded to them. If yourself and friends approve of it, and
there is hope that the Assembly would do so, your zeal for the
good of our country in general, and the promotion of science, as
an instrument towards that, will, of course, induce you to aid
them to bring it forward in such a way as you shall judge best.
If, on the contrary, you disapprove of it yourselves, or think it
would be desperate with the Assembly, be so good as to return it
to me with such information as I may hand forward to Mr.
D'lvernois, to put him out of suspense. Keep the matter by all
means out of the public papers, and particularly, if you please,
do not couple my name with the proposition if brought forward,
because it is much my wish to be in nowise implicated in public
affairs. It is necessary for rne to appeal to all my titles for giv-
ing you this trouble, whether founded in representation, patriot-
ism or friendship. The latter, however, as the broadest, is that
on which I wish to rely, being with sentiments of very cordial
esteem, dear Sir, your sincere friend and humble servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
MOXTICELLO, December 28, 1794.
DEAR SIR, — I have kept Mr. Jay's letter a post or two, with
an intention of considering attentively the observation it con-
tains ; but I have really now so little stomach for anything of
that kind, that I have not resolution enough even to endeavor to
understand the observations. I therefore return the letter, not to
delay your answer to it, and beg you in answering for yourself,
to assure him of my respects and thankful acceptance of Chal-
mers' Treaties, which I do not possess, and if you possess your-
self of the scope of his reasoning, make any answer to it you
please for me. If it had been on the rotation of my crops, I
would have answered myself, lengthily perhaps, but certainly
con gusto.
COKKESPONDEtTCE. HI
The denunciation of the democratic societies is one of the ex-
traordinary acts of boldness of which we have seen so many
from the faction of monocrats. It is wonderful indeed, that the
President should have permitted himself to be the organ of such
an attack on the freedom of discussion, the freedom of writing,
printing and publishing. It must be a matter of rare curiosity to
get at the modifications of these rights proposed by them, and to
see what line their ingenuity would draw between democratical
societies, whose avowed object is the nourishment of the repub-
lican principles of our Constitution, and the society of the Cin-
cinnati, a self-created one, carving out for itself hereditary dis-
tinctions, lowering over our Constitution eternally, meeting to-
gether in all parts of the Union, periodically, with closed doors,
accumulating a capital in their separate treasury, corresponding
secretly and regularly, and of which society the very persons de-
nouncing the democrats are themselves the fathers, founders and
high officers. Their sight must be perfectly dazzled by the glit-
tering of crowns and coronets, not to see the extravagance of the
proposition to suppress the friends of general freedom, while those
who wish to confine that freedom to the few, are permitted to go
on in their principles and practices. I here put out of sight the
persons whose misbehavior has been taken advantage of to slan-
der the friends of popular rights ; and I am happy to observe, that
as far as the circle of my observation and information extends,
everybody has lost sight of them, and views the abstract attempt
on their natural and constitutional rights in all its nakedness. I
have never heard, or heard of, a single expression or opinion
which did not condemn it as an inexcusable aggression. And
with respect to the transactions against the excise law, it appears
to me that you are all swept away in the torrent of governmental
opinions, or that we do not know what these transactions have
been. We know of none which, according to the definitions of
the law, have been anything more than riotous. There was in-
deed a meeting to consult about a separation. But to consult on
a question does not amount to a determination of that question
in the affirmative, still less to the acting on such a determination ;
112 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
but we shall see, I suppose, what the court lawyers, and courtly
judges, and would-be ambassadors will make of it. The excise
law is an infernal one. The first error was to admit it by the
Constitution ; the second, to act on that admission ; the third and
last will be, to make it the instrument of dismembering the
Union, and setting us all afloat to choose what part of it we will
adhere to. The information of our militia, returned from the
westward, is uniform, that though the people there let them pass
quietly, they were objects of their laughter, not of their fear ;
that one thousand men could have cut off their whole force in a
thousand places of the Alleghany ; that their detestation of the
excise law is universal, and has now associated to it a detestation
of the government ; and that a separation which perhaps was a
very distant and problematical event, is now near, and certain,
and determined in the mind of every man. I expected to have
seen some justification of arming one part of the society against
another ; of declaring a civil war the moment before the meeting
of that body which has the sole right of declaring war ; of being
so patient of the kicks and scoffs of our enemies, and rising at a
feather against our friends ; of adding a million to the public debt
and deriding us with recommendations to pay it if we can &c.,
&c. But the part of the speech which was to be taken as a jus-
tification of the armament, reminded me of parson Saunders' de-
monstration why minus into minus make plus. After a parcel of
shreds of stuff from .ZEsop's fables and Tom Thumb, he jumps all
at once into his ergo, minus multiplied into minus make plus.
Just so the fifteen thousand men enter after the fables, in the
speech.
However, the time is coming when we shall fetch up the lee-
way of our vessel. The changes in your House, I see, are going
on for the better, and even the Augean herd over your heads are
slowly purging off their impurities. Hold on then, my dear
friend, that we may not shipwreck in the meanwhile. I do not
see, in the minds of those with whom I converse, a greater afflic-
tion than the fear of your retirement ; but this must not be, un-
less to a more splendid and a more efficacious post. There I
CORRESPONDENCE. 113
should rejoice to see you ; I hope I may say, I shall rejoice to see
you. I have long had much in my mind to say to you on that
subject. But double delicacies have kept me silent. I ought
perhaps to say, while I would not give up my own retirement for
the empire of the universe, how I can justify wishing one whose
happiness I have so much at heart as yours, to take the front of
the battle which is fighting for my security, This would be easy
enough tc be done, but not at the heel of a lengthy epistle.
#*#*#######
Present me respectfully to Mrs. Madison, and pray her to keep
you where you are for her own satisfaction and the public good,
and accept (he cordial affections of us all. Adieu.
TO M. D'IVERNOIS.
MONTICELLO, February 6, 1*795.
DEAR SIB —Your several favors on the affairs of Geneva found
me here, in the month of December last. It is now more than
a year that I have withdrawn myself from public affairs, which
I never liked in my life, but was drawn into by emergencies
which threatened our country with slavery, but ended in estab-
lishing it free. I have returned, with infinite appetite, to the en-
joyment of my farm, my family and my books, and had deter-
mined to meddle in nothing beyond their limits. Your proposi-
tion, however, for transplanting the college of Geneva to my own
county, was too analogous to all my attachments to science, and
freedom, the first-born daughter of science, not to excite a lively
interest in my mind, and the essays which were necessary to try
its practicability. This depended altogether on the opinions and
dispositions of our State legislature, which was then in session.
I immediately communicated your papers to a member of the
legislature, whose abilities arid zeal pointed him out as proper for
it, urging him to sound as many of the leading members of the
legislature as he could, and if he found their opinions favorable,
to bring forward the proposition ; but if he should find it desper-
VOL. iv. 8
114 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
ate, not to nazard it ; because I thought it best not to commit the
honor either of our State or of your college, by an useless act of
eclat. It was not till within these three days that I have had an
interview with him, and an account of his proceedings. He
communicated the papers to a great number of the members, and
discussed them maturely, but privately, with them. They were
generally well-disposed to the proposition, and some of them
warmly ; however, there was no difference of opinion in the con-
clusion, that it could not be effected. The reasons which they
thought would with certainty prevail against it, were 1, that our
youth, not familiarized but with their mother tongue, were not
prepared to receive instructions in any other ; 2, that the expense
of the institution would excite uneasiness in their constituents,
and endanger its permanence ; and 3, that its extent was dispro-
portioned to the narrow state of the population with us. What-
ever might be urged on these several subjects, yet as the decision
rested with others, there remained to us only to regret that cir-
cumstances were such, or were thought to be such, as to disap-
point your and our wishes.
I should have seen with peculiar satisfaction the establishment
of such a mass of science in my country, and should probably
have been tempted to approach myself to it, by procuring a resi-
dence in its neighborhood, at those seasons of the year at least
when the operations of agriculture are less active and interesting.
I sincerely lament the circumstances which have suggested this
emigration. I had hoped that Geneva was familiarized to such
a degree of liberty, that they might without difficulty or danger
fill up the measure to its maximum ; a term, which, though in
the insulated man, bounded only by his natural powers, must, in
society, be so far restricted as to protect himself against the evil
passions of his associates, and consequently, them against him.
I suspect that the doctrine, that small States alone are fitted to be
republics, will be exploded by experience, with some other brilliant
fallacies accredited by Montesquieu and other political writers.
Perhaps it will be found, that to obtain a just republic (and it is
to secure our just rights that we resort to government at all) it
CORRESPONDENCE. 115
must be so extensive as that local egoisms may never reach its
greater part ; that on every particular question, a majority may
be found in its councils free from particular interests, and giving,
therefore, an uniform prevalence to the principles of justice.
The smaller the societies, the more violent and more convulsive
their schisms. We have chanced to live in an age which will
probably be distinguished in history, for its experiments in gov-
ernment on a larger scale than has yet taken place. But we
shall not live to see the result. The grosser absurdities, such as
hereditary magistracies, we shall see exploded in our day, long
experience having already pronounced condemnation against
them. But what is to be the substitute ? This our children or
grand children will answer. We may be satisfied with the cer-
tain knowledge that none can ever be tried, so stupid, so un-
righteous, so oppressive, so destructive of every end for which
honest men enter into government, as that which their forefathers
had established, and their fathers alone venture to tumble head-
long from the stations they have so long abused. It is unfor-
tunate, that the efforts of mankind to recover the freedom of
which they have been so long deprived, will be accompanied
with violence, with errors, and even with crimes. But while we
weep over the means, we must pray for the end.
But I have been insensibly led by the general complexion of
the times, from the particular case of Geneva, to those to which
it bears no similitude. Of that we hope good things. Its in-
habitants must be too much enlightened, too well experienced in
the blessings of freedom and undisturbed industry, to tolerate
long a contrary state of things. I should be happy to hear thai
their government perfects itself, and leaves room for the honest,
the industrious and wise ; in which case, your own talents, and
those of the persons for whom you have interested yourself, will,
I am sure, find welcome and distinction. My good wishes will
always attend you, as a consequence of the esteem and regard
with which I am, Dear Sir, your most obedient and most hum-
ble servant.
JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO JAMES MADISON.
MOXTICELLO, April 27, 1795.
DEAR SIR, — Your letter of March the 23d came to hand the
7th of April, and notwithstanding the urgent reasons for answer-
ing a part of it immediately, yet as it mentioned that you would
leave Philadelphia within a few days, I feared that the answer
might pass you on the road. A letter from Philadelphia by the
last post having announced to me your leaving that place the day
preceding its date, I am in hopes this will find you in Orange.
In mine, to which yours of March the 23d was an answer, I ex-
pressed my hope of the only change of position I ever wished to
see you make, and I expressed it with entire sincerity, because
there is not another person in the United States, who being placed
at the helm of our affairs, my mind would be so completely at
rest for the fortune of our political bark. The wish too was pure,
and unmixed with anything respecting myself personally.
For as to myself, the subject had been thoroughly weighed
and decided on, and my retirement from office had been meant
from all office high or low, without exception. I can say, too,
with truth, that the subject had not been presented to my mind
by any vanity of my own. I know myself and my fellow citi-
zens too well to have ever thought of it. But the idea was
forced upon me by continual insinuations in the public papers,
while I was in office. As all these came from a hostile quarter.
I knew that their object was to poison the public mind as to my
motives, when they were not able to charge me with facts. But
the idea being once presented to me, my own quiet required that
I should face it and examine it. I did so thoroughly, and had
no difficulty to see that every reason which had determined me
to retire from the office I then held, operated more strongly
against that which was insinuated to be my object. I decided
then on those general grounds which could alone be present to my
mind at the time, that is to say, reputation, tranquillity, labor ; for
as to public duty, it could not be a topic of consideration in my
case. If these general considerations were sufficient to ground
CORRESPONDENCE. 117
a firm resolution never to permit myself to think of the office, or
to be thought of for it, the special ones which have supervened
on my retirement, still more insuperably bar the door to it. My
health is entirely broken down within the last eight months ; my
age requires that I should place my affairs in a clear state ; these
are sound if taken care of, but capable of considerable dangers
if longer neglected ; and above all things, the delights I feel in
;he society of my family, and in the agricultural pursuits in which
I am so eagerly engaged. The little spice of ambition which I
had in my younger days has long since evaporated, and I set still
less store by a posthumous than present name. In stating to you
the heads of reasons which have produced my determination, I
do not mean an opening for future discussion, or that I may be
reasoned out of it. The question is forever closed with me ; my
sole object is to avail myself of the first opening ever given me
from a friendly quarter (and I could not with decency do it be-
fore), of preventing any division or loss of votes, which might
be fatal to the republican interest. If that has any chance of
prevailing, it must be by avoiding the loss of a single vote, and
by concentrating all its strength on one object. Who this should
be, is a question I can more freely discuss with anybody than
yourself. In this I painfully feel the loss of Monroe. Had he
been here, I should have been at no loss for a channel through
which to make myself understood ; if I have been misunderstood
by anybody through the instrumentality of Mr. Fenno and his
abettors. I long to see you. I am proceeding in my agricultu-
ral plans with a slow but sure step. To get under full way will
require four or five years. But patience and perseverance will
accomplish it. My little essay in red clover, the last year, has
had the most encouraging success. I sowed then about forty
acres. I have sowed this year about one hundred and twenty,
which the rain now falling comes very opportunely on. From
or 3 hundred and sixty to two hundred acres, will be my yearly
sowing. The seed-box described in the agricultural transactions
of New York, reduces the expense of seeding from six shillings
to two shillings and three pence the acre, and does the business
JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
better than is possible to be done by the human hand. May we
hope a visit from you ? If we may, let it be after the middle of
May, by which time I hope to be returned from Bedford. I have
had a proposition to meet Mr. Henry there this month, to confer
on the subject of a convention, to the calling of which he is now
become a convert. The session of our district court furnished
me a just excuse for the time ; but the impropriety of my enter-
ing into consultation on a measure in which I would take no
part, is a permanent one.
Present my most respectful compliments to Mrs. Madison, and
be assured of the warm attachment of, Dear Sir, yours affection-
ately.
TO WILLIAM B. GILES.
MONTICELLO, April 27, 1795.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 16th came to hand by the last
post. I sincerely congratulate you on the great prosperities of
our two first allies, the French and Dutch. If I could but see
them now at peace with the rest of their continent, I should have
little doubt of dining with Pichegru in London, next autumn ;
for 1 believe I should be tempted to leave my clover for awhile,
to go and hail the dawn of liberty and republicanism in that
island. I shall be rendered very happy by the visit you promise
me. The only thing wanting to make me completely so, is the
more frequent society of my friends. It is the more wanting, as
I am become more firmly fixed to the globe. If you visit me as
a farmer, it must be as a condisciple : for I am but a learner ; an
eager one indeed, but yet desperate, being too old now to learn
a new art. However, I am as much delighted and occupied with
it, as if I was the greatest adept. I shall talk with you about it
i/om morning till night, and put you on very short allowance as
to political aliment. Now and then a pious ejaculation for the
French and Dutch republicans, returning with due despatch to
clover, potatoes, wheat, &c. That I May not lose the pleasure
CORRESPONDENCE. H9
promised me, let it not be till the middle of May, by which time
I shall be returned from a trip I meditated to Bedford. Yours
affectionately.
TO MANN PAGE.
MONTICKLLO, August 30, 1795.
It was not in my power to attend at Fredericksburg according
to the kind invitation in your letter, and in that of Mr. Ogilvie.
The heat of the weather, the business of the farm, to which 1
have made myself necessary, forbade it ; and to give one round
reason for all, mature sanus, I have laid up my Rosinante in
his stall, before his unfitness for the road shall expose him faul-
tering to the world. But why did not I answer you in time ?
Because, in truth, I am encouraging myself to grow lazy, and I
was sure you would ascribe the delay to anything sooner than a
want of affection or respect to you, for this was not among the
possible causes. In truth, if anything could ever induce me to
sleep another night out of my own house, it would have been
your friendly invitation and my solicitude for the subject of it,
the education of our youth. I do most anxiously wish to see the
highest degrees of education given to the higher degrees of genius,
and to all degrees of it, so much as may enable them to read and
understand what is going on in the world, and to keep their part of
it going on right : for nothing can keep it right but their own vigi-
lant and distrustful superintendence. I do not believe with the Ro-
chefoucaults and Montaignes, that fourteen out of fifteen men are
rogues : I believe a great abatement from that proportion may be
made in favor of general honesty. But I have always found
that rogues would be uppermost, and I do not know that the pro-
portion is too strong for the higher orders, and for those who,
rising a\)ove the swinish multitude, always contrive to nestle
themselves into the places of power and profit. These rogues
set out with stealing the people's good opinion, and then steal
from them the right of withdrawing it, by contriving laws and
120 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
associations against the power of the people themselves. OUT
part of the country is in considerable fermentation, on what they
suspect to be a recent roguery of this kind. They say that
while all hands were below deck mending sails, splicing ropes,
and every one at his own business, and the captain in his cabin
attending to his log book and chart, a rogue of a pilot has run
them into an enemy's port. But metaphor apart, there is much
dissatisfaction with Mr. Jay and his treaty. For my part, I con-
sider myself now but as a passenger, leaving the world and its
government to those who are likely to live longer in it. That
you may be among the longest of these, is my sincere prayer.
After begging you to be the bearer of my compliments and apol-
ogies to Mr. Ogilvie, I bid you an affectionate farewell, always
wishing to hear from you.
TO H. TAZEWELL, ESQ.
MO.VTICELLO, September 13, 1795.
DEAR SIR, — I ought much sooner to have acknowledged your
obliging attention in sending me a copy of the treaty. It was the
first we received in this part of the country. Though I have inter-
dicted myself all serious attention to political matters, yet a very
slight notice of that in question sufficed to decide my mind
against it. I am not satisfied we should not be better without
treaties with any nation. But I am satisfied we should be better
without such as this. The public dissatisfaction too and dissen-
tion it is likely to produce, are serious evils. I am not without
hope that the operations on the 12th article may render a recur-
rence to the Senate yet necessary, and so give to the majority an
opportunity of correcting the error into which their exclusion of
public light has led them. I hope also that the recent re-
sults of the English will at length awaken in our Executive that
sense of public honor and spirit, which they have not lost sight
of in their proceedings with other nations, and will establish the
CORRESPONDENCE. 121
eternal truth that acquiescence under insult is not the way to
escape war. I am with great esteem, Dear Sir, your most obe-
dient humble servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
MONTICELLO, September 21, 1795.
I received about three weeks ago, a box containing six dozen
volumes, of two hundred and eighty-three pages, 12 mo, with a
letter from Lambert, Beckley's clerk, that they came from Mr.
Beckley, and were to be divided between yourself, J. Walker,
and myself. I have sent two dozen to J. Walker, and shall be
glad of a conveyance for yours. In the meantime, I send you
by post, the title page, table of contents, and one of the pieces,
Curtius, lest it should not have come to you otherwise. It is evi-
dently written by Hamilton, giving a first and general view of
the subject, that the public mind might be kept a little in check,
till he could resume the subject more at large from the begin-
ning, under his second signature of Camillus. The piece called
'•' The Features of the Treaty," I do not send, because you have
seen it in the newspapers. It is said to be written by Coxe, but
I should rather suspect, by Beckley. The antidote is certainly
not strong enough for the poison of Curtius. If I had not been
informed the present came from Beckley, I should have suspected
it from Jay or Hamilton. I gave a copy or two, by way of ex-
periment, to honest, sound-hearted men of common understand-
ing, and they were not able to parry the sophistry of Curtius. I
have ceased therefore, to give them. Hamilton is really a colos-
sus to the anti-republican party. Without numbers, he is an
host within himself. They have got themselves into a defile,
where they might be finished ; but too much security on the
republican part will give time to his talents and indefatigableness
to extricate them. We have had only middling performances to
oppose to him. In truth, when he comes forward, there is no-
body but yourself who can meet him. His adversaries having
122 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
begun the attack, he has the advantage of answering them, and
remains unanswered himself. A solid reply might yet completely
demolish what was too feebly attacked, and has gathered strength
from the weakness of the attack. The merchants were cer-
tainly (except those of them who are English) as open mouthed
at first against the treaty, as any. But the general expression
of indignation has alarmed them for the strength of the govern-
ment. They have feared the shock would be too great, and
have chosen to tack about and support both treaty and govern-
ment, rather than risk the government. Thus it is, that Hamil-
ton, Jay, &c., in the boldest act they ever ventured on to under-
mine the government, have the address to screen themselves,
and direct the hue and cry against those who wish to drag them
into light. A bolder party-stroke was never struck. For it
certainly is an attempt of a party, who find they have lost their
majority in one branch of the Legislature, to make a law by the
aid of the other branch and of the executive, under color of a
treaty, which shall bind up the hands of the adverse branch from
ever restraining the commerce of their patron-nation. There
appears a pause at present in the public sentiment, which may
be followed by a revulsion. This is the effect of the desertion
of the merchants, of the President's chiding answer to Boston
and Richmond, of the writings of Curtius and Camillus, and of
the quietism into which people naturally fall after first sensations
are over. For God's sake take up your pen, and give a funda-
mental reply to Curtius and Camillus. Adieu affectionately.
TO MONSIEUR OD1T.
MONTICELLO, October 14, 1795.
SIR, — I received with pleasure your letter of the 9th ult., by
post, but should with greater pleasure have received it from
your own hand, that I might have had an opportunity of testi-
fying to you in person the great respect I bear for your character,
which had come to us before you, and of expressing my oblign-
CORRESPONDENCE. 123
tions to Professor Pictet, for procuring me the honor of your
acquaintance. It would have been a circumstance of still higher
satisfaction and advantage to me, if fortune had timed the periods
of our service together, so that the drudgery of public business,
which I always hated, might have been relieved by conversa-
tions with you on subjects which I always loved, and particularly
in learning from you the new advances of science on the other
side the Atlantic. The interests of our two republics also could
not but have been promoted by the harmony of their servants.
Two people whose interests, whose principles, whose habits of
attachment, founded on fellowship in war and mutual kind-
nesses, have so many points of union, cannot but be easily kept
together. I hope you have accordingly been sensible, Sir, of the
general interest which my countrymen take in all the successes
of your republic. In this no one joins with more enthusiasm
than myself, an enthusiasm kindled by our love of liberty, by
my gratitude to your nation who helped us to acquire it, by my
wishes to see it extended to all men, and first to those whom we
love most. I am now a private man, free to express my feelings,
and their expression will be estimated at neither more or less
than they weigh, to wit, the expressions of a private man. Your
struggles for liberty keep alive the only sparks of sensation
which public affairs now excite in me. As to the concerns of
my own country, I leave them willingly and safely to those
who will have a longer interest in cherishing them. My books,
my family, my friends, and my farm, furnish more than enough
to occupy me the remainder of my life, and of that tranquil
occupation most analogous to my physical and moral constitution.
The correspondence you are pleased to invite me to on the
natural history of my country, cannot but be profitable and ac-
ceptable to me. My long absence from it, indeed, has deprived
me of the means of throwing any new lights on it ; but I shall
have the benefit of participating of your views of it, and occa-
sions of expressing to you those sentiments of esteem and re-
spect with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obe-
dient, and most humble servant.
124: JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO EDWARD RUTLEDGE.
MONTICKLLO, November SO,
Mr DEAR SIR, — I received your favor of October the 12th by
your son, who has been kind enough to visit me here, and from
whose visit I have received all that pleasure which I do from
whatever comes from you, and especially from a subject so de-
servedly dear to you. He found me in a retirement I doat on,
living like an antediluvian patriarch among my children and
grand children, and tilling my soil. As he had lately come from
Philadelphia, Boston, &c., he was able to give me a great deal
of information of what is passing in the world, and I pestered
him with questions pretty much as our friends Lynch, Nelson,
&c., will us. when we step across the Styx, for they will wish to
know what has been passing above ground since they left us.
You hope I have not abandoned entirely the service of our coun-
try. After five and twenty years' continual employment in it, I
trust it will be thought I have fulfilled my tour, like a punctual
soldier, and may claim my discharge. But I am glad of the sen-
timent from you, my friend, because it gives a hope you will
practice what you preach, and come forward in aid of the public
vessel. I will not admit your old excuse, that you are in public
service though at home. The campaigns which are fought in a
man's own house are not to be counted. The present situation
of the President, unable to get the offices filled, really calls with
uncommon obligation on those whom nature has fitted for them.
I join with you in thinking the treaty an execrable thing. But
both negotiators must have understood, that, as there were arti-
cles in it which could not be carried into execution without the
aid of the Legislatures on both sides, therefore it must be referred
to them, and that these Legislatures being free agents, would not
give it their support if they disapproved of it. I trust the popu-
lar branch of our Legislature will disapprove of it, arid thus rid
us of this infamous act, which is really nothing more than a
treaty of alliance between England and the Anglomen of this
country, against the Legislature and people of the United States.
I am, my dear friend, yours affectionately.
CORRESPONDENCE. 125
TO WILLIAM B. GILES.
MONTICELLO, December 31, 1795.
DEAR SIR, — Your favors of December the 15th and 20th came
to hand by the last post. I am well pleased with the manner in
which your House have testified their sense of the treaty ; while
their refusal to pass the original clause of the reported answer
proved their condemnation of it, the contrivance to let it disap-
pear silently respected appearances in favor of the President, who
errs as other men do, but errs with integrity. Randolph seems
to have hit upon the true theory of our Constitution ; that when
a treaty is made, involving matters confided by the Constitution
to the three branches of the Legislature conjointly, the Repre-
sentatives are as free as the President arid Senate were, to con-
sider whether the national interest requires or forbids their giving
the forms and force of law to the articles over which they have
a power. I thank you much for the pamphlet. His narrative is
so straight and plain, that even those who did not know him will
acquit him of the charge of bribery. Those who knew him had
done it from the first. Though he mistakes his own political
character in the aggregate, yet he gives it to you in the detail.
Thus, he supposes himself a man of no party (page 57) ; that his
opinions not containing any systematic adherence to party, fell
sometimes on one side and sometimes on the other (page 58).
Yet he gives you these facts, which show that they fall generally
on both sides, and are complete inconsistencies.
1. He never gave an opinion in the cabinet against the rights
of the people (page 97) ; yet he advised the denunciation of the
popular societies (page 67).
2. He would not neglect the overtures of a commercial treaty
with France (page 79) ; yet he always opposed it while Attorney
General, and never seems to have proposed it while Secretary of
State.
3. He concurs in resorting to the militia to quell the pretended
insurrections in the west (page 81), and proposes an augmenta-
tion from twelve thousand five hundred to fifteen thousand, to
126 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
march against men at their ploughs (page 80) ; yet on the 5th
of August he is against their marching (pages 83, 101), and on
the 25th of August he is for it (page 84).
4. He concurs in the measure of a mission extraordinary to
London (as is inferred from page 58), but objects to the men, to
wit, Hamilton and Jay (page 50).
5. He was against granting commercial powers to Mr. Jay
(page 58) ; yet he besieged the doors of the Senate to procure
their advice to ratify.
6. He advises the President to a ratification on the merits of
the treaty (page 97), but to a suspension till the provision order
is repealed (page 98). The fact is, that he has generally given
his principles to the one party, and his practice to the other, the
oyster to one, the shell to the other. Unfortunately, the shell
was generally the lot of his friends, the French and republicans,
and the oyster of their antagonists. Had he been firm to the
principles he professes in the year 1793, the President would
have been kept from an habitual concert with the British and
anti-republican party. But at that time, I do not know which R.
feared most, a British fleet, or French disorganizers. Whether
his conduct is to be ascribed to a superior view of things, an ad-
herence to right without regard to party, as he pretends, or to an
anxiety to trim between both, those who know his character and
capacity will decide. Were parties here divided merely by a
greediness for office, as in England, to take a part with either
would be unworthy of a reasonable or moral man. But where
the principle of difference is as substantial, and as strongly pro-
nounced as between the republicans and the monocrats of our
country, I hold it as honorable to take a firm and decided part,
and as immoral to pursue a middle line, as between the parties
of honest men and rogues, into which every country is divided.
A copy of the pamphlet came by this post to Charlottesville. I
suppose we shall be able to judge soon what kind of impression
it is likely to make. It has been a great treat to me, as it is a
continuation of that cabinet history, with the former part of
which I was intimate. I remark, in the reply of the President
CORRESPONDENCE. 127
a small travestie of the sentiment contained in the answer of the
Representatives. They acknowledge that he has contributed a
great share to the national happiness by his services. He thanks
them for ascribing to his agency a great share of those benefits.
The former keeps in view the co-operation of others towards the
public good. The latter presents to view his sole agency. At a
time when there would have been less anxiety to publish to the
people a strong approbation from your House, this strengthening
of your expression would not have been noticed.
Our attentions have been so absorbed by the first manifestation
of the sentiments of your House, that we have lost sight of our
own Legislature ; insomuch, that I do not know whether they
are sitting or not. The rejection of Mr. Rutledge by the Senate
is a bold thing ; because they cannot pretend any objection to
him but his disapprobation of the treaty. It is, of course, a de-
claration that they will receive none but tories hereafter into any
department of the government. I should not wonder if Monroe
were to be re-called, under the idea of his being of the partisans
of France, whom the President considers as the partisans of war
and confusion, in his letter of July the 31st, and as disposed to
excite them to hostile measures, or at least to unfriendly senti-
ments ; a most infatuated blindness to the true character of the
sentiments entertained in favor of France. The bottom of my
page warns me that it is time to end my commentaries on the
facts you have furnished me. You would of course, however,
wish to know the sensations here on those facts.
My friendly respects to Mr. Madison, to whom the next week's
dose will be directed. Adieu affectionately.
TO G. WYTHE.
MONTICELLO, January 16, 1796.
In my letter which accompanied the box containing my col-
lection of printed laws, I promised to send you by post a state-
ment of the contents of the box. On taking up the subject I
128 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
found it better to take a more general review of the whole of the
laws I possessed, as well manuscript as printed, as also of those
which I do not possess, and suppose to be no longer extant.
This general view you will have in the enclosed paper, whereof
the articles stated to be printed constitute the contents of the
box I sent you. Those in manuscript were not sent, because
not supposed to have been within your view, and because some
of them will not bear removal, being so rotten, that in turning
over a leaf it sometimes falls into powder. These I preserve by
wrapping and sewing them up in oil cloth, so that neither air
nor moisture can have access to them. Very early in the course
of my researches into the laws of Virginia, I observed that many of
them were already lost, and many more on the point of being
lost, as existing only in single copies in the hands of careful or
curious individuals, on whose death they would probably be
used for waste paper. I set myself therefore to work, to collect
all which were then existing, in order that when the day should
come in which the public should advert to the magnitude of their
loss in these precious monuments of our property, and our his-
tory, a part of their regret might be spared by information that a
portion had been saved from the wreck, which is worthy of their
attention and preservation. In searching after these remains, I
spared neither time, trouble, nor expense ; and am of opinion that
scarcely any law escaped me, which was in being as late as the
year 1790 in the middle or southern parts of the State. In the
northern parts, perhaps something might still be found. In the
clerk's offices in the ancient counties, some of these manuscript
copies of the laws may possibly still exist, which used to
be furnished at the public expense to every county, before the
use of the press was introduced ; and in the same places, and in
the hands of ancient magistrates or of their families, some of the
fugitive sheets of the laws of separate sessions, which have been
usually distributed since the practice commenced of printing
them. But recurring to what we actually possess, the question
is, what means will be the most effectual for preserving these re-
mains from future loss ? All the care I can take of them, will
CORRESPONDENCE. 129
not preserve them from the worm, from the natural decay of the
paper, from the accidents of fire, or those of removal when it is
necessary for any public purposes, as in the case of those now
sent you. Our experience has proved to us that a single copy,
or a few, deposited in manuscript in the public offices, cannot be
relied on for any great length of time. The ravages of fire and
of ferocious enemies have had but too much part in producing
the very loss we are now deploring. How many of the precious
works of antiquity were lost while they were preserved only in
manuscript ! has there ever been one lost since the art of printing
has rendered it practicable to multiply and disperse copies ? This
leads us then to the only means of preserving those remains of
our laws now under consideration, that is, a multiplication of
printed copies. I think therefore that there should be printed at
public expense, an edition of all the laws ever passed by our
legislatures which can now be found ; that a copy should be de-
posited in every public library in America, in the principal public
offices within the State, and some perhaps in the most distin-
guished public libraries of Europe, and the rest should be sold to
individuals, towards reimbursing the expenses of the edition.
Nor do I think that this would be a voluminous work. The
MSS. would furnish matter for one printed volume in folio, would
comprehend all the laws from 1624 to 1701, which period in-
cludes Pervis. My collection of fugitive sheets forms, as we
know, two volumes, and comprehends all the extant laws from
1734 to 1783 ; and the laws which can be gleaned up from the
Revivals to supply the chasm between 1701 and 1734, with
those from 1783 to the close of the present century, (by which
term the work might be completed,) would not be more than
the matter of another volume. So that four volumes in folio,
would give every law ever passed which is now extant ; whereas
those who wish to possess as many of them as can be procured,
must now buy the six folio volumes of Revivals, to wit, Pervis
and those of 1732, 1784, 1768, 1783, and 1794, and in all of
them possess not one half of which they wish. What would be
the expense of the edition I cannot say, nor how much would
VOL. iv 9
130 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
be reimbursed by the sales ; but I am sure it would be moder-
ate, compared with the rates which the public have hitherto
paid for printing their laws, provided a sufficient latitude be giv-
en as to printers and places. The first step would be to make
out a single copy from the MSS., which would employ a clerk
about a year or something more, to which expense about a fourth
should be added for collation of the MSS., which would employ
three persons at a time about half a day, or a day in every week.
As I have already spent more time in making myself acquainted
with the contents and arrangement of these MSS. than any other
person probably ever will, and their condition does not admit
their removal to a distance, I will cheerfully undertake the di-
rection and superintendence of this work, if it can be done in
the neighboring towns of Charlottesville or Milton, farther than
Vhich I could not undertake to go from home. For the residue
of the work, my printed volumes might be delivered to the
printer.
I have troubled you with these details, because you are in the
place where they may be used for the public service, if they ad-
mit of such use, and because the order of assembly, which you
mention, shows they are sensible of the necessity of preserving
such of these laws as relate to our landed property ; and a little
further consideration will perhaps convince them that it is better
to do the whole work once for all, than to be recurring to it by
piece-meal, as particular parts of it shall be required, and that
too perhaps when the materials shall be lost. You are the best
judge of the weight of these observations, and of the mode of
giving them any effect they may merit. Adieu affectionately.
TO JAMES MADISON.
MOSTICELLO, March 6, 1796.
DEAR SIR, — I wrote you February the 21st, since which I
have received yours of the same day. Indeed, mine of that date
related only to a single article in yours of January the 31st and
CORRESPONDENCE. 131
February the 7th. I do not at all wonder at the condition in
which the finances of the United States are found. Hamilton's
object from the beginning, was to throw them into forms which
should be utterly imdecypherable. I ever said he did not un-
derstand their condition himself, nor was able to give a clear
view of the excess of our debts beyond our credits, nor whether
we were diminishing or increasing the debt. My own opinion
was, that from the commencement of this government to the
time I ceased to attend to the subject, we had been increasing
our debt about a million of dollars annually. If Mr. Gallatin
would undertake to reduce this chaos to order, present us with
a clear view of our finances, and put them into a form as simple
as they will admit, he will merit immortal honor. The accounts
of the United States ought to be, and may be made as simple as
those of a common farmer, and capable of being understood by
common farmers.
Disapproving, as I do, of the unjustifiable largess to the de-
mands of the Count de Grasse, I will certainly not propose to
rivet it by a second example on behalf of M. de Chastellux's son.
It will only be done in the event of such a repetition of the pre-
cedent, as will give every one a right to share in the plunder.
It is, indeed, surprising you have not yet received the British
treaty in form. I presume you would never receive it were not
your co-operation on it necessary. But this will oblige the for-
mal notification of it to you.
My salutations to Mrs. Madison, friendly esteem to Mr. Giles,
Page, &c. I am, with sincere affection, yours.
P. S. Have you considered all the consequences of your prop-
osition respecting post roads ? I view it as a source of boundless
patronage to the executive, jobbing to members of Congress and
their friends, and a bottomless abyss of public money. You will
begin by only appropriating the surplus of the post office revenues ;
but the other revenues will soon be called into their aid, and it
will be a source of eternal scramble among the members, who
can get the most money wasted in their State ; and they wiU
132 JEFFERSON'S WOKKS.
always get most who are meanest. We have thought, hitherto,
that the roads of a State could not be so well administered even
by the State legislature as by the magistracy of the county, on
the spot. How will they be when a member of New Hampshire
is to mark out a road for Georgia ? Does the power to establish
post roads, given you by the Constitution, mean that you shall
make the roads, or only select from those already made, those on
which there shall be a post ? If the term be equivocal, (and I
really do not think it so,) which is the safest construction ?
That which permits a majority of Congress to go to cutting down
mountains and bridging of rivers, or the other, which if too re-
stricted may be referred to the States for amendment, securing
still due measures and proportion among us, and providing some
means of information to the members of Congress tantamount to
that ocular inspection, which, even in our county determinations,
the magistrate finds cannot be supplied by any other evidence ?
The fortification of harbors was liable to great objection. But
national circumstances furnished some color. In this case there is
none. The roads of America are the best in the world except
those of France and England. But does the state of our popu-
lation, the extent of our internal commerce, the want of sea and
river navigation, call for such expense on roads here, or are our
means adequate to it ? Think of all this, and a great deal more
which your good judgment will suggest, and pardon my freedom.
TO WILLIAM B. GILES.
March 19, 1796.
I know not when I have received greater satisfaction than on
reading the speech of Dr. Lieb, in the Pennsylvania Assembly.
He calls himself a new member. I congratulate honest repub-
licanism on such an acquisition, and promise myself much from
a career which begins on such elevated ground. We are in sus-
pense here to see the fate and effect of Mr. Pitt's bill against
CORRESPONDENCE. 133
democratic societies. I wish extremely to get at the true history
of this effort to suppress freedom of meeting, speaking, writing
and printing. Your acquaintance with Sedgwick will enable
you to do it. Pray get the outlines of the bill he intended to
have brought in for this purpose. This will enable us to judge
whether we have the merit of the invention ; whether we were
really beforehand with the British minister on this subject ;
whether he took his hint from our proposition, or whether the
concurrence in the sentiment is merely the result of the general
truth that great men will think alike and act alike, though with-
out intercommunication. I am serious in desiring extremely the
outlines of the bill intended for us. From the debates on the
subject of our seamen, I am afraid as much harm as good will be
done by our endeavors to arm our seamen against impressments.
It is proposed to register them and give them certificates. But
these certificates will be lost in a thousand ways ; a sailor will
neglect to take his certificate ; he is wet twenty times in a voy-
age ; if he goes ashore without it, he is impressed ; if with it, he
gets drunk, it is lost, stolen from him, taken from him, and then
the want of it gives authority to impress, which does not exist
now. After ten years' attention to the subject, I have never
been able to devise anything effectual, but that the circumstance
of an American bottom be made ipso facto, a protection for a
number of seamen proportioned to her tonnage ; that American
captains be obliged, when called on by foreign officers, to parade
the men on deck, which would show whether they exceeded
their own quota, and allow the foreign officer to send two or
three persons aboard and hunt for any suspected to be concealed.
This, Mr. Pinckney was instructed to insist upon with Great
Britain ; to accept of nothing short of it ; and, most especially,
not to agree that a certificate of citizenship should be requirable
from our seamen ; because it would be made a ground for the
authorized impressment of them. I am still satisfied that such a
protection will place them in a worse situation than they are at
present. It is true, the British minister has not shown any dispo-
sition to accede to my proposition : but it was not .totally rejected ;
134 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
and if he still refuses, lay a duty of one penny sterling a yard
on British oznaburgs, to make a fund for paying the expenses of
the agents you are obliged to employ to seek out our suffering
seamen. I congratulate you on the arrival of Mr. Ames and the
British treaty. The newspapers had said they would arrive to-
gether. We have had a fine winter. Wheat looks well. Corn
is scarce and dear. Twenty-two shillings here, thirty shillings in
Amherst. Our blossoms are but just opening. I have begun the
demolition of my house, and hope to get through its re-edification
in the course of the summer. We shall have the eye of a brick-
kiln to poke you into, or an octagon to air you in. Adieu af-
fectionately.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
MONTICELLO, March 21, 1796.
DEAR SIR, — I wrote you on the 2d instant, and now take the
liberty of troubling you, in order to have the enclosed letter to
M. Gautier safely handed to him. I will thank you for informa-
tion that it gets safely to hand, as it is of considerable importance
to him, to the United States, to the State of Virginia, and to
myself, by conveying to him the final arrangement of the ac-
counts of Grand and Company with all those parties.
**********
The British treaty has been formally, at length, laid before
Congress. All America is a tiptoe to see what the House of
Representatives will decide on it. We conceive the constitu-
tional doctrine to be, that though the President and Senate have
the general power of making treaties, yet wherever they include
in a treaty matters confided by the Constitution to the three
branches of Legislature, an act of legislation will be requisite to
confirm these articles, and that the House of Representatives, as
one branch of the Legislature, are perfectly free to pass the act or
to refuse it, governing themselves by their own judgment whether
it is for the good of their constituents to let the treaty go into
CORRESPONDENCE. 135
effect or not. On the precedent now to be set will depend the
future constmction of our Constitution, and whether the powers
of legislation shall be transferred from the President, Senate, and
House of Representatives, to the President and Senate, and
Piamingo or any other Indian, Algerine, or other chief. It is
fortunate that the first decision is to be in a case so palpably atro-
cious, as to have been predetermined by all America. The ap-
pointment of Elsworth Chief Justice, and Chase one of the
judges, is doubtless communicated to you. My friendly respects
to Mrs. Monroe. Adieu affectionately.
TO JAMES MADISON.
MONTICELLO, March 27, 1796.
DEAR SIR, — I am much pleased with Mr. Gallatin's speech in
Bache's paper of March the 14th. It is worthy of being printed
at the end of the Federalist, as the only rational commentary on
the part of the Constitution to which it relates. Not that there
may not be objections, and difficult ones, to it, and which I shall
be glad to sec his answers to ; but if they are never answered,
they are more easily to be gulped down than those which lie to
the doctrines of his opponents, which do in fact annihilate the
whole of the powers given by the Constitution to the Legisla-
ture. According to the rule established by usage and common
sense, of construing one part of the instrument by another, the
objects on which the President and Senate may exclusively act
by treaty are much reduced, but the field on which they may
act with the sanction of the Legislature, is large enough ; and I
see no harm in rendering their sanction necessary, and not much
harm in annihilating the whole treaty-making power, except as
to making peace. If you decide in favor of your right to refuse
co-operation in any case of treaty, I should wonder on what oc-
casion it is to be used, if not in one where the rights, the inter-
est, the honor and faith of our nation are so grossly sacrificed ;
where a faction has entered into a conspiracy with the enemies
136 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
of their country to chain down the Legislature at the feet of
both; where the whole mass of your constituents have con-
demned this work in the most unequivocal manner, and are look-
ing to you as their last hope to save them from the effects of the
avarice and corruption of the first agent, the revolutionary
machinations of others, and the incomprehensible acquiescence
of the only honest man who has assented to it. I wish that his
honesty and his political errors may not furnish a second occa-
sion to exclaim, "curse on his virtues, they have undone his
country." Cold weather, mercury at twenty degrees in the
morning. Corn fallen at Richmond to twenty shillings; sta-
tionary here ; Nicholas sure of his election ; R. Jouett and Jo.
Monroe in competition for the other vote of the county. Affec-
tion to Mrs. M. and yourself. Adieu.
TO JAMES MADISON.
MONTICELLO, April 19, 1796.
DEAR SIR, — Yours of the 4th instant came to hand the day
before yesterday. I have turned to the conventional history,
and enclose you an exact copy of what is there on the subject
you mentioned. I have also turned to my own papers, and send
you some things extracted from them, which show that the re-
collection of the President has not been accurate, when he sup-
posed his own opinion to have been uniformly that declared in
his answer of March the 30th. The records of the Senate will
vouch for this. My respects to Mrs. Madison. Adieu affection-
ately.
[The papers referred to in the preceding.]
Extract, verbatim, from last page but one and the last page.
"Mr. King suggested that the journals of the Convention
should be either destroyed, or deposited in the custody of the
President. He thought, if suffered to be make public, a bad use
CORRESPONDENCE. 137
would be made of them by those who would wish to prevent
the adoption of the Constitution.
" Mr. Wilson preferred the second expedient. He had at one
time liked the first best ; but as false suggestions may be propa-
gated, it should not be made impossible to contradict them.
" A question was then put on depositing the journals and other
papers of the Convention in the hands of the President, on
which New Hampshire, aye, Massachusetts, aye, Connecticut,
aye, New Jersey, aye, Pennsylvania, aye, Delaware, aye, Mary-
land, no, Virginia, aye, North Carolina, aye, South Carolina, aye,
and Georgia, aye. This negative of Maryland was occasioned
by the language of the instructions to the Deputies of that State,
which required them to report to the State the proceedings of
the Convention.
The President having asked what the Convention meant should
be done with the journals, &c., whether copies were to be allowed
to the members, if applied for, it was resolved nem. con. " that
he retain the journal and other papers subject to the order of the
Congress, if ever formed under the Constitution."
" The members then proceeded to sign the instrument," &c.
" In the Senate, February 1, 1791.
" The committee, to whom was referred that part of the speech
of the President of the United States, at the opening of the ses-
sion, which relates to the commerce of the Mediterranean, and
also the letter from the Secretary of State, dated the 20th of Jan-
uary, 1791, with the papers accompanying the same, reported .;
whereupon,
" Resolved, That the Senate do advise and consent, that the
President of the United States take such measures as he may
think necessary for the redemption of the citizens of the United
States, now in captivity at Algiers, provided the expense shall
not exceed forty thousand dollars, and also, that measures be
taken to confirm the treaty now existing between the United
States and the Emperor of Morocco."
The above is a copy of a resolve of the Senate, referred to me
138 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
by the President, to propose an answer to, and I find immediate-
ly following this, among my papers, a press copy, from an original
written fairly in my own hand, ready for the President's signa-
ture, and to be given in to the Senate, of the following answer :
" Gentlemen of the Senate, —
" I will proceed to take measures for the ransom of our citizens
in captivity at Algiers, in conformity with your resolution of ad-
vice of the 1st instant, so soon as the moneys necessary shall be
appropriated by the Legislature, and shall be in readiness.
" The recognition of our treaty with the new Emperor of Mo-
rocco requires also previous appropriation and provision. The
importance of this last to the liberty and property of our citizens,
induces me to urge it on your earliest attention."
Though I have no memorandum of the delivery of this to the
Senate, yet I have not the least doubt it was given in to them,
and will be found among their records.
I find, among my press copies, the following in my hand
writing :
" The committee to report, that the President does not think
that circumstances will justify, in the present instance, his enter-
ing into absolute engagements for the ransom of our captives in
Algiers, nor calling for money from the treasury, nor raising it
by loan, without Drevious authority from both branches of the
Legislature."
April 9, 1792.
I do not recollect the occasion of the above paper with cer-
tainty ; but I think there was a committee appointed by the Sen-
ate to confer with the President on the subject of the ransom,
and to advise what is there declined, and that a member of the
committee advising privately with me as to the report they were
to make to the House, 1 minuted down the above, as the sub-
stance of what he observed to be the proper report, after what
had passed with the President, and gave the original to the mem-
ber, preserving the press copy. I think the member was either
COKKESPONDENCE. 139
Mr. Izard or Mr. Butler, ana have no doubt such a report will be
found on the files of the Senate.
On the 8th of May following, in consequence of questions pro-
posed by the President to the Senate, they came to a resolution,
on which a mission was founded.
TO P. MAZZEL*
MONTICELI.O, April 24, 179(>.
MY DEAR FRIEND, —
***********
The aspect of our politics has wonderfully changed since you
left us. In place of that noble love of liberty and republican
government which carried us triumphantly through the war, an
Anglican monarchical aristocratical party has sprung up, whose
avowed object is to draw over us the substance, as they have al-
ready done the forms, of the British government. The main
body of our citizens, however, remain true to their republican
principles ; the whole landed interest is republican, and so is a
great mass of talents. Against us are the Executive, the Judi-
ciary, two out of three branches of the Legislature, all the offi-
cers of the government, all who want to be officers, all timid
men who prefer the calm of despotism to the boisterous sea of
liberty, British merchants and Americans trading on British capi-
tals, speculators and holders in the banks and public funds, a
contrivance invented for the purposes of corruption, and for as-
similating us in all things to the rotten as well as the sound parts
of the British model. It would give you a fever were I to name
to you the apostates who have gone over to these heresies, men
who were Samsons in the field and Solomons in the council, but
who have had their heads shorn by the harlot England. In
short, we are likely to preserve the liberty we have obtained only
by unremitting labors and perils. But we shall preserve it ; and
our mass of weight and wealth on the good side is so great, as to
[* The first part of this letter is on private business, and is therefore omitted.]
140 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
leave no danger that force will ever be attempted against us.
We have only to awake and snap the Lilliputian cords with
which they have been entangling us during the first sleep which
succeeded our labors.
I will forward the testimonial of the death of Mrs. Mazzei.
which I can do the more incontrovertibly as she is buried in my
grave yard, and I pass her grave daily. The formalities of the
proof you require, will occasion delay. I begin to feel the effects
of age. My health has suddenly broken down, with symptoms
which give me to believe I shall not have much to encounter of
the tedium vita. While it remains, however, my heart will be
warm in its friendships, and among these, will always foster the
affections with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
DEAR SIR, —
TO COLONEL MONROE.
MONTI CELLO, June 12, 1796.
Congress have risen. You will have seen by their proceedings
the truth of what I always observed to you, that one man out-
weighs them all in the influence over the people, who have sup-
ported his judgment against their own and that of their repre-
sentatives. Republicanism must lie on its oars, resign the vessel
to its pilot, and themselves to the course he thinks best for them.
I had always conjectured, from such facts as I could get hold of,
that our public debt was increasing about a million of dollars a
year. You will see by Gallatin's speeches that the thing is
proved. You will see further, that we are completely saddled
and bridled, and that the bank is so firmly mounted on us that
we must go where they will guide. They openly publish a res-
olution, that the national property being increased in value, they
must by an increase of circulating medium furnish an adequate
representation of it, and by further additions of active capital
promote the enterprises of our merchants. It is supposed that
CORRESPONDENCE. 141
the paper in circulation in and around Philadelphia, amounts to
twenty millions of dollars, and that in the whole Union, to one
hundred millions. I think the last too high. All the imported
commodities are raised about fifty per cent, by the depreciation
of the money. Tobacco shares the rise, because it has no com-
petition abroad. Wheat has been extraordinarily high from other
causes. When these cease, it must fall to its ancient nominal
price, notwithstanding the depreciation of that, because it must
contend in market with foreign wheats. Lands had risen within
the vortex of the paper, and as far out as that can influence.
They have not risen at all here. On the contrary, they are lower
than they were twenty years ago. Those I had mentioned to
you, to wit, Carter's and Colle, were sold before your letter came.
Colle at two dollars the acre. Carter's had been offered me for
two French crowns (13s. 2d). Mechanics here get from a dollar
to a dollar and a half a day, yet are much worse off than at the
old prices.
Volney is with me at present. He is on his way to the Illi-
nois. Some late appointments, judiciary and diplomatic, you
will have heard, and stared at. The death of R. Jouett is the
only small news in our neighborhood.
Our best affections attend Mrs. Monroe, Eliza and yourself.
Adieu affectionately.
TO THE PRESIDENT.
MONTICELLO, June 19, 1796.
In Bache's Aurora, of the 9th instant, which came here by
the last post, a paper appears, which, having been confided, as
I presume, to but few hands, makes it truly wonderful how it
should have got there. I cannot be satisfied as to my own part,
till I relieve my mind by declaring, and I attest everything
sacred and honorable to the declaration, that it has got there
neither through me nor the paper confided to me. This has
never been from under my own lock and key, or out of my own
142 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
hands. No mortal ever knew from me, that these questions
had been proposed. Perhaps I ought to except one person, who
possesses all my confidence, as he has possessed yours. I do
not remember, indeed, that I communicated it even to him.
But as I was in the habit of unlimited trust and council with
him, it is possible I may have read it to him ; no more : for the
quire of which it makes a part was never in any hand but my
own, nor was a word ever copied or taken down from it, by any
body. I take on myself, without fear, any divulgation on his
part. We both know him incapable of it. From myself, then,
or my papers, this publication has never been derived. I have
formerly mentioned to you, that from a very early period of
my life, I had laid it down as a rule of conduct, never to
write a word for the public papers. From this, I have never
departed , in a single instance ; and on a late occasion, when all
the world seemed to be writing, besides a rigid adherence to my
own rule, I can say with truth, that not a line for the press was
ever communicated to me, by any other, except a single petition
referred for my correction ; which I did not correct, however,
though the contrary, as I have heard, was said in a public place,
by one person through error, through malice by another. I learn
that this last has thought it worth his while to try to sow tares
between you and me, by representing me as still engaged in the
bustle of politics, and in turbulence and intrigue against the
government. I never believed for a moment that this could
make any impression on you, or that your knowledge of me
would not overweigh the slander of an intriguer, dirtily em-
ployed in sifting the conversations of my table, where alone he
could hear of me ; and seeking to atone for his sins against you
by sins against another, who had never done him any other
injury than that of declining his confidences. Political conver-
sations I really dislike, and therefore avoid where I can without
affectation. But when urged by others, I have never conceived
that having been in public life requires me to belie my senti-
ments, or even to conceal them. When I am led by conversa-
tion to express them, I do it with the same independence here
CORRESPONDENCE. 143
which I have practiced everywhere, and which is inseparable
from my nature. But enough of this miserable tergiversator,
who ought indeed either to have been of more truth, or less
trusted by his country.*
While on the subject of papers, permit me to ask one from
you. You remember the difference of opinion between Hamil-
ton and Knox on the one part, and myself on the other, on the
subject of firing on the little Sarah, and that we had exchanged
opinions and reasons in writing. On your arrival in Philadelphia
I delivered you a copy of my reasons, in the presence of Colonel
Hamilton. On our withdrawing, he told me he had been so
much engaged that he had not been able to prepare a copy of
his and General Knox's for you, and that if I would send you
the one he had given me, he would replace it in a few days. I
immediately sent it to you, wishing you should see both sides
of the subject together. I often after applied to both the gen-
tlement but could never obtain another copy. I have often
thought of asking this one, or a copy of it, back from you, but
have not before written on subjects of this kind to you. Though
I do not know that it will ever be of the least importance to me,
yet one loves to possess arms, though they hope never to have
occasion for them. They possess my paper in my own hand-
writing. It is just I should possess theirs. The only thing
amiss is, that they should have left me to seek a return of the
paper, or a copy of it, from you.
I put away this disgusting dish of old fragments, and talk to
you of my peas and clover. As to the latter article, I have great
encouragement from the friendly nature of our soil. I think I
have had, both the last and present year, as good clover from
common grounds, which had brought several crops of wheat and
corn without ever having been manured, as I ever saw on the
lots around Philadelphia. I verily believe that a yield of thirty-
four acres, sowed on wheat April was twelvemonth, has given
me a ton to the acre at its first cutting this spring. The stalks
[* Here, in the margin of the copy, is written, apparently at a later date,
" General H. Lee."]
144 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
extended, measured three and a half feet long ve/y commonly.
Another field, a year older, and which yielded as well the last
year, has sensibly fallen off this year. My exhausted fields
bring a clover not high enough for hay, but I hope to make seed
from it. Such as these, however, I shall hereafter put into peas
in the broadcast, proposing that one of my sowings of wheat
shall be after two years of clover, and the other after two years
of peas. I am trying the white boiling pea of Europe (the Al-
bany pea) this year, till I can get the hog pea of England, which
is the most productive of all. But the true winter vetch is what
we want extremely. I have tried this year the Carolina drill.
It is absolutely perfect. Nothing can be more simple, nor per-
form its office more perfectly for a single row. I shall try to
make one to sow four rows at a time of wheat or peas, at twelve
inches distance. I have one of the Scotch threshing machines
nearly finished. It is copied exactly from a model Mr. Pinckney
sent me, only that I have put the whole works (except the
horse wheel) into a single frame, movable from one field to an-
other on the two axles of a wagon. It will be ready in time for
the harvest which is coming on, which will give it a full trial.
Our wheat and rye are generally fine, and the prices talked of
bid fair to indemnify us for the poor crops of the two last years.
I take the liberty of putting under your cover a letter to the
son of the Marquis de la Fayette, not exactly knowing where to
direct to him.
With very affectionate compliments to Mrs. Washington, I
have the honor to be, with great and sincere esteem and respect,
Dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.
TO M. DE LA FAYETTE.
MONTICELLO, June 19, 1796.
DEAR SIR, — The inquiries of Congress were the first intima-
tion which reached my retirement of your being in this country,
CORRESPONDENCE. 145
/
and from 1VJ. Volney, now with me, I first learned where you
are. I avail myself of the earliest moments of this information,
to express to you the satisfaction with which I learn that you
are in a land of safety, where you will meet in every person the
friend of your worthy father and family. Among these, I heg
leave to mingle my own assurances of sincere attachment to
him, and my desire to prove it by every service I can render
you. I know, indeed, that you are already under too good a
patronage to need any other, and that my distance and retire-
ment render my affections unavailing to you. They exist,
nevertheless, in all their purity and warmth towards your father
and every one embraced by his love ; and no one has wished
with more anxiety to see him once more in the bosom of a na-
tion, who, knowing his works and his worth, desire to make
him and -his family forever their own. You were, perhaps, too
young to remember me personally when in Paris. But I pray
you to remember, that should any occasion offer wherein I can
be useful to you, there is no one on whose friendship and zeal
you may more confidently count. You will, some day perhaps,
take a tour through these States. Should anything in this
part of them attract your curiosity, it would be a circumstance
of great gratification to me to receive you here, and to assure
you in person of those sentiments of esteem and attachment,
with which I am, Dear Sir, your friend and humble servant.
TO MK. KITE.
MONTICELLO, June 29, 1796.
SIR, — The bearer hereof is the Duke de Liancourt, one of
the principal noblemen of France, and one of the richest. All
this he has lost in the revolutions of his country, retaining only
his virtue and good sense, which he possesses in a high degree.
He was President of the National Assembly of France in its
earliest stage, and forced to fly from the proscriptions of Marat.
VOL. IV 10
146 JEFFERSON'S WOEKS.
Being a stranger, and desirous of acquiring some knowledge of
the country he passes through, he has asked me to introduce
him to some person in or near Winchester, but I too am a stran-
ger after so long an absence from my country. Some apology
then is necessary for my undertaking to present this gentleman
to you. It is the general interest of our country that strangers
of distinction passing through it, should be made acquainted
with its best citizens, and those most qualified to give favorable
impressions of it. He well deserves any attentions you will be
pleased to show him. He would have had a letter from Mr.
Madison to you, as he was to have visited Mr. Madison at his
own house, being well acquainted with him, but the uncertainty
whether he has returned home, and his desire to see Staunton,
turns him off the road at this place. I beg leave to add my ac-
knowledgments to his for any civilities you will be pleased to
show him, and to assure you of the sentiments of esteem with
which I am, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS.
MONTICELLO, July 3, 1796.
DEAR SIR, — I take shame to myself for having so long left
unanswered your valuable favor on the subject of the mountains.
But in truth, I am become lazy as to everything except agricul-
ture. The preparations for harvest, and the length of the har-
vest itself, which is not yet finished, would have excused the de-
lay however, at all times and under all dispositions. I ex-
amined, with great satisfaction, your barometrical estimate of the
heights of our mountains ; and with the more, as they corrobo-
rated conjectures on this subject which I had made before. My
estimates had made them a little higher than yours (I speak of
the Blue Ridge). Measuring with a very nice instrument the
angle subtended vertically by the highest mountain of the Blue
Ridge opposite to my own house, a distance of about eighteen
CORRESPONDENCE.
miles south westward, I made the highest about two thousand
feet, as well as I remember, for I can no longer find the notes I
made. You make the south side of the mountain near Rockfish
Gap, one thousand seven hundred and twenty-two feet above
Woods'. You make the other side of the mountain seven hun-
dred and sixty-seven feet. Mr. Thomas Lewis deceased, an ac-
curate man, with a good quadrant, made the north side of the
highest mountain opposite my house something more (I think)
than one thousand feet ; but the mountain estimated by him and
myself is probably higher than that next Rockfish Gap. I do
not remember from what principles I estimated the Peaks of
Otter at four thousand feet ; but some late observations of Judge
Tucker's coincided very nearly with my estimate. Your measures
confirm another opinion of mine, that the Blue Ridge, on its south
side, is the highest ridge in our country compared with its base.
I think your observations on these mountains well worthy of
being published, and hope you will not scruple to let them be
communicated to the world.
You wish me to present to the Philosophical Society the re-
sult of rny philosphrcal researches since my retirement. But, my
good Sir, I have made researches into nothing but what is con-
nected with agriculture. In this way, I have a little matter to
communicate, and will do it ere long. It is the form of a mould-
board of least resistance. I had some years ago conceived the
principles of it, and I explained them to Mr. Rittenhouse. I
have since reduced the thing to practice, and have reason to be-
lieve the theory fully confirmed. I only wish for one of those
instruments used in England for measuring the force exerted in
the draughts of different ploughs, &c., that I might compare the
resistance of my mould-board with that of others. But these in-
struments are not to be had here. In a letter of this date to Mr.
Rittenhouse, I mention a discovery in animal history, very signal
indeed, of which I shall lay before the Society the best account
I can, as soon as I shall have received some other materials col-
lecting for me.
I have seen, with extreme indignation, the blasphemies lately
148 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
vended against the memory of the father of American philosophy.
But his memory will be preserved and venerated as long as the
thunder of heaven shall be heard or feared.
With good wishes to all of his family, and sentiments of great
respect and esteem for yourself, I am, dear Sir, your most obe-
dient, and most humble servant.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
MOXTICELLO, July 10, 1796.
DEAR SIR, — * * * *
The campaign of Congress has closed. Though the Anglomeri
have in the end got their treaty through, and so far have tri-
umphed over the cause of republicanism, yet it has been to them
a dear-bought victory. It has given the most radical shock to
their party which it has ever received ; and there is no doubt,
they would be glad to be replaced on the ground they possessed
the instant before Jay's nomination extraordinary. They see
that nothing can support them but the colossus of the President's
merits with the people, and the moment he retires, that his suc-
cessor, if a monocrat, will be overborne by the republican sense
of his constituents ; if a republican, he will, of course, give fair
play to that sense, and lead things into the channel of harmony
between the governors and governed. In the meantime,
patience.
Among your neighbors there is nothing new. Mr. Rittenhouse
is lately dead. We have had the finest harvest ever known in
this part of the country. Both the quantity and quality of wheat
are extraordinary. We got fifteen shillings a bushel for the last
crop, and hope two-thirds of that at least for the present one.
Most assiduous court is paid to Patrick Henry. He has been
offered everything which they knew he would not accept. Some
impression is thought to be made, but we do not believe it is
radical. If they thought they could count upon him, they would
run him for their Vice President ; their first object being to pro-
CORRESPONDENCE. 149
duce a schism in this State. As it is, they will run Mr. Pinck-
ney ; in which they regard his southern position rather than his
principles. Mr. Jay and his advocate Camillus are completely
treaty-foundered.
We all join in love to Mrs. Monroe ; and accept for yourself
assurances of sincere and affectionate friendship. Adieu.
TO COLONEL J. STUART.
MONTICELLO, November 10, 1796.
DEAR SIR, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your last
favor, together with the bones of the great claw, which accom-
panied it. My anxiety to obtain a thigh bone is such, that I
defer communicating what we have to the Philosophical Society,
in the hope of adding that bone to the collection. We should
then be able to fix the stature of the animal, without going into
conjecture and calculation, as we should possess a whole limb,
from the haunch bone to the claw inclusive. However, as you
announce to me that the recovery of a thigh bone is desperate,
I shall make the communication to the Philosophical Society.
I think it happy that this incident will make known to them a
person so worthy as yourself to be taken into their body, and
without whose attention to these extraordinary remains, the
world might have been deprived of the knowledge of them. I
cannot, however, help believing that this animal, as well as the
mammoth, are still existing. The annihilation of any species
of existence, is so unexampled in any parts of the economy of
nature which we see, that we have a right to conclude, as to the
parts we do not see, that the probabilities against such annihila-
tion are stronger than those for it. In hopes of hearing from
you, as soon as you can form a conclusion satisfactory to your-
self, that the thigh bone will or will not be recovered, I remain,
with great respect and esteem, Dear Sir, your most obedient
servant.
150 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO JAMES MADISON.
MONTICELLO, December 17, 1796.
Your favor of the 5th came to hand last night. The first
wish of my heart was, that you should have been proposed for
the administration of the government. On your declining it,
I wish any body rather than myself ; and there is nothing I so
anxiously hope, as that my name may come out either second
or third. These would be indifferent to me ; as the last would
leave me at home the whole year, and the other two-thirds of it.
I have no expectation that the Eastern States will suffer them-
serves to be so much outwitted, as to be made the tools for
bringing in P. instead of A. I presume they will throw away
their second vote. In this case, it begins to appear possible, that
there may be an equal division where I had supposed the repub-
lican vote would have been considerably minor. It seems also
possible, that the Representatives may be divided. This is a
difficulty from which the Constitution has provided no issue. It
is both my duty and inclination, therefore, to relieve the embar-
rassment, should it happen ; and in that case, I pray you and
authorize you fully, to solicit on my behalf that Mr. Adams may
be preferred. He has always been my senior, from the com-
mencement of our public life, and the expression of the public
will being equal, this circumstance ought to give him the prefer-
ence. And when so many motives will be operating to induce
some of the members to change their vote, the addition of my
wish may have some effect to preponderate the scale. I am
really anxious to see the speech. It must exhibit a very differ-
ent picture of our foreign affairs from that presented in the adieu,
or it will little correspond with my views of them. I think they
never wore so gloomy an aspect since the year 1783. Let
those come to the helm who think they can steer clear of the
difficulties. I have no confidence in myself for the undertaking.
We have had the severest weather ever known in November.
The thermometer was at twelve degrees here and in Goochland,
and I suppose generally. It arrested my buildings very sud-
CORRESPONDENCE. 151
denly, when eight days more would have completed my walls,
and permitted us to cover in. The drought is excessive. From
the middle of October to the middle of December, not rain
enough to lay the dust. A few days ago there fell a small rain,
but the succeeding cold has probably prevented it from sprouting
the grain sown during the drought.
Present me in friendly terms to Messrs. Giles, Venable, and
Page. Adieu affectionately.
TO EDWARD RUTLEDGE.
MONTICELLO, December 27, 1*796.
MY DEAR SIR,— * * * * *
You have seen my name lately tacked to so much of eulogy
and of abuse, that I dare say you hardly thought it meant your
old acquaintance of '76. In truth, I did not know myself under
the pens either of my friends or foes. It is unfortunate for our
peace, that unmerited abuse wounds, while unmerited praise has
not the power to heal. These are hard wages for the services
of all the active and healthy years of one's life. I had retired
after five and twenty years of constant occupation in public
affairs, and total abandonment of my own. I retired much
poorer than when I entered the public service, and desired no-
thing but rest and oblivion. My name, however, was again
brought forward, without concert or expectation on my part ;
(on my salvation I declare it.) I do not as yet know the result,
as a matter of fact ; for in my retired canton we have nothing
later from Philadelphia than of the second week of this month.
Yet I have never one moment doubted the result. I knew it
was impossible Mr. Adams should lose a vote north of the Dela-
ware, and that the free and moral agency of the South would
furnish him an abundant supplement. On principles of public
respect I should not have refused ; but I protest before my God,
that I shall, from the bottom of my heart, rejoice at escaping.
152 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
I know well that no man will ever bring out of that office the
reputation which carries him into it. The honey moon would
be as short in that case as in any other, and its moments of ex-
tasy would be ransomed by years of torment and hatred. I
shall highly value, indeed, the share which I may have had in
the late vote, as an evidence of the share I hold in the esteem
of my countrymen. But in this point of view, a few votes more
or less will be little sensible, and in every other, the minor will
be preferred by me to the major vote. I have no ambition to
govern men ; no passion which would lead me to delight to ride
in a storm. Flumina amo, sylvasque, inglorius. My attach-
ment to my home has enabled me to make the calculation with
rigor, perhaps with partiality, to the issue which keeps me there.
The newspapers will permit me to plant my corn, peas, &c., in
hills or drills as I please (and my oranges, by-the-bye, when you
send them), while our eastern friend will be struggling with the
storm which is gathering over us ; perhaps be shipwrecked in it.
This is certainly not a moment to covet the helm.
I have often doubted whether most to praise or to blame your
line of conduct. If you had lent to your country the excellent
talents you possess, on you would have fallen those torrents of
abuse which have lately been poured forth on me. So far, I
praise the wisdom which has descried and steered clear of a
water-spout ahead. But now for the blame. There is a debt
of service due from every man to his country, proportioned to
the bounties which nature and fortune have measured to him.
Counters will pay this from the poor of spirit; but from you, my
friend, coin was due. There is no bankrupt law in heaven, by
which you may get off with shillings in the pound ; with ren-
dering to a single State what you owed to the whole confeder-
acy. I think it was by the Roman law that a father was denied
sepulture, unless his son would pay his debts. Happy for you
and us, that you have a son whom genius and education have
qualified to pay yours. But as you have been a good father in
everything else, be so in this also. Come forward and pay your
own debts. Your friends, the Mr. Pinckneys, have at length
CORRESPONDENCE. 153
undertaken their tour. My joy at this would be complete if you
were in gear with them. I love to see honest and honorable
men at the helm, men who will not bend their politics to their
purses, nor pursue measures by which they may profit, and then
profit by their measures. Au diable les Bougres ! 1 am at the
end of my curse and bottom of my page, so God bless you and
yours. Adieu affectionately.
Statement from memory, of a letter I wrote to John Adams ;
copy omitted to be retained.
MONTICELLO, December 28, 1796.
DEAR SIR, — The public, and the public papers, have been
much occupied lately in placing us in a point of opposition to
each other. 1 confidently trust we have felt less of it ourselves.
In the retired canton where I live, we know little of what is
passing. Our last information from Philadelphia is of the IGtli
instant. At that date the issue of the late election seems not to
have been known as a matter of fact. With me, however, its
issue was never doubted. I knew the impossibility of your los-
ing a single vote north of the Delaware ; and even if you should
lose that of Pennsylvania in the mass, you would get enough
south of it to make your election sure. I never for a single mo-
ment expected any other issue ; and though I shall not be be-
lieved, yet it is not the less true, that I never wished any other.
My neighbors, as my compurgators, could aver this fact, as see-
ing my occupations and my attachment to them. It is possible,
indeed, that even you may be cheated of your succession by a
trick worthy the subtlety of your arch friend of New York, who
has been able to make of your real friends tools for defeating
their and your just wishes. Probably, however, he will be disap-
pointed as to you ; and my inclinations put me out of his reach.
I leave to others the sublime delights of riding in the storm,
better pleased with sound sleep and a warmer berth below it,
154 JEFFEKSON'S WOKKS.
encircled with the society of my neighbors, friends, and fellow
laborers of the earth, rather than with spies and sycophants.
Still, I shall value highly the share I may have had in the late
vote, as a measure of the share I hold in the esteem of my fel-
low citizens. In this point of view, a few votes less are but
little sensible, while a few more would have been in their effect
very sensible and oppressive to me. I have no ambition to
govern men. It is a painful and thankless office. And never
since the day you signed the treaty of Paris, has our horizon
been so overcast. I devoutly wish you may be able to shun for
us this war, which will destroy our agriculture, commerce, and
credit. If you do, the glory will be all your own. And that
your administration may be filled with glory and happiness to
yourself, and advantage to us, is the sincere prayer of one, who,
though in the course of our voyage, various little incidents have
happened or been contrived to separate us, yet retains for you
the solid esteem of the times when we were working for our
independence, and sentiments of sincere respect and attachment.
Statement from memory, of a letter I wrote to James Madison ;
copy omitted to be retained.
MONTICELLO, January 1, 1797.
DEAR SIR, — Yours of December the 19th is safely received.
I never entertained a doubt of the event of the election. I
knew that the eastern troops were trained in the schools of their
town meetings to sacrifice little differences of opinion to the solid
advantages of operating in phalanx, and that the more free and
moral agency of the other States would fully supply their defi-
ciency. I had no expectation, indeed, that the vote would have
approached so near an equality. It is difficult to obtain full
credit to declarations of disinclination to honors, and most so
with those who still remain in the world. But never was there
a more solid unwillingness, founded on rigorous calculation,
CORRESPONDENCE. 155
formed in the mind of any man, short of peremptory refusal.
No arguments, therefore, were necessary to reconcile me to a re-
linquishment of the first office, or acceptance of the second.
No motive could have induced me to undertake the first, but that
of putting our vessel upon her republican tack, and preventing
her being driven too far to leeward of her true principles. And
the second is the only office in the world about which I cannot
decide in my own mind, whether I had rather have it or not
have it. Pride does not enter into the estimate. For I think
with the Romans of old, that the General of to-day should be a
common soldier to-morrow, if necessary. But as to Mr. Adams,
particularly, I could have no feelings which would revolt at being
placed in a secondary station to him. I am his junior in life, I
was his junior in Congress, his junior in the diplomatic line, and
lately his junior in our civil government. I had written him the
enclosed letter before the receipt of yours. I had intended it for
some time, but had put it off, from time to time, from the dis-
couragement of despair to make him believe me sincere. As
the information by the last post does not make it necessary to
change anything in the letter, I enclose it open for your perusal,
as well that you may be possessed of the true state of disposi-
tions between us, as that if there be any circumstance which
might render its delivery ineligible, you may return it to me. If
Mr. Adams could be induced to administer the government on its
true principles, quitting his bias for an English constitution, it
would be worthy consideration whether it would not for the
public good, to come to a good understanding with him as to his
future elections. He is the only sure barrier against Hamilton's
getting in.
**********
The Political Progress is a work of value and of a singular
complexion. The author's eye seems to be a natural achro-
matic, divesting every object of the glare of color. The former
work of the same title possessed the same kind of merit. They
disgust one, indeed, by opening to his view the ulcerated state
of the human mind. But to cure an ulcer you must go to the
156 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
bottom of it, which no author does more radically than this.
The reflections into which it leads ns are not very flattering to
the human species. In the whole animal kingdom I recollect no
family hut man, steadily and systematically employed in the de-
struction of itself. Nor does what is called civilization produce
any other effect, than to teach him to pursue the principle of the
bellum omnium in omnia on a greater scale, and instead of the
little contest between tribe and tribe, to comprehend all the
quarters of the earth in the same work of destruction. If to
this we add, that as to other animals, the lions and tigers are
mere lambs compared with man as a destroyer, we must con-
clude that nature has been able to find in man alone a sufficient
barrier against the too great multiplication of other animals and
of man himself, an equilibrating power against the fecundity of
generation. While in making these observations, my situation
points my attention to the warfare of man in the physical world,
yours may perhaps present him as equally warring in the moral
one. Adieu. Yours affectionately.
TO MR. VOLNET.
MOXTICELLO, Januarys, 1797.
DEAR SIR, — I received yesterday your two favors of Decem-
ber the 26th and 29th. Your impatience to receive your valise
and its key was natural ; and it is we who have been to blame ;
Mr. Randolph, for not taking information of the vessel and ad-
dress to which your valise was committed, and myself for having
waited till I heard of your being again immerged into the land
of newspapers before I forwarded your key. However, as you
have at length got them safe, I claim absolution under the
proverb, that « all is well which ends well."
About the end of 1793, I received from Mr. Dombey (then at
Lyons) a letter announcing his intention to come here. And in
May, 1794, I received one from a M. L'Epine, dated from New
CORRESPONDENCE. 157
York, and stating himself to be master of the brig de Boon, Cap-
tain Brown, which had sailed from Havre with Mr. Dombey on
board, who had sealed up his baggage and wrote my address on
them, to save them in case of capture ; and that when they were
taken, the address did in fact protect them. He mentioned then
he death of Mr. Dombey, and that he had delivered his baggage
to the Custom House at New York. I immediately wrote to M.
L'Epine, disclaiming any right or interest in the packages under
my address, and authorizing, as far as depended on me, the con-
sul at New York, or any person the representative of Mr. Dom-
bey, to open the packages and dispose of them according to
right. I enclosed this I' tter open to Mr. Randolph, then Secre-
tary of State, to get >K& interference for the liberation of the ef-
fects. It may have happened that he failed to forward the let-
ter, or that M. L'Epine may have gone before it reached New
York. In any r vent, I can do no more than repeat my disclaimer
of any right tc Mr. Dombey's effects, and add all the authority
which I can &vve to yourself, or the consul of France at New
York, to do wjth those effects whatever I might do. Certainly,
it would bo a great gratification to me to receive the Metre and
Grave committed to Mr. Dombey for me, and that you would be
so good as to be the channel of my acknowledgments to Bishop
Gregoire, or any one else to whom I should owe this favor.
You wish to know the state of the air here during the late cold
spell, or rather the present one, for it is at this momont so cold
that the ink freezes in my pen, so that my letter will scarcely be
legible.
The following is copied from my diary.
Sun rise, i? P. M. Sun rise. 3. P. M. Sun rise. 3 P. M.
Nov. 22 CO 69 Bee. 19 50 48 Dec. 28 18 34
23 32 1-2 44 20 19 « 29 30 39
24 23 93
25 2L ~j5
26 12 56
27 15 28
28 18 «
29 2"> 36
30 !j3 43
21 24
«
30 31
34) a
snow 1 1-2 inched
22 12
u
31 34
39 S
deep.
23 5 below 0
11
Jan. 1 0 30
43
24 0
20
2 28
33
25 18
32
3 23
30? a
snow 3 inches
26 21
30
4 23
30 j
deep.
27 15
29
5 21
35
6 27
38
7 25
22
8 12
158 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
In the winter of 1779-80, the mercury in Fahrenheits ther-
mometer fell at Williamsburg once to six degrees above zero. In
1783-84, 1 was at Annapolis without a thermometer, and I do not
know that there was one in that State ; I heard from Virginia,
that the mercury was again down to six degrees. In 1789-90, I
was at Paris. The mercury here was as low as eighteen degrees
below zero, of Fahrenheit. These have been the most remarka-
bly cold winters ever known in America. We are told, however,
that in 1762, at Philadelphia, it was twenty-two degrees below
zero ; in December, 1793, it was three degrees below zero there
by my thermometer. On the 31st of January, 1796, it was one
and three-fourth degrees above zero at Monticello. I shall there-
fore have to change the maximum of our cold, if ever I revise
the Notes on Virginia ; as six degrees above zero was the greatest
which had ever been observed.
It seems possible, from what we hear of the votes at the latf
election, that you may see me in Philadelphia about the begin
ning of March, exactly in that character which, if I were to re-
appear at Philadelphia, I would prefer to all others ; for I chang<
the sentiment of Clorinda to " L'Alte temo, 1'humile non sdegno.'
I have no inclination to govern men. I should have no view?
of my own in doing it ; and as to those of the governed, I had
rather that their disappointment (which must always happen)
should be pointed to any other cause, real or supposed, than to
myself. I value the late vote highly ; but it is only as the index
of the place I hold in the esteem of my fellow citizens. In this
point of view, the difference between sixty-eight and seventy-
one votes is little sensible, and still less that between the real
vote, which was sixty-nine and seventy ; because one real elec-
tor in Pennsylvania was excluded from voting by the miscarriage
of the votes, and one who was not an elector was admitted to
vote. My farm, my family, my books and my building, give me
much more pleasure than any public office would, and, especial-
ly, one which would keep me constantly from them. I had
hoped, when you were here, to have finished the walls of my
house in the autumn, and to have covered it early in winter.
CORRESPONDENCE. 159
But we did not finish them at all. I have to resume the work,
therefore, in the spring, and to take off the roof of the old part
during the summer, to cover the whole. This will render it ne-
cessary for me to make a very short stay in Philadelphia, should the
late vote have given me any public duty there. My visit there will
be merely out of respect to the public, and to the new President.
I am sorry you have received so little information on the sub-
ject of our winds. I had once (before our revolution war) a pro-
ject on the same subject. As I had then an extensive acquaint-
ance over this State, I meant to have engaged some person in
every county of it, giving them each a thermometer, to observe
that and the winds twice a day, for one year, to wit, at sun-rise
and at four P. M., (the coldest and the warmest point of the
twenty-four hours,) and to communicate their observations to me
at the end of the year. I should then have selected the days in
which it appeared that the winds blew to a centre within the
State, and have made a map of them, and seen how far they had
analogy with the temperature of the air. I meant this to be
merely a specimen to be communicated to the Philosophical So-
ciety at Philadelphia, in order to engage them, by means of their
correspondents, to have the same thing done in every State, and
through a series of years. By seizing the days when the winds
centred in any part of the United States, we might, in time, have
come to some of the causes which determine the direction of the
winds, which I suspect to be very various. But this long-winded
project was prevented by the war which came upon us, and since
that I have been far otherwise engaged. I am sure you will have
viewed the subject from much higher ground, and I shall be
happy to learn your views in some of the hours of delassement,
which I hope we are yet to pass together. To this must be add-
ed your observations on the new character of man, which you
ha^e seen in your journey, as he is in all his shapes a curious an-
imal, on whom no one is better qualified to judge than yourself ;
and no one will be more pleased to participate of your views of
him than one, who has the pleasure of offering you his senti-
ments of sincere respect and esteem.
160 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO HENKY TAZEWELL.
MONTICELLO, January 16, 1797.
DEAR SIR, — As far as the public papers are to be credited, I
may suppose that the choice of Vice President has fallen on me.
On this hypothesis I trouble you, and only pray, if it be wrong,
that you will consider this letter as not written. I believe it be-
longs to the Senate to notify the Vice President of his election.
I recollect to have heard, that on the first election of President
and Vice President, gentlemen of considerable office were sent to
notify the parties chosen. But this was the inauguration of our
new government, and ought not to be drawn into example. At
the second election, both gentlemen were on the spot and needed
no messengers. On the present occasion, the President will be
on the spot, so that what is now to be done respects myself
alone ; and considering that the season of notification will al-
ways present one difficulty, that the distance in the present case
adds a second, not inconsiderable, and which may in future hap-
pen to be sometimes much more considerable, I hope the Senate
will adopt that method of notification, which will always be least
troublesome and most certain. The channel of the post is cer-
tainly the least troublesome, is the most rapid, and, considering
also that it may be sent by duplicates and triplicates, is unques-
tionably the most certain. Indorsed to the postmaster at Char-
lottesville, with an order to send it by express, no hazard can en-
danger the notification. Apprehending, that should there be a
difference of opinion on this subject in the Senate, my ideas of
self-respect might be supposed by some to require something
more formal and inconvenient, I beg leave to avail myself of your
friendship to declare, if a different proposition should make it
necessary, that I consider the channel of the post-office as the
most eligible in every respect, and that it is to me the most de-
sirable ; which I take the liberty of expressing, not with a view
of encroaching on the respect due to that discretion which the
Senate have a right to exercise on the occasion, but to render
them the more free in the exercise of it, by taking off whatsoever
CORRESPONDENCE. 161
weight the supposition of a contrary desire in me might have on
the mind of any memher.
I am, with sincere respect, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
MONTICELLO, January 22, 1797.
DEAR SIR, — Yours of the 8th came to hand yesterday. I was
not aware of any necessity of going on to Philadelphia imme-
diately, yet I had determined to do it, as a mark of respect to
the public, and to do away the doubts which have spread, that I
should consider the second office as beneath my acceptance.
The journey, indeed, for the month of February, is a tremendous
undertaking for me, who have not been seven miles from home
since my re-settlement. I will see you about the rising of Con-
gress ; and presume I need not stay there a week. Your letters
written before the 7th of February will still find me here. My
letters inform me that Mr. Adams speaks of me with great friend-
ship, and with satisfaction in the prospect of administering the
government in concurrence with me. I am glad of the first in-
formation, because though I saw that our ancient friendship was
affected by a little leaven, produced partly by his constitution,
partly by the contrivance of others, yet I never felt a diminution
of confidence in his integrity, and retained a solid affection for
him. His principles of government I knew to be changed, but
conscientiously changed. As to my participating in the admin-
istration, if by that he meant the executive cabinet, both duty
and inclination will shut that door to me. I cannot have a wish
to see the scenes of 1793 revived as to myself, and to descend
daily into the arena like a gladiator, to suffer martyrdom in every
conflict. As to duty, the Constitution will know me only as the
member of a legislative body ; and its principle is, that of a separ-
ation of legislative, executive and judiciary functions, except in
cases specified. If this principle be not expressed in direct
VOL. iv. 1 1
162 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
terms, yet it is clearly the spirit of the Constitution, and it ought to
be so commented and acted on by every friend to free government.
I sincerely deplore the situation of our affairs with France.
War with them, and consequent alliance with Great Britain, will
completely compass the object of the executive council, from the
commencement of the war between France and England ; taken
up by some of them from that moment, by others, more latterly.
I still, however, hope it will be avoided. I do not believe Mr.
Adams wishes war with France ; nor do I believe he will truckle
to England as servilely as has been done. If he assumes this
front at once, and shows that he means to attend to self-respect
and national dignity with both the nations, perhaps the depreda-
tions of both on our commerce may be amicably arrested. I
think we should begin first with those who first began with us,
and, by an example on them, acquire a right to re-demand the
respect from which the other party has departed.
I suppose you are informed of the proceeding commenced by
the legislature of Maryland, to claim the south branch of the Po-
tomac as their boundary, and thus of Albemarle, now the central
county of the State, to make a frontier. As it is impossible, up-
on any consistent principles, and after such a length of undis-
turbed possession, that they can expect to establish their claim,
it can be ascribed to no other than an intention to irritate and
d ivide ; and there can be no doubt from what bow the shaft is
shot. However, let us cultivate Pennsylvania, and we need not
fear the universe. The Assembly have named me among those
who are to manage this controversy. But I am so averse to mo-
tion and contest, and the other members are so fully equal to the
business, that I cannot undertake to act in it. I wish you were
added to them. Indeed, I wish and hope you may consent to be
added to our Assembly itself. There is no post where you can
render greater services, without going out of your State. Let
but this block stand firm on its basis, and Pennsylvania do the
same, our Union will be perpetual, and our General Government
kept within the bounds and form of the Constitution. Adieu af-
fectionately.
CORRESPONDENCE. 163
TO G. WYTHE.
MONTICELLO, January 22 1797.
It seems probable that I will be called on to preside in a leg-
islative chamber. It is now so long since I have acted in the
legislative line, that I am entirely rusty in the Parliamentary
rules of procedure. I know they have been more studied and
are better known by you than by any man in America, perhaps
by any man living. I am in hopes that while inquiring into
the subject you made notes on it. If any such remain in your
hands, however informal, in books or in scraps of paper, and you
will be so good as to trust me with them a little while, they shall
be most faithfully returned. If they lie in small compass they
might come by post, without regard to expense. If voluminous,
Mr. Randolph will be passing through Richmond on his way
from Varina to this place about the 10th of February, and could
give them a safe conveyance. Did the Assembly do anything
for the preservation by publication of the laws ? With great af-
fection, adieu.
TO JOHN LANGDON.
MONTICELLO, January 22, 1797.
DEAR SIR, — Your friendly letter of the 2d instant, never came
to hand till yesterday, and I feel myself indebted for the solicit-
ude you therein express for my undertaking the office to which
you inform me I am called. I know not from what source an
idea has spread itself, which I have found to be generally spread,
that I would accept the office of President of the United States,
but not of Vice President. When I retired from the office I last
held, no man in the Union less expected than I did, ever to have
come forward again ; and, whatever has been insinuated to the
contrary, to no man in the Union was the share which my name
bore in the late contest, more unexpected than it was to me.
If I had contemplated the thing beforehand, and suffered my
164 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
will to enter into action at all on it, it would have been in a di-
rection exactly the reverse of what has heen imputed to me ; but
I had no right to a will on the subject, much less to control that
of the people of the United States in arranging us according to
our capacities. Least of all could I have any feelings which
would revolt at taking a station secondary to Mr. Adams. I
have been secondary to him in every situation in which we ever
acted together in public life for twenty years past. A contrary
position would have been the novelty, and his the right of re-
volting at it. Be assured then, my dear Sir, that if I had had a
fibre in my composition still looking after public office, it would
have been gratified precisely by the very call you are pleased to
announce to me, and no other. But in truth I wish for neither
honors nor offices. I am happier at home than I can be else-
where. Since, however, I am called out, an object of great anx-
iety to me is that those with whom I am to act, shutting their
minds to the unfounded abuse of which I have been the subject,
will view me with the same candor with which I shall certainly
act. An acquaintance of many long years ensures to me your just
support, as it does to you the sentiments of sincere respect and
attachment with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO DOCTOR JOHN EDWARDS.
MOXTICELLO, January 22, 1797.
DEAR SIR, — I was yesterday gratified with the receipt of your
favor of December 15th, which gave me the first information of
your return from Europe. On the 20th of October I received a
letter of July 30th from Colonel Monroe, but did not know
through what channel it came. I should be glad to see the de-
fence of his conduct which you possess, though no paper of that
title is necessary for me. He was appointed to an office during
pleasure merely to get him out of the Senate, and with an inten-
tion to seize the first pretext for exercising the pleasure of recall-
CORRESPONDENCE. 165
ing him. As I shall be at Philadelphia the first week in March,
perhaps I may have an opportunity of seeing the paper there in
Mr. Madison's hands. I think with you it will be best to pub-
lish nothing concerning Colonel Monroe till his return, that he
may accommodate the complexion of his publication to times
and circumstances. When you left America you had not a good
opinion of the train of our affairs. I dare say you do not find
that they have got into better train. It will never be easy to
convince me that by a firm yet just conduct in 1793, we might
not have obtained such a respect for our neutral rights from
Great Britain, as that her violations of them and use of our
means to all her wars, would not have furnished any pretence to
the other party to do the same. War with both would have
been avoided, commerce and navigation protected and enlarged.
We shall now either be forced into a war, or have our commerce
and navigation at least totally annihilated, and the produce of
our farms for some years left to rot on our hands. A little time
will unfold these things, and show which class of opinions would
have been most friendly to the firmness of our government, and
to the interests of those for whom it was made. I am, with
great respect, dear Sir, your most obedient servant.
TO DOCTOR BUSH.
MONTICELLO, January 22, 1797.
DEAR SIR, — I received yesterday your kind favor of the 4th
instant, and the eulogium it covered on the subject of our late
invaluable friend Rittenhouse, and I perused it with the avidity
and approbation which the matter and manner of everything
from your pen has long taught me to feel. I thank you too for
your congratulations on the public call on me to undertake the
second office in the United States, but still more for the justice
you do me in viewing as I do the escape from the first. I have
no wish to meddle again in public affairs, being happier at home
166 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
than I can be anywhere else. Still less do I wish to engage in
an office where it would be impossible to satisfy either friends or
foes, and least of all at a moment when the storm is about to
burst, which has been conjuring up for four years past. If I am
to act however, a more tranquil and unoffending station could
not have been found for me, nor one so analogous to the dis-
positions of my mind. It will give me philosophical evenings
in the winter, and rural days in summer. I am indebted to the
Philosophical Society a communication of some bones of an ani-
mal of the lion kindy but of most exaggerated size. What are
we to think of a creature whose claws were eight inches long,
when those of the lion are not 1 1-2 inches ; whose thigh-bone
was 6 1-4 diameter; when that of the lion is not 1 1-2 inches ?
Were not the things within the jurisdiction of the rule and com-
pass, and of ocular inspection, credit to them could not be ob-
tained. I have been disappointed in getting the femur as yet,
but shall bring on the bones I have, if I can, for the Society, and
have the pleasure of seeing you for a few days in the first week
of March. I wish the usual delays of the publications of the So-
ciety may admit the addition to our new volume, of this interest-
ing article, which it would be best to have first announced un-
der the sanction of their authority. I am, with sincere esteem,
dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
MONTICELLO, January 30, 1797.
Yours of the 18th came to hand yesterday. I am very thank-
ful for the discretion you have exercised over the letter. That
has happened to be the case, which I knew to be possible, that
the honest expression of my feelings towards Mr. Adams might
be rendered mal-apropos from circumstances existing, and known
at the seat of government, but not known by me in my retired
situation. Mr. Adams and myself were cordial friends from the
CORRESPONDENCE. 167
beginning of the revolution. Since our return from Europe,
some little incidents have happened, which were capable of af-
fecting a jealous mind like his. His deviation from that line
of politics on which we had been united, has not made me less
sensible of the rectitude of his heart ; and I wished him to know
this, and also another truth, that I am sincerely pleased at hav-
ing escaped the late draught for the helm, arid have not a wish
which he stands in the way of. That he should be convinced
of these truths, is important to our mutual satisfaction, and per-
haps to the harmony and good of the public service. But there
was a difficulty in conveying them to him, and a possibility that
the attempt might do mischief there or somewhere else ; and I
would not have hazarded the attempt, if you had not been in
place to decide upon its expediency. It has now become unneces-
sary to repeat it by a letter.
*********
I have turned to the Constitution and laws, and find nothing
to warrant the opinion that I might not have been qualified
here, or wherever else I could meet with a Senator ; any mem-
ber of that body being authorized to administer the oath, without
being confined to time or place, and consequently to make a re-
cord of it, and to deposit it with the records of the Senate.
However, I shall come on, on the principle which had first deter-
mined me, — respect to the public. I hope I shall be made a part
of no ceremony whatever. I shall escape into the city as covert-
ly as possible. If Governor Mifflin should show any symptoms
of ceremony, pray contrive to parry them. We have now fine
mild weather here. The thermometer is above the point which
renders fires necessary. Adieu affectionately.
TO JAMES SULLIVAN.
MONTICELLO, February 9, 1797.
DEAR SIR, — I have many acknowledgments to make for the
friendly anxiety you are pleased to express in your letter of
168 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
January the 12th, for my undertaking the office to which I have
been elected. The idea that I would accept the office of Pres-
ident, but not that of Vice President of the United States, had
not its origin with me. I never thought of questioning the free
exercise of the right of my fellow citizens, to marshal those
whom they call into their service according to their fitness, nor
ever presumed that they were not the best judges of that. Had
I indulged a wish in what manner they should dispose of me, it
would precisely have coincided with what they have done.
Neither the splendor, nor the power, nor the difficulties, nor the
fame or defamation, as may happen, attached to the first magis-
tracy, have any attractions for me. The helm of a free govern-
ment is always arduous, and never was ours more so, than at a
moment when two friendly people are like to be committed in
war by the ill temper of their administrations. I am so much
attached to my domestic situation, that I would not have wished
to leave it at all. However, if I am to be called from it, the
shortest absences and most tranquil station suit me best. I value
highly, indeed, the part my fellow citizens gave me in their late
vote, as an evidence of their esteem, and I am happy in the in-
formation you are so kind as to give, that many in the eastern
quarter entertain the same sentiment.
Where a constitution, like ours, wears a mixed aspect of mon-
archy and republicanism, its citizens will naturally divide into
two classes of sentiment, according as their tone of body or mind,
their habits, connections and callings, induce them to wish to
strengthen either the monarchial or the republican features of the
Constitution. Some will consider it as an elective monarchy,
which had better be made hereditary, and therefore endeavor to
lead towards that all the forms and principles of its administra-
tion. Others will view it as an energetic republic, turning in all
its points on the pivot of free and frequent elections. The great
body of our native citizens are unquestionably of the republican
sentiment. Foreign education, and foreign connections of in-
terest, have produced some exceptions in every part of the Union,
north and south, and perhaps other circumstances in your quarter,
CORRESPONDENCE. 169
better known to yon, may have thrown into the scale of ex-
ceptions a greater number of the rich. Still there, I believe, and
here, I am sure, the great mass is republican. Nor do any of
the forms in which the public disposition has been pronounced
in the last half dozen years, evince the contrary. All of them,
when traced to their true source, have only been evidences of
the preponderant popularity of a particular great character. That
influence once withdrawn, and our countrymen left to the oper-
ation of their own unbiassed good sense, I have no doubt we
shall see a pretty rapid return of general harmony, and our
citizens moving in phalanx in the paths of regular liberty, order,
and a sacrosanct adherence to the constitution. Thus I think it
will be, if war with France can be avoided. But if that unto-
ward event comes athwart us in our present point of deviation,
nobody, I believe, can foresee into what port it will drive us.
I am always glad of an opportunity of inquiring after my most
ancient and respected friend Mr. Samuel Adams. His principles,
founded on the immovable basis of equal right and reason, have
continued pure and unchanged. Permit me to place here my
sincere veneration for him, and wishes for his health and hap-
piness ; and to assure yourself of the sentiments of esteem and
respect with which I am, Dear Sir, your most obedient and most
humble servant.
TO PEREGRINE FITZHUGH, ESQ.
MONTICELLO, April 9, 1797.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of March 25th came safely to hand
with the of covered, for which accept my thanks.
A nephew of mine, Mr. S., who married a daughter of Mr. Carr,
near Georgetown, setting out this day for that place, I have sent
him some of the peas you desired, which he will enclose under
sover to you, and lodge in the care of Mr. Thompson Mason.
This letter goes separately by post, to notify you that you may
call for them in time for the present season. I wish it were in
170 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
my power to satisfy you with respect to the sentiments expressed
by my friend Mr. Madison in the general Convention. But the
papers in my possession are under a seal which I have not broken
yet, and wish not to break, till I have time to give them a
thorough perusal and consideration. Two things may be safely
said ; 1st. When a man whose life has been marked by its can-
dor, has given a latter opinion contrary to a former one, it is
probably the result of further inquiry, reflection and conviction.
This is a sound answer, if the contrariety of sentiment as to the
treaty-making power were really expressed by him on the former
and latter occasion, as was alleged to you. But, 2d. As no man
weighs more maturely than Mr. Madison before he takes a side
on any question, I do not expect he has changed either his
opinion on that subject, or the expressions of it, and therefore I
presume the allegation founded in some misconception or misin-
formation. I have just received a summons to Congress for the
15th of next month. I am sorry for it, as everything pacific
could have been done without Congress, and I hope nothing is
contemplated which is not pacific. I wish I may be as fortunate
in my travelling companions as I was the last trip. I hope you
found your father and family well ; present him, if you please,
the respectful homage of one who knew him when too young
probably to have been known by him, and accept yourself as-
surances of the great esteem of, Dear Sir, your most obedient
humble servant.
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
PHILADELPHIA, May 13, 1797.
MY DEAR FRIEND, — Your favor of the 4th instant came to
hand yesterday. That of the 4th of April, with the one for
Monroe, has never been received. The first, of March 27th, did
not reach me till April the 21st, when I was within a few days
of setting out for this place, and I put off acknowledging it till I
should come here. I entirely commend your dispositions towards
CORRESPONDENCE. 171
Mr. Adams ; knowing his worth as intimately and esteeming it
as much as any one, and acknowledging the preference of his
claims, if any I could have had, to the high office conferred on
him. But in truth, I had neither claims nor wishes on the sub-
ject, though I know it will be difficult to obtain helief of this.
When I retired from this place and the office of Secretary of
State, it was in the firmest contemplation of never more return-
ing here. There had indeed been suggestions in the public
papers, that I was looking towards a succession to the President's
chair, but feeling a consciousness of their falsehood, and ob-
serving that the suggestions came from hostile quarters, I con-
sidered them as intended merely to excite public odium against
me. I never in my life exchanged a word with any person on
the subject, till I found my name brought forward generally, in
competition with that of Mr. Adams. Those with whom I then
communicated, could say, if it were necessary, whether I met
the call with desire, or even with a ready acquiescence, and
whether from the moment of my first acquiescence, I did not de-
voutly pray that the very thing might happen which has hap-
pened. The second office of the government is honorable and
easy, the first is but a splendid misery.
You express apprehensions that stratagems will be used, to
produce a misunderstanding between the President and myself.
Though not a word having this tendency has ever been hazarded
to me by any one, yet I consider as a certainty that nothing will
be left untried to alienate him from me. These machinations
will proceed from the Hamiltonians by whom he is surrounded,
and who are only a little less hostile to him than to me. It cannot
but damp the pleasure of cordiality, when we suspect that it is
suspected. I cannot help thinking, that it is impossible for Mr.
Adams to believe that the state of my mind is what it really is ;
that he may think I view him as an obstacle in my way. I have
no supernatural power to impress truth on the mind of another,
nor he any to discover that the estimate which he may form, on
a just view of the human mind as generally constituted, may not
be just in its application to a special constitution. This may be
172 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
a source of piivate uneasiness to us ; I honestly confess that it is
so to me at this time. But neither of us is capable of letting it
have effect on our public duties. Those who may endeavor to
separate us, are probably excited by the fear that I might have
influence on the executive councils ; but when they shall know
that I consider my office as constitutionally confined to legislative
functions, and that I could not take any part whatever in exec-
utive consultations, even were it proposed, their fears may per-
haps subside, and their object be found not worth a machination.
I do sincerely wish with you, that we could take our stand on
a ground perfectly neutral and independent towards all nations.
It has been my constant object through my public life; and
with respect to the English and French, particularly, I have too
often expressed to the former my wishes, and made to them
propositions verbally and in writing, officially and privately, to
official and private characters, for them to doubt of my views, if
they would be content with equality. Of this they are in pos-
session of several written and formal proofs, in my own hand
writing. But they have wished a monopoly of commerce and
influence with us ; and they have in fact obtained it. When we
take notice that theirs is the workshop to which we go for all
we want ; that with them centre either immediately or ultimately
all the labors of our hands and lands; that to them belongs
either openly or secretly the great mass of our navigation ; that
even the factorage of their affairs here, is kept to themselves by
factitious citizenships ; that these foreign and false citizens now
constitute the great body of what are called our merchants, fill
our sea ports, are planted in every little town and district of the
interior country, sway everything in the former places by their
own votes, and those of their dependants, in the latter, by their
insinuations and the influence of their ledgers ; that they are ad-
vancing fast to a monopoly of our banks and public funds, and
thereby placing our public finances under their control ; that they
have in their alliance the most influential characters in and out
of office ; when they have shown that by all these bearings on
the different branches of the government, they can force it to
CORKESPOtfDENCE. 173
proceed in whatever direction they dictate, and bend the interests
of this country entirely to the will of another ; when all this, I
say, is attended to, it is impossible for us to say we stand on in-
dependent ground, impossible for a free mind not to see and to
groan under the bondage in which it is bound. If anything
after this could excite surprise, it would be that they have been
able so far to throw dust in the eyes of our own citizens, as to
fix on those who wish merely to recover self-government the
charge of subserving one foreign influence, because they resist
submission to another. But they possess our printing presses, a
powerful engine in their government of us. At this very mo-
ment, they would have drawn us into a war on the side of
England, had it not been for the failure of her bank. Such was
their open and loud cry, and that of their gazettes till this event.
After plunging us in all the broils of the European nations, there
would remain but one act to close our tragedy, that is, to break
up our Union ; and even this they have ventured seriously and
solemnly to propose and maintain by arguments in a Connecticut
paper. I have been happy, however, in believing, from the
stifling of this effort, that that dose was found too strong, and
excited as much repugnance there as it did horror in other parts
of our country, and that whatever follies we may be led into as
to foreign nations, we shall never give up our Union, the last
anchor of our hope, and that alone which is to prevent this
heavenly country from becoming an arena of gladiators. Much
as I abhor war, and view it as the greatest scourge of mankind,
and anxiously as I wish to keep out of the broils of Europe, I
would yet go with my brethren into these, rather than separate
from them. But I hope we may still keep clear of them, not-
withstanding our present thraldom, and that time may be given
us to reflect on the awful crisis we have passed through, and to
find some means of shielding ourselves in future from foreign in-
fluence, political, commercial, or in whatever other form it may
be attempted. I can scarcely withhold myself from joining in
the wish of Silas Deane, that there were an ocean of fire be-
tween us and the old world.
174 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
A perfect confidence that you are as much attached to peace
and union as myself, that you equally prize independence of all
nations, and the blessings of self-government, has induced me
freely to unbosom myself to you, and let you see the light in
which I have viewed what has been passing among us from the
beginning of the war. And I shall be happy, at all times, in an
intercommunication of sentiments with you, believing that the
dispositions of the different parts of our country have been con-
siderably misrepresented and misunderstood in each part, as to
the other, and that nothing but good can result from an exchange
of information and opinions between those whose circumstances
and morals admit no doubt of the integrity of their views.
I remain, with constant and sincere esteem, Dear Sir, your
affectionate friend and servant.
TO COLONEL BELL.
PHILADELPHIA, May 18, 1797.
DEAR SIR, — I enclose you a copy of the President's speech at
the opening of Congress, from which you will see what were
the objects in calling us together. When we first met, our in-
formation from the members from all parts of the Union, were
that peace was the universal wish. Whether they will now
raise their tone to that of the Executive, and embark in all the
measures indicative of war, and, by taking a threatening posture,
provoke hostilities from the opposite party, is far from being
certain. There are many who think, that, not to support the
Executive, is to abandon Government. As far as we can judge
as yet, the changes in the late election have been unfavorable to
the Republican interest ; still, we hope they will neither make
nor provoke war. There appears no probability of any embargo,
general or special ; the bankruptcy of the English Bank is ad-
mitted to be complete, and nobody scarcely will venture to buy
or draw bills, lest they should be paid there in depreciated cur-
CORRESPONDENCE. 175
rency. They prefer remitting dollars, for which they will get
an advanced price ; but this will drain us of our specie. Good
James river tobacco is 8£ to 9 dollars, flour 8V to 9 dollars, wheat
not saleable. The bankruptcies have been immense, but are
rather at a stand. Be so good as to make known to our com-
mercial friends of your place and Milton, the above commercial
intelligence. Adieu.
P. S. — Take care that nothing from my letter gets into the
newspapers.
TO MR. GIROUD.
PHILADELPHIA, May 22, 1797.
SIR, — I received at this place, from Mr. Bache, the letter of
20th Germinal, with the seeds of the bread-tree which you were
so kind as to send me. I am happy that the casual circum-
stances respecting Oglethorpe's affairs, has led to this valuable
present, and I shall take immediate measures to improve the
opportunity it gives us of introducing so precious a plant into
our Southern States. The successive supplies of the same seeds
which you are kind enough to give me expectations of receiving
from you, will, in like manner, be thankfully received, and dis-
tributed to those persons and places most likely to render the
experiment successful. One service of this kind rendered to a
nation, is worth more to them than all the victories of the most
splendid pages of their history, and becomes a source of exalted
pleasure to those who have been instrumental to it. May that
pleasure be yours, and your name be pronounced with gratitude
by those who will at some future time be tasting the sweets of
the blessings you are now procuring them. With my thanks for
this favor, accept assurances of the sentiments of esteem and re-
gard with which I am, &c.
176 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO THOMAS PINCKNEY.
PHILADELVHIA, May 29, 1797.
DEAR SIR, — I received from you, before you left England, a
letter enclosing one from the Prince of Parma. As I learnt soon
after that you were shortly to return to America, I concluded to
join my acknowledgments of it with my congratulations on your
arrival ; and both have been delayed by a blameable spirit of
procrastination, forever suggesting to our indolence that we need
not do to-day what may be done to-morrow. Accept these now,
in all the sincerity of my heart. It is but lately I have answered
the Prince's letter. It required some time to establish arrange-
ments which might effect his purpose, and I wished also to for-
ward a particular article or two of curiosity. You have found
on your return a higher style of political difference than you had
left here. I fear this is inseparable from the different constitu-
tions of the human mind, and that degree of freedom which per-
mits unrestrained expression. Political dissension is doubtless a
less evil than the lethargy of despotism, but still it is a great evil,
and it would be as worthy the efforts of the patriot as of the
philosopher, to exclude its influence, if possibly, from social life.
The good are rare enough at best. There is no reason to sub-
divide them by artificial lines. But whether we shall ever be
able so far to perfect the principles of society, as that political
opinions shall, in its intercourse, be as inoffensive as those of
philosophy, mechanics, or any other, may be well doubted.
Foreign influence is the present and just object of public hue
and cry, and, as often happens, the most guilty are foremost and
loudest in the cry. If those who are truly independent, can so
trim our vessel as to beat through the waves now agitating us,
they will merit a glory the greater as it seems less possible.
When I contemplate the spirit which is driving us on here, and
that beyond the water which will view us as but a mouthful the
more, I have little hope of peace. I anticipate the burning of
our sea ports, havoc of our frontiers, household insurgency, with
a long train of et ceteras, which is enough for a man to have
CORRESPONDENCE. 177
met once in his life. The exchange, which is to give us new
neighbors in Louisiana (probably the present French armies
when disbanded) has opened us to a combination of enemies on
that side where we are most vulnerable. War is not the best
engine for us to resort to, nature has given us one in our com-
merce, which, if properly managed, will be a better instrument
for obliging the interested nations of Europe to treat us with
justice. If the commercial regulations had been adopted which
our Legislature were at one time proposing, we should at this
moment have been standing on such an eminence of safety and
respect as ages can never recover. But having wandered from
that, our object should now be to get back, with as little loss as
possible, and, when peace shall be restored to the world, en-
deavor so to form our commercial regulations as that justice from
other nations shall be their mechanical result. I am happy to
assure you that the conduct of Gen. Pinckney has met universal
approbation. It is marked with that coolness, dignity, and good
sense which we expected from him. I am told that the French
government had taken up an unhappy idea, that Monroe was
recalled for the candor of his conduct in what related to the
British Treaty, and Gen. Pinckney was sent as having other
dispositions towards them. I learn further, that some of their
well-informed citizens here are setting them right as to Gen.
Pinckney's dispositions, so well known to have been just to-
wards them ; and I sincerely hope, not only that he may be em-
ployed as Envoy Extraordinary to them, but that their minds
will be better prepared to receive him. I candidly acknowledge,
however, that I do not think the speech and addresses of Con-
gress as conciliatory as the preceding irritations on both sides
would have rendered wise. I shall be happy to hear from you
at all times, to make myself useful to you whenever opportunity
offers, and to give every proof of the sincerity of the sentiments
of esteem and respect with which I am, Dear Sir, your most
obedient and most humble servant.
VOL. IV. 12
178 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO GENERAL GATES.
PHILADELPHIA, May 30, 1797.
DEAR GENERAL, — I thank you for the pamphlet of Erskine en-
closed in your favor of the 9th instant, and still more for the
evidence which your letter affords me of the health of your
mind, and I hope of your body also. Erskine has been reprinted
here, and has done good. It has refreshed the memory of those
who had been willing to forget how the war between France
and England had been produced ; and who, apeing St. James',
called it a defensive war on the part of England. I wish any
events could induce us to cease to copy such a model, and to
assume the dignity of being original. They had their paper
system, stockjobbing, speculations, public debt, moneyed interest,
&c., and all this was contrived for us. They raised their cry
against jacobinism and revolutionists, we against democratic so-
cieties and anti-federalists ; their alarmists sounded insurrection
ours marched an army to look for one, but they could not find it
I wish the parallel may stop here, and that we may avoid, in-
stead of imitating, a general bankruptcy and disastrous war.
Congress, or rather the Representatives, have been a fortnight
debating between a more or less irritating answer to the Presi-
dent's speech. The latter was lost yesterday, by forty-tight
against fifty-one or fifty-two. It is believed, however, that when
they come to propose measures leading directly to war, they will
lose some of their numbers. Those who have no wish but for
the peace of their country, and its independence of all foreign
influence, have a hard struggle indeed, overwhelmed by a cry
as loud and imposing as if it were true, of being under French
influence, and this raised by a faction composed of English sub-
jects residing among us, or such as are English in all their rela-
tions and sentiments. However, patience will bring all to
rights, and we shall both live to see the mask taken from their
faces, and our citizens sensible on which side true liberty and
independence are sought. Should any circumstance draw me
further from home, I shall with great cordiality pay my respects
CORRESPONDENCE. 179
to yoi. at Rose Hill, and am not without hope of meeting you
here some time.
Here, there, and everywhere else, I am with great and sincere
attachment and respect, your friend and servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, June 1, 1197.
DEAR SIR, — I wrote you on the ISth of May. The address
of the Senate was soon after that. The first draught was re-
sponsive to the speech, and higher toned. Mr. Henry arrived
the day it was reported ; the addressers had not yet their
strength around them. They listened therefore to his objec-
tions, recommitted the papers, added him and Tazewell to the
committee, and it was reported with considerable alterations ;
but one great attack was made on it, which was to strike out
the clause approving everything heretofore done by the execu-
tive. This clause was retained by a majority of four. They
received a new accession of members, held a caucus, took up all
the points recommended in the speech, except the raising money,
agreed the list of every committee, and on Monday passed the
resolutions and appointed the committees, by an uniform vote
of seventeen to eleven. (Mr. Henry was accidentally absent ;
Ross not then come.) Yesterday they took up the nomination
of John Q-uincy Adams to Berlin, which had been objected to as
extending our diplomatic establishment. It was approved by
eighteen to fourteen. (Mr. Tatnall accidentally absent.) From
the proceedings we are able to see, that eighteen on the one
side and ten on the other, with two wavering votes, will decide
every question. Schuyler is too ill to come this session, and
Gunn has not yet come. Pinckney (the General), John Marshall
and Dana are nominated Envoys Extraordinary to Prance. Chas.
Lee consulted a member from Virginia to know whether Mar-
shall would be agreeable. He named you, as more likely to
180 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
give satisfaction. The answer was, " Nobody of Mr. Madison's
way of thinking will be appointed."
The representatives have not yet got through their addresses.
An amendment of Mr. Nicholas', which you will have seen in
the papers, was lost by a division of forty-six to fifty-two. A
clause by Mr. Dayton, expressing a wish that Prance might be
put on an equal footing with other nations, was inserted by fifty-
two against forty-seven. This vote is most worthy of notice,
because the moderation and justice of the proposition being un-
questionable, it shows that there are forty-seven decided to go to
all lengths to* # # # # # #
They have received a new orator from the district of Mr. Ames.
He is the son of the Secretary of the Senate. They have an
accession from South Carolina also, that State being exactly
divided. In the House of Representatives I learned the follow-
ing facts, which give me real concern. When the British treaty
arrived at Charleston, a meeting, as you know, was called, and a
committee of seventeen appointed, of whom General Pinckney
was one. He did not attend. They waited for him, sent for
him ; he treated the mission with great hauteur, and disapproved
of their meddling. In the course of the subsequent altercations,
he declared that his brother, T. Pinckney, approved of every arti-
cle of the treaty, under the existing circumstances, and since
that time, the politics of Charleston have been assuming a differ-
ent hue. Young Rutledge joining Smith and Harper, is an
ominous fact as to that whole interest.
Tobacco is at nine dollars, and flour very dull of sale. A great
stagnation in commerce generally. During the present bank-
ruptcy in England, the merchants ^eem disposed to lie on their
oars. It is impossible to conjecture the rising of Congress, as it
will depend on the system they decide on ; whether of prepara-
tion for war, or inaction. In the vote of forty-six to fifty-two,
Morgan, Machir and Evans were of the majority, and Clay kept
his seat, refusing to vote with either. In that of forty-seven to
fifty-two, Evans was the only one of our delegation who
[* A few lines are here illegible.]
COKRESPONDENCE. 181
voted against putting France on an equal footing with other na-
tions.
P. M. So far, I had written in the morning. I now take up
my pen to add, that the addresses having been reported to the
House, it was moved to disagree to so much of the amendment
as went to the putting France on an equal footing with other na-
tions, and Morgan and Machir turning tail, (in consequence, as is
said, of having been closeted last night by Charles Lee,) the vote
was forty-nine to fifty. So the principle was saved by a single
vote. They then proposed that compensations for spoliations
shall be a sine qua non, and this will be decided on to-morrow.
Yours affectionately.
TO FRENCH STROKER, ESQ.
PHILADELPHIA. June 8, 1797.
DEAR SIR, — In compliance with the desire you expressed in
the few short moments I had the pleasure of being with you at
Fredericksburg, I shall give you some account of what is passing
here. The President's speech you will have seen ; and how far
its aspects was turned towards war. Our opinion here is that the
Executive had that in contemplation, and were not without ex-
pectation that the Legislature might catch the flame. A powerful
part of that has shown a disposition to go all lengths with the
Executive ; and they have been able to persuade some of more
moderate principles to go so far with them as to join them in a
very sturdy address. They have voted the completing and
manning the three frigates, and going on with the fortifications.
The Senate have gone much further, they have brought in bills
for buying more armed vessels, sending them and the frigates out
as convoys to our trade, raising more cavalry, more artillerists,
and providing a great army, to come into active service only, if
necessary. They have not decided whether they will permit the
merchants to arm. The hope and belief is that the Representa-
tives will concur in none of these measures, though their divisions
J.82 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
hitherto have heen so equal as to leave us under doubt and ap-
prehension. The usual majorities have been from one to six
votes, and these sometimes one way, sometimes the other. Three
of the Virginia members dividing from their collegues occasion
the whole difficulty. If they decline these measures, we shall
rise about the 17th instant. It appears that the dispositions of
the French government towards us wear a very angry cast in-
deed, and this before Pickering's letter to Pinckney was known
to them. We do not know what effect that may produce. We
expect Paine every day in a vessel from Havre, and Colonel
Monroe in one from Bordeaux. Tobacco keeps up at a high
price and will still rise ; flour is dull at $7 50. I am, with great
esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO MR. MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, June 15, 1797. — A.M.
My last was of the 8th instant. I had enclosed you separ-
ately a paper giving you an account of Bonaparte's last great
victory. Since which, we receive information that the prelimin-
aries of peace were signed between France and Austria. Mr.
Hammond will have arrived at Vienna too late to influence terms.
The victories lately obtained by the French on the Rhine, were
as splendid as Bonaparte's. The mutiny on board the English
fleet, though allayed for the present, has impressed that country
with terror. King has written letters to his friends recommend-
ing a pacific conduct towards France, notwithstanding the con-
tinuance of her injustices ? Volney is convinced France will not
make peace with England, because it is such an opportunity of
sinking her as she never had and may not have again. Bona-
parte's army would have to march seven hundred miles to Calais.
Therefore, it is imagined that the armies of the Rhine will be
destined for England. The Senate yesterday rejected on its sec-
ond reading their own bill for raising four more companies of
CORRESPONDENCE. 183
light dragoons, by a vote of 15 to 13. Their cost would have
been about $120,000 a year. To-day the bill for manning the
frigates and buying nine vessels (about $ 60,000 each,) comes to
its third reading. Some flatter us we may throw it out. The
trial will be in time to mention the issue herein. The bills for
preventing our citizens from engaging in armed vessels of either
party, and for prohibiting exportation of arms and ammunition,
have passed both Houses. The fortification bill is before the
Representatives still. It is thought by many that with all the
mollifying clauses they can give it, it may perhaps be thrown
out. They have a separate bill for manning the three frigates,
but its fate is uncertain. These are probably the ultimate meas-
ures which will be adopted, if even these will be adopted. The
folly of the convocation of Congress at so inconvenient a season
and an expense of $60,000, is now palpable to everybody ; or
rather it is palpable that war was the object, since, that being out
of the question, it is evident there is nothing else. However,
nothing less than the miraculous string of events which have
taken place, to wit, the victories of the Rhine and Italy, peace
with Austria, bankruptcy of England, mutiny in her fleet, and
King's writing letters recommending peace, could have cooled
the fury of the British faction. Even all that will not prevent
considerable efforts still in both parties to show our teeth to
France. We had hoped to have risen this week. It is now
talked of for the 24th, but it is impossible yet to affix a time. I
think I cannot omit being at our court (July 3,) whether Congress
rises or not. If so, I shall be with you on the Friday or Saturday
preceding. I have a couple of pamphlets for you, (Utrum Ho-
rum, and Paine's Agrarian Justice,) being the only things since
Erskine which have appeared worth notice. Besides Bache's
paper there are two others now accommodated to country circu-
lation. Grile's (successor of Oswald) twice a week without ad-
vertisements at four dollars. His debates in Congress are the
same with Clay pole's. Also Smith proposes to issue a paper
once a week, of news only, and an additional sheet while Con-
gress shall be in session, price four dollars. The best daily pa-
184 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
pers now are Bradford's compiled by Loyd, and Marshland and
Gary's. Claypole's you know. Have you remarked the pieces
signed Fabins ? they are written by John Dickinson.
P. M. The bill before the Senate for equipping the three
frigates, and buying nine vessels of not more than twenty guns,
has this day passed on its third reading by 16 against 13. The
fortification bill before the Representatives as amended in com-
mittee of the whole, passed to its third reading by 48 against 41.
Adieu affectionately, with my best respects to Mrs. Madison.
TO COLONEL BURR.
PHILADELPHIA, June 17, 1797.
DEAR SIR, — The newspapers give so minutely what is passing
in Congress, that nothing of detail can be wanting for your in-
formation. Perhaps, however, some general view of our situa-
tion and prospects, since you left us, may not be unacceptable.
At any rate, it will give me an opportunity of recalling myself
to your memory, and of evidencing my esteem for you. You
well know how strong a character of division had been impress-
ed on the Senate by the British treaty. Common error, common
censure, and common efforts of defence had formed the treaty
majority into a common band, which feared to separate even on
other subjects. Towards the close of the last Congress, how-
ever, it had been hoped that their ties began to loosen, and their
phalanx to separate a little. This hope was blasted at the very
opening of the present session, by the nature of the appeal which
the President made to the nation; the occasion for which had
confessedly sprung from the fatal British treaty. This circum-
stance rallied them again to their standard, and hitherto we have
had pretty regular treaty votes on all questions of principle. And
indeed I fear, that as long as the same individuals remain, so long
we shall see traces of the same division. In the House of Rep-
resentatives the republican body has also lost strength. The
CORRESPONDENCE. 185
non-attendance of five or six of that description, has left the ma-
jority very equivocal indeed. A few individuals of no fixed sys-
tem at all, governed by the panic or the prowess of the moment,
flap as the breeze blows against the republican or the aristocratic
bodies, and give to the one or the other a preponderance entirely
accidental. Hence the dissimilar aspect of the address, and of
the proceedings subsequent to that. The inflammatory composi-
tion of the speech excited sensations of resentment which had
slept under British injuries, threw the wavering into the war
scale, and produced the war address. Bonaparte's victories and
those on the Rhine, the Austrian peace, British bankruptcy, mu-
tiny of the seamen, and Mr. King's exhortations to pacific meas-
ures, have cooled them down again, and the scale of peace pre-
ponderates. The threatening propositions therefore, founded in
the address, are abandoned one by one, and the cry begins now
to be, that we have been called together to do nothing. The
truth is, there is nothing to do, the idea of war being scouted by
the events of Europe ; but this only proves that war was the ob-
ject for which we were called. It proves that the executive
temper was for war ; and that the convocation of the Represent-
atives was an experiment of the temper of the nation, to see if it
was in unison. Efforts at negotiation indeed were promised ;
but such a promise was as difficult to withhold, as easy to render
nugatory. If negotiation alone had been meant, that might have
been pursued without so much delay, and without calling the
Representatives ; and if strong and earnest negotiation had been
meant, the additional nomination would have been of persons
strongly and earnestly attached to the alliance of 1778. War
then was intended. Whether abandoned or not, we must judge
from future indications and events ; for the same secrecy and
mystery are affected to be observed by the present, which marked
the former administration. I had always hoped, that the popu-
larity of the late President being once withdrawn from active
effect, the natural feelings of the people towards liberty would
restore the equilibrium between the executive and legislative de-
partments, which had been destroyed by the superior weight and
186 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
effect of that popularity ; and that their natural feelings of moral
obligation would discountenance the ungrateful predilection of
the executive in favor of Great Britain. But unfortunately, the
preceding measures had already alienated the nation who were
the object of them, had excited reaction from them, and this re-
action has on the minds of our citizens an effect which supplies
that of the Washington popularity. This effect was sensible on
some of the late congressional elections, and this it is which has
lessened the republican majority in Congress. When it will be
reinforced, must depend on events, and these are so incalculable,
that I consider the future character of our republic as in the air ;
indeed its future fortune will be in the air, if war is made
on us by France, and if Louisiana becomes a Gallo- American
colony.
I have been much pleased to see a dawn of change in the
spirit of your State. The late elections have indicated some-
thing, which, at a distance, we do not understand. However,
what with the English influence in the lower, and the Patroon
influence in the upper part of your State. I presume little is to be
hoped. If a prospect could be once opened upon us of the
penetration of truth into the eastern States ; if the people there,
who are unquestionably republicans, could discover that they
have been duped into the support of measures calculated to sap
the very foundations of republicanism, we might still hope for
salvation, and that it would come, as of old, from the east. But
will that region ever awake to the true state of things ? Can
the middle, southern and western States hold on till they awake ?
These are painful and doubtful questions ; and if, in assuring me
of your health, you can give me a comfortable solution of them,
it will relieve a mind devoted to the preservation of our repub-
lican government in the true form and spirit in which it was es-
tablished, but almost oppressed with apprehensions that fraud
will at length effect what force could not, and that what with
currents and counter-currents, we shall, in the end, be driven
back to the land from which we launched twenty years ago.
Indeed, my dear Sir, we have been but a sturdy fish on the hook
CORRESPONDENCE. 157
of a dexterous angler, who, letting us flounce till we have spent
our force, brings us up at last.
I am tired of the scene, and this day sen'night shall change it
for one, where, to tranquillity of mind may be added pursuits of
private utility, since none public are admitted by the state of
things.
I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and
servant.
P. S. Since writing the above, we have received a report
that the French Directory has proposed a declaration of war
against the United States to the Council of Ancients, who have
rejected it. Thus we see two nations who love one another
affectionately, brought by the ill temper of their executive ad-
ministrations, to the very brink of a necessity to imbrue their
hands in the blood of each other.
TO ELDRIDGE GERRY.
FH.L^.DKLPHIA, June 21, 1797
MY DEAR FRIEND, — It was with infinite joy to me, that you
were yesterday announced to the Senate, as Envoy Extraor-
dinary, jointly with General Pinckney and Mr. Marshall, to the
French Republic. It gave me certain assurance that there would
be a preponderance in the mission, sincerely disposed to be at
peace with the French government and nation. Peace is un-
doubtedly at present the first object of our nation. Interest
and honor are also national considerations. But interest, duly
weighed, is in favor of peace even at the expense of spoliations
past and future ; and honor cannot now be an object. The in-
sults and injuries committed on us by both the belligerent parties,
from the beginning of 1793 to this day, and still continuing,
cannot now be wiped off by engaging in war with one of them.
As there is great reason to expect this is the last campaign in Eu-
188 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
rope, it would certainly be better for us to rub through this year,
as we have done through the four preceding ones, and hope that
on the restoration of peace, we may be able to establish some
plan for our foreign connections more likely to secure our peace,
interest and honor, in future. Our countrymen have divided
themselves by such strong affections, to the French and the Eng-
lish, that nothing will secure us internally but a divorce from
both nations ; and this must be the object of every real Ameri-
can, and its attainment is practicable without much self-denial.
But for this, peace is necessary. Be assured of this, my dear
Sir, that if we engage in a war during our present passions, and
our present weakness in some quarters, our Union runs the great-
est risk of not coming out of that war in the shape in which it
enters it. My reliance for our preservation is in your acceptance
of this mission. I know the tender circumstances which will
oppose themselves to it. But its duration will be short, and its
reward long. You have it in your power, by accepting and de-
termining the character of the mission, to secure the present peace
and eternal union of your country. If you decline, on motives
of private pain, a substitute may be named who has enlisted his
passions in the present contest, and by the preponderance of his
vote in the mission may entail on us calamities, your share in
which, and your feelings, will outweigh whatever pain a tempo-
rary absence from your family could give you. The sacrifice
will be short, the remorse would be never ending. Let me,
then, my dear Sir, conjure your acceptance, and that you will,
by this act, seal the mission with the confidence of all parties.
Your nomination has given a spring to hope, which was dead
before.
I leave this place in three days, and therefore shall not here
have the pleasure of learning your determination. But it will
reach me in my retirement, and enrich the tranquillity of that
scene. It will add to the proofs which have convinced me that
the man who loves his country on its own account, and not
merely for its trappings of interest or power, can never be
divorced from it, can never refuse to come forward when he
CORRESPONDENCE. 189
finds that she is is engaged in dangers which he has the means
of warding off. Make then an effort, my friend, to renounce
your domestic comforts for a few months, and reflect that to be
a good husband and good father at this moment, you must be
also a good citizen. With sincere wishes for your acceptance
and success, I am, with unalterable esteem, dear Sir, your affec-
tionate friend and servant.
TO MR. MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, June 22, 1797.
The Senate have this day rejected their own bill for raising a
provisional army of 15,000 men. I think they will reject that
for permitting private vessels to arm. The Representatives have
thrown out the bill of the Senate for raising artillery. They
(Wednesday) put off one forbidding our citizens to serve in
foreign vessels of war till November, by a vote of fifty-two to
forty-four. This day they came to a resolution proposing to the
Senate to adjourn on Wednesday, the 28th, by a majority of
four. Thus it is now perfectly understood that the convocation
of Congress is substantially condemned by their several decisions
that nothing is to be done. I may be with you somewhat later
than I expected, say from the 1st to the 4th. Preliminaries of
peace between Austria and France are signed. Wane has
declined the mission to France. Gerry is appointed in his room,
being supported in Senate by the republican vote ; six nays of the
opposite description of Monroe or Payne. Adieu.
TO EDWARD RUTLEDGE.
PHILADELPHIA, June 24, 1797.
MY DEAR SIR, — I have to acknowledge your two favors of
May the 4th and 19th, and to thank you for your attentions to the
commissions for the peas and oranges, which I learn have arrived
in Virginia. Your draft I hope will soon follow on Mr. John
|90 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
Barnes, merchant, here ; who, as I before advised you, is directed
to answer it.
When Congress first met, the assemblage of facts presented in
the President's speech, with the multiplied accounts of spoliations
by the French West Indians, appeared by sundry votes on the
address, to incline a majority to put themselves in a posture of
war. Under this influence the address was formed, and its spirit
would probably have been pursued by corresponding measures,
had the events of Europe been of an ordinary train. But this
has been so extraordinary, that numbers have gone over to those,
who, from the first, feeling with sensibility the French insults, as
they had felt those of England before, thought now as they
thought then, that war measures should be avoided, and those of
peace pursued. Their favorite engine, on the former occasion,
was commercial regulations, in preference to negotiations, to
war preparations and increase of debt. On the latter, as we
have no commerce with France, the restriction of which could
press on them, they wished for negotiation. Those of the oppo-
site sentiment had, on the former occasion, preferred negotiation,
but at the same time voted for great war preparations, and increase
of debt ; now also they were for negotiation, war preparations
and debt. The parties have in debate mutually charged each
other with inconsistency, and with being governed by an attach-
ment to this or that of the belligerent nations, rather than the
dictates of reason and pure Americanism. But, in truth, both
have been consistent ; the same men having voted for Avar
measures who did before, and the same against them now who
did before. The events of Europe coming to us in astonishing
and rapid succession, to wit, the public bankruptcy of England,
Buonaparte's successes, the successes on the Rhine, the Austrian
peace, mutiny of the British fleet, Irish insurrection, a demand
of forty-three millions for the current services of the year, and,
above all, the warning voice, as is said, of Mr. King, to abandon
all thought of connection with Great Britain, that she is going
down irrecoverably, and will sink us also, if we do not clear our-
selves, have brought over several to the pacific party, so as, at
CORRESPONDENCE. 191
present, to give majorities against all threatening measures.
They go on with frigates and fortifications, because they were
going on with them before. They direct eighty thousand of
their militia to hold themselves in readiness for service. But
they reject the propositions to raise cavalry, artillery, and a provi-
sional army, and to trust private ships with arms in the present
combustible state of things. They believe the present is the
last campaign of Europe, and wish to rub through this fragment
of a year as they have through the four preceding ones, opposing
patience to insult, and interest to honor. They will, therefore,
immediately adjourn. This is, indeed, a most humiliating state
of things, but it commenced in 1793. Causes have been add-
ing to causes, and effects accumulating on effects, from that
time to this. We had, in 1793, the most respectable character
in the universe. What the neutral nations think of us now, I
know not ; but we are low indeed with the belligerents. Their
kicks and cuffs prove their contempt. If we weather the present
storm, I hope we shall avail ourselves of the calm of peace, to
place our foreign connections under a new and different arrange-
ment. We must make the interest of every nation stand surety
for their justice, and their own loss to follow injury to us, as
effect follows its cause. As to everything except commerce, we
ought to divorce ourselves from them all. But this system would
require time, temper, wisdom, and occasional sacrifice of interest ;
and how far all of these will be ours, our children may see, but
we shall not. The passions are too high at present, to be cooled
in our day. You and I have formerly seen warm debates and
high political passions. But gentlemen of different politics would
then speak to each other, and separate the business of the Senate
from that of society. It is not so now. Men who have been
intimate all their lives, cross the streets to avoid meeting, and
turn their heads another way, lest they should be obliged to
touch their hats. This may do for young men with whom pas-
sion is enjoyment. But it is afflicting to peaceable minds.
Tranquillity is the old man's milk. I go to enjoy it in a few
days, and to exchange the roar and tumult of bulls and bears, for
192 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
the prattle of my grand-children and senile rest. Be these yours,
my dear friend, through long years, with every other blessing,
and the attachment of friends as warm and sincere, as yours
affectionately.
TO E. RANDOLPH.
PHILADELPHIA, June 27, 1797.
DEAR SIR, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your two
favors of May 26th and 29th, which came to hand in due time,
and relieved my mind considerably, though it was not finally
done. During the vacation we may perhaps be able to hunt up
the letters which are wanting, and get this tornado which has
been threatening us, dissipated.
You have seen the speech and the address, so nothing need
be said on them. The spirit of both has been so whittled down
by Bonaparte's victories, the victories on the Rhine, the Austrian
peace, Irish insurgency, English bankruptcy, insubordination of
the fleet, &c., that Congress is rejecting one by one the measures
brought in on the principles of their own address. But nothing
less than such miraculous events as have been pouring in on us
from the first of our convening could have assuaged the ferment-
ation produced in men's minds. In consequence of these events,
what was the majority at first, is by degrees become the minority,
so that we may say that in the Representatives moderation will
govern. But nothing can establish firmly the republican prin-
ciples of our government but an establishment of them in Eng-
land. France will be the apostle for this. We very much fear
that Gerry will not accept the mission to Paris. The delays
which have attended this measure have left a dangerous void in
our endeavors to preserve peace, which can scarcely be recon-
ciled to a wish to preserve it. I imagine we shall rise from the
1st to the 3d of July. I am, Dear Sir, your friend and servant.
P. S. The interruption of letters is becoming so notorious, that
I am forming a resolution of declining correspondence with my
friends through the channels of the Post Office altogether
CORRESPONDENCE. 195
TO JAMES MADISON.
MONTICELLO, August 3, 1797.
I scribbled you a line on the 24th ultimo ; it missed of the
post, and so went by a private hand. I perceive from yours by
Mr. Bringhurst, that you had not received it. In fact, it was
only an earnest exhortation to come here with Monroe, which I
still hope you will do. In the meantime, I enclose you a letter
from him, and wish your opinion on its principal subject. The
variety of other topics the day I was with you, kept out of sight
the letter to Mazzei imputed to me in the papers, the general
substance of which is mine, though the diction has been consid-
erably altered and varied in the course of its translations from
English into Italian, from Italian into French, and from French
into English. I first met with it at Bladensburg, and for a mo-
ment conceived I must take the field of the public papers. I
could not disavow it wholly, because the greatest part was mine,
in substance though not in form. I could not avow it as it
stood, because the form was not mine, and, in one place, the
substance very materially falsified. This, then, would render
explanations necessary ; nay, it would render proofs of the whole
necessary, and draw me at length into a publication of all (even
the secret) transactions of the administration while I was in it ;
and embroil me personally with every member of the executive,
with the judiciary, and with others still. I soon decided in my
own mind, to be entirely silent. I consulted with several friends
at Philadelphia, who, every one of them, were clearly against
my avowing or disavowing, and some of them conjured me most
earnestly to let nothing provoke me to it. I corrected, in con-
versation with them, a substantial misrepresentation in the copy
published. The original has a sentiment like this (for I have it
not before me), " they are endeavoring to submit us to the sub-
stance, as they already have to the forms of the British govern-
ment;" meaning by forms, the birth-days, levees, processions to
parliament, inauguration pomposities, &c. But the copy pub-
lished says, " as they have already submitted us to the form of
VOL. iv. 13
194: JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
the British," &c., making me express hostility to the form of our
government, that is to say, to the Constitution itself. For this is
really the difference of the word form, used in the singular or
plural, in that phrase, in the English language. Now it would
be impossible for me to explain this publicly, without bringing
on a personal difference between General Washington and my-
self, which nothing before the publication of this letter has ever
done It would embroil me also with all those with whom his
character is still popular, that is to say, nine tenths of the people
of the United States ; and what good would be obtained by
avowing the letter with the necessary explanations ? Very little
indeed, in my opinion, to counterbalance a good deal of harm.
From my silence in this instance, it cannot be inferred that I am
afraid to own the general sentiments of the letter. If I am sub-
ject to either imputation, it is to that of avowing such sentiments
too frankly both in private and public, often when there is no
necessity for it, merely because I disdain everything like du-
plicity. Still, however, I am open to conviction. Think for
me on the occasion, and advise me what to do, and confer with
Colonel Monroe on the subject.
Let me entreat you again to come with him ; there are other
important things to consult on. One will be his affair. Another
is the subject of the petition now enclosed you, to be proposed to
our district, on the late presentment of our representative by the
grand jury : the idea it brings fonvard is still confined to my own
breast. It has never been mentioned to any mortal, because I
first wish your opinion on the expediency of the measure. If you
approve it, I shall propose to * * * or some other,* to father
it, and to present it to the counties at their general muster. This
will be in time for our Assembly. The presentment going in the
public papers just at the moment when Congress was together,
produced a great effect both on its friends and foes in that body,
very much to the disheartening and mortification of the latter. I
wish this petition, if approved, to arrive there under the same cir-
cumstances, to produce the counter effect so wanting for their
gratification. I could have wished to receive it from you again
* The places in this letter where the asterisks are inserted, are blanks in th»
original
CORRESPONDENCE. 195
at our court on Monday, because * * * and * * * will
be there, and might also be consulted, and commence measures
for putting it into motion. If you can return it then, with your
opinion, it will be of importance. Present me affectionately to
Mrs. Madison, and convey to her my entreaties to interpose her
good offices and persuasives with you to bring her here, and be-
fore we uncover our house, which will yet be some weeks.
Salutations and adieu.
TO COL. JOHN STUART.
MONTICELLO, August 15, 1797.
DEAR SIR, — With great pleasure I forward to you the Diploma
of the American Philosophical Society, adopting you into their
body. The attention on your part, to which they are indebted
for the knowledge that such an animal has existed as the Mega-
lonyx, as we have named him, gives them reason to hope that
the same attention continued will enrich us with other objects
of science, which your part of the country may yet, we hope,
furnish. On my arrival at Philadelphia, I met with an account
published in Spain of the skeleton of an enormous animal from
Paraguay, of the clawed kind, but not of the lion class at all ;
indeed, it is classed with the sloth, ant-eater, &c., which are not
of the carnivorous kinds; it was dug up 100 feet below the
surface, near the river La Plata. The skeleton is now mounted
at Madrid, is 12 feet long and 6 feet high. There are several
circumstances which lead to a supposition that our megalonyx
may have been the same animal with this. There are others
which still induce us to class him with the lion. Since this dis-
covery has led to questioning the Indians as to this animal, we
have received some of their traditions which confirm his classifi-
cation with the lion. As soon as our 4th volume of transactions,
now in the press, shall be printed, I will furnish you with the
account given in to the Society. I take for granted that yot
196 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
have little hope of recovering any more of the bones. Those
sent me are delivered to the society. I am, with great esteem,
dear Sir, your most obedient servant.
TO ST. GEORGE TUCKER.
MONTICELLO, August 28, 1797.
DEAR SIR, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your two
favors of the 2d and 22d instant, and to thank you for the pam-
phlet covered by the former. You know my subscription to its
doctrines ; and as to the mode of emancipation, I am satisfied
that that must be a matter of compromise between the passions,
the prejudices, and the real difficulties which will each have
their weight in that operation. Perhaps the first chapter of this
history, which has begun in St. Domingo, and the next succeed-
ing ones, which will recount how all the whites were driven from
all the other islands, may prepare our minds for a peaceable ac-
commodation between justice, policy and necessity ; and furnish
an answer to the difficult question, whither shall the colored
emigrants go ? and the sooner we put some plan under way, the
greater hope there is that it may be permitted to proceed peace-
ably to its ultimate effect. But if something is not done, and
soon done, we shall be the murderers of our own children.
The " murmura ventures nautis prudentia ventos" has already
reached us ; the revolutionary storm, now sweeping the globe,
will be upon us, and happy if we make timely provision to give
it an easy passage over our land. From the present state of
things in Europe and America, the day which begins our com-
bustion must be near at hand ; and only a single spark is want-
ing to make that day to-morrow. If we had begun sooner, we
might probably have been allowed a lengthier operation to clear
ourselves, but every day's delay lessens the time we may
take for emancipation. Some people derive hope from the aid
of the confederated States. But this is a delusion. There is
but one State in the Union which will aid us sincerely, if an
CORRESPONDENCE. 197
insurrection begins, and that one may, perhaps, have its own
fire to quench at the same time. The facts stated in yours of
the 22d, were not identically known to me, but others like them
were. From the General Government no interference need be
expected. Even the merchant and navigator, the immediate
sufferers, are prevented by various motives from wishing to be
redressed. I see nothing but a State procedure which can vindi-
cate us from the insult. It is in the power of any single magis-
trate, or of the Attorney for the Commonwealth, to lay hold of
the commanding officer, whenever he comes ashore, for the
breach of the peace, and to proceed against him by indictment.
This is so plain an operation, that no power can prevent its
being carried through with effect, but the want of will in the
officers of the State. I think that the matter of finances, which
has set the people of Europe to thinking, is now advanced to
that point with us, that the next step, and it is an unavoidable
one, a land tax, will awaken our constituents, and call for in-
spection into past proceedings. I am, with great esteem, dear
Sir, your friend and servant.
TO COLONEL ARTHUR CAMPBELL.
MONTICELLO, September 1, 1797.
DEAR SIR, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor
of July the 4th, and to recognize in it the sentiments you have
ever held, and worthy of the day on which it is dated. It is
true that a party has risen up among us, or rather has come
among us, which is endeavoring to separate us from all friendly
connection with France, to unite our destinies with those of
Great Britain, and to assimilate our government to theirs. Our
lenity in permitting the return of the old tories, gave the first
body to this party ; they have been increased by large importa-
tions of British merchants and factors, by American merchants
dealing on British capital, and by stock dealers and banking
companies, who, by the aid of a paper system, are enriching
198 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
themselves to the ruin of our country, and swaying the govern-
ment by their possession of the printing presses, which their
wealth commands, and by other means, not always honorable to
the character of our countrymen. Hitherto, their influence and
their system have been irresistible, and they have raised up an
executive power which is too strong for the Legislature. But I
flatter myself they have passed their zenith. The people, while
these things were doing, were lulled into rest and security from
a cause which no longer exists. No prepossessions now will
shut their ears to truth. They begin to see to what port their
leaders were steering during their slumbers, and there is yet
time to haul in, if we can avoid a war with France. All can
be done peaceably, by the people confining their choice of Rep-
resentatives and Senators to persons attached to republican gov-
ernment and the principles of 1776, not office-hunters, but farm-
ers, whose interests are entirely agricultural. Such men are
the true representatives of the great American interest, and are
alone to be relied on for expressing the proper American senti-
ments. We owe gratitude to France, justice to England, good
will to all, and subservience to none. All this must be brought
about by the people, using their elective rights with prudence
and self-possession, and not suffering themselves to be duped by
treacherous emissaries. It was by the sober sense of our citizens
that we were safely and steadily conducted from monarchy to
republicanism, and it is by the same agency alone we can be
kept from falling back. I am happy in this occasion of reviv-
ing the memory of old things, and of assuring you of the con-
tinuance of the esteem and respect of, dear Sir, your friend and
servant.
TO JOHN F. MERCER, ESQ.
MO.NTIOKLLO, September 5, 179*7.
DEAR SIR, — We have now with us our friend Monroe. He
is engaged in stating his conduct for the information of the pub-
lic. As yet, however, he has done little, being too much occu-
CORRESPONDENCE. 199
pied with re-arranging his household. His preliminary skirmish
with the Secretary of State has, of course, bespoke a suspension
of the public mind, till he can lay his statement before them.
Our Congressional district is fermenting under the presentiment
of their representative by the Grand Jury ; and the question of
a Convention for forming a State Constitution will probably be
attended to in these parts. These are the news of our Canton.
Those of a more public nature you know before we do. My
best respects to Mrs. Mercer, and assurances to yourself of the
affectionate esteem of, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO JAMES MONROE.
MONTICELLO, September 7, 1797.
The doubt which you suggest as to our jurisdiction over the
case of the Grand Jury vs. Cabell, had occurred to me, and natu-
rally occurs on first view of the question. But I knew, that to
send the petition to the House of Representatives in Congress,
would make bad worse ; that a majority of that House would
pass a vote of approbation. On examination of the question, too,
it appeared to me that we could maintain the authority of our
own government over it.
A right of free correspondence between citizen and citizen, on
their joint interests, whether public or private, and under what-
soever laws these interests arise, (to wit, of the State, of Con-
gress, of France, Spain, or Turkey), is a natural right ; it is not
the gift of any municipal law, either of England, or Virginia,
or of Congress ; but in common with all our other natural rights,
it is one of the objects for the protection of which society is
formed, and municipal laws established.
The courts of this commonwealth (and among them the Gene-
ral Court, as a court of impeachment) are originally competent
to the cognizance of all infractions of the rights of one citizen
by another citizen ; and they still retain all their judiciary cog-
nizances not expressly alienated by the federal Constitution.
200 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
The federal Constitution alienates from them all cases arising,
1st, under the constitution ; 2dly, under the laws of Congress ;
3dly, under treaties, &c. But this right of free correspondence,
whether with a public representative in General Assembly, in
Congress, in France, in Spain, or with a private one charged
with pecuniary trust, or with a private friend the object of our
esteem, or any other, has not been given to us under, 1st, the
federal Constitution ; 2dly, any law of Congress ; or 3dly, any
treaty ; but as before observed, by nature. It is therefore not
alienated, but remains under the protection of our courts.
Were the question even doubtful, that is no reason for aban-
doning it. The system of the General Government, is to seize
all doubtful ground. We must join in the scramble, or get no-
thing. Where first occupancy is to give right, he who lies still
loses all. Besides, it is not right for those who are only to act
in a preliminary form, to let their own doubts preclude the
judgment of the court of ultimate decision. We ought to let it
go to the House of Delegates for their consideration, and they,
unless the contrary be palpable, ought to let it to go to the Gene-
ral Court, who are ultimately to decide on it.
It is of immense consequence that the States retain as com-
plete authority as possible over their own citizens. The with-
drawing themselves under the shelter of a foreign jurisdiction, is
so subversive of order and so pregnant of abuse, that it may not
be amiss to consider how far a law of prfemunire should be re-
vised and modified, against all citizens who attempt to carry
their causes before any other than the State courts, in cases
where those other courts have no right to their cognizance. A
plea to the jurisdiction of the courts of their State, or a reclama-
tion of a foreign jurisdiction, if adjudged valid, would be safe ;
but if adjudged invalid, would be followed by the punishment
of prccmunire for the attempt.
Think further of the preceding part of this letter, and we will
have further conference on it. Adieu.
P. S. Observe, that it is not the breach of Mr. Cabell's pri-
CORRESPONDENCE. 201
vilege which we mean to punish : that might lie with Congress.
It is the wrong done to the citizens of our district. Congress
gave no authority to punish that wrong. They can only take
cognizance of it in vindication of their member.
TO ALEXANDER WHITE, ESQ.
MONTICELLO, September 10, 1797.
DEAR SIR, — So many persons have of late found an interest
or a passion gratified by imputing to me sayings and writings
which I never said or wrote, or by endeavoring to draw me into
newspapers to harass me personally, that I have found it neces-
sary for my quiet and my other pursuits to leave them in full
possession of the field, and not to take the trouble of contradict-
ing them even in private conversation. If I do it now, it is out
of respect to your application, made by private letter and not
through the newspapers, and under the perfect assurance that
what I write to you will not be permitted to get in a newspaper,
while you are at full liberty to assert it in conversation under
my authority.
I never gave an opinion that the Government would not re-
move to the federal city. I never entertained that opinion ; but
on the contrary, whenever asked the question, I have expressed
my full confidence that they would remove there. Having had
frequent occasion to declare this sentiment, I have endeavored to
conjecture on what a contrary one could have been ascribed to
rne. I remember that in Georgetown, where I passed a day in
February in conversation with several gentlemen on the prepa-
rations there for receiving the government, an opinion was ex-
pressed by some, and not privately, that there would be few or
no private buildings erected in Washington this summer, and
that the prospect of there being a sufficient number in time, was
not flattering. This they grounded on the fact that the persons
holding lots, from a view to increase their means of building,
had converted their money at low prices, into Morris and Nichol-
202 JEFFERSON'S WORKfc.
son's notes, then possessing a good degree of credit, and that hav-
ing lost these by the failure of these gentlemen, they were much
less able to build than they would have been. I then observed,
and I did it with a view to excite exertion, that if there should
not be private houses in readiness sufficient for the accommoda-
tion of Congress and the persons annexed to the Government, it
could not be expected that men should come there to lodge, like
cattle, in the fields, and that it highly behoved those interested
in the removal to use every exertion to provide accommodations.
In this opinion, I presume I shall be joined by yourself and
every other. But delivered, as it was, only on the hypothesis
of a fact stated by others, it could not authorize the assertion of
an absolute opinion, separated from the statement of facts on
which it was hypothetically grounded. I have seen no reason
to believe that Congress have changed their purpose with respect
to the removal. Every public indication from them, and every
sentiment I have heard privately expressed by the members,
convinces me they are steady in the purpose. Being on this
subject, I will suggest to you, what I did privately at George-
town to a particular person, in confidence that it should be sug-
gested to the managers, if in event it shou'd happen that there
should not be a sufficiency of private buildings erected within
the proper time, would it not be better for the commissioners to
apply for a suspension of the removal for one year, than to leave
it to the hazard which a contrary interest might otherwise bring
on it ? Of this however you have yet two summers to consider,
and you have the best knowledge of the circumstances on which
a judgment may be formed whether private accommodations
will be provided. As to the public buildings, every one seems
to agree that they will be in readiness.
I have for five or six years been encouraging the opening a
direct road from the Southern part of this State, leading through
this county to Georgetown. The route proposed is from George-
town by Colonel Alexander's, Elk-ran Church, Norman's Ford,
Stevensburg, the Racoon Ford, the Marquis's Road, Martin
Key's Ford on the Rivanna, the mouth of Slate River, the high
CORRESPONDENCE. 203
bridge on Appomattox, Prince Edward Courthouse, Charlotte
Courthouse, Cole's ferry on Stanton, Dix's ferry on Dan, Guil-
ford Courthouse, Salisbury, Crosswell's ferry on Saluda, Ninety-
six, Augusta. It is believed this road will shorten the distance
along the continent one hundred miles. It will be to open
anew only from Georgetown to Prince Edward Courthouse.
An actual survey has been made from Stevensburg to George-
town, by which that much of the road will be shortened twenty
miles, and be all a dead level. The difficulty is to get it first
through Fairfax and Prince William. The counties after that
will very readily carry it on. We consider it as opening to us a
direct road to the market of the federal city, for all the beef and
mutton we could raise, for which we have no market at present.
I am in possession of the survey, and had thought of getting the
Bridge company at Georgetown to undertake to get the road car-
ried through Fairfax and Prince William, either by those coun-
ties or by themselves. But I have some apprehension that by
pointing our road to the bridge, it might get out of the level
country, and be carried over the hills, which will be bat a little
above it. This would be inadmissible. Perhaps you could sug-
gest some means of our getting over the obstacle of those two
counties. I shall be very happy to concur in any measure which
can effect all our purposes. I am with esteem, dear Sir, your
most obedient servant.
TO MANN PAGE, ESQ.
PHILADELPHIA, January 2, 1798.
DEAB, SIR, — I do not know whether you have seen some very
furious abuse of me in the Baltimore papers by a Mr. Luther
Martin, on account of Logan's speech, published in the " Notes
on Virginia." He supposes both the speech and story made by
me to support an argument against Buffon. I mean not to enter
into a newspaper contest with Mr. Martin ; but I wish to col-
lect, as well as the lapse of time will permit, the evidence on
204 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
which we received that story. It was brought to us I remember
by Lord Dunmore and his officers on the return from the expe-
dition of 1776. I am sure it was from them I got it. As you
were very much in the same circle of society in Williamsburg
with myself, I am in hopes your memory will be able to help
out mine, and recall some facts which have escaped me. I ask
it as a great favor of you to endeavor to recollect, and to com-
municate to me all the circumstances you possibly can relative
to this matter, particularly the authority on which we received
it, and the names of any persons who you think can give me in-
formation. I mean to fix the fact with all possible care and
truth, and either to establish or correct the former statement in
an appendix to the "Notes on Virginia," or in the first republi-
cation of the work.
Congress have done nothing interesting except postponing the
Stamp Act. An act continuing the currency of the foreign coins
three years longer has passed the Representatives, but was lost
in the Senate. We have hopes that our envoys will be received
decently at Paris, and some compromise agreed on. There
seems to be little appearance of peace in Europe. Those among
us who were so timid when they apprehended war with Eng-
land, are now bold in propositions to arm. I do not think how-
ever that the Representatives will change the policy pursued by
them at their summer session. The land tax will not be brought
forward this year. Congress of course have no real business to
be employed on. We may expect in a month or six weeks to
hear so far from our commissioners at Paris as to judge what
will be the aspect of our situation with France. If peaceable,
as we hope, I know of nothing which should keep us together.
In my late journey to this place, I came through Culpeper and
Prince William to Georgetown. When I return, it will be
through the eastern shore (a country I have never seen), by Nor-
folk and Petersburg ; so that I shall fail then also of tho pleasure
of seeing you. Present respectful compliments to Mrs. Page,
and accept assurances of the sincere esteem of, dear Sir, your
friend and servant.
CORRESPONDENCE. 205
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, January 3, 1*798.
DEAR SIR,— Your favor of the 25th came to hand yesterday.
I shall observe your directions with respect to the post day. I
have spoken with the Deputy Post Master General on the sub-
ject of our Fredericksburg post. He never knew before that the
Fredericksburg printer had taken the contract of the rider. He
will be glad, if either in your neighborhood or ours, some good
person will undertake to ride from April next. The price given
this year is three hundred and thirty dollars, and it will go to the
lowest bidder who can be depended on. I understand (though
not from him) that Wyatt will be changed ; and in general they
determine that printers shall not be postmasters or riders.
Our weather has been here, as with you, cold and dry. The
thermometer has been at eight degrees. The river closed here
the first week of December, which has caught a vast number of
vessels destined for departure. It deadens also the demand for
wheat. The price at New York is one dollar seventy-five cents,
and of flour eight dollars fifty cents to nine dollars ; tobacco
eleven to twelve dollars; there need be no doubt of greater
prices. The bankruptcies here continue : the prison is full of
the most reputable merchants, and it is understood that the scene
has not yet got to its height. Prices have fallen greatly. The
market is cheaper than it has been for four years. Labor and
house rent much reduced. Dry goods somewhat. It is expected
that they will fall till they get nearly to old prices. Money
scarce beyond all example.
The Representatives have rejected the President's proposition
for enabling him to prorogue them. A law has passed putting
off the stamp act till July next. The land tax will not be brought
on. The Secretary of the Treasury says he has money enough.
No doubt these two measures may be taken up more boldly at
the next session, when most of the elections will be over. It is
imagined the stamp act will be extended or attempted on every
possible object. A bill has passed the Representatives to suspend
206 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
for three years the law arresting the currency of foreign coins.
The Senate propose an amendment, continuing the currency of
the foreign gold only. Very possibly the bill may be lost. The
object of opposing the bill is to make the French crowns a sub-
ject of speculation (for it seems they fell on the President's pro-
clamation to a dollar in most of the States), and to force bank
paper (for want of other medium) through all the States gene-
rally. Tench Coxe is displaced, and no reason ever spoken of.
It is therefore understood to be for his activity during the late
election. It is said, that the people from hence quite to the
eastern extremity are beginning to be sensible that their govern-
ment has been playing a foul game. In Vermont, Chipman was
elected Senator by a majority of one, against the republican
candidate. In Maryland, Lloyd by a majority of one, against
Winder the republican candidate. Tichenor chosen Governor
of Vermont by a very small majority. The House of Repre-
sentatives of this State has become republican by a firm majority
of six. Two counties, it is said, have come over generally to
the republican side. It is thought the republicans have also a
majority in the New York House of Representatives. Hard
elections are expected there between Jay and Livingston, and
here between Ross and M'Kean. In the House of Representa-
tives of Congress, the republican interest has at present, on strong
questions, a majority of about half a dozen, as is conjectured,
and there are as many of their firmest men absent ; not one of
the anti-republicans is from his post. The bill for permitting pri-
vate vessels to arm, was put off to the first Monday in February
by a sudden vote, and a majority of five. It was considered as
an index of their dispositions on that subject, though some voted
both ways on other ground. It is most evident, that the anti-
republicans wish to get rid of Blount's impeachment. Many
metaphysical niceties are handing about in conversation, to show
that it cannot be sustained. To show the contrary, it is evident
must be the task of the republicans, or of nobody. Monroe's
book is considered as masterly by all those who are not opposed
in principle, and it is deemed unanswerable. An answer, how-
CORRESPONDENCE. 207
ever, is commenced in Fenno's paper of yesterday, under the
signature of Scipio. The real author not yet conjectured. As
I take these papers merely to preserve them, I will forward them
to you, as you can easily return them to me on my arrival at
home ; for I shall not see you on rny way, as I mean to go by
the Eastern Shore and Petersburg. Perhaps the paragraphs in
some of these abominable papers may draw from you now and
then a squib. A pamphlet of Fauchet's appeared yesterday. I
send you a copy under another cover. A handbill has just ar-
rived here from New York, where they learn from a vessel which
left Havre about the 9th of November, that the Emperor had
signed the definitive articles, given up Mantua, evacuated Mentz,
agreed to give passage to the French troops to Hanover, and that
the Portuguese ambassador had been ordered to quit Paris, on
account of the seizure of fort St. Julian's by the English, sup-
posed with the connivance of Portugal. Though this is ordinary
mercantile news, it looks like truth. The latest official intelli-
gence from Paris, is from Talleyrand to the French consul here,
(Lastombe.) dated September the 28th, saying that our Envoys
were arrived, and would find every disposition on the part of his
government to accommodate with us.
My affectionate respects to Mrs. Madison ; to yourself, health
and friendship. Adieu.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, January 25, 1798.
DEAR SIR, — I wrote you last on the 2d instant, on which day
I received yours of December 25th. I have not resumed my
pen, because there has really been nothing worth writing about,
but what you would see in the newspapers. There is, as yet,
no certainty what will be the aspect of our affairs with France.
Either the Envoys have not written to the government, or their
communications are hushed up. This last is suspected, because
so many arrivals have happened from Bordeaux and Havre. The
208 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
.etters from American correspondents in France have been al-
ways to Boston ; and the experience we had last summer of their
adroitness in counterfeiting this kind of intelligence, inspires
doubts as to their late paragraphs. A letter is certainly received
here by an individual from Talleyrand, which says our Envoys
have been heard, that their pretensions are high, that possibly no
arrangement may take place, but that there will be no declar-
ation of war by France. It is said that Bournonville has written
that he has hopes of an accommodation (three audiences having
then, November, been had), and to be himself a member of a
new diplomatic mission to this country. On the whole, I am
entirely suspended as to what is to be expected. The Repre-
sentatives have been several days in debate on the bill for foreign
intercourse. A motion has been made to reduce it to what it
was before the extension of 1796. The debate will probably
have good effects, in several ways, on the public mind, but the
advocates for the reformation expect to lose the question. They
find themselves deceived in the expectation entertained in the
beginning of the session, that they had a majority. They now
think the majority is on the other side by two or three, and there
are moreover two or three of them absent. Blount's affair is to
come on next. In the mean time the Senate have before them
a bill for regulating proceedings in impeachment. This will be
made the occasion of offering a clause for the introduction of
juries into these trials. (Compare the paragraph in the Consti-
tution which says, that all crimes, except in cases of impeach-
ment, shall be by jury, with the eighth amendment, which says,
that in all criminal prosecutions the trial shall be by jury.)
There is no expectation of carrying this ; because the division in
the Senate is of two to one, but it will draw forth the principles
of the parties, and concur in accumulating proofs on which side
all the sound principles are to be found.
Very acrimonious altercations are going on between the Span-
ish minister and the executive, and at the Natchez something
worse than mere altercation. If hostilities have not begun there,
it has not been for want of endeavors to bring them on by our
CORRESPONDENCE. 209
agents. Marshall, of Kentucky, this day proposed in Senate
some amendments to the Constitution. They were barely read
just as we were adjourning, and not a word of explanation given.
As far as I caught them in my ear, they went only to modifica-
tions of the elections of President and Vice President, by author-
izing voters to add the office for which they name each, and
giving to the Senate the decision of a disputed election of Pres-
ident, and to the Representatives that of Vice President. But I
am apprehensive I caught the thing imperfectly, and probably
incorrectly. Perhaps this occasion may be taken of proposing
again the Virginia amendments, as also to condemn elections by
the legislatures, themselves to transfer the power of trying im-
peachments from the Senate to some better constituted court,
&c., &c.
Good tobacco here is thirteen dollars, flour eight dollars and
fifty cents, wheat one dollar and fifty cents, but dull, because
only the millers buy. The river, however, is nearly open, and
the merchants will now come to market and give a spur to the
price. But the competition will not be what it has been. Bank-
ruptcies thicken, and the height of them has by no means yet
come on. It is thought this winter will be very trying.
Friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison. Adieu affectionately.
January 28. I enclose Marshall's propositions. They have
been this day postponed to the 1st of June, chiefly by the vote
of the anti-republicans, under the acknowledged fear that other
amendments would be also proposed, and that this is not the
time for agitating the public mind.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, February 8, 1798.
DEAR SIR, — I wrote you last on the 25th ultimo ; since which
yours of the 21st has been received. Bache had put five hun-
dred copies of Monroe's book on board a vessel, which was
VOL. iv 14
JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
stopped by the early and unexpected freezing of the river. He
tried in vain to get them carried by fifties at a time, by the stage.
The river is now open here, the vessels are falling down, and if
they can get through the ice below, the one with Bache's packet
will soon be at Richmond. It is surmised here that Scipio is
written by C. Lee. Articles of impeachment were yesterday
given in against Blount. But many great preliminary questions
will arise. Must not a formal law settle the oath of the Senat-
ors, form of pleadings, process against person or goods, &c. ?
May he not appear by attorney ? Must he not be tried by a
jury ? Is a Senator impeachable ? Is an ex-Senator impeach-
able ? You will readily conceive that these questions, to be
settled by twenty-nine lawyers, are not likely to come to speedy
issue. A very disagreeable question of privilege has suspended
all other proceedings for some days. You will see this in the
newspapers. The question of arming vessels came on, on Mon-
day last ; that morning, the President sent in an inflammatory
message about a vessel taken and burnt by a French privateer, *
near Charleston. Of this he had been possessed some time, and
it had been through all the newspapers. It seemed to come in
now apropos for spurring on the disposition to arm. However,
the question has not come on. In the meantime, the general
spirit, even of the merchants, is becoming adverse to it. In New
Hampshire and Rhode Island they are unanimously against arm-
ing ; so in Baltimore. This place is becoming more so. Boston
divided and desponding. I know nothing of New York ; but I
think there is no danger of the question being carried, unless
something favorable to it is received from our Envoys. From
them we hear nothing. Yet it seems reasonably believed that
the executive has heard, and that it is something which would
not promote their views of arming. For every action of theirs
shows they are panting to come to blows. Giles has arrived.
My friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison. Adieu affection-
ately.
CORRESPONDENCE. 211
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, February 15, 1798.
DEAR SIR, — I wrote you last on the 8th. We have still not
a word from our Envoys. This long silence (if they have been
silent) proves things are not going on very roughly. If they
have not been silent, it proves their information, if made public,
would check the disposition to arm. I had nattered myself,
from the progress of the public sentiment against arming, that
the same progress had taken place in the Legislature. But I am
assured by those who have better opportunities of forming a
good judgment, that if the question against arming is carried at
all, it will not be by more than a majority of two ; and particu-
larly, that there will not be more than four votes against it from
the five eastern States, or five votes at the utmost. You will
have perceived that Dayton has gone over completely. He ex-
pects to be appointed Secretary of War, in the room of M'Henry,
who, it is said, will retire. He has been told, as report goes,
that they would not have confidence enough in him to appoint
him. The desire of inspiring them with more, seems the only
way to account for the eclat which he chooses to give to his
conversion. You will have seen the disgusting proceedings in
the case of Lyon : if they would have accepted even of a com-
mitment to the serjeant, it might have been had. But to get rid
of his vote was the most material object These proceedings
must degrade the General Government, and lead the people to
lean more on their State governments, which have been sunk
under the early popularity of the former. This day, the ques-
tion of the jury in cases of impeachment comes on. There is
no doubt how it will go. The general division of the Senate is
twenty-two and ten ; and under the probable prospect of what
it will forever be, I see nothing in the mode of proceeding by
impeachment but the most formidable weapon for the purposes
of dominant faction that ever was contrived. It would be the
most effectual one of getting rid of any man whom they consider
as dangerous to their views, and I do not know that we could
212 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
count on one-third in an emergency. All depends then on the
House of Representatives, who are the impeachers ; and there
the majorities are of one, two, or three only ; and these some-
times one way and sometimes another : in a question of pure
party they have the majority, and we do not know what circum-
stances may turn up to increase that majority temporarily, if not
permanently. I know of no solid purpose of punishment which
the courts of law are not equal to, and history shows, that in
England, impeachment has been an engine more of passion than
justice. A great ball is to be given here on the 22d, and in
other great towns of the Union. This is, at least, very indeli-
cate, and probably excites uneasy sensations in some. I see in
it, however, this useful deduction, that the birth days which have
been kept, have been, not those of the President, but of the
General. I enclose with the newspapers, the two acts of parlia-
ment passed on the subject of our commerce, which are interest-
ing. The merchants here say, that the effect of the countervail-
ing tonnage on American vessels, will throw them completely
out of employ as soon as there is peace. The eastern members
say nothing but among themselves. But it is said that it is
working like gravel in their stomachs. Our only comfort is,
that they have brought it on themselves. My respectful saluta-
tion to Mrs. Madison ; and to yourself, friendship and adieu.
TO GENEBAL GATES.
PHILADELPHIA, February 21, 1798.
DEAR GENERAL, — I received duly your welcome favor of the
15th, and had an opportunity of immediately delivering the one
it enclosed to General Kosciusko. I see him often, and with
great pleasure mixed with commiseration. He is as pure a son
of liberty as I have ever known, and of that liberty which is to
go to all, and not to the few or the rich alone. We are here
under great anxiety to hear from our Envoys. * *
* * * * * I agree with you,
CORRESPONDENCE. 213
that some of our merchants have been milking the cow : yet
the great mass of them have become deranged ; they are daily
falling down by bankruptcies, and on the whole, the condition
of our commerce far less firm and really prosperous, than it
would have been by the regular operations and steady advances
which a state of peace would have occasioned. Were a war to
take place, and throw our agriculture into equal convulsions with
our commerce, our business would be done at both ends. But
this I hope will not be. The good news from the Natchez has
cut off the fear of a breach in that quarter, where a crisis was
brought on which has astonished every one. How this mighty
duel is to end between Great Britain and France, is a momen-
tous question. The sea which divides them makes it a game of
chance ; but it is narrow, and all the chances are not on one
side. Should they make peace, still our fate is problematical.
The countervailing acts of Great Britain, now laid before
Congress, threaten, in the opinion of merchants, the entire loss
of our navigation to England. It makes a difference, from the
present state of things, of five hundred guineas on a vessel of
three hundred and fifty tons. If, as the newspapers have told
us, France has renewed her Arret of 1789, laying a duty of
seven livres a hundred on all tobacco brought in foreign bottoms
(even our own), and should extend it to rice and other com-
modities, we are done, as navigators, to that country also. In
fact, I apprehend that those two great nations will think it their
interest riot to permit us to be navigators. France had thought
otherwise, and had shown an equal desire to encourage our
navigation as her own, while she hoped its weight would at least
not be thrown into the scale of her enemies. She sees now that
that is not to be relied on, and will probably use her own means,
and those of the nations under her influence, to exclude us from
the ocean. How far it may lessen our happiness to be rendered
merely agricultural, how far that state is more friendly to princi-
ples of virtue and liberty, are questions yet to be solved. Kosci-
usko has been disappointed by the sudden peace between France
and Austria. A ray of hope seemed to gleam on his mind for
214 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
a moment, that the extension of the revolutionary spirit through
Italy and Germany, might so have occupied the remnants of
monarchy there, as that his country might have risen again. I
sincerely rejoice to find that you preserve your health so well.
That you may so go on to the end of the chapter, and that it
may be a long one, I sincerely pray. Make my friendly saluta-
tions acceptable to Mrs. Gates, and accept yourself assurances
of the great and constant esteem and respect of, dear Sir, your
friend and servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, February 22, 1798.
DEAR SIR, — Yours of the 12th is received. I wrote you last
on the 15th, but the letter getting misplaced, will only go by this
post. We still hear nothing from our Envoys. Whether the ex-
ecutive hear, we know not. But if war were to be apprehended,
it is impossible our Envoys should not find means of putting us
on our guard, or that the executive should hold back their infor-
mation. No news, therefore, is good news. The countervailing
act, which I sent you by the last post, will, confessedly, put
American bottoms out of employ in our trade with Great Britain.
So say well-informed merchants. Indeed, it seems probable,
when we consider that hitherto, with the advantage of our for-
eign tonnage, our vessels could only share with the British, and
the countervailing duties will, it is said, make a difference of
five hundred guineas to our prejudice on a ship of three hundred
and fifty tons. Still the eastern men say nothing. Every ap-
pearance and consideration render it probable, that on the restor-
ation of peace, both France and Britain will consider it their in-
terest to exclude us from the ocean, by such peaceable means as
are in their power. Should this take place, perhaps it may be
thought just and politic to give to our native capitalists the mo-
noply of our internal commerce. This may at once relieve us
from the dangers of wars abroad and British thraldom at home.
CORRESPONDENCE. 215
The news from the Natchez, of the delivery of tue posts, which
you will see in the papers, is to be relied on. We have escaped
a dangerous crisis there. The great contest between Israel and
Morgan, of which you will see the papers full, is to be decided
this day. It is snowing fast at this time, and the most sloppy
walking I ever saw. This will be to the disadvantage of the
party which has the most invalids. Whether the event will be
known this evening, I am uncertain. I rather presume not, and
therefore, that you will not learn it till next post.
You will see in the papers, the ground on which the introduc-
tion of the jury into the trial by impeachment was advocated by
Mr. Tazewell, and the fate of the question. Reader's motion,
which I enclosed you, will probably be amended and established,
so as to declare a Senator unimpeachable, absolutely ; and yester-
day an opinion was declared, that not only officers of the State
governments, but every private citizen of the United States, are
impeachable. Whether they will think this the time to make
the declaration, I know not ; but if they bring it on, I think
there will be not more than two votes north of the Potomac
against the universality of the impeaching power. The system
of the Senate may be inferred from their transactions heretofore,
and from the following declaration made to me personally by
their oracle.* "No republic can ever be of any duration, with-
out a Senate, and a Senate deeply and strongly rooted, strong
enough to bear up against all popular storms and passions. The
only fault in the Constitution of our Senate is, that their term
of office is not durable enough. Hitherto they have done well,
but probably they will be forced to give way in time." I sup-
pose their having done well hitherto, alluded to the stand they
made on the British treaty. This declaration may be considered
as their text ; that they consider themselves as the bulwarks of
the government, and will be rendering that the more secure, in
proportion as they can assume greater powers. The foreign in-
tercourse bill is set for to-day ; but the parties are so equal on
[* Here, in the margin of the copy filed, is written by the author, in pencil, " Mr.
Adams."]
216 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
that in the House of Representatives, that they seem mutually
to fear the encounter.
My friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison and the family. To
yourself, friendly adieus.
TO PEREGRINE FITZHUGH, ESQ.
PHILADELPHIA, February 23, 1798.
DEAR SIR, — I have yet to acknowledge your last favor which
I received at Moriticello, and therefore cannot now refer to the
date. The perversion of the expressions of a former letter to you
which you mention to have been made in the newspapers, I had
not till then heard of. Yet the spirit of it was not new. I have
been for some time used as the property of the newspapers, a
fair mark for every man's dirt. Some, too, have indulged them-
selves in this exercise who would not have done it, had they
known me otherwise than through these impure and injurious
channels. It is hard treatment, and for a singular kind of of-
fence, that of having obtained by the labors of a life the indul-
gent opinions of a part of one's fellow citizens. However, these
moral evils must be submitted to, like the physical scourges of
tempest, fire, &c. We are waiting with great anxiety to hear
from our envoys at Paris. But the very circumstance of silence
speaks, I think, plain enough. If there were danger of war we
should certainly hear from them. It is impossible, if that were
the aspect of their negotiations, that they should not find or
make occasion of putting us on our guard, and of warning us to
prepare. I consider therefore their silence as a proof of peace.
Indeed I had before imagined that when France had thrown
down the gauntlet to England, and was pointing all her energies
to that object, her regard for the subsistence of her islands would
keep her from cutting off our resources from them. I hope,
therefore, we shall rub through the war, without engaging in it
ourselves, and that when in a state of peace our Legislature and
executive will endeavor to provide peaceable means of obliging
CORRESPONDENCE. 217
foreign nations to be just to us, and of making their injustice re-
coil on themselves. The advantages of our commerce to them
may be made the engine for this purpose, provided we shall be
willing to submit to occasional sacrifices, which will be nothing
in comparison with the calamities of war. Congress has nothing of
any importance before them, except the bill on foreign intercourse,
and the proposition to arm our merchant vessels. These will be
soon decided, and if we then get peaceable news from our en-
voys, I know of nothing which ought to prevent our immediate
separation. It had been expected that we must have laid a land
tax this session. However, it is thought we can get along an-
other year without it. Some very disagreeable differences have
taken place in Congress. They cannot fail to lessen the respect
of the public for the general government, and to replace their
State governments in a greater degree of comparative respecta-
bility. I do not think it for the interest of the general govern-
ment itself, and still less of the Union at large, that the State
governments should be so little respected as they have been.
However, I dare say that in time all these as well as their cen-
tral government, like the planets revolving round their common
sun, acting and acted upon according to their respective weights
and distances, will produce that beautiful equilibrium on which
our Constitution is founded, and which I believe it will exhibit
to the world in a degree of perfection, unexampled but in the
planetary system itself. The enlightened statesman, therefore,
will endeavor to preserve the weight and influence of every part,
as too much given to any member of it would destroy the general
equilibrium. The ensuing month will probably be the most
eventful ever yet seen in modern Europe. It may probably be
the season preferred for the projected invasion of England. It is
indeed a game of chances. The sea which divides the combat-
ants gives to fortune as well as to valor its share of influence on
the enterprise. But all the chances are not on one side. The
subjugation of England would be a general calamity. But hap-
pily it is impossible. Should it end in her being only republi-
canized, I know not on what principle a true republican of our
218 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
country could lament it, whether he considers it as extending
the blessings of a purer government to other portions of man-
kind, or strengthening the cause of liberty in our own country
by the influence of that example. I do not indeed wish to see
any nation have a form of government forced on them ; but if it
is to be done, I should rejoice at its being a free one. Permit
me to place here the tribute of my regrets for the affecting loss
lately sustained within your wall, and to add that of the esteem
and respect with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, March 2, 1798.
DEAR SIR, — I wrote to you last on the 22d ultimo ; since which
I have received yours without date, but probably of April the 18th
or 19th. An arrival to the eastward brings us some news, which
you will see detailed in the papers. The new partition of Eu-
rope is sketched, but how far authentic we know not. It has
some probability in its favor. The French appear busy in their
preparations for the invasion of England ; nor is there any ap-
pearance of movements on the part of Russia and Prussia which
might divert them from it.
The late birth-night has certainly sown tares among the exclu-
sive federalists. It has winnowed the grain from the chaff. The
sincerely Adamites did not go. The Washingtonians went relig-
iously, and took the secession of the others in high dudgeon.
The one sect threatens to desert the levees, the other the parties.
The whigs went in number, to encourage the idea that the birth-
nights hitherto kept had been for the General and not the Presi-
dent, and of course that time would bring an end to them.
Goodhue, Tracy, Sedgewick, &c., did not attend; but the three
Secretaries and Attorney General did.
We were surprised, the last week, with a symptom of a dispo-
sition to repeal the stamp act. Petitions for that purpose had
CORRESPONDENCE. 219
come from Rhode Island and Virginia, and had been committed
to rest with the Ways and Means. Mr. Harper, the chairman, in
order to enter on the law for amending it, observed it would be
necessary first to put the petitions for repeal out of the way, and
moved an immediate decision on this. The Rhode Islanders
begged and prayed for a postponement ; that not knowing that
this was the next question to be called up, they were not at all
prepared ; but Harper would show no mercy ; not a moment's
delay would be allowed. It was taken up, and, on question
without debate, determined in favor of the petitions by a ma-
jority of ten. Astonished and confounded, when an order to
bring in a bill for revisal was named, they began in turn to beg
for time ; two weeks, one week, three days, one day ; not a mo-
ment would be yielded. They made three attempts for adjourn-
ment. But the majority appeared to grow. It was decided, by
a majority of sixteen, that the bill should be brought in. It was
brought in the next day, and on the day after passed and was
sent up to the Senate, who instantly sent it back rejected by a
vote of fifteen to twelve. Rhode Island and New Hampshire
voted for the repeal in Senate. The act will therefore go into
operation July the 1st, but probably without amendments. How-
ever, I am persuaded it will be short-lived. It has already ex-
cited great commotion in Vermont, and grumblings in Connecti-
cut. But they are so priest-ridden, that nothing is expected from
them, but the most bigoted passive obedience.
No news yet from our commissioners ; but their silence is ad-
mitted to augur peace. There is no talk yet of the time of ad-
journing, though it is admitted we have nothing to do, but what
could be done in a fortnight or three weeks. When the spring
opens, and we hear from our commissioners, we shall probably
draw pretty rapidly to a conclusion. A friend of mine here
wishes to get a copy of Mazzei's Recherches Historiques et
Politiques. Where are they ? Salutations and adieu.
220 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, March 15, 1798.
DEAR SIR, — I wrote you last on the 2cl instant. Yours of the
4th is now at hand. The public papers will give you the news
of Europe. The French decree making the vessel friendly or
enemy, according to the hands by which the cargo was manu-
factured, has produced a great sensation among the merchants
here. Its operation is not yet perhaps well understood ; but
probably it will put our shipping out of competition, because
British bottoms, which can come under convoy, will alone be
trusted with return cargoes. Ours, losing this benefit, would
need a higher freight out, in which, therefore, they will be un-
derbid by the British. They must then retire from the compe-
tition. Some no doubt will try other channels of commerce, and
return cargoes from other countries. This effect would be salu-
tary. A very well-informed merchant, too, (a Scotchman, en-
tirely in the English trade,) told me, he thought it would have
another good effect, by checking and withdrawing our extensive
commerce and navigation (the fruit of our natural position)
within those bounds to which peace must necessarily bring them.
That this being done by degrees, will probably prevent those
numerous failures produced generally by a peace coming on sud-
denly. Notwithstanding this decree, the sentiments of the mer-
chants become more and more cooled and settled down against
arming. Yet it is believed the Representatives do hot cool ; arid
though we think the question against arming will be carried, yet
probably by a majority of only four or five. Their plan is, to
have convoys furnished for our vessels going to Europe, and
smaller vessels for the coasting defence. On this condition, they
will agree to fortify southern harbors, and build some galleys.
It has been concluded among them, that if war takes place, Wol-
cott is to be retained in office, that the President must give up
M'Henry, and as to Pickering they are divided, the eastern men
being determined to retain him, their middle and southern
brethren wishing to get rid of him. They have talked of Gen-
CORRESPONDENCE. 221
eral Pinckney as successor to M'Henry. This information is
certain. However, I hope we shall avoid war, and save them
the trouble of a change of ministry. The President has nomi-
nated John Quincy Adams Commissioner Plenipotentiary to re-
new the treaty with Sweden. Tazewell made a great stand
against it, on the general ground that we should let our treaties
drop, and remain without any. He could only get eight votes
against twenty. A trial will be made to-day in another form,
which he thinks will give ten or eleven against sixteen or seven-
teen, declaring the renewal inexpedient. In this case, notwith-
standing the nomination has been confirmed, it is supposed the
President would perhaps not act under it, on the probability that
more than the third would be against the ratification. I believe,
however, that he would act, and that a third could not be got to
oppose the ratification. It is acknowledged we have nothing to
do but to decide the question about arming. Yet not a word is
said about adjourning ; and some even talk of continuing the
session permanently ; others talk of July and August. An effort,
however, will soon be made for an early adjournment.
My friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison ; to yourself an affec-
tionate adieu.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, March 21, 1798.
DEAR Sm, — I wrote you last on the 15th ; since that, yours
of the 12th has been received. Since that, too, a great change
has taken place in the appearance of our political atmosphere.
The merchants, as before, continue, a respectable part of them,
to wish to avoid arming. The French decree operated on them
as a sedative, producing more alarm than resentment ; on the
Representatives, differently. It excited indignation highly in
the war party, though I do not know that it had added any new
friends to that side of the question. We still hoped a majority
of about four ; but the insane message which you will see in the
222 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
public papers has had great effect. Exultation on the one aide,
and a certainty of victory ; while the other is petrified with
astonishment. Our Evans, though his soul is wrapt up in the
sentiments of this message, yet afraid to give a vote openly for
it, is going off to-morrow, as is said. Those who count, say
there are still two members of the other side who will come over
to that of peace. If so, the members will be for war measures,
fifty-two, against them fifty-three ; if all are present except
Evans. The question is, what is to be attempted, supposing we
have a majority ? I suggest two things : 1. As the President
declares he has withdrawn the executive prohibition to arm, that
Congress should pass a legislative one. If that should fail in the
Senate, it would heap coals of fire on their heads. 2. As, to do
nothing and to gain time is everything with us, I propose that
they shall come to a resolution of adjournment, " in order to go
home and consult their constituents on the great crisis of Amer-
ican affairs now existing." Besides gaining time enough by
this, to allow the descent on England to have its effect here as
well as there, it will be a means of exciting the whole body of
the people from the state of inattention in which they are ; it
will require every member to call for the sense of his district by
petition or instruction ; it will show the people with which side
of the House their safety as well as their rights rest, by showing
them which is for war arid which for peace ; and their repre-
sentatives will return here invigorated by the avowed support of
the American people. I do not know, however, whether this
will be approved, as there has been little consultation on the
subject. We see a new instance of the inefficiency of consti-
tutional guards. We had relied with great security on that pro-
vision, which requires two-thirds of the Legislature to declare war.
But this is completely eluded by a majority's taking such meas-
ures as will be sure to produce war. I wrote you in my last, that
an attempt was to be made on that day in Senate, to declare the
inexpediency of renewing our treaties. But the measure is put
off under the hope of its being attempted under better auspices.
To return to the subject of war, it le quite impossible, when we
COEEESPONDENCE. 223
consider all the existing circumstances, to find any reason in its
favor resulting from views either of interest or honor, and plaus-
ible enough to impose even on the weakest mind ; and especially,
when it would be undertaken by a majority of one or two only.
Whatever then be our stock of charity or liberality, we must re-
sort to other views. And those so well known to have been en-
tertained at Annapolis, and afterwards at the grand convention,
by a particular set of men, present themselves as those alone
which can account for so extraordinary a degree of impetuosity.
Perhaps, instead of what was then in contemplation, a separation
of the Union, which has been so much the topic to the eastward
of late, may be the thing aimed at. I have written so far, two
days before the departure of the post. Should anything more
occur to-day or to-morrow, it shall be added. Adieu affection-
ately.
TO .*
PHILADELPHIA, March '23, 1798.
DEAR SIR, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favors
of August 16th and 18th, together with the box of seed accom-
panying the former, which has just come to hand. The letter
of the 4th of June, which you mention to have committed to
Mr. King, has never been received. It has most likely been in-
tercepted on the sea, now become a field of lawless and indis-
criminate rapine and violence. The first box which came
through Mr. Donald, arrived safely the last year, but being a little
too late for that season, its contents have been divided between
Mr. Randolph and myself, and will be committed to the earth
now immediately. The peas and the vetch are most acceptable
indeed. Since you were here, I have tried that species of your
field pea which is cultivated in New York, and begin to fear that
that plant will scarcely bear our sun and soil. A late acquisition
too of a species of our country pea, called the cow pea, has
pretty well supplied the place in my husbandry which I had des-
tined for the European field pea. It is very productive, excellent
* Address lost.
224 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
f jod for man and beast, awaits without loss our leisure for gath-
ering, and shades the ground very closely through the hottest
Months of the year. This with the loosening of the soil, I take
to be the chief means by which the pea improves the soil. We
know that the sun in our cloudless climate is the most powerful
destroyer of fertility in naked ground, and therefore that the
perpetual fallows will not do here, which are so beneficial in a.
cloudy climate. Still I shall with care try all the several kinas
of pea you have been so good as to send me, and having tried all
hold fast that which is good. Mr. Randolph is peculiarly happy
in having the barleys committed to him, as he had been desirous
of going considerably into that culture. I was able at the same
time to put into his hands Siberian barley, sent me from France.
I look forward with considerable anxiety to the success of the
winter vetch, for it gives us a good winter crop, and helps the
succeeding summer one. It is something like doubling the pro-
duce of the field. I know it does well in Italy, and therefore
have the more hope here. My experience leaves me no fear as
to the success of clover. I have never seen finer than in some
of my fields which have never been manured. My rotation is
triennial ; to wit, one year of wheat and two of clover in the
stronger fields, or two of peas in the weaker, with a crop of In-
lian corn and potatoes between every other rotation, that is to
say once in seven years. Under this easy course of culture,
aided with some manure, I hope my fields will recover their
pristine fertility, which had in some of them been completely ex-
hausted by perpetual crops of Indian corn and wheat alternately.
The atmosphere is certainly the great workshop of nature for
elaborating the fertilizing principles and insinuating them into
the soil. It has been relied on as the sole means of regenerating
our soil by most of the land-holders in the canton I inhabit, and
where rest has been resorted to before a total exhaustion, the soil
has never failed to recover. If, indeed, it be so run down as to
be incapable of throwing weeds or herbage of any kind, to shade
the soil from the sun, it either goes off in gullies, and is entirely
lost, or remains exhausted till a growth springs up of such trees
CORRESPONDENCE. 225
as will rise in the poorest soils. Under the shade of these and
the cover soon formed of their deciduous leaves, and a. com-
mencing herbage, such fields sometimes recover in a long course
of years ; but this is too long to be taken into a course of hus-
bandry. Not so however is the term within which the atmos--
phere alone will reintegrate a soil rested in due season. A year
of wheat will be balanced by one, two, or three years of rest and
atmospheric influence, according to the quality of the soil. It
has been said that no rotation of crops will keep the earth in the
same degree of fertility without the aid of manure. But it is
well known here that a space of rest greater or loss in spontaneous
herbage, will restore the exhaustion of a single crop. This
then is a rotation ; and as it is not to be believed that sponta-
neous herbage is the only or best covering during rest, so may we
expect that a substitute for it may be found which will yield
profitable crops. Such perhaps are clover, peas, vetches, &c. A
rotation then may be found, which by giving time for the slow
influence of the atmosphere, will keep the soil in a constant and
equal state of fertility. But the advantage of manuring, is that
it will do more in one than the atmosphere would require several
years to do, and consequently enables you so much the oftener
to take exhausting crops from the soil, a circumstance of import-
ance where there is more labor than land. I am much indebted.
TO MR. PATTERSON.
PHILADELPHIA, March 27, 1798.
DEAR SIR, — In the lifetime of Mr. Rittenhouse, I communi-
cated to him the description of a mould-board of a plough which
I had constructed, and supposed to be what we might term the
mould-board of least resistance. I asked not only his opinion,
but that he would submit it to you also. After he had consid-
ered it, he gave me his own opinion that it was demonstrably
what I had supposed, and I think he said he had communicated
VOL. iv. 15
226 JEFFERSON'S WOEK8.
it to you. Of that however I am not sure, and therefore now
take the liberty of sending you a description of it and a model,
which I have prepared for the board of Agriculture of England
at their request. Mr. Strickland, one of their members, had seen
the model, and also the thing itself in use in my farms, and
thinking favorably of it, had mentioned it to them. My purpose
in troubling you with it, is to ask the favor of you to examine
the description rigorously, and suggest to me any corrections or
alterations which you may think necessary, and would wish to
have the ideas go as correct as possible out of my hands. I had
sometimes thought of giving it into the Philosophical Society,
but I doubted whether it was worth their notice, and supposed it
not exactly in the line of their ordinary publications. I had
therefore contemplated the sending it to some of our agricultural
societies, in whose way it was more particularly, when I received
the request of the English board. The papers 1 enclose you
are the latter part of a letter to Sir John Sinclair, their president.
It is to go off by the packet, wherefore I will ask the favor of
you to return them with the model in the course of the present
week, with any observations you will be so good as to favor me
with. I am with great esteem, Dear Sir, your most obedient
servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, March 29, 1798.
DEAR SIR, — I wrote you last on the 21st. Yours of the 12th,
therein acknowledged, is the last received. The measure I
suggested in mine, of adjourning for consultation with their
constituents, was not brought forward ; but on Tuesday three
resolutions were moved, which you will see in the public papers.
They were offered in committee, to prevent their being sup-
pressed by the previous question, and in the committee on the
state of the Union, to put it out of their power, by the rising of
the committee and not sitting again, to get rid of them. They
CORRESPONDENCE. 227
were taken by surprise, not expecting to be called to vote on such
a proposition as " that it is inexpedient to resort to war against the
French republic." After spending the first day in seeking on
every side some hole to get out at, like an animal first put into
a cage, they gave up their resource. Yesterday they came for-
ward boldly, and openly combated the proposition. Mr. Harper
and Mr. Pinckney pronounced bitter philippics .against France,
selecting such circumstances and aggravations as to give the
worst picture they could present. The latter, on this, as in the
aifair of Lyon and Griswold, went far beyond that moderation
he has on other occasions recommended. We know not how it
will go. Some think the resolution will be lost, some, that it
will be carried ; but neither way, by a majority of more than
one or two. The decision of the Executive, of two-thirds of the
Senate, and half the House of Representatives, is too much for
the other half of that House. We therefore fear it will be borne
down, and are under the most gloomy apprehensions. In fact,
the question of war and peace depends now on a toss of cross
and pile. If we could but gain this season, we should be saved.
The affairs of Europe would of themselves save us. Besides this,
there can be no doubt that a revolution of opinion in Massachu-
setts and Connecticut is working. Two whig presses have been
set up in each of those States. There has been for some days
a rumor, that a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive with
Great Britain, has arrived. Some circumstances have occasioned
it to be listened to ; to wit, the arrival of Mr. King's secretary,
which is affirmed, the departure of Mr. Listen's secretary, which
I know is to take place on Wednesday next, the high tone of the
executive measures at the last and present session, calculated to
raise things to the unison of such a compact, and supported so
desperately in both Houses in opposition to the pacific wishes of
the people, and at the risk of their approbation at the ensuing
election. Langdon yesterday, in debate, mentioned this current
report. Tracy, in reply, declared he knew of no such thing, did
not believe it, nor would be its advocate.
An attempt has been made to get the Quakers to come for-
228 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
ward with a petition, to aid with the weight of their body the
feeble band of peace. They have, with some effort, got a peti-
tion signed by a few of their society ; the main body of their
society refuse it. M'Lay's peace motion in the Assembly of
Pennsylvania was rejected with an unanimity of the Quaker
vote, and it seems to be well understood, that their attachment
to England is stronger than to their principles or their country.
The revolution war was a first proof of this. Mr. White, from
the federal city, is here, soliciting money for the buildings at
Washington. A bill for two hundred thousand dollars has passed
the House of Representatives, and is before the Senate, where
its fate is entirely uncertain. He has become perfectly satisfied
that Mr. Adams is radically against the government's being there.
Goodhue (his oracle) openly said in committee, in presence of
White, that he knew the government was obliged to go there,
but they would not be obliged to stay there. Mr. Adams said to
White, that it would be better that the President should rent a
common house there, to live in ; that no President would live in
the one now building. This harmonizes with Goodhue's idea
of a short residence. I wrote this in the morning, but need not
part with it till night. If anything occurs in the day it shall be
added. Adieu.
TO MR. PENDLETON.
PHILADELPHIA, April 2, 1798.
DEAR SIR, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor
of January 29th, and as the rising of Congress seems now to be
contemplated for about the last of this month, and it is necessary
that I settle Mr. Short's matter with the Treasury before my
departure, I take the liberty of saying a word on that subject.
The sum you are to pay is to go to the credit of a demand which
Mr. Short has on the treasury of the United States, and for
which they consider Mr. Randolph as liable to them, so that the
sum he pays to Short directly lessens so much the balance to be
CORRESPONDENCE. 229
otherwise settled. Mr. Short, by a letter received a few days
ago, has directed an immediate employment of the whole sum
in a particular way. I wish your sum settled, therefore, that I
may call on the Treasury for the exact balance. I should have
thought your best market for stock would have been here, and,
I am convinced, the quicker sold the better ; for, should the war
measures recommended by the Executive, and taken up by the
Legislature, be carried through, the fall of stock will be very
sudden, war being then more than probable. Mr. Short holds
some stock here, and, should the first of Mr. Sprigg's resolutions,
now under debate in the lower house, be rejected, I shall, within
24 hours from the rejection, sell out the whole of Mr. Short's
stock. How that resolution will be disposed of (to wit, that
against the expediency of war with the French Republic), is
very doubtful. Those who count votes vary the issue from a
majority of 4 against the resolution to 2 or 3 majority in its
favor. So that the scales of peace and war are very nearly in
equilibrio. Should the debate hold many days, we shall derive
aid from the delay. Letters received from France by a vessel
just arrived, concur in assuring us, that, as all the French meas-
ures bear equally on the Swedes and Danes as on us, so they
have no more purpose of declaring war against us than against
them. Besides this, a wonderful stir is commencing in the east-
ern States. The dirty business of Lyon and Griswold was of a
nature to fly through the newspapers, both Whig and Tory, and
to excite the attention of all classes. It, of course, carried to
their attention, at the same time, the debates out of which that
affair springs. The subject of these debates was, whether the
representatives of the people were to have no check on the ex-
penditure of the public money, and the Executive to squander it
at their will, leaving to the Legislature only the drudgery of fur-
nishing the money. They begin to open their eyes on this to
the eastward, and to suspect they have been hoodwinked. Two
or three Whig presses have set up in Massachusetts, and as many
more in Connecticut. The late war message of the President
has added new alarm. Town meetings have begun in Massa-
230 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
chusetts, and are sending on their petitions and remonstrances
by great majorities, against war measures, and these meetings
are likely to spread. The present debate, as it gets abroad, will
further show them, that it is their members who are for war
measures. It happens, fortunately, that these gentlemen are
obliged to bring themselves forward exactly in time for the
eastern elections to Congress, which come on in the course of
ihe ensuing summer. We have, therefore, great reason to expect
some favorable changes in the representatives from that quarter.
The same is counted on with confidence from Jersey, Pennsyl-
vania, and Maryland ; perhaps one or two also in Virginia ; so
that, after the next election, the Whigs think themselves certain
of a very strong majority in the House of Representatives ; and
though against the other branches they can do nothing good,
yet they can hinder them from doing ill. The only source of
anxiety, therefore, is to avoid war for the present moment. If
we can defeat the measures leading to that during this session,
so as to gain this summer, time will be given, as well for the
public mind to make itself felt, as for the operations of France
to have their effect in England as well as here. If, on the con-
trary, war is forced on, the Tory interest continues dominant,
and to them alone must be left, as they alone desire to ride on
the whirlwind, and direct the storm. The present period, there-
fore, of two or three weeks, is the most eventful ever known
since that of 1775, and will decide whether the principles estab-
lished by that contest are to prevail, or give way to those they
subverted. Accept the friendly salutations and prayers for your
health and happiness, of, dear Sir, your sincere and affectionate
friend.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, April 5, 1798.
DEAR SIR, — I wrote you last on the 29th ultimo ; since which
I have no letter from you. These acknowledgments regularly
CORRESPONDENCE. 231
made and attended to, will show whether any of my letters are
intercepted, and the impression of my seal on wax (which shall
be constant hereafter) will discover whether they are opened by
the way. The nature of some of my communications furnishes
ground of inquietude for their safe conveyance. The bill for
the federal buildings labors hard in Senate, though, to lessen op-
position, the Maryland Senator himself proposed to reduce the
two hundred thousand dollars to one-third of that sum. Sedge-
wick and Hillhouse violently oppose it. I conjecture that the
votes will be either thirteen for and fifteen against it, or fourteen
and fourteen. Every member declares he means to go there,
but though charged with an intention to come away again, not
one of them disavow it. This will engender incurable distrust.
The debate on Mr. Sprigg's resolutions has been interrupted by
a motion to call for papers. This was carried by a great major-
ity. In this case, there appeared a separate squad, to wit, the
Pinckney interest, which is a distinct thing, and will be seen
sometimes to lurch the President. It is in truth the Hamilton
party, whereof Pinckney is only made the stalking horse. The
papers have been sent in and read, and it is now under debate
in both Houses, whether they shall be published. I write in the
morning, and if determined in the course of the day in favor of
publication, I will add in the evening a general idea of their
character. Private letters from France, by a late vessel which
sailed from Havre, February the 5th, assure us that France,
classing us in her measures with the Swedes and Danes, has no
more notion of declaring war against us than them. You will
see a letter in Bache's paper of yesterday, which came addressed
to me. Still the fate of Sprigg's resolutions seems in perfect
equilibrio. You will see in Fenno two numbers of a paper
signed Marcellus. They promise much mischief, and are as-
cribed, without any difference of opinion, to Hamilton. You
must, my dear Sir, take up your pen against this champion.
You know the ingenuity of his talents ; and there is not a per-
son but yourself who can foil him. For heaven's sake, then,
take up your pen, and do not desert the public cause altogether.
232 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
Thursday evening. The Senate have, to-day, voted the pub-
lication of the communications from our Envoys. The House
of Representatives decided against the publication by a majority
of seventy-five to twenty-four. The Senate adjourned, over
to-morrow (good Friday), to Saturday morning ; but as the pa-
pers cannot be printed within that time, perhaps the vote of the
House of Representatives may induce the Senate to reconsider
theirs. For this reason, I think it my duty to be silent on
them. Adieu.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA. April 6, 1798.
DEAR Six, — So much of the communications from our Envoys
has got abroad, and so partially, that there can now be no
ground for reconsideration with the Senate. 1 may therefore,
consistently with duty, do what every member of the body is
doing. Still, I would rather you would use the communication
with reserve till you see the whole papers. The first impress-
ions from them are very disagreeable and confused. Reflection,
however, and analysis resolve them into this. Mr. Adams'
speech to Congress in May is deemed such a national affront,
that no explanation on other topics can be entered on till that,
as a preliminary, is wiped away by humiliating disavowals or
acknowledgments. This working hard with our Envoys, and
indeed seeming impracticable for want of that sort of authority,
submission to a heavy amendment (upwards of a million ster-
ling) was, at an after meeting, suggested as an alternative, which
might be admitted if proposed by us. These overtures had been
through informal agents ; and both the alternatives bringing the
Envoys to their ne plus, they resolve to have no more communi-
cation through inofficial characters, but to address a letter di-
rectly to the government, to bring forward their pretensions.
This letter had not yet, however, been prepared. There were,
interwoven with these overtures some base propositions on the
CORRESPONDENCE. 233
part of Talleyrand, through one of his agents, to sell his interest
and influence with the Directory towards soothing difficulties
with them, in consideration of a large sum (fifty thousand
pounds sterling) ; and the arguments to which his agent resorted
to induce compliance with this demand, were very unworthy of
a great nation, (could they be imputed to them,) and calculated
to excite disgust and indignation in Americans generally, and
alienation in the republicans particularly, whom they so far mis-
take, as to presume an attachment to France and hatred to the
federal party, and not the love of their country, to be their first
passion. No difficulty was expressed towards an adjustment of
all differences and misunderstandings, or even ultimately a pay-
ment for spoliations, if the insult from our Executive should be
first wiped away. Observe, that I state all this from only a sin-
gle hearing of the papers, and therefore it may not be rigorously
correct. The little slanderous imputation before mentioned, has
been the bait which hurried the opposite party into this publica-
tion. The first impressions with the people will be disagreeable,
but the last and permanent one will be, that the speech in May
is now the only obstacle to accommodation, and the real cause
of war, if war takes place. And how much will be added to
this by the speech of November, is yet to be learned. It is
evident, however, on reflection, that these papers do not offer one
motive the more for our going to war. Yet such is their effect
on the minds of wavering characters, that I fear, that to wipe
off the imputation of being French partisans, they will go over
to the war measures so furiously pushed by the other party. It
seems, indeed, as if they were afraid they should not be able to
get into war till Great Britain shall be blown up, and the pru-
dence of our countrymen from that circumstance, have influence
enough to prevent it. The most artful misrepresentations of the
contents of these papers were published yesterday, and produced
such a shock in the republican mind, as had never been seen
since our independence. We are to dread the effects of this dis-
may till their fuller information. Adieu.
234 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, April 12, 1798.
DEAR SIR, — I wrote you two letters on the 5th and 6th in-
stant ; since which I have received yours of the 2d. I send you,
in a separate package, the instructions to our Envoys and their
communications. You will find that my representation of their
contents from memory, was substantially just. The public mind
appears still in a state of astonishment. There never was a mo-
ment in which the aid of an able pen was so important to place
things in their just attitude. On this depend the inchoate move-
ment in the eastern mind, and the fate of the elections in that
quarter, now beginning and to continue through the summer.
I would not propose to you such a task on any ordinary occa-
sion. But be assured that a well-digested analysis of these pa-
pers would now decide the future turn of things, which are at
this moment on the creen. The merchants here are meeting
under the auspices of Fitzsimmons, to address the President and
approve his propositions. Nothing will be spared on that side.
Sprigg's first resolution against the expediency of war, proper at
the time it was moved, is now postponed as improper, because
to declare that, after we have understood it has been proposed
to us to try peace, would imply an acquiescence under that pro-
position. All, therefore, which the advocates of peace can now
attempt, is to prevent war measures externally, consenting to
every rational measure of internal defence and preparation.
Great expenses will be incurred ; and it will be left to those
whose measures render them necessary, to provide to meet them.
They already talk of stopping all payments of interest, and of a
land tax. These will probably not be opposed. The only ques-
tion will be, how to modify the land tax. On this there may
be a great diversity of sentiment. One party will want to make
it a new source of patronage and expense. If this business is
taken up, it will lengthen our session. We had pretty generally,
till now, fixed on the beginning of May for adjournment. I
CORRESPONDENCE. 235
shall return by my usual routes, and not by the eastern shore, on
account of the advance of the season. Friendly salutations to
Mrs. Madison and yourself. Adieu.
TO P. CARR.
PHILADELPHIA, April 12, 1Y98.
As the instruction to our Envoys and their communications
have excited a great deal of curiosity, I enclose you a copy.
You will perceive that they have been assailed by swindlers,
whether with or without the participation of Talleyrand is not
very apparent. The known corruption of his character renders
it very possible he may have intended to share largely in the
£50,000 demanded. But that the Directory know anything of
it is neither proved nor probable. On the contrary, when the
Portuguese ambassador yielded to like attempts of swindlers, the
conduct of the Directory in imprisoning him for an attempt at
corruption, as well as their general conduct really magnanimous,
places them above suspicion. It is pretty evident that Mr. A.'s
speech is in truth the only obstacle to negotiation. That hu-
miliating disavowals of that are demanded as a preliminary, or
as a commutation for that a heavy sum of money, about a million
sterling. This obstacle removed, they seem not to object to an
arrangement of all differences, and even to settle and acknowl-
edge themselves debtors for spoliations. Nor does it seem that
negotiation is at an end, as the President's message says, but that
it is in its commencement only. The instructions comply with
the wishes expressed in debate in the May session to place
Prance on as good footing as England, and not to make a sine
qua non of the indemnification for spoliation ; but they declare
the war in which France is engaged is not a defensive one, they
reject the naturalization of French ships, that is to say the ex-
change of naturalization which France had formerly proposed to
us, and which would lay open to us the unrestrained trade of her
West Indies and all her other possessions ; they declare the 10th
236 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
article of the British treaty, against sequestering debts, money in
the funds, bank stock, &c., to be founded in morality, and there-
fore of perpetual obligation, and some other heterodoxies.
You will have seen in the newspapers some resolutions pro-
posed by Mr. Sprigg, the first of which was, that it was inexpe-
dient under existing circumstances to resort to war with France.
Whether this could have been carried before is doubtful, but
since it is known that a sum of money has been demanded, it is
thought that this resolution, were it now to be passed, would
imply a willingness to avoid war even by purchasing peace.
It is therefore postponed. The peace party will agree to all rea-
sonable measures of internal defence, but oppose all external pre-
parations. Though it is evident that these communications do
not present one motive the more for going to war, yet it may be
doubted whether we are strong enough to keep within the de-
fensive line. It is thought the expenses contemplated wilt ren-
der a land tax necessary before we separate. If so, it will
lengthen the session. The first impressions from these commu-
nications are disagreeable ; but their ultimate effect on the public
mind will not be favorable to the war party. They may have
some effect in the first moment in stopping the movement in the
Eastern States, which were on the creen, and were running into
town meetings, yet it is believed this will be momentary only,
and will be over before their elections. Considerable expectations
were formed of changes in the Eastern delegations favorable to
the Whig interest. Present my best respects to Mrs. Carr, and
accept yourself assurance of affectionate esteem.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, April 26, 1798.
DEAR SIR, —
***********
The bill for the naval armament (twelve vessels) passed by a
majority of about four to three in the House of Representatives ;
CORRESPONDENCE. 237
all restrictions on the objects for which the vessels should be used
were struck out. The bill for establishing a department of Secre-
tary of the Navy was tried yesterday, on its passage to the third
reading, and prevailed by forty-seven against forty-one. It will
be read the third time to-day. The provisional army of twenty-
thousand men will meet some difficulty. It would surely be re-
jected if our members were all here. Giles. Clopton, Cabell and
Nicholas have gone, and Clay goes to-morrow. He received here
news of the death of his wife. Parker has completely gone over
to the war party. In this state of things they will carry what
they please. One of the war party, in a fit of unguarded passion,
declared sometime ago they would pass a citizen bill, an alien
bill, and a sedition bill ; accordingly, some days ago, Coit laid a
motion on the table of the House of Representatives for modify-
ing the citizen law. Their threats pointed at Gallatin, and it is
believed they will endeavor to reach him by this bill. Yester-
day Mr. Hillhouse laid on the table of the Senate a motion for
giving power to send away suspected aliens. This is understood
to be meant for Volney and Collot. But it will not stop there
when it gets into a course of execution. There is now only
wanting, to accomplish the whole declaration before mentioned,
a sedition bill, which we shall certainly soon see proposed. The
object of that, is the suppression of the Whig presses. Bache's
has been particularly named. That paper and also Carey's totter
for want of subscriptions. We should really exert ourselves to
procure them, for if these papers fall, republicanism will be en-
tirely brow beaten. Carey's paper comes out three times a week,
at five dollars. The meeting of the people which was called at
New York, did nothing. It was found that the majority would
be against the address. They therefore chose to circulate it in-
dividually. The committee of Ways and Means have voted a
land tax. An additional tax on salt will certainly be proposed in
the House, and probably prevail to some degree. The stoppage
of interest on the public debt will also, perhaps, be proposed, but
not with effect. In the meantime, that paper cannot be sold.
Hamilton is coming on as Senator from New York. There have
238 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
been so much contrivance and combination in that, as to show
there is some great object in hand. Troup, the district judge of
New York, resigns towards the close of the session of their As-
sembly. The appointment of Mr. Hobart, then Senator, to suc-
ceed Troup, is not made by the President till after the Assembly
had risen. Otherwise, they would have chosen the Senator in
place of Hobart. Jay then names Hamilton, Senator, but not
till a day or two before his own election as Governor was to
come on, lest the unpopularity of the nomination should be in
time to effect his own election. We shall see in what all this is
to end ; but surely in something. The popular movement in the
eastern States is checked, as we expected, and war addresses are
showering in from New Jersey and the great trading towns.
However, we still trust that a nearer view of war and a land tax
will oblige the great mass of the people to attend. At present,
the war hawks talk of septembrizing, deportation, and the ex-
amples for quelling sedition set by the French executive. All
the firmness of the human mind is now in a state of requisition.
Salutations to Mrs. Madison ; and to yourself, friendship and
adieu.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHCA, May 3, 1798.
DEAR SIR, — I wrote you last on the 26th ; since which yours
of the 22d of April has been received, acknowledging mine of
the 12th ; so that all appear to have been received to that date.
The spirit kindled up in the towns is wonderful. These and
New Jersey are pouring in their addresses, offering life and for-
tune. Even these addresses are not the worst things. For in-
discreet declarations and expressions of passion may be pardoned
to a multitude acting from the impulse of the moment. But we
cannot expect a foreign nation to show that apathy to the an-
swers of the President, which are more thrasonic than the ad-
dresses. Whatever chance for peace might have been left us
CORRESPONDENCE. 239
after the publication of the despatches, is completely lost by these
answers. Nor is it France alone, but his own fellow citizens,
against whom his threats are uttered. In Fenno, of yesterday,
you will see one, wherein he says to the address from Newark,
" the delusions and misrepresentations which have misled so
many citizens, must be discountenanced by authority as well as
by the citizens at large ;" evidently alluding to those letters from
the Representatives to their constituents, which they have been
in the habit of seeking after and publishing ; while those sent by
the Tory part of the House to their constituents, are ten times
more numerous, and replete with the most atrocious falsehoods
and calumnies. What new law they will propose on this sub-
ject, has not yet leaked out. The citizen bill sleeps. The alien
bill, proposed by the Senate, has not yet been brought in. That
proposed by the House of Representatives has been so moder-
ated, that it will not answer the passionate purposes of the war
gentlemen. Whether, therefore, the Senate will push their bolder
plan, I know not. The provisional army does not go down so
smoothly in the House as it did in the Senate. They are whit-
ling away some of its choice ingredients ; particularly that of
transferring their own constitutional discretion over the raising
of armies to the President. A committee of the Representatives
have struck out his discretion, and hang the raising of the men
on the contingencies of invasion, insurrection, or declaration of
war. Were all our members here, the bill would not pass. But
it will, probably, as the House now is. Its expense is differently
estimated, from five to eight millions of dollars a year. Their
purposes before voted, require two millions above all the other
taxes, which, therefore, are voted to be raised on lands, houses
and slaves. The provisional army will be additional to this.
The threatening appearances from the alien bills have so alarmed
the French who are among us, that they are going off. A ship,
chartered by themselves for this purpose, will sail within about a
fortnight for France, with as many as she can carry. Among
these I believe will be Volney, who has in truth been the princi-
pal object aimed at by the law.
JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
Notwithstanding the unfavorableness of the late impressions, it
is believed the New York elections, which are over, will give us
two or three republicans more than we now have. But it is sup-
posed Jay is re-elected. It is said Hamilton declines coming to
the Senate. He very soon stopped his Marcellus. It was rather
the sequel which was feared than what actually appeared. He
comes out on a different plan in his Titus Manlius, if that be
really his. The appointments to the Mississippi were so abom-
inable that the Senate could not swallow them. They referred
them to a committee to inquire into characters, and the President
withdrew the nomination. *****
As there is nothing material now to be proposed, we generally
expect to rise in about three weeks. However, I do not venture
to order my horses.
My respectful salutations to Mrs. Madison. To yourself affec-
tionate friendship, and adieu.
P. S. Perhaps the President's expression before quoted, may
look to the sedition bill which has been spoken of, and which
may be meant to put the printing presses under the imprimatur
of the executive. Bache is thought a main object of it. Cabot,
of Massachusetts, is appointed Secretary of the Navy.
TO JAMES LEWIS, JUNIOR.
PHILADELPHIA, May 9, 1798.
DEAR SIR, — I am much obliged by your friendly letter of the
4th instant. As soon as I saw the first of Mr. Martin's letters, I
turned to the newspapers of the day, and found Logan's speech,
as translated by a common Indian interpreter. The version I had
used, had been made by General Gibson. Finding from Mr.
Martin's style, that his object was not merely truth, but to gratify
party passions, I never read another of his letters. I determined
to do my duty by searching into the truth, and publishing it to
the world, whatever it should be. This I shall do at a proper
CORRESPONDENCE. 241
season. I am much indebted to many persons, who, without any
acquaintance with me, have voluntarily sent me information on
the subject. Party passions are indeed high. Nobody has more
reason to know it than myself. I receive daily bitter proofs of it
from people who never saw me, nor know anything of me but
through Porcupine and Fenno. At this moment all the passions
are boiling over, and one who keeps himself cool and clear of
the contagion, is so far below the point of ordinary conversation,
that he finds himself insulated in every society. However, the
fever will not last. War, land tax and stamp tax, are sedatives
which must cool its ardor. They will bring on reflection,, and
that, with information, is all which our countrymen need, to
bring themselves and their affairs to rights. They are essential-
ly republicans. They retain unadulterated the principles of '75,
and those who are conscious of no change in themselves have
nothing to fear in the long run. It is our duty still to endeavor
to avoid war; but if it shall actually take place, no matter by
whom brought on, we must defend ourselves. If our house be
on fire, without inquiring whether it was fired from within or
without, we must try to extinguish it. In that, I have no doubt,
we shall act as one man. But if we can ward off actual war
till the crisis of England is over, I shall hope we may escape it
altogether.
I am, with much esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient humble
servant.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
PHILADELPHIA, May 21, 1798.
Yours of April 8th and 14th, and May 4th and 14th, have
been received in due time. I have not written to you since the
19th ult., because I knew you would be out on a circuit, and
would receive the letters only when they would be as old alma-
nacs. The bill for the provisional army has got through the
lower House, the regulars reduced to 10,000, and the volunteers
VOL. iv 16
242 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
unlimited. It was carried by a majority of 14. The land tax
is now on the carpet to raise two millions of dollars ; yet I think
they must at least double it, as the expenses of the provisional
army were not provided for in it, and will require of itself four
millions a year. I presume, therefore, the tax on lands, houses,
and negroes, will be a dollar a head on the population of each
State. There are alien bills, sedition bills, &c., also before both
Houses. The severity of their aspect determines a great number
of French to go off. A ship-load sails on Monday next ; among
them Volney. If no new business is brought on, I think they
may get through the tax bill in three weeks. You will have seen,
among numerous addresses and answers, one from Lancaster in
this State, and its answer. The latter travelling out of the topics
of the address altogether, to mention you in a most injurious
manner. Your feelings have no doubt been much implicated by
it, as in truth it had all the characters necessary to produce irri-
tation. What notice you should take of it is difficult to say.
But there is one step in which two or three with whom I have
spoken concur with me, that feeble as the hand is from which
this shaft is thrown, yet with a great mass of our citizens,
strangers to the leading traits of the character from which it
came, it will have considerable effect ; and that in order to re-
place yourself on the high ground you are entitled to, it is abso-
lutely necessary that you should re-appear on the public theatre,
and take an independent stand, from which you can be seen and
known to your fellow citizens. The House of Representatives
appears the only place which can answer this end, as the pro-
ceedings of the other House are too obscure. Cabell has said
he would give way to you, should you choose to come in, and I
really think it would be expedient for yourself as well as the
public, that you should not wait until another election, but come
to the next session. No interval should be admitted between
this last attack of enmity and your re-appearance with the ap-
proving voice of your constituents, and your taking a commanding
attitude. I have not before been anxious for your return to pub-
lic life, lest it should interfere with a proper pursuit of your
CORRESPONDENCE. 243
private interests, but the next session will not at all interfere
with your courts, because it must end March 4th, and I verily
believe the next election will give us such a majority in the
House of Representatives as to enable the republican party to
shorten the alternate unlimited session, as it is evident that to
shorten the sessions is to lessen the evils and burthens of the gov-
ernment on our country. The present session has already cost
200,000 dollars, besides the wounds it has inflicted on the pros-
perity of the Union. I have no doubt Cabell can be induced to
retire immediately, and that a writ may be issued at once. The
very idea of this will strike the public mind, and raise its confi-
dence in you. If this be done, I should think it best you should
take no notice at all of the answer to Lancaster. Because, were you
to show a personal hostility against the answer, it would deaden
the effect of everything you should say or do in your public
place hereafter. All would be ascribed to an enmity to Mr. A.,
and you know with what facility such insinuations enter the
minds of men. I have not seen Dawson since this answer has
appeared, and therefore have not yet learnt his sentiments on it.
My respectful salutations to Mrs. Monroe ; and to yourself, affec-
tionately adieu.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, May 31, 1798.
DEAR Sm, — I wrote to you last on the 24thr since which yours
of the 20th has been received. I must begin by correcting two
errors in my last. It was false arithmetic to say, that two meas-
ures therein mentioned to have been carried by majorities of
eleven, would have failed if the fourteen absentees (wherein a
majority of six is ours) had been present. Six coming over from
the other side would have turned the scale, and this was the
idea floating in my mind, which produced the mistake. The
second error was in the version of Mr. Adams' expression, which
I stated to you. His real expression was " that he would not
244 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
unbrace a single nerve for any treaty France could offer ; such
•was their entire want of faith, morality, &c."
The bill from the Senate for capturing French armed vessels
found hovering on our coast was passed in two days by the lower
House, without a single alteration ; and the Ganges, a twenty
gun sloop, fell down the river instantly to go on a cruise. She
has since been ordered to New York, to convoy a vessel from
that to this port. The alien bill will be ready to day, probably,
for its third reading in the Senate. It has been considerably
mollified, particularly by a proviso saving the rights of treaties.
Still, it is a most detestable thing. I was glad, in yesterday's
discussion, to hear it admitted on all hands, that laws of the
United States, subsequent to a treaty, control its operation, and
that the Legislature is the only power which can control a treaty.
Both points are sound beyond doubt. This bill will unquestion-
ably pass the House of Representatives, the majority there being
very decisive, consolidated, and bold enough to do anything. I
have no doubt from the hints dropped, they will pass a bill to
declare the French treaty void. I question if they will think a
declaration of war prudent, as it might alarm, and all its effects
are answered by the act authorizing captures. A bill is brought
in for suspending all communication with the dominions of
France, which will no doubt pass. It is suspected that they
mean to borrow money of individuals in London, on the credit
of our land tax, and perhaps the guarantee of Great Britain. The
land tax was yesterday debated, and a majority of six struck out
the thirteenth section of, the classification of houses, and taxed
them by a different scale from the lands. Instead of this, is to
be proposed a valuation of the houses and lands together. Macon
yesterday laid a motion on the table for adjourning on the 14th.
Some think they do not mean to adjourn ; others, that they wait
first the return of the Envoys, for whom it is now avowed the
brig Sophia was sent. It is expected she would bring them off
about the middle of this month. They may, therefore, be ex-
pected here about the second week of July. Whatever be their
decision as to adjournment I think it probable my next letter
CORRESPONDENCE. 245
will convey orders for my horses, and that I shall leave this place
from the 20th to the 25th of June ; for I have no expectation
they will actually adjourn sooner. Volney and a ship-load of
others sail on Sunday next. Another ship-load will go off in about
three weeks. It is natural to expect they go under irritations cal-
culated to fan the flame. Not so Volney. He is most thoroughly
impressed with the importance of preventing war, whether con-
sidered with reference to the interests of the two countries, of
the cause of republicanism, or of man on the broad scale. But
an eagerness to render this prevention impossible, leaves me
without any hope. Some of those who have insisted that it was
long since war on the part of France, are candid enough to ad-
mit that it is now begun on our part also. I enclose for your
perusal a poem on the alien bill, written by Mr. Marshall. I do
this, as well for your amusement, as to get you to take care of
this copy for me till I return ; for it will be lost in lending it, if
I retain it here, as the publication was suppressed after the sale
of a few copies, of which I was fortunate enough to get one.
Your locks, hinges, &c., shall be immediately attended to.
My respectful salutations and friendship to Mrs. Madison, to
the family, and to yourself. Adieu.
P. S. The President, it is said, has refused an Exequatur to
the consul general of France, Dupont.
TO JOHN TAYLOR.
PHILADELPHIA, June 1, 1T98.
**********
Mr. New showed me your letter on the subject of the patent,
which gave me an opportunity of observing what you said as to
the effect, with you, of public proceedings, and that it was not
unwise now to estimate the separate mass of Virginia and North
Carolina, with a view to their separate existence. It is true that
we are completely under the saddle of Massachusetts and Con-
246 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
necticut, and that they ride us very hard, cruelly insulting our
feelings, as well as exhausting our strength and subsistence.
Their natural friends, the three other eastern States, join them
from a sort of family pride, and they have the art to divide cer-
tain other parts of the Union, so as to make use of them to
govern tne whole. This is not new, it is the old practice of
despots ; to use a part of the people to keep the rest in order.
And those who have once got an ascendancy, and possessed
themselves of all the resources of the nation, their revenues and
offices, have immense means for retaining their advantage. But
our present situation is not a natural one. The republicans,
through every part of the Union, say, that it was the irresistible
influence and popularity of General Washington played off by
the cunning of Hamilton, which turned the government over to
anti-republican hands, or turned the republicans chosen by the
people into anti-republicans. He delivered it over to his suc-
cessor in this state, and very untoward events since, improved
with great artifice, have produced on the public mind the impress-
ions we see. But still I repeat it, this is not the natural state.
Time alone would bring round an order of things more corre-
spondent to the sentiments of our constituents. But are there no
events impending, which will do it within a few months ? The
crisis with England, the public and authentic avowal of senti-
ments hostile to the leading principles of our Constitution, the
prospect of a war, in which we shall stand alone, land tax, stamp
tax, increase of public debt, &c. Be this as it may, in every free
and deliberating society, there must, from the nature of man,
be opposite parties, and violent dissensions and discords ; and one
of these, for the most part, must prevail over the other for a longer
or shorter time. Perhaps this party division is necessary to induce
each to watch and delate to the people the proceedings of the
other. But if on a temporary superiority of the one party, the
otner is to resort to a scission of the Union, no federal govern-
ment can ever exist. If to rid ourselves of the present rule of
Massachusetts and Connecticut, we break the Union, will the
evil stop there ? Suppose the New England States alone cut oft',
CORRESPONDENCE. 247
will our nature be changed? Are we not men still to the south
of that, and with all the passions of men ? Immediately, we shall
see a Pennsylvania and a Virginia party arise in the residuary
confederacy, and the public mind will be distracted with the same
party spirit. What a game too will the one party have in their
hands, by eternally threatening the other that unless they do so
ind so, they will join their northern neighbors. If we reduce our
Union to Virginia and North Carolina, immediately the conflict
will be established between the representatives of these two States,
and they will end by breaking into their simple units. Seeing,
therefore, that an association of men who will not quarrel with
one another is a thing which never yet existed, from the greatest
confederacy of nations down to a town meeting or a vestry ; see-
ing that we must have somebody to quarrel with, I had rather keep
our New England associates for that purpose, than to see our
bickerings transferred to others. They are circumscribed within
such narrow limits, and their population so full, that their num-
bers will ever be the minority, and they are marked, like the
Tews, with such a perversity of character, as to constitute, from
that circumstance, the natural division of our parties. A little
patience, and we shall see the reign of witches pass over, their
spells dissolved, and the people recovering their true sight, restor-
ing their government to its true principles. It is true, that in the
meantime, we are suffering deeply in spirit, and incurring the
horrors of a war, and long oppressions of enormous public debt.
But who can say what would be the evils of a scission, and when
and where they would end ? Better keep together as we are,
haul off from Europe as soon as we can, and from all attachments
to any portions of it ; and if they show their power just sufficiently
to hoop us together, it will be the happiest situation in which we
can exist. If the game runs sometimes against us at home, we
must have patience till luck turns, and then we shall have an
opportunity of winning back the principles we have lost. For
this is a game where principles are the stake. Better luck, there-
fore, to us all, and health, happiness and friendly salutations to
yourself. Adieu.
248 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
P. S. It is hardly necessary to caution you to let nothing of
mine get before the public ; a single sentence got hold of by the
Porcupines, will suffice to abuse and persecute me in their papers
for months.
TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO.
PHILADELPHIA, June 1, 1798.
DEAR SIR, — Mr. Volney's departure for France gives me an
opportunity of writing to you. I was happy in observing, for
many days after your departure, that our winds were favorable
for you. I hope, therefore, you quickly passed the cruising grounds
on our coast, and have safely arrived at the term of your journey.
Your departure is not yet known, or even suspected.* Niemse-
vioz was much affected. He is now at the federal city. He
desired me to have some things taken care of for you. There
were some kitchen furniture, backgammon table and chess men,
and a pelise of fine fur. The latter I have taken to my own
apartment and had packed in hops, and sewed up; the former
are put into a warehouse of Mr. Barnes ; all subject to your future
orders. Some letters came for you soon after your departure :
the person who delivered them said there were enclosed in
them some for your friend whom you left here, and desired I
would open them. I did so in his presence, found only one
letter for your friend, took it out and sealed the letters again in
the presence of the same person, without reading a word or look-
[* Shortly before, Mr. Jefferson had obtained passports for General Kosciusko,
under an assumed name, from the foreign ministers in this country. The annexed is
the note addressed to Mr. Liston, soliciting one from him.
" Thomas Jefferson presents his respects to Mr. Liston, and asks the favor of the
passport for Ins friend Thomas Kanberg, of whom he spoke to him yesterday. He
is a native of the north of Europe, (perhaps of Germany.) has been known to Thomas
Jefferson these twenty years in America, is of a most excellent character, stands in
no relation whatever to any of the belligerent powers, as to whom Thomas Jefferson
is not afraid to be responsible for his political innocence, as he goes merely for hia
private affairs. He will sail from Baltimore, if he finds there a good opportunity
for France; and if not, he will come on here. March 27, 1798."]
CORRESPONDENCE. 249
ing who they were from. I now forward them to yon, as I do
this to my friend Jacob Van Staphorst, at Paris. Our alien hill
struggles hard for a passage. It has been considerably mollified.
It is not yet through the Senate. We are proceeding further and
further in war measures. I consider that event as almost inevita-
ble. I am extremely anxious to hear from you, to know what
sort of a passage you had, how you find yourself, and the state
and prospect of things in Europe. I hope I shall not be long
without hearing from you. The first dividend which will be
drawn for you and remitted, will be in January, and as the winter
passages are dangerous, it will not be forwarded till April ; after
that, regularly, from six months to six months. This will be
done by Mr. Barnes. I shall leave this place in three weeks.
The times do not permit an indulgence in political disquisitions.
But they forbid not the effusion of friendship, and not my warmest
toward you, which no time will alter. Your principles and dis-
positions were made to be honored, revered and loved. True to
a single object, the freedom and happiness of man, they have not
veered about with the changelings and apostates of our acquaint-
ance. May health and happiness ever attend you. Accept sin-
cere assurances of my affectionate esteem and respect. Adieu.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, June 21, 1798.
DEAR SIR, — Yours of the 10th instant is received. I expected
mine of the 14th would have been my last from hence, as I had
proposed to set out on the 20th ; but on the morning of the 19th,
we heard of the arrival of Marshall at New York, and I con-
cluded to stay and see whether that circumstance would produce
any new projects. No doubt he there received more than hints
from Hamilton as to the tone required to be assumed. Yet I ap-
prehend he is not hot enough for his friends. Livingston came
with him from New York. Marshall told him they had no idea
250 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
in France of a war with us. That Talleyrand sent passports to
him and Pinckney, but none to Gerry. Upon this, Gerry staid,
without explaining to them the reason. He wrote, however, to
the President by Marshall, who knew nothing of the contents of
the letter. So that there must have been a previous understand-
ing between Talleyrand and Gerry. Marshall was received here
with the utmost eclat. The Secretary of State and many car-
riages, with all the city cavalry, went to Frankfort to meet him,
and on his arrival here in the evening, the bells rung till late in
the night, and immense crowds were collected to see and make
part of the show, which was circuitously paraded through the
streets before he was set down at the City tavern. All this was
to secure him to their views, that he might say nothing which
would oppose the game they have been playing. Since his ar-
rival I can hear of nothing directly from him, while they are dis-
seminating through the town things, as from him, diametrically
opposite to what he said to Livingston. Doctor Logan, about a
fortnight ago, sailed for Hamburg. Though for a twelvemonth
past he had been intending to go to Europe as soon as he could
get money enough to carry him there, yet when he had accom-
plished this, and fixed a time for going, he very unwisely made
a mystery of it : so that his disappearance without notice excited
conversation. This was seized by the war hawks, and given out
as a secret mission from the Jacobins here to solicit an army from
France, instruct them as to their landing, &c. This extravagance
produced a real panic among the citizens ; and happening just
when Bache published Talleyrand's letter, Harper, on the 18th,
gravely announced to the House of Representatives, that there
existed a traitorous correspondence between the Jacobins here
and the French Directory ; that he had got hold of some threads
and clues of it, and would soon be able to develop the whole.
This increased the alarm ; their libelists immediately set to work,
directly and indirectly to implicate whom they pleased. Porcu-
pine gave me a principal share in it, as I am told, for I never
read his papers. This state of things added to my reasons for
not departing at the time I intended. These follies seem to have
CORRESPONDENCE. 251
died away in some degree already. Perhaps I may renew my
purpose by the 25th. Their system is, professedly, to keep up
an alarm. Tracy, at the meeting of the joint committee for
adjournment, declared it necessary for Congress to stay together
to keep up the inflammation of the public mind ; and Otis has
expressed a similar sentiment since. However, they will adjourn.
The opposers of an adjournment in Senate, yesterday ^agreed to
adjourn on the 10th of July. But I think the 1st of July will
be carried. That is one of the objects which detain myself, as
well as one or two more of the Senate, who had got leave of
absence. I imagine it will be decided to-morrow or next day.
To separate Congress now, will be withdrawing the fire from un-
der a boiling pot.
My respectful salutations to Mrs. Madison, and cordial friend-
ship to yourself.
P. M. A message to both Houses this day from the President,
with the following communications.
March 23. Pickering's letter to the Envoys, directing them,
if they are not actually engaged in negotiation with authorized
persons, or if it is not conducted bona fide, and not merely for
procrastination, to break up and come home, and at any rate to
consent to no loan.
April 3. Talleyrand to Gerry. He supposes the other two
gentlemen, perceiving that their known principles are an obstacle
to negotiation, will leave there public, and proposes to renew the
negotiations with Gerry immediately.
April 4. Gerry to Talleyrand. Disclaims a power to con-
clude anything separately, can only confer informally and as an
unaccredited person or individual, reserving to lay everything be-
fore the government of the United States for approbation.
April 14. Gerry to the President. He communicates the
preceding, and hopes the President will send other persons instead
of his colleagues and himself, if it shall appear that anything can
be done.
The President's message says, that as the instructions were not
252 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
to consent to any loan, he considers the negotiations as at an end,
and that he will never send another minister to France, until he
shall be assured that he will be received and treated with the re-
spect due to a great, powerful, free and independent nation.
A bill was brought in the Senate this day, to declare the trea-
ties with France void, prefaced by a list of grievances in the style
of a manifesto. It passed to the second reading by fourteen to
five.
A bill for punishing forgeries of bank paper, passed to the third
reading by fourteen to six. Three of the fourteen (Laurence,
Bingham and Read) bank directors.
TO MR. NOLAN.
PHILADELPHIA, June 24, 1798.
SIR, — It is sometime since I have understood that there are
large herds of horses in a wild state, in the country west of the
Mississippi, and have been desirous of obtaining details of their
history in that State. Mr. Brown, Senator from Kentucky, informs
me it would be in your power to give interesting information on
this subject, and encourages me to ask it. The circumstances
of the old world have, beyond the records of history, been such
as admitted not that animal to exist in a state of nature. The
condition of America is rapidly advancing to the same. The
present then is probably the only moment in the age of the world,
and the herds above mentioned the only subjects, of which we
can avail ourselves to obtain what has never yet been recorded,
and never can be again in all probability. I will add that your
information is the sole reliance, as far as I can at present see, for
obtaining this desideratum. You will render to natural history
a very acceptable service, therefore, if you will enable our Phil-
osophical society to add so interesting a chapter to the history of
this animal. I need not specify to you the particular facts asked
for; as your knowledge of the animal in his domesticated, as well
as his wild state, will naturally have led your attention to those
CORRESPONDENCE. 253
particulars in the manners, habits, and laws of his existence,
which are peculiar to his wild state. I wish you not to be
anxious about the form of your information, the exactness of the
substance alone is material ; and if, after giving in a first letter
all the facts you at present possess, you would be so good, on
subsequent occasions, as to furnish such others in addition, as you
may acquire from time to time, your communications will always
be thankfully received, if addressed to me at Monticello ; and put
into any post office in Kentucky or Tennessee, they will reach
me speedily and safely, and will be considered as obligations
on, sir, your most obedient, humble servant.
TO SAMUEL SMITH.
MONTICELLO, August 22, 1708.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of August the 4th came to hand by
our last post, together with the " extract of a letter from a gentle-
man of Philadelphia, dated July the 10th," cut from a newspaper
stating some facts which respect me. I shall notice these facts.
The writer says that " the day after the last despatches were com-
municated to Congress, Bache, Leib, &c., and a Dr. Reynolds,
were closeted with me." If the receipt of visits in my public
room, the door continuing free to every one who should call at
the same time, may be called closeting, then it is true that I was
closeted with every person who visited me ; in no other sense is
it true as to any person. I sometimes received visits from Mr.
Bache and Dr. Leib. I received them always with pleasure, be-
cause they are men of abilities, and of principles the most friend-
ly to liberty and our present form of government. Mr. Bache
has another claim on my respect, as being the grandson of Dr.
Franklin, the greatest man and ornament of the age and country
in which he lived. Whether I was visited by Mr. Bache or Dr.
Leib the day after the communication referred to, I do not re-
member. I know that all my motions in Philadelphia, here, and
everywhere, are watched and recorded. Some of these spies,
254 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
therefore, may ^remember better than I do, the dates of these
visits. If they say that these two gentlemen visited me on the
day after the communication, as their trade proves their accuracy,
I shall not contradict them, though I affirm that I do not recol-
lect it. However, as to Dr. Reynolds I can be more particular, be-
cause I never saw him but once, which was on an introductory
visit he was so kind as to pay me. This, I well remember, was
before the communication alluded to, and that during the short
conversation I had with him, not one word was said on the sub-
ject of any of the communications. Not that I should not have
spoken freely on their subject to Dr. Reynolds, as I should also
have done to the letter writer, or to any other person who should
have introduced the subject. I know my own principles to be
pure, and therefore am not ashamed of them. On the contrary, I
wish them known, and therefore willingly express them to every
one. They are the same I have acted on from the year 1775 to
this day, and are the same, I am sure, with those of the great body
of the American people. I only wish the real principles of those
who censure mine were also known. But warring against those
of the people, the delusion of the people is necessary to the domi-
nant party. I see the extent to which that delusion has been
already carried, and I see there is no length to which it may not '
be pushed by a party in possession of the revenues and the legal
authorities of the United States, for a short time indeed, but yet
long enough to admit much particular mischief. There is no
event, therefore, however atrocious, which may not be expected.
I have contemplated every event which the Maratists of the day
can perpetrate, and am prepared to meet every one in such a way,
as shall not be derogatory either to the public liberty or my own
personal honor. The letter writer says, I am " for peace ; but it is
only with France." He has told half the truth. He would have
told the whole, if he had added England. I am for peace with
both countries. I know that both of them have given, and are
daily giving, sufficient cause of war ; that in defiance of the laws
of nations, they are every day trampling on the rights of the
neutral powers, whenever they can thereby do the least injury,
CORRESPONDENCE. 255
either to the other. But, as I view a peace between France and
England the ensuing winter to be certain, I have thought it
would have been better for us to continue to bear from France
through the present summer, what we have been bearing both
from her and England these four years, and still continue to bear
from England, and to have required indemnification in the hour
of peace, when I verily believe it would have been yielded by
both. This seems to have been the plan of the other neutral
nations ; and whether this, or the commencing war on one of
them, as we have done, would have been wisest, time and events
must decide. But I am quite at a loss on what ground the letter
writer can question the opinion, that France had no intention of
making war on us, and was willing to treat with Mr. Gerry, when
we have this from Talleyrand's letter, and from the written and
verbal information of our Envoys. It is true then, that, as with
England, we might of right have chosen either war or peace,
and have chosen peace, and prudently in my opinion, so with
France, we might also of right have chosen either peace or war,
and we have chosen war. Whether the choice may be a popu-
lar one in the other States, I know not. Here it certainly is not ;
and I have no doubt the whole American people will rally ere
long to the same sentiment, and rejudge those who, at present,
think they have all judgment in their own hands.
These observations will show you, how far the imputations in
the paragraph sent me approach the truth. Yet they are not in-
tended for a newspaper. At a very early period of my life, I
determined never to put a sentence into any newspaper. I have
religously adhered to the resolution through my life, and have
great reason to be contented with it. Were I to undertake to an-
swer the calumnies of the newspapers, it would be more than all
jiy own time, and that of twenty aids could effect. For while
I should be answering one, twenty new ones would be invented.
I have thought it better to trust to the justice of my country-
men, that they would judge me by what they see of my conduct
on the stage where they have placed me, and what they knew
of me before the epoch since which a particular pa-ty has sup-
256 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
posed it might answer some view of theirs to vilify me in the
public eye. Some, I know, will not reflect how apocryphal is
the testimony of enemies so palpably betraying the views with
which they give it. But this is an injury to which duty re-
quires every one to submit whom the public think proper to call
into its councils. I thank you, my dear Sir, for the interest
you have for me on this occasion. Though I have made up
my mind not so suffer calumny to disturb my tranquillity, yet I
retain all my sensibilities for the approbation of the good and just.
That is, indeed, the chief consolation for the hatred of so many,
'who, without the least personal knowledge, and on the sacred
evidence of Porcupine and Fenno alone, cover me with their
implacable hatred. The only return I will ever make them, will
be to do them all the good I can, in spite of their teeth.
I have the pleasure to inform you that all your friends in this
quarter are well, and to assure you of the sentiments of sincere
esteem and respect with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and
servant.
TO A. H. ROWAN.
MONTICELLO, September 26, 1798.
Sm, — To avoid the suspicions and curiosity of the post office,
which would have been excited by seeing your name and mine
on the back of a letter, I have delayed acknowledging the re-
ceipt of your favor of July last, till an occasion to write to an in-
habitant of Wilmington gives me an opportunity of putting my
letter under cover to him. The system of alarm and jealousy
which has been so powerfully played off in England, has been
mimicked here, not entirely without success. The most long-
sighted politician could not, seven years ago, have imagined
that the people of this wide-extended country could have been
enveloped in such delusion, and made so much afraid of them-
selves and their own power, as to surrender it spontaneously to
those who are manoBuvring them into a from of government, the
CORRESPONDENCE. 257
principal branches of which may be beyond their control. The
commerce of England, however, has spread its roots over the
whole face of our country. This is the real source of all the
obliquities of the public mind ; and I should have had doubts
of the ultimate term they might attain ; but happily, the game,
to be worth the playing of those engaged in it, must flush them
with money. The authorized expenses of this year are beyond
those of any year in the late war for independence, and they
are of a nature to beget great and constant expenses. The
purse of the people is the real seat of sensibility. It is to be
drawn upon largely, and they will then listen to truths which
could not excite them through any other organ. In this State,
however, the delusion has not prevailed. They are sufficiently
on their guard to have justified the assurance, that should you
choose it for your asylum, the laws of the land, administered by
upright judges, would protect you from any exercise of power
unauthorized by the Constitution of the United States. The
Habeas Corpus secures every man here, alien or citizen, against
everything which is not law, whatever shape it may assume.
Should this, or any other circumstance, draw your footsteps this
way, I shall be happy to be among those who may have an op-
portunity of testifying, by every attention in our power, the sen-
timents of esteem and respect which the circumstances of your
history have inspired, and which are peculiarly felt by, Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO STEPHENS THOMPSON MASON.
MONTICELLO, October 11, 1798.
DEAR Sin, — I have to thank you for your favor of July the
6th, from Philadelphia. I did not immediately acknowledge it,
because I knew you would have come away. The X. Y. Z.
fever has considerably abated through the country, as I am in-
formed, and the alien and sedition laws are working hard. I
VOL. iv. 17
258 JEFFERSON'S WOEKS.
fancy that some of the State legislatures will take strong ground
on this occasion. For my own part, I consider those laws as
merely an experiment on the American mind, to see how far it
will bear an avowed violation of the Constitution. If this goes
down, we shall immediately see attempted another act of Con-
gress, declaring that the President shall continue in office during
life, reserving to another occasion the transfer of the succession
to his heirs, and the establishment of the Senate for life. At
least, this may be the aim of the Oliverians, while Monk and
the Cavaliers (who are perhaps the strongest) may be playing
their game for the restoration of his most gracious Majesty
George the Third. That these things are in contemplation, I
have no doubt ; nor can I be confident of their failure, after
the dupery of which our countrymen have shown themselves
susceptible.
You promised to endeavor to send me some tenants. I am
waiting for them, having broken up two excellent farms with
twelve fields in them of forty acres each, some of which I have
sowed with small grain. Tenants of any size may be accom-
modated with the number of fields suited to their force. Only
send me good people, and write me what they are. Adieu.
Yours affectionately.
TO JAMES MADISON.
MONTICELLO, November 17, 1798.
I enclose you a copy of the draught of the Kentucky resolu-
tions. I think we should distinctly affirm all the important
principles they contain, so as to hold to that ground in future,
and leave the matter in such a train as that we may not be com-
mitted absolutely to push the matter to extremities, and yet may
be free to push as far as events will render prudent. I think to
set out so as to arrive at Philadelphia the Saturday before Christ-
mas. My friendly respects to Mrs. Madison, to your father and
family ; health, happiness and adieu to yourself.
CORRESPONDENCE. 259
TO JOHN TAYLOR.
MOXTICELLO, November 26, 1798.
DEAR SIR, — We formerly had a debtor and creditor account
of letters on farming ; but the high price of tobacco, which is
likely to continue for some short time, has tempted me to go en-
tirely into that culture, and in the meantime, my farming schemes
are in abeyance, and my farming fields at nurse against the time
of my resuming them. But I owe you a political letter. Yet
the infidelities of the post office and the circumstances of the
times are against my writing fully and freely, whilst my own
dispositions are as much against mysteries, inuendos and half-
confidences. I know not which mortifies me most, that I should
fear to write what I think, or my country bear such a state of
things. Yet Lyon's judges, and a jury of all nations, are objects
of national fear. We agree in all the essential ideas of your let-
ter. We agree particularly in the necessity of some reform, and
of some better security for civil liberty. Bat perhaps we do not
see the existing circumstances in the same point of view. There
are many consideration dehors of the State, which will occur to
you without enumeration. I should not apprehend them, if all
was sound within. But there is a most respectable part of our
State who have been enveloped in the X. Y. Z. delusion, and
who destroy our unanimity for the present moment. This dis-
ease of the imagination will pass over, because the patients are
essentially republicans. Indeed, the Doctor is now on his way to
cure it, in the guise of a tax gatherer. But give time for the
medicine to work, and for the repetition of stronger doses, which
must be administered. The principle of the present majority is
excessive expense, money enough to fill all their maws, or it will
not be worth the risk of their supporting. They cannot borrow
a dollar in Europe, or above two or three millions in America
This is not the fourth of the expenses of this year, unprovided
for. Paper money would be perilous even to the paper men.
Nothing then but excessive taxation can get us along ; and this
260 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
will carry reason and reflection to every man's door, and paitic*
ularly in the hour of election.
I wish it were possible to obtain a single amendment to our
Constitution. I would be willing to depend on that alone for the
reduction of the administration of our government to the gen-
uine principles of its Constitution ; I mean an additional article,
taking from the federal government the power of borrowing. I
now deny their power of making paper money or anything else
a legal tender. I know that to pay all proper expenses within
the year, would, in case of war, be hard on us. But not so hard
as ten wars instead of one. For wars would be reduced in that
proportion ; besides that the State governments would be free to
lend their credit in borrowing quotas. For the present, I should
be for resolving the alien and sedition laws to be against the
Constitution and merely void, and for addressing the other States
to obtain similar declarations ; and I would not do anything at
this moment which should commit us further, but reserve our-
selves to shape our future measures or no measures, by the events
which may happen. It is a singular phenomenon, that while
our State governments are the very best in the world, without
exception or comparison, our General Government has, in the
rapid course of nine or ten years, become more arbitrary, and
has swallowed more of the public liberty than even that of
England. I enclose you a column, cut out of a London paper,
to show you that the English, though charmed with our making
their enemies our enemies, yet blush and weep over our sedition
law. But I enclose you something more important. It is a
petition for a reformation in the manner of appointing our juries,
and a remedy against the jury of all nations, which is handing
about here for signature, and will be presented to your House.
I know it will require but little ingenuity to make objections to
the details of its execution ; but do not be discouraged by small
difficulties ; make it as perfect as you can at a first essay, and de-
pend on amending its defects as they develop themselves in prac-
tice. I hope it will meet with your approbation and patronage.
It is the only thing which can yield us a little present protection
CORRESPONDENCE. 261
against the dominion of a faction, while circumstances are ma-
turing for bringing and keeping the government in real unison
with the spirit of their constituents. I am aware that the act of
Congress has directed that juries shall be appointed by lot or
otherwise, as the laws now (at the date of the act) in force in
the several States provide. The New England States have al-
ways had them elected by their select men, who are elected by
the people. Several or most of the other States have a large
number appointed (I do not know how) to attend, out of whom
twelve for each cause are taken by lot. This provision of Con-
gress will render it necessary for our Senators or Delegates to
apply for an amendatory law, accommodated to that prayed for
in the petition. In the meantime, I would pass the law as if the
amendatory one existed, in reliance, that our select jurors attend-
ing, the federal judge will, under a sense of right, direct the
juries to be taken from among them. If he does not, or if
Congress refuses to pass the amendatory law, it will serve as eye-
water for their constituents. Health, happiness, safety and es-
teem to yourself and my ever-honored and ancient friend. Mr.
Pendleton. Adieu.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA. January 3, 1199.
DEAR SIR, — I have suffered the post hour to come so nearly on
me, that I must huddle over what I have more than appears in
the public papers. I arrived here on Christmas day, not a single
bill or other article of business having yet been brought into
Senate. The President's speech, so unlike himself in point of
moderation, is supposed to have been written by the military
conclave, and particularly Hamilton. When the Senate gratuit-
ously hint Logan to him, you see him in his reply come out in
his genuine colors. The debates on that subject and Logan's de-
claration you will see in the papers. The republican spirit is
supposed to be gaining ground in this State and Massachusetts.
The tax gatherer has already excited discontent. Gerry's corre-
262 JEFFERSON'S WOBKS.
spondence with Talleyrand, promised by the President at the
opening of the session, is still kept back. It is known to show
France in a very conciliatory attitude, and to contradict some
executive assertions. Therefore, it is supposed they will get their
war measures well taken before they will produce this damper.
Vans Murray writes them, that the French government is sincere
in their overtures for reconciliation, and have agreed, if these
fail, to admit the mediation offered by the Dutch government.
***********
General Knox has become bankrupt for four hundred thousand
dollars, and has resigned his military commission. He took in
General Lincoln for one hundred and fifty thousand dollars,
which breaks him. Colonel Jackson also sunk with him. It
seems generally admitted, that several cases of the yellow fever
still exist in the city, and the apprehension is, that it will re-ap-
pear early in the spring. You promised me a copy of McGee's
bill of prices. Be so good as to send it on to me here. Tell
Mrs. Madison her friend Madame d'Yrujo, is as well as one can
be so near to a formidable crisis. Present my friendly respects
to her, and accept yourself my sincere and affectionate saluta-
tions. Adieu.
P. S. I omitted to mention that a petition has been presented
to the President, signed by several thousand persons in Vermont,
praying a remitment of Lyon's fine. He asked the bearer of the
petition if Lyon himself had petitioned, and being answered in
the negative, said, " penitence must precede pardon."
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, January 16, 1199.
DEAR SIR, — The forgery lately attempted to be played off by
Mr. H. on the House of Representatives, of a pretended memo-
rial presented by Logan to the French government, has been so
palpably exposed, as to have thrown ridicule on the whole of the
clamors they endeavored to raise as to that transaction. • Still,
CORRESPONDENCE. 263
however, their majority will pass the bill. The real views in the
importance they have given to Logan's enterprise are mistaken
by nobody. Mr. Gerry's communications relative to his transac-
tions after the departure of his colleagues, though he has now been
returned five months, and they have been promised to the House
six or seven weeks, are still kept back. In the meantime, the
paper of this morning promises them from the Paris papers. It
is said, they leave not a possibility to doubt the sincerity and the
anxiety of the French government to avoid the spectacle of a
war with us. Notwithstanding this is well understood, the army
and a great addition to our navy, are steadily intended. A loan
of five millions is opened at eight per cent, interest !
***********
In a society of members, between whom arid myself are great
mutual esteem and respect, a most anxious desire is expressed
that you would publish your debates of the convention. That
these measures of the army, navy and direct tax will bring about
a revolution of public sentiment is thought certain, and that the
Constitution will then receive a different explanation. Could
those debates be ready to appear critically, their effect would be
decisive. I beg of you to turn this subject in your mind. Tho
arguments against it will be personal ; those in favor of it moral ;
and something is required from you as a set off against the sin
of your retirement. Your favor of December the 29th came to
hand January the 5th ; seal sound. I pray you always to exam-
ine the seals of mine to you, and the strength of the impression.
The suspicions against the government on this subject are strong.
I wrote you January the 5th. Accept for yourself and Mrs. Mad-
ison my affectionate salutations. Adieu.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
January 23, 1799.
DEAR SIR, — The newspapers furnish you with the articles of
common news as well as the Congressional. You observe the
264 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
addition proposed to be made to our Navy, and the loan of five
millions, opened at eight per cent., to equip it. The papers say
that our agents abroad are purchasing vessels for this purpose.
The following is as accurate a statement of our income and ex-
pense annual, as I can form, after divesting the Treasury reports
of such articles as are incidental, and properly annual :
1798— Imports $7,405,420 76.
Excise Auctions, Libaries, Carriages 585,879 67.
Postage 57,000
Patents 1,050
Coinage 10,202
Dividends of Bank Stock 79,920
Fines. . 8
$8,139,520 43.
$10,139,520
Interest and reimbursement of domestic debt ........ $2,987,145 48
Interest on domestic loans ........................ 238,637 50
Dutch debt ..................................... 586,829 58— $3,812,612 56
Civil list ..................................................... 524,206 83
Loan office ................................................... 13,000
Mint ........................................................ 1 3,300
Light-houses .................................................. 44,281 58
Annuities and Grants .......................................... 1,603 33
Military Pensions ............................................. 93,400
Miscellaneous expenses ......................................... 19,000
Contingent expenses of Government .............................. 20,000
Amount of Civil Government property. ............. 728,191 24
Indians ....................................... 110,000
Foreign intercourse .......................... 93.000
Treaties with G. Britain, Spain and Mediterranean 187,500 — 280,500
Annual expense of existing Navy .................. 2,424,261 10
Do. do. Army (2,038 officers and privates) 1,461,173
Do. do. Officers of additional Army (ac- ) ot>r^o A no an in
tually commissioned) f »"•«* -4,112,81
9,044,714 90
Annual expense of privates of do. (about ) 2,523,458
Do. do. do Navy 2,949,27896—5,472,73396
Eight per cent, interest on five millions new loan 400,000
$14,917,448 36
CORRESPONDENCE. 265
By this you will perceive that our income for 1799, being ten
millions, and expenses nine millions, we have a surplus of
one million, which, with the five millions to be borrowed, it is
expected, will build the Navy and raise the Army. When they
are complete, we shall have to raise by new taxes about five mil-
lions more, making in the whole fifteen millions, which if our
population be five millions, will be three dollars a head. But
these additional taxes will not be wanting, till the session after
the next. The majority in Congress being as in the last session,
matters will go on now as then. I shall send you Gerry's cor-
respondence and Pickering's report on it, by which you will per-
ceive the willingness of France to treat with us, and our deter-
mination not to believe it, and therefore to go to war with them.
For in this light must be viewed our surrounding their islands
with our armed vessels instead of their cruising on our coasts as
the law directs.
According to information, there is real reason to believe that
the X. Y. Z. delusion is wearing off, and the public mind begin-
ning to take the same direction it was getting into before that
measure. Gerry's dispatches will tend strongly to open the eyes
of the people. Besides this several other impressive circum-
stances will all be bearing on the public mind. The alien and
sedition laws as before, the direct tax, the additional army and
navy, an usurious loan to set these follies on foot, a prospect of
heavy additional taxes as soon as they are completed, still heavier
taxes if the government forces on the war, recruiting officers
lounging at every court-house and decoying the laborer from his
plough. A clause in a bill now under debate for opening com-
merce with Toussaint and his black subjects now in open rebel-
lion with France, will be a circumstance of high aggravation to
that country, and in addition to our cruising around their islands
will put their patience to a great proof. One fortunate circum-
stance is that, annihilated as they are on the ocean, they cannot
get at us for some time, and this will give room for the popular
sentiment to correct the imprudence. Nothing is believed of the
stories about Bonaparte. Those about Ireland have a more serious
266 JEFFEKSON'S WORKS.
aspect. I delivered the letter from you of which I was the bearer.
No use was made of the paper, because that poor creature had
already fallen too low even for contempt. It seems that the rep-
resentative of our district is attached to his seat. Mr. Bachley
tells me you have the collection of a sum of money for him,
which is destined for me. What is the prospect of getting it,
and how much ? I do not know whether I have before informed
you that Mr. Madison paid to Mr. Barnes $240 or $250 in your
name to be placed to your credit with Mr. Short, I consequently
squared that account, and debited you to myself for the balance.
This with another article or two of account between us, stands
therefore against the books for which I am indebted to you, and
for which I know not the cost. A very important measure is
under contemplation here, which, if adopted, will require a con-
siderable sum of money on loan. The thing being beyond the
abilities of those present, they will possibly be obliged to assess
their friends also. I may perhaps be forced to score you for fifty
or one hundred dollars, to be paid at convenience, but as yet it is
only talked of. I shall rest my justification on the importance of
the measure, and the sentiments I know you to entertain on such
subjects. We consider the elections on the whole as rather in
our favor, and particularly believe those of North Carolina will
immediately come right. J. Nicholas and Brent, both offer again.
My friendly respects to Mrs Monroe, and to yourself affectionate
salutations and adieu.
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
PHILADELPHIA, January 26, 1799.
MY DEAR SIR, — Your favor of November the 12th was safely
delivered to me by Mr. Binney ; but not till December the 28th,
as I arrived here only three days before that date. It was re-
ceived with great satisfaction. Our very long intimacy as fellow
laborers in the same cause, the recent expressions of mutual con-
fidence which had preceded your mission, the interesting course
CORRESPONDENCE. 267
which that had taken, and particularly and personally as it re-
garded yourself, made me anxious to hear from you on your
return. I was the more so too, as I had myself, during the whole
of your absence, as well as since your return, been a constant
butt for every shaft of calumny which malice and falsehood
could form, and the presses, public speakers, or private letters
disseminate. One of these, too, was of a nature to touch your-
self ; as if, wanting confidence in your efforts, I had been ca-
pable of usurping powers committed to you, and authorizing
negotiations private and collateral to yours. The real truth is,
that though Doctor Logan, the pretended missionary, about four
or five days before he sailed for Hamburgh, told me he was
going there, and thence to Paris, and asked and received from
me a certificate of his citizenship, character, and circumstances of
life, merely as a protection, should he be molested on his journey,
in the present turbulent and suspicious state of Europe, yet I had
been led to consider his object as relative to his private affairs ;
and though, from an intimacy of some standing, he knew well
my wishes for peace and my political sentiments in general, he
nevertheless received then no particular declaration of them, no
authority to communicate them to any mortal, nor to speak to any
one in my name, or in anybody's name, on that, or on any other
subject whatever ; nor did I write by him a scrip of a pen to any per-
son whatever. This he has himself honestly and publicly declared
since his return ; and from his well-known character and every
other circumstance, every candid man must perceive that his en-
terprise was dictated by his own enthusiasm, without consultation
or communication with any one ; that he acted in Paris on his
own ground, and made his own way. Yet to give some color
to his proceedings, which might implicate the republicans in
general, and myself particularly, they have not been ashamed to
bring forward a suppositions paper, drawn by one of their own
party in the name of Logan, and falsely pretended to have been
presented by him to the government of France ; counting that
the bare mention of my name therein, would connect that in the
eye of the public with this transaction. In confutation of these
JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
and all future calumnies, by way of anticipation, I shall make to
you a profession of my political faith ; in confidence that you
will consider every future imputation on me of a contrary com-
plexion, as bearing on its front the mark of falsehood and
calumny.
I do then, with sincere zeal, wish an inviolable preservation of
our present federal Constitution, according to the true sense in
which it was adopted by the States, that in which it was advo-
cated by its friends, and not that which its enemies apprehended,
who therefore became its enemies ; and I am opposed to the
monarchising its features by the forms of its administration, with
a view to conciliate a first transition to a President and Senate
for life, and from that to an hereditary tenure of these offices, and
thus to worm out the elective principle. I am for preserving to
the States the powers not yielded by them to the Union, and to
the legislature of the Union its constitutional share in the division
of powers ; and I am not for transferring all the powers of the
States to the General Government, and all those of that govern-
ment to the executive branch. I am for a government rigorously
frugal and simple, applying all the possible savings of the public
revenue to the discharge of the national debt ; and not for a
multiplication of officers and salaries merely to make partisans,
and for increasing, by every device, the public debt, on the
principle of its being a public blessing. I am for relying, for in-
ternal defence, on our militia solely, till actual invasion, and for
such a naval force only as may protect our coasts and harbors
from such depredations as we have experienced ; and not for a
standing army in time of peace, which may overawe the public
sentiment ; nor for a navy, which, by its own expenses and the
eternal wars in which it will implicate us, will grind us with
public burthens, and sink us under them. I am for free com-
merce with all nations ; political connection with none ; and little
or no diplomatic establishment. And I am not for linking our-
selves by new treaties with the quarrels of Europe ; entering that
field of slaughter to preserve their balance, or joining in the con-
federacy of kings to war against the principles of liberty. I am
CORRESPONDENCE.
for freedom of religion, and against all maneuvres to bring about
a legal ascendancy of one sect over another : for freedom of the
press, and against all violations of the Constitution to silence by
force and not by reason the complaints or criticisms, just or un-
just, of our citizens against the conduct of their agents. And I
am for encouraging the progress of science in all its branches ;
and not for raising a hue and cry against the sacred name of
philosophy ; for awing the human mind by stories of raw-head
and bloody bones to a distrust of its own vision, and to repose
implicitly on that of others ; to go backwards instead of forwards
to look for improvement ; to believe that government, religion,
morality, and every other science were in the highest perfection
in ages of the darkest ignorance, and that nothing can ever be
devised more perfect than what was established by our fore-
fathers. To these I will add, that I was a sincere well-wisher
to the success of the French revolution, and still wish it may
end in the establishment of a free and well-ordered republic ; but
I have not been insensible under the atrocious depredations they
have committed on our commerce. The first object of my heart
is my own country. In that is embarked my family, my fortune,
and my own existence. I have not one farthing of interest, nor
one fibre of attachment out of it, nor a single motive of prefer-
ence of any one nation to another, but in proportion as they are
more or less friendly to us. But though deeply feeling the in-
juries of France, I did not think war the surest means of re-
dressing them. I did believe, that a mission sincerely disposed
to preserve peace, would obtain for us a peaceable and honorable
settlement and retribution ; and I appeal to you to say, whether
this might not have been obtained, if either of your colleagues
had been of the same sentiment with yourself.
These, my friend, are my principles ; they are unquestionably
the principles of the great body of our fellow citizens, and I know
there is not one of them which is not yours also. In truth, we
never diifered but on one ground, the funding system ; and as,
from the moment of its being adopted by the constituted author-
ities, I became religiously principled in the sacred discharge of
270 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
it to the uttermost farthing, we are united now even on that
single ground of difference.
I now turn to your inquiries. The enclosed paper will answer
one of them. But you also ask for such political information as
may be possessed by me, and interesting to yourself in regard to
your embassy. As a proof of my entire confidence in you, I
shall give it fully and candidly. When Pinckney, Marshall, and
Dana, were nominated to settle our differences with France, it
was suspected by many, from what was understood of their dis-
positions, that their mission would not result in a settlement of
differences, but would produce circumstances tending to widen
the breach, and to provoke our citizens to consent to a war with
that nation, and union with England. Dana's resignation and
your appointment gave the first gleam of hope of a peaceable
issue to the mission. For it was believed that you were sin-
cerely disposed to accommodation ; and it was not long after
your arrival there, before symptoms were observed of that differ-
ence of views which had been suspected to exist. In the mean-
time, however, the aspect of our government towards the French
republic had become so ardent, that the people of America gen-
erally took the alarm. To the southward, their apprehensions
were early excited. In the eastern States also, they at length
began to break out. Meetings were held in many of your towns,
and addresses to the government agreed on in opposition to war.
The example was spreading like a wildfire. Other meetings
were called in other places, and a general concurrence of senti-
ment against the apparent inclinations of the government was
imminent ; when, most critically for the government, the de-
spatches of October 22d, prepared by your colleague Marshall,
with a view to their being made public, dropped into their laps.
It was truly a God-send to them, and they made the most of it.
Many thousands of copies were printed and dispersed gratis, at
the public expense ; and the zealots for war co-operated so
heartily, that there were instances of single individuals who
printed and dispersed ten or twelve thousand copies at their own
expense. The odiousness of the corruption supposed in those
CORRESPONDENCE. 271
papers excited a general and high indignation among the people.
Unexperienced in such maneuvres, they did not permit them-
selves even to suspect that the turpitude of private swindlers
might mingle itself unobserved, and give its own hue to the
communications of the French government, of whose partici-
pation there was neither proof nor probability. It served, how-
ever, for a time, the purpose intended. The people, in many
places, gave a loose to the expressions of their warm indignation,
and of their honest preference of war to dishonor. The fever
was long and successfully kept up, and in the meantime, war
measures as ardently crowded. Still, however, as it was known
that your colleagues were coming away, and yourself to stay,
though disclaiming a separate power to conclude a treaty, it was
hoped by the lovers of peace, that a project of treaty would have
been prepared, ad referendum, on principles which would have
satisfied our citizens, and overawed any bias of the government
towards a different policy. But the expedition of the Sophia,
and, as was supposed, the suggestions of the person charged
with your despatches, and his probable misrepresentations of the
real wishes of the American people, prevented these hopes.
They had then only to look forward to your return for such in-
formation, either through the executive, or from yourself, as
might present to our view the other side of the medal. The de-
spatches of October 22d, 1797, had presented one face. That
information, to a certain degree, is now received, and the public
will see from your correspondence with Talleyrand, that France,
as you testify, " was sincere and anxious to obtain a reconcil-
iation, not wishing us to break the British treaty, but only to
give her equivalent stipulations ; and in general was disposed to
a liberal treaty." And they will judge whether Mr. Pickering's
report shows an inflexible determination to believe no declar-
ations the French government can make, nor any opinion which
you, judging on the spot and from actual view, can give of their
sincerity, and to meet their designs of peace with operations of
war. The alien and sedition acts have already operated in the
south as powerful sedatives of the X. Y. Z. inflammation. In
272 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
your quarter, where violations of principle are either less re-
garded or more concealed, the direct tax is likely to have the
same effect, and to excite inquiries into the object of the enor-
mous expenses and taxes we are bringing on. And your in-
formation supervening, that we might have a liberal accommo-
dation if we would, there can be little doubt of the reproduction
of that general movement which had been changed, for a mo-
ment, by the despatches of October 22d. And though small
checks and stops, like Logan's pretended embassy, may be thrown
in the way from time to time, and may a little retard its motion,
yet the tide is already turned, and will sweep before it all the
feeble obstacles of art. The unquestionable republicanism of
the American mind will break through the mist under which it
has been clouded, and will oblige its agents to reform the prin-
ciples and practices of their administration .
You suppose that you have been abused by both parties. As
far as has come to my knowledge, you are misinformed. I have
never seen or heard a sentence of blame uttered against you by
the republicans ; unless we were so to construe their wishes that
you had more boldly co-operated in a project of a treaty, and
would more explicitly state, whether there was in your colleagues
that flexibility, which persons earnest after peace would have
practised ? Whether, on the contrary, their demeanor was not
cold, reserved, and distant, at least, if not backward ? And
whether, if they had yielded to those informal conferences which
Talleyrand seems to have courted, the liberal accommodation you
suppose might not have been effected, even with their agency ?
Your fellow-citizens think they have a right to full information,
in a case of such great concernment to them. It is their sweat
which is to earn all the expenses of the war, and their blood
which is to flow in expiation of the causes of it. It may be in
your power to save them from these miseries by full communica-
tions and unrestrained details, postponing motives of delicacy to
those of duty. It rests with you to come forward independently •
to make your stand on the high ground of your own character ;
to disregard calumny, and to be borne above it on the shoulders
CORRESPONDENCE. 273
of your grateful fellow citizens ; or to sink into the humble ob-
livion, to which the federalists (self-called) have secretly con-
demned you ; and even to be happy if they will indulge you
oblivion, while they have beamed on your colleagues meridian
splendor. Pardon me, my dear Sir, if my expressions are strong.
My feelings are so much more so, that it is with difficulty I re-
duce them even to the tone I Use. If you doubt the disposi-
tions towards you, look into the papers, on both sides, for the
toasts which were given throughout the States on the fourth of
July. You will there see whose hearts were with you, and
whose were ulcerated against you. Indeed, as soon as it was
known that you had consented to stay in Paris, there was no
measure observed in the execrations of the war party. They
openly wished you might be guillotined, or sent to Cayenne, or
anything else. And these expressions were finally stifled from
a principle of policy only, and to prevent you from being urged
to a justification of yourself. From this principle alone proceed
the silence and cold respect they observe towards you. Still, they
cannot prevent at times the flames bursting from under the em-
bers, as Mr. Pickering's letters, report, and conversations testify,
as well as the indecent expressions respecting you, indulged by
some of them in the debate on these despatches. These suffi-
ciently show that you are never more to be honored or trusted by
them, and that they wait to crush you for ever, only till they can
do it without danger to themselves.
When I sat down to answer your letter, but two courses pre-
sented themselves, either to say nothing or everything ; for half
confidences are not in my character. I could not hesitate which
was due to you. I have unbosomed myself fully ; and it will
certainly be highly gratifying if I receive like confidence from
you. For even if we differ in principle more than I believe W6
do, you and I know too well the texture of the human mind,
and the slipperiness of human reason, to consider differences of
opinion otherwise than differences of form or feature. Integrity
of views more than their soundness, is the basis of esteem. I
shall follow your direction in conveying this by a private hand ;
VOL. iv. 18
274 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
though I know not as yet when one worthy of confidence will
occur. And my trust in you leaves me without a fear that this
letter, meant as a confidential communication of my impressions,
will ever go out of your own hand, or be suffered in anywise
to commit my name. Indeed, besides the accidents which
might happen to it even under your care, considering the acci-
dent of death to which you are liable, I think it safest to pray
you, after reading it as often as you please, to destroy at least the
second and third leaves. The first contains principles only,
which I fear not to avow ; but the second and third contain facts
stated for your information, and which, though sacredly con-
formable to my firm belief, yet would be galling to some, and
expose me to illiberal attacks. I therefore repeat my prayer to
burn the second and third leaves. And did we ever expect to
see the day, when, breathing nothing but sentiments of love to
our country and its freedom and happiness, our correspondence
must be as secret as if we were hatching its destruction ! Adieu,
my friend, and accept my sincere and affectionate salutations.
T need not add my signature.
TO EDMUND PENDLETON.
PHILADELPHIA, January 29, 1799.
DEAR SIR, — Your patriarchal address to your country is running
through all the republican papers, and has a very great effect on
the people. It is short, simple, and presents things in a view
they readily comprehend. The character and circumstances too
of the writer leave them without doubts of his motives. If, like
the patriarch of old, you had but one blessing to give us, I should
have wished it directed to a particular object. But I hope you
have one for this also. You know what a wicked use has been
made of the French negotiation ; and particularly the X. Y. Z.
dish cooked up by * * * * , where the swindlers are made
to appear as the French government. Art and industry com-
COPwRESPONDENCE. 275
bined, have certainly wrought out of this business a wonderful
effect on the people. Yet they have been astonished more than
they have understood it, and now that Gerry's correspondence
comes out, clearing the French government of that turpitude, arid
showing them " sincere in their dispositions for peace, not wishing
us to break the British treaty, and willing to arrange a liberal
one with us," the people will be disposed to suspect they have
been duped. But these communications are too voluminous foi
them, and beyond their reach. A recapitulation is now wanting
of the whole story, stating every thing according to what we
may now suppose to have been the truth, short, simple and level-
led to every capacity. Nobody in America can do it so well as
yourself, in the same character of the father of your country, or
any form you like better, arid so concise, as omitting nothing
material, may yet be printed in hand bills, of which we could
print and disperse ten or twelve thousand copies under letter
covers, through all the United States, by the members of Con-
gress when they return home. If the understanding of the peo-
ple could be rallied to the truth on this subject, by exposing the
dupery practised on them, there are so many other things about
to bear on them favorably for the resurrection of their republi-
can spirit, that a reduction of the administration to constitutional
principles cannot fail to be the effect. These are the alien and
sedition laws, the vexations of the stamp act, the disgusting par-
ticularities of the direct tax, the additional army without an
enemy, and recruiting officers lounging at every Court House to
decoy the laborer from his plough, a navy of fifty ships, five
millions to be raised to build it, on the usurious interest of eight
per cent., the perseverance in war on our part, when the French
government shows such an anxious desire to keep at peace with
us, taxes of ten millions now paid by four millions of people,
and yet a necessity, in a year or two, of raising five millions more
for annual expenses. These things will immediately be bearing
on the public mind, and if it remain not still blinded by a sup-
posed necessity, for the purposes of maintaining our indepen-
dence and defending our country, they will set things to rights
276 JEFFEESON'S WORKS.
I hope you will undertake this statement. If anybody else had
possessed your happy talent for this kind of recapitulation, I
would have been the last to disturb you with the application ;
but it will really be rendering our country a service greater than
it is in the power of any other individual to render. To save
you the trouble of hunting the several documents from which this
statement is to be taken, I have collected them here completely,
and enclose them to you.
Logan's bill has passed. On this subject, it is hardly necessary
for me to declare to you, on everything sacred, that the part they
ascribed to me Was entirely a calumny. Logan called on me,
four or five days before his departure, and asked and received a
certificate (in my private capacity) of his citizenship and circum-
stances of life, merely as a protection, should he be molested in
the present turbulent state of Europe. I have given such to an
hundred others, and they have been much more frequently asked
and obtained by tories than whigs.
**********
Accept my sincere prayers for long and happy years to you
still, and my affectionate salutations and adieu.
TO COLONEL N. LEWIS.
DEAR SIR, — Believing that the letters of Messrs. Gerry and
Talleyrand, will give you pleasure to peruse, I send you a copy ;
you will perceive by them the anxiety of the Government of
France for a reconciliation with us, and Mr. Gerry's belief of their
sincerity, and that they were ready to have made a liberal treaty
with us. You will also see by Mr. Pickering's report that we are
determined to believe no declarations they can make, but to meet
their peaceable professions with acts of war. An act has passed
the House of Representatives by a majority of twenty, for con-
tinuing the law cutting off intercourse with France, but allowing
the President by proclamation, to except out of this such parts
COKRESPONDENCE. 277
of their dominions as disavow the depredations committed on us.
This is intended for St. Domingo, where Toussaint has thrown
off dependence on France. He has an agent here on this busi-
ness. Yesterday, the House of Representatives voted six ships of
74 guns and six of 18, making 552 guns. These would cost in
England $5,000 a gun. They would cost here $10,000, so the
whole will cost five and a half millions of dollars. Their annual
expense is stated at £1,000 Virginia money a gun, being a little
short of two millions of dollars. And this is only a part of what
is proposed ; the whole contemplated being twelve 74's, 12 frig-
ates and about 25 smaller vessels. The state of our income and
expence is (in round numbers) nearly as follows :
Imports seven and a half millions of dollars ; excise, auctions,
licenses, carriages half a million ; postage, patents, and bank stock,
one-eighth of a million, making eight and one-eighth millions. To
these the direct tax and stamp tax will add two millions clear of
expence, making in the whole ten and one-eight millions. The
expences on the civil list, three-fourths of a million, foreign inter-
course half a million, interest on the public debt four millions,
the present navy two and a half millions, the present army one
and a half millions, making nine and one-quarter millions. The
additional army will be two and a half millions, the additional
navy three millions, and interest on the new loan near one-half
a million, in all, fifteen and one-quarter millions ; so in about a
year or two there will be five millions annually to be raised by
taxes in addition to the ten millions we now pay. Suppose our
population is now five millions, this would be three dollars a head.
This is exclusive of the outfit of the navy, for which a loan is
opened to borrow five millions at eight per cent. If we can
remain at peace, we have this in our favor, that these projects
will require time to execute ; that in the meantime, the sentiments
of the people in the middle States are visibly turning back to their
former direction, the X. Y. Z. delusion being abated, and their
minds become sensible to the circumstances surrounding them,
to wit : the alien and sedition acts, the vexations of the stamp
act, the direct tax, the follies of the additional army and navy
278 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
money borrowed for these at the usurious interest of eight per cent.,
and Mr. Gerry's communications showing that peace is ours unless
we throw it away. But if the joining the revolted subjects
(negroes) of France, and surrounding their islands with our
armed vessels, instead of their merely cruising on our own coasts
to protect our own commerce, should provoke France to a declara-
tion of war, these measures will become irremediable.
The English and German papers are killing and eating Bo-
naparte every day. He is, however, safe ; has effected a peace-
able establishment of government in Egypt, the inhabitants of
which have preferred him to their mameluke Governors, and the
expectation is renewed of his march to India. In that country
great preparations are made for the overthrow of the English
power. The insurrection of Ireland seems to be reduced low.
The peace between France and the Empire seems also to be
doubtful. Very little is apprehended for them from anything
which the Turks and Russians can do against them. I wish I
could have presented you with a more comfortable view of our
affairs. However, that will come if the friends of reform, while
they remain firm, avoid every act and threat against the peace of
the Union, that would check the favorable sentiments of the
Middle States, and rally them again around the measures which
are ruining us. Reason, not rashness, is the only means of bring-
ing our fellow citizens to their true minds. Present my best
complements to Mrs. Lewis, and accept yourself assurances of the
sincere and affectionate esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your
friend and servant.
TO MR. MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, January SO, 1799.
My last to you was of the 16th, since which yours of the 12th
is received, and its contents disposed of .properly. These met
3uch approbation as to have occasioned an extraordinary impress-
ion of that day's paper. Logan's bill is passed. The lower
CORRESPONDENCE. 279
house, by a majority of twenty, passed yesterday a bill continuing
the suspension of intercourse with France, with a new clause
enabling the President to admit intercourse with the rebellious
negroes under Toussaint, who has an agent here, and has thrown
off dependence on France. The House of Representatives have
also voted six74'sand six 18's, in part of the additional navy, say
552 guns, which in England would cost $5,000, and here $10,000,
consequently more than the whole five millions for which a loan
is now opened at eight per cent. The maintenance is estimated
at £1,000 (lawful) a gun annually. A bill has been this day
brought into the Senate for authorizing the President in case of
a declaration of war or danger of invasion by any European
power, to raise an eventual army of thirty regiments, infantry,
cavalry, and artillery in addition to the additional army, the pro-
visional army, and the corps of volunteers, which last he is
authorized to brigade, officer, exercise, and pay during the time
of exercise. And all this notwithstanding Gerry's correspondence
received, and demonstrating the aversion of France to consider us
as enemies. All depends on her patiently standing the measures
of the present session, and the surrounding her islands with our
cruisers, and capturing their armed vessels on her own coasts.
If this is borne awhile, the public opinion is most manifestly
wavering in the middle States, and was even before the publica-
tion of Gerry's correspondence. In New York, Jersey, and Penn-
sylvania, every one attests them, and General Sumpter, just
arrived, assures me the republicans of South Carolina have
gained fifty per cent, in numbers since the election, which was
in the moment of the X. Y. Z. fever. I believe there is no doubt
the Republican Governor would be elected here now, and still
less for next October. The gentleman of North Carolina seems
to be satisfied that their new delegation will furnish but three, per-
haps only two anti-republicans ; if so, we shall be gainer on the
whole. But it is on the progress of public opinion we are to
depend for rectify ing. the proceedings of the next Congress. The
only question is whether this will not carry things beyond the
reach of rectification. Petitions and remonstrances against the
280 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
alien and sedition laws are coming from various parts of New
York, Jersey, and Pennsylvania : some of them very well drawn,
lam in hopes Virginia will stand so countenanced by those States
as to express the wishes of the Government to coerce her, which
they might venture on if they supposed she would he left alone.
Firmness on our part, but a passive firmness, is the true course.
Anything rash or threatening might check the favorable dis-
positions of these middle States, and rally them again around the
measures which are ruining us. Bonaparte appears to have set-
tled Egypt peacefully, and with the consent of those inhabitants,
and seems to be looking towards the East Indies, where a most
formidable co-operation has been prepared for demolishing the
British power. I wish the affairs of Ireland were as hopeful, and
the peace with the north of Europe. Nothing new here as to
the price of tobacco, the river not having yet admitted the
bringing any to this market. Spain being entirely open for ours,
and depending on it for her supplies during the cutting off of
her intercourse with her own colonies by the superiority of the
British at sea, is much in our favor. I forgot to add that the bill
for the eventual army, authorizes the President to borrow two
millions more. Present my best respects to Mrs. Madison, health
and affectionate salutations ' to yourself. Adieu.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, February 5, 1799.
DEAR SIR, — 1 wrote you last on the 30th of January; since
which yours of the 25th has been received.
***********
The bill for continuing the suspension of intercourse with
France and her dependencies, is still before the Senate, but will
pass by a very great vote. An attack is made on what is called
the Toussaint's clause, the object of which, as is charged by
the one party and admitted by the other, is to facilitate the sep-
CORRESPONDENCE. 281
aration of the island from France. The clause will pass, how-
ever, by about nineteen to eight, or perhaps eighteen to nine.
Rigaud, at the head of the people of color, maintains his alle-
giance. But they are only twenty-five thousand souls, against
five hundred thousand, the number of the blacks. The treaty
made with them by Maitland is (if they are to be separated from
France) the best thing for us. They must get their provisions
from us. It will indeed be in English bottoms, so that we shall
lose the carriage. But the English will probably forbid them the
ocean, confine them to their island, and thus prevent their be-
coming an American Algiers. It must be admitted too, that they
may play them off on us when they please. Against this there
is no remedy but timely measures on our part, to clear ourselves,
by degrees, of the matter on which that lever can work.
***********
A piece published in Bache's paper on foreign influence, has
the greatest currency and effect. To an extraordinary first im-
pression, they have been obliged to make a second, and of an
extraordinary number. It is such things as these the public want.
They say so from all quarters, and that they wish to hear reason
instead of disgusting blackguardism. The public sentiment
being now on the creen, and many heavy circumstances about
to fall into the republican scale, we are sensible that this sum-
mer is the season for systematic energies and sacrifices. The
engine is the press. Every man must lay his purse and his pen
under contribution. As to the former, it is possible I may be
obliged to assume something for you. As to the latter, let me
pray and beseech you to set apart a certain portion of every post
day to write what may be proper for the public. Send it to me
while here, and when I go away I will let you know to whom
you may send, so that your name shall be sacredly secret.1 You
can render such incalculable services in this way, as to lessen the
effect of our loss of your presence here. I shall see you on the
5th or 6th of March. 4
Affectionate salutations to Mrs. Madison and yourself. Adieu
282 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
PHILADELPHIA, February 11, 1799.
I wrote you last on the 28d of January, since which yours of
January 26th is received. A bill will pass the Senate to day for
enabling the President to retaliate rigorously on any French citi-
zens who now are or hereafter may be in our power, should they
put to death any sailors of OUTS forced on board British vessels
and taken by the French. This is founded expressly on their
Arret of October 29th, 1798, communicated by the President by
message. It is known (from the Secretary of State himself)
that he received, immediately after, a letter from Rufus King in-
forming him the Arret was suspended, and it has been known a
week that we were passing a retaliating act founded expressly on
that Arret, yet the President has not communicated it, and the sup-
porters of the bill, who themselves told the secret of the suspen-
sion in debate, (for it was otherwise unknown,) will yet pass
the bill. We have already an existing army of 5,000 men,
and the additional army of 9,000 now going into execution.
We have a bill on its progress through the Senate for author-
izing the President to raise thirty regiments (30,000 men) called
an eventual army, in case of war with any European power, or
of imminent danger of invasion from them in his opinion. And
also to call out and exercise at times the volunteer army, the
number of which we know not. Six 74's and six IS's, making up
500 guns (in part of the fleet of twelve 74's, twelve frigates, and
20 or 30 smaller vessels proposed to be built or bought as soon as
we can), are now to be begun. One million of dollars is voted.
The Government estimate of their cost is about 4,500 dollars
(£1000 sterling) a gun. But there cannot be a doubt they will
cost 10,000 dollars a gun, and consequently the 550 guns will
be 5V millions. A loan is now opened for five millions at eight per
cent., and the eventual army bill authorizes another of two millions.
King is appointed to negotiate a treaty of commerce with Rus-
sia, in London. Phocion Smith is proposed to go to Constanti-
nople to make a treaty with the Turks. Under two other covers
CORRESPONDENCE. 283
you will receive a copy of the French originals of Gerry's com-
munications for yourself, and a dozen of G. N's pamphlets on the
laws of the last session. I wish you to give these to the most
influential characters among our countrymen, who are only mis-
led, are candid enough to be open to conviction, and who may
have most effect on their neighbors. It would be useless to give
them to persons already sound. Do not let my name be connect-
ed in the business. It is agreed on all hands that the British
depredations have greatly exceeded the French during the last
six months. The insurance companies at Boston, this place and
Baltimore, prove this from their books. I have not heard how it
is at New York. The Senate struck out of the bill continuing
the suspension of intercourse with France, the clauses which
authorized the President to do it with certain other countries
(say Spanish and Dutch), which clauses had passed the House of
Representatives by a majority of, I believe, twenty. They
agreed, however, to the amendment of the Senate. But Tous-
saint's clause was retained by both Houses. Adieu affection-
ately.
Feb. 12th. The vessel called the Retaliation, formerly French
property taken by us, armed and sent to cruise on them, retaken
by them and carried into Guadaloupe, arrived here this morning
with her own captain and crew, &c. They say that new com-
missioners from France arrived at Guadaloupe, sent Victor Hughes
home in irons, liberated the crew, said to the captain that they
found him to be an officer bearing a regular commission from
the United States, possessed of a vessel called the Retaliation,
then in their port ; that they should inquire into no preceding
fact, and that he was free with his vessel and crew to depart ;
that as to differences with the United States, commissioners were
coming out from France to settle them ; in the meantime, no in-
jury should be done to us or our citizens. This \vas known to
every Senator when we met. The Retaliation bill came on, on
its passage, and was passed with only two dissenting voices,
two or three who would have dissented happening to be absent.
284 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO MR. STEWART.
PHILADELPHIA, February IS, 1799.
DEAR SIR, — I avoid writing to my friends because the fidelity
of the post office is very much doubted. I will give you
briefly a statement of what we have done and are doing. The
following is a view of our finances in round numbers. The im-
port brings in the last year seven and a half millions of dollars,
the excise, carriages, auctions, and licenses, half a million, the
residuary small articles one-eighth of a million. It is expected
that the stamp act may pay the expense of the direct tax, so that
the two may be counted at two millions, making in the whole
ten and one-eighth millions. Our expenses for the civil list
three-quarters of a million, foreign intercourse half a million (this
includes Indian and Algerine expenses, the Spanish and British
treaties), interest of the public debt four millions, the existing
navy two and a half millions, the existing army, 5,000 men, one
and a half millions, making nine and a quarter millions, so that
we have a surplus of near a million. But the additional army,
9,000 men, now raising, will add two and a half millions annually,
the additional navy proposed three millions, and the interest of
the new loans half a million, making six millions more, so that
as soon as the army and navy shall be ready, our whole expenses
will be fifteen millions ; consequently, there will be five millions
annually more to be raised by taxes. Our present taxes of ten
millions are two dollars a head on our present population, and
the future five millions will make it three dollars. Our whole
exports (native) this year are 28,192, so that our taxes are
now a third and will soon be half of our whole exports ; and
when you add the expenses of the State Governments we shall
be found to have got to the plenum of taxation in ten short
years of peace. Great Britain, after centuries of wars and revo-
lutions, had at the commencement of the present war taxed only
to the amount of two-thirds of her exports. We have opened a
loan for five millions, at eight per cent, interest, and another is
proposed of two millions. These are to build six seventy-fours
CORRESPONDENCE. 285
and six eigh teens, in part of additional navy, for which a bill
passed the House of Representatives two days ago, by fifty-four
against forty-two. Besides the existing army of 5,000 and ad-
ditional army of 9,000, an eventual army of 30,000 is proposed
to be raised by the President, in case of invasion by any Euro-
pean power, or danger of invasion, in his opinion, and the
volunteer army, the amount of which we know not, is to be im-
mediately called out and exercised at the public expense. For
these purposes a bill has been twice read and committed in the
Senate. You have seen by Gerry's communications that France
is sincerely anxious for reconciliation, willing to give us a liberal
treaty, and does not wish us to break the British treaty, but
only to put her on an equal footing. A farther proof of her sin-
cerity turned up yesterday. We had taken an armed vessel from
her, had refitted and sent her to cruise against them, under the
name of the Retaliation, and they re-captured and sent her into
Guadaloupe. The new commissioners arriving there from France,
sent Victor Hughes off in irons, and said to our captain, that as
they found him bearing a regular commission as an officer of the
United States, with his vessel in their port, and his crew, they
would inquire into no fact respecting the vessel preceding their
arrival, but that he, his vessel and crew, were free to depart.
They arrived here yesterday. The federal papers call her a
cartel. It is whispered that the executive means to return an
equal number of the French prisoners, and this may give a color
to call her a cartel, but she was liberated freely and without
condition. The commissioners further said to the captain that,
as to the differences with the United States, new commissioners
were coming out from France to settle them, and in the mean-
time they should do us no injury. The President has appointed
Rufus King to make a commercial treaty with the Russians in
London, and William Smith, of South Carolina, to go to Con-
stantinople to make one with the Turks. Both appointments
are confirmed by the Senate. A little dissatisfaction was ex-
pressed by some that we should never have treated with them
till the moment when they had formed a coalition with the
286 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
English against the French. You have seen that the Directory
had published an arret declaring they would treat as pirates any
neutrals they should take in the ships of their enemies. The
President communicated this to Congress as soon as he received
it. A bill was brought into Senate reciting that arret, and au-
thorizing retaliation. The President received information almost
in the same instant that the Directory had suspended the arret
(which fact was privately declared by the Secretary of State to
two of the Senate), and, though it was known we were passing
an act founded on that arret, yet the President has never com-
municated the suspension. However the Senate, informed in-
directly of the fact, still passed the act yesterday, an hour after
we had heard of the return of our vessel and crew before men-
tioned. It is acknowledged on all hands, and declared by the
insurance companies that the British depredations during the last
six months have greatly exceeded the French, yet not a word is
said about it officially. However, all these things are working
on the public mind. They are getting back to the point where
they were when the X. Y. Z. story was passed off on them. A
wonderful and rapid change is taking place in Pennsylvania,
Jersey, and New York. Congress is daily plied with petitions
against the alien and sedition laws and standing armies. Several
parts of this State are so violent that we fear an insurrection.
This will be brought about by some if they can. It is the only
thing we have to fear. The appearance of an attack of force
against the government would check the present current of the
middle States, and rally them around the government ; whereas,
if suffered to go on, it will pass on to a reformation of abuses.
The materials now bearing on the public mind will infallibly
restore it to its republican soundness in the course of the present
summer, if the knowledge of facts can only be disseminated
among the people. Under separate cover you will receive some
pamphlets written by George Nicholas on the acts of the last
session. These I would wish you to distribute, not to sound
men who have no occasion for them, but to such as have been
misled, are candid and will be open to the conviction of truth,
CORRESPONDENCE. 287
and are of influence among their neighbors. It is the sick who
need medicine, and not the well. Do not let my name appear
in the matter. Perhaps I shall forward you some other things
to be distributed in the same way. Present me respectfully to
Mrs. Stuart, and accept assurances of the sincere esteem of, deai
Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.
TO EDMUND PENDLETON.
PHILADELPHIA. February 14, 1799.
DEAR SIR, — I wrote you a petition on the 29th of January. I
know the extent of this trespass on your tranquillity, and how
indiscreet it would have been under any other circumstances.
But the fate of this country, whether it shall be irretrievably
plunged into a form of government rejected by the makers of the
Constitution, or shall get back to the true principles of that in-
instrurnent, depends on the turn which things may take within
a short period of time ensuing the present moment. The viola-
tions of the Constitution, propensities to war, to expense, and to
a particular foreign connection, which we have lately seen, are
becoming evident to the people, and are dispelling that mist
which X. Y. Z. had spread before their eyes. This State is
coming forward with a boldness not yet seen. Even the Ger-
man counties of York and Lancaster, hitherto the most devoted,
have come about, and by petitions with four thousand signers re-
monstrate against the alien and sedition laws, standing armies,
and discretionary powers in the President. New York and Jer-
sey are also getting into great agitation. In this State, we fear
that the ill designing may produce insurrection. .Nothing could
be so fatal. Anything like force would check the progress of
the public opinion and rally them round the government. This
is not the kind of opposition the American people will permit.
But keep away all show of force, and they will bear down the
evil propensities of the government, by the constitutional means
288 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
of election and petition. If we can keep quiet, therefore, the tide
now turning will take a steady and proper direction. Even in
New Hampshire there are strong symptoms of a rising inquietude.
In this state of things, my dear Sir, it is more in your power
than any other man's in the United States, to give the coup de
grace to the ruinous principles and practices we have seen. In
hopes you have consented to it, I shall furnish to, you some addi-
tional matter which has arisen since my last.
I enclose you a part of a speech of Mr. Gallatin on the naval
bill. The views he takes of our finances, and of the policy of
our undertaking to establish a great navy, may furnish some
hints. I am told something on the same subject from Mr. J.
Nicholas will appear in the Richmond and Fredericksburg papers.
I mention the real author, that you may respect it duly, for I
presume it will be anonymous. The residue of Gallatin's speech
shall follow when published. A recent fact, proving the anxiety
of France for a reconciliation with us, is the following. You
know that one of the armed vessels which we took from her was
refitted by us, sent to cruise against her, recaptured, and carried
into Gaudaloupe under the name of the Retaliation. On the ar-
rival there of Desfourneaux, the new commissioner, he sent Vic-
tor Hughes home in irons ; called up our captain ; told him that
he found he had a regular commission as an officer of the United
States; that his vessel was then lying in the harbor; that he
should inquire into no fact preceding his own arrival (by this he
avoided noticing that the vessel was really French property) and
that therefore, himself and crew were free to depart with their
vessel ; that as to the differences between France and the United
States, commissioners were coming out to settle them, and in the
meantime, no injury should be done on their part. The captain
insisted on being a prisoner ; the other disclaimed ; and so he ar-
rived here with vessel and crew the day before yesterday.
Within an hour after this was known to the Senate, they passed
a retaliation bill, of which I enclose you a copy. This was the
more remarkable, as the bill was founded expressly on the Arrel
of October the 29th, which had been communicated by the Pre-
CORRESPONDENCE. 289
sident as soon as received, and he remarked, " that it could not
be too soon communicated to the two Houses and the public."
Yet he almost in the same instant received, through the same
channel, Mr. King's information that that Arret was suspended,
and though he knew we were making it the foundation of a re-
taliation bill, he has never yet communicated it. But the Senate
knew the fact informally from the Secretary of State, and know-
ing it, passed the bill.
The President has appointed, and the Senate approved Rufus
King, to enter into a treaty of commerce with the Russians, at
London, and William Smith, (Phocion) Envoy Extraordinary
and Minister Plenipotentiary, to go to Constantinople to make
one with the Turks. So that as soon as there is a coalition of
Turks, Russians and English, against France, we seize that mo-
ment to countenance it as openly as we dare, by treaties, which
we never had with them before. All this helps to fill up the
measure of provocation towards France, and to get from them a
declaration of war, which we are afraid to be the first in making.
It is certain the French have behaved atrociously towards neutral
nations, and us particularly ; and though we might be disposed
not to charge them with all the enormities committed in their
name in the West Indies, yet they are to be blamed for not doing
more to prevent them. A just and rational censure ought to be
expressed on them, while we disapprove the constant billings-
gate poured on them officially. It is at the same time true, that
their enemies set the first example of violating neutral rights,
and continue it to this day ; insomuch, that it is declared on all
hands, and particularly by the insurance companies and denied
by none, that the British spoliations have considerably exceeded
the French during the last six months. Yet not a word of these
*hings is said officially to the Legislature.
Still further, to give the devil his due, (the French) it should
be observed that it has been said without contradiction, and the
people made to believe, that their refusal to receive our Envoys
was contrary to the law of nations, and a sufficient cause of war ;
whereas, every one who ever read a book on the law of nations
VOL. iv 19
290 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
knows, that it is an unquestionable right in every power to re-
fuse to receive any minister who is personally disagreeable.
Martens, the latest and a very respected writer, has laid this down
so clearly and shortly in his " summary of the law of nations,"
B. 7. ch. 2. sec. 9, that I will transcribe the passage verbatim.
" Section 9. Of choice in the person of the minister. The
choice of the person to be sent as minister depends of right on
the sovereign who sends him, leaving the right, however, of him
to whom he is sent, of refusing to acknowledge any one, to
whom he has a personal dislike, or who is inadmissible by the
laws and usages of the country." And he adds notes proving by
instances, &c. This is the whole section.
Notwithstanding all these appearances of peace from France,
we are, besides our existing army of five thousand men, and an
additional army of nine thousand (now officered and levying),
passing a bill for an eventual army of thirty regiments (thirty
thousand) and for regimenting, brigading, officering and exer-
cising at the public expense our volunteer army, the amount of
which we know not. I enclose you a copy of the bill, which
has been twice read and committed in Senate. To meet this
expense, and that of the six seventy-four's and six eighteen's,
part of the proposed fleet, we have opened a loan of five million?
at eight per cent., and authorize another of two millions; and at
the same time, every man voting for these measures acknowl-
edges there is no probability of an invasion by France. While
speaking of the restoration of our vessel, I omitted to add, that
it is said that our government contemplate restoring the French-
men taken originally in the same vessel, and kept at Lancaster
as prisoners. This has furnished the idea of calling her a cartel
vessel, and pretending that she came as such for an exchange of
prisoners, which is false. She was delivered free and without
condition, but it does not suit to let any new evidence appear of
the desire of conciliation in France.
1 believe it is now certain that the commissioners on the British
debts can proceed together no longer. I am told that our two
have prepared a long report, which will perhaps be made public.
CORRESPONDENCE. 291
The result will be, that we must recur again to negotiation, to
settle the principles of the British claims. You know that Con-
gress rises on the 3d of March, and that if you have acceded to
my prayers, I should hear from you at least a week before our
rising. Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of the
sincere esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and ser-
vant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, February 19, 1799.
DEAR SIR, — I wrote you last on the llth ; yesterday the bill
for the eventual army of thirty regiments (thirty thousand) and
seventy-five thousand volunteers, passed the Senate. By an
amendment, the President was authorized to use the volunteers
for every purpose for which he can use militia, so that the militia
are rendered completely useless. The friends of the bill ac-
knowledged that the volunteers are a militia, and agreed that
they might properly be called the " Presidential militia." They
are not to go out of their State without their own consent. Con-
sequently, all service out of the State is thrown on the constitu-
tional militia, the Presidential militia being exempted from doing
duty with them. Leblane, an agent from Desfourneaux of Gau-
daioupe, came in the Retaliation. You will see in the papers
Desfourneaux's letter to the President, which will correct some
immaterial circumstances of the statement in my last. You will
see the truth of the main fact, that the vessel and crew were
liberated without condition. Notwithstanding this, they have
obliged Leblane to receive the French prisoners, and to admit, in
the papers, the terms, " in exchange for prisoners taken from us,"
he denying at the same time that they consider them as prison-
ers, or had any idea of exchange. The object of his mission
was not at all relative to that ; but they choose to keep up the
idea of a cartel, to prevent the transaction from being used as
evidence of the sincerity of the French government towards a
reconciliation. He came to assure us of a discontinuance of all
292 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
irregularities in French privateers from Gaudaloupe. He has
been received very cavalierly. In the meantime, a consul gener-
al is named to St. Domingo ; who may be considered as our min-
ister to Toussaint.
But the event of events was announced to the Senate yester-
day. It is this : it seems that soon after Gerry's departure, over-
tures must have been made by Pichon, French charge d'affaires
at the Hague, to Murray. They were so soon matured, that on the
28th of September, 1798, Talleyrand writes to Pichon, approv-
ing what had been done, and particularly of his having assured
Murray that whatever Plenipotentiary the government of the
United States should send to France to end our differences
would undoubtedly be received with the respect due to the rep-
resentative of a, free, independent and powerful nation ; declaring
that the President's instructions to his Envoys at Paris, if they
contain the whole of the American government's intentions, an-
nounce dispositions which have been always entertained by the
Directory ; and desiring him to communicate these expressions to
Murray, in order to convince him of the sincerity of the French
government, and to prevail on him to transmit them to his gov-
ernment. This is dated September the 28th, and may have
been received by Pichon October the 1st; and nearly five months
elapse before it is communicated. Yesterday, the President nom-
inated to the Senate William Vans Murray Minister Plenipoten-
tiary to the French republic, and added, that he shall be instruct-
ed not to go to France, without direct and unequivocal assur-
ances from the French government that he shall be received in
character, enjoy the due privileges, and a minister of equal rank,
title and power, be appointed to discuss and conclude our con-
troversy by a new treaty. This had evidently been kept secret
from the federalists of both Houses, as appeared by their dismay.
The Senate have passed over this day without taking it up. It
is said they are graveled and divided ; some are for opposing,
others do not know what to do. But in the meantime, they
have been permitted to go on with all the measures of war and
patronage, and when the close of the session is at hand it is made
CORRESPONDENCE. 293
known. However, it silences all arguments against the sincerity
of France, and renders desperate every further effort towards war.
I enclose you a paper with more particulars. Be so good as to
keep it till you see me, and then return it, as it is the copy of
one I sent to another person, and is the only copy I have. Since
I began my letter I have received yours of February the 7th and
8th, with its enclosures ; that referred to my discretion is pre-
cious, and shall be used accordingly.
Affectionate salutations to Mrs. Madison and yourself, and adieu
TO E. PENDLETON.
PHILADELPHIA, February 19, 1799.
DEAR SIR, — Since my last, which was of the 14th, a Monsieur
Leblane, agent from Desfourneaux, has come to town. He came
in the Retaliation, and a letter of Desfourneaux, of which he
was the bearer, now enclosed, will correct some circumstances in
my statement relative to that vessel which were not very mate-
rial. It shows, at the same time, that she was liberated without
condition ; still it is said (but I have no particular authority for it)
that he has been obliged to receive French prisoners here, and to
admit in the paper that the terms in exchange for prisoners taken
from us, should be used, he declaring, at the same time, that they
had never considered ours as prisoners, nor had an idea of ex-
change. The object of his mission was to assure the govern-
ment against any future irregularities by privateers from Gauda-
loupe, and to open a friendly intercourse. He has been treated
very cavalierly. I enclose you the President's message to the
House of Representatives relative to the suspension of the Arret,
on which our retaliation bill is founded.
A great event was presented yesterday. The President com-
municated a letter from Talleyrand to Pichon, French charge des
affaires at the Hague, approving of some overtures which had
passed between him and Mr. Murray, and particularly of his hav
294 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
ing undertaken to assure Murray that whatever Plenipotentiary
we might send to France to negotiate differences, should be re-
ceived with the respect due to the representative of a free, inde-
pendent and powerful nation, and directing him to prevail on
Murray to transmit these assurances to his government. In con-
sequence of this, a nomination of Mr. Murray, minister Plenipo-
tentiary to the French republic, was yesterday sent to the Senate.
This renders their efforts for war desperate, and silences all fur-
ther denials of the sincerity of the French government. I send
you extracts from these proceedings for your more special infor-
mation. I shall leave this the 2d day of March. Accept my af-
fectionate salutations. Adieu.
P. S. I should have mentioned that a nomination is before the
Senate of a consul general to St. Domingo. It is understood
that he will present himself to Toussaint, and is, in fact, our
ninister to him.
is upon the margin of this letter.)
The face they will put on this business is, that they have
frightened France into a respectful treatment. Whereas, in truth,
France has been sensible that her measures to prevent the scan-
dalous spectacle of war between the two republics, from the
known impossibility of our injuring her, would not be imputed
to her as a humiliation.
TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO.
PHILADELPHIA, February 21, 1799.
DEAR FRIEND, ********
On politics I must write sparingly, lest it should fall into
the hands of persons who do not love either you or me. The
wonderful irritation produced in the minds of our citizens by
the X. Y. Z. story, has in a great measure subsided. They
begin to suspect and to see it coolly in its true light. Mr. Gerry's
communications, with other information, prove to them that
CORRESPONDENCE. 295
France is sincere in her wishes for reconciliation ; and a recent
proposition from that country, through Mr. Murray, puts the mat-
ter out of doubt. What course the government will pursue, I
know not. But if we are left in peace, I have no doubt the
wonderful turn in the public opinion now manifestly taking place
and rapidly increasing, will, in the course of this summer, become
so universal and so weighty, that friendship abroad and freedom at
home will be firmly established by the influence and constitu-
tional powers of the people at large. If we are forced into war,
we must give up political differences of opinion, and unite as one
man to defend our country. But whether at the close of such a
war, we should be as free as we are now, God knows. In fine,
if war takes place, republicanism has everything to fear ; if peace,
be assured that your forebodings and my alarms will prove vain ;
and that the spirit of our citizens now rising as rapidly as it was
then running crazy, and rising with a strength and majesty
which show the loveliness of freedom, will make this govern-
ment in practice, what it is in principle, a model for the protection
of man in a state of freedom and order. May heaven have in
store for your country a restoration of these blessings, and you
be destined as the instrument it will use for that purpose. But
if this be forbidden by fate, I hope we shall be able to preserve
here an asylum where your love of liberty and disinterested pa-
triotism will be forever protected and honored, and where you
will find, in the hearts of the American people, a good portion of
that esteem and affection which glow in the bosom of the friend
who writes this ; and who, with sincere prayers for your health,
happiness and success, and cordial salutations, bids you, for this
time, adieu.
TO CHANCELLOR LIVINGSTON.
PHILADELPHIA, February 23, 1799.
DEAR SIR, — I have received with great pleasure your favor on
the subject of the steam engine. Though deterred by the com-
296 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
plexity of that hitherto known, from making myself minutely ac-
quainted with it, yet I am sufficiently acquainted with it to be
sensible of the superior simplicity of yours, and its superior
economy. I particularly thank you for the permission to com-
municate it to the Philosophical Society ; and though there will
not be another session before I leave town, yet I have taken care,
by putting it into the hands of one of the Vice Presidents to-day,
to have it presented at the next meeting. I lament the not re-
ceiving it a fortnight sooner, that it might have been inserted in
a volume now closed, and to be published in a few days, before
it would be possible for this engraving to be ready. There is
one object to which I have often wished a steam engine could
be adopted. You know how desirable it is both in town and
country to be able to have large reservoirs of water on the top
of our houses, not only for use (by pipes) in the apartments, but
as a resource against fire. This last is most especially a desider-
atum in the country. We might indeed have water carried from
time to time in buckets to cisterns on the top of the house, but
this is troublesome, and therefore we never do it, — consequent-
ly are without resource when a fire happens. Could any agent
be employed which would be little or no additional expense or
trouble except the first purchase, it would be done. Every fam-
ily has such an agent, its kitchen fire. It is small indeed, but if its
small but constant action could be accumulated so as to give a
stroke from time to time which might throw ever so small a
quantity of water from the bottom of a well to the top of the house
(say one hundred feet), it would furnish more than would waste
by evaporation, or be used by the family. I know nobody who
must better know the value of such a machine than yourself, nor
more equal to the invention of it, and especially with your fami-
liarity with the subject. I have imagined that the iron back of
the chimney might be a cistern for holding the water, which
should supply steam and would be constantly kept in a boiling
state by the ordinary fire. I wish the subject may appear as in-
teresting to you as it does to me, it would then engage your at-
tention, and we might hope this desideratum would be supplied.
CORRESPONDENCE. 297
A want of confidence in the post office deters me from writing
to my friends on subject of politics. Indeed I am tired of writ-
ing Jeremiades on that subject. What person, who remembers
the times and tempers we have seen, would have believed that
within so short a period, not only the jealous spirit of liberty
which shaped every operation of our revolution, but even the
common principles of English whigism would be scouted, and
the tory principle of passive obedience under the new-fangled
names of confidence and responsibility, become entirely triumph-
ant ? That the tories, whom in mercy we did not crumble to
dust and ashes, could so have entwined us in their scorpion tails,
that we cannot now move hand or foot. But the spell is dissolv-
ing. The public mind is recovering from the delirium into
which it had been thrown, and we may still believe with securi-
ty that the great body of the American people must for ages yet
be substantially republican. You have heard of the nomination
of Mr. Murray. Not being in the secret of this juggle, I am not
yet able to say how it is to be played off. Respectful and affec-
tionate salutations from, dear Sir, your sincere friend and ser-
vant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, February 26, 1799.
DEAR SIR, — My last to you was of the 19th ; it acknowledged
yours of the 8th. In mine, I informed you of the nomination of
Murray. There is evidence that the letter of Talleyrand was
known to one of the Secretaries, therefore probably to all ; the
nomination, however, is declared by one of them to have been
kept secret from them all. He added, that he was glad of it,
as, had they been consulted, the advice would have been against
making the nomination. To the rest of the party, however, the
whole was a secret till the nomination was announced. Never
did a party show a stronger mortification, and consequently, that
war had been their object. Dana declared in debate (as I have
298 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
from those who were present,) that we had done everything
which might provoke France to war ; that we had given her in-
sults which no nation ought to have borne ; and yet she would
not declare war. The conjecture as to the executive is, that
that they received Talleyrand's letter before or about the meet-
ing of Congress ; that not meaning to meet the overture effec-
tually, they kept it secret, and let all the war measures go on ;
but that just before the separation of the Senate, the President,
not thinking he could justify the concealing such an overture, nor
indeed that it could be concealed, made a nomination, hoping that
his friends in the Senate would take on their own shoulders the
odium of rejecting it ; but they did not choose it. The Hamil-
tonians would not, and the others could not, alone. The whole
artillery of the phalanx, therefore, was played secretly on the
President, and he was obliged himself to take a step which
should parry the overture while it wears the face of acceding to
it. (Mark that I state this as conjecture ; but founded on work-
ings and indications which have been under our eyes.) Yester-
day, therefore, he sent in a nomination of Oliver Ellsworth, Pat-
rick Henry and William Vans Murray, Envoys Extraordinary and
Ministers Plenipotentiary to the French Republic, but declaring
the two former should not leave this country till they should re-
ceive from the French Directory assurances that they should be
received with the respect due by the law of nations to their char-
acter, &c. This, if not impossible, must at least keep off the
day so hateful and so fatal to them, of reconciliation, and leave
more time for new projects of provocation. Yesterday witnessed
a scandalous scene in the House of Representatives. It was the
day for taking up the report of their committee against the alien
and sedition laws, &c. They held a caucus and determined
that not a word should be spoken on their side, in answer to any-
thing which should be said on the other. Gallatin took up the
alien, and Nicholas the sedition law ; but after a little while of
common silence, they began to enter into loud conversations,
laugh, cough, &c., so that for the last hour of these gentlemen's
speaking, they must have had the lungs of a vendue master to
CORRESPONDENCE. 299
have been heard. Livingston, however, attempted to speak.
But after a few sentences, the Speaker called him to order, and
told him what he was saying was not to the question. It was
impossible to proceed. The question was taken and carried in
favor of the report, fifty-two to forty-eight ; the real strength of
the two parties is fifty-six to fifty. But two of the latter have
not attended this session. I send you the report of their com-
mittee. I still expect to leave this on the 1st, and be with you
on the 7th of March. But it is possible I may not set out till
the 4th, and then shall not be with you till the 10th. Affec-
tionately adieu.
TO BISHOP MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, February 27, H99.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of February 10th came safely to hand.
We were for a moment flattered with the hope of a friendly ac-
commodation of our differences with France, by the President's
nomination of Mr. Murray our Minister at the Hague to proceed
to Paris for that purpose. But our hopes have been entirely
dashed by his revoking that and naming Mr. Ellsworth, Mr. Pat-
rick Henry and Murray ; the two former not to embark from
America till they shall receive assurances from the French Gov-
ernment, that they will be received with the respect due to their
character by the law of nations ; and this too after the French
Government had already given assurances that whatever Minister
the President should send should be received with the respect
due to the representative of a great, free and independent nation.
The effect of the new nomination is completely to parry the ad-
vances made by France towards a reconciliation. A great
change is taking place in the public mind in these Middle States,
and they are rapidly resuming the Republican ground which
they had for a moment relinquished. The tables of Congress
are loaded with petitions proving this. Thirteen of the twenty-
two counties of this State have already petitioned against the
300 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
proceedings of the late Congress. Many also from New York
and New Jersey, and before the summer is over, these three
States will he in unison with the Southern and Western. I
take the liberty of putting under your cover a letter for a young
gentleman known to you, and to whom I know not how other-
wise to direct it. I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your friend
and servant.
TO T. LOMAX.
MOXTICELLO, March 12, 1799.
DEAR Sm, — Your welcome favor of last month came to my
hands in Philadelphia. So long a time has elapsed since we
have been separated by events, that it was like a letter from the
dead, and recalled to my memory very dear recollections. My
subsequent journey through life has offered nothing which, in
comparison with those, is not cheerless and dreary. It is a rich
comfort sometimes to look back on them.
I take the liberty of enclosing a letter to Mr. Baylor, open, be-
cause I solicit your perusal of it. It will, at the same time, fur-
nish the apology for my not answering you from Philadelphia.
You ask for any communication I may be able to make, which
may administer comfort to you. I can give that which is solid.
The spirit of 1776 is not dead. It has only been slumbering.
The body of the American people is substantially republican.
But their virtuous feelings have been played on by some fact
with more fiction ; they have been the dupes of artful manoeuvres,
and made for a moment to be willing instruments in forging
chains for themselves. But time and truth have dissipated the
delusion, and opened their eyes. They see now that France
has sincerely wished peace, and their seducers have wished war,
as well for the loaves and fishes which arise out of war ex-
penses, as for the chance of changing the Constitution, while
the people should have time to contemplate nothing but the
levies of men and money. Pennsylvania, Jersey and New
CORRESPONDENCE. 301
York are coming majestically round to the true principles. In
Pennsylvania, thirteen out of twenty-two counties had already
petitioned on the alien and sedition laws. Jersey and New
York had begun the same movement, and though the rising of
Congress stops that channel for the expression of their senti-
ment, the sentiment is going on rapidly, and before their next
meeting those three States will be solidly embodied in sentiment
with the six southern and western ones. The atrocious pro-
ceedings of France towards this country, had well nigh destroy-
ed its liberties. The Anglomen and monocrats had so artfully
confounded the cause of France with that of freedom, that both
went down in the same scale. I sincerely join you in abjuring
all political connection with every foreign power ; and though I
cordially wish well to the progress of liberty in all nations, and
would forever give it the weight of our countenance, yet they
are not to be touched without contamination from their other
bad principles. Commerce with all nations, alliance with none,
should be our motto.
Accept assurances of the constant and unaltered affection of,
dear Sir, your sincere friend and servant.
TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.
MONTICELLO, August 18, 1799.
DEAR SIR, — I received only two days ago your favor of the
12th, and as it was on the eve of the return of our post, it was
not possible to make so prompt a despatch of the answer. Of
all the doctrines which have ever been broached by the federal
government, the novel one, of the common law being in force
and cognizable as an existing law in their courts, is to me the
most formidable. All their other assumptions of un-given powers
have been in the detail. The bank law, the treaty doctrine, the
sedition act, alien act, the undertaking to change the State laws
of evidence in the State courts by certain parts of the stamp
302 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
act, &c., &C., have been solitary, unconsequential, timid things,
in comparison with the audacious, barefaced and sweeping preten-
sion to a system of law for the United States, without the adop-
tion of their Legislature, and so infinitively beyond their power
to adopt. If this assumption be yielded to, the State courts may
be shut up, as there will then be nothing to hinder citizens of the
same State suing each other in the federal courts in every case,
as on a bond for instance, because the common law obliges pay-
ment of it, and the common law they say is their law. I am
happy you have taken up the subject; and I have carefully
perused and considered the notes you enclosed, and find but a
single paragraph which I do not approve. It is that wherein
(page two) you say, that laws being emanations from the legisla-
tive department, and, when once enacted, continuing in force
from a presumption that their will so continues, that that pre-
sumption fails and the laws of course fall, on the destruction of
that legislative department. I do not think this is the true bot-
tom on which laws and the administering them rest. The
whole body of the nation is the sovereign legislative, judiciary
and executive power for itself. The inconvenience of meeting
to exercise these powers in person, and their inaptitude to exer-
cise them, induce them to appoint special organs to declare their
legislative will, to judge and to execute it. It is the will of the
nation which makes the law obligatory ; it is their will which
creates or annihilates the organ which is to declare and announce
it. They may do it by a single person, as an Emperor of Rus-
sia, (constituting his declarations evidence of their will,) or by a
few persons, as the aristocracy of Venice, or by a complication
of councils, as in our former regal government, or our present
republican one. The law being law because it is the will of the
nation, is not changed by their changing the organ through
which they choose to announce their future will ; no more than
the acts I have done by one attorney lose their obligation by my
changing or discontinuing that attorney. This doctrine has
been, in a certain degree, sanctioned by the federal executive.
For it is precisely that on which the continuance of obligation
CORRESPONDENCE.
from our treaty with France was established, and the doctrine
was particularly developed in a letter to Gouverneur Morris,
written with the approbation of President Washington and his
cabinet. Mercer once prevailed on the Virginia Assembly to de-
clare a different doctrine in some resolutions. These met uni-
versal disapprobation in this, as well as the other States, and if I
mistake not, a subsequent Assembly did something to do away
the authority of their former unguarded resolutions. In this
case, as in all others, the true principle will be quite as effectual
to establish the just deductions. Before the revolution, the na-
tion of Virginia had, by the organs they then thought proper to
constitute, established a system of laws, which they divided into
three denominations of 1, common law ; 2, statute law ; 3, chan-
cery : or if you please, into two only, of 1, common law ; 2,
chancery. When, by the Declaration of Independence, they
chose to abolish their former organs of declaring their will, the
acts of will already formally and constitutionally declared, re-
mained untouched. For the nation was not dissolved, was not
annihilated ; its will, therefore, remained in full vigor ; and on
the establishing the new organs, first of a convention, and after-
wards a more complicated legislature, the old acts of national
will continued in force, until the nation should, by its new or-
gans, declare its will changed. The common law, therefore,
which was not in force when we landed here, nor till we had
formed ourselves into a nation, and had manifested by the organs
we constituted that the common law was to be our law, con-
tinued to be our law, because the nation continued in being, and
because though it changed the organs for the future declarations
of its will, yet it did not change its former declarations that the
common law was its law. Apply these principles to the present
case. Before the revolution there existed no such nation as the
United States; they then first associated as a nation, but for
special purposes only. They had all their laws to make, as Vir-
ginia had on her first establishment as a nation. But they did not,
as Virginia had done, proceed to adopt a whole system of laws
ready made to their hand. As their association as a nation was
304 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
only for special purposes, to wit, for the management of their
concerns with one another and with foreign nations, and the
States composing the association chose to give it powers for
those purposes and no others, they could not adopt any general
system, because it would have embraced objects on which this
association had no right to form or declare a will. It was not
the organ for declaring a national will in these cases. In the
cases confided to them, they were free to declare the will of the
nation, the law ; but till it was declared there could be no law.
So that the common law did not become, ipso facto, law on the
new association ; it could only become so by a positive adoption,
and so far only as they were authorized to adopt.
I think it will be of great importance, when you come to the
proper part, to portray at full length the consequences of this
new doctrine, that the common law is the law of the United
States, and that their courts have, of course, jurisdiction co-
extensive with that law, that is to say, general over all cases and
persons. But, great heavens! Who could have conceived in
1789, that within ten years we should have to combat such
windmills. Adieu. Yours aiFectionately.
TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS.
MONTICELLO, August 26, 1799.
DEAR SIR, — I am deeply impressed with the importance of
Virginia and Kentucky pursuing the same tract at the ensuing
sessions of their Legislatures. Your going thither furnishes a
valuable opportunity of eifecting it, and as Mr. Madison will be
at our Assembly as well as yourelf, I thought it important to pro-
cure a meeting between you. I therefore wrote to propose to
him to ride to this place on Saturday or Sunday next ; supposing
that both he and yourself might perhaps have some matter of
business at our court, which might render it less inconvenient
for you to be here together on Sunday. I took for granted that
CORRESPONDENCE. 305
you would not set off to Kentucky pointedly at the time you
first proposed, and hope and strongly urge your favoring us with
a visit at the time proposed. Mrs. Madison, who was the bearer
of my letter, assured me I might count on Mr. M.'s being here.
Not that I mentioned to her the object of my request, or that I
should propose the same to you, because, I presume, the less said
of such a meeting the better. I shall take care that Mrs. Monroe
shall dine with us. In hopes of seeing you, I bid you affection-
ately adieu.
TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS.
MOXTICELLO, September 5, 1199.
DEAR SIR, — Yours of August 30th came duly to hand. It
was with great regret we gave up the hope of seeing you here,
but could not but consider the obstacle as legitimate. I had
written to Mr. Madison, as I had before informed you, and had
stated to him some general ideas for consideration and consul-
tation when we should meet. I thought something essentially
necessary to be said, in order to avoid the inference of acqui-
escence; that a resolution or declaration should be passed, 1,
answering the reasonings of such of the States as have ventured
into the field of reason, and that of the committee of Congress,
taking some notice too of those States who have either not an-
swered at all, or answered without reasoning. 2. Making firm
protestation against the precedent and principle, and reserving
the right to make this palpable violation of the federal compact
the ground of doing in future whatever we might now rightfully
do, should repetitions of these and other violations of the compact
render it expedient. 3. Expressing in affectionate and con-
ciliatory language our warm attachment to union with our sister
States, and to the instrument and principles by which we are
united ; that we are willing to sacrifice to this everything but
the rights of self-government in those important points which
we have never yielded, and in which alone we see liberty,
VOL. iv. 20
306 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
safety, and happiness ; that not at all disposed to make every
measure of error or of wrong, a cause of scission, we are willing
to look on with indulgence, and to wait with patience till those
passions and delusions shall have passed over, which the federal
government have artfully excited to cover its own abuses and
conceal its designs, fully confident that the good sense of the
American people, and their attachment to those very rights which
we are now vindicating, will, before it shall be too late, rally with
us round the true principles of our federal compact. This was
only meant to give a general idea of the complexion and topics
of such an instrument. Mr. M. who came, as had been pro-
posed, does not concur in the reservation proposed above ; and
from this I recede readily, not only in deference to his judgment,
but because, as we should never think of separation but for re-
peated and enormous violations, so these, when they occur, will
be cause enough of themselves.
To these topics, however, should be added animadversions on
the new pretensions to a common law of the United States. I
proposed to Mr. M. to write to you, but he observed that you
knew his sentiments so perfectly from a former conference, that
it was unnecessary. As to the preparing anything, I must de-
cline it, to avoid suspicions (which were pretty strong in some
quarters on the late occasion), and because there remains still
(after their late loss) a mass of talents in Kentucky sufficient for
every purpose. The only object of the present communication
is to procure a concert in the general plan of action, as it is ex-
tremely desirable that Virginia and Kentucky should pursue the
same track on this occasion. Besides, how could you better
while away the road from hence to Kentucky, than in meditating
this very subject, and preparing something yourself, than whom no-
body will do it better. The loss of your brother, and the visit of the
apostle * * * to Kentucky, excite anxiety.* However, we doubt
not that his poisons will be effectually counterworked. Wishing
you a pleasant journey and happy return, I am with great and
sincere esteem, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.
* Here, and in almost every other case where the name is omitted, it is omitted in
the original.
CORRESPONDENCE. 307
TO JAMES MADISON.
MOXTICELLO, November 22, 1799.
DEAR SIR, — I have never answered your letter by Mr. Polk,
because I expected to have paid you a visit. This has been
prevented by various causes, till yesterday. That being the day
fixed for the departure of my daughter Eppes, my horses were
ready for me to have set out to see you : an accident postponed
her departure to this day, and my visit also. But Colonel Mon-
roe dined with me yesterday, and on my asking his commands
for you, he entered into the subject of the visit and dissuaded it
entirely, founding the motives on the espionage of the little
* * #m# * # * who wouid make it a subject of some
political slander, and perhaps of some political injury. I have
yielded to his representations, and therefore shall not have the
pleasure of seeing you till my return from Philadelphia. I re-
gret it sincerely, not only on motives of attention but of affairs.
Some late circumstances changing considerably the aspect of our
situation, must affect the line of conduct to be observed. I re-
gret it the more too, because from the commencement of the
ensuing session, I shall trust the post offices with nothing con-
fidential, persuaded that during the ensuing twelve months they
will lend their inquisitorial aid to furnish matter for newspapers.
I shall send you as usual printed communications, without say-
ing anything confidential on them. You will of course under-
stand the cause.
In your new station* let me recommend to you the jury system :
as also the restoration of juries in the court of chancery, which a
law not long since repealed, because " the trial by jury is trou-
blesome and expensive." If the reason be good, they should
abolish it at common law also. If Peter Carr is elected in the
room of * * * he will undertake the proposing this business,
and only need your support. If he is not elected, I hope you
will get it done otherwise. My best respects to Mrs. Madison,
and affectionate salutations to yourself.
* The Legislature of Virginia.
308 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
PHILADELPHIA. January 12, 1800.
DEAR SIR, — Yours of January the 4th was received last night
I had then no opportunity of communicating to you confi
dentially information of the state of opinions here ; but I learn
to-night that two Mr. Randolphs will set out to-morrow morning
for Richmond. If I can get this into their hands I shall send it,
otherwise it may wait longer. On the subject of an election by
a general ticket, or by districts, most persons here seem to have
made up their minds. All agree that an election by districts
would be best, if it could be general ; but while ten States
choose either by their legislatures or by a general ticket, it is
folly and worse than folly for the other six not to do it. In these
ten States the minority is certainly unrepresented ; and their
majorities not only have the weight of their whole State in their
scale, but have the benefit of so much of our minorities as can
succeed at a district election. This is, in fact, ensuring to our
minorities the appointment of the government. To state it in
another form ; it is merely a question whether we will divide
the United States into sixteen or one hundred and thirty-seven
districts. The latter being more checquered, and representing
the people in smaller sections, would be more likely to be an
exact representation of their diversified sentiments. But a repre-
sentation of a part by great, and part by small sections, would
give a result very different from what would be the sentiment of
the whole people of the United States, were they assembled to-
gether. I have to-day had a conversation with * * * *
who has taken a flying trip here from New York. He says,
they have now really a majority in the House of Representatives,
but for want of some skilful person to rally round, they are dis-
jointed, and will lose every question. In the Senate there is a
majority of eight or nine against us. But in the new election
which is to come on in April, three or four in the Senate will be
changed in our favor ; and in the House of Representatives the
county elections will still be better than the last ; but still all will
CORRESPONDENCE. 309
depend on the city election, which is of twelve members. At
present there would be no doubt of our carrying our ticket there ;
nor does there seem to be time for any events arising to change
that disposition. There is therefore the best prospect possible
of a great and decided majority on a joint vote of the two Houses.
They are so confident of this, that the republican party there
will not consent to elect either by districts or a general ticket.
They choose to do it by their legislature. I am told the repub-
licans of New Jersey are equally confident, and equally anxious
against an election either by districts or a general ticket. The
contest in this State will end in a separation of the present legis-
lature without passing any election law, (and their former one
has expired), and in depending on the new one, which will be
elected October the 14th, in which the republican majority will
be more decided in the Representatives, and instead of a ma-
jority of five against us in the Senate, will be of one for us.
They will, from the necessity of the case, choose the electors
themselves. Perhaps it will be thought I ought in delicacy to
be silent on this subject. But you, who know me, know that
my private gratifications would be most indulged by that issue,
which should leave me most at home. If anything supersedes
this propensity, it is merely the desire to see this government
brought back to its republican principles. Consider this as
written to Mr. Madison as much as yourself ; and communicate
it, if you think it will do any good, to those possessing our joint
confidence, or any others where it may be useful and safe.
Health and affectionate salutations.
TO MR. PARKER.
SENATE CHAMBER, January 13th, 1800.
SIR, — In answer to the several inquiries in your letter of this
day, I have the honor to inform you that the marble statue of
General Washington in the Capitol in Richmond, with its pedes-
810 JEFFEESON'S WOEKS.
tal, cost in Paris 24,000 livres or 1,000 Louis d'ors. It is of the
size of life, and made by Houdon, reckoned one of the first
statuaries in Europe. Besides this, we paid Houdon's expenses
coming to and returning from Virginia to take the General's like-
ness, which as well as I recollect were about 500 guineas, and
the transportation of the statue to Virginia with a workman to
put it up, the amount of which I never heard.
The price of an equestrian statue of the usual size, which is
considerably above that of life, whether in marble or bronze, costs
in Paris 40,000 Louis d'ors from the best hand. Houdon asked
that price for one that had been thought of for General Washing-
ton ; but I do not recollect whether this included the pedestal of
marble, which is a considerable piece of work. These were the
prices in 1785 in Paris. I believe that in Rome or Florence, the
same thing may be had from the best artists for about two-thirds
of the above prices, executed in the marble of Carrara, the best
now known. But unless Ciracchi's busts of General Washing-
ton are, any of them, there, it would be necessary to send there
one of Houdon's figures in plaster, which, packed properly for
safe transportation, would probably cost 20 or 30 guineas. I do
not know that any of Carrachi's busts of the General are to be
had anywhere. I am, with great consideration Sir, your very
humble servant.
TO MR. MORGAN BROWN, PALMYRA.
PHILADELPHIA, January 16, 1800.
SIR, — Your letter of October 1, has been duly received, and I
have to make you my acknowledgments for the offer of the two
Indian busts found on the Cumberland, and in your possession.
Such monuments of the state of the arts among the Indians, are
too singular not to be highly esteemed, and I shall preserve them
as such with great care. They will furnish new and strong
proofs how far the patience and perseverance of the Indian ar-
tist supplied the very limited means of execution which he pos-
CORRESPONDENCE. 311
sessed. Accept therefore, I pray you, my sincere thanks for
your kind offer, and assurances of the gratification these curiosi-
ties will yield here. As such objects cannot be conveyed with-
out injury but by water, I will ask the favor of you to forward
them by some vessel going down the river to Orleans, to the ad-
dress of Mr. Daniel Clarke, junior, of that place, to whom I
wrote to have them forwarded round by sea, and to answer for
me the expenses of transportation, package, &c. I am, with
many acknowledgments for this mark of your attention, Sir,
your most obedient humble servant.
TO DOCTOR PRIESTLY
PHILADELPHIA, January 18, 1800.
DEAR SIR, — I have to thank you for the pamphlets you were
so kind as to send me. You will know what I thought of them
by my having before sent a dozen sets to Virginia to distribute
among my friends. Yet I thank you not the less for these, which
I value the more as they came from yourself. The stock of them
which Campbell had was, I believe, exhausted the first or second
day of advertising them. The papers of political arithmetic,
both in yours and Mr. Cooper's pamphlets, are the most precious
gifts that can be made to us ; for we are running navigation mad,
and commerce mad, and navy mad, which is worst of all. How
desirable is it that you could pursue that subject for us. From
the Porcupines of our country you will receive no thanks ; but
the great mass of our nation will edify and thank you. How
deeply have I been chagrined and mortified at the persecutions
which fanatism and monarchy have excited against you, even
here! At first I believed it was merely a continuance of the
English persecution. But I observe that on the demise of Por-
cupine and division of his inheritance between Fenno and Brown,
the latter (though succeeding only to the federal portion of Por-
cupinism, not the Anglican, which is Fenno's part) serves up for
312 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
the palate of his sect, dishes of abuse against you as high sea-
soned as Porcupine's were. You have sinned against church and
king, and can therefore never be forgiven. How sincerely have
I regretted that your friend, before he fixed his choice of a posi-
tion, did not visit the valleys on each side of the ridge in Vir-
ginia, as Mr. Madison and myself so much wished. You would
have found there equal soil, the finest climate and most healthy
one on the earth, the homage of universal reverence and love, and
the power of the country spread over you as a shield. But since
you would not make it your country by adoption, you must now
do it by your good offices. I have one to propose to you which
will produce their good, and gratitude to you for ages, and in the
way to which you have devoted a long life, that of spreading
light among men.
We have in that State a College (William and Mary) just well
enough endowed to draw out the miserable existence to which a
miserable constitution has doomed it. It is moreover eccentric
in its position, exposed to all bilious diseases as all the lower
country is, and therefore abandoned by the public care, as that
part of the country itself is in a considerable degree by its in-
habitants. We wish to establish in the upper country, and more
centrally for the State, an University on a plan so broad and lib-
eral and modern, as to be worth patronizing with the public sup-
port, and be a temptation to the youth of other States to come
and drink of the cup of knowledge and fraternize with us. The
first step is to obtain a good plan ; that is, a judicious selection of
the sciences, and a practicable grouping of some of them together,
and ramifying of others, so as to adopt the professorships to our
uses and our means. In an institution meant chiefly for use,
some branches of science, formerly esteemed, may be now omit-
ted ; so may others now valued in Europe, but useless to us for
ages to come. As an example of the former, the oriental learn-
ing, and of the latter, almost the whole of the institution proposed
to Congress by the Secretary of War's report of the 5th inst.
Now there is no one to whom this subject is so familiar as your-
self. There is no one in the world who, equally with yourself,
CORRESPONDENCE. 313
unites this full possession of the subject with such a knowledge
of the state of our existence, as enables you to fit the garment
to him who is to pay for it and to wear it. To you therefore
we address our solicitations, and to lessen to you as much as pos-
sible the ambiguities of our object, I will venture even to sketch
the sciences which seem useful and practicable for us, as they
occur to me while holding my pen. Botany, chemistry, zoology,
anatomy, surgery, medicine, natural philosophy, agriculture, math-
ematics, astronomy, geography, politics, commerce, history, ethics,
law, arts, fine arts. This list is imperfect because I make it hast-
ily, and because I am unequal to the subject. It is evident that
some of these articles are too much for one professor and must
therefore be ramified ; others may be ascribed in groups to a sin-
gle professor. This is the difficult part of the Avork, and requires
a head perfectly knowing the extent of each branch, and the
limits within which it may be circumscribed, so as to bring the
whole within the powers of the fewest professors possible, and
consequently within the degree of expense practicable for us.
We should propose that the professors follow no other calling, so
that their whole time may be given to their academical functions ;
and we should propose to draw from Europe the first characters
in science, by considerable temptations, which would not need to
be repeated after the first set should have prepared fit successors
and given reputation to the institution. From some splendid
characters I have received offers most perfectly reasonable and
practicable.
I do not propose to give you all this trouble merely of my own
head, that would be arrogance. It has been the subject of con-
sultation among the ablest and highest characters of our State,
who only wait for a plan to make a joint and I hope a successful
effort to get the thing carried into effect. They will receive
your ideas with the greatest deference and thankfulness. We
shall be here certainly for two months to come ; but should you
not have leisure to think of it before Congress adjourns, it will
come safely to me afterwards by post, the nearest post office being
Milton.
314 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
Will not the arrival of Dupont tempt you to make a visit to
this quarter ? I have no doubt the alarmists are already whetting
their shafts for him also, but their gass is nearly run out, and the
day I believe is approaching when we shall be as free to pur-
sue what is true wisdom as the effects of their follies will permit ;
for some of them we shall be forced to wade through because
we are emerged in them.
Wishing you that pure happiness which your pursuits and cir-
cumstances offer, and which I am sure you are too wise to suffer
a diminution of by the pigmy assaults made on you, and with
every sentiment of affectionate esteem and respect, I am, dear
Sir, your most humble, and most obedient servant.
TO HENRY INNIS, ESQ.
PHILADKLPHIA, January 23, 1800.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of December 6th I received here on the
30th of same month, and have to thank you for the papers it
contained. They serve to prove that if Cressap was not of the
party of Logan's murderers, yet no injury was done his charac-
ter by believing it. I shall, while here this winter, publish such
material testimony on the subject as I have received ; which by
the kindness of my friends will be amply sufficient. It will ap-
pear that the deed was generally imputed to Cressap by both
whites and Indians, that his character was justly stained with
their blood, perhaps that he ordered this transaction, but that he
was not himself present at the time. I shall consequently make
a proper change in the text of the Notes on Virginia, to be adopt-
ed, if any future edition of that work should be printed.
With respect to the judiciary district to be established for the
Western States, nothing can be wilder than to annex to them
any State on the Eastern waters. I do not know what may be
the dispositions of the House of Representatives on that subject,
but I should hope from what I recollect of those manifested by
the Senate on the same subject at the former session, that they
CORRESPONDENCE. 315
may be induced to set off the Western country in a district
And I expect that the reason of the thing must bring both Houses
into the measure.
The Mississippi Territory has petitioned to be placed at once
in what is called the second stage of government. Surely, such
a government as the first form prescribed for the Territories is a
despotic oligarchy without one rational object.
I had addressed the enclosed letters to the care of the post-
master at Louisville ; but not knowing him, I have concluded it
better to ask the favor of you to avail them of any passage
which may offer down the river. I presume the boats stop of
course at those places.
We have wonderful rumors here at this time. One that the
King of England is dead. As this would ensure a general peace,
I do not know that it would be any misfortune to humanity.
The other is that Bonaparte, Sieyes and Ducos have usurped the
French government. This is West India news, and shows that
after killing Bonaparte a thousand times, they have still a variety
of parts to be acted by him. Were it really true . While I
was writing the last word a gentleman enters my room and
brings a confirmation that something has happened at Paris.
This is arrived at New York by a ship from Cork. The partic-
ulars differ from the West India account. We are therefore only
to believe that a revolution of some kind has taken place, and
that Bonaparte is at the head of it, but what are the particulars
and what the object, we must wait with patience to learn. In
the meantime we may speak hypothetically. If Bonaparte de-
clares for Royalty, either in his own person, or of Louis XVIII.,
he has but a few days to live. In a nation of so much enthu-
siasm, there must be a million of Brutuses who will devote them-
selves to death to destroy him. But, without much faith in Bo-
naparte's heart, I have so much in his head, as to indulge another
train of reflection. The republican world has been long looking
with anxiety on the two experiments going on of a single elec-
tive Executive here, and a plurality there. Opinions -have been
considerably divided on the event in both countries. The greater
316 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
opinion there has seemed to be heretofore in favor of a plurality,
here it has been very generally, though not universally, in favor
of a single elective Executive. After eight or nine years ex-
perience of perpetual broils and factions in their Directory, a
standing division (under all changes) of three against two, which
results in a government by a single opinion, it is possible they
may think the experiment decided in favor of our form, and that
Bonaparte may be for a single executive, limited in time and
power, and flatter himself with the election to that office ; and
that to this change the nation may rally itself; perhaps it is the
only one to which all parties could be rallied. In every case it
is to be feared and deplored that, that nation has yet to wade
through half a century of disorder and convulsions. These,
however, are conjectures only, which you will take as such, and
accept assurances of the great esteem and attachment of, dear
Sir, your friend and servant.
TO DR. PRIESTLY.
PHILADELPHIA, January 27, 1800.
DEAR SIR, — In my last letter of the 18th, I omitted to say any
thing of the languages as part of our proposed University. It
was not that I think, as some do, that they are useless. I am of
a very different opinion. I do not think them very essential to
the obtaining eminent degrees of science ; but I think them very
useful towards it. I suppose there is a portion of life during
which our faculties are ripe enough for this, and for nothing
more useful. I think the Greeks and Romans have left us the
present models which exist of fine composition, whether we ex-
amine them as works of reason, or of style and fancy ; and to
them we probably owe these characteristics of modern composi-
tion. I know of no composition of any other ancient people,
which merits the least regard as a model for its matter or style.
To all this I add, that to read the Latin and Greek authors in
their original, is a sublime luxury ; and I deem luxury in science
CORRESPONDENCE. 317
ft) be at least as justifiable as in architecture, painting, gardening,
or the other arts. I enjoy Homer in his own language infinitely
beyond Pope's translation of him, and both beyond the dull nar-
rative of the same events by Dares Phrygius ; and it is an inno-
cent enjoyment. I thank on my knees, Him who directed my
early education, for having put into my possession this rich source
of delight ; and I would not exchange it for anything which I
could then have acquired, and have not since acquired. With
this regard for those languages, you will acquit me of meaning
to omit them. About twenty years ago, I drew a bill for our
legislature, which proposed to lay off every county into hun-
dreds or townships of five or six miles square, in the centre of
each of them was to be a free English school ; the whole State
was further laid off into ten districts, in each of which was to
be a college for teaching the languages, geography, surveying,
and other useful things of that grade ; and then a single Univer-
sity for the sciences. It was received with enthusiasm ; but as
I had proposed that William and Mary, under an improved from,
should be the University, and that was at that time pretty highly
Episcopal, the dissenters after awhile began to apprehend some
secret design of a preference to that sect. About three years age
they enacted that part of my bill which related to English
schools, except that instead of obliging, they left it optional in
the court of every county to carry it into execution or not. I
think it probable the part of the plan for the middle grade of ed-
ucation, may also be brought forward in due time. In the mean-
while, we are not without a sufficient number of good country
schools, where the languages, geography, and the first elements
of mathematics, are taught. Having omitted this information in
my former letter, I thought it necessary now to supply it, that
you might know on what base your superstructure was to be
reared. I have a letter from Mr. Dupont, since his arrival at
New York, dated the 20th, in which he says he will be in Phil-
adelphia within about a fortnight from that time ; but only on a
visit. How much would it delight me if a visit from you at the
same time, were to show us two such illustrious foreigners embrac-
318 aLirEJUWVC! T\ORKS.
ing each other in my cotn\\\, az the a<rylym for whatever is
great and good. Pardon, I pray yon, the temporary delirium which
has been excited here, but which is fast passing away. The
Gothic idea that we are to look backwards instead of forwards
for the improvement of the human mind, and to recur to the an-
nals of our ancestors for what is most perfect in government, in
religion and in learning, is worthy of those bigots in religion
and government, by whom it has been recommended, and whose
purposes it would answer. But it is not an idea which this
country will endure ; and the moment of their showing it is fast
ripening ; and the signs of it will be their respect for you, and
growing detestation of those who have dishonored our country by
endeavors to disturb our tranquillity in it. No one has felt this
with more sensibility than, my dear Sir, your respectful and af-
fectionate friend and servant.
TO JOHN BRACKENRIDGE.
PHILADELPHIA, January £0, 1800.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 13th has been duly received,
as had been that containing the resolutions of your legislature on
the subject of the former resolutions. I was glad to see the sub-
ject taken up, and done with so much temper, firmness and pro-
priety. From the reason of the thing I cannot but hope that the
western country will be laid off into a separate judiciary district.
From what I recollect of the dispositions on the same subject at
the last session, I should expect that the partiality to a general
and uniform system would yield to geographical and physical
impracticabilities. I was once a great advocate for introducing
into chancery viva voce testimony, and trial by jury. I am still
so as to the latter, but have retired from the former opinion on
the information received from both your State and ours, that it
worked inconveniently. I introduced it into the Virginia law,
but did not return to the bar, so as to see how it answered. But
I do not understand how the viva voce examination comes to be
CORRESPONDENCE. 319
practiced in the Federal court with you, and not in your own
courts ; the Federal courts being decided by law to proceed and
decide by the laws of the States. *****
TO N. R-
PHILADELPHIA, February 2, 1800.
My letters to yourself and my dear Martha have been of Jan-
uary 13th, 21st, and 28th. I now enclose a letter lately received
for her. You will see in the newspapers all the details we have
of the proceedings of Paris. I observe that Lafayette is gone
there. When we see him, Volney, Sieyes, Talleyrand, gather-
ing round the new powers, we may conjecture from thence their
views and principles. Should it be really true that Bonaparte
has usurped the government with an intention of making it a
free one, whatever his talents may be for war, we have no proofs
that he is skilled in forming governments friendly to the people.
Wherever he has meddled we have seen nothing but fragments
of the old Roman government stuck into materials with which
they can form no cohesion : we see the bigotry of an Italian to
the ancient splendor of his country, but nothing which bespeaks
a luminous view of the organization of rational government.
Perhaps however this may end better than we augur ; and it cer-
tainly will if his head is equal to true and solid calculations of
glory. It is generally hoped here that peace may take place.
There was before no union of views between Austria and the
members of the triple coalition ; and the defeats of Suwarrow
appear to have completely destroyed the confidence of Russia
in that power, and the failure of the Dutch expedition to have
weaned him from the plans of England. The withdrawing his
armies we hope is the signal for the entire dissolution of the
coalition, and for every one seeking his separate peace. We have
great need of this event, that foreign affairs may no longer bear
so heavily on ours. We have great need for the ensuing twelve
320 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
months to be left to ourselves. The enemies of our Constitution
are preparing a fearful operation, and the dissensions in this
State are too likely to bring things to the situation they wish,
when our Bonaparte, surrounded by his comrades in arms,
may step in to give us political salvation in his way. It behoves
our citizens to be on their guard, to be firm in their principles,
and full of confidence in themselves. We are able to preserve
our self-government if we will but think so. I think the return
of Lafayette to Paris ensures a reconciliation between them and
us. He will so entwist himself with the Envoys that they will
not be able to draw off. Mr. 0. Pinckney has brought into the
Senate a bill for the uniform appointment of juries. A tax on
Public stock, Bank stock, &c., is to be proposed. This would
bring one hundred and fifty millions into contribution with the
lands, and levy a sensible proportion of the expenses of a war on
those who are so anxious to engage us in it. Robins' affair is
perhaps to be inquired into. However, the majority against
these things leave no hope of success. It is most unfortunate
that while Virginia and North Carolina were steady, the Middle
States drew back ; now that these are laying their shoulders to
the draught, Virginia and North Carolina baulk ; so that never
drawing together, the Eastern States, steady and unbroken, draw
all to themselves. I was mistaken last week in saying no more
failures had happened. New ones have been declaring every
day in Baltimore, others here and at New York. The last here
have been Nottnagil, Montmoll'in and Co., and Peter Blight.
These sums are enormous. I do not know the firms of the
bankrupt houses in Baltimore, but the crush will be incalculable.
In the present stagnation of commerce, and particularly that in
tobacco, it is difficult to transfer money from hence to Rich-
mond. Government bills on their custom house at Bermuda
can from time to time be had. I think it would be best for
Mr. Barnes always to keep them bespoke, and to remit in that
way your instalments as fast as they a're either due or within the
discountable period. The 1st is due the middle of March, and
so from two months to two months in five equal instalments. I
CORRESPONDENCE. 321
am looking out to see whether such a difference of price here
may be had as will warrant our bringing our tobacco from
New York here, rather than take eight dollars there. We have
been very unfortunate in this whole business. First in our own
miscalculations of the effect of the non-intercourse law ; and
where we had corrected our opinions, that our instructions were
from good, but mistaken views, not executed. My constant
love to my dear Martha, kisses to her young ones, and affection-
ate esteem to yourself.
TO SAMUEL ADAMS.
PHILADELPHIA, February 26, 1800.
DEAR SIR, — Mr. Erving delivered me your favor of January
31st, and I thank y-m for making me acquainted with him. You
will always do me i favor in giving me an opportunity of know-
ing gentlemen os estimable in their principles and talents as I
find Mr. Erving to be. I have not yet seen Mr. Winthrop. A
letter fiorn you, rjiy respectable friend, after three and twenty
years of separation, has given me a pleasure I cannot express.
It recalls to my mind the anxious days we then passed in
struggling for the cause of mankind. Your principles have been
tested in the crucible of time, and have come out pure. You
have proved that it was monarchy, and not merely British mon-
archy, you opposed. A government by representatives, elected
by the people at short periods, was our object ; and our maxim at
that day was, " where annual election ends, tyranny begins ;"
nor have our departures from it been sanctioned by the happiness
of their effects. A debt of an hundred millions growing by
usurious interest, and an artificial paper phalanx overruling the
agricultural mass of our country, with other et ceteras, have a
portentous aspect.
I fear our friends on the other side of the water, laboring in
the same cause, have yet a great deal of crime and misery to
wade through. My confidence has been placed in the head, not
VOL. iv. 21
322 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
in the heart of Bonaparte. I hoped he would calculate truly
the difference between the fame of a Washington and a Crom-
well. Whatever his views may be, he has at least transferred
the destinies of the republic from the civil to the military arm.
Some will use this as a lesson against the practicability of repub-
lican government. I read it as a lesson against the danger of
standing armies.
Adieu, my ever respected and venerable friend. May that
kind overruling providence which has so long spared you to our
country, still foster your remaining years with whatever may
make them comfortable to yourself and soothing to your friends.
Accept the cordial salutations of your affectionate friend.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, March 4, 1800.
DEAR Sm, — I have never written to you since my arrival here,
for reasons which were explained. Yours of December 29th,
January the 4th, 9th, 12th, 18th, and February the 14th, have
therefore remained unacknowledged. I have at different times
enclosed to you such papers as seemed interesting. To-day I
forward Bingham's amendment to the election bill formerly en-
closed to you, Mr. Pinckney's proposed amendment to the Con-
stitution, and the report of the Ways and Means. Bingham's
amendment was lost by the usual majority of two to one. A very
different one will be proposed, containing the true sense of the
minority, viz. that the two Houses, voting by heads, shall decide
such questions as the Constitution authorizes to be raised. This
may probably be taken up in the other House under better aus-
pices, for though the federalists have a great majority there, yet
they are of a more moderate temper than for some time past.
The Senate, however, seem determined to yield to nothing
which shall give the other House greater weight in the decision
on elections than they have.
CORRESPONDENCE. 323
Mr. Pinckney's motion has been supported, and is likely to
have some votes which were not expected. I rather believe he
will withdraw it, and propose the same thing in the form of a
bill ; it being the opinion of some that such a regulation is not
against the present Constitution. In this form it will stand a
better chance to pass, as a majority only in both Houses will be
necessary. By putting off the building of the seventy-fours and
stopping enlistments, the loan will be reduced to three and a half
millions. But I think it cannot be obtained. For though no
new bankruptcies have happened here for some weeks, or in New
York, yet they continue to happen in Baltimore, and the whole
commercial race are lying on their oars, and gathering in their
affairs, not knowing what new failures may put their resources
to the proof. In this state of things they cannot lend money.
Some foreigners have taken asylum among us, with a good deal
of money, who may perhaps choose that deposit. Robbins'
affair has been under agitation for some days. Livingston made
an able speech of two and a half hours yesterday. The advo-
cates of the measure feel its pressure heavily ; and though they
may be able to repel Livingston's motion of censure, I do not be-
lieve they can carry Bayard's of approbation. The landing of
our Envoys at Lisbon will risk a very dangerous consequence,
insomuch as the news of Truxton's aggression will perhaps arrive
at Paris before our commissioners will. Had they gone directly
there, they might have been two months ahead of that news.
We are entirely without further information from Paris. By
letters from Bordeaux, of December the 7th, tobacco was then
from twenty-five to twenty-seven dollars per hundred. Yet did
Marshall maintain on the non-intercourse bill, that its price at other
markets had never been affected by that law. While the navigating
and provision States, who are the majority, can keep open all the
markets, or at least sufficient ones for their objects, the cries of
the tobacco makers, who are the minority, and not at all in favor,
will hardly be listened to. It is truly the fable of the monkey
pulling the nuts out of the fire with the cat's paw ; and it shows
that G. Mason's proposition in the Convention was wise, that on
324: JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
laws regulating commerce, two-thirds of the votes should be re-
quisite to pass them. However, it would have been trampled
under foot by a triumphant majority.
March 8. My letter has lain by me till now, waiting Mr. Trist's
departure. The question has been decided to-day on Livingston's
motion respecting Robbins ; thirty-five for it, about sixty against
it. Livingston, Nicholas, and Gallatin distinguished themselves
on one side, and J. Marshall greatly on the other. Still it is be-
lieved they will not push Bayard's motion of approbation. We
have this day also decided in Senate on the motion for over-
hauling the editor of the Aurora. It was carried, as usual, by
about two to one ; H. Marshal voting of course with them, as
did, and frequently does * * * of * * * *, who is perfectly
at market. It happens that the other party are so strong, that
they do not think either him or * * * worth buying. As the
conveyance is confidential, I can say something on a subject
which, to those who do not know my real dispositions respecting
it, might seem indelicate. The federalists begin to be very se-
riously alarmed about their election next fall. Their speeches
in private, as well as their public and private demeanor to me,
indicate it strongly. This seems to be the prospect. Keep out
Pennsylvania, Jersey, and New York, and the rest of the States
are about equally divided ; and in this estimate it is supposed
that North Carolina and Maryland added together are equally
divided. Then the event depends on the three middle States
before mentioned. As to them, Pennsylvania passes no law for
an election at the present session. They confide that the next
election gives a decided majority in the two Houses, when
joined together. M'Kean, therefore, intends to call the legis-
lature to meet immediately after the new election, to appoint
electors themselves. Still you may be sensible there may arise
a difficulty between the two Houses about voting by heads or
by Houses. The republican members here from Jersey are en-
tirely confident that their two Houses, joined together, have a
majority of republicans ; their Council being republican by six
or eight votes, and the lower House federal by only one or two ;
CORRESPONDENCE. 325
and they have no doubt the approaching election will be in favor
of the republicans. They appoint electors by the two Houses
voting together. In New York all depends on the success of the
city election, which is of twelve members, and of course makes
a difference of twenty-four, which is sufficient to make the two
Houses, joined together, republican in their vote. Governor
Clinton, General Gates, and some other old revolutionary char-
acters, have been put on the republican ticket. Burr, Livingston,
&c., entertain no doubt on the event of that election. Still these
are the ideas of the republicans only in these three States, and
we must make great allowance for their sanguine views. Upon
the whole, I consider it as rather more doubtful than the last
election, in which I was not deceived in more than a vote or two.
If Pennsylvania votes, then either Jersey or New York giving a
republican vote, decides the election. If Pennsylvania does not
vote, then New York determines the election. In any event, we
may say that if the city election of New York is in favor of the
republican ticket, the issue will be republican ; if the federal
ticket for the city of New York prevails, the probabilities will
be in favor of a federal issue, because it would then require a re-
publican vote both from Jersey and Pennsylvania to preponderate
against New York, on which we could not count with any con-
fidence. The election of New York being in April, it becomes
an early and interesting object. It is probable the landing of our
Envoys in Lisbon will add a month to our session ; because all
that the eastern men are anxious about, is to get away before
the possibility of a treaty's coming in upon us.
Present my respectful salutations to Mrs. Madison, and be as-
sured of my constant and affectionate esteem.
TO COLONEL HAWKINS.
PHILADELPHIA, March 14, 1800.
DEAR SIR, — I had twice before attempted to open a corre-
spondence by writing unto you, but receiving no answer, I took
S26 JEFFEKSON'S WOEKS.
it for granted my letters did not reach you, and consequently
that no communication could be found. Yesterday, however,
your nephew put into my hands your favor of January 23d, and
informs me that a letter sent by post by way of Fort Wilkinson,
will be certain of getting safely to you. Still,! expect your long
absence from this part of the States, has rendered occurrences
here but little interesting to you. Indeed, things have so much
changed their aspect, it is like a new world. Those who know
us only from 1775 to 1793 can form no better idea of us now
than of the inhabitants of the moon ; I mean as to political
matters. Of these, therefore, 1 shall not say one word, because
nothing I could say, would be any more intelligible to you, if
said in English, than if said in Hebrew. On your part, however,
you have interesting details to give us. I particularly take great
interest in whatever respects the Indians, and the present state of
the Creeks, mentioned in your letter, is very interesting. But
you must not suppose that your official communications will ever
be seen or known out of the offices. Reserve as to all their pro-
ceedings is the fundamental maxim of the Executive depart-
ment. I must, therefore, ask from you one communication to be
made to me separately, and I am encouraged to it by that part
of your letter which promises me something on the Creek lan-
guage. I have long believed we can never get any information
of the ancient history of the Indians, of their descent and filia-
tion, but from a knowledge and comparative view of their lan-
guages. I have, therefore, never failed to avail myself of any
opportunity which offered of getting their vocabularies. I have
now made up a large collection, and afraid to risk it any longer,
lest by some accident it might be lost, I am about to print it.
But I still want the great southern languages, Cherokee, Creeks,
Choctaw, Chickasaw. For the Cherokee; I have written to
another, but for the three others, I have no chance but through
yourself. I have indeed an imperfect vocabulary of the Choctaw,
but it wants all the words marked in the enclosed vocabulary*
with either this mark (*) or this (f). I therefore throw myself
on you to procure me the Creek, Choctaw, and Chickasaw ; and I
* Tliis vocabulary is missing.
CORRESPONDENCE. 327
enclose you a vocabulary of the particular words I want. You
need not take the trouble of having any others taken, because all
my other vocabularies are confined to these words, and my ob-
ject is only a comparative view. The Creek column I expect
you will be able to fill up at once, and when done I should wish
it to come on without waiting for the others. As to the Choc-
taw and Chickasaw, I know your relations are not very direct,
but as I possess no means at all of getting at them, I am induced
to pray your aid. All the despatch which can be conveniently
used is desirable to me, because this summer I propose to arrange
all my vocabularies for the press, and I wish to place every
tongue in the column adjacent to its kindred tongues. Your
letters, addressed by post to me at Monticello, near Charlottes-
ville, will come safely, and more safely than if put under cover
to any of the offices, where they may be mislaid or lost.
Your old friend, Mrs. Trist, is now settled at Charlottesville,
within two and a half miles of me. She lives with her son, who
married here, and removed there. She preserves her health and
spirits fully, and is much beloved with us, as she deserves to be.
As I know she is a favorite correspondent of yours, I shall ob-
serve that the same channel will be a good one to her as I have
mentioned for myself. Indeed, if you find our correspondence
worth having, it can now be as direct as if you were in one of
these States. Mr. Madison is well. I presume you have long
known of his marriage. He is not yet a father. Mr. Giles is
happily and wealthily married to a Miss Tabb. This I presume
is enough for a first dose ; after hearing from you, and knowing
how it agrees with you, it may be repeated. With sentiments
of constant and sincere esteem, I am, dear Sir, your affectionate
friend and servant.
TO P. N. NICHOLAS.
PHILADELPHIA, April 7, 1 800.
DEAR SIR, — It is too early to think of a declaratory act as yet,
but the time is approaching and not distant. Two elections
328 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
more will give us a solid majority in the House of Represent-
atives, and a sufficient one in the Senate. As soon as it can be
depended on, we must have "a Declaration of the principles of
the Constitution " in nature of a Declaration of rights, in all the
points in which it has been violated. The people in the middle
States are almost rallied to Virginia already ; and the eastern
States are commencing the vibration which has been checked
by X. Y. Z. North Carolina is at present in the most danger-
ous state. The lawyers all tories, the people substantially re-
publican, but uninformed and deceived by the lawyers, who are
elected of necessity because few other candidates. The medi-
cine for that State must be very mild and secretly administered.
But nothing should be spared to give them true information. I
am, dear Sir, yours affectionately.
TO E. LIVINGSTON, ESQ.
PHILADELPHIA, April 30, 1800.
DEAR SIR,— I received with great pleasure your favor of the
llth instant. By this time I presume the result of your labors
is known with you, though not here. Whatever it may be, and
my experience of the art, industry, and resources of the other
party has not permitted me to be prematurely confident, yet I am
entirely confident that ultimately the great body of the people are
passing over from them. This may require one or two elections
more ; but it will assuredly take place. The madness and ex-
travagance of their career is what ensures it. The people
through all the States are for republican forms, republican prin-
ciples, simplicity, economy, religious and civil freedom.
I have nothing to offer you but Congressional news. The
Judiciary bill is postponed to the next session ; so the Militia ; so
the Military Academy. The bill for the election of the President
and Vice President has undergone much revolution. Marshall
made a dexterous manoeuvre ; he declares against the consti-
CORRESPONDENCE. 329
tutionahty of the Senate's bill, and proposed that the right of
decision of their grand committee should be controllable by the
concurrent votes of the two houses of Congress ; but to stand
good if not rejected by a concurrent vote. You will readily
estimate the amount of this sort of control. The Committee of
the House of Representatives, however, took from the Commit-
tee the right of giving any opinion, requiring them to report
facts only, and that the votes returned by the States should be
counted, unless reported by a concurrent vote of both houses. In
what form it will pass them or us, cannot be foreseen. Oar Jury
bill in Senate will pass so as merely to accommodate New York
and Vermont. The House of Representatives sent us yesterday
a bill for incorporating a company to work Roosewell's copper
mines in New Jersey. I do not know whether it is understood
that the Legislature of Jersey was incompetent to this, or merely
that we have concurrent legislation under the sweeping clause.
Congress are authorized to defend the nation. Ships are neces-
sary for defence ; copper is necessary for ships ; mines necessary
for copper ; a company necessary to work mines ; and who can
doubt this reasoning who has ever played at " This is the House
that Jack built ?" Under such a process of filiation of neces-
sities the sweeping clause makes clean work. We shall cer-
tainly rise on the 12th. There is nothing to do now but to pass
the Ways and Means, and to settle some differences of opinion
of the two houses on the Georgia bill, the bill for dividing the
North- Western Territory, and that for the sale of the Western
lands. Salutations and affectionate esteem. Adieu.
TO JAMES MADISON.
PHILADELPHIA, May 12, 1800.
DEAR SIR, — Congress will rise to-day or to-morrow. Mr.
Nicholas proposing to call on you, you will get from him the
Congressional news. On the whole, the federalists have not
330 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
been able to carry a single strong measure in the lower House
the whole session. When they met, it was believed they had a
majority of twenty ; but many of these were new and moderate
men, and soon saw the true character of the party to which they
had been well disposed while at a distance. This tide, too, of
public opinion sets so strongly against the federal proceedings,
that this melted off their majority, and dismayed the heroes of
the party. The Senate alone remained undismayed to the last.
Firm to their purpose, regardless of public opinion, and more
disposed to coerce than to court it, not a man of their majority
gave way in the least ; and on the election bill they adhered to
John Marshall's amendment, by their whole number ; and if
there had been a full Senate, there would have been but eleven
votes against it,, which include H. Marshall, who has voted with
the republicans this session. * * *
*******
Accept assurances of constant and affectionate esteem to Mrs.
Madison and yourself from, dear Sir, your sincere friend and
servant.
TO GIDEON GRANGER.
MONTJCELLO, August 13, 1800.
DEAR SIR, — I received with great pleasure your favor of June
die 4th, and am much comforted by the appearance of a change
of opinion in your State ; for though we may obtain, and I be-
lieve shall obtain, a majority in the Legislature of the United
States, attached to the preservation of the federal Constitution
according to its obvious principles, and those on which it was
known to be received ; attached equally to the preservation to
the States of those rights unquestionably remaining with them ;
friends to the freedom of religion, freedom of the press, trial by
jury and to economical government ; opposed to standing armies,
paper systems, war, and all connection, other than commerce,
with any foreign nation ; in short, a majority firm in all those
CORRESPONDENCE. 831
principles which we have espoused and the federalists have op-
posed uniformly ; still, should the whole body of New England
continue in opposition to these principles of government, either
knowingly or through delusion, our government will be a very
uneasy one. It can never be harmonious and solid, while so
respectable a portion of its citizens support principles which go
directly to a change of the federal Constitution, to sink the State
governments, consolidate them into one, and to monarchize that.
Our country is too large to have all its affairs directed by a single
government. Public servants at such a distance, and from un-
der the eye of their constituents, must, from the circumstance of
distance, be unable to administer and overlook all the details ne-
cessary for the good government of the citizens, and the same
circumstance, by rendering detection impossible to their constit-
uents, will invite the public agents to corruption, plunder and
waste. And I do verily believe, that if the principle were to
prevail, of a common law being in force in the United States,
(which principle possesses the General Government at once of all
the powers of the State governments, and reduces us to a single
consolidated government,) it would become the most corrupt gov-
ernment on the earth. You have seen the practises by which
the public servants have been able to cover their conduct, or,
where that could not be done, delusions by which they have
varnished it for the eye of their constituents. What an aug-
mentation of the field for jobbing, speculating, plundering, office-
building and office-hunting would be produced by an assumption
of all the State powers into the hands of the General Govern-
ment. The true theory of our Constitution is surely the wisest
and best, that the States are independent as to everything within
themselves, and united as to everything respecting foreign na-
tions. Let the General Government be reduced to foreign con-
cerns only, and let our affairs be disentangled from those of all
other nations, except as to commerce, which the merchants will
manage the better, the more they are left free to manage for
themselves, and our General Government may be reduced to a
very simple organization, and a very unexpensive one ,• a few plain
332 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
duties to be performed by a few servants. But I repeat, that this
simple and economical mode of government can never be
secured, if the New England States continue to support the con-
trary system. I rejoice, therefore, in every appearance of their
returning to those principles which I had always imagined to be
almost innate in them. In this State, a few persons were de-
luded by the X. Y. Z. duperies. You saw the effect of it in
our last Congressional representatives, chosen under their influ-
ence. This experiment on their credulity is now seen into, and
our next representation will be as republican as it has heretofore
been. On the whole, we hope, that by a part of the Union hav-
ing held on to the principles of the Constitution, time has been
given to the States to recover from the temporary frenzy into
which they had been decoyed, to rally round the Constitution,
and to rescue it from the destruction with which it had been
threatened even at their own hands. I see copied from the
American Magazine two numbers of a paper signed Don Quixotte,
most excellently adapted to introduce the real truth to the minds
even of the most prejudiced.
I would, with great pleasure, have written the letter you de-
sired in behalf of your friend, but there are existing circum-
stances which render a letter from me to that magistrate as im-
proper as it would be unavailing. I shall be happy, on some
more fortunate occasion, to prove to you my desire of serving
your wishes.
I sometime ago received a letter from a Mr. M'Gregory of
Derby, in your State ; it is written with such a degree of good
sense and appearance of candor, as entitles it to an answer.
Yet the writer being entirely unknown to me, and the strata-
gems of the times very multifarious, I have thought it best to
avail myself of your friendship, and enclose the answer to you.
You will see its nature. If you find from the character of the
person to whom it is addressed, that no improper use would
probably be made of it, be so good as to seal and send it.
Otherwise suppress it.
CORRESPONDENCE. 333
How will the vote of your State and Rhode Island be as to
A. and P. ?
I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and
servant.
TO URIAH M'GREGORY.
MONTICKLLO, August 13, 1800.
SIR, — Your favor of July the 19th has been received, and re-
ceived with the tribute of respect due to a person, who, unurged
by motives of personal friendship or acquaintance, and unaided
by particular information, will so far exercise his justice as to ad-
vert to the proofs of approbation given a public character by his
own State and by the United States, and weigh them in the
scale against the fatherless calumnies he hears uttered against
him. These public acts are known even to those who know
nothing of my private life, and surely are better evidence to a
mind disposed to truth, than slanders which no man will affirm
on his own knowledge, or ever saw one who would. From the
moment that a portion of my fellow citizens looked towards me
with a view to one of their highest offices, the floodgates of
calumny have been opened upon me ; not where I am person-
ally known, where their slanders would be instantly judged and
suppressed, from a general sense of their falsehood ; but in the
remote parts of the Union, where the means of detection are not
at hand, and the trouble of an inquiry is greater than would
suit the hearers to undertake. I know that I might have filled
the courts of the United States with actions for these slanders,
and have ruined perhaps many persons who are not innocent.
But this would be no equivalent to the loss of character. I
leave them, therefore, to the reproof of their own consciences.
If these do not condemn them, there will yet come a day when
the false witness will meet a judge who has not slept over his
slanders. If the reverend Cotton Mather Smith of Shena be-
lieved this as firmly as I do, he would surely never have affirm-
334: JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
ed that " I had obtained my property by fraud and robbery ;
that in one instance, I had defrauded and robbed a widow and
fatherless children of an estate to which I was executor, of ten
thousand pounds sterling, by keeping the property and pay-
ing them in money at the nominal rate, when it was worth no
more than forty for one ; and that all this could be proved."
Every tittle of it is fable ; there not having existed a single cir-
cumstance of my life to which any part of it can hang. I never
was executor but in two instances, both of which having taken
place about the beginning of the revolution, which withdrew me
immediately from all private pursuits, I never meddled in either
executorship. In one of the cases only, were there a widow
and children. She was my sister. She retained and managed
the estate in her own hands, and no part of it was ever in mine.
In the other, I was a copartner, and only received on a division
the equal portion allotted me. To neither of these executor-
ships therefore, could Mr. Smith refer. Again, my property is
all patrimonial, except about seven or eight hundred pounds'
worth of lands, purchased by myself and paid for, not to widows
and orphans, but to the very gentleman from whom I purchased.
If Mr. Smith, therefore, thinks the precepts of the gospel in-
tended for those who preach them as well as for others, he will
doubtless some day feel the duties of repentance, and of ac-
knowledgment in such forms as to correct the wrong he has
done. Perhaps he will have to wait till the passions of the mo-
ment have passed away. All this is left to his own conscience.
These, Sir, are facts, well known to every person in this quar-
ter, which I have committed to paper for your own satisfaction,
and that of those to whom you may choose to mention them. I
only pray that my letter may not go out of your own hands, lest
it should get into the newspapers, a bear-garden scene into
which I have made it a point to enter on no provocation.
I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
CORRESPONDENCE. 335
TO DOCTOR RUSH.
MONTICELLO, September 23, 1800.
DEAR SIR, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor
of August the 22d, and to congratulate you on the healthiness of
your city. Still Baltimore, Norfolk and Providence admonish
us that we are not clear of our new scourge. When great evils
happen, I am in the habit of looking out for what good may
arise from them as consolations to us, and Providence has in
fact so established the order of things, as that most evils are the
means of producing some good. The yellow fever will discour-
age the growth of great cities in our nation, and I view great
cities as pestilential to the morals, the health and the liberties
of man. True, they nourish some of the elegant arts, but the
useful ones can thrive elsewhere, and less perfection in the
others, with more health, virtue and freedom, would be my
choice.
I agree with you entirely, in condemning the mania of giving
names to objects of any kind after persons still living. Death
alone can seal the title of any man to this honor, by putting it
out of his power to forfeit it. There is one other mode of re-
cording merit, which I have often thought might be introduced,
so as to gratify the living by praising the dead. ' In giving, for
instance, a commission of Chief Justice to Bushrod Washington,
it should be in consideration of his integrity, and science in the
laws, and of the services rendered to our country by his illus-
trious relation, &c. A commission to a descendant of Dr. Frank-
lin, besides being in consideration of the proper qualifications of
the person, should add that of the great services rendered by
his illustrious ancestor, Benjamin Franklin, by the advancement
of science, by inventions useful to man, &c. I am not sure that
we ought to change all our names. And during the regal gov-
ernment, sometimes, indeed, they were given through adulation ;
but often also as the reward of the merit of the times, sometimes
for services rendered the colony. Perhaps, too, a name when
given, should be deemed a sacred property.
338 JEFFERSON'S WOEKS.
I promised you a letter on Christianity, which I have not for-
gotten. On the contrary, it is because 1 have reflected on it,
that 1 find much more time necessary for it than I can at present
dispose of. I have a view of the subject which ought to dis-
please neither the rational Christian nor Deists, and would recon-
cile many to a character they have too hastily rejected. I do not
know that it would reconcile the genus irritabile vatum who
are all in arms against me. Their hostility is on too interesting
ground to be softened. The delusion into which the X. Y. Z.
plot showed it possible to push the people ; the successful exper-
iment made under the prevalence of that delusion on the clause
of the Constitution, which, while it secured the freedom of the
press, covered also the freedom of religion, had given to the cler-
gy a very favorite hope of obtaining an establishment of a par-
ticular form of Christianity through the United States ; and as
every sect believes its own form the true one, every one perhaps
hoped for his own, but especially the Episcopalians and Congre-
gationalists. The returning good sense of our country threatens
abortion to their hopes, and they believe that any portion of
power confided to me, will be exerted in opposition to their
schemes. And they believe rightly : for I have sworn upon the
altar of God, eternal hostility against every form of tyranny over
the mind of man. But this is all they have to fear from me :
and enough too in their opinion. And this is the cause of their
printing lying pamphlets against me, forging conversations for
me with Mazzei, Bishop Madison, &c., which are absolute false-
hoods without a circumstance of truth to rest on ; falsehoods,
too, of which I acquit Mazzei and Bishop Madison, for they are
men of truth.
But enough of this : it is more than I have before committed
to paper on the subject of all the lies that has been preached
and printed against me. I have not seen the work of Sonnoni
which you mention, but I have seen another work on Africa,
(Parke's,) which I fear will throw cold water on the hopes of the
friends of freedom. You will hear an account of an attemp-t at
insurrection in this State. I am looking with anxiety to see
CORRESPONDENCE. 837
what will be its effect on our State. We are truly to be pitied. I
fear we have little chance to see you at the federal city or in
Virginia, and as little at Philadelphia. It would be a great treat
to receive you here. But nothing but sickness could effect that ;
so I do not wish it. For I wish you health and happiness, and
think of you with affection. Adieu.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
WASHINGTON-, December 14, 1800.
DEAR SIR, — Your former communications on the subject of the
steam engine, I took the liberty of laying before the American
Philosophical Society, by whom they will be printed in their
volume of the present year. I have heard of the discovery of some
large bones, supposed to be of the mammoth, at about thirty or
forty miles distance from you ; and among the bones found, are
said to be some of which we have never been able to procure.
The first interesting question is, whether they are the bones of
the mammoth ? The second, what are the particular bones, and
could I possibly procure them ? The bones I am most anxious
to obtain, are those of the head and feet, which are said to be
among those found in your State, as also the ossa innominata,
and the scapula. Others would also be interesting, though simi-
lar ones may be possessed, because they would show by their
similarity that the set belong to the mammoth. Could I so far
venture to trouble you on this subject, as to engage some of your
friends near the place, to procure for me the bones above men-
tioned ? If they are to be bought I will gladly pay for them
whatever you shall agree to as reasonable ; and will place the
money in New York as instantaneously after it is made known
to me, as the post can carry it, as I will all expenses of package,
transportation, &c, to New York and Philadelphia, where they
may be addressed to John Barnes, whose agent (he not being on
the spot) will take care of them for me.
VOL. iv. 22
338 JEFFEKSON'S WORKS.
But I have still a more important subject whereon to address
you. Though our information of the votes of the several States
be not official, yet they are stated on such evidence as to satisfy
both parties that the republican vote has been successful. We
may, therefore, venture to hazard propositions on that hypothe-
sis without being justly subjected to raillery or ridicule. The
Constitution to which we are all attached was meant to be repub-
lican, and we believe to be republican according to every can-
did interpretation. Yet we have seen it so interpreted and ad-
ministered, as to be truly what the French have called, a monar-
chic masque. Yet so long has the vessel run on this way and
been trimmed to it, that to put her on her republican tack will
require all the skill, the firmness and the zeal of her ablest and
best friends. It is a crisis which calls on them, to sacrifice all
other objects, and repair to her aid in this momentous operation.
Not only their skill is wanting, but their names also. It is essen-
tial to assemble in the outset persons to compose our administra-
tion, whose talents, integrity and revolutionary name and princi-
ples may inspire the nation at once, with unbounded confidence,
and impose an awful silence on all the maligners of republican-
ism ; as may suppress in embryo the purpose avowed by one of
their most daring and effective chiefs, of beating down the ad-
ministration. These names do not abound at this day. So few
are they, that yours, my friend, cannot be spared among them
without leaving a blank which cannot be filled. If I can obtain
for the public the aid of those I have contemplated, I fear no-
thing. If this cannot be done, then are we unfortunate indeed !
We shall be unable to realize the prospects which have been
held out to the people, and we must fall back into monarchism,
for want of heads, not hands to help us out of it. This is a com-
mon cause, my dear Sir, common to all republicans. Though I
have been too honorably placed in front of those who are to
enter the breach so happily made, yet the energies of every in-
dividual are necessary, and in the very place where his energies
can most serve the enterprise. I can assure you that your col-
leagues will be most acceptable to you ; one of them, whom you
CORRESPONDENCE. 339
cannot mistake, peculiarly so. The part which circumstances
constrain us to propose to you is, the secretaryship of the navy.
These circumstances cannot be explained by letter. Republi-
canism is so rare in those parts which possess nautical skill, that I
cannot find it allied there to the other qualifications. Though
you are not nautical by profession, yet your residence and your
mechanical science qualify you as well as a gentleman can
possibly be, and sufficiently to enable you to choose under-agents
perfectly qualified, and to superintend their conduct. Come for-
ward then, my dear Sir, and give us the aid of your talents and the
weight of your character towards the new establishment of re-
publicanism : I say, for its new establishment ; for hitherto we
have only seen its travestie. I have urged thus far, on the belief
that your present office would not be an obstacle to this proposi-
tion. I was informed, and I think it was by your brother, that
you wished to retire from it, and were only restrained by the
fear that a successor of different principles might be appointed.
The late change in your council of appointment will remove this
fear. It will not be improper to say a word on the subject of ex-
pense. The gentlemen who composed General Washington's
first administration took up, too universally, a practice of general
entertainment, which was unnecessary, obstructive of business,
and so oppressive to themselves, that it was among the motives
for their retirement. Their successors profited by the experiment,
and lived altogether as private individuals, and so have ever con-
tinued to do. Here, indeed, it cannot be otherwise, our situation
being so rural, that during the vacations of the Legislature we
shall have no society but of the officers of the government, and
in time of sessions the Legislature is become and becoming so
numerous, that for the last half dozen years nobody but the
President has pretended to entertain them. I have been led tr
make the application before official knowledge of the result of
our election, because the return of Mr. Van Benthuysen, one of
your electors and neighbors, offers me a safe conveyance at a
moment when the post offices will be peculiarly suspicious and
prying. Your answer may come by post without danger, if di-
340 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
rected in some other hand writing than your own ; and I will
pray you to give me an answer as soon as you can make up your
mind.
Accept assurances of cordial esteem and respect, and my friend-
ly salutations.
TO COLONEL BURR.
WASHINGTON, December 15, 1800.
DEAR SIR, — Although we have not official information of the
votes for President and Vice President, and cannot have until the
first week in February, yet the state of the votes is given on
such evidence, as satisfies both parties that the two republican
candidates stand highest. From South Carolina we have not
even heard of the actual vote ; but we have learned who were
appointed electors, and with sufficient certainty how they would
vote. It is said they would withdraw from yourself one vote.
It has also been said that a General Smith, of Tennessee, had de-
clared that he would give his second vote to Mr. Gallatin, not from
any indisposition towards you, but extreme reverence to the
character of Mr. Gallatin. It is also surmised that the vote of
Georgia will not be entire. Yet nobody pretends to know these
things of a certainty, and we know enough to be certain that
what it is surmised will be withheld, will still leave you four or
five votes at least above Mr. Adams. However, it was badly
managed not to have arranged with certainty what seems to
have been left to hazard. It was the more material, because I
understand several of the high-flying federalists have expressed
their hope that the two republican tickets may be equal, and their
determination in that case to prevent a choice by the House of
Representatives, (which they are strong enough to do,) and let
the government devolve on a President of the Senate. Decency
required that I should be so entirely passive during the late con-
test that I never once asked whether arrangements had been made
to prevent so many from dropping votes intentionally, as might
COPvPwESPONDENCE. 341
frustrate half the republican wish ; nor did I doubt, till lately,
that such had been made.
While I must congratulate you, my dear Sir, on the issue of
this contest, because it is more honorable, and doubtless more
grateful to you than any station within the competence of the
chief magistrate, yet for myself, and for the substantial service of
the public, I feel most sensibly the loss we sustain of your aid in
our new administration. It leaves a chasm in my arrangements,
which cannot be adequately filled up. I had endeavored to
compose an administration whose talents, integrity, names, and
dispositions, should at once inspire unbounded confidence in the
public mind, and insure a perfect harmony in the conduct of the
public business. I lose you from the list, and am not sure of all
the others. Should the gentlemen who possess the public con-
fidence decline taking a part in their affairs, and force us to take
persons unknown to the people, the evil genius of this country
may realize his avowal that " he will beat down the administra-
tion." The return of Mr. Van Benthuysen, one of your electors,
furnishes me a confidential opportunity of writing this much to
you, which I should not have ventured through the post office
at this prying season. We shall of course see you before the
4th of March. Accept my respectful and affectionate salutations.
TO JUDGE BRECKENR1DGE.
WASHINGTON, December 18, 1800.
DEAR SIR, — I received, while at home, the letter you were so
kind as to write me. The employments of the country have
such irresistible attractions for me, that while I am at home, I
am not very punctual in acknowledging the letters of my friends.
Having no refuge here from my room and writing-table, it is
my regular season for fetching up the lee-way of my corre-
spondence.
Before you receive this, you will have understood that the
342 JEFFERSON'S WOEKS.
State of South Carolina (the only one ahout which there was
uncertainty) has given a republican vote, and saved us from the
consequences of the annihilation of Pennsylvania. But we are
brought into dilemma by the probable equality of the two re-
publican candidates. The federalists in Congress mean to take
advantage of this, and either to prevent an election altogether, or
reverse what has been understood to have been the wishes of the
people, as to the President and Vice President ; wishes which the
Constitution did not permit them specially to designate. The
latter alternative still gives us a republican administration. The
former, a suspension of the federal government, for want of a
head. This opens to us an abyss, at which every sincere patriot
must shudder. General Davie has arrived here with the treaty
formed (under the name of a convention) with France. It is
now before the Senate for ratification, and will encounter ob-
jections. He believes firmly that a continental peace in Europe
will take place, and that England also may be comprehended.
Accept assurances of the great respect of, dear Sir, your most
obedient servant.
TO JAMES MADISON.
WASHINGTON, December 19, 1800.
DEAR SIR, — Mr. Brown's departure for Virginia enables me to
write confidentially what I could not have ventured by the post
at this prying season. The election in South Carolina has in
some measure decided the great contest. Though as yet we do
not know the actual votes of Tennessee, Kentucky, and Vermont,
yet we believe the votes to be on the whole, J. seventy-three,
B. seventy-three, A. sixty-five, P. sixty-four. Rhode Island
withdrew one from P. There is a possibility that Tennessee
may withdraw one from B., and Burr writes that there may be
one vote in Vermont for J. But I hold the latter impossible, and
the former not probable ; and that there will be an absolute
parity between the two republican candidates. This has pro-
CORRESPONDENCE. 343
duced great dismay and gloom on the republican gentlemen
here, and exultation in the federalists, who openly declare they
will prevent an election, and will name a President of the Senate,
pro tern, by what they say would only be a stretch of the Con-
stitution. The prospect of preventing this, is as follows
Georgia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Vermont, Penn-
sylvania, and New York, can be counted on for their vote in the
House of Representatives, and it is thought by some that Baei
of Maryland, and Linn of New Jersey will come over. Some
even count on Morris of Vermont. But you must know the un-
certainty of such a dependence under the operation of caucuses
and other federal engines. The month of February, therefore,
will present us storms of a new character. Should they have a
particular issue, I hope you will be here a day or two, at least,
before the 4th of March. I know that your appearance on the
scene before the departure of Congress, would assuage the mi-
nority, and inspire in the majority confidence and joy unbounded,
which they would spread far and wide on their journey home.
Let me beseech you then to come with a view of staying perhaps
a couple of weeks, within which time things might be put into
such a train, as would permit us both to go home for a short
time, for removal. I wrote to R. R. L. by a confidential hand
three days ago. The person proposed for the Treasury has not
come yet.
Davie is here with the Convention, as it is called ; but it is a
real treaty, and without limitation of time. It has some disagree-
able features, and will endanger the compromising us with Great
Britain. I am not at liberty to mention its contents, but I be-
lieve it will meet with opposition from both sides of the House.
It has been a bungling negotiation. Ellsworth remains in France
for the benefit of his health. He has resigned his office of Chief
Justice. Putting these two things together, we cannot miscon-
strue his views. He must have had great confidence in Mr.
Adams' continuance to risk such a certainty as he held. Jay
was yesterday nominated Chief Justice. We were afraid of
something worse. A scheme of government for the territory is
344 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
cooking by a committee of each House, under separate authorities,
but probably a voluntary harmony. They let out no hints. It
is believed that the judiciary system will not be pushed, as the
appointments, if made by the present administration, could not
fall on those who create them. But I very much fear the road
system will be urged. The mines of Peru would not supply
the moneys which would be wasted on this object, nor the pa-
tience of any people stand the abuses which would be incon-
trolably committed under it. I propose, as soon as the state of
the election is perfectly ascertained, to aim at a candid under-
standing with Mr. Adams. I do not expect that either his
feelings or his views of interest will oppose it. I hope to induce
in him dispositions liberal and accommodating. Accept my af-
fectionate salutations.
TO JAMES MADISON.
WASHINGTON, December 26, 1800.
DEAR SIR, — All the votes have now come in, except of Ver-
mont and Kentucky, and there is no doubt that the result is a
perfect parity between the two republican characters. The
federalists appear determined to prevent an election, and to pass
a bill giving the government to Mr. Jay, appointed Chief Justice,
or to Marshall as Secretary of State. Yet I am rather of opinion
that Maryland and Jersey will give the seven republican ma-
jorities. The French treaty will be violently opposed by the
federalists ; the giving up the vessels is the article they cannot
swallow. They have got their judiciary bill forwarded to com-
mitment. I dread this above all the measures meditated, be-
cause appointments in the nature of freehold render it difficult
to undo what is done. We expect a report for a territorial gov-
ernment which is to pay little respect to the rights of man.
**********
Cordial and affectionate salutations. Adieu.
CORRESPONDENCE. 345
TO TENCHE COXE, ESQ.
December 31, 1800.
I shall neither frank nor subscribe my letter, because I do not
choose to commit myself to the fidelity of the post-office. For
the same reason, I have avoided putting pen to paper through the
whole summer, except on mere business, because I knew it was
a prying season. I received from time to time papers under your
superscription, which showed that our friends were not inatten-
tive to the great operation which was agitating the nation. You
are by this time apprised of the embarrassment produced by the
equality of votes between the two republican candidates. The
contrivance in the Constitution for marking the votes works
badly, because it does not enounce precisely the true expression
of the public will. We do not see what is to be the issue of 4hs
present difficulty. The federalists, among whom those of the
republican section are not the strongest, propose to prevent an
election in Congress, and to transfer the government by an act
to the C. J. (Jay) or Secretary of State, or to let it devolve on
the President pro tern, of the Senate, till next December, which
gives them another year's predominance, and the chances of
future events. The republicans propose to press forward to an
election. If they fail in this, a concert between the two higher
candidates may prevent the dissolution of the government and
danger of anarchy, by an operation, bungling indeed and imper-
fect, but better than letting the Legislature take the nomination
of the Executive entirely from the people. Excuse the infre-
quency of my acknowledgments of your kind attentions. The
danger of interruption makes it prudent for me not to indulge
my personal wishes in that way. I pray you to accept assur-
ances of my great esteem.
TO DR. WILLIAMSON.
WASHINGTON, January 10, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — I should sooner have acknowledged your favor of
December 8th, but for a growing and pressing correspondence
346 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
which I can scarcely manage. I was particularly happy to re-
ceive the diary of Quebec, as about the same time I happened
to receive one from the Natchez, so as to be able to make a com-
parison of them. The result was a wonder that any human be-
ing should remain in a cold country who could find room in a
warm one, — should prefer 32' to 55 \ Harry Hill has told me
that the temperature of Madeira is generally from 55° to 65 , its
extreme about 50' and 70\ If I ever change my climate for
health, it should be for that Island. I do not know that the
coincidence has ever been remarked between the new moon and
the greater degrees of cold, or the full moon and the lesser de-
grees; or that the reflected beams of the moon attemper the
weather at all. On the contrary, I think I have understood that
the* most powerful concave mirror presented to the moon, and
throwing its focus on the bulb of a thermometer, does not in the
least effect it. I suppose the opinion to be universal that the
turkey is a native of America. Nobody, as far as I know, has
ever contradicted it but Daines Barrington ; and the arguments
he produces are such as none but a head, entangled and kinked
as his is, would ever have urged. Before the discovery of Amer-
ica, no such bird is mentioned in a single author, all those quoted
by Barrington, by description referring to the crane, hen, pheasant
or peacock ; but the book of every traveller, who came to Amer-
ica soon after its discovery, is full of accounts of the turkey and
its abundance ; and immediately after that discovery we find the
turkey served up at the feasts of Europe, as their most extraor-
dinary rarity. Mr. William Strickland, the eldest son of St.
George Strickland, of York, in England, told me the anecdote.
Some ancestor of his commanded a vessel in the navigations of
Cabot. Having occasion to consult the Herald's office concern-
ing his family, he found a petition from that ancestor to the
crown, stating that Cabot's circumstances being slender, he had
been rewarded by the bounties he needed from the crown ; that
as to himself, he asked nothing in that way, but that as a con-
sideration for his services in the same way, he might be permit-
ted to assume for the crest of his family arms, the turkey, an
CORRESPONDENCE. 347
American bird ; and Mr. Strickland observed that their crest is
actually a turkey. You ask whether we may be quoted. In the
first place, I now state the thing from memory, and may be in-
exact in some small circumstances. Mr. Strickland too, stated it
to me in a conversation, and not considering it of importance,
might be inexact too. We should both dislike to be questioned
before the public for any little inaccuracy of style or recollection.
I think if you were to say that the Herald's office may be refer-
red to in proof of the fact, it would be authority sufficient, with-
out naming us. I have at home a note of Mr. Strickland's in-
formation, which I then committed to paper. My situation does
not allow me to refresh my memory from this. I shall be glad
to see your book make its appearance ; and I am sure it will be
well received by the Philosophical part of the world, for I 'still
dare to use the word philosophy, notwithstanding the war waged
against it by bigotry and despotism. Health, respect and friendly
salutations.
TO WILLIAM DUNBAB, ESQ.
WASHINGTON, January 12, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of July 14th, with the papers accom-
panying it, came safely to hand about the last of October. That
containing remarks on the line of demarcation I perused accord-
ing to your permission, and with great satisfaction, and then en-
closed to a friend in Philadelphia, to be forwarded to its address.
The papers addressed to me, I took the liberty of communicating
to the Philosophical Society. That on the language by signs is
quite new. Soon after receiving your meteorological diary, I
received one of Quebec ; and was struck with the comparison
between — 32 and 19} the lowest depression of the thermometer
at Quebec and the Natchez. I have often wondered that any
human being should live in a cold country who can find room in
a warm one. I have no doubt but that cold is the source of
more sufferance to all animal nature than hunger, thirst, sickness,
and all the other pains of life and of death itself put together. I
live in a temperate climate, and under circumstances which do
348 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
not expose me often to cold. Yet when I recollect on one hand
all the sufferings I have had from cold, and on the other all my
other pains, the former preponderate greatly. What then must
be the sum of that evil if we take in the vast proportion of men
who are obliged to be out in all weather, by land and by sea, all
the families of beasts, birds, reptiles, and even the vegetable
kingdom ! for that too has life, and where there is life there may
be sensation. I remark a rainbow of a great portion of the circle
observed by you when on the line of demarcation. I live in a
situation which has given me an opportunity of seeing more than
the semicircle often. I am on a hill five hundred feet perpendic-
ularly high. On the west side it breaks down abruptly to the
base, where a river passes through. A rainbow, therefore, about
sunset, plunges one of its legs down to the river, five hundred
feet below the level of the eye on the top of the hill. I have
twice seen bows formed by the moon. They were of the color
of the common circle round the moon, and were very near, being
within a few paces of me in both instances. I thank you for the
little vocabularies of Bedais, Tankawis and Teghas. I have it
much at heart to make as extensive a collection as possible of the
Indian tongues. I have at present about thirty tolerably full,
among which the number radically different, is truly wonderful.
It is curious to consider how such handfuls of men, came by dif-
ferent languages, and how they have preserved them so distinct.
1 at first thought of reducing them all to one orthography, but I
soon become sensible that this would occasion two sources of
error instead of one. I therefore think it best to keep them in
the form of orthography in which they were taken, only noting
whether that were English, French, German, or what. I have
never been a very punctual correspondent, and it is possible that
new duties may make me less so. I hope I shall not on that
account lose the benefit of your communications. Philosophical
vedette at the distance of one thousand miles, and on the verge
of the terra incognito of our continent, is precious to us here. I
pray you to accept assurances of my high consideration and es-
teem, and friendly salutations.
CORRESPONDENCE. 349
TO COLONEL BURR.
WASHINGTON, February 1, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — It was to be expected that the enemy would en-
deavor to sow tares between us, that they might divide us and
our friends. Every consideration satisfies me you will be on
your guard against this, as I assure you I am strongly. I hear
of one stratagem so imposing and so base that it is proper I
should notice it to you. Mr. Munford, who is here, says he
saw at New York before he left it, an original letter of mine to
Judge Breckenridge, in which are sentiments highly injurious
to you. He knows my hand writing, and did not doubt that to
be genuine. I enclose you a copy taken from the press copy
of the only letter I ever wrote to Judge Breckenridge in my
life : the press copy itself has been shown to several of our mu-
tual friends here. Of consequence, the letter seen by Mr. Mun-
ford must be a forgery, and if it contains a sentiment unfriendly
or disrespectful to you, I affirm it solemnly to be a forgery ; as
also if it varies from the copy enclosed. With the common
trash of slander I should not think of troubling you ; but the
forgery of one's handwriting is too imposing to be neglected.
A mutual knowledge of each other furnishes us with the best
test of the contrivances which will be practised by the enemies
of both.
Accept assurances of my high respect and esteem.
TO GOVERNOR MCKEAN.
WASHINGTON, February 2d, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — I have long waited for an opportunity to ac-
knowledge the receipt of your favor of December the 15th, as
well as that by Dr. Mendenhall. None occurring, I shall either
deliver the present to General Muhlenburg or put it under cover
to Doctor Wistar, to whom I happen to be writing, to be sent to
350 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
your house in Philadelphia, or forwarded confidentially to Lan-
caster.
The event of the election is still in dubio. A strong portion
in the House of Representatives will prevent an election if they
can. I rather believe they will not be able to do it, as there
are six individuals of moderate character, any one of whom
coming over to the republican vote will make a ninth State.
Till this is known, it is too soon for me to say what should be
done in such atrocious cases as those you mention of federal of-
ficers obstructing the operation of the State governments. One
thing I will say, that as to the future, interferences with elec-
tions, whether of the State or General Government, by officers
of the latter, should be deemed cause of removal ; because the
constitutional remedy by the elective principle becomes nothing,
if it may be smothered by the enormous patronage of the Gen-
eral Government. How far it may be practicable, prudent or
proper, to look back, is too great a question to be decided but
by the united wisdom of the whole administration when form-
ed. Our situation is so different from yours, that it may render
proper some differences in the practice. Your State is a single
body, the majority clearly one way. Ours is of sixteen integral
parts, some of them all one way, some all the other, some di-
vided. Whatever may be decided as to the past, they shall give
no trouble to the State governments in future, if it shall depend
on me ; and be assured, particularly as to yourself, that I should
consider the most perfect harmony and interchange of accom-
modations and good offices with those governments as among
the first objects.
Accept assurances of my high consideration, respect and es-
teem.
TO DR. WISTAR.
WASHINGTON, February 3, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — According to your desire I wrote to Chancellor
Livingston on the subject of the bones. The following is an
CORRESPONDENCE. 351
extract from his letter dated January 7th. "I have paid the
earliest attention to your request relative to the hones found at
Shawangun, and have this day written to a very intelligent
friend in that neighborhood. I fear however that till they have
finished their search, there will be some difficulty in procuring
any part of the bones, because when I first heard of the dis-
covery I made some attempts to possess myself of them, but
found they were a kind of common property, the whole town
having joined in digging for them till they were stopped by the
autumnal rains. They entertain well-grounded hopes of dis-
covering the whole skeleton, since these bones are not, like
all those they have hitherto found in that county, placed within
the vegetable world, but are covered with a stratum of clay, —
that being sheltered from the air and water they are more per-
fectly preserved. Among the bones I have heard mentioned,
are the vertebra, part of the jaw, with two of the grinders, the
tusks, which some have called the horns, the sternum, the scap-
ula, the tibia and fibula, the tarsus and metatarsus. Whether
any of the phalanges or innominata are found, I have not heard.
A part of the head, containing the socket of the tusks, is also
discovered. From the bones of the feet, it is evidently a claw-
footed animal, and from such parts of the shoulder bones as have
been discovered, it appears that the arm or fore-leg, had a great-
er motion than can possibly belong to the elephant or any of
the large quadrupeds with which we are acquainted. Since
bog-earth has been used by the farmers of Ulster county for a
manure, which is subsequent to the war, fragments of at least
eight or ten have been found, but in a very decayed state in
the same bog."
From this extract, and the circumstance that the bones belong
to the town, you will be sensible of the difficulty of obtaining
any considerable portion of them. I refer to yourself to con-
sider whether it would not be better to select such only of
which we have no specimens, and to ask them only. It is not
unlikely they would with common consent yield a particular
bone or bones, provided they may keep the mass for their own
352 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
town. If you will make the selection and communicate it to
me, I will forward it to the Chancellor, and the sooner the
better.
Accept assurances of my high consideration and attachment.
TO TENCHE COXE.
WASHINGTON, February 11, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of January the 25th came to hand
some days ago, and yesterday a gentleman put into my hand, at
the door of the Senate chamber, the volume of the American
Museum for 1798. As no letter accompanied it, I took it for
granted it was to bring under my eye some of its contents. I
have gone over it with satisfaction.
This is the morning of the election by the House of Represen-
tatives. For some time past a single individual had declared he
would by his vote make up the ninth State. On Saturday last
he changed, and it stands at present eight one way, six the other,
and two divided. Which of the two will be elected, and
whether either, I deem perfectly problematical : and my mind
has long been equally made up for either of the three events.
If I can find out the person who brought me the volume from
you, I shall return it by him, because I presume it makes one of
a set. If not by him, I will find some other person who may
convey it to Philadelphia if not to Lancaster. Very possibly it
may go by a different conveyance from this letter. Very prob-
ably you will learn before the receipt of either, the result, or pro-
gress at least, of the election. We see already at the threshold,
that if it falls on me, I shall be embarrassed by finding the offices
vacant, which cannot be even temporarily filled but with advice
of Senate, and that body is called on the fourth of March, when
it is impossible for the new members of Kentucky, Georgia and
South Carolina to receive notice in time to be here. The sum-
mons for Kentucky, dated, as all were, January the 31st, could
CORRESPONDENCE. 353
not go hence til. the 5th, and that for Georgia did not go till the
6th. If the difficulties of the election, therefore, are got over,
there are more and more behind, until new elections shall have
regenerated the constituted authorities. The defects of our Con-
stitution under circumstances like the present, appear very great.
Accept assurances of the esteem and respect of, dear Sir, your
most obedient servant.
TO DR. B. S. BARTON.
WASHINGTON, February 14, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of January 18th is duly received.
The subject of it did not need apology. On the contrary, should
I be placed in office, nothing would be more desirable to me than
the recommendations of those in whom I have confidence, of
persons fit for office ; for if the good withhold their testimony,
we shall be at the mercy of the bad. If the question relative to
Mr. Zantzinger had been merely that of remaining in office, your
letter would have placed him on very safe ground. Besides that,
no man who has conducted himself according to his duties would
have anything to fear from me, as those who have done ill would
have nothing to hope, be their political principles what they
might. The obtaining an appointment presents more difficulties.
The republicans have been excluded from all offices from the
first origin of the division into Republican and Federalist. They
have a reasonable claim to vacancies till they occupy their due
share. My hope however is that the distinction will be soon
lost, or at most that it will be only of republican and monarchist :
that the body of the nation, even that part which French excesses
forced over to the federal side, will rejoin the republicans, leaving
only those who were pure monarchists, and who will be too few
to form a sect. This is the fourth day of the ballot, and nothing
done ; nor do I see any reason to suppose the six and a half
States here will be less firm, as they call it, than your thirteen
Senators : if so, and the government should expire on the 3d of
VOL. iv. 23
354 JEFFERSON'S WOEKS.
March by the loss of its head, there is no regular provision for
reorganizing it, nor any authority but in the people themselves.
They may authorize a convention to reorganize and even amend
the machine. There are ten individuals in the House of Repre-
sentatives, any one of whom changing his vote may save us this
troublesome operation. Be pleased to present my friendly respects
to Mrs. Barton, Mrs. Sarjeant, and Mrs. Waters, and to accept
yourself my affectionate salutations.
TO JAMES MONROE.
WASHINGTON, February 15, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — I have received several letters from you which
have not been acknowledged. By the post I dare not, and one
or two confidential opportunities have passed me by surprise. I
have regretted it the less, because I know you could be more
safely and fully informed by others. Mr. Tyler, the bearer of
this, will give you a great deal more information personally than
can be done by letter. Four days of balloting have produced
not a single change of a vote. Yet it is confidently believed by
most that to-morrow there is to be a coalition. I know of no
foundation for this belief. However, as Mr. Tyler waits the
event of it, he will communicate it to you. If they could have
been permitted to pass a law for putting the government into the
hands of an officer, they would certainly have prevented an elec-
tion. But we thought it best to declare openly and firmly, one
and all, that the day such an act passed, the middle States would
arm, and that no such usurpation, even for a single day, should
be submitted to. This first shook them ; and they were com-
pletely alarmed at the resource for which we declared, to wit, a
convention to re-organize the government, and to amend it.
The very word convention gives them the horrors, as in the
present democratical spirit of America, they fear they should lose
some of the favorite morsels of the Constitution. Many attempts
CORRESPONDENCE. 355
have been made to obtain terms and promises from me. I have
declared to them unequivocally, that I would not receive the
government on capitulation, that I would not go into it with my
hands tied. Should they yield the election, I have reason to
expect in the outset the greatest difficulties as to nominations.
The late incumbents running away from their offices and leaving
them vacant, will prevent my filling them without the previous
advice of Senate. How this difficulty is to be got over I know
not. Accept for Mrs. Monroe and yourself my affectionate saluta-
tions. Adieu.
TO JAMES MADISON.
WASHINGTON, February 18, 1801.
DEAR Sin, — Notwithstanding the suspected infidelity of the
post, I must hazard this communication. The minority in the
House of Representatives, after seeing the impossibility of electing
Burr, the certainty that a legislative usurpation would be resisted
by arms, and a recourse to a convention to re-organize and amend
the government, held a consultation on this dilemma, whether it
would be better for them to come over in a body and go with
the tide of the times, or by a negative conduct suffer the election
to be made by a bare majority, keeping their body entire and
unbroken, to act in phalanx on such ground of opposition as cir-
cumstances shall offer ; and I know their determination on this
question only by their vote of yesterday. Morris of Vermont
withdrew, which made Lyon's vote that of his State. The
Maryland federalists put in four blanks, which made the positive
ticket of their colleagues the vote of the State. South Carolina
and Delaware put in six blanks. So there were ten States for
one candidate, four for another, and two blanks. We consider
this, therefore, as a declaration of war, on the part of this band.
But their conduct appears to have brought over to us the whole
body of federalists, who, being alarmed with the danger of a dis-
solution of the government, had been made most anxiously to
356 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
wish the very administration they had opposed, and to view it
when obtained, as a child of their own. * * * *
Mr. A. embarrasses us. He keeps the offices of State and War
vacant, but has named Bayard Minister Plenipotentiary to
France, and has called an unorganized Senate to meet the fourth
of March. As you do not like to be here on that day, I wish
you would come within a day or two after. I think that be-
tween that and the middle of the month we can so far put things
under way, as that we may go home to make arrangements for
our final removal. Come to Conrad's, where I will bespeak lodg-
ings for you. Yesterday Mr. A. nominated Bayard to be Minis-
ter Plenipotentiary of the United States to the French repuplic ;
to-day, Theophilus Parsons, Attorney General of the United
States in the room of C. Lee, who, with Keith Taylor cum mul-
tis aliis, are appointed judges under the new system. H. G. Otis
is nominated a district attorney, A vessel has been waiting for
some time in readiness to carry the new minister to France. My
affectionate salutations to Mrs. Madison.
TO LIEUTENANT DEARBORN.
Washington, February 18, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — The House of Representatives having yesterday
concluded their choice of a person for the chair of the United
States and willed me that office, it now becomes necessary to
provide an administration composed of persons whose qualifica-
tions and standing have possessed them of the public confidence,
and whose wisdom may ensure to our fellow-citizens the advan-
tages they sanguinely expect. On a review of the characters in
the different States proper for the different departments, I have
had no hesitation in considering you as the person to whom it
would be most advantageous to the public to confide the Depart-
ment of War. May I therefore hope, Sir, that you will give your
country the aid of yo'ir talents as Secretary of War ? The delay
CORRESPONDENCE. 357
which has attended the election has very much abridged our
time, and rendered the call more sudden and pressing than I
could have wished. I am in hopes our administration may be
assembled during the first week of March, except yourself, and
that you can be with us in a few days after. Indeed it is proba-
ble we shall be but a few days together (perhaps to the middle
of the month ) to make some general and pressing arrangements,
and then go home, for a short time, to make our final removal
hither. I mention these circumstances that you may see the ur-
gency of setting out for this place with the shortest delay possi-
ble, which may be the shorter as you can return again to your
family, as we shall, to make your final arrangements for removal.
I hope we shall not be disappointed in counting on your aid, and
that you will favor us with an answer by return of post. Accept
assurances of sincere esteem and high respect from, dear Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant,
TO MAJOR WTLT.IAM JACKSON.
WASHINGTON, February 18, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 3d instant has been duly re-
ceived. I perceive in it that frankness which I ever found in
your character, and which honors every character in which it is
found. I feel indebted also for the justice you do me as to opin-
ions which others, with less candor, have imputed to me. I
have received many letters stating to me in the spirit of prophesy,
caricatures which the writers, it seems, know are to be the prin-
ciples of my administration. To these no answer has been
given, because the prejudiced spirit in which they have been
written proved the writers not in a state of mind to yield to
truth or reason. To the friendly style of your letter I would
gladly answer in detail were it in my power ; but I have thought
that I ought not to permit myself to form opinions in detail, until
I can have the counsel of those, of whose services I wish to avail
JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
the public in the administration of their affairs. Till this can be
done, you have justly resorted to the only proper ground, that of
estimating my future by my past conduct. Upwards of thirty
years passed on the stage of public life and under the public eye,
may surely enable them to judge whether my future course is
likely to be marked with those departures from reason and mod-
eration, which the passions of men have been willing to foresee.
One imputation in particular has been remarked till it seems as
if some at least believe it : that I am an enemy to commerce.
They admit me as a friend to agriculture, and suppose me an
enemy to the only means of disposing of its produce. I might
appeal too to evidences of my attention to the commerce and
navigation of our country in different stations connected with
them, but this would lead to details not to be expected. I have
deferred answering your letter till this day lest the motives for
these explanations should be mistaken. You will be so good as
to consider this communication so far confidential as not to put
it in the power of any person committing it to the press. I am
with great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient servant.
TO N. B.-
WASHINGTON, February 19, 1801.
After exactly a week's balloting there at length appeared ten
States for me, four for Burr, and two voted blanks. This was
done without a single vote coming over. Morris of Vermont
withdrew, so that Lyon's vote became that of the State. The
four Maryland federalists put in blanks, so then the vote of the
four Republicans became that of their State. Mr. Hager of
South Carolina (who had constantly voted for me) withdrew by
agreement, his colleagues agreeing in that case to put in blanks.
Bayars, the sole member of Delaware, voted blank. They had
before deliberated whether they would come over in a body, when
they saw they could not force Burr on the republicans, or keep
CORRESPONDENCE. 359
their body entire and unbroken to act in phalanx on such ground
of opposition as they shall hereafter be able to conjure up. Their
vote showed what they had decided on, and is considered as a
declaration of perpetual war ; but their conduct has completely
left them without support. Onr information from all quarters is
that the whole body of federalists concurred with the republicans
in the last elections, and with equal anxiety. They had been
made to interest themselves so warmly for the very choice,
which while before the people they opposed, that when obtained
it came as a thing of their own wishes, and they find themselves
embodied with the republicans, and their quondam leaders sepa-
rated from them, and I verily believe they will remain embodied
with us, so that this conduct of the minority has done in one
week what very probably could hardly have been effected by years
of mild and impartial administration. A letter from Mr. Eppes
informs me that Maria is in a situation which induces them not
to risk a journey to Monticello, so we shall not have the pleasure
of meeting them here. I begin to hope I may be able to leave
this place by the middle of March. My tenderest love to my
ever dear Martha, and kisses to the little ones. Accept yourself
sincere and affectionate salutation. Adieu.
TO THE HON. SAMUEL DEXTER, SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.
WASHINGTON, Feb. 20, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — The liberality of the conversation you honored
me with yesterday evening has given me great satisfaction, and
demands my sincere thanks. It is certain that those of the Cab-
inet Council of the President should be of his bosom confidence.
Oar geographical position has been an impediment to that, while
I can with candor declare that the imperfect opportunities I have
had of acquaintance with you, have inspired an entire esteem for
your character, and that you will carry with you that esteem and
sincere wish to be useful to you. The accommodation you have
360 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
been so kind as to offer as to the particular date of retiring from
office, is thankfully accepted, and shall be the subject of a par-
ticular letter to you, as soon as circumstances shall enable me to
speak with certainty. In the meantime accept assurances of my
high respect and consideration.
TO THE HON. BENJAMIN STODDART, SECRETARY Or THE NAVY.
WASHINGTON, Feb. 21, 1801.
SIR. — Your favor of the 18th did not get to my hand till yes-
terday. I thank you for the accommodation in point of time
therein offered. Circumstances may render it a convenience ; in
which case I will avail myself of it, without too far encroaching
on your wishes. At this instant it is not in my power to say
anything certain on the subject of time. The declarations of
support to the administration of our government are such as were
to be expected from your character and attachment to our Con-
stitution. I wish support from no quarter longer than my object
candidly scanned, shall merit it ; and especially, not longer than
I shall rigorously adhere to the Constitution. I am with respect,
Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO CHANCELLOR LIVINGSTON.
WASHINGTON, Feb. 24, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — It has occurred to me that possibly you might be
willing to undertake the mission as Minister Plenipotentiary to
France. If so, I shall most gladly avail the public of your ser-
vices in that office. Though I am sensible of the advantages
derived from your talent to your particular State, yet I cannot
suppress the desire of adding them to the mass to be employed
on the broader scale of the nation at large. I will ask the favor
of an immediate answer, that I may give in the nomination tc
CORRESPONDENCE. 361
the Senate, observing at the same time, that the period of your
departure cant be settled until we get our administration to-
gether, and may perhaps be delayed till we receive the ratifica-
tion of the Senate, which would probably be four months ; con-
sequently, the commission would not be made out before then.
This will give you ample time to make your departure con-
venient. In hopes of hearing from you as speedily as you can
form your resolution, and hoping it will be favorable, I tender
you my respectful and affectionate salutations.
TO THOMAS LOMAX, ESQ.
WASHINGTON, Feb. 25, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 5th came to hand on the 20th,
and I have but time to acknowledge it under the present pressure
of business. I recognize in it those sentiments of virtue and
patriotism which you have ever manifested. The suspension of
public opinion from the llth to the 17th, the alarm into which it
threw all the patriotic part of the federalists, the danger of the
dissolution of our Union, and unknown consequences of that,
brought over the great body of them to wish with anxiety and
solicitation for a choice to which they had before been stren-
uously opposed. In this state of mind they separated from their
congressional leaders, and came over to us ; and the manner in
which the last ballot was given, has drawn a fixed line of separ-
ation between them and their leaders. When the election took
effect, it was as the most desirable of events to them. This
made it a thing of their choice, and finding themselves aggre-
gated with us accordingly, they are in a state of mind to be
consolidated with us, if no intemperate measures on our part re-
volt them again. I am persuaded that weeks of ill-judged conduct
here, has strengthened us more than years of prudent and con-
ciliatory administration could have done. If we can once more
get social intercourse restored to its pristine harmony, I shall be-
362 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
lieve we have not lived in vain ; and that it may, by rallying
them to true republican principles, which few of them had
thrown off, I sanguinely hope. Accept assurances of the high
esteem and respect of, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE.
To give the usual opportunity of appointing a President pro
tempore, I now propose to retire from the chair of the Senate ;
and, as the time is near at hand when the relations will cease
which have for some time subsisted between this honorable
house and myself, I beg leave before I withdraw, to return
them my grateful thanks for all the instances of attention and
respect with which they have been pleased to honor me. In the
discharge of my functions here, it has been my conscientious
endeavor to observe impartial justice, without regard to persons
or subjects, and if I have failed in impressing this on the mind
of the Senate, it will be to me a circumstance of the deepest re-
gret. I may have erred at times — no doubt I have erred ; this
is the law of human nature. For honest errors, however, indul-
gence may be hoped. I owe to truth and justice at the same
time to declare that the habits of order and decorum, which so
strongly characterize the proceedings of the Senate, have ren-
dered the umpirage of their President an office of little difficulty,
that in times and on questions which have severely tried the
sensibilities of the house, calm and temperate discussion has
rarely been disturbed by departures from order.
Should the support which I have received from the Senate, in
the performance of my duties here, attend me into the new
station to which the public will has transferred me, I shall con-
sider it as commencing under the happiest auspices.
With these expressions of my dutiful regard to the Senate, as
a body, I ask leave to mingle my particular wishes for the
health and happiness of the individuals who compose it, and to
tender them my cordial and respectful adieus.
CORRESPONDENCE. 363
TO M. DE LA FAYETTE.
' WASHINGTON, March 1, 1801.
MY DEAR FRIEND, — I received a letter from you the last year,
and it has been long since I wrote one to you. During the earlier
part of the period it would never have got to your hands, and
during the latter, such has been the state of politics on both sides
of the water, that no communications were safe. Nevertheless, I
have never ceased to cherish a sincere friendship for you, and to
take a lively interest in your sufferings and losses. It would
make me happy to learn that they are to have an end. We have
passed through an awful scene in this country. The convulsion
of Europe shook even us to our centre. A few hardy spirits
stood firm to their post, and the ship has breasted the storm.
The details of this cannot be put on paper. For the astonishing
particulars I refer you to the bearer of this, Mr. Dorson, my
friend, fully possessed of everything, as being a Member of Con-
gress, and worthy of confidence. From him you must learn
what America is now, or was, and what it has been ; for now I
hope it is getting back to the state in which you knew it. I
will only add that the storm we have passed through proves our
vessel indestructible. I have heard with great concern of the
delicacy of Mrs. de La Fayette's health, and with anxiety to
learn that it is getting better. Having been at Monticello all
the time your son was in America, I had not an opportunity of
seeing him and of proving my friendship to one in whom I have
an interest. Present the homage of my respects and attachment
.to Mrs. La Fayette, and accept yourself assurances of my con-
stant and affectionate friendship.
P. S. March 18. This moment Mr. Pickon arrived, and
delivered me your letter, of which he was the bearer.
364: JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO THE PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE Or THE SENATE.
WASHINGTON, March 2, 1801.
SIR, — I beg leave through you to inform the Honorable the
Senate of the United States, that I propose to take the oath
which the Constitution prescribes to the President of the United
States, before he enters on the execution of his office, on Wednes-
day, the 4th inst., at twelve o'clock, in the Senate chamber.
1 have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE HONORABLE JOHN MARSHALL.
WASHINGTON, March 2, 1801.
I was desired two or three days ago to sign some sea letters,
to be dated on or after the 4th of March, but in the meantime to
be forwarded to the different ports ; and I understood you would
countersign them as the person appointed to perform the duties
of Secretary of State, but that you thought a re-appointmerit, to
be dated the 4th of March, would be necessary. I shall with
pleasure sign such a re-appointment mine pro tune, if you can
direct it to be made out, not being able to do it myself for want
of a knowledge of the form.
I propose to take the oath or oaths of office as President of the
United States, on Wednesday the 4th inst., at 12 o'clock, in the
Senate chamber. May I hope the favor of your attendance to
administer the oath ? As the two Houses have notice of the
hour, I presume a precise punctuality to it will be expected from
me. I would pray you in the meantime to consider whether the
oath prescribed in the Constitution be not the only one neces-
sary to take ? It seems to comprehend the substance of that
prescribed by the Act of Congress to all officers, and it may be
questionable whether the Legislature can require any new oath
from the President. I do not know what has been done in this
CORRESPONDENCE. 365
hctetofote ; but I presume the oaths administered to my pre-
decessors are recorded in the Secretary of State's office.
Not being yet provided with a private secretary, and needing
some person on Wednesday to be the bearer of a message or
messages to the Senate, I presume the chief clerk of the depart-
ment of State might be employed with propriety. Permit me
through you to ask the favor of his attendance on me to my
lodgings on Wednesday, after I shall have been qualified.
I have the honor to be with great respect, Sir, your most
obedient, humble servant.
TO THE SPEAKER OP THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WASHINGTON, March 3, 1801.
SIR, — I beg leave through you to inform the Honorable the
House of Representatives of the United States, that I shall take
the oath which the Constitution prescribes to the President of
the United States, before he enters on the execution of his office,
on Wednesday, the 4th inst., at twelve o'clock, in the Senate
chamber.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO JOHN DICKINSON.
WASHINGTON, March 6, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — No pleasure can exceed that which I received from
reading your letter of the 21st ultimo. It was like the joy we
3xpect in the mansions of the blessed, when received with the
embraces of our forefathers, we shall be welcomed with their
blessing as having done our part not unworthily of them. The
storm through which we have passed, has been tremendous in-
deed. The tough sides of our Argosie have been thoroughly
JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
tried. Her strength has stood the waves into which she was
steered, with a view to sink her. We shall put her on her republi-
can tack, and she will now show by the beauty of her motion
the skill of her builders. Figure apart, our fellow citizens have
been led hood-winked from their principles, by a most extraordi-
nary combination of circumstances. But the band is removed,
and they now see for themselves. I hope to see shortly a per-
fect consolidation, to effect which, nothing shall be spared on my
part, short of the abandonment of the principles of our revolu-
tion. A just and solid republican government maintained here,
will be a standing monement and example for the aim and imita-
tion of the people of other countries ; and I join with you in the
hope and belief that they will see, from our example, that a free
government is of all others the most energetic ; that the inquiry
which has been excited among the mass of mankind by our revo-
lution and its consequences, will ameliorate the condition of man
over a great portion of the globe. What a satisfaction have we
in the contemplation of the benevolent effects of our efforts, com-
pared with those of the leaders on the other side, who have dis-
countenanced all advances in science as dangerous innovations,
have endeavored to render philosophy and republicanism terms
of reproach, to persuade us that man cannot be governed but by
the rod, &c. I shall have the happiness of living and dying in
the contrary hope. Accept assurances of my constant and sin-
cere respect and attachment, and my affectionate salutations.
TO COLONEL MONROE.
WASHINGTON, March 7, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — I had written the enclosed letter to Mrs. Trist,
and was just proceeding to begin one to you, when your favor
of the 6th was put into my hands. I thank you sincerely for
it, and consider the views of it so sound, that I have communi-
cated it to my coadjutors as one of our important evidences of
CORRESPONDENCE. 367
the public sentiment, according to which we must shape our
course. I suspect, partly from this, but more from a letter of
J. Taylor's which has been put into my hands, that an incorrect
idea of my views has got abroad. I am in hopes my inaugural
address will in some measure set this to rights, as it will present
the leading objects to be conciliation and adherence to sound
principle. This I know is impracticable with the leaders of the
late faction, whom I abandon as incurables, and will never turn
an inch out of my way to reconcile them. But with the main
body of the federalists, I believe it very practicable. You know
that the maneuvres of the year X. Y. Z. carried over from us a
great body of the people, real republicans, and honest men un-
der virtuous motives. The delusion lasted a while. At length
the poor arts of tub plots, &c. were repeated till the designs of
the party became suspected. From that moment those who
had left us began to come back. It was by their return to us
that we gained the victory in November, 1800, which we
should not have gained in November, 1799. But during the
suspension of the public mind from the llth to the 17th of
February, and the anxiety and alarm lest there should be no
election, and anarchy ensue, a wonderful effect was produced on
the mass of federalists who had not before come over. Those
who had before become sensible of their error in the former
change, and only wanted a decent excuse for coming back,
seized that occasion for doing so. Another body, and a large
one it is, who from timidity of constitution had gone with those
who wished for a strong executive, were induced by the same
timidity to come over to us rather than risk anarchy : so that,
according to the evidence we receive from every direction, we
may say that the whole of that portion of the people which
were called federalists, were made to desire anxiously the very
event they had just before opposed with all their energies, and
to receive the election which was made, as an object of their
earnest wishes, a child of their own. These people (I always
exclude their leaders) are now aggregated with us, they look
with a certain degree of affection and confidence to the adminis-
368 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
tration, ready to become attached to it, if it avoids in the outset
acts which might revolt and throw them off. To give time for
a perfect consolidation seems prudent. I have firmly refused to
follow the counsels of those who have desired the giving offices
to some of their leaders, in order to reconcile. I have given,
and will give only to republicans, under existing circumstances.
But I believe with others, that deprivations of office, if made on
the ground of political principles alone, would revolt our new
converts, and give a body to leaders who now stand alone.
Some, I know, must be made. They must be as few as pos-
sible, done gradually, and bottomed on some malversation or in-
herent disqualification. Where we shall draw the line between
retaining all and none, is not yet settled, and will not be till we
get our administration together ; and perhaps even then, we
shall proceed a talons, balancing our measures according to the
impression we perceive them to make.
This may give you a general view of our plan. Should you
be in Albemarle the first week in April, I shall have the pleasure
of seeing you there, and of developing things more particularly,
and of profiting by an intercommunication of views. Dawson
sails for France about the 15th, as the bearer only of the treaty
to Elsworth and Murray. He has probably asked your com-
mands, and your introductory letters.
Present my respects to Mrs. Monroe, and accept assurances of
my high and affectionate consideration and attachment.
TO GOVERNOR M£KEAN.
WASHINGTON, March 9, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor
of February the 20th, and to thank you for your congratula-
tions on the event of the election. Had it terminated in the
elevation of Mr. Burr, every republican would, I am sure, have
acquiesced in a moment ; because, however it might have been
CORRESPONDENCE. 369
variant from the intentions of the voters, yet it would have been
agreeable to the Constitution. No man would more cheerfully
have submitted than myself, because I am sure the administra-
tion would have been republican, and the chair of the Senate
permitting me to be at home eight months in the year, would,
on that account, have been much more consonant to my real
satisfaction. But in the event of an usurpation, I was decidedly
with those who were determined not to permit it. Because
that precedent once set, would be artificially reproduced, and
end soon in a dictator. Virginia was bristling up I believe. I
shall know the particulars from Governor Monroe, whom I ex-
pect to meet in a short visit I must make home, to select some
books, &c. necessary here, and make other domestic arrange-
ments.
*********
Accept assurances of my high esteem and regard. •
TO JOEL BARLOW.
WASHINTGTO\, March 14, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — Not having my papers here, it is not in my pow-
er to acknowledge the receipt of your letters by their dates, but
I am pretty certain I have received two in the course of the last
twelve months, one of them covering your excellent second let-
ter. Nothing can be sounder than the principles it inculcates,
and I am not without hopes they will make their way. You
have understood that the revolutionary movements in Europe
had, by industry and artifice, been wrought into objects of terror
even to this country, and had really involved a great portion of
our well-meaning citizens in a panic which was perfectly un-
accountable, and during the prevalence of which they were led
to support measures the most insane. They are now pretty
thoroughly recovered from it, and sensible of the mischief which
was done, and preparing to be done, had their minds continued
VOL. iv 24
370 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
a little longer under that derangement. The recovery bids fair
to be complete, and to obliterate entirely the line of party di-
vision which had been so strongly drawn. Not that their late
leaders have come over, or ever can come over. But they
stand, at present, almost without followers. The principal of
them have retreated into the judiciary as a strong hold, the
tenure of which renders it difficult to dislodge them. For all
the particulars I must refer, you to Mr. Dawson, a member of
Congress, fully informed and worthy of entire confidence.
Give me leave to ask for him your attentions and civilities, and
a verbal communication of such things on your side the water
as you know I feel a great interest in, and as may not with
safety be committed to paper. I am entirely unable to conjec-
ture the issue of things with you.
Accept assurances of my constant esteem and high considera-
tion.
TO THOMAS PAINE.
WASHINGTON, March 18. 1801.
DEAR SIR, — Your letters of October the 1st, 4th, 6th and
16th, came duly to hand, and the papers which they covered
were, according to your permission, published in the newspapers
and in a pamphlet, and under your own name. These papers
contain precisely our principles, and I hope they will be gen-
erally recognized here. Determined as we are to avoid, if pos-
sible, wasting the energies of our people in war and destruction,
we shall avoid implicating ourselves with the powers of Europe,
even in support of principles which we mean to pursue. They
have so many other interests different from ours, that we must
avoid being entangled in them. We believe we can enforce
those principles, as to ourselves, by peaceable means, now that
we are likely to have our public councils detached from foreign
views. The return of our citizens from the phrenzy into which
they had been wrought, partly by ill conduct in France, partly
CORRESPONDENCE. 371
by artifices practised on them, is almost entire, and will, I be-
lieve, become quite so. But these details, too minute and long
for a letter, will be better developed by Mr. Dawson, the bearer
of this, a member of the late Congress, to whom I refer you for
them. He goes in the Maryland, a sloop of war, which will
wait a few days at Havre to receive his letters, to be written on
his arrival at Paris. You expressed a wish to get a passage to
this country in a public vessel. Mr. Dawson is charged with
orders to the captain of the Maryland to receive and accommo-
date you with a passage back, if you can be ready to depart at
such short warning. Robert R. Livingston is appointed Min-
ister Plenipotentiary to the republic of France, but will not
leave this till we receive the ratification of the convention by
Mr. Dawson. I am in hopes you will find us returned general-
ly to sentiments worthy of former times. In these it will be
your glory to have steadily labored, and with as much effect as
any man living. That you may long live to continue your use-
ful labors, and to reap their reward in the thankfulness of na-
tions, is my sincere prayer.
Accept assurances of my high esteem and affectionate at-
tachment.
TO M. DE REYNEVAL.
WASHINGTON, March 20, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — Mr. Pichon, who arrived two days ago, delivered
me your favor of January the 1st, and I had before received one
by Mr. Dupont, dated August the 24th, 1799, both on the subject
of lands, claimed on behalf of your brother, Mr. Girard, and that
of August the 24th, containing a statement of the case. I had
verbally explained to Mr. Dupont, at the time, what I presumed
to have been the case, which must, I believe, be very much mi?
taken in the statement sent with that letter ; and I expected he
had communicated it to you.
During the regal government, two companies, called the Loyal
and the Ohio companies, had obtained grants from the crown for
372 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
eight hundred thousand, or one million of acres of land, each, on
the Ohio, on condition of settling them in a given number of
years. They surveyed some, and settled them ; but the war of
1755 came on, and broke up the settlements. After it was over,
they petitioned for a renewal. Four other large companies then
formed themselves, called the Mississippi, the Illinois, the Wabash,
and the Indiana companies, each praying for immense quantities
of land, some amounting to two hundred miles square ; so that
they proposed to cover the whole country north between the
Ohio and Mississippi, and a great portion of what is south. All
these petitions were depending, without any answer whatever
from the crown, when the Revolution war broke out. The
petitioners had associated to themselves some of the nobility of
England, and most of the characters in America of great influ-
ence. When Congress assumed the government, they took some
of their body in as partners, to obtain their influence ; and I
remember to have heard, at the time, that one of them took Mr.
Girard as a partner, expecting by that to obtain the influence of
the French court, to obtain grants of those lands which they had
not been able to obtain from the British government. All these
lands were within the limits of Virginia, and that State deter-
mined, peremptorily, that they never should be granted to large
companies, but left open equally to all ; and when they passed
their land law, (which I think was in 1778,) they confirmed
only so much of the lands of the Loyal company as they had
actually surveyed, which was a very small proportion, and an-
nulled every other pretension. And when that State conveyed
the lands to Congress, (which was not till 1784,) so determined
were they to prevent their being granted to these or any other
large companies, that they made it an express condition of the
cession, that they should be applied first towards the soldiers'
bounties, and the residue sold for the payment of the national
debt, and for no other purpose. This disposition has been,
accordingly, rigorously made, and is still going on ; and Congress
considers itself as having no authority to dispose of them other-
wise. *##**##*##
CORRESPONDENCE. 373
I sincerely wish, Sir, it had been in my power to have given
you a more agreeable account of this claim. But as the case
actually is, the most substantial service is to state it exactly, and
not to foster false expectations. I remember with great sensi-
bility all the attentions you were so good as to render me while
I resided in Paris, and shall be made happy by every occasion
which can be given me of acknowledging them ; and the ex-
pressions of your friendly recollection are particularly soothing
to me.
Accept, I pray you, the assurances of my high consideration
and constant esteem.
TO DOCTOR JOSEPH PRIESTLEY.
WASHINGTON, March 21, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — I learned some time ago that you were in Phila-
delphia, but that it was only for a fortnight ; and I supposed you
were gone. It was not till yesterday I received information that
you were still there, had been very ill, but were on the recovery.
I sincerely rejoice that you are so. Yours is one of the few lives
precious to mankind, and for the continuance of which every
thinking man is solicitous. Bigots may be an exception. What
an effort, my dear Sir, of bigotry in politics and religion have we
gone through ! The barbarians really flattered themselves they
should be able to bring back the times of Vandalism, when
ignorance put everything into the hands of power and priestcraft.
All advances in science were proscribed as innovations. They
pretended to praise and encourage education, but it was to be the
education of our ancestors. We were to look backwards, not
forwards, for improvement ; the President himself declaring, in
one of his answers to addresses, that we were never to expect to
go beyond them in real science. This was the real ground of
all the attacks on you. Those who live by mystery and char-
latanerie, fearing you would render them useless by simplifying
the Christian philosophy, — the most sublime and benevolent, but
374 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
most perverted system that ever shone on man, — endeavored to
crush your well-earned and well-deserved fame. But it was the
Lilliputians upon Gulliver. Our countrymen have recovered
from the alarm into which art and industry had thrown them ;
science and honesty are replaced on their high ground ; and you,
my dear Sir, as their great apostle, are on its pinnacle. It is
with heartfelt satisfaction that, in the first moments of my public
action, I can hail you with welcome to our land, tender to you
the homage of its respect and esteem, cover you under the pro-
tection of those laws which were made for the wise and good
like you, and disdain the legitimacy of that libel on legislation,
which, under the form of a law, was for some time placed among
them.*
As the storm is now subsiding, and the horizon becoming
serene, it is pleasant to consider the phenomenon with attention.
We can no longer say there is nothing new under the sun. For
this whole chapter in the history of man is new. The great
extent of our Republic is new. Its sparse habitation is new.
The mighty wave of public opinion which has rolled over it is
new. But the most pleasing novelty is, its so quietly subsiding
over such an extent of surface to its true level again. The order
and good sense displayed in this recovery from delusion, and in
the momentous crisis which lately arose, really bespeak a strength
of character in our nation which augurs well for the duration of
our Republic ; and I am much better satisfied now of its stability
than I was before it was tried. I have been, above all things,
solaced by the prospect which opened on us, in the event of a
non-election of a President ; in which case, the federal govern-
ment would have been in the situation of a clock or watch run
down. There was no idea of force, nor of any occasion for it.
A convention, invited by the republican members of Congress,
with the virtual President and Vice President, would have been
on the ground in eight weeks, would have repaired the Constitu-
tion where it was defective, and wound it up again. This
peaceable and legitimate resource, to which we are in the habit
* In the margin is written by the author, " Alien law."
CORRESPONDENCE. 375
of implicit obedience, superseding all appeal to force, and being
always within our reach, shows a precious principle of self-pre-
servation in our composition, till a change of circumstances shall
take place, which is not within prospect at any definite period.
But I have got into a long disquisition on politics, when I
only meant to express my sympathy in the state of your health,
and to tender you all the affections of public and private hospi-
tality. I should be very happy indeed to see you here. I leave
this about the 30th instant, to return about the 25th of April.
If you do not leave Philadelphia before that, a little excursion
hither would help your health. I should be much gratified with
the possession of a guest I so much esteem, and should claim a
right to lodge you, should you make such an excursion.
Accept the homage of my high consideration and respect, and
assurances of affectionate attachment.
TO GENERAL WARREN.
WASHINGTON, March 21, 1801.
I am much gratified by the receipt of your favor of the 4th
instant, and by the expressions of friendly sentiment it contains.
It is pleasant for those who have just escaped threatened ship-
wreck, to hail one another when landed in unexpected safety.
The resistance which our republic has opposed to a course of op-
eration, for which it was not destined, shows a strength of body
which affords the most flattering presage of duration. I hope
we shall now be permitted to steer her in her natural course, and
to show by the smoothness of her motion the skill with which
she has been formed for it, I have seen with great grief your-
self and so many o*her venerable patriots, retired and weeping
in silence over the rapid subversion of those principles for the
attachment of which you had sacrificed the ease and comforts of
life , but I rejoice that you have lived to see us revindicate our
?*gp*s, and regain manfully the ground from which fraud, not
376 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
force, had for a moment driven us. The character which our
fellow-citizens have displayed on this occasion, gives us every-
thing to hope for the permanence of our government. Its extent
has saved us. While some parts were laboring under the par-
oxysm of delusion, others retained their senses, and time was
thus given to the affected parts to recover their health. Your
portion of the Union is longest recovering, because the deceivers
there wear a more imposing form ; but a little more time, and
they too will recover. I pray you to present the homage of my
great respect to Mrs. Warren. I have long possessed evidences
of her high station in the ranks of genius ; and have considered
her silence as a proof that she did not go with the current. Ac-
cept yourself, assurances of my high consideration and respect.
TO NATHANIEL NILES, ESQ.
WASHINGTON, March 22, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of February 12th, which did not get
to my hands till March 2d, is entitled to my acknowledgments.
It was the more agreeable as it proved that the esteem I had en-
tertained for you while we were acting together on the public
stage, had not been without reciprocated effect. What wonder-
ful scenes have passed since that time ! The late chapter of our
history furnishes a lesson to man perfectly new. The times
have been awful, but they have proved an useful truth, that the
good citizen must never despair of the commonwealth. How
many good men abandoned the deck, and gave up the vessel as
lost. It furnishes a new proof of the falsehood of Montesquieu's
doctrine, that a republic can be preserved only in a small territo-
ry. The reverse is the truth. Had our territory been even a
third only of what it is, we were gone. But while frenzy and
delusion like an epidemic, gained certain parts, the residue re-
mained sound and untouched, and held on till their brethren
could recover from the temporary delusion ; and that circumstance
CORRESPONDENCE. 377
has given me great comfort. There was general alarm during
the pending of the election in Congress, lost no President should
be chosen, the government he dissolved and anarchy ensue.
But the cool determination of the really patriotic to call a con-
vention in that case, which might be on the ground in eight
weeks, and wind up the machine again which had only run
down, pointed out to my mind a perpetual and peaceable resource
against * * * in whatever extremity might befall us ; and
I am certain a convention would have commanded immediate
and universal obedience. How happy that our army had been
disbanded ! What might have happened otherwise seems rather
a subject of reflection than explanation. You have seen your
recommendation of Mr. Willard duly respected. As to yourself,
I hope we shall see you again in Congress. Accept assurances
of my high respect and attachment.
TO J. PAGE.
WASHINGTON, March 22, 1801.
MY DEAR FRIEND, — Yours of February 1st did not reach me
till February 28th, and a pressing business has retarded my ac-
knowledging it. I sincerely thank you for your congratulations
on my election ; but this is only the first verse of the chapter.
What the last may be nobody can tell. A consciousness that I
feel no desire but to do what is best, without passion or predilec-
tion, encourages me to hope for an indulgent construction of
what I do. I had in General Washington's time proposed you
as director of the mint, and therefore should the more readily have
turned to you, had a vacancy now happened ; but that institu-
tion continuing at Philadelphia, because the Legislature have not
taken up the subject in time to decide on it, it will of course
remain there until this time twelvemonths. Should it then be
removed, the present Director would probably, and the Treasurer
certainly resign. It would give me great pleasure to employ the
talents and integrity of Dr. Foster, in the latter office.
378 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
I am very much in hopes we shall be able to restore union to
our country. Not indeed that the federal leaders can be brought
over. They are invincibles ; but I really hope their followers
may. The bulk of these last were real republicans, carried over
from us by French excesses. This induced me to offer a politi-
cal creed, and to invite to conciliation first ; and I am pleased to
hear, that these principles are recognized by them, and consider-
ed as no bar of separation. A moderate conduct throughout,
which may not revolt our new friends, and which may give them
tenets with us, must be observed.
**********
Present my respects to Mrs. Page, and accept evidences of my
constant and affectionate esteem.
TO BENJAMIN WARING, ESQ., AND OTHERS.
WASHINGTON, March 23, 1801.
GENTLEMEN, — The reliance is most nattering to me which you
are pleased to express in the character of my public conduct, as
is the expectation with which you look forward to the inviolable
preservation of our national Constitution, deservedly the boast of
our country. That peace, safety, and concord may be the por-
tion of our native land, and be long enjoyed by our fellow-citi-
zens, is the most ardent wish of my heart, and if I can be instru-
mental in procuring or preserving them, I shall think I have not
lived in vain. In every country where man is free to think and
to speak, differences of opinion will arise from difference of per-
ception, and the imperfection of reason ; but these differences
when permitted, as in this happy country, to purify themselves
by free discussion, are but as passing clouds overspreading our
land transiently, and leaving our horizon more bright and serene.
That love of order and obedience to the laws, which so remark-
ably characterize the citizens of the United States, are sure
pledges of internal tranquillity ; and the elective franchise, if
CORRESPONDENCE. 379
guarded as the act of our safety, will peaceably dissipate all com-
binations to subvert a Constitution dictated by the wisdom, and
resting on the will of the people. That will is the only legiti-
mate foundation of any government, and to protect its free ex-
pression should be our first object. I offer my sincere prayers to
the Supreme ruler of the Universe, that he may long preserve
our country in freedom and prosperity, and to yourselves, Gen-
tlemen, and the citizens of Columbia and its vicinity, the assur-
ances of my profound consideration and respect.
TO MOSES ROBINSON.
WASHINGTON, March 23, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor
of the 3d instant, and to thank you for the friendly expressions
it contains. I entertain real hope that the whole body of your
fellow citizens (many of whom had been carried away by the
X. Y. Z. business) will shortly be consolidated in the same sen-
timents. When they examine the real principles of both parties,
I think they will find little to differ about. I know, indeed, that
there are some of their leaders who have so committed them-
selves, that pride, if no other passion, will prevent their coales-
cing. We must be easy with them. The eastern States will
be the last to come over, on account of the dominion of the
clergy, who had got a smell of union between Church and State,
and began to indulge reveries which can never be realized in the
present state of science. If, indeed, they could have prevailed
on us to view all advances in science as dangerous innovations,
and to look back to the opinions and practices of our forefathers,
instead of looking forward, for improvement, a promising ground-
work would have been laid. But I am in hopes their good
sense will dictate to them, that since the mountain will not come
to them, they had better go to the mountain ; that they will find
their interest in acquiescing in the liberty and science of their
380 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
country, and that the Christian religion, when divested of the
rags in which they have enveloped it, and brought to the original
purity and simplicity of its benevolent institutor, is a religion of
all others most friendly to liberty, science, and the freest expan-
sion of the human mind.
I sincerely wish with you, we could see our government so
secured as to depejid less on the character of the person in whose
hands it is trusted. Bad men will sometimes get in, and with
such an immense patronage, may make great progress in corrupt-
ing the public mind and principles. This is a subject with
which wisdom and patriotism should be occupied.
I pray you to accept assurances of my high respect and esteem.
TO WILLIAM B. GILES.
WASHINGTON, March 23, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — I received two days ago your favor of the 16th,
and thank you for your kind felicitations on my election ; but
whether it will be a subject of felicitation, permanently, will be
for the chapters of future history to say. The important subjects
of the government I meet with some degree of courage and con-
fidence, because I do believe the talents to be associated with
me, the honest line of conduct we will religiously pursue at
home and abroad, and the confidence of my fellow citizens
dawning on us, will be equal to these objects.
But there is another branch of duty which I must meet with
courage too, though I cannot without pain ; that is, the appoint-
ments and disappointments as to offices. Madison and Gallatin
being still absent, we have not yet decided on our rules of con-
duct as to these. That some ought to be removed from office,
and that all ought not, all mankind will agree. But where to
draw the line, perhaps no two will agree. Consequently, nothing
like a general approbation on this subject can be looked for.
Some principles have been the subject of conversation, but not
CORRESPONDENCE. 381
of determination ; e. g. 1, all appointments to civil offices during
pleasure, made after the event of the election was certainly
known to Mr. Adams, are considered as nullities. I do not view
the persons appointed as even candidates for the office, but make
others without noticing or notifying them. Mr. Adams' best
friends have agreed this is right. 2. Officers who have been
guilty of official mal-conduct are proper subjects of removal.
3. Good men, to whom there is no objection but a difference of
political principle, practised on only as far as the right of a pri-
vate citizen will justify, are not proper subjects of removal, ex-
cept in the case of attorneys and marshals. The courts being so
decidedly federal and irremovable, it is believed that republican
attorneys and marshals, being the doors of entrance into the courts,
are indispensably necessary as a shield to the republican part of
our fellow citizens, which, I believe, is the main body of the
people.
These principles are yet to be considered of, and I sketch them
to you in confidence. Not that there is objection to your mooting
them as subjects of conversation, and as proceeding from your-
self, but not as matters of executive determination. Nay, farther,
I will thank you for your own sentiments and those of others on
them. If received before the 20th of April, they will be in time
for our deliberation on the subject. You know that it was in
the year X. Y. Z. that so great a transition from us to the other
side took place, and with as real republicans as we were our-
selves ; that these, after getting over that delusion, have been
returning to us, and that it is to that return we owe a triumph in
1800, which in 1799 would have been the other way. The
week's suspension of the election before Congress, seems almost
to have completed that business, and to have brought over nearly
the whole remaining mass. They now find themselves with us,
and separated from their quondam leaders. If we can but avoid
shocking their feelings by unnecessary acts of severity against
their late friends, they will in a little time cement and form one
mass with us, and by these means harmony and union be re-
stored to our country, which would be the greatest good we
382 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
could effect. It was a conviction that these people did not differ
from us in principle, which induced me to define the principles
which I deemed orthodox, and to urge a reunion on those prin-
ciples ; and I am induced to hope it has conciliated many. I
do not speak of the desperadoes of the quondam faction in and
out of Congress. These I consider as incurables, on whom all
attentions would be lost, and therefore will not be wasted. But
my wish is, to keep their flock from returning to them.
On the subject of the marshal of Virginia, I refer you confi-
dentially to Major Egglestone for information. I leave this about
this day se'nnight, to make some arrangements at home pre-
paratory to my final removal to this place, from which I shall
be absent about three weeks.
Accept assurances of my constant esteem and high consider-
ation and respect.
TO DOCTOR RUSH.
WASHINGTON, March 24, 1801
DEAR SIR, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your
friendly favor of the 12th, and the pleasing sensations produced
in my mind by its affectionate contents. I am made very happy
by learning that the sentiments expressed in my inaugural ad-
dress gave general satisfaction, and holds out a ground on which
our fellow citizens can once more unite. I am the more pleased,
because these sentiments have been long and radically mine, and
therefore will be pursued honestly and conscientiously. I know
there is an obstacle which very possibly may check the confi-
dence which would otherwise have been more generally reposed
in my observance of these principles. This obstacle does not
arise from the measures to be pursued, as to which I am in no
fear of giving satisfaction, but from appointments and disap-
pointments as to office. With regard to appointments, I have so
much confidence in the justice and good sense of the federalists,
that I have no doubt they will concur in the fairness of the posi-
CORRESPONDENCE.
tion, that after they have been in the exclusive possession of all
offices from the very first origin of party among us, to the 3d of
March, at 9 o'clock in the night, no republican ever admitted,
and this doctrine newly avowed, it is now perfectly just that the
republicans should come in for the vacancies which may fall in,
until something like an equilibrium in offipe be restored. But
the great stumbling block will be removals, which though made
on those just principles only on which my predecessor ought to
have removed the same persons, will nevertheless be ascribed to
removal on party principles. 1st. I will expunge the effects of
Mr. A.'s indecent conduct, in crowding nominations after he
knew they were not for himself, till 9 o'clock of the night, at
12 o'clock of which he was to go out of office. So far as they
are during pleasure, I shall not consider the persons named,
even as candidates for the office, nor pay the respect of notifying
them that I consider what was done as a nullity. 2d. Some re-
movals must be made for misconduct. One of these is of the
marshal in your city, who being an officer of justice, intrusted
with the function of choosing impartial judges for the trial of
his fellow citizens, placed at the awful tribunal of God and their
country, selected judges who either avowed, or were known to
him to be predetermined to condemn ; and if the lives of the un-
fortunate persons were not cut short by the sword of the law, it
was not for want of his good-will. In another State I have to
perform the same act of justice on the dearest connection of my
dearest friend, for similar conduct, in a case not capital. The
same practice of packing juries, and prosecuting their fellow
citizens with the bitterness of party hatred, will probably involve
several other marshals and attornies. Out of this line I see but
very few instances where past misconduct has been in a degree
to call for notice. Of the thousands of officers therefore, in the
United States, a very few individuals only, probably not twenty,
will be removed ; and these only for doing what they ought not
to have done. Two or three instances indeed where Mr. A. re-
moved men because they would not sign addresses, &c., to him,
will be rectified — the persons restored. The whole world will
384 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
say this is just. I know that in stopping thus short in the
career of removal, I shall give great offence to many of my
friends. That torrent has been pressing me heavily, and will
require all my force to bear up against ; but my maxim is "fiat
justitia, mat cccluni." After the first unfavorable impressions of
doing too much in the opinion of some, and too little in that of
others, shall be got over, I should hope a steady line of con-
ciliation very practicable, and that without yielding a single re-
publican principle. A certainty that these principles prevailed
in the breasts of the main body of federalists, was my motive
for stating them as the ground of reunion. I have said thus
much for your private satisfaction, to be used even in private
conversation, as the presumptive principles on which we shall
act, but not as proceeding from myself declaredly. Information
lately received from France gives a high idea of the progress of
science there ; it seems to keep pace with their * *. I have*
just received from the A. P. Society, two volumes of Comparative
Anatomy, by Cuvier, probably the greatest work in that line that
has ever appeared. His comparisons embrace every organ of
the animal carcass ; and from man to the * * * . Accept as-
surances of my sincere friendship, and high consideration and
respect.
TO DON JOSEPH YZNARDI.
WASHINGTON, March 26, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — The Secretary of State is proceeding in the con-
sideration of the several matters which have been proposed to us
by you, and will prepare answers to them, and particularly as to
our vessels taken by French cruisers, and carried into the ports
of Spain, contrary, as we suppose, to the tenor of the convention
with France. Though ordinary business will be regularly trans-
acted with you by the Secretary of State, yet considering what
you mentioned as to our minister at Madrid to have been private
and confidential, I take it out of the official course, and observe
* The manuscript here is illegible.
CORRESPONDENCE. 385
to you myself that under an intimate conviction of long standing
in my mind, of the importance of an honest friendship with
Spain, and one which shall identify her American interests with
our own, I see in a strong point of view the necessity that the
organ of communication which we establish near the King should
possess the favor and confidence of that government. I have
therefore destined for that mission a person whose accommodating
and reasonable conduct, which will be still more fortified by in-
structions, will render him agreeable there, and an useful channel
of communication between us. I have no doubt the new appoint-
ment by that government to this, in the room of the Chevalier
d'Yrujo, has been made under the influence of the same motives ;
but still, the Chevalier d'Yrujo being intimately known to us,
the integrity, sincerity, and reasonableness of his conduct having
established in us a perfect confidence, in nowise diminished by
the bickerings which took place between him and a former
Secretary of State, whose irritable temper drew on more than one
affair of the same kind, it will be a subject of regret if we lose
him. However, if the interests of Spain require that his services
should be employed elsewhere, it is the duty of a friend to
acquiesce ; and we shall certainly receive any successor the King
may choose to send, with every possible degree of favor and
friendship. Our administration will not be collected till the end
of the ensuing month ; and consequently, till then, no other of
the mutual interests of the two nations will be under our views,
except those general assurances of friendship which I have before
given you verbally, and now repeat. Accept, I pray you,
assurances of my high consideration and respect.
TO GENERAL KNOX,
WASHINGTON, March 27, 1801.
DEAR SIB, — I received with great pleasure your favor of the
16th, and it is with the greatest satisfaction I learn from all
quarters that my inaugural address is considered as holding out
VOL. iv. 25
386 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
a ground for conciliation and union. I am the more pleased
with this, because the opinion therein stated as to the real ground
of difference among us (to wit : the measures rendered most ex-
pedient by French enormities), is that which I have long enter-
tained. I was always satisfied that the great body of those called
federalists were real republicans as well as federalists. I know,
indeed, there are monarchists among us. One character of these
is in theory only, and perfectly acquiescent in our form of gov-
ernment as it is, and not entertaining a thought of destroying it
merely on their theoretical opinions. A second class, at the
head of which is our quondam colleague, are ardent for intro-
duction of monarchy, eager for armies, making more noise for a
great naval establishment than better patriots, who wish it on a
rational scale only, commensurate to our wants and our means.
This last class ought to be tolerated, but not trusted. Believing
that (excepting the ardent monarchists) all our citizens agreed in
ancient whig principles, I thought it advisable to define and de-
clare them, and let them see the ground on which we could rally.
And the fact proving to be so, that they agree in these principles,
I shall pursue them with more encouragement. I am aware that
the necessity of a few removals for legal oppressions, delinquen-
cies, and other official malversations, may be misconstrued as
done for political opinions, and produce hesitation in the coalition
so much to be desired ; but the extent of these will be too limited
to make permanent impressions. In the class of removals, how-
ever, I do not rank the new appointments which Mr. A. crowded
in with whip and spur from the 12th of December, when the
event of the election was known, and, consequently, that he was
making appointments, not for himself, but his successor, until
9 o'clock of the night, at 12 o'clock of which he was to go out
of office. This outrage on decency should not have its effect,
except in the life appointments which are irremovable ; but as to
the others I consider the nominations as nullities, and will not
view the persons appointed as even candidates for their office,
much less as possessing it by any title meriting respect. I men-
tion these things that the grounds and extent of the removals
COKRESPONDENCE. 387
may be understood, and may not disturb the tendency to union.
Indeed that union is already effected, from New York south-
wardly, almost completely. In the New England States it will
be slower than elsewhere, from particular circumstances better
known to yourself than me. But we will go on attending with
the utmost solicitude to their interests, doing them impartial
justice, and I have no doubt they will in time do justice to us.
I have opened myself frankly, because I wish to be understood
by those who mean well, and are disposed to be just towards me,
as you are, and because I know you will use it for good purposes
only, and for none unfriendly to me. I leave this place in a few
days to make a short excursion home, but some domestic arrange-
ments are necessary previous to my final removal here, which
will be about the latter end of April. Be so good as to present
my respects to Mrs. Knox, and accept yourself assurances of my
high consideration and esteem.
TO MESSRS. EDDY, RUSSEL, THURBER, WHEATON, AND SMITH.
WASHINGTON, March 27, 1801.
GENTLEMEN, — I return my sincere thanks for your kind con-
gratulations on my elevation to the first magistracy of the United
States. I see with pleasure every evidence of the attachment
of my fellow citizens to elective government, calculated to pro-
mote their happiness, peculiarly adapted to their genius, habits,
and situation, and the best permanent corrective of the errors or
abuses of those interests with power. The Constitution on
which our union rests, shall be administered by me according to
the safe and honest meaning contemplated by the plain under-
standing of the people of the United States, at the time of its
adoption, — a meaning to be found in the explanations of those
who advocated, not those who opposed it, and who opposed it
merely least the constructions should be applied which they de-
nounced as possible. These explanations are preserved in the
388 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
publications of the time, and are too recent in the memories of
most men to admit of question. The energies of the nation, as
depends on me, shall be reserved for improvement of the con-
dition of man, not wasted in his distinction. The lamentable
resource of war is not authorized for evils of imagination, but for
those actual injuries only, which would be more destructive of
our well-being than war itself. Peace, justice, and liberal inter-
course with all the nations of the world, will, I hope, with all
nations, characterize this commonwealth. Accept for yourselves,
gentlemen, and the respectable citizens of the town of Providence,
assurances of my high consideration and respect.
TO MR. GEORGE JEFFERSON.
WASHINGTON, March 27, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of yours of
March 4th, and to express to you the delight with which I found
the just, disinterested, and honorable point of view in which you
saw the proposition it covered. The resolution you so properly
approved had long been formed in my mind. The public will
never be made to believe that an appointment of a relative is
made on the ground of merit alone, uninfluenced by family views ;
nor can they ever see with approbation offices, the disposal of
which they entrust to their Presidents for public purposes, divided
out as family property. Mr. Adams degraded himself infinitely
by his conduct on this subject, as General Washington had done
himself the greatest honor. With two such examples to proceed
by, I should be doubly inexcusable to err. It is true that this
places the relations of the President in a worse situation than if
he were a stranger, but the public good, which cannot be affected
if its confidence be lost, requires this sacrifice. Perhaps, too, it
is compensated by sharing in the public esteem. I could not be
satisfied till I assured you of the increased esteem with which
this transaction fills me for you. Accept my affectionate express-
ions of it.
CORRESPONDENCE. 389
TO SAMUEL ADAMS.
"WASHINGTON, March 29, 1801.
I addressed a letter to you, my very dear and ancient friend,
on the 4th of March : not indeed to you by name, but through
the medium of some of my fellow citizens, whom occasion called
on me to address. In meditating the matter of that address, I
often asked myself, is this exactly in the spirit of the patriarch,
Samuel Adams ? Is it as he would express it ? Wi1! he approve
of it ? I have felt a great deal for our country in the times we
have seen. But individually for no one so much as yourself.
When I have been told that you were avoided, insulted, frowned
on, I could but ejaculate, ' Father, forgive them, for they know
not what they do.' I confess I felt an indignation for you,
which for myself I have been able, under every trial, to keep en-
tirely passive. However, the storm is over, and we are in port.
The ship was not rigged for the service she was put on. We
will show the smoothness of her motions on her republican tack.
I hope we shall once more see harmony restored among our citi-
zens, and an entire oblivion of past feuds. Some of the leaders
who have most committed themselves cannot come into this.
But I hope the great body of our fellow citizens will do it. I
will sacrifice everything but principle to procure it. A few ex-
amples of justice on officers who have perverted their functions
to the oppression of their fellow citizens, must, in justice to those
citizens, be made. But opinion, and the just maintenance of it,
shall never be a crime in my view : nor bring injury on the in-
dividual. Those whose misconduct in office ought to have pro-
duced their removal even by my predecessor, must not be pro-
tected by the delicacy due only to honest men. How much I
lament that time has deprived me of your aid. It would have
been a day of glory which should have called you to the first of-
fice of the administration. But give us your counsel my friend,
and give us your blessing ; and be assured that there exists not
in the heart of man a more faithful esteem than mine to you,
and that I shall ever bear you the most affectionate veneration
and respect.
390 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
WASHINGTON, March 29, 1801.
MY DEAR SIR, — Your two letters of January the 15th and
February the 24th, came safely to hand, and I thank you for the
history of a transaction which will ever be interesting in our af-
fairs. It has been very precisely as I had imagined. I thought,
on your return, that if you had come forward boldly, and appeal-
ed to the public by a full statement, it would have had a great
effect in your favor personally, and that of the republican cause
then oppressed almost unto death. But I judged from a tact of
the southern pulse. I suspect that of the north was different and
decided your conduct ; and perhaps it has been as well. If the
revolution of sentiment has been later, it has perhaps been not
less sure. At length it has arrived. What with the natural cur-
rent of opinion which has been setting over to us for eighteen
months, and the immense impetus which was given it from
the llth to the 17th of February, we may now say that the
United States from New York southwardly, are as unanimous in
the principles of '76, as they were in '76. The only difference
is, that the leaders who remain behind are more numerous and
bolder than the apostles of toryism in '76. The reason is, that
we are now justly more tolerant than we could safely have been
then, circumstanced as we were. Your part of the Union though
as absolutely republican as ours, had drunk deeper of the delu-
sion, and is therefore slower in recovering from it. The aigis
of government, and the temples of religion and of justice, have
all been prostituted there to toll us back to the times when we
burnt witches. But your people will rise again. They will
awake like Sampson from his sleep, and carry away the gates
and posts of the city. You, my friend, are destined to rally
them again under their former banner, and when called to the
post, exercise it with firmness and with inflexible adherence
to your own principles. The people will support you, notwith-
standing the howlings of the ravenous crew from whose jaws
they are escaping. It will be a great blessing to our country if
CORRESPONDENCE. 391
we can once more restore harmony and social love among its
citizens. I confess, as to myself, it is almost the first object of
my heart, and one to which I would sacrifice everything but
principle. With the people I have hopes of effecting it. But
their Coryphaei are incurables. I expect little from them.
I was not deluded by the eulogimns of the public papers in
the first moments of change. If they could have continued to
get all the loaves and fishes, that is, if I would have gone over to
them, they would continue to eulogise. But I well knew that
the moment that such removals should take place, as the justice
of the preceding administration ought to have executed, their hue
and cry would be set up, and they would take their old stand. I
shall disregard that also. Mr. Adams' last appointments, when he
knew he was naming counsellors and aids for me and not for
himself, I set aside as far as depends on me. Officers who have
been guilty of gross abuses of office, such as marshals packing
juries, &c., I shall now remove, as my predecessor ought in jus-
tice to have done. The instances will be few, and governed by
strict rule, and not party passion. The right of opinion shall
suffer no invasion from me. Those who have acted well have
nothing to fear, however they may have differed from me in
opinion : those who have done ill, however, have nothing to
hope ; nor shall I fail to do justice lest it should be ascribed to
that difference of opinion. A coalition of sentiments is not for
the interest of the printers. They, like the clergy, live by the
zeal they can kindle, and the schisms they can create. It is
contest of opinion in politics as well as religion which makes us
take great interest in them, and bestow our money liberally on
those who furnish aliment to our appetite. The mild and sim-
ple principles of the Christian philosophy would produce too
much calm, too much regularity of good, to extract from its dis-
ciples a support from a numerous priesthood, were they not to
sophisticate it, ramify it, split it into hairs, and twist its texts till
they cover the divine morality of its author with mysteries, and
require a priesthood to explain them. The Quakers seem to
have discovered this. They have no priests, therefore no schisms.
392 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
They judge of the text by the dictates of common sense and
common morality. So the printers can never leave us in a state
of perfect rest and union of opinion. They would be no longer
useful, and would have to go to the plough. In the first mo-
ments of quietude which have succeeded the election, they seem
to have aroused their lying faculties beyond their ordinary state,
to re-agitate the public mind. What appointments to office have
they detailed which had never been thought of, merely to found
a text for their calumniating commentaries. However, the
steady character of our countrymen is a rock to which we may
safely moor ; and notwithstanding the efforts of the papers to
disseminate early discontents, I expect that a just, dispassionate
and steady conduct, will at length rally to a proper system the
great body of our country. Unequivocal in principle, reasonable
in manner, we shall be able I hope to do a great deal of good to
the cause of freedom and harmony. I shall be happy to hear
from you often, to know your own sentiments and those of oth-
ers on the course of things, and to concur with you in efforts for
the common good. Your letters through the post will not come
safely. Present my best respects to Mrs. Gerry, and accept your-
self assurances of my constant esteem and high consideration.
TO DOCTOR WALTER JONES
WASHINGTON, March 31. 1801.
DEAR SIR, — I was already almost in the act of mounting my
horse for a short excursion home, when your favor of the 14th
was put into my hands. I stop barely to acknowledge it, and to
thank you for your kind congratulations, and still more for your
interesting observations on the course of things. I am sensible
how far I should fall short of effecting all the reformation which
reason would suggest, and experience approve, were I free to do
whatever I thought best ; but when we reflect how difficult it is
to move or inflect the great machine of society, how impossible
CORRESPONDENCE. 303
to advance the notions of a whole people suddenly to ideal right,
we see the wisdom of Solon's remark, that no more good must
be attempted than the nation can bear, and that all will be
chiefly to reform the waste of public money, and thus drive
away the vultures who prey upon it, and improve some little on
old routines. Some new fences for securing constitutional rights
may. with the aid of a good legislature, perhaps be attainable.
I am going home for three weeks, to make some final arrange-
ments there for my removal hither. Mr. Madison and Mr.
Gallatin will be here by the last of the month. Dearborne and
Lincoln remain here ; and General Smith entered yesterday on
the naval department, but only pro tempore, and to give me time
to look for what cannot be obtained — a prominent officer, equal
and willing to undertake the duties. Accept assurances of my
constant and affectionate respect.
TO A. STUART, ESQ.
MONTICELLO, April 8, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — I arrived here on the 4th, and expect to stay a
fortnight, in order to make some arrangements preparatory to my
final removal to Washington. You know that the last Congress
established a Western judiciary district in Virginia, comprehend-
ing chiefly the Western counties. Mr. Adams, who continued
filling all the offices till nine o'clock of the night, at twelve of
which he was to go out of office himself, took care to appoint for
this district also. The judge, of course, stands till the law shall
be repealed, which we trust will be at the next Congress. But
as to all others, I made it immediately known that I should con-
sider them as nullities, and appoint others, as I think I have a
preferable right to name agents for my own administration, at
least to the vacancies falling after it was known that Mr. Adams
was not naming for himself. Consequently, we want an attorney
and marshal for the Western district. I have thought of Mr,
394 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
Coalter, but I am told he has a clerkship incompatible with it by
our laws. I thought also of Hugh Holmes ; but I fear he is so
far off, he would not attend the court, which is to be in Rock-
bridge, I believe. This is the extent of my personal knowledge.
Pray recommend one to me, as also a marshal ; and let them be
the most respectable and unexceptionable possible, and especially
let them be republicans. The only shield for our republican
citizens against the federalism of the courts is to have the attor-
neys and marshals republicans. There is nothing I am so anxious
about as good nominations, conscious that the merit as well as
reputation of an administration depends as much on that as on
its measures.
Accept assurances of my constant esteem and high considera-
tion and respect.
TO HUGH WHITE, ESQ.
WASHINGTON, May 2, 1801.
SIR, — The satisfaction which, in the name of the foreigners
residing in Beaver County, you are pleased to express in my ap-
pointment to the Presidency of the United States, the expecta-
tions you form of the character of my administration, and your
kind wishes for my happiness, demand my sincere thanks. Born
in other countries, yet believing you could be happy in this, our
laws acknowledge, as they should do, your right to join us in
society, conforming, as I doubt not you will do, to our established
rules. That these rules shall'be as equal as prudential considera-
tions will admit, will certainly be the aim of our legislatures,
general and particular. To unequal privileges among members
of the same society the spirit of our nation is, with one accord,
adverse. If the unexample state of the world has in any instance
occasioned among us temporary departures from the system of
equal rule, the restoration of tranquillity will doubtless produce
reconsideration ; and your own knowledge of the liberal conduct
heretofore observed towards strangers settling among us will
CORRESPONDENCE. 395
warrant the belief that what is right will be done. Accept a
reciprocation of wishes for your present and future welfare, and
assurances of my high consideration and respect.
TO GIDEON GRANGER.
WASHINGTON, May 3, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — I wrote you on the 29th of March. Yours of the
25th of that month, with the address it covered, had not reached
this place on the 1st of April, when I set out on a short visit to
my residence in Virginia, where some arrangements were neces-
sary previous to my settlement here. In fact, your letter came
to me at Monticello only the 24th of April, two days before my
departure from thence. This, I hope, will sufficiently apologize
for the delay of the answer, which those unapprised of these cir-
cumstances will have thought extraordinary.
A new subject of congratulation has arisen. I mean the re-
generation of Rhode Island. I hope it is the beginning of that
resurrection of the genuine spirit of New England which rises
for life eternal. According to natural order, Vermont will emerge
next, because least, after Rhode Island, under the yoke of hiero-
cracy. I have never dreamed that all opposition was to cease.
The clergy, who have missed their union with the State, the
Anglomen, who have missed their union with England, and the
political adventurers, who have lost the chance of swindling and
plunder in the waste of public money, will never cease to bawl,
on the breaking up of their sanctuary. But among the people,
the schism is healed, and with tender treatment the wound will
not re-open. Their quondam leaders have been astounded with
the suddenness of the desertion ; and their silence and appearance
of acquiescence have proceeded not from a thought of joining us,
but the uncertainty what ground to take. The very first acts of
the administration, the nominations, have accordingly furnished
something to yelp on ; and all our subsequent acts will furnish
396 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
them fresh matter, because there is nothing against which human
ingenuity will not be able to find something to say.
Accept assurances of my sincere attachment and high respec*
TO NATHANIEL MACON.
WASHINGTON, May 14, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — Your favors of April the 20th and 23d had been
received, and the commission made out for Mr, Potts, before I re-
ceived the letter of the 1st instant. I have still thought it better
to forward the commission, in the hope that reconsideration, or
the influence of yourself and friends, might induce an acceptance
of it. Should it be otherwise, you must recommend some other
good person, as I had rather be guided by your opinion than that
of the person you refer me to. Perhaps Mr. Potts may be will-
ing to stop the gap till you meet and repeal the law. If he does
not, let me receive a recommendation from you as quickly as
possible. And in all cases, when an office becomes vacant in
your State, as the distance would occasion a great delay were
you to wait to be regularly consulted, I shall be much obliged
to you to recommend the best characters. There is nothing I
am so anxious about as making the best possible appointments,
and no case in which the best men are more liable to mislead us,
by yielding to the solicitations of applicants. For this reason
your own spontaneous recommendation would be desirable.
Now to answer your particulars, seriatim, —
Levees are done away.
The first communication to the next Congress will be, like
all subsequent ones, by message, to which no answer will be ex-
pected.
The diplomatic establishment in Europe will be reduced to
three ministers.
The compensations to collectors depend on you, and not on
CORRESPONDENCE. 397
The army is undergoing a chaste reformation.
The navy will be reduced to the legal establishment by the
last of this month.
Agencies in every department will be revised.
We shall push you to the uttermost in economising.
A very early recommendation had been given to the Post Mas-
ter General to employ no printer, foreigner, or revolutionary tory
in any of his offices. This department is still untouched.
The arrival of Mr. Gallatin yesterday, completed the organiza-
tion of our administration.
Accept assurances of my sincere esteem and high respect.
TC THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE
PLANTATIONS.
WASHINGTON. May 26, 1801.
I return my grateful thanks to the General Assembly of
the State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, for the
congratulations which, on behalf of themselves and their con-
stituents, they have been pleased to express on my election to
the Chief Magistracy of the United States ; and I learn with
pleasure their approbation of the principles declared by me on
that occasion ; principles which flowed sincerely from the heart
and judgment, and which, with sincerity, will be pursued.
While acting on them, I ask only to be judged with truth and
candor.
To preserve the peace of our fellow citizens, promote their
prosperity and happiness, reunite opinion, cultivate a spirit of
candor, moderation, charity, and forbearance towards one another,
are objects calling for the efforts and sacrifices of every good
man and patriot. Our religion enjoins it ; our happiness demands
it ; and no sacrifice is requisite but of passions hostile to both.
It is a momentous truth, and happily of universal impression
on the public mind, that our safety rests on the preservation of
398 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
our Union. Our citizens have wisely formed themselves into
one nation as to others, and several States as among themselves.
To the united nation belongs our external and mutual relations :
to each State severally the care of our persons, our property, oui
reputation, and religious freedom. This wise distribution, if
carefully preserved, will prove, I trust from example, that while
smaller governments are better adapted to the ordinary objects
of society, larger confederations more effectually secure inde-
pendence and the preservation of republican government.
I am sensible of the great interest which your State justly feels
in the prosperity of commerce. It is of vital interest also to
States more agricultural, whose produce, without commerce,
could not be exchanged. As the handmaid of agriculture there-
fore, commerce will be cherished by me both from principle and
duty.
Accept, I beseech you, for the General Assembly of the State
of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, the homage of my
high consideration and respect, and I pray God to have them
always in his safe and holy keeping.
TO LEVI LINCOLN.
WASHINGTON, July 11, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 15th came to hand on the 25th
of June, and conveyed a great deal of that information which I
am anxious to receive. The consolidation of our fellow citi-
zens in general is the great object we ought to keep in view,
and that being once obtained, while we associate with us in af-
fairs, to a certain degree, the federal sect of republicans, AVC must
strip of all the means of influence the Essex junto, and their as-
sociate monocrats in every part of the Union. The former dif-
fer from us only in the shades of power to be given to the exe-
cutive, 1)eing, with us, attached to republican government. The
latter wish to sap the republic by fraud, if they cannot destroy
CORRESPONDENCE.
it by force, and to erect an English monarchy in its place ; some
of them (as Mr. Adams) thinking its corrupt parts should be
cleansed away, others (as Hamilton) thinking that would make
it an impracticable machine. We are proceeding gradually in
the regeneration of offices, and introducing republicans to some
share in them. I do not know that it will be pushed further
than was settled before you went away, except as to Essex
men. I must ask you to make out a list of those in office in
yours and the neighboring States, and to furnish me with it.
There is little of this spirit south of the Hudson. I understand
that Jackson is a very determined one, though in private life
amiable and honorable. But amiable monarchists are not safe
subjects of republican confidence. What will be the effect of
his removal ? How should it be timed ? Who his successor ?
What place can General Lyman properly occupy ? Our gradual
reformations seem to produce good effects everywhere except in
Connecticut. Their late session of legislature has been more in-
tolerant than all others. We must meet them with equal intol-
erance. When they will give a share in the State offices, they
shall be replaced in a share of the General offices. Till then we
must follow their example. Mr. Goodrich 's removal has pro-
duced a bitter remonstrance, with much personality against the
two Bishops. I am sincerely sorry to see the inflexibility of the
federal spirit there, for I cannot believe they are all monarch-
ists,
I observe your tory papers make much of the Berceau. As
tdat is one of the subjects to be laid before Congress, it is ma-
terial to commit to writing, while fresh in memory, the import-
ant circumstances. You possess more of these than any other
person. I pray you, therefore, immediately to state to me all
the circumstances you recollect. I will aid you with the fol-
lowing hints, which you can correct and incorporate. Pichon,
I think, arrived about the 12th of March. I do not remember
when he first proposed the question about the Insurgente and
Berceau. On the 20th of March, Mr. Stoddart wrote to his
agent at Boston to put the Berceau into handsome order to be
400 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
restored, but whether he did that of his own accord, or after pre-
vious consultation with you or myself, I do not recollect. I set
out for Monticello April the 1st. About that time General
Smith sent new directions to put her precisely into the state in
which she was before the capture. Do you recollect from what
fund it was contemplated to do this ? I had trusted for this to
Stoddart, who was familiar with all the funds, being myself
entirely new in office at that time. What will those repairs
have cost ? Did we not leave to Le Tombe to make what al-
lowance he thought proper to the officers, we only advancing
money on his undertaking repayment ? I shall hope to receive
from you as full a statement as you can make. It may be use-
ful to inquire into the time and circumstances of her being dis-
mantled. When you shall have retraced the whole matter in
your memory, would it not be well to make a summary state-
ment of the important circumstances for insertion in the Chron-
icle, in order to set the minds of the candid part of the public to
rights ? Mr. Madison has had a slight bilious attack. I am ad-
vising him to get off by the middle of this month. We who
have stronger constitutions shall stay to the end of it. But dur-
ing August and September, we also must take refuge in climates
rendered safer by our habits and confidence. The post will be
so arranged as that letters will go hence to Monlicello, and the
answer return here in a week. I hope I shall continue to hear
from you there.
Accept assurances of my affectionate esteem and high respect.
P. S. The French convention was laid before the Senate
December the 16th. I think the Berceau arrived afterwards.
If so. she was dismantled, when it was known she was to be re-
stored. When did she arrive ? By whose orders was she dis-
mantled ?
CORRESPONDENCE. 401
TO GOVERNOR MONROE.
WASHINGTON July 11, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — As to the mode of correspondence between the
general and particular executives, I do not think myself a good
judge. Not because my position gives me any prejudice on the
occasion ; for if it be possible to be certainly conscious of any-
thing, I am conscious of feeling no difference between writing
to the highest and lowest being on earth ; but because I have
ever thought that forms should yield to whatever should facili-
tate business. Comparing the two governments together, it is
observable that in all those cases where the independent or re-
served rights of the States are in question, the two executives,
if they are to act together, must be exactly co-ordinate ; they
are, in these cases, each the supreme head of an independent
government. In other cases, to wit, those transferred by the
Constitution to the General Government, the general executive
is certainly pre-ordinate ; e, g. in a question respecting the mi-
litia, and others easily to be recollected. Were there, therefore,
to be a stiff adherence to etiquette, I should say that in the
former cases the correspondence should be between the two
heads, and that in the latter, the Governor must be subject to
receive orders from the war department as any other subordinate
officer would. And were it observed that either party set up
unjustifiable pretensions, perhaps the other might be right in
opposing them by a tenaciousness of his own rigorous rights.
But I think the practice in General Washington's administration
was most friendly to business, and was absolutely equal ; some-
times he wrote to the Governors, and sometimes the heads of
departments wrote. If a letter is to be on a general subject, I
see no reason why the President should not write ; but if it is
to go into details, these being known only to the head of the de-
partment, it is better he should write directly. Otherwise, the
correspondence must involve circuities. If this be practised
promiscuously in both classes of cases, each party setting ex-
amples of neglecting etiquette, both will stand on equal ground,
VOL. iv. 26
402 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
and convenience alone will dictate through whom any particu-
lar communication is to be made. On the whole, I think a free
correspondence best, and shall never hesitate to write myself to
the Governors, in every federal case, where the occasion pre-
sents itself to me particularly. Accept assurances of my sincere
and constant affection and respect.
TO ELIAS SHIPMAN AND OTHERS, A COMMITTEE OF THE MERCHANTS
OF NEW HAVEN.
WASHINGTON, July 12, 1801.
GENTLEMEN, — I have received the remonstrance you were
pleased to address to me, on the appointment of Samuel Bishop
to the office of collector of New Haven, lately vacated by the
death of David Austin. The right of our fellow citizens to rep-
resent to the public functionaries their opinion on proceedings
interesting to them, is unquestionably a constitutional right,
often useful, sometimes necessary, and will always be respect-
fully acknowledged by me.
Of the various executive duties, no one excites more anxious
concern than that of placing the interests of our fellow citizens
in the hands of honest men, with understandings sufficient for
their stations. No duty, at the same time, is more difficult to
fulfil. The knowledge of characters possessed by a single indi-
vidual is, of necessity, limited. To seek out the best through
the whole Union, we must resort to other information, which,
from the best of men, acting disinterestedly and with the purest
motives, is sometimes incorrect. In the case of Samuel Bish-
op, however, the subject of your remonstrance, time was taken,
information was sought, and such obtained as could leave no
room for doubt of his fitness. From private sources it was
learned that his understanding was sound, his integrity pure, his
character unstained. And the offices confided to him within his
own State, are public evidences of the estimation in which he is
CORRESPONDENCE. 403
held by the State in general, and the city and township particu-
larly in which he lives. He is said to be the town clerk, a jus-
tice of the peace, mayor of the city of New Haven, an office
held at the will of the legislature, chief judge of the court of
common pleas for New Haven county, a court of high criminal
and civil jurisdiction wherein most causes are decided without
the right of appeal or review, and sole judge of the court of pro-
bates, wherein he singly decides all questions of wills, settlement
of estates, testate and intestate, appoints guardians, settles their
accounts, and in fact has under his jurisdiction and care all the
property real and personal of persons dying. The two last of-
fices, in the annual gift of the legislature, were given to him in
May last. Is it possible that the man to whom the legislature
of Connecticut has so recently committed trusts of such difficulty
and magnitude, is ' unfit to be the collector of the district of
New Haven,' though acknowledged in the same writing, to have
obtained all this confidence ' by a long life of usefulness ?' It is
objected, indeed, in the remonstrance, that he is seventy-seven
years of age ; but at a much more advanced age, our Franklin
was the ornament of human nature. He may not be able to per-
form in person, all the details of his office ; but if he gives us
the benefit of his understanding, his integrity, his watchfulness,
and takes care that all the details are well performed by himself
or his necessary assistants, all public purposes will be answered.
The remonstrance, indeed, does not allege that the office has
been illy conducted, but only apprehends that it will be so.
Should this happen in event, be assured I will do in it what
shall be just and necessary for the public service. In the mean-
time, he should be tried without being prejudged.
The removal, as it is called, of Mr. Goodrich, forms another
subject of complaint. Declarations by myself in favor of political
tolerance, exhortations to harmony and affection in social inter-
course, and to respect for the equal rights of the minority, have,
on certain occasions, been quoted and misconstrued into assur-
ances that the tenure of offices was to be undisturbed. But
could candor apply such a construction ? It is not indeed in the
404 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
remonstrance that we find it ; but it leads to the explanations
which that calls for. When it is considered, that during the late
administration, those who were not of a particular sect of politics
were excluded from all office ; when, by a steady pursuit of this
measure, nearly the whole offices of the United States were
monopolized by that sect ; when the public sentiment at length
declared itself, and burst open the doors of honor and confidence
to those whose opinions they more approved, was it to be
imagined that this monopoly of office was still to be continued in
the hands of the minority ? Does it violate their equal rights,
to assert some rights in the majority also ? Is it political intoler-
ance to claim a proportionate share in the direction of the public
affairs ? Can they not harmonize in society unless they have
everything in their own hands ? If the will of the nation, mani-
fested by their various elections, calls for an administration of
government according with the opinions of those elected ; if, for
the fulfilment of that will, displacements are necessary, with
whom can they so justly begin as with persons appointed in the
last moments of an administration, not for its own aid, but to
begin a career at the same time with their successors, by whom
they had never been approved, and who could scarcely expect
from them a cordial co-operation ? Mr. Goodrich was one of
these. Was it proper for him to place himself in office, without
knowing whether those whose agent he was to be would have
confidence in his agency ? Can the preference of another, as the
successor to Mr. Austin, be candidly called a removal of Mr.
Goodrich ? If a due participation of office is a matter of right,
how are vacancies to be obtained ? Those by death are few ;
by resignation, none. Can any other mode than that of removal
be proposed ? This is a painful office ; but it is made my duty,
and I meet it as such. I proceed in the operation with delibera-
tion and inquiry, that it may injure the best men least, and effect
the purposes of justice and public utility with the least private
distress ; that it may be thrown, as much as possible, on delin-
quency, on oppression, on intolerance, on ante-revolutionary
adherence to our enemies.
CORRESPONDENCE. 405
The remonstrance laments " that a change in the administra-
tion must produce a change in the subordinate officers ;" in other
words, that it should be deemed necessary for all officers to think
with their principal ? But on whom does this imputation bear ?
On those who have excluded from office every shade of opinion
which was not theirs ? Or on those who have been so excluded ?
I lament sincerely that unessential differences of opinion should
ever have been deemed sufficient to interdict half the society
from the rights and the blessings of self-government, to proscribe
them as unworthy of every trust. It would have been to me a
circumstance of great relief, had I found a moderate participation
of office in the hands of the majority. I would gladly have left
to time and accident to raise them to their just share. But their
total exclusion calls for prompter corrections. I shall correct the
procedure ; but that done, return with joy to that state of things,
when the only questions concerning a candidate shall be, is he
honest ? Is he capable ? Is he faithful to the Constitution ?
I tender you the homage of my high respect.
TO LEVI LINCOLN.
MONTJCELLO, August 26, 1801.
DEAR Sm, — Your favor of July the 28th was received here on
the 20th instant. The superscription of my letter of July the
llth by another hand was to prevent danger to it from the curi-
ous. Your statement respecting the Bereau coincided with my
own recollection, in the circumstances recollected by me, and I
concur with you in supposing it may not now be necessary to
give any explanations on the subject in the papers. The pur-
chase was made by our predecessors, and the repairs begun by
them. Had she been to continue ours, we were authorized to
put and keep her in good order out of the fund of the naval con-
tingencies : and when in good order, we obeyed a law of the
land, the treaty, in giving her up. It is true the treaty was not
406 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
ratified ; but when ratified, it is validated retrospectively. We
took on ourselves this risk, but France had put more into our
hands on the same risk. I do not know whether the clamor, as
to the allowance to the French officers of their regular pay, has
been rectified by a statement that it was on the request of the
French consul, and his promise to repay it. So that they cost
the United States, on this arrangement, nothing.
I am glad to learn from you that the answer to New Haven
had a good effect in Massachusetts on the republicans, and no ill
effects on the sincere federalists. I had foreseen, years ago, that
the first republican President who should come into office after
all the places in the government had become exclusively occupied
by federalists, would have a dreadful operation to perform. That
the republicans would consent to a continuation of everything in
federal hands, was not to be expected, because neither just nor
politic. On him, then, was to devolve the office of an execu-
tioner, that of lopping off. I cannot say that it has worked
harder than I expected. You know the moderation of our views
in this business, and that we all concurred in them. We deter-
mined to proceed with deliberation. This produced impatience
in the republicans, and a belief we meant to do nothing. Some
occasion of public explanation was eagerly desired, when the
New Haven remonstrance offered us that occasion. The answer
was meant as an explanation to our friends. It has had on them,
everywhere, the most wholesome effect. Appearances of schism-
atizing from us have been entirely done away. I own I expected
it would check the current with which the republican federalists
were returning to their brethren, the republicans. I extremely
lamented this effect ; for the moment which should convince me
that a healing of the nation into one is impracticable, would be
the last moment of my wishing to remain where I am. (Of the
monarchical federalists I have no expectations. They are in-
curables, to be taken care of in a mad house, if necessary, and
on motives of charity.) I am much pleased, therefore, with your
information that the republican federalists are still coming in to
the desired union. The Eastern newspapers had given me a
CORRESPONDENCE. 407
different impression, because I supposed the printers knew the
taste of their customers, and cooked their dishes to their palates.
The Palladium is understood to be the clerical paper, and from
the clergy I expect no mercy. They crucified their Saviour,
who preached that their kingdom was not of this world ; and all
who practise on that precept must expect the extreme of their
wrath. The laws of the present day withhold their hands from
blood ; but lies and slander still remain to them.
I am satisfied that the heaping of abuse on me, personally, has
been with the design and the hope of provoking me to make a
general sweep of all federalists out of office. But as I have car-
ried no passion into the execution of this disagreeable duty, I
shall suffer none to be excited. The clamor which has been
raised will not provoke me to remove one more, nor deter me
from removing one less, than if not a word had been said on the
subject. In Massachusetts, you may be assured, great modera-
tion will be used. Indeed, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey,
Pennsylvania and Delaware, are the only States where anything
considerable is desired. In the course of the summer all which
is necessary will be done ; and we may hope that this cause of
offence being at an end, the measures we shall pursue and pro-
pose for the amelioration of the public affairs will be so confess-
edly salutary as to unite all men not monarchists in principle.
We have considerable hopes of republican senators from South
Carolina, Maryland and Delaware, and some as to Vermont. In
any event, we are secure of a majority in the Senate ; and con-
sequently that there will be a concert of action between the
Legislature and executive. The removal of excrescences from
trie judiciary is the universal demand. We propose to re-assemble
at Washington on the last day of September. Accept assurances
of my affectionate esteem and high respect.
408 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
MONTICELLO, September 9, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — You will receive, probably by this post, from the
Secretary of State, his final instructions for your mission to
France. We have not thought it necessary to say anything in
them on the great question of the maritime law of nations, which
at present agitates Europe ; that is to say, whether free ships
shall make free goods ; because we do not mean to take any side
in it during the war. But, as I had before communicated to you
some loose thoughts on that subject, and have since considered
it with somewhat more attention, I have thought it might be
useful that you should possess my ideas in a more matured form
than that in which they were before given. Unforeseen circum-
stances may perhaps oblige you to hazard an opinion, on some
occasion or other, on this subject, and it is better that it should
not be at variance with ours. I write this, too, myself, that it
may not be considered as official, but merely my individual
opinion, unadvised by those official counsellors whose opinions I
deem my safest guide, and should unquestionably take in form,
were circumstances to call for a solemn decision of the question.
When Europe assumed the general form in which it is occu-
pied by the nations now composing it, and turned its attention
to ^maritime commerce, we found among its earliest practices,
(^Jthat of taking the goods of an enemy from the ship of a friend ;
and that into this practice every maritime State went sooner or
later, as it appeared on the theatre of the ocean. If, therefore,
we are to consider the practice of nations as the sole and suffi-
cient evidence of the law of nature among nations, we should
unquestionably place this principle among tHose of the natural
laws. But its inconveniences, as they affected neutral nations
peaceably pursuing their commerce, and its tendency to embroil
them with the powers happening to be at war, and thus to ex-
tend the flames of war, induced nations to introduce by special
compacts, from time to time, a more convenient rule ; that " free
ships should make free goods ;" and this latter principle has by
CORRESPONDENCE. 409
every maritime nation of Europe been established, to a greater
or less degree, in its treaties with other nations ; insomuch, that
all of them have, more or less frequently, assented to it. as a rule
of action in particular cases. Indeed, it is now urged, and I
tHink with great appearance of reason, that this is the genuine prin-
ciple dictated by national morality ; and that the first practice arose
from accident, and the particular convenience of the States*
which first figured on the water, rather than from well-digested
reflections on the relations of friend and enemy, on the rights of
territorial jurisdiction, and on the dictates of moral law applied
to these. Thus it had never been supposed lawful, in the terri-
tory of a friend to seize the goods of an enemy. On an element
which nature has not subjected to the jurisdiction of any partic-
ular nation, but has made common to all for the purposes to
which it is fitted, it would seem that the particular portion of it
which happens to be occupied by the vessel of any nation, in the
course of its voyage, is for the moment, the exclusive property
of that nation, and, with the vessel, is exempt from intrusion by
any other, and from its jurisdiction, as much as if it were lying
in the harbor of its sovereign. In no country, we believe, is the
rule otherwise, as to the subjects of property common to all.
Thus the place occupied by an individual in a highway, a church,
a theatre, or other public assembly, cannot be intruded on,
while its occupant holds it for the purposes of its institution.
The persons on board a vessel traversing the ocean, carrying
with them the laws of their nation, have among themselves a
jurisdiction, a police, not established by their individual will, but
by the authority of their nation, of whose territory their vessel
still seems to compose a part, so long as it does enter the exclu-
sive territory of another. No nation ever pretended a right to
govern by their laws the ship of another nation navigating the
ocean. By what law then can it enter that ship while in peace-
able and orderly use of the common element ? We recognize no
natural precept for submission to such a right ; and perceive no
distinction between the movable and immovable jurisdiction of
* Venice and Genoa.
410 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
a friend, which would authorize the entering the one and not the
other, to seize the property of an enemy.
It may be objected that this proves too much, as it proves you
cannot enter the ship of a friend to search for contraband of war.
But this is not proving too much. We believe the practice of
seizing what is called contraband of war, is an abusive practice,
not founded in natural right. War between two nations cannot
diminish the rights of the rest of the world remaining at peace.
The doctrine that the rights of nations remaining quietly in
the exercise of moral and social duties, are to give way to the
convenience of those who prefer plundering and murdering one
another, is a monstrous doctrine ; and ought to yield to the more
rational law, that " the wrong which two nations endeavor to in-
flict on each other, must not infringe on the rights or conve-
niences of those remaining at peace." And what is contraband,
by the law of nature ? Either everything which may aid or
comfort an enemy, or nothing. Either all commerce which
would accommodate him is unlawful, or none is. The difference
between articles of one or another description, is a difference in
degree only. No line between them can be drawn. Either all
intercourse must cease between neutrals and belligerents, or all
be permitted. Can the world hesitate to say which shall be the
rule ? Shall two nations turning tigers, break up in one instant
the peaceable relations of the whole world ? Reason and nature
clearly pronounce that the neutral is to go on in the enjoyment
of all its rights, that its commerce remains free, not subject to the
jurisdiction of another, nor consequently its vessels to search, or
to enquiries whether their contents are the property of an enemy,
or are of those which have been called contraband of war.
Nor does this doctrine contravene the right of preventing ves-
sels from entering a blockaded port. This right stands on other
ground. When the fleet of any nation actually beleaguers the port
of its enemy, no other has a right to enter their line, any more
than their line of battle in the open sea, or their lines of circum-
vallation, or of encampment, or of battle array on land. The
space included within their lines in any of those cases, is either the
CORRESPONDENCE.
property of their enemy, or it is common property assumed and
possessed for the moment, which cannot be intruded on, even by
a neutral, without committing the very trespass we are now con-
sidering, that of intruding into the lawful possession of a friend.
Although I consider the observance of these principles as of
great importance to the interests of peaceable nations, among
whom I hope the United States will ever place themselves, yet
in the present state of things they are not worth a war. Nor do
I believe war the most certain means of enforcing them. Those
peaceable coercions which are in the power of every nation, if
undertaken in concert and in time of peace, are more likely to
produce the desired effect.
The opinions I have here given are those which have gener-
ally been sanctioned by our government. In our treaties with
France, the United Netherlands, Sweden and Prussia, the prin-
ciple of free bottom, free goods, was uniformly maintained. In
the instructions of 1784, given by Congress to their ministers ap-
pointed to treat with the nations of Europe generally, the same
principle, and the doing away contraband of war, were enjoined,
and were acceded to in the treaty signed with Portugal. In .the
late treaty with England, indeed, that power perseveringly re-
fused the principle of free bottoms, free goods ; and it was avoid-
ed in the late treaty with Prussia, at the instance of our then ad-
ministration, lest it should seem to take side in a question then
threatening decision by the sword. At the commencement of
the war between France and England, the representative of the
French republic then residing in the United States, complaining
that the British armed ships captured French property in Amer-
ican bottoms, insisted that the principle of " free bottoms, free
goods," was of the acknowledged law of nations ; that the vio-
lation of that principle by the British was a wrong committed on
us, and such an one as we ought to repel by joining in the war
against that country. We denied his position, and appealed to
the universal practice of Europe, in proof that the principle of
" free bottoms, free goods," was not acknowledged as of the na-
tural law of nations, but only of its conventional law. And I
412 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
believe we may safely affirm, that not a single instance can be
produced where any nation of Europe, acting professedly under
the law of nations alone, unrestrained by treaty, has. either by
its executive or judiciary organs, decided on the principle of
" free bottoms, free goods." Judging of the law of nations by
what has been practised among nations, we were authorized to
say that the contrary principle was their rule, and this but an
exception to it, introduced by special treaties in special cases
only ; that having no treaty with England substituting this in-
stead of the ordinary rule, we had neither the right nor the dis-
position to go to war for its establishment. But though we
would not then, nor will we now, engage in war to establish
this principle, we are nevertheless sincerely friendly to it. We
think that the nations of Europe have originally set out in er-
ror ; that experience has proved the error oppressive to the rights
and interests of the peaceable part of mankind ; that every na-
tion but one has acknowledged this, by consenting /to the change,
and that one has consented in particular cases ; that nations
have a right to correct an erroneous principle, and to establish
that which is right as their rule of action ; and if they should
adopt measures for effecting this in a peaceable way, we shall
wish them success, and not stand in their way to it. But should
it become, at any time, expedient for us to co-operate in the es-
tablishment of this principle, the opinion of the executive, on
the advice of its constitutional counsellors, must then be given ;
and that of the legislature, an independent and essential organ in
the operation, must also be expressed ; in forming which, they
will be governed, every man by his own judgment, and may,
very possibly, judge differently from the executive. With the
same honest views, the most honest men often form different
conclusions. As far, however, as we can judge, the principle of
" free bottoms, free goods," is that which would carry the wishes
of our nation.
Wishing you smooth seas and prosperous gales, with the en-
joyment of good health, I tender you the assurances of my con-
stant friendship and high consideration and respect.
CORRESPONDENCE. 413
TO WILLIAM SHORT.
WASHINGTON, October 3, 1801
DEAR SIR,— * ********
I trusted to Mr. Dawson to give you a full explanation, verbally,
on a subject which I find he has but slightly mentioned to you.
I shall therefore now do it. When I returned from France, after
an absence of six or seven years, I was astonished at the change
which I found had taken place in the United States in that time.
No more like the same people ; their notions, their habits and
manners, the course of their commerce, so totally changed, that I,
who stood in those of 1784, found myself not at all qualified to
speak their sentiments, or forward their views in 1790. Very
eoon, therefore, after entering on the office of Secretary of State,
£ recommended to General Washington to establish as a rule of
practice, that no person should be continued on foreign mission
beyond an absence of six, seven, or eight years. He approved
it. On the only subsequent missions which took place in my
time, the persons appointed were notified that they could not be
continued beyond that period. All returned within it except
Humphreys. His term was not quite out when General Wash-
ington went out of office. The succeeding administration had
no rule for anything ; so he continued. Immediately on my
coming to the administration, I wrote to him myself, reminded
him of the rule I had communicated to him on his departure ;
that he had then been absent about eleven years, and conse-
quently must return. On this ground solely he was superseded.
Under these circumstances, your appointment was impossible
after an absence of seventeen years. Under any others, I should
never fail to give to yourself and the world proofs of my friend-
ship for you, and of my confidence in you. Whenever you shall
return, you will be sensible in a greater, of what I was in a
smaller degree, of the change in this nation from what it was
when we both left it in 1784. We return like foreigners, and,
like them, require a considerable residence here to become
Americanized.
414 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
The state of political opinions continues to return steadily to-
wards republicanism. To judge from the opposition papers, a
stranger would suppose that a considerable check to it had been
produced by certain removals of public officers. But this is not
the case. All offices were in the hands of the federalists. The
injustice of having totally excluded republicans was acknowl-
edged by every man. To have removed one half, and to have
placed republicans in their stead, would have been rigorously
just, when it was known that these composed a very great ma-
jority of the nation. Yet such was their moderation in most of
the States, that they did not desire it. In these, therefore, no
removals took place but for malversation. In the middle States
the contention had been higher, spirits were more sharpened and
less accommodating. It was necessary in these to practise a
different treatment, and to make a few changes to tranquillize the
injured party. A few have been made there, a very few still re-
main to be made. When this painful operation shall be over, I
see nothing else ahead of us which can give uneasiness to any
of our citizens, or retard that consolidation of sentiment so essen-
tial to our happiness and our strength. The tory papers will still
find fault with everything. But these papers are sinking daily,
from their dissonance with the sentiments of their subscribers,
and very few will shortly remain to keep up a solitary and in-
effectual barking.
There is no point in which an American, long absent from his
country, wanders so widely from its sentiments as on the subject
of its foreign affairs. We have a perfect horror at everything
like connecting ourselves with the politics of Europe. It would
indeed be advantageous to us to have neutral rights established
on a broad ground ; but no dependence can be placed in any
European coalition for that. They have so many other bye-
interests of greater weight, that some one or other will always be
bought off. To be entangled with them would be a much
greater evil than a temporary acquiescence in the false principles
which have prevailed. Peace is our most important interest, and
a recovery from debt. We feel ourselves strong, and daily
CORRESPONDENCE. 415
growing stronger. The census just now concluded, shows we
have added to our population a third of what it was ten years
ago. This will be a duplication in twenty-three or twenty-four
years. If we can delay but for a few years the necessity of vin-
dicating the laws of nature on the ocean, we shall be the more
sure of doing it with effect. The day is within my time as well
as yours, when we may say by what laws other nations shall
treat us on the sea. And we will say it. In the meantime, we
wish to let every treaty we have drop off without renewal. We
call in our diplomatic missions, barely keeping up those to the
most important nations. There is a strong disposition in our
countrymen to discontinue even these ; and very possibly it may
be done. Consuls will be continued as usual. The interest
which European nations feel, as well as ourselves, in the mutual
patronage of commercial intercourse, is a sufficient stimulus on
both sides to insure that patronage. A treaty, contrary to that
interest, renders war necessary to get rid of it.
I send this by Chancellor Livingston, named to the Senate
the day after I came into office, as our Minister Plenipotentiary
to France. I have taken care to impress him with the value of
your society. You will find him an amiable arid honorable man ;
unfortunately, so deaf that he will have to transact all his busi-
ness by writing. You will have known long ago that Mr. Skip-
worth is reinstated in his consulship, as well as some others who
had been set aside. I recollect no domestic news interesting to
you. Your letters to your brother have been regularly trans-
mitted, and I lately forwarded one from him, to be carried you by
Mr. Livingston.
Present my best respects to our amiable and mutual friend, and
accept yourself assurances of my sincere and constant affection.
CIRCULAR TO THE HEADS OF THE DEPARTMENTS, AND PRIVATE.
WASHINGTON, November 6, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — Coming all of us into executive office, new, and
unfamiliar with the course of business previously practised, it
416 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
was not to be expected we should, in the first outset, adopt in
Every part a line of proceeding so perfect as to admit no amend-
ment. The mode and degrees of communication, particularly
between the President and heads of departments, have not been
practised exactly on the same scale in all of them. Yet it would
certainly be more safe and satisfactory for ourselves as well as
the public, that not only the best, but also an uniform course of
proceeding as to manner and degree, should be observed. Having
been a member of the first administration under General Wash-
ington, I can state with exactness what our course then was.
Letters of business came addressed sometimes to the President,
but most frequently to the heads of departments. If addressed
to himself, he referred them to the proper department to be acted
on : if to one of the secretaries, the letter, if it required no an-
swer, was communicated to the President, simply for his inform-
ation. If an answer was requisite, the secretary of the depart-
ment communicated the letter and his proposed answer to the
President. Generally they were simply sent back after perusal,
which signified his approbation. Sometimes he returned them
with an informal note, suggesting an alteration or a query. If a
doubt of any importance arose, he reserved it for conference. By
this means, he was always in accurate possession of all facts and
proceedings in every part of the Union, and to whatsoever depart-
ment they related ; he formed a central point for the different
branches ; preserved an unity of object and action among them ;
exercised that participation in the suggestion of affairs which his
office made incumbent on him ; and met himself the due respon-
sibibility for whatever was done. During Mr. Adams' adminis-
tration, his long and habitual absences from the seat of govern-
ment, rendered this kind of communication impracticable,
removed him from any share in the transaction of affairs, and
parceled out the government, in fact, among four independent
heads, drawing sometimes in opposite directions. That the
former is preferable to the latter course, cannot be doubted. It
gave, indeed, to the heads of departments the trouble of making
up, once a day, a packet of all their communications for the pe-
CORRESPONDENCE. 417
f usal of the President ; it commonly also retarded one day their
despatches by mail. But in pressing cases, this injury was pre-
vented by presenting that case singly for immediate attention ;
and it produced us in return the benefit of his sanction for every
act \ve did. Whether any change of circumstances may render
a change in this procedure necessary, a little experience will
show us. But I cannot withhold recommending to heads of de-
partments, that we should adopt this course for the present,
leaving any necessary modifications of it to time and trial. I am
sure my conduct must have proved, better than a thousand de-
clarations would, that my confidence in those whom I am so
happy as to have associated with me, is unlimited, unqualified
and unabated. I am well satisfied that everything goes on with
a wisdom and rectitude which I could not improve. If I had
the universe to choose from, I could not change one of my asso-
ciates to my better satisfaction. My sole motives are those be-
fore expressed, as governing the first administration in chalking
out the rules of their proceeding ; adding to them only a sense
of obligation imposed on me by the public will, to meet person-
ally the duties to which they have appointed me. If this mode
of proceeding shall meet the approbation of the heads of depart-
ments, it may go into execution without giving them the trouble
of an answer ; if any other can be suggested, which would answer
our views and add less to their labors, that will be a sufficient
reason for my preferring it to my own proposition, to the
substance of which only, and not the form, I attach any im-
portance.
Accept for yourself particularly, my dear Sir, assurances of my
constant and sincere affection and respect.
TO AMOS MARSH, ESQUIRE.
WASHINGTON, November 20, 1801.
SIR, — I receive with great satisfaction the address you have
been pleased to enclose me from the House of Representatives, of
VOL. iv. 27
418 JEFFEliSON'S WORKS.
the freemen of the State of Vermont. The friendly and favor-
able sentiments they are so good as to express towards myself
personally, are high encouragement to perseverance in duty, and
call for my sincere thanks.
With them I join cordially in admiring and revering the Con-
stitution of the United States, — the result of the collected wis-
dom of our country. That wisdom has committed to us the
important task of proving by example that a government, if
organized in all its parts on the Representative principle, unadul-
terated by the infusion of spurious elements, if founded, not in
the fears and follies of man, but on his reason, on his sense of
right, on the predominance of the social over his dissocial pas-
sions, may be so free as to restrain him in no moral right, and so
firm as to protect him from every moral wrong. To observe our
fellow citizens gathering daily under the banners of this faith,
devoting their powers to its establishment, and strengthening
with their confidence the instruments of their selection, cannot
but give new animation to the zeal of those who, steadfast in the
same belief, have seen no other object worthy the labors and
losses we have all encountered.
To draw around the whole nation the strength of the general
government, as a barrier against foreign foes, to watch the borders
of every State, that no external hand may intrude, or disturb the
exercise of self-government reserved to itself, to equalize and
moderate the public contributions, that while the requisite ser-
vices are invited by due remuneration, nothing beyond this may
exist to attract the attention of our citizens from the pursuits of
useful industry, nor unjustly to burthen those who continue in
those pursuits — these are functions of the general government on
which you have a right to call. They are in unison with those
principles which have met the approbation of the Representatives
of Vermont, as announced by myself on the former and recent
occasions alluded to. These shall be faithfully pursued accord-
ing to the plain and candid import of the expressions in which
they were announced. No longer than they are so, will I ask
that support which, through you, has been so respectfully ten-
CORRESPONDENCE. 419
dered me. And I join in addressing Him, whose Kingdom
raleth over all, to direct the administration of their aifairs to their
own greatest good.
Praying you to be the channel of communicating these senti-
ments to the House of Representatives of the freemen of the
State of Vermont, I beseech you to accept for yourself personally,
as well as for them, the homage of my high respect and con-
sideration.
TO GOVERNOR MONROE.
WASHINGTON, November 24, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — I had not been unmindful of your letter of June
15th, covering a resolution of the House of Representatives of
Virginia, and referred to in yours of the 17th inst. The import-
ance of the subject, and the belief that it gave us time for con-
sideration till the next meeting of the Legislature, have induced
me to defer the answer to this date. You will perceive that
some circumstances connected with the subject, and necessarily
presenting themselves to view, would be improper but for yours'
and the legislative ear. Their publication might have an ill effect
in more than one quarter. In confidence of attention to this, I
shall indulge greater freedom in writing.
Common malefactors, I presume, make no part of the object of
that resolution. Neither their numbers, nor the nature of their
offences, seem to require any provisions beyond those practised
heretofore, and found adequate to the repression of ordinary
crimes. Conspiracy, insurgency, treason, rebellion, (among that
description of persons who brought on us the alarm, and on
themselves the tragedy, of 1800,) were doubtless within the view
of every one ; but many perhaps contemplated, and one express-
ion of the resolution might comprehend, a much larger scope.
Respect to both opinions makes it my duty to understand the
resolution in all the extent of which it is susceptible.
The idea seems to be to provide for these people by a purchase
420 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
of lands ; and it is asked whether such a purchase can be made
of the United States in their western territory ? A very great
extent of country, north of the Ohio, has heen laid off into town-
ships, and is now at market, according to the provisions of the acts
of Congress, with which you are acquainted. There is nothing
which would restrain the State of Virginia either in the purchase
or the application of these lands ; but a purchase, by the acre,
might perhaps be a more expensive provision than the House
of Representatives contemplated. Questions would also arise
whether the establishment of such a colony within our limits,
and to become a part of our union, would be desirable to the
State of Virginia itself, or to the other States — especially those
who would be in its vicinity ?
Could we procure lands beyond the limits of the United States
to form a receptacle for these people ? On our northern boun-
dary, the country not occupied by British subjects, is the property
of Indian nations, whose title would be to be extinguished, with
the consent of Great Britain ; and the new settlers would be
British subjects. It is hardly to be believed that either Great
Britain or the Indian proprietors have so disinterested a regard
for us, as to be willing to relieve us, by receiving such a colony
themselves ; and as much to be doubted whether that race of
men could long exist in so rigorous a climate. On our western
and southern frontiers, Spain holds an immense country, the
occupancy of which, however, is in the Indian natives, except a
few insulated spots possessed by Spanish subjects. It is very
questionable, indeed, whether the Indians would sell ? whether
Spain would be willing to receive these people ? and nearly cer-
tain that she would not alienate the sovereignty. The same
question to ourselves would recur here also, as did in the first
case : should we be willing to have such a colony in contact
with us ? However our present interests may restrain us within
our own limits, it is impossible not to look forward to distant
times, when our rapid multiplication will expand itself beyond
those limits, and cover the whole northern, if not the southern
continent, with a people, speaking the same language, governed
CORRESPONDENCE. 421
in similar forms, and by similar laws ; nor can we contemplate
with satisfaction either blot or mixture on that surface. Spain,
France, and. Portugal hold possessions on the southern continent,
as to which I am not well enough informed to say how far they
might meet our views. But either there or in the northern con-
tinent, should the constituted authorities of Virginia fix their
attention, of preference, I will have the dispositions of those
powers sounded in the first instance.
The West Indies offer a more probable and practicable retreat
for them. Inhabited already by a people of their own race and
color ; climates congenial with their natural constitution ; insu-
lated from the other descriptions of men ; nature seems to have
formed these islands to become the receptacle of the blacks trans-
planted into this hemisphere. Whether we could obtain from
the European sovereigns of those islands leave to send thither
the persons under consideration, I cannot say ; but I think it
more probable than the former propositions, because of their
being already inhabited more or less by the same race. The
most promising portion of them is the island of St. Domingo,
where the blacks are established into a sovereignty de facto, and
have organized themselves under regular laws and government.
I should conjecture that their present ruler might be willing, on
many considerations, to receive over that description which
would be exiled for acts deemed criminal by us, but meritorious,
perhaps, by him. The possibility that these exiles might stimu-
late and conduct vindicative or predatory descents on our coasts,
and facilitate concert with their brethren remaining here, looks
to a state of things between that island and us not probable on a
contemplation of our relative strength, and of the disproportion
daily growing ; and it is overweighed by the humanity of the
measures proposed, and the advantages of disembarrassing our-
selves of such dangerous characters. Africa would offer a last
and undoubted resort, if all others more desirable should fail us.
Whenever the Legislature of Virginia shall have brought its mind
to a point, so that I may know exactly what to propose to
foreign authorities, I will execute their wishes with fidelity and
422 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
zeal. I hope, however, they will pardon me for suggesting a
single question for their own consideration. When we contem-
plate the variety of countries and of sovereigns towards which
we may direct our views, the vast revolutions and changes of
circumstances which are now in a course of progression, the pos-
sibilities that arrangements now to be made, with a view to any
particular plea, may, at no great distance of time, be totally
deranged by a change of sovereignty, of government, or of other
circumstances, it will be for the Legislature to consider whether,
after they shall have made all those general provisions which
may be fixed by legislative authority, it would be reposing too
much confidence in their Executive to leave the place of relega-
tion to be decided on by them. They could accommodate their
arrangements to the actual state of things? in which countries or
powers may be found to exist at the day ; and may prevent the
effect of the law from being defeated by intervening changes.
This, however, is for them to decide. Our duty will be to
respect their decision.
Accept assurances of my constant affection, and high considera-
tion and respect.
TO THE REVEREND ISAAC STORY.
WASHINGTON-, December 5th, 1801.
SIR, — Your favor of October 27 was received some time since,
and read with pleasure. It is not for me to pronounce on the
hypothesis you present of a transmigration of souls from one body
to another in certain cases. The laws of nature have withheld
from us the means of physical knowledge of the country of spir-
its, and revelation has, for reasons unknown to us, chosen to
leave us in the dark as we were. When I was young I was fond
of the speculations which seemed to promise some insight into
that hidden country, but observing at length that they left me
in the same ignorance in which they had found me, I have for
very many years ceased to read or to think concerning them,
CORRESPONDENCE. 423
and have reposed my head on that pillow of ignorance which a
benevolent Creator has made so soft for us, knowing how much
we should be forced to use it. I have thought it better, by nour-
ishing the good passions and controlling the bad, to merit an in-
heritance in a state of being of which I can know so little, arid
to trust for the future to Him who has been so good for the
past. I perceive too that these speculations have with you been
only the amusement of leisure hours ; while your labors have
been devoted to the education of your children, making them
good members of society, to the instructing men in their duties,
and performing the other offices of a large parish. I am happy
in your approbation of the principles I avowed on entering on
the government. Ingenious minds, availing themselves of the
imperfection of language, have tortured the expressions out of
their plain meaning in order to infer departures from them in
practice. If revealed language has not been able to guard itself
against misinterpretations, I could not expect it. But if an ad-
ministration quadrating with the obvious import of my language
can conciliate the affections of my opposers, I will merit that
conciliation. I. pray you to accept assurances of my respect and
best wishes.
TO PRESIDENT OF THE SENATE.
December, 8, 1801.
SIR, — The circumstances under which we find ourselves at this
place rendering inconvenient the mode heretofore practised of
making, by personal address, the first communications between
the legislative and executive branches, I have adopted that by
message, as used on all subsequent occasions through the session.
In doing this, I have had principal regard to the convenience of
the Legislature, to the economy of their time, to their relief from
the embarrassment of immediate answers, on subjects not yet
fully before them, and to the benefits thence resulting to the
public affairs. Trusting that a procedure, founded on these mo-
424 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
'tives, will meet their approbation, I beg leave through you, Sir,
to communicate the enclosed copy, with the documents accom-
panying it, to the honorable the Senate, and pray you to accept
for yourself and them, the homage of my high regard and con-
sideration.
TO JOHN DICKINSON.
WASHINGTON, December 19, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — The approbation of my ancient friends is, above
all things, the most grateful to my heart. They know for what
objects we relinquished the delights of domestic society, tran-
quillity and science, and committed ourselves to the ocean of
revolution, to wear out the only life God has given us here in
scenes the benefits of which will accrue only to those who follow
us. Surely we had in view to obtain the theory and practice of
good government ; and how any, who seemed so ardent in this
pursuit, could as shamelessly have apostatized, and supposed we
meant only to put our government into other hands, but not
other forms, is indeed wonderful. The lesson we have had will
probably be useful to the people at large, by showing to them
how capable they are of being made the instruments of their own
bondage. A little more prudence and moderation in those who
had mounted themselves on their fears, and it would have been
long and difficult to unhorse them. Their madness had done in
three years what reason alone, acting against them, would not
have effected in many ; and the more, as they might have gone
on forming new entrenchments for themselves from year to year.
My great anxiety at present is, to avail ourselves of our ascend-
ancy to establish good principles and good practices ; to fortify
republicanism behind as many barriers as possible, that the out-
works may give time to rally and save the citadel, should that be
again in danger. On their part, they have retired into the judi-
ciary as a stronghold. There the remains of federalism are to be
preserved and fed from the treasury, and from that battery all the
CORRESPONDENCE. 425
works of republicanism are to be beaten down and erased. By
a fraudulent use of the Constitution, which has made judges
irremovable, they have multiplied useless judges merely to
strengthen their phalanx.
You will perhaps have been alarmed, as some have been, at
the proposition to abolish the whole of the internal taxes. But
it is perfectly safe. They are under a million of dollars, and we
can economize the government two or three millions a year.
The impost alone gives us ten or eleven millions annually, in-
creasing at a compound ratio of six and two-thirds per cent, per
annum, and consequently doubling in ten years. But leaving
that increase for contingencies, the present amount will support
the government, pay the interest of the public debt, and discharge
the principal in fifteen years. If the increase proceeds, and no
contingencies demand it, it will pay off the principal in a shorter
time. Exactly one half of the public debt, to wit, thirty-seven
millions of dollars, is owned in the United States. That capital,
then, will be set afloat, to be employed in rescuing our commerce
from the hands of foreigners, or in agriculture, canals, bridges, or
other useful enterprises. By suppressing at once the whole in-
ternal taxes, we abolish three-fourths of the offices now existing,
and spread over the land. Seeing the interest you take in the
public affairs, I have indulged myself in observations flowing
from a sincere and ardent desire of seeing our affairs put into an
honest and advantageous train. Accept assurances of my con-
stant and affectionate esteem and high respect.
TO DOCTOR RUSH.
WASHINGTON-, December 20, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — I have received your favor of November 27, with
your introductory lecture, which I have read with the pleasure
and edification I do everything from you. I am happy to see
that vaccination is introduced, and likely to be kept up, in Phila-
426 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
delphia ; but I shall not think it exhibits all its utility until
experience shall have hit upon some mark or rule by which the
popular eye may distinguish genuine from spurious virus. It
was with this view that I wished to discover whether time could
not be made the standard, and supposed, from the little experience
I had, that matter, taken at eight times twenty-four hours from
the time of insertion, could always be in the proper state. As
far as I went I found it so ; but I shall be happy to learn what
the immense field of experience in Philadelphia will teach us on
that subject.
Our winter campaign has opened with more good humor than
I expected. By sending a message, instead of making a speech
at the opening of the session, I have prevented the bloody con-
flict to which the making an answer would have committed
them. They consequently were able to set into real business at
once, without losing ten or twelve days in combating an answer.
Hitherto there has been no disagreeable altercations. The sup-
pression of useless offices, and lopping off the parasitical plant
engrafted at the last session on the judiciary body, will probably
produce some. Bitter men are not pleased with the suppress-
ion of taxes. Not daring to condemn the measure, they attack
the motive ; and too disingenuous to ascribe it to the honest
one of freeing our citizens from unnecessary burthens and un-
necessary systems of office, they ascribe it to a desire of popu-
larity. But every honest man will suppose honest acts to flow
from honest principles, and the rogues may rail without inter-
mission.
My health has been always so uniformly firm, that I have for
some years dreaded nothing so much as the living too long. I
think, however, that a flaw has appeared which ensures me
against that, without cutting short any of the period during which
I could expect to remain capable of being useful. It will probably
give me as many years as I wish, and without pain or debility.
Should this be the case, my most anxious prayers will have been
fulfilled by Heaven.
I have said as much to no mortal breathing, and my florid
COKKESPONDENCE. 427
health is calculated to keep my friends as well as foes quiet, as
they should be. Accept assurances of my constant esteem and
high respect.
TO MR. LINCOLN.
January 1, 1802.
Averse to receive addresses, yet unable to prevent them, I have
generally endeavored to turn them to some account, by making
them the occasion, by way of answer, of sowing useful truths and
principles among the people, which might germinate and become
rooted among their political tenets. The Baptist address, now
enclosed, admits of a condemnation of the alliance between
Church and State, under the authority of the Constitution. It
furnishes an occasion, too, which I have long wished to find, of
saying why I do not proclaim fastings and thanksgivings, as my
predecessors did. The address, to be sure, does not point at this,
and its introduction is awkward. But I foresee no opportunity
of doing it more pertinently. I know it will give great offence
to the New England clergy ; but the advocate of religious free-
dom is to expect neither peace nor forgiveness from them. Will
you be so good as to examine the answer, and suggest any altera-
tions which might prevent an ill effect, or promote a good one,
among the people? You understand1 the temper of those in the
North, and can weaken it, therefore, to their stomachs : it is at
present seasoned to the Southern taste only. I would ask the
favor of you to return it, with the address, in the course of the
jlay or evening. Health and affection.
TO ALBERT GALLATIN.
WASHINGTON', April 1, 1802.
DEAR SIR, — I have read and considered your report on the
operations of the sinking fund, and entirely approve of it, as the
428 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
best plan on which we can set out. I think it an object of great
importance, to be kept in view and to be undertaken at a fit
season, to simplify our system of finance, and bring it within the
comprehension of every member of Congress. Hamilton set out
on a different plan. In order that he might have the entire gov-
ernment of his machine, he determined so to complicate it as that
neither the President or Congress should be able to understand it,
or to control him. He succeeded in doing this, not only beyond
their reach, but so that he at length could not unravel it himself.
He gave to the debt, in the first instance, in funding it, the most
artificial and mysterious form he could devise. He then moulded
up his appropriations of a number of scraps and remnants, many
of which were nothing at all, and applied them to different
objects in reversion and remainder, until the whole system was
involved in impenetrable fog ; and while he was giving himself
the airs of providing for the payment of the debt, he left himself
free to add to it continually, as he did in fact, instead of paying
it. I like your idea of kneading all his little scraps and fragments
into one batch, and adding to it a complementary sum, which,
while it forms it into a single mass from which everything is to
be paid, will enable us, should a breach of appropriation ever be
charged on us, to prove that the sum appropriated, and more, has
been applied to its specific object.
But there is a point beyond this on which I should wish to
keep my eye, and to which I should aim to approach by every
tack which previous arrangements force on us. That is, to form
into one consolidated mass all the moneys received into the treas-
ury, and to the several expenditures, giving them a preference of
payment according to the order in which they should be arrang-
ed. As for example. 1. The interest of the public debt. 2.
Such portion of principal as are exigible. 3. The expenses of
government. 4. Such other portions of principal as, though not
exigible, we are still free to pay when we please. The last ob-
ject might be made to take up the residium of money remaining
in the treasury at the end of every year, after the three first ob-
jects were complied with, and would be the barometer whereby
CORRESPONDENCE. 429
to test the economy of the administration. It would furnish a
simple measure by which every one could mete their merit, and
by which every one could decide when taxes were deficient or
superabundant. If to this can be added a simplification of the
form of accounts in the treasury department, and in the organiza-
tion of its officers, so as to bring everything to a single centre,
we might hope to see the finances of the Union as clear and in-
telligible as a merchant's books, so that every member of Con-
gress, and every man of any mind in the Union, should be able
to comprehend them, to investigate abuses, and consequently to
control them. Our predecessors have endeavored by intricacies
of system, and shuffling the investigator over from one officer to
another, to cover everything from detection. I hope we shall go
in the contrary direction, and that by our honest and judicious
reformations, we may be able, within the limits of our time, to
bring things back to that simple and intelligible system on which
they should have been organized at first.
I have suggested only a single alteration in the report, which
is merely verbal and of no consequence. We shall now get rid
of the commissioner of the internal revenue, and superintendent
of stamps. It remains to amalgamate the comptroller and audi-
tor into one, and reduce the register to a clerk of accounts ; and
then the organization will consist, as it should at first, of a keep-
er of money, a keeper of accounts, and the head of the depart-
ment. This constellation of great men in the treasury depart-
ment was of a piece with the rest of Hamilton's plans. He took
his own stand as a Lieutenant General, surrounded by his Major
Generals, and stationing his Brigadiers and Colonels under the
name of Supervisors, Inspectors, &c., in the different States.
Let us deserve well of our country by making her interests the
end of all our plans, and not our own pomp, patronage and irre-
sponsibility. I have hazarded these hasty and crude ideas,
which occurred on contemplating your report. They may be
the subject of future conversation and correction. Accept my
affectionate salutations.
430 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO GENERAL KOSCIUSKO.
WASHINGTON, April 2, 1802.
DEAR GENERAL, — It is but lately that I have received your
letter of the 25th Frimaire (December 15) wishing to know
whether some officers of your country could expect to be em-
ployed in this country. To prevent a suspense injurious to them,
I hasten to inform you, that we are now actually engaged in re-
ducing our military establishment one-third, and discharging one-
third of our officers. We keep in service no more than men enough
to garrison the small posts dispersed at great distances on our
frontiers, which garrisons will generally consist of a captain's
company only, and in no cases of more than two or three, in not
one, of a sufficient number to require a field officer ; and no cir-
cumstance whatever can bring these garrisons together, because it
would be an abandonment of their forts. Thus circumstanced, you
will perceive the entire impossibility of providing for the persons
you recommend. I wish it had been in my power to give you a
more favorable answer ; but next to the fulfilling your wishes,
the most grateful thing I can do is to give a faithful answer.
The session of the first Congress convened since republicanism
has recovered its ascendancy, is now drawing to a close. They
will pretty completely fulfil all the desires of the people. They
have reduced the army and navy to what is barely necessary.
They are disarming executive patronage and preponderance, by
putting down one-half the offices of the United States, which
are no longer necessary. These economies have enabled them
to suppress all the internal taxes, and still to make such provision
for the payment of their public debt as to discharge that in eigh-
teen years. They have lopped off a parasite limb, planted by
their predecessors on their judiciary body for party purposes ;
they are opening the doors of hospitality to fugitives from the
oppressions of other countries ; and we have suppressed all those
public forms and ceremonies which tended to familiarize the
public eye to the harbingers of another form of government.
The people are nearly all united ; their quondam leaders, infu-
CORRESPONDENCE.
riated with the sense of their . impotence, will soon be seen or
heard only in the newspapers, which serve as chimneys to carry
off noxious vapors and smoke, and all is now tranquil, firm and
well, as it should be. I add no signature because unnecessary
for you. God bless you, and preserve you still for a season of
usefulness to your country.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
WASHINGTON, April 18. 1802.
DEAR SIR, — A favorable and confidential opportunity offering
by M. Dupont de Nemours, who is revisiting his native country,
gives me an opportunity of sending you a cypher to be used be-
tween us, which will give you some trouble to understand, but
once understood, is the easiest to use, the most indecypherable,
and varied by a new key with the greatest facility, of any I have
ever known. I am in hopes the explanation enclosed will be
sufficient.
*********
But writing by Mr. Dupont, I need use no cypher. I require
from him to put 'this into your own and no other hand, let the
delay occasioned by that be what it will.
The cession of Louisiana and the Floridas by Spain to France,
works most sorely on the United States. On this subject the
Secretary of State has written to you fully, yet I cannot forbear
recurring to it personally, so deep is the impression it makes on
my mind. It completely reverses all the political relations of
the United States, and will form a new epoch in our political
course. Of all nations of any consideration, France is the one
which, hitherto, has offered the fewest points on which we could
have any conflict of right, and the most points of a communion
of interests. From these causes, we have ever looked to her as
our natural friend, as one with which we never could have an
occasion of difference. Her growth, therefore, we viewed as
432 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
our own, her misfortunes ours. There is on the globe one sin-
gle spot, the possessor of which is our natural and habitual ene-
my. It is New Orleans, through which the produce of three-
eighths of our territory must pass to market, and from its fertility
it will ere long yield more than half of our whole produce, and
contain more than half of our inhabitants. France, placing her-
self in that door, assumes to us the attitude of defiance. Spain
might have retained it quietly for years. Her pacific dispositions,
her feeble state, would induce her to increase our facilities there,
so that her possession of the place would be hardly felt by us,
and it would not, perhaps, be very long before some circumstance
might arise, which might make the cession of it to us the price
of something of more worth to her. Not so can it ever be in the
hands of France : the impetuosity of her temper, the energy and
restlessness of her character, placed in a point of eternal friction
with us, and our character, which, though quiet and loving peace
and the pursuit of wealth, is high-minded, despising wealth in
competition with insult or injury, enterprising and energetic as
any nation on earth • these circumstances render it impossible
that France and the United States can continue long friends,
when they meet in so irritable a position. They, as well as we,
must be blind if they do not see this ; and we must be very
improvident if we do not begin to make arrangements on that
hypothesis. The day that France takes possession of New Or-
leans, fixes the sentence which is to restrain her forever within
her low-water mark. It seals the union of two nations, who, in
conjunction, can maintain exclusive possession of the ocean.
From that moment, we must marry ourselves to the British fleet
and nation. We must turn all our attention to a maritime force,
for which our resources place us on very high ground ; and having
formed and connected together a power which may render rein-
forcement of her settlements here impossible to France, make
the first cannon which shall be fired in Europe the signal for the
tearing up any settlement she may have made, and for holding
the two continents of America in sequestration for the common
purposes of the United British and American nations. This is
CORRESPONDENCE. 433
not a state of things we seek or desire. It is one which this
measure, if adopted by France, forces on us as necessarily, as
any other cause, by the laws of nature, brings on its necestary
effect. It is not from a fear of France that we deprecate this
measure proposed by her. For however greater her force is than
ours, compared in the abstract, it is nothing in comparison of
ours, when to be exerted on our soil. But it is from a sincere
love of peace, and a firm persuasion, that bound to France by the
interests and the strong sympathies still existing in the minds of
our citizens, and holding relative positions which insure their
continuance, we are secure of a long course of peace. Whereas,
the change of friends, which will be rendered necessary if France
changes that position, embarks us necessarily as a belligerent
power in the first war of Europe. In that case, France will have
held possession of New Orleans during the interval of a peace,
long or short, at the end of which it will be wrested from her.
Will this short-lived possession have been an equivalent to her
for the transfer of such a weight into the scale of her enemy ?
Will not the amalgamation of a young, thriving nation, continue
to that enemy the health and force which are at present so evi-
dently on the decline ? And will a few years' possession of
New Orleans add equally to the strength of France ? She may
say she needs Louisiana for the supply of her West Indies. She
does not need it in time of peace, and in war she could not de-
pend on them, because they would be so easily intercepted. I
should suppose that all these considerations might, in some proper
form, be brought into view of the government of France. Though
stated by us, it ought not to give offence ; because we do not
bring them forward as a menace, but as consequences not con-
trollable by us, but inevitable from the course of things. We
mention them, not as things which we desire by any means, but
as things we deprecate ; and we beseech a friend to look for-
ward and to prevent them for our common interest.
If France considers Louisiana, however, as indispensable for
her views, she might perhaps be willing to look about for arrange-
ments which might reconcile it to our interests. If anything
VOL. iv. 28
434 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
could do this, ir would be the ceding to us the island of New
Orleans and the Floridas. This would certainly, in a great
degree, remove the causes of jarring and irritation between us,
and perhaps for such a length of time, as might produce other
means of making the measure permanently conciliatory to our
interests and friendships. It would, at any rate, relieve us from
the necessity of taking immediate measures for countervailing
such an operation by arrangements in another quarter. But still
we should consider New Orleans and the Floridas as no equiva-
lent for the risk of a quarrel with France, produced by her
vicinage.
I have no doubt you have urged these considerations, on every
proper occasion, with the government where you are. They are
such as must have effect, if you can find means of producing
thorough reflection on them by that government. The idea
here is, that the troops sent to St. Domingo, were to proceed to
Louisiana after finishing their work in that island. If this were
the arrangement, it will give you time to return again and again
to the charge. For the conquest of St. Domingo will not be a
short work. It will take considerable time, and wear down a
great number of soldiers. Every eye in the United States is now
fixed on the affairs of Louisiana. Perhaps nothing since the
revolutionary war, has produced more uneasy sensations through
the body of the nation. Notwithstanding temporary bickerings
have taken place with France, she has still a strong hold on the
affections of our citizens generally. I have thought it not amiss,
by way of supplement to the letters of the Secretary of State, to
write you this private one, to impress you with the importance
we affix to this transaction. I pray you to cherish Dupont. He
has the best disposition for the continuance of friendship between
the two nations, and perhaps you may be able to make a good
use of him.
Accept assurances of my affectionate esteem and high con-
sideration.
CORRESPONDENCE.
TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS.
/
WASHINGTON, April 25, 1802.
DEAR SIR. — The week being now closed, during which you
had given me a hope of seeing you here, I think it safe to enclose
you my letters for Paris, lest they should fail of the benefit of so
desirable a conveyance. They are addressed to Kosciugha,
Madame de Corny, Mrs. Short, and Chancellor Livingston. You
will perceive the unlimited confidence I repose in your good
faith, and in your cordial dispositions to serve both countries,
when you observe that I leave the letters for Chancellor Living-
ston open for your perusal. The first page respects a cypher, as
do the loose sheets folded with the letter. These are interesting
to him and myself only, and therefore are not for your perusal.
It is the second, third, and fourth pages which I wish you to
read to possess yourself of completely, and then seal the letter
with wafers stuck under the flying seal, that it may be seen by
nobody else if any accident should happen to you. I wish you
to be possessed of the subject, because -you may be able to im-
press on the government of France the inevitable consequences
of their taking possession of Louisiana ; and though, as 1 here
mention, the cession of New Orleans and the Floridas to us
would be a palliation, yet I believe it would be no more, and
that this measure will cost France, and perhaps not very long
hence, a war which will annihilate her on the ocean, and place
that element under the despotism of two nations, which I am not
reconciled to the more because my own would be one of them.
Add to this the exclusive appropriation of both continents of
America as a consequence. I wish the present order of things
to continue, and with a view to this I value highly a state of
friendship between France and us. You know too well how
sincere I have ever been in these dispositions to doubt them.
You know, too, how much I value peace, and how unwillingly
I should see any event take place which would render war a
necessary resource ; and that all our movements should change
their character and object. I am thus open with you, because I
436 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
trust that you will have it in your power to impress on that
government considerations, in the scale against which the pos-
session of Louisiana is nothing. In Europe, nothing but Europe
is seen, or supposed to have any right in the affairs of nations ;
but this little event, of France's possessing herself of Louisiana,
which is thrown in as nothing, as a mere make-weight in the
general settlement of accounts, — this speck which now appears
as an almost invisible point in the horizon, is the embryo of a
tornado which will burst on the countries on both sides of the
Atlantic, and involve in its effects their highest destinies. That
it may yet be avoided is my sincere prayer ; and if you can be
the means of informing the wisdom of Bonaparte of all its con-
sequences, you have deserved well of both countries. Peace and
abstinence from European interferences are our objects, and so
will continue while the present order of things in America remain
uninterrupted. There is another service you can render. I am
told that Talleyrand is personally hostile to us. This, I suppose,
has been occasioned by the X Y Z history. But he should
consider that that was the artifice of a party, willing to sacrifice
him to the consolidation of their power. This nation has done
him justice by dismissing them, ; that those in power are precisely
those who disbelieved that story, and saw in it nothing but an
attempt to deceive our country ; that we entertain towards him
personally the most friendly dispositions ; that as to the govern-
ment of France, we know too little of the state of things there to
understand what it is, and have no inclination to meddle in their
settlement. Whatever government they establish, we wish to
be well with it. One more request, — that you deliver the letter
to Chancellor Livingston with your own hands, and, moreover,
that you charge Madame Dupont, if any accident happen to you,
that she deliver the letter with her own hands. If it passes only
through her's and your's, I shall have perfect confidence in its
safety. Present her my most sincere respects, and accept your-
self assurances of my constant affection, and my prayers, that a
genial sky and propitious gales may place you, after a pleasant
voyage, in the midst of your friends.
CORRESPONDENCE. 437
TO MR. BARLOW.
WASHINGTON, May 3, 1802.
DEAR SIR, — I have doubted whether to write to you, because
yours of August 25th, received only March 27th, gives me reason
to expect you are now on the ocean ; however, as I know that
voyages so important are often delayed, I shall venture a line by
Mr. Dupont de Nemours. The Legislature rises this day. They
have carried into execution, steadily almost, all the propositions
submitted to them in my message at the opening of the session.
Some few are laid over for want of time. The most material is the
militia, the plan of which they cannot easily modify to their gen-
eral approbation. Our majority in the House of Representatives
has been about two to one ; in the Senate, eighteeen to fifteen.
After another election it will be of two to one in the Senate,
and it would not be for the public good to have it greater. A
respectable minority is useful as censors. The present one is not
respectable, being the bitterest remains of the cup of federalism,
rendered desperate and furious by despair. A small check in the
tide of republicanism in Massachusetts, which has showed itself
very unexpectedly at the last election, is not accounted for.
Everywhere else we are becoming one. In Rhode Island the
late election gives us two to one through the whole State. Ver-
mont is decidedly with us. It is said and believed that New
Hampshire has got a majority of republicans now in its Legisla-
lature ; and wanted a few hundreds only of turning out their
federal Governor. He goes assuredly the next trial. Connecti-
cut is supposed to have gained for us about fifteen or twenty per
cent, since the last election ; but the exact issue is not yet known
here ; nor is it certainly known how we shall stand in the House
of Representatives of Massachusetts. In the Senate there we
have lost ground. The candid federalists acknowledge that their
part1;" :an never more raise its head. The operations of this
session of Congress, when known among the people at large, will
consolidate them. We shall now be so strong that we shall cer-
tainly split again ; for freemen, thinking differently and speaking
438 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
and acting as they think, will form into classes of sentiment,
But it must be under another name. That of federalism is be-
come so odious that no party can rise under it. As the division
into whig and tory is founded in the nature of man ; the weakly
and nerveless, the rich and the corrupt, seeing more safety and
accessibility in -a strong executive ; the healthy, firm, and virtu-
ous, feeling a confidence in their physical and moral resources,
and willing to part with only so much power as is necessary for
their good government ; and, therefore, to retain the rest in the
hands of the many, the division will substantially be into whig
and tory, as in England formerly. As yet no symptoms show
themselves, nor will, till after another election. I am extremely
happy to learn that you are so much at your ease, that you can
devote the rest of your life to the information of others. The
choice of a place of residence is material. I do not think you
can do better than to fix here for awhile, till you can become
again Americanized, and understand the map of the country.
This may be considered as a pleasant country residence, with a
number of neat little villages scattered around within the distance
of a mile and a half, and furnishing a plain and substantially
good society. They have begun their buildings in about four
or five different points, at each of which there are buildings
enough to be considered as a village. The whole population is
about six thousand. Mr. Madison and myself have cut out a
piece of work for you, which is to write the history of the United
States, from the close of the war downwards. We are rich our-
selves in materials, and can open all the public archives to you ;
but your residence here is essential, because a great deal of the
knowledge of things is not on paper, but only within ourselves,
for verbal communication. John Marshall is writing the life of
General Washington from his papers. It is intended to come
out just in time to influence the next presidential election. It is
written, therefore, principally with a view to electioneering pur-
poses. But it will consequently be out in time to aid you with
information, as well as to point out the perversions of truth neces-
CORRESPONDENCE. 439
sary to be rectified. Think of this, and agree to it ; and be
assured of my high esteem and attachment.
P. S. There is a most lovely seat adjoining this city, on a high
hill, commanding a most extensive view of the Potomac, now
for sale. A superb house, gardens, &c., with thirty or forty acres
of ground. It will be sold under circumstances of distress, and
will probably go for the half of what it has cost. It was built
by Gustavus Scott, who is dead bankrupt.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
June 19, 1802.
With respect to the bank of Pennsylvania, their difficulties
proceed from excessive discounts. The $3,000,000 due to
them comprehend doubtless all the desperate debts accumulated
since their institution. Their buildings should only be counted
at the value of the naked ground belonging to them ; because, if
brought to market, they are worth to private builders no more
than their materials, which are known by experience to be
worth no more than the cost of pulling down and removing them.
Their situation then is
They owe . . . ... . $2,200,000
They have of good money . ... $710,000
250,000
Ground worth perhaps . . ' -. 5,000 965,000
$1,235,000
To pay which $1,235,000, they depend on $3,000,000 of debts
due to them, the amount of which shows they are of long stand-
ing, a part desperate, a part not commandable. In this situation
it does not seem safe to deposit public money with them, and
the effect would only be to enable them to nourish their disease
by continuing their excessive discounts, the checking of which
is the only means of paving themselves from bankruptcy. The
440 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
getting them to pay the Dutch debt, is but a deposit in another
though a safer form. If we can with propriety recommend in-
dulgence to the bank of the United States, it would be attended
with the least danger to us of any of the measures suggested,
but it is in fact asking that bank to lend to the one of Pennsyl-
vania, that they may be enabled to continue lending to others.
The monopoly of a single bank is certainly an evil. The mul-
tiplication of them was intended to cure it; but it multiplied an
influence of the same character with the first, and completed
the supplanting the precious metals by a paper circulation. Be-
tween such parties the less we meddle the better.
TO DOCTOR PRIESTLEY.
WASHINGTON, June 19, 1802.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 12th has been duly received,
and with that pleasure which the approbation of the good and
the wise must ever give. The sentiments it impresses are far
beyond my merits or pretensions ; they are precious testimonies
to me however, that my sincere desire to do what is right and
just is viewed with candor. That it should be handed to the
world under the authority of your name is securing its credit
with posterity. In the great work which has been effected in
America, no individual has a right to take any great share to
himself. Our people in a body are wise, because they are under
the unrestrained and unperverted operation of their own under-
standing. Those whom they have assigned to the direction of
their affairs, have stood with a pretty even front. If any one
of them was withdrawn, many others entirely equal, have been
ready to fill his place with as good abilities. A nation, com-
posed of such materials, and free in all its members from dis-
tressing wants, furnishes hopeful implements for the interesting
experiment of self-government ; and we feel that we are acting
under obligations not confined to the limits of our own society,
CORRESPONDENCE. 441
It is impossible not to be sensible that we are acting for all
mankind ; that circumstances denied to others, but indulged to
us, have imposed on us the duty of proving what is the degree
of freedom and self-government in which a society may venture
to leave its individual members. One passage, in the paper you
enclosed me, must be corrected. It is the following, " and all
say it was yourself more than any other individual, that planned
and established it," i. e. the Constitution. I was in Europe
when the Constitution was planned, and never saw it till after
it was established. On receiving it I wrote strongly to Mr.
Madison, urging the want of provision for the freedom of re-
ligion, freedom of the press, trial by jury, habeas corpus, the
substitution of militia for a standing army, and an express reser-
vation to the States of all rights not specifically granted to the
Union. He accordingly moved in the first session of Congress
for these amendments, which were agreed to and ratified by the
States as they now stand. This is all the hand I had in what
related to the Constitution. Our predecessors made it doubtful
how far even these were of any value ; for the very law which
endangered your personal safety, as well as that which restrained
the freedom of the press, were gross violations of them. How-
ever, it is still certain that though written constitutions may be
violated in moments of passion or delusion, yet they furnish a
text to which those who are watchful may again rally and re-
call the people ; they fix too for the people the principles of their
political creed. We shall all absent ourselves from this place
during the sickly season ; say from about the 22d of July to the
last of September. Should your curiosity lead you hither either
before or after that interval, I shall be very happy to receive
you, and shall claim you as my guest. I wish the advantages
of a mild over a winter climate had been tried for you before
you were located where you are. I have ever considered this
as a public as well as personal misfortune. The choice you
made of our country for your asylum was honorable to it ; and I
lament that for the sake of your happiness and health its most
benign climates were not selected. Certainly it is a truth that
442 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
climate is one of the sources of the greatest sensual enjoyment.
I received in due time the letter of April 10th referred to in your
last, with the pamphlet it enclosed, which I read with the
pleasure I do everything from you. Accept assurances of my
highest veneration and respect.
TO RUFUS KING.
WASHINGTON, July 13, 1802.
DEAR SIR, — The course of things in the neighboring islands
of the West Indies, appear to have given a considerable impulse
to. the minds of the slaves in different parts of the United States.
A great disposition to insurgency has manifested itself among
them, which, in one instance, in the State of Virginia, broke out
into actual insurrection. This was easily suppressed ; but many
of those concerned (between twenty and thirty, I believe) fell
victims to the law. So extensive an execution could not but
excite sensibility in the public mind, arid begat a regret that the
laws had not provided for such cases, some alternative, combining
more mildness with equal efficacy. The Legislature of the
State at a subsequent meeting took the subject into consideration,
and have communicated to me through the Governor of the
State, their wish that some place could be provided, out of the
limits of the United States, to which slaves guilty of insurgency
might be transported ; and they have particularly looked to
Africa as offering the most desirable receptacle. We might, for
this purpose, enter into negotiations with the natives, on some
part of the coast, to obtain a settlement ; and, by establishing an
African company, combine with it commercial operations, which
might not only reimburse expenses, but procure profit also. But
there being already such an establishment on that coast by the
English Sierra Leone company, made for the express purpose of
colonizing civilized blacks to that country, it would seem better,
by incorporating our emigrants with theirs, to make one strong,
rather than two weak colonies. This would be the more desir-
COEKESPONDENCE. 443
able because the blacks settled at Sierra Leone having chiefly
gone from the States, would often receive among those we should
send, their acquaintances and relatives. The object of this letter
therefore is to ask the favor of you to enter into conference with
such persons private and public as would be necessary to give us
permission to send thither the persons under contemplation. It
is material to observe that they are not felons, or common male-
factors, but persons guilty of what the safety of society, under
actual circumstances, obliges us to treat as a crime, but which
their feelings may represent in a far different shape. They are
such as will be a valuable acquisition to the settlement already
existing there, and well calculated to co-operate in the plan of
civilization.
As the expense of so distant a transportation would be very
heavy, and might weigh unfavorably in deciding between the
modes of punishment, it is very desirable that it should be less-
ened as much as practicable. If the regulations of the place
would permit these emigrants to dispose of themselves, as the
Germans and others do who come to this country poor, by giving
their labor for a certain time to some one who will pay their
passage ; and if the master of the vessel could be permitted to
carry articles of commerce from this country and take back others
from that, which might yield him a mercantile profit suflicient to
cover the expenses of the voyage, a serious difficulty would be
removed. I will ask your attention therefore to arrangements
necessary for this purpose.
The consequences of permitting emancipations to become ex-
tensive, unless the condition of emigration be annexed to them,
furnish also matter of solicitation to the Legislature of Virginia,
as you will perceive by their resolution enclosed to you. Although
provision for the settlement of emancipated negroes might per-
haps be obtainable nearer home than Africa, yet it is desirable
that we should be free to expatriate this description of people
also to the colony of Sierra Leone, if considerations respecting
either themselves or us should render it more expedient. I will
pray you therefore to get the same permission extended to the
444 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
reception of these as well as the first mentioned. Nor will there
be a selection of bad subjects ; the emancipations, for the most
part, being either of the whole slaves of the master, or of such
individuals as have particularly deserved well : the latter is most
frequent.
The request of the Legislature of Virginia having produced to
me the occasion of addressing you, I avail myself of it to assure
you of my perfect satisfaction with the manner in which you
have conducted the several matters confided to you by us ; and
to express my hope that through your agency we may be able
to remove everything inauspicious to a cordial friendship between
this country and the one in which you are stationed ; a friend-
ship dictated by too many considerations not to be felt by the
wise and the dispassionate of both nations. It is therefore with
the sincerest pleasure I have observed on the part of the British
government various manifestations of just and friendly disposition
towards us. We wish to cultivate peace and friendship with all na-
tions, believing that course most conducive to the welfare of our
own. It is natural that these friendships should bear some pro-
portion to the common interests of the parties. The interesting
relations between Great Britain and the United States, are cer-
tainly of the first order ; and as such are estimated, and will be
faithfully cultivated by us. These sentiments have been com-
municated to you from time to time in the official correspondence
of the Secretary of State ; but I have thought it might not be
unacceptable to be assured that they perfectly concur with my
own personal convictions, both in relation to yourself and the
country in which you are. I pray you to accept assurances of
my high consideration and respect.
TO GOVERNOR MONROE.
WASHINGTON, July 15, 1802.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 7th has been duly received. I
am really mortified at the base ingratitude of Callendar. It pre-
CORRESPONDENCE. 445
sents human nature in a hideous form. It gives me concern,
because I perceive that relief, which was afforded him on mere
motives of charity, may be viewed under the aspect of employing
him as a writer. When the Political Progress of Britain first
appeared in this country, it was in a periodical publication called
the Bee, where I saw it. I was speaking of it in terms of strong
approbation to a friend in Philadelphia, when he asked me if I
knew that the author was then in the city, a fugitive from prose-
cution on account of that work, and in want of employ for his
subsistence. This was the first of my learning that Callendar
was the author of the work. I considered him as a man of
science fled from persecution, and assured my friend of my readi-
ness to do whatever could serve him. It was long after this
before I saw him ; probably not till 1798. He had, in the mean-
time, written a second part of the Political Progress, much inferior
to the first, and his History of the United States. In 1T98, I
think, I was applied to by Mr. Lieper to contribute to his relief.
I did so. In 1799, I think, S. T. Mason applied for him. I
contributed again. He had, by this time, paid me two or three
personal visits. When he fled in a panic from Philadelphia to
General Mason's, he wrote to me that he was a fugitive in want
of employ, wished to know if he could get into a counting-house
or a school, in my neighborhood or in that of Richmond ; that
he had materials for a volume, and if he could get as much
money as would buy the paper, the profit of the sale would be
all his own. I availed myself of this pretext to cover a mere
charity, by desiring him to consider me a subscriber for as many
copies of his book as the money enclosed (fifty dollars) amounted
to ; but to send me two copies only, as the others might lay till
called for. But I discouraged his coming into my neighborhood.
His first writings here had fallen far short of his original Political
Progress, and the scurrilities of his subsequent ones began evi-
dently to do mischief. As to myself, no man wished more to see
his pen stopped ; but I considered him still as a proper object of
benevolence. The succeeding year, he again wanted money to
buy paper for another volume. I made his letter, as before, the
446 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
occasion of giving him another fifty dollars. He considers these
as proofs of my approbation of his writings, when they were
mere charities, yielded under a strong conviction that he was in-
juring us by his writings. It is known to many that the sums
given to him were such, and even smaller than I was in the
habit of giving to others in distress, of the federal as well as the
republican party, without attention to political principles. Soon
after I was elected to the government, Callendar came on here,
wishing to be made postmaster at Richmond. I knew him to
be totally unfit for it ; and however ready I was to aid him with
my own charities, (and I then gave him fifty dollars,) I did not
think the public offices confided to me to give away as charities.
He took it in mortal offence, and from that moment has been
hauling off to his former enemies, the federalists. Besides the
letter I wrote him in answer to the one from General Mason's, I
wrote him another, containing answers to two questions he ad-
dressed to me. 1. Whether Mr. Jay received salary as Chief
Justice and Envoy at the same time ; and 2, something relative
to the expenses of an embassy to Constantinople. I think these
were the only letters I ever wrote him in answer to volumes he
was perpetually writing to me. This is the true state of what
has passed between him and me. I do not know that it can be
used without committing me in controversy, as it were, with one
too little respected by the public to merit that notice. I leave
to your judgment what use can be made of these facts. Perhaps
it will be better judged of, when we see what use the tories will
endeavor to make of their new friend. 1 shall leave this on the
21st, and be at Monticello probably on the 24th, or within two
or three days of that, and shall hope, ere long, to see you there.
Accept assurances of my affectionate attachment.
TO GOVERNOR MONROE.
WASHINGTON, July 17, 1802.
DEAR SIR, — After writing you on the 15th, I turned to my
letter file to see what letters I had written to Callendar, and found
CORRESPONDENCE. 447
them to have been of the dates of 1798, October the llth, and
1799, September the 6th, and October the 6th ; but on looking
for the letters, they were not in their places, nor to be found.
On recollection, I believe I sent them to you a year or two ago.
If you have them, I shall be glad to receive them at Monticello,
where I shall be on this day se'nnight. I enclose you a paper,
which shows the tories mean to pervert these charities to Callen-
dar as much as they can. They will probably first represent me
as the patron and support of the Prospect before us, and other
things of Callendar's; and then picking out all the scurrilities of
the author against General Washington, Mr. Adams, and others,
impute them to me. I, as well as most other republicans who
were in the way of doing it, contributed what I could afford to
the support of the republican papers and printers, paid sums of
money for the Bee, the Albany Register, &c., when they were
staggering under the sedition law ; contributed to the fines of
Callendar himself, of Holt, Brown and others, suffering under
that law. I discharged, when I came into office, such as were
under the persecution of our enemies, without instituting any
prosecutions in retaliation. They may, therefore, with the same
justice, impute to me, or to every republican contributor, every-
thing which was ever published in those papers or by those per-
sons. I must correct a fact in mine of the 15th. I find I did
not enclose the fifty dollars to Callendar himself while at General
Mason's, but authorized the general to draw on my correspondent
at Richmond, and to give the money to Callendar. So the other
fifty dollars of which he speaks were by order on my correspond-
ent at Richmond.
Accept assurances of my affectionate esteem and respect.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
WASHINGTON, October 10, 1802.
DEAR 3m, — TLp. departure of Madame Brugnard for France
furnishes me ». safe conveyance of a letter, which I cannot avoid
448 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
embracing, although I have nothing particular for the subject of
it. It is well, however, to be able to inform you, generally,
through a safe channel, that we stand completely corrected of the
error, that either the government or the nation of France has any
remains of friendship for us. The portion of that country which
forms an exception, though respectable in weight, is weak in
numbers. On the contrary, it appears evident, that an unfriendly
spirit prevails in the most important individuals of the govern-
ment, towards us. In this state of things, we shall so take our
distance between the two rival nations, as, remaining disengaged
till necessity compels us, we may haul finally to the enemy of
that which shall make it necessary. We see all the disadvan-
tageous consequences of taking a side, and shall be forced into it
only by a more disagreeable alternative ; in which event, we
must countervail the disadvantages by measures which will give
us splendor and power, but not as much happiness as our present
system. We wish, therefore, to remain well with France. But
we see that no consequences, however ruinous to them, can
secure us with certainty against the extravagance of her present
rulers. I think, therefore, that while we do nothing which the
first nation on earth would deem crouching, we had better give
to all our communications with them a very mild, complaisant,
and even friendly complexion, but always independent. Ask no
favors, leave small and irritating things to be conducted by the
individuals interested in them, interfere ourselves but in the
greatest cases, and then not push them to irritation. No matter
at present existing between them and us is important enough to
risk a breach of peace ; peace being indeed the most important
of all things for us, except the preserving an erect and indepen-
dent attitude. Although I know your own judgment leads you
to pursue this line identically, yet I thought it just to strengthen
it by the concurrence of my own. You will have seen by our
newspapers, that with the aid of a lying renegade from repub-
licanism, the federalists have opened all their sluices of calumny.
They say we lied them out of power, and openly avow they will
do the same by us. But it was not lies or arguments on our
CORRESPONDENCE.
part which dethroned them, but their own foolish acts, sedition
laws, alien laws, taxes, extravagances and heresies. Porcupine,
their friend, wrote them down. Callendar, their new recruit,
will do the same. Every decent man among them revolts at
his filth ; and there cannot be a doubt, that were a Presidential
election to come on this day, they would certainly have but three
New England States, and about half a dozen votes from Mary-
land and North Carolina ; these two States electing by districts.
Were all the States to elect by a general ticket, they would have
but three out of sixteen States. And these three are coming up
slowly. We do, indeed, consider Jersey and Deleware as rather
doubtful. Elections which have lately taken place there, but
their event not yet known here, will show the present point of
their varying condition.
My letters to you being merely private, I leave all details of
business to their official channel.
Accept assurances of my constant friendship and high respect.
P. S. We have received your letter announcing the arrival of
Mr. Dupont.
TO ALBERT GALLATIN.
October 13, 1802.
You know my doubts, or rather convictions, about the uncon-
stitutionality of the act for building piers in the Deleware, and
the fears that it will lead to a bottomless expense, and to the
greatest abuses. There is, however, one intention of which the
act is susceptible, and which will bring it within the Constitu-
tion ; and we ought always to presume that the real intention
which is alone consistent with the Constitution. Although the
power to regulate commerce does not give a power to build piers,
wharves, open ports, clear the beds of rivers, dig canals, build
warehouses, build manufacturing machines, set up manufactories,
cultivate the earth, to all of which the power would go if it went
to the first, yet a power to provide and maintain a navy, is a
VOL. iv 29
450 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
power to provide receptacles for it, and places to cover and pre-
serve it. In choosing the places where this money should be
laid out, I should be much disposed, as far as contracts will per-
mit, to confine it to such place or places as the ships of war may
lie at, and be protected from ice ; and I should be for stating this
in a message to Congress, in order to prevent the effect of the
present example. This act has been built on the exercise of the
power of building light houses, as a regulation of commerce.
But I well remember the opposition, on this very ground, to the
first act for building a light house. The utility of the thing has
sanctioned the infraction. But if on that infraction we build a
second, on that second a third, &c., any one of the powers in the
Constitution may be made to comprehend every power of govern-
ment. Will you read the enclosed letters on the subject of New
Orleans, and think what we can do or propose in the case ?
Accept my affectionate salutations.
TO LEVI LINCOLN.
WASHINGTON, October 25, 1802.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 16th is received, and that of
July the 24th had come to hand while I was at Monticello. I
sincerely condole with you on the sickly state of your family,
and hope this will find them re-established with the approach of
the cold season. As yet, however, we have had no frost in this
place, and it is believed the yellow fever still continues in Phila-
delphia, if not in Baltimore. We shall all be happy to see you
here whenever the state of your family admits it. You will
have seen by the newspapers that we have gained ground gen-
erally in the elections, that we have lost ground in not a single
district of the United States, except Kent county in Delaware,
where a religious dissension occasioned it. In Jersey the elec-
tions are always carried by small majorities, consequently the
issue is affected by the smallest accidents. By the paper of the
CORRESPONDENCE. 451
last night we have a majority of three in their Council, and one
in their House of Representatives ; another says it is only of one
in each House : even the latter is sufficient for every purpose.
The opinion I originally formed has never been changed, that
such of the body of the people as thought themselves federalists,
would find that they were in truth republicans, and would come
over to us by degrees ; but that their leaders had gone too far
ever to change. Their bitterness increases with their despera-
tion. They are trying slanders now which nothing could prompt
but a gall which blinds their judgments as well as their con-
sciences. I shall take no other revenge, than, by a steady
pursuit of economy and peace, and by the establishment of
republican principles in substance and in form, to sink federalism
into an abyss from which there shall be no resurrection for it. I
still think our original idea as to office is best : that is, to depend,
for the obtaining a just participation, on deaths, resignations, and
delinquencies. This will least affect the tranquillity of the
people, and prevent their giving into the suggestion of our
enemies, that ours has been a contest for office, not for principle.
This is rather a slow operation, but it is sure if we pursue it
steadily, which, however, has not been done with the undeviat-
ing resolution I could have wished. To these means of obtaining
a just share in the transaction of the public business, shall be
added one other, to wit, removal for electioneering activity, or
open and industrious opposition to the principles of the present
government, legislative and executive. Every officer of the gov-
ernment may vote at elections according to his conscience ; but
we should betray the cause committed to our care, were we to
permit the influence of official patronage to be used to overthrow
that cause. Your present situation will enable you to judge of
prominent offenders in your State, in the case of the present elec-
tion. I pray you to seek them, to mark them, to be quite sure
of your ground, that we may commit no error or wrong, and
leave the rest to me. I have been urged to remove Mr. Whitte-
more, the surveyor of Gloucester, on grounds of neglect of duty
and industrious opposition. Yet no facts are so distinctly charged
452 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
as to make the step sure which we should take in this. Will you
take the trouble to satisfy yourself on this point ? I think it not
amiss that it should be known that we are determined to remove
officers who are active or open mouthed against the government,
by which I mean the legislature as well as the executive. Accept
assurances of my sincere friendship and high respect.
TO THOMAS COOPER, ESQ.
WASHINGTON, November 29, 1802.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of October 25th was received in due
time, and I thank you for the long extract you took the trouble
of making from Mr. Stone's letter. Certainly the information it
communicates as to Alexander kindles a great deal of interest in
his existence, and strong spasms of the heart in his favor.
Though his means of doing good are great, yet the materials on
which he is to work are refractory. Whether he engages in pri-
vate correspondences abroad, as the King of Prussia did much,
and his grandfather sometimes, I know not ; but certainiy such
a correspondence would be very interesting to those who are sin-
cerely anxious to see mankind raised from their present abject
condition. It delights me to find that there are persons who
still think that all is not lost in France : that their retrogradation
from a limited to an unlimited despotism, is but to give them-
selves a new impulse. But I see not how or when. The press,
the only tocsin of a nation, is completely silenced there, and all
means of a general effort taken away. However, I am willing
to hope, and as long as anybody will hope with me ; and I am
entirely persuaded that the agitations of the public mind advance
its powers, and that at every vibration between the points of
liberty and despotism, something will be gained for the former.
As men become better informed, their rulers must respect them
the more. I think you will be sensible that our citizens are fast
returning, from the panic into which they were artfully thrown
CORRESPONDENCE. 453
to the dictates of their own reason ; and I believe the delusions
they have seen themselves hurried into will be useful as a lesson
under similar attempts on them in future. The good effects of
our late fiscal arrangements will certainly tend to unite them in
opinion, and in confidence as to the views of their public func-
tionaries, legislative and executive. The path we have to pur-
sue is so quiet that we have nothing scarcely to propose to our
Legislature. A noiseless course, meddling with the affairs of
others, unattractive of notice, is a mark that society is going on
in happiness. If we can prevent the government from wasting
the labors of the people, under the pretence of taking care of
them, they must become happy. Their finances are now under
such a course of application as nothing could derange but war
or federalism. The gripe of the latter has shown itself as deadly
as the jaws of the former. Our adversaries say we are indebted
to their providence for the means of paying the public debt.
We never charged them with the want of foresight in providing
money, but with the misapplication of it after they had provided
it. We say they raised not only enough, but too much ; and
that after giving back the surplus we do more with a part than
they did with the whole.
Your letter of November 18th is also received. The places
of midshipman are so much sought that (being limited) there is
never a vacancy. Your son shall be set down for the 2d, which
shall ; the 1st being anticipated. We are not long generally
without vacancies happening. As soon as he can be appointed
you shall know it. I pray you to accept assurances of my great
attachment and respect.
TO GOVERNOR MONROE.
WASHINGTON,. January 13, 1803.
DEAR SIR, — I dropped you a line on the 10th, informing you
of a nomination I had made of you to the Senate, and yesterday
I enclosed you their approbation, not then having time to write.
454 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
The agitation of the public mind on occasion of the late suspen-
sion of our right of deposit at New Orleans is extreme. In the
western country it is natural, and grounded on honest motives.
In the sea ports it proceeds from a desire for war, which increases
the mercantile lottery : in the federalists, generally, and especial-
ly those of Congress, the object is to force us into war if possible,
in order to derange our finances, or if this cannot be done, to at-
tach the western country to them, as their best friends, and thus
get again into power. Remonstrances, memorials, &c., are now
circulating through the whole of the western country, and signed
by the body of the people. The measures we have been pursu-
ing, being invisible, do not satisfy their minds. Something sen-
sible, therefore, has become necessary ; and indeed our object of
purchasing New Orleans and the Floridas is a measure liable to
assume so many shapes, that no instructions could be squared to
fit them. It was essential then, to send a minister extraordinary,
to be joined with the ordinary one, with discretionary powers;
first, however, well impressed with all our views, and therefore
qualified to meet and modify to these every form of proposition
which could come from the other party. This could be done
only in full and frequent oral communications. Having deter-
mined on this, there could not be two opinions among the repub-
licans as to the person. You possessed the unlimited confidence
of the administration and of the western people ; and generally
of the republicans everywhere ; and were you to refuse to go, no
other man can be found who does this. The measure has al-
ready silenced the federalists here. Congress will no longer be
agitated by them ; and the country will become calm fast as the
information extends over it. All eyes, all hopes are now fixed
on you ; and were you to decline, the chagrin would be univer-
sal, and would shake under your feet the high ground on which
you stand with the public. Indeed, I know nothing which would
produce such a shock. For on the event of this mission depend
the future destinies of this republic. If we cannot by a purchase
of the country, insure to ourselves a course of perpetual peace and
friendship with all nations, then as war cannot be distant, it be-
CORRESPONDENCE. 455
hooves us immediately to be preparing for that course, without,
however, hastening it ; and it may be necessary (on your failure
on the continent) to cross the channel. We shall get entangled
in European politics, and figuring more, be much less happy and
prosperous. This can only be prevented by a successful issue to
your present mission. I am sensible after the measures you have
taken for getting into a different line of business, that it will be a
great sacrifice on your part, and presents from the season and
other circumstances serious difficulties. But some men are born
for the public. Nature by fitting them for the service of the hu-
man race on a broad scale, has stamped them with the evidences
of her destination and their duty.
But I am particularly concerned, that, in the present case, you
have more than one sacrifice to make. To reform the prodigali-
ties of our predecessors is understood to be peculiarly our duty,
and to bring the government to a simple and economical course.
They, in order to increase expense, debt, taxation and patronage,
tried always how much they could give. The outfit given to
ministers resident to enable them to furnish their house, but
given by no nation to a temporary minister, who is never expect-
ed to take a house or to entertain, but considered on the footing
of a voyageur, they gave to their extraordinary ministers by
wholesale. In the beginning of our administration, among other
articles of reformation in expense, it was determined not to give
an outfit to ministers extraordinary, and not to incur the ex-
pense with any minister of sending a frigate to carry or bring
him. The Boston happened to be going to the Mediterranean,
and was permitted, therefore, to take up Mr. Livingston, and
touch in a port of France. A frigate was denied to Charles
Pinckney, and has been refused to Mr. King for his return. Mr.
Madison's friendship and mine to you being so well known, the
public will have eagle eyes to watch if we grant you any indul-
gences out of the general rule ; and on the other hand, the ex-
ample set in your case will be more cogent on future ones, and
produce greater approbation to our conduct. The allowance,
therefore, will be in this, and all similar cases, all the expenses
456 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
of your journey and voyage, taking a ship's cabin to yourself,
nine thousand dollars a year from your leaving home till the pro-
ceedings of your mission are terminated, and then the quarter's
salary for the expenses of your return, as prescribed by law. As
to the time of your going, you cannot too much hasten it, as the
moment in France is critical. St. Domingo delays their taking
possession of Louisiana, and they are in the last distress for money
for current purposes. You should arrange your affairs for an ab-
sence of a year at least, perhaps for a long one. It will be ne-
cessary for you to stay here some days on your way to New York.
You will receive here what advance you choose.
Accept assurances of my constant and affectionate attachment.
TO M. DUPONT.
WASHINGTON, February 1, 1803.
DEAR SIR, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favors
of August the 16th and October the 4th. The latter I received
with peculiar satisfaction ; because, while it holds up terms which
cannot be entirely yielded, it proposes such as a mutual spirit of
accommodation and sacrifice of opinion may bring to some point
of union. While we were preparing on this subject such modi-
fications of the propositions of your letter of October the 4th, as
we could assent to, an event happened which obliged us to adopt
measures of urgency. The suspension of the right of deposit
at New Orleans, ceded to us by our treaty with Spain, threw our
whole country into such a ferment as imminently threatened its
peace. This, however, was believed to be the act of the Inten-
dant, unauthorized by his government. But it showed the neces-
sity of making effectual arrangements to secure the peace of the
two countries against the indiscreet acts of subordinate agents.
The urgency of the case, as well as the public spirit, therefore
induced us to make a more solemn appeal to the justice and
judgment of our neighbors, by sending a minister extraordinary
CORRESPONDENCE. 457
to impress them with the necessity of some arrangement. Mr.
Monroe has been selected. His good dispositions cannot be
doubted. Multiplied conversations with him, and views of the
subject taken in all the shapes in which it can present itself, have
possessed him with our estimates of everything relating to it,
with a minuteness which no written communication to Mr. Liv-
ingston could ever have attained. These will prepare them to
meet and decide on every form of proposition which can occur,
without awaiting new instructions from hence, which might
draw to an indefinite length a discussion where circumstances
imperiously oblige us to a prompt decision. For the occlusion
of the Mississippi is a state of things in which we cannot exist.
He goes, therefore, joined with Chancellor Livingston, to aid in
the issue of a crisis the most important the United States have
ever met since their independence, and which is to decide their
future character and career. The confidence which the govern-
ment of France reposes in you, will undoubtedly give great
weight to your information. An equal confidence on our part,
founded on your knowledge of the subject, your just views of it,
your good dispositions towards this country, and my long expe-
rience of your personal faith and friendship, assures me that you
will render between us all the good offices in your power. The
interests of the two countries being absolutely the same as to
this matter, your aid may be conscientiously given. It will often
perhaps, be possible for you, having a freedom of communication,
omnibus horis, which diplomatic gentlemen will be excluded
from by forms, to smooth difficulties by representations and rea-
sonings, which would be received with more suspicion from them.
You will thereby render great good to both countries. For our
circumstances are so imperious as to admit of no delay as to our
course ; and the use of the Mississippi so indispensable, that we
cannot hesitate one moment to hazard our existence for its main-
tenance. If we fail in this effort to put it beyond the reach of
accident, we see the destinies we have to run, and prepare at
once for them. Not but that we shall still endeavor to go on in
peace and friendship with our neighbors as long as we can, if our
458 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
rights of navigation and deposit are respected ; but as we fore-
see that the caprices of the local officers, and the abuse of those
rights by our boatmen and navigators, which neither govern-
ment can prevent, will keep up a state of irritation which cannot
long be kept inactive, we should be criminally improvident not
to take at once eventual measures for strengthening ourselves for
the contest. It may be said, if this object be so all-important to
us, why do we not offer such a sum to as to insure its purchase ?
The answer is simple. We are an agricultural people, poor in
money, and owing great debts. These will be falling due by instal-
ments for fifteen years to come, and require from us the practice
of a rigorous economy to accomplish their payment ; and it is
our principle to pay to a moment whatever we have engaged, and
never to engage what we cannot, and mean not faithfully to pay.
We have calculated our resources, and find the sum to be moder-
ate which they would enable us to pay, and we know from late
trials that little can be added to it by borrowing. The country,
too, which we wish to purchase, except the portion already
granted, and which must be confirmed to the private holders, is
a barren sand, six hundred miles from east to west, and from
thirty to forty and fifty miles from north to south, formed by de-
position of the sands by the Gulf Stream in its circular course
round the Mexican Gulf, and which being spent after performing
a semicircle, has made from its last depositions the sand bank of
East Florida. In West Florida, indeed, there are on the borders
of the rivers some rich bottoms, formed by the mud brought
from the upper country. These bottoms are all possessed by
individuals. But the spaces between river and river are mere
banks of sand ; and in East Florida there are neither rivers, nor
consequently any bottoms. We cannot then make anything by
a sale of the lands to individuals. So that it is peace alone
which makes it an object with us, and which ought to make the
cession of it desirable to France. Whatever power, other than
ourselves, holds the country east of the Mississippi becomes our
natural enemy. Will such a possession do France as much good,
as such an enemy may do her harm ? And how long would it
CORRESPONDENCE. 459
"be hers, were such an enemy, situated at its door, added to Great
Britain ? I confess, it appears to me as essential to France to
keep at peace with us, as it is to us to keep at peace with her ;
and that, if this cannot he secured without some compromise as
to the territory in question, it will be useful for both to make
some sacrifices to effect the compromise.
You see, my good friend, with what frankness I communicate
with you on this subject ; that I hide nothing from you, and that
I am endeavoring to turn our private, friendship to the good of
our respective countries. And can private friendship ever an-
swer a nobler end than by keeping two nations at peace, who,
if this new position which one of them is taking were rendered
innocent, have more points of common interest, and fewer of
collision, than any two on earth ; who become natural friends,
instead of natural enemies, which this change of position would
make them. My letters of April the 25th, May the 5th, and this
present one have been written, without any disguise, in this
view ; and while safe in your hands they can never do anything
but good. But you and I are now at that time of life when our
call to another state of being cannot be distant, and may be near.
Besides, your government is in the habit of seizing papers with-
out notice. These letters might thus get into hands, which,
like the hornet which extracts poison from the same flower that
yields honey to the bee, might make them the ground of blow-
ing up a flame between our two countries, and make our friend-
ship and confidence in ea(5h other effect exactly the reverse of
what we are aiming it. Being yourself thoroughly possessed of
every idea in them, let me ask from your friendship an immediate
consignment of them to the flames. That alone can make all
safe, and ourselves secure.
I intended to have answered you here, on the subject of your
agency in the transacting what money matters we may have at
Paris, and for that purpose meant to have conferred with Mr.
Gallatin. But he has, for two or three days, been confined to
his room, and is not yet able to do business. If he is out before
Mr. Monroe's departure, I will write an additional letter on that
460 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
subject. Be assured that it will be a great additional satisfaction
to me to render services to yourself and sons by the same acts
which shall at the same time promote the public service. Be so
good as to present my respectful salutations to Madame Dupont,
and to accept yourself assurances of my constant and affectionate
friendship and great respect.
TO CHANCELLOR LIVINGSTON.
WASHINGTON, February 3, 1803.
DEAR SIR, — My last to you was by Mr. Dupont. Since that
I received yours of May 22d. Mr. Madison supposes you have
written a subsequent one which has never come to hand. A
late suspension by the Intendant of New Orleans of our right of
deposit there, without which the right of navigation is imprac-
ticable, has thrown this country into such a flame of hostile
disposition as can scarcely be described. The western country
was peculiarly sensible to it as you may suppose. Our business
was to take the most effectual pacific measures in our power to
remove the suspension, and at the same time to persuade om
countrymen that pacific measures would be the most effectual
and the most speedily so. The opposition caught it as a plank
in a shipwreck, hoping it would enable them to tack the West-
ern people to them. They raised the cry of war, were intrigu-
ing in all quarters to exasperate the Western inhabitants to
arm and go down on their own authority and possess them-
selves of New Orleans, and in the meantime were daily reiterat-
ing, in new shapes, inflammatory resolutions for the adoption
of the House. As a remedy to all this we determined to name
a minister extraordinary to go immediately to Paris and Madrid
to settle this matter. This measure being a visible one and the
person named peculiarly proper with the Western country,
crushed at once and put an end to all further attempts on the
Legislature. From that moment all has become quiet ; and the
CORRESPONDENCE. 461
more readily in the Western country, as the sudden alliance of
these new federal friends had of itself already began to make
them suspect the wisdom of their own course. The measure
was moreover proposed from another cause. We must know at
once whether we can acquire New Orleans or not. We are sat-
isfied nothing else will secure us against a war at no distant pe-
riod ; and we cannot press this reason without beginning those
arrangements which will be necessary if war is hereafter to re-
sult. For this purpose it was necessary that the negotiators
should be fully possessed of every idea we have on the subject,
so as to meet the propositions of the opposite party, in whatever
form they may be offered ; and give them a shape admissible
by us without being obliged to await new instructions hence.
With this view, we have joined Mr. Monroe with yourself at
Paris, and to Mr. Pintency at Madrid, although we believe it
will be hardly necessary for him to go to this last place. Should
we fail in this object of the mission, a further one will be super-
added for the other side of the channel. On this subject you
will be informed by the Secretary of State, and Mr. Monroe
will be able also to inform you of all our views and purposes.
By him I send another letter to Dupont, whose aid may be of
the greatest service, as it will be divested of the shackles of form.
The letter is left open for your perusal, after which I wish a
wafer stuck in it before it be delivered. The official and the
verbal communications to you by Mr. Monroe will be so full
and minute, that I need not trouble you with an inofficial repe-
tition of them. The future destinies of our country hang on the
event of this negotiation, and I am sure they could not be placed
in more able or more zealous hands. On our parts we shall be
satisfied that what you do not effect, cannot be effected. Ac-
cept therefore assurances of my sincere and constant affection
and high respect.
462 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO MR. PICTET.
WASHINGTON, February 5, 1803.
DEAR SIR, — It is long since I might have acknowledged yoiu
favor of May 20, 1801, which however I did not receive till
January, 1802. My incessant occupations on matters which
will not bear delay, occasion those which can be put off to lie
often for a considerable time. I rejoice that the opinion which
I gave you on the removal hither proved useful. I knew it was
not safe for you to lake such a step until it would be done on
sure ground. I hoped at that time that some canal shares, which
were at the disposal of General Washington, might have been
applied towards the establishment of a good seminary of learn-
ing ; but he had already proceeded too far on another plan to
change their direction. I have still had constantly in view to
propose to the legislature of Virginia the establishment of one on
as large a scale as our present circumstances would require or
bear. But as yet no favorable moment has occurred. In the
meanwhile I am endeavoring to procure materials for a good
plan. With this view I am to ask the favor of you to give me
a sketch of the branches of science taught in your college,
how they are distributed among the professors, that is to say,
how many professors there are, and what branches of science
are allotted to each professor, and the days and hours assigned
to each branch. Your successful experience in the distribution
of business will be a valuable guide to us, who are without ex-
perience. I am sensible I am imposing on your goodness a
troublesome task ; but I believe every son of science feels a
strong and disinterested desire of promoting it in every part of
the earth, and it is the consciousness as well as confidence in this
which emboldens me to make the present request.
In the line of science we have little new here. Our citizens
almost all follow some industrious occupation, and therefore have
little time to devote to abstract science. In the arts, and espe-
cially in the mechanical arts, many ingenious improvements are
made in consequence of the patent-right giving exclusive use of
CORRESPONDENCE. 463
them for fourteen years. But the great mass of our people are
agricultural ; and the commercial cities, though, by the command
of newspapers, they make a great deal of noise, have little effect
in the direction of the government. They are as different in
sentiment and character from the country people as any two
distinct nations, and are clamorous against the order of things es-
tablished by the agricultural interest. Under this order, our
citizens generally are enjoying a very great degree of liberty
and security in the most temperate manner. Every man being
at his ease, feels an interest in the preservation of order, and
comes forth to preserve it at the first call of the magistrate. We
are endeavoring too to reduce the government to the practice of
a rigorous economy, to avoid burthening the people, and arming
the magistrate with a patronage of money, which might be used
to corrupt and undermine the principles of our government. I
state these general outlines to you, because I believe you take
some interest in our fortune, and because our newspapers for the
most part, present only the caricatures of disaffected minds.
Indeed the abuses of the freedom of the press here have been
carried to a length never before known or borne by any civil-
ized nation. But it is so difficult to draw a clear line of sepa-
ration between the abuse and the wholesome use of the press,
that as yet we have found it better to trust the public judgment,
rather than the magistrate, with the discrimination between
truth and falsehood. And hitherto the public judgment has
performed that office with wonderful correctness. Should you
favor me with a letter, the safest channel of conveyance will be
the American minister at Paris or London. I pray you to ac-
cept assurances of my great esteem, and high respect and con-
sideration.
TO GENERAL JACKSON.
WASHINGTON, February 16, 1803.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 14th was received on the same
day, and will be duly attended to in the course of our affairs with
464 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
the Creeks. In keeping agents among the Indians, two objects
are principally in view : 1. The preservation of peace ; 2. The
obtaining lands. Towards effecting the latter object, we con-
sider the leading the Indians to agriculture as the principal means
from which we can expect much effect in future. When they
shall cultivate small spots of earth, and see how useless their ex-
tensive forests are, they will sell, from time to time, to help out
their personal labor in stocking their farms, and procuring clothes
and comforts from our trading houses. Towards the attainment
of our two objects of peace and lands, it is essential that our
agent acquire that sort of influence over the Indians which rests
on confidence. In this respect, I suppose that no man has ever
obtained more influence than Colonel Hawkins. Towards the
preservation of peace, he is omnipotent ; in the encouragement
of agriculture, he is indefatigable and successful. These a~e im-
portant portions of his duty. But doubts are entertained by some
whether he is not more attached to the interests of the Indians
than of the United States ; whether he is willing they should
cede lands, when they are willing to do it. If his own solemn
protestations can command any faith, he urges the ceding lands
as far as he finds it practicable to induce them. He only refuses
to urge what he knows cannot be obtained. He is not willing
to destroy his own influence by pressing what he knows cannot
be obtained. This is his representation. Against this I should
not be willing to substitute suspicion for proof; but I shall
always be open to any proofs that he obstructs cessions of land
which the Indians are willing to make ; and of this, Sir, you
may be assured, that he shall be placed under as strong a pressure
from the executive to obtain cessions as he can feel from any
opposite quarter to obstruct. He shall be made sensible that his
value will be estimated by us in proportion to the benefits he
can obtain for us. I am myself alive to the obtaining lands from
the Indians by all honest and peaceable means, and I believe that
the honest and peaceable means adopted by us will obtain them
as fast as the expansion of our settlements, with due regard to
compactness, will require. The war department, charged with
CORRESPONDENCE. 465
Indian affairs, is under the impression of these principles, and will
second my views with sincerity. And, in the present case, be-
sides the official directions which will go to Colonel Hawkins,
immediately to spare no efforts from which any success can be
hoped to obtain the residue of the Oconee and Oakmulgee fork,
I shall myself write to Colonel Hawkins, and possess him fully
of my views arid expectations ; and this with such explanations
as I trust will bring him cordially into them, as they are unques-
tionably equally for the interest of the Indians and ourselves.
I have availed myself of the occasion furnished by your letter
of explaining to you my views on this subject with candor, and
of assuring you they shall be pursued unremittingly. When
speaking of the Oakmulgee fork, I ought to have added, that we
shall do whatever can be done properly in behalf of Wafford's
settlement ; and that as to the South-Eastern road, it will be
effected, as we consider ourselves entitled, on principles acknowl-
edged by all men, to an innocent passage through the lands of a
neighbor, and to admit no refusal of it. Accept assurances of
nr.y great esteem and high consideration.
TO COLONEL HAWKINS.
WASHINGTON, February 18, 1803.
DEAR SIR, — Mr. Hill's return to you offers so safe a conveyance
for a letter, that I feel irresistibly disposed to write one, though
there is but little to write about. You have been so long absent
from this part of the world, and the state of society so changed
in that time, that details respecting those who compose it are no
longer interesting or intelligible to you. One source of great
change in social intercourse arose while you were with us, though
its effects were as yet scarcely sensible on society or government.
I mean the British treaty, which produced a schism that went on
widening and rankling till the years '98, '99, when a final disso-
lution of all bonds, civil and social, appeared imminent. In that
VOL. IV. 30
466 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
awful crisis, the people awaked from the phrenzy into which
they had been thrown, began to return to their sober and ancient
principles, and have now become five-sixths of one sentiment, to
wit, for peace, economy, and a government bottomed on popular
election in its legislative and executive branches. In the public
counsels the federal party hold still one-third. This, however,
will lessen, but not exactly to the standard of the people ; be-
cause it will be forever seen that of bodies of men even elected
by the people, there will always be a greater proportion aristo-
cratic than among their constituents. The present administration
had a task imposed on it which was unavoidable, and could not
fail to exert the bitterest hostility in those opposed to it. The
preceding administration left ninety-nine out of every hundred in
public offices of the federal sect. Republicanism had been the
mark on Cain which had rendered those who bore it exiles from
all portion in the trusts and authorities of their country. This
description of citizens called imperiously and justly for a restora-
tion of right. It was intended, however, to have yielded to this
in so moderate a degree as might conciliate those who had ob-
tained exclusive possession ; but as soon as they were touched,
they endeavored to set fire to the four corners of the public fabric,
and obliged us to deprive of the influence of office several who
were using it with activity and vigilance to destroy the confi-
dence of the people in their government, and thus to proceed in
the drudgery of removal farther than would have been, had not
their own hostile enterprises rendered it necessary in self-defence.
But I think it will not be long before the whole nation will be
consolidated in their ancient principles, excepting a few who
have committed themselves beyond recall, and who will retire to
obscurity and settled disaffection.
Although you will receive, through the official channel of the
War Office, every communication necessary to develop to you
our views respecting the Indians, and to direct your conduct,
yet, supposing it will be satisfactory to you, and to those with
whom you are placed, to understand my personal dispositions and
opinions in this particular, I shall avail myself of this private
CORRESPONDENCE. 467
letter to state them generally. I consider the business of hunting
as -already become insufficient to furnish clothing and subsistence
to the Indians. The promotion of agriculture, therefore, and
household manufacture, are essential in their preservation, and I
am disposed to aid and encourage it liberally. This will enable
them to live on much smaller portions of land, and indeed will
render their vast forests useless but for the range of cattle ; for
which purpose, also, as they become better farmers, they will be
found useless, and even disadvantageous. While they are learn-
ing to do better on less land, our increasing numbers will be
calling for more land, and thus a coincidence of interests will be
produced between those who have lands to spare, and want other
necessaries, and those who have such necessaries to spare, and
want lands. This commerce, then, will be for the good of both,
and those who are friends to both ought to encourage it. You
are in the station peculiarly charged with this interchange, and
who have it peculiarly in your power to promote among the
Indians a sense of the superior value of a little land, well culti-
vated, over a great deal, unimproved, and to encourage them to
make this estimate truly. The wisdom of the animal which
amputates and abandons to the hunter the parts for which he is
pursued should be theirs, with this difference, that the former
sacrifices what is useful, the latter what is not. In truth, the
ultimate point of rest and happiness for them is to let our settle-
ments and theirs meet and blend together, to intermix, and
become one people. Incorporating themselves with us as citizens
of the United States, this is what the natural progress of things
will of course bring on, and it will be better to promote than to
retard it. Surely it will be better for them to be identified with
us, and preserved in the occupation of their lands, than be ex-
posed to the many casualties which may endanger them while a
separate people. I have little doubt but that your reflections
must have led you to view the various ways in which their his-
tory may terminate, and to see that this is the one most for their
happiness. And we have already had an application from a set-
tlement of Indians to become citizens of the United States. It
468 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
is possible, perhaps probable, that this idea may be so novel as
that it might shock the Indians, were it even hinted to them.
Of course, you will keep it for your own reflection ; but, con-
vinced of its soundness, I feel it consistent with pure morality to
lead them towards it, to familiarize them to the idea that it is for
their interest to cede lands at times to the United States, and for
us thus to procure gratifications to our citizens, from time to time,
by new acquisitions of land. From no quarter is there at present
so strong a pressure on this subject as from Georgia for the residue
of the fork of Oconee and Oakmulgee ; and indeed I believe it
will be difficult to resist it. As it has been mentioned that the
Creeks had at one time made up their minds to sell this, and were
only checked in it by some indiscretion of an individual, I am in
hopes you will be able to bring them to it again. I beseech you
to use your most earnest endeavors ; for it will relieve us here
from a great pressure, and yourself from the unreasonable suspi-
cions of the Georgians which you notice, that you are more
attached to the interests of the Indians than of the United States,
and throw cold water on their willingness to part with lands. It
is so easy to excite suspicion, that none are to be wondered at ;
but I am in hopes it will be in your power to quash them by
effecting the object.
Mr. Madison enjoys better health since his removal to this
place than he had done in Orange. Mr. Giles is in a state of
health feared to be irrecoverable, although he may hold on for
some time, and perhaps be re-established. Browze Trist is now
in the Mississippi territory, forming an establishment for his
family, which is still in Albemarle, and will remove to the
Mississippi in the spring. Mrs. Trist, his mother, begins to yield
a little to time. I retain myself very perfect health, having not
had twenty hours of fever in forty-two years past. I have some-
times had a troublesome headache, and some slight rheumatic
pains ; but now sixty years old nearly, I have had as little to
complain of in point of health as most people. I learn you have
the gout. I did not expect that Indian cookery or Indian fare
would produce that ; but it is considered as a security for good
CORRESPONDENCE. 469
health otherwise. That it may be so with you, I sincerely pray,
and tender you my friendly and respectful salutations.
WASHINGTON, February 25, 1803.
SIR, — In compliance with a request of the House of Repre-
sentatives of the United States, as well as with a sense of what
is necessary, I take the liberty of urging on you the importance
and indispensable necessity of vigorous exertions, on the part of
the State governments, to carry into effect the militia system
adopted by the national Legislature, agreeable to the powers re-
served to the States respectively, by the Constitution of the
United States, and in a manner the best calculated to ensure such
a degree of military discipline, and knowledge of tactics, as will
under the auspices of a benign providence, render the militia a
sure and permanent bulwark of national defence.
None but an armed nation can dispense with a standing army ;
to keep ours armed and disciplined, is therefore at all times im-
portant, but especially so at a moment when rights the most es-
sential to our welfare have been violated, and an infraction of
treaty committed without color or pret°xt ; and although we are
willing to believe that this has been the act of a subordinate
agent only, yet is it wise to prepare for the possibility that it may
have been the leading measure of a system. While, therefore,
we are endeavoring, and with a considerable degree of confi-
dence, to obtain by friendly negotiation a peaceable redress of
the injury, and effectual provision against its repetition, let us ar-
ray the strength of the nation, and be ready to do with prompti-
tude and effect whatever a regard to justice and our future secu-
rity may require.
In order that I may have a full and correct view of the re-
sources of our country in all its different parts, I must desire you,
with as little delay as possible, to have me furnished with a re-
470 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
turn of the militia, and of the arms and accoutrements of your
State, and of the several counties, or other geographical divisions
of it.
Accept assurances of my high consideration and respect
TO DR. BARTON.
WASHINGTON, February 27, 1803.
DEAR SIR, — I enclose to you a copy of two discourses sent
you by Mr. Lalepida through the hands of Mr. Paine, who de-
livered them with some sent me. What follows in that letter is
strictly confidential. You know we have been many years
wishing to have the Missouri explored, and whatever river, head-
ing with that, runs into the western ocean. Congress, in some
secret proceedings, have yielded to a proposition I made them for
permitting me to have it done. It is to be undertaken immedi-
ately, with a party of about ten, and I have appointed Captain
Lewis, my Secretary, to conduct it. It was impossible to find a
character who, to a complete science in Botany, Natural History,
Mineralogy and Astronomy, joined the firmness of constitution
and character, prudence, habits adapted to the woods, and famil-
iarity with the Indian manners and character, requisite for this
undertaking. All the latter qualifications Captain Lewis has.
Although no regular botanist, &c., he possesses a remarkable
store of accurate observation on all the subjects of the three
kingdoms, and will therefore readily single out whatever presents
itself new to him in either ; and he has qualified himself for
taking the observations of longitude and latitude necessary to fix
the geography of the line he passes through. In order to draw his
attention at once to the objects most desirable, I must ask the
favor of you to prepare for him a note of those in the lines of
botany, zoology, or of Indian history, which you think most
worthy of enquiry and observation. He will be with you in
Philadelphia in two or three weeks, and will wait on you, and
receive thankfully on paper, and any verbal communications
CORRESPONDENCE. 471
which you may be so good as to make to him. I make no apol-
ogy for this trouble, because I know that the same wish to pro-
mote science which has induced me to bring forward this propo-
sition, will induce you to aid in promoting it. Accept assurances
of my friendly esteem and high respect.
TO GOVERNOR HARRISON.
WASHINGTON, February 27, 1 803.
DEAR SIR, — While at Monticello in August last I received
your favor of August 8th, and meant to have acknowledged it
on my return to the seat of government at the close of the en-
suing month, but on my return I found that you were expected
to be on here in person, and this expectation continued till win-
ter. I have since received your favor of December 30th.
In the former you mentioned the plan of the town which you
had done me the honor to name after me, and to lay out accord-
ing to an idea I had formerly expressed to you. I am thorough-
ly persuaded that it will be found handsome and pleasant, and I
do believe it to be the best means of preserving the cities of
America from the scourge of the yellow fever, which being
peculiar to our country, must be derived from some peculiarity
in it. That peculiarity I take to be our cloudless skies. In Eu-
rope, where the sun does not shine more than half the number
of days in the year which it does in America, they can build
their town in a solid block with impunity ; but here a constant
sun produces too great an accumulation of heat to admit that.
Ventilation is indispensably necessary. Experience has taught
us that in the open air of the country the yellow fever is
not only not generated, but ceases to be infectious. I
cannot decide from the drawing you sent me, wheth-
er you have laid off streets round the squares thus :
or only the diagonal streets therein marked. The
former was my idea, and is, I imagine, most con- I — I L
venient.
472 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
You will receive herewith an answer to your letter as President
of the Convention ; and from the Secretary of War you receive
from time to time information and instructions as to our Indian
affairs. These communications being for the public records, are
restrained always to particular objects and occasions ; but this
letter being unofficial and private, I may with safety give you a
more extensive view of our policy respecting the Indians, that
you may the better comprehend the parts dealt out to you in
detail through the official channel, and observing the system of
which they make a part, conduct yourself in unison with it in
cases where you are obliged to act without instruction. Our
system is to live in perpetual peace with the Indians, to cultivate
an affectionate attachment from them, by everything just and
liberal which we can do for them within the bounds of reason,
and by giving them effectual protection against wrongs from our
own people. The decrease of game rendering their subsistence
by hunting insufficient, we wish to draw them to agriculture, to
spinning and weaving. The latter branches they take up with
great readiness, because they far! to the women, who gain by
quitting the labors of the field for those which are exercised
within doors. When they withdraw themselves to the culture
of a small piece of land, they will perceive how useless to them
are their extensive forests, and will be willing to pare them off
from time to time in exchange for necessaries for their farms and
families. To promote this disposition to exchange lands, which
they have to spare and we want, for necessaries, which we have
to spare and they want, we shall push our trading uses, and be
glad to see the good and influential individuals among them run
in debt, because we observe that when these debts get beyond
what the individuals can pay, they become willing to lop them
off by a cession of lands. At our trading houses, too, we mean
to sell so low as merely to repay us cost and charges, so as neither
to lessen or enlarge our capital. This is what private traders
cannot do, for they must gain ; they will consequently retire
from the competition, and we shall thus get clear of this pest
without giving offence or umbrage to the Indians. In this way
CORRESPONDENCE. 473
our settlements will gradually circumscribe and approach the
Indians, and they will in time either incorporate with us as
citizens of the United States, or remove beyond the Mississippi.
The former is certainly the termination of their history most
happy for themselves ; but, in the whole course of this, it is
essential to cultivate their love. As to their fear, we presume
that our strength and their weakness is now so visible that they
must see we have only to shut our hand to crush them, and that
all our liberalities to them proceed from motives of pure humanity
only. Should any tribe be fool-hardy enough to take up the
hatchet at any time, the seizing the whole country of that tribe,
and driving them across the Mississippi, as the only condition of
peace, would be an example to others, and a furtherance of our
final consolidation.
Combined with these views, and to be prepared against the
occupation of Louisiana by a powerful and enterprising people,
it is important that, setting less value on interior extension of
purchases from the Indians, we bend our whole views to the pur-
chase and settlement of the country on the Mississippi, from its
mouth to its northern regions, that we may be able to present as
strong a front on our western as on our eastern border, and plant
on the Mississippi itself the means of its own defence. We now
own from 31 to the Yazoo, and hope this summer to purchase
what belongs to the Choctaws from the Yazoo up to their boun-
dary, supposed to be about opposite the mouth of Acanza. We
wish at the same time to begin in your quarter, for which there
is at present a favorable opening. The Cahokias extinct, we are
entitled to their country by our paramount sovereignty. The
Piorias, we understand, have all been driven off from their coun-
try, and we might claim it in the same way; but as we under-
stand there is one chief remaining, who would, as the survivor
of the tribe, sell the right, it is better to give him such terms as
will make him easy for life, and take a conveyance from him.
The Kaskaskias being reduced to a few families, I presume we
may purchase their whole country for what would place every
individual of them at his ease, and be a small price to us,
474 JEFFEBSON'S WORKS.
by laying off for each family, whenever they would choose it, as
much rich land as they could cultivate, adjacent to each other,
enclosing the whole in a single fence, and giving them such an
annuity in money or goods forever as would place them in happi-
ness ; and we might take them also under the protection of the
United States. Thus possessed of the rights of these tribes, we
should proceed to the settling their boundaries with the Poute-
watamies and Kickapoos ; claiming all doubtful territory, but
paying them a price for the relinqnishment of their concurrent
claim, and even prevailing on them, if possible, to cede, for a
price, such of their own unquestioned territory as would give us
a convenient northern boundary. Before broaching this, and
while we are bargaining with the Kaskaskies, the minds of the
Poutewatamies and Kickapoos should be soothed and conciliated
by liberalities and sincere assurances gf friendship. Perhaps by
sending a well-qualified character to stay some time in Decoigne's
village, as if on other business, and to sound him and introduce
the subject by degrees to his mind and that of the other heads
of families, inculcating in the way of conversation, all those con-
siderations which prove the advantages they would receive by a
cession on these terms, the object might be more easily and
effectually obtained than by abruptly proposing it to them at a
formal treaty. Of the means, however, of obtaining what xve
wish, you will be the best judge ; and I have given yon this
view of the system which' we suppose will best promote the
interests of the Indians and ourselves, and finally consolidate our
whole country to one nation only ; that you may be enabled the
better to adapt your means to the object, for this purpose we
have given you a general commission for treating. The crisis
is pressing : whatever can now be obtained must be obtained
quickly. The occupation of New Orleans, hourly expected, by
the French, is already felt like a light breeze by the Indians.
You know the sentiments they entertain of that nation ; under
the hope of their protection they will immediately stiffen against
cessions of lands to us. We had better, therefore, do at once
what can now be done.
CORRESPONDENCE. 475
1 must repeat that this letter is to be considered as private and
friendly, and is not to control any particular instructions which
you may receive through official channel. You will also perceive
how sacredly it must be kept within your own breast, and espe-
cially how improper to be understood by the Indians. For their
interests and their tranquillity it is best they should see only the
present age of their history. I pray you to accept assurances of
my esteem and high consideration.
TO DR. PRIESTLEY.
WASHINGTON, April 9. 1803.
DEAR SIR, — While on a short visit lately to Monticello, I re-
ceived from you a copy of your comparative view of Socrates
and Jesus, and I avail myself of the first moment of leisure after
my return to acknowledge the pleasure I had in the perusal of it,
and the desire it excited to see you take up the subject on a more
extended scale. In consequence of some conversation with Dr.
Rush, in the year 1798-99, I had promised some day to write
him a letter giving him my view of the Christian system. I have
reflected often on it since, and even sketched the outlines in my
own mind. I should first take a general view of the moral doc-
trines of the most remarkable of the ancient philosophers, of
whose ethics we have sufficient information to make an estimate,
say Pythagoras, Epicurus, Epictetus, Socrates, Cicero, Seneca,
Antoninus. I should do justice to the branches of morality they
have treated well ; but point out the importance of those in which
they are deficient. I should then take a view of the deism and
ethics of the Jews, and show in what a degraded state they were,
and the necessity they presented of a reformation. I should pro-
ceed to a view of the life, character, and doctrines of Jesus, who
sensible of incorrectness of their ideas of the Deity, and of mo-
rality, endeavored to bring them to the principles of a pure deism,
and juster notions of the attributes of God, to reform their moral
476 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
doctrines to the standard of reason, justice and philanthropy, and
to inculcate the belief of a future state. This view would pur-
posely omit the question of his divinity, and even his inspiration.
To do him justice, it would be necessary to remark the disad-
vantages his doctrines had to encounter, not having been com-
mitted to writing by himself, but by the most unlettered of men,
by memory, long after they had heard them from him ; when
much was forgotten, much misunderstood, and presented in every
paradoxical shape. Yet such are the fragments remaining as to
show a master workman, and that his system of morality was
the most benevolent and sublime probably that has been ever
taught, and consequently more perfect than those of any of the
ancient philosophers. His character and doctrines have received
still greater injury from those who pretend to be his special dis-
ciples, and who have disfigured and sophisticated his actions and
precepts, from views of personal interest, so as to induce the un-
thinking part of mankind to throw off the whole system in dis-
gust, and to pass sentence as an impostor on the most innocent,
the most benevolent, the most eloquent and sublime character
that ever has been exhibited to man. This is the outline ; but
I have not the time, and still less the information which the sub-
ject needs. It will therefore rest with me in contemplation only.
You are the person of all others would do it best, and most
promptly. You have all the materials at hand, and you put to-
gether with ease. I wish you could be induced to extend your
late work to the whole subject. I have not heard particularly
what is the state of your health ; but as it has been equal to the
journey to Philadelphia, perhaps it might encourage the curiosity
you must feel to see for once this place, which nature has formed
on a beautiful scale, and circumstances destine for a great one.
As yet we are but a cluster of villages ; we cannot offer you the
learned society of Philadelphia ; but you will have that of a few
characters whom you esteem, and a bed and hearty welcome
with one who will rejoice in every opportunity of testifying to
you his high veneration and affectionate attachment.
CORRESPONDENCE. 477
TO EDWARD DOWSE, ESQ.
WASHINGTON, April 19, 1803.
DEAR SIR, — I now return the sermon you were so kind as to
enclose me, having perused it with attention. The reprinting it
by me, as you have proposed, would very readily be ascribed to
hypocritical affectation, by those who, when they cannot blame
our acts, have recourse to the expedient of imputing them to bad
motives. This is a resource which can never fail them, because
there is no act, however virtuous, for which ingenuity may not
find some bad motive. I must also add that though I concur
with the author in considering the moral precepts of Jesus as
more pure, correct, and sublime than those of the ancient philos-
ophers, yet I do not concur with him in the mode of proving it.
He thinks it necessary to libel and decry the doctrines of the
philosophers ; but a man must be blinded indeed by prejudice,
who can deny them a great degree of merit. I give them their
just due, and yet maintain that the morality of Jesus, as taught
by himself, and freed from the corruptions of latter times, is far
superior. Their philosophy went chiefly to the government of
our passions, so far as respected ourselves, and the procuring our
own tranquillity. In our duties to others they were short and
deficient. They extended their cares scarcely beyond our kin-
dred and friends individually, and our country in the abstract.
Jesus embraced with charity and philanthropy our neighbors, our
countrymen, and the whole family of mankind. They confined
themselves to actions ; he pressed his sentiments into the region
of our thoughts, and called for purity at the fountain head. In a
pamphlet lately published in Philadelphia by Dr. Priestley, he has
treated, with more justice and skill than Mr. Bennet, a small por-
tion of this subject. His is a comparative view of Socrates only
with Jesus. I have urged him to take up the subject on a
broader scale.
Every word which goes from me, whether verbally or in
writing, becomes the subject of so much malignant distortion,
and perverted construction, that I am obliged to caution my
478 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
friends against admitting the possibility of my letters getting into
the public papers, or a copy of them to be taken under any de-
gree of confidence. The present one is perhaps of a tenor to
silence some calumniators, but I never will, by any word or act,
bow to the shrine of intolerance, or admit a right of inquiry into
the religious opinions of others. On the contrary, we are bound,
you, I, and every one, to make common cause, even with error
itself, to maintain the common right of freedom of conscience.
We ought with one heart and one hand to hew down the daring
and dangerous efforts of those who would seduce the public
opinion to substitute itself into that tyranny over religious faith
which the laws have so justly abdicated. For this reason, were
my opinions up to the standard of those who arrogate the right
of questioning them, I would not countenance that arrogance by
descending to an explanation. Accept my friendly salutations
and high esteem.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
April 21, 1803.
The Act of Congress 1789, c. 9, assumes on the General Gov-
ernment the maintenance and repair of all lighthouses, beacons,
buoys, and public piers then existing, and provides for the building
a new lighthouse. This was done under the authority given by
the Constitution " to regulate commerce," was contested at the
time as not within the meaning of these terms, and yielded to
only on the urgent necessity of the case. The Act of 1802, c. 20,
f. 8, for repairing and erecting public piers in the Delaware, does
not take any new ground — it is in strict conformity with the
Act of 1789. While we pursue, then, the construction of the
Legislature, that the repairing and erecting lighthouses, beacons,
buoys, and piers, is authorized as belonging to the regulation of
commerce, we must take care not to go ahead of them, and
strain the meaning of the terms still further to the clearing out
the channels of all the rivers, &c. of the United States. The re-
moving a sunken vessel is not the repairing of a pier.
CORRESPONDENCE. 479
How far the authority " to levy taxes to provide for the com-
mon defence," and that " for providing and maintaining a navy,"
may authorize the removing obstructions in a river or harbor, is a
question not involved in the present case.
TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH.
WASHINGTON, April 21, 1808.
DEAR SIR, — In some of the delightful conversations with you,
in the evenings of 1798-99, and which served as an anodyne to
the afflictions of the crisis through which our country was then
laboring, the Christian religion was sometimes our topic ; and I
then promised you, that one day or other, I would give you
my views of it. They are the result of a life of inquiry and re-
flection, and very different from that anti-Christian system im-
puted to me by those who know nothing of my opinions. To
the corruptions of Christianity I am indeed opposed ; but not to
the genuine precepts of Jesus himself. I am a Christian, in the
only sense in which he wished any one to be ; sincerely attached
to his doctrines, in preference to all others ; ascribing to himself
every human excellence ; and believing he never claimed any
other. At the short intervals since these conversations, when I
could justifiably abstract my mind from public affairs, the sub-
ject has been under my contemplation. But the more I con-
sidered it, the more it expanded beyond the measure of either
my time or information. In the moment of my late departure
from Monticello, I received from Doctor Priestley, his little trea-
tise of " Socrates and Jesus compared." This being a section
of the general view I had taken of the field, it became a subject
of reflection while on the road, and unoccupied otherwise. The
result was, to arrange in my mind a syllabus, or outline of such
an estimate of the comparative merits of Christianity, as I wished
to see executed by some one of more leisure and information for
the task, than myself. This I now send you, as the only dis-
charge of my promise I can probably ever execute. And in con-
480 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
fiding it to you, I know it will not be exposed to the malignant
perversions of those who make every word from me a text for
new misrepresentations and calumnies. I am moreover averse
to the communication of my religious tenets to the public ; be-
cause it would countenance the presumption of those who have
endeavored to dra\v them before that tribunal, and to seduce
public opinion to erect itself into that inquisition over the rights
of conscience, which the laws have so justly proscribed. It be-
hoves every man who values liberty of conscience for himself,
to resist invasions of it in the case of others ; or their case may,
by change of circumstances, become his own. It behoves him,
too, in his own case, to give no example of concession, betraying
the common right of independent opinion, by answering ques-
tions of faith, which the laws have left between God and him-
self. Accept my affectionate salutations.
Syllabus of an Estimate of the Merit of the Doctrines of Jesus,
compared with those of others.
In a comparative view of the Ethics of the enlightened na-
tions of antiquity, of the Jews and of Jesus, no notice should be
taken of the corruptions of reason among the ancients, to wit,
the idolatry and superstition of the vulgar, nor of the corruptions
of Christianity by the learned among its professors.
Let a just view be taken of the moral principles inculcated by
the most esteemed of the sects of ancient philosophy, or of their
individuals ; particularly Pythagoras, Socrates, Epicurus, Cicero,
Epictetus, Seneca, Antoninus.
I. Philosophers. 1. Their precepts related chiefly to our-
selves, and the government of those passions which, unrestrain-
ed, would disturb our tranquillity of mind.* In this branch of
philosophy they were really great.
* To explain, I will exhibit the heads of Seneca's and Cicero's philosophical works,
the most extensive of any we have received from the ancients. Of ten heads in
Seneca, seven relate to ourselves, viz. de ira, consolatio, do tranquilitate, de constan-
tia tapientis, de otio sapientis, de vita beata, de brevitate vitae ; two relate to others,
de dementia, de beneficiis ; and one relates to the government of the world, de pro-
CORRESPONDENCE. 481
2. Ill developing our duties to others, they were short and de-
fective. They embraced, indeed, the circles of kindred and
friends, and inculcated patriotism, or the love of our country in
the aggregate, as a primary obligation : towards our neighbors
and countrymen they taught justice, but scarcely viewed them
as within the circle of benevolence. Still less have they incul-
cated peace, charity and love to our fellow men, or embraced
with benevolence the whole family of mankind.
II. Jews. 1 . Their system was Deism ; that is, the belief in
one only God. But their ideas of him and of his attributes were
degrading and injurious.
2. Their Ethics were not only imperfect, but often irrecon-
cilable with the sound dictates of reason and morality, as they
respect intercourse with those around us ; and repulsive and anti-
social, as respecting other nations. They needed reformation,
therefore, in an eminent degree.
III. Jesus. In this state of things among the Jews, Jesus ap-
peared. His parentage was obscure ; his condition poor ; his
education null ; his natural endowments great ; his life correct
and innocent : he was meek, benevolent, patient, firm, disinter-
ested, and of the sublimest eloquence.
The disadvantages under which his doctrines appear are re-
markable.
1. Like Socrates and Epictetus, he wrote nothing himself.
2. But he had not, like them, a Xenophon or an Arrian to
write for him. I name not Plato, who only used the name of
Socrates to cover the whimsies of his own brain. On the con-
trary, all the learned of his country, entrenched in its power and
riches, were opposed to him, lest his labors should undermine
their advantages ; and the committing to writing his life and
doctrines fell on unlettered and ignorant men ; who wrote, too,
from memory, and not till long after the transactions had passed.
videntia. Of eleven tracts of Cicero, five respect ourselves, viz. de finibus, Tuscu-
lana, academica, paradoza, de Senectute ; one, de officiis, relates partly to ourselves,
partly to others; one, de amic/tia, relates to others ; and four are on different sub-
jects, to wit, de natura deorum, de divinatione, defafo, and somnium Scipionis.
VOL. rv. 31
482 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
3. According to the ordinary fate of those who attempt to en-
lighten and reform mankind, he fell an early victim to the jeal-
ousy and combination of the altar and the throne, at about
thirty-three years of age, his reason having not yet attained the
maximum of its energy, nor the course of his preaching, which
was but of three years at most, presented occasions for develop-
ing a complete system of morals.
4. Hence the doctrines which he really delivered were defec-
tive as a whole, and fragments only of what he did deliver have
come to us mutilated, misstated, and often unintelligible.
5. They have been still more disfigured by the corruptions of
schismatising followers, who have found an interest in sophisti-
cating and perverting the simple doctrines he taught, by engraft-
ing on them the mysticisms of a Grecian sophist, frittering them
into subtleties, and obscuring them with jargon, until they have
caused good men to reject the whole in disgust, and to view
Jesus himself as an impostor.
Notwithstanding these disadvantages, a system of morals is
presented to us, which, if filled up in the style and spirit of the
rich fragments he left us, would be the most perfect and sub-
lime that has ever been taught by man.
The question of his being a member of the Godhead, or in
direct communication with it, claimed for him by some of his
followers, and denied by others, is foreign to the present view,
which is merely an estimate of the intrinsic merits of his doc-
trines.
1. He corrected the Deism of the Jews, confirming them in
their belief of one only God, and giving them juster notions of
his attributes and government.
2. His moral doctrines, relating to kindred and friends, were
more pure and perfect than those of the most correct of the
philosophers, and greatly more so than those of the Jews ; and
they went far beyond both in inculcating universal philan-
thropy, not only to kindred and friends, to neighbors and coun-
trymen, but to all mankind, gathering all into one family, under
the bonds of love, charity, peace, common wants and common
CORRESPONDENCE. 483
aids. A development of this head will evince the peculiar su-
periority of the system of Jesus over all others.
3. The precepts of philosophy, and of the Hebrew code, laid
hold of actions only. He pushed his scrutinies into the heart
of man ; erected his tribunal in the region of his thoughts, and
purified the waters at the fountain head.
4. He taught, emphatically, the doctrines of a future state,
which was either doubted, or disbelieved by the Jews ; and
wielded it with efficacy, as an important incentive, supplement-
ary to the other motives to moral conduct.
TO DOCTOB HUGH WILLIAMSON.
WASHINGTON April SO, 1803.
DEAR SIR, — I thank you for the information on the subject
of navigation of the Herville contained in yours of the 10th. In
running the late line between the Choctaws and us, we found
the Amite to be about thirty miles from the Mississippi where that
line crossed it, which was but a little northward of our southern
boundary. For the present we have a respite on that subject,
Spain having without delay restored our infracted right, and as-
sured us it is expressly saved by the instrument of her cession
of Louisiana to France. Although I do not count with confi-
dence on obtaining New Orleans from France for money, yet I
am confident in the policy of putting off the day of contention
for it till we have lessened the embarrassment of debt accumu-
lated instead of being discharged by our predecessors, till we ob-
tain more of that strength which is growing on us so rapidly, and
especially till we have planted a population on the Mississippi it-
self sufficient to do its own work without marching men fifteen
hundred miles from the Atlantic shores to perish by fatigue and
unfriendly climates. This will soon take place. In the mean-
time we have obtained by a peaceable appeal to justice, in four
months, what we should not have obtained under seven years
484 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
of war, the loss of one hundred thousand lives, an hundred mil-
lions of additional debt, many hundred millions worth of produce
and property lost for want of market, or in seeking it, and that
demoralization which war superinduces on the human mind.
To have seized New Orleans, as our federal maniacs wished,
would only have changed the character and extent of the block-
ade of our western commerce. It would have produced a block-
ade, by superior naval force, of the navigation of the river as
well as of the entrance into New Orleans, instead of a paper
blockade from New Orleans alone while the river remained
open, and I am persuaded that had not the deposit been so quick-
ly rendered we should have found soon that it would be better
now to ascend the river to Natchez, in order to be clear of the
embarrassments, plunderings, and irritations at New Orleans, and
to fatten by the benefits of the depot a city and citizens of our
own, rather than those of a foreign nation. Accept my friendly
and respectful salutations.
P. S. Water line of the Herville, Amite, and to Ponchartrain,
becoming a boundary between France and Spain, we have a
double chance of an acknowledgment of our right to use it on
the same ground of national right on which we claim the navi-
gation of the Mobile and other rivers heading in our territory
and running through the Floridas.
TO MR NICHOLSON.
WASHINGTON, May 13, 1803.
DEAR SIR,— I return you the letter of Captain Jones, with
thanks for the perusal. While it is well to have an eye on our
enemy's camp it is not amiss to keep one for the movements in
our own. I have no doubt that the agitation of the public mind
on the continuance of tories in office is excited in some degree
by those who want to get in themselves. However, the mass
CORRESPONDENCE. 485
of those affected by it can have no views of that kind. It is
composed of such of our friends as have a warm sense of the
former intolerance and present bitterness of our adversaries, and
they are not without excuse. While it is best for our own tran-
quillity to see and hear with apathy the atrocious calumnies of
the presses which our enemies support for the purpose of calum-
ny, it is what we have no right to expect ; nor can we consider
the indignation they excite in others as unjust, or strongly cen-
sure those whose temperament is not proof against it. Nor are
they protected in their places by any right they have to more
than a just proportion of them, and still less by their own exam-
ples while in power ; but by considerations respecting the public
mind. This tranquillity seems necessary to predispose the candid
part of our fellow-citizens who have erred and strayed from their
ways, to return again to them, and to consolidate once more that
union of will, without which the nation will not stand firm
against foreign force and intrigue. On the subject of the par-
ticular schism at Philadelphia, a well-informed friend says, " The
fretful, turbulent disposition which has manifested itself in Phila-
delphia, originated, in some degree, from a sufficient cause,
which I will explain when I see you. A re-union will take
place, and in the issue it will be useful. Their resolves will be
so tempered as to remove most of the unpleasant feelings which
have been experienced." I shall certainly be glad to receive the
explanation and modification of their proceedings ; for they were
taking a form which could not be approved on true principles.
We laid down our line of proceedings on mature inquiry and
consideration in 1801, and have not departed from it. Some re-
movals, to wit, sixteen to the end of our first session of Congress
were made on political principles alone, in very urgent cases ;
and we determined to make no more but for delinquency, or ac-
tive and bitter opposition to the order of things which the public
will had established. On this last ground nine were removed
from the end of the first to the end of the second session of Con-
gress ; and one since that. So that sixteen only have been re-
moved in the whole for political principles, that is to say, to make
486 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
room for some participation for the republicans. These were a
mere fraud not suffered to go into effect. Pursuing our object
of harmonizing all good people of whatever description, we shall
steadily adhere to our rule, and it is with sincere pleasure I learn
that it is approved by the more moderate part of our friends.
We have received official information that, in the instrument
of cession of Louisiana to France, \vere these words, " Saving
the rights acquired by other powers in virtue of treaties made
with them by Spain ;" and cordial acknowledgments from this
power for our temperate forbearance under the misconduct of her
officer. The French prefect too has assured Governor Claiborne
that if the suspension is not removed before he takes his place
he will remove it. But the Spanish Intendant has before this
day received the positive order of his government to do it, sent
here by a vessel of war, and forwarded by us to Natchez.
Although there is probably no truth in the stories of war ac-
tually commenced, yet I believe it inevitable. England insists
on a re-modification of the affairs of Europe, so much changed
by Bonaparte since the treaty of Amiens. So that we may soon
expect to hear of hostilities. You must have heard of the extra-
ordinary charge of Chace to the Grand Jury at Baltimore. Ought
this seditious and official attack on the principles of our Constitu-
tion, and on the proceedings of a State, to go unpunished ? and
to whom so pointedly as yourself will the public look for the ne-
cessary measures ? I ask these questions for your consideration,
for myself it is better that I should not interfere. Accept my
friendly salutations and assurances of great esteem and respect.
TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE.
WASHINGTON, May 24, 1803.
DEAR SIR, — The within being for communication to your
House of Representatives, when it meets, I enclose it in this
which is of a private character. The former I think had better
CORRESPONDENCE. 487
be kept up until the meeting of the Representatives, lest it should
have any effect on the present critical state of things beyond the
Atlantic. Although I have endeavored to make it as inoffensive
there as was compatable with the giving an answer to the Repre-
sentatives. Pending a negotiation, and with a jealous power,
small matters may excite alarm, and repugnance to what we are
claiming. I consider war between France and England as un-
avoidable. The former is much averse to it, but the latter sees
her own existence to depend on a remodification of the face of
Europe, over which France has extended its sway much farther
since than before the treaty of Amiens. That instrument is
therefore considered as insufficient for the general security ; in
fact, as virtually subverted, by the subsequent usurpations of Bo-
naparte on the powers of Europe. A remodification is therefore
required by England, and evidently cannot be agreed to by Bo-
naparte, whose power, resting on the transcendent opinion enter-
tained of him, would sink with that on any retrograde movement.
In this conflict, our neutrality will be cheaply purchased by a
cession of the island of New Orleans and the Floridas ; because
taking part in the war, we could so certainly seize and securely
hold them and more. And although it would be unwise in us
to let such an opportunity pass by of obtaining the necessary ac-
cession to our territory even by force, if not obtainable otherwise,
yet it is infinitely more desirable to obtain it with the blessing
of neutrality rather than the curse of war. As a means of in-
creasing the security, and providing a protection for our lowei
possessions on the Mississippi, I think it also all important to
press on the Indians, as steadily and strenuously as they can bear,
the extension of our purchases on the Mississippi from the Yazoo
upwards ; and to encourage a settlement along the whole length
of that river, that it may possess on its own banks the means of
defending itself, and presenting as strong a frontier on our western
as we have on our eastern border. We have therefore recom-
mended to Governor Dickinson taking on the Tombigbee only
as much as will cover our actual settlements, to transfer the
purchase from the Choctaws to their lands westward of the Big
488 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
Black, rather than the fork of Tombigbee and Alabama, which
has been offered by them in order to pay their debt to Ponton
and Leslie. I have confident expectations of purchasing this
summer a good breadth on the Mississippi, from the mouth of the
Illinois down to the mouth of the Ohio, which would settle imme-
diately and thickly ; and we should then have between that
settlement and the lower one, only the uninhabited lands of the
Chickasaws on the Mississippi ; on which we could be working
at both ends. You will be sensible that the preceding views, as
well those which respect the European powers as the Indians,
are such as should not be formally declared, but be held as a rule
of action to govern the conduct of those within whose agency
they lie ; and it is for this reason that instead of having it said to
you in an official letter, committed to records which are open to
many, I have thought it better that you should learn my views
from a private and confidential letter, and be enabled to act
upon them yourself, and guide others into them. The election?
which have taken place this spring, prove that the spirit of re-
publicanism has repossessed the whole mass of our country from
Connecticut southwardly and westwardly. The three New Eng-
land States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts and Connecticut,
alone hold out. In these, though we have not gained the last
year as much as we had expected, yet we are gaining steadily
and sensibly. In Massachusetts we have gained three senators
more than we had the last year, and it is believed our gain in
the lower House will be in proportion. In Connecticut we have
rather lost in their Legislature, but in the mass of the people,
where we had on the election of Governor the last year, but
twenty-nine republican out of every hundred votes, we this year
have thirty-five out of every hundred ; with the phalanx of priests
and lawyers against us, republicanism works up slowly in that
quarter ; but in a year or two more we shall have a majority even
there. In the next House of Representatives there will be about
forty-two federal and a hundred republican members. Be assured
that, excepting in this north-eastern and your south-western corner
of the Union, monarchism, which has been so falsely miscalled
CORRESPONDENCE. 489
federalism, is dead and buried, and no day of resurrection will
ever dawn upon that ; that it has retired to the two extreme and
opposite angles of our land, from whence it will have ultimately
and shortly to take its final flight. While speaking of the In-
dians, I omitted to mention that I think it would be good policy
in us to take by the hand those of them who have emigrated
from ours to the other side of the Mississippi, to furnish them
generously with arms, ammunition, and other essentials, with
a view to render a situation there desirable to those they have
left behind, to toll them in this way across the Mississippi, and
thus prepare in time an eligible retreat for the whole. We have
not as yet however began to act on this. I believe a consider-
able number from all the four southern tribes have settled be-
tween the St. Francis and Akanza, but mostly from the
Cherokees. I presume that with a view to this object we ought
to establish a factory on the eastern bank of the Mississippi,
where it would be most convenient for them to come and trade.
We have an idea of running a path in a direct line from Knox-
ville to Natchez, believing it would save 200 miles in the car-
riage of our mail. The consent of the Indians will be necessary,
and it will be very important to get individuals among them to
take each a white man into partnership, and to establish at every
nineteen miles a house of entertainment, and a farm for its sup-
port. The profits of this would soon reconcile the Indians to
the practice, and extend it, and render the public use of the road
as much an object of desire as it is now of fear ; and such a horse-
path would soon, with their consent, become a wagon-road. " I
have appointed Isaac Briggs of Maryland, surveyor of the lands
south of Tennessee. He is a Quaker, a sound republican, and
of a pure and unspotted character. In point of science, in as-
tronomy, geometry and mathematics, he stands in a line with
Mr. Ellicot, and second to no man in the United States. He set
out yesterday for his destination, and I recommend him to your
particular patronage ; the candor, modesty and simplicity of his
manners cannot fail to gain your esteem. For the office of sur-
veyor, men of the first order of science in astronomy and mathe-
490 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
matics are essentially necessary. I am about appointing a similai
character for the north-western department, and charging him
with determining by celestial observations the longitude and lat-
itude of several interesting points of lakes Michigan and Superior,
and an accurate survey of the Mississippi, from St. Anthony's
Falls to the mouth of the Ohio, correcting his admeasurements by
observations of longitude and latitude. From your quarter Mr.
Briggs will be expected to take accurate observations of such in-
teresting points as Mr. Ellicot has omitted, so that it will not be
long before we shall possess an accurate map of the outlines of
the United States. Your country is so abundant in everything
which is good, that one does not know what there is here of
that description which you have not, and which could be offered
in exchange for a barrel of fresh peccans every autumn. Yet I
will venture to propose such an exchange, taking information of
the article most acceptable from home, either from yourself or
such others as can inform me. I pray you to accept my friendly
salutations and assurances of great esteem and respect.
TO SIR JOHN SINCLAIR.
WASHINGTON, June 30, 1803.
DEAR SIR, — It is so long since I have had the pleasure of
writing to you, that it would be vain to look back to dates to
connect the old and the new. Yet I ought not to pass over my
acknowledgments to you for various publications received from
time to time, and with great satisfaction and thankfulness. I
send you a small one in return, the work of a very unlettered
farmer, yet valuable, as it relates plain facts of importance to
farmers. You will discover that Mr. Binns is an enthusiast for
the use of gypsum. But there are two facts which prove he has
a right to be so : 1. He began poor, and has made himself toler-
ably rich by his farming alone. 2. The county of London, in
wb'ch he lives, had been so exhausted and wasted by bad hus-
CORRESPONDENCE. 491
bandry, that it began to depopulate, the inhabitants going South-
wardly in quest of better lands. Binns' success has stopped that
emigration. It is now becoming one of the most productive
counties of the State of Virginia, and the price given for the lands
is multiplied manifold.
We are still uninformed here whether you are again at war.
Bonaparte has produced such a state of things in Europe as it
would seem difficult for him to relinquish in any sensible degree,
and equally dangerous for Great Britain to suffer to go on, espe-
cially if accompanied by maritime preparations on his part. The
events which have taken place in France have lessened in the
American mind the motives of interest which it felt in that revo-
lution, and its amity towards that country now rests on its love
of peace and commerce. We see, at the same time, with great
concern, the position in which Great Britain is placed, and should
be sincerely afflicted were any disaster to deprive mankind of the
benefit of such a bulwark against the torrent which has for some
time been bearing down all before it. But her power and powers
at sea seem to render everything safe in the end. Peace is our
passion, and the wrongs might drive us from it. We prefer try-
ing ever other just principles, right and safety, before we would
recur to war.
I hope your agricultural institution goes on -with success. I
consider you as the author of all the good it shall do. A better
idea has never been carried into practice. Our agricultural society
has at length formed itself. Like our American Philosophical
Society, it is voluntary, and unconnected with the public, and
is precisely an execution of the plan I formerly sketched to you.
Some State societies have been formed heretofore ; the others
will do the same. Each State society names two of its members
of Congress to be their members in the Central society, which is
of course together during the sessions of Congress. They are to
select matter from the proceedings of the State societies, and to
publish it ; so that their publications may be called V esprit des
sorietes d' agriculture, &c. The Central society was formed the
last winter only, so that it will be fconie tiste fc-efore they get
$92 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
under way. Mr. Madison, the Secretary of State, was elected
their President.
Recollecting with great satisfaction our friendly intercourse
while I was in Europe, I nourish the hope it still preserves a
place in your mind; and with my salutations, I pray you to
accept assuis..ices of my constant attachment and high respect
TO CAPTAIN MERIWETHER LEWIS.
•WASHINGTON, United States of America, July 4. 1803.
DEAR SIR, — In the journey which you are about to undertake,
for the discovery of the course and source of the Missouri, an<?
of the most convenient water communication from thence to the
Pacific Ocean, your party being small, it is to be expected that
you will encounter considerable dangers from the Indian inhabit-
ants. Should you escape those dangers, and reach the Pacific
Ocean, you may find it imprudent to hazard a return the same
way, and be forced to seek a passage round by sea, in such ves-
sels as you may find on the Western coast ; but you will be
without money, without clothes, and other necessaries, as a suffi-
cient supply cannot be carried from hence. Your resource, in
that case, can only be in the credit of the United States ; for
which purpose I hereby authorize you to draw on the Secretaries
of State, of the Treasury, of War, and of the Navy of the United
States, according as you may find your draughts will be most
negociable, for the purpose of obtaining money or necessaries for
yourself and men ; and I solemnly pledge the faith of the United
States, that these draughts shall be paid punctually at the date at
which they are made payable. I also ask of the consuls, agents,
merchants, and citizens of any nation with which we have inter-
course or amity, to furnish you with those supplies which your
necessities may call for, assuring them of honorable and prompt
retribution ; and our own consuls in foreign parts, where you
may happen to be, are hereby instructed and required to b« aiding
CORRESPONDENCE. 493
and assisting to you in whatsoever may be necessary for procuring
your return back to the United States. And to give more entire
satisfaction and confidence to those who may be disposed to aid
you, I, Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States of
America, have written this letter of general credit for you with
my own hand, and signed it with my name.
TO EARL OF BUCK AN.
WASHINGTON, July 10, 1803.
MY LORD, — I received, through the hands of Mr. Lenox, on
his return to the United States, the valuable volume you were so
good as to send me on the life and writings of Fletcher, of Sal-
toun. The political principles of that patriot were worthy the
purest periods of the British Constitution ; they are those which
were in vigor at the epoch of the American emigration. Our
ancestors brought them here, and they needed little strengthening
to make us what we are. But in the weakened condition of
English whigism at this day, it requires more firmness to publish
and advocate them than it then did to act on them. This mer,it
is peculiarly your Lordship's ; and no one honors it more than
myself. While I freely admit the right of a nation to change its
political principles and constitution at will, and the impropriety
of any but its own citizens censuring that change, I expect your
Lordship has been disappointed, as I acknowledge I have been,
in the issue of the convulsions on the other side the channel.
This has certainly lessened the interest which the philanthropist
warmly felt in those struggles. Without befriending human
liberty, a gigantic force has risen up which seems to threaten the
world. But it hangs on the thread of opinion, which may break
from one day to another. I feel real anxiety on the conflict to
which imperious circumstances seem to call your nation, and
bless the Almighty Being, who, in gathering together the waters
under the heavens into one place, divided the dry land of your
JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
hemisphere from the dry lands of ours, and said, at bast be there
peace. I hope that peace and amity with all nations will long
be the character of our land, and that its prosperity under the
Charter will react on the mind of Europe, and profit her by the
example. My hope of preserving peace for our country is not
founded in the greater principles of non-resistance under every
wrong, but in the belief that a just and friendly conduct on our
part will procure justice and friendship from others. In the ex-
isting contest, each of the combatants will find an interest in our
friendship. I cannot say we shall be unconcerned spectators of
this combat. We feel for human sufferings, and we wish the
good of all. We shall look on, therefore, with the sensations
which these dispositions and the events of the war will produce.
I feel a pride in the justice which your Lordship's sentiments
render to the character of my illustrious countryman, Washington.
The moderation of his desires, and the strength of his judgment,
enabled him to calculate correctly, that the road to that glory
which never dies is to use power for the support of the laws and
liberties of our country, not for their destruction ; and his will
accordingly survives the wreck of everything now living.
Accept, my lord, the tribute of esteem, from one who renders
it with warmth to the disinterested friend of mankind, and
assurances of my high consideration and respect.
TO GENERAL GATES.
WASHINGTON, July 11, 1803.
DEAR GENERAL, — I accept with pleasure, and with pleasure re-
ciprocate your congratulations on the acquisition of Louisiana;
for it is a subject of mutual congratulation, as it interests every
man of the nation. The territory acquired, as it includes all the
waters of the Missouri and Mississippi, has more than doubled
the area of the United States, and the new parts is not inferior to
the old in soil, climate, productions and important communica-
CORRESPONDENCE. 495
tions. If our Legislature dispose of it with the wisdom we have
a right to expect, they may make it the means of tempting all
our Indians on the east side of the Mississippi to remove to the
west, and of condensing instead of scattering our population. I
find our opposition is very willing to pluck feathers from Monroe,
although not fond of sticking them into Livingston's coat. The
truth is, both have a just portion of merit ; and were it necessa-
ry or proper, it would be shown that each has rendered peculiar
services, and of important value. These grumblers, too, are very
uneasy lest the administration should share some little credit for
the acquisition, the whole of which they ascribe to the accident
of war. They would be cruelly mortified could they see our
files from May, 1801, the first organization of the administration,
but more especially from April, 1802. They would see, that
though we could not say when war would arise, yet we said with
energy what would take place when it should arise. We did
not, by our intrigues, produce the war ; but we availed ourselves
of it when it happened. The other party saw the case now ex-
isting, on which our representations were predicated, and the wis-
dom of timely sacrifice. But when these people make the war
give us everything, they authorize us to ask what the war gave
us in their day ? They had a war ; what did they make it bring
us ? Instead of making our neutrality the ground of gain to
their country, they were for plunging into the war. And if they
were now in place, they would now be at war against the atheists
and disorganizers of France. They were for making their coun-
try an appendage to England. We are friendly, cordially and
conscientiously friendly to England. We are not hostile to
France. We will be rigorously just and sincerely friendly to
both. I do not believe we shall have as much to swallow from
them as our predecessors had.
**********
Present me respectfully to Mrs. Gates, and accept yourself my
affectionate salutations, and assurances of great respect and es-
teem.
496 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO M. CABANIS.
WASHINGTON, July 12, 1803.
DEAR SIR, — I lately received your friendly letter of 28 Ven-
dem. an. 11, with the two volumes on the relations between the
physical and moral faculties of man. This has ever been a sub-
ject of great interest to the inquisitive mind, and it could not
have got into better hands for discussion than yours. That
thought may be a faculty of our material organization, has been
believed in the gross ; and though the " modus operandi " of na-
ture, in this, as in most other cases, can never be developed and
demonstrated to beings limited as we are, yet I feel confident
you will have conducted us as far on the road as we can go, and
have lodged us within reconnoitering distance of the citadel itself.
While here, I have time to read nothing. But our annual recess
for the months of August and September is now approaching,
during which time I shall be at the Montrials, where I anticipate
great satisfaction in the presence of these volumes. It is with
great satisfaction, too, I recollect the agreeable hours I have past
with yourself and M. de La Roche, at the house of our late ex-
cellent friend, Madame Helvetius, and elsewhere ; and I am hap-
py to learn you continue your residence there. Antevil always
appeared to me a delicious village, and Madame Helvetius's the
most delicious spot in it. In those days how sanguine we were !
and how soon were the virtuous hopes and confidence of every
good man blasted ! and how many excellent friends have we lost
in your efforts towards self-government, et cui bono ? But let us
draw a veil over the dead, and hope the best for the living. If
the hero who has saved you from a combination of enemies,
shall also be the means of giving you as great a portion of liberty
as the opinions, habits and character of the nation are prepared
for, progressive preparation may fit you for progressive portions
of that first of blessings, and you may in time attain what we
erred in supposing could be hastily seized and maintained, in the
present state of political information among your citizens at large.
In this way all may end well.
CORRESPONDENCE. 497
You are again at war, I find. But we, I hope, shall be per-
mitted to rim the race of peace. Your government has wisely
removed what certainly endangered collision between us. I now
see nothing which need ever interrupt the friendship between
France and this country. Twenty years of peace, and the pros-
perity so visibly flowing from it, have but strengthened our at-
tachment to it, and the blessings it brings, and we do not de-
spair of being always a peaceable nation. We think that peace-
able means may be devised of keeping nations in the path of
justice towards us, by making justice their interest, and injuries
to react on themselves. Our distance enables us to pursue a
course which the crowded situation of Europe renders perhaps
impracticable there.
Be so good as to accept for yourself and M. de La Roche, my
friendly salutations, and assurances of great consideration and
respect.
TO DANIEL CLARKE, ESQ.
WASHINGTON, July 17, 1803.
DEAR SIR, — You will be informed by a letter from the Secre-
tary of State of the terms and the extent of the cession of Lou-
isiana by France to the United States, a cession which I hope
will give as much satisfaction to the inhabitants of that province
as it does to us, and the more as the title being lawfully acquired
and with consent of the power conveying, can never be hereafter
reclaimed under any pretense of force. In order to procure a
ratification in good time, I have found it necessary to convene
Congress as early as the 17th of October. It is essential that be-
fore that period we should obtain all the information respecting
the province which may be necessary to enable Congress to make
the best arrangements for its tranquillity, security and govern-
ment. It is only on the spot that this information can be ob-
tained, and to obtain it there, I am obliged to ask your agency j
for this purpose I have proposed a set of questions, now enclosed,
VOL. iv. 32
498 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
answers to which in the most exact terms practicable, I am to
ask you to procure. It is probable you may be able to answer
some of them yourself; however, it will doubtless be necessary
for you to distribute them among the different persons best quali-
fied to answer them respectively. As you will not have above
six weeks, from the receipt of them till they should be sent off to
be here by the meeting of Congress, it will be the more necessa-
ry to employ different persons on different parts of them. This
is left to your own judgment, and your best exertions to obtain
them in time are desired. You will be so good as to engage
the persons who undertake them, to complete them in time, and
to accept such recompense as you shall think reasonable, which
shall be paid on your draft on the Secretary of State. We rely
that the friendly dispositions of the Spanish government will
give such access to the archives of the province as may facilitate
information, equally desirable by Spain on parting with her an-
cient subjects, as by us on receiving them. This favor there-
fore will, I doubt not, be granted on your respectful application.
Accept my salutations and assurances of esteem and respect.
TO MR. BRECKENRIDGE.
MONTICELLO, August 12, 1803.
DEAR SIR, — The enclosed letter, though directed to you, was
intended to me also, and was left open with a request, that when
forwarded, I would forward it to you. It gives me occasion to
write a word to you on the subject of Louisiana, which being a
new one, an interchange of sentiments may produce correct ideas
before we are to act on them.
Our information as to the country is very incomplete ; we
have taken measures to obtain it full as to the settled part, which
I hope to receive in time for Congress. The boundaries, which
I deem not admitting question, are the high lands on the western
side of the Mississippi enclosing all its waters, the Missouri of
CORRESPONDENCE. 499
course, and terminating in the line drawn from the northwestern
point of the Lake of the Woods to the nearest source of the Mis-
sissippi, as lately settled between Great Britain and the United
States. We have some claims, to extend on the sea coast west-
wardly to the Rio Norte or Bravo, and better, to go eastwardly
to the Rio Perdido, between Mobile and Pensacola, the ancient
boundary of Louisiana. These claims will be a subject of ne-
gotiation with Spain, and if, as soon as she is at war, we push
them strongly with one hand, holding out a price in the other,
we shall certainly obtain the Floridas, and all in good time. In
the meanwhile, without waiting for permission, we shall enter
into the exercise of the natural right we have always insisted on
with Spain, to wit, that of a nation holding the upper part of
streams, having a right of innocent passage through them to the
ocean. We shall prepare her to see us practise on this, and she
will not oppose it by force.
Objections are raising to the eastward against the vast extent
of our boundaries, and propositions are made to exchange Louis-
iana, or a part of it, for the Floridas. But, as I have said, we
shall get the Floridas without, and I would not give one inch of
the waters of the Mississippi to any nation, because I see in a
light very important to our peace the exclusive right to its navi-
gation, and the admission of no nation into it, but as into the
Potomac or Delaware, with our consent and under our police.
These federalists see in this acquisition the formation of a new
confederacy, embracing all the waters of the Mississippi, on both
sides of it, and a separation of its eastern waters from us. These
combinations depend on so many circumstances which we can-
not foresee, that I place little reliance on them. We have seldom
seen neighborhood produce affection among nations. The re-
verse is almost the universal truth. Besides, if it should become
the great interest of those nations to separate from this, if their
happiness should depend on it so strongly as to induce them to go
through that convulsion, why should the Atlantic States dread
it ? But especially why should we, their present inhabitants,
take side in such a question ? When I view the Atlantic States,
500 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
procuring for those on the eastern waters of the Mississippi friend-
ly instead of hostile neighbors on its western waters, I do not
view it as an Englishman would the procuring future blessings
for the French nation, with whom he has no relations of blood or
affection. The future inhabitants of the Atlantic and Missis-
sippi States will be our sons. We leave them in distinct but bor-
dering establishments. We think we see their happiness in their
union, and we wish it. Events may prove it otherwise ; and if
they see their interest in separation, why should we take side
with our Atlantic rather than our Mississippi descendants ? It is
the elder and the younger son differing. God bless them both,
and keep them in union, if it be for their good, but separate them,
if it be better. The inhabited part of Louisiana, from Point
Coupee to the sea, will of course be immediately a territorial gov-
ernment, and soon a State. But above that, the best use we can
make of the country for some time, will be to give establishments
in it to the Indians on the east sic^e of the Mississippi, in exchange
for their present country, and open land offices in the last, and
thus make this acquisition the means of filling up the eastern
side, instead of drawing off its population. When we shall be
full on this side, we may lay off a range of States on the western
bank from the head to the mouth, and so, range after range, ad-
ancing compactly as we multiply.
This treaty must of course be laid before both Houses, because
both have important functions to exercise respecting it. They,
I presume, will see their duty to their country in ratifying and
paying for it, so as to secure a good which would otherwise prob-
ably be never again in their power. But I suppose they must
then appeal to the nation for an additional article to the Consti-
tion, approving and confirming an act which the nation had not
previously authorized. The Constitution has made no provision
for our holding foreign territory, still less for incorporating foreign
nations into our Union. The executive in seizing the fugitive
occurrence which so much advances the good of their country,
have done an act beyond the Constitution. The Legislature in
casting behind them metaphysical subtleties, and risking them-
CORRESPONDENCE. 501
selves like faithful servants, must ratify and pay for it, and
throw themselves on their country for doing for them unauthor-
ized, what we know they would have done for themselves had
they been in a situation to do it. It is the case of a guardian,
investing the money of his ward in purchasing an important ad-
jacent territory ; and saying to him when of age, I did this for
your good ; I pretend to no right to bind you : you may disavow
me, and I must get out of the scrape as I can : I thought it my
duty to risk myself for you. But we shall not be disavowed by
the nation, and their act of indemnity will confirm and not
weaken the Constitution, by more strongly marking out its lines.
We have nothing later from Europe than the public papers
give. I hope yourself and all the western members will make a
sacred point of being at the first day of the meeting of Congress ;
for vestra res regitur.
Accept my affectionate salutations and assurances of esteem
and respect.
TO THE SECRETAKT OF STATE.
MONTICELLO, August 25, 1803.
DEAR SIR, — Your two favors of the 18th and 20th were re-
ceived on the 21st. The letters of Livingston and Monroe were
sent to Mr. Gallatin as you proposed. That of Simpson to Mr.
Smith for the purpose of execution. All of them will be return-
ed. Thornton's, Clarke's, Charles's, Picnau's, Appleton's, Davis's,
Newton's, and Dericure's letters are now enclosed. With re-
spect to the impressment of our seamen I think we had better
propose to Great Britain to act on the stipulations which had
been agreed to between that Government and Mr. King, as if
they had been signed. I think they were, that they would for-
bid impressments at sea, and that we should acquiesce in the
search in their harbors necessary to prevent concealments of their
citizens. Mr. Thornton's attempt to justify his nation in using
our ports as cruising stations on our friends and ourselves, renders
502 JEFFEKSON'S WOKKS.
the matter so serious as to call, I think, for answer. That we
ought, in courtesy and friendship, to extend to them all the
rights of hospitality is certain, that they should not use our hos-
pitality to injure our friends or ourselves is equally enjoined by
morality and honor. After the rigorous exertions we made in
Genet's time to prevent this abuse on his part, and the indulgen-
cies extended by Mr. Adams to the British cruisers even after
our pacification with France, by ourselves also from an unwill-
ingness to change the course of things as the war was near its
close, I did not expect to hear from that quarter charges of par-
tiality. In the Mediterranean we need ask from no nation but
the permission to refresh and repair in their ports. We do not
wish our vessels to lounge in their ports. In the case at Gibral-
tar, if they had disapproved, our vessels ought to have left the
port. Besides, although nations have treated with the piratical
States, they have not, in malice, ever been considered as entitled
to all the favors of the laws of nations. Thornton says they
watch our trade only to prevent contraband. We say it is to
plunder under pretext of contraband, for which, though so shame-
fully exercised, they have given us no satisfaction but by confess-
ing the fact in new modifying their courts of Admiralty. Cer-
tainly the evils we experience from it, and the just complaints
which France may urge, render it indispensable that we restrain
the English from abusing the rights of hospitality to their preju-
dice as well as our own.
Graham's letter manifests a degree of imprudence, which I
had not expected from him. His pride has probably been hurt
at some of the regulations of that court, and has had its part in
inspiring the ill temper he shows. If you understand him as
serious in asking leave to return, I see no great objection to it.
At the date of your letter you had not received mine on
the subject of Dovieux's claim. I still think the limits therein
stated reasonable. I think a guinea a day till he leaves Wash-
ington would be as low an allowance as we could justify, and
should not be opposed to anything not exceeding the allowance
to Dawson. Fix between these as you please. I suppose Mon-
CORRESPONDENCE.
roe will touch on the limits of Louisiana only incidentally, inas-
much as its extension to Perdido curtails Florida, and renders it
of less worth. I have used my spare moments to investigate,
by the help of my books here, the subject of the limits of Louis-
iana. I am satisfied our right to the Perdido is substantial, and
can be opposed by a quibble on form only ; and our right west-
wardly to the Bay of St. Bernard, may be strongly maintained.
I will use the first leisure to make a statement of the facts and
principles on which this depends. Further reflection on the
amendment to the Constitution necessary in the case of Louis-
iana, satisfies me it will be better to give general powers, with
specified exceptions, somewhat in the way stated below. Mrs.
Madison promised us a visit about the last of this month. I
wish you could have met with General Page here, whom, with
his family, I expect in a day or two, and will pass a week
with us. But in this consult your own convenience, as that will
increase the pleasure with which I shall or may see you here.
Accept my affectionate salutations and constant attachment.
P. S. Louisiana, as ceded by France to the United States, is
made a part of the United States. Its white inhabitants shall be
citizens, and stand, as to their rights and obligations, on the same
footing with other citizens of the United States in analogous sit-
uations.
Save only that as to the portion thereof lying north of the
latitude of the mouth of Oreansa river, no new State shall be es-
tablished, nor any grants of land made therein, other than to In-
dians, in exchange for equivalent portions of land occupied by
them, until amendment to the Constitution shall be made for
these purposes.
Florida also, whensoever it may be rightfully obtained, shall
become a part of the United States. Its white inhabitants shall
thereupon be citizens, and shall stand, as to their rights and ob-
ligations, on the same footing with other citizens of the United
States in analogous circumstances
504 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO LEVI LINCOLN.
MONTICELLO, August 30, 1 808.
DEAR Sm, — The enclosed letter came to hand by yesterday's
post. You will be sensible of the circumstances which make it
improper that I should hazard a formal answer, as well as of the
desire its friendly aspect naturally excites, that those concerned
in it should understand that the spirit they express is friendly
viewed. You can judge also from your knowledge of the
ground, whether it may be usefully encouraged. I take the lib-
erty, therefore, of availing myself of your neighborhood to Boston,
and of your friendship to me, to request you to say to the captain
and others verbally whatever you think would be proper, as ex-
pressive of my sentiments on the subject. With respect to the
day on which they wish to fix their anniversary, they may be
told, that disapproving myself of transferring the honors and
veneration for the great birthday of our republic to any individ-
ual, or of dividing them with individuals, I have declined letting
my own birthday be known, and have engaged my family not
to communicate it. This has been the uniform answer to every
application of the kind.
On further consideration as to the amendment to our Constitu-
tion respecting Louisiana, I have thought it better, instead of
enumerating the powers which Congress may exercise, to give
them the same powers they have as to other portions of the Union
generally, and to enumerate the special exceptions, in some such
form as the following :
" Louisiana, as ceded by France to the United States, is made
a part of the United States, its white inhabitants shall be citizens,
and stand, as to their rights and obligations, on the same footing
with other citizens of the United States in analogous situations.
Save only that as to the portion thereof lying north of an east and
west line drawn through the mouth of Arkansas river, no new
State shall be established, nor any grants of land made, other
than to Indians, in exchange for equivalent portions of land occu-
CORRESPONDENCE. 505
pied by them, until an amendment of the Constitution shall be
made for these purposes.
" Florida also, whensoever it may be rightfully obtained, shall
become a part of the United States, its white inhabitants shall
thereupon be citizens, and shall stand, as to their rights and obli-
gations, on the same footing with other citizens of the United
States, in analogous situations."
I quote this for your consideration, observing that the less that
is said about any constitutional difficulty, the better ; and that it
will be desirable for Congress to do what is necessary, in silence.
I find but one opinion as to the necessity of shutting up the
country for some time. We meet in Washington the 25th of
September to prepare for Congress. Accept my affectionate
salutations, and great esteem and respect.
TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS.
MONTICKLLO, September 7, 1803.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 3d was delivered me at court ;
but we were much disappointed at not seeing you here, Mr.
Madison and the Governor being here at the time. I enclose
you a letter from Monroe on the subject of the late treaty. You
will observe a hint in it, to do without delay what we are bound
to do. There is reason, in the opinion of our ministers, to be-
lieve, that if the thing were to do over again, it could not be
obtained, and that if we give the least opening, they will declare
the treaty void. A warning amounting to that has been given
to them, and an unusual kind of letter written by their minister
to our Secretary of State, direct. Whatever Congress shall think
it necessary to do, should be done with as little debate as possible,
and particularly so far as respects the constitutional difficulty. I
am aware of the force of the observations you make on the power
given by the Constitution to Congress, to admit new States into
the Union, without restraining the subject to the territory then
506 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
constituting the United States. But when I consider that the
limits of the United States are precisely fixed by the treaty of
1783, that the Constitution expressly declares itself to be made
for the United States, I cannot help believing the intention was
not to permit Congress to admit into the Union new States, which
should be formed out of the territory for which, and under whose
authority alone, they were then acting. I do not believe it was
meant that they might receive England, Ireland, Holland, &c.
into it, which would be the case on your construction. When
an instrument admits two constructions, the one safe, the other
dangerous, the one precise, the other indefinite, I prefer that which
is safe and precise. I had rather ask an enlargement of power
from the nation, where it is found necessary, than to assume it
by a construction which would make o'ur powers boundless. Our
peculiar security is in the possession of a written Constitution.
Let us not make it a blank paper by construction. I say the
same as to the opinion of those who consider the grant of the
treaty making power as boundless. If it is, then we have no
Constitution. If it has bounds, they can be no others than the
definitions of the powers which that instrument gives. It speci-
fies and delineates the operations permitted to the federal govern-
ment, and gives all the powers necessary to carry these into
execution. Whatever of these enumerated objects is- proper for
a law, Congress may make the law ; whatever is proper to be
executed by way of a treaty, the President and Senate may enter
into the treaty ; whatever is to be done by a judicial sentence,
the judges may pass the sentence. Nothing is more likely than
that their enumeration of powers is defective. This is the ordi-
nary case of all human works. Let us go on then perfecting it,
by adding, by way of amendment to the Constitution, those
powers which time and trial show are still wanting. But it has
been taken too much for granted, that by this rigorous construc-
tion the treaty power would be reduced to nothing. I had occa-
sion once to examine its effect on the French treaty, made by
the old Congress, and found that out of thirty odd articles which
that contained, there were one, two, or three only which could
CORRESPONDENCE. 507
not now be stipulated under our present Constitution. I confess,
then, I think it important, in the present case, to set an example
against broad construction, by appealing for new power to the
people. If, however, our friends shall think differently, certainly
I shall acquiesce with satisfaction ; confiding, that the good sense
or our country will correct the evil of construction when it shall
produce ill effects.
No apologies for writing or speaking to me freely are neces-
sary. On the contrary, nothing my friends can do is so dear to
me, and proves to me their friendship so clearly, as the informa-
tion they give me of their sentiments and those of others on
interesting points where I am to act, and where information and
warning is so essential to excite in me that due reflection which
ought to precede action. I leave this about the 21st, and shall
hope the District Court will give me an opportunity of seeing
you.
Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of cordial
esteem and respect.
TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN BUSH.
WASHINGTON, October 4, 1803.
DEAR SIR, — No one would more willingly than myself pay
the just tribute due to the services of Captain Barry^ by writing
a letter of condolence to his widow,, as you suggest. But when
one undertakes to adminster justice, it must be with an even
hand, and by rule ; what is done for one, must be done for every
one in equal degree. To what a train of attentions would this
draw a President ? How difficult would it be to draw the line
between that degree of merit entitled to such a testimonial of it,
and that not so entitled ? If drawn in a particular case differ-
ently from what the friends of the deceased would judge right,
what offence would it give, and of the most tender kind ? How
much offence would be given by accidental inattentions, or want
of information ? The first step into such an undertaking ought
508 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
to be well weighed. On the death of Dr. Franklin, the King
and Convention of France went into mourning. So did the
House of Representatives of the United States : the Senate
refused. I proposed to General Washington that the executive
department should wear mourning ; he declined it, because he
said he should not know where to draw the line, if he once
began that ceremony. Mr. Adams was then Vice President, and
I thought General Washington had his eye on him, whom he cer-
tainly did not love. I told him the world had drawn so broad a
line between himself and Dr. Franklin, on the one side, and the
residue of mankind, on the other, that we might wear mourning
for them, and the question still remain new and undecided as to
all others. He thought it best, however, to avoid it. On these
considerations alone, however well affected to the merit of Com-
modore Barry, I think it prudent not to engage myself in a prac-
tice which may become embarrassing.
Tremendous times in Europe ! How mighty this battle of
lions and tigers ! With what sensations should the common herd
of cattle look on it ? With no partialities, certainly. If they can
so far worry one another as to destroy their power of tyrannizing,
the one over the earth, the other the waters, the world may per-
haps enjoy peace, till they recruit again.
Affectionate and respectful salutations.
TO M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS.
WASHINGTON, November 1, 1803.
MY DEAR SIR, — Your favors of April the 6th, and June the
27th, were duly received, and with the welcome which every-
thing brings from you. The treaty which has so happily sealed
the friendship of our two countries, has been received here with
general acclamation. Some inflexible federalists have still ven-
tured to brave the public opinion. It will fix their character with
the world and with posterity, who, not descending to the other
CORRESPONDENCE. 509
V' JLftavnce Krtween us, will judge them by this fact, so
ofi to spe?.k for itself in all times and places. For my-
self and my country, J (hank you for the aids you have given in
it; and I congratulate you on having lived to give those aids in
a transaction replete with, blessings to unborn millions of men,
and which will mark the fae of a portion on the globe so exten-
sive as that which now composes the United States of America.
It is true that at this momem a little cloud hovers in the horizon.
The government of Spain has protested against the right of
France to transfer ; and it is possible she may refuse possession,
and that this may bring on acts of force. But against such
neighbors as France there, and the United States here, what she
can expect from so gross a compound of folly and false faith, is
not to be sought in the book of wisdom. She is afraid of her
enemies in Mexico ; but not mm\i than we are. Our policy will
be, to form New Orleans, and th? country on both sides of it on
the Gulf of Mexico, into a Stat? ; and, as to all above that, to
transplant our Indians into it, coi^Ctuting them a Marechaussee
to prevent emigrants crossing the rivor, until we shall have filled
up all the vacant country on this siie. This will secure both
Spain and us as to the mines of MeiiibO, for half a century^ and
we may safely trust the provisions for that time to the men who
shall live in it.
I have communicated with Mr. Galkim on the subject of using
your house in any matters of consequeuee we may have to do at
Paris. He is impressed with the same desire I feel to give this
mark of our confidence in you, and the sense we entertain of
your friendship and fidelity. Mr. Behring informs him that none
of the money which will be due from us to him, as the assignee
of France, will be wanting at Paris. Be assured that our disposi-
tions are such as to let no occasion pass unimproved of serving
you, where occurrences will permit it.
Present my respects to Madame Dupont, and accept yourself
assurances of my constant and warm friendship.
510 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
WASHINGTON, November 4, 1803.
DEAR SIR, — A report reaches us this day from Baltimore, (on
probable, but not certain grounds,) that Mr. Jerome Bonaparte,
brother of the First Consul, was yesterday* married to Miss Pat-
terson, of that city. The effect of this measure on the mind of
the First Consul, is not for me to suppose ; but as it might occur
to him, prima fade, that the Executive of the United States
ought to have prevented it, I have thought it advisable to men-
tion the subject to you, that, if necessary, you may by explana-
tions set that idea to rights. You know that by our laws, all
persons are free to enter into marriage, if of twenty-one years of
age, no one having a power to restrain it, not even their parents ;
and that under that age, no one can prevent it but the parent or
guardian. The lady is under age, and the parents, placed be-
tween her affections, which were strongly fixed, and the con-
siderations opposing the measure, yielded with pain and anxiety
to the former. Mr. Patterson is the President of the Bank of
Baltimore, the wealthiest man in Maryland, perhaps in the United
States, except Mr. Carroll ; a man of great virtue and respect-
ability ; the mother is the sister of the lady of General Samuel
Smith ; and, consequently, the station of the family in society is
with the first of the United States. These circumstances fix
rank in a country where there are no hereditary titles.
Your treaty has obtained nearly a general approbation. The
federalists spoke and voted against it, but they are now so re-
duced in their numbers as to be nothing. The question on its
ratification in the Senate was decided by twenty-four against
seven, which was ten more than enough. The vote in the
House of Representatives for making provision for its execution
was carried by eighty-nine against twenty-three, which was a
majority of sixty-six, and the necessary bills are going through
the Houses by greater majorities. Mr. Pichon, according to in-
* November 8, It is now said that it did not take place on the 3d, but will this
day.
CORRESPONDENCE. 511
structions from his government, proposed to have added to the
ratification a protestation against any failure in time or -other cir-
cumstances of execution, on our part. He was told, that in that
case we should annex a counter protestation, which would leave
the thing exactly where it was. That this transaction had been
conducted, from the commencehient of the negociation to this
stage of it, with a frankness and sincerity honorable to both
nations, and comfortable to the heart of an honest man to review ;
that to annex to this last chapter of the transaction such an evi-
dence of mutual distrust, was to change its aspect dishonorably
for us both, and contrary to truth as to us ; for that we had not
the smallest doubt that France would punctually execute its part ;
and I assured Mr. Pichon that I had more confidence in the word
of the First Consul than in all the parchment we could sign. He
saw that we had ratified the treaty ; that both branches had
passed, by great majorities, one of the bills for execution, and
would soon pass the other two ; that no circumstances remained
that could leave a doubt of our punctual performance ; and like
an able and an honest minister, (which he is in the highest de-
gree,) he undertook to do what he knew his employers would do
themselves, were they here spectators of all the existing circum-
stances, and exchanged the ratifications purely and simply : so
that this instrument goes to the world as an evidence of the can-
dor and confidence of the nations in each other, which will have
the best effects. This was the more justifiable, as Mr. Pichon
knew that Spain had entered with us a protestation against our
ratification of the treaty, grounded, first, on the assertion that the
First Consul had not executed the conditions of the treaties of
cession ; and, secondly, that he had broken a solemn promise not
to alienate the country to any nation. We answered, that these
were private questions between France and Spain, which they
must settle together ; that we derived our title from the First
Consul, and did not doubt his guarantee of it ; and we, four days
ago, sent off orders to the Governor of the Mississippi territory
and General Wilkinson to move down with the troops at hand
to New Orleans, to receive the possession from Mr. Laussat. If
512 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
he is heartily disposed to carry the order of the Consul into
execution, he can probably command a volunteer force at New
Orleans, and will have the aid of ours also, if he desires it, to
take the possession, and deliver it to us. If he is not so disposed,
we shall take the possession, and it will rest with the government
of France, by adopting the act as their own, and obtaining the
confirmation of Spain, to supply the non-execution of their stipu-
lation to deliver, and to entitle themselves to the complete
execution of our part of the agreements. In the meantime, the
Legislature is passing the bills, and we are preparing everything
to be done on our part towards execution ; and we shall not avail
ourselves of the three months' delay after possession of the prov-
ince, allowed by the treaty for the delivery of the stock, but shall
deliver it the moment that possession is known here, which will
be on the eighteenth day after it has taken place.
*******
Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of my con-
stant esteem and respect.
TO DAVID WILLIAMS.
WASHINGTON, November 14, 1803.
SIR, — I have duly received the volume on the claims of
literature, which you did me the favor to send me through Mr.
Monroe, and have read with satisfaction the many judicious re-
flections it contains, on the condition of the respectable class of
literary men. The efforts for their relief, made by a society of
private citizens, are truly laudable ; but they are, as you justly
observe, but a palliation of an evil, the cure of which calls for all
the wisdom and the means of the nation. The greatest evils of
populous society have ever appeared to me to spring from the
vicious distribution of its members among the occupations called
for. I have no doubt that those nations are essentially right,
which leave this to individual choice, as a better guide to an
advantageous distribution than any other which could be devised.
CORRESPONDENCE. 513
But when, by a blind concourse, particular occupations are ruin-
ously overcharged, and others left in want of hands, the national
authorities can do much towards restoring the equilibrium. On
the revival of letters, learning became the universal favorite.
And with reason, because there was not enough of it existing to
manage the affairs of a nation to the best advantage, nor to ad-
vance its individuals to the happiness of which they were sus-
ceptible, by improvements in their minds, their morals, their
health, and in those conveniences which contribute to the com-
fort and embellishment of life. All the efforts of the society,
therefore, were directed to the increase of learning, and the in-
ducements of respect, ease, and profit were held up for its encour-
agement. Even the charities of the nation forgot that misery
was their object, and spent themselves in founding schools to
transfer to science the hardy sons of the plough. To these in-
citements were added the powerful fascinations of great cities.
These circumstances have long since produced an overcharge in
the class of competitors for learned occupation, and great distress
among the supernumerary candidates ; and the more, as their
habits of life have disqualified them for re-entering into the
laborious class. The evil cannot be suddenly, nor perhaps ever
entirely cured : nor should I presume to say by what means it
may be cured. Doubtless there are many engines which the
nation might bring to bear on this object. Public opinion, and
public encouragement are among these. The class principally
defective is that of agriculture. It is the first in utility, and ought
to be the first in respect. The same artificial means which have
been used to produce a competition in learning, may be equally
successful in restoring agriculture to its primary dignity in the
eyes of men. It is a science of the very first order. It counts
among its handmaids the most respectable sciences, such as
Chemistry, Natural Philosophy, Mechanics, Mathematics gen-
erally, Natural History, Botany. In every College and University,
a professorship of agriculture, and the class of its students, might
be honored as the first. Young men closing their academical
education with this, as the crown of all other sciences, fascinated
VOL. iv. 33
514 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
with its solid charms, and at a time when they are to choose an
occupation, instead of crowding the other classes, would return
to the farms of their fathers, their own, or those of others, and
replenish and invigorate a calling, now languishing under con-
tempt and oppression. The charitable schools, instead of storing
their pupils with a lore which the present state of society
does not call for, converted into schools of agriculture, might
restore them to that branch qualified to enrich and honor them-
selves, and to increase the productions of the nation instead of
consuming them. A gradual abolition of the useless offices, so
much accumulated in all governments, might close this drain
also from the labors of the field, and lessen the burthens imposed
on them. By these, and the better means which will occur to
others, the surcharge of the learned, might in time be drawn off
to recruit the laboring class of citizens, the sum of industry be
increased, and that of misery diminished.
Among the ancients, the redundance of population was some-
times checked by exposing infants. To the moderns, America
has offered a more humane resource. Many, who cannot find
employment in Europe, accordingly come here. Those who can
labor do well, for the most part. Of the learned class of emi-
grants, a small portion find employments analogous to their
talents. But many fail, and return to complete their course of
misery in the scenes where it began. Even here we find too
strong a current from the country to the towns ; and instances
beginning to appear of that species of misery, which you are so
humanely endeavoring to relieve with you. Although we have
in the old countries of Europe the lesson of their experience to
warn us, yet I am not satisfied we shall have the firmness and
wisdom to profit by it. The general desire of men to live by
their heads rather than their hands, and the strong allurements
of great cities to those who have any turn for dissipation,
threaten to make them here, as in Europe, the sinks of voluntary
misery. I perceive, however, that I have suffered my pen to run
into a disquisition, when I had taken it up only to thank you for
the volume you had been so kind as to send me, and to express
CORRESPONDENCE. 515
my approbation of it. After apologizing, therefore, for having
touched on a subject so much more familiar to you, and better
understood, I beg leave to assure you of my high consideration
and respect.
TO CAPTAIN LEWIS.
WASHINGTON, November 16, 1803.
DEAR SIR, — I have not written to you since the llth and 15th
of July, since which yours of July 18, 22, 25, September 8, 13,
and October 3, have been received. The present has been long
delayed by an expectation daily of getting the enclosed account
of Louisiana through the press. The materials are received
from different persons, of good authority. I enclose you also
copies of the treaties for Louisiana, the act for taking possession,
a letter from Dr. Wistar, and some information obtained by my-
self from Truteau's journal in MS., all of which may be useful
to you. The act for taking possession passed with only some
small verbal variations from that enclosed, of no consequence.
Orders went from hence signed by the King of Spain and the
first consul of France, so as to arrive at Natchez yesterday even-
ing, and we expect the delivery of the province at New Orleans
will take place about the close of the ensuing week, say about
the 26th instant. Governor Claiborne is appointed to execute
the powers of Commandant and Intendant, until a regular gov-
ernment shall be organized here. At the moment of delivering
over the ports in the vicinity of New Orleans, orders will be de-
spatched from thence to those in upper Louisiana to evacuate and
deliver them immediately. You can judge better than I can
when they may be expected to arrive at these ports, considering
h<5w much you have been detained by the low waters, how late
it will be before you can leave Cahokia, how little progress up
the Missouri you can make before the freezing of the river ; that
your winter might be passed in gaining much information, by
making Cahokia or Caskaskia your head quarters, and going to
516 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
St. Louis and the other Spanish forts, that your stores, &c.,
would thereby be spared for the winter, as your men would draw
their military rations. All danger of Spanish opposition avoided,
we are strongly of opinion here that you had better not enter the
Missouri till the spring. But as you have a view of all circum-
stances on the spot, we do not pretend to enjoin it, but leave it to
your own judgment in which we have entire confidence. One
thing, however, we are decided in ; that you must not undertake
the Avinter excursion which you propose in yours of October 3d.
Such an excursion will be more dangerous than the main expe-
dition up the Missouri, and would by an accident to you, hazard
our main object, which, since the acquisition of Louisiana, inter-
ests everybody in the highest degree. The object of your mis-
sion is single, the direct water communication from sea to sea
formed by the bed of the Missouri, and perhaps the Oregon ; by
having Mr. Clarke with you we consider the expedition as double
manned, and therefore the less liable to failure ; for which reason
neither of you should be exposed to risks by going off of your
line. I have proposed in conversation, and it seems generally
assented to, that Congress shall appropriate ten or twelve thou-
sand dollars for exploring the principal waters of the Mississippi
and Missouri. In that case, I should send a party up the Red
river to its head, then to cross over to the head of the Arkansas,
and come down that. A second party for the Pani and Padouca
rivers, and a third, perhaps, for the Morsigona and St. Peter's. As
the boundaries of interior Louisiana are the high lands enclosing
all the waters which run into the Mississippi or Missouri directly
or indirectly, with a quarter breadth on the Gulf of Mexico, it
becomes interesting to fix with precision by celestial observations
the longitude and latitude of the sources of these rivers, so pro-
viding points in the contour of our new limits. This will be at-
tempted distinctly from your mission, which we consider as of
major importance, and therefore, not to be delayed or hazarded
by any episodes whatever.
The votes of both Houses on ratifying and carrying the treaties
into execution, have been precisely party votes, except that Gen-
CORRESPONDENCE. 517
eral Dayton has separated from his friends on these questions,
and voted for the treaties. I will direct the Aurora National In-
telligencer to be forwarded to you for six months at Cadokie or
Kaskaskia, on the presumption you will be there. Your friends
and acquaintances here, and in Albermarle, are all well, so far as
I have heard ; and I recollect no other small news worth commu-
nicating. Present my friendly salutations to Mr. Clarke, and ac-
cept them affectionately yourself.
TO JOHN RANDOLPH.
WASHINGTON, December 1, 1803.
DEAR SIR, — The explanations in your letter of yesterday were
quite unnecessary to me. I have had too satisfactory proofs of
your friendly regard, to be disposed to suspect anything of a con-
trary aspect. I understood perfectly the expressions stated in the
newspaper to which you allude, to mean, that " though the pro-
position came from the republican quarter of the House, yet you
should not concur with it." I am aware that in parts of the
Union, and even with persons to whom Mr. Eppes and Mr. Ran-
dolph are unknown, and myself little known, it will be presumed
from their connection, that what comes from them comes from
me. No men on earth are more independent in their sentiments
than they are, nor any one less disposed than I am to influence
the opinions of others. We rarely speak of politics, or of the
proceedings of the House, but merely historically, and I carefully
avoid expressing an opinion on them, in their presence, that we
may all be at our ease. With other members, I have believed
that more unreserved communications would be advantageous to
the public. This has been, perhaps, prevented by mutual deli-
cacy. I have been afraid to express opinions unasked, lest I
should be suspected of wishing to direct the legislative action of
members. They have avoided asking communications from me,
probably, lest they should be suspected of wishing to fish out ex-
518 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
ecutive secrets. I see too many proofs of the imperfection of
human reason, to entertain wonder or intolerance at any differ-
ence of opinion on any subject ; and acquiesce in that difference
as easily as on a difference of feature or form ; experience having
long taught me the reasonableness of mutual sacrifices of opinion
among those who are to act together for any common object,
and the expediency of doing what good we can, when we cannot
do all we would wish.
Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem
and respect.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
WASHINGTON, December 13, 1803.
The Attorney General having considered and decided that the
prescription in the law for establishing a bank, that the officers
in the subordinate offices of discount and deposit, shall be ap-
pointed " on the same terms and in the same manner practised
in the principal bank," does not extend to them the principle of
rotation, established by the Legislature in the body of directors
in the principal bank, it follows that the extension of that prin-
ciple has been merely a voluntary and prudential act of the prin-
cipal bank, from which they are free to depart. I think the
extension was wise and proper on their part, because the Legis-
lature having deemed rotation useful in the principal bank con-
stituted by them, there would be the same reason for it in the
subordinate banks to be established by the principal. It breaks
in upon the esprit du corps so apt to prevail in permajient bodies ;
it gives a chance for the public eye penetrating into the sanc-
tuary of those proceedings and practices, which the avarice of
the directors may introduce for their personal emolument, and
which the resentments of excluded directors, or the honesty of
those duly admitted, might betray to the public ; and it gives an
opportunity at the end of the year, or at other periods, of correct-
ing a choice, which, on trial, proves to have been unfortunate ; an
CORRESPONDENCE. 519
evil of which themselves complain in their distant institutions.
Whether, however, they have a power to alter this, or not, the
executive has no right to decide ; and their consultation with
you has been merely an act of complaisance, or from a desire to
shield so important an innovation under the cover of executive
sanction. But ought we to volunteer our sanction in such a
case ? Ought we to disarm ourselves of any fair right of ani-
madversion, whenever that institution shall be a legitimate sub-
ject of consideration ? I own, I think the most proper answer
would be, that we do not think ourselves authorized to give an
opinion on the question.
From a passage in the letter of the President, I observe an idea
of establishing a branch bank of the United States in New Or-
leans. This institution is one of the most deadly hostility ex-
isting, against the principles and form of our Constitution. The
nation is, at this time, so strong and united in its sentiments,
that it cannot be shaken at this moment. But suppose a series
of untoward events should occur, sufficient to bring into doubt
the competency of a republican government to meet a crisis of
great danger, or to unhinge the confidence of the people in the
public functionaries ; an institution like this, penetrating by its
branches every part of the Union, acting by command and in
phalanx, may, in a critical moment, upset the government. I
deem no government safe which is under the vassalage of any
self-constituted authorities, or any other authority than that of
the nation, or its regular functionaries. What an obstruction
could not this bank of the United States, with all its branch
banks, be in time of war ? It might dictate to us the peace we
should accept, or withdraw its aids. Ought we then to give
further growth to an institution so powerful, so hostile ? That
it is so hostile we know, 1, from a knowledge of the principles
of the persons composing the body of directors in every bank,
principal or branch ; and those of most of the stockholders : 2,
from their opposition to the measures and principles of the gov-
ernment, and to the election of those friendly to them : and 3,
from the sentiments of the newspapers they support. Now,
620 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
while we are strong, it is the greatest duty we owe to the safety
of our Constitution, to bring this powerful enemy to a perfect
subordination under its authorities. The first measure would be
to reduce them to an equal footing only with other banks, as to
the favors of the government. But, in order to be able to meet
a general combination of the banks against us, in a critical emer-
gency, could we not make a beginning towards an independent
use of our own money, towards holding our own bank in all the
deposits where it is received, and letting the treasurer give his
draft or note, for payment at any particular place, which, in a
well-conducted government, ought to have as much credit as
any private draft, or bank note, or bill, and would give us the
same facilities which we derive from the banks ? I pray you to
turn this subject in your mind, and to give it the benefit of your
knowledge of details ; \vhereas, I have only very general views
of the subject. Affectionate salutations.
TO GOVERNOR CLINTON.
WASHINGTON, December 31, 1803.
DEAR SIR, — I received last night your favor of the 22d,
written on the occasion of the libellous pamphlet lately published
with you. I began to read it, but the dulness of the first page
made me . give up the reading for a dip into here and there a
passage, till I came to what respected myself. The falsehood of
that gave me a test for the rest of the work, and considering it
always useless to read lies, I threw it by. As to yourself, be
assured no contradiction was necessary. The uniform tenor of
a man's life furnishes better evidence of what he has said or done
on any particular occasion than the word of an enemy, and of an
enemy too who shows that he prefers the use of falsehoods
which suit him to truths which do not. Little squibs in certain
papers had long ago apprized me of a design to sow tares be-
tween particular republican characters, but to divide those by
CORRESPONDENCE. 521
lying tales whom truths cannot divide, is the hackneyed policy of
the gossips of every society. Our business is to march straight
forward to the object which has occupied us for eight and
twenty years, without either turning to the right or left. My
opinion is that two or three years more will bring back to the
fold of republicanism all our wandering brethren whom the cry
of "wolf" scattered in 1798. Till that is done, let every man
stand to his post, and hazard nothing by change. And when
that is done, you and I may retire to the tranquillity which our
years begin to call for, and revise with satisfaction the efforts of
the age we happened to be born in, crowned with complete success.
In the hour of death we shall have the consolation to see established
in the land of our fathers the most wonderful work of wisdom and
disinterested patriotism that has ever yet appeared on the globe.
In confidence that you will not be weary in well doing, I
tender my wishes that your future days may be as happy as your
past ones have been useful, and pray you to accept my friend y
salutations and assurances of high consideration and respect.
TO CAPTAIN MERIWETHER LEWIS.
WASHINGTON, January 22, 1804.
DEAR SIR, — My letters since your departure have been of July
llth and 15th, November 16th, and January 13th. Yours re-
ceived are of July 8th, 15th, 22d, and 25th, September 25th
and 30th, and October 3d. Since the date of the last we have
no certain information of your movements. With mine of No-
vember 16th, I sent you some extracts made by myself from the
journal of an agent of the trading company of St. Louis up the
Missouri. I now enclose a translation of that journal in full for
your information. In that of the 13th instant I enclosed you a
map of a Mr. Evans, a Welshman, employed by the Spanish
government for that purpose, but whose original object I believe
had been to go in search of the Welsh Indians, said to be up the
522 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
Missouri. On this subject a Mr, Rees, of the same nation, estab-
lished in the western part of Pennsylvania, will write to you.
New Orleans was delivered to us on the 20th of December, and
our garrisons and government established there. The orders for
the delivery of the upper ports were to leave New Orleans on the
28th, and we presume all those ports will be occupied by our
troops by the last day of the present month. When your in-
structions were penned, this new position was not so authentic-
ally known as to affect the complexion of your instructions.
Being now become sovereigns of the country, without, however,
any diminution of the Indian rights of occupancy, we are author-
ized to propose to them in direct terms the institution of com-
merce with them. It will now be proper you should inform
those through whose country you will pass, or whom you may
meet, that their late fathers, the Spaniards, have agreed to with-
draw all their troops from all the waters and country of \he Mis-
sissippi and Missouri ? That they have surrendered to us all their
subjects, Spanish and French, settled there and all their posts
and lands ; that henceforward we become their fathers and friends,
and that we shall endeavor that they shall have no cause to
lament the change ; that we have sent you to inquire into the
nature of the country and the nations inhabiting it, to know at
what places and times we must establish stores of goods among
them, to exchange for their peltries ; that as soon as you return
with the necessary information, we shall prepare supplies of goods
and persons to carry them, and make the proper establishments ;
that in the meantime the same traders who reside among us
visit them, and who now are a part of us, will continue to supply
them as usual ; that we shall endeavor to become acquainted
with them as soon as possible ; and that they will find in us
faithful friends and protectors. Although you will pass through
no settlements of the Sioux (except seceders) yet you will pro-
bably meet with parties of them. On that nation we wish most
particularly to make a friendly impression, because of their im-
mense power, and because we learn that they are very desirous
of being on the most friendly terms with us.
CORRESPONDENCE. 523
I enclose you a letter, which I believe is from some one on the
part of the Philosophical Society, They have made you a mem-
ber, and your diploma is lodged with me ; but I suppose it safest
to keep it here and not to send it after you. Mr. Harvie departs
to-morrow for France, as the bearer of the Louisiana stock to
Paris. Captain William Brent takes his place with me. Con-
gress will probably continue in session through the month of
March. Your friends here and in Albemarle, as far as I re-
collect, are well. Trist will be the collector of New Orleans,
and his family will go to him in the spring. Dr. Bache is now
in Philadelphia, and probably will not return to New Orleans.
Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of affectionate es-
teem and respect.
TO TIMOTHY BLOODWORTH, ESQ.
WASHINGTON, January 29, 1804.
DEAR SIR, — I thank you for the seed of the fly-trap. It is the
first I have ever been able to obtain, and shall take great care of
it. I am well pleased to hear of the progress of republicanism
Avith you. To do without a land tax, excise, stamp tax and the
other internal taxes, to supply their place by economies, so as
still to support the government properly, and to apply $7,300,-
000 a year steadily to the payment of the public debt ; to dis-
continue a great portion of the expenses on armies and navies,
yet protect our country and its commerce with what remains ;
to purchase a country as large and more fertile than the one we
possessed before, yet ask neither a new tax, nor another soldier
to be added, but to provide that that country shall by its own
income, pay for itself before the purchase money is due ; to pre-
serve peace with all nations, and particularly an equal friend-
ship to the two great rival powers France and England, and to
maintain the credit and character of the nation in as high a de-
gree as it has ever enjoyed, are measures which I think must
reconcile the great body of those who thought themselves our
524 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
enemies ; but were in truth only the enemies of certain Jaco-
binical, atheistical, anarchical, imaginary caricatures, which ex-
isted only in the land of the raw head and bloody bones, beings
created to frighten the credulous. By this time they see enough
of us to judge our characters by what we do, and not by what
we never did, nor thought of doing, but in the lying chronicles
of the newspapers. I know indeed there are some characters
who have been too prominent to retract, too proud and impass-
ioned to relent, too greedy after office and profit to relinquish
their longings, and who have covered their devotion to mon-
archism under the mantle of federalism, who never can be cured
of their enmities. These are incurable maniacs, for whom the
hospitable doors of Bedlam are ready to open, but they are per-
mitted to walk abroad while they refrain from personal assault.
The applications for Louisiana are so numerous that it would
be immoral to give a hope to the friends you mention. The
rage for going to that country seems universal. Accept my af-
fectionate salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect.
TO DOCTOR PRIESTLEY.
WASHINGTON, January 29, 1804.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of December the 12th came duly to
hand, as did the second letter to Doctor Linn, and the treatise
on Phlogiston, for which I pray you to accept my thanks. The
copy for Mr. Livingston has been delivered, together with your
letter to him, to Mr. Harvie, my secretary, who departs in a day
or two for Paris, and will deliver them himself to Mr. Living-
ston, whose attention to your matter cannot be doubted. I have
also to add my thanks to Mr. Priestley, your son, for the copy
of your Harmony, which I have gone through with great satis-
faction. It is the first I have been able to meet with, which is
clear of those long repetitions of the same transaction, as if it
were a different one because related with some different circum-
stances.
CORRESPONDENCE. 525
I rejoice that you have undertaken the task of comparing the
moral doctrines of Jesus with those of the ancient Philosophers.
You are so much in possession of the whole subject, that you
will do it easier and better than any other person living. I
think you cannot avoid giving, as preliminary to the comparison,
a digest of his moral doctrines, extracted in his own words from
the Evangelists, and leaving out everything relative to his per-
sonal history and character. It would be short and precious.
With a view to do this for my own satisfaction, I had sent to
Philadelphia to get two testaments (Greek) of the same edition,
and two English, with a design to cut out the morsels of mo-
rality, and paste them on the leaves of a book, in the manner
you describe as having been pursued in forming your Har-
mony. But I shall now get the thing done by better hands.
I very early saw that Louisiana was indeed a speck in our
horizon which was to burst in a tornado ; and the public are un-
apprized how near this catastrophe was. Nothing but a frank
and friendly development of causes and effects on our part, and
good sense enough in Bonaparte to see that the train was un-
avoidable, and would change the face of the world, saved us from
that storm. I did not expect he would yield till a war took
place between France and England, and my hope was to pal-
liate and endure, if Messrs. Ross, Morris, &c. did not force a
premature rupture, until that event. I believed the event not
very distant, but acknowledge it came on sooner than I had ex-
pected. Whether, however, the good sense of Bonaparte might
not see the course predicted to be necessary and unavoidable,
even before a war should be imminent, was a chance which we
thought it our duty to try j but the immediate prospect of rup-
ture brought the case to immediate decision. The denoument
has been happy ; and I confess I look to this duplication of area
for the extending a government so free and economical as ours,
as a great achievement to the mass of happiness which is to en-
sue. Whether we remain in one confederacy, or form into At-
lantic and Mississippi confederacies, I believe not very import-
ant to the happiness of either part. Those of the western con-
526 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
federacy will be as much our children and descendants as those
of the eastern, and I feel myself as much identified with that
country, in future time, as with this ; and did I now foresee a
separation at some future day, yet I should feel the duty and
the desire to promote the western interests as zealously as the
eastern, doing all the good for both portions of our future family
which should fall within my power.
Have you seen the new work of Mai thus on population ? It
is one of the ablest I have ever seen. Although his main ob-
ject is to delineate the effects of redundancy of population, and
to test the poor laws of England, and other palliations for that
evil, several important questions in political economy, allied to his
subject incidentally, are treated with a masterly hand. It is a
single octavo volume, and I have been only able to read a bor-
rowed copy, the only one I have yet heard of. Probably our
friends in England will think of you, and give you an opportu-
nity of reading it. Accept my affectionate salutations, and as-
surances of great esteem and respect.
TO MR. SAT.
Washington, February 1, 1804.
DEAR SIR, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your obliging
letter, and with it, of two very interesting volumes on Political
Economy. These found me engaged in giving the leisure mo-
ments I rarely find, to the perusal of Malthus' work on popula-
tion, a work of sound logic, in which some of the opinions of
Adam Smith, as well as of the economists, are ably examined. I
was pleased, on turning to some chapters where you treat the
same questions, to find his opinions corroborated by yours. I
shall proceed to the reading of your work with great pleasure.
In the meantime, the present conveyance, by a gentlemen of my
family going to Paris, is too safe to hazard a delay in making my
acknowledgments for this mark of attention, and for having
afforded to me a satisfaction, which the ordinary course of liter-
CORRESPONDENCE. 527
ary communications could not have given me for a considerable
time.
The differences of circumstance between this and the old
countries of Europe, furnish differences of fact whereon to reason,
in questions of political economy, and will consequently produce
sometimes a difference of result. There, for instance, the quan-
tity of food is fixed, or increasing in a slow and only arithmetical
ratio, and the proportion is limited by the same ratio. Super-
numerary births consequently add only to your mortality. Here
the immense extent of uncultivated and fertile lands enables
every one who will labor to marry young, and to raise a family
of any size. Our food, then, may increase geometrically with
our laborers, and our births, however multiplied, become effect-
ive. Again, there the best distribution of labor is supposed to
be that which places the manufacturing hands alongside the agri-
cultural ; so that the one part shall feed both, and the other part
furnish both with clothes and other comforts. Would that be
best here ? Egoism and first appearances say yes. Or would it
be better that all our laborers should be employed in agriculture ?
In this case a double or treble portion of fertile lands would be
brought into culture ; a double or treble creation of food be pro-
duced, and its surplus go to nourish the now perishing births of
Europe, who in return would manufacture and send us in ex-
change our clothes and other comforts. Morality listens to this,
and so invariably do the laws of nature create our duties and in-
terests, that when they seem to be at variance, we ought to sus-
pect some fallacy in our reasonings. In solving this question,
too, we should allow its just weight to the moral and physical
preference of the agricultural, over the manufacturing, man. My
occupations permit me only to ask questions. They deny me
the time, if I had the information, to answer them. Perhaps, as
worthy the attention of the author of the Traitc d'Economie
Politique, I shall find them answered in that work. If they are
not, the reason will have been that you wrote for Europe ; while
I shall have asked them because I think for America. Accept, Sir,
my respectful salutations, and assurances of great consideration.
528 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO RUFUS KING, ESQ.
WASHINGTON, February 17, 1804.
DEAR SIR, — 1 now return you the manuscript history of
Bacon's rebellion, with many thanks for the communication.
It is really a valuable morsel in the history of Virginia. That
transaction is the more marked, as it was the only rebellion or
insurrection which had ever taken place in the colony before the
American Revolution. Neither its cause nor course have been
well understood, the public records containing little on the sub-
ject. It is very long since I read the several histories of Virginia,
but the impression remaining on my mind was not at all that
which the writer gives ; and it is impossible to refuse assent to
the candor and simplicity of history. I have taken the liberty
of copying it, which has been the reason of the detention of it.
I had an opportunity, too, of communicating it to a person who
was just putting into the press a history of Virginia, but all in a
situation to be corrected. I think it possible that among the
ancient manuscripts I possess at Monticello, I may be able to
trace the author. I shall endeavor to do it the first visit I make
to that place, and if with success, I will do myself the pleasure
of communicating it to you. From the public records there is no
hope, as they were destroyed by the British, I believe, very com-
pletely, during their invasion of Virginia. Accept my saluta-
tions, and assurances of high consideration and respect.
TO THE SECRETARY OP THE TREASURY.
February 19, 1804.
Doctor Stevens having been sent by the preceding administra-
tion, in 1798, to St. Domingo, with the commission of consul-
general, and also with authorities as an agent additional to the
consular powers, under a stipulation that his expenses should be
borne ; an account of these is now exhibited to the Secretary of
CORPwESPONDENCE. 529
State, and the questions arise whether the payment can be
authorized by the Executive, and out of what fund ?
The Constitution has made the Executive the organ for man-
aging our intercourse with foreign nations. It authorizes him to
appoint and receive ambassadors, other public ministers, and con-
suls. The term minister being applicable to other agents as well
as diplomatic, the constant practice of the government, considered
as a commentary, established this broad meaning ; and the pub-
lic interest approves it ; because it would be extravagant to em-
ploy a diplomatic minister for a business which a mere rider
would execute. The Executive being thus charged with the
foreign intercourse, no law has undertaken to prescribe its specific
duties. The permanent act of 1801, however, first, where he
uses the agency of a minister plenipotentiary, or charge, restricts
him in the sums to be allowed for outfit, salary, return, and a
secretary ; and second, when any law has appropriated a sum for
the contingent expenses of foreign intercourse, leaves to his dis-
cretion to dispense with the exhibition of the vouchers of its
expenditure in the public offices. Under these two standing pro-
visions there is annually a sum appropriated for the expenses of
intercourse with foreign nations. The purposes of the appro-
priation being expressed by the law, in terms as general as the
duties are by the Constitution, the application of the money is
left as much to the discretion of the Executive, as the perform-
ance of the duties, saving always the provisions of 1801.
It is true that this appropriation is usually made on an estimate,
given by the Secretary of State to the Secretary of the Treasury,
and by him reported to Congress. But Congress, aware that too
minute a specification has its evil as well as a too general one,
does not make the estimate a part of their law, but gives a sum
in gross, trusting the Executive discretion for that year and that
sum only ; so in other departments, as of war for instance, the
estimate of the Secretary specifies all the items of clothing, sub-
sistence, pay, &c., of the army. And Congress throws this into
such masses as they think best, to wit, a sum in gross for cloth-
ing, another for subsistence, a third for pay, &c., binding up the
VOL. iv. 34
530 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
Executive discretion only by the sum, and the object generalized
to a certain degree. The minute details of the estimate are thus
dispensed with in point of obligation, and the discretion of the
officer is enlarged to the limits of the classification, which Con-
gress thinks it best for the public interest to make. In the case
before us, then, the sum appropriated may be applied to any
agency with a foreign nation, which the Constitution has made
a part of the duty of the President, as the organ of foreign inter-
course.
The sum appropriated is generally the exact amount of the es-
timate, but not always. In the present instance the estimate, be-
ing for 1803, was only of $62,550, (including two outfits,) and
the appropriation was of $75,562, leaving a difference of $13,012.
If indeed, there be not enough of this appropriation left to pay
Dr. Stevens' just demands, they cannot be paid until Congress
shall make some appropriation applicable to them. I say his
just demands, because by the undertaking of the then adminis-
tration to pay his expenses, justice as well as law will understand
his reasonable expenses. These must be tried by the scale
which law and usage have established, whereon ' the Minister,
Charge, and Secretary, are given as fixed terms of comparison.
The undefined agency of Dr. Stevens must be placed opposite
to that term of the scale, with which it may fairly be thought to
correspond ; and if he has gone beyond that, his expenses should
be reduced to it. J think them beyond it, and suppose that Dr.
Stevens, viewing himself as a merchant, as well as a public
agent, found it answer his purposes as a merchant to apply a part
of his receipts in that character in addition to what he might
reasonably expect from the public, not then meaning to charge
to his public character the extraordinary style of expense which
he believed at the time he could afford out of his mercantile
profits.
[Statement of Dr. Stevens' case, referred to in preceding letter.]
The Constitution having provided that the President should
appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and all
CORRESPONDENCE. 53!
other officers which shall be established by law, the first Con-
gress which met passed a law (July 1, 1790) authorizing him to
draw from the treasury $40,000 annually for the support of such
persons as he shall commission to serve the United States in
foreign parts, and for the expense incident to the business in
which they may be employed ; with a proviso that, exclusive of
an outfit to a Minister Plenipotentiary or Charge, not exceeding
a year's salary, he should allow to any Minister Plenipotentiary
not more than $9,000 a year, for all his personal services and
other expenses ; to a Charge not more than $4,500 ; to a Secre-
tary not more than $1,350 ; and with a second proviso as to the
mode of settlement. This act, which was temporary, was con-
tinued by those of 1793, February 9, 1794, March 20, 1796,
May 30, 1798, March 19, till 1800, May 10,. when they turned
the two provisos into enacting clauses, and made them perma-
nent, and the appropriating clause which made the body of the
law before, is now annually inserted in the general appropriating
law. See 1800, May 7, 1801, March 3, 1802, May 1, 1803,
March 2, and 1804, March — . As Congress, in order to limit
the discretion of officers as far as is safe, is in the practice of
throwing the objects of appropriations into groops, e. g. to the
Secretary of State, and clerks, and other persons in that depart-
ment so much ; Secretary of Treasury, &c., so much ; clothing
for the army so much ; subsistence so much ; pay so much, &c.
So they might have analysed the foreign appropriation by allow-
ing for outfits of ministers so much; salaries of ministers so
much ; contingent expenses so much, &c. But they chose to
throw it all into one mass, only providing that no outfit should
exceed a year's salary, and no salary of a minister be more than
$9,000 ; of a Charge $4,500 ; Secretary $1,350, &c.; leaving the
President free to give them less if he chose, and to give to Am-
bassadors, Envoys, and other agents, what he thought proper.
From the origin of the present government to this day, the con-
struction of the laws, and the practice under them, has been to
consider the whole fund (with only the limitations before men-
tioned) as under the discretion of the President as to the persons
532 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
he should commission to serve the United States in foreign parts,
and all the expenses incident to the business in which they may
be employed. The grade consequently or character in which
they should be employed, their allowance, &c. Thus Governor
Morris was appointed by General Washington informally and
without a commission to confer with the British ministers, and
was allowed for eight months (I think) $1,000. Colonel Hum-
phreys was appointed in 1790, to go as an agent to Madrid, and
was allowed at the rate of $2,250 per annum. Dumas was kept
at the Hague many years as an agent at $1,300 a year. Mr.
Cutting was allowed disbursements for sailors in London in 1791,
$233 33. Presents were made to the Chevalier Luzerne, on
taking leave, worth $1,062. Van Berhel $697. Du Moustier
$555, in 1791. Mr. Short was sent to Amsterdam as an agent
in 1792, and allowed $444 43. James Blake was sent as agent
to Madrid in 1793, and received an advance of $800. I know
not how much afterwards, as I left the office of Secretary of
State at the close of that year. In 1794, Mr. Jay was appointed
Envoy Extraordinary, a grade not particularly named in the
Constitution, or any law, yet General Washington fixed his al-
lowance. During the present administration Mr. Dawson and
Lieutenant Leonard have been sent on special agencies. From
the beginning of the government it has been the rule when one
of our ministers is ordered to another place on a special business,
to allow his expenses on that special mission, his salary going on
at his residence where his family remains. Mr. Short's mission
from Paris to Amsterdam, from Paris to Madrid ; Mr. Pinckney
from London to Madrid ; Mr. Murray's from the Hague to Paris,
and others not recollected by me, are instances of this. These
facts are stated to show that it has been the uniform opinion and
practice that the whole foreign fund was placed by the Legisla-
ture on the footing of a contingent fund, in which they under-
take no specifications, but leave the whole to the discretion of
the President. The whole is but from forty to sixty or seventy
thousand dollars. After the establishment of the general fund
for; foreign intercourse, Congress found it necessary to make a
CORRESPONDENCE. 533
separate branch for the Barbary powers. This was done covert-
ly in the beginning, to wit, in 1792, they gave $50,000 addi-
tional to the foreign fund, in 1794, $1,000,000 additional with-
out limiting it to Barbary. Yet it was secretly understood by
the President, and his discretion was trusted. In 1796, they gave
$260,000 for treaties with the Mediterranean powers, in 1797,
$280,259 03, for the expenses of negotiation with Algiers. They
did not undertake a more minute analysis or specification, but
left it to the President. The laws of 1796, May 6, 1797, March
3, 1799, March 2, give sums for specific purposes because these
purposes were simple and understood by the Legislature. But
in general, in this branch of the foreign expenses, as in the former
one, the Legislature has thought that to cramp the public service
by too minute specifications in cases which they could not fore-
see, might do more evil than a temporary trust to the President,
which could be put an end to if abused.
In our western governments, heretofore established, they were
so well understood by Congress, that they could and did specify
every item of expense, except a very small residuum for which
they made contingent appropriations. But when they came to
provide at this session for the Louisiana government, with which
they were not acquainted, they gave twenty thousand dollars for
compensation to the officers of the government employed by the
President, and for other civil expenses under the direction of the
President. And their first step towards the acquisition of that
country was to confide to the President two millions of dollars
under the general appropriation for foreign intercourse. These
facts show that so far from having experienced evil from confid-
ing the forty thousand dollars foreign fund to the discretion of
the executive without a specific analysis of its application, they
have continued it on that footing, and in many other great cases
where analysis was difficult or inexpedient they have given the
sums in mass, and left the analysis to him, only requiring an ac-
count to be rendered.
This statement has been made in order to place on its true
ground the case of Doctor Stevens. He was employed by Mr.
534 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
Adams as Agent to St. Domingo, and was to be allowed his ex-
penses, though these were not limited, yet the law limits them
in such case to what were reasonable. Doubts have arisen at
the treasury whether the executive had a right to make such a
contract, and whether there be any fund out of which it can be
paid ? Some doubt has been expressed whether an appropriation
law gives authority to pay for the purpose of the appropriation
without some particular law authorizing it. If this be the case,
the forty thousand dollar fund has been paid away without au-
thority from its first establishment ; for it never has been given
but by a clause of appropriation. The executive believes this
sufficient authority, and so we presume did the Legislature' or
they would have given authority in some other sufficient form.
And where is the rule of legal construction to be found which
ascribes less effect to the words of an appropriation law, than of
any other law ? It is also doubted whether the estimate on which
an appropriation is founded does not restrain the application to
the specific articles, their number and amount as stated in the
estimate ? Were an appropriation law to come before a judge
would he decide its meaning from its text, or would he call on
the officer to produce their estimates as being a part of the law ?
On the whole, the following questions are to be determined :
1. Whether the laws do not justify the construction which has
been uniformly given, either strictly, or at least so ambiguously,
that, as in judiciary cases, the decisions which have taken place
have fixed their meaning and made it law ? 2. Whether they
are so palpably against law that the practice must be arrested ?
3. Whether it shall be arrested retrospectively as to moneys en-
gaged but not yet actually paid, or only as to future contracts ?
4. Whether any circumstances take Dr. Stevens' case out of the
conditions and rights of other foreign agencies ?
March 23, 1804
CORRESPONDENCE. 535
TO MB. LATROBE.
WASHINGTON, February 28, 1804.
DEAR SIR. — I am sorry the explanations attempted between
Dr. Thornton and yourself, on the manner of finishing the cham-
ber of the House of Representatives, have not succeeded. At
the original establishment of this place advertisements were pub-
lished many months offering premiums for the best plans for a
Capitol and a President's house. Many were sent in. A council
was held by General Washington with the board of Commis-
sioners, and after very mature examination two were preferred,
and the premiums given to their authors, Doctor Thornton and
Hobens, and the plans were decided on. Hobens' has been
executed. On Doctor Thornton's plan of the Capitol the north
wing has been extended, and the south raised one story. In
order to get along with any public undertaking it is necessary
that some stability of plan be observed — nothing impedes pro-
gress so much as perpetual changes of design. I yield to this
principle in the present case more willingly because the plan be-
gun for the Representative room will, in my opinion, be more
handsome and commodious than anything which can now be
proposed on the same area. And though the spheroidical dome
psesents difficulties to the executor, yet they are not beyond his
art ; and it is to overcome difficulties that we employ men of
genius. While however I express my opinion that we had bet-
ter go through with this wing of the Capitol on the plan which
has been settled, I would not be understood to suppose there
does exist sufficient authority to control the original plan in any
of its parts, and to accommodate it to changes of circumstances.
I only mean that it is not advisable to change that of this wing
in its present stage. Though I have spoken of a spheroidical
roof, that will not be correct by the figure. Every rib will be
a portion of a circle of which the radius will be determined by
the span and rise of each rib. Would it not be best to make the
internal colums of well-burnt brick, moulded in portions of cir-
cles adapted to the diminution of the columns ? 2d. Burlington,
JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
in his notes on Palladio, tells us that he found most of the build-
ings erected under Palladio's direction, and described in his archi-
tecture, to have their columns made of brick in this way and cov-
ered over with stucco. I know an instance of a range of six or
eight columns in Virginia, twenty feet high, well proportioned and
properly diminished, executed by a common bricklayer. The
bases and capitols would of course be of hewn stone. I suggest
this for your consideration, and tender you my friendly saluta-
tions.
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
WASHINGTON, March 3, 1804.
DEAR SIR, — Although it is long since I received your favor of
October the 27th, yet I have not had leisure sooner to acknowl-
edge it. In the middle and southern States, as great an union
of sentiment has now taken place as is perhaps desirable. For
as there will always be an opposition, I believe it had better be
from avowed monarchists than republicans. New York seems to
be in danger of republican division ; Vermont is solidly with us ;
Rhode Island with us on anomalous grounds ; New Hampshire
on the verge of the republican shore ; Connecticut advancing
towards it very slowly, but with steady step ; your State only
uncertain of making port at all. I had forgotten Delaware, which
will be always uncertain, from the divided character of her
citizens. If the amendment of the Constitution passes Rhode
Island, (and we expect to hear in a day or two,) the election for
the ensuing four years seems to present nothing formidable. I
sincerely regret that the unbounded calumnies of the federal
party have obliged me to throw myself on the verdict of my
country for trial, my great desire having been to retire, at the end
of the present term, to a life of tranquillity ; and it was my
decided purpose when I entered into office. They force my
continuance. If we can keep the vessel of State as steadily in
her course for another four years, my earthly purposes will be
accomplished, and I shall be free to enjoy, as you are doing, my
CORRESPONDENCE.
537
family, my farm, and my books. That your enjoyments may
continue as long as you shall wish them, I sincerely pray, and
tender you my friendly salutations, and assurances of great respect
and esteem.
TO WILLIAM DUNBAR, ESQ.
WASHINGTON, March 13, 1804.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of January 28 has been duly received,
and I have read with great satisfaction your ingenuous paper on
the subject of the Mississippi, which I shall immediately forward
to the Philosophical Society, where it will be duly' prized. To
prove the value I set on it, and my wish that it may go to the
public without any imperfection about it, I will take the liberty
of submitting to your consideration the only passage which I
think may require it. You say, page 9, " The velocity of rivers
is greatest at the surface, and gradually diminishes downwards."
And this principle enters into some subsequent parts of the paper,
and has too much effect on the phenomena of that river not to
merit mature consideration. I
but suppose it at variance with the *
law of motion in rivers. In strict
theory, the velocity of water at
any given depth in a river is (in
addition to its velocity at its sur-
face) whatever a body would have
acquired by falling through a space
equal to that depth. If, in the mid-
dle of a river, we drop a vertical line,
a e, from its surface to its bottom,
and (using a perch, or rather a
measure of 16.125 feet, for our
unit of measure) we draw, at the
depths, b c d e, (which suppose
— 1.4 9.16 perch ordinates in the
direction of the stream, equal to
538 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
the odd numbers, 3, 5, 7, 9 perch, these ordinates will represent the
additional velocities of the water per second of time, at the depth
of their respective abscissae, and will terminate in a curve, a f g
h i, ) which will represent the velocity of their current in every
point, and the whole mass of water passing on in a second of time.*
This would be the theory of the motion of rivers, were there no fric-
tion ; but the bottom being rough, its friction with the lower sheet
or lamina of water will retard that lamina; the friction or viscosity
of the particles of which, again, with those of the one next above,
will retard that somewhat less, the 2d retard the 3d, the 3d the 4th,
and so on upwards, diminishing till the retardation becomes insen-
sible ; and the theoretic curve will be modified by that cause, as at
n o, removing the maximum of motion from the bottom somewhere
upwardly. Again, the same circumstances of friction and vis-
cosity of the particles of water among themselves, will cause the
lamina at the surface to be accelerated by the quicker motion of
the one next below it, the 2d still more by the 3d, the 3d by the
4th, and so on downwards, the acceleration always increasing till
it reached the lamina of greatest motion. The exact point of
the maximum of motion cannot be calculated, because it depends
on friction ; but it is probably much nearer the bottom than top,
because the greater power of the current there sooner overcomes
the effect of the friction. Ultimately, the curve will be sensibly
varied by being swelled outwardly above,, and retracted inwardly
below, somewhat like a k I in n o, in the preceding diagram.
Indulging corollaries on this theory, let us suppose a plane sur-
face, as a large sheet of cast-iron, let down by a cable from a
boat, and made to present its surface to the current by a long
vane fixed on its axis in the direction of the current. Would not
the current below, laying hold of this plate, draw the boat down
* These ordinates are arithmetical progressionals, each of which is double the
root of its abscissa, plus unit. The equation, therefore, expressing the law of the
curve is y = 2 Nx-\-\ ; that is, the velocity of the water of any depth will be
double the root of that depth, plus unit. Were the line ae & wall, and bfcgdhei
troughs along which water spouted from apertures at b c de, their intersections with
the curve at/gr h i would mark the point in each trough to which the water would
flow in a second of time, abating for friction.
OOREESPONDENCE. 539
the stream with more rapidity than that with which it otherwise
moves on the surface of the water? Again, at the cross current
of the surface which flows into the Chafaleya, and endangers the
drawing boats into that river, as you mention, page 18, would
not the same plane surface, if let down into the under current,
which moves in the direction of the bed of the main river, have
the effect of drawing the vessel across the lateral current prevail-
ing at its surface, and conduct the boat with safety along the
channel of the river ?
The preceding observations are submitted to your considera-
tion. By drawing your attention to the subject, they will enable
you, on further reflection, to confirm or correct your first opinion.
If the latter, there would be time, before we print a volume, to
make any alterations or additions to your paper which you might
wish. We were much indebted for your communications on the
subject of Louisiana. The substance of what was received from
you, as well as others, was digested together and printed, without
letting it be seen from whom the particulars came, as some were
of a nature to excite ill-will. Of these publications I sent you a
copy. On the subject of the limits of Louisiana, nothing was
said therein, because we thought it best first to have explanations
with Spain. In the first visit, after receiving the treaty, which I
paid to Monticello, which was in August, I availed myself of
what I have there, to investigate the limits. While I was in
Europe, I had purchased everything I could lay my hands on
which related to any part of America, and particularly had a
pretty full collection of the English, French and Spanish authors,
on the subject of Louisiana. The information I got from .these
was entirely satisfactory, and I threw it into a shape which would
easily take the form of a memorial. I now enclose you a copy
of it. One single fact in it was taken from a publication in a
newspaper, supposed to be written by Judge Bay, who had lived
in West Florida. This asserted that the country from the Iber-
ville to the Perdido was to this day called Louisiana, and a part
of the government of Louisiana. I wrote to you to ascertain
that fact, and received the information you were so kind as to
540 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
send me ; on the receipt of which, I changed the form of the
assertion, so as to adapt it to what I suppose to be the fact, and
to reconcile the testimony I have received, to wit, that though
the name and division of West Florida have been retained ; and
in strictness, that country is still called by that name ; yet it is
also called Louisiana in common parlance, and even in some
authentic public documents. The fact, however, is not of much
importance. It would only have been an argumentum ad hom-
inem. Although I would wish the paper enclosed never to be
seen by anybody but yourself, and that it should not even be
mentioned that the facts and opinions therein stated are founded
in public authority, yet I have no objections to their being freely
advanced in conversation, and as private and individual opinion,
believing it will be advantageous that the extent of our rights
should be known to the inhabitants of the country ; and that
however we may compromise on our Western limits, we never
shall on the Eastern. ,
I formerly acquainted you with the mission of Captain Lewis
up the Missouri, and across from its head to the Pacific. He
takes about a dozen men with him, is well provided with in-
struments, and qualified to give us the geography of the line he
passes along with astronomical accuracy. He is now hutted op-
posite the mouth of the Missouri, ready to enter it on the open-
ing of the season. He will be at least two years on the expe-
dition. I propose to charge the Surveyor-general N. of Ohio,
with a survey of the Mississippi from its source to the mouth of
the Ohio, and with settling some other interesting points of geog-
raphy in that quarter. Congress will probably authorize me to
explore the greater waters on the western side of the Mississippi
and Missouri, to their sources. In this case I should propose to
send one party up the Panis river to its source, thence along the
highlands to the source of the Radoncas river and down it to its
mouth, giving the whole course of both parties, corrected by as-
tronomical observation. These several surveys will enable us
to prepare a map of Louisiana, which in its contour and main
waters will be perfectly correct, and will give us a skeleton to
CORRESPONDENCE. 541
be filled up with details hereafter. For what lies north of the
Missouri, we suppose British industry will furnish that. As you
live so near to the point of departure of the lowest expedition,
and possess and can acquire so much better the information,
which may direct that to the best advantage, I have thought, if
Congress should authorize the enterprise, to propose to you the
unprofitable trouble of directing it. The party would consist
of ten or twelve picked soldiers, volunteers with an officer, un-
der the guidance of one or two persons qualified to survey and
correct by observations of latitude and longitude, the latter lu-
nar, and as well informed as we can get them in the depart-
ments of botany, natural history, and mineralogy. I am told
there is a Mr. Walker in your town, and a Mr. Gillespie in North
Carolina, possessing good qualifications. As you know them
both, you can judge whether both are qualified, should two per-
sons go, or which is best, should but one be sent, or whether
there is any other person better, qualified than either. Their
pay would probably not exceed $1000 a year, to which would
be added their subsistence. All preparations would be to be
made at Natchez and New Orleans on your order. Instructions
similar to those of Captain Lewis would go from here, to be add-
ed to by what should occur to yourself, and you would be the
centre for the communications from the party to the govern-
ment. Still this is a matter of speculation only, as Congress are
hurrying over their business for adjournment, and may leave
this article of it unfinished. In that case what I have said will
be as if I had not said it.
There is such a difference of opinion in Congress as to the
government to be given to Louisiana, that they may continue
the present one another year. I hope and urge their not doing
it, and the establishment of a government on the spot capable
of meeting promptly its own emergencies. Accept my friendly
salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect.
542 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO GIDEON GRANGER.
MONTICELLO, April 16, 1804.
DEAR SIR,— ********
In our last conversation you mentioned a federal scheme afloat,
of forming a coalition between the federalists and republicans,
m what they called the seven eastern States. The idea was
new to me, and after time for reflection I had no opportu-
nity of conversing with you again. The federalists know, that
eo nomine, they are gone forever. Their object, therefore, is:
how to return into power under some other form. Undoubtedly
they have but one means, which is to divide the republicans,
join the minority, and barter with them for the cloak of their
name. I say, join the minority; because the majority of the
republicans not needing them, will not buy them. The min-
ority, having no other means of ruling the majority, will give a
price for auxiliaries, and that price must be principle. It is true
that the federalists, needing their numbers also, must also give a
price, and principle is the coin they must pay in. Thus a bas-
tard system of federo-republicanism will rise on the ruins of the
true principles of our revolution. And when this party is form-
ed, who will constitute the majority of it, which majority is then
to dictate ? Certainly the federalists. Thus their proposition
of putting themselves into gear with the republican minority, is
exactly like Roger Sherman's proposition to add Connecticut to
Rhode Island. The idea of forming seven eastern States is
moreover clearly to form the basis of a separation of the Union.
Is it possible that real republicans can be gulled by such a bait ?
And for what ? What do they wish that they have not ? Fed-
eral measures? That is impossible. Republican measures?
Have they them not ? Can any one deny, that in all important
questions of principle, republicanism prevails ? But do they
want that their individual will shall govern the majority ? They
may purchase the gratification of this unjust wish, for a little
time, at a great price ; but the federalists must not have the pass-
ions of other men, if, after getting thus into the seat of power,
CORRESPONDENCE. 543
they suffer themselves to he governed by their minority. This
minority may say, that whenever they relapse into their own
principles, they will quit them, and draw the seat from undei
them. They may quit them, indeed, but, in the meantime, all
the venal will have become associated with them, and will give
them a majority sufficient to keep them in place, and to enable
them to eject the heterogeneous friends by whose aid they get
again into power. I cannot believe any portion of real republi-
cans will enter into this trap ; and if they do, I do not believe
they can carry with them the mass of their States, advancing so
steadily as we see them, to an union of principle with their
brethren. It will be found in this, as in all other similar cases,
that crooked schemes will end by overwhelming their authors
and coadjutors in disgrace, and that he alone who walks strict
and upright, and who, in matters of opinion, will be contented
that others should be as free as himself, and acquiesce when his
opinion is fairly overruled, will attain his object in the end.
And that this may be the conduct of us all, I offer my sincere
prayers, as well as for your health and happiness.
TO MB. GALLATIN.
May 30, 1804.
Although I know that it is best generally to assign no reason
for a removal from office, yet there are also times when the dec-
laration of a principle is advantageous. Such was the moment
at which the New Haven letter appeared. It explained our
principles to our friends, and they rallied to them. The public
sentiment has taken a considerable stride since that, and seems
to require that they should know again where we stand. I sug-
gest therefore for your consideration, instead of the following
passage in your letter to Bowen, " I think it due to candor at the
same time to inform you, that I had for some time been deter-
mined to remove you from office, although a successor has not
544 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
yet been appointed by the President, nor the precise time fixed
for that purpose communicated to me ;" to substitute this, " I
think it due to candor at the same time to inform you, that the
President considering that the patronage of public office should
no longer be confided to one who uses it for active opposition to
the national will, had, some time since, determined to place
your office in other hands. But a successor not being yet fixed
on, I am not able to name the precise time when it will take
place."
My own opinion is, that the declaration of this principle will
meet the entire approbation of all moderate republicans, and will
extort indulgence from the warmer ones. Seeing that we do
not mean to leave arms in the hands of active enemies, they
will care the less at our tolerance of the inactive. Nevertheless,
if you are strongly of opinion against such a declaration, let the
letter go as you had written it.
TO BARON DE HUMBOLDT.
June 9, 1804
Thomas Jefferson asks leave to observe to Baron de Hum-
boldt that the question of limits of Louisiana, between Spain
and the United States is this. They claim to hold to the river
Mexica-na or Sabine, and from the head of that northwardly
along the heads of the waters of the Mississippi, to the head of
the Red river and so on. We claim to the North river from
its mouth to the source either of its eastern or western branch,
thence to the head of Red river, and so on. Can the Baron
inform me what population may be between those lines, of
white, red, or black people ? And whether any and what mines
are within them ? The information will be thankfully received.
He tenders him his respectful salutations.
CORRESPONDENCE. 545
TO MRS. ADAMS.
WASHINGTON, June 13, 1804.
DEAR MADAM, — The affectionate sentiments which you have
had the goodness to express in your letter of May the 20th, to-
wards my dear departed daughter, have awakened in me sensi-
bilities natural to the occasion, and recalled your kindnesses to
her, which I shall ever remember with gratitude and friendship.
I can assure you with truth, they had made an indelible impress-
ion on her mind, and that to the last, on our meetings after long
separations, whether I had heard lately of you, and how you did,
were among the earliest of her inquiries. In giving you this as-
surance I perform a sacred duty for her, and, at the same time,
am thankful for the occasion furnished me, of expressing my
regret that circumstances should have arisen, which have seemed
to draw a line of separation between us. The friendship with
which you honored me has ever been valued, and fully recipro-
cated ; and although events have been passing which might be
trying to some minds, I never believed yours to be of that kind,
nor felt that my own was. Neither my estimate of your char-
acter, nor the esteem founded in that, has ever been lessened for
a single moment, although doubts whether it would be acceptable
may have forbidden manifestations of it.
Mr. Adams' friendship and mine began at an earlier date. It
accompanied us through long and important scenes. The differ-
ent conclusions we had drawn from our political reading and
reflections, were not permitted to lessen personal esteem ; each
party being conscious they were the result of an honest conviction
in the other. Like differences of opinion existing among our
fellow citizens, attached them to one or the other of us, and pro-
duced a rivalship in their minds which did not exist in ours. We
never stood in one another's way ; for if either had been with-
drawn at any time, his favorers would not have gone over to the
other, but would have sought for some one of homogeneous
opinions. This consideration was sufficient to keep down all
jealousy between us, and to guard our friendship from any dis-
VOL. iv 35
546 JEFFEKSON'S WORKS.
turbance by sentiments of rivalship ; and I can say with truth,
that one act of Mr. Adams' life, and one only, ever gave me a mo-
ment's personal displeasure. I did consider his last appointments
to office as personally unkind. They were from among my most
ardent political enemies, from whom no faithful co-operation
could ever be expected ; and laid me under the embarrassment
of acting through men whose views were to defeat mine, or to
encounter the odium of putting others in their places. It seems
but common justice to leave a successor free to act by instru-
ments of his own choice. If my respect for him did not permit
me to ascribe the whole blame to the influence of others, it left
something for friendship to forgive, and after brooding over it for
some little time, and not always resisting the expression of it, I
forgave it cordially, and returned to the same state of esteem and
respect for him which had so long subsisted. Having come into
life a little later than Mr. Adams, his career has preceded mine,
as mine is followed by some other; and it will probably be
closed at the same distance after him which time originally
placed between us. I maintain for him, and shall carry into
private life, an uniform and high measure of respect and good
will, and for yourself a sincere attachment.
I have thus, my dear Madam, opened myself to you without
reserve, which I have long wished an opportunity of doing ; and
without knowing how it will be received, I feel relief from being
unbosomed. And I have now only to entreat your forgiveness
for this transition from a subject of domestic affliction, to one
which seems of a different aspect. But though connected with
political events, it has been viewed by me most strongly in its
unfortunate bearings on my private friendships. The injury
these have sustained has been a heavy price for what has never
given me equal pleasure. That you may both be favored with
health, tranquillity and long life, is the prayer of one who tenders
you the assurance of his highest consideration and esteem.
CORRESPONDENCE. 547
TO GOVERNOR PAGE.
WASHINGTON-, June 25, 1804.
Your letter, my dear friend, of the 25th ultimo, is a new proof
of the goodness of your heart, and the part you take in my loss
marks an affectionate concern for the greatness of it. It is great
indeed. Others may lose of their abundance, but I, of my want,
have lost even the half of all I had. My evening prospects now
hang on the slender thread of a single life. Perhaps I may be
destined to see even this last cord of parental affection broken !
The hope with which I had looked forward to the moment,
when, resigning public cares to younger hands, I was to retire to
that domestic comfort from which the last great step is to be
taken, is fearfully blighted. When you and I look back on the
country over which we have passed, what a field of slaughter
does it exhibit ! Where are all the friends who entered it with
us, under all the inspiring energies of health and hope ? As if
pursued by the havoc of war, they are strewed by the way, some
earlier, some later, and scarce a few stragglers remain to count
the numbers fallen, and to mark yet, by their own fall, the last
footsteps of their party. Is it a desirable thing to bear up through
the heat of the action, to witness the death of all our compan-
ions, and merely be the last victim ? I doubt it. We have,
however, the traveller's consolation. Every step shortens the
distance we have to go ; the end of our journey is in sight, the
bed wherein we are to rest, and to rise in the midst of the friends
we have lost. " We sorrow not then as others who have no
hope ;" but look forward to the day which "joins us to the great
majority." But whatever is to be our destiny, wisdom, as well
as duty, dictates that we should acquiesce in the will of Him
whose it is to give and take away, and be contented in the en-
joyment of those who are still permitted to be with us. Of those
connected by blood, the number does not depend on us. But
friends we have, if we have merited them. Those of our earliest
years stand nearest in our affections. But in this too, you and I
have been unlucky. Of our college friends (and they are the
548 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
dearest) how few have stood with us in the great political que&-
tions which have agitated our country ; and these were of a na-
ture to justify agitation. I did not believe the Lilliputian fetters
of that day strong enough to have bound so many. WiL not
Mrs. Page, yourself and family, think it prudent to seek a health-
ier region for the months of August and September ? And may
we not flatter ourselves that you will cast your eye on Monti-
cello ? We have not many summers to live. While fortune places
us then within striking distance, let us avail ourselves of it, to
meet and talk over the tales of other times.
Present me respectfully to Mrs. Page, and accept yourself my
friendly salutations, and assurances of constant affection.
TO JUDGE TYLER.
WASHINGTON, June 28, 1801.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 10th instant has been duly re-
ceived. Amidst the direct falsehoods, the misrepresentations of
truth, the calumnies and the insults resorted to by a faction to mis-
lead the public mind, and to overwhelm those entrusted with its
interests, our support is to be found in the approving voice of our
conscience and country, in the testimony of our fellow citizens,
that their confidence is not shaken by these artifices. When to
the plaudits of the honest multitude, the sober approbation of
the sage in his closet is added, it becomes a gratification of an
higher order. It is the sanction of wisdom superadded to the
voice of affection. The terms, therefore, in which you are so
good as to express your satisfaction with the course of the present
administration cannot but give me great pleasure. I may err in
my measures, but never shall deflect from the intention to fortify
the public liberty by every possible means, and to put it out of
the power of the few to riot on the labors of the many. No experi-
ment can be more interesting than that we are now trying, and
which we trust will end in establishing the fact, that man may
CORRESPONDENCE. 549
be governed by reason and truth. Our first object should there-
fore be, to leave open to him all the avenues to truth. The most
effectual hitherto found, is the freedom of the press. It is there-
fore, the first shut up by those who fear the investigation of their
actions. The firmness with which the people have withstood
the late abuses of the press, the discernment they have manifest-
ed between truth and falsehood, show that they may safely be
trusted to hear everything true and false, and to form a correct
judgment between them. As little is it necessary to impose on
their senses, or dazzle their minds by pomp, splendor, or forms.
Instead of this artificial, how much surer is that real respect,
which results from the use of their reason, and the habit of
bringing everything to the test of common sense.
I hold it, therefore, certain, that to open the doors of truth, and
to fortify the habit of testing everything by reason, are the most
effectual manacles we can rivet on the hands of our successors to
prevent their manacling the people with their own consent. The
panic into which they were artfully thrown in 1798, the frenzy
which was excited in them by their enemies against their appar-
ent readiness to abandon all the principles established for their
own protection, seemed for awhile to countenance the opinions
of those who say they cannot be trusted with their own govern-
ment. But I never doubted their rallying j and they did rally
much sooner than I expected. On the whole, that experiment
on their credulity has confirmed my confidence in their ultimate
good sense and virtue.
I lament to learn that a like mi^rtune has enabled you to es-
timate the afflictions of a father on the loss of a beloved child.
However terrible the possibility of such another accident, it is
still a blessing for you of inestimable value that you would not
even then descend childless to the grave. Three sons, and hope-
ful ones too, are a rich treasure. I rejoice when I hear of young
men of virtue and talents, worthy to receive, and likely to pre-
serve the splendid inheritance of self-government, which we have
acquired and shaped for them.
The complement of midshipmen for the Tripoline squadron, i>
550 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
full ; and I hope the frigates have left the Capes by this t.me. 1
have, however, this day, signed warrants of midshipmen for the
two young gentlemen you recommended. These will be for-
warded by the -Secretary of the Navy. He tells me that their
first services will be to be performed on board the gun boats.
Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem
and respect.
TO J. MADISON.
July 5,1804.
We did not collect the sense of our brethren the other day by
regular questions, but as far as I could understand from what was
said, it appeared to be, — 1. That an acknowledgment of our
right to the Perdido, is a sine qua non, and no price to be given
for it. 2. No absolute and perpetual relinquishment of right is
to be made of the country east of the Rio Bravo del Norte, even
in exchange for Florida. [I am not quite sure that this was the
opinion of all.] 3. That a country may be laid off within which
no further settlement shall be made by either party for a given
time, say thirty years. This country to be from the North river
eastwardly towards the Colorado, or even to, but not beyond the
Mexican or Sabine river. To whatever river it be extended, it
might from its source run north-west, as the most eligible direc-
tion ; but a due north line would produce no restraint that we
should feel in twenty years. This relinquishment, and two mil-
lions of dollars, to be the price of all the Floridas east of the Per-
dido, or to be apportioned to whatever part they will cede.
But on entering into conferences, both parties should agree
that, during their continuance, neither should strengthen their
situation between the Iberville, Mississippi, and Perdido, nor in-
terrupt the navigation of the rivers therein. If they will not give
such an order instantly, they should be told that we have for
peace sake only, forborne till they could have time to give such
an order, but that as soon as we receive notice of their refusal to
CORRESPONDENCE. 551
give the order we shall intermit the exercise of our right of nav-
igating the Mobile, and protect it, and increase our force there
pari passu with them.
TO GOVERNOR CLAEBORNE.
WASHINGTON, July 7, 1 804.
DEAR SIR, — In a letter of the 17th of April, which I wrote you
from Monticello, I observed to you that as the legislative council
for the territory of Orleans, was to be appointed by me, and our
distance was great, and early communication on the subject was
necessary, that it ought to be composed of men of integrity,
of understanding, of clear property and influence among the
people, well acquainted with the laws, customs, and habits of the
country, and drawn from the different parts of the territory,
whose population was considerable. And I asked the favor of
you to inform me of the proper characters, with short sketches
of the material outlines for estimating them ; and 1 observed that
a majority should be of sound American characters long estab-
lished and esteemed there, and the rest of French or Spaniards,
the most estimable and well affected. When in daily expecta-
tion of an answer from you, I received your favor of May 29th,
whereby I perceive that my letter to you has never got to hand.
I must therefore, at this late day, repeat my request to you, and
ask an early answer, because after receiving it, I may perhaps
have occasion to consult you again before a final determination.
A letter written any time in August will find me at Monticello,
near Milton, and had better be so directed. A blank commission
for a Surveyor and Inspector for the port of Bayou St. John, will
be forwarded to you to be filled up with any name you approve.
I would prefer a native Frenchman, if you can find one proper
and disposed to co-operate with us in extirpating that corruption
which has prevailed in those offices under the former government,
and had so familiarized itself as that men, otherwise honest,
552 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
could look on that without horror. I pray you to be alive to the
suppression of this odious practice, and that you bring to punish-
ment and brand with eternal disgrace every man guilty of it,
whatever be his station.
TO P. MAZZEI.
WASHINGTON, July 18, 1804.
MY DEAR SIR, — It is very long, I know, since I wrote you.
So constant is the pressure of business that there is never a mo-
ment, scarcely, that something of public importance is not wait-
ing for me. I have, therefore, on a principle of conscience,
thought it my duty to withdraw almost entirely from all private
correspondence, and chiefly the trans- Atlantic ; I scarcely write
a letter a year to any friend beyond sea. Another consideration
has led to this, which is the liability of my letters to miscarry,
be opened, and made ill use of. Although the great body of our
country are perfectly returned to their ancient principles, yet
there remains a phalanx of old tories and monarchists, more en-
venomed, as all their hopes become more desperate. Every
word of mine which they can get hold of, however innocent,
however orthodox even, is twisted, tormented, perverted, and,
like the words of holy writ, are made to mean everything but
what they were intended to mean. I trust little, therefore, un-
necessarily in their way, and especially on political subjects. I
shall not, therefore, be free to answer all the several articles of
your letters.
On the subject of treaties, our system is to have none with any
nation, as far as can be avoided. The treaty with England has
therefore not been renewed, and all overtures for treaty with
other nations have been declined. We believe, that with nations
as with individuals, dealings may be carried on as advantage-
ously, perhaps more so, while their continuance depends on a
voluntary good treatment, as if fixed by a contract, which, when
it becomes injurious to either, is made, by forced constructions,
CORRESPONDENCE. 55g
to mean what suits them, and becomes a cause of war instead of
a bond of peace. We wish to be on the closest terms of friend-
ship with Naples, and we will prove it by giving to her citizens,
vessels and goods all the privileges of the most favored nation ;
and while we do this voluntarily, we cannot doubt they will vol-
untarily do the same for us. Our interests against the Barbar-
esques being also the same, we have little doubt she will give us
every facility to insure them, which our situation may ask and
hers admit. It is not, then, from a want of friendship that we
do not propose a treaty with Naples, but because it is against our
system to embarrass ourselves with treaties, or to entangle our-
selves at all with the affairs of Europe. The kind offices we
receive from that government are more sensibly felt, as such,
than they would be, if rendered only as due to us by treaty.
Five fine frigates left the Chesapeake the 1st instant for
Tripoli, which, in addition to the force now there, will, I trust,
recover the credit which Commodore Morris' two years' sleep
lost us, and for which he has been broke. I think they will
make Tripoli sensible, that they mistake their interest in choos-
ing war with us ; and Tunis also, should she have declared wai
as we expect, and almost wish.
Notwithstanding this little diversion, we pay seven or eight
millions of dollars annually of our public debt, and shall com-
pletely discharge it in twelve years more. That done, our annual
revenue, now thirteen millions of dollars, which by that time will
be twenty-five, will pay the expenses of any war we may be
forced into, without new taxes or loans. The spirit of repub-
licanism is now in almost all its ancient vigor, five-sixths of the
people being with us. Fourteen of the seventeen States are
completely with us, and two of the other three will be in one
vear. We have now got back to the ground on which you left
us. I should have retired at the end of the first four years, but
that the immense load of tory calumnies which have been manu-
factured respecting me, and have filled the European market,
have obliged me to appeal once more to my country for a justifi-
cation. I have no fear but that I shall receive honorable testi-
554 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
mony by their verdict on those calumnies. At the end of the
next four years I shall certainly retire. Age, inclination and
principle all dictate this. My health, which at one time threat-
ened an unfavorable turn, is now firm. The acquisition of
Louisiana, besides doubling our extent, and trebling our quantity
of fertile country, is of incalculable value, as relieving us from
the danger of war. It has enabled us to do a handsome thing
for Fayette. He had received a grant of between eleven and
twelve thousand acres north of Ohio, worth, perhaps, a dollar an
acre. We have obtained permission of Congress to locate it in
Louisiana. Locations can be found adjacent to the city of New
Orleans, in the island of New Orleans and in its vicinity, the
value of which cannot be calculated. I hope it will induce him
to come over and settle there with his family. Mr. Livingston
having asked leave to return, General Armstrong, his brother-in-
law, goes in his place : he is of the first order of talents.
#####:*#**#
Remarkable deaths lately, are, Samuel Adams, Edmund Pen-
dleton, Alexander Hamilton, Stephens Thompson Mason, Mann
Page, Bellini, and Parson Andrews. To these I have the inex-
pressible grief of adding the name of my youngest daughter, who
had married a son of Mr. Eppes, and has left two children. My
eldest daughter alone remains to me, and has six children. This
loss has increased my anxiety to retire, while it has dreadfully
lessened the comfort of doing it. Wythe, Dickinson, and Charles
Thompson are all living, and are firm republicans. You informed
me formerly of your marriage, and your having a daughter, but
have said nothing in your late letters on that subject. Yet what-
ever concerns your happiness is sincerely interesting to me, and
is a subject of anxiety, retaining as I do, cordial sentiments of
esteem and affection for you. Accept, I pray you, my sincere
assurances of this, with my most friendly salutations.
COEKESPONDENCE. 555
TO MRS. ADAMS.
WASHINGTON, July 22, 1804.
DEAR MADAM, — Your favor of the 1st instant was duly re-
ceived, and I would not have again intruded on you, but to rectify
certain facts which seem not to have been presented to you
under their true aspect. My charities to Callendar are considered
as rewards for his calumnies. As early, I think, as 1796, I was
told in Philadelphia that Callendar, the author of the Political
Progress of Britain, was in that city, a fugitive from persecution
for having written that book, and in distress. I had read and
approved the book ; I considered him as a man of genius, un-
justly persecuted. I knew nothing of his private character, and
immediately expressed my readiness to contribute to his relief,
and to serve him. It was a considerable time after, that, on ap-
plication from a person who thought of him as I did, I contrib-
uted to his relief, and afterwards repeated the contribution.
Himself I did not see till long after, nor ever more than two or
three times. When he first began to write, he told some useful
truths in his coarse way ; but nobody sooner disapproved of his
writing than I did, or wished more that he would be silent. My
charities to him were no more meant as encouragements to his
scurrilities, than those I give to the beggar at my door are meant
as rewards for the vices of his life, and to make them charge-
able to myself. In truth, they would have been greater to him,
had he never written a word after the work for which he fled
from Britain. With respect to the calumnies and falsehoods
which writers and printers at large published against Mr. Adams,
I was as far from stooping to any concern or approbation of them,
as Mr. Adams was respecting those of Porcupine, Fenno, or
Russel, who published volumes against me for every sentence
vended by their opponents against Mr. Adams. But I never sup-
posed Mr. Adams had any participation in the atrocities of these
editors, or their writers. I knew myself incapable of that base
warfare, and believed him to be so. On the contrary, whatever
I may have thought of the acts of the administration of that day,
556 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
I have ever borne testimony to Mr. Adams' personal worth ; noi
was it ever impeached in my presence, without a just vindica-
tion of it on my part. I never supposed that any person who
knew either of us, could believe that either of us meddled in that
dirty work. But another fact is, that I " liberated a wretch Avho
was suffering for a libel against Mr. Adams." I do not know
who was the particular wretch alluded to ; but I discharged
every person under punishment or prosecution under the sedition
law, because I considered, and now consider, that law to be a
nullity, as absolute and as palpable as if Congress had ordered us
to fall down and worship a golden image ; and that it was as
much my duty to arrest its execution in every stage, as it would
have been to have rescued from the fiery furnace those who
should have been cast into it for refusing to worship the image.
It was accordingly done in every instance, without asking what
the offenders had done, or against whom they had offended, but
whether the pains they were suffering were inflicted under the
pretended sedition law. It was certainly possible that my mo-
tives for contributing to the relief of Callendar, and liberating
sufferers under the sedition law, might have been to protect, en-
courage, and reward slander ; but they may also have been those
which inspire ordinary charities to objects of distress, meritorious
or not, or the obligation of an oath to protect the Constitution,
violated by an unauthorized act of Congress. Which of these
were my motives, must be decided by a regard to the general
tenor of my life. On this I am not afraid to appeal to the nation
at large, to posterity, and still less to that Being who sees him-
self our motives, who will judge us from his own knowledge of
them, and not on the testimony of Porcupine or Fenno.
You observe, there has been one other act of my administra-
tion personally unkind, and suppose it will readily suggest itself
to me. I declare on my honor, Madam, I have not the '.east
conception what act was alluded to. I never did a single one
with an unkind intention. My sole object in this letter being to
place before your attention, that the acts imputed to me are
either such as are falsely imputed, or as might flow from good as
CORRESPONDENCE. 557
well as bad motives, I shall make no other addition, than the
assurances of my continued wishes for the health and happiness of
yourself and Mr. Adams.
TO JAMES MADISON.
MONTICELT.O, August 15, 1804.
DEAR SIR,— Your letter dated the 7th should probably have
been of the 14th, as I received it only by that day's post. I re-
turn you Monroe's letter, which is of an awful complexion ; and
I do not wonder the communications it contains made some im-
pression on him. To a person placed in Europe, surrounded by
the immense resources of the nations there, and the greater wick-
edness of their courts, even the limits which nature imposes on
their enterprises are scarcely sensible. It is impossible that
France and England should combine for any purpose ; their mu-
tual distrust and deadly hatred of each other admit no co-opera-
tion. It is impossible that England should be willing to see
France re-possess Louisiana, or get footing on our continent, and
that France should willingly §ee the United States re-annexed
to the British dominions. That the Bourbons should be re-
placed on their throne and agree to any terms of restitution, is
possible ; but that they and England joined, could recover us to
British dominion, is impossible. If these things are not so, then
human reason is of no aid in conjecturing the conduct of nations.
Still, however, it is our unquestionable interest and duty to con-
duct ourselves with such sincere friendship and impartiality to-
wards both nations, as that each may see unequivocally, what is
unquestionably true, that we may be very possibly driven into
her scale by unjust conduct in the other. I am so much im-
pressed with the expediency of putting a termination to the right
of France to patronize the rights of Louisiana, which will cease
with their complete adoption as citizens of the United States,
that I hope to see that take place on the meeting of Congress.
I enclosed you a paragraph from a newspaper respecting St. Do-
mingo, which gives me uneasiness. Still I conceive the British
558 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
insults in our harbor as more threatening. We cannot be re-
spected by France as a neutral nation, nor by the world our-
selves as an independent one, if we do not take effectual meas-
ures to support, at every risk, our authority in our own harbors.
I shall write to Mr. Wagner directly (that a post may not be lost
by passing through you) to send us blank commissions for Or-
leans and Louisiana, ready sealed, to be filled up, signed and for-
warded by us. Affectionate salutations and constant esteem.
TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE.
MONTICELLO, August 13, 1804.
DEAR SIR. — Various circumstances of delay have prevented
my forwarding till now, the general arrangements of the govern-
ment of the territory of Orleans. Enclosed herewith you will
receive the commissions. Among these is one for yourself as
Governor. With respect to this I will enter into frank explana-
tions. This office was originally destined for a person* whose
great services and established fame would have rendered him
peculiarly acceptable to the nation at large. Circumstances,
however, exist, which do not now permit his nomination, and
perhaps may not at any time hereafter. That, therefore, being
suspended and entirely contingent, your services have been so
much approved as to leave no desire to look elsewhere to fill the
office. Should the doubts you have sometimes expressed,
whether it would be eligible for you to continue, still exist in
your mind, the acceptance of the commission gives you time to
satisfy yourself by further experience, and to make the time and
manner of withdrawing, should you ultimately determine on
that, agreeable to yourself. Be assured that whether you con-
tinue or retire, it will be with every disposition on my part to be
just and friendly to you.
* * * **•*.**•
I salute you with friendship and respect.
[* In the margin is written by the author, " La Fayette."]
CORRESPONDENCE. 559
TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.
MONTICELLO, September 8, 1804.
DEAR SIR, — As we shall have to lay before Congress the pro-
ceedings of the British vessels at New York, it will be necessary
for us to say to them with certainty which specific aggressions
were committed within the common law, which within the ad-
miralty jurisdiction, and which on the high seas. The rule of
the common law is that wherever you can see from land to land,
ill the water within the line of sight is in the body of the adja-
cent county and within common law jurisdiction. Thus, if in
this curvature ^jz_-/"c~\-A- y°u can see from a to 6, all the water
within the line of sight is within common law jurisdiction, and
a murder committed at c is to be tried as at common law. Our
coast is generally visible, I believe, by the time you get within
about twenty-five miles. I suppose that at New York you must
be some miles out of the Hook before the opposite shores recede
twenty-five miles from each other. The three miles of mari-
time jurisdiction is always to be counted from this line of sight.
It will be necessary we should be furnished with the most accu-
rate chart to be had of the shores and waters in the neighbor-
hood of the Hook ; and that we may be able to ascertain on it
the spot of every aggression. I presume it would be within the
province of Mr. Gelston to procure such a chart, and to ascertain
the positions of the offending vessels. If I am right in this, will
you be so good as to instruct him so to do ?
I think the officers of the federal government are meddling
too much with the public elections. Will it be best to admonish
them privately or by proclamation ? This for consideration till
we meet. I shall be at Washington by the last day of the
month. I salute you with affection and respect.
560 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO MRS. ADAMS.
MONTICELLO, September 11, 1804.
Your letter, Madam, of the 18th of August has been some
days received, but a press of business has prevented the acknowl-
edgment of it : perhaps, indeed, I may have already trespassed
too far on your attention. With those who wish to think amiss
of me, I have learned to be perfectly indifferent ; but where I
know a mind to be ingenuous, and to need only truth to set it to
rights, I cannot be as passive. The act of personal unkindness
alluded to in your former letter, is said in your last to have been
the removal of your eldest son from some office to which the
judges had appointed him. I conclude then he must have been
a commissioner of bankruptcy. But I 4eclare to y°u? on mY
honor, that this is the first knowledge I have ever had that he
was so. It may be thought, perhaps, that I ought to have in-
quired who were such, before I appointed others. But it is to
be observed, that the former law permitted the judges to name
commissioners occasionally only, for every case as it arose, and
not to make them permanent officers. Nobody, therefore, being
in office, there could be no removal. The judges, you well
know, have been considered as highly federal ; and it was noted
that they confined their nominations exclusively to federalists.
The Legislature, dissatisfied with this, transferred the nomination
to the President, and made the offices permanent. The very
object in passing the law was, that he should correct, not con-
firm, what was deemed the partiality of the judges. I thought
it therefore proper to inquire, not whom they had employed, but
whom I ought to appoint to fulfil the intentions of the law. In
making these appointments, I put in a proportion of federalists,
equal, I believe, to the proportion they bear in numbers through
the Union generally. Had I known that your son had acted, it
would have been a real pleasure to me to have preferred him to
some who were named in Boston, in what was deemed the same
line of politics. To this I should have been led by my knowl-
edge of his integrity, as well as my sincere dispositions towards
yourself and Mr. Adams.
CORRESPONDENCE. 561
You seem to think it devolved on the judges to decide on the
validity of the sedition law. But nothing in the Constitution
has given them a right to decide for the executive, more than to
the executive to decide for them. Both magistrates are equally
independent in the sphere of action assigned to them. The
judges, believing the law constitutional, had a right to pass o
sentence of fine and imprisonment; because the power was
placed in their hands by the Constitution. But the executive,
believing the law to be unconstitutional, were bound to remit
the execution of it ; because that power has been confided to
them by the Constitution. That instrument meant that its co-
ordinate branches should be checks on each other. But the
opinion which gives to the judges the right to decide what laws
are constitutional, and what not, not only for themselves in their
own sphere of action, but for the Legislature and executive also,
in their spheres, would make the judiciary a despotic branch.
Nor does the opinion of the unconstitutionally, and consequent
nullity of that law, remove all restraint from the overwhelming
torrent of slander, which is confounding all vice and virtue, all
truth and falsehood, in the United States. The power to do that
is fully possessed by the several State Legislatures. It was re-
served to them, and was denied to the General Government, by
the Constitution, according to our construction of it. While we
deny that Congress have a right to control the freedom of the
press, we have ever asserted the right of the States, and their ex-
clusive right, to do so. They have accordingly, all of them,
made provisions for punishing slander, which those who have
time and inclination, resort to for the vindication of their char-
acters. In general, the State laws appear to have made the
presses responsible for slander as far as is consistent with its use-
ful freedom. In those States where they do not admit even the
truth of allegations to protect the printer, they have gone too
far.
The candor manifested in your letter, and which I ever be-
lieved you to possess, has alone inspired the desire of calling your
attention, once more, to those circumstances of fact and motive
VOL. iv. 36
562 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
by which I claim to be judged. I hope you will see these in«
trusions on your time to be, what they really are, proofs of my
great respect for you. I tolerate with the utmost latitude the
right of others to differ from me in opinion without imputing to
them criminality. I know too well the weakness and uncer-
tainty of human reason to wonder at its different results. Both
of our political parties, at least the honest part of them, agree
conscientiously in the same object — the public good ; but they
differ essentially in what they deem the means of promoting that
good. One side believes it best done by one composition of the
governing powers ; the other, by a different one. One fears
most the ignorance of the people ; the other, the selfishness of
rulers independent of them. Which is right, time and experience
will prove. We think that one side of this experiment has been
long enough tried, and proved not to promote the good of the
many ; and that the other has not been fairly and sufficiently
tried. Our opponents think the reverse. With whichever opin-
ion the body of the nation concurs, that must prevail. My
anxieties on this subject will never carry me beyond the use of
fair and honorable means, of truth and reason ; nor have they
ever lessened my esteem for moral worth, nor alienated my af-
fections from a single friend, who did not first withdraw himself.
Whenever this has happened, I confess I have not been insensible
to it ; yet have ever kept myself open to a return of their justice.
I conclude with sincere prayers for your health and happiness,
that yourself and Mr. Adams may long enjoy the tranquillity you
desire and merit, and see in the prosperity of your family what
is the consummation of the last and warmest of human wishes.
TO J. F. MERCER, ESQ.
WASHINGTON, October 9, 1804.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of September 28th, in behalf of Mr.
Harwood, was duly received ; the grounds on which one of the
competitors stood, set aside of necessity all hesitation. Mr. Hall's
CORRESPONDENCE. 563
having been a member of the Legislature, a Speaker of the Rep-
resentatives, and a member of the Executive Council, were evi-
dences of the respect of the State towards him, which our respect
for the State could not neglect. You say you are forcibly led to
say something on another subject very near your heart, which
you defer to another opportunity. I presume it to be on your
political situation, and perhaps the degree in which it may bear
on our friendship. In the first case I declare to you that I have
never suffered political opinion to enter into the estimate of my
private friendships ; nor did I ever abdicate the society of a friend
on that account till he had first withdrawn from mine. Many
have left me on that account, but with many I still preserve af-
fectionate intercourse, only avoiding to speak on politics, as with
a Quaker or Catholic I would avoid speaking on religion. But
I do not apply this to you ; for however confidently it has been
affirmed, I have not supposed that you have changed principles.
What in fact is the difference of principle between the two
parties here ? The one desires to preserve an entire indepen-
dence of the executive and legislative branches on each other, and
the dependence of both on the same source — the free election of
the people. The other party wishes to lessen the dependence of
the Executive and of one branch of the Legislature on the people,
some by making them hold for life, some hereditary, and some
even for giving the Executive an influence by patronage or cor-
ruption over the remaining popular branch, so as to reduce the
elective franchise to its minimum. I shall not believe you gone
over to the latter opinions till better evidence than I have had.
Yet were it the case, I repeat my declaration that exclusive of
political coincidence of opinion, I have found a sufficiency of
other qualities in you to value and cherish your friendship.
TO MR. LITHSON.
WASHINGTON, January 4, 1805.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of December 4th has been duly re-
ceived. Mr. Duane informed me that he meant to publish a
564 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
new edition of the Notes on Virginia, and I had in contempla-
tion some particular alterations which would require little time
to make. My occupations by no means permit me at this time
to revise the text, and make those changes in it which I should
now do. I should in that case certainly qualify several express-
ions in the nineteenth chapter, which have been construed dif-
ferently from what they were intended. I had under my eye,
when writing, the manufacturers of the great cities in the old
countries, at the time present, with whom the want of food and
clothing necessary to sustain life, has begotten a depravity of
^norals, a dependence and corruption, which renders them an un-
desirable accession to a country whose morals are sound. My
expressions looked forward to the time when our own great cities
would get into the same state. Bat they have been quoted as if
meant for the present time here. As yet our manufacturers are
as much at their ease, as independent and moral as our agricul-
tural inhabitants, and they will continue so as long as there are
vacant lands for them to resort to ; because whenever it shall be
attempted by the other classes to reduce them to the minimum
of subsistence, they will quit their trades and go to laboring the
earth. A first question is, whether it is desirable for us to receive
at present the dissolute and demoralized handicraftsmen of the
old cities of Europe ? A second and more difficult one is, when
even good handicraftsmen arrive here, is it better for them to set
up their trade, or go to the culture of the earth ? Whether their
labor in their trade is worth more than their labor on the soil,
increased by the creative energies of the earth ? Had I time to
revise that chapter, this question should be discussed, and other
views of the subject taken, which are presented by the wonderful
changes which have taken place here since 1781, when the
Notes on Virginia were written. Perhaps when I retire, I may
amuse myself with a serious review of this work ; at present it is
out of the question. Accept my salutations and good wishes.
CORRESPONDENCE. 565
TO J. TAYLOR, ESO,.
WASHINGTON, Januarj 6, 1805.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of December 26th has been duly re-
ceived, as a proof of your friendly partialities to me, of which 1
have so often had reason to be sensible. My opinion originally
was that the President of the United States should have been
elected for seven years, and forever ineligible afterwards. I have
since become sensible that seven years is too long to be irre-
movable, and that there should be a peaceable way of with-
drawing a man in midway who is doing wrong. The service
for eight years, with a power to remove at the end of the first
four, comes nearly to my principle as corrected by experience ;
and it is in adherence to that, that I determine to withdraw at
the end of my second term. The danger is that the indulgence
and attachments of the people will keep a man in the chair after
he becomes a dotard, that re-election through life shall become
habitual, and election for life follow that. General Washington
set the example of voluntary retirement after eight years. I shall
follow it. And a few more precedents will oppose the obstacle
of habit to any one after awhile who shall endeavor to extend
his term. Perhaps it may beget a disposition to establish it by
an amendment of the Constitution. I believe I am doing right
therefore in pursuing my principle. I had determined to declare
my intention, but I have consented to be silent on the opinion of
friends, who think it best not to put a continuance out of my
power in defiance of all circumstances. There is, however, but
one circumstance which could engage my acquiescence in
another election ; to wit, such a division about a successor, as
might bring in a monarchist. But that circumstance is impos-
sible. While, therefore, I shall make no formal declaration to
the public of my purpose, I have freely let it be understood in
private conversation. In this I am persuaded yourself and my
friends generally will approve of my views. And should I, at
the end of a second term, carry into retirement all the favor
which the first has acouired, I shall feel the consolation of having
566 JEFFERSON'S WOEKS.
done all the good in my power, and expect with more than com-
posure the termination of a life no longer valuable to others or
of importance to myself. Accept my affectionate salutations,
and assurances of great esteem and respect.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
January 26. 1805.
The question arising on Mr. Simons' letter of January 10th is
whether sea-letters shall be given to the vessels of citizen?
neither born nor residing in the United States. Sea-letters are
the creatures of treaties. No act of the ordinary Legislature re-
quires them. The only treaties now existing with us, and call-
ing for them, are those with Holland, Spain, Prussia, and France.
In the two former we have stipulated that when the other party
shall be at war, the vessels belonging to our people shall be fur-
nished with sea-letters ; in the two latter that the vessels of the
neutral party shall be so furnished. France being now at war,
the sea-letter is made necessary for our vessels; and consequently
it is our duty to furnish them. The laws of the United States
confine registers to home-built vessels belonging to citizens ; but
they do not make it unlawful for citizens to own foreign-built
vessels ; and the treaties give the right of sea-letters to all vessels
belonging to citizens.
But who are citizens 1 The laws of registry consider a citi-
zenship obtained by a foreigner who comes merely for that pur-
pose, and returns to reside in his own country, as fraudulent, and
deny a register to such an one, even owning home-built vessels.
I consider the distinction as sound and safe, and that we ought
not to give sea-letters to a vessel belonging to such a pseudo-
citizen. It compromises our peace, by lending our flag to cover
the goods of one of the belligerents to the injury of the other. It
produces vexatious searches on the vessels of our real citizens,
and gives to others the participation of our neutral advantages,
which belong to the real citizen only. And inasmuch as an
CORRESPONDENCE. 567
uniformity of rule between the different branches of the govern-
ment is convenient and proper, I would propose as a rule that
sea-letters be given to all vessels belonging to citizens under
whose ownership of a registered vessel such vessel would be en-
titled to the benefits of her register. Affectionate salutations.
TO MR. NICHOLSON.
WASHINGTON, January 29, 1805.
DEAR SIR, — Mr. Eppes has this moment put into my hands
/our letter of yesterday, asking information on the subject of the
gunboats proposed to be built. I lose no time in communicating
to you fully my whole views respecting them, premising a few
words on the system of fortifications. Considering the harbors
which, from their situation and importance, are entitled to de-
fence, anJ the estimates we have seen of the fortifications planned
for some 01 them, this system cannot be completed on a moderate
jcale for less than fifty millions of dollars, nor manned in time
<r>f war, with less thai fifty thousand men, and in peace, two
thousand. And when done they avail little ; because all military
men agree, that wherever a vessel may pass a fort without tack-
ing under her guns, which is the case at all our seaport towns,
she may be annoyed more or less, according to the advantages
of the position, but can never be prevented. Our own experi-
ence during the war proved this on different occasions. Our pre-
decessors have, nevertheless, proposed to go into this system, and
had commenced it. But no law requiring us to proceed, we have
suspended it.
If we cannot hinder vessels from entering our harbors, we
should turn our attention to the putting it out of their power to
lie, or come to, before a town, to injure it. Two means of doing
this may be adopted in aid of each other. 1. Heavy cannon on
travelling carriages, which may be moved to any point on the
bank or ,'vach most convenient for dislodging the vessel. A
sufficient /umber of these should be lent to each seaport town,
568 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
and their militia trained to them. The executive is authorized
to do this ; it has been done in a small degree, and will now
be done more competently.
2. Having cannon on floating batteries or boats, which may
be so stationed as to prevent a vessel entering the harbor, or force
her, after entering, to depart. There are about fifteen harbors in
the United States which ought to be in a state of substantial
defence. The whole of these would require, according to the
best opinions, two hundred and forty gun-boats. Their cost was
estimated by Captain Rogers at two thousand dollars each ; but
we had better say four thousand dollars. The whole would cost
one million of dollars. But we should allow ourselves ten years
to complete it, unless circumstances should force it sooner. There
are three situations in which the gun-boat may be. 1. Hauled
up under a shed, in readiness to be launched and manned by the
seamen and militia of the town on short notice. In this situation
she costs nothing but an enclosure, or a sentinel to see that no
mischief is done to her. 2. Afloat, and with men enough to
navigate her in harbor and take care of her, but depending on
receiving her crew from the town on short warning. In this
situation, her annual expense is about two thousand dollars, as by
an official estimate at the end of this letter. 3. Fully manned
for action. Her annual expense in this situation is about eight
thousand dollars, as per estimate subjoined. When there is gen-
eral peace, we should probably keep about six or seven afloat in
the second situation ; their annual expense twelve to fourteen
thousand dollars ; the rest all hauled up. When France and
England are at war, we should keep, at the utmost, twenty-five
in the second situation ; their annual expense, fifty thousand
dollars. When we should be at war ourselves, some of them
would probably be kept in the third situation, at an annual ex-
pense of eight thousand dollars ; but how many, must depend on
the circumstances of the war. We now possess ten, built and
building. It is the opinion of those consulted, that fifteen more
would enable us to put every harbor under our view into a re-
spectable condition ; and that this should limit the views of the
CORRESPONDENCE.
569
present year. This would require an appropriation of sixty
thousand dollars ; and I suppose that the best way of limiting it,
without declaring the number, as perhaps that sum would build
more. I should think it best not to give a detailed report, which
exposes our policy too much. A bill, with verbal explanations,
will suffice for the information of the House. I do not know
whether General Wilkinson would approve the printing his paper.
Tf he would, it would be useful.
Accept affectionate and respectful salutations.
TO MR. VOLNET.
WASHINGTON, February 8, 1805.
DEAR SIR, — Your letter of November the 26th came to hand
May the 14th ; the books some time after, which were all dis-
tributed according to direction. The copy for the East Indies
went immediately by a safe conveyance. The letter of April the
28th, and the copy of your work accompanying that, did not
come to hand till August. That copy was deposited in the
Congressional library. It was not till my return here from my
autumnal visit to Monticello, that I had an opportunity of reading
your work. I have read it, and with great satisfaction. Of the
first part I am less a judge than most people, having never trav-
elled westward of Staunton, so as to know anything of the face
of the country ; nor much indulged myself in geological inquiries,
from a belief that the skin-deep scratches which we can make or
find on the surface of the earth, do not repay our time with as
certain and useful deductions as our pursuits in some other
branches. The subject of our winds is more familiar to me.
On that, the views you have taken are always great, supported in
their outlines by your facts ; and though more extensive observa-
tions, and longer continued, may produce some anomalies, yet
they will probably take their place in this first great canvas
which you have sketched. In no case, perhaps, does habit attach
our choice or judgment more than in climate. The Canadian
570 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
glows with delight in his sleigh and snow ; the very idea of
which gives me the shivers. The comparison of climate between
Europe and North America, taking together its corresponding
parts, hangs chiefly on three great points. 1. The changes be-
tween heat and cold in America are greater and more frequent,
and the extremes comprehend a greater scale on the thermometer
in America than in Europe. Habit, however, prevents these
from affecting us more than the smaller changes of Europe affect
the European. But he is greatly affected by ours. 2. Our sky
is always clear; that of Europe always cloudy. Hence a greater
accumulation of heat here than there, in the same parallel. 3.
The changes between wet and dry are much more frequent and
sudden in Europe than in America. Though we have double
the rain, it falls in half the time. Taking all these together, I
prefer much the climate of the United States to that of Europe.
I think it a more cheerful one. It is our cloudless sky which
has eradicated from our constitutions all disposition to hang our-
selves, which we might otherwise have inherited from our
English ancestors. During a residence of between six and seven
years in Paris, I never, but once, saw the sun shine through a
whole day, without being obscured by a cloud in any part of it ;
and I never saw the moment, in which, viewing the sky through
its whole hemisphere, I could say there was not the smallest
speck of a cloud in it. I arrived at Monticello, on my return
from France, in January ; and during only two months' stay
there, I observed to my daughters, who had been with me to
France, that, twenty odd times within that term, there was not a
speck of a cloud in the whole hemisphere. Still I do not wonder
that an European should prefer his gray to our azure sky. Habit
decides our taste in this, as in most other cases.
The account you give of the yellow fever, is entirely agreeable
to what we then knew of it. Further experience has developed
more and more its peculiar character. Facts appear to have
established that it is originated here by a local atmosphere, which
is never generated but in the lower, closer, and dirtier parts of
our large cities, in the neighborhood of the water : and that, to
CORRESPONDENCE. 571
catch the disease, you must enter the local atmosphere. Persons
having taken the disease in the infected quarter, and going into
the country, are nursed and buried by their friends, without an
example of communicating it. A vessel going from the infected
quarter, and carrying its atmosphere in its hold into another State,
has given the disease to every person who there entered her.
These have died in the arms of their families, without a single
communication of the disease. It is certainly, therefore, an epi-
demic, not a contagious disease ; and calls on the chemists for
some mode of purifying the vessel by a decomposition of its
atmosphere, if ventilation be found insufficient. In the long
scale of bilious fevers, graduated by many shades, this is probably
the last and most mortal term. It seizes the native of the place
equally with strangers. It has not been long known in any part
of the United States. The shade next above it, called the
stranger's fever, has been coeval with the settlement of the larger
cities iu the Southern parts, to wit, Norfolk, Charleston, New
Orleans. Strangers going to these places in the months of July,
August, or September, find this fever as mortal as the genuine
yellow fever. But it rarely attacks those who have resided in
them some time. Since we have known that kind of yellow
fever which is no respecter of persons, its name has been extended
to the stranger's fever, and every species of bilious fever which
produces a black vomit, that is to say, a discharge of very dark
bile. Hence we hear of yellow fever on the Alleghany moun-
tains, in Kentucky, &c. This is a matter of definition only ;
but it leads into error those who do not know how loosely and
how interestedly some physicians think and speak. So far as
we have yet seen, I think we are correct in saying, that the
yellow fever, which seizes on all indiscriminately, is an ultimate
degree of bilious fever never known in the United States till
lately, nor farther South, as yet, than Alexandria ; and that what
they have recently called the yellow fever in New Orleans,
Charleston and Norfolk, is what has always been known in those
places as confined chiefly to strangers, and nearly as mortal to
Mem, as the other is to all its subjects. But both grades are
572 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
local ; the stranger's fever less so, as it sometimes extends a little
into the neighborhood ; but the yellow fever rigorously so, con-
fined within narrow and well-defined limits, and not communi-
cable out of those limits. Such a constitution of atmosphere
being requisite to originate this disease as is generated only in
low, close, and ill-cleansed parts of a town, I have supposed it
practicable to prevent its generation by building our cities on a
more open plan. Take, for instance, the chequer board for a plan.
Lot the black squares only be building squares, and the white
ones be left open, in turf and trees. Every square of houses will
be surrounded by four open squares, and every house will front
an open square. The atmosphere of such a town would be like
that of the country, insusceptible of the miasmata which produce
yellow fever. I have accordingly proposed that the enlargements
of the city of New Orleans, which must immediately take place,
shall be on this plan. But it is only in case of enlargements to
be made, or of cities to be built, that this means of prevention can
be employed.
The genus irritalile vatum could not let the author of the
Ruins publish a new work, without seeking in it the means of
discrediting that puzzling composition. Some one of those holy
calumniators has selected from your new work every scrap of a
sentence, which, detached from its context, could displease an
American reader. A cento has been made of these, which has
run through a particular description of newspapers, and excited
a disapprobation even in friendly minds, which nothing but the
reading of the book will cure. But time and truth will at length
correct error.
Our countrymen are so much occupied in the busy scenes of
life, that they have little time to write or invent. A good in-
vention here, therefore, is such a rarity as it is lawful to offer to
the acceptance of a friend. A Mr. Hawkins of Frankford, near
Philadelphia, has invented a machine which he calls a poly-
graph, and which carries two, three, or four pens. That of two
pens, with which I am now writing, is best ; and is so perfect
that I have laid aside the copying-press, for a twelve month past,
CORRESPONDENCE. 573
and write always with the polygraph. I have directed one to
be made, of which I ask your acceptance. By what convey-
ance I shall send it while Havre is blockaded, I do not yet
know. I think you will be pleased with it, and will use it ha-
bitually as I do ; because it requires only that degree of mechan-
ical attention which I know you to possess. I am glad to hear
that M. Cabanis is engaged in writing on the reformation of
medicine. It needs the hand of a reformer, and cannot be in
better hands than his. Will you permit my respects to him and
the Abbe de la Roche to find a place here ?
A word now on our political state. The two parties which
prevailed with so much violence when you were here, are al-
most wholly melted into one. At the late Presidential election
I have received one hundred and sixty-two votes against fourteen
only. Connecticut is still federal by a small majority; and
Delaware on a poise, as she has been since 1775, and will be till
Anglomany with her yields to Americanism. Connecticut will
be with us in a short time. Though the people in mass have
joined us, their leaders had committed themselves too far to re-
tract. Pride keeps them hostile ; they brood over their angry
passions, and give them vent in the newspapers which they
maintain. They still make as much noise as if they were the
whole nation. Unfortunately, these being the mercantile papers,
published chiefly in the sea-ports, are the only ones which find
their way to Europe, and make very false impressions there. I
am happy to hear that the late derangement of your health is
going off, and that you are re-established. I sincerely pray for
the continuance of that blessing, and with my affectionate salu-
tations, tender you assurances of great respect and attachment.
P. S. The sheets which you receive are those of the copying-
pen of the polygraph, not of the one with which I have written.
574 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO JUDGE TYLER.
MONTICELLO, March 29, 1805.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 17th found me on a short visit
to this place, and I observe in it with great pleasure a contin-
ance of your approbation of the course we are pursuing, and par-
ticularly the satisfaction you express with the last inaugural ad-
dress. The first was, from the nature of the case, all profession
and promise. Performance, therefore, seemed to be the proper
office of the second. But the occasion restricted me to mention
only the most prominent heads, and the strongest justification of
these in the fewest words possible. The crusade preached
against philosophy by the modern disciples of steady habits, in-
duced me to dwell more in showing its effect with the Indians
than the subject otherwise justified.
The war with Tripoli stands on two grounds of fact! 1st. It
is made known to us by our agents with the three other Bar-
bary States, that they only wait to see the event of this, to shape
their conduct accordingly. If the war is ended by additional
tribute, they mean to offer us the same alternative. 2dly. If
peace was made, we should still, and shall ever, be obliged to
keep a frigate in the Mediterranean to overawe rupture, or we
must abandon that market. Our intention in sending Morris
with a respectable force, was to try whether peace could be
forced by a coercive enterprise on their town. His inexecution
of orders baffled that effort. Having broke him, we try the
same experiment under a better commander. If in the course
of the summer they cannot produce peace, we shall recall our
force, except one frigate and two small vessels, which will keep
up a perpetual blockade. Such a blockade will cost us rio more
than a state of peace, and will save us from increased tributes,
and the disgrace attached to them. There is "eason to believe
the example we have set, begins already to work on the dispo-
sitions of the powers of Europe to emancipate themselves from
that degrading yoke. Should we produce such a revolution there,
we shall be amply rewarded for what we have done. Accept my
friendly salutations, and assurances of great respect and esteem.
CORRESPONDENCE. 575
TO DOCTOR LOGAN.
WASHINGTON, May 11, 1805.
DEAR SIR, — * * * * * * ' *
I see with infinite pain the bloody schism which has taken
place among our friends in Pennsylvania and New York, and
will probably take place in other States. The main body of
both sections mean well, but their good intentions will produce
great public evil. The minority, whichever section shall be the
minority, will end in coalition with the federalists, and some
compromise of principle ; because these will not sell their aid
for nothing. Republicanism will thus lose, and royalism gain,
some portion of that ground which we thought we had rescued
to good government. I do not express my sense of our misfor-
tunes from any idea that they are remediable. I know that the
passions of men will take their course, that they are not to be
controlled but by despotism, and that this melancholy truth is
the pretext for despotism. The duty of an upright administra-
tion is to pursue its course steadily, to know nothing of these
family dissensions, and to cherish the good principles of both
parties. The war ad internedonem which we have waged
against federalism, has filled our latter times with strife and un-
happiness. We have met it, with pain indeed, but with firm-
ness, because we believed it the last convulsive effort of that
Hydra, which in earlier times we had conquered in the field.
But if any degeneracy of principle should ever render it neces-
sary to give ascendancy to one of the rising sections over the
other, I thank my God it will fall to some other to perform that
operation. The only cordial I wish to carry into my retirement,
is the undivided good will of all those with whom I have acted.
Present me affectionately to Mrs. Logan, and accept my salu-
tations, and assurances of constant friendship and respect.
TO JUDGE SULLIVAN.
WASHINGTON, May 21, 1805.
DEAR SIR, — An accumulation of business, which I found on
my return here from a short visit to Monticello, has prevented
576 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
till now my acknowledgment of your favor of the 14th ultimo.
This delay has given time to see the result of the contest in your
State, and I cannot but congratulate you on the advance it mani-
fests, and the certain prospect it offers that another year restores
Massachusetts to the general body of the nation. You have in-
deed received the federal unction of lying and slandering. But
who has not ? Who will ever again come into eminent office,
unanointed with this chrism ? It seems to be fixed that false-
hood and calumny are to be their ordinary engines of opposition ;
engines which will not be entirely without effect. The circle
of characters equal to the first stations is not too large, and will
be lessened by the voluntary retreat of those whose sensibilities
are stronger than their confidence in the justice of public opinion.
I certainly have known, and still know, characters eminently
qualified for the most exalted trusts, who could not bear up
against the brutal hackings and hewings of these heroes of Bil-
lingsgate. I may say, from intimate knowledge, that we should
have lost the services of the greatest character of our country,
had he been assailed with the degree of abandoned licentious-
ness now practised. The torture he felt under rare and slight
attacks, proved that under those of which the federal bands have
shown themselves capable, he would have thrown up the helm
in a burst of indignation. Yet this effect of sensibility must not
be yielded to. If we suffer onrselves to be frightened from our
post by mere lying, surely the enemy will use that weapon ; for
what one so cheap to those of whose system of politics morality
makes no part ? The patriot, like the Christian, must learn that
to bear revilings and persecutions is a part of his duty ; and in
proportion as the trial is severe, firmness under it becomes more
requisite and praiseworthy. It requires, indeed, self-command.
But that will be fortified in proportion as the calls for its exercise
are repeated. In this I am persuaded we shall have the benefit
of your good example. To the other falsehoods they have
brought forward, should they add, as you expect, insinuations
of want of confidence in you from the administration generally,
CORRESPONDENCE. 577
or myself particularly, it will, like their other falsehoods, produce
in the public mind a contrary inference.
*********
I tender you my friendly and respectful salutations.
TO MB. DUNBAR.
WASHINGTON, May 25, 1 805.
DEAR SIR, — Your several letters, with the portions of your
journals, forwarded at different times, have been duly received ;
and I am now putting the journal into the hands of a person
properly qualified to extract the results of your observations, and
the various interesting information contained among them, and
bring them into such a compass as may be communicated to the
Legislature. Not knowing whether you might not intend to
make a map yourself, of the course of the river, he will defer that
to the last part of his work, on the possibility that we may re-
ceive it from yourself. Your observations on the difficulty of
transporting baggage from the head of the Red river to that of
the Arkansas, with the dangers from the seceding Osages residing
on the last river, have determined me to confine the ensuing
mission to the ascent of the Red river to its source, and to de-
scend the same river again, which will give an opportunity of
better ascertaining that which, in truth, next to the Missouri, is
the most interesting water of the Mississippi. You will accord-
ingly receive instructions to this effect, from the Secretary of
War. Dr. Hunter does not propose to take a part in this mission,
and we suppose that Mr. George Davis, a deputy of Mr. Briggs,
will be the fittest person to take the direction of the expedition,
and Col. Freeman as an assistant, and successor, in case of acci-
dent, to the principal. Still, these propositions are submitted to
your control, as being better acquainted with both characters. I
write to Gov. Claiborne, to endeavor to get a passport from the
Marquis of Casa-Calvo, for our party, as a protection from any
Spaniards who may be fallen in with on the route. We offer to
VOL. iv. 37
578 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
receive one or two persons, to be named by him, and subsisted
by us into the party, as a proof that the expedition is merely
scientific, and without any views to which Spain could take ex-
ception. The best protection against the Indians will be the
authority to confer with them on the subject of commerce. Such
conferences should be particularly held with the Arkansas and
Panis, residing on the Red river, and everything possible be done
to attach them to us affectionately. In the present state of things
between Spain and us, we should spare nothing to secure the
friendship of the Indians within reach of her. While Capt.
Lewis' mission was preparing, as it was understood that his reli-
ance for his longitudes must be on the lunar observations taken,
as at sea, with the aid of a time-keeper, and I knew that a thou-
sand accidents might happen to that in such a journey as his, and
thus deprive us of the principal object of the expedition, to wit,
the ascertaing the geography of that river, I set myself to con-
sider whether in making observations at land, that furnishes no
resource which may dispense with the time-keeper, so necessary
at sea. It occurred to me that as we can always have a meridian
at land, that would furnish what the want of it at sea obliges us
to supply by the time-keeper. Supposing Capt. Lewis then
furnished with a meridian, and having the requisite tables and
nautical almanac with him, — first, he might find the right ascen-
sion of the moon, when on the meridian of Greenwich, on any
given day ; then find by observation when the moon should
attain that right ascension (by the aid of a known star), and
measure her distance in that moment from his meridian. This
distance would be the difference of longitude between Green-
wich and the place of observation. Or secondly, observe the
moon's passage over his meridian, and her right ascension at that
moment. See by the tables the time at Greenwich when she
had that right ascension. That gives her distance from the
meridian of Greenwich, when she was on his meridian. Or
thirdly, observe the moon's distance from his meridian at any mo-
ment, and her right ascension at that moment ; and find from the
tables her distance from the meridian of Greenwich, when she
CORRESPONDENCE. 579
had that right ascension, which will give the distance of the two
meridians. This last process will be simplified by taking, for
the moment of observation, that of an appulse of the moon and a
known star, or when the moon and a known star are in the same
vertical. I suggested this to Mr. Briggs, who considered it as
correct and practicable, and proposed communicating it to the
Philosophical Society ; but I observed that it was too obvious
not to have been thought of before, and supposed it had not been
adopted in practice, because of no use at sea, where a meridian
cannot be had, and where alone the nations of Europe had occa-
sion for it. Before his confirmation of the idea, however, Capt.
Lewis was gone. In conversation afterwards with Baron Hum-
boldt, he observed that the idea was correct, but not new ; that
I would find it in the third volume of Delalande. I received two
days ago the third and fourth volumes of Montucla's History of
Mathematics, finished and edited by Delalande ; and find, in fact,
that Morin and Vanlangren, in the seventeenth century, proposed
observations of the moon on the meridian, but it does not appear
whether they meant to dispense with the time-keeper. But a
meridian at sea being too impracticable, their idea was not pur-
sued. The purpose of troubling you with these details, is to sub-
mit to your consideration and decision whether any use can be
made of them advantageously in our future expeditions, and par-
ticularly that up the Red river.
Your letter on the current of the Mississippi, and paper on the
same subject, corrected at once my doubts on your theory of the
currents of that river. Constant employment in a very different
line permits me to turn to philosophical subjects only when
some circumstance forces them on my attention. No occurrence
had called my mind to this subject, particularly since I had first
been initiated into the original Torricellian doctrine of the veloci-
ties at different depths, being in the sub-duplicate ratio of the
depths. And though Buat had given me his book while at
Paris, your letter was the first occasion of my turning to it, and
getting my mind set to rights to a certain degree, There is a
580 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
subsequent work by Bernard, which is said to have furnished
corrections and additions to Buat ; but I have never seen it.
The work we are now doing is, I trust, done for posterity, in
such a way that they need not repeat it. For this we are much
indebted to you, not only for the labor and time you have de-
voted to it, but for the excellent method of which you have set
the example, and which I hope will be the model to be followed
by others. We shall delineate with correctness the great arteries
of this great country. Those who come after us will extend the
ramifications as they become acquainted with them, and fill up
the canvas we begin. With my acknowledgments for your
zealous aid in this business, accept my friendly salutations, and
assurances of great esteem and respect.
TO DOCTOR SIBLET.
WASHINGTON, May 27, 1 805.
DEAR SIR, — I have been some time a debtor for your letters
of March 20th and September 2d, of the last year. A constant
pressure of things which will not admit delay, prevents my ac-
knowledging with punctuality the letters I receive, although I
am not insensible to the value of the communications, and the
favor done me in making them. To these acknowledgments I
propose to add a solicitation of a literary kind, to which I am led
by your position, favorable to this object, and by a persuasion
that you are disposed to make to science those contributions
which are within your convenience. The question whether the
Indians of America have emigrated from another continent, is
still undecided. Their vague and imperfect traditions can satisfy
no mind on that subject. I have long considered their languages
as the only remaining monument of connection with other
nations, or the want of it, to which we can now have access.
They will likewise show their connections with one another.
Very early in life, therefore, I formed a vocabulary of such ob-
jects as, being present everywhere, would probably have a name
CORRESPONDENCE.
in every language ; and my course of life having given me op-
portunities of obtaining vocabularies of many Indian tribes, I
have done so on my original plan, which though far from being
perfect, has the valuable advantage of identity, of thus bringing
the languages to the same points of comparison. A letter from
you to General Dearborne, giving valuable information respecting
the Indians west of the Mississippi and south of the Arkansas,
presents a much longer list of tribes than I had expected ; and
the relations in which you stand with them, and the means of in-
tercourse these will furnish, induce me to hope you will avail us
of your means of collecting their languages for this purpose. I en-
close you a number of my blank vocabularies, to lessen your
trouble as much as I can. I observe you mention several tribes
which, having an original language of their own, nevertheless
have adopted some other, common to other tribes. But it is their
original languages I wish to obtain. I am in hopes you will find
persons situated among or near most of the tribes, who will take
the trouble of filling up a vocabulary. No matter whether the
orthography used be English, Spanish, French, or any other,
provided it is stated what the orthography is. To save unneces-
sary trouble, I should observe that I already possess the vocabu-
laries of the Attacapas and Chetimachas, and no others within
the limits before mentioned. I have taken measures for obtain-
ing those north of the Arcansa, and already possess most of the
languages on this side the Mississippi. A similar work, but on a
much greater scale, has been executed under the auspices of the
late empress of Russia, as to the red nations of Asia, which, how-
ever, I have never seen. A comparison of our collection with
that will probably decide the question of the sameness or differ-
ence of origin, although it will not decide which is the mother
country, and which the colony. You will receive from Gen.
Dearborne some important instructions with respect to the Indians.
Nothing must be spared to convince them of the justice and lib-
erality we are determined to use towards them, and to attach
them to us indissolubly. Accept my apologies for the trouble I
am giving you, with my salutations and assurances of respect.
582 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
TO THOMAS PAINE.
WASHINGTON, June 5, 1805.
DEAR SIR, — Your letters, Nos. 1, 2, 3, the last of them dated
.April the 20th, were received April the 26th. I congratulate
you on your retirement to your farm, and still more that it is of
a character so worthy of your attention. I much doubt whether
the open room on your second story will answer your expecta-
tions. There will be a few days in the year in which it will be
delightful, but not many. Nothing but trees, or Venetian blinds,
can protect it from the sun. The semi-cylindrical roof you pro-
pose will have advantages. You know it has been practised on
the cloth market at Paris. De Lorme, the inventor, shows many
forms of roofs in his book to which it is applicable. I have used
it at home for a dome, being one hundred and twenty degrees
of an oblong octagon, and in the capitol we unite two quadrants
of a sphere by a semi-cylinder ; all framed in De Lorme's man-
ner. How has your planing machine answered ? Has it been
tried and persevered in by any workmen ?
France has become so jealous of our conduct as to St. Domin-
go (which in truth is only the conduct of our merchants), that the
ofler to become a mediator would only confirm her suspicions.
Bonaparte, however, expressed satisfaction at the paragraph in
my message to Congress on the subject of that commerce. With
respect to the German redemptioners, you know I can do nothing
unless authorized by law. It would be made a question in Con-
gress, whether any of the enumerated objects to which the Con-
stitution authorizes the money of the Union to be applied, would
cover an expenditure for importing settlers to Orleans. The let-
ter of the revolutionary sergeant was attended to by General
Dearborne, who wrote to him informing him how to proceed to
obtain his land.
Doctor Eustis' observation to you, that " certain paragraphs in
the National Intelligencer " respecting my letter to you, "sup-
posed to be under Mr. Jefferson's direction, had embarrassed Mr.
Jefferson's friends in Massachusetts ; that they appeared like a
CORRESPONDENCE. 583
half denial of the letter, or as if there was something in it not
proper to be owned, or that needed an apology," is one of those
mysterious half confidences difficult to be understood. That
tory printers should think it advantageous to identify me with
that paper, the Aurora, &c., in order to obtain ground for abusing
me, is perhaps fair warfare. But that any one who knows me
personally should listen one moment to such an insinuation, is
what I did not expect. I neither have, nor ever had, any more
connection with those papers than our antipodes have ; nor know
what is to be in them until I see it in them, except proclamations
and other documents sent for publication. The friends in Mas-
sachusetts who could be embarrassed by so weak a weapon
as this, must be feeble friends indeed. With respect to
the letter, I never hesitated to avow and to justify it in conver-
sation. In no other way do I trouble myself to contradict any-
thing which is said. At that time, however, there were certain
anomalies in the motions of some of our friends, which events
have at length reduced to regularity.
It seems very difficult to find out what turns things are to take
in Europe. I suppose it depends on Austria, which, knowing it
is to stand in the way of receiving the first hard blows, is cautious
of entering into a coalition. As to France and England we can
have but one wish, that they may disable one another from injur-
ing others.
Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of esteem and
respect.
TO MR. MADISON.
MONTICKLLO, August 3, 1805.
D^AR SIR, — On a view of our affairs with Spain, presented
me in a letter from C. Pinckney, I wrote you on the 23d of July,
that I thought we should offer them the status quo, but immedi-
ately proposed provincial alliance with England. I have not yet
received the whole correspondence. But the portion of the pa-
584 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
pers now enclosed to you, confirm me in the opinion of the ex-
pediency of a treaty with England, but make the offer of the
status quo more doubtful. The correspondence will probably
throw light on that question ; from the papers already received 1
infer a confident reliance on the part of Spain on the omnipo-
tence of Bonaparte, but a desire of procrastination till peace in
Europe shall leave us without an ally. General Dearborne has seen
all the papers. I will ask the favor of you to communicate them
to Mr. Gallatin and Mr. Smith. From Mr. Gallatin I shall ask
his first opinion, preparatory to the stating formal questions for
our ultimate decision. I am in hopes you can make it conve-
nient to see and consult with Mr. Smith and General Dearborne,
unless the latter should come on here where I can do it myself.
On the receipt of your own ideas, Mr. Smith's and the other gen-
tlemen, I shall be able to form points for our final consideration
and determination.
I enclose you some communications from the Mediterranean.
They show Barren's understanding in a very favorable view.
When you shall ha.ve perused them, be so good as to enclose
them to the Secretary of the Navy. Accept my fervent wishes
for the speedy recovery of Mrs. Madison, and your speedy visit
to this quarter.
TO MR. MADISON.
MONTICKLLO, August 25, 1805.
DEAR SIR, — I confess that the enclosed letter from General
Turreau excites in me both jealousy and offence in undertaking,
and without apology, to say in what manner to receive and treat
Moreau within our own country. Had Turreau been here long-
er he would have known that the national authority pays honors
to no foreigners. That the State authorities, municipalities and
individuals, are free to render whatever they please, voluntarily,
and free from restraint by us ; and he ought to know that no
part of the criminal sentence of another country can have any
CORRESPONDENCE. 585
\
effect here. The style of that government in the Spanish busi-
ness, was calculated to excite indignation ; but it was a case in
which that might have done injury. But the present is a case
which would justify some notice in order to let them understand
we are not of those powers who will receive and execute man-
dates. I think the answer should show independence as well as
friendship. I am anxious to receive the opinions of our brethren
after their review and consideration of the Spanish papers. I am
strongly impressed with a belief of hostile and treacherous in-
tentions against us on the part of France, and that we should
lose no time in securing something more than a mutual friend-
ship with England.
Not having heard from you for some posts, I have had a hope
you were on the road, and consequently that Mrs. Madison was
re-established. We are now in want of rain, having had none
in the last ten days. In your quarter I am afraid they have been
much longer without it. We hear great complaints from F.
Walker's, Lindsay's, Maury's, &c., of drought. Accept affec-
tionate salutations, and assurances of constant friendship.
P. S. I suppose Kuhn, at Genoa, should have new credentials.
TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE
MOSTICELLO, August 27, 1805.
DEAR SIR, Yours of the 20th has been received, and in that a
letter from Casinore, and another from Mrs. Ciracchi ; but those
from Turreau and to Upryo were not enclosed. Probably the
former was what came to me by the preceding post, respecting Mo-
reau ; if so, you have my opinion on it in my last. Considering
the character of Bonaparte, I think it material at once to let him
see that we are not of the powers who will receive his orders.
I think you have misconceived the nature of the treaty I
thought we should propose to England. I have no idea of com-
inittin- ourselves immediately or independently of our further
586 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
will to the war. The treaty should be provisional only, to come
into force on the event of our being engaged in war with
either France or Spain during the present war in Europe. In
that event we should make common cause, and England should
stipulate not to make peace without our obtaining the objects
for which we go to war, to wit, the acknowledgment by Spain
of the rightful boundaries of Louisiana (which we should reduce
to our minimum by a secret article) and 2, indemnification for
spoliations, for which purpose we should be allowed to make re-
prisal on the Floridas and retain them as an indemnification.
Our co-operation in the war (if we should actually enter into it)
would be sufficient consideration for Great Britain to engage for
its object ; and it being generally known to France and Spain
that we had entered into treaty with England, would probably
ensure us a peaceable and immediate settlement of both points.
But another motive much more powerful would indubitably in-
duce England to go much further. Whatever ill-humor may at
times have been expressed against us by individuals of that coun-
try, the first wish of every Englishman's heart is to see us once
more fighting by their sides against France ; nor could the king
or his ministers do an act so popular as to enter into an alliance
with us. The nation would not weigh the consideration by
grains and scruples. They would consider it as the price and
pledge of an indissoluble friendship. I think it possible that for
such a provisional treaty their general guarantee of Q Louisiana
and the Floridas. At any rate we might try them. A failure
would not make our situation worse. If such a one could be ob-
tained we might await our own convenience for calling up the
casus fcederis. I think it important that England should receive
an overture as early as possible, as it might prevent her listening
to terms of peace. If I recollect rightly, we had instructed Mo-
reau, when he went to Paris, to settle the deposit ; if he failed in
that object to propose a treaty to England immediately. We
could not be more engaged to secure the deposit then than we
are the country now, after paying fifteen millions for it. I do
expect, therefore, that, considering the present state of things
CORRESPONDENCE. 587
as analagous to that, and virtually within his instructions, he will
very likely make the proposition to England. I write my
thoughts freely, wishing the same from the other gentlemen, that
seeing and considering the ground of each other's opinions we
may come as soon as possible to a result. I propose to be in
Washington by the 2d of October. By that time I hope we
shall be ripe for some conclusion.
I have desired Mr. Barnes to pay my quota of expenses relat-
ing to the Marseilles cargo, whatever you will be so good as to
notify him that it is. I wish I could have heard that Mrs. Madi-
son's course of recovery were more speedy. I now fear we shall
not see you but in Washington. Accept for her and yourself my
affectionate salutations, and assurances of constant esteem and
respect.
TO MR. MADISON.
MONTICELLO, September 16, 1805.
DEAR SIR, — The enclosed letter from General Armstrong fur-
nishes matter for consideration. You know the French considered
themselves entitled to the Rio Bravo, and that Laussal declared his
orders to be to receive possession to that limit, but not to Perdidoj
and that France has to us been always silent as to the western boun-
dary, while she spoke decisively as to the eastern. You know
Turreau agreed with us that neither party should strengthen
themselves in the disputed country during negotiation ; and Arm-
strong, who says Monroe concurs with him, is of opinion, from
the character of the Emperor, that were we to restrict ourselves
to taking the posts on the west side of the Mississippi, and
threaten a cessation of intercourse with Spain, Bonaparte would
interpose efficiently to prevent the quarrel from going further.
Add to these things the fact that Spain has sent five hundred
colonists to St. Antonio, and one hundred troops to Nacogdoches,
and probably has fixed or prepared a post at the Bay of St. Ber-
nard, at Matagordo. Supposing, then, a previous alliance with
588 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
England to guard us in the worst event, I should propose that
Congress should pass acts, 1, authorizing the executive to sus-
pend intercourse with Spain at discretion ; 2, to dislodge the new
establishments of Spain between the Mississippi and Bravo ; and
3, to appoint commissioners to examine and ascertain all claims
for spoliation that they might be preserved for future indem-
nification. I commit these ideas merely for consideration, and
that the subject may be matured by the time of our meeting at
Washington, where I shall be myself on the 2d of October. I
have for some time feared I should not have the pleasure of see-
ing you either in Albemarle or Orange, from a general observa-
tion of the slowness of surgical cases. However, should Mrs.
Madison be well enough for you to come to Orange, I will call
on you on my way to Washington, if I can learn you are at
home. General Dearborne is here. His motions depend on the
stage. Accept for Mrs. Madison and yourself affectionate salu-
tations.
P. S. 1 am afraid Bowdoin's journey to England will furnish
a ground for Pinckney's remaining at Madrid. I think he should
be instructed to leave it immediately, and Bowdoin might as
well, perhaps, delay going there till circumstances render it more
necessary.
TO MR. GAL.LATIN.
WASHINGTON, October 18, 1805.
DEAR SIR, — I had detained the letter of Mr. Merry on Foster's
claims of freedom from importing duties, in expectation that Mr.
Madison's return would enable him, you and myself, to confer on
it. If the case presses, I will express my opinion on it. Every
person diplomatic in his own right, is entitled to the privileges
of the law of nations, in his own right. Among these is the re-
ceipt of all packages unopened and unexamined by the country
which receives him. The usage of nations has established that
this shall liberate whatever is imported bonajide for his own use,
from paying any duty. A government may control the number
CORRESPONDENCE.
of diplomatic characters it will receive ; but if it receives them it
cannot control their rights while bona fide exercised. Thus Dr.
Franklin, Mr. Adams, Colonel Humphreys, and myself, all resid-
ing at Paris at the same time, had all of us our importation duty
free. Great Britain had an ambassador and a minister plenipo-
tentiary there, and an ambassador extra for several years ; all
three had their entries free. In most countries this privilege is
permanent. Great Britain is niggardly, and allows it only on the
first arrival. But in this as she treats us only as she does the
most favored nations, so we should treat her as we do the most
favored nations. If these principles are right, Mr. Foster is duty
free. If you concur, let it be so settled. If you think differently,
let it lie for Madison's opinion. Colonel Monroe, in a letter of
May, from Madrid, expressed impatience to get back to London
that he might get to America before the equinox. It was the
first I had heard of his having any thought of coming here, and
though equivocally expressed, I thought he meant only a visit.
In subsequent letters from Paris and London, down to August
16, he says nothing of coming ; on the contrary, he has re-opened
a particular negotiation. The motives which led him to wish to
arrive before the equinox would prevent his venturing between
the equinox and winter. I think, therefore, he has no fixed
idea of coming away. Accept affectionate salutations.
TO DOCTORS ROGERS AND SLAUGHTER.
WASHINGTON, March 2, 1 806.
GENTLEMEN, — I have received the favor of your letter of Feb-
ruary the 2d, and read with thankfulness its obliging expressions
respecting myself. I regret that the object of a letter from per-
sons whom I so much esteem, and patronized by so many other
respectable names, should be beyond the law which a mature
consideration of circumstances has prescribed for my conduct. I
deem it the duty of every man to devote a certain portion of
his income for charitable purposes ; and that it is his further duty
to see it so applied as to do the most good of which it is capable.
590 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
This 1 believe to be best insured, by keeping within the circle
of his own inquiry and information the subjects of distress to
whose relief his contributions shall be applied. If this rule be
reasonable in private life, it becomes so necessary in my situation,
that to relinquish it would leave me without rule or compass.
The applications of this kind from different parts of our own, and
from foreign countries, are far beyond any resources within my
command. The mission of Serampore, in the East Indies, the
object of the present application, is but one of many items.
However disposed the mind may feel to unlimited good, our
means having limits, we are necessarily circumscribed by them.
They are too narrow to relieve even the distresses under my own
eye ; and to desert these for others which we neither see nor
know, is to omit doing a certain good for one which is uncertain.
I know, indeed, there have been splendid associations for effect-
ing benevolent purposes in remote regions of the earth. But no
experience of their eifect has proved that more good would not
have been done by the same means employed nearer home. In
explaining, however, my own motives ,of action, I must not be
understood as impeaching those of others. Their views are
those of an expanded liberality. Mine may be too much re-
strained by the law of usefulness. But it is a law to me, and
with minds like yours, will be felt as a justification. With this
apology, I pray you to accept my salutations, and assurances of
high esteem and respect.
TO MR. DUANE.
WASHINGTON, March 22, 1808.
I thank you, my good Sir, cordially, for your letter of the 12th,
which however I did not receive till the 20th. It i§ a proof of
sincerity, which I value above all things ; as, between those who
practise it, falsehood and malice work their efforts in vain. There
is an enemy somewhere endeavoring to sow discord among us.
Instead of listening first, then doubting, and lastly believing anile
tales handed round without an atom of evidence, if my friends
CORRESPONDENCE. 591
will address themselves to me directly, as you have done, they
{hall be informed with frankness and thankfulness. There is
lot a truth on earth which I fear or would disguise. But secret
slanders cannot be disarmed, because they are secret. Although
you desire no answer, I shall give you one to those articles ad-
mitting a short answer, reserving those which require more ex-
planation than the compass of a letter admits, to conversation on
your arrival here. And as I write this for your personal satis-
faction, I rely that my letter will, under no circumstances, be
•ommunicated to any mortal, because you well know how
every syllable from me is distorted by the ingenuity of my po-
litical enemies.
In the first place, then, I have had less communication, directly
or indirectly, with the republicans of the east, this session, than
I ever had before. This has proceeded from accidental circum-
stances, not from design. And if there be any coolness between
those of the south and myself, it has not been from me towards
them. Certainly there has been no other reserve than to avoid
taking part in the divisions among our friends. That Mr. R. has
openly attacked the administration is sufficiently known. We
were not disposed to join in league with Britain, under any belief
that she is fighting for the liberties of mankind, and to enter into
war with Spain, and consequently France. The House of Rep-
resentatives were in the same sentiment, when they rejected Mr.
R.'s resolutions for raising a body of regular troops for the western
service. We are for a peaceable accommodation with all those
nations, if it can be effected honorably. This, perhaps, is not
the only ground of his alienation ; but which side retains its ortho-
doxy, the vote of eighty-seven to eleven republicans may satisfy
you ; but you will better satisfy yourself on coming here, where
alone the true state of things can be known, and where you will
see republicanism as solidly embodied on all essential points, as
you ever saw it on any occasion.
That there is only one minister who is not opposed to me, is
totally unfounded. There never was a more harmonious, a more
cordial administration, nor ever a moment when it has been
592 JEFFERSON'S WORKS.
otherwise. And while differences of opinion have been always
rare among us, 1 can affirm, that as to present matters, there was
not a single paragraph in my message to Congress, or those sup-
plementary to it, in which there was not a unanimity of con-
currence in the members of the administration. The fact is,
that in ordinary affairs every head of a department consults me
on those of his department, and where anything arises too diffi-
cult or important to be decided between us, the consultation be-
comes general.
That there is an ostensible cabinet and a concealed one, a
public profession and concealed counteraction, is false.
That I have denounced republicans by the epithet of Jacobins,
and declared I would appoint none but those called moderates of
both parties, and that I have avowed or entertain any predilec-
tion for those called the third party, or Quids, is in every tittle
of it false.
That the expedition of Miranda was countenanced by me, is
an absolute falsehood, let it have gone from whom it might ;
and I am satisfied it is equally so as to Mr. Madison. To
know as much of it as we could was our duty, but not to en-
courage it.
Our situation is difficult ; and whatever we do is liable to the
criticisms of those who wish to represent it awry. If we recom-
mend measures in a public message, it may be said that members
are not sent here to obey the mandates of the President, or to
register the edicts of a sovereign. If we express opinions in
conversation, we have then our Charles Jenkinsons, and back-door
counsellors. If we say nothing, " we have no opinions, no plans,
no cabinet." In truth it is the fable of the old man, his son and
ass, over again.
These are short facts which may suffice to inspire you with
caution, until you can come here and examine for yourself. No
other information can give you a true insight into the state of
things ; but you will have no difficulty in understanding them
when on the spot. In the meantime, accept my friendly
salutations and cordial good wishes.
INDEX TO VOL. IY.
ADAMS, JOHN — Opposition to bis adminis-
tration in connection with war
with France, 229.
The effects of his war policy, 234,
235.
Expenses of his administration, 259.
State of parties during his adminis-
tration, 262, 263.
His appointments to office, 356, 383,
386.
Relations between Lim and Mr. Jef-
ferson, 545, 555, 560.
Policy of his administration in rela-
tion to French war, 290, 291, 298.
AGRICULTURE — Profits of, in Virginia, 1.
ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS— Proposed, 237,
242, 244.
Objections to, 258.
Copy of Kentucky resolutions sent
to Mr. Madison, 258.
Resolutions on, by Kentucky, 305.
ARMY — Reduction of, 430.
BACON'S REBELLION — 528.
BALLS— Dissensions about birth-night balls,
218.
BARBARY STATES — War with Tripoli, 574.
BUREAU — The case of the, 405.
BONAPARTE — His expedition to Egypt,
278, 280.
Establishment of Consular govern-
ment by, 315, 320.
His administrative talents, 320.
His character and purposes, 322.
Jerome Bonaparte's marriage with
Miss Patterson, 510.
BOUNDARY — Difficulty between Virginia
and Maryland in reference to, 162.
CALLENDAR— Mr. Jefferson's relations with,
445, 447, 448.
CAPITOL — Building of, 435.
CAROLINA, SOUTH — Notice of effort to ex-
cite insurrection among negroes,
98.
CHARITIES — Principles on which bestowed,
589.
CLIMATE — Of Europe and America com-
pared, 57d. (See Weather.)
COMMERCE — Condition of commerce of U.
States in 1798, 213.
Commercial relations with Great
Britain, 214.
French regulations in relation to,
220, 221.
CONSULS — One nation not bound to re-
ceive Consuls from another, 90.
How commissions for Consuls to U.
States addressed, 91.
The limits of the Consular jurisdic-
tion, 39.
No consuls permitted in British West
Indies, 69.
Revocation of Exequater of French
consul, 72.
Jurisdiction of, over prizes, 83, 84.
CONSTITUTION — Declaration of its princi-
ples desirable, 328.
Mode of construction by federalists,
329.
Its true principles, 330.
Principles of the eastern States, 331.
CONVENTION, FEDERAL — What done with
journal of, 136.
DEARBORNE, LIEUT. — Made Secretary of
War, 856.
DEPARTMENTS, — Circular to Heads of, 315.
DUMOURIKR, GENERAL — His desertion and
character, 5.
EDUCATION — Proposition to remove Col-
lege of Geneva to United States,
108, 113.
Importance of, 119.
System of schools and colleges pro-
posed by Mr. Jefferson, 317.
ELECTIONS — Members of Congress should
be elected by Districts and not by
general ticket, 308.
ENGLAND — Her refusal to surrender our
military posts, 95.
Carries off negroes at end of Revolu
tionary war, 96.
594
INDEX TO VOL. IV.
ENGLAND — Danger of war with, 102, 105.
Our dependence on, 172.
EUROPE— Condition of, in 1798, 217, 218.
EXCISE — The obnoxious character of, 112.
EXECUTIVES — Mode of communicating be-
tween State and Federal govern-
ments, 401.
FEDERALISTS— Character of the party, 112,
139, 197, 448.
Their ascendency, 140, 141.
The moderate portion of the party,
361.
Mr. Jefferson's policy towards, 451,
484, 542.
FINANCE — Reforms in, 428, 430.
FLORIDAS, THE — Their cession to France,
432.
FOREIGN POLICY — 414.
FRANCE — Condition of, in 1793, 8.
Affection of our people for, 123.
Her victories in Europe, 182.
Danger of war with, in 1797, 181,
183, 184, 185, 189, 233, 265, 277.
Special mission to, to preserve peace,
187, 208, 232. 234.
War with, avoided, 189, 190.
Silence of Envoys to, favorable, 216.
Their negotiations in France, 232,
234, 251.
Talleyrand's intrigues with, 234, 235,
270.
Return of Envoys to United States,
250.
The X. Y. Z. delusion, 265, 271,
274.
Effect of, in "United States, 275.
Conduct of Envoys, 271, 272.
Disposition of France to peace, 271,
275, 276, 288, 292, 293.
Establishment of the Consulate, 315,
Unfriendly feeling in, towards Uni-
ted States, 448.
Condition of, under Bonaparte, 452,
493, 496.
GENET, M. — His conduct, 7, 20, 31, 45, 46,
47, 48, 49, 52, 53, 64, 68, 84.
His recall asked, 50.
Petitions to have Mr. Jay prosecuted
for libelling him, 97.
GERRY, ELBIUDGK — Letter from, on polit-
ical condition of U. S. aud his mis-
sion to France, 273.
GOVERNMENT — Mr. Jefferson's views on,
114. 115.
Equilibrium between State and Fed-
eral governments necessary, 217.
GUN-BOATS — 567.
HAMILTON, ALEXANIER — His great, talents,
121, 231.
His advocacy of Jay's treaty, 121.
His anonymous writings, 231.
HENRY, PATRICK — Court paid to him by
federalists, 148.
HISTORY, NATURAL— Big bones of the west,
149, 337, 351.
Skeleton from Paraguay, 195.
The wild horses of the west, 253.
IMPEACHMENT — Introduction of trial by
jury in cases of, 215.
IMPRESSMENT — Jefferson's views on, 133.
IMPROVEMENT, INTERNAL— Jefferson's views
on, 131, 449, 478.
Post roads, 131.
Piers in the Delaware, 449, 478.
Light-houses, 450, 478.
INDIANA — Our efforts to keep them neu-
tral in revolutionary war, 10.
Efforts to preserve peace with, 10,
11, 12.
Our policy towards, 11, 12, 13, 14,
15, 16, 464, 467, 472, 489.
"War with northwestern Indians, 86.
Cessions of laud by, 464, 467, 472.
Their languages, 326, 580.
Their artistic skill, 310.
INSURRECTION — Of negroes in Virginia,
336.
JEFFERSON, THOMAS — His retirement from
Secretaryship of State, 26, 28, 99,
100.
Consents to remain until December,
1792, 28.
His retirement from politics, 101.
His devotion to agricultural life, 103,
His farming system, 106, 143, 224.
Declares his purpose never to enter
public life again, 110.
Does not desire the Presidential of-
fice, 116.
His relations with General Washing-
ton in 1796, 142, 171.
Prefers Mr. Adams to himself for
Presidency, 150, 151, 153, 154.
His letter to J. Adams on the sub-
ject, 153.
His election to Vice-Presidency, 158,
163, 165, 168.
Mode of notifying his election, 160.
His views of duties of his new office,
161.
His relations with J. Adams, 161, 167.
INDEX TO YOL. IV.
595
JFFFERSON, THOMAS — Preparation of his
Parliamentary manual, 163.
His account of the Muzzie letter, 193.
His opposition to war with France,
178, 181, 183, 184, 185, 198, 230,
254.
His polilical associates. 254.
Calumnies against him, 255, 333, 520,
576.
Summary of his political principles,
268.
His election over Burr to Presiden-
cy, 358.
His valedictory to Senate on termin-
ation of Vice-Presidency, 362.
His oath of office, 364.
Reformations in administration of
government, 396, 399, 523.
His agency in forming Constitution,
441.
Principles of his administration, 452,
523, 548.
Candidate for second Presidential
term, 536.
His early friends, 547.
Political differences no effect on pri-
vate friendships, 562.
His purpose to retire at end of sec-
ond term, 565.
His majority at second election, 573.
Unanimity of his Cabinet, 592.
JUDICIARY — The executive consults it,
22.
Limits to jurisdiction of federal judi-
ciary, 199.
Jury trial and viva voce evidence in
Chancery suits, 318.
JURISDICTION, TERRITORIAL— Extract of the
Marine league, 75.
KENTUCKY — Resolutions of, on alien and
sedition laws, 258, 805.
KING, RUFUS — Sent minister to Russia,
289.
KNOX, GENERAL — His bankruptcy, 262.
KOSCIUSKO, GENERAL — His return to Eu-
rope, 248.
LA FAYETTE — Greeting to his son on com-
ing to U.S., 114.
LAND — Conveyances of, before revolution,
371.
LANGUAGES — Policy of the study of, 316.
The Indian languages, 326, 348, 580.
LAW, THE COMMON — No part of law of
Federal government, 301, 306.
LAWS, MUNICIPAL — Derive their authority
from the people, 302.
LAW, NATIONAL — Enemy's property in
friend's vessel seizable, 24, 403
408.
Arms are contraband, but govern-
ment will not prohibit exportation
of, 87.
LEWIS, CAPTAIN M. — His expedition to ex-
plore west, 470, 492, 516. 540.
LIANCOURT, DUKE DE — A fugitive from
French revolution, 145.
LITERATURE — Condition of literary men,
513.
LIVINGSTON, ROBERT R. — Secretaryship of
Navy tendered him, 338.
Sent on mission to France, 360.
LOUISIANA — Its cession to France, 432, 435.
Efforts to purchase for U. S., 454,
457, 460.
Its acquisition, 494, 497, 503, 509,
510, 525.
Boundaries of, 498, 503, 539, 548, 550,
587.
Its unconstitutionalitv, 500, 503, 504,
506.
Cession of, opposed by Spain, 511.
Occupation of, 510, 514.
Organization of government of, 551,
558.
MADISON, JAMES — Jefferson wishes him to
succeed Washington in Presidency,
116, 117, 136, 150.
His report of debates in convention,
263.
MALTHUS — His work on population, 526,
527.
MARITIME JURISDICTION — Limits of, 73
559.
MARSHALL, JOHN — His reception on re-
turn from mission to France, 249
MESSAGES — Substituted for speeches, 426
MILITIA — The discipline of, 469.
MINISTERS, FOREIGN — Their pay, 455.
Their right to import duty free, 588.
MONROE, JAMES — Jefferson advises him to
come to Congress, 242.
Sent on special mission to France to
negotiate for Louisiana and Flori-
das, 454, 457, 460.
MONUMENTS — To living men objectionable,
335.
MOREAU, GKN — His arrival in U. S.. 584.
MORRIS, GOVERNEUR — Becomes unpopular
in France, 93.
NEUTRALITY — Efforts to preserve it, 6.
Grounds on which proclamatioo o$
opposed, 18, 29.
596
INDEX TO YOL. IV.
NEUTRALITY — Circumstances attending it,
18, 29, 30, 32.
Measures vindicating our neutrality,
18, 19, 27, 51, 55.
Violations of, by France, 27, 33, 45,
46, 55, 68.
Questions at issue between Genet
and U. S., 34, 38, 41, 42, 43, 44.
Unlawful for the belligerents to arm
and equip in our ports, 34.
In wbat cases our courts have juris-
diction over prizes, 38, 40.
Enemy's goods in neutral vessels
liable to capture, 43.
Same rule extended to England as
to other nations, though no treaty
with her, 57.
Violations of our ueutralitv by Eng-
land, 59, 62.
What are the rights of neutral na-
tions, 59.
Conditions of neutrality, 61.
Difference between England and
France resulting from treaty, 65.
French prizes admitted, and English
excluded by treaty, 66.
Right of vessels of belligerents to
visit our ports, 66.
Territorial jurisdiction extends to the
marine league, 75, 559.
lu what cases our courts make resti-
tution of prizes, 78.
NEW ENGLAND-— Character of the people
of, 247.
NEW OKLKANS — Difficulties in relation to
rights of deposit at, 454, 457, 400.
Our _policy in relation to, 483.
OFFICES — Principles on which distributed,
353, 368, 380, 391, 398, 402, 406,
451, 543.
Refuses offices to relations, 388.
PARTIES, POLITICAL — (See United States.)
PATRONAGE — (See Offices.)
PHILADELPHIA — The yellow fever there,
54, 64, 70, 74, 86.
PLOUGH — One invented by Mr. Jefferson,
147, 225.
POLYGRAPH — 572.
POSTS, NORTH WESTERN — Failure of Eng-
lish to surrender, 95.
PRESIDENT — Has no power to change
place of meeting of Congress. 72.
Removal of executive government to
Germantowu, 74, 86.
PRESIDENCY— Nominations for second Pres-
idency, 100, 116. 150, 151, 153, 154.
PRESIDENCY — Equality of vote between
Burr and Jefferson, 340, 342, 344,
345, 349, 352, 354, 369.
PRESS — Freedom of, in U. S., 21.
PRIVATEERS — A merchant vessel armed
for defence only is not a privateer,
41,
PROCLAMATION OF NEUTRALITY — (See Neu-
trality.)
RANDOLPH, EDMUND — His character, 125.
RANDOLPH, JOHN — His rehitions to Jeffer
son's administration, 517.
RELIGION — Jefferson's views on, 422, 525.
His views on Christianity, 475, 477,
479.
His views of Jesus, 475, 477, 481.
Fastings and thanksgivings not pro-
claimed by him, 427.
REPUBLICAN PARTY — Split in, 591.
ROBBIN'S CASE — 323, 324.
SEA LETTERS — To whom should be grant-
ed, 566.
SENATE — Functions of that body, 107.
J. Adams' views of, 215.
SHORT, WM. — His recall from Europe, 413.
SLAVES — Policy of emancipation, 196.
Numbers carried off by English at
end of revolution, 96.
Plans of colonization, 420, 442.
SPAIN — Danger of war with, 7, 8, 16, 17,
21.
Summary of our relations with, 9,
10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16.
Difficulties with, in respect to incit1
ing Indians against us, 12, 13, 14.
SOCIETIES, DEMOCRATIC — Opposition of
federalists to, 111, 133.
Efforts to suppress them, 111, 133.
STATE RIGHTS — Jefferson's views on, 331.
STEAM ENGINES — Employed to conduct
water through houses, 296.
STEVENS, DR. — His case, 528.
ST. DOMINGO — Condition of fugitives from,
20.
Expulsion of whites from, 20.
Assistance rendered to, by United
States, 49.
Condition of the Island, 251.
TALLEYRAND — His connection with the X.
Y. Z. business, 436.
TREASURY — Financial reforms in, 428, 430.
TREATIES — Our policy in relation to, 552.
The unpopularity of Jay's treaty, 1 20.
Power of House of Representatives
over, 125, 134, 135.
INDEX TO VOL. IV.
697
TREATIES — Passage of Jay's treaty, 148.
TURKEY, THE — A native of America, 346.
UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA — Its foundation,
313, 316,462.
UNITED STATES — Excess of party spirit
in, 176, 178, 184, 191, 241, '247,
286.
Danger of war with France, 178, 181,
183, 187.
State of parties in, 179, 184, 206, 224,
234, 246.
Preparations for war, 183, 185, 241.
Political complexion of different sec-
tions of U. S., 186, 246.
Importance of peace to, 187.
State of parties on question of war
with France, 189, 190, 222, 227,
229, 239.
Majority against war, 190, 192, 210.
Our true policy in our foreign rela-
tions, 191, 414.
Proceedings in Congress, 205, 208,
210, 211, 237.
Political condition of, 256, 259, 265,
271, 281, 287, 295, 297, 300, 322,
328, 330.
Financial condition of, in 1798, 264,
277, 284.
Increase of Republican party, 288,
414, 437, 488.
Consolidation of republicans and mod-
erate federalists under Jefferson,
366, 367, 370, 378, 381, 382, 386,
389, 406, 437, 523, 542.
The political revolution of 1800, 373,
375, 376, 390, 425, 440, 467.
UNITED STATES — Relations with England
and France, 586.
VIRGINIA — Profits of agriculture in, 1.
Height of mountains of, 147.
Proposition for State convention, 199.
Collection of statutes of, 128.
Loss of public documents of, 129.
Alteration in Notes on Virginia, 564.
WAR — Preparations for, 279, 283, 285,
290, 291, 299, 323.
Public opinion in relation to, 279,
295, 300.
War policy of J. Adams' administra-
tion, 290, 291, 298.
War unavoidable in Europe, 491.
Danger of war with France, 181,
183, 184, 185, 189, 233, 265, 277.
WASHINGTON, GEN. — Monument to, 82.
Influence of federalists over, 139,
140, 141.
His influence in the country, 169.
'His relations with Jefferson, 142, 171.
Cost of Houdon's statue of, 310.
Monuments to great men while liv-
ing objectionable, 335.
WASHINGTON CITY — Removal of govern-
ment to, 201.
WEATHER— Extreme cold of, 1796-7, 157
WEST, THE — Exploration of, by Captain
Lewis, 470, 492, 516,540.
Exploration of Red river, 577.
WINDS — Observations on, 159.
YELLOW FEVER — Its appearance at Phil-
adelphia, 54, 64, 70, 74, 86.
Nature of, 570.
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