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^^•■^»— ^ 



«■MMta^ 



Vol. XV. 




Cpttiitirodor. 



cue madaziite 



Of tbc Smewrabk 



Socletp of Cptntnro(lorlon« 



PRODUCED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF 
THE EDITORIAL COMMITTEE, 



LONDON.: 

ISSUED BY THE SOCIETY, 

NEW StONET BUILDINGS, 64, CHANCERY LANE. 

1902. 



■• .>i..íAi 



, 



Vot. XV. 




Cpìtiítirodon 



CBe maflazlite 



Of tbc Boimirabic 



Societp of Cpmnirodorlofl. 



PRODUCED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF 
THE EDITORIAL COMMITTEE. 



LONDON,: 

ISSUED BY THE SOCIETY, 

NEW STONE' BUILDINGS, 64, CHANCERY LANE. 

1902. 



THE HONOURABLE SOCIETY OF CTKMRODORION. 



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President .^^Tke Right Htm. L»rd Tredegar, 

Chairman of the Council >— Mr. Stephen Evans^fP, 

Treasurer :^ Mr. H. Lloyd Roberts, Secretary >-Mr, E, Vincent Evans. 



THirHoiffOUBABLE SociBTT 09 Cymmbodobion, Originally foonded andor Boyal 
patronage in 1751, was revived in 1873, with the object of bringing into closer contact 
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IS 



■ •I 

• I 



'.' 



y Cpmitirodor* 



i MAGAZINE 



OF THE HONOURABLE 



SOCIETY OF CYMMRODORION. 



VOL. XV. 



PRODUCED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF 
THE EDITORIAL COMMITTEE. 



• • • • • • • 



V * • ■ • 

«• ••••• 



LONDON: 

ISSUED BT THE SOCIETY, 

NEW STONE BUILDINGS, 64, CHANCERY LANE. 

1902. 






Dbyizbb : 
Pbintbd bt Georgb Simpbon. 



• ■ 



• • 



•• • %• • • • 

• • • • • 

••• • . • • •, 

•• •••'•••« •••• • *• • 
•*• • •• • ••• . . • : • ••• . » 



•- * - • • 



CONTENTS. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. By D. Lleüfer Thomas 1 

Saint Garannog. By the Bev. S. Babino Gould, M.A. 88 

Old County Families of Dyfed. The Wogans of Boulston. 

By Francis Green. {With lllustratu/ns and Pedigree) 100 

Reviews: — Edwards' (Owen M.) Wale^. By W. 

Llewelyn Williams, B.G.L., Oxon. ... 160 

Bradley's (Arthur G.) Owen Glyndwr : and Uie Last 
Struggle for Welsh Independence. By T. 
Stanley Roberts, M.A. ... ... ... 168 

Loth's (J.) La Meirique Galloise. By H. Elvet 

1jEWIS| Ju.A.. .•« ... ... ... IfO 

Boëssler's (Chas.) Les Influences Celtiques. By 

H. Elvet Lewis, M.A. ... ... ... 174 



3509 VJ 






■ •• •••••• 




Cçmmrüìíür* 



Vol. XV. "Cared doeth yr kncilion." 1901. 



&mie (plorrte in CûŵíganeÇíré* 

By D. LLEUFER THOMAS. 



Ab part of the gradual assimilation of Welsh legal institu- 
tions to those of England^ a process which commenced 
immediately after the conquest of Wales by Edward I, the 
cantrefi and cymydau of the Principality came to be treated 
and regarded by English lawyers as the Welsh equivalents 
of the lordships and manors of England. English manorial 
law was applied to the ancient Welsh divisions^ and the 
rights which the lord and free tribesmen of a cantref en- 
joyed under the Welsh laws were interpreted as far as 
possible in accordance with those of the lord and free- 
holders of an English manor. Among other doctrines 
thus applied to Wales was the presumption that all 
unenclosed land was the waste of the lordship or manor in 
which it was situated : the Crown^ as the successor in title 
to the tribal, and therefore not strictly feudal^ rights of the 
Welsh lords, claimed extensive tracts of unenclosed lands 
as waste of its various lordships; a claim strenuously 
opposed by most of the great landowners and freeholders, 
who on their part asserted that such lands, though unen- 
closed, were not common or waste at all, but formed part 
of their freehold estates. The chronic hostility which 

B 



»1 ' - 



? • . • • • • •• • 



• • 



2 Lewis Slkfbiir^'lm: C^^ýànfàtre. 

existed between Welsh landowners and the Crown, with 
reference to this question, culminated from time to time 
in *' pitched battles," fought either in the law-courts,' or 
more often in an appeal to physical force on tlie slopes of 
one of the mountains, the ownership of which was in 
dispute. 

The more salient facts of several of these conflicts may 
be found collected and commented upon in the Report of 
the Welsh Land Commisinon (pp. 185-8, 199-207). But 
one of the earliest and most important seems to have 
hitherto escaped attention. As the official champion of 
the Crown rights on that occasion was none other than 
the bard and antiquary, Lewis Morris {Llewelyn Ddu o 
F6n)y the story may probably be deemed of sufficient his- 
torical importance to be accorded space in the pages of 
Y Oymmrodor. The Welsh bard's great-grandson and 
namesake, Sir Lewis Morris, of Penbryn, has kindly placed 
in my hands, for perusal, a large collection of recently 
discovered papers in his ancestor's handwriting, including 
one hundred and twenty letters, addressed by Lewis to his 
brother William at Holyhead, between 1748 and 1762, 
but by far the greater number of them bearing date be- 
tween 1753 and 1757 inclusive. The bundle also contains 
drafts or copies of answers and affidavits sworn in 1757 
by Lewis Morris as defendant, in an equity suit instituted 
against him, by information of the Attorney-General, on 
behalf of the Treasury, praying inter alia that the de- 
fendant should be ordered to deliver an account of his 
stewardship of certain Crown manors in North Cardigan- 
shire. In these answers, Lewis Morris discloses the fact 

^ Ad in the case of The Attomey-Oeneral against Reveley, heard in 
the Court of Exchequer in May 1868 and July 1869. A report of the 
case by W. W. Karslake was privately printed in 1870, for the use of 
the office of Woods and Foreste. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 3 

that only a few years previously, even at the risk of his 
life, he had been the champion of the rights of the Crown 
in a dispute as to the ownership of a tract of unenclosed 
land in the same district. 

In the following pages, I shall endeavour to tell tlie 
story of these two struggles so far as I am able to do so 
from the papers before me, and also bring out a few other 
facts relating to Morris's connection with Cardiganshire. 
The letters teem with literary material of very great in- 
terest and value, especially with reference to Goronwy 
Owen, and to the early history of the Cymmrodorion 
Society, which was founded in 1751. All this I have, 
reluctantly, to eschew at present, with the object of con- 
fining myself to the story of Lewis Morris's Cardiganshire 
struggles. 

According to a statement supplied to the Welsh Land 
Commission by the Office of Woods and Forests, the 
Crown, in right of the seven hundreds or manors of 
Creuddyn, Perfedd, Mabwnion, Myfenydd, Harminiog, 
Cyfoeth y Brenin, and Talsam and Silian, was in 1893 the 
owner of upwards of 26,000 acres of unenclosed waste land 
in the county of Cardigan, subject to commonable rights. 
In addition to this, it also possessed '^ the minerals within 
upwards of 28,000 acres of other land, formerly waste of 
the above manors, but which has either been sold or en- 
closed under Act of Parliament with a reservation to the 
Crown of minerals.'^ 

Originally, all the lands in question formed part of the 
ancient Principality of Wales, but on its conquest by 
Edward I, they became attached to the Crown of England. 
Along with much other Crown property in Mid Wales 
they were managed throughout the Tudor period by the 
Earls of Pembroke, who acted as Crown Stewards. Accord- 
ing to a petition presented to Parliament on behalf of 

b2 



4 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

their freeholders in 1660, the Cardiganshire manors had 
been alienated by the Commonwealth in 1649, — 

'* thereby becoming the possessions of private men, particularly of 
Thomas Evans, Henry Vaughan, John Vaughan,* and others, who 
using their jurisdiction with more rigour than your Petitioners or 
Predecessors were formerly acquainted with, by excessive amerce- 
ments, fines, and threats, extorting your Petitioners* Voices at 
Publick Elections, and a conformity to their will and pleasure, many 
times contrary to your Petitioners* judgments and inclinations/' 

In view of these grievances, the petitioners prayed that 
the manors in question should be re-united to the Crown, 
which was effected shortly afterwards, as a natural sequel 
of the Restoration. 

And now to come to Lewis Morris's own period. In 
1746 the stewardship of several, perhaps all, of the crown 
manors in Cardiganshire was granted to William Corbett. 
Most probably he was a younger brother of Thomas 
Corbett, who was an Admiralty official from about 1720, 
filling the post of Secretary of the Admiralty from 1742 
till his death in 1751. What suggests this to me is the 
fact that it was through Thomas Corbett's interest 
(secured through the good offices of Meyrick of Bodorgan) 
that Lewis Morris was commissioned, in 1741, to complete 
the survey of St. Greorge's Channel, a work commenced 
in 1737, but not proceeded with, owing to the scant 
encouragement that Morris had received in the matter. 
The Secretary's brother, William Corbett, commenced 
his career as secretary to Viscount Torrington in the 
Baltic expedition in 1717, and subsequently became 

* ** Of Peterwell, Plâs Gilcennin, and Trawscoed respectively (see 
Meyrick's Cardiganèhire, 208, 286, 322). According to a MS. written 
circ, 1661, John Vaughan (who subsequently became Lord Chief 
Justice of the Common Pleas) ''purchased Meven3rth, one of his late 
Majesty*s manors." When this was re-united to the Crown at the 
Restoration, Vaughan was made steward of Myf enydd and four other 
Crown manors in the district. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 5 

cashier of the Navy.^ Lewis Morris's younger brother, 
Bichardy who became a chief clerk in the Navy office, 
probably owed his introduction into that department to 
his folder brother's connection with the Corbetts. 

When the stewardship of the Crown manors was 
granted to William Corbett in 1746, Lewis Morris was 
appointed deputy steward,* then, and for some years after 
also holding the office of Collector of the Customs at 
Aberdovey. The new office necessitated his settling in the 
district. His brother William, in a letter to Richard 
(dated 10 May 1746, and preserved at the British Museum), 
conveys the news that Lewis had recently purchased 
'' part of an estate situated in such a place that I would 
not have accepted it gratis to live upon it. No doubt he 
has some inducement, mwyn neu rywbeth", minerals or 
something. This probably referred to Galltfadog, a farm 

^ See Dictionary of National Biography, under Thomas Corbett. 
According to Burke, whose account of the family is in many respects 
unreliable, William the cashier was the third son of a William Corbett, 
by Eleanor, daughter and co-heir of Colonel John Jones, of Nanteos, 
Cardiganshire (cf . Me3rrick*s Cardiganshire^ pp. 402, and 572-5). Burke 
erroneously describes William, the father, as " Secretary of the Ad- 
miralty " — but that office was held not by him but by his eldest son 
Thomas — and states that he was the son of Thomas Corbett of Nash, 
Pembrokeshire, who was second son of Robert Corbett (himself a 
younger son of Sir Vincent Corbet, of Moreton Corbet, Salop), by 
Bridget, daughter and heiress to Sir James Pryse, of Ynys y maengwyn, 
near Towyn. There were also later inter-marriages between the Nant- 
eos family and the Corbets of Ynys y maengwyn, both the Rev. W. 
Powell, LL.D. (17a5-1780), and his son Thomas (? 1745-1797) marrying 
ladies from the latter family {Meyrick, 388-9, 403). In any case, William 
Corbett, the navy cashier, had family connections with West Wales, 
especially North Cardiganshire, and this corroborates the identifica- 
tion I suggest. From him the Corbetts of Damhall, in Cheshire, are 
descended. A daughter of Lewis Pryse, of Gogerddan (who died in 
1720), was married to a Corbet, whose Christian name Meyrick 
(p. 398) does not give. 

^ This is the date given by Morris himself in his history of the 
Crown manor of Creuthyn, printed in Meyrick*s Cardiganshire (see p. 



6 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

some five miles out of Aberystwyth.' Lewis was not 
long before taking up his residence there, for he dates a 
letter (also in the British Museum) to Richard from 
Galltfadog on 31 July 1747, in which he says: "T expect 
Mr. Corbett and some g^reat men here daily, and am very 
busy in drawing maps, accounts, &c." Shortly afterwards, 
a friend of the brothers Morris, Alderman Prichard, saw 
Lewis in Cardiganshire, " in company of Mr. W. Corbett 
and Mr. Chambers, to whom he gave great satisfaction." 

Now Corbett's interest in the minerals of the district 
was not merely official. He and a Charles Richards had 
obtained a lease of ^' all mines within the wastes of the 
manor of Cwmwd y Perfedd, in the parish of Llanbadam 
Fawr," at a rent of 6«. 8d. a year, and one-tenth of the 

558), though according to a letter of 17 Aug. 1745 (preserved in the 
Brit. Mus.) from William Morris to Richard, Lewis had a short time 
previously been made " Dy (deputy) steward of all the King's Courts 
in these parts, with an extensive power and tolerable profit/' 

^ *' In the year 17(X), Sir H. Mackworth took a lease of Margaret 
Lewis, of Gallt-vadog, and of her son, R. Lewis, of the mines upon 
certain hills, moors, or places called PwU yv Enaid, Bwlch cwm 
ervin, and Ryginan, for 99 years, in consideration only of £50 in 
hand. They had also a lease of Gwmsymlog, and worked there for 
some years" (Meyrick, p. ccxxxiii). Did Morris purchase Mackworth's 
interest under these leases? On acquiring the property Morris at once 
proceeded to carry out some improvements on it. His farm bailiff and 
factotum, Edward Hughes, writing from Galltfadog on 14 Oct. 1748, to 
Morris himself, who was then in London (attending inter alia to the 
printing of his Survey of St. George's Channel) refers to the new garden 
he was laying out. On 16 Feb. 1749, Morris writes to William from 
Galltfadog, mentioning that he had pulled down the house there '^ in 
order to make it more comfortable." This was also preparatory to 
his bringing there a wife, for on the 20th of October in the same year, 
he married (for his second wife) Ann Lloyd, described as "heiress of 
Penbryn." She went to live at Galltfadog, but in April 1757 (her 
husband being at the time in London), the family removed to Penbryn 
(sometimes called by Morris, probably in jest, Penbryn y barcud)» 
which is about eight miles out of Aberystwyth. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 7 

profits.^ As the usual term for mineral leases was thirty- 
one years, and this one expired on 12 July 1773 (when it 
was not renewed) it probably commenced to run from 
July 1742. 

In 1748, Corbett was vigorously working Cwmsymlog 
mine, possibly under the above mentioned lease from the 
Crown. It was probably in August of that year that a 
Cornish mining expert, Edmond Moore, visited the mine and 
reported on it to him.' At that time the resident manager 
was John Paynter (of whom a good deal hereafter), while 
Edward Hughes, already referred to as Morris's factotum, 
was next in command under Paynter. Hughes seems to 
have been some relative, or at least an old acquaintance, of 
the Morrises from Anglesey, and like them had literary 
tastes (which he however drowned in drink; , lorwerth 
Pwynwr and lorwerth Prych being nxym de plumes of his. 
Hughes continued at Cwmsymlog till the end of 1752, if 
not later. 

Some of the landowners of the district seem to have 
resisted the lessees, in the exercise of their rights. 
This resulted in a suit being instituted in 1743, by the 
Attorney-General, on behalf of the Crown and its lessees, 
Charles Bichards and William Corbett, against Thomas 
Pryse (probably the then M.P. for Cardiganshire), Thomas 
Griffiths and others. Unfortunately the records of this 
suit are now lost. So also are those of another contempo- 
rary local action, the Attorney-General v. Thomas Powell 
(of Nanteos), E. Jenkin and others. As deputy steward, 
Lewis Morris had doubtless to take an active part in pre- 

^ See Returns relating to the Woods, Forests and Land Revenues 
of the Crown, 1831, p. 22. 

' It may he that the year of Moore's visit was 1752, but a state- 
ment in Meyrick*s Cardiganshire (p. 658) suggests that William 
Corbett had died in or before 1761. 



8 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

paring the case for the Crown in both suits, and this did 
not tend to make him a persona grata with the county 
gentry, who felt that their rights were being invaded. 

The second action, in which, we know, the Crown was 
defeated, arose out of a dispute as to the ownership of a 
mine called Bwlchgwyn, situated on unenclosed land, which 
the Crown claimed as common of its manor of Perfedd, 
while Thomas Powell, on the other hand, claimed it as his 
own freehold. Unfortunately only two documents relating 
to it — both in d very torn condition and neither of them 
dated — are included among the papers before me.' The 
first is a libt (in Lewis Morris's writing) of 

" The Freeholds in the neighbourhood of Bwlchgwyn Mine whose 
tenants have always made use of the lands where the mine stands, as 
well as of all the mountains adjoining as a Common, have cut turf on 
the mountain as a common over against their tenements as cus- 
tomary, and those that had no wood growing on their lands made 
use of ye wood of Alltrudd as a common, and have always turned 
their cattle to graze on the common, as belonging to the tenants of 
the Manor of Pervedd and not to any other person." 

The freeholds enumerated are Llwynteifi (? uchaf and 
isaf), Brynbras uchaf and isaf, and Troed y llwybr clun. 
There are added ^' proofs " of such evidence as could be 
given by the more aged persons who then were, or had 
been tenants or servants at these farms. On the back of 
this sheet are also the '' proofs " of some seventeen 

** Cottagers upon the Common of the Mannor of Pervedd, some 
miles distant from the common in dispute, and on the other side the 
great river Rheidol, that have for many years, according to ancient 
custom, cut House Boot, &c., in the wood called ye AUt Rudd near 
Bwlch gwyn mine, being always accounted part of the common of the 
Mannor of Perveth." 

' Further particulars concerning this suit, as well as to other 
matters which brought Morris into conflict with the county gentry, 
may be gleaned from Morris's History of the Crown Manor of 
Creuddyn, printed in Meyrick's CardiganehirCy p. Ö65. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 9 

There is also a memorandum to the following effect : — 

"Very few of the Person» that are material evidences for the 
King about Bwlch gwyn mines will care to speak their minds unless 
forced thereto, for fear of disobliging Mr. Powell, Mr. Parry, &c." 

In order to obtain the necessary evidence, some of 
those who had been concerned in what may be called acts 
of ownership in connection with the land in dispute are 
called upon to answer interrogatories, one set of which, 
translated into WeUh^ forms the only other document now 
before me relating to this suit. The case set up by the 
Crown appears to have been somewhat as follows : — 

A short time previously a mine had been discovered on 
Bwlch gwyn, which was the name of that portion of a 
large tract of unenclosed mountain land adjoining and 
lying over against a farm called Pen-y-b^rth, owned by 
Thomas Powell, and occupied by Bichard Thomas Pugh as 
his tenant. A boundary fence, erected apparently by or on 
behalf of the " brinkers ", separated this unenclosed land 
(including Bwlch gwyn) from the freehold farms that 
surrounded it. By a customary arrangement agreed to, or 
sanctioned by, the tenants of the lordship of Perfedd, each 
" brinker " ** claimed " the exclusive use of that portion of 
the mountain which lay over against his own tenement, 
and such portion was designated — So-and-So's " liberty 
of pasture " (" liberty port "). Bwlchgwyn, on which the 
mine was situated, was recognised as the "liberty" of 
Pen-y-berth. Each individual " brinker" would also drive 
away, though he would never impound, the sheep or cattle of 
any other " brinker " that might come to graze on his own 
"liberty." All unclaimed animals or Estrays (Diarddel) 
found on this mountain had to be delivered up to such 
person as had a grant of the Estrays of the lordship from 
the Crown under a lease. The plaintiff Powell however 
had, at some time or other, set up a claim to " some lord- 



lo Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

ship in the commote of Perfedd," the public proclama- 
tion of which by a crier he had procured, A nominee of 
his had also been directed to collect the Estrays on Bwlch- 
gwyn. 

These papers, as I have said, are undated, but the suit 
had probably been determined before 1750, "Powell carry- 
ing the cause in the Exchequer against the Crown." That 
Morris was blamed for the Crown's interference may be 
inferred from a letter (draft of which is before me) written 
by him early in 1 750 to Gwyn Vaughan,' then a Commis- 
sioner of the Customs. Though the exact import of the 
first part of the communication is not apparent, I think it 
better to give it without any curtailment. 

*' Galltiradog, near Aberystwyth, 
" HoND. Sir — " Feb. 1, 1750. 

" I reed, your kind favour of ye 29th Dec. in due time, and a few 
days ago I reed, ye Deputation from my Lord Lincoln,^ one of which 
I herewith return executed by me. The distemper among ye cattle 
in England occasioned ye delay, for ye Carriers are not allowed to 
travel ye road. 

'' I have deferd answering yours till now in Expectation of seeing 
James James whom you had recommended, but he hath not yet called 
here, though I hear he hath letters for me, nor have I had an oppor- 
tunity of going [there] to Dovey, but intend to go soon if he doth not 

^ He was of Jordanston, Pembrokeshire, being probably a son of 
Lewis Vaughan of that place (High Sheriff of Pembrokeshire for 
1717) by Grace, daughter of Thomas Johnes of Llanfair Clydoghu. 
Two members of the same family, probably son and gi*andson of the 
Commissioner, were Sherififs in 1799 and 1813 (Allen, Sheriffs of Pem- 
brokeshire), The Commissioner (who was a member of the Cym- 
mrodorion Society) died 20 March 1758. He has been erroneously 
identified (W. R. Williams, Pari. Hist of WaleSy p. 19 ; Byeyones for 13 
Mar. 1901, p. 54) with a namesake — who was the eldest son of Wm. 
Gwynn Vaughan, of Trebarried (M.P. for Brecknockshire 1721-1744). 
He is referred to by William Morris in a letter to Richard quoted in 
Byeyones^ loc. cit. 

^ Henry Clinton, 9th Earl of Lincoln, whose wife was Catherine, 
eldest daughter and heiress of Henry Pelham. He inherited in 1768 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 1 1 

come and see me. I shall do him all the service in my power, and you 
shall hear from me. 

" [As for Gower's affair] I expect daily to hear from Mr. Reade 
with a Rent Roll [of my Lord's Estate], and till then I can do nothing 
in my Lord Lin(col)n's affairs. 

"As for ye Grant of Waives and Estrays, if you are concerned in 
it, I shall give you all the assistance I am able, to bring it into order, 
but if Mr. Johnes is concerned in it, I shall not care to meddle in it 
unless youll lay your commands upon me, for he hath not used me as 
he ought. I had some busines with Mr. Powell ye other day at 
Nanteos, when he and his brother the clergyman could not help com- 
plaining what a cruell thing it was of ye Government to fall upon a 
private Gentleman as they had done upon him, and that it was 
wicked in me to be concerned against him for he was sure no body 
else would ; all the answer I made was, that I was but a servant of 
ye (Government's, and it was very hard the King should not have ye 
same privilege of defending his right as a private man had. I asked 
him whether he allowed the King had any property in this 
Country, to which he replyed, that he had much less than I imagind. 

" In short the Insolence of these people is Intolerable, and I am 

sure that if some care be not immediately taken, about the King's 

rights in Wales, it will be all sunk in a few years. I wish his 

Majesty knew as weU as I do the consequence this loss will be to 

him. 

" I am Sir, 

" Your most obligd & obedt. humble servant, 

" L. M." 
" G. Vaughan, Esq. 



*'I am told Mr. Powell is now about purchasing the Tythes of 
Cardiganshire of Mr. Chichester.^ It is an Estate of about £700 a 
year, and will give him such a power here that there will be no living 



the Dukedom of Newcastle, on the death of the Countess's uncle, 
Thomas Pelham, who had been created Duke of Newcastle-under- 
Lyme, with special remainder to the Earl of Lincoln. Henry Pelham 
and (still more so) his brother, the 1st Duke, figure largely in Morris's 
correspondence. 

* John Palmer Chicester, of Arlington Court, Devon, whose mother, 
Catherine, was buried in the church of Llanbadarn. Their grandson 
was High Sheriff of Cardiganshire for 1 831 . The tithes of Llanfihangel 
GenauV Glyn and a moiety of those of Gwnnws belonged to the Chi- 
chester family (Meyrick, 304, 384, 430). 



12 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

for any man but his creatures. If you or your friends have any 
inclination for such a purchase, I believe I can send for a full account 
of that Estate, but cannot at present find the papers. — I am, Ac." 

Prom what has already been said, it may be seen 
that the advent of Lewis Morris into Cardiganshire was 
coincident with a considerable revival of activity in the 
mining industry of that part of the country. 

In 1747, he set some miners to open an old drowned 
work known as Nant y Creiau in Llanbadam Fawr. The 
Crown agreed to grant a lease of it to John Vaughan, a 
London merchant, who assigned his rights to Owen Mey- 
rick. In September 1751, Powell of Nanteos, perceiving 
that it was not being worked by the Crown, set some 
miners to work it, but Morris threatened to prosecute them 
and they discontinued. Morris subsequently restarted it 
on behalf of the Crown a few years later, but in the mean- 
time, that is, in 1751, he or his servants had discovered 
rich deposits of lead ore at Esgair y mwyn in the upper 
parcel of the parish of Gwnnws, and in the lordship (or 
manor) of Myfenydd, or broadly speaking about half-way 
between Strata Plorida and Ysbytty Ystwyth. It was fully 
twenty miles from his home at Galltfadog, being separated 
from it by the Rheidol and Ystwyth, both often impass- 
able in rainy weather, and by the very formidable spur of 
Plinlymon which forms the watershed between these two 
rivers. But despite the inhospitable nature of the region 
he had to traverse in order to reach the mine, Morris 
seems to have paid close attention to its development. 
In his capacity of Crown Steward he let it for the term of 
one year, from 1 July 1751, to three working miners 
(Evan Williams, John and David Morgan) at the rent of 
10«. for every ton of ore raised. Some three months later, 
Morris himself and another person for his use entered 
into partnership with the three bargain-takers for the 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 13 

remainder of their term, taking care to inform the Trea- 
sury of the transaction, which, as Morris subsequently 
alleged, was entered into " in order the better to secure the 
mine from several riotous persons who had a view to 
taking it by force, which they afterwards compass'd." 

Meyrick, in his History of the county (p. ccxli), states, 
on what authority I know not, that during that year the 
partners " cleared about £1,800 each." The duty (at the 
rate of 10«. per ton) which Morris charged himself as 
having received was £600 3». 9d., representing a total of 
1,000 tons of ore raised. When in the subsequent litiga- 
tion Morris was pressed for a detailed accoimt of the re- 
ceipts and disbursements for the year, his reply, as given 
in some memoranda, probably prepared for his counsel, 
was that 

" the accounts for the year 1751 were private accounts between 
the partners who paid the Crown a duty per Ton, the partners being 
in a manner illiterate, and each keeping accts. on sticks or stones. 
No regular account was kept, all being concem'd in the expense of 
raising the ore and in the management. Therefore the Crown had 
nothing to do with their private expenses for raising the ore, and was 
only to receive the duty agreed upon ; and they were apprehensive 
that if they could have produced any manner of an account of their 
expenses in raising that ore that the officers of the Crown would 
have taken it into their heads to charge them with the whole profits, 
especiaUy as Mr. Sharpe [the Solicitor to the Treasury] and others 
had hinted that I had no authority to set that Bargain, and we 
looked upon giving up those private accounts to be examin*d by the 
Crown to the giving up their right to that year's bargain, and it 
certainly would have been so ; and I would have been charged with the 
whole year's profits." 

After the expiration of the year's lease the Treasury, 
however, appointed Morris, on 15th July 1762, Agent and 
Superintendent of the Esgair y mwyn mine, and "all 
other mines which he had then discovered or should 
discover " on the wastes or commons of the Crown 
Manors in the counties of Cardigan and Merioneth. He 



14 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

at once applied himself with characteristic energy to the 
development of the mine, for during the remainder of 1752, 
and before he could dispose of the ore raised in the interval, 
he "expended over and above the duty which he had 
received for ye Crown, many large sums of money of his 
own, in workmen's wages, and otherwise." But the 
owners of the freeholds adjoining the mine were not going 
to submit tamely to what they considered to be sheer con- 
fiscation of their property by the Crown, and several of 
the parties interested, including Lord Lisbum, Powell of 
Nanteos, and two brothers, John and David Williams 
(owners of Llwyn-y-mwyn and Cilfach-y-rhew which 
adjoined Esgair y mwyn), joined forces with the view of 
contesting the title set up by the Crown. 

In anticipation of their attempting to dispossess him 
by some legal process, Morris wrote on 19 Feb. 1753 to one 
Thomas Evans, a London Attorney,* enclosing a copy of 
his Commission from the Treasury, and requesting him to 
obtain an opinion as to his position from " any eminent 
Council except ye Attorney-General, and except also such 
persons that you may suspect will be employ'd by my 
adversaries." The questions which he submitted in the 
letter were as follows : — 

1. "Whether an Injunction from any Court of Law can or ought 
to stop me in working these mines for ye Crown P It would be a 
hard case upon me, after laying out my money in raising ore by 
virtue of the said Commission, to be obliged to stop and take off the 
King's miners that are in possession, only upon a false affidavit, pre- 
tending we commit waste on a freehold. If they could get an In- 
junction, I loose ye possession of course, and about the value of 
£6,000 in ore ready raised. . . 



^ He was a native of Anglesey. His name appears in the list of 
members of the Cymmrodorion Society for 1769, his offices being then 
in the Inner Temple. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 15 

2. " If I am senr'd with a supcena to answer a bill in Chancery for 
being a forcible detainer of a freehold, &c.y what answer can I make, 
as I work it under the above Commission for ye Crown ? Am I to 
recite my Commission in answer ? 

" I have worked ye mine by ye directions of ye ofOicers of ye Crown 
since June 1761, without any claim or disturbance from the person 
that just now claims, and so far was he from claiming, that he 
assisted to carry on the mine and received pay, <&c., and often 
declared to several persons he had no right there." 

The first step which the claimant or claimants how- 
ever took was to take possession of the mine bj force. 

On the 23rd of February 1753, two of the county 
magistrates, with the sheriff or his deputy, and " a mob of 
several hundred arm'd and tumultuous people," came to the 
banks of the mine and threatened not only the life of 
Lewis Morris, whom they regarded as the author of all 
the mischief, but also ^^ the lives of his agents and miners 
on refusal to deliver up the possession of the mine," and 
further to enforce their threats, " one of the ringleaders, 
a Justice of the Peace, presented a cock'd pistol" at 
Morris's head, ** and threaten'd to shoot him, while the 
rest surrounded him with firearms," and, seizing him, 
carried him a prisoner to Cardigan Gaol.* He remained 
there in confinement till the 4th April, when the Lord 
Chief Justice (Lee) admitted him to bail, on his own 
recognizances, to appear later at the King's Bench, when 
the question of title between the Crown and the claimants 
would come on for trial in the Exchequer Court. 

Meanwhile, one John Ball (who figured largely in sub- 
sequent years), managed the mine for Powell of Nanteos, 
and "carryd away the King's ore". It was not long, how- 
ever, before an order was made for the re-delivery of 
possession to the Crown pending the trial. Immediately 

^ Here he had a strange dream, which he reported to hb brother 
in a letter of 1 Nov. 1757. 



1 6 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

on his release^ Lewis Morns proceeded to London in order 
to assist in the preparation of the case for the Crown. 
The following draft of a letter written by him from " Tavis- 
tock Court, 4th May 1 763," to Gwyn Vaughan, shows how 
things were going at the time. 

" HoN'D Sir,— 

« « » » » 

'' I have a letter this post from Mr. Johnes of Abermaide (the 
Justice that gave repossession of the mine to ye Crown with Lord 
Lisbum) wondering that Herbert Lloyd hath not been discharged 
from all offices under the Crown, and desiring to know whether any- 
thing is intended to be done against the two Justices for their 
behaviour at Esgair y mwyn. If not, he hints as if he himself would 
article against them. 

'' I have also a letter giving me an account that Mr. Evan Lloyd, 
who is Mr. Johnes of Lanvair the Custos*s Agent, hath given Wm. 
Jones, one of ye Crown^s under^agents at Esgair y mwyn, a private 
caution not to go near Aberystwyth or in ye way of ye rioters, for that 
he and other persons that he named are to be destroyed if they can 
be found in a convenient place tor that purpose. 

'' My orders for the work to go on was not arrived when these 
letters came off. 

" P.S. — Mr. West* seemed to think it impracticable to advance me 
any money here to carry on the mine. If I am allowed to go into the 
country and [be] properly protected there, with a military force, so 
that we may do our duty in safety, and that an example is made as 
soon as possible of some of ye rioters to check ye rest, there will be no 
occasion for ye public money, and I am far from desiring to finger any 
of them or meddle with them. I shall not think any future risque of 
my own money and credit too great if I was sure that 1 serve my Lord 
Lincoln. But if I am detained here and the mine carried on at my 
expence and that I don't know for whose Benefit I do this, perhaps 
for my very enemies, and that the people by me employed are in 
danger of their lives every minute as above mentioned, I think it is 
a situation that no man living would desire to be in.'* 

On the 27th of June Morris attended " the Board of 
Treasury," when the First Lord, Henry Pelham, " in the 
presence of others of the lords ", told him that he should 
have a settled salary as Agent and Superintendent of the 

^ Secretary to the Treasury. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 17 

mines, and it would have saved some future difficulty for 
Morris had the amount of the salary been then fixed. 
Some time afterwards, when Morris suggested £500, both 
the Secretary and Solicitor (West and Sharpe) thought it 
reasonable, but still later an attempt was made to disallow 
his salary altogether. Beverting to the chronological order 
of erents, we find that early in August, Morris was able to 
report to his brother William at Holyhead that he had 
already overcome several of his opponents, and *Hhe 
Esgair-y-mwyn Justices were struck out of their Commis- 
sions." In a letter of the 18th of August, he gives us a 
peep at the'intriguing that was then going on with refer- 
ence to the future disposition of the mine. 

" Mr. Pelham is just come to town from Scarborough, 
and is now at Greenwich, considering upon this affair how 
to do for the best, iddo ei hun ai deulu, ag nid i neb arall " — 
that is, what is best for himself and his family and not for 
any others. And then he continues, in Welsh (into which 
his letters generally glide when he has anything very con- 
fidential to communicate) — *' The Duke of Cumberland 
opposes Pelham with aU his might in elections, and in 
everything else, and refuses to send soldiers to protect the 
Cardiganshire mine. So it is likely the King will have to 
be approached in the matter, for he is the sledge hammer 
to drive the nail home. The Duke says it is much fitter 
that the Eling's son rather than Pelham's son should have 
a lease of Esgair-y-mwyn." 

Dr. Hampe, the Princess of Wales's German physician, 

and ^^ a great mineralist," whose acquaintance Morris had 

made, was advising him to send some specimens of the 

ore to the King, who would be highly pleased to receive 

some from " his Welsh mines," but " perhaps I had better 

not, lest I offend Harri [Pelham] " is Morris's cautious 

conclusion. It would seem that the £arl of Powis was also 

c 



t8 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

at this time trying to obtain a lease of the mine for him- 
self, as he must, I think, be the nobleman^ mysteriously 
referred to by Morris — ^again under the cover of Welsh 
in the same letter — " An Earl was in my chambers privily 
this morning. May God grant that it may come to pass 
as he and I intend that it should, then we can help our 
friends.'* 

During the five months that Morris spent in London 
on this occasion, his time seems to have been pretty fully 
occupied, what between " drawing and obtaining afi&davits 
from the King's witnesses in London and the country, 
assisting to search the records in the Tower and at the 
Bolls Chapel, defending ejectments and attending his 
Majesty's counsel in the cause till a feigned issue was 
agreed upon." The actual fight in the Law Courts was 
thus deferred till the ensuing judicial year. On his return 
to Cardiganshire, Morris found much to require his atten- 
tion at home, and though usually a regular and voluminous 

^ This identification is confirmed by the fact that Morns in a subse- 
quent letter (23 Oct.) refers to the Earl of Powis as being at that time 
a " supplicant " of his, and that the mine was in fact eventually leased 
to the Earl. It is also clear from the same letter that the '' friend " 
whom Morris was most anxious to help was the poet Groronwy Owen, 
whose claims to clerical preferment he kept constantly bringing to 
Lord Powis's notice. The Earldom of Powis was at this time held by 
Henry Arthur Herbert (d. 11 Sept. 1772, aged 70), who inherited the 
Powis estates on the death, unmarried, in March 1748, of his kinsman 
William, 8rd Duke of Powis, and who was created Earl of Powis 
27th May of the same year. Three years later (30 March 1751) he 
married Barbara, sole daughter of Lord Edward Herbert, only brother 
of the last Marquis. As her family was Roman Catholic, his Protes- 
tant, it was arranged that the eldest son and daughter by the marriage 
should be brought up as members of the Church of England, and the 
younger children in their mother's religion. They had only one son, 
George (1755-1801)— who succeeded his father as 2nd Earl— and three 
daughters, two of whom died in infancy, so that the Powis family thus 
ceased to be Roman Catholic, 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 19 

correspondent, he could scarcely find time to write to his 
brother William, *' being extreem busy setting things in 
order." Though there was probably less open violence, 
the animosity of the contending parties had increased in 
bitterness^ and the Crown Agent described himseK (on 
28 Sept.) as being **in a continual state of war, law, 
squabbles, wrangling, enough to make the dullest fellow 
in ye world rouse his spirits, and to make a man of spirit 
mad." In addition to the mines, he had to attend occa- 
sionally to custom-house affairs at Aberdovey, where *Hhey 
riot a little now and then^ break our windows and threaten 
our oflBcers, etc." On one of these visits he gathered 
shells for Lady Lincoln, and recommended his brother 
William to do the same — " and I will tell you how to make 
the shells your friends by recommending you to great 
folks" (Letter dated 23 Oct. 1763). 

Besides his official cares he had also his own private 
troubles and anxieties : when he was at last able to get 
away from London, he hurried home "by forced marches," 
on a newly-bought mare, so as to be in time for the open- 
ing of the Great Sessions on September 1st, at Cardigan, 
where there was set down for hearing a lawsuit as to some 
property of his wife's known as the Cwmbwa estate.* His 
infant daughter, Jane, died on the 23rd October; while 
Eleanor, his second daughter by his Ist wife, was on the 
point of getting married, and before the year was out 
settled with her husband (Bichard Morris) at Mathafam, 



^ The suit was not, however, tried out at Cardigan. Morris was 
'' advised to suffer judgment at common law, having no chance to try 
it in Cardiganshire" — he seemed to fear the Under Sheriff's partiality 
in empanelling a jury — '*and (writes he on 31 Jan. 1754) have filed a 
cross bill since". This was done so as to remove the cause into Chan- 
cery. ''Troubles enough of all conscience, and not a friend to help 

mer 

C2 



20 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

near Machynlleth.^ But he never lost courage, or, at all 
events, there is nothing but a cheery optimism in all 
letters. 

After much delay, the military arrived in order to 
protect the mines and miners, for on Dec. 1st, he reports 
himself as being then busy quartering them in proper 
places.^ On that very day, too, good news reached him 
from London : — 

"We have given our enemies another fall this term, and drove 
them off the walls again till next term, when no doubt they will make 
another attempt upon us. Some of our greatest managers above 
are my enemies also, which is a sad situation. But they could not 
help giving it under their hands by last post, that I had [done ?] very 
great things, in drawing myself ye affidavits of 16 men and so much 
to ye purpose as to defeat our opponents.*^ 

What his "enemies" seem at this time to have aimed 
at, above all else, was utterly to destroy his credit, and the 
steps which he took to defend himself in this respect are 
indicated in another letter written from Galltvadog, 14 
Dec. 1763, to his brother William : — 

'^ I find it necessary to provide against next term some affidavits 
from the county of Anglesey, to guard against some malignant and 
spiteful affidavits that have been filed against me last term, in order 



* " My wife is returned from Mathafam and praises the place 
much, and the neighbourhood, pobl cUliniweidtiach a mtcy eymdogol na 
Sir Aberteifi. I have apply*d for a lease for R. M. for Mathafarn in Sir 
W[atkin] W[ynnjs family after the most prudent manner 1 could." 
(Letter of 1 Dec. 1758.) 

' Dr. Thomas Rees, in his vol. on South Wales in Beauties of 
England and Wales Series (1813), referring to Esgair-y-mwyn says 
(p. 414) : — " The late Lord Lisburne claimed it, but Government sent 
down a party of Scots Greys under the command of the Custos 
Rotulorum, the late Thomas Johnes, Esq., who took possession of it 
for the Crown. The Duke of Newcastle, while Minister, granted a 
lease of it to *the late Earl of Powis^s father. This lease has been 
long expired, and it is now worked on sufferance." 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 21 

to throw dirt on my character, and to insinuate that I was but of a 
mean family and very little or no fortune, and not to be trusted with 
such a great concern as the mine in dispute, with abundance of 
venomous stuff of that kind ; praying that a new receiver might be 
appointed and that I might be caUed to an account. The chief part 
of their requests were denied by ye Court, but I suspect they will 
make a fresh attack the first day of next term, by filing more affidavits 
to ye same purpose, for they now know what answers I have sent 
from hence to their last attack ; and that those are not from my 
native country." 

He then proceeds to name some Anglesey people who 
might be asked to assist him in the manner suggested, and 
encloses drafts for their use. But there was no time to be 
lost, for the affidavits had to reach the Solicitor to the 
Treasury in London " by ye 19th or 20th [of February] 
at furthest, to be copied and briefs drawn to Council 
against ye first day of Term/" Some exceUent affidavits, 
" very bitter and biting", were got ready, but the motion 
did not come on on the first day of Term as expected. " I 
should be extream glad", says Morris, however, "if our 
affidavits were read in Court, for they would expose them 
[his opponents] with a vengeance." 

But the defence of his own character was not the only 
legal work which devolved upon him. The Treasury 
officials relied almost entirely upon him for the necessary 
evidence to establish the right of the Crown to the mine, 
and Morris must have been more than fully occupied 
during the earlier months of 1754 in interviewing likely 
witnesses, and in taking down proofs of their testimony : — 
*' I shall be extream busy, and don't expect a night's easy 
rest till the month of June, however things will turn out", 

* On 24 Dec. 1753, he wrote to William another letter, to the 
same effect. This is not included in the collection before me, but 
appears to have come into the possession of Chancellor D. Silvan Evans, 
who supplied a copy of it to Myrddinfardd, in whose Adgof Vioch 
^i^^(J883) it is printed (p. 4). 



22 Letüis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

was what he wrote to his brother William on the last day 
of January, and, as it happens, the 8th of July is the date 
of the next letter of his which is preserved in this collec- 
tion, though most probably the correspondence between 
the brothers was not wholly suspended in the interval. 
Belonging to this period, however, is a small memorandum 
book, inscribed "Witnesses examinati[ons]," originally 
containing (according to its table of contents) the proofs 
of ten witnesses, though only those of seven are now 
preserved in it, all of which is in Morris's own hand- 
writing. When the time came for him to proceed to 
London for the trial he was accompanied by " near four 
score witnesses '' from the country, and those whose names 
are given in this book are numbered 18 to 26, and 50. I 
think it is well to reproduce in extenso at least two of the 
proofs thus preserved, as they disclose to us the nature of 
the evidence .on which the Crown relied, and also some- 
thing as to the thorough method and the legal acumen of 
the Crown Agent. 

" Margaret Richard, of parish of Gwnnwst the widdow of Jenkin 
Richard that sold Llw3m y mwyn to William Richard, aged about 62, 
was wife to Jeukin Richard when he sold Llwyn y mwyn and Cilfach 
y rhew to Wm. Richard, the father of ye plaintiffs, and had been for 
some years before. That the chief rent that Jenkin Richard used to 
pay to Lord Lisbum for Llwyn y mwyn and Cilfach y rhew was 22*. a 
year, and called Rhent Brenin, i.e. king's rent. That one Morgan 
Jones once took a lease of Llwyn y mwyn and Cilfach y rhew of 
Jenkin Richard for about £10 or £11 a year, but not liking his 
bargain did not come to live there, but gave Jenkin Richard about 
eight Pound or eight Guineas for takeing up ye bargain, who now 
says he had a lease of Esgair y mwyn. That she lived at Llwyn y 
mwyn with her husband for several years, and that neither she nor 
her husband ever claimed further than the boundary fence to belong 
to Llwyn y mwyn freehold, and that Esgair y mwyn mine is on the 
Mynydd (or Common) and is not on the freehold of Llwyn y mwyn or 
Cilfach y rhew, or on any freehold. That her husband paid suit and 
service at the Court of ye Lordship usually kept at Llanilar, and that 
she remembers her husband had a law suit at ye Court kept at 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 23 

Uanilar when they lived at Llwyn y mwyn. That there used to be 
more of ye Commoners cattle grazing on ye bank of Esgair y mwyn 
than of ye cattle belonging to her husband. That she often heard 
the mynydà or Common where Esgair y mwyn mine is, called Tir y 
oreniUf i.e. King's land, and was also reputed so, and that particularly 
one time her husband J. R. told her a miner Lewis Richard, a 
nephew of his, wanted to take a bargain of him to raise ore on ye 
bank of Esgair y mwyn in an old trench there, and that Jenkin 
Richard told her he had refused to meddle with it because it 
belonged to ye King, or to that effect." 

The following additional notes are added in the margin : — '* M. R. 
shewed boundaries to Wm. Richard. Cattle turned to ye common 
when Wm. Richard attempted to distrain for rent. Morgan Robert, 
one of Mr. Powell's witnesses advised her to pretend sickness, and 
not to be a witness for the Crown." 

"Richard Thomas, of Ty'n y banadl, in ye parish of Lledrod, 
aged about 52, bom in ye neighbourhood of Esgair y mwyn and hath 
known it for above 40 years. Knows the mountain fence and all ye 
Tenements adjoining on it by name. That the said fence is ye 
boimdary between ye freeholds and common, That from ye said 
fence to Claerwen and the lordship of ^Tsbytty is all an open 
Common, except a few huts which belong to particular persons ; that 
there is neither land mark nor division on ye said Common from ye 
mountain fence of Llwyn y mwyn and Cilfach y rhew to Claerwen. 
That the mine of Esgair y mwyn is on ye said Common, and not on 
ye freehold of John Williams or Lewis Williams, or any other free- 
holds whatsoever, and that it is on ye waste or common belonging to 
the Lordship of Mevenyth whose Courts Leet and Baron are usually 
kept at Llanilar within ye said Lordship, and sometimes at Lledrod, 
sometimes at Llan y Gweryddon. That he hath been often on ye 
Jury in that Court, and that formerly the said Courts were kept by 
Deputy Stewards under Mr. Brigstock in the King's name, and that 
the said Court was, since this deponent remembers it (which is far 
above 30 years past), always held in the King's name, or the name of 
ye Prince of Wales. That the tenants of the Lordship of Mevenyth 
attend the said Court from eight parishes, Gwnnws, Llanilar, Llan y 
Gweryddon, Lledrod, Llanddeiniol, Llanrhystyd,Rhosdie,Llanychaiamy 
who send there eleven constables appointed by said Court. That the 
borderers on ye Common fence from Marchnad river to the river 
Teivi, attend and do suit and service in said Court. That the bank 
of Esgair y mwyn hath been always for 40 years past grazed in 
common by the inhabitants of ye Upper parcel of Gwnnws. That a 
Mayor and Biddle to gather Chief Rents in ye said manner are 
appointed yearly by ye Leet Jury of said Court, and that he hath 



24 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

heard that Lord Lisburn hath a ^ant from ye Crown of certain 
Rents out of some tenements in the said Lordship of Mevenyth. 
That several of ye Tenants in ye Freeholds adjoining to ye 
Common take the Cattle and Sheep of distant Freeholders under 
their care to look after them on the Common, paying for the sd. care 
and keeping of them a few pence per head for ye season, as they have 
the opportunity of seeing them daily, and not that they have a 
greater right to the Common than others." 

The proofs of the other deponents contain somewhat 
similar statements, which may be summarised as follows: 
That there was a boundary fence between the freeholds 
and the common, and each freehold went no further than 
the boundary fence; that from the fence of Llwyn y 
mwyn, Cilfach y rhew, Llwyn Uwyd, etc., to the river 
Claerwen was all a Mynydd or Commins^ without mere or 
division, which during the last thirty or forty years had 
been called sometimes Tir y brenin, and sometimes Cae 
Siors *'(i.e. George's field), meaning that it was a common 
belonging to King George"; that it was a common to 
all the inhabitants of the upper parcel of Gwnnws, and 
was the same common as that on which Bhos fair was 
held three times ev^ery year ; it was on this open common, 
and not on any freehold, that Esgair-y-mwyn mine was 
situated, and the Commoners depastured their sheep and 
cattle on Esgair-y-mwyn bank, as well as on any other 
bank on the said common, without let or hindrance. 

As to the boundary fence, one of deponents, a man of 
sixty, adds that "ever since he remembers it, he hath 
seen it repaired by ye Tenants of adjoining freeholds, and 
hath heard always that it was presented at ye said Court 
Leet (usually held at Llanilar) if not repaired against 
summer. Also that the borderers on ye Common do now 
and then chace ye Commoners' cattle from their boundary 
fence, but that he remembers to have heard of their being 
punish'd for it by Justices of the Peace." 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 25 

ÁDother deponent, aged 67, referring to turf-cutting 
states that ** the first that opens a Turf pit on ye common 
keeps it till he leaves it off". Some other interesting 
facts are added by another deponent, from whose proof a 
few concluding extracts must I think be given, especially 
as they further indicate the nature of the evidence on 
which the claimants relied. 

" John Edward, of the parish of Gwnnws, aged about 66, born and 
bred at lAwjn y Gwyddyl in ye said parish, where he has lived ever 
since. Hath been a constable of ye upper parcel of Gwnnws above 
20 years ago, to which office he was appointed by ye Jury of ye 
Court Leet of a Lordship whose Courts are kept usually at Llanilar, 
and that he hath also been appointed a sightman by ye said Court 
about 20 years ago and often since, to view and present ye great 
boundary fence dividing between ye freeholds and ye common in ye 
sd. upper parcel of Gwnnws, which fence reaches from ye river 

Marchnad to ye river Teivi That about 30 years ago or 

more he remembers the Tenants living at Llwyn y mwyn sent to his 
father to desire assistance to repair ye great boundary fence between 
Llwyn y mwyn and the Mynydd or Commons where Esgair y mwyn 
mine stands, it having been presented at ye Leet Court for being out 
of repair, and that deponent*s brother was sent there to assist them 
to repair ye same against ye following Court. 

" That about 7 years ago Deponent cut Turf for fíreing in a bog 
near Esgair Ddu on said Common in right of his Tenement of Ty*n 
rhos in said upper parcel of Gwnnws, and having no conveniency of 
carrying them home directly, he thought of makeing them into a 
stack at a place called y Gam wenn, because there were stones there 
to keep ye cattle from throwing them down that had been gathered 
by some other persons, but recollecting that some 30 or 40 years ago 
he had seen Turf there stacked, belonging to the mother of Jenkin 
Richard, once owner of Llwyn y mwyn, he was afraid that John 
Williams, present owner of Llwyn y mwyn, would give him some inter- 
ruption, because his Predecessors might have been ye persons that 
had rais'd those stones for that purpose, and therefore he went to 
said John Williams and told him he had seen the Turf of ye aforesd. 
old woman in ye said Oam icenn. and asked him whether there was any 
harm if he laid his turf there that year, meaning that as he imagin'd 
the former owner of Llywn y mwyn had raised those stones to defend 
their Turf, John Williams might have some claim to that turf stack 
site, and Deponent saith that he had no manner of notion that John 



20 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

Williams had any better claim to ye mountain from ye boundary 
fence to ye river Glaerwen than all others of ye inhabitants of ye 
Lordship. And this Deponent hath cut Turf near Esgair Ddu with- 
out interruption for about 13 years past, and that his father used to 
cut Turf for fireing at Rhos maen gwelw on said common for about 60 
years or as long as this Dept. can remember any thing. That he 
hath rais'd Tythes of Corn with his father on said Tenement of 
Llwyn y mwyn on a part of it below the great boundary fence, 
commonly called rhwng y ddeuglawdd, and within ye freehold of 
Llwyn y mwyn, which bank is also called Esgair y mwyn, because it 
is a continuation of said bank of Esgair y mwyn on ye Common. 

" That about ye beginning of April 1754 Thomas Richard, an 
Agent of Lord Lisburn, came to this Deponent and charged him not 
to go to Mr. Lewis Morris, the King's Agent, at Esgair y mwyn, to 
testyfy anything in relation to the said mine, and that none of my 
Lord's tenants were to go and give their evidence at their peril, this 
Deponent being one of Ld. Lisburn's tenants.*' 

Three documents relating to this ease (which was 
intituled The Attorney-General v. Lord Lisburne and 
others) are preserved at the Record Office : — 

1. The bill of complaint or information of the Attor- 
ney-General — a huge document measuring 10ft. by 8ft. 

2. Answer of John Williams and Lewis Williams, two 
of the defendants ; and 

3. Answer of Lord Lisburne, Charles Waller and 
William Powell, other defendants. 

Great must have been the excitement in North Cardi- 
ganshire towards the end of April 1754, where the forces 
of the contending parties were being marshalled, and the 
witnesses, in two separate armies, were being got ready to 
proceed to Loudon for the impending battle. On King 
George's side, Lewis Morris (who left home on or about 
April 26) brought up with him " near four score witnesses 
that he had subpoenaed in the country", and after his 
arrival in London with this personally conducted party, 
his time was taken up in assisting the Solicitor to the 
Treasury (Mr. Sharpe), taking care of the witnesses — ^no 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 27 

light task ! — and " drawing releases of their several Titles 
and other mattera ". When this had been going on for 
about three weeks, lo ! the end came like a bolt from the 
blue, and the Cardiganshire folk were deprived of the 
honour of being actors in a great dramatic trial. 

An arrangement partaking of the nature of a com- 
promise was arrived at, " upon the Government's agreeing 
with the claimants for their rights in the mines," ^ but it 
was, in eflFect, an almost unqualified victory for the Crown, 
for on the 24th of May ** the Claimants suffered a non- 
suit." At the same time, the Crown also discontinued its 
intended prosecution of the ringleaders of the riot of 
Feb. 1763, for their riotous conduct, and their assault 
upon the King's Agent. Morris himself was, however, far 
from approving of such leniency towards his enemies, 
especially as '^ Lord Mansfield, then Sollr.-Qeneral had 
declared upon the consultation on the affair at the house 
of Sir Dudley Rider, then Attorney-General, that upon 
an action being brought for the false imprisonment, etc., 
a Middlesex jury (he did not doubt) would at least give a 
verdict for £600 " in Morris's favour. With very proper 
caution, the Treasury took steps to perpetuate the testi- 
mony of the witnesses who had been brought up to 
London, the versatile Morris being naturally requisitioned 
*' to settle their affidavits ... to be ready for a future 
defence." 

Though a sort of compromise had been arrived at, it 
does not seem to have covered all the points at issue, for 
even subsequent to the non-suit, Morris, according to 
his own account, *' assisted to give instructions to the 
Attomey-Grenl. in drawing a bill to be prefer'd against 

* In another connection it is stated that ''the property of the 
said mine was established by some releases made to the Crown by the 
several persons that litigated the Crown's right.'* 



28 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

the Claimants, Mr. Powell, Lord Lisbume and others," 
but this bill must have been subsequently abandoned 
under circumstances to be mentioned later on. 

The litigation, even so far as it has already gone, had 
cost at least one of the claimants more than he could well 
afford, if common gossip was to be believed, for Powel of 
Nanteos was said to have been obliged to borrow more 
than £1,500 to go on with it, — ^and "he calls for his rents 
before hand, and curses the hour he ever meddled with 
this Lawsuit."^ We shall see later on how there came to 
the relief of the claimants a dmM ex machind in the person 
of Mr. Chauncey Townsend. 

After the non-suit Morris was not long detained in 
London, for he appears to have reached his home at Gallt- 
fadog on or about the 19th of June. Here he found 
himself the hero of the hour, for there was now no lack 
of people who openly proclaimed themselves as his par- 
tisans, and they celebrated his triumph in characteristic 
fashion at the annual fair held on the 2nd of July at 
Ystradmeurig, which was only some two or three miles 
distant from the mine. A graphic account of this affair, 
together with other interesting information, is contained 
in a letter which he wrote from Esgair-y-mwyn to his 
brother William a few days later — 8 July. 

. . . . " I am here [i.e. at Esgair-y-mwynJ at ye Quarter's pay, 
paying miners, carriers, washers, witnesses, <&c., nid llai na mil 
o bunnau a gludais i o arian oddicartref i dalu iddynt !^ A prodigious 
affair, no wonder people should run mad about it. Mae'n debyg mae 

^ Letter 8 Sept. 1754. 

^ The magnitude of his transactions about this time may be 
inferred from a letter he wrote to his brother more than two years 
later (12 March 1757). " I have had above £'8,000 in money in ye 
house at ye same time, where ye meanest shepherd might have come 
at them, but such is ye honesty of Card[igan]shire in that respect, 
and their Ignorance, that I never was robbed of any." 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 29 

fi y wV sobraf oV hoU genedlaeth ag yn cadw lleiaf o awn yn ei gylch 
ac yn cadw fy lie yn lew hyd yn hyn er gwaethaV gelyn ddyn. I have 
a fine prospect of Lead ore on a Tenement that I have a Lease of on 
ye forefield of Esgair y mwyn, the same vein. This will drive them 
madder then ever, we are raising some ore there and I believe it will 
answer. . . . Notwithstanding all the surprising schemes of my 
Enemies I have defeated them surprisingly, and trust in God I shall 
hereafter. . . . 

" Yr ydym ni wedi gorthrechu *r Grelyn am fobhio yn glir Ian. Ni 
fuV fath Lachio erioed yn Llanerchjrmedd ag a fu yma yn ffair Ystrad 
meurig yr wythnos ddiwaethaf ; fe ddarfu ein pobl ni drwy nerth 
cocàdes^ a'r cwrw ei Sgwrrio nhwy'n DeifU ag yn Wyddelod drwyV 
ffair yn 61 ac ymlaen, dros bedair Battel a wnaethont, roedd yno 
gantoedd o Gloliau cochion i bawb a waeddai Bowel for Ever ; King 
George a Mr, Morris for ever oedd yn ei charrio hi yn deg. Would 
any man believe such a thing possible P But so it is. Fair honest 
dealings and punctual payments, and an open behaviour hath outdone 
aU their schemes and villanies, and hath brought the body of ye 
country [on] our side." 

Another source of much gratification to Morris was the 
great and increasing confidence that the Earl of Powis now 
seemed to place in him. By this time^ the Earl had pro- 
bably become interested in some of the numerous mines of 
the upper part of Cardiganshire. If so, it was probably 
about these mines that Morris would be so consulted. At 
all events, he informs bis brother (in a letter dated 8 Sept.) 
that he was then in such high favour with the Earl that his 
lordship did nothing of importance without first consulting 
him '^ and there is often two messengers in the same week 
from him to me". No wonder that many were jealous 
of Morris's good fortune, and, as he says, were full of 
venom, " dchosfod dynyn truan yn mynd rhagddo "... 
"It is envy more than anything eke that poisons the 
mind of Collector Smith," and he, whoever he might be, 
was only a type of the many, for " this affair [of Esgair-y 

^ The royal favours, the black cockades of Hanover, as distin- 
guished from the white cockades of the Stuarts. 



30 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

mwyn] is vastiy magnify'd in all countries to be a pro- 
digious affair for my profit ." 

The success which had hitherto crowned nearly all his 
eflPorts, led Morris to believe that he was the object of 
special protection at the hands of a kind Providence. 
" The Gods take care of Cato", he quoted in one of his 
letters to his brother (26 Oct. 1754) — " and why not of me ? 
You see they do, and everybody sees it. Then what signif ys 
the efforts of little mortal animals to hurt me ?" What 
he might have feared, however, was that there should be a 
Nemesis pursuing him, on account of the undue share 
of good fortune which had fallen to his lot. Already 
some events had happened which might have served him 
as warnings, but for his placid optimism, and the almost 
overweening confidence which he had in himself. The 
political situation, on which much depended, had under- 
gone considerable change through the death of Henry 
Pelham, in March 1754, even though his brother the Duke 
of Newcastle succeeded him as Prime Minister. A Minis- 
terial crisis or a General Election might bring some of 
Morris's opponents into influence and power. He soon 
had reason to believe that some of the Treasury officials, 
notably West and Sharpe, were probably not too well 
disposed towards him.* A letter from West, dated 19 
June 1754, forbad him to dispose of any more ore. An 
incident which occurred later on in the same year illus- 
trates the kind of treatment he received from the Treasury. 
Morris's own account of it,* though somewhat lengthy, 
deserves reproduction, 

* " Mr. Sharpe always endeavoured to hurt me since the year 
1740, when I had some dispute with him about money, and there are 
gentlemen belonging to the Treasui-y who know it and were concerned 
in that aflfair." — (From a Memorandum written by Morris, probably 
in 17Ö7.) 

" In a letter to William Morris from "Galltvadog, Oct. 26th, 1764." 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 31 

'' It was contrived by some little malicious fellow in ye Exchequer 
the other day to get an Exchequer process directed to ye Sheriff of 
Cardigan to distrain on me for £100, money remmitted me in ye year 
1745 and 46 to be laid out to Lawyers, &c. for the King's service and 
for which I was accountable. Í had accounted for the money and for 
several hundreds after that, but for all this the Sheriff distrained, and 
I gave him a note for £100. Doth not this look odd, think you ? 
The very person on whom depends all their affairs here to be dis- 
trained upon by a Tory Sheriff. Now a passionate man (as they call 
me at ye Treasury) would have thrown dirt in their faces, and kick'd 
all about him. But another of ye Gods of ye ancients called 
Patience told me that it was impossible this could come from the 
leading men my superiors, for it was too ill-timed a thing if they had 
a mind to fall out with me. and it was the direct way to drive me off 
with what money I could lay my hands on, and to suffer all to go to 
wreck and ruin. Therefore 1 immediately wrote to ye Sollr. of the 
TreasTiry [John Sharpe] to desire him to put a stop to these Excheqr. 
processes, for that I should be never safe to enjoy one penny of ye 
money paid me by ye Treasury for my services while this gate was 
open. How slippery is our situation ! A man may be thunder- 
struck with a writ from ye Excheqr. for money he hath accounted for 
ten years ago, and all his effects swept away, and it shall cost him a 
London journey and a Quarter of a year's application before he can 
recover his own, and yet not know as long as he lives from whence 
the bolt comes. . . . The Sollr. was never more surprised at any- 
thing than at this proceeding, and doth not know how it came about, 
wrote to me that he wd. get an order of ye Treasury to the Sheriff 
to return me my note, &c., &c., &c., and that I was to have -all the 
countenance, assistance, <&c., as I could wish to have : diolch i chtoi 
ebrfinaur 

More than two years had now elapsed since Morris had 
been appointed Superintendent of the King's mines, but as 
yet he had not submitted to the Treasury any statement 
of his receipts and disbursements. While actively en- 
gaged in preparing the case for the Crown, he had 
scarcely time to attend to the matter, but after the non- 
suit, he was probably expected to do so forthwith. But 
the fact that he did not promptly respond to a request to 
that effect gave room in the official mind to that suspicion 
of his conduct which his opponents had sedulously fostered 
by insinuating that he was not to be trusted with the 



32 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

managejnent of so great an afPair. As his delay in this 
respect appears to have been the source of almost all his 
subsequent troubles, his own explanation of it, given when 
he was placed in the position of defendant, ought to be 
here quoted. 

'' This deft, admits that he did for some time defer to deliver in 
his accounts after he had been required there to by the Sollr. and 
Secretary of the Treasury, by reason that this deft, did not think it 
safe for him so to do, not only as this deft, was at a constant con- 
siderable expence in working the said mine and in raising of ore 
where some Hundreds of persons were concerned under defies, 
management and on his credit, but also as several other persons 
litigated the property of the said mine, and in case such persons 
could have made it appear that they had a right to such mine, this 
deft, was afraid he might be answerable over to them for such money 
as then remained in his hands. And what increased this deft's. fears 
was that, by a letter dated June 19th 1764, defendant was forbid 
by Mr. West, Secretary of the Treasury, to dispose of any more ore, 
the consequence of which was, that the money in deft*s. hands must 
be laid out to carry on the mine or else that the raising of ore must 
be stop'd." 

In the following autumn, Morris did, however, make 
preparation^ for proceeding to London to pass his accounts, 
and, as the unsold ore was accumulating in the warehouses^ 
he wrote (5 Oct. 1754) to Sharpe, inquiring whether he 
might not sell it as he " purposed to come to London that 
winter with his accounts". The prohibition was not can- 
celled, but Morris was assured (81 Dec. 1754) that if any 
ore were lost during his absence, he would not be held 
accountable for it. Immediately on receipt of this letter 
(on or about 3 Jan. 1755) Morris stopped the raising of 
ore, dismissed all the workman except an agent (William 
Jones) and a number of men who were kept on to pump 
the water and to keep the works in repair generally. 

Having made these arrangements for his absence^ 
Morris, on the 21st January, set out for London with his 
books of account^ being accompanied by his nephew^ John 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 33 

Owen,' to whom most of the book-keeping had been 
entrusted. Towards the end of February, or early in 
March, he delivered **an Abstract of his Payments and 
Receipts in relation to the mine", for submission to the 
Duke of Newcastle, who required such an Abstract (so 
Morris had been informed) so that **he might see how 
matters stood, and that he might the better judge how 
the accounts were to be pass'd, and what allowances were 
to be made " to Morris, *' and that he might also inform 
himself of the value of the mine and how to Lease it." In 
this Abstract, which extended from 1 July 1751 to 3 Jan. 
1755, Morris stated his receipts at £13,684 12«. llti., 
and his disbursements (including payments made by order 
of the officers of the Treasury) at £12,594 11«. &{d,, which 
left in his hands a balance of £1,090 Xs. 4fc2. An obvious 
discrepancy, which told against Morris's accuracy, what- 
ever about his honesty, did not escape the notice of the 
Treasury officials. He had charged for the washing and 
carriage to Aberystwyth of 1,767 tons of ore, but had 
accounted for only 1,611 tons of it as sold. Morris does 
not appear to have been told of this discrepancy immedi- 
ately it was detected, and it would seem that it was a 
considerable time after that he was asked to explain it.' 

^ John Owen (who like Edward Hughes had come from Anglesey 
to Cardiganshire) was a son of a sister of Morris. He eventually 
became a purser in the navy and died at sea, some time between 
1759 and 1762. He was a promising poet, and a friend of leuan 
Brydydd Hir and (Joronwy Owen. 

' Morrises explanation was that the remainder of the ore was 
supposed to be in the warehouse at Aberystwyth, unJess it had been 
stolen, either in 1753, when Morris was put by the rioters in Cardigan 
Gaol, or " after the soldiers were taken off who, for some time, by 
order of the Government, guarded the warehouses where the said 
ore was kept; those warehouses have been often broke open by 
storms and sometimes (as defendant verily believes) by Ill-disposed 
persons, upon a presumption that the mine and the ore was the 

P 



34 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

Id fact, Morns assumed an attitude of haughtj aloofness 
so far as the Treasury officials were concerned, and having 
understood that they doubted his honesty he would not 
condescend to go near them, unless specially requested 
to do so, and did his business with them chiefly by 
correspondence, though he had taken lodgings quite 
close to the Government offices, viz., "at Hopkins and 
Taylor, the corner house in St. Martin's Churchyard, 
St. Martin's Lane, Westminster". 

" I have a kind of spirit that cannot bend," he wrote to his brother 
at Holyhead on 14th May, "and now they call me here about ye 
offices the Fraud hot Welshmanf oble^^yd* er fy mod yn Llundain er 
dechreu Ghwefror, nid eis i etto i ymddangos nag i ymostwng i un o 
wyr y Treasury er cymaint ydynt ; nid oes ryfedd ynteu fy mod yma 
cyhyd. Gradewch iddo. Í will have it done in my own way, or it 
shall not be done at all. Mi^ af i Ffraingc, mi af i Fflandrys, mi af i 
Qaerdroia, cyn y caffont y gair i ddywedyd fy mod i yn dwyllwr, nag 
yn rhagrithiwr. This was attempted, and all the ill offices that could 
be done me. I was the greatest rogue in ye Kingdom, not to be trusted 
with money, or with the King's effects. Was it not my business to 
clear these affairs up before I went to cringe to any of them P I don't 
want their favours, if I have but fair play I shall get off with money 
in my Pocket, a' draen yn eu coppiau." 

He had by this time fully realised that there were in- 



property of the public." There was another explanation possible : 
by order of the Government Examiners (Paynter and Tidy), the ore 
remaining in the neighbourhood was weighed out — without any 
notice given to Morris, and in the absence of the Examiners them- 
selves — by "strangers who they knew to be piis] enemies, and declared 
them so, . . . who might give what account and what weight they 
pleased." 

^ For though I am in London since the beginning of February, I 
have not yet gone to show myself or to bend before any of the 
Treasury people, great though they are. No wonder I am here so 
long. So let it be. 

2 To France, to Flanders, even to Troy will I go before they can 
say I am a cheat or a hypocrite. 

' And thorns in their heads. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 35 

fluences most inimical to his interests working against him 
at the Treasury; "I have powerful people against me, tooth 
and nail", he wrote as early as Feb. 11 — then in Welsh — 
"nor is my own party weak. The great sledge hammer* says 
I shall suffer no wrong." Then some two months later 
(19 April) : — " I am obliged to fight hard here and gain 
ground but by inch and inch, so strong are the party 
against me in the Treasury, who have suffer'd my 
opponents to do surprizing illegal things against me." 

By the beginning of April, if not indeed earlier, he 
must also have discovered that the Treasury had been 
somehow influenced — probably through secret channels — 
to show a more yielding disposition in the matter of its 
title to the mine, and had practically abandoned the posi- 
tion which Morris himself had taken up and had so 
valiantly defended. What appears to have happened was 
this : some time after the non-suit in the Exchequer Court, 
Chauncey Townsend (M.P. for Westbury, and Alderman 
of the city of London),' purchased from the claimants 

^ Morris elsewhere applies this expression— y morthioyl mawr — to 
the King, who seems to have been approached on his behalf, but I 
think Newcastle is meant here. 

' Townsend, who was a wealthy merchant of Austin Friars, 
London, had, among other properties, extensive collieries and copper 
works in the parish of Llansamlet, just outside Swansea, being in fact 
the originator of the coal trade on the East, or Kilvey, side of the 
river Tawe. He first leased the Birchgrove colliery area from Mary 
Morgan, widow, of Llansamlet (ctrca 1746-50), and subsequently acquired 
further coal measures from the Mansels of Margam, under leases of the 
7th Nov. 1750 and 1 Sept. 1755, the latter being confirmed by a 
Private Act of Parliament in 1767. flis 4th son, Joseph Townsend 
(173d-1816), became known as a geologist and mineralogist, and is 
noticed in the Diet, of Aat, Biography, A daughter married John 
Smith, of Drapers Hall, London, who thus acquired the Birchgrove 
leasehold and settled at Gwemllwyn-chwith close by — whence the 
Smiths of that place. Townsend and Smith had also an interest in 
Lead Works, at upper Bank, Swansea, and are said to have worked 
lead mines at Pengored, near Llechryd in South Cardiganshire (see 

D 2 



36 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

what Morris called " their pretended right and title to the 
mine/' paying therefor, it was said, about a Thousand 
Pounds, and promising also to pay the costs of the law- 
suit. Townsend then approached the Lords of the 
Treasury, and mirahile dictu ! succeeded in persuading them 
to buy him out, so as to save further law-suits.^ For his 
title he was paid £8,500, and was also allowed all the 
unsold lead ore then lying on the bank of the mine, which 
ore alone Morris asserted to be worth about £4,000, and 
he had every opportunity of knowing, for the ore was 
delivered by his agents to those of Townsend between 
April and September 1755. 

It is scarcely necessary to add that, under these circum- 
stances, the bill which the Attorney-General had intended 
to prefer against the claimants would naturally be aban- 
doned. In October, Morris suspected that "Townsend's 
people were upon playing tricks " with the under agent, 
William Jones, '* as they find he is a fool." Here is **a 
bold attempt a-making by Townsend to abolish the bargain 
made with Evan Williams and the two Morgans"; " I pre- 

Grant Francis' Smelting of Copper in the Swansea District , 117-120). 
Meyrick {Hist, Intro, pp. 225-6) says that Townsend also worked the 
Goginan and Llanfair lead and silver mines, and that the mines of 
Cwmervin belonged at one time to the "heirs of Townsend, Smith 
and Co." (Walter Davies, Agricultural Survey of South Wales), He 
also had "works" at Llanelly, in Carmarthenshire, in 1754 (Mee's 
Llanelly Parish Churchy pp. xxii, xxvi, and 97). Townsend died in 1770. 
^ In the bitterness of his heart Lewis Morris thus mentions the 
matter in a letter to his brother (12 June 1755): "The Lords of the 
Treasury know that Townsend is a rascal and a Bite, yet they suffer 
him to make fools of them before their faces." Referring elsewhere 
to the mine at Nant y creiau, where Morris had raised a few tons of 
ore, and had left it on the bank unwashed, he says {Meyrick, p. 664) : 
" Being called for to London to pass my accounts, I had no sooner 
turned my back, but Powell and Townsend*s people, John Ball, &c.y 
went there and dressed the ore and carried it off by a mob of the 
poorest people they could find," 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, ^*j 

sume Oliver," whoever he was, " is at the bottom of it." 
This was probably the beginning of much trouble. 

Affairs had thus taken a turn which assuredly was not 
to Morris's liking, but he was as confident as ever that 
eventually all would be well with him. However numer- 
ous his enemies, he felt that he could count upon all the 
influence that the Earl of Powis could exercise in his favour, 
while the Duke of Newcastle had also flattered, and 
perhaps deceived him, with some vague promises of his 
protection. His changing mood during this period of 
uncertainty is doubtless reflected pretty accurately in his 
letters to his brother William. He is never weary of 
praising the Earl, who at times would visit him at his 
lodgings almost every day, sometimes even twice a day. 
"It is a great honor to be concerned with such a man 
even in writing, dictating^ contriving, and planning Let- 
ters." " He waits on me instead of my waiting on him." 
"Have I not done surprizing things^ to bring such a 
great man to wait on my Levie!" he jestingly exclaims, 
though as if suddenly sobered, he adds — in Welsh — " But 
God help me, I am poor and friendless enough, and without 
a single man of sense in my service, a terrible case." He 
however reports in the same letter (14 May), that the Duke 
of Newcastle had said that he (Morris) was in the right. 

^ Morris greatly pleased the Earl by presenting him on 19 April 
1755 with "a most noble MS. upon vellum with the pedigree and 
arms of ye Herberts finely drawn and proved from ancient records, 
deeds, MS., histories, &c." On the birth of the Earl's only son (Lord 
Ludlow), in July, Morris induced bis friend Goronwy Owen to write an 
elaborate ode in Welsh and Latin to celebrate the event. But it was 
not delivered to his Lordship till August 1756 (see Works of Goromcy 
Otven, ed. R. Jones, p. 246). About the end of 1756, Morris further 
presented the Earl with a fine collection of sheUs and mineralogical 
specimens, the acquisition and the classification of which in a specially 
constructed cabinet, had claimed the attention of the brothers Lewis 
and William for several months previously. 



38 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

A month later (12 June), he is somewhat puzzled at the 
way in which the Government's patronage was beii^ dis- 
pensed : — 

" Have made surprizing defences here, and Grod visibly help'd me 
by unsearchable ways. If this great opposition had not been made 
to me, I should have been no more known among them than LolCr 
Gw^yddf but now my name is as well known at ye Treasury and at ye 
D. of N. Castle's Levy as the name of the Attorney-General. — *I 
don't know how this man came to be made boatman at Aberystwyth ' 
said one of his Secretaries to the Duke the other day. 'Lewis Morris 
used to have the Nomination of the officers in that country. I must 
give the Commissioners [of Customs] a rebuff about this affair.* And 
yet, at the very same time, this sneak is ready to undermine me. Its 
a servant of PoweFs that they have made Boatman there ! I am 
offended to the very marrow." 

Morris thought it was the work of Commissioner 
Gwyn Vaughan, in order to spite him, " a weak stroke of 
malice, thank God that greater things are not in his 
power." Tn his anger, he felt disposed to throw up his 
collectorship of Customs, but on second thought, "I 
shall exchange it, if possible, for a better, so that I may 
not be under a malicious sneak." 

But there was another matter that augured still worse 
for him than this appointment of the boatman. The 
sitting member for Cardiganshire, John Lloyd of Peter- 
well, was expected to die shortly, which in fact he did 
before the month (June) was out, and Morris heard to his 
chagrin that Lord Lisburne's son was to be put forward as 
a candidate " through the interest of the Government ! " 
"Monstrous ! the man who the other day made them spend 
thousands of pounds on the lawsuit, through his joining 
Powel and the Jacobites." 

The correspondence during the summer months was 
more than usually voluminous, some twenty letters being 
written to William during July, August and September. 
So far, the contest with the Treasury officials appears to 
have chiefly related to the questions how and by whom 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 39 

the accounts were to be taken ; the impression which the 
correspondence conveys is that of a succession of inter- 
mittent ^'alarums and excursions," which left the parties in 
pretty much the same position, though Morris felt con- 
vinced that he was steadily gaining ground, thanks to 
Lord Powis's unceasing exertions on his behalf. More 
than once he compares himself to $1 wether entangled 
among brambles (Uwdn dafad mevm drysiy cant fieri a 
gafael yn fy nqwlan) and set upon by a gang of sheep- 
stealers. '^ I have just got free from one bramble bush, 
so Lord Powis tells me to-day," he writes on 28 June. 
On 4 July^ he reports that the Earl had paid another 
visit to the Treasury, " and T hope he hath carried the 
point we wanted, as our adversaries have fortify'd them- 
selves so well by bribery and corruption we are obliged to 
fight our way inch by inch," but he hoped to undermine 
them very shortly as there remained "only one tower 
unconquered". "The more I advance in my affairs, new 
difficulties start, as if they had a mind I never should 
have an end", was what he had to confess on 15 July; 
" but they use Lord Powis as they do me, so I suffer in 
good company, and I would not desire better. I shall 
hear to-day from Lord Powis how this last contrivance is 
like to turn out: surprizing people, made up of Pride, 
Ignorance, and Falsity". On the 21st he declares himself 
'^ tired of writing accounts, &c." and is uneasy because he 
had not heard from Lord Powis, who was so busy about 
christening his son that there was "no seeing of him".' 

* A day or two before this, Morris removed from his lodgings at St. 
Martinis lane to '' Mr. Prestwood^s over against the coffee-house on 
Great Tower hilly** where he would be near his brother Richard at 
the Navy office. 

* In the same letter he says : " God hath sent away two of the 
dogs that barkVl at me in Geredigion, one of them ye very worst in 
ye world : he died last week at a TenanVs house of mine, a public- 
house, with ye d — 1 in his mouth. A Rare breed ! " 



40 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

At the end of July, the Treasury officials seem to have 
gone away on a holiday. Morris remained in town, utili- 
sing his leisure in preparing a work on Mines, and in en- 
deavouring to get a living for Goronwy Owen. *' If my 
afPairs were determined," he writes on 2nd August, " he 
would be sure of a living, but I cannot push things on so 
heartily as affairs are now circumstanced. Things are in a 
fair way of doing well, but that we move slow." He was 
chafing at being obliged to stay in London instead of 
pushing on matters at his own mine of Cwmervin (which 
" will make a good thing"). By the 22nd September he 
was able to inform his brother that he was then expecting 
orders to begin the examination of his accounts. 

When at last the order came (by letter of 2nd October 
from Mr. Harding, Secretary to tlie Treasury) Morris was 
jubilant at the choice of Examiners on behali of the 
Crown. An effort had been made on his behalf to secure 
the nomination of two old Anglesey friends — Williams of 
Geirchog, and William Parry, of Gwredog.* But this was 
frustrated through the Treasury obtaining information of 
their being friends of Morris. The persons eventually 
selected were John Tidy (steward to the Earl of Darling- 
ton, who was then one of the Lords of the Treasury) and 
John Paynter, who has been previously mentioned as 
resident manager of the Cwmsymlog mine under William 
Corbett. Morris alludes to Paynter as " formerly of Pen- 
rhyn" [PPenrhyn Deudraeth'^], refers to their old acquain- 

' Parry was Deputy Comptroller of the Mint. Goronwy Owen, in 
175o, invited him (in a Cyirydd printed in Owen's Works, ed. R. Jones, 
p. 178) to visit the poet at Northolt. He was the Coftadur or Recor- 
der of the Cymmrodorion Society in 1759. 

^ After perusing a pedigree communicated to me by Mr. Charles 
E. Paynter, of 61, Devonshire Road, Claughton, Cheshire, I have come 
to the conclusion (though it is not directly suggested by the pedigree) 
that the Paynter of our text should bo identified with a John Paynter 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 41 

tanceship, and never for a moment questions the staunch- 
ness of his friendship, though the Treasury oflScials were 
not to know anything of this. It was on Lord Powis's 
recommendation that Paynter was selected/ and Morris 
readily accepted the selection. 

The efforts made to secure the appointment of a friendly 
examiner, and Morris's elation at his success in that re- 
spect, coupled with some vague allusions to what he hoped 
to gain thereby," seem to suggest that it was not merely 

who, in 1734, msnied one Elizabeth Perks, by whom he had four sons — 
Andrew, Thomas, John and William. Andrew (1735-1802) became 
an officer of the customs, and married a daughter of Joseph Cox, comp- 
troller of customs at Pwllheli, by Ellen Wynne, of Glasgoed, Llanddei- 
niolen. He was buried at Llaufrothen ; his widow removed to Amlwch, 
and the High Sheriff of Anglesey for 1871 (T. Wjmne Paynter, of 
Amlwch) was their grandson. (Cymru for Jan. 1896, x, 29-36.) Andrew's 
customs appointment was perhaps secured through his father's con- 
nection with the Corbett's, and William (bom 1741) was probably the 
"William Pa3mter, Navy Office, gent.," who figures in the list of 
Cymmrodorion members for 1759, being described as a native of 
Denbighshire. The third son, John, married a widow named Eleanor 
Morris. It is not improbable that she was Lewis Morris's daughter of 
that name, who married (for her first husband) Richard Morris, of 
Mathafarn. John and Eleanor Paynter lived at Aberdovey, and were 
buried in the parish churchyard of Towyn, the husband on 28 Oct. 1815, 
aged 78, and his widow on 21 Sept. 1820, aged 90. The earliest Paynters 
were interested in lead mining, and most probably came to Wales from 
Cornwall. There is no traceable connection between them and the 
Paynters of Dale in Pembrokeshire, which is believed to have been an 
offshoot of the Paynters of Boskenna, near Penzance in Cornwall. 
(For pedigrees of these latter families «e« Burke's Za?i(2ec^ Gentry (1875), 
p. 1062, and Supplement, p. 54.) 

* Onid oedd Arglwydd Powys Iwyd a minau yn bobl ryfeddol ei 
hymladd hi hyd yma, a chael Si<m Painter y dyn clifria yn y deymas 
am y fath beth ? Oeddem, Oddem " (Oct. 13, 1755). 

* In referring to Tidy as Earl Darlington's Steward he says — " Os 
yw'r gwas fal y meistr, mi wnawn o'r goreu ag ef." In fact Tidy is 
represented somewhat as a lay figure, Pa3mter wielding the controlling 
and directing power in the whole proceedings. As to the Treasury 
officials — '* if they are other people's fools, pan na fyddant i minnaú P" 



42 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

fear lest he should suffer injustice at the hands of hostile 
examiners that influenced him, but that there had been 
some irregularities which he wished, if possible, to be 
passed over lightly. On the other hand, one cannot too 
much emphasize the fact that, though these letters were 
written confidentially to his brother, their whole tone is 
that of righteous indignation at injustice done to Morris 
by the Treasury officials, and there is not a single state- 
ment from which one could reasonably infer that he had 
been guilty of anything worse than slight irregularities, if 
so much, — certainly not of the systematic peculation which 
was the hitherto unformulated charge against him. 

On 9 October the two Examiners commenced their in- 
vestigation of Morris's Abstract or '* General Statement 
of Payments and Receipts," and Morris, who had handed 
in his books and vouchers, '^ assisted them almost every 
day", until the conclusion of the audit on the 28th, when 
the Examiners " seem'd well pleased " with the explana- 
tions that had been furnished them. Two days later, 
according to the Answer which Morris filed in the subse- 
quent proceedings, Paynter came to his lodgings and 
informed him that " he and Tidy had been the day before 
with Mr. Sharpe, who was ordered by the Treasury to 
assist them, and that they had shew'd to Mr. Sharpe a 
draught of [Morris's] accounts as stated by them, and had 
taken his directions how to make the report, and that 
Sharpe had approved of the said accounts, and that they 
would be passed as they were in his books, except some 
few trifling articles which he said they had struck off to 
shew their assiduity". Paynter at the same time shewed 
to Morris a draft of the report which he and Tidy 
intended to make. No report was then, however, pre- 
sented ; and Morris subsequently alleged that the object of 
the Examiners in declining to report wa« "to delay the 



Lewis Morris in Cai'diganshire. 43 

time and to continue their employment by the Treasury, 
as they were greatly paid by them " — their remuneration 
being at the rate of Two Guineas a day each — and also to 
secure thereby the appointment of one of them to succeed 
Morris in the management of the Mine. 

A fuller account of the interview with Paynter on 
30 Oct. 1 755 is contained in a long letter written on the 
same day by Morris to a certain noble lord, undoubtedly the 
Earl of Powis/ In this, the writer reproduces Paynter's 
account of what he had heard at the Treasury. Sharpe 
had shown the Examiners a letter addressed to the Trea- 
sury by a "Mr. Knightley", which Morris believed to be 
a fictitious name assumed to cover an anonymous attack 
on him. "No doubt it came from Commsr. Welles and 
Townsend ", writes Morris, and to the latter he attributes 
its " venom and low cunning'*. 

" He hints, there should be a Viexo of the Miney that [it] is going 
to rttiny that these Examiners are men of knowledge and would 
discover my frauds ; That he had heard my character in travelling 
from Swansey to Aberystwyth, and was desired to let them knoto by 
word of mouth that the gentlemen of the country are not Inclined to 
be rebels (tho' they go to law about ye mines) unless they are pro- 
voked to be BO by such an Incendiary as L. M. : and he is surprised 
people of their sense should suffer me to go on at that rate, and 
abundance of the like stuff throwing dirt. Such a letter in other 
hands would be construed to my advantage for all the King's Enemies 
call me an Incendiary, which gives me great pleasure. It seems Mr. 
Sharpe is uneasy about Townsend, having not yet received the £1,350 
of him which he was to have paid me, and I hope he'll never pay it, nor 
the money of the last ore where he had promised. I know Townsend 
is in London, but they have not seen him yet. I think your Lord- 
ship*s putting off coming to town to the 9th Nov. given them an 
opening to play tricks. I am sure these people's report may be 
ready in a few days if you were here to e^g them on, for they have 
now nothing to do but to write their abstract and report. The scheme 



^ I am indebted to Mr. J. 11. Davies for a copy of this letter, which 
is preserved at the British Museum. 



44 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

of this Ficticious letter may perhaps be taken hold of, if they have a 
mind for a Colour to put your Lordship's grant off again by sending 
these Examiners to Cardiganshire, and I presume it wd. not be a 
disagreeable jaunt for them." 

The Examiners' version of Morris's conduct may per- 
haps be gathered from certain denials subsequently made 
by him in his Answer. They seem to have alleged that 
in the course of the examination Morris declined to assist 
them with such information as he was possessed of, and 
that they told him they were unable " to reduce his 
accounts to method or form " unless he supplied them 
with some further papers, which, however, he did not do, 
alleging that the documents he had already handed them 
"contained all his receipts and payments". The result was 
that the Secretary to the Treasury issued an order, on 21 
Nov. 1755, directing the Examiners to proceed to Cardigan- 
shire so that they might there further investigate Morris's 
accounts. Tn justice to Morris himself, it should be stuted 
that several passages in the letters which he wrote to his 
brother during the progress of the examination, tend to 
corroborate his statement that the Examiners made no 
complaint, and, in fact, "seemed well pleased" with his 
explanations.^ 

^ On 13 October — four days after the commencement of the 
audit — he writes : " Just now Lord Powys's agent, and John Paynter 
and self sitting together over a Bowl of Punch in my room." Six 
days later he reports : — " The examination goes on glibly, 8ion 
baintiwr yn ddyn rhyfedda fu en'oed [Paynter the strangest man that 
ever lived], all pride and vanity, and good sense, extraordinary parts, 
a heap of contradictions/' On the 20th he refers in somewhat 
similar terms to a person whom he calls Payan Sjmrdunoy, un- 
doubtedly Paynter. Morris himself is speaking fairly (Jinneu^n 
dywedyd yn dcg^ ttc, &c.> to the Examiners, who "seem to be con- 
vinced of the reality of my case which ye other rascals have a mind to 
conceal." By the '* other rascals " he meant Sharpe, the Solicitor, 
and West, one of the Secretaries to the Treasury, for he jestingly 
proceeds to derive the word " scroundel " from the Welsh HyB ciotif 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 45 

Odcg more Cardiganshire became the scene of action. 
It was a race from London there between Morris and the 
Examiners, each party being eager to be first at the 
mine. But Morris's haste involved him in an accident 
for on his way home, accompanied no doubt by his nephew, 
John Owen, who had remained with him in London all the 
time, he had the misfortune to fall from his horse, and 
this seems to have enabled the Examiners to reach the 
mine before him, which they did on 10th December. At 
Bhayadr, they had been met by William Jones, the agent 
left in charge of the mine during Morris's absence, but at 
the mine itself they were unable to obtain possession of the 
house (called the King's house), which Morris had built 
for his accommodation as manager. In it, £van Williams, 
one of the three partners in the original taking of the mine, 
was living with his wife and family as caretakers, and as 
he had previously held possession of it by Morris's direc- 
tions "the' attempted often to be thrown out by the 
sheriff of the county," he who had been " a constant and 
true friend of the cause of the Crown," refused admittance 
to the Examiners, as they were strangers to him and he 
had no knowledge of their authority. Without waiting to 
eject him, or making any sort of inspection of the mine, the 
Examiners proceeded immediately to Aberystwyth, which 
place they made their headquarters. 

Down to this stage Morris seems to have maintained — 

y drel — "a rhywogaeth y drel hwnnw ywV Llym yma a'r Gorllewin. O 
Fileiniaid ! ar fedr andwyo dyn ai deulu i borthi eu pendro gythreulig 
—worse than dogs or serpents". In a letter of the 24th he again 
describes Paynter as ''a grotesquely curious man, but as the steel all 
the same [/it xcelais i erioed ei ail o ddyn gicrthuny ond inae ef fal y dur 
er hyny\ Self interest is ye great tye. The last part of my 
vouchers I delivered to-day, ag rtcyn gobeitho y gicnant report gonest 
fneum ychydig ddyddiau [and 1 hope they will make an honest report 
in a few days].'' 



46 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

outwardly at all events — his friendly relations with 
Paynter : " I often attended the Examiners at Aberystwyth 
and dined and supped with them, and they appeared 
always very friendly during the course of their examin- 
ation, and did not require any explanation of me, except 
the Partners' or Bargain takers' account for the first year 
(1751)," which was not however forthcoming. But Morris 
subsequently discovered, according to his statement, 
that Paynter was all this tinie plotting his ruin. **At 
the same time that the Examiners behaved to me so civil, 
Mr. Paynter told several persons that now he had an 
opportunity to be reveng'd on me for speaking against 
him when he was agent of mines to Mr. Corbett, and that 
he would paint me as black as the devil, and that he 
would represent me to the Treasury a^ one ignorant of 
everything relating to mines." 

But the account subsequently given by Morris of the 
conduct of the Examiners at this time must necessarily be 
accepted with caution, for allowance should doubtless be 
made for the fact that this account was not written till 
after the lapse of some eighteen months; when, moreover, 
he had to defend himself against charges which were based 
upon the Examiners' reports as to his stewardship. On 
the other hand, as Morris's allegations against the 
Examiners were made in the course of legal proceedings, 
they were all liable to be rebutted, especially as they 
related for the most part to specific facts, and such rebuttal 
would have had the inevitable result of destroying Morris's 
credit and reputation; and unless there was, therefore, some 
foundation in fact for his allegations he would scarcely 
have been so reckless as to place them formally on record 
in his pleadings. 

According to Morris, whose version we think it right to 
give, subject to the foregoing reservation, the Examiners, 



Lewis Morns in Cardiganshire. 47 

before proceeding to examine the mine, spent five or six 
weeks' ^'chiefly in visits at the houses of the claimants 
of the mine," and also "in keeping an open house of 
reyelling, balls and entertainments at Aberystwyth, with 
harpers and fiddlers," by which means they " persuaded 
several persons to make complaints against [Morris] in 
their drunkenness, which they afterwards owned they 
were sorry for.* And the people that they chiefly carress'd 

^ They had a good excuse for not going to the mine, for they 
could not do so " for frost and snow*'. 

' The following is from one of Morris's numerous memoranda : *' Mr. 
Paynter, on his first coming to Cardiganshire on ye examination of 
my accounts publicly declared in my presence and of several others 
that the Treasury were so surfeited with affidavits from Cardiganshire 
they would have no more of them, but that he would take all exami- 
nations about my accounts without the ceremony of an oath, and that 
if anybody had any demands upon me he would pay them on their 
making their complaints. This occasioned a vast number of poor 
indigent people to make demands where there was no colour, and 
several to deny their hands to the receipts they had given, so that 
according to this way of examination all my payments might be 
struck off, if all the persons concerned had as little conscience as 
some had." 

Elsewhere he states that 'Hhey took down in writing whatever 
any drunken fellow, whom they had treated, had the conscience to 
say against me, telling him beforehand that he need not be on oath — 
and this in a country where I had made me so many enemies on the 
King's account, by endeavouring to maintain his right." 

Among the specific instances which Morris gives are the follow- 
ing: — "Two of the Partners were made drunk at the Examiners' 
lodgings, being persuaded by Mr. Paynter to make complaints which 
they were told need not be on oath, and that he would make me pay 
them more money, and offered to help them to file a bill in Chancery 
against me. When they grew sober they came to me and own'd 
what they had done, and sign'd papers (which I have) testifying to 
the contrary." 

There is also a note stating that the wife of one of the washers in 
the bargain of 1761, was given a guinea by Paynter at Lord 
Lisbume's house, with the view of her proving that she had washed 
more ore than was accounted for, Ac, but when told by Morris's 
nephew, John Owen, that later on she would be required to sub- 
stantiate her statement upon oath, she also retracted. 



48 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

and entertained in those revells were the very people that 
always opposed the title of the Crown to the mine, and 
were [Morris's] utter enemies on that account."^ More- 
over, Morris complained that the Examiners, though they 
had paid only one visit to his house, which was near to 
their lodgings, " were frequently at the Houses of Mr. 
Powell and Lord Lisbum, who had given the Crown so 
much trouble by claiming the mine, and there examined 
the persons who Mr. Powell and Ld. Lisbum could per- 
suade to say anything against me because I had so stren- 
uously defended the King's right against them". 

Either the Examiners were not empowered to take 
evidence on oath, or they elected not to do 60, for it 
appears that they obtained all their information by means 
of unsworn testimony, that Morris was never allowed to be 
present when witnesses were examined, and that they "never 
would let him know what complaints there were against 
him [so as] to give him an opportunity of clearing himself , 
though he expressly desired of them to let him bring 
persons to answer some complaints that he had heard had 
been made." 

^ Another memorandum contains the following serious allega- 
tion : — 

* '' To aggravate the country against me on their examination, Mr. 

Paynter read publicly the letters I had wrote to Mr. Sharpe and 

others during my maintaining and disputing the rights of the Crown 

with Lord Lisbum and Mr. Powell, which I presume were given him 

for the purpose by Mr. Sharpe, and as I am inform^ Mr. Paynter 

gave up to Mr. Powell and Lord Lisbum my original letters to Mr. 

Sharpe, to see if they could get any handle against me. This is a 

proceeding never used by any person or office, to expose their Agent 

or Attorney's letters, who perhaps might be sometimes too warm in 

his expressions, when ill-used by his antagonists, but it is however a 

Caveat to others never to be too faithful to their trust when 

employed by the Government, lest some of those they oppose should 

turn to be useful members in the House of Commons, as Lord 

Lisbum's son and Mr. Townsend now are.'' 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 49 

Morris claimed that he had given to the Examiners, so 
far as they would permit him, all the assistance in his 
power, and especially that he had delivered to them all his 
books of account relating to the period of his superin- 
tendence. Paynter, however, wrote to him that "some 
folks (such were his words) thought it would be proper 
they should see the Partners' accounts for the year 1721,'* 
to which Morris replied that owing to the bargain-takers 
being illiterate no regular accounts had been kept, and 
that moreover the venture of 1761 was "a private concern", 
as to the receipts and expenses of which the Crown could 
not justly demand an account. But even in this respect 
he seems to have made some concession later, for, referring 
to the matter in his Answer, he states that the Examiners 
** might, if they had thought proper, have settled and 
adjusted the account of ore got out of the mine in 1751, as 
he had delivered to them the accounts of the sale of the 
said ore, and all the names of the Buyers, who were all to 
be spoke with," but what enquiries they had made of the 
merchants who bought the ore, Morris was unable to say. 

On 22 January 1756, the Examiners '' contrived an 
artful malicious letter" to Morris, complaining that a 
caretaker, by his directions, withheld from them posses- 
sion of the King's house at the mine, "against the 
order of the Lords of the Treasury." Two days later, 
without waiting for Morris's reply, they wrote to West at 
the Treasury, enclosing a copy of their letter of the 22nd, 
and alleging that Morris would not suffer any of the 
Swing's servants to go near them, a statement which, he 
says, after Euclid's manner, was absurd, as there were then 
no King's servants to be so prevented, all having been 
discharged above a twelvemonth before, except William 
Jones, the agent, and some twelve pumpers "who were 
always in the mine and at the Examiners' command"; 



B 



50 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

aJl which the solicitor to the Treasury (Sharpe) "knew 
very well, though to aggravate the Treasury and to pro- 
mote Mr. Paynter^ he wink'd at this falsehood that 
I hindered the King^s servants to appear." There was 
nothing left to the Examiners, so they seem to have 
represented, but "to proceed in the best manner they 
could, without the inspection of such books and papers as 
Morris had withheld from them"; while as further proof 
of their assiduity, or "to prolong time", they also 
examined the custom-house books, though Morris explained 
to them that "no ofi&cers of the customs enter in their 
books out of what mine any ore comes, no more than out 
of what farm any corn comes." 

On 26 January, they wrote to Morris informing him 
that, by the authority of the Treasury, they revoked and 
determined his superintendency of the mine, and that he 
would have further directions concerning the Balance 
"pretended by them" to remain in his hands as soon as 
their report had been considered by the Treasury. At the 
same time, or very shortly after, Paynter himself was 
entrusted by the Treasury with the management of the 
mine, an object which had been secured, so Morris con- 
tended, " by malicious and false representations " of his 
conduct. 

The Examiners presented two distinct accounts, one of 
which, described as drawn up from such books as Morris 
had thought fit to produce to them, showed a balance of 
£2,910 11«. 3d. due from him to the Crown. The other, in 
the preparation of which the Examiners had " considered 
themselves as two indifferent Referees, abstracted from all 
prejudices, collusions, or misbehaviour in him (Morris) 
and made him aU just and reasonable allowances," showed 
as due from him, a balance of £3,468 b%. Id. In the bill 
of complaint subsequently filed against Morris, the former 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 51 

sum was claimed on an account stated, while the latter 
sum was claimed in the alternative. These results were 
obtained by striking out many payments which Morris 
claimed to have made (a.gf., in respect of "double stems" 
worked), and also disallowing his salary, "alleging, 
perhaps from their ignorance of these things, that he 
deserved no salary." 

No balance was, however, demanded of Morris, nor 
was the result of the investigation directly communi- 
cated to him, though shortly after the Examiners' return 
to London it was commonly reported that " some oflBcers 
of the Treasury wanted to arrest his body for about 
£3,000." But he lost no time in going himself to London, 
where he arrived on 22 March, not to return home till 
about Christmas 1767, or possibly the beginning of 1758. 

As he believed that his opponents were plotting his 
ruin, it was necessary, if possible, to check their machin- 
ations, and in sheer self-defence go in for counter-plotting. 
A break in the correspondence leaves us, however, in the 
dark as to what was being done between April and July. 
The veil is lifted by the following letter or report written 
to the Lords of the Treasury by their solicitor, John 
Sharpe, on 28 July 1756. 

"In obedience to your Lordships* commands signify'd to me by Mr. 
Harding's letter of the 16th July instant, I have laid the several 
reports of Messrs. Painter and Tidy concerning the conduct of Mr. 
Lewis Morris, agent to the King^s mines in Wales, and the state of 
his accounts, and their report of the value and condition of the 
mine at Esgair-y-mwyn, with the authority given to those gentlemen, 
with a proper state of the case drawn up by me, before Mr. Attorney 
Greneral, and have taken his opinion touching the method by which 
the King's interest in the said mine may be most properly secured, 
whether by a lease thereof in the manner proposed in one of the said 
reports, or by what other method, and also what will be the best 
method of recovering the money due from Mr. Morris, and I herewith 
lay before your Lordships the said case with Mr. Attorney General's 
opinion." 

£ 2 



52 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

The subsequent course of events enable us to infer the 
purport of that Opinion. Meanwhile, however, another 
blow was aimed at Morris by his dismissal, early in 
August, from the coUectorship at Aberdovey. Writing 
to his brother at Holyhead on 28 August, he said that 
the Duke of Newcastle solemnly assured him that he was 
not privy to his dismissal — ^that it was the work of other 
people.* But, observes Morris, 

^'He dare not refuse the Jacobites anything thej ask, an odd 
mortal, without bottom or solidity. I know they'll carry their spight 
against me to ye utmost, and [he] hath neither courage nor honesty 
to stop them, but there will come a time soon that the scenes will 
be changed." 

It was well on in the following year before he had much 
to communicate to his brother as to the dispute with the 
Treasury. Meanwhile he busily occupied himself with 
preparing a cabinet of mineralogical specimens, which he 
intended for, and eventually presented to, the Earl of Powis. 
He was also keenly interested in Lord Powis's endeavonr 
to obtain a lease of Esgair-y-mwyn mine from the Crown, 
a project which Paynter also favoured and worked for, 
but for ulterior objects of his own which Morris had as yet 
no suspicion of. "Who knows but I shall go again to 
Wales Deheubartheg" he optimistically exclaims on receipt 
of a letter from Lord Powis that everything was going on 
all right. "1 find," Morris writes (25 Sept. 1766), "that 
Smedley came to town a few days ago by ye direction'* of 
Harding of the Treasury, a bitter opponent of Morris's party, 
but after offering 40«. per ton royalty, he hurried home, in- 
continently complaining that he had been made a fool of, 
as the lease would be granted to Lord Powis, whatever 
royalty his Lordship offered. Townsend also ofiPered "twice 

^ '^ Am fy materion i, yr iin fath er pan sgrifennais ddiweddaf. Fe 
dyng y Cast, newydd na wyr ef ddim oddiwrth fy hel i o Ddyfi, ond 
mae gwaith pobl ereill oedd/' 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 53 

as much as the thing would pay ", but " he was too light in 
the scales against Lord Powis, tho' he had another member 
to be a partner with him (Vaughan of Crosswood) and it 
seems he could not give proper security. However 
Smedley has been a complaining to a friend of his that 
nobody has any chance with Lord Powis, for that he 
insisted upon having it, and he could lead ye Morthwyl 
mawr as he pleas'd.'* 

Meanwhile Paynter was down at Esgair-y-mwyn, 
*' going on after the same wild manner, building and 
throwing down .... even in the depth of winter " 
(80 Nov. 1756) — "driving levels, sinking engine shafts, 
rioting, Ac., &c." (4 Feb. 1757), but slipping away for a 
few days at Christmas, apparently to visit Lord Powis at 
Oakley Park. But "these things will be over by and by," 
says the poet, "and that honest Ivddew [Jew] known 
there as well as in other places." Even Powell, of 
Nanteos, declared that Paynter was not to be trusted, and 
that Morris would once more return to the mine. So 
firmly did Morris believe this himself that he instructed 
" honest Evan William " to purchase about £200 worth of 
timber in the district, so that Lord Powis could have it to 
work the mine, but "for certain reasons" it was "bought 
in Evan Williams's name" (Jan. 1, 1757). During the 
winter months, Morris was much troubled with asthma and 
a persistent cough^ which prevented his resting in a prone 
position. An illness of Lord Powis's also delayed matters, 
but the lease of Esgair-y-mwyn from the Treasury to his 
lordship was eventually signed on February 24th, 1757. 
"God knows how it will affect me!" was Morris's com- 
ment to his brother. 

His lordship shortly afterwards, in addition to this 
lease^ appears to have obtained a lease of the manors of 
Myfenydd and Creuddyn, and all mines and minerals 



54 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

within those manors except Esgair-y-mwyn, the rent 
reserved being £2 for tlie manors, £2 for the mines^ and 
one-tenth of the ore. This second lease expired on 2 April 
1788, its term probably being thirty-one years, which was 
then the usual term for mineral leases from the Crown. 

It was probably with a view to these leases that Morris 
had presented Lord Powis, in December 1766, with his 
histories of the manors of Creuddyn and Myfenydd. 

Not long after this, Morris thought that Lord Powis's 
manner towards him was less cordial than it used to be. 
At first he fancied that this arose from an unreadiness on 
his lordship's part to refund the money which he had 
paid for the timber, and he now feared that in so paying, 
he had done "an indiscreet thing". He was probably 
nearer the mark as to the cause of the estrangement 
when he informed his brother (6 May 1 759) that Paynter 
was in London, "pushing his long nose no doubt into 
Ld. P.'s ears.'" It is, at all events, clear that Lord Powis 
retained Paynter as his agent and manager of the mine at 
Esgair-y-mwyn. 

Moreover, the change of Ministry which happened about 
this time did not prove to Morris's advantage. Early in 

^ Paynter's departure from Esgair-y-mwyn had been somewhat 
mysterious, and Morris believed that he had escaped in disgrace or 
in fear of the law (letter of 8 April 1757): — "A messenger from 
London arrived in that neighbourhood [Esgair-y-mwyn] ye 26th 
March, and 27th early before the man came Pajmter took horses and 
slipt away to Salop, and some think to London. I suppose his 
pride and folly reached ye ears of ye Treasury, and that they sent a 
man to supersede him. I believe in my heart he has drawn Arg. 

Po[wÌ8] into a scrape The London messenger, after 

looking about him, and seeing Paynter had given him ye slip, 
went back to London, and a change happens in the Ministry at that 
very crisis, nobody can pretend to determine how it will turn out." 
And then he introduces a morsel of folklore which is worth pre- 
serving : '' It is surprising what confusions money ¥(^1 make. Is it 

any wonder that the d 1 should sit cross-legged in ogo maen 

cymrwd to guard the treasures there." 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 55 

May, proceedings were launched against him to recover 
the balance which Paynter and Tidy had reported as still 
due from him to the Treasury. John Owen was joined as 
co-defendant, " with a view to take ofiP his evidence from 
being on his (Morris's) side". Writing to William Morris 
on 13 May, he says : — 

" My Treasury enemies caused him [J. Owen] to be served with 
an Exchequer writ ye beginning of this month, at ye suit of ye 
Attomey-genl. by Information. ... I had notice of it before- 
hand and ordered him out of ye way, but he was so H3rpd. [? Hjrpo- 
chondriacal] that he could not move an inch, or did not think my 
information was of any consequence. You see what low shifts my 
enemies are put to, to seek out for matter of Information against me, 
for this is intended for that purpose. Ond ebr jrr hen ddihareb ni 
thwyllwyd a rybuddiwyd ; felly minneu wnaf y goreu o*r gwaethaf ." 

He probably owed his early knowledge of these pro- 
ceedings to some friendly official at the Treasury, for on 
21 May he writes : — "I have opened a door into 'rdrywor/a, 
a kind of a private access, by which I shall discover the 
intentions of men. I wish I had seen it sooner, but this 
was only a work of providence, and could not be sooner." 
By the end of May, a bill of ** three skins of parchment " 
had been filed against himself and Owen. It is signed by 
Eobert Harley (the Attorney-General) and George Perrott, 
and is still preserved at the Record Office, where also are 
to be seen the Answer of the two defendants, and the 
Crown's Exceptions thereto, both of which will be referred 
to later. Owen's presence in London now became neces- 
sary, and, on 18 June, Morris wrote to his wife (who had 
removed to Penbryn in the spring) bidding her despatch 
Owen to London with all speed, and giving directions as to 
the journey. " The neighbours need not know where he 
goes that they may not have business to talk." He also 
gave instructions " to push Cwmervin on", but owing to 
heavy floods during the summer, the output there fell short 
of what it might otherwise have been. As to Esgair-y- 



56 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

mwyn, Paynter had now returned, but there was *^no 

work (raising ore) going on yet". As to the lawsuit, " I 

am fighting them now in equity", he writes to his brother 

(18 June), ^'and have the same Counsel as was against the 

King in the great trial.* Must not I change sides as well 

as others?" He was busily preparing his answer, which 

was to be filed during the Michaelmas term. But he also 

devoted much time to literary work and scientific research. 

It was at this period that he wrote the greater part of his 

Celtic Remains ; he also made a collection of coins, and 

studied their inscriptions ; he presented his brother 

William with a microscope, which he had made with his 

own hands. Writing to William on 28 September he 

sends him important news from Cardiganshire : — 

'* This post brings me news that Johnes, of Abermaid, was on ye 
21 st instant carried to Cardigan Jail by a mob of 100 men, and that 
about a 100 men of his mob, hearing of his being decoyed into their 
snare, have marched on ye 23rd at night to Cardigan to carry him off. 
We shall hear next post, I suppose, of a Battle there. Herbert Lloyd 
decoy'd him into their trap, who pretended to be his bosom friend. 
Lladdant eu gilydd a chroeso, A Duto ffatwo'r gimrion,^ 

Some ten days later he gives further news of this 

flare-up {rhyfel bentan) between the factions of Abermaid 

and Llanvair y Clywedogau {sic) : — 

** 140 men of a side or more. Abermaid hath several allies, 
Nanteos, Trawsgoed, Aberllolwyn, and Llandudoch. Llanvair hath 
strong allies, colliers from Pembrokeshire, miners of Es(gair) y mwyn, 
Grogwynion, Llwyn y gwyddyl, Lewis Llanchairon, &c., all under 
arms. You never heard of such madness since the attempt or attack 
formerly on Esgair y mwyn." 

The attempted rescue seems to have proved unavailing, 
for on 18 October Morris reported that Johnes was then 

^ The Counsel who subsequently settled the defendants* answer, 
and also argued on their behalf against the exceptions thereto, was 
Edmund Starkie. Morris's attorney was Thomas Cross, of Wine 
Office Court, who was a member of the Cymmrodorion Society, his 
qualification being that his mother was a Welsh woman. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 57 

in the King's Bench, " where he was like to end his wicked 
life," but the writer had no sympathy to waste on him. 
The great county quarrel was in his eyes a case of " dog 
eat dog." Paynter, on the other hand, was "cutting a 
most astonishing figure" in Cardiganshire, "building, 
taking great farms, &c., in shorty driving "ten times 
hotter than Jehu." Towards the end of October, he 
(accompanied by his brother) went up to London, leaving 
the work on stop, except one small level, and, as Morris 
heard, hatching some plots against himself, which was 
likely enough. " K the Treasury want a tool of destruc- 
tion, he is the fittest man in the world for it." On Dec. 1, 
in a postscript to a letter of the previous day, Morris men- 
tions a rumour that Lord Powis had surrendered his lease 
of Esgair-y-mwyn to the Treasury owing to the unprofit- 
ableness of the undertaking: "If it is so," adds Morris, 
" there is one of Paynter's tricks in it, for there has been 
a vast deal of unnecessary work done there since they 
began, of levels, shafts, building of houses, and great wells 
and ponds, &c., and I am told all brought to ye account of 
ye mine under the title of labour, in order to induce the 
Treasury to grant a lease on better terms."^ 

Meanwhile, the end of the long vacation was drawing 
near, and Morris's Answer was not yet ready ; he had to 
urge on his lawyer, and even drank hard with him so as to 
"drive instructions into him." "According to my de- 

' Some further references to this matter are given in the Appendix. 
It would appear that Lord Powis did, in fact, surrender his lease, and 
that a new one was subsequently granted to him, on easier terms, for 
a lease of Esgair-y-mwyn to him (at a rent of 5«. a year and ^th of the 
ore) expired on the 20 Dec. 1795, when no new lease was granted 
(see Whittle Harvey's Returns of the Land Revenues of the Crown 
1831, p. 24). In a subsequent return (Appendix 3 to Report of Land 
Rev, of the Croum 1833;, there is this note as to Esgair-y-mwyn: "These 
mines were some years since siurendered to the Crown by Lord Clive." 



58 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

mands", he adds, "they owe me above two thousand 
pounds, and as yet I don't know what will be the conse- 
quence." The result of this dilatoriness wa« reported 
by Morris in a letter of 14 November 1757/ 

" For want of bringing in our Answer the first day of 
term, owing to the Tardiness of my Lawyers, there is an 
attachment taken out against Jo. Owen and self in order 
to make us give bail to stand a trial. But they shall not 
attack me unless they break doors," while he had also 
warned his nephew. 

At last the formal Answer was, however, sworn to by 

the defendants before Chief Baron Parker on 25 November 

1767. In it Morris, of course, denied that there was due 

from him to the Treasury the sum of £3,468 claimed, or 

any other sum. On the contrary, Morris insisted that if a 

fair account were taken of his receipts and payments, and 

of the proper allowances, which ought in justice to be made 

to him, and which he humbly hoped would be allowed him 

as set forth in the two schedules annexed to his Answer, 

there would appear to be justly due to him (defendant) 

the sum of £2,385 Is. This amount was made up as 

follows :— 

Expenses while in Cardigan jail, 41 days at 2 guineas 

a day, £86 2«. ; damages for assault and false imprison- 
ment, £500 ; expenses in London after being bailed out, 
155 days from 4 April to 6 Sept. 1753, £325 10«. ; expenses 
attending the trial, 55 days from 26 April to 19 June 1754, 
£115 10«.; expenses and journey of himself and John 
Owen ^' to London by the order of the officers of the 
Treasury, to settle his accounts with the Treasury, being 
out 305 days, from 21 January 1755, to the 21st November 
following, at 3 guineas a day for both, £960 15«.; salary 

^ By a slip he has written 1755, but internal evidence proves that 
beyond doubt it should be 1757. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 59 

as superintendent of Esgair-y-mwyn mine from 1 Jan. 
to 26 Feb. 1766 (at the rate of £500 a year), £578 1«. 7d. ; 
cash paid on 2 April 1755 by order of Sharpe to Stephen 
Edwards, Attorney, " for business done in the defence of 
the said mine ", £118 17». 3d. ; payments since the delivery 
of his accounts : — to the Examiners under 5 separate 
orders from the Treasury, £404 7«. 9d., and expenses of 
the mine from 3 January 1755 (i.e. the date to which his 
abstract had been made up) to 28 Feb. 1756, " with other 
bills inserted in this account by Paynter and Tidy of their 
own private expenses," (which the XJnder-Agent at the 
mine was ordered by them to pay), £385 18«. lOd. All 
these items made up a total of £3,475 2«. 5d., out of which 
there was to be deducted the sum of £1,090 1«. 5d., which 
Morris, in his abstract, admitted to be the cash in his 
hands on 3 January 1 755, leaving a balance in his favour 
of £2,385 1«. For most (if not all) of his disbursements, 
Morris had vouchers^ and, in many cases, specific orders 
also. 

It was characteristic of Morris that on the very day 
on which he attended before Chief Baron Parker to have 
his Answer sworn to, he should also occupy himself with 
copying Chjfoesi Myrddin a Owendydd ("a monstrous 
long thing of 128 stanzas of Engl[ynion'] milwr") and 
Marwnad Trahaem Brydydd, besides writing one of his 
usual long letters to his brother William. A fortnight 
later (15 Dec. 1757) he writes again to William, and 
mentions that with a view to returning home he had 
packed the greater part of his impedimenta in some ten 
boxes which he intended directed to Mathavam (Mont.), 
whence he could have them home by degrees. He was 
uncertain whether he could leave London before Christmas. 
But his return home was not long postponed, and his pro- 
tracted absence of some 21 months was at last brought to 



6o Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

an end. His nephew, John Owen, however, remained 
behind in London, though no regular employment had 
yet been secured him, and in a few months time « he 
shew'd great uneasiness at being detained in such an 
inactive, precarious state of suspense." Morris was 
perhaps not able to sympathise with his nephew's 
restlessness any more than with his brother Bichard's 
easy-going temper.* 

The next step in the Exchequer suit was that the 
Attorney-General,^ as the informant, took Exceptions 
against Morris's Answer as "imperfect, evasive and in- 
suflScient." The Exceptions, which were nine in number, 
were filed on 18 February 1 758, and were set down for 
argument on the 2dth. The interval was too short to obtain 
instructions from Morris in Cardiganshire, so " instead of 
coming to a hearing upon the insufi&ciency of the Answer," 
his Attorney, Thomas Cross, moved for an adjournment 
till the ensuing term, "which with some difficulty was 
obtained." At the same time " a peremptory rule was 
made either to submit to amend and put in a full Answer 
by the next term or argue the Exceptions." At this 
critical period Cross was deprived of the assistance, not 
only of Morris himself, owing to his being in Wales, but 
also of Richard Morris, who was away at Portsmouth 
attending a Court Martial. The Attorney, however, laid 
the whole case before Counsel, and also wrote to Morris 
(2 March 1758) for full instructions. 

" Whatever intimation or hopes you might have given you before 

^ " Dyma fi yn ymadel a Sion [Owen], f al y gallo fynd iV mor neuV 
mynydd : a thoughtless vain lad, God help him. Ac ydyw^ 
Gardiwr wyf yn i adel arno [Richard Morris] fawr well." Owen was 
still in London in May 1758, but he eventually went to sea. 

3 Camden Pratt (afterwards 1st Lord Camden), by this time held 
office. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 6i 

you left LoDdon,*' he tells him, '' they seem determined to shew you 
no favour. 

"If the last exception to yonr answer should hold, the proceedings 
wiU be extended to an endless length. The books delivered in by you, 
as apprehended, are no more than quarterly payments. You are 
wanted to account from the first entries or journals, which if 
destroyed when the quarterly books were made up, will be looked 
upon and construed as done to serve certain ends." 

Morris's instructions to Cross were contained in a 
letter dated "Penbryn, March I3th 1758". He could 
prepare no further account, as all his books and vouchers 
were in the hands of the Examiners, and the only further 
answer that he could give would be to refer to Paynter and 
Tidy's acknowledgment of the documents which he had 
delivered to them, and to state that they had also received 
from the under-agents the day-books, "to be examined 
with the quarter-books", and that the Examiners had 
"detained these as well as the rest," but "they gave no 
receipt for the day-books." As a good deal depended on 
these day-books, Morris gives the following account of the 
way they were kept : — 

'' The first entries, or day-books, of the transactions of the mine 
were not made by me but by ye several under agents who were on ye 
spot, and who I superintended, and the books containing the quarterly 
payments are actual entries made by the under agents of each par- 
ticular miner's account, of work done, and subsistence received within 
that quarter, and posted as soon as possible by the under agents out 
of the day-books from time to time, and prepared for me by them 
against the quarter's end, at which time I my self paid the people 
their ballance publicly and took their receipts under their accounts 
in the said original journals or Quarter Books, attested by some 
person that could write his name, of which there are not many among 
miners. No day-books were destroyed by me, nor could it be my 
interest, but in a great measure I neglected them after I had examined 
and compared the accounts in the Quarter Books with the day books, 
and accounted with ye under agents for the money I had left in their 
hands to subsist the mine.'' 

Morris contended that no account ought to be based on 



62 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

the day-books, but only on the quarter-books, which were 
all properly attested, " each miner setting his hand to a 
receipt under his account." Furthermore, " the times of 
my quarterly payments were always proclaimed, and I paid 
publicly at ye mine in the presence of all the miners." As 
the Exceptions would come on for argument in the ensuing 
term, Morris instructed Cross to retain *'the ablest Counsel 
that you can get, and as many as are sufficient." As to 
the possibility of mediation by some friend at Court, 
Morris writes: — "You mistook me if you thought I 
expected any favour from the officers till application was 
made to them, which is not yet made, but depends upon 
other circumstances which may or may not come to pass." 

During the next two months Eichard Morris acquainted 
his brother in Cardiganshire " how his aflFair with the 
Crown and ye Exchequer was being transacted." It. had 
turned out rather unfavourably to Morris, as may be seen 
by the following extract from a letter written to him by 
his Attorney, Cross, on 20 May 1758. 

" On the 29th April (after being put off three several tlmeB, twice 
on your part and once by the Crown) the Exceptions came on to be 
argued. The two first were got over, but the 8rd being allow'd, all the 
subsequent, by the rules and practices of the Exchequer, were like- 
wise allowed icith costSf which I shall pay, as I have engaged, as soon as 
I can get the bill from the Clerk in Court. 

" The Monday following, the Crown, upon motion, obtained an 
order to amend their bill or information, and that you and Mr. 
[John] Owen shall answer the same at the time of answering the 
Exceptions. This procedure will in some measure be instituting the 
suit de novo. As yet they have not given notice of their amendment, 
tho' I expect they will by the first day of the ensuing term. I 
presume that it was from the arguments and observations of Mr. 
Starkie (who did not spare them) that they discovered their own 
defects. 

"If the names of certain personages (who you flattered yourself 
would be your friends), had been set forth as they ought, it might 
have been eventually of more service than all their promises. It*s 



Lewis Morris in Cardio^anskire, 63 

strongly insinuated that you have withheld and secreted several 
material hooks relative to the mine account, which, if produced, will 
discover great frauds, which I apprehend will be the principal 

additional charge The affair, from the nature of it, must 

terminate in an account to be stated and settled between you and 
the Crown. But the time when, or the manner how, that might 
happen seems at present very remote and doubtful. That it is 
intended to be made as tedious and expensive to you as possible, is 
beyond question.** 

Owing to Morris's absence from London, Cross ex- 
pressed his intention to try and get an extension of time 
till Michaelmas term for answering the amended bill and 
Exceptions. Whether the amended bill was ever delivered, 
and if so, when, and what manner of answer (if any) 
was made to it, I am unable to say, as the documents 
before me throw no light on the subject. But the trial 
itself never came on, nor was any account decreed to be 
taken. Some friends of Morris advised him to make an 
end of the dispute with the Treasury "in a summary 
way", and they promised to assist him with that object. 
How the compromise was to be effected does not appear, 
but at all events Morris wrote (from Penbryn) to his 
brother Richard, on 5 January 1760, asking him to obtain 
from Cross all the documents in the case. " The sooner 
you have them the better, for you'll be called upon very 
soon at the Navy Office for the papers, and I hope the affair 
will have the desired effect." To Cross himself he wrote 
on the same date the following letter, which is the last 
in this bundle relating to the law suit : 

"As I am advised and promised assistance to get clear of the 
dispute I have with the officers of the Treasury, in a summary way, 
you are upon receipt of this to deliver to my brother, Richard Morris, 
of the Navy Office, all papers that I have left in your hands, as also 
of the proceedings since, that there may be no loss of time. And I 
desire and direct you will not proceed any further in that affair in 
my defence or otherwise." 



64 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

That a settlement out of Court was eventually arrived 
at^ there can be no doubt, but there is nothing in the 
papers now before me to show what were the terms agreed 
upon. Morris's numerous enemies seem to have spread 
about the report that he had been defeated and ruined — 
and as bad news travel far, this story was told even to 
Goronwy Owen in far Virginia by a Merionethshire parson, 
who emigrated to America in 1763 or shortly after.^ 
There is reason to believe, however, that the settlement 
did not involve any dishonour or disgrace on Morris, 
though the litigation undoubtedly proved very costly to 
him, and its anxieties told heavily on his constitution. At 
home in Cardiganshire he does not seem to have lost any 
of the respect in which he was previously held, though he 
still had his enemies. In 1760 he was admitted a burgess 
of the Borough of Aberystwyth, and in the following year 
he was placed on the Commission of the Peace for the 
county of Cardigan, though it is doubtful whether he ever 
qualified. 

Other law-suits, however, still continued to claim 
his attention. Writing to William from Penbryn, 
Sept. 8, 1761, he says: — "My wife set out yesterday to 
Cardigan and Haverfordwest, on account of some troubles 
in the Bishop's Court given by the most reverend Wm. 
Powel, of Nanteos, in relation to her father and mother's 
personal effects, who died intestate."* Then referring to 
another action, he says: — " We are on the brink of making 

* 8ee Llythyrau Gorontoy Owen, ed. Professor J. Morris Jones 
(1896), p. 135. " Sion ap Huw, Cymro o Feirionydd .... a 
ddjrwed, i mi f od fy Nghyfaill Lewis Morys wedi cael ei daflu yn y 
Gyfraith, ai ddiswyddo ai ddifetha, cyn iddo adael Cymru ; ond nis 
clywai moM farw." 

* The same letter has the following: — "Nid oes yma ddim ond 
Cyfreithio ac aflwydd a dyryswch, a chlefydon — very disagreeable 
companions." 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 65 

some end in Chancery about the mortgage of Dan y Castell/ 
Och yn nghalonnau V Oyfreithwyr cos" In a later letter 
(20 Oct. 1761) he refers probably to the same action. He 
had been away from the 8rd to the 15th, in various parts 
of Cardiganshire and Carmarthenshire and at Brecon^ 
searching for certain deeds to enable him to answer a Bill 
of Powel's (doubtless of Nanteos) : " I have met with some 
intelligence that I hoi>e will give him a fall, with his 
iniquitous scheme.'^ But more than three years had still 
to pass before Powel's suit against him was determined, as 
may be seen from a letter sent by him on 18 Jan. 1765 to 
his brother-in-law, Owen Davies, of Holyhead (quoted 
later on). 

During this time his health was, however, rapidly 
failing. Each winter he was prostrated by asthma. '^ A 
salt herring boil'd and eaten with boil'd eggs " gave him 
ease, so also did raw oysters, which had much liquor in 
them, ^'muscles and cockles in their own liquor boil'd, 
in short all sea fish which had plenty of the sea salt 
in them.*' At other times, rheumatism or gout crippled 
him. He complained, in a letter of 23 April 1760, that 
he could only get about on a pair of crutches. 

In view of a Parliamentary contest in Cardiganshire 
* in the spring of 1761, he was anxious to be well enough to 
go to Cardigan to support the Whig candidate, John Pugh 
Pryse, of Gogerddan, but it would cost him his life (he 
wrote on 13 Feb.) unless he could have a chaise to travel 
in ; but when a Whig was picked for the shrievalty,* the 

* A paragraph in an earlier letter (dated 11 Oct. 1757), refers to 
this mortgage : — ** Powell Nanteos told my wife the other day, Well I 
believe tee shall be friendê again, and offered to take the interest on the 
mortgage, and the principal too, being in great want of money he pre- 
tended. 1 don^t know as yet how my affairs here will turn out, 
therefore it is no proper time to pay money." 

' Walter Lloyd, of Coedmor. 

F 



66 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

opposition of Vaughan of Trawscoed (who had sat in the 
previous Parliament) and of his staunch supporter, the squire 
of Nanteos, crumbled away .^ Moms was thus relieved of the 
journey to Cardigan. Not long after, he seems to have had 
a slight paralytic seizure, but on 27 July he was able to 
write to his brother William, though with a less steady 
hand, to report that he was then gaining a little strength — 
onA yn burfusgreU ac yn benhoeden dros ben : *' I have the ver- 
tigo as described by Dr. Shaw, but sometimes in both eyes, 
and only one of them is partly blind, with bright oblique 
pillars and coloured flowers playing in the optic nerve. 
. . . I hate vomiting and cupping, and I can get 
nobody to bleed me in the jugular as Shaw directs." 
" A vial of that extra-ordinary spirit the eether of Liver- 
poole" gave some relief, though in mid-September he was 
unable to walk for shortness of breath. Early in October 
he was, however, able to journey to Brecon as already 
mentioned, but he was somewhat worse after his 
" laborious ride". 

Vertigo and gout troubled him again,^ and he discusses 
with his brother various remedies for these and other 
complaints. For years past, he had paid considerable 
attention to the study of medicine, one of his chief author- 

' On 1st March 1761, he writes :— "Maent yn dywedyd fod Traws- 
goed a Phowel yn Ildio gwedi ini gael sirjrf o'n hochr ni. Wrth 
hyny roeddynt oV blaen yn ymddiried, sef cael false return." On 29 
March he adds : — " We are not certain yet whether Trawsgoed will 
make any show of opposition, but we suppose they will not. However, 
our people are upon their guard." Pryse was returned unopposed on 
20 April. 

^ " Eich brawd troetrwm Lin." is his signature to a letter of 21 
Dec. 1761, to William. This letter contains a reference to the 
printing press which Morris had set up in 1786 at Bodedem, 
Anglesey, and which he had never disposed of. He asks William — 
"Pwy ydywV argraffydd a fynai brynu y wasg? Oni phrynnir hi, 
gwell ini ei chael yma o dippyn i dippyn." 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 67 

rities being Dr. Shaw's 'S&w Practice of Physic. He seems 
to have thus acquired no little skill both in medicine and 
surgery. Referring to the Bloody Flux, which he de- 
scribes as being *'very rife about the waterside of 
Llansantffred, Llanrhystyd, &c.," in Cardiganshire, he 
details the process of its cure which he " formerly used at 
Aberffraw and cured Hundreds." Mining enterprise con- 
tinued to attract him despite his enfeebled health. In 

1760 he recommenced operations at Cwmervin.* In May 

1761 he procured very detailed information about a 
small copper mine on Tan y garreg in the parish of Bettws, 
Carnarvon, with the view of buying that and an adjoining 
farm called Bryn y Glog. A few days before Christmas 
1761 (when he had with him at Penbryn a merry juvenile 
party consisting of six of his own children and three grand- 
children from Mathafam) he asked Wüliam for news of 
Sion Dwyran and the mines of Anglesey. Early in 1762 he 
commenced mining operations on Llain y felin — " part of a 
lease on Mr. Pryse's ground in my holding." " The mines 
have a very promising aspect," he writes on 8 March ; 
"attending on them will add to my health if my torn 
constitution can hold out," but "a sudden rain after a 
hard frost brought a sad fit of the asthma last night." He 
procured a white goat to supply him with milk, but con- 
tinued very feeble till well on in the summer. 

He hoped to get well enough to go and see some 
mineral property in North Wales, particulars of which he 



* In a letter written in 1760 by Lewis to his brother at the Navy 
Office, he says : — " I begin to clear Cwm Ervin again, in hopes of a 
peace — Rhvmg Ned Huws feddw feddal, a Jack Owen ddifeddwl — Cwm 
Ervin has been hundreds of pounds out of my way. Goginan is to be 
sold : I am anxious to have it. Mi wn fod mwyn iw gael ynoy ped fax 
eiddofi: it is as rich ore as any in the county, and just at the door 
of my house." (See Davies' Agricultural Survey of 8, Wales, ii, 513.) 

F 2 



68 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

wished his brother to obtain from good Jack Salisbury. 
He might take a lease of it, or could^ at all events, 
advise its owner — "yr wn6ewn€«" (query the Dowager Lady 
Watkin Wynn) — as to how to let it to advantage. But 
most probably the journey was never taken. On 21 Jan. 
1763 he signed an agreement for a lea«e for twenty-one 
years, of the minerals under Troed rhiw las, the property 
of William Jones, of Dol y clettwr, in Llangynfelin. 
But, even to his last day, no mine could have interested 
him so much as distant Es^air-y-mwyn, now in Lord 
Fowis's hands, though he was fully conscious that his con- 
nection with it had for ever ceased, and that others were 
to reap the benefit of his labours in the early stages of its 
development. When news reached him from time to time 
of the way it was now being managed (or as he thought 
mis-managed), and how the interests of Lord Powis were 
being betrayed, he must have yearned for a few more years 
of health and strength, though he also knew that his days 
were already numbered. However, he could at least write 
once more to Lord Powis, give him the benefit of his own 
experience, and warn him against some who would only 
betray his confidence. This he did about the middle of 
July 1763, and as this was perhaps the last letter of any 
importance that he wrote to anyone outside his family, a 
lengthy extract from it may be given.* 

'' My Lord. I reed, your favour of the 30 June, and am very glad 
my poor endeavours seem to have pleasd you, but to understand me 
the better it may not be amiss to let your Lordship know that my 
Scituation is very particular and uncommon : I am neither in want 
nor in great plenty, but enjoy contentment of mind. I have no 
connection with any people in power and am not sollicitous of 



^ This letter was not included in the bundle originally submitted 
to me, but came to my hands after most of this article had been 
printed off. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 69 

obtaining any favours except it was a sinecure, my hands and feet 
being scarcely fit for any business of activity at present. I find 
myself by the decay of my^materials to be drawing towards a dissolu- 
tion, and my passions, which are few, I am not over fond of gratifying. 
I have hit on ungrateful masters in the Treasury, and I look on all 
the pains I have taken to come at knowledge as thrown away foolishly 
by a mistaken application; so that my whole life has been in a 
manner a cypher. When I am gone hence all that I have at present 
any care of are a wife and 7 small children, the welfare of whom it is 
my duty to study, that they may not be a load on the world. My 
other children and grand-children are provided for pretty well. And 
this is the chief reason that makes me trouble myself at all as to 
what comes after my time. The few friends that have assisted me 
in my troubles I look upon as my guardian angels, among whom your 
Lordship was my chief prop, and I look upon the remainder of my 
life as entirely your property, to dispose of it as you please. I shall 
set no price upon it, nor desire any, but wish it was worth your 
acceptance in some shape or other. If you can hit upon the way, 
perhaps it might be of some small service to you. Your affairs in this 
country, 1 know, if carried on wi^ih good oeconomy may be made of 
vast consequence, and without proper oeconomy they may either, 
by an extravagant scheming head, or a miserable griping hand, be 

not only of small profit to your Lordship, but ruind The 

height of the art is in rearing a mine-work from nothing under all 
difficulties imaginable, defending it from encroachers, and making 
room for several hundred of men to get their bread and profit to 
their employers. This I did at Esgair y mwyn, and the world sees 
how they rewarded me. The very persons that opposed me and who 
strived to thwart the Treasury, as Ball, Townsend, Jonas, &c., have 
been the people that reapd most of the profit from it.'' 

He then refers to Sharpe's endearours to ruin him 
for no reason, but that he had been 

''So imprudent and honest as to oppose that infamous sale of the 
ore on bank to Townsend, who choused not only those wise heads of 
the Treasury, but also Powell and Lord Lisburn who expected great 
things from that well contrived purchase of Jno. Williams's right, 
after they had been fairly non-suited. And Townsend's attempt to 
get the Lease between him and Vaughan of Gross wood should not be 
forgot." 

But these things were irretrievable, and as their repeti- 
tion was likely to carry the writer beyond his ^' just 



70 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

bounds", he proceeded to refer to ^*some things that 
might be serviceable" to his lordship. He gives miaute 
particulars as to how an exhaustive survey of the manors 
leased to Lord Powis should be carried out. He also warns 
Lord Powis, in the plainest terms, against certain '* sharks" 
whom he had admitted into his confidence, though he was 
"happy in the acquaintance and friendship of Mr. Her- 
bert, whose long experience must have made him a pro- 
ficient in mining" and capable of judging whether Morris 
advised his lordship rightly.* 

There is something of the old feudal relation in his 
loyalty to Lord Powis, and few things could be more 
convincing as to the injustice that Morris suffered at the 
hands of the Treasury officials than his pathetic reference 
to the manner they had "rewarded him". 

At his home at Penbryn, he still had his consolations. 
One source of great pleasure to him was his garden, with 

^ Morris also refers to three enclosures (marked A, B, and G), 
which were to be forwarded with his letter, and contained some 
damaging information about Ball and Townsend. Owing to hia 
difficulty in writing, these were copied out by his eldest son, Lewis, 
" a child of 12 year old only". 

Paper A contained an account of Ball's dismissal in 1753 from the 
employment of the company of mine-adventurers, whose secretary 
(O'Connor) however saved him from being prosecuted. At this time 
the court of directors requested Morris " to receive their stores 
from Ball, and to put another agent in the house in his room, and 
dispose of their ore on bank and warehouses." Ball was subsequently 
reinstated by Townsend, who succeeded in getting elected ^'a board 
of directors of his own contriving, whereby he (Townsend) got all the 
company's works in Cardiganshire either assign'd or sold to him, and 
Ball had their management under him." 

Paper B contained ^'the miners' complaints in 1754, against 
Martin O'Connor, who was drawn by Ball to side with him against the 
interest of his employers." 

Paper C contained Ball's history down to date, including a 
subsequent dismissal and re-instatement by Townsend, with whom 
he had been concerned '^ in some dirty work about Esgair y mwyn." 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 7 1 

its abundance of flowers, cherries, apples, plums of every 
sort, quince, medlar, and several varieties of pears — '^ par- 
ticularly a pear called in Pembrokeshire Peran Mary Harry 
(supposed to be the orange pear from beyond sea) got from 
a ship at Milford." William, who was no mean naturalist 
and had now become almost his only correspondent, sent 
him from Holyhead rare seeds and plants, and duplicates 
from his collection of shells and fruit. 

They were timely gifts, for William's end was not far 
off. The last letter that Lewis wrote to his favourite 
brother was that of the 25th November 1763 (unfortunately 
torn), in reply to one commenced by William on the 9th 
and finished on the 16th. ^' Something tells me," says 
Lewis (who was himself very weak and on crutches), "that 
the next letter from Holyhead will bear a black' seal." 
William died before the end of the year, leaving several 
sons and daughters behind him. On 2 Jan. 1764, Owen 
Davies (a brother-in-law who lived at Holyhead), wrote 
to Cardiganshire as follows : — 

'' Dr. Brother — This \iill Lett you know that your sister and I 
and what is left of both families are well. Our Lewis wrote a line 
the day your Bror. died, and we buryd him next day/ for the corps 

swelld verry fast. He made no will I wrote to Bror. 

Richard to desire of him to solicit with Mr. Myrick for to have his 
place for our Lewis, whom is twenty years old now, but our collector 
has applyd for the Salt. And I am thinking if I should happen to 
live so long as Robin Morris comes to be of age to leave this and go 

to Pentrerianelly and Robin to have one of the two places 

I shall endeavor to have a cy wydd made by Bardd Coch if he can do 



* The late Mr. J. Lloyd Griffith, M.A., at my request, kindly 
searched the Holyhead Parish Register, and found that William 
Morrises burial is there entered under December 29, 17(53. He there- 
fore must have died on December 28th. Most biographers incorrectly 
state that he died in 1764. In his letter to me, Mr. Griffith added — 
'* I have made inquiries for W. M.'s grave, but nothing is known." 



72 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

\tj for the best old man that ever Anglesey bredd Bobin 

has no mind to sell his father's shells and books/' 

Moms*8 reply, dated "Penbryn, Jan. 12th," contains 
some interesting matter : — 

'' 1 was very weak and decrepid before I reed, this dismal acct. of 
my poor bror.'s deaths but now much more so. Gk>d help his children. 
. . . . I wish you success with Mr. Meyrick, but I am afraid he is 
indolent, and no great good can be expected of him. As for my 
Bror.'s Books and Curiosities, they should be sold by auction by all 
means, for if keeping of them is attempted, they'll be pilf erd by piece- 
meal by all comers and goers, so that by the time the boy is of age 
and discretion if ever he comes, they'll be dwindled away to nothing. 
. . . . I desire you would take care for me about the following 
articles. If my tenants were not very forward they have hardly paid 
my Bror. All Saints rent for last year. If they have, pray secure it 
for me, or if they have not, pray receive it. When my Bror.'s effects 
are apprais'd pray take care to lay by the following things belonging 
to me, which I left in my Bror.'s care. A small spinnet that was 
once with W. Lloyd, a guitar or two and a Welsh crwth, and a French 
Hautboy, my Printing Press and materials, a Madagascar spear with 
iron heads, given me by Bror. John. These are only curiosities, and 
only of little use, but if I live I should be glad to have them. I 
left behind me also several books when I left the place . . . let 
them and others be sold for the children's benefit, only 1 should be 
glad if you'd buy for me at the sale the old manuscript of Gwem 
Eigron, beginning thus, with part of a poem of Meilyr, Ked galtoad 
unyc nid oet ofynaioCj and a MS. of my Bror.'s own handwriting, 
called I think Y Prif Feirdd Cymreigy containing the works of 
Taliesin, Llywarch hen, &c., of which poems I sent him a vast 
number. I'll give for them more than is bid by the highest bidder ; 
they are fit for few people besides myself." 

A twelvemonth later he wrote again,^ probably for the 

^ On 2 Dec. 1764, Morris had written to his wife's unde. Bees 
Lloyd, at No. 4, Middle Temple, with reference to Lloyd's wish to get 
some little post he could manage in the Stamp Office : — " Sir Herbert 
Lloyd, the present member for Cardigan [Borough] is my particular 
friend, and when he comes to town in January, on the meeting of 
Parliament, I'll give you a letter to him, as he will be on the spot, 
and I'm sure he'll do you for my sake any service in his power. You'll 
know better by that time what to apply for." 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. T2i 

last time, to his sister and her husband at Holyhead. It 

is the last letter in Morris's handwriting contained in this 

collection, and as he died within three months of its date, 

he probably wrote but little, if anything, subsequent to 

this. It runs as follows : — 

" Penbryn, Jan. 18, 1766. 
"Anwtl vrawd a chwaer. 

'* I receivd. Lewises letter and yours of ye 13th Deer., and am glad 
you are all well, and that Mr. Meyrick is in the way of helping you. 

" Sr. Herbert Lloyd is gone to London, and is a good back on 
occasion, but I hope you will want none of his assistance. I can't 
tell whether he and Sr. Wm. Owen be friendly, but shall enquire. 
Should be glad if 1 had my famous cap here, perhaps it might do my 
head good. 1 have an excellent pair of scissors for sister if I could 
send it, and if I had the Tywridyn rents laid out in butter and 
cheese and got here they would be of great service here, for I have a 
great undertaking in a rich mine going on here soon, which will 
require such things, and I must endeavor to pick up a few crumbs 
for these poor children before I depart, 1 believe it toill be a great 
thing. My commission with Powell is over, and common report says 
I have carried it by a pike's length, but the decree of the Lord 
Chancellor is not yet come out. We know, however, that he has not 
been able to prove anything, and how can he have money, without 
something to shew ? 

'' I have been extream ill after my Pembrokeshire journey, being 
caught by the easterly wind, but hope I have conquerd. it. 

" Will Parry (Jo. Parry's son) was here lately, and he promisd. to 
bring my press and letters,^ &c., with him, in his return from Liver- 
poole to Aberdovey. Cannot you send by him as much butter and 
cheese as you can get moderately? Cheese was sold lately at 
Aberystwyth (from Pwllheli) at 21«. a hundred, and salt butter is now 
there \d, a pound or 5(2. sometimes. I have heard nothing from 
Bror. Richard this 2 months, but expect daily. 

" Your affectionate Bro., L. M." 

The journey to Pembrokeshire, whatever may have 
been its object, probably proved too much for him, though 

^ Morris's printing p ess and type were eventually acquired by 
Dafydd Jones, of Trefriw, but this was probably after the lapse of 
several years, as the first book issued by Jones from it appeared in 
1777. (See Cgmmrodorion Traruactions for 1898-99, p. 107 ; Rowlands' 
Lfyfiyddiaeth, pp. 367-370.) 



74 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

when writing he thought he had got over its effects. He 
died on 11 April 1765, and was buried in the chancel of 
the historic church of Llanbadarn Tawr, but there is no 
manner of memorial to him there. By his will he had 
appointed his widow and his son Lewis co-executors of his 
estate, and on 10 May, two neighbours, David Morgan and 
William Jones, made a valuation of his personal effects. 
The appraisement would seem to be unusually low, even for 
probate purposes: 20 homed cattle and 100 sheep were 
valued at £45; " two old horses and four old mares" at £9 ; 
the household furniture (of which an interesting inventory 
is given) at £4 16«. 6d. ; the dairy utensils, farming 
implements, and the contents of the smithy at £2 7«. 6(2. ; 
a watch and wearing apparel at £8 13«. ; and ^* a cabinet 
of curiosities, a pair of old globes, a parcel of books, 
mathematical and musical instruments^ £2 2«.," making a 
total of £66 19«. The cabinet, with some of its drawers 
still full of mineral specimens, is now in the possession 
of Sii' Lewis Morris at Penbryn. But how much would 
we not have given for the parcel of books? Of course 
nothing is said in this inventory as to the extent and value 
of Morris's real estate. But however much it may have 
been, it is obvious that Morris did not die a rich man — 
not as rich as might have been expected, considering the 
very large and profitable transactions he had at one time 
been engaged in. Had he been spared for a few more 
years to watch and direct the development of his mines, 
they would probably have brought him a rich return. 
But there was no member of his family experienced 
enough to carry on his work in this respect. Confident of 
ultimate success, Morris had invested not only his own 
money, but that of his wife also, in his mining operations, 
and the surviving brother Richard sent the widow what 
advice and consolation he could, living away in London as 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 75 

he did. The following passages from a letter of his^ dated 
23 Dec. 1766, throw some light on the position of the 
family : — 

" Dear Sister — I received all your letters, and inclosed you have 
one from your son, Lewis, who has left school, and I must endeavour 
to get him into some business to get a livelyhood as soon as I can, 
and hope to be able to get him something to his advantage, but this 
money is the misfortune, there is no getting any good birth, excepting 
by great chance, without money, which sets all the wheels in motion. 
I am very sorry that you should give yourself the least uneasiness at 
my mentioning anything about your money, which I find my poor 
brother sunk in trials for ore, &c., to a very large amount, and it can 
in no other way be accounted for. I heartily wish, things were better 
for the sake of yourself and numerous family." 

The dead poet's old antagonist. Dr. Powell, of Nanteos, 
seems not to have ceased his attacks on the family, for 
Bichard reports that he had consulted a legal friend at 
the Temple, William Myddelton, about a note sent by 
Powell to the widow ** which I thought was intended to 
take advantage of you unknown to Mr. [Stephen] 
Edwards," the family solicitor, at Aberystwyth. leuan 
Brydydd hir had been on a visit to Penbryn, but Bichard 
Morris was glad to hear that Mrs. Morris had not let him 
have any books, " for he would have lost them all." 

At Morris's death none of his children by his second 
wife had attained years of discretion, the eldest being only 
about 15, the youngest less than four. By his first wife, 
Elizabeth Griffiths, the heiress of Ty-wridyn, near 
Holyhead (not Ty Wrdyn as given by all his biographers). 
Morns had one son and two daughters. The eldest, 
Margaret ("Peggy")» ^^^ ^^ wilful and headstrong 
" like her mother", married (in 1 756 or perhaps a year or 
two later)^ somewhat against her father's will, one Bichard 
Lance. In 1761 they were living at Llanbadarn. The 
second daughter, Eleanor (^'Elin") married, about Nov. 



76 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

1753, one Richard Morris, of Mathafam, near Mach- 
ynlleth/ and Lewis Moms had a high opinion of his 
grandchildren, "the Mathafam boys", so much so that 
he removed his own boys from " Ned Bichards's school " 
at Tstradmeurig, to a Machynlleth school, which his grand- 
sons attended. The late Bev. Morris Hughes, of Pen- 
traeth, Anglesey (who died a nonagenarian some fifteen 
years ago), was descended from the Mathafarn line. I 
have already suggested^ the probability that after her first 
husband's death, Elin married John Paynter, son of her 
father's old enemy of the same name. Strange irony of 
fate if that was so ! By his second wife, Morris had 
five sons and four daughters ; of these, the eldest, Lewis, 
died in 1779 at the age of 29, in Jamaica ; John ("fierce as 
a tiger," while Lewis was "tractable"), died at Penbryn, 
probably in the same year as his father; Jane, died 23 
Oct. 1758, aged nine months. A second daughter of the 
same name (? bom July 1754), married a Mr. Cuthbert, 
whose son, Lewis Morris Cuthbert, bequeathed £30,000 
away from the family to charities; Bichard, died about 
21 August 1755, aged two months ; Elizabeth (? bom 
11 December 1756), who married a Mr. Crebar;' William, 
who on Lewis's death, succeeded as eldest surviving son, and 
through whom the line was continued; Mary, bom April 
1760 ; and Pryse, bom August 1761, died September 1797. 



' Gk)roTiwy Owen celebrated the event by writing a "Wedding 
Song", printed in Robert Jones's ed. of O, Oicen^s Works, p. 98. 

^ See Note 2, p. 40 above. 

' A " John Crebar, gentleman " was buried at Eglwys Newydd 
on 14 June 1774. He was probably the Mr. Crebar who, with another, 
worked the Bwlchgwyn for a year, about 1740. A " William Crebar 
of this town, gentleman," was admitted burgess of Aberystwyth at 
the Michaelmas Court Leet, 1784 (G. Eyre Evans's Aberysttayth, <&c., 
p. 147). 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. *j*j 

William Moiris mairied Marian Reynolds, the heiress 
of the Blaennant estate in the parish of Llanf eigan, Breck- 
nockshire, daughter of George Reynolds, of Aberystwyth. 
Her mother, Lucy Williams, was one of the Williamses of 
Pfrwdgrech, near Brecon, afterwards of Blaennant (see 
their pedigree in Jones's Brecknockshire ^ ed. 1898, p. 517), 
a junior branch of the family of the same name (but 
originally Boleyn or BuUen), of Abercamlais (IWd., 
pp. 508-9). William Morris repaired and almost rebuilt 
the dwelling-house of Blaennant, where he resided and 
died, being survived by his wife (/Wd., p. 460). They 
were both buried at Llanfeigan, and the parish registers 
there contain numerous entries as to their family, which 
consisted of eleven children. The eldest child, Lucy, 
married David Williams (brother of Archdeacon Williams), 
master of Ystradmeurig School, and in that post, he was 
succeeded by his brother-in-law (one of William Morris's 
sons) John Williams Morris. Another son was Lewis 
Morris, who settled as a lawyer at Carmarthen, and 
became the father of the present Sir Lewis Morris, 
Knight, whose residence just outside Carmarthen bears 
the same name of Penbryn as his ancestor's home near 
Aberystwyth. The perpetuation of this name would 
have doubtless gratified the subject of our article, still 
more so the new lustre which the present holder of 
his name has cast on it. Referring to his eldest grandson 
of Mathavam, he once wrote, ^^ Lewis will make a poet, 
a musician, and is full of wit." After probably his last 
visit to Mathavam, he again observed (19 Dec. 1754), 
" Dyma fi gwedi bod yn Mathaf am yn gweld fy wyr Lewis 
Morris ; gwych o'r cynyddu y mae 'r enw hwnw. Pwy 
wyr na f ydd gor-wyrion etto o*r enw ?" Who knows — ^he 
asks — but that there will be great-grandchildren bearing 
that name — ^Lewis Morris ? 



78 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 



APPENDIX. 



John Paynter at EsaAiB-r-MwYN and Hafod 

(1767-1775.) 

It may not be inappropriate to append a few further 
notes with reference to John Paynter's connection with 
Cardiganshire subsequent to the transactions dealt with 
in the text above. It has already been stated that when 
Esgair-y-mwyn was transferred to the Earl of Powis, 
under the Crown lease of February 1757, his lordship con- 
tinued Papiter's employment as manager of the mine. 
The manager immediately launched into great expenditure, 
and in some memoranda, prepared by Lewis Morris, most 
probably in December 1757, '*for Lord Powis's informa- 
tion," on ^^Mismanagement at ye mine in 1757," it is 
stated that it was the common report that Paynter and 
John Ball "had combined to bring unnecessary charges 
on the mine so as to put Lord Powis out of conceit with 
it, and to induce him to surrender his lease to the Treasury, 
on the ground that the terms were too hard, viz., "a duty 
of half ye ore," . . . "and that while Lord Powis 
sollicits for a better bargain, Mr. Townsend will take it up 
on the terms his lordship had it, for the sake of getting 
ore for his smelting house." 

It is alleged that " by a forced push," 284 tons of ore 
were raised for the Crown, out of the bottoms, in less than 
two months' time, in the early part of 1757. "How 
happens it then," asks Morris, "that there was an ac- 
count of but 50 tons given to Lord Powis, and said to be 
raised out of the bottoms for him in 8 months' time?" 
He indeed suspected that a great deal of his lordship's ore 
had been thrown into the waste hillocks which Ball had 
bought of Paynter before Lord Powis had his lease, " but 
the common report is that they are partners in the waste, 
and that it was a collusive sale. Paynter, as well as Ball, 
knew what vast quantities of ore Mr. Townsend had thrown 
into the waste hillocks in washing the ore in that wise 
bargain made by the Treasury, therefore this sale was not 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 79 

done through ignorance." At all events^ it was said that 
Ball had actually got about 500 tons of ore from the waste 
hillocks. 

Among other expenditure that Pajnter had incurred 
was that of building a new "Square house" for himself, 
and of making gardens fenced in with a great boundary 
wall, on the mountain near the mine, though '^ the house 
that had been built by L. M., and in which Mr. Herbert 
lodged, was sufficient for any agent to reside in during his 
necessary attendance at the mine, as at other times he 
might have lived in the warmer vallies." But Paynter 
could scarcely have used the new house at all, for about 
the same time he secured the house and farm of Hafod, on 
a lease for life from the owner, Thomas Johnes, " at a 
great advanced rent." He at once set about repairing 
Hafod, cutting down timber for the purpose, "of which, 
when Mr. Johnes came to know, he ordered his agent, 
Evan Lloyd, to put a stop to, alledging that he had 
committed damages above a £100 on the trees." 

The quaintest statement contained in this memoran- 
dum is "that Mr. Paynter had made a great pond of water 
near the new house, which he calls Pwll dialeddy i.e., the 
pool of punishment. This pool is not for the use of the 
mine, being below it, but is contrived to frighten Bailiffs 
or any persons that have the confidence to come and 
demand money of the agent, or that have otherwise 
affronted him. Several persons have been threatened 
with it, and even carried to ye brink of it by a body 
of miners, by Mr. P.'s order, particularly Evan Thomas, 
the sheriff's bailiff." It is evident that Paynter did not 
show the same promptitude as Morris had done in paying 
wages and other claims, and this was the cause of serious 
disputes between him and several of the bargain-takers 
who at one time had been friendly with him. 

A letter written by one of them — John Charlton — on 
9 December 1757, to Morris, contains a comic account of 
the reception accorded to them on one occasion : 

Pay liter had " ordered that we should come up on a Sunday and 
make up our account ; and, instead of settling, his servant, when I 
went to the door, threw the stool at my face, and, with hearing of a 
noise, Mr. Paynter asked what was there, his servant answered ' that 
Rogue Charlton'; with that Mr. P. came out with his stick and began 
to heat me as hard as ever he could, instead of settling accounts. 
Then his lady came with a stick and begins to beat me, then when 
they seed [saw] yt there was John Ball and Kennion, Bichd. Owen, 



8o Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

John Jones, clerk, Julian Willcock, Michael Rogers, and Greorge 
Smeadley — his servant and their wifes (?), they set on a throwing 
stones as hard as ever they could, and told me as they should murder 
me, (to) which I made answer — it was a fine way to pay debt ; 
they sent for the pumpers out of the work, followed me down below 
Cricklas to Marcnnat, Mr. Paynter and all of them bare-headed. 
P.S.— He sent 14 men after night again to look after me a horse-back.** 

He desired Morris's assistance ^^for to know what 
he should do with these gentelmen," adding — "there 
is several other people unpaid besides us, which I 
hope your honour will look unto." It is not likely 
that Morris was able to render much, if any, help in 
the matter, for we find that Paynter was rapidly gaining 
further power in the district, and that, in the use 
of it, he brooked no opposition, but ruled the inhabitants 
with a rod of iron. He was placed on the Commission of 
the Peace, and was most active in the discharge of his 
magisterial duties.^ He filled the office of High SherifiF 
of the county for the year 1763. He also appears to 
have succeeded Morris as Deputy Steward of some of 
the Crown manors, or at least of the Manor of Creuddyn, 
and in this capacity he soon asserted his authority. In 
the parish register of Eglwys newydd — which was practic- 
ally a chapel -of -ease for Hafod — is preserved a copy of the 
minutes of the Leet Court held for this manor in the 
autumn of 1769. The Court met at Tavarn Newydd on 
9 October ; thirteen jurors were sworn, but as they failed 
to agree as to their presentments, an adjournment was 
made to the following day, when there occurred what 
would now be described as " a scene in Court". According 
to the record, Paynter "attended the Court as steward 
thereof, and two of the jurymen not appearing when 
called," they were fined one and two guineas respectively. 
"Cornelius Griffiths, one of the jurymen, was likewise 
fined in the sum of 1 guineas for uttering abusive lan- 
guage towards the said steward in the execution of his 
office, and for creating a disturbance in Court, whereupon 
the Court was again adjourned to the 7th of November 
following. By the time of the adjourned Court, most of 
"the jury aforesaid" were probably docile enough to 
adopt without protest whatever presentments the steward 

^ Morris refers to this in a letter of 2 December 1761 thus : — 
" By Vr Juddew brych vn eistedd yn ben ustus "; and another of 16 
April 1762, ''Mae'r luadew brych yn actio'r ustus yn bawdwr." 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 8i 

required tìiem to make. Several ditches and fences were 
presented as out of repair, and those responsible for them, 
were, on further default, to be fined. Sixteen persons 
were fined 5«. each for keeping goats "to the annoyance 
of the publick." The jury saddled even themselves with 
responsibility by presenting that the high road leading 
from Pont rhyd y groes to Pentre, and the common Pound 
near Eglwys Newydd were out of repair, and ought to be 
repaired, and that a pair of stocks ought to be set up 
by the inhabitants of the upper parcel of Llanfihangel y 
Creuddyn, on pain of several penalties for default. As 
copies of the "findings" of the jury would, of course, be 
communicated to the Crown officials in London, they were 
cleverly utilised to discredit some former official — could it 
be Lewis Morris ? The record on this point is as follows : 

" It was proposed that Cornelius Griffiths^ should serve the office 
of a Praepositor in ye room of John Parry, but two of ye Jurymen, 
Win. Ball and Oliver Lewis, objected to the said Cornelius Griffiths 
as having no visible Freehold and being often not to be found, there- 
fore unfit for an employment of Trust in receiving the Quit Rents 
payable yearly at his Majesty's audit, for which reasons the Steward 
of the Court directed that the said James (%ic) Parry should continue 
in the receit of the said rents for the ensuing year, the freeholders of 
the said Lordship having already suffered greatly by the insolvency 
of a Person who at this very time is charged by his Majesty's Audit 
with being considerably in arrear to the Crown, which Arrear must 
unavoidably fall upon the said freeholders or some of them." 

Why the minut'es of only this particular Court Leet 
were copied into the Church Register it is difficult tx) 
say, unless it was Paynter's desire that there should be a 
record in the locality to remind the inhabitants how he 
had asserted his authority. The same Register'^ also con- 
tains copies of the correspondence relating to Eglwys 
Newydd Church, printed in Meyrick's Cardiganshire (pp. 
360-368). Paynter, it seems, had been for some time 
endeavouring to obtain for the church a grant from Queen 
Anne's Bounty. On 9th January 1762,' the Bounty Secre- 

^ He was one of the Griffiths of Penpompren, being a brother of 
the High Sheriff of the County for 17ö7. 

' I am indebted to the present Vicar of Eglwys Newydd (the Rev. 
T. Noah Jones), for kind hospitality, which enabled me to inspect and 
make extracts from the Register at his house, PwU peiran, near 
Hafod. 

' Meyrick gives the date as 1760, but I think this is clearly a 
mistake for 1762. 



82 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

tary (H. Montague), acknowledging the receipt of his 
" very pressing letters", writes to him thus : — 

" From the great friendship I always have for you, I 
have at length surmounted the great obstacles that lay in 
our way to success, (but) in order thereto I have been 
obliged to strain a point in this oflBice." Then followed the 
assurance that the Bishop of the Diocese (Dr. Squire), 
as well as the writer, was " a friend to Paynter and his 
religious design" — ^and that he would soon hear from the 
Bishop. On 4 February 1762 the Bishop did in fact 
write, putting some queries with reference to Eglwys 
Newydd, and graciously accepting Paynter's recommenda^ 
tion of its vicar (Hughes) for the vacant living of Llanilar. 
Paynter 's reply, dated from Hafod 3 March 1762, brings 
out strongly the urbane and diplomatic side of his 
character. He assures the Bishop that he "would take 
uncommon pains to get the church first into proper repair, 
and to recommend a worthy clergyman to succeed Mr. 
Hughes." Then, after answering his lordship's queries, 
and giving "a few anecdotes" concerning "the first 
establishment of Eglwys Newydd," he proceeds : — 

"Bishop Trevor, I am told, came once as far as Tregaron to 
confirm ; now if your Lordship should chance to do the like, I may 
flatter myself with hopes of entertaining you and your retinue at 
Havod." 

This invitation to the Bishop would doubtless have 
immensely tickled Lewis Morris, had he known of it, for 
on more than one occasion he suggests pretty clearly that 
Paynter's menage at Hafod and elsewhere was not what 
would commend itself to the average moralist, least of all 
to a bishop, who should be a man of one wife. Judging 
from the fact that Thomas Johnes in 1773 described the 
church as then ruinous, Paynter could scarcely have 
carried out his promise to repair it. What he had how- 
ever done before this, namely in 1760, was to construct a 
vault in the chancel, "designing it for himself and his 
wife." In June 1773, Johnes, as "the sole proprietor of 
the chancel," authorised that "when the time should 
come" the minister should "permit the interment of each 
of them respectively in the said vault." It did not long 
remain untenanted after this, for the Register contains the 
following entry, in the handwriting of the then vicar, 
David Williams : — 

" 1776, Dec. 19. Buried, John Paynter of flavod, Esquire." 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 83 

The Register contains no entry relating to his wife. 
As to their descendants I have nothing to add to what is 
stated in note 2, p. 40 above. 

One word with reference to Hafod itself. In his letter 
to Dr. Squire, Pajmter refers to "the surprising singu- 
larity of this enchanting spot," which threw him into 
raptures when he "first accidentally saw it". In 1783, 
Thomas Johnes (the son of Paynter's lessor of the same 
name) decided to settle at. Hafod. The old house was 
pulled dov/n and a magnificent new mansion built instead. 
The greater part of this (including the library, with many 
of it« priceless treasures), was burnt down in March 1807, 
but the mansion was soon rebuilt in all its original splendour. 
Col. Johnes died in 1816.* In March 1833, the estate and 
the mansion (together with all its contents, including the 
library) were sold for £62,000 to the 3rd Duke of New- 
castle, who intended it as a country residence for his son, 
the Earl of Lincoln, and his wife. A grandson of Lewis 
Morris, the Rev. J. Williams Morris, head master of 
Tstrad Meuiig School (%ee p. 77 above), was appointed 
domestic chaplain to the Earl during his residence at 
Hafod, the long arm of coincidence thus bringing the two 
families once more into close though temporary associa- 
tion. The 3rd Duke dying on 18 October 1834, the Earl 
succeeded to the Dukedom, but kept on Hafod, and many 

^ As much of this paper deals incidentally with the history of land 
in North Cardiganshire, the statement of a Government official 
affecting Col. Johnes desei'ves to be recorded here, though it should 
be borne in mind that it was not made till many years after his 
death. He is said to have '^ appropriated to his own use nearly 7,000 
acres of waste, belonging to the Crown, adjoining his farms*'. Being 
steward of the Crown Manors in Cardiganshire, as well as Crown 
Auditor for Wales, " there was no check upon him ". This was not 
discovered till the estate was sold, after his death, to a Mr. Claughton, 
who, with the aid of Chancery, " got rid of his bargain ", presimiably 
on the ground that there was no title to the encroachments. Johnes' 
executors and tnistees paid £800 for the King's interests in the 
wastes, the minerals being reserved. It was then that the estate was 
sold to the Duke of Newcastle, who, after purchasing it, tried also to 
buy the minerals, but the Crown refused to sell. ''The Duke, 
regardless of his application, and of the reservation, ordered his agent 
to discharge the workmen employed by the Crown tenants. The 
Commissioners of Woods and Forests are taking the proper steps to 
establish the right of the Crown and to prevent the Duke's encroach- 
ment." See Evidence of John Wilkin, Receiver of Crown Rents for 
Wales, 5 June 1834, before Lord Duncannon's Select Committee on 
Land Revenues of the Crown, questions 2965-67, and 3423. 

o2 



84 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

improvemeiits which he carried out there are still known 
by his name, especially the Duke's Drive. The subsequent 
owners have been Henry Houghton, who was High Sheriff 
of Cardiganshire for 1849, William Chambers (of Llanelly 
and of Bicknor, Kent), who purchased it in 1853, and 
T. J. Waddingham, Esquire, who is the present owner. 



POSTSCRIPT. 

When the greater part of the preceding article had 
been printed off, a letter book, containing copies, in Lewis 
Morris's handwriting, of letters and one or two other 
papers written by him in 1744-47, was forwarded to me 
by Sir Lewis Morris. They contain much that is of the 
utmost value as to the history of the common lands of the 
district, but this cannot be dealt with in a Postscript. A 
brief reference must however be made to their contents, 
in so far as they throw light on the commencement of 
Morris's official connection with the Cardiganshire manors. 
The following tells its own story as to the beginning of 
that connection : — 

"Sr, — It being necessary for his Majesty's service to have a correct 
survey and plan of the Mannor of C win wood y Perveth in the county 
of Cardigan, These are therefore to authorise and desire you to repair 
to the said Mannor and Survey the same and make a correct Plan 
thereof, particularly describing the Wastes and Commons within the 
said Mannor belonging to the Crown and the lands belonging to the 
Freeholders ; and also all Mines of Copper, Lead, Tinn, or other 
minerals within the said Mannor, but more particularly to describe 
a Lead Mine within the Parish of Llanbadam Vawr within the said 
Mannor, concerning the Right to which Mine a dispute is now de- 
pending in the Court of Exchequer. And you are desired to transmit 
such Survey and Plan under your Hand to me with all convenient 
speed, and for so doing this shall be your warrant. 

" T. Walkbb, Surveyor-General. 

" Burlington Garden, 2 August 1744. 
" To Mr. Lewis Morris, Surveyor." 

There are good grounds for believing that William 
Corbett (see p. 4 above) was in some way or other con- 
cerned in securing this appointment for Morris.^ During 

* Even before this appointment, Morris appears to have visited 
Bwlchgwyn mine, for in referring to it in a letter of 16 Nov. 1744, he 
says :— " Most that I know of it is from views I took of it formerly, 
as it was said to belong to a gentleman I had a value for." 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 85 

the next two or three years he acted as Morris's corre- 
spondent in London, interviewing Government oflBcials in 
his interest, and on at least one occasion receiving a 
remittance írom the Treasury as Morris's agent. Morris, 
on the other hand, kept him duly informed from to time 
as to the state of affairs in Cardiganshire. He thus wrote 
to Corbett a long letter on 14 September 3 744, " to desire 
him to speak with Mr. Sharpe," of the Treasury, as to 
Morris's remuneration and expenses, and with Zachariah 
Chambers (an ofScial in the Surveyor-General's Depart- 
ment), as to whether Morris could not be empowered to 
compel the deputy steward and other officers of the manor 
to produce their records for his inspection. Morris had, 
in fact, written to Chambers himself, on 17 August, en- 
closing a number of queries on points as to which he 
desired guidance, but the answers which he received on 13 
September were "not at all satisfactory". His difficulties 
in Cardiganshire were very great, for his inquiries were 
met with a conspinuîy of silence on almost every hand. 
The steward of the Crown manors in the county was 
Owen Brigstocke, who had been M.P. for the county, 
1718-22, but he had never been in the manor of Pervedd 
since receiving the office.* He had, however, appointed 
three deputies, viz., Lloyd of Mabws,^ Lewis (or query 
Thomas) Parry, and another (whose name is not given) 
for the south of the county. Parry was also attorney to 
Thomas Powell of Nanteos (who claimed Bwlchgwyn 
mine), and had " an estate of his own of above £100 a year 
in the very centre of this Lordship, and particularly a 
cottage or summer house upon the mountains which he 
called his freehold." So he was not likely to favour the 
claims of the Crown. In fact he, in conjunction with 
Powell, who was then M.P. for the county, gave notice 

^ In 1719, William Gowor, of Glan<iovan (M.P. for Ludlow), had a 
grant of the proOts, fines, and estrays of these Lordships, and was 
succeeded by Wilson Abel Gower, who held them in 1747, but neither 
of them had raised the tines imposed at the various Courts. 

* Probably Richard Lloyd, who had stood against Powell of Nanteos 
in 1729, and Thomas Pryse of Gogerddan in 1741, in the Parliamentary 
Election for Cardigan Boroughs. lie appears to have been friendly 
to Morris, and inclined to assist him, but as he had loft all the work 
to Parry, he was unable to give much, if any, informati<m. More- 
over, he seems to have been about this time superseded in the deputy 
stewardship — perhaps owing to his friendliness to Morris. 



86 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

to Morris that if he "dared to go on Freeholders' lands in 
the Lordship of Perfedd to survey them or the mines, he 
would be forthwith prosecuted for damages." 

" Tho8. Pryse, Esqr., another member of Parliament, who hath 
a great estate in this Lordship, hath also given me the like notice, 
telling me that he had given his attorney orders to prosecute me as 
soon as ever he could have proof I made advances that way. . . . 
As I was willing to have my residence near the center of ye Lordship, 
for ye readier carrying on the Survey, and to get what information I 
could, I took a House in ye mountains, but several attempts have been 
made to turn me out of it, and I have been publicly threatened to be 
drove out of the country." (Letter to the Surveyor-General, 11 April 
1745.) 

Morris had to confess that he had " not one man in the 
whole county to consult with "; and when Sharpe required 
him to recommend some one to act as solicitor for the 
Crown, he found that all the local men were "either in- 
terested or related to the persons that disputed with the 
Crown, or else guilty themselves of the like encroachments." 
Early in July he journeyed all the way to Llandovery with 
a view of retaining one James Pryse, an attorney of that 
town, but "he entirely refused to undertake the manage- 
ment of the affair for the Crown." Nothing daunted, he 
went the next day to Presteign to see an attorney named 
Jenkin Edwards, "a native of Cardiganshire, and a 
gentleman of years and experience (who knew) the 
country, and no way byass'd by ye great men thereof." 
Edwards promised to act on receiving instructions to that 
effect direct from the Treasury. Pending this, Morris 
drew up "a state of the case", and proofs of the evidence 
of his witnesses, to enable Sharpe to settle interrogatories, 
and (on 12 August) he begged Sharpe to hasten the 
"deputiition" for him, by wliich it would appear that it 
was intended to confer on him powers to act as deputy 
steward for Perfedd, and probably for Mefenydd and 
Creuddyn also. 

Powell seems to have based his claim to Bwlchgwyn on 
the following grounds : — (1) that it was in a small mesne 
manor belonging to him, and lying within the lordship of 
Pervedd ; and that the beadle of the latter never raised 
the king's rent within his mesne manor. (2) That some 
40 years previously the company of mine-adventurers, 
under a lease from one of Powell's predecessors, had cut 
trenches and dug for mine on the mountain at or near 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 87 

Bwlchgwyn. It has already been stated (p. 10) above that 
Powell won this suit in the Exchequer, though I am 
unable to say when it was tried out. 

Morris's letters contain a mass of interesting informa- 
tion relating to the lordship ; he appears to have drawn 
up a formal report of his survey of it — three folios of 
the opening part of this report are wrapped up with the 
letter-book. 

Brigstock, the Crown Steward, seems to have died in 
1746, and William Corbett was appointed steward to 
succeed him, whereupon Morris was appointed his deputy 
steward for the manor of Perfedd. But the landowners 
in the district gave orders to their tenants not to attend 
his Courts, so that in his first two Courts only one free- 
holder appeared. It is indeed probable enough that the 
customs of the manor, as given by Meyrick [Hist, of Car- 
diganshirey p. 568), from some MSS. of Morris, were never 
sworn to at any court of survey in the year mentioned 
(1747), but simply drawn up by Morris in readiness for 
one of his abortive courts. 

The conclusion that is forced on one in reading Morris's 
letters during the years 1741-47, is tliat in addition to 
being bitterly opposed by practically all the men of in- 
fluence in Cardiganshire, while attempting to carry out a 
work bristling with difficulties, he was also accorded but 
very inadequate support by the Treasury officials, who 
seemed afraid lest he should create too many enemies to 
the Government among Cardiganshire landowners. Our 
knowledge of his loyalty to duty in face of these difficulties 
increases our wonder at the persecution he subsequently 
suffered. But was it not the same cowardly and inhuman 
Government that authorised the judicial murder of Byng? 
In a somewhat similar way, Lewis Morris also seems to 
have been sacrificed on the altar of political expediency. 
But his memory will ever be cherished by Welshmen as 
one of the most versatile sons of Wales, one of the 
sweetest of its ballad singers, and as the disinterested 
friend and patron of many a struggling bard and student 
of Welsh literature — notably of his poor neglected con- 
temporary Goronwy Owen. 



^aint Cûtûnnog. 



By the HEV. S. BaRING GOULD, M.A. 



Carannog is said to have been son of Corun ab Ceredig, by 
Rees in his "Essay on the Welsh Saints", and a Life is 
in the MS. Cotton., Vespasian A. xiv, which has been 
printed in the Lives of the Cambro-Briiish Saints^ Llan- 
dovery, 1853. Having recently come upon another Life, 
which is in the Breviary of the Church of Leon, printed in 
1516, and of which only two copies exist, and which seems 
to be generally unknown, I venture to not« a few parti- 
culars relative to this very remarkable man, as a prelude 
to this Leon Life, which I propose to give. 

Apparently there were two saints of a very similar 
name, and their stories have been fused together. Tne 
second Carannog, or as the Irish call him, Cairnech, was 
the son of Saran, King in Oriel, and of Babona, daughter 
of Loarn, King of Alba (508-508). Earca, sister of 
Babona, married first Murtogh, son of Eoghain, son of 
Niall of the Nine Hostages (378-405), and was the mother 
of Murtogh mac Earca, King of Ireland (513-533) ; and 
Murtogh mac Earca married the widow of Lurig, brother 
of S. Cairnech. Earca married, secondly, Fergus, son of 
Conall Gulban (d. 464), and by him was mother of 
Fedlilim, and grandmother of S. Columba of Hy. The 
period at which Cairnech lived is accordingly pretty well 
fixed. He died in 545 (Irish Neriviuis, ed. Todd & Herbert, 
p. ex). 



Saint Carannog. 89 

From this it will be seen that Carannog ab Corun 
belonged to an earlier period. 

In the Life of 8. Carannog (Vespasian A. xiv) we are 
informed that at the time when he was bom, " The Scots 
(Irish) overcame Britain for thirty years, the names of 
whose generals were Briscus, Thuthaius, Machleius, and 
Anpachus." And again : " Ceredig held Ceredigion, and 
from him it received its name. And after he held it, the 
Scots came and fought with them, and seized all the 
country." So in the Leon Life : "In those days came 
the Scots and occupied the British region", and this was 
when Ceredig was "an old man". Here we have an in- 
timation of two invasions, one before Ceredig arrived and 
expelled them, another, later, when they attempted to 
recover what they had lost. 

The names of the Irish chiefs of the first invasion are 
not easy to identify in their Latin form; Tuathius may be 
Dathi, King of Ireland 405-408, and Anpachus may be 
Amalghaid, King of Connaught 438-449, and the name 
of a Mac Lear (Laogbaire) may be disguised under 
Machleius. 

According to the Latin Lives, Carannog, in Latin Caran- 
tocus, was son of Ceredig and not grandson. He went to 
Ireland " in the year of the birth of Saint David, son of 
Sandde." Unfortunately, it is exceedingly doubtful what 
year that was. 

"He went to Ireland, Patrick having preceded him ; and 
they met each other and resided together. And they 
consulted together what they should do, and they agreed 
that they should separate, one go to the left, and the 
other to the right, because many clerics walked with them, 
and others because they wanted health. And Carantoc 
went to the right part, and Patrick to the left, and they 
agreed that they should meet once a year." 



90 Saint Carannog. 

The Leon Life is fuller. On account of the invasion 
by the Irish, and the advanced age of Ceredig, the chiefs 
met and desired to set his eldest son^ Carannog, at their 
head. He, however, declined the honour, loving the 
Kingdom of Heaven better than earthly kingdoms, and he 
fled with staff and wallet till he came to a place called 
Guerith Karanktoc, where he set up his rest. But after 
some time an angel bade him go to Ireland and assist 
Patrick in his labours there. Accordingly he departed, 
and built a monastery in Ireland. This, apparently, is 
his foundation at Dulane, in Meath. 

In the histories of S. Patrick, which we have, Carannog 
does not seem to have been intimately associated with 
him, except on one notable occasion ; and the Life (Vesp. 
A. xiv) implies as much ; the sphere of Patrick was in the 
north, that of Carannog in the south. The notable occa- 
sion referred to is the drawing up of the Seanchus Mor. 
When the bulk of the population of Ireland had accepted 
Christianity, it became advisable that the laws should be 
readjusted to meet the new condition of affairs. King 
Laoghaire saw this, and although not himself a Christian 
he is traditionally said to have appointed a joint Commis- 
sion for the revision and codification of the laws. The 
Commission consisted of three Kings, three Brehons or 
Druids, and three Christian Bishops. Patrick, Benignus, 
and Carantoc sat as representatives of the Church. The 
code remained in force among the Irish throughout the 
Middle Ages, and in Clare even down to 1600. 

The Latin Lives say not a word about this, which 
occupied Carannog and the other Commissioners three 
years, and was completed in or about 438, and which 
was the most important and far-reaching act of his life. 

Whilst in Ireland, Carannog received as his pupil one 
who is called in Brittany Tennenan^ and who is represented 



Saint Carannog, 91 

as son of an Irish King, Tinidor. The names have not an 
Irish sounds but they are evidently corrupt. Tennenau 
being a leper, was excluded from the succession, and 

embraced the ecclesiastical life under Carannog, who, 
according to the legend, healed him of his leprosy. This 
may have an allegorical meaning, and imply no more than 
that by baptism he purged him of the leprosy of sin, or 
that whilst undergoing his training in the Monastery of 
Carannog, he got rid of a distressing skin disease which had 
troubled him in his youth. Can Tennenan be Finnian ? 

The Leon Life speaks of an Irish King Dulcemius 
contributing timber to the erection of the church for 
Carannog, but under this name it is not possible to 
determine what chieftain of South Ireland is meant. 

After a while Carannog retired from active work in 
Ireland, and the Latin published Life goes on to relate 
that he retreated to a cave in Ceredigion, and founded the 
Church of Llangranog. After a while, taking his portable 
altar with him, he went to the Severn, and threw his 
altar in, resolving to settle wherever it was washed up. 
Then we are told that in those days Cado and -Irthur 
ruled the land, and the latter had his dwelling at Din- 
drarthron. In the adjoining district of Carron was a 
dragon, which Arthur induced Carannog to overcome. 
Arthur meanwhile got hold of Carannog's altar-table and 
purposed appropriating it to his own use. However, when 
Carannog had tamed the dragon, he reluctantly sur- 
rendered the altar, which Carannog again threw into 
the sea. 

Dindrarthron is Dinedor, in Herefordshire, and Carron 
is the marshy region of the Garran. Here there is a 
church called Llangaran. All this portion of the legend 
must be dismissed as an anachronism. It is not possible 
to make Carannog, who assisted at the compilation of the 



92 Saint Carannog, 

Seanchus Mor in 438, a contemporary of Arthur, who fell 
in 537. It applies to the second Carantoc, or Caimech, 
son of Saran. 

Carannog crossed to Cornwall, and landed at a place 
called in the TAfe Gwellit (the Grassy). It was probably 
the long curious creek called the Gannel. Here he 
resolved to settle, and he borrowed a spade from a poor 
man, wherewith to dig the ground. He also cut for him- 
self a staff, and at intervals, when tired of digging, he 
wittled the handle of the staff. 

Presently he observed a wood-pigeon fly out of the 
adjoining grove, and carry off in its beak some of the 
shavings from his staff. He resolved on following the 
bird, and he found that she had dropped the chips in one 
particular spot. He determined to build a church there, 
and place in it his altar, which had been washed up on the 
shore. 

We are then told that "a voice came to him from 
heaven and said he should go into exile, and leave his 
family. Innumerable persons were buried in that city, 
but he alone went to Ireland." Here we have the first 
summons, as given in the Leon Life^ and this is an 
instance of the sad jumble of which the Life (Vesp. A. 
xiv) is made up. It is not possible to decide, with any- 
thing approaching to certainty, what the real order of 
events was in the life of Carannog ; but this, at least, 
seems clear, that after having been for a while living a 
solitary life in Wales, he went to Ireland and did 
missionary work there, then, for some reason that we shall 
shortly consider, he left Ireland, and came to Cornwall, 
where he founded the church now called Crantock, and 
perhaps at the same time Carhampton in Somersetshire, 
a mile and a-half from Dunster, of which church he 
was considered the patron. The church passed into the 



Saint Carannog. 93 

possession of Bath Abbey, where the festival of the 
Saint was observed on May 16 (Bath Calendar, circ, 1383, 
in Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 10,628). 

Now it is very noteworthy that Carannog or Carantoc 
has an extended cult in Brittany. There is a parish, 
Carantec, and another Tregarantec, that bear his name in 
Finistère, but he is also widely known as S. Caradec, as 
patron of St. Caradec, near Loudéac, of Saint Caradec, 
Priziac, and of S. Carreuc. He has, as well, chapels at 
Mellac, at Pontaven, and is honoured at Quimperle. He 
has been dealt with by two writers, B. Oneix, S, Caradoc 
en Bretagney S. Brieuc, Prud'homme, 1880, and by De la 
Borderiè, Les devM Saints Caradec^ Paris, Champion, 
1883, but neither being in possession of all known about 
him in Wales and Ireland, have been able to altogether 
unriddle the puzzle of his presence in Armorica. That 
Caradec or Careuc is the same as Carantoc is shown by 
the commemoration of this saint being always on May 16, 
which is that of Carantoc in the Irish Martyrologies, 
and also by his identification in the Breviary lessons 
with the son (or grandson) of Ceredig. His main settle- 
ment was Saint Caradoc near Loudeac, in Cotes du Nord, 
which is spoken of in the 13th cent, as "Monasterium 
Caradoci". He is mentioned in the Life of S, OuenaeL 
That Saint had been to Britain, and he returned laden 
with books and followed by forty disciples. He landed first 
in the He de Groix, and then went overland to visit Cara- 
doc, whom he held in high esteem. According to local 
tradition S. Gonnec or Connoc, and S. Gonery, were among 
the pupils of Caradoc. That Tennenan was so— but in 
Ireland — ^we have already seen. In Morbiban, as well, 
Carannog has two churches, S. Caradoc Hennebont, and 
S. Caradec Thégomel; and he is commemorated in the 
Yannes Breviaries on May 16, the same day of S. Carantoc. 



94 Saint Carannog. 

Now it seems to me that the settlements in Cornwall 
and Brittany of such assistants of S. Patrick as Carannog 
and Mancen, or Ninio, mean a great deal, for which we 
look in vain into such scanty documents as have reached 
us, to find an explanation. 

Patrick was supplied with a stream of missioners serving 
under him from Britain and Armorica. There was a 
great nursery at Witheme, in Galway, that furnished him 
with men for work in the North of Ireland; and at Ty 
Gwyn, in Pembrokeshire, he had a great college under 
Mancen, otherwise called Ninio the Old, which sent over a 
supply for the mission field in South Ireland. But we find 
Mancen also in Cornwall and in Brittany, under the form 
of Mawgan or Meaugon, in Wales as Meugan. There are 
two Mawgans in Cornwall. The identity would seem to 
be established by Mawgan-in-Pyder Feast being observed 
on July 25, which is the day of Meugant or Ninio in the 
Irish Marty rologies. In Brittany, near S. Brieuc, is la 
Méaugon (Llan-Meugant), where the Pardon is observed 
on the same day. Is it not conceivable that Meugant or 
Mancen had branch establishments in Armorica and Corn- 
wall to serve as feeders in Ty Gwyn? We know that there 
was close intercourse between Brittany and Wales and 
Ireland in the fifth and sixth centuries. And in like 
manner I would conjecture that the object of Carannog's 
leaving Ireland was to undertake the very important task 
of establishing monastic settlements in Cornwall and in 
Armorica to serve the same purpose as those of Meugant 
or Mancen. 

Tennenan, the disciple of Carannog in Ireland, followed 
his master. We have unfortunately no early life of this 
saint, all we know of him is from the lessons in the 
ancient Breviaries of Leon and Folgoet, which are full of 
fable. He is there said to have been the pupil of Karadoc 



Saint Carannog. 95 

or Karentec, and to have been cured by him of leprosy in 
Ireland. Afterwards he embarked with S. Senan and S. 
Bonan^ and crossed the sea to Armorîca^ and landed in 
the harbour of Brest, near where is now the little town of 
Landerneau, and founded the church of Ploubennec, near 
Plabennec. Together with 8. Senan (of Iniscathy) and S. 
Bonan, he had with him two others, who are named Armen 
and Glanmeus, the latter a priest. M. de la Borderiè 
considers that there were more saints than one that bore 
the name of Tennenan or Tinidor — for he is known by both 
names in Brittany. The diocese of Leon is supposed to 
have had a Tennenan as its bishop, af fcer S. Goulven, but 
if so, he belongs to the beginning of the seventh century, 
and as he is ignored by the early writers who composed 
the list of the Bishops of Leon, the existence of such a 
bishop is doubtful. One interesting fact is that in the 
parish of Tregarantec, which by its name shows that it 
was a tref of Carantoc, S. Tennenan is held to be the 
patron of the church. 

Senan of Iniscathy, who is said to have come over with 
Tennenan, is widely venerated in Brittany, and finds his 
place in the ancient Breviaries on March 6. Another 
Irish Colonist, Kenan, is confounded with Kianan, Bishop 
of Duleek ; his name is contracted to Kay or Quay, and 
he is the same as the Cornish S. Kea. He is commemo- 
rated in Brittany on Sept. 13 and Nov. 5. 

Goulven, who is also brought in contact with Carannog, 
was bom in Armorica; his parents, Glaudan and Gologuenn, 
were refugees from Britain, who landed in the broad 
shallow bay that now goes by the name of the Anse de 
Goulven. He was bishop of Leon after Cetemerin, who 
succeeded Paul of Leon. 

Unfortunately we know neither the date of the 
death of Carannog nor the place where he died, but 



96 Saint Carannog, 

there is remarkable consensus as to the day on 
which he is to be honoured. The Welsh, as well as the 
Irish, Calendars give that day as May 16. In a MS. 
Breviary of the diocese of Tréguier, of the fifteenth 
century, is the entry: "xvii Kal. Junii, Caranauci abb." On 
the same day, in the Leon Breviary of 1516 in the library 
of the Frères Lamennais, at Ploërmel : "xvii Kal. Junii, 
Caradoci abb." In the Vannes Missals of 1530 and 1535 
it is the same. Whytford's Martyrologe^ 1526, an English 
rendering of the Bridgetine Martyrology of Sion House, 
also gives the same day. This is the day of the Village 
Feast at Crantock in Cornwall, and of the Pardon at 
Carantec in Brittany. The Feliré of Aengus, on May 16, 
has this entry: "The illustrious death of Cainnech the 
powerful," and the gloss adds, "i.e. Camech of Tuilec, 
in the neighbourhood of Cenannas (Kells), and he is of 
the Britons of Cem (Cornwall)." The Exeter Calendars 
give his day as May 16. 

In the Celtic Litany of the tenth century, published 
by Mabillon, from a Bheims MS., he is invoked between 
S. Brendan and S. Gildas. 

As to the date of his death, that can only be fixed 
tentatively. It most probably occurred later than that of 
Patrick, but scarcely later than 470, for he can hardly 
have been a young man when engaged on the revision of 
the laws of Ireland in 438. A brother of 8. Carannog 
was S. Pedr, according to the Welsh genealogists, and it 
is rather remarkable that a holy well bearing that name 
should be found in the parish of S. Columb Minor, that 
adjoins Crantock. The Holy Well of 8. Carantock him- 
self is in the midst of the village of Crantock, and a 
stream steadily flows from it. 

The Life in the Leon Breviary follows. I will first 
premise that of this Breviary only two copies are known 



Si. Carattftog. 97 

to exist, one is in the Bibliotheque Rationale, Paris, and is 
imperfect : it is without the calendar, and the sanctoriale is 
wanting from the end of November to the end of June. 
The other copy is in the possession of the Brothers of 
Christian Instruction, or Frères Lamenais at Ploërmel. 
It has the calendar, but is deficient in the names of the 
saints from November 29 to June 12. It was printed by 
Didier Maheu, Paris, 1516. I have not printed all the 
abbreviations. 



Lect. I. 

Quodam tempore fuit vir nomine Cereticus et hie vir 
habuit multosfilios : quorum unus erat Karadoeus nomine. 
In illis diebus venerunt Scoti et occupaverunt regionem 
britannicam. Cereticus autem erat senex : et dixerunt 
seniores, Senex es tu non potes dimicare : debes unum 
ordinare de filiis tuis qui est senior. Dixerunt illi 
Karadoco : Oportet te esse regem : Karadoeus autem plus 
dili^ebat esse regem celestem quamterrenum: etpostquam 
audivit fugam iniit ne invenirent eum. Accepit ergo 
Karadoeus peram cum baculo et sacculo a quodam paupere, 
et venit in locum qui dicitur Guerith Karantoc et mansit 
ibi per aliquod lemporis. Post multos autem dies venit 
ad Sanctum Karadocum vox de celo precepitque ut quia 
hie latere non poterat et quanto ignotior et remotior a 
suis tanto fieret servus dei utilior : Patricium sequeretur 
in hybemiam. Karadoeus igitur discedit in hyberniam, et 
ibi incepit construere monasterium. Belatum erat Kara- 
doco in partibus illis apud quemdam tyrannum Dulcemium 
nomine esse quemdam arborem ornatam atque caram que 
principis sui fuerat. Venit Karadoeus et petiit arborem. 
Utrum meiior es tu dixit tyrannus omnibus Sanctis qui 
postulaverunt earn, non sum dixit Karadoeus. 



98 Si, Carannog. 

Lect. II. 

Tyrannus dixit Voca tamen deum tuuni et si ce- 
ciderit tua est. Bespondit Karadocus: ISon est impos- 
sibile deo quicquain : et hec dicens oravit Dominum : com- 
pleta oratione cecidit arbor radicibus extirpatis et stabant 
attoniti infideles. Credidit ergo tirannus et baptizatus 
est et oranes sui cum illo conversi sunt ad fidem: et 
receperunt sacramentum. Hoc lignum artifices por- 
taverunt in crastino ad opus incohatum et scinderunt in 
quatuor bases. Quadam nocte venerunt religiosi qui- 
dam aliunde ad locum et deerant ligna foco ad usum 
pernoctantium : tunc surrexit Karadocus ad unam basem 
de quattuor absciditque particulam ex ilia. Artifex 
autem hoc intuens vehementer indignatus est : et decrevit 
abire : et ait Karodocus : Fili mi mane in hac nocte. lUe 
vero mansit invitus. Sole autem orto surrexit ut abiret : 
et exiens circa ecclesiam vidit basam illam similem aliis 
basibus non habeutentem in se cissuram. 

Lect. III. 

Erat illis diebus quidam sanctus in hybernia nomine 
Tenenanus et hie erat leprosus. Yinit igitur ad sanctum 
Karadocum: sed antequam yenisset nunciavit ei angelus 
venturum ad se Tenenanum: Karadocus cum gaudio et 
exultatione preparavit balneum suo hospiti. Veniens ille 
cum exisset jam ecclesiam et orasset occurrit iste obviam 
illi et osculati sunt invicem benedicentes. Et ducto eo a 
monasterio ad refecterium cogebat eum oppido ut introiret 
lavacrum. Hie negabat et inveniebat causas satis 
ydoneas : denique Karadocus ait : si non intraveris non 
vives in vita eterna. Cum hoc audisset Tenenanus coactus 
intravit balneum: accedebat iterum Karadocus ut lavaret 
eum. Animadvertens igitur Tenenanus quoniam ad 
se abluendum accederet dixit* Non layabis me in eter- 



Si. Carannoj^. 99 

num. Bespondit Karadocus : Nee tu yives in eternutn si 
non lavero te. Lotus est itaque et statim ut tetigit eum 
Karadocus sanatus est a lepra : et conquerebatur dicens : 
Non bene fecisti in me frater : quia forte superbus fiam a 
modo et multum deeeptus ero. Nequaquam ille ait : sed 
pulchrior eris : et tua caro non erit f etida : tunc sanctus 
Tenenanus ait : Ingredere et tu ut laveris. Adjuratus ipse 
ingressus est babieum: Surrexit Tenenanus ut faceret 
obsequia. Habebat enim Karadocus septem cingulaferrea 
circa se: et mox ubi tetigit ea Tenenanus fracta sunt 
omnia. Tunc ait Karadocus : non bene egisti : tibi verum 
tamen dampnum hoc videtur reparabile. Ait Tenenanus : 
Nequaquam quia si venerint omnes f abri : non pot^runt 
tibi fabricare cingulum : Et post hec verba laudaverunt 
deum et facta est pax et unitas inter ipsos. 

I may add, in conclusion, that after many and vain 
eflForts to obtain a copy of M. de la Borderiè's article on 
The Two Saints Caradec, on my application, the BoUandist 
Fathers at Antwerp have most courteously lent me their 
copy. I find in it that M. de la Borderiè has printed the 
Latin life from the copy of the Breviary he found in 
Paris. There are only two or three trifling differences 
between my transcript and his. 



h2 



Ofb Couttíg ÿamiîüB of ©^feb^ 



THE WOGANS OF BOUI.STON. 

By FRANCIS GREEN. 



It might naturally be imagined that the spread of educa- 
tion would tend to stimulate a love of county history 
amongst the rising generation, but so far from doing this 
its tendency, it is to be feared, is quite in the opposite 
direction. In days gone by, when books and newspapers 
were rarely accessible, folk-lore and the genealogies of the 
different residents in the neighbourhood were constantly 
discussed at the fireside, but these have now given place 
to the topics of the day, and as a result the ancient tradi- 
tions and other facts in regard to county history are fast 
being lost to memory. In Pembrokeshire, for instance^ 
a county that is overflowing with interesting features, 
historical and antiquarian, the old legends, and even the 
names of families, which not so very long ago must have 
been household words, are now almost forgotten. Few 
probably of the rising generation could tell an enquirer 
who the Wogans were, and even those of maturer age 
know little beyond the fact that there were families of 
that name who in days gone by lived at Wiston and 
Boulston. Yet it is barely a hundred years since the 
name of Wogan became extinct in the county. 

It would be unfair to attribute the decadence of one 
of the most characteristic traits of the Welsh race from 
the earliest days to a change in the national disposition ; 



The Wogans of Êouìston. toi 

it is not that ^'Younpf Pembrokeshire" has adopted the 
tenets of Gallio, but that he has not the opportunity of 
gaining the knowledge. There is no history of the county 
that can be properly so called, and the only means open to 
the student is long and tedious research among the musty 
and in many cases almost illegible records belonging to 
the nation and private individuals in different parts of the 
country. Only those who have hunted these preserves are 
aware of the mass of chaff, so to speak, which has to be 
winnowed by the searcher in order -to obtain a grain of 
wheat for his use. In the Record Office, for inotance, 
there are bundles of documents for which there are no 
indexes, and one cannot help feeling that a good deal of 
money expended on procuring Returns for Parliament — 
many of them of no earthly interest to any one except the 
member desiring the same — might be much better laid out 
in making the records of the country accessible to the 
nation. 

These are the reflections that occurred to me after 
delving into England's "Muniment Chest", in which I 
came across several incidents in connection with the 
Wogans, of so interesting a nature that I was induced to 
attempt a sketch of the family. I propose in this article 
to touch on the Wogans of Boulston, which although but 
an offshoot from the main stem at Wiston, at one time 
almost rivalled the parent line in importance and wealth 
of possessions. It is unanimously agreed by Welsh 
genealogists that the Wogans are of Welsh descent. The 
name is said to be a corruption of Gwgan, the son of 
Bleddyn ap Maenarch, Chieftain of Brycheiniog, who was 
slain about the year 1090 in a battle with Bernard New- 
march, the Norman Baron. Gwgan, according to the 
Welsh pedigrees, married Gwenllian, the daughter and 
heiress of Philip Gwys or Wizo, a Fleming, who then held 



• • • • ' ! * 
; • . •• • ♦, 

• • • ' • • 



• • • .• .•• ••• ••• • 

••• • :• : ••• •. 

-»t» •• • • 



102 Old County Families of Dy/ed. 

Wiston, and through this marriage that property came 
into the possession of the Wogan family, and remained in 
it over six hundred years. While there is no doubt that 
Wiston was owned for that period by the Wogans, it is 
plainly evident that the compilers of the pedigrees are in 
error as to Gwgan having married Gwenllian Gwys. 
Philip Gwys was alive in 1193, and Gwgan must have 
been bom before 1090; it is therefore practically im- 
possible that this union could have taken place. In all 
probability the genealogists have left out a generation or 
two, and it was a descendant of Gwgan who was the bride- 
groom on the occasion. 

Another hypothesis, mentioned in Count O'Kelly's me- 
moir of the family, is that the Wogans are descended from 
Ugus, a Roman Patrician from Florence. This derivation 
is so unsupported by even traditionary evidence in Wales 
that, but for the fact that it was again brought forward 
this year in an article in the Comhill Magazine^ I should 
not have referred to it. If the founder of the family was 
a foreigner it would be much more reasonable to suppose 
that he was a Norman. Yet there is no trace of the name 
in the Roll of Battle Abbey, although those of most of the 
advenae who settled in the county are to be found in it, 
including that of Perrott, a family that did not for cen- 
turies afterwards attain anything like the standing of 
the Wogans. On the whole, the preponderance of the 
evidence, if such it may be called, is in favour of a Welsh 
origin. First we have the testimony of the Welsh genealo- 
gists, and although they are frequently wrong as to details, 
1 have generally found, where documents are available to 
test their statements, that in the main they are correct. 
It might be contended that the present pronunciation of 
the name does not very closely approximate that of Gwgan. 
I would suggest, however, that formerly the pronunciation 



The Wo^^ans of Bouision. 103 

was much closer, and that at a very early date the first 
syllable was enunciated soft. In the earliest documents 
the name is spelled as at present, but as far back as 1331 
it is written "Wougan", which was probably pronounced 
as in French, and some years later it is written '* Woogan". 
The more convincing fact is the rarity of the name in 
England in early times. Prior to 1600 the name 
**Wogan", so far as I have been able to ascertain, was 
confined entirely to members of the Welsh and Irish 
branches. There was a family named Owghan at Wood- 
ham Walter, in Essex, in 1658, but probably this is merely 
a rendering of Orgen or Worgan, which is not an un- 
common name in England. There was also a Wogan who 
owned lands in England in 1311-12. In a Fine made in 
5th Edward II, a Richard .Wogan and his wife Alice 
granted two messuages, 1^ virgates of arable land, and 10 
acres of meadow in La Cloude and Cameleye in Somerset- 
shire, to Walter de la ilaye and his wife Cecilia. This 
might suggest a Norman origin for the Wogan family, 
but on the other hand the Welsh pedigrees state that one 
of the earliest Wogans of Wiston married Margaret, the 
daughter and heiress of Adam de Staunton or Stanton, and 
this is to some extent borne out by a Patent in 1301, by 
which a John Wogan (probably the Justiciary of Ireland, 
and in that case owner of lands in Pembrokeshire) was 
granted the marriage of Margaret, the daughter and one 
of the heirs of Adam de Stanton, tenant-in-chief in Ire- 
land. Now in 1311-12 there were Stauntons who owned 
property in Somersetshire, and as nothing is more likely 
than that John Wogan married Margaret Staunton to his 
son, or at all events a near relative, it is quite possible 
that Alice was the same person as Margaret, and that the 
lands mentioned in the Fine formed part of her jointure. 
After this brief review of the origin of the Wogans we 



I04 Old County Families of Dyfed. 

will now turn to the branch which settled at Boulston. 
The founder was Henry, the son of Sir John Wogan of 
Wiston. Owing to the absence of dates in the Welsh 
pedigrees and the partiality of the family to the name of 
John, it has been impossible to decide with any degree of 
certainty which particular Sir John this is. The first 
Henry Wogan of Boulston, is described by Lewis Dunn 
as of Milton,* a property which was presumably given to 
him by his father. The Cheetham MSS. state that he 
married Margaret, or, according to Lewis Dunn, Joan, the 
daughter of Wilcocks Dyer, of Boulston, and it must have 
been through this union that that estate came into the 
possession of this branch. The Wogan tombstone at 
Boulston church describes him as Sir Henry Wogan, and 
there is little doubt that he is the Sir Henry Wogan 
who was a witness to a Release made by John Hogekyn, 
rectx)r of the church of St. Bridget, to John Don and John 
Elliott, of the manor of Robertiston and Nolton, in 
October 1453-4, and in which he is described as a knight 
and steward of Haverfordwest. {Ancient Deeds Cal.^ p. 
365.) Lewis Dunn, who is corroborated by Geo. Owen's 
MSS., states that the children of the marriage were : — 

(1) Thomas Wogan, who apparently died without 

issue. According to the Harleian MSS., 
No. 14,314, fol. 866, he was the heir. 

(2) Henry Wogan, who inherited the property, 

presumably on the death of his brother. 

The Cheetham MSS. make no mention of Thomas, but 
trace the descent through his brother Henry, while 
Vincent brings the line through Thomas. It is, however, 
the opinion of E. L., who edited an edition of the 
Cheetham MSS., that these records were the work of Sir 

* ill Burton parish. 



The Wogans of Boulston, 105 

John Wogan, who married Prances Pollard, and in that 
case they should be the better authority. The memorial 
stone in Boulston Church, and also Geo. Owen's MSS., 
tra<;e the descent through Henry, so there seems little 
doubt that Vincent's Collection is wrong on this point. 
Possibly the explanation is that Thomas Wogan was a 
priest. Mention is made in the YaUyr Ecclesiasticus, taken 
in 27th Henry VIII (1535-6), of a Thomas Wogan, who 
was rector of Lawrenny, Nolton, and Henry's Mote in 
Pembrokeshire, all of which benefices were in the gift of 
John Wogan of Wiston. Unfortunately, the lack of 
details and dates renders it impossible to form any reliable 
opinion on the question. The problem is not assisted by 
the will of Henry Wogan — the earliest will of any of the 
family that I have come across — which so far as the date 
is concerned might have been made either by the brother 
of Thomas or by his father. The document was executed 
on the Slst Aug. 1499, and the testator describes himself 
as •' Henricus Ogan." No address is given, but he 
desired to be buried in the church of St. Mary the Virgin, 
at Woran.^ Now as Milton is very much nearer to 
Warren than is Boulston, the presumption is that the 
testator lived at the former place ; this would suggest that 
the will was made by the first Henry^ as one would 
naturally expect that his son would have come into 
possession of Boulston, and have resided there before his 
death. The assumption that the first Henry was the 
maker of the will is further strengthened by the fact 
that while the testator bequeaths a legacy of 100 Marks 
to Alicia " my daughter", he does not refer to Richard 
Ogan, whom he makes residuary legatee, as his son. 
There are several other interesting questions opened 

' Warreu. 



io6 Old County Families of Dyfed, 

up by this will. A legacy of 6«. 8d. is given to the church 
of St. Mary at Woran,* 20«. to the church of St. David's, 
and 6«. 8d. to the church of Whitlakyngton, in Somerset- 
shire. This again indicates that there was some connection 
between the Welsh Wogans and Somersetshire, and, thanks 
to this clue, just as this page was going to press, further 
evidence turned up which proves, beyond a doubt, that 
the testator was the second Henry. An Inquisition held 
at Bridgwater in the 15th Henry VII, on the estate of a 
Henry Wogan, states that he died on the 31st Aug. 1499, 
and that Bichard, his son and heir, was then 22 years of 
age and more. The date of the death thus corresponds 
exactly with that of the will, satisfactorily proving the 
identity of Henry Wogan. The Inquisition states that he 
held a messuage and 101 acres of land, called Orchardiston, 
in Knightisby, in Somersetshire. 

Further research in Somerset House revealed the exis- 
tence of an offshoot of the family there in later times. 
Among the records is a will of John Wogan of Sylving," 
in the parish of Whitelakington, dated 27th Oct. 1558, 
and proved on 7th May 1559. By this instrument the 
testator bequeathed 3«. 4d. to each of the churches of 
Pocklynchrokepe, Stocklynch Maude'hyn,' and Puckington, 
and desired his body to be buried at Whitelakington 
church "amongst my ancestors". In his will only one 
child is mentioned, a daughter, Phillippa, to whom he 
gives £100 "towards her marriage", conditionally that 
she be " ruled by her mother", but it would seem that he 
also had another daughter. His wife, whom he makes 
residuary legatee, appears to have been Anne Bose, as the 
testator bequeaths to Nicholas Rose, whom he styles " my 
brother-in-law", his best gown. He also refers to his 

^ Warren. ^ Syvinch. ^ Stocklinch Magdalene. 



The Wogans of Boulston. 107 

" brother", Enthebert Eose. His wife Anne survived him, 
as she took out probate to the will, and I think there 
is little doubt that she was the Agnes Wogan whose will, 
dated the 8th Feb. 1574, was proved on 30th April 1575. 
This Agnes Wogan is described as of Sylvinche, Somerset- 
shire, and she also desired to be buried in Whitelakington 
church. She made her daughter Mary, the wife of 
William Stourton, of Woemyster,' her residuary legatee, 
but omitted any reference to Phillippa. The Visiiatwn of 
Somersetshire in 1623 (Harleian MSS., No. 1141) states 
that Mary, daughter and co-heiress of John Wogan, of 
Sylvinch, married Robert Morgan of South Mapleton, 
Dorset. This is probably a mistake for Phillippa. Agnes 
Wogan was a lady of property. She devised her estates, 
which comprised lands and manors in Brent Marshe, in 
Crokern, in Meriatt, in Shepton, in Heachin, in Stock- 
linche-in-8ea, in Hilcom, in Chilworthye, in Buckland, in 
Croome St. Nicholas, Donyett Pisend'she, Langeporte, 
Estover, Westover, and Cwry Rivell, in the county of 
Somerset, to George Speake of Whitelakington, knt., 
William Stoui'ton of Worminster, Esq., and John Morgan 
of Maperton, Dorset, gent., for the use of John Bose, son 
of Nicholas Bose of Shepton Beachin, in the county of 
Somei'set. This Nicholas Rose I believe to be the 
testatrix's brother. 

We must now return to the direct line of the Wogans 
of Boulston. Henry Wogan, the son of Sir Henry Wogan, 
married Elizabeth, the sister of Sir James ap Owen of Pen- 
tre Evan in the Lordship of Kemes in Pembrokeshire, and 
the daughter, according to the Cheetham MSS., of Owen 
Bowen of Pentre Evan. The issue of this marriage was : — 
(1) Richard Wogan. 

^ Warminster. 



1 08 Old County Fatuilies of Dyfed, 

(2) Henry Wogan, who married Elizabeth, daugh- 

ter of Thomas Canon of Llawhaden, and 
founded a branch which existed in Oxford- 
shire for a couple of generations. (Harl. 
MSS., No. 14,314, fol. 866.) 

(3) Margaret Wogan, who married Henry Morgan 

of Muddlescombe, 61am. (Geo. Owen.) 

(4) William Wogan, who married the daughter of 

— Cresford of Clydon, and died vrithout 
issue. (Hari. MSS., 14,314, fol. 866.) 

(5) Elizabeth Wogan, the wife of William ap Owen 

David Gwyn. (G. Owen.) 

(6) A daughter, who married Thomas Bateman of 

Honeborough. (G. Owen.) Possibly the 
Alicia mentioned in Henry Wogan's will. 

Richard Wogan, the eldest son, who succeeded to the 
estate, was the first of the family, so far as the records 
show, to reside at Boulston. He lived in the time of 
Henry VIII, and appears to have had little regard for the 
power of the Church, as it is stated in the Yalor Eccleẁu- 
ticvs, taken the 27th of that reign (1535-6), that nothing 
had been received that year or for many years previously 
from the manor of Villa Clement, the property of the 
Archdeacon of Menevia, which formerly yielded £10 4«. 8d, 
per annum, because Richard Wogan, of Boulston, had 
seized and held it by main force, but by what title he did 
so the Commissioners could uot ascertain. I have been 
unable to find many references to Richard Wogan, but 
fortunately his will is registered at Somerset House, and 
this document throws a good deal of light, not only on his 
family but on his surroundings. It is dated 23rd Nov. 1540, 
and was proved on 29th April 1541, by Matilda Wogan, 
his widow, who, it is thus clear, survived him. Matilda 
Wogan, or Maud as she is called by Welsh genealogists. 



The Wooans of Boulston, 109 

was the daughter of Sir Thomas Phillipps of Kilsant, 
Pembrokeshire, and the grand-daughter of Owen Donne 
of Picton. She was a much-married lady, for after the 
death of her husband, Bichard Wogan, she married 
Morgan Jones of Harmeston, and, surviving him, married 
Nicholas Vaughan. According to Lewis Dunn (vol. i, 
p. 171), she was also the wife of Owen Barrett of Gellywick. 
Bichard Wogan in his will mentions only two children 
— ^a son and a daughter Anne — as being the issue of this 
marriage, but Greorge Owen's MS. states that there was a 
daughter Jane. There is scarcely a doubt, however, that 
in this case the Pembrokeshire historian has made a 
mistake in the name. The children are as follows : — 

(1) John Wogan. 

(2) Anne Wogan, the wife of Henry Adams of 

Patrickschurch. (Cheetham MSS.) 

The two children, John and Anne, were both under age 
in 1540, the date of the will, as the testator bequeathed 
to his wife his ** Manor Place of Bulliston and Hampton 
duringe her widohed for ye tender age of the childerne", and 
both these properties are stated to be *^ socage tenor". To 
the church of Burton he gave 6«. 8d., the one half of the 
sum to the chancell and the other to the body of the 
church, and he also desired to be buried before the high 
altar of that church. It would appear that his wishes in 
this respect were carried out, as there is in Burton church 
a sixteenth century tomb in the position mentioned, on 
which are inscribed the initials, "E. W." The tomb is 
thus described {Arch. Camb.y Series V, vol. xv, p. 183) in an 
account of a visit by the Association in 1897 : — 

" There is a remarkable altar-tomb to a Wogan of Boulston, with 
a slab bearing a cross ragulé and two shields on the top, and the 
sides decorated with heraldic shields, one bearing the punning device 
of the sails of a windmill above a cask, meaning mill tun or Milton, 



I lo Old County Families of Dyfed. 

the Wogans being lords of Boulston and Milton. The slab on the 
top of the tomb seems to be of the fourteenth century and the rest 
of the tomb of the fifteenth or sixteenth century." 

Besides the son and daughter mentioned in his will, 
Bichard Wogan had two illegitimate children : William 
Wogan and David Wogan. Although not explicitly stated^ 
the presumption is that their mother was Agnes Tasker — 
a pedigree in Leiois Dunnes Visitation states that she was 
— as the testator acknowledges that she holds a tenement 
in Harbeston of the annual value of seven Nobles for her 
life, and that after her decease the property was to revert 
to his heir. The presumption is strengthened by the fact 
that this clause comes immediately between the bequests 
to his son John and William Wogan. It is interesting to 
note that the "bar sinister" in 1540 was by no means 
such a disability as at the present day. It would appear, 
from the tenor of the will, that if the sons William and 
David were not brought up with their half-brother they 
were evidently held in high esteem by their father. Thus 
all the real estate, subject to certain bequests, is left by the 
testator to his son John Wogan, together with specified 
valuables which in the event of his dying without issue 
were to go to William and David Wogan. William is 
also made trustee of his half-sister Anne Wogan, as well 
as receiver of all the testator's socage lands, while he is 
left an annuity of 20 Nobles per annum for his life. Pro- 
vision is also made for David Wogan. He is given a 
quarter-share in a barge and a quarter-share in the ship 
called the "Elbewe." As the other shares in these 
vessels were bequeathed to John Wogan, David was thus 
a partner vrith his half-brother. David was also given 
for his life a tenement with the lands appertaining 
thereto in Herston* and Therston. He married Katherine, 

^ Hearston and Thurston, in Burton parish. 



The Wogans of Boulston. 1 1 1 

the daughter of Thomas Herbert, and the grand-daughter 
of Sir Richard Herbert of Colbrook. Prom the marriage 
there was a daughter Maud^ who married Morgan Powell, 
mayor of Pembroke about 1591 ; also two sons, Richard 
and Devereux. The latter died prior to 1616, and was a 
Citizen and Clothworker of London. He married Magda- 
len — who on his death took, in 1617, as her second hus- 
band, William Tailler, a Citizen and Merchant Taylor, of 
London. Devereux Wogan left no children. Of Richard, 
the son of David Wogan, I have found no further mention. 
Richard Wogan of Boulston bequeathed all his "goods 
and cattails"^ with certain exceptions, to his wife Maud, 
and it is the specified items which make the instru- 
ment so interesting at the present day. He evidently 
kept a certain amount of land in hand, as he gave to his 
wife 200 sheep and .... "hed of beasts"; the 
number of the latter however is unfortunately left blank 
in the will. We also get an insight into the contents of 
his plate chest. Among the articles left to his wife were 
two bowl pieces of silver with one ewer and two flat 
pieces ; a standing cup with a ewer^ the top of the cover 
being ornamented with a squirrel ; another standing cup 
of silver with a cover, on which was a little boy bearing a 
child ; two salt (cellars) with two covers, one gilt and the 
other partly gilt; a silver taster; a . . • . with a 
silver band and a foot of silver; a chalice; two dozen 
silver spoons ; a small silver cover and a "napple cuppe of 
silver." In these days of women's rights it is curious to 
read that the testator directed his wife's "wering 
garments to be at her own pleasure and dysposytion". 
These included a " Dymysent* girdell of clene golde with a 
dyamonde and a ruby therein, a chayne and a bullyon of 

^ Probably Damascene. 



1 1 2 Old County Families of Dyfed, 

golde with a crosse of sylver and a crosse of golde withe a 
dyamonde in the mydde and a ruby one every quarter, an 
ooche of golde with a dyamonde in the myddest and also a 
great parle (pearl), also a chayne of golde of the weight 
of eight double Ducketts."^ To John, his son, he left 
" myne owen broche, and it hath a garnet in the mydell 
as it is set aboute with pearles". 

Mention is also made of *'two great gunnes vrithe 
their foure chambers", which, with a great crock in the 
kitclien, the testator desired should be kept in the house of 
Boulstou. What kind of guns these were can only be 
surmised, but there can be little doubt that they were 
intended for the defence of the Manor House, and 
possibly to command any ships passing up and down the 
river. Various legacies and bequests for life and in fee 
were made to servants and others, in most cases with the 
proviso that the recipients would faithfully serve his wife 
and his son John. The real estate so devised was briefly 
as follows : — 

House at Slebech to Richard Miller for life. 

House of Westfelde, on the east side of the said township, to John 
Taylor for life. 

House in the same township to Richard Howell for life. 

" Calbrocke," in the fields of Prendergast, to Hugh Lloid for 
life. 

The southest house in Dale to Anne Tasker for her life. 

Tenement and lands at Wiston to John Myller. 

The other properties mentioned in the will were : — 

(1) Lands of Repston ; the manor place of Crapull, Williamyston, 
Frogholl, Spittell, Williamyston at the same place, and Crasselley. 

(2) The lordship of Sutton ; lands within the Burrowes of Haver- 
fordwest, Cronett and Poyston; a Noble of Rent in Houston, 
Mylton, Flethershill, with a "tockynge" (tucking) mill, and Wolldale 
and Camros ; a meadow by the Friars' garden ; the Bechem with my 



' Ducats. The Dutch ducat weighed 3*494 grammes. 



The Wogans of Bonis ton, 1 1 3 

lands in Dale except the tenement given to Anne Tasker ; lands 
within the Burrowes of Saint Davys within Chayltie. All which 
towns and villages were held by socage tenure. 

The properties in the first paragraph were charged 
with a legacy of 200 Marks for a marriage portion for 
Anne Wogan. The sum was to be raised by William 
Wogan and kept, until that event took place, in the 
common coffer of the town of Haverfordwest or elsewhere, 
at the discretion of the overseers of the will. The over- 
seers appointed were : " my brother, John Phillips of 
Picton, Thomas Johns of Haroldiston, Esquires ; Master 
Thomas Lloid, Chaunter of Sainte Davyde's ; and Master 
John Lewis, Treasurer" there. 

On the death of Richard Wogan, which as I have 
pointed out must have occurred about the year 15i<l, his 
son John, on attaining his majority, succeeded to the 
property. According to the tombstone at Boulston church 
he was raised to the honour of knighthood, but curiously 
enough he is not so described in his will. He was Sheriff 
for Peimbrokeshire several times, but owing to his son 
bearing the same name it is impossible in all cases to 
distinguish the respective offices held by each. Mr. 
Egerton Allen, in his interesting and useful work, Sheriffs 
of Pemhrokeshire^ states that Sir John Wogan, senior, 
held that office in 1566, 1574, 1584, 1598 and 1606, and 
that he was created a knight in the interval between 
1684 and 1698. It is, however, certain that he was not 
sheriff in 1606, as I recently came across his will in the 
Carmarthen Registry, which appears in the index as 
having been proved in 1601. 

All authorities, including the Cheetham MSS., agree 
that Sir John Wogan married Jane, the daughter of 
Richard Wogan, of Wiston, thus once more uniting the 
two branches of the family. After her death he took for 



1 1 4 Old County Families of Dyfed. 

his second wife Elizabeth, daughter of Robert Byrte, of 
Llwyndiris, Cardiganshire, Alderman of Carmarthen, and 
Elizabeth, co-heiress of Edward Ryd, of Castle Moel,^ 
Carmarthenshire. She was the widow of Einion Phillipps, 
the grandson of Sir Thomas Phillipps of Kilsant, Pem- 
brokeshire, and in the will is described as ** Dame 
Elizabeth Wogan, aliaü Byrte/' A portion of this 
instrument, which is as interesting as that of Sir John's 
father, has been torn off and some of the writing is 
illegible, but sufficient remains to enable the reader to 
ascertain not only the particulars of the estate, but also to 
obtain an insight into the life of that period. The first 
bequest is the munificent gift of 4d. to the Cathedral 
church of St. David's; then comes a number of bequests to 
Dame Elizabeth, including " all her apparel of all sortes, 
all her ringes and juelles with alsoe six of my best 
geldinge," all the movable and immovable household 
goods at the house of Porth Rynen in Cardiganshire, and 
similar articles, together with all the corn cut or growing 

on the dower house and lands "at Llanvemach 

cauled Erwyon," and at the dower house and lands of 
Sutteine.* Dame Elizabeth was evidently an heiress, as 
not only are the lands at Sutteine, together with the stock, 
bequeathed " to remayne as yt is laye downe in the deade 
of gifte", but all the lands and leases of lands or mills, 
stock and household effects, " such as plate, or whatever 
the said Elizabeth was owner of at the day of my marriadge 
unto her the said Elizabeth, which to me hath desended 
and by reight ought to desend frome her unto me by the 
said marriadge, wherever the same may be in the counties 
of Pembroche, Carmarthen, or Cardigan," are also left to 
her. In addition, her husband gave her the cattle, goods, 

^ Green Castle, ^ Sutton, in Lambston parish. 



The Wogans of Boulston. 1 1 5 

and lease of a house in Henllan Amgoed in Cardiganshire, 
the lease of a mill called Molfre Dyffryne, otherwise 
"Wyrgloedd", in the parish of Clydey, Pembrokeshire, 
and the cattle and chattels mentioned in a schedule 
annexed to a deed of gift by him to John Stradley and 
John Hogwent, gent., to the use of his wife Dame 
Elizabeth. Sir John Wogan also left his wife the 
messuage and lands of Milton, with the tenement there- 
unto belonging called "Milton Mylle", in the parish of 
Burton. This bequest, simple in itself, is important, as it 
sets at rest the uncertainty which existed as to the 
identity of the original home of the Boulston branch. 
The will also reveals that the testator kept Milton in 
hand, for he not only bequeathed " the store of cattle and 
stuffe" there to his wife, but gave, at the end of his will, 
the following list of the animals : — 

A note of which cattle and sheepe I shall leave my executor : — 
Imprimis, of cattle upon Boulston ground .... fourscore lacking 

one. Item, of sheepe there twoe hundred and f ower. 

Besides horses, mares and coultes, and besides the household stufife. 

The stock of Milton :— 
Imprimis, of keyne f oreteene. 

Item, of sheepe 
Imprimis, of keyne 
Item, of oxen 
Item, of sheepe 



one hundred. 

twelve. 

twoe. 

a hundred. 



Milton would appear to have been kept as a dower 

house, as his son and heir John, whom he appoints 

executor, is described as of that place. Sir John had two 

illegitimate daughters, Jayne and Elinor, the latter being 

the daughter of Margaret Griffith, the daughter of Jennet 

Webbe. To each of these two daughters the sum of forty 

pounds was bequeathed for a marriage portion, and their 

bringing up was entrusted by Sir John to his wife 

Elizabeth. In the event of John, the son and heir, 

i2 



1 1 6 Old County Families of Dyfed, 

« 

declining to act as executor, Sir John appointed his cousin 
Thomas Lloyd, treasurer of St. David's Cathedral, as a 
substitute. This Thomas Llojd, according to Jones and 
Freeman's History of St, David* s^ was the second son of 
Hugh Lloyd of Llanllyr, Cardiganshire, descended from 
the Lloyds of Castle Howell in that county. He died in 
1613, and his memorial stone, erected by his son Marma- 
duke Lloyd, of the Middle Temple, is in the Cathedral 
at St. David's. 

There is a curious memorandum appended to Sir 
John's will which indicates that if relations were not 
exactly strained between him and his sons-in-law, he 
pla<;ed very little confidence in them. The memorandum, 
which of course refers to the husbands of his legitimate 
daughters, runs as follows : — 

It may be that my twoe sonnes in lawes will say that I owe 
them some mariadge mony, but I potest before God I have payd 
them all the moneys I p'missed them, and to ony of them more than 
I p'missed them. 

There can be little doubt that it was Sir John Wogan, 
senior, who sat on the post mortem inquisition held on 
the 24th Oct. 1578 (20th Elizabeth), at Haverfordwest,- to 
enquire into the goods of his relative, John Wogan, of 
Wiston. In the Roll of a subsidy granted in 1562-3 (5th 
Eliz.) he is described as " John Wogan, armiger," and his 
assessment for lands in "Bulston" parish, valued at £10, 
is 23«. 5d. In the Inquisition referred to he is not 
described as " miles". 

It is evident that Sir John Wogan, senior, on more 
than one occasion had diflBculties with the Government. 
Mention is made in the Privy Council Acts that on 15th 
Sept. 1564, " Edward Vaughan, John Wogan, and Francis 
Laughame, prisoners in the Flete, shulde be brought at 
oone of the clock at afternoone to morrow before my 



7^he Wogans of Boulston, 1 1 7 

Lords of the Counsell." It is possible that the John 
Wogan referred to may have been his relative of Wiston, 
but the fact of his being coupled with Francis Laughame 
suggests that he was of Boulston. The imprisonment was 
apparently due to noncompliance with an order to deliver 
up nine of Cobham's men, as, on bonds being given on 
80th Sept. for their constant attendance in London, they 
were released from their confinement. In 1579 we find 
John Wogan of Boulston in a more dignified position. It 
was at this date that George Owen was engaged in assert- 
ing his rights as lord of Kemes, in the course of which he 
instituted no fewer than four different suits in the Star 
Chamber. Party feeling ran high, and recourse was had 
to some extraordinary proceedings. George Owen was 
accused of having counterfeited the great scale of Arms of 
William, Earl of Pembroke, the first of that name, and of 
having forged a certain charter and deeds. As a result, a 
letter was sent from the Privy Council instructing Thomas 
Powell, the sheriff of the county of Pembroke, John 
Barlow, Morgan Phillippes, John Wogan of Boulston, and 
Eynok Phillippes, to search George Owen's house and to 
examine certain persons to be nominated by William 
Gwynne of Rickerston. An interesting description of the 
search is given in Owen's Pembrokeshire, but it will suflBce 
here to say that the charge fell through. 

There is a passing reference to Sir John Wogan in 
1588, when on Jan. 26, we learn from the Privy Council 
Acts, a certain William Cattell, James Dun and David 
Eastmont, were bound before him to appear personally 
before the Privy Council. In the same year Sir John was 
involved in considerable difficulties through the dealings of 
certain pirates vrith some of the responsible officials and 
inhabitants of Pembrokeshire and Carmarthen, and indeed 
there seems some doubt as to whether Sir John was not 



1 1 8 Old County Families of Dyfed. 

himself mixed up in the transactions. There are several 
letters on the subject in the Privy Council Acts, and it 
would appear that there were at least two cases in which 
illegalities were committed. The first occurred in 1588, 
when a complaint was lodged by George Pery, John 
Osborne, William Erwyn^ and James Brown, subjects of 
the " King of Scottes " — a description which reminds us 
that at that time Scotland had not been united to 
England. It seems that a vessel called the Elizabeth of 
Orkney, belonging to the complainants, which was laden 
with salt, had been captured by a pirate named Thomas 
Cooke and brought by him into Milford Haven, where the 
cargo had been sold to certain inhabitants of the towns of 
Haverfordwest and Carmarthen and the surrounding 
districts. These were : — Sir John Wogan ; John Morryce, 
mayor of Carmarthen ; Thomas Canon of Haverfordwest ; 
John Lloyd of Haverfordwest ; John Vaughan,'" Customer, 
of Haverfordwest, and Jenkin David of Haverfordwest. 
The result of this complaint was that in Dec. 1588 Sir 
John Wogan was commanded by the Council to make 
restitution to Mr. Robert Brown. This order seems to 
have been prompted by the interposition of Archibald 
Douglas, the Scottish Ambassador, as on 24th Feb. 1589, 
Sir John wrote the following letter, which is amongst the 
Salisbury MSS. :— 

I can by no moans as yet come by the Customer, neither by Jethro 
Biggs, John Moris, Maud Nothecl, John Lloyd, or Mathew Sjmett. 
Neither shall I ever bo able to apprehend those of Carmarthen. It 
may be well to send a warrant to apprehend and bind the mayor and 
bailiffs of Carmarthen to appear or else that they deliver the said 



^ The complaint at this date was made by Robert Brown, who 
is described as a Scotchman. He was probably the same person as 
James Brown. The particulars given are taken from later letters. 

' Chief of the Customs. 



The Wogans of Bou/ston. 1 1 9 

persons to me, that I may bind them for appearance or commit them 
to gaol for the county of Pembroke. If they should be committed to 
the gaol of Carmarthen, they should have that favour that they would 
not care for the matter. The rest I doubt not to have before Easter, 
or else make them fly the country, which Synnett hath done. John 
Lloyd keepeth his house in Haverfordwest. If I knew that I might 
do it with their Honours' liking, I would break his house and fetch 
him out. If I cannot get them before Easter, then must new letters 
be sent. 

This letter indicates the condition of the country in 
1589. Pembrokeshire and Carmarthenshire, like Galway, 
seem to have been a little west of the law. Some of the 
leading inhabitants of the former county, as well as of 
Carmarthen^ were practically setting it at defiance, and 
there was more than a suspicion that Sir John Wogan was 
also mixed up in the transaction. The case was referred 
for hearing to the Ambassador for Scotland, the Judge of 
the Admiralty, and Mr. Beale, and Sir John was allowed 
to go to Wales to deal with the ofiFenders. This was in 
the previous November, and the result of his efforts is 
recorded in the letter above quoted. The Council next 
ordered Sir John to appear in London — an order which he 
manifestly disliked and begged to be excused, as it would 
cost him at least £200. In a letter dated 11th April 1589, 
to Sir Francis Walsingham, and another two days later to 
the Scottish Ambassador, we get some further light on the 
case. According to Sir John's account the salt was 
brought into Milf ord Haven by John Kyfte and Cooke. A 
declaration made by Sir John on 22nd Sept. 1590 states 
that it was sold to Vaughan and Kyfte. The probable 
explanation of this discrepancy is that Cooke, the pirate, 
sold the cargo when lower down the Haven to Vaughan 
and Kyfte, and that they brought it up and resold it to 
the parties mentioned. Now John Vaughan was the 
" Customer" of Haverfordwest, in other words a custom- 
house officer, while John Kyfte was the local sergeant of 



1 20 Old County Families of Dyfed. 

the Admiralty. Both John Vaughan and Kyfte had been 
mixed up in a somewhat similar transaction in connection 
with the pirate Herberde, in which Sir John Perrott of 
Haroldston was concerned in 1577 ; indeed it would appear 
that there was little compunction about such traffic shown 
by any of the residents. Sir John Wogan protested that 
he had had no dealings either with the ship or the goods, 
beyond that he had received sixty-six barrels of salt 
delivered to him at Haverfordwest by John Vaughan and 
John Kyfte, as a tenth due to the Lord Admiral, and that 
he had put his hand to no indenture of Prisement nor had 
he caused the same to be prised. When the salt was 
received he believed that it was, as then reported, 
" Portingalle's goods," and had no idea that it belonged 
to ''Irish or Scottishmen," until they appeared in person 
to claim it. He concludes with the following appeal to the 
Scottish Ambassador : — '^ I have got with dealing in the 
commission many enemies in the country, gentlemen of 
good account and others, therefore it is good for me to 

deal until the cause be ended as to leave 

Truly that salt hath cost me already one way and another 
as good as £200. I cannot come to London under seven 
or eight score pounds, which I hope you will consider, 
and favour me so much as I may save the same." 
(Salisbury MSS.) 

The matter dragged on until 28th Oct. 1590, when it 
assumed international importance. On that date orders 
were sent to Dr. Awbrev, Dr. Caesar and Mr. Robert 
Beale, to do justice in the matter, and, before dismissing 
the parties, to report to the Council, so that it might 
acquaint the " King of Scottes " with what had been 
done for the contentment of his subjects, and consider 
" what shal be f urder meet<e to be done with the parties 
for their contempte in not appearing uppon their Lord- 



The Wogans of Boulston. 1 1 1 

ships' sundrie warrauntes and messengers sent for them.'* 
The end of the matter was a kind of compromise. The 
Privy Council, on 26 Nov. 1590, issued an order that Sir 
John Wogan, then Vice- Admiral of South Wales, who had 
received seventy barrels of salt — it will be remembered 
that in his defence he owned up to only sixty-six barrels 
— should pay the sum of £32, or at the rate of 13«. 4d.' per 
barrel, as compensation to the Scotchmen ; Thomas Canon, 
£13 6«. 8d., and John Kyfte, who was then a prisoner in 
the Marshalsea, presumably for his laches in duty, was 
mulcted to the tune of £»S0. John Vaughan was called 
upon for £40, and was to deliver up the ship " with her 
tacklings and furniture as she now remaineth." Any that 
refused to pay the respective sums were to be committed 
to prison until they did, and the other persons who had 
already compounded and had obtained acquittances were 
to be let alone. From this it would seem that the Mayor 
of Carmarthen, Jenkin David, and John Lloyd of Haver- 
fordwest, had previously come to terms. Whether Synnett 
returned to face the music is not disclosed. 

The second little complication in which Sir John 
Wogan was concerned was also in connection with a 
Scotchman. On the 4th May 1590, there was a letter sent 
by the Privy Council to the Judge of the Admiralty to 
examine into the charge of George Paddy, a "pore Skotch- 
man", who complained that he had been "spoiled at sea by 
Sir John Wogan, whereby he alleageth to have been 
indamaged to the value of fower hundred poundes." 
From this it might be assumed that Sir John had started 
business as a pirate on the high seas, but it appears from 
a later order that he was merely "the occasion that 



^ The arithmetic appears somewhat weak, but this is as it reads 
in the volume published by the Record Office. 



1 2 2 Old County Families of Dy/ed, 

certaine persons bought the goods of a poor Scottishman," 
and he was instructed either to compel such persons to 
make satisfaction^ assist in apprehending them, or to 
repair to the Court without delay. Whether the Council 
experienced as much difficulty in bringing this matter to a 
conclusion as in the other affair, is unfortunately left in 
doubt. All that is known is that in December of that 
year a warrant was issued for his arrest, and of the others 
concerned, unless he appeared at the Court to answer for 
his refusal to give satisfaction, and on 5th May 1591 
another letter was sent to him requiring his immediate 
appearance to answer " certain matters objected against 
him." 

It would appear that in April 1590 Pembrokeshire was 
alarmed by fear of a Spanish invasion. The Council, it 
seems, had been informed by certain arrivals at Milford 
Haven from sea, that they had seen a fleet apparently 
coming from Cape Finistere on a course towards Ireland, 
and as a result Sir John was instructed to order his 
Deputy-Lieutenant to put all the forces of the county into 
readiness to defend the same. From this it would seem 
that Sir John was Lord-Lieutenant of the countv. 

In a subsidy roll of the assessment of three payments 
of three subsidies granted on the inhabitants of the county 
of Pembroke in 1596-8 (39 and 40 Eliz.), John Wogan, 
miles, is down for 40«. for lands at Boulston of the value 
of £10. 

Sir John Wogan apparently had no children from his 
second marriage. The issue from his union with Jane 
Wogan, according to George Owen, who died in 1630, and 
must therefore have been well qualified to speak on the 
matter, was : — 

(1) John Wogan. 

(2) Bees Wogan, who married Janet, daughter and 



\ 



The Wogans of Boulston. 123 

(according to an old MS. said to have been 
copied, by Thomas Tucker of Sealyham, 
from an original book) co-heiress of Llewellin 
Lloyd, of Llanstinan, near Letterston, Pem- 
brokeshire. From this marriage came the 
Wogans of Llanstinan. 

(3) Eichard Wogan, who married Jane Dolbyn. 

(4) Henry Wogan. 

(5) Maud Wogan, who married Morris Bowen, of 

Lochtruye.^ (Middle Hill MSS.) 

(6) Wogan, the wife of William Davids, 

Registrar. (George Owen MSS.) 

(7) Ann Wogan, the wife of William Adams. 

(8) Cecilia Wogan, who, according to Lewis Dunn, 

married the Rev. Rowland Lloyd, of Flether- 

ston. 
John Wogan, the eldest son, who was afterwards raised 
to the dignity of Knighthood, succeeded to the estates. 
He was, as I have pointed out, sheriff for the county of 
Pembroke in 1606, and he also filled that oflSce in 1630. 
He was twice married — a fact which seems to have escaped 
the notice of most genealogists. His first wife was 
Frances Pollard, the daughter of Lewis Pollard of Kings- 
nympton, in the county of Devon. From this union there 
were the following cliildren : — 

(1) Maurice Wogan. 

(2) John Wogan. 

(3) Peter Wogan, who, according to a deed recited 

in the ÿo%i mortem inquisition on the pro- 
perty of his father, lived at Carew in Pem- 
brokeshire. He was educated for the Bar, 
and the Registers at Gray's Inn show that he 

' ? Lochtarfin, Pembrokeshire. 



1 24 Old County Families of Dy/ed, 

was admitted to that institution on 21st May 
1617. 

(4) Ellen Wogan, who married John Voyle, of 

Haverfordwest. 

(5) Maud Wogan (Lewis Dunn). 

(6) Elizabeth Wogan (Lewis Dunn). 

(7) Jane Wogan, the wife of William Jones. 

(Tucker MS.) 

After the death of his wife, Lady Frances, on 7th Nov. 
1623, Sir John once more essayed matrimony. I have not 
been able to find anything to throw any light on the lady's 
identity except that her name was Margaret. The fact, 
however, that the trustees of the property set aside for her 
maintenance were John Gunning, an alderman of Bristol, 
and John Bush, a gentleman of the same place, suggests 
that she was probably a daughter or relative of one of 
them, or, at all events, that she was from that city. The 
only child of this marriage appears to have been a 
daughter, Frances, of whose after life nothing more is 
heard. These facts are gathered from the recital of an 
indenture, dated 26th Nov. 1632, in the post mortem 
inquisition held on the property of Sir John. In this 
deed Sir John assigns to the John Gunning and John 
Bush referred to, and to Peter Wogan of Carew, Sir 
John's son, one messuage called Neshooke in the parish of 
Lambton, upon trust after Sir John's death, for his wife 
Lady Margaret, so as to provide her with a maintenance 
suitable for her condition, with remainder to their daughter 
Frances Wogan and her children, and in default of such 
issue, in trust for Peter Wogan and his heirs in tail. 
This was not the only provision made for Lady Margaret 
by her husband, it appears that in the following year, 
on the 16th Oct. 1633, Sir John purchased from John 
Voyle, gent., William Voyle, his son and heir apparent. 



The Wogans of Boulston. 



125 



and Maurice Canon, all of 
suage in Franklaston, alias 
Penally, for £40. This 
property was conveyed 
subject to a life inter- 
est for Sir John, to 
Lady Margaret for 
life^ and after her de- 
cease to their daugh- 
ter Frances and her 
heirs in tail male, and 
in default of such issue 
to Maurice Wogan and 
his heirs in tail, with 
remainder to the right 
heirs of Sir John Wo- 
gan. 

In the inquisition 
referred to Sir John is 
stated to have died on 
14th Sept. 1636, but 
this does not agree 
with the date given 
on the memorial stone 
in Boulston church. 
This stone, of which 
a drawing is given, 
covers a tomb which 
has the Wogan coat 
of arms at the head, 
and lies on the north 
side of the chancel. 
The inscription is dis- 
tinctly interesting, as 



Haverfordwest, a capital mes- 
Frankeleston, in the parish of 




126 Old County Families of Dyfed, 

it records no fewer than six generations of the family, 
and although one corner of the stone has been broken 
ofiP, the missing words can be easily surmised. The 
inscription, on account of its length and the similarity 
of its wording, has been erroneously copied both by 
" E. L." and Fenton. The former, in a note, says that 
Henry Wogan, the husband of Elizabeth Bowen, is omitted 
on the monument, and Fenton not only falls into the same 
error but entirely omits the last two lines, stating that the 
stone was erected by Sir John in his lifetime in 1607. 
The latter authority also makes the date of Sir John's 
death to have been in ^^Feb. 16 . . ," but the proper 
reading is undoubtedly " Sep. 1616." It will be observed 
that the two final figures in question appear closer to- 
gether in the sketch than the others of the group, and I 
am informed by Captain Beid, who now resides at Boulston 
and checked the figures for me, that the last two are 
clearly "16" but that there is no paint in them. The 
explanation of the discrepancy is no doubt that the two 
final figures were filled in some years after Sir John's 
death, when the workman, either through carelessness or 
ignorance, cut "16" instead of "36". 

Sir John owned a very considerable property at his 
death — a property which was enlarged by his successor 
Maurice. The inquisition to enquire into his estate was 
held on the 9th Jan. 1637, at Haverfordwest Castle, before 
Sir Thomas Canon, knight ; Hugh Owen, armiger ; John 
Laughame, armiger; Maurice Canon, gent., and David 
Morgan, gent. ; and among the jurors were the foUowing 
well-known names in Pembrokeshire: Thomas Hay ward 
of Budbaxton, John Tasker of St. Dogmells, William 
Tankard of Camros, John Jones of Brawdy, Llew' H!arry 
of Tregwynt, John Tasker of Eudbaxton, and John Child 
of Frestropp. His possessions were as follows : — 



The Wogans of Boulston. 127 

Jt 8. d. 
(a) One messuage called Milton, including one 

carucate of land and a water corn-mill held 

of the lordship of Burton by knight*8 service 4 

One messuage called Crabholl and Winterton, in 
the occupation of Jane Waters, widow, held 
of the heir of Philberche by knight*s service 
and an annual rent of \Qd. ... 3 

Seven messuages called Frogholl, in the parish 
^ of Spittle, in the occupations of Thomas 

Stevens, John Stevens, John Foxe, Matthew 
ap Jevan, Thomas Perceivall and William 
Price, held by knight's service of the Bishop 
of St. David's under his barony of Llawhaden 8 

One messuage and one-third of another messuage 
in Rippeston, in the parish of St. Brides, in 
the occupation of John Martlett, held by 
knight*s service of the King's Manor of 
Castle Wallivin .. ... 200 

{b) Half of another messuage in Rippeston, in the 
occupation of John Corke, and a rent of 9«. 
per annum from all the lands of the said 
John Wogan, knight, in Rippeston, called 
*»Colmerent" .. ... ..208 

An annual rent of 9«. from one messuage in Hill 
Street, Haverfordwest, in the occupation of 
John Ryney, held by free socage under the 
King's lordship of Haverfordwest 12 

(c) The rectory of Boulston, held in capite by 

knight's service . . . . . . 2 10 

(d) The manor of Boulston and two tenements in 

Hampton, and five carucates of land and a 
water corn-mill at Hampton, held by knight's 
service and a yearly rent of \d., of Richard 
PhiUipps as of his manor of Picton 8 

{e) Two messuages and one carucate of land in 
'* Croselly, held by knight's service of the 

lordship of Jeffreston ... ... ... 16 8 

{f) One messuage and half a carucate of land in 
WiUiamston, held by knight's service, and an 
annual rent of 4«., of the King's Barony of 
Carewe .. .. ..100 

One messuage and two bovates of land in 
Bothome, held by knight's service, of the 
heirs of Pbilbeche 16 



128 Old County Families of Dyfed. 



£ 8. d. 



Four acres of land in Yelbloke, held by knight*s 
services of the Lord of Picton, and a free 
rent of 1«. 1<2. . . 10 

One messuage and one carucate of land in 
Drenehilly held by knight's service, of the 
manor of Great PuUa 1 13 4 

Twelve burgages in the town of St. David's held 

in socage of the Bishop of St. David*s 14 

The manor of Treglemes and one carucate of 
land and one corn-mill in Treglemes and 
Camevaure, held by knight's service and 
suit at the Court of the Bishop of St. David's 10 

One bovate of land in Trefllyne and Solvach, 
held by socage service of the Bishop of St. 
David's 1 10 

Four acres of land in Lloythred, held in socage 

of the Court of Erwgelly 18 

One and a half acres of land in the town of St. 
David's, held in free socage and a rent of 4^2. 
per annum of the Chancellor of St. David's . . 2 

One acre of land in Caredway, held by knight's 
service and a rent of hi. per annum of the 
Church of St. David's 10 

Five acres of land in Cared, held by knight's 
service and an annual rent of \d. of the 
manor and lordship of Cared 4 2 

Five acres of land at Trefmanhier, held by 
knight's service and an annual rent of \d. of 
Thomas ap Rees, armiger, as of his manor 
of Richardston 3 4 

Half a carucate of land in Bronghellys, held of 
John Barlow by knight's service as of his 
Court of Bronghellys . . 6 8 

Seven acres of land in Crankerbin, held by 
knight's service of the lordship and manor of 
Llandonoke . . . . 6 

Two bovates of land in Trefìny, alioé Tregwy, 
held of Thomas Canon, knight, by knight's 
service, as of his manor of Trevoughlydd ... 7 8 

Six messuages and three carucates of land in 
Williamston in Rous, held by knight's service 
of the Bang's lordship and manor of Castle 
Wallwyn . . 6 18 



The IVogans of Boulston, 

Three carucates and five bovates of land in 
Sutton, in parish of Lambstoni as to the tenure 
of which the jurors were ignorant 

One messuage and one bovate of land in Camros, 
held of the King's manor of Camros by 
knighVs service and an annual rent of 8«?. ... 

Three burgages in Dale, held in socage of the 
Lord de Vale 

One messuage and one carucate of land in 
Wolfes Dale, held of Morgan Bowen as of 
his manor of Wolfes Dale, by knight's service 
and a free rent of Ad. per annum 

One third of a carucate of land in Le Hill, held 
of Richard Newport, knight, by socage service 
and an annual rent of Ic?. 

Two messuages and two carucates of land in 
Boulston, held of Richard Phillipps of Picton, 
as of his manor of Picton, by knight's service 
and a free rent of \d, per annum 

Three parts of one bovate of land in Llanelwy, 
held in socage of the Bishop of St. David's . . 

One acre of land near Measur Long, held in 
socage of the Bishop of St. David s 

Two parts of one bovate of land in Trefraneth, 
held in socage of the Bishop of St. David's . . 
(ŷ) One messuage called Neshooke, in the parish of 
Lambton 

One capital messuage in Frankleston, alioè 
Frankeleston, in the parish of Penally, held 
of the King's manor of Manorbeer and Long- 
ston by knight's service and suit at the Court 
of the Barony there 
(A) One messuage and 4^ bovates of land at the 
Hill, in the parish of Dale, held by knight's 
service of the King's manor of St. Thomas . . 

One messuage and divers parcels of land called 
Garfield, Crowread, Calvynes Parcke, Milhill, 
4 acres called Calhynesparke, and one fulling 
mill, in the several tenures of Richard 
Howell, Jane Walter, widow, John Barlowe 
and Henry Bowen, in the parish of St Martin ; 
also a rent of 12s. 4^. from two parcels of land 
of Sir Thomas Canon, knight, in Garfield, 



129 
d. 



£ 8. 



4 8 4 



5 



19 8 



8 



1 10 



1 1 



2 



3 



6 8 



6 7 



6 



1 30 . Old County Families of Dyfed. 

£ $. d. 

held by free and common service of the 
King's lordship of Haverfordwest . . 15 

Four messuages in the town and county of 
Haverfordwest, in the parish of St. Mary, in 
the several occupations of Thomas Ilayward, 
John Harlow, Griffith Rees and Alban 
Leonard, and certain gardens there in the 
occupation of Arnold Jones; also a rent of 
\2d, per annum from a messuage of the said 
Sir Thomas Canon, knt., in Ship Street, 
Haverfordwest, and a rent of 3/- per annum 
from a messuage of Jenkin Howell in St. 
Mary's Ward; three messuages in the town 
of Haverfordwest, occupied by Walter Webbe, 
William Williams and Arnold Thomas ; a 
rent of 9/- from a messuage of Thomas Rymey 
in High Street, Haverfordwest ; all held in 
free and common socage of the King's lord- 
ship of Haverfordwest . . . . 2 

The properties under the sub-head of "a" were, by an 
indenture dated 10th Nov. 1603, being the marriage 
settlement of Maurice Wogan (son of Sir John) with 
Frances, daughter of Sir Hugh Owen of Bodeon, Anglesey, 
and Orielton, Pembrokeshire, conveyed by Sir John and 
Prances his wife to the said Sir Hugh Owen, upon the 
following trusts: for Maurice and his wife for life and 
their first and other sons successively in tail; in default of 
such issue, for John, the second son of Sir John Wogan 
and his sons in tail, and should he have no sons then for 
his youngest brother Peter in like manner. Subject to a 
life estate for Sir John, the» properties under the head " 6" 
were to be held on practically the same trusts as those 
under "a". As to those under *'d" Maurice took a life 
interest subject to Sir John's life interest, otherwise the 
trusts were the same, except that Maurice's wife took no 
benefit. It was specially stipulated, however, that the capi- 
tal messuage of Boulston and the lands in Hampton and 
Norchard, the house and closes of Milston, and the manor 



The Wogans of Boulston. 1 3 1 

of WiUiamston in the parish of Harriston West, should be 

held by Lady Frances Wogan during the life of her son 

Maurice. 

The properties under "^" were, as I have already 

mentioned, settled on Sir John's second wife. As regards 

the remainder of the lands of Sir John, previously settled 

as a jointure for his wife, they were to be held in trust for 

Sir John for life, and subject to his wife's life estate upon 

the trusts in regard to "a." Other property not so settled 

was to be upon the trust in regard to "d". On 11th Sept. 

1609, a fine was levied, when William Wogan, knt., and 

John Owen, esq., were plaintiffs, and Sir John Wogan, knt., 

Frances his wife, and Maurice Wogan their son, described 

as of WiUiamston, defendants. Under it the following 

lands were re-conveyed to the custom of frank-pledge : — 

Manors, lands and tenements in Roos, Sutton and Treclemes, 
120 messuages, 24 tofts, 3 water mills, 1 fulling mill, 8 dovecotes, 43 
orchards, 80 gardens, 2700 acres of land, 280 acres of meadow, 1,200 
acres of pasturage, 240 acres of wood, 2,340 acres of gorse and heath, 
100 acres of marsh, the Rectory of Boulston and 6/8 rent, with 
property in Sutton, WiUiamston Elmer, Hardstonwest, Carewe, Rob- 
beston, St. Brides, Drynehill, Gamros, Woodhall, Redberston, Yeld- 
bleete, Boulston, Norchard, Rowston, Lampeter, Rotham, Marios, 
Hill, Dale, Frogholl, Spitte, Milton, Croyshelly, Jeffreston, Cosheston, 
St. David's, Menevy, Llathdy, Trevinyard, Ewer-y-Koed, Whitechurch 
Salvaugh, Tremainhir, Kinheried, Tregwy, Llanhowell, Cradway, 
Trevjme, Llanrian, Carnevawr, Trevrayneth, Llandeloy, Kerbytt, 
Prestarawe, Treffwycke, Asklethe Manor, or Trenewydd, Treiva, 
Lloythredy, and also the property held by frank-pledge in WiUiam- 
ston, Sutton and Treclemish. 

To meet the requirements of the law £40 in silver was 
paid by the plaintifPs to the defendants. 

At the time that the inquisition was held, Sir John's 

wife, Lady Margaret, and her daughter Prances, as well as 

Maurice Wogan and his wife, were residing at Boulston. 

Maurice is stated to have been fifty-three years of age 

when his father died, so he must have been bom in 1583. 

K 2 



132 Old County Families of Dyfed. 

His marriage with Frances Owen doubtless took place 
about the year 1603, just when he was attaining his 
majority. He does not appear to have held any public 
office — a fact which is no doubt due to his having only 
survived his father by three years. His death occurred on 
2nd April 1640. 

According to the inquisition taken on his death he 

appears to have owned all the property held by his father, 

except the portions under the head of "gf", and in addition 

the following: — 

9. d. 

One tenement and a half carucate of land in Thurston 
held of the Lordship of Burton by knight's ser- 
vice, the annual value being . . ..68 

One bovate of land in Trefdyn, held in socage 

service of the Bishop of St. David's ..26 

One tenement and one carucate of land in Burton, 
held of that lordship by knight's service, the 
annual value being . . . . 10 

One tenement and four acres in Milford, held of the 
lordship of Burton by knight's service, the clear 
annual value being . . . . ..10 

One tenement and one carucate of land called 
Prontshill, held of the lordship of Burton by 
knight's service, the clear annual value being . . 10 

One messuage in Williamston Erven, held of the 
King's Barony of Carew by knight's service, the 
clear annual value being . . 10 

One messuage and two bovates of land and one 
ruined house and one parcel of waste land, held 
of the Lord of Dale in free socage, the clear 
annual value being . . . . ..36 

One messuage and one garden at Cosheston held of 
the King's manor of Cosheston by knight's sei^ 
vice, the clear annual value being ..26 

One parcel of land called Dumlinhayes, five acres 
formerly common situated in a certain close of 
Richard Philipps, Bart., called "Fursey-close" in 
the parish of Usmeston, held of Richard Philipps, 
Bart., by knight's service, the clear annual value 
being . . . . . . . . ..10 



The Wogans of Boulston. 133 

a. 

One parcel of meadow Innd caUed "Vogen's 
Meadow," adjoining the tenement called "Ilooke" 
in the parish of Rudbaxton, containing one 
jongam of land, held of the King's manor of 
Fletherhill by knight's service, the clear annual 
value being . . . . . . . . 3 

The -pott mortem, inquisition held after his death states 
that Maurice Wogan left by his will, dated 18th March 
1638, an annrntj of £10 to his brother Peter, who waa in 
good health at the time that the inquisition was held. 
How long Prances, 
the widow of Maurice, 
resided at Boulston 
after her husband's 
death it is impossible 
to aay. At the time 
of her death she lived 
at Philbeach,' now an 
ordinary farm house, 
the only old portion 
being a curious round 
chimney, shown in 
the illustration. The 
exact date of her de- 
cease is unknown, but 

her nuncupative will, From a Phoia. a» f. Cru». 

under which her grandson, Lewis Wogan, was appointed 
residuary legatee, was pi-oved in May 1659. The children 
of Maurice and Frances Wogan were : — 

(1) John Wogan, whodied in 1613. (Lewis Dunn.) 

(2) Abraham Wogan, who succeeded to the property. 
(ft) Sybil Wogan, who married Rees Bowen, of 

Upton. (Dale M8S.) 

' in Marloes pariüh. 



î 34 Old County Families of Dy/ed. 

There are very few particulars available as to Abraham, 
and although he lived in the troublous times of the Civil 
War between King and Parliament, he appears to have taken 
no prominent part on either side. Practically, all that is 
known of him is that he was Sheriff for Pembrokeshire 
in 1648, and in 1651 there was an order from the Com- 
pounding Committee instructing him to pay over £35 he 
had received as High Sheriff from John Bowen, for a debt 
of William Phillips. Abraham married Jane, the daughter 
of Sir Lewis Mansel of Margam. The date of his death 
is also, uncertain, owing to the Eegisters at Boulston Church 
not going back to this period, and the memorial stone 
which records that he was buried at that church omits 
this detail. He must, however, have died prior to Jan. 
1652, as his nuncupative will is proved on that date. His 
widow Jane survived some four years, as her will is 
proved in 1655. The issue of Abraham and Jane was: — 
Lewis Wogan, who mjust have been a minor at the 
time of his mother's death, as she appointed 
Mrs. Katherine Nott to be his guardian. 

Lewis is the only offspring of Abraham of whom I have 
been able to find indisputable proof, but I am inclined to 
believe that there was another son, James, as in a fine 
levied in 1653, a James Wogan and his wife Jane acknow- 
ledge the right of Jane Wogan, widow — evidently Jane 
the widow of Abraham — to the moiety of two messuages 
and 130 acres of land in Good Hooke. Now, a James 
Wogan of Good Hooke' — presumably the same person — 
died prior to 1684, as in that year administration of his 
effects was granted to his wife Ann. There must, there- 
fore, be a mistake in the name of his wife or else he must 
have been twice married. The inventory of his goods 

* In the parish of Uzmaston. 



The Wogans of Boulston. 135 

shows that the value of live stock at this period must have 
been very low, even allowing for the fact that it was made 
for probate purposes. Fourteen cows and a calf are set 
down at only £16 8«.; four oxen at £6 10«. ; four horses, three 
mares and three colts at £10 2«., and nine pigs at 36«. 

Lewis Wogan, who succeeded to the Boulston estate, 
was Sheriff for Pembrokeshire in 1672, and was probably 
Mayor of Haverfordwest in 1680; 1 say probably, as no 
address is given in the list, and his kinsman of the same 
name at Wiston was his contemporary. Lewis married 
Katherine Phillips of the Priory, Cardigan. She was the 
daughter and heiress of James Phillips and his second 
wife, Catherine, daughter of John Fowler, a London mer- 
chant. The mother of Catherine Wogan was a celebrated 
authoress in her day, who wrote under the name of 
"Orinda". One of her works was entitled. Letters from 
Orinda to Poliarchus^ the latter being a pseudonym for her 
friend Sir Charles Cotterell. She was, it is stated, parti- 
cularly courted in the higher circles of society, and when 
visiting Ireland, to look after her husband's affairs, she 
received much attention from the Duke of Ormond. 

Lewis Wogan died on the 25th March 1702, but 
although his wife presented him with no fewer than fif- 
teen children, only one daughter apparently survived him. 
I fortunately came across Katherine Phillips' Bible — a fine 
old book bound in velvet with silver mountings. It is 
dated mdcxxx, and on the title page is the following: — 
**Imprinted at London by Eobert Barker, Printer to the 
King's most excellent Maiestie; and by the assignees of 
John Bill." The owner had made entries of the births in 
the family^ of which this is a copy : — 

At Boulston. 
Katherine Wogan was borne ye 6th of September lü72, being Fry- 
day betwixt 4 4& 5 of clock in the afternoon. 



I ^6 Old County Families of Dy/ed. 

Edward Wogan was borne the 26th of March 1674, about 8 of 
clock in the morning, on a Thursday. 

Jane Wogan was borne the 22nd of March 1674-6, on Sunday, be- 
tween ten and eleaven of clock at night. 

Elizabeth Wogan was borne the 24th of Aprill 1676, being Mun- 
xlay, betwixt three and 4 of clock in the morning. 

Anne Wogan was borne the 23rd of May 1677, being Wednesday, 
about five of the clock in the afternoon. 

Francis Wogan was borne the 23rd of July 1678, being Tuesday, 
betwixt eight and nine of the clock at night. 

Lewis Wogan ye younger was borne November the 5th 1679, 
about two a clocke in the afternoon. 
Still boiTie. 

Arabella Wogan was borne of a Wednesday, the 22nd of February 
1681-82, about eight of the clocke at night. 

Hector Wogan was borne the 15th of May 1683, of a Tuesday, 
between eight and nine in the morning. 

Abraham Wogan was borne the 27th of March, about three a 
clocke in the morning, on a Friday, 1685. 

James Wogan was borne March the 8th 1686-7, about two of 
clocke in the afternoone, on a Tuesday. 

Lewis Wogan the youngeer was borne Aprill the 19th, on a 
Thursday, between seaven and eight a clocke at night, 1688. 

Katherine Wogan was borne the 29th of August 1689, on a 
Thursday, a little after one of clocke in the morning. 

Lewis Wogan was borne the 6th of March 1690-91, on a Fry day, 
neere eleaven a clocke at night. 

Philippa Wogan was borne the 17th day of May 1699, being on 
Ascension Thursday, in the morning between six and 7 a clocke. 

Each of the above entries are separated from the other 
by a line, and underneath are the following : — 

One son dead bom, February the 13th 1700, at St. Brides. 
Rowland Laugh arne was born at St. Brides the 15th of April, of 
a Tuseday, between five and six in the morning, 1701. 

I believe that the two last entries record the births of 
the children of Anne Wogan, the daughter of Lewis, who 
married John Laugharne of St. Brides. 

On the first fly-leaf of the Bible, written in ink, are the 
initials "K.P." and underneath, *' Katherine Wogan, her 
Bible." On the next page, just above the birth entries is, 
"Katherine Philips was borne ye 13th Aprill 1666, being 



The Wogans o/ Boulston. 137 

Sunday morning, betwixt 4 & 5 of clock at ye Priory of Car- 
digan" — evidently the record of Mrs. Katherine Wogan's 
birth. With the exception of Anne, Edward Wogan 
appears to have been the only child who reached his 
majority. He was educated for the Bar, and was admitted 
to Gray's Inn on the 27th June 1694. According to the 
Tucker MSS. he married Mary, the daughter of Sir Hugh 
Owen of Orielton, but in that event he can have left no 
issue, as Lewis Wogan by his will bequeathed practically 



The fovrgrekt grandfathers 

AND 
THE FDVR GREAT GRANDMOTHERS 

OF LEWOS "¥/00^ Of BöMiTONES'ÿ 
WERE AS FOLLOWETH 
SIR lOHN WOGAN OF BOVLSTON PEN 
PRANCES POLLARD OF KINCSNIMPTON DEkDN 
SIRHVCH OWEN OT BODEON ANG 

ELIZABETH W-VRRIOT OF ORIELTON ^PEM 
SIR THOMAS MANSELLOF MARCAM GLA^"' 
MARy MORDAVNT OF T VPVE V BED 
SIR EDWARD LEWIS OF THE VAN CLA 
BLANCH MORGAN OF TREDEGAR MON 

THIS STONE WAS DVC OVT OF 
HAMPTON WARRy 5>^PJ0 J70J 
THEABOVESAID LEWIS >iyOCAN OB"" 

Inscriptjom at Boulston Church. 
From a Drawing by F. Green. 

all his property to his daughter Anne and her husband John 
Laughame, for their lives, with remainder to their heirs 
in tail. In default of such issue, the property was to go to 
John Wogan of Gawdy Hall in Norfolk, for life, with re- 
mainder to his sons in tail, and on failure of such issue, to 
Sir William Wogan of Gray's Inn — one of the Llanstinan 
Wogans ; next, to Thomas Wogan of Treslaniiog, in the 
parish of Mathry, in the same way ; then to Lewis Wogan 
of Wiston, and finally to James Wogan of Wiston. 



1 38 Old County Families of Dyfed. 



Lewis Wogan, like 
share towards setting on 
record the genealogy of 
the family. In the little 
church of FJoulston, 
which stands on the bank 
of the river a few hun- 
dred paces west of the 
old manor house, is a 
memorial stone erected 
by him in his lifetime, 
on which are given the 
names of his eight great 
grand-parents (see illus- 
tration p. 187). This 
stone is on the south 
wall of the chancel, and 
underneath is the tomb 
of Maurice, or as he is 
there described "Morris" 
Wogan and several of 
his descendants, covered 
by a slab with an inscrip- 
tion erected by Anne, the 
sole heiress of Lewis 
Wogan. It will be ob- 
served that in the illus- 
tration of the inscrip- 
tion to Morris the first 
few words have been 
duplicated. Presumably 
the sculptor commenced 
with the smaller letter- 
ing but afterwards de- 



his great-grandfather, did his 



s 



J 
o 









.5| 



û. 



5î: 






00 a -5 

00 <p<^ 



S: Ö 



oou 

^ s4 ^ <r ^ 

o 






^^2 X Z 



zo>.2h 

n 

o ró^ 

n i^ o i2 

Z^uiZ 



s 

u 
* 1* 

2 s 

O 

- 5 

u ■*» 

40 



Old Manok Housk, Uoulston— West End. 

fi-ot,, a Pholj. by F. Graii iH 1901. 



liouLsroN C|[i:h 

m a Pb A;, hy F. Gr,i 



The VVogans of Boulston. 1 39 

cided to use a larger size. The word **Esq." over the 
first line is evidently an afterthought, either of the original 
artist or of some irresponsible person, who apparently had 
some idea of making the inscription read *' Morris Wogan, 
Esq., and Frances Wogan alias Owen". 

Boulston church, as will be seen from the illustration, 
which shews the north side of the edifice, is a very plain 
structure and is badly in need of repair. It was last re- 
stored in 1813 by Col. Ackland, but it is now many years 
since services have been held there. It contains twelve 
pews, four of which are marked "free". The others bear the 
names of the different residences in the parish. Four are 
appropriated to Boulston mansion and farm, and one each 
to "Hanton", "Norchard" and ''Rose in Green". In the 
north pillar of the arch dividing the nave from the chancel 
is a fireplace.^ 

Anne Wogan married John Laughame of St. Brides, 
the grandson of Rowland Laughame, the Parliamentary 
Major-General, on the 26th December 1698, and she 
erected the tombstone to her father in Boulston church 
represented in the illustration. It is interesting to note 
that Lewis Wogan by his will bequeathed to the minister 
of Boulston church the tithes of Boulston. Unless the 
two entries in the Wogan Bible, to which I have referred, 
relate to the children of Anne and John Laughame, there 
could have been no issue from the marriage ; in any 
event none survived the mother, as by her will she 
somewhat unnecessarily bequeathed all her property (ex- 
cept those lands purchased by her father in Haskard 
and her husband's property), to John Wogan of Gawdy 
Hall for his life, with remainder to his sons in tail. 

' Since tho above was in type Buulston church has once more 
been repaired, and re-opened for public services, after an interval of 
nineteen years. 



140 Old County Families of Dyfed, 

Her will was proved in 1715. The exact relationship of 
Anne Laugharne to John Wogan of Gawdy Hall, who came 
into the estate, I have been unable to ascertain. In the 
draft of a case for counsel in regard to the title of the farm 
of Glandovem in Kilgerran, he is described as the cousin 
of Anne Laugharne^ but the term "cousin" is somewhat 
elastic in Wales. If he had been a first cousin he would 
have been a brother of Lewis Wogan, yet Lewis in his will 
describes him as "my kinsman". It may have been that 
he was the son of Maurice Wogan, but on the other hand 
I have found no evidence of Maurice having any other 
children than the three mentioned above. The most pro- 
bable theory is that he was either the son of John, the 
second brother of Maurice, or else he was John, the son of 
Rees Wogan of Llanstinan, and therefore the grandson of 
Sir John Wogan of Boulston and Jane the daughter of 
Richard Wogan of Wiston. However this may have been, 
it is evident that the owner of (aawdy Hall was most closely 
allied to the possessor of Boulston, as in the order of suc- 
cession in Lewis's will the Llanstinan branch, which was 
more nearly related, was preferred to those of Wiston. 

At first sight it appears strange that a Pembrokeshire 
scion should suddenly appear as the owner of a considerable 
estate in Norfolk, but the explanation is simple. It was 
merely that a Welshman adopted the old Norman principle 
in Wales and married a Norfolk heiress. Gawdy Hall had 
long been in the possession of the Gawdy s. According to 
Blomefield's Topographical History of Norfolk^ published in 
1806, the estate was held in 1633 by Sir Thomas Gawdie, 
knight, and it was mortgaged by Charles Gawdie to Tobias 
Frere, who afterwards purchased it. There is little doubt 
that in the main this account is correct. 

Through the courtesy of Mr. John Sancroft Holmes, 
the present owner of Gawdy Hall and a lineal descendant 



The Wogans of Boulston. 1 4 1 

of the Wogans of Boulston, I was allowed access to his old 
records and rolls of the manors which belonged to Sir 
Thomas Guwdy and afterwards to Tobias Frere. From 
them I ascertained that the last mention of a Gawdy as 
Lord of Bedenhall Manor was in 1649, at which date 
Tobias Frere was Steward. It is stated in Redenhall 
Parish Accounts by Mr. Candler of Harleston, that this 
Tobias Frere was an attorney of good means. In 1654 he 
was a J.P., Sequestrator and M.P. for Norfolk. He died 
in 1655, leaving a widow Susanna, and a son Tobias. 
In 1649 Frere is mentioned as Steward of Hawker's Manor, 
and from 1666 to 1672 Sarah Frere was Lady of that 
manor, and John Wogan*s first Court was held in 1672. 

In 1656 there is an entry in the rolls of Witchington of 

the admission of Tobias Frere, junior, to the copyhold 

land& held by his father of that manor, which the latter 

! had inherited from his brother Bichard Frere. Tobias 

Frere, junior, married Sarah Longe, the daughter, according 
to Burke's History of Commoners^ of Robert Longe of 
Foulden, who was Sheriff of Norfolk in 1644. From this 
marriage there were two children, a son Tobias, and a 
daughter Elizabeth, both of whom died in childhood. 
Their father died in Oct. 1666, and their mother, who 
appears to have come in for the property, subsequently 
married John Wogan, the "kinsman" of Lewis Wogan of 
Boulston. The marriage was by license, which is dated 
31 Dec. 1667, and this document shows that the bride and 
bridegroom were then resident in Covent Garden, London. 
The license authorised the ceremony to take place either in 
St. Dunstan's in the West or St. Clement's le Danes in the 
Strand, and it states that Mrs. Sarah Frere was a widow of 
about 28 years of age. John Wogan is described as a 
bachelor of about 35, and it is therefore evident that he 
could not have been the brother of Maurice Wogan of 



142 Old County Families of Dyýed. 

Boulston, though he might have been his nephew. The 
Bolls of Hawker's Manor confirm this descent, for they 
show that in 1656 Susanna Frere was Lady of the Manor ; 
in 1667 her son, Tobias, was Lord, and in 1666 his wife 
Sarah was Lady. From the union with Sarah Frere John 
Wogan had two children : — 

(1) John Wogan, who was baptised at Bedenhall 

church in 1668. 

(2) Walter Wogan. 
Whether the Freres ever owned the Manor of Reden- 

hall seems questionable. A Court was held in 1659 by 
Robert Bransby the Steward, under Letters Patent from 
William Gawdy, ^*late lord of the manor", but from 1660 
until 1664 James Hobart is mentioned as the Lord, 
and it was not till 1678 that John Wogan figured in that 
position. Presumably William Gawdy sold the Manor to 
Hobart, who in turn resold, in 1664, either to the Freres or 
to John Wogan himself. Mrs. Sarah Wogan died in 1684, 
and was buried at Redenhall. Her husband survived until 
about 1707, in which year his will was proved. John, the 
eldest son, was brought up to the Bar and was admitted to 
Gray's Inn on 11th Feb. 1686. He married in 1706 Eliz- 
abeth Bancroft, the niece of the celebrated Archbishop of 
Canterbury of that name, and it appears from the will of 
his father that provision was made for him and his brother 
Walter in the settlement made on that occasion. It is in- 
teresting to note that under the will it was provided that 
in the event of neither of the brothers having children, the 
manors of Hawker, Redenhall, Holbrooke, Coldham, as 
well as Gawdy Hall, and other lands in Norfolk, would 
have gone to the heirs male of Walter Cuny of Pembroke. 
This Walter Cuny was a relative of the Wogans of Gawdy 
Hall — although in what degree I have been unable to dis- 
cover — ^as John Wogan, the second of that name at Grawdy 



The Wogans of Boulston. 143 

Hall, describes Richard Cuny of Pembroke, no doubt the 
son of Walter, as his "trusty friend and kinsman", and 
appointed him trustee of the estates in Pembrokeshire 
until his son John Wogan came of age. Elizabeth Sancrof t 
died in 1755, having survived her husband John Wogan by 
several years. Their children were : — 

(1) John Wogan, who was baptized in 1713, and 

succeeded to the property. 

(2) Sarah Wogan, who was baptized in 1729, and 

married the Rev. Gervas Holmes, vicar of 
Fressingfield in Suffolk. 

(3) Elizabeth Wogan, who died unmarried in 1728, 

at the age of 18. 

Under the will of their father, Sarah and Elizabeth 
were each left £1000 and lands in Fressingfield and Crat- 
field, while Walter, the testator's brother, was given £40. 
Walter Wogan must, therefore, have been alive at this 
date, but this is the last mention I have found of him. 

John Wogan, the third of Gawdy Hall, married his cou- 
sin Elizabeth, the daughter of William Bancroft of Suffolk, 
and Catherine, the daughter of Sir John Hynde Cotton, of 
Madingley, Cambridge, Receiver for that town. She was 
ultimately the sole heiress of Francis Sancroft, the grand- 
nephew of the Archbishop. The marriage took place at 
Gray's Inn Chapel in 1 735, to which Inn the bridegroom had 
been admitted a member in February 1687. The issue 
of this marriage was two children — John and Elizabeth. 
The latter died unmarried in 1773. Her brother John 
was admitted to the Inner Temple as a student in April 
1757, but there is no record of his ever having been called. 
He died a bachelor in 1763, in his father's lifetime, who was 
thus the last male Wogan of Boulston and Gawdy Hall. 
It was probably on this account that he resolved to sell the 
Pembrokeshire property. An attempt was made with this 



144 O^^ County Families of Dyýcd. 

view in 1773 by private contract, but, for reasons to which 
I will refer, it was several years before a sale could be 
effected, the eventual purchaser being Col. Robert Innes 
Ackland, who built the present mansion on the hill. 

The particulars of sale which were prepared in the 
earlier year are distinctly interesting, as they show not 
only the acreage and value of the different lots, but also 
details of the outgoings on the property. The estate con- 
tained 4,750a. 2r. 27p., and the aggregate rents, exclusive 
of the collieries which were then being worked by the 
owner, and quit rents amounting to 34«. per annum, were 
£701 18«. Od. This rental it was estimated could be 
raised, presumably on the expiration of the leases, to 
£1,445 10«. Oá. The difficulty in the way of sale was the 
appearance of a claimant for the property in the person of 
Elizabeth Warlow, a widow of about 65 years of age, who 
lived at Trefgame in Pembrokeshire. Her maiden name 
was Pritchard, and a certain David Hughes, who had been 
inquiring into the matter, was of opinion that she was a 
niece of a Roger Pritchard to whom Mr. Wogan had given 
an annuity of £4. This lady claimed to be the heir at law 
of Mr. Wogan, presumably the father of the then owner, 
and by way of protecting her alleged rights published 
advertisements warning purchasers against paying over any 
money to the vendor. It is difficult to understand what 
claim she could have had, but she certainly frightened off 
buyers for the time. Mr. Hughes, for instance, says that 
her advertisements "damped the sale, and particularly to 
the Scotchman lately sent into this county to view the 
estate". In regard to John Wogan's estates in Redenhall 
and Wortwell in Norfolk, an old valuation taken in 1779, 
the year after his death, shows that the acreage was 
764a. 2r. 35p., the annual rent being £562 2«. Od. The 
timber on the property was valued about three years 



3 * 



Si 



a 



The Wogans of Baulsíon. 145 

previously at over £10,000, exclusive of a large number of 
young ash and oak. Since that date, however, a portion 
of it had been cut down. 

I have found no record showing when the old Manor 
House at Boulston was built. All that is left of it now are 
the few ruins shown in the illustrations. Standing close 
to the bank of the western arm of the river Cleddau — the 
high tides admit of small boats being brought right up to 
the walls — ^it is easy to realise that the owners in days 
gone by might be tempted to try and evade the ganger. 
Overgrown as the site is by trees and briars it is almost 
ta Al« to for» », id J., to «,, ,m^t .p^on... 
One or two vaults remain, and appearances indicate that 
the ground floor, if one may so describe it, stood over 
vaulted cellars. A good deal of the stone has been carried 
away and used probably for the erection of the present 
mansion by Colonel Ackland. The walls of the tower 
shown in the small illustration are three feet thick. The 
house would appear to have been one of the old castellated 
residences in Pembrokeshire which were capable of defence, 
and this seems the more likely as there are traces of a 
small moat to the north and east of the ruins. Fenton, 
in his History of Pembrokeshire^ written in 1810, says that 
the Manor House had been uninhabited for one hundred 
and fifty years, but this is clearly an exaggeration, as the 
entries in the Wogan Bible show that the youngest of 
Lewis Wogan's children was bom there in 1699. It is prob- 
able that it was after the death of Lewis Wogan that the 
house was deserted. Anne Laugharne, his daughter, 
seems never to have lived there after her marriage, and at 
the date of her death resided at St. Bride's. 

John Wogan, the last of that name at Gawdy Hall, 
died on 81st May 1778, aged 65, and by his will directed 
all his estates to be sold and the proceeds invested. The 



146 Old County Families of Dyfed, 

interest from the investments from the Norfolk property 
was, subject to Mrs. Wogan's life interest, allotted to his 
nephew Gervas Holmes and his children; and that from 
the personalty and from the other properties was be- 
queathed to the testator's widow during her widowhood, 
and after her death the principal, subject to £10,000 left 
to Gervas Holmes and his children and a legacy to the 
testator's sister-in-law Catherine Sancroft, was bequeathed 
to the children of Sir John Hynde Cotton. After the 
death of her husband, Mrs. Elizabeth Wogan lived at 
Wimpole Street in London. She died on 25th Jan. 1788, 
and by her will left all her real estate to the children of 
Sir John Hynde Cotton. By a codicil she directed £300 
to be expended on a marble monument in Bedenhall 
church to the memory of her husband and herself; and 
also left £100 to be invested, and the interest to be 
applied to keep the monument, and that of Arch- 
bishop Sancroft in the churchyard in Fressingfield, in 
repair. The monument in Bedenhall church was duly 
erected and still stands* in the Gawdy Chapel at 
Bedenhall. 

The Rev. Gervas Holmes, who married Sarah Wogan, 
died on 28th June 1776, aged 80, and his wife on the 17th 
May 1764, aged 55. Their son, the Rev. Gervas Holmes, 
who on the death of his uncle John Wogan came into 
Gawdy Hall, died in 1796. He married Rebecca Grim- 
wood of Dedham, Essex, who died in 1817, aged 73. 
They had the following children : — 

(1) John Holmes, who married Anne, the daughter 

of Rev. William Whitear of Ore, Sussex, 
and succeeded to Gawdy Hall on the death 
of his father. 

(2) Rev. Gervas Holmes, the Rector of Copford, 

Essex, 



Gawüy Hall, Nokkolk -í'ront Vje 

From a Phalu. iy F- Grrtn in içoi. 



C.Amiv Hall.-S( 

FtoM a /■*,-.(,.. iy F. 



The Wogans of Boulston. 147 

(3) Bebecca Holmes, who married Eev. William 
Whitear, Rector of Starston. 

John Holmes, the eldest son, was vicar of Flixton, and 
died in 1831. His eldest son, William Bancroft Holmes, 
married in 1840 Hester Elizabeth Gilbert, youngest 
daughter of Mr. Davies Gilbert, President of the Eoyal 
Society and M.P., of Eastbourne and Tredrea in Cornwall. 
Mr. William Bancroft Holmes died in 1849, and was suc- 
ceeded by his son Mr. John Bancroft Holmes, the present 
owner of Gawdy Hall. This gentleman was bom in 1847, 
and in 1877 married Edith Kingscote, the youngest 
daughter of Mr. Henry Kingscote of Kingscote in Glou- 
cestershire. 

Some idea of the appearance of Gawdy Hall will be 
obtained from the illustrations. The house, which is 
Elizabethan in character, is in the shape of an *''L". The 
structure was built of brick and subsequently covered with 
stucco, but it had sufiEered so much from the ravages of 
time that the present owner had it faced with new bricks. 
The wing to the right of the front door is, with slight 
exception, exactly as it originally stood, the mullion win- 
dows being about ten feet from the ground. The main 
portion of the house had at one time a much steeper roof, 
under which was another storey of apartments, but Mr. 
Gervas Holmes, the first owner of that name, finding the 
accommodation too large for his requirements, lowered the 
pitch when he reduced the size of the house. The porch 
is of recent date, but the coat of arms of the Wogans over 
the porch door is of the Wogan period. The date of the 
erection of Guwdy Hall is uncertain, but it is evident that 
the original Hall was buUt nearly 350 years ago. This is 
proved by an interesting old Black Letter work in Mr. 
Holmes's possession entitled. Histories of the Worthy Chrono- 

grapheVf Polybius^ by Christopher Watson, published in 

L 2 



14B Old County Families of Dyfed. 

1568, and dedicated to Thomas Gawdy, Esq., in which the 
following statements on difiEerent pages appear: — "From 
my chamber in your house at Grawdy Hall " ; " Prom Guwdy 
Hall in Norfolk." 

The front door opens into a fine large hall originally 
floored with flag stones, but since replaced with oak. The 
west or garden front of the Hall is ascribed, as well as the 
panelling of the hall and other rooms, to the first John 
Wogan. To him also is assigned the alteration of the 
direction of the moat which bounds the flower garden at 
the west side of the house. It appears from an old map 
that at one period the moat existed on three sides of the 
Hall. When John Wogan came into possession he ex- 
tended and altered it so as to give it the appearance of a 
river. On the wall of the house overlooking the garden 
is the coat of arms of Archbishop Bancroft, removed to the 
Hall when the old Harleston Chapel, which he restored, 
was taken down. Many years since, when the tapestry in 
the present billiard room was removed, a beautiful " Star" 
watch of the 17th century was found, the covers, inside 
and out, being engraved with biblical scenes, while the 
edges of the points of the star are decorated with engrav- 
ings of wild animals. 

One of the illustrations before referred to shows the 
front of Gawdy HaII, and the other the view from the 
stables. In the latter can be seen the two old chimneys 
which now have no connection with the heating arrange- 
ments of the house, but have been left standing as a relic 
of former days. They are quite plain in appearance, but 
Mr. Holmes believes that originally they had tall orna- 
mented tops. 

I have now traced the descent of the direct line of the 
Wogans of Boulston down to the present day, and I trust 
at not so great a length as to weary the readers of 



The Wogans of Boulston, 149 

Y Cymmrodor. Before concluding, however, I must tender 
my thanks to the Clergy both in England and Wales, 
and others, who have not only kindly assisted me with 
information, but have freely afforded me access to their 
records. 



(£te)>teu}0* 



WALES. By Owen M. Edwards, FeUow of Linooln College 
Oxford. (The Story of the Nations.) London : T. Fisher 
Unwin, 1901. 



The rapidity with which the first edition of Mr. Owen 
Edwards's "Story of Wales" has been exhausted is 
evidence not only of khe need of such a work but also of 
the singular charm and fascination of the narrative. Mr. 
Edwards brings to the task many qualities which are 
essential to success in such an undertaking. His know- 
ledge of Welsh life, literature, and story is wide, if not 
profound; he has a keen eye for the picturesque and the 
dramatic; his style is at once lucid and graceful. He has 
woven into a connected and consistent drama the varying 
fortunes of the Cymry: for the first time he has shown 
how "the story of AVales" acted and re-acted upon the 
story of England. It is his special merit that he has made 
intelligible the obscure policy of the mediaeval princes by 
reference to what was taking place in England. So sure 
is the touch, so attractive is the manner, so clear and con- 
densed is the narrative, that the reader is carried on, in 
spite of himself, till the close of the stirring drama, before 
he begins to criticise the piece. It is only on a second 
perusal, when the novelty and charm of the literary work- 
manship have worn off, that its defects come to be noted, 
and if we dwell somewhat minutely upon them, it is, we 
hasten to add, in no captious spirit and With no grudging 
acknowledgment of the sterling merits of Mr. Edwards's 
work. 



Reviews. 1 5 1 

Perhaps the most conspicuous error into which Mr. 
Edwards has fallen is his perverse conception as to the 
hegemony of Gwynedd among the Cymric states. Mr. 
Edwards assumes that the sovereignty of Wales was in- 
variably vested in the Princes of Snowdon, and that all 
resistance to their will was rank treason. It would, no 
doubt, have been well if Wales could have united under 
one strong and able dynasty ; no doubt, as time went on, 
it came to be recognised that the Princes of Snowdon 
were securest from English attacks and could best guar- 
antee the safety and independence of the other Welsh 
states. But the Princes of Gwynedd were not the 
sovereigns of Wales. Howel Dda, the last king of united 
Wales, was for the greatest period of his reign King of 
Dyved only. Llewelyn ab Seisyll, a nobleman of Gwent, 
though married to Angharad, the great-grand-daughter of 
Howel, had no real title to the Principality of Gwynedd, 
and it is absurd to speak of Howel ap Edwin as an 
"usurper" of the southern crown against Griffith ap 
Llewelyn (p. 41). Howel, in fact, had a better hereditary 
title to Glamorgan than Griffith had to Gwynedd. It is 
equally erroneous to speak of Bleddyn ap Cynvyn of 
Powys as an "usurping over-king" (p. 53), or of Meredith 
ap Bees, of South Wales, as "forsworn" (p. 172). Gwy- 
nedd was the strongest of the Welsh provinces. It was 
guarded by the great natural rampart of Snowdon ; it was 
the furthest removed from the English ; it was sustained 
and enriched by the fertile corn-lands of Anglesea. It 
produced, on the whole, the ablest line of Welsh princes, 
and it was therefore inevitably regarded, almost without a 
break, as the first of the Welsh states. But this was due 
to the accidental combination which we have indicated; it 
did not imply that a peculiar sanctity — as Mr. Edwards 
suggests — attached to the ruling dynasty of Gwynedd. 



T 5 2 /Reviews. 

In describing, for instance, the Laws of Howel, Mr. 
Edwards says (p. 37): — 

" Most important was the king of Gwynedd, in his court 
at Aberffraw, to him alone was gold paid as a fine for treason : 
then came the king of South Wales in his court at Dynevor ; 
then the king of Powys, in his court at Mathraval." 

Mr. Edwards is reading into the Laws of Howel some- 
thing which is not there, or which was added at a much 
later period than the 10th century. The Dimetian Code 
places the King of Dynevor exactly on an equality with 
the King of A.berflEraw, and as for the fine for treason, it is 
expressly said 

"Ny thelir our namyn yvrenhin Dineuur nou yvrehin 
Aberflfraw." — (Oioens Ancient Laics of Wales, vol. i, p. 348.) 

Dyved, in the days of Howel, and again in the days of 
the Lord Rhys, Powys in the days of Bleddyn, came 
to be regarded as the sovereign Welsh state. Exactly as 
in the days of the Heptarchy the supremacy changed 
from Northumbria to Mercia, or from Mercia to Wessex, 
so the Welsh states varied in relative importance and 
dignity from time to time. When Dyved was powerful 
we find its Prince building a castle on the Dovey, and even 
seizing Merioneth ; when Gwynedd was triumphant it ex- 
tended its sovereignty almost to the Teivy. If GriflBlth ap 
Cynan was "the sovereign and protector and peacemaker 
of all Wales", the Lord Rhys wa« " the head and the shield 
and the strength of the South and of all Wales" (p. 102). 

This unfortunate provincial prejudice has, all uncon- 
sciously, vitiated Mr. Edwards's judgment in his estimate 
of the personal forces in Welsh history. "The Welsh 
lawgiver was not a great king; he was Howell, son of 
Cadell, and he ruled with his brother in Dyved " (p. 35) . 
" Llewelyn (ab Seisyll) became king of Wales. He lived 
in Gwynedd, and had a well-organised army. His reign 



Reviews. 153 

was looked back to as a reign of peace and of wonderful 
prosperity" (p. 40). Howel reigned for forty years and 
died in peace. He left behind him the noblest monument 
of ancient Welsh civilisation. Llewelyn won his throne 
by the sword : he died by the sword (a fact glossed over 
on p. 41) after a troubled reign. Or take again Mr. 
Edwards's estimate of the two great allies and contempo- 
raries — GriflBth ap Cynan and Griffith ap Rhys. The 
latter, we are told, "was strong on account of his alliance 
with Griffith ap Cynan, whose daughter Gwenllian he had 
married" (p. 78). The Prince of South Wales was strong 
because he was one of the most consummate statesmen of 
his time, cautious in peace, and resolute in war. His 
alliance with Gwynedd added to his strength, as it did to 
the power of his father-in-law. It was twice blessed. 

Similarly, this cardinal error has forced Mr. Edwards 
to take two entirely inconsistent views of the other Princes 
of Wales. Those who resisted the claims of Gwynedd 
were either right or wrong. Those who did so success- 
fully, such as the Lord Bhys, are praised ; those who 
failed, like Bhys ap Meredith, are called traitors. Thus 
Gwenwynwyn of Powys is at one time "tortuous" (p. 128), 
at another time "far-sighted" (p. 133). Again, Owen 
Goch, the eldest son of Griffith, and his brother Davydd — 
who had as good a claim to the crown of Gwynedd as 
Llewelyn — are said to have "revolted" against their 
brother (p. 160). In fact, they were only maintaining 
what appeared to themselves and their contemporaries, 
as well as to posterity, to be their hereditary rights. 

Indeed, one of the greatest blots on Mr. Edwards's 
work is his comparative ignorance of the history, person- 
alities, and topography of South Wales. To him the 
history of Gwynedd is the history of Wales. Dyved and 
Powys, Gwent and Morganwg, only become important as 



1 54 Reviews. 

and when they affect directly the fortunes of Gwynedd ; 
the latter two are hardly ever mentioned, and their history 
is left in complete obscurity. The personalities of the 
various Rhyses, Maelgwns, and Merediths of the princely 
line of Dyved are so confused that it is impossible to read 
into the chaotic mass of details any meaning or order. 
Mr. Edwards himself does not seem to be clear as to the 
identity of the different princes. Maelgwn ap Rhys, for 
example, is represented (on p. 129) as having "fled from 
Aberystwyth " before Llewelyn ap lorwerth, and as 
^'anxious" to get Ceredigion and Ystrad Towy by the 
help of the English king, and in despite of the Welsh 
prince; on p. 140 he is described as the man whom 
Llewelyn "had always trusted and to whom he gave the 
most important castles of the south". No attempt has 
been made to show the relationship of the various mem- 
bers of the Houses of Powys, Dyved, and Glamorgan, 
though that relationship exercised great influence on con- 
temporary Welsh politics and would explain much of the 
"tortuous" policy of Gwenwynwyn and the "treachery" 
of Rhys ap Meredith. 

In his opening chapter Mr. Edwards emphasises per- 
haps with too pontifical a dogmatism the influence of 
geography on the history and development of a people. It 
was natural to expect therefore that Mr. Edwards would 
pay minute attention to the geography even of South 
Wales. This he has not done. Nothing could be more 
inaccurate than the description (on p. 7) of the "Vale of 
Towy, which lay beneath the southern Plinlimmon range, 
or the wavy lowlands of the Vale of Glamorgan, upon 
which the princes of the Black Mountains looked down." 
The princes of the Black Mountains looked down on the 
upper part of the Vale of Towy, but by no stretch of 
imagination can they be said to have looked down on the 



Reviews. 155 

Garden of Wales. Mr. Edwards, however, seems to think 
— which is only natural if one looks at Wales from the 
standpoint of a Northern Welshman — that Carmarthen is 
"the lower Plinlimmon range" (p. 14), while Gwent and 
Morganwg are "the Black Mountain district" (p. 15 and 
p. 17). It is quite erroneous to describe Llandovery as 
being " in the centre of the Vale" of Towy (p. 77), or to 
say that the castle of Llandovery is " lower down in the 
valley of the Towy" than Dynevor (p. 210). Dynevor is the 
centre, and Llandovery is twelve miles higher up the valley. 
On p. 283 Mr. Edwards couples "Caerphilly and Neath" 
together, as if they were not divided by nearly the whole 
breadth of Glamorgan. Henry Tudor did not "follow the 
Teivy" on his way to Bosworth from Milford, but passed 
along the sea-coast through Llanarth (p. 300). A graver 
inaccuracy is contained in the assertion that " Cardigan- 
shire, with its definite geographical unity mirrored in the 
strongly-marked characteristics of its people, is the old 
Ceredigion" (p. 318). The old Ceredigion was something 
quite different from the modern county. To this day the 
people of South Cardigan — from the river Wyre near 
Llanon to the river Teivy — speak substantially the same 
dialect as is in use in Carmarthenshire north of the Towy. 
The people of North Cardiganshire not only speak a 
different dialect, but their origin has recently been traced 
from the Brythonic tribe which followed Cunedda from 
the North in the 6th century. 

The hegemony of Gwynedd among the Welsh states 
was not finally recognised before the days of Llewelyn the 
Great. It is possible to feel all the admiration which Mr. 
Edwards expresses for the greatest of Welsh princes 
without being unfair to his ill-fated grandson, Llewelyn the 
Last. At one time Mr. Edwards is inclined to blame the 
last Prince for deliberately invoking the just wrath of the 



156 Reviews. 

English king by departing from his grandfather's safe and 
strong policy. Llewelyn ap lorwerth is said, quite truly, 
to have striven for a united and semi-independent Wales, 
acknowledging the feudal suzerainty of England, but 
retaining a full measure of local and national indepen- 
dence, under the supremacy of Gwynedd. But "the 
policy of allegiance died with the childless Davydd : the 
idea of independence was transmitted by the unfortunate 
Griffith as an impossible task to his son Llewelyn" 
(p. 150). Yet we are told, a few pages later, that 
" Llewelyn (ap Griffith) and Edward (of England) may be 
said to have the same final aim — ^the subjection of chief 
and baron to the prince, who was to owe allegiance to the 
king of England. It was the ideal of Llewelyn the 
Great — ^the reconciliation of Welsh independence with 
British unity" (p. 160). Still later it is said that 
'* Llewelyn's policy presupposed the independence of 
Wales" (p. 172) : yet, after the disastrous peace of 1277, 
Mr. Edwards concludes that " Llewelyn was resigned to 
his lot. But peace, even in the fastnesses of Snowdon, or 
the sea-girt security of Môn was impossible" (p. 181). 
Truth to tell, Mr. Edwards's trick of generalising about 
the character and policy of a prince lands him in hopeless 
inconsistencies and contradictions. It may be doubted 
whether either of the two Llewelyns started with a clear 
and defined policy. That was not the custom of the age ; 
certainly it was impossible for a Welsh prince who had to 
trim his sails to every shifting wind of policy. Llewelyn 
the Great moved cautiously. He was a wary diplomatist 
and a born soldier. He was fortunate in his age and his 
opponents. The Lord Rhys, his only rival in Wales, died 
when he was still young. King John, with a hostile 
baronage, an alienated Church, an oppressed people, and 
foreign enemies on English soil, was no match for the 



Reviews. 157 

resolute Welshman. The long minority and the weak 
character of Henry III made Llewelyn the most powerful 
vassal in the kingdom. Par different was the fate of his 
grandson. Llewelyn the Last displayed as much genius 
in war, and as much adroitness in diplomacy, as his grand- 
father had done. He won the throne of Gwynedd from 
powerful rivals while still in extreme youth. He used the 
civil dissensions which distracted England between 1257 
and 1267 with consummate skill, and in spite of the 
disastrous defeat of his baronial allies at Evesham, peace 
left him almost as supreme in Wales as ever his grand- 
father had been. The settlement of 1267, which he con- 
cluded when he was in the heyday of his vigorous man- 
hood and at the zenith of his power, showed that he had 
as true a conception of the place of Wales in the British 
economy, and as nice a judgment of what was possible for 
Wales to achieve, as ever his grand-father had. The last 
Prince should be judged by the 1267 settlement;, when he 
was in a position to have a real voice in directing the 
destinies of the Principality. For ten more years he 
reigned in peace. But a stern and ambitious King had in 
1272 succeeded to the English throne. Edward the First 
has been called ^Hhe greatest of the Plantaganets"; he 
was a master of the art of war, and he was besides a great 
constructive statesman. He was burning to avenge the 
humiliations which his father and he had undergone at the 
hands of the Welsh prince. His ambition was to bring 
the whole of Britain directly under the EngUsh Crown. 
He would leave no shred of independence either to Wales 
or to Scotland. He was in the prime of early manhood ; 
Llewelyn was close upon fifty, already worn by twenty-five 
years of restless toil and the unsleeping anxieties of an 
insecure throne. The Welsh prince was under no delu- 
sion as to the result of a conflict with Edward. He tried 



158 Reviews. 

to stave off the evil day by making a humiliating peace in 
1277. But, as Mr. Edwards points out, peace was impos- 
sible while the Welsh prince possessed a semblance of 
independence. Step by step Edward ruthlessly drove him 
to a hopeless war. The death of his wife Eleanor destroyed 
Llewelyn's last vestige of indecision. He determined to 
make one last desperate fight for freedom. He rose 
suddenly in 1282; he delivered a rapid succession of 
staggering blows to Edward's power. Mr. Edwards does 
scant justice to Llewelyn's heroic prowess in his last great 
struggle. The defeat and death of Luke de Tany — a 
reverse which disarranged all Edward's plans and caused 
him to remain for months inactive at Khuddlan — ^is dis- 
missed in a sentence, and the name of the fiery Lord 
Marcher is not even mentioned (p. 187). Gloucester and 
Mortimer are said to have defeated Griffith ap Meredith 
and Bhys ap Maelgwn at Llandilo, whereas in fact the 
southern Welsh gained a decisive victory over the enemy 
(p. 188). Nor is anything said of the marvellous way in 
which Llewelyn raised South Wales by the sheer mag- 
netism of his personality, though the castles were in the 
hands of the English, and the chiefs were almost invari- 
ably hostile. When one reads the account given by Mr. 
J. E. Morris, in his Wd%h Wars of Edward J, of Llewelyn's 
stupendous activity during the last few months of his life, 
of Edward's difficulties, and of Llewelyn's unbroken series 
of successes, it is hard to avoid the conclusion that but 
for his untoward death — which was the result of the merest 
accident — he might have still, in some measure, retrieved 
his fortunes, and preserved, at least in part, the indepen- 
dence of Gwynedd. 

We cannot help feeling that Mr. Edwards would have 
written very differently of the Conquest of Wales if he 
had had the opportunity of reading Mr. Morris's careful 



Reviews. 1 59 

work. He would have known, for instance^ that Criccieth 
and Harlech Castles were not built by Edward (p. 201), 
but were old Welsh castles which he enlarged and 
strengthened ; and he would have known that the 
manoeuvre at Conway, repeated shortly after at Orewin- 
bridge, and subsequently imitated by Edward at Falkirk, 
was due not to the Earl of Warwick but to John GiflPard. 
He would have understood the true significance of 
Edward's visit to Glamorgan, and his arbitration between 
the Earls of Hereford and Gloucester (p. 209). He would 
also, we believe, have seen reason to temper some of his 
criticisms of the policy of the South Wales princes. It is 
absurd, for instance, to speak of Khys ap Meredith as one 
" who had betrayed Llewelyn '' (p. 207). In 1267 Meredith 
had been exempted from any obligation to do homage to 
Llewelyn (p. 171) ; in 1277 his son Ehys had risen with 
Llewelyn. The Prince of Gwynedd gave him no help; 
probably, as Mr. Edwards says, **no help was possible 
from Llewelyn" (p. 178). Bhys had to surrender, and his 
castles were garrisoned either by English troops or Welsh 
friendlies. It would be as correct to speak of Llewelyn 
"betraying" Rhys in 1277, as of Rhys "betraying" 
Llewelyn five years after. As a matter of fact, though 
Llewelyn in 1282 incorporated in his schedule of complaints 
against Edward charges of oppression in South Wales, 
Mr. Morris has shown that Llewelyn probably did so on 
his own initiative. Llewelyn rose in 1 282 because of the 
oppression of the Perveddwlad, and without consultation 
with the princes of South Wales. The marvel is, not that 
he received so little but that he obtained so much support 
from South Wales. The most extraordinary phenomenon 
in Welsh history is the way in which the men of South 
Wales have always, irrespective of the wishes of their 
immediate chiefs, responded to the caU of a national 



1 60 Reviews. 

leader, whether he was an upstart like Griffith ap Llewelyn, 
or princes of Gwynedd like Griffith ap Cynan and the two 
Llewelyns, or a simple squire like Owen Glendower. 

It is also incredible, in view of the figures laboriously 
worked out by Mr. Morris, that Mr. Edwards's estimate 
of the strength of Llewelyn's army — 30,000 footmen and 
500 mail-clad horsemen — should be correct (p. 165). We 
greatly question if Llewelyn ever had to " keep in the field 
for weeks together" a fifth part of the number. " Skill 
in archery", says Mr. Edwards, "was universal in Wales" 
(p. 237). Mr. Morris has shown that the long-bow was 
the weapon of South Wales, and more especially of Gwent, 
and that the national weapon of North Wales was the 
spear. The long-bow "failed to preserve the independence 
of Wales" (p. 217), because the men of Gwent, who were 
itfi most skilful professors, fought with Edward against 
Llewelyn to the bitter end. 

It would be unfair, perhaps, to blame Mr. Edwards for 
his inaccurate references to Owen of Wales, though his 
true story was unfolded several months before the publi- 
cation of the book by Mr. Edward Owen in the Transac- 
tions of the Gymmrodorion Society. But there is no excuse 
for speaking of Davydd as "the last prince of Wales" 
(p. 192), or of Edmund Mortimer as " the next heir to the 
Welsh Crown" (p. 205), at a time when Owen Goch and 
Rhodri, Llewelyn's brothers, and his daughter Gwenllian 
(as Mr. Edwards mentions on p. 214), were alive. 

Perhaps the most delightful part of Mr. Edwards's 
book is that which deals with the "Story of Wales" from 
the Conquest to Tudor times. He is at home in the period, 
and he does not therefore overload his narrative with dry 
and pointless detail. Few have written with such grace 
and knowledge, with such insight and charm of the twi- 
light of the days of chivalry. His treatment of the reign 



Reviews. 1 6 1 

of Edward 11 will not commend itself to English his- 
toriansy but it is none the less a striking and suggestive 
contribution to the history of that unhappy reign. Mr. 
Edwardr shows that the key to all the king's troubles and 
difficulties is to be found in Wales and the Marches. He 
describes with convincing power the tragedy which ended 
in the final loss of Welsh independence. We are apt to 
forget that Edward I conquered Scotland almost as com- 
pletely as he had conquered Wales. Wallace was hanged; 
the Bruce was an outcast when Edward died. Of the 
reign of his weak and amiable son the Scots cannily took 
advantage. They won back at Bannockburn more than 
they had lost at Falkirk. Why did not Wales rise after 
Bannockburn and win back its independence? Mr. Ed- 
wards supplies the answer. Welshmen liked Edward of 
Carnarvon; they ignored his weakness and only remem- 
bered his amiability. He had always flattered their 
national vanity ; he had distributed largesse among the 
bards ; he had invariably taken the part of the conquered 
against the conquerors. Out of personal loyalty and 
affection^ Welshmen let slip an opportunity which was 
never to recur. For when the genius of Glendower blazed 
forth in the next century, it was pitted against the military 
skill of the greatest Captain that ever sat on the English 
throne. 

We have been surprised to find Mr, Edwards guilty of 
small inaccuracies which the author would characterise 
as ^^ howlers" in the Oxford Examination Schools. Nest, 
the daughter of Khys ap Tewdwr, is stated to have been 
^^ wronged by Henry I and then given in marriage to the 
Castellan of Pembroke" (pp. 71-116). Such a statement 
might pass without criticism when made by Mr. Baring 
Grould in Paho the Priest, or even by English historians 
such as Palgrave and Freeman, but a historian of Wales 



102 Reviews. 

should know that the Fitzgeralds were probably the eldest 
of Nest's brood, while the PitzHenrys were perhaps the 
youngest (Gir. üambr., 2>e rẁa» a se gestisy i, pp. 58 seq,^ 
and Appz. to Pref. to Topographia THhernica^ pp. v, c, ci. 
Mr. Edwards is equaUy unfortunate in his references to 
Nest's progeny. Gerald the Welshman, Nest's grandson, 
is said to have inherited '^ his strong likes and dislikes and 
lovable vanity from a Welsh mother" (p. 106Ì. Gerald's 
mother was a daughter of Nest by Gerald of Windsor, and 
was therefore as much Norman as Welsh. The date of 
Bhys Goch has not been fixed (p. 263), but if one thing is 
certain about him it is that he flourished much later than 
Davydd ap Gwilym. We are at a loss to know what 
warrant Mr. Edwards has for calling lolo Goch *' Old lolo 
of the Red Mantle, a chief of Dyffryn Clwyd" (p. 271). 
There is no evidence to show that lolo was a "chief" in 
DyflEryn Clwyd or elsewhere, and the epithet "Coch" was 
probably a family cognomen, and had no reference to the 
colour of the poet's mantle. Griffith Vaughan of Caio 
was not "hanged, drawn, and quartered", but beheaded 
for avowing his belief in Owen Glendower (p. 274). It is 
not known where Owen Glendower lies buried ; certainly 
it is incorrect to say that "Owen himself lies probably 
at Corwen hard by ; though there is a tradition that he 
found a grave at Monnington" (p. 285). There is as 
much — ^and as UtUe — authority for the one statement as 
the other. It is not true to say that "it was rarely that a 
Welsh-speaking Herbert, &c., .... became judge" in 
the two and a half centuries following the incorporation 
of Wales (p. 336). As a fact, the proportion of Welsh- 
speaking judges in tlie 17th and 18th centuries was 
abnormally high. On^ of them, Vaughan of Trawscoed, 
became Chief Justice (not Lord Chief Justice, p. 359) of 
the Common Pleas in the reign of Charles II. 



Reviews, 1 63 

The account given of the trial of Ehys ap Griffith, the 
grandson of Bbys ap Thomas (on p. 822) teems with minor 
inaccuracies. After the "affray" at Carmarthen between 
Rhys and the King's Deputy, Lord Ferrers, the two lords 
did not "retire to their estates and begin to prepare for a 
renewal of the struggle;" Rhys was kept in prison by 
Lord Ferrers, and was only released on being summoned 
to answer for his conduct before the Court of King's Bench 
at Westminster {yu>i the Star Chamber). Rhys's father 
had not "been too independent", or "paid for his temerity 
with his head". His father, Sir Griffith ap Rhys, was 
thoroughly Anglicised. He had been brought up, from 
his youth upwards, in the English Court, and though he 
died in his prime, and in the lifetime of his father, he did 
not fall a victim to the royal Tudor's jealousy. Nor is it 
quite fair to say of Rhys ap Thomas that he " was 
thoroughly hated by his weaker neighbours", merely 
because a Flintshire soldier records some idle gossip 
against the old Welsh chieftain. 

Mr. Edwards seems to suggest (p. 350 «eg.) that the 
early Catholic missionaries in Wales were Jesuits. **The 
Jesuits would appeal to the longing for the old worship 
that was dying so hard among the mountains." The 
suggestion is not well-founded. The early Catholic mis- 
sionaries to England and Wales were secular priests. "In 
1683, the Jesuit John Bennett", says Mr. Edwards, "was 
tortured at Hawarden". In 1583 John Bennett was a 
secular priest, and it was several years later that, in his 
exile on the Continent, he joined the Society of Jesus, 
and he was tortured not at Hawarden but at Bewdley or 
Ludlow. In fact, the number of Jesuits engaged in the 
English mission-field in the 16th century is exceedingly 
small. In the next century they became prominent in 

Wales, but that was only after they had captured the 

m2 



1 64 Reviews, 

English seminaries on the Continent. If Mr. Edwards had 
gone outside the pages of Foley, he would have found that 
the martyr, William Davies of Carnarvon, was a secular 
priest, and that his story was far more worth telling than 
that of John Bennett or Robert Jones. The Jesuits con- 
fined their activity almost altogether, in the reign of 
Elizabeth, to the field of politics, and paid but littie 
attention to the purely religious side of mission work. 
The Jesuits were "anti-nationalist", and nearly all the 
great names among the Welsh Catholics are to be found 
opposed to them. It is with the fortunes of the revived 
order of St. Benedict that the names of Welshmen — 
Augustin Baker, John Roberts and Leander Jones — are 
indelibly associated. 

The account given of the Puritan movement in Wales 
— a movement which arrested the decay of the Welsh 
language and, for the first time for centuries, awakened 
the conscience of Welshmen — ^is very jejune and inade- 
quate. A good deal is said about Morgan Llwyd's "dreamy 
mysticism", but not a word is said of Walter Wroth or 
William Erbury, of Walter Cradock, the founder of the 
"Cradocians" and the teacher and inspirer of Morgan 
Llwyd, or of Christopher Love; and even Stephen Hughes, 
to whom Wales owes a debt which it has lately begun to 
realise, is only mentioned as an afterthought in connection 
with the Methodist revival (p. 387). 

Equally strange is Mr. Edwards's disproportionate 
praise of Howell Harries as the leader of the Methodist 
revival, and his failure even to mention Daniel Rowlands, 
Llangeitho — a man who laboui'ed in the vineyard when 
Harries sulked in "Mynachlog fawr Trevecca", and who 
was probably the most inspired preacher Wales has ever 
produced (p. 389). It is somewhat startling also to read 
that the hymns of Ann Griffiths were "caught from her 



Reviews, 165 

lips as she sang them at her spinning-wheel" (p. 390). 
The same gift of exaggeration is seen in the statement 
that Davydd ap Gwilym was "welcomed in every town 
throughout Wales" (p. 261) ; that Glendower once exer- 
cised "wider sway" and wielded "greater power even 
than Llewelyn the Great" (p. 269); and that Islwyn 
was "the greatest Welsh poet of the present century" 

(p. 12). 

Mr. Edwards has an inconvenient trick of alluding in 
vague language to people and incidents the ordinary 
reader has never heard of. The reader of a popular hand- 
book must have been mystified by the unexplained refer- 
ences to Arise Evans (p. 13), Hugh of Chester's " here- 
ditary greed for Welsh land" (p. 48), " Madoc" (p. 71), 
" Dinas Dinlle" (p. 36), "Rees of perennial youth*' (p. 141), 
"the inhuman punishment of Maelgwn Vychan" (p. 214), 
"Patrick Sarsfield" (p. 241), "the Welshman Pecock," 
the nameless " last great Welsh mediaeval poet " (p. 267), 
"Eees Vychan" (p. 191), "Cefnybedd" (p. 192), and 
"the daring piracy of Henry Morgan" (p. 381). Mr. 
Edwards has other mannerisms which are the only defects 
in a fascinating style. He is fond of the romantic manner; 
"mighty he was" (p. 50-56) ; " tall and stately was she" 
(p. 64); "he built him a castle at Talgarth" (p. 65). 
Occasionally his antitheses become strained. " He be- 
queathed to his son Cadwaladr a vanishing crown, power- 
ful enemies, and a plague-stricken country" (p. 29) ; " he 
left behind a daughter as heiress to a burnt home, a 
harried land, and an impossible task" (p. 33) ; " negotia- 
tions and the Scotch moved slowly" (p. 369) ; "casting 
the future of England to the fortune of battle" (p. 360). 
Once or twice Mr. Edwards uses curiously infelicitous 
epithets, as where he applies the adjective "saintly" to 
Baxter (p. 332). Mr. Baxter wrote a devotional work 



1 66 Reviews. 

called The Saint's Rest, but there was nothing other- 
wise "saintly" in his laborious, fighting, embittered 
life ; and nothing could more erroneously describe 
William the Conqueror's ruthless march from the 
Humber to the Tees than to say he "wandered to the 
North" (p. 46). 

Perhaps a somewhat graver fault in a historian of Mr. 
Edwards's standing is his habit of shallow, but none the 
less dogmatic, generalisation. Take for instance his de- 
scription of the influence of a country on the character of 
it« inhabitants (p. 7) : — 

''The wild and rugged outlines of the mountains are 
mirrored as intense but broken purposes in the Welshman's 
character, always forming great ideals, but lacking in the 
steady perseverance of the people of the plain. His imagin- 
ation makes him exceedingly impressionable, — he has always 
loved poetry and theology : but this very imagination, while 
enabling him to see great ideals, makes him incapable of 
realising them,— he is too impatient to be capable of organ- 
isation. . . . There is a difference between the slow and 
strong man of Snowdon and the versatile laughter-loving son 
of Plinlimmon." 

This passage displays at once the strength and weak- 
ness, the beauty and defect, of Mr. Edwards's style and 
manner. It is charmingly written, but it is full of unsafe 
generalisations and inaccurate observation. It is an old 
reproach that Welshmen are "incapable of organisation". 
But who can read the history of Welsh Nonconformity, of 
the Eisteddfod, or of Welsh education^ without realising 
that Welshmen can not only " form great ideals", but can 
by steady perseverance realise them ? Or who can observe 
the marvellous industrial development that has taken 
place in the Principality during the last half century with- 
out feeling that all this fine talk about "the broken pur- 
poses" of the Welshman, and his impatience of organisation, 
is so much picturesque nonsense ? The truer conception 



Reviews, 167 

of the basis of national character has been given by Mr. 
Lecky {History of England, vol. ii, p. 320) : — 

"The character of large bodies of men depends in the 
main upon the circumstances in which they have been placed, 
the laws by which they have been governed, the principles 
they have been taught. When these are changed the cha- 
racter will alter too." 

The mountains of Wales remain the same to-day as in 
the days of Glendower and Llewelyn ; but the character of 
Welshmen has been profoundly modified by the discipline 
of war and conquest, of alien laws and Anglican civilisation, 
of Calvinistic theology and educational zeal, of free insti- 
tutions and industrial prosperity. 

We have thought it our duty — however hazardous and 
ungrateful the task — ^to dweU at some length on the flaws 
which mar the perfection of Mr. Edwards's work. But 
when all is said and done, we yield to none in our admir- 
ation for the real triumph he has achieved. He has told 
the story of Wales for the first time in an interesting and 
intelligible manner to the stranger. He has breathed new 
life and meaning into the old story of purposeless strife 
and warfare. He has made many an old-world hero live 
again in his vivid pages. He has not been content with 
giving us a Chronicle of the Princes, but he has attempted, 
for the first time and not without success, to tell the story 
of the Welsh people. He has presented us with a portrait 
gallery full of exquisite pictures, — of prince and bard, of 
priest and preacher, of Catholic Saints and Protestant 
heroes. His sympathy has ever been fresh and spontan- 
eous ; he has been quick to appreciate all good men, how- 
ever distorted their views or erring their aims, who strove 
according to their lights to serve Wales. It is this wide 
outlook and catholic sympathy with all that is best and 
noblest in Welsh life and story that gives to Mr. Edwards's 



1 68 Reviews. 

book its chief est charm and power. We shall have, we 
doubt not, a fuller and more accurate history of Wales and 
its people in the coming years : we are certain we shall 
never have one informed with more delicate sympathy or 
told with subtler grace. 

W, Llewelyn Willllms. 



OWEN G-LYNDWB: and the Last Struggle for Welsh 
Independence. By Arthur Granville Bradley. London: 
G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1901. 



All lovers of Wales and its history are deeply indebted to 
Mr. Bradley for the very readable and entertaining life of 
Owen Glyndwr which he has brought within their reach. 
Mr. Wylie's great work on Henry IV is so expensive, that 
very few, except those who happen to live near Public 
Libraries, have been able to read it. The moderate cost 
of " Owen Glyndwr" will bring it within the reach of all. 
Mr. Bradley, unlike Mr. Wylie, has made of Sir Owen a 
hero for himself, and gives the story of his wonderful 
career without any prejudice in favour of King Henry IV, 
who, whatever may have been his talents, showed only the 
most contemptible incompetence in all his dealings with 
Wales and his Welsh subjects. Mr. Bradley's style is 
clear and forcible, and sometimes he rises to eloquence. 
He knows Wales from end to end, and must have been a 
lover of its beautiful scenery before he became a student 
of its history. Readers of the book will do well to make 
notes of "special bits" which the author describes so 



Reviews. 1 69 

charmingly. But Mr. Bradley does not make his theme 
subservient to geography ; his descriptions of places 
always serve to give life and interest to his narrative, 
and help, just as dates do, to fix the story in the reader's 
mind. 

The book reviews the whole of Welsh history ; it begins 
with the coming of the Bomans, and ends with the rise of 
Methodism. We think it would have been better to begin 
with the Norman Conquest, and to point out clearly the 
radical difference between its effects in England and 
Wales. In England, the Norman kings checked the 
growth of feudalism. In Wales, the Normans super- 
imposed a feudal regime upon a system of tribal 
government. In the 13th century the Princes of Gwjmedd 
attempted to do in Wales what the sons of Alfred did in 
England in the 10th century. They might have succeeded 
had not the privileged Anglo-Normans the whole power 
of the Crown of England behind them. Edward I saw 
that it was vital to the security of England to overthrow 
the representatives of Welsh national unity. His conquest 
of Wales completed the work of the Normans, and intro- 
duced little that was new to Wales into the government 
of the Principality. Welshmen could see before their 
eyes a people free from the tyranny of alien lords, by 
their alliance with the Crown, but were doomed to feudal 
misgovemment, till a king arose who should do for Wales 
what William the Norman had done for England. In 
spite of the long introductory chapter, a fourth of the 
whole book, we do not think Mr. Bradley has made these 
things quite clear. 

Again, we do not think that Mr. Bradley has given Sir 
Owen, in spite of his admiration for his hero, an adequate 
place in history. From the narrative, his chief title to 
fame seems to be the number of his slain enemies, and 



1 70 Reviews, 

the desolation of their lands. He is said to have planned 
schemes which came to naught, and that his rebellion 
made Wales more miserable during the 16th century than 
she had been in the preceding one. In one place Mr. 
Bradley does tell us something, but he does not, we think, 
follow out his discovery to its logical conclusion. Sir 
Owen linked the fortunes of the Welsh Nationalist Party 
with those of the House of York. Therefore the Wars of 
the Boses, as far as the West is concerned, were in a large 
degree a continuation of the struggle commenced by Sir 
Owen. That Welshmen who enjoyed Marcher privileges 
fought on the Lancastrian side only serves to emphasise 
the fact that the unprivileged joined the House of York. 
Important as this is, Sir Owen did more, he so shattered 
the strength of the Lords Marchers that they never 
recovered the position they held before 1399. His hand 
was heavy on the towns and the castles of the Anglo- 
Normans. The 15th century was an age of decay, and we 
know that the towns of Wales were in a bad way in 
Henry VIII's time. The Flemings, of Pembrokeshire, 
also failed to become an aggressive force after Sir Owen's 
devastation of that county. In the next century many 
thousands of Irishmen settled in South Pembrokeshire, a 
thing which could not have been done if it had recovered 
from the ravages of Sir Owen's days. 

In the reign of Edward IV Welshmen were the most 
prominent figures in Wales; such were the Herberts, and 
the family of Sir Rhys ap Thomas. When a Herbert be- 
came Earl of Pembroke the old Anglo-Normans are said to 
have turned in their graves. Their rest would not have been 
disturbed had not Sir Owen swept away their descendants. 
We may conclude, therefore, that Owen Glyndwr broke 
the power of the Englishry in Wales, and made the 
support of the national party essential to one or other of 



Reviews. 171 

the Enp^lish factions. These were the causes that put 
Henry VII upon the throne of England. That Henry was 
a Tudor was an accident, in the same sense as it is an 
accident that any man bears the name of his father; 
that he came to be King of England, was the result of 
deliberate policy. Edward IV was secure on the throne, 
because he had the support of the Welsh, but when 
Henry of Richmond came, not only as a Lancastrian, but 
also as the descendant of the Tudors of Penmynydd, he 
united Wales and overthrew Bichard, whose throne was 
undermined when the county of Pembroke was given to a 
Herbert. 

Mr. Bradley thinks the 15th century one of misery 
for Wales, because of the pressure of the Lancastrian 
Coercion Acts. There can be no doubt that they look 
formidable enough. It is, however, quite clear that 
Parliament when it passed them was acting ultra vireSy 
Wales being outside its sphere of influence, and it is more 
than probable that they suffered the usual fate of such 
measures. They bear witness to the panic of the English 
Parliament rather than to the hardships of the Welsh in 
the 16th century. The attempts of Parliament to re- 
organise the government of Wales are at once a proof that 
the day of feudal government was over, and that some 
readjustment of the relations between England and Wales 
must be found. 

Mr. Bradley draws attention to the disorder and 
anarchy in Wales during the 15th century. These things 
were not peculiar to Wales. It is a commonplace that the 
anarchy which afSicted England during the same period 
was the cause of the fall of the Houses of Lancaster and 
York. There is no need to repeat here what the late 
Bishop of Oxford says about the " lack of governance" in 
England. I have mentioned this because Froude does 



172 Reviews. 

the same thing as Mr. Bradley, citing the reports of 
Bishop Lee, President of the Council of Wales. Froude, 
however, omits to tell his readers that Lee reports more 
murders in Cheshire alone than in the whole of Wales for 
a given period. 

Mr. Bradley is not quite free from " Teutonic " preju- 
dices in discussing the history of the Welsh Princes, and 
their mutual wars and murders. Gavelkind doubtless 
a<;counts for many of these murders, but they are not 
peculiar to Wales and her factions any more than disorder 
is peculiar to Wales in the 15th and 16th centuries. The 
history of the Kings of England in the 14th and 15th 
centuries is quite as revolting, and if we could foreshorten 
the events of those centuries, as time foreshortens the 
earlier ages for us, their history would be little else than 
murders and rebellions. Edward II was murdered by his 
wife's paramour ; Bichard II was murdered by his cousin, 
who in his turn only managed to keep himself from 
death by the utmost vigilance. Plots were formed 
against Henry V ; Henry VI and his son were murdered. 
Bichard II murdered both his nephews, and in turn fell 
before the sword of his enemies. 

Both English and Welsh writers have striven after 
the odd in Welsh history, and seem quite disinclined 
to find the same causes producing the same results in 
Wales as in England. English history has suffered very 
much because of this, for it is impossible to isolate two- 
thirds of Southern Britain, and write their history as if 
the other third did not exist. Welsh history has suffered 
still more, and has no unity as it is now presented. Owen 
Glyndwr's movement has been hitherto without cause and 
without result ; we ai'e indebted to Mr. Bradley for showing 
that he has a real meaning, not only in Welsh, but in 
British history. If what has been said above is right, the 



Reviews, 173 

tradition which regards Owen Glyndwr as the national 
hero is right also. 

T. Stanley Bobebts. 

Peterhoueaf Cambridge, 



IiA METBIQUE GALLOISE. Far J. Loth. Tome I. ParÌB: 
Ancienne Librairle Thorin et Fils, 4, Bue le Goffl 



This first of two volumes on Welsh Metres reaches to a 
little over 400 pages (xiii + 388). Even as it is, it is of 
considerable interest, but the interest of it would have 
been much increased were it more minutely accurate. 
Every one that has tried to master the rules of Welsh 
cynghaneddy and then attempted to practise them, knows 
how many pitfalls there are, hidden at first view but 
evident enough after having been extricated from them, 
unfortunately these very pitfalls M. Loth has not been 
skiKul enough to avoid. In this matter, an hour with a 
real master of cynghanedd would have been worth weeks of 
mere book-work : aoliritur ambulando. We much regret an 
opportunity missed ; the chance of initiating the outsider 
in the mysteries of our ara poetica is for the moment gone. 
The expert alone will be able to make use of the material 
brought together in this volume — and, as a consequence, 
in the second volume also, we fear. For how can there be 
an accurate historical treatment of inaccurate matter? It 
would be well if the author made sure of the rules first, 
and then provided us with a historical grammar of them. 

[Those who wish to see a capable discussion (and 
trenchant withal) of the whole subject of the volume will 



1 74 Reviews. 

find it in the Zeitschrift fur Celtische Philologie, vol. iv, parti. 
The article (of nearly 40 pages) is in English^ and ia written 
by Prof. J. Morris Jones, M.A.] 

H. Elyet Lewis. 



IiES rNTIiUENCES CELTIQUES. Par Charles BoeBsler. 
FarÌB: 1901. 



A VOLUME of 102 pp. It forms another link in the chain 
of evidence for the character and influence of Celtic Art in 
the immediate pre-Christian centuries. The author has 
brought together a good deal of scattered material, and 
treated it with some skill. He holds that the period fixed 
as the probable date of 'Hhe ancient pacific civilisation 
of the Celts " — viz., the 6th century b.c. — ^is rather the 
close of a period still more ancient, and wide-reaching in 
its influence. There are eight plates, with illustrations 
from medals, pottery, engraved stones, MSS., &c. 

H. Elvet Lewis. 



G. Simpson, Pbintbb, Dbvizbs. 



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CONTENTS. 



A Welsh Insurrection. By W. Llewelyn Williams, 

B.G.Li. OxoN. ... ... •«. ... 1 

Old County Families of Dyfed — II. The Wogans of 
Merrion and Somersetshire {icith Pedigree), By 
Fbancis Green ... ... ;.. ... 95 

The Holy Grail. A Discrimination of the Native and 
Foreign Elements of the Legend. 

Part I— Early History ... ... 106 

Part II— The Round Table ... ... 127 

Eisteddfod Gbnbdlabthol Bangob. Y Fardd- 
oniaeth a'i Beirniadaeth. Awdl: " Ymadamad 
Arthur** ("T. Choynn Jones J í Pryddbst: "Trys- 
tan ac Esyllt " (R. Silyn Roberts, M.A.). Gan 
R. A. Griffith (Elphin) . . 140 

Old Pembroke Families in the Ancient County 
Palatine of Pembroke (Henry Owen, D.C.L. 
Oxon.). By J. H. Davibs, M.A. . . 168 

The Welsh Wars of Edward I (John E. Morris, 
M.A.). By Hubert Hall, F.S.A. . . . . 173 

Gobrespondenoe ... ... ... ... ... 176 

"The Two Hugh Owens." Contributions by 
H. R. Hughes of Kinmel (Lord Lieutenant 
of Flintshire), and W. Prichard Williams . . 176 




Cçmmr0Íí0r. 



Vol. XVI. "Cabbd dobth tb encilion." 1902, 



@ lÛ)äB^ 3n0ttmcított. 



By W. LLEWELYN WILLIAMS, B.C.L. Oxon. 



No passage in the dark and bloody annals of Henry VIII 
is more obscure than the "conspiracy" which led to the 
execution of Rhys ap Griffith in December 1531. Froude, 
who barely mentions the incident, states in a note that — 
"It was a Welsh plot conducted at Islington. The par- 
ticulars of it I am unable to discover, further than it was a 
desperate undertaking, encouraged by the uncertainty of 
succession and by a faith in prophecies, to murder the 
King. Bice was tried in the Michaelmas term 1531, and 
executed. His uncle, who passed under the name of 
Brancetor, was an active revolutionary agent on the Con- 
tinent in the later years of Henry's reign,"' — a statement 
which teems with a greater number of inaccuracies than is 
excusable even in the pages of a master of a poignant and 
dramatic style. 

In the second volume of the Cambrian Register is pub- 
lished a defence of fthys ap Griffith, which seems to have 
been written in 1625 by his great-grandson, Henry Kice of 

* History of Engkmdy vol. ii, p. 214. 

B 



2 A Welsh Insurrection. 

Dynevor. Mr. Edward Owen, who was the first to discover 
its existence, is of opinion that MS. 14,416 of the Phillips 
Collection, now in the CardifiP library, is the original from 
which Fenton published the article in the Regtetety and 
there can be no doubt that Mr. Owen is right, for the 
MS. was originally in the Fenton Collection. But the 
^'defence", though interesting and in many respects im- 
portant, was only compiled nearly a century after the 
tragic episode; it was written in an uncritical age, and con- 
fessedly in an uncritical spirit — ^for its admitted and mani- 
fest object was to clear the memory of Ehys of a charge 
of treason, and to appeal to King Charles I for a restoration 
to royal favour of Rhys's descendants. The writer was 
without some of the contemporary material which is at 
our disposal to-day, and in one or two matters, which can 
be tested by independent evidence, he did less that justice 
to some of Bhys's friends and contemporaries in order to 
elicit, by a more startling contrast, the Eoyal sympathy for 
Rhys's own sorrows and misfortunes.' The only other 

' As Henry Rice's petition has never been published, though his 
defence, which is a portion of the same MS., has appeared in the 
Cambrian Register, we append it here : — 

'' Henry Rice, his petition to King Charles the First. 
'*To the King's most excellent Majesty the humble (tic) of H. Rice 
servant to the late King's Majesty. 

"Humbly showing that I have served your Majesty's brother, 
nowe with God eight years, as howsoever I cannot raise unto myself 
anie great hope of recompense, though my service had been of longer 
time and of more valuable employment, yet the cons'n thereof, accom- 
panied with what I shall farther presume herein to represent unto 
your Majesty, will, I hope, induce your Majesty graciously to com- 
miserate my unhappie condition. My great grandfather, R. G., at the 
age of 23, was accused and condemned for designing to make your 
Majesty's auncestor, James the ôth of Scotland, to be King of 
England, by whose attainder there came to the crowne landes worth 
£10,000 poundes a year, and a personal! estate to the value of £S0,000 
poundes. Queene Elizabeth, upon the humble suit of my grandfather 



A Welsh Insurrection. 3 

attempt which has been made to clear up the mystery was 
by the late Mr. David Jones, who published a paper on the 
subject in the Archceologia Cambrensis (6th ser., vol. ix, pp. 
81-101, 192-214). But the paper is incomplete, the writer 
did not live to finish his researches, and though it repre- 
sents a sane and patient effort to unravel the tangled 

and father, did graciously promise, as before her sister Queen Marie 
hadden, a graunt unto them of soe much of their auncestor's landes as 
remained in the crowne. That promise, not taking effect, my Father 
did renew his petition to the late King's Majesty, wherein he did 
insist upon certaine particulars, which onlie showed that his auncestor 
which was attainted had great enemies and a prosecution that 
admitted him onlie little favour, which Petition was referred to cer- 
taine Lords of the Counsell with a singular commendation in his 
behalf : That such was his ill fortune that having far spent in his 
estate, he was forced to retire himself, leaving that unperfected which 
had so hopefull a beginning ; -my grandfather and father (to ad more 
strength to their suit) represented to Queene Elizabeth and your 
royall Father the services of their auncestor Sir Rice ap Thomas, who 
received in Henry the 7th at Milford Haven with 4000 men, and at- 
tended him with 18 horse for his owne change at Bosworth field, and 
that Thos. Rice, another of my auncestors, in later time was slaine in 
the service of that Queene of famous memorie, your Majesty's grand- 
mother, at what time the new usurping Lord of the Isles invaded 
Scotland. 

"My most humble suit, therefore, to your Majestie is that in 
oons*n of the premisses and in accomplishment of the gracious 
intentions of your royall father, and the Queene*s your predecessors, 
you will be pleased to bestowe upon me (the lineall heire of the 
aforesaid Rice) that poore portion of his great estate as yet undis- 
posed of from the Crowne, being £200 per annum or thereabouts, or 
else in some other kind as shall l^st suit with yom: Majesty's grace 
and bountie, to support the weaknesse of my present condition : soe 
shall I ever pray for your Majesty's long life and happie rayne over 



us." 



"WhitehaU, 27 May, 1626. 
''His Majesty's pleasure that the Lord High Treasurer of Eng- 
land, Lord EvanshoU, Lord Chamberlaine, and Mr. Chancellor of the 
Exchequer consider of the notices laid doune in this petition and the 
reason and equitie of this wish, and certifie unto his Majestie their 
opinions thereof. '' E. Conwy." 

B 2 



4 A Welsh Insurrection. 

skein of Tudor statecraft, it by no means exhausts the 
material which was even then accessible to the writer (he 
does not seem to have seen Henry Rice's defence in the 
Cambrian Register) y and some of his suggestions have been 
falsified, and some gaps in his account have been supplied 
by contemporary records which have been discovered or 
published in recent years. Without pretending to be in 
a position to say the final word on this chapter in our 
national story, we may safely claim to be in possession 
of so many "new facts" as to be entitled to re-open the 
whole question. 

It would be travelling beyond the scope of this paper 
to give in any detail the story of Sir Rhys ap Thomas, 
the friend of Henry Tudor, Earl of Richmond, and the 
pillar of the dynasty which he founded. It will be suffi- 
cient for our present purpose to recapitulate, as briefly as 
possible, the broad facts of his career. Sir Rhys had been 
brought up in a Yorkist home. His grandfather, Griffith 
ap Nicholas of Dynevor, had fallen fighting for the White 
Rose, at Mortimer's Cross in 1461. His father, Thomas ap 
Griffith, was one of the bright particular stars of the court 
of Burgundy, where the Duchess Mary, the sister of 
Edward IV, afterwards did her best, by plot and intrigue, 
to maintain the languishing Yorkist cause. Rhys himself 
had spent the formative years of his youth in the Court of 
Charles the Bold. The battle of Tewkesbury, however, 
changed the course of English history. The murder of 
young Edward of Wales, the hope of the Lancastrian line, 
undoubtedly secured the power and throne of Edward IV 
for a time. But it had a portentous and unlooked-for 
result. A Welshman, the grandson of Owen Tudor of 
Penmynydd and of Catherine of France, became the repre- 
sentative of the House of Lancaster. The Welsh bards 



A Welsh Insurrection. 5 

were not slow to grasp the significance of this fact. They 
saw in it the fulfilment of the prophecies of Taliesin and 
Myrddin that a Welshman would be crowned in London, 
and would triumph over their secular foes. They recalled 
the mysterious prognostications, the "6rudiait", which 
foretold that the name of the deliverer of Wales would be 
Owen; and was not Henry Tudor a grandson of Owen 
Tudor, the cousin of Owen Glendower, and the cousin, too, 
of that "Owen of Wales", the last descendant in the male 
line of the princely house of Gwynedd ? The people were 
quick to respond to the bardic songs. They cared nothing 
for White or Eed Eose ; but they cared everything for a 
Welsh king to rule in London. Ehys ap Thomas, also, 
felt the stirring of the national pulse. His grandfather 
aimed at making himself semi-independent of the English 
king, by playing one faction against the other; Ehys 
abandoned the traditions of his family and sacrificed his 
own personal ambition for the sake of realising the dearest 
and most persistent hope of Welsh bards and people. 

It were not to the purpose to relate here how strangely 
and romantically this object was achieved; how Henry 
Tudor landed at Milford Haven after his long, perilous 
exile in Brittany, with hardly a friend or follower; how 
the balance was turned in his favour by the adhesion 
of Rhys ap Thomas, who could put a thousand horsemen 
in the field and thrice as many footmen, well armed and 
appointed^ of whom Ehys Nanmor sang, 

" Y Brenhin bia'r ynye 
Ond sy' o ran i Sir Rhys ;" 

how the Pretender marched through Ceredigion and 
Powys, gathering strength as he journeyed, appealing to 
Welshmen as their countryman and kinsman ; how Ehys 
ap Thomas travelled through Ystrad Towy and Brych- 



6 A Welsh Insurrection. 

einiog, and joined Henry, with a great following, at 
Shrewsbury; how at last Henry Tudor, with an army 
mainly composed of Welshmen who fought under the Red 
Dragon, defeated Richard III at Bosworth and won the 
English Crown ; how Rhys ap Thomas remained the 
steadfast friend of the new dynasty throughout all the 
insurrections and impostures of the reign of the first Tudor 
sovereign ; how the subtle king, knowing the loyalty 
of the Welsh chieftain, and yet jealous of his power, 
never rewarded him with any more substantial dignity 
than the Garter; and how, unconscious of, or ignoring, 
this mean and petty treatment, the old knight upheld 
the son's throne after the crafty father's death. No one 
can read the story of the first Tudor sovereign without 
being convinced that, under God, he owed at first his 
throne, and then the stability of his dynasty, to the 
unflinching support of Sir Rhys ap Thomas/ 

I. The Risikg ik Cabmabthen. 

In the year 1525, sixteen years after Henry VII had 
been laid to rest. Sir Rhys ap Thomas, full of honours and 
dignities, died in the seventy-sixth year of his age, and 
was buried, with his forefathers, in the Priory Church of 
Carmarthen. He was succeeded in his estates by his 

^ That Welfihmen looked upon the accession of Henry Tudor as a 
national triumph is clear from the writings of contemporary bards. 
That Henry himself judiciously fostered this feeling may be gathered 
from the fact that he named his eldest son Arthur. In an Italian 
Relation of the Island of England^ written in 1500 and published by 
the Camden Society, there is some evidence that this was also the 
contemporary view among intelligent foreigners. ''Wales was form- 
erly'* it is said ''a separate kingdom .... but in the reign of Edw. I 
— (by a slip the writer says Edw. Ill) — they were reduced to the 
dominion of the English. . . . They may now, however, be said to 
have recovered their former independence, for the most wise and 
fortunate Henry VII is a Welshman." .... 



A Welsh Insurrection. 7 

grandson, a bright and studious joung man, who is known 
to English writers as Bhjs, Bice, or Bichard ap Griffith.^ 
The last years of the old chieftain, one can well imagine, 
were full of anxiety. He knew, none better, the jealous, 
savage, masterful nature of Henry YIII. He had seen the 
blood of a Pole and a Buckingham flow from the scaffold, 
and he knew that it was not safe for a subject to be too 
powerful or too ambitious under such a king. The two 
most prominent personages in England in his later years 
were Cardinal Wolsey, whose position, as the King^s chief 
Minister^ seemed then impregnable, and the third Duke of 
Norfolk, who, as Earl of Surrey, had crushed the power 
and pretensions of the Scots at Flodden Field. There 
was no love lost between the two great men. Norfolk 
hated the Cardinal for his influence with the king, despised 
him for his lowly origin, and envied him for his vast 
wealth and power. Sir Bhys ap Thomas, like an ex- 
perienced courtier, thought to steer a middle course. In 
1524 he married his young grandson, the heir and hope of 
the old princely line of Bhys ap Tewdwr, to the Lady 
Katherine Howard, daughter of the second and sister of 
the third Duke of Norfolk. At the same time, he culti- 
vated the friendship of the great Cardinal with such 
success that, as we shall see, his memory was probably one 
of the factors which impelled Wolsey to save young Bhys 
ap Griffith from his enemies, four years after Bhys ap 
Thomas's death. 

It is not certain what was Bhys ap Griffith's age at the 
time of his grandfather's death in 1525. His descendant, 
writing in 1625, states that Bhys was twenty-three in 1531, 
and that he would therefore be only seventeen in 1525. 

^ Sir Griffith ap Rice ap Thomas died 1521. The date of his 
marriage to the daughter of Sir John St. John does not seem to have 
been ascertained. 



8 A Welsh Insurrection. 

m 

He was married, as we have seen, in 1524, but it was no 
uncommon thing in those days for young noblemen to 
marry in their teens/ Still, it is almost incredible that 
probate of his grandfather's will should have been granted 
to him if he was under age in 1525. Whether it was his 
youth, or whether it was the beginning of the King's 
sinister policy, we know that he was not continued in his 
grandfather's offices in South Wales. Walter Devereux, 
Lord Ferrers, afterwards the first Viscount Hereford, was 
appointed Justice and Chamberlain of South Wales. For 
some time friction seems to have been avoided. But Lord 
Ferrers was not the easiest man to get on with, and young 
Rhys, for all his devotion to his books, was not devoid of 
the high spirit of his race, and was, moreover, married to 
a woman of an ambitious, if not turbulent, nature. Early 
in the year 1529 we find events maturing for a crisis. On 
March 3*^ Rhys wrote to Cardinal Wolsey to complain of 
the conduct of Lord Ferrers. 

" My pouer tenants and servants", he says, ** by the 
lyght and malicious myndes of suche lyghte persons that be 
deputies under my Lord Ferrers in these partes, be dayly, 
without cause reasonable or good grounde put to vexacion ; 
and some of my household servants kept under appearance 
from county to county, for their pleasures only." 

He finishes up by requesting letters from Wolsey to 
Lord Ferrers to enable Rhys to be his lordship's deputy 
justice and chamberlain in South Wales, and consenting 
to give Lord Ferrers any sum that Wolsey thought con- 
venient for the office. 

There is little doubt that the complaint made in Rhys's 

* Prince Arthur, for example, was only fifteen when he married 
Catherine of Arragon. The Earl of Shrewsbury, giving evidence in 
Henry Vlll's divorce proceedings, stated that ho himself had married 
when he was fífteen-and-a-half . 

' State Papers, vol. iv, part iii, 6,845. 



A Welsh Insurrection, 9 

letter was well-founded. The abuse of legal procedure 
was an old grievance, and one that Lord Ferrers himself 
had drawn attention to three years previously. In a letter, 
dated January 9, 1526, he wrote to the Lord President 
of the Princess's Council in the Marches of Wales that 

"When his Lordship was first admitted President of the 
Princess's Council my Lord Legate (Wolsey) instructed the 
writer and others of that Council that no subpoenas should be 
directed into Wales or the Marches, but every cause be first 
tried before the stewards and officers there, the appeal to lie 
afterwards to his Lordship and other commissioners. Sub- 
poenas are now served in Carmarthen and Cardigan in spite 
of the proclamations, the like of which was never seen 
before." 

The conclusion of the letter is : "And now both shires 
saith plainly that they will not pay one groat at this pre- 
sent Candlemas next coming, nor never after, if any man 
do appear otherwise than they have been accumed, but 
they had liever ryn into the woods."^ 

In two other letters,^ written a few days later to a 
friend, Lord Ferrers dwells on the gravity of the situation. 
After staiing the facts he adds, " this is the most serious 
thing that has occurred since I first knew Wales". 

Nothing, however, seems to have been done to assuage 
the public excitement or to remedy the grievance. We 
hear no more, it is true, during Lord Ferrers's tenure of 
office of encroachments on the part of the Council at Lud- 
low, but Bhys complains that his tenants were harried in 
a similar way by Lord Ferrers's own deputies. It was 
quite as irritating for a Carmarthenshire man to be sum- 
moned to Pembrokeshire as to Ludlow, especially as he 
knew that he was put to expense and inconvenience merely 
to satisfy the hungry maw of the Chief Justice's servants. 
The old Welsh ideas concerning the tenure of land were 

^ Ä P., vol. iv, pt. i, 1872. ^ lb,, 1887, 2201. 



lO • A Welsh Insurrection. 

also gradually giving way to English ideas^ and though the 
English system did not become the law of the land till 
1536, Welsh customs were fading away as they were being 
interpreted in the terms of English lawyers. No doubt 
there was much grumbling and discontent, much restless- 
ness and uncertainty and hatred of all change. No doubt 
the young chieftain fumed and chafed under his impotence. 
He was reminded by followers and retainers of the ancient 
splendour of his house ; he was driven to assert himself by 
the importunities of a wife prone, as she showed herself in 
later days, to ambitious intrigues.* The letter of March 
1529 was, without doubt, the result of continued pressure. 
Lady Katherine, writing to Wolsey after matters had 
reached their crisis in June, says that '^great dissatisfaction 
has prevailed ever since Ferrers was officer in these parts, 
for he and his servants quarrel with Ryx's tenants." 
There is nothing in all young Rhys's career to show that 
he was ambitious of office and power. His descendant, 
Henry Bice, describes him as a retiring and bookish man, 
who was so modest that he refused the Earldom of Essex 
at the hands of the King. However that may be, it is 
almost certain that if the compromise suggested in his let- 
ter of March had been accepted, much misery and injustice 
would have been averted, and the name of Henry VIII 
would have been cleared of at least one reproach. 

It may be that Cardinal Wolsey would have been glad 
to have avoided friction in South Wales by accepting young 
Bhys's suggestion. But the Cardinal was no longer mas- 
ter. Before the year was out he had fallen a victim to 
King Henry's anger and to the Duke of Norfolk's intrigues. 
Even in March he was insecure, and he may have found 

' Lady Catherine married for her second husband the Earl of 
Bridgewater, and she was involved in the tragedy of Catherine 
Howard's divorce and execution. 



A Welsh Insurrection, 1 1 

himself unable to meet the wishes of his old friend's 
grandson. It is possible that he communicated the con- 
tents of the letter to Lord Ferrers. It is certain that 
henceforward Lord Ferrers acted with a degree of violence 
and malice towards the lord of Dynevor which argues per- 
sonal animosity. A. contemporary writer, Ellis Griffith, 
who shows himself to be intimately acquainted with the 
details of Bhys's history, and who was actually present at 
Bhys's first trial, tells us that 

"When Rhys went to Wales the whole country turned 
out to welcome him, and this made Lord Ferrers envious and 
jealous."^ 

In 1529, therefore, we have all the elements of strife 
present in South Wales ; a popular young chief, the de- 
scendant of the old Princes of South Wales, married to an 
ambitious wife ; a restless and discontented people, angry 
at the encroachments of a strange jurisdiction and the 
changes in legal procedure and the tenure of land; a 
jealous and envious King's officer, ready to take advantage 
of the most trivial error or indiscretion of his rival; a 
great Minister on the eve of his dramatic fall, his enemies 
active and hopeful ; and disquieting rumours that the 
King was about to cast aside his wife and to marry another, 
who was known to favour the Protestant doctrines, which 
she had imbibed during her sojourn in the court of 
France. 

In June 1529, the crisis came to a head. In that 
month Lord Ferrers came to Carmarthen to hold the 
Sessions. Carmarthen at the time was the first town in 
South Wales. Thither the gentry of West Wales flocked 
for a "season" in their town houses, and among others 
Rhys ap Griffith, who was one of the bailifils of Carmarthen 
for the year, and the Lady Katherine, his wife. 

' Introduction to the Mostyn MSS. Catalogue, p. iz. 



12 A Welsh Insurrection. 

It is not difficult to trace the sequence of events. Lord 
Perrers's account is still extant in his hurried letters to 
Wolsey/ and in more detail, in the Bill of Indictment 
which he preferred against Ehys ap Griffith in the follow- 
ing autumn." Ehys ap Griffith's own version is briefly 
given by his wife, the Lady Katherine, in a letter to Wol- 
sey,* and is supplemented by scattered references to the 
episode which may be found in the State Papers of the 
time. Piecing together these various materials^ it is 
possible to construct a fairly complete and connected 
account. 

On Saturday, the 5th of June 1529, {not the 6th, as 
given in the Bill of Indictment), Lord Ferrers came to 
Carmarthen to hold the Great Sessions in eyre as Chief 
Justice of South Wales. His deputy, James Leche, who 
had been one of the bailiffs of Carmarthen two years be- 
fore, went to the Mayor, David Llewelyn,* to take lodgings 
for Lord Perrers's servants. The Mayor delivered billets 
to Leche, who in turn sent one Thomas Here to the 
houses, which had been assigned by the Mayor, to make 
arrangements for the reception of the Chief Justice's men. 
When Here came to the houses, he found that one Thomas 
ap Morgan, a retainer of Ehys ap Griffith's, had already 
set his master's "badges upon papers painted" upon 
the doors of the houses, with the intention of keeping 
them for the use of Ehys and his servants.* Upon what 

^ 8. P., vol. iv, pt. iii, 1629, 5693. 

* Star Chamber Proceedings: Henry VIII, bund. 18, No. 234 ; pub- 
lished in the Arch, Cambr., 5th ser., vol. ix. 

» S, P., vol. iv, pt. iii, 1586. 

* Cambr. Heg.j vol. iii. 

^ It is not quite clear from Lord Ferrers^s account whether 
Thomas ap Morgan or Thomas Here arrived first on the scene, but it 
seems probable that Ap Morgan had secured the houses before 
Thomas Here, since Rhys had evidently been preparing for a dispute 



A Welsh Insurrection. 13 

ground Ehys ap Griffith rested his right to the lodgings 
cannot now be determined. Whether it was prior occu- 
pation — which would not avail against the rights of the 
King's officer supported by the Mayor's assignment, or 
whether the houses were his own and in the occupation of 
his tenants^ which is probable and is Lady Katherine's 
reason, or whether, lastly, he had assigned them to his 
own use in virtue of his office as Bailiff of Carmarthen, 
there is no means of deciding. What is certain is that 
this comparatively trifling matter led to most serious con- 
sequences. That very night. Lord Ferrers says, Ehys's 
men came flocking towards the town. The following day, 
being Sunday the 6th of June, — if we may believe the 
charges preferred against him in the Bill of indictment 
before the Star Chamber — Bhys sent proclamations, to be 
openly read in divers churches in the counties of Carmar- 
then, Cardigan, and Kidwelly, " that such that were his 
kynesmen, lovers and ffrynds, and wold do anything for 
hym shuld come well appoynted and wepened to the king's 
towne of Kermerdyn on Monday next after, being the viii 
(vii) June". Probably Lord Ferrers has greatly exagger- 
ated the activity of Rhys. Nothing of any moment seems 
to have happened on the Monday or during the week, and 
it is scarcely credible that any of Rhys's men could have 
turned up in the town without occasioning a disturbance. 



with the Chief Justice, and had, according to Lord Ferrers, " prevelye 
causyd his frynds and adherents to be wamyd, as well in the countie 
of Kermerdyn as in the Lordship of Kidwelly, who in ryettous manner, 
well wepunyd, assemblyd them the same night to a great nombre ". 
This, at all events, is Lady Katherine*s account of the matter in her 
letter to Wolsey, which on the whole is more accurate than the 
account given by Rhys^s accusers. ''The same Ryz," she says, '' before 
he came to Carmarthen sent his servants to take lodgings for him 
among his tenantry, and to set up his arms on certain doors, which 
were taken down by Ferrers.'' 



14 A Welsh Insurrection. 

Still, there raust have been some truth in the charge, for 
we have it on record that 

"David ap Rice baes {boMy not bach, as Mr. D. Jones 
conjectured] unckyll to the said Rice Griffith, by his nephew 
is commaundemente caused proclamacyon to be made in the 
churches of Llaiisadome and Llanwoorda^ and oonfessyd the 
same in the chancery of Kermerdyn, as appered as well by 
the same confession as by confession of Sir Walter ap Davyd, 
prist and curate there, who publyshed proclamacyons in 
church of Llanwoorda aforesaid." 

More than a week elapsed before the great men them- 
selves came into personal conflict. We cannot do better 
than let Lord Ferrers tell his own tale, in order to under- 
stand the gravity and importance of the affray. On Tues- 
day, June 15 (the date is correctly given in Ferrers's letters 
to Wolsey, which were written at the time, but not in the 
Bill of Indictment, which was drawn up three months 
later), Ehys ap Griffith came into the King's Castle of 
Carmarthen 

"accompany^d with ffortye and more of his servants well 
armyd and wepyned, and knockyd at the Chamber door of 
the said Justice, where he was accompany'd with dyvers 
gentylmen of the said county in the said Chamber, and mad 
quarrel with the said Justice why he shuld keep in ward one 
Thomas ap Howen, his kynesman, which is a mysruled person 
and oon of the chef e berers and mayntenors of all evil-dis- 
posed men and naughty matters in this partes, and hath 
forfeited fyve hundred markes to the king*s use for the 



same/* 



This account, which is given in the Bill of Indictment 
preferred against Bhys ap Griffith in the autumn of 1529, 
does not accord in all respects with that given at that time 
in Ferrers's letter to Wolsey. The letter states that on 

* Rhys was Lord of the Manor of Abermarlais in the parish of 
Llansadwrn, it having become part of the Dynevor possessions 
through the mother of Rhys ap Thomas, who was the daughter and 
heiress of Sir John Griffith, Abermarlais, a descendant of Ednyfed 
Fÿchan. 



A Welsh Insurrection, 15 

Tuesday, the I5th June, Ehys 

"came into the castle with his armed servants^ where I was 
with other gentlemen, and picked a quarrel with me about 
Thomas ab Howen, his kinsman, whom I had committed to 
ward for various misdemeanors, and for hurting the people 
when they came to the castle to demand remedy, by which 
he has forfeited to the King 650 markes, as appears by his 
recognizance and other bonds taken before the King's 
Council." 

« 

unfortunately the recognizance seems to hare been 
lost, and so it is impossible to find out exactly who Thomas 
ab Owen was, and what crime he had been guilty of. 
How little reliance can be placed on the hasty account 
given in the letter may be gathered from the fact that the 
amount of Ab Owen's recognizance is wrongly stated. On 
the next day. Lady Katherine sent a letter to Wolsey, 
which contained another version of the cause of the dis- 
pute. She describes Lord Ferrers's surmise as "false" 
that Bhys desired 

" one Thomas ab Owen, servant to the King, then in ward in 
the same castle, to take out of the constable's hands one 
Jankyn, servant to the said Ryx.**^ 

The most probable conjecture, therefore, is that Lord 
Ferrers had caused one "Jankyn",' a servant to Rhys ap 

^ Ä P., vol. iv, pt. iii, 1586. 

' A list is given at the end of the Bill of Indictment of the persons 
who "assembled, reased, and gatheryd the King's subjects with open 
owtcrye in South Wales, and brought them towards the King's town 
of Kermerdyn to thentente to have destroyed the lord Fferrers, the 
King's Chief Justice there", and among them is the name of ''Hugh 
ap Jencken, leder of the Abbot of Talley's tenants". This may be the 
''Jankyn" on behalf of whom Thomas ab Owen is alleged to have in- 
terfered. Some, if not most, of the persons mentioned in the schedule 
to the Indictment were concerned in the later disturbances, but it 
may be that the Abbot of Talley's tenants,— some of whom lived in 
lilansadwrn and Llanwrda, where the proclamation was read out in 
church on June 6th, — may have started for Carmarthen on Monday, 
June 7th. 



1 6 A Welsh Insurrection. 

Griffith, to be arrested, no doubt for complicity in the dis- 
turbance which took place after the affair of June 6. In 
his letter Lord Ferrers states that Thomas ab Owen, — who 
is only described as Bhys's kinsman, and not, as in Lady 
Katherine's letter, *' the king's servant," — had been put in 
ward **for hurting the people when they came to the 
castle to demand remedy". The natural inference is that 
Ab Owen endeavoured in some way to effect the release 
of Jankyn, and that he was forthwith sent to bear 
Jankyn company in prison.* 

After Rhys had burst in upon the Chief Justice in 
Carmarthen Castle, a violent scene ensued. Lord Ferrers 
states, both in his letter to Wolsey and in the Bill of 
Indictment, that Ehys drew his dagger '*and therewith 
would have f oyned and strycken him in presenss of dyvers 
gentylmen". In the letter he takes the credit to himself 
for having disarmed Bhys, but in the Indictment the deed 



^ The two references help us to identify Thomas ab Owen with 
some approach to certainty. Lord Ferrers calls him a kinsman to 
Rhys ap Griffith ; Lady Katherine describes him as '^ servant to the 
King". A Thomas ab Owen was in 1524 appointed Collector of 
Haverfordwest by Sir Rhys ap Thomas {S, P., vol. iv, pt. i, p. 428): 
in the same year we find that Thomas ap Owen (probably the 
same as Thomas Bowen, bailiff of Carmarthen in 1519), was Mayor 
of Carmarthen. The Mayor seems to have been a dependent of the 
Justice and Chamberlain of South Wales (at that time Sir Rhys 
ap Thomas), and it seems certain that the man who filled the 
important offices of Collector of Haverfordwest and Mayor of 
Carmarthen in the same year was a kinsman or connection of 
his patron, Sir Rhys ap Thomas. On September 10, 1525, we 
find that Thomas ab Owen, ''sewer of the chamber", was appointed 
by the King constable of the castle of Builth in succession to Sir 
Rhys ap Thomas. It is no unreasonable assumption that this is 
the Thomas ap Owen who was thrown into prison by Lord Ferrers. 
The animus of the Chamberlain is evident, for it is hardly possible 
that such a man was the notorious evil-doer Lord Ferrers would 
have the Council believe. 



A Welsh Insurrection, 17 

is ascribed to Lewis Thomas ap John^ ^^gentjlman, the 
king's sworn servant", who is said to have been sore hurt 
and wounded in the right hand by Ehys. Lady Katherine, 
on the other hand, in her letter to Wolsey, says that it 
was Lord Ferrers that first drew his dagger, that Rhys in 
self-defence did likewise, and that there was no harm done 
except that Bhys was hurt in his arm. This, one must 
confess, is the more likely story, for Lord Ferrers was 
by no means a long-suffering man, nor was Bhys a 
violent and quarrelsome hot-head. The conclusion of the 
matter was that Rhys was taken into custody by Lord 
Ferrers, and commanded, on a penalty of £1,000, to remain 
in the castle. Lord Ferrers sent his Chaplain post-haste 
to London to know the Cardinal's will in the matter, and 
the Cardinal, urged by the Lady Katherine, "for the great 
love between Wolsey and her father, that he will not allow 
her husband and herself to have shame and rebuke", lost 
no time in directing the discharge of Rhys, on bail, and 
his appearance before the Court at Westminster to answer 
Lord Ferrers's allegations. 

Tn the meantime, things had progressed rapidly in 
Carmarthen. On the day after Rhys's arrest. Lord Ferrers 
bears witness to the fact that " his friends stir up the 
people to rebellion", and the Lady Katherine states that 
" the county is discontented " at the action of the Chief 
Justice. On June 18 the Chamberlain writes to tell Wolsey 

"of the ^eate rebellion and insurrection of the people in 
thys partyes at the commandyment of Rice Griffiith and my 
lady Ilaward, as for a troth ther was not such insurrecc^on 
in Walys at any time a man can remembre." . . . 

Rhys himself could not, of course, have directed this 

third disturbance, for he was in the Chief Justice's custody 

in Carmarthen Castle. It must, therefore, have been his 

wife, if anyone, who sent the "fiery cross" among his 





1 8 A Welsh Insurrection. 

tenants and friends, and it is to this episode, no doubt, 
that Chapuys, the Imperial ambassador, alludes in his 
letter of Oct. 15, 1530, to Chas. V,* when he says that the 
Lady Katherine had "some months ago besieged the 
governor of Wales (in his castle) for several days, and had 
some of his attendants killed". The details are given with 
some minuteness in the Bill of Indictment. On Wednes- 
day, June 16, the Lady Katherine, we are told, sent 
messengers *'by night and day" to all parts of the 
counties of Carmarthen, Cardigan, and Pembroke, to all 
other lordships from Builth to St. David's "which is nere 
an hundred myles", to raise the country to the rescue of 
Bhys. In a schedule which is annexed to the Bill of 
Indictment a list is given of "the Captaynes and 
ry'gleders of all the people so reased ", and who are said 
to have approached the town and castle of Carmarthen 
upon every quarter by night. Three of them — Rice Bede 
(one of the Redes of Roche Castle?), Lewis Powell ap 
Phyllyp, and Owen Morgan, all of Isthethe (Iscothi ?) in 
the county of Carmarthen — are mentioned as having 
entered " on the west syde of the towne and came in the 
raye of battell," with seven-score men, as far as the dark 
gate, and sent messages to tlie Chief Justice demanding 
the release of their lord and master. Six score of the 
"captayns and ryngleders" were indicted, with Rhys ap 
Griffith, at the Carmarthen Sessions for rebellion, but the 
record of the trial is lost, and the issue is unknown. 

It is clear, however, that there was nothing like an 
organised insurrection on the part of Rhys ap Griffith or 
his tenants. The whole story reads like an unpremedi- 
tated riot. If Rhys had meant seriously to raise an insur- 
rection, he could probably have put, not seven-score, but 

^ CaL State Papers, Spanish. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 19 

three or four thousand men in the field. But the men who, 
in unknown numbers, marched upon Carmarthen by night, 
and the seven-score men who actually entered the town to 
effect his rescue^ were in all probability his own personal 
retinue, who, on finding '^shame and rebuke" being put 
upon their liege lord, burst into open violence. Their 
names were known to Lord Ferrers, which would hardly be 
the case if they were drawn indiscriminately from all parts 
of the three counties. We know, too, that they entered 
Carmarthen on Thursday, June 17, two days after the 
arrest of Bhys, when it was almost impossible for them to 
have come, except in a straggling and haphazard way, 
from Emlyn and Uwchcothi in Carmarthen, and Narberth 
in Pembrokeshire. The nucleus of the ^'captayns and 
ryngleders" would certainly seem to be Rhys's personal 
retainers, supplemented perhaps by stray "friends and 
lovers" who happened to be in town attending the Sessions, 
while a few dependents may have hurried from Tthys's 
possessions upon receiving tidings of his arrest from the 
Lady Katherine. The attempt at rescue, ai all events, was 
a disastrous failure. No lives seem to have been lost, and 
no damage is alleged to have been done. Lord Ferrers, 
writing on the next day — Friday, June 18 — to Wolsey* 
says that he made proclamations in the King's name, and 
that divers of the King's servants and true subjects came 
to his assistance. 

*< Then the Captayns and Ryngleders with all other their 
retynues in every quarter retomyd home into their coun- 
treys, and as now everythyng is quyette." 

The names of the Captains and Ringleaders as given 
in the schedule to the Bill of Indictment, are as follows : — 

" Of the Countie of Kermerdyn : Isthethe (Iscothi ?) Rhys 



* Ä P., vol. iv, pt. iii, 6698. 

2 



20 A Welsh Insurrection. 

Rede — Lewis ap Howell Phillip— Owen Morgan, gentyl- 
man. 

*' Of the Couiitie of Pembroke : 

John Oggan [Wogan ?] — Henry Wyriott, Esquires — Wm. 
ap Owen, lemyd in the lawe — ^Willyam David William, 
gentylmen — John ap Evan ap Gwilym, in the lordship of 
Narberth. 

" Of Emlyn lordship : 

Sir Hugh Gwyn, clerk — Gitto ap Evan ap ll'en — Davyd 
ap Rees, yeoman. 

" Kidwelly is lordship : 

Davyd Vachg'n — Roger Vachg'n — Thomas Vachg'n— 
Morgan Vachg^n, gentylmen. 

" Of the countie of Kermerdjrn — Vuchcothe : 

Evan ap Henrye — John Gr. ap Morgan — Wm. John 
Dee — John Lloyd — Wm. ap Evan ap Rothereche — 
Philip William — John ap Gl'im Thomas — John Lle^n 
Dee the younger — Owen Ryse — Wm. ap Rs ap Eynon, 
gentylmen. 

" Hugh ap Jencken, leder of the Abbot of Talley's tenants. 

"Wm. Thomas Goze, leder of the tenants of the bysshop's 
lands in the counties of Kermerdyn and Cardigan, with 
many others.'' 

After this armed demonstration of Thursday, June 17, 
no further attempt was made to rescue Rhys ap Griffith. 
Some time later he was released on bail of £1,000 by 
order of the King's Council, and he probably departed 
for one of his seats — Carewe or Emlyn, Dynevor or Aber- 
marlais — to prepare for the coming trial in the autumn in 
London. But the temper of Ehys's retainers was still ugly, 
if we may believe the story told in the Bill of Indictment. 
Sometime after the release of Rhys, two of his household 
servants, one called Griffith ap Morgan, "usser of his 
haule", and the other Griffith ap John, "his faulk'nor'% 
about nine o'clock in the evening of August 6th 



A Welsh Insurrection. 21 

''laye in wayte in the toune of Kermerdyn for oon Reynold 
ap Morgan, gentylman, learned in the lawe, lieftenante to 
the said lord fferrers, the king's justice there, and also the 
kyng's bailiff,* and officer of the same toune for the yere 
where the same Reynold was, in God's peace and the Kyng's", 
and assaulted him '^the oon with a greyve and the other 
with a swerd and buckler, geving him many cruell wounds in 
dyvers places of his body, and so hayneously murderyd hym 
ther.'' 

Lord Ferrers goes on to say that after the murder, the 
two Griffiths were several times, "as well in the towne of 
Tenbye as dyvers other places within the said Rice auctor- 
ities, and so dayley maynteyned and f avoryd by hym and 
his." 

In the Michaelmas term — ^probably in the month of 
November 1529, — Bhys ap Griffith was placed upon his 
trial before the Court of Star Chamber. Mr. David Jones, 
writing in 1892, had to confess that "what actually took 
place is to me unknown, for beyond the Bill no record of 
these proceedings has been discovered. It is probable 
that he was heavily fined ". Since 1892, a most valuable 
and interesting MS. has been discovered by Mr. Gwenog- 
vryn Evans in the Mostyn Collection. It contains, among 
other material, a history of his own times by one Ellis 
Griffith, a soldier of Calais. He describes many scenes of 
which he had been an eye-witness. In his Introduction to 
the Mostyn Cataloguey Mr. Evans gives us a tantalising 
taste of the impressionist sketch of Bhys ap Griffith's trial, 



^ In the Cambrian Registery vol. iii, the name of Reynold Morgan is 
given as one of the bailiffs for Carmarthen in 1527, but Rhys ap 
Griffith and David Rees David Thomas, are given as the bailiffs for 
the year 1529. It may be, however, that after his arrest Rhys was 
suspended from the duties of his office, and Reynold Morgan appoint- 
ed in his stead. 



22 A Welsh Insurrection. 

at the Court of King's Bench at Westminster, which the 
soldier wrote/ 

''And it chanced that I was present on that day, with 
many others from all parts of the kingdom, when and where 
I heard the ugliest accusations and charges that two gentle- 
men could bring each against the other, — charges and accu- 
sations which thousands of poor men would not for any 
amount of wealth have had brought against them by word of 

mouth, much less in writing And notwithstanding 

the numerous threats of the Cardinal against them, I never 
once heard a word from him in defence of the poor, whom 
both had grievously wronged, according to the written state- 
ment of each about the other/'^ 

The procedure is not very clear from the condensed 
account given of Ellis Griffith's narrative in the Intro- 
duction to the Mostyn Catalogue, '^Both parties were sum- 
moned before the Court," — what Court we are not told, 
but it must have been the Court of King's Bench in 
Westminster — 

''where each of them made the most serious complaints and 
allegations against the other that was possible, not only 
about the affray (ffrae) that had been between them, but in 
respect of the oppression of the people and the bribery of 
which each said the other was guilty. And when the Court 
had listened to their mutual accusations for some time, the 
Cardinal summoned the case before him into the Star Cham- 
ber,^' 

where it was not till "after a long process of time" that 
the Cardinal ''bade them take up their written evidence" 
(i hysgriven o gyhìiddiant) . "Both parties were next cen- 

' Intro., pp. ix, X. 

' Ellis Griffith felt no love for Rhys. He records that his death was 
generally looked upon as the visitation of Grod, for the many deeds of 
injustice and spoliation done by his father, grandfather, and great 
grandfather,— a statement which is hard to reconcile with the known 
facts of young Rhys's career and his great popularity in South Wales. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 23 

Bored severely for their misdoings," says Mr. Evans in his 
summary of Ellis Griffith's account, "and Lord Ferrers 
in particular for his bad temper and want of sense in 
quarreling with one young enough to be his son, and 
whose youth was his excuse. They were finally dis- 
missed^ with the command that they were to make peace 
between their respective followers, * and to depart thence 
by land and water, arm in arm, to the palace and the 
Meet'/' 

So ends the first act in Bhys ap Griffith's tragic story. 
He must have been released not later than the month of 
November 1529, for in that month the great Cardinal fell, 
never to rise again. It is not improbable that this was his 
last big affair of State. It may be that he was moved to 
do an act of kindness to young Bhys out of tenderness to 
the memory of his old acquaintance, Sir Bhys ap Thomas ; 
or it may be that he took that opportunity of showing his 
'* great love" to the Duke of Norfolk, Ehys's brother-in- 
law, who was even then desperately intent on his rival's 
downfall, and who was intriguing to supplant the **old 
Queen," Catherine of Arragon, by his young and beautiful 
niece, Anne Boleyn. Whatever might have been the 
Cardinal's motive, — whether pity for an attractive youth, 
or tenderness for his grandsire's memory, or whether it 
was a gambler's last throw in the game for power, — it is 
certain that the Cardinal's intervention saved Bhys ap 
Griffith for a time from the fate which was impending over 
him. As long as Wolsey lived, Rhys was suffered to re- 
main — ^probably in London — unmolested. The last eccle- 
siastical statesman of England did not long survive 
his fall from power. He was disgraced before the 
end of 1529; the summer of the following year had 
not closed before the great Cardinal was sleeping his 
last long sleep. 



24 A Welsh Insurrection, 



II. The Death op Ehts ap Griffith. 

What happened from the release of Rhys ap Griffith at 
the end of 1529 to the beginning of October 1530, where 
Rhys spent the interval, and what were his pursuits, are 
questions which cannot now be answered. He seems to 
have possessed a house in Islington, then a fashionable 
suburb of London, and, judging from the absence of any 
warrant for his arrest, such as was sent to Lord Ferrers 
for the arrest of his kinsman, James ap Griffith, we may 
conclude that in October he was in residence there. 

On October 7, 1530, the King sent the following war- 
rant to Lord Ferrers for the arrest of one James ap Griffith 
ap Howell.* 

"Henry the Eight by the grace of Grod king to our 
right trystye and right well beloved counsellor, Walter Lord 
Fferrera our justice in South Wales gretyng. Fforasmuche 
as it ys come to our privyte knowledge and understandyng, 
that James ap Griffyth ap Howell hath not only dysobeyed 
sundry our lettres and commandyments, but also fortefyed 
himself in South Wales within the Castell of Emlyn as our 
reboll and dysobeysaunte subjecte, We therefore havyng 
specyall truste and confidence in your approved fidelite 
wysdome and circumspection woll and comaunde you and 
by thes prosentys yeve unto you full power and auctorite to 
levye assemble and gadre suche and as many our subjectys 
inhabitaunts as well within South Wales as in North Wales 
as ye shall thynke mete and convenyent for the apprehensyon 
and takyng of the said James ap Griifyth ap Howell his par- 
takers and adherents being within the said castell as our 
rebells and dysobeysaunt subiectys, And in case any of the 
said robelles within the said castell do defende theym selfys 
ayenste you with force and strength then those that ye shall 
fynde so defondyng theym selfys in that behalf to put to due 



' 8, P., vol. iv, 6709, Privy Seal, Oct. 22, H. VIll. 



A Welsh Insurrection, 25 

executyon accordyng to the ordre of our lawes. Wherefore 
we woU and commaunde you with diligence to execute this 
our pleasure and commaundement, And moreover we woll 
Mid command e all and singler mayors shirreffs bayliffes 
constables and all other our officers and faithfull subiectys 
by these presents to be aidyng helpyng counselling and 
assisting you in the executyon herof, As they will answer 
unto us at theyr uttmoste perils, In witness whereof/' &c. 

This is the first mention we have of James ap Griffith 
ap Howell, a man who was to exercise a baleful influence 
over Rhys's future career, and who was destined to endure a 
long exile on the Continent, and to lead a life alternating 
from the depths of penury to the heights of splendid ro- 
mance. He is described in the pardon, which was made 
out to him two years later, as of " Castell Maelgwn in the 
county of Pembroke, alias of Spyttye (Tsbytty) in the lord- 
ship of St. John in the county of Cardigan, alias of Emlyn 
in the county of Carmarthen, alias of Llanddewibrefi in the 
lordship of the Bishop of St. David's, and alias of Rustely 
and Cavillog (Arwystli and Cyveiliog) in Powys". Lord 
Dacre, writing to Henry VIII on July 2, 1533, says that 
James "calls himself uncle to Ryse of Wales", and Sir 
Thomas Wharton, writing to Cromwell on July 11, says 
that James "is said to be the uncle of Rys ap Griffith, some 
say his sister's son". On July 20, Lord Dacre calls him 
"son to Sir Rice ap Thomas"; and a good deal of uncertainty 
existed at that time and since as to the identity of James 
ap Griffith and his relationship to Rhys ap Griffith. Mr. 
David Jones was unable to "fix his place in Welsh genea- 
logy", and in the Index to the State Papers, and in 
Froude's History, he is confounded with a certain Robert 
Branseteur, an Englishman in the Emperor's service. His 
pedigree is, however, given in The Book of Golden Grove, 
and is referred to also in Lewis Dwnn's Heraldic Visitation. 
On the father's side he was lineally descended from 



26 A Welsh Insurrection, 

Elystan Glodrydd, and on the mother's side he was a 
"Welsh uncle" of Rhys ap Griffith.^ His mother was 
Sage, the daughter of Thomas ap Griffith ap Nicolas, and 
the sister of Sir Rhys ap Thomas. His father predeceased 
Sage, who married, for her second husband, Gwilym Goch 
Thomas Vychan.' James's family, therefore, was one of 
some position and importance in South Wales, and he 
himself seems to have been a man of substance, for we 
find Cromwell fixing his ransom in 1531 at £626 13«. 4d., 
a very large sum in those days.' Rhys's great-grandson, 
Henry Rice, calls James ap Griffith "a man of mean estate, 
having his chiefest stay of living from the said Rice, and 



' The following genealogy may be of use, taken from The Book of 
Golden Grove, B. 301 ; and Lewis Dwnn: 

Grono Goch of Llangathen (living at Lanlas, Llangathen). 

Griffith, lord of Llangathen, Carmarthen. 

David^Joan, f. Morgan Winter, Carmarthen. 

Thomas. 

\ 

! I I 

Thomas Vachan Rhys, Abergwili David. Gwemant, Trocd- 

{v. Dwnn, p. 140). (c Dwnn, p. 26). yraur, Cardigan. 

Griffith, of Cryngae (2) f. Sir Thos. Pcr-rHowcU, of Cefn-«(0 Anne, f. Dd. Poll 
in Emlyn=»Gwen- rott, Kt. coed, Llanegwad, Griffith Va'n of 



llian, f. Grffith ap 
Nicolas. 



Carm. Trewem, 



(a) Sage, ferch Thomas apvGriffith=(i) Sibil, f. Rowland Wig- 
Griffith ap Nicolas. more, f. Dd. Ll'en ap 

G'llm. 

(i) Mawd. f. Morgan Bevan«Jaraes---(3^ l^lizsiheth or Elen, f. 
Ll'en G 11m Lloyd. I I Owen ap Evan Va'n. 



I . . . .. . . _. _!_.... _.. I 



Jenkin, ah. John»Mary, f. Jno Tho- Sage«»Philip ap Elizabeth, f. Castell 
'I, of Pen- mas ap Harry of Henry, als, Maelgwn— John 

Cryngae : he m. Vaugnan. Rees Va'n. 



Powell, of Pen- 
rallt, Esq. 



Elen, f. Le's Dd. 
Merd. (v. Dwnn, 
p. 62). 



I I I 

Mary=Matthias Bowen Elizabeth»- John Le's, par- John Powell— f. Parry, 

of Nevcrn. son, Llanpurop- C'then. 

saint. 

=* Golden Grove Book, A. 139. 
^ S. P., Hen. VIII, vol. v, 637. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 27 

being on a tyme verie familiar together".* It is probable 
that some of James's possessions, mentioned in his pardon, 
were not his own in absolute ownership. Emlyn was 
almost certainly the property of Rhys ap Griffith, and is 
mentioned as such in the computus of Wm. Brabazon after 
Bhys's death.' Nor is it likely that his interest in Tsbytty 
and Llanddewibrefi was very valuable. His connection 
with Arwystli and Cyveiliog — the westernmost portions of 
modem Montgomeryshire — is still more obscure. But 
whatever it was, it must have brought him into personal 
contact with the inhabitants of those districts : for as late 
as September 1585, when James had long been a fugitive 
on the Continent, we find that a certain David Lloyd ap 
Owen, dwelling in Maigham Cloyth (Machynlleth) in 
Cyveiliog, sent a letter to one Robert ap Reynolds, a spear 
at Calais, asking news of James Griffith ap Howell, and 
"to send word to Bosums Inn".* The lordship of Castell 
Maelgwn, in Pembrokeshire, would however seem almost 
certainly to have been his. In the Indictment against 
Rhys (vide infra) ^ James is described simply as of " Castell 
Maelgom," and his daughter Elizabeth is said, in the 
pedigrees, to have been "ferch Castell Maelgwn". His 
son, John or Jenkin, is described in the Book of Oolden 
Qrove as being "of Penrallt", a small country seat 

• Cambr. Reg., vol. ii. 

• S. P., vol. v, 448. It Ì8 treated by James himself, while in the 
Tower, as the property of Rhys. See the Indictment infra. 

• S. P., vol. ix, 319. Dd. Lloyd is described by Robert ap Reynolds, 
who was probably a native of Cyveiliog, as "one of the richest men in 
Wales". On September 21, 15do, Cromwell ordered Bishop Lee, of 
Lichfield, the President of the Council of the Marches, to apprehend 
David Lloyd ap Owen. A month later Lee sends him to Cromwell 
(& P., vol. ix, 706). His further fate is unknown, unless he be the 
man mentioned by Lee in his letter to Cromwell on January 19, lf536 
(S. P., vol. X, 130). " We have received the two outlaws, David Lloide, 
or Place, and John ab Richard Ilockulton We have sent the 



28 A Welsh Insurrection. 

between Cardigan and New Quay : but this probably came 
to him through his wife, the daughter of John Thomas ap 
Harry, of Cryngae, for James was attainted in 1539, and 
his son Jenkin was without lands in 1540. But though 
James must have been a man of some consequence, and of 
more ambition, he is never mentioned as having filled any 
office under Sir Rhys ap Thomas or the King. This could 
hardly have been due to youthfulness. His mother, Sage, 
was the daughter of Thomas ap Griffith ap Nicolas, and 
must have been bom before 1 470. Griffith ap Howell was 
her first husband, and a conjecture that his son James was 
born about 1490 would probably not be wide of the mark. 
James, therefore, would be nearly forty years of age at the 
time of the " affray " in Carmarthen between Lord Ferrers 
and Rhys ap Griffith. He took no part in the disturbance, 
and he does not seem to have been with his nephew in the 
town. He was implicated in none of the subsequent riots. 
The little we know of the earlier portion of his life is de- 
rived from the confession of his servant, David Williams.* 
His friends were " Thomas ap Rother, of the Krengarth " 
(Thomas ap Rhydderch of Cryngae in Emlyn, whose grand- 
daughter James's son Jenkin afterwards married), David 
Vaughan, and David Meredith of Kidwelly, Rhydderch ap 
David ap Jenkyn in South Carmarthenshire, and Walter 

two .... to trial. To-morrow they shall have justice done to them. 
God pardon their souls ''. There are frequent refer- 
ences to Robert ap Reynolds, the "spear," in the State Papers. In 
December 1535, Sir Henry Knewet writes from Windsor to Lord 
Lisle, the Governor of Calais, to say that " Rob. Reynoldes, spear of 
Calais, desires to set up a brewhouse within the Marches, which he 
cannot do without the King's licence. He is a very honest man, and 
I beg you will write me letters desiring me to labour to the King in 
his behalf". This looks as if this was his reward for his treachery to 
David Lloyd ap Owen in yielding up his letter in the previous 
September. 

» 8, P., Hen. VIII, vol. vi, 1591. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 29 

ap John, who cannot be further identified. He would, 
therefore, seem to have spent most of his life in Carmar- 
thenshire and the Emljn district, and there is no hint that 
his life was in any way different from that led by other 
country gentlemen of the same class and position. No 
reason is assigned in the warrant for his action in fortifying 
himself in the Castle of Emlyn, in October 1530. In 
what respect he had "disobeyed sundry letters and com- 
mandyments" of the King, or what the letters referred to, 
we are not told. Henry Bice, indeed, suggests a ground 
for his arrest which seems incredible. "James ap Griffith", 
he says, "was apprehended by the said Eice (ap Griffith) 
for counterfeating the Great Seal, and by him sent up to 
the lords of the Council, and so committed to the Tower." 
Whatever element of truth this statement may contain, it 
conveys no real explanation of James's arrest in October 
1530. The warrant was issued by the King and directed 
to Lord Ferrers. Rhys ap Griffith is not mentioned any- 
where aa having taken any part in his apprehension. He 
appears to have been in London at the time, and within a 
few days of the issue of the warrant, and before James 
had been brought a prisoner to London, Rhys was himself 
lodged in the Tower on some unknown charge. All the 
circumstances attending this incident are obscure. The 
whole of our knowledge is obtained from a letter which the 
watchful Chapuys sent to Charles V, on October 15, 1530.^ 

''The King has sent to the Tower a Welsh gentleman 
named Kis, who married one of the Duke of Norfolk's sisters, 
hecause (as report goes) not satisfied with his wife having 
some months ago besieged the governor of Wales (in his 
Castle) for several days, and had some of his attendants 
killed, he himself has threatened to finish what his wife had 
begun." 

' Cal. State Papered Spanish. 



30 A Welsh Insurrection. 

It almost looks as if Rhys had not taken to heart the 
warning he had received the preceding year, but that he 
nursed his wrath and cherished schemes of revenge against 
Lord Ferrers. In James ap Griffith he would find a willing 
tool for daring and desperate plans, and nothing is more 
likely than that the arrest of uncle and nephew, which 
took place almost simultaneously, was due to the same 
cause. 

It is not known when and how James ap Griffith waa 
apprehended. That his arrest was effected without diffi- 
culty, if not without opposition, may be gathered from the 
silence of the State Papers on the point. Many years later, 
in 1548, James Leche of South Wales — no doubt, the James 
Leche already mentioned as Mayor of Carmarthen in 1527, 
and Lord Ferrers's messenger in 1529 — petitioned the Privy 
Council of Edward VI for the continuance of an annuity 
of 20 marks, which had been granted him in September, 
1535/ "in respect of his old service in the apprehension of 
James Griffith Apowell, traitour and outlawe''." It would 
seem, therefore, that Lord Ferrers sent Leche to Emlyn to 
apprehend James ap Griffith. In one place — in the con- 
fession of Ellington, which will be dealt with more fully 
later on — there may be a hint that James defended him- 
self. In 1533 James, we know, was sending Elling^n to 
London to make certain payments on his behalf "con- 
samynge the hurtynge of Wylliam Vaghan of Kylgarron".* 
William Vaughan of Cilgerran Castle was a considerable 
personage in his own district, which bordered on the lord- 

' S, B, Pat., p. 2, m. 6. 

• Acts of the Privy Council, ed. J. R. Dacent, vol. ii, p. 224. The 
reason for the request, "forasmych as the poore gentleman, being now 
aged and lacking living", presumably weighed with the Council, and 
the annuity was confirmed. 

» S. P., Hen. Vm, vol. vi, 1648. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 31 

ship of Emlyn. In 1535, for instance, he and Thomas ap 

Bhydderch of Cryngae and four others were appointed 

*^ Commissioners to inquire into the tenths of spiritualities 

in St. David's"-* It is not improbable that, eis he was 

close to Emljn, James Leche should have called upon him 

to assist in the apprehension of James ap Griffith, and that 

he was wounded in the attempt. There is, at least, no 

record of any other proceeding in which James ap Grrifldth 

could have done any "hurt" to William Vaughan. Be 

that as it may, James was taken to the Tower of London, 

where he found his nephew, Rhys ap Griffith, already 

lodged. There they lay for many months without, so far 

as is known, being put upon their trial or being acquainted 

with the charges made against them. By June 1531, 

however, long confinement and anxiety began to tell 

upon Rhys, and he was let out on bail, according to 

Chapuys, on account of ill-health.* Until the following 

September 21, Rhys remained at liberty. On that day, 

however, we are told by Chapuys that he was sent back to 

bear his uncle company. On September 26, 1531, Chapuys 

writes:' 

''Five days ago the seigneur de Ris, brother-in-law of the 
Duke of Norfolk, was re-arrested and lodged at the Tower. 
He was let out on bail, on the plea of bad health, but has 
again been constituted a prisoner. He is accused of having 



' Ä P., Hen. Vm, vol. viii, 149 (71). 

' Cal. S. Pap.f Spanish, 796. The date of Rhys^s release on bail is 
fixed by an entry in the State Papers (vol. xii, pt. ii, 181: v. also Cott. 
Titus B. i, fo. 155, in the Brit. Mus.), "Rhys ap Griffith, for his bed 
and board (at the Tower) for eleven months at 10«., and his servant 
at 40d" Rhys was, therefore, eleven months altogether in the Tower. 
We know he was first lodged there in October 1530, that he was sent 
back on September 21, 1531, and beheaded, December 4, 1531. He 
was therefore let out on bail early in June 1531. 

» Cal. S. P., Span., 796. 



32 A Welsh Insurrection. 

tried to procure means of escaping [from England], and 
going either to your Majesty's Court or into Scotland, 
where, owing to the credit and favour he enjoys in Wales, he 
hoped to be able to undertake something against the King.^ 

Chapujs' information was accurate, so far as it went. 
The full story of Bhys's crimes and misdemeanours 
was told before the Court of King's Bench at Westminster 
in the following November, — " in the Monday next after 
the xvth of seynt Martin last past" is the date given in 
the Indictment and the Act of Attainder passed in 1532. 
Two others, servants or dependents of his own, were placed 
in the dock beside him. The one was his clerk, Edward 
Lloyd or Floyd, of Carew, who turned King's evidence ; 
the other was William Hughes, gentleman, also of Carew, 
who sturdily protested his and his master's innocence to 
the last. Young Rhys and his faithful servant, William 
Hughes, were found guilty by the jury, and condemned to 
death by the Court. On Monday, Dec. 4, 1531, the last 
penalty of the law was inflicted. '*The execution took 
place this morning", writes Chapuys on December 4,* 
^^ and the said Eis was beheaded in the same spot where 
the Duke of Buckingham suffered a similar fate", i.6, on 
Tower Hill. A less honourable and more barbarous 
punishment bef el poor William Hughes. He was " drawne 
from the Tower of London to Tiburne, where he was 
hanged, his bowells burnt, and his bodie quartered".* 
In the following Sessions of Parliament both master and 
man were dulv attainted.* 

Henry Rice has given a summary of the counts in the 
Indictment which was preferred against Rhys and his 

* CaL State Papered Spanish, 853. 

' Wrìotheêleý's Chronicles, Camden Series, p. 17 ; v. also Holling- 
shed, who gives his names as *'John Hewes*\ 

9 RolU of Parliament, 23 lien. Vlll. State Papers, 153-720. No. 14, 
given in full in the Arch, Cambr., 5th ser., vol. ix. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 33 

two servants.* Henry Bice, however, in his anxiety to clear 

his ancestor of the charge of treason, does scant justice to 

the evidence with which the charge was supported. The 

Indictment itself, which has never before been published 

in its entirety, is worth careful and close scrutiny. 

''Adhuc de termino Sancti Michaelis Bex. 
M'sez Alias scilicet die mercurie proximo post Octavum sancti 
Martini isto eodem termino coram domino rege apud West^ 
monasterium per sacramentum xii juratorum extitit praesen- 
tatus Quod Ricardus ap Griffith nuper de London armiger 
alias dominus Rice ap Gruffith nuper de Karewe in Wallia 
armiger Edwardus Fâoid nuper de London yoman alias 
dominus Edwardus Lloid nuper de Karewe in Wallia yoman 
et Willielmus Hughes nuper de London gentilman alias 
dominus Willielmus Hughes nuper de Karewe in Wallia 
gentilman deum pro oculis non herentes set instigatione 
diabolica seducti ex eorum malicia proditorita prsecogitata 
vicesimo octavo die Augusti anno regni supremi domini 
nostri regis nunc Henrici octavi vicesimo teHio apud 
Iseldonem in praedicto comitatu Middlesex false proditorie 
et contra eorum legeancie debitum se invicem vinculo 
juramenti admuniorunt et confederaverunt depositionem 
quoque ac mortem serenissimi et excellentissimi principis 
domini nostri regis supradicti adtunc et ibidem false et 
proditorie machinaverunt imaginaverunt et compassaverunt 
et ad illud eorum abolendissimum et nephandissimum pro- 
positum practicandum perimplendum et perfìciendum post 
longa eorum inde tractatus et colloquia inter se adtunc et 
ibidem habita inter que adtiinc et ibidem recolebant et inter 
se colloquentes sepius repetendo et dicebant quod hec 
antiqua subsequens prophecia existit in Wallia videlicet 
that king Jamys with the red hand^ and the ravens should 

^ Caminian Register, vol. ii, p. 270. 

^ The prevalence of the prophecy at this time that the King of 
Scotland, together with the Red Hand (Llawgoch) and the Ravens 
would conquer all England is interesting. It shows that in Rhys*s 
country — which was, roughly speaking, Carmarthenshire — the tra- 
dition about Owen Lawgoch was even then current, and it is not 
unimportant that the tradition should still be found in South, not in 
North Wales. The Ravens, of course, were the ravens of Owen ap 
Urien Rheged, which formed the coat of arms of the Dynevor family. 

D 



34 A Welsh Insurrection, 

conquere all England super quo adtunc et ibidem fínaliter 
false et proditorie concluserunt aggreaverunt et determin- 
averunt quod ipsi iidem Ricardus Edwardus et Willielmus 
infra breve tempus extunc íFuturum videlicet quamcito idem 
Ricardus per modum venditionis alicujus maneriorum terra- 
rum aut tenementorum suorum seu impignorationis alicujus 
eorundem aut per mutuum chevecenciam vel alitor com- 
petentem pecunie summam obtinere seu acquirere poterat in 
Scotiam ad Jacobum regem Scotorum occulte videlicet per 
et ultra insulam Mannie et deinde per et ultra terram 
Hibernie vocatam Wilde Irish et abinde in Scotiam pre- 
dictam false et proditorie iter arriperent dicti quare regis 
Scotorum vim et potentiam armatam et auxilium in prsemissis 
implorarent peterent et obtineront hac proditoria intentione 
videlicet quod ipsi in hoc regnum Anglie unacum praefato 
Jacobo Scotorum rege et magno virorum beUicorum exercitu 
videlicet tam Scotorum quam ceterorum si qui fuerint 
Anglorum proditorum false et proditorie reverterent necnon 
bellum publicum versus et superdictum supremum dominum 
nostrum regem proditorie erigerent et levarent. Eorum 
bello eundem dominum nostrum regem et regia sua dignitate 
false et proditorie deponerent et interfìcerent atque etiam 
secundum propheciam suprascriptam praefatum Scotorum 
regem in regem hujus rcgni Anglie et praefatum Ricardum 
ap Gruffith in principem Walliae proditorie perfícereut 
facerent et crearent eb hiis omnibus suprascriptis per et 
inter praefatos Ricardum Edwardum et Willielmum false et 
proditorie conclusis et determinatis idem Ricardus postea 
videlicet prime die Septembris anno vicesimo tertio supra- 
dicto proditorie misit praefatum Edwardum ffloyd ab 
Iseldone praedicta usque ad et in turrem Londinii proditorie 
percipiendo eidem Edwardo — quatenus ipse fidem et pro- 
missum securum ex quodam Jacobo ap Gruffith ap Howell 
nuper domino de Castell Maelgom in Wallia Gentilman 
adtunc in turre praedicta prisonario existente acciperet quod 
ipse idem Jacobus omnia et singula per ipsum Edwardum ex 
praedicto domino Ricardo ap Gruffith intimanda et revelanda 
secrete celaret (quibus fide et promisso acceptis) idem 
Edwardus omnia et singula ut praefertur proditorie conclusa 
et determinata atque propheciam praedictam eidem Jacobo 
plene et integre indicaret et revelaret instanter requirens 
eundem Jacobum quod ipse se eisdem Ricardo Edwardo et 
Willielmo ad praemissa agenda et perficienda adjuv[a]ret (?) 
ot confederatum exhiberet et quod si idem Edwardus fidem 



A Welsh Insurrection. 35 

et promissum securum praefati Jacobi habere potuisset 
tunc idem Edwardus praefatum Jacobum persuaderet quod 
ipse sacramentum eucharistie cum prefato Ricardo in fedus 
et securitatem praemissa periiciendi reciperet. Cujus quidem 
praecepti praetextu praedictus Edwardus Ffloyd ab Iseldone 
praedicta usque ad et in dictam turrem Londinii dicto primo 
die Septembris proditorie transivit et in eadem turre 
negotium praedictum in omnibus prout ei per dictum 
Ricardum ut praescribitur fuit praeceptum eodem primo die ' 
Septembris in turre praedicta praefato Jacobo proditorie 
dixit fecit et performavit praedictusque Jacobus fidem et 
promissum sua praedicta ad praedicta omnia sibi intimata 
secrete celanda adtunc et ibidem praefato Edwardo pro- 
ditorie dedit atque ad praemissa proditoria proposita et 
intentiones praefati Ricardi peragendi ad posse suum adju- 
vare et in feodus praemissorum ex parte sua peragenda 
perimplenda sacramentum eucharistie cum praefato Ricardo 
recipere adtunc et ibidem praefato Edwardo concensiit et 
aggreavit et quod in praedictis tractatu et confederatione 
inter praefatos Jacobum et Edwardum de praemissis habitis 
idem Edwardus praefato Jacobo adtunc et ibidem dixit et 
intimavit quod idem Jacobus adeo bene salvo et securo 
potuit dare fidem et credere praefato Willielmo Hughes 
et animum ipsius Jacobi eidem Willielmo in praemissis 
revelare quandocumque idem Willielmus cum prefato Jacobo 
de praemissis loqueretur siculi eidem Edwardo crederet et 
quod praedictus Ricardus ap Gruffith proponebat et inten- 
debat impignorare et in mortuum vadium ponere cuidam 
Roberto White civi et pannario Londinii maneria ipsius 
Ricardi de Narberth et Carewe pro quibus idem Ricardus 
habere debuit de praedicto Roberto Wliyte in promptis 
pecuniis duo millia librarum. Et quod idem Ricardus voluit 
mutuare tantum pecunie quantum possibiliter potuit et quod 
idem Richardus non curabat in quas obligationes obligaretur 
pro optentione inde quia dixit quod idem Ricardus nunquam 
praevaleret in hoc mundo excepto eo quod manibus suis 
lucraretur et quod idem Ricardus nunquam voluit ire in 
Walliam nisi poterat earn ingredi ad habendam eam totam 
ad ejus bene placitum et mandatum et insupor praesentatus 
extitit quod postea videlicet quarto die iSeptembris anno 
vicesimo tertio supradicto praefati Ricardus ap Gruffith et 
Edwardus Ffloyd dictum Willielmum Hughes ab Iseldone 
praedicta usque ad et in praedictam turrem Londinii prae- 
fato Jacobo proditorie miserunt eidem Willielmo praecip- 

D 2 



36 A Welsh Insurrection. 

ientes quod ipse cum praefato Jacobo proditorie loqueretur 
eidem que Jacobo diceret quod ipse missus fuit eidem 
Jacobo per praefatum Ricardum ap Gruffith per hoc signum 
videlicet quod dictus Edwardus Ffloyd eidem Jacobo dixerat 
quod ipse tantum crederet dicto Willielmo cum accederet 
ad eum quantum eidem Edwardo. Et quod adtunc idem 
Willielmus cum praefato Jacobo coincaret et coUoqueretur 
ad intentionem quod ipse animum praefati Jacobi scrutaret 
et centiret quomodo idem Jacobus dispositus erat et inten- 
debat in praemissis et quod si eum securum dispositum ad 
dicto proditoria proposita praefatorum Ricardi Edwardi et 
Williekni perfîcienda adjuvare inviniret ipsum Jacobum 
ad sacramentum eucharistie in flfedus praemissarum pro- 
dicionum perimplendi et performandi cum praefato Ricardo 
recipere proditorie persuaderet et provocaret atque pres- 
biterum ad sacramentum illud in fedus praedictum eidem 
Jacobo et postea praefato Ricardo ministrandum pro- 
ditorie ofierret cujus quidem praecepti praetexti dictus 
Willielmus Hughes ab Iseldone praedicta usque ad et in 
praedictam turrem Londinii in dicto comitatu Middlesex 
praedicto die Septembris proditorie transivit et in eadem 
turre negotium praedictum in omnibus prout eidem Willielmo 
per dictos Ricardum et Edwardum ut praescribitur praecep- 
tum fuit eodem quarto die Septembris apud turrem prae- 
dictam et in eadem turre in dicto comitatu Middlesex 
praefato Jacobo proditorie dixit fecit et performavit et 
ultimo — quod praedictus Jacobus proditorios animos et 
mentes praefatorum Ricardi ap Gruffith Edwardi et Willielmi 
ex dictis insinuatione et intimatione inde praefati Edwardi 
ffloyd eidem Jacobo factis sciens et agnoscens et duorum 
eorundem Ricardi Edwardi et Willielmi feloniis et proditoriis 
propositis et intentionibus ut praescribitur proditorie concen- 
siens volens que eosdem Ricardum Edwardum et Willielmum 
ad dictas eorum proditiones perfìciendas quantum in eodem 
Jacobo adtunc extiterat proditorie adjuvare et succurrere 
tertio die Septembris anno vicesimo tertio supradicto apud 
dictam turrem Londinii in dicto comitatu Middlesex litteras 
quasdam proditorie scripsit et eas cuidam Johanni Hughes^ 
proditorie direxit per quas litteras idem Jacobus intendens 



' This John Hughes is probably the same as the one mentioned in 
Cromwell's ^'desperat obligations" next year. Ou Sept. % 1632, 
(Ä P., vol. v, 1285) Cromwell entered among his ' 'obligations^ that 



A Welsh Insurrection. 37 

pecunias pro praefato Ricardo providere et optinere ad 
dicta ejus et ipsius Jacobi falsta et proditoria proposita 
et intentiones perficienda et exequenda praefato Johanni 
Hughes inter cetera proditiorie intimabat quod praefatus 
Ricardus ex necessitate unum vel duo de dominiis suis 
in Wall] a existentibus vendere aut impignorare oportebat 
ad contendandum et solvendum dicto domino regi et ceteris 
creditoribus suis eorum debita. Et quod dominium praefati 
Ricardi de Emlyn pro diversis considerationibus aptum fuit 
pro praefato Johanne Hughes quod que si idem Johannes 
cum praefato Ricardo pro eodem dominio bargainare vellet 
idem Ricardus allocare volebat praefato Johanni antiquum 
debitum quod praedictus Jacobus eidem Johanni .... 
prius debebati praedictusque Jacobus easdem litteras suas a 
dicta turre Londinii praefato Johanni Hughes per quemdam 
Willielmum ap John servientem ipsius Jacobi proditorie 
misit et deliberari fecit, et ulterius quod praedictus Jacobus 
dictos proditorios animos et mentes praefatorum Ricardi 
Edwardi et Willielmi ex dictis informatione et intimatione 
inde praefati Edwardi Ffloyd eidem Jacobo ut praedicitur 
factis sciens et agnoscens atque suprascriptis eorundem 
Ricardi Edwardi et Willielmi f eloniis et proditoriis propositis 
et intentionibus ut praefertur concensiens proditorieque 
volens et appetens eosdem Ricardum Edwardum et Williel- 
mum in practitionibus perpetrationibus et operationibus 
eorundem proditionum praevalere secundo tertio et quarto 
diebus dicti mensis Septembris consilium opinionem et 
avisamentum ipsius Jacobi per dictos Edwardura et Williel- 
mum diversis vicibus videlicet quolibet die eorundem dierum 
inter prefatos Ricardum et Jacobum tanquam nuntios 
eorundem Jacobi et Ricardi hinc et inde videlicet a turre 
praedicta a praefato Jacobo usque ad Isoldonem praedictam 
ad praedictum Ricardum et deinde ab ipso Ricardo usque ad 
et in turrem praedictam ad praefatum Jacobum euntes et 
redeuntes praefato Ricardo viis mediis et modis quibus iidem 
Ricardus et Jacobus nequissime potentissime et callidissime 
proditiones supradictas per praefatos Ricardum Edwardum 
et Willielmuin ut praedicitur corapassatas et imaginatas 
perimplere exequi et perfícere potuissent proditorie exhibuit 



"by John Heughes of London to Sir Wm. Kyngeston (the constable 
of the Tower) and Sir Edw. Walsingham, that James Griffith 
AppoweU shall be true prisoner in the Tower". 



38 A Welsh Insurrection. 

misit et destinavit, et praeterea per sacramentuin jurat orum 
proditorie extitit praesentatus quod praefatus Ricardus ap 
Griffith post dicta falsa et proditoria proposita sua ut praedici- 
tur devisata et imaginata videlicet dicto primo die Septem- 
bris apud Iseldonem praedictam novum nomen videlicet 
Ryce ap Grufiith ffitzuryen in se proditorie assumpsit hac 
intentione videlicet quod ipse statum et honorem dictae 
principalitatis Wallie proditoriis suis viis et mediis supra- 
scriptis dignius et sub praetenso tituli colore proditorie 
optinere poterat et habere. Sicque praedicti Ricardus ap 
Gruffith Ëdwardus Fâoyd Willielmus Hughes et Jacobus ap 
Gruffith ap Howell depòsitionem et mortem supremi dicti 
domini regis Henrici octavi supradicti false et proditorie 
contra eorum legeancie debitum machinaverunt imagin- 
averunt et compassaverunt contra pacem coronam regaliam 
et dignitatem suas et universum regnum dicti domini nostri 
regis nunc, &c., per quod praeceptum fuit vicecomiti quod 
nou omitteret, <&c., quin caperet eos si, &c., et modo scilicet 
die veneris proximo post octavum sancti Martini isto eodem 
termino coram domino rege apud Westmonasterium vene- 
runt praedicti Ricardus ap Gruffith et Willielmus Hughes 
per Willielmum Kyngstou militem conjstabularium turris 
Londinii in cujus custodia perantea ex causa praedicta et 
aliis certis de causis commissi sunt ad barram hie ducti in 
propriis personis suis qui committuntur eidem constabulario, 
<&c., et statim do proditionibus praedictis eis separatim 
superius imponeriti separatim allocuti qualiter se velint inde 
acquietare dicunt separatim quod ipsi in nulio sunt inde 
culpabilcs et inde do bono et malo separatim ponunt se 
super terram, &c., Ideo venit inde jurati coram domino rege 
apud Westmonasterium die lune proximo post quindenum 
sancti Martini et qui, &c., ad recognitionem, &c., Quia, «See., 
idem dies daius est praefati Ricardus ap Gruffith et Williel- 
mus Hughes in custodia praefati constabularii dicte turris 
Londinii, <&c., ad quos diem et locum coram domino rege 
venerunt praedicti Ricardus ap Gruffith et Willielmus 
Hughes sub custodia praefati constabularii turris Londinii in 
propriis personis suis et jurati exacti scilicet venerunt. Qui 
ad veritatem de praemissis dicendam electi triati et jurati 
dicunt su{)er sacramentum suum quod praedicti Ricardus ap 
Gruffith et Willielmus Hughes de altis proditionibus prae- 
dictis eis suporius imponeritis sunt culpabiles et uterque 
eorum est culpabilis eo quod praedictus Ricardus ap Gruffith 
habet diversa bona et catalla terras et tenementa in Wallia 



A Welsh Insurrection. 39 

sed quali aut de quo valore penitus ignorant. Eo quod 
praedictus Willielmus Hughes nulla habet bona catalla terras 
neque tenementa, <&c., super quo instanter servientes 
domini regis ad legis ac ipsius regis attornati petunt 
judicium et executionem versus eosdem Ricardum ap 
Gruffith et Willielmum Hughes superinde juxta debitam 
legis formam pro domino rege habendam et super hoc visis 
et pec. curiam hie diligenter examinatis et intellectis omni- 
bus et singulis praemissis constitutum est quod praedicti 
Ricardus ap Gruffith et Willielmus Hughes ducantur per 
praefatum constabularium turris Londinii seu ejus locum- 
tenentem usque eandem turrim et ab inde per medium 
civitatis Londinii usque ad furcas de Tyburn trahantur et 
ibidem suspendantur et uterque eorum suspendatur et 
viventes at terram prosternantur et uterque eorum vivens 
prostematur et interiora sua extra ventres suos et utriusque 
eorum capiantur et ipsis viventibus comburentur et quod 
capita sua amputentur quodque corpora utriusque eorum in 
quatuor partes dividantur eo quod capita et quarteria . ilia 
ponantur ubi dominus rex ea assignare voluerit, <&c/' 

No modern lawyer can read the Indictment through 
without being struck with the meagreness of the evidence 
and the inadequacy of the crime alleged against Ehys ap 
Griffith. Shorn of its technical phraseology the acts on 
account of which Ehys was found guilty of high treason- 
even if proved by satisfactory evidence — were not very 
serious, and not worthy of the extreme penalty of the law. 
But treason in Henry VIII's days, and for a century after, 
was a very different thing from what it has come to be 
considered in our own days. The law of evidence, as we 
know it, was unborn, and our modern maxim that every 
man is innocent till he is proved to be guilty would have 
excited the ridicule of every lawyer. Prisoners were first 
subjected to a private examination before the Council. 
They had no chance of seeing or cross-examining their 
accusers ; they were not even told what the nature of the 
charges against them was. When, as was the case here, 
three men were jointly indicted, it was easy to work upon 



40 A Welsh Insurrection. 

the fears, the hopes^ or the cupidity of one or more of 
them in their isolated anxiety. Before condemning a man 
for turning ** King's evidence" we should know what in- 
duced him to tell what he knew ; for it frequently hap- 
pened that prisoners were told that their accomplices had 
already confessed in order to induce a further confession. 
The Council would, after an examination of this kind, send 
the prisoners for trial by a jury at Westminster. The 
Council felt ho responsibility, knowing that the ultimate 
decision rested with another tribunal. The jury would 
be influenced by the knowledge that the Council had 
already inquired into the matter, and had considered the 
evidence suflScient. K the evidence which was made 
public — and it must be remembered that the juiy would 
only hear the depositions read of the evidence already 
given before the Council and the comments of the prosecu- 
tion and prisoners upon it — seemed to be inadequate, the 
jury would conclude that the Council was keeping back the 
most important part of it in the public interest. 

On August 28, 1531, Rhys ap Griffith was alleged to 
have "plotted, imagined, and compassed the king's depo- 
sition and death" with his two servants — Edward Floyd 
and William Hughes — in his house at Islington. All the 
proof that was adduced was that the three had recalled 
to one another a prophecy which was said to be then 
current in Wales that '*King Jamys with the Red Hand 
and the Ravens should conquer all England", that Rhys 
had intended to mortgage his lordships of Carew and 
Narberth to one Robert White, a citizen and draper of 
London, for £2,000, in order to enable him to fly secretly 
to the Isle of Man, thence to the "Wild Irish", and thence 
to King James of Scotland, and that King James was to 
lead a great army, with which he was to conquer England 
for himself, and Wales for Rhys ap Griffith. 



A Welsh Insurrection, 41 

To our modern notions the evidence was most unsatis- 
factory. The conversation, if it ever took place, could only 
have been known to the three persons concerned. Edward 
Floyd turned King's evidence, but in our days his 
evidence would have been insufficient to convict Rhys 
of high treason. Floyd's story could not have been cor- 
roborated by the admissions of Rhys and Hughes, who 
both died protesting their innocence. It is also the 
wholesome custom of oui* Courts to look with suspicion on 
the evidence of an accomplice. It is not altogether re- 
jected, but it is only accepted after jealous scrutiny and 
after submitting it to severe tests. But these refinements 
were unknown to the lawyers of Tudor times. Sir Walter 
Raleigh, in the next century, was convicted on evidence 
quite as unsatisfactory.^ Henry Rice was only justified by 
our later standard in submitting that there was no satis- 
fa<;tory evidence upon which to convict Rhys on the first 
count of the Indictment. Rice's other points are hardly 
conclusive. He lays great stress upon the fact that King 
James was not known as '* James of the Red Hand". But 
the phrase "with the Red Hand" does not refer to a per- 
sonal peculiarity of the King of Scots, but to the old 
Welsh tradition of Owen Lawgoch. Nor is there much 
substance in the plea that Henry VIII and his nephew of 
Scotland were at peace. The two countries were nominally 
at amity, but the period in question was halfway between 
Flodden and Pinkie. In October 1528 Henry had to write 
to James V to warn him to desist from advancing to the 
borders, for if he did not Henry would be compelled to 
adopt precautionary measures.^ Two years later, James 

^ Edwards*8 Life of Raleigh^ i, 388. For an excellent description of 
the law of treason as it stood in the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries, see Gardiner's Hist, of England, vol. i, p. 123 seg. 

* S, P., vol. iv, pt. iii, 204 App. 



42 A Welsh Insurrection, 

ap Griffith found refuge and help in the Court of Scotland, 
and in the lifetime of Henry himself, the Scots were to be 
crushed again in the stricken field of Sol way Moss. The 
relations of the two countries were undoubtedly disturbed, 
but after making every allowance for Henry's anxieties on 
this head, it must be confessed that a vague and casual 
conversation between master and men, even if proved, 
was not a sufficient ground to sustain a charge of high 
treason. 

The second allegation is more definite. Rhys is 
accused of having on several occasions sent Edward Floyd 
to James ap Griffith, who was still a prisoner in the Tower, 
to persuade him to enter into the conspiracy, and, as a sign 
of his fidelity, to partake of the holy sacrament with Rhys. 
Floyd is said to have broached the matter to James ap 
Griffith on Friday, September 1 — four days after the 
treasonable conversation at the house at Islington — and 
to have told him, after receiving his adherence to the 
scheme, to put as much trust in William Hughes, another 
of Rhys's servants, as in himself, Edward Floyd. A 
mysterious and traitorous significance is attached to 
Edward Floyd's statement to James that Rhys wanted 
as much money as possible, that he did not care — ^like 
many another borrower before and since — what liabilities 
he incurred to obtain it, that Rhys would never prosper 
in anything except that which he achieved with his own 
hands, and that he would never return to Wales except 
to have the whole land at his good pleasure and command. 
A vague charge is made, for which no evidence was ad- 
duced, that on the following day, Saturday, September 2, 
several messages were exchanged between Rhys and James. 
On Sunday, September 3, James ap Griffith writes to one 
John Hughes, presumably a wealthy Welsh friend resident 
in London, offering to sell or mortgage to him the lord- 



A Welsh Insurrection. 43 

ship of Emlyn on behalf of Rhys, who wanted the money 
"to pay his debts to the King and his other creditors". 
James's messenger was William ap John, his own servant. 
On Monday, September 4, William Hughes, another of 
Rhys's servants, went to the Tower and conversed with 
James. He repeated to the prisoner the words which 
Edward Floyd had used of him on the previous Friday, 
that James could put as much- trust in him as in Floyd, 
and having in this way gained James's confidence, the 
two are alleged to have indulged in a treasonable talk in 
the same strain as the one already detailed. One other 
"treasonable" allegation is made, that Rhys, on Septem- 
ber 1 — ^the day of Floyd's interview with James in the 
Tower — assumed the name and title of Fitz-XJrien ! 

This was all the evidence which the Crown was able to 
scrape together, after weeks of preparation, and after 
every kind of sinister inducement had been held out to the 
witnesses. James ap Griffith had not once seen Rhys 
himself ; he had only the word of Floyd for it that he was 
an emissaiy from Rhys. Ths whole story is fatuous, if 
not incredible. On a Monday, a conspiracy is hatched at 
Islington against the King. The chief plotter, instead of 
hastening into Wales, or sending messengers to prepare 
his retainers and tenants, remains supinely within easy 
distance of the King, and he is only anxious a week later 
to enlist the sympathy of a man who was a prisoner in the 
Tower. Nothing is done, or attempted to be done. Not 
a man is raised, not a letter or messenger sent to James of 
Scotland, the pivot upon which the success of the plan 
would turn. Even assuming that the story told by the 
prosecution was true in all particulars, there was no overt 
act done, unless, indeed, the alleged assumption of the 
name and title of Fitz-XJrien by Rhys can be so described. 
There was no proof of Rhys's connection with the alleged 



1 



I 



44 A Welsh Insurrection, 

plot. The whole of the events took place within eight 
days, between Monday, August 28, and Monday, Septem- 
ber 4. For another seventeen days, until September 21, 
the Crown waited and watched. Rhys made no move; 
none of the conspirators did anything ; the plot did not 
"march". At last, Rhys is cast into the Tower, the 
authorities despairing of his further implicating himself. 
If the Government really. believed in the existence of a 
genuine plot, no one who has any knowledge of the 
Machiavelian statecraft of Thomas Cromwell would doubt 
that he would have played a little longer with his victim, 
and would have allowed him a little more rope to hang 
himself withal. The arrest of Rhys, after his admitted in- 
activity for seventeen days, shows that the Government 
had given up all hope of his further incriminating himself. 
The witnesses against Rhys, it is almost certain, were 
Edward Floyd, his servant, and James ap Griffith, his 
father's cousin. Though Floyd was indicted with his 
master and fellow-servant, his name is absent from the 
barbarous sentence which was passed upon them, and 
from the Act of Attainder which received the sanction of 
Parliament in 1532.^ Floyd was the most active agent of 
the conspiracy, and if his story was true he was the most 
guilty of the four. The fact that he escaped punishment 
is strong evidence that he purchased immunity by betray- 
ing his master. Henry Rice states that "the Ladie 
Katherine Howard did take much pains to be trulie in- 
formed of this Edward Floyd : who knowing in her own 
heart her husband's innocencie, and fearing the ruyne of 
herself and children, left no stone unmoved wherby this 

^ Uenry Rice says that Floyd and James were the only two that 
''gave in evidence against Rice, being both of them condemned with 
him, but afterwards pardoned." But this appears to be an error. 
James was never tried, and Lloyd was not convicted. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 45 

practice might be discovered. At length (by the help of 
her friends and God's direction) shee found out that this 
man was corrupted with a reward of five hundred marks 
to betray his master, and this also was proved by divers 
others." 

That James ap Griffith was also a hostile witness 
against his nephew is as certain as anything can well be. 
He was more deeply implicated than William Hughes ; 
he was a man of higher position than Edward Floyd. Yet 
he is not indicted with the others ; it would almost appear 
as if he was the informer who put the Government on 
its guard. The subject of his conversation with Floyd on 
Friday, September 1, could have been disclosed by Floyd ; 
the letters which he wrote on Sunday, September 3, and 
sent by his servant, might have been intercepted ; but no 
one but James himself could have related the conversation 
which he had in the Tower with William* Hughes on 
Monday, September 4, for not a word did Hughes utter 
against his master; else he would probably have been 
spared his barbarous and ignominious death at Tyburn. 
It is, indeed, not necessary to believe the account of 
James's share in the ignoble transaction which is given 
by Henry Bice. The age was not squeamish ; sixteen 
years later we find the Duchess of Richmond giving 
evidence which led her brother, the gallant Earl of Surrey, 
to the block, while her father, the Duke of Norfolk — Bhys 
ap Griffith's brother-in-law — was more concerned with 
saving himself than with clearing his son. But it is hardly 
credible that even in that age, when the misunderstood and 
misapplied doctrines of Machiavelli exercised so sinister 
' an influence on conduct, and when the new ideas repre- 
sented by the Benaissance and the Reformation snapped 
the old ties of conventional morality and honour, one kins- 
man would have deliberately set himself to ruin another. 



46 A Welsh Insurrection. 

The motive of revenge which Henry Rice ascribes to James 
has already been shown to be impossible. The details of 
the story itself, as given by Rice, are no less incredible. 

''James ap Griffith and Edward Floyd (the one's heart 
full of revenge, the other of corruption and treachery) did 
oftentymes meet and consult by what means they might lay 
matters of treason to Rice his charge, and (as fitting for their 
purpose at that time) they called to mind an unfortunate 
blank of Rice's, which had long layne in the hands of James 
ap Griffith, and was gotten upon this occasion. James ap 
Griffith, a man of mean estate, having his chiefest stay 
of living from the said Rice, and being on a time ven'e 
familiar together, desired the said Rice his letter to a gentle- 
man in North Wales for a farm, which was then to be lett, 
which the said Rice granted to him ; but never a clerk being 
present to write the letter, the said James persuaded Rice to 
subscribe to a blank, and that Edward Floyd, his clerk, 
should indite the letter according to his meaning. In this 
blanck was set doune matter enough for the Indictment." 

The charge of such horrible and cold-blooded treachery 
by one kinsman against another could only be justified by 
the clearest proof ; and such proof is entirely absent. 
Had Floyd and James ap Griffith deliberately plotted 
"oftentymes" how to inveigle Rhys into a conspiracy, they 
could easily have done their work more thoroughly and 
satisfactorily. It is true that James is said to have written 
a treasonable letter to John Hughes, which was twisted 
also into some sort of evidence against Rhys. But the 
letter to Hughes, as summarised by the unfriendly hand 
which drew up the Indictment, does not sustain the charge 
made by Henry Rice against James ap Griffith. It cer- 
tainly does not read like the letter of a man who was 
trying to implicate another in a charge of treason. That 
James, however, did give evidence against his nephew is 
beyond contradiction. Not only was he not placed in the 
dock to stand his trial with the others, not only was 
evidence of conversations given which could only be sworn 



A Welsh Insurrection. 47 

to by James himself, but family tradition is so strong on 
the point as to be all but conclusive, without further cor- 
roboration. Henry Eice states plainly that James was 
one of the two hostile witnesses. In the Phillips MS. 
No. 14,416, now in the Cardiff Library, there occurs the 
following marginal note, which is not found in the Gam- 
brian Register: — 

''James ap Griffith (a man banished for divers reasons and 
excepted in all pardons) did confess beyond seas to divers of 
his acquaintance this damnable practice of his against Rice, 
and being sore troubled in conscience he returned home with 
intent to acknowledge his offence and to submit himself to 
my grandfather [i. e., Griffith Rice, the son of Rhys and the 
Lady Katherine]. And he (my grandfather not enduring to 
hear of him) retired himself into Cardiganshire, where he 
died most miserably ; there are some yet alive will affirm 
this from my grandfather's mouth/* 

A still stronger, because a direct contemporary and 
unconscious proof, is supplied by an entry in the Acts of 
the Privy Council, which has already been cited for 
another purpose. In 1548 James Leche petitioned to have 
his annuity continued, which had been granted him 

" in respect of his old service in thapprehencion of James 
Griffith Apowell, traitour and outlawo, loho appeched Sir Rice 
Griffith, attainted for treason/' 

But though it is impossible to avoid the conclusion 
that James ap Griffith turned King's evidence against his 
nephew, there is no evidence to convict him of malicious 
and deliberate treachery. Indeed, the presumption is all 
the other way. As far as one can discover, there was an 
entire absence of motive. Rhys had done him no wrong ; 
they were "verie familiar" together ; James was in prison 
for having, presumably, acted in conjunction with Rhys. 
Had he been bent on ruining his nephew, he could easily, 
on account of his intimacy and relationship with Rhys, 
have manufactured evidence against him. Moreover, Rhys 



48 A Welsh Insurrection, 

was undoubtedly popular in South Wales, and his betrayer 
would have received short shrift at the hands of Rhys's 
supporters and friends. Yet, James went back and lived 
in peace for some time in South Wales after his release 
from the Tower. Bjs ancient friendship with Thomas ap 
Rhydderch of Cryngae, and David Vaughan of Kidwelly, 
does not appear to have been inipaired, which we may 
assume would not have been the case had James been 
guilty of the unutterable baseness which is laid to his 
charge by Henry Rico.^ What probably happened was 
that the Government was anxious to make a case against 
Rhys, that it worked upon the cupidity of Floyd, and upon 
the fears or hopes of James — Cromwell, indeed, would 
have thought little of extracting confessions from them by 
use of the rack — that they told what they knew, and that 
the prosecution placed their own interpretation o.n perfectly 
innocent transactions. It was not by the evidence of 
Floyd and James that Rhys ap Griffith was condemned. 
An unscrupulous prosecution, working on a timorous jury, 
obtained a verdict of guilty ; but it is manifestly clear that 
the real cause of Rhys's downfall was the jealousy of a 
savage and suspicious king.' 

^ James's son, Jenkyn, married a daughter of Thomas ap 
Rhydderch's only daughter and heiress. David Vaughan, Kidwelly, 
helped James to escape by boat from Kidwelly in the summer of 1533, 
and as late as April 30, 1536, we have Bishop Lee writing to Cromwell 
from Brecknock, '* You are advertised from this Council that David 
Vaughan, officer of Kidwelly in Wales, is accused by your servant 
Jankyn Lloyd for assisting the rebellion of James ap Howell Griffith." 
(& P., vol. X, 763.) 

^ Mr. David Jones mentions, in his article in the Arch. Cambr.^ 
another family tradition found in the Dale MSS., that Rhys fell 
''through the treacherous malice of his brother-in-law, the Duke of 
Norfolk". That the Duke did not interfere very zealously in behalf 
of his kinsman may be taken for granted ; but there is no more 
evidence to convict him than James ap Griffith of ''treacherous 
malice". 



A Welsh Insurrection, 49 

The verdict of contemporaries was certainly against 

the king, and it must be remembered that the facts were 

known to all men after the public trial in Westminster. 

Chapuys, writing to Charles V on the morning of Rhys 

ap GriiBth's execution, sums up the case as follows : — 

" The cause of his condemnation is, as far as 1 have been 
informed, that he would not confess that onu of his own 
servants had solicited him to revenge the wrongs he com- 
plained of by entering into a conspiracy and subsequently 
taking flight to Scotland, where he could easily, owing to his 
influence over the Welsh, and to the general discontent caused 
by this divorce, have persuaded the king to make the con- 
quest of this kingdom. And although the said Rice had not 
accepted the ofl'ers made to him, nor entered into the con- 
spiracy, yet as he would not confess who it was who solicited 
him, he was condemned to death, notwithstanding the many 
apologies he made ; and there is a rumour about town that 
had it not been for the king's lady, who hated him because 
he and his wife had spoken disparagingly of her, he would 
have been pardoned and escaped his miserable fate.^ 

Here we have probably the true explanation of the 
tragic death of Rhys ap Griffith. He was, like most of 
his countrymen at the time, a sincere Catholic ; he had 
been befriended by Cardinal Wolsey ; he was on the side 
of the old Queen in the matter of the King's divorce. 
Anne Boleyn was not yet acknowledged as wife or mistress 
by the King; but she was maturing her plans, which were 
being furthered by her uncle, the Duke of Norfolk. It is 
easy to understand with what hatred Anne and her uncle 
would regard anyone, especially one who might have been 
expected, on account of his close relationship, to support 
her claims, who '* spoke disparagingly" of her in those 
anxious days when her position had not been secured. 

All the evidence we have goes to show that contempo- 

^ It would have been quite sufficient to secure a conviction if the 
facts alleged by Chapuys were proved against Rhys. See Gardiner, 
i, 123 seq, 

£ 



50 A Welsh Insurrection. 

raries regarded Bhjs as being innocent of the accusations 
laid to his charge. Even Ellis Griffith, prejudiced as he 
was against Ehys's family, could only say that Rhys had 
paid the penalty for the sins of his forefathers. The one 
suggestion we find, that there was soinething in the allega- 
tion that Rhys put some credence in the Lawgoch prophecy, 
is to be met with in the confession of William Nevill, who, 
in describing his visit to the wizard Jones at Oxford, says 
that he replied to a remark of the wizard's "that the late 
Duke of Buckingham, young Ryse, and others, had cast 
themselves away by too much trust in prophecies".^ But 
all the other evidence goes to show that Chapuys was inter- 
preting the popular feeling when he declared Rhys to be 
innocent. In August 1534, Martin de Cornoca writes to 
Charles V from Venice with reference to Reginald Pole, who 
was then residing in that city. He says that Pole's father 
was " a worthy knight of Wales", and that his family had 
great influence in the Principality. "On account of their 
love for the Princess and the death of don Ris, who was 
beheaded three years ago, the whole province is alienated 
from the king.'"^ In November of the same year Chapuys 
writes to the Emperor to say that he understands the 
people of Wales are very angry at the ill-treatment of the 
Queen and Princess, and also at what is done against the 
faith, "for they have always been good Christians. Not 
long ago there was in that district a mutiny against the 
governor of the county on account of a certain execution, 
when the governor was very nearly undone, and it is said 
the people only wait for a chief to take the field." We 
have no record of this "mutiny", unless it be that of Rhys 
in 1529, or James in 1530. But probably it refers to a 
" mutiny " which took place after the execution of Rhys. 

' S. P., Dec. 30, 1532, vol. v, 1106. « 8, P., vol. vii, 1040. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 51 

Even in England men thought Bhys an ill-used man. 
One of the allegations against John Hale, the Vicar of 
Isleworth, in 1535, was that he told one Feron that Ireland 
was set against the King, and added, ^' And what think ye 
of Wales ? Their noble and gentle Ap Eyce so cruelly 
put to death, and he innocent, as they say, in the cause.'" 
What was the popular view of the transaction may be 
gathered from a story which Henry Rice heard related in 
the next century by the Earl of Nottingham, "the only 
man of note now living who came nearest those times". 
The story may be mythical, but it is an index of what 
people thought and said of the matter, even after the 
public trial at Westminster. 

" The king one daie at Wandsworth hawking at the 
brooke, his falcon being seized of a fowle, there came by 
accident a raven, that put his falcon from the quarry, 
whereat the king chafed exceedingly. One standing by (as 
malice is ever watchful to do mischief) stepps to the king 
and whispered him in the eare, saying, ' Sir, you see how 
peremptorie this raven is growne, and therefore it is high 
time to pull him down, therefore to secure your majestie, 
and to prevent his insolencies*.'* 

The King made no reply, but brooded over the matter. 
To such a mind and temper as Henry's, the remembrance 
of his family's obligations to the house of Dynevor could 
not fail to be irksome and irritating to a degree. He 
had not broken with old Sir Bhys ap Thomas, but he had 
never shown any favour to his grandson, and it is no 
wonder if Rhys used to complain to his associates that 
"Welshmen and priests were sore disdained nowadays".' 
If we may believe Henry Bice, Queen Elizabeth — who was 
a second cousin through her mother to Griffith Rice — was 
"so well satisfied of the extreme and bad measure offered 
to Rice Griffith^ that she never looked upon any of his 

' S. P., vol. viii, 609. » Ä P., vol. viii, 567. 

£ 2 



52 A Welsh Insurrection, 

children, but as upon spectacles of iqfinite sufferance ; in- 
somuch that she would often say she was indebted both to 
justice and her father's honour till she had repaired them. 
But my grandfather, and father after him, met with here- 
ditarie enemies^ at court, and thus stands our case." 



III. 
James ap Griffith in Exile. 

After the death of Rhys ap Griffith, the interest of the 
narrative shifts to James ap Griffith ap Howell. It is 
extremely difficult to discover exactly what happened after 
Rhys's execution on December 4, 1531, when and how 
James was released from custody, and what events led to 
his exile and long odyssey. We must be content with 
surmises, and trust to the discovery of new facts from 
time to time to throw further light on the dark passages 
in the story. 

In a letter to a friend, one Vitus Theodorus, "teacher 

^ Probably the Devereuxes, one of whom, Lord Essex, was the 
Queen's favourite in her later years. A genealogy of the Rices may 
be useful, taken from Lewis Dwnn : — 

Sir Rhys ap Thomas^^Mabli, f. ag aeres Harri ap Gwilym. 



Sir Gruiffydd Rhys==Catrin, f. Sir John ap John. 

I 



Rhys ap Griffith ==Catrin, f. Thos., Duke of Norfolk. 



Gruffydd Rice==Elinor, f . Sir T. Johnes, kt. 



Sir Walter Rice===Elsbeth, f . Sir Edward Mansel, kt. 
Henry Rice. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 53 

of the Gospel in the church of Nuremberg," written prob- 
ably from Wittenberg in April 1587,^ Philip Melancthon 
gives us a captivating glimpse at James's life on the Con- 
tinent, and a suggestion of the account which James gave 
of himself : — 

" I have given these letters to an Englishman who asked 
me to commend him to you. lie held land of his own in 
which he could raise 12,000 soldiers, and was moreover 
Governor of Wales, but spoke rather freely against the 
Divorce. To him was particularly commended the daughter 
of the first Queen, because she had the title of Princess of 
Wales, and therefore he grieved at the contumelies put upon 
her. He was afterwards put in prison, from which, after a 
year and three months, he escaped by making a rope out of 
cloth. I beg you to receive and console him. His exile is 
long, his misfortune long, and he seems a modest man. 
Here he has asked for nothing. I think he takes little 
pleasure in the court."^ 

In the midst of much loud talk and gasconading, which 
seems to have been taken as gospel truth by the simple 
and trustful Melancthon, we have one statement of fact 
which can be relied on. James said that he had been 
imprisoned for fifteen months, and he wa« not likely to 
understate the amount of his suflFerings. We may dis- 
miss, as mere braggadocio, his tale about his escape from 
prison "by making a rope out of cloth". He was prob- 
ably, as Henry Rice said, remorseful as to the part he had 
played in Rhys's trial, and was unwilling to admit, even 
to his own conscience, much less to a Protestant, that he 
had earned his pardon by betraying his kinsman. But he 

' 8» P., vol. xii, pt. i, 845. 

^ However much we may reprehend James*s habit of boasting of 
mythical ancient splendours, let us charitably remember that it is 
the besetting sm of those who " have seen better days", and that 
James did not dwell on his misfortunes with the view to ''obtaininír 
money by false pretences'", but that he refrained from asking Melanc- 
thon for anything. 



54 A Welsh Insurrection. 

had no motive to understate the period of his imprison- 
ment, and we may therefore take it that he was lodged in 
the Tower altogether for fifteen months. If, as is likely, 
he was first arrested in October 1530, the fifteen months 
would be up in January 1Ê32, just a month or so after the 
execution of Bhys. This is as we should have expected, 
but there are several difficulties still in the way. On 
June 20, 1532, James petitioned the King for his pardon 
in the following terms : — 

" To the king our Soveraigne Lorde. 

'^ Please it your highnes of your moste abundante grace 
to graunte unto your desolate subject James Gruôyth ap 
Howell being prisoner in Westminster your most gracious 
letters of pardon in due forme undre your greate seall to 
be made after the forme and effect hereafter ensuying and 
that this bill signed with your most gracious hande maye be 
a sufficient warrant and discharge unto the Lord Keper of 
your grete seale without suying of any other writing or 
warrant under your signet privey seale or otherwise. And 
your said orator shall continually during his lif pray for the 
good preservacion of your moste noble estate being long to 
endure," etc. 

Then follows the '* form and effect" of the pardon, signed 
by the King, in the same terms as those in which it was 
afterwards enrolled.^ 

Two things are worthy of note in this Sign Bill. Its 
date is June 20, 1532, and in it James ap Griffith is 
described as being a "prisoner in Westminster". In the 
engrossed pardon^ (and in the printed State Papers) the 

' ÄP.,vol.v, 1139(18). 

* The pardon, which is in common form, and not worth reproduc- 
tion here, is made out to James Griffith ap ITowel of the various 
lordships already mentioned, and absolven James of all "prodiciones 
tam majores quam minores ac . . . alias prodiciones quascumque 
murdra homicidia felonias roberias burgulara abjuraciones rapta 
capciones et abductiones mulierum quecumque per ipsum Jacobum 
ante bee tempora,*' etc. The mistake as to the date was probably a 



A Welsh Insurrection. 55 

date is wrongly given as June 20, 1631. As we have seen, 
that date is impossible, for in August and September of 
that year we know, from the indictment against Rhys ap 
Griffith, that James was still a prisoner in the Tower. In 
the fifth volume of the State Papers (No. 657) certain 
"fines made with divers persons by the King's Council" 
are assigned to the end of the year 1531. Among them 
we find one John ab Owen, late prisoner in the Tower, 
who " sometimes was towards Rice Griffith", fined 
£26 13«. 4d. ;^ while in Cromwell's own hand there is 
added, "James Griffith ap Howell, for his pardon 
£526 13«. Ad.;' 400 marks of which being "in obliga^ 
tions". A few pages later (No. 683) we find "instructions 
by the King as to Rice ap Griffith's property", so that in 
all probability John ab Owen and James ap Griffith were 
fined for their pardons almost immediately after the 
conclusion of Rhys's trial. But the pardon would perhaps 
not become operative until the fine was paid. Is not this 
the explanation of the fact that James was still described 
in June 1532 as a "prisoner in Westminster"? After 
receiving his promise of pardon on payment of a fine, he 
may have been removed from the Tower to Westminster as 
the King's debtor. On June 13, 1532— after the BUI of 
Attainder against Rhys ap Griffith, which had been passed 
in the previous January — instructions were given to four 
Commissioners, Thomas Jones, Morris ap Harry, John 
Smythe, and William Brabazon, to take possession of all 
Rhys's lands, etc., and deliver them to the King, and 

clerical error, but it is barely possible that he was pardoned only for 
offences committed before June 1531, and that his complicity in Rhys 
ap Griffith's so-called "conspiracy" was still to be held in terrorem 
over his head. {Pat. RollSy 23 II. VIII, p. i, m. 34.) 

^ Can this be the Thomas ab Owen, Rhys s kinsman, who was 
imprisoned by Lord Ferrers ? No further reference is to be found to 
this Johur ab Owen. 



56 A Welsh Insurrection, 

ascertain, at the same time, what lands and goods were 
possessed by James Griffith ap Howell. 

" Item, ye shall also inquire . . . by all the manners and 
weyes ye can possiblie what landes, houses or hereditaments 
James ap Griffith ap Howell hath, whether in Wales, Eng- 
lande, and the marches of the same and what yerelie saura 
they do amounte to, and to certifìe us and our counsaill 
therefore. Item, ye shall also inquyre to make sure by all 
the speediness ye can devise what ffermes, etc., the said 
Jaymes ap Griffith ap Howell hath or hadd .... and 
what yearlie proffits they amounted to. . . . Item, as to 
cattle, in whose hands," etc. (Ä P., vol. v, 724, 9.*) 

On the very same day, June 13, 1532, Cromwell wrote 
to the King, evidently in answer to Henry's inquiry, that 
he could not " inform the King of the conclusion of James 
Griffiths ap Howell's matter, as he had not spoken with 
Mr. Treasurer of the Household, who will to-day be at 
Westminster.'" This, it will-be observed, was seven days 
before the final pardon was drawn up and executed. On 
the following September 2, we find an entry among Crom- 
well's " desperat obligations"'* one "by John Heughes, of 
London, to Sir William Kyngstone and Sir Edward 
Walsingham, that James Griffith Appowell shall be true 
prisoner in the Tower." James's fine seems never to have 
been paid in full. Late in 1533, among "the debts 
remaining upon sundry obligations to the King's use", we 
twice find James ap Griffith's name.* In February 1535, 



* A very interesting account of Rhys ap Griffith's property is 
given, not only in the computus of William Brabazon (Ä P., vol. v, 
No. 448), but also in the Treasury Receipts (Record Office), Mis- 
cellaneous Books, 151, where a minute description of each of his 
"castells" of Emlyn, Carew, Narberth, Newton (Dinefwr), and Aber- 
marles is given. 

^ «. P., vol. V, 1092. 
' 8. P., vol. V, 1285. 

* Ä. P., vol. vi, 1613. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 57 

among the '^obligations due at and before the Purification 
of our Lad J next" is entered £66 13«. 4d. from James; 
and among the bonds to the King "not yet due" on that 
date, are t^o sums, one of £266 13«. 4(2. from James ap 
Griffith and Walter Boules, and another of £66 13«. Ad. 
from James ap Griffith. Of the fine of £526 13«. 4d. it 
would seem that James only paid £126 13«. 4(2., and that 
the other £400 was still owing. May not this account for 
the entry, already cited, concerning John Hughes's "obli- 
gation" to the Constable of the Tower that James ap 
Griffith shall be "true prisoner in the Tower"? May it 
not also explain the somewhat mysterious origin of James's 
connection with Harry Ellington, a merchant of Bristol ? 

Henry, or Harry, Ellington was a man of unsavoury 
reputation and worse character. The first mention we 
have of him in the State Papers is when he was an ap- 
prentice to a merchant named Abraham, of London, and 
resident in the Low Countries. He was then concerned in 
a bit of sharp practice, which was the subject of complaint 
on the part of the English agent at Antwerp.^ Some years 
after we find him, a prisoner in the Tower, writing on May 
28, 1532, to Cromwell':— 

' 1025. <S'. -P., vol. iv, No. 1794. Ellington, apprentice to Thos. 
Abraham, merchant adventurer, is alleged in a Bill in Chancery to 
have bought ** 182 pieces of camlet worth £207, at the Sykson mart 
in Antwerp in 1523, and for which he refuses to pay". The bill given 
by Ellington to the merchant, Rodericus Royfemandus, was not 
signed by Abraham ; and the Dutch merchant had therefore never 
been paid. 

^ The date assigned to this letter in the printed State Papers, is 
May 28, 1533, but that must be an error, for we find him "about 
Whitsuntide" (which fell on June 1 in that year) starting from Kid- 
welly with James ap Griffith. According to his own account, he had 
been with James for some days before the start, and he had been 
twice to London on business for him. He could not, therefore, have 
been in the Tower in May 1533. On May 10, 1534, we know he was 



58 A Welsh Insurrection. 

'^ Since I left Bristol, during mine imprisonment in the 
Tower, I have, sustained great wrongs and losses in the town 
of Bristol, of which I should be glad to inform you. I beseech 
you, therefore, to send some token to the lieutenant of the 
Tower, that he will license me to come to you." (Ä P., vol. 
vi, 661.) 

In a " confession", which he made to Stephen Yaughan, 
Cromweirs agent in the Low Countries, Ellington relates 
how he came to be connected with* James ap Griffith. 

'^ Master Vaghan, the cawsse of my departynge out of the 
realm of ynglande was this, Fyrst where I was presonad in 
the toware of London for Jamys Greffythe apowell at my 
comyng to lyberty I came to Walls to the said Jamys for 
to have restietycion for my chargys that I was at in tyme of 
my trobill, and then he prqmysyd me xl pecys of Welche 
ifrysse and mor desiryd me to rema3me with hyme for a 
monyth and that then he wolde make me Delyverance of the 
said xl pecys of ffryssis and so in the meantyme he sent me 
to tyms to London consarnynge the hurtynge [not huntynge^ 
as it is given in the printed State Papers] of Wylliam 
Vaghan of Kylgarron [not Kylgarson^ as printed], and so at 
my last comynge home frome London I bad hyme send no 
mor but goo hyme sellfe wythe his payments and in so 
doynge he shuld have hys porpos and apon this he toke his 
advys and within to or iii dais after he came to me and said 
Harry wher as you geve me this counsell to goo up my sellffe 
I wyll not so dowe for and yf I shulde goo up wythe part of 
my money and not with the hole I fere me to be put in 
prisson."' {8, P., vol. vi, 1648.) 

Amid so much uncertainty, it is impossible to walk 
with a sure tread, and we can only conjecture, with what 
plausibility we may, what was the real course of events. 

in Bristol, and presumably in Cromwell's favour. The conjecture is 
therefore justified that the letter was written from the Tower in 
May 1632. 

^ Ellington's last appearance in the State Papers is characteristic. 
On April 2!?, 1534, he writes to Cromwell to inform him officiously 
''of certain causes", and in the following May he receives the con- 
fession of one of the culprits, a goldsmith of Bristol. (S, P., voL vii, 
Nos. 532, 692.) 



A Welsh Insurrection. 59 

It would seem^ then, that the oflFence for which James ap 
Griffith had been fined was "the hurtynge" of William 
Vaughan, of Cilgerran. This incident has already been 
dealt with, and we have accepted, as a working hypothesis, 
that Vaughan was so "hurt" while attempting to appre- 
hend James in October 1530. Immediately after the 
execution of Rhys, i.e., before the end of 1531, James is 
fined the large sum of £526 13«. 4d. (probably equivalent 
to about £7,000 of our money) for his pardon. At this 
time, no enquiry had been held as to the amount and value 
of James's possessions, and James, no doubt, was glad to 
purchase his life at whatever cost. In January 1532, if 
James's story to Melancthon can be relied on, he was re- 
leased from the Tower on finding sureties for the payment 
of the fine, though in the following June James is still a 
"prisoner in Westminster". One John Hughes, of London 
— probably the same as James's correspondent in Septem- 
ber 1531, who is mentioned in the Indictment of Rhys — 
was certainly one of those who entered into an "obligation" 
on behalf of James. Eenry Ellington seems to have been 
another, according to his own story, for he was at some 
time a prisoner in the Tower, and put to certain ^'chargys" 
for James ap Griffith. The Walter Boules, mentioned as 
jointly with James indebted to the King in the sum of 
£266 13». 4d., may have been a third surety. On June 13, 
1532, CromweU, finding the King becoming impatient, 
instructs Commissioners to inquire into the extent and 
value of James's estate and goods, and seven days later a 
formal pardon is made out to him. The "prisoner in 
Westminster" probably then hurried home — ^not to Emlyn, 
which was in the hands of the E^ng's Commissioners since 
the attainder of Rhys, but yet somewhere not far from 
the town of Carmarthen. It may be he went to Castell 
Maelgwn on the banks of the Teivi in Pembrokeshire, but 



6o A Welsh Insurrection. 

this again we are slow to believe. Had James been there, 
it would have been easy for him to set sail from the Pem- 
brokeshire or Cardiganshire coast for Ireland in 1533, 
instead of embarking at Kidwelly, as we know he did. 
Mention is made in David Williams's confession of one 
"Rether ap Davyd ap Jankyn, in whose house the said 
Gryffith was lodged in South Gare", and it is not unlikely 
that, while the King's Commissioners were making an 
inquisition into his property, James and his family found 
refuge in a friend's house in "South Gare" (South Car- 
marthenshire ?) . We know that "about Whitsuntide" 
1633, James was somewhere in Carmarthenshire. David 
Williams, in his confession, says that 

" Thorn's ap Rotjher of the Krengarth was a gret frend of the 
saide Gryffith and offered him liic men to ayde him as 
Gryffith sayed, and that one David Vaughan of Ridwellys 
land brought the saide Grjrffith to the waterside at his 
departing out of Wales, and that David Meredith of Kid- 
welly s land aforesaid was also a grete ffrende and ffautor of 
the saide Gryffithes with also one Rether ap Davyd ap 
Jenkyn in whose house the saide Gryffith was lodged in 
South Gare, and the said David sayeth that James Gryffith 
would often make moche mone that he had no wey to convey 
lettres into Ënglond to one Fraunces Nevile. He also 
seyeth that Walter ap John was a ffautor and frend of the 
said Gryffith, and kept him moche company in Wales long 
tyme before he departed to Scotland." (Ä P., vol. vi, 1691.) 

The reference to Francis Nevile, with whom James 
wanted to ^et into touch, is significant. On December 30, 
1532, a William Nevill confessed to certain treasonable 
practices. A sentence in his confession, which has 
already been quoted, shows that he was acquainted with 
the story, if not with the person, of Rhys ap Griffith. 
James, in his inaccessible home, ^^makes much moan" 
that he was not in communication with another Nevill. 
He tries to ward oflE the Government's suspicion by 



A Welsh Insurrection. 6i 

sending Ellington twice up to London to pay oflf instal- 
ments of his fine ; in all he paid £126 13«. 4d!. There is 
no doubt, however, that his mind was full of plots and 
schemes to overthrow the King. He had probably been 
ruined by the infliction of the heavy fine, following close 
upon his patron's death. His predilections were Catholic, 
and he supported the old Queen against her supplanter. 
He professed to David Williams that he was in communi- 
cation with Queen Catherine, and there is nothing 
inherently improbable in his statement, though, of course, 
it may have been nothing more than a silly boast. David 
Williams, in his confession, which was made at the end of 
1533, stated that 

'* about Whitsuntide last James Griffith ap Howell receyved 
a letter from the queen*8 grace as the saide Gryffith sayd 
commanding you to provide hobbeyes for her grace in 
Irelond. And thereuppon for that purpose as he sayeth 
take a ship and sayled towards Irelond/' 

Ellington, indeed, makes no mention of the Queen's 
letter, but he was anxious to show his innocence of James's 
treasonable designs, and that he was only constrained 
**for fear", after reaching the coast of Ireland, to accom- 
pany James into Scotland. Three things incline us to 
believe that Jatnes was possibly in direct communication 
with Queen Catherine. In the first place, there is James's 
own statement to David Williams, his servant, which 
accords with the general view taken by contemporaries as 
to the cause of his exile. Ellington states that a man from 
Flanders came to James at Leith, and said that 

"he had been in the court of my lady Mary, Queue of 
Hungre [who was Regent of the Netherlands under her 
brother the Emperor] when he dyd here myche goodnes of 
the said Jaymys, and that yt was showyd my lady Mary 
that he was a gret lord banyshed out off Ynglande for 
takynge part with the olde queene, and that she wychyd for 
h3rme with here by caus she hard tell that he myght also 
myche i Walls." (Ä P., vol. vi, 1648.) 



62 A Welsh Insurrection. 

This was the tale told to the Regent, be it noted, not 
by James himself, or any of his emissaries, but either 
by common report or by somebody acting in Queen 
Catherine's interest at her niece's Court. Melancthon's 
letter to Vitus Theodorus and Legh's description of 
James's behaviour at the Court of the Duke of Hoist* 
show, also, that James himself did his best to live up to 
his reputation as the old Queen's friend. Then, there can 
be no doubt that the unfortunate Catherine was at this 
time at the very lowest ebb of her fortunes. In the 
previous March, the King had privately married Anne 
Boleyn. On May 23, 1533, Archbishop Cranmer formally 
announced the decree of divorce from Catherine. On 
May 28, the King's marriage with Anne was declared 
valid, and on Whit-Sunday, June 1, at the time when 
James received his letter from Queen Catherine, conveying 
a hint that he should fly to Ireland, Anne Boleyn was 
crowned Queen. If there had been any plots to prevent 
the marriage and coronation of Esther, what more natural 
than that Vashti should warn her friends at the first 
possible moment of the failure of their hopes and the 
triumph of her rival ? There is still another supposition, 
which does not altogether lack probability. Ellis GriflSth 
tells us Queen Catherine was in the habit of repairing, in 
the days of her bitter trouble, to the house of a Spanish 
servant named. Philip. She used to confide all her 
troubles to her sympathetic countrymen, and no doubt 
found much relief in relating her woes to her humble 
friends. All the servants in Philip's house were Welsh- 
men, and some of them, especially David ap Robert of Llan- 
gollen, were well acquainted with Spanish, the language 
in which the Queen conversed. It is no wild assumption 

^ Ä P., vol. vii, No. 710. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 63 

to conclude that James ap Griffith was known to David 
ap Robert, especially as Llangollen was on the borders 
of James's lordships of Arwystli and Cyveiliog. There 
were few Welshmen resident in London in those days, and 
we may be sure that they clung together. Even if we 
discard the idea that the Queen herself should have been 
James ap Griffith's correspondent, it is not unnatural to 
suppose that onô of Master Philip's Welsh servants should 
have learnt the failure of the Queen's hopes, and hastened 
to warn his countryman of the triumph of his foes. 
Certain it is that the inability to pay the full fine was not 
the only, perhaps not the predisposing cause of James's 
resolve to quit his native land. The relentlessness with 
which he was pursued all over the Continent by Henry 
and his agent-s, showed that there was some other and 
graver offence laid to his charge than mere failure to pay 
a fine. 

A graphic account of James ap Griffith's departure 
from Wales and his adventures in Ireland, Scotland, and 
Flanders is supplied by the confessions of David Williams, 
one of James's servants, and Henry Ellington, and we 
cannot do better than reproduce them in full, omitting 
only those passages in them which have already been 
cited. James was accompanied to the seaside, somewhere 
near KidweUy, by his old friend David Vaughan. 

" And thereuppon", said David Williams . . . . " he 
sayled towards Irelond, being in his company at that tyme 
Alice his ux. (wife), Sache (Sage) his daughter, John a Mor- 
gan a kynnesman of his, Henry Ellington^ Lewes a maryner, 
John a pen berere [o Ben-y-Buarth ? a place in Emlyn, 
mentioned in Dwnn, p. 20], John Bean Teaw (ben tew?), 
John Owen a gooner, and the saide David Willyams, which 
ship was of the portage of xv or xvi tooune laden with benes, 
and in the same ship he sayeth were vi maryners, that is to 
say, a master and five maryners, And ferther he seyeth that 
before they take shipping in the forsaid ship, the said Gryffith 



64 A Welsh Insurrection. 

and other his complices abovesaide were conveyed over in a 
cole bote to Uphill in Somersetshire, where they toke the 
saide ship being laden with beanes as is aforsaide, and so 
sayled into Irelonde to the port of Yowghale, where they 
landed and remayned there a sevennight, in which tyme he 
solde his beanes to him that was owner of the saide ship. 
And after that the saide Gryffith with his saide complices 
take ship agayn and sailed towarde Scotlande and arryved 
at Saynt Tronyans the Sonday before the natyvyte of Saynt 
John Baptist last past, where he was lodged in a widowe's 
house, And within iii dayes aft^r the sayde Griffith arrived 
there the Kyng of Scots repayred thither to Sa3mt Tronyans 
at which tyme the saide James Gryffith sent to the lorde 
Fflemyng, a Scottish man, and met with him in the Abbey 
of St. Tronyan*s aforsaide, where they talked together an 
hower or more, Which lorde Fflemyng was brother of the 
Abbot of St. Tronyan, and the saide lorde Fflemyng at the 
instance of the saide Gryffith repa3rred to the Scottish King. 
And within iii dayes after the Scottish Ring repayred to the 
town of Saynt Tronyan's aforsaide, where he tarried iii or iiii 
dayes, and then departed, after whose departing the saide 
James Gryffith with his famylie aforsaide repayred to Edin- 
burgh, where he tarried on moneth and was lodged in one 
Richard Lundell's house, being servante to the secretary 
unto the Scottish King, at which tyme the saide James 
Gryffith spake with the Ohauncelor and Treasourer, and also 
with the secretarye in the Chauncelor's house at severall 
tymes, and that they gave unto the said Gryffith as the 
saying was about an eight score crownes [and within that 
tyme of his beyng at Edinburgh before the receyte of that 
money he had moche communication with one .... 
loyd .... vyd . . . . er long .... (c)om- 
paney departed to Denmark.]^ Also the said David Wil- 
lyams sayeth that the saide James Gryffith having com- 
munycacions with the saide Ohauncelor and others desired to 
have 3,000 men to go with him into Wales, alledging himself 
to be the gretest man in Wales, And that he with the lyon 
of Scotlande should subdue all Englond, howbeit the said 



* The sentence in brackets is written in between the lines and in 
the margin, and a portion of it is illegible. James seems to have met 
at Edinburgh a man named Loyd, who had since gone to Denmark. 



A Welsh Insurrection, 65 

David knoweth not that the Scotts offered or proffered him 
any suche ayde of men, But he sayeth that the saide Gryffith 
opteyned of the said counscile of Scotland a passeporte to 
go into FflaunderSy and we so departed from Edinburgh to 
Newbotell, where he tarryed a sevennight ffayning himself to 
be sycke, in the which tyme cam unto him two merchantmen 
of Edinburgh aforsaide. And from Newbotell the said 
GryflSth departed to Davykythe (Dalkeith) and there taryed 
a ffourtenight, and from Davykyth departed to Lygth, and 
being there, sent Henry Ellington into Fflaunders, but for 
what purpose this deponent knoweth not." — {S, P., vol. vi, 
1591.) 

Henry Ellington's narrative is not less vivid and 

dramatic in style, nor less copious in matter. After giving 

the account of his dealings with James, which has already 

been quoted, he goes on to say that "about Whitsuntide", 

James ap Griffith 

^^ asked me and I knew Irelond and 1 said I knew ytt, then 
he askyd me in what parts that the best horsis wher in in 
Irelonde, and I sayd in Dredathe, then he sayd he wold goo 
thether to by som horssis, won for to geve the kyng*s grace 
and another for to geve the queen s grace, and won for Mr. 
Cromwell and a nothar for on Edwarde Aynton/ and so 
desiryd me for to goo with hymme becaws 1 knewe the 
partis of lerlande, and in this behalffe I was contentyd to go 
with hyme, and so departyd to a place within xv myle of 
Bristow cawUid CJphill, and ther the sayd Jamys fraytyd a 
smalle penes (pinnace) and so we departyd the Monday 
benytte after Wytsonday and landed in Yoholte (Youghal) 
upon Corpus Crysty day and taryd there a senyt, and so 
then departed toward Dredathe, and when we came affor the 
hav3m of the sayd place the said Jamys came to me and said 
Henry wyll yowe agre to goo with me to Skotlande, and I 
sayd no I will not adyd mor trobull for you for I have hade 
1 now .... and I wyll not for sake my wiflf noer my 
chylderyn for yow nor my friends, so with this he went to 
the master of the botte and to all the company and askyde 
theme whether they wolde agre to goo wyth hym and they said 
no, for thay wamot bownde to goo no fardare then Dredathe, 



^ Queen Anne Boleyn's Chamberlain- 

F 



66 A Welsh Insurrection. 

then he cawUyd me and bad me gett me and the master and 
his company under hatches and so towke from me viii li. 
sterlinge wyche I thowght to bestow in Irlyand for my own 
perSy and then the company for fere agreyd to go with hyme 
and I in caslyke agrede to the sayme for fere also^ then was 
ther a wrechyd fellowe that is his servant, whose name is 
Davy, bad the sayd Jamys lat us kell them and throwe them 
over bowrde, but the sayd Jamys wold not agre to the sayme, 
the sayd Davy showyd me the sayme syns, then upon myd- 
ssomar evyn we came aboude in Skotlande at a place cawllyd 
Whythome, and ther the Kinge was, and so he felle 
aquantyd with the lorde Flemyn, whiche showyd the Kynge 
of hyme, and apon this I wrought his letters to the Kynge 
for hyme, for he hadd no other body to doo hit but I, and at 
my comynge to the kyng's grace of Englande and to the 
honorabill lords of the cownsell I wyll show the fekle of thos 
letters and off all othar letters consarnynge his desynes and 
offeres, and nowe of at here came a man from Flanders to 
Skotlande, and ( . . . see above). . . . ^ And so he 
gave some credance to the sayd man, and so apon this he 
causyd me to wrytte to my Lady Mary and so put me in 
trost to bring thys letter to her, wiche I was goynge in to 
Yngland withall, so yt me chancyd that I hard of youre 
beynge there Mr. Vaughan, and bycaus I knew that yowe 
are the Kyngs grace sarvant I move this my mynd to you 
in as myche that yff yt be the K3mg8 grace pleasure to 
fumysh me with a ship as his grace shall know by the 
letters derectyd to my Lady Mary, and by that at I wyll show 
his grace and his honorabill counsell by mowth that if I do 
not deliver the sayd Jamys in to his grace hands within 
short space that then I wyll los my lyfife and thus God save 
the Kyngs grace/' 

By reading these two documents together, we are able 
to piece together a connected and intelligible account of 
James ap Griffith's departure from Wales. The tone of 
the two documents is markedly difiFerent: Davy's "con- 
fession" is plain, blunt, straightforward, hiding and 
extenuating nothing, except that the "wretchyd fellowe" 
omits all mention of that dramatic scene outside the haven 
at Drogheda. Ellington's narrative is written evidently 
with an eye to effect. He says nothing of the letter from 



A Welsh Insurì'ection, 67 

the Queen which reached James before the start, but he 
insinuates that the original object of the journey was to 
buy horses for the King, Queen Anne, Cromwell, and the 
Queen's Chamberlain, and that it was only at Drogheda 
that this plan was altered. These little differences in the 
narratives, however, only lend fresh interest to the story; 
they do not in any way impair the credibility of the two 
narrators. 

"About Whitsuntide", 1533, then, James received the 
Queen's letter, and left his friend's house in "South Gare" 
and made for Kidwelly. Accompanied by his friend, 
David Vaughan, ho reached the shore, and then, with his 
wife, daughter, and a few retainers, embarked on board a 
coal-boat for TJphiU, a little village near Weston-super- 
Mare. On Monday night, June 2, James and his company 
left uphill for Youghal, in Ireland, and on the following 
Friday, June 6, being Corpus Christi Day, they arrived 
safely at their destìnatÌDn. After selling, like a prudent 
man, his cargo of beans, on June 13 James started for 
Drogheda. When they came outside the harbour, how- 
ever, James insisted on proceeding to Scotland. Ellington 
and the crew refused, but James drove them under the 
hatches, and "for fear" they consented to go on to Scot- 
land. On the Sunday before the Nativity of St. John the 
Baptist, i.e., on June 22 — according to. David Williams — 
or on June 23, Midsummer eve — according to Ellington — 
James and his party landed at St. Tronyan's, St. Ninians, 
or Whythom, on the south-west coast of Scotland. James, 
hearing that the King of Scots was on his way thither, 
determined to await his arrival,^ and lodged in a widow's 
house. Three days later, June 25, the King arrived, and 

^ That David Williams^s account is correct on this point, and not 
Ellington's, is proved by the testimony of Lord Dacre's letter of 
July 2 to Henry VIIL (Ä P., vol. vi, 760.) 

F 2 



68 A Welsh Insurrection. 

with him Lord Meming, with whom James picked up on 
acquaintance. An interview was arranged between the 
two at St. Tronyan's Abbey, whose Abbot was Lord 
Fleming's brother. The result of that interview was that 
James was presumably presented three days later, on 
June 28, to the King, by whom he was well received. 
The warmth of James's reception caused quite a flutter in 
diplomatic dovecotes. Lord Dacre, Sir T. Clifford, Sir G. 
Lawson, the Earl of Northumberland, and Sir Thomas 
Wharton, during the month of July, can write no letter to 
the King or Cromwell without mentioning the "gentleman 
of Wales."^ Lord Dacre informs the King that immedi- 
ately on his arrival at St. Ninians, James ap Griffith "sent 
two servants into Wales."* On July 11, the Commissioners 
on the Borders write to Henry VIII from Newcastle to say 
that they had remonstrated with the Scotch Council that 
King James should have received Henry's rebels, when 
proposing to enter into amity. "They answered they had 
heard such a person had arrived, but knew nothing more." 
Matters might have become critical between the two 
countries, but for a timely discovery which was made by 
a spy in the employ of Sir Thomas Wharton, one of the 
four Commissioners, which was made known to Cromwell 
on the same day, July 11. 

'' The Scots King, hearing the woman named his daughter 
tobe fair and about the age of 16 years, repaired to the said 
castle [James was said to have been '^appointed to a castle 
S.W. of Edinburgh*'] and did speak with the said gentleman, 
and for the beauty of his daughter, as mine espeiall saith, 
the King repaired lately thither again/' — (A P., vol. vi, 803.) 



' Vide S, P., vol. vi, Nos. 750, 802, 803, 828, 876, 892, 895, 907. 

'"^ They were probably sent to acquaint James's friends of his safe 
arrival, and to raise funds, of which James evidently was in need. 
Next month we 6nd him in receipt of 160 crowns from the Scottish 
treasury. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 69 

No doubt this infonnation helped to allaj the 
threatened storm, for Henry VIIT was not the man 
to undervalue the attractions of a pretty face. 

On July 1 the King of Scots left St. Ninians for 
Edinburgh, and James foUowed in his train. He remained 
for a month at Edinburgh, being lodged in the house of 
Bichard Lundell, servant to the Scotch King's secretary. 
It was here, without doubt, that King James V saw and 
admired the beauty of the Welsh maiden. But James ap 
Grifi&th was not long in perceiving that the King came to 
flirt with his pretty daughter, and not to hatch plots with 
the father. He received some help from the Scottish 
Treasury, and hearing that he was well spoken of in the 
Court of Queen Mary, Regent of the Netherlands, he 
decided to go thither. An unpleasant encounter which he 
had with a countryman no doubt quickened his resolution 
to be goue. Sir Thomas Wharton, writing on July 24, 
gives a somewhat cryptic account of the matter. 

" On Monday last (i.e., July 23), James Apowell had licence 
from the Provost to leave the realm, but his ship has since 
been arrested in consequence of a dispute with one Upp 
Risse, the one appealing the other connecting the accusa- 
tion of Risse put to execution according to his demerits, was 
both called afore the Council."— (6'. P., vol. vi, 892.) 

The story, as related by Wharton, is a confused tangle, 
but with the knowledge we have of James's previous 
career, it is not difficult to imagine what occurred. James 
came across a fellow-countryman in Edinburgh, and the 
two fell into an altercation concerning Rhys ap Griffith's 
death. James was probably denounced as a traitor, who 
had betrayed his kinsman and patron, and James was not 
the man to take such reproaches meekly, and so ''both 
were called afore the Council." Who the other man was, 
is not clear. David Williams states that at this time 
James was much in the company of one ''Lloyd", who 



JO A Welsh Insurrection. 

afterwards went to Denmark. It may be that this was 
no other than the Edward Floyd, who also betrayed 
his master, and that the two traitors fell out in apportion- 
ing the blame for that gross act of treachery. Lloyd 
went to Denmark, the "Llychlyn" of the 6>n*diatt, per- 
haps in search of that Owen Lawgoch, who was to sail in 
seven ships over the sea to deliver Wales from the alien/ 
James ap Griffith, at least, was still a believer in the 
prophecy; for we find him assuring the King of Scots 
that "he with the Lyon of Scotland would subdue all 
England", almost in the same terms as the prophecy cited 
in the Indictment against Rhys ap Griffith. 

The first seven days of A-ugust, James spent at New- 
botell ; and the next fortnight in Dalkeith. Then, at the 
end of August, he went to Leith. There Ellington wrote 
him a letter to Queen Mary, which Ellington was dis- 
patched to convey to Flanders. No sooner had Ellington 
landed in Antwerp than he put himself in communication 
with Stephen Vaughan, one of Cromwell's most active 
agents on the Continent, and, as we have seen, he not only 
betrayed James's plans, but oflEered to capture James 
himself and deliver him over to the English Government. 
Vaughan, on November 17, sent Ellington to England. 
On November 21 he writes to Cromwell from Antwerp : — 

" Four days past I sent, in company of Martin Caley, Henry 
Ellington, sometime servant to Abraam. He came here out 
of Scotland with letters from James Griffith Appowell to the 
Queen of Hungary. These letters, with others of his 
writings, I sent in my letters enclosed to you." — {S, P., 
vol. vi, 1,448.) 

Cromwell tried, in characteristic fashion, to use the 

' Henry Rice, in MS. 14,416 of the Phillipps Collection, in a 
marginal note, which was not published in the Cambr. Hfff., states 
that " Edward Floyd, being ashamed of his villanie, fled his country 
and was never heard of afterwards." 



A Welsh Insurrection. yi 

opportunity to the utmost. It was an anxious and critical 
time for Henry VIII and his Minister. The new Queen 
was not popular; Henry himself had been disappointed 
that the child of the union was not a boy, so as to make 
sure the succession to the throne. The Emperor was 
more than suspected of being a warm partisan of his aunt, 
Queen Catherine, and it was important to discover how far 
he was willing to go in defending her interests and righting 
her wrongs. Cromwell, thinking to find through James 
ap GriflBlth the secret mind of the Emperor and his sister, 
the Regent, despatched Ellington back to the Netherlands 
with all speed, with instructions to deliver James's letter 
to Queen Mary, and hand over the reply to him. No one 
was let into the secret, so that when Ellington arrived in 
Brussels, not even Hacket, who was acting as agent in 
Stephen Vaughan's absence, suspected that Ellington was 
anjrthing but a hona fide messenger from James ap 
Griffith.^ How Cromwell's subtlety was baulked is told by 
Ellington in a letter which he wrote from Antwerp on 
December 20. 

" On the first December I came to Brussels, where my Lady 
Mary is, and delivered my letter to the Bishop of Palermo, 
her chancellor, who delivered it to the Queen, and brought 
me an answer from her that she thanked James Grefiythe, 
whom she called my master, for his goodwill to the Emperor 
and his offers, which you shall further know when I come 
home. For the ship he has written for, she can send him 
none without the Emperor *s commandment, for they have 
nothing adoiug against England or Ireland, but if he came 
there he shall be welcome. I left Brussels 5 December for 
Antwerp, and on the morrow, which was Sunday (i.tf., 
December 8), went to Mass, and met a Scotchman that 
came over from Scotland in the same ship with me. He 
loves James well, and his business is in Louvain and 
Brussels. He had made great inquiries for me amongst the 



^ S. R, vol. vi, 1523. 



72 A Welsh Insurrection. 

English, when I was gone to England, but seeing me there, 
he laid wait for me, and brought me before the skowtte, 
saying I had brought letters out of Scotland to my Lady 
Mary, had been in England and showed the letters to the 
King. I was brought to the Pynbanke "whereon they 
wolde apuUyd me,** on which I confessed that I had shown 
the letter to the Council, and I was compelled by reason of 
my oath, and in order to come quietly into the realm to live 
^ith my wife and children as I did, and that this traitor 
carried me out of Ireland into Scotland against my will, 
For this they have kept me in prison 16 days [ate], and have 
sent to my Lady Mary to know her pleasure, and I have 
written to Mr. Hakett. I beg you not to change your 
favor because I have failed in this business. The matter 
could not be kept close, for Griffith communicated the letter 
to all the crew. If the King will let me have a ship, I will 
deliver Griffith to him." 

From the time when Ellington was despatched into 
rianders from Leith, we hear nothing of James ap 
Griffith's movements. He must have stopped in Scotland 
awaiting the coming of the ship which he had asked from 
Queen Mary. That he suspected Ellington from the first 
is evident from his action in telling the crew the object of 
Ellington's journey. No doubt he thought to frighten 
Ellington into fidelity, as he had no one else to send. 

Shortly after the departure of Ellington, David Wil- 
liams, James's servant, was sent on a message to England 
or Wales. We know that he was apprehended, and that 
he was examined, perhaps after torture or threat of 
torture, as happened to Ellington in Antwerp. But 
nothing is known as to where he was arrested, except 
that it was in the house of one Thomas Lewis.' In 
Cromwell's "remembrance to Master Bichard Cromwell to 



^ A Thomas Lewes is mentioned as one of the ^'servitors for the 
dresser" at Anne Bole3m's Coronation {S. P., vol. vi, p. 248), and it 
may be that David Williams was apprehended in London. The 
Richard Cromwell who examined David was, of course, the nephew of 



A Welsh Insurrection, 73 

examine the serrant of James Griffith Powell," we find 
that among the ten questions which were to be put to 
David Williams were : — 

8. "Why he came from his master now, and what 
letters and tokens he had to his master's friends in England 
or Wales ? 

9. "How long he had been in Thomas Lewes's house 
before he was taken, and what communication he had with 
Lewis about his master ? 

10. "Whether Lewes did not speak with him secretly 
since he was taken, and what communication he had with 
him r 

As the answers to these questions have been lost, it 
would be useless at this distance of time to conjecture 
what they were. What is certain is that by some means 
or other Ellington was released from his captivity in Ant- 
werp, and was at home at Bristol in April 1534, while, in 
the next month, we find James ap Griffith at Lubeck, in 
the territory of the Duke of Holste. On May 12, John 
Coke writes to Cromwell from Barowe : — 

" Received to-day a letter from Lubeck that 

Griffith ap Howel and his wife have come from Scotland to a 
town 10 miles from Lubeck [Ulm ?], in the dominion of the 
Duke of Holste."— (A P., vol. vii, No. 650.) 

He did not long remain in the dominion of a prince- 
ling who was known to be inclined to the Protestant cause. 
On May 25, Dr. Legh writes to Cromwell from Hamburg : — 

" The Welshman who was in the Tower, and after in Scot- 
land, was lately with the Duke of Hoist. He said he was a 
great man in England, and banished for the Princess 
Dowager's sake, but he heard of me and privily went his 
way, some say to Ferdinand, others to the Emperor." — (Ä P., 
vol. vii. No. 710.) 

If a conjecture as to James's destination may be 

Mr. Secretary Cromwell, the son of Morgan Williams, of Putney and 
Glamorganshire, and the great grandfather of Oliver Cromwell. 
(8, P., vol. vi, 1591, ii.) 



74 ^ Welsh Insurrection. 

hazarded^ we are inclined to believe that James attempted 
to attach himself to Eeginald Pole at Venice. Pole was 
at this time not even in holy orders, though he held 
several ecclesiastical offices in England, including the 
Deanery of Exeter. He was uncertain what line to take 
with regard to King Henry's divorce. A sincere liking 
for the King, and perhaps the whispers of worldly am- 
bition, inclined him to extenuate the King's conduct. He 
had, in some measure, been Henry's instrument in obtain- 
ing the opinion of the University of Paris some years 
before on the validity of the marriage with Catherine 
of Arragon. He was a man of singularly mild and 
moderate temper, a convinced and genuine reformer, a 
patriotic Englishman, proud of his native land, though 
ever mindful of his Welsh descent,^ averse to extreme 
measures, and hoping against hope to his last day ta bring 
about a reconciliation between England and the Papacy. 
It was natural that James, both as a Welshman and a 
Catholic, should have repaired to Pole. There is no direct 
evidence of the fact, but that the theory is permissible 
may be gathered from the subsequent connection of 
James with Pole, and from a letter written from Venice 
on August 4, 1534, by Martin de Comoca to Charles V : — 

''There is now living in these parts a great English per- 
sonage, named Reynaldo Polo, of the blood royal, of the illus- 
trious house of Clarence, and the Earl of Warwick. He is the 
son of the Countess of Salisbury. . . . Pole is by his 
mother's side of the noblest blood in the kingdom. His 
father, Sir Richard Pole, was a worthy knight of Wales, a 
near relative of the late King, and greatly esteemed in his 
country. . . . He is related to most of the great 



' K, tf.y., vol. xii, pt. i. No. 107. Pole's father, Sir Richard Pole, 
*'a knight of Wales", was lineally descended from the ancient Princes 
of Powys, who in Edw. I's time adopted the Norman name of ''de la 
Pole". 



A Welsh Insurrection, 75 

families, and is connected by an indissoluble friendship with 
all the Queen's friends, and especially with a great lord 
named de Deulier. The whole of Wales is devoted to his 
house, for his sake and the sake of his relations Vuquingan 
and Vorgona [Buckingham and Abergavenny]. On account 
of their love for the Princess and the death of Don Ris, who 
was beheaded three years ago, the whole province is alienated 
from the King. ... It would be a pioi^ and famous 
deed to help such a man in preserving a kingdom oppressed 
by a harlot and her friends, and in reinstating the Queen and 
Princess. . . . Does not know Pole's mind about all this, 
but thinks he would not be wanting in the delivery of his 
country from tyranny." — (8, P., vol. vii, No^ 1040.) 

But if the Emperor's correspondent, who waxed almost 
lyrical in his enthusiasm for Pole and his hatred of 
Anne Boleyn, did not receive his information from the great 
man himself, from whom could it have been derived ? His 
informant, whoever he was, was well versed in the state 
and condition of Wales. He knew, and laid great stress 
upon, Pole's ancient connection with the Principality, his 
relationship to great Welsh noblemen, and the date, 
manner, and efiPect of Ehys ap Griffith's death. We have 
no record of any Welshman's adherence to Pole except 
James ap Griffith. It requires no great stretch of fancy, 
therefore, to hear the voice of James behind the hand of 
Martin de Comoca. 

JEleginald Pole, however, was in dire poverty at this 
time. His supplies from England had been stopped, as 
his royal kinsman was becoming more and more suspicious 
of his attitude and intentions. On July 4, 1535 — not quite 
a year after — ^the Bishop of Pamza wrote to the Cardinal 
Palmieri urging that Pole, who was then in Padua "in a 
low state and ruined", should be given Cardinal Fisher's 
hat.^ Pole had no use for adventurers such as James, and 
no means of maintaining them. It is no wonder that by 

' Ä P., vol. vui, 986. 



76 A Welsh Insurrection. 

the end of the year James should be back once more in 
Flanders, where there was always a ready market for a 
good sword. In December 1534, Stephen Vaughan, writing 
to Cromwell from Antwerp, states that 

'^ My lord of Bure entertains Jamys Griffith ap Powell and 
his wife, and has given them a house in Bure. The knave 
sent his wife to the Queen of Hungary with an interpreter 
to show her griefs. The Queen gave her 100 guylden.** — (Ä P., 
vol. vii, No. 1Ô67.) 

Throughout the next year, 1536, we can find hardly a 
trace of James's movements on the Continent. We gather 
from some of Cromwell's "remembrances" that he was 
trying to keep in touch with his Welsh friends and 
adherents. In 1534, for instance, we find a memorandum 
"to send into Wales for him that would have conveyed 
James Griffith Aphowell's man", but we know nothing of 
the incident to which the entry refers.* Again, in the 
autumn of 1535, another "remembrance" is to "examine 
the person that came from the traitor James Griffith ap 
Howell".* On September 9, 1535, also, occurred the 
incident at Calais, to which reference has already been 
made, when David Lloyd ap Owen, of Machynlleth, tried 
to get into communication with James, who was supposed 
to be then somewhere in Flanders. 

Early in 1536 we come across another of James ap 
Griffith's emissaries. A "remembrance" of Cromwell's 
mentions "a bill for the execution of him that came from 
James Griffith ap Howel, which killed the two men at 
Hounslow.'" Of this incident, again, we know nothing 
more than is contained in this bald entry. But it is clear 
that James was still active, and that he was still able to 
send messengers to his friends. The Government were 
becoming alarmed, and in March Henry VIII sent two 

* 8, P., vol. vii, No. 108. » S. P., vol. ix, 498. » Ä P., vol. x, 264. 



A Welsh Insurrection, *j*j 

autograph letters, one to Stayber and the Consuls and 
Senate at Nuremberg, and the other to Charles V, con- 
cerning James ap Griffith and his companion, Harry 
Phillips. He requests the Senate of Nuremberg 

"to arrest two criminals, James Griffith Apowell [an 
English subject of low birth, guilty of treason, robbery, man- 
slaughter, and sacrilege, who is travelling with a rebel 
named] Henry Philip through Grermany on his way from 
Flanders to Italy."— Ä P., vol. x, 629-530.) 

In his letter to the Emperor, Henry desires that the 
two "rebels" may be given up to Pate, the Archdeacon 
of Lincoln, who was his ambassador at the Emperor's 
Court. 

In the following month, April 30, 1536, Bishop Lee 
wrote from Brecknock to inform Cromwell that "David 
Vaughan, officer of Kidwelly, in Wales, is accused by 
your servant Jankin Lloyd, for assisting the rebellion of 
James ap Howell Griffith. I send you the process." 
Whether this refers to the old affair of 1530, when James 
fortified himself in the castle at Emlyn, or to Vaughan's 
part in the departure of James from Kidwelly in 1533, or 
whether it relates to some attempt on the part of James 
to raise another insurrection in Wales, cannot be deter- 
mined. There was a general impression abroad that 
Wales was ready for rebellion — "the people only wait 
for a chief to take the field," Chapuys said in 1534. The 
scandal about the King's divorce, the violent break with 
Bome, the death of young Rhys, the abrogation of ancient 
religious customs, the extinction of old Welsh customs in 
1534, the changes in the law relating to land tenure, the 
rough rule of Bishop Lee, the spoliations and hypocrisy of 
Bishop Barlow, of St. David's, the dissolution of the 
monasteries, and the incorporation of Wales with England, 
entailing unknown consequences^ all helped to render 



78 A Welsh Insurrection, 

men's minds restless and unquiet. A spark might have 
been sufficient to light up afresh the old racial antipathy 
between Welsh and English, and James ap Griffith seems 
to have done his best to ignite the flame. In 1637 
we know that the greatest confusion prevailed in Arwystli 
and Cyveiliog, two districts of Powys with which James 
had been connected. The disturbance arose through the 
clashing claims of the Earl of Worcester and Lord Eerrars 
to exercise jurisdiction in these provinces of Powys. 
There is no proof of James's complicity in the turmoil, 
but when we remember the attempt of David Lloyd ap 
Owen, of Machynlleth, the chief town of Cyveiliog, to get 
into touch with James in 1535, the supposition cannot be 
lightly scouted.^ 

In April 1537, we know from Melancthon's letter to 
Vitus Theodoras that James was starting from Witten- 
berg for Nuremberg, whose Senate had been warned the 
previous year against harbouring the ^^rebel". We hear no 
more of him during the rest of the year. Pole had been 
made a Cardinal in 1536, and in 1537 he was appointed 
Legate to England, though he was only thirty-seven 
years old. The young Cardinal did not care for his task. 
He travelled slowly, and took Paris, Cambray, and Liege 
on his way.' He was beset by English spies, perhaps even 
by would-be assassins. When he arrived at Liege, he was 
entertained in princely style by the Bishop at the old 
episcopal palace. No stranger was allowed to come or go 

' r., S. p., vol. xii, pt. i, N08. 1183, 1271, pt. ii, Nos. 158, 490, 776, 
835, 852, 857, 896-7, 985-6, 993, 1024, 1057, 1199. 

By December 20, 1537, however, Bishop Lee was able to inform 
Cromwell that all was quiet in Wales, '' savyng now and then a little 
conveying amongst themselves for a fat sheep or bullock in Kery, 
Kedewen, Arustley, and Kevylyoke: which is impossible to be 
amended, for thieves I found them and thieves 1 shall leave them.** — 
(Ä P., vol. xii, pt. ii, 1237.) 



A Welsh Insurrection, 79 

unexamined. Among those who came was a Welshman 
named Vaughan, who had fled out of England for man- 
slaughter. At Barowe, he made the acquaintance of John 
Hutton, another of Cromwell's agents. On May 26, 1537, 
Eutton wrote to his employer from Brussels that 

'' To-day one Vaiighan came to me. . . . He had come 
to me at Baroughe for relief in great necessity, which I pro- 
cured him from the merchants ; and he says he applied to 
Henry Phillippes, an Englishman in Lovayn, who offered to 
get him into the service with Cardinal Pole, knowing one of 
his gentlemen named Throgmorton. In further conversation 
he discovered that Michael Throgmorton was to be sent to 
England as soon as Pole was settled in Liege, with letters to 
several of Pole*8 friends, which Philippis undertook to 
convey, as he had done some letters to his father, baked 
within a loaf of bread. They were to be set on land in 
Cornwall, and he offered to take Vaughan with him. I 
advised him to encourage the enterprise, and gave him 40«. 
He is to inform me secretly of everything while he is here, 
and on landing cause them to be attached. As to his crimes, 
I have promised to sue not only for his pardon but for a 
reward."— (Ä. P., vol. xii, pt. i, 1293.) 

In 1586, Harry Phillips, " the betrayer of good Tyn- 
dale,'' was travelling through Germany with James. His 
career bad been a chequered one. He had lived a wild 
life in his youth in England, and fled across the seas after 
robbing his father. For years he had lived in Louvain 
the happy-go-lucky life of a student, always up to mischief 
and sometimes to graver offences. He had betrayed Tyn- 
dale to the Government, not that he wanted money so 
much as because he detested the Protestant heresy. "The 
fellow hath a great wit, he is excellent in language," said 
no friendly critic of him in 1539.* His association with 
James may serve to explain the latter's activity in 1536. 
He was full of schemes such as Hutton describes in his 
letter, and nothing would have given him more genuine 

* Wriothesley to Cromwell, Ä P., vol. xiv, pt. i, 247. 



8o A Welsh Insurrection. 

pleasure than to use his ingenuity to circumvent the 
King's agents, and put James in communication with his 
friends in Wales/ It is not worth while giving in full 
the story of Vaughan's acquaintance with Pole, and the 
dubious part which Harry Phillips played in it. It is 
sufficient to record that when Pole saw Vaughan he said 
to him — 

" As I am informed, you be banished out of your native 
country as well as I. I rejoice to see a Welshman, as my 
grandfather came out of Wales. I have my full number of 
servants, but if you will come to Italy when I am there I 
will be glad to take you." — (Ä. P., vol. xii, pt. ii, 107.) 

Vaughan returned to Hutton and told him all. 
"Vaughan shall return and enter further into the matter", 
added Hutton, in his letter to the King. But Vaughan 
seems to have had qualms of conscience, and nothing more 
was done.* 

James could hardly have been with Pole in May and 
June 1537 at Liege, or we should have found Phillips re- 
commending Vaughan not to Throgmorton, but to his 
fellow-countryman. In the spring of the following year 
James was once more in Germany. On March 24, 1538, 
Thomas Theobald wrote to the King from Augsburg in 
these terms : — 

'^ Pleaseth it your Grace to understand that [whereas] . . . 
[T] did inform your Grace and my lord Preavy Seal . . . 
which nameth himself here Sir James Greffeth .... 



* The writer of the article on Cardinal Pole in the Diet, of National 
Biography f said that while Pole was at Venice in 1538, he was ''beset 
by spies and would-be assassins — one of them, the plausible scoundrel 
Phillips, who had betrayed the martyr Tindal.'* Phillips, no doubt, 
deserves some hard words, but there is no proof that he was either a 
spy or an assassin. On the contrary, all his actions show him to have 
been a sincere and loyal Catholic. Xor is it probable that he tried or 
intended to assassinate Pole. 

» S, P., vol. xii, pt. ii, 128. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 8i 

when if my lord Privy Seal had geve[D commandment unto 
mo to] take him, I could have found the means .... 
[that he should] have been other in hold or punished as a 
t[raitor : for at my depar ] tyng from Tubyng, one of his chief 
compa[nion8] .... hath married his daughter came 
from Augsburg .... he and his father-in-law, James 
Poelly to be fallen a . . . . declaring unto me many of 
his practices of what . * . . of the which I know some 
of them to be true and most .... and in specially in 
that he showed me that he should [be at] this present with 
the Duke of Saxony, which I know we[ll to be a] lie, as I 
proved also since he went about with many p ... to 
invade me, for my reports unto certain of the c[ity] of 
Augsburg, was an occasion that they were comman[ded to] 
depart thence: how be it James Poell hath not shewfed 
him]self there openly this half year and more. But my 
ansLwer] unto this Welchman was this, that I thought that 
the King's [grace] did know better where he was than he 
could inform [me], and if his Grace had been desirous to 
have had him take[n] he had not now been at liberty ; and 
if his grace had hy[m], I doubt not but he would punish him 
worthily, according to his deserving : and whereas he is now 
out of his Grace's hands, his Grace does not pass of him. 
After this he would have had me to help him to be in service 
with the Prince as a gentle[man], not as a man of war, in 
the which when I would give him no comfort, then he went 
about to borrow money of me, w[hen] because his wife 
was great with child, and upon the c[onditi]on he should 

depart incontinent, I gave him a gu and his costs 

there, dispatching him after a good sort : ho[wbeit], I dining 
the next day with the governor of the city, [and] one or two 
of the Prince's Council, showed him what he wa[s and] about 
what practices he came, and declared to them the tray[son] 
of James Poel and his abuses here : whereupon they ma[de] 
this answer, that if he that were at Tubyng with [me] were 
of that conspiracy and trayson, they would take him [and] 
hang him, and likewise if James of Poel came [hither] they 
would, if they might show him surely, punish hy[m] as a 
traytor, for albeit in all Docheland they do great[ly] abhor 
traitors, yet the gentlemen of Sueveland be [above] all other 
in punishing that fault. Whereunto I answered that [I 
didj perceive no other of him that was at Tubing, but that 
he [was] a banished man, as I did mark by the burning of 
his ha[nd], which and the misery he is in, or like to come to, 

G 



82 A Welsh Insurrection. 

we[re] punishment enough for him, seeing I had no [know- 
ledge] of [any] other [things] committed of him : but in case 
this .... thither if they did take him and punish him 
upon .... en they should not only in that behalf do 
high ju8t[ice and to the king's] grace of England high 
pleasure, but also the ci[ties and princes] imperial, whom he 
hath and intendeth .... [d]eceave, &c., and if he 
come there now in my absence .... he shall have 
there but small courtesy. I am [sure he] had been there 
long or this time, but for fear of [me] : for while riding to- 
wards Italy I passed through Ulmes, 7 Dutch miles from 
Tubing, where James Poel was 3 weeks before my coming, 
but he tarried not. Perhaps when he hears that I have 
departed he will make suit to the Duke of Wirtemberg, as 
he has done to other princes, but his errand is done or he 
come. The chief persons of Augsburg say that if this in- 
formation had come to them from the king of England when 
ho was hero, they would have taken and worthily punished 
him. Laurence Staber might have taken him if he would. 
If the King wants him taken, I think I could nearly do it 
as well as Staber, for the c^ief of the learned men, both 
spiritual and temporal, and others, officers and gentlemen of 
Tubing and thereabouts, do highly favour me .... So 
that I trust to be able to know everything and write often, 
and to get to^Romo without being known for an Englishman." 
—{8. P., vol. xiii, pt. i, 592.) 

This letter casts a cruel light on the life which was 
being led by our exile in the courts of various German 
princelings. He had continually to change his ground, 
from Ulmes to Tubing, from Tubing to Bure, from Bure 
to Wittenberg, from Wittenberg to Nuremberg, from 
Nuremberg to Augsburg. No sooner had he found a new 
patron, than an agent of the English King appeared on the 
scene and laid terrible charges against him, as Henry him- 
self had done, of being guilty of rebellion, treason, homicide, 
robbery, and sacrilege. Living this hunted life, it is no 
wonder if the poor exile lost his nerve somewhat, and that 
Melancthon should have thought he ^^ took little pleasure 
in the Court at Wittenberg". The scene which Theobald 



A Welsh Insurrection. 83 

desciil^es with such malicious pleasure, and with such 
graphic minuteness, of his interview with our exile's son- 
in-law, shows to what mean and petty shifts the company 
had been reduced. Sage, whose beauty had attracted a 
King when she was barely sixteen, is now, at twenty, the 
wife of a penurious vagabond, who professes his ability 
and readiness to betray his father-in-law, and who is glad 
to accept a contemptuous guinea from the agent of the 
King who has banished him, on condition that he shall 
"depart incontinent", "because his wife was great with 
child". Even if, as one sometimes suspects, the son-in- 
law only wished to "spoil the Egyptian" without doing 
an injury to his wife's father, — for he did not tell Theobald 
what was James's real address at the time — it was still a 
paltry and ignominious device. The name of this precious 
rogue is not given, but Theobald says that he was "a 
banished man, as I did mark by the burning of his hand". 
The description is reminiscent of the Welshman to whom 
Cardinal Pole said at Liege, in June of the previous year, 
"You be banished out of your country as well as I". That 
Welshman's name was Vaughan, who fled or was banished 
from England for manslaughter. He, like James ap 
Griffith, was acquainted with Harry Phillips; he, also 
like James, wished to attach himself to Pole. He pre- 
tended to Hutton that he was anxious to betray Pole, as 
the husband of Sage pretended to Theobald his willingness 
to betray her father. Hutton gave Vaughan 40«. to 
encourage him in his traitorous designs ; Theobald gave 
the other a guinea, "dispatching him after a good sort". 
Vaughan, at a pinch, let his conscience master him, and 
the enterprise against Pole faUed; Theobald's vagabond 
displays flashes of prudence, which would enable him to 
retrace his steps, if necessary. The part which both 

characters play is contemptible. Pole had no use for 

G 2 



84 A Welsh Insurrection, 

such poor stuff, and Theobald thought he was not worth 
hanging. There is no direct and conclusive proof that 
Button's Vaughan and Theobald's rogue are one and the 
same person; but the conjecture is somewhat borne out 
by certain later references to James ap Griffith's son-in- 
law. On September 9, 1540, a meeting of the Privy 
Council was held at Ampthill. The business transacted 
was entered as follows in the minute book of the 
Council : — 

'^ Letters brought from Norfolk, declaring receipt of letters 
from Mr. Pate, of the coming over of Philip ap Henry, alia» 

Philip ap Hary, alias Vaughan, who also came to Court 

from beyond sea, where he was long in company of Poole 
and James ap Howell, whose daughter he married at Regnis- 
borough : after being examined he was set at liberty and 
commanded to attend daily." — {Proceedinffs of the Privy 
Council, vol. vii, pp. 32, 33 ; S. P., vol. xvi, p. 32, 10.) 

On the next day it is recorded that Ap Henry was to 
attend daily that they might take occasion "to suck some 
material thing out out of him". On September 16, a 
letter is sent to Pate from the Council telling him that a 
pardon would be granted to his protege. On October 14 
Pate writes to thank the King "for the pardon granted, 
at his request, to Philip ap Henrie. He trusted therein 
to do the King service, as the Duke of Norfolk can 
testify.'" On June 28 of the following year, a formal 
and engrossed pardon, countersigned by Thomas Audeley, 
Chancellor, is made out to Philipp ap Harry .' 

It is unnecessary to dwell, in any detail, upon the 
statements in the minute book, which seem to identify 
the Vaughan of Hutton with the son-in-law of James ap 
Griffith. Both are called Yaughan ; both had long been 
in company of Poole and James ap Howell" beyond sea j 

» Ä P., vol. xvi, 160. ^» Ä P., vol. xvi, 947 (74). 



i( 



A Welsh Insurrection. 85 

both were looked upon as likely objects "to suck some 
material thing out of". No more is heard of Philip ap 
Harry and his dangerously beautiful wife. The homicide 
was pardoned; the exile returned. The next eighteen 
years were among the most bloody and horrible in 
English history. Let us be thankful that the veil has not 
been lifted over Philip ap Harry's subsequent career, else 
we might discover him "smelling out Papists" under 
Edward VI or lighting the faggots in the days of Mary. 

In the midst of such nauseating treachery aiid petty 
persecution, it is gratifying to find that never once does 
James himself seem to have tried to curry favour with the 
relentless King and his agents, by betraying his patrons or 
his comrades. Theobald, while scorning to take the life of 
so poor a creature as the son-in-law, never lost an oppor- 
tunity of making things uncomfortable for James. He 
relates to the Council at Tubing the heinousness of 
James's offences, and hints to them that if they punish 
him, they would "in that behalf do high justice and to 
the King's grace of England high pleasure". Wherever 
he goes, he endeavours to prevent James from winning 
the ear of Prince or Councillor, and he even suggests, 
though in somewhat faltering accents, that he might be 
able to capture the redoubtable exile, who had so long 
eluded Henry's wrath. The last thing Theobald did in 
August 1538, before "departing from Almayne towards 
Italy", was to write to Archbishop Cranmer about 
"James Poell".' 

When Theobald arrived in Italy he found James 
already there. Germany had become too hot for him. 
He was known in every town and country as the enemy of 
the terrible Island King, and trouble seemed always to 

* F"., end of Letter to Cranmer, 8, P., vol. xiii, pt. ii, No. 509. 



86 A Welsh Insurrection. 

follow in his train. Writing from Padua on October Ist to 
Cromwell and Cranmer, Theobald relates how he had just 
met Throgmorton, the fussy and talkative servant of Cardi- 
nal Pole. Throgmorton was a timorous man — ^^ Every wag- 
ging of a straw maketh him now afraid," said Theobald. 
He told Theobald that Harry Phillips had asked his master 
for employment, but Phillips was "arrayed as a switzer 
or a man of war", and Pole became afraid that he was 
"suborned by the Council either to destroy him or at 
least search what he did"; and so he forbade him his 
house and the whole dominion of Venice.* Throgmorton 
added "that James off Poel had gone to Bome to seek his 
master, but they suspected him, as they did Phillips, and 
would cause him to forsake these parts."' It must have 
been about this time that James came across Anthony 
Budgewood at Bologna. Anthony had been servant to 
the Marquis of Dorset, and then to Thomas Cromwell. In 
the summer of 1538 he suddenly fled to Bome, and on 
December 29 he sent a petition to the Pope for help. His 
meeting with James he thus describes : — 

" And there [at Bologna] I met James Griffet, a Welshman, 
who sent me by his letters to Dominus Bemardus Boerius to 
aid me in all my business at Rome : and then that James 
told me that Cardinal Pole was in Venice, and so I went 
to Venice, and when I came there he was gone to 
Rome ....** 

This would seem to indicate that James was familiar 
with the ground, and had made useful acquaintances in 
Italy. Another statement of Budgewood's shows the 
extent and minuteness of James's familiarity with the 
habits of English agents in Italy, and serves to explain 
his long immunity from their attempts at capture. 

' Ä P., vol. xiii, pt. ii, 509. '-« S. P., vol. xiii, pt. ii, 507. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 87 

•'On Saturday last Lee met me in the street [at Rome] and 
asked me if I had any message into England, because within 
two days he wa« going thither : so I think it is necessary to 
follow him and his baggage, because James Griffith told me 
in Bologna that every month he sent letters by post." — {S- P-t 
vol. xiv, pt. i, No. 1 .) 

If Pole was suspicious of James ap Griffith's fidelity in 
the autumn of 1538, he was soon to receive the best proof 
that his suspicions were unfounded. Early in 1539 a com- 
prehensive Act of Attainder was passed by the English 
Parliament. A score or more of the King's enemies were 
attainted, and among them several persons whose names 
have been mentioned in the course of this narrative : Lady 
Salisbury and her son, Cardinal Pole ; Michael Throgmor- 
ton; Robert Branceteur; Henry Philippes ; and "James 
Griffith Appowel, late of London"/ On June 3 following, 
one Thomas Rolffe was appointed " auditor of the lands of 
James Griffith".' After this, we need not be surprised to 
find in the following year a petition to Cromwell from 
Jenkin, the son of James ap Griffith, who does not appear 
. to have shared his father's exile, but who was probably 
living in South Wales (it may be in Cryngae with his 
father's old friend, Thomas ap Bhydderch, whose grand- 
daughter he married), asking for some honourable employ- 
ment with which he might maintain himself. 

** To the right honorable my lorde Cromwell, lord pry vy seell. 
*• Most humbly shewith unto your honorable good lordshipe 
your humble peticyoner and daily orator, Jenkyn ap Jamys 
ap Gryffith ap Howell, that where as youre poore orator hath 
noo lands nor other lyvyng of certyntie whereby he shuld 
lyve apon, and also hath noo service with noo honorable 
man, whereby he myght lyve, as an honest yong gentilman 
should do nowe in this hard world, whiche is grette hevynesse 
to your poore orator, In tendre consideracion of the 



* S. P., vol. xiv, pt. i, No. 867, cap. 15. 
^ S. P., vol. xiv, pt. i. No. 1192 (3). 



88 A Welsh Insurrection. 

premisses ffor so moche as your poore orator's hole hart 
and mynde ys oonly to your honorable good lordship (under 
the Kyng highnes) byfore any honorable man lyvying, May 
it therfore please your honorable good lordshipe of your 
most habundant charytie to accepte and admiytte your 
humble poore orator into your lordship's service. And he 
shall than be glad to do his dutie and diligence in the same 
accordingly, And thus at the reverence of Almyghty God, to 
whom your humble peticyoner shall duly pray for the most 
prosperouse preservacyon of your good lordshipe long in 
honour to endure."— (A. P., vol. xv, 1029 (35).) 

Jenkin's petition to Cromwell seems to have been more 
successful than his prayer "for the most prosperous pre- 
servation" of his patron "long in honour to endure". As 
Wolsey's last act as minister was to discharge Rhys ap 
Griffith with a reprimand, so one of Cromwell's last 
exercises of patronage was probably to bestow a small 
office on Jenkin ap James, young Bhys's second cousin. 
Lewis Dwnn, in his Heraldic Visitation to WaleSy in 
1597 (p. 62), says that Mary, the daughter of Sion ap 
Thomas ap Harri ap Thomas ap Gruflfydd ap Niclas of 
Cryngae (who had married Maud, the daughter and heiress 
of our old acquaintance^ Thomas ap Rhydderch), 

"abriododd John (alias Jenkin) Powel mab i Siams ap 
Gruflfydd ap Tlowel, marsial o'r Hawl.*' 

What the words "marsial o'r Hawl" mean, and whether 
they refer to John or to his father James, may be the sub- 
ject of differing opinions. We prefer to believe that they 
apply to John, and that he was given some official post — 
perhaps a sinecure — by Thomas Cromwell, who may have 
felt disposed, having a prescient warning of his own 
fate, to show mercy to the son of an attainted traitor. 
Whatever the office was, it was at all events sufficient to 
enable Jenkyn to marry, and to "lyve as an honest young 
gentleman should do now in this hard world". He is 
described in the Book of Oolden Grove (cited above) as of 



A Welsh Insurrection, 89 

Penrallt, esquire, and he left behind the assurance that his 
family would reach at least to the third generation, for 
one of his daughters was married to a clergyman — John 
Lewis, vicar of Llanpumpsaint. Jenkyn himself is men- 
tioned by Dwnn as if he were still living in 1597, — ^not an 
improbable thing even tor one who was a " yong gentil- 
man" in 1540. 

The last years of James ap Griffith himself are wrapt 
in almost rayless obscurity. We have seen that he was in 
Italy in 1538, vainly asking to be taken into the service of 
Cardinal Pole. In the following year, Pole was sent by 
the Pope to the Emperor in Spain, and it may be that 
James accompanied him, but of this there is no kind of 
evidence. In 1540 Pole was appointed to the secular 
government of the patrimony of St. Peter, and the Pope 
assigned him a bodyguard. Pole was, as we have seen, 
anxious to do a Welshman a good turn in Liege, and 
promised to give him employment in Italy. It is not un- 
likely that now, after James's integrity had been demon- 
strated by his inclusion in the same Act of Attainder as 
Pole himself, the kindly young Cardinal should have taken 
pity on a Catholic fellow-countryman, of whom even the 
Protestant Melancthon could compassionately write : " His 
exile is long, his misfortune long," and should have pro- 
moted him to be an officer in his own bodyguard.* 

An absurd mistake, which has led to endless confusion, 

* Wyatt, the English ambassador at the Imperial Court, writing 
his apologia to the Council from prison in March 1541« recalls that 
once in Paris ''a light fellow, a gunner, that was an Englishman and 
came out of Ireland with an Irish traitor named James, I have forgot 
his other name," called on him. The gunner was "a drunken follow " 
whom he rebuked out of his house, and who came to advertise him of 
Jamess coming again. James ap Griffith went and came out of 
Ireland with a gunner — John Owen — and it is just possible that he 
may be the person mentioned. (S, P., vol. xvi, 640.) 



90 A Welsh Insurrection, 

was made by Sir Thomas Seymour, the English agent at 
Vienna. Writing to Henry VIII on August 8, 1542, from 
the Emperor's camp outside Buda, he says that 

" Two days ago Lawrence Grey .... came to declare 
that lately two Englishmen, Harry Pfelepes and James 
GrifFeth Uppowell came to Vienna. Perceiving Pfelepes to 
be a traitor, Grey fell out with him and laid *trayterey* to 
his charge, and he is detained by the heads of the town. 
. . . The other, being the ranker traitor, as I think, has a 
letter from the Bishop of Rome to be captain of 2,000 
* howsherenes', the best light horse of Hungary : and seems 
to have some hope thereof, or else he would not 'leave his 
return to Rome from Noremberge to tarry the King's 
coming to Vienna.' He names himself Robert Bramto(n), 
but is well known in Vienna to have before this confessed 
himself a gentleman of Wales, and his names to be James 
Greffeth Upowehell. Mistrusts him the more because he 
says *who so ever saith that Harry Pffelej>es is not an honest 
true man he is unhonest himself.' Has written to Hance 
Honganowde, the King's lieutenant (who is in Vienna) 
according to the copy enclosed. If his answer shows him 
disposed to do the King 'this pleasure', will ride to Vienna 
and examine the parties.''— (Ä P., vol. xvii, 583.) 

It will be noted that Harry Phillips's companion de- 
scribed himself as Robert Bramton, or Robert Branceteur, 
and that it was only by Grey that he was said to be James 
ap Gritîitli. Seymour himself had not seen the two 
"rebels" at the time. Three weeks later, on September 5, 
he rode into Vienna, saw "the lord of Felee, lieutenant of 
that town and all Ostrege", who told him 

** Robert Bramstone had been put in trouble by Mr. Wyett in 
France, and delivered upon the Emperor's letters to the 
French Kinge: and he would be loth to put them (í.í., 
Phillips and Bramston) in trouble, and then have them 
delivered by such means, and had written to the King." 
—(S. P., vol. xvii, 748.) 

In the second letter, it will be observed, there is no 
mention of James ap Griffith, but "the lord of Felee*' is 



A Welsh Insurrection, 91 

assured that the man in Vienna is the same Robert Bran- 
ceteur who was imprisoned in Paris at the instance of the 
English ambassador, and who was released upon the indig- 
nant remonstrance of the Emperor, as a member of whose 
suite he was passing through the French capital. In the 
next year, Seymour writes to the King that "Branceteur 
and other semblable rebels" had gone to Scotland.' By 
that time Seymour had no doubt satisfied himself as to the 
identity of Harry Phillips's comrade. 

Unfortunately, the casual mistake of Seymour — or 
rather of Laurence Grey — has misled the compilers of the 
Index to the State Papers, who in turn have misled Froude 
and others. That Branceteur was a totally distinct person 
from James ap Griffith hardly needs to be proved. Bran- 
ceteur had been for years in the Emperor's service in 1533, 
before James had started on his long Odyssey (vol. vi,No8. 
79, 315, 838). When Branceteur was arrested in Paris 
in 1540, the Emperor angrily interfered on his behalf, 
because, said Wyatt in a letter to Henry VIII, 

'* this man had done him service, gone on an embassy to the 
King of Persia when his regular ambassador sickened by the 
way. I have had him follow me this ten or twelve years in 
all my voyages, in Africa, in Province, in Italy, and now 
here .... and since that time I know not that he 
hath been in England, whereby he hath done oâfence to the 
king, unless it be for going with Cardinal Pole, that asked 
me leave for him by cause of the language." — (Ä. P., vol. xv, 
38!) 

Finally, in the same Act of Attainder as James ap 
Griffith's, we find the name of "Robert Branceteur, late of 
London, merchant, and now in Italy devising the king's 
destruction, who, having knowledge of the late rebellion 
made by Darcy and others, moved divers outward princes 
to levy war against the king' 



.>i 1 



» 8. P.. vol. xviii, (2), No. 290. » & P., vol. xiv, pt. i, No. 867, cap. 15. 



92 A Welsh Insurrection. 

Nor is it diflScult to perceive how the mistake originallj 
arose. We have seen how closely Harry Phillips and 
James ap Griffith have been connected. They are men- 
tioned in the same letters by Henry VIII as "two rebels 
travelling through Germany", and both had been in com- 
munication, about the same time, with Cardinal Pole. 
When Phillips appeared in Vienna, mated to an accom- 
plished swash-buckler, who no doubt talked familiarly of 
Pole, it was, perhaps, pardonable in an English stranger to 
mistake him for James ap Griffith. Branceteur had long 
been friendly with Pole, and he had struck a friendship 
with Harry Phillips in the Low Countries, soon after his 
release from the Paris prison. Harry's daring humour, 
and fondness for tricking English spies and agents, 
appealed to Branceteur's blunt and reckless temper. 
Together they succeeded, in Flanders, in cleverly out- 
witting an English spy, a servant of Wallop's, one of 
Henry's ambassadors, and laying him by the heels.* 

The allusion to James ap Griffith in the AcU of the 

Privy Councily vol. ii, p. 224 (cited above), shows that as 

late as October 1548, James was still looked upon as being 

alive and in exile. In the following year. Cardinal Pole, 

writing from Bome to the Bishop of Ceneda, the Papal 

Nuncio in France, recommended to him 

" especiiUy Captain Grifetto in case he should either have 
to remain [in England, whither he was being sent as one of 
twt) envoys whom Pole was sending to the Protector Somer- 
set] or to return in France.'* — {Calendar State Papers: Venice, 
p. 234.) 

The compilers of the State Papers' Index have assumed 
that the "Captain Grifetto" mentioned in Pole's letter is 
James ap Griffith. Nor, perhaps, is the assumption un- 
justified, when the facts of James's career and his long 

' S. P., vol. XV, 188, 203, 449 ; vol. xvi, 30, 176, 849. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 93 

acquaintance with Pole are considered. If, as Henry 
Bice states, on the strength of family tradition, James ap 
Griffith did at last return to his native land, he probably 
did so on the accession of Mary, when all his faults and 
treasons would be turned, by the whirligig of time, into 
loyal virtues. No formal pardon or annulment of the Act 
of Attainder was procured ; or else the record of them is 
lost. His best years, and the whole of his substance, had 
been spent in the cause of Rome and Mary. He probably 
did not find the "Restoration" any more complete or 
satisfactory than other loyalists did then or since. If 
Rice's story is to be relied upon, he repaired to Cardigan- 
shire, "where he died most miserably". It is permissible 
to hope that he repaired to his son's seat at Penrallt, and 
that when the close of his stormy and adventurous career 
came, it found him surrounded by his own kith, at peace 
with the world, having expiated, by repentant confession 
and long suffering, the one great offence of his life, the 
"appechement" of his young kinsman, Rhys ap Griffith. 






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Ofó County famitüB of ®^fŵ- 

n. 

THE WOGANS OF MERRION AND 

SOMERSETSHIRE. 

By FRANCIS GREEN. 



In my account of the Wogans of Boulston I referred to 
the connection between that family and another branch of 
the race in Somersetshire, and identified Henry Wogan^ 
of Warren in Pembrokeshire, who made his will in 1499, 
as the Henry Wogan of Boulston who married Elizabeth, 
sister of Sir James ap Owen of Pentre Evan, and was the 
father of Richard Wogan of Boulston. Since that article 
has appeared in print evidence has turned up which indi- 
cates that this could not have been the case unless he had 
led a Jekyll and Hyde existence — ^in other words, had a 
son and heir in Somersetshire as well as in Pembrokeshire 
— which, in view of the fact that two different post mortem 
inquisitions were held on his property, is not very probable. 
The confusion has arisen from the coincidence that both 
Henry Wogan of Warren and his namesake at Boulston 
each had a son called Richard. It is on occasions such as 
this that one regrets that Mr. T. E. Morris has lived some 
nine hundred years or so too late. Had his interesting 
paper," " The Re-naming of Welshmen," been read and 
duly acted on before the Conquest what a blessing it would 

* Y Cymmrodor, vol. xv, p. 106. 

" Transactions of the Hon. Society of Cymmrodorion, 1901-2, p. 1. 



96 Old County Families of Dyfed. 

have been to genealogists and historians, and what endless 
mistakes and incidents would be avoided at the present day. 

Proof is afforded, by a post mortem inquisition, of the 
existence of a Richard Wogan in Somersetshire, who died 
in 1506, and was undoubtedly a different person to his 
contemporary at Boulston, as his property was inherited 
by the Somersetshire branch ; and this, taken in conjunc- 
tion with the evidence of Gerrard, referred to later on, 
renders it almost certain that Henry Wogan of Warren 
was the founder of the Wogans of Wiltshire and Somer- 
setshire. 

The exact relationship of Henry Wogan to the other 
branches in Pembrokeshire is unfortunately not ascertain- 
able from the records so far come to light, but there is 
very little doubt that he was a member either of the 
Boulston or of the Wiston family. He died on the 3 1st 
August 1499, and the inquisition,^ taken at Bridgwater on 
his death, shows that he owned a messuage and some one 
hundred acres of land, called Orchardlond, in Knightisby, 
Somersetshire, of the annual value of 26«. Sd., held of 
Richard Newton, Esq., and that Richard Wogan, his son 
and heir, was twenty-two years of age at the date of his 
father's death. He also appears to have held, either as 
trustee or otherwise, a share of the manor of Brockeley, in 
the same county ; as by an inquisition," held at Wells in 
1499, it was found that FitzJamys senior, Henry Wogan, 
and Thomas Montague, Esqrs., conveyed one moiety of that 
manor to Alice Montague, formerly wife of Thomas Pyke, 
for her life, with remainder to her son, John Pyke, junior. 
It also records that Alice died seised of the property, and 
that her son, John Pyke, was then alive. Unfortunately 
the document is so faded that I was unable to decipher 

* Chan,f vol. xiv, No. 43 ; also Exchq,, File 986, Ser. 2, No. 10. 
» Exchq., File 896, Ser. 2, No. 6. 



714^ Wogans of Merrion and Somersetshire. 97 

the date of Alice Montague's death. The inquisition was 
held on 26th October 1499, while that of Henry Wogan 
took place a few days earlier, thus suggesting that he pre- 
deceased her. If this were so, it would strengthen the 
suspicion that Alice Montague was none other than Henry 
Wogan's daughter,^ to whom he bequeathed by his will 
100 marks. 

It might be imagined from the inquisition on the death 
of Henry Wogan that he was not a very large landed pro- 
prietor ; it was, however, the custom to hold an inquisition 
in each county in which the deceased owned property, and 
the explanation probably is that the documents relating to 
inquiries made in other counties have disappeared. The 
curious feature is that although there seems very little 
doubt that he held other lands in Somersetshire, no men- 
tion of them is found in the Somersetshire inquisition. 
As to his other possessions, the Description of Somerset^ by 
T. Gerrard, in 1653, affords a little light. Referring to 
Sylving or Sylvinche, which it will be remembered was 
mentioned as the residence of John Wogan'^ who died in 
1559, the author says : — 

" Silvayne which gave that name unto ye ancient owners 
of it; of whom Richard Silvayne increased his estate by 
matching with Margarett, co-heire to John Merland of 
Orchardley in this county, by whom he had one sonne Roger 
and a daughter named Isabell. This Roger had one only 
daughter, Elianora, second wife of Sir Thomas Beauchampe 
of Whitlackington (36 Hen. VI), whom she outlived, but 
died herself without childe; whereupon Silvayne fell unto 
Henry Ogan in right of his wife .... daughter and 
heire general of Isabell, sister of Roger Silvayne, and the 
heires of Ougan in our grandfathers* dales parted this place 



^ Y Cymmrodor, vol. xv, p^l05. 
'^ Y Cymmrodor, vol. xv, p. 106. 



98 Old County Families of Dyfed. 

between Stourton, Larder, Crewkeme, etc., but now by pur- 
chase it belongs, if not the whole the most, unto Sir GJeorge 
Speake of Whitlackington." 

Now as we have seen, Henry Wogan was the owner 
of Orchardlond, no doubt the same place as Orchardley, 
and although we find no direct mention of this property 
amongst the assets of the family in later years, Silvinche, 
as will be shown further on, was owned by his descendants, 
and if the Somersetshire historian be correct, came to 
him through his marriage with the daughter of Isabel 
Silvayne. 

Eichard, the son of Henry Wogan, is probably the 
person mentioned in the wilP of William Dawstone, proved 
in 1500. By it the testator bequeathed to "Richard Ogan 
one jackett of Chamlet of black colour". He also gave to 
Philip Ogan, whom he appointed overseer of his wiU, "my 
other horse", the best horse having been previously be- 
queathed to the Prior of Taunton "for my tithes for- 
gotten" ; from which we gather that Mr. Dawstone was 
somewhat neglectful of the dues of the Church. Probably 
this Philip was a brother of Richard, and the sou of Henry 
Wogan of Warren. 

There are several inquisitions" on the death of Richard 
Wogan. They are unanimous in stating that he died in 
March 1506, and the majority agree that his death occurred 
on the 10th of that month. His property, briefly sum- 
marised, was as follows : — 

WILTSHIRE. 

Annual Value. 

The manors of Hampton Turbile and West 
Thorpe, held of the King in capita by knight's 
service . . £22 10 



^ 10 Moone. 

« Rvchq., File 970, Ser. 2, No. 7 ; Chan.f vol. xxxiii, Nos. 90 and 
100 ; Chan., vol. xxiii, No. 2G0. 



The Wogans of Merrion and Somersetshire. 99 

Annual Value. 

A capital messuage and 319 acres of land 
in Est Bedwyn held of the King, the service 
being unknown ..£400 

Three messuages, 4 cottages, and 100 acres of 
land in Wilton, Stowford, Chylehampton, Byche- 
hampton and South Newcoken, held of the Abbey 
of Wilton by a rent of 20*. 

BOMBRBBTBHIRB. 

One messuage and toft, one mill, two dovecotes, 
one garden, 154 acres of land, and a rent of 
40«. 2d. in Sylvene, Atherston, Amgerslygh, 
Abbott's Isle and South Bradon : — 

The property in Sylvene and Atherston was 
held of the heirs of John Speke as of the manor 
of Whitelackyngton by fealty and suit at the 
court there . . . . 45 13 

The property in Amyerslygh was held of 
C. Capell, knight, by a rent of a red rose 1 10 8 

The property in Abbott's Isle was held of the 
heirs of Roger Newburgh, knight, by socage and 
a rent of 2». 15 10 

The property in South Bradon was held of 
Nicholas Bradhin, knight, by socage and a rent 
of 4d. . . . . . . . . 12 8 

Sichard Wogan's wife was Alice Columba, but the 
inquisition^ which mentions her name does not reveal her 
identity, but states that in 1503-4 a suit was brought by 
Sir Bichard Bpeke and John Soper, at Bichard Wogan's 
request, by which the Somersetshire property was re- 
covered by them, and in April 1519, was granted by them 
to Alice Columba for her life. This presumably was a 
post nuptial settlement. It is thus evident that she sur- 
vived her husband. The only issue of Sichard that I have 
discovered is his son and heir John, who was bom at 
Westroppe, in the parish of Highworth in Wiltshire, on 

^ Inq, p. M.y Chan., vol. zxxiii, No. 90. 

H 2 



lOO Old County Families of Dyfed, 

10th March 1498,^ and was baptised at Highworth. He 
was, therefore, only about eight years of age at the date 
of his father's death. There are several inquisitions' ex- 
tant in regard to John Wogan's property, which, in addition 
to that held by his father, comprised the following : — 

WILTSHIRE. 

Annnal Valne. 

The manor of Est Bedwyn, 8 messuages, 
arid 2,100 acres of land in Est Bedwyn held of the 
Queen, the service being unknown . . . . £7 11 

One messuage and 92 acres of land in Wotten 

jjaosei/ •• •• """" ^~~ '~^~ 

PBMBBOKBBHIBB. 

The manor of Myryan,' 16 messuages, 3,020 
acres of land, and the moiety of a mill, in Myryan,^ 
Kanamston,^ Knegh,' Treff Braun,' and Newton' 
near Knegh and Warran," held of the heirs of 
Isabel, wife of John Wogan, knight, of Wooston,' 
Pembrokeshire, by a rent of a rose . . 14 9 2 

Here, for the first time since the wiU of Henry Wogan 
in 1499, do we find direct evidence of a connection between 
the Somersetshire family and Pembrokeshire ; yet from the 
fact that Henry Wogan, by his last testament, not only 
desired to be buried at " Woran' V but also bequeathed a 
legacy of 6«. %d. to the church there, the inference is that 

* Inq. P. M,^ Chan., vol. zxxv. No. 120. 

" Inq. P. Af., Chan., vol. cxxiv, No. 197 ; Chan., vol. cxix, No. 161 ; 
Inq. P. Af., Exchq., File 999, Ser. 2, No. 2 ; Inq. P. M., Exchq., File 946, 
Ser. 2, No. 26. 

■ Merrion in Warren Parish. 

^ Cannaston in Robeston Wathen parish. 
' Neath in Rhoscrowther parish. 

• Trebrowen in Rhoscrowther parish. 
^ In Rhoscrowther parish. 

■ Warren. • Wiston. 



The Wogans of Merrion and Somersetshire. loi 

he owned the estate in question, and that it descended 
through Itichard to Henry's grandson, John. There are 
no records of inquisitions held in Pembrokeshire on the 
deaths of either Henry or Richard Wogan, and the same 
remark holds good in regard to John Wogan ; but, on the 
other hand, the extent of the Pembrokeshire property is 
contained in two Somersetshire inquiries on the death of 
John Wogan. Possibly the reason why no reference is 
made to the Pembrokeshire estate in the English inquisi- 
tions of Richard Wogan is that Escheators may have been 
more particular in the time of Elizabeth than their con- 
freres in the reigns of her predecessors. 

Up till 1498, the family's headquarters appear to have 
been in Wiltshire,^ but subsequently John Wogan must 
have moved to Sylvinche, as in his will he is described as 
of that place. There are few, if any, remains left of the 
old home of John Wogan at Sylvinche, as will be seen from 
the following description, for which I am indebted to the 
courtesy of the present vicar of Whitelackington ; it was 
written in November 1901 : — " Sylvinge, or Sylvinche, as 
they call it now, is a dairy farm on the boundary of this 
parish and Stocklinch. There is no trace of a mansion. 
At present it consists of a modern cottage built two years 
ago by the Squire, Major Vaugban-Lee, who now owns the 
property. This is attached to an older thatched-covered 
stone house of the type of the labourers' cottages about 
here, only a little larger. I believe the modern cottage 
replaced a similar building to the older one still in 
existence, and when the two made one building, as they 
may once have done, it vrould have been a fair-sized 
residence.'^ 

The name of John Wogan's wife was Anne or Agnes, 

' Ivq, P, M.y Chan.f vol. xxxv, No. 120. 



4 



I02 Old County Families of Dyfed. 

and, as mentioned in my account^ of the Wogans of 
Boulston, her maiden surname was probably Bosse. In 
the light of records which have recently turned up there 
can be little doubt that she was his second wife. She was 
apparently an heiress in her own right, as she devised the 
bulk of her property to John Bosse, who was presumably 
her nephew. Whether her daughter Mary, mentioned in 
her will, made in 1574, as the wife of William Stourton, 
of Warminster, was the issue of her marriage with John 
Wogan, or from a previous union, is not clear. The date of 
her marriage with John Wogan was probably in the reign 
of Philip and Mary, as the inquisition'' states that he con- 
veyed the manor of Sylvinche, with other property, to 
Hugh Paulet, knight, and George Speake, Esq., upon trust 
for himself and his wife Agnes for their lives, but the date 
of the year in which the grant was made is illegible in the / 

document. Assuming, however, that the union took pla<3e | 

in 1555 (1 and 2 Philip and Mary) the date would certainly ' 

admit of a daughter being of a marriageable age by 1574 ; 
but, on the other hand, if Mary had been the daughter of 
John Wogan, one would expect to find her taking a share 
of the property with his other daughters. The children 
from the first marriage were : — 

Hugh Wogan. 

Margery, the wife of John Larder, gent. 

Alice, the wife of Robert Ilarryson. 

Brigette, the wife of Giles Saunders. 

Mary, the wife of Robert Morgan, esq. ^ 

Philippa Wogan, who was about eighteen years of age in 1559. 

Hugh Wogan, the only son, married about 1654' Jane, 
one of the daughters of Christopher Cheverell; and in 

' Y Cymmrodor, vol. xv, p. 106. 

* Inq, P. M., Chan., vol. cxix, No. 161. 

' Inq. P. M.f Chan., vol. czix, No. 161. 



The iVogans of Merrion and Somersetshire. 103 

that year his father conveyed the Pembrokeshire estate, a 
messuage, garden, and 10 acres of land in Whitlackington 
and Atherston, 52 acres in Petmyster and Amerslyge, 
22 acres in Abbotsfylde and 8 acres in South Bradon in 
Somersetshire, to Robert Morgan, Nicholas Marten, Walter 
Grey, Robert Powk, John Larder, Nicholas Rosse and 
Richard Younge, upon trust, as to the Pembrokeshire 
property, for Hugh Wogan and his wife Jaoe for their 
lives, with remainder to their sons, and, in default of issue, 
upon trust for the heirs of John Wogan the grantor; and 
as to the other property, upon the same trusts subject to a 
life estate for the said John Wogan. 

Hugh Wogan, however, died* in Dorsetshire on 29th 
May 1555, without issue, and his wife Jane, who survived, 
took a life interest in the Pembrokeshire property. His 
father died on 31st March 1559, and was survived by his 
wife Agnes, whose wilP was proved in 1575. On the death 
of Jane, the widow of Hugh Wogan, the Pembrokeshire 
property, under the deed of settlement, descended to the 
five co-heiresses of John Wogan, who no doubt, as stated 
by Gerrard, sold it. At all events, in 1571, the legal 
estate of the manor of Merrion was vested in Mark 
Abowen and John Abowen, clerk, as in that year a fine 
was levied on the manor of *' Merrion" and " Llanunwesse" 
and other lands, in which they were defendants, and 
Thomas Abowen and Francis Laughame were plaintiffs, 
when the manors in question were adjudged to be the 
property of the claimants. No doubt this was merely a 
settlement of the lands mentioned. The names only of the 
parties to the fine are given, so it is impossible to ascer- 
tain from it their identity, but unquestionably they were 

* Inq. P. M., vol. cxix, No. 151. 

* y Cymmrodor, vol. xv, p. 107. 



I04 Old County Families of Dyfed. 

members of the Roblinston family, as George Owen, the 
Pembrokeshire historian, in his list of manors^ in Pem- 
brokeshire in 1587-8 (30 Eliz.), states that the manor of 
"Meirian" was then owned by Bo wen of Roblinston. Now 
Thomas Bowen, the son of Mark Bowen, of Roblinston, 
married Margaret, the daughter of Owen Laugharne, of St. 
Brides, who died in 1560, and her brother was Francis 
Laugharne. It is, therefore, likely that the fine in ques- 
tion was in connection with a settlement on the marriage 
of Thomas Bowen with Margaret Laugharne. 

How long the manor of Merrion remained in the 
possession of the Bowens of Roblinston is uncertain. 
The next mention of it is in a fine levied in 1 600, when 
Hugh Owen and his wife Lucy were plaintiffs, and John 
Pledall or Pleydell was defendant. Later on a fine was 
levied in 1623 on the manor. On this occasion Morris 
Bowen and his wife Matilda were defendants, so that the 
legal estate, at all events, was then vested in the Bowen 
family. In 1692 a fine was levied in which Stephen Morris 
and William Morgan were defendants, and Thomas Owen 
was plaintiff. In this suit not only the manor of Merrion, 
but the manors of Stackpole and Nangle were involved. 
It is impossible to draw any satisfactory conclusion from 
this record. The defendants, however, called upon Gilbert 
Lort, presumably Sir Gilbert Lort, the last baronet, who 
died without issue in 1698,"^ to warrant the title ; and in 
view of this, and of the fact that the manor of Stackpole 
had belonged to the Lort family since 1613, it is a fair 
assumption that the Lorts had acquired the manor of 
Merrion by purchase or otherwise. This is further borne 
out by a writ in 1718, when Edward Archer, the defen- 

* OtoerCs PemOrokeehire, vol. ii, p. 622. 
» Old Pembroke Families, p. 81. 



The Wogans of Merrion and Somersetshire. 105 

dant, called upon John Campbell* to warrant the titles of 
the manors of Staokpole, Merrion, and Nangle, Stackpole 
having been inherited by the ancestors of the present 
Lord Cawdor through a marriage with Elizabeth Lort, 
the heiress of Sir Gilbert Lort. 



* Son of Elizabeth Lort and Sir Alexander Campbell, of Cawdor, 
in Nairnshire. 



t^t gofp &vait 



A DISCRIMINATION OF THE NATIVE AND FOREIGN 

ELEMENTS OF THE LEGEND. 



Part I. — Early History. 



The story of the Grail has two parts, one called Joseph of 
Arimatheay or Id romanz de Vestoire dou Gh'oaly or generally, 
"The Early History"; the other, which is by some considered 
the earlier of the two in respect of origin, The Quest of the 
Orail. The earliest extant version of the Quest, called Li 
Contes del GraaU is dated variously between 1175 and 1182, 
and of the Early History, Li romanz de Vestoire dou Graal 
by De Borron, the earliest known text is assigpied to the 
end of the century. Without debating the question of 
priority, we will begin our enquiry in the natural order, 
that is with the Early History ; first making a few neces- 
sary observations on the name by which the whole story is 
generally known. 

What ought to be understood by "Grail" is as difficult 
to determine as is the origin of the story which tells of it. 
According to most, grail is a àish or vessel of the type of 
basin, but one learned commentator maintained that it was 
a book, gradale=gTü,d\xsLl, a service book. Robert De Borron, 
who wrote his Romanz about the year 1200, says the Grail 
was the vessel in which Joseph of Arimathea gathered up 
the blood Chrial shed upon the Cross, and that Christ had 



The Holy GraiL 107 

used the same vessel at the house of Simon for the institu- 
tion of the Sacrament. When Jesus was taken the house 
was looted — 

''Leenz eut un veissel mout gent, 

Où Criz feisoit son sacrement ; 

Un Juis le veissel trouva 

Ohiés Symon," etc., 

w. 394-7. 

and the Genoese, who supposed thej had acquired this 
precious memorial of the Supper, called it 9(u:fro caiino^ to 
which name the word "grail" fairly corresponds in some 
MSS. and in Du Cange. The latter has ^^Oradalsj Catino 
species, pro grasale. Inter vasa mensaria seu utensilia 
coquinae annumeratur in charta ann. 1263," and ^^Qrasalay 
grasale, vasis genus, ex ligno, terra, metalove, non unius 
notionis ; occurrit enim pro vase rotundo largiore ac minus 
profundo." The diminutive gradaletto remained in use in 
Italy as a general name for table-ware till the fourteenth 
century, for it is so used in the Italian version of the story :^ 
"Tutte le scodelle e gli gradaletti de Dinadan erano nuove 
e belle." Another form of the name is Sang Real, which, 
if a corruption, shows at least what was at one time the 
belief concerning this relic. The MS. edited by Purnivall 
for the Roxburghe Club is entitled 8eynt Graal or the Sank 
Ryal ; it is a version of the Early Hüstory. Helinandus, 
writing in 1220 circa, while recognising the domestic uses 
of the vessel called grail, endeavours to give a spiritual 
sense to the word. He says ^^Gradalis aut gradale gallice 
dictur scutella lata et aliqUantulum profonda in quae 
preciosae dapes divitibus solent apponi gradatim unus mor- 
sellus post alium in diversis ordinibus ; . . . . Dicitur et 



^ La Tavola Hitonda, vol. i, p. 273, MS. of the fourteenth cen- 
tury, printed at Bologna, 1865. 



io8 The Holy Grail. 

vulgari nomine grealy quia grata et acceptabilis est in ea 
comedenti"; and this was a favourite explanation. The 
Grand St. Qraaly written about the time when Helinandus 
made that note, says of Nasciens that, '^ being shown the 
vessel wherein was Christ's blood, he thought that never 
was anything to be compared with it for excellence ; for 
whereas nothing he had seen before but somewhat dis- 
pleased him (li degraast) this pleased him entirely (li 
grée).'" 

This will be enough to show how uncertain was the 
opinion about this "vessel" at the time when the stories 
are said to have been made. No one at the time seemed 
to know whether the Grail, about which he wrote, was 
dish or cup, whether it was a vessel only, or a vessel con- 
taining the Precious Blood shed on Calvary. There is 
agreement, however, in ranking it above all memorials of 
the Passion, which the Church was reputed to possess ; 
and surely, the Cup which Christ's own hands had held at 
the Institution, or the Dish in which He had dipped at the 
Supper, could not have been exceeded in sanctity by any 
other relics of His life on earth, and, if any portion 
of the Divine blood had been preserved with either, the 
tremendous importance of the possession would have been 
unspeakable. 

When we think of this it will appear more strange 
that any uncertainty should have existed as to the precise 
nature of the relic ; we shall have to reconsider the cir- 
cumstances, to see that the obscurity surrounding it is 
natural. It lies in the detachment of the first Christians 
from all material things. Living in constant expectation 
of the second coming of their Lord, all phenomena of His 
earthly life and of their own were disregarded, so that it 

' Alfred Nutt, Studies in the Holy Orail, analysis of the Grand St. Graal. 



The Holy Grail. 109 

was not until this first state of expectancy had given way 
that the Church began to regard its own history more 
closely, and to preserve its monuments. 

Whether, then, the Dish and the Cup of the Last 
Supper were ever used again by the first disciples in their 
solemn commemorations, or whether they were thought too 
sacred for use, we shall never know ; but we may presume 
the Church had not yet begun to venerate any such 
memorials. We hear nothing of the relics of Stephen, nor 
of the place where the body was laid. A century later 
Justin Martyr also suffered and was buried, and the place 
of his sepulture is equally unknown. What we call relics 
are evidences of later date, and of a more systematic perse- 
cution. When suffering became the badge of a christian, 
the Church consoled herself by making trophies of the 
bodies of her martyrs. The cultuB thus began. Garments 
torn by wild beasts, sponges dipped in blood, were exhibited 
at the tombs when the anniversaries came round, and were 
affectionately and reverently kissed by the crowds passing 
through the cemeteries. At first, probably, such relics 
were the property of relatives only, and not until private 
interests diminished did the Church acquire her full right ; 
but with the success of Constantine came also the triumphs 
of the martyrs. The magnificent basilicas erected over 
their tombs brought crowds of pilgrims, and the memorial 
churches grew in wealth and beauty by their offerings. 
The possession of relics became a source of prosperity to 
City as well as Church ; all relics were eagerly demanded, 
but especially those of the first days, and, of these what- 
ever might recall the Life or the Passion of our Lord. 
The Holy Places of Palestine began to be visited; the 
mother of the Emperor was one of the first pilgrims^ and to 
her was vouchsafed the discovery of the Cross, and of other 
relics of the Passion. Further discoveries were constantly 



1 1 o The Holy Grail, 

expected.* Portraits of Christ were demanded, and though 
the more prudent doctors declared that none existed, or 
ought to exist, it was not long before the curiosity of the 
ladies of the Court was satisfied. At first was produced 
the portrait made by Christ himself on the napkin of 
Yeronica, then under its supreme sanction others, reported 
to have been painted by St. Luke. Nothing, finally, 
belonging to Christ's ministry on earth, but found its 
illustration — ^from the cradle of Bethlehem to the prints of 
the feet on the Mount of Olives. This being so, it is 
not to be supposed that the greatest, the most precious 
relic of all, would be wanting. If the blood of the meanest 
of God's servants had been treasured, was it credible that 
the piety of the *' beloved disciple" or of Joseph, who 
took upon himself the last duties of the dead, had failed 
to preserve for the Church that most precious blood of the 
Divine Master? The imagination of those days would 
not have tolerated so great a neglect. In the fifth century 
Germanus visited the tomb of St. Alban and took away 
some of the earth supposed to be stained with the blood of 
the Martyr.'* In the sixth century, Gregory of Tours 
tells how a certain Gallic matron returned from Judea in 
the first century with a shell full of the blood of John the 
Baptist, then recently murdered by Herod.* In the 
seventh century the earth soaked with the blood of Oswald, 
who fell at Maserfield, a.d. 642,* was religfiously preserved. 

^ The Bordeaux Pilgrim, who arrived at Jerusalem about seven 
years later than the Empress, found already certain sites established, 
which had not been recognised in her time, viz., the House of 
Oaiaphas, "where is the pillar of Christ's scourging"; the House of 
Peter, the Little Hill of Golgotha, '^the Crypt where our Lord's 
body was laid." — Beazley, Modem Geography, vol. i. 

' Constantius, De Vita Germant, cap. vi. 

> De Oloria Martyrumf cap. 12. 

« Bede, Hist. JEocleê, 



The Holy Grail. 1 1 1 

Such like instances are unmistakable. They show what 
would have been the feeling against Joseph if it could 
have been believed that this Holy relic had been lost to 
the Church by his fault. True, the blood was not openly 
shown, but that would not have hindered the belief in its 
existence somewhere ; it might have been supposed hidden 
during time of persecution, to be one day revealed. Such 
like beliefs were common. The Book of the Penitence of 
Adam tells of '*the Cave of Treasures", where were pre- 
served the gold of Paradise, the myrrh and the incense, 
which Adam had taken away with %im, to be offered one 
day to the infant Saviour by the Magi.^ 

Benan, commenting on this, remarks that the belief in 
the existence of this cavern was widespread in the East.' 
It is more difficult, in the presence of these beliefs, to 
suppose that a tradition of the existence of the Precious 
Blood did not exist than that it did, but it is true that an 
opinion contrary to this was also held, and that there were 
pious and learned persons to whom the idea was distaste- 
ful. Theodosius, writing also in the sixth century, says : — 
*' There are indeed some persons who affirm that every 
part of the true cross which touched the naked body of 
the Lord and was stained with His blood, was caught 
up to heaven straightway from all human touch and sight, 
and that it will at last appear in the Day of Judgment."' 
It was argued also that, since Christ had ascended into 
Heaven, every part of His human body must have been 
taken thither, and that nothing pertaining to it remained. 
To many people the popular belief would appear the more 
reasonable ; but that was peculiarly an age of marvels, and 

' Migne, vol. zxiii, col. 290. 
' Journal AnatiquCy 6th series, vol. ii, p. 427. 
^ De Terra Sancta, Trans, by Dr. Bernard for the Palestine 
Pilgrims' Text Society, 1891. 



112 The Holy Grail. 

no natwral difficulty would have been considered on one 
side or the other ; we may conclude that the prevailing 
belief would have been that which corresponded best with 
popular sentiment^ and what evidence there is goes to 
support that. In 1204 Dandolo sent to Venice, after the 
taking of Constantinople, a portion of earth stained with 
blood, said to have been taken from the place where the 
Cross had stood, but whether preserved by the care of 
Joseph of Arimathea, or discovered later, is not said, nor 
is it known how long the relic had been in possession of 
the Emperors. In 1150, a few drops of the Precious 
Blood were presented by Count Theodore of Manders to 
the town of Bruges, and the ^^Chapel of the Holy Blood" 
was built for the care and exposition of the relic. Other 
portions also were brought from the East by Crusaders, 
and are still in certain Treasuries on the Continent. 
Eichard, Earl of Cornwall, presented part of the same 
holy relic to the church of Hailes, in Gloucestershire, and 
to the Abbey of Ashridge, in Hertfordshire. Of the 
existence of these before the twelfth century nothing 
perhaps is known ; pilgrims do not mention the Holy 
Blood, but they did not visit Constantinople, and what 
remained of this was, possibly, in the custody of the 
Emperors only, with whom also the other great memorials 
of the Passion were deposited : the Crown of Thorns, the 
sponge, one of the nails (the others formed part of the 
Crown of Lombardy, and the sword of Charlemagne). 
The spear remained at Jerusalem, and is mentioned by 
Pilgrims. Theodosius describes it as still to be seen in 
the Church of Grolgotha, where it **shone by night as the 
sun by day". Antonius, a pilgrim, saw there also the cup 
(of onyx) which the Lord blessed at the Supper ; this was 
about 570 a.d. The invasion of Chosroës in 614 would 
have led to the hiding of all relics, and some may have 



The Holy Grail. 129 

may have been the "upper-room" at Jerusalem^ where 
companies of more than nine sometimes supped together, 
and where also less state was used, a thick bolster (torus, 
pulvirms) took the place of the three couches. This was 
laid on the ground, or on a low platform, and almost 
encircled the merisa. Because of its shape when so laid, 
C (that of the Greek S), it was called sigma. The feasters 
lay outside the sigma on the ground, or on a carpet, and 
supported the body on the cushion and the left elbow; 
each guest was thus able to reach the dish with his right 
hand. This circular grouping must have been the arrange- 
ment of the twelve who ate the Last Supper with their 
Lord. There can be no doubt of this whatever. It is 
equally certain that in this way, and no other, Arthur 
must have messed in camp with the British chiefs; but 
some proofs of this may be asked, seeing that, in the 
romances, the round-table is sometimes spoken of as a 
very substantial piece of furniture at which the knights 
sat. In the twelfth century the change from the recum- 
bent position to the upright had been made, and a 
misunderstanding of what had been formerly the custom, 
was very natural. Tables, in the modern sense, were by 
that time in use in all civilized countries, and the difficulty 
of attaching any but the common meaning to the word 
would have been very great ; it was increased, moreover, 
by the acceptation of mensa as the equivalent Latin. 

The JKoman fashion of reclining at meat had certainly 
not been abolished in the fifth century, when tlie last 
legion left Britain. Illustrations of the sixth century show 
us that both in court and camp the old custom was main- 
tained. In the Ambrosian Library is a pictured MS. of 
the Iliad, of the sixth century ; the Greek chieftains are 
represented feeding on the plain, or eating their evening 
meal ; they recline on the sigma in groups of three or four. 



130 The Holy Grail. 

The Abimelech and Pharaoh scenes of the Vienna 
^'Genesis" of about the same date^ show that the fashion 
of reclining at meals was still observed at Court ; but here 
the metvea has become a semi-circular table and the j>uZvinic« 
a couch fitted closely to the rounded part. In the church 
of S. Apollinare in Olasse at Bayenna, is a mosaic of the 
Last Supper, where the disciples recline at a table very 
like those in the Vienna MS. ; the mosaic is of the sixth 
century. In the same century, Antoninus of Placentia 
was shown at Cana "the very couch" on which Jesus 
reclined at the wedding feast ; not a picture this, but the 
substantial "bed", and proof, therefore, that the custom 
of reclining still held not only in Syria but in Italy, for 
Antoninus does not speak of it as strange or antiquated. 

Now, these illustrations cover the time when the living 
Arthur had his "table" in Britain. He succeeded to a 
Boman post, he was possibly of Boman origin, and his 
customs were doubtless those of a Soman general. We 
may take those pictures in the Ambrosian Iliady of the 
Greeks under the walls of Troy, as very fair evidence of 
what might have been seen in a British camp in the fifth 
century. The Vienna MS. shows us the utmost state the 
Dux BritannisB might have exhibited in his feasts at York. 
If, however, examples of the Celtic custom of the time be 
preferred, we must turn to Ireland, where Soman influence 
was least felt. There we find remains of what are called 
FuUocht FionnSy or Fenian hearths ; they were sometimes 
paved for supporting a fire, sometimes dug out and lined 
with stout planks, which are embedded in close marl or 
clay, presumably for boiling water by means of hot stones. 
Where a fire was made, the flesh might be broiled, or 
fried, or a caldron would be used for seething. 

Very fine caldrons have been found in Ireland, and the 
tales of the country record some famous ones. Arthur 



The Holy Grail. 131 

made an expedition to Anwfn to obtain for himself a cele- 
brated caldron. The caldron of the Dagda we shall speak 
of later. TJiese "hearths**, where the meat was cooked, 
were apparently feasting places also ; we presume this 
because of the mound of earth surrounding each one, 
horseshoe like — ^the universal ioru% or sigma,^ 

Turning from camp to palace, we have the description 
of the "mead hall" of Conchobar at Emain, which was 
ordered, as we are told, upon the patlem of the great 
palace of Tara. It had nine ^*beds", i.e., triclinia. The 
"bed" of the king was in the "forefront" of the hall, 
it had a ceiling of silver with pillars of bronze.' Under 
this canopy (dais) he feasted with his twelve "chariot 
chiefs". There is obviously no essential difference be- 
tween the Soman fashions and these; either the ring 
round the mensa or the more stylish "bed" was the rule. 

It is believed that the custom of sitting at meat, whether 
on bench or chair, though not without its examples in the 
ancient world, was in its domestic and everyday obser- 

1 See W. G. Wood-Martin, Traces of the Elder Faiths of Ireland, 
1902, vol. i, pp. 121 et seq. As part of this subject, the Brudins or 
wayside hostels of ancient Erin ought to be .mentioned ; they were 
free to all, and food and shelter were given. The Brudin Da Derga 
was the most famous, its caldron was always simmering. From the 
fact that these Brudins never failed to entertain the wayfarer may 
have arisen the fable of the inexhaustible or magic caldrons. It is 
perhaps to the closing of these hostels that the prologue of the Conte 
refers, where it laments for the good old time, when ''the rich land 
of Logres was full of springs which harboured damsels who fed the 
wayfarer with meat and pasties and bread." It should have been 
said that the Fullocht Fionns and the Brudins are always found near 
water courses — "wherever a well or spring develops into a good sized 
rivulet." 

^ This suggests a four-poster, but it was not exactly that ; the 
translator calls it a "compartment", but admits that bed is the 
literal word, perhaps exedra would be a fair rendering. See the 
Cttchullin Saga, Grimm Library, Nutt, 1898, p. 67. 

k2 



132 The Holy Grail. 

vance, Teutonic. K so, it would not have got into vogue 
in countries where Roman fashions were practised until 
respect for the Boman name had been lost. The Franks 
may have begun the revolution in Gaul and the Normans 
completed it. They at least brought it to Wales. In the 
twelfth century, still, the Welsh ate sitting on the ground on 
bundles of hay or sedges, over which a cover of some sort 
was spread. The story of Owen shows Arthur seated on 
such a cushion in his own hall, and in the lives of the 
Welsh Saints are frequent evidences that the ancient custom 
still prevailed in Wales in their time : — '*Qui nichil aut mod- 
icum habet in penum quod opponat dÌ8cunibentibus^\ and 
"circa modium cervisiae ordinatim in modum drculi illud 
circumdando discvhuerwatJ^^^ These will suffice to prove 
that the modern "table" was unknown in Wales at the time 
of our Story. Giraldus says, moreover, the Welsh " had no 
tables" even in his time, 1188, the date of the 'peregrinaiio. 
It is certain, then, that by "round table" must be under- 
stood the circle of the giiestSy not any piece of furniture 
whatever. San Mai*te suggests this in his preface to the 
Seynt Ghraal, without, however, offering proofs ; he was 
acute enough to perceive some equivoque in the name. 

Now, there was only one moment when the name 
"round table" could have come into use, and this was just 
as the new fashion of sitting to meat at a "board" (Scan- 
dinavian &or(i=plank, tabula) was getting itself estab- 
lished. The "board" was usually long, extending down 
the hall on either side, with seats against the walls ; or it 
was set athwart at the upper end for the master of the 
feast, the king or lord. The "high-seat", with canopy or 
dais^ was first placed at the end of the hall, in Norway, in 

^ Giraldus Cambrensis, Descriptio Kamb., Bk. i, ch. 10. Mabtnogion^ 
Story of "Owain, or the Lady of the Fountain." Rees, Cambro-British 
Saints, Life of St. Brynach, P* 12 ; Life of St. Cadoo, p. 46. 



Thç Holy Grail. 133 

the time of Olaf the Quiet, 1066-93,* in France perhaps 
earlier. 

In the Bemward GospeUsy of the eleventh century, the 
Last Supper is represented as being eaten at a long table ; 
sometime in that century then, and perhaps as early as the 
tenth, the antique mensa had become a table; and the 
name '^round table" would have been given as' well to 
the half round table (at first with a semi-circular bed 
for reclining, afterwards with seats), as to the more ancient 
torus, wherever the more ancient use of sitting or lying on 
the ground was maintained. During the time of transition 
only could the ^'table" of Arthur have been called "round 
table", for before the change began tabula had no meaning 
as applied to the apparatus for feasting, and later, in the 
twelfth century say, when the vestiges of ancient custom 
had been lost, Arthur's "table" could only have been 
imagined as like the usual high-table of the day ; just as 
the Last Supper was supposed by mediaeval painters to 
have been eaten at the same high-table. The name Round 
Table then is a sign of a certain antiquity, of a time of 
transition, when the ancient use of Bome and the civilised 
world was giving way to the fashions introduced by Franks 
and Northmen. 

Arthur's mew«a, or mwysy or callawr or whatever may 
have been the word which had to be exchanged for table 
when tables became fashionable, had probably never ceased 
to be a subject of boasting and regret to his compatriots. 
Their last great leader was best remembered by his cam- 
paigns, and not least, we may imagine, by the songs and 
shout-s of his champions as they feasted with him after a 
battle. In after days of disunion and disaster, Arthur's 

* Heimekringla, X, ii, and cf. the Eyrbyggya Scu/Uf Morris and 
Magnu380D, 1892, p. 269. 



134 The Holy Grail, 

camp fire would become a memory and also a symbol of 
victory, and when, under pressure of the Saxons; the 
wretched Cymry found themselves crowded into a poor 
mountainous country, Arthur's caldron would become, in 
their stories, an inexhaustible vessel, magical, like the 
mythic caldron of Gwyddno. What memory of Arthur 
popular rhymes have preserved is precisely of his table : 

" When good King Arthur ruled this land," &c. 

But Arthur was also Grail King ; he would therefore 
have another table, also round, but of more ceremonious 
decking. We may see this table to-day as it may have 
been imagined, before the eleventh century, in MSS. 
where the Last Supper is depicted. Christ sits at a 
half round table, not as at first in comu sinistro (to the 
left of one looking at the straight side of it), but in the 
middle of the roundy the Apostles on either hand, ^*en virunt 
et en coste", as says the poem of "The Pilgrimage of 
Charlemagne"; just as the Bishop sat in church with his 
clergy.' 

Such, shortly, is the history of the transformations 
which changed the almost universal mensa and triclinia^ or 
the stihadium with its torus^ into the long table with seats. 
Some steps have been omitted so as not to burden this 
paper with details, but, broadly, the course was as indi- 
cated : first, the adoption of the sitting posture, either on 
cushions on the ground or on subseUia ; then, when the 
tables became long, chairs^ faldstools, or benches. During 
the same time the "table" was being modified as follows : 

^ The position of the bishop's seat in the middle of the curve of the 
apse, of very ancient adoption, no doubt led to the variation in the 
placing of Christ and his Apostles in pictures of the Last Supper, 
which began in the sixth century. Cf. Fleury, La Messe, The 
JRoêêano MS. of the same century places them as does the mosaic of 
Ravenna. 



The Holy Grail, 135 

the mensa was increased in size and height and was 
made half round to correspond with the closely-fitting 
''bed", then seats were adapted to the mensa \ this be- 
came the table of the master of the feast and his prin- 
cipal guests, and in church, the altar, round which sat the 
clergy with their bishop; in the lower part of the hall 
other guests and the "family" of the Lord had small tables 
at which they sat in groups, often in twos ; or they 
sat on the ground round a great platter, lifted, perhaps, 
above the floor by short legs, as the Japanese zen. The 
small tables were readily placed and carried away ; they 
were probably set on trestles. Then came the long tables, 
at first removable also, and finally "dormant". There 
was little difference at first between the ordering of a feast 
in hall and the disposition of the messes in camp. King 
Mangons and a hundred companions camp near a spring — 

" Et quant bien Torent conréé (come ?) 

Les tables misent, si s'assist 

Li rois si com lui plot, et sist 

A son dois, et tout environ 

S'assisent 11. C. compagnon." 

Conte, vv. 38588-92. 

At a meeting of the Round Table the knights are 
described in the same Conte — 

'' Assis partout, si com il durent 

Au doia et as tables par tière^; 

V. 1688. 

and in another place 

" S'assist li rois 

Lassus amont al mestre dois." 

V. 21912. 

where it is plain that "tables" is used for the more ancient 
mensaey rwwysau^ missoria, set on the ground, unless we 
assume that tables and trestles were carried for a hundred 
people, and faldstools also; but the expression par Here 
scarcely allows of any other interpretation than that of 



136 The Holy Grail. 

sitting on the ground. The half -round table, doẁ, for the 
King, is abundantly represented in MSS.* 

We now understand how it happened, that while the 
Trouveres were repeating stories of the Grail, in which 
the feasters are described as sitting 'par tièrey they also 
imagined a round table big enough to seat five hundred 
knights. The beginnings of the story were inherited, and 
they were repeated with reasonable accuracy by the 
French writers, but as the tale grew in their hands they 
had to work it out as they might. The number of the 
"companions" of the table increased from twelve to 
twelve score, and then they were reckoned by hundreds, 
and for all these the supposed table had to be enlarged. 
The Trouveres were thus brought to imagine a monstrosity, 
but they had for it a certain authority in the Estoire ; the 
table which Joseph dressed for believers in the Grail was 
a circle on the grass, which, according to the number of 
communicants, would be greater or less ; it would be easily 
adjusted, but always the table was full — 

^'Dou peuple assist une partie 

Li autre ne s'assistront mie 

La taule (table) toute pletnne estoit 

Fors le liu qui pleins ne pooit 

Estre ;" 

De Borrofif w. 2559-63. 

If all had sat it would have been only full, just the same, 
the one place excepted. 

And now we come to speak of this one place, le liu 
vuity which is so important a feature in the Table of the 
Grail and the Bound Table equally ; which is indeed the 
same place, the two tables being one. 

The "high-seat" in the hall was that of the King or 

• Miniature sacre e profane deltanno 1023. Monte Cassino. West- 
wood, Palaeographia Sacra Pictoria. 



The Holy Grail, 137 

Master, it was left empty in his absence and at bis death, 
and could only be filled again after death by his son, or by 
his elected successor. The seat would remain vacant in 
case a young son inherited, until his coming of age, and 
anyone daring in the meantime to occupy it, would have 
looked to be rudely expelled. Leading up to, and placing 
in the high-seat was formal investiture. The practice in 
the case of bishops and their seat in church was the same : 
between the death of one bishop and the institution of 
another the "see" was vacant. The Table of the Grail 
was established '4n semblance and remembrance of the 
first", viz., of that at which Christ had eaten with His 
Apostles. At this table the place of Christ could only be 
filled by His legitimate representative. De Borron did not 
understand that, he thought the vacant place was that of 
Judas. 

"Qui par folie 

De nostre compeignie eissi." 

V. 2529. 

He was confused, perhaps, by the presence of Joseph, 
who may have seemed to him the proper president, and he 
rightly was, 80 soon as this part of Joseph's history had 
been invented ; but the Grail is older than the story of 
Joseph of Arimathea, and when that was taken in hand to 
give a logical foundation to the belief in the existence of 
the Precious Blood, the Table of the Grail with its one 
vacant seat was already in existence. De Borron was 
right in making Joseph the visible president during his 
life, and in assuming therefore that an empty seat would 
be that of an Apostle, but he might have suspected some 
confusion if he had regarded more closely the story he 
tells, for it makes Moses ambitious of the office of Leader. 
This is part of another story, where Peter, the vicegerent 
of Christ, is assailed by Moses, who thinks himself entitled 
to the place. De Borron did not like to exclude this inci- 



138 The Holy Grail. 

dent, but Joseph was the necessary Leader, the first of the 
series of Grail-keepers and heroes to which Perceval and 
Galahad belong, and he could only make a vacant place by 
supposing that of Judas had not been filled. 

The punishment of Moses was a frightful example; 
henceforth the liu vuit becomes the siege perilleux of the 
romances. It had been the seat of Christ reserved for His 
second coming, it was now the seat of the "Good Knight", 
who should preside in His name, and let all usurpers 
beware. 

A contemporary illustration will show exactly what 

was understood of this liu vuit; it is from the poem of 

"The Pilgrimage of Charlemagne," written early in the 

second half of the eleventh century.^ At that time, when 

pilgrimages were general, and a visit to the Holy Sepulchre 

the ambition of every brave and pious soul, it was not 

permissible that the great Emperor should have done less 

than the best, so a pilgrimage to Jerusalem was imagined 

for him also, and he is supposed to go thither with his 

peers. When he arrived he went straight to the " Temple", 

where, in the sanctuary, were the seats of Christ and his 

Apostles; that of Christ carefully "sealed", to guard it 

from profane intrusion. It was believed that here He had 

instituted His sacrament — 

''Dieu i chantait messe, si fìrent li apostle 
Et le xii chaires i sunt tutes encore 
La trezieme est en mi ben sellée e close." 

Charles took it without hesitation, and his twelve peers 
the seats of the Apostles — 

^'Karles i entrat, ben ont al queor grant joie 
Le xii peers as altres en virunt et en coste 
Ainz n'i sist hume ne unkes prus encore/' 



^ Gaston Paris, La vie poetique de Charlemagne^ and Bomania^ 
No. xzv, p. 481. 



The Holy Grail. 139 

Nevertheless Charles had no fear, nor would a Briton 
have feared any more for Arthur placed in the same 
seat. Were they not both Champions of Christendom, 
carrying on in their day the work Christ had begun, 
killing His enemies, maintaining His Law ? It was part 
of the proper mythical character of each that he should 
preside at the table Christ had established as a perpetual 
sign of His kingship. 



( To he continued») 



(gétoúŵí. 



EISTEDDFOD QENEDLAETHOL BANQOH (1902): 7 
Farddoniaeth a'i Beimladaeth. Dan Olygiaeth E. Vinoent 
Evans. Cyhoeddedig gan QYMDEITHAS yr EISTEDD- 
FOD GENEDIiAETHOL, 64, Chancery Lane, Uundain, 
1903. 

AwDL T Gadaib: ^^Ymadaẃiad Arthur^\ gan T. Gwynn 

Jones, Caernarfon. 

Pryddest ý Goron : ^'Trystan ac EsylW\ gan R. Silyn 

Roberts, M.A.., Llundain. 



CRwrüRODü yr Awen Gymreig ym mhell oddiar ban 
bynciai Hywel ab Owain Gwynedd ei "OrhofPedd", neu ban 
nyddai Dafydd ab Gwilym ei gywyddau i Forfudd; ac fel y 
dywedir am y gwr adfydus, hi a ymdarawodd â chymdeithion 
rhyfedd. Pe gallasai y Cynfeirdd ddychwelyd i dir y byw, 
prin iawn yr adwaenent eu mam Ceridwen, gan mor Uesg 
ei cham, mor Uwyd ei gwep, ac mor garpiog ei gwisg lawer 
pryd. Sawl gwaith y gwelsom y foneddiges eiriandlws a 
groesewid gynt i fysg tywysogion wedi syrthio, druan o 
honi, ar elusen plwy neu drugaredd Dorcas. Ond gwnaeth 
Pwyllgor Llenyddol Bangor ymdrech iV hudo yn ol i'w 
hen gynefin, sef Uwybrau anian; a chawn weled iddynt 
Iwyddo i raddau o leiaf . A thyma'r moddion a gymeras- 
ant i'w denu ; nid ei llygad-dynu a llawer o aur ac arian, 
eithr cynyg testynau cyfaddas iddi ganu arnynt. Pa fenyw 
freiniol na ddirywiasai o gydgam â'r fath bethau a "Brawd- 
oliaeth Gyffredinol"? Pa bren tirf na wywa wedi tynu 
ei wreiddiau o'r ddaear roddasai f aeth iddo ? 

Testyn y Gadair oedd "Ymadawiad Arthur"; testyn y 



Reviews. 1 4 1 

Goron "Trystan ac Esyllt". Yr oedd cymaint a hyn o 
debygrwydd rhyngddynt, perthynai y ddau î gyflf y chwedlau 
Arthuraidd ; yr oeddynt yn rhamantus ac yn Gymreig. 
Ond yr oedd y ddwy stori yn bur wahanol iV gilydd, 
a gofynent ymdriniaeth wahanol. Un digwyddiad, un 
syniad geid yn "Ymadawiad Arthur"; i wneyd gwrhydri 
ohono rhaid i'r bardd wrth amgyffred, darfelydd, ac awen. 
Ar y Haw arall stori amlganghenog ydoedd "Trystan ac 
Esyllt", yn orlawn o amryfal elfenau, ac ar brydiau yn 
treiddio i guddfanau mwyaf cyfrin traserch. Cynwysai 
y testyn hwn gyflawnder o ddefnyddiau ; y penaf peth a 
ofynid oddiar y bardd oedd gallu i ddethol ac i grynhoi. 
Yr oedd Uawer o f eirdd, mewn Uawer iaith, wedi canu ar y 
ddau destyn, ac oni buasai eu bod yn dwyn y nodwedd 
sydd byth yn newydd, tra byth yn hen, gallasai hyn fod 
yn anfantais i'r ymgeisydd. Amcan yr ysgrif hon yw 
chwilio ansawdd y ddau gyfansoddiad buddugol, er gweled 
pa gymaint o fipyniant a ddilynodd antur y Pwyllgor. 
Cymerwn orchest y Gradair yn gyntaf . 

Er fod y ProfPeswr J. Morris Jones, yn ei f eimiadaeth 
ddysgedig a dyddorol, wedi talu clod uchel i Tir na n-Og^^ 
prin y sylwodd ddigon ar yr hyn a ymddengys i mi yn brif 
gamp yr awdl, sef ei dramatic qualities. Mor gyfj^g oedd 
cylch y testyn fel yr oedd yn demtasiwn i gyfansoddwr 
anghelfydd fyned tuallan iddo a llusgo pob math o bethau 
afreidiol ac amherthynasol i mewn. Hyny wnaeth wyth 
o'r deng ymgeisydd. Yn Ue barddoniaeth, eb y beimiad, 
•*ni gawn ymsonau a myfyrdodau, traethodau ar ddylanwad 
Arthur, Arthur eto'n fyw, ac felly ymlaen." Prawf yw 
hyn o dlodi awenyddol, o anallu i amgyffred y testyn, o 
eiddilwch dychymyg. Yr oedd Camlan wedi ei hymladd 



^ Y flfug-enw a ddefnyddiwyd gan awdwr yr Awdl fuddugol, 
Mr. T. Gwynn Jones.— (E.V.E.) 



142 Reviews. 

rhwng Arthur a'r carnf radwr Medrawd. Ni bu enoed ^ 
f ath wrhydri, erioed y f ath laddf a. "And ever they fought 
still till it was nigh night, and by that time was there a 
hundred thousand laid dead upon the down''— dyna eiriau 
yr hen chwedleuwr diddan Malory. Meddianodd Tir na 
n-Og ei hun. Efe yn unig gafodd ^'weledigaeth eglur". 
Difjmaf sylw y beimiad ar ei dduU o gyfleu yr hanes. 
"Medrod wedi ei ladd. Y inae yn dechreu fel hyn ar 
ddiwedd cad Gamlan. ac yna'n adrodd yr hanes, a dim ond 
yr hanes, hyd y diwedd, end ei fod lî yn ei a^dumo a 
disgrifiadau a chyfiPelybiaethau tlysion o'i waith ei hun, a*r 
oil yn null ac ysbryd y rhamantwyr." Ond fe wnaeth Tir 
na n-Og fwy na hyd yn oed hyny. Mewn byr eiriau fe 
dynodd bictiwr ddyry ini well dimadaeth o frawychdod yr 
olygfa na phe dilynasai hynt y f rwydr yn fanwl. Medrawd 
wedi ei ladd ! Y gorchfygwyr yn anos y gorchfygedig I 
Wedi'r trin neb yn aros i gadw gwylnos a'r meirwon 
oddieithr y brenin clwyf edig a'r fipyddlon f archog Bedwyr ! 

*' Yno, mal duw celanedd, 
A*i bwys ar garn glwys ei gledd, 
Y naill oedd, a'r llall gerllaw, 
A golwg syn yn gwyliaw." 

Nid anhebyg i hyn ydyw dull Tennyson o agor ei gerdd ar 
yr un testyn, "Morte d' Arthur": 

** So all day long the noise of battle roll'd 
Among the mountains by the winter sea ; 
Until King Arthur's table, man by man, 
Had fallen in Lyonnesse about their Lord.** 

Dichon fod Tir na n-Og yn ddyledus i Tennyson am yr 
awgrym. Boed hyny fel y bo, yr wyf hyfed a meddwl fod 
y Cymro yn y fan hon yn fwy grymus na'r Sais. Llwy- 
ddodd Tir na n-Og i gadw'r nodwedd hon i fyny bron hyd y 
diwedd. Lie mae Tennyson yn colli, ceir fod Tir na n^Og 
yn enill, sef mewn angerddoldeb a chynildeb. Mae 



Reviews. 143 

cyineriadau Tennyson yn rhy barablus. Nid naturiol, i*m 
tyb i, yw gwneuthur i frenhin wedi ei glwyfo hyd farw 
draddodi araeth o bum-Uinell-ar-hugain yn y dull chwydd- 
fawr ac amleiriog hwn : 

•* The sequel of to-day unsolders all 
The goodliest fellowship of famous knights 
Whereof this world holds record," 

ac felly ymlaen. Gwell genyf dawedogrwydd a dwyster 
Tir na n-Og. Pan fynai Bedwyr i'r brenin ymuno yn yr 
anos^ ei ateb yw : 

"Ebr yntau ; Clyw, brwnt y clwyf 
Hwn ; clyw, Fedwyr, claf ydwyf ." 

Ni ddaw neb person arall i dori ar y gyfeillaeh hon 
sydd yn dyfnhan ar drothwy'r bedd. Dim ond y ddeuddyn 
— a'r celaneddau ! Yng nglyn a chysondeb dramadig, 
dengys Tir na n-Og fedrusrwydd dihafal i dynu contrasts, 
Mor frawychus, eto mor dyner, yw y darlun hwn o'r haul 
yn bwrw ei rudd-wawr dros yr erchylldra ! 

"Troes gemliw wawl tros Gamlan 
Oni bu coch wyneb can 
A marw pawb o*r Cymry pur 
Yno syrthiodd dros Arthur, 
Ac onid oedd hoU gnawd du 
Drudion Medrawd yn madru !'* 

"Drudion Medrawd (Mordred^s braves) yn madru" — ^buasai 
hwn bron yn anioddefol heb y tosturi oddifry. Ni fyn y 
bardd arteithio ein teimladau yn rhy hir. Ceir gwanwyn 
a gaeaf, marwolaeth a bywyd bob amser finfin a'u gilydd. 
Ar ei f raich gref cludodd Bedwyr y brenin claf ymaith i le 
esmwyth lie caffai ymgeledd. 

" Yngo'r oedd lannerch rhwng iraidd Iwyni 
A lien der wastad o feillion drosti ; 
Wynned oedd a phe doi hi, Olwen dlos, 
Ar hyd yr himos i grwydro ami. 



1 44 Reviews. 

"A ffynon dirion o dan y deri 
Oedd, a femid â rhad gyneddf ami, 
Sef oedd, os ef ae iddi, y dói glâf 

IV glan heb anaf na'i glwy'n ei boeni." 

Ond rhy dda y gwyddai y teyrnfilwr clwyfus fod ei awr 

wedi dod, a rhaid gwneyd y goreu o'r munudau gwerth- 

fawr oedd yn aros. Dyry i'r marchog y genadwri fythgof- 

iadwy drist, sef myned o hono a bwrw yr hen gleddyf 

hardd ergydlym Caledfwlch i'r Uyn gerllaw, a dychwelyd i 

adrodd yr hyn a ddigwyddai. Yma ceir un oV darnau 

prydferthaf yn yr awdl. Clywsom lawer o son am natural 

magic. Peth anhawdd i'w ddeffinio yw, oddieithr ei fod 

yn golygu rhyw ddawn gyfriniol i ddeongli natur — nid yn 

unig i adnabod ei hwyneb, ond hefyd i glywed curiadau ei 

ehalon. Dyma'r olygfa a ymagorodd o flaen Bedwyr wedi 

myned i wneyd y neges a roddes Ajiliur iddo : 

" O'r drum, rhoes Bedwyr dremyn, 
A chafas faith, frychlas fryn, 
Tonnog, a marian tano, 
Yn dres fraith ar draws y fro, 
'Roedd prydferth flodauV perthi; 
Unlliw ôd neu ewyn lli ; 
Dibrin flodau'r eithin aur 
Mai haen o glych melynaur ; 
Man flodau'r grug yn hugan 
Ar y geillt, o borffor gwan ; 
A gwrid yr haul ar grwydr hyd 
Y bau, bron bob rhyw ennyd 
Yn newid lliw, troi dull hon 
A'i hen weddau'n newyddion." 

Nid wyf yn petruso dweyd fod y penill hwn yn 
farddoniaeth byw, ac yn deilwng o'r delyn Gymreig yn ei 
dyddiau hoewaf a dedwyddaf . Yn sydyn clywai Bedwyr 
ryw "grawc anghynes grâs" a dorai yn anhyfryd ar ei 
fyfyrdodau ; a safodd yn syn i wrando. Hyd y gwn, mae 
y ddyfais hon gan Tir na n^Og yn perthyn iddo 'i hun. Ni 
cheir dim tebyg yng nghân Tennyson nag yn hanesion 



The Holy Grail. 113 

been hidden and forgotten. In 680 a.d. came Arcolf, and 
he describes "the Cup of the Lord"; "of silver, about 
the size of a Vrench quart, and has two little handles 
to it on either side.'* "From this cup, as is reported, the 
Lord drank after His resurrection, as He sat at meat with 
the Apostles, and this holy Arculf saw and touched with 
his own hand and kissed through the opening of the per- 
forated cover of a little shrine in which it was preserved ; 
indeed the whole people of the City resort constantly to 
this Cup with great reverence.'" He was then shown the 
spear "in the portico (aisle) of Constantine's basilica.'* 
The pilgrimage of Arculf was known in Strathclyde, in 
Northumbria probably, and in Wales, in the eighth century, 
his relation having been put into writing by Adamnan in 
686. We may assume then that in the eighth century 
certain chief relics of the Passion were currently reported 
as existing: the Blood at Constantinople, with the true 
Cross and the others already mentioned; the Cup of the 
Last Supper and the Spear at Jerusalem. The last two 
being commended to the veneration of British Christians 
by the Abbot of the famous monastery of Hi. 

Some part of the story of Joseph of Arimathea was also 
known here.'* Everywhere, indeed, his personality had 
taken great hold on the imagination of Christians from 
the first, no hero of the Faith appealed so strongly to their 
admiration^ no one had a greater claim on their gratitude ; 
"Benefactor Dei" he is called by Gregory of Tours. The 
popular affection for Joseph was strengthened by the 

^ The Churches of Constanttne at Jerusalem. Palestine Pilgrims' 
Text Society, 1891, quoting from Adamnan. 

^ Nutt, Studies, p. 221. Nicolas, Les Evangiles Apocryphes, p. 866, 
says that the Anglo-Saxon version of the Gospel of Nicodemus has 
many Welsh idioms, and he refers to the Arch€aoloffia Britannica, 
p. 2Ô6. 

I 



114 The Holy Grail. 

popular love of justice ; amends must be made for the 
neglect of Joseph by the canonical writers. The sacred 
texts saj nothing about him after the entombment. What 
became of him ? Did he flee with the Maries and other 
witnesses of the Resurrection ? If so, there was nothing 
to prevent his coming to Provence in some Syrian ship, and 
the legend of the landing at Marseilles may have been the 
popular answer to the question. 

Legends of Joseph began to be made at a very early 
date. The compiler of the Oospd of Nicodemvs only put 
together what was and had long been common belief con- 
cerning him, and he did not necessarily collect all the 
stories current ; that which concerns us, for example, did 
not come into the purpose for which the "Gospel" was 
written, viz.y the cultivation of the belief in a netherworld, 
a place of waiting for judgment. This belief, of so great 
importance to the Church, depended on the popular or so- 
called apocryphal writings more than on the canonical, and 
for this reason the book which professed to have been re- 
vealed to the two sons of Simeon was quoted and approved 
by churchmen when other apocryphal stories of Joseph 
were left to maintain themselves by their picturesqueness 
alone. So eminent a person as the Archbishop of Tours 
introduces parts of the Oesta PUati and the Evangdium 
into his version of the Life of Christ,* no doubt because 
they filled a gap left by the canonical writers. When 
Gregory wrote, the article of the Creed, Descendit ad 
inferosy had not yet been generally received,* and it was the 
more necessary to keep all "evidences" in sight, hence the 

^ Part of the general introduction to the Church Hiètory of the 
Franks, 

' It was accepted by the fourth Council of Toledo in a.d. 638, and 
reaffirmed in a.d. 693. The Apostles' Creed, so called, was not finally 
settled as to its terms until the ninth century. 



The Holy Grail. 115 

importance of that part of the story of Joseph. Our 
legend of the landing in Provence and of the preservation 
of the Precious Blood served no doctrinal purpose, and it 
existed, if at all, in popular story only. De Borron's 
Estoire contains the earliest written statement we have of 
the preservation of it by Joseph. Now, was De Borron 
the inventor of that part of the Joseph legend ? 

An examination of the Estoire makes the supposition of 
his absolute authorship impossible. It is full of details 
which we cannot believe he invented, descriptions of cere- 
monies, for example, which in his time were obsolete, un- 
known, and could only have been inserted by him because 
he found them in the story> or the scraps of stories, from 
which he was working. It is worth while to examine 
some of these. 

The ceremony of central importance in any supposed 
cultus of the Grail must be the Celebration or Commemora- 
tion of the Last Supper. As described by De Borron this 
is of extreme simplicity, such as the poorest disciples in 
Palestine might have had among themselves. A table is 
dressed in the desert, the vessel was placed in the middle, 
and in front of it a fishy then the people were called to sit 
round, except such as were sinners. Why this fish ? De 
Borron, who is supposed to have invented the "Early His- 
tory", does not know. He attempts an explanation which 
does very little credit to his intelligence, and completely 
destroys any presumption of his authorship. The truth is, 
that when he wrote, the fish had long disappeared from 
the Euchaiistic feast, of which it was an ordinary feature 
in primitive times; the story he was telling, therefore, 
must have been a very early one, or the ritual of the Grail 
had somewhere preserved to itself the ancient "use". The 
simplicity of the rite is further shown by the assertion, 

pointedly made, that "only the words of Christ Himself " 

i2 



ii6 The Holy GraiL 

were used at the consecration. The discipline also is 
primitive : the catechumens and penitents úaind^ and are 
required to leave before the mysteries were reached. 
" Then all the people were invited, but only those who 
were conscious of having obeyed all the precepts Joseph 
had taught them were to sit at the table."* "Those sitting 
at the table were penetrated with a delicious satisfaction 
which those standing did not feel .... these left the 
chamber covered with shame.'" One very ancient feature 
in the tradition is found in the Orand St. Qraal. Joseph 
enters the "Ark" in order to consecrate. The practice of 
consecrating secretly is now peculiar to the Eastern rite, 
but once it was general. No traces of it remained in the 
West so late as a.d. 1200, unless in certain Basilicas of 
Italy, where curtains appear to have been fixed to the 
baldachins which enclosed the altars ; but possibly the 
very narrow openings into the chancels of some of our 
most ancient Welsh and Irish churches may have relation 
to this practice." 

A very curious ceremony is described in the High 
History^ and also by Gerbert. It is a manner of "creep- 
ing to the Cross", and, as both writers take pains to 
explain what it means, it may have belonged to an older 
story. The rite is performed by two priests (or hermits) 
named Alexis and Jonas ; nothing calls for the names of 
the two actors in this scene, and we are led to suppose it 

* De Borron. Fumivall, app. to vol. i, The Seynt Oraalf w. 2587 
et seg. The withdrawal of catechumens, or those "unfit to sit at 
Christ's table'', is also part of the preparation for the great solemnity 
with which the Queete closes. 

' The church of St. Bridget at Kildare had a solid screen of timber 
right across, separating the nave from the choir or sanctuary. — 
Warren, Celtic Ritual, p. 89. 

' Branches, xvi, 3, and zviii, 17 ; also in Potvin's abstract of 
Gerbert, p. 213, or Nutt, ^Studies, p. 24. 



The Holy Grail. 1 1 7 

has been taken, names and all, from some mystery play ; 
unless there is, or was, a story of Alexis and Jonas, which 
both writers by some coincidence resorted to for their inci- 
dents. All the stories of the Grail furnish illustrations 
of archaisms, but we are more particularly concerned at 
present with the Estoirey as this has the reputation of 
being the earliest to tell of the "Invention" of the Grail 
and of its coming to Britain. 

The story of Joseph leading his small army of Chris- 
tians into Britain (the promised land) is modelled on that 
of the wanderings of Israel in the desert. The analogy is 
so obvious it might have been made at any time, but there 
are peculiarities in De Borron's treatment of it which show 
it could not have been derived from the canonical scrip- 
tures, and that it was taken either from some apocryphal 
book or was the confused ending of a long tradition. The 
Moses of the Estoire is not the leader. Joseph was that, 
and Moses appears in the ungracious part of rebel and 
Anti-Christ, endeavouring to recover the place which under 
the Christian dispensation he had lost. In this allegory 
we must suppose Joseph to be sometimes Christ, as when 
he sits at the head of the Grail table ; sometimes Moses, as 
leader of the chosen people. As Christ, his proper vice- 
gerent would have been Peter, who sometimes appears in 
that role; but in other places Peter is also Moses — the true 
Moses who has been supplanted. He has no clearly- 
marked function in the story, he is introduced by De 
Borron suddenly, and as suddenly disappears. We might 
suppose that the author was diversely inspired, and that if 
one story told about Peter another did not. He promises, 
for instance, that when he comes to the Vans d'Avaron 
(Avalon) he will say 

''quen vie Petrus mena 
Qu' il devint", etc. — 

w. 3469-70. 



ii8 The Holy Grail. 

but he either forgets to do so, or he has nothing to tell. 
Perhaps the Orand St, Oraal partly supplies the defect ; 
there is in it a long story of Peter ; how he was cast ashore 
an infant and found by the daughter of King Orcaws, how 
he was brought up secretly by the Princess, and how he 
became a most valiant knight. The chivalric part we need 
not follow, but the opening of the story, which identifies 
Peter with Moses, may perhaps belong to that which De 
Borron had before him. The identification or parallelism 
of Peter and Moses is very ancient. In the early mosaics 
Peter is the recipient of the New Law ; in representations 
of Moses striking the rock Peter is clearly the person 
represented — ^^Moyses figura fuit Petri", says St. Augus- 
tine. This displacement of Moses by Peter is maintained 
in the Grail as part of the system of disparagement of the 
Old Law which runs through it. It is more noteworthy, 
perhaps, that in these places the writers always speak as if 
the New Law had been recently established, a thing quite 
inconsistent with the belief that the Estoire was entirely a 
work of the twelfth century ; whether the establishment 
of the New Law may refer to the introduction of Chris- 
tianity into Britain or to the success of Christianity 
generally. The grotesque side of De Borron's picture, 
where he distorts the character of Moses, is possibly a pure 
blunder. Peter has another opponent named Symen or 
Symeu, who is called Moys' father. He tries to kill Peter. 
Moses had been punished for his presumption in taking 
the high seat by seven flaming hands which carried him 
to a place " burning like a dry bush" ; Symen is punished 
similarly, he is carried ofiP by devils and thrust into a fiery 
grave. This looks as if Simon Magus may have been con- 
founded with the Moses who, at first set in apposition with 
Peter, became later his opponent and enemy; a curious 
travesty of ancient symbolism if true, and unmistakably a 



The Holy Grail. 119 

blunder in respect of the persons. Shall we take this as a 
measure of De Borron's knowledge of Sacred History, or 
ought we to consider that he is repeating an ancient story 
which he did not think himself at liberty to alter ? 

The manner of consecrating Joseph as " Sovran Shep- 
herd", could scarcely have been invented by De Borron ; 
in the twelfth century no one would have thought of 
making any man a bishop who was not already priest, 
though that would not have been considered irregular in 
the fifth.^ Not more would it have occurred to him to make 
Joseph Bishop for the sole purpose of consecrating the 
Eucharist ; that point of order belongs also to a very early 
period of Church history. These and such-like anachronisms 
in De Borron's text lead us to suspect he is not the author 
of all he writes, and that the "book" to which he refers 
may have been a real one. Granting a previous belief in 
the existence of the "vessel " and of the Precious Blood, 
some story of Joseph which connected him directly with 
the preservation of the relic seems necessary, to no one 
else could the pious act have been attributed. This story 
would have been the Gospel of Joseph, and its object 
would have been to redress the injustice which Joseph 
may be said to have received. The omission of his name 
from the Canon of the Mass may have been a grievance. 

^ Consecration of laymen to the episcopate, per saltum, was still 
valid in the sixth century in Gaul, but the Church disliked it. In 
Ireland at that time there does not appear to have been any question 
(of the story of St. Columba) ; and in the Celtic Church generally the 
ancient liberty may have existed so long as that Church remained 
independent, but in the twelfth century such laxity was no longer 
possible. Henry I, being anxious to appoint an Englishman to the 
See of St. David, caused the Queen's chancellor, a layman, to be 
ordained priest one day and consecrated the next. He feared the 
Welshmen might be before him, but this was the most he could do ; 
no doubt he would gladly have saved one of these days had he 
dared. 



I20 The Holy Grail, 

In the "great book" of the Grail, from which De Borron 
says he is quoting, Christ promises that "never should the 
sacrifice be offered without mention being made of what 
Joseph had done/' The Sacrament of the Altar became, 
for the cuUores of the "Benefactor Dei", a joint com- 
memoration of Jesus and Joseph : " The Altar shall 
represent the sepulchre where you laid me, the corporal, 
the cloth in which you wound my body, the chalice will 
recall the vessel in which you caught my blood, and the 
paten resting on the chalice shall signify the stone placed 
over the sepulchre/" If De Borron invented this he was 
hardy. If it is derived from that ancient book we need 
not wonder if it is now lost. The destruction of heretical 
books was a duty, and the reference to the diptychs is a 
direct challenge to the Church.' 

We may now turn to the legends connected with the 
arrival in Britain : there is the Glastonbury legend, which 
in some of its particulars is very old, and there is the 
legend of the landing in Provence. The latter was 
popular.' Joseph of Arimathea is represented as landing 
on the coast of Provence with Mary Magdalen and the 
other Maries, Lazarus, and about forty in all. This com- 
pany of disciples is described as being wafted over the sea, 
very much as were Joseph and his companions in the 
story of the Grail. Marseilles would have been in the 
first century the proper port for any one voyaging from 
the East to Britain. The route from Marseilles was by 
the Bhône to Lyons, and then it either turned aside to 

* De Borron's poem, vv. 901-13. 

' As a matter of fact the romances of the Grail were expressly 
interdicted by the Court of Rome at the same time that the Order of 
Templars was suppressed. See Moland, Les Origines Litteraires de la 
FVanctf, p. 71. 

* Acta Sanctorum^ 17th March, and the Legend of Les Saintes 
Maries aux Bouches du Rhone, still current in Provence. 



1 



The Holy GraiL 121 

descend the Loire or it continued upwards by the Saône, 
to descend the valley of the Seine or to pass into the lower 
Rhine, and so by one course or the other to reach the 
estuary of the Thames, the creeks of the South Coast, or 
the Severn Sea. It was by Marseilles that Christianity 
came to Graul and Britain. The Christianity of Southern 
Gaul, moreover, was essentially Asiatic or Syriac, and if 
this legend of the Grail had its origin in Syria, it may 
have been first heard of in Europe at Marseilles ; and this 
may be what is meant by the memory of so many of the 
holy women who were present at the Cross and the 
Sepulchre, being preserved there. Provence was the final 
home of many personages in the drama of the Passion. 
Pilate came here after his disgrace, and lived at Vienne. 
Martha lived at Tarascon, and the Magdalen in the solitude 
of the Saint-e Baume.^ Among those who landed from 
the rudderless ship was the Hemorro'issa, who is sometimes 
identified with Martha. She is called Marie la Venis- 
sienne in the Grand St. Qraal, and Verrine by De Borron. 
The latter name (or Ste. Venise) is that by which she is 
known in Northern France, where she probably represents 
a former goddess of the Romanized Gauls. ^ 

^ "Depuis longtemps/' says Renan, '^un courant de communications 
reciproques était établi entre les ports d'Asie Mineure et les rivages 
méditerranéens de la Gaule. Ges populations d'Asie et de Syrie, 
très portées à Temigration vers Toccident, aimaient à remonter le 
Rhone et la Saône, ayant avec elles un bazar portatif de marchandises 
diverses, ou bien s'arrêtant sur les rives de ces grands fleuves, aux 
endroits ou s^offrait à elles Tespérance de vivre. Vienne et Lyons 
étaient en quelque sorte le point de mire de ces emigrants qui 
apportaient en Gaule les qualitos de marchands, de domestiques, 
d'ouvriers et mêmes de médecins." — Renan, VEglise ChrStienne, 
p. 468. These emigrants formed a large part of the population of the 
cities on the river, and the stories of Martha, Mary Magdalen, and 
Pilate may be part of the deposit of legend they have left there. 

' Maury, Croyances et Léyendes de VAntiquite (La Yeronique). 



122 The Holy GraiL 

In this case, then^ De Borron would be repeating a local 
tradition, but there is confusion nevertheless, Veronica, 
not Verrine, is really meant ; the uncertainty, however, is 
of very early date. De Borron perhaps justifies his use of 
the local name by calling the imprinted sydarium '^la 
Veronique'\ All the legend of the landing in Provence, 
and of the events which determined the exile of Joseph, 
would not have been known at every place on the route 
we have indicated ; there would have been many stories, 
some attaching themselves to one place, some to another, 
and they might have arrived in Britain from the East or 
from the West, or Winchester and Salisbury might have 
been the places where they were first known. There 
seems to be no further memory of Joseph in Provence 
than that he landed ; it may be presumed that he did not 
remain, and may have followed the ordinary course of 
immigrants, northward. A tradition that his body was at 
Moyen Moustier in Alsace at the end of the eighth century, 
and that it was subsequently stolen, is recorded by 
Mabillon, and in the Acta Sanctorum.^ It is not said 
whither the body was taken, but the Vatican church 
claims to possess one of the arms. A legend of Joseph in 
Alsace is an argument for the existence of our legend 
there also, and we may couple this with the recent trans- 
lation of the Evangelium in England — clearly an interest in 
him and his work was increasing. In England the centre 
of the Joseph legend is Glastonbury, and, curiously enough 
it has little to do with the Grail ; Glastonbury may be 
the Abbey of Glays and the lie de Verre, but it is not 
certain that it was Avalon, and nothing is said in the story 
of Joseph, as it is given by the French authors, about 
the wattled church, or the Thorn. The fragments of the 

^ Mab. AniialeSf sub anno 799. Acta Sanctorum, Martii 17. 



The Holy Grail. 123 



u 



Early History" which seem to relate to the conversion of 
Britain belong to the Augustinian mission rather than to 
the earlier Celtic Christianity. The story which attributes 
the conversion to Peter has been mentioned. This is part 
of the enlarged story (the Grand St. Oraal) j De Borron 
does not bring the Grail to Britain, though he may have 
intended it. He relates how Peter received a divine 
commission, direct, and that he chose the West for the 
scene of his labours, 

" En la terre vers Occident, 
Ki est sauvage durement 
Es vans d* Avaron m*en irei." 

vv. 321&-21. 

When the Orand St. Oraal was written the Welsh in- 
fluence appears to have dominated, and we have Celidoine, 
Nasciens and Mordrains as the active lieutenants of Joseph 
for the conversion of Britain, the story of Petrus and King 
Lucius coming rather awkwardly in another place. Still, 
though the names are mainly Celtic, the story told reminds 
us of the perils of Augustine's mission and its re-establish- 
ment by Theodore. Celidoine, after converting a few, one 
hundred and fifty, persons, is put in prison with his con- 
verts, and that might have been the end, but Mordrains 
has a vision of the extremity of the Christians, and arrives 
in time. Glastonbury would thus have been the second 
home of the legend. The chosen knight assumed the 
shield of Joseph of Arimathea at a "certain abbey". Now 
the body of Joseph was translated to the Abbey of Glays 
from an Abbey of the Cross/ The almost inaccessible 

^ Lonelich, Seynt GraaL The French version says only that 
Joseph dies, apparently at the Castle of Galafort in Northumberland, 
whence the body was carried to Scotland because of a great famine 
there, which it changed instantly to a great plenty; and that the 
body was there enteres en une abeie de glay^ "which Abbey of Glaystyng- 
bery now men hald," says LoneUch, chap, liv, Boxburghe Club 
edition, 1863. 



124 The Holy GraiL 

position of Glastonbury may have led to its becoming a 
refuge for persecuted or timorous Christians, either at the 
time of the invasion of Wessex or later, when Alfred 
betook himself to Athelney. The translation of the 
body of Joseph from the North suggests rather a flight 
thence. The names CeUdoine, Nasciens and many others, 
in the Story of the Grail belong to the North. The only 
British names in De Borron are Brons, Alain and Enygeus. 
Brons=Bran (the Blessed) "who first brought Christianity 
to Britain", and was very appropriately first keeper of the 
Grail ; Alain, who in one part of the story seems to have 
been intended for the same office, may represent the Breton 
side of the legend, which De Borron decided to neglect in 
favour of the British form ; Enygeus, may be the same 
with the mother of Arthur. The Grand 8t. QrcLal, which 
extends and fills up the story, gives us more names. 
Nasciens, who was the " first to behold the wonders of the 
Grail", is supposed by the learned author of the Arthurian 
Legend to be the same with Nectan or Naitan who played so 
decided a part in the establishment of Catholic Christianity 
in the North. Of Nasciens' line, the last was Galahad. 
Nasciens' son was Celidoine, the eponymous hero of Scot- 
land. Evelach was the first convert ; the name is that of 
one of the sons of Cuneda, but it has also much higher 
dignity in Welsh genealogies. "Avallach, son of Canalech, 
son of Beli, and his mother was Anna, who they say was 
cousin of the Virgin Mary."^ Evelach is also called 
Mordrains or Mordains, Noodrans, which is explained as 
"hard of belief"; it may perhaps have relation to Meaux 
(Melda) where he was bom, though it is said to have been 
given after his baptism. He was the son of a cobbler, and 
was sent to Bome, with other youths and maidens, as 

* ReeSy CamJbro-British Saints, " Life of St. Carannog'*. The name 
occurs again in the genealogies of St. Oadoc and St. David ; in this 
last is a Euguen, son of the sister of Mary. 



The Holy Grail. 125 

tribute in the time of Augustus Caesar ; the two daughters 
of the Count of the Town were also sent, and Evelach was 
their servant — the beginnings of a very pretty story of 
which we should have been glad to hear the rest. Another 
Frenchman gets into the story as Blaise, the "Master" of 
Merlin ; he is Lupus the celebrated Bishop of Troyes, who 
accompanied Germanus on his first expedition to Britain ; 
and again we have one of the founders of Christianity in 
Britain figuring as a fundamental personage in our story. 
Perhaps Germanus is also commemorated under the form 
Gonemans, the first instructor of Perceval. It cannot be 
pretended that these names occur in an orderly, connected 
narrative, but they do belong to the very beginnings of 
Christianity in this Island, and the use of them may imply 
a belief that the coming of the Grail was contemporary, or 
nearly so, with the coming of the Gospel. The tradition 
which mixes one with the other may have been a scarcely 
intelligible story in the twelfth century. It had passed 
through many hands, from Celt to Saxon, from Saxon to 
Frank, and also, by another route, from Breton to Frank 
and Norman, no wonder if it had changed form and 
personifications ; it is wonderful that so many of the 
oldest names have been preserved. 

The Early History, "commencemens de I'estoire del 
saint graal," ends with the coming of the Saxons (Zi Boiné) 
and the deposition of the Grail in a castle built for it 
"en-i-estrainge roiaume ou il auoit plente de niche (simple) 
gent : qui ne sauoient rien f ors seulement de terre 
cultilier," the charge of the Grail being given to Alain* 

^ According to the Grand SL Grcuü ; but De Borron, after appoint- 
ing Alain in the earlier part of the story, appears to forget him and 
he makes Brons the Grail keeper. The change of name (and family) 
may have been a result of the wandering of the story ; the line of 
keepers tracing from Brons being part of the Welsh tradition, that 
deriving from Alain being Breton. 



126 714^ Holy Grail. ^ 

and his descendants, the last of whom was Galahad. And 
so ends this first part of the Story of the Grail. It is the 
history, apparently, of the belief that some portion of the 
Precious Blood still existed on earth, notwithstanding the 
discouragement given to that belief by sober-minded men ; 
it is therefore the story of an unauthorized or *' pious" belief 
and of a cult, if cult there was, which was practised 
secretly, unless, under peculiar circumstances, overt acts 
might have been permitted in honour of the relic. The 
signs of a ritual of the Grail, and more especially the per- 
sistence of the primitive mode of celebration, out of which 
grew the story of the Bound Table, seems to prove an unin- 
terrupted tradition of fellowship among believers in the 
Grail; the tradition of names also supports the pre- 
sumption of antiquity for the legend. It must be under- 
stood, however, that the object of these papers is not to 
establish a formal tradition or Legend of the Graily but to 
show that there might have been, and probably was, a belief 
in the existence of some relic of the Passion of pre-eminent 
sanctity from very early times, and that the belief attracted 
to itself a great mass of legend and folk-story wherever it 
took root. This relic, if not the Precious Blood itself, was 
some other most intimate memorial of the Last Supper ; 
the identification of the Grail with the supposed relic is 
• the object of our enquiry. But in arriving at this, many 
matters of no less importance in the story wiU have to be 
considered ; and first of these is the question : What was 
meant by the Bound Table ? 



The Holy GraiL 127 



Paet n. — ^Thb Round Table. 



The story of the Grail tended naturally to become one 
of adventure; Christians would inevitably ask, "Where 
then is the Castle of Corbenic^ and why should not the 
Grail be exposed to the adoration of the faithful ?" When 
this time came, and a hero had to be found, equal by his 
reputation to achieve the discovery of the Vessel, it would 
be to Arthur's Court romancers would turn: to Arthur 
himself or to the foremost of his knights, to Gwalchmai or 
Owen. The story of Arthur, more especially the later and 
more familiar part of it, represents him as little likely to 
undertake an enterprise wholly religious ; but Arthur was 
Emperor and victorious, and the destined Leader therefore, 
if not the Hero of every great achievement. He thus 
inevitably became Christian Hero of Britain, and the 
Bound Table of the Grail will always be known as his. 

The table at which Arthur feasted with his champions 
did not differ in respect of its "roundness", or otherwise, 
from the table of Conchobar at Emain, or that at which 
Charlemagne may have sat with his peers. The number 
of the peers, or companions, was the same in all ; it was 
the number consecrated alike by Pagan and Christian 
precedent, and symbolised a certain divinity attaching to 
the central figure. Arthur's table has become famous 
beyond others because of the Grail, but in itself it 
had no pre-eminent lustre, nor was it exceptional in 
any way. Soundness was not peculiar to Arthur's table, 
— ^all ^'tables" were round at the time ; nor was there any- 
thing unusual in a great chief holding a table for his 
immediate household, the great officers of state, who were 
called, in the general language of Europe^ the come» of the 



128 The Holy Grail. 

Kinis^. The di^itj of Arthur's table and its distinction 
above ail others, was due only to the Grail, to its identifi- 
cation with the table of the Grail, and for this reason only 
does it belong to our subject. 

The ^^table'' of Joseph of Arimathea was not of his 
invention, but imitated from that at which Christ himself 
presided. The Queste says, ^'Since Christ's coming were 
three chief tables: first, that at which Christ often ate 
with his Apostles ; the second table was that of the Holy 
Grail, established in semblance and remembrance of the 
first, by which many miracles were wrought in this land 
in the time of Joseph of Arimathea, in the beginning when 
Christianity was brought to this country ; and last came 
the round table made by Merlin's counsel to show the 
roundness of the world and the firmament."^ 

The Petit Saint Oraal says shortly, ''Our Lord made the 
first table, Joseph the second. Merlin the third"; and 
other statements agree. Now we know exactly what that 
"table" was like at which Christ ate with his disciples. 
In the first century, whether in the public cenaevla or in 
private houses, guests meeting to eat the evening meal 
together had but one custom at table : they reclined on 
couches arranged on three sides of a space, in which stood 
a little stool (mensaf on which the dish was placed. This 
arrangement was the triclinium^ the couches of which 
never held more than three persons each, nine camedentes 
in all. When a great dinner was given the number of 
triclinia was increased.^ In public dining-rooms, such as 

* La Queste del Saint Cfraal, printed for the Roxburghe Club, 1864, 
chap. v. 

^Mensüf of course, does not mean "stool/' nor does it mean 
"table" properly, it must be referred to metior, 

" The Chrysotriclinium at Constantinople had apses for eight 
"beds", it was an octagonal building. 



c 



\ 



Çajl. <U-<J2JlûA.> 



Reviews. 145 



Malory. Dywedais nad oedd un bod rhesymol i'w weld yn 

y fangre oddigerth Arthur a'i farchog. Y ma* ymddan- 

gosiad dîsymwth y frân ddu frudiol yn gwneyd yr olygfa 

yn fwy Uethol fyth. 

'* Bran ddu groch ar bren oedd grin, 
Goelfawr a hir ei gylfin, 
Fwriai*n oer, afar ei nwyd, 
Fregliach o'r dderwen friglwyd." 

A pha iaith mor addas i greglais yr aderyn hwn a 

thriban müwr ? 

" Glywaist ti a gant y fran, 
Ai drwg ai daV darogan, 
*Na fid cryf heb gleddyf g\kar 

Parodd hyn i Fedwyr ystyried ac ymson ag ef ei bun. 
Mae'n sicr fod cywreinwaith y cledd yn ei demtio, ond nid 
hyny a gyf addefai efe iddo ei bun. Pa fodd yr ymdarawai 
ei wlad wedi colli yr arf anorfod hwn ? 

" Cododd Bedwyr y cadam 
Gledd gerfydd ei gelfydd ganii 
A thremio'n hir a thrwm wnaeth 
Ar ei gywrain ragoriaeth." 

Mor anbawdd oedd ymadael a'r fath drysor! A thyma 

Bedwyr yn dechreu anwesu'r cledd a'i gyfarch fel petai 

betb byw : — 

" Ba dro fyth *' eb Bedwyr, "f ai 
Ddigon i*r sawl a'th ddygai 
Di, Gkiledfwlch deg, glodfawr, 
Heb falio, a'th luchio i lawr 
Megys pedfai ddirmygwr, 
Onid aet o dan y dwr ! 
A'n hil, Och ! ba ryw fam lem 
Nas gallai'n dal pes coUem 
Dithau P Gan adwythig gar 
Y dinerthwyd dawn Arthur, 
Onide, diau nad hyn 
A barasai, heb resyn. 
Diogel mi a'th gelaf, 
A gweFd a ddigwyddo gâf ." 

L 



1 46 Reviews. 

Bhaid fod poen wedi dyrysu pen y brenin — djna sat y 
cyfíawnhai Bedwyr ei dwyll. Ac yn lie bwrw y cledd i'r 
llyn yn ol arch ei deym, efe a'i cuddiodd mewn ogof 
gerllaw. Tna dychwelodd at Arthur a chelwydd ar ei 
daf od. Yn y fan yma eto tybiaf fod Tennyson yn Uawer 
gwanach naV bardd Cymreig. 

'^ He gazed so long 
That both his eyes were dazzled, as he stood. 
This way and that dividing the swift mind, 
In act to throw : but at the last it seem'd 
Better to leave Excalibur concealed 
There in the many-knotted waterflags, 
That whistled stiff and dry about the marge." 

'^Better to leave Excalibur concealed", — ^nid hawdd fuasai 
llunio brawddeg fwy anheilwng o'r achlysur. Ond ni 
chymerai y brenin mo'i dwyllo. "Ba argoei fu", ebai. A 
Bedwyr atebodd : — 

*' Hyd y gwn, bid wiw gennyd, 
Ni bu un arwydd o'r byd." 

Braidd yn wan yw yntau, Tir na n-Og, yn yr ateb hwn. 
Llinell wael enbyd yw, "Ni bu un arwydd o*r byd." 
Gymaint yn well yw y geiriau ddyry Malory yng ngenau y 
marchog : "Sir", said he, "I saw nothing but waves and 
wind." Eilchwyl gorfu i Fedwyr fynd ymaith ar ei neges 
drom. Och ! mor anhawdd oedd ymadael â*r cledd. Yn 
ebrwydd mae Tir na n-Og yn adenill ei nerth a'i swyn- 
gyfaredd. Dyma eto ddarlun byw : — 

'' Yna rhag genau'r ogo, 
Safodd ac edrychodd dro ; 
Eto, nid oedd yno ddyn 
Yn ymyl, na swn, namyn 
Twrw*r dwr, man He torrai'r don, 
Mwynder hiraethus meindon 
Awel y'mysg y dail man — 
Ochenaid enaid anian." 



Reviews. 1 47 

Pan oedd ar gyrchu y cledd o'r ogof , cly wodd grawc y 

frâti. 

" Gwae i'n tud o frud y frân 

A drwg oedd ei darogan — 

'Na fid cryf heb gleddyf glân.' *' 

Eilchwyl dychwelyd at Arthur. Yma eto ceir ychydig 
o arwydd Uesgedd neu ddiofalwch yng ngwaith Tit na 
n-Og. Onid rhyddiaith troednoeth yw llinell gyntaf yr 
englyn hwn? 

" Ceisiodd Bedwyr bob cysur — oedd ddichon 
Wrth ddychwel yn brysur ; 
Er gwaith cad, er gwaetha' cur, 
Rhy wrthun oedd marw Arthur !" 

Lied ddibwynt, hefyd, yw yr esgyll. Mae ateb Bedwyr 
i'w feistr yn well y tro yma. ''Ba argoel sydd?" 

" Troes Bedwyr gan ynganu, 
*ün arwydd, farglwydd ni fu, 
Ond dwr a'i dwrdd yn taro 
Ar y graig, a'i su drwyV gro/ " 

Yr wyf yn tueddu i feddwl fod Tir na n-Og wedi 
ef elychu tipyn ar Tennyson yn y fan yna : — 

'' I heard the water lapping on the crag, 
And the long ripple washing in the reeds.'' 

Ni thyciodd y celwydd. Cychwyn eto tua'r Uyn, a 
cherydd ei frenin yn ei glust, f u raid i Fedwyr. Y drydedd 
waith daeth at yr ogof. Prin yr wyf yn hoffi'r llinell : 

Plygodd, penlinodd mewn pannwl yno, 

Nid achwyn yr wyf ar y gair — "pannwl" (a hollow), 
ond tybiaf fod gormod o debygrwydd sain drwy y llineU, 
nes ei gwneyd fel tincian efydd. Ond hawdd madden y 
man feflan hyn, pan geir yn ymyl ddarn mor orchestol a'r 
diflgrifiad a ganlyn o'r cledd : — 

" Trwy'r bwlch, dwyn Caledfwlch Ian 
OV gwyll a orug allan. 
Ei ddymfol aur addumfawr, 

L 2 



1 48 • Reviews. 

Cywrain oedd, ac ami wawr 

O liwiau gemau laWer, 

Lliw'r tan a Uiw eira têr, 

Lliw'r gwaed rhudd, lliw gwydr a haul, 

Neu ser y'nghyfnos araul ; 

Ei hir lafn dur lyf ned oedd 

A difreg lif y dyfroedd, 

A gloywed â gwiw lewych 

Rhudd yr haul ar ddisglair ddrych." 

Dyddorol yw cymharu y dam hwn a disgrifiad Tenny- 
son: 

'* There drew he forth the brand Excalibur, 

And o'er him, drawing it, the winter moon, 
Brightening the skirts of a long cloud, ran forth 
And sparkled keen with frost against the hilt : 
For all the haft twinkled with diamond sparks, 
Myriad of topaz-lights, and jacinth-work 
Of subtlest jewellry." 

Edrychwn He maent yn ymdebygu, a lie y gwahaniaethant. 
Blank verse, wrth gwrs, yw y llinellau Seisnig ; er hyny, 
cynhwysant gryn lawer o gynghanedd o ddosbarth y 
"braidd gyffwrdd", a byddai yn iechyd i'r moel-odlwyr 
Cymreig sylwi ar hyn : 

"The ^rand Excalidur. 
Knd o'er him. . . . winder moon 
Long c/oud .... 8parA:/ed keen 
Withyrost against the Ailt . . . for all the Aaft 
Topa2-/ighf8 .... 8ubt/e«^ 
«7acinth-t(7ork .... yeîí?ellry." 

Er nad yw y gynghanedd wedi ei gweu wrth reol 
fanoly na thybier mai damweiniol yw. Y mae yn f wy cudd 
na'r gynghanedd Gymreig, ac ar ryw ystyr yn f wy celfydd. 
Dibynai y bardd ar ei glust ei hun i gynyrchu cydbwysedd 
prydferth rhwng y cydseiniaid a'r llafariaid. Yn y mesur 
Seisnig, nid yw f ai yn y byd fod rhan o linell yn cyng- 
haneddu a'r Uinell nesaf. Yn y dam cywydd cawn 
gynghanedd reolaidd, a hi yn ddiau yw'r felusaf i*r glust 



Reviews, . 1 49 

Gymreig. Y mae cynghaneddion Tit na n-Og yn gywrain 
heb fod yn rhodresgar. Ar eithnad y deuwn ar draws swn 
clogsiau difiwsig fel "a magwyr yn ei mygu". Mae'n 
amlwg fod Tir na n^Og dan ryw gymaint o ddyled i 
Tennyson am ei ddisgrifiad penigamp o'r addumwaith. 
Llinell gampus yw "Lliw 'r tan a Uiw eira tér", ond 
perthyn yn agos i "With frost against the hilt". Wedi'r 
cwbl, nid yw hyny o debygrwydd sydd yma yn tynu dim 
oddiar ogoniant y dam Cymraeg. 

O'r diwedd mae y marchog yn uf uddhau. ** Yn iach 
Graledfwich glodfawr", llefai, dan f wrw y llafn i'r llyn. 

'^Ond ar un naid, er hynny 
Chwyfiodd ei fraich ufrudd fry, 
A*r arf drosto drithro drodd 
Heb aros, ac fe'i bwriodd 
Onid oedd fel dam o dan 
Yn y nwyfre yn hofran. 
Fel modrwy trwy'r gwagle trodd 
Ennyd, a syth ddisgynnodd 
Fel mellten glaer, ysplenydd, 
A welwo deg wawl y dydd ; 
Ond cyn iddo daro'r dwr, 
IV wyneb daeth rhyw gynnwr' ; 
Ar hyn o'r llyn cododd Haw 
Gadarn, gan f edrus gydiaw 
Yn ei gam, ac yna gyd 
A deheurwydd dnid wryd, 
Codi'r cleddyf a'i chwyfio, 
Gwaniad a thrychiad dri thro ; 
Yna*n ol hynny wele. 
Tan y dwf r y tynwyd e !** 

Disgrifiad rhagorol. Mae darfelydd y bardd yn gyfartal 
i*w ddawn i drosi geiriau. Mor gyson, mor gryno y w y 
darlun drwyddo ; mor Ian oddiwrth ddim byd ystrydebol ! 
Does yma ddim gwastraff ; el pob ergyd i'w nod yn syth 
ac uniongyrch. Ni thynwn oddiwrth werth y disgrifiad 
drwy ei gymharu ag eiddo Tennyson : — 



1 50 Reviews. 

"Then quickly rose Sir Bediverey and ran, 
And, leaping down the ridges lightly, plunged 
Among the bulrush-beds, and clutched the sword. 
And strongly wheel'd and threw it. The great brand 
Made lightnings in the splendour of the moon, 
And flashing round and round, and whirFd in an arch. 
Shot like a streamer of the northern mom. 
Seen where the moving isles of winter shock 
By night, with noises of the northern sea. 
So fiashM and fell the brand Ezcalibur : 
But ere he dipt the surface, rose an arm 
Clothed in white samite, mystic, wonderful. 
And caught him by the hilt, and brandished him 
Three times, and drew him under in the mere.** 

Nid gwiw gwadu f od Tennyson wedi aw^rymu rhai o 

ymadroddion goreu Tit na n^Og, er engraifiEt : — 

" And strongly wheel'd and threw it.** 
" AV arf drosto drithro drôdd." 

"Made lightnings in the splendour of the moon.** 
"Fel mellten glaer, ysplenydd." 

" And flashing round and round,** etc. 
"Fel modrwy trwyV gwagle trôdd." 

" But ere he dipt the surface." 
" Ond cyn iddo daro'r dwr." 

Dyma'r cwbl a geir yn y chwedl : "And then he threw 
the sword into the water as far as he might, and there 
came an arm and a hand above the water and met it and 
caught it, and so shook it thrice and brandished. And 
then the hand vanished away with the sword in the water." 
Dengys hyn faint o gynorthwy gafodd Tir na n-Og oddi- 
wrth Tennyson. Mwy priodol, hwyrach fyddai "ysbry- 
doliaeth" na "chynorthwy". Oni thynodd Tennyson ei 
hun yn helaeth oddiar Malory yn yr " Idylls of the King" ? 
Nis gwaeth faint o ddeunydd gafodd Tir na n-Og yng 
ngherdd Tennyson; oni chreodd rywbeth newydd? 
Ac wedi'r cwbl, onid oes mawr wahaniaeth rhyngddynt ? 
Mae Tir na n-Og yn ddigon beiddgar i dori Uinell newydd 
pan welo hyny yn oreu. 



Reviews. 1 5 1 

Bhaid Î minau frysio, fel y bu gorfod i Fedwyr, i 

gludo'r brenin claf hyd fin y dwr. Caraswn ddifynu 

disgrifiad Tennyson o'r gorchwyl blin a phruddaidd hwnw. 

Dengys fwy o ofal ac o dosturi dros glwyf au y gwr ardder- 

chog oedd ar adael y byd na Tir na n-Og, 

"Quick, quick Î 
I fear it is too late, and I shall die." 

Fel engraifiPt o saerniaeth farddonol, hwyrach nad oes 
yn awdl Tir na n-Og ddim cystal a'i ddisgrifiad o'r Hong 
oedd i gludo Arthur i Ynys Afallon. Llong ddu ddar- 
parodd Tennyson, "dark as a funeral scarf from stem to 
stern," ag ar ei bwrdd lu o wyryfon urddasol mewn 
galarwisgoedd, "black-stoled, black-hooded". Ond "llong 
eres", sydd gan Tir na n-Ogy a thyma'i ddisgrifiad: — 

*' Y'nghraidd y llong, ar ddull ail 
I orsedd, Voedd glwth eursail, 
Ac ar ei gerfwaith oywrain 
Gwrlid mwyth o 'sgarlad main. 
Tair hefyd o wyr3rfon 
Ar sedd wrth yr orsedd hon 
Eisteddai. Dlysed oeddynt ! 
Nid oedd gwedd Blodeuwedd gynt 
O geinder ail ; rhag gwyndawd 
Perlog ne eu purloyw gnawd 
Pylai gwawr y pali gwyn, 
A ymdonnai am danyn' ; 
A lliv^ teg eu gwalltiau aur 
Drwyddo fal cawod ruddaur. 
Gyddfau a thalcennau can 
Mai eira ymyl Aran ; 
Deufan goch pob dwyfoch deg, 
Lliw gwin drwy wynlliw gwaneg." 

Y mae y darlun godidog yna ynddo ei hun yn werth 
mwy na chadair Bangor. Ond beth yn enw barddas, a 
wnaeth i Tir na n-Og ollwng i mewn i V awdl linell mor 
ddiawen, mor ddiurddas a hon : — 

"A chodwyd e'n barchedig — i'r gliprth draw." 



152 Reviews. 

Os byth y caffo gyfle, tyned hi aJlan pe costìai hyny iddo eî 
fy wyd. Lied oeraidd ydyw araeth ffarwel Arthur. Brudio 
am ddyddiau adfydus a wna^ ac am ei ail ddyfodiad. 

" Yn fy nghledd 
Gafaelaf y dygaf eilwaith 
Glod yn ol i'n gwlad a'n hiaith.** 

Eto, mae yr araeth hon yn gorwedd yn esmythach ar 
galon Cymro na'r bregeth wyntog a geir yn yr un cyf wng 
yng nghân Tennyson; "The old order changeth^ giving 
place to new," Ac. Ac y mae diwedd awdl Tit na n-Og 
yn hoUol deilwng o'r dechreuad. 

" Yn y pellter f el peraidd 
Anadliady sibrydiad braidd, 
Darf u'r llais ; o drofâu'r llyn 
Anial, lledodd niwl llwydwyn, 
Yna araf cyniweiriodd, 
Ac yno'r llong dano dôdd 
A*i chelu ; fel drychiolaeth 
Yn y niwl difiannu wnaeth. 

" Bedwjrr yn drist a distaw 
At y drín aeth eto draw.** 

Nis gallaf ddychmygu am ddim mwy eflEeithiol na'r 
diweddglo hwn. Hapus a phrydferth iawn, hefyd, yw 
disgrifiad Tennyson o ymadawiad y llong : maddeuer imi 
am ei ddifynu : — 

''So said he, and the barge with oar and sail 
Moved from the brink, like some full-breasted swan 
That fluting a wild carol ere her death, 
Ruffles her pure cold plume, and takes the flood 
With swarthy webs. Long stood Sir Bedivere, 
Revolving many memories, till the hull 
Look'd one black dot against the verge of dawn. 
And on the mere the wailing died away." 

Nid wyf yn hofP o brofPwydo, ond credaf y cymer awdl 
Tir na iv-Og safle uchel ym mysg caniadau ei wlad. Enwais 
y gamp fwyaf ami, sef dramatic realization, Yn nesaf at 
hyny ei rhagoriaeth yw mireindeb. T mae yr awdwr yn 



Reviews. 153 

artist. Amlwg ei fod wedi efrydu yr iaith yn Uwyr, a 

gwyr yn dda sut i'w defnyddio. Gwelir fod ei ardduU yn 

tynu yn nes at gyfnod Dafydd ab Gwilym na*r dyddiau 

diweddar hyn. Eto, nid arddull Dafydd ab Gwilym moni. 

Saif, yn wir, ar ei phen ei hun. Dicbon fod ei iaith a'i 

dduU-ymadrodd yn rhy goetb, rhy glasurol i rai pobl ; ond 

eu hanffawd hwy yw hyny. Gwir iddo arfer rhai geiriau 

ansathredig, megis iia«, deryWy drudioriy breithelly gvmn, 

gnawdy orug^ nevdy glaify dtoer, gwyndawdy pannwl ; ond nid 

ydynt mor lliosog, ac y mae rhai o honynt na ddylesid eu 

goUwng oddiar gof . Un arall o deithi mwyaf hudoliis yr 

awdl yw swyngyfaredd. T mae Tit na rir-Og yn caru 

natur yn fwy nag athrawiaeth. Efe a ddug yr awen 

Gymreig yn ol i'w hen arfer. Ychydig o fesurau a 

ddefnydiodd — Unodl Union, Deuair Hirion, Toddaid, a 

Thriban Milwr. Gwnaeth yn ddoeth ymwrthod a phethau 

fifug-gywrain ym mhlith y mesurau Cymreig. Os oes bai 

ar yr awdl, yr wyf bron meddwl y gall fod rhy fychan o 

deimlad ynddi. Buaswn yn barod i gyfnewid peth o'r 

ceinder marmoraidd am ychydig o ddagrau. Ond nid 

wylo gwneyd ychwaith : gwell genyf heb hwnw. Be 

ddywed yr hen benill bendigaid : — 

" Ti gei gly wed os gwrandewi 
Swn y galon fach yn tori." 

Oni sibrydodd yr Awen wrth y bardd, "Dod dy glust 
ar fron y gwron clwyfedig, a thi a gei glywed swn y galon 
fawr yn dryllio." Ond dyna ; nis gall dyn na bardd fod 
yn bobpeth. 

Deliais yr awdl ochr yn ochr a chjrfansoddiad y prif- 
fardd Tennyson, gyda dau neu dri o amcaniou. Tybiais 
mai nid anyddorol fyddai i'r darllenydd wybod i ba raddau 
yr oedd y bardd by w yn ddyledus i'r marw, yr anenwog i'r 
bydenwog. Os digwydd i rai o awenwyr ieuainc Cymru 

ft 

ddarllen hyn o ysgrif, hwyrach yr argyhoeddir hwynt 



1 54 Reviews. 

gymaint allent fanteisio drwy efrydu gweithiau djnion 
mwy na hwy eu hunain. Hefyd, yr oedd yn haws ffurfio 
bam deg am yr awdl drwy ei dal yn gyfochrog â gwaith 
awdurol, a chyferbynu yr hyn oedd wych yn y naill aV 
hyn oedd wael yn y Hall. Yn olaf, eredaf imi roddi prawf y 
gall y bardd Cymreig, ond iddo wneyd tegwch ag ef ei hun, 
fod yn gystal-a'r goreuon. Am un peth yn arbenig dylem 
ddiolch i Tir na n-Og ; ni ddarfu iddo, fel y gwnaeth 
Tennyson yn ei ol-arawd, gyffelybu Arthur — ^yr Arthur a 
ddaw — ^i ^'modern gentleman of stateliest port". Cyngor 
bach yng nghlust Tir na w-Oÿ— Na fydded iddo gipris am 
ormod gwobrau. Mae un gadair gystaj a chant. Y 
cywydd deuair-hirion yw ei nerth. Boed iddo ddewis ei 
destynau fel y daw yr hwyl, a chanu ar ei fwyd ei hun. 



n. 

Pan drown oddiwrth awdl Tir na n-Og at bryddest Ghvyd- 
ion ab Don^^ symudwn i hinsawdd dra gwahanol. Nid oea 
eisieu manylu ar y gwahaniaeth rhwng y ddau ddull o 
ganu — yr hen a'r diweddar, y caeth a'r rhydd. Llai fyth 
sydd o anghen dadleu pa un yw y mwyaf gorchestol : pe 
caem y ddau ar eu goreu, gwynfydedig yn wir fyddem. 
Na, meddwl yr oeddwn am y ddau destyn. Yn y 
naiLI, cerddem ar adegau hyd lenyrch paradwysaidd. 
Ond swn hiraeth a marwolaeth oedd yn yr awel. Nid 
yw ceinder yn gyfyngedig i fywyd na dedwyddwch. 
Onid yw gruddiau angeu yn ami yn hawddgar, ymylon 
bedd yn flodeuog? Yn ing "Ymadawiad Arthur" ni 
chlywsom air o son am Wenhwyfar, na thanau'r 
delyn, na dewiniaeth Myrddin. Ond yn stori amlgeinc- 

* Hwn yw y ffug-enw a ddefnyddiwyd gan y Parch. R. Silyn 
Roberts, M.A., awdwr y Bryddest fuddugol. — (E.V.E.) 



« I 



Reviews. 155 

iog Trystan ac Esyllt, yr hyn oedd yn ein hafos oedd 
swynion serch, ei nwyfiant a'i sonant, ei fwyn ofalon, 
ei dor calon a'i dranc. Bawb ohonom oedd wedi croesi'r 
cyhydedd, deisyfasom fyned yn ifanc drachefn. Canys 
hoen ieuenctid sydd lond y testyn. Yr oeddym, hefyd, yn 
gwybod am y bardd enillodd y Uawryf. Darllenasom ei 
delynegion. Disgwyliein lawer oddiwrtho. O blith y rhai 
a ganasant o'i flaen i'r nn testyn, dylid enwi Matthew 
Arnold a Swinburne. Nodweddir cerdd Arnold gan 
dawelwch prudd-dyner. Disgrifir y gwron yn ei gystudd 
olaf/yn ail fyw yr helynt earn mewn breuddwyd. Difera 
ambell air neu riddfaniad dros ei wefusau, yna dyry'r 
bardd gainc i mewn i lenwi'r bylchau. Ymestyn can 
Swinburne i bum mil o linellau agos. Edrydd efe yr 
banes bron o'r dechreu i'r diwedd gydag afiaeth, darfelydd, 
a dawn digyffelyb. Mae byd o wahaniaeth rhwng eynllun 
ac arddull y ddwy gerdd. 

Er mwyn hwylusdod rhoddaf grynhodeb o'r hanes, 
wedi ei godi o Chambers* Encyclopcedia : 

''Tristrem was the love-child of King Mark of Cornwairs sister and 
Roland of Ermonie, and at fifteen repaired to Cornwall, where he 
charmed the whole Court by his minstrelsy. He slew Moraunt in 
mortal combat, and lay ill three years of the wounds he received, but 
was borne to Ireland, and there cured by Ysolt or Ysonde, daughter 
of the Queen. On his return to Cornwall he told his uncle of the 
mai*vellou8 beauty of the Irish Princess, and was sent to solicit her 
hand for him in marriage. Tristrem escorted Ysonde on her voyage 
to England ; but both unwittingly drank of a love-potion intended 
for Mark, and from that day to the day of their death no man or 
woman could come between their loves. Ysonde was married to the 
King of Cornwall, but by the help of her clever maid, Brengwain, had 
many a secret interview with her lover. Tristrem was banished from 
Cornwall, but again brought to his uncle*s Court, and again their 
inevitable loves began anew. Next he wandered to Spain, Ermonie, 
Brittany, and here married another Ysonde — her with the white 
hand, daughter of Duke Florentine — but he could not forget his love 
for Ysonde of Ireland. Grievously wounded in battle, he sent a 
messenger to bring her to him. 'If you bring her with you,' he 
charged him, 'hoist a white sail ; if you bring her not, let your sail 



1 56 Reviews. 

be black/ Soon the ship is sighted, and Tristrem asks eagerly what 
is the colour of her sail. It was white, but Ysonde of Brittany, her 
heart being filled with bitter jealousy, told Tristrem the sail was 
black, whereupon the heart-sick lover sank back and died. Ysonde 
of Ireland threw herself in passionate despair upon his body and died 
heart-broken beside him. King Mark subsequently learned the story 
of the love-potion, and buried the twain in one grave, planting over 
Ysonde a rose-bush, over Tristrem a vine, which grew up so inextric- 
ably intertwined that no man could separate them." 

Stori hynod o brydferth! Cyfrifir hi gan lawer yn 
f renhines ym mysp stonau serch. ^ O'r ddeuddegfed ganrif 
hyd ein hamser ni fe ysbrydolodd lu o feirddion a cherdd- 
orion ym mhob gwlad yn Ewrob i ganu a phrydyddu. 
Hon yw testyn un o brif weithiau Wagner. Cydnebydd 
yr awdurdodau penaf mai stori Geltaidd yw. Ai dyna'r 
rheswm paham y darf u i'r beirdd Cymreig ei diystyru mor 
hir ? Nid y w hyny yn glod nac yn enill iddynt. Modd 
bynag fe roddodd dewisiad Pwyllgor Bangor gyfleustra 
ardderchog i rai ohonynt anfarwoli eu hunain. Yn Uyfr 
Malory mae y chwedl yn faith a chymysglyd, ag iddi 
lawer ystlys a mwy na digon o aniweirdeb. Fel yr 
awgrymwyd eisoes, o hyny y cyfyd yr unig anhawster 
sydd yn perthyn i'r testyn. Y gamp, felly, oedd sut i 
ddeol y pethau mwyaf gwrthun yn y stori heb aberthu ei 
bywyd a'i swyn. 

Bhanodd Owydion ah Don ei gerdd yn bum penod. Yn 
y gyntaf gwelwn long yn marchogaeth y tonau tua'r 
Twerddon, a Thrystan ar ei bwrdd. Ceir disgrif iad bywiog 
a chryno o'r gWK)n clwyfedig : 

"Ar gwrlid drud, mewn gwisg o borflfor breiniol, 
Gorwedda clwyfus wr o drem urddasol, 
Y gwinau wallt, lliw'r gneuen, yn modrwyog 
Gylchynnu'i wyneb hardd, boneddig, rhywiog ; 
Ond yn ei lygaid tristwch du deyrnasa, 
A gwywder bedd ar Iwydni 'i rudd arhosa : 
Ei glwyf ä ysa'i fyv^yd tan ei ddwyfron, 
A' i wenwyn marwol fiferra waed ei galon. 



Reviews. 157 

A segur ydyw'r waew fawr ei gcymf 
Yr helm o ddur, a'r cleddyf hirbraff Uym ; 
Ei iron ni wisg y gref ddihafal hirig 
A heriodd ruthr llawer ymwan ffymig, 
Gorffwysa'i delyn euraidd with ei ystlys, 
A'i thannau yn anghofio'i thonau meluB.'* 

Mae ardduU y darn uchod yn f wy Cymreig, a'i symu- 

diad yn fwy urddasol na llawer pryddest a goronwyd yn 

yr Eisteddfod Genedlaethol. Er hyny, Uithra'r awdwr 

weithiau. Mwy boddhaol fuasai Uai o '*wr o drem", 

"gwisg o borfFor", "helm o ddur". Cydmarer y darn 

hwn a disgrifiad Tir na n-Og o'r Uong y dodwyd Arthur 

ami, a gwelir fod pellder difesur rhyngddynt. Tn dilyn 

y Uinellau yna, ceir cipdrem dros fywyd boreol Trystan — 

marwolaeth ei fam, ei gampau fel cerddor a milwr, ei 

ddyfodiad i Gernyw, ac yn benaf yr omest fawr rhyngddo 

a MoroUt, pan laddwyd y Gwyddel ac y clwyfwyd yntau. 

Ar y eyfan mae yi- iaith yn gref, ond canfyddwn ar 

brydiau duedd i rigymu, megys : 

'' Ym mroch yr helynt Trystan a ddaeth o daith iV llys, 
Ac achos Cemyw arno'i hun gymerodd gyda brys." 

Lied ddof hefyd yw ei ddisgriflad o'r ymladd : 

''Roedd wyneb yr ynysig yn weirglodd wastad las, 
Ac yno bwriwyd Morollt falch a'i r3rf elf arch a las. 
Disgynnodd Trystan yntau i'w gyrchu gyda'i gledd, 
Ond yn yr ymgyrch cafodd glwyf a Iwydodd wrid ei wedd. 
Er gwaetha'r archoll hyrddiodd un dymod grymus mawr 
Nes hollti helm ei elyn a*i fwrw*n fud iV llawr ; 
A darn oV glaif clodforus a dorrodd yn y briw 
Anrhydedd gorsedd Cemyw Ion a gadwodd Trystan wiw.** 

Gymaint yn fwy arwrol yw rhyddiaeth Malory ! Dyma 
ddam o'i ddisgriflad ef : 

''And they began for to fewtre their spears, and they met so 
fiercely together that they smote each other down, both horse and 
all, to the earth. But Sir Marhaus smote Sir Tristram a great wound 
in his side with his spear, and then they avoided their horses, and 



158 Reviews. 

drew out their swords anon, and cast their shields before them, and 
then they lashed together as it had been two wild boars that be 
courageous." 

Pan orweddai Trystan yn glaf, daeth '*gwr o hil y 

tylwyth teg" ato a dywedodd inai yn Uys Iwerddon yn 

unig y cafiFai feddyginiaeth i'w glwyf . 

" A'r Ynys Werdd, trwy far y don ormesol, 
A gyrchaV clwyfus wr o drem urddasol." 

"O drem urddasol" eto! Fel yna y gadewir Trystan 
ar y mor i gyfeirio ei rawd am yr Iwerddon. Ni adroddir 
ei hanes wedi cyrhaedd y wlad bono, yr hyn a bar dipyn 
o ddyryswcb i'r darllenydd. 

"T Llys Gennad" yw penawd yr ail adran. Egyr 
gyda molawd fer ar ddylanwad sercb. Bydd genyf 
rywbetb i'w ddweyd am y dernyn bwn cyn diweddu. 
Erbyn byn y mae Trystan yn ol yng Ngbernyw, a cbodir 
y Hen arno yn eistedd ar grib craig uwcbben y mor ac yn 
canu alawon sercb i Esyllt, y fercb a welsai yn llys 
Iwerddon. Mae y darlun bwn wedi ei liwio yn bynod o 

gelf ydd : 

" Yng Nghernyw Ion yn swn y Hi ar glogwyn uchel unig 
Eisteddai gwr o osgedd hardd urddasol a bonheddig ; 
Modrwyau ami am ei law, ei wisg o bali purddu, 
A rhagdal aur rhuddemog dnid gynhalia'i wallt gwineuddu ; 
Cain lafnau euraidd oedd yn cau'i wintasau cordwal newydd, 
Ei ddeheu law gynhaliai bwys ei delyn aur ysblennydd ; 
Ei rudd orflfwysai ar y Hall : a'i dywell drem freuddwydiol 
Yn crwydro ar hiraethlon daith trwy wyll y nos ledrithiol 
I oleu llys yr Ynys Werdd, ei gyfoeth a'i ysblander, 
A mel acenion Esyllt wen yn ysbrydoli'i lender " 

Bbed ei fyfyrdodau yn ol at y feinir deg "fu*n 
cbwilio'r arcboll ecbrys". lacbasai'r fam y clwyf, ond 
"clwyfasai'r fercb ei ddwyfron". Mae'n eglur tubwnt i 
bob dadl fod Trystan wedi syrtbio yn ddwfn mewn sercb 
ag Esyllt. Bbag bod cysgod o ambeuaetb ar y pwne^ 
gesyd y bardd delyneg biraetblawn yng ngenau Trystan : 



'1 



/ 



Reviews. 159 

'* O dan fy mron mae cur, 

Esyllt wen, Esyllt wen, 
Am wen dy lygaid pur, 

Esyllt wen, 
Cael eto'th gwmni tirion, 
A miwsig dy acenion, — 
Hyn leddfa gur fy nghalon, — 

Brysia i Qerny w, Esyllt wen." 

Pedwar penill tebyg i'r uchod y w y delyneg. Nid oes 
fawr ddim newydd yn y syniadau, ac y mae gormod o 
adsain "Mentra Gwen" yn y seiniau. Byrdwn sal a 
dienaid yw "Brysia i üemyw". Anaturiol i'r eithaf yw 
dechreu y pedwerydd penill : — 

" Ey ngwlad a ddenfyn wys 

Esyllt wen, Esyllt wen. 
Am danat ti iV Uys, 

Esyllt wen." 

Nis gwyddai ei wlad ddim am y ferch Wyddelig oedd 
wedi tanio ei fron. T prawf goreu o hyny yw y dam sydd 
yn dilyn : — 

" Ar hyd y llwybr anwastad, cam, dros lethrau serth y clogwyn, 
Yr araf rodiaiV brenin March ; a chlybu glod y forwyn." 

Mae y brenin "yn ymholi am ei Uun a'i lliw", ac yn 
ddioed clywir Trystan yn udganu ei chlodydd. Tr oedd 
mor anwyl a Gwener, yn serchocach naLalage, na Chloris, 
na Lesbia ; yn fwy swynol na Helen Troia. Ehyfedd 
genyf i fardd Cymreig lusgo iV gerdd y sothach coeg- 
glasurol yma sydd mor gyffredin ym marddoniaeth Seisnig 
yr eilfed-ganrif-ar-bymtheg-pethau nad oeddynt namyn 
efelychiadau o Horas. Bhaid hefyd fod dawn yn brin^ a 
iaith yn dlawd os nad all bardd ddarlunio tegwch merch 
heb ymostwng i'r fath gyffredinedd a'r ddwy linell a 
ganlyn: — 

" Ni f eddai beirdd hoU oesauV byd y crebwyll naV darf elydd 
Ddisgrifiai'n llawn y filfed ran o gyfoeth ei grasusau." 



1 60 Reviews. 

Nid oes raid wrth fardd i ddweyd pethau fel yaa. 
Gwell, hefyd, f uasai y gerdd heb linell mor aflednais a hon, 
am yr hen frenin March : 

** A theimlai iasau nwydau serch yn cerdded ei wythiennau.*" 

Bto: 
'* Ond 08 dychwelai codid had i March o*r ieuanc fanon." 

Beth allsai fod yn fwy disynwyr, pan ystyriom nad 
oedd March erioed wedi gweled y ferch, na*r ffurf a rcMÌdîr 
i'w orchymyn. **Do8" ebe March : 

" I ddwyn fy mherl dros frig y don iV chartref yn fy mreichiau.** 

Perl — cartref — breichiau ! A pha fath garwr oedd Trys- 

tan, pan dderbyniai y gorchymyn hwn i gyrchu y ferch i 

arall heb wrthdystiad bach na mawr? Tr anffawd yw fod 

Gwydion aJb Bon wedi gwneyd i Drystan ac Esyllt syrthio 

mewn serch a'u gilydd yn Uawer rhy gynar, a cheir gweld 

fod hyny wedi ei dynu i fagl arall. le, mae dau yn earu 

Esyllt, sef y brenin a'i nai. "Ond sut i'w chael", medd 

y bardd : 

" IV llys anf onwyd rhoddion heirdd iV brenin a'r frenhines, 
A thlysau aur a gemau drud i Esyllt dywysoges.** 

Drwy hyny cafodd Trystan ei draed eilwaith ar dir 
Iwerddon. Ond ni sonir dim am dano'n cyflwyno'r 
genadwri a ddygasai oddiwrth frenin Cemyw. T peth a 
wnaeth oedd myned allan i ymladd â draig oedd yn blino'r 
wlad, ac oherwydd iddo ei lladd bu Trystan yn fawr ei 
barch. Arfollwyd gwledd iddo, a galwyd ar y frenhines 
a'r ferch i'w ymgeleddu. Dechreua Esyllt amheu ai nid 
efe oedd y llanc a ymwelodd a'r llys o'r blaen dan yr enw 
Tantrys, Tra mae Trystan yn y baddon, archwilia hithau 
ei wisg a'i arfau, a thyn ei gledd o'r wain — fenyw gywrain 
— ^yn ei gorawydd am ryw dystiolaeth. Tn ebrwydd 
cenfydd y bwlch yn y llaf n, a thyna'r gwirionedd yn 
gwawrio ar ei meddwl. 



Reviews. 1 6 1 

'' Fflachiodd goleuni ffaith iV bryd 3m sydyn fel taranfollt : 
Cofiodd y dam djmesid gynt o ben clwyfedig Morollt. 
Dial gynheuai yn ei gwaed ; a rhuthrai i daroV gelyn 
Oedd yn y baddon marmor gwyn yn llesg a diamddifiyn. 

* Tydi dy welltaist waed fy nghâr', dolefai'r ferch yn Uidiog, 

* Tydi yw gelyn penna ngwlad, y gwaedlyd Drystan farchog.' 
A chyda'r gair dyrchaf aiV cledd i drychu Trystan f radus ; 
Ond gwelai wen, a Uygaid du, a gwallt gwineuddu Tantrys." 

Mae y ferch yn gwareiddio ac yn madden. Ond mor 

afresymol yw yr ymfflamychiad hwn; mor anaturiol y 

darlun ! Beth barai i Esyllt ymboeni cymaint am "ben 

clwyfedig Morollt?" A hi yn "serchocach na Lalage," 

beth enynasai y fath ddygasedd ynddi at y "gwr a garai 

orau" ? Iseult, you had a vile temper. Dywedir, hwyrach, 

fod digwyddiad cyffelyb yn Uyfr Malory. Oes, ond y raae 

wedi ei gyfleu yn bur wahanol. Nid Esyllt, ond ei mham, 

a fygythiai lofruddio'r marchog "yn y baddon", a rhoddir 

rheswm da paham. Tr oedd Morollt yn frawd i'r fren- 

hines. Ni wneir hyny yn eglur yn y bryddest. Hawdd 

fuaeai hebgor yr hanesyn rhyfedd hwn, ond os nad 

allasai Qwydion ah Don wrthsefyll y demtasiwn o'i 

ddefnyddio, beth oedd yn galw am iddo ei wyrdroi a'i 

wneuthur yn anf esurol ddigrif ach peth nag y caf odd ef ? 

Modd bynag, fe ddaeth Trystan allan o'r baddon yn fyw 

a gwisgodd am dano, a bu yn edif ar gan y fun iddi fod 

mor chwyrn. 

'' Breuddwydiai Esyllt ieuanc am y gwr a garai orau 
A.*r dagrau'n perlio ar ei grudd o dan ei muchudd aeliau, 
Glân a diniwed oedd ei serch fel gwynder blodau'r gwanwyn, 
A'i theimlad tyner mor ddi-nwyd ag awel Mai mewn irlwyn/' 

Cyrhaeddir y cMmax jn y drydedd benod, "T Cwpan 
Swyn". Mae y llong yn mordwyo yn ol tua Chemyw, a'r 
ddeuddyn dedwydd, Trystan ac Esyllt, ar ei bwrdd. 
Llithra'r dydd heibio yn ddifyr rhwng ymddiddanion 
cariadlawn ac odlau mwyn y delyn. Erbyn yr hwyr 
edrychai y rhwyf wyr yn llesg gan y gwres a'r Uudded. 



102 Reviews. 

"Ac meddai Trystan : *Wyr, gorffwyswch, weithion, 
* A gwyliaf finnau'ch hun ar f ron yr eigion/ 
Gafaelai yn y rhwyfau hir anhyblyg, 
O'i nerth ystwythent megys gwiail helyg. 
Ei rym digymar yrrarr Hong iV thaith ; 
Fel gwisgi gysgod cerddai'i llwybyr llaith.*' 

Nid oes air o grybwylliad am hyn yn hanes Malory. 
Cymerwyd y syniad, mi dybiaf, o gerdd Swinburne. 
Pedwar rhwyfwr sydd ar ei long ef ; ac er mwyn ystwytho 
ei gymalau, cymerth Trystan le un o honynt wrth y rhwyf . 

"Then Tristram girt him for an oarsman^s place 
And took his oar and smote, and toiled with might 
In the oast wind's full face and the strong sea's spite 
Labouring ; and all the rowers rowed hard, but he 
More mightily than any wearier three." 

Ond ni f oddlonai Gwydian db Don ar hyny ; mynai efe 
i Drystan wneyd gwaith y cwbl. Nid wyf yn ei feio am 
fenthycio'r ddyfaîs, ond yn hytrach am ei difetha. Y 
gwir amcan oedd codi syched ar Drystan ar gyfer y peth 
pwysig — y pwysicaf yn y gerdd — oedd i ddilyn. "Trystan, 
gad dy rwyfo", sibrydai Esyllt, ac yntau a eisteddodd 
wrth ei thraed. Yna ceir disgrifiad maith o'r ymserchu 
fu rhwng y ddau. Difynaf ranau ohono, a gofynaf i'r 
darllenydd sylwi mor frwd oedd eu teimladau, mor nwyd- 
lawn eu hymarweddiad. 

"Addolai Trystan brydferth fun ei gariad, 
A pheraroglau serch yn meddwi'i deimlad, 
Trwy wythieunau llosgai tan y duwiau ; 
A chrynnai neges serch ar ei w«fusau. 

• • • • 

Ei mynwes hithau'n llawn o dyner dan, 
A'i wres yn araf wrido 'i gruddiau glftn ; 
Pelydrai 'i Uygaid fel dwy seren befr : 
Agosrwydd Trystan deimlai megys gwefr ; 
Disg3mnai Uesmair serch ar ei haelodaii 
A'i ddwys ddyhead byw 3m llenwi ei bronnau. 



Reviews. 163 

Dymunai Trystan sugno mêl y rhos ; 

A chuddio 'i ben am byth tan lenni'r nos. 

• • • • 

Fe blygai Esyllt ar y cwrlid purddu ; 
A'i lili law roi ar ei wallt gwineuddu ; 
A phwysai 'i ben i orwedd ar ei gliniau ; 
A theimlaiV gwres ennynai 'i wythiennau." 

A llawer mwy o bethau cyffelyb, yn gvmeyd cant o 
linellau. Prin y gallasai'r awdwr dynu y gorchudd 
ymhellach oddiar ddygyfor cariad heb eroesi terfynau 
gweddeidd-dra. Tn wir y mae rhai o'r Uinellau yn cerdded 
yr ymylon. Ond dyma'r pwynt — ^yr oedd y Cwpan Swy n eto 
heb ei yfed! Pryder y frenhines am y ferch oedd yn 
myned i briodi hen wr wnaeth iddi barotoi y diodlyn 
serch. Wele eiriau Malory : 

"And then the Queen, La Beale Isoude's mother, gave Dame 
Bragwaine/ her daughter's gentlewoman, and unto Governale a drink, 
and charged them that what day King Mark should wed, that same 
day they should give him that drink, so that King Mark should drink 
with La Beale Isoude, and then 'I undertake,* said the Queen 
'either shall love other all the days of their life/*' 

Dyna sut y daeth y love 'philtre i chware rhan mor 
bwysig yn y stori. T mae Gwydion ah Don wedi gwneyd 
i Drystan syrthio mewn serch ag Esyllt, ac Esyllt â 
Thrystan o'r dechreu. Beth sydd i'r cwpan ei wneyd wedi 
hyn ? Mor wahanol yw ymdriniaeth Swinburne ! Cyfyd 
syched angerddol ar Drystan wedi y rhwyfo, a geilw am 
ddiod. Naid Esyllt i fyny rhed i ymofyn gwin ; cenfydd 
y gostrel aur wedi ei chuddio ym mynwes Branwen, a 
dwg hi at Drystan. Nid oes dim mwy effeithiol yng 
ngherdd Swinburne na'r Uinellau He disgrifia'r ddeuddyn 
yn edrych i wynebau eu gilydd am y tro olaf yn ddibrofiad 
o boenau serch : 

'' The last hour of their hurtless hearts at rest, 
The last that peace should touch them breast to breast. 
The last that sorrow far from them should sit, 
This last was with them and they knew not it/' 

M A 



1 64 Reviews. 

Yf y ddau oV ddiod, a thynaV drwg wedi ei wneyd, y 
fflam anifPoddol wedi ei henyn. Disgrifia Owydion ah Dim 
y weithred hon yn fanwl. Ond i ba beth? Yng nghftn 
Swinburne gofyna Trystan i'r fun gyffwrth y cwpan â'i 
gwef usau : 

'*Give me to drink and give me for a pledge 
The touch of four lips on the beaker's edge." 

Dyfais Swinburne ei hun yw hon, a thyma'r defnydd 
wna Owydion afc Don ohoni : 

"I gwpan swyn edrychai'r nen ddigymyl ; 
A gwelai bedair gwefus ar ei ymyl 
Yn yfed hudwin tynged heb betrusder, 
Yn drachtio rhudd ddiodlyn gwinllan Gwener." 

Dau yn yfed o'r un gostrel, neu phiol, ar unwaith ! 
Nid felly Swinburne ; y fun yn gyntaf, yna y llanc. Wedi 
yr yfed, ceir gan Owydion aJb Don ail genllif o ufelwy serch 
a nwyd : — 

** Hi deimlaiV tan yn ennyn yn ei chalon, 
A'i wres yn gwrido 'i grudd, yn chwyddo 1 dwyfron, 
Ei chorff yn crynnu dan ei loesion melus, 
A'i Bwynion yn parlysu ei hewyllys. 
Gogwyddai 'i phen ; a cheisiai guddio 'i llygaid ; 
Ond methai 'i gwallt gymylu u pelydr tanbaid. 
A thraserch Trystan, wedi ei wallgofi, 
Fel ufel mynwes Etna yn dylosgi, 
Dynesai ; ymddisgleiriai llygaid Esyllt, 
Serch, dychryn, nwyd yn Uenwi eu dyfnder trywyllt ; 
Dychlamai bronnau'r ddau ; ymwelwai *u gruddiau ; 
Byrhâi, dyfnhai, cyflymai 'u hanadliadau." 

Tr unig wahaniaeth rhwng y darn hwn a*r disgrifiad 
ddifynwyd eisoes cyn yfed ohonynt o'r Cwpan Swyn yw 
yr awgrym o drythyllwch tua'r diwedd. Cyfrifir Swin- 
burne y mwyaf nwyfus a hyf ei leferydd o*r beirdd 
Seisnig, ond y mae yn Uawer cynilach o'i eiriau a'i afiaeth 
na Owydion ah Don yn y cyf wng hwn. Dim ond un-Uinell- 



Reviews. 165 

ar-bjintheg sydd ganddo ar ganlyniad uniongyrchol yr 
yfed. Dyma'r cryfaf o honynt : 

''And all their life changed in them, for they quaffed 

Death 

Each on each 
Hung with strange eyes and hovered as a bird 
Wounded, and each mouth trembled for a word ; 
Their heads neared, and their hands were drawn in one, 
And they saw dark, though still the unsunken sun 
Far through fine rain shot fire into the south ; 
And their four lips became one bumiog mouth/' 

Erys dwy benod eto— "Tr AUtud", a'r "Hwyl Ddu". 
Ond mae'r amynedd yn pallu. Fe'm siomwyd yn aruthr 
yn y gerdd hon. Dywedais air da am ran ohoni. Gyda 
gofal ac ynidrech, diau y gallasai yr awdwr gynyrchu 
rhywbeth a bri arno, ond methodd a chadw ei safon ei bun 
i fyny. Ar brydiau naid yn uchel i'r nwyfre, ond yn 
ebrwydd disgynna yn ol i'r ddaear. Mae weithiau yn 
ehedydd, weithiau fel hwyaden yn hedfan ar ei thraed. 
Yn awr ac eilwaith meddienir ef gan iasau o glefyd y 
Bardd Newydd. Ar dudalen 36, ceir y ddwy linell a 
ganlyn bron y drws nesaf iV gilydd : 

" Mae calon tragwyddoldeb ynddo*n euro." 
" Mae'r sôr yn gwenu cariad tragwyddoldeb." 

Am Esyllt ym mhothder ei serch dy wed : 

"Ni chaiff ond cariad weld ei thrysor penaf, — 
Shecinah glân ei chysegr sancteiddiolaf ." 

A glybuwyd erioed y f ath flEwlbri ? Tn un o'i delyneg- 
ion serch sonia am '*y manna a*r gwin", ac "emynau 
mawl*'. Os emyn, emyn; os telyneg, telyneg. Yn 
gyiuysg a* byny daw y mursendod colegaidd y soniais am 
dano. Pwy nag unwaith ceir ganddo bethau gwir chwer- 
tbinllyd. Yn y bedwaredd benod Uwyddodd rhyw grythor 



1 66 Reviews. 

crwydrol drwy dric lied blentjnaidd i ysbeilio y brenin 
March o'i wraig. Ond yr oedd Trystan yn gwylio ei 
gyfleustra "mewn ogof yn y coed". Daeth yntau ar 
warthaf y crythor a chyda tipyn o strategy^ cipiodd 
Esyllt o'i feddiant. Chware teg iddo; nid twyll twyllo 
twyllwr. T peth sydd yn anfaddeuol yn yr helynt y w y 
cwpled a ganlyn : 

"A fflachiodd cilwg Trystan, i'r Gwyddel rhoddodd wth: 
'Fy nhelyn aur a biau'r ged enillaist ti a'th grwth\" 

Beth pe dywedasai Mathew Arnold neu Swinburne yn 
eu cerddi hyglod : 

'* His eye flashed out in anger fierce, he gave the Pat a shove, 
'My golden harp has won the girl, a fiddler she^s above'." 

Pan el Gvrydion ab Don i gyfarch yr Awen, boed iddo 
ar bob cyf rif orchf ygu ei duedd i wneuthur ei hun yn gareg 
ateb i f eirdd eraill, waeth pwy fyddont. Yn y gân hon ceir 
amry w adseiniau o Elf ed. Un o honynt yw " Milfil chwer- 
thin distaw'r Hi " ("Milfil chwerthin ei diluw" — Caniadau 
Elfed)* Ar y goreu nid yw ond cyfieithiad o ymadrodd 
enwog -äîschylus, "Kumaton anerithmon gelasma" {Prome- 
theu8 Bound). Mae amryw f eirdd ereill wedi gwneyd 
defnydd ohono (e. g. "Many twinkling smile of Ocean" — 
Keble), ac y mae i'w gael ym mhob geiriadur Groeg o 
bwys. Gan ei fod wedi chwerthin era mwy na dwy fil o 
flynyddoedd, y mae'n bryd iddo dynu ei gemau adref. 
Engreifftiau pellach o Elfediaeth yw "O ddwyfol serch, 
anfarwol serch", a "Llwybyr paradwys mab a merch". 

" O! wynfyd Serch, 01 ddolur Serch." 

" Penyd nefolaidd mab a merch." 

(Caniadau Elfed.) 

Un o'r pethau hynotaf yn perthyn i gerdd Swinburne 
yw ei ragarawd maith ar Serch fel dylanwad cynwynol 
drwy'r greadigaeth. Ceir rhagymodrodd byr ar yr un 



Reviews. 167 

pwnc ar ddechreu ail benod Qwydion ah Don, Dechreua 
Swinburne f el hyn : 

'^Love, that is first and last of all things made." 

A Gwydion ab Don : 

"Serch, cryfach yw nag angeu du, a hynach na*r mynyddoedd." 

Mae'n ddigon eglur eisoes mai Swinburne awgrymodd 
y drychfeddwl hwn i Owydion ah Don, Tn awr mi godaf 
ychydig linellau o'r naill a'r Hall er mwyn dangos pa 
ddefnydd wnaeth bardd coronog Bangor o'r awgrym : 

''One fiery raiment with all lives inwrought. 
And lights of sunny and starry deed and thought." 

" Serch yw goleuni by wyd dyn a dwyfol grewr hyder.' 

''And with the pulse and motion of his breath 
Through the great heart of the earth strikes life and death." 

" Ym more gwyn ieuenctyd bod, ar wawr y dechreu cynnar, 
Deffrodd pelydrau tan yr haul nwyd serch ym mrou y ddaear." 

"Love that is blood within the veins of time." 

" Anfarwol serch ywV by wiol waed yng ngwythionnau amser." 

Tybiaf i mi ddangos yn fy sylwadau ar awdl Tir na 
n-Og nad wyf yn gulfam na chrintachlyd ynghylch hawl 
awdwr i gymeryd awgrymiadau o waith awdwr arall. Y 
cwestiwn yw hwn, — beth a wna o honynt. Yr hyn a 
wnaeth Gwydion ah Don yma oedd pigo Uinellau o 
ragarawd Swinburne a'u troi i'r Gymraeg a'u dodi yn ei 
gân ei hun yn y drefn a welodd efe yn oreu. Beth yw y 
Uinell olaf a ddifynais heblaw cyfieithiad noeth o un o'r 
Uinellau mwyaf barddonol a ysgrifenodd Swinburne 
erioed? 

Ond yr anaf mwyaf ar y gerdd yw ei chynUuniad. 
Teimlwn fod gormod o wagle rhwng y benod gyntaf a'r 
ail. Trwyddo i gyd cyll y cyfansoddiad mewn cysondeb. 
Nid oes yma ddim o'r dramatic instinct hwnw a esyd y f ath 
arbenigrwydd ar awdl Tir na n-Og, Ni bu Gwydion ah 



1 68 Reviews. 

Don yn ddoeth i ddewis y pethau goreu o'r hen chwedl ; 
ni bu yn gelfydd wrth gyfleu y rhai a ddewisodd. Benth- 
yciodd amryw bethau o gerdd Swinburne, ac andwyodd 
hwynt. Gwaeth na'r cwbl methodd yn ei ymgais i ddwyn 
rhawd y stori i'w glimax yn namwain y Cwpan Swyn, yr 
hyn y w craidd a chnewyllyn yr hoU ramant. 

E. A. Gbifpith (Elphin), 



OLD FEMBBOKE FAMHJES in the Ancient County 
Palatine of Pembroke. Compiled (in part from the 
Floyd MSS.Ì by Henry Owen, D.CIk Oxon., F.S.A., 
High Sheriff of Pembrokeshire. London: Published 
for the Author by Chas. J. Clark, 36, Essex Street, 
Strand, 1002. 



In the book before us Dr. Owen makes another valuable 
addition to his scholarly researches into the history of his 
native county. The work forms a welcome supplement to 
the volumes he has already issued, concerned as those are 
with the topography of the shire. 

We owe what knowledge we possess of the ancient 
families of Pembroke to the History of the verbose and 
inaccurate Fenton. The contrast between the two books 
is remarkable. Indeed, one might well suppose that Dr. 
Owen had ever before his mind's eye a fear of Fenton's 
failings, for never was there a book so shorn of verbiage J 

and so minutely accurate. The author might well have 
been pardoned had he dwelt at greater length upon the 



Reviews. 1 69 

story of some of the notable personages whose names he 
records, or given the reader a glimpse of the romances 
which underlie the history of the families whose fortunes 
he narrates. But he dismisses the famous Tournament held 
at Carew Castle in 1607 with a bare reference, and even 
Sir John Perrot has to be content with a paltry page or two. 
To a certain extent, however, this deficiency is made less 
apparent by the play of the dry wit never absent from Dr. 
Owen's pages. Occasionally, also, the reader is enlivened 
by the author's cynical contempt for shams, as for instance 
in his exposure of the Norman pedigree of the De La 
Boche family. 

When William the Conqueror turned his horde of 
adventurers loose over England and Wales, the rich 
pasture lands of Glamorgan and Pembroke soon attracted 
their notice. Not only did these districts promise a rich 
harvest to the Norman knight, whose only fortune was his 
sword, but he also got something else which probably 
pleased him quite as much, namely, his stomachful of 
fighting. There were other attractions too, does Welsh 
tradition belie not, for if fate decreed that the Welsh 
chieftain and his heirs fell on the field of battle, the 
Norman was seldom averse to an alliance with the chief- 
tain's daughter and her estate. The fair Welshwomen 
made easy captives of the men who had defeated their 
fathers and brothers. The voluminous works of Mr. G. T. 
Clark and Dr. De Gray Birch have, of recent years, placed 
us in possession of a mass of details about the Glamorgan 
settlers ; but hitherto do attempt has been made to reduce 
these isolated facts into an a<^curate and consecutive narra- 
tive. 

That interesting story still remaias to be told, and we 
fancy the coming historian will find his labours consider- 
ably lightened by delving into the Floyd Collections now 



1 70 Reviews, 

at Aberystwyth College. Dr. Owen has generously paid 
his acknowledgments to Mr. Floyd, though every page of 
the book bears witness to his own unrivalled knowledge of 
the history of the County. 

But what remains to be done for the Glamorgan lords 
has been accomplished for their Pembroke compeers in 
the book before us. We have here a succinct and com- 
pressed account of twenty-eight of the chief families of the 
County Palatine. When it is stated that eight of these 
families settled in the county early in the twelfth century, 
and that the history of all the others is traced back to the 
fourteenth century, it will be easy for those who delight in 
antiquarian pursuits to gauge the value of the book. 

Pew of the families mentioned are to-day represented 
in the county, and fewer still retain their ancient heritages. 
The Hon. Mrs. TroUope, who is at present the owner of 
Carew Castle, is a lineal descendant of Nest, the "Helen 
of Wales", who brought it as dower to Gerald de Windsor 
about the year 1104. Surely few families in the United 
Kingdom have a record such as this. The Wirriots also, 
who were settled at Orielton in the twelfth, century are now 
represented by Sir Hugh Owen, of Goodwick, one of 
whose ancestors married the heiress of the family. From 
Nest and Gerald de Windsor are descended some of the 
most famous families of Ireland : the Fitzgeralds, who 
became Earls of Kildare and Dukes of Leinster ; the Fitz- 
Maurices, Earls of Kerry and Marquises of Lansdowne; 
the Graces, Barons of Courtstown, and the Gerards, Lord 
Gerrard. A branch of the family returned to Wales at a 
later date, and, settling in North Wales, became the 
founders of many of the best-known families there, such 
as the Vaughans of Corsygedol, and the Wynns of 
Peniarth. 

Quite a controversy seems to have risen as to the 



Reviews, 1 7 1 

fneaning of the word Carew. Old Richard Carew, the 
Elizabethan historian of Cornwall, quaintly says : 

"Carew, of ancient, Carru was, 
And Carru is a plough ; 
Roman's the trade, Frenchman the word, 
I do the name avow." 

Dr. Owen thinks the word is of Welsh origin, and 
probably meant CaeraUy camps, the local pronunciation, 
Carey, giving some colour to this surmise. In Welsh 
poetry of the fifteenth century, it is spelt Caeryw^ and this 
was probably the Welsh pronunciation as distinguished 
from that adopted by those living in the locality, who were 
certainly not Welsh-spealdng. 

Next to the Carews, the families whose history presents 
the greatest interest are the Wogans, the Perrots and the 
Owens. Sir John Wogan, ^'the greatest man of all the 
Wogan families, and one of the greatest men whom 
Pembrokeshire has produced", was Justiciary of Ireland 
in the thirteenth century, where "he kept everything so 
quiet that we hear of no trouble in a great while". 

Surely, no better proof of shrewd diplomacy or great 
wisdom could be adduced. Another Wogan, Thomas by 
name, signed the death warrant of Charles I. At the 
Restoration he escaped to Utrecht, and amused himself 
by plotting against his jovial majesty Charles II. Tradi- 
tion says that he afterwards returned to his native county, 
and lived on charity in the church porch of Walwyn's 
Castle, where he was one morning found dead. Yet 
another Wogan was a correspondent of Dean Swift, and 
was created a baronet by the Pretender in 1 719. A Sir 
John Wogan, of Wiston, was killed fighting for the 
Yorkists at the battle of Banbury in 1469, along with 
many another gallant Welshman. 



1 7 2 Reviews. 

" Y maes grymusa o Gred, 
Ac o wall ef a goUed ; 
Ym Manbri y bu*r dial 
Ar Gymru deg a mawr dal." 

This Sir John had married Maud Clement, the heiress 
of William (not Jenkin) Clement, lord of Penarth in 
Cardiganshire, and in his wife's right he was a Lord 
Marcher. The Wogan family had many branches, **but 
now, as far as Pembrokeshire is concerned, the great wide- 
spreading house of Wogan has perished as though it had 
never been". 

What is said of the Wogans may be applied to the 
other families with which this book deals. Living in 
almost regal state, ruling their domains as absolute 
monarchs, having their own laws and courts, owning but 
scant allegiance to the king himself, the Norman adven- 
turers and their descendants for centuries held sway over 
Glamorgan and Pembroke. 

The ruins of their great castles still dot the fruitful 
valleys of these counties, but their founders' fame is for- 
gotten, and their names, if they survive, are found, not in 
castles of the great, but in the lowly homes of the poor. 
Few books contain so much of the element of romance as 
the one before us, though the author has studiously re- 
frained from straying into sentimental moralizings. But 
if so disposed the reader's imagination can to some extent 
supply this deficiency. The book is a welcome instance 
of the better and more scientific method of dealing with 
history, which has so long been lacking in Wales. It is 
printed on good paper, in a clear and bold type, and neatly 

bound in buckram. 

J. H. Davies. 



^ 



Reviews. 173 



THE WELSH WABS OF EDWABD L A Contribution to 
Medieval Military History, Based on Original Docu- 
ments. By John E. Morris, M.A., formerly Demi of 
Magdalen College, Oxford. Oxford: The Clarendon 
Press, 1901« 



It is now very generally recognised that the value of 
an historical work no longer depends chiefly on the 
interest of the subject-matter, or the attractiveness of the 
author's style. There are many important problems of 
national history which could scarcely interest the general 
reader; and, again, there are many highly-trained and 
acute historical scholars who could make no pretension to 
elegance of literary composition. When these difficult 
problems have been solved by the patient researches of 
the scientific student there will be materials available for 
the construction of a national history which may take its 
place amongst the masterpieces of our national literature. 

These reflections naturally occur to us after the perusal 
of such a monograph as that which Mr. Morris has 
laboriously compiled to illustrate the historical sigoificance 
of "The Welsh Wars of Edward I." 

A work of this kind makes somewhat high demands 
upon the intelligence both of its author and his readers, 
but the former is also required to possess a special know- 
ledge of several distinct branches of historical and 
antiquarian study. It is important, therefore, to satisfy 
owselves that the author's equipment is sufficient for the 
historical object which he has in view, before we rely 
upon the authority of his statements, and here we are at 
once reassured by the comprehension and technical know- 



1 74 Reviews. 

ledge of "the sources'' which is displayed throughout 
Mr. Morris's book. 

From this point of view alone the book must be of real 
value to the students of the period, whilst its interest is 
certainly many-sided. As an essay on the military aspects 
of the Feudal System it contributes a number of new and 
material facts to our knowledge of contemporary warfare ; 
but this, though perhaps the chief, is not the only merit 
of Mr. Morris's work. The customs and topography of 
the Welsh Marches are carefully described, with references 
to original records, which unfortunately are not described 
in a series of mediaeval calendars, such as those which are 
devoted to the description of the Scottish and Irish records 
preserved in the London Archives. 

Naturally, these careful details of the military opera- 
tions against the Welsh fastnesses between the years 1277 
and 1295 involve an examination of the political and con- 
stitutional history of the period, and, to some extent, of the 
social and economic conditions of the times. Mr. Morris 
handles the difficult subject of the Edwardian policy with 
much dexterity; and, allowing for a good many necessary 
assumptions, it may fairly be considered that many obscure 
points in that policy have been illumined by the author's 
industrious researches. Indeed, it was inevitable that the 
production of a mass of statistics from contemporary 
records should materially contribute to the better compre- 
hension of the deep-laid plans of the conqueror of Wales 
and Scotland. In this connexion Mr. Morris seems to 
have received valuable assistance from a careful study of 
the best authorities, though he very properly declines to 
follow the example of a former generation of scholars 
in a blind acceptance of the statements of contemporaiy 
chroniclers. 

On the other hand, Mr. Morris's speculations on several 



Reviews. 175 

difficult constitutional questions do not appear always con- 
Tincing, and his account of Knight-service and Scutage in 
this later period does not add to our knowledge of the 
subject. Here, perhaps, Mr. Morris lost an opportunity of 
throwing light upon the later history of this institution by 
his obvious anxiety to reconcile the conditions which 
existed in the twelfth century with those which charac- 
terize the period of transition at the close of the thii*teenth. 
More than once the author hazards, in a half-hearted 
fashion, suggestions of his own, which show a true appre- 
ciation of the altered conditions. In short, if Mr. Morris 
had been a littie more dogmatic at this point his conclusions 
would perhaps have been both more valuable and more 
intelligible to the general reader. As an instance in point 
the **Note on Scutage" (p. 108) may be mentioned, which 
appears to have been inserted at the end of the chapter 
dealing with the Edwardian army for the purpose of 
discounting the theories to which the author has apparently 
given some credence in the preceding pages. At the same 
time, it is scarcely fair to lay stress upon a point which lies 
somewhat beyond the scope of Mr. Morris's work, and it 
would be still less fair to pick out a few slips here and 
there in the references and facts. The feeling of every 
practical student of History who has read this book care- 
fully, and estimated the methods by which it has been 
compiled, should be one of keen appreciation of the 
writer's industry and scholarly discernment. 

Hubert Hall. 



Cotte^ponbénce* 



THE TWO HUGH OWENSJ 



The following correspondence with reference to certain 
interesting points suggested by Mr. W. Llewelyn Williams 
in Appendix H (The Two Hugh Owens) ^ to his Article on 
"Welsh Catholics on the Continent/" has been placed at 
the disposal of the Editorial Committee. 

Mr. Hughes of Kinmel, Lord Lieutenant of the 
County of Flint, writes as follows to Mr. Llewelyn 
Williams in reference to 



Captain Huoh Owen, of Talebolion. 

"I think I have discovered the Huffh Owen you are in search of. 
In the parish of Llanflewin, Hundred of Talebolion, co. Anglesey, 
there is a small place called 'Gwennynog', mis-spelt 'Gwnwnog' m 
the Ordnance Survey. 

Owen ab Hugh, of Gwennynog==Jane, vch. Hugh ab Howel ab 



descended from Hwfa ab 
Cynddelw. 



Llewelyn ab Ithel to Hwfa 
aforesaid. 



"Captain" Hugh=Elisabeth,vch.Tho8. Elizabeth =Robt. Gruffydd 



Owen, of Gwen- 
nynog, afore- 
said. 



Bulkeley, of Croes 
Vechan, 8rd son 
of Porthamel. 



ab William ab 
Edmund Gniff- 
dd, of Taly- 



C 



Hugh Owen. 



nt. 



Margaret. 

Jane. 

Mary — and one or two more daughters. 



' Vide "The Transactions of the 
Cymmrodorion.** Session 1901-02, p. 128.- 
* Ibid.fp.'JS. 



Honourable 

(E.V.E.) 



Society of 



Correspondence. 



177 



''What became of Hugh I have not been able to ascertain ; but all 
the daughters appear to have married. One of them to ... . 
'Nightingale, a white silversmith.' This couple were living in great 
poverty in Beaumaris, when an estate fell to Nightingale in England, 
and there they went to live. 

''Captain'* Hugh Owen could hardly be described as a relation of 
Sir Hugh, of Bodeon. To find a common ancestor they must go 
back to Howel ab lorwerth Ddû, whose eldest son, Hwlkin ab Howel 
— Sir Hugh's ancestor — was alive on the next Monday after the 
Festival of the Assumption, 21 Richard II (1398). Captain Hugh 
Owen was descended from Hwlkin's third brother, Llewelyn ab 
Howel. 



Hugh Owen thb Conspibatob. 

" In reference to Hugh Oiceny of Pkuddu, the 'Conspirator', there 
can be no doubt that the Salusbury Pedigree is wrong. He was un- 
questionably uncle to John Owen the Epigrammatist, brother of 
Thomas Owen, of Plasddû, and son of Owen ab Gruffydd ab Morris, by 
his wife, Margaret Salusbury, of Llanrwst. 



Owen ab Gruffydd ab==Margaret vch. Foulke 



Morris ab Gruffydd 
to Collwyn ab 
Tangno. 



Salusbury, of Llan- 
rwst. 



Thomas ab Owen,=Sian vch. Hugh 



of Plasdû [co. 
C arnarvon], 
Sheriff, 1669. 



Mor 







ys Owen, 
ab Ehs- Foulke 
au ab 
Morys. 



Robert Annes=Thos. Mad- 
Owen, ryn ab 
anolde Gruffydd 
Owen. Priest. Madryn. 



Owen ab Thoma8=Margaret, vch. Ris. William Owen, 

of Plasdû, b. Gruffydd ab a Priest, bom 

1560. This Robert Va'n of 1561. 

Owen soulde Plas hen yn 

Plasdû to Sir Evionydd. 
Thomas Myd- 
dleton, knt. 



Hugh Owen, 
Secretarie 
to the 
Duke of 
Norfolk. 



John Owen, 
the famous 
Epigram- 
matist. 



Cadd' ab Ris.==Margaret Wen=:Morris Tanat of 
Gruffydd ab vch. Thomas BlodwellVechan 
Robt. Va'n. (per Sion Cain), 

(per liber Mr. 
Davies, p. 
414.) 



N 



178 Correspondence. 

"In an old Carnarvonshire MS. I find the above Hugh Owen 
described as — *privatte Counsell to the Prince of Parma. This Hugh 
Owen was born in this county [Carnarvon], a younger brother of an 
ancient gentleman^s house, called Plas dû. He served in great credit 
with the Earl of Arundell, and was a chief actor in the Duke of 
Norfolk's action, and was thought to be the wisest man amongst 
them; and when he saw that his Counsell was not followed, ne 
traversed his ground in time into Brussells, where he continued 
privee Councillor to the State for forty years, until the end of 
his dayes.'*' 



Mb. W. Psichabd Williams, of Bangor, wrote to Mr. 
Llewelyn Williams, as follows 2 — 

" I submit to you a copy of Hugh Owen's Gwenynnog pedigree 
taken from a MS. in the possession of Mr. J. E. Griffiths, Biyn 
Dinas, Bangor, who has kindly allowed me to make the extract for 
you. It does not throw mucn light on Hugh Owen's life. The fact 
that his wife s grandfather died in 1562 may be of help. John Ellis, 
of Tdi Croesion — in whose handwriting the book is mainly written — 
is considered the most accurate and careful of the North Wales 
Genealogists. 



GWENWYNNOG [LlANPFLEWTN] . 

Morris, from Hwfa= 
ap Cinddelw 



David == 



I 

Howell=F 



Richard=Grace vch. Rhees an Evan ap 
Llewelyn, of Tref eilir. 



Hugh==Margarett vch. David ap Rhees ap 
David ap Guilim, of iJwydiart. 



Owen^Jane vch. Hugh an Howell an Llewelyn 
ap Ithel fro Hwia ap Cinddelw. 



Correspondence. 



'79 



1« 



Capt. Hugh= 
Owen. 



Ellin vch. T. Bulkeley, Croes Elizabeth= Robert Grif- 

Fechan ail[tryclydd ?] fab [or Ann ao- f y t h a p 

o B[orth] Amel o Jonet cording to 

vch. Hu Gwyn Bodew- some pedi- 

yryd. [Hugh Gwyn, ob. grees], 
1562, Bodewryd ped.] 



William ap 
Edmund o 
Dal y bont. 



Hugh. Margaret. Jane. 



"I 



Mary== Wm. Dd. ap Rees ap 
Dd. ap Howell ap 
Mredydd ap Rees, 
of Bodelwyn. 



Dd.=Elizabeth Pierce, dau. Pierce Owen, of Sign 
y Bedol and Ellin Lloyd, of Marian. 



Wibiam=Margaret, dau. Wm. Warmingham. 



David [William8,=Ellin, dau. Griflf. Roberts, 
of Boctyndlwyn.] Bach y Saint. 

" There was one maried to Price Prichd., Scubor ddu, another 
Edw. Owen Prees, of Cynddoll or Gardd Gynddol, in Rhos golyn, 
and secondly, Trefridin, another to Nevydd issa, another to 

Nightingale, a whitesmith. I have seen him, his wife and 

dau. at Beumarsh Hospitall. An estate fell to him in Eng<i and there 
went in a hired coach.'^ 

[From a MS. ^'Llyfr lachau'', in the possession of J. E. 
Griffith, Esq., F.L.S., etc., Bryn Dinas, Bangor, in the 
handwriting of John Ellis, Tai Croesion. The above 
pedigree, to and including Captain Hugh Owen, is in John 
Elhs' hand {circa 1720), and he gives Catherine as the 
name of his wife. But another hand has drawn a line 
through Catherine and carried the pedigree on from 
"EUin'\] 

John Roberts, Trawsftktdd.^ 

With reference to John Roberts, the Benedictine 
Martyr, Mr. Psichard Williams writes : — 

" I have been trying for some years to gather information about 
the family history of John Roberts without any success. A very 



^ Fide ** The ' Transactions of the Honourable Society of 
Cymmrodorion," Session 1901-02, p. 120.— [E.V.E.] 



1 80 Correspondence. 

concise account of his life is given in a little book written in Welsh, 
and published in 1824, in the interest of the Roman Catholics. His 
birth-place is given as 'Dolgellau*. However, Doni Bede Gamm is 
utterly wrong in associating his name with John Roberts of the 
Vaner Gymmer. That can be clearly seen from Lewis Dwnn, as you 
point out in your article. I notice that you have transcribed that 
pedigree from Camm's book, and not from Lewis Dwnn, as the (G) is 
meaningless at the end of the line. It should be at the beginning of 
the next, thus : — (G) [gwrai^] John Roberts, etc. 

" Your own conjecture about Dôl y Ddwyryd will not bear investi- 
gation either. If you will consult Lewis Dwnn again you will find 
that Sion ab Robert ab John ab Robert is referred to in a footnote 
as being coroner for Merionethshire, and that is the John Roberta 
you must be referring to. Dôl y Moch and Dôl y Ddwyryd refer to 
one and the same place. Further, the parishes of Festiniog and 
Trawsfynydd are not contiguous, Maentwrog lying between them. I 
think that John Roberts* home must be looked for in the DolgeUey 
end of Trawsfynydd parish." 



G. Simpson, Printbb, Dbvizbr. 



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