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Vol. ZXI. 



y Cpnintroaor. 

Cirt magazine 

Of tH e«iie«ra»i« . 

Societp of Cpnimrodoiloii. 



PRODUCED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF 
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LONDON: 

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y Cpmmroaon 



THE MAGAZINE 



OF THE HONOUBABLB 



SOCIETY OF CYMMRODORIOK 



VOL. XXI. 



PRODUCED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF 
THE EDITORIAL COMMITTEE. 



LONDON: 

ISSUED BT THE SOCIETY, 

NEW STONE BUILDINGS, 64, CHANCERY LANE. 

1908. 



• •• _• . 



y^-"' 









CONTENTS. 



All around the Wrekin. By Sir John Bhys, M.A., D.Litt. 
(With Illustrations : Pillar of Eliseg, showing the 
Modern Inscription ; A View of the Pillar of Eliseg, 
and the Mound on which it stands ; The Pillar of 
Eliseg, showing the Concenn Inscription ; Facsimile 
of Edward Llwvd's transcription of the Inscription) 1 

The Dynasty of Gunedag and the *<Harleian Genealogies". 

By E. Williams B. Nicholson, M.A. (with Pedigree) 68 

lolo Goch's "I Owain Glyndwr ar ddifancoU". By W. J. 

Gbuffydd, M.A. ... ... ... ... 105 

Welsh Folk-Lore of the Seventeenth Century. By William 

E. A. Axon, IiL.D. ... ... ... ... 113 

Notes on certain Powysian Poets. By Alfred Neobard 

Palmer ... ... ... ... ... 182 

Reviews and Short Notices ... ... ... 140 

Mrs. Emily M. Pritchard's George Owen's Taylors 
CuMton (facsimile reproductimij. By Henry 
Owen, D.C.L. ... ... .. ... 140 

Dr. Gwenogvryn Evans' Black Book of Car- 
marthen. By E. Vincent Evans ... ... 141 

Mr. Hubert Hall's Studies in English Historical 
Documents, and A Formula Booh of English 
Historical Documents. By E. Vincent Evans 148 

Mr. Ivor Bowen's Statutes of Wales. By E. Vin- 
cent Evans ... ... ... ... 144 



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Lettsome^ Llangoilen. 



|S(^ilStln8cription. 



f Cjmmrnirnr* 



Vol. XXI. "Cared doeth tb encilion." 1908. 



By Professor SIR JOHN RHYS, M.A., D.Litt. 



Some two miles and a half to the south-west of Wellington 
is the Wrekin, a long and isolated hill which rises some 
nine hundred feet above the level of the country round, 
except on the north-east, where there is another and a 
more irregular hill, called Ercal. Thej are separated by a 
deep little glen, along which a very pretty brook winds its 
way ; the line of the hills is, roughly speaking, north-east 
and south-west. The ridge of the Wrekin forms a sort of 
long street, except that there are no houses to obstruct the 
view on either hand, but here and there plenty of trees. 
The whole hill is an ancient stronghold, forming a double 
camp two thousand feet long ; the fortifications are now 
somewhat efPaced in parts, but enough remains to show 
that they consisted of a double vallum and fosse, with out- 
works. I take these details from the proof-sheets kindly 
lent me of the article on ^'Earthworks", in the first volume 
of the Victoria County History of Shropshire; for a full 
description of the hill the reader must be referred to the 
forthcoming volume, but I have given enough to shew that 
the Wrekin is one of the most remarkable fortifications in 
the British Isles. That is apart from the fact pointed out 



2 Atf'Arot{n^ ^Jp^. *lf^rekin, 

by Mr. Davier'tniiilsBii^fe'doSt^oifeB'jrreftm (Shrewsbury, 
1896), that this hill is geologically one of our most 
primeval landmarks. 

I now proceed to quote a passage from Miss Burne's 
Folk-lore^ Legends and Old Customs, reprinted from her 
Memorials of Old Shropshire (Bemrose & Sons, London), 
as follows : — 

"Wrekin Wakes, held on the first Sunday in May, 
were distinguished by an ever-recurring contest between 
the colliers and the agricultural population for the posses- 
sion of the hill. This is said to have gone on all day, 
reinforcements being called up when either side was worsted. 
The rites still practised by visitors to the Wrekin doubtless 
formed part of the ceremonial of the ancient wake. On the 
bare rock at the summit is a natural hollow, known as the 
Raven^s Bowl or the Cuckoo's Gup, which is always full of 
water, supposed to be placed there as it were miraculously, 
for the use of the birds. Every visitor should taste this 
water, and, if a young girl ascending the hill for the first 
time, should then scramble down the steep face of the 
cliff and squeeze through a natural cleft in the rock 
called the Needle's Eye, and believed to have been 
formed when the rocks were rent at the Crucifixion ; should 
she look back during the task, she will never be married. 
Her lover should await her at the further side of the 
gap, where he may claim a kiss, or, in default of one, the 
forfeit of some article of clothing — a coloured article, such 
as a glove, a kerchief, or a ribbon, carefully explained the 
lady on whose authority the last detail is given.'' 

Having read this about the Wrekin Wakes some years 
ago, I had long wished to make closer acquaintance with 
the old camp, and on the 13th of September 1907, in the 
interval of two of the many meetings which Welshmen 
have to attend at Shrewsbury, I escaped to Wellington, 
and had a most agreeable walk to the summit of the 
Wrekin, though the latter portion of it was a pretty stiff 
climb. One can, however, break the climb at a con- 
veniently situated refreshment place on the shoulder of 



All around the Wrekin. 3 

the hill^ before you come in sight of the camp. The 
weather was dry^ and I was disappointed to find the 
Bayen's Bowl empty, but a rock hollow, not far ofiF, held 
water still, which my companion's dog found most wel- 
come. Perhaps that should have been the Baven's, and 
the other the Cuckoo's, separate provision being made for 
the two birds. The most probable view, however, is that 
the Cuckoo is to be discarded altogether as a mere intruder 
there as elsewhere. Glimpses of many counties may be 
caught from the top of the Wrekin, but I am more inter- 
ested in a spot only some few miles away, namely, the site 
of the Boman fortress of Viroconium, in English, Wroxe- 
ter, on the Severn. For till I visited the Wrekin I could 
never understand why the Bomans built a fortress at 
Wroxeter ; but the moment I saw what the Wrekin camp 
is like I saw also that Wroxeter was meant to keep it in 
check, that is, until it could be made untenable by the 
conquest of all the surrounding country. The Wrekin 
would not be the sort of nest which the Bomans would 
care to occupy any more than the Celts would have elected 
to fortify the site of Wroxeter on the level ground. In 
Boman times the inhabitants of the district would seem 
to have been the Brythonic tribe of the Cornavii. 



If you search the volumes of the Archceologia Cambren- 
818 for the years 1863 (pp. 184-56, 249-64, 334) and 1864 
(pp. 62-74, 166-76, 260-62) you will find the record of a 
lively controversy between three men of eminence in the 
field of history and archaeology, to wit, Edwin Guest, 
Thomas Wright, and Thomas Stephens: they have all 
passed away. The subjects of the discussion were Viro- 
conium, or Uriconium as they called it, the Wrekin, and 

the Elegy to Cyndylan in the Red Book of Hergest, a poem 

B 2 



4 All around the Wrekin, 

which was subsequently published at length in Skene's 
F(mr Ancient Books of Wales, vol. ii, pp. 279-91. The 
elegy consists of over a hundred stanzas^ and it has been 
usually ascribed to Llywarch HSn. Stanza 80 mentions a 
place called IHrdle Ureconn, which Stephens understood 
to mean the site of Viroconium, the Ue 'place* of its din 
'fortress'; for of course he regarded the fortress itself as 
a thing of the past. Guest and Wright took it to mean 
the camp on the Wrekin, and I have no doubt that they 
were right. Guest and Stephens agreed in their analysis 
of the word Dinlle : they regarded it as a compound, 
meaning, literally, a 'fortress place', which Guest inter- 
preted as the place of an actual stronghold, that on the 
Wrekin, while for Stephens it was the place where a 
fortress had been at some time or other previously. It 
happens that they were both wrong: not only is their 
compound improbable in itself, but we have another 
Dinlle, the history of the name of which is clear and easy 
to understand. I mean the great mound known as Diuas 
Dinlle, on the Arvon coast to the west of the western 
mouth of the Menai Straits. 

Now the Mahinogi of Math ab Mathonwy informs 
us that Nantlle, in the same county, took its name 
from Llew LlawgyfPes, whose older name was Lleu;^ 
but the Southwallian scribe of the Red Booh was not 
familiar with that name or with the name of Dinlle; 
so when he found Nant&ev and Dinttev in his original, he 
made them into Nant y tte6 and Dinas Dinttef ,' though the 
pronunciation meant was Nanttteu and Dintteu, or rather, 
perhaps, Nant Lieu and Din Lieu. In fact, it was the 
compression of the two words into one, with the accent on 
the first, that brought about the shortening of the final 

1 Rhys, Hibbert Lecturea, pp. 398-400. 

^ Rhys & Evans, Mabinoffion^ pp. 71 , 78 ; see also ed. note, p. 312. 



All around the Wrekin. 5 

syllable so as to make the present forms, Nantlle and 
Dinlle. This gluing together of two words under one 
accent is a favourite way of treating place-names in North 
Wales : take for example GcLstellmarch and Aberffraw. The 
surmise as to the old pronunciation of the names in ques- 
tion is established by the rhymes in one of the Tomb 
Englyns given in the Myvyrian Archaiology^ i, 7ff*, which, 
put into a somewhat normalized spelling, runs thus : — 

Y bed yngorthir Nantlleu The grave in the upland of Nantlle— 

Ny 6yr neb y g3mnedfeu Nobody knows its properties : 

Mabon fab Modron gleu. It is Mabon's, son of swift Modron. 

The relation between Llew and Lieu is obscure : possi- 
bly Llew was arrived at as the result of a popular tendency 
to change Lieu into a more familiar word, and llew^ ^a lion', 
may have been regarded as quite satisfactory, though the 
story of Lieu never gives him the shape of a lion, but, for 
a while, that of an eagle. The old form of the name Lieu 
should be Llou, and we seem to meet with it in the 
Nenniau Genealogies, contained in the British Museum 
MS., Harleian 3859; see the OymmrodoTy vol. ix, 176, 
where we have Louhen map Quid geuy that is LUm hen ^Ll 
the ancient ^ son of ttuidgen. The latter name was pro- 
bably the full compound name of Gwydion, the father of 
Lieu, Oivydion itself being the hypocoristic and secondary 
formation from the compound ; the latter seems to occur 
as Owydyen in an obscure passage in the Booh of Andriuy 
where we have eryr Owydyen^ which, as meaning Gwydion 's 
Eagle, would exactly describe Lieu his son. The name is 

^ Verse xl, Skene, ii, 75, Stephens's Gododin, p. 242. Since the 
foregoing was Mnritten Professor Anwyl has pointed out another 
instance of Owydyen in the Myvyrian Arch., \, 230^ where one of the 
names with which it rhymes is the singular one of Pobyen\ there 
is, he tells me, a Gaer Bobien between Aberystwyth and Machynlleth. 
With Gwydion the Book of Taliessin (Skene, ii, 158) associates a cer- 
tain Gwytheint; the name occurs as Gwideint in the Life of St. 



6 All around the Wrekin. 

further reduced to Otvyden, which occurs in the Book of 
Taliessin (Skene, ii, 190, 193) . Further, the name Lieu has 
been usually identified by me with the Irish hero, whose 
name was Lug Lamfada, 'Lug of the long hand'. Li 
Medieval Irish, to which Lug belongs, the genitive was 
Loga ; and the Welsh Lou, to which Lieu has been traced, 
is the etymological counterpart of Lug^ Loga. 

We have other instances of vowel-flanked g yielding 
Welsh u, not w. The Latin word pugiUareSy meaning writ- 
ing tablets, was borrowed into Welsh, where it appears as 
peuUadry used in one of the Taliessin poems (Skene, ii, 141) 
in the sense of 'books'. There is a still older form, with 
<m, namely poulloraur^ as a gloss on pugUlarem paginam ; 
see the Capella Glossesy edited by Stokes, in Kuhn's 
Beitrcegey vii, 393. The next instance I wish to mention is a 
native one, meudwy, 'a hermit': the word is to be analysed 
into mevrdwy^ meaning 'servus Dei', from dwy for dwywy 
'god', and meu, which has corresponding to it in 
Medieval Irish, rmig, genitive mogfa, 'a slave, a thrall'. 
The relation between Lieu and Irish Lu^g, Loga, is exactly 
the same as that between meu (in meudwy^) and Irish mug^ 
moga. This is not proof direct of the identity of the 
former words, but if you calculate you will find that the 
chances against the identity being a mistaken one are 
overwhelming, and in matters of etymology you can 
seldom obtain a higher order of proof. 

Having practically identified Lieu with the Irish Lug 
we know where we are and how to proceed further. For 

Beuno in the Elucidarium Volume of the Anecdota Oxoniensia, p. 124. 
It is there given to the donor of Celynnog Fawr, in Arvon, to the 
Saint ; in the Record of Carnarvon, pp. 257, 258, it has heen printed 
Otcithenitf which is probably less correct. 

1 It would be interesting to know whether the pronunciation 
inotidtoy, that is moydwy, is still to be heard in Dyfed or Morgannwg 
in case of the word forming a part of some obscure place-name. 



All around the IVrektn. 7 

the latter name occurred as that of Lugus in Gaulish;^ 
he seems, in fact, to have been one of the most popular 
gods of the Continental Celts. Holder, in his AUcdtischer 
SprachschatZy counts no fewer than fourteen towns on the 
Continent called after Lugus, from Lyons to Leyden, and 
probably dedicated to him as their special divinity. His 
citations shew that the oldest form of the city name was 
Lugudunon, but as G-aulish seems to have had a tendency, 
like that of Welsh, to lay the stress on the penult, it 
became Lugddnon, written in Latin Lugdunum. Compare 
Holder's Bothmdros from Boto-mdroSy and Mogitmdros from 
Mogitvr^nuLTOSy with mogiiu = Welsh moed in Oweithfoed, 
Lugudunon is a compound meaning 'the Lieu fortress', Hhe 
Lug town' ; for duno^n is represented in Welsh by diuy of 
much the same meaning as its Welsh derivative dinasy *a 
fortress, a town or city'; Irish had the related form d«w, 
genitive duney of the same meaning and use, as in Dun- 
garvan, Dunlavin and the like, in Anglo-Irish topography. 
You will have anticipated my next proposition, that 
Din^Lleu is nothing else than the compound Lugu-dunon 
resolved into a quasi-compound or syntactical arrange- 
ment, meaning *the fortress of Lieu or Lug'. This 
resolution of the old compounds is characteristic of the 
later stages of Brythonic: thus an old compound like 
Gwyndy is rare in Wales as compared with the looser 
name of Ty gwyn, though they mean equally *the White 
House'. So to the fourteen Luguduna on the Continent, 
we have practically two to add in this country, one on 
the Wrekin and one near the Menai Straits — I have 
quite recently heard of traces of a third. The compound 
equivalent to Lugudunum would be, in modern Welsh, 

* For more notes on Lugus one may consult my sectional address 
at the third Congress for the History of ReliyionSf recently held at 
Oxford : see the Transactions, vol. ii, pp. 218-24. 



8 All around the Wrekin. 

Lleudiuy and I should not be surprised if it were to be 
discovered yet, say, in an obscure passage in one of the 
Welsh poets. 

At the Lugudunum now called Lyons, the festival of 
Lug was probably held on the first day of August, the 
month called after the emperor Augustus. On that day 
also was dedicated there an altar to Rome and Augustus:^ 
the identity of the day for the two festivals was doubtless 
not the result of accident, and the name of the emperor 
was presumably thereby helped not a little to the popu- 
larity which it acquired in Gaul. This day fell near a 
great harvest day in the Coligny Calendar, namely, the 
fourth day of the month of Rivros, approximately August, 
called after Rivos, the name probably of the harvest god, 
at any rate of the only divinity recognized in the frag- 
ments of that document, namely, twice within the month 
of Rivros. In Ireland, the feast on the First of August 
was called Lugnasad after Lug, Lunasda in Scotland, and 
Luanistyn in the Isle of Man ; but in Wales Augustus has 
usurped the place of Lieu, so the feast is known as Gwyl 
Awst ^the feast of Augustus', for I venture to translate it 
so rather than as *the feast of August*. The English for 
it is Lammas, which is explained in the New English 
Dictionary as derived from the Old English hldfmcessey 
that is, literally, 4oaf-mass', for in the early English 
Church the first of August, "Festum Sancti Petri ad 
Vincula" in the Roman calendar, was "observed as a 
harvest festival, at which loaves of bread were consecrated, 
made from the first ripe corn". These indications seem 
to associate the god Lieu-Lug with the com harvest. 

A fabulous story about the founding of Lyons is given 
by the Pseudo-Plutarch, who introduces ravens into it ; 
by itself it carries no weight, but coins occur on which 
* Hirschfeld, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, XIII, i, pp. 227, 249. 



All around the Wrekin, 9 

the genius of Lugudunum is attended by a raven. ^ Irish 
literature represents Lug's son^ Cuchulainn, commonly 
attended by ravens. This I am prompted to mention in 
connection with the Baven's Bowl, pointed out on the 
Wrekin rock, to which Miss Burne calls attention. 

The mimic warfare for possession of the Wrekin hill 
seems to form a vivid reproduction of more serious strug- 
gles in the distant past between the Cornavii and their foes, 
whoever they may have been. What may be the explana- 
tion of its being fixed on the First of May I do not 
know ; but that has always been an important day in the 
Celtic calendar. The year began on N08 Oalan-gaeaf, * Night 
of the Winter Calends', that is November Eve: second 
only in importance to this was Nos GhUan-maiy 'Night of 
the May Calends', or May Eve. The third great day in the 
calendar was the First of August already mentioned ; and 
the fourth should be about the First of February, for filling 
which Welsh folklore and literature do not seem to help. 
The Irish calendar, however, supplies Saint Bride,' "chaste 
head of Erin's nuns". Her attributes suggest that she 
represented an earlier goddess of fire; in that case the 
First of February was not badly chosen as the great day of 
her cult. 

^ See Holder, s.v. Lugudunony ii, col. 313. 

^ Her name in Irish was Brigit, genitive Brigte, but she was 
almost singular in being also called Sanct Brtffit, genitive Sanct 
Brigte : so when her cult was imported into Wales her name became 
Sanjfreidi it appears so in Evans's Facsimile of the Black Book of 
Ccwmarthen, fo. 42^ In modem Welsh it is — or should hQ^Sanffraid, 
with the stress on ffrnid as in Llansanffraid, Sanffreid seems to imply 
Sancta Bregit where the b had to be softened to v and the name to 
become Sant Vreid : but the contact of the voiceless mute t with v 
made the latter also become voiceless. Thus arose Sant J^reid, 
whence Sanffreid, Sanffraid. Pymtheg 'fifteen', often wrongly ex- 
plained, is a parallel : pempe-deo- hecAme pgmp^eg, whence pgmp-theg, 
pymtheg. 



lo All around the Wrekin. 

n. 

It is now clear, I hope, that Dinlle Ureconn was not 
the Welsh name of Yiroconium : Dinlle was a distinct 
name meaning Luguduno-n, the stronghold of Lug, in 
this instance the one on the Wrekin, Ureconn^ more cor- 
rectly UrecoHy being added to prevent its being confounded 
with another Dinlle. Urecon it may be pointed out here 
was pronounced as a dissyllable Urecon ; in fact, had DirMe 
not been treated as a feminine we should have had Dinlle 
G urecon, with the g developed before u or w according to 
the usual Welsh rule, which, however, it is unnecessary to 
dwell upon at this point. In Dinlle Urecon the latter name 
served as that of the district, and we have it in a slightly 
different form in a much older manuscript than the Bed 
Book of HergesL 

I allude to a list of the Cities of Britain appended 
to the Historia Brittonumy usually associated with the 
name of Nennius. Those cities differ in their names 
and their numbers in the manuscripts ; but one of them 
mentions a Cair Guricon, which appears in another as 
Cair Guorcou.^ The spelling of this last is due to con- 
fusion of the representative of uvro with the prefix which 
in Gaulish was uer, as in Vercingetorix and VeTcassiveUau-- 
no8 : in Welsh it became gwor or gwur^ modem gor^ and in 
Irish /er and /or. Now Cair Chiricon should be the cder or 
fortress of Ouricony just as Cair Ceint in the same manu- 
script meant the Fortress of Kent. Such Cair Guricon, 
that is Cair Guricon, would more correctly be Cair ^ricon, 
since cair was feminine. This was undoubtedly Viro- 
conium, the site of which, near the village of Wroxeter, 

^ For both names see Mommsen's Historia Bn'ttanum cum Addita- 
fnentis Nennii (published in the Chronica Minora Sac. IV, V, VI, VII), 
vol. Ill, i, 211. 



All around the Wrekin, 1 1 

is about three miles from the foot of the Wrekin and 
visible from the Dinlle on the top of that hill. Here I 
wish to mention that GhiTxcon occurs as a woman's name in 
Chirycon Oodheu, one of Brychan Brycheiniog's many 
daughters enumerated in the Lives of the Cambro-BrUish 
Saints, p. 274;^ the same lady is called Gwrgon or 
Gurgon in the loh M88., pp. Ill, 120, 140. 

From an early date in the sixth century vowel flanked 
tenues seem to have been mutated, and the pronunciation 
of these names was Gwrygon and Chvrgon, although one 
went on for centuries writing c, t, p, just as if they had 
remained wholly unaffected. This question is to be 
touched upon later; here it will suffice to state the 
conclusion that what we have taken as a district name 
turns out to have been the proper name of a man or 
a woman. Naturally the further inference is that the 
Comavii of the locality considered themselves descendants 
of a common ancestor or ancestress, whose name was 
Guricon, Gurecon, or Gurcon. In that way the personal 
name became practically that of the district, which the 
local toast in our day describes comprehensively as: ''All 
friends round the Wrekin". In the days of the Comavii 
they may have called themselves in the plural, Virocones ; 
at all events there is no trace of a formation like the 
Latin Virocanium. The case is different with the possibly 
related name of Ariconiumy which may be related also to 
Arcunia^ and Hercynia (SUva). It survives in Welsh a« 

^ See the ''Brychan Documents*', carefully edited by the Rev. A. 
W. Wade-Evans in the Cymmrodor, xix, 26. 

' Holder's article on this name, and Walde's on quercus (in his 
iMtin Dictionary/), require to be purged of the bogus Welsh words 
introduced into them : these latter have been discussed briefly by me 
in the Arch. Camb. Journal, 1907, pp. b7-8. As to cyrhicynnu, meaning 
' to rise', add references to the Anecdota Oxonienaia (Jones & Rhys), 
pp. 133, 135, 280. 



12 All around the Wrekin. 

Ergyngy and in English in the district name of Archen&eld 
in Herefordshire. The former is given in the Historia 
Brittonum as Erdng^ and by Geoffrey of Monmouth as 
Hergin, while in the Liber Landavensis it has a variety 
of spellings from Ergin to Ercicgy all pointing back to 
some such a form as Ariconio-riy with an { in the second 
syllable and a ^ in the last. 

In Dinlle Urecon and Cair Uricon we have a common 
element to equate with the Virocon- of the Latin forma- 
tion Viroconium; for this seems to be the best attested 
spelling. To explain the equation it is to be noticed that 
the unaccented syllable inr, that is to say uivy was shortened 
into uvy reducing the whole into Urocon-. The next point 
to be noticed is that subsequent to the shortening into 
Uro^on-y this had associated with it, and eventually 
substituted for it, an alternative Uri-con^y perhaps also 
Ura-con" ; for the thematic vowel of the first element in 
a compound was subject to much fluctuation. Thus our 
post-Boman inscriptions supply such instances as the 
following: — Seng-magK and 8ene-magliy VendesetU and 
Vennisetliy Vendyr-magli and Vinne-magli, Compare such 
variants in Gaul as Augustodunum and Augustidunum, 
Orgetorix and Orgetirix, and others to be found in 
Holder's pages. This being so Uriconium may very 
possibly have been a real form of the Latin name, but 
not so old as Virocaniv/my or even as UroconiuMy which 
may also have been one of its forms. The manuscripts of 
the Antonine Itinerary, and of Ptolemy's Geography, 
contain these and some more forms, which cannot be 
discussed here. 

Other compound names, beginning with viro as their 
initial element^ will be found given by Holder, but 
in all of them viro is the stem of the word for 
*man', Welsh gwry Old Irish /er, modern Irish fear, Latin 



All around the Wrektn. 13 

vir. Analogy suggests that gwr represents a Gallo- 
Brythonic virdsy plural vtrJ, which should have given* 
singular wr^ plural gwyr. Owr may, however, have 
obtained its initial g from the plural : in any case the 
English Wrekin for Guricon shows no trace of any sound 
before the w. So it would seem that the development of 
u into gu dates after the coming of the English into the 
district, or that, more correctly speaking, the sound was 
there but not such as to make itself perceptible to the 
English ear. For it is a feature characteristic not only of 
Welsh, but of Cornish and Breton likewise, in which our 
gwr is written gour : the severance of these dialects may 
be dated probably some time in the fifth century. The 
shortening here in question took place in an unaccented 
syllable ; I gather that there was primarily another con- 
dition, to wit, that the vowel in the next syllable should be 
a broad one, 0, u, or a. 

In the instances mentioned it was 0, as we have 
had only the one element, tfiro, to deal with; that 
this extended to other words may be inferred from 
the fact to be mentioned presently more in detail, that 
unaccented ui or ue^ followed by a narrow vowel in the 
next syllable, is reduced to Welsh ti, approximately of the 
same sound as German it, not to Welsh w. Once, however, 
uiro had become gtovy there might be a tendency to extend 
the latter beyond its etymological limits, but Welsh Owriad 
for early UiricUos, where the second i was i, and not 
reckoned as a vowel, is not in point : compare the well- 
known Irish name Ferad-achy later spelling Fearadhach. 

In the Liber Landavensis a number of the compounds 
involving uindo-Sy modem Welsh gvryn * white, blessed', 
begin with gtmy such as Ounday from JJindo-tamoSy Ounguas 
from JJindo-uassoSy Qunva from Uindo-magtUy and the 
Bishop of Llandaff's palace is called St. Teilo's Ghindy 



14 All around the IVrekin, 

(p. 120), as if it were JJindo-tegos *White House'. Most 
names of the kind are liable in book Welsh to have the 
y of gwyn re-inserted. We have an instance which has 
resisted this kind of ^correction' in the name of the Car- 
diganshire church of Llanwnnws or Gwnnws, probably 
from JJindo^uatuSy but the b of Ownnws for st looks like a 
touch of Goidelic influence. One may here also quote 
from one of the M8S. of the Historia Brittowwmy loc. cU., 
p. 193, the name of Gwrtheym's grandfather, Guttolion, 
derived from Vitalianusy which occurs on one of the 
bilingual monuments at Nevern, in Pembrokeshire. 

But this phonetic change is by no means confined to 
the vocables just mentioned; we have it in forms of great 
antiquity, representing the Indo-European perfect of one 
of our few strong verbs. The Mabinogiony for instance, 
have the following forms, gwdorny gwdam *we know', 
gwdawchy gwdoch *you know', gwdant 'they know';^ since 
the Middle Ages they have y inserted after the analogy 
of the other forms of that verb, such as gwydwn *I knew', 
gwyhyd *will know', and gwybocP 'the fact of knowing, 
knowledge'. 

^ I am indebted for a tabular survey of the tenses of the verb in 
question, which occur in the Mabinoffion, to Prof. J. Morris Jones, one 
of whose pupils is preparing to publish on the verbal forms in those 
tales. I should add to them giodoat^ 'knowest\ which I cannot ex- 
plain, Mod. Welsh fftvyddost, in Breton gouxoud. The first person 
singular was gtonrif now written giouy which looks like a contraction of 
the form which has yielded Breton gotizonn, rather than derived from 
a verb corresponding to Irish finnaim * I find, I know '. 

^ This implies uidi-bot- or utde-bot- with the thematic vowel 
dropped before the d and b were mutated ; so uid-bot- yielded uipot-, 
gtffyhod ; but there was apparently a later compound with the con- 
sonants mutated and yielding gwydfod * immediate personal presence* 
— gn ei iogd/od = gn ei wg(t * within his knowledge or consciousness 
as derived from his sense of sight, hearing, and touch'. The etymo- 
logical equivalent in Breton seems to be gouzoud *the fact of knowing'; 
and the compounds with the verb 'to be' are on the same level, for 



All around the Wrekin. 15 

The corresponding forms in the kindred languages 
make the structure of our Mabinogion verb at once 
intelligible : take Sanskrit veda, Greek olSa 'I know', 
Sanskrit plural vidma, Greek tSfiev *we know'. Here the 
root part of the verb appears in its strongest form in the 
singular^ while in the plural it is in its weakest ; Sanskrit, 
moreover, represents the old accentuation^ which explains 
the Brjthonic gwdom, for instance, as standing for some 
such a form as uid-o-mdsy^ which was weakened into vdomdsy 
whence, when penultimate accentuation became the rule, 
udSmo and (gjudoniy gwdom. The treatment was the same 
in the second and third persons of the plural ; and so in 
Breton, where the corresponding persons are (1) gouzomp, 
(2) gouzoc'h, (3) gouzont; in Cornish (1) godhon, (2) 
godhough^ (3) godhons ; but, according to Jenner's Hand- 
book of the Cornish Language, pp. 147-8, from which I copy, 
godh- has been spread almost over the whole of the con- 
jugation. 

This explains the etymological difference between 
the perfect gorue or gomg, and goreu *did, fecit \ The 
former has by its side gorugum *I did'^ and gorugost 
Hhou didst', but when this stem invaded the plural in 
such forms as gorugam 'we did', and gorugant 'they did', 
it was encroaching on the domain of ^oreu-, which, in its 

instance goufenn 'I should knew', probably for ffouz-venn, and so in the 
case of afz^naout = Welsh adnabod 'to be acquainted with*, as to which 
see my Celtic Itucriptions of France and Italy, p. 9. The thematic 
vowel belonging to the first part of gioybod and gioydfod was probably 
t or e which we have in the Latin cognate verb vide-o. It emerges as 
t in the Medieval Welsh form gicydyion 'I knew, je iavaU\ gwydj/ei 
(Skene ii, 69), and gicydyad 'he knew, ilnavait' : compare the Cornish 
ghdhyeUf gMhya, and see Norris's Ancient Cornish Drama, ii, 263, 267. 

^ As to some of the difiiculties connected with the plurals of verbs 
of the perfect tense, such as the connecting vowel, the unmutated m 
and similar questions, see Brugmann's Grundriss, ii, 1205-7, 1212, 
1245-9, 1364. 



1 6 All around the Wrekin, 

turn^ should not have appeared in the singular, but only 
help to make up such a form as gareuam 'we did' for an 
early uo-fuJrogomSsy whence uo-rogom^ (g)uO'Tog6m^ guo- 
rduomy gor4uomy or gorSuam. Ooreuom and goreuant are 
not known to occur, for the reason, perhaps, that they have 
not been looked for. In the singular, not only was the 
root vowel lengthened, but the mute consonant was pro- 
vected;^ both are processes which were probably carried 
out under the stress accent. Thus, the third person 
singular set out from uo-fujrocey whence uo-roce^ guo^ruce, 
guorucy g&rug. The corresponding Old Cornish was gwruk, 
wruky ruhy rug^ later gvrrig 'did'. The present tense of 
this verb in Welsh occurs in the compound cy-weiriaf ^1 
put into working order', from the root verg^ and is of the 
same conjugation as the Old Irish d(h-airci (for do^vairci) 
'effects, prepares', Anglo-Saxon wyrcan *to work, to build'.' 
A shortening before the stress syllable, parallel to that 
of uiro into urJ, has taken place in the name Urieuy written 
Urbgenin the Historia Brittonum {loc. ciU 63), the same name 
most likely as that of the Helvetian pagus mentioned by 
Caesar (i, 27) as Verbigenna. We have the Irish form possibly 
in the proper name Pergen, in case that represents Ferbgen. 
Another instance is Welsh uceinty now ugain 'twenty', 
which points back to uicentiqn; the Irish wBAfiche 'twenty', 
genitive ficheU We seem to have a third instance in 
Welsh iicher 'evening', from uecsero^ = ueqsSro^y for 
ueegvAros of the same origin as Greek eoirepo^ and Latin 
vesper 'the evening'. The Old Irish was fescor, now feascar 
'evening'. All these cases differ from the previous ones, 
in the contraction being not into Wy but into the very 

^ For instanoes of such provection see a paper of mine in the 
Eevue Celtique, ii, 831-3. 

2 See the Grammatica Celttca, pp. 591-3 ; Jenner, pp. 129-31 ; 
Stokes's Urkeltischer Sprachwhatz—s.v. verg *to work', p. 273, 



All around the Wrekin, 17 

different vowel u\ the probable explanation is that here 
the accented syllable had the narrow vowel e^ which 
exercised an umlauting influence on the foregoing syllable. 
None of these, it will be noticed, shows any trace of an 
initial g in Welsh. 

III. 

Before proceeding any further, T wish to say a word 
on early Celtic accentuation and desinence. The former 
is not infrequently assumed to have been the same in 
Brythonic as in Groidelic, but nothing could be more mis- 
taken. In both, it is true, the accent, as far back as we 
can trace it, was a stress accent, but in Goidelic it was fixed 
on the first syllable in nouns and adjectives, while in 
Brjrthonic it had only the range of the three last syllables 
as in Greek. The older accentuation of Latin^ appears to 
have been on the first syllable, as in Goidelic, but in the 
historical period it is found confined to the last three 
syllables, as in Brythonic, which was probably the case also 
with Graulish. Within the three-syllable limit, Brythonic 
— also probably Gaulish — ^tended to drive the accent to 
the penultimate, and by so doing to put an end to both 
oxytones and proparoxytones. The former would, in any 
case, be probably few, containing among their number the 
vvr6^ 'man' already mentioned. The latter were common 
enough in Gaulish in such names as the following, where 
the position of the accent is practically indicated by the 
forms taken in French by such place-names as ArgevUd- 
magiM 'Argeuton', ClaudiS-mo/gus 'Clion', Novid-magua 
*Nyon and Noyon*, BotS-magus * Rouen*, Garnhd-rUtim 



' Did the Umbro-Samnites, the neighbours of the Romans, accent 
their words only within the last three syllables P and, if so, had their 
influence anything to do with the change of accentuation in Latin P 

C 



1 8 All around the Wrekin. 

*Chambort', Novid-^um *Niort and Nort'/ In Brj- 
thonic we have instances in such names as Brigo^maglos, 
Bridmail, Bridfael, and the like to be mentioned presently. 
Some of the proparoxjtones might have penultimates 
with longvowels: take, for mstsinceyCattMriges and Pt^u-rigres, 
whence the French place-names Chorgea and Bourges. But 
such a form as BiiAinTiges may have had a tendency to become 
BUu-rigesy which seems to be re-echoed in the province name 
Berry. ^ Similarly Lugduno-n^ if it was Gaulish, must have 
superseded the longer form, which was probably accented 
iMgyr^uno-n, and later Lugvr-duno-ny before the pretonic 
part of the word was curtailed. A good instance of this 
occurs in the case of the Gaulish preposition are^ in Welsh 
ar 'on, upon, at, irapd, irapal\ as a prefix in the Guulish 
Aremoricay probably Ar&m&ricay reduced early to Arm6rica 
— ^the manuscripts of CsBsar de Ballo QcUlico show no trace 
of the pretonic e. The same shortening is attested by the 
Gaulish man's name Atpomarusy as compared with the more 
usual form AtepomaroSy to be mentioned again presently. 
Holder, in his Alteeltischer SprachschatZy i, 224, has an 
Artegia^ which is now Arthies in the department of Seine-et- 
Oise: this stands for Are-tegia, where tegia represents 
UgikoL = Ugisay the neuter plural of Ugos *a house or hut', 
Old Irish techy Welsh ty * house*. With the Gaulish pre- 
position transla^d into Latin ad we have ad tegia and ad 
teiay which appears to have entered the place-name"^ Adtegia, 
now called AthieSy in the department of the Somme, and a 
common noun attegia 'a hut or tent', not to mention that 
tegia survives, for instance, in the Tyrol as theiy tai 'an 

1 See Meyer-Lubke in the Sitzungsberichte der kais. Akademie der 
Wiasenschqften in Wien, cxlii, ii, 40, 44; see also the separate 
names in Holder's Alteeltischer Sprachschatz, which is arranged 
alphabetically. 

* See, however, Meyer-Lubke, loc. cit,^ p. 10. 



All around the Wrekzn, 19 

Alpine hut*, with which compare the Welsh tai 'houses', 
Med. Welsh tei for tegia from tegesa,^ 

One or two other instances will help to illustrate the 
difference between Irish and Welsh with regard to accen- 
tuation. One of the words in point is the Old Irish neuter 
doma 'a door', from some such a stem as duorestu-^ in 
Welsh drws from duorosiu-, which must have been accented 
duordstUy otherwise the first syllable could not have been 
reduced to the consonants dr: compare Graulish Durd^ 
casseSf yielding in French the place-name Thetix. In Irish 
this could not have happened, as the stress accent 
would there be on the first syllable. A similar instance 
offers itself in the name of the Denbighshire church 
and town of Llanrwst, that is the Uan of Ovrgust. 
When the second g of that name was dropped, the 
pronunciation became monosyllabic Owrwst or Ourusty 
which, when preceded by the feminine llan = landay became 
Llanwrust, whence the modem pronunciation of Llan ^rwst. 
The original compound was Uiro-gvstuSy which made 
Uro-gustu-^y and, subject to the tendency of the accent to 
rest on tlie penultimate, became (Ojuro-gusturSy aud later 
OurgUsi, For Irish the compound was Vira^gustus, but 
being accented on the first syllable the resultant form is 
the well-known name Fergus. 

The next instance to be mentioned is one in which 
I cannot vouch for the correct sequence of the phono- 
logical modifications involved : Old Irish had a neuter 
noun aithescy which comes from dti^eqtio-ny which 
became dthesqud-ny dithesc^n. For Brythonic this would 

* See Mayer-Liibke, loc. cit, pp. 1^18, who haa been improved on 
by Holder in several respects ; but from not knowing that tegia was 
etymologically a plural itself, he has suggested ad tegia(8) and are 
tegia(9), with an s, which the authors of most of the old documents 
to which he refers did not think necessary. See also Walde's 
Lateintsches ettpnologisches Worterbuch, s. v. atUgia, 

C2 



20 All around the Wrekin. 

be ate-hefpo-Uy probably atS-hepth-n^ whence ade-hepo-^, ade- 
hepy adr-hSpy dtep, dteb 'answer*. We have possibly traces 
of this word in Gkiulish : Holder gives two proper names, 
Atepomdros and Ateporix. They are usually explained with 
some trouble, with the aid of the Guulisb epos 'a horse'; 
but we have so much 'horse' in Gaulish nomenclature 
that it is a relief to find something else. Should the 
conjecture that atepo-n (for ati-hepo-n) enters into those 
two names, the compounds must have meant respectively, 
'One who is great in his replies' and 'One who answers 
like a king'. It is needless to say that those great names 
had shortened and hypocoristic forms: one of these 
Holder gives as AtepUoay and from Latin contexts Atepa, 
AtepatuSy Atepiccusy AtepiMa and AtepOy genitive Aleponis, 
A Gaulish parallel to atepo^n would be arSpo-n^^ from 
arS-hepo-n. I have no proof of its having existed, but in 
Irish we have its counterpart in aireac 'a saying', in 
Welsh (U^reb 'a proverb', now pronounced dihdreby plural 
diarhdbion. 

There is no need to dwell in general terms on the con- 
nection between the case endings of a word and the accent 
which falls in that direction, as it did in Brythonic. 

1. One of the points of principal importance to notice 
is the fact that the endings of the nominative case in the 
vowel declensions 3-«, «-«, i-8, fell away so early that they 
have not perceptibly affected our mutation system in Bry- 
thonic. 

^ This reminds me that Holder has are-po^ suggested by the re- 
versible words : SATOR They will be found in the Berlin C. I, L,, 
AREPO zii, 202*, where it is suggested that they 
TENET ave not earlier than the seventh century. 
OPERA Holder mentions two translations which 
ROTAS have been proposed of the puzzle ; they are : 
6 (nr€ip<av aporpov icparct ?pyo rpoxovf, and "Le laboureur Arepo 
tient avec soin les roues". 



Ail around the Wrektn. 2 1 

2. There is no apparent reason why this remark should 
be limited to the nominative endings just mentioned : it is 
probable that their history was bound up with that of the 
other short-vowel endings; that is, they were all swept 
away by the same phonological tendency, and in the same 
period. The principal endings in point would be the 
vocative singular e of the declension, the a of the 
neuter plural in the nominative and accusative of all 
declensions, the o~8 of the genitive singular of the con- 
sonantal declensions, the es of the nominative plural, 
masculine and feminine of the same declensions, and the 
e of the nominative and accusative dual in the same.* 

3. On the other hand, the long-vowel endings are 
supposed to have lasted longer, so that while the others 
were wholly dropped the long vowel was only curtailed, 
not completely dropped, for some time later. Thus, while 
in the masculine uincUhs became (g)uind, gvyynn^ gwyn 
'white', the feminine uindd only became uenddy whence 
later (gjuend^ gwenuj gwen. At all events the feminine 
ending a ba a remained long enough to leave its mark 
permanently on our mutation system. Take a common 
instance like the feminine llaw goch 'a red hand', derived 
from lama cocca, the c between the two vowels being 
mutated to 9 by the influence of those vowels. Other 
instances would be the genitive singular of the declen- 
sion, which ended in i like the Latin dominiy the 3 (or ii) 
of the dative of that declension, like Latin domdnOf and 
the nominative plural in i like Latin domini. To these 
should be added the ending 3 of the nominative, vocative, 
and accusative of the dual in the declension, and of the 
genitive dual in all the declensions. The vowels in question 

* A glance at Stokes's Celtic Declension, especially his tables^ 
pp. 100-04, or those in Brugmann*s Orundriss, ii, 736-59, will make aU 
this clear. 



22 All around the Wrekin. 

were probably reduced to i, 3 or « before they ceased 
altogether to be pronounced, which took place late enough 
for them to have aflFected the mutation system. Why they 
did not do so in the case of the plural is explained by the 
endings : there was a lack of unanimity to establish a 
mutation : the nominative plural of the declension, for 
instance, ended in J, while the corresponding feminine had 
as and the consonantal declensions es. Not so with the 
dual, which, though comparatively little used, has left the 
soft mutation to mark its presence in the background even 
in Modem Welsh : witness, for instance, the Welsh word- 
ing of the Church of England's bans of marriage, where 
we have y deudyn hyn Hhese two persons' : here the 
softened (2, in both instances, is due to the ancient dual. 
For that number had a vowel termination in all the cases 
except the dative, which had a dissyllabic ending : this is 
not quite certain. But the others agreed in leading up to 
the soft mutation, and a remarkable instance offers itself 
in the elegy, already mentioned, to Cyndylan, stanza 28, 
where we have the following lines : — * 

Staueil gyndylan y8peitha6c [?] heno 

g6edy ketwyr uoda6G 
Eluan kyndylan kaea6c. 

"Cyndylan's chamber, it is desolate to-night : 
Qone the two contented warriors, 
Eivan and torque-wearing Cyndylan." 

1 See Skene's Four Ane. Books of Wales, i, 452, ii, 282, 445. In his 
notes Skene writes as follows: — ''The first 57 stanzas of this poem 
have been carefully translated by Dr. Guest in the ArchtBologia Cam- 
brensiSf ix, p. 142, and the translation has been, with his permission, 
adopted. The reader is referred to the notes by Dr. Quest on this 
part of the poem. The remaining stanzas have been translated by 
Mr. Silvan Evans.'* In this instance, Skene's process of 'adopting' 
Guest's translation involves changing the latter's "contented" into 
"contended", and misrepresenting the sense of the original; for 
Guest was practically right here, though he was not by any means 



All around the Wrekin. 23 

The words in question more particularly are ketvnfr 
uodadCf which seem to point back to an earlj combination 
catu-uiro bodoco which, as regards the case ending of the 
dual, might be nominative, accusative, or genitive. The 
preposition guedy ^after' should decide, but it is not known 
what case it governed. In Old Welsh it is found as gTietig 
and guotig,^ but the etymology is obscure. If it involves 
a nominal element it probably governed the genitive ; of 
the three cases, the only other one which the sense would 
seem to admit is the accusative, which appears less likely 
than the genitive. 

We may now examine the alternative forms Ouricon 
and QuTcon from the point of view of their etymology, so 
as to shew in what sense they are entitled to be regarded 
as equivalents. It happens that we have the exact 
equivalent of Qurcon or Ourgoriy in the Irish name 
Ferchoriy which is nought else than the genitive of a 
compound which is in the nominative Ferchuy^ to which 
corresponds exactly the Old Welsh Qwrcv, in the Liher 
Landavensisj later Ghircij sounded Owrgi : it is matched by 
Ourcon in the same manuscript, which supplies a number 
of other similar instances, such as Elcu or Elci^ and Elcun 
or Elcofif Ovddd and Guidcan. But though those ending 
in con or eun were, etymologically speaking, the genitives 
of those ending with cu^ ci, they are there treated as 
distinct names. This would have been impossible here in 

equal to the task he had undertaken. If Silvan Evans had trans- 
lated the 57 stanzas we should have had a correct rendering of the 
portions then intelligible to a man well trained in literary Welsh. 
Skene, however, does not appear to have known enough Welsh to 
help him to judge correctly as to their respective merits in the 
matter of translating. 

* See the Orammatica Celtica, p. 688*- 

« See Windisch's Tdin B6 C^ilrtge, 2,898, 2,914, and The Book of 
the Dun Cow, f . 82»»- 



i4 All around the iVrekin. 

Old Irish, as Ferchon would at once be associated with 
Ferchu, cu, genitive coriy being words familiar to all who 
spoke Irish. It was different in a language where, as in 
Brythonic, the system of case-endings had gone to pieces. 
So we find the same thing happening in other instances : 
take, for example, the Latin word for city or state, dvitasy 
genitive civitatis; in Welsh the one yielded regularly 
ciwed and the other ciwdawd or ciwdod. Here the 
language has utilized both; ciwed has now the sense of 
^a rabble', and ciwdod that of the people or population of 
a city. We have another instance in trined and trindody 
from Latin trinitdSy genitive trinitatis *a trinity'. Here 
the language, having seemingly found no special use for 
trinedy lets it become obsolete. Lastly, we have a native 
instance in Qwyned and G^wyndod (for Owyndot), from an 
early Venedosy genitive Venedotosy which occurs in a Latin 
inscription as Venedotisy to wit, at Penmachno in Carnarvon- 
shire. Qwyned is the form in ordinary use, while Owyndod 
is left to the poets, and to be the base for Gwyndodes ^a 
Venedotian woman', and Gwyndodeg *the Venedotian 
dialect of Welsh'. 

Similarly, the accent has left us a certain number 
of compound proper names with two forms each, as 
Urbdgen or Urbegheriy and Urhgeny later Urien; Tutagual 
and Tudwal ; Dumnagval and Dyfnwal ; Dinogat or Dinagat 
and Dingad. The early nominatives of these last were 
ToutdvaloSy DvbnSvalos or Dumndvalosy and DundcatuSy to 
which may be added BrigdmagloSy which became later 
BridmaUy Bridfael. This accentuation has been proved in 
the case of names of similar composition, and the same 
number of syllables in Guulish ; see p. 17 above. But, as 

* See the Historia Brittonum, loc. ct^., 206-7; Nicholson's "Filius 
Urbagen" in Meyer & Stern's ZeiUchr\ft fnr celtische Philoloffte, 
iii, 104-11. 



Alt around the Wrekin. 25 

in our instances the endings -0% and -ub were discarded 
early, the nominatiyes became, for example, Toutdval and 
Dun6c€Uy which provided a stable position for the accent. 
That is proved by the later forms being Twtdgual (or 
Tuddwal) and Dinogat (or Dindgat)^ without any shifting 
of the accent. This would apply probably also to the 
corresponding Brythonic accusatives, Touiovahn and 
Dunocatun ; but when we come to case-endings with a long 
vowel, which would remain longer intact, a shifting of the 
accent probably took place : thus the genitives ToutS-vali 
and DunS^caious or DunS-catoSy became probably TotUo-vdli 
and Duno-cdtoSy whence resulted Toui-udliy Dtm-gdtosy 
whence Thtdudly Dingdty and later, Tudwal^ Dingad. The 
resulting forms in the dative, ablative, locative, and 
instrumental would, if they existed, be probably identical. 
One of the steps here guessed, namely, that from Toutd^aliy 
let us say, to ToiU^udliy recalls a Gaulish proper name 
already mentioned as AtepUoSy that is probably AtepUos. 
We seem to meet with its genitive variously written AtpiU 
and AtpiUiy which were accented, probably Atpil% AtpiUi. 
See Holder s.v. AtpiUoSy AtpUoSy nominatives for which, be 
it observed, he cites no authority. 

The foregoing instances belong to the declension 
(ToutovaloB) and the TJ declension (Ihmocatus) ; when we 
come to the consonantal declension it is not so clear what 
has happened, but the same general rules of accentuation 
may be assumed to have applied. The results, however^ 
differ conspicuously from those in the vowel declen- 
sions, for here we may have not two forms but three. 
Unfortunately the names to our purpose are only two: 
they have both been already partly discussed, Ghircu and 
MaUcu. The nominatives must have been JJirocu^ 
Maglocuy accented probably on the cii ; this would lead to 
the elision of the o immediately preceding the stress 



^6 All around the Wrekin. 

syllable, and, with the consonants softened previously, we 
should have [C^Jwrju (written \(x\iJi/rc\C)^ Qwrgiy Ourgi (written 
QuTci). Similarly with MaileUy Elcu^ and the like. Next 
comes the genitive^ which should have been Uirocunoa or 
Uiroconos, reduced to UroconoSy with optional forms 
Ureconos or Uriconos. These fall into the same accentua- 
tion as Brig6maglo8y Toutdvcdos^ and the like, yielding 
accordingly UrA:ono8 or UriconoSy and, when the short- 
vowel case ending went, Ur4con or TTricony whence the 
attested forms VrSconUy GhiricoUy Ourycon. There remains 
ChircoUj which may be explained in one of two ways. 
(1) The gur of Gurcon may be due simply to the analogy 
of Ourcu in the nominative, and the formation may have 
been meant as a genitive, which in due course superseded 
Ouricon. (2) It is, on the whole, more probable that it 
represents another case, say, the dative. So we set out from 
Urdcont with a final i as in Latin hominij and assume that 
it would take longer time for the t to be dropped than in 
the case of a short-vowel termination. So we may set 
down Urg&wi as the next stage, whence one arrives at 
Urgduy OurgSn^ Owrgon (written Ghircon). 

One would reason similarly as to MaUcon or MaUcun, 
and we have a trace of the genitive as MeUochon in Brude 
mac MeUochariy the name of more than one Pictish king : 
the father of the first of that name has sometimes 
been supposed to have been Maelgwn, king of Gwyned. 
It is remarkable that B. mac Meilochon comes in Bede's 
Ecclesiastical History y iii, 4: in Irish annals it is more 
usually mac MaUcon or m^ic Maslchon, In Meilochony 
as well as in Maelchony the ch is an Irish touch, which 
must be due to the scribe who first wrote it in this name 
being aware of the fact that in Brythonic the original c 
was mutated to gf, whether written so or not, and that the 
corresponding Irish mutation was to ch^ which he accord- 



All around the Wrekin. 27 

ingly used in his spelling of this genitiye, Meilochon : that 
is to say, he knew that the Biythonic pronunciation was 
MaUogan, probably MaUSgon ; we have possibly the same 
formation in Breton, to wit, in MadiMuny which occurs in 
the Cartulary of Landevennec, published by MM. Le Men 
and Ernault. Gildas, addressing Maelgwn in the voca- 
tive, calls him Maglocune^ which suggests that he would 
have used Mciglocunus as the nominative in Latin. With 
this agrees the bilingual inscription lately discovered at 
Nevern, in which the Latin genitive is Magloeuniy though 
the Goidelic genitive is Maglicwnas.^ It is interesting to 
find Geoffrey of Monmouth producing a faint echo of the 
purely Brjrthonic declension of the name in his Malgo, 
genitive Malgonisy accusative Malgonem, 

On looking back at our conclusions, which have been 
drawn from the foregoing instances^ we seem at first sight 
to have a difficulty in the fact that the longer forms 
Dindcaty and Tutdgualy appear to have been nominatives, 
and the short ones Dingaty Dingad (as in Llan Dingad) and 
TiUgwaly Tudwal (as in Ynys Twdwal) to have been, let us 
say, genitives, while Ouricon or Qv/recouy and MeilochoUy 
that is, Mailogon must be genitive, and the shorter ones, 
QwrcUy Ourgiy and MaiicUy ElcUy nominatives. There is no 
real difficulty; it has been shown practically that the 
former belong to the vocalic declensions and the latter to 
the consonantal ones. The discrepancy between them was 
connected with the break up of the older and fuller in- 
flection of the noun. In fact, this difference of declension 
was possibly one of the things which helped to accelerate 
that result. The state of things which this indicates 
may be appositely compared to what happened in Old 
French when the Latin declensional system broke up. 
There one finds, for example, the cds rSgime of the mascu- 
^ See the Archaologia Cambrensis, 1907, p. 84. 



28 All around the IVrekin. 

line singular identical in form with the cos sujet of the 
plural, and often enough the cos aujet of the masculine 
singular with the cos regime of the plural/ The question 
how the declensional system in Brythonic disappeared is 
one of great difficulty, owing chiefly to a great scarcity of 
data ; but, in fact, the few data available have never been 
studied and forced to give up their latent evidence. 

The Nevern Ogam, with the genitive Mofflicunas, proves 
beyond doubt that the second element is the word for 
*dog', nominative c«, genitive cunasy dative ct^ni, which in 
Brythonic were probably cunos^ cuni. In Celtic names 
this word had the secondary meaning of guardian, 
champion, or protector: so JJiro^u^ OurcUy Irish Ferchu, 
would mean, literally, a *man guardian' or 'man protector'. 
In the other compound, the one with maglo^^ Modern 
Welsh maely and Irish mcU *a nobleman, a prince, a king*, 
that vocable is supposed to come from the same root as 
Greek /leydXi], Gothic mikiU 'great', and Scotch mi^ckle 
'greats much'. In Irish annals the name should appear 
as Mdlchuy genitive Mdlchony but I have no note of meet- 
ing with an instance except in the Nevem Ogam. The 
name should mean a 'prince guardian' or 'king protector'. 
This use of the word for dog or hound in Celtic personal 
names is very remarkable, and is borne out by Celtic 
history : the Gauls, for instance, used dogs in their wars, 
and Strabo tells us that dogs fit for hunting and for war 
used to be exported to Gaul from this country. The Irish 
word cu is epicene, and in Welsh names it is not restricted 
to men : witness Gwrgon and Gurycon as the name of one 
of Brychan's daughters already mentioned, to which may 
be added from the Book ofLlan Ddv a Leucu (Hiugel's wife), 
p. 286, later LleucV So with y W&ilgi 'the wolf-dog', as a 

* See Nyrop's Orammaire historique de la Langue franqaisef ii, 184-9. 

* D. ab Gwilym, poem clxvi, has Lleuou, howeveri to rhyme with 



All around the Wrektn. 29 

poetic term for the sea, which, though of the same com- 
position as the Irish man's name FaeUhuy is a feminine.^ 

IV. 

A word must now be said of the English forms of the 
name in question, and here I am very pleased to acknow- 
ledge my complete indebtedness to the kindness of 
Mr. Stevenson, the learned editor of Asser's Life of King 
Alfred. According to him Wrehm derives directly from 
Wreoceuy which he treats as a Mercian modification of 
an original Wrehin or Wrikun^ the form taken in Old 
English by Wrikony that is the Celtic Uricon, The name 
Wrocwardine is, in its first part, of the same origin, and 
represents what must have been in Old English Wreocen- 
weordign "Wrekin village or Wrekin farm". This became 
successively what is found written WroTcewv/rdin or (with 
Norman cA = A;) Wrocheururdiny later Wrochurwrdin or 
Wrocivurdin : that is, Wreocen is first reduced to Wroke, 
and then to Tfroc, in the compound. The case of 
Wroxeter must have been partly similar. For, setting 
out from Wreocen-cedstery we get a form written Wrocce- 
cestrey and French influence makes ceetre into seetrey so one 
arrives at Wrochesesirey which readily becomes Wroxeter,^ 

The English form Wrehiuy and the others derived from 
the same Celtic original, suggest conclusions as to that 

Dyddgu, in which the second syllable possibly represents cu 'dear, 
beloved*. But in any case one is tempted to ask why Lleucu is not 
modified into Lleuci, Lleuffu, or Lleugi. The same is the case with 
ffwencif a feminine, which is the word in North Cardiganshire for a 
weasel. 

^ See the Black Book of Carmarthen, f. d8b., and Skene, ii, 40. 
In the curious passage about the river fabled to have once separated 
Britain and Ireland, y teymassoed should be emended into y 
theymassoed 'her realms': see the Oxford Mabinogum, p. 35. 

^ As Mr. Stevenson's monograph is rather too long for a footnote, 
it will be found printed at length at the end of this paper. 



30 All around the Wrektn. 

original which are of interest from the point of view of 
Brythonic phonology. Setting out from 'Qirocon^y we know 
that before it was adopted by the English uiro had not 
only become uro^ but uro and its alternative uri or wre had 
further become monosyllabic, wo, uri. This latter process 
of shortening may be dated as near as you like to the 
conquest of the Wrekin district by the English, provided 
it be treated as dating before that conquest and not after 
it. The antecedent change of wro into uro occurs beyond 
Welsh in the Breton language, where the word spelt in 
modern Welsh gwr *a man, vir* is written gour. In other 
terms we may probably regard uro for v/iro as common 
Brythonic, and an accomplished fact before the separation 
of Welsh and Breton, say some time in the fifth century. 
In the other direction it had not taken place at the time 
when the Itomans first became acquainted with the 
Comavii of the district. This can hardly have been later 
than the presence in this country of the Iloman general 
Ostorius Scapula, who received command here in the year 
50, and proceeded, among other things, to maintain a 
boundary extending from the Severn to the basin of the 
Trent. It may be guessed to have reached from the site 
of Viroconium to that of Pennocrucium. In fact it is 
possible that Ostorius it was that selected the former 
site and began to fortify it. 

The next point of importance to be mentioned is that 
when the English borrowed the word which became 
Wrekin, the Brythons had not as yet mutated the vowel- 
flanked c into 9, otherwise the Old English Wreocen would 
not have c or i, but gr, or else a sound derived from g. 
One naturally asks next when did the English first become 
familiar with the district and its name : no certain answer 
has ever been given that question. It is true that an 
entry in the Sdxon Chronicle has been supposed by some 



All ar&und the Wrekin. 31 

to supply it. Under the year 584 we read to the following 
effect: — "In this year Ceawlin and Cutha fought against 
the Britons at the place which is named Fethanleag, and 
Cutha was there slain ; and Ceawlin took many towns 
and countless booty ; and, wrathful, he thence returned to 
his own." The difficulty is to identify Fethanleag ; some 
have suggested a place in Gloucestershire, in which case 
the entry would be irrelevant here ; but Dr. Guest argued 
for its identity with a place now called Faddiley, near 
Nantwich, in Cheshire. In that case Ceawlin^ marching 
up the Severn valley, could hardly avoid having to do with 
the people of the Wrekin district : he could not have ven- 
tured further north without getting possession at least of 
Viroconium, or of effecting its destruction, that is to say if 
its destruction had not happened some time or other 
previously. 

This is, however, not a very satisfactory way of 
trying to date a phonological change, so I would now 
turn to Bede. It has already been suggested that the 
MeUochon in his Ecclesiastical History seems to imply that 
the name had, in Brythonic pronunciation, been modified 
from Mailocon into Mailogon. But the same work contains 
other names in point, such as that of (hedmoUf the first 
Northumbrian poet. He died in 680, and his name is a 
form of that which Welshmen went on writing for a long 
time afterwards as Catman, now Cadfan. Similarly with 
CaeduaUa, both as the name of the Yenodotian king, called 
in Welsh PaiguoUaun, later GadwalloUy who was blockaded 
in the Isle of Glannog, or Priestholme, by the English in 
629, and as the name of a West Saxon king who, according 
to Bede, gave up his throne in 689. The early Celtic form 
of the name must have been Catuvdlaunosy the plural of 
which is attested as the name of the Catuvellauni, one of the 
most powerful tribes in Britain in the time of Caesar. Bede 



32 All around the Wrekin. 

mentions, also, a Welsh king Cerdic : his words are "sub 
rege Brettonum Cerdice", and Mr. Hummer, the editor of 
Bede's historical works, rightly suggests that this was 
probably the Ceretic whose death is given in the Annales 
CambricBy a.d. 616. The same name occurs also in the shorter 
spelling Certicy given in the Historia Brittonum to the king 
of Elmet, expelled by Edwin of Northumbria. That is, 
there were two Brythonic forms, Ceretic and Gertie^ parallel 
to such pairs as Dinogat and Dingaty TudawaX and TudwaX ; 
and the shorter form Gertie had reached Bede, with the i 
reduced in pronunciation to d ; so he wrote Gerdic.^ 

Here it may be asked, what about the unmutated c in 
this name; but the rule as to vowel-flanked consonants 
does not apply. Mr. Plummer kindly informs me that it 
was Bede's habit to place the proper name in apposition 
to the appellative accompanying it, which means here that 
the ending e of Gerdice has to be regarded as the Latin 
ablative case termination supplied by Bede, the name as he 
got it being Gerdic. Now a final consonant was not sub- 
ject to more than half the mutational inducement which 
was exercised on a consonant not preceded only, but also 
followed, by a vowel. As a matter of fact the consonant 
proves to have resisted much longer, and this persistence 
has left its impress on the spelling down to the late Middle 
Ages : witness the final t and c (less often p) regularly re- 
tained in the spelling usual, for instance, in the Mabinogion 
in the Bed Book of Hergest, The same remarks apply to 
Bede's "in silva Elmete": he had the name as Elmet, 



1 See Plummer's Bede, i, 255 (book iv, 23), ii, 247, and the Historia 
Brittonum, loc, ctt, p. 206 ; see also p. 177, where Vortigem's inter- 
preter's name is variously given as Ceretic and Cerdic, Still more 
remarkable is the debdt in the Saxon Chronicle, a.d. 495, of a prince 
whose name Cerdic or Certic suggests intermarriage with Celts even 
earlier than can be implied by the case of Caedwalla, 



All around the Wrekin. 33 

which in Welsh is now Blfed^ in English Blvei^ as the 
name of a district containing the parish church of Cynwyl 
£lfed, so called to distinguish it from Cynwyl Gaeo, both 
in Carmarthenshire. It is this Elvet, probably, that I seem 
to detect in the bilingual inscription at Trallwng, near 
Brecon, where the Ogam version reads Gunacennivi Hweto 
*the Grave or Place of Cunacenniu of El vet': this shows 
the Welsh reduction of Im to Iv, for Im would have per- 
sisted had the word been purely Irish. The Latin version 
of the inscription will be mentioned later. Elmety Elfed 
was possibly not a very uncommon place-name : Bede's 
instance survives in *Elmet Wood', near Leeds. 

Bede gives a still simpler instance, loc. cit.y i, 82, namely, 
*Dinoot abbas\ the abbot of Bangor, who met Augustine 
in one of the first years of the seventh century. In later 
Welsh the name was Dunawty now Dunod, being the Latin 
Dondtusy borrowed and pronounced at the time to which 
Bede refers, probably as Dunot, with u tending to the 
unrounding characteristic of the pronunciation of Welsh 
M. When exactly the mutation of Welsh final consonants 
took place in our Welsh texts has not, as far as I know, 
been carefully studied. It is relevant to mention that the 
sister dialects of Welsh, namely, Cornish and Breton, 
appear never to have carried this mutation through. If 
one consult Le Gonidec's Dictionary of Breton, one finds, 
for instance, such alternatives^ as tat and tad corresponding 
to Welsh tad * father', het and bed to Welsh hyd 'world'. 
So with many more, including words where Le Gonidec 



1 1 take the forms ending with the tenues to be the older, but the 
rules as to the use of the two sets do not seem to have been 
exhaustively studied. Professor Joseph Loth has kindly referred me 
to an article in which he has touched on them : see the Annates de 
Bretagne, xviii, 617, also x, 30, where one of his pupils has discussed 
an aspect of the same question. 

V 



34 All around the Wrekin. 

suggests no option, such as oanVk ^a little lamb', Welsh 
o&aiq ; troadek 'having feet, having big feet', Welsh troediog 
'having nimble feet, active on one's feet', which is the com- 
mon meaning given the word in Gwyned; h6v6lep 'equal, 
similar', Welsh cyffdyh 'similar', partly of the same origin 
as the Breton adjective. It is possible that we have some 
instances in Welsh itself : they would be short-vowel mono- 
syllables of which there is no lack in Welsh ; but most of 
them, when examined, prove to be English loanwords. 

The foregoing notes on the proper names, preserved by 
Bede, suggest two questions : the first is, when did the 
English become familiar with the Brythonic names which 
he gives as Caedmouy Caedtiallay and Cerdic-^i perhaps 
Aebbercurvr-ig 'Abercorn' should be added to them : see 
Bede, i, 12. The Annales Canibriw carry us, in the case 
of Cerdic, probably back to 616. We do not know 
for certain when CsBdmon, and Csed walla of Wessex were 
born, but before they were called by those names, time 
enough must be allowed to have elapsed for intermarriage 
or other processes of race amalgamation to render it 
possible for Brythonic names to have had a chance of 
emerging among the conquerors. On the whole the open- 
ing of the seventh century appears by no means too early 
as the approximate date of the earliest acquaintance of 
the English with those three names. If that should prove 
tenable one might, roughly speaking, lay it down that the 
mutation of vowel-flanked tenues was an accomplished 
fact by the year 600. The absence of that mutation in 
the name Wrekin and its congeners does not enable us to 
fix on a very much earlier time for the change, at most, 
perhaps, half a century : so let us say 660, or thereabouts. 
Nevertheless, the subtle and imperceptible beginnings of 
the tendency to mutate the consonants, to slacken the 
contacts made in pronouncing them, must date earlier, 



All around the Wrekin. 35 

since the same mutation system is characteristic of all the 
Brythonic dialects. 

The other question is, when did the mutation of final 
tenues take place in Ceredic, Dunaut, Elmet, and similar 
vocables. It will be found on enquiry that the tendency 
to make that change had probably exhausted itself before 
the period when the mass of English loanwords in colloquial 
Welsh found their way into Wales; for in them this 
mutation is seldom found carried through. The following 
may seinre as instances, to which many more might be 
added : adargop or adyrgob ^a spider', a word in use in the 
Vale of Clwyd, and derived from Old English alter coppe *a 
spider', also Welsh capa^ cop or cob from coppe *a spider': 
the more common term for spider is in Welsh copyyi or pryf- 
copyn. Another instance is clwt ^a rag or clout', from 
some English form other than clout, which, in the sense of 
a blow, has yielded the Welsh clewt *a box on the ear'; 
and, lastly, Uacy from English sUicky the meaning of which 
it retains ; whap 'a blow, stroke, or slap' (D. ab Gwilym, 
poem 196), more frequently used as an adverb meaning 
*with the suddenness or quickness of a blow', pronounced 
in Cardiganshire wJiap, and in Glamorgan wapy while the 
verbal noun in the former county is wabio 'to beat'. The 
origin is to be sought in the dialectal English whap, wap 
'to strike sharply or with a swing ; a blow, a knock, a 
smart stroke': see Wright's English Dialect Dictionary. 

There remains to be mentioned one of the most common 
words in South Wales (except North Cardiganshire), one 
that has always struck me as not of Welsh origin : it is 
the word crwt 'a lad, a small boy', with its derivatives 
erwtyn of the same meaning, and the feminine croten 'a 
lass, a little girl'. To recognize the origin of these words 
one has only to turn to Wright's English Dialect Dictionary, 
and, in its proper place, one finds the word crut explained 

p2 



36 All around the Wrekin. 

as meaning "a dwarf ; a boj or girl, stunted in growth". 
The word is there stated to belong to Northumber- 
land, Yorkshire, and Pembrokeshire, and the reader is 
referred further to crii and c/rooi. Of these, cri^ is 
explained as having, among other meanings, those of 'the 
smallest of a litter' and 'a small-sized person', while 
crooi is given as the form usual in Scotland, meaning 'a 
puny, feeble child; the youngest bird of a brood; the 
smallest pig of a litter'. All this raises the question when 
and whence crwi was introduced into Welsh: it looks as 
though it was from Little England below Wales. When, 
in that case, one bears in mind the former hostility 
between Wales and that isolated England, it will not sur- 
prise one that the word is not admitted into Welsh prose. 
Similar questions attach to most examples of this class, 
and few of them are regarded as literary words to be found 
in Welsh dictionaries. An exhaustive and carefully classi- 
fied list of them is much wanted. When made it would 
probably throw much needed light on the intercourse 
between the Welsh and the English from the time of 
King Alfred down. An excellent beginning was made 
some years ago, in his own dialect, by Prof. Thomas Powel 
in the (hjmmrodory but search requires to be made in all 
the Welsh dialects, as they have not always borrowed the 
same words. This would form a good subject for research 
work by one or more of the scholars trained by the 
professors of Celtic at our University Colleges in the 

Principality. 

V. 

Reference has been made to the bilingual inscription on 
a sepulchral stone at Trallwng, near Brecon : the Latin 
version has been misread by me, and, T believe, by others. 
What I make of it now, on the strength of a photograph 
given me by the late Mr. Romilly Allen, is the following : — 



All around the IVrekin. 37 

CVNOCENNI FILIV[S?] 
CVNOQENI HIC lACIT 

That is to say : "The grave or the cross of Cunocenn : the 
son of Cunogen lies here.'' In the Ogam the equivalent 
for Cuno-cenni is Oitna-cennit;i, and one perceives that there 
was here a decided wish to keep to family names with the 
same initial element Owno-y Goidelic Cuna^, which has 
already occupied us. In other terms, the two names 
Gtmocenn and Cunogen have to be carefully distinguished : 
the former became in Welsh Goncenn (Goncen) or Gincenny 
and later Gyngen^ pronounced Gyng-gen, while the latter 
became successively Gongen^ Gingen, with a soft spirant, gh, 
which might either become i or else disappear. In the 
former case we might expect Oinyeny which I have not 
met with, and in the other Ginen, which would have, how- 
ever, to be written Ginneny as the first vowel remained a 
blocked one and the later pronunciation and spelling were 
Gyn-neny not Gy-nen. The Booh of Llan Ddv^ carefully 
distinguishes Goncenn from Gongeny as in the names of the 
three abbots : "Concen abbas Carbani uallis, Congen abbas 
Ilduti, Sulgen abbas Docguinni." Substantially this is also 
the case with the oldest MS. of the Annates GambricBy and 
with the Nennian Genealogies, both published (from the 
British Museum M8.y Harleian 3,859) by Mr. Phillimore in 
the 9th volume of the Gymmrodor. There they are Gincenn 
(or Gincen) and Ginneny but some of the later MSS. of the 
Anncdee GambricBy by retaining the 9, which had ceased to 
be heard, and writing Gyngen or Kengen (for Kennen), 
appear to have misled not only Williams Ab Ithel, but 
even more recent writers. The personal name enters into 

^ It 18 possible that Cennen is a variant of this name, to wit, in 
Carreg Cennen, 'Gennen*s Rock', on the top of which the ancient 
Carmarthenshire castle of Carreg Cennen stands. At the foot of 
that remarkable site flows the river Cennen. 

' See pp. 162, 164, 166, and others duly given in the Index. 



38 All around the Wrekin, 

that of a farm called CynSinog and CynSinipg at the top 
of the basin of the Eleri in North Cardiganshire. It 
analyses itself into Cyn-ein-i-og = Otmo-genr-i-dca-n, and 
compares with Ehufoniog from Shufavmy Bhufouy * Roman 
-us', Peuliniog from Pauling PetUiuy *Paulinus', and 
AnhunyawCy Anhuniog from Anhun ^Antonius'. 

The Cunocenni of the Latin of the Trallwng bilingual 
has corresponding to it Cunacennivi in Goidelic, and from 
Dunloe, in Kerry, we have a related form Cunacena^ where 
the final a is all that remains of a genitive ending which 
was probably ias. Later in the language one meets with 
a feminine Conchenn or Conchendy genitive Conchinni or 
Conchinne : the masculine also occurs, to wit, as Conchend 
or Coinchenny genitive Coinchinn or Conchindy^ correspond- 
ing exactly to Ounocenn-iy Welsh Goncenn (Concen)y Oincenn^ 
Cyngen. The element cunoy Goidelic curuiy in these names 
has already been discussed, and the question remains what 
we are to make of the other, cennoy Goidelic eenna. I am 
now disposed to regard it as representing an earlier quennoy 
Irish cenUy ceanuy Welsh penUy pen, * head or top, the end in 
any direction'. We have another — probably an earlier — 
instance of simplifying a medial qu into c, namely, in the 
Carmarthenshire bilingual, which has Voteporigis in Latin 
for Votecorigas in Goidelic. If this conjecture proves 
admissible we can equate Cunocenni with the Gallo-Boman 
Cunopenrv-tiSy cited by Holder from Brescia, in North Italy, 
0. L L.y V, 4216. The name would mean 'dogheaded', or 
more probably, 'a head who is a dog', that is to say, dog 
in the sense of a champion or protector, as usual in Celtic 
names of this kind.'^ 

Historically, the most important bearer of the name 

1 See the Hev. Celiique, xiii, 290; 6 Huidhnn, note 697 to p. 109 ; 
Book ofLeinster, ff. 325'' 326>>' 826«' 351*- 

* See the Archceologia CanibremU for 189o, pp. 307-13; 1907, pp. 86-9. 




m^W m^W m^W m^W m^W mj^m m^m m^m m^m m^m m^m m^m m^mf , Percy Clarke, JJani;olien 
m^-X':.* «^» «^» «^» m^m «^» m^» mlXm 



'^^^mM^^W^fM'^'^^^U^M^i'^ Inscription. 

mvgW -^"^ ••VA» ••VAm ••VA» ••VA» "^^ "^^ "^^ •■V^* 



All around the Wrekin. 39 

Oonoenn or Cincenn was one mentioned in the Nennian 
Genealogies in the British Museum MS., Harley 3859: 
see Phillimore's Pedigree xxvij {Oymmrodory ix, 181), where 
he is called Cincen, son of Catel, also spelt Catell^ later 
Cadell. This latter is probably to be identified with 
CadeU king of Powys, mentioned as Catell Pouis in the 
Anncdes CambrUe, which record his death under the year 
808, while the names of two sons of his occur under the 
year 814, Griphiud and EHzed. Now a monument of 
capital importance, known as the Pillar of Elisseg, was 
erected by Concenn in the neighbourhood of Valle Crucis 
Abbey, not far from Llangollen. The Pillar had been 
broken and fragments of it had been lost some time or 
other before the inscription was examined in 1696 by our 
great antiquary and philologist, Edward Llwyd. In a letter 
written that year he sent a facsimile of what remained of 
the writing to a friend, the letter and the copy are now in 
the Harleian collection in a volume which is alphabetical 
and numbered 3,780. Since 1696 what Llwyd was able to 
read has become nearly all illegible : so it has been deemed 
expedient to have a photograph of Llwyd's copy submitted : 
see pages 40, 41. This was rendered all the more necessary 
owing to the astounding carelessness with which Gough, 
Westwood, and Hiibner have treated Llwyd's text; but I 
cannot go into details at present, as this paper has already 
grown much longer than was intended.' It should be 

^ Gough printed both Llwyd^s letter aud his text in hie Camden's 
Britannia (London, 1789), vol. ii, 682, 583, plate xzii. The letter 
was printed also in the Cambro-Briton in 1820, pp. 66, 56, and 
recently a copy of it has been included in Mr. Edward Owen's 
Catalogue of the M8S. relating to Wales in the British Museum^ part ii, 
410. That part, even more than the previous one, reflects great 
credit both on the compiler and those who have the direction of 
the Cymmrodorion Record Series. The letter is reproduced for 
reference' sake at the end of this paper. 



(0 j^CdMC€jJp puurcaxr-ceu caznreii 

(2) FiL iiiir GROhcmcLil SnchcmcLL Fiuiir 

(3) 6LirE5 eL/r€-5 Fruqr 3i|oiuocgc 

(5) edincauir Aw tap/dc/w p«oairo 

(6) roo 6t/r£^ •^,pnE rrr cures 9v/ />kr 

(7) ?or h€P€drc:ar€m poi^or-ipc^^ mon-c 

(8) Ccc?fcE/n p€R ifim- - € POTEcrrcxcEccnsto 

(9) .|^ B^cccf/o r^o pccRcoc/** /spe 

('°) ./wqife n.6ct-cu&Ri-c mcLVBrcjirp 

(, I) .sm c|€c ^elfeclicciopftm rqp€ 

(,2) i-n etiresHHiprecrccofic^/* 

( 1 3) __ 't qr— '•c- - emeHiPse-fliflciiu 

( 1 5) - -— .zenr, iii6aiii-i*ee^t(o4 

( 1 6) — -^ — * ''» •-»'rsaiis(^ai/e/feEt 

[40] 



(j7) . — . — ijr/%.€ii»--i»o|ioew 



(i8) 



( 19) .^ . iLs—K-i mopoLRChi cx,m 

(20) ecu mccxinmr Sni'crz.cciificxie 

(33) -_<f^&;/£d--5ERmflCH«<rq56 

(24) -spEPERi-ceiT^-mcci^iuccmccXimi 

(25) — 5iri:jyioccicjiT:Re5€m Ro/nocpo 

(26) RL|m H^copmflCRch Pipxm/ioc 

(27) c^moBiuxF7R-eB€r«oporce/»^6 

(28) conceitii'i^6eiiedic'Ciodpiinco}t 

(29) cePH ecrn r-co-cccf=anrjiuc3/«*r 

(30) ^z. iw. •coco Bccsiofi pouoir 

(31) grc|qet|i 

[41] 



42 All around the Wrekin. 

mentioned that Llwyd some ten or eleven years later 
endeavoured to give in printed characters a facsimile of 
lines 23-28 of the inscription. They are to be found in 
his Archoeologia Briuinnica (Oxford, 1707), i, p. 229% where 
he uses among other letters a Greek fi for N, and several 
letter-forms now used only in writing Irish. Put into 
ordinary English letters, the lines in question run as 
follows, differing slightly from the copy in 1696, which 
has here been submitted in photography : — 

.... bened .... Germanus que 

.... peperit ei se . . ira filia Maximi 

regis qui occidit regem Eomano 

rum * Conmarch pinxit hoc 

chirograf u rege suo poscente 

Concenn * &c. 

The Llwyd copy, reduced to what is intelligible at a 
glance, but extended by the insertion of individual words 
suggested by the context, and of certain formulae of a well- 
known description, will stand somewhat as follows : — 
(i) tOoncenn filius Cattell Cattell (i) 

(2) filius firohcmail Brohcma[i]l filius 

(3) Eliseg Eliseg filius Guoillauc 

(4) tConcenn itaque pronepos Eliseg (ii) 

(5) edificavit hunc lapidem proavo 

(6) suo Eliseg f Ipse est Eliseg qui (iii) 

(7) .... hereditatem Pouo[i]s 

(8) ... per viiii^ [Bjinoa] e potestate Anglo- 

1 After I had made repeated attempts to understand the text, my 
friend Professor Sayce kindly came to my assistance, and he has 
carried the interpretation further than I could. Thus, for instance, 
at the end of line 6 and the beginning of line 7 he would read naotus 
erat; and here, I believe, I owe to him the reading rnVt, for 
Llwyd's dots seem only to suggest vim. Before leaving for the 
Soudan he gave me to understand that his emendations would be 



All around the Wrektn. 43 

(9) [rum] in gladio suo paxta in igne 

( J o) [tQuic] umque recit [a] verit manescrip- (iv) 

(11) [turn lapid]eu] det benedictionem supe- 

(12) [r animajm Eliseg f Ipse est Concenn (v) 

(13) manu 

(14) ad regnum svum Pouo[i]s 

(15) et quod 
(16) 

(17) montem 

(18) (One line wanting, perhaps more) (vi?) 

( 1 9) monarchiam 

(20) Maximus Brittanniae 

(21) [Concejnn Fascen[t . . . . ] Maun Annan 

(22) [ t]Britua[u]t[e]mfiliu8Guarthi (vij) 

[read Guorthi] 

(23) [girn] quern bened[ixit] Germanus quem- 

(24) [qu]e peperit ei Se[v]ira filia Maximi 

(25) [re]gi8 qui occidit regem Bomano- 

(26) rum t Conmarch pinxit hoc (viij) 

(27) chirograf um rege suo poscente 

(28) Concenn t Benedictio domtni in Con- (ix) 
{29) cenn et svos in tota[m] fami]ia[m] eius 

(30) et inn tota eagionem [read in totam earn 

regionem] povois 

(31) usque in [diem iudicij 

To check the lacunse, more or less, we have Llwyd's 
spacings, but they cannot be relied on so much as the 
number of letters to the line. Up to line 25 inclusive, the 
lines that permit of being counted make an average 
exceeding 28 letters a line. From line 25 onwards the 

published in the Arch<Bologia Cambrentis as part of his address to the 
Monmouth meeting of the Cambrians in September last. The 
October number has been issued, but does not contain the account 
of that meeting : it will probably be in the January part. 



44 All around the Wrekin. 

inscriber has taken more room, and the average falls to 24. 
The whole inscription was divided into paragraphs^ with a 
cross placed at the beginning of each. The third of the 
paragraphs begins with Jjpse est Eliseg guiy etc., a very Celtic 
construction, meaning *It is Eliseg who* did so and so. 
The paragraph seems to relate how Eliseg added to his 
dominions by wresting from the power of the English a 
territory which he made into a sword-land of his own, *in 
gladio^ suo'. 

Paragraph v is mostly hopeless, but it seems to 
summarize the achievements of Concenn himself, especially 
as regards the additions which he made to his realm of 
Powys. Then followed probably a paragraph stating that 
Eliseg's mother was Sanant, daughter of Nougoy (or Noe), 
descended from Maximus (Ped". ii and xv), and closing with 
a sentence giving the names of five sons of Maximus. I am 
not clear how the sentence ran, but possibly thus: — "Prius- 
quam enim monarchiam obtinuit Maximus Brittannise, 
Concenn, Pascent, Dimet, Maun, Annan genuit." Concenn 
is a mere guess : perhaps Mav^cann would be better, but 
any name in nn is admissible. Dimet, which in the 
Pembrokeshire bilingual inscription at Trefgam Each is 
Demet-ij seems to fit the lacuna, and a bearer of that name 

^ The fuU term in Irish appears to have been 'to clean or clear a 
sword-land', or 'to make a land of the sword' of it. The land itself 
was called claideb-thir or tir claidib, which came to be called simply 
claideb or cladeam 'sword'. Possibly in the case of the two Pembroke- 
shire rivers Gleddau 'sword', the word originally meant the districts 
drained by them, and seized by the D^ssi as their sword-lands in 
Dyfed. See Celtie Britain^ p. 195, Skene's Chronicles of the PicU and 
the Scots, pp. 10, 819, 329, and the Book of Leinster, f. 383** 333^ 
Compare also Meyer's " Expulsion of the D^ssi " in the Cymmrodor, 
ziv, 116, 117, where we meet with the phrase do aurglanad rempu 
'to clear (the land) before them' of its inhabitants. In iffne, mean- 
ing 'with fire, by means of fire', is a literal rendering from Celtic: see 
the same story, pp. 114, 116. 



All around the Wrekin. 45 

is mentioned as a son of Maximus in Pedigree ii, which 
makes Dimet an ancestor of Concenn through Eliseg's 
mother Sanant. Maximus is said to have been a native of 
Spain, but Dimet's name is of importance as indicating a 
connection between Maximus and Byfed, the country of 
the ancient Demetsd^ perhaps through his supposed British 
wife, the Elen LUydog of Welsh legend. Add to this the 
fact of that legend associating him with Caerleon and 
Carmarthen, and, above all, calling a Dyfed mountain top^ 
after him Cad&ir Vaxen ^Maxen or Maxim's seat'. Annan is 
probably to be corrected into Annun, given as Anthun son 
of Maximus in Ped. iv. It is the Latin AntonivSy with the 
nt reduced into nn as in Maucann, by the side of Maneant 
in Ped*. xxii and xxvii : it is otherwise spelt Annhun or 
Anhun as already mentioned. The MS., Jesus College xx, 
gives Maximus {GymmrodoTy viii, 84, 86, 87) three other sons 
all with their names derived from Latin Oweiuy older spelling 
Eugein = EugenivSy Gustennin = Gonstantinus^ and Dunadt 
= DandiuB. 

The next paragraph runs as follows, beginning in a 
Celtic fashion without a copula: — ^^Britu autem filius 
Guorthigim, quem benedixit Germanus quemque peperit 
ei Severa filia Maximi regis qui occidit regem Bomanorum." 
For Sevira is doubtless a spelling of Severa, but whether a 
daughter of Maximus of that name is mentioned anywhere 
else I cannot say. To put this important statement right 

^See 'Maxen*s Dream' in the Oxford Mabinoffion, p. 89: the 
Pedigrees give the name as Maxim, but even that is not really 
ancient : the old form would have been Maisio, later Maesj/f, which 
must be supposed superseded by the book form Maxim, It is a 
difficulty ; and there is another, namely , how Maxen came to supersede 
Maxim. The former recalls Maxentiiu, without, however, being 
correctly derived from that name. Mr. Wade-Evans, in the Cymmrodor, 
xix, 44, note 4, suggests that our man was a Maxentius, and not the 
Maximus who became emperor in the West. 



46 All around the Wrekin, 

with the Nennian Pedigrees, the latter have first to be 
corrected in certain particulars. One of the foremost 
things to attract one's attention is the fact that they never^ 
mention Guortheyrn or Vortigem. For his name they 
substitute "Cattegim, son of Catell Dumluc" : this seems 
done partly for the sake of Catell or Cadell, the pet 
convert in the story of St. Germanus's miracles as given in 
the Historia Brittonv/niy loc, cit,, p. 176. There the Saint 
is made to tell Cadell, one of the servants of Benlli, that 
he, Cadell, would be king, and that there would always be 
a king of his seed. The story proceeds to exaggerate the 
prophecy as follows : — " Juxta verba Sancti Germani rex 
de servo factus est, et omnes filii eius reges facti sunt, et a 
semine illorum omnis regio Povisorum regitur usque in 
hodiernum diem." So the Nennian Pedigree xxii ends 
with "map Pascent | map Cattegirn | map Catel dunlurc", 
though the Fernmail Pedigree in the Historia BrittonuMy 
loc. cit.y p. 193, has "filii Pascent filii Guorthigirn Guor- 
theneu", without a trace in any of the MSS. of either 
Cattegirn or of Catell. Pedigree xxvii, however, emphasises 
Ped. xxii, as it ends with "map Pascent | map Cattegir[n] | 
map Catel | map Selemiaun". Here the father of Cadell 
seems to have been an unnamed man belonging to Cantrev 
Selyv, in Brecknockshire. This looks ingenious on the 
part of the scribe, as Cadell was described in the G^rmanus 
legend as rex de servo factus. The difficulty is avoided in the 
MS., Jesus College xx {Gymm., viii, 86), where we have words 
to the following effect: — Cassanauth Wledig's wife was 
Thewer, daughter of Bredoe, son of Kadell deernlluc, son 

^ In studyiDg these pedigrees I have found Mr. Phillimore*B edition 
of them in the Cymmrodorf vol. ix, invaluable, and next to that 
Mr. Anscombe^B ''Indexes to Old Welsh Genealogies'* in Stokes & 
Meyer*s Archiv fiir celt, Lexihographie, i, 187-212. See also p. 514, 
where he has anticipated me as to Severa. 



All around the Wrekin, 47 

of Cedehem (=Cattegim), son of Gwrtheym Gwrtheneu. 
This makes Cadell grandson of Gwrtheym or Vortigem. 
The Bredoe of this pedigree I take to be the same name as 
BrUtu in the Nennian Ped. xxiii, which ends with ^^map 
Brittu* I map Cattegirn | map Catell*'. Making here the 
correction found necessary in the other cases we get 
'^mapfirittu | map Guorthegim". That this hits the mark 
is proved to a demonstration by the "Britu autem filius 
Guarthigim" of the Elisseg Pillar. 

If we try to look now at the inscription as a whole we 
perceive that the object which Concenn had in view was 
the glorification of himself and Bliseg (1) on the score of 
their own achievements, and (2) by reference to their 
ancestors, the Emperor Maximus and the King Gwrtheyrn 
or Vortigern. The Powys dynasty was Goidelic, and prob- 
ably the Welsh epithet in Gwrtheym OwrtheneUy which 
Williams ab Ithel, at the beginning of his edition of Brut 
y Tyivysogion^ has rendered into English as 'Vortigem of 
Bepulsive Lips', simply meant that Gwrtheyrn spoke a 
language which wa« not intelligible to his Brythonic 
subjects, or at least that he spoke their language badly. 
Here one cannot help realizing that the inhabitants of 
what is now Wales could not then have had any collective 
name meaning men of the same blood or men who spoke 
the same language. They could hardly adopt any name 
in common, which was not comparatively colourless. So 
there eventually became current an early form of the word 
Cymryy which only meant dwellers in the same country. 
In fact Cymry connotes the composite origin of our Welsh 
nationality. By the beginning of the ninth century, 
however, the dynasty had practically become Welsh, 

^ The name occurs in one of the Tomb Verses, no. 36, in Byd 
Britu 'BnMa Ford\ so the modem pronunciation should probably 
be Bhyd Bridw. 



48 All around the Wrektn. 

which possibly made it all the more necessary in the 
opinion of Concenn and his Court to place on record what 
they considered a true account of Gwrtheym's position 
with regard to Maximus and to St. Germanus, as con- 
trasted with the u^ly stories which the Brythons associated 
with his name. There is, therefore, no hope of reconciling 
the testimony of the Pillar of Elisseg with the legends in 
the Historia BrUtonum in so far as they concern Gwr- 
theym's character. 

The Historia^ however, throws a ray of light on 
Gwrtheym's origin; for in Pernmairs pedigree he is 
said in two of the MSS., one in the Vatican and 
the other in Paris, to have been the son of Guitaul, 
son of Guitolion or Guttolion;^ but those names are 
simply the Welsh adaptations of the Latin Vitalis and 
Vitalianus, Most of the MSS., it is true, have instead of 
Oidtolion the form Quitolin, but this was a different though 
kindred name derived from the distinct Latin name 
Vitalinus, In fact Ouitolin occurs later in the Historia 
Brittonum, namely, in sec. 66. Most of the scribes have, 

^ See the readings given in Mommsen's edition, loc, cit, § 49 
(p. 193), S 66 (p. 209); and for his accouut of the MSS. see pp. 119- 
21. The Vatican MS. was published by Gunn (London, 1819): for 
its reading of the Fernmail pedigree see p. 78. It is remark- 
able for combining such old spellings as Embres and TM with 
such a comparatively late form as Teudor, in Mommsen*s text 
JBmbreiSf Teibi, Teudubir respectively. The first element in this last 
name is tew Hhick', used probably with the force of 'very, exceedingly*, 
and the second, dubir, became successively dwfr, dwr, so the later 
form of the name is Tevodwr, Compare Welsh dubr^ dwfr 'water*, 
which in colloquial Welsh is always dwr. The meaning, however, 
of dubir^ dwr in the personal name has to be guessed from the 
probable equivalents in other languages, such as English, where it is 
dapper, Modem Grerman tapfer 'valiant', Old Slavonic dohrV^ 'beautiful, 
fine, good\ Some would also connect the Latin faber 'smith' as 
meaning the man of a cunning art or craft. So Tewdwr may have 
signified 'very good, very fine, very clever', or possibly 'very valiant'. 



■$^$: 




c 



c 
o 

c 

3 

o 



"O 

c 
to 



Hi 



Q. 

0) 



> 

< 



^^y^t^^^^mm°^£^^mm'^m «^» fl^* *^» *^^ *^» *^^ *W^ 



All around the Wrekin. 49 

not unnaturally^ made Outtolion or Ouitolion into Gruitoliny 
except the two which I have specified: for them the 
temptation to reduce the name in -ion into Ouitolin prob- 
ably did not exist, as their texts do not appear to contain 
sec. 66. Now the former name occurs on a bilingual 
tombstone at Nevem, which reads in Ogam simply 
VUalianiy meaning 'the monument or place of Vitalianus 
or Guttolion'y and in Latin letters of the most ancient 
type perhaps to be found in our non-Boman inscriptions: — 

VITALIANI 

EMERETO 

This is so condensed that it is difficult to be sure of tlie 
exact meaning, but it seems to suggest that the deceased 
was regarded as holding some rank in the Boman army, 
and the case may be compared with the later Dyfed 
bilingual from Castell Dwyran,^ where the deceased has the 
Boman title given him of * protector'. Such cases help to 
answer the question how it was that during the later years 
of the Boman occupation the troops of whom we read were 
all in the north and east of the Province; for it would 
seem that the west was to be looked after by the chiefs of 
the D^ssi. The latter, 'on the other hand, appear to have 
pursued a more or less romanizing policy, as may be 
gathered from the Latin names to be found in Goidelic 
I inscriptions both in Wales and Ireland, such, in the 

I former, as Pompeius and TurpiliuSy Severus and SeverinuSy 

and, in the latter, such as the Vitaiinvs already mentioned. 
For besides the D^si who came over to Dyfed, there were 
others who coasted westwards and landed in Kerry. It is 
to them, probably, one has to refer an Ogam inscription 
including the name Vitaliriy found at Ballinvoher, in the 

* See Arehaologia CambrennSj 1895, pp. 307-13, and the Cymmrodor, 
vol. xviii, 'The Englyn', pp. 72-4. 



50 All around the IVrekin, 

barony of Corkaguiny in that county. At a well near 
Stradbally, in co. Waterford, the land, to this day, of the 
D^si, I have seen an inscription involving the genitive 
AgrcLcoUfir-i^ which I take to be a derivative from Agricola. 
The motive here was doubtless admiration for the fame of 
the great Boman general of that name. In the case of a 
group like VUaliSy VitalianuSy and Vitalinuaj the motive was 
different but not far to seek : the names were chosen as 
involving vita *life', probably by a family whose Goidelic 
names began with an early form of the vocable hSoy in 
Welsh hyw *alive, quick', such as BSodn^ Bide, Bio-aed, 
Beo^nuy which was borrowed into Welsh early, and 
modified eventually into Beii-gnOy Beuno, Time would fail 
me to do justice to all the conclusions to be drawn from 
the facts to which I have called attention. There is one, 
however, on which I wish to lay stress, and it is this : the 
Yitalianus stone at Nevem probably marked the grave of 
the grandfather of Gwrtheym, son-in-law of the Emperor 
Mazimus. 

VI. 

To return to the Pillar of Elisseg, it has always struck 
me that it is a column obtained from some Boman building 
of respectable dimensions ; but where? The inscription 
upon it must, when perfect, have formed a historical 
document, with which we have absolutely nothing of the 
same importance to compare. There remains one thing to 
be done to lessen our loss from the treatment to which the 
stone had been submitted before Ed. Llwyd's examination 
of it, and that is to have a thorough search made for the 
missing fragments. Regardless of expense the little 
mound, on which has been set up what remains of the 
original pillar, should be carefully sifted, and the hedges 
near should be ransacked until the broken pieces have 



All around the Wrekin. 5 1 

been found. In any case they cannot be far away, and 
they have probably escaped the weathering which has 
reduced almost to illegibility the exposed portions of the 
pillar. Let us hope that some generous Cymmrodor will 
come forward to help us in the search which I have sug- 
gested. It is also highly desirable that good casts should 
be made of the pillar as it is and before it has become 
completely illegible. 

The fact that Concenn, king of Powys about the 
beginning of the ninth century, bore an Irish name, has, 
as far as I know, never been detected, and still less, if 
possible, that his great-grandfather Eliseg's name was also 
Irish. So I have to dwell a little on the latter : Edward 
Llwyd has copied it as Miseg the five times which it 
occurs in the inscription ; but in the Genealogies it is 
usually Elizedy as also in the Annates CamhricBy a.d. 814, 

943, 946. On the other hand the Liber Landavensis 
regularly spells it Elisedy and so with the Latin genitive 
Elised-i in the Book of 8L Chad ; but a form Elisse also 
occurs, as, for instance, in Brut y Tywysogion, a.d. 815, 

944, while under 1202, in the same, we have it twice as 
Misy^ These, without the final d, practically prove the 
consonant to have been sounded as the soft spirant d or 
ddj a sound wiiich was sometimes represented in Old Welsh 
by t. Hence the final t of Elitet in Pedigree xxvij (p. 181) : 
the other t of that spelling was probably a result of the 
scribe misreading 2; or a reversed s as i.^ Thus the older 
spellings in Welsh practically reduce themselves to three, 
Eliseg^ Elisedy and Elized. The Irish name occurs in a 

^ Possibly Elisei, which occurs once as the name of a witness in the 
LUter LandaveruiSf p. 216, is to be regarded as an instance of this 
name. 

' How this can have happened may be seen from the way in which 
Crizdi or Criadi in a Margam Abbey inscription used to be read 
Critdii see the Archaologia Cambrensis, 1899, p. 142. 

£2 



52 All around the Wrekin. 

genealogy of the D^ssi in the Book of Leinster^ to. 828'*, as 
Hesleaach. The man so named stands twelfth in descent 
from Artcorb, whose son Eochaid was leader of those of the 
D^ssi who took possession of a part of Dyfed about 265-70. 
The initial aspinite forms no etymological part of the 
name ; so the more regular spelling was doubtless Eslesachy 
which would be that of the nominative. The genitive 
should be Eslemigy and it occurs in the same MS., fo. 340^, 
spelt Sislesaigy where the apex means that the pronuncia- 
tion of esl had been modified in actual speech into el. 
Welsh made si into stl, while Irish reduced it into I or K, 
with or without vowel compensation. Thus Welsh gwystl 
'a hostage' is in Irish gially of the same origin as Grerman 
geisely Old H. Grerman gisal : in fact, the German was 
probably a loan from some Celtic language of the Con- 
tinent. Or take the Welsh name Ygcestyly EngistUy the 
Irish, equivalent of which is found written in Irish, 
Ingc4l and IngelU The pronunciation of the g at the 
end of a genitive of this kind was that of a very evanescent 
palatal gh^ and the retention of the g of Eliseg was 
historical rather than phonetic. But the Irish sooner or 
later treated every dh as if it had been gh ; and Irish gh^ 
influenced by the vowel i or e, passed into the semivowel or 
consonant, i or y," which Welsh pronunciation had once a 
habit of converting into <f, now written dd^ as for instance 
in Iweryd (for lueriiu)^ Iwerdon (for lueHon-os)^ Irish tlriu 
genitive Srenriy * Ireland'. 

It remains to say something about the spelling with 
Zy a letter which looks equally singular in Welsh and 
in Irish^ for neither language has the soft sibilant in 

^ For more instances see Rhys's Celtic Heathendomy p. 567, and 
Celtic Folklore, p. 542 ; also Archceoloffia Cambretuis, 1898, pp. 61-3. 

' See my Marw Phonology , pp. 118-23; and as to Welsh d from 
I or y, my British Academy paper Celt€e <J* Oalli, p. 13, note. 



All around the Wrekin, 53 

its pronunciation. But in Medieval Irish z was treated 
as an orthographic equivalent for 9d or %i\ so we have in 
the later portion of the Book of Lemster, ff. 357% 357'*, 
368% 368% 364% Zephani for Stephani, and ff. 341, 353% 
364'', Zrafain for what is there otherwise written Srafain 
and Srafdiuy nominative SrafaUy seemingly for an earlier 
Strafan: Stokes, in his Martyrohgy of Oormariy p. 397, 
cites Strofan from the Martyrohgy of Tamlacht. Vice 
verm we have Misdaiet^ for Elizabeth^ and Steferus^ for 
Zephyrus, More illuminating, however, is the name of an 
Irish bishop given in the Martyrohgy of Oerigus as Nazair^ 
July 12, and p. 168. It occurs also in the Book of Leinster^ 
ff. 312% 315% 335% 348*, 351% 351^ as Nazair, both 
nominative and genitive, but the genitive of what appears 
to be the same name occurs, fo. 337% as Nadslr, This 
suggests that the name is to be regarded as syntactically 
made up of Nad-^diry with nad as the unaccented form of 
nioth *nephew', and sder ^artificer'. In that case the z of 
Nazair represents here, not sd or sty but ds or ts, and the 
origin of the spelling with the z becomes clear at a glance. 
It is to be sought in such Greek spellings as ^Bev^ for 
Zev^i and the like, and in the teaching of the old gram- 
marians that § was pronounced aB or else Sa.^ In a Latin 
list of bishops ordained by St. Patrick, one detects the 
name Naaair made into NazarivSy and that form, coming, 
as it does, from the Book of Armaghy a MS. finished in the 
year 807, carries the z back to the eighth century.* 

* Stokes's Martyrology of Oenffus, p. 1 10, ii propos of April 1. 
« ODonovan's Battle of Magh Rath^ p. 238. 

3 In either combination the sibilant meant the sonant « which in 
English and French is written z. See G^org Curtius*s Erlduterungen 
zu meiner griechUchen Grammatik (Prague, 1870), pp. 17-19, and Blass, 
Vber die Auupraehe des GriechUchen (Berlin, 1888), pp. 113-122. 

* See Stokes's Patrick^ p. 304, Stokes & Strachan's Thesaurus 
PalaohibemicuSf ii, 262, also pp. xiii-xv. One of the most singular 



54 ^^^ around the Wrektn. 

All this would seem to imply that the name was 
Eslestach, when the spelling with z was first applied to 
it : Irish reduces sd, st, ds^ and ^ all to m or a, though how 
early it happened in the case of sd, st^ it is hard to say. 
The name might in that case be regarded as a contraction 
of some such a longer form as Eselestachy derived from 
Esdest or Eseles. I suggest this because we have at the 
top of Fed. xxiijy a name esselis^ the initial letter of which, 
like other initials in the Nennian Pedigrees, the rubricator 
neglected to insert. I guess it to have been an A to help 
to make up Hesselisy which, with the accent on the first 
syllable, would be liable to be contracted in Irish to Eislis 
or Eisles — there was an Irish name Aneisles, Aneislis — 
whence probably our Welsh name Elisj spelt also Ellis with 
English IL The only other name which the -esselis of the 

things connected with the letter z in Irish is that one of the Ogam 
symbols, not yet found in an ancient inscription, namely, the 14th, is, 
in a tract on Ogmjc alphabets in the 14th century MS. of the Book 
of Ballymote, named zra\f, ff. 309»' lines 21, 46; 309»»- 1. 33; 310^ 1. 40. 
O'Donovan, in his Grammar, p. xxxii, treats this as straif, and inter- 
prets it as "the sloe tree'*; for it belongs to an alphabet which has the 
individual symbols called by tree-names. From this arose the 
untenable notion that the Ogam in question stood for st or z. The 
sound originally meant was probably that t>f / or ph^ a phonetic 
reduction sometimes of Indo-European sp or sp'h. This / has since 
been mostly changed into «, and the symbol is lost in favour of the 
Ogam originally representing «. The change into s took place 
initially, while / still remained as a non-initial, and the man who 
first called the/ Ogam 8tra\f could, doubtless, not find an instance of 
its use as an initial, so the name %traif may be regarded as aptly 
chosen. In Irish, initial / stands, since the eighth century or 
thereabouts, mostly for the provected sound of v or ic, and not for 
an original / at all ; but among other instances of /, derived from 
original %p, and still remaining / in Welsh (now written ff), may be 
mentioned Irish itir 'a heel ', nominative dual dd seirith, but accusative 
tria adipherid 'through his two heels' (Stokes's Celtic Declension, p. 26) : 
the Welsh is ffer 'the ankle', Greek v^vpov, the same. See also 
his Urkeltiicher Sprachschatz, p. 299, where he cites *bd tri sine' 'of a 
cow of three teats', otherwise ' bo triphne', where sine and -phne are pro- 



All around the Wrekin. 55 

MS. could possibly suggest is what is usually treated as 
Llevelis or Llefelu: this ought, doubtless, to be Llewelis 
or Lleudisy to be analysed Lleu-elis. As to this use of 
LUu compare Old Welsh Ltm-brit or Leu-hrit to be equated 
with Logu-qwrU- in an Ogam inscription (in the Nat. 
Museum, Dublin), later Luicrith: it would mean 'one 
who has the form or countenance of Lieu or Lug'. 

The five names in the first clause of the legend on the 
Pillar of Elisseg^ are, as read by Ed. Llwyd, Concenn, Cattell 
(wrongly Catteli), Brohcmail and Brohcmal, Eliseg, and 
Guoillauc. Of these Concenn and Eliseg have been shown 
to be of Goidelic origin. BroccmaU is a name common to 
Brythonic and Goidelic, or else a loan from Goidelic : the 
common Welsh spelling is Brochmaely and the Old Irish 
would be Broccmdly genitive BroccmdUy but at present I 

bably formR of the same origin as Anglo-Saxon spana 'teats or speam\ 
Other names in the tract in the Book of Ballymote for the / Ogam 
are the following, ff. SIO**- Is. 34, 48; 311»»- 1. 4 :— (1) A place-name 
Srutkar, derived probably from Bruth 'a stream*, Welsh ^r?(jd, possibly 
from the same root as German iprudel 'a well, a fountain*. (2) Sust^ 
which is the Latin word fustis borrowed, as is the Welsh equivalent 
ffust 'a flail*. (3) Sannan, a saint's name, probably identical with 
Fanon-i in the Latin of a Devon bilingual, now in the British Museum. 
Compare Fannuc-i from a I^tin inscription in South Pembrokeshire, 
which recalls Irish Sannuchf the name of one of St. Patrick's monks. 
See Stokes*s Patrick, pp. 305, 41 2, but take note of Sanucus, Sanucin-Of 
C. /. Z., F, 2080, Xlllf 6258. (4) There are other names there of 
which I know not what to make, such as Zur, that of a 'linn* or water, 
hardly Siuir Hhe Suir*, and Zeula, the name of a dinn or height, and 
zorcha 'light or bright*. 

^ Since this was written my attention has been drawn to the 
pedigree of Cerdic in the Saxon Chronicle, a.d. 552, where one reads 
that Cerdic was EUsing, that is, son of Elesa, and Elesa was Bsltfiff, 
that is, son of Esla. Here there is not only a striking similarity 
between Elisey and Elesa, but two names, Elesa and Elsa, to compare 
with the two Eliseg and Elis, or rather, with the Goidelic forms from 
which they derive. Even were it to be urged that Elesa and Esla are 
due to a meaningless duplication the residue of similarity is significant. 



56 All around the Wrekin, 

cannot lay my finger on an instance. The Welsh Broch- 
mad should regularly be pronounced Brochvady or rather 
Brychvaely but what has come down to us is Brochwel,^ 
which is a modification of the Irish genitive BrocctndU^ 
pronounced Brocwel with the accent on the first syllable, 
accompanied with a shortening of the second. This leads 
me to expect that Cattell or Catel may prove to have been 
Goidelic too : the name which in that case it represents 
must have been the Irish Cathaly genitive Cathail, for an 
early CattjiaUi = Catu-uaUiy in Welsh Catwaly Cadtval. 
Possibly it is in the name of some Irish Cathcd that we 
have to seek for the Gadwal after whose name the commot 
of Cedweli or Cydweli was called : the English spelling is 
now Kidwelly, with the accent on the second syllable 
and II pronounced as in English. Somewhat similar 
remarks might be made on Ouoillauc^ which occurs in 
pedigree xxvii as Ouilauc. 

Enough has now been said to shew that the Powys 
dynasty of Eliseg was a Goidelic one, and I will only add 
a mention of a passage in the MS., Jesus College xx, § 23 ; see 
the GymmrodoTy viij, 87, where the mothers of Einion and 
Cadwallon Lawhir, the fatlier of Maelgwn Gwyned, are 
described as daughters to Didlet, king of Gwydyl Fichti in 
Powys. Whether these were Goidels or Picts is not 
certain, nor is there any indication where in Powys they 
were located."* The question suggests itself whether at 

^ My previous attempts to account for this form have been 
unsatisfactory ; and for one or two other instances of the popuhir form 
of a name in Wales being more Irish than Welsh see my Ceitic 
Folklore f pp. 641, 642. Compare the case of Docfnael, Dogma/el \ two 
of that saint's churches are called Llan-Ddogwel and ' St. DogwePs/ 
and a third Llan Dydoch {= Do-Tocc-), in English *St. Dogmaers', 
retaining an old quasi-official spelling DoymaeL See Rice Rees^s 
WeUh 8ainU, p. 211. 

^ Who were the five chiefs o Wydyl Ffiehti mentioned in the short 
poem, xliXy in the Book of Taliesnin (Skene, ii, 206) P The number, 



All around the Wrekin. 57 

the outset the Goidels of Powys extended their power to 
that region from the direction of Buallt and the Wye, or 
from Gloucester and the Severn. On the one hand, 
Pern mail, descended from Pascent son of Gwrtlieyrn, was 
king of the Wye districts of Buallt and Gwrtheyrnion 
about the end of the eighth and the beginning of the 
ninth century.^ On the other hand, legend associates a 
branch of the Dessi with Caer Loyw' or Gloucester, 
apparently the same branch which was descended from 
Pascent son of Gwrtheym. In other words the ancestors 
of the Eliseg family may have pushed northwards along the 
Severn valley in the direction of Pengwern Amwythig and 
Wales. All this, however, is merely touching the surface 
of the history of the D^ssi in Wales and the Marches, but 
even so we have stumbled across some important data for 
the writing of a new chapter on the most obscure period 
of Welsh history. It only remains for me to mention one 
or two subjects which it would be desirable to have studied 
in connection with it. Such, among others, are the distri- 
bution of Goidelic inscriptions in South Wales, the preva- 
lence of Goidelic proper names in the diocese of Llandaff, 
as attested by the Liber Landavensis, and the so-called 
breiniau or privileges of the Men of Powys.' Finally, 
should the evidence point to the conclusion that the D^ssi 
pushed their conquests up the vale of the Severn, it 
could not help suggesting at the same time the question, 
whether it was not they that destroyed Viroconium, 

five, suggests the men in the first clause of the Elisseg inscription, 
though none of them can have been contemporary with Cadwallon 
Lawhir's mother's father. 

* See the Historia Brittonum^ he. cit., p. 193, and Zimmer's 
Nennitts Vindicatus, p. 71. 

^ See my paper on **The Nine Witches of Gloucester*', in the volume 
of birthday essays, presented to E. B. Tylor (Oxford, 1907), pp. 285-93. 

^ See the Myvyrian Archaiology, i, 257, and Aneurin Owen*s Ancient 
Laws and Institutes of H aies, ii, 742-7. 



58 All around the Wrekin. 



APPENDIX I. 

Mb. Stevenson's Monogbaph on the name Wbekin. 
{See p. 29 above.) 

The earliest mention of the Wrekin occurs in the dating 
clause of a charter of 855, derived from the late eleventh 
century Worcester chartularj "quando fuerunt pagani in 
Wreocensetun^^ {Cart. 8ax.y ii, p. 89). This is an older 
name than Shropshire for the district about the Wrekin 
(or, strictly speaking, the people of the Wrekin). They 
are probably the Wocensoetna (gen. pi.) of the list of early 
territx)rial names {Cart. 8ax,y i, p. 414) upon which Pro- 
fessor Maitland has conferred the name of the Tribal 
Hidage. This is derived from a tenth or eleventh century 
MS., which contains many corruptions. A thirteenth cen- 
tury copy {Ibid., p. 415) reads Porcensetene (by confusion of 
the O.E. sign for W with P, which it greatly resembled), so 
that the original probably read Wrocen-acdrui. This form 
occurs in another Winchester charter dated 963 {Ibid., iii, 
355, from the twelfth century Codex Wintoniensis) "in pro- 
vincia Wroc^nsetna". 

The Wrekin itself is mentioned in a charter, derived 
from the same chartulary of 975 {Ibid., iii, 650) "on 
Wrocene", "andlang Wrocene" in boundaries near Up- 
pington, CO. Salop. Here the name is, apparently, de- 
clined as a feminine o-stem, with a nom. sing. Wrocen and 
a short vowel in the root syllable. The absence of the 
demonstrative pronoun proves that Wrocene is the name 
of some local feature and is not a common noun. Celtic 
local names usually appear in the O.E. chartera without 
inflexion and without the demonstrative pronoun, as 
pointed out by Professor Sievers in Paul and Braune's 
Beitrdge zur Geschichte der deutsclien Sprache und Literature 
ix, p. 251. 

The Abingdon chartulary contains a charter of 944 
{Jbid.y ii, 557), which mentions in the boundaries of Blew- 
bury, CO. Berks, "be eastan Wrocena stybbe J^eet swa to 
Wrocena stybbe, }?onne of Wrocena stybbe". In form 
this seems to be a genitive plural, but no such word is 
recorded in O.E. One would expect a tree-stump to be 



All around the tVrekin. 59 

known by a man's name or by an adjective or partici- 
pial compound. This name is probably unconnected with 
that of the Wrekin. 

Apart from this last instance^ we have evidence that 
the name fluctuated between Wreocen and Wrocen. The 
instances are too numerous to be ascribed to clerical errors, 
and it is evident that the two forms existed both in the 
name of the Wrekin and in the local names formed from it. 
Professor Napier suggests that the Wrocen form arises from 
Wreocen through labialisation of the r produced by the 
initial TT. The variation seems to be clearly due to phonetic 
action, and not to arise from different forms originally. 

In this case we may regard Wreocen as the original 
form. This may be explained as a Mercian development 
(with the change of e or i to eu, iuy later eo, produced by a 
following u) from an original Wrekun or Wrikun. The 
latter would have been the form necessarily assumed in 
O.E. by an early Celtic Wrihyn^. 

Prom the evidence of the forms it is obvious that 
Wreocen was exempt for dialectal or other reasons from 
the Anglian "smoothing" before c, by which Wreocen 
should have become Wrecen. The modem form of the 
name descends from Wreocen. The Wrocen forms seem to 
shew that the diphthong was sometimes accented on the 
second vowel. 

Wrocwardine, Salop, represents an O.E. Wreocen- 
weoriign (the latter part of the compound usually becomes 
'Wardine in local names in this district; it is related to 
weor^y weor^Sig * village, farm'). It appears in Domesday 
several times as Recordin(e)y where the Norman scribe has 
not represented the initial w of the O.E. form, as is 
usually done in the Survey. But the Rec- represents 
regularly, with the exception of the suppression of the 
initial consonant, the O.E. Wreoc-. The initial TTis repre- 
sented in the usual Norman way with a parasitic vowel 
between it and the r in Werecordinay the spelling of this 
name in a charter of William the Conqueror printed in the 
Monasticon from an Inspeximus of Henry VI. In com- 
pound names the Norman scribes usually represent vmr by 
or^ so that Wreoc-wuriSine (dat. sing.) would be represented 
by them as Werecordina. The name is written Worocordina 
in a charter of Earl Hugh of Shrewsbury, 1094-1098, 
printed in the Motuisticon, iii, 520b, which represents the 



6o All around the Wrekin. 

Wroc' form. The original O.B. form must have been 
PTreocen-weorBign, which became by the eleventh century 
Wreoce- by the weakening and dropping of the w in the 
weak-accented syllable, and the Normans seem to have 
failed to hear the resultant -e before the tern or te;eo, which 
is not unnatural in such a polysyllabic word. But we have 
traces of the persistance of this -e in late twelfth century 
forms in the Pipe Bolls, which sometimes write the name 
without it (probably as the result of dictation) and some- 
times with it. The name is written Wrokewurdin in the 
Roll for 21 Henry II, and in the chancellor's counterpart 
for the 23 and 24 years. It is written with the k expressed 
by the Norman cK as Wrochevmr^n in the 18, 19 and 20 
years. The syllable in question is entirely ignored in the 
forms Wroch-wur^n^ Wroc-vmr^in in the 22, 23 and 24 
years, and in the first of Richard I. 

Wroxeter similarly seems clearly to represent an O.E. 
Wreocen-ceaster^ reduced to Wreoce-^^easter. It is written 
Rochecestre in Domesday ^ where ch has the usual Norman 
value of k. The initial Wis represented in Wrochecestre 
which occurs in an early twelfth century charter recited in 
a confirmation of Henry III in the Monasticony iii, 522b, 
and in the Wroccecestre of the Hundred Roll of 1256 cited 
by Byton. Through French influence cestre became pro- 
nounced ^e^^re, and so TFroc46«e«/re easily becomes Wroxeter. 

Wroxall, in the Isle of Wight, occurs in a Winchester 
charter of 1038-1044 as Wroccea-heale (dat. sing.) in Kem- 
ble. Codex DtplomaticitSy iv, 76. This Wrocc seems to be the 
gen. of a masc. personal name. It also occurs in Wraxhall, 
Wilts, WerocheS'hale in Domesday ; Wroxton, co. Oxford, 
in Domesday y Werochestane ; and Wraxall, Somerset, in 
Domesday, Werocosale, Wroxham, Norfolk, and Wroxhall, 
CO. Warwick, and Wroxhill, co. Bedford, seem to have 
the same origin. 

The name of Wrexham appears to be unconnected. It 
occurs in a charter of 1236 as Wrectesham (Calendar of 
Charter Rolls^ ii, p. 459^, and in 1316 as Wryghtlesham 
(Calendar of Close Rolls, p. 347^. 



All around the Wrekin. 6i 

APPENDIX II. 

Edwabd Llwtd's Lbtteb to the Rev. De. Mill, 
Principal of Edmund Hall, Oxfobd. 

dypiedfrom the Oymmrodorion Record SerieSy No. 4, p. 410. 
(See page 39 above.) 

"Swansey, Sept. 14, [16] 96. 
" Rev'd. Sir. I have here presum'd to trouble you with 
a copy of an inscription,* which amongst several others I 
met with this summer in North Wales. The monument 
whence I took it was a stately pillar of very hard stone; of 
the same kind with our common millstones. *Twas of a 
cylinder form; above twelve foot in height, seaven in cir- 
cumference at the basis where it was thickest, and about 
six near the top where smallest. The pedestal is a large 
stone, five foot square and 15 inches thick; in the midst 
whereof there's a round hole 12 inches deep wherein the 
monument was placed. Within a foot of the top 'tis 
encompassd with a round band or girth, resembling a cord ; 
from whence 'tis square to the top, and each square adornd 
with a ring, reaching from this band to the top and meet- 
ing at the corners. It was erected on a small mount which 
seems to have been cast up for that purpose ; but in the 
late civil warres (or sooner) 'twas thrown down and broken 
in several pieces, whence the inscription is so imperfect. 
The reason I trouble you with it, is because I remember 
amongst Usher's Letters one from Dr. Langbain to him, 
wherein he writes to this purpose — ^ I have received both the 
inscriptions; and shall send you my thoughts of that at Vale 
Orucis; hut for the other ^ I give it over for desperatJ* Now 
this I send you is the IS. at Vale Crucis; and I doubt not, 
but the vale receiv'd its name from this very stone, tho' 
'twas never intended for a crosse. The copy Dr. Lang- 
baine receiv'd was perhaps taken before the stone was 
broke, and you may possibly meet with it amongst his 

^ This letter was printed also in the Cambro- Briton, 1820, pp. 65, 66, 
where the editor appended the following footnote :— 'This inscription, 
which from its imperfect state, it would be of very little use to tran- 
scribe here, Mr. Llwyd entitles ''An Inscription at Maes y Qroes, in 
the parish of Llandysilio, in Denbighshire, transcribed anno 169G.*" 



62 All around the Wrekin, 

papers and letters, if you know where they are lodg'd ; or 
direct me to search for it when I come to Oxford which 
will be a month hence at farthest. 

"The inscription would be legible enough were it entire. 
It begins Goncenn jUius Catteliy Cattel filiua Brochmaliy 
Brochmcd filius Elisegy Eliseg filius Ouoillauc, Concenn 
itaque pronepos Eliseg edificavit hunc lapidem proavo sua 
Eliseg &<> 'Tis remarkable that adjoyning to this monu- 
ment there's a township calld Eglvrysig, which name is 
corrupted doubtlesse from this Eliseg^ th6 our greatest 
critics interpret it Terra ecclesiastica. Thus, in Caermardhin- 
shire we find this epitaph : Servatour [pro servator] fideei 
patrieqt^ semper amator Hie Paulinus jacit cultor pientis- 
simus sequi. The place where the stone lies is calld Pant 
yPolian i.e., the Vale of Stakes^ corruptly for Pant Powlin 
Planities Paulini. I find other places denominated from 
pei*sons buryed at or near them ; whence I gather they 
were anciently men of great note, who had inscriptions on 
their tombs be they never so rude and homely. But I 
trouble you too much with trifles, so shall adde no more 
but that I am, 

"Worthy S', Your most obliged and humble servant, 

"Edw. Lhwtd." 



PosTSCEiPT : see p. 7. 



My address in the Transactions of the Orford Congress 
for the History of Religions touches ground covered by this 
paper: see II, 211, where I have suggested correcting 
Eueyd into Eved^ and equating it with Irish Ogma^ Gaulish 
Ogmios. The form required is Euvydy which would be 
written Euuid or Euuyd : it occurs as Euuydy and, misread, 
as Eunyd. See Skene, ii, 200, 303, and Stephens' Oododin, 
p. 377 {Eunydd) ; also Skene, ii, 108, where it is Jedyd, with 
an intrusive t. The points of the equation are : (1) Gaulish 
and Brythonic Ogmios was pronounced OgmiioSy and ii 
makes yd in Welsh ; (2) gm or ghm behaves like ?m, which 
becomes Iv in Welsh, but remains Im in Irish; (3) Og or 
ogh becomes in Welsh oit, later eu. So Ogmios has its 
exact equivalent in Euuyd in Welsh. Space fails me to 
give analogies, to discuss texts, or draw conclusions. 



^5e V)^nae(i^ of Cune^ag an^ 

By E. WILLIAMS B. NICHOLSON, M.A. 

B0DLBT*8 LiBBARIAN. 



The oldest 'genealogies' of Welsh royal families are 

contained in an early twelfth century MS. in the Harleian 

collection at the British Museum {MS, Earl. 3869). They 

were very carefully printed, with an introduction and 

valuable notes, by Mr. Bgerton Phillimore, in vol. ix of 

T CymmrodoT. And an index to the names in them has 

been compiled by Mr. A. Anscombe, and published in 

vol. i of the Arckivfwr celtische Lexicographie. 

They are, however, most inconveniently constructed. 

They contain no dates, and very seldom any mention of 

the status of the persons whose names are given in them. 

Also they are arranged not in modem pedigree-form, but 

in backward order. If a genealogy of our present king 

were so constructed, it would appear thus : 

[ ]* dward 

son of Victoria, daughter of Edward 

son of George 

son of Frederick 

SOD of George 

son of George. 

Had all the persons with whose names the 'genealogies' 
begin been contemporaries, that fact alone would have 

^ Initial left for an ilhiminator to insert. 



64 The Dynasty of Cunedag 

enabled us to get approximate dates for the entire series ; 
but this is far from being the case. 

I have, nevertheless, found that not fewer than twenty- 
two out of the thirty-two ^genealogies* can be fitted on 
to each other, and that a second series of three can also 
be fitted on to each other. %yf tabulating them accord- 
ingly^ and inserting in brackets the known or approximately 
known dates of some of the persons mentioned, 1 have 
been able to reduce the 'genealogies* into a synchronous 
form in which they can be more conveniently consulted. 
And I shall add certain preliminary notes which will 
throw some little new light on their origin and import. 

The ^genealogies' are immediately preceded by the 
oldest text (also early twelfth* century) of the Anwdes 
Cambridey and Mr. Phillimore has said (p. 144) : — 

'' Both Annales and Genealogies, in their present f orm, 
show marks of having been composed in the last half of the 
tenth century. The years of the Annales are written down 
to 977, though the last event recorded is the death of Rhodri 
ab HjTwel Dda in 954 ; while the omission of the battle of 
Llanrwsty which was fought in the very next year (956) 
between the sons of Idwal and those of Hywel Dda (especially 
on the part of an annalist who, if also the composer of the 
Genealogies, would seem to have been a partisan of HyweFs 
family in their contest for the supremacy of Wales), certainly 
points to the Annales having been finished as they are now 
in the year 954 or 955, and never subsequently retouched. 
The Genealogies commence with that (given both on the 
father*s and on the mother*s side) of Owen ab Hywel Dda, 
who died in 988, and they must, therefore, have been compiled 
during his reign, and before that year. The frequent 
allusions to St. David*s and its Bishops, and the almost 
complete absence of similar allusions to Llandaff, in the 
Annales, show these to have been composed in the former, 
not in the latter, See; and we are led to place the 
composition of the Genealogies in the same district from a 
consideration of the extreme meagreness and incompleteness 
with which they give the pedigree of the royal lines of 
Gwent and Morganwg, districts politically and ecclesiastically 



and the 'Harleian Genealogies. 65 

as much identified with the See of Llandaff as were Dyfed 
and Cardigan with that of St. David's/' 

In a paper contributed to the Zeitschrift fUr ceUische 
PhUologie (vi, 439-53), I have shown that the Annales are 
merely notes from the margin of a paschal table con- 
structed by the .'i32-year cycle of Victorius of Aquitaine. 
This table would certainly belong to a churchy and we 
may pretty safely conclude that the Annales and the 
* Genealogies' which immediately follow them were 
compiled in the cathedral of Meneu (St. David's). 

The fact that the years of the Annales are continued 
to 977 is simply due to their being copied (and divided 
into fifty-three decads) from a 532-year cycle which began 
with 444.' And the first * genealogy', though it includes 
Owein, who died in 988, appears to have been originally 
compiled in the reign of his father, who died in 950. For 
it begins ^uen map iguel ', the initials both of Ouen and of 
Higuel being left out. Now, in all the ^genealogies' the 
initial of the first name is left out — for an illuminator to 
supply — but (except in this one case of ^igueV) never any 
other initial. Presumably, then, the 'genealogy' originally 
began with *[H]iguel', to which were prefixed '[0]uen map' 
when his son succeeded him. 

My next point is that in their original form these were 
not all of them certainly 'genealogies' in the modern sense 
of the word — ^that, in fact, No. 1 is not a genealogy but a 
table of succession. Part, at least, of the original table 
had no inap% but the preposition gfuor, 'over', in their 
place. This will be seen from lines 5, 7, and 9 in the 
list of Cunedag's precursors: — 

^ The cycle would end at 976, but another 'an/ may have been 
added to the paschal table with a note that the cycle began over 
again, or else the extractor of our Annales carelessly wrote an 'an/ 
too many — just as he often puts 11 *an/ into a decad. 

F 



66 The Dynasty of Cunedag 

Phillimore's t^vt Corrupted frwn 

[1] map. ^tern. ? guor Cuneda[g] iBtern. 

[2J map. Patem. pefrut. P guor iBtern Patem. pefrut. 

[8] map. Tacit. ? guor Patern Tacit 

[4] map.* Cein. ? guor Tacit Cein. 

[5] map.* OuoZoein. \ . , ,. 

[6] map*doli. / g^^o''<^'«<lol'- 

[7] map.*Guoicloli. I gaor doli damn. 

[8] map.»duran. J ^ 

[9] map.*Gurdum«. 1 g„or dumn Amgueryt. 

[10] map. Amguoloyt. J ^ ^ ^ 

[11] map.A«guerit. | g,,or Aguerit dubun. 

[12] map. Oumun. ) ^ ^ 

[18] map. dubun. guor dubun Brithguein. 

[14] map. Brithguein. guor Brithguein Eugein. 

[16] map. Eugein. > 

[16] map.Aballac I guor Eugein Aballac. yii» fuit. 

map. Amalech. quxi 
fuit. 3 

beli magni filii\/'[&c.] beli magni filiu/[&c.] 

Here the original structure is revealed by the sequence 
of six entries against which I have put a *. Then came a 
man who meant to strike out all the repeated names and 
the guor^Sj and to substitute map^ : but he left in guorcein^ 
guardoliy and gurdumn by accident, and failed to see that 
Amguoloyt, Oumun, and Amalech were only doublets' of 
names next them. 

^ See note on p. 91 for the amazing recklessness with which map 
was prefixed to the beginning of lines in table xvi — ordinary words, 
parts of words, and the name of Jesus having thus had parentage 
attributed to them. In my Keltic Besearches (pp. 49, 60; I have 
pointed out that the table of the succession of Brudes was constructed 
with the Pictish preposition uur, ur (Welsh guor), 'over', * after', 
between names which were repeated like those of Cein, Doli, and 
Dumu. Then came a later hand who put 'Brude' in front of all the 
ur^s and so created 14 or 1/5 additional Brudes. In a table on p. 134 
of Skene's Chronicles of the Picts and Scots, we have 'filii Sin, filii 
Rosiu, filii Their, filii Rothir', which looks as if the original text had 
no filii, but either the Latin pro or an Irish ro corresponding to 
it in meaning. 

' Mr. Phillimore has seen this of Amalech. F in Welsh is a 



and the 'Harleian Genealogies . 67 

In other words, we have before us what may not be a 

table of direct blood-descent at all, but only of succession: — 

before Cuneda, ^tem 

„ ^tera, Patem 'pesrut' 
„ Patem, Tacit 
and so on. 

When this is realized, we are at once able to clear 
away two great apparent discrepancies between this list 
and early twelfth century authorities. 

(1) Geoffrey of Monmouth (xii, 6) puts into the mouth 

of king Oadwallon an extremely specific statement of his 

relationship to the king of Brittany, which I tabulate 

thus: 

Mailcun 

! 

^ .' J 

EnnianuB Ran 

Beli d. marries Hoel, k. of Brittany 

lacob Alanus 

Gatman Salomo 

Cadwallo 
According to our doctored Harleian table, Beli was the 
son, not of Enniaun, but of Bun. Strike out the inter- 
polated map'8, restore the original guor\ and we see that 

guor Beli Run 
guor Run Mailcun 

meant not that Bun was father of Beli, but that he 
preceded him as head of the house of Gwynedd. Why 

mutation both of medial b and medial m, and Aballac, Amalech^ are 
merely archaic spellings of Afaliach: no doubt the b form is here 
more correct than the m form. When this is recognized, and the 
similarity noticed between the short-necked capital d and an O, it 
will at once appear that Oumun and Dubun are also doublets. In 
Amguoloyt the / is a scribe's misreading of the conjunct form of r — 
i.e., t — ^as a capital L. This suggests that the tables are copied 
directly or indirectly from an exemplar written in capitals. . 

f2 



68 The Dynasty of Cunedag 

Enniaun is not so named is obviously due to one of two 
causes : either he died before his father Mailcun, or he 
was younger than his brother Bun. In either case the 
headship of the house would naturally devolve on Beli if 
Bun left no son. 

It is possible that Geoffrey's own authority was not 
any Welsh pedigree, but the book of Breton tradition 
from which he borrowed so freely.* In any case, however, 
that Enniaun, and not Bun, was Beli's father is practically 
certain from the fact that Bun would have heU&r suited 
the drift of Cadwallou's speech. 

rinally, in the Brut y Tywysogiony Caradoc of Llan- 

garvan says that Cynan Tyndaethwy's daughter Essyllt 

married a chieftain named Mervyn Frych. This Mervyn 

he represents subsequently as king of North Wales, and 

as being killed by the English in 844, and succeeded by 

Botri. Of any Mervyn the son of Essyllt he knows 

nothing, and it is clear to me that in our original pedigree 

the text ran : — 

ffuor Botri mermin gur Etthxl merch cinnan 

before Rotri, Mermin — husband of Etthil, daughter of Cinnan 

and that the later scribe (who struck out giior^a and 
inserted map^s) mistook gur, * husband*, for the preposition 
guoTy and, by substituting mop, turned Etthil's husband 
into her son ! 

Since writing the last few paragraphs, I discover, in 
Skene's Four Ancient Books of Wales (text, ii, 218 ; trans- 
lation, i, 462), a document (from the Red Book of Hergest) 
which is virtually conclusive as to one of these discrepancies. 
It is a poetical * prophecy' (put in the mouth of Merlin) of 
the succession of chiefs of the Cymry. It begins with 
Bydderch Hael, described as an enemy of the city on the 

^ See my note in Y Cymmrodor, xix, p. 6. To the instances there 
given, add the very striking one of Guithelin^s embassy (vi, 4). 



and the 'Harletan Genealogies'. 69 

Clyde. He was to be followed by Morgant Mawr^ son of 
Sadyruin (=Satuminu8), who was to be followed by Urien 
(= Urbigena). Then was to come Maelgwn, in connexion 
with whom Gwendydd (t.e., Gwynedd) is for the first time 
mentioned by the poet.* Then would follow Run, Beli, 
lago (son of Beli), Cadvan (son of lago), Cadwallawn, 
Cadwaladyr, Idwal, Howel (son of Cadwal), and Bodri. 
Then Mervyn Vrych, described as coming from Manaw. 
Then Bodri Mawr, his son Anarawd, and Howel. 

Now, the very important statement that Mermin Frych 
came from Manaw is not in Caradoc — in other words, the 
evidence of the prophecy is presumably not borrowed from 
him. And the only way to bolster up the statement in our 
'genealogies' that Mermin was the son of ^EtthiP is to 
suppose that she had both a husband and a son of the same 
name — which is to the last degree unlikely; for in these 
* genealogies' no *son' bears the name of his * father '"'' except 
in a few cases for which no historical corroboration is 
forthcoming, and which are almost certainly mere doublets 
of the kind we have already detected in the ancestry 
assigned to Ounedag. 

And now for the names of some of Cunedag's pre- 
cursors, and the lost history revealed by them. 

Everyone has seen that ^tem is a Latin name, but has 
anyone explained why it should be given ? We do some- 
times speak of Hhat eternal baby', but no one ever heard 

* The writer clearly supposed that the primacy was previously with 
the 'men of the North ', for, in the Historia Brittonumf § 63, we are told 
that the invaders of Northumbria were combated by Urbgen, Kiderch 
Hen, 'Ouallanc' (Guallauc), and Morcant. But these princes did not 
precede Mailcun, and his precursors in the dignity of chief king were, 
doubtless, the Oildan kings specified by Geoffrey of Monmouth. 

* The earliest instance I know of such a case in Welsh history is that 
of Idwal Fychan, 'Little Idwal,* a son of Eidwal Foel (*Idwal the 
Bald,* who died in 943). 



70 The Dynasty of Cunedag 

of the baby being named Eternal for the rest of his life. 
No one, in fact, has noticed in this connexion that aeiemus^ 
'immortal', is a title borne on coins by Diocletian (emperor 
in 284-305), his imperial pai*tner Maximian (fSlO), and 
Julian (360-3). 

Everyone has also seen that Patern(us) is a Latin 
name, but has anyone observed that it was borne by Soman 
consuls of 233, 267, 268, 269, and 279 ? 

Finally, everyone has seen that Tacit(us) is another 
Latin name, but has anyone pointed out that it was the 
name of a Soman emperor of 275-6 ? 

And no one, so far as T know, has detected in Cein the 
well-known Roman family name Ceionius, borne by a con- 
sul of 240. 

The inference is obvious, that the names of the four 
immediate precursors of Cunedag are regnal names (as 
those of the Popes are even now), borrowed from those of 
contemporary emperors or consuls, and that the bearers of 
them held rule in subordination to, or alliance with, the 
Soman government of South Britain. 

It may be asked why Cunedag has no regnal name. 
There are at least three possible replies : (1) that he had a 
regnal name which has not descended to us, the length of 
time during which he had been known as Cunedag^ having 
prevented the later name from ever taking root ; (2) that, 
whereas Cunedag's father, j^tern, was (to judge from his 
name 'Immortal') probably a Pagan, Cunedag himself was 
probably a Christian, and preferred not to change the name 



^ So given in the eighth century Historia Brittonum, and = Good 
Hound, like Biliconus in the Bath Christian tablet (see my Vinisius to 
Nigra), The perpetuation of the '' connecting vowel " in this and 
certain other early Welsh names was doubtless due to the continued 
recitation of ancient poems from which it could not be eliminated 
without spoiling the metre or altering the text. 



and the 'Harleian Genealogies, "Ji 

under which he was baptized; (3) that a nationalist feeling 
had arisen in favour of vernacular names. 

Of the names of Cunedag's own children two in every 
three are apparently Boman^ the third is Keltic. From 
what Latin name in -anus Tjrpipaun^ conies I do not know^ 
unless it be from Tiberianus; but Bumaun, Dunaut^ 
Enniaun, are Bomanus^ Donatus, and Ennianus (as Geoffrey 
of Monmouth caUs him) — names which may have been those 
of Boman governors or commanders in Britain. Possibly^ 
Abloyc=Apulicius or Apulicus — the latter name found^ in 
West Britain in the fourth century; ^tern is probably not 
a genuine borrowing from Latin, as in the case of his grand- 
father, but an instance of that repetition of ancestral names 
which afterwards becomes so common in these ^genealo- 
gies'. But Osniail, Ceretic, and Docmail are Keltic. 

So, too, Typipaun's son Meriauu appears to represent a 
Mariauus; Ehniaun's ^son' Eugein^ is probably named after 
Eugenius, emperor in 392-4; and Dunaut's ^son' Ebiaun 
seems to = Epianus, or (Prof. Anwyl suggests from Corp. 
Inscr. Lat. vii, 1336, 5) Abianus. Ebiaun is followed 
by a *son' with a Keltic name, but his *son' Mouric is 

^ Mr. Phillimore says : ** Certainly a mistake for Typiaun (now 
Tybion) *'. Does Tybion exist except as a modern form of this very 
man's name ? And does not Typipaun represent a partly obliterated 
TYBiBiAUN P I am reminded of the supposed reading prbspitbr on 
the Senacus stone at Cefn Amwlch, where I have ascertivined by my 
own eyes that the supposed second p is a b. 

' See my Vintnus to Nigra, The Apulicus in question was the 
bearer of a letter to a Christian woman from a man who apparently 
held a position of some authority amonf;; British Christians. Our 
MS. has oy for t in Amguoloyt and Cynloyp. The Annates give the 
death of a king Abloyc in a year corresponding to 942. 

^ True that it is found as the name of one of Cunedag*8 remote 
ancestors, but in that case it may be pure Keltic (= Avigeni-os). In 
the case of Enniaun's son, the name may have been selected from 
Roman sources, but with ancestral nuance. 



7 2 The Dynasty of Cunedag 

named after some Mauricus or Mauricius. If after the 
Emperor Mauricius, who attained that position in 582, 
either he must have taken the name at an advanced age 
or probably a generation or two is missing between him 
and Dunaut/ 

I cannot refrain from mentioning here two passages in 
MS. Jesus Coll, 20, as printed in Y Cymmrodor, viii, 
83-91, which have an important bearing on the doings of 
Cunedag in North Wales. 

The first says that Cuneda had two daughters, Tecgygyl 
and Gwen, the latter of whom became the wife of Anlavd 
*wledic', and that the mother of his sons was Wavl, 
daughter of Coyl Hen (No. vii, p. 86). 

The second says that Einyav and Katwallavn Llavhir 
were two brothers, and their two mothers were sisters, 
daughters to Tidlet (y didlety king of the Goidel Picts 
{gvydyl fichti) in Pywys (No. xxiii, p. 87). 

Now Einyavn was not Katwallavn 's brother, but his 
father, and is given as such in the preceding pedigree : 
doubtless for Einyaun we should substitute Eugein 

^ I say ' probably' because recent letters to The Daily Netcs show that 
the usual allowance of thirty years to a generation is sometimes very 
inadequate. In its issue of Feb. 10, 1909, is a letter from William 
J. Stephens, of Newquay, saying that Robert Came, born in 1624, 
had a grandson John bom in 1714, who had a grandson James bom 
in 1806 and still living— being parish-clerk of St. Columb Minor! 
This gives four complete generations in 1624-1806, an average of 
forty-five years. Mr. Stephens says he has verified the dates in the 
parish register. 

2 Sir J. Rhys believes 'didlet' to be a name : I was in doubt 
whether it might not be a di- word meaning 'dethroned ', 'expelled \ 
or the like. I know no such Pictish name, and take it to represent 
Titlat for Lat. Tit(u)latus. In Welsh the a should give au, aw, or o, 
not e, but, if the source of the pedigree were Goidelic (whether 
Pictish or Irish), Titlet would be a quite correct genitive, which, in 
later Welsh, would become Tidlet, and (after the preposition y) 
Didlet. 



and the 'Harteian Genealogies . "j"^ 

Dantguin. That the alliances between their father 
Ennianus and the Pictish sisters took place after their 
grandfather Cunedag's descent from the North is clear 
from the fact that his two grandsons by them — Mailcun 
and Cinglas — were still living about 548, when the former 
died. Indeed, it is practically certain that Ennianus and 
his younger brothers were born in Wales. 

Katwallavn's own name I take to mean Catuvellaunian, 
and to show that his mother belonged to that people, who, 
there is strong ground for believing (see Holder), had a 
town Tossobion on a river Tossobios (the Conwy?) in 
N. Wales. In that case, they were apparently Goidelic- 
speaking Picts, i.e., Goidels who tattooed. If the name of 
the Catalauni is only an abbreviated form of Catuvellauni 
(as is generally assumed), that is likely enough : for that 
people were in the Belgic part of Gaul and next neighbours 
to the Sequani, who certainly tattooed (see my Keltic 
Researches), 

But Cunedag himself seems beyond doubt to have 
allied himself to a lady of North Wales, whether his wife 
WauP was dead or not. For the name of his daughter 
Tecgygyl is to me Tegygyl, Deceangla, Hhe DeceanglanV 
and I take Tegeing(e)l to be the district settled on her. 

Continuing the consideration of Cunedag's ancestors, 
I make nothing at present out of Doliy and suspect that 
we should follow the version of this pedigree given at 
p. 144 of Bees's Canibro-British Saints y and read DocU = 

^ Gf . the modern Gwawl, ' Brightness^ and the name V&los 
(Holder), and see Stokes, Urk, Spr., p. 262, under 'Valeti-s\ 

^ That certain inscribed pigs of lead in the Grosvenor Museum, 
Chester, do show an L in the name of the Deceangli — as contended 
by Sir J. Rhys — 1 felt sure from photographs and rubbings which I 
owed to the kindness of the Keeper of the Museum, Mr. Alfred 
Newstead. I have now seen them. No. 196 is beyond question. 
Otherwise Tegygyl would »Deceangula, 'the little Deceangan*. 



74 The Dynasty of Cunedag 

the Latin surname Docilis. Dumn appears to be the 
adjective dtrninos, ^tair, though that does not seem to 
be found as a proper name except in composition. K its 
phonetics had been influenced by transmission through 
Goidelic sources, it might = I>omny representing Domnus 
for Dominus. Amguerit is simply the form eventually 
taken in Welsh^ by the name of the Ambivareti or 
Ambivariti, a people on the borders of Belgium and 
Burgundy, and it enabled us to add one to the small 
number of Belgian tribes hitherto identified^ as occupying 
the coast-regions of Britain : their name is also preserved 
in Irish in the name of H)ie king of the descendants of 
Neill, Aldus, the son of Ammereth" (Cambro-British 8ainUy 
p. 562). And the natural inference is that Amguerit had 
an Ambivaritan mother. 

Exactly similar is the Ciise of the next ancestor, 
Dubuuy who doubtless had for his mother one of the 
Dobuni, a tribe settled about the head of the Severn 
estuary, in or near Gloucestershire : the first u suggests 
Goidelic influence in transmission, or else that Ptolemy's 
Aofiovpoi should have had not o but 3 — which may very 
well be, as Ptolemy sometimes trips in his quantities {e.g., 
in Ai7/ii7Tat for Demetae). 

Briihguein looks like an error for Brithgein (Bricto- 
genios), which would mean 'of painted ancestry', or *of 
distinguished birth', but the corresponding pedigree in 

* M for earlier mm (= mb) ; terminal vowel (i) of first part of com- 
pound lost ; ffu for earlier u ; e 'umlaut* of f oUowinj; vowel. An 
earlier Welsh Ammueret can be traced in the Anuueret of the 
version of this pedigree given on f. 35a of MS. Jems Coll. 20 (see 
I' Cymmrodor, viii, 85, vi). 

^ Menapii, Atrebates, Parisii. 

3 = Amm(f h)ereth. Here again the changes are perfectly regular, 
the final t becoming th, and the v becoming fh, which was silent and 
is, therefore, omitted in the spelling. 



and the 'Harleian Genealogies, 75 

MB. JesuB CoU. 20, has Prydein, which might be a 
Kymric form of Qritanios =Coritaniaii. The Coritani 
(= Cruithni) were an East Midland tattooed tribe, speaking 
Goidelic (Keltic BesearcheSy 17). Eugein is not Graeco- 
Latin Bugenius (unknown in the West at that period) ^ but 
the later Welsh form (cf . Eu-tegirn and like names) of an 
earlier Avigenios, *of noble birth'. Aballac^ (Aballacos) 
means *Rich in apples' or *Applelander'. 

The Latin passage giving Aballac Beli the Great as a 
father, and Anna, the Virgin's consobrina^ as a mother, is 
added by a later hand, and is utterly false, except for the 
bare possibility that Anna may be a feminine of the Keltic 
name Andus, with nd assimilated into nn. 

Beli the Great appears in middle Welsh story as the 
son of Mynogan, and father of Cassivellaunus. He was 
manufactured in this way. Suetonius (Cal. 44) refers to 
'Adminio Cynobellini Britannorum regis filio'. In Orosius 
(7,5.5), a fifth century writer, blundering ignorance has 
tortured out of this *Mynocybelinum Britannorum regis 
filium', and in the eighth century Historia Brittonum 
(c. 19) we find evolved *regi Britannico, qui et ipse Bellinus 
vocabatur, et filius erat Minocanni' (or Minocani). Hence, 
Beli son of Mynogan — the real persons being Cynobelinus 
and his son Adminius.' The further designation of Beli 
as father of Cassivellaunus is due to a misreading of the 
name Heli, ascribed by Geoffrey of Monmouth to Cassivel- 
launus's father. As all three of my editions of Geoffrey 
give Heli, or Hely ; as I have seen Heli myself both in MS. 
Bawlinson C. 152 and in the Bern MS. ; and as Geoffrey 
gives Heli a father whose name is totally unlike Minocan- 
(n)us, I cannot doubt that Heli is the correct reading. 

1 Amalech looks like a Goidelic genitive. 

» I learn from Sir J. Rhys in The WeUh People (p. 41), that Zimmor 
found out these things long ago. I rediscovered them by Holder. 



76 The Dynasty of Cuneda^ 



The names of the other three Bell's in these tables are 
quite genuine^ and possibly indicate that their mothers 
were of the Belgic tribes of Britain. Belg- would pass very 
early into Beli in Welsh, just as holy^ 'a bag', and later 6oZ, 
*a bag' or ^Belgian' (KeUic Researches, 11), are from a lost 
holgy which is only a variant of helg^. 

We are now in a position to make one or two plausible 
guesses at the history of this family — if family it was. 
Early in the first century its members lived in an apple- 
growing region, and three generations later one of them 
is called a Dobunian. So that their original home was 
probably in the apple-growing counties on the west side 
of the Severn valley, where they would have the 
Dobunians for neighbours on the east. A generation 
later they intermarry with the Ambivariti, whose habitat 
is unknown, but who on the Continent were inland 
dwellers. In the first half of the third century they 
began assuming regnal names of Roman origin, and, if we 
may adopt the form Docil, there arises a strong suspicion 
that their doing so coincided with the Caledonian expedi- 
tion of Severus, that the emperor found the son of Dumn 
a 'teachable' lieutenant, and that, when (after reconstruct- 
ing the Northern wall) he retired south, 'Docilis' was 
left to occupy as a dependent chief that part of the 
neighbouring country known to the Welsh as Manaw 
Guotodin (*Sub-Otadine Menapia'). 

There is, however, one fact which suggests that even 
in the third and fourth centuries the family (if, as I say, 
family it was) may have had some connexion with the 
more southern region. The sheet of water called by the. 
English *Lake Bala', is culled by the Welsh 'Tegid's Lake' 
{Llyn Tegid)y and Tegid is only a later form of Tacit. I 
think it likely that the person commemorated is not Tacit 
himself, but the early sixth century Tegid : that prince's 



and the 'Harleian Genealogies . yy 

own name, however, can only be rationally explained, it 
seems to me, as recording his descent from Tacit. 
Tegid's father, Catell Dumluc,' was founder of the line 
of kings of Powis, and, if Cunedag attacked the Goidels in 
North Wales because they were injuriously pressing on 
the tribes of Powis,'* it is permissible to wonder whether 
his intervention was not due to ancestral connexions. On 
the other hand, it is possible that Tegid's mother was of 
the Cunedag family, and that he had no more distant 
connexion with it. 

It might, however, be pointed out to me that there is 
also a Llyn Padam, *Patem's Lake*, and I might be asked 
if this also did not indicate that Cunedag's ancestors were 
settled in North Wales. Unless Cunedag's 'grandfather' 
was a Goidel, this is very unlikely : I feel certain that, in 
his time, the shores of Llyn Padarn were occupied by 
Goidels. I am confident that the lake owes its name to 
the neighbouring Dolbadarn, 'meadow of Patemus', and 
that Dolbadarn in turn was named from property belong- 
ing to a neighbouring church of St. Patemus,^ I suspect 
that of Old Llanberis. For the evidence of the existence 
of any St. Peris seems to me exceedingly doubtful, and 
the name of the village and its lake (Llyn Peris) may 
have been derived from the ancient Caer Peris, i.e., the 
fort of the Parisian^,' or the fort of the Parisian.* 

^ The Historia BritUmum tells us (c. 36), that Catell was a servant 
in the court of Vortigem, whose own kingdom was in East Wales, to 
the south of Powis. 

' I have seen this stated or suggested, but have failed to discover 
where. 

* Cf. Dolwyddelan, 'meadow of Gwyddelan*. Gwyddelan means 
'descendant of Goidels* or Mittle Goidel*, and — as Sir J. Rhys told 
me — there was a St, Gwyddelan, to whom I doubt not the neighbour- 
ing church was dedicated. 

^ Otherwise only found in Britain about the Humber estuary. 

* /.e., a chief of half Parisian blood— cf. Cunedag*s 'ancestors', 



78 The Dynasty of Cunedag 

So much for the ' ancestors ' of Cunedag, if ancestors 
they really were and not merely dynastic precursors. But 
iBtem probably vxm Cunedag's father, since Cunedag had 
a son of that name, and stern's own name has the look 
of being chosen for its assonance with that of his precursor 
Patem — ^which makes relationship probable. Whether 
Patern was item's father or his elder brother is rendered 
doubtful by the closeness of their dates, but that closeness 
does not, of course, preclude the former belief. 

Here ends the subject proper of this study, but I 
venture to add such observations as have oc<5urred to me, 
or may occur, with regard to the remainder of the 

* genealogies'. 

As Table I professed to be a pedigree, not of Hywel, 
but of his son Ouein, so Table II professes to be the same 
man's pedigree on his mother's side, beginning * [0]uein. 
map. elen.'. It is natural to suspect that here also 

* [0]uein. map.' are insertions, and that the table origin- 
ally began with ^[E]len' or *[H]elen'. Elen, however, 
died in 943, Hywel not till 950, and the table may have 
been prepared between those years — in which case it 
might very well be headed by her son's name. 

The name of Elen's great-grandmother should be not 
Tancoyslt, but Tancoystl. This and other transpositions 
indicate to me that the tables were copied from an 
exemplar in narrow lines, and that for want of room final 
letters were sometimes written above the end of names — 
with the result that they are brought down into the wrong 
place in the Harleian MS. The following are my cases : 

Hhe Dobiinian* and 'the Ambivaretan\ The chiefs of the Llanberis 
district are not very likely to have intermarried with those of the 
Humber, but there may have been Parisian colonies in Wales, as well 
as on the east coast. There is also a Hafod Peris, 'summer-residence 
of Peris*, in the shire of Cardigan — where the name is clearly that of 
a person. 



and the 'Harleian Genealogies . 79 



TahU 


yame. 


Bepre^eniing 


I 


'Catgualart 


X 

Catgualat 


i.e. Catgualatr 


2 


Tancoyslt 


Tancoyst 


„ Tancoystl 


18 


Gueinoth 


no 

Gueith 


„ Gueithno 


» 


GUtnoth 


no 

Glitth 


„ Glitthno («ic; 


>> 


^Gatgulart 


r 

Gatgulat 


„ Gatgulatr («tcj 



The name of TancoystPs great-grandfather, Teudos, 
represents ^Theodosiua', and is found four generations 
earlier in this line, collaterally (see xv), being borne by a 
prince of the seventh century. It is most probably derived 
from that of the great general who came in 369 to the 
rescue of the Soman power in Britain ; less probably from 
his son Theodosius 1, from Theodosius II, in whose reig^ 
the Theodosian code was issued, or from Theodosius, son 
of the emperor Maurice, who was associated with his 
father in the empire of the East from 590 to 602. 

The name of Teudos's father. Begin, is the Keltic name 
Beginus (and Begnus), borne also by a few Bomans (of 
Cisalpine Gallic descent?): it doubtless comes from the 
ret^- stem and means ^of royal ancestry'. The name of 
Begin 's grandfather Cathen (= Holder's Catuenus) shows 
Irish phonetics : the Welsh form would have been Caten, 
Caden. 

Further back, Guortepir is, of course, Votepori,' and 
Aircol has been derived by Zimmer from ^Agricola' : note 
that the stress must have been placed on the first syllable, 
Agricol(a), to produce the contraction (it must be remem- 
bered that this family was Irish). Presumably Triphun is 
simply the Boman military title iiihunui borne by the 

^ Tet the Grammatica Ceitica quotes four Breton instances of 
-walart or -gualart. 

' On the derivation and proper form of whose name see my paper 
in Arch. Comb., 6th Ser., vi, pp. 78-80. 



8o The Dynasty of Cunedag 

commander of one of the divisions of a legion : the muta- 
tion of intervocalic 6 to j>A is Irish (see Oram. Celt,), as one 
would expect in this family. 

Mr. Phillimore says that *Gloitguin' is 'Clydwyn, the 
son of Brychan Brycheiniog, whose reputed conquest of 
Demetia has caused him to be foisted into this Dimetian 
pedigree. Nimet was his son^ not his father^ and appears 
as Neufedd in the Breconshire pedigrees'. Whether this 
Clydwyn is the son of Brychan or not I do not know, but 
do not think Nimet has anything to do with any real 
Neufedd. T take it for nothing more than a misread 
doublet of the next name, dimet, a capital D with the 
bottom stroke partly obliterated having been misread as 
D, i.e.y N; and, as it merely means 'Demetian', I suspect it 
to be expressly meant to differentiate him from Clydwyn 
Brycheiniog. We have two other instances of such mere 
doublets in the neighbouring names Protec and Protector, 
Ebiud and Eliud. In fact, it is clear to me that the early 
part of this pedigree (like that of No. f ) was originally 
not a family-tree but a table of succession, which may 
have run thus : 

Before Clotri, Gloitguin Dimet 
Before (Gloitguin) Dimet, Protector 
Before Protector, Eliud. 

When the guor^s were dropped and the majp*s substi- 
tuted, 'Maxim guletic' would be seen to be a doublet and 
be omitted, while Nimet, Protec, and Ebiud might be 
mistaken for distinct names owing to the corruptions they 
had undergone. The loss of final tor in Protec might 
have been due to its coming on the margin, but for the 
fact that Protec is found in the Book of Llan Ddv as the 
name of a sixth century witness : I suggest that, as this 
line was Irish, the stress was altered from Protector to 
Pr6tector, whence an abbreviated form, Pr6tec. As to 



and the 'Harleian Genealogies, 8i 

Ebiud for Eliud,^ the confusion of I and & was very easy, 
and the Book of Llan Ddv contains no name at all 
resembling Ebiud. 

Protector, again, is simply a Latin ofi&cial title — given 
to Votepori on his tombstone, and meaning either that he 
was an honorary member of the Emperor's bodyguard (as 
hitherto supposed) or (as I now suspect) that he was a 
Protector of the population within his rule — perhaps of 
Bomano-Britons against his own Goidelic rivals. It can 
hardly be a mere epithet, however, of Maxim (us), who 
was a Roman general, of Spanish birth, and a claimant 
for the imperial throne ; and the examples of Votepori 
and Triphun show us that in this particular line official 
titles were used as independent personal names. 

The end of the table is in a terrible state. Less than 
half a century separated Maxim from Constans, yet four 
names come between them, and two of these are very 
curious indeed. In the really fabulous part of Geoffrey of 
Monmouth's book, names are borrowed^ freely from these 
or similar * genealogies' to bestow on his prehistoric kings; 
and, as he gives ^Staterius rex Albanise' and ^Pinnerem 
regem Loegriee' consecutively within a couple of lines (ii, 
17), it is pretty certain that he read not the impossible 
Pincr but Piner. Stater reminds one of statoTy a magis- 
trate's marshal ; Pincr of pincema, cup-mixer, cup-bearer ; 
while misser resembles various Latin words, and might even 
represent a Keltic corruption of a lost mistor, *mixer', and 
so be a gloss on pincema. Waa Stator a pincema of 
Constans, and did the table originally so end ? And have 
we any reasonable certainty that Maxim himself was not a 

^ The name means ' Of many battles', and implies that he was the 
head of a tribe or a military leader. 

^ Thus he has a Cunedag about 600 B.C. The real Gunedag he 
does not mention at all. 

O 



82 The Dynasty of Cunedag 

later interpolation for the purpose of deriving the modem 
heads of the line from a Boman emperor ? 

As a matter of fact, there has been handed down to us 
an Irish pedigree of the Triphun family (see Zimmer, 
Nennius Vmdicatus^ 87-8), which gives Triphun entirely 
different ancestors, and I can only suppose that the list of 
them in the table before us, if not a mere concoction, 
simply represents his precursors in the overlordship of 
Demetia, or else that a leaf in the archetype was lost* or 
misplaced and that we have the tail of one pedigree 
accidentally tacked on to the body of another. 

In Table III Cinglas = Cuneglasus, presumably the 
king harangued by Gildas. 

Anaraut in Table IV is, I am told by Prof. Anwyl, 
Lat. Honoratus: I may note the form Anarauht in 
Nennius as showing a confused recollection that the name 
ought to have an h somewhere in it. Prof. Anwyl has 
also told me that Aneurin = Honorinus, so that I may 
pretty safely add that Eneuris in the Anvales Camhriae 
and the Book of Llan Ddv = Honorius. 

Eun and Neithon in the same table are royal Pictish 
names, indicating an intermarriage either with the Picts 
direct or with a line which had intermarried with them — 
e.g.y the kings of Gwynedd (i), the Strathclyde kings (v), 
or the descendants of Caratacus (xvi). 

And Anthun represents Antonius, perhaps as a corrupt 
or abbreviated form of Antoninus — for so we have it in 
xvi, and the Book of Llan Ddv has *antonie' (p. 26) and 
*antonie' (p. 289) for Antonini. 

Table V is a semi-Pictish line containing three Donalds 
(Dumnagual), a Eon (Eun), a Necton (Neithon), an Alpin 
(Elfin), and perhaps a Kenneth (Cinuit) — not to lay stress 

^ There is reason to suspect this also in Table xvi. 



and the 'Harleian Genealogies. 83 

on two Eugeins — while the two Bell's suggest two inter- 
marriages with the Belgic Menapians of Manau Guotodin 
(see my Kdiit Researches) . In it we find the name Teudebur, 
modern Tudor, of which I shall here state what I confid- 
ently believe to be the origin. 

It is borrowed from Teutonic Theodoberht (Theodo- 
bertuB, Theodebert, Theudebert, SevSilSefno^)^ and the 
particular person from wJiom its use originates was 
apparently Theodobert I of Austrasia, a great sixth 
century king who invaded Italy, struck a large gold 
coinage, and, when sending an embassy to Justinian, 
professed to be overlord of Britain, or, at any rate, of the 
Angles inhabiting it (Procopius, Bell, Ooih.y iv, 20). 

The Teudebur before us appears in the continuator of 
Bede as Theudor; the MS. containing this form is of the 
year 1420, but the work itself is apparently not later than 
about 766. The Th is also preserved in the pedigree of 
Femmail, in c. 49 of the Eistoria Brittonum^ by various 
MSS., CD OL giving Theudubr, P Theudurb, while H 
has Teudubir and M N Teudor. The Theudub(i)r in 
question is obviously referred to as still living (4pse est rex 
Buelitiae regionis'), is 10th in descent from Vortigern, 
and has a son, Femmail, who rules in Buelt and Guorthi- 
girniaun, and whose regnal /onit/ is calculated by Zimmer 
{Nennivs Vindicaius, 71), at *ca. 785 bis ca. 815': the 
pedigree is also anterior to the Nennian revision of 796. 

The Book of Llan Ddvy in which the form is Teudur, 

yields, in the names Freudubur and Freudur, a close 

parallel to the change from Theudub(i)r. Moreover, these 

names — which from their initial F could not be Welsh — 

are clearly borrowed from a form of the Anglo-Saxon 

Frithubeorht (also written *Friudbertus' and 'Fridebertus'), 

and thus confirm the derivation of Theudub(i)r from 

Theodoberht. 

a2 



84 The Dynasty of Cunedag 

Prof. Oman suggests that the 'Ceritic guletic' of this 
table is St. Patrick's Alclyde king Coroticus, pointing out 
the correspondence in date.^ This suggestion becomes 
almost a certainty when we note among his successors a 
Beli (t 720-2) who was undoubtedly king of Alclyde. 
Marriages with Pictish princesses were bound to take 
place among the Alclyde kings, and the offspring would, 
naturally, receive Pictish names with a view to their 
possible future claims to the Pictish throne : indeed, we 
know that the Beli just mentioned had a son, bearing the 
Pictish name Brude, who did become king of the Picts. 
Hence the Pictish names Run, Neithon,* and Elfin. 
Neithon is probably the Nwython of Haneirin's poems 
on the battle of Baith, possibly also the Nectan who 
succeeded to the Pictish throne about 597. 

The name of Ceritic's father, Cynloyp, is a later form 
of the ogamic Cunalipos, apparently a Goidelic name con- 
taining Indo-European p,' and the name of his ^grand- 
father', Cinhil, is apparently adapted from Quintillus, that 
of a Roman emperor who reigned in 270 — ^and suggests 
his having had an earlier ancestor of the same name. 

Per should be Goidelic, from its initial /, but in that 
case it should either mean *Man* — a not very likely name 
— or be borrowed from the Roman name Verus — which 
Per's date makes equally improbable. I suggest that the 

^ My idea that he was the Careticus of Geoffrey of Monmouth, an 
over-king of the sixth century, must be given up : the number of 
'generations' between him and Beli II would be much too large. 

^ Kymricized from Ron and Necton. The name of Mailcun's son 
Run in I is due to Mailcun's having married a Pictish princess — see 
my Keltic Researches, 83, and a forthcoming paper on 'Taliessin and 
his Contemporaries'. 

> See my Keltic Researches, p. 153, on Andelipa. Sir J. Ehys has 
noted Cynloyp and several other names as having been borrowed into 
Welsh from Goidelic before the latter had lost Ind.-Eur. p. 



and the 'Harleian Genealogies. 85 

original had )/er, i.e., Confer, that the ) was on the 
margin, got nibbed away, and was not copied, and that 
mop was then wrongly inserted (as it has been many times 
in these tables): this conjecture is supported by the 
absence of a stop between ^Confer' and *ipse*. If it is 
correct, we have seven consecutive * generations* whose 
names begin with C. 

Confer itself is a funny name. If it is Goidelic, it should 
mean *True hound' — but the/ would have been silent long 
before the * Genealogies' were compiled. If it is Welsh, it 
apparently stands for Confer, i.e., the Convor (mutated 
from Con-mor, * Great hound') of the Book of Lhin Ddv. 

As for the curious statement that 'Confer ipfe eft uero 
olitauc. dimor meton. uenditu/. eft.', I take it that he was 
'sold to (the) Middle Sea', and that olitauc is a lost word, 
meaning 'much travelled', derived from the well-known 
oly 'much', and Stokes's stem itd6y 'I go'. 

He may have been captured by Saxon pirates (like 
Patrick), been sold into slavery in Gaul, and so have 
reached the Mediterranean — to escape afterwards or to 
receive his freedom from a Christian master. 

In Vn, the final K of Clinoch is Goidelic, and in VEII 
I regard [C']linog eitin as another Clinoc (who would be a 
nephew of the former), and not as a mistake for Cliinoy 
eitiuy as Mr. Phillimore would have it. It is doubtless true 
that Clynog 'never could have been spelt with a final g in 
the tenth to twelfth centuries', but it is equally true that 
capital G is thrice miswritten for capital C in these tables, 
in Gloitguin (ii) for Cloitguin, Gatgulart (xviii) for 
Catgualatr, Gyl (xix) for Coyl, and it is quite possible that 
in an earlier MS. of these genealogies the names were 
written entirely in capitals. 

In Vrn note the Boman names TJrbigena and Marci- 
anus, converted into '[U]rbgen' and 'Merchianum', with 



86 The Dynasty of Cunedag 

Gurgust either parallel to or metamorphosed from Pictish 
Vergust (Fergus) and Vurgust. 

In IX, Mr. Phillimore (p. 176) says that ^Masguic clop 
(="M. the lame")' has apparently formed one of the 
elements of a name, Mdsgoit cloflauty found in some MSS. 
of Geoffrey of Monmouth (ix, 12), the other element being 
the Cinis scaplaut of our xvi. The latter name I shall 
explain in due course. As to the former, Geoflfrey un- 
doubtedly borrowed from same MS. of our ^genealogies', 
and I suspect that Table IX should have read ^Masguit 
clofaut'. In the later middle ages c and t are incessantly 
confused, owing to the way in which t was written. As to 
chpy it might arise from cloflaviy the final letters of which 
might have been written above the line for want of space, 
and so overlooked by a copyist, while a subsequent scribe 
would naturally read clof into clop, ^lame'. Cloflaut might 
represent^ the Latin stems cldv- and te^, and mean one who 
wore the ^clavus latus' or ^ broad stripe' of a senator: 
compare the epithet *Pesrut', * red-cloaked', of Cunedag's 
* grandfather'. But I prefer clofaut=clavdtu8 (with the 
same meaning), which is in all three of my editions, in the 
Bern MS., and in MS. Laud misc. 720.^ And I suggest that 
Masguit = Mascuit from a Goidelic Mascet ^ Macset = 
Maxentius, and that his grandfather Coyl=Lat. Caelius. 

In X, note Morcant the Belgian (*bulc"), which suggests 
that his mother was a Menapian; Garbaniatin, Yrban^ and 
Grat, equaling Lat. Germanianus (Prof. Anwyl), Urbanus, 
and Gratus ; and the many Eu-, Ou-, lu- names, including 
one, Oudecant, which has the stem of the tribal name 
Decanti.* 

^ Latin a becoming au and o in Welsh, and Welsh /being English v. 

^ MS. Rawlinson C. 162 unluckily misses both names. 

3 This form is Goidelic. 

* On which see my Keltic Sesearches, 28. 



and the 'Harleian Genealogies. 87 

T cannot doubt that Ebiud should be Eliud. We 
have already had the two together as a doublet in II, 
and the Book of Llan Ddv contains no such name as 
Ebiud. 

Teuhant and Tecmant are a mere doublet. Teuhant, 
Sir John Rh^s has shown (The Welsh People j 90), is a 
degenerate form of Tasciovant, the s becoming A, and 
vowel-changes and droppings producing Tehcvant, modem 
Tegfan. Teuhant is a blundered transcript of an earlier 
Tenant, i.e. Tehvant, while Tecmant represents Tecvant — 
the m standing (as in *Oumun' and ^Amalech') for the v 
sound. 

In Xn, Elidir is doctored into Eleuther, after a Pope 
supposed to have sent missionaries to Britain. The first 
occurrence of this erroneous statement (on which see below, 
p. 95) is in the recension of the Roman Pontifical known as 
the Gatalogus Fdieianus, and made in 530. Elidir really 
answera to a Groidelic Ailithir or (Mariyrology of Donegal) 
Elithir, i.e. 'foreigner', 'exile', or 'pilgrim'. See Baring- 
Gould and Fisher's Lives of British Saints, ii, 445, and 
Professor Kuno Meyer's Contributions to Irish Lexico- 
graphy. 

Table XVI is of exceptional interest, being obviously a 
line of descendants of the kings Tasciovant, Cunobelinus, 
and Caratacus. 

This family were of the Goidelic-speaking Belgian con- 
querors of South England, and the names of most of them 
have been Kymricized (like Guortepir in II for Votecori). 
'Teuhant' is followed by Cinbeliii, Caratauc, and 'Guidgen'. 
The name of Guidgen (for Goidelic Vid(o)gen) means 
'Wood-born'; he was probably born 'on the march' in the 
wars with the Romans. Then Louhen should be Lou Hen, 
on whose name see Sir John Rh^s at p. 6 of this volume. 
'Cinis scaplaut', who comes next, has a Roman name and 



88 The Dynasty of Cunedag 

cognomen, which make it practically certain that he 
served in the Eoman army. For (7mt8 = (7anw, * Hound' 
(with i umlaut), doubtless the mere Latin translation of a 
Goidelic Cu(o) — while scaplaut is simply the Welsh tran- 
script (with regular au for d) of scaptddtusy 'broad- 
shouldered/ found hitherto only in Low Latin, but shown 
by this nickname to be at least as old as the middle of the 
second century. His successors, Decion and Catel, repre- 
sent Decianus and Catellus, the latter just possibly a Latin 
translation of Cunagnos (later Conan). But their suc- 
cessor Catleu (for Goidelic Cat(u)16o) has a Keltic name, 

* War-lion', and the following name Letan is Goidijlic. 
Adamnan, in his Life of Columbay writes Me Cormaco 
nepote Lethani', and Letenn is the name of one of the 
earliest mythical Cruithni : Leitagnos is the earlier form 
postulated by Holder. Then comes Serguan, apparently 
for Servandus, another Latin name : he would seem to 
have been born about 260. He is succeeded by Caurtam, 
a name of which a later form is Caurdaf, Musky hero' or 

* dusky giant' — catir being Irish cauvy *hero', Welsh cavrty 

* giant' or 'mighty man', and tarn, an adjective from 
Stokes's '*teme dunkeln', which became obsolete very early, 
but is preserved in the names Cunatamos, Cunotamus, 
Condaf , Cy ndaf , meaning ' dusky hound', and in various 
river-names, e.g.y Tam (later TAv, modern Taff) and 
Tamesa, Tamesis (*dark stream' or 'darkly flowing'). 
Then follow Caten, Neithon (for Goidelic Necton), and 
Eun (for Goidelic Bon). Bon and Necton are Pictish 
royal names, and the latter almost certainly implies 
Christian parentage.* The birth of this particular Necton 
should be about 350 : the first of the name in the royal 



^ It appears to mean 'born of a baptized one': see Keltic Be^ 
searches, 60. 



and the 'Harleian Genealogies^ 89 

Pictish succession probably came to the throne about 460, 
and may have derived his name from the Necton before us. 
With this Necton*8 son *Run' the table ends, apparently 
in the early fifth century, and never comes into visible 
connexion with the Cunedag and allied lines. Yet the 
Tehvant of X must almost certainly have had an ancestress 
descended from the Tehvant of this table, and the fact that 
Dumngual Hen had two grandsons^ named Caurdaf (a later 
form of Caurtam) and Serfan (an earlier form of Serguan) 
puts an alliance with line V beyond doubt. This Caurdaf 
and Serfan had different fathers, and I suspect that their 
grandfather, Dumngual, had married a daughter of the 
Caurtam, and granddaughter of the Serguan, of XYI. 

But there was also certainly an alliance between this 
line and the house of Gwynedd: probably king Cadvan 
married a daughter of it. For he had a son named 
Kynvelyn, who died before his father, killed at *Catraeth'* 
in 596, and who left a son Tecvann. See, for the text, 
Skene's Four Ancient Books of WaleSy ii, 93-6, and, for the 
translation, i, 412-414. 

The explanation of the Pictish ending of Table XVI is 
very simple. The Pictish royal succession was matriarchal, 
the king reigning by right of his mother; his father might 
be a foreigner, and indeed so often was one that exogamy 
may have been a compulsory condition. But the heir 
apparent always bore, or took, a Pictish name: thus, the 
son of the Northumbrian Anfrid reigned as *Brude'. No 
change of language was involved in an alliance between 
the descendants of Caratacus and the Pictish royal family: 
both would speak Goidelic. Probably the former had gone 

^ See the Bonked Gioyr Oogled (Skene, Four Ancient Books, 
ii, 454^). 

' /.<»., the battle of Raeth<«Raith, in Fife (the Gath Katha of Irish 
chronicles). All the writers about the name have failed to see this t 



90 The Dynasty of Cunedag 

North, like the Cunedag family, in Boman military service 
against the Picts^ and the marriage (if it were so^), of which 
Necton was the offspring, was contracted during a time of 
peace. 

At the back of Tehvant (who was coeval with the 
Christian era) comes what Mr. Phillimore justly calls a 
^marvellous list of the Boman emperors' (beginning in 
the fourth century), all connected with each other and 
with Tehvant by the inevitable mop, *son'! Yet this 
apparently ignorant and vainglorious forgery turns 
out to have a quite different and innocent origin, to 
reveal the source of this particular table, and to furnish 
an almost certain inference as to that of the remaining 
ones. 

It has been said at the beginning of this paper that the 
'Genealogies' occur only in the oldest MS. of the Annales 
Cambriae, in which they immediately follow those Annales. 
It has been said also that I have elsewhere shown the 
Annales to have been originally copies of the marginal 
entries on a 532-year paschal cycle of Victorius of Aquitaine 
contained in a book belonging to the church of Meneu (St. 
David's). It now turns out that Table XVI was copied 
from marginal entries on another paschal cycle belonging 
to the same church — but, instead of being the obsolete 
cycle of Victorius, it was the current cycle of Dionysius. 
And this is how the proof is obtained. 

(i.) The list of emperors, as it stands, is not complete^ 
but only a liberal selection. As far back as Gall us, the 
names are put in the genitive after mop, but before him up 
to Octavianus in the nominative — an indication that they 
were originally in the nominative, had no map before 

' See the anecdote in Dion Cassias, Ixxvi, 16, 5, from which 
we find that the great Pictish ladies were polyandrous as late, at 
least, as 211. 



and the 'Harteian Genealogies. 91 

them,' and were tacked on to the pedigree of Tehvant in 
two instalments, by two different scribes. 

Between ^Constantini' and 'Galerii' an & has been lost: 
it may have been on the edge of the parchment and have 
got rubbed away. Caroci should be either Carini or Can, 
and Titti is corrupted from Taciti. Between Auriliani and 
Yaleriani has been inserted ^map Antun. du & cleopatre^ 
doubtless by the same late editor — anxious to show his 
knowledge of Roman history — ^who has added 'mus' after 
the name of Decius! That Antun is not part of the 
original list is shown by the two Antonines, Caracalla and 
Pius, being called not Antun but Antonius. Alaximus, as 
Mr. Phillimore conjectured, is miscopied from Maximus, 
and Com modus is called Commodius — but, apart from 
these later corruptions and from its omissions, the list is 
practically correct, exce.'pi for the addition of three names 
which do not occur in Roman history and which give the 
dew as to what it really was, 

(ii.) Those three names are ^map Mapmau cannu/*' 
inserted between Aurelian and Caracalla, *Moebuf* be- 
tween Severus and Commodus, and ^Adiuuandtt/"' between 
Antonius and Trajan. None of these are Soman names 
at all, but Adiuuandus is Latin, and is obviously (like 
Adiutus, another part of the same verb) a name of 
Christian invention, meaning one whom God would aid. 
The presumption is that the other two are Christian also, 
and this is strengthened by the fact that four of the 
Soman emperors have notes of Christian events put 
against them, and that no other events whatever are 
recorded. Under Diocletian is mentioned his persecution 
of the Christians, and the fact that in his time suffered 

^ The fnap's, indeed, were so recklessly put in that they were 
originally inserted also in various places before the words moffni, est, 
{^T)9ecutu$, (xpMa)nM, passi, (bea)f t, and tA*tt t 



gi The Dynasty of Cunedag 

the blessed martyrs Alban, lulian^ and ^Axon', with very 
many others : these names are the only ones given by 
Gildas^ and indicate that the paragraph was written after 
his time, while the spelling Aron* is ground for believing 
that the name in question was not the biblical Aaron (as 
given in the existing late MSS. of Gildas), but the South 
Welsh name Araun {Book of Llan Ddv, 76, 1 72) or Arawn 
(in the Mabinogi of Pwyll, prince of Dyfed), representing 
Aranius — a name found in Algerian and Spanish inscrip- 
tions.* Under Nero is mentioned the passion of Peter and 
Paul, under Tiberius that of Jesus himself, and under 
Octavian the birth of Jesus. 

The name ^Mapmaucanni^s', however, has a most 
remarkable tale to tell. The Map must almost certainly 
go out, for no one else in these tables bears a patronymic 
instead of a personal name, and doubtless in ^map Map- 
maucannie«' the first mop was prefixed to an antecedent 
name, which a later copyist omitted because he was unable 
to read it. 

Now Maucannus' is St. Mawgan, to whom there are 
two dedications in Cornwall,* but of whose life and date 
no tradition seems to be known. The original form of his 
name we shall arrive at later. But in the earliest life of 
St. David a monastery of Maucannus is mentioned, and in 
such a way as to bring it into the closest connexion with 

^ Baring-Grould and Fisher's British Saints (i, 103) mentions a Cae 
Aron near Caerleon, and a Cwm Arou in the parish of Llanfrechfa in 
the neighbourhood. Prof. Anwyl adds a Cwm A. in Radnorshire and 
(N)Antaron near Aberystwyth. 

^ For Algeria (Renier, 346), see the Onomasticon to Forcellini : 
for Spain, Holder under Arania and Aranus (vecui Aranius P). 

3 The same name is found in xxii, miswritten Maucanu, and in 
xxvii written Maucant. 

* I do not add St. Maughan*s in Monmouthshire, because, in his 
edition of the Book of Llan Ddv, Dr. J. Gwenogvryn Evans identifies 
that with a Lann Mocha and church of St. Machutus. 



and the 'Harleian Genealogies. 93 

the Menevian saint. We are there told that (apparently 
at least thirty years) before David was bom his father 
was informed by an angel in a dream that when he went 
hunting next day he would find near the river Theibi 'tria 
munera . . . que^ custodienda filio ex te nascituro trans- 
mitte ad Maucanni monasterium quod nunc usque Depositi 
Monasterium vocatur'. Presumably this monastery was 
somewhere near the Teifi in South Cardigan, on the 
border of Pembrokeshire; but no one seems to have 
identified it, and even as early as the twelfth century it 
appears to have passed out of knowledge, since Giraldus 
Cambrensis, while copying the legend, leaves out the 
name. 

Here then we have a monastery named after Mau- 
cannus in existence at so early a date (about 480) as to 
amply justify the belief that St. Mawgan belonged to that 
primitive period of British Christianity of which almost 
all records have perished ; that, in fact, he lived when this 
table suggests, in the early third century. And the 
connexion of his monastery with the legend of David, 
taken with the Menevian origin of the immediately pre- 
ceding Animles Cwmhriae^ is presumptive evidence that the 
^Gtenealogfies* are copied from a St. David's book. 

It is clear to me that the names of the Boman 
emperors were originally written on the margin of a 
double Dionysian paschal cycle of 1,064 years. Dionysius 
dated his cycles from the Annunciation, and this list 
begins with the Nativity. Its defective state between 
Tiberius and Antoninus Pius, with the displacement of 
Nero, may be due to the loss of one or more leaves, and 
the misbinding of another. After Constans the Tehvant 
genealogy was also copied on the same margins, or, at any 

^ /.e., quae. In Rees*8 Cambro-Britinh Saints it is mistaken for the 
conjunction. 



94 The Dynasty of Cunedag 

rate, on those of the leaves following. As a result, the 
transcriber of the genealogies found the list of emperors 
down to Constans immediately at the back of Tehvant, 
and mistook them for that king's ancestors. 

As regards the book in which this double Dionjsian 
cycle was contained, it might have been a Kalendar and 
book of paschal and other chronological calculations — like 
the Winchester MS. of the year 867 in the Bodleian 
(MS. Dig}iy 63), which contains a similar .double cycle 
defective at the beginning. Or it might have been a 
Psalter — like M,8. Bouce 296, in the Bodleian, executed 
about 1023 for Peterborough, but not improbably oi 
Winchester (and certainly a product of the Winchester 
school) — which contains a paschal table calculated from 
836. Or it might have been a Sacramentary. But the 
probability seems to be that it would be the same book 
whence the Annales Cambriae are transcribed, and the 
copy of Victorius's cycle upon which these Annales were 
first written was apparently made in 509. We have no 
examples of paschal cycles so early as that, and I do not 
know in what books they were then written. The Dionys- 
ian cycle would not have been added till after 767,* and, 
if it was written in the 509 book, additional leaves were 
doubtless inserted — a process the more easy since it was 
common for manuscripts to be merely stitched together 
without any * binding', the place of which was served by 
leaving the outside pages of parchment blank. 

And now for the personalities of Maucannus, Moebus, 
and Adiuvandus. 

Moebus I cannot identify, and can only say that the 
form is that of the endless names of saints with fche 
honorific Irish prefix Mo or M' (^My'), or the corresponding 

^ The Dionysian rule was not adopted in Wales before 768. 



and the ^Harleian Genealogies. 95 

Welsh prefix My or M*, as Mochua for St. Cua, Maedoc for 
St. Aedoc. I fully expect to find eventually that it is 
corrupted from a Latin base. 

Maucannus and Adiuvandus, however, are the early 
missionaries whose names by the twelfth century had 
become Faganus and Diuvanus.^ They were then 
associated with the mission from Pope Eleutherus to 
King Lucius — who reigned not in Britain but in Edessa !* 
They are, all the same, no part of the early story of that 
mission as told in the Boman Pontifical, or later in Bede, 
or later still in the Historia Briitonum and Nennius, but 
were simply foisted into it because, as the earliest British 
missionaries known, they were supposed to belong to it. 

As a matter of fact, they were not even contem- 
poraries — Adiuvandus flourishing^ before 139 and Mau- 
cannus (properly Pacandus?) after 210. 

Let me now explain how Adiuvandus became Diuvanus, 
and Pacandus became Maucannus. 



^ There being no distinguifihing stroke over t before the eleventh 
century, dtmiandus admits of many corruptions. Diuvanus is one of 
the forms given by Ussher {Brit. Eccl. AnL, 54) : the best Bodleian 
MS. of Geoffrey of Monmouth has duuianu for the accusative. 
Forms with an r at beginning, like Diruvianus (!) are due to i having 
been accidentally omitted, and then inserted above the line — supra- 
linear t being a recognised abbreviation for ir or n. 

' I owe the knowledge of this to Sir J. Rhys — see Harnack in 
SitzunggberichU d. k. Preitss. Akad. d. Wissemchaften, 19 Mai, 1904 : 
he shows that the mission must have been from Eleutherus to 
Britium of the Edessenes, between 174 and 179, when Lucius Aelius 
Septimius Megas Abgarus IX was king at Britium. 

' We do not know the exact chronological meaning of the inser- 
tions — whether they indicate the obits of these saints, or their 
arrival as missionaries, or their founding particular monasteries. But 
on the latest possible interpretations the dates cannot be after those 
stated. As to that of Maucannus, owing to the apparent loss of a 
leaf of the cycle at this point, we do not know if he belonged to the 
reign of Trajan or to that of Antoninus Pius. 



96 The Dynasty of Cunedag 

The A in Adiuvandus was dropped either because it 
was an unstressed syllable at the beginning of a word 
(as, in popular Welsh, Dolig, ^Christmas', = Nadolig, 
Natcdicium), or because in the ablative Adiuando it was 
mistaken for the Latin preposition a.' And -ncP regularly 
becomes in Welsh -?in, and then n — e.jf., land- passed 
through lann into lauy Llan. Hence the stem diuvand 
would become diuvan in Welsh, from which twelfth 
century writers would assume Latin Diuvanus. 

The lost original form of Fagan, Maucannus, or 
Mawgan's name was apparently Pacandus.' This would 
regularly produce (P)aucann, (P)awgan, but the long a of 
the Latin, being unstressed, might be shortened in common 
use and so give (P)agan (cf. Nadolig for Nitalicium). 
The M- forms are due to the addition of the honorific 
prefix (Goidelic) Mo, (Kymric) My (obsolete) and Py. 
The F- or Ph- forms (Phaganus) apparently arise from the 
syntactic mutation of P- before the latter was dropped. 

In Table XVII [CJuhelm, as Mr. Phillimore proposes, 
should be Cuhelin. The h is apparently used only to 
separate the vowels^ as it is not found in the instances of 
this name in the Book of Llan Ddv. Is Llyn Cwellin, in 
Caernarvonshire, named from this particular person ? Prof. 
Anwyl thinks the II for I not very probable. 

^ Till at least the end of the eleventh century it was common to 
write prepositions as parts of the nouns they governed, so that we 
might have 'bnttones conversi sunt apacando et adiuuando* taken 
as = b. c. s a Pacando et a Diuuando. 

' A remnant of the final dental, though degraded to t, is preserved 
in the Maucant of xxvii, if that is not derived from a Lat. Pacantius. 
And Prof. Anwyl equates Meugatit — the name of a much later saint. 
Geoffrey of Monmouth has the name Maugaatius (vi, 18). 

' I once thought Facundus, and had so explained it in proof : but 
I do not at all like the fact that no form gives a trace of the first u, 
Pacandus ( = 'easy to be appeased') would be a quite intelligible 
name, and there are several instances of Pacatus as such. 



atid the 'Harleian Genealogies . 97 

louanaul (Lat. luvenalis) is, apparently^ twelve genera- 
tions later than Cunedag. A Jovenali was buried at 
Penpr^s in the Lleyn peninsula, but his tombstone (now 
in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford) can hardly be later 
than the sixth century. Very likely both were of the 
same family. 

In Tables XX and XXXI, note the Ooidelic ^dan, 
also found as Aidan in the Book of Llan Ddv. 

In Table XX F I I cannot agree with Mr. Phillimore 
that this Cattegim is described by Nennius as a son of 
Yortigem. That Catell's son should be named Cattegirn, 
and his grandson Pascent, is quite consistent with the fact 
that these were the names of two sons of Catell's former 
master, Vortigern. Cattegim is again given as Catell's 
son at the end of XXIII. 

In XX TY I suspected Ecrin, father of Ermic — no such 
name as Ecrin being found in the Book of Llan Ddvy though 
there is an Erbic (only another form of Ermic) who was 
son of Elfin. But Prof. Anwyl pointed to Egryn in place- 
names, and Baring-Gould and Fisher's British Saints 
(ii, 416) has an Egryn descended from Catell Durnluc 
(xxvii) and Catman (i). 

At the end of XXY Glast* is the man from whom, 
ultimately, the name of Glastonbury is derived. Our 
Glaston-bury is corrupted from the A.S. Glastinga-burh 
(dat. Glastinga-byrig), the fort of the descendants of 

^ GUst itself 18 an older form of Welsh and Irish fflas, O. Ir. ffla$s 
— a colour-name, like Gwyn and Lloyd. It is very singular that the 
two Irish ogam-inscriptious which contain the gen. Glasiconas ' Gray 
hotter, should have Glasi-, not Glasti-, or even Glass!-. Both are in 
Goidelic. There is ground for reading is =. earlier ist, * Ib\ in the 
Goidelic calendar of Coligny (first centuiy) — see Keltic Researches^ 
124-5— so that -st may have become -s in one dialect much sooner 
than in others. Or the language of the inscriptions in question may 
be an imperfect attempt at reproducing archaic forms. 

H 



98 The Dynasty of Cunedag 

Glast. In Latin Glastonia the -onwi is a mere conventional 
abbreviation, as in Oxonia for Oxenafurda, Exonia for 
Exanceaster, and Seftonia for Sceaftesburh. 

The oldest recorded Welsh names of Glastonbury, or, 
perhaps, one should say the monastery of Glastonbury, are 
Yneswitrin and Yneswitherim, in Heame's text (pp. 48, 97) 
of the twelfth century writer William of Malmesbury's 
treatise on the antiquity of Glastonbury.' Witherim, of 
course, can equally be written Wither J = Witherin, and, 
when I mentioned this form to Sir John Bh^s, he at once 
said that it might represent Victorinus. Yneswitrin and 
Yneswitherin, in fact, are equivalent to Insula Victorini, 
though -witrin is doctored to suit the ^glass' derivation. 
^Insula', I think, probably means not an isle in the 
geogmphical sense, but an isolated dwelling (see what I 
have said in the Zeitschrift filr celtische Philologies vi, 449), 
and I take Insula Victorini to = Monastery of Victorinus. 

Not only is Victorinus a common ecclesiastical name in 
early times, but there wei-e at least two Welsh churches 
bearing its Welsh form. One is mentioned in the Book of 
Llan Ddv (320, 7) as Lanwytheryn or Ecclesia Gueithirin 
(228) : it is Llan Vetherin in Monmouthshire. The other 
is the church of Gwytherin in Denbighshire, said to have 
been founded by Gwytherin ab Dingad (Rice Bees, Essay 



' See the very elaborate and valuable paper by W. W. Newell in 
Publications of the Modern Language Assoc, qf America^ xviii (N.S. xi), 
no. 4, pp. 459-512. Mr. Newell has unluckily been misled by an 
artificial appearance of identity of meaning in glas- and loitrin, into 
saying that 'it cannot be doubted that the British name is in reality 
a translation ... of the Saxon appellation' (p. 493). Philology has 
its snares of coincidence : the Port of so many Hampshire names was 
probably a real man, and not invented out of port ; while the Wihtgar 
(a good Jutish name) from whom Wihtg&resburh (our Garisbrooke) 
is called has been quite erroneously regarded as mythical because he 
invaded the Isle of Wight (Vectis, Wiht). 



and the 'Harleian Genealogies. 99 

on the Wehh Saints^ 275). If that Dingad be the Dinacat 
of Table XVII (of which name it is only another form) 
then the Gwytherin in question was the great-grandson of 
a man who came into North Wales at the end of the 
fourth century, and he himself may be put late in the fifth. 

Glast's name points to his being either of earlier date 
than 547 or else a Goidel. For Gildas, writing about 
548,* addresses one of the kings as Cuneglase — not Cune- 
gla-ste or even Cuneglasse — so that in Welsh the -st had 
already become -«. On the other hand, the modern Fergus 
retained its original -^t as late as the ninth century in 
Pictish Vurgust." 

Sir J. Bh^s has, indeed, noted {Studies in the Arthurian 
Legend, 333) that the name Glast is found in the Bedon 
cartulary, as that of a benefactor of the period 990-992. 
I do not hesitate to say that that is a mere antiquarian 
reirival, intended to recall the founder of Glastonbury; as 
if an Englishman, nowadays, wishing to recall the great 
king of Wessex, were to name his son not Alfred but 
Alfred. We have only to look at the time when this 
Glast lived. If he was a man of about 35 to 45 he was 
born when the monastery of Glastonbury was in its chief 
pride under Dunstan. If he was about 55 to 60, he was 
bom when a crowd of Bretons were actually living in 
Wessex during the occupation of their own country by 
Norman invaders, and when Glastonbury would be their 
natural Mecca : he may even have been born there ! 

The note following Glast's name and containing the 
names of Glastenie and loyt coyt is, of course, corrupt, but 



^ See my letter in The Academy of Nov. 2, 1895. The Annates 
Catnbriae do not say that Mailcun died in 547, bat they put against 
that year a plague in which they say he died — a pUgue which may 
very well have lasted a year or two. 

* The -8t also lingers to this day in 'Llanrwst'. 

h2 



lOO The Dynasty of Cunedag 

clearly shows that either Glast or some one or more of his 
descendants came to or from Letocetum, our Lichfield. 
And here we find a parallel account in William of 
Malmesbuiy which must be summarized. 

William mentions all the persons in this table, but 
mistakes them for brothers — an evidence that here also 
the tnop'^ are not original. He sajs that Cuneda was 
their proavusy which should strictly mean * great-grand- 
father ', but also == merely ^ancestor'. He calls the first 
Ludnerthy but, although the initial has not been painted in 
in the Harleian MS., ludnerth is certain : see for this name 
the Red Book of Hergestf ii, 261. For Catmor he has 
Cathmor (where the th^ if correct, would be Goidelic), for 
Moriutned Morvinedy for Morhen Morehel, for Botan Boten^ 
for Morgen Morgent^ for Mormayl Mortineily and for Glast 
Olasteing — which is obviously only a variant of the glastenic 
in the note attached to Glast's name in the Harleian MS. 

But Glast actually was great-grandson to Cunedag 
according to MS. Jesus Coll. 20 (Y Cymmrodory viii, 90), 
which gives [Mjeuruc as son of Elaed, son of Elud, son of 
Glas, son of Elno, son of Docuael, son of Cuneda wledic. 
And I have no serious doubt that this legend of the sow 
only slightly veils a most interesting piece of history, 
which I will now unveil. 

Cunedag swooped down from the North 146 years 
before the reign of Mailcun (Historia BritUmumj § 62), who 
died about 548 (see my note on p. 99), and, according to 
Geoffrey of Monmouth's data, was (before he became over- 
king) reigning in Gwynedd at least as early as one of the 
years 542-4. So that Cunedag may safely be said to have 
arrived in the Midland 7x>ne circa 390-400. He was then 
a middle-aged man, to say the least, for he had with him 
the son of his dead eldest son. Of the nine sons of Cune- 
dag, Docmail was youngest but one, and, if we suppose 



and ike 'Harleian Genealogies . loi 

that Cunedag died in 410, we cannot place Docmairs 
death less than forty or Glast's less than one hundred 
years later — say drca 510. Now Arthur did not fight the 
battle of the Badon hill till 516 {Annales Ckimbriae)y and it 
was his twelfth against the Saxons. According to the 
Breton tradition of Geoffrey, it was preceded immediately 
by the battle of the wood of Caledon, and that by a battle 
at Eaerluidcoity i.e., Letocetum, Lichfield, which the 
Saxons were then besieging. According to the eighth 
century Histaria BritUmum^ there were four battles 
between that of the Badon hill and that of the wood of 
Celidon, and the latter was immediately preceded by one 
on the river Bassas, which again was preceded by one in 
Lincolnshire {in regione Linnuis) ; Eaerluidcoit is not 
mentioned, but Bassas may have been the name of 
Hammerwich Water, which runs below Lichfield, and no 
fewer than three Staffordshire Basford's testify to the 
existence of the stem of the Welsh baa (= 'shallow') in 
ancient river-names in that county. So that we have 
definite reason for believing that within the limits reason- 
ably assignable to Glast's life the city of his habitation 
was attacked by the Saxons. He and his family may have 
resolved to migrate to securer regions, or he may have 
inherited a principality in the South- West by marriage, 
or have been invited thither. He would follow the 
Iknield or Syknield way from Letocetum till it joined the 
Foss, follow the Foss to Bath, and thence take the right- 
hand road to Wells and Glastonbury. 

The mythical character of the sow part of the story is 
obvious.^ Mr. Newell observes (p. 476) : * The pursuit of 

^ That a sow with a young litter, or about to litter, should travel the 
distance l)etween Lichfield and Glastonbury at ali; that she should, as 
she presumably would, pass through the cities of Cirencester and Bath 
without being stopped ; and tliat her owner should be unable to 



102 The Dynasty of Cunedag 

a lost sow, attended by wonderful adventures, was a 
commonplace of Old-Welsh literature. The pigs and 
apple-tree are introduced after Virgil, who makes Aeneas 
determine the site of Alba Longa in a similar manner.' 
I may add that in the case of Glastonbury the legend may 
have arisen out of a wish to explain the name of Sowy' 
(whence Leland's Sowey Water), a possession of Glaston- 
bury, which, I suppose, must be represented by the modern 
South way on the Wells road. But in the rest of the story 
there is absolutely nothing incredible — nor do I see what 
ground there could have been to invent it, or out of what 
mythical elements it could have been developed, if untrue. 

A striking feature in this table is that seven out of its 
twelve personal names contain the word mory 'great'. 
Morhen, if rightly spelt, must be Mor Hen, *Mor the Old'. 
But William of Malmesbury has Morehel, and b with an 
imperfectly-closed loop is so easily mistaken for I that I 
suspect Morheb, a name found in the Book of Llan Ddv, 

According to William, Glasteing followed his sow *per 
mediterraneos Anglos, secus villam qu8B dicitur Escebtiorne' 
to Wellis, and from Wellis through the wayless and 
watery way (sic) which is called Sugewege^ that is, 8ow*8 
tvayy till he found the sow suckling its young under an 
apple-tree by the church at Glastonbury. * Escebtiorne' 
has not been identified, nor can I find any Anglo-Saxon 
derivation for it. Consequently, I cannot doubt that the 

ovei*take her till she had got to Glastonbury — all these things are 
beyond reasonable belief. That Glast and his family might have 
determined to settle wherever the sow litterad is not so incredible, but 
I prefer to account for this part of the legend as I have done above. 
^ I cannot get any very early form of this name, the forms in the 
earliest alleged Glastonbury charters being clearly modernized. But 
I take Sowy to mean an isle formed by a stream called the Sow(e) — a 
name borne by two English rivers, one in Staffordshire; one in 
Warwickshire, while (Prof. Anwyl) a Hicch flows through Llanberis. 



aftd the 'Harleian Genealogies. 103 

first half of it represents the Welsh e%cx)h^ ^bishop', and 
the second half a derivative of that iigemO' stem which 
gives the name Tierney in Irish, and iexjrn^ Mord', in Welsh. 
I take it to mean 'bishop's lordship'. And, as Lichfield 
was the seat of a bishopric, and so well fits the starting- 
place of a journey *per mediterraneos Anglos', I regard 
*Bscebtiorne' as either a gloss on the name *loyt coyt' or 
a misunderstood extract from some Welsh account. 

William's 'Glasteing' is quite clearly from a misunder- 
stood text. I agree with Mr. Phillimore's suggestion — 
which occurred to me independently — that the impossible 
'unttm /unt' is corrupted from *unde eft', and I believe 
that the original ran 'Glast (unde est Glastenig) qui venit 
[ab urbej quae uocatur Loytcoyt'. Glastenig I take to be 
simply Anglo-Saxon for 'Glast's isle', represented in char- 
ters by Glasteneta. Hearne's text, 56-8, also has Glasteia. 

William's statement that the supposed twelve brothers 
were descendants of Cuneda may, perhaps, be due to the 
fact that the following table actually is one of Cuuedag's 
descendants. He, or the authority he followed, may have 
had before them a copy of these 'genealogies' in which 
they mistook the two tables for a single one. 

Boman names are represented in XXVI by Seissil 
(Goidelic for Sextillus? now Cecil!)' and Serguil (Servilius) ; 
and in XXVII by Pascent(ius) . In this last the son and 
grandson of Catell obviously receive their names from 
the sons, Cattegirn and Pascent, of his former master 
Vortigern (see Historia BHttonum, § 85). 

In XXVII [ Fernmail is Goidelic: in Welsh the F would 
have been Ou. Teudubric is to be compai'ed with Teudebur 
in V, and looks as if borrowed from a Teutonic Theode- 

^ I owe Cecil to Sir J. Rhys : the founder of the Cecil family was 
a favourite of Henry VII, and, being named David, wa« probably 
from South Wales. Prof. Anwyl suggests Saxillus. 



104 The Dynasty of Cunedag, etc. 

bricht: but -ftWcAt-forms are not as early as the date 
required, nor is the name found in the Book of Llan Ddv. 
I believe it to be a scribal error for Teudiric, due to a con- 
fusion between that name and Teuduber : Teudiric and 
Teudric are found in the Booh of Llan Ddvy and I believe 
them to represent the Teutonic Theoderic. 

In XXX 6rippi[ud], modern Gruffydd, Griffith, is in- 
teresting, because the Orammatica CelUca^ after citing 
instances of TT and CC, 4nfectae aspiratione*, says *Com- 
binationis PP transgressae in aspirationem exemplum 
ignoro' (Z% 151). 

I have now to preface my chart with a few words of 
caution. First, that I have assumed that those who want 
to use it have access to Mr. Phillimore's text, and that, 
therefore, it is needless to reproduce that in extreme 
minutiae — such as loudogu for Loudogu and Quid gen for 
Guidgen. Second, that my added dates are taken either 
from the Annales Cambriae or from the Brut y Tywysogimi. 
Third, that I have made a few slight additions in italics 
from other sources in order to show connexions which 
would not otherwise be visible. Fourth, that some of the 
names may be corrupt: I have not had the time to investi- 
gate all those with which I was unacquainted, and of 
which I did not perceive the derivation. Fifth, that 
nothing approaching a satisfactory final chart is possible 
until not only all other Welsh genealogies relating to the 
same period have been collated, but untir all the person- 
names in the Book of Llan Ddv have been independently 
tabulated, and, as far as possible, dated. But what has 
been here done will be better than nothing, and will 
materially aid future workers in the same field. 

* I have urged this work on a young Welsh student who, I hope, 
will carry it through. 



xng list of Roman Emperors is 
. of the genealogy: see pp. 93-4- 

i Tehvant (16) 
('Teuhant') 

I 
Cinbelin (16) 

Caratauc (16) 

Guidgen (16) 

Lou Hen (16) 
(* Louhen*) 

! I 

I Gitiis Scaplaut (16) 

! I 

Deciou (16) 

Cntel (16) 

I 
Catled (16) 

; I 

Letan (16) 
Serguan (16) 

Caurtam (16) 

I 
Gaten (16) 

Neithon (16) 



lOLO GOGH'S 

tt 



^^3 OCaitt (Bf^nbKt at bbifancofe 

By W. J. GRUFFYDD, M.A. 



Among the cywyddau dealing with contemporary events on 
which the fame of lolo Goch rests, not the least interest- 
ing are the famous lines written to "Owain Glyndwr in 
hiding" ("I Owain Glyndwr ar ddifancoU"). Hitherto, 
no proper criticism of lolo Goch's poetry has been 
attempted. The late Charles Ashton's edition is so 
uncritical, that many pieces are attributed to lolo Goch 
which cannot possibly, from internal evidence, have been 
written as early as 1400. The most conspicuous among 
these is the cywydd under notice. We will proceed to state 
our reasons for thinking that this cytoydd was not written 
to Owen Glyndwr, but to another Welsh hero who lived 
eighty years after him, and that, therefore, it could not 
have been composed by lolo Goch. 

After the first outburst of love poetry, which we find 
exemplified in the works of Dafydd ab Gwilym, some of the 
Welsh poets began to turn their attention to more serious 
matters, to the hopes and the sufferings, the virtues and 
the follies, of the Welsh nation. The first among these 
poets were lolo Goch and Sion Cent, and they were 
followed by a long succession of minor bards such as 
Dafydd Llwyd o Fathafam and Rhys Goch Eryri. The 
favourite medium for expressing their thoughts on these 
subjects was the Cywydd Brud — the cywydd of prophecy — 
often, it is to be feared, written wisely after the event. 
As these cywyddau were written in the pseudo-mystical 



io6 **/ Owain Glyndwr ar ddt/ancol/y 

manner of the darogan^ the later scribes, who were at a 
loss to know to which of the Welsh heroes it applied, often 
ascribed them to the wix)ng authors. As a general rule, 
these compositions were ascribed to Dafydd Llwyd, and 
occasionally, cywyddau hrudy which were undoubtedly 
written by Dafydd Llwyd, were ascribed to ojjl^ers, includ- 
ing lolo Goch. One has only to read some of the inco- 
herent verse in Ashton's edition of lolo Goch to realize 
this. 

The cywydd to Owen Glyndwr, which we have under 
notice, is undoubtedly of this number. Even at first 
sight, it is evident that, with the exception of the first 
line, there is in it no reference whatever to Owen Glyndwr. 
It is supposed to have been written when Owen was in 
hiding, after his power had waned — but, surely, the cywydd 
is addressed to a young hero, who, as yet, had not tasted 
victory, who looked to the future for all his glory. If it 
was written to Glyndwr, where are the references to his 
past victories ? Where are those paeans of victories gained, 
and of work accomplished which we are to expect in such 
poetns ? There is not a single reference which the most 
ingenious can possibly twist to bear such a meaning. 
This cywydd is full of hope for the future, written to an 
idol of the Welsh nation, not yet proved in battle, who 
remained in hiding, biding his time, and there is only one 
such hero whom the description will fit, and he is by far 
the commonest subject of the cywyddau hrud^ a man to 
whom all the Welsh poets of the period turned — and that 
man is Henry Tudor, afterwards Henry VII of England. 

The oldest manuscript which Ashton, in his collection, 
has consulted is the Glanyrafori M8. If., and in this manu- 
script the cywydd is not ascribed to lolo Goch. No author 
is mentioned, and Ashton has to admit in his introduction 
(q.v.) that it must have been the last cywydd which lolo 



**/ Owain Glyndwr ar ddifancolL^^ 107 

wrote. We see, then, that the manuscript authority for 
ascribing it to lolo is not as strong as it might be. Be- 
sides, the eywydd is by no means in lolo's style. Here we 
have a plain straightforward composition written in simple 
language, very unlike the epic and archaic style of lolo 
Goch. It has none of the inversions, and none of the 
words borrowed from the vocabulary of the gogynfeirdd 
which distinguish the compositions of lolo. But literary 
criticism of this kind is notoriously unsafe, and we have 
to turn to internal evidence of a different sort to establish 
our case. 

The first line, "Y g^r hir ni'th g4r Harri", does cer- 
tainly seem to point to Owen Glyndwr ; but here also, if 
we turn to the Olanyrafon M8.j we find the reading **Y 
g\Vr hir a gar Harri", and it is perfectly incredible that 
the dullest of scribes would have made such a mistake in 
the very first line if he knew that the cymydd was ad- 
dressed to Glyndwr. The probability is, that the first line, 
as we should expect, contains the name of the hero, that 
is, Harris and that the line should read "T g^r hir, hygar 
Harri ", or something similar. When, however, we leave 
the first line, there is no necessity for conjecture of any 
kind. The poet asks, "Art thou alive ?" and adds, "if thou 
art show thy shield, and from the land of Rome bring 
arms. Come from the east, thou mighty bull, and cast 
down the towers", etc. 

The poet does not know where his hero may be in 
hiding, but encourages him to come at last ^^and show his 
shield^* — which would be much more applicable to a young 
untried hero than to a veteran like Glyndwr. The time of 
the poem is undoubtedly between 1471 and 1485, that is 
after the time when Edward IV regained his throne, when 
Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pembroke, had to take his nephew 
from England to Brittany for protection. Further on in 



io8 **/ Owain Glyndwr ar ddi/ancoW 

the poem, the author calls him ^*i^ a draeturiwyd", "thou 

who hast been betrayed". This reference, again, will not 

fit Owen Glyndwr, but can be easily connected with two 

incidents in the life of Henry Tudor — either when he was 

taken prisoner by the Yorkists in Harlech Castle in 1468, 

or when Edward IV applied to the Duke of Brittany to 

hand over to him his protSge. The Duke had actually 

delivered Henry, who was then a dangerous rival to 

Edward IV, being the head of the House of Lancaster, 

to the embassy sent by the English King, but the 

order was revoked at the last moment. The reference is 

probably to this event. 

After the twelfth line of the cywyddy Ashton's copy 

reads : — 

" Eryr glwys, dos, ior o'r Glyn, 
larll awchlaif i dir Llychlyn." 

" Go, lord, thou beloved eagle, go from the Glyn, thou 
Earl of the keen sword, to the land of Norway/' 

Now, these lines are inexplicable, if we suppose that 
they are written to Owen in hiding, because in the rest 
of the poem he calls on him to come from the distant 
places of the earth to his country to deliver it. These 
lines, if genuine, would be the strongest argument against 
the old belief as to the authorship of the piece, but as a 
matter of fact they are evident interpolations, as they are 
not found at all in the Glanyrafon M8. Two other lines — 

"Dwg feddiant Pedr Sant dan sel 
Drwy iawnswydd Duw aV insel — " 

which seem to refer to a papal sanction, are not found in 
this MS. 

In the tenth line, the author calls his hero "Dai'w 
mawr". Now y tarw, "the bull", was the name always 
given to Henry VII by the Welsh poets, e.g., Dafydd 



"/ Owain Gfyndwr ar adifancolir 109 

Llwyd in his cywydd brud beginning "T gigfran a g&n fel 

gwydd", refers to him as — 

" Y tano aergryf oV teirgradd 
Ynghroen Hew egyr yn lladd.''^ 

When we come to the description of the arms in lines 

16-16, we are on absolutely certain ground : — 

" Y g^ a ddug arwydd iach 
Yn ei darian bedeirach, 
Y tri Hew glas fel asur, 
Trwy wyllt dan aV tair rhwyll dur." 

''The man who bore a sturdy device on his shield for 
four generations {or representing four families), the three 
lions azure, amid wild fire, and the three iron rhioyll" 

Now rhwyll in the Laws of Hy wel means a "cresset" ; 
otherwise, it may mean "fretwork", that is, in heraldic 
language, a portcullis. Now the arms of Owen Glyndwr 
were, a shield charged with, quarterly, /our lions rampant,' 
with no reference to the portcullis, that is to say, they 
were the ordinary arms of the Princes of Gwynedd. We 
have been unable to find the arms which Henry bore when 
Earl of Richmond, but we believe that the portcuUis 
figured in the arms of the Earl of Pembroke, and the arms 
of Prince Arthur, the eldest son of Henry, were three 
lions." But the following passage from Dafydd Nanmor, 
a contemporary of Henry, may throw some light on the 
subject. The poet says that the arms of Cynan, prince of 
Gwynedd, ought to be placed on Henry's banner : — 
''Llun y tri llew o wyn 

Yn sengi yn y sangwyn, 

Ar faner rhodder y rhain, 

Llewod ieirll o Owain — " 

^ This and the following quotations are taken from the MS. 
called Lfyfr Elis Orugydd in the Cardiff collection, and are given in 
Elis Gruffydd*s orthography. 

* Sistory ofPotvis Fadog, vol. ii, p. 110. 

' Archteoloyia Cambrensis, vol. iv. Second Series (1868), p. 193. 



no **/ Owain Glyndwr ar ddi/ancoll'' 

I.e., the lions of earls descended from Owen Tudur. How- 
ever, it is certain that these arms were not those of Owen 
Glyndwr. 

In lines 19-20, Add. MS. 14,970, reads— 

** Rhown ni ar y paun diwarth 
Rhowch rwyf ar yr hwch a'r arth — *' 

and the Olanyrafon MS. more accurately reads — 
"Rhown rif ar y paun diwarth." 

which is an evident blunder for rhotmi ri as the cynghanedd 
demands — "we will place a master over the shameless 
peacock ; set a king over the hog and the bear." 

Now, anyone who has a slight knowledge of the poetry 
of the period knows that Richard III was always called 
"the hog" in English poetry and the "baedd" or "hwch" 
in Welsh poetry : — 

"A baedd a dry medd y byd 
Ar i war, aiir i wryd — " 

says Dafydd Llwyd in his cywydd beginning "Breudd- 

wydion beirdd", and in the French contemporary verse, 

Les d(mzfi triomphes de Henry VII, Richard III is called the 

"hog". The ''arth'% "the bear", was the badge of the 

Warwick family, which continually figures in these 

poems : — 

^'Mae Kadnaw a ddaw yn ddic 
Wrth ieir lerwerth o Wa[r]ic." 

J). Lhcyd, 

It is difficult to determine who is meant by "y wadd", but 

we find the word occurring in a poem of Dafydd Llwyd : — 

" Mae pryder ar gyw yr eryr 
Maer toadd he[b] nemor o wyr." 

The most significant reference, however, in the poem is 

the constant allusion to the hero as the hope of M6n : — 

" Dyred wrth ddymuned Mdn, 
O Nordd hyd yn Iwerddon." 



*'/ Owain Glyndwr ar ddifancolir iii 

**CynnGU dAn, cyn oed unawr, 
I oror Mdn, eryr mawr." 

''Cur a lladd y wadd a1 wyr, 
Cym aur Mdii, cur Normaiiwyr.*' 

"Aerllew M6n, ior lie mynnoch." 
How these lines could ever have been twisted to refer to 
anyone but to a warrior descended from Anglesey stock 
it is difficult to imagine. In other poems addressed to 
Glyndwr, M8n is not mentioned^ for the obvious reason 
that there is no special connection between him and that 
island, but these references are, of course, most appropriate 
in a poem written to Henry VII. Moreover, the saint and 
king of Mdn is mentioned here, as he is always mentioned 
in connection with the Tudors : — 

'' Deigr Qadwaladr fendigaid, 
Djrred a dwg dir dy daid." 

Compare with this the following lines of Dafydd 
Nanmor : — 

'* larll Ritsmwnt, iemwnt oniaith 
Oadwaladyr ac oi dalaith/* 

'^ Owain ai blant yn un blaid 
Etewynion frutaniaid, 
lesu y gadw yn gadyr 
I gadw aylwyd gydicaladyry 

As a matter of fact, in all contemporary compositions of 

the time of Henry, Cadwaladr was regarded as the great 

founder of the family of Tudur. Take, for instance, this 

sentence from his Latin biography : — 

'^Atqiie, ut 8ui genitoris ab antiquis Britannia regibus 
descensum breve attingam, Sancti Cadwaladn\ cui post longa 
temporum intervalla idem Henricus legitime successit.*^ 

The author calls on his hero to bring with him sub- 
stantial aid from Ireland. This is by no means without 
parallel in other poems of the period, celebrating the 
praise of Henry, e.g. — 



112 •'/ Owain Glyndwr ar ddifancoll'' 

"A gtoffddyl a wna gweiddi, 
Nesaf a wnan in nassiwn ni.'' 

/>. Llwyd, 

And again, when the poet calls on him to come from the 

Isle of Man, where he may be in hiding ('^o Fanaw dir"), 

we find an analogy in the same poem of Dafydd Llwyd : — 

** Llynges gwiber a gerir 
1 fanaw y daw i dir." 

The poem ends with the four lines : — 

<< Deigr Gadwaladr Fendigaid, 
Dyred a dwg dir dy daid, 
Dyga ran dy garennydd, 
Dwg ni on rhwymn dygn yn rhydd." 

''Gome thou, and claim thy grandfather's share (t.^., 
John of Qaunt). Claim thy kinsman^s share, and deliver us 
from our cruel bondage.** 

The above are a few of our reasons for insisting that 
the poem is not addressed to Glyndwr. There are many 
others, but the facts already given appear to us to be 
overwhelming. 



10)dB^ Sotii&ou of (^t ^mntunt^ 

(APPARITIONS, KNOCKERS, CORPSE CANDLES), 

As illustrated by Letters of John Lewis (Glaskeirig), the Rev. John 

Da vies (Glenerglyn), Colonel W. Rogers (Hereford), Rev. Samuel 

Jones (Coedreken), Rev. Maurice Bedwell (Swansea), Daniel Higgs, 

Captain Samuel Foley, and the Rev. Richard Baxter. 

By WILLIAM E. A. AXON, LL.D. 
f Manceinion, ) 



Shobtly before Baxter's death he published his book on 
the Certainty of the World of Spirits.^ The subject was not 
a new one with Baxter^ whose piety, learning, and native 
ability was mingled with a good share of superstition. 
He shared the general belief of his age as to the reality 
of witchcraft and apparitions, but his references to such 
matters in The Saints* Everlasting Rest, and in other parts 
of his writings, are in the main derived from books. 
Thus when he alludes to the story of the Pied Piper it is to 
say that '^most credible and godly writers tell us that on 
June 20, 1484, at a town called Hamel, in Germany, the 

* "The Certainty of the World of Spirits. Fully evinced by the 
unquestionable histories of apparitions and witchcrafts, operations, 
▼oioes/etc., proving the immortality of souls^ the malice and misery 
of the devils and the damned, and the blessedness of the justified. 
Written for the conviction of Sadduces and Infideb. By Richard 
Baxter. London : 1691.'' The first edition is excessively rare, and 
even the cheap and mutilated edition issued in 1834 is not easy to 
procure. In the spelling of the Welsh place-names the original has 
been followed. 

I 



114 Welsh Folk-Lore of 

devil took awaj one hundred and thirty children, that 
were never seen again".* 

But in relation to the folk-lore of Wales he presents 
some evidence of a different character. It may not be 
more credible than the quotations Baxter gives from 
"godly writers", but at least it is testimony that comes at 
first hand. Baxter prints letters from Mr. John Lewis, a 
magistrate of Glaskerigg, and from Rev. John Davis of 
Generglyn. He promises, but does not give, the testimony 
of Dr. Ellis. A small part of the letter from Mr. Davis is 
quoted by Aubrey, and has often been repeated, but the 
whole letter, full as it is of curious matter, has not been 
reprinted. 

Another section of the book contains particulars as to 
a house at Llanellin, in Gowersland, where an apparition 
and other supernatural disturbances were alleged. 

Mr. Jo Lewis, a lbarnbd Justice of Peace in Gardioanshibb, 
WITH THE Testimony of Dr. Ellis, and Mr. John Davis 
ABOUT the Dead Mens Lights the knockers and Appari- 
tions. 
Mr. J. Lewis being a Justice of Peace and a man of leamingy 
at the time, when, under Cromwell and Harrison, the Reading and 
weak parsons were cast out, and itinerant preachers set up, that 
turned four or five parishes into one of their circuits, and did little 
but preach, and shut up the doors where they came not, and by 
ignorant decrying superstition, forms, and ceremonies, set up error, 
anabaptistry and unjust separations. He being greatly grieved for 
these confusions, wrote largely to me about them, whereupon, and on 
more such instances, I wrote my five disputations of church govern- 
ment, liturgy, and ceremonies,' And Mr. Lewis joined with me in a 
design to have begg*d money in pity to Wales, to have set up a Welch 
coUedge at Shrewsbury, and his notices about Apparitions came in 
but on the by, at my request : But tho* I dismember his letters with 
regret, by casting away the main part that was well worth the reading 

^ Saints Best, chap, vii, sec. 2. 

' This appeared in 1659, and was dedicated ** To his Highness, 
Richard, Lord Protector**, 



the Seventeenth Century. 1 1 5 

(and all my answers to them), yet it would be so unsuitable to insert 
such matters in a history of spirits, that if any of his acquaintance 
blame me for it, they must accept of this excuse. He is known by 
published books of his own.^ 



Part of Mr. John Lewises First Letter relating to Spirits 

AND Witches. 
Most Worthy Sir, 

I have now another motion to you, as to that passage in your 
Unreasonableness of Infidelityj where you show the meaning of the 
spirit, as to humane learning, &c., and those twenty-nine considera- 
tions (for the page I cannot cite, because I have not the book at this 
very instant) because it is in the midst of the book, and not so 
discemable to all readers ; I could humbly beg to you to get your 
printer and stationer to print them apart in a few small leaves, for 
there is nothing, generally, that is more mistaken among us than 
that, and I see the publishing here but so much of them in this kind, 
would do infinite good here ; and I would myself be at charge of buying 
and dispersing many scores of them.' And because of that copious 
satisfaction you give of Spirits, than which there cannot be greater 
convincements against infidelity and Atheism. I could afford you 
several strange instances from these parts, but I shall trouble you 

^ Baxter no doubt alludes to two publications of which there are 
copies in the British Museum. The catalogue entries read : 
Lewis (John, Esquire). 

Contemplations upon these times or the Parliament 
explained to Wales. 

London 1646. 40 E 349 19 

102 a 77 
Evangeliografa, or, some seasonable and modest thoughts 
in order to the furtherance and promoting the affaires of 
religion and the Gospel, especially in Wales. By J(ohn) 
L(ewis) Esquire. 

London 1666. 4«» 4175b 

' Lewis here refers to the Unreasonableness of Infidelity ^ which 
appeared in 1655. In Section xxiii there are "twenty [not twenty- 
nine] considerations evincing the necessity of common knowledge, 
called human learning, notwithstanding the witness and helps of the 
Spirit **. It does not appear that the suggestion of reprinting these 
considerations separately was adopted. No such reprints are to be 
found recorded in Grosart*s Bibliography of Baxter. 

i8 



ii6 IVe/sA Folk' Lore of 

only with two. Since the time I received your letter, there happened 
in my neighbourhood this following: —A man and his family being 
all in bed, about after midnight, awake in bed, he could perceive a 
light entring a little room, where he lay, and one after another 
of some a dozen in the shape of men. and two or three women, 
with small children in their arms, entring in, and they seemed 
to dance, and the room to be far lighter and wider than formerly ; 
they di<l seem to eat bread and cheese all about a kind of a 
tick upon the ground ; they offered him meat, and would smile 
upon him : he could perceive no voice, but he once calling to God 
to bless him, he could perceive the whisper bf a voice in Welch, 
bidding him hold his' peace, being about four hours thus, he did 
what he could to wake his wife, and could not ; they went out into 
another room and after some dancing departed, and then he arose ; 
yet being but a very small room he could not find the door, nor the 
way into bed, until crying out, his wife and family awaked. Being 
within about two miles of me, I sent for the man, who is an honest 
poor husbandman, and of good report : and I made him believe I 
would put him to his oath for the truth of this relation, who was 
very ready to take it. The second (if you have not formerly heard) 
the strange and usual appearance of lights (called in Welch, dead 
mefCs candles) before mortality, this is ordinary in most of our coun- 
ties, that I never scarce heard of any sort, young or old, but this is 
seen before death and often observed to part from the very bodies 
of the persons, all along the way to the place of burial, and infallibly 
death will ensue. Now, Sir, it is worth your resolution, whether this 
may proceed from God or no ; it is commonly imputed to the igneous 
air of the counties: But that evil spirits can come by so much 
knowledge, as to be always so infallible (though herein I confess them 
very vast) and be so favoiurable and officious unto man, as to be such 
seasonable monitors of his dissolution, and to give so much discovery of 
spiritual essences, and the immortality ; I doubt whether they mind 
us so much good as this : Some wiles I confess they may have by such 
appearances, but it carries the beuefits mentioned with it ; whereas 
their disappearance makes more for infidelity and atheism ; but this I 
leave to your judgment, begging pardon for this boldness in diverting 
you from your far better thoughts ; and seeing it is my happiness to 
have this little invisible acquaintance with you, I shall omit no 
opportunity of troubling you with such poor thoughts as the Lord 
shall give unto me of the best things, humbly wishing (as for the 
making up the sad differences of religion among us) the Lord would 
give those in authority to weigh that pious and wise course you have 
proposed, as to those four peat parties in the Ppdjcatjon of your 



the Seventeenth Century. 1 1 ; 



'' Saints Rest", with my unfeigned prayers for your health and 
happiness. Sir, 

Your very thankful Friend 
QUukerigg near and Servant, in Christ, 

Idanbadamevour or John Lewis. 

AberyBtwith in Cardiganshire, 
Oct 20th 1656. 

Mr. John Lbwi8*8 Second Letter. 
As for Apparitions, I am stored with so many instances, that 
require rather a volume : There is that evidence for the candles, that 
scarce I know any of age, but hath seen them, and will depose it. 
There is here a talk, whereof yet I have not certainty, that a daughter 
of the man mentioned in the last, fetching water at a well, had a blow 
given her, and a boy coming toward her, she charged him, with the 
blow, who denyed he was so near her ; but bid her look upon her father, 
that stood not far off, and with that, he could see her father fling a 
stone at her, which passed with a mighty violence by her face, and the 
stone was found with prints of fingers in it ; but no such thing as the 
father there, neither was he at home since the night before; but 
certain it is, that living men's ghosts are ordinarily seen in these parts, 
and unawares to the parties. We have in this County, several silver 
and leaden mines, and nothing more ordinary than some subterranean 
spirits called knockers (where a good vein is), both heard, and after 
seen, little statured, about half a yard long ; this very instant, there 
are miners upon a discovery of a vein upon my own lands, upon this 
score, and two offered oath, they heard them in the day-time. 
Lieutenant Colonel Bowen, I hear, is upon discovery, that what you 
heard was witchcraft ; but he holds canting tenents ; all which minds 
us the more to admire the King of Spirits, our Lord God Almighty, 
and that our eyes behold but the least part of his secrets, and 
marvels ; to whose arms and blessings, I commit and leave you. 
Sir 
I pray pardon this trouble of 

Your very thankful Servant 
GUuherigg the John Lewis. 

28 of November, 1656. 

Mr. John Lewis's Third Letter. 

As for the Candles, all the parts 1 know of Wales, as our neigh- 
bouring counties (as I hear) have experience of them; but whether so 
frequently as here, I will learn. I scarce know any Gentleman or 



ii8 IVe/sA Folk'Lore of 

Minister of any standings but hath seen them ; and a neighbour of 

mine, will shortly be at Worcester abiding (who hath seen them often 

and I will direct some to acquaint you, and upon Oath, if need be) a 

very credible aged person : For my part, I never saw the caudles ; but 

those of my house have, and on a time, some years past, it was told 

me by them that two Candles was seen, one little, and a great one 

passing the Church way, under my house, my wife was then great 

with child, and near her time, and she feared of it, and it begot some 

fear in us about her; bub just about a week after, herself first came 

to me (as something joyed that the fear might be over) and said (as 

true it was) an old man, and a child of the neighbourhood passed that 

same way to be buried : This she and 1 can depose, and truly myself 

especially, heard some uncouth warning, before my first childs Death, 

new Bom, which is too large to relate : Such warnings and noises, are 

also here very common, and I do think there is scarce any (and I 

know it by myself) but before some remarkable occurrences of Life, 

will have some warnings, at least by Dreams ; of which there is a kind 

that may be ranked with these Apparitions, and it was not for nought, 

that the Stoicks of old held Sleep, /amfVtare Sf domesticum oracuium: 

You shall learn more of me hereafter about the certainty of Candles 

and the Knockers. 

Sir, I put you to your penance, by these under Lines, they show I 

can hardly part with you, I pray God continue, and grant you Health 

and Happiness answerable to the use you are of, for his glory among 

us. Sir 

Your very Thankful Servant 

John Lewis. 
The U ofFebi-umy 1656. 



Mr. Davis's Letter concerning the Corps-Candles in Wales. 

Venerable Sir, 

For your worth, hath purchased you that stile. With all due 
respects, you shall hereby understand that I am one, who sincerely 
blesseth himself, to have been much edified by you, as being confirmed 
in some points, and informed in others by a piece of your learned and 
judicious works, termed by yourself a supplement, which proved to 
me a complement, and which you communicated to me by my worthy 
friend and special encourager John Lewis Esq. at whose request, I 
am to give you the best satisfaction I can, touching those fiery 
apparitions which do as it were, mark out the way for corpses to 
their KOifi^n/pta, and that sometimes before the parties themselves 
fall sick, and sometimes in their sickness. Of these I could never 



the Seventeenth Century, 119 

hear in England : they are common in these three counties, Cardigan, 
Caennarthen and Pembrook, and as I hear, in some other parts of 
Wales.^ These ^vranr^ucra in our language, we call Canhwyllan Gyrph 
(t.e. corps-candies), and candles we call them, not that we do see 
anything else besides the light, but because that light doth as 
much resemble a material candle-light as eggs do eggs, saving that 
in their journey the candles be moio apparenteSf modo disparenteSf 
especially when one comes near them ; and if one come on the w<«y 
against them, unto him they vanish, but presently appear behind 
him and hold on their course. If it be a little candle, pale or 
blewish, then follows the corps either of an abortive, or some infant ; 
if a big one, then the corps of some one come to age ; if there be seen 
two or three, or more, some big, some small, together, then so many 
and such corpses together. If two candles come from diverse places, 
and be seen to meet, the corpses will the like ; if any of these candles 
be seen to turn sometimes a little out of the way, or path, that 
leadeth unto the church, the following corps will be found to turn in 
that very place, for the avoiding of some dirty lane, or plash etc. 
Now let us fall to evidence ; Being about the age of fifteen, dwelling 
at Lanylar, late at night, some neighbours saw one of these candles, 
hovering up and down along the river bank, until they were weary 
of beholding ; at last they left it so, and went to bed : a few weeks 
after came a proper damsel from Montgomeryshire to see her friends, 
who dwelleth on the other side of that river Istwyth, and thought to 
ford the river at that very place where that light was seen : but 
being disswaded by some lookers on (some, it*s most like, of those 
that saw the light) to a 1 venture upon the water, which was high, by 
reason of a floo<l, she walked up and down along the river bank, even 
where, and even as the aforesaid candle did, waiting for the falling of 
the water, which at last she took ; but too soon for her, for she was 
drowned therein. Of late, my Sextons Wife, an aged Understanding 
Woman, saw from her be 1, a little blewish Candle, upon her tables 
end : Within two or three days after, comes a fellow in, enquiring for 
her Husband, and taking something from under his Cloak, claps it 
down directly upon the Tablets end, where she had seen the candle, 
and what was it, but a dead-born Child ? Another time, the same 
woman, saw such another Candle up on the other end of the self 
same Table, within few days after, a weak Child, by myself newly 
Christned, was brought into the Sextons House where presently 
he died : And when the Sextons Wife, who was then Abroad, came 



1 Aubrey, when quoting a part of this letter, adds Radnor as 
another habitat of the corpse candle. 



I20 Welsh Folk-Lore of 

home, she found the woman shrouding of the Child, on that other 
end of the Table, where she had seen the Candle. On a time myself, 
and a kinsman coming from our School in England and being three 
or four hours benighted, ere we could reach home, were first of all 
Saluted by such a Light, or Candle, which coming from a House, 
which we well knew, held his course (but not directly) the Highway 
to Church ; shortly after, the Eldest Sou in that House Deceased, 
and Steered the same course. Myself and my Wife in an evening, saw 
such a Light, or Candle coming to the Church from her Mid-Wifes 
House, and within a month, she herself did follow : At which time, 
my wife did tell me a Story of her own mother, Mrs. Catherine Wyat, 
an Eminent Woman in the Town of Tenby, that in an evening, being 
in her Bed-Chamber, she saw two little lights just upon her Belly, 
which she essayed to strike off with her Hand, but could not, within 
a while they vanished of themselves. Not long after, she was Delivered 
of two Dead-born Children : Long sithence there happened, the like in 
mine own House ; but to a Neighbours Wife, whom my wife did some- 
times call for, to do some work or other and (as I credibly heard within 
these three days) to some good Gentlewoman also in this very parish : 
where also not long since, a neighbours Wife of mine, being great with 
Child, and coming in at her own Door, met two Candles, a little, 
and a bigg one, and within a little after, falling in Labour, she and 
her child both dyed. 

Some thirty-four or thirty-five years by-gone, one Jane Wyat, my 
wife*s sister being nurse to Baronet Rudd's three eldest Children, 
and (the lady mistress being deceasel) the lady controuler of that 
house, going late into a chamber where the maid-servants lay, saw 
there no less then five of these lights together. It happened a while 
after, the chamber being newly plaistered, and a great grate of coal- 
fire therein to hasten the drying up of the plaistering, that five of 
the maid-servants went there to bed, as they were wont, but (as it 
fell out) too soon, for in the morning they were all dead, being suffo- 
cated (I conceive) in their sleep with the steam of the new tempered 
lime and coal. This was at Llangathen, in Carmarthenshire. 

Some thirty three or thirty four years ago; upon a Tuesday 
coming towards home from Cardigan where I had been injoyn'd 
to Preach the Session Sermon : Incipiente adhuc crepvsculo, and as 
Light as Noon, and having as yot, nine long miles to ride, there 
seemd twice or thrice from behind me, on my Right side, and 
between my Shoulder and my Hat, to fly a Httle whitish thing, about 
the bigness of a Walnut, and that j)€r intervalla^ once in Seventy or 
Eighty paces : At first I took no notice of it, thinking it had been but 
the glimpsing of my little Ruff, for such then I wore ; by Degrees it 



the Seventeenth Century, 121 

waxed Reddish, and as the night drew on, redder and redder, at last 
not ignU fatutUy (for that I partly knew) but purtu putts ignis, both 
for Light and Colour, At length I turned my Horse twice or thrice, 
to see from whence it came, and whether it would flash into my face, 
then nothing I could see ; but when I turned homewards, it flashed as 
before, until I came to a village called Llanrislid, where as yet I did 
not intend to Lodge, though there were four Lodgings and one of 
them (save one) the next House in my way, which, when I passed by 
close, being just against the door, my fire did flash again upon, or very 
near the Threshold, and there I think it lodged ; for I saw it no more. 
Home still I would go, but bethinking myself, that so I might tempt 
God, and meet a worse Companion than my former : I turned to the 
furthest Lodging in the Town, and there after a little rest, in a brown 
Study (because mine host was an understanding man, and Literate, 
and such as could and had but lately read his Neck-Verse in pure 
Roman Language) I could not contain, but needs must tell him of the 
Vision, he the next day to some going to the Sessions, they to others 
there, at last it came to the Judges Ears insomuch, that the greatest 
news and wonder at the then Assises was the Preachers Vision. To 
come at length into the Pitch or Kernel (for I have been too long 
about the Husk and Shell) at that very Sessions one John William 
Lloyd, a Gentleman, who dwelt, and whose Son yet dwells within a 
mile of Glasterig, fell sick and in his coming homewards, was taken 
with such a violent Paroxism, that he could ride no further than the 
House, where I left my Fire to entertain him, and there he lighted and 
Lodged, died about four days after. Kv abundantCy you shall under- 
stand that some Candles have been seen to come to my Church, 
within these three weeks, and the Corpse not long after. Hactenus 
de Candelis nostris. 

Another kind of apparition we have which commonly we call 
Tan-we or Tan-wed because it seemeth fiery. This appeareth, to our 
seeming, in the lower region of the air, straight and long, not so 
much unlike a glaive, moves or shoots directly, and level (as who 
would say 111 hit), but far more slowly than Stell€B cadentes or star 
shot, lighteneth all the air and ground where it passeth, lasteth three 
or four miles, and mure, for ought is known, because no man seeth 
the rising or beginning of it : when it falls to ground it sparkleth, 
and lightneth all about. These, before their decease, do fall upon 
Free-Holders lands, and you shall scarce bury any such with us, be he 
but a lord of a house and garden, but you shall find some one at his 
burial, at least wise in his neighbourhood, that had seen this Fire to 
fall on some part of his lands. Two of these at several times, I have 
seen myself, since I studied meteors, and since I was a minister, and 



122 Welsh Folk' Lore of 

narrowly observed, even till tbey were in the aKfti and began to 
fall, but the interposition of grounds marred the conclusion : for 
where, and how they fell, I saw not ; but where I did guess, they fell. 
There died in the one place an aged gentleman ; in the other, 
a free-holder too, though of a meaner rank. To come nearer home : 

My mother's first husband (for my father marryed her a widdow) 
walking about his ground, saw one of these darts, or piles, aloft, which 
fell down hard by him, shone far, and sparkled round about his 
body, he took it for a warning-piece, made his Will, and having 
lived in good health, some four or five months after, dyed. 

A little before the decease of mine own father, aged ninety-six, a 
son-in-law of his, who dwelled two miles off (but upon higher ground) 
saw such another fall in a close behind the old man's house, which gave 
such a light, that by it he did clearly see the house, the hedges, and 
the oaks in the wood adjoyning. Sir, so many of these evidences, as 
I saw not myself I received from understanding and credible persons 
and such as would not lye, no, not for a benefice : and yourself may 
receive the same from me, as from one that was never too credulous, 
nothing supperstitious, and as little ceremonious. These secrets I 
dare not father upon Satan : I will not honour him so much, fo much 
as to ascribe to him the knowledge of contingent futures. I presume 
that of himself, he cannot certainly know whether or when a 
healthy man shall sicken, nor whether or when he shall dye of 
his sickness, nor whether he shall dye by sickness, or by fire, 
or water, &c., nor (in an open country especially) which way, of 
two, three, or more, the corps shall be brought to Church, whether 
it shall meet another corps in the way, whether it shall pass a river, 
by the ford or bridge, how many stops, turnings, and windings it 
shall make, Satan can have no certain foreknowledge of all such 
circumstances and more ; but this candle maker and director of them 
too forsees and foreknows them all, and therefore must needs be the 
Creator, who, as according to the good pleasure of his will, he hath 
determined and allotted to several nations their several habitations, 
dispositions, and conditions, even so (as I suppose) hath he vouchsafed 
to each of them some peculiar signs and tokens, if none to some, 
which I cannot believe, and if to some more and more wonderful than 
to other some, for my part, I can give no other reason for it but his 
will. This, with my hearty prayers for yourself, your pious and learned 
brethren of the Association. 

I rest your Friend in all kind offices 

that lye in my power 

John Davis. 

Generylyn the 19 March 1656. 



the Seventeenth Century. 123 

Sevebal Lbtters to Me. Kicuard Baxter in relation to an 
Apparition in the House of Lieutenant Colonel Bowbn, 
IN Glamorganshibe, in Wales, in the Year 165o. 

Colonel Rogers, the Govenor of Hereford, his Letter : To- 
gether WITH AN ENCLOSED RELATION OF AN APPARITION, &C. 

Dear Sir, 

By the enclosed you will find Bometliiug of the Busiueds you 
expected from me : (It is certain and true I have received it from 
very good hands). More there was, but they did not think it con- 
venient to put it on paper. My request is, that you will not expose 
it to public View; it may rather do harm than good. I know that 
God hath given you Wisdom, and you will make good use of such 
things : It may harden others. This, with the Enclosed, is all at 
present from Your Cordial Friend 

and Servant, 
Hereford, Aug. 2Srd, 1666. W. Rogers. 

The enclosed Relation of the late strange Apparition in the 
County of Glamorgan. 

In the beginning of the late War a Gentleman of that County 
being oppressed by the King's Party, took Arms under the Earl of 
Essex, and by his Valour obtained a good Repute in the Army ; so 
that in a short time he got the Command of Lieutenant Colonel. 
But as soon as the heat of the War was abated, his Ease and 
Preferment led him to a careless and Sensual Life ; insomuch that 
the Godly Commanders judged him unfit to continue in England, 
and thereupon sent him to Ireland, where he grew so vain and 
notional, that he was cashiered the Army ; and being then at liberty 
to sin without any Restraint, he became an absolute Atheist, denying 
Heaven or Hell, God or Devil, (acknowledging only a Power as the 
antient Heathens did Fate,) accounting Temporal Pleasures all his 
expected Heaven : So that at last he became hateful, and hating all 
civil Society, and his nearest relations. About December last, he 
being in Ireland, and his Wife (a Godly Gentlewoman, of a good 
family, and concluded by all the Godly People that knew her, to be 
one of the most sincere and upright Christians in those parts, as being 
for many Years under great Afflictions, and always bearing them 
with Cliristian-like-Patience) living in his house in Glamorgan, was 
very much troubled one Night with a great Noise much like the sound 
of Whirl-wind, and a violent beating of the Doors or Walls, as if 
the whole House were falling in pieces : And being in her Chamber, 
with most of her family, after praying to the Lord, (accounting it 



124 Welsh Folk-Lore of 

sinful Incredulity to yield to Fear) she went to bed ; and suddenly 
after, there appeared unto her something like her Husband, and 
asked her whether he should come to Bed. She sitting up, and 
praying to the Lord, told him, he was not her Husband, and that 
he should not. He urged more earnestly : What ! Not the Husband 
of thy Bosom f What ! not the Husband of thy Bosom t (Yet had 
no power to hurt her.) And she together with some Godly People, 
spent that Night in Prayer, being very often interrupted by this 
Apparition. 

The next Night, Mr. Miles, (a Godly Minister) with four other 
Godly Men, came to watch and pray in the House for that Night, 
and so continued in Prayer, and other Duties of Religion, without 
any interruption or noise at all that Night. But the Night following, 
the Gentlewoman, with several other Godly Women, being in the 
House, the noise of Whirl-wind began again, with more violence than 
formerly, and the Apparition walked in the Chamber, having an 
insufferable Stench, like that of a Putrified Carcase, filling the Room 
with a thick Smoak, smelling like Sulphur, darkening the Light of 
the Fire and Candle, but not quite extinguishing it ; sometimes going 
down the Stairs, and coming up again with a fearful noise, disturbing 
them in their prayers, one while with the sound of Words which they 
could not discern, other while striking them so that the next Morning 
their faces were black with the Smoak, and their Bodies swollen 
with Bruises. 

Thereupon they left the House, lest they should tempt the 
Lord by their over-bold staying in such Danger, and sent this 
Atheist the sad news of this Apparition ; who coming to England 
about May last, expressed more Love and Respect to his Wife than 
formerly ; yet telling her, that he could not believe her Relation of 
what she had seen, as having not a power to believe anything but 
what himself saw, and yet would not hitherto go to his House to 
make trial, but probably will e er long, for tliat he is naturally of an 
exceeding rash and desperate Spirit. 

August 1656. 

Mr. Samuel Joneses Letter in relation to Lieutenant Col. 

BOWEN, TOGETHER, WITH AN INCLOSED LbTTBR FROM Mr. 

Maur. Bedwell on the same Subject. 

Worthy and much Honoured, 

You may be pleased to remember, that when I waited upon you, 
at the Sheriff's House, in Sallop, in August last ; amongst your other 
Enquiries touching the state of that poor Country where the Lord 
hath cast my Lot for the present ; you desired me then to impart 



the Seventeenth Century. 125 

what I had reoeived by Relation, concerning the Apparitions in one 
Col. Bowen's House, and upon my return to procure you some further 
Intelligence touching that Tremendous Providence. Whether it be 
by Time, or Familiarity, with the noise hereof, or rather, the (no less 
to be admired) Blockish uess of the Spirits of Men, that the Horror of 
that terrible Dispensation be allayed, I know not, but surely the thing 
itself was very Stupendous, and the remembrance of it carries much 
Amazement with it still, to them that have anything of Tenderness 
or Understanding left them. By the inclosed, from an Honest and 
Godly Hand, not far from the Stage where these things were acted : 
Yon may understand the Substance of that matter, the Party, (being 
a Minister of the Gospel) perfectly knew Colonel Bowen, and hath 
often conversed with him, both before and since his House was 
haunted. If you are pleased to command any further Satisfaction 
herein, I shall take a Journey myself into the place, and endeavour to 
gratifie your desire, as to any further particular that you desire the 
knowledge of. If any publick use be made hereof you may conceal 
my Friends name and mine own, lest any offence should be taken by 
some of the Parties Relations in Parliament and Council. Gf the 
receipt of this Paper I desire to hear with all convenient speed. At 
the Throne of Grace vouchsafe to remember your weak and wretched 
Brother, who yet desires to be found in the number of them that 
are, Sir, 

Yours in the surest Bonds 

to Honour and Serve you 
Coedreken Nov, 28^, 1656. Samuel Jonb8. 

The Reasons why forbearing Names was desired, being now over 
(yet Mr. S. Jones still living) I think my self disobliged as to that 
restraint.— R. B. 

Mr. Maur. Bbdwbll's inclobbd Lbttbr. 
Dear Sir, 

Glad I am of your safe return, and gladder should I be to be 
instrumental, according to my weak Capacity, of nay ling you to these 
parts. I hope if my desires are agreeable to the Lord, you will meet 
with some directing Providences from him, which will answer all 
Objections. 

As to Col. Bowen*s House, I can give you some brief particulars, 
which you may credit as coming from such, who were not so foolish 
as to be deluded, nor so dishonest as to report an untruth : What I 
shall write, if need were, would be made good, both by Eye and Ear 
Witnesses. The Gentleman, Col. Bowen, whose House is called 
Lanellin in Gowersland, formerly was famous for Profession of 



126 Welsh Folk- Lore of 

Religion, but this day is the saddest man in his Principles I know 
living. To me, in particular he hath denyed the Being of the Spirit 
of the Lord : His Argument thus, bither *tis something or nothing ; 
if something, shew me, tell me what it is &c. and I believe he gives 
as little credit to other Spirits as the Sadduces. At his House, 
aforementioned, he being then in Ireland, making Provision for 
removing thither, these things happened. About December last, his 
Wife being in bed, a Gracious Understanding Woman, and one whom 
little things will not affright ; one in the likeness of her Husband, 
and just in his Posture, presented himself to her Bed-side, proffering 
to come to Bed to her, which she refusing, he gave this answer. What 
refuse the Husband of thy Bosom ; and after some time, she 
alledging, Christ was her Husband, it disappeared : Strange miserable 
Howlings and Cries were heard about the House, his Tread, his 
Posture, Sighing, Humming, were heard frequently in the Parlour ; 
in the Day time often the Shadow of one walking would appear upon 
the Wall. One night was very remarkable, and had not the Lord 
stood by the. poor Gentlewoman and her two Maids, that night they 
had been undone; as she was going to Bed, she perceived by the 
impression on the Bed, as if some Body had been lying there, and 
opening the Bed, she smelt the smell of a Carcase some-while dead ; 
and being in Bed (for the Gentlewoman was somewhat Courageous) 
upon the Tester which was of Cloth, she perceived something rolling 
from side to side, and by and by being forced out of her bed, she had 
not time to dress her self, such Cries and other things almost amazing 
her, but she (hardly any of her Cloths being on) with her two Maids, 
got upon their knees at the Bed-side to seek the Lord, but eztreamly 
assaulted, oftentimes she would, by somewhat which felt like a Dog 
under her Knees, be lifted a foot or more high from the Ground: 
some were heard to talk on the other side of the Bed, which one of 
the Maids hearkening to, she had a blow upon the Back; Divers 
assaults would be made by fits ; it would come with a cold breath of 
Wind, the Caudles bum blew and almost out ; horrible Screekings ; 
Veilings, and Roarings, within and without the House sad smells of 
Brimstone and Powder, and this continued from some nine at Night 
to some three the next Morning, so that the Poor Gentlewoman and 
her Servants were in a sad case; the next Morning smelling of 
Brimstone and Powder, and as I remember black with it, but the 
Lord was good ; Fires have been seen upon the House, and in the 
Fields; his Voice hath been heard luring his Haukes, a Game he 
delights in, as also the Bills of the Hauks. These are the chief 
things which I dare recommend upon Credit, and I could wish, that 
they, who question the Existency of Spirits had been but one night 



the Seventeenth Century. 127 

at Lannelin to receive satisfaction to their Objections ; This continued 
so violent, that the Gentlewoman was fain to withdraw to her Mothers 
House ; but her Husband coming over about some four Months 
since, bis Confidence did not serve him to lodge at Lannelin, although 
we have heard nothing of trouble to the House since his coming over. 
Sir the Dispensation, as it was exceeding terrible, so very remark- 
able ; and what the voice of God might l>e in such a thing 'tis not 
clearly known yet ; He is as Atheistical as ever, all his Religion if I 
may call it so, being comprised in the acknowledging a power, which 
we, as he saith, may call God, and waiting for some infallible 
miraculous Business to verifie to him all the rest we own as our 
Religion. Sure, Sir, if ever a Blasphemer was unworthy to live, this 
is the Man ; and certainly his Sin will find him out: He is now gone 
to Ireland ; let these things be divulged only as to the matter without 
names. Assure the Gentleman, your Friend, they are very Truths ; 
I have somewhat more than ordinary for what I say. At the first we 
concluded, the Wretch had been dead, but 'twas otherwise, and there- 
fore the more remarkable. 

Your affectionate Brother, 

to Love and Serve you 

Maur. Bbdwbll. 
8ioan»y Octob, 16, 56. 

Mr. Daniel Hiqos his Letter, ooncernino the Apparition in 

Lieutenant Colonel Bowen's House. 
Dear Sir, 

As to the Concern you commit to me about Colonel Bowen, accept 
of this Account. 

I have discoursed with Brother Samuel Jones, who gave you the 
first Narrative, which if you have lost, he hopes he may find the Copy 
of the Letter, and I shall send it. Twas one Mr. Miles, an Anabaptist 
Minister, that wrote the Letter to one Mr. Bed well, Minister of Swan- 
sey, who sent it Mr. Samuel Jones. This Miles (who spent a night 
in Prayer in Colonel Bo wen's House in the time of the disturbance) 
is gone for New England. Two Ministers more, with myself, went to 
spend another Night in the House, but Mrs. Bowen was gone with her 
family, and we stayed not, but went to give her a Visit, who related 
strange things, but I cannot remember Circumstances. The two 
Ministers are also gone. But since I received yours, I have discoursed 
Mr. Bowen's Maid, who was in the House, and I judge her throughly 
Godly, who doth attest tlie truth of these Apparitions, Noises, &c. 
which I suppose you had fully in your Narrative ; but Time hath 
somewhat obliterated Circumstances with her. I know not well (Sir) 



128 JVe/sA Folk' Lore of 

how to get greater light ; and I must assure you, £ find not anything 
out to invalidate that Report you have had, but much that confirms 
it, I shall proceed according to your further Direction in this, or any 
other Concern of yours, and that with much Chearfulness and Oom- 
placencty, I commit you, and your huge Labours to our mighty and 
merciful Lord, by Prayer and all weli Wishes. And if you can think 
of anything farther for me, or gather anything by Discourse with 
Learned Men, vouchsafe to impart it^ and imprint me (poor Worm) 
on your Soul before our Father. I have somewhat trespassed by 
Prolixity, which becomes me not to such a Person, in such a Sphere : 
But excuse him who is Your afflicted 

poor Brother 
Daniel flioos. 

Captain Samuel Foley's Letter conoebning Lieutenant Colonel 

BOWEN. 

Worthy Sir, 

The best Account I can get of Colonel Bowen is this, viz. That he 
is little sensible of his sad Condition. He lives in the County of 
Cork, in a beggarly way, though he hath a fair Estate. Some Months 
since, he turned his Wife and Children from him, in that sad unkind 
manner, that they were forced to seek Relief from some Friends in 
Youghall, to help them in their Return to Wales, where they continue. 
Not long since, in Discourse with Baronet Ingolsby, and Mr. Gilbert, 
Minister of Limerick, from whom I have the most part of this 
Relation, he said, he would give Ten Thousand Pounds to know 
the Truth about Grod. Tis reported he is haunted with ghastly 
Ghosts and Apparitions, which frequent him. I have written to 
the neighbouring Ministers and Gentlemen of my Acquaintance as 
effectually as I could, enclosing a copy of your Letter ; and from 
them I hope to have a more full Account concerning this poor 
Man. Your Letters indeed came safe, but not till August though 
dated in May. Sir, in any thing wherein I may serve you, you may 
freely command me : But wherein I may serve the Church of Gk>d, the 
best, and utmost of my endeavours, through the Lord's Assistance, 
shall not be wanting. What farther shall come to my Hands shall 
carefully be reported to you, by him who begs your Prayers, and 
subscribes. 

Sir 

Your very Affectionate 
Servant, 
Clonmell Octob. 6, Samuel Foley. 

1658. 



the Seventeenth Century. 1 29 

From these letters we may fairly attribute to Eichard 
Baxter the distinction of being the earliest known collector 
of Welsh folk-lore — a distinction he would not have under- 
stood and would not have desired. Nov) we should be 
glad to spare many pages of the Certainty of the World 
of Spirits for more testimonies as to their customs and 
beliefs from Welsh witnesses of the seventeenth century^ 
Baxter in this sense is our earliest modem author^ and to 
the rarity of his book must be attributed the fact that, 
except for the quotation by John Aubrey — ^which has 
often been requoted without verification — he has passed 
unnoticed by lat«r writers. 

The first reference in the first letter appears to be to 
the fairies, for fourteen or fifteen ghosts — not counting 
some small children — could not have found space in a little 
room. The ^^tick" or sheeting laid on the floor would 
form a table-cloth for this ghostly banquet. But, as it is 
expressly stated that the chamber seemed to be '*far 
lighter and wider than formerly'*, the visitants may have 
been of the ordinary size. 

In the second letter we hear of the frequency of 
apparitions, and there is a curious story of the apparition 
of a living person. There also is casually mentioned a 
stone with the finger-prints made by the apparition of a 
living man. Of these simulacra of the quick and not of 
the dead the most remarkable is that of Colonel Bowen, to 
be mentioned later. 

The second letter likewise refers to the belief in 
the subterranean ^'knockers". These dwarfs have some 
relationship to Wayland Smith, and are common to all 
Europe where there are mining operations.* There are 
interesting notes on the coblynau in £lias Owen's Welsh 



^ See Grimm^s Teutonic Mythology ^ e<l. by Stallybra88,pp.446y 1410. 



1 30 WelsA Folk-Lore of 

Folk-lore.^ He connects them with the ancient traditions 
of a former race of cave dwellers. There is a reference to 
them by a divine of the early part of the seventeenth cen- 
tury. Thomas Tymme (d. 1620), in the fourth chapter of 
his Silver Watch BeUy says : ^' What else can these fearfuU 
fearful flames, horrible smoke burning stones, in such 
hideous manner blown up, and the terrible roaring within 
that mountain ^tna import but a certain subterraneal 
part of Hell? As also it may be in like manner thought 
of the marine rock of BaiTy, in Glamorganshire, in Wales : 
by a certain cleft or rift whereof (if a man lay his ear 
thereon) is heard the worke as it were of a smith's forge : 
one while the blowing of bellows: anotlier while the 
sound of hammers, beating on a stithy or anvil: the 
noise of knives made sharp on a whetstone: and the 
crackling of fire in a furnace, and such like : very strange 
and admirable to hear." 

The belief in the canwyll gorff and in the drychioheth 
lingered long and is perhaps not yet extinct. Lewis gives 
very emphatic testimony as to the universality of the belief 
in this form of death portent. That it was not confined to 
the poorer classes is evident from the account he gives of 
his wife's fears. John Davis is another interesting witness, 
and gives some very circumstantial accounts, including 
one in which he played a prominent part. Davis has a 
remarkable account of a fiery meteor, which, falling upon 
the ground was supposed to prophesy the death of the 
owner of the land. Of this particular omen I do not know 
any other notice. 

The account of the apparition and disturbances at the 
house of Lieut.-Colonel Henry Bowen, of '^Lanellin in 
Gowersland" is a remarkable document. His name 
appears in the Calendar of State Papers as taking part 

» P. 112. 



the Seventeenth Century. 131 

in the military arrangements of the Commonwealth 
authorities in Ireland in 1651, but of his personal history 
these letters are the only data. It is an ironical circum- 
stance that the house of an agnostic should become the 
scene of ghostly disturbances. There are many narratives 
of similar noises elsewhere, but the most remarkable 
incident is that of the apparition. Colonel Bo wen was 
then alive in Ireland, but something or someone resembling 
him was seen and heard by his wife. Yet the resemblance 
was not so complete as to satisfy her of his identity. The 
narrative is not so lucid as might be desired, but it leaves 
the impression that the eidolon of Bowen was seen by 
several persons. With all its details the narrative is oddly 
inconclusive, and did not even effect the convinceraent of 
the doubting Cromwellian soldier. 

The modern inquirer cannot help regretting that 
Richard Baxter and his colleagues had no foreglimmerings 
of the science of folk-lore. What a rich harvest they 
could have had in the seventeenth century; whilst in the 
twentieth, scattered ears of com, to be picked up with 
painful industry, are all that the modest ardent gleaner 
can hope to gather. 



k2 



(jftottB on certain (poio^eian pode. 

By ALFRED NEOBARD PALMER, Wrexham. 



A PEW desultory notes relating to various Welsh poets 
of Powys, and of the commote of Oswestry once included 
therein, may be worth stringing together, however loose 
may be the tie that binds them. 

Madoc Benfras [of Sontley], or rather, "Mad. Penwras", 
is mentioned under that name in the accounts of the 
bailiwick or commote of Wrexham, as a complainant with 
others, on the Tuesday next after the feast of the Nativity 
of St. John the Baptist, 14 Edward III, 1840. And on 
the court, held on the same day, he and his brother 
Ednyfed, sons of Griffith ap lorwerth, are also named, as 
they are again on two subsequent court days in the 
same year. On Monday in the feast of Michaelmas, 
13 Edward III [1339], Gwenhwyfar [their mother, or 
stepmother], relict of Griffith ap lorwerth ap Einion, 
entered into a recognizance. Madoc Benfras is reported 
to have been buried at Llanuwchllyn, but it is interesting 
to find him pleading at the local court ['Hhe great turn"] 
of the commote within which he lived and to get him 
exactly dated. He is said to have had another brother, 
Llewelyn ap Griffith, also a bard, commonly called 
"Llewelyn Llogell", parson of March wiel, who is never 
mentioned in these accounts, but the David ap Llogell, 
named in 1339, was probably Llewelyn's son. 

We come now to speak of another famous Powysian 
poet, David ap Edmund, one of the family the main stock 
whereof adopted the surname of " Hanmer". According 



Notes on certain Powysian Poets, 1 33 

to ^'Llyvyr mawr Griffith Hiraethoc'*, he was son of David 
Fychan ap David Foel ap Philip, which Philip was one of 
the sons of John de Upton of Macclesfield^ [and father of 
Sir David Hanmer, justice of the King's Bench]. And 
the genealogy, above indicated, squares with that which is 
traditional in the Hanmer family. David ap Edmund is 
said to have been buried in 1490 at Hanmer, where also 
he was born, and to have lived on one of the banks of the 
lake there. His sou, Edward ap David ap Edmund, sets 
his name to a deed in 1514 (Lord Hanmer 's History of the 
Parish and Family of Hanmer). 

A few remarks concerning Huw Aforus (Eos Ceiriog) 
of Pont y meibion, in the township of Bhiwlas (parish of 
Llansilin), may here be given. Although the date of his 
burial, 81 August 1709, is duly recorded in the Llansilin 
parish registers, those registers begin too late to contain 
any notice of his baptism. Gwallter Mechain says he was 
eighty-seven years old at the time of his death, in which 
case he would be born in 1622. But who his father was 
has - not been ascertained. It is very likely, but not 
certain, that his parents were the ^^ Moris ap Llein 
[Llewelyn] of Llanselin and Joneth vergh David", who 
were married at Oswestry on 19 Nov. 1598. We may be 
fairly sure, in any case, that his father was Morus ap 

. There was a Morus ap John ap David ap 

Edward of Tregeiriog, who entered into an obligation, 
with another person, on the 17 Feb. 1611/2 (9 Jac. I) in the 
sum of £100, but 1 know nothing more about him, and 
his name is only mentioned as affording a possible clue. 
Tregeiriog is a township of Llangadwaladr parish, not far 
distant from Khiwlas. The names of Morus ap Llewelyn 
and of Morus ap John ap David may supply hints as to 

* See Export on Peniarth MSS., by Dr. J. Gwenogfryn Evans, 
p. 836. ^ 



1 34 Notes on certain Powystan Poets. 

the matter in hand, the parentage of Hugh Morris, but 
nothing has at present been discovered relating to the 
children of the two persons named, and it is quite likely 
that the poet's father may have been another Morus. 

The epitaph on both the present and older memorial 
stone of Hugh Morris, in Llansilin churchyard — "Yn 
nhelyn Huw, Duw a roes dant" — has always seemed to be 
peculiarly beautiful. His stone "cadair," now in the 
garden of Erw garreg, close to Pont y meibion, has been 
removed thither from its first site, a spot near at hand. 

The printing by the Shropshire Parish Register Society 
of the registers of Oswestry enable us to fix the dates of 
some poets who lived in the parish just named, and to give 
certain details respecting them, for which we look vainly in 
the ordinary biographies. 

It may be well, first of all, to copy the entries as they 
occur in the Oswestry register entries, bringing them 
together in their proper order, and then to make such 
observations upon them as may seem fit. 

And we will take, to begin with, William Lleyn : — 

Wiirm Llyn Bardus obijt eod. die [SO*' Aug 1580]. 
Jane vz Wiirm Llyn obijt eod. die [4'' Maii, 1685]. 

Now, William Lleyn, under the name of William Owen, 
is said to have become vicar of Oswestry in 1683, and to 
have died and been buried there in 1587. But the parish 
registers afford no trace of his having been vicar of that 
parish,^ although he may have been curate there under the 
vicariate of Chancellor (prelad) John Price, who died 

^ Since this paper was sent to the Editor, the mistake of identi- 
fying William Lleyn with William Owen, Vicar of Oswestry (quite a 
distinct person), has been noted by the Rev. J. C. Morrice in his pre- 
face to his edition of the Barddoniaeth William Llyn, and by Mr. W. 
Prichard Williams in his preface to Morris Kyffyn's Deffyniad Ffydd 
Egltcya Lloegr* 



J 



Notes on certain Powysian Poets. 135 

15 March 1582/3, and was buried at Oswestry on the 20th 
of the same month, whose ancestry is attested by his full 
name "J prys [ap Rhys] ap J. ap To. ap R." (see Gwen- 
ogfryn Evans* Catalogue of Peniarth MSS.^ vol. i, pt. II, 
p. 884). 

Next, the following entries concerning Rh^s Cain may 
be quoted : — 

Ann vz Rees Kain cristned the same daye [22 May 1579]. 

Roger ap Rees Kain cristned the same daye — Nov. 
1689]. 

Elzabeth vz Rees Kain bapt. the same daye [4 June 
1692]. 

Gwen the wiffe of Rees Kayne buried eodem die 
[19 Apr. 1603]. 

John Robert Glover and Anne verch Rees Kaine maried 
the 2l8t daie [July 1606]. 

Reece Kain poet buried the 10th daye [May 1614]. 

Elizabeth daughter of Pice Kaine buried the 26th daie 
[Dec. 1615]. 

Elizabeth the base doughter of Edd ap Jon Taylor by 
the body of Katheringe vz David late wyfe of Rees Kain, 
bapt. the 15th daye [Apl. 1616]. 

Thus we see that Gwen, the first wife of Rh^s Cain, 
was apparently the mother of all his children, and that his 
second wife, Katherine verch David, probably a young and 
flighty creature, added no lustre to the poet's renown. 

Sion Cain, the poet, son of Rh^s Cain, is believed to 
have been buried at Oswestry, but the registers of that 
parish, which are not perfect, do not mention him. It 
is probable that they do not begin early enough to record 
his baptism. Sion Cain was living in 1648. 

Here follow the entries in Oswestry registers touching 
leuan Llafar: — 

Lewes the supposed child of Ieu*n Llafar by the body of 
Anne verzh John ap David ais. Witch, buried the 20th daie 
[Sept. 1597]. 

leuan Llavar sepultus fuit 13^ die [Septembris 1622]. 



1 36 Notes on certain Powysian Poets. 

John ap Evan Llavar weau' sepult. eodem die [31 Julii 
16i>3]. 

Edward ap leuan Llavar buried the 5th day [Dec. 1628]. 

Morfydd ye wife of Evan Llavar buried ye 23rd day 
[Jany 1631/2]. 

Ellen vz Evan Llafer buried the 4th day [Oct. 1662]. 

leuan or Jeuan and Evan are, of course, the same, and 
the derivation of his additional name from "Llafar" 
{speechy voice) is obvious and probable, but the poet maj 
have taken that name from Llafar, a township in Llan- 
santffraid DyflPryn Ceiriog parish, where, perhaps, he was 
bom. 

The entries next to be given relate to a certain Tudor 
Aled, and can hardly refer to the well-known poet, but 
may be quoted for what they are worth : — 

Robert ap Tudor AJlet & Elnor vz Tudor Alet cristned 
the same daye [3 Feb. 156i]. 

Elizabeth vz Gruff vx Tydder Allet obijt eod. die 
[6 Decembris, 1581]. 

Tudor ap Robert Allet & Gwen vz Roger ma. vndeci'a 
die [Feb. 1583]. 

Gwen vz Tudor Alett bap. eodem die [Septr. 1687]. 

Elzabet vz Tudor Alet bapt. the 11th day [Dec. 1591]. 

The great Tudur Aled is said to have died in or about 
1530, and to have been nephew to David ap Edmund, 
pencerddy of Hanmer. 

Wrexham itself seems not to have been a place prolific' 
of Welsh poets (and I exclude persons now or recently 
living), although Lewis Glyn Cothi commended it "for a 
man of my language" {am wr 6*m iaith), contrasting it in 
this respect with Holt, where English was almost ex- 
clusively spoken. Still, there was a John Roberts of 
Wrexham, a poet who wrote in Welsh, concerning whom 

1 Nevertheless, a certain Hwfa Brydydd (Hwfa, the poet) was 
living in that part of Wrexham, afterwards called ** Wrexham Regis", 
in the year 1301. 



Notes on certain Powysian Poets. 137 

nothing is known except that one of his poems is dated 
1726. And within the parish of Wrexham, outside the 
town, a few persons who were more than mere dabblers in 
the intricacies of the Welsh measures, may be named, for 
example, Owen Brereton, esq., of Burras Hall, who died in 
1695, John Puleston, esq., of Llwyn y cnotti^, Howel ap 
Sir Mathew (of whom presently), and '^ John Roberts of 
Bersham, Welsh poet", who "was buried in woolen the 
6th day of June 1679" at Wrexham. There were three 
John Pulestons, of Llwyn y cnotti^, the second and third 
of whom were buried at Wrexham on 25th Jan. 162^, 
and 14 March 167|, respectively. 

A separate paragraph may be devoted to Howel ap Sir 
Mathew, pencerdd^ who almost certainly belonged to the 
family of Croesfoel, in the hamlet of Hafod y bwch, town- 
ship of Esclusham Below, and parish of Wrexham. ''Sir 
Mathew", whose honorific prefix proclaims him to have 
been a clergyman, can hardly be any other than Mathew, 
younger son of David ap Griffith ap David ap Bady, of 
CroesfoeU His elder brother, Robert ap David, was living 
on 10 July 1527. On 30 August, 9 Eliz. [1567J "John 
Wynne ap S'Mathewe" surrendered a copyhold estate in 
Dinhinlle (Buabon parish) to the use of William ap John 
Wynne, his son, who surrendered it again, 15 March, 
16 Eliz. [1573J, to the use of Edward Jones, his brother. 
He appears to have been living and in the possession of a 
free estate in Erbistock so late as 1620. The will of 
" Angharet vz Sir Mathewe" was dated . . . Dec. 1578, and 
proved 7 June 1582. Therein she describes herself as 
"wydowe" and "late wief to Richard Tegyne, Esq., de- 
cessed".' But she must have been married before, for she 
speaks of her sons, Edward Bers, John Bers, and Richard 
Bers, of her son [in law] Owen ap Hugh [of RhosUan- 
erchrugog] . Now John Bers, at any rate, and Elizabeth, 



1 38 Notes on certain Powysian Poets. 

wife of Owen ap Hugh, were children of John ap William 
ap Howel, by his wife, Anp:harad, daughter of Mathew ap 
David. We conclude that the testatrix married, firstly, 
John ap William, of Bersham, by whom she had the 
children mentioned in her will, and, secondly, Bichard 
Teg^, serjeant-at-arms, of Esclusham Above and Morton 
Wallicorum [in the parishes of Wrexham and Buabon]. 
In the will of the said Bichard Tegyn, dated 13 Dec. 1571, 
and proved 22 Jan. 1576/7, his wife is mentioned but her 
name is not given. These particulars may serve to elucidate 
the family history of Howel ap Sir Mathew, and also 
approximately to fix his date, which can be determined 
more exactly by the fact that he wrote in 1557 the first 
part of a descriptive treatise concerning coat armour 
(Llanstephan MSS.y Dr. J. Gwenogfryn Evans' Catalogue, 
p. 515). 

Mathew Bromfield (living in 1552), judging by his 
designation, and by the names of persons mentioned in his 
poems, must have belonged to the district called in English 
"BromfieW, and in Welsh "Maelor Gymraeg*'. By the 
same token, Edward Maelor (living in 1590) may justly be 
taken to have been an inhabitant either of Maelor Gymraeg 
or of the adjoining commote of Maelor Saesneg, but the 
respective fathers' names of these two poets has not yet 
been ascertained. Nor has another poet — David Edward, 
of Erbistock — been hitherto affiliated or exactly dated. 

The following remarks concerning Howel Bangor, the 
poet, may, however, possibly be of interest. In the 
accounts of Sir Charles Brandon, receiver of Bromfield 
and Yale, from Michaelmas 1518 to Michaelmas 1519, a 
certain Howel Bangor is mentioned as bailiff of the manor 
of Pabrorum.* Also, in 1562, "John ap hoell Bangor" is 

^ The nucleus of this manor was the township of Morton Angli- 
oorum in the parish of Ruabon. 



Notes on certain Powysian Poets. 1 39 

described as holding a"gaveU" [gafael] of land in the 
same manor, while the name of William ap leuan ap John 
ap Howel Bangor occurs on 23rd April, 13 Elizabeth 
[1571]. 

In the list of bards buried at Buabon, printed on 
pages 401-403 of vol. i, V(my% Fadog^ the after-mentioned 
are found : — leuan Tiler, Sion Trefor, William Alaw, and 
Tomas Gwynedd. But although I have glanced, some- 
what hastily it must be allowed, through the Buabon 
registers, the names of none of the men so designated 
have been noticed. John Trevor, the bard, was probably 
neither John Trevor of Trevalyn, nor John Trevor of 
Trevor, but John Trevor of Upper Esclus Hall (parish of 
Wrexham), son of Hugh ap David Trevor, so named 
because it was at Trevor that he was nursed. I have seen 
the post-nuptial settlement of John Trevor, alias John ap 
Hugh, made 21 Sept. 1582, after the birth of his son 
Robert ; his wife was Mary, daughter of Robert Turbridge, 
esq., and he was still living on 20 Sept. 1608. 



(Repieip0t ^^^ ^^ott (jjioduB^ 



THE TAYLOBS CUBSION, by George Owen, Lord of 
Kemeys (oiroa 1662-1618). Being a flEM»imile reproduo- 
tion by photo-lithography from the original MS. in two 
volumes. Issued, with a short Biography of the Author, 
by Emily M. Pritohard (Olwen Fowys), author of *'Car- 
digan Priory in the Olden Days". London: Blades, 
East, and Blades, Publishers, 28, Abohurch Lane, KG. 
1906. 

THE HI8TOBY OF ST. DOGMAEL'S ABBEY, together 
with her Cells, Pill, Caldey, and Glasoarreg, and the 
Mother Abbey of Tiron, by Emily M. Pritohard. 
London : Blades, East, and Blades. 1007. 



Mbs. Pbitchabd, the indefatigable authoress of Cardigan 
Priory in the Olden DaySy has recently enriched Welsh 
literature by the publication of two books which will be 
read with interest by all students of the history and 
antiquities of Wales. 

The first is a reproduction by photo-lithography of the 
Taylor*8 Cussiony the common-place book of George Owen, 
the Elizabethan historian, the original of which is now in 
the Cardiff Free Library. To this Mrs. Pritchard has 
prefaced a sketch of the life and works of the author, and 
of the Barony of Kernes, of which he was Lord. 

The mere list of the contents shows the wonderful 
versatility of the author's mind. The papers themselves 
are of unequal value, but we are grateful to Mrs. Pritchard 
for giving us the exact words of the original. Besides the 
papers relating to his own county, the more importiint of 
which have been published in Owen's Pembrokeshire^ there 
are lists of the ancient and modern divisions of Wales, the 



Reviews. 141 

fairs and markets therein, and the sherifEs and the castles 

thereof, with the churches and surveys of several places. 

There are many papers relating to the Council of. the 

Marches, and to the See of St. David's, while for the 

general reader there are papers upon agricultural customs, 

land measures, labourers, farming notes ^nd accounts, 

muster books, holidays and working days, ordnance, 

druggist weights, divinity, money, troy weight, moons and 

tides, knights made by the Earl of Essex, and papers upon 

subjects connected with England, France, Ireland, the 

Papacy and the Emperor. 

The oth«r work is a History of 8L BogmaeVs Abb&y in 

Pemhroheshire, with an account of its founders, its 

possessions, and its fortunes after the Dissolution. We 

have also the story of the mother Abbey of Tiron, and of 

the daughter houses of Pill and Caldey in Pembrokeshire, 

and of Glascarreg in County Wexford. Mi*s. Pritchard 

has collected a mass of information upon her subjects ; we 

have copious extracts, some of them of much interest, from 

various English rolls, from the Cartulary of Tiron, from 

royal and other charters, and from the Papal registers. 

The book has been worthily issued by the publishers, and 

is furnished with an excellent index. 

Henby Owen. 



THE BLACK BOOK OF CABHABTHEN. Beproduoed and 
Edited by J. Gwenogvrjni Evans, Hon. MJL, and Hon. 
DXitt. Oxen. FwUhell: Issued to Subscribers only. 
MDCGGCVL 



Dr. Gwenogvryn Evans has placed all students of Early 
Welsh Literature under a lasting obligation by this most 
admirable reproduction (the work of his own private 
press) of the Black Book of Carmarthen, Ten years or 



142 Reviews. 

more ago it was preceded by a Collotype Facsimile which 
is to day amongst the envied possessions of a few book- 
lovers. The present text has been reproduced diploma- 
tically page for page, line for line^ character for character, 
space for space, with the exactitude and loving care which 
have made Dr. Gwenogvryn Evans facile princeps amongst 
all the palseog^aphers. In the result, the book is to all 
intents and purposes what the Editor claims it to be, 
*^a facsimile in characters which all can read". To the 
text are added an Introduction dealing with the contents 
according to the four main divisions of the subject matter, 
Mythology, Theology, History, and Literature ; an impor- 
tant grammarial contribution in the form of a Welsh 
paradigm of the verb to be and its compounds; and a 
valuable Index to the names of men and places mentioned 
in the text. Notwithstanding the manifold difficulties of 
the Black Book, Dr. Gwenogvryn Evans affirms that an 
acquaintance extending over twenty years has taught him 
to love it for its inspiration, its tender utterances, its 
many melodies, and he is ready to sing a holy lay, 

I dduw gwyn gwengerdd a ganav. — 
'*for this rich legacy of noble poetry reaching far back 
into the ages when as yet England's muse was uncradled." 
At the close of his Apologia, the Editor points out that 
Carmarthenshire gave birth to the BUick Book in the 
twelfth century, and that one of her sons (Sir John 
Williams), in the twentieth, has presented it to the nation, 
for the Black Book of Carmarthen is now one of the most 
cherished treasures of the Welsh National Library. Very 
appropriately he dedicates it to the First President of that 
Institution, ^^the first in personal effort for its establish- 
ment, the first in personal sacrifice for its good, and 
the first in the importance of his contributions to its 
treasures". E. Vincent Evans. 



Reviews. 143 

STTmiES IN ENGIiISn HISTOBICAL DOCnMENT& By 
Hubert Hall, F.B.A., of HJ£. Fnblio Beoord Office; 
Beader in Fal»ography in the Uiiiyersity of London. 
Cambridge : at the University Fresa 1908. 

A FOBMUIJL BOOK OF ENGLISH HISTOBICAL DOCU- 
MENTS. Fart I. Diplomatio DoonmentB, seleoted and 
tranaorlbed by a Seminar of the London School of Eoono- 
mica Edited by Hubert Hall, F.S. A. Cambridge : at the 
Uniyeraity Fress. 1908. 



The Student of the Historical Records relating to Wales 
will find extremely useful and suggestive information in 
Mr. Hubert Hall's far-reaching Studies in English Historical 
Documents, recently published at the Cambridge Univer- 
sity Press. These studies deal comprehensively with the 
many aspects of the National Archives which concern the 
liistorian. The author, with the modesty of a great 
authority on the subject, disclaims in the preface any 
attempt at completeness, and ascribes the publication of 
his ^'desultory studies" to a laudable ambition on the 
part of certain students to produce a much needed Formula 
Book of Official Documents, and the desirability of setting 
out the authority for the arrangement and conclusions of 
that particular work. Nevertheless, the student of history 
will find in Mr. Hubert Hall's well-inspired pages the 
exact information which he requires as to the sources of 
Official Historical Documents, the history, classification, 
and the analysis of Archives, and the Bibliography, 
Diplomatics, and Palseography of our early records. In 
his Introduction to the Formula Booh, Mr. Hall points 
out that its chief claim upon the attention of Historical 
Students and Record Workers will be found in its com- 
prehensive design, and in the further attempt that it 
makes for the first time to present the several types of 
official instruments in a connected series. In addition to a 



144 Reviews, 

serious diplomatic description of the several documents, 
their 'provefnxince has also been broadly indicated, together 
with their bibliographical relations. Thus the student 
can, in most cases, ascertain at a glance the position of an 
original instrument in respect of enrolment or entry, 
together with its published form, as complete text, abstract, 
or mere description. E. Vincent Evans. 



THE STATUTES OF WALES. Ck)Ueoted, edited and 
arranged by Ivor Bowen, Barrlster-at-Law. London: 
T. Fisher XJnwin. 1908. 



Mb. Ivor Bowbn has rendered a distinct service by 
collecting in one volume all the Acts of Parliament and 
parts thereof which refer to Wales, and thus placing them 
for the first time within the reach of those who are 
interested in the constitutional development and history 
of the Welsh nation. The record commences with the 
three Clauses of Magna Charta (a.d. 1215) which related 
to Wales and its people, and ends with the Act of 1902, 
which made further provision with respect to Education in 
England and Wales, and the University of Wales Act of 
the same year. In an Introduction, extending over a 
hundred pages, Mr. Bowen summarises the provisions and 
objects of the various statutes, and assists the general 
readers to an understanding of the scope of legislation as 
it affected the Principality. The work does not profess to 
be in any sense a complete investigation of the historical 
circumstances connected with the various legislative 
enactments, but it admirably serves its purpose as a guide 
to the principal statutes relating to the Dominion, 
Principality, and Country of Wales. 

E. Vincent Evans. 



y Cpttittiroaor. 

Cbe magazine 

Socletp of Cptnmroaorioti. 



Vol. XXII. 



LONDON: 

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NEW STONE BUILDINGS, 64, CHANCERY LANE. 

1910. 



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Vta-Chairman and Treasurer .'--Dr. Henry Owen, FS^. 

Secretary .--r-Sir E. Vincent Evans, 



Tbb HokoubablsaSocxktt of CTiiuitODOiaoK, oiigioaUy founded under Bojal 
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WeUhmen, particularly those resident out of Wales, who are aoadfona to advance the ! 
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Its especial aim^ are the improvement of Edacaftion, and the promotion of tntMlectnaJ 
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Subscription to the Society, entitling to copies of all Its palilioations, and 
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Application for membership should be add re we d to the Seoretazy, 8. Vincent 
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grace 
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LIST OF PUBUGATIOHB. 

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iii, of out prinL] 
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and cloth, gilt, 10s. 6a. Crown 8vo., cloth gilt, 34. 6<l. 
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Ik THB CTHllRODOtUON BBCOBD SEBIB& 

The Desoription of Fenbrckahire. by George Owen of Henllys. Edited 
by Henry Owen, D.O.L. Oxon., F.9. A. Being Ko. 1 of the Oymmtodoriim Reeerd 
Seriet. 2 parte, ai«. 

The Court BqUb of the IfOrdshlp of Ruthin or Dyffiryn-CSlwyd. of the 
Reign of King Edward the First, preserved in the Public neoord Office. Edited, 
with Translations, Notes, etc., by R. Artbnr Roberts, of H.M. Public Record OfBoe. 
Being No. 2 of the OgmwrodorUin Reecrd Series, Price 21«. 

GUdae de iSxoidio Brltannlae, Iiiber de Paenltentia, aooedit et lK>rloa 
Gildae. (Oildas: the Rain of Britain, Fragments from Lost Letters, the 
Penitential, together with the Lorica of QUdas.) Parts I and 11. Edited by Hugh 
Williams, M.A., Professor of Obnrch Histonr at the Theological College, Bala. 
Being No. 3 of the Oymmrtidari&n Record Seriee. Price 21t. 

A Catalogue of the Mannsoripta reflating to Walee in the Britiah 
Miiaenm. Pitrte I, II & XIl. rArt IV is expected to finish the work.) Corn- 
iced and Edited i^ Edward Owen, of dray's Inn, Barrister-at-Law. Being 
No. 4 of the Ojfmmrodorion Record Series. Price IOj. ^d. each pert. 

The Bladk Book of St. Bavld'a. An Extent of all the Lands and Rents of 
the Lord Bishop of St. Datid's^ made by Master David Frannceys^ Chancellor of 
St. David's in the time of the Venerable Father the Lord David Martyn, by the 
mce of God Bishop of the place, in the year of onr Lord 132S. Edited by 
"~< Willis-Band. Being No. 5 of the Cymmrodorion Record Series. Price iU. 



To he cHained hy Memhen on applieation to the 8ecreta/ry, at the l^mmrodorion 
Jsibrary, G4^ Chaneery Lane, London, W.C. 



Don 



um 



^ Cpmmrodof* 



under Siji 
adfufftt 
lotaOeito 

oioaM-/ THE MAGAZINE 

OF THR HOKOUBABLB 

5ti SOCIETY OF CYMMRODORION. 



iUbo 

«rltf 

rfon VOL. XXII. 



ted 
iri 

U 

«. 

a 

e 

I 



LONDON: 

ISSUED BY THE SOCIETY, 

NEW STONE BUILDINGS, 64, CHANCERY LANE. 

1910. 



Dkvizks : 

PBINTBD BY GEOBGB SlMPSON. 



CONTENTS. 



The Foreign Aspect of the Welsh Records. By Hubert 

Hall, F.B.A. ... ... ... ... 1 

Parochiale WallicaDum. By the Bev. A. W. Wade-Evans 22 

Note on St. David ... ... 114 

Primitive Saints of Wales (List) ... 119 
Patrons of Welsh Benefices (List) ... 122 

The Chronology of Arthur. By the Rev. A. W. Wade- 
Evans ... ... ... ... ... 125 

Caw of Pictland (Note) ... ... 140 

The Chronology of St. David (Note) 144 

Gormund and Isembard : A Postscript to <' The Vandals 

in Wessex ". By E. Williams B. Nicholson, M.A. 150 

George Borrow's Second Tour in Wales. By T. C. 

Cantbiix, B.Sc, and J. Pbinole ... ... 160 

On the Seventeenth Century Ballad : " A Warning for all 

Murderers". By William E. A. Axon, LL.D. ... 171 



^ dVV^tmtohav. 



Vol. XXII. "Carkd dobth yr bncilion.'* 1910. 

t^t fouic^n (^B\>tc( of i^t HJde^ 
(Recorbe* 

By HUBERT HALL, F.8.A., 
O/H.M. Public Bec&rd Office, 

Director of the Royal Historical Society, and Header in PaUsography 
m the University of London, 



The modern science of History has been so rigorously 
shaped by academic method and so deeply overlaid with 
materials from newly-discovered sources that some dis- 
crimination is needed in discussing the most trivial 
aspects of its study. Again^ the rival claims of Universal 
History (with its huge excrescence known as Sociology) of 
General History (with its invitation to include the history 
of every science or art within our ken) of Political, Con- 
stitutional, Legal, Ecclesiastical, Naval and Military, 
Economic and Social History, and even the well-defined 
and exacting auxiliary sciences of History in the shape of 
Bibliography, Method, Linguistic, Palseography and Diplo- 
matic, Archseology and the other hard terms with which 
the studies of coins and medals, seals, dates and pedigrees 
are labelled by the learned, have each to be duly con- 
sidered even by those who aspire to no more than a 
modest knowledge of the history of their own country. 



2 The Foreign Aspect of the Welsh Records, 

In truth this study of the National History has diffi- 
culties enough of its own to present to the rash intruder, 
even when he is fully equipped with a panoply of histori- 
cal science, auxiliary or otherwise. In the first place 
there is the historical literature to be considered, and in 
the second place the sources have to be reckoned with. It 
is perhaps to the conflicting interests of these two elements 
that most of our difficulties may be attributed. On the 
one hand, a sense of honour requires us to do justice to the 
authors and editors who have already laboured on our 
behalf in this field of study, even if we are not disposed to 
rely entirely upon the printed authorities. On the other 
hand, the instinct of self-preservation enjoins us to keep a 
wary eye upon unpublished sources. 

If there were no printed literature to be considered, we 
should be free to devote ourselves to a systematic examina- 
tion of the original sources, and if the sources were already 
utilized or even, as formerly, inaccessible to historical 
students^ we should at least have more time to spare for 
profitable reading or textual criticism. As it is the 
modern student must divide his attention between the two 
methods with results which are not favourable to his rapid 
progress in the advanced study of National History. 

It must be admitted that in certain continental States 
and in America the excellence of the arrangements made 
for the classification, description and publication of the ori- 
ginal sources has greatly reduced the extent of these initial 
difficulties. That we ourselves are less fortunate in this 
respect, is a suggestion that has frequently been made in 
recent years and supported by striking instances. It has 
been represented to us that the style and subject matter 
of our historical publications is chiefly influenced by com- 
mercial considerations and that the arrangement of our 
Archives is the regret of foreign students. Possibly there 



The Foreign Aspect of the Welsh Records. 3 

is some foundation for both assertions. The raison cPStre 
of a majority of historical works is not obvious on any 
other supposition than that they are marketable wares, 
though this is a reproach which may be shared by the 
historical literature of every country during the past and 
present generations. Again it is scarcely to be expected 
that the profession of an archivist should be recognized in 
a country in which the very name and science of the 
Archives are unknown. 

At the same time the position is one that should be 
fairly faced. Both the literature of history and its sources 
are equally available for our use and profit. After elimin- 
ating all that is useless or unworthy from the former, there 
is still left a large residue of really valuable works. In 
respect of General History and certain aspects of National 
History we are richly provided for, whUst the Auxiliary 
Studies furnish almost an embarrassment of wealth. 

A profitable use of this valuable historical literature 
might be greatly facilitated by the preparation of a really 
select Bibliography, which is perhaps the most immediate 
need of historical students. Indeed, printed books may be 
regarded properly as reproductions of the sources or as 
containing observations of historical facts. Hitherto, how- 
ever, the science of Bibliography has been influenced by 
bibliophiles to whom the quality of the printed book is 
of less importance than its form or pedigree. Even when 
a process of selection has been attempted, the titles of 
many works which might have been tacitly ignored are 
included, for no other practical purpose than to serve as 
examples of authorities which appear to the compiler as 
"of little value". But precious space might surely be 
confined to a selected list of necessary or useful titles. 

Another advantage of the methodical treatment of our 

printed sources is found in respect of their co-ordination 

b2 



4 The Foreign Aspect of the Welsh Records. 

with the unpublished manuscript. A good Bibliography 
should indicate approximately what sources remain un- 
published, just as an adequate Guide to historical manu- 
scripts will mention the printed literature of the several 
series. If this elementary definition of Historical Method 
were accepted and acted on, we should have little need to 
trouble ourselves about the ways and means of studying 
National History which, in one aspect or another, is the 
chief interest of modem historical scholarship. 

There is, however, still another consideration which 
must be duly regarded by the intending student of his own 
national History, besides the state of the materials at his 
disposal. The title of his subject is sufficiently explicit, 
and yet it is a title that may need to be maintained against 
prejudice or prescription. And not the title only may be 
lacking. Conquest or fusion may have caused the manu- 
script sources of national history to perish or become 
inacessible. 

Herein the fortune of nations has seemingly varied. 
Poland has ceased to be a nation^ but her national archives 
have been carefully preserved. Holland and Belgium be- 
came kingdoms in recent times, and local muniments 
straightway became Departmental Archives. Ireland, as 
a lordship and as a subject kingdom, kept her national 
Becords, whilst Scotland, a neighbour State, lost many that 
were carried to London as the spoils of war. Tear by year 
French scholars visit our Archives to consult Becords re- 
moved by the English armies when they evacuated Caen 
and Bordeaux. The case of Wales is a peculiar one. Here 
the national Becords are no longer preserved in the Princi- 
pality. Such as may have existed prior to 1284 have long 
since perished. From Edward I's conquest to Henry YIII's 
annexation, the Welsh judicial Becords have been fitfully 
preserved with the surviving Assize Bolls of the English 



714^ Foreign Aspect of the Welsh Records. 5 

Courts. From 1542 to 1830, however, the position was 
somewhat reversed. The Becords of the Greneral Sessions 
of Wales were preserved in local repositories^ whilst the 
English Assize Bolls since the Tudor period have perished 
in the custody of Clerks of the Assizes. Moreover, 
amongst these Welsh judicial Becords there was pre- 
served a vast mass of subsidiary documents, many of which 
throw welcome light upon the economic and social con- 
dition of the country. 

In 1854 these Welsh Becords, which include those of 
the palatinate of Chester, were removed to London, a 
decisison which is perhaps to be regretted in the interests 
of the students of English and Welsh history alike. This 
bulky transmission presumably occupied the space that 
should have been immediately filled by out-lying English 
Becords, including those of the palatinates of Durham 
and of Ely, and a countless collection of departmental 
Becords, dating from the twelfth century to the nineteenth, 
some of which are still outstanding whilst stiU more are 
known to have perished within living memory. 

In any case these regrets are useless, and any specu- 
lations as to the different fate which might have be- 
fallen the Welsh local Becords, since the regeneration of 
Wales, do not concern a Saxon essayist. It remains only 
to notice, as the sequel, this inexorable fact. 

In both Scotland and Ireland the retention of the 
national archives carried with it the privilege of publish- 
ing a considerable portion of their contents in an ofiicial 
series. The loss of this prestige might therefore be 

^ There is a persistent tradition that many early Welsh Records 
were removed from Carnarvon to Westminster in the eighteenth cen- 
tury, and certainly the acquisition of many Welsh Records now in- 
corporated in the English Series has never been satisfactorily 
explained. 



6 The Foreign^ Aspect of the Welsh Records. 

regarded as a serious drawback to the modern student of 
Welsh history who sets out upon his task without a 
share in the advantages enjoyed by his English, Scottish 
and Irish fellow students. On the other hand it may be 
fairly objected that the difference in respect of the sub- 
ject-matter of their respective studies is very considerable. 
This is a question deserving of careful examination. In 
the first place, as we have seen, the materials for the 
Welsh national history previous to the year 1284 were not. 
preserved down to our own times in any national archives, 
with the exception of a few stray copies of native annals 
and diplomaia to be found amongst the English Records. 
It is therefore a matter of congratulation that a consider- 
able proportion of the MSS. which illustrate Welsh 
native law and tribal custom, as well as the distinctive 
literature of the race, is now safely housed in a National 
Library and that, thanks to the energy and skill of native 
editors, working texts of so many of these interesting 
remains are available for study. On this firm found- 
ation, supplemented by the labours of the Welsh Com- 
mission for the preservation of ancient monuments and 
the archaeological and literary surveys, supervised by 
distinguished scholars like Sir John Bh^s, Dr. Gwenog- 
fryn Evans, and Dr. Henry Owen, the student may now 
begin to build up the national history of a later period 
from the existing archives. Moreover numerous historical 
documents will also be found in public libraries and private 
collections, the greater number of which have been carefully 
described. 

That the Welsh Records between 1284 and 1536, so 
far as they have survived at all, are preserved in the 
English archives is a fact already noted. A similar 
feature of the Scottish and Irish national Records has 
also been observed, but there the national character of 



The Foreign Aspect of the Welsh Records. j 

these documents has been presented in a separate form of 
official publication. At the same time all the entries 
relating to Wales may be found in the well-known 
Calendars of the Bolls Series and these publications form 
an important asset in the calculations of the native 
student. But these will not suffice for an exhaustive 
study of the subject. An inventory of all the materials 
for Welsh history amongst the English diplomatic^ min- 
isterial and judicial Records, State Papera and Depart- 
mental Records is urgently required, together with 
complete texts of the Chancery series of Welsh Rolls and 
certain early Records of the palatinate of Chester, and 
until this is accomplished by native industry the position 
of the Welsh student will continue to be less favourable 
than that of his fellow-students in Scotland and Ireland. 

Concerning these official sources for the history of 
WaUia subjecta from the thirteenth to the sixteenth cen- 
turies we already know a good deal, thanks chiefly to the 
enterprise of several modern Welsh scholars.^ It is usual to 
regard these sources as falling into two main categories, the 
one comprising notices of Welsh affairs included amongst 
the regular series of English Records, and the other docu- 
ments compiled in the Principality itself or relating exclu- 
sively to the national history. This division of interests, 
however, is found to be very imperfect. Many of the docu- 
ments now preserved in the general series of English 

^ Notably my colleague, Mr. R. A. Roberts, in bis admirable Papers 
for the Transactions of the Hon. Society of Cymmrodorion, 1895-6, 
and Y Cymmrodor, x, 157, and his scholarly edition of the ButMn 
Court Soils (Cymmrodorion Record Series, vol. ii). The valuable re- 
searches of Mr. Edward Owen and Mr. J. H. Davies in this field are 
continuous, and are supported by those of younger students like Dr. 
E. A. Lewis. On the subject of the Welsh Records see the present 
writer^s notes in the Transactions of the Hon. Society of Cymmrodorion, 
190(M)1, and Studies in English Official Historical Documents, p. 116. 



8 The Foreign Aspect of the Welsh Records. 

Becords were either removed from the Principality in early 
times or have been absorbed since the transfer of the Welsh 
Becords to London in 1854.* Again the mediaeval collection 
of Welsh local Becords is practically confined to the 
palatinate of Chester. 

There is another objection to this proprietary classifi- 
cation of Welsh Becords which applies equally to the 
whole contents of the Archives. It involves a tedious 
search for isolated documents or entries scattered through- 
out the contents of the old judicial repositories and 
inevitable duplication. Moreover it leaves a large rmduurx 
of documents that are practically undescribed except by 
the convenient title ^'Miscellaneous Boll", '^ Miscellaneous 
Book/' or '^ Miscellanea'', containing an immense number 
of documents of a very diverse nature. 

It may be suggested that by means of the following 
system a more satisfactory method of investigation might 
be pursued by students desirous of locating all matters of 
national interest. In the first place it may be assumed 
that every document for which we are seeking will be, as 
to its clerical form or official character, capable of being 
referred to one or other of four great classes of so-called 
" Becords,"* namely : 

1. Diplomatic Documents (including royal and private 
Charters or Deeds, deposited or inrolled. Writs, Letters 
and some irregular forms). 

2. Ministerial Proceedings (Surveys, Inquisitions, 
Assessments, and Accounts). 

3. Judicial Proceedings (Original and Judicial Writs 
and other subsidiary instruments, with the Pleadings 
themselves). 

1 Cf. onfe, p. 6, n. 1. 

* For the classification of these types see Studies in English Official 
Historical Documents^ pp. 827-38 and passim. 



The Foreign Aspect of the Welsh Records, 9 

4. Precedents and Miscellaneous (semi-official and 
literary MSS. of an extraneous nature). 

It is true that in respect of form these classes are to 
some extent interchangeable, or rather that the diploma is 
the fundamental type from which all our official writings 
are derived; but the distinction of character or subject will 
serve our present purpose. This is merely to bring together 
from the several ancient repositories of the Chancery^ 
Exchequer^ King's Bench, Common Pleas, Courts Palatine, 
&c. and all their sub-departments such obvious types as 
Charters, Surveys, Accounts and the rest. It concerns us 
nothing whether any one of these documents, belongs or 
belonged, rightfully or not, to the Exchequer Court, Plea 
Side or Equity Side; to the King's or Lord Treasurer's 
Bemembrancer's Department, the Augmentation Depart- 
ment, the First Fruits and Tenths Department or the 
Seceipt Department. What does concern us is that the 
document is a Charter or Account, original or inroUed, or 
otherwise distinguished by its clerical form, and that it 
relates to some matter of Welsh interest. The second 
point in the proposed system of study relates to the sub- 
ject of interest, enabling the student to discriminate to 
some extent between the class of documents useful for his 
purpose and such as are irrelevant. Here we can most 
conveniently utilize the conventional branches of historical 
study generally recognized as Political, Constitutional, 
Legal, Ecclesiastical, Naval and Military, Economic, Social 
and Local History, so far as these apply to the national 
history itself. In any case the recognition of these titles 
will enable us to include the state of Wales in any wider 
study of such subjects of historical interest. In some 
instances indeed, as in respect of monastic history, this 
would be done without hesitation, though not in others, 
as in the case of Economic History. 



lo The Foreign Aspect of the Welsh Records. 

It is possible, indeed, that the hand-book of the future 
may come to our assistance in this direction by means of a 
development of the scheme of arrangement already adopted 
by Mr. Scai^ill-Bird in his well-known and invaluable €hiide. 
For a work of this sort, dealing with the Welsh sources 
only, many helpful and characteristic headings would be 
possible which are now merged in historical and record 
titles of purely English significance.^ In this way what is 
now necessarily an alien and neglected sphere of interest 
would be usefully occupied by national studies. 

Such a differentiation of local interests in the general 
collection of the English archives prior to 1535 is all the 
more desirable because in the Welsh Records of the sub- 
sequent period we have many distinctive classes. As to 
the historical value of these later judicial Records it 
would be difficult to speak with certainty until their 
arrangement is completed, but as the remarkable value of 
the medi89val Records of the Palatinate is now established,' 
Welsh students may fairly hope for important results from 
an investigation both of the later series of Plea Rolls 
and of the Miscellaneous ^' Welsh Books" and *^ Welsh 
Papers."* 

Apart from the fact that these Welsh Records are no 
longer preserved in the Principality and that some have 



^ With the exception of a few distinctive titles amongst the early 
Chester Plea Rolls and certain local Accounts. 

' Amongst these may be mentioned besides the splendid series of 
Eyre Rolls, Quo Warranto, Recognizance, SherifTs Tourn, Indict- 
ment and Assize Rolls, various Forest proceedings, Coroner's Pre- 
sentments, Mainprize Rolls and Gaol files, etc., together with all the 
Miscellaneous Rolls and Books prior to the Act of Incorporation. 

^ These miscellaneous Records include Estreats of Fines, etc., 
Pentice and Portmote Court Rolls, Constables' Accounts, Issues of 
Dee Mills, Outlawry Rolls, and Inquisitions and Extents of several 
kinds, besides an immense number of suitors' Papers, early inven- 



The Foreign Aspect of the Welsh Records. 1 1 

been incorporated in the English series^ we have here at 
last a native source of official information. 

This should have been supplemented by important 
Records of the Council of Wales and the Marches during 
the sixteenth century and even later, but unlike the Pro- 
ceedings of the English Courts of Star Chamber and 
Bequests, this series is practically missing/ 

The same remark unfortunately applies to the earliest 
Becords of the Justices of the Peace/ though some later 
proceedings of the Quarter Sessions are preserved in local 
custody/ together with certain departmental Records/ 

For more than three centuries to come after the close 
of the mediaeval period Welsh affairs continue to be 
noticed in the later series of English legal Becords. Of 
these, the judicial proceedings of the Chancery and 
Council exhibit a remarkable development in the direction 
of special jurisdictions, the famous courts of Star Chamber 
and Bequests. Like the northern counties, the Western 
district was, as we have seen, under the supervision of a 
local government down to the Civil Wars of the seven- 
teenth century, though in both cases the bulk of the 

tories and bills of costs, travelling expenses, diets, etc. Somewhat 
similar documents are preserved amongst the English Records in the 
shape of the old papers of the Chancery Masters. In addition to 
these there are two splendid series of Ruthin Records, but many 
Accounts, Rentals, and Inquisitions, formerly amongst the Welsh 
Records, are now removed and incorporated in the English series. 

^ One of the later Council books, a survival resembling that found 
in the case of the Dublin "Court of Council Chamber*' is calendared 
in the Thirteenth Report of the Historical MSS. Commission (iv). 
Other stray records and notices that have been preserved are 
described by Miss C. Skeel in her well-known monograph of the 
history of the Council. 

' Cf . B. H. Putman, Statutes of Labourers, p. 63 sq. 

'Cf. Report on Local Records (1901) and S. and B. Webb, 
English Local Government, Bk. iii, ch. 5. 

* Such as those relating to the Customs revenue. 



1 2 The Foreign Aspect of the Welsh Records. 

official records has perished. Again the Exchequer 
undergoes important departmental changes in the middle 
of the sixteenth century and the new classes of Becords 
connected with the courts of Augmentations, Surveyors, 
First Fruits and Tenths and Wards and Liveries, which 
are the result of these changes, include many interesting 
references to the Principality. At the same time the 
medisBval series of Charters and Writs under the Great 
Seal together with the Ancient Correspondence cease to 
represent the State Papers at large and their place is 
taken by the modem class of State Papers — Domestic, 
Foreign and (in time) Colonial. These secretarial 
Becords are supplemented in turn by the correspondence 
and other documents connected with the special adminis- 
trative departments of the State, the Treasury, Admiralty, 
War Office, Council, Household, with their ramifications, 
all of which relieve the Secretaries of State of some part 
of their clerical labours. 

Meanwhile the Chancery itself, with its historic enrol- 
ments, pursues a narrower path of official activity, though 
amongst its voluminous proceedings as a Court of Equity 
and as a formal registry of royal instruments Welsh 
history can count many illustrations. 

As for the Courts of Justice themselves, we have 
already seen that their jurisdiction was diverted for local 
purposes under the memorable legislation of Henry VIII. 
The gain to the modern student of Welsh judicial Becords 
is two-fold, since these local courts not only supplanted 
the unrecorded pleadings in the Marcher Courts,* but also 
preserved a fuU series of Becords, unlike the English 
Courts whose Assize Becords are missing since the close 



^ As to this cf . Skeel op. ctt, Arch. Camh, iii, 66 9q., Y Cymmrodor, 
zii, xiii, ziv, and Tramactums of the Cymmrodorion Society, 1902-3. 



The Foreign Aspect of the Welsh Records. 1 3 

of the fifteenth centary. Unfortunately^ however, the 
whole of this later series of English judicial Becords is 
still for the most part unpublished and very imperfectly 
described, like the Welsh Records themselves. The State 
Papers are also uncalendared, with a few exceptions, 
beyond the latter part of the seventeenth century, whilst 
the vast collection of Departmental Becords of a still later 
period is in an even worse condition for purposes of study. 
It must also be remembered that matters concerning 
Wales are not distinguished in the official lists as in the 
case of Scottish and Irish notices. 

The prospect of remunerative research is therefore 
scarcely a promising one, but from another aspect of 
the sources, with the incorporation of Wales in Tudor 
England a new era dawns for the student of the Welsh 
national history. The significance of that great change 
in the fortunes of the race has been well explained in a 
scholarly and illuminative essay by a modem Welsh 
historian.^ Emancipated, through the imperial common 
sense of a descendant of Cadwallader, from the tyranny of 
Norman feudalism jarring on native custom, the Welsh 
begin to fill their- distinctive place in the history of the 
Empire. They had ceased to be a subject nation to be- 
come an allied people. The Welshry, once counted as 
alien beyond the narrow Marches, is naturalized in the 
chief cities and ports of England and begins to invade the 
distant colonies of Greater Britain. The State, the 
Church, the Lords and Commons, the army and navy, 
the bench and bar, industry and commerce receive the 
influx of new blood and testify to its virtues by re- 
doubled energy in appointed tasks. 



^ Mr. W. Llewelyn WilliamB in TrwMactioM of the Honourable 
Society of Cymmrodorion, 1907-8. 



14 The Foreign Aspect of the Welsh Records. 

The part played by the Welsh people in the making of 
the British Empire is therefore worthy of the attention of 
the student who has hitherto experienced a dearth of 
historical details for the later national history owing to 
the inaccessibility of those authentic sources which are 
available for the study of the mediseval period. The 
ethnological relations of the early British ciyilization have 
been exhaustiyely discussed by many learned scholars and 
the political, ecclesiastical, commercial and literary inter- 
course of the mediaeval Welsh with their continental and 
insular neighbours has been carefully investigated. Even 
the vicissitudes of the Welsh exiles have been traced into 
a far later period, but little has been done in the direction 
of a comparative history of Welsh and English citizenship 
between the Tudor and the Victorian eras for the purpose 
of showing how, on the one hand, the Welsh inhabitants 
of the Principality itself contributed to the common 
history of the kingdom and, on the other hand, how their 
presence in the English towns and counties and in the 
British Colonies has enriched the national economy. 

The materials for such a study are chiefly contained, 
as we have seen, amongst the English archives, supple- 
mented by local Records and private muniments, but here 
we are concerned only with the first named sources. 
These again can only be indicated in the briefest and 
most desultory manner, partly owing to their incomplete 
arrangement, and partly to the exigencies of space. 

Broadly speaking, our sources are distributed between 
the great classes of later legal Records and the still more 
voluminous series of secretarial and departmental docu- 
ments which are preserved beside them. Amongst the 
former we may notice especially the Proceedings of the 
Chancery, with its offshoots, and the Decrees, Com- 
missions, Surveys and Accounts of the Exchequer rather 



The Foreign Aspect of the Welsh Records. 1 5 

than the Pleadings of the Courts of Common Law/ These 
Records, however, will illustrate in an equal degree the 
state of the Principality itself and the condition of the 
Welsh residing in the English counties or towns. It is 
noticeable also that owing to the new ministerial dis- 
positions whereby the Council, Secretariat and Treasury 
have begun to supplant the old judicial bodies, several of 
these sources are found duplicated amongst the State 
Papers and Departmental Becords. 

The sixteenth and seventeenth century State Papers are 
still more valuable and they are supplemented, especially 
in the eighteenth century, by the Becords of the Treasury 
and other Departments. From these and other sources, 
including the Becords of the High Court of Admiralty 
and other special jurisdictions, we may gather many 
interesting facts concerning the Welsh people in their 
relations with the central government, though all these 
sources, as we know, must be further supplemented by 
private collections. 

Perhaps they should be peculiarly helpful for an exten- 
sive study of the national biography, to include not merely 
the.^^Lives" of eminent Welshmen, but some attempt to 
show the distribution of the Anglo- Welsh in the service of 
the State as ministers or officers of the Crown in the Govern- 
ment departments, in the army and navy, or in the greater 
service of the nation as members of . the religious and 

^ Reference may be made inter aUa to the several classes of 
Chancery and Excheqaer Records known as the Petty Bag (Sacra- 
mental Certificates and Oath Rolls), Chancery Proceedings, Customers* 
Patent Rolls, Dispensation Rolls, Recusant Rolls, Licenses to preach 
and to cross the seas, Exchequer Memoranda Rolls, Depositions, 
Commissions, Papers, and the several series of Accounts and Inven- 
tories. With the later Exchequer Records are included those of the 
Augmentation Office and Court of Surveyors afterwards associated 
with the Land Revenue Office. 



1 6 The Foreign Aspect of the Welsh Records. 

learned professions^ as artists and men of letters and as 
merchants^ traders, mariners or artificers. Even in the 
Biographia Cambrensis there is room for many additions 
and need for several emendations. We may now know, 
thanks to Mr. Llewelyn Williams, all that there is to be 
known of Henry Morgan, the famous West Indian 
governor and buccaneer,^ but another prototype of Captain 
Kidd, governor Cadwallader Jones, is not included in the 
"Dictionary of National Biography", and we should pro- 
bably have to rely on American works for particulars of 
the Welsh ministers' who laboured in the Plantations 
during the eighteenth century. Early emigration, indeed, 
is not a subject in which the Welsh people are known to 
have figured to particular advantage, but this is in itself a 
reason for dwelling more fully on its brighter side, 
following the example of the national historians of other 
economic pilgrimages.' The materials for this purpose are 
unhappily most defective owing to the unaccountable loss 
of the passenger returns at the outports during the 
eighteenth century.* Prom the few that have survived,* 
dated 1774-6, we can learn at least that there were no 

^ Transaotuma of the Gymmrodorion Society, 1908-4. Since this 
article was written important official papers on the subject, retained 
by a seventeeth century minister, have been sold, possibly for export 
to America. Gf . Athefumm, 80 Apr. 1910. 

> Amongst these were Gk)ronwy Owen and Hugh Jones, cf . G. 
Fothergill "Emigrant Ministers to America, 1698-1811*', compiled 
from the Treasury Records. Interesting information respecting the 
early Welsh settlement in Pennsylvania, the projected settlement in 
Carolina, and the conditions which affected the modem settlement in 
Patagonia could be found in the Colonial Office and Foreign Office 
Records. 

' tf.^., the official histories published by the American, Canadian, 
South African, and Australian governments. 

^ These are believed to have perished in the great fire at the 
Custom House in 1814, but their fate is uncertain. 

^ Amongst the Treasury Records (Registers). 



The Foreign Aspect of the Welsh Records. 1 7 

Welsh emigrants to the Plantations at a time when ship- 
loads of ^4ndented labourers" were leaving the English 
ports accompanied by many sturdy northern farmers 
driven to "seek a better livelihood", because, owing to the 
new curse of inclosures, "their rents are raised so high 
that they cannot live". However, in the nineteenth cen- 
tury, the records of colonial emigration begin to be avail- 
able,^ and with these may be associated the less pleasing 
though instructive subject of convict transportation,' the 
fate of Welsh prisoners of war in foreign lands,* or the 
privations of persecuted loyalists* and impoverished slave- 
owners.* 

Again, adequate histories of the Welsh regiments or of 
the service of Welshmen in the British Navy can only be 
compiled from the departmental records. We may know 
the names of the South Welsh Borderers who fell in the 
heroic charge at Chillianwallah, but do we readily know 
the names or number of the men of Welsh blood who 
fought with Hawke at Quiberon or with Wolfe at Quebec, 
with Nelson at Trafalgar or with Wellington at Waterloo?* 
The Welsh shipping industry offers a really interesting 
field of study from the early mediaeval period onwards in 
respect of the coast-wise trade alone. In addition to the 
economic importance of such information as to the distri- 
bution of Welsh products, interesting statistics could be 

^Amongst the Ck)lonial Office Records (Correspondence and 
Emigration Land Board). 

> Colonial Office, Home Office and Transport Board (Admiralty) 
Records. 

3 Admiralty (Medical and Victualling Office) Records. 

* Treasury and Audit Office Records. 

* In this connexion it may be doubted whether it is generally 
known that of the crew of the small bark "Endeavour", during 
Captain Cook's first voyage of discovery, six at least bore Welsh 
names, two of these being Bangor men. 

C 



1 8 The Foreign Aspect of the Welsh Records. 

compiled as to tonnage^ master mariners and apprentices, 
pilots and the like. From a strategical or merely from a 
topographical point of view, the surveys and establish- 
ments of the harbours and ports and signal stations might 
be consulted with advantage, and more sensational interest 
would be provided by the remarkable records of smuggling 
and privateering enterprize scattered through many series 
both of judicial proceedings and State Papers/ But the 
point is that, whether our of&cial seventeenth or eighteenth 
century Welshman was an admiral or an able seaman, a 
general or a common private, a Chelsea or a Greenwich 
pensioner or scholar, a pilot, a coast-guard, a militia 
man, a sea-fencible, a land-fencible, or, in private life, a 
smuggler, privateersman or filibuster, we have here a 
record of his services and often a narrative of his exploits 
which should at least be noted as a potential source of 
national history and biography.' We even have the wills 
of many of these old sailors, which indeed are sometimes 
as breezy as their lives. But though Evan Evans, with 
some kindred spirits, may choose to leave his pay and 
prize money to his dear friend the hostess of the Black 
Bull in Smithfield Market, whom he anxiously identifies as 
black-visaged with high cheek-bones, fresh complexion and 
pock marked, John Jones and many more will remember 



* e.g.^ Exchequer Memoranda Rolls, Admiralty, (Solicitor's) Records, 
Treasury Records, and the State Papers Domestic of the eighteenth 
century. For recent references to these sources cf. papers by Miss 
M. Morison in the Clare Market Journal (London School of Economics) 
October 1909, and the present writer in Tramactiim^ R Hist. Soc., 
January 1910. 

* Scottish military historians are now actively interested in the 
nationality of the Highland regiments. Records of the services of 
naval aqd military officers and men can be found amongst the Regis- 
ters of the Admiralty and War Office in great profusion. These 
include in some cases baptismal certificates and personal descriptions. 



The Foreign Aspect of the Welsh Records. 19 

the claims of the mother or sister, "the schoolmistress" 
of some native hamlet. The source is scarcely of historical 
value except so far as it serves to remind us of the sharp 
division in point of material prosperity between the 
adventurous Cymro and the "old folks at home". This is 
perhaps most clearly shown in the Revenue returns for 
England and Wales amongst the Exchequer and Treasury 
Records^ which include such inquisitorial devices as taxes 
on houses, hearths, windows, carriages, plate, men-servants, 
bachelors, and widowers, in those "good old days", as well 
as duties on most of the commodities of trade and neces- 
saries of life. From three of the former levies, the excise 
on carriages, plate, and men-servants, some interesting 
conclusions might be drawn. For instance, during the 
period 1754 to 1762 there were in the whole of North, 
East, West and Middle Wales only some two hundred and 
fifty coaches, chariots, chaises, chairs and landaus,' or 
fewer than were found in the county of Sussex alone. In 
respect of plate we find that some seven hundred persons 
paid the tax in Wales between 1756 and 1768, as against 
seven hundred and fifty in Yorkshire, and that twenty-five 
prosperous persons of the name of Lloyd paid in London 
alone as against thirty-two Lloyds in Wales. In the case 
of the duty on men-servants, about 1780, the united 
respectability of the English Lloyds was exactly com- 
mensurate with that of the parent stock in Wales. 

Incidentally, too, these fiscal Records supply biograph- 
ical information in connexion with the establishments of 
the Customs and Excise in Wales, lists of compounders 

^ Treasury, MiscellaneouB, Registers and Revenue Accounts, and 
Exchequer, Declared and Tax Accounts. The names and addresses 
of those paying the tax are given in the former, also the weight of 
the plate from year to year. 

' Even so many of these belonged, apparently, to English residents. 

C2 



20 The Foreign Aspect of the Welsh Records. 

for Malt duties and many interesting details regarding the 
coasting trade in wool and salt. In a wider aspect the 
state of Trade is also illustrated by the State Papers and 
the Records of the Boards of Trade and Customs, whilst 
those of the Office of Works and some other fragments 
give particulars respecting roads and public buildings, 
Agriculture, as in the case of the sister kingdoms, is less 
fortunate owing to the mysterious disappearance of the 
Becords of the old Board of Agriculture, but statistics are 
preserved of two such calamities as the cattle disease out- 
break between 1745 and 1757 which decimated the herds 
of Chester, Denbigh and Flint,^ and the Potato Crop 
failure of 1845-8.' And so we might continue to select, 
ad libitum^ some sure or promising subject-matter of 
interest for the History of the Welsh people, whether in 
Wales or England or Greater Britian, from the early and 
later legal Becords, State Papers, and Departmental 
archives.' 

^ The herd-books which accompanied the accoonts have not been 
preserved with the Pipe and Audit Office Declared Accounts, but 
other references to the subject may be found in the following series : 
Treasury, Customs Letter Books, General Letter Books, Minute 
Books, Warrant Book, Money Books, Registered Papers and State 
Papers Domestic, Gleorge II. 

* Treasury, Expired Commissions. There are statistics from the 
official returns (which are imperfect), in the Gardening Chronicle of 
1849. These returns are of some scientific interest. They record, for 
instance, severe frost in North Wales on July 1st and 24th, and 
August 7th-llth, 18th and 29th-31st of 1848. 

' Besides those previously referred to special mention may be 
made of the following Departmental Records : Home Office, Disturb- 
ances, Internal Defence and other Military Papers, Petitions and 
Addresses, Alien Correspondence ; Admiralty, Accountant General's, 
Secretary's and Navy Board series ; War Office, Commission Books, 
Description Books and other Regimental Records, Miscellanies, 
Militia Letter Books, Ordnance Surveys, &c. Treasury, Expired 
Commissions, Courts of Justice and Revenue Enquiry : in a less degree 



The Poreign Aspect of the Welsh Records. 21 

It will be evident to experienced scholars that the 

present desultory survey has scarcely reached beyond the 

borders of a vast field of historical research. The object 

of this Paper is merely to indicate some few parcels of 

that new ground of inquiry the value of which for the 

delineation of the national character^ has been already 

appreciated by an eloquent historian of the Cymry Pu. 

''Read all the splendid activity of the people, sailors, 
soldiers, traders and seekers after strange things in the 
reigns of the next few Monarchs. You will see that the 
Cymry jostled shoulder to shoulder in front with the Eng- 
lish in all the glorious bustle of those brave days and were 
held in honour as brave men and were given due credit for 
all they did. It was a proud thing in the proud days of 
Elizabeth to be a Gymro.'^ 

It is because these things make for national pride and 
self-reliance^ which are a nation's strength^ that a full 
knowledge of the past life of its people will be the most 
precious gift that any country may receive. 

to the Records of the following Departments, Lord Chamberlain*s 
Office, Lord Steward's Office, which are not, however, open to the 
public. The interest of some of these subjects may be realized from 
a reference to Dr. Henry Owen's description, published locally some 
years ago, of the French descent on Pembrokeshire in 1797 which is 
illustrated by the Home Office Records (Internal Defence). 
* Owen Rhoscomyl, Flamebearers of Welsh History, pp. 252-3. 



By the Rev. A. W. WADEEVANS, 
Vicar of France Lynehy Ghs. 



Rice Bees, in his Essay on the Welsh Saints published in 
1836, added a valuable appendix, containing ^^A list of 
churches and chapels in Wales, including the county of 
Monmouth and part of the county of Hereford, arranged 
with reference to their subordination ''. This list was 
drawn up in counties, with a view to ascertaining the names 
of the saints who laid the foundations of the British 
Church of Wales in about the fifth and sixth centuries, 
and it was the original intention in this paper simply 
to revise it. Whilst the revision was being made, 
it became more and more clear that the arrange- 
ment of these ancient religious foundations in accordance 
with the present Welsh counties, which are of compara- 
tively recent origin, seriously interfered with the attain- 
ment of the object in view, for to the actual saints these 
county divisions were unknown, so that their religious 
establishments could not have been founded with reference 
to them. It seemed to follow, therefore, that the list 
should be drawn up in accordance with the secular or 
political divisions of the country as these were in the time 
of the saints themselves, a task for which I did not feel 
equal, notwithstanding the excellent material to be 
found in Dr. Henry Owen's Pembrokeshire and other publi- 
cations of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion. But 
as it is recognised by scholars that the old ecclesiastical 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 2^ 

divisions of Wales generally follow the secular divisions 
of pre-county days, it was clear that a basis might be 
found here upon which to start building ; and because 
great changes had been made in these ecclesiastical 
divisions during the nineteenth century, it seemed well 
to find a list prior to this time and yet sufficiently near 
(for a first venture) to be controlled by other evidence. 
Such a list is to be found in the work entitled Parochiale 
Anglicanum^ -published in 1733, and compiled by the famous 
English antiquary, Browne Willis, of Whaddon Hall, 
Buckinghamshire. My revision of Bice Bees's Appendix, 
therefore, was all written out afresh, and the churches, 
chapels, etc., re-arranged according to their respective 
dioceses, archdeaconries, and deaneries, as these were and 
are described in Browne Willis's above-mentioned work. 
Those portions of our Thirteen Counties, which were not 
at that time in any Welsh diocese, are placed under the 
diocese to which they severally belonged, without regard 
to the smaller ecclesiastical divisions they happened to be 
in ; and a few foundations neither in Wales nor in any 
Welsh diocese are added in like manner on account of 
their probable, or possible, British origin in the days 
when Wales (or Brittania as she was then styled) extended 
beyond her present boundaries. It need hardly be said that 
no attempt is made here to exhaust the list of Welsh 
Church foundations to the time of Browne Willis and 
Bice Bees, but merely to arrange what must surely be 
now the bulk of the material, for the purpose of deter- 
mining both the leading religious establishments of those 
early days and the saints who founded them. The subor- 
dination of "churches and chapels", except in a few 
instances, follows Bice Bees, with those, which are or 
were extinct, printed in italics; no modern foundation 
since Bees' time is inserted. 



24 Parochiale Wallicanuni. 

Browne Willis's list of patrons of Welsh benefices aB 
they were about the year 1720, is here iDcluded, which list 
cannot fail to be of interest to students of the religious 
and ecclesiastical history of Wales within the last two 
centuries. In view of the significant importance of this 
subject of church patronage it is extraordinary how small 
a place is assigned to it in Welsh Church history books. 
I have therefore reproduced the list, which is by no means 
the least important part of Browne Willis's compilation. 



Parochiale WallicanuM. 



25 



Dioce0C of St Davib'e. 



In 1733 this diocese comprised : — 

1. Pembrokeshire. 

2. Cardiganshire. 

3. Carmarthenshire. 

4. Breconshire. 

5. Radnorshire (except Old Hadnorf New Radnor, Frestetffn, 

Norton, Kniffhton, and Michaelchurch Arrow, all in 

Hereford diocese). 
Glamorganshire, about one fourth of, 
Herefordshire, eleven churches and chapeb in, 
Monmouthshire, three churches in, 
Montgomeryshire, two churches in, 
There were four Archdeaconries, with their Deaneries, as follows : — 

1. Pebidiog > 

2. Dougleddeu 

3. Castlemartin 

4. Rhos 

5. Brecon First Part ' 

6. Brecon Second Part 

7. Brecon Third Part 

8. Buallt 



6. 
7. 
8. 
9. 



I. St. David's 



U. Brecon 



•Pembrokeshire. 



^Breconshire. 



III. Carmarthen 



IV. Cardigan 



9. Hay 

10. Eivael 

11. Maeliennydd' 

12. Carmarthen 

13. Kidwely 

14. Llandeilo and Llan- 

gadog 
16. Gk)wer 

16. Emlyn 

17. Cemes 

18. Sub Aeron 
J9. Ultra Aeron 



Breconshire, Hereford- 
shire, and Monmouth- 
shire. 

Radnorshire. 

Radnorshire and Mont- 
gomeryshire. 

Carmarthenshire and 
Pembrokeshire. 

Carmarthenshire. 

Glamorganshire. 

Pembrokeshire and Car- 
marthenshire. 
Pembrokeshire. 



^ Cardiganshire. 



} 



26 Parochiale Wallicanutn. 

The members of the Cathedral were : — 

Bishop, "who is Quasi Decanus (having the Decanal Stall in the 
Choir, as well as a most stately throne)''. 

Precentor 

Chancellor styled Besidentiarii nati. 

Treasurer 

Four Archdeacons. 

Eight Prebendaries. 

Six Canons Cursal. 
The above twenty-two "compose the number of the Prebendaries*'. 

Subchanter. 

Four Priest- Vicars. 

Four Lay-Vicars or Singing men. 

Organist. 

Four Choristers. 

Master of Grammar School. 

Verger. 

Porter. 

Sexton. 

Keeper of Church in prayer time. 
Thus they were forty-one in all. Besides the above three Resi- 
dentiarii nati, who are " so by vertue of their Places ", there were three 
other Canons chosen out of the Archdeacons, Prebendaries, and 
Canons Cursal, "under which six Residentiaries, namely, the Pre- 
centor, Chancellor, Treasurer, and the said three elected Canons 
(who ought here, according to the Statutes, regidarly to reside), is 
the Government of the Church". 

Browne Willis incidentally remarks that the First Fruits of the 
Bishopric were considerably diminished by Bishop Barlow. 



I. ARCHDEACONRY OF ST. DAVID'S. 
1. Deanery of Pebidioo, Pembrokeshire, 

Patrons in 1717. 
Fifihgiiard or Abergwann, St. Mary^ The Crown. 
Capel Llanvihangel, St. Michael. 
Capel y Drindod, Holy Trinity. 
LlanOstf Ust. 
Llanvartin, St. Martin. 

^ The supposed Llangolman on Penwalis is really Llain Golman, 
and is so written in the tithe book. Llauvartin is the old site of 
Fishguard Vicarage. 



Parochtale JVallicanum. 



^7 



Granston or Troopert, St. Catherine 
Haysoastle, St. Mary 

Ford Chapel. 
Jordanston or Tre Wrdan^ 

Lkmgwarren, 
Letterston or Tre Letert, St. Giles 

Llanvair Nant y Qoy^ St. Mary. 
Iilandeloy» Teloy^ 

Llandanoeh. 
Llanedren or St. Sdren% Edren 
Llanhowel, Howe! 
lalanrheitbaiiy Rheithan^ 

Llandenoi, Tenoi. 

Uanrhian, Rhian 
Llaninm.^ 

IilaiiBtinan, Justinian 

lilanwnday Gwjmdav 

Capel Began, Degan. 
Llanumnwr, Gwynnwr. 



Bishop of St. David's. 
Bishop of St. David's. 

Mr. Vaughan. 

The Crown. 

Chapter of St. David's. 

Chapter of St. David's. 
Chapter of St. David's. 

Bishop of St. David's. 

Precentor of St. David's. 
Chapter of St. David's. 



^ The ascription of this church to Gwrda, as is possible in the case 
of Llanwrda in Carmarthenshire, is due to the Welsh form of the 
place-name, Tre Wrdan, which is a mere translation of Jordanston. 
Compare Tre Letert and Letterston, Tre Amlod and Ambleston, Tre 
Rina and Rinaston, etc. 

* Llandylwyv and Llandeilwyv in Gwenogvryn Evans's Report, I, 
917, col. ii and note 27. Llandeloy is accented on the last syllable. 
Needless to say it has nothing whatever to do with Teilo. I have 
added Teloy on the practically certain supposition that it represents 
the name of a saint. 

'Browne Willis seems to omit Llanrheithan in his Par. Anglic, 
Rice Rees is silent as to the " dedication " of this church, which one 
would suppose to be Rheithan as here inserted. In Owen's Pembroke- 
shire, ii, 289, note 9, George Owen is quoted as dating the feast of 
Caron of Llanrheithan as March 5th, from which one might conclude 
that Caron was either the patron of Llanrheithan or had a chapel 
within the parish. Caron, of course, is the Saint of Tregaron. 

^ If Llanvirn is not the same as Eglwys Cwm Wdig, then the latter 
is to be added under Llanrhian as an extinct ecclesiastical foundation 
(Owen's Pembrokeshire, ii, 361). 



28 Parochiale IValluanunt, 

Manerawan or Varnewan for Maenor 

Nawan, St. Mary^ Church of St. David's. 

Mathry, the Seven Saints' Prebendary of Mathry. 

St, David's or Ty Ddewi, David The Crown, of Bishopric ; 

the Chapter, of Vicarage. 

Brawdy, David Bishop of St. David's. 

Capel Non, Non. 

Capel Padriff, Patrick. 

Capel Stinatif Justinian. 

Capel y Gwrhyd. 

Capel y PUtyll, 

Llandiyiye. 

Llandrudion, Tridian.' 

Llanunyar, Gwyngar. 

Llanverran. 

Merthyr Dunod, Dunod. 

Raimey Island, David.^ 

^ ' Manorowen' is a modern alien barbarism ; and Varnewan is the 
present colloquial reduction of a name which certainly began with 
Maenor and possibly ended with the mutated form of the personal 
name Gnawan (Owen's PembrokeaAire, ii, 290, note 8 ; and the Rev. 
J. T. Evans's Church Plate of Carmarthenshire, 147). Gnawan was 
the name of a saint who appears in the Vita 8, Cadoei. 

^ Mathry in the Book of Llan Ddo is Mainour Mathru and Marthru 
in Pepitiauc, pp. 127, 129, 255. The loss of the first r in Mathry may 
find parallels in such Pembrokeshire colloquialisms as yatre for gartre, 
and Tidrath for Tridrath, i.e., Tredraeth = Newport, Pem. For the 
legend of the Seven Saints of Mathry, Seith Seint Mathru, whose 
names are now forgotten, see the Book of Llan Ddo (127-9). The 
name Mathry seems to involve the same idea as is associated with the 
Irish use of the Latin martyrium, Welsh merthyr, i.e., a place of relics, 
a shrine enclosing the relics or remains of a saint (not necessarily or 
usually a martyr in the Latin and modem sense). For what I believe to 
have been the first occasion upon which this explanation of the Welsh 
merthyr was put forward see St David's College Magazine, Dec. 1904. 

' In St. Nicholas's parish there is a Llandridian and also a Ffynnon 
Dridian, *' Tridian's Well ". Llanrhidian in Gower is called Llandridian 
in the Annals of Margam (year 1186), according to Owen's Pembroke- 
shire, II, 408, note 30. It is very noteworthy also that the Llangwynner 
of Gower is matched by a Llanwnnwr in Pencaer in the parish of 
Llanwnda which adjoins St. Nicholas. 

* Owen's Pembrokeshire, 1, 112. 



Parochzale Wallicanum. 



29 



Ramuy liland, Justinian. 
Banuey I$land, Tjrvanog. 
SL Marys College, St. Mary. 
Whitchurch, David 

8t Dogwers or Nantydewi, Dogvael 
St. ElYis or Llanaelvyw, Aelvy w 
St Lawrenoe, St. Lawrence 
St. Nioholas or Tre Marohog, St. 
Nicholas 

LUmverran. 
Llandrtdian, Tridian.^ 



Chapter of St. David's. 
Chapter of St. David's. 
The Crown. 
The Crown. 
Prebendary of St. 
Nicholas. 



2. Deanbbt op Douglbddbu, Pembroke$hire. 



Ambleston or Tre Amlod, St. Mary 
BinasUm or Tre Rina Chapel. 
Woodstock Chapel^ 

Boulston 

Pictim Chapel^ 
Clarbeston, St. Martin 
Iilawhaden, Aeddan 

Bletherston or Trev Elen.* 

St, Cadog's Chapel, Cadog.« 

St, Kennox,^ Cynog. 

St Mary's Chapel, St. Mary. 



Patrons in 1717. 
The Crown. 



Mr. Wogan. 

Sir Thomas Stepney. 
Bishop of St. David's. 



^ See page 28, note 3. 

' Owen's Pembrokeshire, II, 352, note 6. 

' Owen's Pembrokeshire, II, 352, note 7. 

* In Bletherston parish there is a Ffjrnnon Gain, "which, perhaps, 
records an ancient dedication to St. Cain Wyry, or Keyne the Virgin. 
The dedication of Bletherston Church seems unknown ; but as the 
Welsh name of Bletherston is Tref Elen, and there is an Elen's Well 
in Llawhaden parish (of which Bletherston is a chapelry), Bletherston 

Church may have been dedicated to St. Helena" (Owen's 

Pembrokeshire, I, 256, note 1). For Cadog's Chapel, see Lives of the 
British Saints, I, 119. With regard to Kennox, it is more likely, in 
view of such names as St. Petrox and Cadoxton, to stand for Cjmog's 
than for Cennech's, as suggested in Lives of the British Saints, II, 56. 
In fact, the authors of this work, in a note to their article on Qsmog, 
refer to ** Seynt Canock" in Llawhaden {Ihid, II, 271, note 4). 



30 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 



Llyg y Vran, Meilyr 



Sir John Philips and 
Mr. Soourfield. 

Mr. Scourfield. 
Mr. Bowen. 
Mr. Bowen. 
Sir John Philips. 



Iffaenoloohog, St. Mary^ 

Llandeilo, Teilo' 

Llangolman, Golman' 
MynaohlogddUy Dogvael 

Capel Cewy, Cewydd. 

Capel St SUtrif St. Giles or Silin. 
New Moat, St. Nicholas 
Frendergast, David 
Budbaxton, St. Michael 

St. Margaret' i Chapel^ St. Margaret. 

St. Catherine's Chapel, St. Catherine. 
Slebeoh, St. John Baptist 
Spittal, St. Mary 

St. Leonardos Chapel, St. Leonard. 
UBmastoiiy Tsvael 
Walton East, St. Peter^ 
Wiston or Castell Gwys, St. Mary 

8. Deanery of Gastlbmabtin, Pembrokeshire. 

Patrons in 1717. 
Amroth« Teilo 
Angle, St. Mary 

St. George's Chantry, St. George. 

St. Mary's Chapel, St. Mary. 
Begelly 

Reynoldston or Rynalton. 

St. Thomas's Chapel, St. Thomas.* 

Williamston. 



Mr. Scourfield. 
The Crown. 
The Crown. 

Mr. Barlow. 

Church of St. David's. 

Chapter of St. David's. 
Mr. Hudson. 
Mr. Wogan. 



Mr. Woolford. 
The Crown. 



Sir John Philips. 



^ There is a Ffynnon Ddewi, David's Well, in this parish, and also 
not far from the church a Ffynnon Vair, Mary's Well (Owen's 
Pembrokeshire, 1, 255, note 1). 

' This is the Lannteliau Litgarth in fin Doucledifha Chemeis of the 
Book o/Llan Ddv, p. 255. 

' There is a Ffynnon Samson, Samson's Well, in this parish 
(Owen's Pembrokeshire, I, 255, note 1). 

^ Rice Rees has St. Mary, hut see Owen's Pembrokeshire, U, 353. 

* Owen's Pembrokeshire, \\, 808. 



Parochiale Walltcanum. 3 1 

Boahe8ton» St. Michael Mr. Campbell. 

8t. QovarCs Chapel, Govan.* 

Carew, St. John Baptist Bishop of St. David's. 

Llandigtoynnet. 

Redberth. 

Castlemartiny St. Michael Mr. Campbell. 

Flim$ton^ 

CosheBton, St. Michael Sir Arthur Owen. 

Cronwear for Llangronweniy Teilo The Crown. 

Gmnfreston Mr. Meyrick. 

Hodgeston Sir Arthur Owen. 

JeffreyBtonS Chapter of St. David's. 

^ "A little to the east of Bosherston Meer, and also within the 
parish, is the hermitage of St. [Govan], situated in a fissure of the 
rocky apparently formed by some violent convulsion, and about half- 
way between the summit and the base. A flight of steps, rudely cut 
in the rock, forms an ascent to the small chapel, which is about twenty 
feet in length and twelve feet wide, with an altar formed of a coarse 
stone slab, harmonizing with the rude and simple character of the 
place. On one side a door, opening from the chapel, leads into a small 
cell, cut in the rock, in form resembling the human body, which is said 
to have been the solitary retreat of St. [Govan]. Beneath the hermit- 
age is St. [Govan's] well, formerly in great repute for the miraculous 
efficacy in the cure of diseases superstitiously ascribed to it through 
the influence of the saint, and still held in veneration by the inhabi- 
tants of the neighbourhood. The scenery around this sequestred spot 
is of the wildest and most romantic character: large fragments of 
rock, scattered in confused heaps, lie around it in every direction, and 
huge masses of rugged cliffs, threatening to detach themselves every 
moment from the higher precipices, which impend over the sea-worn 
base of the rock, give to the bold sublimity of the scene an appalling 
grandeur of effect'' (Lewis's Top. Die, Wales, ed. 1838, 8 Bosherston.) 

* ** There was anciently a chapel at Flimston, which has long since 
gone to decay " (Lewis's Top. Die. Wales, ed. 1833, s Castlemartin). 

' This church is said to be dedicated to St. Oswald, a notion which 
probably arose from a misreading either of some form of Ysvael or of 
Usyllt. The modem form Tsvael comes from Ismael and a still older 
Osmail. Cunedda Wledig had a son of this name, after whom Mais 
Osmeliaun in Anglesey was so called. This was read later as referring 
to Croes OswaUt or Oswestry, as though Oswald and Osmail were the 
same name. Mr. Phillimore also records an instance of Oswald being 
read for forms of Usyllt (Owen's Pembrokeshire, ii, 296, note 2 ; 308). 



32 Parochiale Wallicanum. 

Lamphey or Llandyvai, Tyvai Bishop of St. David's. 

Lawrenni, Oaradog Mr. Barlow. 

IiOveBton, St. Leonard^ Mr. Campbell. 

Ludohuroh or Eglwys Lwyd, Teilo The Grown. 

Manorbier for Maenor Byr, St. James Christ's College, Cam- 
bridge. 
Martletwy Mr. Barlow. 

Coed Cenlas Chapel, St. Mary Sir Arthur Owen. 

Minwear Sir Thomas Stepney. 

Monkton, St. Nicholas Lord Viscount Hereford. 

Crtekmarren Chapel 

Paterchurck or Patrickchurch, 
Patrick. 

Pembroke or Penvro, St. Mary Lord Viscount Hereford. 

Pembroke or Penvro, St. Michael Lord Viscount Hereford. 

Priory Lady Chapel, St. Mary. 

St Ann's Chapel, St. Ann. 

St. DeinioVi Chapel, Deiniol. 

St, Mary Magdalene's Chapel, St. 
Mary Magdalene 
Narberth for Arberth, St. Andrew The Crown. 

Mountain (for Monkton) or Cil Maen. 

Robeston Wathan. 

TempleUm, 
Nash Mr. Bowen. 

Upton, older Ucton, St. Giles Mr. Bowen. 

Newton North or IJys Prawst Mr. Deeds. 

Penaly for Pen Aliin, Teilo Bishop of St. David's. 

Caldey Island or Ynys Bir Chapel, 
St. Mary. 

Little Caldey Island, St. Margaret. 
PwUoroohan* The Crown. 

Bhosorowther or Bhos Gylyddwr or 

Idanddegyman, Degyman The Crown. 

St Plorenoe, St. Florence St. John's College, Cam- 

bridge. 
St iBsePs or Llan UsyUt, Usyllt Chapter of St David's. 

St Petrox or Uanbedrog, Pedrog Mr. Campbell. 



^ Rev. J. T. Bvans's Church Plate of Pembrokeshire, p. 64. 
* Now St. Mary, said to be formerly Degyman (Arch, Comb,, 1888, 
p. 127, as quoted in Lives of Brit, SainU, ii, 824, note 2.). 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 



33 



St. Twlnnel'8 for St. Winners, Gwynnog Chapter of St. DaY]d*8. 
Staokpole Elidyr or Gheriton, Teilo^ Mr. Campbell. 
Tenby or Dinbyoh y Fyagod, St. Mary The Crown. 

Free Chapel, St, John the Baptist. 

St. Catherine's Island, St. Catherine. 

St, Julian's Oratory, St. Julian. 

St. Mary's Hospital, St. Mary Magdalene. 
Warren, St. Mary Bishop of St. David's. 

Yerbeeton, St. Lawrence The Crown. 



Dbanbbt of Rhob, Pembrokeshire. 

Patrons in 1717. 



Burton 



Sir 



Oamroe, Ysvael 
Dale, St. James 

St. Ann's Chapel, St. Ann. 
Freyatrop 
Haroldston East, Tsvael 

St. Caradog's Hermitage,^ Caradog. 
Haroldston West, Madog 
Hasguard, St. Peter 
Haverfordwest, St Martin 

Haverfordwest, St. Mary 

Haverfordwest, St. Thomas 
Herbrandston, St. Mary 
Hubberston, David 

St. Thomas's Chapel, St. Thomas the 
Martyr.' 



Arthur Owen 
Mr. Campbell. 

Mr. Bowen. 

Sir John Cope. 



and 



The Crown. 

Sir John Packington. 

Sir Juhn Philips. 
The Crown. 
Mr. Bowen. 

Corporation of Haver- 
fordwest. 
The Crown. 
The Crown. 
The Crown. 



iThe 'Elidyr' churches ''are known in at least three cases to be 
' Teilo* churches from the Book of Llan Ddv (pp. 124, 264-5). Elidyr is 
perhaps another form of Teilo, otherwise known as Eliud " (Evans's 
Church Plate of Pembrokeshire^ 1906, p. 2, note 2). Stackpole was 
later dedicated to St. James (Owen's Pembrokeshire, i, 144). 

' "The hermitage of St. Caradoc, it is said, was in this parish [of 
Haroldston East] ; and on the common, within the limits of which 
the Haverfordwest races are held, is a well, still called St. Caradoc's 
Well, round which, till the last few years, a pleasure fair, or festival, 
was annuaUy held, for the celebration of rustic sports" (Lewis's Top. 
Die. Wales, ed. 1833). 

' Owen*s Pembrokeshire, II, 417, note 87. . 

D 



34 Parochiale Wallicanum. 

Johnston The Crown. 

Lambston Sir John Philips. 

Langmn^ Sir Richmrd Walter and 

Mr. Owen. 

Uanstadwel or Uanystydwal Mr. AUen. 

Marloes for Mael Bhos, St. Peter The Crown. 

Marloes, St. Mary.' 

Nolton for Old-ton, Madog The Crown. 

Bhosmarkety Tsvael The Crown. 

Bobeston West The Crown. 

Booh or Y C^am, St. Mary The Crown. 

Hilton ChapeL 

Trevrdn, Caradog. 

St. Bride's, Ffraid Mr. Llaugham. 

Ancient Chapel on beach? 

St. Ishmael's, Tsvael The Crown. 

Steynton, Kewil^ The Crown. 

Milfordy St. Catherine. 

Pill Priory, St. Mary and Budoc* 

^ "The old Norse Langheim, of late ignorantly Welshified into 
Llangwm" (Owen's Old Pembroke Families^ 60). 

s "A former structure, which was dedicated to St. Mary, and 
situated near the beach, was destroyed by an encroachment of the 
sea, which also laid waste the glebe land originally belonging to the 
living'' (Lewis's Top. Die, Wales, od. 1883). 

' "There are still the remains of an ancient chapel on the beach 
[of St. Bride's haven], which, according to tradition, was sub- 
sequently appropriated as a salting-house for curing the fish [of a 
considerable herring fishery, now discontinued for many years]. In 
the cemetery belonging to this chapel were numerous stone coflSns, 
of which several have been washed away by the encroachment of the 
sea, which has here gained considerably on the shore, as was proved 
some years ago, during an extraordinary recess of the tide, by the 
discovery of several stumps of trees" (Lewis's Top, Die. Wale$, ed. 1883). 

* Kewil looks like an old form of Kywil, which would now be 
written Cywil, and pronounced and even written Cowil. On Pencaer 
there is a place called Carngowil, Cowil's Cairn. 

fi "Near the head of Hubberston Pill are the remains of Pill Priory, 
founded in the year 12(X) by Adam de Rupe, for monks of the order 
of Tyrone, who afterwards became Benedictines : the priory, which 
was dedicated to St. Mary and St. Budoc, flourished till the dissolu- 
tion, at which time its revenue was estimated at £07 15«. The site 



.Parochiale Wallicanum. 35 

St. Catherine's Chapel^ St. Catherine.^ 

St, Budoe'8 Chapel, Budoc.> 
Talbenni, St. Mary Mr. Owen. 

Trevgam Mr. Fowler and Mr. 

Jones. 
Walton West Sir Thomas Stepney. 

Walwyn's Castle or Castell Qwalohmai, 

St. James The Crown. 



n. ARCHDEACONRY OF BRECON. 
5. Dbanbbt of Bbboon Fibst Pabt, Brecomhire, 

Patrons in 1717. 
Aberysoir, Cynidr Mr. Flower. 

Breoon or Aberhonddii, St. John Evan- 
gelist Sir Edward Williams. 
Battle, Cynog Heirs of Mr. Williams. 
Benni Chapel,^ 
Brecon, St. Mary. 

and buildings were granted, in the 38th of Henry VIII, to Roger and 
Thomas Barlow, and are now [1833] the property of the Hon. Fulke 
Greville. The ruins, which are very small, consist chiefly of some 
fragments of the walls: the low entrance gateway leading into the 
garden is still remaining, but the arch above it fell down in 1826" 
(Lewis's Top, Die. Wales, ed. 1833, s Steynton). 

^ ^'A chapel of ease to the mother church [of Steynton], dedicated 
to St. Catherine, is situated at the eastern extremity of the street 
fronting the haven : it was erected chiefly at the expense of the Hon. 
Charles Francis Greville, lord of the manor, and was consecrated for 

divine service in the year 1808 A little to the east of 

the present edifice are the remains of an ancient chapel, which was 
also dedicated to St. Catherine, and, after having been desecrated for 
many years, was converted into a powder magazine : it consisted of 
a nave and chancel, with a finely vaulted roof, which is still entire 
[1833] : the western end has fallen down, but the boundaries of tiie 
ancient cemetery may be distinctly traced ** (Lewis's Top. Die, Wales, 
ed. 1833, s Steynton). 

' Botolph has now been substituted for Budoc, which, written St. 
Buttock's, offended the delicacy of a former owner. May no ill 
dreams disturb his rest. 

» See " Forgotten Sanctuaries", by Miss Gwenllian Morgan in the 
Arch, Comb, for July, 1903. 

d2 



36 Parochiale Walltcanum. 

Brecon Castle Chapel, St. Nicholas.^ 

Llanywern, Cynidr.* The Parishioners. 

PrUonerif Chapelt 

St. Caikerint^B Chapel^St. Catherine. 

Slwoh Chapel, Eiliwedd. 
Gkurthbrengi, David Prebendary of Garth- 

brengi. 

Christ's College, Holy Trinity Bishop of St. David's 

Patron of the 21 
Prebends there. 

Friary Church, St. Nicholas. 

Llanddew or Llandduw, God Archdeacon of Brecon. 

Llanvaes, David' Archdeacon of Brecon. 

Iilandeilo'r Van, Teilo Mr. Jeffrys. 

Capel Maes y Btolch, 
Itlandyraelog Vaoh, Maelog The Crown. 

Llanvihangel Vechan, St. Michael. 
Merthyr Cynog» Cynog The Crown. 

Capel Dyffryn Honddu or Capel 
Ucha, Cynog. 

Llanvihangel Nantbran, St. Michael Mr. Jeffrys. 

6. Dbanbbt of Bbbgon Sbcond Pabt, Breconshire, 

Patrons in 1717. 
Devynook or Dyvynog, Cynog Bishop of Gloucester. 

Capel Call wen, Callwen. 
Llanilltyd or Glyn, Illtyd.* 
Llanilud or Crai Chapel, Ilud. 
Ystrad Yellte, St. Mary. 

^ See ''Forgotten Sanctuaries'', by Miss Gwenllian Morgan in the 
Arch. Camb. for July, 1903. 

^ Browne Willis places Llanywem in the Deanery of Brecon Third 
Part {Par. Anglic., ed. 1783, p. 182). 

' Browne Willis places Llanvaes juxta Brecon in the Deanery of 
Brecon Second Part {Ibid., p. 181). 

* ''On an adjoining eminence [in the Llanilltyd division of Devy- 
nog], near a pool, are two large stones, placed six feet asunder, at 
each end of a small tumulus, which is called Bedd Gwyl Illtyd, or 
'the grave of Ultyd's Eve', from the ancient custom of watching 
there on the eve of the festival of that saint, who was supposed to 
liave been buried here" (Lewis's Top, Die. Wales, ed. 1833, s Glyn). 



Parochiale Walitcanum. 37 

Uanspyddid, Cadog Mr. Jeffirys. 

Gapel Bettws or Penpont. 
Llywel, Llowel^ Chapter of 8t. David's; 

Dolhowpl, David. 

Rhydybriw Chapel. 

Trallwng, David* Prebendary of Trallwng. 

Penderin, Cynog Dr. Winter. 

Vaenor or Meienor Wyxmo, Gwynno The Crown. 

Ystrad Gynlals, Cynog. 

Capel Coelbren.' 

7. Dbanbbt of Bbecon Thibd Pabt, Breconshire, 

Patrons in 1717. 
Cantrev, Cynidr* Mr. Powell. 

Capel Nantddu. 
Oathedin or IJaiiTihangel Gsrthedln, St. 

Michael Duke of Beaufort. 

Uanbedr Ystrad Yw, 8t. Peter Duke of Beaufort. 

Partrisho, Issiu. 
Llanddetty, Detty Mr. Jones. 

Capel Tav Vechan. 
Uangasty TalyUsm, Gastayn Mr. Parry. 

Uangadog Cmg Howel, Cadog Duke of Beaufort. 

Crickhowel for Crug Howel, St. 
Edmund^ Duke of Beaufort. 

Llanelli, Elli. 

Llangeneu, Ceneu. 

^ Llywel, pronounced and even written Llowel, like Howel for 
Hywel, bowyd for bywyd, etc. Cf. Llanllowel in Monmouthshire, 
where also Llowel is assumed to be a saint's name. According to the 
poem of Gwynvardd Brycheiniog (1160-1200), entitled Canu y Deivi^ 
Llywel is "owned" by David (Anwyl's Gogyi\feirddf 82, col. ii, line 15 
from bottom). 

* Browne Willis places Trallwng in the Deanery of Brecon First 
Part {Par. Anglic,, ed. 1738, p. 180). 

' Browne Willis has "Capell Colven St. ColvenTiPar. Anglic, 181). 

* Cat, ofMSS, rel. to Wales in Brit. Mu»., by Ed. Owen, III, 597. 

' Crickhowel "was formerly a chapelry within the parish of 
[Llangadog], the rectors of which received one-third of its tithes . . . 
... * The church, dedicated to St. Edmund the King and Martjnr, 
was founded and endowed by the munificence of Lady Sibyl de 
Pauncefote, and consecrated, in 1303, by David de Sancto Edmundo, 
Bishop of St. DavidV (Lewis's Top. Die, Wales, ed. 1833). 



38 Parochiale Wallicanunt. 

Llanvair Chapel, St. Mary.^ 
Supposed Oratory, Ceneu.' 

Llangors, Peulin or Paulinus Chapter of Windsor. 

Han y Deuddeg Sant, the Twelve 
Saints. 

Llangynidr or Eglwys lail, Gynidr^ Duke of Beaufort. 

EghvyB Vesey,^ 
Tilanhamlaoh^ Mr. Gkibriel Powel. 

Lleekvaen Chapelt 



^ ''About a mile and a half from the town [of Crickhowel] formerly 
stood the 'baptismal and parochial chapel' of St. Mary, still known 
by its Welsh name, Llanvair, or 'Mary-church'. That its erection 
was of a date long prior to that of the present parochial church of 
St. Edmund is certain from the report of Giraldus Gambrensis, in 
the reign of Henry II, who states that he himself, as archdeacon of 
[Brecon], was cited to appear in capelld 8anet€B Maria de Cmcohel . . . 

Having long since faUen into lay hands, it was used, until 

within the last twenty years, as a bam : it was then taken down, and 
a new farm building erected upon the spot, so tiiat the name is now 
the only vestige of the ancient structure" (Lewis's Top, Die, Wales, 
ed. 1883). 

* Near Ffynnon Geneu was "an ancient building which was sup- 
posed to be the oratory of St. Ceneu" (Lewis's Top, Die. Wales), 

> This church was associated at a later period with the Virgin as 
well as with Gynidr, for which cause it is called "11 fair a chynydr" in 
the Peniarth MS. 147 (Evans's Report, I, 918, col. ii). It was also 
know as Eglwys lail, which appears as Egluseyll in the Taxatio of 
1291, from a small stream of that name, which passed the church (so 
says Samuel Lewis in his Top, Die, Wales, ed. 1833). 

* "An ancient chapel, of which the ruins were formerly visible on 
the bank of the Grawnant about two miles from the village [of 
Llangynidr]" (Lewis's Top. Die, Wales), 

s Rice Kees ascribes this church to St. Peter and St. Illtyd ; and 
Lewis to St. Peter alone, as also Browne Willis. It would appear, 
however, as though it were the llan of Anlach, which was the name of 
Bry Chan's father {Y Cymmrodor, xiz, "The Brychan Documents"). 
" On a farm called Mannest [in Llanhamlach] .... are the remains 
of a kistvaen, under an aged yew tree, and surrounded with stones 
apparently from a dispersed cairn, under which it had been concealed 
for many ages : at what period it was opened is not known. It con- 
sists of three upright stones, two forming the sides, about five feet in 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 39 

Llaimanffrald, Ffraid Lord Ashburnham. 

Uanyeugaiiy Meugan Sir Charles Kemmeys. 

Gapel Glyn CoUwyn. 

Peneelli Castie Free Chapel, St. 
Leoaard. 
Iilanvibaiigel Cwmdu, St. Michael Duke of Beaufort. 

Idanddegyman, Degyman. 

Tretower Chapel, St. John Evangel- 

IBt. 

laanyihangel Talyllyn, St Michael Mr. Philips. 

Uanvilo, Bilo Lord Ashburnham. 

Llandyvaelog Trev y Graig, Maelog. 
Iilanvrynaoh^ Brynach Mr. Waters. 

Talgarth, Gwen Chapter of Windsor. 

8. Dbanbbt of Buallt, Breoofuhire, 

Patrons in 1717. 
Uanavan Vawr, Avan Bishop of St. David's. 

Capel Alltmawr. 
Gelli Talgarth or Bhoe y Capel, 
Uanavan Vechan, Avan. 
Llanvihangel Abergwesin, St. 

Michael. 
Llanvihangel Bryn Pabuan, St. 

Michael. 
Llysdinam, 
Uangamaroh, Cynog' Treasurer of Brecon CoU. 

(now annexed to the 
See of St. David's in 
lieu of mortuaries). 

lengthy and one at the end, about three feet wide : the whole height 

does not exceed three feet from the ground by topographers 

it is usually designated Ty Illtyd" (Lewis's Top, Die, Wales, ed, 1833). 

* " In the hamlet of Llechvaen was formerly a chapel of ease, 
which fell down about a century ago {t.e., about 1733] and has not 
been rebuilt" (Lewis's Top, Die, Wales, ed. 1833). 

' It appears from a poem by Cynddelw (1160-1200), entitled Cdn 
Tyseilyaio, that Llangamarch at one time was accounted as belonging 
to Tysilio, which perhaps means Meivod (Rice Rees's JEssay, 278; 
Anwyl's Oogynfeirdd, 67, col. i, line 2). Previous to this it appears to 
have belonged to Cynog, sou of Brychan, who was known as Cynog 



40 ParochiaU Wallicanum. 

Llanddewi Abergwesin, David. 
LlanddemLlioifny Pyniwiif, David.* 
Llanwrtyd, David. 
Llansanffraid Cwmwd-douddwr, 

Ff raid* Bishop of St. David's. 

Capel Nantgwyllt. 
JJanvadog^ Madog. 
Llanganten, Canten Bishop of St.'David's. 

Llangynog, Cynog. 
lalanwrthwly Gwrthwl Prebendary of Llan- 

wrthwl. 
Llanlleonvel. 
MaesmynyB or Llanddewi Maesmynys, 

David Bishop of St. David's. 

Llanddewi *r Cvnn, David. 
Llanvair ym Miiallt or Builth, St. 

Mary Mrs. Harcourt. 

Llanynys, David. Bishop of St. David's. 

9. Dbanbrt of Hat, Brecanshire. 

Patrons in 1717. 
BrwynllyB,* St. Mary Mr. Vaughau. 

Gwenddwr, Dubricius.* 
Hay or Y G^lli Gkuiddryll, St. John 
(extinct)* 

Gamarch, apparently from the river Camarch, on which the llan is 
situated. That the parish wake fell on Cynog*s Day, October 8th, is 
shown by the assigning of that day to the manufactured ** Saint 
Camarch". For the early eighteenth century local traditions relative 
to Cynog, collected by the Breconshiro herald, Hugh Thomas, see 
Lives ofth^ British Saints, ii, 266-8, where they are printed from the 
Harleian MS. 4181 (ff. 70a-71b). 

* " At a place called Llwyn y Vynwent [in Trevllys hamlet, Llan- 
gamarch parish] tradition reports that a chapel of ease anciently 
stood, but no traces of it can now be discovered" (Lewis's Top. Die, 

Wales, ed. 1833, s Trevllys). 

* Llansanffraid Cwmwd-douddwr is in Radnorshire (as are also its 
two chapels), and is placed by Browne Willis in the Deanery of 
Maeliennydd {Par. Anglic, ed. 1783, p. 185). 

* ** The ancient parish church, dedicated to St. John, and situated 
in the centre of the town, was, in 1684, in sufficient repair to be used 
as a school-house, though it had long ceased to be appropriated to 
the performance of divine service. In 1700 part of this building fell 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 



41 



Hay, St. Mary 

Chapel in mburb (Leland). 
Iilandyvalle, Tyvalle^ 

Crickadam, St. Mary.^ 
LUtneigion, Eigion 

Gapel y Ffin. 

Ciknto Chapel, 
Uanelyw, Elyw 
Talaohddu, St. Mary 
Llys Wen« 

Her^ordshire, 

Clodook, Clydog 

Craswell, St. Mary. 

Llanveuno, Beuno. 

Llantot/nnofff GwyDnog. 

Longtovm, St. Peter. 
EwyaB Harold, St Michael or St. James 

Dulas, St. Michael 
Llancdlo, older Lann Sulbiu, Sulbiu 
Miohaelohuroh Eskley, St. Michael 
BowlBton, St. Peter 
St. Margaret, St. Margaret 
Walterston, St. Mary 



Prince of Wales. 
Mr. Vaughan. 
Mr. Wellington. 



Lord Ashbumham. 

Mr. Lewis. 

Sir Edward Williams. 



Edward Harley, Esq. 



Bishop of Gloucester. 
Edward Harley, Esq, 
Edward Harley, Esq 
Edward Harley, Esq, 
Edward Harley, Esq, 
Edward Harley, Esq, 
Edward Harley, Esq 



down, since which time the whole has been removed, and the site is 
now occupied by a small prison, or lock-up house ^ (Lewis's Tap. Die. 
Wales, ed. 1833). Browne Willis mentions Haye CapeUa St. John 
Baptist ruinosa (Par. Anglic., ed. 1733, p. 183). 

* Gwenddwr is one of the five parishes which, according to the 
Peniarth MS. 147, of about 1666, made up the Cymwd known as 
Cymwd Cantrev Sefyo, the others being Llandyvalle, Brwynllys, 
Llys Wen, and Crickadarn.' Llandyvalle seems to carry the name of 
its saint in its own name, and Brwynllys is ascribed (probably by the 
Normans of its castle) to St. Mary. Crickadarn also is given to St. 
Mary. There seems to be some uncertainty as to the remaining two, 
for Browne Willis, Rees, tod Lewis are all silent as to Llys Wen, and 
so are Browne Willis and Rees with regard to Gwenddwr, but Lewis 
ascribes it to Dubricius. One would hesitate the more in accepting 
this last were it not that the district on the west of the Wye between 
the parishes of Llys Wen and Gwenddwr contains the Llandaff 
possession called ** In Cantref Selim. Lann Coit *" {Book of Llan Ddv, 
2*!>5). Within this district places will be found on the larger maps 



42 Parochiale IValltcanum. 

Monmouthshire. 
Cwm Yoy, St. Michael Edward Harley, Esq. 

Llanthony or Uanddewl Nant Honddu, 

David Edward Harley, Esq. 

Oldoastle, St. John Baptist Edward Harley, Esq. 

10. Deanbbt of Elyabl, Radnorshire} 

Patrons in 1717. 
Aberedw, Gewydd Bishop of St. David's. 

Llanvaredd, St. Mary. 
Boohrwyd or Boughrood, Cynog Prebendary of Bough- 

rood. 
Uanbedr Painscastle, St. Peter Bishop of St. David's. 
Bryngwyn or Llanvihangel y Bryn- 

gwyn, St. Michael Bishop of St. David's. 

Cregrina for Craig Vurona, David Bishop of St. David's. 

Llanbadam y Garreg,' Padam. 
Llan Non, Non. 
Cleirw or Clyro for Cleirwy» St. Michael Bishop of St. David's. 
Bettws Cleirw or Capel Bettws. 

with such suggestive names as Llanvawr, Llangoed, Bwlch Henllan, 
and Llan-eglwys. The boundaries of Lann Coit in Cantrev Selyv, are 
not given in the Book of Llan Ddv (166-7), but the possession appears 
to have been a gift to Arwystl, the disciple of Dubricius, which 
Arwystl was consecrated Bishop by him. It appears therefore to 
have been at first a '' Dubricius " possession, and so its Uan would 
have regularly become a ''Dubricius church". Gwenddwr, Cricka- 
darn, and Llys Wen are presumably subsequent to the orignal Uan, 
for none of them appears in the Taxatio of 1291. A theory in the 
Lives of the British Saints, i, 176, supposes that Lann Coit is Lancaut, 
near Tidenham, which " must have been devastated by the Saxons, 
and then, perhaps, the Church of Llandaff laid claim to another 
Llangoed on the strength of the name". Whatever may be thought 
of this, the ascription of the church of Gwenddwr to Dubricius 
appears to have some bearing on the matter. Moreover, Lancaut, 
near Tidenham, is not for Lann Coit but Lann Ceuid, i.e., Llangewydd. 

^ For the saints of Radnorshire, see the Church Plate of Badnor- 
shire (Stow, Glos., 1910), by the Rev. J. T. Evans, with notes and 
special essay on the subject in the appendix. 

' Llanbadam y Garreg appears as a chapel under Bryngwyn in 
Browne Willis's Par, Anglic, ed. 1733, p. 184. 



Parochiale Walltcanunt. 



43 



Diaerth or Y Diaerth yn Elyael, Gewydd Bishop of St. David'fl. 
Bettws Diserth ^ 

Gladestry or Uanvair Llwyth Dyvnog, 



St. Mary 
Qlasgwm, David 

Golva, David. 

Rhiwlen, David. 
Llandeilo Qrabon, Teilo 
Llanelwedd, Elwedd 
Iilansanfi^Bid yn Elvael« Ff raid 
lalanstephan or Llanystyf&n, Tstyflfan 
IJanYihaiigel Nant Melan^ St. Michael 

Llanivan, St. John.* 

Iilowes, Llowes and Meih'g 

Llanddewi Vach, David. 
Newohuroh or Llan Newydd, St. Mary 

Breeonahire, 
Glasbnry or Y das ar Wy,» Cynidr 

Aberllyvni or Pipton Chapel, St. Mary. 
Velindre Chapel 

11. DsANBBY OF Mablibnnydd, Radnorshire, 

Patrons iu 1717. 
Bleddva for Bleddyaoh, St Mary Bishop of St. David's. 

Bugeildy or Llanvlhangel y Bugeildy, 
St. Michael 

Velindre Chapel. 

Caagoby St. Michael 

Ceven Llys or lilanvihangel Ceyen 

LlySy St. Michael 
Uanbadam Vawr ym Maeliennydd, 

Padam 



The Crown. 

Bishop of St. David's. 

Bishop of St. David's. 
Bishop of St. David's. 
Bishop of St. David's. 
Archdeacon of Brecon. 
The Crown 

Archdeacon of Brecon. 
Bishop of St. David's. 

Bishop of Gloucester. 



Bishop of St. David's. 
Bishop of St. David's. 
Bishop of St. David's. 
Bishop of St. David's. 



* Ascribed to St. Mary by Browne Willis (Ibid.J. 

* In the One Inch O.S. Map (1899) Bron yr Eglwys is marked a 
little to the east of lian-Evan. 

'Browne Willis, in 1733, says, "The church newly rebuilt, 
Co. Brecon, it was antiently on the other side the River in Radnor- 
Mre** {Par. Anglic., p. 183). 



44 Parochiale Walltcanum. 

Llanbister* Cynllo^ Biahop of St David's. 

Abbey Cwm Hir or Mynachlog, St. Sir Richard Fowler. 
Mary.* 

Caervaelog for Oordd Vadog? Maelog. 

LlanannOy Anno. 

Llanbadarn Vynydd, Padam.^ 

Uanddewi Ystrad Enni, David. 

Hanvair Trellwydion, St. Mary. 

Llanvihangel Rhyd leithon, St. Michael. 
Iilandegle,^ Tegle Bishop of St. David's. 

^ Croes Oynon, Craig Cynon, and Nant Cynon are place names, 
which point to a possible St. Cynon within the Llanbister district. 
There is a spot ** in the parish of Llanbister, designated by the appel- 
lation of Nant Castell Gwytherin This dingle is very 

lonesome and retired, and is situated near a place called Arthur's 
Marsh, not far from the source of the Prill, Nant Caermenin. In 
its neighbourhood is a row of stones, or cairn, called Croes Noddfa, 
that is, the Cross of Refuge". Williams's Radnorshire, p. 184. 
Williams identifies this Gwytherin with Vortigem. Gwytherin, how- 
ever, is from Victorinus. With the name Llanbister, compare Llan- 
veistr in Anglesey {Beport I, 912, col. iii ; and Leland's Itm. m WcUes, 
ed. 1906, 133.) 

* Browne Willis, in 1733, says, "Now distinct and presented to by 
Sir Richard Foioler'' (Par. Anglic., p. 186). Abbey Cwm Hir did not 
really become a separate parish till about 1832. 

' "Li the year 1805, at a place called Lower Cyfaelog, near to the 
village of Llanbister, was dug up a great quantity of freestone out of 
some ruins ; particularly a curious old baptismal font ; whence it is 
conjectured that a religious edifice of the Roman Catholic denomina- 
tion once stood here, which, perhaps, was dedicated to St. Cyfaelog, a 
Welsh propagator of Christianity " (Jonathan WiUiams's Radnorshire, 
p. 232). This writer does not seem to mean what he says, unless he 
really thought that the ancient British Church of Wales was a 
" Roman Catholic denomination", which would be nearly as bad as say- 
ing that she belonged to the " Anglican communion". No saint of the 
name of Cyfaelog is known to me. The place referred to seems to be 
Caervaelog. 

^ There is, or was, a well within this parish called Ffynnon Ddewi, 
Dewi's Well, perhaps from Llanddewi Ystrad Bnni (Lewis's Top. Die, 
Wales, ed. 1833). 

' On a part of Radnor Forest, within this parish, there is marked 
on the One Inch O.S. Map (1899) a place called Cowlod, 1611 feet 
high, which name is the same as that referred to in the bounds of 



Parochiale Wallicanum, 45 

Zilandrlndod formerly Llandduw, Gk>d Prebend of Uandrindod. 

Llanvaehn, Maelon. 
lalangynllo, Gynllo Prebend of Llangynllo. 

Lion y Bryn hir, 

Pileth or Pilale, St. Mary 
and probably 

Heyop or Llanddewi Heiob, David Bishop of St. David's. 

Whitton or Llanddewi'n Hwytyn, 
David Bishop of St. David's. 

TilanwaTiffVatd Cwmwd-douddwr. See 

Llangamarch, Deanery of Buallt. 
Nantmely Cynllo Bishop of St. David's. 

Llanyr or Llanllyr yn Rhos, Llyr 

Llanvihangel Helygen, St. Michael. 

Pant yr Eyiwys (near Rhaeadr).^ 

Rhaeadr Gwy, Gynllo.^ 

St. Mary's Well, St. Mary. 
St. Harmon's, Garmon' Bishop of St. David's. 

Drydgol CkapeL 

Radnor Forest in the reign of Queen Elizabeth (Williams's Radnor- 
ikire, 868) " a brooke or water called Cume Colloyd ". This to me is 
strangely reminiscent of Cwm Cawlwyd, where the ancient owl of 
Kulhwch and Olioen lived. A little to the north, in the parish of 
Llanvihangel Rhyd leithon, is a spot, 980 feet high, called 
E[ilmanawydd. 

^ " On the bank of the rivulet Rhydhir, at a small distance east 
from the town of [Rhaeadr], whither it is supposed the town formerly 
extended, and where a church, as tradition reports, once stood, upon 
an adjoining piece of ground named Clytiau or Pant-yr-Eglwys, that 
is, the church-yard, is a solitary tumulus, or barrow, destitute of a 
moat or vallum, and consequently sepulchral. It is named Cefn- 
ceidio, which signifies the ridge of Ceidio, who was a Welsh saint that 
lived about the middle of the fifth century " (Williams's JRadnorskire, 
281). 

^ The association of this former chapel with St. Clement may have 
risen from an early confusion of Clement and Cynllo, as in such cases 
as Bernard and Brynach, Lawrence and Llawddog, Julitta and Bud, 
etc., etc. A fair on December 3rd seems to represent an earlier fair 
on November 22nd, which is St. Clement's Eve. Other fairs, how- 
ever, seem to be associated with St. Mary. 

' Garmon after Lhn (as in Par. Anglic. , 186) or Eghoy9 would 
become Armon (Llanariuon or Eglwys Armon) ; hence the first step 
in the origin of the modem name. 



46 Parochiale Wallicanum. 

Montgomeryshire, 

Kerri or Llanvihangel yng Ngherri, St. 
Michael Bishop of St. David's. 

Qwemygo Chapel. 
Moohdre or Moughtre^ All Saints Prebendary of Mochdre. 



ni. ARCHDEACONRY OF CARMARTHEN. 

12. Dbanbbt of Carhabthbn, Carmarthenshire, 

Patrons in 1717. 
Abemant, St. Lucia The Crown. 

Cajftel Troed y Bhiw, 
Cynwyl Elved, Cynwyl. 

Carmarthen or Caervyrddin, Teulyddog 
(extinct) 

Carmarthen, St. Peter The Crown. 

Carmarthen Castle, King's Chapel, 

Capel y Oroesveini, 

Llangain, Cain Mr. Blodworth. 

Llanllwchy Llwch.^ 

Llan Newydd or Newchurch.' 

jRood Church, St. Mary. 
Cil y Maen Uwyd, St. Philip and St. 

James' The Crown. 

Castell Dwyran.* 

1 Llwch is a well authenticated personal name in Welsh, as shown 
by Mr. Phillimore in Y Cymmrodor, xi, p. 60, note p, 

> Lewis mentions " the remains of an ancient chapel which has 
been converted into a barn ", situated ** to the east of the church " 
( Top. Die, Wales, ed. 1883, s Newchurch). This place is not referred 
to by Browne WiUis unless it be the " Capell Llanneioyd destructa ", 
which he places under **Llanwndle Cur. St. Michael **, which I am 
unable to identify in the Deanery of Carmarthen. Willis gives the 
Patron of this last as Mr. Manwaring, and the Religious House, to 
which it was anciently appropriated, as the Priory of Carmarthen. 

3 Cil y Maen llwyd does not appear to be mentioned in the Taaxitio 
of 1291, or in the Inventories of Church Goods, 1552 (Evans*s Ckureh 
Plate of Carmarthenshire, pp. 121-7). It possesses, however, an 
Elizabethan chalice of about 1674, inscribed, Poculum Ecleeie de 
Kilyemaynloyd {ibid, p. 26) 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 



47 



'Bglwys Gymyn, Cymjm 
Egremont, St. Michael 
Henllan Amgoed or Llanddewi o 
Henllan, David 

Eglwys Vair a Ghirig, St. Mary 
and Cirig. 
Iilanboidy or Uan y Beudy, Brynach 

Eglwys Vair ar Ian T&v, St. Mary. 
Uigidawo^ 

Pendine for Llandeilo Pentywyn, 
Teilo. 
Iilanddowror for Llandeilo Llanddyvr- 

wjnr, Teilo* 
Uandeilo Aberoowyn, Teilo 



IilandysUio yn Nyved, Tysilio 
Uangan, Canna 
Llanglydwyn, Clydwyn 
lalansadymln, Sadymin. 
lalanstephan, Ystyffan 

Llangynogy Cynog. 

Llanyhri or Llanvair y bri, St. Mary. 

Marble or Marbel Church. 

St. Anthony's Well, St. Anthony. 
Llanvalltegy^ Mallteg 
LlanwyniOy Gwynio 



The Crown. 
Mr. Mansel. 

The Freehold Inhabi- 
tants. 



Bishop of St. David's. 
Mr. Stedman. 



Mr. Geers [?Meers],who 
has restored all the 
Tithes. 

Prebend of Llandysilio. 

Prebendary of Uangan. 

The Crown. 

The Crown. 



Bishop of St. David's. 
Mr. Jones. 



* Mr. Phillimore is inclined to regard the " Llandeilo Welfrey", 
mentioned by Browne Wilh's under the Deanery of Carmarthen and 
in the county of Carmarthen (Par, Anglic, p. 187), as representing 
Crinow ; but it may, in his opinion, be Castell Dwyran under Cily- 
maenllwyd in Carmarthenshire (Owen's Pembrokethire, i, 166, note 1). 
Crinow is really in Pembrokeshire. Another Teilo church omitted by 
Browne Willis, which I have here inserted, is Llanddowror. 

'^Llandawc has now for some time been associated with St. 
Margaret Marios but the place-name clearly indicates a founder of 
the Gk>lden Age of the British Saints of Wales. 

' Llanddowror is omitted by Browne Willis, like Crinow and 
Castell Dwyran, which are also Teilo churches. 

7 Llanvallteg church is in Pembrokeshire. 



48 Parochiale Wallicanum. 

Merthsrr^ The Crown. 

Meidrym, David > Bishop of St. David's. 

Llanvihangel Abercowin, St. 
Michael. 
St. Caear's^ All Souls College, Ox- 

lilangynin, Cynin. ford. 

Talaoham or Laiighame Chapter of Winchester. 

Crcadand, 

Cyffig, Cyffig. 

Marros, St. Lawrence. 
Treleohy Teilo Bishop of St. David's. 

Capel Bettws. 

Lampeter Velffre or Uanbedr Velffre, 

St. Peter The Crown. 

IJanddewi Velffte, David The Crown. 

Henllan, Teilo. 
Llandeilo Zltpyn GwaddaUf Teilo. 

13. Deambrt of Ki dwelt, Carmarthenshire, 

Patrons in 1717. 
Kidweli, St. Mary The Crown. 

Capel Coker,^ 
Capel Teilo, Teilo. 
Llangadog^ Cadog. 
Llanvihangel, St. Michael. 
St. Thoman's Chapel, St. Thomas. 



* Owen's Pembrokeshire, ii, 860, n. 3. 

^ Llanycrwys, t.«., the llan of the crosses, is called Llanddewi'r 
Crwys by Gwynvardd Brycheiniog (1160-1200), who also in the same 
poem claims Meidrym for St. David (Anwyl's Gogynfeirdd, 82, 
col. ii, lines 12 and 26 from bottom). 

' The eeclesia de Sancto Claro, of the Taxatio of 1291, excludes any 
St. Clara as patron of this church. Sanetus Clarus is otherwise un- 
known, and may be a Normanization of Celer of Llangeler. 

^ Rico Rees notes that this was *' named after Ghilfridus de Coker, 
Prior of Kidwelly, in 1301 ", in which case we should add Galfridus's 
name as the ** saint " if we were strictly to follow the original custom 
of the British Church of Wales and the Devonian peninsula. 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 49 

Uatidyyaelogy Maelog Duke of Somerset. 

BettwB, 

Capel Ivan, St. John. 

Llangyndeym, Cyndeym. 

Llangynheiddon,^ Gynheiddon. 

LianUydd^en, Llyddgen. 
laanedl, Edi The Crown. 

Llanelli, Elli Duke of Somerset. 

Capel Dem in Benoick, David. 

Capel Dyddgu in Kengoed, Dyddgu. 

Capel Ivan in Qlyn, St. John. 

Capel y Drindod, Holy Trinity. 
**Chaple o/Saynt Ownlet", Gwnlet.* 

Llangennych.' 
Llangynnor, Cynnor Bishop of St. David's. 

Fenbre, lUtyd Lord Ashbumham. 

Llandyry. 

Llan Non, Non. 

Capel Cynnor ym Afhendryn, Cynnor. 
St. Ishmael or Uanlshmael, Ysvael. 

Ferryside, St. Thomas.^ 

Llansaint.^ 

^ The old church was known as Capel Llangynheiddon, and it is 
said that according to tradition the bell now used at Llangain church 
was taken from Capel Llangynheiddon when the latter became 
disused. A Calvinistic Methodist chapel now occupies the spot, 
which is called Banc-y-capel. It is described by a modem writer as 
being fifteen or twenty minutes' walk from Mynydd Cyvor. This 
saint is the Keneython JUia Braehanjn y Minid Cheuorjn Kedweli of 
the De situ Brechmiauc (Y Cymmrodor, xix, 26). 

' For these chapels of Llanelli see the Inventories of Church Goods 
of 1662, as printed in the Rev. J. T. Evans's Church Plate of Carmar^ 
thenshire, p. 122 ; also notes by Alcwyn Evans to the less accurate 
transcription of the same in Daniel-Tyssen's JRoyal Charters, p. 80 ; 
also Browne WiUis's Far, Anglic,, p. 189. 

^ If this name carries that of the saint, it postulates a Cennych. 
The annual fair fell on October 23rd, which season is associated in 
numerous calendars with Gwynnog. Browne Willis appears to call 
this place Llangwynnock, which he ascribes to St. Gwynnock {Par. 
Anglic,, 1733, p. 189). 

* A modem chapel of ease opened in 1828. 

^ Llansaint is said to be the same as the Hawlkyng Church of the 
Church Goods Inventories of 1662, also spelt Alkenchurch in the 



50 Parochiale Wallicanum. 

14. Dbanbbt of Llandbilo and Llangadog, Carmarthenshire, 

Patrons in 1717. 
Abergwili, David Bishop of St. David's. 

Bettio9 Ystum Ghoili. 
Capel Bach, 
Capel Lianddu, 
Hentlan, 

Llanllawddog, Llawddog. 
Llanvihangel uwch Gwili, St. 

Michael. 
Llanpumpsaint, Gelynin, Ceitho, 
Gwyn, Gwynno, Gwynoro. 
Bettws, David Bishop of St. David's. 

Pentre'r Eglwys. 
Breohva, Teilo Lady Rudd and Mr. 

Lewis. 
Oil y Cwm or Uanvihangel Cil y Cwm, 

St. Michael Mr. Morgan. 

Cynwyl Gaeo, Cyuwyl The Crown. 

Aberbranddu. 
Cwrt y Cadno, 
Uenllan or Bryn Effiwys. 

Llansadwm, Sadwrn Mr. Cornwallis. 

Llansawel, Sawel. 
Llanwrda, Gwrdav.* 
Maes L/anwrthwlf Gwrthwl. 
Pumsaint, Celynin, Ceitho, Gwyn, 
Gwynno, Gwynoro. 
Llanarthneii, Arthneu^ Bishop of St. David's. 

Terrier of 1636. All trace of this latter name is now lost (Evans's 
Church Plate of Carmarthenshire^ p. 121 and n. 1). 

^ The name Llanwrda postulates Gwrda and not Owrda. In a 
charter of Edward I, printed in Daniel-Tyssen's JRayal Charters, ed. 
hy Alcwyn Evans, Llanwrda appears as Lanurdam (p. 6S), which looks 
like an archaic form of what would now be written Llanwrdav, 
postulating Gwrdav as the saint's name. In a 1670 calendar Gwrda's 
day is given as December 5th, which probably means that he is there 
identified with Cowrda, or Cawrdav, whose festival falls on that day 
according to some authorities. Lewis, in his Top. Die. Wales, ed. 1833, 
s Llanwrda, states that the annual fair is held on October 6th. 

' Rice Rees identifies the Llanadneu of Gwynvardd Brycheiniog's 
poem to St. David with Llanarthneu ''as it harmonises admirably 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 5 1 

Captl Detoif David. 

Capel Llanlluan, Lluan.^ 
IJanddarogy Darog Bishop of St. David's. 

Capel Bach. 

Capel Brynach, Brynach. 
IJandeilo Vawr, Teilo l^ishop of St. David's. 

Capel Taliaris, Holy Trinity. 

Capel yr Yioen. 

Carreg Cermen Castle Chapel, 

Llandyvaen} 
Llandingat for Llanddingady Dingad Bishop of St. David's. 

Capel Newydd, 

Capel PeuUn, Peulin. 

Llanyynvabf Cynvab. 

Llanvair ar y bryn, St. Mary. 

Nant y Bai Chapel.' 
Uandybie, Tybie. Bishop of St. David's. 

Capel yr Hendre. 

Glyn yr Henllan. 

with the preceding word in the original, according to the laws of the 
metre; and there is no place in the Principality which bears the 
name of Llanadneu" {Essay, p. 51 ; Anwyl's Ooyynfeirdd, 82, col. ii 
line 18 from the bottom). 

^ In view of the fact that a LIuan appears in the three best lists 
of the daughters of Brychan, there is strong temptation to spell 
this place-name as Llanlluan, and to ascribe the llan to her as in the 
case of Capel Gwladus under Gelligaer in Glamorganshire, Gwladus 
like Lluan being a married daughter. The name, however, is spelt 
Llanllian in C^irch Ooods Inventories^ 1552 (Evans's Church Plate of 
Carmarthenshire, p. 123), and Capel I Llanlloian, with no dedication, by 
Browne Willis {Par, Anglic., p. 189). The latter may be a misprint 
for Capell Llanlleian, as though he would have it to mean ''the llan 
of a nun". 

* Llandjrfaen, Rice Rees ; Llanduvaen, Lewis's Top. Die, Wales, s 
Llandilo Yawr; now called Llandyvan. Marked as extinct or in 
ruins by Rice Rees, it appears as revived in J. T. Evans's Church 
Plate of Carmarthenshire, p. 45, where it is erroneously ascribed to 
Dyvan. The place-name postulates a Saint Tyvaen. 

' In the hamlet of Rhandir Abat, in the parish of Llanvair ar y 
bryn, there existed in 1833 the chapel of Nant y Bai, "re-erected here 
instead of at Tstrad Ffin, where the original building stood" (Lewis's 
Top. Die, Wales). 

e2 



52 Parochiale Wallicanum. 

Llandyveisant, Tyvai. 

Binevwr Castle Chapel, David. 
XJanegwady Egwad Bishop of St. David's. 

Capel Owilym Voethtu. 

Capel QtoynllyWf Gwynllyw. 

Dohoyrdd Chapel. 

Llandeilo RtonnwSf Teilo. 

Llanhimin or Llanyhemin} 
Llangadog Vawr, Cadog' Bishop of St. David's. 

Capel Gwynvai.' 

Capel Tydysty formerly Merthyr TydyBtl, Tydystl. 

Llanddeusant.^ 
lalangathen, Cathen Bishop of Chester. 

Capel Cadvan (in parish church), Cad van. 

Capel Penano. 
Llanllwni, Llwni Bishop of St. David's. 

Capel Maesnonni. 

Hen Briordy. 

Llanvihangel Rhos y Com, St. 
Michael.^ 



^ Himin is the name of a hamlet in Llanegwad parish. Hence, 
according to Alcwyn Evans, Llanhimin means Llan yn Himin 
(Daniel-Tyssen's Boyal Charters, p. 33, note 2). The site is there 
stated to be on Twryn farm. There may be repetitions in the above 
list of chapels. 

' This llan was claimed for St. David by Gwynvardd Brycheiniog 
(1160-1200) in his poem to that saint (Anwyl's Goyynfeirdd, 82, col. ii, 
line 17 from bottom). 

' Gwynvai = Gwyn + Mai = Whitefield (Owen's Pembrokeshire, I, 
177, note 2). 

* The annual fair was held on the 10th day of October, which 
marks the festival of an obsciure pair of saints. The two saints of 
Llanddeusant are commonly said to be Simon and Jude, perhaps as 
being the only pair of red-letter saints in October. 

^ Lewis states that 'Mn this parish [of Llanvihangel Rhos y Com] 
is a spring called Ffynnon Capel, near which is an ancient yew tree, 
from which circumstance, combined with the evidence afforded by its 
name, it is inferred that there was anciently a chapel at this place" 
(Top, Die, Wales, ed. 1833). Browne Willis calls the place "Capell 
Llantihangel-Rosycarne" {Par. Anglic., ed. 1733, p. 190); hence 
Ffynnon Capel may refer to Llanvihangel itself, which was formerly a 
chapel to Llanllwni. 



Parochiale Wallicanum, 53 

Iilanyihangel Aberbythyoh, St. Michael Marquis of Winchester. 
Uanvihangel Cilvargen, St. Michael Marquis of Winchester. 

Llanvihangel Yeroth, St. Michael Mr. Angel. 

Capd Pencader,^ 
ItLanvsmydd, Egwad Bishop of St. David^s. 

Idanybyddair Bishop of St. David^s. 

Gapel Abergorlech. 

Capel logo, St. James. 

Capel Mair, St. Mary. 
IilanyorwyB, David? Mr. Lloyd. 

Myddvai or Uanyihangel y Myddvai, 
St. Michael Bishop of St. David's. 

Dolhowel Chapel? 
Fenoarreg^ Mr. Lewis. 

Talley or Tal y Uyohen, St. Michael Mr. Cornwallis. 

Capel Cain Wyry^ Cain. 

Capel Crist, Christ. 

Capel LUmvihanffel, St. Michael. 

Capel Mair, St. Mary. 

Capel Teilo, Teilo. 

15. Dbanbry of GowBRy Glamorganshire. 

Patrons in 1717. 
Blflhopston or Llandeilo Verwallt, Teilo Bishop of Llandaff. 

CasweU Chapel, Teilo.* 

lAangynmor, Cynvwr. 
Gheriton» Cadog The Crown. 

Oston or Llanilltyd, Illtyd The Crown. 

lAan Ncn, Non. 
Llanddewl in Gower, David Bishop of St. David's. 

Knelston, St. Maurice Chapter of St. David's. 

^ Lewis in 1833 says that this '^chapel has been in ruins for upwards 
of a century, but the cemetery attached to it is still preserved from 
desecration" {Top, Die. Wales, s Pencader). 

^ See note to Meidr3rm in Deanery of Carmarthen. 

3 This chapel is referred to but not named in the Church Goods 
Inventory of 1552 (Evans's Church Plate of Carmarthenshire, 127). 

* Padaru, with festival on March 16 (Browne Willis) ; Patrick, with 
October 11th as fair day (S. Lewis) ; Rice Rees is silent. 

^ At Caswell ''was formerly a chapel which has long since fallen 
into ruins" (Lewis's Top. Die. Wales, ed. 1833, s Bishopston). In the 
Index to Gwenogvryn Evans's Book of Han Ddo (409), it is identified 
with a query with Llandeilo Porth Tulon. 



54 Parochiale Wallicanum, 

Iilandeilo Tal y bont, Teilo Lord ManseL 

Iilangiwg) Ciwg Mr. Herbert. 

Llangynnydd, Cynnydd All Souls' College, Ox- 

Holmes Island CkapeV ford. 

IJangyvelaohy Cyvelach and later David Bishop of St. David's. 

Llansamlety Samlet Bishop of St. David's. 

Morriston.' 

St, Mary's Chapel, St. Mary. 

Uanmadok for Llanvadogy Madog The Crown. 

Llanrhidian, Tridian and lUtyd^ Lord Mansel. 

lAanelenf Elen. 

Llanrhidian Chapel or Llangwynner, 

Gwynnwr. Lord Mansel. 

Walterston Chapel. 

liloughor or Caa Llyohwr, St. Michael The Crown. 

Groft y CapelA 

Nioholaston, St. Nicholas Lord Mansel. 

Ozwiohy Ultyd Lord Mansel. 

^ "On Holmes island, which is contiguous to this part of the 
coast, are the remains of an ancient chapel, formerly belonging to 
the church [of Llangynnydd]" (Lewis's Top, Die, Wales, ed. 1838). 

' ''This village [Morriston], which is of recent origin, derives its 
name from its founder and late proprietor, Sir John Morris, who 
built it for the residence of the persons engaged in the various 
copper works and collieries in this district" (Lewis's Top. Die, Wales, 
ed. 1883). 

' '''St. Rhidian' is not very well authenticated, and the Annals of 
Margam (year 1185) mention a St. Illtud*s Well at [lAanridian in 
Gower], which suggests an original dedication of the church to that 
Saint" (Owen's Pembrokeshire, ii, 408.) Samuel Lewis ascribes the 
church to Illtyd, whose well must be that described by him as the 
" Holy "Well, on Cevn y Bryn mountain, to which, in former times, 
miraculous efficacy was attributed: it was generally frequented on 
Sunday evenings during the summer season by numbers of persons, 
who drank the water, and, according to an ancient custom, threw in 
a pin as a tribute of their gratitude" {Top, Die. Wales, ed. 1888). 
With regard to the chapels of Llanrhidian, see Owen's Fembrokeshire, 
ii, 867. See also note to Llandridian, s St. Nicholas, in Deanery of 
Pebidiog (Pembrokeshire). 

* "At a place called Groft y Capel there was formerly a chapel of 
ease, which has been for many years suffered to fall into decay" 
(Lewis's Top, Die. Wales, ed. 1888). 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 



55 



Oystermouth, All Saints 
Fenard or Fenarih in Gtower^ 

Fenmaen, St. John Baptist 
Fenrioe for Penrhys, St. Andrew* 
Portheinion. Cadog 
Beynoldston,' St. George 
Bhofiili, St. Mary 

Capel Cynnydd, Cynnydd. 
Swansea or Abertawe, St. Mary 
Swansea, St. John Baptist 
Swansea, St. Thomas. 



Mr. Herbert. 
AH Souls' College, Ox- 
ford. 
The Grown. 
Lord Mansel. 
The Grown. 
Lord Mansel. 
The Grown. 

Mr. Herbert. 
Lord Mansel. 



IV. ARGHDEAGONRY OF GARDIGAN. 
16. Dbaneby of Emltn, Carmarthenshire, 

Patrons in 1717. 
Cenarth« Llawddog 

Capely CasteU, 

Newcastle Emlyn, Holy Trinity.* 
XJangeler, older Merthsrr Celer, Geler The Grown. 

Capel Mair, St. Mary. 
Fenboyr or Penbeyr, Llawddog 

Capel tf Drindod, Holy Trinity. 

Pembrokeshire, 
Cilgerran» Llawddog 

Capel Bach (in the Gastle). 
Cilrhediny Teilo 

Gapel Ivan {Carmarthenshire), St. 
John. 
Clydai, Glydai 



Bishop of St. David's. 



Marquis of Winchester. 



The Crown. 



The Grown. 



Bishop of St. David's. 



' Messrs. Baring Gould and Fisher suggest that Fenard is identical 
with the Lann Arthbodu {hodie Llanarthvoddw) of the Book of Llan 
Ddv, 144 {Lives of British Saints, i, 170). 

' Rice Rees has St. Mary, but Browne Willis and Fenton say St. 
Andrew (Owen's Pembrokeshire, ii, 361, note 7). 

' ** Near [Reynoldston] Church is a well dedicated to St. George, 
and at no great distance from it is another, dedicated to the Blessed 
Virgin, and supposed to possess medicinal properties " (Lewis's Top. 
Die. Wales, ed. 1838). 

^ According to an inscription, dated 1856, on a flagon now belong- 
ing to this church, the dedication is Holy Trinity (Evans's Church 
Plate of Carmarthenshire, p. 100). 



5 6 Parochiale Wallicanum. 

Llanvihangel Penbedw, St. Michael The Crown. 

Capel Colman, Golman. 
Maenor Deivi, David The Grown. 

{Bridell, David^ Freehold Inhabitants. 

Capel MeugaUf Meugan. 
Cilvmoir Chapel, 
Fenrhyddy Cristiolus The Crown. 

Castellan, 

17. Deanery of Cbmbs, Fembrokeshire. 
Bayvil, St. Andrew The Crown. 

Castle Bigh, St. Michael The Crown. 

DinaSy Brynach^ The Lords of Cemes, 

Mr. Lloyd and Mr. 
Vaughan. 
Eglwyswrw, Cristiolus The Crown. 

Capel Ency Erw. 
Chantry Chapel (in churchyard). 
Pencelli Vechan, 
Henry's Moat or Castell Henri, Brynach Mr. Scourfield. 

Capel Btynaeh, Brynach. 
Little Newcastle or Gas Newy Baoh, St. 
Peter* Sir Thomas Stepney. 

Martel* 
Llantwyd, Illtyd. 

Llanvymaohy Brynach. The Crown. 

Chapel in ruins, 

^ Browne Willis, in 1783, places Bridell in the Deanery of Cemes, 
Pembrokeshire {Far, AngUc,, p. 192). 

> Lewis, in 1833, says of the Dinas Church of that day that it 
''occupies a remarkable situation on the beach, and at spring tides 
the walls of the churchyard are washed by the sea : but it is probable 
that this was not the site of the original structure, from a place called 
Biyn Henllan, *old church hiir in the vicinity" (Lewwts Top. Die. 
WaleSf 8 Dinas). Only a single wall of the church by the sea referred 
to by Lewis remains. It is situated in Cwm yr Eglwys and was 
destroyed in a great storm about the middle of the nineteenth 
century. A new parish church has been erected since further inland. 

' This church seems at one time to have been ascribed to St. David 
(Owen's Pembrokeshire, ii, 378, note 6). 

* In view of the form Marthel for Marther^ i.e., Merthyr, it is 
advisable to insert here this place name as possibly indicating an 
ancient ecclesiastical foundation. 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 57 

Llanyohllwydogt David Lords of Gemes. 
Llanllawer.i 

Uanych&r, David Mr. Warren. 

Meline, Dogvael Lords of Gemes. 

Morvil, St. John Baptist. The Grown. 

Moylgrove or Trewyddel, Mynno The Grown. 



* On the Six Inch O.S. Map, Pembrokeshire, Sheet x, N.W. (second 
edition, 1908), within the parish of Llanllawer (for older Llanllatvem), 
on the right hand side of the road going east from the parish church, 
and about three-quarters of a mile from the same, is a spot marked 
" Standing Stones ", these being in the hedge of a field along the road, 
another field adjoining being called " Pare y Meirw**. These stones are 
known as y pyst hirion and are traditionally said to mark the site of a 
battle, in which the defeated were driven south over some high rocks, 
known as Graigynestra, into the river Gwaun. Some of the bodies 
were carried down by the river to Gwm Abergwaun, or Fishguard 
Bottom. The folk add no explanation of the name Graigynestra, 
which may be for Graig lanastra. In the Arch^ Camb. for April 1868, in 
a paper by Mr. Barnwell, there is a reference to these stones, which 
are described as *' a single hne of stones of great size, which Fenton 
does not mention, although he dehberately pulled to pieces a fine 
cromlech near it'*. ''Local tradition (says Mr. Barnwell) adds an 
account of a desperate battle fought on the spot, among the pillar- 
stones themselves The height of the stones is not so strik- 
ing, as their lower part is embedded in the tall bank of earth that does 
the duty of an ordinary hedge ; but some of them are full sixteen feet 

long There were no traces to be discovered of any second or 

other lines of stone, so that this seems to have always been a single 
line; but although single, it must have been a striking object at a 
time when no enclosures existed, and the present level of the soil 
lower than it is now." A plate, in which the hedge-bank is omitted, 
accompanies Mr. Barnwell's article. The mountain, on the slope of 
which Pare y Meirw is situated, is known from the southern side as 
Mynydd Llanllawer ^ and from the Dinas side as YGam Vaicr, Under 
this last name it is mentioned by George Owen (see Owen's Pembroke- 
shire, i, 108, ii, 606, where it is wrongly identified in the notes with 
Trevasser mountain of the same name in Pencaer). From the Fish- 
guard side the mountain resembles a breast with the cam as nipple. 
The whole, rising a thousand feet above the sea, is very conspicuous 
from the south and west, the spot where the stones are situated being 
in full view of Fishguard. From the top may be seen Trevgarn rocks, 



58 Parochiale JVallicanum. 

Nevem from Nant Hyver, Brynach The Crown. 

Gapel Cilgwyn, St. Mary. 

Capel Owenddydd, Gwenddydd. 

Capel Ghoenvron, Gwenvron. 

Capel Padrig, Patrick. 

Capel BhieU, Rhiell. 

Capel Sanffraid, Ff raid. 

Capel St. George^ St. George. 

Capel St, Thomas, St. Thomas. 
Newport or Trevdraethy St. Mary^ Lorda of Cemes. 

Capel Cirig, Cirig. 

Capel Dewif David. 

Capel St, Milburg, St. Milburg. 
Fontvaen, Brynach The Crown. 

PunohestOQ or Cas Mai, St. Mary Mr. Warren. 

St. Dogmael's or Llandydooh, Dogvael The Crown. 

Capel Crannog, Carannog. 

Capel Degwel 

St. DogmaeVB Abbey, St. Mary. 

Monington or Eglwys Wythwr, 
Gwythwr. 
Whitohurohor^lwys Wen. St. Michael Lords of Cemes. 

Llanvair Nantgwyn, St. Mary. Mr. Lloyd, Mr. Jones 

and Mr. Howel. 

Llanvoygcm, Meugan. 

18. Obanbrt of Sub Aeron, Cardiganshire. 

Patrons in 1717. 
Aberporth, Cynwyl Bishop of St. David's. 

Llanannerch. 
Bangor, David Bishop of St. David^s. 

Henllan, David Bishop of St. David's. 

Bettws Bledrwa, Bledrws Bishop of St. David's. 



Ramsey Liland, and the country below Haverfordwest. Surrounded 
by lesser cams such as Carn Sevyll, Cam Blewyn, Cam Madog, etc.» 
its commanding position gains for it the distinctive name of Y Gam 
Vawr, the great cam. This spot meets the conditions demanded in 
Historia hen Gruffud vab Kenan vab Yago for the site of the famous 
Battle of Mynydd Cam (a.d. 1079). 

* The great fair of Newport called Ffair Girig, Cirig's Fair, is now 
held on June 27th, i.e., eleven days after Cirig's day, June 16th. 
This fair suggests that St. Mary has supplanted Cirig in the 
''dedication" of the parish church. 



Parochiale Wallicanum, 59 

Blaenporth, David Bishop of St. David's. 

Cardigan or Aberteivi, St. Mary The Crown. 

Tremaen, St. Michael Bishop of St. David's. 

Cellan, Callwen Bishop of St. David's. 
Dihewyd or Uanwyddalus, Gwyddalas^ Bishop of St. David's. 

Henvyny w, David Bishop of St. David's. 

Llanddewi Aberarth, David' Bishop of St. David's. 

Iilanarthy Meilig and David' Bishop of St. David's. 

Capel Crist, Holy Cross. 

Llanina, Ina. 

Llanbedr Pont Stephen or Lampeter, 

St. Peter Precentor of St. David's. 

Capel Ffyrmon Fair, St. Mary. 
St. Thomas's Chapel, St. Thomas.* 
The Pnoryfi 
IiLandygwyy Ty^wy Bishop of St. David's. 

Chapel at Noyadd, i.e., Neuadd.^ 
Chapel near Cenarth Bridge,^ 

^ Gwyddalus is commonly identified with St. Yitalis, and in the 
Report en M8S. in Welsh, \, 916, col. ii, this parish appears as Llan 
Yitalis, but if of early foundation Yitalis should have become Gwidol, 
and the church name Llamvidol. 

* Placed in the Deanery of Ultra Aeron in Browne Willis's 
Par. Anglic., ed. 1733, p. 195. A private chapel known as Capel 
Alban was erected here in 1809. 

' For David see the enumeration of David's churches about the 
close of the twelfth century by the poet Gwynvardd Brycheiuiog 
(Anwyl's Oogynfeirdd, 82) ; for Meilig see Mr. Edward Owen's Cata- 
loffue o/MSS. relating to Wales in British Museum, \\, 604. 

* " a plot of ground, to the south-west of the town, being still 
called Mynwent Twmas, 'St. Thomas's Churchyard', where fragments 
of leaden coffins have been frequently dug up: the street leading 
towards it is also called St. Thomas's Street, and tradition reports the 
ruins of the edifice to have been visible about two hundred years 
ago " (Lewis's Top. Die. Wales, ed. 1833, s Lampeter). 

^ '' A house in the town, called the Priory, is supposed to occupy 
the site of a conventual establishment, of which no record has been 
preserved : there are some low ruined walls in the garden belonging 
to it " (Ibid). 

^ ** There were formerly two chapels of ease, one at Noyadd, of 
which some vestiges may still be traced in a field called Pare y Capel, 



6o 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 



lalandysilio Gk>go, Tysilio 

Capel Cynon, Cynon. 
lalandysul, Tysul^ 



Bishop of St. David's. 

Annexed to the Princi- 
palship of Jesus College, 
Oxford. 



Bishop of Stb David's. 
Bishop of St. David's. 
The Crown. 
Prebend of Llechryd. 

Bishop of St. David's. 
Bishop of St. David*s. 
Bishop of St. David's. 
Bishop of St. David*s. 
Bishop of St. David's. 
Bishop of St. David's. 



Capel Borthin. 

Capel Dewif David. 

Capel Ffraid^ Ff raid. 

Llandywlved. 

Llanvair, St. Mary. 

Vaerdre. 
I«Iandyvriog» Briog 

Llanvair Trev Helygen,^ St. Mary 
Llangoedmor, Cynllo 

Llechryd, Holy Cross 

Mount, Holy Cross' 
Llangrannog, Carannog 
Llangybi, Cybi 
Uanllwohaeani, Llwchaeam 
Uanvair y Clywedogau, St. Mary 
Llanvair Orllwyn, St. Mary 
Iilanwennogy Gwennog* 

Capel Bryneghays, 

Capel Santesau, 

Capel Why I. 

Llanvechan, 
Fenbryn or Llanvihangel Penbrsrn, St. 
Michael 

Bettws Ivan, St. John. 

and the other near Cenarth bridge, which has totally disappeared, 
the site having been levelled in the formation of the turnpike road " 
(Lewis's Top. Die. Wales, ed 1833). 

^ Llandysul "is divided into seven hamlets in each of 

which, with the exception only of that in which the parish church is 
situated, was formerly a chapel of ease, all of which have fallen to 
ruins " (Lewis's Top Die, Wales, ed. 1833). 

' " The church, dedicated to St. Mary, having been suffered to fall 
into decay for want of due repair, is now in ruins " (Lewis's Top. Die, 
Wales, ed. 1833, s Llanvair Trev Helygen). 

» Mount is called " Y Grog o'r Mwnt " in Beport, i, 916, col, ii. 

* " There were formerly four chape's of ease to the mother church 
of [Llanwennog], of which there is not one now in existence "(Lewis's 
Top. Die. Wales, ed. 1833). 



Bishop of St. David's. 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 



6i 



Biyngwyn. 

Capel Ownda, Gwyndav. 
Silian or LlanfriHan, Silian. 

LlanwnneD, Gwynen 
Trevdreyr,^ St Michael 

Capel Twr Oivyn. 
Verwiok, Pedrog 



Bishop of St. David's. 
The Grown. 

The Crown. 



19. Dbanbrt of Ultra Abbon, Cardiganshire, 



Caron or Tregaron, Caron 

Ystrad Fflur or Strata Florida, St. 
Mary 
Ciliau Aeroiiy St. Michael 
Llanavaiiy Avan. 

Llanwnnws, Gwynws. 

Tsbytty Tstrad Meorig, St. John 
Baptist. 

Tsbytty Ystwyth, St. John Baptist. 
Uanbadam Odyn» Padam 
Llanbadam Treveglwys, Padam 

Cilcennin, Holy Trinity 
Llanbadam Vawr, Padarn 

Aberystwyth, St. Michael. 

Lkmgworda^ Cawrdav. 

Llangorwen. 

Llanychaearn,* Llwchaeam 

Ysbjrtty Cynvyn, St, John Baptist. 
Llanddeiniol or Carrog, Deiniol 
Uanddewi Brevi, David 

Blaenpennal, David. 

Capel Bettws Leuci, Lleuci. 

Capel Gartheli, Gartheli. 

Capel Owenvylf Gwenvyl. 

LUmio. 



Patrons in 1717. 
Bishop of St. David's. 

Bishop of St. David's. 
Bishop of St. David's. 



Bishop of St. David's. 
Bishop of St. David's. 
Bishop of St. David's. 
Bishop of St. David's. 



Bishop of St. David's. 

Bishop of St. David's. 
Bishop of St. David's. 



^ Troed yr Aur is the popular abomination by which this place is 
now known. 

^ Llanychaeam appears as 11. llwch hayam, i,e., Llanllwchaeam in 
the Peniarth MS., 147, of about the year 1666 (Report, i, 916, col. i). 
Browne Willis, in 1733, places it in the Deanery of Sub Aeron 
(Par. Anglic., p. 194). 



62 Faroe hiale Wallicanum. 

Iilangeitho/ Geitho The Freehold Inhabi- 

tants.* 
Uangynvelyiiy Cynvelyn Bishop of St. David's. 

Llanflar, liar Bishop of St. David's. 

Llanddwt/f God. 
Uanrhystud, Rhystud Bishop of St. David's. 

Capel Cynddylig, Cynddylig. 
LlanflaTiffraid, Ffraid or Bridget Bishop of St. David's. 

LUm Non, Non. 
Llanvihangel Gtonaulr Ghljni, St. Michael Bishop of St. David's. 

Llanvihangel Capel Edwin, St. 
Michael. 

Ynysy Capel.^ 

^ This place name is spelt Llangeithion and Llangeithon in Report 
on MS8. in Welsh, I, 916, col. i, and note 9. 

* It will come as a surprise to many readers to learn that the pat- 
ronage of Llangeitho, the famous storm centre of the Welsh religious 
movement in the eighteenth century, was at this time in the hands of 
the Freehold Inhabitants of the parish. In view of the controlling 
power, which the right of church patronage places in the hands of 
those who wield it, even when exercised on a comparatively small scale, 
it cannot but be that this fact bears largely on the much discussed 
question of the position of the celebrated religious leader, Daniel 
Rowlands, with regard to the church at Llangeitho. It seems 
that when Daniel was ordained in 1733 he became curate to his 
brother John, who at that time held the two benefices of Llangeitho 
and Nantgwnlle. When John died in 1760, we find that Daniel's 
connection with Llangeitho was by no means severed, for the new 
incumbent was none other than Daniel's son, who very accommo- 
datingly went away in 1764 to serve as curate in Shrewsbury, and 
remained away till 1781, leaving his father in occupation of Llan- 
geitho Vicarage, where he died in 1790. The late Archdeacon Bevan, 
whose account is here followed, goes on to say that "the bishop 
would hardly have promoted the son if he wished to get rid of the 
father". But whether the bishop wished or did not wish to get rid of 
Daniel Rowlands does not appear from the new appointment to 
Llangeitho, for the presentation apparently was not in the bishop's 
hands, but in those of the Freehold Inhabitants of the parish. It is 
clear that they, at least, did not wish to drive him away. What the 
parishioners of Nantgwnlle thought of Daniel Rowlands is not to be 
found in the new appointment at that parish, for the presentation 



Parochiale Walluanum. 63 

Llanvihaxigel Lledrod, St. Michael Bishop of St. David's, 

laanvihangel Ystrad, St. Michael Bishop of St. David's. 
Capel Stmt Silin, Silin. 
Uanllyr, Llyr. 

Llanygwryddon^ Bishop of St. David's. 

Kantgwnlle, Gwynlleu Bishop of St. David's. 
Bhoedie or IJanYihaiigel Bhosdie, St. 

Michael Bishop of St. David's. 

Trevilan/ Cyngar Bishop of St. David's. 



there lay not with them, but with the bishop, and he did not appoint 
Daniel Rowlands's son (Bevan's Diocesan History of 8t, DavitTSf 
pp. 218-9). 

' ''The Welsh tradition made St. Bride land in the estuary of the 
Dovey, perhaps at the place called Ynys-y-capel, near Tal-y-bont" 
(Mr. Phillimore in Gossiping Guide to Wales, 218). 

^ This spelling is taken from the Peniarth MS. 147 of about 1566 
(Reporty I, 916, col. i.). It is said to signify the Church of the Virgins 
with reference to St. Ursula and her companions, but one would like 
to know the evidence. 

' *' In the southern part of [Trevilan] parish is the small village of 

T&lsam Fairs are held at this village on September 8th and 

November 7th " (Lewis's Top, Die, Wales, ed. 1833). Trevilan is re- 
presented in the Peniarth MS., 147, (ctr. 1666), by "tal y sam grin" 
(Beport, i, 916, col. i), which is referred to by Leland as a village 
hard by Llanllyr "caullid Talesame Greene " {Itin. in Wales, ed. 1906, 
p. 51). The days of the fairs are those of Cynvarch and Cyngar 
respectively, who have proved very liable to confusion, as in the noted 
case of the 'Medication " of Hope in Flintshire. Sept. 8th, is also the 
day of the Virgin's birth, but whether in honour of this event or of 
Cynvarch, the saint of Talysarn would seem to be Cyngar ab Garthog 
ab Ceredig ab Cunedda Wledig {Myv. Arch,, ii, 23), whose son Gwynlleu 
is remembered in the adjoining parish of Nantgwnlle. 



64 Parochiale Wallicanum. 

Diocese of Xlanbatf. 



Monmouthshire. 



In 1733 this diocese comprised : — 

1. Glamorganshire, over three-fourths of, 

2. Monmouthshire (except Dixtcn, Welsh Bicknor, St, Mary's 

Monmouth, and part of Welsh Netoton, in Hereford 
diocese ; and Cwm Yoy, Oldeastle, and Llanthom/f in St. 
David^s diocese). 
At that time there was only one Archdeaconry, viz., the Arch- 
deaconry of Llandaff, containing the following Rural Deaneries : — 

1. Uandaflf V , , . 

2. Groneath, alias Cowbridge [ ^^^^^^^^K*^"^"^' 

3. Abergavenny 

4. Newport 
6. Netherwent 
6. Usk 

The members of the Cathedral were :— 

Bishop, also said to be styled Quasi Decanus, and holding, in 
addition to the Episcopal throne, the Decanal Stall in the 
Choir. 
Archdeacon. 
Treasurer. 
Chancellor. 
Precentor. 
Nine Prebendaries. 
The above fourteen constituted the Chapter. 
Two Priest-Vicars. 
Schoolmaster. 
Virger. 
Bellringer. 
"Here were, 'till about the Year 1696, four Lay- Vicars, an 
Organist, foiur Choristers, and a Chief or Latin Schoolmaster: But 
these being then put down, or laid aside, on pretext of applying their 
Stipends towards repairing the Fabrick of the Cathedral, their Salaries 
or Dividends have been, as 'tis commonly reported in these Parts, ever 
since shared and applied to augment the Income of the abovesaid 
fourteen Members of the Chapter, notwithstanding they have never 
resided, and have n^lected repairing the Cathedral." 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 65 

ARCHDEACONRY OF LLANDAFF. 
1. Dbanbbt of LiiAndaff, Glamorganshire, 

Patrons in 1719 a.d. 
Barry, St. Nicholas Evan Seys, Esq. 

Barry Island^ Barrwg. 
BonvUston, St. Mary Miles Basset, Esq. 

Cadozton juzta Barry, Cadog Mr. Popham and Mr. 

Morgan by turns. 
Caerau, St. Mary Prebendary of Caerau. 

Cardiff or Cfterdydd, St. Mary.> 

Cardiff, St. John Baptist Chapter of Gloucester. 

Cardif, Perin. 
Cardiff, St. Thomas. 
Cogan, St. Peter Mr. Herbert. 

Eglwys Han, Ban Chapter of Llandafi*. 

Llanvabon, Mabon. 
Caerffili, St. Martin. 
GtoUigaer for Y gelll gaer, Cadog* Lord Windsor. 

^ " On the western side of [Barry] island, opposite to the ruins of 
Barry castle, are faint vestiges of a similar structure, and of two 
ancient chapels, in one of which [Barrwg] was interred." (Lewis' Top, 
Die, Wales, ed. 1838.) 

* Browne Willis in 1733 describes St. Mary's as eeclesia destructa 
united to St. John's {Parochiale Anglicanum, 198). "Ther be 2. 
paroche chirchis in the towne, wherof the principale lying sumwhat 
by est is one, the other of our Lady is by southe on the water side. 
There is a chapelle beside in Shoe-Maker streat of S. Perine, and a 
nother hard within Meskin Grate side [to the north west]." Leland's 
Itin, in Wales, ed. 1006, pp. 34-6. St. Mary's, however, was the 
old parish church of Cardiff, "ecclesia beate Marie de kerdyf" 
(Appendix I to Bk, qfLlan Ddv, 319). 

' The following incident deserves mention as a warning to all 
who are tempted to dabble with the subject of place-names. It 
appears that two or three years ago at a meeting of the newly con- 
stituted Urban District Council of Grelligaer a resolution was carried 
'' committing the Council in its official and corporate capacity to the 
speUing of the place-name in the form ' Gbll-y-gaer '. It was alleged 
that this latter form was historically the correct orthography — ^the 
root-words being Cell (a cell), y (the), and Ghier (a fort)." ! A poet was 
called in '' charged with the task of embodying the ' Cell ' idea in an 
alliterative line with the object of supplying the Council with a motto 
for its new s^al, and perpetuating for all time the all-important dis- 

F 



66 Parochiale Wallicanum. 

Gapel Brithdir. 

Capel Gwladus, Gwladus. 
Leokwithi Elicguidi Mr. Herbert. 

Iilanoarvan for Nantoarvan, G&dog The Grown. 

Lieffe Castle. 

Uanbethery, 

Lkmcadle, 

Llanveithin,* Meuthi alias Tathan. 
Uanday or Llandaffy Teilo The Grown of Bishopric ; 

the Ghapter of Vicar- 

Beganstone, age. 

Whitchurch, St. Mary. 
Iilandough^ (near Gardiff), Gyngar Mr. Herbert. 

Llanedemy Edern Ghapter of Llandaff. 

Llangadog^ Gadog. 
Llanhary, lUtyd Mr. Sidney and Mr. 

Edwin. 
TilanlBhen, Isan Sir Gharles Kemmeys. 

Tilanflannwr* Francis Gwynn, Esq. 

Brigam Chapel, 

covery that the name of the ancient parish over which the Gouncii ruled 
was not Gelli Gaer at all, but Gell-y-Gaer". On this most regrettable 
proceeding Mr. Egerton PhiUimore made the following comment: 
" This plan of altering place-names, from what they are to what they 
are not, is an abomiifable one." 

^ See Mr. Phillimore*s opinion as quoted in L.B.8S., 11, 444. 

s " LLanfeithin, about a mile northward from Llancarvan. It gives 
its name to an extra parochial district, comprising Llanf eithin. Gam 
Llwyd, Felin Fach, Gaer Maen, Uanbethery, Llancadle, and Treguff " 
(CanUfTo-British SS,, 379, note 2, where Llanfeithin is identified with 
the uilla Treimgueithen of the Vita S. Cadooi, Llancadle is identified 
with Takatlarif and lianbethery with hentrem dunUnych.) The 
LlangadeU of Rice Rees (p. 886), appears to be a misreading of 
Llancadle. 

' That the two Llandoughs represent the same name, or at least 
were early pronounced alike, is shewn by the fact that they were dis- 
tinguished as greater and less, the Llandough near Gardiff being called 
'<11. doche fach*' in the Peniarth MS. 147 (Report, I, 919, col. ii). 

^ Llansannwr is called Eeclesia de La Thaioe in Appendix I to the 
Bk. of Lion Ddv (p. 824), because presumably the R. Thaw rises within 
the parish. Lewis ascribes the Ghurch to Senewyr, but Rice Rees is 
silent. Senewyr would appear to be the Seneuyr ab Seithennin of the 
genuine Bonedd y 8aint* 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 



67 



Uaatriflant^ 

Aberd&r, St. John Baptist. 

QtUi Qaxordav? Cawrdav. 

Uanilltyd or Lantwit Vaerdre, 
Illtyd. 

Llantrisant Chapel, St. John Bap- 
tist. 

Llanwyniio, Gwynno. 

Talygarn. 

Tstrad Tyvodwg, Tyvodwg. 
UantryddicU Illtyd 
Llys Vaen 

Merthyr Dyvan, Dyvan 
Merthyr Tydvll, Tydvil 

Dowlais (modem). 
Mlohaelston le Fit, St. Michael 
Miohaelston super Ely, St. Michael 
Fenarth (near Cardiff), St. Augustine 

Chantry Chapel? 

Lavemock, St. Lavnrence.^ 
Pendeulwyiiy Cadog 
Penmark 

East Aberthaw Chapel. 

Bhos Chapel. 



Chapter of Gloucester. 



Sir John Awbrey. 
Sir Charles Kemraeys. 
Mr. Popham. 
Lord Windsor. 

Thomas Jones, Esq. 
Lord Windsor. 
Thomas Lewis, Esq. 



Chapter of Llandaff. 
Chapter of Gloucester. 



^ According to Browne Willis and Rice Kees the three saints are 
Gwynno, Illtyd and Tyvodwg, but Samuel Lewis gives Dyvnog, Iddog 
and Menw. Dyvnog is variously stated to have been the son or 
grandson of Cawrdav (cf . Bonedd y Saint in Peniarth MS. 45, with that 
in Myv. Arch, ii, 23-6), and it is certainly noteworthy that Cawrdav is 
commemorated in G^lli Grawrdav near Llantrisant. Iddog was a son 
of Brychan said to be commemorated in France (see "The Brychan 
Documents'^ in Y Cymmrodorf xix). 

' ''At a short distance from pijlantrisant] town, to the right of the 
road leading to Llandaff, are some remains of an ancient religious 

house said to have been to St. Cawrdav'' (Lewis's Top, Die, 

Wales, ed. 1833). ''Ther hath beene siun auncient place at Gklthe 
Cawrde a mile by southe from Lantrissent" (Leland's Ittn. in Wales, 
ed. 1906, p. 21). 

' "In this parish [of Penarth] is a ruin, now converted into a bam, 
which was formerly a chantry chapel" (Lewis's Top. Die. Wales, ed. 1833). 

* Lavemock is called Sain lawrens in the Peniarth MS. 147 of 
eirca 1566 {depart, I, 919, col. ii). 

f2 



68 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 



Chapter of Llandaff. 
Sir J. Awbrey two turns, 

Mr. Matthews one. 
Robert Jones, Esq. 
Mr. Lewis. 



Fentyrohy Cadog 

Feterston super Ely or IJanbedr ar 

Vro, St. Peter 
Porthkerry^ 
Badyr, St. John Baptist 
Rhydri. See under Bedwas, Deanery of Newport. 
Boath, St. Margaret Mr. Herbert. 

St Andrew's Mojor or Uanandras, St. 

Andrew 
St. Bride's super Ely, Ffraid 

8t, y mu. 
St. Ffiagan'89 Ffagan 

Llaniltem, Elldeym 

Llanvair Vaivr,^ St. Mary. 
St. Gtoorge's, St. George 
St. Hilary, St. Hilary 

Beaupre Chapel,^ St. Mary. 
St Lythian's, EUddan« 
St. Nloholas, St. Nicholas 
Sully, St. John Baptist 
Welsh St. Donates. See under Uanbleddian, 

in Deanery of Groneath. 
Wenvo, St. Mary 
Ystrad Owen 



The Crown. 
Lord Windsor. 

Thomas Lewis, Esq. 
Thomas Lewis, Esq. 

Lord Windsor. 
Chapter of Llandaff. 

Archdeacon of Llandaff. 

Mr. Button. 

Sir Edward Stradling. 



Sir Edward Thomas. 
Chancellor of Llandaff. 



^ Porthkerry is called Perth Cirig in the Peniarth MS. 147 of circa 
1666 {Beport, I, 919, col. ii) and Porthkerig by Browne Willis in 1733 
{Par. Anglic,, 199). Ceri is said to be the local pronunciation in 
Glamorganshire for Cirig. 

' ''At Llanvairvawr, an ancient farmhouse [in Llaniltem parish], 
lately destroyed by fire, are the ruins of a religious house . . . . : the 
chapel is entire, and has been converted into a bam'' (Lewis's Top, Die, 
Wales, ed. 1833). 

' Beaupre Chapel is called Llanvair or Betopyr in the Peniarth MS. 
147 of circa 1566 {Report, I, 919, col. ii). 

^ St. Lythian's appears in the Bk, of Llan Ddv as Bcclesia Elidon, 
and in Appendix I as S. Lythani {v Index, e Elidon) ; in Teuratio 1291 
as E. de S. Lychano for Lythano ; and in Beport on M8S, m WeUh, I, 
919, col. ii and note 17 (where it appears to be confused with Llan- 
bleddian) as Elidon, liddan, Ueiddan. 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 



69 



2. Dbanbby of Gbonbath or CowBBiDOEy GlamorgonBhire. 

Patrons in 1719. 
Lord Mansel. 



Aberavan/ St. Mary 

Baglan, Baglan. 
Briton Ferry or TilaninaweP 
Cadoxton juxta Neath or Llangadog 
Glyn Neddy Gadog 

Aberpeigwm. 

Orinant, St. Margaret. 

Neath Abbey Chapel. 
Gilybebylly St. John Evangelist 
Coetty, St. Mary 

Nolton Chapel (including Bridg- 
end), St. Mary. 
Colwinston or Trey Golwyn,St. Michael 
Coychuroh or Llangrallo, Crallo 

Peterston super Montem or Llan- 
bedr ar Vynydd, St. Peter. 
Eglwys Brewis^ 
Ewenny, St Michael 
FLemixigBton, St. Michael 
GUeston, St. Giles 
Glyn Corrwg, St. John Baptist 

Capel Blaengwrach. 
KenfElg,4 St. Mary Magdalene 

Pyle, St. James 



Lord Mansel. 
Lord Brook. 



The Crown. 
Earl of Leicester. 

Lord Mansel. 
Earl of Leicester. 

Mr. Seys. 

Mr. Turberville. 

Mr. Edwin. 

Mr. Came and Mr. Penry . 

Lord Mansel. 

The Crown. 
The Crown. 



^ Aberavon is the modern abomination. 

' ** Britan Fery, cauUid in Walsche Llanisauel, wher be a 3. or 4. 
houses and a chapel of ease on the hither side of Nethe Ryver" 
(Leland's Ittn. in Wales, ed. 1906, p. 15). It appears as ^'11. isawel"in 
the Peniarth MS. 147 of circa 1566 {Report, I, 919, col. i). Browne 
Willis and Rice Rees ascribe the Church to St. Mary ; Lewis is silent. 
The Welsh Llanisawel is uncertain. 

> Egelespriwes (Tajifatio, 1254), Eglis prewis (Taxatio, 1291), Eglua 
pruwys and Eglys pruwys (App. I, Bk. of Lion Ddv, 325, 331), Eglwys 
Brywys {Report on M8S. in Welsh, I, 919, note 21). 

^ Cf. the name "Cinfic'' one of the four saints of Llangwm, Mon- 
mouthshire. 



70 Parochiale Wallicanum, 

Lantwit juxta Neath or Llanilltyd 
Vaoh, lUtyd. 

Ca^l Yfiys Vach> 

Neath or Castell Nedd, St. Thomas. Lord Windsor. 
Resolven. 
Lantwit Major or Llanilltyd Vawr, 
Dltyd Chapter of Gloucester. 

Lady Chapel^ St. Mary. 
Llanbleddian, Bleddian Chapter of Gloucester. 

Cowbridge, St. Mary.* 
Llauddunwyd or Welsh St. Don- 

at's,' Dunwyd. 
Llangwyany Cwyan.* 
Llandough^ (near Cowbridge), Cyngar Lord Mansel. 
Llandow,® God« Chapter of Llandaff. 

Llandyvodwgy Tyvodwg Mr. Turbervill. 

Llangan, Canna Sir Edward Stradling 

and Mr. Edwin. 
Llangeinor for Llan Gkdn Wyry, Cain 

the Virgin Lord Mansel. 

Llangynwyd Vawr, Cynwyd Lord Mansel. 

Bayden ChapelJ 



1 "There was formerly a chapel in [Lantwit juxta Neath] parish, 
called Tnys V&ch, but it was never consecrated and was suffered 
many years ago to fall into decay/' (Lewis's Top, Die, IValeSf ed. 1838). 
Browne Willis, in 1773, places Lantwit as a chapelry under Neath 
(Par Anglto., p. 201). 

* Browne Willis ascribes Cowbridge Chapel to St. John Baptist 
{Far, Anglic,, ed. 1733, p. 200). 

3 Welsh St. Donat's is placed under Deanery of Llandaff by 
Browne Willis (ibid). 

^ ^'Landcouian" "Lancovyan" "Llancovian" are earlier speUings, 
now locally pronounced Llancwian (Rev. John GrifiBth's Edtoard II in 
Glamorgan, p. xliv). 

^ See note to Llandough (near Cardiff) under Deanery of Llandaff. 

' Lewis s Llandow says that this place is called by the Welsh 
Llandwv, which is the 11. dwf of the Peniarth MS. 147 (Report, I, 919, 
col. ii). It appears as Llandov in the Taratio of 1291, »>., Llandou 
for later Llanddwy, ecelesia Dei. 

^ "In the hamlet of Bayden there was formerly a chapel of ease, 
which is now in ruins" (Lewis's Top. Die, Wales, ed. 1833). 



Parockiale Wallicanum. 



71 



Uanilud, Dud^ 

lianharan. 
LlanmaeSy Cadog 

Iilaiiyihaiigel y Bontvaen, St. Michael 
Llanvrynaohy Brynach. 

Penllin, Brynach 
Iilyswomey, Tjdvil 

Little Na»h Chapel, 
MarorosSy Holy Trinity 
Margam, St. Mary 

Craig y Capel, 

Eglwys Nunyd, Nunyd. 

Havod y Forth. 

Taibach (modem 1827). 

Trisant. 
Morthyr Mawr 

Capel St. Boque. 
Honknash, St. Mary 
Newcastle or Gastell Newydd ar Ogwr, 
lUtyd 

Bettws, David. 

Laleston. 

LlangetDydd, Cewydd.* 

Tithegston or Llandyddwg, Tyddwg 
Newton Nottage, St. John Baptist 



St. Andrew's Minor, St. Andrew' 
St. Bride's M^jor, Ffraid 

Lampha, Tyvai. 

Ogmor Chapel 

Wicky St. James. 
St. Bride's Minor, Ffraid 
St. Donat'Sy Dunwyd 



The Crown. 

Lord Mansel. 
Mr. Edwin. 

Mr. Edwin. 
Mr. Lewis. 

Chapter of Llandaff. 
Lord Mansel. 



Archdeacon of Llandaff. 



Sir Edward Stradling. 



The Crown. 



Mr. Herbert, Mrs. 

Llougher and Mrs. 

Edwards, by turns. 
John Curre, Esq. 
Mr. Turberville. 



Earl of Leicester. 
Sir Edward Stradling. 



^ This place is referred to in the Peniarth MS. 147 of circa 1566 as 
//. iUd a chiriff, and in the Appendix I to the Bk. o/Llan Ddv (p. 325), 
as eoclesia de Sancta Julitta. Hud, of course, was a daughter of 
Brychan. 

^ "Ecdesia que fuit in veteri Cimiterio de Langewy" (Book ofLlan 
Ddv, App. i., 825). 

' Described by Browne Willis as a "Ch. dilapidated" (Par. Angl., 
p. 200, ed. 1733). 



72 ParochtaU Wallicanum. 

St. Maryohuroh or Eglwys Valr, St. 

Mary Lord Mansel. 

Ca%tle Chapel 
St. Maryhlll or Eglwys Vair y Mynydd, 

St. Mary Sir John Awbrey. 

St. Tathan'Sy Tathan o/um Meuthi Sir Edward Stradling. 

8. Dbanbbt of Abbbgavemnt, M(mmouth$hire} 

Patrons in 1717. 
Abergayenny or y Vennl, St. John.* 

Abergavenny, St Mary Mrs. Gunter. 

Abergavenny f Holy Rood.' 
Abergavenny Chapel, St. John 

Baptist.^ 
Coldbrook Chapel^ 
Bryngwyn, St. Peter Lord Abergavenny. 

Dingatstow or Llanddlngad, Dingad Chapter of Llandaff. 

Tre'r gaer, St. Mary. 
Grosmont, St. Nichohus^ The Crown. 

Gk>ytre for y Gk>ed-dre9 St. Peter Lord Abergavenny. 

Llanarthy Teilo Chapter of Llandaff. 

Bettws Newydd formerly Bettws 

Aeddan.^ 
Clytha Chapel formerly Capel 
Aeddan.^ 



^ I am indebted to Colonel J. A. Braduey for kindly looking over 
the list I had prepared of Monmouthshire churches and chapels, and 
especially for some modem Welsh equivalents of place-names with 
which he has supplied me. 

* The ancient parish church of St. John ''was settled by Henry VIII 
on a grammar school which was held in the building till about 1900 
when the new school was built. It is now the property of the Free- 
masons, who conduct their ceremonies in the ancient church". — J.A.B. 
St. Mary's became the parish church at the dissolution of the 
monasteries. 

> " p. y Grog o Venni " {Report on MSS, in Welsh, i, 920, col. iii). 

^ ''This has been disused time out of mind. A huge barn at the 
house called The Chapel is all that marks the site." — J.A.B. 

6 "Now a grotto and at one time a bathing place.*' — J.A.B. 

" Browne Willis, however, says St. Lawrence {Par, AngUc,, 202). 

' "Clytha chapel, now a heap of stones with remains of arch stones 
of door ; called Capel Aeddan from Aeddan or Aythan who took the 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 



73 



Llanddewi Yflgsnyd, David 

Llanddewi Rhydderch, David 

8t, Michaers Chapel^ St. Michael. 
LLandeilo Bertholey or Uandeilo 
Forth Halogy TeUo 

Bettws. 
Uandeilo Groes Ynsrr or Llandeilo 
Greaenni, Teilo 

Llanvair Cilgoed,^ St. Mary. 

Penrhos or Llangadog Penrhos, 
Cadog. 
Uanelen, Elen 
Llanffbist 

Llangadog DyfQryn Wyag, Cadog 
Iilangadog Ungoed or Llangadog 

Lenig,' Cadog 
Llangadog Veibion Avel, Cadog 

St. Maughan's or Llanvocha, 
Machutus. 
Llanglwa, Ciwan 
Llanhyledd, Hyledd^ 
Llanover, Movor 

Capel Newydd. 

Mamhilad. 

Trevethin, Cadog.^ 
Llansanffraid' (near Abergavenny), Ffraid 
Llanvair Gilgydyn, St. Mary 
Llanvapley, Mable 
Llanvetherin, Gwytherin 



Lord Brook. 
The Crown. 



Chapter of Llandaff. 
Chapter of Llandaff. 



Mrs. Gunter. 
Lord Abergavenny. 
Lord Abergavenny. 

The Crown. 
Mr. Evans. 



Mr. Scudamore. 
Lord Abergavenny. 
Chapter of LUndaff. 



William Jones, Esq. 
Mr. Morgan. 
Lord Abergavenny. 
Lord Abergavenny 



cross from Archbishop Baldwin in 11 77. Aeddan also founded Bettws, 
called Bettws Aeddan, now Bettws Newydd, and Bryngwyn." — J.AB. 
BettwH Newydd is placed by Browne Willis in Usk Deanery {Par, 
Anglic.^ 206) ''Near [Clitha House] are the remains of an ancient 
chaper (Lewis's Top, Die, England, ed. 1844). 

^ ''The walls of the old chapel are still standing."— J.A.B. 

'"In Welsh Llangadog Gellennig, apparently from three tene- 
ments called Gelli."— J.A.B. 

■"11. hyledd vorwyn" %,e, Llan Hyledd the Virgin, in Report on 
MSS. in Welsh, i, 920, col. ii. 

* "in this Chapelry stands Pontypool" Browne Willis (Par. Anglic,, 
203), who however writes " Pont-y-PwU ". 

^ Browne Willis calls this St Bride's Major {Par, Anglic,, 202). 



74 



Parockiale Wallicanum. 



Uanvihangel Orug Comeu, St. Michael 


The Crown. 


Stauntcn, 








vlhangel y Govain, St. Michael 


Mr. Cecill and Mr. 




Hughes. 






Michael 


Lord Abergavenny. 




Lord Abergavenny. 


Aberystrwyth or Blaenau Gwent, 




St. Peter. 




Bookfleld. Goronwy 


Mr. Powell. 


Skenfreth or Ynys Qynwraidd, Cyn- 




wraidd 


Mr. Cecfl. 


St. Thomas' Chapel, Monmouth. 




See under Monmouth, Diocese 




of Hereford. 




Wonastow or Llanwarrw, Gwennol^ 


Mr. Milboume. 


4. Dbanbbt of Nbwpobt, Monmouthshire. 




Patrons in 1717. 


Basaleg^ 




Henllys, St. Peter. 




Risca, St. Peter. 




Bedwas, Barrwg* 


Bishop of Llandaff. 


Rhydri (OlamorganBhire), St. 




James.3 




Bedwellty for Bod Vellteu, Sannan 




Mamholcy Macmoil.* 




CSoedoemiWy All Saints 


Bishop of Llandaff. 


Uansanffjraid (in Gwynllwg), Ff raid 


Bishop of Llandaff. 


Mftohen, St. Michael 


Mr. Morgan. 


Malpas, St. Mary 


Lord Windsor. 


Marwhfleld or Maerun 


Chapter of Bristol. 


Hanarthefif Arthen. 








Gwynllwgy St. Michael 


Sir Charles Kemmeys. 



1 Dr. Hugh Williams, of Bala, regards Basaleg as being from the 
Latin basiUca in its ecclesiastical sense of a church. It is used by 
the anonymous author of the Excidium Brittanut^ ch. 12 (Williams* 
GUdoB, 28-9). 

• Near Bedwas Church is Ffynnon Varrwg. 
^ In the Deanery of Llandaff. 

* "At the farm now called TyV CapeL"— J A.B. 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 75 

MynyddMwsriiy Tewdwr ab Howel Bishop of LJandaff. 

Newport or Cas Newydd, Gwynllyw Bishop of Gloucester. 

Bettws, David. 
Feteraton Wentloog or Llanbedr 

Gwynllwgy St. Peter Chapter of Bristol. 

Bumney or Tredeleroh»^ St. Augustine Chapter of Bristol. 
St. Melon's,^ Melanus Bishop of Llandaff. 

5. Dbanbrt of Nbthbrwbnt or ChbpbtoWi Monmouthshire. 

Patrons in 1717. 
Caerlleoiiy Cadog Chapter of Llandaff. 

Caerwenty Tathan or Meuthi^ Chapter of Llandaff. 

Detostow, David. 
Caldioot^ Sir Charles Kemmeys. 

Chapel Hill or Abbey Tintem, St. 

Mary^ Duke of Beaufort. 

Christ Churoh or Eglwys y Drindod, 
Holy Trinity Eton College. 

Christ Church, Aaron. 
Christ Church, Alban.« 
Christ Chinch, Julius. 

^ Leland^s Itinerary m Wales (ed. 1906), p. 13. 

' The Welsh name for St. Melon's as spelt in the Peniarth MS. 147, 
of about the year 1566 is '' 11. lirwg **. It is now caUed in Welsh 
Llaneirwg, or as spelt by Colonel Bradney Llaneurwg, Can it be, 
therefore, that the '' U. lirwg '' of the Report on MSS, in Welsh, i, 920, 
col. i, is a mistake for 11. eirwg, i.e. Llaneirwg P 

' Ascribed later to St. Stephen, whose day is the same as that of 
Tathan, viz., Dec. 26. 

* In Owen's Pembrokeshire, iii, 294, n. 1, the Sant Ilien of the Book of 
Lion Ddv, p. 234, is said to have been near Caldicot. Lewis writes, 
'' The church, dedicated to St. Mary [Browne Willis is silent. Par, 

Anglic., 203] consists of a nave, chancel, and north 

aisle, with a square tower rising between the chancel and nave, and a 
very large south porch, supposed to have been a chapel ** {Top. Die, 
England, ed. 1844). 

* Browne Willis in his Par., Anglic., ed. 1733, p. 205, writes as 
follows : — '* TiNTBBNB Abbatia St. Mary. Here are the Ruins of one 
of the most stately Abbies in the Kingdom ; it belongs to the Duke 
of Beaufort, and is included in a little Parish called Chapelfield, 
into which the Duke of Beaufort puts in a Minister". 

* '' Caerleon is equally pre-eminent in the annals of the church : 
here St. Julius and St. Aaron are said to have suffered martyrdom. 



76 ParochiaU Walltcanum. 

Gk>ldollfE; St. Mary Magdalene Eton College. 

Nash or Tre'r Onnen, St. Mary. 
Ifton,* 

and two chapels were erected to their honour ; one near the present 
site of St. Julian's, to which it communicated the name, and the other 
at Penros, in the vicinity of the town. A third chapel was dedicated 
to St, AWarij another martyr, which wcu constructed on an eminence 
to the east of Caerleon, overlooking the Usk, A yew tree marks the site : 
an adjoining piece of land is still called the chapel yard, and in 1786 
several stone coffins toere discovered in digging for the foundations of a 
new house'' (Goxe's HistoriccU Tour through Monmouthshire, 1801, 
reprinted in 1904, p. 103). I would call special attention to the part 
which I have italicized, as the site of a shrine of St. Alhan, near 
Caerlleon, is practically unknown to students ; and certainly for long 
centuries its importance has never been realized. The site is in the 
parish of Christ Church on Mount St. Alban about two miles further 
up the river Usk than Caerlleon, on the side of the river opposite 
to Caerlleon and about half-a-mile from the river. The statement 
in the Lives of the British Saints, i, 145, that Christ Church itself was 
formerly dedicated to St. Alban, appears to be unfounded. ''Towards 
the beginning of the twelfth century, Caerlleon was possessed by Owen, 
sumamed Wan, or the feeble, from whom it was conquered by Robert 
de Chandos, founder of Gk>ldcliff Priory. According to an old deed 
cited by Dugdale, among other possessions, he assigned to the monks 
the tythes of a mill and an orchard at Caerlleon, together with the 
churches of St. Julius, St. Aaron, and St. Alban, and their appur- 
tenances" (Coxe's Hist. Tour, p. 105). There is, however, some 
obscurity in the passage from Dugdale, which seems to imply that 
there was only one church called after the three saints — ''et ecclesiam 
sancti Julii et Aaron atque Alban cum pertinenciis** (Monasticon, i\, 
904). Mr. Idris Bell has kindly supplied me with another reference 
from the Calendar of Charter Bolls, ii, 362— "Charter of Henry, Duke 
of Normandy and Anjou [afterwards Henry II. No date, but wrongly 
dated as a.d. 1 142-1 146. As Henry's father died in 1 1 61 and he became 
Duke of Aquitaine at the end of 1 152, and he here calls himself Duke 
of Normandy and Count of Anjou only, the date must be 1151 or 1152]. 
Among other possessions he mentions 'ecclesiam sanctorum Julii et 
Aaron atque Albani cum omnibus pertinentiis suis et ecclesiam Sancti 
Marie Magdalenie de Golcliva'". Here again it is implied that there 
was only a single church named after the three saints. But this 

' "Church dilapidated and united to Bogiet*" Browne Willis in 1733 
(Par, Anglic,, 204). "Only site left."— J.A.B. 



Parochiale Walltcanum. 77 

Itton or Iilanddeiniol, Deiniol. Mr. Jeffrys. 

Kernes Inferior Mr. Lord. 
Henrhiw, St. John Baptist in the 

wilderness^ Duke of Beaufort. 



much is dear that as early as the mid-twelfth century the name of 
St. Alban was associated with a church near Gaerlleon. Again^ in 
the Book of Llan Ddv, compiled in this same century, but from much 
older material, what appears to be the same place is called martyrium 
or merthir Julii et Aaron with no mention of Alban. On the evidence 
so far, then, it would look as though there was only one shrine, 
bearing first the names of Julius and Aaron, and later (though as 
early as the twelfth century) that of Alban. In Geffrey of Mon- 
mouth's celebrated Historia Regum Brittania, however, Book iz, 
ch. 12, three special buildings are referred to as existing at Gaerlleon : 
"Duabus autem eminebat ecclesiis quarum una in honore Julii 
martyris erecta, virgineo Deo dicatarum puellarum chore perpulchre 
omabatur : altera vero in beati Aaron ejusdem socii nomine fundata, 
canonicorum conventu subnixa, tertiam metropohtanam sedem 
BrittanisQ habebat. Praterea gymnasium ducentorum phUosophorum 
habebat ; qui astronomia atque caeteris artibu$ eruditif eurms stellarum 
diligenter obseroahantf ef prodigia eo tempore ventura regi Arturo vens 
argumentis pr€edicebant" (San-Marte's ed., 1854, p. 132). ''Gaerlleon 
was famous for two churches, one of which, raised in honour of the 
martyr Julius, was most becomingly adorned by a convent of virgins 
who had dedicated themselves to God ; and the second, founded 
in the name of the blessed Aaron his companion, maintained by a 
brotherhood of canons, was the third metropolitan see of Britain. It 
had, in addition, a school of ttoo hundred philosophers who, learned in 
astronomg and other arts, diligently observed the courses of the stars, and 
by true inferences foretold the prodigies which, at that time, were about to 
happen to King Arthur". Notwithstanding then the evidence of the 
above charters that there was only one Ghurch of SS. Julius, Aaron 
and Alban, Geoffrey clearly knew of two Gaerlleon Ghurches, called 
after Julius and Aaron respectively, and a third building besides, which 
he describes as a school of astronomical philosophers. As Geoffrey 
does not mention Alban in connection with the churches of Julius 
and Aaron, and as we now know that even at the time in which 
Geoffrey was writing St. Alban was one of the three saintly names of 
the place, the third building cannot but be that on Mount St. Alban, 

^ Browne Willis places this in the Deanery of Usk {Par, Anglic. , 
206) 



78 Parochiale Wallicanum. 

Langstone Mr. Gore. 

Cha^l of St. Cyriae, Cirig.i 

Uanbedr, St. Peter.^ 
Llandavaudy Tavaud.^ 

Llangadwaladr or Biflhopston, Cadwaladr Archdeacon of Llan- 

daff. 
Ecclesia 8, Ciuiu, Civiw. 

being in fact a third church called after Alban. It would appear that 
Geoffrey would not allow himself to believe that this third building on 
the mount had an3rthing to do with St. Alban, whom he had learnt 
from Bede and the £xcidium Brittani<B to associate with Verulamium 
or St. Alban*s in Hertfordshire. But as the third building was there, 
he had to account for it. First, we find it on a hill ; secondly, as St. 
Alban*s Eve falls on June 2l8t, the day of the summer solstice, the 
name Alban might have become a technical term in astrology and 
astronomy as we find to be actually the case in later Welsh, where 
alban signifies solstice or equinox; lastly, there was no room for 
Geoffrey to believe that Alban suffered at Caerlleon, for Bede and the 
Excidvum BrittanuB said Verulamium. And so Oteoffery might be 
conceived to have concluded that the building on Mans Albani was 
an observatory. It is clear from the way in which St. Alban's is re- 
ferred to in the above Charters, and from its absence in the " edited " 
Book of Lion Ddv, as well as from the manner in which Geoffrey 
treats it, that the current traditions in the twelfth century, relative 
to the hill and its ruin, had become uncertain. In the Archaoiogta 
Cambrensis for July, 1905, pp. 256-259, 1 have submitted that Mount 
St. Alban, near Caerlleon, is the true site of the ''martyrdom" of 
St. Alban. Bold as Geoffrey was in his elucidation of the history of 
Brittania (which, like others before him, he identified with the island 
of Britain instead of with Wales plus the Devonian peninsula) he 
either failed to see the absurdities involved in connecting Alban's 
death, as quoted in the Excidium Brittanus of the pseudo-Gildas and 
in Bede, with Verulamium in modem Hertfordshire, or, if he did sus- 
pect them, he feared to challenge the overwhelming authority of the 
Venerable Bede. What with Bede's evidence and the actual presence 
of the great monastery in Hertfordshire, the local tradition of Caerlleon 
gave way. Moreover, even in Wales the anonymous work known as 

^ '' This would be Cat*s Ash, now a bam with East window remain- 
ing, the Cathonen of the Liber Landavensis."— J.A.B. 

* " Two ruined Churches under the Prebendary of Warthaewm in 
li^ndaff Cathedrar (Browne Willis's Far. Anglic,, ed. 1733, p. 204). 



Parockiak Wallicanum. 



79 



Iilamuftrtliiy St. Martin 
UanaanfOraid (in Nether Went), Ffraid 
Llanvaohes, Maches 
Llanvair Diagoed; St. Mary 

Dinam Chapel.^ 
Uanvihangel Nether Went, St. Michael 
Iilaiiweni, Gwaryu 
Magor for Magwyr^ 

Redwick, St. Thomas. 
Mathem formerly Merthyr Tewdrig, 
Tewdrig 

Crick, 

Merthyr Oereirtf Gterein.' 

Hunston, 

St. Pierre, St. Peter 
Motmton for Monkton,^ Audoenus 
Newohuroh or Eglwys Newydd ar y 

Ceven 
FenhoWy St. John Baptist^ 
Fenterry, Bedeui 
Boggiet 



Mr. Jeffrys. 
Mr. Jeffrys. 
Mr. Morgan. 
Chapter of Llandaff. 

Mr. Morgan. 

Mr. Vann. 

Duke of Beaufort. 



Chapter of Llandaff. 



Mr. Lewis. 
Mrs. Lister. 

Duke of Beaufort. 
Mr. Lloyd of Bristol. 
Prebendary of Caerau. 
Mr. Morgan. 



Excidium Brittania had long been attributed to Gildas ab Caw, and 
this work also said that St. Alban had suffered at Verulamium, 
what though it located Verulamium on the river Thames ! What 
though there was no river anywhere near Verulamium sufficiently 
large to have given rise to the legend ! And so Verulamium grew 
fat and our City of Jjegions grew thin. But Mount St. Alban still 
exists to tell its tale, situated on the side of the river opposite to the 
city where Alban dwelt, and on a hill about half-a-mile from the 
river, where doubtless he was once supposed to have been martyred 
and where his martyrium or merthyr was erected to preserve his relics. 

* **Now a cowhouse with two Gothic windows.**— J.A.B. 

' Browne Willis and Rice Rees ascribe this church to St. Mary, but 
according to Messrs. Gould and Fisher it was formerly associated with 
Cadwaladr {Live» of British Saints, ii, 45). 

* '' Merthiryerin Eccl. destructa, and Site unknown, otherwise than 
it stood near Tinteme Abby** (Browne Willis's Par, Anylic., ed. 1733, 
p. 204). 

« "JEecL destructa"" in 1783 (Par. AngUe,, p. 204). 

^ Mr. Phillimore suggests that this name may involve that of 
Huui, one of the four saints of Llangwm (Owen*s Pembrokeshire, iii, 
276, note 1), 



8o 



Parochiale Walltcanum. 



St. Arvan'8, Jarmen and Febric 

Howick or Homg Vdch, 

Forthcctseg, 

St. Kingmark's, Cynvarch.^ 

St, Lawrence% St. Lawrence.^ 
St. Einmark'8 or LlaDgynvaroh, Gyn- 
varch 

Chepstow or Gas Gwent, St. Mary 



Duke of Beaufort. 



Duke of Beaufort. 
Mr. Williams and 
Dayies. 



Mrs. 



Shire Newton or Trenewydd Gtolllvaroh, 



St Thomas the Martyr 
Portskewet for Forth Ysgewydd, St. 
Mary. 

Sudbrook or Southbrttok? Holy 
Trinity 
Tintem Farva» St. Michael 
Undy or Gwndi 
Whitson 



Wilorick or y Voelgrug 



The Grown. 



Mr. Rnmsey. 

Mr. Fielding. 

Archdeacon of Llandaff. 

Ghapter of Llandaff and 
Eton GoUege, alter- 
natively. 

Mr. Jefirys. 



6. Dbanbbt of Usk, Monmouthshire. 



Bettws Newydd. See Llanarth in 
Deanery of Abergavenny. 

Cilgwrrwg 

Gwemesney, St. Michael 

Kernes Commander, All Saints 

Henrhiw. See Kernes Inferior in 
Deanery of Nether Went. 

Iilambadoc 

Llanddewl Vaoh, David 

Llandegyedd, Tegvedd 



Patrons in 1717. 



Archdeacon of Llandaff. 
Mr. Nicholas. 
Mr. Gore. 



Lord Windsor. 
Treasurer of Llandaff. 
Sir Hopton Williams. 



^ ''Remains exist of two ancient chapels, dedicated respectively to 
St. Kingsmark and St. Lawrence'' (Lewis's Top. Die., England, 
ed. 1844, 8. Arvans). 

' Browne Willis omits Portskewet in his Parochiale Anglicanum, 
ed. 1783, but inserts Sudbrook, which he describes as in his time an 
eeclesia deitructa (p. 204). '' The ruined church of Sudbrook is now 
railed in,"— J.A.B. 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 



8i 



Iilandenni a/ta« Mftthenni 

Llanevrddil, Evrddyl. 
Llaadogo for Uaneuddog^wy, Euddogwy 
JjHajxgLyiw, Giviw 
Uangoven^ Coven 

Pendawdd, St. Martin 
Uongwin Udha, Mirgint, Ginficc, Huui 
and Eruen^ 



Llangwm Isa, Mirgint, Cinficc, 
Huui and Eruen. 
Llangybi, Gybi 
Uangynogy Cynog.' 
Iilanhyn-wg^ 
LLaniflhen, Nisien 

Uanvairf St. Mary. 

Lianwynny, 
Llanllowel, Llowel 

Idansoy, Tysoy 

Liangynoff, Gynog. 

Ifllantriflaint, the Three Saints* 

Bertholeu.^ 
Ifllanvihangel Tilantamam or Uanvi- 
hangel Ton y Groes,* St. Michael 



Duke of Beaufort. 

Prebendary of Gaerau. 
Sir Hopton Williams. 
Ghapter of Uandaff. 
Ghapter of Uandaff. 

Prebendaries of Llan- 
gwm and Warthacwm 
in Llandaff Gathedral. 



Sir Hopton Williams. 

Ghapter of Llandaff. 
Duke of Beaufort. 



Sir Gharles Kemmeys 

and Mr. Jenkins. 
Lord Windsor. 

Mr. Morgan and Mr 
Waters. 



Mr. Bray 



^ These are described as the qtuitttior sanoti de Lamn Cum in the 
Book of Llan Ddv, p. 274. 

' Llangynog is not mentioned by Browne WiQis. There is a place 
near the site of this church called Ctort Brychan on which account 
Rice Rees would identify this Gynog with Gynog ab Brychan. 

' Both Browne Willis and Rice Rees ascribe this church to St. 
John Baptist. 

* Browne Willis and Rice Rees say SS. Peter, Paul, and John ; 
Golonel Bradney gives SS. David, Padam, and Teilo, "the blessed 
visitors of Britain ". Perhaps, like the Seven Saints of Mathry, etc., 
their names are lost. 

* Browne Willis has Penthoyly for Perthoyly. 

^ "Llantamam is caUed, coUoquially, in Welsh Llanvihangel y 
Vynachlog."— J.A.B. 

a 



82 



Parochiale WalUcanum. 



Uanddervel, DenreL^ 

St. ZHaFa Chapel, Dial 
LlaavUiangel Tor y Mynydd, St. 

Michael 
lilAiivredhva* 

Mitohel Troy or Llanvihangel Troddi, 
St. Michael 

Cwmcarvan Chapel, St. Michael. 

Llanthonuu, St. Thomas. 
Monkswood or Oapel Coed y Mynaoh 
Fanteg, St. Mary 
Bag^an,^ David 

Trosdre, David 

Tredminook or Tre Bedynog, St. 
Andrew* 

Trelleok or Trilleoh, St. Nicholas 
Penallt. 
Trelleck's Grange 

Usk or Bryn Buga, St. Mary 
Wolves Newton or Trenewydd dan y 
gaer, St. Thomas the Martyr 



Archdeacon of Llandaff. 
Chapter of Llandaff. 

Lord Windsor. 



Duke of Beaufort. 
John Howy Esq. 
Duke of Beaufort. 
Mr. Hughes. 

John How, Esq. 
The Crown. 

Duke of Beaufort. 
Sir Hopton Williams. 

The Crown. 



^ ''Four walls remain, about two feet high. It is on the side of 
the mountain two-and-a-half miles N.W. of Llantamam church." — 
J.A.B. 

' Browne Willis says All Saints, but Rice Rees is silent. 

' Rhygyvarch, in his Vita S, David, states that Raglan was founded 
by St. David, which would shew at least that it was a "David church " 
at the close of the eleventh century, but whether David of Mynyw, 
or one of those bearing the same name and mentioned in the Book of 
Lion Ddv, is doubtful. Browne Willis says Cadog. 

* A church, which would now be known as Llanddyvrwyr, the Hon 
of the water-men, is mentioned as having been granted to Cybi by 
Edelig, son of Glywys, of Glywysing, and regulus of Edeligion. This 
church was in Edeligion, now included in Monmouthshire. It is stated 
in the Lives of British Saints, ii, 286| to be probably Tredunnock. 



Parockiale Wallicanum. 83 



I: 



In 1733 this diocese comprised : — 

1. Anglesey or Mdn. 

2. Carnarvonshire (except Uywcun^ Efflwya Rhas, and LUm- 
gytttefmin in St. Asaph diocese). 

3. Merionethshire, the hotter half of, 

4. Denbighshire, the Deanery of Dyffryn Clwyd in, 
6. Montgomeryshire, the Deanery of Arwystli in. 

There were three Archdeaconries, including nine Deaneries : — 

Aryon \ 

I. Bangor \ 2. Arllechwedd }-Garnarvonshire. 
Llyn J 

Lliwan and Talybolion \ 
II. Anglesey \ 6. Menai and Malldraeth VAnglesey. 

Twrcelyn and Tindaethwy J 

(7. Eivionydd Carnarvonshire. 
Sy-^^^nMerionethdure. 
9. Ardudwy J 

The two remaining Deaneries, viz. : — 

10. Dyffryn Clwyd, Denbighshire. 

11. Arwystli, Montgomeryshire. 

were under no Archdeaconry, but were subject to the Bishop's 
immediate jurisdiction. 

Moreover, the two Archdeaconries of Bangor and Anglesey had 
been annexed to the Bishopric by Act of Parliament in 1685 ; and 
so only the Archdeaconry of Merioneth was ''collected or instituted 
to". 

The members of the Cathedral were : — 

Dean. 

Three Archdeacons (two now annexed to the Bishopric). 

Treasurer. 

Two endowed Prebendaries (Llanvair and Penmynydd), 

Precentor 

Chancellor • :=five unendowed Prebendaries. 

Canonicus I, II, and III 
The above twelve constituted the Chapter. 

a2 



84 



Parochiale Walltcanum. 



.Inferior Members. 



Two PrieBt-Yicars Choral 

Organist 

Four Singing-men 

Four Choristers 

Verger 

Sexton 

BeUringer 

''By some Statutes of the Free-sohool, made Tempore RegituB 
Elixabetha, there are ten Boys belonging to that School appointed to 
wear Surplices, and are ordered to attend the Choir." 

I. ARCHDEACONRY OF BANGOR 
1. Dbanebt of Ajlyon, Carnarvonshire, 



Bangor, Deiniol 



Bangor St. Mary^ 

Capel (horvyw? Gwrvyw. 

Pentir or Llangedol, Cedol. 
dynnog Vawr, Beuno 
Llanaelhaeam, Aelhaeam 
Uanbebllgy Peblig 

Carnarvon, St. Mary. 

Carnarvon, St. Helena. 
Iilanberlfl, Peris 
Lianddeiniolen, Deiniolen 

Dinas Dinonvig Chapel, 
Llandwrog, Twrog 
Iilaiillyviii, RhedjTw 
IJanrhtig or Llanvihangel yn Bhug, 

St. Michael 
Llanvair-iB-gaer, St. Mary 

Bettws Gkirmon, Gh&rmon. 
Llanwiida, Gwyndav 

Llanvaglan, Baglan. 



Patrons in 1721. 
The Crown of Bishopric ; 
Bishop and Chapter of 
Vicarage. 



Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Chester. 



Bishop of Bangor. 
Prince of Wales. 

Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 



Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 

Bishop of Bangor. 



^ ''Of the ancient parochial church dedicated to St. 

Mary, not a single fragment is remaining ** (Lewis's Top, Die. WeUes, 
ed. 1833, s Bangor). 

' Probably referred to by Lewis in the following (ihid), "The site 
of an old chapel was sold, some years since, and the money applied to 
the redemption of the land-tax.*" 



Parochiale JVallicanum. 



85 



2. Dbanebt of Abllbohwbdd, Camarvotuhire, 



Aber or Abergwyngregyxif Bodvan 
Oaer Bhun, St. Mary 
Conway or Aberoonway. St. Mary 
Qyffln, St. Mary^ 
Bolwyddelan, Gwyddelan 
Dwygyvylohi, Boda and Gwynnin* 
Iilanbedr y Oennin, St. Peter 
Llandegai, Tegai 

Capel Curig, Cirig. 

St, Ann's Chapel, St. Add.^ 
IJaadtidnOy Tudno 
Uangelynln, Celynio* 
Uanlleohid, Llechid 
Uanvalr Veofaan, St. Mary 

SeirioTM Hermitage^ Seiriol.^ 
Fenmaohno, Tudglyd 
Trevriw, St. Mary 

Bettws y Coed or Llanvihangel y 
Bettw8,« St. Michael. 

Llanrhychwyn, Rhychwyn. 



Patrons in 1721. 
Lord Bulkely. 
Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 
Mr. Butter. 
Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 



Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 

Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 



^ BepoH on M8S. in Welsh, i, 913, note 8. 

• Sir John Wynn of Gwydir's Ancient Survey of Penmaen Mawr 
(1906, pp. 18-9), quoted in Lives of British Saints, i, 224 ; also Oossip- 
ing Guide to Wales (ed. 1907), pp. 260-1, as revised by Mr. Egerton 
Phillimore. 

s «A chapel, dedicated to St. Anne, was erected near the slate 
quarries by the late Lord Penrhyn, at an expense of £2,000, for the 
accommodation of persons engaged in those works; it was con- 
secrated in 1813, and endowed in 1816 by Lady Penrhyn ; it is a neat, 
well-built edifice, and is appropriately fitted up for the performance 
of divine worship." (Lewis's Top. Die. Wales, ed. 1833, s Llandegai.) 

^ ''The north and south transepts in this church were called 
respectively Capel Meibion and Capel Arianws." (Lives of British 
SainU, ii, 106, n. 1.) 

^ On Penmaenmawr Mountain ''was the solitary retreat of Seiriol, 
a British anchorite, who had his hermitage between the two summits 
where his bed and his well are still to be seen." (Lewis's Top. Die. 
Wales, ed. 1833.) 

Report on MS8. in Welsh, i, 913. 



86 ParochiaU Wallicanum. 

3. Dbanbbt of LLtK, ComoroofuAtre. 

Patrons in 1721. 
Aberdaron, Hywyn Bishop of Bangor. 

Capel Anhaelog,^ Anhaelog. 

Eghoyt Vair, St. Mary. 

Llanvaelrhys, Maelrhys. 
Abereroh, Cadvarch a$id Gawrdav Bishop of Bangor. 

lAangedwydd, Oedwydd. 

Penrhos or Llangynwyl, Cynwyl. 
Bodvoan, Buan Bishop of Bangor. 

Oeidio or Uangeidio, Ceidio Bishop of Bangor. 

Edem or Uanedem, Edem Bishop of Bangor. 

Gamgiwch, Beuno. 

Pistylly Beuno. 
Iilanbedrog, Pedrog Bishop of Bangor. 

Capel Cir Verthyr, Cir the Martyr.* 

Llangian, Gian and Peris. 

Llanvihangel Bachellaethi St. Michael. 
IJanengan, Einion Vrenhin Bishop of Bangor. 

Ynys Tudwal, Tudwal. 
Llangwnadl or Nantgwnadl, Gwyn- 
hoedl Bishop of Bangor. 

^ Lewis's Top. Die, Wale$, ed. 1833, s Aberdaron. There is a well 
called Ffynnon Ddurdan in Aberdaron Parish. 

' On a mountain, partly in this parish, and partly in that of 
Llangian, there was a well called lyynnon Dduw, God*s Well, ''about 
three yards square, enclosed with a wall from four to five feet high, 
the waters of which were formerly much esteemed for their efficacy 
in rheumatic complaints; and adjoining to it was another, about 
one yard square, from which the invalids used to drink the water. 
Around this well it was customary for the people of the neighbouring 
country to assemble for the celebration of rustic sports, but it has 
now [1833] for many years been neglected". (Lewis's Top, Die. Wale$, 
a Llanbedrog.) With this compare the following from the Liveg of 
British Saints, ii, 190, "In the parish of Llangian, Gamarvonshire, 
was formerly a well called Ffynnon Fyw (the Living Well), now dried 
np, celebrated for the cure of rheumatism. It was dedicated to 
S. G3rr, the martyr, whose chapel stood close by". It is said there 
was formerly a Gapel Eurgan in Llangian parish (Areh. Comb., 1874, 
pp. 87-8, as quoted in Lives of British SaintSf ii, 474, n. 6). 



Parochiale Wallicanum. %^ 

Bryn Croes.^ 

Tudweiliog, Cwyvan. 

Ty Voir, St. Mary.* 
lalaniestiny lestin Bishop of Bangor. 

Bodverin, Merin. 

Capel Odo, Odo.« 

Llandygwyimm, Gh^ynnin. 

Penllech, St. Mary. 

St. Julian's Chapel, St. Julian, 
lalannor or Llanvawr yn Ll^.' 

Pwllheli or Eglwys Dyneio, Tyneio. 
Melldym, St. Peter ad Vincula Bishop of Bangor. 

Bottwnog, Beuno. 
ITevin, St. Mary Mr. Griffith. 

Bhlw, Aelrhiw or y Ddelw Vyw Bishop of Bangor. 

Llandudwen, Tudwen. 

n. ARCHDEACONRY OF ANGLESEY. 

4. Dbanbby of Luwan and Taltbolion, Anglesey, 

Patrons in 1721. 
Holyhead or Oaergybi, Cybi Bishop of Bangor. 

Bodedem, Edem. 
Bodwrog, Twrog. 

^ Rice Rees gives Holy Cross as the dedication of Bryn Croes, but 
Lewis in his Top, Die, Wales (ed. 1833), s Bryncroes is silent. The 
latter, however, states ''An ancient chapel, called Ty Vair, or 'St. 
Mary's Chapel ', formerly stood near the church ; in the vicinity of 
which abo are Ffynnon Vair, ' St. Mary's Well ', and Cae Vair ' St. 
Mary's Field'". 

'"On the side of a hill, called Mynydd Moelvre, or Mynydd yr 
Ystum, are the ruins of an ancient chapel, named Capel Odo ; and in 
the vicinity there is a tumulus, called Bedd Odo, or Odo's grave, 
which, according to tradition, covers the remains of a giant of that 
name " Lewis's Top, Die, Wales, ed. 1888, s Bddverin. With Odo the 
giant compare Edi the giant of Ogo'r Cawr or Ogov Gwyl Edi in 
Llanedi (J. T. Evans' Church Plate of Carmarthenshire, p. 48, note 6). 

' Evans's Beport on M88, in Welsh, i, 913, col. ii, where the "11. fair 
yn llyn" of the Peniarth MS. 147 is corrected by Dr. John Davies, of 
Mallwyd (note 14), into " 11. vawr yn lleyn". In Lucy Toulmin Smith's 
edition (1906) of Leland's Itinerary in Wales, p. 89, the Llan Eyluis 
which is "a 8 myles" to Nevin Church is identified with a query with 
Llannor. Browne Willis ascribes the church to Holy Cross {P(xr, 
AnyUo., 211). 



88 Parochiak Wallicanum. 

Capel Onrlas} 

Capel Owyngeneu, Gwyngeneu.* 

Capel Sanjraid or Totoifn y Capel, 

Ffraid.s 
Capel Ulo (in KingslaDd).^ 
Capel y Lhchwyd,^ 

1 "The site of [Capel Gorlas] is uoknown, although very probably 
it was near the well [Ffynnon Gk>rlas]. Some doubt exists as to 
whether Gforlas is a proper name.*' Archdeacon Jones in Arch. 
Camb,, 1870, p. 365. "The well has never, apparently, been enclosed 
in masonry.'' Report of meeting, ibid, p. 859. Ffynnon Grorlas is 
situated not a mile from St. Cybi's Church to the left of the road 
towards Penybonc and the South Stack. 

* "Capel Gwyngeneu stood at the parting of the roads to Pont- 
rhydpont and Rhoscolyn from Holyhead. For generations it was 
known as ' Capel Gwyn ' ; then it came down to ' Capel ', and, as a 
matter of fact, a Methodist Chapel stands on the site at this day "— 
so writes Mr. Edward Owen of the India Office, Whitehall. Leland 
refers to it as Llan Wyn Gbne {Itin. in Wales, ed. 1906, p. 181). 

' Capel or Llau-sanffraid was situated on a mound of sand at 
Towyn y Capel. This mound of sand is described as a tumulus or 
burial mound " on the margin of a little bay on the western shore of 
Holyhead Island ". It contained a lai^e number of skeletons both of 
adults and children, the former in stone cists. " The mound, having 
subsequently become breached by violence of storms, has wholly 
perished, and the graves have from time to time been seen on 
all its sides. They may have been about four hundred in number. 
The bodies had all been placed with the heads towards the west." 
The Hon. W. O. Stanley in Arch, Comb,, 1868, p. 899. "No 
ornament, or any object whatsoever, has been found with [the bodies]. 
The Chapel was from thirty to thirty-five feet long by little more 
than twenty-two broad." Report of Holyhead meeting in August 
1870, Arch, Camb,, 1870, p. 862. 

^ Mr. Edward Owen tells me that Ffjmnon Ulo was known until 
recently. 

* "The site of Capel y Llochwyd ['towards the precipitous 
northern side of the island' between the North and South Stacks 
'at the foot of the mountain*] is now marked by a heap of shapeless 
ruins. Not far distant there is a remarkable precipitous gulley, or 
crevice, through which a dangerous path descends to a spring of 
fresh water near the shore. The spot is indicated in Speed's map, 
1610 — 'Chap. Yloughwid.' Amongst many wild traditions connected 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 89 

Gwndy or Gwyndy.* 

liandrygam. 

lAanyffwyddyl or Eglwyt y Bedd} 
Uanbadrig, Padrig The Crown. 

Betttos y Now Sant, the Nine Saints.' 

Llanlleianau, 
Iilanbeiilan, Peulan Bishop of Bangor. 

Ceirchiog or Bettws y Grog, Holy Rood. 

Llannerchymeddy St. Mary. 

Uanvaelog, Maelog. 

Llechulched, Ulohed. 

TalyUyn.* 

with this singular placa may be mentioned that of a gold image of a 
female, with one arm, concealed amongst the ruins of the chapel ; to 
this popular fable very probably the total overturning of the remains 
of the little building may have been due. No trace of wall can now be 
recognised''. The Hon. W. O. Stanley in the Arch, Catnb,, 1868, 
p. 898. ''The remains of the small chapel called Uochwydd are very 
insignificant. Near the sea-level is a well with which a tradition is 
connected, namely, that whoever can carry a mouthful of water to 
the top of the gully near the chapel will succeed in his undertaking." 
Archdeacon J. W. Jones in Arch. Camb.f 1870, p. 365. '*It is not 
easy to trace the outlines ['of this ancient chapel'] which were very 
plain a few years ago." Report of meeting at Holyhead of Camb. 
Arch. Association in August 1870, ibidf p. 360. The chapel is called 
"Capel olychwyd Cybi" in Beport on M8S, in Welsh, i, 912, col. ii. 

1 << The chapelry of Gwyndy [under Liandrygam] appears to have 
derived that appellation from the White House, formerly the half-way 
hotel and posting-house between Bangor and Holyhead, but which, 
since the building of the bridge at Bangor, and the diversion of the 
road, has fallen into comparative disuse" (Lewis's Top. Die. Wales, 
ed. 1833, 8 Liandrygam). 

' Eglwys y Bedd and Llanygwyddel are identified in the Arch. 
Camb., 1870, pp. 368-9, with Dr. Wynne's school founded in 1748, 
which last is said by Lewis to have been in the churchyard (Lewis's 
Top. Die. Wales, ed. 1833, s Holyhead). This no doubt is the present 
building in the S.W. comer of the churchyard. 

> Leland's Itin. in Wales, ed. 1906, p. 132 ; also called Llan y Naw 
Sant (Evans's Beport an M88. in Welsh, i, 912, col. iii). The spot, 
now known as Bettws in Llanbadrig parish, is on the right hand side 
of the road from Gemes Bay to Amlwch. 

^ St. Mary according to Browne Willis and Rice Rees; LI. V'el tal 
y llyn, St. Michael, in Evans's Beport, i, 912, note *. 



90 Parochiale Wallicanum. 

UanddeuBant, Marcellus and MarcellinuB^ Bishop of Bangor. 

Llanbabo, Pabo. 

Llanvairynghomwy,' St. Mary. 

The Skerries or TnyB y Moel 
Moniaidf Deiniol. 
Uanrhyddlad, Rhyddlad Bishop of Bangor. 

Bettws Perwas or Lianbertoas, 
Perwas.* 

Llanfflewin, Fflewin. 

Llanrhwydrys, Rhwydrys. 
Llantrisant, Sannan, Avan, and leuan Bishop of Bangor. 

Bettws Bwchwdw. 

Ceidio or Rhodwydd Geidio, Geidio. 

LUmllibiot Llibio. 

Llanvair yng Ngwaredog, St. Mary. 

Lleoh Cynvarwy, Cynvarwy. 
Uanvaohreth, Machreth Bishop of Bangor. 

Llanenghenedl, Enghenedl. 

Llanviyel,^ Gwyndeym. 
Llanyaethlu^ Maethlu Bishop of Bangor. 

Llanvwrog, Mwrog.* 

^ Leland says Marcellus and Marcellianus (Itin, in Wales, ed. 1906, 
p. 181) ; Evans's Report, \, 912, note 17, reads ''Marcel a Marceli". 

' Leland spells this place-name **Llan Voir y Kaer Noy", in which 
parish he notes places called "YOadair-y Kaer Noy (cathedra gigantis 
Noe), Forth y Oadair'' {Itin. in Wales, ed. 1906, p. 132). 

' Leland's Itin. in Wales, ed. 1906, p. 181 ; Evanses Report, i, 912, 
col. ii. 

* Some, including Leland, have thought that Llanvigel ia composed 
of Uan and bugail, a shepherd {Itin. in Wales, ed. 1906, p. 181). But 
according to Evans's Report, i, 912, note 16, Llanvigel was also known 
as Llanwjrndeym, whence it may be gathered that the original saint 
was Gwyndeym. The ascription to St. Vigilius is out of the question. 
Bugail, as a personal name, appears to be instanced in Merthir Buceil 
mentioned in the Book of Llan Ddv (Owen*s Pembrokeshire, 816, 
note 1). If Llanvigel stands for Llanvugail with hugail as common 
noun, it may find a parallel in the possible but unusual Llanveistr of 
Llanbedr Goch (see Deanery of Twrcelyn). 

ft « According to tradition, there was anciently a chapel in a field 
called Monwent Mwrog, on the farm of Cevn GULs in [Llanvwrog] ; 
but not a vestige of it is now to be seen.*' Lewis's Top. Die. Wales, 
ed. 1838. 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 91 

Idanveohell, Mechell Bishop of Bangor. 

LUmddogwel}^ Dogvael. 
Hhofloolyn or IJaziweiiyaeny Gwenvaen Bishop of Bangor. 

Llanvair yn NeubwU, St. Mary. 

Uanvihangel yn Nhywyn, St. Michael. 

5. Dbanrbt of Mbnai and Malldrabth, Anffieaey, 

Patrons in 1721. 
Aberffraw, Beuno Prince of Wales. 

Capel Mcdr o Dindryvol^ St. Mary. 
Eglwys y BatU,^ 
Heneglwys or Uan y Saint Iilwydion, 
Faustinus and Bacellinus* Bishop of Bangor. 

Trewalchmai, Morhaeam. 
Iilaiiddwyn or Uanddwynwen, Dwyn- 

wen Bishop of Bangor. 

Uangadwaladr or Eglwys A0I, Gad- 
waladr Prince of Wales. 

Llanveirianf Meirian.^ 

^ Leland places Llanddogwel under Uanrhyddlad {Itm. in Wales, 
ed. 1906, p. 131). Lewis, in 1833, writes under Llanvechell, <<The 
township of [Uanddygwel] was formerly a parish of itself, and is ex- 
empt from the payment of church rates to the parish of Llanvechell : 
the church is now a ruin, and the rectorial tithes are taken alter- 
nately by the rectors of [Llanvechell] and Llanrhyddlad " {Top. Die. 
Wales, ed. 1833). 

< Leland^s Itin, in Wales, ed. by L. Touhnin Smith in 1906, p. 130, 
where ^'Capell: Mair (Maria) o Dindryvol; ij myles fro ye shore by 
north" is wrongly identified with Tal y tlyn, which is mentioned 
separately in the same column in its proper place under Llanbeulan. 
Gapel Mair appears as "11. vair yn Nin tryfor** in Evans* Beport on 
M8S, in Welsh, i, 912, col. i. In the one-inch O.S. Map, 1899, sheet 
106 (Garuarvon), Tindryvol appears as Tyndryfol about four miles 
to the N.N.E. of Aberffraw Ghurch. 

* A ruined church re-built for a school in 1729, and endowed with 
£4 a year for the instruction of six poor children in the Welsh 
language (Lewis's Top. Diet. Wales, ed. 1833). 

* Evans's Beport on MS8. in Welsh, i, 912, col. i, and note 4 ; Baring 
Gould and Fisher's Lives of British Saints, ii, 180-1, where Corbre 
is maintained to have been the original saint of Heneglwys. 

^ "About three-quarters of a mile to the south [of Llangadwaladr] 
are the ruins of the ancient chapel of Llanveirian [also so spelt in 
Evans's Beport, i, 912, col. i], which appears to have been originally 



92 Parochiale Wallicanum. 

Uangevnl, Gyngar Bishop of Bangor. 

Tregaean, Gaean. 
Llangeinweiiy Geinwen Earl of Pembroke. 

Llaagaffo olim Merthyr Gaffo, Gaffo. 

Quirt Chapel} 
lalaxLgristioliUiy Gristiolus^ Bishop of Bangor. 

Gerrig Geinwen,' Geinwen. 
Llangwyllog, Gwrddelw^ Bishop of Bangor. 

lalan Nidan, Nidan Thomas Uoyd, Esq. 

Capel Beuno, Beuno. 

Capel Cadwaladr (Hen Vonwent), 
Gadwaladr. 

Llanddeiniol Yah, Deiniol Vab.^ 

Llanedwen, Edwen. 

Llanvair y Gwmwd, St. Mary. 
Llanyihangel Ysgeiyiog, St. Michael Bishop of Bangor. 

Gapel Berw. 

Llanffinau, Ffinan. 
Newborough or Bhosyr (for Bhos Vjrr) 
or Llananno, Anno Prince of Wales. 



a parish church, and afterwards a chapel, having been finally suffered 
to fall into decay about the year 1776" (Lewis's Tcp. Die. WtUes, 
ed. 1833, s Llangadwaladr). See p. 95, note 2, infra. 

^ " At Guirt [spelt Quirt on the one-inch O.S. map sheet 105, 
published 1889] are the remains of a chapel, for many years used as a 
stable, and now converted into a dairy. Previously to its application 
to its present use, the figures of the Apostles painted on the walls were 
remaining, and over the last window are still preserved allegorical 
figures of Time and Death" (Lewis's Tap. Die. Wales, ed. 1833, s 
Llangeinwen). 

* ''Ghristiolus Hoeli, ut ferunt, Armoricani filius" (Leland*s Itin. m 
Wales, ed. 1906, p. 180). 

' In Leland's time Gerrig Geinwen was known as Llangeinwen 
Vechan (op. dt., 130). 

* Li Evans's Report, i, 912, col. i, this parish is given in one list as 
^'11. gwyUog. Gwrdduw Gwrddell," which looks like a double attempt 
at giving the saint's name, that intended being Gwrddelw ; for 
January 7th was the date of the festival in this parish, which day is 
marked as that of Gwrddelw in the Peniarth MS., 219, of about 
1615, A.D. (Evans's Report, i, 1043). 

*" Erat ut ferunt discipulus Kibii, vel, ut quidam volunt, Beunoi" 
(Leland's Itin. in Wales, ed. 1906, p. 129). 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 93 

Trevdraeth, Beuno Bishop of Bangor. 

Llangwyvaiiy Cwyvan.* 

6. Dbanbbt of Twbobltn and Tindaethwt, Anglesey, 

Patrons in 1721. 
Amlwoh, Elaeth Bishop of Bangor. 

CapeL Euddog, Euddog.' 
Lkmeuddog, Euddog.' 
Llanffodofff Cadog. 
Llanwenllwyvo, Gwenllwyvo. 
Uanddona, Dona Bishop of Bangor. 

XJanddyvnan, Djrvnan Bishop of Bangor. 

Uanbedr Goch, St. Peter.s 
Llanvair ym Mathavam Eithav, St. 

Mary. 
Pentraeth or Llanyair Bettws 
Gerainti St. Mary. 
Uandeg^an, Tegvan Lord Bulkeley. 

Beaumaris, St. Mary. 
Beaumaris Castle Chapel. 

^ Old Llangwyvan Church is situated " on a small island on the 
sea, connected with the land by a causeway, sometimes covered by 
the tide". Lewis, in 1833, says of it that " during the prevalence of 
easterly winds it is utterly inaccessible, on which account divine ser- 
vice is seldom performed in it during the winter months ". A more 
accessible church was erected in 1871, but services are still held in 
the old church on the patronal festival. On the occasion of that held 
on Monday, June 3, 1907, I had the privilege of preaching the 
Welsh sermon at the Welsh service held at 2 p.m. 

' In the 6-inch O.S. map, Anglesey, sheet vii, N.E. (second ed. 
1901), Capel Euddog is marked about 400 feet from the site of 
Llangadog, and Llaneuddog about quarter of a mile from the same, 
both towards the north. It seems to be the "\\. eiddig,'' t.e., 
Llaneiddig of Evans' Report on MSS. in Welsh, i, 912, col. iii, and 
seems also to be involved with Llangadog and Llanvair yng 
Ngwaredog in Leland's mysterious "Llan Vair yn Uan Ciddog 
(proprium nomen loci)'* Itin, in Wales, ed. 1906, p. 182. Otherwise 
none of these places is referred to by him, nor is Llanwenllwyvo. 

' Uanbedr Goch is equated with "11. faystr" in Evans' Report, i, 
912, col. iii and note g. Leland has Llan Vaystr with the gloss 
maffistri as though it were Llanveistr, the llan of the master {Itin. in 
Wales, ed. 1906, p. 133). See p. 44, note 1, st^a. 



94 Parochiale Wallicanum. 

Capel Meygan^ Meugan.^ 

Capel Tydecho, Tydecho. 

Llanvaes, St. Catherine.' 
Llandyvrydogy Tyvrydog Bishop of Bangor. 

Llanvihangel Tre'r Beirdd, St. 
MichaeL' 
Llanetigrad, Eugrad Bishop of Bangor. 

Capel lyynnon AUgo, Gallgo. 

Hen Oapel Lluffwy, St. Michael.^ 

Llanallgo, Gallgo. 
Iilanelian, Elian Bishop of Bangor. 

Bodewryd, Ewryd.* 

Capel Elian, Elian. 

Capel Ffynnon Elian, Elian. 

Coedaneu, Blenwydd.* 

Rhosbeirio, Peirio.^ 
Uanlestln, lestin Bishop of Bangor. 

Llangoed, Tangwn and Cawrdav. 

Llanvihangel Tinsylwy, St, Michael 
Iilansadwm, Sadwru Bishop of Bangor. 

^ ''Near the castle was formerly situated an ancient chapel, or 
oratory, dedicated to St. Meugan, of which there are no vestiges " 
(Lewis's Tap. Die. Wales, ed. 1833). Browne Willis in 1733 describes it 
as being in ruins {Par. Anglic., 216). 

' Llanvaes appears in Leland {op. cit. 133) as Llan Saint y Katerin, 
as also in one of the lists in Gwenogvrjm Evans's Report i, 913, note 
28. In the Peniarth MS. 147 itself, however, "llan y saint" and 
''saint kadrin" appear as though they denoted two distinct parishes. 

s TreV Bardd both in Leland {op. cit. 133) and in Beport i, 912, 
col. iii, but Leland gives viUa vatum in Latin. 

* Hen Gapel Llugwy, a chapel to Llanallgo, is in Llaneugrad 
parish. 

* Leland {op. cit. 133) describes Bodewiyd as an ecclegia appropriata 
monasterio de Penmon, In the original draft of Peniarth MS. 147 it is 
not mentioned {Report i. 912, note 20). Lewis, in 1833, writes " This 
small parish [of Bodewryd] was formerly comprehended in that of 
Llaneilian, from which it was detached, and formed into a parish of 
itself, within the last thirty years" {Top. Die. Wales, 8 Bodewryd). 

* Leland {op. cit. 133) has Bettws y Coydane. Blenwydd is men- 
tioned as the saint in J. G. Evans's Report i, 912, col. i. 

' Bettws Rosbeirio in Leland {op. cit. 133). 



Parockiale Wallicanum. 95 

Iilanvair Pwll Gwyngyll, St. Mary. Bishop of Bangor. 

Llandysilio, Tysilio. 
Fenmynydd, Gredivael Bishop of Bangor. 

Penmon« Seiriol Bishop of Bangor. 

Ynyi Seiriol^ Seiriol. 
Penrhoa Uagwy, St. Michael Thomas Lloyd, Esq. 

Capel Halen.^ 

m. ARCHDEACONRY OF MERIONETH. 

7. Dbanbby of Eiyiontdd, Camarvaruhire. 

Patrons in 1721. 
Beddgelert, St. Mary Bishop of Bangor. 

Nant Rwynen Chapel, 
Capel Nant Otoynant. 
Crlooiethy also formerly Merthyr 
Meirion, Meirion, later St. Catherine^ Bishop of Bangor. 

^ '' On the [estate of Llugwy in the parish of Penrhos Llugwy] 
are some remains of an ancient chapel, situated on an eminence over- 
looking the bay of Ll^s Dulas : the architectore, which is of the very 
rudest kind, bears testimony to its great antiquity : it is said to have 
been a private chapel belonging to the family mansion. On digging 
out a fox which had taken shelter in the ruins of this building, a large 
square vault was discovered, containing several human skeletons, 
which^ on exposure to the air, crumbled into dust ; and, on searching 
farther into the interior of the building, the ground which it enclosed 
was found to consist of a large mass of human bones, several feet in 
depth, and protected only by a covering of plaster, which formed the 
floor of the chapel " (Lewis's Top, Die. Wales, ed. 1883). Whether 
this refers to Capel Halen I do not know. There is a holy well in 
Moylgrove, or Trewyddel, Pembrokeshiro, sometimes called Ffynnon 
Halen. 

s " According to Ecton and Browne Willis, Criccieth was also 
known as Merthyr ; and in the Record of Carnarvon (p. 288), the 
Bishop of Bangor is said to have had in the cymwd of Eifionydd a 

Vill caUed Merthyr If we could find, therefore, the full 

name of the Merthyr in Eifionydd, we should probably get that of 
the saint who was credited with the foundation of what is now St. 
Catherine's Church". Prof. J. E. Lloyd in Archaologia Cambrensis 
for October 1905 (p. 801). I believe Prof. Lloyd will find the full 
name of the merthyr in the Haf od MS. 16 copy of Bonedd y Saint, as 
printed in the Myv ArehatoL of Wales (second ed.), 415, which should 
read as follows : "A meiryatm ymmerthyr meiryaun yngkantref meibyon 
Qwein danwyn m, einyetun yrth, m. kuneda wledie," and Meirion in 



96 Parochiale Wallicanum. 

Trevlys,^ St. Michael. 

Ynys Cynhaeam, Cynhaearn. 

Tnyi Qyngar^ Gyngar. 
Llang^bi, Cybi Bishop of Bangor. 

Llanarmon, Gkurmon. 
IJanvlliangel y Pennant, St. Michael. Bishop of Bangor. 
Iilanystumdwy, St. John Baptist Bishop of Bangor. 

Penmorva, Beuno Bishop of Bangor. 

Dolbenmaen, St. Mary.^ 

8. Dbanbbt of Ystxtm Akbb, MericneihsHre, 

Patrons in 1721. 
Dolgelly, St. Mary Prinoe of Wales. 

Tipytty Owaneu Chapel, St. John 
Baptist. 
Llanegryn, Egryn Henry Arthur Herbert, 

Esq. 
Uangelynin, Celynin Earl of Pembroke. 

Arthog Chapel. 
Uanvaohreth, Machreth Bishop of Bangor. 

Capel Gwannog, St. John Baptist. 
Cymmer Abbey, St. Mary. 
Llanelltyd, Illtyd. 
Towyn ym Meirionydd, Gadvan Bishop of Bangor. 

Capel Cadvan, Cadiran 
Llangedris,^ 
Llanyihangel y Pennant, St. 

Michael. 
Pennal, St. Peter ad vincula. 
Talyllyn, St. Mary. 

Merthyr Meirion in the cantrev of the sons of Owen Danwyn ab 
Einion Trth ab Cunedda Wledig, i,e., the cantrev of Eivionydd, in 
which Griccieth stands. See Y Cymm,, ix, 177, note 7. 

1 "That part of the shore to the east of Greigddu, in the parish 
of Treflys, Gamarvonshire, is known as Porth S. Dyfynog ** Livei of 
BritUh Saints, ii, 896. 

* Beuno according to Sam. Lewis. 

' Mr. Phillimore thinks that the " Kerdych filia Brachan que iacet 
inthywin in Merioneth'' of the Brychan documents {Y Cymm, xix, 
26, etc.) may be commemorated in Gedris on the Dysynni below Aber 
Gynolwyn, which was anciently called Maes Llangedris {Idvet of the 
British Saints, ii, 100)« 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 



97 



9. Dbavbbt of Abdudwt, Merumethshire. 

Patrons in 1721. 
FfeBtiniog, St. Michael 

Maentwrogy Twrog. 
Iilanaber, St. Mary 

Barmouth or Abermaw Chapel.^ 
laUtndanwg, Tanwg 

Harleeh, St. Mary Magdalene. 

Llanbedr, St. Peter. 
Iilandeowyn, Teowyn 

Uanvihangel y Traetheu, St. 
Michael. 
LlaneilddW3ni, Enddwyn 

Uanddwywe, Dwywe. 
TrawHvynydd, Madmn and Anhun 



Bishop of Bangor. 
Prince of Wales. 
Bishop of Bangor. 

Bishop of Bangor. 

Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 



10. Dbanbbt of Dtffbyn Clwyd,* DenbighMre. 



dooaenogy Meddwyd 
Derwen yn 141, St. Mary 
Bveneohtyd, St. Michael 
Uanbedr Byffrsm Clwyd, St. Peter 
Uandymog, Tymog 
Iilanelidan» Blidan* 
Llangwyven, Gwyvan 
Uangynhaval, Cynhaval 
Iilanhyohaii, Hychan 
L lan rh aeadr yng Nghlnmeroh, or 

Itlanddsrvnogy Dyvnog 
Uanrhudd or XJanveugaiiy Meugan 

Ruthin, St Peter. 

Ituthin' Cattle Chapel. 
UanvalpDyfrryn Olwyd, Cynvarch, and 
St. Mary 

Jesus Chapel.3 



Patrons in 1721. 
Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 

Bishop of Bangor. 
Dean of Westminster. 



Bishop of Bangor. 



^ This chapel was erected in 18S0 (Lewis's Tcp, Die. Wales, ed. 
1833). 

" This is probably Geoffrey's Eledanius upon whom was bestowed 
the pontificalie meula Alelud {Rut. Begum. Britt, ix, 16). 

' "In the township of Eyarth is Jesus Chapel founded 

in 1619 by Mr. Rice Williams, Verger of Westminster Abbey, London, 
a native of this township" (Lewis's Top. Die. Wales, ed. 1883, s. 
Llanvair D.C.). 

H 



98 



ParochiaU Wallicanum. 



Uany wrogy Mwrog 
lilanynys, Saeran 

Gyffylliog, St. Mary. 



Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 



11. DbanAbt of Arwtstli/ MontjfomierytMre, 



Camo, St. John Baptist 

T,1ftTiHf-ni^in ^ Uonio 

Benhaglog or Pen Halwg Chapel. 
Uangforig, Girig 
LlanidloeSy Idloes 
Llanwimogt Gwynnog 
Fenystrowaidy Gwrhai 
Treyeglwys, St. Michael 



Patrons in 1721. 
Mr. Lanoy. 
Bishop of Bangor. 

Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 
Bishop of Bangor. 



^ The Deaneries of Arwystli and Dyffryn Glwyd were in Browne 
Willis's day in no Archdeaconry, hut were subject to the immediate 
jurisdiction of the Bishop. 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 99 

Bioceae of St Baapb. 



In 1733 this diocese comprised : — 

1. Flintshire (except Hemmer, Hawarden, Bangor iMoedf 

Overton, and Worthenbury, in Chester diocese; and the 
chapelry of Penley in Lichfield diocese). 

2. Denbighshire (except the Dbanbbt of Dtffbtn Clwyd, in 

Bangor diocese ; the chapelries of Holt and Iscoed in 
Chester diocese). 

3. Merionethshire, nearly half of, 

4. Carnarvonshire, the three parishes of Egltoyi Bho9, Lion- 

gy$tenmn and Llysvaen in, 
6. Montgomeryshire (except Kerry and Moehdre in St. David*s 
diocese ; and Montgomery, Churchstoke, Snead, Hymnyton, 
Forden, and Buttington in Hereford diocese ; and the 
Dbanbry of Abwtbtu in Bangor diocese). 
6. Shropshire, eleven churches and chapels in. 
At that time there was only one Archdeaconry, viz., the Arch- 
deaconry of St. Asaph, which had for upwards of a century been held 
tft eommendam with the bishopric and contained the following Rural 
Deaneries : — 



1. Tegeingl 1 ^. 

o hmJaa \ Flmtshire. 



2. Mold J 

3. RhoB, Denbighshire and Carnarvonshire. 

4. Bromfield and Tale (or Iftl), Denbighshire. 
6. Marchia, Denbighshire and Shropshire. 

?! Edr™t7.nd PenJlyn } Merionethshire. 

8. Cedewain \ 

9. Cyveiliog I Montgomeryshire. 
10. Pole and Caereinion J 

The members of the Cathedral were : — 
Dean. 

Archdeacon (who was the Bishop). 
Six Prebendaries. 
Seven Canons Cursal. 

The above fifteen constituted the Chapter. 
Master of the Grammar School. 
Four Priest-Vicars, 

h2 



too Parochiale Wallicanum. 

Organist. 

Four Singing Men w Lay-Vicars. 

Four Choristers. 

Verger. .. . 

Bellringer. 

ARCHDEACONRY OF ST. ASAPH. 
1. Dbanbby of Tbobingl, Flintshire, 

Patrons in 1720. 
Bodvari^ Dier Bishop of St. Asaph. 

HwUeifCs ChapeL 
CaerwyBy St. Michael Bishop of St. Asaph. 

St, Michaers Chapel (near the 
WeU), St. Michael. 
Ciloain^ Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Cwm yn Nhegeingl' Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Dyaerthy Cwyvan Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Rhiwlyvnwyd or Newmarket, St. 
MichaeP Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Gwaimsragor, St. Mary Bishop of St. Asaph. 

HaLkin, St. Mary Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Holywell or Treflrynnoiiy Gwenvrewi Nominated by Jesus 

College, Oxford, and 
confirmed by Robert 
Davis, Esq. 
The Well Chapel, Gwenvrewi. 

^ Rice Rees ascribes this church to St. Mary which of course must 
be late. The place-name, however, could mean and perhaps does 
mean Cain*s Retreat, for in a vale under Moel Vamma within this 
parish a female saint is said to have "built a cell, and lived in 

solitude and devotion The vale in which she dwelt is still 

called Nant Cain, and the brook which runs from the mountain 
that shelters it also retains the name of Cain** (Lewis's Tap, Die. 
Wales, ed. 1833, s Kilken). Without accepting Lewis's identification 
of this Cain with the Eurgain of Northop, who was a daughter of 
Maelgwn Gwynedd; and without insisting that she is the well- 
known Cain Wyry, daughter of Brychan, who has left her name 
throughout the Western Brittania of the fifth and sixth centuries 
from Anglesey to Somerset and Cornwall, one may still surmise that 
a Cain is the primitive saint of Cilcain. See, however. Sir John 
Rhys's Celtic Folklore, ii, 613, n. 2. 

' There is a ^ynnan Asa, ''Asa's Well" in this parish. 

3 Rice Rees's Fssay on the Welsh SainU, p. 37. 



Parochiale Wallicanum. \Cy\ 

IJanaBa, Asa Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Qwespyr {Capel Beuno), Beuno. 

Meliden or Allt Meliden^ Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Nanneroh, St Mary Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Northop or Llaiieiirgain, Eurgain' Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Flint, St. Mary. 

Bhuddlan, St. Mary Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Cevn Du Chapel. 

St. Asaph or Uanelwy, Asa^ The Crown of Bishopric ; 

the Bishop of Vicarage. 

Wigvair Chapel, St. Mary.« 

Tremeirohion or Cwm Dymeirohlon, 

Holy Rood' Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Whltford* Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Capel TreW Abad, 

Capel y QelU. 
YageiTiog, St. Mary Bishop of St. Asaph. 

^ Browne Willis ascribes this church to a St. Melid (Par, Anglic,, 
219). 

« St. Peter later. 

' The association of this cathedral church with St. Kentigem 
of Strathclyde is suspiciously like that of Llandaff with Dubricius, 
for as Teilo is undoubtedly the original saint and founder of the 
latter, so Asa seems to be of the former. There is a strange absence 
of Kentigem's name in connection with the place names around 
St. Asaph, whereas that of Asa is found in abundance. The common 
name of Cambria for the old kingdom of Cumbria and for Wales would 
partly account for the story of his visit to the latter, whilst the 
gi-eater fame of Kentigem, as compared with Asa, might possibly 
incite the St. Asaph ecclesiastics to welcome him as their founder, 
especially if their house was in any danger of absorption by a stronger 
house, like that of Bangor in Gwyuedd. The whole subject, however, 
wants carefully working out. It is curious that St. Asaph in Welsh 
takes its name from the river Elwy, as Llandaff from the river T&v. 

* "Near the river Elwy in the township of Wigvair is Ffynnon 
Vair " (Mary's Well). " Adjoining the well are the ruins of an ancient 
cruciform chapel, which, prior to the Reformation, was a chapel of 
ease to St. Asaph" (Lewis's Top, Die, Wales, ed. 1833, s Asaph). 

« Report on MSS, in Welsh, i, 914, note 26, "y grog lan'\ There 
is, however, a Ffynnon Veuno (Beuno's Well) in this parish. 
Dymeirchion is for older Din Meirchion. 

• " It seems probable that Whitf ord Church, now dedicated to 
St. Mary, was at first dedicated to St. Beuno. It was evidently 



102 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 



Bishop of St. Asaph. 



2. Dbanbrt op Mold, Flintshire. 

Patrons in 1720. 
Estsm or Hope, formerly lalangyngar, 
Cyngar Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Plas y Bwl ChapeL 
Mold or Y Wyddgrug, St. Mary and Y 
Ddelw Vyw Bishop of St. Aaaph. 

Nerquis, St. Mary. 
Treddin, St. Mary 
Capel y Span. 

3 Ds^NBBT OP Rh68, Camarvatuhire. 

Patrons in 1720. 

Eglwys BhoB, St. Hilary 

Penrhyn Chapel, St. Mary.* 
Llangystennin. See Abergele below. 
Llysvaen. See Llandrillo below. 

Denbighshire, 
Abergele, St Michael 

Abergele, Chapel in churchy ard, St. 

Michael 
Bettws Abergele, St. Michael 
Llangystennin (Carnarvonshire), 

Constantino 
Llantoddin, Gwddin. 

the mother church of Holywell, and the Valor of 15S5 records 
the annual payment by the latter of two shillings to S. Beuno, which 
may have been the formal acknowledgment of such connection. 
A piece of land at Holywell still goes by the name of Gerddi Beuno 
(his gardens) ; and his stone is shewn in the Well there** (Litfes of the 
British Saints, i, 219, where reference is made to Thomas' History of 
the Diocese of St. Asaph, 1st ed., pp. 466-7, 488). 

^ " At a short distance from the house [i.e., Penrhyn, now an old 
farm house to the left of the road past the Little Orme to Llandrillo] 
is the family chapel, now desecrated into a stable ; it is about twenty- 
five feet long, by fifteen wide ; the altar table of stone is recoUected 
by several now living ; by a grant of Pope Nicholas, three fourths of 
the tithe of Penrhyn were attached to this chapel, and the same is 
now vested in the estate. The family for a long period after the 
reformation professed the Roman Catholic religion, and they kept a 
priest, who officiated in this chapel for themselves and a few [Roman] 
Catholic neighbours " (Rev. Robert Williams's Aberoonwy, 1886, p. 123). 



Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Bishop of St. Asaph. 
Bishop of St. Asaph. 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 



103 



Cogidog or Iilansansior, St. George^ 
Gerrig y Dmdion^ or Llanvair Vadlen, 

St. Mary Magdalene 
SiSlwys Vaoh, St. Martin^ 
Gwytherin or Pennant Gwytherin, 
EJeri 

8t, Winrfre^s Chapel, Qwenvrevri. 
Henllan, SadwrD 

Abbey Chapel 
Uanddogedy Doged 
Tilanddiilaa, Cynbryd 
lahmdrlllo yn BhbB, Trillo* 

Capel Sanfraid, Ffraid. 

Llanelian yn Rhos, Elian 

Llansanffraid Glyn Conwy or 
Diserth, Ffraid 

Llysvaen or Llangynvran (Gamar- 
vonshire), Cynvran 
lalangemyWy Digain Vrenin 

Marchaled or Capel Yoelas. 
Llangwm Dinmael 
Llanyvydd* 



Prince of Wales. 

Bishop of St. Asaph. 
Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Bishop of St. Asaph. 
Bishop of St. Asaph. 
Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Bishop of St. Asaph. 
Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Bishop of St. Asaph. 
Bishop of St. Asaph. 



^ '* The parish church of Llansansior (St. George), near Abergele, 
seems to have been at first the board land chapel of Dinorben and of 
Isdulas commot. It stands in the same township (Cegidog ucha) as 
the maerdref . Its advowson was in the hands, not of the bishop, but 
of the lord of Denbighland, in which lordship Isdulas was'* (Palmer 
and Owen, Ancient Tenures, 110). 

' t.«., the Stones of the Brave, though there are who will still have 
it that the name refers to Druids ! 

3 <*In a will dated 1648 mention is made of a meadow called 
'Gweirglodd Ffynnon Asaph' in Erethlyn in the parish of Eglwys 
Fach, Denbighshire ** (Lives of the British Saints, i, 184, where 
reference is made to Areh. Camb,, 1887, p. 158). 

^ Rice Rees places Llandrillo yn Rhos over Llanelian, Llansan- 
ffraid, and Llysvaen on the strength of a statement in Edwards' 
Cathedral of St Asaph to the effect that these three are supposed to 
have been chapels of ease to Llandrillo ''because the Rector and 
Vicar have a share of the tithes iu each". 

^ This name is so spelt in the Peniarth MS. 147, of about 1566 
(J. Gwenogvryn Evans's Report, i, 914, col. i), and Llan Heueth in 
Leland's Itin. in Wales, ed. 1906, p. 98. ''In a field belonging to 



104 



Parochiale Walltcanum. 



IilanrwBt, Grwst 

Gapel GarmoD, Grarmon. 

Capel MarcheU, Marchell. 

Capel Bhyddyn, 

Gwydir Chapel. 
TJanaannan, Sannan 
laLanvair TaLhaeam, St. Mary^ 
lilanvihangel Qlyn Myvyr, St. Michael 
nfantglyxiy St. James 
Whitohuroh or Eglwys Wen or Uan- 
▼arohelX Marchell 

Capel Fleming, St. Ann. 

Denbigh or Dinbych, St. Hilary.' 

Denbigh Castle Chapel 

St Mary's Priory, St. Mary. 
Ysbytty Ivan, St. John Baptist 

Capel Pentre. 



Bishop of St. Asaph. 



Bishop of St. Asaph. 
Bishop of St. Asaph. 
Bishop of St. Asaph. 
Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Bishop of St. Asaph. 



Sir Geo. Williams and 
Mr. Edwards, the im- 
propriators. 



4. Dbanbrt of Bromfibld and IIl, Denbighshire. 

Patrons in 1720. 



Bryn Eslwys, Tysilio 

Llandysilio yn I&l, Tysilio 



W. Williams Wynne, 

Esq. 
W. Williams Wynne, 

Esq. 



Llanegwest or Valle Cruets, St. Mary. 



Llechryd, in the parish of Llannefydd, is another well called Ffynnon 
Asa. It forms the source of the brook Afon Asa, which runs into the 
Meirchion, a tributary of the Elwy. The field, as 'Kae fiynnon 
Assaphe' is mentioned in an indenture dated February 16, 1656** 
(Lives of the British Saints, i, 184). 

1 In J. G. Evans' J2^rf, i, 914, col. i, this place is called 'Ml. fair 
ddol hayam *'. 

> ''The chapel of St. Hilary, Denbigh, is known to represent the 
domestic chapel of the lord of the commot of Isaled ; its adrowson 
was in the gift of the lord of Denbigh, but the history of its tithes 
has not been unravelled'' (Palmer and Owen's Ancient Tenures, 1910, 
p. 110, note 1). 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 105 

Erbistook, Erbyn^ Bishop off St. Asaph. 

Greaford, All Saints' Bishop of St. Asaph. 

AUvngUm or Bawet Oreen Chapel, 

St. Peter.' 
Capel Isooed, St. Paal.« 

Holt, St. Chad.* Chapter of Winchester. 

Holt Castle Chapel. 
St. Leonardos Chapel of the Glyn, 
St. Leonard.^ 
Uanarmon yn lal, Grarmon Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Llandegley Tegle Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Uanyerrys or Llanyorreis* Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Marchwiel. See Bangor Iscoed, Diocese of 
Chester. 



> ''Saynt Erbyns'* appears under Erbistock in the Valor of 1535, 
as quoted in the Lives of British Satnts, ii, 458, where it is also stated 
that there is a " Yale of Erbine*' below the church. 

'Lhuyd in 1699 mentions a ^'Fynon Holhseinf in this parish 
{Arch. Camb , 1905, p. 283). 

' In 1833 no vestiges of this chapel were discernible except the 
cemetery (Lewis's Top. Die, Wales, s Gresford). For this and other 
interesting particulars, see Mr. A. N. Palmer's valuable article in 
Arch. Camb.f 1905, pp. 184^. "St. Peter's chapel, otherwise known 
as 'the board land chapel', mentioned under that title in 1562, and 
not pulled down until about the end of the eighteenth century. 
This building represented the Welsh chieftain's chapel, and long 
continued as a chapel-of-ease to the parish church" (Palmer and 
Owen's Ancient Tenures, 108-9). 

^ ''Js koed, kappel wrth Resfford" (J. G. Evans's Report, i, 914, 
col. iii). Capel Iscoed and Holt were chapelries in Chester diocese in 
1733 (Par. Anglic, 218). See also Arch. Camb., 1910, pp. 358-368. 

^ Presumably in the township of Llai (Arch. Camb. 1904, p. 179). 

^ These names presuppose either Merrys and Merreis, or Berrys 
and Berreis. From the latter arose the common ascription of this 
church to St. Britius, successor of St. Martin in Tours, under his 
popular name of St. Brice. This ascription appears to be as old as 
the end of the sixteenth century (Lives of British Saints, i, 207). 
Notwithstanding the support given to this view by Browne Willis 
and subsequent writers in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, 
Rice Rees is discreetly silent. 



io6 Parockiate tValluanutH. 

Biiabon for Bhiw Vabon, St. Mary^ Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Capel Collen, Collen. 
Wrexham, Silin Bishop of St. A£aph. 

Berse Drelinoourt Chapel. 

Capel sain, Silin. 

Minora Chapel or Capel Mwnglawdd.' 

5. Dbanbbt of Mabchia, Denbighshire, 

Patrons in 1720. 
Chirk or Eglw3rs y Weun, St. Mary Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Uanarmon Dyffryn Ceiriog, Garmon Bishop of St. Asaph. 
Llangollen, Collen Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Trevor.* 
Uanrhaeadr ym Moohnant, Doewan^ Bishop of St. Asaph. 
Llanarmon Mynydd Mawr, Garmon. 
Llangadwaladr, Cadwaladr.* 
Llangedwyn, Cedwyn. 
Llanwddin (Montgomeryshire), 
Gwddin. 
lalansanffraid Glyn Ceiriog, Ffraid J. Middleton, Esq. 

Llansllin 3mg nTghynllalth, Silin Bishop of St. Asaph. 

^ Llangollen appears to have been the mother church of Wrexham, 
Ruabon, Llansantflfraid Glyn Ceiriog, and Llandegle, which last were 
once all chapels (although Rice Rees is followed here as generally 
elsewhere in this present list). Ruabon itself also appears to have 
had a Collen ascription before the present one of St. Mary (Arch- 
deacon Thomases St, Asaph, ed. 1888, pp. 40 and 43, note 10). 

^ Minora is "a low Latin term meaning 'ore' or 'mine*, and applied 
to this township (which has also a corresponding Welsh designation 
'Mwnglawdd') as early as 1339'* (Palmer and Owen's Ancient Tenures, 
243-4). 

> This chapel (now a parish church) was built for private use in 
1742, and not consecrated till 1772 (Lewis's Tpp, Die. Wales, ed. 1833, 
s Trevor-Traian). ''There is a Chapel of Ease to Llangollen at 
Trevorissa"" (Par Anglic., ed. 1733, p. 232). 

^ "On the Berwyns grows the Cloudberry (Rubus Chamoemorus) 
called in Welsh Mwyar Berwyn, and also sometimes Mwyar Doewan, 
from Doewan, the patron saint of Llanrhaiadr-ym-Mochnant" {Gossip- 
ing Guide to Wales, ed. 1907, p. 147, as revised by Mr. Phillimore). 

A Called Bettws Cadwaladr in Taxatio of 1291, p. 286, which 
indicates, as does the fact that it was a chapel, that it is not one of the 
oldest foundations. 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 107 

Shropshire, 

Kinnerleyi The Crown. 

Knookin,' St. Mary Sir John Bridgman. 
Uanyblodwel or Uanvihangel ym 

Mlodwel, St. Michael Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Moreton Chapel Sir John Bridgman. 

Uanymyneoh,' Bishop of St. Asaph. 
Melverley. See Uandrinio in Deanery of Pole and Caereinion. 

Oswestry or Groes Oswallt, St. Oswald Duke of Powis. 

Aston Chapel Robert Lloyd, Esq. 

St Martin's, St. Martin Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Selattyn, St. Mary Robert Lloyd, Esq. 

Whittington, St. John Baptist Robert Lloyd, Eeq. 

6. Dbanebt of Mawddwt, MerionetJishire. 

Patrons in 1720. 
Uan ym Mawddwy, Tydecho Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Caereinum Vechan or Llandybbo, 
Dinas Mawddwy Chapel. 
Oarthbeibio (Montgomeryshire), 

Tydecho* Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Mallwyd, Tydecho Bishop of St. Asaph. 

7. Dbanbrt of Edbbniom and Pbnlltn, Merionethshire, 

Edemicn. 

Patrons in 1720. 
Bettws G-wervyl Gk>oh» St. Mary« Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Corwen, Mael and Sulien Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Rhdg Chapel.^' 

^ This church, ascribed by Browne Willis to St. Mary, '*had, it 
would appear, an earlier dedication to S. Ffraid" (Lives of the British 
Saints, ii, 283). 

' There is said to have been a chapel to St. John and St. David, 
formerly in Knockin {Arch. Comb , 1910, p. 484). 

^ Browne Willis ascribes Llanymynech to St. Agatha ; the name 
signifies the Uan of the monks. There is a St. Bennion's Well in this 
parish, supposed to represent Beuno (lAves of the British Saints, i, 210, 
note 4). 

* Browne Willis in 1733 places Garthbeibio in the Deanery of 
Welshpool and Caereinion {Par, Anglic,, 220). 

^ Near this church is a Ffynnon Veuno, Beuno*s Well. 

^ '^ Founded by Colonel William Salusbury, who was governor of 
Denbigh Castle during the parliamentary war" (Lewis's Top, Die, 
Wales, ed. 1833). 



io8 Parochiale Wallicanum. 

Gwyddelwern, Beuno Bishop of St. Asaph. 

LlandderveU Dervel Gadarn Bishop of St. Asaph. 

UandrillOy Trillo Bishop of St. Asaph. 

IJangar, All Saints Bishop of St. Asaph. 

TilaTiBanffraid Q'l3m Dyvrdwy, Ffraid Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Dbanbrt of Edbrnion and Pbnlltn, Merianeththire. 

PenUyn. 

Patrons in 1720. 

Llailgowairy Gowair Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Llanuwohllyiiy Deiniol Bishop of St Asaph. 

Llanvawr ym Mhenllyiiy DeinioF Bishop of St. Asaph, 

lalanyoil, Beuno Bishop of St. Asaph. 
Bala ChapeP 

8. Dbanbrt of Cbdbwain, Montgomeryshire. 

Patrons in 1720. 

Aberhavesp, Qwynnog Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Berriew for Aber Bhiw, Beuno Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Bettws Cedewain, Beuno Bishop of St. Asaph, 

lalandysal, Tysul Bishop of St Asaph. 

Iilanllwohaeam, Uwchaeam Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Llam-yr-ewig, Llwchaearn Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Llanllygan Richard Hughes, Esq. 

lalanwyddelan, Qwyddelan Bishop of St. Asaph. 

ICanavoxiy St. Michael Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Dolgynvelin Chapel, 

nrewtown, St Mary Bishop of St Asaph. 

^ This church, commonly known as Llanvor, together with Llannor 
or Llanvor in Carnarvonshire, which also stands for Uan Vawr, t.e., 
the great Llan, and also Llanjmys in Denbighshire, are ascribed by 
Rice Rees, either wholly or in part, to a saint Mor. The poem 
quoted by him on pp. 117-8 of his Essay from the Myv, Arehawloyy, 
i, 120, in support of his contention, contains no reference to any saint 
of this name, nor does Browne Willis appear to have heard of him. 
It is right to say, however, that the poet Lewis Glyn Cothi, according 
to the printed text, refers to such a saint in one of his poems — 
Nawdd Mair, nawdd ei mab, ar El'sabedd ; 
Nawdd liar, nawdd Mor, a nawdd Elwedd ; 
(L. G. Cothi's Works, ed. 1837, vol. i, 88). 

' Bala Chapel was erected by subscription in 1811 (Lewises Top, 
Die. Wales, ed. 1833, s. Bala). 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 



109 



Tregynon,^ — Weaver, Esq. 

9. Dbanbbt of Gtybiliog, Montgomeryshire. 

Patrons in 1720. 
Ceme8» Tydecho 
Darowen, Tudur 

Llanbrynmair, St. Mary 
Talerddig Chapel 
Uanwrin, Gwrin 

Machynlleth, St. Peter 
Penegos or Penegwest alias Llan- 
gadvarchy* Cadvarch 

10. Dbanbbt of Polb and Gabrbimion, Montgomeryshire. 

Patrons in 1720. 
Castell Caereinion, Gannon 
Crarthbeibio. See Llan ym Mawddwy in 

Deanery of Mawddwy. 
Guilafleld or Cegidva, Aelhaeam 
Hlmanty lUog 
Uandrinio, Trinio 



Bishop of St. Asaph. 
Bishop of St. Asaph. 
Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Bishop of St. Asaph. 
Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Bishop of St. Asaph. 



Bishop of St. Asaph. 



Llandysilio, Tysilio. 

Melverloy (Shropshire), St. Peter.' 

New Chapel, Holy Trinity. 
Uanervyl, Ervyl 

Dolwen Chapel 
Uangadvan, Oadvan* 



Bishop of St. Asaph. 
Bishop of St. Asaph. 
Bishop of St. Asaph in 
commendam. 



Bishop of St. Asaph. 
Bishop of St. Asaph. 



^ Browne Willis ascribes this church to a ''St. Knonkell'' (Par. 
Anglic., 221), the first part of which name looks like Cynon. In the 
Progenies Keredic there is a " kenider Gell. filius kynon filii keredic" 
(F Cymmrodor, xix, 27). 

' "Ecclesia de Penegwest alias Llan Gadfarch," quoted in Lives of 
British Saints, ii, 10, as being on a 1728 chalice belonging to this 
church. 

' Browne Willis places Melverly in the Deanery of Marchia, Shrop- 
shire. 

^ "It is supposed that there were formerly chapels in the town- 
ships of CyfSn, Cowny and Maesllymysten, which were served by 
monks from the adjoining monastery of Cyffin; and, according to 
tradition, the inhabitants of these townships had no sittings in the 
parish church, the smallness of which appears to corroborate the 
account*' (Lewis's Top. Die. Wales, ed. 1833). 



no Parochiale Wallicanum. 

Iilangynogy Cynog Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Llan gyuyw , Gynyw Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Tilanwanlfrald ym Meohain, Ffraid Bishop of St Asaph. 

laLanyair Gaereinion, St. Mary Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Captl Cil-yr-yeh, 
Llanyeohain or Llanarmon ym Meohain, 

Garmon Bishop of St. Asaph. 

lalanvihangelyngNgwynya, St. Michael Bishop of St. Asaph. 
Iilanyyllin, Myllin Bishop of St. Asaph. 

LlanwddiD . See Llanrhaeadr ym Mochnant 

in Deanery of Marchia. 
MeiYOdy Gwyddvarch and Tysilio Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Pennant Melangell, Melangell Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Hm Eglwys,^ 
Welshpool or Trallwng, Llywelyn^ Bishop of St. Asaph. 

Buttington, All Saints.* 

* "It is more commonly called 'Llanvihangel y Gwynt' (St 
MichaePs the Windy), from the bleakness of its surface, to distinguish 
it from 'Llanvihangel yng Nghentyn', as the Welsh designate Alber- 
bury, on the confines of Salop" (Lewis's Top. Die, Wales, ed. 1838). 
Gwynva, of course, is right, being the old name of the district in 
which the church is situated. 

^ "On the mountain between Llanwddyn and [Pennant Melangell] 
there is a circular enclosure surrounded by a wall, called * Hen Eglwys '" 
(Lewis's Top. Die. Wales, ed. 1833, s Pennant). 

' There can be no doubt as to Llywelyn being the primitive and 
original saint of Welshpool. His name appears in connection with 
this place in the earliest and best copies of Bonedd y Saint. The 
ascription to Gynvelyn is due to confusion with Llywelyn; that to 
St. Mary is, of course, later. 

* Buttington was made a distinct parish in 1759, having been a 
chapelry to Welshpool before that date (Lewis's Top. Die. Wales, 
ed. 1833, s Buttington). 



Parockiale Wallicanum. 1 1 1 

2)ioce0c of Ijcreforb. 



BadnorMre, 

Patrons in 1721. 
Knighton or Trev^clawdd, St. Edward^ Hospital of Glun. 

Michaelchurch on Arrow or Llanvihangel 

Dyffryn, St. Michael.* 
New Badnor or ICaes Hyyaidd, St. 

Mary.' The Crown. 

Old Badnor or Fenoraig, St. Stephen Chapter of Worcester. 
Ednol.^ 

Kinnarton, St. Mary. 
LlaniagOf St. James. 
Fresteign or Llanandrae, St. Andrew Earl of Oxford and 

Mortimer. 
Disooed, St. Michael. 

Norton or Nortyn, St. Andrew The Crown. 

Byton, St. Mary '\ 
Kinsham I in Herefordshire. 

Lingen, St. Michael j 

Monnumikshire, 
Dizton or Llandydiwg, Tydiwg^ Lord Gage. 

^ A chapel to Stow (St. Michael), Shropshire. Dona is commemo- 
rated near Knighton in Badnorshire, where there is a Craig Dona and 
a chasm in a rock known as Dona's bed ; also a holy well where people 
used formerly to resort on Sunday evenings (J. T. Evans's Church 
Plate of Badnorshiref 87, notes 6 and 6). 

' A chapel to Kington (St. Mary), Herefordshire. 

3 " There is an olde churche stondynge now as a chapell by the 
castle. Not very farre thens is the new paroche churche buildyd by 
one William Bachefeld and Flory his wyfe ^ (Leland's Itin. in Wales, 
ed. 1906, p. 10). 

^ '' Ednol Chapel now a ruin, four walls and no roof, is used for 
folding sheep. The font is in the garden at the Grove." — J.A.B. 
(June 1909). 

^ Dixton olim Dukeston » Hennlann Titiuo, Ecclesia Tytiuo, etc., 
of the Book of Lion Ddv (v, Index, 404), t.«., Tydiwg or Diwg, whence 
the names Dukeston and later Dixton have sprung. The saint is the 
Dwywc of the lolo MSS., p. 128, and the place name is probably 
represented in the Peniarth MS., 147, of circa 1666, by " 11. giwc ** 
({ivans*s Beport, i, 919, col. iii), 



112 Parochiale Wallicanum. 

Wyesham Chapel} 
Monmouth or Trevynwy, St. Mary Duke of Beaufort. 

Monmouth, St. Thomas.' 
WelBh Bioknor or Llangystennln 

Garth Beimi, Constantine' The Grown. 

Welsh IVewton, St. Mary* Sir William Ck>inpton. 

Montgomeryshire, 

Chirbury or Ffynnon Wen (Shropshire), 
St. Michael Free School of Salop. 

Ghurchstoke, St. Nicholas. 
Forden. 
Hyssington. 

Montgomery, St. Nicholas The Grown. 

Snead. 

^ " There was formerly a chapel at Wyesham, where are some 
slight remains called the ' Friars' stump ' " (Lewis's Top. Die, England^ 
ed. 1844, «., Dixton). '' A cottage now occupies site of chapel. One 
small Gothic window remains." — J.A.B. 

' " St, Thomas CapeUa in Monmouth, annext to Monmouth St. 
Mary's in the Diocese of Here/ordf its Parish or Mother-Ghurch ** 
{Par, Anglic,, ed. 1733, p. 203). 

' Welsh Bicknor, although geographically in Herefordshire, was 
formerly in the county of Monmouth. The later dedication is to 
St. Margaret. 

* A part only of this parish was in Hereford Diocese (Par, 
Anglic,, 197). 



ParochiaU Wallicanutn. 113 

2)ioce0e of Cbeater. 



Flintshire, 



Patrons in 1720. 



Bangor laooed or Bangor ym Maelor, 

Deiniol Mr. Lloyd. 

Marchwiel (Denbighshire), Deiniol. 

Overton or Orton Madoc, St. Mary. 

Worthenbury, Deiniol Mr. Paleston. 

Hanmer, St. Chad Sir Thomas Hanmer. 

Llaneliver, 
Hawarden, Deiniol^ Sir Stephen Glynn. 

Broughton, St. Mary.' 

Buckley, St. Matthew.' 

DetUnghshire, 
Gapel Iscoed ) See Gresford, Deanery of Bromfield 

Holt \ <^h»P«l"«8- and HI. 



2)iocc0C of XicbflieK). 



FHntskire. 
Penley, St. Mary (chapelry to EUesmere, 
Shropshire).' 



^ The dedication of Hawarden Church is given as All Saints in 
Evans's Beport on MSS. in Welsh, i, 914, note 32. Holy Cross also 
puts in a claim, so that judging from Lhuyd's evidence in 1699, there 
is a third claimant (Lives of British Saints, ii, 329, note 1). 

' Buckley Church was erected in 1822, and Broughton Chapel of 
Ease before 1833 (Lewis's Top, Die, Wales, ed. 1833, s Hawarden). 

' Browne Willis places Penley in Denbighshire (Par, Anglic, ed. 
1733, p. 218). 



114 Parochiale WatUcanum. 

NOTE ON ST. DAVID. 



(a) St, DavUCs Paternal Anoestrtf, — St. David's paternal pedigree 
is as follows, Deufi ah Sant ab Cedu/ ab Ceredig ab Cunedda Wiedig, 
There is unanimous agreement on the part of all old and reliable 
documents as to this pedigree except in one particular, namely, 
Sant's father. The De SitUf the Cognado, and the Frogeniea Keredie, 
all affiliate Sant to Ceredig and not to Cedig ; so also the White Book 
and the various Vitae S, David (Welsh and Latin), and the Jesus 
College MS, SO, On the other hand the two oldest copies of Bonedd y 
Saint in the Peniarth collection, MSS. 16 and 46, affiliate Sant to 
Cedis. It is true that Cedig mav merely be a scribal contraction for 
Ceredig; but that the name did exist seems evident from the 
Frogentea Keredic, where we have Kedic or Kedich given as a son of 
that prince. Nothing seems to be known of Cedig, for which cause 
it is more likely that his name should have dropped out than that it 
should have been put in. 

It should be noticed that St. David's descent from Cunedda is 
through the princes of Ceredigion and not through those of Gwynedd 
or of the rest of North Wales. There are no ancient foundations of 
St. David in the whole of Gwynedd, nor indeed in the whole of the 
Cuneddan district with the notable exception of Ceredigion ; and it 
is a remarkable fact that even in Ceredigion they are confined to the 
southern division. [By the Cuneddan district I here mean the same 
as defined in the Harleian MS, S859 and the Vita S, Canmtoci, 
namely, from the river Dee to the river Teivi or the river Gwaun.] 

(b) St. David's Maternal Pedigree. — According to the oldest and 
most reliable copies of Bonedd y Saint, St. David's mother was Non, 
daughter of Cynyr of Caergawch in Mynyw. Caergawch, as the 
name implies, would represent a stronghold, and Myn^w the district 
wherein it was situated, namely, the peninsula, in which St. David's 
now stands, forming the whole of the northern promontorv of St. 
Bride's Bay in Pembrokeshire. It is to the south of the river 
Gwaun, and consequently outside the Cuneddan district. Nothing 
seems to be told us of Cynyr in ancient and trustworthy documents. 

Non's mother is given as Anna, daughter of Vthyr Pendragon, in 
the thirteeuth centi^ Mostyn MS, 277, but it should be stated as a 
warning to the unwary that the pedigrees, in which this occurs, are 
appended to a copy of Geffrey's Historia Begum Briitamaef are 
written by the same hand as that work, and are confessedly affected 
by it. ^ In this particular, however, they contradict Geoffrey, who, in 
Book ix, ch. 16, describes St. David as ArUiur's avuneuhts, that is, 
Arthur's uncle. In other words, whereas these pedigrees would make 
St. David to be Arthur's great nephew, Geoffrey would make him 
brother to one of Arthur's parents. 

The evidence seems to shew that St. David, like Brychan 
Brycheiniog, had more to do with his mother and her kindred and 
country than with his father. The southernmost boundary reached 
by the stock of Cunedda in Pembrokeshire was the river Gwaun, but 
it was in Mynyw, south of the Gwaun, that St. David was bom, and 
it was in Mynyw that he built his chief foundation. Beyond the fact 



Parochiale Wallicanutn. 115 

of paternity Sant's concern with David would seem to have been of 
the slightest, whilst the close association of the saint with his mother, 
Non, is witnessed by the ourions fact that so many of his churches 
are accompanied by those of his mother. Mr. Willis Bund goes so 
far as to write as follows : '' That in after-life he adhered to . his 
mother and her people only confirms the view that he had no rights 
of succession from his father ; and that he counted his descent from 
Cimedda, to which some writers attach so much importance, as less 
than nothing." 

(0) St, David as Patron of Wdki.—The Vita 8, David is confessedly 
written by Rhygyvarch, apparently Rhygyvarch ab Sulien, who died 
in 1099. He compiled it, so he tells us, from what he had found 
scattered in the very oldest writings of the country, and especially 
.those of the monastery of St. David*s itself, which nad survived the 
ravages of moth and time and were written after the old style of the 
ancients. By this we understand that he had several written sources 
in ancient hands, from which he made excerpts, throwing them to- 
gether into the usual form of a saint's Vita. 

It is amply clear from this compilation of Rhygyvarch that as 
early as the eleventh century the Bisnops of St. David^s were claiming 
to be metropolitan archbishops. We are told that thirty years before 
St. David was bom, St. Patrick, the future apostle of Ireland, came 
to Dyved and settled at ValUs Rosina where he vowed to serve God. 
An angel however was sent to inform him that Valli$ Bosma was 
reserved for a child unborn, yea, for a child who would not see light 
for thirty years to come. St. Patrick therefore was obliged to 
surrender Vallis Rosina to St. David and to depart for Ireland. In 
Brittania, therefore, although St. Patrick was a native and a Briton, 
St. David was greater than ne. Again, it happened that the famous 
St. Qildas was struck dumb whilst preaching in the presence of Non 
at the time that she held the unborn St. David in her womb, the 
reason being that the unborn child excelled him in grace and power 
and rank, for Gk>d had given him status, sole rule, and control of 
affairs over all the saints of Brittania for ever. Oildas could no 
longer stay, for to St. David was committed the monarchy over all 
the men of this island. Necessitv was laid upon Oildas to find some 
other island and to leave the whole of Brittania to St. David, who in 
honourable rank, effulgent wisdom and eloquence of speech would 
excel all the doctors of Brittania. And so just as St. David was 
shewn to be greater than St. Patrick, he was also shewn to be greater 
than St. Oildas. 

In this story the name of Oildas has been substituted for that of 
Aelvvw, a well known saint and bishop of Munster, to whom the 
incident is referred both in his Vita and also in the Historia Begum 
Brittaniae (Book vii, 3) where he is correctly described as praedicator 
Hybemiae, a preacher of Ireland. Aelvyw was an early Irish saint, a 
contemporary of St. Patrick, and lived for a while in the regio of 
Mynyw, where his foundation is still extant ioxxr miles to the east of 
St. David's and now known as St. Elvis. He is mentioned in the 
Vita 8, David BB Helue Meneviensium (vel Muminensium) epiacopus and 
as having baptized St. David. The substitution of Oildas for Aelvyw 
has been clumsily done for Qildas is made to say that he will have to 

fo to another island which was true of Aelvyw who finally settled in 
reland and not of the substituted Oildas, who finally settled in 

l2 



Ii6 Parochiale Wallicanum. 

Brittany. St. Gildaa was eight years younger than St. David, but it 
served the metropolitan claim to shew that St. David was superior to 
the really far more celebrated author of the Epwtola OHdae, who was 
also the reputed author of the Excidium Brittaniae. 

St. David is made to go on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem with St. 
Teilo and St. Padam, the patrons of the two powerful monasteries of 
Lland&v and Uanbadam Yawr respectively. When they reach the 
continent St. David is distinguished from his two companions by 
being endowed with the ^Et of tongues like the apostles of old. And 
so as St. David is superior to St. Patrick and St. Gildas, he is also 
superior to St. Teilo and St. Padam ; and this is further shewn by 
the statement that whereas the three were consecrated bishops by the 
Patriarch of Jerusalem, St. David received the additional honour of 
being raised to the degree of archbishop. 

^ain, a great synod is held at Brevi where it is agreed that one 
should be made metropolitan archbishop. As none present is able to 
meet the required conditions, St. Daniel, patron of the powerful rival 
house of Bangor in North Wales, and St. Dubricius, another patron 
of Lland&v and the consecrator of St. Samson, the reputed metro- 

golitan archbishop of Dol in Brittany,— these two are made to fetch 
t. David, and lo I in the presence of such celebrities, and with the 
consent of all the bishops, kings, princes, nobles, and all ranks of the 
whole Brittanic race, St. David is made Archbishop ; and his city, St. 
David*s, is set apart as the metropolis of the whole country, so that 
whosoever should rule it in future, should be accounted Archbishop. 
And so St. David was caput et previua ae hrtigmaticus omnibus 
Brittonibus and so forth to the same primatial effect, by which 
account we are made sure of this much at least that Mvnyw was 
claiming to be the head and centre of Welsh Christianity before the 
interminable period when alien or alienized bishops began to be 
foisted on the see by outsiders. 

For the same purpose of shewing forth the gloi^ of St. David« 
Rhygy varch tells us that he founded twelve monasteries in all to the 
praise of God. The list, with which he provides us, is the earliest we 
have of the possessions and daughter foundations of St. David's, and 
is as follows :— Glastonia ; Bathonia ; Croulan ; Repetun ; Oslguan ; 
Glascun; Leuministre ; Raglam in Gwent; Langemelach in Guhir; 
the foundations of Boducat and (?) Martrun in the province of Cydweli, 
who submitted to him ; and Rosina Vallis or Hodnant. In the Welsh 
version of the Vita S, David Glastonia appears as Glastynburi; 
Bathonia as Tr Enneint Twymyn ; Krowlan ; Repecwn ; Collan ; 
Glasgwin; Lann Llieni on the Severn; Raclan in Gwent: Llann 
Gyfuelach in Gwyr ; Boducat and Nailtrum in Cydweli ; and Glyn 
Rosin or Hodnant. These twelve foundations in modem style would 
read as follows :— Glastonbury, Bath, Croyland (Lincolnshire), Repton 
(Derbyshire), Colva, Glasg^wm, Leominster, Raglan, Llangyveladi in 
Gower, two foundations in the Kidwelv district, and St. David's. 
That these are the places intended by the Vita S, David there can 
be little or no doubt. 

Rhyg;jrvarch, as son of a bishop of St. David's, was in the best possi- 
ble position to know what were its possessions and daughter founda- 
tions in the century in which he was writing : and wherever in his list 
he keeps within what was or became the diocese of St. David's, his 
evidence is confirmed by that to the Black Book of St DawTt, which 



Parochiate Wallicanum. WJ 

is an extent of the estates of the bishopric in 1326. Of the twelve 
foundations, Qlasgwm iu Radnorshire, Liangyrelach in Gower, and of 
course St. David's itself, are well known possessions of the bishopric 
as recorded in the extent. Colva is a chapeky under Qlasgwm 
"dedicated" to St. David and therefore goes with the Qlasgwm 
property. The two foundations in the province of Cydweli are 
doubtless represented by the estates recorded in that district, where 
we still find Llanarthneu attributed to St. David (with Llanlluan and 
Gapel Dewi given as daughter establishments), also Bettws, to say 
nothing of a Llan Non under Penbre. Thus six of the twelve 
monasteries present little or no difficulty. But once Rhygyvarch 
goes outside the diocese he is clearly following the wild guesses of 
writers, who were neither so familiar with the possessions of the see 
nor so well acquainted with the localities. Raglan in Gwent, for 
example, although also associated with St. Cadog, may very well have 
been a Dewi church like the neighbouring Llanddewi Rhydderch and 
Llanddewi Ysgyryd, but it is far more likely to have been so owing to 
one of the several of this name (all distinct from him of Myuyw) 
mentioned in the B<>ok of Llanddv, Again, Leominster in its Welsh 
form Llanllieni could easily be a misreading of the well known St. 
David's property of Llanlluan in Carmarthenshire, mentioned above 
and in the extent ; so also Glastonia for Glascom, misread as Glaston, 
that is, Glasgwm ; Gronlan for Rhiwlen, which, like Colva, is a chapelry 
''dedicated" to St. David under Glasgwm ; Repetun, or Repecwn, let 
us say for Lann Degui CUpedec, that is, Kilpeck in Herefordshire, 
also probably after a Dewi other than the son of Non. All, then, that 
we can so far be certain of from the above list is, that at the time it 
was drawn up by Rhygyvarch or incorporated by him into his Vita 
S. David, within the second half of the eleventh century, St. David's 
had daughter foundations in the regio of Elvael in modem Radnor- 
shire; in Gowerland in modem Glamorganshire; in the reffio of 
Cydweli in modem Carmarthenshire ; and in the regio of Mynyw in 
modem Pembrokeshire. 

To these we must add, according to the Welsh life, two properties 
mentioned at the commencement of Rhygyvarch's Latin Ftto, 
namely, Linhenlanu (for Linhenlann^ near the river Teivi; and 
Maucanni monasterium, which was also known as Deposit! monas- 
terium. The former is identified in the Welsh life with Henllan 
on the river Teivi, and the other is referred to as Litoninancan 
{for Litonmaucan P) They appear to me to be represented to-day 
by Gljm Henllan in the parish of Cilgerran, and Llanveugan (pro- 
nounced Llanvoygan) in Bridell, in north-east Pembrokeshire, near 
the river Teivi. 

The next list of foundations owned by St. David's is that found in 
the poem Canu y Dewi, by Gwynvardd Brycheiniog, who flourished 
between 1160 and 1220. The^ are twenty or so in number, Mynyw 
or Stk David's; Maenordeivi; Llanddewi Brevi; Bangor Bsgor; 
Henllan ; Henvynyw ; Llanarth ; Meidrym ; Abergwyli ; Llanarthneu ; 
Llangadog Vawr ; Llanddewi'r Crwys ; Llangyvelach in Gower ; 
Llanvaes ; Llywel ; Gkirthbrengi ; Trallwng ; Glasgwm : Craig Y uruna ; 
and " Ystrad Uynhid". Here, in addition to the establishments in the 
modem counties of Pembroke, Carmarthen, Radnor, and Glamorgan, 
we find others in Cardiganshire and Breoonshire. 



1 1 8 Parochiale Wallicanum, 

Thus, notwithstanding the fact that it is the object of both 
Rhvgyrarch and the poet Gwynvardd Brycheinio^ to exalt St. David 
and nis see, they can recount no genuine foundation belongingto St. 
David*s outside the diocese. And it is auestionable whether in Rhy^- 
varch^s time there was a single David enured north of the river Teivi. 
The evidence seems to lead to the view that at the first St. David's 
monastery was a rival of St. Elvis in the regio of Mynyw, north of 
St. Bride s Bay in Pembrokeshire ; that there was an early struggle 
for the pre-eminence in this regio between David and Aelvyw ; that 
Mynyw became the chief religious establishment of Djrved, which at 
one time included Tstrad Towi ; that there was a struggle between 
St. David's and Llanbadam Vawr in upper Ceredigion, and with 
Llandav which claimed rights over the Teilo churches of south-west 
Wales ; and that ultimately St. David s became supreme throughout 
the Deheubarth (which did not include Morgannwg) ; and that last 
of all after having attained this position, it made the bold claim of 
being the centre and head of all Welsh Christianity. 

We are so accustomed to think of St. Davids as a kind of ecclesi- 
astical octopus sprawling at the westernmost point of North Pem- 
brokeshire and throwing its arms throughout Wales and the Devonian 
peninsula even to Brittany, that it comes to us as a kind of shock 
to be told that there is. not a single ancient foundation of St. David 
throughout the whole of North Wales. Add to this that the same 
applies to the northern portion of Cardiganshire ; that the David foun- 
dations of Monmouthshire and Herefordshire most probably belong in 
every instance to a David other than the patron saint; and that out- 
side Gower there is no really ancient and genuine David foundation in 
the whole of Glamorganshire. Add to this again that the evidence is 
little short of being convincingly in favour of the view that St. 
Davids grew ecclesiastically with the political growth of the Deheu- 
barth, and it will seem as though the actual St. David, who lived in 
Mynyw in the fifth century, has an altogether fictitious historic 
importance; in other words, it would seem as though St. David is not 
so important as St. Davids. 



ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA. 

Page 29, read after line 19, Llanyoevn. 

Page 31, read after line 8, Grinow, Teilo. 

Page 56, read after line 25, Qlywn Henllan, 

Page 95, line 15, delete Melrlon, Meirion, later. The note may stand, 

but I have misread Mr. Phillimore in F Cym,, ix, 177, note 7. 
Page 97, read after line 14, 

Llanvair juxta Harleoh, St. Mary Bp. of Bangor. 

Uanyrothen, Brothen Bp. of Bangor. 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 



119 



Pbimitite Saints of Wausb. 



Aaron, 75 
Aeddan, 29 
Aelhaearn, 84, 109 
Aelrhiw, 87 
Aelvyw, 29 
Alban, 75 
Anhaelog, 86 
AnhuD, vl 
Anno, 44, 92 
Arthen, 74 
Arthiieu, 50 
Asa, 101, 
"Audoenus", 79 
Avan, 39, 61, 90 

"Bacellmu8",91 

Baglan, 69, 84 

Barrwg, 65, 74 

"Bedeui'',79 [108 

Beuno, 41, 84, 86-7, 91-3,96, 101, 

Bilo, 39 

Bleddian, 70 

Bledrws, 58 

Blenwydd, 94 

Boda, 85 

Bodvan, 85 

Briog, 60 

Bro&en, 118. 

Bryuach, 39, 47, 51, 66, 58, 71 

Buan, 86 

"Budoc",34-5 

Gadog, 29, 37, 48, 52-3, 55, 65-9, 

71, 73, 75, 93 
Cadvan, 52, 96, 109 
Cadvarch, 86, 109 
Cadwaladr,78,91-2, 106 
Caean, 92 
Cafifo, 92 
Gain, 46, 53, 70 
Gallwen, 36, 59 
Ganna, 47, 70 
Ganten, 40 
Garadog, 32-4 
Garanno^, 58, 60 
Garon, 61 
Gathen, 52 

Gawrdav, 61, 67, 86, 94 
Gedol, 84 
Gedwyn, 106 
Geidio, 86, 90 



Geinwen, 92 

Geitho, 50, 62 

Geler, 55 

Gelynin, 50, 85, 96 

Geneu, 37-8 

Cewydd, 30, 42-3, 71 

Giau,86 

"Ginficc", 81 

Girig, 47, 58, 78, 85, 98 

Giviw, 78, 81 

Giwan, 73 

Giwg, 54 

Glydai, 55 

Glydog, 41 

Glydwyn, 47 

GoUen, 106 

Golman, 30, 56 

Gonstantine, 102, 112 

Goven, 81 

Gowair, 108 

Grallo, 69 

Grbtiohis, 56, 92 

Gwyan, 70 

Gwyvan, 87, 93, 97, 100 

Gybi, 60, 81, 87, 96 

Gyffig,48 

Gymyn, 47 

Gynbnrd, 103 

Gynddylig, 62 

Gyndeym, 49 

Gyngar, 63, 66, 70, 92, 96, 102 

Gynnaeam, 96 

C^mhaval, 97 

Gjmheiddon, 49 

Gynidr, 35-8, 43 

Cynin, 48 

GynUo, 44-5, 60 

Gynnor, 49 

Gynnydd, 54-5. 

Gynog, 29, 35-7, 39-40, 42, 47, 81, 110 

Gynon, 60 

Gynvab, 51 

Gynvarch, 80, 97 

Gynvarwy, 90 

Cynvelyn, 62 

Gynvran, 103 

Gynvwr, 53 

Gynwraidd, 74 

Gynwyd, 70 

Gynwyl, 46, 50, 58, 86 

C^myw, 110 



t20 



Parochtale Wallicanum. 



Cyyelach, 64 

Darog, 51 

David, 28-30, 33, 86-7, 40, 42-5, 
47-54, 56-61, 71, 73, 75, 80, 82 
Began, 27 
Degyman, 82, 39 
Demiol, 82, 61, 77, 84, 90, 108, 113 
Deiniol Vab, 92 
Deiniolen, 84 
Denrel, 82, 108 
Detty, 37 
Dial, 82 
Dier, 100 

Digain Vrenhin, 103 
Dingad, 51, 72 
Doe wan, 106 
Doged, 103 

Dogvael, 29^, 57-8, 91 
Dona, 93 
Dubricius, 40 
Dunod (of Myn3rw), 28 
Dunwyd, 70-1 
Dwynwen, 91 
Dwywe, 97 
Dyddgu, 49 
Dyvan, 67 
Dyvnan, 93 
Dyvnog, 97 

Edern, 66, 86-7 
Edi, 49 
Edreu, 27 
Edwen, 92 

E^ad, 52-8 
Eigion, 41 
EiSwedd, 86 
Einion Vrenhin, 86 
Elaeth, 93 
Elen, 54, 78 (84) 
Eleri, 103 
Elian, 94, 103 
"Elicguid", 66 
Elidan, 97 
Bliddan, 68 
Elldeyrn, 68 
EUi. 87, 49 
Enddwyn, 97 
Enghenedl, 90 
Erbyn, 105 
"Bruen", 81 
Brvyl, 109 
Erw, 56 



Euddog, 93 
Euddogwy, 81 
Eugrad, 94 
Eurgain, 101 
Evrddyl, 81 
Ewryd, 94 



''Faufltinus*', 91 
"Febric^80 
Ffagan, 68 
Ffinan, 92 
Fflewin, 90 

Ffraid, 34, 39-40, 43, 58, 60, 62, 68, 
71, 73-4, 79, 88, 103, 106, 108, 110 

Gallgo, 94 

Gannon, 45, 84, 96, 104-6, 109-10 

Gartheli, 61 

Gastayn, 37 

Gerein, 79 

Goronwy, 74 

Govan, 31 

Gredivael, 95 

Grwst, 104 

Gwaryn, 79 

Gwddin, 102, 106 

Gwen, 39 

Gwenarth, 74 

Gwenddydd, 58 

Gwenllwyvo, 98 

Gwennog, 60 

Gwennold, 74 

Gwenvaen, 91 

Gwenvrewi, 100, 103 

Gwenvron, 58 

Gwenvyl, 61 

GwladuB, 66 

"Gwnlet", 49 

Gwrdav, 50 

Gwrddelw, 92 

Gwrhai, 98 

Gwrin, 109 

Gwrthwl, 40, 50 

Gwrvyw, 84 

Gwyddalus, 59 

Gwyddelan, 85, 108 

Gwyddvarch, 110 

Gwyn, 50 

Gwyndav, 27, 61, 84 

Gwyndeym, 90 

Gwynen, 61 

Gwyngar, 28 

Gwyngeneu, 88 



Parochiale Wallicanum. 



121 



Gwynhoedl, 86 
GwyiiiOy 47 
Gwynlleu, 63 . 
Gwynll vw, 62, 76 
Gwynnm, 86, 87 
Gwynno, 87, 60, 67 
Gwynnog, 83, 41, 98, 108 
Gwjnnwr, 27, 64 
Gwynoro, 60 
Gwynws, 61 
Gwytherin, 73 
Gwythwr, 68 

Howel, 27 
"Huui", 81 
Hychan, 97 
Hyledd, 73 
Hywyn, 86 

Idloes, 98 

lestin, 87, 94 

leuan, 90 

Ilan, 66 

Uar, 62 

lUog, 109 [96 

Illtyd, 36, 49, 63-4, 66, 66-7, 70-1, 

Ilud, 36, 71 

Ina, 69 

IsaD, 66 

Isfiiu, 37 

"Jarmen", 80 
Julius, 76 
Justinian, 27-9 

"Kewir,34 

Llawddog, 60, 66 
Llechid, 86 
Ueuci, 61 
Llibio, 90 
Uonio, 98 
Uowel, 37, 81 
Llowes, 43 
Lluan, 61 
Uwch, 46 

Llwchaearn, 60-1, 108 
Llwni, 62 
Llyddgen, 49 
Llyr, 46, 63 
Llywelyn, 110 

Mable, 73 
Mabon, 66 



Maches, 79 
Machreth, 90, 96 
"Machutus", 73 
"Macmoil",74 
Madog, 33-4, 40, 64 
Madrun, 97 
Mael, 107 

Maelog, 36, 39, 44, 49, 89 
Maelon, 46 
Maelrhys, 86 
Maeihlu, 90 
Mallteg, 47 
MarceUus, 90 
MarceUinus, 90 
Marcheli, 104 
Mechell, 91 
Meddwyd, 97 
Meilig,43 
Meilyr, 80 
Meirian, 91 
MelangeU, 110 
Merin, 87 

Meugan,89,66,68,94,97 
Meuthi. See Tathan. 
"Mirginr, 81 
Morlutearn, 91 
Movor, 78 
Mwrog, 90, 98 
Myllin, 110 
Mynno, 67 

Nidan, 92 

Nisien, 81 

Non, 28, 42, 49, 63, 62 

Nunyd, 71 

Odo, 87 

Pabo, 90 
Padam, 4^, 61 
Patrick, 28, 32, 68 
Padrig,89 
Peblig, 84 
Pedrog, 32, 61, 86 
Peirio, 94 
Perin, 66 
Peris, 84, 86 
Perwas, 90 
Peulan, 89 
Peulin, 38, 61 

Rhedyw,84 
Rheithan, 27 
Rhian, 27 



122 



Parochiale WallicanuM. 



Rbiell, 68 
Rhwydrys, 90 
Rhychwyn, 85 
Rhyddlad. 90 
Rhystud, 62 

Sadwrn, 50, 94, 103 
Sadymin, 47 
Saeran, 98 
Saints, the Nine, 89 

„ the Seven, 28 

„ the Three, 81 

„ the Twelve, 38 
Samlet, 54 
Sannan, 74, 90, 104 
Sawel, 50 
Seiriol, 85, 95 
Silian, 61 
Silin, 80, 63, 106 
"Sulbiu",41 
Sulifin, 107 

Tangwn, 94 

Tanwg, 97 

Tathan, 66, 72, 75 

Tavaud, 78 

Tecwyn, 97 

Tegai, 85 

Tegle, 44, 105 

Tegvan, 93 

Tegvedd, 80 

TeUo, 30-3, 36, 43, 47-8, 50-5, 66, 

72-3, 118 
Teloy, 27 
Tenoi, 27 



Teulyddog, 46 

Tewdng, 79 

Tewdwr ab Howel, 75 

Tridian, 28-9, 54 

TriUo, 103, 108 

Trinio, 109 

Tudglyd, 85 

Tudno, 85 

Tudiir, 109 

Tudwal, 86 

Tudwen, 87 

Twrog, 84, 87, 97 

Tybie, 51 

T^ddwg, 71 

Tydecho, 94, 107, 109 

Tydiwg, 111 

Tydvil, 67, 71 

Tydystl, 52 

Tygwv, 59 

Tyneio, 87 

Tyrnog, 97 

Tysilio, 47, 60, 95, 104, 109-10 

Tysoy, 81 

Tysul, 60, 108 

Tyvalle, 41 

T^vanog, 29 

Tyvodwg, 67, 70 

Tyvrydog, 94 

Ulched, 89 
Uet, 26 
Usyllt, 32 

Ystyffan, 43, 47 
Ysvael, 30, 33-4, 49 



Patbons of Welsh Eoolbsiabtigal Bbneficbs at thb Evb of 

TBB RiSB OF WbLSH METHODISM. 



Archdeacon of Brecon, 36, 43 

„ Llandaff, 68, 71, 

78, 80, 82 

BiBhop of Bangor, 84-7, 89-98, 118 
„ Chester, 52, 84 
„ Gloucester, 36, 43, 75 
„ Llandaff, 53, 74-5 
„ St. Asaph, 100-10 
„ St. David's, 27-33, 36, 
39-40, 42-55, 58-63 

Cambridge, Christ's College, 32 
„ St. John's Coflege, 32 



Chancellor of Llandaff, 68 
Chapter of Bangor, 84 
„ Bristol, 74-5 
„ Gloucester, 66, 67, 70 
„ Llandaff, 65-8, 70^, 

75, 79-82 
„ Winchester, 48, 105 
„ Windsor, 38-9 
„ Worcester, 111 
Church of St. David*s, 28, 30 
Corporation of Haverfordwest, 33 
Crown, 26-37,*48, 46-50, 53^1, 66, 
68-9, 71-4, 80, 82, 84, 89, 101, 107, 
111-2 



Parochiale Walttcanum. 



123 



Dean of Westminster, 97 
Dr. Winter, 37 

Duke.of Beaufort, 37-9, 75, 77, 
79^2, 112 

„ Powis, 107 

„ Somerset, 49 
Earl of Leicester, 09, 71 

„ Oxford and Mortimer, 111 

„ Pembroke, 92, 96 
Eton College, 75-6, 80 

Free School of Salop, 112 
Freehold Inhabitants, 47, 56, 62 

Heirs of Mr. Wiltiams, 35 
Hospital of Clun, 111 

Ladv Radd, 50 

Lord Abergavenny, 72-4 

„ Ashbornham, 39, 41, 49 

„ Brook, 69, 73 

„ Bulkelv, 85, 93 

„ Gage, 111 

„ Mansel, 54-5, 69-72 

„ Windsor, 65, 67-6, 70, 74, 
80-2 
Lord Viscount Hereford, 32 
Lords of Gemes (Lloyd and 

Vaughan), 56-8 

Marquis of Winchester, 53, 55 
Mr. AUen, 34 

„ Angel, 53 

„ Barlow, 30,32 

„ Miles Bassett, 65 

„ Blodworth, 46 

„ Bray, 81 

„ Bowen, 30, 32-3 

„ Button, 68 

„ Campbell, 31-3 

„ Came, 69 

„ CeciU, 74 

„ Comwallis, 50, 53 

„ John Curre, 71 

„ Robert Davis, 100 

„ Deeds, 32 

„ Edwards, 104 

„ Edwin, 66, 69-71 

„ Evans, 73 

„ Feilding, 80 

„ Fowler, 35 

„ Gore, 78, 80 

„ Griffith, 87 



Mr. Francis Gwynn, 66 
„ Ed. Harley, 41-2 
„ Herbert, 54-6, 66-6, 68, 71 
„ Henry Arthur Herbert, 96 
„ John How, 82 
„ Howel, 58 
„ Hudson, 30 
„ Hughes, 74, 82 
„ Richard Hughes, 108 
„ Jeflfrys, 36-7, 77, 79^ 
„ Jones, 35, 37, 47 
„ Robert Jones, 68 
„ Thomas Jones, 67 
„ William Jones, 73 
„ Lanoy, 98 
„ Llaugham, 34 
„ Lewi8,41,50, 68, 71, 79 
„ Lloyd, 53, 58, 113 
„ Lloyd of Bristc^, 79 
„ Robert Lloyd, 107 
„ Thomas Lloyd, 92, 96 
„ Lord, 77 
„ Mansel, 47 
„ Matthews, 68 
„ Meers, 47 
„ Meyrick, 31 
„ J. Middleton, 106 
„ Milboume, 74 
„ Morgan, 50, 65, 73-4, 79, 81 
„ Nicholas, 80 
„ Owen, 34-5 
„ Parry, 37 
„ Penry, 69 
„ Philips, 39 
„ Popham,65,67 
„ Powel,37, 74 
„ Gabriel Powel, 38 
„ Puleston, 113 
„ Rumsey, 80 
„ Rutter,86 
„ Scourfield, 30, 56 
„ Scudamore, 73 
„ Evan Seys, 65, 69 
„ Sidney, 66 
„ Stedman, 47 
„ Turberville, 69-71 
„ Vann. 79 
„ Vaughan, 27, 40-1 
„ Warren, 57-8 
„ Waters, 39 81 
„ Weaver, 109 
„ Wellington, 41 
„ WilliamB,80 



124 



ParochiaU Wallicanunt. 



Mr. Wogan, 29-SO 
„ Woolford, 30 
„ W. Williams Wynne, 104 

Mrs. Davies, 80 
y, Edwards, 71 
„ Gunter, 72-3 
„ Harcourt, 40 
,, Lister, 79 
„ Lloufrher, 71 

Oxford, All Souls College, 48, 64-6 
„ Jesus College, 60, 100 

Parishioners, 36 

Prebendary of Boughrood, 42 

„ Caerau, 66, 79, 81 

„ Oarthbrengi, 36 

„ Llandrindod, 46 

„ Llandysilio, 47 

„ Uangan, 47 

„ Uangwm, 81 

„ Llangynllo, 46 

„ Llanwrthwl, 40 

„ Llechryd, 60 

„ MathiT, 28 

„ Mochcu^, 46 

„ St. Nicholas, 29 



Prebendary of Trallwng, 37 

„ Warthacwm, 81 

Precentor of St. David's, 27, 69 
Prince of Wales, 41, 84, 91-2, 96-7, 

103 
Sir John Awbrey, 67-8, 72 

„ John Bridgman, 107 

„ Wm. Compton, 112 

„ John Cope, 33 

„ Richard Fowler, 44 

„ Stephen Glynn, 113 

„ Thos. Hanmer, 118 

„ Charles Kemmeys, 39, 66-7, 
74^,81 

„ Arthur Owen, 31-8 

„ John Packington, 38 

„ John Philips, 30, 33-4 

„ Thomas Stepney, 29, 32, 36, 
66 

„ Edward Stradling, 68, 70-2 

„ Edward Thomas, 68 

„ Richard Walter, 34 

„ Edward Williams, 36, 41 

„ Geo. Williams, 104 

„ Hopton Williams, 80-2 
Treasurer of Brecon College, 39 
„ Llandaff, 80 



^5e C^ronofojg of (gt^Jur. 

By thb Rev. A, W. Wade-Evanb, 
Vicar of France Lynch, Olos, 



" Wele'n awr y mae ein taith o'r diwedd wedi ein harwain ni hyd 
at vrenhinllys y penadur dieithr ac animadadwy hwnnw ay wedi peri 
cymaint o ddyryswch i hanesyddion a chwilwyr llenyddol yn yr 
oesoedd diweddar." Garnhuanawc (1836-1842). 

CHAPTER I. 

(a) Evidence of the Ezcidium Brittaniae, 

In ch. 26 of the Exeidium BrUtaniae the siege of 
Badonicus Mons is given as occurring in ^Hhe forty-foarth 
year with one month abready elapsed". Bede^ in his 
Hisiaria Eccleeiastica i, 16, interpreted this passage as 
meaning the forty-fourth year from the Advent of the 
Saxons into Brittania at Yortigem's invitation. According 
to the Bedan date of this last event (449), the siege would 
have taken place in (449 + 43) =492. According to a British 
date (428), it would be (428+43)=471; and as the annalistic 
year in the fifth century commenced on September 1st with 
the indiction, 471 would mean our September 1st, 470, to 
August 31st, 171. If, then, the siege took place when the 
first month of the year had already elapsed, the date 
would be October, 470. 

(6) Evidence of the so-called Annales Cambriae. 

Two incidents in Arthur's life are dated in the so-called 
Annales Cambriae as follows : — 

Annus lxxii. The Battle of Badon, in which 
Arthur carried the cross of our Lord Jesus 
Christ, for three days and three nights on his 
shoulders, and the Britons were victorious. 



126 The Chronology of Arthur. 

Annus xciii. The Action of Camlann, in which 
Arthur and Medraut perished. 

In the era of the AnnaJss CamhriaSf Annus lxxii g^ves 
(446 + 71)=516,* which dpes not correspond with '^the 
forty-fourth year" of the Exddium BrUianiae whether this 
forty-fourth year be computed from 428 or 449. Nor does it 
give satisfaction if we equate the forty-fourth year with 516, 
and then compute backwards for the equivalent of Annus 
I, because we merely reach (616 minus 43)=478, which 
is otherwise unknown as an initial year for chronological 
calculation. In no way can we make Annus lxxii tally 
with the forty-fourth year of the Exdiium BrUianiae by 
any calculation from initial years which are known to have 
been used for purposes of chronology, except by computing 
Annus lxxii from that year of Stilicho's consulship 
which is actually used as an initial year in the calculations 
which preface MS. A of the Annales Cambria*, viz., the 
year 400. If Annus lxxii be computed from this year of 
Stilicho's consulship, we get 400+71=471; and as 471 
means our Sept. 1st, 470 to Aug. 31st, 471, and as the 
siege occurred in the second month, we again arrive at 
October 470. 

The other Arthurian annal from the same initial year 
gives as the date of the Action of Camlann and Arthur's 

1 There are still many students who do not seem to have observed 
that the editorial equation of Annus I of the so-called Annaieg 
Cambriae with the year 444 is in flat contradiction to the editorial 
equations of the other Anni of this chronicle, which are all based on 
the equation of Annus I with 446. For example, if Annus lxxii in the 
era of the Annates Cambriae is 616, as everybody agrees, then Annus I 
cannot possibly be 444. Surely it is not necessary to have to explain 
that if Annus lxxii in the era of the Annale$ Cambriae is the 
equivalent of 616, as everybody agrees, tiie way to 6nd the equivalent 
of Annus I is to subtract from 616 not 72 but 71 ; or must it be set 
forth in sober print that if Annus II be 446, Annus I will not be 446 
ffimiw 2P 



The Chronology of Arthur. 127 

death therein (400 + 92) =492, that is, mr Sept. Ist, 491 
to Aug. 31st, 492. 

(c) Evidence of the Historia Brittonum. 

In ch. 56 of the Historia Brittonvm, the statement that 
Arthur "carried the image of Saint Mary, perpetual virgin, 
on his shoulders, and the pagans were put to flight on that 
day, and a great slaughter was inflicted on them through 
the power of our Lord Jesus Christ, and through the power 
of Saint Mary, his mother" is associated with Arthur's 
eighth victory, viz., the Battle of Castelium Guinnion, and 
not with the Battle of Mons Badonis. 

As to the Battle of Mons Badonis, Arthur is described 
as having slain 940 or 960 or 440 men in one day ; and it 
is particularly stated that he did this by himself without 
assistance. 

{d) Evidence of the Historia Begum Brittaniae. 

In Book ix, ch. 1, Geoffrey states that Arthur was in 
his fifteenth year when he began to reign, but does not 
give the interval of time which elapsed between his suc- 
cession to power and his first attack on his foreign foe. 
As he mentions twelve years of the reign in Book iz, 
ch. 10, and another nine years in the following chapter, 
Arthur must have ruled at least twelve plvs nine, or twenty 
one years. 

In the same ch. 11 of Book ix Arthur is made to land 
in Gkiul, which is said to have been committed at that time 
to the charge of a certain FloUo, tribune of Bome, under 
the Emperor Leo. This Emperor Leo must either be 
Leo I, who ruled in the East from 457 to 474, or his suc- 
cessor Leo II, who only ruled for a few months in 474 ; 
for the next emperor of this name did not live till the 
eighth century. Leo is mentioned again as Arthur's eon- 



128 The Chronology of Arthur. 

temporary in Book x, ch. 6, and in Book xi, ch. 1. As 
Arthur reigned db least twenty one years, and the two 
Leos only seventeen years between them, a pprtion of 
Arthur's regnal period must have fallen within the years 
457 to 474, and another portion must have fallen outside 
them. 

In Book viii, ch. 20, GeofErey tells us that Arthur had 
a sister called Anna, who was married to Lot (Book viii, 
ch. 21) and became the mother of Walvanus (Gwalchmai). 
When Arthur had reached at least the twelfth year^f his 
reign (Book ix, ch. 10), Walvanus was in his twelfth year, 
having already received arms from Pope Sulpicius or 
Suplicius, into whose service Arthur had sent him 
(Book ix, ch. 11). This Pope can be no other than Pope 
Simplicius, who ruled from 468 to 483. As Arthur's 
reign reached a tenth year after receiving the boy from 
Pope Simplicius (Book ix, ch. 11 ; Book x, ch 13), it must 
have extended to a tenth year from one of those during 
which Simplicius was Pope, that is, Arthur's reign must 
have terminated from (468+9) to (483+9), that is, from 
477 to 492. It is certain therefore that Arthur ruled 
at least three years after the death of the Emperors 
Leo I and II in 474; and also that Arthur died sometime 
from 477 to 492. 

In Book ix, ch. 4, Geoffrey unexpectedly and as it 
would seem imwUtingly clears up the mystery surround- 
ing Arthur's slaughter of 940 or 960 or 440 men at Mons 
Badonis by giving the number as 470, which is now seen 
to be none other than the date of the battle in our own 
familiar era. How the blunder in the Hiatoria BritUmum 
originally arose is not easy to determine. **In uno die 
dccccxl," etc., may be a misreading for some form of "in 
a d cccclxx" that is, in anno domini cccclxx; or there 
may be some other explanation. But in any case Geoffrey 



The Chronology of Arthur. 1 29 

seems to have copied the number 470, which in the light 
of our other evidence^ and especially in the light of the 
evidence of Geoffrey himself, is clearly a date in the 
Dionysian era. 

Geoffrey therefore hey(mdi all doubt is following a con- 
sistent tradition which places Arthur's victories and death 
within the last half of the fifth century. But that he 
overlooked the limits of time postulated by his references 
to Pope Simplicius and the Emperor Leo appears evident 
from the very definite date to which he ascribes Arthur's 
defeat in Book xi, ch. 2, namely, the year 542. In giving 
this definite date Geoffrey departs from his usual practice, 
and as by so doing he here dislocates the chronology 
which he appears to be unwittingly following, it is clearly 
an importation from another source. The date 542 is as 
designed as the implicit dates demanded by the references 
to Pope and Emperor are undesigned. What then is 
Geoffrey's authority for 542 as the year of Arthur's fall at 
Camlan ? I do not hesitate to say that it is the Annalea 
Cambridef in which, as we have seen, Camlan is placed 
opposite Annus zciii. Geoffrey equated Annus i with the 
Bedan date of the Saxon Advent, viz., 449, to which he 
simply added according to his wont Annus xciii with the 
above result (449 +93) =542. 

As Arthur was in his fifteenth year when be began to 
reign, and as the parents assigned to him by Geoffrey, 
namely, Uther and Igerna, came together after XJther had 
been made king, XJther must have reigned at least fifteen 
years. 

In Book viii, chs. 14 and 15, the death of Aurelius 
Ambrosius, whom XJther succeeded, is made to synchronize 
with the appearance of a comet of extraordinary brilliance 
and magnitude. The only phenomenon of this description, 
which our chronology allows, is the comet which appeared 



130 The Chronology of Arthur. 

in the winter of 442-3. It is mentioned by Idatius and 
Maroellinus, and was visible in Britain. In the following 
Easter Uther meets Igema (viii, 19) , marrying her soon 
afterwards, Arthur's birth occurring probably the next 
year, viz., 444. As Arthur was in his fifteenth year 
when he began to reign, Uther must have ruled till 
(444+14)=468. This would mean that Arthur was a 
contemporary of the Emperors Leo I, Leo II, and Zeno. 

Assuming now that Arthur won at Mons Badonis in 
October 470, let us follow GeoflPrey's chronology of sub- 
sequent events in Arthur's career, which I read as 
follows : — 

ix, 8. Arthur is made to celebrate the following 

Christmas at York, t.e., Christmas, 470. 
ix, 10. Arthur is made to land in Ireland in the 
following summer, i.e., the summer of 471. 
Arthur is made to return to Britain at the 
close of winter, i.e., the close of winter, 472. 
Arthur is made to remain in Britain, ordering 
the affairs of his realm till the twelfth year, 
i.e. 472 + 11=483. 
ix, 11. In 483, then, Arthur is made to attack 
Norway, Denmark, and Gaul. At this time 
Walvanus is in his twelfth year, having re- 
ceived arms from Pope Simplicius, who, as 
a matter of fact, died in this very year, 483. 
Walvanus, therefore, was bom in 472. In 
the ninth year Arthur is made to return to 
Britain in early spring, t.6., the early spring 
of {483+8)=491. 
ix, 12. Arthur is made to celebrate the Whitsun 

Festival at Caerlleon, t.c, Whitsun, 491. 
ix, 15. The Bomans are made to order Arthur's 
appearance at Bome by the middle of August 



The Chronology of Arthur. 131 

in the following year, i.e., mid-August, 492. 
For some five years previous to Whitsun, 491, 
Arthur had engaged in no war (cf. also x, 7), 
t.6. (491 minw 4) to 491, {.6., 487 to 491. 
ix, 20 ; X, 2. Arthur is made to start for Rome at 

the beginning of August, t.e., August, 491. 

X, 13. Arthur is made to remain subduing the 

cities of the Allobroges in Gaul throughout 

the following winter, i.e., 491-2 ; and with the 

opening summer to ascend the mountain passes 

for the City of Rome, i.e., the opening summer 

of 492. At this point the news arrives of 

Modred's rebellion. 

xi, 1. Arthur is made to hurry back to Britain, 

postponing his expedition against the Emperor 

^'Leo". Battles are fought in rapid succession 

at Bichborough, Winchester, and Camlan. 

In the latter Arthur falls, presumably in the 

summer of 492. 

Geoffrey was certainly wrong in continuing the reign 

of the Emperor Leo to the year of Arthur's defeat at 

Camlan, for both Leos died in 474 ; and, as we have seen, 

the reference to Pope Simplicius and Walvanus extends 

Arthur's reign years after the death of the Leos, and 

indeed makes Arthur's reign to terminate from 477 to 

492. 

CHAPTER II. 

Badonicus Mons. 

(a) Evidence of the so-called Annales Cambriae. 

The earliest MS. extant of the document, which now 

goes under the unssltisfactory title of Annales Cambriae^ 

contains two entries, whicli I read as follows : — 

Annus lxxii. — The Battle of Badon, in which 

Arthur carried the cross of our Lord Jesus 

k2 



132 The Chronology of Arthur. 

Christ for three days and three nights on his 
shoulders; and the Britons were the van- 
quishers. 
Annus ccxxi. — ^The Battle of Badon for the second 
time. 
The first of these, as we have seen, refers to an event 
which took place in October, 470, a.d. 

The second is presumably an event of the latter half of 
the 7th century, for Annus ccxxi, in the era of the 
Anwdes Cambriaef is 445+220=665. 

(b) Evidence of the Historia Brittonum. 

The Annalea Camhriae (MS. A) was compiled about the 
mid-tenth century as a continuation of the Higtaria 
Brittonum and the other writings, which are associated 
with the name of Nennius, or, at least, as an addition to 
them. The Historia Brittonum, therefore, is the older 
authority. 

In the enumeration of Arthur's twelve victories in ch. 
56 of the Historia Brittonum the following items appear 
among others : — 

The eighth was the battle at Castellum Guinnion, in 

which Arthur carried the image of Saint Mary, 

perpetual Virgin, on his shoulders, and the 

Pagans were put to flight on that day, and a 

great slaughter was inflicted on them through 

the power of our Lord Jesus Christ and through 

the power of Saint Mary his mother. 

The twelfth was the battle at Mons Badonis, in 

which 960 men fell in one day through one 

onset of Arthur; and no one overthrew them 

except himself alone. 

Now it will be immediately observed that the portage 

of Christian symbols on Arthur's shoulders is stated in 



The Chronology of Arthur. I33 

the older tradition of the Historia Brittonum to have 

occurred in the battle of Castellum Guinnion and not 

in that of Mons Badonis. And as the battle of Castellum 

Guinnion became much less known than that of Mons 

Badonis (which last indeed has long been world famous), 

there would be a greater and an increasing tendency to 

ascribe these particulars, whereby Arthur figures as a 

Champion of Christendom, to the battle of Badon rather 1 

than the reverse. The older tradition, therefore, of the ^ 

Historia BrUtonum is to be preferred to the later statement 

of the Anrudes Cambriaey and the original pre-eminence 

of the battle of Castellum Guinnion in this particular 

is to be restored as against the battle of Badon. 

Indeed, if we omit the statement as to the slaughter of 
960 men in the battle of Badon (which we have seen to be 
a mere bungle as to a simple date in the Dionysian era), it 
will be found that in the list of Arthur's victories the 
battle of Castellum Guinnion stands alone as to any 
record of details. The list, translated from Mommsen's 
text, reads as follows : — 

The first battle was at the mouth of the river which is 
called Glein. 

The second, third, fourth, and fifth, on another river 
which is called Dubglas, and is in the region of Linnuis. 

The sixth battle on the river which is called Bassas. 

The seventh was the battle in the wood of Celidon, that 
is Cat Coit Celidon. 

The eighth was the battle at Castellum Guinnion, in 
which Arthur carried the image of Saint Mary, perpetual 
virgin, on his shoulders, and the Pagans were put to flight 
on that day, and a great slaughter was inflicted on them 
through the power of our Lord Jesus Christ and through 
the power of Saint Mary the Virgin, his mother. 

The ninth battle was fought in the city of Legion. 



134 ^^^ Chronotogy of Arthur. 

The tenth battle occurred on the shore of the river 
which is called Tribruit. 

The eleventh battle took place on the mountain which 
is called Agned. 

The twelfth battle was at Mons Badonis, wherein 960 
men fell in one day through one onset of Arthur ; and no 
one overthrew them except himself alone. 

The contrast between the treatment of the battle of 
Castellum Guinnion and that of the rest appears to give 
this victory an importance which pertains to none of the 
others, not even to Mons Badonis. 

Moreover, whereas all the texts used by Mommsen are 
in general agreement as to the first ten battles, the 
reverse is the case as to the last two. The confusion is so 
great that all the Irish MSS. not only omit the names of 
the final victories including Badon, but omit the eleventh 
altogether, leaping from the tenth to the twelfth. 
Agned is left out by M and N, which give the 
eleventh as "Breguoin (or Breuoin) which we call Cat 
Bregion". This last is omitted by H and K, whilst no less 
than six MSS., viz., C, D, G, L, P, and Q, jumble the 
two names together thus, ^^ which is called agned cath 
regomion {or agned cat bregomion or agnet tha brego- 
mion)." MS. P like the Irish MSS., omits the name 
of Mons Badonis but gives the rest of the statement 
as to the twelfth battle. We have thus five MSS. 
giving thirteen names for Arthur's twelve victories ; and 
as the confusion is confined to the last two victories, the 
disturbing cause must be sought for in that quarter. 

There are clearly three claimants for the two final 
victories, namely, Agned, Breguoin, and Mons Badonis; 
and of these three it may be said at once that the chances 
for retention in the list were all in favour of Mons 
Badonis. The mention of the ^^obsessio Badonici montis" 



The Chronology of Arthur, 135 

in the Exeidium Brittanias, and the acceptation of that 
document by Bede, who not only incorporated it largely 
into the text of his Historia Ecclesiasticay but at least 
hinted (Book i, ch. 22) that it was a work of Gildas, were 
favourable to the cause of Badon's renown. Therefore of 
the three names, if one had to be ejected, it was not likely 
to be Badon. And so some omitted Agned and others 
Breguoin, but most jumbled the two together, the object 
being to find room for Badon at all cost«. 

It is thus practically certain that the Mons Badonis 
victory was not originally in the list of Arthur's 
triumphs^ but was introduced under the influence of the 
Exeidium BrUianiae and of Bede. Once introduced it 
began to cause the confusion which we now see in every 
text of the the Arthurian tractate which has come down 
to us. 

The victory of Badonicus Mons is clearly stated in the 

Exeidium Brittaniae to have been due to unexpected 

assistance. This is contradicted in the Historia Brittonum 

where Arthur wins unaided. 

"Y cyvrywr yw hanes Arthur vel y ceir ev yng ngwaith Nennius; 
ac oddieithr y rhivedi anghyffredin a haerir iddo ladd ai law ei hun, 
nid oes dim yn yr hanes i gyffroi amheuaeth perthy tiol iw hanvoiliad. 
A gall vod peth anghywirdeb yn yr ail ysgriviad oV rhivedi yma; 
canys y maeV Brut wrth grybwyll am yr un vrwydr, sev Mynydd 
Badon, yn djrwedyd mai 470 oedd y rhivedi a laddodd. Ond bydded 
hyn vel y bo, nid rhyw un haeiiad oV vath hwn sy ddigon i 
ddymchwelyd hanesiad cyvan ; onide, nid ami y gwelem hanes 
awdurdodol yn perthyn i un genedl ba bynnag. A meddyliav am 
yr ysgrivenyddion a amheua hanvodiad Arthur na ddarvu iddynt 
erioed ystyried ei wir banes, ond yn unig edrych ar y fifugdraethodeu 
a geir yn y Brut aV hen gyvansoddiadeu ereill o'r canoloesoedd/' 

Carnhuanawc, 1836-1842. 

(c) Evidence of the Historia Begum Brittaniae. 

In Book ix, 3, 4, GeofPrey unhesitatingly locates Mons 
Badonis at Bath, and, in his description of the battle. 



136 The Chronology of Arthur. 

states of Arthur that he bore '^ on his shoulders the shield 
called Priwen, in which was painted an image of Saint 
Mary, mother of God, which frequently recalled her to 
his memory". This, together with the number 470 lower 
down (with which we have already dealt), shews that 
Geoffrey had before him a less corrupt tradition than has 
otherwise reached us, for the reference to the shield in- 
dicates that the account of the portage on Arthur's 
shoulders is due to a misreading of iscuidy shoulder, for 
iscuit^ shield. Geoffrey, of course, in his account combines 
the purer and corrupter elements, but leaves enough to 
shew that he knew and was using a purer tradition. 

Y mae'r geirieu Cymraeg, ysgwyd, tartarif ae ysgwydd, aeiod o'r 
corff, mor gyffefyb yn emoedig tnetm hen gsgriveu vel y byddaCn ktncdd 
eu catMyniad ; ac yn lie cyvieithu ar ei darian rhoddi ar ei ysgwyddeu. 
Ac y mae [Sieffre Vyntoy"] yn rJioddCr ymadrodd yn vwy eglur yn y 
modd canlynolf Humeris quoque suis clypeum vocabulo Priwen in quo 
imago sanctae Mariae, etc., ac ar ei ysgwyddeu darian a elwid Priwen 
a Uun Mair santaidd ami, Garnhuanawc, 1886-1842. 

(d) Evidence of the Excidium Brittaniae. 

According to the Excidium Brittaniae the Saxons first 
settled in Britain no small interval after a.d. 446. They 
came as auxiliaries^ but soon found a pretext to rebel, and 
drove the Britons completely from the eastern portion of 
southern Britain to "the western ocean", "from sea to 
sea"; all that was left to the Britons were the mountains, 
forests, and sea-islands of the west. 

After the Britons had thus been completely driven into 
the western uplands of southern Britain, they gathered 
together under Ambrosius Aurelianus, lest they should be 
utterly destroyed, and won their first victory. Not a word 
is said of the Britons recovering any lost ground, only that 
they managed owing to this victory to save themselves 
from total extermination. 



The Chronology of Arthur, 137 

In chapter 26 we read that from the time of this 
victory warfare continaed between the Britons and 
Saxons^ now favourable to the one and now to the other, 
'^ until the year of the siege of Badonicus Mons and of 
almost the last slaughter, though not the least, inflicted 
on the gallows rogues; which year begins^ cls I have 
discovered, as the forty-fourth year with one month already 
gone ; which also is the year of my birth.^* Those who 
witnessed ** the hopeless ruin of the island " caused by 
the invaders, and the '^unexpected assistance" which 
resulted in the victory of Badonicus Mons, remembered 
the lesson to their advantage. But when these witnesses 
died away and a new generation arose ** ignorant of that 
storm and having experience only of the present quiet ", 
the lesson was forgotten, except by a very few. 

Whatever may be thought of this passage as it now 
stands, this much at least seems clear that, following on 
a tumultuous period, a notable victory had been won over 
the Saxons, which in the Latinity of the text bears the 
name of Badonicus Mons, ^Hhe Badonic hill"; that this 
victory was regarded by the author of the Excidium 
Brittaniae as due to unexpected assistance ; and that it 
was succeeded by a period of external peace, which Bad 
lasted more than a generation when the author of the 
passage in question was writing. 

As the passage now stands, Badonicus Mons is un- 
doubtedly intended to represent a victory of Arthur in 
October 470, this date being added in terms of the 428 
computation of the first Advent of the Saxons. But as 
the Excidivm Brittaniae places the first advent of the 
Saxons no small interval after the letter to Aetius in 446, 
it is clear that its original author was not using the 428 
computation but one which dated the first coming of 
the Saxons sometime after 446. The statement there* 



138 The Chronology of Arthur. 

fore as to "^Ae forty-fourth year with one month already 
gone^ being also the year of my birth^\ must be treated as a 
gloss incorporated into the text and contradicting it. 

According to a prophecy mentioned in chapter 23 there 
was to be no considerable interval of peace between the 
Britons and the Saxons for one hundred and fifty years 
from the arrival of the latter. For the first one hundred 
and fifty years the Saxons were to be engaged in frequent 
devastations. As then these devastations did not cease 
until the siege of Badonicus Mons, when a period of peace 
began, which had already lasted more than a generation 
when the author of the Excidium Brittaniae was writing, 
it would follow that Badonicus Mons was fought a century 
and a half after the Saxon Advent ; and as the author 
fixes the Saxon Advent no small interval after a.d. 446, it 
follows that the battie took place in the seventh century. 
This plain purport of the narrative that Badonicus Mons 
terminated the one hundred and fifty years' frequent 
devastations of the Saxons has been obscured by the 
above gloss. 

As we have seen, it is practically certain that 
Badonicus Mons did not figure in the original list of 
Arthur's victories, but was forced into the list on the 
strength of this very passage in the Excidium Brittaniae. 

Badonicus Mons is treated as having brought to an 
end that stormy period, which witnessed 'Hhe hopeless 
ruin of the island". Now it is the basic fallacy of the 
Excidium Brittaniae that it regards the term ^Brittania' 
as equivalent to the whole island of Britain, from John 
o' Groat's to Land's End, which is assumed to have been 
held by Britons from one extremity to the other under 
Boman rule, until the north of the island, beyond the 
Stone Wall, was filched from them before a.d. 446 by 
the Picts and Scots; and the south of the island from 



The Chronology of Arthur. 139 

its eastern part to the western ocean was seized bj Saxons, 
who landed for the first time no small interval after 
A.D. 446. And all this is made to have taken place after 
the insurrection of Maximus in a.b. 383-888 ! Bj the 
above passage, therefore, we are actually asked to believe 
that within less than ninety years, from 383 to 470, the 
Britons had been deprived of the whole island of Britain 
from John o' Groat's to Land's End, except the mountains, 
forests, and sea-islands of the south west ! Nay, that prior 
to 470 the Britons had been completely expelled from 
^'England", ^'from sea to sea", by Saxon invaders, who 
did not arrive until a considerable interval had elapsed 
after a.d. 446' ! 

It is not to be thought of that a British writer, bom in 
470, could have so misconceived the process of our island 
history from the usurpation of Maximus less than a century 
before; that he could have supposed that the walls of 
Antonine and Hadrian and the forts of the Saxon Shore 
were built within that period ; much less that that writer 
could be Gildas ab Caw of Pictland, who, born near the 
Walls, was actually one of those very ^* Picti " whom the 
author of the Exddium Britianiae rails at. 

If it be assumed that the original writer of the 
Excidium Britianiae knew what battle was referred to, 
when its native name was translated into such bombastic 
Latin as Badonicus Mons, *^ the Badonic hill ", it must be 
allowed that in such unfamiliar guise it was liable to mis- 
understanding. It was certainly so misunderstood by the 
person who made sure that it was the Arthurian victory 
of 470, who dated it in the era of 428, and synchronized 
the year of its occurrence with the birth of Gildas. 

^ See my forthcoming paper " The Sazones tit the Excidium 
Brittaniae ** in the Arch, Cambrensis ; also pp. 449-456 in the number 
of that journal for October, 1910. 



140 The Chronology of Arthur. 

It remains^ therefore, for us to identify the contest, and 
to seek for it in the seventh century, when the English 
were in full occupation of south eastern Britain, '^from 
sea to sea", with the Britons in Wales and the West. 
Nor have we far to seek, for opposite Annus ccxxi in the 
oldest copy of the Anncdes Cambriae we find marked a 
'^ Battle of Badon for the second time ". Seeing now that 
the first Badon is a misnomer, it is allowed us to strike out 
the last words, and to regard this as the one genuine 
Badon, which, in the era of the Annates Camhriaef fell 
in (445-f220)=666. 

The real Battle of Badon, therefore, was fought in the 
seventh century, in a year bearing an annuary number 665. 



NOTE. 
Caw op Pictland, father op St. Gildas. 

The earliest Vita OHdae as far as chapter 31 was 
written in Brittany about the end of the 10th century 
by a monk of Euys. According to this VUa^ Gildas, 
who was the son of Caw o Brydyn, that is. Caw of 
Pictland, was bom in the regio of Arecluta, where his 
father reigned as king. Arecluta, later Arglud, means 
on or opposite the Clyde, just as Arvon means on or 
opposite Mdn (Anglesey). The Vita describes the regio 
of Arecluta as a part of Britain, which took its name 
from the river Clut (Clyde) "by which that regio is for the 
most part watered." The family of Gildas, therefore, 
originated near the western half of the Wall of Antonine. 

Caw is variously described in the vitae CHldae as rex 
Scotiae, a king of Scotia, rex Alhaniaej a king of Albania, 
and rex Pictorum^ a king of the Picts. The latter is the 
nearest equivalent of the oldest name by which he is 
known in Welsh, namely, Cau Pritdin. This last is found 
in the Vita 8. Cadoci, by far the most valuable of our 
Welsh vitae sanctorum^ where Cau cognomine Pritdin is 
said to have reigned for many years vUra montem Banruiue. 
Mr. Skene and Mr. Phillimore see the name Bannaue in 
the place-name Carmunnock, near Glasgow, and on this 
account would identify Mons Bannaue with the Cathkin 



The Chronology of Arthur. 141 

Hills. In this case the rtgio of Arecluta would be in 
modem Benfrewshii*e. 

Caw o Brydyn is also known in Welsh manuscript 
literature as Caw o Dwrcelyn, Caw of Twrcelyn, a regfio in 
the north of Anglesey, and at one time one of the six 
cym wds of the island (see pp. 93-5 supra) . He is repeatedly 
so called in Dr. Gwenogvryn Evans's Report on M83. in 
Welsh. "It is not clear {says Mr. Phillimore) how Caw got 
the name of *Caw of Twrcelyn* (in Anglesey), which is 
found in Hanesyn Heny pp. 12-3, 46-7, where are also given 
the names of his seventeen or twenty-one children, some of 
them daughters, and many of them commemorated as 
saints in Anglesey" (Y Cymmrodorj xi, 75, note 7). 

The association of the family of Caw^ in literature, with 
Twrcelyn in Anglesey is as early as the Breton Vita OOdae 
itself, for it states how that two of his sons, Egreas and 
AUeccus, together with a daughter Peteova, withdrew to 
a remote part where each of them founded an oratory. 
These three oratories were near one another, that of the 
virgin sister being in the centre.' Thus the two brothers 
were able to sing mass for their sister every day alternately. 
As they died they were buried in their respective oratories, 
which, in the time that the monk of Buys was writing, were 
famous and illustrious for their consbint miracles. The 
sites of the oratories of Egreas and AUeccus are represented 
to day by the churches of Llaneugrad and Llanallgo, both 
situated within the ancient cymwd of Twrcelyn in Anglesey, 
and about half-a-mile apart. The oratory of Peteova must 
have lain between them. 

When St. Cadog met Cau Pritdin, the latter was no 
longer reigning in the regio of Arecluta. He had come 
away from beyond Mons Bannauc ad has oraSy to these 
borders or coasts, where St. Cadog had settled for a time 
to build a monastery and to convert pagans. The legend 
of St. Cadog's raising Caw from death and hell would 
seem as though Caw himself were a pagan, but, however 
that may be. Caw is made to become a disciple of St. Cadog, 
and to remain in that place till his death {ad ipsitis obitum 
illie). Consequently Caw never returned to settle in his 
old regio and regnum of Arecluta. The passage ends with 
the significant statement that Caw received a grant of 
twenty-four vills from the AWanorum reguli; in other 
words. Caw who had formerly been a king beyond Mons 



142 



The Chronology of Arthur. \ 



Bannauc, in the little rtgio of Arecluta, received a new 
little Ttgwwm of twenty-four yills. And as Caw lived the 
last years of his life near Cadop^'s monastery, it is practi- 
cally certain that that monastery was surrounded by this 
little regnum. 

It is clear that to the writer of the Yiia 8. Cadoci (§22) 
all this took place in Scotland, where he has made Cadog 
go on pilgrimage to St. Andrew's in imitation of his former 
pilgrimages to Jerusalem and Bome. But as St. Andrew's 
was founded centuries after Cadog's time, this can only be 
a gloss on the original account. All that we can be certain 
of is that Cadog went amongst the Albani or Picts; that he 
met Caw of Pictland, who became his disciple, and died 
near the monastery which Cadog had founded ; and that 
Caw had a little kingdom of twenty-four vills in that place, 
which was not ArecTuta. The writer and compiler of the 
Vita 8. Cadoci, seeing that Cadog had gone amongst the 
Picts, thought that tiiis must be Scotland, and added his 
explanation of a pilgrimage to St. Andrews. But in St. 
Ca^og's time there were ** Picts" in southern Britain, to wit, 
between the B. Dee and the B. Teivi, where Cunedda and 
his sons, gwyr y gogledd, had settled from southern 
Scotland. If, therefore, we look for Cadog's monastery, 
which he founded among the Picts, in North Wales and 
Cardiganshire, we find that in the whole of this district 
there is only one, and that one is in the cymwd of Twrcelyn 
in Anglesey, It is still called Llangadog, i.e., the llan or 
monasterium of Cadog, being situated about the middle of 
Twrcelyn, and not three miles distant from the once 
illustrious oratories of £greas, AUeccus and the virgin 
Peteova, the children of Caw of Pictland. 

There can then be little or no doubt that Can Pritdin, 
the father of St. Gildas, was a Pictish raider, who in the 
fifth century came from the banks of the Clyde ad has oras, 
to these coasts of Anglesey, catisa diripiendi easdem aiqtie 
va^tandij for the purpose of plundering and ravaging the 
same, as Caw himself is made to confess in the Vita 
8. Cadoci ; and that he established himself in the district 
of Twrcelyn, with which his name was afterwards associated, 
where he became a disciple of St. Cadog at the new monas- 
tery of Llangadog in Twrcelyn, and where he ruled as king 
over a little regnum of twenty-four vills till his death. 

It remains to be said that the pedigree of Cau Pritdin 



The Chronology of Arthur. 143 

appears to be unknown. No ancient or reliable document 
seems to give it. Only in late post-reformation and very 
much doctored writings, contained in the lolo M88.j do 
we find a table of ancestry provided for him, which, how- 
ever, is not that of a Pictish raider, but of a quite respect- 
able Devonian royal house, namely, the line of Geraint ab 
Erbin. Geraint had a son called Cadwy, with whose 
name that of Caw of Pictland has been confounded. It 
is in these same writings, in the lolo MSS.y that we find 
the ridiculous identification of Gildas with ^^Aneurin", on 
the strength, no doubt, of the supposed connection between 
Cmd-aa and An-eiir-in. '^Aneurin" would be for Aneirin, 
said to come from the Latin Honorinua. In the Historia 
Britionum (ch. 62), the name is written Neirin. I can 
find no evidence for Prof. Anwyl's statement in the 
EncycL of Religion and Ethics^ ii, 1, that Aneirin was the 
son of Caw. 

HuAiL, SON OF Caw. 

According to the Breton Vita Qildae Caw was succeeded 
as king by his warlike son Cuillus. In the Vita Oildae of 
Caradog of Llangarvan, who was a contemporary of 
Geoffrey of Monmouth, Caw is given twenty-four sons, 
victorious warriors, one of whom was Gildas. That Gildas, 
however, is not to be counted for a victorious warrior 
appears lower down where his twenty-three brothers are 
described as constantly resisting Arthur, ^'the king of the 
whole of Great Britain". The eldest of them is called 
Hueil who would submit to no king, not even to Arthur, 
a statement which is echoed in the story of Kulhwch and 
Olwen where, in the list of Caw's children, it is remarked of 
Hueil that he never made a request at the hand of a lord. 
Hueil, says Caradog, used to sally forth from ^'Scotia" to 
ravage and plunder, and this sO successfully and so 
frequently that Arthur had to run him to earth, which 
he did in the island of "Minau" or "Mynau*'. [This is 
usually supposed to be the Isle of Man, and Caradog may 
have intended it as such. The death of Hueil at the 
hands of Arthur in insvia Minau undoubtedly represents 
a fact of history, which I would read as happening in 
Anglesey rather than in the Isle of Man] . The animosity 
between Arthur and Hueil is also echoed in the story of 
Kulhwch and Olwen^ where it is ascribed to the fact that 
Hueil bad stabbed Gwydre, his own sister's son. [It may 



144 The Chronology of Arthur. 

be stated that according to this story Arthur himself had 
a son called Gwydre, whose death is ascribed to the boar 
Twrch Trwjth at the same spot where Gwarthegyd the 
son of Caw was also killed by the boar.] 

The Cuillus of the Breton Yiia is generally identified 
with the Hueil of the Welsh YiJUi ; and if Egreas and 
AUeccus may stand for Eugrad and AUgo, so no doubt 
may Cuillus for Hueil. Hueil, however, according to 
Caradog, never became king, whereas Cuillus succeeded 
his father in the kingdom. It should be stated that 
among Caw's children, as recorded in Kulhwch and Olwen, 
there appears one called Celin, who may possibly be the 
Cuillus of the Breton Vita Qildaey especially if it could be 
shewn that he gave his name to Twrcelyn.* 



NOTE ON ST. DAVID'S CHRONOLOGY. 



St, David's Birthryear and Death-year, — Rhygyvarch, son of a 
bishop of St. David*8 in the latter haJf of the eleventh centunr, 
informs us that St. David was 147 years old when he died. In 
MS. A of the Aimales Camhriaey St. David is provided with this bare 
and solitary notice opposite Annus clvii, Dauid episeopiM inoni 
iu-deorum, without any indication as to whether it refers to his birth, 
death, or what not. It is here synchronized with the death of 
Gregory the Great, between which and the notice of St. David, which 
follows, Mr. Phillimore thinks that the conjunction et has dropped 
out, so that the passage would have originally run as follows: 
Grefi^oritM obiit in christo [et] Dauid episcqptM moni iu-deorum. I am 
inclined to differ from this and to regard each item as quite distinct 
from the other, the verb of the second either having dropped out or 
bein^ involved in the obscure iu-deorum. I would suggest that fiumi 
terminated with iu and was followed by some such pnrase as m deo 
domUt, In any case the notice has certainly been regarded from of 
old as referring to the death of St. David, and, as we shall see, the 
age of David as recorded by Rhygyyarch is partly based on it. In 
another copy of the Awnales CamSriae there is also a notice of St. 
Davin*s birth, which is made to concur with the year 468 and 
Annus xiv. Now if Annus OLVii of MS. A is calculated from 449, the 
false Bedan date of the Saxon Advent, as it certainly should be in 
the case of the obit of Gregory according to Bede, the death of St. 
David falls in the year (449/>/i£« 156) or 606. Rhygyvarch or one of 

^ The two lives of St. Gildas are printed with translations, notes, 
etc., in the Rev. Dr. Hugh Williams' Qildat (817-413), which work 
constitutes No. 3 of the Cymmrodorion JRecord Series, 



The Chronology of Arthur. 145 

his sonrcesy perceiving this synchronization of David's ' death with 
that of Gregory the Great, and accepting a.d. 605 from Bede as the 
date of the latter event, treated St. David's obit as having also 
occurred in a.d. 605, from which was subtracted the above quoted 
year of St. David's birth, viz , 458, with the result that St. David's 
age at the time of his death was found to be (605 mmiM 458) or 147 
years, as Rhygyvarch says. 

Whether Annus olvii be equated with 601 or 605, the obit of 
St. David on Tuesday, March 1st, could not have occurred in either 
of those years, as their March 1st was not a Tuesday, which is a 
condition postulated by Rhysyvarch's evidence.^ And that such 
dates are far too late is shown by the fact that there is a tradition so 
embedded in the various vitae of the saint that he was born thirty 
years from Patrick's appearance in Ireland as bishop, that it cannot 
possibly be ignored. Patrick's mission to Ireland as bishop took 
place in 433, and so the birth of St. David falls in (433 plw 29) or 
462 ; and this is borne out by MS. B of the Awnaln Cambriae, where 
the birth is equated with Annus xiv. If Annus xiy be computed 
from the false Bedan date of the Saxon Advent, we arrive at the 
same year, viz., 449 pltu 13=462. On the evidence then before us 
the year 462 as that of St. David's birth is practically certain ; and 
by 462 is meant our September 1st, 461, to August 31st, 462. 

Most of the students, who reject 601 as the year of St. David's 
obib, are found fluttering for it around those two highly deceptive 
dates 542 and 547, the reason being as follows. Geoffrey of Monmouth 
places Arthur's death in 542 ; in the foUowing chapter (Book xi, ch. 3) 
ne makes Constantine to be crowned as Aruiur*s successor, and says 
that tunc, at that time, St. David died at St. David's, and was there 
buried by command of Maelgwn Gwynedd. Now according to the 
AnnaleB Cambriae Maolgwn Uw3medd died in a pestilence, which is 
placed opposite Annus cm ; and this in the era of that chronicle 
makes 547. The death of David, therefore, it is argued, must have 
fallen between 542 and 547 ; and as the only one of these years, in 
which March 1st fell on a Tuesday, is 544, this must have been the 
year in which the saint died. 

But alas ! for such advocates, the year 542 as that of the Action 
of Gamlan is one of the most illusory of the manv in early Welsh 
history. Based on a miscalculation, it was the result of further mis- 
calculation on the part of Geoffrey, so that it contradicts even the 
Annale$ Cambriae itself, from which it was taken ; and diverges from 
Geoffrey's own evidence to the extent of half a century! 

According to the Annalea Cambriae the Action of Camlan fell in 
Annus xciii, and the pestilence, in which Maelgwn died, in Annus cm, 
thus allowing an interval of ten years between these two events. 
This interval of ten years is supported by the early 13th century 
tract, entitled O oes Grwrtheym, which calculates the intervals 
between leading militarpr events in Welsh history, as distinct from 
ecclesiastical, from the time of Vortigem to that of King John. [It 
need hardly be said that the death of Maelgwn was a military event 

* tertiaferia in kalendis Martii (Cambro-British Saints, 141) ; dyio 
matprthydyd kynntaf o galan maiorth (Elucidarium, 118; cf, Cambro- 
British Saints, 116). 

L 



146 The Chronology of Arthur. 

of the first importance, as he was the head of th6 House of Cunedda, 
and, after Arthur, the greatest soldier of his time.] If this interval 
of ten years is correct, in other words, if Annus xciii and Annus cm 
are to he reckoned from the same initial year, then, as Camlan was 
fought in 492, the pestilence, in which Maelgwn died, was raging in 
502. 

In the Historia Ees/um Brittan%€B (Book xi, «^^) Arthur is made by 
Gkoffrey to be succeeded by Constantine, who is killed iu the third 
year. If we substitute 492, the true date of the Battle of Camlan, 
for Geffrey's impossible 642, this would make Gonstantine*s death 
occur in (492 plus 2) or 494. Constantine is succeeded bjr Aurelius 
Conanus, who dies in the second year of his rei^, that is, in (494 
plus 1) or 495. Then comes Vortiporius, who reigns till his fourth 
year, that is (495 j^/tM 3) or 498 ; and then Maelgwn Gwynedd bcwpns 
to rule as '^ monarch of the whole island." Unfortunately Geoffrey 
does not furnish us with the len^h of Maelgwn*s reign, nor does he 
refer to the pestilence which earned him off. 

It has long been noticed, and is indeed well known, that the 
Constantine, Aurelius Conanus, Voi-tiporius, and Maelgwn Owjiiedd, 
whom Geoffrey places in this order as monarchs of the whole island 
of Brittania after the Battle of Camlan, were four contemporary kin^ 
ruling in south-west Britain in the davs of Gildas, who, in his 
Epistola, rebukes them by name for their shortcomings. Historically, 
Constantine was king in the Devonian peninsula, Vortiporius in 
south-west Wales, and Maelgwn in north-west Wales. Geoffrey 
simply culled four of the five mentioned by Gildas and treated them 
as successive monarchs of the island of Brittania, instead of as 
contemporary kin^s in Brittania, that is, in that Brittania of south- 
west Britain, which, in Gildas* time, was roughly e<)uivalent to 
Wales plus the Devonian peninsula. Geoffrey, perceiving the in- 
terval between the notices of Camlan and Maelgwn, and converting 
the geographical order of Gildas* kings into an order of time and 
succession (Maelgwn being last) crowds three kings into the interval, 
making them kings of the whole island. 

I know no reason to doubt the accuracy of the ten years' in- 
terval between the Battle of Camlan and the appearance of the 
plague, in which Maelgwn Gwynedd died. The kings, therefore, 
rebuked by St. Gildas, were contemporaries of the leaders who 
fought at Camlan in the last decade of the 5th century. The 
pestilence, which carried off Maelgwn (before which event the 
Epistola Gildae was written) raged in 502. 

If now we accept Geoffrey's statement (Book xi, 8) that St. David 
died soon after the Battle of Camlan and was buried by Maelgwn's 
orders at St. David's whilst Maelgwn was still only king of Gwynedd, 
we should be bound to search for a year, between 492 and 498, when 
March 1st fell on a Tuesday; ana as the only instance of this 
concurrence in these years is 494, we should be compelled to take 
494 as the true year of St. David*s obit, although St. David was only 
thirty-two years of age at the time. 

According to Geoffrey (Book xi, 8^ Maelgwn Gwynedd, who, as we 
have seen above, died in the pestilence of 502, was succeeded by 
Careticus. The number of years that this mysterious Careticus 
ruled is not given. All that Geoffrey tells us is that he succeeded 
Maelgwn, so that his reign must have commenced about 502. As 



The Chronology of Arthur. 147 

his immediate predecessors according to Greoffrey, namely, Gonstan- 
tine, Aurelius Conanus, Vortiporins, and Maelgwn Gwynedd, were 
historically contemporary princes ruling in different parts in the last 
decade of the fifth century, it may be inferred that Gareticus also 
was contemporary with them and ruling in a part of his own. 
However that may be, Gareticus is made to succeed Maelgwn, so 
that he must have been a younger contemporary. Gareticus, there- 
fore, was ruling in the first quarter of the sixth century. 

Geoffrey, however, supplies us with this imnortant information 
relative to Gareticus, namely, that with him tne Britons lost the 
diadema regniy the crown of the kingdom, and the innUae tnonarchia, 
the monarchy of the island, but not for ever. They lost it only muitis 
temporibua, for a long time, the next holder of the diadema regni, 
according to Geoffrey, being Gadvan, king of Gwynedd, who obtained 
it immediately after the battle of Ghester, which was fought in 616-7. 
Gadvan is the well-known father of Gadwallon, Penda's idly, who was 
slain by Oswald in 635. The long time, therefore, mult a tempora, that 
the Britons lost the crown, was l^tween the first quarter of the sixth 
century and the first quarter of the seventh century. 

Mtdta tempora must mean that Gareticus died a long time before 
the battle of Ghester; and as Maelgwn, according to Greoffrey, was 
ruling even before Gareticus, the evidence of Gboffrey is here again 
olear^ in favour of an early date in the sixth century for Maelgwn's 
death. That Geoffrey in this particular is true to history is proved 
by the fact that Gadvan, whom he makes to fight in the battle of 
Ghester in 616-7, was great-great-grandson to Maelgwn. 

As long as Geoffrey's mysterious Gareticus was regarded as 
flourishing after 547 or so, he remained mysterious indeed, for there 
is no one in Welsh or English tradition with whom he could be 
identified. But now that we know that he was ruling in the first 
quarter of the sixth century, it becomes clear that Gareticus is none 
other than Gerdic of Wessex. Geoffrey certainly meant us to under- 
stand that Gareticus was a Briton, wluch seems to be confirmed by 
his name not only in its British but also in its Saxon form ; and to- 
day there are even English writers who allow " a strain of Welsh 
blood in the West Saxon royal family" simply and solely on account 
of this name Gerdic, and others like it, such as Geadwalla, Mul, and 
Gada. If Geoffrey then made a mistake in putting forward Gerdic of 
Wessex as a Briton, it must be classed by tne historians of England 
with his most excusable errors. 

Geoffrey describes Gareticus as canator civiHum bellomm, a lover of 
civil wars ; also inmtus Deo et BrittonibuSy hateful to God and the 
Britons. Both phrases are significant, especially the last, which is 
even more significant in the light of the fact that it is the one used 
of Saxofu by the author of the Excidium Brittaniae (ch. 24), who says 
that they were Deo hominUmsgue invisi, hateful to G^d and men; 
and that this is not a mere coincidence is shewn by the fact that 
Geoffrey's account of the devastation of Brittania in Gareticus's time 
is taken from the very next chapter of the Rreidium Brittaniae (ch. 25). 

Geoffrey also associates Gareticus with Girencester and the neigh- 
bourhood of the Severn in a passage where he has clearly dragged in 
incidents concerned with the Scandinavian invasions of Ireland and 
Britain centuries later. His Gormundus, king of the Africans, who 
besieged Gareticus in the city of Girencester, is a confused remem- 

l2 



148 The Chronology of Arthur. 

brance of Guthrum, a leader of ff entiles nigri^ black pagans or Danes, 
who did occupy Cirencester in 879. Even Oiraldus Gambrensis 
noticed that Geoffrey's Africans were Scandinavians (Top. of Ireland, 
iii, 89). 

Now, according to the Prefaoe of the Saavn Chronicle^ Gerdic makes 
his appearance when 494 years of Ghrist are over, which is another 
way of saying 495, and this tallies with the Chronicle. About six years 
after (continues the Preface), he began to rule, that is, about 500, 
and ruled sixteen years, which would bring us to about 516. But the 
Chronicle does not place the commencement of Gerdic*s reign till 519, 
which is made to end in 534. This serious discrepancy, whidi is really 
due to computations according to different systems of chronology, so 
baffled the compiler of the Chronicle that in order to fit in the death 
of Gerdic with what he supposed was the year 634 in the Dionysian 
era, he actually suppressed the name and reign of Greoda between 
Gerdic and Gynric, and made the latter to be Gerdic's son instead of 
his grandson. The annuary numbers, therefore, implied in the Pre* 
face to the Saxon Chronicle for Gerdic's accession and death, are 
nearer those of the Dionysian system than are the annuary numbers 
of the Chronicle. Mr. W. H. Stevenson has arrived at a 'similar con- 
clusion relative to the discrepancy between the Preface and the 
Chronicle. ** This discrepancy (says Mr. Stevenson) may be reconciled 
by assuming that Gerdic reigned from 500 to 516, Greoda from 516 to 
534, and Gynric from the latter date until 560" (Asser*s Alfred, 
ed. 1904, p. 159). As Gerdic then succeeded Maelgwn Gwynedd, 
according to Geoffrey, Maelgwn's death must be thrown back to close 
about 500 ; and even if it m insisted that Gerdic began to reign in 
519, Maelgwn's obit will still have to be thrown back before the third 
decade of the sixth century. 

What is invariably regarded as the notice of St. David's death is 
placed in the Annates Cambriae^ opposite Annus CLVii, which in the 
era of that chronicle makes (445 nlug 156) or 601. As we know the 
saint to have been born in 462, and to have been contemporary with 
Maelgwn Gwynedd, who certainly died before the third decade of the 
sixth century, and is reputed to have arranged the place of the saint's 
burial, it will be seen that the obit of St. David is post-dated in the 
Annalee Cambriae by about a hundred years. Nay, as we have seen 
strong reason to believe that Maelgwn died in 502, it will be observed 
that St. David's obit in the Annales Cambriae appears to be post- 
dated by a complete century. Such variations of a complete century 
are known to have been sometimes made through the misreading of 
annuary numbers, beginning with b^ or dc, that is, five hundred, as 
though they represented the normal do or six hundred. Such a mis- 
understanding IS responsible for this post-dating of St. David's obit 
by a century m the Annales Cambriae, as also for that of St. Dubricius 
opposite Annus OLXviii in the same chronicle, with the ridiculous 
result that the consecrator of St. Samson, Bishop of Dol, is made to 
die in 612. 

If then 601, the equation of Annus CLVii, is a misreading of d' i 
or DC. I, that is, 501, the latter must be the year of St. David's obit ; 
but in that vear March 1st did not fall on a Tuesday. We have 
already seen, however, that this notice of St. David is synchronised 
with the death of Pope Gregory the Great, who, according to Bede, 
died in 605. Annus clvii, therefore, is computable not from 445, but 



The Chronology of Arthur. 149 

from the false Bedan date of the Saxon Advent, namely, 449, for 449 
plfM 156 is 605 ; and this in the case of St. David is a misuuder- 
standiiu^ of d^ or do.y, that is, 505. Now in 505 March 1st falls on 
a Tuesday. 

But we have seen that according to Geoffrey, St. David was buried 
after the Battle of Camlan by Maelgwn*s orders; and as Maelgwn 
died in the pestilence of 502, St. David must, according to this evi- 
dence, have died between 492 and 502 ; and as 494 is the only year in 
this interval and even until 505, when March Ist falls on a Tuesday, 
494 must, according to Geoffrey, be the true date. This year, how- 
ever, can in no way be made to tally with Annus clyii of tne Annaln 
CamMae, or with the emendation of the same as Annus LVii. 

The fact that Geoffi-ey avoided giving the number of years in the 
reigns of Maek;wn and Gareticus snows that he failed to reconcile the 
death year of Maelgwn with the accession year of Gareticus. He was 
face to face with the same difficulty of the year of Gerdic's accession 
as accosts modem writers. If Gerdic began to rule about six years 
after 495, as says the Frrface to the Stivan Chronicle, then he was 
" monarch of the island *" at the very time that Maelgwn was sup- 
posed to be occupying that august position. If he be^an to rule in 
the twenty-fifth year from 495, as says the Saxon Chrontcle itself, then 
Maelgwn's supposed sway over the island of Britain must have long 
passed the death year of St. David, even if this was 505. 

Geoffrey's evidence is as follows; in Book ix, ch. 15, he informs 
us that David, Arthur's avunculus , was consecrated Archbishop in 
succession to St. Dubricius. In Book xi, ch. 3, he tells us that whilst 
Gonstantine was reigning '' David, the most holy archbishop of 
Gaerlleon, died in the city of Menevia, within his own abbey, which 
he had loved above the other monasteries of his diocese, because the 
blessed Patrick, who had foretold his birth, was the founder of it. 
For while he sojourned there among his brethren, he was taken with 
a sudden illness and died, and at the command of Maelgwn, king of 
the Venedotifins, was buried in the same church.** Now, nistorically, 
St. David was never archbishop of Gaerlleon, but simply the head of 
his monastery at St. David's, where he lived, died, ana was buried in 
the natural course. Again, Maelgwn was king of Gwynedd and could 
have had no jurisdiction in Dyved, where Vortiporius was reigning, 
much less in the monastery of Mynyw. Gteoffrev's statement, there- 
fore, as to Maelgwn Gwyuedd's part in St. David's burial may be dis- 
regarded. In preference then to 494 we must accept the date, to 
which the Armales Cambrtae points, namely, 505. St. David, there- 
fore, on the evidence here quoted, died on Tuesday, March Ist, 505, 
in the 44th year of his age. 



(Botntunb anb 3^^^^^^^^ 

A POSTSCRIPT TO "THE VANDALS IN WESSEX". 

By E. WILLIAMS B. NICHOLSON, M.A., 
Bodley's Librarian. 



In my paper "The Vandals in Wessex and the battle of 
Deorham" (F Cymmrodor^ xix, 6), I urged that a wealth 
of lost history was buried in Book xi, ch. 8 of the despised 
Geoffrey of Monmouth. It seemed clear to me that the 
Vandals, who absolutely disappear after the Byzantine 
order for their exile, had gone to Hiberia (so corr. for 
Hibernia), the country they had come from ; that they had 
helped the Visigoths to complete its conquest ; that an 
army of them had been engaged by the West Saxons for 
their campaign against the South Midlands ; and that this 
army had left its name on various places within the known 
or probable dominion of the West Saxons — Wandsworth 
in Surrey (Wendleswurthe), Windsor in Berks (Wendle- 
sore), WsBudlescumb in Berks, Wendlebury in Oxfordshire 
(Wendelebur*), Wendlesclif in Worcestershire, Wendles- 
biri in Herts, and Wendlesm^re in the Fens. Their king, 
Gormund, we are told, was besieging Cirencester when 
"Isembard" (Isenbard), grandson of Lodovic, king of the 
Franks, came to him and engaged his help to conquer 
Gaul, from which an uncle had expelled him. 

I scouted any idea that this story could be the mere 
irrelevant invention of a South Welshman. I said it must 



Gormund and Isembard. 151 

come from the Breton book' which Geoffrey declared he 
had translated, and I suggested that with the besieged 
Britons at Cirencester was a Breton^ contingent, in which 
the Frankish refugee Isenbard had come. I am now able 
to prove that part, at least, of the storj is anterior to 
Geoffrej, and of Gallic origin — almost certainly, however, 
not Breton but Norman. 

Hariulf of St. Biquier wrote a chronicle of that abbey 
which he carried down to 1104. He left St. Biquier in 
1105, to become abbat of Oudenbourg, where he died in 
1143. Now, when his chronicle has anything in common 
with Geoffrey, that cannot be borrowed^ but must be prior 
to Geoffrey's book, because Hariulf left his chronicle 
behind him' at St. Biquier — some quarter of a century 
before we have any reason to suppose that Geoffrey began 
to write. And in ch. 20 of his third book, he has a version 
of the story of Isembard and Gormond, which is not 
likely to have been written after 1088, when he finished 
his /our^A book. 

According to Hariulf, a noble ''Francigena", named 
Esimbardus, had offended Louis III ('^Hludogvicus"), and, 
becoming a traitor, invited ^^gentium barbariem" to visit 
the country. Their king, Guaramundus, said to have 
brought many kingdoms under his rule, wished also to 
dominate France. The story of the invasion was told not 
only in histories, but was the subject of daily reminiscence 
and song among the people (^^patriensium memoria 
quotidie recolitur et cantatur"). On the approach of the 
^^barbari" the treasurer of St. Biquier took a box of 
valuables and fled to Sens. The enemy, after landing, 
marched through the provinces of Yimeu and Ponthieu, 

^ In my list of incidents exhibiting the Breton element I ought to 
have included the procuring of an overking from Brittany (vi, 4). 
' See Lot's ed., p. lvii. 



t52 Cormund and hembard. 

overthrew churches, killed Christians, and filled everything 
with death and blood, finally plundering and burning the 
church of St. Biquier. 

Louis III encountered them in the Vimeu district, and 
obtained a triumph, the king of the infidels, Guaramund, 
being killed. Thousands of his people were slain and the 
rest put to flight. Louis, however, died, it was said from 
an internal rupture caused by the over-violence of his 
blows. 

Now it is clear that if Hariulf's data are correct 
Geoffrey's cannot be; but, on examining Hariulf, his 
account turns out to be a composite one, partly derived 
from the Frwihcorum regum historia (which he quotes 
verbatim) y partly from the tradition of the monastery as 
to the flight of its treasurer and the plunder and destruc- 
tion of its buildings, and as to other particulars from an 
unnamed source. 

Well, the purely monastic part of the account does not 
mention Esimbard, Louis, or Guaramund. And the 
Fraricorum regum historia does not mention Esimbard or 
Guaramund, nor does it allude to the death of Louis as in 
any way connected with the battle. Yet the account in 
that work was written in 886-7, only some five or six 
years after Louis defeated the invaders. Let me add that 
Louis did not die till the year after the battle, and that 
the cause of his death was quite different. It is notice- 
able too that the F.rJi. says the invaders were Normans, 
and that Hariulf does not. 

There is in the Boyal Library at Brussels a fragment 
of a French verse-romance on the subject (MS. II, 181). 
The MS. is of the 13th century. It was reproduced in 
1906 in facsimile, with a transcription by Dr. Alphonse 
Bayot, and a bibliography. This romance (through which 
I came to learn the existence of the legend of Hariulf) 



Gormund and Isembard. 153 

calls Gormund or Gormunt an Arabian and an Oriental, 
but there is no evidence that it was not composed after, 
and partly based on, Geoffrey's account. 

Of the books and articles mentioned in the bibliography, 
the most important is an article by M. Ferdinand Lot in 
jBomanm, xzvii, pp. 1-54 (1898) ; but he attributes the 
comiposition of the verse-romance to 1060-70, which would 
make it impossible for it to have borrowed from Geoffrey, 
in spite of its mention of "Cirencestre". On the other 
hand, M. Gaston Paris in Bomahia^ xxxi, pp. 445-8 (1902), 
reviewing a Swedish authoress who places the poem in 
the late 12th or 13th century, shows that, on account 
of an allusion to the king as feudatory of St. Denis, it 
cannot have been written before 1082' ; and, while denying 
that it is so late as the end of the 12th century, says 
one can continue to place it towards the end of the first 
third of that century. Now Geoffrey's book' was at Bee 
in Normandy in January 1139, and how much earlier we 
cannot tell : M. Paris gives no reason why the poem should 
not be at least as late as that. 



In my paper I preferred the reading "Godmund" to 
"Gormund", and connected with the invader Godmund- 
cestre and Godmundesleah. That must be given up, in 
face of Hariulf's Guaramundus. 

The reader will probably have begun to wonder whether 
there is any truth in Geoffrey's story so far as it relates to 
the 6th century, and, if so, whether there were any 
Vandals concerned at all. That question I am not going 
to shirk, but we shall be in a better position to discuss it 

^ He thinks Loais VI was the first to recognise formally this 
feudal bond : in 1124 that king made open declaration of it, and 
"raised'* the banner of St. Denis for the first time. 



154 Gormund and Isembard. 

when we have cleared out of the way those elements which 
are certainly later. 

GeofiPrey has mixed up two foreign encampments at 
Cirencester. The first was that of the West Saxons in 
577. The second was that of the Dane Gathnim or 
Guthorm, who, after making peace with Alfred, lay with 
his host at Cirencester in 879, retiring in 880 to his king- 
dom of East Anglia, and dying in 890. 

In 879 another Danish host came to Eogiand, but in 
880 left for Ghent, where it lay for a year, and in 881 had 
a battle with the Franks. That may be the victory gained 
at Saucourt by Louis III, or it may be the one in the 
Yimeu district. There is no record that Guthorm came 
from East Anglia to join the invaders, but there is no 
proof that he did not. And it is maintained that his name 
might be shortened to Gorm and Latinized to Gormo, 
which would become in French Gormon. I cannot see 
that any evidence has been produced of Gorm as an 
abbreviation of Guthorm. I will, however, add on my 
own account that the ih would eventually disappear in 
French, so that we might have Guorm-on, and apparently 
that might happen as early as the time when Hariulf 
wrote. 

But there is another name out of which it is quite 
truly said that Gurmond may have arisen. The Annales 
Bertiniani show that in 882 there was among the Normans 
on the continent a prince named Vurm-o (dat. Vurmoni). 
The Annales Fuldenses call him Yurm, and of course his 
name was the Scandinavian Wurm (also Worm?) ue. 
Snake (our *^worm*'). Now in those parts of Prance 
where Kymric was the original vernacular Teutonic TT- 
became Gti-* and O so that Wurm-o-n would produce 

^ Under the influence of the same sound-change in Kymric, which 
took place not before the 8th century, perhaps even in the early 



Gonnund and hembard. 155 

Gurmon. And it is suggested that the Gurmond of the 
French romance is a compound of this Wurm and of 
Guthorm. 

M. Lot says that GeofPrey must have been in Nor- 
mandy in and before 1128^ as chaplain to Guillaume 
Cliton, Le. William, son of duke Robert of Normandy. 
If so, he would naturally visit St. Biquier and hear the 
Guaramund story there. When he got back to England 
and came to write his '* History", he obviously confused 
the capture of Cirencester by tiie Weat Saxons in 577 and 
the encampment of the Danes in 879. 

And here the question arises, '^How comes GeofPrey to 
be so interested in Cirencester, or to know anything about 
the siege of 577"? He shows no sign of having con- 
sulted an Anglo-Saxon chronicle : if he had, he would 
have known that Bath and Gloucester were captured in 
the same year, and would hardly have omitted to name 
them. Moreover, in his poem on Merlin he makes the 
latter prophesy : — 

Hunc lupus aequoreus debellans vincet et ultra 
Sabrinam victum per barbara regna fugabit. 
Idem Kaer Keri' circumdabit obsidioDo 
Passeribusque domos et moenia trudet ad imum. 
Claase petet Gallos, sed telo regis obibit. 

Here we have three new facts (1) that the invader 
captured the town by means of sparrows (which, later 

9th. In those French dialects in which W- remains, the Keltic 
vernacular was doubtless Goidelic— see the map in my Keltw 
Regearches, at p. 113. Hariulf himself used G- forms, as in Gualaricus 
for Valery, and even in the middle of a word, as Hludogvicus {-ffui'). 

1 The Diet, of Nat Biag, is silent about this chaplsincy, and M. 
Lot gives no authority. 

' t>. Cirencester. Either we should read Ceri«=Cerin (Corinium), 
or at any rate that must have been an earlier form. Note that here 
he seems to make the invader capture the city after driving the 
British king across the Severn. 



156 Gormund and Isembard. 

writers explain, was by making them carry fire), (2) that 
he did accept Isembard's invitation, (3) that he was killed 
by the IVench king. The last two he would naturally get 
from France, but whence his sparrows except from local 
tradition ? 

When his lord, William of Normandy, nephew of 
Henry I, died in 1128, he came to England, and in or 
about 1129 signs the foundation-charter of Oseney Abbey, 
just outside Oxford. Whether he was one of the canons 
who served it is unknown, but some residence in the 
neighbourhood seems to have originated his statement 
that Oxford was a prae-Saxon town bearing the name 
Ridicben, i.e. Ford of Oxen. Just then, the Abbey of 
Cirencester was founded by Henry I and served by canons, 
and I suggest that Geoffrey was one of them. There was 
a special reason why he should desire to go West: it 
would bring liim nearer to his dead patron's father, duke 
Robert, who was in the custody of Robert of Gloucester, 
and nearer to Robert himself, who was the king's son 
and a man of great political importance, and who had 
the "History" dedicated to him later on. 

And now why should not what I call the Vandal part 
of the story be simply an element in the confusion ? Why 
should Geoffrey's "Africans" and "Hibernia" conceal any 
reference to the Vandals and Hiberia ? Why should they 
not be borrowed from the French romance, which calls the 
invader an Arab, and speaks of his having troops from 
Ireland ? Surely this is the simple and only natural 
explanation ? 

Well, the French romance speaks of "Cirencestre'* as 
being in the invader's countries, and the probability is 
enormous that it was borrowing from Geoffrey, and not 
vice versa. There is not a trace of Cirencester, Africans, 
or Ireland in Hariulf, and nothing would induce me to 



Gormund and Isembard. 157 

admit that these features in the romance are not borrowed 
from Geoffrey except the proof (which has not been, and I 
believe cannot be, given) that the romance was anterior to 
him. 

Putting that theory aside, I should still be willing to 
admit that the Africans and ^^Hibemia" might be blunders 
or even inventions of Geoffrey's, but there is Careticus : 
where does he come from P Well, I am prepared, if need 
be, to jettison him too ! But the story that the Saxons in 
their attack on Cirencester were aided by foreign mercen- 
aries, and the idea that those mercenaries were Vandals, ip 
too complete an explanation of hitherto unexplained facts 
for me in the present state of my knowledge to abandon 
that. Why are there these 7 Wendel names on the map of 
England ? Why are they apparently confined uriihin the 
limits of ancient Wessex ? Why are there no such names in 
parts of Wessex known to have been conquered hrfore 568, or 
in the later Wessex conquests of Somerset^ Devon^ and Comr- 
wall ? Whyy in fact, are they limited to regions conquered 
in the hist third of the 6th century ? 

The prefix Wendel- is given to a cliff, a combe, a 
"m^re", an or (boundary), Vi-worth (dwelling), and two 
hury^s (forts). There is no Anglo-Saxon common sub- 
stantive, adjective, or verb to explain it. Also in six of 
the seven instances it is in the genitive singular — a virtual 
proof that it is a proper name. Tet there is no Anglo- 
Saxon person-name Wendel — except in the compounds 
Uendilbercht, Wendelbeorht, Weiidelgeer (Vendelgerh), 
and Wendelburh, each of them found once only. 

So that there seems to me a quite distinct balance of 
probability that the West Saxons did import Vandals. 
Whether they came from Hiberia ["Hibernia"] we do not 
know. Nor their leader's name. And the legend that 
Gormund, after taking Cirencester, conquered other parts 



158 Gormund and Isembard, 

of the isle probably refers to Guthorm and not to the 
Vandal leader with whom Geoffrey confounded him : for 
Guthorm went from Cirencester to East Anglia^ and 
regularly occupied that. 

''Careticus", who fled into Wales, remains in doubt. 
* Was that really the name of the chief British king, or is 
it as absolute an invention as the names of most of 
Geoffrey's prae-Boman kings 9 The Harleian Genealogies 
do not mention him; but, unless any family descended 
from him survived until the 10th century, or near it, 
they would not be likely to do so. They mention neither 
the great Arthur (who of course left no sons) nor 
Ambrosius Aurelianus (who certainly had %omt descendants 
living in 648). There is in another Welsh genealogy^ 
a "Ceredic", belonging to one of the chief royal lines of 
Wales, who would suit perfectly as to dat<e. He was son 
of Ceneu (weakened from Lat. Canio), son of Corun 
(=Lat. Coronius), son of Ceretic, or Karedig, earliest of 
the kings of Cardigan, and son of Cunedag. Ceretic and 
Careticus are weakened uvnlaAd forms of an earlier 
Caratic(us), derived from the caraio stem, but not to be 
confounded with Caratacus, Caratauc, with which their 
phonetics are quite irreconcilable. 

"Careticus" came to his overkingship, according to 
Geoffrey, on the death of Maelgwn. Maelgwn died in or 
about 548, and, as Ceredic was a generation further off 
from their common ancestor Cunedag, that exactly squares 
with probability. He may conceivably be the Ceretic 
whose death is recorded at [616] by the Annale% CanAria^y 
and who is just too early to be "Certic" of £lmet. In 



^ See T Cymmrodorf viii, 90 (no. xlix). corrected by vii, 183. I get 
this through Mr. A. AiiBComWs index in Archiv, f keit Leaic^ iii, 
71-2. 



Gormund and Isembard. 159 

that case he must have died at a very great age, and must 
have been unusually young when chosen overking: I merely 
throw out the suggestion as a bare possiblity. It seems 
equally likely that the man whose death is recorded in 
[616] was not this Ceredic but his great-grandson 
"Caredic". 



(Beotge Qg^orrow^e ^econb ^out in 

By T. C. CANTRILL, B.Sc, F.G.S., 

AND 

J. PRINGLE. 



The reader of Dr. Knapp's Life of Borrow will remember 
that, three years after the 1854 expedition to North Wales, 
George Borrow made a rapid traverse through the south- 
western portion of the Principality. The incidents of 
the former excursion forced the basis of Wild Wales, 
but the only published record of the latter tour is the 
brief itinerary given in the Life.^ 

It so happens that for several years past our pro- 
fessional duties have taken us into the western regions of 
South Wales, and into parts of the counties of Carmarthen 
and Pembroke traversed by Borrow in 1857. Not satisfied 
with the bald outline of the journal published by Dr. 
Knapp, one of us wrote to him in Paris with the request 
that he would be kind enough to furnish us with a few 
details as to the villages passed through, and the inns 
where Borrow lodged. To our gratification Dr. Enapp 
did far more than we had asked ; he sent us a verbatim 
transcription from the original note book, accompanied by 
the following letter' : — 

* " Life, Writings, and Correspondence of George Boprow ", *.jy 
W. I. Knapp, 1899, vol. ii, pp. 184-6. 

s Shortly before his death. Dr. Knapp, in a letter (27 Aug. 1908) to 
the Secretary of the Gypsy Lore Society, thus alluded to this corres- 
pondence:— ''I have just sent ofif a bulky parcel that cost me three 
toeeks to write, containing the transcription of one of Borrow*8 Note 
Books of 1857." See Journal, Oypty Jx>re Soc., New Series, vol. ii, 
(Jan. 1909), p. 196. 



George Borrows Second Tour in Wales. 1 6 1 

III 191 r. de T University, Paris. 

26 Aug. 1908. 

Deab Sib, — Your very interesting communication of 
the 1st of Aug. reached me on the 6th. My chests con- 
taining Borrow's MSS., Letters and Note Books, are stored 
and sealed up, so that they are no longer readily accessible 
even to me, in the present state of my health and impaired 
strength. Besides, the Note Books are in pencil, written 
as he strode along the roads of England and Wales, very 

r ^ badly, and subsequently much thumbed as he pored over 

them in later years. Hence they are very trying to the 

•*^ eyes, and as mine are giving me much trouble, growing 

iti- weaker and weaker, I dreaded to subject them to any 

^,{ fresh tension even with the powerful lenses I am forced to 

employ. However, after mu^^h reflection I decided to 
unscrew the boxes till I came to the Note Books, from 

he among which I drew forth the little one for 1867. And 

although it has cost me two weeks to decipher and write 
down only ten pages, I feel that the labour is wisely 
bestowed if it in any way accomplishes your desire. 

of From Lampeter into Brecknock hills to Builth I could no 

?n 



k 



•0- 



r. 



longer follow Borrow. He is full of badly written Welsh, 
is constantly losing his way, and the Welsh names of 
villages, hamlets and parishes cited are not in Lewis or 
Lett's County Atlas as he gives them. Still, if you want 
jt the Itinerary or anything further, please let me know. 

I should very much like to meet you, but I travel little. 
Last year we were in Norwich three months — July 1 
3 to Oct. 1 — ^for my wife's health, but we went nowhere, 

) only passing thro' London going and coming. I was glad 

to learn the da^e of Henrietta's death. Mr. Murray wrote 
me of the fact without mentioning the date. By the way 
I should like a picture of Borrow's birthplace at Dump- 
ling Green; I have the one given in "The Sphere" but 
cwnnot lay my hands on it. Could I trouble you further for 
the title of the best modern Welsh-English Dictionary — 
not Pughe's — ^and a Grammar with Exercises, and of whom 
it could be ordered. Your letter is very valuable to me 
and I prize it greatly. 

Tours very truly, 

W. I. KNAPP. 
T. 0. Cantrill, Esq. 



1 62 George Borrows Second Tour in Wales. 

As neither of us saw any prospect of following Borrow*s 
route beyond St. David's, we had refrained from troubling 
Dr. Knapp for details of that part of the journey. 

With Dr. Knapp's transcript in our hands we have 
traversed on foot much of Borrow's route, and made 
personal enquiries of some of the older inhabitants, and, 
in some cases, of descendants of Sorrow's informants, in 
an attempt to rescue from oblivion some particulars of the 
places visited and the characters encountered by Borrow 
in 1857 ; and now, since the Note Book appears to have 
left Europe for a transatlantic home, it seems desimble to 
publish so much of the transcript as is available, together 
with our comments. 

Apart from the usual Borrovian disregard for accuracy 
as to distances, directions, and orthography of place- 
names, the journal is remarkably stiuightforward, and 
the task of identifying the un-named localities a light 
one. In his passage of Milford Haven, however, it is 
difficult to follow Borrow, as we have pointed out. Nor 
perhaps shall we ever know now how he got to Laugharne, 
where the notes commence abruptly at an un-named inn. 
Presumably he availed himself of the railway, which was 
open at that date and would bring him to St. Clears, five 
miles from his starting-point* 

One wonders how much the world has lost by Sorrow's 
neglect to incorporate the experiences of 1857 in a volume 
similar to W'HA WaleSy but there is no doubt that the 
impressions he gathered were brought to bear on that 
work, which was not published till 1862. 

Once again, ten years later. Borrow made an expedition in- 
to Wales, though of this journey the sole evidence appears 
to be a note book, among the Borrow MS. scheduled by Dr. 
Enapp,* of a tour in Western Wales in April, 1867. 

1 Li/e ; vol ii, p. 381, 



George Sorrow's Second Tour in Wales. 163 

The following is the transcript of the 1857 note book 
as received from Dr. Knapp (except that several of his 
comments^ chiefly orthographical and now superfluous^ 
are dropped) ; of the insertions in square brackets, some 
are Dr. Knapp's, some are our own; for the notes, we 
alone are responsible \-^ 

[August 23rd, Laugharne]. — Sunday morning. Brilliant 
day. Paid moderate bill for good accommodation. The 
landlady said she hoped she sh'ld see me there again.^ 
The bridge. Wooded dell." Took the hill route to 
Tenby, turning to the left. Beautiful scenery between 
the two high wooded banks, road rapidly descending. 

The little place, Plasholt." The child of the Church 
of England whose mother was at church. Soon found 
myself on level land and a good road ; denes* and moory 
lands between me and the sea, bounded by high banks of 
sand. Wooded hills on my right with here and there a 
farm house upon them or at their foot. Dreadful heat — 
sought refuge in a meadow with a high hedge to the 
road. Pursued my way along the road for several miles — 
beautiful gentleman's seat* under the hill at a little way 
from the road. Came to a little farm house close by the 
road. The woman and cows — asked for water. The 
woman not civil till I had given her a penny. The 
Burrows — ^rabbits — ^view . 

Pendeane [Pendine], "Head of the Denes". The man, 
son of Cornish boatswain. The public house on the shore" 

^ It IB difficult to locate the Inn at Laugharne, but from the 
numerous enquiries we made, it is possible it was the house kept by 
a Mrs. Brown, and still known as Brown's Hotel. 

' The bridge and wooded deU. The latter divides the town into 
two halves. 

> Plashett. 

^ Dene or Dean. — Borrow was doubtless well aquainted with this 
word in the place-names North Denes and South Denes, at Yar- 
mouth, where the term is applied to the sandy waste flats north and 
south of the town. 

^ Llanmiloe, the residence of Mr. Morgan Jones. 

^ The Spring Well Inn, kept in 1867 by a man named Saer. 

M 2 



1 64 George Borrows Second Tour in Wales, 

— company. The kind of flush farmer'' who had been to 
Australia and who said the Chinese got all the pretty 
girls — ^the lone village on the top of the hill* — the church. 
The old woman of the Church of England reading her 
English Bible by the wayside. Over burning hills. 

Marrows [Marros]. The English village. " Mr. Morgan 
holds another parish where he preaches in Welsh."' 
Presently very near view of the sea on my left, seemingly 
a bay. Coast stretching to the South — headlands to the 
East.^*^ 

The English musicians, one of which [«tc] wa« a harper, 
by the road side. Noble prospect of bay^* whilst descend- 
ing the hill — the scene very much like Douglas Bay. 

After descending hill, crossed a little foot bridge** over 
a kind of pebble way,*' then on the sea shore and in 
Pembrokeshire. Discourse with men who sat on beach. 
Puzzled them by telling them that the name of the bridge, 
which it seems had no name, should be Pont y Terfyn.** 
I observed that one of them, a young man, instantly 
jotted the words down in a book. They both spoke 
Welsh and were out of Carmarthenshire. Presently left 
shore and, after ascending and descending a hill or two by 
a circuitous route, soaked with perspiration and almost 
exhausted I reached Saundersfoot** — Picton Arms.** Kind 
good humoured honest woman who apologized for the 

^ Possibly a man named Phillips, a native of Saundersfoot. 

^ The original Pendine, grouped about the church. The houses 
near the shore are probably later additions, in part due to the 
attractions of Pendine as a summer-resort. 

* Mr. Morgan's other parish was Gyffic, near Whitland. 

10 Borrow undoubtedly included the Island of Caldy as one of 
the headlands. 

^^ Saundersfoot Bay. — Borrow makes several allusions to Douglas. 
He stayed there in 1855. The scene in descending the hill from 
Marros to the shore at Amroth is indeed a noble one, and for 
picturesque beauty and charm of colour the view can have few 
equals. 

** Now superseded by a cart-bridge. 

^ A storm- beach. 

^* Pont-y-terfyn : the bridge of the boundary. The little stream 
crossed by the bridge divides Carmarthenshire from Pembrokeshire. 

^ Borrow does not mention Amroth. Possibly the omission was 
due to the state of the tide which, if near high-water, would keep 



George Borrow' s Second Tour in Wales. 1 65 

indifiFerent accommodation of the house, by saying* that 
S. was a country place and that they were Welsh. 

[August] 24th, [Monday]. — Breakfast. Burning morn- 
ing. Bathed in the sea beyond the little pier, on sandy 
beach with rocks here and there — water shallow, tide 
going out — waded some way — then swam — dived at last 
in water between seven and eight foot — rock and sand at 
bottom, deep — strolled up hill after dressing — ^the shaft of 
deserted mine. 

Saundersfoot is a small straggling place on the bottom 
and declivity of a hill — there is a pier, coal works, and 
tramway. There is a great rise and fall of tide here, 
sometimes thirty feet. At the end of the headland to 
the South-East is a strange rock, which can be reached at 
low water, called the Monk's Rock.*' Written on the 
pier at Saundersfoot. The coast strikingly resembles the 
scenery about Douglas ; but Saundersfoot cannot be com- 
pared with Douglas, pier exceedingly rude, very narrow, 
entrance at N. into bason quite dry at low tide. High 
and strong wall to the East and cliff to the S. 

I was very much fatigued from the journey of the 
previous day. Laugharne is only 12 miles from S.F. but 
I shall never forget the heat of the weather — it was truly 
horrible. The Australian Welshman said that the heat 
of Australia was nothing to it. 

[August] 26th, [Tuesday]. — ^After breakfast started 
from Saundersfoot after paying bill which was very 
moderate, the dear good landlady apologizing for my 
indifferent accommodation though it had been excellent. 
Written at the top of St. Margaret's Bock, Tenby.** In 
Tenby Castle. 

him close up to the storm-beach, and so curtail his view. This is 
corroborated by the fact that he proceeded to Saundersfoot by road. 
Had he been able to walk along the shore, he would have materially 
shortened his journey. 

1* Picton Castle Hotel, kept in 1857 by a Mrs. Rees. The Inn is 
now named Hean Castle Hotel. 

^^ Monkstone. 

^" St. Catherine's Rock. Borrow evidently confused this with 
St. Margaret's Island, oflf Caldy Island. The fort which now occupies 
the top uf St. Catherine's Rock was not built till 1868. 



1 66 George Borrows Second Tour in Wales. 

About 5 miles from Tenby, St. Florence. Beautiful 
girl with donkey. No Welsh spoken in the parish. 

Halfway House. Manbedring parish" — bason of water. 

Llanfar'^ — singular village 2 m. from Pembroke. 
Handsome girls in singular dress, milking cows in the 
street — some good-looking houses — church with tall thin 
spire. 

Pembroke — mean entrance — dull, lifeless, town — ^fine 
castle towards the end. Lion Inn.'^ 

Pembroke Castle — written in the birth-room of 
Henry Vllth. 

Patters Barracks,^' firing. Difficulties of crossing 
water. Walk to Milford — Llan Stadwell — returned." 
Drunkard by the road's side. "This is my residence. 
Sir," but never asked me in. Soldiers with deserters. 

[August] 26th, [Wednesday]. — Milford Haven — 
glorious bay, but the sun so hot and dazzling as nearly 
to deprive me of my senses. 

Stanton" — the same peculiarly thin kind of spire which 
I had seen at Llanf ar. 

^^ Presumably Manorbier parish. We have not identified the 
"half-way house ^. 

*Lamphey. — Borrow probably thought the name to be a cor- 
ruption of Llanfair (St. Mary^s). The name is a corruption of 
Llanfi'ydd (St. Faith's). 

^^ The proprietor of the Lion Inn in 1857 was a Mr. Jones. 
There is no record of Borrow's visit, nor is there at the lodge of 
Pembroke Castle. 

** Pater battery (pronounced " Patter "), near Pembroke Dock. 
Borrow appears to have crossed Milford Haven by boat (probably 
from Hobb's Point) to Neyland, and to have set out on foot via 
Llanstadwell for Milford ; but whether he got as far as Milford that 
day is doubtful. 

^ This is ambiguous. Dr. Knapp, in his transcript, suggests in 
an insertion that Borrow returned to Milford. But there is na 
evidence that he reached Milford on the 25th, and on studying the 
notes we conclude that he retraced his steps to Pembroke, and 
stayed that night (Aug. 25th) at The Lion. Unfortunately there is 
no record of his visit left at Pembroke. Next day (the 26th) he 
probably crossed from Hobb*s Point direct to Milford, though' he 
does not say so. 

^ Steynton, on the road between Milford and Haverfordwest. 



George Borrow^ s Second Tour in Wales. 167 

Johnston — village — no Welsh. 

Haverfordwest— little river — bridge ;" steep ascent" — 
sounds of music — young fellows playing — steep descent — 
strange town — Castle Inn. H.W. in Welsh Hool-fordd. 

[August] 27th, Thursday. — Burning day as usual. 
Breakfasted on tea, eggs, and soup. Went up to the Castle. 
St. Mary's Church — river — bridge — toll — ^The two bridge 
keepers — River Dun Cledi*' — runs into Milford haven — 
exceedingly deep in some parts — would swallow up the 
largest ship ever built^ — people in general dislike and 
despise the Welsh. 

Started for St. David's. Course S.W.** After walking 
about 2 m. crossed Pelkham Bridge" — it separates St. 
Martin's from Camrwyn'^ parish, as a woman told me 
who was carrying a pipkin in which were some potatoes in 
water but not boiled. In her other hand she had a dried 
herring. She said she had lived in the parish all her life 
and could speak no Welsh, but that there were some 
people within it who could speak it. Bested against a 
shady bank," very thirsty and my hurt foot very sore. 
She told me that the mountains to the N. were called by 
various names. One the [Clo ?] mountain." 

The old inn" — ^the blind woman." Arrival of the odd- 
looking man and the two women I had passed on the road. 

^ Merlin's Bridge, on the outskirts of Haverfordwest. 

» Merlin's HUl. 

^ River Daucleddau. The river at Haverfordwest is the Western 
Cleddau ; it joins the Eastern Cleddau about six miles below the 
town. Both rivers then become known as Daucleddau or the two 
Cleddaus. 

^ Borrow means Milford Haven ; the swallowing capacities of 
the Western Cleddau are small. 

» North-west. 

^ Pelcomb Bridge. 

'^ Camrose parish. 

^ Appropriately known as Tinker's Back. 

^ Dr. Knapp was unable to decipher this word. He remarks in 
a note that the pencillings are much rubbed and almost illegible. 
We think, however, that the word should be Plumstone, a lofty hill 
which Borrow would see just before he crossed Pelcomb Bridge. 

^ This was a low thatched cottage on the St. David's road, half- 
way up Keeston Hill. A few years ago it was demolished, and a 



i6$ George Borrows Second Tour in Wales. 

The collier [on]'" the ass gives me the real history of 
Bosvile. Written in Eoche Castle, a kind of oblong 
tower built on the rock — there is a rock within it, a huge 
crag standing towards the East in what was perhaps once 
a door. It turned out to be a chapel." 

The castle is call'd in Welsh Castel y Gam, a trans- 
lation of Roche. The girl and water — B — 9 (Nanny) 
Dallas.'** Dialogue with the Baptist'' who was mending 
the roads. 

Splendid view of sea — isolated rocks to the South. 
Sir las" headlands stretching S. Descent to the shore. 
New Gall Bridge*'. The collier's wife. Jemmy Itemaunt*' 
was the name of man on the ass. Her own husband goes 
to work by the shore. The ascent round the hill. Distant 
view of Eoche Castle. The Welshers, the little village" — 
all looking down on the valley appropriately called Y Cwm. 
Dialogue with tall man Merddyn ?** — The Dim o Cly wed. 

Solva, &c." 

new aud more commodious buildiog knowu as the HiU Arms erected 
on its site. 

^ The old inn was kept by the blind woman, whose name was 
Mrs. Lloyd. Many stories are related of her wonderful cleverness 
in managing her business, and it is said that no customer was ever 
able to cheat her with a bad coin. Her blindness was the result 
of an attack of small-pox when twelve years of age. 

^ Dr. Knapp's insertion. 

^ It is doubtful if there was a chapel ; no one remembers it. 

^ Nanny Dallas is a mistake. No such name is remembered by 
the oldest inhabitants, and it seems certain that the woman Borrow 
met was Nanny Lawless, who lived at Simpson a short distance 
away. 

^ Evan Rees, of Summerhill (a mile south-east of Roch). 

^ Sger-las and Sger-ddu, two isolated rocky islets off Solva 
Harbour. The headlands are the numerous prominences which jut 
out along the north shore of St. Bride's Bay. 

** Newgale Bridge. 

*^ Jemmy Raymond. '' Remaunt '' is the local prouunciation. 
Jemmy and his ass appear to have been two well-known figures in 
Roch 30 or 40 years ago ; the former died about the year 1886. 

*3 Pen-y-cwm. 

** Davies the carpenter was undoubtedly the man; he was noted 
for his stature. Dim-yn-clywed — deaf. 



George Borrow' s Second Tour in Wales. 169 

St. David's. (Tommercial Inn.^' 

[August] 28th, Friday. St. David's. 

[August] 29th, Saturday. Started for Fishguard or 
Aber Gwayn.*' Abereiddy^Matrice*' — came at last to 
Fishguard upon the coast. Commercial lun. 

[August] 80th, Sunday. Fishguard to Newport — the 
public house — the old good humoured talkative landlady. 
Gin and water — Bayvil parish — Aber Tafi** on the left- 
broad and beautiful bridge. Cardigan Inn — ^the 8 com. 
trav. — ^Rec* letters from wife. 

[August] 81st. Burning day. Stopped within, the 
greater part of it — felt unwell — cholera pains. 

Sept. 1st. To Llechrhyd, thence to Kilgerran Castle 
and back to LI. — Pont !^ennarth. New Castle Emlyn. 
Salutation Inn. Bain during the night. 

Sept. 2nd. To Lampeter Inn. 

Sept. 8rd. Lampeter to Llandewy Brevi'*^. [Dr. 
Knapp here adds ^^the rest impossible; all mts. and 
obscure places not on maps "] . 

Sept. 5th. To Builth. 

Sept. 6th. Start from Builth for Presteyne (Sunday). 
Radnorshire Arms. Asked waiting maid if Presteign was 
in Wales — "No," she replied. "Is it in Hereford, 
then?" "No, Sir, in Radnorshire". 



[Paris, 26 Aug. 1908. Deciphered from rubbed notes 
in pencil made 51 yra. ago— a full 8 days' hard work. 
K. aet. 73.] 

*'^ Dr. Kuapp here says " descriptions omitted.** Up to this point 
they are complete, but from here onward only a selection has been 
transcribed by him. 

^ The inn is now a private residence. 

*' Aber-Gwaen. 

« Mathry. 

*» Aber-Teifi, i.e., Cardigan. 

^ Borrow alludes to his traverse of this region in a passage in 
Wild Wales (chap. 98), where he says that "long subsequently *' 
(to 1854) he found that these parts of Breconshire and Carmarthen- 
shire contain some of the wildest soliludes and most romantic scenery 
in Wales. The '' long subsequently,'' however, was really not quite 
three years! 



I yo George Borrows Second Tour in Wales. 

The transcript enables us to make a correction in the 
Itinerary as given in the Life, Borrow is there said to 
have walked, on Sept. Srd,. from Lampeter to Builth. 
This should , read ^^ Lampeter, to Llanddewi Brefi." 
Where he slept on the night of Sept. 4th we are un- 
fortunately left to conjecture^ for it is just here that 
Dr. Knapp was overcome by the difficulties of transcrip- 
tion and b]^ want of access to large-scale maps, as he 
admits in his letter. We may, however, hazard a guess 
that, unless Borrow got hopelessly out of his way, he 
alept on the 4th at Abergwessin, about half-way between 
Llanddewi Brefi and Builth. On the 5th he reached 
Builth, and on the 6th he accomplished a matter of 
twenty-eight miles from Builth to Mortimer's Cross 
(alluded to in chap. 36 of Wild Wale%) — not a bad day 
for a man of fifty-four ! Beyond this point, however, all 
we know is that on the 17th he was at Shrewsbury, and 
on Oct. 5th at Leighton, Uppington and Donnington (all 
in the neighbourhood of the county town) looking up 
traces of Goronwy Owen. 

And so we leave him. Some day, perhaps, some 
enthusiast will publish a transcript of the remainder of 
Borrow's Note Book of 1857, and also, perhaps, that of 
1867, when we may have a further opportunity of follow- 
ing still more closely the tracks of Lavengro across the 
heart of wildest Wales. 



ON THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY BALLAD 

ENTITLED 

^^@ Tl7arning for aff (Wlurbeme/^ 

BY 
WILLIAM E. A. AXON, LL.D. 

(Mancemion,) 



Local ballads are not very common, and even when the 
subject-matter is mythical or spurious they are still worthy 
of attention. Welsh bibliographers have not so far noted 
a remarkable and incredible story of an alleged murder at 
Buthin which is to be found in the Boxburghe Collection 
(I. 484) of ballads in the British Museum. It is a folio 
broadside and has a frontispiece in three divisions. In 
the first is seen a soldier with a blackened face; the 
second represents a servant entering a room, and the third 
shows a woman on a bed and the hands, and one arm, and 
one leg of a child are visible. 

The ballad is in two parts. In the first pai*t the verses 
are arranged in three columns ; in the second they are in 
two columns only. There is no date, but it can be reason- 
ably conjectured from what is known of the printer. 

The strange story told in the ballad is of the murder 
of David Williams, a gentleman of Buthin, who has an 
estate, worth £100 yearly, which excites the cupidity of his 
cousins. In order to obtain it they resolve to kill him and 
his wife and her unborn child. When Williams, who has 
a foreboding of impending doom, is having an evening 
walk with his wife, he is slain by his cousins who have 
disguised themselves as broken soldiers. The wife is also 



172 A Warning for all Murderers. \ 

stabbed^ but her wounds are not fatal and the birth of the 
pofithumous heir prevents the murderers from benefiting 1 

by their crime. The boy happens to be with his nurse 1 

at a house where one of the murderers was playing at 1 

'^ tables '\ The child who has crept under the table bites I 

the ankle of the cousin^ and the wound ends in a mortifi- | 

cation which proves fatal. 

Twelve months later the second murderer is drinking ' 

merrily when the fatal child takes a great pin from his 
coat and thrusts it into the man's thigh. Another death 
is the result^ and the child, although beaten, will not ask 
for forgiveness. 

The third murderer remains, and, taught prudence by 
the fate of his colleagues in crime, he avoids the child, 
but one day falls asleep in the harvest field. The boy 
thrusts a bramble-stick down the man's open throat, and 
in endeavouring to extract it damages his windpipe so 
that death ensues. He, however, before shuffling off this 
mortal coil, confesses the murder in which he had a third 
share. Such is the argument of this quaint old ^^ ballad 
in print". The poet may perhaps have had some slender 
traditional groundwork, but the story seems rather to 
belong to folk-lore than history. It may indeed be purely 
a work of fancy, but even in that case it illustrates in a 
naive fashion the deep conviction of the popular mind 
that the shedder of innocent blood cannot in the long run 
escape vengeance. 

It is possible that our sorry poet may have found the 
story in some of those collections of anecdotes in which 
our ancestors delighted, but I cannot trace it in Beard's 
** Theatre of God's Judgment" or in Turner's "Remark- 
able Providences", or Reynold's "God's Revenge against 
Murder", but it may possibly exist in some other once- 
popular collection of probable and improbable anecdotes. 



A Warning for all Murderers. 173 

It is difficult to imagine this lugubrious narrative as 
a composition to be sung, but it is marked as intended to 
go to the tune of "Wigmore's Galliard", which is given 
in William Chappell's "Popular Music of the Olden Time" 
(p. 242). The tune is mentioned as early as 1584. 

Henry Gosson, the publisher of "A Warning for all 
Murderers", was not an unknown man. He issued many 
trifles and also some things of greater moment. The 
Editio princepa of "Pericles" came from his shop. John 
Taylor, the Water Poet, was one of his patrons or prot6g^s 
as the case may be. In 1607 he published Bichard John- 
son's "Pleasant Walks of Moore-Fields" and he was still 
in business in 1640. The "Warning" is conjectured by 
the British Museum authorities to belong to the year 
1635. 

The name of Williams is, of course, a common one in 
Wales, but it is worth notice that John Williams, arch- 
bishop of York, was educated at Buthin School. 

We may now give the text of the ballad from that in 
the Boxburghe collection in the British Museum (I. 484). 
It is catalogued under Williams (David). 



A WARNING FOR ALL MURDERERS. 

A most rare, strange, and wonderful accident, which by 
God's just judgment was brought to passe, not farre, 
from Rithin in Wales, and showne upon three most 
wicked persons, who had secretly and cunningly mur- 
dered a young gentleman named David Williams, that 
by no means it could be knowne, and how in the end it 
was revenged by a childe of five yeeres old, which was 
in his mother's wombe, and unborne when the deed was 
done. 

To the tune of Wigmores Galliard. 

[Picture.] 



174 ^ Warning for all Murderers. 

Give earc unto my story true, 

you gracelesse men on earth : 
Which any way in secret seeke 

your neighbours timelesse death. 
Not many pleasant Summers past 

this wicked worke was done, 
Which three accursed kinsmen wrought 

against their Unckles sonne. 

A kind and courteous gentleman, 

his aged Father's joy, 
The only heire unto his Lands 

that should his place enjoy. 
His envious Nephewes gaping still, 

his day of death to see. 
Thought every yeere that he did live 

seven yeeres and more to bee. 

Because this gentle Gentleman, 

once being laid in grave, 
Their aged Unckle being dead, 

they should the living have : 
The thought whereof did often make 

their hearts with joy abound. 
For that they knew the living worth 

each yeere an hundred pound. 

But when they saw this toward youth 

live up to man's estate. 
And to himselfe hath likewise chose 

a faithfull loving mate, 
Then were they out of hope and heart, 

but most, when they did see 
His beauteous wife in little space, 

most big with child to bee. 

Then did the Divell intice them straight 
to murther, death, and blood. 

Thereby to purchase to themselves 
their long desired good. 

A hundred waies they did devise 
this Gentleman to kill : 

But yet his wife being big with child, 
stuck in their stomach still. 



A Warning for all Murderers,. 175 

If we should slay the one, they said, 

and let the other live. 
No comfort to our hearts desire 

that deed at all would give : 
The brat new bred within her wombe, 

none can for heire deny : 
Therefore 'tis meet and requisite 

that both of them should die. 

And for to blind the eyes of men, 

strange garments had they got, 
Which to performe that wicked deed 

they onely did allot. 
And after this most bad pretence, 

the gentleman each day. 
Still felt his heart to throb and faint 

And sad he was alway. 

His sleepe was full of dreadfull dreames, 

in bed where he did lie, 
His heart was heavie in the day 

yet knew no reason why. 
And oft as he did sit at meate, 

his nose most suddenly. 
Would spring and gush out crimson blood, 

and straight it would be dry. 

It chanced so upon a time. 

As he his supper ate. 
His eyes and heart so heavie were 

that he slept at his meate. 
Now fie, then quoth his loving wife, 

and woke him presently. 
Why is my Deare so drowsie now ? 

quoth he, I know not, I. 

Good wife, he said, let us goe walke, 

about our Land a while, 
I shall be wakened thorouly 

When I have walkt a mile. 
His wife agreed, and forth they went, 

Most kindly arme in arme : 
But suddenly were they espied 

that thought on little harme. 



1/6 A Warning for all Murderers. 

At length three sturdy men they met 

in Souldiers tattered ragges, 
With swords fast girt unto their sides, 

which tangled in their jagges ; 
Their faces smear'd with durt and soote, 

in lothsome beastly wise, 
With black thrumb'd hats upon their heads 

as is the Germanes guise. 

And when they saw no persons nie, 

Those helplesse couple then, 
They wounded sore in cruell sort, 

like most accursed men. 
And in the thickest of the come, 

which in that place was hie. 
They drag'd the murdred bodies then, 

and so away did hie. 

And soone they shifted off their rags. 

And hid them by the way. 
And weaponlesse they homeward went, 

clad in their owne array. 
Long did the silly servants waite 

their Master's comming home. 
Which dead within the field did lie, 

All bath'd in bloody fome. 

FINIS. 

Printed at London for Henry Gosson, 

dwelling upon London Bridge, 

neere the Gate. 



A Warning for all Murderers. iTj 



A WARNING FOR ALL MURDERERS. 



The second part of the murder of David Williams, and 
his Wife being great with childe, which was revenged by 
a childe of five yeeres old, which was in his mother's 
wombe, and unborne when the deed was done. 

To the tune of Wigmores Galliard. 

At length when dark and gloomy clouds 

had shadowed all the skie, 
The servants wandred up and downe 

their Master to espie : 
And as they past along the place 

where these were lately slaine, 
Within the corne they heard one grone, 

as heart would breake in twaine. 

And running straight to search and see, 

who gave this ghastly sound : 
Their Master dead their Mistris stab'd, 

yet living there they found, 
In bitter pangs in travell then 

this woefull woman lay, 
And was delivered of a Sonne, 

before the breake of day. 

Then died she incontinent, 

No memory had she 
For to descry the murtherers 

nor found they could not be. 
They both together buried were 

the child to Nurse was set, 
Which thriv'd and prospered passing well, 

no sicknesse did him let. 



178 A Warning for all Murderers. 

But now behold God's judgement just : 

the truth I shall you tell, 
Ere this child was seven quarters old, 

this strange event befell : 
One of the murtherers being set 

at Tables on a day, 
The Nurse did chance to bring this child 

within that place to play. 

The child under the Table got, 

unthought of any one. 
And bit his Cousin by the legge, 

hard at the ankle bone, 
Which by no help nor Art of man 

could ever healed be. 
But sweld and rotted in such sort, 

That thereof dyed he. 

Not full a twelve months after this, 

this child did chance to be. 
Whereas the second murderer 

was drinking merrily : 
He tooke one of the biggest pinnes 

that stuck about his brest. 
And thrust it in his Kinsman's thigh, 

where then the signe did rest. 

Which done, he laughing ran his way, 

the wound did bleed amaine : 
By no means could they stanch the blood, 

nor ease his extreme paine. 
The griefe and anguish was so great, 

which thereof did proceed. 
That ere three days were fully past, 

the man to death did bleed. 

The child with rods was swing'd full sore, 

for this unhappy act. 
Yet never would forgivenesse aske 

for his committed fact. 
Thus past it on, untill the time 

this child was five yeeres old : 
The other murderer living still 

with conscience bad, behold* 



A Warning for all Murderers, 1 79 

He never after saw the child 

but he would shun the place, 
The child did never looke on him 

but with a frowning face : 
And stones at him would he fling 

where ere he did him meete : 
Which made the neighbours wonder much 

that of ten-times did see't. 

In Harvest next this little child, 

with other boyes beside. 
Went to the Fields, and open mouth 'd 

this man asleepe they spide : 
The child having a bramble sticke, 

within his hand to play, 
Did thrust it downe his Cousins throat, 

a sleeping as he lay. 

The man therewith being soone awak't, 

did strive to pull it out : 
And he thereby did rent and teare 

his wind-pipe round about : 
Which being found incurable, 

as he lay on his bed. 
His murderous deed he did confesse, 

as you before have read. 

FINIS. 



Printed at London for Henry Gosson 

dwelling upon London Bridge^ 

mere the Gate, 



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