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ZEITSCHRIFT 

FÜR 

CELTISCHE  PHILOLOGIE 


HERAUSGEGEBEN 


VON 


KVNO  KETEK 


X.  BAND 


HALLE  A.  S. 

MAX   NIEMEYER 

LONDON  W.C.  NEW  YORK 

WILLIAMS  &  NOBOATE  O.  E.  STECHEST    &   CO. 

H,  HENRI CTTA  STREET  151-166  WEST  36th  STREET 

COVENT  GARDEN 

1915 


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;     S^,\.  iFORO  IIBRARY 

1       AUu  311965 


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Inhalt. 


Seite 

C.  Plummer,  The  miracles  of  Senan 1 

J.  Pokorny,  Über  das  Alter  der  Wtbrzbnrger  Glossen 36 

K.  Meyer,  Mitteilnngeu  ans  irischen  Handschriften  (Fortsetgung)     .    .  37 

J.  Fräser,  The  present  and  fntnre  tenses  of  the  yerb  in  Scotch  Gaelic  55 
J.  Pokorny,  Irische  Miscellen  (1.  aife,  2.  Wb.  33a2,  8.  du-cuitig,  ad- 

cuiUcht,  4.  Zur  Flexion  von  anim  *  Seele*) 67 

F.  Walsh,  Place  names  in  Vita  Finniani 73 

J.  Fräser,  Etymologica 78 

J.  Mac  Nein,  On  the  reconstniction  and  date  of  the  Land  synchronisms  81 

A.  G.  van  Hamel,  On  Lebor  Gcibdla 97 

J.  Pokorny,  Zur  irischen  Wortkunde  (1.  ro-tethaind,  2.  riched,  3.  eaclae, 

4.  do-fiessa,  5.  e  'Salm';  6.  montar,  muinter) 198 

R.  Thurneysen,  Zur  Tdin  B(5  CwaÄw^c 205 

L.  Gwynn,  The  recensions  of  the  saga  Togaü  Bruidne  Da  Derga   .    .  209 

D.  Hyde,  Trachiad  ar  an  Aihidü 223 

A  M.  Scarre,  The  meaning  of  birth-days 225 

A.  Kelleher,  Betha  Coluimb  Chiüe  (continuation) 228 

R.  Flower,  A  fir  na  hegna  d'iarroigh 266 

R.Thurneysen,  Flann  Manistrechs  Gedicht:  BSdig  dam,  a  di  do  ntm, 

CO  hemig  a  n-innisin 269 

R.  I.  Best,  Comhrag  Fir  Diadh  dt  Chon  Cctdainn  (Täin  Bö  Cüaünge)  274 

A.  Meillet,  Irlandais  noib  —  niab 309 

J.  Pokorny,  Entgegnung 310 

H.Hessen,  Beiträge  zur  altirischen  Grammatik 315 

K.  Meyer,  Mitteilungen  aus  irischen  Handschriften  {Fortietzung)  .  .  338 
— ,  Erläuterungen  und  Besserungen  zu  irischen  Texten  (1.  O'Davorens 

Glossar,  2.  O'Mulconrys  Glossar) 349 

— ,  Über  einige  Quellenangaben  der  Togail  Tröi 358 

— ,  Das  Wörterbuch  der  Kgl.  Irischen  Akademie 361 

RThurneysen,  Zum  Lebor  Gabcda 384 

~,  Nochmals  Flann  Manistrechs  Gedicht:  BSdig  dam  usw 396 

K.  Meyer,  Miscellen    (1.   Quantitierender  Oleichklang   in   der  dritten 

Strophenzeile  irischer  Gedichte,    2.  Tätowierung  bei  den  Iren, 

3.  Die  Leibeslänge  Christi) 398 


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IV 

Seite 

J.  Pokorny,  Zur  irischen  Etymologie  und  Wortkunde  [1.  og.  ci,  2.  air. 

"fothae,  3.  air.  flu,  4.  og.  net(t)a(8),  mot(t)a(8)] 403 

R.  Thurneysen,  Eine  Variante  der  Brendan- Legende 408 

— ,  Allerlei  Irisches  (I.  Bec  mac  D^,  n.  Scela  geine  Cormaic,  Hl.  Aird 
Echdi,  IV.  Comrac  Fir  Diad,  V.  Eine  Fälschung  auf  den  Namen 
Cinaed  na  h-Artacdin,   VI.  Die  Interpolation  von  Fled  Bricrend 

in  Lü,  Vn.  Ir.  airg  *oderO 421 

K.Meyer,  Nachtrag  zu  ochtfodach  Coluim  Ciüe 444 

Berichtigungen 444 

Erschienene  Schriften: 

K.  Meyer,  Über  die  älteste  irische  Dichtung  I 445 

Festekrift  Alf  Torp 448 

F.  W.  O'Connell,  A  Grammar  of  Old  Irish 449 

C.  J.  S.  Marstrander,  Dictionary  of  the  Irish  Language,  Fase  I     .  452 

K.  Meyer,  Zur  keltischen  Wortkunde  11— VI 453 

Anecdota  from  Irish  Manuscripts,  VoL  IV.  V 454 

K.  Meyer,  Über  die  älteste  irische  Dichtung  II 454 

Festschrift  Ernst  Windisch 454 

Register  zu  Band  VI— X 456 

Register  zu  den  Mitteilungen  aus  irischen  Handschriften  von  K.  Meyer 

in  Band  m-X 472 


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VmO  CLARISSIMO  DOCTISSIMO 

ERNESTO  WINDISCH 

RERÜM  CELTICARUM  IN  GERMANIA  STUDIOSORUM  NE8T0RI 
QUARTUM  DECIMUM  LUSTRUM  CLAUDENTI 
HOC   VOLUMEN    SACRUM    ESSE   VOLEBANT 


KUNO  MEYER 
HERMANN  NIEMEYEK 


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I 


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THE  MIRACLES  OF  SENAN. 


Introdnction. 

The  Miracles  of  Senau  are  here  edited  from  two  of  the 
O'Clery  MSS.  in  the  Royal  Library  of  Brüssels,  n«»  2324  —  2340 
fol.  241b  — 248  a  (text  A),  and  n«»  4190— 4200  fol.  277  a  — 279  b 
(text  B).  In  A  the  miracles  follow  a  copy  of  the  Life  of  Senan 
similar  to  that  printed  by  Stokes  in  *Lives  of  Saints  from  the 
Book  of  Lismore'O-  "^  B  ^hey  follow  a  copy  of  the  *Amra 
Senain',  which  was  printed  by  Stokes  in  this  *  Zeitschrift' 
111220 ff.,  from  H.  HI  17.  Of  the  B  text  a  late  18«*  Century 
copy  exists  in  RIA  28 LH  p.  241  (Hodges  and  Smith  n<>  9),  bnt 
it  is  a  wretched  scrawl,  and  I  have  not  collated  it.  Of  the  two 
texts  A  is,  as  a  rule,  the  faller  and  clearer,  but  there  are  very 
interesting  points  in  B^).  A  is  the  text  here  printed,  but  all 
yariations  of  importance  in  B  are  given  in  the  textual  notes, 
and  these  are  either  incorporated  [within  Square  brackets]  in 
the  translation,  or  given  in  the  notes  to  it. 

The  writer  himself  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  these 
Miracles  of  Senan  are  modern  miracles;  that  is,  not  miracles 
wrought  by  the  saint  in  his  lifetime,  but  contemporary,  or  nearly 
so,  with  the  writer,  and  in  many  of  them  there  is  nothing 
miraculous  apart  from  the  assumption  of  the  writer  that  the 
events  narrated  were  brought  about  by  the  special  Intervention 
of  the  Saint    Some  of  them  have  to  do  with  the  relations  of 


>)  Cited  as  LS, 

*)  Perhaps  the  most  interesting  is  the  mention  of  Caldees  at  Scattery, 
§  5B.  Reeves,  Cnldees,  part  II  §  10,  says  that  they  came  to  an  end  'about 
the  close  of  the  12th  Century';  yet  here  we  have  clear  evidence  of  their  con- 
ünnance  into  the  14^  Century. 

ZdtMhrift  f.  oelt.  Philologie  X.  1 


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2  C.  PLUMMER, 

the  Chiefs  of  Thomond  of  the  O'Brien  family  0  to  Scattery  and  its 
dependent  churches  in  the  early  14^  Century.  Hence  they  fumish 
some  interesting  illostrations  of  contemporary  manners,  and  of 
the  relations  between  Scattery,  the  principal  foundation  of 
St.  Senan,  and  other  churches  and  communities  which  ascribed 
their  origin  to  him.  They  also  enable  us  to  identify  the  names 
of  two  or  three  places,  especially  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Kilrush, 
which  are  either  not  mentioned  or  not  identifled  by  Father  Hogan 
in  his  Onomasticon.2) 

In  A  the  tract  concludes  with  a  poem  which  gives  a  list 
of  the  saints  with  whom  St.  Senan  had  made  alliance  in  his 
lifetime,  and  who  are  bound,  on  the  Performance  of  certain  rites, 
to  come  to  avenge  any  wrong  done  to  his  churches.  I  have  thought 
it  worth  while  to  print  this  poem,  äs  it  possibly  gives  an  idea 
of  the  monasteries  with  which  Scattery  had  relations  of  con- 
fratemity  in  the  14*^  Century.  The  former  part  of  the  poem  in 
which  the  saints  are  enumerated^)  is  fairly  clear,  but  some 

0  The  members  of  this  family  whom  I  haye  identifled  from  the  Annalfl 
are  the  following:  Brian  Boe,  Lord  of  Thomond,  f  1277,  §§  8,  12;  Brian  son 
of  Donmall,  do.  f  1850,  §  12;  Conchobar  na  Siudaine,  s.  Donnchad  Cairbrech, 
do.  t  1268,  §8;  Diarmait  s.  Donnchad,  'the  cleric',  f  1811,  §  8;  Donnchad 
Cairbrech,  Lord  of  Dal  Cais,  f  1242,  §  8;  Donnchad  8.  Brian  Boe,  Lord  of 
Thomond,  f  1284,  §  8;  ♦Donnchad  8.  Domnall,  King  of  Munster,  f  1317,  §  12; 
Donnchad  s.  Toirdelbach,  Lord  of  Thomond,  f  1811,  §  3;  *Mathgamain  i. 
Domnall,  tanist  of  Munster,  f  1320,  §  18;  Muircertach  s.  Toirdelbach,  do. 
1 1843,  §  3;  Tadg  'Caelnisce',  son  of  Conchobar,  rigdamna  of  Munster,  f  1259, 
§§  3,  4  (A);  »Toirdelbach,  s.  Tadg,  Lord  of  Thomond,  f  1306,  §§  8-5,  the 
hero  of  'Cathreim  Toirdelbaigh*.  Those  marked  with  an  asterisk  are  actors 
in  the  narratiye,  the  others  occur  onlj  in  genealogical  contexts.  Murchad 
*the  son  of  the  bishop',  the  actor  in  §  6,  I  have  not  identifled,  unless  he  is 
the  Murchad  son  of  Mathgamain,  the  murderer  of  Donnchad  O'Brien,  king  of 
Munster,  in  1811.    Bichard  de  Cläre  the  hero  of  §§  7,  8  died  in  1818. 

*)  Camain,  §  18,  Camaun,  parish  of  Kilrush;  Cell  Cuiridain  §  12  (A), 
Kilcredaun,  parish  and  barony  of  Moyarta,  y.  Antiquarian  Handbook  Seriet, 
VI  106;  CellnagCaiUech,  'theNuns'  Church\  Kilnagalliach,  parish  Kilfearagh, 
barony  Moyarta,  §§9  —  12,  v.  ib.  p.  108.  Places  which  I  haye  not  identifled 
are:  Cell  mic  Bon&in,  §  19,  Forbor,  §  4  (B),  and  Bos  an  Airc^il,  §  12,  probably 
the  same  as  Bos  na  nArc,  ib. 

')  Of  the  saints  contained  in  the  list,  I  haye  identifled  more  or  less 
certainly  the  following,  who  will  be  found  in  the  Irish  Calendan  and  Martyro- 
logies  at  the  dates  giyen  after  their  names :  Ailbe  of  Emly,  September  12,  §  22; 
Bairre  of  Cork,  September  25,  §  18;  Beoog,  perhaps  Mart  Don.  October  25, 
§  18;  Berach  of  Termonbarry,  February  15,  ib.;  Berchan  of  Cloniait,  De- 


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THE  MIRACLK8  OF  8ENAN.  3 

stanzas  in  the  latter  part  are  very  obscure,  and  I  am  very  far 
from  being  satisfled  with  my  translation  of  them.  The  text  in  A 
is  divided  into  chapters;  I  have  subdivided  these  into  sections 
nombered  continnonsly  for  convenience  of  reference. 


cember  4,  §  20;  Blathmacc  of  lona,  Jnly  24,  §  22;  Brendan,  probably  of 
Clonfert,  May  16.  §  19;  Caimin  of  Inishcaltra ,  March  24,  §22;  Cainnech  of 
Aghaboe,  October  11,  §  28;  Candan,  perhaps  November  Ist  or  November  4,  §  21 ; 
Carthach,  perhaps  of  Draim  Fertain,  March  5,  §23  (Carthach  alias  Mochnda 
of  Lismore  has  been  previonsly  mentioned);  Cellach  s.  Gonmac,  t.  Hart.  Don. 
April  l*t;,  §21;  Giaran  of  Glonmacnois,  September  9,  §18;  Goemgen  of  Glenda- 
lough,  June  8,  §  18;  Colnm  mac  Grimthain  of  Terryglass,  December  13,  §  22; 
Coman,  probably  of  Boscommon,  December  26,  §  19;  Gomgall,  of  Bangor, 
May  10,  §28;  Fechin  of  Fore,  Jannary  20,  §20;  Fergus,  a  bishop,  probably 
March  80,  §  19;  Findan,  either  Flnnian  of  Clonard,  December  12,  or  Finnian 
of  Movilla,  September  10,*  §  23;  Finnchü,  of  Brigown,  November  25,  ib.; 
Flannan  of  Killaloe,  December  18,  §  21 ;  Flann  s.  Airchellach,  of  Derrynavlan, 
December  21,  §  23;  Forsa  of  Peronne,  Janoary  16,  §  21;  Gall  craibdech  (an) 
'The  devout  foreigner',  of  Inchagoill  in  Longh  Corrib,  which  takes  its  name 
from  him,  §  21;  Grellan  of  Creeve,  November  10,  §  21;  larlaithe  of  Tnam, 
December  26,  §  19;  Lachtin  of  Freshford,  March  19,  §  23;  Lnchtigem,  probably 
of  Isel  Giarain,  brother  of  Giaran  of  Glonmacnois,  VSH  I  209  note;  Macdnach 
(Colman)  of  Kilmacduagh,  Febmary  3,  §  22;  Mac  Leinin  (Golman)  of  Cloyne, 
November  24,  §  28;  Maelcorgais,  cf.  Mart.  Don.,  March  12,  LL368f.,  §  19; 
Manchan,  of  Lemanaghan,  Jannary  24,  §  20;  Mochüa  of  Balla,  March  30, 
§§  21,  23;  Mochnda  of  Lismore,  May  14,  §  18;  Mochnille  of  Innsnat,  Jnne  12, 
§  22;  Molaga,  of  Tnlach  min  Molaga,  Jannary  20,  §  23;  Mnghna,  perhaps 
Mosenog  Mnghna,  of  Ballaghmoon,  December  11,  §  20;  Mninend,  perhaps 
Meinend  of  Cloncnrry,  September  16,  §  19;  Nessan,  of  Cork,  December  Ist,  §  19 ; 
Bnadhan  of  Lorrha,  AprÜ  15,  §  23;  Senan  of  Scattery,  March  ist  and  March  8 
passim;  Snbach  of  Corann,  August  Ist  and  November  21  (latinised  Hilarius, 
Marl.  Don.  p.  472),  §  18;  IIa  Suanaigh,  there  were  three  brothers  of  this  name, 
the  one  intended  is  probably  Fidmnine  of  Bähen,  May  16,  §  21;  the  Eralt 
of  §  20,  probably  represents  an  English  Harold,  or  a  Scandinavian  Haraldr, 
but  I  cannot  trace  him.  In  A  this  poem  is  iollowed  by  nine  other  poems 
relating  to  Senan  of  which  the  incipits  are  as  foUows : 

1.  Aontaidh  doronsat,  nar  ghann, 
Senan,  Laichtin,  is  Gomgall  (fol.  248  a); 

2.  Gana  doradsatt  na  naoimh 

Do  Senan,  do  cniocht  na  ngniomh  (fol.  248  b); 
8.  Inn4  so  do  dubh  dioghlach  sa 
Dar  marbhais  Dal  cCais  (fol.  249  a); 

4.  Do  bhadhus  is  Brenainn  go  rath 

Secht  mbliadna  ag  Gomhgall  gh^ch  (fol.  249  b); 

5.  Li  m6  Senin  ftiasnadach  (fol.  251  b) ; 

6.  Nessan  dixit-  Abair  üiom  a  Senain  seing  (fol.  254  a); 

7.  Bennach  düinn  a  naoimh  Brenainn  (fol.  255  a); 

1* 


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Mforboile  Senün. 

L  1.  Becc&n  do  sccölaib  Sen&in  an  ard-naoimh  uasail  oiregh- 
dha  annsOy  doröine  na  fiorta  follt^-mhöra  7  na  mforbuile  toghaidhe 
si,  7  anti  aga  rabhatar  naomhöga^  lom-nochta  gan  croicinn  acc 
iomloctadh  choicce  7  uaidh  tar  an  bfatrrge^);  7  anti  do  sh&idh 
a  bhachaill  eter  na  bnaibh  7  na  gamhnaibh^),  co  nach  facaidh 
bö  na  gamhain  a  cheile  dibh^),  7  antf  (fol  242  a)  riasa  ttraighedh 
an  mhnirl&n,  7  'ga  lionadh  si  'na  diaigh^),  7  6  ag  breith  damh 
a  athor  lais«).  OctAS  an  damh  do  ithettar  na  coin  allta  ind 
acchatd  sin,  ro  bäs  acc  tabaiVt  a  aithbhir  fairsiumh.  larsin  im- 
morro  no  ticcedh  damh  allatJA  asan  sliabh  gt^an  seisrt^i  nö 
gtt^an  ughaim  tre  rath  an  mheic  so,  7  do  theighedh  'san  ughaim 
nadha  f6in,  7  do  threabadh  mar  gach  ndainh  oile^). 

2.  Ba  maith  rath  ^)  an  mheic  so  .i.  Senän,  öir  do  biod  deich- 
neabhar  7  secht  fichit  senoir  salmach  do  lacht*)  coinge  crabaidA 
7  d'flor-mninntir  D^  gach  noidhche  'ma  mh^is,  mar  dherbu^ 
an  rand  so: 

Secht  fichit  senöir  salmach 
'Na  theglach  go  m6d  remenn^^^), 
Gen  afj  gan  büain,  gan  iiovadh, 
Gan  gniomhradA  acht  madh  leighenn. 


1— «0)  gee  oppodte,  p.  5. 

(ContiiiTiation  of  the  note  on  p.  8:) 

8.  Fionmaith  iDghe[n]  Biedam  bil 

Mathair  Sen&in  caoim-craibhtig  (foL  255  b); 

9.  A  macain,  tainic  mo  trath  (fol.  256  a). 

No  8  exists  also  in  Rawlinson  B.  486  (fol.  44a).  Of  the  rest  I  know  no 
other  copies. 

At  the  end  of  these  poems  O^Clery  adds  the  following  colophon:  Ar 
Blicht  Ck)nalre  61g  meic  Conaire,  meic  Muirifl  i  Maolconaire  do  sgriobos  mior- 
bnile  Senain,  7  gach  a  ffnil  ina  ndiaigh  anüas  in  ceidfeacht  i  ILoimninch, 
'ama  sgriobadh  dö  sein  as  sein-leabhar  dorcha  meamroim,  7  do  sgriobhos  annso 
andara  fecht  i  cconneint  na  mbrathar  ag  Drobhaois,  1.  December,  1629;  i.  e. 
From  the  copy  of  Conaire  0*Malconry  the  yonnger  &c.,  which  he  had  made 
from  an  old  obscore  Teilom  book,  I  wrote  these  miracles  of  Senan  and  all 
that  follows  them  to  this  point  the  first  time  at  Limerick;  and  I  re-wrote 
them  here  in  the  convent  of  the  friars  on  the  Drowse  (L  e.  Donegal),  De- 
cember  l«t,  1629. 


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THE  MIBACLES  OF  SBKAK. 


Trandatioii. 


1.  Here  are  a  few  of  the  stories  relating  to  Senan,  the 
noble  eminent  high  saint,  who  wrooght  these  great  and  evident 
wonders,  and  excellent  miracles,  the  man  who  had  bare  boats 
withont  hides,  plying  backwards  and  forwards  across  the  sea; 
who  planted  his  bachall  between  the  cows  and  the  yearlings,  so 
that  neither  cow  nor  yearling  saw  each  other;  before  whom  the 
fall  tide  ebbed,  and  came  to  the  fall  again,  as  he  was  taking 
his  father's  cattle  with  him.  And  the  ox  which  the  wolves  ate 
that  night ;  the  blame  of  it  was  laid  to  him.  Af terwards  a  stag 
wonld  come  from  the  moantain  to  the  ploagh  i)  and  to  the  plongh- 
tackle,  throagh  the  grace  of  this  son,  and  woald  get  into  the 
tackle  of  itself,  and  woald  ploagh  like  any  ox,  [and  wonld  depart 
at  the  time  of  anyoking^).] 

2.  Good  was  the  grace  of  this  son,  Senan;  for  there  were 
ten,  and  seven  scores  of  psalm-singing  eiders,  folk  [of  regnlar  lif e, 
and]  of  the  yoke  of  ascetism,  and  of  the  trne  family  of  God, 
aroand  his  table  every  night,  as  this  verse  shows: 

^ Seven  score  psalm-singing  eiders 
In  his  honsehold  with  great  [or  royal  B]  coarses, 
Without  ploaghing,  withont  reaping,  withont  dr3ring, 
Withont  any  activity  except  stndy*).' 

^)  To  the  yoke-pin,  and  wonld  pnt  its  head  nnder  the  yoke  of  itself  B, 

*)  Paasages  in  sqnare  bracketa  are  from  B. 

*)  This  yerse,  applied  to  St  Mochta  of  Lonth,  occnrs,  with  same  yarieties 
of  readings,  LL  961  bottom  margin;  Fdlire  notes  Angnst  19;  Mart  Don. 
Angost  19.    The  last  is  nearer  B  than  A. 


Notes  from  p.  4: 

>)  naeithe  B,  ')  LS  2391.  ')  laeghaibh  B. 

*)  LS  1958.  *)  LS  1944.  •)  LS  1940. 

')  asin  tsleibh  gonnicce  an  cning-elach  go  ccniredb  a  chenn  fon  cning 
nadha,  7  ro  imthigedh  in  am  sccnir  B, 

*)  gniomartba  B.  *)  do  Incht  cinnte  bethadh  7  cninge  B. 

>*)  'na  theglach,  rioghda  remenn  B, 


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6  C.  PLUMMER, 

Ocos  ba  he  sin  tra  Ifon  no  biodh  ina  proinntigh  föin  im 
tr&th  coda  gach  noidhce,  a  neccmais  a  lochta  fritholma  7  &osa 
öccbaidh  a  noilen  hudi^ia;  7  a  thighe  oireghä^  aoidhedh  i  cCill 
Bois  ag  s&sadh  bocht  7  nocht,  tr6n  7  tmagh,  ind  oidhche  7  a 
Hol).  Ocus  do  beirthi  bairghen  oona  hanland  i  llaimh  gach  aon 
doine,  7  a  chomairce  go  cend  mbliadhna,  dla  riccedh  a  les;  7 
tiodhlacaäA^)  ioml&n  iarsin.  Ocus  gion  go  ndecha/d  acht  not 
momaire  tar  cladh  a  thermainn  amach,  7  a  iompodh  'sa  tegh 
cetoa  ariSy  do  gh6bhadh  an  frithölamh  cetoa. 

2  b.  Do  bi^)  immorro  an  tegh  sin  re  linn  tSenäin  ag  freccra 
an  möir-fhedhma  sin;  7  ro  faccaibh  Senan  a  bhennocA^  ag  gach 
comharba  da  tinccfodA  dia  6is  do  chionn  a  emigh  do  coimh^tt 
Octis  asi  aithne  deighenach  do  aithin  ag  dnl  docnm  nimhe  dö, 
a  shamhadh  7  a  einech  do  coimhett  mar  dherbhti^  an  rand  so: 

Mo  bhoicht  is  mh'aidhidh  go  hän 
Tarm  eis,  a  moccan.  et  rtliqua, 

3.  Cid  trdi,  acht  ni  ikitadh^)  tenga  a  toiremh  acht  muna 
beith  Dia  'ga  fiiräilemh,  (fol,  2i2h)  a  nderna  Senan  do  mhlor- 
bnilibh,  7  do  mhöir-fiortaibh  tre  rath  an  Coimde.  Acht  cena, 
an  m6id  as  toghtha  7  as  naisle  dibh  atäd  scriobhta  hi  sein- 
leabhraibh  fö  chidas  7  fo  onoir  möir.  Ni  dona  fertaibh  na  dona 
miorbhoilibh  doronadh  remhainn  re  lind  tSen&in  as  ail  lind 
labair^  anois,  acht  na  neithe  nuaidhe  nemh-doirche,  7  na  fiorta 
fiadhnachay  7  na  miorbnile  mor-aidhble  doni  se  anois,  7  dorintte 
re  lind  ToirrdhealbAatgrÄ  mic  Taidg,  mtc  C'öncobhair  ^),  mec  Donn- 
cYLoidh  Cairbrigh,  do  bi  'na  Üa  Briain  näoi  mbliadhna  flehet,  7 
re  lind  DondchaidA  mtc  Tovndelhaigh  mic  Taidg,  7  re  lind  Diar- 
mata  mic  DonnchaidA,  mic  Briain  maidh,  7  re  Zmn  Mhuircertaigh 
mic  'Yomdelbaigh  mic  Taidg.  Oir  ni  raibhe  moc  i  nucht,  na 
inghen  ar  altrom,  na  öcc,  na  &osmar «),  nar  b6  fladain  ar  na  fior- 

>)  gan  diultadh  re  dreicb  nduine  don  Adhamchloinn  add,  B, 

«)  7  a  idhlacadh  B, 

»)  Thi$  «edion  «  not  in  B. 

*)  Cidh  tonga  iarainn  no  beith  hi  ccinn  dano  7  aingel  Di  aga  aisneis, 

do  badh  nrmaisiii  maith  do,  da  f6tadh  üremh  a  ndenia  7^'  B. 

*)  na  Sindaine  add.  B, 

*)  na  6igfher  gan  aosmaire  B  (inepte). 


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THE  MIRACLE8  OF  8ENAK.  7 

That  was  the  nomber  in  bis  reflectory  at  the  time  of  re- 
fection  every  night,  besides  the  attendants  and  servants  in  the 
island  itself ;  while  bis  noble  guest  houses  at  Kilrush  were  satis- 
fying  the  needs  of  poor  and  naked,  hale  and  sick,  by  night  and 
day,  [withont  rejecting  the  face  of  any  of  the  seed  of  Adam]. 
And  a  loaf  with  its  kitchen  was  given  into  the  band  of  every 
man,  and  protection,  if  required,  for  a  whole  year,  and  füll  escort 
afterwards.  And  though  he  (the  refugee)  went  bat  the  length 
of  nine  furrows  beyond  the  mound  of  the  termon,  and  then  tnmed 
back  to  the  same  honse,  he  would  receive  the  same  tendance. 

2  b.  Now  during  Senan's  time  that  honse  answered  for  all 
this  great  expense,  and  Senan  left  this  blessing  on  each  sncceed- 
ing  coarb,  on  condition  of  bis  maintaining  bis  hospitality.  And 
this  is  the  last  Charge  that  he  gave,  when  he  went  to  beaven, 
that  bis  congregation  and  bis  hospitality  shonld  be  maintained, 
as  tbis  yerse  shows: 

'Maintain  my  poor  and  my  gnests 

After  me  gloriously,  o  yonth,  &c.' 

3.  Moreover  no  tongne*),  unless  inspired  by  God,  conld 
relate  wbat  Senan  did  in  the  way  of  miracles  and  mighty  works 
throngb  the  grace  of  the  Lord.  However,  the  most  select  and 
noblest  of  them  are  written  in  andent  books  with  reverence 
and  great  bonoor.  It  is  not  of  the  mighty  deeds  and  miracles 
wronght  before  oor  days  in  the  time  of  Senan  that  we  wish  to 
speak  now,  but  of  tbings  clear  and  recent,  the  evident  wonders, 
and  the  stupendous  miracles,  white  he  works  now,  and  which  he 
wronght  in  the  time  of  Tordelbach  son  of  Tadg,  son  of  Con- 
chobar  [of  the  Sindan],  son  of  Donnchad  Gairbrech,  who  was  the 
O'Brien  for  twenty-nine  years,  and  in  the  time  of  Donnchad,  son 
of  Tordelbach,  son  of  Tadg,  and  in  the  time  of  Diarmait  son  of 
Donnchad,  son  of  Brian  the  Red,  and  in  the  time  of  Mnirchertach 
son  of  Tordelbach,  son  of  Tadg.  For  there  was  no  boy  in  arms, 

>)  Though  a  man  had  in  his  head  a  tongne  of  iron ,  and  an  angel  of 
God  relating  it,  he  wonld  be  yery  Incky  if  he  conld  relate,  &c.  B, 


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8  C.  PLUMMER, 

taibh  so,  7  ama  miorbnilibli  dorinde  Senan  re  reimhes  na  riog- 
raidhe  sin;  6ir  ge  ata  drem  deigh-riogh  annsin  re  a  näirem,  is 
gatVitt  airmhim  si  iad^- 


4.  Scela  an  Toirrdelbaig  sin  mic  Taidg.  Do  ghabh  sein 
rieche  an  gharbh-chöigidh  .1  Tuadmnman,  7  do  bäi  gach  maithes 
re  a  linn,  oir  do  ba  torthach  talamh  7c.  Ocus  ro  b&i  re  hathaul 
d'aimsir  mar  sin  2).  larsin  immorro  do  töccbadh  nös  7  dlicched 
i  naimsir  Thoirrdealbat^A  3) :  gibe  doine  do  moirfedh  dnine  ele 
^san  tir,  mnna  beith  a  lain-^raic^)  aicce  fein,  a  bäain  da  aicme; 
7  mnna  beith  aga  aicme,  a  bhäain  da  thüaith;  7  mnna  beith  'ga 
tüaith,  a  bhüain  dona  secht  tnathaibh  hud  goire  doibh^).  Do 
hatVccedh  7  do  lomad  mor&n  leisan  nös^)  sin,  7  ge  do  6irgettar 
uird  riaghalta  na  heccaflsi^,  nir  coiredh  an  recht  sin  ar  cnl  Uo. 


5.  (fol  243  a)  Tarla  do  dhnine  do  mninntir  Senain  dnine 
do  morbodA;  7  do  b&i^)  an  6raic  aga  hiarraiäA  ar  thermann 
Senain;  7  aduba/rt  an  comharba,  7  an  priöir,  7  an  sacrista  Innsi 
Cathaigh,  7  in  coimhthionol  go  hiomlän,  nach  tiubhraitis  föin 
natha  hi,  7  gnrb  ecc6ir  a  hiarratdA  ar  aondoine  acht  ar  anti  do 
dhenadh  an  gniomh,  7  nir  gabadA  sin  natha;  öir  tainic  Toirr- 
delbach  mac  Taidg  föin  da  nionnsaiccheä,  go  rainicc  go  tegh 


>)  as  g^err  a  reimhes  re  a  rim  B. 

')  do  gabh  somh  righe  Tnadhmoman  go  toicteacb  torcoirthe  0  LnacLar 
go  Bladhma  7  0  lAvm  Concnlaind  go  Forbor,  7  0  Medhraide  go  Bealacb  Abhrat  B. 

')  do  cnmadh  reacht  leisan  righ  sin  B, 

*)  a  lan-ebin  B, 

^)  a  bnain  don  tnaith  bndh  nesa  do,  7  mar  sin  go  cend  an  secht- 
madh  tnath  B. 

•)  reacht  B. 

')  do  6irgettar  braithre  7  lucht  uird  B, 

")  For  7  do  bai  .  .  .  natha,  B  read»:  7  do  lenadh  on  recht  sin  go 
hiomarcach,  conar  fetsat  fnlang  na  hiomarcaighe ;  7  dob  eiccin  an  ein  do 
srethadh  ar  shaccartoibh  7  ar  cheilibh  Di  an  baue,  7  aran  ccomhorba,  7  arin 
bprioir,  7  aran  sacrista  Innsi  Cathaigh,  7  ro  choirsiot  a  nochina  7  a  nosnadha 
ina  diaidh. 


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THE  MIRACLES   OF  8BNAN.  9 

nor  girl  in  fosterage,  nor  youth,  nor  old  man,  whio  was  not 
witness  to  the  mighty  works  and  miracles  which  Senan  did  in 
the  days  of  these  Chiefs.  For  though  this  is  a  goodly  Company 
of  Chiefs  to  enumerate,  yet  I  reckon  them  (i.  e.  their  reigns)  as 
bat  a  Short  period. 

4.  As  to  this  Tordelbach  son  of  Tadg  — .  He  succeeded 
to  the  kingship  of  'the  Rough  Province',  to  wit,  Thomond^;  and 
there  was  all  good  in  his  time;  for  the  earth  was  fruitfiil,  &c. 
And  so  things  continned  for  a  while.  Bat  afterwards  an  ordin- 
ance  and  law  was  set  up  in  the  time  of  Tordelbach,  that  if  any 
man  should  slay  another  in  the  land,  and  the  fnll  eric  was  not 
got  from  him  (the  slay  er),  that  it  should  be  exacted  from  his 
family,  and  if  it  were  not  obtained  from  them,  it  was  to  be  ex- 
acted from  his  tribe,  and  if  it  was  not  got  from  them,  it  was 
to  be  exacted  from  the  seven  tribes  most  nearly  connected  with 
them  2).  Many  were  harassed  and  stripped  of  their  property 
ander  this  ordinance;  and  though  the  regulär  Orders  of  the  church 
rose  against  it,  they  could  not  procure  its  withdrawal. 

5.  It  chanced  that  a  man  of  the  (monastic)  family  of  Senan 
slew  a  man;  and*)  the  eric  was  demanded  from  the  termon 
lands  of  Senan;  and  the  coarb,  and  the  prior,  and  the  sacrist, 
and  the  convent  of  Scattery  in  general,  said  that  they  would  not 
pay  it;  and  that  it  was  unjust  to  demand  it  from  any  man  except 
the  doer  of  the  deed.  But  this  plea  was  not  accepted,  for  Tordel- 
bach son  of  Tadg  himself  came  against  them,  and  reached  the 


>)  He  succeeded  to  the  kingship  of  Thomond  prosperously  and  Inckily 
from  SUeye  Longher  to  Slieye  Bloom,  from  Loop  Head  to  Forbor  (?),  and  from 
the  Maree  Peninsnia  to  Belach  Ahrat  (in  Slieye  Reagh)  B. 

s)  From  the  tribe  nearest  to  him,  and  so  on  to  the  seyenth  tribe 
indnsiye  ß. 

')  And  (the  morder)  was  prosecnted  so  oppressiyely  nnder  this  law, 
that  the  oppression  became  intolerable.  And  the  compensation  had  to  be 
assessed  on  the  priests  and  Cnldees  of  the  place,  and  on  the  coarb,  prior,  and 
sacrist  of  Scattery;  and  they  groaned  and  sighed  in  conseqnence  B. 


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10  C.  PLOOIES; 

Senain  m^lle  le  soehraite  mor  diudgfa,  7  do  fhoirtpA  ann>)  an 
oidhche  sin,  7  dochoaidh  or  na  bioradi  go  Cill  mtc  an  dubäin, 
7  do  bi  anii  ind  oidhche  sin;  7  tainic  Senan  i  naisling  chom  an 
priora  ind  oidhche  sin.  7  do  bhendaigfa  do^).  Ocus  do  üarfaigh 
an  prioir  de  cret  dob  ail  leis').  Ocus  adnbatr^  simh:  'Bachat', 
ar  se,  'do  dioghail  cena  mo  cleireach,  7  mo  thermainn  ar  Thoirr- 
dealbacA  na  mBriÜJi'.  'Cidh  nach  areir  do  dhioghlais  sin  fatV?' 
ar  an  prioir.  *Nirb  ail  damh  im  thigh  fein",  ar  Senan,  ^ar  nach 
abradh  nech  gnrab  im  biadh  do  dhenainii  e.'  Oeus  docuaidh 
Sen4n  go  Cill  mtc  an  dnbhain^),  7  ^^^  bnille  do  los  a  throsdain 
i  mullach  larrge  Toirrdhealbhaigk  *Cidh  'ma  bfnile  damh?  a 
cleirtjrÄ*,  ar  Toirrdhealbhach,  'Ar  son  eccöra  do  denami  ar  mo 
thermann',  arse*).  larsin«)  teid  ToirrdhealbacÄ  dia  thigh,  7  nir 
thoccaibh  a  cend  go  ffnatV  bäs. 


n.  6.  FedLcht  oile  immorro  da  ttainic  Mnrchadh  mac  an 
Esputc  hi  Briain  co  hinis  Ca,ihaig,  7  do  hh&ttar  bäid  innte,  7  do 
shsintaigh  ?)  siomh  bäd  ar  eiccin  do  bhreith  eiste,  tionoilit  amach  ^) 
an  baile  7  an  coitcend  go  16ir,  7  tuccatar  fein  7  lHuTchadh  tres 
aggarbh  ainmin^)  da  ceile^o).  Cidh  trA  acht  do  imtigh  tiürchad 
ar  eiccin,  7  do  loit  se  cleirccÄ  don  coitchend  ^0-  Tainic  Senan 
cuicce  ind  oidhche  sin,  7  do  gabh  grain  7  eccla  7  omhan  m6r 
eissinmh  roimhe,  {fol  243  b)  7  do  eigh  co  hard^'-^);  7  do  gabh  acc 
tairccsin  a  chruidh  7  a  fheraind  dilis  do  Dhia  7  do  Shenan. 
Ocus  ro  chuala  a  bhen  7  a  mhninnter  an  comhradh  sin;  7  do 

^)  7  ro  biathadh  B. 

')  7  atchi  an  prioir  aislinge  .i.  Senan  d'faiccsin  ag  fagbäil  na  hinnsi 
go  ffeircc  7  go  loinde  B. 

■)  de:  *(Ja  conair  teighi?*   J5. 

*)  7  do  ci  Toirrdelbach  cnice  he  add.  B, 

^)  'iman  ein  tnaithe*  ar  Senan  B. 

«)  'arain  imthighis  Senan  go  hopann  ainserccach  7  B. 

^)  10  samhail  B,  *)  sämadh  B  (rede), 

^)   tres  tolborb  troda  B.  ^^)  d'armaibh  7  clocbaibh  add.  B, 

<i)  acht  beiridh  M.  ar  e.  an  bdd,  7  ro  ben  a  lamh  do  cleirinch  do  mointir 
äfisaut,  7  ro  loit  socnddhe  dibh  B. 

^^\  7  teid  ar  comairge  Senain  n6'  go  ttiosadh  da  thigh  f6in.  Gidhedh 
gmlifaiik  fllaedan  tingaide  tromgalar  in  oidhce  sin,  7  as  söaiU  nar  marbh;  7  im- 
eiaiiüirr  go  a  dündrns  f^in.  Mar  tainicc,  do  connairc  Senan  cona  trosd&n 
aäd.  J9. 


« 


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THE  MIRACLE8   OF  SENAN.  11 

hoose  of  Senan  with  a  great  Company,  and  remained  [and  received 
refection]  there  that  night.  And  the  next  day  he  went  on  to 
Eilmacduane,  and  was  there  that  night.  And  the  same  night  i) 
Senan  appeared  to  the  prior  in  a  yision,  and  greeted  him.  And 
the  prior  asked  him  what  his  pleasure  was.  And  he  answered: 
*I  am  going',  said  he,  *to  avenge  my  Clerks  and  my  termon  on 
Tordelbach  O'Brien'.  *  Why  didst  thou  not  take  vengance  on  him 
for  that  last  night?'  said  the  prior.  ^I  did  not  like  to  do  so  in 
my  own  hoose',  said  Senan,  'for  fear  it  should  be  said  that  I 
had  done  so  (merely)  for  a  matter  of  food.'  And  Senan  went 
on  to  Kilmacdnane,  [and  Tordelbach  saw  him  Coming],  and  he 
strack  Tordelbach  on  the  upper  part  of  the  thigh  with  the  butt 
end  of  his  staff.  'What  is  thy  grudge  against  me?  clerk',  said 
TordelbacL  'For 2)  the  injustice  done  to  my  termon',  said  he. 
After  this  [Senan  departed  snddenly  in  wrath,  and]  Tordelbach 
went  to  his  hoose,  and  never  lifted  his  head  tili  he  died. 

6.  Now  on  another  occasion  Morchad  mac-an-espoic  (son 
of  the  bishop)  O'Brien  came  to  Scattery,  and  there  were  boats 
there.  And  Morchad  wished  to  carry  off  a  boat  by  force.  So 
the  Company  of  the  place  and  the  commonity  mostered  in  fall 
force,  and  they  and  Morchad  had  a  sharp  and  roogh  encoonter 
[with  weapons  and  stones].  However»),  Morchad  got  off  by  dint 
of  force  after  woonding  a  clerk  of  the  commonity.  Senan  came 
to  him  that  night,  and  fear  and  dread  and  horror  seized  him  at 
the  sight,  and^)  he  screamed  alood,  and  began  offering  his  own 
land  and  stock  to  God  and  to  Senan.    And  his  wife  and  hoose- 


0  The  prior  mw  a  vision:  Senan  leaving  the  itdand  in  rage  and  fury. 
And  he  asked  him:  'Whither  goest  thou?*  B. 

')  *For  the  tribal  compensation^  said  Senan  B, 

")  Howeyer,  M.  carried  off  the  boat  by  force,  and  cnt  off  the  arm  of  a 
Clerk  of  Senan*8  family,  and  woonded  many  of  them. 

*)  And  he  went  ander  the  protection  of  Senan,  tili  he  should  reach  his 
own  hoose.  Howeyer,  a  seyere  and  fatal  lung-diiease  seized  him  that  night, 
and  he  nearly  died.  And  he  was  carried  to  his  own  stronghold;  and  when  he 
came  there,  he  saw  Senan  Coming  to  him  with  his  staff. 


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12  C.  PLUBiMER, 

&BxtaighQtar  de  cred  an  comradh  sin  do  bi  aga  dhenamh  aicce. 
'Ataim'y  ar  s^  'acc  tatVccsin  cheniaigh  möir  do  Senän;  7  ni  gha- 
bhann  naim  h^.  Ocus  tucc  bnille  do  los  a  throstain  hi  mvülach 
mo  chiche  eil,  gor  gabh  an  talamh  trfom.  Ocus  d^ntar  mo 
thiomna  anosa,  uair  as  deimhin  go  ffuiger  bds  tr6m  toiscc  go 
hlnis  CaXhaig  an  tan  so)i/ 

III.  7.  Fecht  ele  da  thainicc  Risderd  de  Clara  lion  a  thionoil^) 
go  crich  Corca  Bascind,  7  do  hairccedh  an  tir  I60,  eter  tüaith  7 
Chili,  7  do  shäraigh  s6  tempoZZ^)  Seniin^).  larsin  teid  an  gall«^) 
da  daingen,  7  da  dim-drus  fein.  Ocus  fa  dubacÄ  droch-mhen- 
mnach  an  samhadh  7  a  coitchenn  da  s&racchaä  i  neimedh  Sen&in«), 
7  darönsat  sin  gerän^)  fri  Dia  7  fri  Senän.  Ocus^)  do  iarratar 
ar  Dhia  cend  na  comhairle  do  chiorrbadh;  7  an  \ncht  sinte  laimhe 
do  16ir-sccrio8. 


8.  Tainic  Senan  in  oidche  sin  dlonnsaiccheä  an  tsacrista. 
Ocus  do  fhiartaigh  an  sacrista  de  ca  raibhe  ag  doL  AduboiVt 
Senan  go  rachod  do  dhioghail  a  shäraighthe  arin  cClärach,  7  do 
gabh  an  rann  dö: 

Do  deonaigh  damh  Ri  nimhe, 
Bi  an  tsloigh,  cend  gach  comhairle. 
Lacht  craite  mo  coirp  fam  cill^) 
A  ccoirp  do  cradh  gan  choigill. 

Cidhi<^)  tra  acht  nir  bo  cudrama  an  coimhgleic,  üair  tarla  bnille 
do  trosttän  Sen&in  don  Chlirach,  gnr  thimchill  a  shaoghal;  7  do 


0  7  an  tan  taimic  do  sin,  ftiair  bas  add,  B, 

')  ar  creich  add,  B.  ')  7  ro  saraigedh  tennonn  B. 

*)  7  bnailte  an  coitcinn,  7  Inis  Cathaigh  ima  comairge;  nair  do  shaoil 
nar  mhüledh  comairge  d'Inis  Cathaigh  crodh  na  ffiiedh  do  breith  eiste  add,  B, 

^)  oaibhrech  nrramhta  add.  B. 

*)  tridsim,  .i.  a  ccomairge  do  dodh  7  a  samhadh  do  sarnghadh  B, 

»)  toirsi  B. 

")  7  adnbhrattar  nar  tnalaing  ^  a  comairge  do  dhiogail,  nair  as  amhlaidh 
do  dlighfidhe  a  ndioghail  sin  na  comairge  .i.  cenn  cecha  comhairle  7c  B. 

")  mo  bhocht  go  grinn  B. 

^^)  Before  thi$  B  iruerts:  larsin  t^id  Senan  gnsan  maighin  a  mbioi  in 
Clarach,  7  tnccsat  coimeecar  da  cele. 


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THE  MIBACLE8  OF  SENAN.  13 

hold  overheard  this  talk,  and  asked  what  this  conversation  might 
be.  And  he  said:  ^I  am  offering  great  terms  to  Senan,  and  he 
does  not  accept  them,  and  he  has  strack  me  with  the  bntt  end 
of  his  staff  above  the  left  breast,  and  it  has  gone  throngh  me 
into  the  ground.  And  let  my  will  be  made  now,  for  assnredly 
I  shall  die  as  the  resnlt  of  my  expedition  to  Scattery  at  this 
time.'    [And  when  he  had  flnished  speaking,  he  died.] 

7.  Another  time  Richard  de  Cläre  came  in  fall  force  [on  a 
foray]  into  Corcovaskin,  and  the  land  was  harried  by  them,  both 
clergy  and  laity,  andO  he  oatraged  the  charch  of  Senan.  After 
this  the  [proad  and  arrogant]  Englishman  went  to  his  own  fort 
and  stronghold.  And  the  Company  and  commanity  were  sad  and 
downcast  that*)  they  sboald  have  been  oatraged  within  the 
sanctoary  of  Senan,  and  they  made  their  complaint  to  God  and 
Senan.  And^)  they  besoaght  God  that  the  aathor  of  this  design 
might  be  cat  oft,  and  the  folk  who  had  execated  it  atterly 
destroyed. 

8.  Senan  came  that  night  to  the  sacrist,  and  the  sacrist 
asked  him  where  he  was  going.  Senan  said  that  he  was  going 
to  avenge  his  oatraging  on  de  Cläre,  and  he  recited  this  stave: 

'The  Eing  of  heaven,  the  King  of  the  host,  has  granted 
to  me  the  aathor  of  every  design,  (and)  the  folk  who 
plague  my  body  in  respect  of  my  eharch*),  that  their 
bodies  shoald  be  plagaed  withoat  mercy.* 

[Thereapon  Senan  went  to  the  place  where  de  Cläre  was,  and 
they  had  a  tassle  together.]    Bat  the  contest  was  no  eqaal  one. 


^)  And  the  tennon  of  Senan  was  outraged,  and  the  hooleys  of  the  com- 
mnnitj  and  the  asylnm  rights  of  Scattery;  thongh  QU,  for)  people  thonght  that 
those  rights  wonld  never  be  violated  by  taking  therefrom  the  property  of  the 
poets  B. 

')  That  their  asylnm  shonld  be  invaded,  and  their  congregation  oat- 
raged B, 

*)  And  they  said:  *Conld  he  not  ayenge  (the  violation  of)  his 
asylnm?'  for  the  yengeance  dne  therefor  was  this,  that  the  anthor  of  any 
design,  &c  B, 

*)  Plague  my  poor  deliberately  (?)  B. 


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14  C.  PLÜMMBB, 

innis  fein  ar  na  mharach  dia  mbninntir,  go  ffacaidh  se  cl6ireach  ^ 
'san  aird  aniar  chuicce  go  ffeirg  möir,  7  gor  mhescc^)  a  eMail  7 
a  chuimhne,  7  gnr  bhäaidhir  6  nile.  A  cdonn  an  tres  \ii^) 
iarsin  do  chäaidh  an  Clarach  for  sluaighedh,  7  do  gabhadh  a 
chosae  (folJ244d)  7  a  lamha  fair,  go  ffrith  i  naiscddh  6,  7  co 
ffaair  b&s  tre  mhiorbhail  Senain,  g6r  bö  fer  comhlaind  cet 
connicce  sin  h& 


IT.  9.  Araile  nair  do  b4i  tempaZZ  do  tbemplaibb  Seniin  X 
Cill  na  Caillt^Ai  ba  dona  reicclösaibh  ba  hannsa  le  Sen&n  da  raibhe 
aicce  h6,  acht  Inis  Cathai^  amhäin,  arashon  sin  do  bh&i  do  mb^^ 
inneachatä  7  aincreidimh  in  pbopai7,  gnr  leiccset  gan  ord,  gan 
aifrionn,  gan  altöir  ann  h6;  acht  snip  tnighedh  'ma  chend,  7 
büaladh  7  losccadh,  7  gach  ni  i&  anüaisie  da  dhenamh  ann  mar 
gach  tegh  oile*).  Gabhais  fercc  imtnorro  an  terlamh  trld  sin,  7 
isseciA  do  roine.  La  da  raibhe  ben  acc  dögh^)  arbha  don  taoibh 
thoir  don  tempaZZ  fedh  urchatr,  7  an  ghioth  aniar  go  direch,  do 
ling  immorro  gealbhonn  do  mxjllach  an  tempat/Z«)  mar  a  raibhe 
an  bhen,  7  do  gabh  seimhin')  ar  lasadh  ina  bh61,  7  do  ling 
Cham  an  tempaill  aris;  7  ro  leicc  an  seimhin  ar  lasadh  'sa  tnighe, 
go  ro  loiscc€dA  an  tempaH,  eter  tnighe  7  chrand,  7  cloich^). 
larsin  ^)  immorro  do  chuirettar  dnthat^  in  bhaile  rempu  in  tempaU 
do  dh6namh  asa  nna;  7  do  thionnsccnatar  teini  aoil  do  dh6namh 
ara  bharach. 

10.  Tainicc  immorro  Sen4n  an  oidhce  sin  fein  com  fir  don 
bhaile  darb  ainm  Oiolla  Senäin  0  hEttromdin,  7  atb^  fris: 
'Eirigh  a  ma'rach  go  hnillinnio)  tighe  inghine  üi  Brnachain,  7 
tochail  19  ^  troighthe  6  nillinn  an  tighe  amach  >>)  7  dogh6bha»r 


1)  ferccach  fnasnadach  add.  B. 

*)  7  ^  ttncc  coimhesccar  d6:  '7  do  bedgafs]  m  remhe',  ar  86  A 

*)  a  ccinn  8^  laithe  B, 

*)  lo«g[adh]  grin,  7  mmnnterdhacht  ann  B,  ^)  losccadh  B, 

*)  TKe  §eribe  at  firtt  wrote  tighe.  *)  nmlia  B, 

*)  7  ro  bü  seal  amlaidh  sin  add,  B. 

*)  7  adubratar  duthchnsaigh  an  bhaile,  gor  choir  teine  aöil  do  dhenamh, 
7  an  tempaU  do  chonigadh  B, 

>•)  airtheraigh  add.  B.  ")  7  togb4il  (no  tomais  interiined)  B, 

>*)  on  ndhnocht  amach  B, 


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THE  HIBACLB8  OF  SENAN.  15 

for  a  blow  from  Senan's  staff  lighted  on  de  Cläre,  which  cut 
Short  bis  life;  and  he  himself  related  to  bis  household  on  the 
morrow  that  he  had  seen  a  [furious  angry]  clerk  in  the  air 
Coming  to  him  out  of  the  West  in  great  wrath,  [and  he  had  a 
tnssle  with  him],  and^  he  confosed  his  mind  and  his  memory, 
and  made  him  all  distranght.  At  the  end  of  the  third  day  follow- 
ing2)  de  Cläre  went  on  a  hosting,  and  conld  not  move  hand  or 
foot,  so  that  he  was  at  the  mercy  of  his  enemies;  and  so  he  died 
through  the  miracnlons  power  of  Senan,  thongh  previoosly  he 
was  a  flghter  eqnal  to  a  hnndred. 

9.  There  was  once  a  temple  of  Senan's,  to  wit,  Eillna- 
galliach,  which  of  all  Senan's  churches  was  his  favourite,  save 
Scattery  alone.  Yet  such  was  the  wickedness  and  infidelity  of 
the  people  that  they  left  it  without  rite,  or  mass,  or  altar;  with 
wisps  of  thatch  over  it,  and  threshing  and  parching  [of  grain], 
and  all  the  most  menial  Offices  being  done  there,  as  in  any 
common  honse.  The  patron  saint  was  bigbly  incensed  at  tbis; 
and  tbis  is  what  he  did.  One  day  a  woman  was  parching  com 
a  stone's  throw  from  the  East  end  of  the  church,  and  the  wind 
due  West,  when  a  sparrow  hopped  down  from  the  top  of  the 
church  to  where  she  was,  and  seized  a  buming  straw  in  its  beak, 
and  hopped  on  to  the  church  again,  and  dropped  the  buming 
straw  on  to  the  thatch,  and  the  church  was  burnt,  thatch  and 
stick  and  stone;  [and  it  remained  for  a  time  in  that  State].  After 
tbis  the  inhabitants  of  the  place  5)  proposed  to  rebuild  the  church, 
and  the  next  day  they  began  to  make  a  lime  kiln. 

10.  However,  that  very  night  Senan  came  to  a  man  of  the 
place  named  Gilla-Senain  O'Hettroman,  and  said  to  him:  *Go  to- 
morrow  to  the  [EJast]  comer  of  the  house  of  Ni  Bmachiin,  and 
dig  three  feet  out  from  the  corner,  and  thou  shalt  find  plenty  of 


1)   'And  I  Started  at  the  sight  of  him\  said  he  B, 
«)  Of  six  days  B, 

')  Said  that  it  wonld  be  a  good  thing  to  make  a  lime -kiln,  and  restore 
the  church  B, 


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16  C.  PLUMMER, 

do  shäith  ioiP)  ann'.  Eirghis  Giolla  Senain  w  maidin,  7  ruc- 
cu^tair  rämhand  7  sluasat  lais,  7  do  thochail  ag  uillinn  an  tighe 
7  faair  an  taol  ann  amat7  adabmVt  Senin  fris;  7  nir  bö  Inghaitte 
an  täol  a  mbeirthi  as.  0ms  do  rnccatar  a  s&ith  I^  de,  go 
ndernsa^  an  tempaK  go  diongmala,  gnrab  cill  cMhti^ach  cöir 
osin  alle  hi. 

Sgela  na  teinedh  äoil  6  sin  amach:  gach  nile  cinel  galair 
do  bhiodh  for  dhnine  no  for  ainmidhe  gan  a^M  an  taol  sin 
{fol,  244h)  do  chomailt  de,  do  bhiodh  sl&n  gan  fnirech;  nö  cloch^) 
da  bfaghtaoi  ann,  7  a  töghadh,  7  a  cnr  i  ndigh  doibh,  do  icadh 
cach  7c. 

11.  Robäi^)  mennan  becc  bacach  gabhair  ag  mnäoi  'san 
mbaile  sin,  ^ar  mbrisedh  a  dbä  chos  7  a  dhroma.  Dochnaidh  leis 
gttsan  teine  aöil,  7  adubhatVt:  'Dar  mo  bhreithir*,  ar  si,  *ni 
thiocfair  assin,  go  ttais^na  Sen4n  a  mhiorbaile  fort.'  Do  fbac- 
caibh  an  oidhce  sin  arin  aol  6,  7  docüaidh  da  fhechain  ara 
bharach,  7  is  amhlatdÄ  fuatr  6,  7  nth  m6r  bainne  aicce,  7  e  f6in 
slan  ina  shesamh,  7  do  sUnaigedh  a  bhainne  gach  galar,  7  gach 
teidm  da  mbiodh  ar  dhaoinibh  7  airn^isibb;  7  do  beirti  do  riogh- 
aibb  7  d'escopaibh  a  bhainne  sin  6sin  amach.  Ocm  fös  gach 
&on  troisccfes  ar  lathatr  na  teinedh  aoil  sin  fri  Dia  7  fria  Senan, 
7  do  dh6na  a  fhaoisittin  iarsin,  7  glacfos  Corp  Crist,  do  gebha 
an  athchuinghe  bis  ail  lais,  muna  raibhe  i  nacchatd  aiccnidh. 

Tl.  12.  Feac/}^  ann  do  gabh  Donnchoil  mac  Domhnaill  mic 
Briain  ruaidh  cendw^*)  ar  crich  Chorea  Baiscind,  gur  chnir  a 
shlöigh  7  a  bnannadha  istech  foran  tir^),  7  ro  b&i  d'iomat  a 
cheithem<^)  7  a  dhamh  coimbittecA^a,  co  roichedh  buanda  ama 
tri  büaibh ')  da  raibhe  'san  tir,  7  nir  dhiol  doibh  sin.  Dochnaidh 
Donnchod  äa  Briain  fein  do  shärucchad  cheall  t-Senäin,  7  do 
thabatr^  a  ccruidh  natha  d'äis  no  d'^iccen.  Ocus  docüaidh  go 
Cill  na  Cailli^Äi,  7  go  Cill  Chuiridäin,  7  go  Ros  an  Aircäl,  7 

0  fogebha  tene  aoil  B. 

')  gach  cliabh-galar  no  treabhiaid  do  bhiod  for  each  no  doine,  acht  co 
mberbhtha  clocha  na  teinedh  doibh,  ba  slin  B. 

■)    Thia  sectxon  U  vcry  much  shorter  in  B. 

*)  nert  B,  *)  go  ro  sreth  a  sluagh  forra  B. 

«)  eachtrann  B, 

')  7  aran  da  bi,  7  aran  en  bhoin  B;  which  abbreviates  the  remainder 
of  the  seetion  to  the  detriment  of  the  cUamea  of  the  narrative. 


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TU£  MIBAOLES  OF   SENAN.  17 

limeO  there.'  Gilla-Senain  arose  the  next  morniiig,  and  took 
spade  and  shovel,  and  dag  at  the  corner  of  the  house,  and  foond 
the  lime  there,  as  Senan  had  said;  and  the  Urne  was  not  di- 
minished  by  what  was  taken  out.  And  they  carried  away  as 
much  as  they  wanted,  and  built  the  church  worthily,  so  that 
thenceforth  it  was  held  in  due  honoor. 

As  to  the  subsequent  history  of  the  lime-kiln:  —  every 
kind  of  disease  in  man  or  beast,  if  only  (the  patient)  were  rnbbed 
with  the  lime,  would  be  healed  at  once,  or')  if  a  stone  taken 
thence  were  heated  and  pnt  in  their  drink,  it  would  cnre 
everyone,  &c. 

11.  A  woman  in  the  place  had  a  little  lame  kid,  which 
had  broken  two  of  its  legs  and  its  back.  She  took  it  to  the 
lime-kiln,  and  said:  ^Upon  my  word\  said  she,  Hhou  shalt  not 
come  out,  tili  Senan  displays  his  miracles  on  thee'.  She  left  it 
in  the  kiln  that  night,  and  the  next  day  she  went  to  look  at  it, 
and  fonnd  it  Standing  quite  healed  with  a  great  udder  of  milk, 
and  the  milk  healed  every  illness  and  every  plague  in  man  and 
cattle,  and  was  carried  thenceforth  to  kings  and  bishops.  More- 
over  everyone  who  fasts  to  God  and  to  Senan  on  the  site  of  this 
lime-kiln,  and  makes  his  confession  afterwards,  and  receives  the 
Body  of  Christ,  shall  obtain  any  boon  he  pleases,  if  it  be  not 
contrary  to  nature. 

12.  Once  upon  a  time  Donnchad  son  of  Domnall  son  of 
Brian  Boe  (the  red)  assumed  the  chiefship  of  Corcovaskin,  and 
he  quartered  his  bands  and  bonaghts  in  on  the  land,  and  so 
many  were  his  kernes  ^)  and  attendants  that  the  bonaghts  would 
find  out  (lit  reach)  three  cows  [or  two  cows,  or  even  a  Single 
cow]  that  existed  in  the  land.  And  as  if  that  was  not  enough 
for  them,  Donnchad  0*Brien  himself  went  to  outrage  the  churches 
of  Senan,  and  to  carry  off  their  cattle  from  them  whether  they 


0  Find  a  lime-kiln  B. 

*)   (And)  every  lang -disease  or  (other)  trouble  in  horse  or  man,  if  onlj 
stones  of  the  kiln  were  seethed  for  them,  would  be  cured  B. 
»)  Foreigners  B, 


Z«it«obrift  r.  oelt.  Phlloloffl«  X. 


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18 

do  hmrccedh  lais  iatt  Ö  'tcuala^  comharba  Senain  sin,  do 
thionöil  an  dara  comharba  chuicce  maille  lena  raibhe  do  chl^ir- 
cibh  annsa  tfr,  7  andsan  mbaile  sin  tSenäin.  Ocus  tnccattar  a 
ccluicc,  7  a  cceoläna  7  a  mbachla,  7  a  noile  mionna  I60,  7  do- 
ch6ttar  bail  i  rraibhe  Donnchad,  7  adnbhrattor,  mnna  ttaccadh 
s6  doibh  gach  a  rucc  uatha,  go  ccuirfitüs  Dia  7  Senan  'na  diaigh 
cUr.  Ocus  adubatrt  siumh,  {fol.  245  a)  nach  ün\>Tadh.  larsin  tnc- 
cattar san  gatr  mör,  eter  cleirech,  7  cöolän,  7  clocc,  7  bachaill, 
gur  chomhmbnaidhrettar  a  chiall,  7  gur  mesccattar  a  inchinn 
ina  chiond.  Adnbatr^  sinmh  friu:  ^Gabhaidh  bäandadha',  ar  s& 
'Do  dh^nam  sin*,  ar  na  cleirchi,  ^7  cnirmit  Senan  'na  dhiaigh 
ortsa.'  Do  cniredh  deichneabhar  ar  coitcheann  Senäin,  7  a  mh6id 
do  toccratar  fein  arin  ccomharba,  7  buanda  ar  Mac  Sioda  an 
chluicc,  7  büanna  ar  chleiri^Ä  Ruis  na  nArc,  7  bnanda  ar  chleirtjfÄ 
Cille  na  cCaillecÄ,  7  buanda  ar  chlein^Ä  Chille  Cuiridiin.  Oirisit 
marsin  0  fh6il  Seniin  go  c6id-feil  Muire.  Ocus  do  chuir^)  Dond- 
chad  fios  ama  buandadhaibh  annsin  chum  aidhmillte  do  denamh 
i  naird  oile.  Ocus  do  marbadh  Donnchod  annsin,  7  an  deich- 
nebhar  da  bhraitribh')  do  bi  maille  ris  ag  säracchad  Senäin,  7 
na  büandadha  nile.  Ocus  os  6  Brian  nar  sharaigh  Senän^),  do 
imthigh  slän. 


TII.  13.  Uair  ele  dochuaid  Mathgamhain  mac  Domhnaill,  mic 
Mutrcerta^A,  do  breith  äirn6isi  ^)  do  bäi  ama  Camänaibh  leis  ar 
eiccin,  7  Iatt  ar  comoirce  comharba  Seniin;  7  do  gabh  tre*) 
bnailidh  an  choitcinn.  Ocus  do  heiccedh  air,  7  tainic  in  comh- 
arba^ 7  in  coitcend  chnca,  7  do  feradh  treis  aggarbh^)  ettorra 
ar  lär  buailedh  in  choitchinn.  Ocus  do  chaith  Mathgamhain  f^in 
da  soighitt  risan  ccomarba  7  do  bhuail  air  iatt,  7  nir  tholl  cidh 
a  aMach.    Ocus  annatr  do  connatrc  Mathgamain  an  comharba 

^)  For  o*tcaala . . .  Senain  B  rtads  7  ro  lensat  an  da  choitchinn  i. 

')  For  7  do  chnir . . .  aile  B  read»  toccthar  iad  chnm  tochair  na  main- 
istreach. 

*)  cethrar  da  siol  B. 

*)  nach  raibhe  a  ngoire  do  Senan  B, 

')  eaUaigh  B. 

*)  as^  eolos  do  ghaibh  an  teaUach  stas  go  b.  B, 

^)  ar  toradh  a  retha  a  ndiaigh  na  comairge  add,  B, 

")  tolborb  Bf  wkich  abbranatu  the  rett  of  ihe  §ection. 


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THE  MIRACLKS   OF  SENAN.  19 

woold  or  no.  And  he  came  to  Eilnagalliach,  and  to  Eilcredaun, 
and  to  Kos  an  Airc^il,  and  plnndered  them.  When^)  the  coarb 
of  Senan  heard  this,  he  sent  for  the  other  coarb,  and  all  the 
Clerks  who  were  in  the  land  and  in  that  place  of  Senan.  And 
they  bronght  their  bells  and  hand-bells  and  bachalls,  and  all 
their  other  treasures,  and  they  proceeded  to  the  place  where 
Donnchad  was;  and  they  said  that  unless  he  gave  back  all  that 
he  had  taken  from  them,  they  woold  set  God  and  Senan  after 
hiuL  And  he  said  that  he  wonld  not  make  restitution.  Then 
they  raised  a  great  noise,  Clerks,  and  bells,  and  hand-bells,  and 
bachalls,  so  that  they  pertorbed  his  mind,  and  cdnfused  his  brain 
in  his  head.  He  said  to  them:  ^Beceive  (my)  bonaghts',  said  he. 
*  We  will  do  so',  said  the  Clerks,  *and  we  will  set  Senan  at  thee 
afterwards'.  Ten  men  were  qaartered  on  the  commnnity  of 
Senan,  and  as  many  as  they  claimed  on  the  coarb,  and  bonaghts 
on  Mac  Sida  (steward)  of  the  bell,  and  on  the  Clerks  of  Bos  na 
nArc,  and  on  those  of  Kilnagalliach  and  Kilcredanu.  They  re- 
mained  thns  from  the  festival  of  Senan  to  the  first  festival  of 
Mary.  And  then^)  Donnchad  sent  for  the  bonaghts  to  ravage 
in  another  qnarter.  And  there  Donnchad  was  killed,  and  ten») 
of  his  kinsmen  who  took  part  with  him  in  the  ravaging  of  Senan, 
and  all  the  bonaghts.  And  as  for  Brian,  who^)  did  not  ontrage 
Senan,  he  came  off  safe  and  sonnd. 

13.  On  another  occasion  Mathgamhan  son  of  Domnall,  son 
of  Muirchertach,  went  to  carry  off  forcibly  some  cattle  that  were 
at  Camann  nnder  the  protection  of  Senan's  coarb.  And  [the 
herd]  proceeded  through  the  booley  of  the  Community.  And  a 
hne  and  cry  was  raised;  and  the  coarb  came  [at  the  top  of  his 
speed  in  pursuit  of  the  protected  cattle  (lit.  protection)]  and  the 
Community  also,  and  a  sharp  struggle  took  place  between  them 
in   the   midst   of  the    community's   booley.     And  Mathgamain 

*)  And  the  two  commonities  ponaed  him  B. 

*)  They  were  hronght  to  the  causeway  of  the  monastery  B. 

•)  Four  of  his  seed  B. 

*)  Was  not  near  Senan  B. 


2* 


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20  C.  PLUMMER, 

ag  imthecht,  dochöid  f^in  fön  ccrodli,  7  do  marbh  mart  dibh. 
Ocus  beiritt  na  cliirigh  an  choid  ele  leo  dibh,  7  ro  fmrigh 
Mathgamain  'san  mbaile  ind  oidhche  sin.  Ocus  do  gabh  galor 
trom  6,  gor  bö  marbh  1),  7  gur  mhair  cethraimhe  don  mart  sin 
do  marbh  fein,  7  a  croicenn^)  dia  6is,  go  ffoil^)  sin  ar  cnimhne 
0  sin  anäas. 


TUL  14.  Fecht  ele  tangattor  gadaighthi  ar  bnaile  in  coit- 
chinn,  7^)  gabhait  (fol  245b)  äonmhort  amhäin  do  bäi  acc  senoir 
nasal  do  bhäi  ina  shaccart  'san  mbaile,  7  beirit  go  hionad  imchian 
leo  hi,  7  marbhait,  7  do  cuirettar  a  croicend^),  7  an  laogh  b6i  ina 
bolcc,  hi  ffolach  hi  bpoll  möna^).  Do  föccrodA  an  mar^  iarsin^), 
7  nir  adaimh  aon  doine  an  mart  Ocus  do  iarr  an  senöir  sin  i.  an 
saccart  na  hUiginn  ar  Dia  7  ar  Senän  ffoillsiaccodA  d'faghail  dö 
ara  bhoin.  A  cciond  miosa  iarsin,  tangattar  na  gadat^Ae  remh- 
räite  dochom  an  phnill  mhöna  inar  f&ccbatar  croicend  7  laogh 
na  bö,  7  do  toccbhattor  asan  bpoll  iatt;  7  acc  sccaoiledA  an 
croicinn  döibh,  do  eirigh  an  laogh,  7  do  löicc  a  tri  göimionna 
ass.  Ocus  f&  mör  an  tiongnadA  7  an  tnathbäs  leisna  gadaighibh 
in  nl  sin,  7  do  sl^chtsat  do  Dhia  7  do  Senän,  7  tangattar  gu^an 
sagar^,  7  tuccattar  a  bhreith  föin»)  dö,  7  do  gheallatar  gan  en 
ni  budA  olcc  le  Senan  do  dh^namh  go  brath. 


IX.  15.  Fecht  ele  do  bhattar  cleirigh  an  bhaile  fein»)  i  ccai- 
bidil  ^%  7  dorönsat  do  chomhairle  s^pel  do  denamA  do  Mnire;  7  do 

*)  an  tres  trath  ama  mhürech  add.  B.  *)  seiche  B, 

*)  go  ifoil  ina  baU  coimesa  0  shoin,  7  00  mbia  go  brath  B. 

*)  CO  ttarla  8ca6i  do  crodh  an  choitchinn  doibh  acc  4irghe  7  gabhaiti 
mart  ß^  which  omits  the  patsage  about  the  priest  here,  inserting  it  lower 
doum  adding:  7  an  sagart  MacUiginn. 

^)  seiche  B. 

*)  hi  bpoU  phortaigh,  7  ethait  an  mart  B. 

^)  cnirther  £a  choinnlibh  an  mart  i  necclasaibh  an  cboitcinn  B, 

«)  a  riar  B. 

*)  batar  coitdnn  Senain  ina  snidhe  B. 

^)  a  haithie  a  nespartan  add.  B. 


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THE  MUUCLE8   OF  S£NAN.  21 

himself  discharged  two  arrows  at  the  coarb,  and  they  hit  him, 
bat  did  not  pierce  even  bis  clothing.  And  when  Mathgamain 
saw  the  coarb  escaping,  he  himself  attacked  the  cattle  and  killed 
a  heifer.  Bat  the  Clerks  got  off  with  the  rest  of  the  cattle. 
Mathgamain  remained  in  the  place  that  night;  and  was  attacked 
by  a  severe  illness,  so  that  he  died  [at  the  third  hoar  on  the 
morrow].  And  a  qaarter  of  the  heifer  which  he  killed,  and  its 
skin  remained,  and  remains  there  from  that  time  forth  as  a 
memorial  ^). 

14.  Another  time  thieves  came  to  the  booley  of  the  com- 
monity,  [and  a  herd  of  cattle  on  the  move  belonging  to  the 
commoni^  met  them],  and  they  took  a  Single  heifer  belonging 
to  a  noble  eider  of  the  place  [and  the  priest's  name  was  Mac 
Uiginn  (Qaiggin)];  and  they  carried  it  off  to  a  remote  spot,  and 
killed  it,  and  hid  the  hide,  and  the  calf  that  was  in  its  womb, 
in  a  hole  in  a  bog,  [and  ate  the  heiferj.  The^)  (loss  of  the) 
heifer  was  cried  after  this,  bat  no  one  confessed  to  the  theft 
And  the  senior,  that  is  the  priest  O'Hniginn,  besoaght  God  and 
Senan  to  make  known  to  him  aboat  his  cow.  At  the  end  of  a 
month  the  aforesaid  thieves  came  to  the  hole  in  the  bog  where 
they  had  left  the  hide  and  calf  of  the  cow,  and  took  them  oat 
of  the  hole.  And  when  they  anwrapped  the  hide,  the  calf  stood 
ap,  and  bellowed  three  times.  And  great  was  the  astonishment 
and  horror  of  the  thieves  at  this,  and  they  prostrated  themselves 
before  God  and  Senan,  and  came  to  the  priest,  and  offered  him 
his  own  terms.  And  they  promised  not  to  do  anything  displeasing 
to  Senan  tili  doom. 

15.  Another  time  the  Clerks  of  the  place  held  a  chapter 
[after  vespers];  and  they  resolved  to  baild  a  chapel  to  the  Virgin, 


0  As  a  witness  for  ever  B, 

*)  The  heifer  was  pnt  nnder  candles  in  the  chnrchee  of  the  Community 
(i.  e.  the  thieyes  were  ezcommimicated)  B. 


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22  C.  PLUMMER; 

bi  0  ina  ceist  orra  gan  clocha  aca  'chum  aoil  do  denawtÄ,  7  gan 
clocba  snoighti  aca  'chum  na  hoibre  f^in  do  denamh,  7  dochödar 
do  chodlodA  in  oidhce  sin.  Ocus^)  ro  eitigh  cleirecA  dibh  ar 
maidin  arabbarach,  7  f  aatr  an  m^id  doch  hüdh  maith  lais.  Oct^s 
nir  bö  ferr  clocha  ar  bith  ina  iatt. 

X.  16.  Taispenadh  adhaathmhar  tadhbäs  don  tsenöir  Üa 
Cairill  .i.  saccart  Innse  Cathaigr  aroile  oidche  ina  iarmeirge.  Ocus 
is  amhlaidh  tainicc  cuicce  .i.  dealbh  coirtighe,  ciordubh.  *Cros 
Crist  ettrom  7  tu',  ar  an  saccart,  *7  da  tu  ftin?'  'Macbethadh 
moc  Neill  (fol  246  a)  mtc  Murchoda  meisi',  ar  86.  *Cidh  rod 
dubhM5ta«V  fon  lonnus  sin  tu?'  ar  in  senoir.  'Niiwa.  Roimet«) 
mo  p6ine  7  mo  pheacoiiA,  öir  is  amhlatd/i  bim,  7  pluc  mor  do 
demhnaibh  umam  isind  äer,  7  süsta  imdAa  lamaidhe  aca  aga 
ngabhäii  im  cend  dibh.  Ocus  gidh  doilt^A  damh  sin,  as  doilghe 
damh  m'athair  do  beith  ina  comnatV/Ae  ar  mür  naoimh,  7  maarcc 
bhios  and.  Ocus  is  maircc  damhsa  sech  c&ch  m'athatV  do  bheith  a 
ccomfoccu^  don  chill:  iiair  gib  6  do  dhina  ingreim  ar  mhär  naoimh 
ar  bith,  7  co  häiridhe  ar  Inis  Cathajflf,  beid  na  deich  ce<  7  an  fiche 
cet  naomh  dor6ine  cairdes  7  aonta  fri  Senän  aga  aithber  air  f6in, 
7  ara  shliocA^  ina  dhiaigh.  Ocus  an  tan  dognither  eccöir  no  in- 
ghreim  aran  inis  naoimh  so,  teccait  na  naoimh  sin  as  gach  aird 
dia  dhioghail  aran  lacht  ros  dingne;  7  ro  chan  an  läidh  ann^): 

*)  7  ba  trom  leo  ceudach  na  ccloch  uaoil,  oair  do  beirdis  da  agüling 
ar  gach  en  locht  B. 

*)  larna  mharach  immorro  do  tiomaiccfidhe  comhard  tempaill  do  clochaibh 
aelbuigh  timcell  na  hinnse,  co  nach  rangatar  a  les  clocha  do  cendach  B. 

•)  From  this  point  to  thc  end  of  the  section  B  reada  thus:  Ro-iomat 
mo  phecadh  7  ro-throma  mo  peine,  oair  as  amlaidh  bim,  7  plnc  do  demhnaibh 
agam  rebadh,  7  cidh  mor  pian  fuil  oram,  as  doilge  damh  aithber  iomaithber  oram 
ara  bith  a  ccomharsanacht  lunsi  Cathaigh,  uair  maircc  bhios  a  ccomharsanacbt 
naoimh,  7  maircc  dorinne  7  dingenas  inghreim  ar  Inis  Cathaigh  7  ar  lacht 
aittreba  an  n&im  sin  i  talamh,  nair  an  deich  cced  7  an  fhichet  cM  naomh 
dorinne  codach  re  Senan,  beid  sin  nile  acca  dioghail  fair  f^in,  7  ara  mhac,  7 
for  a  iarsma  co  deiredh  betha  .i.  for  anti  dogh^na  ingreim  arin  ccatraigh 
naoimh  sin ;  7  gach  oair  da  ndingentar  eccoir  ar  Inis  Cathaigh,  7  ar  CiU  Bois, 
7  ar  termonn  Senain  co  coitcionu,  teccaid  samhaidh  Senain  co  leic  an  chodaigh, 
7  tabrad  tri  gaire  eter  clocc  7  duine,  7  tioccfaid  na  naoimh  sin  do  dhioghail 
na  necc6rach  dognlfider  re  Senan. 

*j  B  omits  Ulf  poem,  and  gives  the  foüowing  colophon:  As  leabhar 
comharba  Shenain  o  Inis  Cathaigh  do  sgriobad  an  Ambra  sm  Senain,  7  na 
sgeoil   becca  nnaidhe  amhail  atad  snnna,   a  cconyeint   brathar  Choinnche  i 

(Continned  on  p.  24.) 


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THE  MIBACLE8  OF  SEKAN.  23 

and  I)  it  was  a  difficnlty  to  them  that  they  had  no  stones  from 
which  to  make  lime,  nor  any  dressed  stones  for  the  work  itself ; 
and  they  retired  to  rest  that  night  And*)  a  clerk  of  them  arose 
on  the  following  morning,  and  found  as  much  stone  as  he  conld 
desire.    And  no  stones  in  the  world  were  better  than  they. 

16.  A  dreadful  Vision  appeared  to  the  eider,  O'Cairill,  a 
priest  of  Scattery,  one  night  at  mattins;  and  thos  it  came  to 
him  as  a  tanned  jet-black  form.  'Christas  cross  (be)  between  me 
and  thee',  said  the  priest,  'and  who  art  thon?'  'Macbeth,  son  of 
Niall,  son  of  Mnrchad',  said  he.  'What  has  blackened  thee  like 
that?'  said  the  eider.  'That  is  soon  told'  (said  he)  'the  enormity 
of  my  torment  and  my  sins;  for  thus  I  am,  with  a  great  horde 
of  demons  hovering^)  about  me,  with  many  iron  flails  which  they 
ply  upon  my  head.  And  though  this  be  grievous  to  me,  more 
grievous*)  is  it  to  me  that  my  father  is  settled  on  the  boundary 
(lit.  wall)  of  a  saint,  and  woe  to  him  who  is  there.  And  woe 
to  me  beyond  anything  that  my  father  shonld  be  near  the  church, 
for  whoever  shall  trespass  on  the  boundary  (lit.  wall)  of  any 
Saint,  and  especially  Scattery,  the  three  thousand  saints  who 
made  alliance  and  union  with  Senan  will  avenge  it  on  the  doer, 
and  on  his  seed  after  him.  And  when  wrong  or  trespass  is  done 
to  this  sacred  Island  [to  Scattery  and  Eilrosh,  and  to  the  termon 
of  Senan  generally,  the  congregations  of  Senan  come  to  the  Stone 
of  the  Treaty,  and  send  forth  three  cries  of  man  and  bell,  and] 
these  saints  come  from  every  quarter  to  avenge  it  on  the  per- 
petrators.    And  he  recited  this  lay^). 


^)  And  the  purchase  of  lime-itone  was  a  heavy  borden  to  them,  for 
they  had  to  pay  two  Shillings  for  every  load  B. 

')  Bat  on  the  morrow  were  seen  limestones  to  the  height  of  a  chnrch 
all  roond  the  Island,  so  that  they  had  no  need  to  purchase  any  B. 

*)  Rending  me  B. 

*)  Is  the  twiee-told  yengeance  on  me  for  being  in  the  yicinity  of 
8catteryi  for  woe  to  him  who  is  in  the  vicinity  of  a  saint,  and  woe  to  him 
who  has  committed  or  shall  commit  trespass  on  Scattery  and  the  dwellers  on 
the  saint's  land  B. 

*)  B  ends  here  with  the  following  colophon:  From  the  book  of  the 
coarb  of  Senan  of  Scattery  this  Amra  Senain  and  the  little  modern  tales  were 
copied,  as  here  given,  in  the  friars'  convent  of  Qnin  in  Thomond  in  the 
snmmer  of  the  year  1634,  Father  Donnchad  mac  Gilla  Senain  (Magilsinan) 
being  Warden.  The  friar  Michael  O'Clery  wrote  it  the  first  time,  and  also 
now,  Jnne  14,  16S5. 


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24  C.  PLUMMER, 

17.  An  an  cathair  caomh  so  anocht, 
Inis  Cathat^,  caomh  a  tlacht; 
Mochen  corpän  t6id  fo  hüir, 
lomdha  aingel  ciuil  'na  port 

Maircc  thocräidhes  an  saor  seng, 
Senan  sochla  na  smith  mbinn; 
As  i  falaidh  bia  dö  ann, 
Nemh  is  talamh  uaidh  da  chiond. 

Lacht  dioghla  taladh  an  naoimh 
Is  solamh  teccait  fon  ngäir; 
Deich  cet  ar  fichit  cet  naomh 
Teccait  go  säor  tar  in  s&L 

18.  Maith  an  toirecht  ticc  a  tuaid 
Do  naomhaibh  Doire  fon  ngäir, 
Oirecht  Mochnda  do  c6in, 

Is  Bairri  bndein  ina  nd&il. 

Ticc  6  Chluain  Eraird  a  cc^in 
Boidhen  tseimh  d'äos  in  gräidh, 
Oirecht  fial  Ciariin  ö  Clüain, 
Siar  go  m6r-dhail  Mnighe  Mail. 

Ticc  Caoimhghin  ö  Ghlionn  d&  Loch, 
Ticc  Berach  go  fir  in  flaith, 
Do  icc  SubocA,  saor  an  smith, 
Ticc  B^g  on  tninn  moir  maith. 

19.  Mninend,  is  moc  Solaim  siar, 
Is  solamh  teccait  fon  ng&ir, 
In  tespoc  Fergu5  fionn  fial 
6o  mer-gu«  dian  ina  ndäil. 

(fol  246  b)  Do  ic  Maolchorgais  ale 
Go  hiarlaith  for  conmV  ngle, 
Is  Foll&n  do  icc  anoir, 
Comän  CO  cSt  naomh  sodhain. 

{Continuation  from  p.  22.)  tTnadhmumain  a  Samhradh  na  bliadhna  la,  1634, 
darbo  Gairdian  an  tathair  Dondchad  mac  GioUa  Senain.  An  brathair  Michel 
0  Clerigh  ro  sgriobh  an  ceidfecht,  7  «onna  14  Innii,  1635. 


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THE  BORACLES  OF  8ENAN.  25 

17.  Glorious  the  beauteous  city  to  night,  Scattery,  fair  its 
array.  Blessed  the  corpse  that  goes  ander  its  soil;  many  a 
qniring  angel  is  in  its  harbour. 


Woe  to  him  who  provokes  the  emaciated  noble  one,  far- 
famed  Senan  of  the  melodions  sages.  This  is  the  punishment 
which  will  be  to  him  therefor,  deprivation  of  heaven  and  earth. 

The  avengers  of  the  saint's  wrath,  promptly  they  come  at 
the  call;  three  thoosand  saints  come  nobly  across  the  brine. 


18.  Goodly  the  Company  of  the  saints  of  Derry  which 
comes  from  the  north  at  the  cry;  the  Company  of  Mochuda  from 
afar,  and  Barry  himseU  to  meet  them. 

There  comes  from  Clonard  afar  a  lean  troop  of  clerics  and 
the  noble  Company  of  Ciaran  of  Clonmacnois,  westwards  to  the 
meeting  of  Magh  Mail. 

There  comes  Coemgen  from  Glendalough,  there  comes  Berach 
the  prince  in  sooth;  Sabach  comes,  noble  the  sage,  comes  goodly 
Beoog  from  the  great  waye. 

19.  Moinend  and  Mac  Solaim  in  the  West,  promptly  they 
come  at  the  cry,  fair  noble  Fergus  the  bishop,  with  eager 
fervid  strength  to  meet  them. 

Thither  comes  Maelcorgais  to  larlaithe  on  the  bright  path, 
from  the  East  comes  Follän,  and  Comän  with  a  hnndred  monks. 


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26  Ü.  PLUMMER, 

Dosficc  Br6nainn  hxAihnech  bän, 
Ticc  cet  0  Cill  mic  Bonäin; 
Ticc  Nessan  mor  tar  in  sal, 
Be  les  teccait  na  Cron&in. 

20.  Tiocfaidh  Caireall,  cäid  an  cing, 
Tar  B&l  6  Ärainn  gan  fheall; 
Ticc  Feichin  Fabair  in  fionn 
Tar  lind  do  chabbair  na  cceall. 

Ticc  Lnghna  [an]  konaigh  an  aigh, 
Is  ticc  slogh  Mnghna  da  nd6oin, 
Teccaitt  na  Colmäin  go  caidk, 
Ucli,  a  Dhe,  as  anbh&il  an  fboir. 

Ticc  Eralt  fa  shen  ale 
Co  slogh  do  naomhaibh  Loigne; 
Ticc  Manchen  do  dheoin  D6  dil, 
Ticc  Berchän  cona  buidnibh. 

21.  Ticc  Tigernan  Oiridh  in, 
Ticc  Mocüa  Balla  fa  dioigh; 
Ticc  an  6all  craibhdech  co  cäidh, 
Le  laimh  ni  häilghen  an  fhöir. 

Greallan  Craoibhe  cruaidh  na  cath, 
Lendän  fnair  gach  rath  'na  rith; 
TiocfatdA  Fnrsa,  fial  an  flaith, 
Cidh  cian,  as  daith  thiocfns  sin. 

Ticc  CeallacA  moc  Conmaic  caidh, 
Ticc  an  feochaer  fial  Flandän, 
Ticc  üa  Suanat^A  sonn  fon  ngaer 
Oo  sloaghaibh  caomha  Candiin. 

22.  Colam  mac  Criomhtbain  go  rath, 
Ba  rond  nir  ihiormaigh  a  ghuth; 
Caimin  Innsi  Cealtra  a  cath 
Asa  indsi  ticc  fan  ngnth. 

Ticc  Ailbhe  sech  grein  ale 
Da  r^ir,  ocus  mac  Loighne, 
Octis  ticc  Mac  Daach  alle 
Co  loatb,  ocus  Mochoille. 


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THE   MIRACLE8  OF  SENAN.  27 

Fair  Brendan  of  the  hosts  comes,  come  a  hundied  from  Cell 
mic  Bonain;  great  Nessan  comes  across  the  brine  —  profitably 
come  the  Cronans. 


20.  Cairell  will  come,  venerable  the  charapion,  across  the 
brine  from  Aran  without  fail;  Feichin  the  fair  of  Fore  comes 
across  the  water  to  help  the  churches. 

Loghna  the  warlike  of  Nenagh  comes,  and  the  host  of 
Mnghna  comes  willingly,  reverently  come  the  Colmans;  Ah  God, 
wondroos  is  the  help. 

Eralt  comes  thither  with  (good)  angury,  and  a  host  of  the 
saints  of  Loigne,  Manchen  comes  by  dear  God's  will,  and  Berchän 
with  his  companies. 

21.  Glorious  Tigeman  of  Errew  comes,  Mochüa  of  Balla 
comes  at  last,  reverently  comes  the  devout  foreigner;  notgentle 
is  the  help  at  band. 

Grellan  of  Creeve,  hardy  in  battles,  a  favourite  who  attained 
every  grace  in  his  oourse;  Fnrsa  will  come,  generoas  the  prince, 
though  fai'  off,  qnickly  will  he  come. 

Cellach  comes,  the  venerable  son  of  Conmac,  and  the  fierce 
generous  Flannan,  Üa  Suanaigh  comes  here  at  the  call  with  the 
fair  hosts  of  Cannan. 


22.  Colom  son  of  Crimthan  with  gi*ace,  his  voice  was  a 
stream  which  never  dried,  Caimin  of  Inishcaltra  in  battle  came 
from  his  island  at  the  sonnd. 


Ailbe,  who  snrpassed  the  sun,  comes  hither  at  his  will, 
and  Mac  Lnighne  and  Macduach  swiftly,  and  Mochnille. 


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28  C.  PLUMMER, 

Ticc  Luchtigern  go  dian  d'ar  ffios, 
Dobeir  Scenmän  sciath  'sa  treas; 
As  rathmhar  a  nglör  a  bhns, 
Blathmoc  leisan  slogh  d'ar  les. 

23.  Mac  Leinin  an  gai  g6ir  gloin, 
Molaga  f&  dheoigh  mar  ailt, 
Fionnchu  Bri  gobhann  an  goirt 
Ni  anfa  co  ticc  fon  airc. 

Combgall;  Cainneach,  Lactin  lais, 
Mochua  Balla,  caidh  a  tres, 
Ruadh&n  Lothra  loath  don  lios 
Ticc  leisan  slnagh  d'ar  les. 

(fol  J247a)  Ticc  Flann  mac  Airchealloi^  ain, 
Ticc  an  feochatr  flal  Findin, 
Do  icc  Carrtach  as  taom  trir, 
Ticc  MainechO  mör  mac  Lairin. 

24.  Ticc  oireacht  Ärand  anlar 
Tar  sal-mong  mara  nach  min; 
Teccait  naoimh  in  cadaigh  cäidh 
Gti^in  abbaidh  nän  co  fir. 

6o  Senän  cäidh  ina  chill, 
Go  sosadh  na  s&or-long  seng, 
G*r  bö  bocÄ^  a  r^  rea  lind, 
Acc  Mac  ochta  D6  ni  fand. 

Mor  socraite  in  naoimh,  ni  brecc, 
Ö  Cham  i  Neid  go  Sliabh  Fnaid, 
Deich  cet  sin  cur  fhicit  c6d, 
Is  i  mM  teccait  fon  rAaig. 

25.  Maiicc  dnisges  an  slogh  sa  amach 
Tre  sh&racchod  na  cathrach, 
Bidh  gairitt,  bidh  suaill  a  rath, 
Bidh  fada  b6an  bos  aithreocfc. 


Tkis  name  i$  mtuUrlined  as  if  for  ddttion. 


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THE  BaRACLBS   OF  SENAN.  29 

Lachtigern  comes  quickly  at  our  sommons,  Scenm&n  bears 
bis  shield  into  the  contest;  gracious  their  speech  in  this  world, 
Blathmac  with  the  host  comes  to  our  profit. 


23.  Mac  Leinin  of  the  keen  bright  spear,  Molaga  at  last, 
like  a  hero,  Finnchu  of  Brigown  of  the  garden;  he  will  not 
stay  tili  he  comes  to  the  contest  (lit  trouble). 


Comgall,  Cainnech,  Lachtin  with  him,  Mochua  of  Balla, 
yenerable  bis  conflict,  Ruadhan  of  Lorrba  comes  with  the  host 
swiftly  to  the  fort  to  aid  us. 


Flann,  son  of  glorioos  Airchellach  comes,  and  the  flerce 
generous  Findan;  Cartbach  comes  who  is  a  match  (?)  for  three, 
and  great  Mainech  son  of  Lairin. 


24.  From  the  West  comes  the  Company  of  Aran  across  the 
brine  of  the  rougb  crested  sea;  the  saints  of  the  venerable  coven- 
ant  come  to  the  abbot  who  is  glorioos  indeed. 


To  Senan  the  yenerable  in  bis  chorch,  to  the  Station  of  the 
slender  noble  ships,  thongh  bis  time  was  poor  in  bis  life,  he  has 
power  with  God's  bosom  Son. 


Great  the  Company  of  the  saint  in  sooth  from  Cam  üi  N6it 
to  the  Fe  WS,  three  thoosand  is  the  sum  of  those  who  come  to 
the  onset. 


25.  Woe  to  him  who  rouses  up  this  host  by  outraging  the 
city  (monastery),  short  and  scant  will  be  bis  grace;  long  and 
lasting  will  be  bis  mth. 


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30  C.  PLUMMER, 

Maircc  do  bheir  an  sluagh  sa  alle 
0  chriochai6  ciana  Cime, 
Ni  bä  sämhucchod  blas  de 
Tre  shärucchad  na  cille. 

Atü  ag  rädh  briathar  nach  bras 
Cille  caidhe  is  caoimhe  atclos; 
Oirecht  aingeal  and  gan  ces 
0 

26.  Mac  m6  meic  bethoä  nach  buan 
Eter  sretaibh  sluagh  nach  saor, 
Ropsam  tendäl  ar  bith  büan, 
Munbhadh  Senan  na  sluagh  säor. 

Maircc  beires  ferond  an  näoimh, 
Ni  mochenonn  beith  'na  ndäil; 
Maircc  da  gach  duine  fofuair 
Beith  go  cruaidh  'na  cuile  caidh. 

Uch,  dam  ratt  mo  naomh  go  nocht, 
As  oram  do  thuit  a  claon  olc, 
IsedA  do  bheir  xssk  naidh  go  holc^ 
Beith  go  cruaidh  isin  naomh -port. 

27.  Maircc  bios  a  ccomhfoccu«  ceall, 
Maircc  nach  aithigh  go  haifrenn, 
Ferr  beith  a  ccloch-dinibh  ceall 

Na  ag  droch-daoinibh  na  ngaithlend. 

Occlach  bios  a  nulca  naoimh 
Ro  fhedar  nocha  bia  a  mhäoin; 
T6id  843  a  cland  is  a  chrod, 
Is  bidh  föin  tall  ar  droch-shorthan. 

D&madh  lan  dom  siol  gach  raon, 
Nocha  raghaind  [si]  re  taobh; 
Nocha  berainnsi  a  tir  uaidh, 
tiemadh  lionmar  mo  mor-slnaigh. 

I)  A  Um  tnitsing;  space  Uft  blank  in  the  3iS. 


[ 


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THE  MUUCLE8  OF  SBNAN.  31 

Woe  to  him  who  brings  this  host  hither  from  the  distant 
bounds  of  Cime;  'tis  no  peace-making  that  will  resalt  from  it, 
from  outraging  the  church. 


I  say  a  word  which  is  not  boastful  of  the  venerable  church, 
the  most  beauteous  eyer  heard  of ;  a  Company  of  angels  is  there 
unweariedly *) 


26.  A  son  of  a  son  of  life  not  lasting  among  the  ranks  of 
hosts  not  free,  a  firebrand  for  evermore  were  I,  bat  for  Senan 
of  the  noble  hosts. 


Woe  to  him  who  steals  the  land  of  the  saint,  ill  is  it  to 
have  to  meet  them  (i.  e.  the  saints);  woe  to  each  man  who 
contriyed  to  be  oppressively  in  his  (Senan's)  venerable  störe. 


Alas!  my  saint  has  stripped  me  bare,  on  me  has  fallen  his 
headlong  wrath;  this  it  is  which  evilly  separates  me  from  him, 
my  being  oppressively  in  his  sacred  harbour. 


27.  Woe  to  him  who  is  near  churches,  woe  to  him  who 
frequents  not  mass;  better  to  be  in  the  shelter  of  stone  churches, 
than  with  evil  men  of  the  spear. 


A  man  who  is  ander  the  wrath  of  the  saint,  I  well  know 
will  not  proflt  by  it;  his  children  and  cattle  perish,  and  himself 
will  be  in  evil  case  in  the  other  world. 


Though  every  road  were  thronged  with  my  seed,  I  would 
not  rely  on  them;  I  woald  not  take  his  land  from  him,  however 
numerous  my  mighty  hoste. 


*)  A  line  missing. 


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32  C.  PLUMMER, 

(fol  247  h)  6e  adertai  mo  ghort  glan, 
's  garab  ^  m'athatr  no  threabodf, 
Da  mbeith  a  bfoccu^  don  dll, 
Ni  ragh  air  acht  go  hinnill. 

28.  F6d  do  breith  d'feronn  na  naomh 
Nocha  d6oin  don  Sptru^  Naomh; 
MatVcc  bhdres  d6  f6in  gid  gar, 
Ar  a  fhod  bais  a  dhioghaL 

Maircc  donl  tegh  ar  mar  naoimh, 
Maircc  don  fhine  töid  re  a  thaoibh, 
Maircc  oma  meic  ocus  fiora, 
Do  gheibh  trdk  a  troim-iodha. 

Baoghal  don  righ  ticc  re  cill, 
Do  faoth  d'faobhar  no  do  rinn, 
Gan  crodh,  gan  coimdhe  teit  as, 
Do  bheir  an  Coimdhe  d'Indas. 

29.  Gach  a  ndemu«  im  chorp  eriadh 
Do  gach  olc,  da  gach  anriar, 
As  mö  do  catr  meisi  hi  ff&n 

A  thir  do  breith  6  Sen&n. 

Aithnim  im  dhiaigh  da  gach  laoch 
Gion  go  ffaghbha  tir  acht  fraoch, 
Na  h6irgedh  ar  tir  na  cceall, 
Na  dech  le  a  gniomh  i  nifrenn. 

Da  ndechaind  isin  saogal  seng, 
Do  b^inn  tres  re  leigend, 
Ni  beind  öil  re  höil  'sa  ceall 
Ar  ioiftat  dir  na  hEirenn. 

Is  i  mo  cloimh  is  mo  lend, 
A  hair  mar  ik  fam  leit-cenn; 
As  fir  gorab  coidh  an  ceall 
As  dion  anma  gid  leith-glend  9- 


*)  ?  Leithglend. 


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THE  MIBACLB8  OF  SENAN.  33 

Though  it  (the  land)  were  called  my  field  in  clear  possession, 
and  thoogh  it  were  my  father  that  occnpied  it,  I  will  not  enter 
on  it  save  ander  secority,  if  it  be  near  the  church. 


28.  To  take  a  sod  of  the  land  of  the  saints  is  displeasing 
to  the  Holy  Spirit;  woe  to  him  who  appropriates  even  a  little 
of  it,  on  his  own  'sod  of  death'  it  will  be  avenged. 

Woe  to  him  who  makes  a  house  on  the  wall  (boundary)  of 
a  Saint;  woe  to  the  sept  which  snpports  him  (in  doing  so);  woe 
to  his  sons  and  his  men,  he  shall  receive  heavy  pains  for  it. 


There  is  danger  for  a  king  who  attacks  a  chnrch,  he  shall 
fall  by  blade  or  point^  withont  property,  withont  security  he  goes 
forth;  the  Lord  places  him  with  Judas. 


29.  Of  all  the  ill  I  did  in  my  body  of  clay,  of  all  the 
rebellion,  that  which  has  rnined  me  most,  is  taking  land  from 
Senan. 


I  bid  every  layman  after  me,  thongh  he  obtain  no  land 
bat  (mere)  heath,  not  to  attack  charch  lands,  lest  he  go  with 
his  deed  to  hell. 


If  I  were  to  retnm  to  the  meagre  world,  I  wonld  fight  on 
behalf  of  stndy;  I  would  not  be  cheek  by  jowl  with  his  church 
for  all  the  gold  of  Erin. 


This  is  my  covering  (lit.  plumage)  and  my  mantle,  his  soil 
thus  under  the  side  of  my  head;  it  is  true  that  the  church  is  a 
portion,  even  Leighlin  (?)  is  a  protection  of  the  soul. 


S«itoohrin  f.  Mit.  Philologie  X. 


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34  C.  PLUMMER, 

30.  Maith  leis  gach^)  anmain  traaigh, 
F&iäh  gotha  claicc  gan  an^)  buain, 
6idh  siublad^  airre  ima  hnaigh 
Ind  oidhce  geimridh  glan-fäair. 

Maith  le  gach  corp  taidlech  tend 
A  naigh  aime,  gidh  aithgerr, 
Altaighim  do  Dia  na  rend 
Gan  beith  go  cian  o  aifrend. 

Maircc  do  chomheAghtheeh  an  naoimh, 
An  oilithrigh  boidhnt^A  bain, 
Ni  \>&  rabhartaigh  'na  tir, 
Munba  tabhortaigh  a  ch&in. 

Ni  ferr  dligeas  cios  is  c&in 
Da  mhanach  diles  buddein, 
Na  don  allmarach  glic  glnatV 
Ticc  le  bnaibh  d'adhbhrondadA  f^ir. 

31.  Leac  an  codaigh  le  gach  ngliaidh 
Agan  cuire  caidh  nach  cl&on; 
Tarloch  a  ccatraigh  caidh 

Ag  nrgnamh  don  hhhaidh  näomh. 

(fol  248  d)  Gort  na  cathrach  maith  rea  cur, 
Rathmar  a  rath  o  ro  gein, 
Arii  na  naingeal  tall  'na  fliail, 
Daingen  nar  lamhadh  le  neimh. 

Biadh  a  oirenih[an]  bfionn  bfial, 
Accar  ghairt  na  naingeal  n&n; 
Loim  na  heillte  a  ccaid  caomh, 
Ar  bru  reilge  na  naomh  nän. 

An. 

0  ?  Is  maitb  le  gacb;  cf.  next  veru, 
«)  V  a. 


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THE  MIBACLBB   OF  8ENAM.  35 

30.  It  is  good  for  every  unhappy  soul  that  the  sound  of 
the  bell's  voice  be  not  evoked  (lit.  strnck),  though  it  be  carried 
(lit  thoagh  it  go)  over  it  round  its  grave  on  a  winter's  night 
clear  and  cold. 

Good  for  every  strong  bright  body  its  grave  about  it,  though 
it  be  but  Short;  I  give  thanks  to  the  God  of  the  stars  for  not 
being  far  from  mass. 


Woe  to  the  man  who  is  neighbour  (?)  of  the  saint,  of  the 
fair  pilgrim  of  the  hosts;  he  will  not  be  powerful(?)  in  his  land, 
onless  he  be  generous  of  his  tribnte. 


Not  better  is  the  man  who  owes  rent  or  tribute  to  his 
(Senan's)  own  monk,  than  the  cnnning  bright  foreigner  who 
comes  with  kine  to  consume  pasture. 


31.  The  stone  of  the  covenant  in  every  contest  is  with  the 
venerable  and  righteous  band;  a  pool  in  the  venerable  monastery 
does  Service  to  the  holy  abbot. 


The  field  of  the  monastery  is  good  in  its  site,  abundant  its 
increase  since  the  beginning;  the  Angels'  Height  is  there  near  it, 
a  fortress  which  was  never  assailed  by  violence. 


The  Support  of  his  fair  generous  ploughmen  is  the  acre  of  the 
field  of  the  glorious  angels;  the  doe's  milk  is  their  fair  portion, 
on  the  edge  of  the  cemetery  of  the  glorious  saints. 

Glorious. 
Oxford.  C.  Plummeu. 


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ÜBER  DAS  ALTER  DER  WÜRZBURGER 
GLOSSEN. 


Man  pflegt  jetzt  die  Hauptmasse  der  Würzburger  Glossen 
allgemein  in  die  Mitte  des  8.  Jahrhunderts  n.  Chr.  zu  verlegen, 
da  dieselben  entschieden  älter  sind,  als  der  Kalender  des  Oengns, 
andererseits  aber  bedeutend  jttnger,  als  die  713  y.  Chr.  von 
Dorbb^ne  geschriebene  Vita  Columbae  des  Adamn&n. 

Ihr  Alter  lälst  sich  aber  noch  genauer  fixieren  und  zwar 
mit  Hilfe  der  bekannten  Erzählung  von  der  Vertreibung  der 
D^isi,  die  aus  historischen  Gründen  um  das  Jahr  750  n.  Chr. 
aufgezeichnet  worden  sein  muls;  die  Version  aus  RawL  B.  502 
ist  von  Kuno  Meyer  im  Cymmrodor  XTTT  104  ff.,  die  Version  aus 
Land  610  in  Eriu  III 144  ff.  herausgegeben. 

Hier  finden  sich  nun  eine  Reihe  von  Formen,  die  deutlich 
älter  sind,  als  die  Sprache  der  Würzburger  Glossen.  So  finden 
sich  in  der  Land -Version  Formen  wie  to-llotar  (Z.32),  to-lleicset 
(Z.56),  tO'chomairc  (Z.92),  to-beir  (Z.  105),  ton' fair  (Z.168),  Uh 
chumiat  (Z.  185),  tos-berat  (Z.  186),  to-Ut  (Z.  188),  während  im  Wb. 
vortoniges  to-  regulär  als  do-  erscheint 

Beachtenswert  ist  femer  das  oti  in  Maugdomm  (Z.  117X 
wogegen  Wb.  stets  die  Form  mug  hat  Sehr  alt  ist  auch  der 
Genetiv  Niod  in  BawL  (§  9),  doch  dürfte  es  sich  hier,  ebenso  wie 
beim  Namen  Condla  hOs  (Land,  Z.  235)  um  einen  traditionellen 
Archaismus  handeln. 

Jedenfalls  wird  man  aber  die  Niederschrift  von  Wb.  um 
wenigstens  10—20  Jahre  herabrücken  müssen,  also  frühestens  um 
760—770  n.  Chr.  ansetzen  dürfen. 

Wien.  Juuus  Pokorkt. 


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MITTEILUNGEN 
AUS  IRISCHEN  HANDSCHRIFTEN. 


Ochtfoelach  Colalm  Clillle. 

Bald  nachdem  ich  dies  Gedicht  in  Bd.  VIII,  SS.  198—217 
aus  Laud  615  abgedruckt  hatte ,  fand  ich  eine  zweite  Handschrift  5 
in  dem  Buch  von  Lecan,  fol.  170hl.    Als  Titel  steht  dort  freilich 
In  ochtfbclach  hi  Emin  annso,  wird  also  einem  (mir  unbekannten) 
ua  hEmin  zugeschrieben. 

Die  erste  Strophe  lautet: 

Dia  moir  (sie)  dorn  ünditen,  10 

Dia  mor  dorn  imdeadail, 
Dia  mor  dorn  foirceadal, 
Dia  mor  im  fail. 

Dia  mor  dorn  chaisearcad, 
Dia  mor  dorn  imradad,  15 

Dia  mor  dorn  imgnadad, 
Dia  mor  romain. 

Im  folgenden  teile  ich  nun  die  Varianten  von  Strophe  zu 
Strophe  mit: 

2  Int  athair       comachtach,  comsich       m'anmchara       rig  20 
in  rigthig  rignime      3  dilgadach  dercach      ndealbaim      ri      tai- 
cheanach         tidlaiceach        ceil  chrithearghna        4  in  firdia 
in  firduine       bias  acon  breitheamnus        breath  briatharglan 

5  harchainglib   ilcheol         oirisem         nacht         chunscnngnd 
(sie)  in  choimdead       eistecht  rin       cach  enen  (sie)  fri  ebnes  25 

6  cathairi  coinnlecha         chirt  choir        siroirfe        ban  sliab 

7  archaidgel         hanmchairdib  imad        ba  rig        cunlacht  in 


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38  KÜNO  METER, 

chosdada  in  cheocadail  (sie)  cloisdid  co  cach  (sie)  8  glas- 
chedal  re  cloisteand  cluas  in  taitnema  an  oircedail  don 
trinoit  9  indisin  in  athar  oirnindte  ni  chuimgend  ro- 
chaimi  in  rachoimdead        ri  in  domnaig       adr^i       10  Is  bua- 

5  dach  in  brathairsi  is  buideach  diadi  deichaid  nacht  chom- 
rath  n-anfoirfe,  is  can  ecnach  11  can  imorbns  ann  tochostal 
tuaraithli,  con  tluag  fuil  12  Can  tigi  d'athchnindgid  arcait 
na  hoir,  can  chrud  mnc  mochergi,  can  inmbnar  mbogeroneach, 
can  mna,  can  milana  can  munter  (sie)  moir       13  mor  teist  a 

10  tigerna  itat  na  n-amsine  budig  bithbudig  bad  boUtnigthi 
bithlana  14  Tria  bithu  mbithlanti  blatholas  rofiarfaid  ritheg  in 
rig  oenlaith  (sie)  ica  n-orfided  tria  bithu  na  sir  15  flu  prim- 
aibni  mar  tat  ar  cach  eon  etrochta  16  Aibni  na  har- 
dena,  ailli  na  hilcheola,   imda  na  hilblasa,  ilbda  in&erdeir 

15  blaith  meth  minabaig  moigib  morsoillsi  rigtheg  reill 
17  Roiseam  roatrebam  in  duileamon  iar  tabairt  doman  che 
ditten  rondiitneba  descin  a  deachta  a  dualas  a  doenachta  donarus 
de.  D.  18  Dia  nathar  (sie)  atchimsea.  ar  uath  ar  egomnart 
ar  olcuib  aideitchib  i  n-agaid  gaid.  cumthach  roncumtigba.  in 

20  coimdiu  cumachtach.  in  cara  coindirclech  19  Comnart  in  chom- 
airgi.  cunchim  dum  cheartnadud.  Crist  ar  cach  comrorgin.  o 
mo  chnrp  chaem.  tic       theasarcain.        thes       ristabraim  iaeh. 

20  Tief a  dom  theasarcain.  itä  ica      torbrid      anbonni      m'imeacla 

21  in  chomairgi       chondailbi       tolloirbe  tolltar  ua  thri.       in 
25  am.         uas         sligi    uasermagrib   naemainglig   conic   cach   ni. 

22  acamsenabaid  (sie)  raenabaig       roncsemnacair       in  chuing 
fethel  CO  faebruge      seathar  soeglaigi       23  ind  irecna      rigetla 
CO  ndirigi  a  dreach.  caemni  (sie)  ronaemastair.  saemi  ronsaerastair. 
naBmni   ronaemastair.  naemastair  nech.       24  ar  in  n(;m  naom- 

90  anglech.  na  hoig  na  hathrigig.  co  ndligud  de.  berthar  bith 
chaem  che  25  comrachi  ar  coilcthib  clumgeala  chrand  is 
ed  fognas  and.  26  Adbli  fria  n-innisin.  adamra  ind  iruasal. 
immad  na  n-anaichnid.  nach  aichnid  duind.  a  droim  fria 
diumsachaib.  a  dreach  fria  dedblenaib.  a  deas  fria  desciblaib. 

35  duileam  na  tidull  (sie)  27  A  soela  d^indisin  is  disceoil  discm- 
dain.  is  toi*si  dithrubach.  fri  dune  dall.  artri  can  artrigud.  aener 
can  oenoman.  endia  7  enolad.  innister  ann.  28  Isu  coim- 
diu cumachta.  cumthigthi  atchid.  gebid  mor  d'athlechaib  (sie). 
oppuid  mor  d'ecnaigib.  athriguig  ardrigu.  artrigud  rig.       29  Rig 

40  tren  in  tatnema.        taitneam  na  trocairL  turacht  cach  trinin. 


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HITTEILUNOEK  AUS  IBISCHEN  HAKD8CHBIVTEK.  39 

satroll  ar  soillsichthL  sidbarr  ar  sidaidchi  samri  ar  samaigchL 
slanti  iar  snil.  90  Is  esem  slanicid.  sil  Adaim  athramail.  athair 
na  hicslantL  tanic  diar  ca  condalb  cartimail.  conarad 
comaided.  cotarsna  31  choimgine  corancobrarni.  corocho- 
grani.  statt  rotochtsainar:  rochansomar  statt  rogeallsamar:  5 
rodailsemar  tria  chness  32  in  langlacad.  latruind  ting 
tromfaebrach         intortdescin  arind  roirgabad         rohathi- 

sead  33  Cocar  ^rochocradsom  chomidecht  sin  chetain 
cetchmtta  cetaib  rabaadirtha.  bethad  rabaethigtha.  bel- 
gacha  34  Briathar  in  morchoimdead  deiscibal  (sie)  isin  10 
dardain  caplati.  atmait-ni  ita  dorn  apstaib  (sie),  apsdal  na 
midbrannsa.  fri  croich  fri  cesachtain  36  chian  in  goibes 
faistine  derb  leis  rolamsadur.  in  lacht  ba  lia.  ladas  rotair- 
cestair.  do  ladib  rothregestair.  rothreic  rothreic  som  36  Dia 
enni  ditini  (sie),  disa  ba  dochraiti.  is  de  ita  in  segsathamach.  15 
masech.  iniarmergi  ind  adlacin.  asnarracht  neach.  37  Iar 
aairifrind  iar  n-ergi  a  hadlocad  ardapsdal  dodealbad 
38  Randascfa  in  brath  baranta.  bid  bloiscaem  brecthen- 
tech  in  forchongro  os  chach.  39  Bid  camag-som. 
bid  camang-ni.  Crist  corcra  atchifiam-ni.  rancigfi  at-  20 
clainfea  in  tochidL  aid  taachell  taiceris.  bid  bid  40  fir 
pargadoir  malartfaid.  bid  mairc  dia  choimidchib.  bid  garb  in 
citL  bid  garb  a  ilglasad.  n-anbasad.  bid  marb  in  aadblas- 
rach.  aasin  bith.  41  ger  gataide.  gillanraid  gelentech.  ga 
gloir  cach  ascebthar  aerfiter.  cascebthar  claefiter.  trascebthar  25 
traethfider.  aan  42  Uid  trom  leo  in  t-achmosan  a  tuaris- 
cbail.  dofittfr  digfiter.  aan  tenid  (t)eind.  deamnacda  dichoib- 
sech  43  drochrig  aaibrecha  dimsacha.  na  damaid  comairli.  na 
tescfa  in  trenlasair.  nastollfa  in  trenoigread.  nistamain  meas- 
raidthi.  isin  44  do  cach  cristaidi  comailleann  compatnus.  30 
coriam  cerd  cirmairi.  cendaigi  craaid.  fllig  ciatfedamla.  na  fegad 
flrindL  foichleat  in  rothenid  46  romiadcha.  roscleathna  robeg 
bic  derlagit  cia  beth  dia  lanailli.  mina  beat  landercaich 
i  laithi  in  criathartha.  bad  craira  46  Crossana  craitirL  cethim 
cach  caanberla.  cach  cheana  adchid.  digfitiV  dilfltir.  a  draim  in  35 
daileaman.  do  reir  a  dathrachta.  cach  ina  olc  dib  47  Dail- 
fitiV  dortfltiV  scol  ca  scribabthar  bid  a  scel.  taisich  ac  tren- 
eithiach  trocairi.  taicthig  can  48  minalaind.  tesleamna  sa- 
daile.  olc  leam  inan  iarmairt  dratha  diglecca.  dicles  doniat 
cach  n-aroprad       49  Olc  dona  sacartaib.  discireacht  nacenta      40 


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40  KUNO  MEYER, 

fes  orchindech  ecraiduech.  eagnaid  can  earnaichi.  espoc  ag 
adaltros.  imadall  Dgraid  50  Onath  risna  brecairib.  ni  soin  in 
bregoirecht.  biaid  nair  a  achmosan.  bid  ec  re  neach.  sosceli  sn- 
aichinti.  siriud  i  samradaib      selcoireacht      santagnd      51  Adaim 

5  anacrid       tochastol       tabrad  dia  rer.       morri  na  mordala 
timairgfeas  tall  ar  in        52  Ticfad  sin  toirithin        tnsnigthid 
tusnichter    thall         robeathaiged.    biaid    ac    in   breitheamnns 
53  dindsaidig        dosraga        ticfa  im  gar  aar  taismenaid  toi- 
cebuid       thaeb       twrracht       54  Taiceraid  firindi.  beraid  breath 

10  brechtnaigthi  acambia  in  chroch  roceartaiged  iama  at- 
chifi  55  mo  na  cach  ongfaid  na  ethgecn.  badfid  brufid 
in  brecthene  56  ar  des  ndesbeblaig  (sie),  beti  na  Her  idiu 
is  tall  trenadbal  aaraftgbaid  enadlaid  and  57  Oes  trich- 
taig  doibsidhe.  do  lacht  d'fir   na  mnai         comeasa  cosmaile. 

15  can  aenmet  enordlaig.  d'esbaid  na  d'  imarcaid  58  Atrse  in 
frsech  bid  fothrann  fomorda.  bid  feidm  na  fselastair  bid 
faach.  fri  brath  fri  brig  frisin  mbrath  mbemeannach. 
lemeannach  59  Locha  bid  luath  co  loiscfidear  lasfaid  na 
loathaibne.  lanantach  leir.  dresfid  in  dabthalam.  fri  dreich  na 

20  damthenead.   bid   bec   nach   taimnichfia   don   talmain    trein 
60  Fothar  na  tromthenead.  ic  tar  na  tromchinead.  tarneach 
na  tendclaideb        daig        asa  thoig        borbasnach        61  ina 
deargfasach        ar  bith  chaem  che       62  grechfaidit       re  gnth 
in  duileaman       adbera  soro       dingbad  ass       trenamail       conu 

25  cial  cathamail        n-itmaraig  n-nair       63  don  lacht  risn-epera 
ni  basiad  uas.  tegaid       co  mbed  i  mbeathaich      64  adbera      ria 
flrenchaib.  imthiget         madchin  da  tecema.  don  lacht  nascre- 
deba       ebera       65  morchomdiu.  mongenar  gairfe-snn.  chuici 
nosdialtfa-som      nosbrecfa-som.  im  brat  is  am  biad      66  Mongenar 

30  gairfe-som.  mongenar  glanfa-sim.  mongenar  charfa-som.  carthain 

roclas      techtfa-som     nem  ca  nochtaib  sium     bocht     67  ßoisem 

oentaid  na  n-archaingeL  na  sreath  na  sarchaingen.  acht  dia 

bodein       ni  roich  &g  nanarrad       sragalla       68  noncumtaig- 

fea       noncertaigfea       nonbeartaigfea  ar  nim  's  ar       in  rigtaig 

35  raglanna  i  n-eglais  69  co  rothnilleam-ni  gnathirsL  bid 
fal  fon  faithimsea.  baig  brathirsi.  bith  dan  araen  70  ron- 
focela  ronfrecera  rontecema.  do  thig  de  des  ronfuari- 
stair  rofegastair.  is  leir  ronleidistair  les  71  liaig  lagort 
ar  leastar  lan  d'or.  in  delb  ar  deargastair.  d'ordan  is  d'aireo- 

40  chas.  dsenacht  na  deachta.  deacht  na  daennachta.  in  dia  mor 


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MITTEILUKOEN  AUS  IRISCHEN  HANDBCHRIFTBN.  41 

mor       72  MoAgenar       caidchi  nochomaillead       nmaloit  inisli 
eclas  de  d'athaide.  dilgnd  do  chach       73  trocairi.  caendu- 
thracht       cobais  rell  reithineach.        derc  risna  deiblenaib 
tidnocoL  da  tecma  a  daal       74  dubalchaib       drochraitib.  disli 
cach  acobair.  etach  don  bocht        gnathfaidfeas.  grema  i  ngna-   5 
thugud.  geanmnaideacht  blathchoemda        75  bas  tathachtach 
tairmim-sea        ca  faigebthar.  bid  fearrdi        imgabail        ind 
almsa      fir      76  ernedach     cach  rochret      ar  deismirecht     ser 
{sie)  dseine        ar  daig  ftdeachta.  is  dearb  do  serc        77  nos- 
coimetann         ceneol        bad        ind  oigi  do   thaiselbad.  assu  10 
indamnaithrigi       loin  accu  d'athathris.  ni  hathathris       78—80 
am.  Lee.       81  im  Michel       nochon  i       berair      comit  a  cathu- 
gnd       ra  cathmilig       fri  deman  ndär       82  Teacaid      iecaid 
mo  daerad-sa.  bet  acom       d'ainglib  bat  astairig. 


Fatrielus  an  seinen  ausgefallenen  Zahn.  15 

Aus  Laud  610,  fol  ?4aL  —  Vgl  Trip,  Life,  S.  140  und  LL  353 d. 

A  fir  h&l       tocus  mennatan^)  i  mbä: 

fla  tamma^)  inair^)  mbia       nochot-aca  cossin[d]{u. 

C€in  robämar  immalle       ni  foilangar^)  hüact  na  te, 

bennacht  for  Rlg  na  n-uile!       roscar^),  a  det  flndbuide.  20 

Cip  e  gellas  [dit]*)  nach  tan       imm  anmaim-se  cot^)  adrad, 
gellfat-sa  de  fiad  ile       iss^)  Fladat  findnime. 

And»)  aidche  co  ranaci»)  rim,       atberim  fiad  Rig  na  rinn^O» 
nl  dechoid  feöil  torut  sis,       nl  thänic  [göu] ")  anis  dart  c[h]enn. 

In  Flada  finn  fil  for  nim,       conecna>^)  lim  Crlst  cöemdil,  25 

donicc")  fo  bathis  bain  bil,       nomleic«^)  fo  athis  öenflr. 

A  fir. 

>)  matfcoatan  Stokes,  perperam. 

')  Lies  6  at&äm  oder  vielleicht  6  ataim-ne.    LL  hat  otü. 

')  Lies  inar.  *)  Besser  mit  R  nirodSmar  im  Beim  mit  bSmar. 

*)  Besser  mit  B  ronscar  „er  hat  um  getrennt",        •)  «ic  B. 

')  icom  B.  •)  Lies  i  tig?  •)  Lies  ond,  LL. 

»•)  condranac  LL.  ")  Lies  rend  mit  LL.       ")  sie  LL. 

>')  Lies  conacna  mit  IL      ^^)  domicc  LL  domrolat  B, 
»*)  nimreilce  B. 


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42  KÜNO  METER, 

Aas  Land  610. 

foU  75b\ 

A  flr  tögbas  na  taise,       cuirim  ort  a  fladnaise, 

nach  adlmr  cäile  don  curp        da  fadbod  ail[l]e  ar  Id&achi. 

5  Ib.y  fol,  121a,  marg.  in  f. 

Acht  CO  saothraib   ar  hseircc  De,         acht  co   n-fiine  's   co 

[n-öighe, 
fri  flghlib  rohsin  a  acht,       rorir  cech  dan  ar  dhiadacht 

Ib.j  fol,  32  a  marg.  inf, 

Cuma  lium   cidh   toll  mo  lend,         cuma  lium   cid  seang  mo 

[bra, 
10  is  roc[h]uma  lium  go  derb       gidh  robeg  mo  §ealb  do  bhü. 

Ib.,  fol  30b  marg,  inf, 

Dia  ndernta  deine  cech  l&i        is  beith  i  ndöire  do  Dia, 

is  ferr  comöl  risin  truag,       is  romö[r]  an  lüagh  rotfla.    7  rl. 

15  Tadc  mac  Ctin. 

Ib,  fol  ?4al,  "  Vgl  Dtath-taUs  of  the  Ulster  Heroes,  S,  18. 

Cöica  traiged    tölaib   tlacht         flad   slaagaibh   sainser  srlan- 

[balc, 
fot  in  gargleir  {sie)  co  ngart,        Taidg  meic  Cein  ötat  ClannachL 

Die  Söhne  Eres. 

20  Cethri  meic  i  nAiliuch        do  hEirc,  ba  saer  sraen, 
Feradach  is  Tigernach,        Murchertach  is  Mäen. 

Cethri  meic  la  Fergus       dond  Eirc  cubaid  cedna, 
Fedilmid  is  Loärn,       Brenainn  agt4^  S6tna. 

Die  Söhne  des. Fergus  mac  Conaill. 

25  Fedilmid,  Fiachra  febhda,  Br6nainn,  S6tna  saerdelbdha, 
Ninnid,  Fidrai  fri  nith  nas,  Cairthenn  is  Loärn  lanmas, 
oc[h]t   meic    toaith    Bregrossa   baind  Fergusa   caind   meic 

[Conaill. 


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MITTEILUNOEN  AUS  IRIBCHBN  HANDBCHRIFTEN.  43 

Die  Söhne  Conall  Gulbains. 

Fergus,  öengus,  Echaig,  Nathi,       Büguine,  dodluigtis  fuilt, 
hit  e&t  sain  fri  sith[f]laith  sodaing        sö  meic  Conaill  Gulbam 

[guirt. 

Deich  meic  Eogain  gil  glain       ocus  meic  Conaill  Golpaiii 

ö  Ma[i]g  Ene  co  Dun  mBö       fersat  cath  cach  belato.  5 

Mochatta  .ce. 

Aui  der  Brüsseler  Handschrift  2324—2340,  fol  263b, 

1  Ind  ecclas  nsemh  nemda,       is  saer  hi,  is  crodh  condla: 
tabrotd^  taobh  re  smithnert,        is  croithnecht,  is  craobh 

[cumra. 

2  Da  ngabaid  ind-ecclais,       curbä  haltrom  nseidhen,  10 
gorab  tren  bhar  mbriathar       occ  blathad  a  häidhedh.^) 

3  Is  slad  so  na  h&idhigh^)       is  dir  isin  ecclais: 
Incht  labra  7  l^iginn,       boc[h]tain  deiblein  dladha: 
mogenar  Mogenad        cobair  ac  a  fegadh,        oc  denamh  a 

[riara. 

4  Da  ngabhaitt  i  n- ecclas,       fögraim  daibh  a  pudar^):  15 
abraidh  nächas  gebaid       nö  denaid  a  Inbair. 

5  Da  Inbhair  a  tempuil:       ceilebradh  is  crabhadh;       a  lialtöir 

[maith  maisec^, 
CO  raibh  sl  arna  senad,        gurab  caemh  re  fegadli        iar 

[ndenum  a  caiseal. 

6  Da  ngabaid  a  n- ecclas,       föccruim,  nl  rädh  rüine, 

daigh  is  lim  as  cumhan,       gurab  eirghe  curadh,       bidh  nlad  20 

[cecÄ  cüile. 

7  A  haith[l]e  na  n-nlad       föccraim,  is  rädh  bonaidh, 
da  ndemaidh  bar  saethar,       da  möraidh  bar  labhair, 
saothraighet  bar  ccosa,       imdaighter  bar  lossa, 
töccbaid  süas  bar  mbosa,       bid  crosa  6s  gach  ulaigh.^) 

8  A  hait[h]l6  cros  cinnte       da  cinnid  bar  sasthar,       nf  abraim  25 

[ribh  anad, 
barndul  amach^)  re  blladain,      gurbat  faicet  fladaigh       oc 

[larraidÄ  bhur  manach. 

*)  Lies  6iged.  *)  Lies  höigid.  »)  Vielleicht:  cen  phudair. 

*)  Lies  ulaidh.         ^)  Lies  'mach. 


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44  KÜKO  METER, 

9  Gach  manach  dobera       a  edhbairt  don  ecclais, 
do  dhenamh  a  ssethair,       do  mhöradh  a  c[h]ille, 
rob  leis  föin  a  dfni       oc  treabhadh  a  tire, 
cu  rachtea  ar  crine       a  righe  ar  mnigh  nimhe. 

5  10  Gach  manach  n&c[h]  tiabhrae       a  edbairt  don  ecclais, 
do  denam  a  8&etha[i]r,       do  möradh  a  lubhar, 
a  gort  ni  rab  genas,       rob  olc  gach  ni  treabhas, 
gurab  demon  bheires,       gurab^  de  lenas  pudhar. 
11  Nä  rap  pndar  daibh-si,       troiscidh  ar  na  manc[h]aibh, 

10       diultfaid  for  ind  ecciais,       iss  edh  dlegor  düibh-si, 
mad  becc  libh  a  mberaitt,       eirghidh  ^  treabhaidh, 
dönaid  gnrta  gemhair,       lenaid  as  in  ecclass. 

Ind  ecclas  nsemh  nemdha  7  rl. 


König  Fedlimld  and  der  jnnge  Priester. 

15  Aus  23  N 10,  S.  18. 

Das  folgende  Gedicht  wird  einem  Fedlimid,  ^Bischof  und 
König  von  Munster  zugeschrieben,  worunter  ohne  Zweifel  der 
bekannte  Sohn  Crimthanns  gemeint  ist,  der  von  820—847  König 
in  Cashel  war.  Er  unrd  zwar  sonst  meines  Wissens  nicht  epscop, 
20  wohl  aber  in  der  kurzen  Notiz  von  seinem  Tode  in  den  Ännalen 
von  Ulster  ancorita  genannt,  ausserdem  optimns  Scotorum  scriba^). 
Ein  anderes  ihm  beigelegtes  Gedicht  habe  ich  in  der  Zeitschrift  III, 
S.  34  abgedruckt. 

Feidlimidh  espoc  7  rl  Muman  rocan  ann  so  dia  araille  (sie) 
25  sacart  böi  ar  bra  na  Saroäire.    Abond  isidhe  fil  hi  medön  muighi 
Muman. 

1  A  fir  oird  na  haraide,       mairg  is  meraige  a  dana, 
a  sagairt^)  na  Samaire,       romoch  dogabnis  grada. 

2  Nuchar  fnrail  flsegna       d'aithne  jn  uird  iarsin  mbaisded, 
30       gradha  do  c[h]nr  for  giüaib«)       imaire  eich  gan  aister. 


»)  Lies  gTirb. 

*)  So  i$t  ufohl  zu  lesen,  nichts   wie  Hennessy  drtickt  und  über$etet: 
optimns  Scotornm,  scriba  et  ancorita. 
>)  sagairt  MS. 
*)  Lies  vielleicht:  grid  do  chnr  for  gilla(n)raid. 


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MfTTSIIiUNaBN  AUS  IBI8CHEN  HANDSCHRIFTEN.  45 

3  Fot  glfln  nochomdeisigfinn,       cid  ed  nosechnainn  mnin  sin, 
don  espuc  is  esindill       a  Iflas  rodleig  fon  cning-sin. 

4  Ind  eclas  do  mothngudh       nl  monar  dnine  daoibil, 
na  grada  do  c[h]othngud       is  feidm  fiasoZ  m^  aonfir. 

A  tir.  5 


Uga  Corbmaic  melc  Cnilendain. 

Au»  23  N 10,  8.17. 

Van  diesem  Gedichte  waren  mir  einzelne  Strophen  aus  Zitaten 
in  den  metrischen  und  grammatischen  Traktaten^)  lange  bekannt, 
ehe  ich  auf  eine  Handschrift  des  Gammen  stiefs.  Diese  findet  sich  10 
in  dem  ersten  auf  Pergament  geschriebenen  Teil  von  23  NIO,  wo 
sie  dem  bekannten  Casheler  Kirchenfürsten  zugeschrieben  wird, 
während  LL37c  nur  Cormac  nennt  und  die  Uraicept  die  elfte 
Strophe  suerst  Colum  Cille,  dann  einem  Cormac  bard  ssulegt 

1  In  roghso,  a  Rl')  na  rfln,       lar  comso  clom  ocns  ceol  15 
mo  brogad  for  mara  mOr,       mn  c[h]nl  do  t[h]ochar  Mm  eol? 

2  In  mbeo  i  mbochta  isin  c[h]ath       tre  rath  in  Rig'),  rl  ein 

[meth, 
ein  miad  mür,  ein  carpat  cXeih,       ein  ör,  ein  argat,  ein  eeh? 

3  Cin  ül  medraeh  mesethar  droing,       ein  tüa[i]th  tnüm,  ein 

[teglaeh  trom*), 
cin  broselath^),  cin  aile  n-aim,       ein  efiaeh,  ein  enirm  is  cin  20 

[cornd? 

4  Cin  etind  min  mas  ar  sflii,       ein  cloim  nat  caro  cech  naomh, 
acht  barran  beithe  fo  böaidh       fo  c[h]nilehe  e[h]raaidh  Mm 

[da  taob? 

5  In  timger  eelebrad  coir       d'innsi  müir  moc  Mlied  mfiaidh? 
innamtairber  fo  Christ  cuing        ria  techt  tar  tnind  Maro 

[Rüaidh? 


1)  In  der  Abhandlung  über  trefocal  LL  37  findet  sich  die  8.—-9,  Strophe 
(37  c  55  ff.)  und  in  Uraicept  na  n-6ces  fBBJ  die  11.  Strophe  zweimal  zitiert. 
Die  29.  ist  vollständig  in  dem  Glossar  in  H.  3. 18,  SS.  66  und  633,  und  ihr 
erster  Vers  in  Cormacs  OUssar  §  369  unter  den  sogen.  „Additional  Articles" 
angeführt. 

•)  rig  »)  ri  ♦)  Lies  tonn. 

*}  broBC  nia  n0  broBdath. 


Digitized  byV^OOQlC 


40  KÜMO  MEYER, 

6  In  radinbh-sa,  rad  ndlu[i]t  Ddran,       mo  c[h]oibsen  clan,  coinal 

[cmaidO? 
in  ferfat,  a  Rl^)  na  nell,       fra^a  mo  der  dar  mo  grOaidh? 

7  In  tiur»)  mo  laim  do  gach  crecht         for  brü  toinde  toirbe 

[bare? 

in  fuiceb  oc  maro  mar       slicht  mo  da  glon  isin  tracht? 

5    8  An  toigeb«)  mo  c[h]archan  dar       ös  aigen^)  achtlet[h]an  an? 

in  rag,  a  SP)  richid  reil«),       as  mo  t[h]oil  fein  foran^)  sal? 

9  Im  ba  sessoch,  im  ba  seng,       im  ba  tressacli  f olingg  tond  ^), 

a  Christ,  an  cuingena  lium»)       ö  thi  coi<>)  techt  tar^O  üiid 

[londi^)? 

10  Cla  leth  cobra*«)  lar  cöaird")  cros      cossalua  mo  c[h]oblach") 

[eres? 
10       in  1«)  ba  soir  nö  *')  slar,  nl  süaill,        in  i«)  ba  u[o]thaaidh  *») 

[nö  budesiö)? 

11  Fa  mba  tre  fochaid  co  ngrain        romficfa  a  ndail   bratho 

[boain? 
fa  mba  lasmbess  det  oc  töir       dllgud  mür  ar  monar  söaill? 

12  Saorsa  lacöp  na  cet  cloth,       ba  moch  robo  rigmac  raith, 
tröcaire  indlight&6cA  (?)  an  breth         resiu  dogne[th]  nl  do 

[maitL 
15  13  Maith  siecht  in  paiplecain  blaith       fo  c^^aip  crecht,  comal 

[craaid, 
do  no  tempuZ  (?),  nirbo  tlaith,      ar  beloiph  caich  dobirt  bflaidh. 

14  Bai  Matha  mör,  monar  ndar,       fo  mar  annaigh  oirgce  sloat^, 
Inid  lat,  leigis  leabatd  lain       mainc[h]ine  ng  Roman  raaid. 

15  Nl  roc6ss  an  laoch  don  leirg       i  tigh  pinne,  bes  lar  faidg, 
20       ar  do  saordeis  a  baois  buirb       adaig  daoib  im  aonmeis  aird. 

16  A  mboi  |n  ballglando,  ba  cain,       Moire  Magdallda,  miond  Oir, 
aonta  demna,  dreman  cleir,       foi  for  grein  in  c[h]rotha  cöir. 


0  nö  nnag  (i.  c  n-ütg).       •)  rig  •)  L%e$  tiurr. 

*)  in  tooöb  L.  ^)  for  inn  ocian  L.        *)  in  rigthigh  rel  A. 

*)  arin  L. 

■)  fretsach  torgib  droing  L.    tresach  türme  glonn  B. 

*)  in  cong«bha  Unn  B.    in  caugene  frimm  L.        ^^)  oc  L, 

")  for  L.    ar  B.  »•)   long  Ä 

'*)  ced  leth  co  br&th  L.    cia  leth  gn  brath  B.        >«)  cnairt  LB. 

*^^  coalafea  mo  bachlach  L.    coaloidfea  mo  coblach  B, 

*•)  im  L,  ")  sair  ba  Ä  '•)  fothnaid  L. 

^*)  im  ba  fodess  L, 


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MITTBILUNOEN  AUS  IBIBCflKN  HANDSCURIFTBN.  47 

17  Dobtrt  dl  la  dilgud  plan       beith  ar  do  dreich,  dllgud  mar, 
menüdh  a  coisscelu  clan       cen  meros  soisce/a  sl&n. 

18  Saithemail  breth  rombtVt  tall       ar  bannscail  n-ann  ü  roell, 
ö  tarmairt  ann  aibel  i)  drong       doch  gach  aonfir  ina  ceann. 

19  Coicertu[i]5  in  dine  ndian,       a  Ei  sTde,  sorcha  dal,  5 
ama  clochad  ria  gach  cflain       do  c[h]aail  pecuid  fer  ba 

[slan. 

20  Saor  docflaid  iter  da  recht,       nl  füair  let  lecht  ar  a  locht, 
in  adoltroch  rodomert,       in  malortocÄ  im  a  c[h]orp. 

21  Cain  dorolgis  do  cach  naill,       do  gach  pect[h]ach,  brat  cech 

[cind, 
nirb  ard  n-aithisech  a  greim,       inge  nad  n-aithersed  inn«      lo 

22  An  fer  maith  is  möam  rotc[h]ar,       Petar  aupstal,  anrtaig 

[tor, 
nachatfedir,  a  De  bl,       atc[h]nitig  fa  thrt,  ba  col. 

23  Cia  rotsennstar^)  ar  tlas       do  muinteros,  mö  gach  drtlis, 
dorolgis  dö,  demin  sc^2,       lar  sceit[h]  a  der  tar  a  gnais. 

24  Gabais  dlabul  cacht  ein  clith        for  laoch  roalt  frie  cech  15 

[toich, 
ö  tarcnib  for  doma[i]n  dreich       tor  \eith  co  farguib  a  croich. 

25  0  creidis  inniut  a  recc       medön  laithi,  nirbo  lag, 

hi  parthns  lar  n-oidche  flair,       is  e  gilla  docflaid  lat^). 

26  In  Im  roleicis  fot  barr^)       it  lir  gainim  maro  min, 

in^)  lln  ronescmart  as  cach  n-ing       at  lir  na  rind  fil  a  nimh.  20 

27  A  nasadh  na  n-aingel  n-än       don  riched  ran  rechta  reil 
domflcib-sa<)  cobuir  cöir       fo  bithin  is  töir  a  n-eimh. 

28  Ar   do   c[h]esad,   ar   do  c[h]roich,         ö  cotrts  do   muinttr 

[mait[h], 
mmfargbadh-sa  amaic[h]  dodt  eis        a  n-inbaid  noteis  it  üaith. 

29  Pecud  baanoU  brath  gach  mbl,        nlrbo^)  üaith  im  c[h]rl  25 

[com  c[h]rö, 
am»)  daonnacht,  a  mcic  De  bl,       cid  tu  ba»)  n  nT  boi«)  rö. 

In.  r. 

0  Lies  in  düibel. 

Ö  Von  Strachan,  Eriu  III,  8, 114  v.  51  rotsrengustar  verlesen. 
*)  Hier  steht  zwischen  den  Zeilen:    hodie   mecnm   eris   in  paradiso 
[Lucas  23,  43]. 

*)  Oder  bair.  «)  Auszulassen.  ^)  Lies  domiced-sa. 

')  nirob  H.    nirbo  Corm,  §  369.  »)  im  H. 

•)  bnd  HK    bu  HK  »•)  bn  HK 


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48  KUNO  MBTEB, 

Memento  mori. 

Aus  Land  615,  S,  138. 

1  £irigh  camm  na  hlarmerghe,       is  mör  oraind  a  hadhbar: 
nl  fidir  tu  sol  ti  an  prlmh       nach  dingna  in  Rl  do  marbad. 
5    2  Freccair  aifrinn  in  domhnatg!       is  mör  ocainn  a  eagla: 
nl  'fedrais-[s]i  sol  ti  an  laan       nach  ba  hi  in  üadh  i)  do  leaba. 

3  An  leaba  si  ataoi-si       agus  do  ben  geal  gradhach, 
nocha  döcha  h'erghi-si       nö  do  beth  marb  amarach. 

4  M!r  dot  c[h]aid  don  ocarach,       's  e  Isa  dit  ro-athain: 

10       nl  fedrais  a  fuil  ar  do  meis       naxih  nech  tar  h'eis  rocaithfedh. 

5  Lacht  na  loinge  Inchtmaire,       slad  a  comradh  re  ceile: 
meinicc  ticc  tonn  cuca-san       ö  nach  fetfoidis  erghe. 

6  Me  Goluim  mac  Feidlimidh,       creidim  do  Righ  na  greine: 
mairg  nach  guidenn  Rl[g]  nime       ic  Inighe  agus  icc  erghe. 

15  E. 

Colaim  Cille  «ee. 

16.  8,  78. 

1  Benaidh  bhar  einig  ar  Conall       doni  andlighedh  orainn, 
gnrab   oinbit^)  's  narab  rlgh^),         go  ndecha  a  brigh  ar 

[deimbngh*), 
20   2  Domnall  dorinne  oimn  maith       t&  dheoigh  goma  fer  raith^ 
sochaidhi  ag  däil  a  dighe,       airemh  'sa  reim  nghraidAe. 
3  Conall  thsaraighes  na  cleirigh,       gnidhim-si  Righ  na  greine, 
na  rabh  sil  aige  nä  ar,       is  nar  fagha  se  deighben. 

Benaid. 

25  Colum  Cille  .ec. 

Ibidem. 

1  Oabh  mo  thegasc,  a  Aodh  na  n-ech,       a  mhtc  adhmha[i]r 

[Ainmerech, 
bidh  do  moindter  agad,  a  fir,       no  bl-si  agan  moinntir. 

2  Na  bidh*)  a  n-aghaidh«)  Righ  nime,       a  Aodh  is  cend  ar 

[gach  flne, 
ao       na  tairg  gaeth  do  denamh  d'fir        do  baoth-  dia  da  muintir. 

0  Lie$  6agh.  *)  =  6inmit  ■)  Lie$  vi. 

«)  Lie$  nemnf.  •)  Lies  bf.  •)  adh-  MS. 


Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


MITTEILUirGEN   AUS   IRISCHEN  HANDSCHKIFTEN.  49 

3  Da  fagha  tu  nech  san  c(h)an      's  gan  a  cen  ar  naomh  nö  ar  dh&n, 
na  glacadli  colg  re  do  linn       's  na  bidh  at  fbrb  no  at  f. . . . 

4  Gebe  benns  deigsith  0  podh        is  benos  da  gach  cill  crodb, 
madh  ail  let  agh  ort,  a  fir,      cuir  a  ngeimil  gacA  greimh  gabh. 

G.  6 

Colalm  Cille  .ee. 

Ib.  8.  79. 

1  Tiucfa  aimser  dubach  cumthach  brOnach  derach, 
ar  deredh  an  tsaoghail  beid  righa  f&  m^Ja. 

2  Nl  bla  cor  na  coingeall  a  n-6ndroing  do  hsll  Ädhaim,       lo 
acht  Un  crnais  is  gainde,       siad  alle  cen  chrabuJ. 

3  Bla  na  fir  ag  cesacht,  nl  bla  mes  ar  crannaibh, 
nl  bla  recht  nö  rlaghal,  na  rath  fein  a  talamh. 

4  Bla  cleirigh  ag  altrom,  hud  athtrom  a  sg^Za, 

bla  cealla  fä  m€rsi       ag  na  sesraibh  trena.  15 

5  Tiucfa  faacht  is  gorta,       fQath  is  olc  is  d6ine, 
seal  caidh  nf  ba  treimsi,       treicfid  iascach  aibne. 

6  Blaidh  airces  is  cilne       isna  däiniph  däora, 
dogebaid  trena  serba       slona  garbha  robha  (sic)^). 

7  Beidid  breithimh  cama       ag  na  tendaibh  däna,  20 
üataidh  br^  na  tflatha,        uch!  hud  trüagh  a  nd^la. 

8  Beid  ollaimh  ag  ger&üy       budh  deröil  a  n-indtind, 
hud  toirrsech  na  seinnsiV       isinn  aimsiV  timcill. 

9  Beid  na  reilge  derga       öna  fergaibh  peacaid^, 

bia  cogadh  is  esra       a  certlär  gach  teallat^.  25 

10  Beid  na  rIgha  bochta       go  holca  re  liaidhibh, 

hud  binde  le6  geöcaid        na  ceöil  corta  ö  thsaithibh. 

11  Baithfighter  go  cinnte        coindle  gacha  domhnai^A, 
dober  med  a  cor       cen  toradA  ar  umhla»). 

12  (S.  80) re  feire  (?)  na  naßis. .  (?)  30 

cen  cert  is  cen  cörtus       ön  tsösar  don  tseindser. 

13  Nl  ceinneöchar  ealadha       's  ni  ba  genamhail  duine, 
ni  bfa  rath  na  f^ile       ach  d^ine  7  gainde. 

14  Budh  lethglas  na  sina,       biaidh  saoire  gä  brisedh, 

hudh  linta  gach  endrem        do  mi[gh]r[e]ann  's  do  miscne.      35 


»)  An  leg.  d'eigsibh  (Bergin)?  «)   Leg.  saobha,  Bergin. 

')   Lfg.  nbhlaibh,  Bergiu. 

/•Ittchrift  f.  itU.  IMiiloloKif  X.  4 


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50  RUNO   METER, 

15  Beid  na  cleirigh  mealltach       r6  fallsacht  na  litrecb, 
ni  bia  brigh  'sna  mindaibh,       bia  gach  flne  cintacb. 

16  Töigebhthar  na  hindsi       ar  na  linntibh  nisci, 
blaidh  imatt  na  ngalar,       ffiicftd  ana  cnile. 

5  17  Beitt  meic  tlgh  cen  chomhall,        hud  cumang  gach  murrach, 
isna  sinaibh  g&hhaidh       beid  d&mha  go  dubach. 

18  Beid  ögmna  cen  dergadh,       hud  fergach  a  Ixatha, 
hud  terc  suth  na  loilghech,       hud  fingalach  triatha. 

19  Nl  bia  menma  a  n-ögaibh,        berthar  fügra  ar  cllaraibh, 
10       ni  bia  bun  ar  nösaib,        bia  püsadh  gan  hagatn. 

20  Budh  6rthach  na  haaisle       fana  daasaibh  ganna, 

racha  gaolta  a  ffiardhacht,        biaidh  baannacht  ar  cealla. 

21  Ag  sin  deiredh  dhomhain        do  reir  leabair  dirigh, 
budh  ainfesach  cleirigh        fana  feiltiph  fire. 

15  22  Anaair  is  tren  a  mbagur        ar  lagadh  a  mborra, 
htid  nemhglan  magh  taghaill        On  aghaltras  colach. 

23  Mein  caidh  aris  inneösat        ö  imeöchns  an  feile, 
adhbhar  f&  faghaid  anöir       heth  ag  fanamad  fo  ch6ile. 

24  Is  misi  Ck)lam  Cille       ante  is  grinne  laphrus, 

20       dochl  i  n-am  a  marghän^        derbän  gacha  heölais. 

25  Tnitftd  lacht  an  cnaasaidh        a  n-üsüracht's  an-eithech, 
lionfatd  saint  gach  craosach,        hud  dimsach  gach  8ait[h]ech. 

26  Eider  ingin  is  mathair       blaidh  ferg  gnath  is  gere, 
beid  comai*sain  fealltach        faar  fallsa  fa  ceile. 

25  27  Blat  cach  aile  ag  gadaiph,        blaidh  sdat  isna  flathatfr, 
blaidh  mirann^)  is  secadh        iter  mac  is  athair. 
28  Ag  sin  sgeoil  na  ndaine       isna  sinaibh  thiacfu^, 
badh  mesa  's  hudh  claoine        gach  dine  da  tiacfaid^ 

Tincfa  aimser. 

30  Ib.  8. 82. 

1  Oebe  benos  a  dhnbhtha^')       do  neoch  ar  talmain  tnAthat^, 
bentar  tech  Righ  ni  me  dhe       a  n-inadh  acinaidhe. 

2  Gebe  dhioltas  d&  dAbhthaig       cen  ögöir  a  triath  g&  mikchadj 
nl  dligh  a  sochoi*  nä  a  har,       's  ni  dhligh  a  gort  na  a  ghemar. 

35    3  6eb^  nach  denann  tech  n-üidhedh       ina  dubthaf'y  da  riribh, 
nocha  dligind  s6  drad  r6,       s^  flarfaige^  si  de  c&. 

Gebe. 

h  =  meardhän,  Bergin.         *)  ==■  mighreann,  Bergin.         ')  «  d6thaig. 


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MITTEILUNGEN   AUS   IRISCHEN   HANDSCHRIFTEN.  51 

Colum  etile  .cc. 

Ib.  8. 101. 

1  A  Dhe  dhil!       tabair  dham-sa  adhäm  digh: 

c(iinet  mh'einigh  ar  talmain,        fochraig  dorn  anmain  ar 

[nimh. 

2  Teid  an  ftal  a  tech  De  bi,       ted  an  t-ainftal  ar  nemhfnl,      5 
is  bether  go  hlsinl  de       go  ti  gi*lsadh  na  grOaidhi. 

3  Is  romhOr  laach  an  enigh        cidh  cia  doni  go  deimhin, 

tir  gan  ffiacht  is  gan  omhan,       flaith  nime  gan  cumsanadh. 

4  Is  maith  misi,  ar  in  flal,       dathraigim  mo  biad  gu  cian, 

ferr  damh  asgath  as  gach  modh       mac  D6  bi  dorn  forcetul.  10 

5  Is  olc  misi,  ar  an  gann,       is  dimdae/i  dim  Rl  na  rann, 
amhail  bhlos  cnü  caoch  ar  choll,       gidh  olc  sann  me,  mesa 

[thall. 

6  Is  he  a  comartha  is  tIr  tall        ^\üaig  an  enigh  na  ndegclann: 
edach  sroil  'ma  corpaib  cain       is  cimsa  6ir  reä  n-aichthat&. 

7  Soichill^)  is  mian  re  mac  nDe,       gach  grad  go  roithend  doni,  15 
gach  ni  mar  imres  a  lamh       dogeibh  is  grad  mic  De  bl. 

a  Dhe. 

Colam  CiUe  .cc. 

Ib.  s.  rr. 

1  Trfiag  lern,  a  Baithln  dil  blas,       fis  damarfäs  ag  Dmim  Lias:  20 
do  neoch  rotÄreab  tIr  tuile       cen  dechmaid  gach  enduine. 

2  Dechmad  na  n-Oighedh  tiar  is  tair        iter  £rinn  is  Albain, 
dosbemt  baith  aneölaig^)       do  chonaib  's  do  coinnleüraib. 

3  Dechmad  gacha  treibe  tra       la  gach  fer  a  laimh  a  mnä, 

is  trüagh  in  dll,  a  D6  deis,        dosberat  tar  cend  abrais.        25 

4  Dechmad  na  firenach  fial       a  fogus,  a  n-eidtVclan, 
a  tabairt  ar  gradh  mtc  De       do  lucht  ecna  ailithre. 

5  Dechmad  gach  righ  nach  ric  nemh         do  cur  a  laim  na 

mtitn^er, 
nl  gebt[h]ar  taithlech  nach  tan,       btd  aithrech  int  innarrad. 

6  Doragha  fn  baidhi  fa  thrl       do  dighail  na  dechmaidi,  30 
do  dith  mac  is  fer  is  ban       fer  nErenn  7  Alban. 

7  Bid  olc  do  Conallchaib  so,       tiucfa  muir  tar  a  müro, 
derbat^  döib  7  deimnig,       baiUV  a  ca/ainn  geimrigh. 

«)  Li«  solchen.  «)  =  i  ndeölaidh,  Bergin. 

4* 


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52  RÜNO   METER, 

8  Isinn  errach  ina  deoigh,        is  ann  doragha  in  feil  Eöin, 
trüadh  in  bei  dotig  döib  de,         a  n-ec  nile  acht  cethraime. 

9  In  cethraime  fagabar  ann        do  tslaadh  Gaidel  7  Gall, 

a  mic  Muire,  as  mör  in  pladh,         dib  nl  bla  duine  com61an. 
5  10  Da  fath  ar  a  tig  ferg  D6       do  dighail  na  dechmaide: 
olcos  an  aosa  grada       dobertar  na  mörpladha. 

11  Fer  dib  toirnes  ar  eicin       a  toil  n-aathmair  n-aineitigh, 
nochar  toirinn  saint  a  bfos       na  ceilg  na  feiVg  na  dlmos. 

12  Is  tar  särugud  nGrighair        adubairt  na  degliubatV, 

10       gacha  bfuidhbe  ar  bathais  ngloin       is  ar  camain  comaircidh. 

13  Nocha  fuirthe  haaid  in  bocht       nobiad  turbadach  taebnocht, 
is  de  dleghar  gan  tregadh        a  blathad,  a  blaitheidedh. 

14  Mairg  dobera  a  cend  fo  läim        fer  tlasal  an  üasalgraidh, 
go   cuiredh    aad   gan    tiaithi  ocht   n-airic[h]    na   ndu- 

[bailc[h]i. 
15  15  Da  mbe  aontoil  dib  'na  corp       go  brat[h]  's  Tar  mbrath  hid 

[lör  d'ulc, 
nocha  cluinfe  mac  Mnire        gacha  ndingna  d'edargoide. 

16  Cia  taimidh  sis  a  malat^        is  cia  falchaid  a  agaidh, 

nl  raiti  craibt[h]ech  re  nech        minab  ailgen  imaight[h]ech. 

17  Cid  alaind  a  crath  amach        iter  deilb  7  cumdach, 

20       nocha  n-air  sein  berar  breth,        acht  ar  in  leith  blas  fri 

[nech. 

18  Fada  blas  £iri  'na  hulc       lar  ndlth  do  Colman  easpog, 

0   sin   amach   go   bräth   mbän        cenn   cuingi   Crlst   gan 

[co[n]gböi. 

19  Is   maith   do   Chonall   go   mbaid         lar   n-indscachud   do 

[Colman, 
tairmgert  fein  ö  sin  amach         £re  gan  laech,  gan  cleirech. 
25  20  (S.  78)  Cen  laich,  gan  flaith,  gan  loighe,       is  mairg  taircebe 

[in  cuire, 
na  cleirig  gan  ceim  n-öigi       ag  timt[h]ireacht  altöire. 

21  Nogo  mbeith  secht  mblladna  deg        7  Crlst  og  a  coim6d, 

nach  ladfa  a  laim  am  nech       tan  rogeba  in  coilech. 

22  Mad  ar  Dia  dech  fo  gradhaib       is  e  \s  ferr  do  Sil  Idhuim, 
30       magh  d'laruidh  bö  7  brat        robad  ferr  dö  \n  gaduidecht. 

23  Marbt[h]ar  in  gaduidhe  glüair        ar  a  baidhi  re  haonüair, 
robeir  Ri  in  tsrotha  ar  nem  he       ar  tri  gotha  aithrighe. 

24  A  De,  is  olc  blas  Gre  sund       in  tan  atre  donn  aifrinn 

in  sagart  sanntach  sealbach        celgach  fergach  mörmenmnach. 


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MITTEILUNOEN  AUS  IBISCHEN  HANDSCHBIFTEN.  53 

25  Mairg  fer  graidh  dobeir  fo  c[h]oim         in  laim  ara  llnonn 

[a  broinn, 
bether  co  fada  a  mbochta,        a  faacht  is  a  sirnochta. 

26  Mairg  fir  graidh        ag  nach  tachrat  na  dl  laim, 

in  lam  t[h]imsaighes  in  crodh       's  a  l&mh  eli  'ga  sgailed. 

27  NT  moc[h]in       in  fer  graid  ibes  an  digh,  5 
don  linn  mesca  cidh  maith  leis,      is  lad  sin  desca  in  dimais. 

28  Mairg  ara  leigt[h]er  gradh  cert       man  faema  gan  tairim- 

[t[h]echt, 
a  De,  is  fada  fada  nad       heili  go  rotoirrsech  rotrüadh. 

Trüagh. 

16.  5. 103. 

1  Banag  i  Rachrainn  na  righ       gn  slanab  sH  Cainn  is  Che[i]n,  10 
fecht  foroll  gan  gainne  ngraidh         go  Colum  caidh  clainni 

[NeiU. 

2  Naomhcathir  coir  clainni  Cninn        cus  caomhthathaty  an  mnir 

[mall, 
is  cosmat7  re  faidhnem  finn        ar  cinn  Gaidel  7  Gall. 

3  Clasa  aingiul,  ard  a  modh,        dron  a  daingen  Dia  rnscar, 

i  port  na  brasairdbbi  bil        föa  sir  in  glasfairgi  nglan.  15 

4  Gabuis  naom  fäa  soigid  slöigh        'sa  röimh  a  foilid  na  righ, 
ig  muime  gach  ratha  rain        gair  na  tuinne  frisin  tir. 

5  Törruma  na  naomh  do  nimh        is  lat  a  slögmodo  sain, 
glanoll  a  büaid  is  a  h\ad       6n  nair  rusgabh  Colum  cain. 

6  Colum,  Cainnech,   Comghall  coir,         nistorband  gach  töir  20 

[gan  tair, 
rannsat  na  mbuidinn  go  mbrigh        in  tIr  re  mac  Cuilmn 

[caidh. 

7  Carsat  Rachruinn  dar  do  rian         flal  re  gach  ferchZamn 

[iar  fir, 
tri  c^cca[i]t  naomh  do  nim  när       r6  taeb  an  cAaocat  rän  rIgh. 

8  Boichell  go  roblad,  go  rath,        a  f uil  senadh  salmglan  sruith, 
taithnid  aoba  for  a  dre[i]ch,       it  caomha  gan  cleith  a  cluith.  25 

9  Cathair  Isxthair  betha  buafn,        samail  re  EUaim  Letha  lain, 
in  Macha  re  eich  a  c6[i]n,        firpoi-t  feigh  finn  flatha  Fall. 

10  Fen-  d'feraibh  an  fer  rusfuair       acht  Ri  rogelaigh  in  gre[i]n, 
fiaith  gan  clechtgainne,   gan   crädh,         Colum  cAdh   nert- 

[chlainni  Neill. 


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54        RUMO  METBB,  BOTTEILUNGEN  AUS  IRISCHEN  HANDSCHRIFTEN. 

11  Nf  bec  a  cliuairt  CoImiwi  cäim,        nl  düairc  a  rath  an  naoim 

[nair, 
it  ardmanuigh  dö  go  n-aaill       GaidiZ  glaair,  Albannigh  ain. 

12  In  römail  gu  roimhsibh  rigb,        in  retla  dia  soillsf(7  slüagj 
in  tnili  treb  'na  rith  rän,       an  fer  dian  Un  in  bith  buän. 

5  13    In   barrchrann   bendachtach   baidh,        in   alchuing   targa 

[gach  tlr, 
in  cridhi  comhuirlee^  caidh,        baaidh  mail  in  modbainglercA 

[min. 

14  Mac  Feidlimthe  \n  flaith  maith  mör,         in  fer  gn  n-imat 

[ra[i]th  reil, 
met  a  erghnnsa  'gun  rlgh,        ud  fön  fir  Ferghusa  feil. 

15  Is  fis  do  Colum  gan  mheirg,        nodmolaim,  nodmol  gach  bard, 
10       län  de  ^n  bith  brainechda  borb,       ter  na  n-ord  n-airec[h]dha 

[n-ard. 

16  Nert  Colutm  lim  is  läin  ceill  romsaora  fen  Co\uni  cadh, 
Colnm  mo  din[n]  is  mo  dün,        Colum  lim  re  gach  rün  ran. 

Ränag.  a  Rac. 

Charlottenburg.  Küno  Mkykr. 


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THE  PRESENT  AND  FUTUREO  TENSES  OF  THE 
VERB  IN  SCOTCH  GAELIC. 


According  to  the  native  grammarians  there  is  in  Scotch 
Gaelic  no  simple  present  tense;  cf.  GilKes,  Elements  of  Gaelic 
Grammar,  p.  85:  ^  There  is  not  in  Gaelic  as  there  cannot  be  in 
any  correct  expression  of  exact  thought,  an  indefinite  present 
tense'.  The  same  view  is  implied  by  Stewart,  Gaelic  Grammar ' 
p.  89:  *This  (future)  tense  is  used  in  a  pecnliar  sense  in  Gaelic, 
to  signify  that  an  action  or  event  takes  place  uniformly . . .  Thus: 
ßlessed  is  he  that  considereth  the  poor,  expressed  according  to 
the  Gaelic  idiom,  wonld  be:  Blessed  is  he  that  will  con$ider\  &c. 
This  doctrine  has  found  its  way  also  into  Pedersen's  Vergl. 
Grammatik  H  305:  'Auch  im  Nsch.  hat  das  Präs.  futorische  Be- 
deutung: thüd  "wird  gehen"  ...  es  bedeutet  zugleich,  was  zu 
geschehen  pflegt;  die  Präsensbedeutung  im  eigentlichen  Sinne 
wird  durch  eine  Umschreibung  ausgedrückt  {ta  mi  ag  bualadh 
"ich  schlage");  das  alteFut.  ist  verloren^).'  The  orthodox  view 
then  is  that  the  present  tense  is  made  with  tä  and  the  verbal 
noun,  the  old  present  is  used  as  a  future,  and  the  old  future 
formations  have  disappeared. 

This  view  is  quite  untenable,  and  quite  unsupported  by  the 
usage  of  the  spoken  and  of  the  written  langnage.  That  this  is 
so  will,  I  think,  be  made  sufflciently  clear  by  an  examination  of 
the  foUowing  examples.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  that  we 
must  begin  by  considering  as  not  proved  such  Statements  as  that 
G^lic  employs  the  future  tense  to  indicate  an  action  that  '  takes 
place  uniformly,  habitually'. 

*)  There  are  some  traces  of  e-futures,  bat  they  do  not  affect  the  present 
qnestion,  and  wiU  not  be  referred  to. 
«)  So  too  n  363. 


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56  J.  PRÄSES, 

The  formal  distinction  between  verbal  forms  eipressing  con- 
saetndinal  and  non-consaetudinal  action  is  onknown  in  Scotch 
Graelic  except  in  the  solitary  case  of  the  snbstantive  verb.  Bat 
eyen  here  thd  and  hi  are  no  longer  kept  distinct  Both  when  they 
are  nsed  independently  and  when  they  are  employed  with  the 
yerbal  noun  to  form  the  periphrastic  pres.  and  imperf.  tenses: 
there  is  a  growing  tendency  to  prefer  thd,  and,  in  dependent, 
negative  and  interrogative  sentences,  hheil,  eil,  to  W.  This  ten- 
dency is  illostrated  in  the  examples  below,  most  of  them  taken 
from  works  written  in  purely  coUoquial  langnage. 


L  Present  (imperfect)  consnetndinal  with  hi, 

1.  Ord  heag  a  bhios  mi  giulan  am  phöca  nuair  a  ghabhas 
mi  'm  cheann  teicheadh  o'n  tigh,  Fear-Ciuil  *)  151,  *a  small  hammer 
which  I  am  accnstomed  to  carry  in  my  pocket  whenever  I  think 
of  escaping  from  the  honse'. 

2.  Clitmla  mi  iomadh  uair  gur  e  sttd  suidhecuJiadh  ^san  bi 
iad  ntiar  tha  sealladh  a  Highinn  mu'n  coinneamh  Sp6is^)  73, 
Tve  often  heard  that  that  is  their  customary  position  when  a 
Vision  confronts  them'. 

3.  Is  iric  a  bhitheas^)  mi  fhin  a  smaoiniinn,  ib.  83,  *I 
myself  often  think'. 

4.  Faodaidh  mi  a  raJh  nach  'eil  e  comasach  do  luingeas  sam 
bith  faotain  as  an  aite  , ,  ,  ma  bhios  a!  gaoth  ihun  a'  chladaichj 
bheir  an  sruth  's  a!  gaoth  a  dh'  ionnsuidh  beul  na  h-aimhnc  iad; 
agus  ged  a  bhiodh  a  ghaoth  bhar  an  fhearainn,  tha  fascadli  fui 
beinne  'ga  cumail  uapa,  Sgeul  Arab.*)  III  26,  *I  may  say  that 
it  is  impossible  for  any  ships  to  get  away  from  the  place.  If  the 
wind  is  off  the  sea,  the  wind  and  the  current  carry  them  towards 
the  month  of  the  river;  and  though  the  wind  should  be  from 
the  land,  the  intervening  hill  keeps  it  from  them'. 


')    Am  Fear-Cinil  by  D  Mackecbuie,  2.  edition,  EdinbQrgh  1910. 

')   Ga'n  d'thug  i  Sp^is  do'n  Armuinn,  Stirlin^  1908. 

*)  The  raonosyllabic  3  sg.  prea.  6io«<6i»  bas  been  orthographically 
confQsed  with  the  disyJlabic  8  sg.  fat.  <  blas. 

*)  Sgeulacbdan  Arabianach,  The  Arabian  Nights  in  Gaelic^  InvernesSf 
I»  190<i,  II  1809,  III  19(K). 


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PRE8ENT  AND  FUTURE  TENSES  OF  THE  VERB  IN  SCOTCH  GAELIC.        57 

5.  Righ  nan  Innsean,  roimh  am  bi  ceud  elefant  ag  imeachd , . . 
Sg6ul.  Arab.  III  32,  ^Eing  of  the  Indies  before  whom  a  hundred 
elephants  march'. 


n.  Present  (imperfect)  consuetudinal  with  thd. 

1.  Tha  moran  dhaoine  tha  tuiteam  ^s  a'  cheart  mhearachd 
sin,  Fear-Ciuil  133,  Hhere  are  many  men  who  fall  into  that 
very  error'. 

2.  Tha  Mr.  C,  ag  radh  mu'm  fagadh  iad  tir  a  dholair  turus 
mara,  gu  rohh  iad  ag  iarraidh  beannachaidh  air  a  bhäta,  ib.  177, 
*Mr.  C.  says  that,  before  leaving  for  a  voyage,  they  would  ask 
for  a  blessing  on  the  boat'. 

3.  Cha'n  'eil  mi  fhün  d  toirt  möran  geill  do  thaibhsearachd, 
Sp6is  80,  'For  myself,  I  do  not  put  much  faith  in  second  sight'. 

4.  Faodaidh  beagan  deth  bhi  annainn  air  fad,  ged  nach 
'eil  sin  d  gdbhail  beachd  air  mar  a  ghabhas  cuid  eile,  ib.  82,  *A11 
of  US  may  have  a  little  of  it  though  we  do  not  view  it  in  the 
same  way  as  others'. 

5.  Cha'n  fheärr  öinseachan  tha  dol  far  am  bheil  i,  ib.  48, 
*no  better  are  the  foolish  women  who  Visit  her'. 

6.  Tha  mise  gach  latha  air  mo  chlaoidh  le  obair  chruaidh, 
Sg6ul.  Arab.  II  99,  *I  am  daily  exhausted  with  hard  work'. 

7.  An  uair  a  smaoinicheas  mi  air,  tha  e  cur  ioghnadh  arm 
gu'n  (Trinn  mi  leithid,  ib.  III  24,  *whenever  I  think  of  it  I  am 
amazed  that  I  should  have  done  such  a  thing'. 

8.  Anns  gach  aite  tha  na  h-aimhnichean  a  ruiih  don  dtuan, 
ib.  m  25,  *everywhere  the  rivers  flow  towards  the  sea'. 

9.  Nuair  a  thuitheadh  an  rud  anns  a  robh  a  spor  a  säs, 
bha  1)  'n  spor  oH  bualadh  an  rud  a  bha  thairis  air  an  rud  anns 
a  robh  am  ßdar,  Seanchaid  na  Traghad^)  12,  *when  the  thing 
which  held  the  flint  feil,  the  flint  would  strike  the  thing  above 
the  receptaclc  for  the  powder'. 

10.  Is  iomadh  naidheachd  aighearach  a  tha  air  a  h-aithris 
gus  an  latha  'n  diugh,  ib.  26,  'many  a  merry  tale  is  told  to 
this  day'. 

»)  Here  the  synthetic  tense  bhuaileadh  would  be  more  usnal. 
«)  Seanna  Traghad,  le  lain  mac  i3ormaic,  Stirlmg  1911. 


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58  J.  FBASEB, 

The  confnsion  of  the  consuetndinal  and  the  non-consnetadinal 
forms  is  evident.  The  cause  of  this  confnsion  is  probably  two- 
fold.  In  the  first  place  it  is  qnite  clear  that  the  forma  of  the 
consuetndinal  present  were  phonetically  confosed  with  those  of 
the  future.  The  result  was  that  it  came  to  be  feit  that  forms 
like  hi  mi,  bhios,  &c.  should  be  reserved  for  the  expression  of 
the  future,  particularly  as  the  present  had  at  its  disposal  another 
set  of  forms  thoy  &c.  which  were  quite  unambiguous.  The  fact 
that  all  other  rerbs  had  only  one  form  for  the  S  sg^  also,  doubt- 
less,  helped  the  preference  for  iha.  On  the  other  band  there 
was  a  farther  psychological  reason  for  the  use  of  the  non- con- 
suetndinal forms.  In  II 4  above,  ged  a  bhiodh  a'  ghaoth  bhar  an 
fhearainn,  tha  fasgadh  na  beinne  'ga  cumaü  uapa,  the  use  of 
thä  instead  of  bi  particularises,  and  adds  to  the  vividness  of  the 
picture.  Instead  of  telling  what  happens  to  all  ships  that  find 
themselves  in  this  dangerous  neighbourhood,  the  Speaker  selects 
one  vessel  to  illustrate  the  fate  of  all.  But  for  our  present 
purpose,  what  is  of  most  importance  to  observe  is  that  the 
examples  in  which  the  consuetndinal  forms  are  used  show  that 
bi,  bios,  have  a  present  meaning,  not  a  future  as  one  might  infer 
from  the  Statements  of  the  grammarians. 

I  shall,  in  the  next  place,  give  examples  of  the  synthetic 
present  tense  of  other  verbs. 


I.  Synthetic  forms  in  independent  sentences. 
1.  Positive  sentences. 

1.  Expressing  habitual  action:  Tuigidh  an  cü  fein  a  chionta, 
Speis  48,  *even  a  dog  understands  when  he  does  wrong'.  'S  e 
äite  creagach,  dosgach  a  tha  's  a  Choire  Ghlas . . .  Tha  aogasg  ag 
atharrachadh  leis  na  siontan  , , .  An  samradh  a*  tighinn  ü  thrus- 
gan  aotram  blath  .  .  .  A  'ghrian  a'  sputadh  a  gaithean  d  speur 
ghorm . . .  Air  a  shäil  thig  am  foghar,  Seanna  Tragh.  5,  *A  craggy 
leafy  place  is  the  Blue  Corrie  ...  Its  appearance  changes  with 
the  seasons  .  .  .  The  summer  comes  with  its  light  warm  mantle 
.  .  .  The  sun  ponrs  out  its  rays  from  a  blue  sky  ...  At  its  heel 
comes  autumn.'  Thig  fear  an  t'Saoghail  fhada  troimh  gach 
cunnart,  Sp^is  24,  'A  long-lived  man  escapes  every  danger*. 


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PRB8ENT  ANO  FUTURB  TEK8ES  OF  THE  VERB  IN  SCOTCH  GAELIC.        59 

2.  Expressing  non-habitual  action:  *C6  tha  'n  sud\  deir 
ise,  Sean-na  Tragh.  29,  *"Who  is  there?"  says  she'.  Chi  mi 
luchd  nan  cbtaichean  dearga  'n  an  stneadh  air  an  raon,  Sp6is  71, 
*I  see  the  red-coated  folk  lying  on  the  field'.  Measar  dhuinne 
gut  mac  rath  thu,  Campbell,  Fianns^)  42,  ^We  are  of  opinion 
that  yon  are  a  child  of  grace'.  Guidheam  ort,  Sg6al.  Arab.  I  5, 
'I  pray  you'.  Feumaidh  mi,  thu,  faodaidh  mi,  thu,  are  con- 
stantly  used  with  present  meaning  *I,  you  may,  must',  cf.  Sp6is 
23,  82,  Sg6ul.  Arab.  III  26. 


2.  Negative  and  interrogative  sentences. 

Cha  ehr  ei  d  mi  gus  an  latha  'n  diugh,  Sean'na  Tragh.  12, 
*I  do  not  believe  tili  this  day'.  Cha  ghahh  e  innseadh  na  bha 
de  hhadhar  luachmhor  agus  de  shaoibhris  air  a  chladach,  Sgeul. 
Arab.  m  25,  ^It  is  impossible  to  teir.  An  saoil  äbh  nach  do 
chuir  so  amhluadh  nach  bu  bheag  orm,  Fear-Ciuil  150,  'Do  you 
doubt...'  An  cluinn  sibh  sin?  Seanna  Tragh.  30,  'Do  you 
hear  that?'  Cha'n  fhaod  thu  .  .  .  Sg^ul.  Arab.  III  99.  Am 
feumar  , . .?  ib.  94. 


IL  Synthetic  forms  in  dependent  sentences. 

1.  Positive  sentences. 

1.  Expressing  habitual  action:  Tha  mhaise  'na  chois  nuair 
thigh  an  reotlhodh  . . .  agus  ghlaiseas  e  gach  ni  fo  eigh,  nuair 
a  bhttheas  cbmhdach  mar  ghloine  liobhte  air  uachdar  na  lochan 
mara,  Sean'na  Tragh.  6,  *  Winter  has  its  own  beauty  when  the 
frost  comes  .  .  .  and  locks  up  everything  under  ice  .  .  .'  Tha 
rudan  nebnach  air  an  innseadh  gu  dearbh;  's  nuair  a  chluinneas 
sinn  päirt  diubh  a'  tighinn  air  an  cois  . . .,  Sp6is  35,  'Strange 
things  are  indeed  told  of,  and  when  we  hear  of  some  of  them 
.  .  .'  's  iomadh  rud  a  thig  duine  troimhe  eadar  a  bhreith  's  a 
bhas,  ib.  19,  'A  man  has  many  adventures  between  the  cradle 
and  the  grave'.    An  uair  a  smaoinicheas  mi  air,  tha  e  cur 

»)  The  Fianns,  ed.  J.  G.  Campbell  (Waifi  and  Strays  of  Celtic  Tradition), 
London  1891. 


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60  J.  FRÄSER, 

ioghnadh  ortn  gu'n  d'rinn  mi  leithid,  Sgöul.  Arab.  in  24,  *When 
I  think  of  it,  I  am  amazed  tbat  I  did  such  a  thing'.  'S  e  Bun- 
easain  a  their  sinn  ar  fad  bho'n  is  e  i$  fearr  a  thuigeas  coim- 
hich,  Sp6is  58,  *We  all  call  it  B.,  for  strangers  understand  that 
best'.  Nach  nebnach  far  an  st  ad  bruidhinn,  (fäite  's  am  büh 
an  toisich  i,  ib.  36,  'Is  it  not  stränge  how  a  conversation  may 
end,  no  matter  how  it  begins?' 

2.  Expressing  non-habitnal  action:  Ä  bhaobh  a  nigheas 
an  t-eudach,  Campbell,  Fianns  39,  *Spirit  that  washest  the  gar- 
ment'.  Nach  aisde  leumtar  ambreac?  Campbell,  Pop.  Tales  1 91, 
*Is  it  not  out  of  it  the  trout  leaps?' 


2.  Negative  and  interrogativ«  sentences. 

Nan  sguireadh  tu  de  dheoghal  na  ptoba  sin  nach  teid  as  do 
phluic  o'n  a  dh'eireas  gus  an  laidh  thu,  Fear-Ciuil  156,  *If  you 
ceased  sucking  that  pipe  which  never  leaves  your  lips  from  the 
time  you  rise  tili  you  go  to  bed'.  Clia'n  'eil  teagamh  agam  nach 
'eil  a  leithed  de  ni  ann  ged . . .  nach  gabh  e  sgrüdadh,  Sp^is  82, 
'I  have  no  doubt  that  there  is  some  such  thing  though  it  does 
not  admit  of  investigation '. 

From  the  above  examples  it  will  be  quite  clear  that  the 
question  whether  the  old  synthetic  forms  of  the  present  tense 
are  used  in  modern  Scotch  Gaelic  with  the  meaning  of  the  present 
admits  of  no  discussion.  Independent  and  dependent  forms  (faod- 
aidh :  cha!n  fhaod)  are  used  in  this  way  to  express  habitual  or 
non-habitual  action.  But  when  the  action  is  of  the  latter  kind 
the  periphrastic  forms  are,  by  far,  the  commoner  except  in  negative 
or  interrogative  sentences.  Thus,  cht  mi  is  much  less  frequent 
than  tha  mi  [ag]  faidnn,  while  on  the  other  band  cha'n  fhaic  mi 
am  faic  thu?  are,  in  the  spoken  language,  equally  common  with 
cha'n  'eil  mi  [ag\  faicinn^  am  bheil  thu  [ag]  faicinn? 

In  certain  types  of  sentence  the  present  or  the  future  can 
be  used  indifferently  without  affecting  the  sense  to  any  appreciable 
extent.  These  will  be  mentioned  later.  But  apart  from  them, 
it  is  often  difficult  or  impossible  to  give  good  reasons  for  regard- 
ing  as  future  rather  than  present  in  meaning  forms  used  as  in 
the  following  examples:  's  gann  gu'n  ruigear  a  leas  innseadh 
CO   mu'm   bheil  na   briathran   so   air   an   labhairt,   Caraid   nan 


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PSE8ENT  AND  FUTURE  TENSES  OF  THE  VERB  IN  SCOTCH  GAELIC.        61 

GaidheaU)  462,  *It  is  (will  be)  scarcely  necessary  to  explain  to 
whom  these  words  refer'.  Ged  a  dh'olainn  na  galain  a  h-uile 
car  a  theid  diom,  cha  t[h]rod<idh  mo  bhean  riunif  is  cha  leig 
i  an  t-aran  am  dhith,  Duncan  Bän^)  14,  where  iheid,  leig 
may  be  eqnally  well  understood  as  consnetadinal  presents  or 
futures. 

From  an  examination  of  examples  taken  almost  entirely  from 
the  modern  colloqaial  langaage  we  have  now  learnt: 

1.  that  the  synthetic  forms  which  in  the  grammars  are 
called  futore,  can  be,  and  are,  used  as  presents,  and 

2.  that  such  forms  are  often  used  in  contexts  where,  in 
the  absence  of  external  grammatical  distinction,  it  is 
impossible  to  decide  whether  we  should  call  them  presents 
or  futores. 

I  shall  now  gire  examples  from  a  somewhat  older  stage  of  the 
langaage,  where  there  can  be  no  donbt  as  to  the  precise  meaning 
of  the  forms  employed. 

The  development  of  Scotch  Gaelic  during  the  last  two 
centories  can  be  foUowed  to  a  certain  extent  by  an  examination 
of  the  langaage  of  the  successive  editions  of  the  Gaelic  Bible. 
The  earlier  editions*)  are  practically  reprints,  in  vulgär  Roman 
characters,  of  the  Dublin  Version  of  1602.  The  first  translation  of 
the  New  Testament  that  shows  any  independence  in  matter  of 
langaage  is  that  of  Stewart,  Edinburgh  1767.  But  here,  too, 
the  influence  of  the  Irish  Version  is  still  strong,  and  every  sub- 
sequent  edition  has  brought  its  tale  of  modification  in  point  of 
spelling,  morphology  and  syntax^).  A  few  examples  of  the 
gradual  adaptation  of  the  Irish  original  to  Scotch  usage  are: 

0  C.  n.  G.  by  Nonnan  Macleod,  D.  D.,  Edinburgh  1910. 

*)  Songs  of  Dnncan  Mac  Intyre  in  Gaelic  and  English.  Ed.  by  George 
Calder,  Edinburgh  1912. 

*)  See  Beid,  Bibliotheca  Scoto-Celtica,  Glasgow  1832. 

*)  The  treatment  of  the  nominal  declension  in  the  snccessiye  editions  de- 
serres  investigation.  Here  one  or  two  examples  may  be  noticed :  ri^  pl.  rightke 
1602,  Apoc.  1,  6,  righridh  Stewart,  righre  1807,  1842;  mörain  d'uiageadhuibh 
1602,  Apoc.  1, 15,  m-uisgeacha  Stewart,  m'uisgeachan  1842;  crWAe,  acc.  pl. 
croidheacha  Stewart,  Apoc.  2, 23,  cridheacJian  1807, 1842;  talamhj  g.sg.  talmhan 
1602,  Mark  4,  5,  talmhain  Stewart,  talmhainn  1807;  dearbhraithreacha  1602, 


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62  J.  FRÄSER, 

Mark  5,  7     cuiritn  a  huchd  D6  ort,  1602, 

cuiream  ort  a  huchd  De,  Stewart  1807,  1823, 

tha  mi  a'  cur  ort,  1848; 
Apoc.  3, 19  cronaicheam  agus  smachdaicheam,  Stewart  1807, 

tha  mi  d  cronachadh  agus  a'  smachdachadh  1842; 

deirim,  Stewart  pass.,  for  ata  mi  ag  rädh  of  recent 
editions. 

Instances  of  the  retention  of  the  form  of  the  1^^  pers.  sg.  in  the 
modern  Bible  are  samhlicheam,  Song  of  Sol.  1,9,  and  cuiream, 
ib.  2,  7  in  1848. 

The  valne  of  the  translation  of  the  Bible  for  the  study  of 
the  ose  of  the  verbal  forms  depends  on  the  fact  that  the  Scotch 
translators  always  have  their  eye  on  the  Irish  version.  A  com- 
parison  of  the  latter,  therefore,  enables  ns  to  say  when  the  so- 
called  future  verbal  forms  of  the  Scotch  version  were  intended 
to  have  a  present  meaning,  and  when  a  fature.  Thus  in  Mark 
1, 17  Stewart  and  later  editions  have  ni  mi  'n  ar  iasgairihh  air 
daoinibh  sibh,  the  Dablin  translation  has  doghena  me\  Apoc.  1, 19 
na  nithe  a  bhifheas  ann  Stewart,  &c.,  thiucfus  1602;  Mark  4, 13 
cionnas . . .  a  thuigeas  sibh  gach  uüe  chosa'lachd?  Stewart  &c^ 
cionnas  tuigfidhe  an  uile  chosmhalachd?  1602.  Here,  for  example  in 
Apoc.  1, 19  the  Irish  form  leaves  no  donbt  as  to  the  tense  of 
bhitheas.  On  the  other  band  we  can  be  equally  confident  that 
when  the  Irish  version  has  the  present,  the  Scotch  form  too  is 
intended  for  such.  In  some  case  the  synthetic  form  of  the  Irish 
is  represented  by  the  periphrastic  present,  as  in 

Apoc.  12, 14  sa  ndit  a  noiltear  hi,  1602, 

far  am  bheil  i  air  a  haltrum,  Stewart,  &c. 

Mark  4,  15  Achd  tariis  a  chloisdeana  tig  Satan  ar  an  mball,  1602, 
Agus  tareis  doibh  a  chluinntin,  air  ball  ata  Satan 
a  teachd,  Stewart. 

Mark  1,  7    tig  am  dheaghuidhsi  neach  . . .,  1602, 

ata  neach  a  teachd  <£  m'  dhiaigh  sa,  Stewart,  &c. 

Mark 3, 31,  bräithre  Stewart,  bräithrean  1807;  teanga  g,  pl.  Stewart,  Apoc.  10, 11, 
1807,  teanganna  1842;  lucht  äitkeachadh  Stewart,  Apoc  11, 10,  l  äüeaehaidh 
1807;  do  na  naoimhibh  1602,  Apoc.  11, 18,  dnnaoimh  Stewart;  ainglibh  1602, 
Apoc.  IC,  1,  aingil  Stewart. 


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PRB8BNT  AND  FUTURE  TBN8E8  OF  THE  VERB  IN  SCOTCH  OAELIC.        63 

Otherwise  the  synthetic  form  is  used  in  the  Scotch  Version 
as  in  the  Irish: 

Mark  1,  3    Guth  an  ti  eigheas  ar  an  bhfhdsach,  1602, 

Cruih  anti  dVeigheas  ann  san  fhdsach,  Stewart,  &c 

Mark  10, 12  md  leigeann  bean  a  fear  fein  agus  gu  bposfadh  si 
re  fear  eile,  1602, 
Ma  chuireas  bean  air  fdtbh  a  fear  fein,  agus  ma 
bhiiheas  i  air  a  pösadh  re  fear  eile,  Stewart,  &c. 

Mark  9,  18  Gach  uile  bhall  a  mbäreann  st  air,  1602, 

Ge  Ve  ionad  sam  bith  an  glac  se  i,  Stewart,  &c 

Mark  4,  20  Noch  üsdeas . . .  agus  ghabhu^  . . .  agus  dobheir  toradh 
uadha,  1602, 

An  dream  a  chluinneas  . . .  agus  a  ghabhas  . . .  agus 
a  bheir  amach  toradh,  Stewart,  &c. 

Mark  4,  16  An  dream  iisdeas  an  bhriaühar  agus  ghabhus  chuca 
i  do  Idthair,  1602, 
Muiniir,  nuair  a  chluinneas  iad  am  focal,  a  ghabhas 
e  air  bau,  Stewart,  &c 

It  is  now  quite  evident  that  Scotch  Gaelic  forma  like  bheir, 
eUuinneas,  have  always  been  nsed  with  the  meaning  of  present 
tenses.  That  the  employment  of  such  forms  in  the  literary 
langaage  is  not  merely  an  Irishism  is  shown  by  the  usage  of  the 
coUoqnial  langaage.  We  must,  therefore,  speak  of  a  presens-future 
tense  with  the  foUowing  forms: 

Independent:  cluinnidh  mi,  t(h)u,  e  &c. 
Dependent:     cluinn  mi,  t(h)u,  e  &c. 
Relative :        cluinneas  0 

Tbis  composite  tense  may  be  dne  to  one  or  both  of  two 
canses.  1.  One  of  the  two  tenses,  present  and  future,  which 
originally  were  formally  distinguished,  may  have,  while  retaining 
its  own  sense,  assnmed  that  of  the  other  as  well.    In  this  case. 


*)  The  relative  forma  are  in  some  dialects  nsed  independently  with  fatnre 
BueaniDg. 


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64  J.  FBASER, 

tliat  is  eqaivalent  to  saying  that  the  old  present  is  now  used 
as  a  present  and  as  a  future.  2.  The  other  possibility  is  that, 
through  phonetic  changes,  the  two  old  sets  of  forms  have  fallen 
together.  The  Claims  of  either  possibility  will  be  considered 
separately. 

1.  In  some  types  of  verbs  the  present  tense,  owing  to  the 
natnre  of  the  action  expressed  by  the  verb,  has  the  sense  of  the 
future  1).  Such  are  Eng.  go,  Gk.  slfii^  Skt  hti.  The  result  has 
been  that  in  some  languages,  e.  g.  Germanic  and  Slavonic,  the 
future  tense  has  disappeared,  and  its  meaning  is  expressed  by 
the  present,  or  when  necessaiy,  by  a  periphrastic  tense,  cf.  Streit- 
berg, Gothisclies  Elementarbuch*  p.  199,  Leskien,  Altbulgarische 
Grammatik  p.  213.  That  the  same  tendency  should  be  respon- 
sible  for  the  use  of  the  old  present  as  a  future  in  Scotch  Gaelic 
is  in  itself  a  plausible  theory,  and  for  some  forms  like  theid  the 
only  admissible  one.  There  seem,  indeed,  to  be  some  traces  in 
Mid.  Ir.  of  the  use  of  some  forms  of  tiagu  with  future  meaning, 
cL  da  leih  tra  tegi,  a  ro-thruag,  no  dndus  lamai  dula,  no  da 
maith  fil  acut  in  tan  tegi  dochumm  nime,  Atkinson  PH  8217, 
where  in  tan  tegi,  even  if  we  understand  it  as  *now  that  you 
are  going  to  heaven',  shows  how  closely  the  meaning  of  the 
present  approximates  to  that  of  the  future.  A  less  equiyocal 
example  (if  the  text  is  sound)  is  Is  i  ndighail  marbtha  Eoin 
Bautist  tic  in  scuab  a  Fanait  do  erglanadh  Erenn  fri  deredh 
in  domain,  amaü  do  tairmger  Eleran  ind  ecnai  y  Colum 
alle  A.  I  tdrt  do  sunnradh  Hefa  in  sctuib  a  Fanait,  ut  dixit 
Colum  alle  F(ranciscan  MS)  ad  F61.  Oeng.,  Aug.  29  (Stokes 
1905,  p.  190).  Here  both  the  sense  of  the  passage  and  the 
use  of  ticfa  in  the  second  Version  establish  the  future  meaning 
of  tic'^). 

2.  The  disappearance  of  the  old  future  through  formal  con- 
fusion  with  the  present  has  parallels  elsewhere.  In  Welsh,  for 
example,  the  use  of  the  present  for  the  future  is  partly  due  to 


>)  The  future,  on  the  other  hand,  is  used  for  the  present  as  a  gnomic 
,  et  qui  homo  timidus  erit,  in  rebus  dubiis  naud  nan  erit.  Plautus, 
UmtAmU 

*)  It  should  he  noticed  that  the  present  here  occurs  in  a  prophecy.  For 
tu*  nno  of  the  prophetic  i)rpseiit  in  e.  g.  Greek,  cf.  ßrngmann,  Gr.  Gr.*  p.  486. 


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PRESBNT  AND  FUTÜRE  TEN8ES  OF  THE  VERB  IN  8C0TCH  6AELIC.    65 

such  confusion,  cf.  Strachan,  Introduction  to  Early  Welsh  p.  83; 
Loth,  Remarques  et  Additions  p.  90f.  In  the  more  recent  stages 
of  Irish,  where  the  -f-  of  the  future  has  for  the  most  part  be- 
come  -A-,  the  possibility  of  confusion  between  e.  g.  cuiridh  and 
cuirfidh  is  obviousi).  In  Scotch  Gaelic,  where  the  entire  disappear- 
ance  of  -A-  would  be  generali),  the  two  sets  of  forms  could  not 
possibly  be  kept  distinct.  Cuiridh  and  cuirfidh  would  have 
exactly  the  same  pronounciation.  If  we  now  claim  that  where 
in  the  modern  language  cuiridh,  btuiilidh  are  used  with  the 
meaning  of  the  futui^e,  these  forms  represent  in  simplified  spelling 
older  cuirfidh,  buailfidh,  we  can  appeal  only  to  the  probability 
of  the  supposition.  From  the  nature  of  the  case  absolute  proof 
is  impossible.  But  attention  may  be  drawn  to  a  fact  in  the  older 
written  language  which  deserves  consideration  in  this  connection. 
As  has  been  mentioned  above,  every  edition  of  the  Gaelic  Bible 
has  made  some  advance  on  its  predecessor  in,  among  other  things, 
the  adaptation  of  the  orthography  to  the  actual  sounds  of  the 
language,  principally  by  way  of  omitting  silent  consonants.  The 
following  four  examples,  out  of  many,  bear  on  the  present 
question.  At  Apoc.  17,  8  Stewart  has  (in  footnote)  sgriosfar 
c,  the  edition  of  1807  has  sgriosar;  at  Mark  5,  23  Stewart  has 
mairfidh  si  1807,  and  following  editions  mairidh  i;  at  Mark  1,  8 
the  Dublin  Version  of  1602  has  baisdfidh,  Stewart  baisiidh; 
at  Mark  9,  49,  1602  has  saillfithear,  Stewart  sailllhear,  1807 
saiUeiMr. 

The  dependent  forms  of  the  future,  cha  chuir  may  be 
explained  in  the  same  way,  <  cuirfe,  or  as  due  to  the  analogy 
of  the  independent  forms. 

What  has  been  said  of  the  present  and  the  future  applies, 
of  course,  to  the  imperfect  and  conditional.  Chuirinn  '1  would 
(used  to)  put'  and  *I  would  (have)  put',  represents,  phonetically 
and  in  point  of  meaning,  both  the  older  chuirinn  and  chuirfinn. 


.  *)  Pedersen  is  probably  right  in  attributing,  Vergl.  Gramm.  II 335,  the 
extension  of  the  ending  -enn  of  3  sg.  pres.  to  the  desire  of  distingoishing 
between  the  present  and  the  fature. 

*)  This  can  be  inferred  ttom  the  fact  that  in  the  modern  language 
onroicing  in  Sandhi  before  -h-  is  known  only  in  a  few  dialects,  and 
is  there  confined  to  one  or  two  petrified  phrases,  as  sibh  fhün^  prononnced 

Z«iUebrift  f.  c«U.  PhilologU  X.  5 


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66      J.  FRA8BB,  THE  PRBSBNT  AND  PUTURB  TSK8B8,  &C. 

The  main  points  which  this  paper  aims  at  establishing  are, 

1.  that  in  Scotch  Gaelic  the  distinction  between  habitaal 
and  non-habitual  action  is  not  always  expressed  in  the 
one  case  where  it  is  possible  to  do  so, 

2.  that  the  synthetic  verb  forms  commonly  called  futores 
are  used  with  the  sense  of  presents,  both  of  habitaal  and 
non-habitaal  action.  and  that  the  identity  of  the  forms 
of  the  present  and  the  futare  tense  is  dae,  partly  to  the 
fact  that  the  present  verbal  stem  has  in  some  cases  a 
fatare  sense,  bat,  particalary,  to  phonetic  development 
which  has  removed  the  formal  differences  which  origin- 
ally  distingaished  them. 

Aberdeen.  J.  Fraseu. 


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IRISCHE  MISCELLEN. 


1.   oAfe  ^Abhang''. 

In  der  Sage  Fingal  H&näin  (ed.  Kuno  Meyer,  Rev.  Celt. 
XIII  368  ff.),  die  noch  der  altirischen  Zeit  zugewiesen  werden 
ronts  (vgl.  den  durch  den  Reim  gesicherten  Genetiv  Maüt 
FottuLTtaig,  zweisilbiges  die,  nüa[e],  clöt,  Inad  usw.),  heilst  es  in 
dem  Liede  des  Mdel  Fothartaig  (S.  385): 

Is  üar  fri  cloi  n-gatthe 
do  neodi  in-gair  bu  Affe. 

K.  Mejer  übersetzt  „Cows  of  Aife".  Auf  S.  379  versucht  der 
irische  Schreiber,  den  Ausdruck  b(e  Aife  zu  erklären:  A.  clocha 
fUet  la  töeh  int  sleibe.  It  cosmaile  fri  bu  finna  do  chein,  For 
aife  int  bleibe  ataat:  „nämlich  das  sind  Steine  am  Hange  des 
Berges.  Sie  gleichen  von  weitem  weiTsen  Kühen.  Auf  der  aife 
des  Berges  befinden  sie  sich."  K.  Meyer  hat  aife  hier  unübersetzt 
gelassen.  In  seinen  „Sagen  aus  dem  alten  Irland"  hat  jedoch 
Thumeysen  dieses  aife  mit  „Abhang"  übersetzt  und  auch  bu  Aife 
in  dem  erwähnten  Vers  mit  „Kühe  des  Abhangs"  wiedergegeben. 
Ihm  folgend  hat  sodann  K.  Meyer  in  seinen  Contributions  ein 
Wort  aife  „slope?"  eingefügt. 

Es  kann  gewifs  kein  Zweifel  bestehen,  dafs  das  erstgenannte 
aife  in  der  Glosse  des  Schreibers  und  im  Text  des  Gedichtes 
dasselbe  Wort  darstellen  sollen.  Wie  der  Reim  mit  gaithe  („des 
Windes")  zeigt,  muls  aife  hier  mit  einem  Diphthong  angesetzt 
werden.  Ein  Wort  aife  (mit  Diphthong),  das  Abhang  bedeutet, 
gibt  es  aber  überhaupt  nicht  Die  ganze  Frage  ist  vielmehr  auf 
folgende  Weise  zu  lösen: 


Google 


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G8  JULIUS   POKORNY, 

In  dem  Gedicht  ist  Äife  nichts  anderes,  als  der  Name  einer 
mythischen  Persönlichkeit.  Es  gibt  mehrere  Frauen  dieses  Namens. 
Welche  hier  gemeint  ist,  läfst  sich  nicht  mit  GewiMeit  fest- 
stellen. Die  Felsen  am  Abhang  des  Berges  können  sehr  wohl 
von  weitem  wie  Kähe  ausgesehen  haben  und  aus  uns  nicht 
bekannten  Gründen  als  „Kühe  der  (Zauberin)  Aife''  bezeichnet 
worden  sein. 

Der  Schreiber  der  erwähnten  Glosse  kannte  offenbar  ebenso- 
wenig wie  wir  jene  Geschichte,  die  sich  an  die  „Kühe  der  Aife" 
knüpfte.  Aulserdem  stehen  die  Verse,  aus  denen  der  anlautende 
Diphthong  des  Wortes  erschlossen  werden  kann,  an  einer  späteren 
Stelle  des  Textes,  so  dafs  er  um  so  leichter  in  einen  groben 
Irrtum  verfallen  konnte.  Es  gibt  nämlich  tatsächlich  ein  Wort 
für  Abhang,  das  ganz  ähnlich  in  der  gesprochenen  Sprache  klang, 
nämlich  aithhe  (Verbalsubstantiv  zu  ad-ben,  aus  ^aie-bhijorn) 
„Ebbe,  Abnahme,  Zurückweichen",  daher  auch  „Abhang  (des 
Berges)",  das  im  Mittelirischen,  also  zur  Zeit  der  Abschrift 
unserer  Sage,  genau  als  aife  (also  etwa  äfe)  gesprochen  wurde. 
Der  Schreiber  konnte  somit  das  ihm  vorliegende  aife  (=  aife) 
irrtümlich  als  das  ihm  wohl  geläufige  Wort  aithbe  auffassen. 
Daher  fügte  er  aus  Eigenem  hinzu:  „for  aife  (recte:  aitJM,  älter 
aithbiu)  int  bleibe  ataat.^  Dieses  zweite  aife  ist  natürlich  mit 
dem  zuerst  genannten  aife,  das  er  näher  erklären  will,  nicht 
identisch.  Im  Gedicht  mufs  es  daher  „Kühe  der  Aife"  und  nicht 
„Kühe  des  Abhangs"  heiüsen. 


2.  Wb.33a2. 

Diese  Glosse:  „leissom  atech  didiu  y  ishe  conidrotig;  fer  imf 
diamuintirsom  inti  moysi^  enthält  die  eigentümliche  Abkürzung 
imr.  Im  Thesaurus  (I  707)  ist  das  Wort  unerklärt  gelassen»). 
Ich  zweifle  nicht  daran,  dafs  es  einfach  in  im{m)urgu  aufzulösen 
ist,  was  auch  dem  Sinn  nach  vortrefflich  pafst.  Kurz  darauf 
kommt  in  ähnlichem  Zusammenhang  (33  a  5)  zweimal  das  Wort 
im{m)urgu  vor. 


>)  Dieselbe  Abkürzung  in  Wb.  5  c 5,  wo  sie  richtig  in  immmrgu  auf- 
geluvt ist. 


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IRISCHE  MI8CELLEN.  69 

3.  dU'CuiHg  „hat  geschworen^,  oLd-^cuUecht 
„ist  abgewiesen  worden ^ 

Die  Form  du-cuitig  zu  tong(a)id  „schwört"  mufs,  wie  das 
palatale  t  beweist,  auf  urkeltisch  ^to-kon-tetoge  zurückgehen. 
Da  vor  synkopiertem  e  niemals  die  Hebung  von  o  zu  ti  eintreten 
kann,  befremdet  das  zweite  u  in  du-cuitig.  Die  Möglichkeit,  dafs 
hier  in  der  Beduplikationssilbe  ein  i  stecken  könnte  (so  zweifelnd 
Hessen,  CZ  IX  21),  mufs  als  völlig  ausgeschlossen  bezeichnet 
werden.  Es  kann  sich  somit  in  diesem  Fall  nur  um  eine  ana- 
logische Umbildung  handeln.  Das  Vorbild  dazu  ergibt  sich  ganz 
ungezwungen.  Die  echt  komponierte  Form  der  3.  Sg.  Perf.  mufste 
nämlich  (wenn  wir  annehmen,  dafs  hier,  wie  auch  sonst  häufig, 
die  Synkope  der  zweiten  Silbe  durch  Einflufs  der  unecht  kom- 
ponierten Form  und  durch  das  etymologische  Bewufstsein  unter- 
blieb) '^'tochuitig  lauten  und  es  liegt  auf  der  Hand,  dafs  *dtt- 
coiiig  durch  Einflufs  von  *'tochuitig,  wo  das  u  in  unbetonter 
Silbe  berechtigt  war,  zu  du-cuitig  werden  konnte. 

Auf  ähnliche  Weise  ist  ad-aiitecht  „ist  abgewiesen  worden" 
zu  erklären.  Ein  ursprüngliches  *ad'Coitig  (urkeltisch  *ad'Jcon' 
tetoge)  „er  hat  abgewiesen''  war  zuerst  durch  EinfluCs  der  echt 
komponierten  Form  ^-accuitig  zu  *ad'Cuitig  geworden.  Hierauf 
wurde  dann  das  passive  Präteritum  *ad'Cotacht  (^ad-kon-tog-to-) 
durch  Einflufs  des  aktiven  *ad-ottt%,  ^-accuitig  zu  ad-cuitecht 
umgestaltet,  auf  dieselbe  Weise,  wie  z.  B.  das  passive  Präteritum 
*fO'ruilecht  durch  Einflufs  des  aktiven  Präteritums  fo-roiblaing 
zu  fo-roiblacht  „praeventus  est"  umgestaltet  wurde  (mehr  Bei- 
spiele ffir  die  Beeinflussung  des  passiven  Präteritums  durch  das 
aktive  bei  Thumeysen,  §  710). 


i.  Zur  Flexion  von  anim  „  Seele  ^. 

Die  Flexion  von  anim  „Seele"  zeigt  im  Altirischen  eine 
ganze  Reihe  von  Eigentümlichkeiten.  Im  Singular  sind  folgende 
Formen  belegt:  Nom.  ainim  (2),  anaini,  anim  (4),  animm,  anam; 
Gen.  anme;  Dat.-Acc.  anim  (4),  animm  (2),  anmuin,  anmain  (5), 
qftmin  (2);  Voc.  anim]  im  Plural:  Nom.  anmin,  anmain.  Dat.  an- 
manih  anmanaibj  Acc.  anmana. 


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70  JULIUS  POKORNY, 

Fügt  man  dazu  die  im  F61ire  des  Oengus  durch  den  Reim 
gesicherten  Formen  Dat  Sg.  anaitnm  (:  caraimm),  Gen,  PI.  anman 
(talman)  und  den  im  Gebet  an  Columba  (CZ  VIII  287)  vor- 
kommenden Nom.  Sg.  anaimm  (:  Coluimm,  colainn),  so  kann  man 
folgendes  altirische  Paradigma  aufstellen: 

Sing.  Nom.-Voc.  anam{m),  an{a)ifn{m),  a{i)nim(m\ 

Gen.  an{fn)m(a)e, 

Dat.-Acc.  anm(a)in  {anmuin),  an(a)im(m)j  a(i)nm{m)\ 
Plur.  Nom.  anm(a)inj 

Gen.  anman, 

Dat.  anman{a)ibj 

Acc.  anmana. 

Zur  Erklämng  dieser  Unregelmäfsigkeiten  in  der  Flexion 
pflegt  man  gemeiniglich  anzunehmen,  dafs  sich  in  diesem  Para- 
digma ein  einheimischer  Stamm  *ana'mon'  mit  dem  lateinischen 
Lehnwort  anima  vermischt  habe.  Diese  Annahme  kann  jedoch 
nicht  alle  Schwierigkeiten  erklären.  Ein  (wie  das  auslautende 
unlenierte  m  zeigt)  jüngeres  Lehnwort  aus  latein.  animä  wfii*de 
nämlich  im  Singular  wie  folgt  flektiert  worden  sein:  Nom.  anamm. 
Gen.  *ain{m)me,  Dat.-Acc.  ainimm.  Der  belegte  Genetiv  anm(a)e, 
sowie  die  Nominative  anaimm,  ainimm  blieben  sohin  unerklärt, 
da  man  selbst  bei  Annahme  einer  analogischen  Beeinflussung  des 
Nominativs  durch  die  andern  Kasus  nur  die  Form  *ainemm  (vgl. 
derart  entstandene  Nominative,  wie  matten,  fairenn,  neben  regel- 
mäfsigem  matan  usw.)  erwarten  dürfte. 

Die  Sachlage  dürfte  sich  vielmehr  so  verhalten: 

Im  altirischen  Plural  liegt  noch  die  reguläre  Flexion  des 
echt  keltischen  Stammes  "^ana-mon-  vor;  wie  der  Reim  mit  talman 
(Feiire  des  Oengus,  27.  März)  beweist,  war  das  m  ordnungs- 
gemäfs  leniert. 

Im  Singular  dagegen  haben  drei  verschiedene  Einflüsse 
zusammengewirkt.  Der  Nominativ  anamm,  sowie  der  Dativ 
und  Akkusativ  ainimm  stammen  von  dem  oben  besprochenen 
Lehnwort  aus  lateinisch  anima.  Der  Dativ  und  Akkusativ 
anmain  (anmuin)  sind  regelmäfsig  vom  keltischen  Stamm  ^ana- 
mon-  gebildet;  der  Reim  mit  adbail  und  talmain  (F61ire  des 
Oengus.  21.  August,  Epilog  296  usw.)  beweist  die  Lenierung 
des  m. 


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IRISCHE  MISCBLLBK.  71 

Die  &brigen  Formen  des  Singulars  erklären  sich  durch 
Einflufs  des  n- Stammes  ainm{m)  „Name".  Der  enge  Zusammen- 
hang zwischen  Name  und  Seele  ist  eine  derart  evidente  Tat- 
sache, dals  ich  darüber  wohl  erst  kein  Wort  zu  verlieren  brauche 
(vgl.  Frazer,  The  golden  Bough).  Auch  der  formelle  Ausgangs- 
punkt der  Analogiebildung  ist  ganz  klar.  Es  ist  dies  der  Dativ- 
Akkusativ  cUnimm  des  Lehnwortes  anamm.  Dieses  ainimm  fiel 
nämlich  in  der  gesprochenen  Sprache  fast  vollständig  mit  ainmmj 
dem  Dativ -Akkusativ  von  ainmm  „Name''  zusammen;  zwischen 
dem  n  und  mm  hatte  sich  ein  deutlich  hörbarer  Svarabhakti- 
Vokal  entwickelt,  wie  aufser  dem  Neuirischen  auch  die  einmalige 
Schreibung  senim  „Tönen,  Ton"  statt  gebräuchlicherem  8einm(m) 
beweist  (irrig  hierüber  Thurneysen,  Handbuch  S.  205, 415).  Der 
Gren«  an{m)m(a)e  ist  ganz  deutlich  aus  der  Flexion  von  ainm{m) 
bezogen.  Nun  drang  begreiflicherweise  auch  der  Nominativ 
atnifi(m)  (sprich  än^m)  in  die  Flexion  von  anam(m)  ein:  so  erklärt 
sich  der  Nominativ  ainimm;  der  Nominativ  anaimm  ist  eine 
Eompromilsbildung  aus  anamm  und  ainimm;  aus  dem  Nominativ 
und  Genetiv  übertrug  sich  dann  das  nicht -palatale  n  in  den 
Dativ -Akkusativ,  daher  dort  anaimm  neben  regelmäfsigem 
ainimm. 

.  Die  Richtigkeit  dieser  Annahme  wird  anch  durch  das 
Hittelirische  bestätigt;  hier  hat  sich  nämlich  der  Einflufs  von 
ainm(m)  „Name"  noch  deutlicher  geltend  gemacht,  indem  das 
unlenierte  n  der  Endung  in  die  Pluralflexion  von  anim  eindrang, 
also  Nom.  Plur.  anmanna.  Gen.  anmann  usw.;  zu  gleicher  Zeit 
war  auch  das  lenierte  m  in  allen  Formen  von  anim,  soweit  es 
erhalten  war,  durch  Einflufs  von  ainm(m)  durch  unleniertes  m(m) 
ersetzt  worden.  Vgl.  z.  B.  die  Dativform  anmmain  in  Atkinsons 
Passions  and  Homilies,  während  das  m  im  Altirischen,  wie  aus 
der  Poesie  erhellt,  noch  leniert  war.  Umgekehrt  hat  ainm{m) 
im  Plural  das  auslautende  -a  von  anim  übernommen. 

Neuirisch  ist  im  Nominativ  nur  mehr  die  Form  anam 
gebräuchlich;  die  andern  Kasus,  nämlich  der  Gen.  Sing,  und  der 
Plural  zeigen  die  Formen  anma,  bezw.  anmanna,  anmannaib, 
deren  Entstehung  oben  besprochen  wurde. 

Es  bleibt  schliefslich  nur  noch  das  mittel-  und  neuirische 
Wort  ainm{h)id{h)e  zu  besprechen,  das  „Tier",  urspünglich  jeden- 
falls „belebtes  Wesen"  bedeutet.  Das  Wort  kann  nicht  echt 
keltisch  sein,  da  urkeltisch  "^anamadjo-  nur  "^anmaide  ergeben 


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72  JULIUS  POKORNT,  IRISCHE  MISCELLBK. 

konnte.  Es  miifs  somit  ein  aus  dem  lateinischen  animä  in  älterer 
Zeit  (wie  die  Lenition  des  m  zeigt)  entlehntes,  archaisch  etwa 
*anem  anzusetzendes  Lehnwort  darin  stecken.  Wenn  man  sich 
aber  gegen  die  Annahme  sträubt;  dafs  animä  zweimal,  in  älterer 
und  jüngerer  Zeit  (nämlich  mit  leniertem  und  unleniertem  m) 
aus  dem  Lateinischen  entlehnt  worden  sei,  so  ist  auch  die  An- 
nahme möglich,  dafs  es  sich  um  ein  britannisches  Lehnwort 
handelt,  dafs  zu  einer  Zeit  entlehnt  worden  wäre,  als  urkeltisch 
^ana-mö  über  "^anatnü  *anami  erst  zu  *an€mi  (mit  leniertem  m) 
und  noch  nicht  zu  '^enemt  geworden  war.  ainm(h)id{h)e  kann 
somit  auf  *aniniaide  (enthaltend  latein.  anima)  oder  "^anemide 
(enthaltend  britannisch  *anemi)  zurückgehen. 

Es  könnte  sich  jedoch  auch  um  eine  Kontamination  eines 
echt  irischen  *anfnaidc  „seelisch"  (vgl.  lat.  animalis)  mit  einem 
(nicht  belegten)  Lehnwort  *ainmel  (aus  lat.  anima,  woraus  auch 
cymrisch  anifail)  handeln. 

Wien.  Julius  Pokorny. 


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PLACE  NAMES  IN  VITA  FINNIANL 


A  comparisoD  of  certain  passages  in  the  Latin  Life^  of 
Finnian  of  Claain  Eraird  witli  the  Irish  Life^)  published  by 
Stokes  helps^  us  to  identify  some  place  names  foand  in  both. 
Considering  the  confusion  which  the  commentators  display  in 
their  remarks  on  the  passages  in  question,  it  is  not  surprising 
that  Hogan's  Onomasticon  does  not  give  much  help  beyond  the 
collecting  of  references;  in  one  case,  indeed,  it  makes  confasion 
worse  confonnded  by  suggesting  a  second  wrong  identification. 


1.  Escair  Branän. 

There  is  more  than  one  indication  that  in  early  times  an 
ancient  road  led  from  Cell  Dara  northwards  into  Meath  through 
the  district  of  Fid  Gaible  and  the  territory  of  Fotharta  Airbrech, 
which  latter  extended  eastwards  from  Bri  ifcile  (the  hill  of  Croghan 
in  King's  Co.)  into  Co.  Kildare,  as  will  appear  later.  The  Connacht 
people,  retaming  from  Brüden  Maie  Dathö,  fled  'past  Druim  Criaig, 
which  is  to-day  called  Cell  Dara,  past  Räith  Imgain  (now  Rath- 
angan) in  Fid  Gaible,  to  Äth  mac  Lugnai,  past  Droim  da  maige^) 
over  Droichet  Cairpre*^).  When  Patrick  went  on  a  visit  to  the 
king  of  the  two  Münsters  he  travelled  the  same  route^).  Finnian, 
we  are  told,  coming  from  the  south,  paid  a  visit  to  Brigid  at 
Cell  Dara.  Proceeding  by  the  route  referred  to,  he  came  ad  fines 
Forthartensium,  where  he  met  Cassanns,  son  of  Neman.  Of  this 
Cassanus  I  find  a  trace  in  Cloncassan,  the  name  of  a  townland 

»)  Codex  Saltnanticensis,  col.  189—210. 

")  Livea  of  Saints  from  the  Book  of  Liamorej  p.  75—83. 

•)  Dmmomuy  in  King's  Co.  See  Irish  Ecclesiastieal  Record  (1918),  II 197. 

*)  Irische  Texte  1 106. 

*)  Acallam  na  Senorach  1.  693. 


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74  PAUL  WALSH, 

in  the  parish  of  Clonsast,  barony  of  Coolestown.  Next  he  crossed 
the  Boyne,  and  came  ad  locum  qui  Escayr  Branan  diciturj  et  ibi 
fundauit  ecclesiam  atque  in  circuitu  eius  fossauit^).  The  Irish 
Life  sajrs:  tdinic  Finnen  iar  sin  tar  Böinn  co  hEiscir  mBrandin 
dit  itd  Ard  Relec  iniü  'Finian  came  after  that  over  the  Boyne  ^) 
to  Eiscir  BranÄin,  the  place  where  Ard  Relec  is  to-day'»).  Bat 
where  is  Ard  Relec?  Certainly  not  at  Ardsalagh,  as  Gogan 
says  in  a  passage  referred  to  in  the  Onomasticon.  He  probably 
took  this  from  some  other  writer.  Nor  will  anyone  who  scans 
the  offlcial  maps  or  lists  of  place  names  find  it.  There  was  once 
a  parochial  chnrch  or  vicarage  there,  bnt  in  1302  it  was  worth 
'nothing,  because  waste'*).  The  name  appears  as  Ardrelicke  in 
1597*),  and  as  Ardrellick  in  Charles  I.'s  time»).  It  is  still 
remembered  in  the  locality  of  donard,  See  sheet  47  of  the 
Ordnance  Survey  6-inch  map  of  Co.  Meath. 

Colgan  says  7)  that  Aengnssius,  by  wliom  he  means  the 
author  of  the  litany  in  LL  373,  calls  Escair  Branän  by  the 
name  of  Ard  bren  ndomnaich,  but  we  leam  nothing  from  LL 
itself  as  to  where  the  latter  place  was:  in  da  fer  dec  de  muntir 
J^innio  i  nAird  bren  domnaig.  The  Codex  Salmanticensis  has 
no  snch  name,  thongh  the  Onomasticon  wonld  imply  that  it  has. 

2.  Ros  FindchuilL 

Colgan  States'^)  that  Clnain  Eraird  was  formerly  known  as 
Ros  FindchuilL  For  this  Statement  he  is  taken  to  task  by 
Reeves^).    Let  us  examine  onr  narratives: 

»)  Cod.  Salm.  §  16. 

»)  If  the  Yellow  River,  the  lirst  tributory  of  importance  which  enters 
the  Boyne,  be  not  thus  referred  to,  Finnian  probably  crossed  the  Boyne 
itself  tiüice. 

•)  Lisnwrt  Lives  1.  2624. 

«)  CdUndaf  of  Documenta,  Ireland,  1302  —  1307,  p.  257.  The  place  is 
corruptly  called  Ardrdy  and  ArdrL 

^)  Fiants  of  Elizabeth,  no.  6185.  'Licence  to  Thomas,  loid  bishop  of 
Meath,  to  allen  to  Edward  Loftns,  son  of  Adam,  loid  bishop  of  Dnblin  and 
Chancellor,  the  manor  of  Killian  and  lands  of  Molericke,  Ardrelicke,  Clonard, 
Monygaliagh  and  Bosau.'    All  these  places  are  in  the  Clonard  district 

*)  Leinifter  inquisitiona,  Meath  no.  140. 

')  Acta  SS.  398,  n.  21. 

»*)  Ibid.  n.  23. 

«)   Life  of  Columboj  236. 


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PLACE   NAHES  IN  VITA   FINNIANI. 


75 


Cod.  Salm. 

§  17.    Finnian   findg   bis   suc- 
cessor  at  Escair  Branän. 


§  18.  AUo  die  uenit  angelus  cid 
eum  dicens:  NoU  hie  amplius 
lahorare,  quia  non  erit  tua 
resurrectio  ibi,  sed  familiae 
tuae  tantum.  Surgens  ergo 
uerus  obediens,  sectUus  est 
angelum  usque  ad  locum  qui 
Cluayn  Irayrd  dicitur.  In- 
gressus  ergo  locum  dixit:  Haec 
requies  mea,  de  Then  a  boar 
flies  from  him.  Then  an  inter- 
view witli  a  magus  nomine 
Fraechanus  takes  place. 


Lism. 

11.  2628—2639.  F.  finds  bis  suc- 
cessors  but,  being  warned  by 
God,  moves  a  little  to  the  East 
{seal  soir). 

11.  2640  —  2645.  The  Coming  of 
three  thousand  disciples  and 
the  selection  of  the  twelve 
Apostles  of  Ireland. 

11.  2646—2652.  A  story  and 
prophecy  about  Colum  Cille. 

11. 2653   2660.  The  Lismore  text 
is  here  slightly  wrong  owing 
to  the  mistake  of  the  scribe 
occasioned  by  two  occurrences 
of  the  Word  Finn^.  FoUow- 
ing  the  Brasseis  MS.  the  read- 
ing  is:  Tdinic  aingel  De  co 
Finnen  co  n-ebert  fris,  ni  hi 
so  inad  th'  eisürghe  atri  dano 
drem  mör  dot  muindtir  isund. 
Tdinic  ria^)  Finnen  cu  Ras 
Findchuill,  is  eisidhe  Les  in 
Memra   inniu.    Ännsein  ga- 
bhuis  Finnen  in  fersa  fdthach- 
da.  Hec  requies  mea  ^rl  *The 
angel  of  God  came  to  Finnian, 
and  Said  to  him:  "  This  is  not 
the  place  of  thy  resurrection, 
but  many  of  thy  disciples  shall 
rise  here".  He  came  with  Fin- 
nian to  Kos  FindchuiU,  that  is 
Les  in  Memra  to-day.   Then 
he  sang  the  prophetic  verse 
Haec  requies  &c'  Then  follows 


»)  The  CO  in  Stokee*  edition  really  belongs  to  the  openiug  of  the  ftrst 
teatence,  also  the  word  axngtl. 


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76  PAUL  WAL8H, 

Cod.  Salm.  Lism. 

an  interview  with  the  druid 
Fraechän. 
§  19.  Coming  of  remarkable  di-  , 
sciples.  I 

§  20.    Story  of  Columba. 

To  anyone  who  reads  these  narratives  it  must  be  evident 
tliat  they  refer  to  the  same  events  and  places,  and  that  Clnain 
Eraird  and  ßos  Findchuill  are  identical  as  Colgan  says.  Compare 
also  the  words  of  the  Irish  Life  with  the  foUowing  entry  in  the 
Four  Masters^):  Cluain  Eraird  do  losccadh  ass  an  rainn  as  mö 
im  Less  an  memra. 

The  monastery  which  was  founded  at  Ros  Findchuill  was 
afterwards  known  as  Cluain  Eraird,  and  was  a  little  to  the  east 
of  the  church  Finnian  had  already  founded  in  tlie  neighbourhood. 

Reeves  had,  however,  authority  for  statiug  that  a  Ros  Find- 
chuill was  anciently  called  Eiscir  BranAiu.  He  cites  a  passage 
from  a  tale  named  Caithreim  Dathi  mic  Fiachra,  of  which  there 
is  a  complete  copy  in  23 Nil,  R.I.  A.,  and  a  portion  in  23D15. 
It  is  quite  modern  in  language.  It  states  that  Ros  na  righ  was 
once  known  by  the  names  just  mentioned.  There  is  absolutely 
no  evidence  or  reason  for  connecting  this  place  with  those  in  the 
Lives  of  Finnian.  Yet  it  is  hardly  possible  that  the  two  places, 
Escaii-  Branän  and  Ros  Findchuill  should  be  connected  in  suc- 
cession  with  Finnian,  and  that  in  another  portion  of  the  country 
two  ideutical  names  should  be  given  in  succession  to  one  place. 
It  seems  to  be  a  case  of  an  old  tradition  retouched  at  a  later 
time  by  a  person  who  had  not  grasped  the  real  facts. 


3.  CeU  Bfgnafge. 

We  read  that  Rignach,  sister  of  Finnian,  with  her  mother, 
and  the  mothers  of  Ciaran  and  Colman,  resided  in  a  cell  called 
Cella  Sanctae  Rignachae').  Except  that  the  Lismore  Life  mentions 
two  sisters  and  omits  Colman's  mother,  the  texts  agree  *).  Colgan, 

»)  A.  D.  1143. 

2)  Cod,  Salm,  g  22.    Uignatliae  is  a  miBreadin^. 

3)  Stokes*  .i.  l.  2662  «hould  be  7  {ocm). 


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PLACB  NAHES  IN   VITA  FINNIANI.  77 

commenting  on  the  Latin  Life,  says  Killrighnaighe  est  parochialis 
ecdesia  diocesis  Cltianensis^),  meaning  thereby  the  chnrch  of 
Righnach  in  the  town  of  Banagher,  parish  of  Rejmagh  and  dio- 
cese  of  Clonmacnoise.  By  the  time  he  compiled  his  Indexes  he 
had  changed  his  mind;  he  has  Killrignaighe,  eccl  in  occidentalis 
Medice  et  Lagenice  confinihus'^).  The  place  is,  of  course,  the 
modern  Kilreiny  in  the  Co.  Kildare,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
Boyne  to  Clonard.  There  is  record  of  a  grant  of  the  rectory  of 
Kylreyny  'parcel  of  the  possessions  of  the  late  abbey  of  Clonard' 
to  William  Bermypgham,  Knt.  in  15413).  Hogan's  conjecture 
that  Cell  Rignaighe  is  in  Wexford  is  dne  to  the  fact  that  it  is 
stated  to  have  been  in  Fotharta  Airbrech ;  but  Fotharta  Airbrech 
is  not  the  barony  of  Forth  in  Wexford. 

0  Acta  SS.  399. 

«)  Ibid.  881. 

»)  Fianta  of  Henry  VIII  no.  191. 

Mullingar,  St.  Finnlands  College.  Paul  Walsh. 


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ETYMOLOGICA. 


1.   Ir.  tonn^  W.  ton,  ^waye'. 

This  words  offers  another  example  of  the  treatment  in  Celtic 
of  initial  tu-  discussed  recently  by  Vendryes  in  Meyer's  Mis- 
cellany  p.  286  ff.  Celtic  */Mon-nö  is  to  be  connected  with  Litt 
tuaflas  'flood',  tuanüs  *swelling',  Goth.  ptvahl  *bath'.  Both  ^tuon- 
and  *iuok'  are  extensions  of  the  root  of  Lat  tumerej  Ir.  tom, 
For  the  development  of  meaning  from  'swell'  to  'wave'  cf.  Gk. 
Ttv^a :  tyxvog, 

2.  Ir.  Uthy  Br.  Ud  ^festlTar. 

Henry,  Lex.  6tym.  du  breton.  mod.  p.  187,  connects  both  words 
with  Gk.  X}jtovQyla\  this  seems  phonetically  impossible.  Pedersen's 
explanation  of  lith,  Ud  and  W.  llid  'anger'  as  connected  with 
Goth.  leißu  ^Obstwein',  Vergl.  Gramm.  1 132,  is  unsatisfactory  for 
phonetic  reasons  (the  Goth.  word  has  probably  the  dipthong), 
and  also  on  semantic  grounds.  The  Irish  word  points  to  the  idea 
of  'festivar  in  a  religious  sense  rather  than  to  that  of  'feasting'  J). 
Shoold  the  Welsh  word  be  compared  with  Lat.  lis  <  stHs  (bor- 
rowed?).  Ir.  Itth  and  Br.  Ud  <  *Ut'  are  to  be  connected  with  Lat 
Uiare^)  *to  obtain  favourable  omens',  with  the  alternation  U:tt. 
For  the  sense  compare  in  particular  adrad  Utha  ^worship  of 
auguries*,  K.  Meyer,  Hail  Brigit^  p.  14, 14.  lAth  would  thus  mean, 
originally,  *a  day  for  the  taking  of  auguries'. 


')  For  this  reason,  too,  Thorneyeen^s  etymology  «  ^pletiis)^  SU)kee' 
FesUchrift  p.  SOff.,  ii  to  be  rejected. 

')  For  *Htare  with  which  Boisacq  operates,  Dict.  ^tym.  de  la  langfne 
^ecqne  p.  585,  tbere  ii  uo  anthority. 


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BTTMOLOQICA.  79 

3.  Ir.  dba/nn  ^lash'. 

This  form  occurs  with  the  above  sense  RC  XIV  485,  Eriu 
V  40.  It  is  generally  compared  with  W.  afwyn  *rein',  and  so 
explained  as  the  borrowed  Lat  habenae,  cf.  Vendryes,  De  vocab. 
hibern.  p.  109,  Pedersen  o.cl  210.  Bat  neither  the  form  nor 
the  meaning  of  the  Irish  word  necessitates  Identification  with  the 
WelsL  Äbimn  is  the  Lat.  amenium  Hhe  thong  attached  to  the  shaft 
of  a  spear'. 

4.   Ir.  W.  galar. 

Pedersen,  o.e.  II  25  compares  Gk.xoXiga  ^Magenkrankheit'; 
other  explanations  are  mentioned  by  Osthoff  IF,  IV  287.  Against 
Pedersen's  etymology  most  be  nrged  that  from  the  sense  of  the 
Irish  word  'sickness',  and  from  that  of  the  Welsh,  *pain,  sorrow' 
one  woold  assnme  that  the  Celtic  word  had  originally  the 
meaning  of  ^nneasiness'  rather  than  of  ^disease',  still  less  of  iwy 
particnlar  disease.  The  development  of  meaning  from  'sorrow' 
to  'disease'  is  an  easy  one,  and  is  illustrated  by  the  Lat.  dolor 
'grief ' :  dolor  lattrum  'consnmption'.  For  this  reason  I  woold 
connect  gah^  with  Gk.  x^Aaco  Moosen',  x^;ia(>oc  'relaxed, 
langoid'. 

6.  Ir.  idan  ^pore'. 

Whether  this  word  is  or  is  not  the  same  as  idan  'faithfnP, 
the  sense  forbids  comparison  with  Gr.  jttdivog  'level',  Pedersen, 
0.  c.  n  57.  tfijteöog  cannot  be  used  to  support  this  etymology 
for  the  meaning  'steadfast'  is  given  to  it  only  by  composition 
with  iv'  For  idan  'pnre'  we  most  poetulate  *idhenos,  and  com- 
pare  Skt.  idhyate  ^is  kindled',  Gk.  l&alro) '  evq^QorsTv,  Hes.  l^agaT^ ' 
IkagaTc  id.,  al&co,  iu{hJQ, 

6.   Ir.  bratän  ^salmon,  large  fish'. 

For  the  snffix  cf.  Ir.  scaian  'herring'.  With  the  stem  we 
may  perhaps  compare  Gk.  ßdtgaxog  'frog',  Ion.  ßdO-QaxoQ,  ßozQaxog, 
ßgotaxog  <  *ßQd^axoQ  <  ^gi^fdlin-  cf.  Boisacq,  Dict.  etym.  de  la 
langae  grecqne  p.  116.  As  to  the  meaning,  it  is  to  be  noticed 
that  the  name  ßdtQaxoQ  was  applied  to  a  fish  of  the  at?Mxoc 
variety,  Arist.  H.  A.  5,  5,  3.  This  oiXaxog  <  ^selm-  is  to  be  con- 
nected with  the  Lat.-Celt.  salmö^  cf.  ScUtnöna,  a  tributary  of  the 
Moseile,  Ir.  selige  'tortoise',  Lith.  sle'kas  'earthworm'. 


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80  4.  FRÄSER,  ETYMOLOGICA. 

7.  Ir.  sab. 

For  examples  of  this  w6rd  v.  Glossary  to  Martyrology  of 
Oengus  ed.  Stokes,  London  1905.  The  spelling  saph  seems 
common,  so  in  F.  ad  Jone  22,  July  1.  I  take  it  to  be  the  bor- 
rowed  Lat  sophas  <  Gk.  öo^og,  cf.  fellsüb  <  philosophus.  The 
meaning  'sage'  woold  clearly  suit  in  e.  g.  April  12  sab  söer  suidi 
Phetair,  July  1,  bäs  nÄröin,  sab  sruiihe.  The  sense  of  'strong' 
attributed  to  the  word  by  the  native  lexicographers  could  easily 
develop  from  that  of  *wise',  'clever'. 

8.  Ir.  ethre  *end'. 

Example  of  the  word  are:  semait  ethre  nÄuguist,  Fei.  Oeng. 
Aug.  31,  semait . . .  Ochtimbir  ard  ethre,  ib.  Oct.  31.  Ethre  comes 
from  *pe/nö-:  Lat.  petere  &c,  This  group  of  words  has  the 
meaning  of  1.  extension  in  a  space,  Gk.  jisram^fii,  Lat.  peUere, 
2.  progress  through  a  space,  Skt.  pdtati  'flies',  Gk.  jcherai  id., 
Lat.  proteruos^  3.  aiming  at  something  removed  by  a  space, 
Lat.  petere^  with  the  additional  idea  of  attainment  as  in  Gk. 
jteOBlv,  4.  something  that  bounds  a  space,  Goth.  fapa,  Mid.-H.-G. 
vade,  'fence',  Welsh  etem  'thread'.  The  development  of  meaning 
from  pdtati  'flies  over'  to  ethre  'end'  is  well  illustrated  by  the 
history  of  Lat.  terminus  'boundary,  end',  Gk.  rigd^gor  'end' :  Skt. 
tdrati,  tarana-  'crossing  over',  Gk.  regto},  regergor  'bore',  Skt. 
pärdm  'end':G.  fahren^). 

9.  Ir.  t'OrCf  W.  twrch  ^boar*. 

This  word  comes  from  ^*(s)tor'kO'S :  Gk.  aregeög,  orsggöc 
'flrm',  Skt.  sthirds  id.,  G.  starr,  stark.  Stärke  (?).  The  deve- 
lopment of  meaning,  'streng' :  'male  animal'  is  common,  cf.  Lat 
uerres  'boar':  Skt.  vfshan-  'streng,  mighty'. 

*)  The  development  of  meaning  assumed  here  seems  to  me  mnch  more 
probable  than  that  proposed  by  Marstrander,  ZOP  YII  384.  The  meaning 
'feather*,  'fin'  0.  N.  fiöri,  cf.  Gk.  ntigov^  Lat.  penna^  is  based  on  2.  above,  and 
not  immediately  connected  with  that  of  'end';  thongh  the  two  may  occasion- 
ally  coincide. 

Aberdeen.  J.  Fräser. 


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ON  1^HE  RECONSTRUCTION  AND  DATE 
OF  THE  LAUD  SYNCHRONISMS. 


In  the  latest  number  of  Eriu  (VII,  pt.  1),  I  have  sought  to 
prove  that  the  flrst  and  second  fragments  of  the  Annais  of  Tiger- 
nach, the  third  fragment  as  far  as  Finis  Chronic!  Eusebii,  and  the 
Annais  of  Ulster  down  to  the  same  point,  A.  D.  609,  are  founded 
on  an  early  chrouicle  which  was  written  in  vertical  synchronic 
colomns;  and  to  show  in  the  extant  annals  the  traces  of  the  de- 
rangement  of  this  original  form.  Great  then  was  my  gratiflcation, 
on  examining  Kuno  Meyer's  text  of  the  Land  Synchronisms,  to 
find  not  only  Irish  examples  of  synchronic  tabulated  history  of 
very  early  date,  but  also,  side  by  side  with  these,  examples  of  the 
gradual  derangement  of  part  of  the  material  through  its  trän- 
scription  into  a  form  in  which  the  synchronic  tabular  arrangement 
was  abandoned.  As  a  further  probable  canse  of  derangement,  I 
suggested  that  the  unfiUed  parts  of  the  colomns  were  nsed  for 
t^ie  introduction  of  glosses  and  supplementary  matter.  The  Land 
tract  shows  a  good  instance  of  this.  In  the  first  synchronic 
table  (113  a),  the  second  column  is  occupied  by  the  list  of  kings 
of  Jerusalem,  but,  after  the  capture  of  Jerusalem,  this  list  is 
replaced  by  the  pedigree  of  Saint  Joseph,  *custos  Mariae',  from 
King  Josias.  As  we  may  judge  from  the  printed  text,  this  pedigree 
occupied  mucli  less  space  than  the  lists  on  either  side  of  it.  A 
portion  of  the  space  thus  left  vacant  was  used  to  receive  the 
added  note  'Is  ed  innisit  .  .  .  Forgus  Fortamail',  473,  15  —  21. 
The  note,  however,  extended  above  and  below  one  of  the  items 
in  the  pedigree,  'Eliud  genuit  ElispuP,  473, 18.  The  scribe  who 
undertook  to  reduce  the  material  from  its  original  tabular  order 
to  continuous  paragraphic  form  did  not  understand  the  text  or 
worked  mechanically,  with  the  result  that  the  item  '  Eliud  genuit 

Z«iUcbrift  f.  cclt.  Philologie  X.  (5 


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82 

Elispur  is  now  found  embedded  in  the  added  note,  and  in 
such  a  Position  that  it  separates  the  name  Loegaire  from  its 
epithet  Lore. 

This  note  deserves  further  attention.  Where  it  has  *.xiiii.' 
(do  rigaib  hErenn),  an  older  text  must  have  had  *.xiiL',  for  ^elge 
7  CJobthach'  is  a  scribal  eiTor  for  'Melge  mac  Cobthaich'  — 
V.  474,  2.  The  note  was  inserted,  as  we  have  seen,  while  the 
text  retained  the  tabnlar  arrangement.  For  what  purpose?  In 
the  tabnlar  arrangement  the  kings  of  Ireland  were  necessarily 
synchronized  with  certain  'kings  of  the  world*;  but  the  thirteen 
kings  of  Ireland  named  in  the  note  cannot  have  been  exactly 
synchronized  with  the  three  'kings  of  the  world'  named  in  the 
note;  for  in  that  case,  the  note  would  have  been  superfluous. 
Here  therefore  we  see  a  revising  band  at  work  on  the  earlier 
tabnlar  text.  Of  what  nature  was  the  revision?  We  cannot 
say  with  certainty.  It  is  indicated  in  the  note  that  the  text, 
as  the  reviser  fonnd  it,  differed  from  the  teaching  of  certain 
'senchaide  ocus  libnir'.  The  difference  may  have  extended 
only  to  the  chronological  relation  of  the  two  lists,  kings 
of  the  World  and  kings  of  Ireland.  If  so,  it  seems  to  me 
that  the  correction  would  have  taken  another  form.  It  seems 
much  more  likely  that  the  list  of  Irish  kings  in  the  text  was 
greatly  different  from  the  extant  list,  and  that  the  text  itself 
was  amended,  at  the  time  of  inserting  the  note  or  afterwards, 
to  bring  it  into  accord  with  the  'senchaide  ocus  libuir', 
and  with  the  developments  of  the  legend  of  the  kingdom  of 
Ireland. 

The  text  indeed  retains  some  indications  of  such  revision. 
We  are  told  (473,  34)  that  Ugaine  M6r  began  to  reign  in  the 
second  year  of  Ptolemy  son  of  Lagus;  also  (472,  19)  that  Oengus 
Turbech  began  to  reign  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  Ptolemy 
Euergetes.  Between  these  come  the  thirteen  kings  of  the  note. 
The  Paragraph  '0  rogaib  Sima  Sirsaeglach  co  ragaib  Ugaine 
&c.'  requires  to  be  completed  by  adding  a  sum  of  years,  as  in 
the  other  paragraphs  of  this  kind  (v.  474,  30.  475, 16).  We  find 
the  sum  of  years  misplaced  by  the  scribe  in  the  preceding  item 

'  Ugaine xl.  bliadan    ||    no  .IxuiL  bliadain  7  .cc.'.    The  model 

and  ultimate  basis  of  Irish  synchronic  histories  is  St.  Jerome's 
Version  of  Eusebius.  This  gives:  lerusalem  capta  (^^  1  Sima, 
475,  32)  an.  ab  Abraham  1426;  2  Ptolemaei  Lagi  f.  (=  1  Ugaine, 


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RECONSTRUCTION   AND   DATE   OF   THE   LAUD   8YNCHR0NISMS.      83 

473,35)  =  an.  ab  Abraham  1693;  difference  267  years,  as  the 
text  has  it.  But  the  sum  of  years  of  the  Irish  reigns  giyen  in 
detail  in  the  text  from  1  Sirna  to  1  Ugaine  is  342.  It  foUows 
eitber  that  the  years  of  certain  reigns  have  been  increased  or 
that  additional  reigns  have  been  interpolated  since  the  tract  was 
originally  drawn  up.  Since  there  are  thirty  reigns  in  the  period, 
giving  an  average  of  less  than  twelve  yeai's,  and  since  no  Single 
reign  exceeds  thirty  years,  the  addition  of  yeai-s  to  the  reigns 
originally  given  seems  less  probable  than  the  insertion  of 
additional  reigns. 

The  method  and  manner  of  this  expansion  of  the  legend  of 
the  kings  is  susceptible  of  explanation.  The  time  of  *  Gabäl  macc 
Miled'  was  once  synchroiiized  with  Alexander  the  Great,  *king 
of  the  World'  (v.  BB  10a 5).  In  the  Land  tract,  it  is  synchronized 
with  Salomon.  A  later  tract  places  it  two  centuries  earlier,  in  the 
reign  of  the  Assyrian  *king  of  the  world',  Mithraeus  {=  *Meta- 
ralius'  BB  12  a  2).  Much  earlier  dates  are  found  in  other  docu- 
ments.  These  successive  extensions  of  the  synchronic  plan  necessi- 
tated  corresponding  adjustments  of  the  pedigrees  originating  in 
Mil,  by  the  introdnction  of  additional  names  in  each  line  of  Mil's 
descendants.  Bat  the  increased  time  assigned  to  the  race  of  Mil 
the  Gaedhil,  in  Ireland,  reqaired  also  to  be  fiUed  up  with  additional 
kings,  and  to  provide  these,  recourse  was  had  to  the  amended 
pedigrees. 

How  the  pedigi-ees  and  the  regnal  lists  were  thus  stretched 
out,  we  are  able  to  see  from  another  text  recently  published 
by  Meyer  1),  the  seventh  Century  pedigree  of  the  kings  of 
Munster,  which  we  shall  compare  with  the  regnal  list  in  this 
synchronism  and  with  the  later  pedigrees  of  the  Munster  kings 
in  LL  and  BB.  The  names  in  the  later  pedigrees  which 
are  not  in  the  earlier  pedigree  are  marked  *.  The  names  in 
BB  (172  b)  which  are  not  in  LL  (320  col.  2)  are  marked  f. 
The  names  in  LL  which  are  not  in  BB  are  marked  §. 
I  begin  with  Eogan  Taidlech,  eponymous  ancestor  of  the 
Eloganachta,  and  proceed,  as  in  the  pedigi'ees,  in  the  inverse 
Order  of  ancestrv. 


>)   i'rber  die  älteste  irische  Dichtung  I  C9. 


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84 


JOHN  MACNEILL, 


Eogan  Taidlech,   diarbo  ainm 

Mug  'Suaäat  roraind  hRrinn 

ra  Cond  C^tcbathach. 
Mug  N6it. 
♦fDerg. 
Dergthene. 
'^§Derg. 
*§Dergfotha. 
*§Fothorthecht 
*Cnda  MunchaiiL 
Loch  M6r,  do  cer  i  Tain  B6 

Cuaüngi  i  mBregaib. 
*§Laigne  Birb. 
§Mafemis. 
§Lethdarbri. 

§Eochu  Mümo,  ö  rater  Mumu 
"^Muredach  Muchna. 
♦fEochu  Fer  Äine. 
Daui  Donn  dalta  Dedad. 
Cairpre    Lose    Leihet,     diata 

Lethet  Luise. 
Luguid  Lagne,  las  eetna  dernit 

gai  7  eruen  in  hErinnO- 
Findtad  Mar,  dia  ro^)  giallsat 

Brega  fo  seeht. 
Nia   Segamon    las   a   mbligtls 

diabulbuar,   .i.    bai    7    elti. 

Flidais  Foltehain  a  mathair 

diambtar  bae  elti  5). 


*f  Adamair  Foltehain. 

Fer  Cerb*). 

♦fMug  Corb. 

Cobthaeh  Coel^). 

*§Coilub  Cloair. 

Reehtaid  Bigderg,  ro  chumrig 
h£rmn,  ro  ort  flaith  nAlban. 
Triur  rochomort  flaith  nAl- 
ban do  hErendchaib,  .1  Reeh- 
taid Rigderg,  Labraid  Loftg- 
seeh,  Crimthann  Mor  mac 
Fidaig«). 

Oenges  Ohne"). 

fEnda  Doid. 

Daui  Find. 

Findruth  ^). 

Brisse  Rl,  imeronaise  eath  for 
Fomaire »). 

*rmliueh,  las  eetna  dernta  elassa 
dune  in  hCrmn  ar  tüs  i®). 

Ellim  OllfenaeÄto^O»  ^  l^is  rofer 
snee[h]ta  fina  im  hßrmn. 

Eochu  Uareheis"). 

Luguid  (fir  erduim  BE). 

Änruth. 

Road  Rothehend^^)^  ]asa  ngabtha 
eomgne^O  7  filidecÄ^  i  Temair 
ar  tos. 

Roan. 


0  ri  laiB  citntL  dearnta  g^ai  7  cnudn  BB, 

<)  Imsar  BB,  *)  BB  <müs  all  after  buAr. 

*)  Corb  BB.  '")  caem  BB. 

*>)  BB  omita  rcchninrig  h£rinn,  ha$  docompairt  for  rochomort,  Gaedelaib 
for  hErendchaib,  and  adds  in  cethramad  Bresall  Brec  m.  Luigdech  Lain. 

»)  LL  omits  Ohne. 

")  Findrotha,  gen.  LL.    BB  $t»b$tüuUM  Sedna  Findarraig.  gen. 

^)  Bresi  rig,  gen.  BB.    Bressi.   IS  ^  ro  äch  tricha  cath  for  Fomore  LL. 
1^)   Oen.  Airt  Imlig  prins  lasa  clasa  dnine  i  tosach  BB. 
")  Fellm  OlfinnsneachU  BB.  i")  Urchain  LL. 

**)  Boide  Eoiecht  BB.  ^*)  las  eetna  dernta  commach  LL. 


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RBC0N8THUCTI0N  AND  DATE  OF  THE  LAÜD  SYNCHK0NI8MS.   85 

*Rlgarlid,  las  cetna  d6rnta  car-  *Cainrothec[h]taid  (IndroitecÄ^ 

pait  in  hEnnn*).  aig,  gen.  BB). 

f  Failbe  Ilc[h]orach,  lasa  ceina  Russ. 

gabtha  corthaig.  Ainfechtnach(Infothaig,(/cn.2yL). 

Cötchumnech,  las  cetna  dernta  i  *§Conas  (or  Cu  Ais,  gen.  Conais 

chumni  in  ogmaib  artüs  in  |        LL). 

hErin«^).  '  *§Glass. 

♦Aed  Derg,   las   dernta   fessa  *§Nuadu  Fäil. 

7    forfessa    in    hEr/nn    ar  '  *§Ailchid  (gen,  Ailcheda). 

tos*).  *§Conmael  (so  the  nom.  is  usual- 
Mainmairec.  las  cetna  crecad  6r  ly  found,  gen.  Conmäil  LL. 

7  argat  in  hErinn^).  It  seems  to   he   the  Cymric 

*f  OithecÄ^  lasa  n-air/cÄ^  ör  7  equivalent  of  Irish  Conmäl 

airgead  ardos.  <  Cunomaglos). 

Cass  Clothach  (conf  ollnastar  bi  ig  Eber. 

Breaga  BB).  *tBile. 

Airer  Arda  (gen.  Airair  LL).  Mil  Espainc. 

In  the  versified  pedigree,  edited  by  Meyer,  Luath  (6)  should 
perhaps  be  Loch  (son  of  Mofebes,  slain  by  Cü  Chulainn  in  T&in 
b6  C6ailnge);  Math  (7)  seems  also  to  be  a  proper  name  =  Leth 
Darbri  LL.  I  have  not  marked  the  seemingly  corresponding 
names  in  the  later  pedigrees  as  missing  from  the  earlier. 

The  pedigree  in  BB,  like  the  Land  sjmchronic  tract,  Claims 
the  Psalter  of  Cashel  as  its  source,  and  perhaps  represents  an 
older  Version  than  the  LL  pedigree^).  The  seventh  Century 
pedigree  is  increased  by  eleven  generations  in  BB,  by  sixteen 
generations  in  LL;  and  since  we  may  connt  three  generations 
in  a  Century,  it  will  be  evident  that  these  increases  must 
correspond  to  great  readjustments  of  the  chronology,  and  con- 
sequently  of  the  regual  lists.  Among  the  names  that  are  absent 
from  the  seventh  Century  pedigree,  but  are  found  in  the  later 
pedigrees,  the  following  are  also  found  in  the  list  of  the  kings 
of  Ireland  in  the  Land  tract: 


0   lasa  ngabtha  carpaid  BB. 
*)  Gen.  Ceidi  Cnnmig,  lasa  ceta  cumni  BB. 
')  Faelderg  dergdoid  lasa  feasa  for  frie  BB. 
*)  Gen.  Muinemoin,  the  rest  omittedj  BB. 
*)   Xote  the  early  relative  nsage  imeronaisc. 


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86  JOHN   MACNEILL, 

Conmael  mac  Ebir,  474,  27. 

Eochu  Faebarglas,  375,  3.  He  is  son  of  Conmael,  and  in  some 
pedigrees  (BB  171a  13)  he  takes  the  place  of  Ailchid 
in  the  LL  pedigree,  father  of  Nuadu  father  of  Glass. 
His  reign  in  the  synchronic  list  is  separated  by  120  years 
from  the  reign  of  his  father  Conmael.  The  next  king 
of  Ireland  from  Munster  in  the  list  is  Eochu  Momo, 
thirteenth  in  the  composite  pedigree  quoted  by  me.  In 
the  list,  he  is  separated  fi'om  Eochu  Faebarglas  by  twenty 
years,  in  the  pedigrees  by  many  generations. 

Allerg  mac  Mninemon,  475, 13. 

Art  Imlig,  476,  6. 

Mug  Corp  mac  Cobthaig,  474,  3. 

Amadair  Foltchain,  474,  9.  This  is  the  most  noteworthy  in- 
stance,  and  shows  in  a  striking  way  how  the  chrono- 
logical  gaps  were  filled  and  the  regnal  lists  extended  by 
taking  names  from  the  pedigrees.  Flidais  Foltchain, 
according  to  the  LL  pedigree,  was  mother  of  Nia  Sega- 
mon.  The  wild  deer  were  her  kine,  and  so  dnring  her 
son's  reign,  two  sorts  of  kine  (diäbul'buar)  were  milked. 
Some  scribe  mistook  the  words  amdthair  Flidais  Foltchain 
for  the  name  of  Nia  Segamon's  father,  and  so  we  find  the 
name  in  the  BB  pedigree  ^m.  Niad  Segamain  m.  Adamair 
Foltc[h]ain  m.  Fir  Corb'.  Later  on  came  the  historian 
in  search  of  names  to  fiU  the  chronological  void  which 
himself,  perhaps,  had  created;  and  finding  this  ghost- 
name  Adamair  (<  Amadair  <  amätliair)  in  a  suitable 
place,  he  forthwith  raised  it  to  the  rank  of  king  of 
Ireland!  Though  LL  has  not  this  pseudo-ancestor  in 
the  pedigree,  the  name  is  found  surrounded  with  drcum- 
stance  in  the  LL  text  of  Flaithiusa  hErenn,  22  b  16: 
'Ailül  CasfiaclacA  xmc  Conla  .xxu.  i  rrlge  hErenn  conid- 
romarb  Amadir  Flidais  Foltchain.  Araadir  mac  Fir  Chuirb 
.u.  bliadna  i  rrige  hErenn  co  iorchair  la  Echaig  Altlethan.' 
When  these  thiugs  are  done  in  tlie  green  wood,  what 
may  not  be  done  in  the  dry?  When  I  was  a  youngster, 
I  used  to  hear  that  Colum  Cllle  left  a  curse  on  every- 
body  that  allowed  a  story  to  lose  in  his  telling  of  it 
These  who  have  transmitted  from  Century  to  Century  the 


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REC0N8TRUCTI0N  AND  DATE  OF  THE  LAÜD  STNCHR0KI8MS.   87 

historical  legend  of  pre- Christian  Ireland  have  avoided 
Colum  Cille's  cnrse.  Even  the  seventh  centnry  poet  did 
not  earn  it.  He  makes  Mafemis  twenty-seventh  in  descent 
from  Eber  son  of  Mfl.  Bnt  the  Eoganacht  genealogy  in 
BB  has  a  pref ace  apparently  fonnded  on  an  ancient  Latin 
tract  which  is  quoted  in  its  beginuing  (171a).  According  to 
this  preface  Mafeibis  was  third  in  descent  from  Eber  (L 15). 

The  stretching  of  267  to  342  years  in  a  section  the  Irish 
reigns  of  the  Land  tract  shows  that  the  process  of  expansion 
has  been  at  work  on  the  face  of  this  document,  and  that  the 
original  tract  has  been  freely  amplified  by  Interpolation  in  its 
Irish  section. 

It  seems  fairly  certain  that  the  original  tract  was  drawn 
up  thronghout  in  synchronic  columns.  The  evidence  of  synchronic 
arrangement  is  wanting  only  for  the  first  10  lines  of  the  printed  text. 

The  Order  of  the  original  tract  can  be  restored  by  the  aid 
of  the  Eusebian  model. 


Beges  Mnndi 


Hebraeornm  Jndices  et  Reges 


Rlg  Erenu 


Thola  72  (=  MetnUi  471, 12) 

.   Nuadu  20  (471, 13) 
Jair  22  (=  lar  471  note)  | 

[Tautaues  32J  Bres  7 

Jephte  (Galaadites  Bede)  6  (471  i   Lug  40 

note)  j 

Hesebon  (Abesan   Bede)  7  (471  ' 

note) 
Aelon  (Achialon  Bede)  10   (471  \ 
'  note) 

,   Labdon  8  (471  note) 
I   Samson  20  (471  note)  In  Dagda  80 


[Tauteuß  40] 
IThinaeos  80] 

[Dercylu«  40] 

EQpale838(    Pales') 
471, 23) 


Hell  sacerdos  40  (471  note) 


I 


Samuel  et  Saal  40  (Samuel  12,  |   Delbaeth  10 
Saul  20,  Bede  [471  note]) 

[David  40] 


Fiachna  10 

Tri  maicCarmada  28 


»)   Or  ratber  Lapales,  v.  R.  I.  A.  Proceediugs  XXVUI  C  G,  p.  147. 


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88 


JOHN   HACNEILL, 


The  foregoing  section,  in  which  I  have  abbreviated  the 
extant  Irish  portion,  was  followed  in  immediate  sequence  by  the 
Contents  of  113  a — b;  all  the  intervening  matter  on  112  a  3  and 
112  b  having  become  misplaced.  The  intervening  matter  was 
transposed  from  its  original  tabular  arrangement  and  brought 
into  great  confosion.  It  is,  however,  nearly  all  preserved,  and 
the  tabular  aiTangement  can  be  approximately  restored  in  im- 
mediate sequence  after  113  b  (476,28).  When  the  kingdom  of 
Judea  ceases  in  column  2,  the  remainder  of  the  column  is  used  to 
set  forth  the  pedigree  of  St.  Joseph  from  King  Josias;  this  pedigree, 
as  well  as  the  succession  of  the  kings  of  the  world  and  kings  of 
Ireland,  is  found  continued  on  473,  6  of  the  printed  text 


Azor  gennit  Sadoc  (473, 6) 


Sadoc  g.  Achim  (473,  8) 


Achim  g,  Eliud  (473, 14)        Cimhaeth  28 


Artaxerxes  Muemon  40  (=s 
Memnon  473,  7) 


Artaxerxes  Ochos  26   (= 
Ochns  .XQÜ.  473,  9) 

Arses  Ochi  ftllns  4  (Arres 
mac  Ochi  .iiii.  473, 10) 

Dariu«  6  (473, 11) 


Alexander  5  (473, 12) 

Ptolomaeos  Lagi  filini  40     Eliud  g.  Eleazar  (473,  18) 
(473,  13) 

Ptolomaeus     Philadelphia 

38  (473, 15) 
Ptolomaens  Euergetes  26      Eleazar  g.  Mathaii  (473. 2;J) 

(^xui;  473,  22) 


Argatmar30(473,24) 
Dui  Ladgair  10 

Logoid  Loethech  7 
Aed  Raad  21 


Macha  7 

Rechtaid  Riijderg  20 

rgaiue  M6r  40  (hcrc 
foUows  die  lütt, 
473,37  —  474,12) 

Oeiigiis  Turbeth  40 


The  seuteuce  begiuning  '  0  rogab  Ugaine . . .'  474, 13  is  found 
continued  at  472,  18,  where  it  has  beeii  merged  in  the  end  of  a 
distinct  paragraph:  *gori'ogaib  Oengus  Turbech  bliadain  ar  chet 
isin  .xiiii.  flathiusa  Rol.  Euergites'.  Ptolomaens  Lagi  ftlius  2 
{=  Ugaine  Mor  1)  =  Eusebian  an.  ab  Abr.  1694.  Ptol.  Euer- 
getes 14  (--  Oengus  Turbech  1)  -^  ab  Abr.  1784.  The  difference 
is  90  yeai-s,  not  101  as  in  the  text.  The  error  may  be  explained 
if  we  suppose  that,  as  already  suggested,  the  reigns  of  Mug  Corb, 
six  years,  anii  Amadair,  live  years,  were  interpolated.  and  that 


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REC0N8TRÜCTI0N  AND  DATE  OF  THE  LAÜD  SYNCHRONISMS.   89 

tlie  summary  of  years,  calculated  on  the  Irish  reigns,  was  alteied, 
the  Eusebian  data  being  ignored.  But  the  total  of  the  Irish  reigns 
in  the  actual  text  from  the  accession  of  Ugaine  to  the  accession 
of  Oengus  Turbech  is  221  years;  showing  that  since  the  summary 
in  the  text  was  calculated,  a  number  of  reigns  have  been  further 
interpolated. 

The  series  of  'kings  of  the  world*  between  Ptolomaeus 
Euergetes  and  Octavianus  Augustus  is  missing  from  the  text. 
The  continuation  of  the  pedigree  of  St.  Joseph,  however,  was 
preserved,  and  is  given  by  the  scribe  in  the  note  at  the  bottom 
of  112  a  and  concludes  with  the  paragraph  *Iosep  . . .  sechtmaine' 
in  the  middle  of  112a 3  (472,  10—18).  We  cannot  well  doubt, 
therefore,  that  the  arrangemeiit  in  parallel  lists  was  continued 
down  to  the  Passion  of  Christ  (472,  9.  473,  5).  In  this  section, 
colnnin  1  continued  the  rulers  of  Egypt  down  to  Cleopatra;  then 
Julius  Caesar,  Octavianus  Augustus  (472, 1),  and  Tiberius  Caesar 
(472,  8).  Column  2  continued  the  pedigree  of  St.  Joseph,  and 
doubtless  ended  with  the  note  on  the  date  of  Christas  birth, 
472, 10—18.  Column  3  contained  the  continued  list  of  the  kings 
of  Ireland,  472,  20  -  473,  5.  Thus  the  original  sequence  of  all  the 
material  on  112  a  3  and  112  b  can  be  restored. 

The  sum  of  years  from  Oengus  Turbech  1  to  Eochu  Feid- 
lech  1  is  given  as  220.  Eochu  Feidlech  3  ==  gein  Christ  (472,  11) 
=  Octavianus  40.  The  Eusebian  total  from  Ptol.  Euergetes  15 
to  Octavianus  40,  is  216.  The  Irish  reigns  in  the  text,  beginuing 
with  Oengus  Turbech  474, 12,  and  continuing  through  the  list 
472,  20 — 31,  give  a  total  of  213  years.  The  discrepancies  may 
easily  have  arisen  from  mistranscription  of  Roman  numerals. 

The  further  sequence  of  the  text  from  1.  Tiberius,  2.  the 
Passion  of  Christ,  and  3.  Conaire  Mor  is  found  on  114  a  (476,31), 
the  succession  of  popes  now  occupying  the  second  column.  The 
material  for  columns  1  and  2  is  still  supplied  by  the  Eusebian 
chrouicle  as  continued  by  St.  Jerome  and  Prosper.  This  source 
fails  after  A.  D.  449,  and  so,  from  the  time  of  St.  Patrick,  the 
Contents  of  the  columns  are  changed.  The  spiritual  succession 
is  continued  in  column  2  in  the  line  of  'comorbai  Phätraic'.  The 
kings  of  Ii-eland  get  the  first  column,  and  column  3  is  assigned 
to  the  kings  of  Munster.  There  is  no  break  in  the  chronological 
sequence  from  114  b  to  115  a.  A  series  of  regnal  lists  of  the 
Irish  provincial  dynasties  belonged  evidently  to  the  same  tract, 


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90  JOHN  MACKEILL« 

for  the  initial  and  terminal  dates  correspond  closely  to  those  of 
the  synchronic  list«. 

The  reviser's  liand  may  also  be  traced  in  the  section  that 
immediately  precedes  St.  Patrick,  i.e.  in  114b.  At  the  end  of 
114a,  we  are  told,  Conn  06tchathach  1  =  Seuerus  6.  This  is 
A.  D.  200  in  the  Eusebian  reckoning;  and,  at  the  head  of  114  b, 
we  are  told  that  199  years  from  the  birth  of  Christ  preceded 
Conn's  accession.  The  Irish  reigns  on  114  a  =  156  yeai-s,  which 
with  33  yeai'S  of  the  life  of  Christ  and  10  yeai's  of  Conaire  Mör 
thereafter  (473,4)  make  up  199  years.  The  chronology  of  114  a 
is  therefore  consistent.  Not  so  with  114  b.  This  section  brings 
the  history  down  to  the  year  of  St.  Patrick's  arrival,  the  fourth 
of  Loeguire,  the  first  of  Pope  Sixtus,  the  ninth  of  Theodosius, 
A.  D.  432.  The  total  of  years  on  this  page,  114  b,  should  accord- 
ingly  be  233,  but  the  Irish  reigns  amount  in  sum  to  310,  and 
the  years  of  Conaire  mac  Moga  Lama  are  not  supplied.  In  this 
section,  then,  the  list  of  kings  of  Ireland  has  once  more  been 
artificially  extended,  nor  can  there  be  much  doubt  as  to  the 
added  names.  In  the  synchronic  history  prefixed  to  the  Annais 
of  Tigernach  and  written  early  in  the  seventh  Century,  the  kings 
of  Ireland  from  Luguid  Reoderg  to  Loeguire,  as  from  Loeguire 
onwards,  belong  all  to  the  line  of  Conn  C6tchathach.  The  syn- 
chronic tract  embodied  in  the  Lebor  Gabäla  (BB  and  Lecan)  and 
discussed  by  me  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy, 
vol.  28,  C6,  dates  from  the  year  721,  a  little  earlier  than  the 
Land'  tract,  and  in  it  also  the  kings  of  Ireland,  during  the 
Christian  era,  are  all  of  the  line  of  Conn.  Now  the  years 
assigned  in  the  Land  tract  to  the  kings  of  this  line  alone  are 
more  than  sufficient  to  fill  up  the  time  between  Conn's  accession 
and  St  Patrick's  arrival.  Hence  we  may  infer  that  the  reigns  not 
belonging  to  this  line  have  been  interpolated  in  the  Land  tract. 

The  date  of  the  compilation  of  the  Land  tract  is  established 
by  the  terminal  reigns  of  the  dynasties. 

1.  King  of  Ireland,  Domnall  mac  Murchada,  743  —  763. 

2.  Successor  of  Patrick,  C61e  Petaii-,  750  —  758. 

3.  King  of  Munster,  Cathussach  mac  Etersceoil  (17  years 
after  Cathal  mac  Finguine),  742  —  759. 

4.  King  of  Dal  Araidi.  The  names  in  480, 10  belong  to 
this  list,  as  may  be  seen  from  the  list  in  LL  41.   Lethlobar  mac 


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RBCONSTBUCTION  AND  DATE  OF  THE  LAUD  SYNCHRONISMS.   Ol 

Echach  f  709.  For  Dubthacli  mac  Congail  (mac  Congarb  LL) 
read  Dub-da-inber  mac  Congalaig  (ri  Cruithne  AU  725)  f  726. 
Eochu  mac  Echach  (regnare  incipit  726,  Tigernach ;  in  recording 
his  death,  the  Annais  of  Tigemach  and  the  Annais  of  Inisfallen 
call  him  king  of  Däl  Riada)  f  733.  Inrechtach  (BB  167  b  35) 
was  son  of  Lethlobar  mac  Echach,  and  father  of  Tomaltach 
f  790,  king  of  Ddl  Aiaidi.  Cathussach  mac  Ailella,  who  suc- 
ceeds  Inrechtach  in  the  list  of  LL,  was  killed  in  749.  Inrechtach 
fooght  a  battle  in  741,  and  the  data  here  cited  dispose  of  the 
editorial  doubt  AU  p.  200,  note  2.  The  utmost  limits  of  the  reign 
of  Inrechtach  are  733  —  749. 

5.  Kings  of  Mide.  The  list  begins  without  title  at  480, 11 
—  Conall  Cremthainne  son  of  Niall  Nöigiallach,  and  ends  with 
Domnall  mac  Murchada  480, 27,  already  given  as  king  of  Ireland 
743  —  763.  As  king  of  Mide  for  46  years,  Domnall  should  have 
reigned  from  717  —  763. 

6.  Kings  of  Connacht  (sie  legendum)  482,  30.  Fergus  mac 
Cellaig,  742  —  756. 

7.  Kings  of  Ailech.    Aed  Ollän,  722  —  743. 

8.  Bjngs  of  the  Ulaid.  The  list  begins  without  title  at 
484, 11  and  ends  with  Bressal  mac  Äeda  R6in  735  —  750.  The 
tract  gives  the  length  of  BressaFs  reign  as  one  year.  The  list 
in  LL  also  gives  Bressal  one  year,  and  Cathussach  mac  Ailella, 
also  mentioned,  as  his  successor  for  16  years.  If  we  could  take 
these  data  as  authentic,  we  should  have  to  suppose  that  Bressal 
was  deposed  c.  736,  and  that  Cathussach,  king  of  Däl  Araidi, 
then  assumed  the  kingship  of  the  Ulaid.  There  is  nothing  in  the 
Annais  to  Warrant  such  a  supposition,  and  we  may  well  think 
that  the  list  in  LL  is  derived,  up  to  this  point,  from  a  version 
of  the  list  in  the  Land  tract.  We  sliall  see  that  a  version  of 
this  list  was  used  also  by  Flann  Manistrech,  and  was  able  to 
mislead  him.  The  list  in  LL  gives,  iu  succession  to  Cathussach, 
Fiachna  mac  Äeda  R6in,  BressaFs  brother,  with  a  reign  of  38  years. 
Fiachna  died  in  789.  His  reign  should  thiis  have  begun  in  751 ; 
the' Annais  indicate  that  he  was  reigniug  in  753.  The  Compiler 
of  the  LL  list,  foUowing,  as  I  think,  the  authority  of  the  list 
before  us,  found  a  blank  in  the  succession  between  Bressal  736 
and  Fiachna  751,  and  filled  it  up  by  transferring  Cathussach  fiom 
the  line  of  Däl  Araidi;  but  Cathussach  was  killed  in  749.    The 


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92  JOHN  MACNEILL, 

genealogical  doctrine  of  the  descent  of  Dal  Araidi  from  C!ouall 
Cernacli  has  caused  that  folk  to  be  confused  by  many  writers 
down  to  our  time  with  the  Ulaid.  The  two  peoples  occupied 
distinct  territories  under  distinct  dynasties. 

There  are  thus  eight  terminal  reigns  which  should  afford 
anterior  and  posterior  limits  for  the  compilation: 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

743 

750 

742 

733 

717 

742 

722 

735 

763 

758 

759 

749 

763 

756 

743 

750 

These  dates,  as  they  stand,  though  they  suffice  to  show  that 
the  document  Avas  compiled  about  the  middle  of  the  eighth 
Century,  do  not  enable  iis  to  fix  eveu  the  limits  of  its  data. 
The  latest  initial  year,  759,  is  later  than  the  earliest  terminal 
year,  743. 

In  Order  (o  find  a  common  period,  we  have  two  alternatives. 
We  may  suppose  that  in  the  seventh  list  one  name,  originally 
Standing  last,  has  been  omitted,  the  name  of  Niall  Frossach,  who 
succeeded  his  brother  Aed  OUän  as  king  of  Ailech,  and  became 
king  of  Ireland  after  Domnall,  in  763;  and  that  in  the  fourth 
list  two  names  have  been  omitted  —  Cathussach  who  succeeded 
Inrechtach  and  was  killed  in  749,  and  Flathruae,  next  in  the 
LL  list,  who  died  in  774.  This  would  limit  the  date  of  com- 
pilation to  the  year  of  Cele  Petair's  accession  and  Bressal's  death, 
750.  Against  this  explanation,  apart  from  the  supposed  omissions, 
there  are  two  difficulties.  The  Compiler,  Avriting  in  750,  would 
not  be  likely  to  omit  the  name  of  Cathussach,  slain  in  battle  in 
749;  and  the  length  of  Bressal's  reign  would  not  be  given  as 
one  year. 

The  other  alternative  may,  I  think,  be  adopted.  The  first, 
second  and  third  lists  have  been  continued  by  a  later  redactor 
down  to  the  beginnmg  of  the  eleventh  Century.  The  Armagh 
succession  is  given  from  Fer-da-chrich  (481, 12),  who  succeeded 
C61e  Petair,  down  to  Mael  Muii^e  (482,  5),  who  died  in  1020.  Jhe 
Munster  succession  is  given,  without  heading,  from  (482,  6)  Mael 
Düin  t  786  to  Brian  f  1014.  The  list  in  LL  320,  after  the  name 
of  Cathal  mac  Finguine,  says  ^atberat  araile  combad  rl  Muman 
Maelduin  mac  Aeda  Benndin';  and  does  not  include  the  name  of 
Tnüthgal,  but  includes  Aitri  mac  Cathail,  named  before  Tnuthgal 


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RECONSTBÜCTION  AND   DATE  OF  THE   LAUD   SYNCflRONISMS.      03 

in  the  Laud  list^).  The  succession  of  kings  of  Ireland  is  given, 
also  without  heading,  from  Niall  Frossach  (480,  28),  who  suc- 
ceeded  Domnall  in  763,  down  to  Mael  Sechnaill  f  1022.  I  suggest 
that  the  reviser  who  continued  these  three  lists  found  sofficient 
Space  in  his  MS.  to  insert  the  flrst  name  of  each  list  at  the  end 
of  the  original  tabular  list.  On  this  hypothesis  the  original 
docnment  had  for  its  terminal  reigns  in  lists  1,  2,  and  3: 

4   A  nii.     (   734        ^  (  730        ^  n    i  (  713 

Aed  Ollän  j  ^^g       Congus  j  ^^^       Cathal  |  ^^^ 

The  tract  would  thus  have  been  compiled  in  742,  the  year  in 
which  Cathal  mac  Finguine,  king  of  Munster,  died  and  Fergus 
mac  Cellaig  became  king  of  Connacht. 

In  six  of  the  eight  lists  that  end  abont  the  middle  of  the 
eighth  Century,  the  entire  length  of  the  terminal  reigns  is  stated. 
In  one  list,  that  of  Däl  Araidi,  no  regnal  years  are  given,  and 
the  absence  of  regnal  years  in  the  corresponding  list  in  LL 
indicates  that  they  were  omitted  in  the  original  docnment 
Doubtless  the  Compiler  was  nnable  to  find  sufficient  data.  So 
far  as  I  have  been  able  to  trace,  we  have  no  evidence  that, 
down  to  the  time  of  this  docnment,  any  consecutive  chronicle  of 
events  existed  in  Ireland  except  the  chronicle  or  chronicles  still 
preserved  in  the  Annais  of  Ulster  and  the  Annais  of  Tigemach. 
Of  the  kings  of  Däl  Araidi  in  onr  list,  this  record  gives  the 
death-dates  of  the  following  only: 

Eochu  m,  Conlaid  553  or  558,  Cathussach  682, 

Aed  Dub  558,  Aüül  690, 

Fiachna  Lurgu  626,  Aed  Airdd  (=  Aed  Airech)  698, 

Lochine  645,  Cü  Chüaräin  708, 

Eochn  larlaithe  666,  Lethlobar  709, 

Mael  Caich  (not  called  king)  666,  i  Dub-da-inber  (=  Dubthach)  727, 

Dängal  681,  Eochu  mac  Echach  733. 

To  determine  the  length  of  a  reign,  the  end  of  the  preceding 
reign  mnst  be  dated,  and  in  our  list  the  Annais  fulfil  this  con- 


')  Hence  it  seema  probable  that  the  Compiler  of  the  list  in  LL,  thoogh 
he  possessed  a  yersion  of  the  Land  synchronism ,  did  not  find  in  it  the  con- 
tinued sections  after  A.  D.  750. 


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94  JOHN   MACNEILL, 

ditiou  only  for  Fiachna  Lur^  Eochu  larlaithe,  Mael  Caich,  bis 
son  Cathossach,  Ailill,  Aed  Airdd,  Cu  Chnaräin,  Lethlobar,  and 
Eochu  mac  Echach,  that  is,  for  nine  of  the  twenty-three  kings. 

The  original  tract  must  have  been  written  mainly  in  Latin. 
The  name  of  Bressal  mac  Aeda,  last  in  the  tract,  may  have  been 
followed  by  the  word  *an[nis]',  leaving  ont  the  nnmber,  as  Bressal 
was  still  reigning;  or  the  entry  may  have  been  *  (Bressal  mac 
Aeda)  roin'  read  by  a  scribe  as  Pregnavit  oin  (bliadain)'.  Had 
Bressal  ceased  to  reign  in  736,  the  name  of  his  successor  shoold 
have  appeared  in  the  tract  It  has  occurred  to  me  that  the 
document  may  have  been  first  drawn  up  in  786,  when  Bressal 
had  reigned  *one  year'.  If  so,  the  terminal  dates  already  dis- 
cussed  show  that  additions  were  made  as  late  as  742.  The 
presence  of  the  total  years  in  terminal  reigns  elsewhere  in  the 
document  must  be  ascribed  to  later  revision. 

A  Version  of  the  Land  list  was  a  principal  source  of  the 
versified  list  of  the  kings  of  Mide  by  Flann  Manistrech, 
LL  184  b.  Murchad  mac  Diarmata  (460,  24)  was  killed  in  715, 
his  father  Diarmait  in  689.  Hence  if  Murchad  reigned  only 
20  years,  there  is  a  space  of  six  years  not  accounted  for.  The 
names  of  Diarmait  and  Airmedach,  successora  of  Murchad,  are 
not  found  in  the  Annais.  Aed  and  Colgu  were  brothers  of  Mur- 
chad, but  did  not  succeed  him  in  the  kingship.  In  714,  the  year 
before  Murchad's  death,  Aed  and  Colgu  feil  in  the  battle  of  Bile 
Tened*).  H  they  reigned,  they  must  have  been  joint-kings  with 
Murchad,  and  this,  I  think,  may  have  been  the  original  purport 
of  the  entry,  for  the  date  of  these  men  is  too  near  the  time  of 
compilation  to  admit  of  the  supposition  of  a  gross  inaccuracy. 
The  names  *  Diarmait  Airmedach'  above  ^Aed  7  Colgu'  no  doubt 
arise  from  an  interlineation  'm.  Diarmato  m.  Airmedaich',  Aed 
Colgu  and  Murchad  being  sons  of  Diarmait  son  of  Airmedach. 
The  reign  of  Domnall  lasted  46  years  according  to  the  Land 
tract  and  Flann's  poem.  The  list  in  LL  42  gives  48  years, 
doubtless  to  make  room  between  Murchad  and  Domnall  for  the 


1)  Described  in  AU  as  ^beUum  imesech.  The  editor  has  'a  battle 
imesech^  in  his  translation,  explains  the  Irish  word  correctly  in  a  note,  and 
then  goes  on  most  ineptly  to  say:  ^a  battle  imesech  wonld  mean  ^'a  free 
fight'*.'  As  the  text  shows  clearly,  the  meaning  is  a  battle  with  altemating 
fortunes,  those  who  at  first  appeared  to  win  being  afterwards  defeated. 


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REC0N8TRÜCTI0N  AND  DATE  OF  THE  LAÜD  SYNCHRONISMS.   95 

five  years  assigned  to  Diannait,  Airmedach,  Aed,  and  Colga.  Since 
Domnall  died  in  7(33,  bis  reign  as  king  of  Mide  shoold  have  begun 
in  717,  leaving  an  interval  of  two  years  after  the  death  of  Morchad. 
According  to  Flann,  Murchad  was  pnt  to  death  by  Conall  Grant 
(Conall  Gtired  LL  42),  then  apparently  king  of  Brega.  Conall 
Grant  was  put  to  death  by  Fergal,  king  of  Ireland,  in  718.  He 
may  have  held  the  kingship  of  Mide  in  the  meantime  to  the 
exclosion  of  the  local  dynasty.  The  years  718—763,  reckoned 
inclasively,  will  give  46  years  for  DomnalPs  reign. 

Flann's  account  is  founded  on  a  version  of  the  list  before  us, 
containing  the  errors  that  have  been  shown,  and  a  further  note 
(as  in  LL  42)  stating  that  Aed  and  Colgu  feil  in  the  battle  of 
Bile  Tened.  Having  given  the  length  of  Murchad's  reign  as 
20  years,  Flann  proceeds  thus: 

Diarmait  Airmedach  iarma.    Aed  Colgu  coic  certbliadna 
.iiii.  rig  Mide  na  mmed-romarbtha  oc  Bile  Theined. 

Like  the  three  parallel  lists,  115  a,  the  live  lists  that  follow 
begin  with  the  time  of  Saint  Patrick: 

Dil  Araidi:  the  Annais  do  not  supply  death-dates  for  the  first 
three  kings,  but  Fiachra  Lon  (=  Fiachna  Lonn  480,  3) 
fought  in  the  battle  of  Oche,  A.  D.  482  or  483. 

Mide:  Conall  f  480  or  485. 

(:k)nnachta:  Amalgaid  mac  Fiachrach  is  named  in  various  lives 
of  Saint  Patrick  as  his  contemporar}\ 

Ailech:  Eogan  mac  Neill  f  465. 

LHaid:  Muiredach  Muinderg  'quem  benedixit  Patricius'  BB 
165  b  22. 

Since  these  lists  synchronize  at  beginning  and  end  with  the 
three  lists  which  have  been  preserved  in  synchronic  arrangement 
Ave  are  led  to  infer  that  this  arrangement  originally  included  all 
the  regnal  lists,  and  that  the  whole  tract  followed  the  Ensebian 
modeL  We  shall  find  this  inference  sufficiently  confirmed.  A 
feature  of  the  Eusebian  chronicle  is  the  summation  of  years  at 
various  points  of  importance,  e.  g.  (462,  ab  Abr.)  *.xxxv.  anno 
Mosis,  Cecrops  regnabat  in  Attica,  a  quo  usque  ad  captivitatem 
Troiae  fiunt  anni  375'.  This  feature  has  been  frequently  imitated 
in  thelrish  synchronisms  and  in  theirlrish  section;  see  474,31 


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90      JOHN  MAC  NEILL,  RECONßTttüCTION  OF  THE  LAÜD  8YNCHR0NISM8. 

475, 16.  477.  29  in  the  Laud  tract.  The  presence  of  the  same 
featnre  in  the  Annais  of  the  fifth,  sixth,  and  seventh  centuries 
may  be  added  to  the  evidences  addnced  in  my  paper  on  the 
Annais  of  Tigernach  to  show  that  the  basis  of  the  Annais  for 
that  period  was  the  synchronic  tract.  See  AU  432,  481,  482, 
492,  570,  616,  663.  We  find  the  same  featnre  in  the  continned 
section  of  the  Laud  tract  480,  33,  where  the  deaths  of  Conchobar 
king  of  Ireland,  and  Artri  successor  of  Patrick,  who  died  ^  within 
the  same  month'  in  833,  are  dated  ^400  years  from  the  Coming 
of  Patrick  to  Ireland'.  FoUowing  these  indications,  I  infer  that 
the  continnation  preserved  the  synchronic  form,  and  a  fortiori 
that  the  whole  of  the  original  tract  was  drawn  up  in  that  form. 
In  fine,  tliis  tract,  though  it  has  suffered  mnch  from  redaction 
and  scribal  transmission,  represents  one  of  the  earliest  of  Irish 
histories.  There  are  three  that  may  he  dated  earlier,  the  Irish 
'Chronicon  Eusebii',  AU  609,  its  continnation  embodied  in  AU 
for  about  a  Century  later,  and  the  Lecan-Ballymote  synchronism 
dated  721;  not  to  mention  writings  known  only  in  Quotation,  and 
of  uncertain  scope  and  Contents,  such  as  the  Book  of  Cuanu. 

Dublin.  John  MacNeill. 


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ON  LEBOR  GABALA. 


I.  The  text. 


§  1.  The  manuscripts. 

The  text  commonly  known  as  Lebor  Qäbdla  or  the  Book  of 
Invasioiis,  has  come  down  to  ns  in  several  MSS.  which,  apart 
from  the  Latin  relation  given  by  Nennios  in  his  Historia 
Brittonum,  all  belong  either  to  the  Middle-Irish  or  the  Early 
Modern-Irish  period«  The  .various  MSS.  may  be  reduced  to  four 
yersions,  the  mutoal  relations  of  which  I  shall  endeavonr  to 
establish.    The  versions  will  be  distingoished  as  follows: 

A.  Book  of  Leinster  (LL)  foL  la— 26b; 
Book  of  Fermoy  (F),  p.  1  —  16; 

B.  Eoyal  Irish  Academy  DVl  (S)*); 
Eoyal  Irish  Academy  DIVl  (S)*); 
Rawlinson  B  512  (R),  fol.  76A^— 97^ 
Book  of  Lecan  (Lee  I),  fol.  10»^— 22^ ; 
Royal  Lrish  Academy  DIV3  (s); 

C.  Book  of  Ballymote  (LB),  p.  15  a— 51a; 
Book  of  Lecan  (Lee  II),  fol.  264"^  — 302^ 

D.  O'Clery  Version.  One  copy  is  in  the  possession  of  Pro- 
fessor Knno  Meyer*),  while  the  R.I.  A.  has  two  other 
MSS.  in  the  handwriting  of  O'Cleryö. 

*)  See  p.  99  for  my  reason  for  indicating  these  two  MSS.  by  the  same 
character. 

*)  I  wish  to  express  here  my  sincere  thanks  to  Professor  Meyer  not  only 
for  the  loan  of  this  hnportantMS.,  bat  also  for  many  yaluable  hints  and  soggestions 
as  well  as  for  the  general  interest  he  has  taken  in  my  work. 

Zeltochrift  f.  cell.  Philologie  X.  7 


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98  A.  O.  VAK  HAMBL, 

§  2.  Versions. 

Professor  Rudolf  Thurneysen  has  been  the  first  to  attempt 
a  Classification  of  the  MSS.  ^),  bat  a  careful  examinatiou  of  them 
all  has  led  me  to  different  conclusions.  None  of  our  MSS.  provides 
a  complete  text,  yet  if  we  keep  in  mind  that  in  all  the  versions 
an  appendix  has  been  added,  entitled  do  flathiusaib  Herenn  7  dia 
hamseraib  0  r6  Mac  Miled  co  hamsir  Tuathail  Techtmair,  which 
originally  did  not  belong  to  the  body  of  the  saga,  we  may  form 
from  the  varions  MSS.  a  fair  idea  of  the  contents  of  eaeh  version ; 
for  it  does  not  impair  the  text  of  LG  proper  if  a  part  of  the 
appendix  is  lacking. 

I  agree  with  Professor  Thurneysen  in  assigning  the  first 
place  to  Version  B,  though  not  for  the  same  reasons.  Of  the  five 
MSS.  which  belong  to  it,  only  two  —  R  and  Lee  I  —  preserve 
the  final  portion  which  unfortunately  has  been  lost  in  the  other 
ones.  After  a  copy  of  LG  and  a  long  synchronism  of  the  kings 
of  Ireland  with  the  kings  of  the  provinces  since  the  Coming  of 
the  faith,  there  foUows  in  these  two  MSS.  a  second  copy  of  LG 
or,  as  it  is  styled  in  the  text,  Miniugud  gahdl  nErenn  y  a  senchas 
7  a  remmend  Hgraide  innso  sis  7  ethre  a  mhiolu  aisneisin  7  labra 
ögh  dond  ni  remunn  6  thosach  ind  libair  cotici  indso  ui  dieit 
historia,  The  copy  to  which  this  heading  has  been  preflxed,  begins 
by  a  Short  Latin  introduction,  and  then  brings  a  recension  of 
Version  A,  differing  only  in  a  few  trifles  from  LL.  Thus  the 
MSS.  R  and  Lee  I  —  and,  as  may  be  assumed,  S  and  s 
also  —  contain  two  copies  of  LG,  either  of  which  represents  a 
distinct  version.  The  first  of  these,  as  it  is  found  in  R,  Lee  I, 
S  and  s,  will  be  indicated  as  Ba,  the  other  one,  which  agrees 
with  LL,  as  Bb;  in  the  same  way  I  shall  use  the  formulas  Ra, 
Rb,  Lee  la,  Lee  Ib. 

Professor  Thurneysen  is  so  much  impressed  by  the  im- 
portance  of  Bb  that  he  has  not  realised  the  true  position  of  Ba. 
Bb,  in  fact,  is  another  recension  of  A,  and  enables  us,  by  a  few 
old  touches  it  has  preserved,  to  go  back  a  step  beyond  LL. 
However,  there  is  not  much  gain  in  this,  A  not  being  our 
principal  source  of  the  saga.  In  Ba,  on  the  other  hand,  Professor 

>)  See:  Zu  irischen  Handschriften  und  LiteratordenkmiUem,  2nd  series 
(Ahh.  d.  Kgl.  Ges.  d.  Wiss.  zu  Göttingen,  Philol.-Hist.  Klasse,  Neue  Folge, 
vol.  XIV  no.  3.    Berlin  1913,  ed.  Weidmann). 


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ON  LBBOR   GABIlA.  99 

Thorneysen  sees  only  an  abridgment  of  A.  This  I  do  not  ander- 
stand. A  glance  at  one  of  the  many  texts  constitating  version 
B  will  snffice  to  show  that  Ba  not  only  contains  an  older  re- 
cension  of  LG  than  A,  bnt  a  mach  more  detailed  and  circnm- 
stantial  one.  aboanding  in  episodes  for  which  we  look  in  vain  in 
A.  These  episodes  give  Ba  the  right  to  being  made  the  starting- 
point  for  an  investigation  of  LG,  and  I  certainly  shonld  have 
designated  it  by  the  first  letter  of  the  aiphabet  as  its  ainm  ndües 
bat  for  fear  of  making  the  matter  even  more  intricate  by  deviat- 
ing  from  Professor  Thumeysen's  practice.  In  what  foUows  Bb  will 
be  treated  as  belonging  to  version  A,  while  Ba  will  be  considered 
as  the  trae  representative  of  version  B. 


§  3.  Version  Ba. 

The  reason  that  this  version  has  been  undervalned  ap  to 
the  present,  is  that  R,  which  does  not  contain  the  best  text,  has 
always  been  considered  as  its  chief  representative.  S,  in  fact, 
affords  a  mach  better  text;  only  it  breaks  off  abraptly  and  lacks 
the  portion  corresponding  to  Rb  and  Lee  Ib.  The  MS.  D  V 1  begins 
at  the  very  beginning  of  LG,  and  rnns  on  tili  the  end  of  the 
Invasion  of  the  Taatha  D6  Danann.  It  is  written  in  a  beantifal 
13^  centary  band,  and  gives  all  the  poems  in  extenso  and  in  a  better 
form  than  any  other  MS.  The  MS.  DIVl  takes  apthe  story  exactly 
where  D VI  has  left  it,  at  the  Invasion  of  the  Goidels,  and  brings 
it  down  to  the  end  of  LG  and  even  a  good  deal  farther,  nntil 
it  breaks  off  at  the  end  of  Maolmaire  Othna's  poem  Fland  for 
Erind,  The  handwriting,  the  colours  of  the  initials,  the  size  of 
the  leaves,  and  everything  eise  are  identical  with  DVl.  The  con- 
clasion  is  obvious:  DVl  and  DIVl  are  portions  of  the  same  MS., 
and  were  bonnd  separately  in  error.  My  view  is  corroborated  by 
the  fact  that  in  each  volume  a  portion  of  another  tract  follows, 
in  a  very  remarkable  band,  which  is  also  the  same  in  both.  The 
obvious  identity  of  DVl  and  DIV 1  implies  that  we  may  consider 
them  as  one  text  (S),  so  that  together  they  contain  a  füll  copy  of 
the  Ba  version.  It  goes  back  to  the  13*^  Century,  and  belongs  to 
the  same  period  as  R,  but  is  f  ar  superior  to  that  MS.,  as  the  scribe 
makes  fewer  mistakes  in  the  prose,  and  never  abridges  the  poems. 
It  is  a  pity  therefore  that  the  final  section  (Bb)  has  been  lost  in  it. 


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100  A  O.  VAN  HAMBL, 

In  Order  to  establish  the  trne  relation  of  S  and  B  we  must 
compare  the  texte  of  both  carefully.  No  importance  need  be 
attached  to  the  misarrangement  of  the  leaves  in  R,  which  has 
npset  the  whole  Order  of  the  MS^  as  it  is  due  to  later  carelessness, 
just  as  the  Separation  of  DVl  and  DIVl. 

1.  Biblical  preface.    R  has  lost  this  portion. 

2.  IfUroduetion  on  the  Ooidels.  R  preserves  only  a  few  lines 

=  S. 

3.  Ceasair.    Preserved  in  both  MSS.    R  omite: 

a)  Poem:  Heriu  da  fiarfaiger^); 

b)  Note  on  Ceasair:  asberat  araile  comad  Banba  ainm 
na  hingine  sin  rogab  Erind  ria  ndilind  j  comad 
uaithi  nobeih  Banba  for  Erind. 

Variante:  S  (doluid  Ceasair . . .  a  hindst)  Meroen;  R  Mara 
Hen. 

4.  Partholon.    Preserved  in  both  MSS. 

R  omite:  after  poem  Ä  choemu  cldir  Chuinn  a short  acconnt 
of  the  division  of  Ireland  by  Partholon's  four  sons. 

Variante:  S  seolad  mis  do  co  hÄladaciam;  R  co  calad 
Daciam. 

5.  Nemed,  Preserved  in  both  MSS.  (synchronism  only  partially 
in  R).    R  omite: 

a)  From  genealogy  of  Nemed  after  Agnoman:  mic 
Paim  mic  Sera; 

b)  From  genealogy  of  the  ftve  sons  of  Dela  after 
Semeon:  mic  Erglain\ 

c)  A  remark  from  Cin  Dromma  Snechta,  which  also 
occurs  in  LB:  dognüis  barca  doib  dia  mbolgoib 
no  is  iat  liberna  rig  Grec  dogatscU  leo  do  techt  i 
nErind  amal  asbert  Cin  Droma  Snechta^). 

0  R  neyer  gives  a  poem  in  extenso,  bat  only  qnotes  it  by  a  line  er  two. 
Wheneyer  I  put  B  omits  a  poem,  eyen  tbe  short  Quotation  in  not  giyen. 

')  So  we  find  Cin  Dromma  Snechta  mentioned  in  a  13^  Century  yersion 
of  L6.  This  Shows  that  Professor  Thnmeysen  is  mistaken  when  in  his  first 
Abhandlung  Zu  irischen  Handschriften  und  Literaturdenkmälern  he  assumee 
that  this  bock  was  unknown  to  any  scribe  of  LG  until  yersion  C. 


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OK  LEBOR  GABIlA.  101 

6.  Fir  Bolg.    Only  partly  in  R.    R  omits: 

a)  Particulars  of  King  Fodbgenid  (et  LB) ; 

b)  Particulars  of  King  Eochu  mac  Eirc  (cf .  LB  and 

LL); 

c)  Account  of  Nuadu's  band  being  cut  off  by  Sreng, 
and  poem  on  same  by  Tanaide  (cf.  LB); 

d)  Poem  Findaig  in  senchus  diatd  (cf.  LB)i 

e)  The  division  of  Lreland  by  the  Fir  Bolg  0- 

7.  Tualha  De  Danann.  Partially  lost  in  K  R  omits  (unless 
the  Order  was  upset  and  the  missing  portions  occuiTed  in 
the  lost  part): 

a)  Account  of  the  four  cities,  where  the  Tuatha  D6 
Danann  leamed  their  draoidheacht] 

b)  Poem  Heriu  co  n-uaill. 

R  also  abridges  the  list  of  Tuatha  Dk  Danann. 

8.  Meic  Miled.    Last  part  lost  in  R    R  omits: 

a)  In  tale  of  Ith's  death  on  Mag  Itha:  do  oriadar 
demna  fer  do  muindtir  Itha  .?.  OUum  a  aintn  j  is 
e  cedmarb  Brenn  do  sil  Gaidil; 

b)  Mention  of  Fintan  (Tuan  mac  Cairill)  who  wrote 
down  the  story  of  LG  on  the  knees  of  Finnan  and 
Colnm  Cille. 

The  above  list  contains  all  the  more  important  variants 
and  omissions  in  R  when  compared  with  S.  It  conld  easily  be 
made  longer  by  the  addition  of  many  minor  differences,  where  S 
always  has  the  better  reading.  Not  only  does  R's  rejection  of  the 
poems  stamp  it  as  an  inferior  text,  compared  with  S,  but  also 
ite  occasional  carelessness  in  the  prose.  That  the  extra  matter 
of  S  is  not  due  to  later  additions  is  proved  by  a  completely 
independent  version  like  A,  where  notwithstanding  its  strong 
tendency  to  abridge,  some  of  the  extra  details  of  S  have  been 
preserved,  viz.  the  poems  Heriu  da  fiarfaiger  and  Heriu  co 
n-uaülj  and  in  the  Invasion  of  the  Fir  Bolg  the  particulars 
abont  King  Eochu  mac  Eirc  and  a  reminiscence  of  their  division 
of  lreland. 

*)  I  suppose  this  was  already  related  iu  tbe  beginning  of  Ra,  which 
hfts  beeu  lost,  for  S  has  it  twice,  in  the  beginning  and  at  the  end. 


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102  ▲.  6.  VAI^  HAMEL, 

On  tlie  other  hand,  there  is  no  case  where  R  affords  a 
better  reading  than  S.  Therefore  I  take  R  to  be  a  copy  of  S. 
As  both  MSS.  seem  to  belong  to  the  13**^  Century,  R  cannot 
have  been  written  much  later  than  S.  The  misarrangement  of 
the  leaves  in  R,  in  consequence  of  which  the  Invasion  of  the 
Fir  Bolg  and  the  beginning  of  the  Toatha  Dk  Danann  come 
first  and  are  foUowed  by  the  few  remaining  lines  of  the  intro- 
duction,  is  clearly  due  to  a  later  possessor  of  the  MS.  Where 
we  have  the  text  of  S,  R  has  no  value  whatever,  but,  as  an 
almost  contemporary  copy,  it  gains  an  enormoos  interest  as  soon 
as  S  breaks  off.  As  regards  the  original  form  of  Bb,  R  represents 
the  oldest  accessible  version.  We  should,  however,  remember  that 
R  being  itself  a  copy,  it  is  liable  to  the  intmsion  of  mistakes. 
A  glance  at  the  MS.  will  show  how  defective  Rb  is  in  this 
respect. 

Fortunately  R  is  not  the  only  MS.  that  preserves  a  copy 
of  Bb:  a  portion  of  it  also  occars  in  Lee  I.  This  MS.  mnst  now 
be  examined. 

The  text  of  Lee  la  begins  on  fol.  10  of  the  Book  of  Lecan 
with  the  concluding  lines  of  the  poem  Findaig  in  sencktis  diaiä, 
which  forms  part  of  the  Invasion  of  the  Fir  Bolg  and  is  also  fonnd 
in  S.  Next  come  the  prose  tract  and  the  poem  on  the  division 
of  Ireland  by  the  Fir  Bolg,  which  we  know  already  from  S. 
In  the  same  way,  there  is  an  absolute  agreement  between  Lee  I 
and  S  as  to  the  Invasion  of  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann,  where  R 
deviates  from  both  by  its  strong  tendency  to  abridge.  Only 
one  scribal  error  is  there  to  show  that  Lee  I  is  a  transcript »). 
In  the  Invasion  of  Meic  Mlled  Lee  I  also  has  but  a  few 
omissions:  Loch  Febail  is  left  out  in  the  list  of  places  visited 
by  Ith  before  his  meeting  with  Mac  Cuill,  Mac  Cecht,  and  Mac 
6r6ine,  and  Fintan  is  not  mentioned  as  an  authority  for  the 
names  of  Erimon's  companions.  For  the  rest  Lee  I  appears  to 
be  an  excellent  copy  of  S,  and  sometimes  a  more  trustworthy 
one  than  R.  Therefore  it  will  be  useful  to  compare  Lee  Ib  and 
Rb  carefully,  as  in  case  of  variant  readings  Leclb  will  often 
represent  that  of  the  original.  In  fact,  a  comparison  of  the  two, 
which  must  be  defeiTed  tili  the  examination  of  version  A,  justifles 
this  preference  for  Leclb,  where  all  the  poems  are  given  in 

^)   O  lotar  $i(k  iiia  n-iuttlihas  rompo  inateatl  of  Dolotar^  &c. 


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ON  LBBOR  GABXlA.  103 

extenso.  Unf ortonately  this  second  part  of  Lee  I  is  bnt  frag- 
mentary;  it  breaks  off  in  the  middle  of  the  list  of  pagan  kings, 
added  to  the  real  L6,  af  ter  King  Sirna  Saeglach  and  a  poem  on 
Cath  Mona  Trogaide,  with  these  final  words:  FinitÄdam  OCuimin 
do  seriob  do  GiUa  Isu  mac  lirbissigh  .i.  (T  Ollamh  o  Fiachrach. 
Anno  domini  M^'ccc&'xvm,  So  this  text,  clearly  another  copy 
of  S,  was  made  in  1418,  bnt  it  has  preserved  with  admirable 
conservatism  many  old  forms,  and  the  langnage,  save  for  a  few 
modemised  spellings,  is  that  of  S. 

The  fonrth  text  belonging  to  version  B  is  s.  It  occurs  in  the 
R  L  A.  MS.  DIV3,  and  is  written  in  a  dear  H^  or  15***  Century 
band.  It  begins  in  the  middle  of  a  poem  belonging  to  the  Intro- 
duction  (Athair  cäich  coitnsich  nime,  also  in  S  and  Lee  U),  and 
mns  on  through  the  whole  LG  and  the  appendix,  through  the 
synchronism  of  the  Irish  pagan  kings  with  the  kings  of  the 
World,  and  ind  direm  cetiichy  and  through  the  poem  Reidig  dam 
a  de  do  nim,  to  the  middle  of  the  poem  Hiremon  is  Eber  ard. 
So  the  lost  part  of  the  MS.  probably  contained  a  synchronism 
of  the  Irish  kings  after  the  faith  and  a  copy  of  Bb.  The  scribe 
of  s  dealt  with  bis  authorities  in  a  much  more  independent  way 
than  those  of  R  and  Lee  I.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  he 
followed  S,  but  in  the  later  portions  of  L6,  especially  in  the 
Invasions  of  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  and  the  Meie  Miled,  he  has 
enlarged  the  bulk  of  the  text  considerably  by  introducing  im- 
portant  additions.  From  these  it  becomes  elear  that  he  eonsulted 
other  authorities  on  those  two  invasions  as  well,  while,  on  the 
other  band,  in  the  beginning  bis  tendency  was  largely  to  abridge. 
The  following  list  shows  that  s  sometimes  has  the  same  omissions 
as  R,  but  as  no  further  inflnence  of  R  can  be  traced  in  the 
whole  text  of  s,  no  importanee  mnst  be  attaehed  to  it.  These 
omissions  common  to  s  and  R  are  all  found  in  the  four  earlier 
invasions,  which  seem  to  have  appealed  to  our  scribe  less  than 
the  two  later  ones:  there  he  altogether  discontinues  bis  former 
practice  of  abridging,  whereas  it  is  pursued  by  R  until  the 
very  end. 

Biblical  preface.    Lost  in  s. 

Introduction  on  the  Goidels,    Verbally  =  S,  save  for  a  con- 
siderable  abridgment  in  the  account  of  the  Scots  in  Egypt 
Ceasair  =  S. 


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104  A.  a.  VAN  HAHEL, 

Partholon,  Verbally  =  S,  but  for  the  Omission  of  tlie  passage 
on  the  division  of  Ireland. 

Nemed.    Agrees  with  S;  two  omissions: 

a)  The  wives  of  Nemed's  sons  are  not  mentioned; 

b)  The  passage  from  Cin  Droroma  Snechta  is  left  ont. 

Fir  Bolg  =  S.    Several  omissions: 

a)  Particulars  of  King  Fodbgenid; 

b)  Poem  on  the  cntting  oft  of  Naadu's  hand. 

c)  Poem  Findaig  in  senchus  diatd. 

In  two  cases  the  order  has  been  changed: 

a)  The  poem  Fir  Bolg  hdtar  sunn  a  sei,  and  the  prose 
tract  Fir  Bolg  rothamnait  have  changed  places; 

b)  The  same  thing  has  happened  with  the  syn- 
chronism  and  the  passage  on  the  division  of 
Ireland  by  the  Fir  Bolg. 

Tuatha  De  Danann.  This  invasion  may  be  divided  into 
three  parts:  the  introduction  on  the  arrival  of  the  Tuatha 
D6  Danann,  their  history  in  Ireland,  and  the  acconnt  of 
their  people  (genealogies,  aes  ddna,  &c.).  Of  these  the 
two  first  parts  agree  verbally  with  S,  allowance  being 
made  for  some  changes  in  the  order.  In  the  third  part, 
however,  which  is  on  the  whole  also  taken  from  S,  there 
is  a  remarkable  interpolation.  It  begins  as  an  abridg- 
ment  of  S,  with  sometimes  slight  changes  in  the  order, 
nntil  the  poem  Heriu  co  n-uaill.  Later  on,  it  resumes  the 
text  of  S  a  little  before  the  point  where  it  was  left,  at 
Tri  mic  Cermada  Milbeoil.  Bnt  between  these  two  portions 
taken  from  S,  a  list  of  genealogies  is  introdaced,  which 
does  not  occm*  in  S,  bnt  corresponds  closely  to  the  liste 
in  LL  and  Rb.  There  is  nothing  stränge  in  this,  and  it 
does  not  prove  that  s  used  LL  as  an  anthority  for  these 
genealogies:  the  scribe  of  s,  who  was  copying  S,  had 
before  him  a  copy  of  Version  Bb  —  as  it  must  have 
constituted  the  final  part  of  S  —  and,  no  doubt,  he 
fonnd  there  these  genealogies«). 

1)  In  tbat  case  8b  had  preserred  several  details  whicL  were  ouiitted 
Uter  in  Lee  Ib  and  Rb,  for  the  genealogieH  are  more  elaborate  in  s  than  in 
those  two  MS8. 


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ON  LBBOR  QABiLA.  105 

Mete  Miled.  The  description  of  the  last  invasion  in  s  is 
very  mnch  like  that  of  S.  Bat  the  order  has  been 
entirely  upset,  especially  in  the  later  parts.  At  the 
same  time  the  wording  of  each  separate  passage  was  not 
altered,  and  they  still  coincide  with  those  of  S.  So  there 
cannot  be  any  doubt  as  to  the  principal  soorce  osed  by  s. 
It  is  possible,  however,  that  here,  too,  oor  scribe  occasion- 
ally  consalted  the  text  of  Bb,  bat  we  do  not  find  so  con- 
clasive  a  proof  of  it  here  as  in  the  preceding  Invasion. 
The  mention  of  Dil's  death,  however,  ui  alii  dicuntj  after 
the  drowning  of  her  hasband  Donn,  might  point  to  it 
If  this  really  is  the  case,  it  might  be  qaestionable  whether 
the  lost  part  of  s  did  ever  contain  a  Version  of  Bb:  for 
then  there  woald  be  some  probability  that  the  scribe  of 
s  did  not  add  Bb  as  a  separate  version,  bat  selected  the 
most  striking  details  from  it,  and  embodied  them  in  his 
copy  of  Ba.  We  shonld  then  have  to  consider  s  as  the 
prototype  of  version  C. 

Now  we  ai*e  able  to  establish  the  relationship  of  the  MSS. 
belonging  to  version  ß.  All  the  yoanger  texts,  R,  Lee  I,  and 
s,  are  copies  of  S.  Lee  I  has  followed  the  examplar  most 
closely;  R  and  s  make  a  few  omissions,  while  s  also  introduces 
some  notes  from  the  text  of  Bb  into  its  copy  of  Ba.  None  of 
these  MSS.  has  preserved  a  complete  text.  S  contains  a  version 
of  Ba  withoat  gaps,  which  cannot  be  said  of  any  other  MS.  On 
the  other  band,  S  has  lost  a  part  of  the  appendix,  viz.  the  final 
synchronisms  and  Bb,  while  these  parts  have  been  preserved, 
although  bat  fragmentarily,  in  the  yoanger  MSS.  Of  these 
Lee  I,  as  a  rnle,  gives  the  most  trustworthy  readings. 


§  4.  The  versions  A  and  Bb. 

The  available  MSS.  are  LL,  F,  Leclb  and  Rb,  the  two 
former  containing  version  A,  the  two  latter  representing  Bb. 
The  Chief  characteristics  of  these  versions,  when  compared  with 
Ba,  are  a  different  biblical  preface,  the  absence  of  the  second 
Visit  of  the  Scots  to  Egypt,  deviations  in  the  text  of  the  poems, 
and  abridgments  in  almost  all  the  Tnvasions.  Bat  these  will  be 
discassed  later  on. 


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106  ▲.  G.  VAN  HAMKL, 

The  flrst  thing  I  shall  have  to  acconnt  for,  is  the  position 
assigned  here  to  F.  In  Professor  Thurneysen's  paper  F  is  placed 
along  with  BB  and  Lee  II,  i.  e.  under  version  C.  I  do  not  see 
the  reason  why.  The  flrst  16  pages  of  the  Book  of  Fennoy 
contain  a  version  of  LG  —  down  to  the  end  of  the  invsurion  of 
Nemed,  where  it  breaks  off  in  the  middle  of  the  poem  Eriu  oü 
oirdnid  Gaedil  The  flrst  page  is  qoite  illegible,  bnt  in  the  open- 
ing  line  the  words  In  principio  may  be  discemed;  they  show 
that  this  page  contains  the  beginning  of  LG.  Comparing  LL 
and  F,  we  have: 

1.  Preface.  As  far  as  may  be  discemed  from  F  and  LL, 
F  verbally  =  LL.  Only  Ibath  is  omitted  from  the  second 
genealogy  of  Baath,  owing  to  a  scribal  error. 

2.  Introduction  on  the  Ooidels.  Verbally  =  LL  but  for  one 
mistake  (Ä  ein  da  ficid  bliadan  j  da  deich  tra  ar  nenam 
in  tuir  rogdb  Nin  niac  Beil  rigi  in  domain  for  I  cinn  da 
bliadan  y  da  fiched),  and  the  addition  of  one  poem  on 
the  exodus  of  the  Scots  from  Egypt  (Cethracha  7  cethri 
cä),  which  also  occnrs  in  S. 

3.  Ceasair.    Verbally  =  LL,  with  four  additions: 

a)  A  passage  from  Cin  Dromma  Snechta  to  the 
purpoit  that  Banba  was  the  flrst  to  occnpy  Ire- 
land  with  fifty  maidens  and  three  men  (sdso  in 
LB  and  Lee  II); 

b)  A  Short  note  on  the  Invasion  of  Cappa,  Lnasad 
and  Laigne  before  that  of  Ceasair,  with  a  poem 
(also  in  the  versions  Ba  and  C); 

c)  A  poem  Ceassair  canas  tänic  si  (also  versions  Ba^  C) ; 

d)  A  poem  Cethracha  trdth  (also  in  Ba  and  C). 

4.  Fartholon,  The  flrst  part,  again,  is  verbally  that  of  LL, 
but  some  additions  are  subjoined: 

a)  A  Short  tract  on  the  division  of  Ireland  by  Par- 
tholon's  sons; 

b)  Some  Short  prose  notes  on  muinter  Partholain  with 
poem,  Robo  maith  in  muinter  mar; 

c)  A  concluding  poem  Pariholon  canas  tdnic. 

All  these  additions  are  also  fonnd  in  the  versions  Ba 
and  C. 


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ON  LEBOR  GABIlA.  107 

5.  Nemed.  The  whole  of  this  Invasion  corresponds  verbally 
to  the  text  of  LL.  I  can  only  detect  a  few  Short  additions: 

a)  F  mentions  Nemed's  wandering  for  a  year  and 
a  half  and  his  arrival  at  Inber  Sc^ne; 

b)  The  nnmber  of  those  who  died  of  the  pestilence 
is  given  as  2000  (R:  4000); 

c)  Among  Nemed's  chieftains  the  naraes  of  Ergal 
and  his  brothers  Madan  and  lartacht  are  given; 

d)  After  the  battle  of  Tor  Conainn,  Ebath  and  Baath 
fly  to  the  North  of  the  world; 

e)  On  Semion's  descendants,  who  retnmed  to  Ireland 
from  Greece,  F  adds  No  is  iad  libame  rig  6rec 
rogattsid  leo  do  tliecht  amal  ashert  Cin  Droma 
Snechta, 

These  intercalated  particnlars  cannot  all  have  been  taken 
from  a  copy  of  Ba;  they  must  have  been  drawn  eithei' 
from  Version  C  or  from  special  sonrces,  as  the  Book  of 
Dmim  Snechta  itself,  a  poem  on  the  First  Battle  of 
Moytnra,  &c. 

The  material  of  F  is  too  scanty  to  enable  one  to  draw 
definite  conclnsions  from  it.  Yet  this  mnch  is  manifest:  the 
scribe  of  F  was  copying  LL,  for  the  two  texts  are  practically 
the  same,  and  all  the  characteristics  of  the  versions  Ba  and  C 
are  wanting.  Only  a  very  limited  use  of  other  sources,  among 
which  probably  fignred  a  copy  of  Version  Ba,  can  be  traced.  F  is, 
therefore,  to  be  considered  as  a  slightly  extended  copy  of  LL,  and 
the  text  of  the  poems  points  to  the  same  direction. 

Now  we  come  to  Leclb  and  Rb,  both  representing  vei-sion 
Bb,  which  is,  as  Professor  Thurneysen  has  recognized,  closely 
akin  to  A.  It  has  already  been  pointed  out  that  Lee  Ib  probably 
contains  the  better  text,  and  is  nearer  to  the  lost  Sb.  That  this 
is  really  the  case,  can  be  seen  from  the  many  instances  where 
Rb  is  nnintelligible,  while  Lee  Ib  preserves  the  original  reading. 
Lee  Ib  also  shows  that  the  scribe  of  Rb  never  made  any  important 
omissions  on  his  owu  account,  for  wherever  Rb  abridges  in  a 
rather  arbitrary  way,  Lee  Ib  displays  quite  the  same  deficiencies, 
so  that  the  very  snccinct  treatment  of  the  three  first  invasions 
in  all  texts  of  Bb  must  be  imputed  to  their  common  origin, 


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108  A.  6.  VAN  HAMEL, 

namely  Sb.  Only  as  regards  the  poems  does  Bb  follow  the  same 
practice  as  Ra,  and  quotes  merely  the  two  initial  lines  of  them, 
whereas  Lee  Ib  preserves  them  all  in  extenso. 

Both  Leclb  and  Rb  are  derived  from  Sb,  the  oldest  attain- 
able  copy  of  Bb.  We  mnst  endeavonr  now  to  establish  the  relation 
between  Bb  and  A.  Neither  can  be  a  copy  of  the  other,  for  in 
both  we  find  passages  nnknown  in  the  coiresponding  version, 
while  at  the  same  time  these  passages  may  claim  a  consider- 
able  antiquity.  So  in  Bb  the  invasions  of  Partholon  and 
Nemed  are  dismissed  in  a  Single  sentence,  and  that  of  Cesair 
is  not  mentioned  at  all^.  On  the  other  band,  the  Latin  pre- 
face  of  Bb  impresses  one  as  older,  and  the  introdnctory  words 
ut  dicit  historia  point  to  another  authority  than  LL.  It  will  be 
necessary,  therefore,  to  make  a  close  comparison  of  these  two  texts. 

1.  Preface,  In  the  beginning  there  is  a  remarkable  difference. 
After  the  heading  Miniugud  gdbal  nErenn  7  a  senchas  7 
a  remmend  rigraide  innso  $is  7  ethre  a  mbeolu  aisneisin 
7  läbra  6gh  dond  nt  remunn  0  thosach  ind  libair  cotici 
indso  ut  diät  historia,  Bb  has  an  introdnctory  passage 
in  Latin  on  Ireland  and  its  inhabitants.  A  gives  instead 
a  Short  survey  of  the  creation  and  the  deInge.  After  this 
the  parallelism  begins.  Apart  from  minor  discrepancies  the 
only  noteworthy  thing  is  that  Bb  inserts  a  tract  on  the 
division  of  the  Gaelic  langnage  and  its  names;  it  does 
not  agree  with  the  rest  and  mnst  have  been  taken  from 
elsewhere.  As  to  the  seventy-two  langnages,  A  gives  a 
list  of  them  in  prose  as  well  as  in  verse,  while  Bb  has 
only  the  poem. 

2.  Introduction  on  Goidels.  In  some  respects  A  is  more 
circumstantial,  especially  where  it  speaks  of  Brath's 
companions  on  his  expedition  to  Spain.  I  cannot  make 
out  whether  these  details  have  been  added  in  A  or 
left  ont  in  Bb,  the  whole  jonmey  of  Brath  with  Ucee 
and  Occe  being  nnknown  in  version  Ba.  Bnt,  waiving 
this  aside,  we  notice  a  close  agreement  between  onr  two 
versions. 

^)  Tliat  Cesair  was  knowu  in  tbe  original  h  proved  by  the  final  words 
of  LG  proper:  is  amlaid  sin  rogab  Tfh'inn  6  cHgahdl  Cesi-a  co  gabäil 
Mac  Miled, 


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ON  LBBOB  GABXlA.  109 

—  5.  Cesair—Nemed,  Here  the  comparison  is  impossible, 
these  three  invasions  being  treated  in  too  arbitrary  a 
manner  in  Bb. 

Fir  Bolg,  Bb  still  abridges:  the  wives  of  the  five  leaders, 
and  the  passage  on  the  division  of  Ireland  are  left  out. 
LL  makes  a  scribal  error,  saying  Fodbgen  iorchair  la 
Eochaid  mac  Binnal,  where  ßb  and  Lee  Ib  have  the 
correct  reading  la  Eochaid  mac  Eirc. 

Tuaiha  De  Danann.  Bb  omits  the  introdnction  relating 
the  Coming  of  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  in  mists,  the  First 
Battle  of  Moytura,  and  the  story  of  the  Lia  Fiil;  after- 
wards  it  curtails  the  account  of  the  Second  Battle  of 
Moytura,  and  the  genealogies  of  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann. 
The  antiquity  of  all  these  passages  is  shown  by  Ba.  Bb 
inserts  a  separate  tale  called  Imthechta  Tuirill  Bicreo, 
followed  by  a  poem  Etsid  in  senchas  sluaghach,  of  which 
Leclb  preserves  a  complete  text.  On  account  of  this 
tale  Tuirill  Bicreo  gets  a  place  in  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann 
genealogies.  It  does  not  belong  to  the  old  stock  of  L6, 
as  it  occurs  nowhere  eise,  and  must  have  been  imported 
from  ekewhere. 

Meic  Miled.  Bb  omite  many  characteristic  details:  the 
whole  of  the  story  of  Ith,  the  death  of  Airennän,  Sc6ne, 
Ir,  Donn  and  Herech,  Amargen's  poems,  Erimön's  wives, 
&c  The  reason  is  that  all  these  particulars  occur  in  Ba, 
and  it  was  the  scribe's  aim  to  give  in  Bb  only  the  facts 
that  were  passed  over  in  the  preceding  version.  There- 
fore  he  has  preserved  in  Bb  three  poems  that  we  do  not 
find  in  Ba,  and  which,  stränge  to  say,  are  even  lacking 
in  A:  Secht  mnd  mac  Miled,  Anmand  na  toisech  deilm 
tenn,  and  Se  meic  Miled  miad  n-ordain,  Of  the  second 
poem  the  antiquity  may  be  questionable,  but  the  other  two 
with  forms  like  la  maccu  do  not  seem  to  be  13*^  Century 
fabrications,  although  monosyllabic  coir  shows  that  they 
are  no  survivals  from  the  earliest  period.  Besides,  Bb 
preserves  the  names  of  the  mogaid  na  mogad  of  the 
Meic  Miled  that  have  been  lost  in  all  other  versions,  but 
recur  later  in  LB.  For  the  rest  the  parallelism  of  A  and 
Bb  is  complete  here  also. 


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110  A.  O.  VAN  HABIEL, 

From  the  above  summary  we  may  gather  that  A  and  Bb 
are  two  versions,  drawn  from  one  common  source.  As  the  tendency 
of  both  is  to  abridge  the  text,  they  sometimes  preserve  different 
portions  of  the  original,  and  this  circumstance  will  account  for 
occasional  deviations  of  Bb  from  A.  Bot  as  a  role  the  general 
trend  of  the  two  texts  is  remarkably  the  same.  The  only  question 
now  remaining  is  one  as  to  the  nature  of  the  original  of  A  and 
Bb,  which  we  shall  henceforth  denote  as  0. 

From  the  Latin  preface  in  Bb  Professor  Thnmeysen  infers 
that  0  was  a  Latin  Liber  Occupationis.  Whether  this  title  is 
right  is  a  snbordinate  qnestion,  bnt  I  may  point  to  the  fact  that 
Leclb,  when  dealing  with  the  Fir  Bolg,  says:  ut  supra  dicebamus 
in  capturis,  ,i  i  ngabalaib,  Hibernie.  So  Liber  Capturae  may  be 
the  more  correct  name.  The  gloss  i  ngabalaib  is  from  the  scribe 
of  Lee  I,  for  R  has  not  got  it,  and  the  Latin  phrase  refers  to 
Ba,  which  was  certainly  an  Lish  text;  so  no  proof  could  be 
derived  from  it  that  the  version  Bb  originated  in  a  Latin  text 
Bnt  there  is  some  other  evidence  in  support  of  Professor 
Thurneysen's  view.  Rb  and  Lee  Ib  sometimes  have  a  Latin 
sentence  in  the  middle  of  the  Irish  narration,  where  the  snp- 
Position  that  these  Latin  phrases  escaped  a  translator's  attention, 
might  acconnt  for  the  sndden  change  of  langnage.  So  the  Gabäl 
Partholoin  is  recorded  in  both  MSS.  by  the  words  Anno  te" 
aetatis  Abram  tenuit  Parteien  Ibemiam.  Ab  Adam  autem  ii 
milia  y  de  y  viii  anni.  In  the  ennmeration  of  MiPs  descendänts 
we  read  Ni  farcaib  Eber  Bonn  no  Airech  dann  no  Erannan 
non  habuait  filios  quum  mersus  est  statim  in  palude  Scence. 
In  the  pedigrees  of  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann,  which  section,  as  I 
have  noticed  already,  has  been  preserved  particolarly  well  in  s, 
we  find  another  Latin  note:  Orbsen  proprium  nomen  Manannain 
unde  dicitur  Stagnum  Orbsen  apud  occassum,  Quum  Manannanus 
sepuUus  est,  stagnum  uenit  per  terram  per  tumulum  eius.  The 
corresponding  passage  in  LL  is  also  in  Latin.  Hence  one  might 
infer  that  0  was  a  Latin  Version,  and  that  both  A  and  Bb  are 
translations  of  a  Latin  original.  But  before  this  conclnsion  is 
accepted,  it  should  be  realised  at  the  same  time  that  it  can  only 
be  partially  true.  For  the  poems,  several  of  which  were  composed 
before  the  11**»  Century  (see  §  5),  must  be  original  Irish  work, 
What  makes  the  matter  still  worse,  is  the  similarity  of  expression 
in  A  and  Ba,  even  in  the  prose  sections.    Conseqnently  I  could, 


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ON  LBBOR  OABÄLA.  111 

at  its  best,  only  regard  0  as  a  somewhat  Latinised  Version  of 
an  Irish  text  Nor  do  I  think  the  question  of  so  mach  importance 
as  Professor  Thnmeysen,  who  considers  A  as  the  oldest  attain- 
able  form  of  LG.  In  §  5  it  will  be  shown  that  Ba  represents  a 
more  genuine  form  of  the  saga,  and  an  older  stage  of  the  text, 
whereas  A  is  merely  an  abridgment  Hence  the  original  langoage 
of  Ba  mnst  be  that  of  L6.  Now  no  one  will  hesitate  to  regard 
Ba  as  a  purely  Irish  work,  so  that  the  question  of  the  original 
language  of  0  amounts  only  to  this:  has  there  ever  existed  a 
recension  of  LG  partially  written  in  Latin?  The  Latin  preface 
of  Bb  is  of  no  importance;  it  is  a  later  addition,  particular  to 
that  Version,  while  A  preserves  the  old  biblical  preface  which 
we  find  also  in  Ba  (see  p.  127).  The  sparse  Latin  phrases, 
indeed,  point  to  a  somewhat  Latinised  version.  Possibly  0  had 
even  more  of  them  than  A  and  Bb,  but  we  cannot  go  farther  in 
cur  conclusions.  Nor  will  this  argument  afCect  in  any  degree  our 
views  on  the  origin  of  LG.  In  Ba  we  possess  an  older  and  purely 
Irish  Version  that  has  come  down  to  us  directly  from  the  original 
without  ever  having  passed  through  a  Latin  form.  Besides,  Ba  is 
in  another  respect  also  a  more  valuable  text  than  A,  as  it  was 
never  subjected  to  any  uniforming  process.  Tbis  will  appear  best 
from  a  comparison  of  A  and  Ba. 


§  5.  The  original  of  A  (or  Bb)  and  Ba  (X). 

An  examination  of  the  best  representative  of  Ba,  that  is 
of  Sa,  and  not  only  of  the  much  shorter  Ra,  shows  that  this  text 
is  more  elaborate  in  almost  every  respect  than  A  and  Bb.  It  is 
a  pity  Professor  Thurneysen  has  failed  to  see  this;  for  this  is 
the  fact  that  compels  us  to  face  the  principal  question  conceming 
the  relationship  of  the  MSS. :  if  both  Ba  and  A  descend  from  the 
same  tradition,  are  the  differences,  existing  between  them,  due 
to  digressions  of  Ba  or  to  abridgmeuts  on  the  part  of  A? 
A  priori  both  Solutions  of  the  problem  are  equally  probable. 
The  Latinised  version  0,  from  which  A  has  been  taken,  was 
possibly  intended  as  a  short  survey  for  learned  men  desiring 
to  acquaint  themselves  with  the  stories  of  the  ancient  Irish 
populations,  without  being  overwhelmed  by  too  many  details.  On 
the  other  band,  such  a  curious  patchwork  as  LG  was  from  the 


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112  A.  G.YAN  HABiEL, 

very  beginning,  was  more  than  any  other  mediaeval  saga  liable 
to  continaal  expansion  by  the  addition  of  parallel  traditions  that 
had  escaped  the  notice  of  earlier  scribes.  Consequently  it  wonld 
be  bat  natural  that  both  these  forces  shonld  have  worked  together, 
and  that  Ba  shonld  have  enlarged  the  body  of  LG  in  several  parts, 
whfle  at  the  same  time  many  details  were  onütted  in  0.  In  most 
cases  internal  evidence  will  fomish  a  eine  to  the  disentanglement 
of  these  difficnlties.  Putting  together  the  resnlts  of  a  comparison 
we  find  the  principal  points  to  be  as  foUows: 

a)  Preface.  Both  have  an  opening  passage  on  the  creation, 
Adam  and  Eye  &c^  which  is  mach  more  circomstanüal 
in  Ba.  Bnt  the  next  section,  the  diyision  of  the  earth 
between  Noah's  three  $ons,  is  more  elaborate  in  A.  Then 
comes  a  marked  divergence  as  to  the  descent  of  N61  and 
Goidel  Glas.  The  origin  of  this  stränge  discrepancy  will 
be  discussed  in  §  13;  for  the  present  it  may  suffice  to 
assign  priority  in  this  respect  to  Ba. 

b)  Introduction  on  tJie  Goidels.  A  describes  the  struggles 
between  the  two  royal  races  of  Scythia  (of  Noennal 
and  N61)  ^ith  a  great  profusion  of  details,  while  Ba 
just  mentions  them  summanly.  On  the  other  band, 
Ba  has  got  an  admirable  account  of  the  Goidels'  stay 
in  Egypt,  and  also  records  their  second  visit  to  that 
country,  which  is  altogether  unknown  to  A.  For  the 
rest  there  are  only  minor  differences. 

c)  Cescdr.  In  Ba  there  precedes  a  short  passage  on  an 
Invasion  by  Capa  and  others  even  before  Cesair;  it  does 
not  occur  in  A.  For  the  rest  the  conception  is  quite 
the  same  in  the  two  texts,  but  where  A  has  nothing  but 
a  Short  note,  Ba  offers  a  pleasing  narratlve. 

d)  Partholon.  On  the  whole  the  two  relations  are  identical, 
save  for  the  summarising  of  A.  A  remarkable  genealogical 
difference  will  be  explained  in  chapt.  IL  A  mentions  Tuan 
mac  Cairill. 

e)  Nemed.  The  identity  of  Ba  and  A  is  evident,  only  A 
is  much  shorter  and  deviates  in  the  enumeration  of  the 
plains  which  where  made  by  Nemed  and  his  sons. 


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ON   LEBOR   GAHÄLA.  113 

f)  Fir  BoUj,  A  has  not  the  digression  on  the  origin  of 
the  names  Fir  Domnann  and  Galeoin,  or  the  conclud- 
ing  account  of  the  later  adventures  of  the  Fir  Bolg 
in  the  islands,  and  their  taking  Service  with  Coirpre 
Niadfer  and  Medb.  Ba  omits  the  names  of  the  five 
queens. 

g)  Tuatha  De  Danann,  A  leaves  out  the  history  of  the 
Tuatha  De  Danann  in  the  North,  their  magic  cities,  their 
battle  with  the  Philistines,  and  the  way  they  reached 
Ireland.    But  Ba  has  fewer  genealogies. 

h)  Meic  Miled,  In  A  the  tale  of  Ith  is  not  so  elaborate, 
and  the  tract  Caiti  tairtUud  fir  Mac  Müed  is  lacking 
altogether.  The  order  of  the  story  is  also  different  in 
both. 

The  above  list  shows  that  Ba  is  in  almost  every  section 
more  extensive  than  A  not  only  in  the  namber  of  details  but 
also  in  the  manner  of  telling.  After  each  Invasion,  there  is  a 
synchronism  of  the  Irish  events  with  the  kings  of  the  world, 
and  Ba  also  contains  several  poems  of  which  there  is  no  trace 
in  A:  Doluid  Miled  assin  Sceithia  (Introd.),  Robo  maith  in  muinter 
mar  (Parth.),  Findaig  in  senchais  diadd  (Fir  Bolg);  the  contrary, 
however,  is  the  case  with  a  few  other  poems:  Dene  mo  fresneis 
a  mic  (Fir  Bolg),  and  Eistid  a  eolchu  cen  ön  (T.D.  D.).  As  has 
been  said  already,  every  additional  passage  either  of  Ba  or  A  mnst 
be  examined  separately  in  order  to  discover  whether  it  belonged  to 
the  stock  of  X  or  not  An  investigation  of  this  kind  would,  how- 
ever, take  US  far  beyond  the  scope  of  the  present  chapter,  which 
deals  only  with  the  mutual  relation  of  the  MSS.;  it  must  be  re- 
served  for  Chapters  11  and  III.  At  present  I  only  want  to  prove 
that  neither  A  nor  Ba  are  copies  of  one  another,  but  that  both 
are  independent  copies  of  the  same  original.  This  will  beseen 
best^  if  a  few  salient  points  are  brought  forward,  where  there  is 
an  inherent  disagreement  between  the  two;  for  then  it  is  clear 
that  both  have  found  theii'  own  way  through  the  various  literary 
traditions,  preserving  genuine  elements  by  themselves,  without 
being  indebted  for  them  to  each  other. 

According  to  A,  F6nius  Farsaid  was  a  son  of  Baath  mac 
Magoch  meic  lafeth,  whereas  Ba  has  an  entirely  different  genea- 

ZeiUchrift  f.  i^U.  Philologie  X.  8 


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114  A.  G.  VAN  IIAMBL, 

logy.  Although  Ba  preserves  tlie  older  recensioni),  that  of  A 
has  also  a  claim  to  considerable  antiquity,  for  it  occurs  in  the 
Liber  Sex  Aetatum,  from  which  it  must  have  been  taken.  This 
points  to  a  purposed  alteration  of  the  text,  so  that  A  cannot  be 
considered  as  a  mere  copy  of  Ba:  the  author  of  0  may  have 
omitted  as  much  as  he  chose,  bat  he  also  put  a  personal  stamp 
on  his  recension  by  introducing  this  and  similar  modifications.  In 
the  same  way  the  antiquity  of  some  parts  at  least  of  the  additional 
matter  in  Ba,  too,  can  be  shown.  There  is  a  poem  by  Maol  Murn 
Othna,  who  died  in  887,  beginning  Canam  bunadas  na  nGaedel 
(LL  133  b).  Here  we  discover  why  it  was  that  the  the  Goidels 
left  B^ypt  under  Sru's  guidance  and  fled  to  Scithia:  because 
they  had  not  supported  Pharao  Cincris  against  the  Israelites, 
and  therefore  were  afraid  of  the  Egyptians'  vengeance.  LL 
never  mentions  the  fact  that  the  Goidels  had  intercourse  with 
the  Israelites,  but  Ba  has  a  long  episode  about  it,  and  this 
episode  apparently  preserves  an  old  tradition.  By  these  few 
examples  the  relation  of  A  and  Ba  is  sufficiently  illustrated: 
neither  of  them  is  dependent  on  the  other,  but  each  represents 
a  distinct  version  of  its  own.  though  descended  from  a  common 
ancestor. 

Which  of  the  two  has  diverged  least  from  the  common 
original^(X),  cannot  as  yet  be  anticipated.  Still,  as  Ba  offers  a 
much  fuller  text,  and  as  we  have  found  that  in  one  very  im- 
portant  instance  at  least  it  has  preserved  an  undoubtedly  old 
trait,  there  is  some  probability  as  to  the  genuineness  of  Ba's 
traditions  in  general.  But  even  if  a  tradition  of  Ba  is  genuine, 
it  need  not  have  formed  a  part  of  X,  for  there  were  evidently 
isolated  tracts  current  among  the  Irish  which  were  never  embodied 
in  the  official  LG.  The  Book  of  Lecan  has  preserved  some  of  these 
along  with  its  two  versions  of  LG.  Every  additional  passage  of 
Ba  therefore  must  be  submitted  to  careful  examination  before  we 
may  infer  that  it  really  once  belonged  to  X,  and  was  omitted 
from  in  A. 

As  to  the  age  of  X  it  can  be  established  approximately 
by  that  of  the  poems.  There  is  a  considerable  stock  of  poems 
common  to  both  A  and  Ba.  They  are  either  ascribed  to  early 
poets  such  as  Ferchertne  and  Fintan,  or  to  Eochu  ua  Floinn 

»)   On  the  very  interesting:  problem  of  these  genealogies  see  §  13. 


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OK  LßnoR  oabXla.  115 

who  died  in  1003  0-  Of  the  latter  we  have  A  choemu  cldir  Cuind 
(Parth.),  Heriu  co  n-uaiU  co  n-idtiaib,  Estid  ces  ecna  aibind 
(T.  D.  D.),  Toisig  na  loingse  tar  ler^)  (Meic  Miled),  and  Ugame 
uaUach  amra  (continoation  on  Irish  kings).  All  these  poems  are 
fonnd  in  A,  and  in  S  as  well,  except  Etsid  ces  ecna  which  does 
not  occor  in  A;  bat  we  know  that  tbe  scribe  had  it  before  bim, 
for  be  saw  bis  Omission,  and  wrote  in  tbe  margin  of  fol.  18  a:  hie 
debet  esse  Etsid,  &c.  So  X  cannot  bave  been  written  before  the 
time  of  Eocbu  na  Floinn,  that  is  before  tbe  second  half  of  the 
10**^  Century.  But  in  LG  there  are  poems  by  later  poets  too. 
S  has  a  poem  Doluid  Milid  asin  Sceithta  by  Cennfaelad  (f  1048), 
LL  has  one  by  Flann  Mainistrecli  (f  1056:  Eistid  a  eolchu  gan 
cm),  and  a  few  by  Gilla  Coemain  (f  1072:  Gaedil  Glas  otdd 
Gaedil,  Tigernmas  mac  Ollamhan  aird,  and  Eriu  ard  inis  na  Hg). 
So  already  in  the  second  half  of  the  11**^  Century  A  and  Ba  must 
have  existed  as  separate  versions.  The  conclusion  is  that  X  was 
composed  between  950  and  1050,  which  takes  us  back  more  than 
a  Century  before  our  earliest  MS.  And  if  we  assume  —  what  seems 
highly  probable,  owing  to  the  large  number  of  his  poems  —  that 
Eocbu  ua  Floinn  was  himself  the  author  of  X,  the  date  of  this 
MS.  could  be  approximated  even  more  closely,  and  placed  between 
950  and  1003. 

We  are  now  in  a  position  to  draw  up  a  pedigree  of  the  MSS. 
belonging  to  the  yersions  A  and  B.    It  is  as  foUows: 


I  I 

Sa  0 

1 i  1 i 


I 
Ra    Lecia     s  Sb  LL 

I 1 i  I 

Rb    Leclb    sb(?)  F 

On  the  left  are  the  MSS.  belonging  to  gioup  Ba,  on  the  right 
those  of  groups  A  and  Bb.  A  secondary  influence  has  been  ex** 
ercised  on  s  by  some  MS.  of  the  group  to  the  right,  and  by  some 

*)  I  am  not  able  to  identify  Tanaide  who  composed  Tuatlia  De  Danann 
fo  diamair.    This  poem  occors  in  both  versions. 

')  The  prose  of  LL  ascribes  this  poem  to  Flann  Mainistrech,  bnt  in  the 
poem  Eochn  na  Floinn  is  mentioned  as  the  antbor. 


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116  A.  a.  VAN   HAMEL, 

MS.  of  tbe  other  groiip  on  F.  Two  groups  of  M8S.  still  reniain 
to  be  dealt  with,  C  and  D.  These  have  a  quite  different  cha- 
racter  from  tlie  others,  being  typical  compilations.  This  will  be 
manifest  from  tbe  following  survey. 


§  6.  The  Version  C. 

C  is  represented  by  two  MSS.:  LB  and  Lee  IL  It  is  gener- 
ally  assumed  that  LB  was  written  about  1391,  and  Lee  II  after 
1416.  So  LB  eould  not  have  been  taken  from  Lee  II.  The  two 
texts  are  practically  identical,  as  the  mixing  together  of  the 
versions  Ba  and  A  has  been  aecomplished  in  both  in  exactly 
the  same  way.  The  only  natural  eonclusion  seems  to  be  that 
either  Lee  II  is  a  transeript  of  LB  or  that  both  have  a  eommon 
ancestor.  Lee  11  presents  a  better  text  than  LB,  being  less 
corrupt,  espeeially  in  the  poems,  and  written  in  an  older  ortho- 
graphy.  This  would  point  to  an  older  lost  MS.  But  this  is  not 
the  only  possible  Solution,  and  as  it  is  advisable  not  to  postulate 
more  lost  MSS.  than  are  strietly  necessary,  I  prefer  another  one. 
There  is  suffieient  proof  that  Lee  II  also  knew  S,  for  it  eontains 
portions  of  S  that  are  missing  in  LB.  So,  while  following  LB 
closely  in  its  composition  and  arrangement,  Lee  II  may  have  eon- 
sulted  S  at  the  same  time,  and  taken  over  in  many  eases  its 
older  orthography  and  its  better  readings.  In  this  way  can  be 
aeeounted  for  the  many  survivals  of  13**»  Century  orthography  in 
a  MS.  even  later  than  LB.  Moreover,  Lee  II  also  uses  other 
sourees  than  S  and  LB,  as  will  appear  from  a  survey  of  the 
Contents  of  the  two  texts. 

a)  Preface.  In  LB  a  leaf  is  missing,  whieh  may  have  con- 
tained  everything  we  find^  in  Lee  IL  But  in  any  case  the 
section  on  biblical  history  is  shorter  in  Lee  11  than  in  LB. 

b)  Introduction  on  the  Ooidels.  The  two  texts  are  identical; 
only  Lee  II  inserts  a  short  passage  on  the  name  Fenins 
Farrsaig. 

c)  Ceasair.  There  is  but  one  differenee:  the  names  of 
Cesair's  eompanions  given  by  LB  in  the  poem  Cdin 
roind  rorandsamar  occur  also  in  the  prose  in  Lee  IL 


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OK  LEBOR  GABIlA.  117 

d)  Furtholon,  Here  the  influence  of  Sa  (or  some  other 
text  of  Ba)  may  be  traced  in  Lee  11:  the  account  of 
Partholon's  wanderings  cannot  have  been  taken  from 
LB,  but  must  have  been  corrected  after  S.  For  the  rest 
Lee  n  has  a  remarkable  tale  which  is  found  nowhere 
eise  (except  in  the  younger  version  D)  of  Partholon's 
wife  Delgnat  and  his  servant  Toba,  whose  miseonduet 
caused  the  cä-et  Erend. 

e)  Nemed.  Although  this  seetion  is  practieally  the  same 
in  Lee  II  and  in  LB,  Lee  II  shows  clearly  traces  of 
difCerent  sourees  too.  For  here  we  find  not  only  two 
Short  synchronisms  added,  diiferent  from  those  in  LB 
and  S,  but  also  a  tract  on  the  origin  of  the  name  Fir 
BoIg,  and  another  on  the  real  nature  of  the  Tuatha  De 
Danann.  In  these  latter  tracts  a  great  many  opinions 
are  diseossed,  whieh  may  be  partly  the  results  of 
the  scribe's  own  reflections.  One  unknown  authority, 
however,  is  mentioned  at  the  end,  namely,  the 
*Libar  de  Subternis'.  This  book  has  not  yet  been 
identifled. 

f)  Fir  Bolg,  Lee  11  differs  fi'om  LB  only  by  the  Insertion 
of  the  poem  Dene  mo  fresneis  a  mac  by  Colum  Cille, 
whieh  also  oecurs  in  A  and  Bb.    No  final  synchronism. 

g)  TuaiJm  De  Danann,  Lee  II  adds  a  few  partieulars  of 
the  arrival  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann,  and  the  r^asons 
why  they  burnt  their  ships  on  landing.  The  synchronism 
at  the  end  is  made  up  from  the  synchronisms  belonging 
to  Nemed,  Fir  Bolg  and  Tuatha  De  Danann  in  LB  and  S. 
For  the  rest  the  two  MSS.  are  identieal 

h)  Meic  Miied,  On  the  whole  Lee  H  =  LB,  but  the  younger 
MS.  gives  a  much  more  detailed  list  of  the  deseendants  of 
Erimon  and  Eber. 

So  far  the  relation  of  LB  and  Lee  11  has  been  illustrated. 
Lee  II  follows  LB  elosely,  correets  from  S,  and  adds  from  unknown 
sourees.  It  remains  to  investigate  the  sourees  from  which  LB, 
the  older  of  the  two,  was  compiled.  A  glance  at  the  text  will 
convinee  us  that  LB  made  use  of  a  text  of  all  the  versions  we 
have  distinguished  until  now,  that  is  to  say  of  A,   Ba  and  Bb. 


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118  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL, 

And  as  LB  mnst  have  iiad  a  copy  of  tlie  two  B-texts  coutaiuing 
the  complete  poems,  the  MSS.  used  nrnst  have  been:  LL,  Sa 
and  Sb.  Each  of  these  contains  passages  or  traite  that  are  un- 
known  to  the  others,  and  they  are  found  in  LB.  From  LL  have 
been  taken  the  prose  list  of  the  seventy-two  languages,  the 
parting  words  of  Noah  to  Cesaü',  the  allnsion  to  the  story  of 
Taan  mac  Caiiill,  the  circumstantial  narrative  of  the  battle  at 
Conang's  Tower,  aud  many  details  of  the  second  battle  of  Mag 
Tuired.  To  Sb  the  scribe  of  LB  was  indebted  for  the  curions 
tract  on  the  division  of  the  Gaelic  language  and  its  names  in 
the  four  chief  tongues  of  the  world,  as  well  as  for  the  names  of 
the  'mogaid  na  mogad'  who  came  over  with  MiL  Sa  was  LB's 
anthority  for  the  story  of  Nfel's  intercourse  with  the  Jews,  and 
the  Groidels'  second  visit  to  Egypt,  for  the  Coming  of  Capa 
to  Ireland,  for  the  tale  of  Cesair  and  the  angel,  for  Partholon's 
wanderings  and  his  battle  with  the  Fonioraig,  for  the  adventures 
of  the  Fir  Bolg  after  the  flrst  battle  of  Mag  Tnired,  and  those 
of  the  Tnatha  D6  Danann  before  they  reached  Ireland;  the 
alleged  descent  of  all  the  invaders  from  Rifath  Scot  can  only 
be  fonnded  npon  Sa.  The  almost  endless  catalogne  of  the  Tuatha 
D6  Danann  is  a  compilation  from  the  three  older  versions,  and 
of  the  two  genealogies  given  of  Partholon  one  is  based  on  Sa  and 
one  on  LL.  These  instances  will  suffice  to  show  that  LB  did  not 
neglect  the  work  of  his  predecessors. 

Thus  Version  C  represents  a  new  stage  in  the  development 
of  our  text.  The  period  of  flliation  has  passed,  that  of  compilation 
has  come.  And,  all  the  older  MSS.  being  ready  at  band,  none  of 
them  was  left  out  of  account.  This  development  has  gone  still 
farther  in  Lee  II,  where  even  sources  not  belonging  to  the 
regulär  tradition  of  LG  have  left  their  trace.  This,  however, 
has  also  happened,  though  in  a  lesser  degree,'in  LB.  LB  has  a 
few  notes  taken  fi'om  Cin  Dromma  Snechta,  cf.  Professor  Thum- 
eysen's  paper  quoted  on  p.  101.  One  of  these,  as  has  been 
pointed  out,  was  already  known  to  the  scribe  of  Sa.  Another, 
that  on  Banba's  occupation  of  Ii*eland  before  the  Deluge,  also 
occurs  in  F.  The  third  quotation  fiom  the  same  book,  that  of 
the  colloquy  of  the  Meic  Miled  with  Banba  and  Eriu,  does  not 
occur  any where  eise:  but  F  has  a  gap  in  this  section,  and  it 
may  have  been  there.  Yet  there  is  at  least  one  decisive  proof 
that   the   redactor   of  LB   also   consulted   the   Book   of  Dniim 


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ON  LEBOR  GABILA.  119 

Sueclita  liiiubelf.  In  the  Invasion  of  Partholon,  LB  has  a  short 
passage  on  the  division  (f  Ireland  by  Partholon's  sons.  It  also 
occurs  in  Sa,  from  which  it  may  have  been  taken.  But  in  a 
marginal  note  in  LB  we  are  told  that  the  passage  is  based  on 
tiie  Leber  Dromma  Snechta.  F  omits  it,  though  the  whole 
Gabftil  Partholoin  is  preserved  in  that  MS.  There  is  but  one 
possible  conclosion:  the  redactor  of  LB  had  the  famons  old  book 
before  him.  Of  all  the  references  to  Cin  Dromma  Snechta  in  the 
Leber  Gabäla  text  of  LB  this  marginal  note  is  the  only  one  that 
proves  this  fact  conclusively.  Therefore  it  deserves  a  place  in 
the  list  of  instances  given  by  Professor  Thumeysen.  The  matter 
is  even  more  signiflcant:  it  shows  us  that  the  redactor  of  LB 
intended  to  do  more  than  give  merely  a  somewhat  fuUer  copy 
of  LG,  liis  desire  being  evidently  to  bring  together  all  the  exist- 
ing  traditions,  even  those  that  had  not  yet  been  embodied  in  a 
coherent  text  In  this  respect  he  continued  in  the  direction  of 
his  predecessors,  for,  as  will  appear  in  chapter  II,  S  was  put 
together  npon  the  same  principle.  Lee  11  elaborated  it  even  more 
by  adopting  passages  from  numerons  other  sources.  And  it  is  this 
general  character,  uniting  LB  and  Lee  II,  which  justifies  us  in 
treating  these  two  texts  as  belonging  to  one  version,  however 
coDsiderable  the  additional  matter  of  Lee  II  may  be. 


§  7.   The  Version  D. 

O'Clery's  version  is  priucipally  included  here  for  sake  of 
completeness,  rather  than  for  its  own  interest.  It  was  compiled 
by  Cucogry  O'Clery  from  earlier  texts  by  omitting  a  great  many 
details  that  seemed  inconsistent  with  the  rest  of  the  story,  and  by 
making  the  order  and  the  contents  uniform.  O'Clery's  characteristic 
way  of  working  will  appear  from  the  short  account  of  D  given  in 
§  14.  The  introduction  on  the  oldest  Goidels,  F6nius,  N61,  &c.  is 
transferred  from  the  beginning  of  the  whole  work  to  the  end  of 
the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  section.  The  adventures  of  the  Fir  Bolg 
and  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  after  the  battle  of  Conaing's  Tower 
are  no  longer  given  as  an  appendix  to  the  Invasion  of  Nemed, 
their  common  ancestor,  but  as  introductions  to  the  two  subsequent 
invasions.  And  there  are  more  instances  of  arbitrary  changes 
inti-oduced  by  O'Clery.   This,  howevei-,  need  not  prevent  us  fi'om 


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120  A.  O.  VAN   HAMEL, 

tracing  the  older  versioiis  lie  consulted.  A  few  illustratious  will 
disclose  his  authorities. 

According  to  D  Partliolon  came  to  Ireland  ona  atharda  ,i. 
Siceil  Greic.  C  has  asin  Megind  .i.  asin  Oreg  Sceitheagda,  where- 
as  S  says  asin  Midi  Greic.  The  influence  of  some  text  belonging 
to  the  Ba  group  is  evident  here.  This  is  also  the  case,  when 
in  the  Invasion  of  Nemed  D  mentions  the  naraes  of  Nemed's 
daughters-in-law,  or  when  we  are  told  that  Macba  died  on  the 
12*^  day  after  her  an-ival  in  Ireland;  for  C  does  not  know  the 
names  of  these  women,  and  according  to  the  same  vemon 
Macha's  death  took  place  in  the  12**»  year.  Still  these  un- 
mistakable  traces  of  Ba  are  not  very  nnmerons,  and  on  the 
whole  the  text  is  that  of  C,  allowance  being  made  for  O'Clery's 
introducing  his  own  style  in  many  episodes.  Of  the  two  MSS. 
constitnting  version  C  O'Clery  apparently  follows  Lee  II  and  not 
LB,  for  he  has  all  the  characteristics  of  Lee  II  and  none  of 
LB's.  The  account  of  Partholon's  wanderings  is  that  of  Lee  11, 
and  the  tale  of  Delgnad  (Elgnad)  and  Toba  oceurs  only  in  Lee  II 
and  D.  The  explanation  of  the  names  of  the  Fir  Bolg,  Fir  Domnann 
and  Galeoin  —  especially  the  last  named  —  can  only  have  been 
taken  from  Lee  11.  D  teils  us  the  Tnatha  De  Danann  eame  from 
the  innsi  tuaiscertacha  na  Grecci,  just  as  Lee  II  makes  them 
begin  their  wanderings  asa  Grec  Sceitheacda:  no  other  MS. 
mentions  them  in  eonneetion  with  Greece.  All  these  salient 
points  prove  that  Lee  II  was  the  real  source  of  D,  though  there 
is  clear  evidence  of  O'Clery's  having  consulted  some  version  of  B 
also.  This  is  only  natural,  for  if  he  worked  at  Lee  II,  Lee  I 
must  have  been  also  in  his  liands.  O'Clery  had  no  need  to  look 
for  a  second  MS.,  for  the  Book  of  Lecan  provided  two  different 
versions,  and  these  are  the  very  same  versions  of  whose  influence 
there  are  traces  in  D.  Nothing  points  to  his  having  known  A 
or  F.  The  text  of  the  poems  is  quite  untrustworthy  as  it  abounds 
with  conjeetures  by  O'Clery  himself ;  what  makes  these  poems  inter- 
esting  are  the  numerous  glosses  he  adds,  although  they  are  often 
merely  attempts  to  elucidate  corrupt  readings. 

For  the  understauding  of  the  strueture  of  LG,  D  has  no 
value  whatever.  Its  immediate  exemplar,  Lee,  is  one  of  the  most 
valuable  of  our  MSS.:  in  Lee  I  it  contaius  the  oldest  version  of 
LG  attainable  in  a  fixed  and  uncorrupted  form,  while  iu  Lee  II 
it  shows  the  latest  development  of  the  story,  where  all  the  scattered 


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ON   LEBOK  GABIlA.  121 

traditions  extant have found a place.  lu  1),  üClery  has  endeavoured 
to  bring  these  incongruous  traditions  into  harmony  with  one  an- 
other.  And  this  could  not  be  effected  without  violating  the  text. 
The  uniforming  process  it  underwent,  rendered  many  departures 
from  the  traditional  LG  inevitable.  They  can  all  be  accounted  for 
from  the  Standpoint  of  O'Clery's  preconceived  design.  Therefore  a 
tfiorough  study  of  this  version  would  be  of  more  significance  for 
the  understanding  of  the  man  and  bis  work  than  for  the  present 
investigation. 


IL  The  lutroduction  on  the  Goidels  and  the  Preface. 

§  8.  The  tradition  of  A  and  Ba. 

The  most  important  differences  between  the  two  oldest  ver- 
sions  present  themselves  in  the  Introduction ;  therefore  this  portion 
of  LG  will  more  than  any  other  furnish  a  eine  to  the  Solution  of 
Problems  conceming  the  giowth  and  evolution  of  the  saga.  In  order 
to  understand  fully  the  signification  of  these  differences,  we  must 
have  before  us  a  separate  survey  of  the  two  traditions. 

Leaving  alone  the  biblical  and  genealogical  preface  for  a 
moment,  we  have  in  A  first  an  account  of  Fenius  Farsaich  >),  king 
of  Scythia  and  bis  two  sons,  N61  and  Noenual.  Fenius  leaves 
bis  kingdom  to  Noenual,  while  he  himself  goes  to  Asia  in  order 
to  assist  at  the  building  of  the  Tower  of  Babel;  there  Nel  is  born. 
Nel  comes  to  Egypt,  where  he  begets  a  son,  Goidel  Glas,  who 
forras  the  Gaelic  tongue  out  of  the  seventy-two  languages.  The 
names  of  all  the  languages  are  giveu.  Sru  and  Eber  Scot, 
Goidel's  descendants,  leave  Egypt  for  Scythia.  Eber  Scot  seizes 
the  kingdom,  but  is  afterwards  killed  by  NoenuaVs  son  Noemius, 
and  from  this  time  on  the  descendants  of  Nel  and  Noenual  alter- 
nately  usurp  the  kingdom  of  Scythia  but  are  always  killed  by 
their  rivals.    At  last  Refloir,  a  descendant  of  Noenual,  becomes 

*)  We  fiml  Farsaich,  Farsaig  and  Farsaid.  I  prefer  tlie  first  form. 
Farsaid  =  old,  can  only  be  a  late  etyraology,  for  the  Old  Iriah  form  of  this 
Word  is  armid.  The  Latin  preface  of  Rb  has  Fenim  Farisaeus,  which  must 
coDTcy  the  real  meauing  of  the  name.  Farüaem  is,  indeed,  an  excellent 
epitbet  for  the  man  who  knew  all  langnag:es.  On  Farsaid  =  Phariscc  nee 
Atkinson,  Passions  and  Homilies,  p.  953. 


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122  iL  6.  VAN  HAMEL, 

king  of  Scythia,  and  expels  tlie  Goidels.  After  many  wanderings 
they  reach  Sliab  Rife,  ander  Agnomen  and  Laimfind,  where  their 
drui,  Caicher,  prophesies  that  one  day  their  progeny  will  possess 
Ireland.  They  remain  in  the  Maeotic  marshes  nntil  one  of 
Läimfind's  descendants,  Brath  mac  Deatha,  leads  them  to  Spain. 
Here  they  flght  three  battles,  *for  Toisenn,  for  Bachra^  for  Long- 
barda'.  Great  numbers  of  them  die  from  the  plague.  Bregon, 
Brath's  son,  erects  the  city  of  Brigantia  and  a  high  tower  in  it, 
from  which  Ireland  was  seen  for  the  first  time  by  Ith. 

According  to  Ba,  F^nios  Farsaich  and  his  school  wander 
from  Scythia  to  the  Tower  of  Babel,  after  it  had  been  built  by 
Rifath  Scot  and  others.  There  they  leara  the  various  langoages. 
On  account  of  his  learning  N61  is  invited  to  Egypt  by  Pharaoh 
Cincris,  who  gives  hira  his  daughter  Scota  in  marriage.  Nfel  makes 
fi'iend  with  Aaron,  the  leader  of  the  Israelites,  especially  when 
his  young  son  Goidel  Glas  is  saved  by  Aaron  from  a  snake's  bite. 
After  Cincris  has  been  drowned  in  the  Bed  Sea  the  Goidels  are 
banished,  because  of  their  friendship  with  the  Jews.  Under  Esm 
and  Eber  Scot  they  reach  Scythia.  Here  they  live  in  constant 
stroggles  with  the  other  royal  race,  until  Mil^  mac  Bile  kills 
Refeloir.  Mil  is  expelled,  and  goes  with  his  people  to  Egypt.  They 
are  well  received  by  Pharaoh  Nectinebus,  and  Mil  is  married  to 
his  daughter  Scota.  The  Goidels  leam  the  arts  in  Egy^t  Mil 
is  a  contemporary  of  Alexander  the  Great,  who  invades  Nectine- 
bus' country,  founds  the  city  of  Alexandria,  and  tums  out  the 
king.  Mil  and  his  people  fly,  and  after  endless  troubles  they 
land  in  Spain.  There  are  not  three  but  fifty-four  battles  now, 
for  Fresseno  7  for  Longbardoib  7  Bachraib  7  rogabsat  Espain 
ar  eigin  7  rocumtaiged  caüiir  and  la  Breogund  mac  Bratha  .t. 
Brigancia  ainm  na  cathrach  7  tor  for  a  h-inchaib  7  i$  on  tor  sin 
aUessa  Eriu  hi  fescur  gaimrid,   Atascondairc  Ith  mac  Bregoin, 

The  principal  differences  between  the  two  texts  may  be 
summed  up  thus: 

1.  In  Ba,  Fenius  does  not  build  the  Tower  of  Babel  himself, 
but  it  has  been  built  before  this  time.  This  is  a  con- 
sequence  of  the  different  genealogies  of  F6nius  given  by 
A  and  Ba.    See  §  13. 

*)  I  use  the  earliest  form  of  Üie  name,  tboiigh  S  and  R  always  bave 
Miled;  tlte  oldeit  geuealogical  poems  bare  Mil. 


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ON   LEBOR  GABIlA.  123 

2.  The  adventures  of  üie  Goidels  iu  Egypt  are  related  much 
more  circamstantially  in  Ba. 

3.  The  feuds  of  the  two  royal  races  of  Scythia  are  more 
detailed  in  A. 

4.  Ba  has  a  second  visit  to  Egypt,  of  which  there  is  no 
mention  in  A. 

5.  In  A  the  Goidels  are  led  out  of  Scythia  by  Agnomen 
and  Läimfind,  and  in  Spain  by  Brath;  in  Ba  both  these 
acts  are  performed  by  Mfl. 

6.  A  has  three,  Ba  fifty-four,  battles  in  Spain. 

In  Order  to  trace  what  is  old  in  these  traditions,  we  must 
now  examine  the  scattered  remnants  of  the  saga  that  have  come 
down  to  ns  from  an  earlier  period  than  any  version  of  LG. 
Among  these  there  are  three  whose  date  may  be  approximately 
fixed;  viz.,  the  acconnt  in  Nennios'  Historia  Brittonnm  (HB), 
M&ilmnm  Othna's  poem  Canam  bunadas  na  nGaedel  (MO),  and 
a  note  to  Fiacc's  Hymn  (Thes.  Pal.  II  p.  316). 


§  9.   The  earliest  vestiges  of  the  story. 

It  may  be  useful  to  reprint  the  passage  from  HB  (sc  §  16) 
once  more  in  extenso.  Si  quis  sdre  voluerit  quando  vcl  quo 
tempore  fuit  inhabitabilis  et  deserta  Hibemia,  sie  mihi  peritissimi 
Scotiorum  nunciaverunt.  Quando  venerunt  per  Mare  llubrum  filii 
Israel,  Aegyptii  venerunt  et  secuii  sunt  eos  et  demersi  sunt,  ut 
in  Lege  diciiur.  Erat  vir  nobilis  de  Scythia  cum  magna  familia 
apud  AegypUos,  et  expulsus  est  a  regno  suo,  et  ibi  erat  quando 
Äegyptü  mersi  sunt,  et  non  perrexit  ad  sequendum  populum  Bei. 
Uli  autem,  qui  superfuerant,  inierunt  consilium  ut  expellerent 
iUum,  ne  regnum  iUorum  obsideret  et  occuparet,  quia  fratres 
iUorum  demersi  erant  in  Rubrum  Mare,  et  expulsus  est.  At  iüe 
per  quadraginta  et  duos  annos  ambulavit  per  Affricam;  et  venerunt 
ad  Aras  FkUistinorum  per  lacum  Saiinarum  et  venerunt  itUer 
Busicadam  et  montes  Azariae  et  venerunt  per  flumeti  Malvam,  et 
transierunt  per  maritima  ad  Columnas  Herculis,  et  navigaverunt 
Tyrrenum  Mare^  et  pervenerunt  ad  Hispaniam  usque  et  ibi  habita- 
verunt  per  multos  annos  et  creverunt  et  multiplicati  sunt  nimis, 
et  gens  illorum  multipUcata  est  nimis.    Et  postea  venerunt  ad 


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124  A.  G.  YAN   HAMEL, 

Hiberniam  post  mille  et  duos  annos  postquam  mersi  sunt  Äegyptii 
in  Rubf-um  Mare,  et  ad  regiones  Darieta  in  tempore  quo  regnabat 
Brutus  apud  Romanos,  &c. 

The  other  early  allusion  to  LG,  in  a  note  to  vs.  35  of 
Fiacc's  Hymn  {Patraic  pridchais  da  Scottaib)  is  as  follows:  Do 
Scottaib  0  Scotta  ingen  Foraind  rtg  Egipt  nominantur,  ocus  is 
asso  rodsdetar  (leg.  rodssatar)  ,i.  Nel  mac  Goedil  Glais  meic 
Feniusa  Farsaid,  fer  foglama  he,  uoluit  scire  lingas.  Venu  a 
Scithis  ad  Campum  Sennar  übi  sunt  diuisce  lingce;  7  ita  uenit  .t. 
cum  ,lxx,  duobus  uiris,  7  missit  eos  sub  regiones  mundi  ut  disce- 
rent  lingas;  unum  ad  unam  misit,  et  postea  uenerunt  ad  eum  cum 
peritia  omnium  lingarum.  7  Iwhitauit  in  Campo  Sennar  7  docuit 
ibi  lingas.  Et  audiuit  Farao  rex  Egipti  illum  studiosum  esse,  et 
uocauit  eum  ad  se  ut  doceret  Egiptios  circa  lingas  7  dedit  ei  filiam 
suam  7  honorem  maximum  7  ab  illa  Scotti  nominati  sunt  Göidil 
immorro  do  rad  dib  0  Goediul  Glas,  mac  Feniusa  Farrsaid  patre  Niuü, 

The  above  two  Latin  accounts  belong  to  quite  different 
periods.  That  of  Nennius,  whether  it  already  existed  in  the  flrst 
recension  of  HB  or  did  not  come  in  until  the  second  stage,  takes 
US  back  at  least  to  the  end  of  the  8^**  Century.  The  note  to 
Fiacc's  Hymn,  on  the  other  hand,  only  occurs  in  one  of  the 
MSS.  of  that  hymn,  and  was  written,  at  the  earliest,  towards  the 
end  of  the  11^*>  Century;  so  it  is  very  little  older  than  LL,  and 
later  even  than  X.  The  niore  remarkable  is  the  fact  that  it 
represents  a  different  tradition.  For  here  Nel  is  not  Goidel's  father, 
bat  his  son;  and  it  was  Nel,  not  Fenius,  who  taught  the  languages 
in  the  piain  of  Sennar.  So  even  at  this  late  period  there  was  no 
fixed  tradition  concerning  the  three  eponymous  ancestoi*s  of  the 
Goidels.  This  will  prove  an  important  conclusion  in  estimating 
the  general  character  of  LG,  but  for  the  earlier  history  of  the 
text  it  has  no  significance. 

Next  in  age  to  Nennius  is  Mäilmuni  Othna.  As  this  poet 
died  in  887,  his  poem  must  be  placed  in  the  9*^  Century.  In 
any  case  it  is  later  than  HB.  It  contains  the  following  tra- 
dition of  LG.  The  Goidels  descend  from  Jafeth  mac  Noe.  When 
Nembröth  has  built  the  Tower  of  Babel,  Fenius  leaves  Scythia 
and  goes  to  the  tower,  where  he  teaches  all  the  languages.  There 
his  sou  Nel  is  born.  Pharaoh  sends  for  him,  and  gives  him  his 
daughter  Scota.  Their  son  is  Gaedel  Glas.  The  Goidels  do  not 
Support  Pharaoh  against  the  Israelites,  and,  fearing  the  vengeance 


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ON   LEBOU   GABÄLA.  125 

of  tlie  Egyptians,  they  take  flight  in  the  king's  sliips.  They  wander 
tbrough  India,  Asia,  Scythia,  the  Caspian  Sea,  the  Island  Coronis, 
Sliab  Riffi,  Golgatha  0,  where  they  remain  two  hundred  years, 
Creta,  and  Sicily  to  Spain.  Bregond  conquers  Spain,  and  founds 
the  city  of  Brigantia.  There  he  erects  the  tower,  and  from  its 
summit  Ireland  is  discovered  by  Ith.  Then  the  story  of  the  Meic 
Miled  follows. 


§  10.  The  earliest  evolution  of  the  story. 

We  shall  now  compai*e  HB  and  MO  with  A  and  Ba,  with 
special  reference  to  the  points  of  düference  between  the  two 
latter  MSS.  enomerated  on  p.  1221;  for  such  a  comparison  will 
enable  ns  to  make  out  which  of  the  two  has  least  diverged  from 
the  original  version. 

1.  HB  does  not  mention  the  Tower  of  Babel  at  all.  MO 
agi'ees  with  Ba:  Nembröth  builds  the  tower,  and  Fenius 
Visits  it  from  Scythia. 

2.  Both  HB  and  MO  relate  some  of  the  details  concerning 
the  stay  in  Egypt.  HB  relates  that  the  noble  Scythian 
in  Egypt  non  perrexit  ad  sequendum  populum  Dei,  and 
that  the  Egyptians  turned  him  out  of  the  kingdom  for 
fear  that  he  should  occupy  it  himself.  In  the  same  way 
MO  teils  US  that  the  Goidels  did  not  take  arms  against 
the  Israelites.  A  has  none  of  these  particulars,  and  Ba 
dwells  with  preference  on  the  friendship  between  the 
Goidels  and  Israelites,  and  also  mentions  that  Esru  and 
Eber  Scot  were  expelled  by  the  Egyptians. 

3.  The  struggles  between  the  two  royal  races  in  Scythia^ 
which  are  told  so  much  more  circumstantially  in  A  than 
in  Ba,  are  not  even  mentioned  in  HB  and  MO. 

4.  The  second  visit  to  Egypt,  being  known  only  to  Ba,  does 
not  flgure  either  in  HB  or  MO. 

5.  Neither  HB  nor  MO  give  the  names  of  the  leaders  of 
the  expedition  to  Spain. 

6.  The  two  earliest  sources  do  not  speak  of  tlie  battles 
in  Spain. 

»)  A  marvelloua  corruption  of  the  Gaethlaig  Maeotecda! 


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126  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL^ 

Nos.  1  —  3  prove  that  Ba  preserves  old  traditions  which 
were  lost  in  A,  but  at  the  same  time  no.  4  shows  an  inclination 
on  the  part  of  Ba  to  add  to  the  original  text.  Still  it  will  not 
be  difficult,  following  HB  and  MO,  to  separate  from  the  body  of 
LG  the  later  additions,  and  thLs  done,  we  possess  in  Ba  a  mach 
more  perfect  text  than  A.  For  not  only  has  A  left  out  several 
important  episodes,  bat  the  text  has  been  anreasonably  altered 
in  this  Version:  for  instance,  it  was  an  unnecessary  Innovation  of 
A  to  make  F^nios  baild  the  Tower  of  Babel  himself.  Conseqnently 
the  superiority  of  Ba  is  now  established  once  for  all. 

A  cai*efal  study  of  the  succeeding  accounts  of  HB,  MO  and 
Ba  makes  it  possible  to  trace  the  growth  of  the  earliest  traditions 
on  the  Goidels  throughout  the  9^^  and  10^^  centuries.  The  original 
Story,  existirg  in  800  A.  D.,  so  far  as  we  can  judge  from  HB,  was 
this:  A  noble  Scythian,  called  Miles  Hispaniae  or  Mil,  was  living 
in  Egypt  at  the  time  of  Moses.  He  was  expelled  by  the  Egyptians, 
and  fled  by  the  shortest  route,  through  Africa,  to  Spain.  There 
his  descendants  increased  in  number,  until  they  came  over  to 
Ireland.  This  happened  because  they  had  discovered  Ireland 
from  the  tower  at  Brigantia*). 

The  additions  which  were  introduced  gi'adually,  may  be 
classified  thus: 

f)**  Century.  The  Scythian  chieftain*)  becomes  Fenius  Far- 
saich,  a  teacher  of  the  seventy-two  languages  in  the  piain 
of  Shinar,  or  rather  his  son  N61  who  Visits  Egypt  in  Order 
to  propagate  linguistic  knowledge  in  that  country,  and  is 
married  there  to  Pharaoh's  daughter  Scota.  She  gives 
birth  to  a  son,  Goedel  Glas  (MO).  After  being  expelled 
they  wander  through  India,  Asia  and  Scythia,  and  even 
remain  for  two  hundred  years  in  the  Maeotic  marshes  (MO). 
Their  adventures  in  Spain  are  related  with  more  detail«, 
for  Mil  has  now  to  fight  for  the  possession  of  the  country. 

10^  Century.  The  next  stage  is  X,  the  common  source  of 
A  and  Ba.  Here  a  biblical  preface  is  prefixed,  because 
of  the  opening  story  of  the  Tower  of  Babel.  —  Elaborate 

*)  That  this  is  an  original  trait  of  LG  may  be  inferred  from  the  occnr- 
rence  of  Bregond  in  a  1^^  centnry  genealog}',  see  §  13. 

*)  On  the  oldest  geuealogical  traditions  relating  to  tWs  person  see  §  13. 


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ON   LEBOR  GABÄLA.  127 

genealogies  are  added^?  see  §  13.  The  stay  in  Egypt 
is  elucidated  by  a  circumstantial  relation  of  the  Goedels' 
connections  with  the  Israelites.  Bat  the  most  important 
Innovation  is  introdnced  in  the  passage  relating  their 
journey  from  Egypt  to  Spain.  HB  does  |not  mention  at  all 
the  Groidels'  passing  throogh  Scythia,  in  MO  this  conntry 
Agares  as  one  of  the  places  they  visit  on  their  way  to 
the  West,  bat  of  a  prolonged  stay  there  is  no  mention. 
In  X  this  hnrried  passage  throngh  had  [developed  into 
a  settling  for  many  generations.  For  in  Sa  we  find  the 
following  account,  which  is  not  even  so  elaborate  as  that 
of  LL.  Ond  aimsir  sin  (sc.  the  Coming  of  Eber  Scot  to 
Scythia)  co  h- aimsir  Refeloir  meic  Nema  7  Miled  mac 
Bile  .t.  Galum  a  ainm:  mar  da  cathaib  7  do  chongalaib 
7  do  choidhib  7  do  fingalaib  roimirset  etorru  frissin  re 
sin  corrogon  Miled  mac  Bile  Befelair  mac  Nema  Mi. 
hliadna  ar  noe  cetaih  robui  in  cosnum  sin.  Doluid  Miled 
for  longais  iar  sain  Aiii.  longa  doib  7  .v.  lanamna  dec  7 
amas  in  cach  luing  dib.  As  has  been  said,  LL  goes  even 
farther  and  gives  the  names  of  the  kings  of  the  two 
races  who  killed  each  other  saccessively;  perhaps  these 
names  were  already  known  in  X  and  for  some  reason 
omitted  in  Sa.  When  the  Goidels  are  banished  from 
Scythia  they  have  to  wander  once  more  over  many  seas 
and  lands,  nntil  they  reach  Spain  at  last  Bat  in  this 
last  section  of  their  adventares  A  and  Ba  diverge  so 
mach  from  each  other  that  it  would  be  impossible  to 
establish  the  original  tradition  of  X  withont  first  examin- 
ing  the  two  texts  separately. 


§  11.  Version  A  (11**^  or  early  12**^  centary). 

In  the  first  place  A  expands  the  biblical  preface  by  a  di- 
gression  on  the  tribes  of  Enrope  and  Asia  and  their  lineage.  In 
Ba  this  preface  begins  with  the  words  In  prindcipio  fecid  deus 
celum  et  terram.   Dorighne  dia  neam  7  talmain  ar  tns,  &c.   Then 


*)  The  genealogies  themselves  are,  of  conrse,  oWer,  bnt  there  is  no  reason 
that  they  shoiild  have  been  embodied  in  LG  before  the  lOtb  Century. 


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128  A.  G.  VAN   HAMEL, 

foUows  an  account  of  tlie  creation,  of  Lucifer,  of  the  fii-st  sin.  and 
of  Noah  and  bis  sons,  ending  in  a  short  poem.  After  this  6a  goes 
on:  Cam  tra  rogab  side  inn  Affraicc  7  deisscertleth  na  hAissia. 
Sem  for  medon  Aissia  0  srufh  Eofrait  co  tracJU  airthir  in  hethad, 
Is  lafeth  tra  ttMiscertleth  na  hAissia  y  lucht  na  hEorpa  uile  y 
dia  clainn  duinde  innar  nGaidelaib,  The  story  of  F^nios,  N61 
and  Gk)idel  foUows  immediately.  A  has  a  much  longer  passage 
instead,  which  I  quote  from  a  text  of  Bb  (viz.  Lee  I),  practically 
identical  witb  tbat  of  A,  and  wbere  it  bas  been  better  preserved : 
0  tri  maccaib  Noe  ira  rolinait  tri  randa  an  talman  .1.  Eorpa  7 
Africa  7  Aissia.  Sem  mac  Nae  tra  rogdb  i  nAisia  7  .vii.  cenela 
jxx,  xMd  innie.  Cam  i  nAffradc  7  jcxx.  genela  uad,  lafeth  i 
nEoraip  7  tuaiscert  Aissia.  Coic  genela  dec  uad  inntib,  de  quibus 
hoc  cairmen: 

Sem  rogab  in  Asia  n-ait,       Cam  cona  clainn  in  Afraic 

lafeth  uasal  is  a  meic,  it  e  rotrebsat  Eoraip. 
Tricha  chenel,  comol  ngle,        dnset  0  Cam  mac  Noe, 
A  ocht  fichet  uad  0  Sem,        a  coic  dec  6  lafeth. 

0  lafeth  dano  int  airthertuaiscert,  Scithecdai  7  Armendai  7 
lucht  na  hAisia  Bice  7  ergabala  7  ciniuda  na  hEorpa  uili  co  lucht 
na  n-innsi  atait  fria  anes  7  atuaith  7  aniar  otha  Slebi  Ripe  atuaid 
CO  traig  hAespaine.  Ocht  meic  lafeth  j  7  Magod^,  ba  se  ant  ocJit- 
mad.  Da  mac  dano  la  Magoc  .i.  Baad  7  Ibad.  0  Ibad  iarum 
rig  Roman.  Mac  dano  la  Baad  Fenius  larsaich  0  fuil  Scithecdai 
7  is  dia  Sil  Gaidil.  0  Ibad  Frainc  7  Romain  7  Saxain  7  Bretain 
7  Albanda.  0  Magoch  mac  lafeth  na  tuatha  rogabsat  Erinn  ria 
nGaidilaib.  Partolon  mac  Soera  mic  Sru  mic  Esru  mic  Bramin 
mic  Fathecht  mic  Baaid  mic  Magoich  mic  lafeth  mic  Noe.  Nemed 
mac  Agnomain  mic  Phaim  mic  Tait  mic  Sera  mic  Zru  7  clantui 
Nemid  .i.  Gaileoin  7  Fir  Bolc  7  Fir  Domnann.  De  quibus  hoc 
Carmen  dicitnr  Finntan. 

Magodi  mac  an  lafeth        ataseinnte^)  a  chlann 
dib  Partolon  Banba        roba  chalma  a  bann. 
Ba  dib  Nemid  noethedi        mac  Agnomain  oen, 
Gann  dib,  Gcenann        Sengann,  Slaine  soer. 
Clanna  Elatha  imdha        [ba  dib]  Bres  cen  breic 
mac  Elathain  felgaith        mic  Delbceth  mic  Neit, 

*)   Sic.  at  aichinie  R.  ata  cinti  F. 


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ON  LEBOR   GABIlA.  129 

Mic  Inndui  mic  Allduij  Älldui  ha  mac  Tau 

mic  Täbuimn  mic  Ceno  mic  Baaid  mic  Ibaith  aiü, 

Bethach  ba  ma^  larboneol        mic  Nemid  hui  Paim 

Faim  mac  Tait  mic  Sera  Zru  mac  Ezru  Briaim  bain  [sie]. 

Briamain  ba  mac  Fatechi        mic  Magoch,  mor  blad, 

robassa  riana  n-aimsir  co  taibsin  ria  magk        M, 

Ätberat  araile  combad  Baad  mac  Ibaid  meic  Goimeir  meic 
lafeih  et  is  uad  Gaidil  7  fir  na  Scithia  7  mac  do  Fenius  Farsaich. 

Here  we  find  the  first  signiflcant  intei'polation  in  Ä.  Thongh 
the  tendency  of  A  as  a  rule  is  rather  to  abridge  the  text  as  it 
existed  in  X,  it  sometimes  borrows  illustrations  from  other  sources, 
and  inserts  them  in  extenso  in  the  text.  The  reason  of  the  present 
Interpolation  is  obvious.  As  appears  from  Ba,  a  connection  had 
already  been  established  in  X  between  the  biblical  preface  and 
the  history  of  the  Goidels  through  the  Statement  that  the  Irish 
were  descended  from  Jafeth  mac  Noe  (see  the  sentence  quoted 
on  p.  128),  the  genealogies  serving  also  for  the  same  purpose;  and 
even  in  MO  Jafeth  had  been  indicated  as  the  ancestor  of  the 
Goidels.  So  it  was  bnt  natural  for  A  to  make  a  digression  on 
this  subject,  if  there  existed  a  special  Irish  work  dealing  with  it. 

In  the  Irish  Liber  Sex  Aetatum  (LSA),  in  the  Secunda 
Aetas,  there  is  a  tract  on  the  descent  of  the  'Clanna  lafeth',  which 
we  possess  in  a  very  old  recension  (Lebor  na  hUidre,  fol.  1),  al- 
though  Rawl.  B.  502,  fol.  69  (facs.)  contains  a  better  text  i).  It  runs 
thns:  Da  mac  Magog  mic  lafeth  mic  Noi  ,i,  Baath  y  Ibath,  Baath 
mac  do  side  Fenius  Farsaid  a  quo  sunt  Scithi  et  Gothi  d.  Fenius 
mac  Baath  mic  Magog  mic  lafeth  mic  Noi  /rl  Ibad  dano  in  mac 
aile  do  Magog,  mac  do  side  Elonius  no  Alanius,  Tri  meic  aici 
side  .1.  Armon,  Negua,  Hisicon.  Coic  meic  ic  Armon  A.  Gothus, 
Uolegothus,  Cebidus,  Burgandus,  Longubardus.  Negua  dano  Mi, 
meic  les  A,  Uandalus,  SaaurS,  Bogardus,  Hisicon  dano  Aiii.  meic 
aice  A.  Francus,  Romanus,  Albanus  ota  ind  Albain  airtherach 
isind  Asia  Mor,  Britus  o  rater  Inis  Bretan,  Is  andsin  rorran- 
naid  in  domun  i  tri  rannaib  A.  Eoraip,  Afraic,  Asia  A.  Sem  i 
nAsia,  Cam  i  nAfraic,  lafed  i  nEoraip.  7  is  6  cethfher  de  sil 
lafeth  tdnic  i  nEoraip  A.  Alanius  mac  Ibath  mic  Magog  mic 

>)  According  to  LU  there  are  44  tribes  claiming  their  descent  from 
Cam,  while  RawL  B.  502  haa  27,  like  LG. 

ZeitMbrin  f.  c«U.  Philologie  X.  9 


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130  A.  G.  YAN  HAMEL, 

lafeth  mic  Noi  Is  amlaid  tdnic  Älanius  ^  a  tri  meic  leis  A, 
Armon  7  Negua  7  Hisican  conid  i  fus  rochlannaigset  na  maccu 
aichuadamar,  Saxus  mac  Negua  mic  Alanii  mic  Ihath  mic  Magog 
mic  lafeth  mic  Noi,  is  uad  atat  Saxain,  laban  dano  mac  lafeth 
mic  Noe  Aiii.  meic  aca  side  A,  Elisa,  Tarsis,  Cethrim,  Dodanim. 
Tarsis  is  uad  7  CilecdaL  Cethrim  is  uad  Ceihri,  uadib  side  ainm- 
nigther  cathir  na  Ciprecda  A.  Citheum,  Dodanim  dano  uad  side 
Bodii.  Is  uadib  sidi  rofodlait  inse  Mara  Tirritce  frisin  abbertar 
Muir  Torren  cona  cenelaib  icsamlaib  7  cona  mberlaib,  Is  iat  sain 
jxv,  primchenela  clainni  lafed  cona  fochenelaib  roselbsat  feranna 
imda  isin  nÄsia  0  Sleib  Imai  7  0  Sleib  Tuir  co  sruih  Tanai  7 
connici  in  Scithia  7  roshelhsat  inn  JEoruip  uli  connici  inn  ocian 
muridi  fuineta,  insi  Bretan  7  inn  Espain  co  h-uilinn  talman^). 

The  whole  interpolation  in  A,  except  the  poem,  mnst  have 
been  derived  from  LSA  down  to  the  words  0  Magoch  mac  lafeth 
na  tuaiha  rogabsat  Erinn  ria  nOaidilaib,  It  is  nothing  bat  an 
abridgment  of  the  above  passage  in  LSA.  It  begins  with  the 
limits  of  Jafeth's  race,  given  at  the  end  of  the  tract  in  LSA. 
Here  LL  mentions  the  Annenians  as  belonging  to  the  'clanna 
lafeth',  a  name  not  occurring  in  LSA.  But  the  SUab  Imai  of 
Bawl.  B.  502,  or  rather  Sliah  Imari  as  it  is  called  in  LU  Stands  for 
Armenia:  Cinel  ßl  i  Sleib  Armenia  A.  Hibiri  a  slonnud,  says  a 
separate  tract  in  Ba.  For  the  rest  our  interpolation  down  to  the 
sentence  quoted  is  identical  with  LSA,  but  all  that  does  not 
concem  the  Goidels  is  omitted.  What  follows  then  was  added  by 
the  scribe  himself  on  his  own  initiative :  it  was  necessary  for  him 
to  give  a  survey  of  the  invaders'  genealogies,  as  he  had  to  make 
them  conform  to  the  preceding  interpolation.    See  §  13. 

It  may  be  inferred  from  the  above  that  although  the  author 
of  LSA  was  no  doubt  acquainted  with  the  saga  of  LQ  (he  mentions 
'Fenins  Farsaid'),  there  was  no  connection  whatever  established 
between  the  two  works,  nntil  the  preface  of  A  was  amplified  by 
materials  from  LSA.  The  accounts  of  the  Invasions  of  Ireland 
in  HB,  MO  and  Ba  bear  no  trace  of  having  been  influenced  by 
LSA.  So  Zimmer  was  certainly  wrong  in  supposing  that  *die 
Abhandlung  über  die  Sex  aetates  mundi  und  der  Lebor  Gabala 
eng   zusammengehören,   erstere  gewissermafsen   als  allgemeine 

>)  LU  has  in  Espain  ulide.  The  yariant  from  Rawl.  B.  shows  the  real 
meaninef  of  the  nsnal  epithet  for  Spain  in  Iriih  poetry. 


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ON   LBBOR   GABÄLA.  131 

Einleitung  galt'  (Nenn.  Vind,  p.  226).  He  consulted  only  LL  and 
LB,  the  two  principal  representatives  of  the  versions  interpolated 
from  LSA,  which  never  until  the  redaction  of  A  formed  a  part 
of  LG. 

In  addition  to  the  interpolation  on  the  descendants  of  Jafeth 
from  LSA,  there  is  another  section  in  A  that  does  not  appear  to 
have  belonged  to  the  original  L6,  there  being  no  trace  of  it  either 
in  MO  or  Ba.  It  is  the  list  of  the  seventy-two  languages,  out  of 
which  Goidel  Glas  formed  the  Gaelic  language.  There  is  nothing 
nnnatural  in  its  having  been  introduced  into  LG  after  Fenius  and 
N61  had  become  teachers  on  the  piain  of  Shinar  and  in  Egypt. 
There  undoubtedly  existed  lists  of  these  languages  in  a  metrical 
form  at  a  very  early  period.  Consequently  the  poem  on  them  in 
LG  is  likely  older  than  the  prose-paraphrase,  given  in  LL;  besides, 
Leclb  and  Rb  have  only  the  poem.  I  give  it  here  from  Leclb, 
which  seems  to  be  the  better  text 

Berla  in  domain  dechaid  lib:        Bethin,  Scethin,  Scill,  Scarihain, 
Goith,  Oree,  Goill,  Germain  co  ngrain,        Poimp,  Frigia,  Dal- 

[mait,  Dardain, 
Paimpil,  Morinn,  Liguirn  lir,        Ogu,  Creit,  Goirsic,  Cipir, 
Tesail,  Gaspia,  Armen  ain,        Reit,  Steil,  Sarait,  Sardain, 
Belgait,  Boet,  Britain  binn,        Espania,  Romain,  Rugind, 
Huminn,  Innia,  Araib  oir,        Magoic,  Moesic,  Maicidoin. 
Parihia,  Calldia,  Stria,  Sax,        Achain,  Achait,  Ätban  cass, 
JSbra,  Ardain,  Galait  glain,        Troia,  Ttsalia  co  laich, 
Moessia,  Media,  Faime,  Frainc,        Grinni,  Laicdemoiny  Long- 

\bairdj 
Trada,  Numia,  Achaid,  Eisil  eirc,      Uircain  aird,  Ethoip,  Egipt 
Acsain  lin  mberla  cen  meirg        as  rotetp  Goedel  Gaidilc, 
Aichnid  do  ara  n-ergna        an  aicme  na  n-ilherla.        Berla. 

In  this  form  the  poem  is  certainly  corrupt.  Some  of  the 
names  are  unintelligible,  others  are  given  twice  over  (1.  4 
Tesail  —  1.  8  l'esalla,  1.  0  Moesic  —  1.  9  Moessia),  1.  10  is  too 
long  owing  to  the  repetition  of  Ächaid  (=  Achait  1.  7),  and, 
moreover,  there  are  not  72  names.  Still  it  is  a  most  interesting 
fragment  of  Irish  literature,  as  the  list  of  languages  (or  names 
of  places,  as  they  mostly  are)  diverges  considerably  from  the 
various  lists  which  have  come  down  to  us  from  earlier  writei-s, 

9* 


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132  A.  G.  VAN  HAHBL, 

all  of  them  modelled  on  the  lost  AiafttQiofwc:  Isid.  Etym.  IX,  Ex- 
cerpta  latina  Barbari,  Liber  Generationis  (MGH  Auct.  Ant  IX). 
Several  oriental  nations  have  been  supplanted  by  Teutonic  ones, 
what  makes  it  probable  that  the  same  Frankish  list  of  nations 
was  osed  in  the  composition  of  the  poem  that  is  also  embodied 
in  LSA  (see  Zimmer,  Nenn.  Vind.,  p.  231). 

Fortunately,  however,  we  possess  this  poem  in  a  much  older 
form.  In  bis  *Über  die  älteste  irische  Dichtung'  (Kgl.  Preufs. 
Akademie  d.  Wiss.,  Berlin  1913,  pp.  26  and  51)  Professor  Knno 
Meyer  includes  two  poems  in  rhythmical  alliterative  form,  In 
Fursundud  aile  Ladcinn  and  LMCcreth  mocu  Ghiara  .cc.,  with 
genealogies  of  the  kings  Enna  Cennselach  and  Cu-cen- Mathair 
backto  Jafeth.  The  Couplets  41  —  50,  or  23—31,  contain  an 
alliterating  list  of  64  or  56  languages,  and  Professor  Meyer 
suggests  that  one  or  two  couplets  may  have  been  omitted.  It 
cannot  be  a  mere  accident  that  this  list  also  begins: 

Beihin,  Scithin,        Scuit,  Sali, 

Scarthaig  (Scarthin),  Greic,        Gothia  (Guith),  GaiU. 

Of  course,  the  scribe  who  modemised  the  form  of  this  poem, 
and  made  it  conform  to  the  rules  of  syllabic  poetry,  was  obliged 
sometimes  to  upset  the  order  of  the  names,  but  wherever  possible 
he  left  it  as  it  was.  So  in  both  versions  Dalmait  and  Dardain, 
Croit  and  Coirsic,  Athain  and  Achait  are  brought  together.  This 
shows  that  the  alliterating  list,  which  is  placed  by  Professor 
Meyer  in  the  first  half  of  the  7***  Century,  was  the  source  of  the 
poem  we  find  in  A  and  Bb.  There  are  slight  difterences  between 
the  two,  and  in  each  are  found  names  unknown  to  the  other, 
but  neither  of  the  two  is  free  from  corruptions  or  even  complete. 
We  can  even  make  out  which  of  the  two  alliterating  poems 
is  nearest  to  the  later  syllabic  one.  Ladcenn  has  Scarthaig, 
Goihia,  Point,  Nomhithi,  Beihain,  where  Luccreth  has  Scarthin, 
Guith,  Poimp,  Numin,  Boet;  thus  the  poem  in  LG  agrees  with 
the  latter.  A  conclusive  proof  that  this  alliterating  list  really 
was  the  source,  is  fumished  by  the  words  grinne  fairne,  trans- 
lated  by  Professor  Meyer  as  *ein  Bftndel  von  einem  Volk,  d.  h. 
eine  Völkergemeinschsdft':  the  redactor  of  A  has  misunderstood 
them,  taking  them  for  names  of  nations,  and  separated  them 
accordingly. 


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onr  I4BBOB  gabIla.  133 

So  far  the  additions  in  A.  For  the  rest  this  Version  is 
identical  with  that  of  MO :  tbe  poem  Canam  bunadas  na  nOaedel 
is  based  on  exactly  the  same  recension  of  LG  as  A.  As  A  pre- 
serves  more  details  than  MO,  it  is  impossible  that  this  poem 
could  be  the  only  source  of  A:  a  prose  Version  anderlies  both. 
Yet  A  knew  the  poem,  for  it  quotes  two  lines  from  it: 

Feni  0  Fenius  asambertar,        du  cen  dochta, 
Gaedü  6  Gceduil  Glas  garta,        Scuitt  0  Scotta. 

This  quotation  was  not  introduced  into  A  nntil  a  very  late 
period,  that  is  to  say,  by  the  scribe  of  LL,  for  Bb,  the  text  most 
closely  akin  to  A,  has  not  got  it.  It  will  be  our  present  task  to 
examine  6a  in  the  same  way,  and  to  establish  its  relation  also 
with  X.  The  problem  that  will  most  claim  our  attention  is  this: 
did  Ba,  too,  add  some  new  matter  to  the  text,  or  leave  it  just  as 
it  was  before? 

As  to  Bb,  this  Version  differs  in  no  way  from  A  save  for 
one  very  curious  addition.  In  Bb  the  intercalation  of  a  poem  on 
the  72  languages  has  caused  another  interpolation  on  the  division 
of  the  Gaelic  language  and  its  names.  It  is  a  tract  not  found 
elsewhere;  and  it  is  difficult  to  make  out  the  exact  meaning.  I 
give  the  text  from  Rb  with  variants  from  Lee  Ib : 

Ceithri  ranna  dano  ac  lucht  an  eolusa  forsin  nGoidilc  sc 
roidp  Goidil  7  ceithri  anmann  foraib.  Sencha^  mar  7  bretha 
fiemedy  ai  Certnna  7  na  cane  in  cethrumad^),  7  canoin  an  rann 
sin  7  a  ainm^)  ar  imat  a  fir  7  a  ro^cad.  Trt  coecait  ogam  7  na 
r ernenn'^)  7  rem  n-ena^)  7  na  duili  feda  7  in  as  dir  doib  inn 
rann  ianaise  7  graniatach  a  ainm,  ar  imat  a  sois,  av  is  i  sdiuir^) 
eolnsa  in  labartha  cirt  Na  fesa  didiu  7  na  foirbesa  7  na  toglu 
7  na  tricJia  scel  7  in  al^)  roger  7  in  as  dir  doib  i^ed  in  tres  rann 
7  a  stair  a  ainm  ar  is  innte  luaiter  sccla  7  coimgneda.  BretJui 
Cae  iwmorro  cona  n-imtegar'*)  in  cethramiii  rann  7  rim  a  h-ainm. 
De  quibfis  didtur: 


»)  na  chan  in  cetran.  ^)  a  h-ainm  na  rinde  sin. 

*)  om.  7  na  remenn,  *)  remeftna, 

*)  ar  as  t  a  stiair  (?).  *)  .Lc. 

')  n-imUcor, 


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134  A.  O.  VAN  HAMEL, 

Cethri  ramm  raiter  de        for  suidiu^)  na  Gaidilce: 

canoin,  gramatach  7  stair        7  rim  cona  rogaii^). 

Is  i  an  canoin,  ni  celeb^),        sendi^  mör,  bretha  nemed 

nochasdema*)  dui  de        ai  cane  7  na  cermna^), 

Is  in  an  gramatach^)       na  tri  coecait  craobogam, 

na  remend')  reim  n-ena        7  na  duili  dagfheda, 

Is  i  an  sdair  rosdiuir  mesa        na  fessa,  na  forbessa, 

togla,  tana^)  tricha  scel        7  tri  fichit  roger, 

Is  i^an  rim  nochasrecab^)        breth  Cai  con  n-imtecar 

his  qsba  a  sechna  sona^%        cnesda  na  ceitri  ranna.       C, 

Ceithire  anmann  dano  for  an  Goidilc  fo  rainne^^)  no 
conad  ainm  cech  primberla  dona  trib  primberlaib  d.  Ebrs, 
7  öreo  7  Latin  7  a  h-ainm  diles  0  Gaidil  Ticcolatha  ainm 
Ebrs.,  Maloth  ainm  Grecda,  Legulas^"^)  a  Laitin,  Tinoiltech 
a  Gaidilc  la  Gaidel  rostoba^^).  De  quibus  hoc  cairmen  di- 
citur; 

In  berla  tobaide  tric        rolesaig  Goidel  glainglicc 
Aua^Aad^^)  do  sil  Gaidil  gairb        duine  ga  mbeith  a  firainm, 
Gaidilc  atberas^^)  sofn  fris        in  lucht  aineolach^^) 
ni  nesa  do  Gaidil^')  glic        indas  da  cech  ni  as  airdirc. 
Mad  ail  dam  a  rddh  fri  cach        coraib  co  fallrxs  in  fath 
atat  sunn  cen  gnimradh  ngae^^)        ceithri  anmae  in  berlw. 

In  &erla. 

Ticolad  a  Ebrs.  ard        Maloth  a  Grec  glegarc 
Legulss  a  Laitin  le        Tinoiltech  a  rc  fene. 
Gebe  bes  or  aniar  air        etir  dascair^^^)  is  diamair 
Is  eol  dam  cen  time  tra        anmanna  binne  an  berla. 

In  berla. 


0    auithe. 

«)  robaiL 

')   ceüedh. 

*)   nocJion  as  demai. 

^)  ai  eermna  7  ai  chance. 

^)  gramatach  na  nglonn 

')  remenna. 

*)   tana  togla. 

^)  nochorcobb. 

»«)    80. 

")   fo  comniumir  a  rai^ine. 

")    legulus. 

")   rodottoba. 

^*)    0  uathad.  ' 

»^)   Gaidd  geibtxat 

^^)  aineolach  ainlfuts. 

»')    Oaideleg. 

»^)   ngle. 

'•')    descair. 

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ON  LEBOB  GABIlA.  135 

§  12.  The  Version  Ba. 

Leaving  the  question  of  the  genealogies  over  for  the  next 
Paragraph,  we  have  now  to  fix  the  amount  of  work  done  by  the 
redactor  of  Ba  for  the  evolution  of  LG.  Did  he  Import  any 
passages  from  other  known  works,  as  for  instance  the  scribe  of 
Ä?    Did  he  alter  the  aspect  of  the  saga  in  any  other  way? 

It  has  already  been  pointed  out  that  those  portions  of  the 
Introduction  bearing  on  biblical  history  are  related  quite  circum- 
stantially  in  Ba,  and  it  is  uncertain  how  mach  is  genuine  in 
these  biblical  passages.  But  the  germ  of  them  is  very  old.  The 
long  preface  on  the  creation  &c.  recurs  in  A,  though  in  a  much 
more  concise  form.  All  that  is  lacking  in  A  need  not  be  an 
addition  in  Ba,  for  A  abridged  as  much  as  possible;  and  Maol- 
mnru  Othna,  who  was  celebrating  the  origin  of  the  Goidels, 
left  out  the  biblical  stories  simply  because  they  did  not  refer 
to  his  subject.  In  any  case  A  shows  conclusively  that  there 
was  a  biblical  preface  in  X,  and  all  that  Ba  may  be  accnsed  o^ 
is  to  have  amplified  it  a  little.  In  the  same  way  HB  proves 
that  the  relations  between  the  Jews  and  the  Goidels  in  Egypt 
—  which  Ba  dwells  upon  with  evident  satisfaction  —  were 
known  already  in  the  8**>  Century.  Here,  too,  it  is  only  a  possi- 
bility  that  Ba  embellished  the  tale  by  a  few  digressions  on  this 
point.  And  even  in  assuming  this  we  should  be  on  our  guard; 
for  the  epithet  of  Glas  applied  to  Goidel  which  occurs  as  early 
as  MO,  seems  to  have  been  derived  from  the  snake*s  bite,  which 
made  him  blue  in  appearance  until  Moses  cured  him:  and  this 
Story  of  Goidel  and  the  snake  is  found  only  in  Ba.  And  even  if 
the  biblical  passages  did  assnme  somewhat  larger  proportions  in 
Ba  than  in  a  previous  stage  of  the  text,  this  is  of  no  great 
importance,  for  it  does  not  affect  the  subject  matter  of  the  saga 
to  any  extent.  So  if  we  want  to  characterize  the  part  played  by 
Ba  in  the  evolution  of  LG,  we  must  not  look  for  saiient  points 
in  those  biblical  portions. 

As  to  the  adventures  of  the  Goidels  themselves,  Ba  is 
identical  with  MO  in  the  beginning.  Fenius  comes  to  the 
Tower  of  Babel  after  it  has  been  built,  his  son  Nel  goes  to 
Egypt,  where  he  marries  Pharaoh's  daughter.  His  descendants 
Esru  and  Eber  Scot  have  to  leave  the  country,  being  expelled 
by    the   Egyptians.     They    Hy    to   Scythia,    where    their    race 


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136 

lives  in  endless  struggles  with  tlieir  kinsmen,  uutil  they  are 
driven  out  So  far  Ba  does  not  deviate  in  any  respect  from 
X,  being  virtually  identical  with  A,  notwithstanding  its  greater 
length. 

But  now  the  agreement  ends.  The  journey  to  Spain  by 
the  *Muinchend  Mara  Caisp,  Muir  Libis,  SUab  Riffe,  Gaethlaige 
Meotecda,  Creit,  Sicil,  Colomna  Hercuil',  as  it  is  given  with  slight 
variations  in  MO,  A  and  Bb,  turns  into  something  quite  different. 
Another  visit  to  Egypt  is  introduced,  and  an  entirely  new  tradition 
is  formed.  It  is  no  longer  Agnoman  and  Läimfind  who  leave 
Scythia,  but  Mil^)  mac  Bile  with  four  ships.  He  and  his  companions 
wander  through  'Aissia  sairdess'  and  *Inis  Deprofane',  where  they 
remain  for  three  months,  and  only  reach  Egypt  af ter  another  three 
months'  wandering  on  the  sea.  There  they  are  received  by  Pharaoh 
Nectinebus,  the  35^**  or  the  15**»  king  after  Cincris.  Nectinebus 
gives  his  daughter  Scota  in  maiTiage  to  Mil;  he  remains  in  Egypt^ 
until  his  father-in-law  is  expelled  by  Alexander  the  Great,  who 
occupies  the  whole  kingdom  and  founds  the  city  of  Alexandria. 
MiFs  companions  had  leamed  the  principal  arts  (na  primddna)  in 
Egypt  Mil  does  not  remain  in  Egypt  after  the  expulsion  of 
Nectinebus.  He  leaves  the  country  with  his  wife  and  his  com- 
panions. On  his  wanderings  he  has  the  same  adventure  with  the 
mermaids  as  Agnoman  and  Läimfind  had,  Caicher  having  to  save 
him  and  his  people  from  their  advances  by  putting  wax  in  their 
ears.  At  length  they  come  to  Spain  and  occupy  the  country  after 
fifty-four  battles.    The  city  of  Brigantia  is  then  founded. 

What  have  we  to  think  of  this  passage?  Obviously  it  is 
an  interpolation,  for  none  of  the  older  versions  has  it.  It  bears 
a  general  likeness  to  some  of  the  older  traits  of  the  saga:  e.  g. 
N6rs  first  Visit  to  Egypt  and  Agnoman's  travels  from  Scythia  to 
Spain.  We  have  noticed  that  there  existed  a  tendency  to  prolong 
the  journey  from  Egypt  into  Spain:  MO  inserted  a  second  visit  to 
Scythia,  which  X  elaborated  into  a  settlement  of  many  generations. 
Did  ßa  but  follow  this  same  tendency  by  introducing  the  second 
visit  to  EgjT)t,  borrowing  its  characteristics  from  the  first?  This 
supposition  is  only  partially  true,  There  was  a  still  better  reason 
for  the  inten>olation. 

')  The  ültlest  fonu  of  tbe  uame  is  Mil,  cf.  Uie  jjenealogical  poeras  qnoted 
on  p.  132.    In  the  prose  texts  we  always  tind  Altlrd. 


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ON  LEBOR  OABIlA.  137 

In  the  Invasion  of  the  Meic  Miled,  midway,  Ba  has  a  curious 
tract.  It  does  pot  occur  in  other  versions,  and  spoils  the  context. 
After  the  account  of  Ith's  expedition  to  Ireland,  which  ended  with 
his  death  at  the  hands  of  the  Tuatha  De  Danann,  and  the  ennmer- 
ation  of  the  sons  of  Mil  and  Bregon  who  detennined  to  avenge 
their  former  conipanion,  we  should  expect  to  find  something  on 
the  Milesians'  coming  to  Ireland.  And  there  is,  in  fact,  a  passage 
beginning  0  dodeochatar  morlongais  mac  Miled  do  gabail  in  ninber 
Slaine  &c.  But  first  comes  another  story,  which  seems  to  be  quite 
out  of  place  here. 

Here  it  is.  Cei^t:  caiii  tairihind  fir  mac  Miled?  iV/ansa. 
Cinel  fil  i  Sleib  Armenia  J.  Hibiri  a  slonnnd.  Bai  ri  antra  occo 
j,  Milt  mac  Bile  meic  Nemain.  Bui  sen  oc  cosnam  flaithiusa  fria 
braihair  a  athar  fri  Beflair  mac  Nema[in].  Dolluid  .iiii.  barca 
for  longais  7  ,v,  lanamna  dec  cecha  bairci  7  amas  forcraidh  cen 
mnai.  Da  tuisech  amra  occa  .i.  Uca  7  Occe,  Lotar  for  Muir  Caisp 
amach  for  inn  ocian  n-imechtrach.  Dollotar  timchul  na  liAi^ia 
sairdes  co  hinis  Deprofane  Aii.  mis  doib  inti  ,iii.  mis  aili  for  fairci 
CO  riachtatar  co  liEgipi  fodeoid  i  cinn  :iiii.  mbliadan  ,1.  ar.  ccc, 
ar  mili  0  ceigabail  hErenn  do  Partolon,  I  cinn  ,iiii,  mbliadan  .x, 
ar  .dcccc,  iar  mbadud  Forainn  for  Muir  Ruad  ro^iachtatar  Egipt 
Paro  NectonibiiS  ba  ri  Egepte  an  inbaid  sin  7  is  e  sin  in  coiced 
ri  jU,  iar  Forann  Cingcris  robaided  i  Muir  Buad;  oclit  mbliad- 
na  do  for  Egipt  co  robaided,  Paro  Ceres  ba  ri  ina  diaid  .xv. 
bliadna,  Is  coir  a  fis  conid  Forann  ainm  ccdi  rig  i  nEgipi  amail 
asberar  Cesair  da  cech  rig  i  Roim  7  Plolomeus  da  cech  rig  i 
nAlaxandria,  Armadis  iarum  ,v.b,  Ramesses  posi  Ic,  Amenoses 
jcl.  Amenemes  .xxviii,  Tures  .vii.b.  Is  ria  lind  side  rotoglad  Troi 
7  is  cuici  rosiacht  Menelatis  7  Elena  iarsin  togail.  Dreincndis 
AÜ.b.  XX.  Psenres  .xl.  Thustkus  .ix.b.  Oscorus  .vii.  mbl.  Psinachus 
.ix,b,  Psusenes  ,v.  bliadna  fichet,  Scssorichos  .xxi.  Psa}inis  .xl.b. 
Bachor  jclvii.  Is  re  lind  rolabar  an  t-uan  i  nEgipi.  Ethops  aii. 
Sibiccus  .vx.  Ethiops  .xx.  Etiops  Nemes  .xii.b.  Stabanies  .vii.b, 
Encepros  .vii.b.  Nechdo  .viii.b.  Psanet  .x.  Nechod  .vi.  Psuinaics  .xii. 
Hufripis  .ocxx.b.  Amiris  jolii.  Amarteres  .vi.b.  Nefrites  .vi.  Anchoris 
jcii.  Muteis  ,i.b.  Nectonibus  Faro  .xviii.  Is  e  ba  ri  Egipte  ar  cinn 
Mili  meic  Bile  cona  longais  7  fuair  failte  oca  fri  re  .viii.  mbliadan 
7  dobeir  a  ingen  Scota  do.  Et  ba  si  sin  aimsir  dolluid  Alaxandair 
Mor  mac  Pilip  isin  Aisia  7  roiairbir  an  Egipt  fo  reir  7  roinnarb 
Faro  Nectonibus  a  Egipt  asin  Ethcolp  7  rondicJmir  Artarxerxes 


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138  A.O.VAK  HAMEL, 

ar  ius  fecht  n-aili  i  nEgipt  Cutndaigiher  iarum  caihir  la  Alaocan- 
dair  i  nEgipt  A,  Alaxandria  a  k-ainm.  Et  di^cailter  flaiihius 
diles  a  nEgipt  ann  sin  7  gahais  Grec  fortamlas  indii  7  ic  Greic 
Älaxandair  robai  flaithius  ind  Egipt  0  sein  amach,  conid  and  sin 
tanaic  Mili  a  Egipt  dochum  a  cinil  fein^),    Finit, 

The  initial  Ceist  and  the  concluding  Finit  give  tliis  tract 
the  character  of  a  separate  tradition,  not  belonging  to  the  body 
of  LG  as  we  found  it  in  MO  and  X.  The  passage  quoted  on 
p.  124  from  a  note  to  Fiacc's  Hymn  shows  that  there  were  such 
separate  traditions  current  as  late  as  the  end  of  the  11^^  Century. 
For  the  redactor  of  Ba,  whose  aim  was  to  include  every  detail 
available,  it  was  but  natural  to  bring  this  tradition  into  his 
Version  of  LG.  Its  contents  are  quite  simple.  There  was  an 
Armenian  king  who  was  expelled  from  his  country  because  he 
had  opposed  his  uncle.  He  comes  to  Egj'pt,  where  he  marries 
Scota,  Pharaoh's  daughter.  Afterwards  he  leaves  the  country,  and 
reaches  Ireland.  For  the  rest  it  consists  of  chronological  and 
historical  allusions.  The  reason  Mil  had  to  leave  Egypt  is  that 
the  country  was  conquered  by  Alexander.  So  MiFs  father-in-law 
must  be  identified  with  Nectonibus,  who  according  to  Eusebius 
was  the  last  Egyptian  Pharaoh.  From  this  it  follows  that  the 
whole  list  of  Pharaoh's  was  introduced  from  Eusebius.  The 
mention  of  Pharaoh  Cingcris  (Akhenkheres  annis  .xvi ;  sub  Jwc 
Moses  ludaeorum  ex  Egipto  egressus  dux  fait,  Euseb.  ed.  Arevalo 
1 143)  in  the  beginning  makes  no  allusion  to  any  visit  of  the 
Goidels  to  Egypt  during  the  reign  of  that  king,  nor  does  it  prove 
that  such  a  visit  once  was  part  of  this  tradition.  On  the  contrary, 
if  it  had  been  so,  there  certainly  would  have  been  an  allusion 
to  it  in  this  tract,  and  it  is  not  too  much  to  hasard  the  hypo- 
thesis,  that  this  earlier  visit  never  was  a  pait  of  this  tradition 
at  all.  Consequently  we  have  here  a  tradition  parallel  to  that 
of  MO  and  A:  both  speak  of  a  Scythian  king  who  ciime  to  Egypt, 
who  married  the  king's  daughter  Scota,  and  afterwards  left  the 
country  *). 

^)  i.  e.  tu  the  Tuatba  De  Dauann,  ar  ba  do  cloinn  Rifaith  Scuit  doib 
dib  liniiib  as  Ba  says  previously.  The  common  descent  of  all  the  subsequent 
popnlations  of  Ireland  from  Rifath  Scot  i«  one  of  Ba's  favonrite  tenet«.  See  §  13. 

^)  Another  interesting  detail  is  that  both  spoak  of  the  two  leaders  Tcce 
aud  Ucee. 


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ON  LEBOR  GABIlA.  139 

AloDg  with  the  version  of  MO  and  A  we  have  traced  now 
another  tradition  preserved  in  Ba.  The  heroes  of  the  former  are 
Nfel,  Goidel  Glas  and  Agnoman,  the  latter  mentions  only  Mil.  Neither 
has  a  Claim  to  priority.  Zimmer  (Nenn.  Vind  p.  220)  was  the  first 
to  discover  the  existence  of  this  second  tradition.  But  he  did  not 
draw  the  ilght  conclusion  from  it.  For  he  identifled  it  with  the 
tradition  in  HB,  and  if  this  were  right,  it  would  prove  that  the 
tradition  of  Nectinebus  and  Mil  existed  before  that  of  Cingcris  and 
N61.  But  as  HB  states  that  the  vir  nobilis  de  Scythia  who  resided 
in  Egjrpt  nan  perrexit  ad  sequendum  populitm  Dei,  there  can  be 
no  doubt  that  Nennios  was  thinking  of  the  tradition  we  find  in 
MO  and  A,  and  not  of  Nectonibus  and  Mil,  This  is  a  very  im- 
portant  fact,  for  it  implies  that  Zimmer's  theory  as  to  the  relation 
of  HB  and  LG  cannot  be  upheld. 

We  can  now  go  back  even  a  step  farther.  From  the  two 
parallel  versions  may  be  reconstructed  their  common  original 
which  existed  even  before  HB  was  written.  It  was  the  history 
of  a  noble  Scythian,  called  Mfl  or  Miles,  who  lived  in  Egypt 
at  an  indefinite  period,  and  who  was  married  to  some  Pharaoh's 
daughter  Scota.  Afterwards  he  left  that  country,  without  any 
stated  reason,  for  Spain.  From  thence  Ireland  was  discovered.  All 
chronological  connections,  either  with  Cingcris  or  Nectinebus, 
have  come  in  later,  for  this  is  the  point  at  which  the  two  traditions 
diverge.  Each  Version  established  a  chronology  of  its  own,  and 
this  involved  divergent  reasonings  as  to  the  cause  of  the  Goidels' 
flight  from  Egypt.  See  on  this  §  22.  A  comparison  of  the  original 
tale,  as  it  has  been  retraced  now,  with  the  7^^  centuiy  genea- 
logical  poems  treated  in  §  13,  will  show  that  only  one  additional 
Clement  may  be  pointed  out  as  an  essential  trait  of  the  original 
Story,  namely  the  discovery  of  Ireland  from  the  tower  of 
Brigantia  (see  p.  126).  This  reconstruction  of  the  introduction 
in  its  germ  will  prove  of  no  small  help  in  retracing  the  origin 
of  LG. 

Now  let  US  retum  to  the  Introduction  of  Ba  and  compare 
the  aecount  of  the  Goidels'  second  stay  in  Egypt  with  the  new- 
found  parallel  version  on  Mil.  In  both  Mil  is  the  hero,  in  both  the 
route  of  his  journey  to  Scythia  is  exactly  the  same.  Nectinebus 
and  Alexander  occur  in  the  same  connection  in  the  two  versions. 
Ba  evidently  interpolated  the  loose  tradition  concerning  Mil  into 
the  text  of  LG.    The  scribe  who  found  the  tract  did  not  know 


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140  A.  G.  VAN  HAMEL, 

what  to  do  with  it;  he  did  not  understand  that  it  was  but  a 
variant  of  the  other  tale,  and  finding  a  later  chronological  refer- 
ence  in  it,  inserted  it  in  its  place.  It  was  a  very  easy  task 
to  accomplish  this.  The  return  to  Scythia  and  the  long  struggles 
between  the  two  royal  races,  which  had  entered  in  X,  afforded  the 
necessary  lapse  of  time  to  bring  the  history  down  from  Cingcris  to 
Nectonibus.  Nothing  was  more  natural  than  that  the  redactor 
of  Ba  shoiild  think  the  second  tradition  referred  to  the  journey 
of  the  Goidels  after  this  repeated  visit  to  their  native  country. 
Therefore  he  left  out  the  end  of  the  story  as  it  occurred 
in  X,  and  put  instead  of  it  the  whole  second  tradition.  This 
manipulation  did  not  involve  any  insuperable  difßculties,  for 
the  Interpolation  fitted  in  quite  well  with  the  rest  of 
the  Story. 

There  are  still  a  few  particulars  in  the  passage  introduced 
into  Ba  that  claim  our  attention.  The  end  of  the  Introduction  in 
this  Version  does  not  agree  in  every  respect  with  the  isolated  tract 
quoted  above.  In  the  first  place  the  Introduction  speaks  of  Nectine- 
bus'  daughter  Scota,  who  is  not  named  in  the  separate  tract ;  nor 
does  the  tract  say  anything  of  MiPs  expedition  from  Egypt  to 
Spain  and  from  thence  to  Ireland,  whereas  the  Introduction 
treats  this  in  a  very  circumstantial  way.  It  might  be  suggested 
that  these  latter  details  were  borrowed  over  again  from  the 
original  nairative  in  X  that  had  been  done  away  with.  But  this 
seems  scarcely  probable.  Of  course,  so  far  as  the  introduction  of 
a  second  äcota  is  concemed,  there  could  be  no  objections  against 
the  supposition.  But  with  the  rest  it  is  otherwise.  Although  both 
have  the  same  story  of  Caicher  protecting  his  companions  from 
the  mermaids,  Ba  hasn't  the  account  of  Caicher's  prophecy. 
Moreover,  the  localities  belong  to  different  spheres.  Whereas  X 
made  the  Goidels  pass  by  Sliab  Rife,  the  Maeotic  marshes,  the 
Tyrrhenian  Sea,  Crete  and  Sicily,  Ba  speaks  of  Inis  Deprofane 
(=  Ceylon),  India,  Asia,  «cythia,  the  Indian  Sea,  de.  These,  in 
fact,  are  the  localities  of  the  second  tradition,  where  India  and 
Asia  aie  also  found.  Then,  after  the  arrival  in  Spain  there  are 
not  three  but  fifty-four  battles  for  Fresseno  7  for  Longbardaib  7 
Bachraib.  All  this  cannot  have  been  taken  over  from  X,  for  it 
differs  too  much  from  the  tradition  of  MO  and  A.  There  is  but 
one  possible  explanation  left,  naniely  that  these  details  also  all 
belong  to  the  second  tradition. 


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ON  LEBOH  GABiLA.  141 

The  separate  tract,  quoted  on  p.  137  raust  originally  have 
contained  more  than  in  its  present  form.  Scota  must  have 
figured  in  it  as  well  as  Mil's  companions  who  leamed  the  principal 
arts  in  Egypt;  and  it  must  have  ended  with  an  account  of  Mil's 
Wanderings  from  Egypt  to  Spain  and  the  building  of  Brigantia  — 
everything  in  accordance  with  the  end  of  the  Introduction  in  Ba^). 
Why  then  was  all  this  omitted  by  the  scribe  of  that  version? 
Becanse  he  had  already  given  it  once.  He  had  already  embodied 
the  whole  story  in  the  Introduction:  why  then  copy  it  once  more 
in  its  unabridged  form?  There  was  no  sufflcient  reason  for  this. 
It  is  fortunate  enough  that  the  isolated  tract  was  preserved  at 
all,  and  we  probably  are  indebted  for  this  happy  circumstance  to 
the  list  of  the  Pharaohs  that  had  been  incorporated  in  it.  This 
list  seems  to  have  aroused  the  chronological  interest  of  our 
scribe  so  that  he  determined  to  give  it  a  place  in  his  Version 
of  LG,  leaving  the  framework  of  the  tract,  in  a  shorter  form, 
around  it.  But  if  we  wish  to  know  its  original  contents,  we  must 
refer  back  to  the  Introduction  on  the  Goidels  in  Ba,  where  we  find 
it  unimpaired  without  omissions.  It  would  be  difficult  to  over- 
estimate  the  importance  of  this  fact;  for  now  we  possess  a 
variant  of  the  other  tradition,  preserved  by  HB,  MO  and  X.  It 
look«  very  old,  being  quite  simple:  Mil,  a  chieftain  from  Armenia 
or  Scythia,  is  expelled  from  his  country;  he  flies  to  Egypt; 
afterwards  he  leaves  this  country  and  settles  in  Spain.  In  fact, 
this  Version  is  very  near  akin  to  HB.  Zimmer  was  wrong  doubt- 
less  in  identifying  the  two  (see  p.  139),  for  HB  manifestly  contains 
the  tradition  of  MO  and  A  in  its  germ,  though  they  have  much 
the  same  aspect.  Only  the  difference  in  the  chronological  refer- 
ences  stamps  them  as  two  distinct  variants.  A  comparison  of 
these  two  variants  brings  us  neai-er  to  a  Solution  of  the  problem 
as  to  the  origin  of  the  saga.    See  on  this  chapt.  IV. 


*)  As  I  have  shown  on  p.  189  that  this  traditiou  diverged  from  that 
preserved  in  HB  at  a  very  early  period,  even  hefore  Nennius,  it  is  impossihle 
that  the  details  hoth  have  in  common  —  such  as  the  story  of  Caicher  dmi  — 
coold  have  already  been  present  in  the  original  version  from  which  these  hoth 
arose.  Therefore  we  must  assume  that  the  close  relation  between  them  was 
never  whoUy  forgotten:  when  a  new  dement  was  adopted  in  one  it  was  liable 
to  be  introdnced  into  the  other  version  too.  But  in  other  instances  each 
went  its  own  way. 


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142  A.  G.  VAN  HAMEL, 

§  13.  The  genealogies. 

The  most  salient  divergence  of  A  (and  Bb)  and  Ba  lies  in  the 
genealogies.  The  first  traces  of  the  tale  of  the  Coming  of  the  Goidels 
to  Ireland  most  have  arisen  in  a  period  when  classical  and  biblical 
studies  were  already  flonrishing  in  Ireland;  this  appears  from 
the  allnsion  to  Egy^t  and  the  Israelites,  which  occnrs  as  early 
as  HB.  So  no  wonder  that  the  Irish  wanted  to  establish  a  genea- 
logical  connection  between  themselves  and  Noah,  the  common 
ancestor  of  the  human  race.  According  to  all  the  versions  of  LG 
it  was  Sru  mac  Esru  mic  Goidil  who  brooght  the  Gh)idels  from 
Egypt  to  Scythia.  We  have  now  to  examine  every  Single  Version 
as  to  the  descent  of  Goidel  Glas  from  Noah.  We  can  distingnish 
three  versions: 

a)  The  first  vei^ion  of  A  and  Bb:  'Goidel  son  of  N61  son 
of  Fenios  Farsaich  son  of  Baad  son  of  Magoch  son  of 
Jafeth'. 

b)  The  second  version  of  A  and  Bb:  Aiberat  araile  combad 
Baad  nvac  Ibaid  meic  Goimeir  meic  lafelh  (thns  Bb ;  in 
LL  the  initial  words  atberat  araile  have  been  omitted). 

c)  The  Version  of  Ba:  Gaidel  Glass  ar  senathair.  Mac 
side  Niuil  nieic  Feniusa  Farrsaidh  meic  Eogein  meic 
Glunfind  meic  Lamfhind  meic  Etheoir  meic  Thoe  meic 
Boidb  meic  Sem  meic  Mair  meic  Aurthachi  meic  Äbuith 
meic  Ära  meic  lara  meic  Sru  meic  Esru  meic  Baaith 
meic  Rifaiih  Scuit.  According  to  Gen.  X  3  Rifath  is  a 
son  of  Gomer. 

Among  the  sons  of  Jafeth  there  are  two  from  whom  the 
Goidels  claimed  their  descent,  Magoch  and  Rifath.  The  reason 
is  obvious,  for  from  these  two  the  Gauls  and  the  Scythians 
descended.  Cf.  Isid.  Etym.  IX  1,  26  —  27:  Filii  lafeth  Septem 
nominantur :  Gomer,  ex  quo  Galaiae  id  est  Galli;  Magog  a  quo 
quidem  arbitrantur  Scythas  et  Gothos  traxisse  originem,  Two 
(juestions  arise:  is  a  or  ft  the  primary  version  of  A,  and  does  A 
or  Ba  preserve  the  original  tradition  of  LG?  So  far  as  the  first 
question  is  concerned,  we  have  a  eine  to  its  Solution  in  the  text 
of  A  (and  Bb)  itself.  In  the  genealogical  poem  quoted  on  p.  129 
we  read  in  1.  8:  mic  Baaid  mic  Ibaith  (Lee  Tb)  or  mic  Baaid 


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ON  LBBOR  GABÄLA.  143 

mic  Ebaith  (LL,  F),  while  Rb  has  mic  Baaid  mic  Magoich.  In 
LH  Rb  and  LL  have  mac  Baaiih  mic  Magoch^).  The  prose, 
however,  always  makes  Baad  the  son  of  Magoch.  So  the  poem 
belongs  to  a  different  tradition^  than  the  prose;  Rb  feit  the 
anomaly,  and  altered  the  poem  accordingly.  On  p.  130  I  have 
shown  that  the  prose  preceding  the  poem  is  an  Interpolation 
from  LSA.  This  work  mentions  Baath  as  the  son  of  Magoch, 
and  hence  after  the  prose  Interpolation,  Magoch  was  put  instead 
of  Ibath  in  the  poem  also.  Fortunately  Lee  Ib  and  LL  did  it 
rather  carelessly,  so  that  in  1 8  Ibath  was  overlooked.  Here  we 
have  a  proof  that  Ibath  was  the  original  ancestor  in  A,  whereas 
Magoch  did  not  come  in  until  the  adoption  of  the  genealogical 
theory  of  LSA. 

In  fact,  LSA  attributes  two  sons  to  Magoch,  namely  Baath 
and  Ibath;  Fenius  Farsaich  is  a  son  of  Baath.  So  a  was  taken 
from  LSA  ,at  the  same  time  that  the  passage  on  the  division 
of  the  World  was  interpolated  from  that  work.  Consequently  h 
represents  the  old  tradition  of  A;  it  has  been  preserved  in  the 
sentence  beginning  with  atberat  araile. 

Now  the  other  question  remains:  is  i  or  c  the  original 
Version?  Tbere  are  two  salient  differences  between  b  and  c: 
they  make  Baad  descend  from  different  sons  of  Gomer  (Ibad 
and  Rifath),  and  b  hasn't  the  fourteen  intermediate  links  bet- 
ween Baad  and  Fenius,  flguring  in  c;  for  the  rest  the  two 
are  identical. 

Among  the  ancestors  of  the  Goidels  there  are  three  eponym- 
ous  heroes:  Fenius,  N61  and  Goidel  Glas;  Scota,  NfePs  wife,  is 
closely  connected  with  them.    As  Maolmuru  Othna  puts  it: 

F^i  0  Fenius  asantbertar,        du  cen  dochta, 
Gaedil  6  Gceduil  Glas  garta,        Scuitt  o  Scotta, 

As  to  N61,  I  take  his  name  to  be  derived  from  the  glorious 
royal  family  of  the  Ui  Nfeill  (perhaps  in  connection  with  that  of 
the  Nile?  Nfel  lived  in  Egypt).  These  eponymous  heroes  do  not 
occur  in  the  oldest  sources.  Nennius,  who  in  §  17  gives  a  long 
pedigree  from  Noah  downwards,  does  not  name  them  at  all, 
while  they  are  also  unknown  in  the  ^second  tradition'  of  Ba, 
see  p.  137.    In  some  later  genealogies  they  come  in  at  a  quite 

*)  Here  Lee  I  b  deviates  by  saying  mac  Fatecht  mic  Magoch, 


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144  A  G.  VAN  HAMEL, 

different  point.  In  ^Fianaigecht',  p.  28,  30,  there  is  a  list  be- 
ginning  with  Jafeth,  in  which  Glas  and  Scot  figure  as  the  son 
and  grandson  of  Lämfhind,  wliile  Nel  is  made  the  son  of  Mil! 
And  in  the  note  to  Fiacc's  Hymn  (see  p.  124)  Nfel  is  the  son,  not 
the  father,  of  Goidel  Glas,  who  is  himself  a  son  of  Fenius.  What 
results  from  these  contradictions  is  this:  Fenius,  N61  and  Goidel 
did  not  originally  belong  to  the  tradition  of  LG  but  were  in- 
vented  by  the  Irish  as  their  eponymous  heroes  after  the  example 
of  Britos,  Saxus,  &c.  Now  they  had  to  get  a  position  in  the 
genealogy  of  LG  also,  but  were  by  different  scribes  put  in  at 
different  places.  Wherever  Fenius  was  made  the  son  of  Baad, 
and  the  grandson  or  great- grandson  of  Jafeth,  he  was  supposed 
to  have  lived  at  the  period  of  the  Tower  of  Babel;  for  Cham's 
grandson  Nimrod  and  Sem's  great -giandson  Phaleg  assisted  at 
its  building  and  undoing.  Thus  arose  the  legend  of  Fenius' 
adventures  at  the  Tower.  It  cannot  therefore  belong  to  the  old 
stock  of  LG. 

Who  then  was  the  ancestor  of  the  Goidels,  living  at  the 
time  of  the  Tower  of  Babel?  This  was  another  grandson  of 
Jafeth:  Rifath  son  of  Gomer.  Gomer,  as  we  have  seen,  was 
made  an  ancestor  of  the  Goidels,  because,  according  to  Isidorus, 
the  Gauls  descended  from  him.  His  son  Rifath  seems  to  have 
been  chosen  as  the  next  link  because  of  the  similarity  of  his 
name  with  that  of  Sliab  Rife,  the  ränge  of  mountains  enclosing 
Scythiai).  And  now  there  is  a  passage  in  Ba  —  which  has 
preserved  so  many  genuine  traditi  ns  —  showing  that  originally 
it  was  Rifath  and  not  Fenius,  who  assisted  at  the  building  of 
the  Tower  of  Babel.  It  seems  that  the  redactor  of  Ba  knew 
the  Innovation  of  A,  for  at  the  end  of  the  genealogy,  where  he 
makes  Goidel  Glas  descend  from  Rifath  Scot,  he  states:  isse  Rifath 
Scot  iucc  tuccdstar  (sie)  Scotic  on  tur  ar  ha  se  in  sesed  primtuisech 
roha  ic  cumtach  in  tuir  Xemruaid,  Is  follus  desin  nach  raibe 
Fenius  hi  cumiach  in  tuir  mar  atberat  na  senchaide  cen  comshiniiid 
comhaiseraid,  Is  aire  so  on,  ar  isse  Foenius  Farsaich  in  seissed 
ftr  dec  do  sil  Riafaid  tue  Scotic  on  tur . . .  ,xl.  bliadna  o  scailiud 
in  tu*r  CO  tanic  Fenius  Farsaidh  atuaidh  asin  Scithia  cona  scoil 


*i  The  same  counection  is  made  by  LSA:  Paplagani  gens,  doini  fiUt 
t  Skbiö  Riphi  qni  et  Colchi  mnt;  cf.  Isid.  Etym.  IX  1,  33:  Rifath  a  quo 
fyjthtnyonea. 


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ON  L£BOR  GABiLA.  145 

do  iaraidh  na  niberla.  Here  6a  evidently  def ends  the  old  tradition 
against  a  later  one.  Fenias  oiiginally  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
bttilding  of  the  Tower,  he  only  had  a  school  where  the  languages 
were  taught.  But  in  A  Eifath  had  to  make  place  for  Magoch, 
wbo  came  in  from  LSA,  and  consequently  Fenius  took  the  part 
of  Rifath  at  the  erection  of  the  Tower  of  BabeL  His  son  N61 
was  in  Egypt  when  Pharaoh  and  his  host  were  diowned  in  the 
Eed  Sea.  In  HB  the  Scythian  living  in  Egypt  was  still  a  name- 
less  hero;  now  the  eponymoos  hero  N61  had  also  to  get  an 
occupation,  and  probably  the  one  in  Egypt  was  reseryed  for  him 
becaase  of  the  general  likeness  of  his  name  to  that  of  the  river 
Nile.  But  these  changes  involved  a  complete  upsetting  of  the 
chronology:  Fenins  lived  when  the  Tower  of  Babel  was  bnilt,  N§1 
in  the  time  of  Moses!  It  is  clear  that  in  another  respect,  too, 
Ba  preseryes  a  better  tradition  than  A:  there  are  some  fonrteen 
generations  wanted  between  those  two  episodes  of  biblical  history, 
which  fortunately  Ba  has  preserved.  A  priori  it  is  highly  probable 
that  the  fonrteen  names  given  in  c  (see  p.  142)  are  old.  This 
snpposition  is  confirmed  by  the  second  genealogical  poem  edited 
by  Professor  Kuno  Meyer  in  his  'Über  die  älteste  irische 
Dichtung'  (see  p.  132),  where  an  almost  identical  genealogy 
occurs  (cf.  vs.  36 — 39): 

Oablach  gliad       Agni  an, 
art  glonn         Glün/ind  län. 
Lamfind,  Fether,        Agnoman,  Tai, 
Bodb,  Sem,  Mair,        mö  cach  äi, 
Eihechi,  Aurthecht,        Aboth,  Aur, 
Ära,  lara,        cainem  caur, 
Cain-Srü,  Esrü,        airir  ban, 
Boad,  Rifad,        Oomer  glan. 

Eogan  must  be  a  corruption  of  Agni,  and  Ether  of  Fether, 
whereas  Agnoman,  Ethecht  and  Aur  were  omitted;  for  the  rest  the 
two  lists  are  the  same.  The  two  next  poems  in  Professor  Meyer's 
coUection  contain  the  same  genealogy.  The  poems  are  dated  by 
him  as  early  as  the  7^  Century.  They  prove  conclusively  that 
c  preseryes  the  oldest  tradition  of  LG  as  to  the  genealogies.  As 
father  of  Agni  (=  Eogan)  the  poem  names  j^ber  Glass;  instead 
of  him  c  put  Goidel  Glas,  and  with  him  N61  and  F6nius  came 

Z«itMhrift  f.  06lt.  Philologie  X.  IQ 


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146 

in.  It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  the  genealogical  poems,  too, 
were  snbject  to  the  tendency  to  introduce  these  eponymoos  heroes, 
for  one  of  the  MSS.  has  instead  of  vs.  36:  gahlach  gliad,  Nel  fri 
hdg,  an  fer  Foenius,  Olunfind  bar.  As  to  the  origin  of  all  these 
Strange  names  I  can  offer  no  Suggestion  whatever.  There  existed 
yariants,  however,  as  appears  from  a  comparison  of  the  lists  in 
'Fianaigecht'  p.  28,  30  and  HB  §  17.  When  F6nius  Farsaich  in 
A  took  the  part  that  was  originally  assigned  to  Bifath,  namely 
the  bnilding  of  the  Tower  of  Babel,  all  the  intermediate  links 
were  left  out 

Still,  A  also  has  preserved  a  portion  of  the  old  genealogy. 
As  we  have  seen,  in  the  oldest  form  of  the  saga,  as  preserv^ 
in  the  'second  tradition'  of  Ba,  it  was  Mil  who  led  the  Groidels 
from  Scythia  to  Spain.  When,  however,  the  settlement  for 
several  generations  in  the  Maeotic  marshes  was  introduced  into 
this  Story,  as  was  done  in  A,  the  chief  who  left  Scythia  with 
them  could  no  longer  be  Mil,  since  he  had  to  eonquer  Spain  for 
tbem.  Then  A  assigned  the  former  task  to  Glunfind  and  Laimfind, 
who  took  the  Goidels  down  to  the  Maeotic  marshes;  their  descend- 
ant  Brath  afterwards  found  the  way  to  Spain  for  them.  A  (and 
Bb)  gives  this  genealogy  of  Brath:  Brath  tnac  Deaih  m.  Erchada 
m,  Älloit  m.  Nuadat  m.  Nentmill  m.  Ebir  Glais  m.  Agni  m.  Ebir 
Olunfind  m.  Laimfind  m,  Tait  m.  Ogamain  m.  Beomain  m.  Ebir 
Scuit  In  Lee  Ib  the  end  is  different:  Glunfind  m,  Ägnomain 
m.  Thaiit  &c.  So  the  original  reading  might  be:  Glunfind  m. 
Laimfind  m.  Ägnomain  m,  Tait  m.  Ogamain  &c.  Cf.  again:  'Über 
die  älteste  irische  Dichtung'  II  33—37: 

Brath 
batar  flaiihi        fedma  fath. 
Art  fri  düir        ndorair  ndeirgg 
JDeaith  mär        mandras  Eilgg. 
Äircid,  Älldoit,        n(Hdiu  nass, 
Nüadu,  Nöenal,        Eber  Glass. 

&c,  see  p.  145. 

If  Tait  =  Tai,  the  two  genealogies  are  identical  save  for 
Ogaman,  Beoman  and  ^ber  Scot  in  A;  these  innovations  were 
probably  introduced,  because  A  had  to  establish  a  connection 
with  Goedel  Glas,  who  did  not  oeeur  in  the  poem.    A  evidently 


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ON  LEBOR  OAbIlA.  147 

used  the  old  genealogy  to  All  up  the  gap  between  the  leaving 
of  Scythia  and  the  conquest  of  Spain.  And  so  Ba  and  A  together 
fomish  the  proof,  that  LG  once  had  exactly  the  same  chronology 
as  the  7^  Century  poems. 

There  is  one  question  left.  What  have  we  to  think  of 
Ibad,  who  according  to  b  was  the  son  of  Oomer,  from  whom 
Baad  descended?  He  takes  the  place  of  Rifath  in  c.  I  think  the 
passage  quoted  from  Ba  on  p.  144  shows  that  ßifath  was 
the  real  ancestor  of  the  Goidels  in  LG.  Still,  Ibad  seems 
to  be  an  old  variant  of  Eifath.  While  nos.  n  and  IV  in 
Professor  Meyer's  coUection  give  Rifath  as  the  father  of  Baad, 
HE  has  Ibath,  son  of  Gomer.  In  LSA  Ibad  is  a  son  of  Magoch, 
and  HB  §  17  mentions  Jobaath  son  of  Jovan  (Javan).  So  this 
I)ersonage  figures  subsequently  as  the  son  of  three  different  sons 
of  Jafeth,  and  he  was  probably  nothing  but  a  kind  of  Passe- 
partout that  could  be  employed  everywhere.  In  LSA  he  is  not 
even  an  ancestor  of  the  Goidels  but  of  the  Romans.  Nor  does 
Nennius  regard  him  as  such,  for  the  genealogy  he  gives  in  HB  §  17, 
though  it  corresponds  in  many  respects  with  that  of  LG,  is  one 
of  Alanus,  a  progenitor  of  Teutonic  tribes.  Therefore  Ibad's 
occurring  in  some  traditions  of  LG  also  must  have  been  caused  by 
mistake  or  carelessness;  possibly  on  account  of  the  resemblance 
of  his  name  to  that  of  Rifath. 

There  are  a  few  other  genealogies  in  the  Introduction  of 
LG.  As  least  in  Version  A  (and  Bb):  that  of  Refloir  (Refelair), 
descendant  of  Noenual,  second  son  of  Fenius;  of  Occe  and  üicce; 
of  Caicher  and  Mantan.  They  must  all  have  been  newly 
compiled,  as  they  refer  to  episodes  that  were  added  in  A. 
For  the  most  part  they  consist  of  names  taken  from  the 
old  genealogy  preserved  in  Ba:  Noenual,  AUoit,  Ogaman,  &c 
Perhaps  the  other  names  too  will  be  found  in  old  genealogical 
poems.  In  any  case  these  genealogies  are  of  no  further  im- 
portance. 

The  comparison  of  the  genealogies  in  the  different  versions 
of  LG  appears  to  be  of  the  highest  significance.  It  conflrms 
what  has  been  stated  in  §§  8  —  12:  Ba  is  the  only  Version  pre- 
serving  the  genuine  traditions.  A  modifies  the  text  after  the 
model  of  other  authorities,  especially  LSA,  from  which  source  A 
has  taken  not  only  the  preface  on  the  population  of  the  world 
(see  §  11)  but  also  its  entire  genealogical  System. 

10* 


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148  A.  6.  VAN  HAMEL, 

§  14.  The  yersions  C  and  D 
(14*^  and  15*^  Century). 

The  yersions  C  and  D  represent  a  fnrther  stage  of  evolution 
of  the  saga:  that  of  compilation.  We  shall  recognize  almost  every 
portion  in  these  versions  as  one  originally  belonging  to  A,  Ba 
or  Bb.  For  the  rest  some  details  were  added  independently,  and 
the  scribes,  for  example,  were  in  the  habit  of  adding  in  the 
accounts  of  the  roates  from  Egypt  to  Scythia  &c.  all  the  geo- 
graphica! names  they  could  lay  hold  of.  It  is  nnnecessary  to 
point  out  all  these  insignificant  additions  here. 

In  LB  and  Lee  n  we  find  the  biblical  preface,  the  story  of 
Nectinebus  and  Mil  &c.,  based  upon  Ba;  the  descent  from  Magoch, 
the  Md  given  by  Fenius  at  the  building  of  the  Tower  of  Babel  &c^ 
all  borrowed  from  A;  the  tract  on  the  division  of  the  Gaelic 
language  and  its  names  clearly  points  to  BC.  There  is  but  one 
thing  interesting  in  the  composition  of  C:  theway  it  brought  together 
the  traditions  of  both  A  and  Ba  on  the  relations  of  the  Scythians 
with  the  Egyptians.  As  we  have  seen,  in  A  Sm  and  Eber  Scot  lead 
the  Goidels  from  Egypt  to  Scythia,  where  they  struggle  with  their 
royal  kinsmen  for  many  generations,  until  Lamfind  and  Glunfind 
lead  them  from  Scythia  to  the  Maeotic  marshes,  and  a  few  centnries 
later  Brath  takes  them  fi*om  thence  to  Spain.  In  Ba  Mil  guides  them 
from  Scythia  to  Egypt,  where  he  is  married  to  Scota,  daughter 
of  Nectinebus;  afterwards  Mfl  brings  them  to  Spain.  In  C  Sru 
and  Eber  Scot  arrive  with  their  companions  in  Scythia,  where 
they  and  their  descendants  also  have  to  fight  for  the  supremacy 
with  the  ruling  race.^)  At  last  Mil,  though  his  wife,  Seng,  is  one 
of  the  rival  family  (a  new  episode),  has  to  leave  Scythia.  Then 
foUows  the  entire  tradition  of  Ba:  they  go  to  Egypt,  Nectinebus, 
Scota  and  Alexander  are  mentioned,  and  Mil  takes  the  Goidels 
to  Spain  ^).  There  they  fight  54  battles;  Brigantia  has  no  longer 
to  be  founded,  for  it  existed  already,  but  fa  fätam  siden  ara 
denn.  This  last  sentence  contains  the  first  deviation  from  Ba. 
The  reason  is  obvious,  for  the  text  runs  on:  atbearai  araile  do 


>)  These  strngglefl  are  not  described  in  the  same  way  as  in  A.  In  Ba 
they  were  onlj  mentioned  incidentallj. 

*)  In  Mil's  travels  an  interesting  episode  is  interpolated  on  a  meeting 
of  the  Goidels  with  the  Picts  in  Germania. 


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OK  LEBOR  GABIlA.  149 

eolchaib  is  i  seo  gnathsliged  na  nGceideal,  uair  is  ac  Ogamain  ro 
facsatnar  y  ge  roleanamar  do  Milig  cona  muinter  is  lind  impod 
CO  hOgamain  torisi  (sie).  Now  we  are  told  that  ^ome  of  the  Goidels 
had  remained  in  Scythia  after  Mil;  to  them  belonged  Agnoman 
andLamfind,  and  thus  a  connection  with  A  is  established.  Tbe 
whole  tradition  of  A  follows,  in  Spain  Breogon  fonnds  the  city  of 
Brigantia,  so  that  this  explains  why  Mil  found  it  ready  on  his 
arrival.  Thus  the  Introduction  affords  a  splendid  illustration  of 
the  way  Version  C  was  compiled. 

In  Version  D  (O'Clery)  we  also  find  A  and  Ba  reprodnced, 
thoogh  not  in  the  same  way  as  in  C.  Here  the  tradition  of  A 
is  given  first:  the  Goidels  come  from  Egypt  to  Scythia,  they  leave 
it  again  underLamfind,  and  reach  the  Maeotic  marshes;  afterwards 
Brath,  and  with  him  Occe  and  Uicce,  leads  them  to  Spain,  where 
Brigantia  is  bnilt.  One  of  the  Goidels,  Galamh  (i.  e.  Mil),  has  a 
fancy  to  visit  his  relations  in  Scythia.  With  grandsons  of  Occe 
and  Uicce,  bearing  the  same  names,  he  goes  to  the  land  of  his 
fathers.  There  he  is  married  to  Seng,  but  notwithstanding 
this  he  has  to  leave  the  country  becanse  of  difficulties  with  his 
father-in-law,  Refloir.  He  flies  to  Egypt,  where  he  is  received 
by  Nectinebus,  who  gives  him  his  daughter  Scota  in  marriage. 
From  thence  he  goes  back  to  Spain,  as  in  Ba,  where  the  city 
of  Brigantia  has  been  destroyed  and  is  reboilt  by  Galamh  or  MiL 
The  reader  may  discover,  in  which  of  the  two  the  combination 
of  A  and  Ba  has  been  most  ingeniously  effected,  in  C  or  D. 


lU.  The  invasions. 

§  15.  The  first  Invasion. 

The  earliest  Invasion,  before  the  DeInge,  is  in  the  principal 
MSS.  styled  that  of  Cesair,  daughter  of  Noah.  But  there  are 
other  traditions  too,  deviating  more  or  less  from  that  of  A  and  Ba. 
There  is  one  in  Cin  Dromma  Snechta,  a  lost  MS.  placed  by  Professor 
Thumeysen  in  the  8^  Century,  and  another  has  been  preserved 
in  a  separate  section  in  Ba.  Moreover,  we  find  indications  that 
this  first  Invasion,  whatever  old  traditions  it  may  contain  and  in 
whatever  form  it  may  present  itself,  was  only  at  a  late  period 


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150  A.  G.  VAN  HAMBL, 

prefixed  to  LG;  so  it  must  have  first  existed  as  a  separate 
legend. 

In  the  first  place  Cesair  (or  any  equivalent)  is  not  mentioned 
in  HB,  where  we  have  a  füll  acconnt  of  the  invasions  in  Ireland; 
there  that  of  Partholon  is  the  first  one.  Besides,  Ba  ends  the 
tale  of  Cesair  with  the  foUowing  words:  in  gabail  tra  Cessra 
nisgabsai  araili  hi  son  gabala,  acht  is  iat  fosfuair  Erind  ar  tus. 

So  there  existed  at  least  one  Version  of  LG  where  Cesair 
did  not  figore  at  all,  and  the  final  words  of  the  sentence  quoted 
sonnd  even  as  an  apology  of  some  scribe  who  had  inserted 
Gabäl  Cesra  himself.  In  the  same  way  the  Tale  of  Tuan  mac 
Cairill  shows  that  the  first  Invasion  does  not  belong  to  the  original 
body  of  LG.  This  is  the  story  of  the  only  man  among  Partholon's 
companions  who  survived  the  plague,  which  destroyed  them  all, 
and  all  the  subsequent  invasions,  in  order  that  he  might  preserve 
the  memory  of  them  to  later  generations  (LU  loa— 16/9).  The 
ingenions  Irish  invented  this  story  as  a  necessary  commentary 
to  LG.  But  if  they  had  known  from  the  very  beginning  an 
earlier  Invasion  than  that  of  Partholon,  they  never  would  have 
selected  a  man  of  his  people  to  transmit  Ireland's  oldest  ^history', 
but  one  of  Cesair's.  The  tale  of  Tuan  mac  Cairill  must  have 
arisen  at  a  time  when  the  Invasion  of  Cesair  f ormed  no  part  of  LG. 
Later  the  mistake  was  noticed  and  Fintan,  Cesair's  brother  or 
uncle  was  given  a  part  similar  to  that  of  Tuan.  Cf.  LL 12 a:  i$  iat  so 
in  sessiwr  ar  jxxx.  do  thoesechaib  amal  roscrib  Fintan  mac  Bochra 
Ruaid  —  .vii  mbliadna  rian  dilind  co  secht  mbliadnaib  do  fhlaith 
Biarmata  mac  Cerbaill  ba  se  sen  a  shoegul  Fhintain  —  for  glun 
Finnen  7  Coluim  Cille.  All  this  is  nothing  but  an  Imitation  of 
the  Tale  of  Tuan,  who  also  related  his  adventures  to  Finni&n 
and  Colum  Cille  0- 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Invasion  of  Cesair  had  already  been 
added  in  X,  for  both  A  and  Ba  have  got  it  Cesair  was  a  daughter 
of  Noah^),  who  forty  days  before  the  Deluge  came  from  the  island 
of  Meroen  ^)  to  Ireland;  she  had  three  men  and  fifty  maidens  with 
her.    The  three  men  were  Bith,  Ladru  and  Fintan.    They  came 


*)  In  Ba  Fintan  and  Tnan  are  identified;  cf.  Ba  fo.  84a2;  oiberar  co  mba 
ie  (sc.  Fintan)  Tuan  mac  Cairill. 

')  In  other  sources  Cesair  is  a  danghter  of  Bitü.  Cf.  Bennos  Dind- 
senchai  §  1  (BC  XV  p.  277):  0  aimsir  Cesra  ingine  Beatha, 

')  The  town  Merom  in  Egypt  might  be  meant 


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OK  LBBOR  GABXLA.  151 

to  a  place  called  Comar  na  tri  nUisce,  and  there  the  three  men 
divided  the  fifty  maidens.  Ladru  had  to  content  himself  with  only 
sixteen  of  them;  bat  obstinate  as  he  was,  he  left  his  companions 
and  died  in  Ard  Ladrann.  Then  Bith  and  Fintan  each  got 
twenty-five  maidens;  Bith  went  to  the  North  and  died  in  Sliab 
Betha.  Fintan  had  now  all  the  maidens;  he  left  Cesair  with 
them  and  fled  to  Tul  Tuinne  near  Loch  Dergderc.  Cesair  herseif 
went  to  Cüil  Cesra  and  there  her  heart  broke  for  grief.  It  is 
obyioos  that  all  the  personal  names  have  been  deriyed  from  names 
of  places.  This  points  also  to  a  comparatively  late  origin  of  the 
Story.  Fortunately  we  can  catch  a  glimpse  of  an  older  form  of 
the  same  tale.  In  Ba,  after  the  introdactory  phrase  of  Gabäl 
Cesra,  we  read :  asberat  araile  comad  Banba  ainm  na  hingine  sin 
rogab  Erind  ria  ndilind  7  comad  uaithi  nobeth  Banba  for  Erind. 
It  is  not  difflcult  to  make  out  which  authority  is  meant  by  this 
araiUj  for  LB  gives  a  note  from  Cin  Dromma  Snechta  that  Banba 
was  the  flrst  woman  who  occupied  Ireland,  together  with  Ladm, 
before  theDelnge.  The  author  of  Ba  knew  the  Cin  Dromma  Snechta, 
et  p.  100,  so  he  probably  took  his  remark  on  Cesair  or  Banba  from 
that  book.  Originally  Banba  seems  to  have  been  the  heroine  of 
this  Invasion,  which  agrees  with  the  fact  that  in  Lee  11  Cesair 
is  glossed  by  Eriu  and  Fotla.  In  this  case  its  pnrport  is  clear 
enough:  it  was  intended  to  explain  the  poetical  names  of  Ireland 
and  other  topographical  particulars.  Afterwards  a  connection 
was  established  between  this  story  and  LG,  and  it  was  prefixed 
as  the  earliest  Invasion.  At  the  same  time  it  was  embellished  with 
biblical  Ornaments:  Bith  (called  after  Sliab  Betha)  was  made  a 
son  of  Noah,  and  in  some  versions  he  was  no  longer  Cesair's  f ather, 
but  had  to  yield  this  position  to  Noah  himself.  These  biblical 
touches  point  to  the  same  period  of  the  evolution  of  L6  as  the 
elaborate  treatment  of  N^l's  connections  with  the  Israelites  in  the 
Introduction,namely  the  9^  Century.  We  cannot  follow  the  evolution 
of  Gabäl  Cesra  step  by  step  as  was  the  case  with  the  Introduction, 
all  the  versions  of  LG  being  practically  identical  on  this  subject, 
but  from  the  few  indications  that  may  be  found  in  the  text,  it 
may  be  inferred  that  the  same  forces  were  operating  in  it. 

My  view  on  the  original  position  of  Gabäl  Cesra,  viz.  that 
it  arose  from  a  separate  tale  of  Banba,  which  served  to  explain 
certain  names,  is  corroborated  by  the  coincidence  that  we  know 
another  similar  story,  which  was  never  offlcially  embodied  in  LG 


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152  A  G.  VAN  HAMBL, 

and  never  was  taken  hi  son  gabäla.  It  has  been  preserved  in 
Ba,  which  was  not  subject  to  the  same  nnifying  process  as  A, 
but  eagerly  assimilated  all  dispersed  traditions.  Before  the  tale  of 
Cesair,  Ba  says:  Asberat  araili  co  mbeith  gabdil  ind-Erind  ria 
Cesair.  Capa  7  Laigne  y  Luasat,  triar  iascaire  do  lacht  na 
JiEspaine  dochumlaisetar  co  hErinn  co  facatar  a  suthaige,  co 
romidraiset  techt  ar  cula  ar  cenn  a  tri  mban.  Oc  tinntud  doib 
dosfarraid  an  diliu  co  rosbaid  oc  Tuaig  Inibir  7  ni  farcabsat  clanna. 
De  quibus  hoc  Carmen:  Capa  is  Laigne  is  Luasat  grind  7  rl. 
A  lacks  this  episode,  so  it  need  not  have  belonged  to  X.  But 
the  redactor  of  Ba  found  it  in  some  older  authority.  It  was 
apparently  never  intended  as  a  part  of  LG,  for  it  represents 
a  separate  tale,  probably  a  local  tradition,  of  three  fishermen 
Coming  from  Spain  to  Ireland.  It  never  was  so  fortunate  as  to 
find  a  place  among  the  official  Invasions,  bat  just  on  this  accoont 
it  is  the  more  instructive.  It  provides  a  piain  proof  that  at  an  early 
period  there  were  isolated  traditions  on  men  coming  to  Ireland 
from  foreign  countries.  It  throws  a  light  on  the  composition  of  LG, 
but  it  never  influenced  the  growth  of  the  sAga  in  any  way. 


§  16.  Partholon. 

The  Invasion  of  Partholon  was  already  a  part  of  LG  when 
that  of  Cesair  was  preflxei  It  occurs  in  the  very  earliest 
account  of  the  saga  we  possess,  namely  in  that  of  Nennius.  As  is 
related  in  HB  §  13:  Primas  autem  venit  Partholomaeus  cum  miUe 
hominibus,  tarn  de  viris  et  mulieribas,  et  creverunt  usque  ad 
qtmttuor  millia  hominum ;  et  venit  mortalitas  super  eos  et  in  una 
septimana  omnes  perienmt,  et  non  remansit  ex  Ulis  etiam  untis. 
We  also  find  an  early  allusion  to  Partholon  in  Cln  Dromma 
Snechta,  preserved  in  LB,  as  appears  from  a  marginal  note  in 
that  MS.,  on  which  see  p.  119.  This  note,  however,  only  concems 
the  division  of  Ireland  among  Partholon's  sons,  and  does  not  teil 
anjrthing  about  the  tradition  represented  by  the  Cfn,  The  next 
mention  of  Gabil  Partholöin  is  that  in  Ba. 

According  to  Ba  Partholon  came  311  or  1002  years  after 
the  Deluge,  assin  Midi  Greic  by  Alada^na^  Gothia  and  Espain  to 
Ireland.  He  had  with  him  three  sons  and  four  women,  and  a 
great  retinue  besides.    Seven  years  after  bis  arrival  he  won  a 


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ON  LEBOR  GABiLA.  153 

battle  over  the  Fomoraig  under  Cicul  Grigenchos;  it  was  a 
magic  battle  and  was  fought  against  men  with  one  foot,  one  hand 
and  one  eye.  Many  rivers,  lakes  and  plains  were  made  in  bis 
aga  Partbolon  lived  thirty  years  in  Ireland;  tben  he  died  on 
Mag  EUta.  His  sons  divided  Ireland  into  four  parts,  and  this 
division  remained  nntil  five  hnndred  years  after  Partbolon's  death. 
For  tben  all  bis  descendants,  5000  men  and  4000  women,  died 
of  a  plague.  Tbree  poems  illustrate  tbe  story  of  Partbolon: 
one  on  bis  companions  {Robo  maith  in  muinter  m6r)y  one  on  bis 
arrival  (Partholon  canas  tdinic),  and  one  on  bis  adventnres  {Ä 
ckoemu  cldir  Cuind). 

In  A  tbe  narrative  does  not  deviate  from  tbat  in  Ba,  but 
it  is  mucb  sborter.  Now  one  migbt  suppose  tbat  A  represents 
tbe  Version  of  X  in  a  purer  form,  wbile  Ba  may  bave  expanded 
it  by  introdncing  interpolations  from  elsewbere.  But,  at  least  in 
one  instance,  tbere  is  a  clear  indication  tbat,  bere  also,  tbe 
redactor  of  A  was  abridging  in  bis  usual  manner.  According  to  A 
Partbolon  died  of  tbe  same  plague  as  bis  muinter,  wbile  Ba 
records  an  interval  of  500  years  between  tbe  two  events.  Now 
tbe  poem  A  choemu  cldir  Cuind,  wbicb  forms  part  of  botb  versions, 
agrees  witb  Ba,  so  tbat  bere  A  makes  a  mistake  in  order  to  be 
brief.  Tbis  makes  it  probable  tbat  in  otber  instances,  too,  Ba 
represents  X  better  tban  A.  In  A  tbe  battle  witb  Cicul  Grigencbos 
is  left  out  as  well  as  tbe  passage  on  tbe  muinter  and  tbe  plague. 
Of  course,  omissions  of  tbis  kind  do  not  stamp  A  as  a  new  stage 
in  tbe  evolution  of  LG;  but  some  otber  trifling  modifications  do. 

In  tbe  flrst  place  A  introduces  tbe  tale  of  Tuan  mac  Cairill 
(see  p.  150),  wbicb  is  so  far  unknown  to  Ba.  As  I  bave  already 
pointed  out,  its  earliest  version  occurs  in  a  fragment  in  LU,  and 
it  arose  from  a  reasonable  desire  to  explain  tbe  existence  of  sur- 
viving  traditions  on  tbe  earliest  invasions,  after  tbe  people  wbo 
bad  taken  part  in  tbem  bad  perisbed.  Yet  it  cannot  be  ancient, 
as  Nennius  expressly  states  tbat  not  even  one  of  Partbolon's 
companions  survived.  Tbis  remark  of  Nennius  sbows  tbat  bere 
A  added  on  its  own  account.  Of  course  tbe  story  of  Tuan  itself 
may  be  mucb  older  tban  its  Interpolation  in  LG,  and  tbis  even 
must  be  so,  as  it  is  older  tban  tbe  Invasion  of  Cesair  (see  p.  150), 
wbicb  occurs  in  botb  A  and  Ba.^  Only  Ba  represents  an  older 
stage  of  LG,  wbere  it  bad  not  yet  been  introduced  into  tbe  body 
of  tbe  saga. 


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154 

Of  even  more  importance  is  the  genealogical  connection.  As 
we  have  seen  in  §  13,  Ba  has  preserved  the  oldest  form  of  a 
genealogical  connection  between  the  Groidels  and  Jafeth  son  of 
Noah,  by  making  them  descend  from  Sif ath  mac  Oomer  meic  lafetL 
A  on  the  other  band,  does  away  with  the  original  genealogy  and 
adopts  that  of  LSA  by  giving  Magoch  and  his  son  Baad  the  place 
that  was  first  assigned  to  Oomer  and  Bifath.  Now  Partholon, 
according  to  Ba  is:  mac  Sera  mic  Sru  mic  Esru  mic  Baath  mic 
Rifaith  Scuit,  tor,  as  it  is  expressed  in  Ba:  is  dann  Rifaith  ScuU 
cech  gabail  rogab  Eri  acht  Cesair  y  ic  Sru  mac  Esru  cutric  cairdes 
Partholoin  7  Nemid.  7  ler  mBolc  7  Tuath  nDe  Danann  7  Milid 
Espain,  So  here  already  a  genealogical  connection  has  been  estab- 
lished  between  Partholon  and  the  Goidels,  and  I  think  it  is  a 
genuine  element  of  Oabäl  Partholoin,  cf.  §  23.  A  has  changed 
the  whole  matter,  according  to  the  principles  of  LSA:  Partholon 
mac  Sera  mic  Sru  mic  Esru  mic  Briamin  mic  Fafhecht  mic  Baaid 
mic  Magoich  mic  lafeth.  But  the  assimilation  to  the  new  genea- 
logical prindple  of  A  was  accomplished  in  a  very  imperfect  way, 
for  in  the  Introduction  Esru  is  the  son  of  Goedel  Glas,  while 
here  an  older  tradition  still  peeps  throagh. 

So  far  the  innovations  of  A.  They  are  important  enongh 
as  concerns  the  leading  forces  in  the  evolntion  of  LG,  espedally 
the  character  of  A,  but  they  do  not  effect  a  great  change  in  the 
general  trend  of  the  story,  and  both  A  and  Ba,  but  for  A's  giving 
way  to  the  authority  of  LSA,  may  be  said  to  represent  fairly  well 
their  common  original  X.  Only  Ba  has  preserved  several  details 
more  carefully.  Nor  does  the  tale  seem  to  have  changed  much 
in  the  centuries  lying  between  HB  and  X.  For,  waiving  the 
possibility  that  so  many  details  were  not  known  in  Nennius' 
time  —  who  will  inform  us?  —  the  general  character  was  quite 
the  same  in  the  8^  Century  and  in  the  11*^.  Nennius  does  not 
speak  of  rivers  and  lakes  bui^tiug  from  the  earth,  or  of  plains 
being  laid  down,  but  even  these  insignificant  details  may  have 
been  omitted  by  him  in  his  short  account.  In  any  case,  the 
Gab&l  Partholoin  does  not  show  such  a  gradual  evolution  as 
the  Introduction. 

Nor  do  the  later  versions  bring  many  important  innovations. 
Yet  there  existed  isolated  traditions  of  Partholon,  too,  just  as  was 
the  case  with  the  first  Invasion.  We  find  some  of  them  in  the 
versions  G  andD  but  not  inLB,  which  is  entirely  based  onBa,  save 


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ON  LEBOR  GABiLA.  155 

for  a  few  additions  from  A  (or  Bb),  but  in  Lee  II.  So  Lee  n  has 
another  tradition  of  Partholon's  death,  in  eonnection  with  the  battle 
of  Cicul  Grigenehos:  Mad  iar  n-aroile  slicht  is  re  mParrtholon 
domebaid  [sc.  in  cath]  7  is  and  romarbad  Cicol  mac  Nil  7  tucad 
ara  muintir  7  co  ngonad  Parrtholon  7  co  rob  do  gaib  cro  na  ngon 
si  fuair  bas  iar  trill  mair  tar  eis  in  catha,  More  remarkable  is 
the  episode  on  the  flrst  jealousy  of  Partholon  (cet-et  Erend), 
when  his  wife  Delgnad  or  Elgnad  was  taken  in  adultery  with  his 
servant  Topa.  It  is  entitled  Do  gabail  Parrthaloin  beos  7  dia 
sligid  7  dia  imthechtaib  0  Meigind^)  co  hErinn,  and  makes  the 
impression  of  being  an  isolated  traet.  It  is  interspersed  with  short 
poems,  the  text  of  whieh  is  unfortnnately  very  corrupt  It  was  also 
adopted  by  O'Clery  in  his  eopy.  The  interealation  of  this  story 
of  the  flrst  jealousy  represents  the  last  episode  in  the  evolution 
of  Gabil  Partholöin,  for  neither  in  C  nor  in  D  were  any  other 
additions  made.  Therefore  no  more  details  on  this  Invasion  need 
be  given  now.    As  to  its  origin  see  §  23. 


§  17.  Nemed. 

The  third  Invasion  also,  was  flrst  mentioned  by  Nennius, 
HB  §  13:  Secundus  ad  Hiberniam  venu  Nimeth,  filius  quidam 
Agnominis,  qui  fertur  navigasse  super  mare  annum  et  dimidium, 
et  postea  tenuit  portum  in  Hibet^ia,  fractis  navibtts  ejus,  et  mansit 
ibidem  per  multos  annos,  et  iterutn  navigavit  cum  suis  et  ad 
Hispaniam  reversus  est  Et  postea  venerunt  tres  filii  cujusdam 
militis  Hispaniae  cum  triginta  ciulis  apud  illos,  et  cum  triginta 
conjugibus  in  unaquaque  ciula,  et  manserunt  ibiper  spacium  unius 
anni.  Et  postea  conspiciunt  turrim  vitream  in  medio  mari,  et 
homines  conspiciebant  super  turrim  et  quaerebant  loqui  ad  illos 
et  nunqtuxm  respondebant;  et  ipsi  uno  anno  ad  oppugnationem 
turris  properaverunt  cum  omnibus  ciulis  suis,  et  cum  omnibus 
mulieribuSj  excepta  una  dula,  quae  confracta  est  naufragio,  in 
qua  erant  viri  triginta  totidemque  mulieres.  Et  alias  naves 
navigaverunt  ad  expugnandam  turrim;  et  dum  omnes  descenderent 
in  littore  quod  erat  circa  turrim,  operuit  illos  mare  et  demersi 
sunt,  et  non  evasit  unus  ex  Ulis;  et  de  familia  illius  quae  relicta 


*)  C  has  Meigind  for  Midi  Oreic  in  Ba.    According  to  A,  P.  came  de 
Orecaib  Scythia, 


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156  A,  G.  VAN  HAMEL, 

est  propter  fractianem,  tota  Hibemia  impleta  est  usque  in  hodier- 
num  diem.  Ei  postea  venerunt  paulatim  a  partibus  Hispaniae  et 
tenuerunt  regiones  plurimas. 

The  next  allasion  to  Oab&l  Nemid  is  that  in  Cin  Dromma 
Snechta,  bat  this  does  not  throw  any  light  on  the  version  con- 
tained  in  that  MS.,  for  LB  and  S  have  transmitted  nothing  from 
it  bat  a  short  remark  belonging  to  the  last  portion  of  the  Invasion: 
gnidis  barca  doibh  dia  fnbolgaibh  no  siad  libheama  rig  Grec  dogad- 
sad  leo  do  theacht  i  nUrinn,  amal  asbeart  Cin  Droma  Snechta. 

So  we  have  no  text  to  compare  with  HB  until  the  10^  centnry, 
namely  X.  In  order  to  fix  the  tradition  of  that  anthority,  it 
will  be  necessary  to  examine  Ba  and  A  first 

After  the  pestilence  that  carried  off  all  the  descendants 
of  Partholon's  colony,  Ireland  lay  waste  for  thirty  years.  Then 
Nemed  came  from  Scythia.  According  to  both  A  and  Ba  he  is 
a  son  of  Agnoman  and  a  descendant  of  Sm,  who  sprang  from 
the  race  of  Rifath  (Ba)  or  Magoch  (A).  He  brought  thirty-fonr 
boats  and  in  each  boat  there  were  thirty  men.  In  the  midst  of 
the  sea  they  found  a  golden  tower.  A  vehement  desire  for  the 
gold  seized  them,  so  that  they  did  not  perceive  the  rising  of  the  sea 
with  the  tide,  and  all  were  drowned  except  the  crew  of  one  boat. 
After  a  year  and  a  half  they  reached  Ireland,  The  story  of  the 
tower  and  the  long  wanderings  is  only  fonnd  in  Ba.  Both  texts 
give  the  names  of  Nemed's  four  sons  (Ba  with  the  addition  of 
their  wives)  and  of  the  lakes,  plains  and  raths  that  were  made 
in  their  age,  as  well  as  of  the  battles  they  fonght  against  the 
Fomoraig.  There  are  only  a  few  slight  differences  between  A 
and  Ba,  and  besides  A  omits  all  saperflnons  details.  At  last 
Nemed  himself  dies  of  the  plague.  His  progeny  is  pat  under  a 
heavy  tax  by  the  Fomoraig.  A  son  of  Nemed,  a  grandson,  and 
a  great-grandson,  Fergus  Lethderc,  Semeon  mac  larboneoil  Fatha 
and  Erglan  mac  Beoain  mic  Stairn,  lead  an  army  of  sixty  thousand 
men  against  the  oppressors.  They  attack  the  tower  of  Conang, 
king  of  the  Fomoraig,  and  they  are  about  to  conquer  it,  when  an- 
other  Fomorian,  Morc,  comes  np  with  a  large  fleet.  At  the  same 
time  the  tide  comes  in  and  the  descendants  of  Nemed  are  all 
drowned  save  thirty  men.  Bethach,  son  of  larbonel  FAith, 
remains  in  Ireland  with  ten  men  and  their  wives,  bat  they  all 
die  after  sixty  years.  Semeon  flies  to  Greece,  where  his  descend- 
ants are  enslaved  by  the  Greeks,  until  they  escape  and  retom 


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ON  LEBOK  GABAlA.  157 

to  Ireland  as  Fir  Bolg.  Fergns  Lethderc  and  his  son  Britan  Maol 
go  to  Britain,  where  they  All  the  country  with  their  progeny, 
together  with  the  race  of  Britus  mac  Isicoin,  until  the  arrival 
of  the  Saxons.  The  descendants  of  Bethach  son  of  larbonel, 
at  last,  leave  Ireland  for  the  northern  Islands  of  the  world, 
whence  they  return  later  as  Tuatha  D6  Danann.  The  account 
of  the  struggle  with  the  Fomoraig  is  more  detailed  in  A,  while 
for  the  rest  the  two  texts  are  pretty  identical. 

As  we  may  assume  that  not  only  A  bat  also  Ba  most  have 
abridged  the  text  in  some  respects,  there  results  bat  one  important 
qnestion  concerning  the  tradition  of  X  from  the  above  comparison 
of  A  and  Ba:  is  the  tale  of  the  golden  tower  in  the  sea  old,  or 
is  it  bat  an  Interpolation  in  Ba?  For  the  solation  of  this  problem 
we  have  to  go  back  to  the  passage  qaoted  on  p.  155  from  HB. 
A  carefnl  reading  shows  that  it  is  somewhat  corrnpt  The  sentence 
on  the  tres  filii  cujusdam  milüis  Hispaniae  does  not  fit  well  in 
the  context  The  writer,  who  had  flrst  related  Nemed's  retarn 
to  Spain,  overlapped  the  rest  of  the  story  and  mentioned  Mil  and 
his  sons,  becanse  they  also  came  from  Spain,  Then  he  retams 
to  Nemed.  The  reason  of  the  introdaction  of  a  sentence  *)  on 
Mil  lies  apparently  in  the  fact  that  the  end  of  Nemed's  Invasion 
was  given  before  the  details  of  their  straggle  at  Conang's  tower. 
The  rest  of  Nennias'  description  of  the  battle  of  Tor  Conaiag  agrces 
wonderfally  well  with  that  of  LG.  The  men  of  Nemed  besiege 
the  tower  in  the  sea  cum  omnibus  ciulis  suis\  then  there  come 
aliae  naves  ad  expugnandam  turrim.  The  other  boats  cannot  have 
been  Nemed's  bat  the  enemy's:  so  it  is  anderstood  that  Nemed  had 
conqaered  the  tower,  for  the  enemy  wanted  to  attack  it  again. 
This  is  exactly  what  is  told  in  L6  and  the  aliae  naves  corres- 
pond  to  Morc's  fleet  in  A  (so  this  represents  an  old  tradition 
thoagh  it  is  not  mentioned  in  Ba).  Afterwards  they  were  all 
swallowed  np  by  the  sea,  except  the  crew  of  one  boat:  here,  too, 
we  find  again  the  tradition  of  A  and  Ba.  Now  does  HB  contain 
a  trace  of  the  story  of  the  golden  tower,  visited  by  Nemed  before 

>)  I  think  this  sentence  was  misonderstood  by  Zimmer  (Nenn.  Vind. 
p.  221).  HB  §  13  says  the  Meic  Mlled  remained  in  Spain  per  spacium  uniua 
anniy  while  §  15  has  per  mtUtoa  annos.  This  controveny  is  removed  if  we 
take  apud  iüos  in  the  sentence  qnoted  as  'with  the  descendants  of  Nemed': 
the  Meic  Miled  had  anived  in  Spain  many  years  before,  bat  they  did  not 
meet  their  kinsmen  until  theo;  they  remained  together  in  Spain  for  another  year. 


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158  A.  6.  VAN  HAMErr.; 

he  reached  Ireland?  I  think  it  does.  The  words  tenuit  partum 
in  Hibemia  fractis  navibus  ejus  cannot  have  any  other  meaning 
than  that  Nemed's  ships  were  wrecked  before  he  came  to  Ireland, 
and  the  story  of  the  golden  tower  is  the  only  means  to  explain 
it  Conseqaently  the  fact  is  once  for  all  established  that  A  and 
Ba  represent  together  the  exact  tradition  of  X,  which  —  leaving 
aside  the  creation  of  plains,  lakes  &c.,  a  usual  Ornament  of  eyery 
Invasion  —  had  not  changed  in  any  respect  since  HB. 

But  there  is  a  portion  of  GabAl  Nemid,  which  does  not 
properly  belong  to  it  at  all:  the  end,  containing  the  adventores  of 
Nemed's  descendants.  According  to  LG  some  of  them  went  to 
Britain,  others  to  Greece,  and  a  third  group  to  the  Northern 
Islands.  Of  all  this  HB  has  not  one  word;  in  §  13  it  is  nnder- 
stood  that  Nemed  went  back  to  Spain  and  that  from  thence 
his  descendants  came  to  Ireland;  then  §  14  goes  on:  novissime 
venu  dam  hoctor,  et  ibi  habitavit  cum  omni  genere  suo  usque  hodie. 
Istorith,  Istarini  filius,  tenuit  Dalrieta  cum  suis\  Builc  autem  cum 
suis  tenuit  Euboniam  insulam,  et  alias  cirdter;  filii  Liethan  ob- 
tinuerunt  in  regione  et  in  aliis  regionibus,  id  est  Guir  et  Ceigueli, 
donec  expulsi  sunt  a  Cuneda  et  a  filiis  ejus  ab  omnibus  Brittanicis 
regionibus.  On  the  filii  Liethan,  who  do  not  concern  os  here,  see 
Nenn.  Vind.  p.  92.  Zimmer  has  made  it  probable  that  with  dam 
hoctor  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  are  meant  (Nenn.  Vind.  p.  222),  while 
Builc,  of  course,  is  a  designation  for  the  Fir  Bolg.  The  tradition  that 
they  popolated  Man  and  other  Islands  is  doubtless  genuine,  as 
appears  from  the  Gabäl  Fer  mBolg:  co  ragaibset  i  nÄraind  7  t 
nlle  y  a  Bechraind  y  a  ninsib  Galt  7  a  n-arailib  innsib  olchena 
ut  dicitur  in  Britania^)  (Sa).  Nennius  evidently  knew  similar 
traditions  about  the  Fir  Bolg  and  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  as  LG, 
but  he  made  them  come  from  Spain;  afterwards  LG  introduced 
an  Innovation  by  designating  Greece  as  the  origin  of  the  Fir  Bolg 
—  probably  in  order  to  create  a  new  connection  between  the 
Irish  and  the  Greeks  — ,  and  the  northem  Islands  as  that  of  the 
Tuatha  D6  Danann  on  acconnt  of  their  magical  powers,  cl  §  26. 
It  is  obvious  that  HB  represents  an  older  tradition,  as  it  agrees 
with  the  general  idea  of  LG  that  all  the  colonies  of  invaders 

0  üt  dieitur  in  Britania  showg  that  this  passage  was  taken  in  Ba 
from  the  Irish  Nennius,  where  it  occurs  in  exactly  the  same  words.  So  the 
Irish  translator  of  B  did  not  draw  it  from  LG;  bat  he  most  have  had  some 
other  Irish  soorce,  where  it  occnrred. 


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ON   LBBOR  GABIlA.  159 

came  over  from  Spain,  which  again  is  based  on  a  sentence  in 
Orosios'  'Adversos  Paganos'  (see  §  22).  Here  we  have  again 
an  indication  of  the  evolntion  of  LG  in  the  earliest  centaries. 
As  to  the  Fir  Bolg,  we  are  even  able  to  establish  the  exact  time 
when  the  innovation  was  introduced.  For  LB  preserves  a  sentence 
from  Cin  Dromma  Snechta  quoted  above  on  p.  156,  proving  that 
at  the  end  of  the  8^  Century  the  two  traditions  existed  alongside 
of  each  other.  Probably  the  one  carrent  in  Britain  at  the  time 
was  somewhat  older  than  the  one  in  Ireland,  bat  there  cannot 
be  a  long  interval  between  them,  and  we  may  take  the  second 
half  of  the  8^  Century  as  the  period  when  the  Greek  origin  of 
the  Fir  Bolg  was  established. 

These  details  on  the  Fir  Bolg  and  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann 
bring  us  to  the  two  following  invasions.  Are  the  short  phrases  on 
dam  hoctor  and  Builc  cum  suis  in  §  14  the  surviyals  of  Gabä.1 
Fer  mBolg  and  Gab&l  Tuath  nD6  Danann  in  LG?  It  is  hardly 
possible.  Of  Partholon  and  Nemed  HB  gives  a  füll  account,  why 
not  then  of  their  successors?  We  should  expect  to  hear  some- 
thing  of  the  two  battles  of  Magh  Tuired  and  so  much  more,  if 
Nennius  had  found  the  two  invasions  after  Nemed  related  circum- 
stantially  in  bis  copy  of  LG.  From  the  text  of  HB  as  it  is  now 
it  can  only  be  inferred  that  Nennius  never  saw  a  complete  account 
of  the  invasions  of  the  Fir  Bolg  and  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann. 
His  Short  remarks  on  these  invaders  have  doubtless  for  their 
origin  only  the  final  passage  of  Gabäl  Nemid  in  LG.  For  there 
the  descendants  of  Nemed  are  enumerated  in  the  same  peremptory 
way  as  in  HB.  Nennius  may  have  left  out  some  details,  but  at 
the  same  time  there  were  in  his  copy  particulars  of  other  descend- 
ants of  Nemed  that  do  not  figure  in  LG:  Istorith  and  the  sons 
of  Liethan.  This  is  an  important  conclusion:  in  Nennius'  time 
the  Invasions  of  tbe  Fir  Bolg  and  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  did 
not  yet  exist  as  separate  portions  of  LG,  but  only  as  an  appendix 
to  the  Invasion  of  Nemed.  And  even  here  these  two  invasions 
were  yet  in  an  older  stage  of  their  evolution,  both  still  having  for 
their  starting-point  Spain  and  not  Greece  or  the  northem  Islands. 

So  far  the  period  of  organic  evolution  (HB,  A,  Ba).  In  that 
of  compilation  (C,  D)  not  much  was  added.  LB  again  gives  the 
text  of  Ba  with  a  few  interspersed  remarks  from  A.  Thus  the 
passage  on  the  battle  at  Conang's  tower,  where  Ba  omits  all 
details  of  Morc  and  his  sixty  ships,  is  completed  in  LB  from  A» 


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160  A.  Q.  VAN  HAMEL, 

In  the  same  way  some  other  insignificant  particolars  are  intro- 
duced  from  A.  Lee  n  goes  a  little  farther  than  LB  by  giving 
some  new  traditions,  at  least  in  the  final  section.  Bat  as  these 
additions  mainly  refer  to  the  Fir  Bolg  and  the  Tnatha  D6  Danann, 
it  will  be  better  not  to  give  them  here,  bnt  in  the  two  next 
paragraphs.  As  to  Gabäl  Nemid  itself,  Lee  U  only  adds  a 
genealogy  of  Nemed  and  Partholon,  which  does  not  agree  with 
any  other  tradition  and  probably  was  taken  from  a  rather  corrupt 
source:  Is  examail  fogahar  in  genelach  sa  Parrthaloin  7  Nemid  .t. 
da  mac  Ägnoimean  mic  Sdaim  mic  Thceid  mic  Beoem  mic  Mair 
mic  Airrthechi  mic  laihacht  mic  lathfeth  mic  Ncei  mic  Laimiach. 
Sil  mBeoihoich  mic  lardanainis.  Sil  Semiainis  mic  Sdaimainis. 
Sil  Fergasa  Leithderg  mic  Nemid,  is  ead  fU  i  Mainn  Conain. 
Nowhere  eise  is  there  a  tradition  that  Partholon  and  Nemed  were 
brothers^),  and  the  rest  of  the  genealogy,  though  it  contains  some 
very  old  names  (see  §  13),  is  qnite  incomplete  if  compared  with 
the  original  genealogy  in  Ba.  So  it  may  be  dismissed  here  as 
a  cormpt  ofifspring  of  the  pedigree  qnoted  on  p.  142.  For  the 
rest  there  is  nothing  new  on  Nemed  in  Lee  IL  The  same  thing 
may  be  said  of  D,  exeept  the  aecount  of  the  battle  at  Conang's 
tower.  This  story  is  more  elaborate  in  D  than  in  any  other  text^ 
and  probably  O'Clery  used  other  sourees  for  it  All  the  additions 
in  D  eannot  be  based  npon  mere  fiction,  as  the  poem  'Togail  Tnir 
Conainn'  (LLb7),  for  instanee,  agrees  with  D  in  some  respeets; 
thns  in  both  sonrees  the  three  Chiefs  who  escaped  from  the  battle, 
divide  Ireland  into  three  parts,  and  do  not  leave  the  country 
nntil  they  are  compelled  by  a  pestilence  and  by  fear  of  a  second 
attaek  by  the  Fomoraig.  It  is  very  likely  that  there  existed  a 
separate  aecount  of  this  battle,  just  as  there  were  separate  tales 
of  the  two  battles  of  Mag  Tuired,  but  it  would  be  beyond  the 
scope  of  the  present  inyestigation  to  look  for  traees  of  it  here. 


§  18.  The  Fir  Bolg. 

Buüc  cum  suis  tenuit  Euboniam  insulam  et  alias  circiter, 
this  is  all  HB  has  of  the  fourth  Invasion;  besides,  as  has  been 
shown  on  p.  158,  HB  still  made  the  Fir  Bolg  eome  over  from  Spain 

>)  Ba  and  C  presenre  an  addiüonal  tradition  that  Nemed  detcended  from 
Agia,  a  8on  of  Partholon. 


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ON   LEBOR  GABIlA.  161 

and  not  from  Greece.  So  the  tradition  of  their  sojourn  in  Greece 
and  the  hard  slavery  they  endured  there  did  not  yet  exist 
HB  does  not  teach  us  anything  more.  That  the  Gabäl  Fer 
mBolg  occurred  in  Cin  Dromma  Snechta,  even  with  the  Greek 
episode  in  it,  is  seen  in  the  phrase  preserved  in  Ba  and  C,  and 
qnoted  on  p.  155.  Yet  neither  HB  nor  Cin  Dromma  Snechta 
knew  this  invasion  as  a  separate  portion  of  LG,  for,  so  far  as 
we  can  judge  from  the  scanty  vestiges,  both  treat  the  story  of 
the  Fir  Bolg  as  a  sequel  to  Gabil  Nemid:  in  HB  only  one  Short 
sentence  is  devoted  to  it,  while  the  preceding  invasions  are 
giyen  at  fall  length,  and  the  one  phrase  of  Cin  Dromma  Snechta 
bearing  on  it  that  has  snrvived,  is  given  in  the  MSS.  under 
Gabäl  Nemid,  and  not  nnder  Gab&l  Fer  mBolg.  An  argumentum 
ex  silentio  is  always  somewhat  dangerous,  but  here  it  seems  to  be 
justifled  by  the  wording  of  HB.  If  the  whole  of  Partholon's 
and  Nemed's  Invasion  is  ancient  and  the  fall  history  of  the  Meic 
Miled,  why  then  not  give  the  Fir  Bolg  and  the  Taatha  D6  Danann 
in  extenso  too?  The  snpposition  that  the  foarth  and  the  fifth 
invasion  did  not  yet  exist  as  separate  episodes  in  Nennins'  time 
attains  a  high  degree  of  probability,  which  is  increased  by  the 
consideration  that  they  are  given  twice  in  onr  texts  of  LG: 
once  in  a  short  form  at  the  eud  of  Gabäl  Nemid,  and  once 
more  elaborately  afterwards.  Bat  of  coarse,  the  sapposition 
needs  to  be  corroborated  by  more  conclasive  argoments;  on  which 
See  §§  24—26. 

The  first  fall  accoant  we  have  of  the  foarth  invasion  is  that 
of  Ba,  as  preserved  in  S.  Semion  and  his  companions  fled  after 
the  battle  of  Tor  Conaing  to  Greece,  where  they  were  enslaved 
and  had  to  make  fertile  plains  ont  of  the  rocky  soil:  tarrudh 
uire  for  leccaib  lomma  comiar  muighe  fo  scothaib,  Loathing  their 
bondage,  they  made  boats  from  the  bags  (bolga)  in  which  they  had 
broaght  the  soil  from  Ireland,  and  went  back  to  their  own  coantry. 
This  happened  two  handred  years  after  the  battle.  They  divided 
Ireland  into  three  parts,  and  of  their  five  Chiefs  Slaine  got  the 
first  part,  Gann  and  Sengann  the  second,  Genann  and  Badraige 
the  third.  These  three  groups  are  the  Fir  Bolg,  Fir  Domnann 
and  Galeoin.  Then  foUow  different  etymologies  of  these  names. 
The  five  Chiefs  just  mentioned  were  the  first  five  kings  of  Ireland. 
Their  snccessors  were  Fiacha  Cennfinn  mac  Staim,  ander  whom  all 
the  cattle  had  white  heads,  Binnal  mac  Genainn,  Fodbgenid  mac 

ZaltoQhriA  f.  oelt.  Philologie  X.  H 


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162  jl  g.  van  hambl, 

Sengaiun,  under  whom  spears  grew  on  tlie  trees,  and  Eochu  mac 
Eirc.  During  the  reign  of  the  last  king  came  the  Tuatha  D6 
Danann  and  the  first  battle  of  Magh  Tuired  was  fought.  In  this 
battle  Eochu  was  killed.  In  his  time  there  had  been  no  rain 
bat  only  dew  in  Ireland,  there  was  no  year  without  harvest, 
and  he  was  the  first  to  make  laws.  Nuadu,  king  of  the  Tnatha 
D6  Danann,  lost  his  hand  in  the  same  battle,  so  that  he  had 
to  get  a  silver  hand.  The  Fir  Bolg  fled  to  the  surrounding 
islands,  where  they  lived  until  they  were  banished  by  the 
Picts.  Then  they  came  back  to  Ireland,  and  received  land  from 
Coirpre  Niafer;  but  afterwards  they  were  exterminated  by  the 
Ulstermen  under  Cuchulainn  and  Conall  Cernach.  The  whole 
narrative  is  illustrated  by  these  poems:  Ftr  Bolg  batar  sunn 
a  sei,  on  the  length  of  each  king's  reign,  Findaig  in  senchus 
diadä,  on  the  whole  Invasion,  Coic  coicidh  on  the  division  of 
Ireland. 

The  tradition  of  A,  of  course,  is  much  shorter,  especially  as 
it  lacks  the  adventures  of  the  Fir  Bolg  after  the  first  battle  of 
Mag  Tuired,  and  even  the  account  of  the  battle  itself.  Is  this 
an  addition  in  Ba,  or  was  it  omitted  in  A?  The  battle  of  Mag 
Tuired  had  no  need  to  be  described  here,  for  a  longer  narrative  on 
it  recurs  in  the  Invasion  of  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann.  In  fact,  here 
it  serves  only  as  an  introduction  to  the  later  adventures.  In 
those  further  adventures  there  is  an  allusion  to  the  Ulstersaga, 
which  does  not  occur  anywhere  eise  in  LG.  Besides,  Ba  states 
in  the  middle  of  the  story:  is  i  sin  imirci  Mac  nUmoir,  and  the 
narrative  breaks  off  suddenly  with  the  words  ^rl  Hence  it  foUows 
that  we  have  here  a  separate  tale,  entitled  Imirci  Mac  nümoir, 
which  was  interpolated  by  the  author  of  Ba,  as  it  bore  on  the 
same  subject  as  the  Gabäl  Fer  mBolg.  For  the  same  reason 
the  poem  Findaig  in  senchus  seems  to  be  a  recent  addition  in 
Ba,  as  well  as  the  account  of  the  first  battle  of  Mag  Tuired. 
But  A  also  introduced  a  few  additions:  a  poem  by  Columcille 
{Dene  mo  fresneis  a  mic)  and  a  genealogy  of  King  Slaine  back  to 
Nemed:  Fir  Bolc  clanna  Dela  mic  Loith  (or  Loidi)  mic  Tait  mic 
Oriaii  mic  Trihuii  mic  Gothoirb  mic  Goiscen  mic  Fortech  mic 
Semion  mic  Ergalain  mic  Beoain  mic  Stairn  mic  Nemid,  This 
genealogy  does  not  occur  in  Ba,  and  may  have  been  taken  from 
elsewhere.  For  the  rest  Ba  and  A  are  identical,  save  for  some 
slight  details. 


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ON  LEBOR  GABIlÄ.  163 

The  same  may  be  said  of  C,  at  least  of  LB,  which 
obviously  is  but  a  compilation  of  A  and  Ba.  But  Lee  11  intro- 
duces  a  few  innovations,  especially  on  the  origin  of  the  Fir  Bolg 
and  the  etymology  of  their  names.  These  are  given,  however, 
in  the  final  portion  of  Gabäl  Nemid,  where  the  Fir  Bolg  are 
mentioned  for  the  first  time.  Of  course  they  do  not  all  represent 
ancient  traditions,  but  are  rather  the  results  of  recent  speculations. 
I  give  them  here  as  a  curiosity: 

Fir  Bolg  immorro  do  rada  riu  ona  holcaib  criad  rocuirsead 
forna  lecaib  hma  7  Fir  Domnand  0  domain  toirneam  na  h-uiri 
foma  lecaib  hma  7  Gaileoin  ona  gaih  leoin  rohai  aco  oc  tachailt 
na  h-uiri,  No  Fir  Bolc  do  rada  riu  dia  fuaridar  crich  urchoideach 
sa  Greic  0  rig  Grec  lan  do  piastaih  neme  co  rohe  ccemna  doronsat 
foma  piastaih  uir  Brenn  do  tharrad  leo  i  mholcaih  comho  Fir  Bolc 
iad  ona  holcaih  uiri  rucsad  leo  na  curchaih,  .  , .  Is  airi  adhearar 
Fir  Bolc  friu  uair  doherdis  uir  leo  a  Herind  da  reic  re  Grecaib 
ar  or  ^  ar  airgead  do  thuigiudug  na  cathrach.  Uair  dohadar 
naithreacha  nemnecha  nemi  7  piasia  urdioidecha  isna  cathrachaih 
sin  la  Green  7  is  esin  hunad  firindi  in  adhair  fa  n-ahar  Fir  Bolc 
riu  y  no  iheiddis  cusin  cendaigecht  sin  soir  y  anoir  cacha  hliadna 
7  Fir  Domnann  0  domain  toirnem  na  h-uiri  isna  holcaib  7  Gaileoin 
ona  tachailt  Ocus  is  do  sil  Nemid  doib  dihlinaib  [sc.  Fir  Bolg 
and  Tuatha  D6  Danann].  All  this  is  but  an  expansion  of  the 
etymologies  given  in  Ba,  though  there  is  no  mention  made  there 
of  the  venomous  animals  in  Greece:  but  the  well-known  legend 
that  Ireland  does  not  tolerate  serpents  or  snakes  will  easily  account 
for  this  additional  etymology.  On  the  other  band  it  should  be 
noticed  that  Lee  II  omits  a  second  etymology  of  *  Gaileoin'  that 
was  given  in  Sa:  gaileon  no  gailfhian,  A.  in  trian  nogebedh 
lama  forna  du  trian  aile\  this  was  adopted  by  O'Clery:  Galeoin 
ecdn  (i.  go  deimhin)  ona  ngail  rogahhsat  ainmniucchudh. 

As  to  D,  it  does  not  contain  anytliing  new,  but  for  the 
introduction  of  another  poem  Ere  dras  na  n-iorgal,  But  the 
composition  of  the  whole  section  is  changed.  O'Clery  had  omitted 
the  final  portion  of  Gabäl  Nemid  on  the  further  adventures  of  the 
descendants  of  Semion  and  Bethach.  He  prefixed  the  passage 
referring  to  the  Fir  Bolg  to  the  fourth  Invasion,  and  that  on 
the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  to  the  next.  Though  this  change  doubt- 
less  meaut  a  considerable  gain  to  the  unity  of  the  work,  its 
original  aspect  was  to  a  large  extent  altered  by  it. 

11* 


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164  A.  O.  YAK  HAHEL, 

§  19.  The  Tuatha  D6  Danann. 

Zimmer  (Nenn.  Vind.  p.  222)  suggests  that  the  following 
passage  in  HB  §  U  contains  an  allusion  to  the  Gab41  Tuath  nD6 
Danann:  novissime  venu  dam  hoctor  (*a  Company  of  eight  men'); 
et  ibi  habitavit  cum  omni  genere  suo  usque  hodie.  He  compares 
it  with  a  passage  in  Ba,  which  apparently  represents  a  very 
old  tradition:  Aiherat  co  mbad  e  Bethach  mac  lardainis  tuisech 
na  gabala  7  na  n-eladan  7  secht  toisig  iar  sin  ,i.  Dagda,  Diancecht, 
Creidni,  Lucha,  Ntmda  ÄrgaÜam,  Lug  mac  Cein,  Goibnenn, 

ünfortunately  Zimmer  does  not  adduce  any  arguments  in 
favour  of  his  hypothesis,  and  therefore  it  is  better  to  leave  the 
question  open  as  to  whether  Nennius  knew  at  all  of  the  Tuatha 
D6  Danann  or  the  *Clanna  Beothaig'.  In  any  case  he  does  not  give 
their  name  nor  was  there  in  his  copy  of  LG  a  separate  chapter 
devoted  to  them ;  but  if  they  really  are  implied  there,  they  were 
treated  as  the  Fir  Bolg,  that  is  to  say  in  the  appendix  to  the 
Invasion  of  Nemed.  From  Cin  Dromma  Snechta  not  even  the 
slightest  allusion  to  them  has  been  preserved.  Our  oldest  trust- 
worthy  authority  on  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  is  the  next  one:  Ba, 
where  we  find  the  following  account. 

The  Tuatha  D6  Danann  came  to  Ireland  in  clouds  and  mists 
and  burned  their  ships  after  them.  They  had  been  living  in  the 
northern  Islands  of  the  world,  where  they  had  leamed  the  art  of 
sorcery.  They  had  used  it  in  a  battle  between  the  Athenians 
and  the  Philistines  by  resuscitating  the  Athenian  dead.  They 
had  learnt  their  art  in  four  cities,  Failias,  Goirias,  Finnias 
and  Muirias;  from  the  firet  of  these  they  brought  the  Lia  Fäil 
to  Ireland.  On  their  arrival  Nuadu  was  their  king;  but  when 
in  the  first  battle  of  Mag  Tuired  his  band  had  been  cut  off  by 
the  Fir  Bolg,  they  put  Bress  in  his  place.  Afterwards  Diancecht 
made  a  silver  band  for  Nuadu,  and  he  was  restored  in  the  kingdom; 
but  in  the  second  battle  of  Mag  Tuired  the  Fomoraig  killed  him. 
In  the  same  battle  Lug  killed  his  grandfather  Balar  Balcbfeimnech. 
For  this  same  Lug  the  feast  of  Lugnasad  was  celebrated;  his 
fostermother  was  Tailltiu,  who  was  married  successively  to  Eochu 
mac  Eirc  and  to  Eochu  Garb  mac  Duach  Daill,  and  who  gave 
her  name  to  the  town  of  Tailltiu.  The  successive  kings  of  the 
Tuatha  D6  Danann  were:  Nuadu,  Bress,  Lug,  Eochu  Ollathair 
or  the  Dagda,  Delbaed  mac  Ogma,  Fiacha  mac  Delbaed,  and  the 


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ON  LBBOR  OABiLA.  165 

three  sons  of  Cermad,  Mac  Cuill,  Mac  Cecht  and  Mac  Grfeine. 
For  the  rest  the  whole  chapter  consists  of  the  names  of  their  aes 
ddna  and  their  genealogies,  Along  with  a  few  shorter  poems, 
there  are  two  long  ones  illustrating  the  prose  text,  Heriu  co 
n-uaill  CO  n-idnaib  and  Tuatha  D6  Danann  fo  diamair, 

On  the  whole  the  account  of  A  agrees  with  that  of  Ba. 
Bnt  in  some  particnlai-s  there  are  salient  differences.  A  omits  the 
Story  of  the  Athenians  and  the  Philistines  as  well  as  the  four 
magic  eitles,  although  the  mentioning  of  the  Lia  Fiil  makes  it 
probable,  that  they  did  occur  in  the  source  of  A.  In  the  same 
way  A  hasn't  the  Statement  on  the  eight  leaders  of  the  Tuatha 
D6  Danann,  quoted  on  p.  164,  or  a  tract  as  to  whether  they 
were  demons  or  not.  On  the  other  band,  A  adds  to  the  list  of 
people  belonging  to  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  several  genealogies 
—  perhaps  in  order  to  make  good  the  loss  of  some  mythical  aes 
ddna  — ,  and  a  poem  Esiid  a  eolchu  cen  on  by  Flann  Mainistrech. 
It  is  impossible  now  to  make  out  what  is  ancient  in  these  traditions, 
and  what  is  due  to  recent  speculations;  an  investigation  of  the 
Gab&l  Tuath  nD6  Danann  would  be  in  itself  very  interesting, 
but  out  of  place  here.  It  is  very  likely  that  both  A  and  Ba, 
after  they  diverged  from  X,  added  some  passages;  for  there  were 
so  many  tales  extant  on  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann.  Even  in  Bb 
this  was  done,  as  appears  from  the  tale  entitled  Imihechta  Tuirill 
Bicreo,  which  is  not  even  found  in  A.  Besides,  it  should  be  noticed 
that  Gabdl  Tuath  nD6  Danann  in  its  literary  form  is  still  in 
the  process  of  formation  more  than  any  other  Invasion.  The  trad- 
iticns  it  contains  are  not  yet  fixed.  Thus  Ba  first  says  of  the 
Tuatha  D6  Danann  dolotar  dochum  Herenn  cen  ethru  cen  lar- 
cco  i  nnellaib  ciaxh  co  rofersait  for  Sliabh  Chonmaicne  Rein  % 
Connachtaibh,  but  atbearat  araile  comad  i  n-ethraib  noihiastais. 
The  second  opinion  recurs  in  the  next  portion:  atberat  immorro 
fairenn  aili  comad  morlongas  iancatar  Tuatha  De  Danann  a  w- 
Erinn  y  roloiscsit  a  mbarca  7  is  don  dluim  dach  bai  dib  ica  loscad 
adubratar  araile  conid  isin  dluim  dach  ihistais  7  ni  h-eadh  on, 
ar  is  iat  so  na  da  fochaind  ararloiscsit  a  longa  A,  arna  fogbatis 
fini  Fomra  iat  do  fogail  forro  7  arna  fogbatis  fein  conair  thdchid 
a  hErinn.  There  is  another  controversy  as  to  whether  the  Tuatha 
D6  Danann  were  demons  or  not,  which  is  answered  by  Ba  in  the 
negative,  because  the  arts  that  were  introduced  by  them  never 
were  destroyed,  not  even  after  the  coming  of  the  Faith. 


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166  A.  G.  VAN  HAMEL, 

The  numerous  stories  current  on  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann 
caused  a  gradual  amplification  of  their  Gabäl  dnring  the  evolution 
of  LG.  In  LB  different  opinions  are  expressed  (as  on  Orbsen, 
whether  he  was  Manannan  himself  or  his  brother)  and  many 
names  of  aes  ddna  are  added,  new  particalars  on  Lug  are  given, 
and  the  whole  of  the  'Tuatha'  are  summed  up  in  a  long  poem 
Eisdead  ces  eagnai.  This  poem  was  left  out  in  A  as  appears 
from  a  marginal  note  in  LL:  Hie  dehet  esse  Estid  <bs  egna,  Lee  II 
does  not  deviate  from  LB  in  the  Gabäl  Tuath  nD6  Danann  it- 
self,  but  it  adds  many  suppositions  as  to  the  origin  of  the  Tuatha 
D6  Danann,  just  as  it  does  for  the  Fir  Bolg  in  the  final  part 
of  Gabil  Nemid.    They  are  as  foUows: 

Adbearaid  aroile  Tuatha  De  Danann  comad  do  sil  BeotJiaich 
tnic  lardanainis  doib  ,i  do  muinter  Nemid,  don  lucht  dochuadar 
8oir  do  chuindgid  na  h-ingine  ar  gabastair,  7  doronsat  feis  mair 
ühair  co  tangadar  iarum  cind  re  maire  a  n-ui  7  a  n-iarrnui;  la 
med  a  n-eolais  dano  dolodar  cen  noithi  cen  eathra  co  ndei^idar 
for  Bleib  Conmaicne  Rein  i  Conda^Maib.  Atberaid  araile  comad 
deamna  grada  ecsamla  ieachadar  do  nim  arcen  risin  loinges  dodea- 
chaid  Luitcifear  cona  deamnaib  do  nibh,  ar  fcemad  chuirp  cerda 
umpUj  do  millead  7  d*  aslach  for  sil  nAdaim.  Is  he  les  fristucadar 
OBS  in  iarmorachta  sin  i  ndiaid  demain  7  a  muintiri,  Tiagaid  thra 
in  lucht  sin  i  sidaib  7  tiagaid  fo  muirib  7  tiagaid  i  conrechtaib 
7  tiagaid  co  h-amaide  7  tiagait  co  tuaiih  cingtha.  Is  as  sin  is 
bunadas  doib  uili  d,  muinter  demain,  Ni  ruca  genelach  na  ndaine 
sea  for  cula  nocho  rofeasidar  fir  in  domain  olchena.  Oais  do- 
rcebadar  in  sluag  sa  uili  la  firindi  Mac  Milead  7  la  tairchidal 
chreidme  Crist.  Acht  ata  isin  libar  de  subternis  asbeartadar  araile 
comad  fileada  do  Grecaib  Tuatha  De  Danann  co  n-imad  a  cumachta 
CO  n-imthigdis  for  muirib  cen  leasdru  i  ndiaid  ina  d^asorbibain 
bithfaithi  (sie).  Robdar  tuatha  rig  7  cenela,  it  e  anmanna  na 
coimthech  cona  tuathaib  dta  .i.  Dealbceth  7  Ealathan  7  Breas,  las 
roferad  cath  Bresi  .t.  cath  Muigi  Tuiread  fri  Fomordiaib,  7  Dagda  7 
Lug  Lamfota  foden.  With  this  theory  of  the  mysterious  *Liber 
de  Subternis'  cf.  the  Statement  in  the  Gabäl  Tuath  nD6  Danann 
of  Lee  11:  tancadar  asa  Grec  Sceiiheacda. 

As  to  Version  D,  the  Gabdl  here  begins  with  an  introduetion 
taken  from  the  appendix  of  Gabäl  Nemid,  in  the  same  way  as 
Gabäl  Fer  mBolg.  O'Clery  makes  the  Tuatha  De  Danann  come 
from  the  innsi  Uiaisariaclia  na  Grccci.    The  section  on  the  ces 


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ON  LBBOB  GABXlA.  167 

ddna  is  very  succinct.  No  innovations  are  introduced,  but  for  a 
very  stränge  genealogy  of  Bress'  grandfather  N6t,  who  according 
to  all  the  other  versions  was  a  grandson  of  Alldui,  the  ancestor 
of  all  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann;  while  D  has:  Breas  m.  Ealathain 
iw.  Ned  m.  Ciolcaigh  m.  Floisc  m,  Lipairn  m.  Galaim  m.  Larccaidh 
m,  Mercill  m.  Sailtchlaraigh  m,  Sdaim  Fhiaclaigh  m.  Sipuim  m. 
Sadail  m,  Ucad  m.  Effic  m,  Pelist  m.  Fedil  m.  Cuts  m.  Caim  m. 
Noe,  By  traciiig  this  genealogy  back  to  Cam,  O'Clery  probably 
wanted  to  corroborate  bis  view  that  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann 
really  were  demons. 


§  20.  The  Meic  Miled. 

Nennius  §  13  speaks  of  the  sons  of  MU:  et  posiea  venerunt 
ires  filii  cujusdam  militis  Hispaniae  cum  triginia  ciulis  apud  illos 
et  cum  triginta  conjugibus  in  unaquaque  ciula,  et  manserunt  ibi 
[sc.  in  Hispania]  per  spacium  unius  anni,  and  again  in  §  14: 
et  posiea  venerunt  ad  Hiberniam  post  mille  et  duos  annos  postquam 
mersi  sunt  Aegyptii  in  Rubrum  Marc.  From  Cin  Dromma  Snechta 
LB  has  taken  a  remark  concerning  the  meeting  of  Banba  and 
Eriu  (queens  of  the  T.  D.  D.)  with  the  sons  of  Mil ;  and  a  note 
on  the  same  matter  is  quoted  from  Liber  Hymnorum  in  the  Trip. 
Life  of  S.  Patrick  (ed.  Stokes  p.  426).  Another  note  in  Liber 
Hymnorum,  glossing  Fiacc's  Hymn  vs.  37  (Thes.  Pal.  II,  p.  316) 
says:  Se  meic  Miled  y  se  meic  Bile  meic  Breguin  simul  venerunt 
ad  Hiberniam  sed  clariores  sunt  filii  Miled  quam  filii  Breguin. 
Haec  sunt  nomina  filiorum  Miled:  Eber,  Erimon,  Ir,  Bonn, 
Ämargen,  Colpiha.  0  Eber  atat  fir  Muman  et  ab  eo  Mumonia 
dicitur;  o  Erimon  immorro  ata  Ltth  Cuind  ule  y  Lagein  cenmithaat 
Ulaid,  0  Ir  immorro  ataatside,  It  uate  dano  clanna  in  triir 
alle  7  nescio  ubi  sunt.  Acht  is  o  Bund  nominatur  Tech  nBuind 
fri  Herind  aniar,  0  Cholptha  dano  Inber  Colpiha  ubi  Boand  in 
mare  exit  Except  these  sparse  Statements  on  the  sons  of  Mil  we 
have  no  sources  on  their  early  exploits  other  than  Ba  and  A. 
Fortunately  the  notes  in  HB  and  in  Lib.  Hymn.,  scanty  though 
they  be,  teach  us  something.  Both  A  and  Ba  record  nine  sons 
of  Mil,  only  two  of  whom  left  chilJren,  Erimon  and  Eber.  HB 
knows  but  three  sons  of  Mil,  and  Lib.  Hymn.  states  that  only 
Erimon,  Eber  and  Ir  were  the  progenitors  of  Irish  tribes.    This 


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168  A.  G.  VAN  HAMEL, 

genealogical  theory  seems  to  be  very  old,  for  in  the  7^**  Century 
genealogical  poems  edited  by  Enno  Meyer  the  sons  of  Mil 
already  fignre  as  ancestors  of  royal  families.  So  the  three  sons 
of  MU  alluded  to  by  Nennius  must  have  been  these  three  pro- 
genitors  of  the  Irish  race^.  The  other  six  were  added  later, 
as  well  as,  of  course,  the  sons  of  Bregon  &c.  No  further  Infor- 
mation can  be  drawn  from  the  earliest  sonrces.  Let  ns  now 
consider  the  earliest  texts  of  LG. 

The  Gabäl  Mac  Miled  consists  of  two  parts:  the  story  of 
Ith  and  the  Invasion  of  the  sons  of  Mil  proper.  On  a  flne  winter- 
evening  Ith  saw  Ireland  from  the  tower  of  Brigantia.  Though 
he  was  mocked  at  by  his  brothers,  he  crossed  to  the  unknown 
country.  His  help  was  required  there  to  settle  a  controversy 
between  the  three  reigning  Tuatha  D6  Dannan  kings  on  the 
partition  of  a  certain  treasure.  Ith  advised  them  to  keep  friends 
with  each  other,  and  he  praised  their  country,  is  maith  for 
n-innsi,  as  imda  a  mil  y  a  mes  7  a  cruithnecht,  7  as  mesraigihe 
ar  thes  7  uacht,  ata  for  furthain  uili  innte.  The  Tuatha  D6 
Danann  fearing  his  envy  killed  him  on  Mag  Itha.  His  com- 
panions  took  his  body  to  Spain,  and  it  was  to  avenge  his  death 
that  his  brothers  went  after  him.  One  question  obtrudes  itself 
immediately:  is  this  story  old?  Nennius  does  not  allude  to  it, 
but  no  great  importance  should  be  attached  to  this  argu- 
mentum ex  silentio.  There  are  other  proofs,  however.  The 
praise  of  Ireland  by  Ith  seems  to  be  an  anticipation  of  that  by 
Amargen,  son  of  Mil,  whose  priority  is  vindicated  by  a  (corrupt) 
retoric  occurring  in  it  {lascach  muir  —  mothach  iir  —  tomaidm 
n-eisc  —  iasc  and  fo  thuind  —  en  lethach  —  mil  partach  lag 
—  tomaidm  n-eisc  —  iascach  muir),  The  quarrel  among  the  three 
T.  D.  D.  kings  has  nothing  to  do  with  Ith  but  belongs  to  the 
stories  of  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann.  The  name  of  Ith  is  merely  an 
abstraction  from  Mag  Itha.     And  LL  (14  b  20 — 22)  preserves  a 


1)  Notice  that  they  are  the  three  whose  names  are  taken  from  varions 
place  iiame«:  Erimon  from  Eriu,  Eber  from  Irish -Latin  Eberia,  Ir  from 
Old-Norse  Iraland  or  Irar,  or  perhaps  rather  from  Anglo-Saxon  Irland  or 
Yrland.  My  view  is  corroborated  by  a  line  in  the  poem  Naoimsenchas  naomh 
innsi  Fall,  of  which  there  are  two  copies  in  the  Brasseis  MS.  5100 — 5104: 
Eiremhon^  Hir,  Eimher  aÜ  tri  mcic  Miled  go  morghrain  or  Einamon^  Eber, 
Ir  ail  tri  meic  Milal  a  hEnnpaiu. 


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ON  LBBOB  OABILA.  169 

passage  showing  that  originally  the  sons  of  Mil  had  themselves 
Seen  Ireland  from  Brigantia:  doronsat  meic  Miled  immarhdig 
imrama  ic  tidchtain  dochum  Herend  assin  haue  in  fhcu^catar 
Herind  uadib,  These  words  along  with  the  other  indications 
furnish  a  conclusive  proof  that  the  story  of  Ith  is  but  an  Inter- 
polation, and  it  is  no  mere  accident  that  it  is  altogether  lacking 
in  HB.  As  we  possess  no  intermediate  stage  between  HB  and  X, 
we  cannot  infer  from  extemal  evidence  at  what  time  it  came  in, 
but  this  happened  in  any  case  before  the  end  of  the  10*^  Century, 
for  both  A  and  Ba  have  it. 

In  the  Invasion  of  the  Meic  Miled  proper  we  read  of  acci- 
dents  during  the  crossing,  of  struggles  mth  the  T.  D.  D.,  who 
try  to  keep  them  off  the  coast,  of  the  battles  of  Sliabh  Mis  and 
Tailltiu  against  the  demons,  of  the  meeting  with  Banba,  Eriu 
and  Fodla,  and  of  Amargen's  retorics  in  order  to  ascertain  the 
conquest  of  the  Island  by  the  Gtoidels.  Then  a  struggle  arises 
between  Eber  and  Erimon  on  the  division  of  the  country,  but 
Amargen  makes  peace.  Henceforth  the  descendants  of  Erimon 
live  in  the  North,  and  those  of  Eber  in  the  South. 

A  comparison  of  A  and  Ba  shows  that  this  section  is  almost 
the  same  in  both.  The  order  is  somewhat  different  as  A  mentions 
the  death  of  Airennin,  Ir,  and  Sc6ne  before  the  Meic  Miled 
i^each  Ireland,  whereas  in  Ba  it  is  recorded  later,  along  with 
that  of  Donn  and  Erech.  A  does  not  speak  of  the  battle  of 
Tailltiu,  and  Ba,  on  the  other  band,  has  but  a  very  summary 
account  of  the  meeting  with  Banba,  Eriu,  and  Fodla.  But  all 
these  slight  modifications  should  be  imputed  to  the  scribes,  and . 
not  to  variants  in  the  tradition.  Though  Ba  has  one  poem, 
Ocht  meic  Galaim,  which  must  be  based  on  the  story  of  Galam 
and  Nectinebus,  that  is  to  say  on  a  tradition  unkuown  in  A, 
most  of  the  poems  are  the  same  in  both,  even  the  retorics  by 
Amargen.  Another  poem  that  only  occurs  in  Ba,  Tascur  Mac 
Miled  dar  muir,  must  be  quite  late,  and  the  same  must  be  said 
of  Se  meic  Miledh  in  A.  We  may  fairly  assume  that,  but  for 
unimportant  additions  and  modifications,  A  and  Ba  represent  the 
text  of  X.  We  know  that  X  had  not  quite  the  same  Version 
as  HB,  for  X  had  nine  (or  eight)  sons  of  Mil  instead  of  three. 
For  the  rest,  pone  of  the  traditions  enumerated  seem  to  have 
existed  in  Nennius'  time,  for  there  is  not  the  slightest  trace  of 
them  in  HB.    Accordingly,  the  great  development  of  this  Gabäl 


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170  A.  O.  VAN  HAMELy 

took  place  between  the  8***  and  the  11**»  Century.     Before  that 
time  it  existed  only  in  germ. 

As  to  Version  C,  its  earliest  representative  Lß  once  more 
appears  to  have  been  made  up  of  the  versions  A,  ßa  and  ßb. 
In  the  main  ßa  is  followed,  but  the  account  of  the  death  of  Sc6ne, 
for  instance,  has  been  taken  from  A.  For  a  few  particulars  LB  is 
indebted  to  ßb:  for  the  instance  names  of  the  servants*  servants 
{mogaid  na  mogad)  at  the  crossing  to  Ireland,  which  are  only  found 
in  ßb;  for  this  reason  probabJy  Lß  adds:  7  ni  h-iad  is  lanoirdraica 
isna  ledbraibh,  When  speaking  of  ßanba,  Fodla  and  Eriu,  Lß 
inserts  a  passage  from  Cin  Dromma  Snechta,  and  in  some  other 
places  the  text  is  enlarged  a  little  on  the  scribe's  own  account 
In  the  same  way  Lee  II  does  not  deviate  much  from  the  older 
text.  The  only  addition  in  this  MS.  that  Claims  special  mention 
is  in  the  tract  on  Erimon's  sons.  Of  Irial  Fäith  mac  Erimoin 
it  is  Said:  is  ris  adeirthe  Nuada  Airgedlam,  a  Statement  which 
could  hardly  be  based  on  a  genuine  tradition.  After  a  long 
digression  on  Erimon's  sons  and  their  descendants,  the  text 
runs  on:  Airmidier  dand  aile  do  breith  do  Eremon  i  n  Erinn.  i. 
Alan,  Eidenn,  Aine^  Caithiar,  Caithear,  Cerna;  and  in  the  same 
way  Lee  II  says  of  Eber:  7  airmid  eolaig  cland  do  beith  aici  i 
n-Erinn  .t.  Conn^cel  mac  Ebir  rogob  rigi  nErenn,  7  Alban,  7  Caur, 
Corand,  Edar,  Airb,  Airbe.  ßut,  as  these  names  themselves  show 
clearly,  they  owe  their  existence  to  comparatively  late  specu- 
lations.  C  therefore  does  not  represent  a  much  further  developed 
stage  of  the  saga.  The  same  may  be  said  of  D :  O'Clery's  version 
.  does  not  go  beyond  Lee  II. 

§  21.   Synopsis  of  the  growth  of  the  six  Invasions. 

As  to  the  antiquity  of  the  current  traditions,  they  do  not 
take  US  back  so  far  here  as  in  the  Introduction  on  the  Goidels. 
There  a  few  remarks  in  the  genealogical  poems  showed  that 
there  existed  a  story  of  Mil  even  before  Nennius.  Here  we  have 
no  traces  taking  us  back  beyond  Hß.  The  copy  of  LG,  used 
by  Nennius,  consisted  of  but  three  sections:  Gabäl  Partholoin, 
Gabäl  Nemid  with  an  appendix  on  Nemed's  descendants,  and 
Gabäl  Mac  Miled.  Though  several  details  may  have  been  lacking 
in  that  remote  peiiod,  as,  for  instance,  the  making  of  plains, 
lakes,  forts  &c.,  yet  the  general  trend  of  Nennius'  LG  was  not 


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ON  LEBOB  GABILA.  171 

much  different  from  the  one  we  know  from  A  and  Ba.  The 
principal  additions  in  the  period  800  — 1000  are:  The  Invasion 
of  Cesair,  which  is  based  on  an  equally  old,  but  isolated  tradition, 
and  the  Invasions  of  the  Fir  ßolg  and  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann, 
which  developed  from  the  appendix  of  Gabäl  Nemid,  under  the 
influence  of  populär  stories.  In  fact,  the  germ  of  these  two 
Invasions  was  given  in  that  appendix:  several  groups  of  invaders, 
all  descending  from  Nemed,  are  mentioned  there,  and  among  them 
Bnilc  and  Dam  hoctor  'the  Company  of  eiglit  men'.  All  additional 
particulars  about  them  are  but  later  omaments,  in  HB  they  still 
come  over  from  Spain  —  like  all  the  other  invaders  —  and  not 
from  Greece  or  the  Northern  Islands.  Accordingly  in  the  sections 
on  the  Fir  Bolg  and  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  there  must  have 
been  forces  at  work  in  those  two  centuries  that  gave  the  stories 
quite  another  aspect;  cf.  §§  25  —  26,  where  it  will  be  shown,  that 
those  additions  for  the  most  part  were  patched  up  from  hetero- 
geneous  legends.  The  Invasion  of  the  sons  of  Mil,  too,  was  subject 
to  important  alterations.  The  tradition  represented  by  HB  is 
this:  Three  sons  of  Mil  —  probably  Erimon,  Eber  and  Ir,  as 
the  two  first  names  occur  already  in  early  7^^  Century  poems  — 
come  from  Spain  and  occupy  Ireland.  In  the  period  800—1000 
the  story  of  Ith  was  prefixed  and  the  number  of  companions 
increased.  Of  course  the  account  of  the  struggle  between  the 
sons  of  Mil  and  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  also  belongs  to  that  same 
period,  as  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  themselves  were  yet  unknown 
as  invaders  of  Ireland  in  Nennius*  time.  For  the  rest  no  important 
interpolations  can  be  placed  with  certainty  before  the  second  half 
of  the  10*^  Century. 

As  to  later  times,  both  A  and  Ba  have  their  own  inno- 
vations,  which  were  introduced,  however,  on  a  very  moderate 
Scale.  The  same  may  be  said  of  still  later  texts,  namely  the 
Version  C  and  D,  where  sometimes  additional  tracts,  varying 
traditions  &c.  are  found,  without  affecting  in  any  way  the  original 
form  of  the  saga.  In  this  regard  the  history  of  the  Invasions 
difEers  widely  from  that  of  the  Introduction,  where  so  many  sepa- 
rate traditions,  belonging  to  the  oldest  period,  were  preserved  in 
the  process  of  compilation.  Therefore  the  Introduction  presents 
a  clearer  Image  of  the  composition  of  LG,  and  is  the  better  guide 
to  find  its  real  nucleus,  though  occasional  illustration  may  also 
be  afforded  by  the  Invasions  themselves. 


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172  A.  G.yAK  HAMELy 

IT.   Origin  and  stmctiire  of  Lebor  Oab&la. 

§  22.   Mil  and  bis  sons. 

In  the  preceding  chapters  I  have  endeavoured  to  show 
that  the  history  of  LG  can  be  separated  into  two  main  periods, 
that  of  evolution  (tili  1000)  and  that  of  filiation  and  compilation 
(from  the  11*^  tili  the  17^*»  Century).  It  will  be  our  present  task 
to  traee  the  origin  of  the  traditions  that  constitated  LG  as  it 
existed  in  the  second  half  of  the  10**»  centnry,  viz.  in  X. 
Among  these  again  two  groups  must  be  distingnished:  those 
occurring  in  the  earliest  documents,  before  800,  and  those  added 
in  the  years  800  — 1000.  In  §  21  I  have  given  as  my  opinion 
that  Nennins'  copy  of  LG  contained  these  three  sections:  the 
history  of  the  Scotti  of  Scythia  and  their  Coming  to  Ireland 
as  sons  of  Mil,  the  Invasion  of  Partholon  and  the  Invasion  of 
Nemed  with  an  appendix.  Which  of  these  is  the  real  germ  of 
LG?  In  Ba  it  is  stated  that  all  the  successive  invaders  of  Ire- 
land descended  from  Rifath  Scot.  Noa'  Mil  and  his  sons  were, 
according  to  the  earliest  genealogical  poems  (7***  Century),  the 
direct  descendants  of  Rifath,  while  Partholon  and  Nemed  are 
still  unknown.  So  even  in  our  oldest  sources  there  already 
existed  a  connection  between  Rifath  and  Mil,  so  that  the  story 
of  Mil  evidently  represents  the  germ  from  which  LG  arose. 

There  are  three  Statements,  bearing  on  Mfl  and  his  race, 
that  take  us  back  beyond  800:  in  HB,  the  second  tradition  in 
Ba  (see  p.  137 — 139),  and  the  genealogical  poems.  As  none  of 
them  preserves  a  complete  version,  we  shall  have  to  make  up 
the  füll  story  out  of  these  three  authorities.  The  elements  of 
the  tale  that  must  have  existed  before  800  are  these:  The  three 
sons  of  Mil  or  Miles  Hispaniae  came  from  Spain  to  Ireland;  their 
starting-point  was  Brigantia  (as  appears  from  the  occurrence  of 
Bregon  in  the  genealogical  list).  Before  their  sojourn  in  Spain 
they  had  been  in  Egypt,  whither  they  had  fled  after  being 
expelled  from  their  original  country,  Scythia.  A  genealogical 
tradition  existed  already  drawing  their  lineage  from  Rifath 
Scot,  gi-andson  of  Jafeth.  No  chronological  connection  had  as 
yet  been  established,  as  has  been  proved  on  p.  139  from  a  com- 
parison  of  HB  and  the  second  tradition  of  Ba.  In  the  same 
way  the  account  of  the  wanderings  of  the  Goidels  presents 


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OK  LEBOB  GABIlA.  173 

quite  a  different  aspect  in  those  two  oldest  versions;  consequently 
it  is  not  a  genuine  element  of  the  saga. 

Why  did  the  sons  of  Mil  come  from  Spain?  It  was  not 
only  they  who  took  that  country  as  their  starting-point,  but 
Partholon  and  Nemed,  as  well  according  to  Nennius,  though  later 
recensions  have  invented  new  origins  for  these.  The  entire  story 
of  the  Meic  Miled  seeing  Ireland  from  Brigantia^  and  their 
Coming  over  from  Spain  is  based  on  two  passages  in  Orosius' 
Adversus  Paganos:  12  §39,  Hibemia  insula  inter  Britanniam 
et  Hispaniam  sita  longiore  ab  africo  in  boream  spatio  porrigitur. 
Huius  partes  priores  intentae  Cantabrico  oceano  Brigantiam 
Oallaeciae  civitatem  ab  africo  sibi  in  circium  occurrentem,  spatioso 
intervallo  procul  spectant,  ab  eo  praedpue  promuntorio,  ubi  Scenae 
fluminis  ostium  est  et  Velabri  Lucenique  consistunt,  and  12  §  33, 
Secundus  angulus  [sc.  Hispaniae]  circium  intendit,  ubi  Brigantia 
Oallaeciae  civitas  siia  altissimum  farutn,  et  inter  pauca  memorandi 
operis  ad  speculam  Britanniae  erigit.  Isidore,  in  the  introduction 
to  his  *Historia  de  regibus  Gothorum,  Wandalorum  et  Svevornm', 
§  1  thus  apostropbises  his  country:  Omnium  terrarum,  quaeque 
sunt  ab  ocdduo  usque  ad  Indos  pulcherrima  es,  o  sacra,  semperque 
felix  principum,  gentium  mater  Hispania,  This  expression  gentium 
mater  gave  birth  to  the  opinion  that  Spain  was  the  starting- 
point  of  all  the  successive  invaders,  while  the  two  passages 
from  Orosius  explain  the  story  of  the  tower  at  Brigantia  and 
the  landing  at  Inber  Sc6ne.  The  next  question  that  arises  is: 
why  was  Scythia  the  original  country  of  the  Goidels?  Here  a 
wrong  etyjnology  was  at  work:  Scotti  or  Scuit  =  Scythia. 
Once  Scythia  was  accepted  as  the  origin  of  the  Goidels,  their 
ancestry  was  fixed  also.  According  to  Isidore*s  Etymologiae  — 
and  all  other  authorities  based  upon  the  Aiafiegiöfidg  rfjg  yfjg  — 
it  was  Gomer  ex  quo  Galatae,  id  est  Galli  (IX  2,  2ü).  Among 
Gomer's  sons,  Rifath  was  the  one  from  whom  the  Paphlagoni 
drew  their  origin;  in  later  Irish  tradition  the  Paphlagoni  were 
the  doeni  ßet  i  Sleibib  Riphi  (LSA),  and  there  is  no  reason  why 
this  tradition  should  not  have  been  current  in  the  7***  Century 
also.  The  Irish  regarded  themselves  as  closely  akin  to  the  Gauls, 
who  descended  from  Gomer;  of  Gomer's  sons  there  was  one  whose 

^)  Cf.  p.  169  where  it  has  been  shown  that  originally  the  sons  of  Mil 
themselves  saw  Ireland  for  the  ftrst  time. 


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174  A.  G.  VAN  HAMEL, 

progeny  lived  in  Sliab  Rife,  the  mountain  ränge  bordering 
Scythia.  Hence  resulted  the  theory  that  Rifath  was  the  proge- 
nitor  of  the  Goidelic  race. 

So  far  the  tradition  might  have  developed  naturally  fc-om 
well-known  classical  works.  Now  the  Goidels  had  still  to  be 
transported  from  Scythia  to  Spain.  Of  course,  Egypt  lay  on  the 
route.  But  why  introduce  a  sojourn  of  the  vir  nobilis  de  Scythia^ 
as  Nennius  puts  it,  in  Egypt?  For  this  addition  the  Compilers  of 
LG  were  indebted  to  another  passage  in  Orosius,  whose  exact 
meaning  they  did  not  grasp:  Adv.  Pag.  I  10,  19  =  His  etiam 
iemporihus  [sc.  when.the  Israelites  left  Egypt]  adeo  iugis  et 
grauis  aestus  incanduit,  ut  sol  per  deuia  transuectus  Universum 
orbem  non  calore  affedsse  sed  igne  torruisse  dicatur,  impressumque 
feruorem  et  Aethiops  plus  solitum  et  insolitum  Scytha  non  tulerit, 
The  final  words  were  only  intended  to  help  the  readers'  imagin- 
ation  in  order  to  give  an  idea  of  the  heat  prevailing  in  Egypt 
at  that  time.  But  the  Irish,  who  regarded  the  ancient  Scythians 
as  their  own  ancestors,  were  Struck  by  the  word  Scytha  and 
inferred  from  the  passage  that  there  was  a  Scythian  living  in 
Egypt.  This  conclusion  fitted  wonderfully  well  with  the  theory 
that  the  Scythians  had  moved  from  their  own  country  to  Spain, 
as  Egypt  lay  on  the  way. 

Only  one  dement  of  the  story  now  remains  to  be  explained. 
Why  were  there  three  sons  of  Mil?  Here  we  have  the  purely 
Irish  part  of  the  saga.  We  know  from  the  genealogical  poems 
that  two  of  the  three  sons,  alluded  to  by  Nennius,  were  Erimon 
and  Eber,  and  in  §  20  I  have  suggested  that  the  third  should 
have  been  Ir  (see  p.  168).  These  three  were  the  hypothetical  an- 
cestors of  the  Irish  royal  races,  whose  names  had  been  fabricated 
from  Eriu^),  Eberia  (the  usual  Irish  form  for  Latin  Iberia,  as 
appears  from  the  Liber  Generationis  or  Cosmographia,  Mon.  Germ. 
Hist  Auct.  Ant.  IX)  and  from  Anglo-Saxon  Irland  or  Yrland. 
In  case  the  name  Ir  should  not  be  so  old  as  the  others  —  it  does 
not  figure  in  the  genealogical  poems  —  it  may  equally  well  be 
based  on  Old-Norse  Irar.    The  name  Eber  from  Eberia'^)  proves 


^)  For  the  formation  cf.  other  learned  names  as  Partholon,  Semion,  &c. 

^)  It  does  not  seem  very  likely  that  this  name  should  have  arisen  under 
the  influence  of  the  Hebrew  ancestor  Eber^  Gen.  XI 14.  Likewise  it  is  impossible 
that  Eber  should  preserve  the  n  of  the  old  name  for  Ireland:  E^erio, 


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ON  LBBOB  OAbXlA.  175 

that  the  saga  of  the  Spanish  origin  of  the  Irish  already  exlsted 
when  those  eponymous  ancestors  were  invented,  and  that  these 
names  were  fabricated  in  connection  with  it.  Eber  occurs  in  an 
early  7***  Century  document  and  Orosius'  history  was  composed 
in  the  first  half  of  the  5'*^  Century;  so  that  we  may  indicate  the 
6^  Century  as  the  period  when  the  original  LG  was  composed. 
Along  with  it  the  genealogical  tradition  of  the  Irish  kings  arose. 
Then  the  germ  of  LG  was  ready.  Except  Erimon,  Eber  and 
perhaps  Ir,  the  stoiy  contained  hardly  any  proper  names:  only 
Bregon  existed  as  the  founder  of  Brigantia,  and  the  name  Mfl, 
father  of  Erimon  and  Eber,  was  adopted  tiom  the  Latin  Sub- 
stantive mihs;  this  last,  more  than  any  of  the  others,  clearly 
bears  the  traces  of  its  learned  origin.  Bregon  was  made  an  an- 
cestor  of  Mil. 

Now  we  proceed  to  the  period  800 — 1000.  In  these  years  for 
the  first  time  a  chronological  association  was  looked  for.  At  what 
time  did  Orosius'  Scythian  live  in  Egypt,  and  why  did  he  leave 
that  country?  There  were  two  Solutions  of  this  problem:  1®  he 
was  there  when  Pharaoh  was  drowned  in  the  Eed  Sea,  and  the 
cause  of  his  expulsion  was  bis  help  given  to  the  Israelites;  and 
2®  his  sojourn  feil  in  the  time  of  Alexander's  conquest,  and  he 
was  driven  out  by  the  great  Macedonian  ruler.  So  there  arose  two 
variant  traditions,  one  of  which  is  preserved  in  HB  and  the  other 
in  the  second  tradition  of  Ba.  Both  have  one  element  in  common: 
the  Scythian  is  married  to  Pharaoh's  daughter  Scota.  So  this 
princess,  who  gave  her  name  to  all  her  progeny,  must  still  belong 
to  the  preceding  period.  But  in  the  rest  the  two  versions  diverge 
more  and  more  in  the  coming  centuries.  That  of  HB  became  the 
populär  one,  and  was  adopted  by  Maolmuru  Othna  and  X;  its 
rival  was  preserved  in  almost  its  original  form,  until  it  was 
discovered  by  the  scribe  of  Ba  who  inserted  it  in  his  copy  of  X, 
cf.  §  12.  The  tradition  represented  by  HB  was  handled  by  so 
many  scribes  that  it  was  greatly  enlarged  and  embellished.  Let 
US  now  consider  its  additious. 

In  the  first  place  the  genealogical  tlieory  was  elaborated. 
There  existed  already  some  eponymous  heroes  of  the  Irish: 
Erimon,  Eber  (Ir?),  and  Scota.  Now  three  new  heroes  were  in- 
troduced:  N61,  Goedel  Glas  and  Fenius  Farsaich.  They  all  got  a 
place  in  the  pedigree  of  the  Meic  Miled,  but  not  the  same  in 
the  various  sources,  see  p.  124;  the  order,  differing  in  the  note 


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176  A.  O.  VAN  HAMBL, 

to  Fiacc's  Hymn,  where  N61  is  the  son  of  Goedel  Glas,  from  the 
usual  tradition  of  LG,  where  N61  is  the  father  and  Goedel  the 
son,  as  well  as  the  difEerent  position  occupied  byF6nius  inLSA 
and  in  Ba  (cf.  p.  144),  show  that  these  eponymous  heroes  came 
in  at  a  period  when  there  was  already  a  number  of  distinct 
versions  current.  The  vir  nobilis  de  Scythid,  who  lived  in^  Egypt, 
banished  from  his  own  country,  was  called  N61.  This  was,  of 
course,  a  homage  to  the  royal  family  of  the  Vi  N6ill,  being  the 
more  acceptable  because  of  the  likeness  of  their  name  to  that 
of  the  Egytian  river,  the  Nile.  N61  and  Scota  had  a  son,  Goedel 
Glas,  whose  name  is  said  to  have  passed  over  to  the  Goedels. 
From  Fene,  the  old  originally  tribal  designation  of  the  Irish, 
F6nins  was  moulded.  This  F6nius  found  his  way  into  LSA,  where 
he  was  styled  a  son  of  Baath  mac  Magoich  meic  Jafeth,  whereas 
in  LG  (as  preserved  in  Ba)  he  was  given  a  place  in  the  old 
genealogy  of  the  Irish  kings  (see  p.  142).  Other  ancestors  of  the 
Goedels  to  whom  a  special  task  was  assigned  on  the  long  way 
from  Scythia  to  Ireland,  were  all  taken  from  the  same  old 
genealogy:  Sru  and  Esm  lead  the  Goidels  from  Egypt  back  to 
Scythia,  Agnoman  and  Lämfind  brooght  them  from  Scythia  to 
the  Maeotic  marshes,  Brath  guided  them  from  thence  to  Spain. 
Bat  these  genealogical  digressions  were  not  the  only  add- 
itions  of  the  period  800 — 1000.  Except  several  that  developed 
naturally  out  of  the  text  itself  (see  §§  10 — 12),  there  came 
in  a  few  new  connections  with  biblical  history,  the  origin  of 
which  it  will  be  necessary  to  point  out  here.  A  basis  of  these 
biblical  associations  was  given  by  the  chronological  theory  of  HB 
that  the  vir  nobilis  de  Scythia  (or  later:  N61)  was  living  in 
Egypt  at  the  time  Pharaoh  was  drowned  in  the  Red  Sea.  This 
theory  involved  that  N61  had  known  Moses  and  Aaron;  and 
their  relations  accordingly  were  depicted  as  being  of  the  most 
intimate  nature:  so  a  legend  arose  that  supplied  at  the  same 
time  a  good  reason  for  the  Goidels'  leaving  Egypt,  as  they  must 
have  been  distrusted  by  the  surviving  Egyptians.  This  legend 
must  be  pretty  old,  as  it  occurs  already  in  MO:  the  Goidels 
are  befriended  by  the  Israelites,  and  after  the  disaster  in  the 
Red  Sea  they  are  afraid  of  the  Egyptians,  because  they  have  not 
joined  them  in  the  persecution  of  the  populus  Bei,  and  for  that 
reason  they  leave  the  country.  The  most  remarkable  episode  in 
the  whole  story  is  that  of  Goidel  Glas  and  the  snake.    N6rs  son 


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ON  LEBOR  GABIlA.  177 

Goidel  is  bitten  by  a  venomoas  snake  and  bis  death  is  almost 
certain:  bis  colour  turns  livid  —  bence  bis  epitbetGto^.  Bat  bis 
fatber's  friends  Moses  and  Aaron  eure  bim:  obviously  a  reminiscence 
of  Num.  XXI  6—9.  Tbe  cbaracter  of  N61,  tbe  learned  man,  wbo 
comes  to  Egypt  to  teaeb  tbe  langnages,  seems  to  bave  been 
influenced  by  tbat  of  Josepb  (see  Orosins,  Adv.  Pag.  I  8). 
Anotber  connection  witb  biblical  bistory  is  contrived  at  an  earlier 
point.  Rifatb  Scot,  tbe  biblical  ancestor  of  tbe  Goidels,  was  a 
contemporary  of  Nimrod,  in  wbose  lifetime  tbe  tower  of  Babel 
was  built.  Tbis  coincidence  gave  birtb  to  tbe  tradition  tbat 
Rifatb  bad  brougbt  witb  bim  tbe  Gaelic  language  from  tbe  tower 
(so  in  Ba).  In  later  versions  tbis  task  was  assigned  to  Ffenius, 
tbe  fatber  of  N61,  wbo  was  said  to  bave  fabricated  tbe  Gaelic 
langnage  from  tbe  72  languages.  Tbis  was  tbe  opinion  ofLSA, 
wbicb  was  adopted  by  A;  but  it  quite  upsets  tbe  cbronology, 
cf.  p.  144.  An  older  stage  of  it  is  simply  tbis,  tbat  F6nins  bad 
a  scbool  wbere  tbe  languages  were  taugbt  (MO).  No  wonder 
tbat  LSA,  wbere  Rifatb  was  done  away  witb,  gave  bis  position 
at  tbe  tower  of  Babel  to  Fenius,  wbo  bad  already  some 
connection  witb  it.  These  biblical  toucbes  involved  tbe  pre- 
fixing  of  a  preface  wbicb  is  entirely  based  on  tbe  first  chapters 
of  Genesis.  It  sbould  be  noticed,  bowever,  tbat  tbese  stories  of 
N61  in  Egypt  or  Rifatb  at  Babel  are  no  slavisb  imitations  of  biblical 
traditions,  but  independent  accretions  baving  only  some  external 
relation  to  tbem;  for  tbe  rest  tbey  are  creations  of  tbe  Imagin- 
ation. In  tbe  saine  way  LG  was  gradually  illustrated  by  other 
imaginative  digressions:  descriptions  of  tbeir  wanderings,  founded 
on  tbe  geograpbical  knowledge  of  tbe  Irish,  an  account  of  tbe 
struggles  between  tbe  two  royal  races  in  Scytbia,  and  of  tbeir 
battles  in  Spain,  &c.  From  Isidore  a  list  of  Pharaobs  was  in- 
troduced  into  Ba.  Of  all  tbese  furtber  innovations  one  group 
particularly  Claims  our  attention,  namely  tbose  based  on  Irisb 
literature  itself. 

In  tbe  first  place  tbere  is  tbe  story  of  Caicber  drui.  After 
leaving  Scytbia,  whither  tbey  returned  from  Egypt,  tbe  Goidels 
are  allured,  on  tbeir  voyage,  by  the  song  of  tbe  mermaids  (medrad 
na  murduchonn).  Tbe  druid  Caicber  saves  tbem  by  putting  wax 
in  tbeir  ears.  Afterwards  tbey  reach  Sliab  Rife.  Tbere  Caicber 
says:  'Eirgid,  ni  anfam  de  co  risam  Erinn!  'Cia  h-airm  ita  an 
Er%nn\  ar  Laimfinn.   'Is  sia  uait  indai  in  Scithia  7  ni  sinne  fen 

ZtltMhrift  f.  Mit.  Philologl«  X.  12 


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178  A.  O.  VAN  HAHBL, 

ric  (sie)  acht  ar  dann  hi  dnn  ,ccc,  hliadan.*  From  Sliab  Rite 
they  come  to  the  Maeotic  marshes,  where  they  remain  for  many 
generations,  until  Bräth  leads  them  to  Spain.  The  sojourn  in  the 
Maeotic  marshes  came  in  in  the  9**»  Century  (see  p.  126),  so  we 
may  fairly  assume  that  the  tale  of  Caicher  was  introduced  at  the 
same  period,  as  these  two  elements  are  closely  connected.  The 
singing  mermaids  are  of  course  a  reminiscence  of  the  Odyssey. 
The  idea  of  a  prophecy  about  Ireland  may  have  been  borrowed 
from  Exodus  XXXIII 1,  but  the  way  it  is  worked  out  stamps 
it  as  belonging  to  a  special  class  of  innovations.  The  druid 
possessing  supernatural  knowledge  belongs  neither  to  biblical  nor 
to  classical  saga.  but  is  an  element  of  the  purely  Insh  tales.  It 
would  be  quite  beyond  the  scope  of  the  present  investigation  to 
trace  the  original  meaning  of  the  druid  in  Irish  literature^;  it 
will  suffice  to  State  that  in  the  9^  Century  LG  began  to  be  Irish- 
ised,  or  that  in  this  period  elements  from  Irish  saga-literature 
were  adopted  in  LGr.  The  prophesying  druid  is  a  well-known 
figure  in  the  Ulster-saga,  from  which  it  was  borrowed  by  the 
pseudo- classical  saga,  The  history  of  the  Introduction  of  LG 
enables  us  to  point  out  the  exact  time  that  this  happened.  See 
on  this  also  §§  24—26. 

Nor  is  the  story  of  Caicher  the  only  instance  belonging  to 
this  class  of  innovations.  The  further  adventures  of  the  sons  of 
Mil  afford  many  instances  of  it.  In  MO  the  whole  X3ab41  Mac 
Miled  appears  in  its  final  form,  whereas  in  HB  there  is  not  a 
Single  trace  of  the  many  particulars  that  give  to  it  its  special 
character.  Yet  from  Cin  Dromma  Snechta  we  know  that  in  the 
8^  Century  there  existed  a  tradition  that  the  sons  of  MIl,  at 
their  arrival  in  Ireland,  found  Banba  and  Eriu  living  there^).  So 
at  that  time  some  legend  of  their  Coming  to  Ireland  had  already 
arisen,  but  we  do  not  know  how  far  it  was  developed.  It  cannot 
have  been  very  old  then,  for  Cin  Dromma  Snechta  also  preserves 
the  older  tradition  that  Banba  was  the  fii-st  woman  who  reached 
Ireland  before  the  Deluge  (see  p.  151).  It  seems  highly  probable 
that  the  transferring  of  Banba  from  antediluvian  times  to  the 
Invasion  of  the  sons  of  Mil  was  the  cause  of  the  addition  of  all 

0  See  on  this  mj  hypothesis  in  the  Actes  da  IVe  Congr^  international 
de  rhistoire  des  religions,  Leiden  1912,  p.  147. 

«)  Cf.  also  Cormac  §  1265  (Anecd.  IV) :  Tres  enim  erant  rtgine  .i.  Ert 
et  FoUa  et  Banba,    Lege  Gnbala  Erenn  n  ui$  pleniui  $cire. 


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ON  LEBOR  QABÄLA.  179 

their  further  adventures;  for  Banba  was  considered  as  a  queen 
of  the  Tuatha  Da  Danann,  who  inhabited  Ireland  before  the 
Goidels.  Therefore  the  9**»  Century,  or  perhaps  the  second  half 
of  the  8*^  Century  —  for  Nennius  may  have  used  an  older  copy  — 
may  be  indicated  as  the  period  these  adventures  were  introduced. 

The  flrst  of  these  additions  is  the  story  of  Ith,  on  which  see 
p.  168.  It  was  introduced  in  order  to  provide  a  reason  for  the 
sons  of  Mil  Crossing  over  to  Ireland.  Its  elements  are  perspicuous: 
the  name  is  derived  from  Mag  Itha,  where  Ith  was  killed;  his 
meeting  with  the  kings  of  the  Tuatha  D^  Danann  and  his  eulogy 
of  Ireland  before  them,  is  a  reminiscence  of  Exodus  XXXTII  8. 
For  the  rest  tliere  is  nothing  new  in  it,  but  for  an  allusion  to 
a  Tuatha  D6  Danann  story  (viz.  that  of  the  treasure  of  Fiachna 
mac  Delbaith),  which  conflrms  niy  hypothesis  that  it  was  in  this 
period  the  first  connections  with  Irish  literature  proper  were 
effected:  all  the  traditions  of  the  Tuatha  D^  Danann  came  in  then. 
More  interesting  is  the  real  Gabäl  Mac  Miled.  The  three  sons  of 
Mil  have  increased  in  number;  the  six  new  sons  bear  names  partly 
taken  from  geographical  ones  {Bonn  from  Tech  Duinn,  Colptha 
from  Inber  Colptha)  ^  while  Erannan  is  a  new  formation  from 
Eriu,  Febria  occurs  in  the  oldest  genealogical  poems,  and  Äirech 
acquired  his  name  from  a  well-known  noun.  The  other  companions, 
as  the  sons  of  Bregon,  <S^.,  all  have  names  reminiscent  of  Irish 
topography.  Only  Amargen  (*the  Grief-born')  is  an  exception. 
His  name  Stands  apart  from  the  others,  and  so  does  the  part  he 
plays  in  the  saga.  He  is  the  only  character  of  the  story.  After 
the  sons  of  Mil  have  reached  the  coast,  they  are  driven  back  to 
sea  by  the  *demons',  who  raise  a  magic  tempest  which  causes 
fearfiü  havoc;  many  of  the  sons  of  Mil  are  drowned,  Donn  and 
Airech  near  Tech  Duinn,  Erennan  falls  from  the  mast,  &c.  Ät 
last  Amargen  saves  them  from  the  evil  plight  to  which  they  are 
brought  by  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann. 

Amargen  is  the  centre  of  all  the  stories  contained  in  Gabäl 
Mac  Miled.  Of  the  two  battles  fought  by  the  Goidels  against 
the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  we  know  nothing  but  the  mere  names: 
Cath  Sl^ibe  Mis  ^)  and  Cath  Tailtenn.  But  of  Amargen  we  hear  a 

^)  This  most  have  been  a  cath  draoWiechta.  Cf.  a  note  in  the  Franciscan 
Lib.  Hymn.  (cited  Trip.  Life  p.  38):  intan  tancadar  meic  Miled  a  hEaspain 
ÜU  dochum  nikend  7  intan  doroactatar  co  Sliab  Mis  i  Ciaitrigi  Luachra, 
aJtconcatar  in  sliah  län  do  demnaib  fo  aciathaU>. 

12* 


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180  A.  0.  YAN  HAMEL, 

good  deai  Still  he  does  not  yet  occur  in  HB,  and  as  he  does 
not  leave  any  children,  he  cannot  be  an  old  trait  of  the  saga, 
which  was  originally  genealogical.  He  must  have  come  in  at 
the  end  of  the  8***  or  in  the  9**^  Century.  We  have  four  retorics 
ascribed  to  him:  one  containing  his  judgment,  when  his  com- 
panions  are  not  allowed  to  land  by  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  (Fir 
torachta  iuinide  dar  not  ionda),  one  when  the  tempest,  raised 
by  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann,  tosses  the  Goidels  about  on  the  sea 
(Ailiu  iath  Erenn\  one  when  they  reach  the  coast  {Am  gdeth  i 
mutr),  and  one  to  beguile  the  fish  in  the  rivers  {lascach  muir). 
He  is  the  *fili'  who  opposes  the  supernatural  powers  of  the  Tuatha 
D6  Danann.  His  character  exactly  agrees  with  the  prevailing 
tendency  of  those  through  whose  hands  LG  passed  in  the  9^  Cen- 
tury, of  which  more  will  be  said  in  §§  24 — 26.  As  to  the  name 
Amargen,  it  is  a  common  one  in  the  Irish  heroical  and  historical 
saga  (cf.  T4in  B6  Cuailgne,  ed.  Windisch,  p.  682).  In  the  Täin 
we  read  of  Amargin  lamgiunnach,  the  'rigfili'  and  teacher  of 
Cuchulinn,  and  of  Amargin  mac  Ecit  Goband,  who  are  also  men- 
tioned  in  other  texts  (Tochmarc  Emire,  Compert  Conculaind  and 
Fled  Bricrenn).  Amorgein  Amhalgada  was  the  *fili'  of  the  D6si  of 
Temair,  who  explained  theDindsenchas  after  the  tales  he  heard  from 
Fintan  mac  Lamiach.  We  may  fairly  assume  that  the  Amargen  of 
LG  was  fabricated  after  the  example  of  the  Ulster -saga,  as  the 
Irishising  of  LG  in  the  8^**  and  9^  centuries,  of  course,  was  effected 
by  borrowing  characteristics  from  the  national  saga.  A  remarkable 
coincidence  confirms  this  view.  The  poem  pronounced  by  Amargen 
when  landing  in  Ireland  begfins:  am  gceth  i  mmuir,  am  tonn  trethan, 
am  fuam  i  mmuir,  am  dam  sethir,  am  seigh  for  aill,  am  der  greine, 
am  cdin  lubai,  am  bri  ddna,  &c.  If  we  compare  these  words  with 
those  pronounced  by  Seucha,  Fergus  and  other  heroes  in  Compeit 
Conculaind  (Irische  Texte  I  141  ff.)  —  a  tale  already  known  in 
ein  Dromma  Snechta  —  a  marked  similarity  will  strike  us.  There 
they  have  a  good  raeaning:  the  Ulster  heroes  are  commending 
themselves  as  educators  for  Cuchulinn,  but  in  LG  they  have 
none.  Here  a  direct  influence  from  the  Ulster  saga  can  be  traced« 
No  doubt  then  that  in  other  parts  also  where  we  are  less  fortun- 
ate,  the  same  forces  must  have  been  at  work.  Such  influences 
of  other  literary  works  changed  in  many  respects  the  aspect  of 
the  history  of  Mfl  and  his  sons.  Though  its  origin  lies  in  Orosius 
and  Isidore,  its  evolution  is  largely  due  to  traiüs  borrowed  from 


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OK  LBBOB  GABILA.  181 

biblical  legends  and  Irish  heroic  tales,  and  these  romantic  add- 
itions  finally  became  much  more  conspicuous  in  the  whole  of  the 
text  than  the  classical  germ. 


§  23.  Partholoni). 

In  §  16  it  has  been  pointed  out  that  Gabil  Partholöin 
occors  in  HB  in  almost  the  same  form  as  in  the  later  LGr.  So 
it  takes  us  back  to  the  classical  period,  i.  e.  before  800,  and  even 
a  little  earlier  than  that,  as  it  was  known  in  Cin  Dromma  Snechta 
(see  p.  152).  A  priori  it  would  seem  probable  that  the  Invasion 
of  Partholon  is  based  on  the  same  kind  of  sources  as  the 
Story  of  the  sons  of  Mil.  Though  we  find  in  sorae  texts  of  HB 
Latin  forms  like  Bariholomaeus ,  &c.,  and  though  in  later  ages 
Partholon  is  the  Irish  form  for  Bartholomaeus,  there  is  no  reason 
to  assume  an  original  connection  between  the  two  names.  The 
Irish  name  always  has  a  p,  and  the  ending  is  of  the  same  kind 
as  that  of  Erimon,  Semion,  &c.  If  JErimön  is  derived  from  Eriu, 
Partholon  should  be  derived  from  Parth.  As  LG  in  its  germ  was 
a  genealogical  saga,  and  as  Partholon  was  a  descendant  from 
Rifath  Scot  (Ba),  the  origin  of  the  story  must  be  sought  in  some 
genealogical  tradition.  I  take  it  to  be  contained  in  a  phrase  of 
Isidore,  Etym.  1X44:  Parihi  quoque  et  ipsi  a  Scythis  originem 
trahunt  Fuerunt  enim  eorum  exules,  quod  etiam  eorum  vocabulo 
manifestatur :  nam  Scythico  sermone  exules  'Parthi'  dicuntur. 
Partholon,  in  fact,  was  an  exile,  for  Ba  sajrs:  Partholon  romarh 
a  mathair  7  a  athair  ic  iarair  rigi  dia  brathair,  co  tanic  co 
Herind  ar  techid  a  fingaili.  For  the  rest  the  oldest  form  of  this 
Invasion  contains  a  division  of  Ireland  by  Partholon's  sons,  and  the 
bursting  forth  of  several  lakes  and  rivers  —  the  usual  Clements 
of  every  pre-Milesian  gabdl  — ,  and  the  death  of  his  entire 
progeny  by  a  pestilence.  This  was  a  necessary  addition,  as  Ire- 
land should  be  uninhabited  for  Nemed. 

In  the  next  period  (800 — 1000)  two  new  elements  were 
introduced:  the  battle  with  Cicul  Grigenchos  and  the  Fomoraig, 
and  a  list  of  Partholon's  aes  ddna.   Both  belong  to  the  genuine 


')   On  the  origin  of  Grab&l  Cesra  nothing  needs  to  be  added  to  what 
has  been  said  in  §  15. 


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182 

Irish  Clements  of  L6,  the  details  recall  the  Taatha  D6  Danann 
stories.  These  bad  their  artists  and  craftsmen  with  them,  therefore 
Partholon  has  his  also.  It  is  impossible  to  make  out  whether 
they  were  invented  for  the  occasion  or  were  taken  from  existing 
figures  in  fairy  tales.  In  the  same  way  the  battle  with  the 
Fomoraig  under  CicuU),  fought  against  people  with  one  foot,  one 
hand,  and  one  eye,  most  be  the  subject  of  some  old  fairy  tale  that 
was  used  here  in  order  to  furnish  Partholon  with  his  battle  against 
the  Fomoraig  jost  as  the  Fir  Bolg  and  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann 
had  theirs.  All  the  subsequent  invasions  have  some  common  Cle- 
ments: a  diyision  of  Ireland,  the  borsting  forth  of  lakes,  &c.,  and 
a  battle  with  the  Fomoraig,  the  representatives  of  the  lower  Irish 
mythology.  The  classical  origin  of  Gabil  Partholöin  shows  that 
here  the  battle  with  the  Fomoraig  was  not  genuine;  it  was  only 
added  for  the  sake  of  symmetry.  Of  course,  there  was  a  sufficient 
number  of  tales  belonging  to  the  lower  mythology  at  the  scribes' 
disposition,  when  they  wanted  to  adom  the  text  of  L6  with 
purely  Irish  elements.  This  way  of  working  at  it  suited  very 
well  the  general  tendency  prevailing  in  the  evolution  of  LG 
during  the  9^  Century. 


§  24.  Nemed. 

The  form  in  which  Nennius  knew  the  Invasion  of  Nemed 
differed  in  but  one  respect  from  that  in  the  later  LG:  Nemed's 
descendants  did  not  fly  from  Ireland  to  Greece  or  the  Northern 
Islands  of  the  world,  but  to  Spain.  All  the  other  elements  of 
the  Story  as  it  occurs  in  Ba  and  A  are  already  found  in  HB 
(see  §  17).  From  the  account  in  HB  it  appears  that  the  original 
purpose  of  Gabäl  Nemid,  too,  was  genealogical.  A  Statement 
of  Orosius  had  given  rise  to  the  opinion  that  the  Goidels  came 
over  from  Spain;  a  theory  of  Isidore  and  others  had  produced 
the  tale  of  Partholon,  who  also  reached  Ireland;  now  another 
Invasion  was  added  in  order  to  explain  how  the  non-Goidelic 
tribes  of  Britain  and  Ireland  had  found  their  way  to  these  Islands. 
LG  speaks  of  only  three  groups  of  descendants  of  Nemed:  the 
Fir  Bolg  on  the  neighbouring  Islands,  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  in 

')   Cf.  Marti  (^icoUni  in  Ganlish  inscriptious. 


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OK  LBBOB  OABXlA.  183 

Ireland,  and  the  Britons  in  Great  Britain.  But  in  HB  there  are 
still  others  mentioned:  Istorith  and  bis  people  in  Dalriada,  and 
the  sons  of  Liethan  in  Dyfedd.  Evidently  the  Irish  considered 
all  the  neighbooring  populations  as  forming  a  unity  in  comparison 
with  tbemselves.  Therefore  they  made  them  all  descend  from  one 
common  ancestor,  and  tbis  ancestor  was  given  a  fatber  from  the 
list  of  Mil's  precursors,  namely  Agnoman.  In  tbis  way  they  esta- 
blisbed  a  remote  genealogical  relation  between  their  neighbours  and 
tbemselves.  As  to  the  name  of  the  ancestor  I  can  but  offer  the  some- 
wbat  unsatisfactory  Suggestion,  that  it  means  *the  Saint',  being 
akin  to  the  well-known  Gaulisb  word  nemeton,  *sanctuary'.  Nemed 
bad  several  sons  and  grandsons,  wbo  in  their  tum  became  the  pro- 
genitors  of  new  races.  Semion  was  the  ancestor  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  islands,  Fergus  Lethderg  and  bis  son  Britän  Maol^  of  the 
Britons,  and  Bethach,  wbose  offspring  lived  in  Ireland  down  to  the 
present  day,  of  the  non-Goidelic  population  of  Ireland.  Of  course,  all 
these  iuvaders  sbould  come  over  from  Spain  (see  p.  173),  and  so 
HB  bas  it.  At  a  later  time,  bowever,  a  different  origin  was  in- 
vented  for  the  descendants  of  Semion  and  Bethach,  in  connection 
with  a  good  many  new  traditions  attached  to  them.  It  was  from 
these  innovations  that  the  Invasions  of  the  Fir  Bolg  and  the 
Tuatha  D6  Danann  arose,  see  §§  25,  26. 

The  origin  of  Nemed  consequently  is  to  be  seen  in  bis  descend- 
ants. But  the  want  was  feit  to  bring  tbis  Nemed,  wbose  progeny  was 
of  such  high  signiflcance  for  the  later  destiny  of  Ireland  and  the 
surrounding  countries,  into  some  connection  with  Ireland.  Nothing 
was  more  natural  than  to  make  bim  the  subject  of  a  new  Invasion. 
As  tbis  Nemed,  bowever,  was  the  result  of  mere  genealogical 
speculations  and  not  of  classical  studies,  there  were  no  incidents 
in  bis  adventures  to  be  derived  from  classical  or  biblical  sources. 
Therefore  bis  Gabäl  was  fasbioned  out  of  purely  Irish  populär 
elements.  Leaving  aside  the  bursting  forth  of  rivers  and  lakes, 
the  making  of  plains  and  the  building  of  raths  —  a  common 
Clement  in  every  Invasion  —  we  may  discem  in  Gabil  Nemid 
these  characteristic  touches :  the  story  of  the  golden  tower  in  the 
sea  (see  p.  157)  and  the  struggles  with  the  Fomoraig,  consisting 


*)  Britan  Maol  is  the  British  eponymotiB  hero  according  to  Irish  tradition. 
Bnt  LG  mentions  along  with  him  Britus  mac  Isicoin  (for  Isitoin)]  he  occnrs 
in  HB  §  17.    See  on  him  Nenn.  Vind.  p.  232. 


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184  A.  G. 

of  the  battle  at  Conang's  tower  and  the  heavy  tax  imposed  (ba  si  tra 
meit  na  dochraiti:  dor ansät  iir  cairech  da  Erind  7  ni  laimthe  de 
da  aiscin  da  thig  ind-Erind  i  llo  in  inbaid  sin  y  da  trian  a  n-eiha 
7  a  mblechta  7  a  clainne  da  hreih  doib  a  canaighecht  7  /ir  Brenn 
dia  hidnacul  da  Fomorchaib  cech  aidehe  samna  co  Mag  Cetne). 
As  to  this  tax,  it  need  not  have  been  adopted  into  the  story 
in  Nennius'  time,  for  there  is  no  allusion  to  it  in  HB.  It  is  bnt 
a  repetition  of  the  famous  Boraime  that  was  eiacted  by  the 
kings  of  Ireland  from  the  Leinstennen  from  the  time  of  Tuathal 
Techtmar  (2«»^  Century)  tili  that  of  Finnachta  (7^  Century)').  The 
battle  at  Tor  Conaing  must  be  old.  Zimmer  regarded  it  as  a 
reminiscence  of  the  attack  of  some  Viking  fleet,  but  there  is  not 
the  slightest  evidence  for  this  theory,  nor  does  the  name  Conann 
or  Ck)nang  prove  anything  for  Norse  influence,  as  the  name  was 
a  common  one  in  the  7^  Century.  On  the  contrary,  the  story 
has  quite  a  diflferent  atmosphere.  HB  speaks  of  a  iurris  vitrea 
in  media  mari  that  was  besieged  by  Nemed.  This  glass  tower 
brings  us  at  once  into  the  sphere  of  folktales,  and  so  do  the 
Fomoraig  themselves.  They  are  supematural  beings  infesting 
every  party  of  invaders  (cf.  §  25).  In  the  Invasion  of  Par- 
tholon  we  have  met  them  in  a  battle  fighting  with  one  foot, 
one  band  and  one  eye.  The  Tnatha  D^  Danann  had  to  en- 
counter  them  in  the  second  battle  of  Mag  Tuired,  which  was  a  cath 
draoidheachta,  Nor  does  LSA  leave  any  doubt  as  to  their  origin 
and  natnre:  conid  huad  (sc  from  Cham)  ragenatar  luchrupain  7 
fomoraig  7  goborchind  7  cech  ecosc  dodelbda  archena  fil  for 
daimb  (Lü  2  a  45).  No  doubt  then  in  their  struggle  with  Nemed 
also  they  must  be  considered  as  evil  beings  with  supematural 
powei*s.  They  make  Nemed  and  his  companions  leave  their  ships 
in  Order  to  assail  the  tower;  but  when  they  have  alighted  on 
the  shore,  they  are  nearly  all  drowned  by  the  rising  tide.  The 
earliest  redactor  of  LG,  who  wanted  to  create  a  'Gabäl  Nemid' 
and  to  embellish  it  with  some  interesting  particulars,  brought  his 
hero  into  unfriendly  contact  with  these  evil  spirits  that  formed 
a  part  of  his  lower  mjrthology.  The  details  accompanying  this 
unfriendly  contact  were  borrowed  by  him  from  some  folktale. 
The  glass  tower,  or  rather  the  glass  island,  is  a  well-known 

*'*   Another  insUnce  of  a  prehi5t<»ric  bvt^iitHf  oorun  in  the  second  battle 
of  Mag  Tuirei 


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ON  LBBOK  GABIlA.  185 

folklore  element  (Arthur  was  bmied  in  Ynis  witrin),  and  vitrified 
forts  are  mentioned  in  many  populär  tales').  Here  it  was  attached 
to  the  Fomoraig,  and  the  chief  characteristic  of  Gabäl  Nemid 
was  ready.  Nay,  we  may  even  go  farther  and  point  out  a  striking 
parallel  to  the  story  of  Conang's  tower.  On  p.  158  it  has  been 
proved  that  the  other  deplorable  adventure  of  Nemed  before  he 
reached  Ireland,  as  it  is  told  in  6a,  is  not  later  than  the  battle 
at  Tor  Conaing,  for  there  is  an  allusion  to  it  in  HB,  too,  viz. 
the  incident  at  the  golden  tower  in  the  sea:  tarfds  doib  tor  oir 
for  mtiir.  Lotar  uile  dia  togail  7  robaite  uile  acht  Nemid  a  ochtar. 
Intan  ba  lan  an  tnuir,  ticed  darsin  tor  sin,  Intan  ba  traig  nobid 
mor  de  huassa,  Ba  si  meit  na  sainte  rosgabsat  umon  6r  conna 
h-airigtis  an  muir  ac  linad  tairrsib  co  rugastar  an  sugante  a 
llonga  uathib  acht  ampatta.  Here  we  have  exactly  the  same  tale 
in  connection  with  a  golden  tower.  But  here  it  is  not  connected 
with  the  Fomoraig;  it  is  still  the  piain  folktale  dragged  in  to 
illustrate  the  wanderings  of  Nemed.  The  redactor  of  LG  was 
practical  enough  to  use  it  twice  and  to  bring  about  the  second 
time  a  connection  with  the  Fomoraig;  but  he  kept  the  original 
ending,  so  that  the  narrative  became  somewhat  pointless,  for  it 
is  not  by  the  arms  of  their  enemies  that  Nemed's  companions 
are  killed  but  by  the  rising  sea. 

There  are  other  remnants  of  folktales  in  Gabäl  Nemid;  e.  g. 
in  the  passage  on  Nemed's  two  raths,  that  were  dug  by  the  four 
sons  of  Matan  Muinremar  who  were  killed  by  Nemed  the  day 
before  they  completed  the  work.  This  tale  Claims  our  attention 
as  it  recalls  the  story  of  the  giants  who  built  Valhall  for  Odinn, 
but  who  were  refused  their  pay.  There  is  no  proof,  however, 
that  similar  traits  did  not  come  in  at  a  stUl  later  period, 
and  therefore  no  great  importance  should  be  attached  to  them. 
And  even  if  they  are  comparatively  old,  they  can  but  corroborate 
the  result  obtained  by  an  impartial  examination  of  the  texts.  The 
Invasion  of  Nemed  was  lirst  added  for  genealogical  purposes;  and 
it  was  enlarged  and  illustrated  by  the  usual  introduction  of  the 
Fomoraig,  combined  with  an  old  folktale.  The  genealogical  section 


*)  See  on  this:  F.  Liebrecht,  Gervaains  von  Tilburg,  p.  151;  Dnulop, 
Geschichte  der  Prosadichtungen  &c.,  translated  by  F.  Liebrecht,  Anm.  169; 
Orimm,  Hans-  und  Kindennftrchen  III  48;  Massmann,  Eaiserchronik  III  462i 

5. 


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186  A.  O.  TAH  HIMEL, 

is  the  germ  of  this  Invasion.  On  it  the  two  next  invasions  are 
based.  Therefore  we  shall  have  to  consider  it  more  closely  with 
reference  to  them. 


§  25.   The  Fir  Bolg. 

The  Invasion  of  the  Fir  Bolg,  as  a  separate  section  of  LG, 
originated  between  800  and  1000  (see  p.  161),  but  it  issued  from 
an  older  germ,  namely  a  passage  in  the  appendix  to  Gabäl  Nemid« 
There  the  Fir  Bolg  are  mentioned  as  one  of  the  groups  of  Nemed's 
descendants,  and  especially  as  those  who  populated  the  neighbour- 
ing  islands.  In  HB  they  are  still  supposed  to  have  come  from 
Spain,  like  all  the  other  invaders,  bat  in  the  almost  contemporary 
Cin  Dromma  Snechta  Greece  has  become  their  starting-point.  Con- 
seqnently  Spain  was  degraded  to  one  of  their  stops  on  the  way 
to  Ireland.  These  are  the  words  from  the  Cin  as  preserved  in 
LB :  gnidis  harca  doibh  dia  mholgaibh  no  siad  libheama  rig  Orec 
dogadsad  leo  do  theacht  i  nErinn  amal  cisbeart  Cin  Droma  Snechta, 
That  a  Greek  origin  is  hiere  vindicated  for  the  Fir  Bolg,  is  but 
natural;  by  their  common  origin  from  Rifath  Scot  all  the  invaders 
were  closely  connected  with  Scythia  and  Greece.  It  is  doubtful 
whether  the  Cin  had  already  the  story  of  the  bondage  they 
suffered  in  Greece,  though  the  stealing  of  ships  from  the  king 
makes  it  probable.  But  in  any  case  the  crossing  from  Greece  to 
Ireland  by  means  of  their  bags  —  the  current  explanation  of  their 
name  —  was  as  yet  unknown.  Still  Nennius,  who  does  not  yet 
mention  Greece  in  connection  with  them,  fumishes  the  name  Buüc. 
These  facts  allow  of  but  one  possible  conclusion:  the  name 
Fir  Bolg  is  older  than  the  tradition  of  their  Coming  over  on 
their  bags,  and  must  have  a  different  origin.  That  tradition 
was  invented  as  an  explanation  of  the  name  at  a  time  when  its 
true  meaning  was  no  longer  understood  (800  — 1000). 

In  Irish  there  are  two  substantives  bolc,  both  mentioned  by 
Kuno  Meyer,  Contributions,  p.  236: 

1.  bolc^  f.  (W.  bwlch),  gen.  bolga  *a  gap,  breach,  notch', 
and 

2.  bolc,  m.  (W.  boly,  bola,  bot),  gen.  builg  *a  bag,  sack,  &c.\ 

The  Welshman  Nennius  rendered  the  name  by  Builc,  a  form  with 
u  (=  tc  according  to  Nennius'  orthography  in  proper  names),  and 


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ON  LEBOR  GABXlA.  187 

as  it  was  bis  practice  to  give  all  names  in  a  Cymricised  form,  he 
can  only  have  been  thinking  of  the  Welsh  word  bwlch  =  Ir.  bolg 
*a  gap',  whereas  all  the  succeeding  Irish  versions  of  LG  took  the 
word  in  the  sense  of  bolg  *a  bag'.  Now  Nennius  doubtless 
was  nearer  to  the  origin  of  the  saga  than  the  later  Irish  LG, 
and  besides,  there  are  several  indications  that  he  was  right. 
We  know  a  good  niany  names  of  places  compounded  with 
the  word  bolg  where  it  evidently  signifies  *a  gap'  or  *a  pass'*), 
such  as: 

Muir  Bälge  (RC  XX  138)  or  Muirbulc  occurring  in  Dalriada, 
in  lona,  and  in  Argyle.    The  word  means  *a  sea  inlet'. 

Äithbe  Bolg  (Lism.  XXXI)  in  Cork. 

Mag  Bolg  i  Feraib  Cül  Breg  (LL  129  b  2),  and  Mag  Bolgaide 
(RC  XVI  62),  an  earlier  name  of  Mag  Breg. 

Inis  Bolg  (FM  1435),  an  Island  in  Loch  Fechett,  now  Loch 
Gara,  near  Boyle,  Co.  Roscommon. 

Bolg  Boinne  (Aü  769).  Here  the  Aü  have  a  genitive 
builgg  which  shows  how  easily  the  two  words  bolg  coold 
be  confused  in  proper  names. 

Dun  mBolg  (LL  132  b  30,  189c,  &c.),  in  Co.  Wicklow,  and 

Bealach  Duin  Bolg  (LL  306 all)  in  Co.  Wicklow.  Accord- 
ing  to  LL  132  b  30  Aed  mac  Ainmirech  was  killed  at  Dün 
Bolg,  while  LL  306 all  Aed's  death  at  Bealach  Düin 
Bolg  is  mentioned.  The  meaning  of  6«aZacA  is  'gap,  pass, 
passage,  road'  (Contributions  p.  194),  so  that  Dün  Bolg 
was  a  fort,  in  whose  neighbourhood  there  was  a  gap.  In 
Belach  Conglais  (Co.  Wicklow)  Brandub's  fort  was  situated, 
the  man  who  killed  Aed.  So  there  were  two  gaps  near 
Dun  Bolg.  This  coincidence  gives  the  only  possible  ex- 
planation  of  bolg  in  these  proper  names,  and  Diin  mBolg 
can  only  mean  'the  fort  of  the  Gaps'*). 

^)  In  Welsh  bwlch  has  the  same  meaning.  Cf .  I»t  Samuel  XTV  4 :  A 
rkumg  y  bylchau^  Ue  ceisiodd  lonathan  fyned  drosodd  at  amddiffynfa  y 
Fhüistiaid  yr  oedd  craig  serth  o'r  naill  du  iV  bwlch,  a  chraig  serth  oW  tu 
arall  i'r  bwlch.  Cf.  also  the  proper  names  Bwlch  dau  Fynydd^  Bwlch  y 
Oroes,  Bwlch  OerddrwB,  Bwlch  y  Fedwen^  &c. 

')   See  on  these  geographica!  names  Hogan,  Onomasticon  Gadelicom. 


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188  A  O.  VAM  HAHEL, 

The  same  meanmg  of  holg  is  fonnd  in  leim  dar  boilg  (T&in 
B6  Cuailgne,  ed.  Windisch,  p.  360)0,  one  of  the  three  buada  arai- 
dechta.  Forus  Focul  (LL  395  a  7)  says  bälg  .1  hema^  and  in  Fled 
Bricrenn  70  we  hear  of  Cuchulinn's  chariot,  no  linged  dar 
bernadaib,  cf.  the  gloss  in  Fled  Bricrenn  68  is  cairptech  dar  bema 
=  is  ctilmaire  bolgadan.    Here,  too,  bolg  =  *gap'. 

Once  the  meaning  'gap'  for  bolg  has  been  established  as 
of  frequent  occurrence  in  proper  names,  we  may  safely  accept  it 
as  the  true  signification  in  'Fir  Bolg',  too.  They  were  not  the 
*Men  of  the  Bags',  as  later  speculations  would  make  them,  but 
the  'Men  of  the  Gaps'.  And  these  Men  of  the  Gaps,  of  conrse,  were 
mythological  beings,  belonging  to  the  'lower  mythology'  of  the 
Irish,  who,  much  like  the  present  Sidhe  were  supposed  to  live  in 
the  gaps  of  roads.  The  original  descendants  of  Nemed,  forefathers 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Islands  round  abont  Ireland  (see  §  24), 
were  identified,  even  before  Nennius'  time,  with  those  tiny  mytho- 
logical beings,  who,  like  the  Teutonic  elves,  nixes,  &c.,  were  sup- 
posed to  animate  the  flelds  and  woods^).  This  Identification  is 
quite  natural:  these  hosts  of  sidhe  lived  in  Ireland,  so  they 
should  have  their  Gab&l;  at  the  same  time  there  were  descend- 
ants of  Nemed  who  crossed  over  to  Ireland,  without  having  a  special 
chapter  of  their  own  in  LG;  so  a  fabulist  could  easily  insert  one 
by  identifying  the  two,  and  by  bringing  in  some  traditions  of 
those  lower  mythological  beings.  This  Identification  found  a  strong 
Support  in  a  legend  called  Imirci  mac  nUmoir, 

In  Ba,  in  the  appendix  to  Gab&l  Nemid,  where  the  flight 
of  the  Fir  Bolg  to  the  Islands  is  recorded,  the  text  runs  on  thus: 
tancatar  iar  sin  for  amas  Coirpri  Niadfir  y  dorat  side  feranna 
doib  y  ni  rofedsat  bith  occe  ar  anbfoüle  in  cisa  tue  fortu.  Dollo- 
tar  iarum  for  teched  Coirpri  for  comairge  Medba  y  Aiklla  y 
tucsat  feranna  doib.  Is  i  sin  imirci  mac  nUmoir,  This  passage 
evidently  contains  an  allusion  to  a  tale  about  the  real  Fir  Bolg  of 
the  lower  mythology:  they  came  from  the  Islands'),  took  service 

*)  See  for  another  explanation  Osborn  Bergin  in:  Essayg  and  Stndies 
presented  to  William  Ridgeway  p.  332. 

^)  cf.  also  Sg^aloidhe  Flor  na  Seachtmhaine  (Gill  &  Son  1911)  p.  44:  Nach 
bhfuil  cat  Gaüda  na  öhFear-Bolg  ag  faire  an  öir  nn,  says  one  of  the  magic  cats. 

*)  This  ia  the  'tertinm  comparationis*  between  the  Fir  Bolg  and  the 
first  gronp  of  Nemed's  descendant«.  That  it  was  a  gennine  trait  of  the  Fir 
Bolg  Story  appears  from  the  second  battle  of  Mag  Toired. 


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ON  LABOR  OABIlA.  189 

with  Coirpre,  and  fled  from  him  to  Ailill  and  Medb.  No  wonder 
that  this  separate  tale,  entitled  Imird  tnac  nUmoir,  was  attached 
to  an  account  of  those  among  Nemed's  descendants  who  also 
populated  the  Islands.  The  Identification  of  these  mythological 
sons  of  ümor  with  the  pseudo-historical  descendants  of  Nemed^) 
involved  the  introduction  of  the  whole  Gabäl  Fer  mBolg.  That 
the  sons  of  Umor  were  supernatural  beings  appears  from  several 
facts.  Their  king  is  Aengus  mac  Gumoir,  who  is  not  a  historical 
person  but  the  well-known  king  of  the  sidhe.  They  are  akin  to 
the  Fomoraig,  who  in  the  time  of  Partholon  attacked  the  invaders 
under  their  chief  CichuU,  for  in  6ab&l  Partholoin  we  find  this 
genealogy :  Cicul  mac  Guill  meic  Gairb  meic  Tuatliaig  meic  Gumoir 
0  Sleib  Emoir,  In  the  poem  Estid  a  eolchu  cen  on  we  read :  Boro- 
chair  . . .  Donand  ...  la  Dd  nDomnand  d'Fhomorchaib;  and  *D6 
Domnand'  is  one  of  the  names  for  the  Fir  Bolg.  Nemed  fought 
three  battles  against  the  Fomoraig,  of  which  several  versions 
give  this  account:  Cath  Badna  7  Cath  Ruis  Fraechain  i  Ccon- 
noLchtaib  i  tor chair  Gand  is  Sengand  da  rig  na  Fomorach;  but 
6and  and  Sengand  are  also  the  names  of  kings  of  the  Fir  Bolg. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  islanders  who  descended  from 
Nemed  were  identified  in  the  course  of  time  with  the  Fomoraig 
or  other  representatives  of  the  lower  mythology,  when  Celtic  mytho- 
logy  itself  had  lost  its  proper  significance,  and  that  their  name 
testifies  to  it  On  the  other  band,  our  LG  preserves  some  faint 
traces  of  their  original  pseudo-historical  meaning.  So  Ba  ends 
the  Story  of  the  sons  of  Umor  in  the  following  way:  atberat 
araile  co  mbad  dib  na  teora  fine  filet  a  nErinn  nach  do  Gaidelaib 
.1.  Garbraide  Suca  i  Connachtaib  7  Ui  Tairrsigh  Laigen  la  hüib 
Failge  7  Gailiuin  Laigen.  Here  they  are  considered  as  the  non- 
Goidelic  inbabitants  of  Ireland.  This  same  passage  makes  it 
probable  that  the  third  name  the  Fir  Bolg  bore  along  with 
those  of  Fir  Bolg  and  Fir  Bomnann,  namely  Galeoin,  preserves 
a  reminiscence  of  the  original  nature  of  this  first  group  of  Nemed's 
descendants. 


»)  The  double  character  of  the  Fir  Bolg  appears  clearly  from  a  passage 
qnoted  by  O'Curry  (MS.  Materials  p.  224)  *from  an  old  book*:  *Everyone  who 
is  black-haired,  who  is  a  tattler,  guilefol,  tale-telling,  noisy,  coDtemptible  &c. 
—  these  are  the  descendants  of  Fir  Bolg/  (cf.  Cläre  Island  Surrey  I  part  3, 
in  Proceedings  R.  I.  A.  vol.  XXXI,  p.  10). 


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190  A.  G.  VAN  HAMBL, 

Of  the  traditions  that  make  up  the  Invasion  of  the  Fir  Bolg 
not  much  need  be  said.  The  osual  plains,  lakes,  &c.  are  lacking, 
for  m  airimter  raihcB  do  claidi  no  locha  do  tomaidm  no  maigi  do 
slaigi  la  Gabail  Fer  mBolc,  but  a  division  of  Ireland  into  flve  parts 
is  mentioned.  For  the  rest,  ten  successive  kings  of  the  Fir  Bolg 
are  given,  some  of  whom  may  be  identifled  with  Fomorian  kings, 
whlle  others  seem  to  have  been  named  after  some  characteristic 
event  during  their  reign:  Fiacha  Cennfionn,  because  all  cows 
had  white  heads  in  his  time;  Rinnal,  because  points  were  then 
put  on  spears;  Fodbgenid,  because  arms  grew  on  the  trees,  &c. 
None  of  these  speculations  are,  of  course,  ancient  We  also  find 
some  references  to  Eochu  mac  Eirc  and  the  first  battle  of  Mag 
Tuired,  that  have  been  borrowed  from  a  separate  tradition  of  this 
mythical  battle,  such  as  that  preserved  in  one  of  the  MSS. 
belonging  to  the  Royal  Irish  Academy. 


§  26.  The  Tuatha  D6  Danann. 

In  800  the  name  *  Tuatha  D6  Danann'  was  quite  unknown 
in  L6,  as  appears  from  HB.  It  is  possible  that  Nennius  meant 
the  same  group  of  invaders  by  his  dam  hoctor^  but  he  does  not 
give  any  names  or  other  particulars.  In  HB  the  dam  hoctor  is 
a  brauch  of  Nemed's  descendants,  and  they  must  be  considered  as 
the  ancestors  of  the  non-6oidelic  inhabitants  of  Ireland.  In  1000 
the  present  Invasion  of  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  is  ready,  containing 
many  names  of  Celtic  gods  (Nuadu,  Ogma  &c.)  and  many  mythical 
or  magicAl  traits.  In  two  centuries  this  enormous  evolution  was 
accomplished  and  it  is  our  present  task  to  trace  its  moving  forces. 
The  identification  of  the  first  group  of  clanna  Nemid  with  the 
Fir  Bolg  was  made  before  that  of  the  second  with  the  Tuatha 
D^  Danann:  Nennius  speaks  of  Builc  but  not  of  the  others.  Still 
the  name  Tuatha  De  Danann  cannot  have  come  in  much  later, 
for  the  first  identification  involved  the  second.  On  the  mythical 
Fir  Bolg  there  circulated  a  tradition  that  they  had  been  expelled 
by  the  Tuatha  Dk  Danann  after  a  tremendous  fight  (the  first 
battle  of  Mag  Tuired).  Here  the  Fir  Bolg  represent  the  lower 
mythology,  whereas  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann,  as  appears  from 
their  names,  are  the  survivals  of  the  Celtic  Olympus.  So  this 
is  an  old  and  a  common  tradition,  corresponding  to  the  Scandi- 


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ON  LBBOB  OABIlA.  191 

navian  struggles  between  the  gods  and  the  giants.  Once  the 
Fir  Bolg  had  been  connected  with  LG,  the  tradition  of  the  flrst 
battle  of  Mag  Tuired  was  introduced  also,  and  now  the  Tuatha 
D6  Danann  claimed  a  place  in  the  Book  of  Invasions.  They  were 
readily  identifled  with  another  group  of  descendants  of  Nemed, 
of  whom  it  was  reported  that  they  lived  in  Ireland  usque  hodie 
(HB)  —  for  in  populär  belief  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  also  still 
live  in  the  raths  and  düns^)  —  and  the  basis  of  a  new 
Invasion  was  provided.  Current  traditions  of  the  Tuatha  D6 
Danann  furnished  the  necessary  details.  We  are  even  in  the 
happy  Position  of  being  able  to  point  out  the  principal  source 
of  Gabil  Tuath  nD6  Danann.  In  RC  XU  56  ff.  Stokes  has  edited 
the  Story  of  the  second  battle  of  Magh  Tuiredh  (indicated  here 
as  MT),  which  contains  a  mass  of  lore  on  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann. 
The  redactor  of  X,  or  perhaps  one  of  his  predecessors,  knew 
this  tale  in  an  older  and  better  Version  and  selected  several 
traits  from  it  for  his  new  Invasion.  The  truth  of  this  Statement 
will  appear  from  the  following  comparison: 

1.  Introductory  phrase. 

MT:  Batar  Tuathai  De  Danonn  i  n-indstb  tuascert- 
achaib  an  domuin  aig  foglaitn  fesa  y  fithnasachta  y 
druidechtai  7  amaidechtai  7  amainsechta,  combtar 
for  lüde  for  suthib  ard  ngentlichtae. 

LG:  Batar  iarum  clanda  Bethaig  meic  larboneoil  Fada 
meic  Nemid  i  n-in$ib  tua^certachaib  in  domain  oc 
foglaim  druidechta  7  fessa  7  fastini  7  amainsechta 
combtar  fortaile  for  cerddib  suithe  gentliucta. 

2.  Magic  eitles  where  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  learned  their 
draoideacht.    Both  MT  and  Ba. 

3.  The  Tuatha  D6  Danann  arrive  in  mist  and  darkness 
(Ba,  A)  after  having  burnt  their  ships  (Ba)  =  MT. 

4.  First  battle  of  MT  raentioned;  there  die  of  them  cet 
mite:  A,  Ba,  MT. 

5.  Nuadu's  band  cut  off,  and  cured  by  Diancecht:  A,  Ba,  MT. 


1)  An  old  man  near  Tara  Hill  told  me  once  that  it  was  in  the  ratha 
that  the  'Danes*  liyed.  The  Danes  and  the  Tuatha  D4  Danann  are  often 
mixed  np  in  populär  stories. 


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192  A.  G.  VAN  HAMBL, 

6.  The  dead  in  the  first  battle:  A,  MT. 

7.  The  remaining  Fir  Bolg  fly  to  Arann,  He,  Manann  and 
Rachrann:  Ba,  MT. 

8.  Bress  mac  Elathan  made  king:  A,  Ba,  MT. 

9.  Lug  and  his  fostermother  Tailltio,  danghter  of  Magmör 
of  Spain  and  Eochu  6arb  mac  Duach:  A,  Ba,  MT. 

10.  The  craftsmen  of  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann:  Minach  mac 
Deincecht;  Etan  ingen  Deincecht  the  poetess;  Airmed 
the  female  physician;  Coirpre  the  poet;  CrichinbÄl, 
Bruidne,  and  Gasmaol  the  three  satirists;  Be  Chuille 
and  Dianand  the  sorceresses;  Math  mac  Umoir  the 
*druid';  Goibnenn  (Goibniu?)  the  smith;  Luicne  the 
builder;  Creidne  the  goldsmith;  Diancecht  the  phy- 
sician: A,  MT. 

11.  The  second  battle. 

MT:  Dorocair  dno  Nuodai  Aircetlaum  ocus  Maucha 
ingen  Emmoiss  lie  Balur  ui  Nett  Duceir  Cassmoel 
lie  hOgtriallug  nmc  nindich . . .  Dorochratar  comtuitim 
Ogma  mac  Elathan  y  Indeouch  mac  De  Domnonn 
ri  na  Fomorach, 

A:  Nuadu  Argetlam  tra  dorochair  i  cath  dedenach  MT. 
Et  Macha  ingen  Ernmais  do  laim  Baiair  Balcbeimnig, 
Isin  cath  sin  dorochair  Ogma  mac  Eladan  meic  Neit 
la  Indech  mac  De  rig  na  Fomorach.  Dorochair 
Bruidne  7  Calmdl  la  hOctrialach  mac  ninnich, 

12.  The  dead  in  the  second  battle. 

MT:  Secht  fir  secht  fichit  secht  cet  secht  caocas. 
A:  Secht  fir  ,vii.  fichit  ,vii.  x,  xii,  .1, 

Though  LG  contains  a  few  traditions  that  are  lacking  in 
MT,  the  agreement  is  too  striking  to  be  merely  accidentaL  It  is 
manifest  that  the  Invasion  of  the  Tuatha  D^  Danann  was  patched 
up  out  of  a  better  Version  of  MT  and  other  similar  sources,  such 
as  lists  of  (BS  ddna,  genealogies,  &c.  The  expressions  and  phrases 
nsed  in  LG  are  in  so  many  respects  the  same  as  in  MT  that  this 
section  of  LG  must  be  based  upon  the  tale  just  mentioned.  The 
contrary  could  not  be  the  case,  MT  giving  a  rauch  more  circum- 
stantial  account  of  the  events.    There  are  many  passages  in  MT 


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ON   LEBOR  OABiLA.  193 

of  which  LG  has  «o  trace,  such  as  the  history  of  king  Bress  and 
the  tax  the  Fomorians  put  npon  Um,  or  the  legends  of  Log 
{Samüddnach)  and  the  Dagda:  the  redactor  of  Version  X  borrowed 
only  the  details  connected  with  the  battle  itself,  as  this  was  the 
only  portion  of  the  tale  bearing  on  the  invasion.  He  probably 
had  not  the  slightest  notion  of  the  original  meaning  of  his 
materials.  He  regarded  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  as  human  beings 
and  descendants  of  Nemed,  while  originally  they  were  Celtic  gods, 
of  whom  there  are  also  traces  in  Gaul  and  Wales  (Ogmios,  Nodens, 
Lludd  Llaw  Ereint,  &c.).  His  work  points  to  the  same  period  as 
the  supematural  elements  of  Gabäl  Mac  Miled,  such  as  the 
adventures  of  Amargen.  The  same  inclination  to  draoidheacht 
may  be  observed  here.  It  may  have  been  even  the  same  individual 
who  not  only  borrowed  the  tale  of  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  with 
their  sorcery  acquired  in  the  Northern  islands  of  the  world,  the 
home  of  the  Vikings  and  their  seidmenn,  but  who  introduced  also 
the  passages  on  Amargen  opposing  a  magic  tempest  raised  by 
the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  to  drive  his  ship  out  to  sea.  It  was 
necessary  for  him  to  bring  Erimon  and  Eber  into  contact  with 
the  Tuatha  D6  Danann,  for  he  had  introduced  their  invasion 
before  the  Coming  of  the  sons  of  Mil.  The  current  traditions  of 
the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  showed  him  the  way  to  accomplish 
his  task:  sorcery  and  supematural  powers  should  form  the 
scenery.  He  managed  this  all  right.  But  his  highest  merit  is 
that  he  preserved  in  the  Invasion  of  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  some 
of  the  scanty  remnants  of  the  Irish  higher  mythology  and  of  the 
Celtic  deities.  The  representatives  of  both  the  lower  and  higher 
mythology  have  found  a  place  in  LG,  though  the  scribes  to  whom 
that  valuable  preservation  is  due,  cannot  have  been  conscious 
of  it:  for  them  the  Fir  Bolg  and  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  were 
but  men,  the  offspring  of  Nemed  and  Bifath  Scot,  like  all  the 
other  invaders  of  Ireland. 


§  27.  Synopsis  of  the  origin  and  growth  of  LG. 

A.  First  period,  before  800. 

Genealogical  saga:  Erimon  and  Eber  are  the  ancestors  of 
the  Goidels  of  the  North  and  the  South  of  Ireland  (existing 
before  650). 

ZtiUchrlA  f.  o«U.  Philologie  X.  13 


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194  A.  O.  TAJr  BAMSL, 

Lectmed  dements,  AH  the  raraders  of  Irelaad  cone  fron  Spam 
fOro5iina>  The  aocestors  of  Erimon  and  £ber  oiigisallj  lired  ia 
Sejtbia  Tbomophony  of  names;;  afterwards.  in  the  tiine  of  Moses, 
they  were  in  Egypt  fOrosins;,  and  snbtseqaently  in  Spain  (Orosins); 
from  the  tower  of  Brigantia  Ireland  waa  seen  (Orosins).  They 
de5icend  from  Bifatb,  grandH>n  of  lafetb  (Isidore  &c).  Their 
eponjmoos  beroine  \s  Scota.  Another  inTader,  Partholon,  cones 
from  Spain  to  Ireland,  as  a  representaÜTe  of  the  Parthians, 
kinsmen  of  the  Scythians  (Isidore). 

Irish  demenU,  Partholon  was  followed  by  the  ancestors 
of  the  non-6oideIic  inhabitanto  of  the  British  islands.  These 
had  a  common  origin  in  Nemed  (the  Saint?),  who  inyaded  Ireland 
after  Partholon;  bis  Invasion  is  distinguished  by  a  battle  at  Tor 
Conaing  (introduction  of  the  Fomoraig,  belonging  to  the  lower 
mythology,  and  folk  elements).  One  gronp  of  bis  descendants, 
namely  those  who  popnlated  the  neighbooring  islands,  were  iden- 
tified  with  the  Fir  Bolg,  mythological  beings,  of  whom  there  also 
existed  a  tradition  that  they  had  been  transported  to  the  islands. 
At  the  same  time  isolated  traditions  were  cnrrent  on  Banba, 
F6tla  and  Erio,  the  earliest  women  who  dwelt  in  Ireland  (Cin 
Dromma  Snechta). 


B.  Second  period,  800—1000. 

Genealogical  details.  Three  eponjrmous  heroes  of  the  Goidels 
are  fabricated:  Fenius  (F6ne),  N61  (Ui  N6ill,  Nile),  Göidel  Glas 
(G6idil);  as  they  have  not  yet  fixed  places  in  the  genealogies, 
the  later  M8S.  vary  on  this  point. 

Learned  elements,  A  controversy  arises  as  to  the  historical 
period  at  which  the  Goidels  were  living  in  Egypt,  from  which 
two  variant  versions  result;  in  one  of  them  the  sojonm  in 
Egypt  is  placed  in  the  time  of  Moses  (the  older  one),  in  the  other 
during  the  reign  of  Alexander.  In  the  latter  Version  historical 
elements  from  the  history  of  Alexander  are  introdnced,  in  the 
former  biblical  elements  from  the  legend  of  Moses.  From  the 
iHolated  traditions  on  the  flrst  women  in  Ireland  a  new  Invasion 
arines,  which  is  ranged  in  order  and  in  time  before  the  others; 
it  is  the  Invasion  of  Cesair,  also  largely  embellished  with  biblical 
elements  (Noah).     Several  minor  learned   traits  come  in.    As 


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ON  LBBOR  OABiLA.  195 

the  sons  of  Mil  were  supposed  to  have  come  from  Scythia  before 
they  reached  Spain,  all  the  subseqaent  invaders  are  provided 
with  a  Greek  origin.  This  involves  careful  accounts  of  their 
wanderings,  displaying  a  profoond  knowledge  of  Ptolemean  geo- 
graphy.  A  second  sojourn  in  Scythia,  on  the  voyage  from  Egypt 
to  Spain,  comes  in.  In  almost  every  Gabäl  topographical  remarks 
are  introduced  as  to  the  origin  of  plains,  lakes,  rivers,  raihs,  &c. 
in  Ireland. 

Irish  elements.  The  identification  of  the  popnlation  of  the 
islands  with  the  mythological  Fir  Bolg  opened  the  way  for  an 
influx  of  mythological  and  magical  beliefs.  Every  invasion  has 
its  share.  In  the  lutroduction  Caicher  drui  appears  with  his 
prophecy.  Partholon  has  a  battle  with  the  Fomoraig,  jnst  as 
Nemed  had.  Out  of  the  appendix  to  Gäbal  Nemid  on  the 
non-6oidelic  population  of  Ireland  and  the  islands,  two  new  in- 
vasions  arise:  that  of  the  Fir  Bolg  and  that  of  the  Tuatha  D6 
Danann.  The  former  is  based  upon  the  lower  Celtic  mythology, 
the  latter  on  the  higher  mythology,  preseiTing  traces  of  the  Celtic 
Olympus.  The  principal  sources  of  these  new  invasions  are  the 
traditions  of  the  two  battles  of  Mag  Tuired.  With  the  Invasion 
of  the  Tuatha  D6  Danann  arose  the  necessity  of  bringing  Erimon 
and  Eber  into  relationship  with  them.  For  this  purpose  the 
character  of  Amargen  was  created  on  some  literary  modeis,  and 
with  him  a  good  deal  of  draoidheacht  was  introduced,  largely 
based  on  Irish  saga-literature. 

C.   Third  period,  1000—1200. 

The  principal  of  the  surviving  versions  are  written  down 
—  A  and  Ba.  They  are  formed  on  different  principles:  A  abridges 
and  Ba  enlarges.  Hence  arises  the  most  characteristic  difference 
between  the  two  versions,  for  Ba  unites  the  two  chronologically 
varying  traditions  on  the  Goidels'  stay  in  Egypt  and  makes  them 
Visit  it  twice,  once  in  Moses'  time  and  once  in  Alexander's.  A,  on 
the  other  hand,  considerably  changes  the  genealogical  traditions  of 
the  Goidels,  by  adapting  them  to  the  Irish  Liber  Sex  Aetatum: 
Eifath  is  supplanted  by  Magoch,  the  older  genealogy  from  Rifath 
down  to  Lämfind  is  omitted,  and  Fenius  is  put  at  the  beginning. 
Fenius  is  then  connected  with  the  building  of  the  tower  of  Babel, 
where  he  is  said  to  have  leamt  the  seventy-two  languages.  Though 

13* 


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196  jl.  g.  van  hamel, 

this  tradition  on  Fenios  is  introdaced  now  for  the  first  time  in  a 
text  of  LO,  it  is  of  older  origin,  for  it  occurs  already  in  a  poem 
by  Maolmuru  Othna  (f  887),  bat  in  an  earlier  form. 

The  other  differences  between  version  A  (=  Bb)  and  Ba 
are  less  important 


D.  Fourth  period  1200—1600. 

Nothing  new  is  introdaced,  but  all  earlier  traditions  are 
amalgamated.  By  this  system  of  compilation  we  get  stränge  for- 
geries,  especially  when  in  the  Introduction  the  diverging  accounts 
of  the  Goidels'  sojourns  in  Egypt  are  combined.  Sometimes  new 
etymologies  and  variant  opinions  are  added,  but  as  a  role  these 
are  based  on  recent  speculations.  By  the  gradual  process  of 
addition  and  compilation  L6  has  grown  in  the  course  of  time 
from  a  modest  beginning  to  a  huge  mass.  The  difference  in 
bulk  of  O'Clery's  LG  version  and  that  of  S,  not  to  speak  of  HB, 
is  formidable. 


I  have  endeavoured  to  give  in  the  preceding  a  survey  of 
the  versions,  growth  and  origin  of  Lebor  Gabila.  It  is  of  the 
highest  importance  that  the  principles  of  literary  criticism  should 
be  applied  to  Irish  texts.  Lebor  Gab&la  is  an  excellent  one  to 
begin  with,  its  history  proving  to  be  a  compendium  of  the  forces 
at  work  in  the  treatment  of  legends  by  the  ancient  Irish.  For 
it  contains  both  native  and  learned  Clements  and  shows  that 
the  former  enter  at  an  earlier  period  than  the  latter.  Besides, 
Lebor  Gabäla  exhibits  wonderfuUy  the  knowledge  of  the  Irish 
and  their  way  of  making  and  developing  legends.  One  depart- 
ment  of  textual  history  has,  however,  been  left  altogether  out  of 
account  in  this  investigation,  that  is  the  chronology  of  Lebor 
Gabäla.  The  chronological  disagreement  of  the  versions,  and 
especially  the  synchronisms  of  Ba  and  C  have  not  been  dealt 
with.  This  was  intentional.  They  are  not  so  mach  connected 
with  Lebor  Gabäla  proper  as  with  other  chronological  works, 
such  as  the  annals,  sjmchronisms  &c.  To  treat  the  synchronisms 
of  Ba  here  would  be  of  little  use  without  a  systematic  examination 
of  the  whole   of  early  Irish   chronological   and   synchronistic 


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ON   LEBOR  GABIlA.  197 

literature.  But  students  of  early  Irish  history  know  that  this 
would  have  doubled  the  length  of  this  paper  and  would  scarcely 
have  contribnted  to  the  elucidation  of  Lebor  Gabäla. 


Addendum. 

This  article  was  originally  intended  as  an  introdnction  to 
an  edition  of  Lebor  Gabäla.  I  gave  up  the  idea  of  bringing  out 
a  critical  text  when  I  heard  that  this  will  be  ondertaken  before 
long  in  Dublin  on  a  larger  scale  than  I  ever  coald  aim  at. 
I  hope  that  my  investigation  will  be  of  some  ose  to  the  editors. 
At  the  same  time  I  have  to  make  good  a  mistake  I  made  on 
pp.  110—111.  When  setting  forth  my  views  of  the  relationship 
of  A  and  Ba  against  those  of  Professor  Thurneysen  who  speaks 
of  Ba  as  „eine  Bearbeitung  von  Version  A"  I  attributed  to  him 
the  hypothesis  that  there  must  have  existed  originally  a  Latin 
Liber  Occupationis,  In  this  I  was  wrong.  Although  Professor 
Thurneysen  mentions  the  Latin  preface  of  Bb,  he  does  not  draw 
the  above  conclusion  from  it.  I  am  indebted  to  Professor  John 
Mac  Nein  for  this  Suggestion  of  an  original  Lebor  Oabäla  in 
Latin.  Professor  Thurneysen  evidently  regards  Lebor  Gabila  as 
a  purely  Ixiah  work. 

Rotterdam.  A.  G.  van  Hamel. 


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ZUR  IRISCHEN  WORTKUNDE. 


1.  AltiriHch  ro'tethaind. 

In  dem  altirischen  Text  Liadain  und  Cuirither  (ed.  Enno 
Meyer)  heilst  es  auf  S.  24: 

Deilm  ndegcB 

ro'tetaind  (andere  Lesart:  ro-teihaind)  mo  chride-sce 

ro'fess  nicon  hiad  cence  (andere  Lesart:  bia  cheund). 

Der  Herausgeber  hat  diese  Zeilen  (Ancient  Irish  Poetry,  S.  66) 
zuletzt  folgendermarsen  fibersetzt:  „A  roaring  flame  dissolved 
this  heart  of  mine  —  without  him  for  certain  it  cannot  live". 
Im  Glossar  zur  Textausgabe  läfst  er  die  Form  rO'tet(h)aind 
unerklärt,  vergleicht  aber  dazu  altirisch  tethnae  (andere  Lesart: 
tetnai,  lies:  tethnai)  „he  solved  it"  (BodL  Cormac  20,  4).  ro- 
teihaind  erklärt  sich  zwanglos  aus  einer  Grundform  *pro-ietond€y 
die  Form  mit  suffigierten  Pronomen  tethnai  aus  *tetonde  +  im. 
Wir  haben  also  eine  reguläre  Perfektbildung  zum  Stamme  tend 
„zerschneiden"  vor  uns,  Präsens  ^tendid,  -teind  „zerschneidet,  zer- 
reifst, spaltet,  beifst,  löfst",  identisch  mit  griechisch  tivöcn  „nage"; 
die  o-Stnfe  desselben  Stammes  in  Lat  tondeo  „ich  schneide  ab". 
Im  Irischen  gehört  zu  demselben  Verbnm  das  später  neugebildete 
5- Präteritum  ro-s- teind  „er  spaltete  sie"  (die  Nufs;  Rev.  Celt. 
VIII 56),  Plural  rathendsaiar  (Togal Troi  1725)  „welche  gerissen 
hatten"  und  teinnsedar  (dss.  Täin,  S.  373),  femer  das  Verbal- 
substantiv teintn. 

Verschieden  von  dem  eben  besprochenen  Verbum  ist  das  aus 
lateinisch  tendö  entlehnte  mittelir.  iennaid  „spannt,  zieht",  cym- 
risch  tynnu  dss.  Der  Stamm  tend  stellt  eine  d- Erweiterung  der 
Wurzel  tf^m  „schneiden"  (in  griech.  Ttfno),  roiti]  usw.)  dar. 


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ZUR  IRISCHEN  WORTKUNDE.  199 

2.  Altiriseh  riched  ^heaTen'. 

»  Kuno  Meyer  hat  (Sitzungsberichte  der  Prenfs.  Akademie 
1918,  S.  955)  in  diesem  Wort  ein  altes  Kompositum  „Königssitz", 
erkannt  und  darin  sehr  treffend  die  Bestandteile  rig-  und  sedon 
gesucht.  Allein  eine  urkeltische  Grundform  *r%gO' sedon,  wie  er 
ansetzt,  ist  aus  lautlichen  Gründen  doch  nicht  zulässig,  da  die 
Synkope  des  o  die  umgebenden  Konsonanten  dunkel  färben  mufste, 
wir  also  im  Altirischen  eine  Form  *r{chad  haben  müfsten. 

Der  Ansatz  einer  Grundform  *rigi- sedon  beseitigt  die  er- 
wähnte Schwierigkeit.  Das  i  in  der  Kompositionsfuge  ist  nicht 
weiter  wunderbar,  da  auch  in  andern  indogermanischen  Sprachen 
konsonantische  Stämme  im  Kompositum  neben  häufigerem  o  ein  t 
zeigen,  so  das  griechische  äXi'jtÖQq>vQog  „meerpurpum"  neben 
aXo-avöv7j  „Meerwasser"  zu  aXg  „Salz",  vgl.  femer  alyl-ßoxoq 
zu  a?g  „Ziege"  u.  ähnl.  (Brugmann,  GrundriXs  II 78  ff.).  Aufser- 
dem  mufs  auch  im  Urkeltischen  ein  Adjektiv  '^riffis  „königlich" 
bestanden  haben,  wie  aus  dem  gallischen  Superlativ  Rigisamos 
hervorgeht;  Rigisamos  könnte  allerdings  auch  zu  einem  Positiv 
*rigos  gehören;  dann  würde  sich  der  t- Stamm  *rtgi'  leicht  durch 
analogische  Rückbildung  zum  i- haltigen  Komparativ  *rigju  und 
zum  Superlativ  rigisamos,  die  ebensogut  zu  o-  wie  zu  i-Stämmen 
gehören  konnten,  erklären  lassen.  Durch  Übertragung  des  i  aus 
dem  Komparativ  und  Superlativ  erklärt  sich  wohl  auch  das 
griechische  xakZl-^ovog  „mit  schönem  Gürtel",  zu  xaXog  „schön", 
worauf  auch  das  XX  (Einfluls  des  Komparativs  und  des  Sub- 
stantivs xdXXog)  hinweist 


3.   Altiriseh  eadae. 

Über  dieses  Wort  haben  Strachau  (Archiv  f.  celt.  Lex.  1 477) 
und  Kuno  Meyer  (Sitzungsberichte  der  Preufs.  Akad.  1913,  S.  449) 
gehandelt  Letzterer  bezweifelt  Strachans  Ansicht,  der  das 
Wort  für  das  Verbalsubstantiv  von  as-comla  hält  und  meint,  dafs 
die  genaue  Bedeutung  und  Herkunft  keinesfalls  klar  sei. 

Hn  Verbalsubstantiv  zu  05- cowia  kann  das  Wort  nun  aller- 
dings nicht  sein,  da  ein  solches  Verbum  überhaupt  nicht  existiert; 
es  gibt  nur  ein  Verbum  as-comlai  (ess-com-lui)  „proficiscitur", 
dessen  Verbalsubstantiv  escumlüd  lautet. 


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200  JULIUS  POKORNY, 

esclae  (Dativ  esclu)  erkläre  ich  aus  einer  Grundform 
^ekS'Jcom-lä'jo-,  die  in  lautlicher  Beziehung  sowie  der  Bedeutung 
nach  aufs  beste  pafst  ^eis-iom-lä-jo-  wird  über  *ess-Jcm-lajO' 
regelrecht  zu  esclae.  Die  Wurzelform  la  „in  Bewegung  setzen, 
gehen"  (Ablautform  der  zweisilbigen  Wurzel  elä  in  Griech. 
iXairco,  USW.)  ist  ja  auch  sonst  im  Irischen  genügend  belegt 
(s.  Pedersens  Grammatik  II  353,  509).  esclae  heifst  also  „Aus- 
gang, Ausfahrt"  und  die  Stelle  in  der  T4in  (LU  62  a  31):  macc 
hecc  dO'Choid  indiu  ar  esclu  hi  carpat  ist  somit  zu  fibersetzen: 
„ein  kleiner  Knabe,  der  heute  in  seinem  Wagen  eine  Ausfahrt 
unternommen  hat". 


4.  Altiriseh  do-nessa. 

Von  Fannall,  einem  der  Gegner  Cöchulinns,  heifst  es  in  der 
Täin  (YBL,  Zeile  666):  Ni  truma  do-essa  in  n-uisci  oldas  ela  no 
fandoll.  Für  do-issa  hat  LU  do-essa,  Eg.  1782  do-ess.  Strachan 
setzt  daher  ein  Verbum  do-essa  an  (T4in  Tales,  S.  75),  als  dessen 
Bedeutung  er  „überschreiten"  vermutet. 

Ein  etymologischer  Anhaltspunkt  für  ein  solches  Verbum 
fehlt  jedoch.  Es  läge  zwar  nahe,  an  eine  Ableitung  von  4is 
„Spur"  zu  denken,  doch  würde  man  in  diesem  Fall  ein  i- Verbum, 
also  etwa  *do'eis{s)i  erwarten. 

Ich  möchte  daher  einen  andern  Ausweg  vorschlagen.  Da 
ein  neutrales  vorausgestelltes  Adjektiv,  das  den  folgenden  Satz 
modal  bestimmt,  auf  jeden  Fall  einen  nasalierenden  Relativsatz 
erfordert,  mütste  die  Verbalform  in  unserem  Fall,  wie  auch 
Strachan  gesehen  hat,  jedenfalls  do-n-essa  heifsen;  die  Annahme, 
daTs  im  Urtext  donessa  gestanden  habe,  ist  somit  ganz  unum- 
gänglich. Der  Irrtum  der  Abschreiber,  die  offenbar  das  Ab- 
kürzungszeichen für  n  als  Längezeichen  verlasen  (so  YBL)  oder 
überhaupt  übersahen,  ist  leicht  verständlich  und  gehört  zu  den 
häufigsten  Schreibfehlem. 

Wenn  aber  auf  jeden  Fall  donessa  im  Original  gestanden 
haben  mufste,  so  ist  ganz  klar,  dals  man  es  auch  als  do-nessa 
auffassen  kann.  Auf  diese  Weise  lösen  sich  alle  Schwierigkeiten. 
Der  Verbalstamm  ness-  „treten"  ist  für  das  Irische  genügend 
festgelegt  (Pedersen  II  583)  und  es  ist  klar,  dats  wir  hier  die 
3.  Indic.  Präs.  zum  Verbalsubstantiv  tuinsem  vor  uns  haben,  das 
Pedersen   sehr   treffend   auf  *io-ni'{s)thu'mn-s  zurückführt  (vgl. 


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ZUR  IRISCHEN  WORTKUNDE.  201 

besonders  die  Verbalsubstantive  airissem,  foessam,  die  gleichfalls 
zur  Wurzel  (s)thä'  gehören). 

do-nessa  „auf  etwas  treten"  gibt  hier  einen  guten  Sinn  und 
pafst  besonders  gut  zum  vorhergehenden  truma  (=  irummü) 
„schwerer";  die  Stelle  bedeutet  also:  „nicht  schwerer  geht  er 
über  das  Wasser,  als  ein  Schwan  oder  eine  Schwalbe".  Zur 
Bedeutung  vergleiche  man  Voyage  of  Bran,  §  63 :  as-bert  in  ben 
amd  iuinsed  (=  to-nessad)  nech  diib  a  tir  „das  Weib  sagte,  dafs 
keiner  von  ihnen  das  Land  betreten  solle". 


5.  Altirisch  €  '8alm\ 

Neben  eu,  eo  kommt  im  Irischen  auch  die  Form  e  „Salm" 
vor,  so  LL  12  b  42,  H  3.  18.  p.  611b  (Bezzenbergers  Beiträge 
XIX  2)  und  in  O'Mulconrys  Glossar  (Archiv  f.  celt  Lexik.  I  477). 
Durch  ihr  häufiges  Vorkommen  scheint  es  ausgeschlossen,  dafs 
wir  es,  wie  Stokes  meint,  nur  mit  einer  Korruption  von  eu,  4o 
zu  tun  haben. 

Es  handelt  sich  vielmehr  deutlich  um  eine  Nebenform  von 
eo,  eu.  Wie  diese  entstanden  ist,  ist  ganz  deutlich.  Das 
ursprüngliche  Paradigma  lautete  nämlich:  Nom.  "^esök-s,  Gen. 
*e$ok'08,  Dat.  *esok'{a)i  usw.,  woraus  zunächst  voririsch  "^esüss, 
Gen.  *esocho8  wurde.  Aus  "^^esüss  entstand  regelmäfsig  eu  (eo), 
indem  in  ursprünglich  zweisilbigen  Worten  die  Verschmelzung 
der  Hiatusvokale  noch  vor  der  Hebung  (durch  die  e  zu  i  ge- 
worden wäre)  eintrat  (das  auslautende  -ü  mufste  schon  wegen 
des  ursprünglich  folgenden  Konsonanten  lautgesetzlich  erhalten 
bleiben);  dafs  diese  Verschmelzung  älter  ist  als  die  Hebung  zeigt 
auch  0%  „Schaf"  aus  *om,  das  andernfalls  ui  ergeben  hätte,  femer 
beu  (beo)  „ich  würde  sein"  aus  urkeltisch  *6e5w  (Thurneysen, 
Handbuch  §  767);  Pedersens  Ansicht,  dafs  *esöks  zu  *iu  geworden 
wäre  (Grammatik  II  100),  ist  somit  zu  verwerfen. 

Es  ist  nun  ohne  weiteres  begreiflich,  dafs  das  kurze  o  der 
obliquen  Kasus  auch  in  den  Nominativ  dringen  konnte,  wodurch 
schon  voririsch  neben  "^esüss  eine  Form  *esoss  trat;  dieses  esoss 
mufste  dann  lautgesetzlich  über  *eÄo  (vielleicht  auch  über  *ejo) 
zu  e  werden,  da  natürlich  solche  Vokale,  die  dem  Gesetz  des 
EndsUbenschwundes  unterlagen,  nicht  mit  dem  vorhergehenden 
Vokal  kontrahiert  werden  konnten,  wie  auch  in  air.  de  „link" 
aus  idg.  *klijO',  *klija  (zu  cymr.  cledd,  lat.  cli-vitis  „ungünstig"  usw.) 


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202  JULIUS  POKORNT, 

oder  cfri  „Lehm,  Ton"  (aus  *lCr^at'S\  eine  Grundform  ^J^r^et-s, 
wie  sie  Pedersen  I  252  ansetzt,  ist  unmöglich,  da  diese  cr{ 
ergeben  hätte,  wie  auch  *ad'lcHs'et  „sieht"  zu  ad-d  wurde;  auch 
könnte  dann  der  Dativ  nicht  mittelirisch  cfiaid  lauten,  sondern 
würde  cr'iid  heifsen);  hiu,  beo  „lebend"  aus  idg.  ^gHvo-  ist  kein 
Gegenbeweis,  da  der  Diphthong  ew,  eo  hier  nicht  das  Kontrak- 
tionsprodukt von  e  (aus  i  gebrochen)  mit  dem  o  der  Endung 
darstellt,  sondern  vielmehr  aus  e  +  v  entstanden  ist,  das  zwischen 
e  und  0  zu  u  geworden  war  und  daher  vor  dem  geschwundenen 
auslautenden  o  erhalten  blieb  (über  die  Behandlung  des  inter- 
vokalischen  v  siehe  meine  Concise  Old  Irish  Grammar,  §  112). 
Altirisch  ^  stellt  somit  die  regelmäfsige  Entwicklung  der  vor- 
irischen Nebenform  *e$ok'S  dar. 


6.  Altiriseh  mantar,  muinter  ^Gefolge,  famUia\ 

Die  Lautgestalt  dieser  Worte  hat  schon  zu  zahlreichen  Er- 
örterungen Anlafs  gegeben,  jedoch  noch  keine  befriedigende 
Lösung  gefunden.  Thurneysen  hat  dafür  die  Grundformen 
^monater-  und  ^fnoniter-  angesetzt,  die  ihre  Gestalt  im  Britan- 
nischen durch  Umbildung  aus  latein.  tnonasterium  und  monisterium 
erhalten  haben  sollen.    Ihm  schliefst  sich  Hessen  (ZCP  IX 11)  an. 

Eine  derartige  Deutung  ist  nicht  nur  bedenklich,  wie 
Pedersen  meint,  sondern  geradezu  unmöglich. 

Die  Ansicht,  dafs  lateinisch  si  im  Britannischen  intervokalisch 
zu  t  werden  könnte,  ist  doch  ganz  willkürlich  ad  hoc  konstruiert 
Um  damit  ein  für  alle  Mal  aufzuräumen,  stelle  ich  alle  beteiligten 
Lehnworte  im  Cymrischen,  die  intervokalisches  st  im  Inlaut  ent- 
halten, zusammen. 

Es  sind  dies:  dbostol  (mittelcymr.;  aus  apostolus),  astell  (aus 
astellajj  astud  (aus  asiütus\  Äwstin  (aus  Augustinus)^  casian  (aus 
castanus),  castell  (aus  castellum),  distyll  (aus  destülo),  ffestiniaw 
(aus  festino),  meistr  (aus  magister),  mestig  {aus  masiico),  pistyü 
(aus  jyistillum),  pystylu  (aus  pisiürire),  pystylwyn  (aus  postüena), 
ksimt    (aus  testimönium),    tristyd   (aus  tristitia),   ystyll-en   (aus 

Dazu  kommen  noch  zahlreiche  Worte,  wo  das  st  im  cym- 
risrhi^ii  Auslaut  stand,  wie  hwyst  {besiia\  cest  (cista)  u.  a.  m.  Es 
wird  wohl  zur  Genüge  klar  sein,  dafs  man  im  Hinblick  auf  alle 


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ZUR  IRISCHEN  WORTKUNDE.  203 

diese  Beispiele  annehmen  mafs,  dafs  auch  lateinisch  monisierium 
and  monasierium  im  Britannischen  ihr  st  unverändert  bewahrten. 

Mit  Recht  lehnt  Pedersen  auch  die  Zurückführung  des 
cymrischen  cader  „Festung"  auf  lat.  castra  ab.  Auch  die  Laut- 
gruppe str  mufs  im  Cymrischen  erhalten  bleiben,  wie  die  folgen- 
den lateinischen  Lehnwoite  beweisen:  cebystr  (aus  capistruni)^ 
disiryto  (aus  destruo),  ffenestr  (aus  fenestra),  rhestr  (aus  registra) ; 
vgl  auch  altcom.  estr-en  aus  ostreum.  Besonders  beweisend  ist 
auch  das  cymrische  castr  „Zeugungsglied  des  Pferdes"  aus  latein. 
castrum.  Ist  ja  im  Britannischen  sogar  die  altererbte  Laut- 
gruppe str  erhalten  geblieben,  wie  in  cymr.  rhwystro  „hindern" 
(ir.  riastraim  „verzerre"),  cymr.  llestr  „Gefäfs"  (ir.  lestar)  usw., 
es  kann  also  lateinisch  st  auch  nicht  vor  r  zu  t  geworden  sein. 

Eine  andere  Deutung  hat  Pedersen  versucht  (6GA  1912, 
S.  27),  der  eine  Grundform  "^mnnitüra  (zu  lat.  manere)  oder 
^manuterä  (zu  lat.  maniis)  ansetzen  will.  Aber  abgesehen  davon, 
dals  das  Suffix  in  '^mnniiüra  sonst  nicht  in  echt  keltischen 
Worten  vorkommt,  könnten  beide  Formen  lautgesetzlich  nur  zu 
mointer  bezw.  muinter  führen  und  die  Formen  montar,  muntar 
blieben  ganz  unerklärt. 

Die  Lösung  der  Schwierigkeiten  ergibt  sich  ganz  unge- 
zwungen. Lateinisch  tnonasterium  und  monisterium,  die  ins 
Britannische  aufgenommen  wurden,  sind  nach  Abfall  der  End- 
silben ins  Irische  entlehnt  worden,  wo  sie  in  die  er-Flexion  über- 
geführt wurden,  also  *fnonastera  und  *  monister  a  lauteten.  Beide 
Formen  mufsten  nach  dem  Wirken  der  Auslautgesetze  und  der 
Synkope  regelmäfsig  zu  "^monstar  und  *muinster  werden.  Lateinisch 
st  ist  ja  bekanntlich  in  irischen  Lehn  werten  in  der  Regel  erhalten 
{beisi  aus  hestia,  süist  aus  filstis,  magister  aus  magister,  rastal 
aus  rastellus,  teist  aus  testis).  Die  sekundär  entstandene  Laut- 
gruppe nst  dürfte  sich  nun  im  Irischen  nicht  lange  unverändert 
erhalten  haben,  da  sie  in  echt  irischen  Worten  nicht  vorkam 
(altes  nst  war  schon  sehr  früh  mit  st  zusammengefallen).  Durch 
Ausfall  des  n  konnte  eine  Vereinfachung  nicht  gut  erfolgen,  da 
sekundär  vor  s  tretendes  n  stets  erhalten  blieb,  wie  z.  B.  im  echt 
irischen  ans{a)e  „nicht  leicht"  (aus  an'ass{a)e,  idg.  *n'ad-{s)thajO'). 
Eine  Vereinfachung  der  schweren  Konsonantengruppe  war  aber 
um  so  wahrscheinlicher,  als  das  erwähnte  Wort  von  Anfang  an 
in  der  lebenden  Sprache  viel  gebraucht  worden  sein  mufs,  wie 
dessen  zahllose  Belege  aus  allen  Sprachperioden  beweisen.    Nun 


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204  JULIUS  POKORNYy    ZUR  IRISCHEN   WORTKÜNDB. 

schwindet  s  zwischen  Konsonanten  in  vielen  Sprachen,  darunter 
auch  im  Urkeltischen.  Es  ist  somit  durchaus  nicht  gewagt, 
anzunehmen,  dafs  auch  im  Irischen  "^monstar  und  *muinster  durch 
Ausfall  des  s  zu  montar  und  muinter  wurden,  wie  sie  uns  in 
historischer  Zeit  vorliegen.  Die  dritte,  seltenere  Form  muntar 
ist  natfirlich  eine  Kontamination  aus  den  beiden  andern  Formen. 
Im  Irischen  konnten  zu  jeder  Zeit  unsilbische  Konsonantengruppen 
durch  Schwund  eines  Lautes  erleichtert  werden.  Vgl.  hierüber 
Pedersen,  Vgl.  Grammatik  I  484  ff.  und  Thumeysen,  Hand- 
buch §  178. 

Das  nur  einmal  im  Buch  von  Armagh  (Thes.  Palaeohib. 
II  241)  überlieferte  menstir  (=  (ifivicriQiov)  „Kredenztisch" 
kann  nicht  als  Gegengrund  angeführt  werden.  Vor  allem  beweist 
schon  das  e  der  ersten  Silbe,  für  das  wir  lautgesetzlich  t  erwarten 
müfsten,  dafs  wir  es  mit  keinem  lebendigen  Wort,  sondern  mit 
einem  gelehrten  Buchwort  zu  tun  haben ;  hier  können  sich  ganz 
selbstverständlich  schwer  sprechbare  Konsonantengruppen  unver- 
ändert erhalten  haben.  Nun  lautet  aber  das  Wort  in  allen 
übrigen  Belegen  immer  m€(t)nistir  mit  ausnahmslos  erhaltener 
Zwischensilbe  (s.  Vendryes,  De  Hib.  Voc  s.  v.  menstir).  Diese 
Form  kann  nicht  aus  älterem  menstir  hervorgegangen  sein,  da 
sich  zwischen  n  und  s  niemals  ein  epenthetischer  Vokal  ent- 
wickelt. Eine  abermalige  jüngere  Entlehnung  ist  schon  wegen 
des  e  der  ersten  Silbe  nicht  wahrscheinlich.  Ich  möchte  daher 
glauben,  dafs  im  Buch  von  Armagh  menstir  für  menisiir  ver- 
schrieben ist.  Doch  ist  diese  Annahme  nicht  unbedingt  not- 
wendig, da  in  einem  gelehrten  Lehnwort  die  Erhaltung  der 
Gruppe  nsi  ohne  weiteres  verständlich  ist. 

Altirisch  *monistir  (t- Stamm)  „coenobium*',  nur  im  Gen.  Fl. 
monistre  belegt,  ist  jüngere  gelehrte  Entlehnung  aus  monisterium, 

Wien.  Julius  Pokorny. 


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ZUR  TAIN  BO  CUAILNGE. 


E.  I.  Best  bemerkt  mir  freundlichst,  dafs  mir  bei  der  Ver- 
wertung seiner  Entdeckung  über  die  verschiedenen  Schreiber  von 
LU  ein  kleines  Mifsverständnis  untergelaufen  istO-  Ich  hatte 
seine  Verteilung  der  einzelnen  Seiten  auf  verschiedene  Hände 
nicht  nur  auf  den  Text  selbst,  sondern  fälschlich  auch  auf  die 
eingestreuten  Glossen  bezogen.  Seiner  Güte  verdanke  ich  nun 
aber  auch  eine  Liste,  wie  diese  Glossen  auf  die  einzelnen  Hände 
verteilt  sind.  Daraus  ergibt  sich,  dafs  von  den  acht  Glossen,  die 
ich  S.  439  als  beweisend  für  den  engeren  Zusammenhang  der 
Grundtexte  von  Lü  und  Eg.  1782  zitiert  habe,  nur  vier  für 
einen  solchen  Beweis  tauglich  bleiben,  während  drei  (zu  Z.  223, 
623,  797)  sicher,  eine  (308)  wahrscheinlich  in  Lü  vom  Interpolator 
H  herrührt,  also  aufser  Betracht  fällt.  Für  meine  Ausführungen 
ist  das  ohne  wesentlichen  Belang,  da  sich  mein  Beweis  nicht  haupt- 
sächlich auf  diese  Glossen  stützte^).  Übrigens  bin  ich  in  der  Lage, 
noch  einen  ganz  evidenten  Fall  für  eine  gemeinsame  Änderung 
des  ursprünglichen  Textes  in  LU  (Hand  M)  und  Eg.  1782  anzu- 
führen.   Es  ist  eine  Stelle  in  den  formoUa  ConCulaind  (349  ff.). 

YBL:  Nrfairgeba  su  ar  do  chind  Icech  hos  ansum  na  rind 
bis  aithighiu  na  fiach  bus  feoüchairiu  na  bas  bus  athluime  na  laih 
btts  luindiu  na  comlond  a  esa  radsia  co  Man  usw.  „Du  wirst  keinen 
Krieger  treffen,  der  schwerer  (zu  bestehen)  sein  wird,  noch  eine 
(Speer-)Spitze,  die  schärfer,  noch  einen  Raben,  der  fleischgieriger, 
noch  einen  Tod,  der  näher  bei  der  Hand,  noch  einen  Kämpen,  der 

1)  In  dem  Artikel:  Die  Überliefenmg  der  Tain  B6  Cüailnge  ZCP  9,  418 fif. 

*)  Ein  wirkliches  Versehen  von  mir  war  die  Angabe,  dafs  die  Glosse 
sn  346 f.:  Obieitur  tochmarcc  n- Emire  do  so  in  Eg.  1782  fehle,  vgl.  Windisch, 
ZCP  9,  129,  Anm.  2.    Es  stimmt  also  diese  Hs.  £a  LU. 


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206  B.  THURNEYSENy 

grimmiger  sein  wird,  noch  einen  Altersgenossen,  der  ein  Drittel 
von  ihm  erreichen  wird". 

LU:  Ni'fairgeba  su  ar  do  cind  Icech  bas  andsu.  nd  rind  bas 
aigthidiu  nd  bas  altnidi  nd  bas  athlaimi  nö  Idth  bas  luinniu,  nd 
ficLch  bas  feölckairiu,  nd  comlond  a  dsa  rödsd  co  tridn. 

Eg.  1782:  Ni'fargeba  su  ar  do  chind  Idech  bus  ansam  na 
rind  bus  dithigu  na  bus  alinighi  na  bas  atJUame.  na  fiach  bus 
feolchariu.  na  comlunn  a  dessa  ro'sia  co  trian  usw. 

Die  beiden  letzten  Handschriften  gehen  offenbar  auf  einen 
Text  zurück,  der  statt  bas  bas  athlaimi{u)  (=  bds  bas  a.)  nur 
bas  athlaimi{u)  las,  so  dafs  dem  Satz  das  Subjekt  zu  fehlen 
schien,  da  man  das  Adjektiv  nicht  wohl  auf  fiach  beziehen  konnte. 
Man  zog  es  daher  zu  rind  und  fügte  zu  dithigdiu  noch  das  ungefähr 
gleichbedeutende,  alliterierende  alinidi(u)  hinzu.  So  bestätigt  sich 
meine  Annahme,  das  LU  und  der  Grundtext  von  Eg.  1782  in 
letzter  Linie  eine  Handschriftengruppe  für  sich  (mein  u)  bilden. 

Da  ich  eben  am  Korrigieren  von  Fehlem  bin,  bemerke  ich, 
dafs  im  Stammbaum  S.  441  an  der  unteren  Ecke  rechts  statt  E 
natürlich  E^  zu  lesen  ist;  die  Zahl  ist  erst  nach  der  letzten 
Korrektur  abgesprungen.  Ferner  zu  Zs.  9, 487,  dafs  sich  die 
„14  Tage"  in  Rev.  Celt.  15,  465  nicht  auf  die  Dauer  der  ganzen 
Tain,  sondern  nur  auf  die  Zeit  bezieht,  während  deren  Medb 
ihren  Streifzug  bis  nach  Dun  Sobairche  ausführt  (LU- Version  1349, 
LL- Version  2050). 

n. 

Wenn  ich  auch  hoffe,  dafs  meine  früheren  Ausführungen  als 
Beweis  dafür  genügt  haben,  dafs  die  LL-Version  nicht  auf  einer 
Quelle  der  LU -Version,  sondern  auf  dieser  selber  beruht,  so  wird 
es  doch  nichts  schaden,  noch  einen  Fall  vorzuführen,  in  dem  be- 
sonders deutlich  wird,  wie  LL  vei-schiedene  Teile  von  LU  zusammen- 
arbeitet Er  ist  merkwürdigerweise  von  Zimmer  ganz  übergangen 
worden  und  hätte  allerdings  schlecht  zu  seiner  Theorie  gepafst 

Über  die  Zusammensetzung  des  Heeres  von  Ailill  und  Medb 
haben  wir  in  LU  zwei  verschiedene  Berichte.  Nach  der  Einleitung 
(Z.  1  ff.)  sendet  man  Boten  in  die  drei  anderen  Provinzen,  speziell 
aber  zu  den  sieben  maic  Mdgach,  d.  h.  zu  Ailill  und  seinen  Brüdern, 
die  namentlich  aufgeführt  werden,  und  die  jeder  ein  tricha  cet 


Google 


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ZUR  TilN  b6  otJailnge.  207 

herbeiführen;  femer  zu  C!ormac  Condlongas,  der  dreihundert  Mann 
befehligt.  Deren  Aufzug  wird  beschrieben  und,  wie  beiläufig, 
hinzugefügt:  „Es  versammelten  sich  dann  auch  vier  Provinzen 
Irlands  in  Cruachain  Ai"  (19  f.). 

Eine  genaue  Aufzählung  der  Abteilungen  erhalten  wir  bald 
darauf  in  der  Erzählung  selbst  in  der  Episode  der  Galiöin  (163  ff.). 
Wir  erfahren  dort,  dafs  das  Heer  aus  18  iricha  cet  besteht.  Ab- 
gesehen vom  tricha  cet  der  Galiöin  hat  Medb  selber  zwei  tricha 
c6t\  ferner  jeder  ihrer  sieben  Söhne,  die  alle  Mane  heifsen,  je  ein 
tricha  cet  Ebenso  hat  Fergus  sein  eigenes  tricha  cet  und  sieben 
Könige  aus  Munster  jeder  ein  tricha  cet  i).  Man  sieht,  die  sieben 
tnaic  Mdgach  fehlen  hier  völlig;  für  ihre  tricha  cet  ist  in  dieser 
Rechnung  kein  Platz.  Auch  Cormac  Condlongas  bleibt  unerwähnt; 
doch  könnte  man  zur  Not  seine  300  Mann  mit  Fergus'  tricha  cet 
identifizieren. 

Diese  sich  widersprechenden  Stellen  weist  Zimmer  (KZ  28, 
545)  ausdrücklich  einer  einzigen  Quelle  zu,  auf  die  nach  ihm 
LU  55  a  1  —  57  a  8  zurückgeht.  Aber  nirgends  ist  die  Kompilation 
verschiedenartigen  Materials  deutlicher  als  hier. 

Wie  verhält  sich  nun  LL?  Repräsentiert  es  etwa  die  eine 
dieser  beiden  Versionen?  Nein,  es  vereinigt  beide  Berichte.  An 
der  ersten  Stelle  (Windisch,  Z.  161  ff.)  werden  von  Medb  Boten 
gesandt  sowohl  zu  den  sieben  Mani  als  zu  den  maic  Magach, 
sowohl  zu  Cormac  Condlongas  als  zu  Fergus.  An  der  zweiten 
(433  ff.)  werden  gleichfalls  sowohl  die  Truppen  der  Mani  als  die 
der  maic  Magach  erwähnt.  Aber  der  Verfasser  der  LL -Version 
hütet  sich  wohl,  nun  die  Zahl  der  tricha  cet  zu  bestimmen;  er 
gibt  169  ff.  nur  die  Kopfzahl  der  Mannschaften  insgesamt 

Deutlicher  kann  wohl  nicht  zutage  treten,  wie  LL  die  ver- 
schiedenen Teile  der  Kompilation  LU  zu  vereinheitlichen  sucht. 


in. 

Vergil  und  die  Täin  B6  Cüailnge. 

Dafs  die  Täin  Reminiszenzen  an  das  klassische  Altertum 
birgt,  ist  öfters  bemerkt  worden.  Niemand  hat  von  dem  Warten 
des  Heeres  auf  günstige  Wahrzeichen  vor  dem  Aufbruch  oder 

^)  Dieser  Darstellaiig  entspricht  so  ziemlich  die  spätere,  die  Yon  Fergus' 
Weichen  aus  der  Schlacht  berichtet,  Z.  3633  ff. 


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208  R.  THURNETSEN,  ZUR  tXiN  BÖ  Cl^AILKGB. 

von  der  Erhebung  des  Flusses  Cronn  gegen  den  Feind  berichtet, 
ohne  an  die  Griechen  in  Aulis  oder  an  den  Skamandros  in  seinem 
Aufwallen  gegen  Achilleus  zu  erinnern.  Aber  der  direkteste 
Anklang  an  die  Antike  ist  bis  jetzt,  so  viel  ich  sehe,  unbemerkt 
geblieben,  weil  die  Stelle  nicht  verstanden  worden  ist  Schon 
dem  Schreiber  von  LU  war  sie  unverständlich,  wie  seine  falsche 
Interpunktion  zeigt,  und  die  LL-Version  hat  die  Anspielung 
ganz  unterdrückt. 

Es  handelt  sich  um  die  Einleitung  der  Episode,  in  der  die 
Nemain  den  Stier  vor  dem  Bevorstehenden  warnt  und  ihn  zur 
Flucht  bewegt  (842  fL).  Sie  ist  nur  in  LU64b  und  YBL24a  er- 
halten und  lautet  in  den  Handschriften  (von  gleichgültigen 
Varianten  abgesehen): 

Ciin  bdtär  di(du)  intsloig  octochim  maige  breg  forrumai^) 
allechtu  colkic  nochisi^)  innwrriganson^)  indeilb  euin  comböi  forstn 
chorthi  hitemair  cualngi^)  7  asbert  frisintdrb^)  usw. 

L.  W.  Faraday «)  meint,  es  fehle  hier  offenbar  etwas.  Aber 
die  Stelle  wird  ohne  weiteres  klar,  wenn  wir  Allechtu  als  Eigen- 
namen fassen:  „Während  die  Scharen  nun  beschäftigt  waren, 
Mag  Breg  zu  durchschreiten,  kam  inzwischen  Allechtu,  das  ist 
die  Morrigan,  in  Gestalt  eines  Vogels  auf  den  Steinpfeiler  in 
Temair  Cualngi  und  sprach  zu  dem  Stier"  usw.  Noch  is  in  der 
Bedeutung  id  est  ist  aus  den  Mailänder  Glossen  bekannt  Die 
Allechtu,  die  hier  mit  der  gespensterhaften  Morrigan  identifiziert 
wird,  ist  natürlich  niemand  anders  als  die  Furie  Allecto,  die 
jedem  Latein  Studierenden  ans  Vergils  berühmter  Schilderung 
Aen.  VII  323  ff.  vertraut  war.  Da  auch  sie  fuscis  tollitur  alis 
(408),  Stygiis  se  concitat  alis  (476),  war  sie  leicht  mit  einer  der 
tft  in  Vogelgestalt  erscheinenden  irischen  Dämoninnen  zu  ver- 
einigen. Bemerkenswert  bleibt  aber  immerhin,  dafs  in  einem 
der  älteren  Teile  der  Täin  ein  solcher  den  gelehrten  Kreisen 
entstammender  Ausdruck  sich  findet 

»)  fosrumcei  YBL.  «)  coUeic.  NochiH  LU. 

•)  inmörrigan  8on  LU.  *)  chuaügiu  YBL. 

*)  7  (ubtrUiria  intarb  YBL.  «)  The  Cattle-Eaid  of  Cualnge,  p.  40. 

Freiburg  i.  B.  R  Thübnetsen. 


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THE  RECENSIONS  OF  THE  SAGA 
^TOGAIL  BRUroNE  DADERGA'. 


1.  The  composite  text  of  ^Leabhar  na  hllidhre'. 

Of  the  older  tales,  wMch  have  come  down  to  us,  the  legend 
of  the  sack  of  DaDerga's  hostel  is,  next  to  the  *Tiin',  the  most 
ambitions  and  epic  in  structure.  The  form  in  which  we  have  it 
represents  an  intermediate  stage  between  the  nuadorned,  terse 
style  of  the  oldest  tales,  and  the  rhetorical  methods  of  the  twelfth 
Century  senchaide,  as  exemplified  in  the  *Täin'  and  Togail  Tröi  in 
the  Book  of  Leinster.  Unlike  these,  *  Togail  Bruidne  Da  Derga' 
for  all  its  difFoseness  of  narration,  seldom  degenerates  into  bombast; 
except  in  the  interminable  description  of  the  rooms  of  the  Bruiden, 
the  narrative  is  spirited  and  continuous,  with  occasional  passages 
of  Singular  beauty,  not  unworthy  of  the  legend  they  embody. 

Though  probably  later  in  form  than  the  *Täin',  the  legend 
of  the  tale  has  been  generally  recognized  to  be  of  an  even  more 
archaic  origin.  Eoin  Mac  N6ill  has  pointed  out,  that  here  we 
have  Tara  recognized  as  the  seat  of  the  king  of  Ireland,  while 
in  the  later  tales  it  is  a  place  of  minor  importance,  until  the  time 
of  Cormac:  here,  too,  we  have  the  peculiar  relic  of  totemistic 
usages,  and  stränge  beings  of  another  world  with  powers  of 
enchantment.  We  may  observe  too  the  absence  of  any  mention 
of  druidsi),  who  play  a  part  in  all  later  legends  of  enchantment. 

It  is  unfortunate,  that  Stokes,  in  editing  this  tale,  should 
have  worked  chiefly  from  a  manuscript,  which,  in  addition  to  being 
incomplete,  represented  ia  many  ways  later  recensions  and  obvious 

^)  That  is,  except  in  the  Eg.  Version  and  the  Dindshenchas.  Note  how  in 
the  Story  of  the  Tarbfess  interpolated  into  Serglige  Can  Culaind  from  onr 
text,  the  man  who  chooses  the  king  at  the  feast,  becomes,  in  accordance  with 
later  ideas,  a  dmid; 

Zdtwhrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  Z.  X4 


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210  LUCIUS  GWYNN, 

interpolations:  the  only  manoscript  moreover,  tbat  was  already 
accessible  in  facsimile.  For  this  reason  probably,  since  the 
researches  of  Zimmer  and  Nettlau,  this  text  has  been  left  almost 
unstudied  for  nearly  twenty  years.i) 

The  recent  discovery  by  Mr.  Best  of  the  interpolating  band 
in  'Leabhar  na  hUidhre',  has,  however,  thrown  much  light  on  the 
various  recensions  of  the  tale,  and  cleared  up  definitively  the 
relationship  of  that  MS.  with  Egerton  1782 :  a  later  scribe  has, 
as  Mr.  Best  shews,  erased  the  original  text,  and  written  in  the 
principal  additions  of  the  later  Egerton  recension.  It  is  thns 
possible  also  to  revise  Stokes'  summary  of  the  MSS.,  as  follows: 

The  descriptions  in  §  112  to  §  125  (LU  p.  93,  94)  are  added 
inLU  by  the  later  band:  therefore  in  'Lebhar  Buidhe  Leacain' 
we  have  the  original  text  in  its  entirety;  the  sole  complete  copy 
of  the  Story.  Similarly,  the  Stowe  MS.  is  complete  save  for 
the  loss  of  one  folio  at  the  end.  The  fragment  in  the  'Book  of 
Fermoy'  is  continuons.  Here  may  also  be  noted  that  the  remscäa 
mentioned  by  Stokes  as  preceding  the  text  in  'Egerton  1782', 
have  been  printed,  as  a  recension  of  'Tochmarc  fitiine',  by 
Windisch  in  bis  'Irische  Texte'  vol.  L 

It  is  cnrions,  that  the  text  presented  by  the  oldest  manu- 
script  LU  is,  withoat  exception,  the  least  archaic.  In  addition 
to  the  interpolations  of  the  later  band  (called  by  Best  H),  the 
evidence  of  the  other  MSS.  shews  clearly  that  the  original  scribe 
Mäel  Moire  mac  C^ilechair  introduced  frequent  additions  of  bis 
own.  Thus  LU  83  a  45  (ed.  Stokes  §  26)  reads:  Is  tat  dodrani 
in  smüit'Cheo  drutdechia  sin  din  hiih,  siabrai:  fo  bithin  arrocor- 
pait  gissi  Conairi:  against  all  other  MSS.  (including  Eg.,  Stokes 
p.  153),  which  have:  Is  e  ri  insin  longside  siabrai  din  bith:  this 
is  established  as  the  correct  reading  by  a  sentence  in  the 
sapplementary  note  in  LU  itself  {manu  prima),  which  is  taken 
parüy  from  this  tale,  and  partly  from  the  Short  summary  in 
'Lebor  Dromma  Snechta'.  This  nms:  Ecmaing  ba  tir  ducUotar, 
ar  is  he  ri  insin  loingside  siabraL 

In  the  light  of  this  example  we  may  fairly  reject,  on  the 
evidence  of  the  later  MSS.,  §§  68  and  69  (LU  87a2  to  10), 


*)  £xception  miut  of  conne  be  made  of  Mr.  Lloyd's  admirable  ttady  of 
the  topography  of  the  piece,  entitled  Tracht  Fwirbhthen  CEriv*  fol.2). 


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THE  RECBNSIONS  OF  THE  SAGA   'tOGAIL  BRUIDNB   DA  DERGA'.      211 

§  149  to  §  153  incL,  §§  159,  160,  163,  164,  and  §  168:  together 
mtb  many  readings  obyiously  late  in  form,  and  minor  moderniz- 
ations.  Nevertheless,  as  the  earliest  version,  LU  has  preserved 
in  some  places  the  original  reading,  where  Stowe  andLBL  offer 
more  modern  forms. 

The  close  agreement  of  the  varions  MSS.  makes  it  probable 
that  all  are  ultimately  derived  from  the  same  original  copy:  this 
is  especially  notable  in  the  obscurer  pieces  of  retoric 

The  Stowe  MS.  shews  a  text  with  a  certain  number  of 
obvious  modemizations:  for  instance  §  48 

LU:   ar  nach- bar -accaister  as'tir. 
LBL :  ar  naehabaccastar  as'tir. 
St:    na  faicther  sib  don  tir. 
Eg.:  ar  na  aiccithir  sib  do  tir. 

Here  LBL  preserves  the  correct  reading.  So  too  (§  52) 
LU:  conecsetar;  LBL,  Eg.:  condecdatar;  bnt  St:  7  indisit  (leg: 
CO  n-ecdatar).    Instmctive  also  is  §  66: 

LU:  Bä  h6  mo  lithsa,  for  Ingc^l,  combad  86  no  beth  and  7  robad 
orgain  fo  araile  insin. 

LBL  and  H:  Ba  he  mo  lithse  bid  he  docorad  and.  Ba  he  orcuin 
fon  ailiu. 

St.:  .  .  .  combad  he  notecmad  ann.    Ba  argain  mar  a  cheile  h6.0 

Eg. :    comad  he  notocrad  ann  innocht. 

Where  however  St.  omits  to  modemize,  it  reads  sometimes  with 
LU,  sometimes  with  LBL.  Thns  St.  with  LU  against  LBL: 
§  23  n.  1,  §  27  n.  8,  §  28  n.  5,  §  28  n.  13,  §  35  n.  8,  §  39  n.  1, 
§  43  n.  4,  §  79  n.  14  &c^)  Agreement  of  St.  and  LBL  is  still 
more  freqnent  against  LU,  bnt  in  neither  case  can  the  variants 
be  called  negligible;  it  may  therefore  be  fairly  concluded,  that 
St.,  LBL  and  LU  represent  independent  copies  of  one  original, 
and  hence  that  the  consensns  of  two  of  these  three  represents 
the  reading  of  the  original. 

Two  readings  which  conflrm  this  yiew  may  be  cited  here: 
§  23  n.  1: 


1)  Other  instanees  of  paraphrasing  in  St  p.  45  n.  2,  9. 
*)  Beferences   to   the    footnotes  and  paragraphs  of  Stokei'   edition: 
I  omit  mere  correspondences  of  spelling. 

14» 


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212  LUCIUS  GWYNN, 

LU:  Is  f  orcain  tnc  a  iinUn  dosom:  conid  si  adaig  andsin  rocnrthea 
a  mathair  7  a  athair  7  a  secht  nderbrathir. 

LBL :  Is  i  orcain  tnc  Ingcel  do  adaig  rocuretha  a  mathair  7  a  athair 
7  a  seacht  nderbraithri. 

Eg.:  Is  i  imorro  argain  tnc  Ingcel  doib  .i.  adaig  rocnirthea  a 
athair,  &c. 

H:    Is  i  orcnin  tng  Ingcel  doip  agaid  rocnirthi  a  mathair,  &c. 
St.:    Issi  orcnin  tue  a  ainfgn  do,  adaig  rocnirth6a  a  mathair  7  a 
secht  nderbrathir. 

Here  Lü  and  St  alone  read  a  ainfen  against  Ingcel  of  H, 
LBL  and  Eg.;  this  being  evidently  an  error  for  atn^cn  *ill-luck'.0 
Clearly  then  the  MSS.  have  a  common  arehetype,  whose  blander 
is  perpetaated  in  Lü  and  St.,  whilst  the  others  have  snbstitnted 
Ingcel  for  the  incomprehensible  ainßn.^) 

Again  §28  n.  13  LU  reads  hi  sedgregaib  oss  n-eng,  while 
for  the  last  word  LBL  has  n-ecennsa,  Stowe  necendas  no  neng^). 
TMs  whole  passage  is  imitated  from  the  obscore  list  of  gifts  in 
the  ^Amra  Con  Röi',  where  this  phrase  is  also  i  sedgregaib  oss 
n-eng.  It  seems  probable  that  St.  has  kept  the  original  error 
with  its  correction,  whilst  LBL  has  adopted  the  correction,  and 
LU  omitted  it  And  so  with  many  other  variants,  in  which  each 
of  these  three  MSS.  sometimes  follows  one  and  sometimes  the 
other,  the  explanation  can  only  be  that  they  are  independent 
copies  of  one  archetype. 


2.  The  reeension  of  Egerton  1782. 

The  text  of^ered  by  Egerton  1782  is,  as  Stokes  and  Nettlau 
have  shewn,  that  of  a  second  reeension.  It  opens  on  foL  106  r 
Bai  ri  amra  aireagdai  i  n-airdrighe  for  hErinn  ,i.  Eochaig  Äireamh 
with  a  Version  of  the  'Tochmarc  Et&ine'.  This  is  printed  as  a 
second  Version  of  that  tale  by  Windisch  (Irische  Texte  I  128); 
he  omits,  however,  to  point  out  that  it  is  not  an  independent 
text  in  the  MS.,  but  has  been  grafted  on  to  the  text  of  *Togail 
Bruidne  DaDerga'  and  forms  the  beginning  of  this  reeension. 

*)  This  explanation  I  owe  to  Dr.  Bergin. 

«)  Note  how  even  in  this  sentence  St  agrees  first  with  Lü  against 
LBL,  then  vice  vena. 
*)  Eg.  has  neng. 


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THE  BECEKSI0N8  OF  THE  SAGA  'tOGAIL  BRÜJDNE  DA  DERGA*.      213 

It  has  been  sliewn  in  a  paper  on  these  two  versions  of 
'Tochmarc  Ätäine'  (ZCP  IX  853)  that  the  Egerton  version  of 
'Tochmarc  Ätäine'  is  founded  on  that  preserved  by  LU-LBL 
with  addition  of  the  story  of  the  Finding  of  Etäin  from  'Bruiden 
DaDerga'  (§§1,2,3  ed.  Stokes  =  §3,4,5  in  Windisch's  'second 
Version *),  and  a  prose  summary  of  the  Dindshenchas  poem  on 
Eäth  Crüachan.  The  Finding  of  EtAin  is  therefore  not  an  inter- 
polation,  but  part  of  the  original  tale,  to  wliich  the  version  of 
*Tochmarc  ifetäine',  and  the  Crüachan  story  have  been  —  not 
very  skilfolly  —  prefixed*)- 

The  Crüachan -story  ends  Eg.  108  v  b  1  octis  hui  [sc.  Etäin] 
%  ngradhuibh  ri  hErind  (sie)  A.  a  cceitncheli  grdduch  dinguhala 
budh  dein:  then,  attempting  to  account  for  the  confusion  of  Eochaid 
Airem  and  Eochaid  Feidlech,  A,  hie  Eoehuith  Äiremh:  oeas  is  he 
in  tEchaid  sin,  robui  uru.  blüidna  hi  rieht  nErenn^  gur  rusloisee 
teni  hi  Fr^iainn.  Conid  hi  Serclighi  Äilellu  ainm  in  seeuil  sin, 
oeus  Toehmaree  Etainiu, 

Then  comes  an  attempt  to  harmonize  the  tale,  by  making 
Hess  Büachalla  daughter  of  a  second  Etäin,  whose  mother  was 
the  Etäin  of  the  preceding  tale'):  and  a  Statement  that  Conaire's 
gessa  were  violated  and  ruin  brought  upon  him  by  the  sithehaire 
Muigi  Breg,  to  avenge  the  destruction  of  BrI  L6ith  and  the  rescue 
of  EtÄin  by  Eochaid  ar  togail  Bri  Leith  oeuss  ar  Etain  do  thaphuirt 
OS  dEehaid  Airem  ar  ecin.  With  these  words  the  introduction 
concludes»). 

Thence  the  text  of  *Bruiden  Da  Derga'  is  taken  up;  the 
passage  may  be  quoted  as  illustrating  the  method  of  recension: 
(Eg.  fol.  108  V  col.  6  1. 19  =  LU  ed.  Stokes  §  4). 

OcoB  tue  Ck)rmacc  iarsin  iogen  EchocA  .i.  fer  na  tri  mbnad  m  Connac 
•in.  L^icith  Cormac  iartain  in  ingin,  ar  ba  hamrit  acht  mad  ingin  rnc  do 
Chonnac  iar  ndSnam  in  brothchain  domhert  a  mathair  di  assin  thsith.   Is 


1)  This  explains  also  the  confusion  of  Eochaid  Feidlech  and  E.  Airem. 

*)  Here  again  Eg.  interpolates  from  the  older  tradition:  in  the  Dind- 
shenchas of  Rath  Esa  and  the  very  archaic  legend  contained  in  the  genealogy 
Do  Shil  Chonairi  Moir  this  version  occurs,  bnt  there  l^tain^s  danghter  is 
named  Ess,  or  Esa. 

•)  Here  too  (fol.  108  v  col.  6  1.9)  ends  Windisch^s  transcript:  the  next 
line  begins  Ocus  tue  Etain  &c.  as  printed  below:  I  give  it,  as  it  bridges  the 
gap  between  Windisch^s  transcript,  und  that  of  the  Eg.  version  of  §§4, 5 
printed  by  Stokes  ed.  p.  151. 


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214 

annsin  atbert  sf  fria  mathair:  'Is  cnil  dorata  dain\  ol  si,  'bid  iugen  nomber\ 
'Ni  ba  bda  sön,  biaid  taigid  ri  fuirre'.  [§bed  Stokes]  Dobeir  Connac  iarum 
aridisi  a  mu&i :  ocus  bai  a  ri&r-sidi  ingen  na  mnao  (!)  ro  leicith  rempi  do 
marbadh.  Nir'  leig  Connacc  iartain  in  ingin  d'  altram  dia  mathair.  Nos- 
berat  ianun  d&  mogaid  &c.  (the  regt  printed  by  Stokes,  Appendix  p,  151), 

Thence  the  text  proceeds,  as  in  the  other  MSS.,  with  verbal 
modernizations,  alterations  und  additions,  bat  obvionsly  based  on 
the  same  Version. 

The  next  addition  of  importance  in  Eg.  is  the  Interpolation, 
after  §  26,  of  the  Version  of  the  Druim  Snechta  text,  which  occurs 
independently  in  LU.  It  woald  seem  that  this  short  note,  a 
recension  of  the  old  and  obscure  text  derived  from  the  Druim 
Snechta  codex,  gave  rise  to  this  recension  of  *Bruiden  Da  Derga', 
which  we  have  preserved  in  Eg.  1782,  and  in  the  interpolations 
in  ^Lebar  na  hUidri'.  In  its  original  form,  as  we  have  it  in 
other  MSS.,  the  text  seems  akin  to  the  original  idea  of  the  story 
of  'Bmiden  DaDerga*  —  for  instance,  the  words  ho  iarfds  do 
indred  caich  mennota  seem  to  contain  a  reference  to  the  mysteri- 
ous  agencies  which  prevented  Conaire  from  reaching  Tara  — 
akin  bat  not  identical  in  its  earliest  development  The  redactor  in 
paraphrasing  this  text  seems  to  have  read  the  phrase  bert  trogain^) 
as  meaning  that  Conaire  was  fey  {trü  irocha),  and  added  —  after 
the  fore-tale  in  *Tochmarc  Etäine'  —  in  conseqaence  of  the  de- 
strnction  of  a  Sid  by  his  father  Echaid  Airem. 

This  may  have  been  the  original  purport  of  the  legend:  its 
present  form  is  confased,  and  oat  of  harmony  with  the  fore-tales 
in  varioas  points;  bat  as  it  Stands,  the  older  recension  simply 
relates  how  Conaire,  having  violated  his  first  prohibition  to  save 
his  sons  from  death,  was  forced  to  break  them  all,  and  so  came 
by  his  end:  the  idea  of  the  vengeance  of  the  siahrai  seems  to 
originate  with  the  later  version  of  the  *Draim  Snechta'  text, 
and  to  have  been  grafted  thence  on  to  the  saga  by  the  Com- 
piler of  Eg. 

Comparing  the  examples  given  in  oar  flrst  article,  it  will 
be  Seen  that,  allowing  for  the  modemizations,  Egerton  1782  re- 
sembles  ^Leab.  Baide  Leacain'  in  its  readings.  An  examination 
sabstantiates  this  throaghoat:  the  Eg.  recension  is  based  on  a 
text  from  which  LBL  is  derived.   Note,  for  example,  besides  the 

0  It  seems  to  mean  'whoni  suurise  overtook':  of.  Corra.  8.  v.  iro^^fn. 


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THB  RECEK8I0NS  OF  THE  SAGA  'tOOAIL  BRÜIDNE  DA  DBRGA'.     215 

instances  alread j  given,  that  Eg.  omits  with  L6L  all  the  inter- 
polations  of  the  LU  text,  except  those  of  the  H  hand:  farther 
§  92  n.  5  it  reads  Corpre  Müsse  with  LBL-St.  against  C.  Findmor 
(LU):  §  35  Duind  Desscoraig,  Eg.  and  LBL  against  D.  Teiscoraig 
of  H,  St,  Lü:  with  LBL,  §  29  cenchomla  against  cenchomlaid  LU; 
so  garsecle  with  LBL  for  garsele  LU;  comu  p.  94  n.  11  with  LBL 
for  the  cemu  of  the  other  MSS. 

This  affinity  is  established  by  further  testimony.  In  LU 
we  have  the  text  of  'Bruiden  DaDerga'  in  conjunction  with  its 
fore-tales  'Tochmarc  ifctäine':  that  this  was  the  original  coUocation 
is  proved  by  the  sequence  of  glossed  fragments  in  the  H.  3. 18- 
glossary  (the  fact  that  these  fragments  regularly  read  with  LBL- 
Stowe  against  LU  Clinches  the  matter  i).  Bnt  in  LBL  we  have 
preserved  only  one  of  the  foretales:  which  is  the  one  which  Eg. 
incorporates  into  the  beginning  of  his  recension.  It  is  thus  almost 
certain  that  the  Compiler  of  the  Egerton  recension  (to  which  the 
H  interpolations  belong)  worked  from  the  MS.,  from  which  LBL 
is  directly  derived,  containing  a  complete  text  of  the  *Brniden 
Da  Derga'  but  only  one  of  the  stories  of  Etäin.  This  is  attested 
by  the  absence  of  any  independent  reference  to  the  other  rem- 
scila  in  Eg. 

It  would  seem  therefore  that  the  redactor,  finding  the  refer- 
ence to  the  remscila  in  the  Dmim  Snechta  text  as  accessible  to 
him,  set  to  work  to  reconstmct  them  from  the  ^Rith  Crnachan' 
poem  with  the  assistance  of  his  own  recollections  of  references 
to  the  Etäin-cycle,  scattered  throagh  the  Dindshenchas. 

Two  farther  additions  in  the  Eg.  recension  are  of  importance: 
the  first  is  the  long  passage  §  112  2)  to  §  125  in  Stokes'  edition 
containing  the  description  of  the  rooms.  This  is  interpolated 
by  H  into  the  text  of  LU  fol.  94  a,  6. 

The  second  is  of  more  interest:  §  163  runs  in  LU:  Aibath 
dano  Le  fri  Flaith  mac  Conaire  fo  oxail  Maicc  Cecht:  to  which 
H  adds  (in  rasurä):  ar  roleg  bruth  7  allus  in  miled  hS.  This  is 
a  doublet  of  the  original  accoont  in  §  156  which  has  simply: 

0  It  may  also  be  mferred  from  the  iama  remacilaib  of  the  later  yenion 
of  the  Dmim  Snechta  text. 

')  §  112  has  been  missed  ont  by  Eg. 

*)  The  two  yersions  with  the  interpolation  by  H  come  out  clearly  in 
pl.  VII  of  Mr.  Beat's  artide. 


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216  LUCIUS   GWYNN, 

docer  in  mac  foa  choimm.  The  Interpolation  of  H  is  taken 
from  the  Eg.  Version  of  §  156:  7  docher  in  mac  boi  fo  (^oimm 
A.  bruth  in  miled  rosmarb  cona  tarras  acht  a  cnama  lomma, 
7  rocuirseom  a  cndma  fön  talmain  hi  Maig  Cnamroiss. 

The  concluding  words  shew  clearly  that  here  we  have  an- 
other  loan  from  the  Metrical  Dindshenchas,  where  Eäth  Cnämrossa 
is  Said  to  be  so  called,  from  the  shower  (fross)  of  bones  (cndma) 
which  feil  from  Mac  Cecht's  shield  after  L6  had  literally  melted 
away.  One  is  glad  that  this  extraordinary  piece  of  bombast 
did  not  form  part  of  the  original  tale. 

It  is  nnlncky  that  both  the  Dindshenchas  poems,  which  the 
Compiler  of  the  Eg.  recension  has  ntilized,  are  undated:  if  we 
could  fix  their  period,  we  should  have  a  fair  criterion  for  dating 
both  the  compilation  of  the  Eg.  version,  and  the  interpolations 
in  *Leabhar  na  hUidhre'.  Something  can  perhaps  be  gleaned 
from  the  fact,  that,  for  the  beginning  chapter,  the  prose  Dind- 
shenchas of  'Rith  Gröachan'  has  been  drawn  npon. 

The  final  chapters  of  this  recension  are  printed  below  in  an 
appendix:  partly  to  shew  the  close  affinity  with  the  LBL  text, 
and  also  to  clear  up  the  confused  critical  apparatus  of  Stokes' 
edition.  The  LU  copy  is  heavily  interpolated  by  both  scribes 
towards  the  end,  and  a  folio  is  missing  from  the  Stowe  copy: 
Eg.  here  supplies  a  useful  criterion  to  check  the  readings  of 
LU  and  LBL.  Whether  the  other  texts  in  Eg.  1782  shew  a  si- 
milarly  close  relationship  with  those  of  'Leabhar  Buidhe  Leacain', 
I  cannot  say:  the  reverse  seems  to  be  the  case  in  the  copies  of 
the  *Täin',  according  to  Thnmeysen's  analysis  ZOP  9,  426 1):  the 
matter  belongs  to  an  investigation  of  the  whole  body  of  saga 
contained  in  all  three  MSS.,  and  cannot  here  be  dealt  with. 

To  sum  up  then:  the  recension  contained  in  Eg.  1782,  to 
which  the  interpolations  by  the  later  band  (H)  in  'Leabhar  na 
hUidhre'  belong,  is  based  on  a  text  of  the  older  prose  closely 
akin  to  'Leabhar  Buidhe  Lecain',  in  which,  as  in  that  MS^  only 
one  of  the  five  foretales  was  preserved.    This  foretale  of  Etäin's 


>)  LU  in  the  'Tiin'  agrees  with  Eg.  but  has  occasional  corrections  after 
LBL.  It  is  of  course  perfectly  possible  that  the  redactor  worked  from  different 
copies:  thns  Thnmeysen  shews  ('Zu  Ir.  HSS.'  1,  2)  that  the  copy  of  the  'T&in' 
in  H.  1.  14  is  an  indepeudeut  version,  whilst  the  remaining  texts  are  copied 
directly  from  Eg.  1782. 


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THE  RECEK6I0KS  OF  THE  SAGA  'TOGATI.  BRUIDNE  DA  DERO a'.  217 

wooing  by  Ailill  has  been  incorporated  into  the  Eg.  text,  together 
with  a  prose  version  of  the  Dindshenchas  of  Rith  Crüachan,  to 
introduce  that  alteration  in  the  plot  of  the  tale,  suggested  by 
the  recension  of  the  *Druim-Snechta'  text,  (as  LU99a)  which 
is  inserted  after  §  26.  The  description  of  the  rooms  of  the 
Broiden  is  extended  by  twelve  chapters,  and  these  have  been 
interpolated  into  the  Lü-text  by  H.  Lastly,  the  story  of  the 
death  of  L6  fri  Flaith  has  been  altered  in  accordance  with  the 
Dindshenchas  of  'Räth  Cnamrossa',  a  detail  which  has  also  been 
thrnst  into  the  Lü-copy;  the  affinities  of  LU  with  Eg.  1782  are 
thns  superficial;  confined  to  these  rongh  interpolations  of  a  later 
band:  in  their  main  text  the  two  MSS.  are  absolutely  independent 


3.  The  Text  of  'Cin  Dromma  Snechta'. 

Some  notice  may  here  be  taken  of  the  text  adapted  from 
the  cort  snmmary  of  'Lebor  Dromma  Snechta',  which  has  in- 
fluenced  the  recension  of  Eg.  1782.  It  occurs  Lü  p.99a,  and  the 
first  part  is  interpolated  after  §  26  in  Eg.  The  first  part  purports 
to  give  the  explanation  iarna  remscelaib  i.  e.  from  the  foretales 
of  Tochmarc  ÄtAine',  and  the  preliminary  account  of  Conaire's 
king-making  in  the  'Togail  Brnidne'  itself.  (Note  that  here  is 
used  the  form  Ui  Derga  from  the  *Druim  Snechta'  account.) 
Thence  it  proceeds  with  Slicht  na  Cini  beos  to  give  the  rest  of 
the  *Druim  Snechta'  version.  The  list  of  prohibitions  here  given 
is  identical  with  that  in  ^Togail  Bruidne'  §  16,  with  the  addition 
na  fuinmilsed  gata  suggested  by  the  Gatsaiside  na  teora  gaia  ar 
in  noenfer  . . .  co  n-accaitis,  . . .  cia  domain  doairgebad  don  rig 
in  gat  inna  flaith:  Hhey  thieved  three  thefts  from  the  same  man 
. . .  to  See  . . .  what  härm  would  come  upon  the  king  from  thieving 
during  bis  reign'  of  §  18. 

This  is  all  interpolated  by  way  of  explanation:  but  by  good 
fortune,  the  *Lebor  Dromma  Snechta'  version  has  been  preserved 
for  US  in  its  true  and  archaic  form.  In  this  we  find  absolutely  no 
reference  to  the  destruction  of  the  Sid  and  the  idea  of  vengeance 
exacted  for  it. 

It  begins  (I  cite  Thurneysen's  ed.)  as  the  Lü-Eg.  version 
Conaire  mac  Mese  Büachalla  is  he  ortce  i  mBruidin  Ui  Derga: 
Then  the  curious  sentence  omitted  in  the  later  version:  ^  is  e 


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218  LUCIUS  GWYNN, 

dodifetih  (?)*)  trogain:  ^  ba  he  bert  trogain  tar  Brega,  o  do-arfas 
do  indred  cach  mennoia,  Cetna-conranaic  Bruidin  üiDerga,  confiu 
i  suide,  ^  combo  hinde  ortce  'Conaire  son  of  Hess  Böachalla,  he 
it  is  who  was  slain  in  the  Hostel  of  Ua  Derga  and  it  is  he  whom 
sent  trogain  (?)  and  it  was  he  bert  trogain  across  (or  past)  Bregia, 
when  the  destmction  of  every  dwelling  was  manifest  to  him.  The 
Hostel  of  üa  Derga  was  the  first  he  reached«  so  that  he  slept 
there,  and  there  it  was,  he  was  slain\ 

What  is  the  meaning  of  dodifeith  trogain  and  bert  trogain? 
Cormac  gives  (glossary  s,  v.  n.  1216  ed.  Meyer)  trogen  .t.  gein  7 
trog  A.  turgabail  na  grene,  7  as  geinithir  a  ruithni  riasin  grein 
isin  matoin:  trogen  that  is  gein  *birth',  and  trog  (*to  foaP),  that 
is  the  snnrise,  and  thence  is  born  the  glow  before  the  snn  in 
the  morning'.  This  seems  to  mean  that  trogain  means  'snnrise'. 
The  sentence  is  obscure,  but  I  think  we  may  take  it  to  refer  to 
the  proliibition  of  Conaire  in  the  archaic  text  in  the  genealogies: 
Facbait  airmit  fair  A.  na  funfed  y  na  taurcdbad  grian  fairsium 
a  Temraig,  *they  lay  a  prohibition  npon  him  [sc.  Conaire]  that 
the  sun  should  neither  set  nor  rise  npon  him  out  of  Tara': 
the  words  tar  Brega  seems  to  refer  to  this,  that  he  should 
not  have  slept  a  night  outside  of  Tara.  The  'destmction  of  every 
dwelling'  is  surely  explained  by  the  nem  tened  of  §  25,  which 
made  Conaire  go  southwards:  in  the  Dindshenchas  we  leam 
that  the  Clöenmila  Cemai  had  laid  waste  all  Bregia.  'So  that  he 
slept  there',  this  seems  also  to  emphasize  his  staying  a  night 
abroad. 

There  seems  to  be  an  echo  of  this  in  the  prohibition  Ocus 
nir^  echtra  cach  nomad  n-aidche  sech  Themair:  'and  let  him  not 
go  forth  every  ninth  night  from  Tara'  in  'Bruiden  Da  Derga' 
§  16.  Further  the  curious  word  airmit  'prohibition'  occurs  here 
and  in  the  Do  Sil  Chonairi  text  (cited  above)  in  identical  con- 
text^):  note  too  that  the  sentence  in  that  text  Ocus  is  hi  ri 
bertatar  siabrai  hirrige  has  a  direct  echo  in  'Bruiden  Da  Derga' 
§  26:  is  he  ri  iarum  hngside  siabrai  a  rrige:  unquestionably  points 
of  contact  with  the  later  working-out  of  the  saga. 


1)  Sic  ed.  dodafeith  E  dodieich  H  dofeith  N;  or  is  this  a  relative  form 
to  'tudich  cf.  Thnmeyseo,  'HdbclL*,  where  a  verb  dofeith  *he  goea'  is  givcn? 
(^Hdbch;  §808).    The  text  is  edited  *Zu  Ir.  HSS/  1,  27. 

*)  Bid  ii  do  airmiiiu  .i.  do  ghcs  §  16  of  *  Bruiden  DaDerga\ 


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THU  RECENSIOKS  OF  THE  SAGA   'TOGAIL  BRUIDNE  DA  DER0A\      219 

Looking  at  the  text  of  'Cin  Dromma  Snechta'  apart  from 
the  interpretation  of  the  later  redactor,  it  seems  evident  that  in 
outline  it  is  the  same  as  that  developed  in  the  *Togail  Bruidne': 
the  remainder  mns:  'Maine  MiUscothach  mac  Uae  Aurbaith,  G6r 
mac  Uae  Neca,  and  the  three  sons  of  Ua  Toigse*),  'twas  they 
who  slew  him,  by  counsel  of  Angc61  Ua  Conmaic;  their  rapine 
was  repaid  upon  them,  when  they  had  wrought  destruction  to 
their  desire  amongst  Angcöl's  (people)  in  Scotland.  66r  mac  Uae 
NecaB  granted  him  as  a  favoor  that  they  would  wreak  any 
destruction  with  him  in  Ireland  that  he  might  choose.  When 
Maine  Millscothach  said  'twere  pity  to  slay  all  that  were  in 
the  house  [L  e.  the  Bruiden],  then  Aingc61  appealed  to  the  truth 
and  honour  of  Ua  Necaa  Three  flfties  was  their  nnmber  at  the 
destruction.  They  came  to  Albu  to  wreak  their  rapine  there, 
for  the  grasp  [i.  e.  might]  of  Conaire  would  not  allow  them  to 
wreak  it  in  Ireland.  Between  Cualu  and  Albu  is  the  Hostel  of 
Ua  Derga'. 

This  shews  variations  in  detail  on  the  elaborated  saga, 
yet  it  is  substantially  the  same;  and  no  doubt  a  forerunner 
of  the  well-known  redaction  represented  by  LU  and  LBL:  here, 
as  in  many  other  *Druim  Snechta*  texts,  we  have  probably  one 
of  the  original  shapings  as  Thumeysen  suggests,  of  the  body  of 
saga-literature  represented  in  its  later  and  more  defined  develop- 
ment  and  common  to  the  family  of  MSS.  which  has  preserved  it. 


4.  Further  MSS.  of  <Togall  Bruidne  DaDerga'. 

The  remaining  MSS.  six  in  number,  are  of  minor  importance*); 
no  Classification  of  them  can  be  attempted  from  the  scanty  material 
supplied  by  Stokes'  coUation,  although  their  evidence  must  be 
carefully  weighed,  before  any  attempt  can  be  made  to  date  the 
text,  or  reconstruct  it  to  its  original  form.  They  all  foUow 
the  older  Version:  not  one  presents  a  text  like  that  of  LU  or 
Eg.  1782. 


1)  Thns  LU:  N  has  Tairrsigh;  H,  Bathaisi  (an  obvions  snbstitntion 
from  'Bruiden  DaDerga'):  £  Toiiich:  both  £  and  N  seem  to  offer  adaptationi. 

*)  One  may  add  to  the  list  given  by  Stokes  two  folios  (i  and  5)  re- 
preseuting  §§  1  — 18  of  the  edition  in  MS.  Add.  33,  993,  British  Mnsenm. 


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220  LUCIUS   GWTNN, 

Of  critical  value  for  the  text  are  the  glossed  extracts  in 
the  glossary  of  H.  2. 18,  which  Stokes  has  given  in  some  number 
in  bis  Index,  inasmneh  as  they  cover  the  entire  text.  They  agree 
closely  in  reading  with  LBL.  As  this  MS.  contains  a  glosses  from 
the  complete  *Tochmarc  Etäine',  of  which  LBL  only  knows  a 
Single  episode,  it  may  be  regarded  as  independent  of  that  MS. 
but  of  the  main  branch  of  MS.  tradition. 

The  tale  itself,  even  in  its  original  form  cannot  lay  Claim 
to  any  very  great  antiquity.  Zimmer  and  Nettlau  have  demon- 
strated  the  compilatory  nature  of  its  structure,  and  the  many 
'version-doublets'  it  contains.  Add  to  this  the  contamination 
with  legends  of  the  Ulster  Cycle;  the  introduction  of  the  Ulster 
heroes  Cuscraid  (§  114),  Conall  Gemach  (§  147),  the  Fir  Falgae 
(§  130,  cf.'^Thumeysen  ZOP  9,  202),  and  others  (§  129,  130);  the 
obvious  Imitation  of  the  'Amra  Con  Eöi'  in  §  28:  the  description 
of  the  horses  in  §  51  seems  to  be  adapted  from  the  conventional 
'rhetoric'  abont  the  steeds  of  CüChulaind^;  and  curious  feature 
of  shifting  colours  abont  the  hair  of  the  king's  son,  which  forms 
part  of  the  description  of  Cü  Chnlaind  in  the  'Tain'^):  furthermore 
the  reference  to  the  Berserkir  of  the  Norse  tales  (in  §  43);  all 
of  which  we  may  fairly  consider  as  shewing  a  late  or  derivative 
tradition,  and  pointing  to  a  period  of  composition  of  no  very 
early  date. 

For  determining  such  questions  as  these,  however,  the  text  may 
best  be  studied  apart  from  the  interpolated  versions,  from  'Leabhar 
Bnidhe  Leacain',  which  as  well  as  preserving  the  sole  complete 
copy,  represents  a  Version  free  from  interpolation,  and  keeps  in 
many  respects  the  most  archaic  text:  the  Version  moreover 
under  which  the  saga  was  currently  known,  and  exercized  its 
literary  influence^).  Historically  also  it  represents  the  older 
tradition. 


')   E.  g.  in  the  *Tain*  the  Fltd  Bricrendy  and  the  Siabarcharpat, 
»)   Itiiiftlly  in  the  rhetorical  formnla  e.  g.  *Tri  fuilt  batarair:  donnfri 
imnd,  criidtrfj  ar  mciafi,  mind  orbuidi  ardatuigethar^ :  TBC  ed.  Strachan- 

•)  The  Levittlli.*!!  {§  56)  may  also  be  borrowed  from  Norse  tales.  At 
lemx  Qüft  Kor»c  tont]  word  occnra:  ecgi  §  128  (so  Kuno  Meyer  RC.  12,  462): 
thfl  uüieri  nt*mi,  Iww^rer^  to  belong  to  tbe  interpolations.  Compare,  however, 
akh4$ing  (in  tbe  laltr  laaguage  faighkanv)  *rack'  (§  55). 


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THE  RECBN8I0NS  OP  THE  SAGA  'TOQAIL  BRUIDNE  DA  DERGA'.      221 

It  is  riglit,  in  conclusion,  that  some  tribute  of  respect  should 
be  paid  to  the  achievement  of  Whitley  Stokes.  It  was  no  small 
ondertaking  to  edit  a  text  of  this  description  with  its  many 
corrupt  passages  and  deliberate  obscurities.  His  text  and  apparatus 
criticus  leave,  it  is  true,  much  to  be  desired,  bat  both  by  his  notes 
and  his  index  he  has  done  mach  to  clear  up  obscore  words  and 
phrases;  while,  despite  the  cambrous  text  from  which  he  worked, 
his  English  rendering  is  accurate  and  flowing;  reprodacing  well 
the  spirit  of  this  stränge  violent  legend,  with  that  toach  of  beaaty, 
which  he  alone  knew  how  to  impart. 


Appendix  (ad  2). 

The  foUowing  is  a  transcript  of  the  last  page  of  the  Eg. 
copy  fol.  123  V.:  from  this  will  be  seen  the  close  resemblance  to 
the  copy  in  LBL.  The  first  three  lines  contain  the  end  of  the 
*rethoric'  printed  by  Stokes  p.  144:  . . .  diambad  i  mbethu  beind. 
Fo.  F.,  thence  it  continaes  (=  Stokes  §  157): 

Luid  Mac  Cecht  iarsm  i  ndiaid  in  madma.  Ni  torchair  tra  acht 
nathad  i&bec  im  Chonaire  .i.  .xu.  fir,  7  ni  mör  ma  ro^la  fer  innisti  sc^l 
dona  fiannaib  rob&tar  ic  dal  for  bmidhin,  bale  irrabatar  .n.  müe  c^t  .7.  .x. 
c^t  in  cech  mili  .1.  ni  terna  dib  ass  acbt  oencüicior  .i.  Ingcel,  7  a  da  brathar 
Echell.  7  Dartaid  na  Dibergi,  7  da  Rn&d  Koirend  rocetgonsat  Gonaire.  Bos- 
laided  tra  iartain  in  cath  co  combägacb  fortren  ferda  feramail  .i.  0  Mac 
Cecbt  7  0  ConaU  Ceraacb  mac  Amargin,  corodithait.  7  corodithlaithrigit 
isin  cath  mör  iar  matin.  corominaigit.  7  coroloiscit  a  longa  .i.  la  Mac  Gecht 
7  la  Conall  hi  üdigail  a  tigema.  Mairg  maidm  7  echtrann  irrabi  in  diäs 
degaid!  [§  162]  Intan  lamm  roboi  Mac  Cecht  for  altaib  isind  irmaig  hicind 
in  treslai.  conaca  in  mnai  secha.  ^Tadaill  lat  a  bean  chncam!*  ol  Mac 
Cecht  'Ni  laimim  a  dar,  ol  in  ben,  'lat'  argrain  7  t'omon.*  'Roboi 
hauir  damsa  amlaid  sin,  a  bean',  oll  Mac  Cecht,  '.i.  mo  grdin  7  m'omon 
ar  neach;  acht  chena  ni  agaraso  ni,  7,  notgeibim  for  fir  m'eneich\  Tic 
in  ben  'na  arrad  iaram.  'Noconetarsa',  ar  Mac  Cecht,  'in  cail  nö  in 
corrmil  nö  in  seng&n,  nomgeib  isin  crecbt'.  Eccmaing  ba  mongach  mactire 
robai  and  corrici  a  da  gualaind.  [Eg.  123  y  col.  b  =  Stokes  §  162]  Rongab 
.  in  ben  ar  erbaU  ocos  dosrenga  asin  ergeht,  7  dobeir  lan  a  crals  ass  himach. 
'Is  isengdn  sentalman  4m  anisin!'  ol  in  ben.  'Tonga  do  Di4,'  for  Mac 
Cecht,  'niba  mö  limsa,  andas  cail  nö  corrmil  no  sengan'.  [§  164]  Ro^laid 
dano  Mac  Cecht  ass  sin,  cia  fofaair  mör  nimnid  and.  Rosiacht  ass  dano 
Conall  Cemach,  7  docuatar  tri  .1.  gai  isin  lalm  immboi  in  sci&th.  Lnid 
iarsin  coranic  tech  a  atbar,  7  leth  a  sc6ith  Ina  laim,  7  a  claid^,  7  broirech 
a  da  gai;  cotarrla  do  in  tatbair  in  ndoros  a  liss.  'Itatin  [sie!]  ladtha 
coin  rotrebathar,  a  mac&n',  for  a  athair  friss.  'Issed  roboi  docomrnc  fri 
öca  ön,  a  sendlaich*,  ol  Conall  Cemach.   'Scela  lat  dino  Broidni  Da  Derga!' 


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222        LUCIUS  GWYNK,  RBCBN8ION8  OF  'TOQAIL  BRUIDNB  DA  DER0A\ 

ol  Amargin,  4n  be6  do  thigerna?'  'Nocon  be6  imorro*,  ol  Conall.  'Tonga 
do  Dia  a  tonget  mo  ihudth,  is  midla^chda  don  fir  dodechaid  ina  bethaid 
asf  iar  facb&il  a  tigema  la  naimtin  i  mmb&s.'  'Nidat  b&na  mo  chrechta 
6iD,  a  öenlaich*,  ar  Conall.  Rothöcaibh  a  laim  sc^ith  do:  tri  .1.  crecht 
robni  fairri.  'In  scidth  tra  ised  roimditnestar  in  l&m  [sie]  sin';  ar  Conall, 
'in  lam  dess  imorro  roimbred  fnirriside,  nair  nat  raibe  tciath  oca  imditin, 
CO  ftiilet  tri  cet  fercrecht  fairri.  Booirred  imorro  ind  14m  sin,  7  roath- 
chomady  7  rocrechtnaiged  7  rocriathrad,  acht  na  feithe  oca  coügbail  frissin 
corp  cen  etarscarad  na  14me  fris.  . . . 

. . .  [=  LU  99  a]  The  rest  is  missing,  owing  to  the  loss  of 
the  next  folio. 

Bournemouth.  Lucius  Gwtnn. 


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TRACHTAD  AR  AN  AEBIDIL. 


The  following  curions  piece  of  divination  is  found  in  a 
yellom  manoscript  in  the  possession  of  the  0'C!onor  Donn,  of 
which  he  kindly  gave  me  the  perusal.  This  böok  contains 
54  large  pages,  some  of  which  are  very  mach  blackened  and 
defaced,  and  in  parts  quite  illegible.  The  following  note  gives 
the  name  of  the  scribe  and  his  patron:  Ruaidri  o  Cianan  da 
sgrib  in  duanair  sea  do  Thomas  mac  Briain  mic  Dondcaid  mic 
CHlle  na  naem  mic  Gille  Isu  mic  Gille  na  naem  mic  Muiredaig 
mic  Samhrudan.  This  Tomas  mac  Samhradain  or  MacGovernO 
was  Chief  of  the  Teallach  Eachach  in  North  Breifne,  and  was 
killed  in  1343.  The  manoscript  is  a  dimnaire  in  praise  of  the 
Mac  Samhradhains  and  is,  I  shonld  say,  the  oldest  coUection  of 
this  kind  in  existence. 

Trachtad  ele  ar  an  aibidil  and  so. 

Gebe  cetduine  tegemas  dnit  7  ta  ic  dal  ar  set,  fiarfaig  a 
ainm  da  rabair  ina  ainmfis.  Masa  A  no  0  no  ü  no  E  no  I  tos 
a  anma,  gnoeöchai(2&  a  leas  7  tic  sl&n  ar  a  ais.  Masa  B  no  G 
no  D  tos  a  labhro,  is  forbailti  tsignigis  ic  dal  7  ic  teacht  Masa 
P  no  Q  no  T  tos  a  labra,  is  gradh  mna  t[s]ignighis.  Mad  S  no 
L  no  M  no  N  no  R  no  S,  ni  thiucf air  slan  7  ni  comlTnfa  do 
leas.  Mad  X  no  Y  no  Z  signig  bas  gan  fuirech  no  digbail  do 
6et  do  toro^.    Finit    Amen.    Finit 

Here  is  another  little  treatise  on  the  aiphabet. 

Whoever  is  the  first  person  that  shall  meet  you  when  you 
are  going  on  a  joamey,  enqnire  his  name  if  yoa  are  in  ignorance 

0  Some  of  this  family  now  caU  themselves  Somen,  from  a  üancied 
connexion  with  the  word  iatnhradk 


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224  T9ACHTAD  AR  AN  ATBIDIL. 

of  it.  K  A  or  0  or  U  or  E  or  I  be  the  beginning  of  the  name, 
bis  luck  will  succeed  (with  the  traveller)  and  he  will  come  back 
safe.  K  B  or  C  or  D  be  the  beginning  of  its  pronunciation,  it 
is  joy  which  it  signifles  both  going  and  Coming.  K  P  or  Q  or 
T  be  the  beginning  of  the  word,  it  is  the  love  of  a  woman  which 
it  signifles.  If  it  be  S*)  or  L  or  M  or  N  or  R  or  S,  you  will 
not  come  back  safe,  and  yon  will  not  accomplish  yonr  own  good. 
If  it  be  X  or  Y  or  Z,  it  signifles  immediate  death  or  the  loss  of 
your  goods  on  the  joumey. 


0  This  shonld  no  donbt  be  F. 

Dublin.  Douglas  Htde. 


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THE  MEANING  OF  BIRTH-DAYS'). 


The  foüomng  text  is  taken  from  MS.  K  3.  17  (TCD), 
col.  850,  851,  tchere  it  occurs  tcithout  title,  There  is  a  slightly 
mutUated  copy,  also  tcithout  title,  in  the  'Book  of  Hui  Maine' 
(RI.Ä.),  at  the  bottom  of  p.lOSh,  Variants  from  this  version 
(H)  are  added  in  the  foot-notes. 

1.  Neach  genes  i  nDomnach,  bid  suthain,  bid  söinmech  a 
betha,  bid  imda  i  ndomun  dö  ^),  bid  sQairc  la  riga  7  airchindcbin, 
bid  mör  a  chamachta'),  a  leas^)  ina  l&maib  dö^). 

2.  Neach  genis  i  ILüan,  bid  maith  [a]  ana«)  for  cethru^), 
7  biäid  anim^)  fora  gnüisib,  nl  ba  hailtDide,  bid  flal,  bid 
imda  ceile  D6  ic  gabaii  a  6cnairc[e]»),  7  d6näir><>)  aithrig[e]^0 
ria  mbäs. 

3.  Neach  gene^  hi  mM&irt,  badagh^^)  dia  breith,  bid  im- 
dai^^)  a  hana  for  ininc[h]eathra,  nl  ba  tren  a  chomachta,  bid 
saaircc  la  mn&  7  la  cona^^). 


*)  See  a  paper  by  Profeisor  Max  Förster  on  Wochentagsgeburta- 
Prognosen  in  *Ärchiv  für  das  Stttdium  der  neueren  Sprachen  und  Literaturen  \ 
vol.  128^  p,  296 ff,,  where  Latin,  English  and  French  examples  are  collected, 

*)  om.  H,  *)  bid  a  chnmachta  la  fine  H, 

*)  less  H,  »)   om,  H. 

•)  a  ana  H,  ^)  cethre  H. 

•)   agrnim,  fora  gnuisib  om,  E,        •)  6cnairce  H, 

")  dofair  H,  ")  aithrige  U, 

^)  Ug.  b&dnd.  H  omits  this  phrase  here,  but  adds  at  the  end:  robadnd 
dia  breith. 

")  imda  H,  ")   7  la  conu  om.  H, 

Z«iUohrift  f.  o«ll.  Philolosio  X.  15 


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226  AKNIE  M.  SCARRE, 

4.  Nech  genes  a^  Cetöin,  anim  for  a  c[h]ll,  b&s  tria  fall 
atbela,  bidh  neünnech  a  hirlabra,  bid  miscnech,  bid  tr^n  gabal- 
taig'),  dogena  gnlm  ndaaircc  ria  mbass. 

5.  Nech  genes  i  nDardam,  bäs  a  fescor ')  dobdla,  nö  taithim  ^) 
nö  bidgad*^),  bid  suthain,  bid  carthanach,  bid  clannmar,  cid  bed 
d&n  dogena^),  bid  maith  ann,  bid  crOaid'). 

6.  Nech  genes  i  nÄine,  bas  ait[h]rig[e]  dö»),  bid  santach»), 
imed  n-öir  7  n-airgit  lais,  fogenait  a  aa  ^^)  7  a  cinel  dö,  bid  failech, 
bid  somainech^O  ^o  inolad  a  daenib. 

8.  Nech  genes  hi  Sathairn^  loscad^^)  7  bronngalar  dia 
brith;  bid  mör  a  hordan,  bid  mignimach,  bid  nemnech,  bid  finga- 
lach,  dogena  mör  dainoirgne,  dllmaineacht  beathad  dö. 


Translation. 

1.  He  who  is  born  on  Sunday  will  be  longlived,  his  life 
will  be  happy,  he  will  have  wealth  in  the  world,  he  will  be  in 
favoor  with  kings.  and  erenaghs,  great  will  be  his  power,  his 
Profit  in  his  own  hands. 

2.  He  who  is  born  on  Mondaj,  his  wealth  in  cattle  will  be 
good,  there  will  be  a  blemish  on  his  face,  he  will  not  be  Sharp, 
he  will  be  generous,  many  culdees  will  sing  his  requiem,  and  re- 
pentance  will  come  to  him  before  death. 

3.  He  who  is  born  on  Tnesday,  drowning  will  carry  him 
off,  great  will  be  his  wealth  in  small  cattle,  his  power  wül  not 
be  streng,  he  wül  be  a  favoorite  with  women  and  dogs. 

4.  He  who  is  born  on  Wednesday,  a  blemish  on  his  body, 
he  will  die  a  bloody  death,  his  speech  will  be  venomons,  he  wUl 
be  hatM,  he  will  be  a  powerful  plunderer,  he  will  do  a  dire  deed 
before  death. 


1)  i  H.  <)  gabaltaid  H;  sie  leg, 

*)  fescor  H.  «)  taithim  H. 

»)  bidcnid  Ä  •)  dognea  H, 

»)  om.  H,  •)  bid  aith-  do  H, 

•)  bid  cruaid  santach  H,  1«)   thuath  H, 

")  soinmech  E,  ")  losgad  H, 


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THE  MEANIMG  OF  BIRTH-DAT8.  227 

5.  He  who  is  born  on  Tharsday  will  die  at  Vespers,  either 
by  a  swoon  (?)  or  a  fright,  he  will  be  longlived,  he  will  be  loving, 
he  will  have  many  childi*en,  whatever  may  be  the  art  he  may 
exercise,  he  will  be  good  in  it,  he  will  be  harsh. 

6.  He  who  is  born  on  Friday,  he  will  have  a  death  of 
repentance,  he  will  be  coyetoos,  he  will  have  wealth  of  gold  and 
silyer,  his  tribe^  and  race  will  serve  him,  he  will  be  bloody,  he 
will  be  rieh  in  the  praise  from  men. 

7.  He  who  is  born  on  Satorday,  fever  (?)  and  a  bowel- 
disease  will  carry  him  off,  great  will  be  his  dignity,  he  will  do 
evil  deedSy  he  will  be  venomons,  he  will  be  a  parricide,  he  will 
do  many  slanghters,  he  will  lead  a  licentioas  life. 


0   I  translate  tOath  H. 

Liverpool  Annie  M.  Scarkb. 


15' 


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BETHA  COLUIMB  CHILLE. 

(CONTINUATION.) 


204.0  Oidhc[h]e  cingcisi  do  coatar  a  tir  'san  oilen  sin,  7 
do  batar  draithe  'san  oilen  sin,  7  tancutar  a  rectaibh  espog 
d'indsoighe  C.  C.  Ocus  adubratar  ris  nar  cöir  do  tect  do'n  oUen 
sin,  7  go  (fol  26b)  rabntar  fen  and  remhe  ag  siladh  creidmhe  7 
crabatdA,  7  nach  rainic  se  a  les  daine  naemtha  eli  da  bennoghadh. 
*Ni  fir  daib-si  sin',  ar  C.  C;  'oir  ni  hespoiy  iar  fir  sib,  act  draithe 
diablaide  ata  a  n-agaidh  creidimh,  7  fagbuidh  an  t-oilen-sa,  7  ni 
daeib  do  deonaigh  Dia  6'.  Agus  do  fagbhatar  na  draithe  an 
t-oilen  le  breithir  C.  C. 

205.  Is  andsin  adubert  C.  C.  ren  a  mnindtir:  'As  maith  duind 
ar  fremha  do  dal  fon  talmain-si  a  tancamar,  7  gebe  nech  naemtha 
dar  mnindtir  do  aeinteochudh  bas  d'faghail,  7  a  cur  fa  huir  na^ 
hindse-si,  doberaind-se  flaithes  De  dö'. 

206. 0  Is  andsin  adubatVtOdhran  naemh  do  bni  maille  re  C.C.: 
'Aentaighim-si  bas  d'faghail  ar  an  cnnnradh  sin'.  'Doberim-si 
flaithes  D6  duid-se',  ar  C.C.,  '7  fos  doberim  doit  gach  nech  iarfas 
atchuinghe  ag  mo  tumba  no  ag  mo  loidhe  orm-sa,  gan  a  faghail 
dö  no  go  ngnidhe  se  thussa  ar  tos';  7  fnair  Odhran  bas  andsin 
do  toil  De  7  C.  C,  7  do  haidluicedh  fa  im  na  hindsi  sin  L  Gtonadh 
Keilec  Odhrain  a  n-t  ainm  an  inaid  sin  aning. 

207. 0  Do  bendaigh  C.C.  an  t-oilen  sin,  7  do  comhdan^A  ecla»s 
onomch  and,  7  do  töcuib  reilge  7  oladha  ann  7  crossa  imga  fa 

>)  From  §  204  to  §  213,  0*D.  cloeelj  followi  the  0.  L  Life.  See  Lii- 
more  liTes,  pp.  30,  31. 

*)  See  BeeTtf' AcUmL,  p.417. 
•)  L  c  pp.  410,  4ia 


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THE  LIFE  OF  COLUM  CHILLE. 

(TRANSLATION.) 


204.  On  the  eve  of  Pentecost  they  landed  on  that  island. 
And  the  druids  who  dwelt  in  it  approached  C.  C.  in  the  guise 
of  bishops  and  said  that  he  was  an  intruder,  in  as  mach  as  they 
themselves  had  been  there  before  him  spreading  the  faith  and 
fostering  piety;  and  that  so  it  did  not  need  to  be  blessed  by 
other  holy  men.  *That  is  not  true',  says  C.  C,  *for  you  are  not 
truly  bishops  bat  droids  of  Satan  who  are  opposed  to  the  faith. 
Leaye  this  island.  Grod  has  not  destined  it  for  yon.'  The  draids 
left  the  island  at  the  word  of  C.  C. 

205.  Then  CG.  said  to  his  followers:  'It  is  good  for  os 
that  oor  roots  shoald  penetrate  the  earth  to  which  we  have 
come,  and  so  I  woold  bestow  heaven  on  whomsoever  of  our 
people  that  would  consent  to  die  and  be  bnried  beneath  the  clay 
of  this  Island.' 

206.  Then  holy  Odhran,  one 'of  C.  C.'s  followers,  said:  'I 
consent  to  die  on  that  condition'.  'I  bestow  heaven  on  thee',  says 
C.  C,  'and  moreover  I  grant  thee  that  whosoever  shall  make  a 
reqoest  at  my  tomb  or  at  my  resting-place  shall  not  get  it  tili 
thoa  are  flrst  invoked'.  Then  Odhran  died  according  to  God's 
will  and  C.  C.'s.  Hence  Odhran's  graye  in  lona,  is  the  name  of 
that  place  at  present 

207.  C.  C.  having  blessed  that  island  bailt  a  noble  chorch 
in  it    He  also  erected  sacred  memorials  and  calvaries  in  it. 


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230  ANDREW  KELLEHER, 

mbidh  se  fen  7  a  naeimh  ag  radh  a  trath  7  a  n-nmaigOie]  7 
dorinde  se  faidhetöracht  don  baile  sin,  7  adubert  co  madh  mor 
do  righib  Erend  7  Alban  do  hadhnaicfidAe  ann,  7  co  madh  mor 
do  cinedhüibh  an  domain  do  tictedh  da  n-oilithre  don  baile  sin. 
Do  firadh  an  briatar  sin  C!olmm  Cille. 

208.  Et  ar  ndenamh  comnaidhe  an  baile  sin  d6,  do  ordaigh  s6 
ord  mannch  and,  7  do  bi  b&  fein  'na  ab  orra.  Is  mor  d'fertaibh  7  do 
mirboilibh  dorinde  C.  C.  and  ar  Erennchaib  7  ar  Albanchaibh  7  ar 
Bretnachaibh  7  ar  äacsanchuibh  7  ar  tirthibh  an  domain  0  sin  amacL 

209.^)  L&  da  raibe  C.  C.  ag  radh  senm6ra  re  taebh  aband 
airidhe  'sa  tir  sin  7  slnaigh  mora  'na  timchell,  do  fagaib  dnine 
airide  an  töenmoir  7  do  cnaidh  se  tar  an  smth  anonn,  do  teichem 
breithri  De  d'estecht  6  C.  C.  Tainic  nathair  nemhe  cnige,  7  do 
marb  si  6  co  hobann  a  fiadhnaisi  na  slnagh,  7  tucndh  an  corp  a 
fladhnaiffe  C.  C^  7  do  ben  se  crois  lena  bachaill  ar  acht  an  doine 
mairb;  cor  aithbeoaigh  s6  ^  7  cor  6rich  'na  6esamh  a  fiadnoise 
na  slnagh  sin,  7  co  tue  bnidhechns  do  Dia  7  do  C.  C.  tresan 
mirhhuü  sin  dorindedh  air;  7  do  chreid  moran  dona  slnagaibh 
do  Dia  7  do  C.  C.  trid  sin. 

210.  La  eli  tue  Sacsanach  bnilli  ga  a  mannch  do  mnindtir 
C.  C,  7  do  teeil  cor  marb  6;  7  ger  gär  an  ga,  ni  dema  do 
iighhaü  acht  a  crios  do  gerradh;  7  do  mallaigh  C.  C.  an  Sacsa- 
nach 7  fnair  bas  fochedöir. 

211.^)  Fechtas  do  C.  C.  a  nhl  ag  scribneoracht,  7  do  cnala  se 
glaedh  a  port  na  hindse,  7  adabAatrt  re  cach  an  dnine  dorinde  an 
glaedh  do  tabAatrt  tairis,  7  do  indes  do  cach  co  ticfodA  an  dnine 
sin  do  tabhair^  p&cs  da  cossaib  fen,  7  co  ndoirtf edA  an  adharc  dnibh 
asa  raibe  se  ag  scribneoracht  Gonadh  and  dorinde  na  roind-se: 

Bachlach  isan  purt,       co  mbachaill  'na  crnb; 
taidlidhfuIA  m'adaircin,       is  doirtfidh  mo  dabh. 

Toimidhfidh  sfs       d'indsoige  mo  pacs, 
nodnsdoirtfe  m'adhaircin,       connsfaicfl  f&s. 

>)  Taken  literallj  from  the  0.  I.  Life.    See  Lism.  Liyet,  p.  31. 
*)  Taken  literaUj  from  the  0.  L  Life.     See  Lism.  Liref,  p.  81,  and 
Beeres'  Adam.  p.  54. 


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BBTHA  COLUIMB  CHILLB.  231 

besides  many  crosses  at  which  he  and  his  holy  men  were  wont 
to  say  their  prayers  and  office.  And  he  foretold  that  many  of 
the  kings  of  Ireland  and  Scotland  woold  be  bnried  there,  and 
that  many  pilgrims  of  different  nationalities  woold  Visit  it 


208.  And  having  made  his  home  in  it,  he  fonnded  an  order 
of  monks  there,  with  himself  as  their  abbot.  And  ever  since  he 
has  worked  many  miracles  and  wonders  there,  on  Irish,  Scotch, 
Welsh,  Saxon  and  other  inhabitants  of  the  globe. 

209.  Once  upon  a  time,  as  C.  C.  was  preaching  to  a  large 
congregation  by  the  side  of  a  certain  river  in  that  land,  a  certain 
man  left  during  the  sermon  and  crossed  to  the  other  side  of  the 
stream,  fleeing  from  hearing  the  word  of  God  preached  by  C.  C. 
A  serpent  approached  him,  and  snddenly  killed  him  in  presence 
of  the  crowd.  The  body  was  brought  to  C.  C,  who  made  the 
sign  of  the  cross  with  his  staff  on  the  breast  of  the  dead  man, 
with  the  result  that  he  was  restored  to  life  and  arose  before  all 
the  people.  He  returned  thanks  to  God  and  C.  C,  becanse  of  the 
miracle  that  had  been  performed  on  him.  As  a  resnlt  of  that 
miracle,  a  great  many  of  the  crowd  believed  in  God  and  in  C.  C. 

210.  On  another  occasion,  a  Saxon  hnrled  a  javelin  at  one 
of  C.  C.'s  monks,  intending  to  kill  him.  Bat  in  spite  of  the  Sharp* 
ness  of  the  javelin,  he  suffered  no  injury  save  the  cntting  of  his 
girdle.    C.  C.  corsed  the  Saxon  who  died  on  the  spot. 

211.  Once  npon  a  time,  as  C.  C.  was  writing  at  lona,  he 
heard  a  shout  in  the  harboor  of  the  Island.  He  asked  those 
present  to  bring  the  man  who  raised  the  cry,  to  his  presence. 
And  he  told  them  that  he  woold  come  to  kiss  his  own  feet  and 
woold  opset  his  inkhom.    Thereopon  he  composed  these  verses: 

A  rostic  is  in  the  harboor,       in  his  band  is  a  clob; 
He  will  come  to  my  little  hom,       and  will  spill  my  ink. 

He  will  stoop  down       to  give  me  a  kiss; 

He  will  opset  my  little  hom,       and  will  leave  it  withoot  ink. 


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232  ANDREW  KELLEHBR, 

Et  do  firadh  an  faidetoracht  sin  C.  C.  mar  fa  gnath  leis  gach  ni 
ädernd  se  d'firndh. 

212.  Fechtas  eli  do  C.  C.  a  nhl,  7  do  chair  se  meithel  do 
bnain  arbha  do  bi  ag  an  coimthinol,  7  do  cnir  se  Baithin  y  na 
manaich  leo,  7  do  an  fen  re  haghaidh  coda  na  meithli  d'nllm- 
hnghadh;  7  do  fnrail  mart  do  cnr  da  brnith  f&  a  comhair.  Agus 
do  bi  senlaech  mor  d'feraib  Erenn  fare  C.  C.  an  nair  sin,  7  fa 
brathair  do  fen  k  i.  Maelnmha  mac  Baed&in  do  Cineol  Eogain 
mic  Neill.  Agus  do  mothaigh  C.  C.  ocarns  ar  an  senlaech,  7  do 
gab  truaidhe  mor  'na  timchell  6,  7  do  fiarfatj^  de  cred  i  an 
töaith  ass  mo  do  ithedh  se  anuair  do  bi  se  ög.  Adubairt  an 
senlaech  co  n-ithed  se  mart  do  6aith.  'Fech  do  s&ith  anoss  ar  an 
mart-sa  na  meithle',  ar  C.  C.  Do  fech  Maelnmha  sin,  7  do  ith  se 
an  mart  nile.  Tainec  Baithin  cuca  iar  sin,  7  do  fiKdaigh  do 
Colnm  Cille  narb  nllamh  cnid  na  meithli  Do  indeis  C.  C.  d6  gach 
ni  da  ndema  se  re  cnid  na  meithli,  7  do  cnaidh  Baithin  do 
monmar  go  mor  ar  C.  C.  trid  sin.  'A  Bhaitin',  ar  se,  *do  b'umssa 
le  Dia  ar  n-anaca!  ort';  7  do  fnrail  C.  C.  cnamha  an  mairt  do 
cmindingad  'na  fiadhnai^e,  7  do  thocnb  a  lamha  {fo\,  27a)  os  a 
cind,  7  do  bendaigh  iad,  7  tainic  a  feoil  fen  orra,  7  tnc  a  saith 
do  na  manchaib  7  don  meithil  dhe;  7  ni  hedh  amhain,  acht  da 
ticdis  Incht  na  hindse  nile  cuice,  dogebdais  a  ndil  don  mhart  sin 
tre  bendachtain  Colnim  Cille. 

213.  Fectns  eli  do  cnaidh  Caindech  ar  cnairt  a  cend  C.  C.  go 
hl;  7  ag  tect  anoir  do,  do  fagaib  a  bachnll  a  ndermad  toir,  7 
iama  faicsin  sein  do  C.  C,  do  cnir  aingel  De  lesin  mbachaill,  7  do 
chnir  se  a  lene  fen  les  co  Caindech,  mar  comartha  gradha  7 
duthrachta,  indns  go  fnair  Caindech  abns  remhe  iad. 


214.  Fechtns  do  cnaidh  C.  C.  do  siladh  breitre  De  0  hl  cnsan 
oilen  re  n-abartar  Mnili;  7  tarla  da  lobnr  decc  d6,  7  do  iarratar 
derc  air.  ^Ni  fdil  deirc  oir  no  airgeid  agam  daeib',  ar  Colnm  Cille. 
Do  iarmtar  tre  dochns  daingen  air  a  slannccodA  on  lubra  0  nach 
raibe  derc  eli  aige  doib.  Ar  na  thnicsin  do  C.  C.  co  raibe  aithWj^e 
acn  ina  pecnib,  7  co  raibe  dochns  mor  acn  as  fen,  do  bendnig  7 
do  coisric  se  tobnr  do  bi  fan  inad  sin,  7  tnc  ar  na  lobrai6A 
a  bfothmcadh  ass;  cor  slanaigedh  a  cedoir  iad  amail  do  slanaiged 
Naman  .1  prindsa  ridiredh  righ  na  Sirie  do  bi  'sa  Inbra  lena 


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BETHA  GOLUIHB  CHILLE.  233 

That  prophecy  of  C.  C.  was  falfiUed,  as  was  the  case  with  every 
prophecy  he  made. 

212.  On  another  occasion  at  loDa,  C.  C.  sent  a  party  to 
cnt  some  com  belonging  to  the  Community.  Baithin  and  the 
monks  were  sent  along  with  them,  while  C.  C.  remained  at  home 
to  prepare  their  meal.  He  ordered  a  whole  beef  (ox)  to  be 
boiled  for  them.  A  big  old  Iiish  warrior,  a  relative  of  bis,  was 
stajring  with  him  at  the  time,  to  wit,  Maelomha  mac  Baedain 
of  the  race  of  Eoghan,  the  son  of  Niall.  C.  C.  noticing  him 
hungry,  took  compassion  on  him,  and  asked  him  what  qnantity 
of  food  satisfied  him  at  a  meal  in  bis  younger  days.  'A  whole 
beef,  replied  the  old  warrior.  *Here  it  is',  says  C.  C,  'the  beef 
prepared  for  the  party'.  Maelamha  having  beheld  it,  eat  the 
whole  of  it  Thereafter  Baithin  retomed  home  and  asked  C.  C. 
was  the  party's  meal  ready.  C.  C.  told  him  of  its  fate,  whereat 
Baithin  mnrmored  very  mach  at  C.  C.  ^Qoi  can  easily  protect 
US  against  thee,  o  Baithin,'  says  C.  C.  And  having  ordered  the 
bones  of  the  ox  to  be  bronght  to  him,  he  raised  bis  hands  over 
them,  and  blessed  them,  and  they  took  on  again  their  own  llesL 
And  there  was  enongh  for  the  monks  and  the  party,  and  not 
only  that,  bat  eyen  if  the  inhabitants  of  the  whole  Island  were 
to  come,  there  would  still  be  enongh  for  all  in  that  ox,  throngh 
the  blessing  of  C.  C. 

213.  On  another  occasion,  Cainnech  went  on  a  visit  to  C.  C. 
to  lona.  When  he  was  retaming  home,  he  discoyered  that  he 
left  bis  staff  behind  him.  When  C.  C.  saw  that,  he  sent  an  angel 
with  it  to  Cainnech  along  with  bis  own  shirt,  to  signify  bis 
personal  love  and  affection  for  him.  And  Cainnech  fonnd  them 
awaiting  him  at  home. 

214.  Once  npon  a  time,  C.  C.  went  from  lona  to  an  Island 
called  Mnili,  to  preach  the  gospel  there.  He  was  met  by  twelve 
lepers,  who  asked  him  for  an  alms.  ^Silver  and  gold  I  have 
none',  says  C.  C.  They  implored  him  with  great  confldence  to 
cleanse  them  of  their  leprocy,  since  he  conld  not  give  them  alms. 
When  C.  C.  saw  that  they  were  sorry  for  their  sins  and  had 
great  confldence  in  himself,  he  blessed  and  sanctified  a  well  that 
was  in  that  place,  and  made  the  lepers  bathe  therein.  They 
were  cared  on  the  spot,  like  Naaman  the  leper,  general  of  the 


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234  ANDREW  KELLEHER, 

fotraccadh  secht  n-naire  a  srath  EorthaDain  re  tecnsc  hElisens 
faidh,  amail  mebraij^es  ebisdil  an  tres  luain  don  corghos  mor. 
In  diebns  Ulis  Naman  prindceps  milisie  regis  Sirie.  Et  amail 
mebrnighter  a  lebor  na  Bigride  'sa  Pipla.0 


215.  Fechtos  do  Gridhoir  bell  oir  .1  Papa  na  Romha  ag 
estect  aifnnn  in  a  eclais  fen  'sa  Roimh,  go  facaid  se  aingli  De 
7  cross  croind  acu  ga  lecen  ar  an  altoir  'na  fiadnaise;  7  do 
brethnaighetar  na  carthanail  do  bi  faris  an  Papa  an  cros  dö 
togbail,  7  nir  fed  endnine  acn  a  tocbail.  Agns  dob  ingnadh  le 
cach  sin.  Agns  mar  do  condatrc  an  Papa  sin,  teid  fen  da  hindsaige, 
7  do  glac  s6  i,  7  do  erich  si  les  co  humhal.  Is  andsin  adnbAairt 
an  Papa:  'Ni  cuccam-sa  no  docnm  endnine  eli  do  Romhanchaibh 
do  cnir  Dia  an  cros-sa  acht  docnm  C.  C.  mic  Feidlim  .1  an  nech 
naemta  as  mo  ina  bfoillsigend  Dia  a  grasa  fen  do  clandnib  na 
mban'.  Et  do  cnir  an  Papa  clerich  i&  mnindtir  fen  16  a  cend 
C.  C.  go  hl>).  Agns  do  foillsig  aingel  De  do  C.C.  go  raibe  techta 
an  Papa  cnice  7  an  cros  sin  leo.  De  raid  C.  C.  le  Baithin  7  risna 
manchnib:  'Ata  coindemh  uassal  onomch  cugaib  anocht',  ar  se,  j. 
'mnindtir  Gridoir  Papa  7  nllmhnighidh  biad  7  deoch  'na  n-oirchill'. 
Is  aiidsin  adnbhairt  Baithin:  'Ni  fnil  do  biad  no  do  digh  againd 
doib',  ar  se,  ^acht  enbairghen  7  enpota  fina  do  bi  re  haghaidh  na 
n-aifrend'.  Tainic  mnindtir  an  Papa  don  baili  fai  sin,  7  do  gab 
naire  mor  C.  C.  nime  sin ,  7  do  fnrail  se  an  becan  Ana  7  arain 
sin  de  tabhairt  ina  fiadnaise  cnige,  7  do  bendaig  e,  indns  co 
raibhe  a  saith  ar&in  7  fina  acn  fen  7  ag  mnindtir  an  Papa.  Agns 
ni  headh  amain,  acht  da  tigdis  a  raibe  isna  tirthaib  cnca  an  nair 
sin,  dogebdais  a  saith  aräin  7  fina  mar  an  cedna.  Et  tncc  an 
Papa  an  cross  sin  do  C.  C.  Ctmadh  di  goirther  an  cross  mor  C.  C. 
aningh.  Agns  conadh  1  ass  airdmhind  do  C.  C.  a  Toraig  tnaisceort 
Erend,  ag  dennmh  feort  7  mirbhol  6  sin  alle,  ar  n-a  cnr  anoir 
do  Colnm  Cille  0  hl  go  Tonddh. 

216.  Tnc  C.  C.  bnidechns  romhör  do  Dia  7  don  P&pa  isna 
tidlnicibh  romhöra  fnair  se  uatha  mar  adnbramar  romainn  'sa  scel- 
sa  tnas,  7  do  tinnscain  molndh  do  dennmh  do  Dia  andsin  i.  an 


0  See  IV.  Reg.,  5. 

*)  See  Leabbar  Bieao,  p.  109  a,  and  Beeres'  Adam.  pp.  818,  819. 


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BETHA  COLüIMB  GHILLE,  235 

army  of  the  king  of  Syria,  when  he  bathed  seven  times  in  the 
Jordan,  at  the  word  of  Eliseos  the  prophet;  as  is  related  in  the 
epistle  of  the  third  Monday  in  Lent:  In  diebus  Ulis  Naaman, 
princeps  müiliae  regis  Syriae.  The  same  is  related  in  the  Book 
of  Kings  in  the  Bible. 

215.  Once  npon  a  time,  as  the  golden -mouthed  Gregory, 
Pope  of  Borne,  was  hearing  mass  in  his  church  in  Borne,  he 
beheld  angels  lowering  a  wooden  cross  in  his  presence  on  the 
altar.  The  cardinaJs  who  were  present  tried  to  remove  it,  bat 
in  vain.  They  all  wondered  thereat  When  the  Pope  noticed 
that,  he  came  near,  and  taking  hold  of  it,  remoyed  it  easily. 
Then  the  Pope  said:  'Not  to  me  or  to  any  other  Boman  has 
Gk)d  sent  this  cross,  bat  to  C.  C.  son  of  Feidlim,  to  wit,  the  holy 
man,  the  most  favoured  from  on  high  of  the  sons  of  men.'  The 
Pope  sent  some  of  his  own  clerics  with  it,  to  C.  C.  in  lona.  An 
angel  from  heaven  made  known  to  C.  C,  that  thePope's  messengers 
were  Coming  to  him  with  the  cross.  Then  C.  C.  said  to  Baithin 
and  the  monks:  'A  noble  honourable  party  will  visit  you  to-night, 
to  wit,  Pope  Gregory's  people,  and  let  ye  get  ready  food  and 
drink  for  them.'  Then  Baithin  replied:  *We  have  neither  food 
nor  drink  for  them,  save  one  loaf  of  bread  and  a  jar  of  wine 
that  were  reserved  for  the  masses.'  Presently  the  Pope's  party 
arrived,  and  C.  C.  was  greatly  confnsed  on  that  acconnt.  And 
ordering  the  little  wine  and  bread  that  was  left  to  be  brought 
to  him,  he  blessed  them,  when  lo!  there  was  snfficient  bread 
and  wine  for  his  own  people  and  the  Pope's  party;  yea,  eyen 
if  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  Islands  had  come  then,  they  wonld 
likewise  have  had  snfficient  bread  and  wine.  The  cross  was 
handed  over  to  C.  C;  and  it  is  called  at  this  day  the  big  cross 
of  C.  C.  It  is  the  chief  relic  of  C.  C.  in  Tory,  in  the  North  of 
Ireland;  C.C.  having  sent  it  thither  from  lona;  and  it  has  been 
working  miracles  and  wonders  ever  since. 

216.  C.  C.  was  fllled  with  gratitnde  to  6od  and  the  Pope, 
for  the  very  great  gifts  which,  as  we  have  already  said,  they 
bestowed  on  him.     He  then  set  abont  composing  a  hymn  in 


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236  ANDREW  KELLEHEB, 

t-AltnsO  C.  C.  ainm  an  molta  sm;  7  leighend  rochruaidh  ro-onorach 
ro-nassal  an  moladh  sin  ina  tucc  so  eolns  nadh  a  seicreidib  na 
diagachta,  7  go  hairidhe  mar  labhair  sä  co  mor  do  thuicsin  na 
Trinoide;  7  do  foillsigh  se  moran  d'eolnsaib  diamhracha  and  leth 
risna  doilib  talmanda;  7  itir  gach  eolus  da  nderna  se  and,  adabairt 
se  go  foil  daine  fai  an  talumh-sa  7  a  cossa  anfs,  7  gn  foil  siad 
ag  aitreb  a  tire  7  a  talmhan  fen  mar  atämaid-ne  ag  aitreb  ar 
tire  fen,  7  gomb  inand  Dia  da  creidend  siad  7  sinde.  Et  do  cnir 
se  trior  cleriuch  da  mhnindtir  fen  lesan  molndh  mbenduighte 
naemtha  sin  dorinde  se  doDia,  da  taisbenadh  do  Grighoir  Phapa 
docnm  go  moladh  se  6;  7  do  bi  an  Papa  sin  ronaemtha  ann  fein. 
Et  do  cniretar  na  clerich  sin  C.  C.  tri  caibhdil  natha  fen  ar  lar 
an  molta-ssa,  7  do  benatar  tri  caibdil  da  nderna  C.  C.  ass,  da 
fechain  an  aitheonadh  an  Papa  a  legend  fen  tar  an  legend  do 
rinde  C.  C.  no  an  inand  moladh  doberadh  se  orra.  Ocns  docoatar 
(fol.  27b)  ar  sin  dochnm  na  Romha.  Mar  do  cnala  an  Papa  mnindtir 
C.  C.  don  baue,  do  forail  se  a  llecen  ina  cend  fen,  7  do  indesitar  na 
clerich  gomb  lesan  moladh  sin  do  cnir  C.  C.  iad,  da  taisbenad  do 
San.  'Oabthor  dnnd  6,  ar  Grighöir.  Et  mar  do  tindscain  siad 
an  molndh  do  gabail,  do  erich  an  Papa  'n-a  sesamh,  7  mar  do 
tindscain  siad  na  tri  caibdil  dorindetar  fen  do  gabail,  do  6nid  an 
Papa;  7  mar  do  tindscanatar  an  cnid  eli  do  rinde  C.  C.  don 
moladh  do  gabail,  do  eirich  an  Papa  'n-a  Sesamh,  7  do  bi  se  'n-a 
6esamh  no  gor  gabudh  an  moladh  nile.  Ocns  do  bnd  ro-ingantach 
le  a  raibe  do  lathair  mar  dorinde  an  Papa  sin,  7  do  fiar[f]nigetar 
de  cred  fa  nderna  se  sin.  'Dorindes',  ol  se,  'an  nair  do  tindscnatar 
na  clerig  tossach  an  molta  ad  do  gabhail,  do  [c]ondarc-sa  ainglin 
De  maille  riu  7  siad  [g]o  ro-onoruch  'n-a  timchell,  7  mar  do 
tindscnatar  na  tri  caibdil  airidhe  ad  don  mo[l]adh  do  gabail,  do 
imghetar  na  haingli  äaha,  7  do  snidhesa  mar  do  condarc  na 
haingil  ag  imtect  Et  mar  do  tindscnatar  an  cnid  eli  don  moladh 
do  gabail,  do  impodur  na  haingeil  cnca  aris.  Mar  do  condarc-sa 
na  haingU  ar  n-impodh,  do  erghess  7  do  badhns  am  sesnmh  no 
gor  gabadh  an  mo[1]adh  uila  'Is  fir  sin,  a  athair  naemtha',  ar 
na  clerich.  'As  maith  an  t-adbhnr  do  bi  agad  7  as  orainde  fen 
do  bi  an  scel-sin  ag  na  hainglib  1er  fagaib  siad  sind'.    Et  do 


*)  i.  e.  the  hymn  Altiu  Protator.  According  to  the  preface  of  this  hymn, 
tbe  immediate  cause  of  its  composition  was,  ^  to  beg  6od*i  pardon  for  the  tbree 
battlctf  be  bad  caused  in  Erin'. 


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BETHA  COLUIMB  CHILLE.  237 

praise  of  God.  The  Altus  of  C.  C.  is  its  name.  It  is  a  very 
sublime  and  noble  composition,  bat  very  hard  to  anderstand.  In 
it  he  displayed  knowledge  of  the  mysteries  of  the  divinity,  and 
especially  great  anderstanding  of  the  Trinity.  He  disclosed  mach 
hidden  knowledge  regarding  earthly  creatares,  and  among  other 
things,  he  said  that  there  are  people  ander  this  earth,  with  their 
feet  towards  ns,  and  that  they  live  in  their  land  and  coantry, 
jast  as  we  liye  in  oars,  and  that  they  believe  in  the  same  God 
as  we  believe.  And  he  sent  three  of  his  own  clerics  with  that 
blessed  holy  work  in  praise  of  G^d  to  Pope  Gregory,  to  get  his 
opinion  of  it  That  Pope  was  a  veiy  holy  man.  And  the  clerics 
inserted  three  chapters  of  their  own  composition  in  the  middle 
of  the  work,  and  eliminated  three  chapters  of  C.  C.'s  composition, 
to  see  whether  the  Pope  woald  notice  the  difference,  or  bestow 
on  them  like  praise.  After  that  they  arrived  in  Rome.  The 
Pope  having  heard  of  their  arrival,  sent  for  them.  They  told 
him  that  they  were  sent  by  C.  C,  to  show  him  that  hymn  of 
praise.  *Read  it',  says  Gregory.  When  they  began  to  do  so,  the 
Pope  stood  up.  When  they  came  to  their  own  three  chapters, 
he  sat  down.  And  when  they  began  to  read  C.  C.'s  composition 
again,  the  Pope  stood,  and  thas  he  remained  to  the  end.  Those 
present  were  greatly  astonished  at  the  action  of  the  Pope,  and 
they  asked  him  why  he  had  äone  so.  'When  the  clerics  began 
the  recital',  says  he,  'I  saw  them  sarrounded  by  angels  with  great 
hononr,  and  when  they  began  those  three  particalar  chapters,  the 
angels  disappeared.  With  that  I  sat  down.  When  they  resamed 
the  other  part  of  the  hymn  of  praise,  the  angels  came  back  to 
them  again,  with  what  I  stood  ap,  and  thas  I  remained  daring 
the  rest  of  the  recital.'  'Tis  trae,  holy  Father',  reply  the  clerics, 
'you  had  good  reason  for  yoar  action,  and  well  we  knew  why 
we  were  deserted  by  the  angels.'  And  having  disclosed  every- 
thing  they  begged  the  Pope's  pardon.  And  the  Pope  said  that, 
notwithstanding  their  evil  deed,  he  woald  forgive  them  throagh 
respect  for  C.C.  Thereapon,  praising  C.C.  very  mach,  he  said 
that  with  the  exception  of  the  man-god  Jesas  Christ  there  never 
had  been,  and  never  woald  be  a  haman  being  greater  than  he 


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238  ANDREW  KELLEHBR, 

indisitar  na  clerich  o  tos  go  deredh  gach  ni  d&  ndematar  fen,  7 
do  larratar  a  maithemh  ar  an  Papa;  7  adubairt  an  Papa,  gerb  olc  a 
ndernatar  co  maithfedA  s6  doib  6  a  n-on6ir  C.C.  Ocus  do  mol  se  C.C. 
go  romh6r  andsin,  7  adubairt  se  nach  tainic  7  nach  ticfa,  a  fecmais 
daendachta  Crist,  duine  bud  ferr  ina  6  in  gach  nile  sahaltaighe  7  do 
mol  se  an  t-Altus  go  romhor  mar  an  cedna,  7  do  f agaib  se  do  bnadnib 
air,  gebe  dogebhadh  uair  gach  lai  6,  nac  daimeöntai  coidhce  h6. 

217.  Et  fos  da  derbudh  sin  do  bi  clerech  airithe  ag  a  raibe 
duthracht  do  Dia  7  do  C.  C.  Ocus  do  gnathaig^dA  se  an  t-Altus 
do  radh  uair  gach  lai.  Tesda  enmac  muimech  do  bi  aige,  7 
adubairt  s6  6  do  leg  C.  C.  bas  docum  a  mic,  nach  gebud  s6  an 
t-Altus  CO  brath  aris;  7  do  bi  companuch  üridhe  ag  an  clerech 
7  do  gellatar  da  cheU^  gebe  acu  duine  dogebudh  bas  ar  tus,  a 
techt  d'indisin  scel  don  fir  elL  Tesda  companuch  an  deirich  ar 
tus,  7  tainec  se  d'indisin  scel  don  clerech.  'Cindus  atai?'  ol  in 
clerech.  'Do  slanaidh  Dia  me\  ol  se,  '7  ata  droch-scel  agam 
duid-se'.  'Cred  sin?'  ol  an  clerech.  'Tu-sa  do  damnadh',  ol  se, 
^d  mar  do  treicis  an  t-Altus  do  ridh.'  'In  bfuil  furtacht  ar 
bith  air  sin?'  or  an  clerech.  'Ata',  ar  se  'J.  an  t-Altus  do  radh 
fo  tri  gach  lai  an  fedh  beir  at  heihaidh  a  n-eraic  ar  licis  tort 
de  gan  radh';  7  do  gabudh  an  t-Altus  fo  tri  gach  lai  6  sin  amach 
g6  a  b&s.  Ocas  do  slanaigh  Dia  7  C.  C.  an  clerech  sin  docum 
na  glöire  suthaine  iar  sin. 

218.  Is  andsin  adubatrt  an  P&pa  re  muindtir  C.  C,  'Muna 
beith  mM  mo  churaim-se',  ar  se,  'do  taeb  na  ndaine  eli,  do 
rachuind  ar  cuairt  docum  C.  C,  7  ös  air  sen  nach  fuil  a  leith6id  sin 
do  curam,  ticedh  se  chucam-sa'.  Do  imghetar  muindtir  C.  C.  tor 
a  n-ais,  7  do  indsetar  do  C.  C.  go  raibhe  an  Pipa  ga  farraidh  ar 
cuairt  cuice.  Gluasis  C.  C.  andsin,  7  ar  techt  fa  cuig  mile  decc 
don  Boimh  d6,  do  benatar  cluicc  na  Bomha  uile  uatha  fen;  7  nir 
fedadh  cosc  doib  7  do  bidhgatar  lucht  na  Bomha  uili  uime  sin. 
Et  do  gab  ingnadh  m6r  lad.  'Na  bidh  ingnadh  oruib  fan  ni  Ad', 
bar  an  Papa,  'Colum  Cille  an  naem  erlumh  ata  ag  techt  am 
cend-sa,  7  as  d6  doberid  na  duic  an  onöir  Ad;  7  ni  fedfaufer 
cosc  doib  no  CO  ti  se  Un  don  baile.'  Is  andsin  do  erich  an  Papa 
amach  7  moran  do  mhaithibh  na  Romha  faris,  maille  re  honöir 
7  re  reverians  mör,  a  coinde  C.  C;  7  ar  rochtain  a  cell  doibh, 
do  pogsad  a  cell  7  doronsad  luthgaired  7  gairdechus  imarcuch  re 
roile;  7  do  filleatar  don  baili  ar  sin;  7  ar  ndenamh  slectana  do  C.  C. 


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BBTHA   COLUIMB  CHILLE.  239 

in  every  virtue.  And  baving:  commended  the  Altus  very  highly 
likewise,  he  granted  that  whosoever  shonld  recite  it  daily  should 
neyer  be  condemned  to  hell. 


217.  In  proof  whereof  a  certain  cleric,  who  was  deyoted  to 
6od  and  C.  C,  nsed  to  recite  the  Altus  daily.  It  happened  that 
an  only  son,  who  was  beloved  by  bim,  died.  And  the  cleric  said 
that  since  C.  C.  allowed  bis  son  to  die,  be  would  never  again 
recite  the  Altus.  The  cleric  bad  a  comrade,  and  both  of  them 
agreed  that  whichever  of  them  would  die  flrst,  should  retum 
with  tidings  to  the  other.  The  comrade  died  before  the  cleric, 
and  retumed  to  bim  with  news.  ^How  fares  it  with  thee',  says 
the  cleric  'God  bas  saved  me',  says  he,  ^and  I  have  bad  news 
for  yon*.  *What!*  says  the  cleric.  *Your  soul  is  lost*,  says  he, 
'for  having  neglected  to  say  the  Altus'.  'Can  notbing  saye  it?' 
replies  the  cleric.  *Yes',  says  he,  *by  reciting  the  Altus  thrice 
daily,  during  the  rest  of  your  life,  to  make  up  for  past  neglect.' 
And  benceforward  be  used  to  recite  the  Altus  thrice  daily 
tili  bis  death.  Thereafter  6od  and  CG.  bestowed  etemal  glory 
on  bim. 

218.  Then  the  Pope  said  to  C.C.'s  people:  *Were  it  not  for 
my  pressing  duties  towards  others,  I  should  visit  C.  C,  says  he, 
*and  since  he  is  not  so  busy,  let  bim  visit  me'.  Wben  C.  C.'s 
people  retumed  home,  they  told  bim  that  the  Pope  wished  bim 
to  Visit  bim.  Thereupon  C.  C.  set  out  for  Rome,  and  wben 
witbin  fifteen  miles  of  it,  all  the  bells  began  to  toll  of  them- 
selves,  nor  could  they  be  stopped.  Thereat  the  wbole  of  Rome 
was  Startled,  and  was  filled  with  wonder.  *Do  not  wonder  at 
that',  says  the  Pope,  *for  the  boly  patron,  to  wit,  Colum  Cille, 
is  Coming  to  visit  me,  and  the  bells  are  tolling  in  bis  bonour, 
nor  can  the  be  stopped,  tili  be  arrives.'  Then  the  Pope,  accom- 
panied  by  many  of  the  Roman  nobles,  went  out  to  meet  C.  C, 
with  great  bonour  and  reverence.  And  having  met,  they  em- 
braced  each  other  with  exceeding  great  joy  and  rejoicing,  and 
then  retumed  to  the  city.  After  they  bad  worshipped  in  the 
great  temple  of  Rome,  the  bells  stopped  of  themselves.    And 


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240  ANDREW  KELLEHBR, 

a  tempull  mor  na  Romha,  do  coiscetar  na  cluic  natha  fen.  Ocos 
ar  mbeith  aünser  do  C.  C.  fa  on6ir  möir  faris  an  Papa,  do  gab  s6 
ced  aige  fa  techt  da  tir  fen,  7  do  lig  an  Papa  a  bendacht  les 
7  do  fagaib  C.  C.  a  bendacht  aige  sen;  7  tue  an  Papa  tidluicthe 
mora  do  C.  C.  andsin  .i.  geb6  baue  da  bailtibh  fen  a  n-oirdeochadh 
C.  C.  do  cach  oilithri  do  denamh,  loaigidhecht  sdasi6in  na  Romha 
do  beith  ag  an  duine  do  denadh  an  oilithre  sin.  Ocns  as  6  baue 
(fol  28  a)  d4  tucc  C.  C.  an  onöir  sin  .1  do  Doire  7  ss6  fen  a 
n Albain;  ocos  asse  inadh  inar  ordaigh  se  an  oilithre  sin  do  denamh 
X  6  an  vladh  ata  ag  por  t  na  long  'sa  cend  toir  don  baili,  connige 
an  t-imp6dh  dessiul  ata  'sa  cend  tiar  de. 

219.  An  nair  trath  do  cnaidh  C.  C.  a  n- Albain,  tancntar 
maithe  Lethe  Cuind  7  go  h&irithe  a  phräithre  fen  .i.  clanda 
Conaill  7  Eoghain  7  clamhi  Cnind  uile,  ar  cuairt  choice  rian 
imtecht  a  hErind  dö;  7  do  fiarfaüZAetar  de  cfa  he  an  naem  no 
an  clerech  do  fnicfedh  s6  'n-a  inadh  fen  acn  no  di  creidfidis  mar 
athair  spimdälta.  Tar  a  6is  sin  do  labnir  C.  C.  riu  7  assedh 
adubairt;  'Foicfeat-sa  triür  naemh  agaib,  diteönns  argach  n-olc 
sib  acht  go  creide  sib  doib  7  co  ndema  sibh  a  comairli  .i.  Colman 
Ela  7  Colman  Lainde  mac  Loach&in  7  Mocaemhög  Commire  a 
Midhe;  7  bed  fen  ga  bnr  ndiden  oss  a  cend  sin  ge  dech  naib  a 
n- Albain,  7  do  g6bh  0  Dia  gach  duine  do  bera  esonoir  do  na 
naembib  sin  fäguim  agaibh,  bäss  do  tabairt  a  cedoir  do'.  Tarla 
cocadh  m6r  ina  diaidh  sin  edir  Brandumh  ^  mac  Echach  LaigAen 
7  Leth  Cuind,  co  tainic  Brandamh  lor  sluaiged  a  Leith  Cuind, 
cor  gabud  longport  les  a  termond  Cluana  hiraird. 

Do  coiretar  Leth  Cuind  an  triur  naem-sa  do  fagaib  C.  C.  acu 
d'iarraidh  sithe  ar  righ  Laighen,  7  do  taircsid  c6ra  dö,  7  ni  dema 
an  ri  sith  nö  coir  ar  a  comhairlL  ^Dogebaim-ne  6  Dia  bass  do 
tabairt  duid-se  7  gan  do  treu  do  dul  nias  faide  ina  in  t-inadh-sa 
ina  bfuil  t&  a  Leith  Cuind,  0  nach  gabond  tu  ar  comairli',  ar  na 
naeimh.  'Ni  ferr  sib  nö  an  nech  naemtha  do  gell  damh-sa  nach 
fuighinn  bis  noco  caithind  sacramaint  as  a  laimh  fen',  ar  Brandum 
i.  Maedög  Fema.  Do  rindetar  na  naeim  escaine  ar  Brandumh  an 
uair  sin,  0  nar  gabh  se  a  comhairli  ar  sith  do  denumh.    Ocus 


>)  The  ftory  aboat  Brandabh  is  Uken  literall j  from  the  Book  of  Lecan, 
fol.  183a.    See  also  BeoTes*  Adam,  p.  205. 


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BBTHA  COLÜIMB  CHILLE.  241 

C.  C^  haying  spent  some  time  with  the  Pope  in  great  hononr,  then 
got  leave  to  retom  home.  And  the  Pope  gave  him  bis  blessing, 
and  C.  C.  left  him  his  own  blessiDg.  Thereupon  the  Pope  granted 
great  f avoors  to  C.  C^  to  wit,  the  indolgence  of  the  Roman  Station 
to  be  gained  by  all  who  shoold  make  a  pilgrimage  to  whatsoever 
place  witiiin  C.C.'s  own  province,  which  the  latter  should  de- 
signate.  And  thongh  away  in  Scotland,  C.  C.  chose  Derry  for 
this  hononr.  And  he  ordered  the  pilgrimage  to  be  made,  from 
the  calyary  sitoated  in  the  harbonr,  east  of  the  town,  to  the 
right-hand  tum,  west  of  the  town. 


219.  When,  however,  C.  C.  was  on  his  way  to  Scotland,  the 
nobles  of  Leth  Cuinn  and  aboye  all  his  own  kinsfolk,  to  wit, 
Clan  Conaill  and  Clan  Eoghain  and  the  whole  of  the  Clan  Cuinn^ 
came  to  him  before  he  left  Ireland,  to  find  ont  what  holy  person 
or  cleric  would  he  appoint  as  his  depnty  or  who  wonld  be  their 
spiritnal  director.  Then  C.  C,  speaking  to  them  said:  'I  shall 
leave  yon  three  holy  men,  who  shall  protect  yon  against  every 
evily  if  only  yon  be  faithfnl  to  them  and  follow  their  advice. 
They  are  Colman  Ela  and  Colman  Lainne  mac  Lnachain  and 
Mochaemhog  Comraire  in  Meath.  And  thongh  I  shall  go  away 
to  Scotland,  I  shall  (still)  be  yonr  protector  oyer  them,  and 
shall  obtain  from  God,  that  whosoever  shall  dishononr  the  holy 
men  I  leave  yon,  shall  immediately  die.'  Thereafter,  a  war  hav- 
ing  broken  ont  between  Brandnbh  mac  Echach  of  Leinster  and 
Leth  Cninn,  the  former  made  a  hosting  into  Leth  Cuinn,  and 
encamped  in  the  sanctnary  of  Clonard. 

Leth  Cuinn  sent  those  three  holy  men  appointed  by  C.C. 
to  make  peace  with  the  king  of  Leinster.  They  offered  him  fair 
terms.  But  he  refused  to  make  peace  or  accept  fair  terms,  in 
spite  of  their  advice.  'We  shall  obtain  from  6od  to  strike  yon 
down,  and  not  suffer  your  forces  to  advance  further  than  the  spot 
in  which  thou  art,  into  Leth  Cuinn,  since  you  despise  our  ad- 
vice', say  the  holy  men.  'Ye  are  no  better  than  the  holy  man, 
namely  Maedog  Fema,  who  promised  me  that  I  should  not  see 
death,  tili  I  receive  the  sacrament  from  himself ',  replies  Brandnbh. 


9»itMlixillf.o0lt.Pliil«loptoX.  16 


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ä42  ANDREW  KELLEHER, 

tainic  do  brith  na  hescaine  sin  7  an  gelltanais  tnc  C.  C.  doib, 
gebe  dogenadh  a  n-esonöir  go  ngerreocbadh  se  fen  a  saeghal, 
nach  tainic  se  tairis  sin  a  Leith  Gnind  7  gor  marbudh  ar  an 
sluaighed  sin  fen  6.  Et  rncatar  na  diaboil  a  annm  'san  aeier  a 
n-airde  leo,  7  do  bätnr  ga  pianndh  and.  Do  bi  Maedhög  an  nair 
sin  re  hagaidh  meithli  a  b6i  ag  büain  arba  dö;  7  do  cuala  se 
sian  na  hanma  ga  pianndh,  7  do  cnaidb  se  tre  cnmhachta  D6  'san 
aeieör  a  n-airde  a  ndiaidh  na  ndiabal,  7  do  bi  ag  cathngad  rin 
fa'n  anam  sin  Brandnibh.  Ocns  do  cnadnr  iarsin  os  ceand  hl 
C.  C.  a  n-Albain.  Ocns  do  bi  C.  C.  ag  scribneoracht  an  nair  sin, 
7  do  foillsigh  aingel  De  an  ni  sin  dö.  Ocus  ba  tmag  les  an 
t-anum  ga  pianadh,  acht  gerb  ^  fen  fnair  0  Dia  saegal  Brandnibh 
do  gerrngadh  trid  gan  comairli  na  naemh-sa  i&  mhnindtir  fen 
adnbmmar  romhainn  do  gabail  ar  sith  do  dennmh  re  Leith  Cnind; 
7  do  coir  a  delg  in  a  phrntO?  7  do  ling  a  n-airde  'san  aier  do 
cnidiugadh  le  Maedhög,  anam  Brandnib  do  büain  do  na  demnaib. 
Ocns  do  batnr  ar  an  cathngad  sin  no  cu  ndechntar  ös  cind  na 
Romha.  Tnitiss  a  delg  as  brat  C.  C,  gor  ben  ar  lär  a  fiadhnnisi 
Grigoir  Papa.  Tocbais  Grighoir  an  delg  7  aithnigheis  6.  Do 
cnatar  na  diabuil  iarsin  co  ro-ard  is  an  aiör,  do  teithemh  remhe 
C.  G.  Lenais  C.  C.  iad,  7  do  cnaidh  os  a  cind  san  aiör  co  cnala  s6 
ceiUubradh  mnindtire  nimhe;  7  ba  hiad  so  tossaighe  na  salm 
aderdfs  ag  molndh  an  Tigema  i.  Te  decet  .n.^);  7  Benedic  .a.  m.^) 
7  Landate  pneri^);  7  do  beiredh  C.  C.  ar  a  naemhnib  7  ar  a 
manchnib  fen  a  radha  a  tossach  a  trath  7  a  ceilebradh  ö  sin 
amach.  Et  fnair  C.  C.  0  Dia  an  t-annm  sin  Brandnib  do  bi  ga 
pianadh  ag  na  demhnaib  ris  in  r6  sin,  do  cnr  in  a  corp  fön  ariS 
indus  co  niernadh  so  aithrighe  in  a  pecadh,  7  co  mbeith  se  'n-a 
öcläch  maith  do  Dia  7  do  C.  C.  ö  sin  amach,  7  co  ngabndh  se 
sacramaint  ass  Uimh  Maedhoig  Fema  a  pongc  a  bais,  amail  do 
gell  se  dö.  Do  impo  C.  C.  mar  a  raibe  Grighoir  iar  sin  a  ndiaidh 
a  deilg,  7  do  fasdo  an  Papa  delg  C.  C.  aige  fen  7  do  löicc  se  a 
delg  fen  le  C.  C.  as  a  haithli.  Ocus  do  bo  ro-ingantach  le  Grighoir 
airde  na  didhluicthe  7  imad  na  ngras  7  möd  na  mirboiled  tnc 
Dia  do  C.  C.  re  a  ndenamh  an  nair  sin.    Tic  C.  C.  remhe  iar  sin 


>)  Read  bhnU. 
>)  Psalm  64. 
•)  Psahni  102,  103. 
*)  punto  Ml. 


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BBTBA  COLÜIMB  CHILLE.  243 

The  boly  men  then  cnrsed  Brandnbh,  becanse  of  bis  refosal  to 
make  peace  on  tbeir  advice.  On  accoant  of  tbat  curse  and  tbe 
promise  made  to  tbem  by  C.  C,  tbat  wbosoever  would  disbonour 
tbem,  would  be  cut  down  before  bis  time,  be  was  prevented  from 
advancing  furtber  into  Letb  Coinn,  and  was  slain  doring  tbat 
yery  expedition.  And  tbe  demons  bore  bis  sool  aloft  into  tbe 
Upper  regions,  and  were  torturing  it  tbera  Maedbog  was  at 
tbat  time  with  tbe  men  wbo  were  cutting  com  for  bim.  Having 
beard  tbe  soul  in  trouble,  be  ascended  tbe  beavens  by  tbe  power 
of  God,  in  pursuit  of  tbe  demons.  A  struggle  ensued  between 
bim  and  tbe  demons  for  tbe  soul  of  Brandubb  tili  they  appeared 
over  I  C.  C,  in  Scotland.  An  angel  revealed  tbat  fact  to  C.  C, 
wbo  was  engaged  at  writing  at  tbe  time.  He  was  grieved  at 
tbe  soul  being  in  pain,  tbougb  it  was  tbrougb  bimself  tbat 
Brandubb's  life  was  cut  sbort  by  God  for  refusing  to  carry 
out  tbe  advice  of  tbe  aforesaid  boly  men  of  bis  own  people,  in 
regard  to  making  peace  witb  Letb  Cuinn.  Having  pinned  on 
bis  cloak  be  leaped  aloft  to  belp  Maedbog  in  rescuing  Brandubb's 
soul  from  tbe  demons.  And  tbe  struggle  lasted  tili  tbey  arrived 
over  Borne,  wben  tbe  pin  of  C.  C.'s  cloak  feil,  and  landed  in 
presence  of  Pope  Gregory.  Tbe  latter  picking  it  up,  recognized 
it.  Tbereafter,  tbe  demons  ascended  very  bigb  into  tbe  beavens, 
fleeing  from  C.C.  And  G.G.,  pursuing  tbem,  got  beyond  tbem, 
so  tbat  be  beard  tbe  singing  of  tbe  beavenly  cboirs.  Tbese 
were  tbe  initial  words  of  tbe  psalms  tbey  were  singing  in  praise 
of  tbe  Lord,  to  wit  Te  decet  m.,  and  Benedic  a.  m.  and  Laudate 
pueri.  Henceforward,  G.G.  caused  bis  boly  men  and  monks  to 
recite  tbem  at  tbe  beginning  of  tbeir  Office  and  cboral  singing. 
And  G.  G.  obtained  from  God  tbat  Brandubb's  soul,  wbicb  bad 
been  tormented  during  all  tbat  time  by  tbe  demons,  be  restored 
to  its  body;  so  tbat  be  would  repent  of  bis  crime,  and  serve  God 
and  G.  G.  faitbfully  in  future,  and  receive  tbe  last  rites  from 
Maedbog  Fema,  at  tbe  bour  of  deatb;  as  be  bad  promised  bim. 
G.  C.  returned  to  Gregory  for  bis  pin,  But  tbe  latter  kept  it, 
and  tben  gave  bis  own  pin  to  G.  G.    And  Gregory  was  very 


18* 


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244  ANDBEW  KBLLBHBR, 

CO  hl,  7  do  fagaib  se  an  dealg^  sin  Grighöir  Papa  ag  fer  a 
inaidh  fen  a  nhl,  a  comartha  7  a  coimhniugadh  na  mirboil^ 
mor  sin. 


220.  Fectns  eli  do  C.C.  7  da  coimthinol  a  nhi,  7  ar  tect 
aimseri  na  nöna  cuca  dob  ail  les  an  sacrista  cloc  na  nona  do 
büain,  {fol28h)  7  do  cnaidh  se  d'iarruidh  C.  C.  'sa  dnirrthi^  a 
ngathuigedh  se  a  dnthracht  do  denamh  do  Dia,  da  chedogadh  de 
cloc  na  nöna  do  büain;  7  nl  fnair  se  and  sin  h6,  7  do  iarr  se 
gach  inadh  eli  mar  §aeil  se  a  beith,  7  ni  fuair  se  6;  7  tainic  se 
mar  a  raibe  an  coimthinol  7  do  indis  se  sin  doib.  'Ben-sa  an 
clocc',  ar  siad,  '7  geb6  hinadh  a  bfuil  G.G.,  tiucfa  sefa  gnth  an 
cluic'.  Do  ben  an  sacrisda  in  cloc  iar  sin,  7  do  conncatar  G.  C. 
cnca  7  delmdh  ro-mor  in  a  agaidh  7  lasrncha  tendtidAe  in  a 
timchell,  7  ama  faicsin  don  coimthinol  amlaidh  *)  sin  do  dailetar 
CO  raibe  ferg  air,  7  do  lecetar  ar  a  nglninib  nile  iad,  7  do  iarmtar 
ma  do  rindetar  misdüaim  fan  a  Inas  do  benatar  an  clocc,  a  mai- 
themh  doib.  Ar  faicsin  omla  7  ecla  in  coimthinoil  do  G.  G^ 
adnbairt  se  rin  gan  ecla  do  beith  orra  7  nach  raibe  ferg  air 
rin;  7  do  flarfai^Aetar  san  scela  de  ca  raibe  se  an  fad  do  bi  s6 
in  a  fecmais  fen.  Frecrois  G.  G.  lad  7  assed  adnbairt:  'Do  bädhns 
fen  7  Gaindech  naemhta',  ar  se,  'ag  cathugadh  re  demhnoib  san 
ai^r  a  n-airde  ag  cxM^hugadh  le  hespog  Eogan  Arda  Srath 
anam  carat  do  fen,  do  bi  ga  pianadh  acn  re  haims^r  fada, 
do  bnain  dibh,  7  nir  ail  lem-sa  gan  techt  do  fa*essdal 
na  nona  an  nair  do  cnala  in  clog  ga  bnain;  7  is  f an  a 
Inas  do  benadh  k  do  bi  ferg  oram  rib-si,  gan  a  leicin 
dam  foirech  ris  an  anam  do  bnain  do  na  diablnib;  7  gidedh 
mcc  aingel  De  oram  ag  techt  in  hnar  bfiadnaise  damh  d'eda 
CO  mbeith  ferg  omm  rib,  7  di  indisin  damh  cor  is&r  Dia 
an  t-anam  sin  adnbramar  romhaind  am  onöir  fen,  0  nar 
fM  me  fnirech  ren  a  büain  amnigh  gan  techt  fa  gnth  an 
clnic  do  fresdnl  na  trath;  cor  moradh  ainm  D6i  7  Golaim  Cille 
de  sin. 


>)  awdaidh  andaidk  MS.    See  *Book  of  Lecma*,  foL  106a,  and  BeeTet* 
Adam.  p.  205. 


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BETHA  COLÜIMB  CHILLE.  245 

mach  Struck  by  C.C's  very  rare  gifts  and  the  number  of  bis 
graces,  as  well  as  by  the  greatness  (number)  of  the  miracles 
worked  by  C.  C,  at  that  time,  by  the  power  of  6od.  There- 
after  C.  C.  retumed  to  lona.  And  he  bequeathed  Gregory's  pin 
to  bis  own  successor  in  lona  in  proof  and  in  memory  of  those 
great  miracles. 

220.  On  another  occasion  that  G.  C.  and  bis  Community 
were  at  lona,  the  sacristan,  when  evening  had  set  in,  desired  to 
toll  the  bell  of  None.  He  went  to  seek  C.  C.  in  the  oratory,  where 
he  was  wont  to  pray  to  6od,  in  order  to  get.his  leave  to  toll 
it  Having  failed  to  find  him  there,  he  searched  every  other 
place  where  he  thought  he  might  be,  but  in  yain.  And  coming 
to  the  Community,  he  laid  the  matter  before  them.  'Ring  the 
bell',  reply  they,  'and  wherever  he  is,  he  will  come  at  the 
sound  of  the  bell'.  The  sacristan  then  rang  the  bell.  And  they 
beheld  C.  C.  Coming  towards  them,  with  radiant  countenance  and 
surrounded  by  lightning  flashes.  When  the  Community  beheld 
him  in  that  wise,  they  thought  he  was  angry,  and  falling  on 
their  knees,  they  begged  bis  pardon  if  they  had  acted  imprudent- 
ly  in  causing  the  bell  to  be  rung  so  soon.  C.  C.  seeing  their 
humility  and  their  dread  of  him,  told  them  to  fear  not^  and  that 
he  was  not  angry  with  them.  And  they  asked  him  where  he  had 
been  during  bis  absence  from  them.  G.G.  answering  said:  'Holy 
Gainnech  and  I  were',  says  he,  'striving  against  the  demons  aloft 
in  the  heayens,  in  order  to  rescue  from  them  Bishop  Eoghan,  bis 
confessor,  whom  they  had  been  torturing  for  a  long  time,  and  I 
could  not  refrain  from  attending  None,  when  I  heard  the  sound 
of  the  bell.  And  I  feit  angry  towards  you  for  having  it  rung 
so  soon,  not  being  allowed  to  remain  to  rescue  the  soul  from 
the  demon3.  floweyer,  lest  I  should  be  angry  with  you,  an 
angel  of  6od  oyeilook  me,  as  I  was  coming  towards  you,  and 
announced  to  me  that  GU)d  had  sayed  the  aforesaid  soul  in  my 
honour  as  I  could  not  remain  to  rescue  it,  haying  had  to  attend 
the  canonical  hours,  at  the  yoice  of  the  bell'  And  thereby  God's 
name  and  G.  G.'s  were  magnified. 


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24G  ANDREW  KELLEHER, 

221.0  1^0  bi  doine  airidhe  a  nDisert  Garuidh  a  tuaiscert 
Osnddhe  a  nErind  .i.  Longarad  a  ainm,  7  fa  sai  in  gach  n-elai- 
dhain  6  7  do  scribud  se  mor&a  de  lebraib;  7  do  choaidh  C.  C. 
i&  indsuige  d'iamiidh  coda  do  na  leabroib  sin  air,  7  do  folnid 
se  na  lebhair  ar  C.C.  'Is  ced  liom-sa',  ar  Colam  Cille,  'ma  'sa 
ched  le  Dia  e  gan  do  leabnir  do  dul  a  foghnamh  do  nech  eili 
tar  hiis  fen  go  brath'.  ^Dober-sa  na  leabhuir  duid-se',  ar 
Longarudh,  ^7  na  hescain  me  fein  na  na  leboir  ni  as  mö'.  'Ni 
dingen  escaine  ort[8]a',  ar  Ck)lam  Cille,  '7  gidedh  an  escaine 
dorindes  ar  na  lebruib,  ni  heidir  a  cur  ar  ais'.  Beris  C.  C.  na 
leabnir  les  iar  siä,  7  ar  dä.ul  a  n Albain  do  mc  na  lebair  les,  7 
do  bi  do  chin  ar  na  leabruib  sin  aicce,  nach  taebudh  s6  a  coimhM 
re  doine  ar  bith  acht  ris  fen.  Ocus  an  nair  nach  bidh  se  ag 
leghoirecht  indta,  do  cuired  sk  a  n-airde  'n-a  sella  fen  iad  os 
cind  na  leptha  a  ndenadh  se  an  meid  codnlta  donidh  se.  Et 
nair  iiridhe  do  bi  se  'sa  sella  sin  ag  radh  a  trath  7  ag  denamh 
a  duthrachta  do  Dia,  7  nech  airidhe  da  mhanchuib  fen  damb 
ainm  Baithin  mailli  ris,  do  toitetar  na  leabhnir  adubhrumar 
romhaind  don  ealchning  ar  a  rabhutur  7  doronatur  torand  romhör 
ag  tuitim  doib.  *Truagh  sin',  ar  C.  C,  *oir  fuair  an  ti  oc  i  rabutar 
na  lebhair  äd  bas  san  uair-si  fen  1  Longarudh  7  ag  a  cained  7 
a  comartha  a  bais,  do  tuitetar  na  lebhuir  anos,  7  doronutar  an 
torand  ainmesardha  üd';  7  dorinde  na  roind-se: 

Is  marb  Lon       do  chill  Gharudh,  mor  and  on; 
d'Erind  co  n-ilur  a  trebh        as  dith  leghind  7  scol. 

Atbath  Lon       do  cill  Garudh,  ro  gab  don, 

is  dith  l^ighind  7  scol        d'inis  Eirind  dar  a  hör. 

Et  6  an  nair  sin  a  fuair  Longarudh  fen  bas,  ni  fedadh  enduine 
'sa  bith  enfocul  do  legadh  isna  lebruibh  sin  ö  sin  amach  tresan 
escuine  adubramar  römaind  dorinde  G.  C.  orra,  an  uair  do  folaigh 
Longarudh  air  fad;  7  ni  decbaid  claechlödh  no  sal  no  dorchudas 
ar  bith  ar  a  litrib,  7  do  mhairetar  na  leabair  sin  aimser  foda 
a  nhl  a  ndiaidh  C.  C.  ar  an  cor  sin.  C^nadh  amlaidh  sin  do 
firadh  Dia  gach  ni  i&  n-abradh  C.  C. 


»)   See  F61.«,  p.  198. 


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BETHA  COLUIMB  CHILLB.  247 

221.  A  certain  man  named  Longarad  liyed  in  the  Hermitage 
of  Garad,  to  the  North  of  Ossory,  in  Ireland.  He  was  skilled  in 
all  the  arts,  and  wrote  many  books.  C.  C.  went  to  him  for 
some  of  those  books,  and  he  hid  them  from  him.  ^I  will  it,  if 
God  wiUs  if,  says  C.  C,  Hhat  your  books  be  of  no  more  avail 
for  ever  to  anyone  after  your  death'.  *I  shall  give  them  to  yon', 
says  Longarad,  'and  curse  not  me  and  my  books  any  more'. 
'I  shall  not  curse  thee',  says  C.C.,  *but  the  curse  on  the  books 
caunot  be  revoked'.  C.  C.  took  the  books  with  him;  and  such 
was  his  afiCection  for  them,  that  he  would  not  entrust  them  to 
anybody  eise's  keeping  but  his  own.  And  when  he  was  not 
studying  them,  he  used  to  put  them  in  his  own  cell,  over  the 
bed  in  which  he  slept  the  little  sleep  he  allowed  himself.  On 
a  certain  occasion,  when  he  was  saying  his  office  and  praying 
in  his  cell,  along  with  a  certain  monk  named  Baithin,  the  afore- 
said  books  feil  from  their  shelf,  thereby  causing  a  yery  great 
noise.  'Alas!'  says  C.  C,  Hhe  former  owner  of  those  books  has 
just  died,  to  wit,  Longarad,  and  by  their  falling  and  the  great 
noise  caused  thereby  they  are  lamenting  and  announcing  his 
death.'    And  he  composed  these  stanzas: 


Dead  is  Lon  of  Kilgarrow,  0  great  hurt! 

To  Ireland  of  many  tribes       it  is  ruin  of  study  and  of  schools. 

Lon  of  Kilgarrow  has  died,  .  .  . 

To  Ireland  over  her  border       it  is  ruin  of  study  and  of 

[schools. 

And  ever  since  Longarad's  death,  nobody  in  the  world  could 
read  a  word  of  those  books,  because  of  the  aforesaid  curse  of 
C.  C.  on  them,  when  Longarad  hid  them  from  him.  And  the 
letters  have  suffered  no  change  or  defllement  or  blur.  And  thus 
those  books  remained  in  lona  for  a  long  time  after  the  death 
of  C.  C.    Thus  it  is  that  God  made  true  all  the  sayings  of  C.  C. 


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248  AHDBBW  KELLBHEB, 

222.  Vechtus  dochnatar  ceithri  mic  Laig[d]ech  Laimdheirc 
do  seiig  7  d'fiadhuch  .i  Crimthand  7  Cairbre  7  Cael  7  Ferudhuch, 
CO  tue  Cairbre  orchor  sleighe  docam  an  fiadha,  co  tarla  tre  Chael, 
gor  marb  acedöir  L  Agos  do  bi  Orimthand  ag  iarroidh  6rca  ar 
Cairbre  'san  gnimh  sin,  7  tarla  imresain  etorra  tk  an  ^roic  sin 
7  fa  oighrecA^  Chaeil;  7  nir  fM  Ri  Erend  no  naim  Erend  a  sidhu- 
gadh  (fol  29  a)  no  cor  cuiredar  d'fiachuib  orra  dnl  cu^n  oasolathair 
7  CO  primfaidh  nimhe  7  talman  .1  co  Colom  C,  do  bi  an  nair  sin 
'san  inadh  airithe  re  n-abarthor  hl,  a  rigacht  Albon;  0  ass  e 
dogebodA  a  äs  0  Dia  gach  ni  bndh  ferr  indenta  etorra.  Do 
gloaisetar  cland  Luighdech  Laimdherg  do  dal  a  nAlbain;  7  assedh 
ba  lin  doib  .1  cethrar  ar  xx  re  gaisced  7  cethmr  ban  i.  mna 
na  desi  sin  c\aind\  Luighdech  Laimdeirc,  7  a  da  cama2  coimidechta^ 
7  ochtar  amhu^  do  bidh  ag  broith  a  selga  7  a  fiado.  Et  fös  do 
bidh  ag  iascairecht  doib  an  fad  do  beidis  ar  muir  ag  dul  7  ag 
techt  Do  foillsiged  an  ni  sin  do  C.  C,  7  do  labair  re  nech 
naemtha  do  bi  färis  an  nair  sin  darbh  ainm  Baithin,  7  assed 
adubatrt  ris:  'Atäid  aidhedha  uaisli  d'femib  Erend  cngaind  anocht', 
ar  se,  .1  'dann  Loigdech  Laimhdeirg,  7  dentar  tene  fä  n-a  comhair 
a  tigh  na  n-aidhedh.    C^adh  and  aspert  an  rand-sa^: 


Mitht^A  tene  a  tech  n-aidhedh,       do  gab  teimhel  treb  taidhen, 
is  na  tr6gim  na  damha       ar  roimhöd  gradha  OaidheL 

Oir  ni  thigedh  aidhedha  da  indsaighe  nach  indesidh  sesean  da 
mhanchaib  go  mbidis  cuca  sul  do  ticdis  don  balle,  7  do  bi  an 
niret  sin  do  coimhed  ag  Dia  ar  feil  7  ar  nairi  C.  C.  nach  lecedh 
86  aidhedha  na  cend  gan  äs  dö  fen,  d'ecla  co  mbeith  naire  air 
da  mbeith  se  aindts  ar  a  cind.  Do  cniredh  se  a  aingel  fen  le 
scelnib  cnice  remhe  na  haidhedhaib.  Do  flmdh  an  faidetörucA^ 
sin  C.  C.  leith  re  clotnd  Loigdhech  Laimhdeirg;  oir  rancatar 
cnige  an  oidce  sin,  7  do  bi  se  go  rolnthgairech  rompa,  7  do 
reidigh  se  etorra,  7  tue  righe  do  Cairbri  <icht  g6r  b'öige  6  ina 
Crimthann,  7  gidh  6  do  rinde  an  marbadh;  6  nach  d&  deoin 


>)  See  RC  XX,  p.  140. 


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BBTHA  COLUIMB  CHILLE.  249 

222.  Once  apon  a  time,  the  four  sons  of  Lnghaidh  Red-hand, 
to  wit,  Crimthann,  Cairbre,  Cael  and  Feradhach  went  a-hunting. 
Cairbre  cast  a  spear  at  the  deer,  and  it  happened  to  hit  Cael, 
caosing  him  instantaneons  death^).  Crimthann  sued  Cairbre  for 
compensation  for  that  deed.  And  they  qnarrelled  over  the  com- 
pensation  as  well  as  over  the  inheritance  of  Cael.  The  King 
of  Ireland  and  her  holy  men  having  failed  to  settle  matters, 
preyailed  ontbem  to  yisit  the  patriarch  and  Chief  prophet  of 
heaven  and  earth,  to  wit  Colum  Cille,  who  was  then  in  a  certain 
place,  called  lona,  in  the  kingdom  of  Scotland;  since  it  was  to 
him  Gh)d  made  known  the  best  way  of  settling  their  dispute. 
The  children  of  Lughaidh  Lamhdherg  set  out  for  Scotland.  And 
their  party  consisted  of  twenty-four  warriors  and  four  women, 
to  wit,  the  wives  of  the  two  sons  of  Lughaidh  Lamhdherg  and 
their  two  waiting-maids,  and  eight  mercenaries  who  cooked  the 
game  and  the  deer  (they  caught).  While  they  were  at  sea,  both 
going  and  coming,  they  also  flshed.  Colum  Cille  foresaw  their 
approach,  and  addressing  a  holy  person  named  Baithin,  then  in 
bis  Company,  said:  'Noble  guests  of  Irish  blood  are  visiting  us 
to-night',  says  he,  'to  wit,  the  sons  of  Lughaidh  Lamhdherg,  and 
let  a  fire  be  lit  for  them  in  the  guest-house'.  He  then  composed 
this  quatrain: 

It  is  time  (to  put)  a  fire  in  the  guest-house,      darkness  has  come 

[into  the  abode  of  companies. 

Let  US  not  neglect  the  guests,       because  of  our  great  love  of 

[the  Gaels. 

For  he  was  wont  to  teil  bis  monks  of  the  approach  of  guests 
before  their  arrival.  And  C.  C.'s  hospitality  and  sense  of  shame 
were  safeguarded  to  such  an  extent  by  God,  that  He  did  not  let 
guests  Visit  him  unawares,  lest  he  shonld  be  fiUed  with  shame  if 
they  found  him  unpi*epared.  And  so  He  was  wont  to  send  bis 
own  angel  beforehand  with  news  of  their  coming.  C.  C.'s  prophecy 
with  regard  to  the  sons  of  Lughaidh  Lamhdherg  came  true;  for 
they  arrived  that  night,  and  C.  C.  welcoming  them  with  great 
joy,  settled  their  dispute.  And  to  Cairbre  though  younger  than 
Crimthann,  he  gave  the  kingship;  since  the  murder  committed 


^)  See  BC  XX,  p.  liO  'and  Coirbre  kiUed  Cael  as  he  was  straying  in 
the  Bhape  of  the  deer',  L  e.  Coirpre  mistook  him  for  the  deer. 


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250  AMDKEW  gWJJCHKBj 

dorinde  se  e,  7  ar  med  a  aithr^Ae  md  7  ar  feUios  a  bethadü 
7  a  gnimbartAadä  sech  Crimthand  eonmce  sio,  7  tue  tannistecht 
do  Crimthand;  7  do  l^ic  reidh  da  tigh  lad  amloül  rät  Gonadli 
and  asspert  an  rand-sa  ±: 

Bigbe  doid^  a  Cairpri  cain,      7  dot  sfl  ad  degaidh; 

gan  toigecht  adrod  's  do  rath,      a  Cairpri  möir  mic  Loigdech  >). 


Et  fo6  eonadh  and  aspert-samh  an  ruid-sa  eli: 

Feithü/,  a  Christ,  an  mnir  mall       do  Cairbre  7  do  Crimthand; 
go  roissidh  slin  ceill  gan  meirg        dia  tir  moc  Loigdech 

[L&imhdheirg. 

Et  as  demhin  an  ni  nach  fedadh  fii  Erend  no  naeimh  Erind  do 
r^itech,  corub  docum  C.  C.  do  chnirdfs  a  reitech  go  hl,  amhail 
derbhos  an  scel-sa  7  moran  do  sceloib  eli  mar  foillseochus  an 
betba  a  n-inadh  eli  remaind  sisana. 

223.  Fechlus  do  coir  an  nech  naemtha  x  Findia  nmc  Ua 
Ffathroch  manach  da  coimthinol  fen  re  gnoaighib  'n-a  aenar  gan 
compinnch  les,  7  tarla  ben  dö  ar  in  sligidh,  7  do  cnaidh  si  da 
gnidhe,  7  ni  raibe  sesion  ga  gabhail  sin  naithe,  7  do  chnir  si 
lamh  and  fa  deredh  no  gorb  ecen  dö  a  comhairli  do  denamh,  7 
do  Ifn  tnirrse  7  aithrechu^  4  iar  sin  fa'n  pecadh  sin  do  denomh; 
7  ar  filledh  iar  a  aiss  dö  mar  a  raibe  Findia,  tue  se  a  cnlpa  do 
7  tnc  Findia  espolöid  dö-san,  7  adubairt  nach  raibhe  pudhor  and 
sin  7  comb  mör  do  dainibh  maithe  do  mell  an  t-aidhberseöir 
remhe  sin  7  gor  gab  Dia  aithrighe  oatha  7  go  ngebndh  oadha- 
san  mar  an  cedna;  7  ar  n-erghe  don  mannch  ö  Findia,  tainec 
an  t-aibirseöir  a  ndeUb  doine  coice  7  do  iadöigh  se  teine  pecaidh 
an  midöchais  and,  7  adubairt  se  ris  narb  ferrde  dö  an  espoföid 
sin  tncc  Findia  dö,  7  gor  bec  an  breth  aithn^Ae  do  coir  se  air, 
7  adubatrt  ris  dal  mar  a  raibe  C>omhghall  Bendchair  7  a  culpa 
do  tabairt  7  breath  aithrighi  do  gabail  uadha.  T^id  an  manuch 
iarofiiA  mar  a  raibe  Comgall  7   tue  a  culpa  dö;  7  ass  i  breth 


«)  L  c,  p.  142: 

Cen  tudecht  etnU  roratk       duitf  a  Choirprt  meie  Lugdaek, 
Stokflf  trauUtos  *witiiout  quamlliog,  great  grac8j[?)i  to  th«e  0  Coiibre  wm 
of  Lagmid'. 


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BETHA  COLUIMB  CHILLE.  251 

by  him  and  f or  which  he  had  done  great  penance  was  not  wilfol, 
and  since  he  had  heretofore  led  a  better  life  and  had  done  better 
deeds  than  Crimthann.  Bat  to  Crimthann  he  gave  the  tanistry; 
and  thns  he  sent  them  home.   Then  C.  C.  composed  this  qoatrain: 

Kingship  to  thee,  0  gentle  Cairbre,       and  to  thy  seed  after  thee, 
withont  (anything)  Coming  between  thee  and  thy  grace,    0  great 

[Cairbre,  son  of  Lnghaidh! 

He  also  composed  this  other  qnatrain: 

Calm,  0  Christ,  the  tedioos  sea       f or  Cairbre  and  for  Crimthann ; 
That  Lnghaidh  Lamhdherg's  son,  withont  härm,       may  reach 

[their  home  safe  and  sane^)! 

And  it  is  clear  that  whatever  conld  not  be  settled  by  the  Eing 
of  Ireland  or  her  holy  men  used  to  be  referred  to  C.  C.  in  lona 
for  settlement;  as  the  above  story  proves  and  many  others,  as 
will  appear  from  the  following  Life, 

223.  Once  npon  a  time,  a  holy  person,  to  wit,  Findia  mac 
ni  Fiathrach,  sent  one  of  his  monks  on  bnsiness,  all  alone  and 
nnattended.  He  met  a  woman  on  the  way.  She  solicited  him. 
He  refosed  to  go  with  her.  At  last  taking  hold  of  him,  she 
forced  him  to  do  her  wilL  Thereafter  he  was  fiUed  with  grief 
and  sorrow  for  his  sin,  and  on  retnming  home  to  Findia,  conf essed 
it  to  him.  And  Findia,  having  absolved  him,  said  it  conld  not  be 
helped,  and  that  many  a  good  man  had  been  previonsly  deceived 
by  the  devil,  whose  repentance  God  had  accepted,  and  that  He 
wonld  accept  his  in  like  manner.  When  the  monk  left  Findia, 
the  devil  appeared  to  him  in  the  gmse  of  a  man  and  enkindled 
within  him  the  sin  of  despair  saying  that  he  was  no  better  for 
Findia's  absolntion,  and  that  the  penance  imposed  on  him  was 
too  small.  And  he  told  him  to  go  to  Comhghall  of  Bangor  and 
confess  his  crime  to  him  and  accept  his  penance.  Thereafter  the 
monk  goes  to  Comhghall  and  confessed  his  sin  to  him.  And 
Comhghall  gave  him  the  same  penance  as  Findia  had  previonsly 


0  See  RC,  XX,  p.  143.    Stoket  translates  Hhat  they  may  come  sane, 
withont  iU-wiU,  from  the  laod  of  Logaid  Bedhand's  sons'. 


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252  AHDKKW  KBLLEHBB, 

aithrighe  do  cuir  Comgall  air  x  an  breth  do  chuir  Findia  reme 
sin  air,  7  adnbairt  ris  mar  in  cedna  aithrighe  do  denamh  in  a 
pechadh  7  co  mbeith  Dia  reidh  ris.  Et  ar  fagbail  Comgaill  don 
manach,  tarla  an  t-aibirseoir  'sa  deilb  cedna  dö,  7  do  labnir  ris 
7  as  edh  adnbairt  gan  creidemh  do  enni  da  ndnbairt  Comghall 
ris  7  gnr  ro-mbo  a  pecndh  ina  in  breth  aithrighe  do  cnir  s6 
air,  7  adnbairt  se  ris  dnl  mar  a  raibe  C.  C.  7  breth  aithrighi  do 
gabhail  nadha.  Teid  an  mannch  mar  a  raibe  C.  C,  7  mar  dob'ail 
les  a  cnlpa  do  tabairt  dö,  do  foillsigh  C.  G.  fen  dosan  gach  ni 
dar  imthigh  air  6  thns  co  deredh;  7  do  adaimh  an  mannch  corb 
fir  do  C.  C.  sin.  '60  mbendaighe  Dia  thn',  ar  Colam  Cüle,  *as 
mör  an  hxkBiäredh  7  an  memghadh  sin  do  cnir  an  diabnl  föd. 
Nar  tnicc  tn  gnr  lor  dnit  mM  na  mbreth  aithrighe  do  chnir 
(fol.29b)  Findia  7  Comgall  ort,  7  bidh  a  fis  agad',  ar  se,  *da 
ndemta  pecuidhe  fer  ndomhain  nach  fuil  breth  aithri^M  da  laghad 
do  cu\rtedh  an  sagart  da  tiubartha  do  cnlpa  ort  7  a  hie,  nac 
fnil  tn  reidh  re  Dia  at  pecadh  acht  co  raibhe  aithrighe  agad; 
7  is  dod  chnr  ar  sechrin  7  ar  memghadh  do  cnir  an  t-aiberse<Sir 
a  midochas  tn,  7  do  cnir  se  a  ceill  dnid  cor  becc  na  bretha 
aithrighi  do  cnir  Findia  7  Ck>mhghall  ort^  indns  i&  faghad  86  ar 
an  sechran  creidimh  sin  thn,  go  tinbradh  se  bas  dnid  7  go  mbemdh 
so  hannm  a  piannib  siraidhe  snthaine  iSrend;  7  bidh  a  fls  agad 
nach  fnil  pecadh  ris  nach  co  mör  an  midöchns^),  7  da  d^bhndh 
sin  as  mö  do  pecaidh  Indas  in  a  midochas  in&  a  mbrath  an 
Tigema;  7  ö  do  chnaid  tnssa  a  midochns,  7  ö  do  creid  tu  on 
diabnl  nar  maithedh  do  pecndh  dnid  ar  son  laghad  na  mbreth 
aithrighi  do  cniretar  na  naimh  sin  ort,  cnirimse  cüig  bliadhna 
dec  ar  aran  7  ar  nisce  ort,  indns  comb  möide  creidfes  tä  co 
maithfe  Dia  do  pecadh  dnit,  an  breth  aithrighi  mor  sin  do  chnr 
fort.  Do  bendaigh  7  do  coisric  C.  C.  an  mannch  iar  sin;  7  ni 
raibe  ar  breith  don  diabnl  an  pecadh  sin  an  midöchais  do  cnr 
fai  0  sin  amach  tres  an  mbendnghadh  sin  C.  C.  Et  is  follas 
dnind  as  so,  nac  edh  amhain  do  claidhedh  G.  C.  na  diabnil  a  leith 
ris  fen  acht  co  claidedh  se  a  leith  ris  na  dainib  eli  iad.  Et  fos 
as  foUns  dnind  ass  na  neithe  nach  fedaeis  naeim  iarthair  domhain 
do  soirbhiughadh,  comb  cnice  do  cniredh  Dia  a  soirbinghadh  7 
a  röitecb. 


0  Leg.  nach  fuil  pecadh  co  mor  ris  an  mido<^u8. 


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BETHA  COLUIMB  CHILLE.  253 

giyen  bim,  and  likewise  told  him  to  repent  of  bis  sin  and  tbat 
Qod  woold  pardon  him.  Tbe  monk  on  leaving  Combgball  met 
the  devil  in  tbe  same  guise,  wbo  addressing  bim,  said  to  take 
no  notice  of  wbat  Combgball  bad  told  bim,  and  tbat  bis  sin  was 
mucb  greater  tban  tbe  penance  tbat  bad  been  imposed  on  bint 
And  be  told  bim  to  go  to  G.  C.  and  accept  penance  from  bim. 
Tbe  monk  goes^  to  C.  C,  and  as  be  would  fain  confess  bis  sin  to 
bim,  C.  C.  bimself  revealed  to  bim  all  tbat  bad  bappened  to  bim 
from  tbe  outset.  And  tbe  monk  admitted  tbe  trutb.  'Ood  bloss 
you',  says  C.  C,  Hbe  devil  bas  caosed  you  mncb  worry  and 
confosion.  Did  you  not  anderstand  tbat  tbe  penance  imposed  on 
you  by  Findia  and  Ck>mbgball  was  enongb?  And  bear  in  mind', 
says  he,  Hbat  even  if  yon  were  goilty  of  tbe  sins  of  tbe  men  of 
tbe  World  (no  matter  how  small  might  be  tbe  penance  your 
confessor  might  impose  on  you  to  be  performed),  tbat  you  are 
all  rigbt  in  tbe  eyes  of  God,  if  you  are  truly  sorry  for  your  sin. 
And  it  is  to  lead  you  astray  and  to  confuse  you  tbat  tbe  devil 
bas  brougbt  you  to  despair,  and  be  impressed  on  you  tbat  tbe 
penance  imposed  on  you  by  Findia  and  Combgbal  was  insignificant, 
so  tbat  having  led  you  to  despair,  he  would  kill  you  and  bear 
your  soul  to  tbe  everlasting  pains  of  Hell.  And  be  it  known  to 
you  tbat  tbere  is  no  sin  as  great  as  tbe  sin  of  despair.  In  proof 
wbereof  Judas  sinned  more  by  despair  tban  by  bis  betrayal  of 
tbe  Lord.  And  since  you  bave  given  way  to  despair  and  have 
taken  tbe  deviFs  word  tbat  your  sin  was  not  forgiven  you,  on 
account  of  the  small  penance  imposed  on  you  by  tbose  saints, 
I  put  you  on  bread  and  water  for  fifteen  years,  so  tbat  on  account 
of  tbat  great  penance  you  may  the  more  believe  tbat  God  will 
pardon  you  your  sin'.  Thereafter  C.  C.  gave  him  bis  blessing 
and  benediction,  and  benceforward  the  devil  could  not  tempt 
bim  to  despair,  because  of  C.  C.'s  blessing.  Hence  it  is  clear  to 
US  tbat  not  only  was  G.  G.  wont  to  defeat  the  devils  in  regard 
to  bimself,  but  also  as  regards  others.  And  moreover,  it  is  clear 
to  US,  tbat  whatever  the  saints  of  the  Western  world  found 
impossible  to  settle  used  to  be  referred  by  God  to  C.  G.  for 
settlement  and  arrangement 


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254  AKDBEW  KELLEHER, 

224.  Fechtus  do  C.  C.  a  nhl,  7  do  chuir  an  t-aidbirseoir  fa 
mnai  aiiidhe  'sa  popol  sin  grad  ro-mor  do  tabairt  do,  da  fechain 
an  üctedh  trithe  a  tarraing  docnm  pecaidh  do  denamh  ria;  0  nar 
fed  se  fen  a  clai  no  a  mhelladh  no  bnaidh  do  breith  air  16  a 
cnuiedh  se  docum  pecaidh  bicc  no  moir  do  denamh  riamh  6  do 
taeb  a  cofrp  fen;  7  do  cuaidh  an  gradh  tnc  an  ben  sin  do  tar 
modh  aice,  indus  gorb  ferr  16  bas  d'fagail  inä  gan  techt  d'foill- 
singhadh  an  gradha  sin  do  C.  C,  da  fls  an  foigedh  si  nadha  a 
toil  do  coimlinadh  leith  re  peacadh  do  denamh  ria.  Agus  do 
gluais  si  mar  a  raibhe  se  do  chor  a  hindtinde  a  ceill  dö.  Ar 
n-a  faicsin  sin  d'fir  gradoigthe  na  genmnaidechta,  7  d'dr  claite 
na  n-aibirseoradh,  7  d'^  congbala  aithnidhedh  De  co  laidir  n-a 
sesamh,  7  d'fir  scrisda  na  n-uile  locht  ass  fen  7  as  cach,  do  aithin 
se  an  t-adbhur  fa  ndechaidh  an  ben  sin  n-a  fiadnaise  sal  do  indes 
si  f6n  scela  dö.  Agas  do  laboir  C.  C.  ria  7  assedh  adnbairt:  'A 
ben',  ar  s6,  'smuaintigh  ar  breithemhnus  bratha  7  smoaintigh 
gorub  0  marbuib  tainic  tu  7  co  mbia  tn  ar  na  marbuib';  7  do 
benduigh  7  do  coisric  se  uadha  i  iar  sin  indus  co  tainic  do  bridh 
an  bendaigthe  sin  C.  C,  gach  nile  ainmian  di  raibe  timchell  a 
gradha  aice  do  dal  ar  cul  üaithe,  7  a  gradh  d'fuirech  'n-a  inadh 
fen  aice  air  d'estect  breithre  De  7  senmöra  nadha  7  do  gabail 
creidmbe  7  crabuidh  uadh;  indns  co  raibe  an  ben  sin  'n-a  mnai 
naemtha  fa  deoigh;  cor  morudh  ainm  D^  7  C.  C.  de  sin. 

225.  Do  bi  nech  naemtha  äirithe  a  n-Erind  darbh  ainm 
Finden,  7  do  bi  ein  crabuidh  7  genmnaidbechta  air,  7  do  coimhöd 
se  gloine  7  öghacht  a  coirp  gan  melludh  do  breith  don  diabal 
air,  7  do  foglaim  s6  ecna  7  eolas  as  a  6ige;  7  do  smuain  se  in 
a  menmain  fen  C.  C.  do  lenmain  a  nAlpain,  7  do  batar  a  braithri 
7  a  cairde  colluidhe  ga  toirmesc  sin  uime.  Et  teid  co  nech  glic 
BTsaid  dobo  brathair  dö  fen  do  bi  n-a  clerech  i*o-maith  darb  ainm 
Colman  7 1)  do  denamh  comairli  ris,  7  do  foillsigh  se  dö  an  triall 
do  bi  fal  Is  andsin  adubairt  Colman  ris:  'Bidh  a  is  agad,  a 
Findein,  ma's  ferrde  le  C.  C.  fen  tu  da  lenmhain,  nach  eidir  a 
toirmesc  umad;  7  aderim-si  red  braithrifr  gan  a  bachudh  dit  a 
lenmhuin,  oir  nir  cuir  a  döchus  ann  riamh  7  ni  raibe*  gradh 
dariribh  ag  en  duine  air  nach  tiubradh  Dia  grasa  dön  duine  ar 
a  6on';  7  ar  an  pongc  sin  fen  do  gair  Finden  ainin  C.  C.  mailli 


1;  Sic  MS.  LeaTe  ont 


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BBtHA  COLUIMB  CHILLE.  ^55 

224.  Once  npon  a  time,  wben  C.  C.  was  at  lona,  the  devil 
incited  a  certain  woman  of  the  congregation  to  love  him  in- 
ordinately  to  see  if  she  would  succeed  in  getting  him  to  sin 
with  her;  since  he  himself  coold  not  overcome  or  deceive  him  or 
ever  preyail  on  him  to  commit  sin,  great  or  small,  as  regards 
his  own  person.  The  woman's  love  became  unrestrainable,  so 
that  she  preferred  death  rather  than  abstain  from  Coming  to 
Show  her  love  for  him,  in  order  to  get  him  to  fnlfil  her  desire 
and  sin  with  her.  She  set  out  to  him  to  declare  her  mind  to 
him.  When  this  was  seen  by  the  lover  of  chastity,  and  the 
subdner  of  the  demons,  and  the  strong  upholder  of  the  command- 
ments  of  Grod,  and  the  destroyer  of  all  vices  in  himself  and  in 
others,  he  onderstood  her  motive  in  coming  before  ever  she 
spoke.  And  C.  C.  addressing  her  said:  'Woman',  says  he,  *call 
to  mind  the  Last  Judgment  and  thy  origin  from  death  and  thy 
end  in  death'.  And  thereafter  he  gaye  her  his  blessing  and 
benediction  from  a  distance.  As  a  resnlt  of  that  blessing  all 
her  inordinate  desires  ceased,  and  her  love  for  him  resided  in 
its  proper  place,  on  hearing  the  word  and  speech  of  6od  from 
his  lips,  and  on  his  instilling  into  her  faith  and  piety;  so  that 
at  last  she  became  a  holy  woman. 


225.  There  lived  in  Ireland  a  holy  person  named  Finnian, 
who  was  noted  for  his  piety  and  chastity.  He  preserved  his 
purity  and  chastity  in  spite  of  the  wily  attacks  of  the  Evil-one, 
and  from  his  youth  he  advanced  in  wisdom  and  knowledge.  He 
bethought  himself  to  follow  C.C.  to  Scotland;  and  his  relatives 
and  friends  tried  to  dissnade  him  from  that  idea.  He  sets  ont 
to  a  wise  old  relative  of  his  and  a  very  good  cleric  to  boot 
named  Colman,  to  get  his  advice.  He  laid  his  plans  before  him. 
Then  Colman  said  to  him:  *Be  it  known  to  you,  0  Finnian,  that 
if  C.C.  himself  prefers  you  to  follow  him,  no  obstacle  can  be 
placed  in  your  way,  and  I  forbid  your  relatives  to  oppose  your 
following  him;  for  all  who  ever  trusted  in  him  and  sincerely 
loved  him,  obtained  grace  from  6od  for  his  sake.'  And  there 
and  then,  Finnian  invoking  the  name  of  C.  C.  with  great  affection 


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256  A!n>REW  KELLEHBBy 

r6  duthracbt  m6r  7  re  gradh,  7  do  iarr  se  air  grasa  d'fag^  0 
Dia  dö  in  a  onöir  fen;  7  nir  mor  cor  dealat^A  deiredh  an  anma 
sin  ren  a  bei  anoair  fuair  se  spirad  fäidtietorachta  0  Dia.  Et 
ar  cloinsin  gach  comraidh  da  ndearna  Ck>l  (fol  30  a)  man  7  Finden 
do  macamh  ög  do  bi  do  läthair  and  sin  darb  ainm  Irial,  do  gair 
se  ainm  C.  C.  7  do  iarr  air  grassa  d'faghail  dö  fen  0  Dia  mar 
an  cedna.  Is  andsin  do  labhnir  Finden  tre  spirad  faidhetörachta 
7  assedb  adabairt:  'An  tenga  sin,  a  Iriail,  1er  goiris  an  t-ainm 
bendoighthe  naemtha  sin  .i.  C.  C,  biaidh  sf  fen  bendaighte  naemtha 

6  so  amach,  7  biaidh  blas  7  grasa  ag  cach  ar  gach  enni  da 
laibeora  si  coidhce  aris;  7  gen  co  fail  ein  ag  cach  anoiss  ort, 
biaidh  ein  m6r  aris  acn  ort  sa  coimhtinol-sa  in  a  bfnil  tofen 
anoss  ac  siludh  7  ag  senmoir  breithre  De  doibh'.  Et  do  indis 
Irial  gach  ni  da  ndnbramar  andso  d'ab  naemta  airithe  darb 
ainm  Segenus,  7  do  indis  an  t-ab  sin  d'Adhamhnan  lad.  Et  ata 
Adhamnan  naemta  ga  mebmghadh  cor  foillsigh  Dia  moran  eli 
tre  spirad  faidhetörachta^  ar  furailemh  C.  C,  don  Finden-sa  adu- 
bramar  romhaind,  7  go  hairidhe  cor  foillsigh  se  dö  mar  do  reid- 
hechadh  se  an  imresain  do  bi  itir  na  naemaib  fa  fösda  na  casc 
a  fiadhnaise  Ciarain.  Et  as  follus  dtiind  ass  so  gebö  len  a  b'ail 
gradh  do  bheith  aige  ar  C.  C.  no  cengal  do  beith  aige  ris,  go 
tinbra  Dia  grassa  dö  amail  tucc  96  do  na  naemaib-se  adubramar 
romhaind  .i.  do  Finden  7  do  frial. 

226.0  Fechtos  eli  do  Colom  Cille  a  nhl,  7  do  togaib  a 
rosca  suas  docom  nimhe  7  adabairt  na  briathra-sa:  'As  bendaigthe 
conäich  an  ben  'sa  hanam  ataid  aingli  De  do  breith  leo  docom  na 
cathrach  nemdha  anois'.  Agos  do  bi  duine  craibtech  airithe  do 
lathair  and  sin  ag  estecht  ris  an  comhradh  sin  C.  C.  darb  ainm 
Generifebns^),  7  ass  e  do  bidh  os  cind  bacüis  ag  na  manchaibh, 

7  tnc  a  aire  gn  ger  don  comhradh  sin  7  do  coimheid  go  descreidech 
in  a  menmain  e.  Et  do  Idicetar  sin  tarrsa  go  cend  mbliadna  ön  \& 
sin.  Is  andsin  adabairt  C.  C.  ris  an  nech  cedna  sin  do  raidhsemar 
romhaind:  'Ag  sind  anum  na  mna  dar  labras  at  dadhnaisi  bliadain 
cos  an  la  aniogh^  ar  se,  'ag  tabairt  aircissi  ar  anam  a  fir  posda 
fen,  7  ata  si  ag  tabairt  cobrach  dö  a  n-agaid  na  ndrochspirad 
ata  ga  pianadh,  7  ag  coidioghadh  le  hainglib  De  a  anom  do 


>)  Taken  literally  from  Adamnan.    See  Reeves*  ediüon,  pp  209—209. 
*)  Oenereus  in  AdamnaiL 


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BBTHA  COLUIMB  CHILLE.  257 

and  love,  asked  him  to  obtain  the  grace  of  Qoi  for  Mm  in  bis 
honoor.  And  that  name  had  scarcely  passed  bis  Ups,  when  the 
spirit  of  prophecy  took  possession  of  him.  And  a  yonth  who  was 
present  named  Irial,  having  heard  this  conversation  between 
Colman  and  Finnian,  invoked  the  name  of  C.  C.  and  asked  bim 
to  obtain  the  grace  of  God  for  him  in  like  manner.  Then  Finnian 
propbetically  said:  'That  tongue,  0  Irial,  wherewith  thon  hast 
invoked  that  blessed  boly  name,  to  wit,  C.  C,  shall  be  blessed 
and  holy  henceforward,  and  there  will  be  delight  and  grace  with 
all  in  everything  it  shall  ntter  for  evermore.  And  thongh  thon 
art  not  regarded  by  all  with  affection  now,  thou  wilt  one  day 
be  greatly  loved  by  the  Community  in  which  thou  art  now,  when 
thou  sowest  and  preachest  the  word  of  God  among  them.'  Irial 
told  a  holy  abbot  named  Segenus  conceming  everything  we  have 
said  here;  and  he  in  tum  informed  Adamnan  conceming  them. 
And  holy  Adamnan  relates  that  Qoi^  at  the  prayer  of  C.  C,  pro- 
pbetically revealed  many  other  things  to  the  aforesaid  Finnian, 
and  especially  that  the  latter  would  settle  the  controversy  among 
the  holy  men  regarding  the  Easter  Festival,  in  the  presence  of 
Ciaran.  Hence  it  is  clear  to  us,  that  whosoever  would  fain  love 
C.  C.  or  join  him,  would  receive  the  grace  of  God,  as  was  the  case 
with  the  aforesaid  saints,  to  wit,  Finnian  and  IriaL 


226.  On  another  occasion  at  lona,  C.  C.  gazing  towards 
heaven  said:  'Blessed  and  lucky  is  the  woman  whose  soul  the 
angels  of  God  are  now  bearing  to  the  heavenly  city.'  A  certain 
holy  man,  named  Generifebus,  who  was  present  at  the  time,  heard 
that  remark  of  G.G.  It  was  he  who  superintended  the  bakery 
of  the  monastery.  He  paid  close  attention  to  G.  G.'s  remark,  and 
kept  all  to  himself.  And  nothing  further  was  said  about  it  for 
exactly  a  year  to  the  day.  Then  G.  G.  said  to  the  aforesaid 
person:  'Behold',  says  he,  'the  soul  of  the  woman  I  spoke  of  in 
your  presence  a  year  ago  exactly,  pleading  for  the  soul  of  her 
husband.  She  is  helping  him  against  the  evil  spirits  who  are 
torturing  him,  and  assisting  the  angels  of  God  in  bearing  bis 
soul  into  everlasting  glory.*    And  scarcely  had  he  ended  that 


ZaltMhrift  f.  o«lt.  PbilolofU  X .  17 

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258  ANDUBW  KBLLEHBR, 

breith  do  caitemh  na  gloire  suthaine'.  Agas  d(  mor  gor  delaigh 
deredh  an  comraidh  sin  riü  an  nair  do  condcatar  na  haingle  ag 
breith  na  n-anmond  sin  leo  a  flaithes  De;  7  do  bi  an  t-anom 
sin  na  mna  go  lathghairec[h]  frithoiltech  f&  annm  a  fir  posda 
fen.  Agos  as  foUns  dtdnd  as  so  gor  lec  Dia  moran  do  minibh 
a  iiecr^ide  diadha  fen  re  C.  C. 

227.  Fechtos  eli  do  Colnm  Cille  a  nhf,  7  do  gair  se  a  descibol 
fen  coige  .i.  Diarmaid;  7  ba  he  an  Diarmaid  sin  do  bidh  do  gnath 
in  a  seicreidib  sech  cach,  7  adubairt  ris:  'Erigh  co  Inath',  ar  se, 
'7  desigh  na  haltöra  7  cnir  a  culaidhecha  orra;  oir  is  aningh  as 
coir  soUamam  bais  Brenaind  naemtha  do  denamh'O-  Frecros 
Diarmaid  6  7  assedh  adubairt  ris:  'Cred  fa  cuirthai  an  tsollamain 
sin  da  denam  7  nach  facubair  tectadha  cindte  a  hErind  do  berudh 
deimhin  bais  Brenaind  dib'?  *Dena  mar  adubart-sa  rit',  arC.  C, 
'oir  do  condarc-sa',  ar  se,  'flaithes  De  foscailte  aniugh  7  aingli  De 
ag  techt  a  coinde  anma  Brenaind,  7  tncutar  delradh  7  solns  don 
t^aegol  nile  an  nair  sin'. 

228.^)  Fechtus  eli  do  Colam  Cille  a  nhl,  7  adubairt  ren  a 
mhanchaibh  iad  f^in  d'uUmhughadh  co  luath  docum  na  n-aifrend 
7  soUamain  an  lai  sin  do  mhedughadh  a  n-onoir  an  te  'sa  hanam 
do  cuaidh  d'indsaighe  flaithesa  De  an  \&  soin.  Et  adubairt  C.  C, 
gen  CO  raibe  s6  fen  dingbala  cuice,  go  n-aibeoradh  se  an  t-aifrend; 
7  ar  crichnughadh  na  hoifige  doib  conuice  an  inadh  a  fuil  cuimhne 
ar  ainm  Martain  'sa  prefaid,  adnbairt  C.C.  ris  na  manchuib:  'Aniug 
as  coir  daeib  cuimhne  bais  Colmain  Espot^  do  beith  agaib  fuair 
\>&s  a  cäigedh  haighen  a  nErind,  7  do  condarc-sa  aingli  De  ag 
breith  a  anma  leo  do  caithemh  na  gloire  suthaine'.  Agus  do  bi 
an  comhradh  sin  ar  cuimne  ag  na  manchaib  no  gu  facatar  daine 
naemtha  eli  a  hErind  tucc  a  demhin  doib,  corub  e  an  la  sin  fen 
adubairt  C.  C.  bas  d'iagbhail  d6,  fuair  Colman  Espog  b4s;  cor 
moradh  ainm  De  7  C.  C.  de  sin. 

229. 3)  Fechtus  eli  do  Colam  Cille  a  nhf,  7  do  cruindigh  na 
manaigh  cuice  san  inadh  a  raibe  se  fen,  7  do  labuir  riu  7  assedh 
adubairt:  *Rachud-sa  ani  (fol  30h)  ugh',  ai-  se,  *sa  cuid  siar  don 
oilen-sa  le  gnoaighibh  airithe  7  na  lenudh  nech  ar  bith  me;  7 

0  See  Plnmmer'8  V.S.  H.,  I,  p.  151,  and  Reevea'  Adam.,  pp.  209  — 210. 
*)  Taken  literally  frum  Adamnan.    See  Reeves'  edition,  page210ff. 
*)  Taken  literally  from  Adamnan.    See  Beevee'  edition,  page217ff. 


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BBTHA   OOLÜIMB  CHILLE.  259 

conversation  when  they  beheld  the  angels  bearing  those  souls  to 
Heaven;  and  the  woman's  soul  was  joyful  and  glad  because  of 
the  soul  of  her  husband.  Hence  it  is  clear  to  ns  that  6od  re- 
vealed  many  of  His  diyine  secrets  to  C.C. 


227.  On  another  occasion  at  lona,  C.  C.  calling  to  his  presence 
his  own  disciple,  to  wit,  Diarmaid,  the  same  who  was  wont  above 
all  others  to  be  in  his  confidence,  said  to  him:  '60  quickly',  says 
he,  'and  get  ready  the  altars,  and  put  on  the  cloths,  for  to-day 
it  behoves  us  to  celebrate  the  death  of  holy  Brendan.'  And  Diar- 
maid said  in  reply:  *Why  hold  that  celebration,  since  you  have 
not  Seen  trustworthy  messengers  from  Ireland  bringing  certain 
news  of  his  death?'  *Do  as  I  have  told  you',  says  C.  C^  *for  I 
beheld',  says  he  Hhe  heavens  opened  to-day,  and  the  angels  Com- 
ing for  Brendan's  soul,  and  the  whole  world  was  then  lit  up  with 
splendour  and  brightness.' 

228.  On  another  occasion  at  lona,  C.C.  told  his  monks  to 
get  ready  quickly  for  mass  and  to  solemnise  that  day  in  honour 
of  him  whose  soul  went  to  Heaven  on  that  day.  And  C.  C.  said 
that  though  unworthy  to  do  so  0  he  himself  would  say  the  mass. 
And  on  Coming  to  that  part  of  the  office  where  there  is  mention 
of  Martin's  name  in  the  preface,  C.C.  said  to  the  monks:  *  To-day 
it  behoves  you  to  commemorate  the  death  of  Bishop  Colman,  who 
died  in  Leinster  in  Ireland,  and  I  beheld  the  angels  of  God 
bearing  his  soul  into  everlasting  glory.'  The  monks  were  mind- 
ful  of  these  words  tili  they  saw  other  holy  people  from  Ireland 
who  confirmed  what  C.  C.  had  said  concerning  the  death  of  Bishop 
Colman  on  that  day.  God's  name  and  C.  C.'s  were  magnified 
thereby. 

229.  On  another  occasion  at  lona,  C.  C.  having  assembled 
the  monks  in  his  presence,  addressing  them  said:  *  To-day',  says 
he,  ^I  shall  go  to  the  Western  part  of  this  island  on  certain 
business  and  let  nobody  foUow  me.'    The  monks  agreed  to  that 

>)   Quamlibet  indignus  sim^  Adam.,  see  Reeves'  edition,  p.  211. 


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260  AHDREW  KlTJiRHRR, 

do  toilighetar  na  manaigh  sin  d6.  Agus  teid  remhe  san  inadh 
in  ar  ghell  dal,  7  do  lean  mannch  airithe  6  gan  fis  Ab  fen,  1er 
b'ail  a  fis  do  beith  aige  crM  6  an  t-adbhor  fa  ndeachaidh  se 
San  oaignes  sin,  7  do  folaidh  6  fen  a  cnocan  tsleibe  do  bi  os  dnd 
an  inaidh  a  raibe  C.  C.  as  a  f acn  se  amharc  air.  Agns  as  amloidh 
do  condairc  s6  6  a  croisfighill  7  a  agaidh  säas  ar  nemh  76a 
goide  De  co  duthrachtnch  7  leighiön  d'ainglib  gacha  taebha  de; 
oir  ba  b6s  do  na  hainglib  techt  do  tabairt  solais  do  C.  C.  an 
uair  do  bidh  se  go  d61äsach  on  a  beith  ag  denamh  craboidh  a 
n-inaduib  fnara  anöochra,  no  6  beith  'n-a  sesamh  a  n-oisce  gö  a 
smeig  ag  radh  omaidhte  rofaide  a  n-aimseroib  geimhreta  no 
§neachtamla,  n6  on  aibsdinians  romör  do  cniredh  se  ar  a  corp 
fen  do  dith  bidh  7  dighe.  Et  ass  e  adbor  t&  tnc  Dia  an  taisp^nad- 
sa  na  n-aingel  don  manach,  do  m6dughadh  anma  C.  C;  0  nar  b'ail 
le  C.  C.  fen  a  medughadh  leth  ris  na  taisbentaiM  do  bertai  do 
d'foillsinghadh  do  cach.  Oir  ni  foilisighedh  86  coidhce  iad  d'ecla 
gloir  dimhain  do  beith  dö  fen  and  mnna  thoicedh  se  riachtanas 
a  les  a  foillsigh[th]e  do  beith  ar  dainibh  eli  leath  amoig  de  Uia; 
mar  ti  gnidhe  do  cor  ar  annm  dnine  do  gebndh  bas  no  le  gnidhe 
do  chnr  ar  dhainib  do  beith  a  nguasacht  mara  no  tire,  no  mnna 
beith  m6daghadh  anma  no  onöra  do  nech  naemtha  eli  and  6  da 
foillsingadh.  Et  ar  crichnughadh  a  umaidhe  do  Ciolam  Cille,  do 
imgheatar  na  haingle  uadha  7  do  fill  f6n  tara  ais  docom  na 
mainistrech,  7  tue  na  manaigh  coige  7  do  üaxtaigh  dib  cia  acn 
do  len  6  a  n-agaidh  na  haithne  do  chuir  se  orra;  7  adubratar 
na  manaigh  do  bi  saer  iar  sin  nach  raibe  a  fis  sin  acn  fen.  Ar 
na  cloisdin  sin  don  mannch  do  lean  6,  do  lec  ar  a  gluinibh  a 
fiadnaise  C.  C.  6  7  adubairt  gor  pecaigh  se  fen  co  m6r  7  do  iar 
se  a  maithem  dö;  7  do  maith  C.  C.  sin  dö  ar  toicsin  a  nmla  7 
a  aithrechais.  Et  in  a  diaidh  sin  ruc  C.  C.  an  mannch  sin  les 
a  n-inadh  ar  leith,  7  do  iarr  air  gan  an  radhurc  ainglidhe  sin 
do  condairc  se,  d'indesin  do  ^nduine  an  cein  do  beith  se  fen 
n-a  beathnigh.  Et  ar  faghail  bais  do  Ciolam  CiUe,  do  foills^A 
an  manach  cedna  an  radhurc  sin  do  condairc  se  do  na  manchuib; 
gor  morudh  ainm  De  7  C.  C.  de  sin.  Et  da  derbudh  sin,  goirther 
cnocan  na  n-aingel  aniugh  don  cnocan  sin  in  a  bfaca  in  manuch 
na  haingle  timcell  C.  C. 

230.   Fechtus  do  Colam  Cille  a  n-oilen  äirithe  a  nAlbain, 
7  do  bi  doinend  ainmesardha  and  an  uair  sin;  indus  cor  erich 


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BETHA  COLÜIMB  CHILLB.  261 

He  sets  out  to  the  appointed  place,  and  a  certain  monk  who 
woold  fain  know  the  motive  of  his  joomey  to  that  wilderness, 
foUowed  him  onawares.  He  hid  himself  in  a  hillock  overlooking 
the  place  oceupied  by  C.  C^  whence  he  got  a  view  of  him.  And 
he  beheld  C.  C.  looking  towards  Heaven,  with  his  hands  ont- 
stretched  in  the  shape  of  a  cross  and  surrounded  by  a  legion  of 
angels.  For  the  angels  were  wont  to  come  to  console  C.  C.  when 
in  a  State  of  gloom  as  a  resolt  of  pioos  exercises  in  cold  rongh 
places,  or  from  being  Standing  np  to  his  chin  in  water  engaged  in 
protracted  prayer,  or  from  very  long  abstinence  from  food  and 
drink  whereby  he  used  to  chastise  his  body.  And  God  allowed  this 
Vision  of  the  angels  to  be  seen  by  the  monk  for  the  exaltation 
of  C.C/s  name;  since  the  latter  did  not  seek  to  exalt  it  by  re- 
vealing  to  others  the  visions  seen  by  him.  For  he  neyer  dis- 
dosed  them  lest  it  shoold  fill  him  with  vain-glory,  except  he 
onderstood  that  snch  was  necessary  for  others  besides  himself; 
for  instance  to  pray  for  the  sonl  of  somebody  who  had  died 
or  for  people  in  peril  by  land  or  sea,  or  except  when  their, 
manifestation  wonld  redonnd  to  some  other  holy  person's  hononr 
and  credit  When  CG.  had  flnished  his  prayers,  the  angels  left 
him,  and  he  retumed  to  the  monastery.  And  having  snmmoned 
the  monks  to  his  presence,  he  asked  them  which  of  them  followed 
him  contrary  to  his  Orders.  Thereupon,  the  monks  who  were  inno- 
cent  Said  that  they  knew  not  When  the  monk  who  had  followed 
him  heard  that,  he  feil  on  his  knees  in  the  presence  of  C.  C,  and 
confessing  his  great  sin  asked  to  be  f orgiven.  And  C.  C.  forgave 
him  when  he  saw  that  he  was  homble  and  contrite.  There- 
after,  G.G.  taking  that  monk  apart  begged  of  him  not  to  dis- 
close  that  angelic  yision  witnessed  by  him  to  anyone  doring  his 
own  lifetime.  After  G.  G.'s  death,  that  same  monk  revealed  the 
yision  he  had  seen  to  the  monkis;  and  God's  name  and  G.  G.'s 
were  magnified  thereby.  In  proof  whereof  the  Hillock  of  the 
Angels  is  at  this  day  the  name  of  the  hillock  in  which  the  monk 
saw  G.  G.  surrounded  by  the  angels. 


230.  Once  upon  a  time,  G.G.  was  in  a  certain  Island  in 
Scotland.  It  was  exceeding  bad  wheather  at  the  time;  so  that  a 


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262  ANDREW  KELLEHER, 

sdoirm  adbal-mhör  ar  in  fairge,  7  do  bi  C.  C.  7  a  manaigh  a 
tigh  airidhe  'san  oilen  an  tan  sin.  Et  do  cuir  fa  aithne  ar  a 
manchaibh  biadh  7  deoch  7  oisce  innalta  do  beith  co  des  aco, 
7  tene  d'fadögh  ar  cend  na  n-afdhedh  do  bi  ag  techt  caca  an  la 
sin.  'Cindns  bnd  6idir  le  nech  'sa  doman  an  fairce  do  sinbal 
aningh  re  med  na  sdöirme  ata  nirre?'  ar  na  mannig.  Is  andsin 
adnbairt  G.  C:  'As  deimhin  co  tincfa  ociaoch  Dia  .i  Caindech 
naemtha  ^\  san  uair  reme  espertain  aningh  cncaib,  7  dobera  ante 
g&  fnil  na  hnile  chumacht  a  nimh  7  a  n-ifren,  ar  mnir  7  ar  tir, 
cinnns  dö*;  7  ar  cnr  an  lai  tarrsa  doib  connice  an  uair  airithe-si 
adnbairt  C.  C.,  docondcatar  an  long  a  raibe  Caindech  cnca,  7  do- 
cnatar  'na  coinde,  7  tainic  se  a  tir  sa  port  a  rabutar-san  ar  a 
cind;  7  do  bi  Intghair  m6r  ar  C.  C.  7  ar  na  manchaibh  remhe 
7  do  fiBTtaigh  mannch  do  manchnibh  C.  C.  do  Caindech  cred  far 
thairc  se  an  fairce  do  sinbal  ina  commor  sin  do  sdoirm  7  do 
doinind,  7  adnbairt  Caindech  co  bfnair  se  cinnns  6  Dia  'san  nair 
airithe  adnbramar  romaind  don  16;  7  do  molntar  na  manuigh 
Dia  7  C.  C.  go  himarcnch  trid  sin,  7  adnbratar  cor  foUns  do 
cach  nach  raibhi  nf  sa  doman  'na  dorchadns  ar  C.  C. 

231.  Fechtns  eli  do  C.  C.  a  nhl  7  dorinde  gaire,  7  do  üatraidh 
mannch  airidhe  de  cr6d  6  an  t-adbur  fa  ndema  s6  an  gaire  sin. 
Adnbairt  C.  C.  gorab  nech  naemta  airite  darbh  ainm  Colman^) 
do  bi  ag  techt  ar  cuairt  cnige  fen  an  la  sin,  7  gnr  erich  anfatlA 
7  sdoirm  ar  an  fairce;  indns  co  raibe  s6  fen  7  a  raibe  'na  Ining 
a  ngöasacht  a  mb&ite  {folSla),  7  go  raibe  Colman  fen  ar  a 
gininibh  a  tosach  an  arthraigh  ag  bendugadh  na  fairce  reimhe 
7  gacha  taeba  de,  7  co  raibe  ecla  mör  air,  7  co  raibe  se  ag 
gnidhe  De  co  duthrachtach  fa  furtacht  d'faghail  d6  on  gvidisacht 
mor  sin  a  raibe  se;  7  adnbairt  C.  C.  nach  baithfide  6  7  co  n- 
6stfedh  Dia  a  gnidhe  7  co  tiubradA  se  ciuwM^  d6,  7  corb  e  dob 
adbur  do  Dia  ag  l^iccen  an  michiünui^  sin  cuice,  do  mhedughadh 
a  fuirechrnis  7  a  dnthrachta  acus  da  chur  a  ceill  dö  co  raibe  a 
cumhachta  fen  ar  muir  7  ar  tir;  7  adnbairt  C.  C.  co  tiucfadh 
Colman  san  nair  sin  fen  do  lö  da  n-indsaighe.  Agns  do  firadh 
an  faidhedoracht  sin  nile;  7  do  indis  Colman  fen  gur  imdigh  gach 
enni  dib-sin  air  amail  adnbairt  C.  C,  gnr  moradh  ainm  De  7 
C.  C.  de  sin. 


0   See  Plnmmer's  VSH,  I,  p.  161,  and  Reeves^  Adam.,  p.  27  ff. 
*)   See  Reeyes'  Adam.,  p.  29. 


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BBTHA  COLUTMB  CHILLE.  263 

very  great  storm  arose  at  sea.  C.  C.  and  bis  monks  were  at  that 
time  in  a  certain  house  in  the  Island,  and  he  ordered  the  latter 
to  prepare  food  and  drink  and  washing  water  and  to  kindle  a 
fire  for  the  gnests  who  were  Coming  to  them  that  very  day. 
*How  could  anyone  in  the  world  travel  by  sea  to-day  with 
snch  a  storm?*  reply  the  monks.  Then  C.  C.  said:  'It  is  certain 
that  the  serrant  of  Gtoä,  to  wit,  holy  Cainnech  shall  Visit  yon 
to-day  before  vespers,  and  He  who  is  Ruier  of  Heaven  and  Hell, 
sea  and  land,  shall  giye  bim  a  calm  voyage.'  And  having  spent 
the  day  tili  the  time  referred  to  by  C.  C,  they  saw  Coming 
towards  them  the  vessel  which  had  Cainnech  on  board.  They 
went  to  meet  bim,  and  he  landed  in  the  harbonr  wbere  they 
were  awaiting  bim.  And  C.  C.  and  the  monks  welcomcd  bim 
with  great  joy.  One  of  the  monks  asked  bim  wby  he  attempted 
to  travel  in  such  stormy  and  foul  weatber.  Cainnech  replied 
that  God  gave  bim  calm  weatber  at  the  aforesaid  time  of  day. 
Thereat  the  monks  were  lond  in  their  praise  of  God  and  C.  C., 
and  Said  that  it  was  clear  to  everyone  that  there  was  notbing 
in  the  world  hidden  from  to  C.  C. 

231.  On  anotber  occasion  at  lona,  C.C.  bappened  to  langh, 
and  a  certain  monk  asked  bim  the  reason  of  it.  C.  C.  replied 
that  a  certain  holy  person  named  Colman  was  Coming  to  visit 
bim  on  that  day,  and  that  a  borricane  had  arisen  at  sea,  so  that 
the  latter  and  all  on  board  were  in  danger  of  being  drowned, 
and  that  Colman  bimself  in  a  State  of  great  terror  was  on  bis 
knees  in  the  front  part  of  the  vessel,  blessing  the  sea  in  front 
and  on  eveiy  side  of  bim  and  praying  God  fervently  to  rescue 
bim  from  the  great  danger  wherein  he  was.  C.  C.  added  that 
he  would  not  be  drowned,  and  that  God  would  hear  bis  prayer 
and  send  bim  calm  weatber,  alleging  that  the  reason  wby  God 
had  allowed  that  storm  was  to  increase  bis  watcbfulness  and 
fervour  and  to  remind  bim  that  His  power  extended  over  sea 
and  land.  And  C.  C.  declared  that  Colman  would  visit  them  that 
very  bour  of  the  day.  That  prophecy  was  fulfilled  to  the  letter, 
and  Colman  bimself  told  them  that  everytbing  came  to  pass  as 
C.  C.  had  foretold.   God's  name  and  C.  C.'s  were  magnified  thereby. 


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264  ANDREW  KBLLEHBR, 

232.0  Fechtns  eli  do  Colom  CiUe  a  nhl,  7  tancatar  dias 
airidhe  don  popal  da  indsaighe  7  a  ndis  moc  fariu,  7  do  haxtaigh 
nech  acu  de  cred  hi  an  cailidecht  a  rachadh  a  mac  fen  no  cindass 
do  teicemhadh  dö  'sa  saeghaL  Frecrais  C.  C.  6  7  assedh  adnbairt: 
'Cia  he  an  1&  aniogh?'  ar  se.  ^An  satham',  ar  an  t-oclach.  'Mass 
e\  ar  C.  C,  'dogebha  do  mac-sa  bas  dia  haine-si  cngad  7  andluic- 
fldher  sectmain  6  aning  sa  mainestir-se  fen  6.'  Do  fiarfaidh  an 
dara  nech  scela  a  mic  fen  de  mar  an  cedna.  Frecrais  C.  C.  6  7 
assedh  adnbairt:  'Docife  do  mac-sa  cland  a  c\ainde%  ar  se,  '7 
dogeba  se  bis  a  n-aeis  foirbthe  7  adlaicfid^r  'san  oilen-sa  e\ 
Agns  tainic  gach  ni  dib-sin  amhail  adnbhairt  C.  C. 


0  See  BeeYes'  Adam.,  p.  45. 


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BBTHA  COLUniB  CHILLE.  265 

232.  On  another  occasion  when  C.  C.  was  at  lona,  two 
certain  persons  of  the  coDgregation  accompanied  by  their  two 
sons  came  to  see  C.  C.  One  of  them  asked  him  what  reputation 
bis  own  son  wonld  have,  or  what  his  lot  wonld  be  in  the  world. 
And  C.  C.  answering  said:  *What  day  is  this?'  says  he.  'Saturday', 
replies  the  youth.  'Well',  says  C.  C,  'your  son  shall  die  next 
Friday  and  shall  be  bnried  this  day  week  in  this  monastery.' 
The  other  songht  for  Information  regarding  his  son  in  like  manner. 
And  C.  C.  Said  in  reply:  *Yonr  son  shall  see  his  grand-children', 
says  he,  'and  he  shall  die  at  an  advanced  age  and  shall  be  bnried 
in  this  Island'.    Everything  came  to  pass  as  C.  C.  had  foretold. 

Great  Crosby,  Lancashire. 

Andrew  Eellehbr. 


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A  FIR  NA  HEGNA  DIARROIGH. 


.  The  foUowing  poem  is  printed  here  from  the  British  Mnseam 
MS.,  Egerton  136,  fol.  133  b.  This  is  a  paper  quarto,  the  bulk  of 
which  was  written  circa  1630.  The  Contents  are  mainly  religious 
prose  of  a  type  common  in  15^  and  W^  Century  MSS.  The 
article  immediately  preceding  our  text,  however,  is  a  religious 
poem,  headed  Muiris  Ö  hEodhusa  et,  and  begins:  Tosach  ar 
mbethadh  bds  de,  It  contains  36  quatrains  of  debide,  and  treats 
of  Christ's  birth  and  crucifixion.  A  transcript  made  from  the 
present  MS.  by  Aodh  Ö  Dilaigh  is  in  H.  1. 11  (no.  1285),  fol.  79. 
The  provenance  of  the  MS.  is  uncertain,  but  it  is  clearly  Northern. 
At  fol.  95  is  a  note  in  a  somewhat  later  band:  Äg  so  leäbhear 
(sie)  Cormaie  Mie  Parthalain  7  go  ndena  dia  trocuire  air  an  U 
ro  sgriobh  6  7  oram  phfein  mur  in  ccedna.  Our  poem  has  been 
written  by  a  band  not  later  than  the  second  half  of  the 
17^^  Century  in  a  blank  space  on  fol.  133  b,  and  the  scribe  has 
added  the  note:  Sin  duit  a  Padruig  Mie  Soluimh  7  bendacht  leis 
ehugaiph  eebe  me  d'feraiph  an  domhuin.  It  is  immediately  pre- 
ceded  by  the  quatrain: 

Le  dia  bheirim  a  hhuidhe 

beith  mo  listiidhe  a  geuing  erahaidh; 

cora  dhamh,  a  dhe  dhuilighj 

no  bheith  a  luirigh  fuair  fainnigh, 

[„To  God  I  give  thanks  that  I  sit  under  a  yoke  of  piety;  fitter 
so  for  me,  0  God  of  the  Clements,  than  to  be  clad  in  a  corslet 
of  freezing  chain-maiL"] 

There  is  nothing  to  show  the  date  of  the  poem  or  its  author. 
But  perhaps  we  should  not  be  far  wrong,  if  we  conjectured  the 


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▲  FIB  NA  HBGNA  D'lAIUtOIOH.  267 

aathor  to  be  one  of  the  Northern  school  of  poets  of  about  1600, 
who,  like  GioUa  Brighde  ö  hEodhusa,  had  exchanged  the  rnle  of 
the  bardic  order  for  the  rnle  of  St.  Francis. 


1.  (Ä)  fir  na  hegna  d^iarroigh! 
bheith  ria  is  obuir  eigciallaigh 
gan  gradh  is  egla  an  atliar^ 
madh  ail  Vegna  cCollmhachadh. 

2.  Dimaoin  do  dhuine  air  doman 
bheith  ag  iarraidh  ealadhon, 

na  mes  go  hfhuige  sc  sin, 
(i)s  gan  guidhe  do  dhenomh. 

3.  Cdrd  gach  suadh  is  e  do  ni 
mac  de  athar,  an  t-airdrigh; 
fa  luach  na  ceirde  is  e  is  ferr, 
ni  feirde  an  te  nach  ttuiginn. 

4.  Da  bhfaga  duine  ar  a  dhan 
an  niheid  iarrus  go  hiomlan, 
ni  bhia  se  ar  buil  do  bhunadh 
's  gan  toil  de  da  dheonughadh. 

5.  Deis  a  dhenta  *s  a  dhtola, 
le  dia  ag  deanamh  eissiogha 
hhur  n-egna  dobeir  gan  bhuil, 
(a)  fir  na  hegna  d'iarroidh! 

1.  Thou  that  foUowest  after  poetry!  't  is  but  a  fool's  deed 
to  meddle  with  it  without  the  love  and  fear  of  the  Father,  if 
thon  wouldst  bring  thine  art  to  perfection. 

2.  Vain  for  any  man  on  earth  to  be  seeking  after 
art  —  never  think  that  he  will  attain  to  it  —  if  he  offers 
no  prayer. 

3.  't  is  the  son  of  God  the  Father,  the  high  king,  that 
brings  to  birth  the  work  of  every  man  of  art,  and  he  it 
is  that  best  rewards  it  —  ill  for  him  that  understands 
this  not. 


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268  BOBIK  FLOWBB,  ▲  FIB  NA  HEONA  d'UBBOIGH. 

4.  If  for  his  poem  a  man  get  all  bis  asking  ntterly, 
he  will  not  be  on  the  way  of  stable  good,  if  GKkI's  grace 
will  it  not. 

5.  When  once  the  poem  is  made  and  sold,  if  thon  art 
nnfriends  with  Grod,  it  brings  thine  art  all  to  nonght,  thou  that 
foUowest  after  poetry! 

Thou  that  foUowest  after  poetry! 

London.  Robin  Floweb. 


NOTK  After  this  article  had  been  sent  to  press  I  fonnd 
that  the  poem  had  already  been  printed  from  three  modern  copies 
at  Maynooth  (Murphy  70,  p.  113.  72,  p.48;  Renehan  84,  p.  51)  by 
T.  P.  O'Nowlan  in  the  Irish  Ecclesiastical  Record,  4  ser.,  XXIV, 
p.  393.  But  as  these  copies  are  late  and  corrupt,  it  seems  well 
to  print  this  earlier  copy.  In  the  first  of  the  MSS.  mentioned 
the  poem  is  ascribed  to  St.  Ciar&n.  R  F. 


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FLANN  MANISTRECH'S  GEDICHT: 

REDIG  DAM,  A  DE  DO  NIM, 
CO  HEMIG  A  N'INNISIN. 


Nachdem  J.MacNeill^)  die  Ansicht  aasgesprochen  hatte,  das 
Gedicht  Flann's,  das  die  sämtlichen  ,,  Weltkönige  ^  bis  auf  Kaiser 
Leo  m.  aufzählt,  sei  aus  den  Synchronismen  geflossen,  das  die 
Rezensionen  des  Lebor  Gab&la,  die  ich  mit  B  I  and  C  bezeichnet 
habe,  enthalten,  habe  ich  dem  entgegenstellt,  dafs  der  Inhalt 
beider  Denkmäler  vielmehr  das  umgekehrte  Abhängigkeitsver- 
hältnis wahrscheinlich  machet).  Ich  kannte  damals  im  genaueren 
Wortlaut  nur  die  Schlufsstrofen  des  Gedichts,  da  ich  mir  nur  zu 
diesem  schon  von  Mac  Neill  veröffentlichten  Stück  die  Vaiianten 
aus  dem  Book  of  Hy-Maine  notiert  hatte.  Hätten  mir  damals 
auch  die  unmittelbar  vorhergehenden  Strofen  vorgelegen,  deren 
Kenntnis  ich  jetzt  der  stets  bereiten  Freundlichkeit  von  R.  I.  Best 
verdanke,  so  hätte  ich  viel  positiver  sprechen  können.  Flann 
fuhrt  seine  Tabelle  bis  zum  neunten  Jahr  Leos  ni.  (s.  u.).  Mit 
anderen  Worten,  er  hat  einfach  Beda's  Chronica  in  irische  Verse 
umgesetzt,  die  bekanntlich  eben  mit  diesem  Jahr,  d.i.  725  n.Chr.'), 
abschliefsen.  Dafs  zwei  Chronisten,  einer  in  England  und  einer 
in  Irland,  zufällig  mit  Leos  neuntem  Jahr  abgebrochen  hätten, 
ist  natürlich  nicht  anzunehmen;  auch  der  Wortlaut  weist,  wie 
sich  zeigen  wird,  auf  Beda. 


>)  An  Irish  Historical  Tract,  dated  A.  D.  721  (ProceediDgs  of  the  R.  Ir. 
Academy,  Vol.  XXVm,  Sect  C,  125  ff.). 

*)  Zq  irischen  Handschriften  und  Literaturdenkmälern,  2.  Serie,  S.  9 
(Ahhandl.  der  E.  Oes.  der  Wissensch.  zu  GOttingen,  NF.,  Bd.  XIY,  Nr.  3). 

■)  s.  Mommaen,  Chronica  Minora  m,  226  (Mon.  Qerm.  Eist,  Anct 
Antiqniss.  Xm). 


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270  R.  THURNEY8EN, 

Ich  gebe  die  neun  letzten  Strofen  des  Gedichts,  bezeichnet 
mit  den  letzten  Buchstaben  des  lateinisehen  Alphabets  P — Z,  nach 
drei  Handschriften  und  emendiere  sie,  so  gut  es  geht: 

M   =  Book  of  Hy-Maine  (R I.  A.,  D.  11. 1),  fol.  103  r,  a. 

D»)=  RLA.,D.IV.3,  nach  alter  Bezeichnung  fol.  36  (34), 
nach  neuer  37  r. 

L  =  Book  of  Lecan  (R.  I.  A.,  23.  P.  2),  nach  alter  Be- 
zeichnung fol.  22  y,  b,  nach  neuer  S.  48,  b. 

Die  beiden  letzten  Handschriften  haben  das  Gedicht,  etwas 
gekürzt,  mit  den  Synchronismen  ins  Lebor  Gab&la  eingeschoben. 

P.  Anastais  tänaisse  tair       cen  tämthaisse  trebliadain; 
oc  Necea  co  ndaithgnim  dois       ro'n-aithrig  in  tres  Teothois. 

Q,  T6othois,  öenbliadain  a  r6        fo  chöemriagail  chrlstaide; 
6  rochloi   cialla    cen   chair,        noi   mbliadna  don   tres- 

pLf6omain. 

R  6  ch6tbliadain  lüil  ros-gab       co  t6triagail  tres-L6oman 
fiad  gach  släag  co  ndaithe  däl       atchüad  flaithe  na  Bömän 

S.  Co  flaith  Fergail,   fir   ro-gab        Temraig  —  ros*n-acht 

[annalad  — 
is  Murchada  —  main  co  miud  —        is  Chathail  chaim  a 

[Caissiul. 


Wichtigere  Varianten: 
P.  tanaisde  M,      thair  I>,  M.      tri  bliadnaib  M.      Neicia  M,      condathgnim 

Df  cofidathgnim  tois  (aus  tais  korrigiert)  L,  cen  daith  niam  nois  M.      nu 

naithrigh  Af,  rofiathrigba  L,  ronatbgnim  D.     in  om,  D,  L.     Teothais  D, 

Teothii»  L. 
Q.  Teothais  M,       co  csemriagail  D.        arochlaicialla  M    (der   Best   der 

Zeile  fehlt);   6s    cac^    cloe    chiallna   D,    osgachlaechiallna  L.        don 

tresblia-  L, 
R.  On  I>,  L,     rusgab  M.      c(et)riagdil  L,  M.     tresleomain  I>,  tres  blia-  L, 

sluaigh  as  daitbe  dan  M.      atcoadh  L,  adehnaidh  M. 
S.  Fergail  om.  L,  D,      msgabh  if.      domacht  annalad  (andal  D)  aml-  L,  D. 

Murchadh  M.      co  main  My  maen  L,      mid  Mf  mndh  L.      Caisil  M, 

>)  Von  dieser  Hs.  habe  ich  nor  die  Ewei  ersten  Strofen  Tollttindig 
vor  mir,  tn  den  folgenden  nur  ein  paar  wichtigere  Varianten.  Sie  liest  aber 
im  Aligemeinen  wie  L. 


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FLANN   HANISTRECH's   GEDICHT    R^DIG   DAM  USW.  271 

T.  Cach  flaith  —  fiilte  qs  gargbri  glain  —       frisTÜte  ardri 

[in  domain 
6  NIn  CO  L6o  lemnach  (?)  lang      ro'rim  co  hengach  aen-Flann. 

F.  Flann  ttigbind  roben  brig  mbreth,       fer  16igind  min  Mai- 

[nistrech, 
ro*gl6  tre  a  gnim  a  gnth        xk  cach  rig  do  r6idiugnd. 

X  Tri  ch6t  bliadan  brethaib  blat       is  a  cethair  cethrachat 
6  chond  (?)  —  is  mörglicc  in  mod  —      cen  chronic  do  r^idiagud. 

r.  Conchobnr  clannmin,  fo-chenl       Äed,  Gairbith,  Diarmait 

[dürgen, 
Donnchad,  d&  Niall  cen  snim  sn6id       rig  na  r6  sea  co  ror^id. 

Z,  A  thrinöit  tr6oda  na  tor,        rob  d6oda  mo  dallmonar, 
coromtöcba  it  rlgthreib  r6il       m'  forom  dot  rigthig  ror6id. 

[ß6dig. 

Wichtigere  Varianten: 
r.  f4ilte  om,  M,     os  a  ghairgbrigh  nglain  M,  gsirbri  L,     frif raitea  airdrig 

H,  airdri  L,    co  Leo  leamnach  lang  H,  co  Leomain  na  dann  L.     rosrim  L. 

CO  heanghach  M^  int  eolas  L, 
Y,  f eidbind  romben  h.       breath  L,   mbrieigind  M  (eth  fer  ouigdcjaBtrC), 

rogleai  M.       triana  gnim  L,  tre  gniroh  Af.       rena  righ  If. 
X  (Diese  Biroft  fehlt  in  L  u.  D)  breathaibh  blad  M.      ceathatV  .xl.  ad  M. 

chroinic  M, 
Y,  glainmln  M,      na  cneadh  {für  focben)  L.      dnirgean  M.      co  mbrigh 

ba  at  iad  righa  na  re  sea  M.      na  re  sin  I^ 
Z,  (Diese  Strofe  fehlt  in  L  u.  D)  thrinoid  —  corom  togha  ad  righthreibh 

neill  —  dod  —  roreigh  M, 

P.  Anastasius  der  Zweite  im  Osten,  drei  Jahre  ohne  Pest- 
reliquien; bei  Nicaea  mit  rasender  i),  rascher  Tat  enttronte  ihn 
der  dritte  Theodosios. 

Q.  Theodosius,  ein  Jahr  (war)  seine  Zeit  unter  der  lieblichen 
Ghristenregel;  nachdem  er...^)  ohne  Tadel,  (regierte)  der  dritte 
Leo  neun  Jahre. 

E.  Vom  ersten  Jahr  des  Julius,  der  sie  (die  Eegierung) 
ergriff,  bis  zur  heifsen  (?)  Regelung  des  dritten  Leo  habe  ich 

1)  Za  dois  Tgl.  doite  .«.  ddsaeht  bei  Stokes  zu  0*DaY.  163. 

')  Was  h^lBi  ro'chloi  oialla?  Umschreibung  ftlr  „nachdem  er  gestorben 
war**?  Der  Text  ist  nicht  sicher,  aber  die  Lesart  von  DL  nicht  besser,  ciallna 
wohl  überhaupt  kein  Wort 


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272  B.  THUBNBT8EN, 

vor  allen  Scharen,  die  sich  rasch  versammeln,  die  Begiemngen 
der  Bömer  berichtet 

S.  bis  zur  Regiemng  Fergals,  des  Mannes,  der  sich  Temairs 
bemächtigte  —  die  Annalistik  hat  von  ihm  (Temair)  berichtet  (?)  — , 
nnd  Mnrchads  —  ein  Jnwel  mit  Met  —  nnd  des  lieblichen  Cathal 
aus  Cashel. 

T.  Jeden  Fürsten  —  eine  Freude  ttber  lauterem,  schroffem 
Hfigel  — ,  zu  dem  man  Hochkönig  der  Welt  sagte,  von  Ninus 
bis  auf  Leo,  den  Anhänger  (?)  der  Gelage  0»  hat  der  einzige 
Flann  wortreich  angezählt. 

F.  Der  scharfsinnig-gesangreiche  Flann,  der  wuchtige  Urteile 
gefällt  hat  (?),  der  Mann  des  feinen  Studiums  in  Monasterboice, 
dessen  Stimme  hat  durch  ihre  Tat  es  zustande  gebracht,  die 
Zeit  eines  jeden  Königs  klar  (eigentlich:  leicht)  zu  machen. 

X  344  Jahre  nach  kräftigen  Urteilen  ...*)  —  gar  klug  ist 
die  Weise  —  tut  keine  Chronik  kund. 

Y.  Conchobur  mit  den  feinen  Kindern')  —  willkommen!  — 
Aed,  Gairbith,  Diarmait  Durgen,  Donnchad,  zwei  Niall  ohne 
niedrige  Sorge,  das  sind  ganz  klar  die  Könige  dieser  (unserer)  Zeit 

Z.  0  dreifache  Dreieinigkeit  der  Scharen,  möge  mein  blindes 
Tun  göttlich  sein,  damit  mein  Getöne  (mein  Lauf?)  mich  in  deine 
klare  Königswohnung  zu  deinem  ebenen  Palast  erhebe! 

Mit  den  beiden  ersten  Strofen  vergleiche  man  Bedas  Text«): 
Jahr  der  Welt  4670:  Anastasius  an,  III . . . 
„      „        „     4671:  Theodosius  an.  I   Hie  electus  in  inpera- 
iorem^  Änastasium  apud  Niceam  üuitatem 
graui  proelio  uicit  daloque  sibi  sacramenio 
clericum  fieri  ac  presbiterum  fecit  ordinari. 
ipse  uero  . . .  cum  esset  catholicus  etc. 
,      „        «     4680:  Leo  an.  Villi 


1)  lemnach,  das  durch  die  Alliteration  und  den  Reim  mit  engach  gesichert 
scheint  (also  nicht  etwa  leomnach)^  kenne  ich  nicht.  Zur  Glosse  lang  .«.  fUdj 
die  mehrfach  Überliefert  ist,  s.  Stokes,  Metr.  Oloss.,  S.  80  (Besz.  Beitr.  19, 90). 
Etwa  lenmnach  lang?    Danach  habe  ich  übersetzt 

*)  ö  chond  ist  mir  nicht  klar;  es  scheint  etwas  wie  „Yon  da  an**  in 
bedeuten.  An  einen  Eigennamen  kann  man  nicht  denken,  da  zu  jener  Zeit 
kein  Cond  regiert  hat.    Ist  etwa  ö  chiunn  zn  lesen? 

*)  glan-min  M  gibt  einen  besseren  Beim  mit  Oaifbith,  zentOrt  aber  die 
Alliteration. 

«)  ed.  Mommsen,  S.  818  ff. 


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FLANN    MANISTKECH's    GEDICHT    RÄDIG   DAM  ÜSW.  273 

Es  handelt  sich  also  keineswegs  um  einen  irischen  Traktat. 
Sondern  Flann  hat  im  11.  Jahrhundert  Bedas  Chronik  versifiziert 
and  glaubte  bestimmen  zu  können,  dafs  zu  Ende  des  dort  ver- 
zeichneten Abschnitts  in  Irland  Fergal,  Murchad  und  Cathal 
geherrscht  haben.  Das  stimmt  zwar  nicht  für  das  neunte  Jahr 
Leos,  da  Fergal  nach  der  irischen  Annalistik  schon  722  erschlagen 
worden  ist,  wohl  aber  ffir  die  Kegierungszeit  Leos  im  Allgemeinen; 
denn  Fergal  scheint  710—722,  Murchad  712—727,  Cathal  712—742 
regiert  zu  haben  0-  Aber  von  da  au,  sagt  Flann,  fehlt  eine  Chronik. 
Er  glaubt  (nach  Str.  X)  344  Jahre  später  zu  dichten.  Auch  das 
ist  nicht  möglich,  wenn  man  vom  Jahr  725  ausgeht;  denn  Flann 
ist  1056  (AU)  gestorben,  konnte  also  um  1069  nicht  mehr  dichten. 
Er  hat  sich  demnach  irgendwie  verzählt  oder  falschzählende 
Annalen  benutzt.  Hat  er  etwa  Leos  neuntes  Jahr  in  das  Jahr 
versetzt,  das  wir  712  n.  Chr.  nennen,  so  könnte  er  das  Gedicht 
in  seinem  letzten  Lebensjahr  1056  verfalst  und  sogar  die  um  712 
regierenden  irischen  Fürsten  richtig  bestimmt  haben.  Aber  natür- 
lich ist  das  unsicher.  Die  zeitgenössischen  Könige,  die  er  in  Str.  Y 
nennt,  lassen  leider  sehr  weiten  Spielraum  (c.  1045  — 1056)*). 

MacNeill  (a.  a  0.  139)  machte  es  Schwierigkeit,  dafs  in  den 
Prosa -Synchronismen  mit  dem  Ende  (forba)  der  Kegierung  Leos 
gerechnet  wird.  Doch  hielt  vermutlich  schon  Flann  selber,  sicher 
der  Prosabearbeiter  des  12.  Jahrhunderts  die  anni  neuem  für 
die  volle  Kegierungszeit  Leos,  also  das  neunte  Jahr  für  ihren 
Schlufs.  MacNeill  ist  seit  jener  Abhandlung  so  tief  in  die  Ent- 
stehungsgeschichte der  irischen  Annalen  eingedrungen,  dafs  er 
vielleicht  schon  selber  gesehen  hat,  was  ich  oben  auseinander- 
gesetzt habe. 


>)  MacNeiU  a.  0.,  S.  139. 
s)  MacNeill  a.  0.,  S.  138. 

Bonn.  R  Thukneysen. 


Z«iUohHft  f.  oeli.  Philologie  X.  18 


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COMHRAG  FIR  DIADH  &  CHON  CCULAINN. 
TAIN  BÖ  CÜAILNGE. 


The  Fir  Diad  episode  of  the  Tim  B6  Cäailnge  has  been 
analysed  and  discossed  by  Nettlaa  in  the  Reyne  Celtiqae  X  330  ff^ 
XI  23  ff.  318  ff.,  where  several  versions  are  printed  and  coUated 
by  him.  Bat  he  did  not  make  ose  of  that  contaiued  in  the 
Franciscan  Convent  MS.  no.  16,  beyond  printing  the  opening  and 
and  closing  lines  (XI  829  ff.).  Professor  Thnmeysen  in  his 
masterly  paper  on  the  transmission  of  the  Tun  (ZOP  IX  438) 
having  remarked  on  the  need  of  an  edition  of  this  MS.  and  that 
of  Egerton  106,  the  foUowing  transcript  has  been  nndertaken. 
The  MS.,  a  small  paper  quarto  (19  by  14  cm.)  of  the  seventeenth 
Century,  has  been  described  by  Nettlau  (1.  c.  326).  In  addition  to 
the  pieces  mentioned  by  him,  it  contains  also  poems  by  Tadhg 
Dali  Ö  Huiggin,  Eochaidh  0  Heoghusa,  Fearflatha  Ö  Onimh, 
Muiris  ög  Mac  an  Bhaird,  Maol  Muire  Mac  Craith,  Flann  6g 
Mac  Craith,  Conchobar  Kuadh  Mac  Conmidhe,  <&c.  For  convenience 
of  comparison  I  have  added  the  numbers  of  Nettlau's  paragraphs 
within  brackets.  The  word-division  of  the  MS.  has  not  been 
strictly  adhered  to,  and  punctuation  and  capitals  have  been 
added.  The  extension  of  contractions  is  indicated  by  italics,  but 
not  in  every  instance,  where  no  real  purpose  would  have  been 
served. 

As  I  found  it  necessary  in  the  preparation  of  this  text  to 
collate  that  of  H.  2. 12,  it  seemed  to  me  that  it  would  be  useful 
to  append  a  fresh  transcript  of  this  important  fragment,  especially 
as  Nettlau  was  obliged  to  pass  over  sixteen  lines,  which  in  a 
Short  Visit  to  Dublin  he  could  not  attempt  to  decipher,  and  as 
it  was  possible  also  to  improve  upon  several  of  his  readings.  This 
fragment  is  no.  15  of  a  miscellaneous  coUection  of  loose  velloms 


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COMHRAG  FIR  DIADH  &  CHON  CCÜLAINN.  275 

preserved  in  a  wooden  case  in  Trinity  College  Library,  and  marked 
H.  2. 12.  It  consists  of  a  Single  gathering  of  two  leaves  (26  by 
20  cm),  one  column  to  the  page,  belonging  probably  to  the  sixteenth 
Century.  The  recto  of  the  flrst  leaf  has  been  damaged  by  water 
evidently,  and  is  much  effaced  and  stained  towards  the  centre, 
and  also  dilapidated.  There  are  several  rents  and  fractores 
in  this  portion,  round  which  the  membrane  has  become  so 
fragile  as  to  require  the  most  delicate  handling.  The  letters 
lost  in  these  rents  are  indicated  here  by  dots  within  paren- 
theses  ().  The  writing  is  in  places  almost  entirely  effaced, 
only  the  faintest  white  traces  remaining,  which  could  not  be 
read  at  all  without  the  aid  of  parallel  passages  in  LL  and 
elsewhere,  to  which  Windisch's  monumental  edition  furnished 
a  usefttl  eine.  On  the  other  band,  where  no  such  clue  was 
available,  the  decipherment  of  passages  in  reality  less  illegible 
had  to  be  abandoned,  after  many  whole  momings  were  spent 
in  the  attempt  As  it  is,  I  hope  I  have  set  down  nothing  that 
is  mere  guess-work,  that  cannot  be  verified  with  some  patience 
by  others. 

Neither  MS.  can  be  said  to  be  very  good.  From  the  wrong 
division  of  words  it  is  apparent  that  the  scribe  of  F  did  not 
always  understand  what  he  was  copjing,  nor  have  I  always 
succeeded.  There  are  several  obscure  passages  in  both  versions. 
For  unravelling  some  of  these  I  have  to  thank  my  friend 
Dr.  0.  J.  Bergin,  who  was  almost  always  ready  with  fruitful 
suggestions  when  appealed  to.  Some  difficulties,  however,  still 
remain  to  be  cleared  up. 

Perhaps,  in  such  late  manuscripts  it  would  have  been 
more  consistent  with  the  orthography  of  the  period  to  extend 
the  tall  e,  and  the  Symbols  for  en,  er,  ed  as  ea,  ean,  ear,  ead. 
In  the  often  recurring  name  Fer  Diad,  the  symbol  has  been 
silently  extended  Fer,  italics  being  used  in  both  versions  only 
in  the  oblique  cases.  In  R  2.  12  the  symbol  for  ar  has  often 
a  slight  hook  over  the  a;  it  is  not  clear  whether  the  scribe 
intends  it  always  for  air,  but  I  have  so  extended  it,  foUowing 
Nettlau. 

My  thanks  are  due  to  the  Rev.  Fr.  O'Reilly,  Librarian  of 
the  Franciscan  Convent,  and  to  the  Librarians  of  Trinity  College, 
for  the  facilities  so  kindly  afforded  me  when  transcribing  the 
manuscripts. 

18* 


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276  R.  L  BEST, 

COMHRAG  Fm  DIADH  &  CHON  CCühÄINN  ANDSO. 
Francisean  Conyeiit  MS.  16 

(pp.  83—102) 

[2]  As  andsin  do  hiomraidheadh  ag  feroibh  Eirionn  cia  badh 
coir  do  chathughadh  &  do  chruadhchomhng  re  Goin  ccathbhnaghacA 
cCalamn  a  mocha  na  maidne  arnamaroch.  Adabradar  cach  aile 
gurab  6  an  feidhm  noch  foloingther  &  an  boirbfreagartach  biodh- 
hadh  7  an  tr^nmhllidh  trasgartha  tromchomhloinn  &  an  coghain- 
chneasachi)  a  hlorms  Domhnan  .i.  dile  7  dearbhchomhalta  (Jon 
cColatnn  budhein  &  a  cheile  comhghaisgidh  7  comfoghlama  .L 
Fer  Diadh  mac  Damhatn  mic  Daire  Domnandoigh^)  .i.  an  milidh 
ar  morchsAmacht  os  feroibh  Domnann  uile,  ör  ni  raibhe  cleas  goile 
no  gaiscidh  ag  Coin  cCulainn  nach  raibbe  ag  Fior  Jihiadh  acht 
cleas  an  ghäoi  bholga  nama.  Oidheadh  dar  leosan  do  bhi  iongabh- 
iil  an  chleasa  sin  fein  ag  Fior  Dhiadh,  doigh  as  cneas  coghna  7 
cnamha  baoi  nime  gonach  gondaois  airm  naid  iolfaebhoir  a  n-am 
chatha  no  comhlamn  6. 

[3J  Ar  sin  faoigheas  Meadhbh  feasa  &  teachda  ar  ceand 
Fir  Dhiadh.  Ro  6r  &  ro  aither  Fear  Diadh^)  na  teachta  sin,  ör 
do  aithin  an  t-adhbhar  f&  raibhe  Meadhbh  dia  tbochnir^dA  .1.  do 
cathnghodA  7  do  chomhrog  re  charoid  7  re  cnmpanocA  fein  re 
Ck)in  cColamn.  lar  sin  faeigheas  Meadhbh  a  draoithi  &  a  deighfilidh 
ar  ceand  Fir  Dh.  dia  aeir  7  dia  egnach  'na  fiaghnoisi  go  tturtho- 
gbadseis  teora  bolg  fora  ghnois  0  ainimh  7  0  easbutdA  muna 
tsArisedh  leo.  Do  eiridh  Fer  D.  leo  iar  sin  nair  ba  hosa  lais  gsBi 
ghaiscfdA  dfolang  naid  gaei  aoire  7  aithisi. 

[4]  7  tainic  gnsan  ppnbaill  a  mbaei  Meadhbh  &  Oirill,  & 
feraid  fäilti  fris  diobh  lionoibh,  7  do  cuiredh  Fionnabhair  ingen 
Oiriolla  7  Meadhba  (84)  fora  dheaslaimh.  7  as  si  do  ibheadb  dos 
gach  cuim  7  gach  copain  nodberthäoi  dFior  D.  Anuair  ba  subach 
forfaoilidft  Fer  D.  &  cach  ar  cheana  adnbairt  Meadhbh,  'Maith 
amh  a  anam  a  Fhir  D^  an  bfeadrois  ciodh  'ma  ttugod/i  san  fpnball 
thü?  'Ni  feadur  on',  ar  Fer  Diad,  'achd  maithe  Eirenn  uile  and, 
7  nach  meisde  doibh  misi  mar  gach  laoch  do  heith  mailli  frin*. 
'As  fior  sin',  ol  Meadhbh,  ^&  ni  hnime  sin  tncamaime  tnsa  cngoinn 


0  congenchnesach  YBL.  *)  doffinandoig^  MS. 

')  Fear  D.  added  above  line. 


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COMHRAG   FIR  DIADH   &  CHON   CCULAINN.  277 

don  chur  sa,  a^ht  dia  iaroidh  ort  comhrag  Con  cGvlainn  do  diong- 
bhail  dhin  a  n-ath  an  combruig  ar  aair  na  maidne  moiche  amarach 
do  cionn  eallaigh  &  etäla  7  comba  m6ra  eile  dfaghiil  aäine'.  'Ca 
comba  sin  amh?'  ar  Fer  D.  'Ni  bandsa  sön',  ar  Meadhbh  M. 
tiomtbacbt  da  fer  deg  d'edacb  gacba  datba,  7  bainne  niadb  hndh 
coimbreambar  7  hudh  combfada  re  roigh  laünbe  laeicb  0  iond  a 
mbeoir  go  biond  a  gbaalann  d'airgead  aitble^^Aa,  7  an  t-eo  oir 
ata  am  brat  sa  fein  a  ndeacbadur  deicb  n-ainge  .xx.  do  dergör 
&  deicb  letbuinge  d'airgead  7  deicb  cclocba  flcbead  do  criosdol,  7 
cadrmna  Moigbe  nAirpb  do  mhin  Mbuigbe  bAoi,  7  feis  a  cCmacboin 
do  gres,  7  fion  do  dbäil  fort  and,  7  mHngen  sa  do  mnaoi  doit,  7 
saoirsi  dot  clamn  7  dot  cinel  ar  oboir  7  ar  ilueAghedh  7  ar  gacb 
diil  gbibbaidb  ar  cbeana,  7  deicb  .c.  b6  dorn  tanoidb  si  fein,  7 
gacb  maitb  oile  0  sin  snas'. 

[5]  'As  mor  na  comboda  sin',  ar  cacb,  '7  dia  ccomboillter 
iad  dia  re  na  ccomal  uaimsi',  ol  Meadbbb.  *As  mor  iad',  ol  Fer  D., 
'7  gidbad  mor  as  agadsa  fein  foicflgbter,  7  ni  ba  misi  b^rus  uaid 
iad  idir  ar  dol  do  combrag  rem  cnmpanacb  fein  re  Coin  cCulainn'. 

[7]  'As  fior  tr4',  ol  tleoMbh,  as  tre  coir  n-indligb  9,  *an 
briatbor  tnc  Ca  Calainn'.  'Cia  briatbor  sin,  a  M.?'  ol  Fer  D. 
'Adubairf,  arsi,  'na  hudh  folair  leis  do  tbaitim  si  a  n-oirigbin 
gaisgidb  isan  cbeidionadb'.  'Nir  coir  dbosan  sin  do  radb',  ol 
Fer  D.,  'doigb  amb  ni  meatacbd  no  milaocbt«^  ro  fidirsiomb  formsa 
riamb,  7  tuig-^)  se  gomadb  misi  nodsoicbfe  isan  maidin  amarocb 
go  batb  an  cbombraig  caige'.  'Adfla  baaid  7  beandacbt',  ol  M., 
'is  ferr  lind  sin  ina  meatacbd  no  milaocbas  do  braitb  ort,  doigb 
condalpb  do  dbaoinibb  budbeasda,  7  ga  cora  dbosan  socbar 
Uladb  do  db6num  &  a  matboir  do  Thüathoihh  de  Danann  ina 
doitsi  socbor  Connacht  do  denamb,  doigb  as  mac  nrradb  do  Con- 
dacbtaibb  tba,  7  is  siad  Tuatba  de  Banann  da  bfoilsiomb  tag 
diom  bioig  ar  Fearaibb  Bolg  da  bfuilisi  a  ccatb  Maigbe  Turedh 
gar  cbairsiod  fa  daoircbios  darfognamba  iad  iarttain'. 

[9]  'Tapoir  arra  dambsa  risna  combadba  re  geallois  a 
Mheadhbh\  ol  Fer  D.,  '&  dobcrimsi  fa  mbreitbir  gomadh  (85)  me 
ce^aine  racbos  go  batb  an  cbombroig  a  macba  na  maidne  amäracA 
a  ccoinde  7  a  ccombdail  Con  cCalamn'.  'Dogebbtur  go  deimbin', 
ol  Meadbbb,  'gacb  nrradb  htM  äil  let'.  As  cama  ro  bbaoi  da 
radb  7  adabatVt  an  laoidb  ann:  Bodfia  baaidb  ider.   'IS  iad  cuir 

>)  u-indligh-  MS.  <)  toingimsa  YBL. 


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278  B.  I.  BEST, 

iaroimsi  amh',  ar  Fer  D,  '1  righ  ar  rioghacht  do  chosnamh  mo 
dala  a  cciort  catha  7  comhloinn,  7  Hidh  tri  haoradh  go  ro  thogbnid 
bolga  neimhe  tor  na  gnuisibh  ro  aorfadaois  0  acois  7  0  breachtradh 
an  d&na,  7  mag  M  nert  comblainn  dia  ndiceanntar  oineach,  7 
draoi  fii  draoigheachta,  7  cainte  fri  gleAmhedh,  7  braghaicl%  fri 
doimhiadh  do  dhioghoilt  monab  tnaloing  ttabhoigh'.  'Doghebbair 
sin  uile  a  Fhir  Dh',  ol  M.,  *re  cach  7  iar  ccach  accoinge'. 

[11]  IS  andsin  tarroidh  Meadhbh  modh  n-aroidh^)  ar  Fer 
nDiag  um  an  comhrag  do  dh^nam  re  seisi[r]  comaoisi  curad^) 
mochtrath  amamaroch  damadh  nsa  leis  a  oba  ina  comhrug  re 
Cioin  cColamn  ni  lejuadh  he  0  mhoirgAtiosadh  tleadhbhsk  air, 
7  do  ceangaiZ  Fer  Dh.  cor  seisir  ar  Mheidhbh  am  üovadh  na 
ngeallodA  soin  dho  dia  ttaothsad  Cu  C.  leis. 

[12]  Baoi  fer  amhra  iöltaibh  a  bfiaghnut^  na  coroigheachta 
sin  X  Ferghas  mac  Rosa  Rnaidh  mic  Rndhraighey  7  ro  dhinlt 
Fearghus  dol  isan  slänoigheacht  sin  äFhior  D.  Tig  Fergns  roimhe 
cum  an  phnbuill  a  mbaoi  a  mhninnter  tein.  ^IS  saoth  7  as  goirt 
lind  an  gniomh  donither  amarach  a  öga',  bar  Fearghns.  '6a 
gniomh  soin?'  ol  na  hoig  uile.  'Cu  Chulainn  do  maxhadh  amarach', 
ol  Fergus.  'Cia  le  marbhthar  he?'  ol  na  flora.  'Mallacht  a  chadhois 
7  a  cnmoinn  fair  .L  a  c[h]ara  7  a  chomhalta  fein  i.  Fer  D.  mac 
Domain  mic  Daire  Domhnannnigh,  7  a  oga',  bor  Fergtis,  ^eirgedh 
neach  agoibh  le  rabhadh  7  le  hoirisiochd  niinne  gus  ar  ccaroid 
7  gas  ar  mbrathoir  ionmum  i.  go  Coin  ccathbuadhoigh  eCulainn 
da  flos  an  bfoigfese  an  t-ith  dFtor  D.  isan  mhaidin  si  amaroch'. 
'Truagh  amh  sin',  ar  siad,  'uair  gemadh  tusa  nobeth  san  ionadh 
a  bfoil  Cu  Culatnn  as  dearbh  nach^)  roisiodh  rabaäA  uainne  thä'. 
'Geibhter  m'eocha  damsa',  ol  FerguSy  '7  innillter  mo  charbad  go 
ndeachoinn  iarttain  go  hath  an  comhlatnn  &  go  n-indisind  do 
Choin  cCulatnn  an  tf  tig  a  n-oiris  an  comlamn  cuige  amaroch'. 
Do  gaphodA  na  heocha  dFer^u^  7  do  hinnled  an  carbad  7  tainie 
roimhe  go  hath  an  comlatnn  go  hairm  a  mbaoi  Cu  Chulainn. 

[H.  a.  17.  =  Wi.  1809]  IS  amlauiÄ  baoi  Cu  C.  an  li  soin  7 
a  druim  frisan  ccairthe  a  ccrich  Rois  7  se  ag  imirt  buanfoigh  re 
a  aroidh  fein,  uair  ass  amlaid  baoi  Laogh  mac  ßaoi  in  gaphra^) 


^)  B=  maeth  n-&raig,  LL. 

*)  97  toUh  mark  of  (upiration  over  o,  MS.,  ra  sessior  cnrad  LL^  etc. 

»)  n^  3i8. 

*)  Baoi  ini^phra  MS.,  here  and  passim. 


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COMHRAO   FIR  DIADH  &  CHON  CCULATNN.  279 

an  uair  sin  7  a  druim  re  C!oin  cCnlainn  &  ni  thaighledA  an  miol 
moighe  an  magh  ^an  fios  dö.  7  do  beredt  leth  mbrandoigheachta 
ar  Choin  cCulainn  7  donlodh  foroire^)  7  forcoime7  ar  sltiagiÄ  (86) 
cheithre  n-oUchoigead  Eirionn  do  Choin  cCulatnn  na  ceand  sin. 
'Aonchairpeach  sonda  chngoind  a  ppnba  a  Cbnagain',  bur  Laogh. 
^Ciondos  cairpeach  sin  a  Lioigh?'  ol  Ca  Cnlainn,  '7  tabhoir  a 
thuarusgbÄa«7  düin'.  'Carbatt  cain')  morand',  bhareision,  ^^  as 
samhalta  liomsa  re  hionna  rioghrata  romoire  toratar  an  cningidh 
si  an  carbad  fnil  ina')  heocha  dnbha  deinmedAa  gana^)  ccningibh 
donnordoibh  datba,  cona  ttarbhchlar  nmhoidbe,  cona  bfersibh^) 
crednmha,  cona  ccreit  craos  tana  cleas  aird  clogad  chaoin.  Do 
foil  isan  carbad  laoch  moingleabhar  maothcorcra  mala  dnph 
mongäuileach  rioghda  romhor  roiscletban,  nlcha  dhualocA  ghabh- 
lanoch  fair  go  roichionn  tar  a  maoiliocbdair  sios  seachdoir  go 
ndidn^cZA  triar  laoch  a  lo  dhoininde  7  dearddoin  hheith  fa  fasgadh 
na  hnlcha  sin.  Ba  samhalta  re  doisbhile  mor  os  fiodhbatdA  an 
folt  drongach  dnalach  dondchas  baoi  forsan  laoch  baoi  san  carbad. 
Brat  ioldathacA  naine  nime.  Oasan«)  gleglan  gealairgid  isan  bmt 
osa  bminne.  L6ine  geal  chulpnideach  a  ccosdal  fria  a  geilchneas. 
Oeilsciath  go  ttnaigmhioluibh  deargoir  for  a  chliü  go  ttri  rothai&A 
caoimhdhentha  credhnmha  ara  ihoiWedh  osa  airdleabaiäA  teora 
ndrong  ndeiceanm^oir  fa  tairsge  nillionn  an  oglaoigh.  Sleagh 
tredruimneach  go  bfeadanoibh  oir  7  go  bfonnsgaibh  airgid  aoinghil 
tar  an  ccarbad  amhatZ  ba  samhalta  leamsa  re  tninnsiomh  tren- 
chnrnidh  ')a  n-adat^A^)  mhöranfauJA  seasdan  7  sioboZ  an  carbnid 
7  na  n-each  n-alloind  n-allata  fnil  fan  marcach  fnil  and.  'Fior 
amh',  ol  Ca  Cnlamit,  'as  se  .o.  Yergus  mac  Koigh  an  fer  fnil  and 
go  rabodA  7  go  sc^la  chngamsa  re  bferoibh  Erenn  lais.  7  ni 
cloidhiomh  iaroinn  a  n-indtigh  na  lainde  moire  sin  foil  leision, 
doigh  bliaghatn  resan  scel  sa  thina  bo  Cuailgne  fnair  Oirill  aiir 
mbaogaiZ  ar  Feargas  ag  coimhriachtoin  re  Meidhbh  ar  an  liter 
os  Craachatn,  7  beanu^  Oirill  a  cloidAiomh  a  troaill  Vergus^^  7 
ooirios  cloidheamA  croinn  'na  ionadh,  7  tnc  da  bhreithir  nach 


>)  fe  MS,  ')  Added  above  line. 

*)  MS.  haa  Ina  loith  T  erastd,  and  an  i  stroke  added  over  n.  H.  2. 17, 
ha»  in  carbad  fall  1  n-eachadhbadhaib  na  n-ech  sin.  YBL,  for  dib  echaib 
dnba  Ac. 

4)  =  gona.  »)  Read  fertsibh,  ef.  feintte  §32  IL 

*)  Bead  cas^n.  ')  an  bi$. 

•)  MS.  afir. 


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280  B.  I.  BEST, 

ttiobradh  dFergus  e  nogo  ttiosad  Ik  an  morch&tba  airm  a  ttioo 
fadaois  ceithre  hollchoigtdA  Ereim  a  n-iit  n-aonbhaile  ar  Ghiirigh 
7  ar  lolghürigh  a  ccath  mhor  thana  bo  Coailgne'.  'Fior  amh 
an  ni  sin  a  daltain^  hur  Fergus^  'nair  ni  foil  doidiomh  itfr  innte, 
7  gemadh  innte  nobhiath  ni  hudk  oman  doitsi  7  ni  himeortbaei 
fort  6'.  [1830,  K  2. 17]  'Mocean  do  tborachtoin  a  mo  ppuba  a 
Fergois',  ar  Ca  Cnlamit^  '7  ciod  nodgloais  iar  bfoinedft  ngreine'« 
'Tairisi  liom  an  failte  sin*,  bhar  eisin.  Tairisi  doit  on',  ar  Ca 
Calotfifi,  'nair  adfiisa  aoghoigheacht  oidhche  sanna  anochd,  nair 
da  ttaighle  liath  löna  an  magh  rodbiasa  caghan  go  \ethy  7  da  (87) 
ttaighle  iasg  an  inmhear  rodbhiasa  eigne  go  letk  aroUe^X  &  biaidh 
dorn  bioltitr  7  dorn  feamtioidhe  7  dorn  falachta  7  deoch  a  gaineamh^) 
da  eisi  7  feis  ar')  osarleaba  orloachra  go  ttnite  do  soantoirrchim 
codalta  fort,  7  foroire  do  denamh  doit  7  comhrag  re  laoch  tar  do 
chfftii  nogo  ris  iomSl&n  dochom  dhonoidh  7  longpport  tar  nEirftm,. 
'As  agamsa  foghebha'.  ^Is  ionfoghlaid%  an  chnid  sin',  bhar  Ferghos. 
'As  fior  sin',  ol  Ca  Colamn,  'as  cnid  fogUoutt  agamsa  hi,  doig 
atasa  on  laan  iar  samhoin  go  haos  na  hoairi  si,  7  ni  dheachotd 
adaigh«)  n-aoigheachta  dorn  crich  no  dorn  cnigfdi  fein  achd  heiih 
ag  tr^nfosdagh  ffr  nErionii  ar  tanoigh  bo  Coailgne  don  ckmr  sa'. 
'Bodfia  baaidh  7  beannachtoin',  bvr  Fergus.  'NocAa  d'aog^oigh- 
eachta  ort  tanocsa,  \WL  3174]  achd  da  indisin  doit  an  ti  tig  do 
chomhrac  riot  ath  re  headh  na  maidne  a  moiche  amamarach'. 
'Cloamar^)  aaid  donna«)  ale\  bhar  C  C  ^Mallacht  an  cJ^oigh 
7  an  chamoin»  air  do  chara  fein  7  do  chooihdhalu  7  fer  comg- 
aisgidh  7  comhgniomha  i.  Fer  D.  mac  Bamaim  mhic  DoiVe'.  'Tigeadh 
as  Aomo\  hur  C  C^  *doigh  ni  nigüsa  troigh  teithfVI&  ar  doaigedft 
thina  bö  Coailgne  riamh  7  ni  mo  b«rad  roimbe  sion,  7  gidheadh 
cheana  nocha  ikü  as  deacb  liom  dana*)  an  daü  Fir  Dh.  [13]  7 
nocha  ara  oaman  ctir  achd  ar  med  a  ghr&dha  liom'.  'Na  haboirsi 
8in\  bur  Fer<m^,  *oair  as  coir  eagia  do  comrag  7  do  comkum 
Fir  Dh.  oair  cneas  coghna  (sie)  foil  oime  oile  7  ni  gabhoid^) 
airm  naid  iolftiobhair  greim  de,  7  as  maidhm  dilionii  7  biodhbha 
sochonfe  e\ 


*'   arcöle  ü  ^  «I  afitr  biaidh  in  MS, 
■)  airm  to  4ais$ve  in  a^^ker  kant 


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COMHRAO  FIR   DIADH  &  CHON  CCULAINN.  281 

[14]  'Na  raidh  sin  etiT\  ar  C.  C^  'doigh  luighimsi  an  Inighe 
loidhid  mo  thaatha  nach  ba  Inaithe  boigMbhen  ar  lar  abhann 
no  gach  alt  7  gach  aidhe  dhe  fa  dheis  mo  cloidimh  se  da  tteag- 
mhadh  aoinfecht  for  ath  an  comlainn  6,  dir  ni  ghabhaid  brechta 
daingne^)  druagh^)  re  marmoibh  no  riomsa  do  ghr6s^),  uair  isnm^) 
eolach  sa  a  htuil  do  cbleasoibh  draoigheachta  aige,  or  is  cian  os 
aithntü  damhsa  7  dFior  Dh.  a  cceile\ 

[16]  *Leig  as  a  dhaltain',  bur  Fergus,  [3183]  *ni  mar  coch 
comhchomhrnig  doitsi  Fer  D'. 

[19]  Is  andsin  tanoig  Fergus  roime  nach  abradaois  fir  Eirenn 
gomadh  da  mbraith  no  da  Ureigen  nobhiath  da  mbeth  ni  htidh 
sia  ag  iomagallam/^  re  Coin  cCxdainn,  &  do  cheileabhoir  cach  da 
ccetfe  aca,  [18]  7  adnbairtt  Cu  C,  ^maith  7  sen  7  soladh  nach 
neach  oile  düferoibh  Eirenn  tainic  leisin  ttoisg  sin,  mina  ttiosdais 
(88)  ceithre  cuigidh  Eiriond  and  7  ddhudh  fo  li  liomsa  sin  on 
uair  do  bhiath  raon  aoinfir  agamsa  orthaib'.  7  tainic  Fergus  iar 
sin  (sie). 

[21]  lomthnsa  Chon  cGolainn  doberar  os  airtt  andso  adbert 
re  a  aroidh,  *Cred  as  coir  dhuine  do  denamh  anois?'  *Do  fetor', 
ar  Laogh.  'As  ssnülaidh  adr6  Fer  D.  dot  ionnsoighid^i  fa  nnai- 
ber[r]t[h]e  foilce  7  fothrag^^)  7  ceithre  cnigidh  Eirenn  dfechad 
an  comhrnig,  7  rob  ail  damhsa  do  äul  sa  a  n-ait  a  bfuighthea 
an  fothragadh  cetoa  fort  gusan  ionadh  a  bfoil  Eimhear  in^en 
Fhorghoill  Mhanoch  go  Caorthand  Clnana  da  Dham  ar  Sliabh 
Fnaid'. 

Tainte  C.  C.  reimhe  7  baoi  araon  re  a  mnaoi  and  an  ad- 
aigh^)  soin. 

[23  TBL,  2431]  Ba  deimm  leo  ait  a  ccomragfadis  da  naithne 
comhloinn  an  betha  gomadh  coimhthnittim^)  doibh  a  ndis  no  mina 
bodA  dhe  gomadh  he  Fer  D.  nothoitfedA  and,  doigh  nirbho  soirph 
comhrac  re  Coin  cCulamn  ar  sluaighedh  thina  bo  Cuaiigne. 

[23.  24]  lomtnsa  Fhir  D.  deis  a  chomadh  do  änadhmodft  do 
rainic  chnm  a  ppoible  7  a  mhuinntire,  7  robsad  dnbai^A  doimen- 


>)  Second  hand  ends.  ')  Äßer  dmagh,  no  erased, 

')  Eg.  106  haSf  according  to  NettlaUf  6ir  ni  ghabhann  br6g  daingen 
dniadb  riomia  re  marbadh  do  ghr^s. 

*)  is  omeoloc/i  MS, 

*)  cf.  nnamaisi  foilce  ägi  7  bertha  7  foilci  7  fothraicthi  YBL  2423^  and 
berrtha  nüa  leo  LL.  107 b8. 

•)  ag^  MS.  0  t^oit  tim  MS. 


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282  R.  I.  BEST, 

mnaigh  iad  an  ada^AO  sin,  7  tnilis  an  müidh  morchalma  an 
Siäaigh  1)  7  do  luidh  a  mheisce  dhe  7  doclhuaidh  a  choüadh  nadha, 
7  do  eirigh  'na  äuidhe  7  tue  lamh  tar  a  Sigaidh  da  niamhghlanadA 
7  ga&Aaid  lamh  for  a  aroidh  'ma  a  charbad  dlndealL  'Geibh  ar 
n-eocha  dhuin  7  indill  ar  ccarbad,  doigh  as  mocheirgeach  m-^) 
an  laoch  tig  inar  n-agatdA'. 

[25.  26]  'Dar  ar  ccuphns  amh',  ar  an  gioUa,  'ni  toghairm 
öocra  lind  an  ni  sin  1  dol  a  ccomhdail  Con  cCnlainn,  nair  gach 
a  ndeachatd  dferoibh  Eirenn  riamh  'na  dhail  ni  töma  fer  indiste 
scel  as  nadbasan  diobh,  7  ni  Ingha  tiocfosi  leis  ina  gach  aon 
laoch  eile'. 

[27.  27]  *Na  haboirsi  sin  a  ghiolla',  ar  Fer  D.,  *or  as  damhsa 
as  haithntdA  an  laoch  nd,  7  as  liom  tnitfeas.'  'Dar  ar  ccnbos 
amh',  ar  an  giolla,  'as  drochturns  tochd  a  ndail  an  ti  tig  and', 
arse,  'nair  as  se  maith  7  olc  IJladh  he,  7  as  mairg  ata  a  bord 
a  iondsoightdA,  7  had  cnman  let  na  7  let  iarmhna')  e'. 

[30]  lar  sin  ro  ga&Aadh  a  eocha  dFior  D.  7  do  hinäledh  a 
charbad  7  tainic  go  longpport  bfer  nEirenn  bvdA  thuaidh. 

[31]  'An  eadh  dob  ail  leatsa',  ar  an  gioUa,  'duZa  a  ndail 
C.  cC.  7  gan  ceileabradA  do  Mheidhph  7  dOiriU  7  dferoibh  Eirenn 
ar  chena?'  'Ni  head  amh',  ar  Fer  D.,  '7  iompogh  na  heocha  7 
an  carbad  dhuin  ar  feroibh  Eirenn'  0  nach  ttainie  C.  C.  fos  ar 
an  ath.  lompaighis  an  gioUa  na  heocha  7  an  carbad  dochum 
an  dunatdA  ar  fearoibh  Eirenn.  IS  andsin  dorala  Meadhbh  ag 
sriobhladh  a  fuail  naithe  ar  nrlar  na  puible.  (89)  'An  cottlod 
dhoit  a  Oirill?'  ar  Meadhbh.  'Ni  headh  amh',  bar  Oilill.  'An 
cclninir  do  cliamham  nua  ag  ceileabhradh  doit?'  'An  6  doni  so?' 
bar  OvriU,  'As  se',  hur  M.  'Luighimsi  an  loighe  luighid  mo 
thnatho  nach  ttiocfoidhse  ar  na  cosoiph  ce/na  cngoibhsi  aris',  ol 
OirtU,  'an  te  doni  an  ceileabhradh  daoibhsi,  araba  a  ttaramoime 
da  cleamhnns',  ar  Oirillj  'achd  go  ttaoithsad  Cn  C.  leis  fo  lind 
gemadh  coimtuitim  doibh,  ach  gemadh  terr  lind  Fer  D.  do 
temamh  as'. 

[J2485  YBL]  Taintc  Fer  D.  roime  go  hath  an  chomhmic 
a  haithle  an  comhräidh  sin.  'Fegha  leat  amh  a  ghiolla',  bnr 
Fer  D.  'an  ftit7  C.  C.  ar  an  ath?'    'Ni  brodh  beag  a  pfalocft  e*, 

>)  ag-  M8.  •)  =  m6r  (?). 

^  le  toa  7  le  üar...  M8. 


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COMHRAO  FIB  DUDH  &  CHON  CCULAINN.  283 

ol  an  gioUa.  ^Is  fior  am,  a  ghioUa',  hur  Fer  Diagh,  ^7  nocha 
ccaalatdA  Cu  Chulainn  daighfer  do  tocht  na  sghaidh  go  snnda 
for  tAanoidhO)  7  an  trath  ro  cnalatd  ro  fagaibh  an  t-ath.'  'M6r 
an  liac  Cu  Chulainn  d'egnach  'na  egmhais',  ar^)  an  giolla,  ^7  an 
cnmhain  let  an  trath  tngsamA  an  cath  do  Gberman  Garbhghlas 
OS  eochair  imlibh  mhara  hiocht,  7  ro  fagbhut^se  do  chloidhemh 
ag  na  slnaghoifrA,  7  gnrab  6  Ca  Colatnn  ro  marbh  cet  laoch  ag 
rochtain  do  cloidimh  si  doridbesi  go  ttngadh  doitsi  6?  7  ni  he 
an  \&  sin  aderadh  tnsa  gomadh  ferr  do  gbaisgedhach  tä  fein  oldas 
C.  C.  7  an  cnmhain  let',  ol  an  gioUa,  'ga  tech  'na  rabhamar  an 
adhai^Ä^)  sin?*  *Do  fedar',  ol  Fer  D.,  *sa  ttoigh  rechtaire  do 
bhamar'.  'As  flor  gnrab  ann',  ol  an  gioUa,  '7  dochnadhaisi  go 
sotal  soightenach  romhainne  gnrab  annsin  dobert  an  t-aithech 
baoi  asan  tigh  beim  dond^)  aoil  treabhth'^)  dnidsi  a  mbiodhba^A 
do  dhroma  go  ttard  orchar  dhiot  tar  an  doras  amach,  go  ttainig 
C.  C.  asdeach  go  ttuc  beim  cloidimh  don  aithec[h]  go  ndema  da 
n-ordain  de,  7  ni  h6  an  la  sin  adertha  gomod  terr  do  gaisgedach*) 
thn  ina  C.  C.  'Egcoir  a  ndeamois  a  ghioUa',  ol  Fer  D.,  'nach 
ar  thns  tncoisi  an  comhoirle  sin  damh,  nair  ni  thioefoinn  com 
an  comlamn  damadh  eadh'. 

[32]  'Maith  a  ghiolla*,  ol  Fer  D.,  'scaroidh  feirstte  7  forgeime 
mn  charboitt  fnm  snnda  go  ndemoinn  snan  7  coAladh,  or  ni  demns 
cottlod  le  ceisd  an  comlainn  &  an  comhroig  do  ghabhuis  do  laimh, 
7  as  moch  do  eirgemar  aniü,  or  ni  trath  coinde  na  comhd^la 
and'.  'Dar  ar  ccnbhu^  amh',  ol  an  giolla,  'as  droichionadh  codalta 
so,  6r^)  as  crioch  biodhbcK^A  7  as  faighthe  namhad  7  as  belach 
bodhbha,  7  ni  crioch  ionloighthe,  7  ni  coir  a  dhenamh  7  ceithre 
cnigidh  Eirionn  ag  goin  7  ag  f  riothgoin  a  cheile,  7  gidhbe  imreas 
mela  no  mearoigheacht  fort  isan  codal  sein  ni  foighbhe  ioc  no 
inocland^)  and'.  'Denu^a  m'fairi  si  7  m'forchoimhe^  a  ghiolla',  ol 
Fer  D.,  'nach  tti  neach  dferoibh  Erenn  gan  rabadA  gan  rathngadh 
dingam,  7  jsr  da  soiser  in  nte»)  menman  7  aigeanta  re  headh 
7  re  hathoidh  do  lo'.  (90)  lar  sin  scaoilis  an  giolla  ferstte  7 


1)  7  an  trath  to  gaisgedach,  note  6  infra^  in  another  hand, 

«)  an  MS.  »)   ag-  MS, 

*)  don  daoil  MS.  »)  trebennach  YBL, 

•)  Second  hand  ends.  ')   or  6m. 

')  MS.  haa  iöc-land,  witk  tuH>  caret  marka  over  and  under  the  c. 
enecUnn. 

*)  Meaning  obaewre.  . 


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284  R.  I.  BEST, 

forgemne  an  charboitt  faoi,  7  tailis  an  müidh  morchalma  'na  snan 
7  'na  codladh  go  heirge  laoi. 

[34]  lomtusa  Con  cColatnn  do  aithin  da  aroidh  a  eocha 
dlomcoimha^.  Toirtheachta  ü  Laoigh  mic  Raoi  in  ghabhra  tarr- 
oidh  dho  ag^  airighin  a  eachroidhe  go  ttanoig  nel  liath  ghlas 
na  maidne  moiche  &  ro  ghapu^oir  a  eachruidhe  7  do  inledar  a 
charbad  7  ro  eirniodar  a  chleasa  7  tanoig  roime  go  hairm  a 
mbaoi  Gu  CAuZatnn,  7  nir  eiridh  C.  C.  go  moch  an  la  soin  gur 
foilc  7  gur  fothrnig  7  gur  dombuil  feis  dlothad  an  laoi  sin. 

[37]  7  ro  ling  'na  chai*bad  iar  sin  7  tainic  roimhe  go  hath 
an  chomhlaiftn. 

[38]  7  nirbo  cian  diogh  Mh6r  mac  ßaoi  an  gabhra  and  an 
tan  adcnalatdft  fuaim  an  charbuid  choige,  7  ro  gabh  grain  7 
omun  mor  L 

[39]  7  tainic  roime  d'iondsoightdA  a  thigema,  7  iadhois  a 
di  liimh  nime  7  do  duisigh  asa  coHadh  e,  7  tue  lamh  tar  a  agaüift 
7  doroighne  roth  nnall  corcra  de  0  mnllocA  go  talmoin.  'Do  foil 
snnd  Gu  Ghulainn  chugad',  ar  logh,  *a  Fir  D'. 

[42]  'Ciondus  rodu^acaghois  he  a  ghioUa',  ol  Fer  D.  '7 
an  ttnccois  leat  dhuin  fios  a  iorroidh  7  a  edoigh  7  a  charboid?' 
*Do  ugus  ü',  bar  logh.  *Tabhnir  a  tnaru^pail  (sie)  dhüin',  ol 
Fer  D.  'Adconnarc  and',  hur  an  giolla,  'carbad  foill  fetamoin 
öonndroinne,  go  Inas  go  Inth  go  läinghliocus,  go  ppuboill  n-nainighe 
7  go  ttarphchlar  n-omhoighe,  go  rothoibh  fionnbhmine,  go  pfersibh 
fionnairgid^),  cco  ccreit  n-oraii-d  n-nraoiphinn  ndirigh  ndreasach- 
daigh  ndasachdoigh  ccaoimh  ccneas  saoir  ccolgda  cclagod  chaoin, 
cco  ccarbatt  ccomhthrom  ccraoislech  an  ccriothlnath  ar  da  n-each- 
atbh  crodha  commora  at  iad  hiorigh  bagAaigA  huBidigh  hxulidh 
bedcrom  bolg6ronoigh.  'Loim  chro  7  fola  ad  bei  a  gÜolla',  bar 
Fer  D.,  *as  aicsighe')  an  tuarasgb4tl  adbertois  fair'.  'Narab  diom- 
dhoidhe  tosa  sin  i^ir',  ar  an  t-aro,  'uair  gemadh*)  6  a  ara  san 
dochifidft  tnsa  ni  hudh  Üäiihi  do  tuamsgbhail  si  leis.  7  an  cclninesi 
calgoire  carboitt  an  coradh  don  leirg?'  'Ni  chloinim',  ol  Fer  D. 
'Adchluinimisi',  ol  an  t-aro. 

[44]  'As  tmagh  an  gniomh  ar  ar  cAindeabhoir',  bar  an  gille, 
'i.  cindeadh  an  comhlatttn  a  n-aghoidh  do  chomdalta  chartanot^A 
fein,  as  leomhan  ar  feirg,  as  tarbh  ar  treisi,  as  naither  ar  neimh- 

>)  %g  bi$.  s)  fion-  airgid  M8. 

*)  =  aicside.  •)  go...  M8. 


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COMHRAO   FIR  DIADH  &  CHON  CCULAINN.  285 

nighe  folang  feirge  an  fir  ad',  b%ar  an  gioUa,  ^a  torchair  leis 
go  ttrastta  gach  aon  dorala  ris  for  th&noigh,  7  as  doigh  do  tuitim 
si  leis'. 

[45  H.  2. 12]  'Coisc  dhiom  a  ghiolla',  ol  Fer  D.,  *as  romhor 
molae  mo  bhiodhbha  am  fiaghnut'^e,  7  as  briathar  damhsa',  ol 
Fer  D,  ^da  mad  bes  damh  aruidh  naid  eachlacAa  no  aos  leth- 
faobhoir  do  (91)  marbodA  doghebhtasa  bäs  liom  [46]  ara  mhet 
mholae  mo  biodhbha  am  fiaghntit^e  0  tlianoig  0  chrdch  budeisin, 
7  dobtfd  maith  do  mheatb  drochlaoich  a  ndenoigh  a  ghiolla', 
bar  Fer  D. 

[45  YBL.  2577]  As  a  haithle  sin  adbert  Fer  D.  seaca  re 
Kvaidh  go  hiongantach,  'geibh  ar  n-eocha  dUuin  7  innill  ar  ccarbatt 
7  toiTigh  ar  n-aima  ar  cionn  Con  cCulainn'.  'Dar  mo  bhreithir 
amh',  ol  an  gioUa,  'dia  n-iompaidhinn  m'aghoid  don  leih  atta  mo 
chul  dar  liom  do  rachdaois  na  hairm  indillte  failid  chugad  triom.' 
7  gerb  eadh  do  eirigh  an  gioUa  7  do  indill  an  carbad. 

[47]  lar  sin  rainig  C.  C.  go  hur  an  atha  a  n-aghaidA  Fir  D. 

[49]  Ottconnairc  Fer  D.  e  flafruighis  de,  *Can  asa  ttigeisi 
a  Chuagain?'  ol  Fer  D.,  doigh  cu  ainm  don  claoine  'san  tsean- 
gaoidheilg,  uair  seachd  mic  imliosna  baoi  a  ceachtar  a  dhi  a  rio 
{sie)  rose  >)  7  da  mac  imleasoin  claon  dibh,  7  dobtu2A  mo  a  maisi 
dh6  ina  mhimhaisi,  7  da  mbe/A  ainimh  budh  m6  Ina  sin  air  as  f 
dobudA  döcha  do  thngha^)  ris  dhösan. 

[51]  *Can  asa  ttigeisi  fein  ceana  a  Fir  D?'  ol  C.  C,  'uair 
as  cöra  a  fiafrat^Aidh  diot,  uair  as  tu  neck  bi  ar  an  ath  sa  gach 
laoe'.  *In  misi  ü',  ol  Fer  D.  'As  tu',  ol  C.  C.  'Ni  denta  iongnod* 
dom  faicsin  si  andso  ü',  bar  Fer  D.,  *ar  mhithin*)  on  ataimuidne 
ag  d6g|i  7  ag  loscadh  an  chuigidh  on  luan  iar  samam  go  haes 
na  huairi  si,  7  tticsam  lind  a  mbuar  7  a  mbötainte  a  maoine  7  a 
maitheasa  7  a  n-ionnmhusa,  dosrallsan*)  a  ttolcha  tar  a  n-eisi 
'na  bfantatM  gursatt  comharda  comrreidhe  iad  7  a  bfaighthe'. 
'Tusa  an  chreach  deisidhe',  bar  C.  C.  '7  as  misi  an  toir,  7  ni 
denta  iongnadh  deisidhe  dom  faicsin  a  ndeghatdA  mo  cruidh  7 
mo  cre^Ae  dus  da  ttäir  sinde  screamhghal  teagl'  na  cuidiochda 


0  Bead  a  dha  rigrosc;  dhi  a  end$  the  line  in  MS, 

•)  isedh  rothoibebad  fris  FBL,;  dotnb(?ad)u8&  fris  M.  2, 12, 

•)  rs  bhithm. 

*)  dol^gfum  H.  2. 12. 


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286 

nach  adaibh  danadbe/Aasa  ad  niadh  no  att  nert^)  ^hudh  da  duitsi 
gessttha.  a  ndeghatdA  do  cruidhj  acM  ata  ni  ceana  ataoi  tretoll 
troimcrecdnoighthe  7  nl  dot  figh  setrigh^  comlann  no  comhrug^)  re 
comidh  calma  mar  meisi'.  A  haithle  na  mbriathar  soin  tairlingis 
Ca  Cnlainn  7  tig  ga  har  an  atha^  7  baoi  ag  tabhoirt  acbmhu^ain 
dFior  D.  ar  ttoigheacht  do  chomra^  'na  Bgaidh.  'Eccoir  amh 
doitsi  a  Fir  D.',  bar  C.  C^  *tochd  a  ccenn  comlatnn  7  comhraig 
dorn  ionnsoighi(2A  si  7  ceithre  cxngidh  Evrenn  am  aghaidA  a 
n-aoinfeacht,  7  gin  go  gabhthasa  leam  nir  gabtha  dait  (92)  oram 
ar  bithin  on  ad  cara  cach  aain  d'aroile*.  *Gidh  eadh  sin',  bar 
Fer  D.,  'ni  6toimsi  gan  comhrag  re  seiser  caradh  mochtrath 
amaroch'.  'As  beth  idir  dha  throm  doitsi  sin',  bar  C.  C,  *uair 
gidh  risin  seisior  sin  donetUtha  (sie)  an  comlawn  tuitfe  leo,  7  gidh 
liomsa  doneithea  6  fos  tuitfe  leam,  7  dobeVa  misi  an  aei[n]chomhoirle 
doitsi',  bar  C.  C^  *ar  iomfasdogh  ar  ccadoigh  &  ar  ccnmoinn, 
tabhoir  fer  gach  laei  damhsa  dioph  araon  rem  comblann  &  as 
doigh  go  ttuitfuiA  leamsa  Simblaidh  sin,  7  as  nsa  leam  sin  ina 
comhlann  riotea  at  aenar'.  *Ni  ettoimsi  sin',  ol  Fer  D.  'An  6 
sena  an  caradratdA  7  an  comhaltois  7  an  cnmoinn  hud  &il  leat?' 
ar  C.  C.  'Ni  he',  bar  Fer  D.,  'acht  as  eigin  damh  comlann  7 
comhraflr  riotsa'.  'As  olc  an  gniomh  dobere  dot  aire  a  Fir  D/, 
bar  C.  C.  'hudh  teasargoin^)  darach  do  dornoibh  doitsi  sin,  7  budÄ 
god  um  ghaineamh  7  bti^  beim  cinn  fri  samh  7  hud  teine  fri 
soighnen  7  \)udh  bealacA  bais  doitsi  an  comhoirle  sin  aca'.  'A 
Cbnagain',  bar  Fer  D.,  'adcualamaime  nach  comcalma  re  curoidh 
thnsa  0  tanaghois  ar  slnaighedh  täna  bo  Cuailgne  go  haos  na 
huairi  si'  'Tninghimsi  um  na  deibh  da  n-adhroim'*),  bar  C.  C. 
'nach  doilge  leamso  do  cumus  sa  na  do  chongnamh  na  gach  aon 
da  ttoTexht  cugam',  bar  C.  C^  'am  s^ghaidh  gusan  ttrath  sa'.  ^Budh 
hi  an  nair  si  fiondfadmaid  eisein',  bar  Fer  D. 

[55]  '6a  gaisceadh  ara  racham  aniogh?'  hur  C.  C.  'or  as 
tusa  as  tsesga  doriachd  go  hoirighin  an  atha'.  'Inad  cumuin  si 
isna  cleasaiM  roniamhois  ag  VeLÜiaigh  7  ag  Scathat^A  agu^  ag 
Mwreighil  Manann  7  ag  Abhlat^A  Arann  7  ag  Abhradruag  ri 
Tire  an  tSneachta  7  ag  Geis  Enchinn  7  ag  Crocän  MonatjfA  ag 
Seanach  Siabhra  ag  Cir  ag  Beth  ag  Bailcin  ag  Guar  ag  Aid  ag 
Aoife  in^^en  Airdghine  do  Gregoiph?'   'Um  cumoin  amh',  hur  C.  C. 


^)    TJiis  poiiage  obacwre,  *)  comhmig  M8.,  with  i  era$ed, 

*)  teas  argoin  MS.  *)  dauK  dAroim  MS. 


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COMHRAO  FIR  DIADH  &  CHOK   CCULAINK.  287 

'Tiagbam  orra',  orse^  '7  lottarsan  ara  ccleasoibb  amlaidA  sin  .i 
.uii.  bfaobbairchleasa  7  seacbt  ccleasa  cuirp  7  .oii.  bfaoincbleasa. 
Tigdis  natba  7  cnca  ambati  teagoid  beicb  a  beacbadbbba  a  lo 
alainn  fogbmboir  nacb  biadb  gaotb.  Ni  teilgdis  nacb  aimsidis, 
ni  aimsidis  nach  atbaimsidis,  7  gor  ansad  da  n-iomgbnin  baoi 
dfeapbi45  na  biomgbapbala  connar  foilt^A  nech  diobb  ar  aroile, 
connarbö  sofecsana  dferoibb  Erenn  gnuis  na  n-anrad  re  soitbin 
na  ccleas  uatba  7  cuca.  7  tarru^duir  doib  ar  an  urlethi  sin  0 
toltt^ratb  eirge  do  lo  go  ndeacbatdA  tar  meagbon  laoi  7  lantoillsi. 
^Ni  foilecA  doin  an  gaisciodb  sa',  bar  Fer  D^  '7  an  bfuil  ar 
ndisgor  ris?'  ^Damadh  ail  leatsa  donetba',  hur  C.  C.  Intsin  do 
cbinteador  a  ccleaso  natba  a  lambaiM  a  n-arad  ara  n-agbartoibb 
(93)  nrdbergboigbte,  7  do  gbapbador  a  sceith  aillne  iarnoidbe  'na 
l&wiiaibh,  7  a  slegba  sleambna  snasta  ganaO  suainedbaibb  lin 
lancbadoigh  ina  lamboibb,  7  do  gbapbador  a  ccloidhmbe  daigb- 
bbeimneacba  fudois  7  rubuis^)  cach  a  cheile  dibb,  7  ger  atblamb 
a  n-iomgbabae7  rangadtir  .x.  ppriombgbona  .xx«  ar  corpnipb  a 
cheile  uatba  gnrba  toir  cacb  gan  sgatb  7  gurba  tiar  cacb  gan 
taoi.  'Ant  osadb  antsin  a  Cbuagain?'  hur  Fer  D,  'doigb  as  6 
an  fer  tbioncbti^  an  gbaiscidb  do  gapbat7  dligbeas  a  disgur'.  IS 
andsin  ro  cboirse/  a  n-arma  natba  7  sgucbu^  cacb  a  cheile  dibb 
ar  l&n  mbedon  an  atba,  7  tucsat  tri  pöcca  dia  cheile  a  cuimniogbud 
a  ccumuinn.  Bangadur  na  heich  ar  aonscor  7  na  baroidb  um 
6ntenidb,  7  iatt  fein  araen  go  haonfpubaiK,  7  ro  cboirgetor  a 
n-aroidb  a  n-iomdeJAa  urluacAra  go  bfriotbagbartatM  fer  ghonta 
friu.  Na  biadbo  7  na  lentta  do  bertba  0  f eroibb  Eirenn  dFior  D. 
do  beiredA  cuttruma  ris  tein  do  Coin  cCulainn  dibb.  An  ni  do 
bertba  a  sioghaifcA  do  Cboin  cC.  do  luibiftÄ  ice  7  laimbsion  do 
beredA  cuttruma  ris  fein  dFior  D.  dipb.  An  che^  trian  don  oidbcbe 
aca  don  (sie)  re  neimb  na  ccnetb  7  na  los  n-ice  isna  cneadbaiiA, 
7  an  trian  tanoiste  re  combuirle  a  ccombruicc,  7  an  trian  deigbenacb 
re  suan  7  re  codladA. 

[56]  ISan  maidin  amamarocA  faoighis  Fer  D.  feasa  go 
Meidhpb  7  go  hOirill  da  ridb  riü,  'An  gniomb  do  geallw^a  doibb 
a  n-esbbuidb  mo  cbuind  7  mo  cheile  7  nocAan  fuil  uru^a  damhsa 
and,  uair  ni  foil  for  tuind  talman  duine  damadb  ionraidb  go 
ttuitfedA  C.  C.  leis  nogo  bfaicedA  ag  tuitim  e,  acbt  ata  ni  chena 
ni  ria  agb  na  imnetb  0  Cboin  C.  da  n-ionnsoigbid  siomb  an  ccöin 


1)  s=  gona.  ')  fndbas  7-  mdbas  H.  2. 12. 


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288  R.  L  BBST, 

bbeam  araon  isan  comrag  sa'.  7  ro  scoichadsan  a  ttigbe  reinii 
ri  siiL 

DocbtiocdA  ara  Ftr  D.  leisin  aitheasc  sin  go  bairm  a  roMa 
Meadhbh  7  OiriU  7  Fergos  7  maithe  hier  iLEriont  ar  cbeana,  7 
do  intis  ioibk  aitbeasc  Ftr  D.  ris.  Antsin  tucusdiitr  OirtZI  düge^) 
a  rdtha  7  a  rotbaoisigb  7  a  HaUhi  feroinit^  7  do  intis  äoibh  an 
ni  sin,  7  ro  raidbsiott,  ^gidb  gacb  Ur  do  aotbfadb  nain  ni  fuicfeam 
comrac  na  dem  utt'.  7  do  cbombairif^e^ar  a  n-aroidb  7  an  tain 
do  cbor  rompa  7  ^nadh  ioibh  fein  ag  faicsin  a  combrnig.  IS 
antsin  ro  räidh  Mac  Botb  an  rieacblocA  nacb  rae&adb  ara  ar 
biotb  andsin  mona  deacbdaeis  fir  Erat»  nile  ant,  or  ba  deimbin 
leis  nacb  biadb  do  ntort  a  n-endnine  'san  domtin  foettogb  Con  cC. 
acht  go  cclutneadb  a  tharbb  7  a  tbain  do  hreiih  nadho.  Gidb 
tra  'cht  ro  heimdedh  an  combnirle  sin  (94)  aca  7  ro  ansad  re 
fecboin  an  comblatnn. 

[57]  Tnirtbeachta  .&.  Con  cC^  do  eirigh  go  mach  an  lii  sin 
cnm  an  comlainn,  7  ni  tanoicc  Fer  D.  a  commoch  sin  ina  d4il, 
7  baoi  C.  C.  aga  r&db  re  a  aroidb,  'as  fada  ata  Fer  D.  anin  a 
n-tecmois  an  chomhkmn'.  'Narab  fada  letssi  sin',  ar  Laogb,  'do 
rö  re  beadb  n-aitbgerr  dot  iontsa^Aidb,  7  ro  tuü  sunta  cbngad', 
ar  haogh. 

Dala  .ü.  Con  cC.  rainic  roime  go  hur  an  4tha  7  ni  eian  dia 
rapha  ant  go  bfaicidh  aonebarbad  ag  toigbeacht  go  bnr  an  alba 
don  \eth  araill  da  ionfisoighfdA,  7  do  intis  do  Cboin  cC.  'Ciondns 
carbad  8in  ale?'  hur  C.  C.  Tac  an  giolla  a  tbnamsgbatl  nadbo 
7  adbert  na  briathra  sa  ant.  'Adchiüsa  ant  amA'^),  ar  an  gioUa 
7  rl,  'laocb  leidmecA  l&ncbalma  laoch  ceimuech  as  mö  do  mledhaibh 
7  as  crodha  do  churaAhaihh\  'Doberimsi  aitbne  for  an  ter  soin 
amb  ale',  nur  CC,  *.L  Fer  D.  mac  Damatn  mic  Ddire  Domnandoigb'. 
As  andsin  rainig  Fer  D.  go  hur  an  atha  da  n-iondsoigbfd&.  'Ba 
doigb  linde',  nur  C  C,  'nacb  tiosttasa  anin  nair  ro  ferois  do  siost 
comblamu  7  do  boaidb  ngairighe,  7  as  lan  od  choroibb  anä  tbn. 

[58]  7  nirbbo  coir  doit  tocbd  do  comblann  riomsa  ar  bitbin 
on  ad  combdbaltagba  cacb  nain  da  ceile\  'A  Cuagain',  nur  Fer 
D.,  'ni  bumsa  dambsa  gan  congnam  lern  cairdibb,  7  nir  cbnimb- 
nigbis  comaltu^  dambsa  hudesiBL,  or  ni  rodeoipera'.  'Forfetomaime 
.L  an  ni  dobeir  ortsa  sin  do  radb  x  gradb  Fiondabbracb  7  met 


')  oi.  ggggg  MS.  «)  Äffi  1£5. 


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COMURAO   FIR  DIADH   &  CHON  CCULAINN.  289 

na  ccomadh  7  bregtingheallodA  Meadhbba,  7  hudh  grad  nemhio- 
mhaoineach  dhoitsi  sin,  7  nirbho  du  duitsi  teachd  isan  combrag  a 
mA'  agboidh  si.'  'As  fior  on',  nur  Fear  D.,  'nar  dbn  dambsa  comrag 
rem  aroidh  na  rem  ghioUa,  nair  an  tan  bbämoirne  ag  foghlnim 
as  tosa  ba  bara  damsa'.  'As  coroide  dambsa  tfuabairt  si  sin', 
nur  C.  C^  'nair  as  romatsa  ataid  ar  mna  7  ar  mic  ogus  ar  miondaoine, 
7  as  tn  tanaig  a  ccein  diar  soigidh,  7  na  biotb  do  domAna  (sky) 
riomsa,  or  ni  m6  as  ciontacb  riot'. 

[59]  '6a  gaiscead  ara  racham  ann  a  Fbir  D.?'  nur  C.  C. 
'Leatsa  do  rogba  gaisgidb  anü*,  nAar  Fer  D^  'doigb  as  misi  mg 
rogba  isa  laitbe  do  luidb'.  7  lodursan  ara  ccleasoipb  goile  7 
gaiscidb  an  la  sein,  7  doniotb  C.  C  cleas  an  l&  sin  do  milvadh 
meanmon  7  aigeanta  nacb  cnalodA  7  nacb  facnidb  riamb  roime 
sin,  7  dogniodb  an  ter  eile  A.  Fer  Diagb  an  cleas  'mon  eaxJU 
ccetno  do  milradb  meanman  7  aigeanta. 

[60]  Ogus  do  badur  ar  na  cleasoibh  sin  0  soli4stratb  eirghe 
na  maidne  moiche  go  medhon  an  laei.  'An  htuil  ar  ndisgur  dbe 
so?'  nur  Cu  Culainn.  (95)  'Fuil  letea',  bbar  Fer  D.  Ro  cuirsead 
a  ccleasa  natba  a  lamboibb  a  n-aradb. 

[61]  'Tiagbam  anois  ar  ar  manaoisibb  mora  muirneacba, 
nair  as  neaso  d'iomgboin  &  d'imraobadb^)  iad  ina  an  t-imdiobragad 
sa,  7  ro  gbabboid  a  n-airm  &  doronsad  aonacb  cbind  isoighedh 
an  la  soin,  7  tangadur  aoible  fola  a  bionadbat&A  na  laigbion 
letbangblas  gnrbo  derg  atb  na  babbond  da  n-eisi.  7  do  sinset 
da  cdoidhmib  gnr  bbeansad  döide  feola  a  corpoibb  a  cheile,  gurba 
saitbeacb  braineoin  agu^  aitbide  an  aieoir  dona  fualadAoibb  feola 
tanoig  asa  ccorpaibb  amacb.  7  tarrusttwir  doii  ant  re  beadb  an 
cbaomblaeitbe  go  boidhcbe.  7  0  tanoig  deretb  don  lo  tucador  a 
n-airm  a  lamboibb  a  n-arad  7  tangador  na  baroidb  go  henieinidh 
7  a  n-eicb  ar  enscor  7  iätt  fein  a  ndis  go  benpuboill. 

[62]  As  anwsin  do  raidb  C.  C  re  Fer  D,,  'ba  beigcrionwa 
dbuin  ar  ccaradrad  do  milkdA  ar  combracc  0  a  cbeile,  uair  do 
tairrngir  ar  mbuimetba  dbuin  gomad  la  ceacbtar  nain  do  faotbsatt 
aroile'.  *Na  baboirsi  sin',  ubwr  Fer  D.,  *a  Cbuagain,  or  as  ferr 
liomso  Meadbb  7  OiriM  do  cairttibb  agam  ina  SgatbacA  7  tusa.' 
'Egcoir  doitsi  sin  do  ridb',  ar  C.  C,  'doigb  robsad  combdaltadÄo 
sinn  ag  Sgatbat^A,  nair  is  aice  ro  tbnillmis  ar  ndis  7  do  tbiagb- 

■)  dogra  na  domenma  H,  2. 12, 
*)  dim  raobadh  MS. 

9C«l«Mhrift  f.  oelt.  Fbllologi«  X.  X9 


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290  R.  I.  BEST, 

mhaois  ar  ar  fiogli  0  foirceadoil  le  SgoXhaigh,  7  donimis  coigle  7  do 
raacbdomois  gan  treiccin'.  ^Na  bi  'gom  chdAnedh  a  Cbuagatn', 
iiÄar  Fer  D.,  'uair  ni  aineoca  ni  da  ttagrae  tbu.'  'Beannacbt  ort 
a  dbegblaeicb',  nar  G.  C^  'nä  bris  combdbaltns  na  cumant  oramsa 
nair  sochaidhe  diär  naisged  Fionnabboir,  ogus  as  liomsa  do 
tborcbradtir  uile,  7  na  tarrt^^a  cbugam  dara  n-eis'. 

[63]  Tarw^doir  doifcA  ant  an  B,ghaiih^)  sin,  7  do  eirigh  Fer  D. 
go  mocb  amambarocb,  nair  ba  leis  tocbt  a  n-oiris  a  n-agbatV^A 
Con  cC.  an  la  soin,  7  nir  eirigh  C.  C.  an  la  soin  n6gur  düisigb 
Laoccb  e.  Attracbt  C.  C.  iar  sin  a  n-oirios  an  cbomlai  nn.  *Is 
meirtneacb  imsniombocb  ansuantacb  atatboir^)  annsin  aCbuagatn', 
üAar  Fer  D.  *Deitbfir  dambsa  sin',  u7iar  C.  C,  *.fi.  .i.  sercc  an 
nilc  7  na  fiongboile  dogben  ar  mo  cbombdbalta  fem,  7  dar  liom 
gacb  la  da  ttiocfadb  tborum  ni  tiocfatdAe  do  cbomracc  na  do 
cbomknn  riom,  uair  misi  ni  tuil  urosa  dambsa  ann  mona  treig^ 
biidb  Ulod  uile'. 

[67]  'Aboir  a  Fir  Db.  ga  gaiscedb  ara  racbam  aniogb?' 
*Ar  ar  n-oiridAibb  gai7e  7  gaiscidb',  hur  Fer  D.  Ciodb  tra  'cbd 
tiagoidsiomb  ara  n-oiridbtM  gaile  7  geAscidh  an  la  sin,  7  tami^ttoir 
dbibh  Bmlaidh  sin  cco  ttainic  medbon  an  laoi,  7  nirba  leir  do  neocb 
dferoibb  Eirenn  gnuis  eicb  no  iuine  douo  curadAuibb  risin  re 
8in<).  (96)  *In  bfoil  ar  ndisgur  dbe  so?'  uAar  Fer  D.  'Foil  leatea 
on',  hur  C.  C.  &  rocuirrset  a  ccleasa  uatba. 

[68]  'Eirgeam  ar  ar  ccloidbm/6  aniogb  &  ceangoilter  ar 
bfritbbbacain  iamoidbe  ar  na  carbaduibb'.  7  do  gabbador  a 
sceitb  7  a  ccloidbmbe  'na  lamboipb  7  ro  tbuairsiod  a  cbe«7e  [69] 
go  ttainig  in  m^^rtnigbe  menman  7  aigenta  do  lucbt  na  fiagbnoisi 
oga  bfecsoin.  ^Truagb  amb  sin',  ar  siad,  *a  ndentar  annsutt  .1 
an  cboindle  Gaoidbiol  a  ccombland  ag  sgartboin  a  ccombd^ialtois 
oniogb  go  bratb,  7  a  mbeitb  'na  mbiodbbod/i  bunoidb  0  sond 
amacb  tre  breig  tingbeall'  Meadbpb'. 

[70]  Bador  sund  isan  combrag  sin  go  ttangador  criocba 
deiridÄ  don  lo  soin  da  n-iontsoigbid.  IS  andsin  adbert  Fer  D^ 
[Wi.36^1]  *Ad  sgitbe  ar  n-eicb  7  ar  n-aroidb  7  an  ni  msLVus 


')  =  fiodh,  cf,  Wu  3540.  «)   ag*  M8. 

*)  at  athoir  MS. 

*)  Here  ihe  $cribe  ha$  filUd  up  a  portion  of  the  Uut  litte  •/'  the  page^ 
in  a  ilightly  tmaüer  handj  with  the  foüowing  impreeation:  Ailim  trocoire  ar 
an  trinöid. 


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COMHRAG   FIB   DIADII   &  CHON  CCüLAINN.  291 

d'iarsma  na  bFomhorach  agoinn  ar  n-eich,  ciodh  duinne  an  trath 
hudh  eadli  nach  ba  headh  inde?'    7  adbert  an  ran[n]  sa: 

'Ni  dleaghor  dhinn  cmglaighi 
re  Fomhorchoibh  feidhm 
cuirter  futha  a  n-nrcomat7 
mar  as  glainn  do  deilbh.' 

lar  sin  tucoig  a  n-arma  natba  a  lamhoibh  a  n-aradh  7  do  sgarsad 
gan  ppoig  gan  beannacht  0  cbach  dia  ceile.  Tanoig  saoghol  an 
cumoind  7  an  caradruigh  7  la  etarsgaradA  na  n-each  7  na  n-aradh 
7  na  ccarad  fein  re  cheile,  7  ni  tugadh  lus  ice  na  slainsiona  0 
Choin  cC.  dF.  D  an  agfhaidA »)  sin,  7  ni  mo  rugadh  biadh  no  lionn 
uadhasan  do  Choin  cC.  [71]  doigh  ba  hiomhda  biatoigh  Fir  D.  .i. 
ceithre  cnigidh  Eirenn  ar  g-  ndiongmair-^)  C.  C.  in  neoch  do 
bhaoi  aga  n-iomfasdog  on  luan  taide  go  taimdi  n-iomuilg,  7  ni 
raMa  ag  biathad  Con  cC.  achd  tnatha  Breth^)  nama,  7  ni  tigdis 
achd  le  degdhil  laoi  nö  le  tosach  seachdmtime  bheos. 

[72]  Tainic  roimhe  a  n-uchd  a  sloigh  7  a  öochruide  ar  ath 
bud  dheas,  7  tainic  TAeadhhh  gana^)  mnaibh  7  gona  macoibh  gan 
{sicy)  hairm  a  vaibht  Fer  D.,  &  tucadh  ciuil  7  cruite  d'urgairdiughad 
meanman  cuige,  7  ro  meascoid  7  ro  meghradA  h6,  7  doronsad 
dimiccin  do  Choin  cC.  7  dia  gaisgedh  'na  fiaghnw/^e.  7  nir  thoirmisg 
Fer  D.  sin  iompasan.  7  nir  choduil  Fer  D.  an  ar/aidA  ^  sin,  7  nir 
leig€dA  dho  gemadh  mian  leis  a  dhenam  iontas  go  mairfetA  aige 
cuimhne  an  comhlatnn  &  an  comruig  arnamarach. 

[73]  Cu  C.  .fi.  raintc  roimhe  tar  ath  budA  tuaidh,  7  tue  a 
ghualann  re  lir  and  7  tue  osnuidh  n-imsnidh  os  aird,  7  adcualaidA 
LoojfA  sin.  *  Ciodh  annsin  a  Cuagain?'  bar  Laogh.  *Fuil  a  damhna 
7  a  deithfiV  damsa',  bar  C.  C,  *uair  bhithin  on  am  cnethocA 
croilinteac[h]  mo  ghaoi  chro  7  mo  friothghona  ag  toigheacht  triom, 
7  as  mor  a  dhaghadhbhar  an  laoch  mormeanmnach  ud  ag  toigeacht 
fiom»)  a  moch  na  maidne  amarach,  7  roichsi  la  raphadA  dUltoibh 


>)  ag-  HS. 

«)  Read  perhaps  ar  go  uäionghad;  ar  Choin  C.  do  dingbiil  dib  LL  (3598) ; 

ar  dingb  C.  C.  dioph  8L 

»)  =  Bregh. 

*)  =  gona. 

*)  Read  go,  the  icribe  torongly  extended  g  (?). 

*)  triom  MS,  added  above  line. 

19* 


Google 


Digitizedby  LjOOQ 


292 

gannach  rabhad  ar  maighihh  na  ar  moirreidhipb  connach  airgter 
iad  seacbamsa'.  Cromuis  an  t-ara  a  chenn  7  (97)  baoi  ag  toirsi 
go  mor,  7  nir  thoirmisc  Cu  C.  sin  uime  0  do  facas  dofaicsin  7 
fatba  mhoirimnig.  lar  sin  ro  mucusttair  an  t-aro  a  mheoir  a 
ccnethoibh  Cbon  cC  7  adbert  losa  ice  7  slainsiona  a  ccnetbuibb 
Chon  cC^  7  ro  suigMwttoir  cuilleabafd  chorcoirdcrg  do  Coin  cC^ 
7  ba  16ir  dosan  cach  trithi  7  tairsi,  7  nirba  leir  do  neoch  aca 
sin  eision.  7  do  bhi  go  himneadboch  intte  nögo  ttaintc  trian 
deigenoch  na  boidbcbi  sin,  ör  bador  beoil  na  ccneth  ag  claoi  a 
cheile  7  na  luibbe  ag  gabat7  na  ccr^chd.    7  coiluis  C.  C.  iar  sin. 

[74]  lomtnsa  Fir  D.  do  eirigh  go  mocb  7  do  gabh  a  airm 
7  taintc  com  an  atha  7  do  fiafrnidh  a  mbaoi  C.  C.  ann,  7  ni  ffjaair 
a  freagra  uime  sin.  7  0  nacb  fuair  a  freagra  an  treas  feacht  do 
fiafruigh  an  beo  no  an  marbh  C.  C,  7  ni  fuair  neacb  da  freagra. 
7  0  nacb  fuair  ro  gabbusttoir  a  del  clis  comcuar  a  ccobbruig  a 
sceitb,  7  tarrluicc  nadba  tar  ath  soir  go  cclos  a  tbairm  fo  cbeitbre 
bairdibb  an  morlongfpboirt.  Andsin  do  eirgidar  ruiridb  7  rodbaoine 
bfer  nErionn  um  Meidhp  7  um  Oirill.  'Ba  doigb  linn  amb',  ar 
Meadbbb,  'nacb  gebbdhaois  fiana  Eirenn  risan  sunduidb  utt  agatt 
a  bEamatn  a  Fergbois.' 

Otcnala  Laogh  mac  Ri  an  gabbra  sin  airm  a  raibbe  ag 
oirigbin  a  eacAruidbe  ro  indill  a  carbad  7  a  cbleasa,  7  tainic  roimbe 
7  do  dbuisigb  a  tbighearna,  7  ba  fergacb  an  duscadh  sin,  or 
tucusttair  tumba  diele  n-angmoigb  n-ainnsercocb  uadho  dia  cbois 
CO  ttarla  tar  a  iomduidh  amacb,  gur  meabadur  srotba  fola  a 
cnedboipb  7  a  crecbtoibb  Con  cC.  *IS  truagb  sin  a  ghiolla',  arse, 
'as  liacb  liom  mo  dbuscadh  fos'.  'MoV  .&.  a  dambna  dambsa  sin', 
bar  Laogb,  'uair  fuil  Fer  D.  agud  aitbisiogbud  os  ur  an  ätba 
sa  tbios'.  *Egc6ir  dosan  sin  do  dbenamb',  ol  C.  C,  *or  doberim 
dom  breithir  ris  nacb  gabb  arm  laoigbc  'na  laim  a  nErinn  neacb 
nac[bj  foil  a  diongmbail  iondamsa  re  feadb  laoi  go  boidbcbe  don 
gbairbbleigbios  dobertaisi  form'.  Iar  sin  adubaeVt  C.  C  re  Laogb 
moc  Ri  an  gabbra,  'Tabbuirsi  dot  aoigb  7  dot  aire  cia  uain  'nar 
ndis  mi^e  no  Fer  D.  hos  ban  no  hus  imsniomboch  aniu,  7  gidbbe 
uain  is  6  dofaotb  san  comhrac.  [76]  7  a  Laoigh',  bar  C.  C,  'dfenn^a 
mo^)  moladb  sa  7  indis  mo  maitb  orm  mad  damh  hus  tr^n,  7 
madh  orm  hus  raon  d6na  mo  ghriosadb  7  mo  glamod/i'. 


>)  m%gh  MS. 


Digitized  byV^OOQlC 


COafHBAG  FIR  DIADH  &  CHON  CCULAINN.  293 

[78]  IS  andsinO  tain/c  C.C.  [dochuin]^)  an  atha  7  do  him- 
dergadh  am  Fer  Dh.  aga  faicsin,  ör  ba  hainnserg  allata  e,  7  ba 
hiongnadh  mor  leis  an  ter  do  maoidh  an  uair  roimhe  do  heiih 
a  cciond  comhruicc  di  ionnsoigh«c?Ä.  'An  6  Fer  D.  sud  ar  ur  an 
atha?'  bar  C.  C.  *As  m6  .fi.',  uAar  Fer  D.,  'bis  and  gach  laoi'. 
'An  tusa  an  Fer  D.  bbis  and  gach  laoi?'  'As  meisi  .ä.  a  dhaighfir', 
bar  Fer  D.  'Egcoir  amh  doitsi  a  dhaghlaoich',  bhar  C.  C,  'bheith 
agam  chommaoidhiomh  sa  (98)  os  ür  an  atha  sa  thios  7  m6  beo 
bheos'.  'Ni  fetor',  ol  Fer  D.,  'go  raibhe  do  nert  ionnat  tochd  a 
ndäil  an  comhruig  si  aniogh'.  'An  tan  atusa  do  niort',  ol  C.  C, 
'do  fiondfasa  ar  bhithin  on  att  dhealbb  troch  fort,  7  an  bfeadrnis 
gurab  e  an  l&  sa  etarsgarthana  ar  ccomluinn,  7  iongoimh^)  an  t-ath 
damhso  ö  nagh  foil  do  niort  iondat  corriomsa,  7  na  tarr  am  ag- 
haidh  si  and,  or  dofaothois  liom'.  'ISam  eigean  sa  sin',  ol 
Fer  D.,  'no  comhrag  risin  6  curadhoibh  is  terr  dferoibh  Eirionn'. 
'Dingeobhadso  na  tri  cnroidh  hus  terr  leatsa  dhibh,  7  diongoimh^) 
for  na  tri  curuid  eile.'  'Ni  fnil  nrusa  andsin',  bar  Fer  D.,  'doigh 
ni  tiobharthaoi  taobh  re  bretVAir  duine  ar  domhan  asa  haithle 
sin,  7  ni  gebthaoi  cor  tar  ceand  a  cheile  dia  ndearnoinnsi  sin. 
'Egcoir  doitsi',  ol  C.  C,  'toigheacht  tar  coli  cairdeas  dom  iond- 
soightdA  7  tiocf  id  cach  tar  a  mbriathrnibh  hudhestei,  7  ni  tiobhra 
neach  taobh  re  cheile  'nar  ndiaigh'. 

[79]  IS  andsin  tainic  Fer  D.  roimhe  tar  an  ath  bndh  deas 
7  do  gabh  a  airm  7  tainig  go  hionadh  an  chomhloinn.  Tnirr- 
theacÄ^  .ü.  Chon  cC,  do  ghabh  a  airm  7  tainoicc  a  n-oiris  an 
comhlainn.  As  andsin  do  chomhrnicc^ar  an  da  cnmidh  sin  a 
n-osarlar  an  atha,  \WL  3807]  7  ba  he  dlos  na  hiomghona  go 
mbeandaois  a  nduirn  re  na  ccneasuibh  ag  dinge  na  n-arm  'na 
cheile.  [Wi.  38^3]  7  baoi  do  dlus  a  n-iomaircc  go  'morala  srian- 
mhaidhm  ngreadha  d'eachradhuibh  hfer  nErenn  gor  meadhbaidhior 
a  tt6ta  7  a  n-nrchumhnil  diobh,  7  gomdar*)  lana  reisg  7  loch- 
mhoighe  Crioch  Conaill  Muirtheimhne  7  gursad^)  ötal'  na  ceanntoir 
UltacÄa  uile  diobh,  gnr  eirgcdar  maithe  hterr  nEirenn  do  mi- 
deamhuin  an  comhruig.  [Wi.  3817]  7  ba  he  dlüs  a  n-iomaircc 
gomadh  indherghoighthe  do  righ  no  do  rioghoin  ar  l&r  an  atha 
da  n-6is  muna  süedh  ind  dorisi  si  lesan  sraonghoil  dorinde  cach 


0  Bin  bis.  »)  cf.  Wi.  3745. 

•)   For  -gaibh.  *)  gom  dar  MS. 

*)  gnr  sad  MS. 


Digitized  byV^OOQlC 


294  R.  I.  BEST, 

d'iondsaiV/Äidh  a  cheile  dioph.  [Wi,  3814]  7  ba  he  dlas  a  n-iomaircc 
gomadh  saimhe  dferoibh  Eirenn  aighthe  na  mbadbbh  ag  sgeum 
7  ag  sgibeachuil  d'  ur-  an  atha  aniu  7  cheana.  [Wi  3831]  Do  bi 
do  dlos  a  n-iomairg  gnrbo  fuil  an  apand  uatboibh  uile.  Ba  he 
dlas  a  n-iomaircc  go  bfaicdis  na  hairm  fiartharsna  trena  ccorpnibh 
dfairsinge  na  ccrecht  \Wi.  3828]  IS  andsin  do  roich  diobuirt 
Fir  D.  dar  Coin  cC. 

[80]  AS  andsin  tainig  Dolph  7  londolbh  dfoiridhin  Con  cC. 
Andsin  do  mothaigh  Fer  D.  tionsaithin  in  trir  'na  timcheall  aga 
tuargoin  a  n-aoineachd,  7  dorad  di  nidh  an  ni  sin,  7  do  smuain 
an  trath  do  bador  ag  Uathat^A  7  ag  SgathaigrÄ.  AdubatVt  Fer  D. 
re  Coin  cC.  aon  do  lo  do  bhador  a  comhradh  re  cet7e,  *Ni  comhard 
ar  ccomhdhaltus  (99)  na  ar  ccomnnd'.  'Ciodh  ile  sin?'  bharC.C. 
*2)o  charoid  üogaidhe  got  aitidh  si',  uhar  Fer  D^  '7  nior  thais- 
benois  damhsa  ider  iad'.  'Ni  foil  urusa  damhsa  andsin',  uAar 
C.  C,  *uair  da  ttaisbenninn  eineacht  an  f6  fiadh  do  neoch  do 
macoibh  Uiledh  ni  bhiadh  diamAur  air  as  a  haithle,  7  giodh 
thusa  Her  a  Fhir  Dh.  an  cunga  chleas  (sie)  agat  d'iomarcoig 
ormso,  7  nir  mhoinis  a  iadhod  na  a  foscaladA  damhsa'.  Eo 
mhnineadorsamh  a  ccleasa  gai7e  &  gaisciJA  d'aroile,  7  ni  raibhe 
iomarcoigh  chaigh  (sie)  gha  cheile  diobh  0  sin  amach  achd  madh 
cleas  an  ghaoi  bulga  nar  thaisb6in  C.  C  do  di«me  riamh.  Fear- 
goigAter  .fi.  na  siodhchoiretA^  ^^^  fuaradwr  C.  C:  arna  crechtnu- 
jf/radh,  7  tucsat  tri  tromghona  gacAa  fir  acw  ar  Fer  nD.  IS  and 
tairloicc  Fer  D.  orchur  da  dheis  dia  dh6is  Con  cC.  7  gonw^  don 
wrchar  sin  Dolph.  Badwr  in  da  ghoin  7  in  da  bhuille  a  n-eineacht 
aga  bforrach.  Andsin  tue  orchar  da  chle  ar  chle  Chon  cC.  go 
ndorchoir  Indolph  ar  lar  an  ätha,  considh  de  ata  in  rann: 

Ciodh  fa  n-abrar  Ath  Fir  Dhtod. 
risin  ath  ghar  thoit  in  triath. 
ni  lugha  donithi  a  bhoidhbh 
^  Ath  Duilph  7  Ath  Indoilbh. 

Ciodh  tra  'chd  0  do  thuiU^Jar  na  braithre^)  fine  sin  baoi  ag  Coin 
cC.  le  Fer  nD.  do  sonartoigh  a  mewma  7  atbeart  beim  no  da 
beim  d'iomarcoigh  do  Choin  cC.  ogM5  do  bi  ag  fortamhlwgfÄadh 
go  mor  fair. 

*)    et  with  ntark  of  asjnrafion  over  t. 
*)   ua  braithre  bis. 


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COMHBAQ   FIB  DIADH  &  CHON  CCULAINN.  295 

[Sl]  Ciodh  tra  'cht  ottcownoirc  Laogh  mac  Ri  an  gabhra 
C.  C.  da  traothadA  ba  saoth  leis  a  thuitim  le  haoinfer  san  domhan 
cetiA  iiogail  fair,  [83J  7  tainic  roimhe  go  hwra  an  atha  7  do 
intill  an  ghaoi  bhulga  7  ro  gbaph  ar  an  sruth  7  ro  lion  ar  an 
meirplind,  6r  nl  teilgthe  he  achd  tria  meirphlind.  AS  antsin  do 
dercuÄttoir  lodh  Mor  mac  Ri  an  gabra  .i.  ara  F.  D.  an  saotht<r 
sin,  or  adubaiVt  Fer  D.  ris  a  ttus  laoi  Laogh  do  dhiongmaiZ  go 
maith'.  'NöcAa  fer  diongmote.  dö  meisi',  hur  logh,  *gion  gnrbeadh 
ni  ria  agh  na  imneadh  uadh  dot  ionnsoigh  si  an  ccein  rabharsa 
nm  seasam'.  7  baoi  ag  feitheamh  a  brathor  amat7  sin  nogur 
ghabh  ar  na  linntibh  7  nogo  ndeachaicZA  snäs  tar  a  n-indioll. 
7  mar  iochnaidh  Laogh  suas  iochuaidh  lodh  sios  7  do  foscoil 
an  forgabafi  Otconnoirc  C.  C.  a  inwioU  ar  ndol  on  ghaoi  bulga 
do  rmihnighedh  nime  7  do  ling  do  mhaoil  an  talman  go  raibhe 
ar  bile  sceithi  F.  D.  aga  thnargutn  (100)  tar  an  sciath  anuas. 
Craithios  Fer  D.  an  sciath  go  ttarla  mogh  1)  naoi  cceimeann  siär 
seachdoir  tar  an  ath,  7  ro  ghabh  C.  C.  lamh  ar  Laogh  'mnn  ngaoi 
mbulga  d'innioli.  Ritheas  an  t-ara  gusan  lind  7  gabhois  uirt[h]i, 
7  tcid  lodh  fan  ccuma  cc6two  &  scaoilis  an  chora  ogus  leigios 
an  sruth  seocha.  Sciobois  Laogh  go  hiodh.  Comhr«ct€r  doibh 
ar  an  lathmV  sin,  7  asonoroighios  haogh  lodh  go  mor,  or  niorbh 
ail  leis  airm  d'imirt  fair.  lomtusa  F.  D.  leanois  C.  C.  tar  ath 
siar  do  hveith  amois  fair,  7  lingis  C.  C.  do  clc/Äach  an  atha  go 
raifcÄe  ar  bile  sceith  F.  D.  7  doradsan  crothad  ar  Choin  C.  gur 
chuir  mogh*)  naoi  cceimeand  tar  ath  soir  6.  Grechois  C.  C.  doridhisi 
'man  ngaoei  mbulga  d'indioU.  7  as  and  baoi  Laogh  7  a  brathoir 
ciond  ar  ciond,  7  fuaibris  lodh  go  calma  curata  e.  lompoidÄis 
Laogh  go  hogt^Zborb  aindrean/a  &  tue  cor  luith  a  n-agmd  do,  go 
chuiristoir  lodh  faon  ar  \ar  an  atha,  7  toirberis  maolduirne  meince 
fair  gomadh  saobh  a  rose  7  a  radharc  ag  lodh,  7  do  tagaibh  'na 
luighi  liuin  ar  Idr  an  atha  k  7  dotaod  uaidh  asa  haithle  7 
dotaod  gusan  lind  ccetno  7  do  gabh  ar  an  sruth  .7  do  lion  an 
lind.  Ciod  tra  'cht  eirgis  lodh  as  a  thämh  7  adAconwoirc  Laogh 
ag  indioll  an  cleasa,  7  riothois  go  hathlamÄ  gusan  ccoratdA  7 
ioheir  an  chora  7  do  16ig  an  sruth  ina  reim  bünatdA.  Londuightcr 
C.  C.  uime  sin  7  lingis  ar  an  sceith  an  treas  feacht  go  hathlamh 
do  mhaoil  an  talman  7  doradsan  buille  dia  ghlum  cle  a  lethan 
an  sceith  go  ttarla  C.  C.  fo  osair^)  lindtibh  an  atha,  7  dorad 

»)   =  modh,  See  Wl  p.  656^  n.  5.         «)   os  air  MS. 


Digitized  byV^OOQlC 


296  R.  L  BEST, 

Fer  D.  .iii.  tromghona  for  C.  C.  Andsin  grechw^  C.  C.  ar  Laogh 
doridisi  ag  gabhsAl  a  laimhe  fair  'man  ngaei  mbalga  d'indioll. 
Faaib[r]is  Ldogh  a  iondsoighicfA  og[as]i)  do  tboirmisc  lodh  ime. 
Ruamnighther  Ldogh  dariribh  andsin  7  iadhois  a  dhi  laimh  b^a 
lodh  7  trascraois  go  hathlaiM*  he  7  do  indill  an  ghaoi  bhulga  7 
do  raidh  re  C.  C  'Fritheoil  an  gaoi  bulga  anois  a  Chuagain'. 
nair  taparta  cum  Con  cC.  e  go  TAhadh  reimhe. 

[85]  IS  andsin  adconnoirc  C.  C.  an  ghaoi  bnlga  chnige  tresan 
sruth  7  fritheoilios  C.  C.  6  tre  laghoir  a  coisi  deisi  7  diobraigios 
e,  7  fritheoilios  Fer  D.  6  do  rA>  a  thuaruscbd?a,  7  do  leig  an 
sciath  sios  go  ttainic  tar  bile  isan  sruth,  7  silltdA^)  ar  C.  C.  7 
adcotmuirc  a  airm  chleasa  ar  indioU  aicce.  Ni  fidir  cia  dhiobh 
do  fritheoilfeadh.  Andsin  adbert  C.  C.  an  certgba  do  lar  a  bhoisi 
dF.  D  go  ndeachatdA  trena  cieith  go  comthrom. 

[86]  IS  andsin  dorad  Fer  D.  an  sciath  sios  go  tindiosnach^) 
d'iomdidean  an  iocbdair  a  chuirp. 

[87.  88]  7  dorad  C.  C.  an  ghaoi  bnlga  tar  an  sceith  tresan 
sruth.  Ottchuala  .fi.  Fer  D.  (101)  easccland  a  airm  sion  tresan 
aphoinn  dia  ionnsoighid  leigis  an  sciath  do  fritholamA  an  ghaoi 
bhulga,  7  tarla  an  ga  isan  sciath  os  a  bhminne  gor  scoilt  i,  go 
ttarla  isan  bfuarthoig  iainoidhe  7  tresan  oilchloiche  baoi  san 
pfuarthoig,  go  ndeih'^A  don  chetchor  i  ar  osarlar  an  atha,  go 
ttarla  a  bforfolaml.  a  chleibh  7  a  chuirp,  gur  dhiri^A  ar  feadh 
a  brond  7  a  dhroma  ar  fedh  a  aoi  7  a  arand,  go  rüg  a  .x. 
n-urranda  .xx.  go  mbaoi  druchd  fola  for  barr  gach  nirrindi  diobh. 
IS  andsin  teimle^Aios  a  folt  7  dorchadus  a  rose  7  treinmerdaighi<i5 
a  ghnuis  7  biorut^  a  bheann  m  m^)  7  tainic  slaod  fora  fuaire 
mairbh  ina  chosaibh  7  'na  lamaibhj  7  tangadur  neoil  an  bhäis  da 
ionusoig/dA,  7  do  theilg  an  tslf^A  baoi  'na  laim  tar  bile  an 
scei^A  d'ionnsoig/rfA  Con  cC.  gurbo  cros  bodhbheia  'na  cltaiA  an 
craoisech  gur  comtoitim  doibh  .i.  C.  C.  re  hath  aXuaidh  7  Fer  D. 
re  hath  aneas,  7  as  doigh  gomadA  comtoitim  dia  mad  coimAnemniV^A 
a  n-airm. 

IS  andsin  taintc  Laogh  os  cionn  C.  C.  7  baoi  da  radh  risan 
airsigh  eirge  do  commaoidhimh  an  echda  mhoir  dorinde  7  menma 
mor  do  denamh  dhe,  uair  ro  fagöadA^)  e  gan  crecA/ach  co/;iAartacA. 


»)  og  dho  3£8,  «)  iiU-  MS.,  ßiUis  St. 

■)   tindios  n*  MS.  •)  =  a  mheanmain  mör  (?). 

*)  fag'  MS. 


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COMHRAG   FIR  DIADH  &  CHON  CCULAINK.  297 

Ro  Mgh  C.  C.  7  tainic  tor  ath  hud  deas  7  do  nochd  a  chlaidÄeamh 
dia  dhichennadhO  os  cionn  F.  D.  *As  lor  a  ndernois  a  cliara  a 
Chuagam*,  or  Fer  D.,  'or  do  thorcwrsa  lei  cheana'.  *UcA  uain 
san  toitim  sin  a  derpcomhalta'.  hur  C.  C,  '7  ni  ria  ni  hus  mo 
uaimsi  thu  madh  do  thorcruis'. 

[89]  7  do  chtitV  C.  C.  a  claidhiomh  *na  tmaill  7  toccbh«i5 
Fer  D.  eter  a  dhoidriogaiJÄ  mora  mileata  tar  ath  hudh  ihuaidh; 
gerho  suaill  ccoigchle  an  abhand  ni  lemhdaois  fir  Ercnn  ieacht 
tairrsL  IS  andsin  do  ghabb  Cu  C.  cenn^)  F.  D.  'na  nchd  7  do 
bhadar  sreabha  fola  ag  tionwsaighin*)  chuip  F.  D.  ar  C.  C.,  7 
baoi  Fer  D.  da  rddh,  *Is  mor  an  tionnsoighin  fola  foil  fort,  7 
nior  dheas  doit  mo  ghuin  si  do  denamh,  7  as  scith  ar  scaradh 
asdrasta. 

AS  annsin  tangadur  neoill  troma  trocbambla  d'ionnsoig/c7A 
Con  cC.  7  an  bradan  be/Aadh  baoi  fo  bminde  F.  D.  ro  ela  nadha. 

[91]  Ro  eirigh  .fi.  C.  C.  asa  nel  »in  7  caoineas  Fer  D.  go 
mor.  'Ba  dursan  liom  tfaicsin  Siinhlaidh  sin  a  chomhJal[t]a 
charthanaiflfÄ  a  Fir  D,'  bar  C.  C,  *or  diamadA  a  n-oirer  an  domm'n 
mhoir  doneatbasa  ecc  ni  fada  do  beinnsi  beo  dott  eisi'.  « 

[96]  IS  andsin  adt<bairt^)  C.  C.  re  Laogh,  'Foihadh  Fer  D. 
fe^^  dhuin,  7  bean  an  gaoi  hulgsL  as  go  ndeachatdsan  uaidh  gan 
rabadA  gan  fiagnuisi  ar  an  ccoscorr^)  tucsamb  fair'.  lar  sin 
fodhbhuis  Laogh  e  7  beanuis  an  t-eo  öir  do  bioi  'na  brnt  as,  7 
tue  a  laimh  Con  cC.  6.  'Truagh  sin',  ol  C.  C,  *dom  doigh  as  se 
an  sed  sa  7  na  comadAa  do  g^lladA  (102)*)  dhö  fadera  tuitim 
dorn  charuid  7  dorn  choigeile  liomsa  san  chomhroc  sa,  7  as  truagh 
an  bregadU  tugadA  um  na  comadAuibh  se  fair',  i.  ar  Fer  D. 

[92]  Asa  haithle  sin  adupatVt  C.  C.  'Ni')  demad  fir  hErenn  fir 
fear  a  ccomhlawn  na  feineachus  flatha  duine  tar  eis  Fhir  Dliiagh 
do  thuitim  linn  amhlaidA  sud,  oir  do  feadadar  nach  bfuil  aca 
aoinfcr  dar  theacA/a  do  chomhrac  riomsa  tar  eis  Fhir  Dhiagh, 
oir  ni  dingne  Cönwachtach  re  cath  Mumhan  gan  iomradA  re 
Fear  D.,  [Wi  4022]  oir  ni  ding»)  lamh  laoich  ledeoru«^)  curna 


>)  dAicAetna(2A  MS,  >)  cetn  MS. 

»)  =  tionnflaitin.  *)  ad-b-t  MS, 

*)  ccos  corr  MS, 

*)  Bert  another  hand  continvea  the  teile  to  the  end, 

0  in  MS, 

*)  ding  for  dingte  (?),  LL  de.  haa  nibha,  the  paasage  obscure. 

*)  le  deoru«  MS.^  lethaa  LL,  ledrostar  St.,  leattrastar  Eg.  209, 


Digitized  byV^OOQlC 


298  B.  I.  BEST, 

ctirac[h],    j    ni   buaidr€(/Äi)    baidhbhe    beild^rge    fa    sgoruiph 
sgathttighe.    Comhrac  Fir  D.  gur  thuit  don  lathair  sin. 

[98]  Asa  haithle  sin  cosguirwis  Laogh  e  7  beanti/«  an  gaoi 
bulga  as,  7  teid  a  ndeaghaidh  C.  C,  7  iompoighis  cruth  do  Coin 
cC.  aga  cloisteacht  'na  dheagha/rfA.  *Cidh  ima  ndenae  in  clogh') 
crotha  sin  a  Cüagain?'  bar  Laogh.  'Dar  liom',  ol  C.  C,  'as  e 
Fer  D.  ata  agum  tslaighe  gach  \dh  dia  tteigim,  \WL  4160]  7  as 
cluithe  dbamh  gach  comhrac  da  ndeamns  riamh  gusan  cc/)mhrac 
sa  Fhir  Dhiagh'.  Cconad  e  Comhrac  Fhir  Dhiagh  agas  Chon 
cColamn  gonuige  sin  7r- 

FINIS. 


H.  2. 12  [15] 

(fol.  Ir). 

[42]  'go  luas  faindli  no  eirbi  no  iarann  no  cliabhaighi*) 
allaedAi  tair  ei  tri  (?)*)  sleibhe  no  mur  tsighi  gaithi  gere  gailbidhi*) 
adhuaire  imloime  earraithe  tar  c^nn  machaire  maigh  sleibe.  IS 
e  sin  treLsi  7  tf  it  7  tairptighi  &  treabarluas  fo  thta^aid  na  heich 
sin  isin  madhrod  gnr  c(ro)itsed^)  in  talmam  tromfodh  fo  craithib 
letroisi  an  ceimnighthi  berid.  &  srianta  caema  cruanatha  firaille 
fororda  frin,  &  ba  samalta  I^m  re  sneachta  sithoilti  ig  snaighi ') 
uanfadhach  na  heachra[i]de  &  ba  samalta  I§m  re  healtada  do 
dubcnaib  na  fodmaigi  da  ndeis.  Ata  fon  carbat  sin  each  ceindfind 
crofind  caelcosach  s^ng  s/rcael  casmongach  cseldrond  ndubdualach 
faforubA  n-ard  n-imamnus  sigbigec'^)  cruanatha  cain  üchiglinie 
fo  thta^aid  na  heich  sin  isin  madhrod.  &  ata  in  aroile  fon  carbat 
sin  each  loath  liath  luthmur  laigir  leimntch  maignech  tairmgech 


>)   büriud  LL,  «)  =  clodh. 

*)   cliabh  aighi  MS. 

*)   Reading  doubtful,  miyht  aUo  ht  read  cet  {lall  e)  for  cenn  (?). 

»)   cf.  gaithi  g^ri  galbii§:i,  Tochm.  Farbe  l  89, 

•)  ro  illegible  MS,  lias  probibly  the  ur  symbol  over  c,  as  ihere  is  no 
room  for  a  letter  between  c  and  i. 

')   cf,  Wi,5065. 

*)  MS.  has  sigbi^;  cf.  YDL.  '2560,  sithbe  creda  cmanatai,  tcAicA  shotdd 
no  doubl  be  read. 


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COMHRAG   FIR  DIAEH  &  CHON  CCULAIKN.  299 

tresmar  sduagbmar  fodmwr  focharrsaigh  foluth  cechtair  cruaigh 
.i.  Ixicht  buadha  fo  rith  gon  sgar  and.  aibli  tened  tritamruaige ') 
CO  Dglomraidind  ina  cruas  glomarcind.* 

[43]  Ata  isin  carba^  sin  laech  folt  find  folt  l^hnr  mear 
coimst'ch  cumacbtach  lineach  derg  dograta  ane^)  arrad  air  der- 
glasad»)  0  (?)  bile  ten^d*)  an*)  edarluaimnech  naso.  Ata  uime  sin 
brat  cain  cruandatha  corcarda  &  ata  a  bretnas«)  toracWaid^) 
treincind  dergoir  ar  derglasad  isin  brat  osa  bruinde^).  &  ata  a 
s^cht  cn(es)Ieinte  .xx  ciarta  clarta  comdlntha  re  grian  a  geilcneis 
don  righmilidh  sin,  &  a  cathbarr^)  ciarrach  clardedaighthi  saai- 
ghni  solu^gemach  fana  c^nn.  &  ata  a  sgiath  digrais  dathalaind 
donncorcra  &  a  da  sleig  digrac[h]a  direcra  druc/itoara  dath  g . .  a.  d^o) 

donncorcra*0  aga  co . .  rad ^^)  a  corpa d")  &  ata  a 

• . . . .  ais  •^)  lethancruaid  go  curata  go  riwdaith  mb g >*) 

. .  a  caemcn^s  don  trenf er  sin.  &  atait  tri  foilt  forsin  oglach  sin  i«) 
.L  folt  donn  fria  tuinn^')  a  cind  /folt  (.»..)")  a  medon^^)  7  folt 
dergbnide  iar  n-imeall  7  mind  oir  bnidi  csem.co^<^)  .  arda  nas 


*)  trit  amrnaige  MS.^  for  trichemrnaide;  cf.  oiblech  tened  trichemmaid 
tatnit  a  cröes  glomarchind,  Fled  Bricrend  §  49,  and  Lü  122  a  44. 
•)   End  of  line.    dograta  perhaps  for  daigerda. 

•)    Two  lettera  indiiitinct ,  the  first  hoks  like  an  inverted  0  =  con,  the 
second  like  te,  the  i  of  bile  ia  not  clcar;  the  passage  seema  obscurt. 
*)  A  Utter  iüegibUf  looks  like  .1.  teo^  indiatinct, 
')  or  aredar  MS, 
')  s  aomewhat  indiatinct. 

^  cf.  bretnas  torrach  trencind  isin  brutt  osa  broinni,  Wi.205, 
")   &  to  cn(e8)  barely  legibkj  only  the  faintest  tracea  remain^  es  is  iUc' 
gible;  cf  Wi,  1707,  2557. 

»)  cath  barely  legibU. 
««)  Stain  here. 
")  Very  faint. 

")   End  of  line  here,  final  rad  w  fairly  certain,  looks  like  corcrad. 
")  MS.  fractured  here  and  effaced,  about  twenty  Utters  illegible. 
■*)  MS.  effaced,  only  faint  tracea  of  Ata  a;  read  probably  manais. 
**)  MS.  fractured  and  effaced. 

>*~  1^)   .i.  to  tninn  almost  effaced,  and  only  decipherable  toith  the  aid 
of  YBL  2564  and  Wi.  2714. 

")   Rent  in  MS.,  about  four  lettera  lost,  no  doubt  croderg  {YBL  2564), 
cf.  alao  Fled  Br.  §  45  croderg  a  medon,  and  Wi.  2714. 

>»)  MS.  haa  my-on,  with  aupraacript  atroke;  medon  ia  no  doubt  intended, 
but  the  laat  letter  ia  more  like  r. 

»®)   CO  not  cleat,  foüowing  letter  looka  like  r,  arda  fairly  certain. 


Google 


Digitizedby  LjOOQ 


300  B.  I.  BEST, 

( )*)  . .  d .  (?)  arta  an  folt  sin  7  he  fada  findbuidi  go  cind^nd^) 

teora  sreth(a)  tar  ( )mna3)  seall(?)  sis  (?)*)  s^/air.  &  atait 

.X.  ruitÄin  fri(a)*)  ceacA/ar  a  da  gruad  7  C€thri^){ii)hre  .  .^) 
cea(ch)tar  a  da  gruad  .i.  (tibrey)  buide  7  tibre  gönn  7  Obre 

uaine  7  tibre  derg,  7  5ecÄ/  metc  imresain»)  na  da  rigrosg  ro ^®) 

&  seacht  meoir  air  gach  laim  do  ar  gach  cois  da  f a^O 

. .  irco  .  a  dis  g aU  (?)  1*^  CO  "^  s^oiH  ?<>  ^1^^  dobui  (?)  da 

lig  logmair  ann  go  mh^  (?) re da 1-)  do  ina 

laim  7  . . .  tag-  <')  rale  (?)  r a for 

b . .  ( )**)  leisin  oglach  cain  cosgarach  7 g .  ath  (?)  b 

Moint.!*")  fola  ad  be(I),  a  gilla^  is  aicsidi  in  tuarasgbai? 

tugt</5  ar  measgara^<^) naisi'^^).    'Narab  diumgaide  tu^a  sin', 

ar  in  gilla,  'oir  gid  he  a  gilla  san  an  tan  atcifise . .  a  ni  ba  tiaith 
do  tuarasgbart  leisin.  &  in  cluine  culgaire  carba?7  in  cwraidh  don 
leirg  dar  n-iwdsa(igid)?'  *Ni  cluinim . .',  air  Fer  D.  *Docluinimsi', 
bar  an  gilla.  'Mor  am  in  teist  7  in  tuarasg[b]ail  tucais,  a  gilla', 
ar  Fer  D. 

[44]  ^&  is  mithid  dnl  a  ndail  comraig  an  ftr  sin.'  ^IS  truagh 
an  gnim  ara  cinde,  a  F/r  D.  .i.  dul  do  comland  a  n-aigi(/A  do 
comalta  cartanaid.  is  fergach  7  is  feochair  is  an  is  at/ilamh^^) 
is  tren  is  Ir^  argain  is  leoghman  ar  ferg  is  tarb  ar  treisi  is 

>)  Qfts  fairly  certain,  follotced  byarcnty  in  tchich  about  five  lettfr$  are  loit, 

»)  cuirend  YBL  2566, 

•)  Rent  hcre,  read  a  formua  and  cf,  Wi.2I?8  and  noie, 

*)  Stain  herCf  almost  UUgible.  YBL  hos  siar  seH. 

*)  Vtry  faint, 

«)  ti  iUegibU, 

')  lllegxble^  perhaps  fri,  looks  like  the  7  $ymbol  prcceded  by  a  stroke; 
cf.  Wi.  1374  cethri  tibre  dib  cechtar. 

•)  lUfgible, 

*)  Bardy  legible,  fracture  bcfore  r,  spact  for  one  letler^  ?  arr. 

'")  End  of  line^  stain, 

")  Abnosl  effacedj  firbt  tcord  looka  likc  fnil,  before  co  sonuthing  hke 
coir;  co  very  indiutinctf  foUowcd  by  fracture;  adis  clear,  remainder  uncertain. 

»»)  End9  of  line, 

")  Natwral  hole  here,  remainder  of  line  iUegible. 

")  Rent  at  end  of  line. 

»»)  Very  faint,  a  letter  or  two  ilUgible,  read  cro  7  toith  F  and  cf,  Me$ca 
ülad  p,  20,  11,  dt.  Wi. 

»•)  Not  very  legible,  =m*escara  (?). 

'^)  Read  probably,  am  fiaduaisi. 

>•)  atA  bardy  legible. 


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COMHBAO  Fm  DIADH  &  CHON  CCULAINK.  301 

natbair  ar  neimnigi  is  mathamain  ar  glond  &  is  carrag  fria  fo8ug 
is  ioig  fria  t^sargain  is  teine  ar  loisgadh  is  brisid  cnama  is  doga 
is  losgad  is  breo  is  agh  is  acais  fulang  fergi  an  fir  ud',  ar  in 
gilla,  *7  a  n[djeachaigh  dferaib  Brenn  ina  dail  ni  terna^)  fer 
comaiti  gnima  na  indisi  sgel  dib  ar  cnl  uadha'. 

[45]  'Leig  as,  a  gilla',  air  Fer  Diad,  'is  mor  an  molad 
dobetri  ar  mo  bidbatd  a  fiana(i)si,  &  is  briat[h]ar  damsa  damod 
bes  dam  gilla  no  aradh  ro  eachlach  do  marbad  is  cian  o  do  gebtasa 
bas  l^m'. 

[47]   IS  ann  tainig  C.  C.  go  boirear  an  atha. 

[49]  7  do  conaic  Fer  Dtae?A  &  adnbairt  ris,  *Ca  rabais,  a 
cua?'  oir  cua  ainm  na  claine  asin  to^ngaeilig  .i.  s^cbt  meic  imrisin 
do  ba  i  ngach  soil  do  7  da  mac  imrisin  dib  air  clBena,  7  ni  ba 
mo  a  domaisi  do  sin  na  somaisi,  7  da  mheth  ni  bud  mo  do  ain^m 
air  do  tnbocu^an  fris  re  beadh  na  hnaire  sin. 

[51]  *Can  as  ticcisi,  a  tsirridi  tsiabarta?'  ar  C.  C,  *Doig  is 
cora  tnsa  dfiarfat^ed  annso,  nair  as  in  nech  bid  ann  gach  lae, 
7  ni  denta  ingnad  dom  aisginsi  annso',  ar  Fer  D.  'uair  atamaidne 
ag  dogadh  &  ag  losgad  7  ag  argain  Uladh  7  Cuailgni  7  Onitne 
&  cearmad  on  laan  re  samain  go  hais  na  bnaire  seo.  &  tticsamtir 
linn  ar  mbroit  7  ar  (fol  1  v)  mbnar  &  ar  mbotainti  air  seoit  & 
air  SfVmaine  &  ar  seanindmti^a,  7  do  l^gsum  a  tulcha  ar  ar  n-eis 
isna  fantaib  go  rabadur  coimisill  risna  faithibh.  'As  tnsa  in 
creach  deisi  &  misi  in  toir,  7  ni  denta  ingnad  dom  aisgin  si 
annso.  da  mbe^A  do  nert  no  do  niagh  ba  dn  duit  heith  a  nded/iaigh^) 
do  cmibh  7  do  creitbi,  acbt  ata  ni  c^na,  nir  tta^ta^)  dnit  don 
comrug  dom  indsaighi  si  &  cethri  bollcoteidh  Erenn  am  aigtd  si 
am  aenar,  &  gin  go  gabtha  lium  nir  gabtha  dnit  orum  araby*) 
ad  cara  7  ad  coigli  7  ad  comalta^)  cartanacA  damsa'.  Tidh  sin', 
ar  Fer  D.,  *is  ecin  damsa  comlann  7  comrug  riutsa  no  re  seis/r 
laech  is  ierr  dferaib  Erenn  armarach'.  'As  be/A  etir  da  t[h]rom 
doitsi  sin  am',  bar  C.  C,  'oir  gid  risin  seiser  dodenta  comrug 
dö  tuitfidea  leo  7  tuitfir  liumsa  da  comrigum,  &  doberaindsi 
comairli  maith  duitsi  ar  fostogh  ar  cadaigh  7  ar  caradraig. 
tabatr  fer  gacA  laß  damsa  dibh,  oir  is  u^a  leamsa  sin  'na 
comrag  riutsa  at  aenar.    An  e  sena  in  cadaigh  7  in  caradraigh 


*)  tenü  MS,  a  tirnüar  abbrtviatum  is  uud  for  eiri^. 

*)  »  degaid.  *)  tKU  MS,,  Nettlau  deinta. 

*)  =  arabü;  arbithin  on  H,  »)  oomalOa  MS. 


Digitized  byV^OOQlC 


302 

rob  aill?*  *Nochan  e  id/r',  air  Fer  D.,  'acht  is  icin  damsa 
comrag  riutsu'.  'IS  truag  in  gnim  sin  ara  cinde,  a  Ftr  D^ 
doig  bnd  t^argain  darach  do  dornaib  duitsiu  sin,  ^  budh 
gad  um  gaineamh  7  bud  teine  saighnein  7  bu  beim  cind  furaill 
7  bud  buarach  bais  duitsiu  in  comairle  sin.'  'A  Cugugain',  air 
Fer  D.,  'atacualamume  nar  comcalma  curaid  na  cathmilidh  riutsa 
0  tangais  ar  sluaighedA  tana  bo  Cuaiigni  go  hais  na  huaire  seo'. 
'Luigimsi  fona  deibh  da  n-adhraim',  ar  C.  C.  'nacA  docra  liumsa 
do  comrug  sa  do  dingabat7  nas  gacA  sen  dotorcaiV  am  aigid  gus 
drasta'.    'Findamaid  sin  anosa',  ar  Fer  D. 

[55]  'Ca  gaisgi  ara  rtcum  aniugh,  a  Ftr  D?'  ar  C.  C.  'An 
cumain  l^tsa  na  cleasa  gaile  &  gaisgid  noch  donimais  ag  Uathaigh 
7  ag  Sgatha/^  7  ag  Mwr  .g.i)  Manann  7  ag  Ablaigh  Arann  7 
ag  Abradrag  7  ag  righ  Tiri  in  tSneachtaigh  7  ag  Eisi  Aencind 
7  ag  Croclithan  in  Monaigh  7  ag  Senac[h]  t[s]iubra  7  ag  Cab 
Glinde  7  ag  Cuar^)  a[g]  Aidh  7  ag  Aifi  ingen  ArdgewmiiÄ^)  do 
Gregaibh.'  'As  cumain',  ar  Fer  D.  'Tiagam  orta  sin',  ar  C.  C. 
7  do  cuadarsun  ara  cl^aibh  gaile  <)  7  gaisgid  .i.  s^cht  nocaircleasa 
7  seacht  baencleasa  7  seadit  corpcl^a  7  seacht  faebhaircl^a  ag 
t^cht  uatha  7  cucu  mar  do  heidis^)  beith  beca  bithaile  ag  t^cht 
asa  n-adaibh  (sic)^)  a  lo  alaind  fogmutV  gan  gaith  7  ni  teilgidis 
nacA  aimsidis  7  ni  (aim8i)dis ')  nacA  athaimsidis  dorisi.  Gerb  athlomh 
a  n-imgoin  do  bi  d[f]eabM5  na  hitwgabla  nar  f(  )ars)  dib. 

&  do  badur  mur  sin  ara  cl^aib  gaile  7  gaisg/dA  0  borbsoillsi  na 
maidni»)  go  m(  )io)  do  lo  7  do  lansoillsi.  'As  mit[h]id  sgur 
dona  cl^aib  so',  ar  C.  C  'An  trath  hus  ail  le/sa  on',  [ar]  Fer 
Diadh^^),  IS  anwsin  docmVed/mr")  a  cl^a  gaile  7  gaisgidA  a 
lamaibh  a  ngilla  7  ro  gabu^tar  da  sgiath  aille  iarnaidhi  urderga, 


>)  Mureighil  F. 

*)   Cnara  MS.    He  was  a  son  ofScdthach^  and  was  slain  hy  Cu  Chulinn, 
RC  XXIX 131. 

»)  Airdghine  F,  Airdgeme  Eriu  1 141. 

*)  gaile  bia. 

*)  beutiB,  MS,  haa  ihe  7  symbol  with  dot  over  ü. 

^  tor  adbaib. 

^  Bent  in  MS.,  read  as  above  with  I. 

■)  Bent  in  MS.,  read  MUg  {LL  F)  ceachtar  (nech  LL  F). 

*)  MS.  hoi  maldni,  here  and  ehewhere. 

'<>)  Bent  in  MS. 

^*)  Fracture  Aere,  but  portion  of  the  7  $ymbol  traceable, 

")  docuir7dar  MS.  with  dot  over  7. 


Digitized  byV^OOQlC 


COMHBAG  FIR  DIADH  &  CHON  CCULAINN.  303 

^  ro  gabadur  a  slega  aible  arda  agglasa  snaithsl^main  cruaidhe 
go  suaighn^daibh  (?)  ^lancadaith  a  lamhaib  leo.  &  ro  gabadur  a 
da  cloigme  dirgi  dilgiae  crQaidh(i)  beimnecha  .i.  fudbas  7  rudbas^) 

6  gonas  gacÄ  ter  dib  a  ceile.  (&)  gerb  athlamh  a  n-imdeagail  do 
b(u)i  d[f|eabu^  na  himgona  go  rangadur  .x.  primgona  .xx.  (.)*) 
gach  n-sen  dib  go  tainig  in  baidi  tar  in  gr^in.  'An  ail  \et  osad 
do  gabat7,  a  Cugugain?'  air  Fer  D.  'As  ail  on',  [ar]  C.  C,  'oir 
an  ti  gabu^  lamh  ara  gaxsgedh  as  e  dli^e^  sgur'.  IS  annsin 
doctitVeadtir  a  n-airm  natha  a  lamaibh  a  ngilla  7  indsaigbe^  gacA 
fer  dib  a  ceile  ar  lar  medoin  an  atha,  7  toirberw^  gacÄ  fer  äib 
teora  pog  da  ceile  a  cuimniugud  a  comaind  7  a  caradraig.  & 
docuadar  na  haraid  co  haeninadh  7  a  n-eich  ar  aensgur  7  iadfein 
go  haenpubaill  go  failid  ifricÄnum^ch*).  IS  anwsin  do  coiriglierfA 
a  foithraicecIA  criadh  dona  curadhaibh  7  a  l^pacAa  nrluacAra  doib 
go  frithadhartaib  fer  gona.  Na  biadha  7  na  deocha  soblasta  do 
beridis  fir  Eirenn  dFior  D.  do  ber^dhsun  a  coibeis  reis  fein  do 
C.  C.  dib.  &  na  lu^a  7  na  luibe  ici  7  legis  do  bertai  a  sigbrugaibh 
Erenn  do  C.  C.  do  heredh  oired  ris  fein  iFior  D.  dib  sin  da  cnir 
an^)  cn^daibh  7  ina  crolinntib.  &  do  beridis  in  cei  trian  don 
aidhci  re  huchbad  7  re  e^aine  7  in  trian  tanawi  re  comrad  7  re 
comairli  a  comraig  7  in  trian  deiginach  di  re  suan  7  re  sarcollad. 

[56]   IS  an«sin  cuiVis  Fer  D.  7  f^a  7  tfchta  go  hOi/ill  7  go 
M.    'Daradadh  sin  in  gnim  do  geallu^  doib,  a  n-egmat^  mu  cnind 

7  mo  ceille  7  mo  comairle  do  geallw^a  he,  oir  ni  fuil  ar  hith  uile 
senlsech  damad  indraithi  go  toitfedA  C.  C  leis,  acht  ata  ni  c^na 
noca  ria  ag  na  eislinig  0  C.  C  da  bar  n-indsaighi  in  feadh  bes 
Fer  D.  agun  commg,  7  gluaisid  ftr  Erenn  da  tighibh  7  berid  a 
tairb  7  a  tain  leo'.  7  teid  gilla  Fir  D.  leisin  t^htairacht  go 
hairm  a  raibe  OiZill  7  M.  7  Ferghus  7  maithi  fer  nErenn,  7  ro 
indi5  an  gilla  a  nduba/rt  Fer  D.  ris.  Is  annsin  [tucusdairjß) 
OiWl  a  righi  7  a  rotaisigh  7  a  [fjlatha  feraind  cuigi  7  do  indis 
sin  doib.  &  is  ed  adubradur  uile,  'da  tuiti  cach  re  fer  sxu  ni 
fnicfimaid  comrog  na  deisi  d^ghlsech  ut  gan  heiih  aga  fechain^)  7 


>)  The  initial  s  haa  perforated  the  vdlum. 

3)  fad  bas  7  rnd  bas  MS. 

•)  Bent  herCf  beginning  0/  line^  $pace  for  one  letter. 

*)  fricAumn^ch  MS,  with  attempt  to  correct. 

•)  Sic  MS.  read  ina. 

*)  BlaoiH  MS,  read  (with  F)  tucusdutr. 

')  Erased  space  here. 


Digitized  byVjOOQlC 


304  R.  L  BEST, 

do  comairlidbar  a  ngillada  do  chur  le  tairb  7  le  tain  rompo  go 
Cruachain  *)  7  iadfein  do  anmain  re  fechain  an  comraig  7  re  for- 
coimed  fos.  (fol  2r)  Adubairt  Fergus  mac  R  (sicY)  nacÄ  rachadis 
le  duine  Mrhiih  ann  acht  mona  d^chadais  cethri  hollcotcidh  Erenn 
alle  ann,  'uair  is  deimin  leam  nacA  bia  do  ntort  na  do  niachos 
a  n-sen  duine  ar  doman  fostogud  C.  C.  acht  go  cluine  a  tairbh  7 
a  tain  do  breith  uada'. 

[57]  IMtusa  C.  C.*)  do  eirigh  go  moch  in  la  sin  uair  ba 
leis  eirgi  ar  dus  d'indsaigi  in  comraig  in  la  sin.  &  nir  eirigh 
Fer^)  D.  go  moch  in  la  sin,  7  do  bid  C.  C.  aga  rad  re  LaBgh, 
*Is  fada  ata  Fer  D.  a  n-e^mais  in  comlaind  7  in  comraig'.  'Narab 
fada  leisB,  e\  air  Lasg,  'oir  ni  fada  bias  at  egma?^.  &  ata  se 
cugad  Fer  D.  7  tabair  \ct  duind  a  toitim  7  a  tuarasgbai7  7  tue 
a  tnarMs[g]batl  do  berimsi  a  haithne  ann'.  *F«r  sin',  ar  C.  C. 
^l  is  lond  leogmuin  le  hag  urlamh  dind  Domnann,  daigh  f^r  falc 
fa  fala  Fer  D.  dithmihWi  mac  Damain  dreach  derg  do  Gamanraigh 
Irrut^  Domnaill.  &  is  mairg  teid  a  ndail  in  Iseich  sin  7  met  a 
m^nman  7  luas  a  lam  cruas  a  craidi  bailci  a^)  buille'. 

[58]  IS  annsin  adubairt  C.  C.  re  Fior  D.,  *Nir  coir  duitsi 
teacht  isin  comland  so  air  do  b7  ad  cara  7  ad  coigli  7  ad  comalta 
bagacA  cartanacA  da  ceile  7  is  a  n-senl^baid  donimais  suan  7 
collod  7  forcedul*)  ag  Sgaihaig  7  ag  \JeLÜiaig\  *Leig  as  ale 
a  Cugugain',  air  Fer  D.,  'ni  hurusa  damsa  gan  cosnam<^)  lem 
caiidib  7  na  cuimnigh  comann  na  caradrag  na  comtanus  damh 
f^sta,  oir  ce  cuimnighi  ni  coibera  tu'.  *Do  ^darmtime  ani  dob«r 
ortsa  sin',  ar  C.  C,  *grad  FindabhracA  7  brega  Media,  7  bud 
nemtsomaineach  duitsi  sin,  7  ni  coir  duit  teacht  isin  comrug  so'. 
'Is  fir  sin',  air  Fer  D.,  'iiara  coir  damsa  comlann  na  comrag  rem 
gilla  fein  na  rem  araidh,  oir  in  tan  do  bamame  ag  aenfoghlaim 
gaisgtdA  is  tusa  fa  harad  carbaid  damsa  and'.  *IS  cora  damsa', 
ar  Cu  C,  'uair  is  romatsa  atait  ar  mic  7  ar  mna,  ar  n-eich  7 
air  n-echradh,  ar  seoid  7  ar  sarmaine  7  ar  sf  nindmusa,  7  is  tusa 
tainig  a  crich  crauwcar  a  cein  dar  n-indsaighi,  7  na  bid  dogra 
na  domenma  agutsa  rium  a  Ftr  D',  ar  C.  C,  *oir  ni  ciiidtecA 
me  riut'. 


>)  in  margifif  with  erased  tpaee  in  text 

<)  £Uad  {wUh  F)  Mac  Roth.  *)  Eroied  ipace  here. 

*)  a  bis.  *)  furcdol  M8.  wUh  nr  $ymbol 

*)  comnam  MS. 


Digitized  byVjOOQlC 


COMHRAG  FIR  DIADH  &  CHON   CCULAINN.  305 

[59]  '&  ca  |^a]isgid  ara  roc^am  aningh  a  Fir  D.?'  ar 
C.  C.  'Letea  do  roglia  gaisgid',  ar  Fer  D.,  'oir  is  misi  do  rüg 
roga  ane'. 

[UO]  Cid  tra  'cht  tiaghaid  ara  cl^bh  gaile  7  gatsgid,  7 
do  badur  oro  sin  0  borbtsoiUsi  na  maidhne  moichi  go  tainig  m^on 
IsB  7  lansoillsi  conarba  leir  dferaib  Erenn  fos  gnuis  eich  na  gilla 
na  cara[id]i)  na  cathmüiili  dib  reisin  re  sin  le  hiumad  na  cl^ 
nathu  &')  cuca  7  acu.  'Ni  fuil^h  an  gaisgi  so  a  Fir  D.'  air 
C.  C^  '7  an  ail  l^t  sgur  de  so?'  'As  ail  an  trath  bus  ail  lefea', 
ar  Fer  D.  IS  andsin  do  chtifreadur  a  cleasa  gaile  7  gaisgid 
nat[b]a  a  lamhaib  a  ngilla. 

[61]  7  do  gabadar  da  sgiath  aille  sengeala  7  da  cloigeim 
ordoim  indtlais  7  a  mainisi  mora  muimecha  le/Aanglasa  ana 
lamaibh  leo,  7  doronsad  senach  cind  righ^  dibh  go  tangadur  na 
haibne  fola  fordergi  a  hinadkaibh  na  sl^g  fada  faeburglas  gurab 
urderg  in  t-ath  sin  tara  n-eis.  &  do  cmVeadar  a  lama  gasda 
gelmeracha  da  cloigimib  coindealltacAa  cruaidgera,  &  ro  bean 
gacA  fer  dib  urunda  f^dma  fir  do  csebaibh  fola  7  feola  dib,  &  do 
badur  mar  sin  re  head  in  csem  lae  go  tainig  deredA  in  lai  da 
n-indsaighi  IS  andsin  do  cutVeadur  na  gilla  go  haeninad  7  na 
heich  go  bsensgur  7  iadfein  go  hsenpubol  co  failid  fiichnumach 
go  foithraicib  cria  7  go  l^baid  urluac[h]ra  7  go  losaib  ici  7  l^gis 
0  gach  fer  dib  da  ceile. 

[62]  IS  annsin  atbert  C.  C^  '£a  ead  argaire  go  mor  duindne 
oific  ele  adraind,  uair  do  tairmgair  air  mbnime  gaisgid  duind 
gomad  le  nech  againd  do  iuiitedh  a  necA  ele\  'Leig  as  ale',  ar 
Fer  D.,  *oir  is  fearr  liumsa  do  cardib  Oilill  7  M.  na  tusa  7 
SgathacA  &  sgiatha  corcrad  dorinde  ana  faistine  sin'.  'Egcoir 
doitsi  sin  do  rad',  ar  C.  C,  'oir  is  csemdalta  tusa  do  Sgathat^ 
tu  {sic\  uair  is  aici  do  bidmis  'nar  ndis  'nar  tromcoUodA  a  fochair  a 
ceile,  &  ro  teigmis  ar  flndorudh^)  fls  7  forceduil  faraen  re  Sgathat^A 
a  Cngain',  air  Fer  D.,  'na  agmn  cain^,  oir  ni  ba  hnsuide  duit 
nogo  taisbenarsa  do  c^nn  do  M.  7  dOilill  Kmail  do  geallus'. 
'B^ndacht  ort  a  de^Maich^)  na  bris  caird^  na  caradrag  na  co- 
mand  orumsa  uair  sochaid^)  dar  snaidme  an  ing^n  ut,  is  l^msa 


»)  ef,  §  67,  «)   &  6m. 

')  Nettlau  findornnd,  bui  the  mark  %$  over  the  d.  ef.  F.,  ar  fiogh  foir- 
ceadoil  and  Wi.  3540,  fid  forcetol. 

«)  d7laich  M8.  ')  soduid  MS. 

ZdtMsbrift  C  Mli.  Philologie  X.  20 


Digitized  byV^OOQlC 


306  R.  I.  BEST, 

do  torcradar  üile,  &  na  tarsa  cugamsa  tara  n-eis,  uair  fuair  .L 
kech  bas  l^msa  dar  snaidm^d  an  ing^n  ut' 

[63]  Rugsad  as  an  aidc[h]i  sin  7  ro  eirigh  Fer  D.  go  moch 
in  la  sin,  uair  ba  leis  eirgi  a  ndail  in  comraig.  7  nir  eirig  C.  C 
in  la  sin,  nogur  duisidh  a^)  gilla.  &  ro  eiri^  G.  C.  a  ndail  in 
comraigh,  &  adubairt  Fer  D^  'Is  meirtecA  im[8]nimhach  anmann 
atatha/r  ann  a  drasta  a  Cugain',  air  Fer  D.  *Ni  hingnadh  {fol,  2v) 
damsa  sin^  air  C.  C,  ^searg  an  uilc  &  na  fingala  doden  ar  mo 
comalta  as  e  ata  air  mo  tstVig.  &  dar  linmsa  ni  tici  duitsi  isin 
comrag  so  aniugh.  ni  hurosa  damsa  gan  t^ht  ann  mona  treigind 
soladh  baidh  Ulud  7  iadfein  isin  c^  naidhin\ 

[66]  *Ca  gaisgedA  ara  racAam?'  air  Fer  D. 

[67]  *Ar  ar  n-oirightibh  gaile  7  gaisgid\  ar  C.  C.  Cid  tra 
cht  tiagaid  ort[Ii]a  in  la  sin,  7  do  badur  orro  0  borbsoillsi  na 
maidne  muici  go  tainig  m^don  Ise  conar  leir  dferaib  Erenn  gnois 
eich  na  gilla  na  curaid  dib  le  himad  na  cl^  cuca  7  uatha  7  kcu. 
*An  fuil  ar  sgur  de  so  a  Fir  D.'  ar  C.  C.  'Ata  on',  air  Fer  D^ 
*an  tan  bus  ail  [le]t'.  IS  anwsin  do  cutr^ar  a  cl^  gaüe  7 
gaisgid  uatha  a  lamhaib  a  ngilla. 

[68]  &  docuadur  ara  claidimib  troma  tortbuill^ha,  7  c^n- 
gailt^r  na  heich  7  cuiriter  na  carbat7  &  a  fert  bacana  iaraind 
ama  cairbthec/raibh  nac/r  sgailedA.  IS  annsin  do  gabadtir  a  da 
sgiath  corcra  clithir  mora  orro  in  la  sin  &  a  claidhmi  cmaidbi 
gera  caindl^cha  comsoillsi  comarthacAa  ana  lamhaib  leo  in  la  sin, 
7  dorind^ar  comrag  fritir  fergach  forranach  amno^  adhmur  allata 
indsaightech,  7  ro  bagmaid  na  hairsigha  7  do  gab  gach  ter  dib 
a[g]  tuargaint  a  ceile. 

[69]  0  do  conncadur  lucht  na  fianaisi  sin  tainig  emeltos 
mor  menmean  7  mcrtigi  mor  aicenta*)  doibh  sin  re  faicsin, 
'Truagh  an  gnim  doniter  aniagh',  ar  siad  M  sencoindle  glanad 
Gaed^I  7  lucht  aenfogliuma  7  na  fir  aille  a  ndile  7  a  meanma  7 
a  tairise  da  ceile  gos  trosta  7  a  mheith  'na  mbidbad  bnnaid  da 
ceile  oniugh  amach  go  brath  Ire  briatÄraib  buid  breg  timgeal- 
tacha  mna  caime  ceindfinde  coimithi  7  tre  comadhaib  nemtsomainech 
don  nech  dar  geallad  iad'. 

[70]  7  do  badur')  isin  comrug  sin  re  fedh  in  csemlaithi 
sin  go  tainig  deredh  lae  doib.    IS  annsin  adubairt  Fer  D.,  'Is 


>)   a  bis,  «)   aTcta  MS. 

*)  -d  witk  ur  $ytnbol  eorroded,  bui  traceable. 


Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


COMHRAO  FIB  DUDH  A  CHON  CCULAINH.  307 

sgiathcch  ar  n-eich  7  is  mertn^h  ar  ngiUaidi  7  is  ed  mairis 
aga(inn)i)  d'iarsma  na  boroime  ar  n-eich,  7  cidh  doind  an  tan 
ba  torrsech  sind  gan  sgur?'  &  do  cutr^ar  a  n-airm')  uatha  a 
lamhaib  a  ngilla  &  do  sgaradur  gan  sith  gan  poig  gan  bf  nnacht 
gan  caradradh  0  ceile.  &  tainic  sseghal  a  comaind  re  sgaradh 
na  n-^h  7  na  gillaidt  7  na  cnradh  0  ceile,  7  ni  tncadh  losa  ici 
na  slainti  0  C.  C.  äFior  D.  an  aidhchi  sin  7  ni  tacad  biadh  na 
deoch  0  Fior  D.  dosnn. 

[71]  &  dobu  imda  lacht  biatha  Fir  D.  i.  cethri  hollcoudd 
Erenn,  7  ni  raibhi  ag  biata  C.  C.  acht  Tnathad  Breag  amain») 
7  ni  ticidis  sin  cuigi  acht  a  tosach  no  las  no  tseachtmnine. 

[72]  IS  ann  tainig  Fer  D.  a  n-ucht  a  tslnaigh  [7]  a  soichaidi 
tar  an  ath  budh  d^  7  tainig  M.  conSL  mnaibh  mtir  a  roibh  Fer  D. 
7  tucsi  aithchi  ciuil  cuigi  d'urgairdiugMd  a  m^nman  7  a  aicenta*), 
7  tucad  fldcilla  ana  flanaisi  do  m^gadh  7  do  miciallod  e  do 
briathraibh  serba  suasboga,  7  dorinde  do  dimbrig  7  tarcaisne  do 
gaisgidA  C.  C.  a  flanaisi  Fir  D.  &  ntV  toirmwg  Fer  D.  sin  eter 
cemad  coir  do  a  denam.  &  nlr  codail  a  bec  an  aidhchi  sin,  7 
damad  ail  leis  nir  leighedh  do  air  co  mairead  aigi  ar  cind  in 
comniig  in  miciall  mor  7  in  fleh  fergi  tue  leis  asin  comrug  gomad 
he  doberad  aigi  ar  cind  in  (com)raig^)  in  la  amamair^ch. 

[73]  C.  C.  ü.  tainic  roime  tar  an  ath  budh  tuaighi  7  tue  a 
uillenn  re  fot  coimnert  7  doleig  osnadh  e^comlaind  os  aird.  'Cad 
sin  a  C.  C.?'  ar  Laeg.  *Fuil  a  moradbwr',  ar  C.  C,  'mo  gaethe 
cro  7  mo  gona  ag  t^ht  rium,  7  is  mor  in  t-adbur  damh  in  Isech 
bruthmur  mor  borrfadach  ut  do  t^cht  rium  amarach,  uair  ni 
seitreach  siVcalma  me  ina  aigid,  &  imigsi  romut  le  robad  7  le 
hoircis^cht  dUll^ait  conach  rabaid  air  muighibh  na  ar  morreigt^ch«) 
na  ar  morcoitcindib  na  crichi  conach  airgter  torumsa  iad,  oir  ni 
tualaind  me  a^)  ingabail  feasda'.  IS  annsin  do  crom  Lsegh  a 
c^nn  7  ro  caidh  frasa  dichra  der  7  torrsi  truagh  memelaigh  7 
nir  toirmi^g  C.  C.  sin  do  denam,  uair  do  [f]ider  fatha  in  morim[s]nim 
fodera.  IS  annsin  do  measg  Lsegh  a  mera  seada  sithgeala  a  cn^daibh 
7  a  crolinntib  C.  C.  7  do  catr  losa  ici  7  le^ri^  inwta  asa  haithle  7 


*)  agoinn  F.  *)   ainn.  a  (sie)  MS, 

•)  In  marginj  erased  Space  in  text 

*)  alcta  MS,  *)  com  effaced,  end  of  line. 

•)  moirreidhiph  F,  tohich  read. 

')  a  bis. 


Digitized  byV^OOQlC 


308  R.  L  BEST,  COMHBAG  FIR  DIADH  &  CHON  CCüIiAINN. 

do  coirid  a  caemleabaid  cain  ndeirighthi  C.  C,  7  fa  leir  doson  cach 
aisti  7  trithi  7  tairrsi,  7  nir  leir  do  nech  diferaibh  Erenn  esin 
innti,  7  do  bisnn  go  dabhach  acainthech  in  ti  sin  go  tainig  an 
ced  trian  daithi^  7  do  badur  annsin  beeil  na  cn^  7  na  crecht 
ag  laigi  ara  ceUe  7  na  laibhe  id  7  legis  a[g]  gabaii  na  crecht 
nua  n-urda  n-anabaid.  &  do  codail  C.  C.  in  aidhchi  sin  iar  sin. 
[74]  Imtnsa  Fir  D.  .&.  do  eirigh  se  seal  bec  re  la  &  tue  a 
trealamh  gaile  7  gaisgidh  leis  go  hoirear  in  atha  &  do  bid  aga 
fiarfat^e,  'an  Ml  a  nech  ane  ar  an  ath  so  aniogh?'  &  ni  fnair 
nech  n-aen  da  freagrad  ann.  0  nach  fnair  . . . 

REMAINDEB  MISSING. 


*)  trian  deigenoch  na  hoidhchi  F. 

Dublin.  RLBest. 


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IRLANDAIS  NOIB  —  NIAB. 


On  a  depois  longtemps  rapprocli6  y.-irl  nöib  „saint^  de 
v.-perse  naiba  „beau,  bon",  persan  new  „fort,  6nergique",  nek 
„beaa,  bon*'  (de  ^naibaka-).  Ces  deux  mots  sont  isol6s  dans  tout 
l'indo-europ6en;  car  le  groupement  avec  lat  niteöj  v.-irL  niam 
„6clat",  que  propose  M.  Lid6n,  Stud,  g.  alHnd.  u.  vergl  Sprach- 
geschichtet  p.  59  et  sniv^  est  bien  lointain.  Osthoff  avait  rattach6 
k  ce  demier  groupe  de  mots  gall.  nwyf  „vigor,  vivacitas,  lascivia" 
(L  F.,  V  302),  et  M.  Lid^n  acceptait  ce  rapprochement.  Mais 
on  sait  aujourd'hui,  par  M.  Kuno  Meyer,  Sitgungsherichte  d.  Kgl 
Preuss.  Akademie  1912,  II,  p.  794  et  suiv.,  que  Tirlandais  a  eu 
un  mot  niaby  correspondant  k  galL  nwyf  pour  la  forme  et  pour 
le  sens.  Dte  lors,  sans  insister  sur  la  possibilitö  d'un  rapport 
lointain  avec  v.-irl.  niam  „6clat"  etc^  il  semble  naturel  de  grouper 
ensemble  v.-irl.  niab  „vigueur,  excitation",  et  nöib  „saint"  qui 
diffirent  seulement  par  le  vocalisme  radical  et  qui  offrent  Talter- 
nance  classique  de  *näbO':*noibO':  l'id^e  de  „sainteti"  est  natu- 
rellement  li6e  k  celle  d'une  force  agissante.  On  a  un  beau 
parallele  si  Ton  admet  que  gr.  IsQog  „fort,  pulssanf*  est  le  meme 
mot  que  legog  (lagog)  „  Saint  ^  et  que  ce  mot  est  k  rapprocher 
de  skr.  i^irah  „fort,  frais,  florissant^.  Sans  doute,  ce  fait  a  6t§ 
contest^  par  M.  W.  Schulze,  Quaesiiones  epicae  207  et  suiv.,  qui 
sauf  par  G.  Meyer,  a  6t6  suivi  depuis  (v.  Boisacq,  Dict  etym. 
de  la  langue  gr.  p.  368).  Mais  la  facilitö  avec  laquelle  leQog 
re(oit,  au  sens  de  „fort^,  un  allongement  de  Vi  tient  sans  doute 
tout  uniment  k  rinfluence  du  mot  de  sens  voisin  fttQog  et  ne 
donne  pas  de  raison  de  s^parer  deux  hgog,  Le  rapprochement  de 
i£()o§  „Saint"  avec  osq.  aisusis  „sacrificiis"  etc.  est  peu  satis- 
faisant  parce  que,  dans  les  langues  europ6ennes  oü  eile  apparait 
k  coup  sür,  la  racine  *aiS'  „honorer,  adorer"  a  un  ai-  initial;  la 
forme  grecque  serait  isol^e.  Le  rapprochement  saisissant  de  v.-irL 
nöib  et  niab  apporte  une  raison  nouvelle  de  ne  pas  chercher  dans 
le  gr.  IsQÖg  deux  mots  d'origines  distinctes. 

Paris.  A.  Meillbt. 


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ENTGEGNUNG. 


In  seiner  Besprechung  meines  „Gral  in  Irland"  (Rev.  Celt 
33,  497  ff.)  meint  Vendryes,  dafs  die  Zahl  3  mit  ihren  Vielfachen 
9  und  27,  deren  Bedeutung  ich  f&r  die  Interpretation  der  Sage 
als  Hondmythos  besonders  betont  habe,  in  unserem  Fall  deshalb 
bedeutungslos  sei,  da  diese  Zahl  ja  auch  bei  andern  Mythenhelden 
eine  Bolle  spielte.  Femer  sollen  seiner  Ansicht  nach  weder  die 
Zahl  30,  noch  die  Zahlen  3,  9  und  27  den  Einteilungen  des  Mond- 
monats entsprechen.  Hätte  V.  einen  Blick  auf  Bd.  25, 136—137 
seiner  Zeitschrift  geworfen,  so  wäre  ihm  vielleicht  die  Richtigkeit 
meiner  Behauptungen  aufgegangen. 

Die  tatsächlichen  Verhältnisse  sind  ja  längst  klargestellt 
Der  Monat  (lat.  mensis,  gr.  ^ryr,  aL  mäs  usw.)  ist  bekanntlich 
nach  dem  Mond  benannt  (0.  Schrader,  Die  Indogermanen,  S.  68) 
und  es  steht  fest,  dals  die  iDdogermanen  ui'sprfinglich  nach  reinen 
Mondmonaten  rechneten  (op.  cit  S.  70). 

Nun  beträgt  die  Dauer  des  (siderischen)  Lichtmonats  genau 
271/3,  also  rund  27  Tage  (op.  cit.  S.  68;  Eev.  Celt  25,  p.  135), 
besser  gesagt  27  Nächte.  Dieser  Monat  yon  27  Nächten  zerfiel 
nun  in  drei  neunnächtige  Wochen  (Rev.  Celt  25,  p.  136).  Dals 
diese  neun  Nächte  der  Woche  nicht  durch  Vervielfachung  von 
drei  Nächten  entstanden  sind,  hat  Loth  a.  a.  0.  ebenfalls  hin- 
länglich bewiesen.  Ebenso  klar  gehört  die  Dreizahl  in  den 
Mondkalender.  Drei  Nächte  lang  bleibt  der  Mond  unsichtbar, 
daher  haben  wir  im  attischen  Monat  die  drei  cbto^gdöegj  die  den 
Unterirdischen  heilig  waren  (Rhode,  Psyche  ^I  235  und  269, 
Anm.),  in  Indien  die  trihadruka  usw. 

In  etwas  jtlngerer  Zeit  rechnete  man  dann  die  drei  dunklen 
Nächte  dem  Lichtmonat  zu,  wodurch  man  einen  30 nächtigen 
Mondmonat,  synodischer  Monat  genannt,  erhielt  (Schrader  S.  68, 


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ENTGBGNUNO.  311 

Rey.  Celt  25,  135).  Ffir  die  Festlandskelten  ist  übrigens  bei 
Palchos  (Röscher,  Die  Hebdomadenlehren,  S.  200)  ein  Monat  von 
27  Nächten  ausdrücklich  bezeugt 

Man  sieht  also,  dafs  Vendryes'  Behauptung,  die  Zahlen 
3, 9, 27, 30  hätten  mit  der  Einteilung  des  Mondmonats  nichts  zu 
tun,  den  Tatsachen  direkt  hohnspricht. 

Seine  Behauptung,  dafs  die  Zahl  3  auch  bei  anderen  Sagen- 
helden oft  vorkomme,  ist  doch  kein  Gegenbeweis.  Die  erwähnten 
Zahlen  mufsten  sich  natürlich  allgemein  verbreiten.  Es  handelt 
sich  ja  nicht  darum,  dafs  in  der  Sage  von  Cöchulainn  einzelne 
Mondmotive  vorkommen.  Diese  würden  gar  nichts  beweisen.  Es 
handelt  sich  darum,  dafs  sich  eine  ganze  Reihe  von  Motiven 
in  logischer  Verknüpfung  vorfindet  Ebenso  verhält  es  sich  mit 
dem  Kampfe  zwischen  Vater  und  Sohn.  Wenn  das  der  einzige 
Zug  wäre,  den  Gawain  mit  Cüchulainn  teilte,  so  wäre  er  natürlich 
bedeutungslos. 

Vendryes  tadelt  mich  femer,  dafs  ich  meine  Augen  den 
zahlreichen  Liebesabenteuern  Cuchulinns  verschliefse,  um  in 
seinem  schamhaften  Verhalten  nackten  Frauen  gegenüber  ein 
Rudiment  jener  Keuschheit  zu  sehen,  die  den  Gewinner  des 
himmlischen  Unsterblichkeitstrankes  (Gral)  auszeichnet  Auch 
hier  ist  er  im  Unrecht  Es  ist  von  vornherein  klar,  dafs  ein 
Mythenheld  immer  die  Züge  jener  Zeit,  aus  der  wir  von  ihm 
Überlieferungen  besitzen,  an  sich  tragen  muf.^.  Wir  wissen,  dafs 
die  Zeit,  aus  der  Cuchulinns  Auftreten  überliefert  wird,  eine  Zeit 
unbändiger  sexueller  Freiheit  war,  in  der  Liebesabenteuer  bei 
jedem  Helden  eine  HauptroUe  spielten.  Wenn  wir  nun  hören, 
dafs  einer  dieser  Helden  auf  einmal  eine  Schamhaf tigkeit  zeigt, 
die  nicht  nur  mit  dem  allgemeinen  Kulturzustand,  sondern  auch 
mit  den  übrigen  Taten  des  Helden  selbst  in  Widerspruch  steht 
werden  wir  da  annehmen,  dafs  die  Schamhaf  tigkeit  sekundär 
eingeführt  worden  sei  (christlicher  Einflufs  ist  hier  noch 
bestimmt  ausgeschlossen),  oder  dafs  sie  ein  Rudiment  einer 
älteren  Überlieferung  bilde?  Selbstverständlich  das  letztere,  wie 
ja  auch  in  der  Sprachwissenschaft  isolierte  Formen,  die  sich  in 
das  gegenwärtige  System  nicht  fügen,  stets  als  wertvolle  Rudi- 
mente eines  älteren  Zustandes  angesehen  werden. 

Der  Haupteinwand,  den  V.  gegen  meine  Arbeit  erhebt,  ist 
der,  dafs  ich  aus  der  grofsen  Masse  der  Tradition  nur  das  hervor- 
gehoben habe,  was  ffir  meine  These  nützlich  sei,  das  übrige  aber 


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312 

vernachlässigt  habe;  warum  sollte  eine  Mythe  nicht  ein  „p61e- 
mßle"  von  Sonnen-,  Mond-,  Gewittermythen  und  historischen 
Bestandteilen  enthalten?  Aber  ich  sage  ja  selbst  auf  S.  13: 
„Zweifellos  haben  auch  die  historische  G^talt  eines  Helden  und 
zahlreiche  andere  Faktoren  bei  der  Entstehung  der  Sage  mit- 
gespielt^ und  auf  S.  15  habe  ich  ausdrücklich  ausgeführt,  dali3 
wir  bei  Cüchulinn  auch  Züge,  die  auf  einen  Vegetationsmythos, 
einen  Sonnenmythos  hinweisen  und  andere,  auch  historische 
Elemente  finden.  In  der  erwähnten  Arbeit  habe  ich  mich  eben, 
wie  schon  der  Titel  sagt,  nur  mit  jenen  Sagenelementen  be- 
schäftigt, die  sich  auf  den  Gral,  d.  h.  das  himmlische,  mit  Un- 
sterblichkeitstrank gefüllte  G^fäl^  beziehen.  Da  dies  Gefäfs  nach 
Hillebrands  und  Schroeders  Ausführungen  zweifellos  der  Mond 
ist  —  das  wird  wohl  niemand  widerlegen  können  — ,  so  habe  ich 
mich  natürlich  mit  den  lunaren  Elementen  der  Sage  beschäftigt. 
Was  V.  dann  femer  über  die  vergleichende  Mythologie  im 
allgemeinen  sagt,  ist  nichts  als  eine  schönklingende  Phrase,  und 
palst  wohl  auf  die  veralteten  Schriften  von  Max  Müller  u.  a., 
keineswegs  aber  auf  die  neue  mythologische  Schule,  die  mit 
Motiven  ebenso  exakt  arbeitet,  wie  die  Philologie  mit  Lauten. 
Im  Motiv  und  in  der  Motivreihe  haben  wir  ein  ebenso  zu- 
verlässiges Element,  wie  in  den  Lauten  und  Lautverbindungen, 
y.  verurteilt  offenbar  eine  ganze  Wissenschaft,  ohne  sie  zu  kennen. 
Ich  verweise  ihn  auf  so  wichtige  Arbeiten  wie  J.  G.  von  Hahn: 
Sagwissenschaftliche  Studien  (S.  1  —  140);  H.  Leismann:  Auf- 
gaben und  Ziele  der  vergleichenden  Mythenforschung  (MythoL 
Bibliothek  I);  Stucken:  Beiträge  zur  orientalischen  Mythologie 
(in  den  Mitteilungen  der  Vorderasiat.  Gesellschaft  1906);  derselbe: 
Moses;  Wolfgang  Schultz:  Die  Anschauung  vom  Monde  und  seinen 
Gestalten  (Berlin -Treptow,  Sternwarte  1912);  Ernst  Siecke: 
Mythologische  Briefe;  derselbe:  Liebesgeschichte  des  Himmels; 
Georg  Httsing:  TaräiS  und  die  Jonalegende  (in  Memnon,  Bd.  I); 
derselbe:  Die  iranische  Überlieferung  und  das  arische  System. 

Ich  wende  mich  nun  zur  Ki-itik  Kuno  Meyers  (ZCP  IX 
S.  1801).  Er  meint,  ich  habe  irrtümlich  den  Kessel  des  Cüroi 
von  den  30  Kühen  anfüllen  lassen,  während  es  in  Wirklichkeit 
nur  heiTse,  daCs  die  Milch  von  30  Kühen  im  Kessel  Platz  habe, 
dafs  aber  die  drei  Kühe  (die  ich  den  drei  Epagomenen  gleich- 
gesetzt habe)  den  Kessel  täglich  mit  ihrer  Milch  anfüllen.   Wenn 


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ENTGEGNUNG.  313 

er  auch  damit  Recht  hätte,  so  würde  das  doch  nichts  gegen  meine 
Theorie  beweisen.  E^  handelt  sich  ja  nur  im  wesentlichen  darum: 
Ein  Kessel,  der  das  „Kalb  der  drei  Kühe"  genannt  wird,  faTst 
die  Milch  von  30  Kühen.  Wer  ihn  wirklich  füllt,  ist  hier  gleich- 
gültig. Der  Kessel,  in  dem  die  Milch  von  30  Kühen  Platz  hat, 
muls  mythologisch  ebenso  auf  den  Mond,  der  in  30  Tagen  voll 
wird,  bezogen  werden,  wie  wenn  es  hiefse,  dafs  die  30  Kühe,  eine 
nach  der  andern,  ihn  täglich  füllen.  Dafs  ich  übrigens  mit  meiner 
Erklärung  des  „Kalbes  der  drei  Kühe"  recht  gehabt  habe,  hat 
unterdessen  Karl  von  Spiels  (Die  Behälter  des  Unsterblichkeits- 
trankes, Mitteilungen  der  Anthropolog.  Gesellschaft  Wien  1914, 
S.  17  —  44)  an  der  Hand  wertvollen  archäologischen  und  lite- 
rarischen Materials  unzweideutig  festgestellt 

Meine  Übersetzung  von  tir  scaith  (Anecd.  in  54,  20)  „Land 
des  Schattens"  ist  von  Thumeysen  (ZOP  IX  234)  seither  als  richtig 
nachgewiesen  worden. 

Die  Einwände,  dafs  die  Zahlen  3,  9,  27  nach  anderweitig 
vorkommen,  beweisen,  wie  ich  schon  oben  ausgeführt  habe,  auch 
nichts  gegen  meine  Auffassung;  dafs  man  beim  Mond  vor  allem 
die  Zahl  28  erwarten  würde,  ist  eine  durch  nichts  zu  recht- 
fertigende Behauptung,  die  offenbar  als  lapsus  pennae  aufzu- 
fassen ist 

Zum  Schlufs  noch  eine  allgemeine  Bemerkung:  Einzelne 
Motive,  die  natürlich  allgemein  verbreitet  sein  können,  beweisen 
gar  nichts  für  die  Deutung  der  Sage  oder  die  Identität  zweier 
Sagenhelden,  sondern  es  handelt  sich  darum,  dafs  eine  ganze 
Reihe  von  Motiven  zusammen  vorkommt  Dies  ist  bei  den  von 
mir  bearbeiteten  Sagen  der  Fall.  Übrigens  sind  in  den  er- 
wähnten Bezensionen  immer  nur  Einzelheiten  getadelt,  während 
die  wichtigsten  Beweisgründe,  die  ich  vorgebracht  habe,  nicht 
widerlegt  wurden.  Wie  will  man  es  erklären,  dafs  Cuchulinn 
drei  Tage  und  drei  Nächte  schläft,  dafs  er  in  der  Wut  bald  zu 
einem  purpurnen  runden  Ball,  bald  zu  einem  Bogen  wird,  dafs 
er  einäugig  wird  wie  der  Mond,  der  beim  Phasen  Wechsel  die 
eine  Gesichtshälfte  verliert. 

Einem  Mifsverständnis  möchte  ich  noch  vorbeugen:  Ich 
meine  natürlich  nicht,  dafs  die  alten  Irländer  zur  Zeit,  als  sie 
die  Sagen  von  Curoi  und  Cuchulinn  niederschrieben,  sich  noch 
der  Tatsache   bewufst   waren,    dafs  es   sich    um   Mondmythen 


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314  JULIUS  POKORNY,  ENTGEGNUNG. 

handelte.  Der  Gedanke  lieget  mir  gänzlich  fem.  Ich  behaupte 
nur,  dals  in  ferner  Vorzeit  die  seltsamen  Veränderungen  des 
Mondes,  der  als  regenspendende  Vegetationsmacht  verehrt  wurde, 
zu  zahllosen  wunderbaren  Erzählungen  Anlals  gaben.  Der  eine 
sah  in  ihm  den  unerschöpflichen  Kessel,  der  von  den  27  unsicht- 
baren himmlischen  Kühen  mit  Milch  gefüllt  wurde,  der  andere 
einen  Gott,  der  von  27  Feinden  (27  Tagen)  vernichtet  wurde, 
oder  27  Tage  lang  lebte  —  an  Stelle  der  27  konnte  auch  durch 
Hinzurechnen  der  drei  dunklen  Nächte  eine  30  treten  usw.  In 
späterer  Zeit  war  der  ursprüngliche  Sinn  dieser  Erzählungen 
nicht  mehr  vollkommen  verständlich.  So  konnten  sie  zusammen- 
fliefsen  oder  an  historische  Pei'sönlichkeiten  geknüpft  werden. 
Und  wenn  ich  den  Cuchulinn  als  Mondhelden  betrachte,  so  meine 
ich  damit  nur,  dafs  sich  an  seine  Gestalt  Traditionen  heften,  die 
in  grauer  Vorzeit  durch  Beobachtung  der  Mondphasen  entstanden 
waren,  und  dals  sie  hier  in  seltener  Deutlichkeit  und  Vollständig- 
keit bewahrt  erscheinen,  ohne  dafs  sich  die  Kelten  in  historischer 
Zeit  ihrer  wahren  Bedeutung  noch  bewulst  gewesen  wären. 

Wien.  Julius  Pokokny. 


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BEITRÄGE  ZUR  ALTIRISCHEN  GRAMMATIK. 


Julius  Pokorny.  A  concise  Old  Irish  Grammar  aud  Reader. 
Part  I:  Grammar.  Halle  a.  S.,  Max  Niemeyer;  Dublin,  Hodgea, 
Figgis  and  Co.,  Ltd.   1914.   124  pp.  8«. 

Eine  grofse  Lücke  in  der  Sprachlehre  des  Altirischen  aus- 
zufällen, nämlich  Thumeysens,  Vendryes'  und  Pedersens  aus- 
führlichen Darstellungen  eine  kurze,  für  den  Anfänger  berechnete 
Einführung  in  die  altirische  Sprache  an  die  Seite  zu  stellen,  ist 
eine  verdienstvolle  Aufgabe,  deren  nunmehrige  Erfüllung  wir 
Pokorny  zu  verdanken  haben.  E^  liegt  auf  der  Hand,  dafs 
gegenüber  den  ausgezeichneten  Leistungen  der  oben  genannten 
Gelehrten  und  ihrer  Mitforscher  die  Selbständigkeit  der  Arbeit  an 
einem  derartigen  Abrifs  sich  weniger  auf  eigene  neue  Forschungen 
erstreckt,  als  in  der  Aufgabe  besteht,  den  in  den  vorliegenden 
Grammatiken  aufgehäuften  Stoff  knapper,  doch  darum  nicht 
weniger  klar,  übersichtlich  und  erschöpfend  zur  Darstellung  zu 
bringen.  Und  das  ist  dem  Verfasser  offenbar  in  verschiedenen 
Teilen  seiner  Grammatik,  deren  starke  Abhängigkeit  von  der 
Thumeysenschen  für  den  flüchtigen  Betrachter  dadurch  etwas 
verdunkelt  wird,  dafs  in  Bezug  auf  die  Anordnung  des  Stoffes 
eigene  Wege  betreten  werden,  aufis  beste  gelungen:  ich  erwähne 
in  dieser  Hinsicht,  um  von  kleineren  Einzelheiten  ganz  abzusehen, 
nur  die  ganze  sehr  praktisch  und  präzis  angelegte  Formenlehre, 
sowie  die  Darstellung  der  genealogischen  Entwicklung  der  indo- 
germanischen Laute,  in  der  mancherlei  sprachliche  Erscheinungen, 
wie  die  Umfärbungen  haupttoniger  Vokale,  die  Entstehung  von 
Doppelkonsonanten,  die  Reduktion  von  Eonsonantengruppen  (vgl 
aber  auch  Pokorny  S.  10  Anm.)  in  geschickter  Weise  mit  unter- 
gebracht sind.  Unterbrochen  wird  sie  leider  durch  das  Kapitel 
über  den  dissimilatorischen  Konsonantenschwund  (§  110),  das 
vielleicht  besser  an  anderem  Orte,  etwa  im  Zusammenhang  mit 

Zeitaohrlfi  f.  cell.  Philologie  X.  21 


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316  HANS   HESSEN, 

der  Vokalkontraktion  (§  125 — 126),  eingereiht  worden  wäre, 
aufserdem  durch  den  §  109  über  die  unter  bestimmten  Voraus- 
setzungen eintretende  Ersatzdehnung  von  Vokalen,  die  zwar  zu 
den  in  den  beiden  vorhergehenden  Kapiteln  berührten  Er- 
scheinungen in  Beziehung  steht,  aus  dem  Rahmen  des  Ganzen 
hier  aber  herausfällt  und  passender  bei  der  Lenierung  der  Ver- 
schlufslaute  hätte  untergebracht  werden  können. 

Auch  dem  gerechtfertigten  Anspruch  auf  möglichste  Kürze 
ist,  wie  der  geringe  Umfang  des  Buches  zeigt,  vollkommen  Genüge 
getan,  und  es  ist  sehr  zu  begrüfsen,  dafs  sich  der  Verfasser  trotz 
der  ihm  auferlegten  Beschränkung  nicht  mit  einer  dem  Sprach- 
wissenschaftler wenig  dienlichen  rein  deskriptiven  Behandlung 
des  Stoffes  begnügt  hat,  sondern  durch  die  Darstellung  der 
historischen  Entwicklung  den  Zusammenhang  mit  den  anderen 
indogermanischen  Sprachen  aufrecht  zu  erhalten  bemüht  war. 
Allerdings  machen  Laut-  und  Formenlehre,  mit  denen  der  Inhalt 
des  Buches  leider  auch  erschöpft  ist,  allein  eine  historische 
Grammatik  nicht  aus,  und  speziell  das  Irische  bietet  so  manche 
anderen  Sprachen  unbekannte  Eigenheiten,  die  dem  Lernenden 
nicht  hätten  vorenthalten  werden  dürfen.  Obwohl  nun  auch  der 
demnächst  zu  erwartende  zweite,  die  Lesestücke  enthaltende  Teil 
des  Buches  in  dieser  Hinsicht  mancherlei  Lücken  auszufüllen 
bestimmt  sein  wird,  so  scheint  mir  doch,  da  dieser,  selber  nur 
eine  Auswahl  von  Texten,  auch  wohl  nur  zu  einer  Auswahl  von 
Ergänzungen  Gelegenheit  geben  wird,  jenes  keine  genügende 
Rechtfertigung  aller  im  Buche  sich  findenden  Lücken.  Ist  es 
schon  bedenklich,  dals  über  die  Erklärung  mancher  dem  Anfänger 
besonders  fremdartiger  Erscheinungen  der  altirischen  Grammatik, 
wie  der  Bedeutung  und  Verwendung  von  Pronomina  und  Ver- 
stärkungspartikeln, von  Relativsätzen  usw.,  so  leicht  hinweg- 
geschritten wird,  so  erfahren  wir  vollends  garnichts  von  nicht 
minder  wichtigen  Problemen  der  Sprache,  wie  dem  Gebrauch 
der  Adjektive,  dem  der  Kasus  und  Tempora,  der  Negationen  und 
Konjunktionen,  der  Bildung  von  Kollektiven,  Deminutiven  und 
namentlich  Verbalabstrakten,  der  Stammbildung  der  Adjektive, 
der  denominativen  Verba  u.  a.  m.  Alles  das  aber  ist  in  einer 
auf  praktische  Brauchbarkeit  Anspruch  erhebenden  Grammatik 
um  so  weniger  zu  entbehren,  als  nui*  mit  toten  Lautregeln  und 
isolierten  Wortformen  der  lebendige  Geist  der  Sprache  dem 
Lernenden   nicht   erschlossen    wird.     Diesem   Mangel  der  VoU- 


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BEITRÄGE  ZUB  ALTIRISCHEK  GRAMMATIK.  317 

Ständigkeit  abzuhelfen,  ohne  das  Gebot  der  Kürze  übertreten  zu 
müssen,  hätte  aber  die  Zugabe  einiger  weniger  Textseiten,  im 
Verein  mit  teilweiser  Kürzung  einiger  über  Gebühr  ausgedehnter 
Abschnitte  wohl  ermöglicht;  denn  der  Verfasser  hat  offenbar  das 
Wichtige  vom  Entbehrlichen  nicht  immer  scharf  genug  zu  scheiden 
gewufst,  wofür  ich,  um  Kleinigkeiten  ganz  aulser  Spiel  zu  lassen, 
die  von  Pokorny  offensichtlich  mit  speziellem  Interesse  behandelten 
Abschnitte  über  die  Behandlung  des  intervokalischen  j«  (§  112,3) 
und  über  die  Vokalkontraktion  (§  125—126)  anführen  möchte, 
in  denen,  mit  Rücksicht  auf  die  Unsicherheit  der  zugrunde 
liegenden  Erscheinungen,  gröfstmögliche  Beschränkung  auf  das 
Notwendigste  den  Bedürfnissen  besser  entsprochen  hätte.  Die 
Erwähnung  anderer  zweifelhafter  Probleme,  wie  der  dem  Stokes- 
Zupitzaschen  Gesetz  (vergl.  Thurn.  Handb.  §  147,  Ped.  Gr.  I  §  97, 
Gott  gel.  Anz.  174.  45)  unterliegenden  Vorgänge  in  §§  92  ff.,  ist 
von  anfechtbarem  Werte,  und  vollständig  entbehrlich  sind  endlich 
die  gesamten  Kapitel  über  die  Vokalabstufung  (§§  127—131),  die 
nur  ganz  unwesentlich  zur  Erläuterung  der  in  der  Grammatik 
behandelten  Dinge  beitragen. 

Andererseits  wäre  eine  weniger  grofse  Sparsamkeit  mit  dem 
verfügbaren  Raum  überall  da  am  Platze  gewesen,  wo  es  die  zu- 
weilen ganz  einzigartigen  Lautgesetze  und  Formenregeln  der  alt- 
irischen Sprache  durch  Beispiele  zu  veranschaulichen  galt.  Diese  in 
der  Grammatik  oft  sich  äufsemde  Spärlichkeit  der  Erläuterung  ist 
ein  in  keiner  Weise  abzuleugnender  Grundfehler  der  Pokomyschen 
Arbeit,  verursacht  sie  doch,  dafs  oft  die  an  sich  schwierigen  Laut- 
und  Formenregeln,  die  bisweilen  schon  durch  ihre  Knappheit 
gegenüber  Thumeysens  ausführlicheren  Fassungen  an  Klarheit 
einbüXsen,  jeder  Stütze  und  damit  der  Möglichkeit  entbehren, 
sich  dem  Sprachbewufstsein  einzuprägen.  Besonders  mifslich 
tritt  dieser  Umstand  in  dem  komplizierten  Kapitel  über  die  in- 
figierten  Pronomina  zu  Tage,  vollends  in  demjenigen  über  die 
Präpositionen,  das,  ein  Auszug  aus  Thumeysens  und  Pedersens 
entsprechenden  Abschnitten,  in  einer  seitenlangen  Aneinander- 
reihung von  Wortfragmenten  besteht  und  auf  uns  etwa  wirken 
mag  wie  eine  Logarithmentafel,  deren  Zahlengewimmel  zum 
Nachdenken  keine  Anregung  und  keinen  Anhalt  bietet.  Als 
einzelne  Fälle  andersgearteter  Unklarheit  seien  hier  noch  der 
Abschnitt  über  die  Konsonantenverdoppelungen  (§  34),  dem  jedes 
Rückgrat  fehlt,  sowie  der  die  m- Färbung  behandelnde  §  49  er- 

21* 


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318  HANS  HESSEN, 

wähnt,  in  dem,  nicht  zum  Nutzen  der  Klarheit,  das  Auftreten 
der  Erscheinung  in  betonter  mit  dem  in  unbetonter  Stellung 
zusammengeworfen  ist. 

Im  Kapitel  über  die  „Aspiration"  (§§5—19)  sind  zwar 
die  Vorgänge  der  im  Innern  eines  Wortes  eintretenden  Lenierung 
mit  denen  der  syntaktischen  Lenierung  (auch  in  Belativsätzen), 
woran  sich  dann  Nasalierung  und  Geminierung  ungezwungen 
anschliefsen,  in  einwandfreier  Weise  zusammengefafst,  getrennt 
aber,  in  durch  nichts  zu  rechtfertigender  Abweichung  von  Thum- 
eysens  Anordnung,  sind  davon  verschiedene  hiehergehörige  Er- 
scheinungen, mit  dem  zweifelhaften  Erfolge,  dafis  sie  hier  vermifst 
werden,  an  der  ihnen  angewiesenen  Stelle  aber  den  Zusammen- 
hang des  Ganzen  zerreifsen.  Dahin  gehören  das  Stimmlos-  oder 
Stimmbarwerden  (auch  in  unbetonter  Stellung)  und  die  Ent- 
spirantisierung  von  Konsonanten,  die  Entwicklung  der  aspirierten 
Verschlulslaute  vor  l,  r  und  n  (s.  o.)  usw.  in  den  §§  72—75, 
84 — 89,  109;  dies  aber,  zusammen  mit  dem  Umstand,  dafs  auch 
in  Einzelheiten  der  Anordnung  der  Verfasser  seine  eigenen  Wege 
gehen  zu  sollen  glaubt,  nötigt  ihn  bisweilen,  engverwandte  Vor- 
gänge bald  von  einander  zu  trennen,  bald  an  mehreren  Stellen 
zu  wiederholen,  wofür  ich  als  Beispiele  die  Deaspiration  (besser: 
Nichtlenierung)  von  t  und  d  hinter  l,  n,  s  und  vor  ^,  die  in 
§§19a,  84  b  und  86  b  behandelt  ist,  die  Vertretung  lenierter 
„Geminaten^  (§§  19  b,  84  a,  86a,  87  a)  und  endlich  die  in  den 
§§  85  und  86  c  berührten  Ausgleichungen  von  Spiranten  an- 
führen möchte. 

Noch  weniger  vorteilhaft,  obwohl  besonderer  Sorgfalt  be- 
dürftig, ist  die  Behandlung  der  äufserst  komplizierten  Kon- 
sonantenfärbungen ausgefallen.  Obgleich,  wie  mich  ein  eigener 
praktischer  Versuch  lehrte,  gerade  hier  gegenüber  Thumeysens 
Darstellung  ein  Fortschritt,  bestehend  in  knapperer,  übersicht- 
licherer Verteilung  des  Stoffes,  erzielbar  gewesen  wäre,  scheint  der 
Verfasser  diesen  offenbar  im  Geiste  nicht  hinreichend  verarbeitet 
zu  haben,  um,  im  Bestreben,  selbständig  vorzugehen.  Praktischeres 
als  Thurneysen  zu  schaffen.  Vielmehr  hat  er  auch  naheliegende 
Möglichkeiten  der  Kürzung  und  Vereinfachung  aufser  acht  ge- 
lassen, wie  in  den  Kapiteln  über  die  Übergangsvokale  und  die 
Konsonantenfärbung  durch  geschwundene  Vokale  (§§  36 — 39, 
47 — 49),  die,  als  engverwandte  Erscheinungen,  auch  in  engeren 
Zusammenhang  hätten  gebracht  werden  können;  dafs,  wenn  auch 


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BBITRAQB  ZUR  ALTIRISCHBN  QBAMMATIK.  319 

nicht  gröfsere  E^larheit,  so  doch  eine  knappere  Fassang  auch  im 
§  57  über  die  Qualität  der  schwachbetonten  Vokale  im  Wort- 
innem  erreichbar  gewesen  wäre,  sei  nur  beiläufig  erwähnt: 
Thurneysens  §§  98  f.  sind  hier  sehr  getreulich  kopiert  Zu 
diesem  Übelstand  tritt  der  bei  weitem  störendere,  dafs  gerade 
dieses  Kapitel  durch  wiederholte  Einschiebung  von  wenig  oder 
doch  nicht  unmittelbar  mit  ihm  zusammengehörigen  Erscheinungen 
ans  der  altirischen  Lautlehre  in  seinem  klaren  Zusammenhang 
znm  Teil  gänzlich  zerriXsen  ist  Freilich  wäre  es  wttnschenswert, 
mitunter  Vorgänge  der  Lautentwicklung,  die  der  Erklärung 
anderer  zur  Voraussetzung  dienen  (wie  hier  die  Lehre  von  den 
Endsilben  und  den  Gleitvokalen,  von  der  Synkope  und  den 
Färbungsausgleichungen),  mit  diesen  auch  auf  serlich  zusammen- 
zubringen, doch  ist  dies,  da  doch  das  Netz  solcher  Beziehungen 
verworren  über  die  ganze  Grammatik  sich  ausbreitet,  stets  nur 
in  unvollkommenstem  Mafse  möglich,  und  müssen  da,  wo  diese 
hier  von  Pokomy  leider  angewandte  Methode  die  Übersicht- 
lichkeit als  Opfer  fordert,  hinlängliche  Verweisungen  als  aus- 
reichende Bindungsmittel  angesehen  werden.  Li  Betracht  kommen 
in  jener  Hinsicht  hier  die  Abschnitte  über  die  Behandlung 
der  alten  Endsilbenlaute  (§§  42—46),  über  die  Entwicklung 
epenthetischer  Vokale  (§§  50,  59),  die  Betonung  und  Synkope 
(§§  51 — 53  und  55  I),  die  Quantitätsänderungen  unbetonter 
bezw.  betonter  Vokale  (§§  54,  56),  die,  etwa  bei  folgender 
Anordnung  der  Lautlehre,  viel  besser  zur  Geltung  hätten  kommen 
können: 

L  a)  §§  1-4. 

b)  §§  5—19,  vereinigt  mit  §§  72—76,  84—89,  109. 

c)  §§  20-34. 

IL  Betonung  (§§  51—53). 
m.  Quantität  der  Vokale  (§§  54,  56). 
IV.  Vokale  und  Konsonanten  in  alten  Endsilben  (§§  42—46). 
V.  Synkope  (§  55  I). 

VL  Entwicklung  epenthetischer  Vokale  (§§  50,  59). 
VIL  Übergangsvokale  und  Konsonantenfärbungen  (§§  35 — 41, 

47—49,  55  n,  57,  58,  60—71). 
Vni.  Lautentwicklung  in  proklitischen  Wörtern  (§§  77—83). 
IX.  Genealogische  Entwicklung  der  indogermanischen  Laute 
(§§  91—108,  111—124). 


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320  HANS  HE8SBN, 

X.  Dissiinilatorischer  Konsonantenschwund  (§  HO). 
XI.  Vokalkontraktion  (§§  125,  126)  und  Ablaut  (§§  127—131). 

Vervollständigt  endlich  wird  das  Mafs  der  in  diesem  Teile  der 
Grammatik  zu  rügenden  Mängel  durch  die  schon  oben  genannte, 
hier  aber  besonders  schwerwiegende  Kargheit  mit  Beispielen, 
welche  die  Regeln,  die  ohnehin  gerade  hier  —  fieilich  in 
Übereinstimmung  mit  den  sich  oft  widersprechenden  lautlichen 
Ersclieinungen  —  sich  mehrere  Male  kreuzen,  oft  nicht  zu  der 
ihnen  gebührenden  Geltung  kommen  läfst;  wir  werden  hier 
manchmal,  um  Klarheit  zu  gewinnen,  nicht  umhin  können,  in 
Thurneysens  oder  Pedersens  Grammatiken  die  Lösung  der  von 
Pokomy  uns  aufgegebenen  Rätsel  zu  suchen. 

Dies  die  hauptsächlichsten  Vorzüge  und  Nachteile  der  neuen 
Grammatik;  leider  scheinen  mir  jene  den  letzteren  nicht  ganz 
das  Gleichgewicht  zu  halten,  und  es  steht  zu  befürchten,  da£s 
diese  in  ihrer  Gesamtheit  genügen  werden,  der  praktischen 
Brauchbarkeit  des  Buches  als  eines  ersten  Hilfsmittels  zur  Er- 
lernung der  altirischen  Sprache  erheblichen  Eintrag  zu  tun. 
Hoffentlich  wird  der  vom  Verfasser  schon  öfters  genannte  Reader, 
den  in  ihn  gesetzten  Erwartungen  entsprechend,  diese  meine  An- 
sicht wesentlich  zu  modifizieren  geeignet  sein. 

Es  sei  mir  im  Anschlufs  hieran  zu  verschiedenen  einzelnen 
Bemerkungen  und  Ausführungen  über  mir  aufgefallene  Unsicher- 
heiten, Druckfehler  und  sonstige  Versehen  Gelegenheit  gegeben. 

§  1,  1.    Hier  wäre  vielleicht  auf  §  90  Note  (S.  33)  zu  verweisen. 

§  16  c.  airchenn  wird  durch  die  ihm  substituierte  Form  *pfc- 
k^engnom  weniger  gut  erklärt  als  durch  das  näherliegende 
"^air-,  ^arC'Cenn,  Dieser  und  ähnliche  Fälle  werden  in  Vendryes' 
in  der  Revue  celtique  erschienenen  Kritik  der  Grammatik 
ausführlich  erörtert. 

§  19  Note  2.  Der  Fall  von  tiagussa  (aus  iiagu-sa),  dessen  ss 
seine  Entstehung  aus  s  nicht  etwa  einer  regelrechten  „Ge- 
minierung",  sondern  nur  der  bei  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  133,  Ped. 
Gr.  I,  §  326, 1  S.  479  oben  besprochenen  spontanen  Ver- 
doppelung unlenierter  Konsonanten  verdankt  (vgl.  auch 
Ped.  Gott.  gel.  Anz.  174,  23),  eignet  sich  nicht  jds  Beispiel 
für  die  Nichtlenierbarkeit  der  Verstärkungspartikeln,  da 
doch  für  die  betreffende  Verbalform  eine  lenierende  Wirkung 


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BBITRAGB   ZOK  ALTIBISCHBN  GRAMMATIK.  321 

anch  sonst  nicht  anzanehmen  wäre,  und  ist  ebensowenig 
angebracht  im  §  34  über  die  Geminierung  nach  vortonigen 
Wörtern,  wo  er  ganz  unverständlich  den  Fällen  bacalar 
(aus  ba  galar)  und  coüda  (aus  co  lad)  gleichgestellt  wird. 

§  32.  Über  die  Auffassung  von  cechtar  n-athar  (und  cechiar  n-dr) 
'jeder  von  uns  beiden'  sowie  dem  Possessivpronomen  athar,  dr 
der  l.  pl.  in  §  161  vgl.  Thum.  Idg.  Anz.  33,  27  zu  Ped.  Gr.  II, 
S.  169. 

§  34.  „In  the  genitive  of  the  article"  ist  korrekter  und  er- 
schöpfender auszudrücken:  „in  the  gen.  sg.  fem.,  acc.  pL  masc. 
and  the  nom.  acc.  pl.  fem.  neutr.  of  the  article". 

§  44  exception.  Die  hier  und  in  der  Anmerkung  gegebene  Er- 
klärung von  fiada,  fiado  „Herr"  entspricht  derjenigen  in 
Ped.  Gr.  II,  §448,1,  während  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  325  der  Un- 
sicherheit der  Lautentwicklung  in  diesem  Worte  mehr  Ge- 
wicht beigelegt  wird.    Vgl.  Thumeysen,  Idg.  Anz.  27  S.  17. 

§  46.  Zur  Entwicklung  von  nichtauslautendem  iä  in  Endsilben, 
die  auch  im  gen.  sg.  der  ö- Stämme  (Pok.  §  135),  in  der 
3.  sg.  subj.  praes.  konjunkter  Flexion  der  «-Verben  (Pok. 
§  176,2  Notel)  und  bei  der  Erklärung  der  Futurform  'Uli 
(angeblich  statt  *-Z«7e)  zu  len{a)id  (Pok.  §  177,3  Note)  eine 
Rolle  spielt,  vgl.  Thum.  Hdb.  §§  90,  295,  303  (anders,  ent- 
sprechend Pok.,  Ped.  Gr.  II,  §  431),  Pokomy  K.  Z.  46,  281  ff. 

§551  noteb.  fodssama  ist  als  Beispiel  für  analogische  Be- 
stitution  einer  eigentlich  der  Synkope  unterworfenen  Silbe 
ungeeignet,  da  es  vielmehr  die  lautgesetzliche  Form  darstellt 
und  im  Gegenteil  foesma  auf  falscher  analogischer  Syn- 
kopierung beruht.  Vorausgesetzt  nämlich,  dafs  die  von  Ped. 
(Gr.  I,  §  210,  II,  §  824, 2)  versuchte  Herleitung  aus  ""fo-sessam 
das  Richtige  trifft,  glaube  ich  ZOP  IX  28  nachgewiesen  zu 
haben,  dafs  in  diesem  Wort  die  nach  der  bekannten  Regel 
stets  die  zweite  Silbe  treffende  Synkope  sich  in  der  zum 
Diphthongen  o«,  oe  (später  at,  ut)  führenden  Kontraktion  der 
beiden  Hiatusvokale  o  und  e  äufsert,  sodafs  also  fodsma, 
fo6smim  „I  confess"  (vgl.  Atk.,  Pass.  and  Hom.  712  b)  eine 
nochmalige,  die  ursprünglich  dritte  Silbe  betreffende  Syn- 
kopierung zeigen,  die  als  Analogiebildung  nach  anderen 
Wortparadigmen  sich  leicht  erklärt.  Zu  foissama  stehen 
die  doppelt  gekürzten  Formen  im  gleichen  Verhältnis,  wie 


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322  HANS  HESSEN, 

die  später  belegten  taisce,  tusea  (=tüsca)  „sooner,  earlier, 
rather;  more  important",  Komparative  von  toissech  „first, 
principal;  chief,  leader''  (aas  ^to-uissako-)  zn  den  älteren, 
regelrechten  toisigtu,  toisechu  (später  tuisechu,  tuisecha)  nsw. 
Vgl  dazu  Äse.  Gl.  S.  318  sab  toissech,  Anc.  Laws  GL  S.  764 
sab  itiscay  Atk.  Pass.  S.  909  a  (taisce)  and  943  b  {iusca). 
§  5511  Anm.  1  (S.  19).  Die  Form  intamail  „Nachahmen,  Heucheln" 
(aus  j^indeiamail^)  ist  nicht  beweiskräftig  genug,  um  auf 
ihr  ein  Lautgesetz  aufzubauen,  nach  dem  leniertes  nicht- 
palatales  s  (=  h)  beim  Zusammenstofs  mit  vorausgehenden 
palatalen  Konsonanten  deren  Depalatalisierung  veranlafst 
Denn  abgesehen  davon,  dafs  bei  obiger  Grundform  die  Gestalt 
intamail  (statt  *intem{u)il)  auf  blofser  analogischer  Restitution 
der  Stammsilbe  nach  samaü,  in'samlathar,  ecsamail  usw.  be- 
ruhen kann,  wie  auch  die  etymologisierenden  Schreibweisen 
in{t)safnail,  indsamuü  bei  Asc  GL  230  ff.  nahelegen,  scheinen 
gewisse  Umstände  darauf  hinzuweisen,  dals  in  einigen  Fällen 
die  dem  gallischen  ande-  gleichzusetzende  Form  ind-  ^)  schon 
frühzeitig  den  palatalen  Vokal  ihrer  zweiten  Silbe,  vermutlich 
im  Anschlufs  an  den  normalen  Kompositionsvokal  o,  durch 
einen  dunklen  ersetzt  hat  Auf  diese  Weise  wenigstens,  also 
durch  Ansetzung  von  *indo-neth'j  lälst  sich  das  altirische 
indn(a)ide  „Erwarten"  (Belege  Asc  GL  S.  358)  am  einfachsten 
erklären,  ebenso,  neben  cuimrech  „Fessel"  und  fuirech  „Auf- 
halten, Verweilen"  aus  ^com-,  ^fo-rigo-,  die  dunkle  Form 
indrack,  neuir.  ionnrach  (^indo-rigo-)  „a  tent  or  plug  used 
to  keep  wounds  open"  (Ped.  Gr.  I,  S.  100,  n,  §  794  Anm.  3, 
Anc  Laws  GL  s.  v.  indindrach),  die  bei  ihrer  isolierten 
Stellung  und  Bedeutung  analogischen  Einflüssen  weniger 
ausgesetzt  war  als  z.  B.  das  später  in  dieser  Gtestalt  belegte, 
in  der  Lautentwicklung  sehr  ähnliche  indrad,  ionnradh 
„Einfall,  Angriff"  aus  ^indo-reton  (vgL  Anc.  Laws  GL  505, 
Atk.  Pass.  s.  V.  indriih),  dessen  ältere  (altirische)  Formen 
indreth,  indred  (s.  Asc  Gl.  206)  sich  im  Vokalismus  an  rethid, 
in'reiih  und  das  bedeutungsverwandte  tairred  „EinMl" 
(Ped.  Gr.  n,  §  797, 2)  angeschlossen  haben.  Ebenso  ist  fOr  das 


>)  Ans  *nde  entotand  gallisch  andCf  ir.  ^inde,  das  darauf  zu  *indO'  wurde. 
Wegen  der  scheinbar  dnrch  and  „^ort,  in  ihm"  yemrsachten  Schwierigkeit 
(Thum.  Hdb.  S.  473)  vgl  Ped.  Gr.  I,  S.  114  f.,  247.  H,  §  502  Anm.  2. 


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BBITRAGB  ZUR  ALTIRISCHBN  GRAMMATIK.  323 

demnach  zu  erwartende  *tindratn  „Erörterung",  aus  *fe>- 
indo-rttn,  tindretn  (Ped.  Gr.  II,  §  800)  im  Anschlufs  an  tuirem 
(aus  *tO'rim)  eingetreten  Die  Ansetzung  einer  Form  Sndo- 
erklärt  noch  andere  Sonderbarkeiten  der  Konsonanten- 
färbungen im  Altirischen;  in  welchem  Umfang  aber  jener 
Kompositionsvokal  sich  eingeschlichen  haben  mag,  möchte 
ich  an  dieser  Stelle  nicht  zu  bestimmen  suchen. 

§  57  b  4.  Aus  den  bei  Thum.  Hdb.  §99,5  angeführten  forgare 
„Befehl"  =  sonstigem  forgaire,  morate  „die  grofs  machen" 
=  möraite  auch  ein  scüage  statt  scäaige,  scelige  „Erzähler" 
zu  konstruieren,  geht  nicht  an;  in  dieser  Form  ist  das  Suffix, 
wie  mir  Herr  Prof.  Thurneysen  mitzuteilen  die  Güte  hatte, 
schwerlich  belegt. 

§  60.  Die  Erklärung  des  gen.  sg.  arathair  entspricht  derjenigen 
in  Ped.  Gr.  I,  §  242  Anm.  2;  doch  vergleiche  auch  Thum. 
Hdb.  §  158,  Bergin,  Contributions  §§  77,  148.  —  Übrigens 
sollte  hier  auf  anacol  „protection"  §  63  verwiesen  werden, 
das  ebenfalls  einen  epenthetischen  Vokal  enthält,  vgl 
Ped.  Gr.  H,  §  372, 1. 

§  62.  Sofern  man  nicht  überhaupt  vorzieht,  die  Erscheinungen 
der  Depalatalisierung  und  der  u-Färbung  von  Labialen  und 
Gutturalen  unter  den  in  §§  62  und  65, 2  (mit  Note  1,  2)  ge- 
gebenen Bedingungen,  wie  es  bei  Thum.  Hdb.  §§  165—168 
geschieht,  in  engeren  Konnex  miteinander  treten  zu  lassen, 
ist  hier,  im  Kapitel  über  die  Rundung,  der  Abschnitt  auf 
S.  23  über  die  Depalatalisierung  unangebracht  und  geeignet^ 
den  Leser  zu  verwirren,  zumal  in  dem  kurz  vorher  ange- 
führten dorus  ein  Beispiel  für  die  Depalatalisierung  auch 
anderer  Konsonanten  vorliegt  Jener  ist  also  mit  §  65,  2 
Note  2  zu  verschmelzen,  auf  den  ja  auch  ebenda  verwiesen  ist. 

§  63.  Statt  *fnfgonO',  *mlgonöi  lies:  ^ml^ono-,  *ml^on(H  (corr. 
Pokomy). 

§  63  mit  Nachtrag  (in  den  Corrigenda)  zeichnet  sich  durch 
ziemliche  Unklarheit  aus.  Die  hier  getroffene  Scheidung 
einer  u-  von  einer  o- Färbung,  von  denen  die  erstere  regel- 
recht dem  dat  sg.  mlegun,  die  letztere  dagegen  dem  nom. 
nUegon  zukommen  soll,  hat  wenig  Wahrscheinlichkeit  für 
sich,  vielmehr  sind  die  beiden  eher  nur  als  blofse  Varianten 
eines  und  desselben  Timbres  zu  betrachten.    Vgl.  Thum. 


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324  HANS  HESSEN, 

Hdb.  §  98,  8  und  §  171,  anders  —  im  Sinne  Pokornys  — 
Ped.  Gott.  gel.  Anz.  174,  S.  36  f.  mit  Anm.  Die  gleiche 
„ö-Färbung"  ist  auch  schon  in  §  57c  2  berührt,  wo  sie, 
aufser  dem  auch  in  §  63  behandelten  anacol,  zugleich  der 
Form  feronn  „Land"  aus  "^^erono-  zur  Erklärung  dient, 
deren  doppeltes  n  nach  Mac  Neill,  Proc.  of  the  R  Ir.  Ac.  25  C. 
no.  15,  Ped.  Gr.  II,  §  454,  Pok.  §  76  aus  einfachem  n  regel- 
recht entwickelt  ist.  Die  Lautgestalt  feronn,  als  archaisch 
durch  ihr  alleiniges  Vorkommen  in  den  Annais  of  Ulster 
gekennzeichnet,  ist  doch  aber  von  dem  später  ausnahmslos 
auftretenden  ftrann,  ftrand  zeitlich  verschieden,  daher  mit 
diesen  Formen  nicht  als  gleichberechtigt  anzusehen,  während 
die  Formen  des  altirischen  Wortes  für  „Nässe,  Regen",  ftechod, 
fleuchud,  fliuchad  (vgl.  Asc.  Gl.  344  f.,  fiiuch  Ped.  Gr.I,  S.60, 
367,  fliuchad  Anc.  Laws  Gl.  370),  dessen  Grundform  ^vlik^o-tom 
(Pok.  S.  23  Anm.  1)  eher  flechad,  wie  später  belegt,  erwarten 
liefse,  von  zu  wechselnder  Gestalt  und  analogischer  Be- 
einflussung, teils  durch  das  Adjektiv  fiiuch,  teils  durch  die 
cas.  obl.  (flechuid),  zu  sehr  ausgesetzt  sind^  um  als  sichere 
Stütze  eines  Lautgesetzes  zu  dienen.  —  Übrigens  erklärt 
sich  die  Pok.  §  145, 4  aus  ^mentnenos  hergeleitete  Form  des 
gen.  sg.  pl.  menman  nach  der  von  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  171  ge- 
gebenen, von  Pokomy  übergangenen  Regel  über  das  der 
M-Färbung  nicht  zugängliche  unlenierte  w,  mit  der  sich 
das  scheinbar  widersprechende  immun  aus  lat.  hymnus  (Pok. 
§  60,  Ped.  Gott.  gel.  Anz.  174,  37)  durch  die  Annahme  ver- 
einigen läfst,  dafs  nur  vor  erhaltenen  ursprünglichen  Vokalen 
m  dunkel  bleibt,  vor  epenthetischen  dagegen  der  Rundung 
zugänglich  ist. 

S.  24  Anm.  1.    Hier  ist  auf  §  66  zu  verweisen. 

§  81.  Ob  für  ind,  den  dat.  sg.  des  Artikels,  aus  *sin-da,  das 
von  Pokorny  angesetzte  *iund  zu  erwarten  wäre,  ist  wege» 
rind  „Stirn",  mind  „Diadem",  Und  „Flüssigkeit"  (neutr.  w- 
Stämme)  zweifelhaft. 

Zu  §  83  und  S.  60  Fufsnote  (über  die  Endung  des  nom.  acc.  dual, 
der  o-Stämme)  vgl.  Thurn.  Hdb.  §286,  Ped.  Gr.  II,  §426. 

§  84d  note.  Die  Erklärung  von  dcadbat  nach  Ped.  Gr.I,  §  242 
Anm.  1,  §  289,4;  doch  vgl.  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  589.  Pok.  §  112,4 
und  §  210  {ad'fä)  kommen  darauf  zurück. 


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BBITRÄQB  ZUR  ALTIBISCHBN   GRAMMATIK.  325 

§  94,  Zeile  7.    Statt:  §  98,  p.  3  F  lies:  §  98  p.  37. 

§  97,  Zeile  7  von  unten.  Statt:  kst  appears  as  st  lies:  ksk  appears 
as  sc. 

§  101.    Statt:  also  Ipn  §  98  a  lies:  also  Ipn,  see  sellaim  §  98. 

§  104.    Statt:  T.  I.  lies:  I.  E. 

§  106.    Statt:  Cf.  cämm  §  145  lies:  Cf.  ceimm  §  146. 

Die  Entwicklung  einer  Grundform  *ghrndha  zu  grend 
„Bart"  wird  von  Ped.  Gr.  I,  §  31,  Ib  zu  verteidigen  gesucht, 
während  man  nach  den  Regeln  eb.  §  29, 1,  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  69, 
Pok.  §  115,2  —  so  ist  nämlich  in  Zeile  6  statt  „§  113"  zu 
verbessern  —  wegen  des  dem  \okal  folgenden,  den  Umlaut 
von  i  zu  e  sonst  hindernden  nd  entweder  bei  obiger  Grund- 
form *gnnd  erwarten  oder  statt  dieser  das  normalstufige 
*ghrendhä  ansetzen  möchte.  Bei  der  Unsicherheit  dieser 
Verhältnisse  wäre  das  Beispiel  besser  durch  ein  anderes 
ersetzt. 

§  109.  Zu  nel  „Wolke"  („*ne6ÄZo5")  vgl.  Ped.  Gr.  I,  §  72  S.  117 
mit  dem  Zusatz  S.  538,  aber  auch  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  122.  Mit 
Unsicherheiten  wie  creiar,  creiair  „Reliquie"  aus  *kredhra  (?), 
neben  dem  dram  aus  ^ad-rima  mir  eher  die  regelrechte 
Bildung  zu  repräsentieren  scheint,  eine  kurzgef afste  Grammatik 
zu  belasten,  kommt  mir  bedenklich  vor.  Vgl.  übrigens  Ped. 
Gr.  I,  §  68,  wegen  des  hier  behandelten  'fitir  „er  weifs"  auch 
Thurn.  Hdb.  §  700,  S.  402,  aufserdem  eb.  §  160. 

§  110,  Zeile  3.   Statt:  the  last  consonant  lies:  the  lost  consonant. 

§  112,3  h  (rfundf).  Als  Vertreter  des  auf  ursprünglichem  ou 
beruhenden  o  im  Hiatus  vor  Vokalen  sind  kurze  o  und  m, 
nicht,  wie  Pokomy  ansetzt  [vgl.  ebenso  in  druäd,  richtiger 
dru-ad,  §  112, 3  i  (cJ)],  deren  Längen  zu  betrachten,  die  vielmehr 
erst  aus  der  in  der  altirischen  Sprachperiode  eintretenden 
sekundären  Dehnung  betonter  Hiatusvokale  hervorgegangen 
sind.  Dafs  die  Umfärbung  eines  o  zu  u  aufser  vor  t  und  u 
auch  im  Hiatus  vor  folgendem  e,  für  das  Pokomy  die  in- 
fizierende Kraft  in  Abrede  stellt,  als  normal  zu  betrachten 
sei,  glaube  ich  ZCP  IX  65 f.  an  Hand  von  fuar  „Be Wirkung" 
gezeigt  zu  haben*);  denn  obgleich  scheinbar  die  Entvncklung 


*)   Wenn  auch  der  von  Ped.  Gr.  IT,  S.  664  gegen  meine  Erklärung  von 
tuu8  erhobene  Einwand,  dafs  die  zweite  Silbe  dieses  Wortes  ursprüngliches  i, 


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326  HANS  HB88EK, 

eines  Diphthongen  üa  (aus  6)  im  Präteritum  'füair,  -füar  „er, 
ich  fand"  aus  ^'ue-jfr-  >  *uo-j«r-  >  ^-tfour-  zu  'frith  „wurde 
gefunden"  (vgl.  Thum.  Hdk  §§  687,  689,  Ped.  Gr.  n,  S.  369) 
der  von  Pokomy  versuchten  Herleitung  des  Wortes  (füar 
mit  Diphthong!)  aus  ^upo-ur-om,  yourom  stützend  zur  Seite 
steht,  sprechen  gegen  die  Annahme  des  diphthongischen  üa 
doch  die  von  Ped.  Gr.  II,  S.  676,  Zusatz  zu  S.  518,  bezeugten 
und  bei  Atk.,  Pass.  732  s.  v.  für  „watching  for,  awaiting" 
(lies:  preparing)  und  Anc  Laws  GL  434  s.  v.  für  belegten  mo- 
nophthongischen Formen  dieses  Wortes  mit  langem  ü,  das, 
wie  man  Pedersens  Bemerkungen  (Gr.  I,  S.  318)  über  neuir. 
lün,  fTtü,  kü§  usw.  entnehmen  kann,  nicht  aus  zu  üa  diph- 
thongiertem 6  hervorgegangen  sein  kann,  sondern  vermutlich 
im  durchaus  regelrechten  Dativ  fu-ur  durch  Eontraktion 
der  beiden  Vokale  entstanden  ist:  mit  dem  dat.  sg.  haben 
wir  es  an  jenen  Belegstellen  gröfstenteils  auch  zu  tun« 
Dazu  kommt,  dafs,  auch  jene  Grundform  zugegeben,  dann 
immer  noch  die  doch  sicher  die  vollstuflge  Wurzel  -fer-  ent- 
haltenden Verbalformen  fo'ruar,  fod'ruar  der  Erklärung 
harrten.  Anderseits  ist  bei  dem  von  Pokomy  als  beweisend 
betrachteten  oac  (öac)  „jung"  aus  ^iauevko-,  *iouvkO'  (vgl 
Ped.  Gr.  I,  S.  61),  wenn  nicht  sogar  an  den  Einflufs  des 
ursprünglich  anlautenden  i,  dann  doch  an  analogische  Er- 
haltung des  Vokals  im  Anschlufs  an  das  bedeutungsverwandte 
6g  „unversehrt,  jung;  Jüngling,  Jungfrau"  (auch  üag)  zu 
denken,  dessen  Formen  namentlich  in  sp&terer  Zeit  mit 
denen  jenes  Wortes  oft  in  naher  Berührung  stehen.  Eine 
Stütze  dürfte  der  unumgelautete  Vokal  wohl  auch  an  den 
nach  der  Lautregel  über  toissech  (mit  e  oder »;  vgl  ZCP  IX 
27  ff.)  als  ursprünglich  anzusehenden  Formen  dat  pL  *ofct6, 
acc.  pl.  *oiciu  (vgl  oice  —  besser  oice  —  „Jungsein"!  WL 
Täin  3402,  Atk.,  Pass.  3947)  gefunden  haben;  belegt  sind 


nicht  e,  enthalte,  berechtigt  ist,  so  verliert  dasselbe  doch  nicht  an  Bedeutsamkeit, 
da  dann  das  Nebeneinander  von  toiasechiiuMM  nur  nicht  bei  der  Behandlung 
von  o)K,  sondern  bei  der  von  o\ii  heranzuziehen  ist  —  Die  von  Yendiyes 
B.C.  33, 463  ff.  auf  Grund  von  duma,  dua(e),  döe  „Wall''  gegen  diese  Begel 
gemachten  Einwendungen  bin  ich  an  diesem  Orte  leider  nicht  weiter  zu  ver- 
folgen imstande,  glaube  nur,  dafs  man,  bei  der  bekannten  Inkonsequenz  der 
mittelirischen  Orthographie,  aus  diesen  Schreibungen  die  exakte  Lautgestalt 
der  betreffenden  Wörter  nicht  zuverlässig  genug  erschlieisen  kann. 


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BETTRAOB  ZUR  ALTIRISCHBN  GRAMMATIK.  327 

allerdings  nur  die  Formen  öcaib,  öcu  (wie  in  der  Komposition 
—  statt  ofc-  —  öcmilf  öcthigemd  usw.),  zu  dem  nunmehr 
fertig  entwickelten  Grundwort  oac  (öac)  mit  Hilfe  der 
gleichen,  sekundären  Vokalkontraktion  gebildet,  die  auch 
die  Formen  löthor  „Becken",  erchöt  „Schaden",  estösc  „Aus- 
pressen" aus  älteren  loathar,  erchoat  und  esioasc  (s.u.  zu 
§  126, 1  note  2)  entstehen  liefs.  Vgl  darüber  Thuni.  Hdb. 
§  110,  Ped.  Gr.  I,  §§  168,  201,8,  auch  §  171, 1  S.  266.  Auf 
'Oui'  übrigens  geht  vielleicht  auch  zurück  uan  „Schaum", 
zu  dem  Ped.  Gr.  I,  S.  61  zu  vergleichen  ist 

Da,  wie  ich  als  sicher  annehme  (siehe  auch  unten  zu 
§  114, 1  c),  betontes  e  genau  den  gleichen  Gesetzen  der  Um- 
färbung  wie  o  unterworfen  ist,  müssen  wir  auch  für  jenes 
in  Hiatusstellung  nicht  nur  vor  i  und  u,  sondern  auch  vor  e 
den  Umlaut  zu  i  erwarten;  eue  ist  nun  freilich  mit  oue 
zusammengefallen,  so  dafs  in  den  in  Betracht  kommenden 
Fällen  ein  auf  andere  Weise  entstandener  Hiatus  vorliegen 
mufs.  Obgleich  ich  aber  einen  solchen  bei  o  leider  nicht 
finden  konnte,  stehe  ich  doch  nicht  an,  auch  für  o-e,  ope,  ose 
die  gleiche  Entwicklung  zu  uä  wie  für  ojfe  vorauszusetzen, 
worauf  ich  mit  dem  letzteren  ein  e-e,  epe  oder  ese  unbedenk- 
lich in  Parallele  stellen  kann.  Ein  in  dieser  Stellung  un- 
umgelautetes  haupttoniges  e  finden  wir  nun,  vgl.  Thurn.  Hdb. 
§  75,  Vendryes  Idg.  Anz.  27,  19,  Ped.  Gr.  I,  S.  92  unten  und 
§  28, 4,  in  iee  (später  ie)  „heils"  aus  Hepent-,  dessen  Laut- 
entwicklung zufolge  vermutlich  Pokorny  §114, 3  a  die  Er- 
haltung des  Hiatus-6  vor  folgendem  e  als  gesetzlich  betrachtet; 
aber  iee  „heifs"  kann  sich  im  Vokalismus  sehr  wohl  an  tess 
„Hitze",  tene  „Feuer"  angeschlossen  haben,  und  das  weiterhin 
hier  verwertbare  deid  „träge",  acc.  deed,  gen.  deeid  (vgl 
Thurn.  Hdb.  §  360,  Ped.  Gr.  I,  S.  310)  und  deess  „Untätigkeit" 
(Wb.  25b  9),  nach  Ped.  Gr.  U,  §  383, 1  S.  35,  §  459,6  aus 
*d€'S€d'  entsprechend  lat.  deses  „müfsig,  träge"  entstanden, 
zeigen  e  statt  t  wohl  im  Anschlufs  an  die  zwar  analogisch 
als  deedi,  deedib,  diesse  (Thurn.  Hdb.  §  260, 4)  erscheinenden, 
aber  eigentlich,  mit  der  zu  erwartenden  Kontraktion  der 
Mittelsilbe  mit  der  ersten,  als  *di^di,  *de^dib,  *de*sse  {didi, 
didib,  desse)  anzusetzenden  Formen.  Gegenseitigen  Be- 
einfiussungen  sind  die  Formen  dieses  Paradigmas  besonders 
ausgesetzt^  wie  auch  die  vermutlich  einsilbigen  dat  und 


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328  HANS   HESSEN, 

acc.  sg.  deis,  des,  Contrib.  601,  gegenüber  älterem  deeis  (ML 
35  c  10)  beweisen.  Zu  re  „Zeit,  Zwischenraum",  gen.  rehe, 
r6e  vgl  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  294,  Ped.  Gr.  I,  §  159,  2.  Diesen 
Fällen  gegenüber  würde  als  regelrechte  Form  di-all  „De- 
klination" zu  do'ella  {^'pelnat,  vgl  lat.  ap-pellere)  zu  be- 
trachten sein,  vorausgesetzt,  dafs  die  zum  Paradigma  gehörigen 
Formen  (s.  Asc.  GL  S.  56  f.)  nad-n-dillem,  dilledach,  dilledche 
(mit  kurzem  i  geschrieben,  aber  schwerlich  nach  Ped,  Gr.  II, 
§  711,  3  auf  Assoziierung  mit  fillid  zurückführbar)  nicht 
vielmehr  auf  "^di-ell-,  entsprechend  'dimea,  düiu  zu  doem, 
'dig  zu  do'feich,  'fich  weisen,  sondern  die  im  gallischen 
ßQarov'ösy  im  alten  de  „davon,  von  ihm",  in  denum  (aus 
*d^'gnim)  und  sonst  noch  (vgl.  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  824)  erscheinende 
Form  der  Präposition  „von"  auch  hier  vorliegt  und  seine 
Umfärbung  dem  folgenden  e  (wie  die  in  diummus,  diupart, 
diucrae,  vgl.  Ped.  Gr.  I,  8.311  oben,  vermutlich  dem  folgenden 
u)  verdankt. 

Dafs  statt  do'cötar  „sie  gingen",  wie  Pok.  S.  44  schreibt, 
aus  *'coimtar,  altir.  vielmehr  do'cotar  (so  Pok.  S.  118  sub 
ieit)  zu  lesen  ist,  scheint  mir  durch  die  altirische  Schreibweise 
dieser  Formen  (nebst  docommar,  vgL  Ped.  Gr.  I,  §  210,  II 
S.  642)  geboten,  und  glaube  ich  ZCP  IX  S.  28  mit  der  auch 
von  Pok.  §  126, 1  über  fochaid  „Folter,  Leiden"  aus  ^fo-saigid, 
*fO'Saget'  gegebenen  Regel  begründet  zu  haben  ^).  Auf  einer 
später  als  die  Synkope  anzusetzenden  Komposition,  ver- 
bunden mit  der  schon  bei  löthor  usw.  genannten  Vokal- 
kontraktion, würde  demgegenüber  wohl  crödae  „blutig"  aus 
Hrouadio'  beruhen,  will  man  nicht  die  immerhin  leichte 
Annahme  bevorzugen,  dafs  in  *crodae  (mit  kurzem  o)  nach 
dem  nom.  gen.  sg.  citi,  er 6  „Blut"  oder  nach  hodae  (s.  u.!) 


>)  Ein  Beispiel  genaner  Entsprechung  bei  e  ist  i  n-degaidj  „hinter- her, 
nach",  wenn  wir  es,  wie  üblich,  anf  *de'baigi(l  zurückführen;  daneben  i  n- 
digaid  ans  *di  saigid.  Die  unterschiedliche  Entwicklung  der  Lantgmppe  ig 
in  fochaid  und  deyaid  beruht  anf  der  Differenz  der  dem  $  vorangehenden 
Vokale,  o  bezw.  e.  Regelrecht  sind  übrigens  auch  die  zu  condieig^  'daig 
gehörigen  Formen  con'dfganiy  degat^  degar^  denen  —  mit  fo  —  indob-fochad 
Wb.  25al6,  iarmindochad  Ml.  58c  7  enti»prechen,  und  bieten  vielleicht  einen 
Fingerzeig,  wo  im  Paradigma  saig:  'segat  die  Einführung  des  hier  sicherlich 
nicht  ursprünglichen  Ablaute  a :  e  ihren  Ausgangspunkt  genommen  oder  doch 
eine  Stütze  gefunden  haben  mag. 


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BEITHÄGB  ZUR  ALTIRISCHEN  GRAMMATIK.  329 

;,vaccinus"  zu  16  (nom.  u.  gen.)  „Kuh"  die  Länge  des  Vokals 
restituiert  worden  sei.  Ursprünglich  ist  in  diesem  Worte 
zwar  ein  u  (also  *Ä:rwM-ae?e),  hat  sich  jedoch,  durch  den 
folgenden  dunklen  Vokal  infiziert,  einem  o  soweit  genähert, 
dafs  wir  es  einem  solchen  ohne  Bedenken  gleichsetzen  können^). 
Als  Vertreter  von  ouo  im  Auslaut,  das  aber  natürlich 
zu  ojia  geworden  war,  betrachtet  Thum.  Hdb.  §  204  und 
ebenso  wohl  auch  Pok.  §  112, 3  h  (ß)  ein  in  anderer  Stellung 
als  im  Auslaut  zu  üa  diphthongierbares  o;  doch  möchte  ich 
diese  Entwicklung  sehr  bezweifeln,  die  regelrechte  vielmehr, 
als  deren  einzelne  Phasen  ich  die  Lautformen  *ou''  (arch. 
gen.  sg.  bou),  du  (gen.  pl.  bau  K.  M.  Contr.  231),  do  (gen.  pl. 
bao  Sg.  22  b  11),  6  betrachte  (gen.  sg.  und  pl.  bo),  aufser  in 
den  eben  genannten  Formen  des  gen.  sg.  und  pl.  von  bö 
„Kuh"  auch  in  gdu,  gdo,  gö  „Lüge"  erblicken,  vorausgesetzt, 
dafs  gegenüber  Thurn.'s  (§203)  *gäua  und  Pok.'s  (§112,3. 
a,  ß  und  e)  *g'h9uä  die  von  Pedersen  Gr.  I,  §  37, 2,  II,  §  443 
angenommene  Grundform  '^gousos,  jünger  ^gouos^  endlich 
*go^as  das  Richtige  trifft 2);  vgl.  dazu  unten  über  die  Kom- 
positionsform gü-.  In  den  Genetiven  sg.  er  du,  crdo,  crou, 
er 6  (vergl.  K.  M.  Contr.  sub  2.  crö)  aus  ^kruu-as  (anders, 
nämlich  als  *Jcrous,  von  Ped.  II,  §  443,  S.  97  angesetzt,  wie 
ebenda  du,  6  „Ohr"  als  *ous;  doch  müfste  *krous  direkt  zu 
6  führen,  und  über  du,  6  „Ohr"  vergl.  Thurn.  Hdb.  §65a) 
zu  crü  „Blut"  und  cnö  (älter  *cndu,  *cndd)  zu  cnü  „Nufs" 
(zum  Paradigma  vgl.  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  309,  Idg.  Anz.  27,  15, 
Ped.  Gr.  I,  §  207,  II,  §  447, 1)  liegt  altes  u  vor,  das  wir 
jedoch,  aus  dem  schon  oben  bei  ciodae  angegebenen  Grunde, 
altem  0  ohne  Bedenken  gleichsetzen  können.  Übrigens  ver- 
mute ich,  dafs  im  Paradigma  von  bö  „Kuh",  aufser  vielleicht 
im  acc.  pL,  der  nach  Ped.  Gr.  II,  §  439, 2  und  Pot  §  141 


»)  'fäcaib  „er  läfst  zurück"  aus  ^'foad-gaih,  wozu  Thum.  Hdb.  §  829  A, 
Ped.  Gr.  II,  §585,12  zu  vergleichen  sind,  scheint  mir  eine  Kontaminations- 
bildung einerseits  aus  *'facaib,  das  entweder  regelrecht  ar-f-ema  entspricht 
oder  deuterotoniertem  fo'ocaib  zur  Seite  trat,  und  anderseits  aus  *'föcaib, 
das  aus  rekonstruiertem  *'foacaib  durch  Vokalkontraktion  entstanden  war. 
Von  jener  Form  stammt  die  Qualität,  von  dieser  die  Quantität  des  Vokales 
in  'fdcaib  her.  Doch  dürften  auch  die  nach  Thum.  Hdb.  §78,  Ped.  Gr.  I, 
§  253, 2  sich  erklärenden  Formen  zu  fo-gaib  „findet":  'fagaib,  fdgbaim,  fagbäil 
die  Vokalqualität  von  fäcaib,  fäcbäil  &c.  beeinflufst  haben. 

»)   Über  gäu  handelt  auch  Walde,  Lat.  et  Wb.  *  s.  v.  haud. 


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330  HANS  HESSEN, 

auf  *g^ön$  oder  *g^ös  zurückgeht,  aber  auch  nach  Thurn. 
Hdb.  §  340, 2  erklärbar  wäre,  frühzeitig  die  kurzdiphthongische 
Wurzelform  durchgeführt  worden  ist,  welche  Annahme  jeden- 
falls den  niemals  als  *bdu,  %do  erscheinenden  n.  sg.  bö  (also 
aus  *bous,  wie  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  59.  2)  am  besten  erkläi-t  und 
bei  der  Rekonstruktion  der  Grundformen  (Pok.  §  141)  zu 
beachten  ist  —  Als  Eompositionsformen  zu  cru  und  mü 
fungieren  crö-  und  cnö-j  offenbar  in  Anlehnung  teils  an 
die  auch  im  Adjektivum  crödae  (s.  o.)  vorliegende  Form,  teils 
an  das  Verhältnis,  das  zwischen  den  Eompositionsformen 
con-,  auch  condae  „caninus",  zum  gen.  sg.  con  „Hund",  60- 
(in  böchaillj  büachaillj  böbaith  &c.,  aus  altem  *bofjh  entsprechend 
gr.  ßov'XoXog,  vgl  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  59, 2,  Ped.  Gr.  ü,  §  356, 1), 
auch  bödae  „vaccinus",  zum  gen.  sg.  bo  bestand.  Anderseits 
wurde  aus  der  Komposition  der  später  auftretende  nom.  sg. 
cro  „Blut"  abstrahiert  Auf  die  weiteren,  zahllosen  ana- 
logischen Einflüssen  zu  yerdankenden  Unregelmäfsigkeiten 
in  der  Flexion  dieser  Wörter  kann  ich  hier  nicht  weiter 
eingehen.    Zu  gü-  vgl  unten. 

über  alle  hiehergehörigen  Erscheinungen  handelt  Ped. 
Gr.  I  §  159.  Der  Entwicklung  von  auslautendem  owa  entspricht 
übrigens  genau  die  in  *gndu^  gnö  (Pokomy  §  112,  3  b  [ß]) 
„beautiful,  active"  aus  "^^ä^^  und  in  ndu  „Schiff"  aus  *näjia 
vorliegende  von  äuä,  die  wir  auch  —  mit  Thumeysens  oder 
Pokomys  Etjrmologie,  s.  0.!  —  in  gäu,  gdo,  gö  „Lüge"  aus 
*gäjiä  bezw.  *^h9uä  erblicken  dürften.  —  Wie  Pedersen 
a.  a.  0.  zeigt,  ist  der  von  Pokomy  §  112,  3/9,  7  gewählte 
Ausdruck  unrichtig,  dafs  in  den  hier  in  Betracht  kommenden 
Formen  die  Endsilben  vokale  geschwunden  seien;  vielmehr 
sind  sie  mit  dem  vorhergehenden  Vokal  kontrahiert  worden 
und  mitunter  als  zweite  Bestandteile  der  Kontraktions- 
produkte erhalten  geblieben. 

In  die  weiterhin  von  Pokomy  berührte  scheinbare  Un- 
klarheit der  Vertretung  von  betontem  ouo,  teils  durch  6  (lia), 
teils  durch  ti,  ist,  wie  ich  ZCP  IX  32  bemerkte,  vielleicht 
der  Umstand  Licht  zu  bringen  geeignet,  dafs  in  allen  der 
ersteren  Kategorie  angehörigen  Beispielen  der  erste  Kon- 
traktionsvokal der  Präposition  to  angehört,  die,  wie  ich 
weiter  schlofs,  für  jene  Fälle  vielmehr  als  ursprüngliches 
*tä'  =  vollbetontem  idg.  *^  (vergl.  Thura.  Hdb.  S.  483)  anzu- 


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BEITRAGE  ZUR  ALTIRISCHEN  GRAMMATIK.  331 

setzen  sein  wird,  wenn  wir  nicht  die  anch  später  noch  fort- 
lebende kurzvokalige  Form  ia-  anzunehmen  vorziehen  wollen. 
Der  gleiche  Vokalismus  dieser  Präposition  würde  auch  die 
prototonierte  Form  'tdit  „er  kommt"  zu  dotä  (also  *'ta-th€t; 
vergl.  Pokomy  §  210,  Note  4)  aufs  einfachste  erklären. 
Andererseits  aber  findet  die  Annahme  einer  Entwicklung  von 
auo  zu  6  eine  Stütze  im  Worte  nochay  gen.  nöchat  „neunzig", 
wenn  wir  dieses  entsprechend  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  390  auf 
"^na^okont-  (*najfukont'  ?)  zurückführen,  nicht,  mit  Ped.  6r.  II, 
§  474,  auf  *nojiokont;  dessen  regelrechte  Entwicklung  (s.  u.) 
zn  *nücha  freilich  durch  das  Grundwort  not  „neun"  gestört 
worden  sein  könnte.  Die  davon  abgeleitete  Form  noichtech 
„neunzig  Jahre  zählend"  statt  *n6chtach  dürfte  dem  Einflufs 
des  gleichlautenden  noichtech  (mit  Diphthong!)  „neunund- 
zwanzig Tage  enthaltend"  aus  ^noi-ficht-ech  unterlegen  sein 
(vergl.  aber  Ped.  Gr.  I,  S.  151;  n,  §  479  am  Ende;  Thurn. 
Hdb.  §  390),  und  umgekehrt  würden  die  als  ursprünglich  palatal 
anzusetzenden  Formen  *no%med  „der  neunte"  (in  Wahrheit 
nomad),  nach  Ped.  Gr.  I,  §  42;  II,  §  479  aus  *no^emeto-y  und 
*no{nber  {nonbor,  -bur)  „neun  Mann",  das,  gegen  Ped.  Gr.  II, 
§  479,  2  sicherlich  auf  einer  (nicht  blofs  volksetymologischen) 
Verbindung  mit  fer  „Mann"  beruht,  demnach  auf  ^noven- 
feron  (vergl.  das  regelrechte  Noindruimm  „die  neun  Berg- 
rücken" [?]  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  236)  zurückzuführen  ist,  ihre 
dunkle  Färbung  {nömad,  nonbor)  dem  Einflufs  von  ochtmad 
„der  achte"  und  ochtar  „acht  Mann"  verdanken.  Dals  aber 
auch  das  von  Thurn.  Hdb.  §  396  für  nomad  konstruierte 
*nauametO'  jene  Form  ergeben  hätte  —  und  zwar  regelrecht 
—  ist  mir  sehr  wahrscheinlich.  — Während  also  *^-jio-  (^iä-fo-) 
in  tobe  „Abschnitt",  tüachil  „schlau"  etc.  zu  tö-,  tüa-,  altes 
Hä'uor-  (*tä'for')  in  törmach  „Vermehrung",  tortrommad 
„Bedrückung"  zu  tor-  sich  entwickelt  haben,  wird,  wie  ich 
a.  a.  0.  annahm  und  auch  oben  bei  Anlafs  von  *nücha  er- 
wähnte, altes  ouo  nach  der  von  Thumeysen  aufgestellten 
Regel  zu  ü  geworden  sein,  das  in  dülchinne,  düthracht  vor- 
liegt und  auch  in  ügaire  „Schafhirt"  von  mir  vermutet 
worden  ist  Die  sicher  altertümliche  Kompositionsform  gü- 
zu  gäu,  gdo,  gö  „Lüge"  würde  hierher  gehören  und  ihre 
einfachste  Erklärung  finden,  wenn  sich  mit  der  von  Pedersen 
(s.  0.)  gegebenen  Etymologie  ein  *yoj*o-  aus  *gousO'  als  ihre 

ZaitMhrük  f.  ooh.  Philologl«  X.  22 


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332  HANS  HE88BN, 

Grundform  vereinigen  liefse;  über  die  Formen  der  ersten 
Bestandteile  in  Komposita  vergl.  Thum.  Hdb.  §  236;  Ped. 
6r.  n,  §  356.  Entschieden  abzulehnen  ist  jedenfalls  nach 
dem  oben  Gesagten,  dafs,  wie  Pokomy  §  112,  3  a  (i)  annimmt, 
altes  *'aifo-  (*-^wo-)  sich  in  ^-  zn  -u-  entwickelt  haben  soll. 
Was  flbrigens  die  Diphthongierung  in  den  oben  erwähnten 
Fällen  von  töbae,  tormach  u.  a.  betrifft,  so  halte  ich  sie  bei 
dem  aus  -a;<o-  entwickelten  6  für  unursprünglich ;  eher  mag 
sie  von  Anfang  an  zu  Hause  gewesen  sein  in  den  mit  to- 
(das  im  Hiatus,  wie  ich  annehme,  früh  aus  tö-  gekürzt  worden 
war)  und  der  Präposition  *w55-,9  über  die  Thum.  Hdb.  I, 
§59,  4;  §  837A;  U,  S.  99,  Idg.  Anz.  33.  29,  aber  anders 
Ped.  Gr.  n,  S.  672  zu  vergleichen  ist,  zusammengesetzten 
Wörtern  wie  tüasulcud  „Auflösung"  (^to-uss-olg-),  iochdl  „Er- 
hebung" (^to-uss-gabdl)  u.  a.,  zu  denen  föcrae  (füacra)  „An- 
kündigung" aus  ^fo-uss-gar-,  fodüacair  „welcher  es  an- 
kündigt" (vergl.  Ped.  Gr.  I,  S.  316;  II,  S.  295, 12)  eine  genaue 
Parallele  darstellen.  Entsprechend  dem  Jfebeneinander  von 
slög — slüag,  trog — trüag  wurde  dann  aber  infolge  Identi- 
fikation der  beiden  auf  verschiedene  Weise  entstandenen  tö- 
die  Diphthongierung  auch  in  den  Wörtern  der  ersteren 
Kategorie  heimisch.  Von  den  schwierigen  Voraussetzungen 
dieser  Erscheinung,  auf  die  ich  hier  nicht  weiter  eingehen 
kann,  handelt  ausführlich  Ped.  Gr.  I,  S.  316  ff. 

§  112,  Sh(6).  Dafs  hier,  entsprechend  äue  „Grofssohn"  (3a  [d]), 
au  als  Vorgänger  von  6  im  arch.  gen.  sg.  naue  vorliegt, 
brauchte  nicht  übergangen  zu  werden. 

§  114,  ZeUe  2.    Streiche:  §  105. 

Ic  und  3  b  ist  gesagt,  dafs  die  Lautgruppe  ng  nicht 
imstande  sei,  die  Umfärbung  eines  e  zu  t  vor  folgendem  t 
und  u  zu  hindern.  Auf  welche  Beispiele  diese  Annahme  sich 
stützen  soll,  ist  mir  von  geringerer  Wichtigkeit,  als  festzu- 
stellen, dafs  in  §  116,  Ic  und  3  a  über  die  Umfärbung  von 
0  zu  u  jene  Lantgruppe  nicht  unter  den  die  Umfärbung  ver- 
mittelnden angeführt  ist,  offenbar  im  Anschluls  an  meine 
Ausführungen  ZCP  IX  39.    Eine  solche  Zwiespältigkeit  der 


0  Dals  ihr  Vokal  iinprttDglich  u  gewesen  sein  mnfi,  geht  ans  ünaeh 
folcadh  ans  ^uss-nig-  (Thnrnejuen,  Idg.  Am.  33.  35)  deutlich  hervor. 


Google 


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BEITRAGB  ZUB  ALTIRISCHBN  GRAMMATIK.  838 

Erscheinung  ist  aber  aus  dem  Grunde  zu  verwerfen,  weil, 
wie  ich  schon  oben  erwähnte,  die  beiden  Umfärbungen,  von  o 
zu  u  und  von  e  zu  t,  auf  einem  einzigen  Lautgesetze  beruhen 
(vgl.  ZCP  IX  77  a).  Ähnliches  ist  der  Fall  in  §  116,  Ic,  wo 
für  cA,  das  nach  §  114,  Ic  und  3  b  die  Umfärbung  eines  e 
zu  1  hindert,  seine  Wirkung  auf  vorhergehendes  o  offen- 
gelassen ist.  Zu  eich  usw.  stimmt  nun  aber  die  von  mir 
ZCP  IX  25  f.  begründete  Annahme,  dafs  auch  o  vor  ch  der 
Umfärbung  unzugänglich  ist,  und  diese  wird  auch  nicht  durch 
das  von  Pokomy  angeführte  mittelir.  scuchaid  (auch  scuichid) 
„he  departs^  widerlegt,  das,  gegenüber  seinen  gut  belegten 
altirischen  Vertretern  ohne  Umfärbung  (vergl.  Asc.  Gl.  292), 
sich  leicht  durch  den  analogischen  Einflufs  des  sinnverwandten 
scuirid  „he  takes  off,  dissolves,  ceases^,  zusammen  mit  De- 
palatalisierung,  erklärt.  Vergl.  über  scuichid  Ped.  Gr.  II, 
§  813.  An  beiden  Orten  sind  demnach  die  Regeln  mit- 
einander in  Einklang  zu  bringen. 

§  115,  5.  Die  Regel,  wonach  im  nom.  pl.  cuiliuin  zu  cuüen 
„Tierjunges"  (aus  *ioligno')  i  zu  <m,  ^o,  6u  geworden  sei,  ist 
falsch,  vielmehr  wäre  aus  *Jcoligni  eine  Form  *cuilin  als 
normal  zu  betrachten;  cuiliuin  wurde  aber  zum  nouL  sg. 
cuilen  gestellt  nach  dem  Muster  der  nom.  pl.  niuily  euin 
ioin  äuin,  treüin  Muin,  zu  n^l  „Wolke",  Äi  „Vogel",  tr^ 
„stark",  die  altes  e  enthalten,  welches,  nach  seiner  Ersatz- 
dehnung, nach  der  von  Thum.  Hdb.  §  53;  Ped.  Gr.  I,  §  201, 2; 
Pok.  §  114,  4  gegebenen  Regel  diphthongiert  worden  war, 
auch,  vermöge  der  Gleichheit  des  gen.  sg.  und  nom.  pl.  bei 
den  maskulinen  o -Stämmen,  nach  gen.  sg.  wie  ceniuil  cenioil 
ceniuil  zu  cenü  „Geschlecht"  usw.  Übrigens  ist  e  auch  an- 
zusetzen als  Reduplikationsvokal  in  den  Präteritalformen 
3.  sg.  '  giuil  zu  glenid,  'geuin  zu  'gnin,  ara'rui  chiuir  (Ped. 
a.  a.  0.  und  Thum.  Hdb.  §  689)  zu  ara'chrin  und  'ciuir  (zu 
crenid  „er  kauft"),  das  Pokorny  §  178,  3a  unrichtig  als 
*-*•«-*•  r-c  (statt  *'ke-kr'e)  ansetzt.  Wenn  in  diesen  Verbal- 
formen -{ui-  gegenüber  -Sui-  bevorzugt  wird,  so  liegt  das  am 
Einflufs  des  Vokalismus  von  'lil,  'rir  zu  lenid,  renid  usw. 

§  115,  5,  ZeUe  3.    Statt  §  111  lies  §  109. 

§  116,  3b.  Die  bei  Thum.  Hdb.  §823Aa  (S.457);  Ped.  Gr.  I, 
S.  171  gegebene  Regel,  wonach  in  cuman  das  lenierte  m  aus 


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334  HANS  HESSIN, 

mm  entwickelt  ist,  findet  sich  nicht  in  Pokorny  §  103,  obwohl 
hier  auf  diesen  verwiesen  wird. 

§  125.  Zu  proklitischem  i  +  a  und  u  +  a  vergl.  Pokorny  §  81 
exception  1. 

§  126,  1,  note  2.  Die  Ml.  24d9  belegte  Form  estosc  „Aus- 
pressnng",  die  Pokorny  und  ebenso  vielleicht  auch  Ped. 
Gr.  n,  §  717  als  aus  *esS'to-fasc  regelrecht  entwickelt  an- 
sehen, ist  vielmehr  estösc  zu  lesen;  aus  *€SS'to-fasc  war 
vermutlich  *esta8c  geworden,  dieses  aber  im  Anschlufs  an 
as^toasdj  as'ioaiscea,  as'toascther  u.  ä.  zu  estoasc  restituiert 
und  dann,  nach  Thum.  Hdb.  §§  110,  205,  zu  estosc  gekürzt 
worden.  Der  gen.  sg.  estoisc  (Ml.  102  c  7)  ist  demnach  als 
estoisc  aufzufassen,  das  part  necess.  estoiscthi  (Ml.  134b 2) 
als  estoiscthi,  dies  durch  Vokalkontraktion  aus  esioaiscthi 
entwickelt,  das  nach  obigem  Muster  altes  *estaiscthi 
ersetzt  hatte. 

Note  8.    Dafs  die  Eontraktionen  in  ara'foima  usw.  im 
Gegenteil  nach  der  Synkope  eingetreten  sein  mflssen,  habe 
ich  ZCP  IX  27  ff.  66.  78  c  gezeigt,  wozu  noch  Ped.  Gr.  I, 
§  210;  II,  §  712,  3.  S.  513  zu  vergleichen  sind. 
Statt  §  211, 14  ües  §  211, 16. 

§  132.  Im  dat  sg.  ist  auch  die  Form  -n(d)  als  lenierend  zu 
kennzeichnen.  Die  beim  nom.  pl.  inna,  na  fehlende  Über- 
schrift ist  in  den  Corrigenda  insofern  nur  halbwegs  ergänzt, 
als  die  Formen  dort  nur  als  feminin,  nicht  auch  als  zugleich 
neutral  bezeichnet  werden. 

§  137.  Die  bei  Thum.  Hdb.  §  301;  Ped.  Gr.  II,  §  440  Anm.  1 
besprochene  Unsicherheit  der  Bildung  des  nom.  acc.  pl.  neutr. 
hätte  erwähnt  werden  dürfen. 

§  138.  Dals  der  dat.  sg.  von  rigain  in  seiner  einzigen  Belegstelle 
aus  den  Glossen,  Ml.  65dl3,  nicht  rignai,  sondern  —  im 
Anschlufs  an  die  a-  oder  t-Flexion  —  rigain  lautet,  konnte 
unter  den  Ausnahmen  angeführt  werden. 

S.  68  note,  Zeile  3.    Lies  amtw(m)  „name"  (§  146). 

§  156.  Wegen  der  Quantität  des  Vokals  im  Zahlwort  „zwei" 
vergl.  Thum.  Hdb.  §§46.  384,2.390;  Ped.  Gr.  I,  §§  157. 
202,  2. 


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BBITRAOB  ZUR  ALTIRI8CHBN  QBAMMATIEL  335 

§  159  b,  class  I,  Zeile  6.  Statt  o,  e,  i  or  u  ist,  mit  Rücksicht  auf 
das  S.  76  zn  dieser  Regel  gegebene  BeiBpiel  aro-b-rcHnasc, 
zu  lesen:  a,  e,  i,  o  or  u. 

Examples  ad  d  (S.  76).  Dafs  in  amal  for-n-da'Cbngair 
„as  he  Orders  them^  in  der  Stelle  Ml.  94  b  3  das  Pronomen 
-da-  der  3.  sg.  fem.  vorliegt,  sollte,  am  Mifsverständnissen 
Yorzabeogen,  bemerkt  werden. 
§  160,  Zeile  2.  Statt  „after  the  1  and  2  pl."  lies  „after  the  1. 
and  3.  pL"!    Vgl.  übrigens  unten  zu  §  173,2  b! 

n  C.  Die  etymologisch  vielleicht  berechtigte  Unter- 
scheidung von  drei  Präpositionen  air,  er  und  ir  hier  und 
§  211,  2.  12.  22  (mit  Note),  denen  allen  in  vortoniger 
Stellung  ar-  entspricht,  scheint  mir  in  einer  kurzgefafsten 
Grammatik  überflOssig,  wenn  nicht  irreführend.  Vergl. 
übrigens  Ped.  Gr.  I,  §  238,  Pokomy  K  Z.  45,  138  fL,  Thum- 
eysen  Idg.  Anz.  27, 15  zu  Ped.  Gr.  I  S.  339  f. 

§  163,  letzte  Zeile.    Statt  (§  158  b)  lies  (§  159  b). 

§  168,  5  (a).  Dals  die  hier  aufgezählten  Augentia  auch  akkusa- 
tivisch verwendet  werden,  sollte  ausdrücklich  erwähnt  sein. 
VergL  Thum.  Hdb.  §  474. 

§  169,  2.    Statt  cetn{a)e  (§  156)  lies  cetn{a)e  (§  157). 

§  171,  3,  Zeile  2.  Die  Ziffer  hinter  araill  bezieht  sich  noch  auf 
S.  83  Anm. 

§  172.  Die  beiden  Überschriften  „Motion  towards  the  Speaker" 
und  „Motion  from  the  Speaker"  sind  gerade  miteinander  zu 
vertauschen,  da  sair,  siar  doch  natürlich  die  vom  Stand- 
punkt des  Sprechenden  wegführende  Richtung,  anair,  aniar 
dagegen  die  von  auüsen  her  zu  ihm  hinleitende  bezeichnen. 
Der  Paragraph  entspricht  Thum.  Hdb.  §  477. 

§  173, 2  b.  Die  Verweisung  auf  §  211,  der  doch  die  Präpositionen 
enthält,  ist  hier  natürlich  falscL    Vgl.  unten  zu  §  174, 1  a. 

§  173,  Zeile  6.  Statt:  1.  and  2.  pl.  lies:  1.  and  3.  pl.!  Vgl.  oben 
§  160,  ZeUe  2. 

§  174,  la.  „Simple  verbs"  hören  auf,  solche  zu  sein,  wenn  sie 
mit  den  in  §  211  aufgezählten  Präpositionen  in  Verbindung 
treten;  dieser  ist  hier  also  ebenso  falsch  zitiert,  wie  in 
§  173,  2  b.  Anderseits  ist  die  Verbalpartikel  ro,  die  das 
Eintreten  von  no  ebenfalls  hindert,  hier  übergangen  worden. 


Digitized  byV^OOQlC 


336  HAHS  HEWKir, 

§  174, 1  b.  Die  Funktion  der  Yerbalpartikel  in  nasalierenden 
Belativs&tzen  wäre  besser  in  Ic  untergebracht 

§  174,  2  d.  Über  die  wunderbare  Analyse  von  „nt  d-orr-gSnat^ 
„they  will  not  be  able  to  do  it",  wofür  an  der  betreffenden 
Stelle  (ML  80a  9)  ni'dergenat  „sie  werden  nicht  machen 
können^  steht,  scheint  mir  ein  Kommentar  flberflüssig. 

§  174,3,  Zeile  3.  Statt:  con-scar  „destroys"  lies:  con-scara 
„destroys". 

§  175, 1.  Über  die  hier  und  §  203  note  2  als  *-et  angesetzte 
Endung  der  konjunkten  2.  sg.  vgl.  Ped.  Gr.  I,  S.  366  Anm.  6, 
n,  S.  342f.;  anders  Thum.  Hdb.  §§  74,3,  558  und  danach 
Rezensent  ZCP  IX  72  (Endung  -es).  Vgl  übrigens  Ped 
Gr.  n,  S.  333  oben. 

§  175,  letzte  ZeUe.    Statt:  *!>/-,  §  132  Ues:  *ph  §  131. 

§  177,  2.  DaCs  die  Formen  cechlais  u.  ä.  der  im  §  109  gegebenen 
Regel  widersprechen,  sollte  nicht  verschwiegen  werden. 

§  177,  Zeile  13.  It  contracts.  Da  „it''  unverständlich,  lies:  t 
contracts. 

§  178,  3(a)  vorletzte  Zeile.  Statt:  crenaid  „you  seil"  lies:  crenaid 
„you  buy".  Der  Irrtum  stammt  aus  Thum.  Hdb.  §  689,  wo 
er  jedoch  auf  S.  527  unten  berichtigt  ist 

§  178,  S.  92  Note.   Statt:  ^ro-lü-ontro  lies:  "roUontar  (corr.  Pok.). 

§  186.    Statt:  §  179, 1  a  lies:  §  174, 1  a. 

§  203.  ^Präteritum,  konjunkte  Formen  der  1.  und  2.  sg.  Statt: 
'fniult  lies:  ('biuri).  Statt:  -meilt  lies:  (-birt),  'tneilt.  Vgl.  dazu 
Thurn.  Hdb.  §  681,  Ped.  Gr.  II,  §  778,  Thum.  Idg.  Anz.  33, 
S.  33  zu  Ped.  Gr.  II,  §  665.  Übrigens  wird  der  Ansatz  einer 
Form  'tniult  vielleicht  durch  darindgiuU  TBC  (ed.  Strachan- 
O'Keeffe)  1552  (vgl.  Thum.  Idg.  Anz.  33,  34)  gerechtfertigt 

§  205.  Obgleich,  wie  mir  Herr  Prof.  Thumeysen  mitteilt,  als 
absolute  Formen  der  1.  sg.  praes.  mit  „konjunkter"  Endung 
aufser  den  bekannten  ttagu,  arco  (fuin)  &c  auch  a(i)liu  Ir. 
Texte  m,  1.  S.  35  n.  17,  S.  51  n.  94  und  cuiriu-sa  R.  C.  10,  84 
belegt  sind,  —  ebenso  gaibiu  anfis,  ibiu  anfis,  Trip,  life  (ed. 
Stokes)  8.  54, 14  —  darf  daraufhin  doch  nicht  ohne  weiteres 
auch  ein  guidiu  als  absolute  1.  sg.  angesetzt  werden.  Vgl. 
Thum.  Hdb.  §§  556,  557,  591,  Ped.  Gr.  II,  §  598  Anm.  3, 
Thurn.  K  Z.  44,  113  (Miszellen  3.). 


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BEITRAGE  ZUR  ALTIRISCHEN  GRABIMATIEL 


337 


§  206.  Secondary  future,  1.  sg.  Statt:  -rirthinn  ist  natürlich 
-ririnn  zu  lesen! 

§  207.  Imperfect  Statt:  Cf.  guidid,  §  198  lies:  Cf.  -suidiginn,  §  186! 

§  209  note  2,  ZeUe  3.    Statt:  §  53,  2d  Ues:  §  53,  2  e. 

§  209  note  3,  Zeile  3.    Statt:  canid  lies:  cenid,  cinidl 

§  210.  'Cuirethar.  Das  Verbum  fo'ceird  (vgl.  Thurn.  Hdb.  §803) 
bildet  selber  keine  ro- Formen,  sondern  wird,  wie  'cuirethar, 
in  dieser  Bedentnng  durch  ro-ld-  ersetzt;  die  Angabe  ist  daher 
irreführend,  dafs  'cuirethar  durch  fo'ceird,  aufser  in  allen 
absoluten  Formen  und  im  Futurum,  auch  in  den  ro -Formen 
ergänzt  werde.    Vgl.  ebenda  S.  117  fo'ceird,  auch  §  174,  3. 

§  211,  9.  Dafs  com-  weder  in  Verbindung  mit  suffigierten  Pro- 
nomina vorkommt,  noch  als  relatives  Präverb  gebraucht  wird, 
vielmehr  in  diesen  Fällen  la  an  seine  Stelle  tritt,  sollte 
hier  (oder  in  §  160,  IIA)  erwähnt  werden. 


du  „Ohr" 

329 

fiado  „Herr" 

bö 

829 

flechod 

bödae 

828 

foehaid 

cnöf  enö' 

329, 

880 

föcrae 

do'cotar 

828 

foUsama 

crdu,  crö 

329, 

880 

ara-foima 

crödae 

828, 

830 

ßacra 

euilMn 

888 

fmr 

die88 

827 

für 

%  n-degaid 

828 

gdu,  gdo,  gö 

condegam 

828 

grend 

dHd 

827 

gü- 

diall 

828 

immun 

condieig 

828 

indnaide 

i  n-digaid 

828 

indrach 

estösc 

827 

334 

indradf  -red 

.fdcaib 

829 

intamail 

fCfOHHy  ftrOHH 

824 

mctwttdn 

Wortverzeichnis. 


821 
824 
828 
882 
821 
884 
882 
825 


825 
881 
824 
822 
822 
822 
822 
824 


Freiburg  i.  B.,  den  1.  Sept  1914. 


nöcha 

881 

wHcfUechf 

noichtech 

881 

nömad 

881 

nönbar 

881 

öac 

826 

oice 

826 

826 

scuchaid 

888 

tai$ce 

822 

täit 

881 

U,  tei 

827 

tindrem 

828 

töbae 

881 

882 

töcbdl 

882 

törmach 

881, 

882 

tusca 

822 

uan  „Schanm'' 

827 

ünach 

882 

Hans  Hessen. 

Digitized  by 


Google 


MITTEILUNGEN 
AUS  IRISCHEN  HANDSCHRIFTEN. 

AUS  LAUD  615. 

8.  36, 

Coliim  etile  eeeinit« 

1  Tnar  as  mesa  tic  a  cll,       cid  olc  a  ndü  'na  cert  dfin« 
beidid  a  n-ifrinn  gan  acht,       's  nl  tiacfaü2  amach  ar  etil. 

2  Espoc  mlchraibtech  co  fir       taisles  na  tlrt[h]a  go  dian, 
'na  ladrann  ag  creachad  ceall,       nl  he  sin  as  f  err  don  tnar. 

3  Rl  nach  cnnmann  cöir  nö  cert,       mairg  ara  mbl  nert  gon 

[tnath, 
lia  nl  cnrt[h]a  ös  a  fert,       'se  as  mesa  go  becht  don  tnar.  T. 

4  Sagart  sanntach  am  gach  ni       da  bfeictAer  cll  toir  is  tiar, 
mnna  roib  nllam  cnm  cnirp,       as  e  as  mö  nilc  don  tnar. 

[Tnar. 

5  Is  me  Golnm  Cille  Oa  Neill,       mian  leam  a  heih  do  r6ir  Dhia, 
creidim  go  bfoil  mac  De  bi       'na  enfer  's  na  dis  's  na  tnar. 

[Triar. 


Colom  Cllle  cecinlt« 

Ib,  8. 104, 

1  Dorala  for  mo  menmnin       gnnnm  denmnetnch  deghdhair, 
cinnus  roinnfet  thiar  is  toir       mo  chaarta  dom  chongbälaibh« 

2  In  chaairt-si  fil  ö  l^lebh  Faait       gu  Sliab  Laigen  imacaairt, 
öth&  Ath  Fene  gan  roinn       tnctAar  alle  do  Rachrainn. 

3  Ö  Äth  Fene,  eraim  nglan,       gn  Loch  Carmain  na  comramh, 
mo  caairt,  mo  cain-si  go  cöir       gan  esbaid,  gan  imaröil, 

a  tabairt  d'Ogh  a  rere       gn  lermach^  do  Lasrene. 

0  i.  e.  Dermach. 


Digitized  byV^OOQlC 


MITTBILUNGEN  AUS  IEI8CHBN  HAND8CHRIFTBN.  339 

4  Laisren,  lasair  craboidh  glain,        mo  daltän  fil  ag  Dermaigh, 
is  inmain  lem-sa,  a  mic  De,        a  chendsa  ria  mainchine, 
Iflach  ant  äaothair  dogni  a  bas       rombe,  a  De,  mo  c[h]omh- 

[arbus. 

5  Caairt  Connacht  c6d  6  Es  Rflaidh        Her  andes  is  ataaidh, 
Iar[iia]  tinöl  gu  ngrinne,        a  mbreit[h]  d'  Inis  B6  Finne; 
gin  go  rinuc  trell  a  lir,       bid  cell  7  bid  congbal. 

6  Dossicfat  aighedh  lar  tain        dar  monga  mara  medhrat^, 
inmain  senadh  salmglan  slän       gebdoid  for  a  dar  comhlan, 
c[l]lara  caomha,  glan  a  li,       a  tir  ciana  a  n-oilithrl 

7  Acht  cain  Cairbri  is  Cremthainn      cain  tucthar  si  do  Dhermaig, 
flair  is  indte-si  sund  sin       bedit  sium  'na  mbitbligiu. 

8  Is  inmain  lem-sa  Dermhacb,       Oair  is  caithir  caid  credhlacb, 
7  haair  robä  fo  gr6s       innte  tri  blladna  \  regl6s. 

9  Inmain  lem  ar  mac  aä  Cein,       inmuin  ar  üoUa  coimhr6[i]dh, 
inmain  ar  mac  nDima  ndron,        inmain  ar  Libr^n  lobhar, 
inmain  ar  gach  aon  ga  mblod       bai  a  codhail  cwraigh  ChonrocA. 

10  Caairt  Cairpri  möiri  miUsi        7  Callrai^A«  ngibhsi, 

7  Muighe  R^n  gan  roinn        sän  ein  sen  lasin  Sinainn, 
lama  tinöl  thiar  is  toir,       a  thabairt  ga  Laim  Lethain. 

11  Bendacht  for  Laim  loin  Lethain  gostic  mör  tonn  is  trethan, 
7  bendacht  Righ  na  recht       forsna  tonna  nasfoilced. 

12  Caairt  mo  charat  ciat  garga,       Conaill  is  Eogain  arda, 
a  tinöl  fria  rlgha  recht       is  a  tabairt  do  Blathmac. 

13  Blathmac  inmhain  cleirchin  cain       fail  for  lär  Doire  dealbh- 

[ghloin, 
bä  madhngönar,  a  mtc  D6,        do  chlain  ina  ciain  sidhe. 

14  Faaim  na  tainne  risin  träcbt  ac  tichtain  d'  Indber  na  mBärc, 
scolgaire  fn  lain  lüithigh  löir  do  chloistin  'sa  mochdheghöil, 
ceöl  na  henlaithi  mal6       sainghaeth  fri  dairbhribh  Doire. 

15  Frainc  7  Saxain  soma,       Bretnaigh,  Albanaigh  oUa, 
Findghaill,  Dubhghoill  bid  mole        ag  foghnam  na  hindsi-sL 

16  Mo  chaid-si  fein  sann  a  bfuss        6na  cesilaib  dorairmias, 

6r  7  claicc  carda  draing,       eich  scaaibleabhra  tar  mairthind, 
cib6  tan  dighes  for  fecht       mo  bhiathadh  's  mo  coimidecht. 

17  Int  ör  for  na  mindaibh  maith^),  na  cluicc  dona  lidanchaibh, 
na  heich  dh'  airchennchaib^)  na  ceall  airir  Älban  is  £irenn, 
garab  forra  thiar  is  toir       betid  siamh  for  a  caartaibh. 


1)  maithi  MS.  <)  aircennech-  MS, 


Digitized  byV^OOQlC 


340  KUNO  METBB, 

18  Cara  dam-sa  Crlst  mac  D6       gan  bhara,  gan  bhroghaine, 
in  gach  sist  lar  nemhdhaibh  nath        for  mo  mheanmoin 

[doTBladh. 
D. 

Mughrön  ceclnlt. 

16.  8. 105. 

1  Colum  Cille  cend  Alban,       grindi  \m  ghargblodÄ  tar  gargier, 
b&rc  bardlögh  gan  ordal,       oghdar  dfan  ardrön  airdnem. 

2  Ar  n-abstal  6gh  ard  Ärand       gan  astadh  im  6r  n-ireand, 
grlan  gan  tair,  ceim  cain  Cüaland,       6n  gaalann  D6  na  dilenn. 

3  Dathracht  tucc  Cnst  do  Chonall      gan  trist  im  rünghart  rolond, 
mac  Righ  nime  ar  dlning  derann^       trebhand  treibhi  Cnind 

[Colwm. 
C. 

Ib.  8.  37. 

Padraic  cecinit  anflair  do  bris  feirsdi  a  carpoi^  ag  Äth  in 
C[h]arpat^  ardail  (?)  ag  tamgaire  (üoluim  Chille,  oir  nir  cedaidh  Dia 
dö  dul  do  bennogud  ceneil  Conaill  co  ticedh  C.  C.  fein  7  co 
mbendaigheadh  86  iad. 

1  Inmain  aidhe^)  ilbaadhach 
caanna  cmthglan  cnmachtach 
flasal  ordraic  ilmainech, 
faidh  foillsidhti  ftrinne. 

2  Moc[h]en  slicht  da  saorgenfe^) 
na  flathfoclocA  Fergnsa, 
reim  a  gotha  glanadhbuil 
eistfit  aingil  hmaomt[h]a. 

3  Brlgh')  bladhach  a  c[h]umachta 
ni  fed  naom  na  naaerlnm 

cnr  re  reim  a  maithesa 
eiri  indglan  füaranach. 

4  Is  port  Alba»  oiregda*) 
\>id  llnta  da  ardchrabud 
is  d'alltid  a  ardblatdi, 

ni  fed  cach  a  cnimningud. 

«)  =  altir.  öigL  ')  ■aonigenfe  MS.         •)  bridh  M8. 

*)  oir  7  a  M8. 


Digitized  byV^OOQlC 


MITTEILUNOEK  AUS  IRTflOHgy  HANDSCURIFTBN.  341 

5  Bid  comeasta  a  mlrboile 
ag  ai[Q]glib  gan  indisi 

re  gach  caire  crathnaomhda 
dar  taistil  flad  finn^ödla. 

6  Bflan  eistfes  Dia  dearbu^cech 
re  a  comr&dli  cratlmaomt[h]a, 
blaid  aingil  an  Dflilemon 

ag  molad  a  mlrboiledh  0- 

7  Na  too^ha  \s  na  treaba-sa 
foicfed-sa  gan  mörbaistfd 
CO  tl  cuca  |n  firerlam 

da  cineadh  's  da  clannmaicne. 

8  A  t[h]6cht  is  dorn  t[h]airngaire 
mac  flal  fertach  Feidlimidb, 
mörmoltocA  a  mlrboile; 

tar  an  äth  nl  racham-ne 

re  bucht  aidheadh')  inmaine.    Inmain. 

Ib,  8.  97. 

1  'A  c[h]leirigh  an  c[h]nrraijjf  cain,       innis  scela  dainn  gan  ail, 
nö  cuin  tainic  ta  ar  moir       ö  mac  cennard  Feidlimidh.' 

2  Tricha  laithi  cusane,        as  6  do  sgar  me  rea  gne, 

as  uime  tainic  me  ar  sal,       d'  laraidh  fola  mic  Samain.' 

3  *Cred  sin  donlther  da  fuil,       innis,  a  c[h]leirigh  co  mbloidh, 
nö  cred  sgaru^  rea  anmhnin       in  cathmiltd  möradbul.' 

4  'Aniug  tainic  a  oidhe,       inneösa^  fis  na  hnide, 

do  sgrlbad  leabur  da  fuil,        as  uime  tainic  me  ar  muir.' 

5  'Ag  so  misi  ag  sodh  dorn  deöin,       sochaide  le  hid  ainndeöin, 
connach  abradh  breg  nar  dligh       degmoc  finnard  Feidlimidh.' 

6  NT  larab  ar  Rlgh  nime       atlic[h]uingi  na  impidhe, 

acht  taob  re  Colum  na  cros       m'  anum  do  breith  co  parrtAu^.' 

7  *Beir  ant  ogham  beg-sa  ad  laim        7  imcair  6  tar  bäidh, 
innis  do  C[h]olum  co  mhlaid       gach  nl  canaim,  a  c[h]leiriglL' 

A.  c. 

Colnm  Cille  cecinit. 

Ib.  S.  96. 
1  Torach,  aitreab  nemnech  naom,        misi  do  bennaigh  co  fir, 
in  fonn  a  bos  7  tall,       as  le  mo  c[h]rois  an  feronn. 

0  a  moniiirbiiil7  M8,  ')  altir.  oiged. 


Digitized  byV^OOQlC 


842  KÜKO  HBTEBy 

2  Mo  chros  as  minn  bladhach  btlan,       as  cenn  ar  Toraig  hothüad, 
misi  fein  Colum  co  mbloid,       mo  c[h]ros  as  minn  ar  Torat^. 

3  Aparttt«  dorad  Gridhair,        aingle  De  tue  co  hidhan, 

mo  chros  mör  an  minn  co  mbloidh       d'  foghnam  dom  c[h]ill 

[do  T[h]oraig. 

4  Torach,  aitreab  idhan  ard,       inmain  cuire  glan  nargarg, 

fa  craaidh  cribud,  fa  min  modh,        a  mbidh  rem  t[hJaob 

psan  aitreab. 

5  Crnaidhleiginn  as  minlabra,       gnathbflan  gabäil  a  salma, 
innraic  craibtech  cöir  a  bus,       gnath  troisci  7  treigdenus. 

6  Mo   t[h]eglach  naomh-sa  a  Toraig        ger  n  urnai^ti  binn 

[bfoghair, 
gradach  salmach  saltrach  sunn       llnmar  slechtan  is  n-imann. 

7  Torach  mo  naiJmaitreab  fein,       tri  cet  mite  innti  do  c[h]leir, 
nocha  bidh  enfer  dib  soin        nach  do  Dia  do  gnathfoghnaicjf. 

8  Fagaim-si  baadha  ar  Toraig       am  ainm  fen  fa  sen  soratd, 
gach  corp  da  n-annluicfider  ann,       nach  faicfid  demna  a  anum. 

9  Baaid  eli  ar  Toraig  na  treab       fagaim-si  co  brach  ar  bladh: 
nem  d'  faghail,  fa  glan  a  glöir,       da  toghfa  innti  a  manoir. 

10  Gach  arrthrach  rachu^  le  corp       go  Toraig  ö  port  do  port, 
nl  baiter  nech  da  mbia  ann,       gaibthech  anfud  a  ardtonn. 

11  Fagaim-si   ar  Toraig   co   brach        büadha  am  ainm  fein 

[Colw/m  cäidh: 
nem  da  gach  aon  lena  modh       'san  aros  a  n-adhlaictAer. 

12  Secht  lan  lamainneO  fa  secht       tncos  go  Toraig  na  bfert, 
lem  d'nir  üasail  na  rOma        do  mOradh  a  honOra. 

13  Loghad  trichad  mblladan  mban       tue  Gridair  dam-sa  ar  mo 

[gradh, 
tncus-sa  an  loghadh  male       do  T[h]oraig  togfa  innte. 

14  As  imda  naomögh  is  naomh^)        blas  a  sirguidhe  do  tslr, 
air  a  toghfa  a  Torai^  truim        in  roport  a  ngnathaiginn. 

15  Torach  is  port  boadha  co  mhlad       arus  aidhedh  is  aingel, 
sglath  gach  anma  ndlghrais  nglan      moc[h]en  innti  adhlaict/ier. 

16  Misi  as  brethem  ar  Toraig,        Colum  cain,  nl  cel  oraib, 
berad  lem  go  Crist  gan  cair       na  sloigh  innti  adhlaict^r. 

17  Colum  mac  Feidlimid  me  fein,      Torach  aitreab  naom  tarm  eis, 
aderim  re  cach  go  rath       mo  radh  siad  do  gnath  Torach. 

T. 

*)   L.  l&namDa. 

*)  Wie  der  Beim  seigt,  ist  das  Gedicht  im  Dialekt  yon  Connacht  abgefalit 


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HITTEILÜNGBK  AUS  IRISCHEN  HANDSCHBIFTEK.  343 

Bäithin  mac  Cfianach  cecinit. 

Ib.  S.  19, 

1  Cethrar  sagart,  süairc  in  dam,  Colom  Cille  7  Clar&n, 
Comgall,  ba  he  mo  t[h]ogha,  is  Brenuinn  mac  Finnlogha. 

2  Seiser  ba  heölc[h]a  rea  linn,  ba  grinn  a  cill  an  ard[d]rong, 
(üolum  Cille  |s  Brenainn  binn,  Comgall  is  MolingO  gan 

[forbonn, 
in  gilla  corcra  mac  Floinn        7  in  Dall&n  Forgaill. 

3  Eithne  oire[g]dha  na  cll,       in  Hghan  do  Chorbraigi^), 
mathair  Coluim,  comall  ngle,       ingen  Dima  mtc  NäeS. 

4  Cflanna  7  Catlnm  calma,       Odran  fa  mac  ÖadhColba, 
derbrathair  d'  Feimne  male       dann  Finnaide  firmöire. 

5  Dias  cloinne  ag  FinnabatV  feil :      Comgall  taobglan  mac  Taidhe, 
7  Cognag,  caom  a  dath,       mathair  Baithln  mtc  Cflanach. 

Colum  CUIe  cecinit. 

Ib.  8. 130. 

1  Longas  InbtV  Domnann       Sacsain  gaibhthe  mnrthrächt: 
.xl.  cet  sithlong       im  secht  cäecu  sithbhirc. 

2  Roth  ramach  co  slemhna,       fiallocA  ann  cen  merbha, 
Saxain  mna  co  ndreamna       meldai  bflar  im  Temhrai. 

3  Secht  n-athni  dar  Ejrinn,       bat  ile  [a]  batha, 
secht  n-üara  cecA  laithe       fessaithir  secht  catha. 

4  Is  adhbhal  in  röiniudh,       is  üathmar  in  cuire, 
insoide  do  chathaibh       for  Gaoidhelu  huile. 

5  Co  rlsat  in  coirthe       Mogha  Rnith,  rädh  firbalc, 
mebais  ind  roth  ramhnch,       conbebha  ind  Idhlacht. 

6  Mogh  Roith  reil  asperar       näd  celar  co  dimhör, 
conboing  ind  roth  rämhuch        dorönadh  la  Simon. 

7  Dussnicfe  tarbh  tnüthach,       cowgera  ainm  mBrighti, 
bidh  büadocA  ainm  M'  tde,       mebais  for  ^\üag  sirde. 

8  Dober  catha  doibh        do  slaagh  laimthech  lüthach, 
maoidigh  ann  for  genti,       [. . .]  in  tarb  tnathach. 

9  Dnsnicfe  Flann  Cinach       ar  abhaill  mö[i]r  siabrae, 
conbüreba  doib       in  maccan  secht  mblladnoe. 

10  Is  condae  fonffiabair,       is  focns  do  betaibh, 
a  bidhg  triasna  catha       atrimfider  cednibh. 


1)  Un  M'üng:.  *)  corbraide  MS. 


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344  KÜNO  MEYER, 

11  lar  sin  documm  mara       di  airde  for  airde, 
in  lin  ann  atluife,       rnsflrfl  min  gainme. 

12  Arnamairech  do'ibh       for  mnir  miadh  airleth, 
in  lin  ann  atluife,       derb  nosfirfe  bairgedh. 

13  Cain  condaldae  do'ibh       do  inber  for  inber, 
attrasatt  fo  üensciath       fir,  mnäoi,  mic  sceo  ingen. 

14  Cad  eat  a  cricha       atfladar  balc  tairend, 

ötft  Lecaib  PupaiM  (?)       coricce  Bac  mBairenn. 

15  (p.  131)  Longbarcaidh  co  MnmAain,       is  escaidh  a  tairbe, 
dusnicfe  in  Flann  cötna       7  cowgalr  Ailbhe. 

16  Dober  catha  doibh       dia  mb6  län  linn  fola, 
Otä  Cn&mchoill  cüannigh        connige  tninn  mara. 

17  Elndh  ann  for  romhnir,       nicon  fess  cia  dona, 
Oenbannscal  co  n-Oen^il,       alaile  derg  fola. 

18  Allmuire  iar  suidhin,       atfiadar  Ör  töiden, 

ö  6ein  CO  de  mbratha       ni  tegad  [tir]  nGaoidhel. 

19  A  airet  na  toghla       fonacaibh  mar  pnp-, 
issedh  öen  atrimter       teora  blladna  cäegat 

20  Tincfa  la  Flann  nGinach       lasan  flalchas  fenech, 
cain  crothfldher  gniacedh,        cain  mOrfaider  clerech. 

21  Tiucfa  la  Flann  Cinach       a  coimpert  madh  airledb, 
mess,  blicht  comlftn  crab-  7  bairgen. 

22  Tincfa  la  Flann  Cinach,       bidh  ffr  c&  otcherta, 
gaisc  ina  techta  crab-  nf  ba  geal  snechta. 

23  Betheobh  la  Flann  Cinach       cia  raiter  ni  mifferr, 
intan  beti  c^/aibh       öenfer  dlbh  a  n-ifcmn. 

24  Otd  flaith  Flainn  Ginnigh,       is  fir  cia  rorlme, 
ö  dein  CO  de  mbratha       is  derb  is  [s]e  mil6. 

25  Can  cen^l  Flainn  Ginnicch       a  coimpert  cain  airde, 
üä  Coirpri  cüanuidh,       uä  Gaaire  Aidhne. 

26  Cia  conidhcerta       do  dainibh  nl  rodhbndh, 

mac  Feidlimt[h]e  forfinn         a  ainm  Cille  Colnim. 

27  Allmnire  iar  snidhe       cia  räitir  in  toirrse, 

is  sirsann  a  larmag       a  haithle  na  loingsi.    Longas. 

Colum  Cille  cecinit 

16.  8. 102. 

1  An  echtrach-sa  sciath  mo  sgol,       as  derb  go  bfiatfaicter  dam, 
aithrig  dam  mo  leba  de       iter  ainglib  Bigh  nime. 


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MITTBILCNOEN  AUS  IRI8CHEK  HANDSCHRIFTEN. 


345 


2  A  gabät7  gacha  dardäin,      gach  sathairnn,  gach  domnaigh  tsair, 
nl  teid  do  c[h]inedh  na  cla[i]nii       co  brach  nö  lar  mbräch  a 

[n-ifrinn. 

3  A  gabdt{  sin  astigh  tall       gidhbe  don  muiniir  (?)  roscenncann, 
marb  co  brach  nl  recha  as       amach  fös  tar  a  doros. 

4  A  ga^)ail  [sin]  a  tigh  näi       nocha  sloinninn  sin  acht  säi, 

nl  loisg  tene  bos  bflan  blöd       's  nocha  n-airginn  crech  bidbod. 

5  A  gabät7  ar  maduin  co  moch       d'  lasgaire  re  ndal  ar  loch. 


acht  CO  creidi  do  Christ  cäid 

6  A  gabdi7  [sin]  co  grod  grod 
sgarfatd  slad  fa  bflaidh  de, 

7  A  gabäiZ  re  ndal  ar  ech, 
dodentar  äthus  da  dmim, 

8  A  cur  a  ngnalamn  eich  ain 
nl  trascartAar  marcach  dl, 

9  A  gaba}7  re  ndal  a  laing 
fer  da  foirinn  nl  teid  dl 

10  A  cur  ada  demainn  deis, 
hid  fada  h'aidhe  gan  treöir 

11  A  cur  a  n-aball  beg  ban, 
a  caithim  go  rig  a  les, 

12  A  cur-si  co  meid  ratha 
d'  anacal  anma  mic  big 

13  A  cur  a  se  deochatb  dec 
coisgftd  a  n-ita  gan  geis 

14  A  cur  a  n-aran  nö  a  n-im 
dodena  nl  bos  les  dö       7 

15  As  misi  Colam  Cille, 
anocht  tainic  mo  laithi 


gebaid  se  a  längabdtl 
do  länamain  re  comrac, 
is  blaidh  orra  bflaid  cloinne. 
madh  sldh,  mad  cogod,  mad  crech, 
is  tiacfa  slän  re  toirling. 

's  a  sllasat^  des  inn  da  laim, 
's  blaidh  airt[h]i  bflaid  coimlinge. 
ar  anfod  an  mara  moill, 
le  anfod  na  glasfairgi 
re  ndal  do  snam  gan  eislis, 

's  nl  bäithfl  tfl  tonn  aineöil. 
a  cüaich  nö  a  com  nö  a  copan, 
is  bar  cara  Jntl  caithea 
a  snaithi  glas  nö  datha, 
7  a  cur  fa  a  bragaid. 
ar  tinnis  na  mban,  's  nl  breg, 
7  töirtidh  a  tinnes. 
do  mac  re  ndal  cam  leiginn, 
hid  nem  a  iargnO. 
dalta  Righ  na  firinne, 
an  flar-si  fan  n-echtraithi.   Anecht. 


Colnm  Cille  cecinit. 

26.  S.  48,     Vgl  Rawl  B,  502,  S.  106  h  39. 

Dia  ard  airleathari)  •  aingel  innrechta^)  •  tabhrodÄ  daigh- 
berta*)  •  for  ar  n-imthechta  •  for  ar  n-imrimim*)  '  arnachelamar. 
arnachomanar^)  *  risam  tisam  t^rnamar  *  for  ar  ndianairlibh.  Dia 
dorn  aidhbredh-sa<)  *  Grist  dorn  dhiti-si^)  *  Dia  dorn  airli-si^). 


0  irlethar  R, 
*)  imrimmfnd  R, 
^  ditesaJS. 


')  aügel  indrechU  E, 
^)  arnacAomon  R. 
•)  airlite«  R. 


*)  dagberta  R. 
•)  aithbreM  R. 


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346  KUKO  IfETER, 

Ib,  S.  27. 
Vgl  Lebor  Brecc  (L),  S.  262h  76:  Loricca  Coluim  Ciüi  incipit. 

1  Sciath  De  do  nim  umam       ar  bith  che,  cäin  anradh^), 
tairsit  a  ngail^)  gnimradh        aingeal  De  dorn  tälgadh^). 

2  Mörc[h]oimdi  na  ndomun,        Rl  na  righ  admuirer«), 
ar  altaib,  ar  neimib        ardonceltair  cuirer*). 

3  Amail  rocuir«)  Moire        a  mac  ar^)  cüairt  coime^), 
ardomcaire  samlaid')        co  häes  n-adhbal  n-aghrai<>). 

4  Ar  meabhaib,  ar  mertain,        ar  buidhib,  ar  brecaib, 
ar  fiebraib,  ar  ataib,       ar  baeghlaibii),  ar  lecaib. 

5  Ar  cithaibi^),  ar  cestaib,        ar  cathaib,  ar  coscar^»), 
ar  trethan,  ar  thrasgairt,        ar  lasair,  ar  loscadh^^). 

6  1^)  Ar  torainn  an  alltair,        ar  galar,  ar  geinntib, 
ar  millmd  in  cenntair,        ar  siUiud,  ar  teinntib. 

7  CeltÄir  De  do  nimib       omam  for  na  huilib, 

ar  toraibh,  ar  teinigh,        ar  conaib,  ar  cuirib^«). 

8  Ar  trethnaib,  ar  tonnaib,        ar  lochaib,  ar  linnib^'), 
ar  planuib,  ar  buillib,       ar  rladhaib^»),  ar  rinnib*»). 

9  Ar  plädhaib^o)^  ar  planuib,       ar  lamaim^i),  ar  faebraib, 
ar  ogaib  do  tsiabhraib,        ar  brodaib,  ar  bäeghluib. 

10  Ar  tsergaib,  ar  ithib,       ar  iupaib^^),  ar  fathaib^^)^ 
ar  mnirib,  ar  mithibh,        ar  guinib,  ar  gaithfib^*). 

11  Fo  lam  De  am  torann,       am  trebann,  am  tarann, 
am  bir  do  brfl  barann,        am  inneöin  nöi  ngabann. 

12  Am  ail  for  sleib  sciathach       moire  amor  athar  (?), 
am  rian  ran  go  rüathar,       am  mac  mör  na  matbar. 


*)  arad  L.  ')  tairsed  iarngail  L, 

*)  snädnd  L.  *)  armnirer  L, 

')  arfelltaib  aromnn  *  arcelltraib  nacnired  L, 

•)  MardochoirX.  ')  im  L. 

")  cömga  cnnnla  L.  *)  coromditne  corasamla  L. 

1®)  cohoes  nadba  lubnd  L, 

")  Armedair  arbr^taib  -  arbuidnib  arbr^caib  *  arhidlaib  areltaib *  arfoebraibX. 
")  chethaib  L,  *•)  coscraib  L. 

>')  arlassair  arloscnd  *  arthretban  artbroscud  L. 
«*)  om,  L. 

1*)  Cathbarr  d6  donim  *  bamchorp  bamanmain  nile  *  arthoraind  artbeine  * 
archonaib  archoire  L. 

'^)  arlonga[i]b  dolindib  L.  '")  ria^b  L. 

»)  Eier  bricht  L  ab.  «)  l.  plÄjfhaib. 

«)  l  Tarnaib.  «)  l  npthaib. 

»)  l.  Sithib.  **)  l.  gftibthib. 


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MITTEILUNGEN   AUS   IRISCHEN  HANDSCHRIFTEN.  347 

13  Am  tonn  forsmbid  muire,       am  cloidhem  trom  tana, 
nl  fuil  näcAambeaba        do  neoch  n&chamcara. 

14  Bomc[h]ara  mac  Moire,       coimsidh  greine  gile, 
snaidhsim  Dia  na  n-uile,       risim  Rl[g]  secht  nime. 

15  Molsam  gach  maith  molair,       ainsim  gach  bridh  mbonaidh, 
bladsum  gach  tonn  toraidh,       snaidhsim  gach  slüadh  suhaidh. 

16  OrTansom  grian,  cain  cainnel,       saorsnm  gach  dan  daingen, 
märsim  Dia  na  finnnem,       caomsnm  Coimdi  aingel. 

17  Atach  cain  an  Coimdi,       mo  m&in,  as  ^  a  adradh, 
spimt  naom,  naall  cnimnech,       aiteocham  fria  a  labra[d]. 

18  Lairech  De  domrösat       dorn  cnamaib  cain  tTasat, 
döigh  nT  bidhbaid  gsisit,     döigh  nl  ranna  rlasat 

19  Döigh  nT  namaid  rTaraid       Maire  immoraidid, 
döig  nT  cesta  cüirit,       döigh  nT  hnisgi  baidhitt. 

20  Döigh  nT  formad  flne,       döigh  nimraba  maire, 
döig  nimloisge  tene,       döigh  nimmarba  dnine. 

21  Romain  ar  gach  caingnib      mac  Moire  go  n-ainglib  finna[ib], 
lüirech  De  fam  balloib       öm  moUucA  gom  finnoib. 

22  M'  anom,  mo  nert  oile       öm  c[h]orp  go  halt  m'  fine, 

fodbrabt  a  Moire,       fo  sciathraigh  Righ  nime. 

23  Snaidhsim  mac  na  näime       Moire  mördat  mTle, 
ar  gach  mbas  ar  talmain,       ar  galar  acht  crlne. 

24  Mo  C[h]aomög  a  LTathmoigh,       Mo  Laisi  cen  dTc[h]Ieith, 
romain  ar  caa[i]n  crüachdoib        MoLing  a  Glinn  Dlthrib. 

25  Na  rumtäirli  a  thlaithrech,       na  rammeile  larann, 
na  ruminnill  bodhba       gein  mairfed  for  doman, 
mo  chorp  7  m'  anom       romain  ar  gach  n-oman 

scTath  De  do  nim  tarom. 

Sc.  De. 

Colam  etile  cecinit. 

Ib.  8, 116. 

1  DTa  na  ndäl  dom  dhTdin        ar  cach  teidhm  ar  talmain, 
dom  coimhed  gach  inhaidh       ar  imghoin,  ar  armoibh. 

2  Ar  dhomhan  dom  dhallad,       ar  mh^llad  6  maoinibh, 
ar  email  gach  Oabhair,       ar  dheamnaibh,  ar  dhaoinibh. 

3  Ar  cleasaibh  na  coUa       dom  chealccadh  6n  cribhadh, 
ar  dhoraidh  6  dhiabol,       ar  ghonoibh,  ar  gh&bhadh. 

4  Ar  orchar,  ar  oilbeim,       ar  ledradh,  ar  losccod, 
ar  cathais,  ar  c^taibh,       ar  athais,  ar  oscar. 

Z«iiaobrift  r.  Mit.  Pbllologi«  X.  23 


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348      KUNO  MEYER,   MliTEfl.üNOEM   AU8   IRISCHEN  HANDSCHRIFTEN. 

5  Ar  nert  neimhnech  nimhatt,       ar  gach  n-6ccöir  n-uile, 
ar  gach  glonnaibh  goimhe,       ar  thonnaibh,  ar  thoile. 

6  Ar  lochaib,  ar  linnübh,       ar  aiscedhaibh  innbher, 
ar  cuire  na  caidben,       ar  gach  oile  imnedb. 

7  Ar  clochoibh,  ar  crannaibh,       ar  alltaibh,  ar  Qamaibh, 
ar  dheabhtaibh  ö  dhaoloibh       ar  cethraibh,  ar  coannibh. 

8  Ar  threthan,  ar  theinntigh,        ar  gaothaibh,  ar  glaimnigh, 
ar  dhoinind,  ar  dhroighnibh,       ar  thoraind,  ar  thairnigh. 

9  Ar  bh&s  obann  aigm6il,       ar  gach  n-aisling  n-äathmhair, 
ar  sc&olraidh,  ar  scäthaibh,        ar  iiaebhratdh,  ar  66adghail. 

10  Gan  mh6  d'  faigsin  iffnnn,        gen  6  6adh  dorn  faiccsin, 
ö  lioibh,  6  loiscthib,        6  ghnimhoibh,  ö  ghaistibh. 

11  Ar  mh^llad,  ar  mhire,        ar  daoinibh  n&ch  diadha, 

ar  na  rennaibh  rfiadha       gosna  dremaibh  diana.    D.  n. 

12  Nir  adhrass  dorn  ghaidhe,        uär  anu^  arm  adhart, 
tacc  mo  ceim  gu  comholc,       mc  mo  reim  's  mo  radharc. 

13  Gach  itchi  n&r  faomhu^       ort,  a  Bi  fial  fertach, 

nch  a  thriath  foU  fechtach,       me  cen  conn  i$  cintach. 

14  Gach  itche  rotiarrus       ort,  a  thriath  gan  tomhus, 
dogh^bh  g^n  gor  ghabhass,       a  Bi  na  srebh  solu^s. 

15  Logh  dam,  a  Dh6,  anossa       mo  pecaidh  's  mo  piana, 
leig  mo  chaing^n  cüanna       co  daingean  's  co  diadha. 

16  Ar  h'  iille  's  ar  h'  einech,        ar  h'  Oaisle  's  ar  h'  flrta, 
a  Rl  suiibhir  sotla,       na  cuimnigh  mo  cinnta. 

17  Do  chrochad  's  do  chesadh,       h'  6g,  a  Issa,  |s  airde, 
cuir  a  n-aghaidh  th'  feirge       dorn  chabhair  gan  chairde. 

D.  L  a. 

Charlottenbnrg.  Euno  Meter. 


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ERLÄUTERUNGEN  UND  BESSERUNGEN 
ZU  IRISCHEN  TEXTEN. 


1.  Zu  Stokes'  Aasgabe  Ton  O'Dayorens  Glossar. 

§  40.    accais  wird  auch  in  §  399  durch  itnnidh  glossiert 
§  113.    Statt  eneclann  lies  eueclainn. 
§  134.    Statt  munal  lies  munab. 
§  141.    Statt  ad'Cumrigim  lies  ad-rigim. 
§  173.    Das  Zitat  stammt  aus  einem  in  YBL  140  b  erhaltenen 

Gedichte,  wo  es  sich  in  Z.  24  mit  der  Variante  raib  statt 

rob  findet. 
§  189.    Das  Zitat  mani  bat  ainmnet  findet  sich  Trip.  78,  19. 
§  195.    docithi  dadae  (leg.  d'adaig)  „wurde  zur  Nacht  gesehen^. 
§  196.    Statt  teasbod  lies  teasbaid. 
§  281.    Statt  combongat  lies  conbongat 

§  315.    initi  snles  trena  brat  „was  durch  seinen  Mantel  dringt^. 
§  329.    Die  hier  zitierte  Strophe,  die  O'Mulc.  §  180  Flann,  d.  h. 

Flann  mac  Lonain  beigelegt  wird,  läfst  sich  folgender- 

mafsen  herstellen  und  übersetzen: 

üsce  siebe  nhnsäsa,        coibche  co  ngeri  gnüsa, 

deog  daim  duinn  techtas  llüsar,        bis  lüsar  cenislüs-sa, 

'Mountain-water  does  not  satisfy  me,  a  boon  that  makes 
one  pull  a  wry  face  —  the  drink  of  a  fallow  deer  that 
bellows,  maybe  it  is  enjoyed,  though  /  enjoy  it  not'. 

Das  Verbum  lüsaim^  zu  dem  lüs  die  konjunkte  Form 
der  1.  Sg.  des  ä- Konjunktivs  ist,  bedeutet  vielmehr 
„kosten,  geniefsen^  als  „trinken^,  da  es  bei  O'Dav.  1195 
auch  von  Speisen  gebraucht  wird  {ma  lusait  tüara  j  dig). 
Es  findet  sich  auch  H  3. 18,  S.  212:  gur  las  büas  bang 
na  Böinde  .%,  gur  ibh  se  an  elada  do  bhl  'sna  cnäibh 


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350  KUNO  METER, 

ifnais.  Das  Wort  coibche  bedeutet  in  weiterem  Sinne 
„Gabe,  Geschenk". 

§  340.  ara  clith  ist  hier  und  in  §  407  in  aracJUich  zu  ändern, 
wie  §  162  richtig  steht.    S.  ar-clichim,  Contrib. 

§  341.    Lies  an  anifn[m]e, 

§  344.  a  c[h]uinnsi  cucht  Hhe  figure  of  bis  face',  mit  voran- 
gestelltem Genitiv. 

§  350.  roclüi  aicmi  ilMandaig  'he  overthrew  a  tribe  of  many 
subdivisions'.  ilchlandaig  ist  nicht  der  G^n.  Sg.  eines 
KoUektivums,  wie  Stokes  will,  sondern  der  Acc.  Sg.  fem. 
eines  Adjektivs  ilMandach. 

§  460.  Hier  ist  ime-fri-son  nur  eine  etymologische  Zerlegung 
von  im(b)reson. 

§  463.    Statt  fir  elgnais  lies  /fr  elgnais. 

§  476.  Das  Zitat  stammt  aus  einem  Gedichte  in  den  Verslehren 
(Ir.  T.  in  50,  19  und  28),  und  ist  wohl  zu  lesen: 

cöic  bäe  cacha  mörnatha        ncid  dichressa  q,  caramna 

„fünf  Kühe  für  jedes  grofse  nath,  deren  Leiber  (?)  nicht 
mager  seien".  Das  Metrum  verlangt  dreisilbigen  Ausgang 
der  Verszeilen. 

§  480.  lar  cül,  was  Stokes  wörtlich  *at  the  back'  übersetzt, 
bedeutet  vielmehr  *on  behalf  of ',  wie  es  z.B.  Thes.n  289, 18 
richtig  übersetzt  ist  Zu  den  dort  angeführten  Beispielen 
läfst  sich  Mon.  Tall.  §  24  hinzufügen:  in  raibi  athchomarc 
lat  iar  do  chül  ria  tudecht  hicc?  *hadst  thou  permission 
on  thy  behalf  before  Coming  here?'  nicht  *of  those  whom 
thou  didst  leave',  wie  die  Herausgeber  übersetzen.  Aber 
in  anderem  Zusammenhang  kann  iar  cal  auch  „hinter 
dem  Rücken"  bedeuten,  z.  B.  SR  5815:  cen  nt  tar  cfU 
„ohne  dafs  er  irgend  etwas  zurückhielt,  verbarg". 

§  493.  Statt  nola  air  ist  gewifs  no-da-air  „er  pflügt  sie"  zu 
lesen. 

§  515.  int  cruiter  and  *that  which  is  milked  therein'.  S.  crudim 
und  cruthaim,  Contrib. 

§  530.    conclethi  ist  in  conchlichi  zu  ändern. 

§  547.  Das  Zitat  ist  aus  einem  Fothad  na  Canöine  zugeschriebenen 
Gedichte,  welches  sich  in  Egerton  1782,  46  b  und  23  N  10, 
S.  82  findet  und  anfängt:  Dia  mbat  n  bat  rJgchertach. 


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BRLAUTBRÜNOBN   UND   BB8SERUN6BN   ZU   IRISCHEN  TEXTEN.      351 

Statt  iter  clainn  y  geinelacJi  heilst  es  dort  for  clainn  usw. 

cusin  nömad  nö  möchte  ich  „bis  zum  nennmal  neunten" 

übersetzen,  indem  nö  des  Reimes  wegen  für  nöi  steht. 
§  593.    Das  Zitat  stammt  aus  TBC,  z.  B.  LL  263  b  29  immorchor 

lädelend, 
§  603.    airbere  ist  mit  „Vorwurf,  Tadel"  zu  übersetzen. 
§  638.    cen  derhdilsi  dlicht  stammt  aus  dem  alten  Texte  Imm- 

athchor   Ailello   ocus   Airt   (Anecd.  III 29,  10),   wo   die 

Lesart  cen  dagcUlse  dlicht  lautet 
§  702.    Statt  dos  ndime  lies  dosnditne  'he  binds  them'. 
§  708.    Mit  dofeilge  vgl.  dofeilce  §  710. 
§  748.    Beide  Zitate,  meiser  aicde  ar  a  deimni  und  meiser  Hoch 

aar  dcitnni,  stammen  aus  Andacht  Morainn. 
§  757.    for  a  bith-denma  kommt  auch  LL  278  a  35  (6riu  1 90, 5)  vor. 
§  780.    Statt  erain  lies  eräin, 
§  813.    Statt  asbetV  lies  asberr. 
§  828.    Statt  iMged  lies  äligiud  (Dat.  instr.).  Zu  diesem  archaischen 

Gebrauch  des  Dativs  vgl.  z.  B.  ana  beochell  benair  dänaib, 

O'Dav.  282;   diubairt  eclaise  breithir  nö  gnim,   ib.  192; 

fordtastar  iedmaim,  ib.  691. 
§  846.    Fäiltigern  stellt  sich  nicht  zu  ßl,  sondern  zu  ßil  „Wolf". 
§  848.    fonnamh  =  *fO'^näm. 
§  849.    Das  Zitat  stammt  wieder  aus  dem  Gedichte  in  Ir.  T.  m  50. 

Es  ist  zu  lesen: 

fuirim  sen^amaisc        ar  dein  co  ndronchöiri. 

§  861.    Statt  'censure'  lies  'contempt'  {iäinsem). 

§  882.    Das  Zitat  ist  den  BrethaNemed  entnommen.  Vgl.  Ir.T.  11128 

§  68:  da  sui  forcanar  nad  forcanar  duinib  (leg.  döinib). 

Es  ist  wohl  zu  übersetzen:  „Wer  ist  der  Weise,  welcher 

gelehrt  wird,  der  nicht  von  Menschen  gelehrt  wird?" 
§  910.    Vor  *over-consumption'  ist  *unlawful'  einzuschalten. 
§  916.    Statt   CO   faihaib  feith  lies  co  ßtha  (sie  F)   feith,  mit 

vorangestelltem  Genitiv. 
§  951.    Zu  ßasnad  vgl  ßasnadh  .i.  sgäüedh,   ut  est:  fUasnad 

luighe  nö  anmcardesa,  H  3.  18,  62  b. 
§  1003.  Vgl.  jetzt  Eriu  HI  S.  96. 
§  1004.  coitte  ist  nicht  zu  cotut,  sondern  zu  coit  zu  stellen.   Vgl. 

calad  .».  crüaid  nö  coit,  F6L  Ixxi. 
§  1026.  Statt  conberbar  liest  H  3. 18,  615  a  conberbthar. 


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352  KUNO  MSYEB, 

§  1063.  Das  Zitat  (grimfa  grömfa,  glämfa  glämfa)  ist  aus  Fingen 

mac  Flainns  Gedicht  (Arcb.  III  297  §  47)  entnommen. 
§  1072.  Statt  inloing  liest  O'Mnlc.  537  inellaig.     Zn  diesem  und 

dem  folgenden  Paragraphen  vgl.  Sitzongsber.  der  EgL 

preols.  Akademie  1913,  S.  453. 
§  1073.  Nö  dula  usw.  gehört  zn  §  1074,  mit  dem  §  1106  zu  ver- 
gleichen ist 
§  1091.  Vgl.  Sitzungsber.  1914,  S.  640. 
§  1122.  Zu  impetoir  vgl.  oc  cech  altöir  y  terimpetoir  .t.  imoZ^iV, 

firiu  I  219,  §  9,  wo  O'Keeffe  das  Wort  mit  'portable 

altar'  fibersetzt. 
§  1130.  inlolaig  „sammelte^,  zu  in-long-. 
§  1218.  lam  steht  wohl  ffir  lemm  „für  mich^.     airbhüiu  wohl 

=  airfitiud,  wie  oben  §  45.    Vgl.  airbitiud,  Imr.  Br.  §  18. 
§  1223  a.  amail  descaidh  madne  mughtnenman  'like  dregs  .  .  of  a 

slavish  mind'. 
§  1226.  Statt  bis  a[c]  cufna8[e]  a  chetuil  lies  bis  a  cumas  {cumes  F) 

a  chetuil, 
§  1246.  Hier  bedeutet  inde  „Eingeweide",  nicht  'meaning',  wie 

Stokes  übersetzt. 
§  1265.  tuih  bracha  'the  smell  of  malt'. 

§  1267.  mera  mescül  seil  'wild  are  the  stories  of  a  drunken  man' 
§  1294.  Statt  cidii  lies  dt  {cid  E)\  statt  rohordaighe^  lies  rohor- 

daighei. 
§  1295.  Statt  'blue'  lies  'woad'  (glaisin). 
§  1313.  /ir  conort  cetc[h]inta  'of  a  man  who  has  committed  (his) 

first  crimes'.    Zu  con-urgg  vgl  conoirg  Laws  IV  174  z. 

176,  2.    coniuratar,  Immac.  in  da  th.  §  247. 
§  1328.  Statt  cid  ro  oir  lies  cid  rö-orr. 
§  1345.  Das  Zitat  findet  sich  Arch.  m  293. 
§  1368.  Hier  ist  ro-echtach   eine   etymologisierende  Glosse   zu 

rucht(ich. 
§  1393.  rodet  'he  was  granted',  nicht  'he  granted'. 
§  1394.  ronecam  findet  sich  auch  Arch.  m  294  §  13. 
§  1406.  Statt  sobh(»  lies  sobhu5.    Slaag  sobhus  'a  well-behaved 

army'. 
§  1416.  be  sües  sruih  cociha  for  cüla  'a  woman  that  tums  back 

a  stream  of  warfare'. 
§  1445.  CO  n-imatso  sofis.    Lies  co  n-imat  sofis.    Das  erste  so  ist 

Dittographie. 


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ERLÄUTBRUMQEN  VSD  BBS8BRUNQBN  ZU   IRISCHEN  TEXTEN.      353 

§  1481.  Das  Zitat  sui  cach  sotnnaighe  stammt  ans  Triads  §  251, 

wo  die  Lesart  sät  cach  somnath  ist. 
§  1482.  Statt  coirmthech  cen  faiscre  lies  c.  cen  faim^is. 
§  1511.  Statt  impa  lies  infra. 
§  1535.  Hier  bedeutet  co  wohl  „wie?" 
§  1547.  Lies  tennid  hreo  tengad  tulbretha,  wo  tengad  (sie  EF) 

wieder  der  voranfgestellte  Gtenitiv  ist    Statt  frithiaige 

lies  frith^aufc  (F). 
§  1551.  Die  Glosse  findet  sich  anch  in  H  3. 18,  62  b:  imtogrenn 

firenech  firfili  A.  is  eim  ioibhghes  in  flrfUi  anni  doberar 

tar  cenn  einigh. 
§  1565.  Dies  Zitat  stammt  ans  einem  alten  Gedicht,  welches 

Ir.  T.  ni  51  erhalten  ist  und  dort  (Z.  6)  so  lantet: 
atlochur  techt  i  tech  co  rlg, 
§  1604.  Vgl  ffib.  Min.  S.  8,  Z.  271. 

2.  Za  Stokes'  Aasgabe  Ton  O'Malconrys  Glossar. 

§  3.    Hier  haben  wir  eine  Halbstrophe  in  rannaigecht: 

iuatha  abacc  usci  üair,        glüair  conanai  i  cach  däil 

„die  Biberstämme  des  kalten  Wassers,  glänzend  wohnen 

sie  zusammen  in  jeder  Versammlung^. 

glüair  ist  also  nicht  Gen.  Sg.,  wie  Stokes  im  Glossar 

annimmt,  sondern  Nom.  Sg.  Plnr. 
§  20.    H  liest  adunde. 
§  32.    H  liest  aicde. 
§  35.    H  liest  ycUin  utrum  latine, 
§  40.    H  liest  a  uerbo. 
§  42.    H  liest  amurca, 
§  43.    Statt  inmi  hat  die  Hs.  (YBL)  immi. 
§  48.    H  liest  ingen. 
§53.    Vgl.  §718. 
§  54.    Statt  ö  odaig  liest  H  bodaig.    Statt  choimdid  lies  coimdid 

(„wie  der  Wagenlenker  dem  Herrn  vorangeht"). 
§  61.    Statt  tolltes  hat  die  Hs.  toUty  (i.  e.  tolltut). 
§  67.    H  liest  iosach  n-agho. 
§  73.    Statt  aduli[er]o  lies  aduUo. 
§  84.    H  liest  amhae. 
§  85.    H  liest  ammana. 
§  98.    H  liest  aedesia. 


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354  KUHO  METEB, 

§  104.    Lies  ni  Iren  fri  dantMgud  arba. 

§  107.    H  3. 18  liest:  fri  fuil  in  tml  möir  ni  fodmat  bronda  anfen. 

Wie  die  Alliteration  zeigt,  haben  wir  es  mit  rhythmischer 

Prosa  zn  tun. 
§  108.    Lies:  ut  dixit  Bracän  Claon: 

Sadall  1)  farsid  for  druim  eich      i$  mac  Luigne  nochan  uü 

„Ein  alter  Sattel  anf  einem  Pferderflcken  ist  nicht  unter 

M.L." 
§  110.    H  liest  mid  nais, 
§  123.    Statt  läiihe  lies  laithe.    Statt  bratiium  ist  brauium  (ßga- 

ßetov)  zu  lesen,  das  im  Durham  Ritual  92  mit  mind 

glossiert  wird. 
§  125.    H  liest  breth  ocai.    Zu  ainm  cUcepta  biki  vgl.  nomen 

aiciuchta  belrai  §  229. 
§  132.    Die  Hs.  hat  Be  Net  .i.  mulier  eius. 
§  134.    Lies  ni  tet  i  nihil 
§  138.    Statt  oi  65  lies  a  bes  und  vgl  Hib.  Min.  S.  13,  440: 

bes  7  uita  donintai. 
§  139.    banuagrag  ist  in  ban-augrach  „zänkisch  wie  ein  Weib^ 

zu  korrigieren. 
§  140.    bemandro  i  e.  ßf}(ia  dpÖQog. 
§  143.    Hinter  flechad  hat  H  noch  dicitur  brec. 
§  154.    Statt  hie  lies  hi[n]c. 

§  159.    H  liest  orator.    Es  handelt  sich  gewifs  um  eine  Etymo- 
logie von  briathar,  wie  Stokes  bemerkt;  aber  es  wird  die 

archaische  Form  brethor  zugrunde  gelegt 
§  166.    Lies  failid. 

§  167.    Statt  bit  hat  H  bid  (i.e.  Md). 
§  171.    Zu  bo  .1.  laus  vgl  §  213. 
§  175.    H  liest  batialia. 
§  190.    H  Uest  IS. 

§  194.    Auch  H  liest  caldce  y  eaihlae. 
§  195.    H  hat  CTunn(B  und  falo  statt  hxJLo. 
§  198.    Statt  dotim  liest  H  dieim. 
§  208.    Statt  fria  ilwXmad  lies  fri  athalmad  =  ath-folmad.   Statt 

crüi  hat  H  chrui  und  statt  acam  coss  richtig  a  camchoss. 

Lies  bachall  dod[e]im  a  chamchoss  „ein  Stab  stützt  seinen 

krummen  Fufs". 

*)  sadaill  Hb. 


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§  211.    cernit  steht  in  der  Hs. 

§  213.    Lies  grece  cae  [.t.]  7  „griechisch  xal  d.  h.  und". 

§  236.    H  liest  conto  statt  conta, 

§  240  gehört  zu  239. 

§  245.    Lies  gü-scor  und  vgl.  ga-lenis  §  260. 

§  254.    idem  ist  in  item  zu  bessern. 

§  266.    Hier  bricht  H  mit  dem  Worte  combric  ab. 

§  268.    Lies  oathal,  wie  der  Reim  mit  tnudiad  zeigt. 

§  274.    H  3.  18  hat  richtig  cach  suiligh. 

§  276.    Statt  curchän  hat  H  3.  18  curchaiby  statt  cid  doa, 

§  277.    Das  Zitat  stammt  aus  einem  Gedichte,  das  Ir.  T.  I  163 

abgedruckt  ist. 
§  300.    huithe  ist  in  luithi  (Part,  nee.)   zu  ändern.    Vgl.  Cain 

Adamnain  S.  44. 
§  310.    duh-en  ist  wohl  „Rabe",  nicht  „Krähe".    Vgl. 

*Some  say  the  ravens  fester  torlom  children 
The  whilst  their  own  birds  famish  in  the  nest.' 

(Titus  Andronicus). 

§  312.    Statt  chais  hat  die  Hs.  richtig  chois.    H  3. 18  liest  ni 

indula  da  chois  „nicht  zu  Fufs  zu  begehen". 
§  315  a.    digres  ist  wohl  digra/s  zu  lesen. 
§  349.    Wie  die  Siebenzahl  der  Silben  und  die  Alliteration  zeigen, 

ist  breth  ruc  dlabul  ö$  druimden  ein  Vers. 
§  357.    In  detracere  steht  c  für  ch  =  h, 
§  361a.    Lies  ecne  .{.  c-chimuth  und  ^i]sc.    Das  zweite  ecad  ist 

für  ecne  verschrieben. 
§  368.    Lies  ab  iectione, 

§  371.    Lies:  vel  edom  quia  edendo  intestina  uiuit. 
§  375.    Lies:  di  labrai  thond  i  side  „von  dem  Geschwätz  der 

Wogen  in  diesem". 
§  402.    Zu  ruiced  (=  ruccad[)  vgl.  ruced  §  456. 
§  403.    Lies:  ar  is  $i  rann  itä  fodail  na  sians  A,  fades, 
§  417.    H  3. 18  liest  richtig  fir  Erann, 
§  427.    eine    immenessamar    „solange    wir   verzehren    mögen", 

5-Konj.  zu  imm-ithim. 
§  443.    Lies  unus  alaich  7  ala[ich]  cech  öin  „dasselbe  Betragen 

wie  das  Betragen  eines  jeden". 
§  456.    Lies  dith  n-oco. 
§  462.    ni  cumtaig  =  nin-cumtaig  „bedeckt  ihn  nicht". 


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356  KUNO  METER, 

§  479.  dlllä  er  amiris,  dlllü  demin  döchce  „die  Wahrheit  vertreibt 

den  Zweifel,  das  Sichere  vertreibt  die  Mutmafsung". 

§  527.  Lies  docurethar. 

§  541.  gniat  Hs.  =  gniat[h].    Vgl.  mac  Augaine  Irgnaith,  §  606. 

§  544.  Lies  fngec[h]. 

§  549.  Hinter  timor  fügt  H  2.  15,  S.  41  hinzu:   unde   dicitur 

fuftadh  .t.  omnad. 

§  550.  Statt  hend  muchnce  lies  Bend  nluchncB  mit  der  Hs. 

§  557.  Lies  focAras. 

§  558.  Lies  Gaim  a  ch€[me]  =  x^tfia.    Vgl.  §  615. 

§  566.  Statt  ut  est  isinti  hat  die  Hs.  uestis  indi. 

§  573.  Lies  for  bü,  nicht  „upon  death"  wie  Stokes,  Arch.  1 474 

will,  sondern  „on  kine". 

§  575.  Lies  foirbthe  (fibthe  Hs.). 

§  599.  Die  Hs.  hat  F^  .i.  fe, 

§  606.  Statt  Belach  hat  H  3. 18  Belut 

§  634.  H  3. 18  liest  gelit 

§  635.  H  3. 18  liest  gleo. 

§  637.  duine  duine  ist  Dittographie.    H  3. 18  hat  nur  einmal 

duine, 

§  638.  Hinter  nf  ben  fttgt  H  3. 18  sed  filia  hinzu. 

§  639.  H  3. 18  hat  manoy. 

§  640.  H  3. 18  hat  glynoon. 

§  666.  Wohl  guth-ree  „Stimme  der  Zeit". 

§  677.  Lies  i  merful 

§  679.  Lies  Olaanderc  .t.  glau  finn  dar  a  süil. 

§  686.  Lies  in  Guthart  (Name  eines  Flusses). 

§  688.  Lies  äille  na  sine, 

§  704.  Lies  fuil  dond  idain,  linn  dond  itu  und  vgl.  Corm.  §  770. 

§  706.  Die  Hs.  hat  nicht  iach,  sondern  ich. 

§  711.  Lies  cüana  y  choin,  hüala  7  ilach. 

§  726.  Statt  Bret[hain]  lies  Brei[ain\  Der  Satz  ist  vollständig. 

§  727.  Lies  ar  doman, 

§  744.  Statt  aro  chuci  ist  wohl  ar  a  chumci  zu  lesen. 

§  768.  Das  Zitat  bildet  eine  Strophe  in  debide.    Statt  cuime 

lies  cuiren.    Es  reimt  auf  cuilen,  das  wieder  mit  nos- 

cicharän  alliteriert 

§  779.  Statt  Labrod  lies  Labraid. 

§  789.  Die  Hs.  hat:  direch  nded  fri  saigid  set 


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ERLÄUTERUNaEN   UND  BfiSSEBUNaEN   ZU  IRISCHEN   TEXTEN.      357 

§  808.    Lies  ainm  tiprat  ^)  asromuid. 

§  812.    H  8. 18,  82  b  liest  mocon  statt  mocho, 

§  816.    Die  Hs.  hat  richtig  imsai. 

§  822.    Die  Hs.  hat  grame. 

§  830  d.    Aos  dänae  jn  rig  co  rinnib  ist  ein  Vers  aus   einem 

Gedicht. 
§  830  e.    Lies  cai  for  barraib  „ein  Kuckuck  auf  Baumkronen". 
§  830  g.    Vgl.  Sitzungsber.  d.  KgL  preufs.  Akad.  1914,  S,  941. 
§  8301     Statt  dober  hat  die  Hs.  diber. 
§  839.    Statt  ut  dicitur  hat  H  3. 18  ut  dixit  Fer  Muman. 
§  841.    Die  Hs.  hat  nicht  muincdiy  sondern  tnuinchi. 
§  859.    Lies  sogen  ntac  mac  Conaill  Cemaig,  ein  Vers. 


0  Hprati  Ms. 

Charlottenburg.  Euno  Meter. 


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ÜBER  EINIGE  QUELLENANGABEN 
DER  TOGAIL  TROI. 


Zu  den  „Irischen  Texten"  II*,  S.  108  habe  ich  ans  der 
in  der  Stowehandschrift  DIV2  (damals  Nr.  992)  befindlichen 
Versionen  der  Togail  Troi  folgende  Stelle  abgedruckt,  die  sich 
weder  in  den  von  Stokes  veröffentlichten  Versionen  noch  im 
Buch  von  Ballymote  findet:  0  conidh  amlaidh  sin  indisis  sdair 
in  fili  socenelach  do  Franccaib  ceiimrum  luingi  Argo  le  gasruidih 
glana  Grec  co  hinis  leaburburccaigh  Leimhin  y  rofcuxaib  Feirgil  7 
Dairiet  Frigeta  7  Eiinir  Oothach  in  scel  sin  ar  iaraidh  in 
croicind  örda  in  reithi  Frisicda  i  dnn  sleibi  uraird  Isper  iarihair 
deiscirt  Afraicthi,  conidh  e  cathugud  ban  Indsi  Leimhin  connicc 
sin.  Finii.  Dies  übersetzte  ich  damals: 2)  „So  erzählt  die 
Geschichte  der  adlige  Dichter  der  Franzosen,  (nämlich)  die 
erste  Fahrt  des  Schiffes  Argo"  usw.  und  sah  darin  einen  Bezug 
auf  den  „Roman  de  Troie"  des  Benoit  de  St.  More.  Jetzt  hat 
sich  auf  meine  Bitte  Herr  Dr.  van  Hamel  bei  einem  Besuch  in 
Dublin  die  Stelle  angesehen  und  gefunden,  dafs  in  der  Hand- 
schrift nicht  schlechtweg  sdair  steht,  sondern  dies  erst  aus  stait 
korrigiert  ist.  Letzteres  ist  natürlich  die  richtige  Lesart,  die 
keiner  Korrektur  bedurfte.  Stait  ist  nämlich  die  altirische 
Wiedergabe  des  römischen  Namens  Statins,  und  so  ist  zu  über- 
setzen: „So  erzählt  Statins,  der  adlige  Dichter  aus  Gallien,  die 
erste  Fahrt  des  Schiffes   Argo".     Frainc  „Franken"   ist  dem 


0  Sie  steht  am  Ende  der  Enählung  des  Argonantenzages,  die  in  aUen 
Veraionen  der  irischen  Trojasage  der  eigentlichen  Togaxl  Trox  Toraofgeht 
Diese  beginnt  mit  dem  Satze  Ba  cuimnrch  tra  nia  7  caur  7  cathmüid  Ofw. 
TTr.»372=TTr.«27=BB416a  14=DIV2,  fol30a2. 

')  Zur  Entschuldigung  meiner  Flüchtigkeit  möge  der  Umstand  dienen, 
dafs  ich  mir  damals  (1883)  die  Stowehandschriften,  welche  cum  Verkauf  im 
Britischen  Museum  ausgestellt  waren,  nur  auf  kurze  Zeit  ansehen  durfte  und 
meine  Exzerpte  nur  in  grofser  Eile  machen  konnte. 


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Ober  einige  Quellenangaben  deb  togail  tröi.      359 

späteren  Sprachgebrauch  gemäfs  an  die  Stelle  von  Gaill  „Gallier" 
getreten.  Wenn  hier  Statins,  bei  dem  doch  gewils  an  P.  Papinius 
zu  denken  ist,  znm  Gallier  gemacht  wird,  so  mag  das  auf  einer 
Verwechslung  mit  seinem  Namensvetter,  dem  Komödienschreiber 
Caecilius,  beruhen,  der  im  zisalpinischen  Gallien  geboren  war. 
Aber  keiner  von  beiden  kommt  in  Wirklichkeit  als  Quelle  für 
die  irische  Argonautensage  in  Betracht.  Es  handelt  sich  einfach 
um  eine  Schwindelangabe. 

Dasselbe  ist  der  Fall  mit  einer  anderen  Angabe  unseres 
Textes,  der  Berufung  auf  Eiinir  Oothach,  ein  Name,  auf  den 
ich  lange  vergeblich  gefahndet  habe,  bis  ich  ihn  in  dem  Aithanarit 
Gothorum  philosophus  *)  des  Geographus  Bavennas  (edd.  Pinder 
et  Parthey,  p.201)  entdeckte.^) 

Noch  andere  ebenfalls  schwindelhafte  Quellenangaben  finden 
sich  in  der  im  Buch  von  Balljrmote  enthaltenen  Version  der 
Argonautensage.  Es  heifst  dort  S.  415  b  28:  Deired  sceöil  fil  don 
sceöl  sin  in  croicind  örda,  is  e  seo  a  reidugud,  amsl  atbeir  stair 
Mhuir  7  stair  Ennia.  Is  e  rocertaigh  in  scel  sin  in  croicind 
örda.  Die  hier  als  Quelle  für  die  Erzählung  vom  goldenen 
Vliefs  aufgeführten  Muir  und  Ennia  sind  wohl  als  Moiris  und 
Ennius  zu  deuten.  Ennius  hat  ja  eine  „Medea^  geschrieben  und 
Moiris  wird  einmal  in  den  Schollen  zu  Apollonius'  Argouautika 
bei  einer  Bemerkung  über  die  Mygdoner  angeführt.  5)  Auch  hier 
ist  es  natürlich  ganz  ausgeschlossen,  dals  wirkliche  Quellen- 
benutzung vorliegt.  Der  irische  Bearbeiter  schmückt  sich  nur 
mit  der  Kenntnis  der  Namen  der  beiden  Klassiker. 

Es  ist  bemerkenswert,  daXs  diese  Angaben  sich  nur  in  den 
späteren  Versionen  der  Sage  finden.  Die  von  Stokes  heraus- 
gegeben Texte  des  Buchs  von  Leinster  und  H.  2. 17  (Ir.  T.  11.  S.  1) 


')  Ferner  ebenda:  Aitanaridua  et  Eldevaldus  et  Marcomirua  Oothorum 
phüosophi.  Nach  einer  frenndüchen  Mitteilung  meines  Kollegen  Josef  Marqnart 
hat  sich  der  Ravennas  den  Namen  aus  dem  des  Westgotenkönigs  Athanaricus, 
dem  Zeitgenossen  des  Frankenkönigs  Marcomeres  (Gregor.  Toron.),  zurecht- 
gemacht. 

')  Eitnir  ist  in  irischem  Munde  keine  auTsergewöhnliche  Entstellung 
des  Namens.  Die  irische  Aussprache  betonte  die  erste  Silbe,  wodurch  die 
darauf  folgende  synkopiert  wurde.  Die  Endung  -idua  ist  weggefallen,  wie 
aus  Valericus  ir.  üaler  wird  (Gorm.  April  1),  Simpoir  aus  Sytnphorianua 
(ib.  Juli  7),  Irein  aus  Irenaeus  (ib.  Juli  3)  usw. 

■)  fj  ^rjxiov  Sri  Molgidi  xatrjxokovd^rjoev,  ovxog  yoQ  Mvyöovaq  i<prfO€ 
xatanoXe/ii^oai  tov  ''ÜQOxXia  {zu  U  786). 


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360      K.  MEYER,  ÜBER  EINIGE  QUELLENANGABEN  DER  TOGAIL  TRÖl. 

geben  überhaupt  keine  Quellen  an.  Die  oben  erwähnten  Zusätze 
stammen  aus  der  Epigonenzeit  irischer  Gelehrsamkeit  und  sind 
nur  als  ein  Echo  aus  der  Periode  der  klassischen  Bildung 
Irlands  von  Interesse  und  Bedeutung.  0  Dals  die  Argonautensage 
den  klassisch  gebildeten  Iren  des  6.  und  der  folgenden  Jahr- 
hunderte gut  bekannt  war,  beweist  u.  a.  die  Episode  des 
Imram  Mäile  Düin  (cap.  XVUI)  von  dem  von  der  Königin 
geworfenen  Knäuel,  welches  Mäel  Düin  in  seinem  Schiffe  an 
der  Hand  haften  blieb,  so  dals  sie  abgeschlagen  werden  mufste. 
Die  Kenntnis  des  Motivs^)  ist  wie  so  manches  andere  im  Laufe 
der  Zeit  aus  gelehrten  Kreisen  in  diejenigen  der  Sagenerzähler 
gedrungen. 


0  Im  Gegensatz  ca  solchen  erfundenen  Angaben  sind  z.  B.  die  Berichte 
über  die  benutzten  Quellen  in  der  irischen  Version  der  Alexandersage  durch- 
aus korrekt. 

«)   Vgl.  TTr.  343fif. 

Charlottenburg.  Küno  Meyer. 


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DAS  WÖRTERBUCH 
DER  KGL.  IRISCHEN  AKADEMIE. 


Da  nicht  an^nehmen  ist,  dafs  dieses  Wörterbuch  in  der 
Weise  wie  es  angelegt  ist  fortgeführt  werden  wird,  —  wenn 
überhaupt  eine  Fortsetzung  erfolgt,  —  so  lasse  ich  mich  hier 
auf  eine  Kritik  seiner  Anlage  oder  der  im  einzelnen  befolgten 
Methode  und  Ausführung  nicht  ein,  beschränke  mich  vielmehr 
darauf,  eine  Liste  der  Versehen,  Fehler  und  Mifsgriffe,  die  den 
Gebrauch  erschweren,  sowie  einige  Zusätze  zu  geben.  Nur  ganz 
kurz  möchte  ich  den  Fleifs,  der  auf  die  Zusammenstellung  des 
Ganzen  und  die  Ausarbeitung  einzelner  Artikel  verwendet  ist, 
die  Bemühung  alles  zusammenzutragen,  was  zur  Aufklärung  von 
Schwierigkeiten  dienen  kann,  und  das  Bestreben,  die  Fehler 
anderer  richtig  zu  stellen,  hervorheben;  andererseits  aber  auch 
das  Bedauern  aussprechen,  dafs  durch  ein  viel  zu  hoch  gestecktes 
und  ehrgeiziges  Ziel,  das  dem  jetzigen  Stand  unserer  Kenntnisse 
nicht  entspricht,  und  durch  eine  gewaltige  Raumverschwendung 
im  Anhäufen  gleichgiltiger  Zitate,  Wiederholungen  und  durch  die 
Aufnahme  vieles  Ungehörigen  ein  so  nützliches  Unternehmen  ge- 
schädigt ist  Hier  galt  Goethes  Wort  „In  der  Beschränkung  zeigt 
sich  erst  der  Meister."  Leider  kann  die  folgende  Liste  auf 
Vollständigkeit  nicht  entfernt  Anspruch  machen.  Der  Leser 
wird  woltun,  nach  wie  vor  jedes  Zitat  auf  seine  Grenauigkeit 
selbst  zu  prüfen.  Die  von  mir  in  den  Sitzungsberichten  der 
preulsischen  Akademie  1913,  S.  956  ff.  gegebene  Liste  von  Ver- 
sehen in  den  Personennamen  lasse  ich  hier  aus.  Herr  Pokomy 
hat  mir  seine  eigene  Sammlung  von  Ausstellungen  freundlich 
zur  Verfügung  gestellt,  die  ich,  durch  die  Initiale  (?)  gekenn- 
zeichnet, mit  angenommen  habe.  Der  Ausbruch  des  Krieges  hat 
es  leider  verhindert,  dafs  Herr  Bergin  mir  seine  Aufstellung 


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362  KUNO  METER, 

von  Verbesserungen  zuschicken  konnte.  Sie  kann  vielleicht  im 
nächsten  Hefte  nachgebracht  werden.  Einige  seiner  mir  früher 
schon  brieflich  oder  mündlich  mitgeteilten  Bemerkungen  füge 
ich  jetzt  schon,  mit  (B)  bezeichnet,  in  meine  Liste  ein. 


1,  2.    Lies  ro  hainmniged  (rohaifig  Hs).  —  33.  add.  da  ==  dobert, 

CZ  Vm  103, 9;  vgl.  auch  2  dathad  (P).  —  35.  lies  daigid  (P). 

2,  41.    da  n-.    Hier  handelt  es  sich  nicht  um  ein  nasalierendes 

da;  die  Ellipse  ist  vielmehr  durch  den  vorausgehenden 
Artikel  (Gen.  PL)  hervorgerufen. 

3,  17.    Add.  de  feraib  deac,  Trip.  30,  3.  —  29.  lies  kocht  (.uiüHs). 

—  56.  fo  cU,  später  co  fo  dt,  z.  B.  Rawl.  502,  84  b34.  Vgl  co 
bo  dö, 

4,  6.    In  mehreren  der  hier  angeführten  Ortsnamen  ist  Da  nicht 

das  Zahlwort,  sondern  =  Do  in  Kosenamen,  z.  B.  Cell  Da 
Chamöc,  Clüain  Da  Bäetöc,  Mad  Da  ChonnJ)  —  8.  lies 
Gatnna,  —  21.  In  Da  Cherdda,  Da  Thö  usw.  wird  Da 
nicht  als  gleichbedeutend  mit  üa,  sondern  als  das  Zahlwort 
aufgefafst  —  23.  add.  da-,  mittel-  und  mod.-ir.  Kompositions- 
form für  altir.  de'\  vgl.  unter  de-chennach  usw.  (P)  — 
24.  statt  Daaithim  hat  LL349c  Daathim  no  Daithid.  — 
43.  lies  Fen.  190, 18.  — 

5,  2.    Lies  ola.  —  20.  IV  ist  zu  streichen.    Dies  dabhach  steht 

für  dumhach  f.,  gen.  duimhche.  Vgl.  Gael.  J.  Dec.  1908  (B).  — 
31.  statt  'saint'  lies  'abbot  of  Bangor'  (f  928).  —  37.  lies 
Inis  iter.  —  48.  lies  Dabeöc  =  Do  Beöc.  —  51.  add.  Gnoc 
Dabilla,  Metr.  D.  1 38.  —  53.  lies  Cichurid.  —  54.  Das  hand- 
schriftliche dubia  ist  in  dalba  zu  bessern.  —  60.  statt 
rath\bruga]  lies  rath[buige]  trotz  LL50a43.  —  62.  lies  Da 
Buide.  —  64.  statt  Hwenty'  lies  'forty'.  Add.  daickid^ 
Ulster  (P). 

6,  4.    dachaid  =   dia   thaig.   —   7.   add.  Rennes  Dinds.  44.  — 

22.  add.  Fer  Da  Chrlch,  Dub  Da  Chrlch  (Dubdagrecus).  — 
39.  lies  Da  Cholmöc.  —  40.  statt  Dacon  lies  Da  Chonn 
=  Moconna  Essa  mac  nEirc,  Gorm.  March  8.  —  41.  daciü 
=  dachtail  (P).  —  65.  Dadamh  m.  Reabta  =  Dadan  filius 
Rhegma,  Isid.  Etym.  IX  2, 18. 


1)  Von  diesem  Da  =  Do,   welches  mit  Mo   wechselt,   spricht  der 
Herausgeber  überhaupt  nicht. 


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DAS  WÖRTERBUCH   DER   KGL.  IRISCHEN  AKADEMIE.  363 

7,  1,    Dadan,  aus  Gen.  10,7;  I  Chron.  1,9.  —  2.  Hierher  gehört 

Dadanaim  von  col.  125, 1.  —  3.  Dadera  =  Do  Dera.  — 
5.  add.  Dadnän,  Qorm.  Apr.  6,  Dadhnän,  Mart.  Don.  — 
9.  lies  piopa.  —  10.  add.  dadadh,  tada,  Munster.  — 
18.  däechda  gehört  zum  heutigen  daoclmn  und  bedeutet 
*horrid,  base'  (P).  —  25.  Der  Flufsname  Dael  ist  identisch 
mit  döil  ^schwarzer  Käfer'.  —  29.  add.  Däen  n.  1.,  cath  Däen 
Fen.  328,  4.  —  34.  lies  Mil  —  44.  Dele  *often  deih'.  Es 
wird  nie  so  geschrieben,  sondern  nur  dy.  —  59  ff.  Hier  ist 
jede  Angabe  des  Greschlechts  unterblieben. 

8,  1.    Die  Hs.  hat  dagathrige  (P).  —  10.   statt  dr  lies  ar  und  so 

an  vielen  anderen  SteUen.  dag-bert  bedeutet  „tapfere  Tat", 
nicht  *good  luck*.  —  18.  statt  hubil  lies  luhib.  —  21.  lies 
dagcenel  Die  Lenierung  des  c  ist  eine  spätere  Entwicklung, 
die  sich  nie  im  Altir.  findet  (P).  —  30.  Arch.  III  235,  32 
hat  dagcraidib,  —  40.  lies  dag-donn;  vgl.  gall.  Donno- 
taurus  (P). 

9,  7.     Add.  dagnlmrathihy  Thes.  11  244.  33,  wo  es  fälschlich  zu 

dag-imratib  korrigiert  ist.  —  47.  Hier  und  bei  manchen 
anderen  Wörtern  fehlt  ohne  ersichtlichen  Grund  die  Über- 
setzung („edler  Bräutigam").  —  54.  lies  dag-raith,  — 
55.  Hier  war  die  Angabe  des  Geschlechts  besonders 
wichtig  (masc). 

10,  47.    Zum  Zitat  vgl.  Arch.  III  304  §  7.  —  54.  Hier  und  sonst 

ist  eine  späte  Form  (degaithne  statt  deg-aichne)  angesetzt 
ohne  darauf  aufmerksam  zu  machen. 

11,  11.    Add.  *good  luck'.  —   15.  add.  *a  goodly  barque*.  — 

16.  statt  dian  lies  dm  (irig). 

12,  2.    Add.  *a  fair  oak-wood'.  —   24.  lies  deg-doe  und  vgl. 

Sg.68al  (P). 

13,  38.    Add.  CO  degmaithj  LL  129  a  43.    Statt  subst.  *a  nobleman' 

lies  degmaithi  (Plur.)  *noblemen'.  Der  Sing,  wird  nie  so 
gebraucht. 

15,  10.    Lies   deg-ord,  —    36.   lies  Rawl.  502  a 31.     Hier  hätte 

gesagt  werden  müssen,  dafs  dag  die  geweihte  Hostie 
bedeutet  und  dafs  tair  für  triar  verschrieben  ist  (P).  — 
38.  3  dag  ist  zu  tilgen.    Es  ist  das  hebräische  Wort. 

16,  13.    Hier   hat   der   Herausgeber   den   irischen   Namen   des 

Philistergötzen  Dagon  (Dagän)  aus  SR  und  den  ii-ischen 
Personennamen  Dagän  durcheinander  gemengt.  —  19.  dagar 

ZeiMchrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  X.  24 


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364  RUNO  METER, 

Dies  ist  die  richtige  Form  des  Nom.  Sg.  und  nicht  blofs 
eine  Variante,  daiger  beruht  auf  dem  Eindringen  der 
Palatalen  Form  aus  dem  Gen.  daigre,  Dat.  daigir  (P).  — 
35.  dcigo,  lies  dagö,  eine  Verbalform,  zu  do-gGim  „ich 
wähle^.  —  36.  dagsad,  fälschlich  ans  munad  agsad  er- 
schlossen; lies  ügsad  (isäsad),  eine  späte  Konjunktiv-Bildung 
zu  agur  „ich  fürchte";  \g\,  nisnagsind,  Imr.  Br.  IE  228,  8. — 
50.  dele  DaUd,  Wb  5b5.  Die  Handschrift  hat  das  Kom- 
pendium .dd.  Dabid  ist  natürlich  eine  unmögliche  altir. 
Form.  —  53.  daic  =  do  ic;  daic  dim  „ich  bin  im  Stande".  — 

60.  Daid.   Aber  LL  348  i  hat  Damd  und  LB 16  a  29  Daig,  — 

61.  Lies  BB218e47. 

17,  24.    Lies  suilid  =  suilig.  —  25.  statt  12  lies  1.  2.  —  daidbres. 

Die  richtige  alte  Nominativform  ist  daidbritis,  wie  der 
Herausgeber  aus  dem  Gen.  daidbriussa  Z.  36  hätte  ent- 
nehmen können  (P).  —  35.  lies  [n]daidhbhris.  —  42.  daig. 
Zum  Geschlecht  vgl  is  e  in  daigh  derg,  BB  319  b  30.  — 
47.  lies  Gnäihaliach,  —  52.  statt  dicitur  lies  dixit  Fer 
Muman  mit  H  3. 18,  637.  —  56.  Zu  dem  Zitate  aus  RawL 
vgl.  a  öca  batar  ar  daig  \  ag  orcain  Maoil  Milscothaig, 
Anecd.  11  66, 1.  —  60.  statt  orcain  (dat.)  lies  orcon  (Nom.). 

18,  29.    Statt  Es  Dega  Deirg  lies  eo  dega  deirg,  was  unter  daig 

zu  stellen  ist.  —  57.  ate  rombeotar  usw.  ist  hier  zu  streichen. 
Es  handelt  sich  nicht  um  däig,  sondern  daig  und  ist  oben 
17,  56  schon  einmal  zitiert 

20,  7.    Dele    Trobably'.    —   33.    lies    derglasrach,  —   53.   lies 

I}urbudi. 

21,  22.    Statt  däigmech  lies  daig-menrnnach  mit  Best.  —  24.  Daigre. 

Die  älteste  Nominativform  ist  Baigri.  add.  Daigri  Doichlech, 
Rawl.  502, 106  a  46.  —  30.  statt  Eangain  (BBl)  lies  Ängäin 
mit  Rawl.  502,  160 a43.  —  32.  statt  Urchocho  (BB)  hat 
LL  348  h  Cuircocha.  —  33.  Falsches  Zitat  —  34.  daigrech 
ist  in  LL  150  b  nicht  durch  dermar  glossiert,  sondern  soll 
es  im  Texte  ersetzen  {daigrech  nö  dermar),  —  53.  lies  ara 
dailbe,  Dele  SR  1870,  wo  der  Reim  condailbi  verlangt  — 
60.  lies  ar  nddlem,  —  65.  lies  Deltbunni. 

22,  34.    Statt  *of  other  liquids'  lies  'metaphorically'.  —  65.  add. 

^dispenses,  apportions';  rodäil  a  bennachtain,  SR  2912;  in 
muir  mör  .  .  rodail  Rt  grene  .  .  for  formnu  fBne  Forainn, 
ib.  3980. 


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DAS  WÖRTERBUCH  DER  KOL.  IRISCHEN  AKADEUIB.  365 

23,  3.    Lies  ataregat  —  33.  lies  däiliub-sa,  —  42.  Dele  *opp. 

Ifernaige'.  Die  Stelle  in  LB  241a  68  lautet:  m  rofuirme 
daille  n-ilemaige  dam,  was  Glosse  zu  bleach  amrosc  ilarda 
ist  Daraus  hat  der  Herausgeber  sein  Umaige  herausgelesen. 
Vgl.  CZIII224  §  11,  wo  eine  andere  Hs.  n-ilemalaig  liest.  — 
45.  Add.  ^blinding  darkness'  z.  B.  glend  na  daille,  d.  h.  die 
Hölle,  LB  256  b.  —  58.  statt  'composer'  lies  *dispenser'.  — 
65.   Hier  liest  L  dam-sa  statt  dorn  daim. 

24,  3.    Daim.   Dies  ist  nicht  etwa  eine  Kurzform,  sondern  blofser 

Schreibfehler  in  LL.  YBL  liest  an  der  Stelle  richtig 
Daimln,  —  4.  lies  däime.  —  5.  add.  O'Dav.  456.  — 
13.  lies  Daim  argait  und  so  durchweg.  —  59.  lies  co 
tdrfad. 

25,  14.    Lies  etir.  —  24.  lies  ainech  .  .  daimet  (so  die  Hs.)  — 

42.  lies  bruth  co  f€[t]rg.  —  62.  statt  a  mharbhadh  lies  do 
mharbhadh,  —  64.  lies  cuind. 

26,  1.    Lies  cuind.  —  22.  lies  co  [n]damann,  —  48.  lies  b[a] 

aithger.  —  57.  lies  Donann.  —  59.  lies  Mend, 

27,  31.    Add.  bongdais  dorair  ndain  (icain),  Land  610,  73bl.  — 

38.  In  LL  7a7  steht  daigniu,  woraus  sich  kein  Nominativ 
daigen  erschliefsen  l&fst.  nidaighen  BB  298  b  10  ist  fflr 
n-imdaingen  verschrieben. 

29,  8.    daingnecht  bedeutet  auch  'fastness,  interior,  best  place'  (P). 

—  16.  lies  rada^gnigit.  —  26.  statt  'curd'  lies  *curdle'. 

30,  18.    Das  älteste  Vorkommen  des  Namens  in  Irland,  A.D. 

660  (Aü)  hätte  erwähnt  werden  sollen.  —  25.  lies  cen 
danim  düib  —  1^güir  —  cech  traig.  —  37.  lies  dainmech.  — 
48.  dainnech  ist  vermutlich  eine  Kontamination  von  düinech, 
döinech,  mod.  daoineach  'having  a  large  foUowing'  und 
döendachj  mod.  daonnach  'liberal,  generous'  (P).  —  47.  Ein 
kymr.  dantec  gibt  es  nicht. 

31,  2.    Add.  *gall-apple'.  —  5.  lies  [i]n'airechu8.  —  12.  Die  Hs. 

hat  dairchisib,  —  37.  lies  rohainmniged.  —  45.  Add.  Muel 
anfaid  na  Darinse,  LL370e53;  Moel  anfaid  Darinse 
Märcj  ib.  c  46.  —  46.  Hier  wäre  der  Baumesname  Daur 
dibeoil,  Corm.  1159,  Dur  (Dar)  dibeoil,  RC  21, 154  hinzu- 
zufügen. —  61.  statt  Dair  lies  Däir  *Darius'.  Es  reimt 
auf  säim  LL  133  b  5  und  etäil,  Ir.  T.  III  69. 

32,  1.    Lies  Caihair  chäim.  —  2.  Der  ganze  Eintrag  ist  zu  tilgen. 

Die  Stelle  LawsIV  312,  24  lautet:  dartaid  i  crann  n-airidi 

24* 


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3&6  KUNO  METER, 

do  thein,  y  daiV[^]  la  haithgin  cach  n-ae.  ODonovans 
'a  notehing'  ist  blolse  RatereL  —  15.  lies  döir-he.  —  23.  lies 
Dairinill 
33,  3.  Dairbrech  ist  sicher  kein  Gren.  von  Daibre.  add.  Druim 
nDairbrechf  M.  Dinds.  IE  46.  —  7.  daircepadh  ist  sicher  als 
dairchepad  zu  lesen,  da  es  auf  aircheial  reimt.  —  35.  add. 
Ath  Dairi  Duib,  B.  in  Scail  §  11.  —  38.  dele  'either  late 
plor.  of  daire',  was  die  Entstehongszeit  des  Gedichtes 
ausschliefst 

35,  3.    Lies  Guill  —  10.  Die  Hs.  hat  Darean.  —  22.  lies  Däiren.  — 

33.  statt  dairfeda  liest  LL3Ub  diruda.  —  34.  add.  Oiar 
ingen  Duib  de  Dairiud,  LB  22.  —  59.  Warum  Dariet  ein 
Ausländer  gewesen  sein  soll,  weifs  ich  nicht.  —  64.  add. 
dairine  „Eichenhain":  Dartne  ednechuA^  F6U240,6(P). 

36,  33.    In  LL375a43  reimt  Dairine  auf  bctn-inne,  —  41.  lies 

Darini.  —  49.  lies  Dairinill  —  52.  lies  Fathain. 

37,  24.    Statt  'miswritten'  lies  'misprinted'.     Der  Druckfehler 

ist  aber  von  Stokes  selbst  korrigiert  —  35.  lies  n[d]GibeU.  — 
37.  lies  Fomorach.  —  38.  dele  ddimaisce,  dernaisce.  — 
39.  add.  ut  dicitur  daumaisce  dar  lemain. 

38,  17.    Lies  ba  mmoir.  —  33.  add.  Uch  Darta,  Ir.  T.  ü«  196.  — 

41.  add.  daurthach,  LL  287b 42.  —  54.  lies  citna-baclas.  — 
61.  lies  Bechet  {reihet  Hs.)  Daurihige, 

40,  36.    Lies  ainmne,  —  37.  lies  öenbltadain.  —  50.  lies  ninack 

41,  11.    In  SR  8174  handelt  es  sich  um  turu,  Acc  PI.  von  tor, 

in  Z.  7844  um  tur  „Forschen".  —  46.  add.  Daithe  n.  1., 
cath  Daihe,  B.  in  Scail  33,  LL  182  a  32.  —  47.  daithe  = 
düithe  f.  „Unverstand,  Ungeschick",  das  Gegenteil  von  suithe^ 
eine  Ableilung  von  düi  (*du-vids).  —  48.  dele  ^seems 
corrupt'.  —  48.  add.  daiihech  *swift,  active',  daithecht  t 
'swiftness,  activity'  (P).  —  56.  daithen,  eine  analogische 
Nebenbildung  zu  dathan  (P).  —  59.  lies  68  c 

42,  39.    daithgen,   nur   schlechte    Schreibung   für    daithen   und 

daher  kein  o-  sondern  a- stamm  (P).  —  34.  add.  daiihinedh 
A  üaire  aisneid,  H.  3. 18,  64  a  =  dathined  .t.  üair  aisneidh, 
ib.  635  a.  —  60.  lies  do  Dhdil  A.  do  Leith  Chuinn.  —  61.  add. 
do  Ddil  Chonchobair  dosom,  Thes.  IE  325,  4.  i  nDdl  Araidi, 
LL  132  a  13. 

43,  11.    Add.  gpl.  däla.    Vgl.  col.  45,  21  (co  n-imad  nddla)  und 

52^  wo  die  Form  fälschlich  als  Gen.  Sg.  angeführt  wird.  — 


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DAS  WÖRTERBUCH   DER  KQL.  IRISCHEN  AKADEMIE.  367 

31.  dal  allein  bedeutet  auch  „Tod^,  z.  B.  hi  llaiihiu  dala, 
Rawl.  502,  124  b  55  =  ina  16  ddla,  RC  13,  394. 

44,  8  und  25.    D^le  *Very  frequent  in  Ossianic  poetry'.    Es  ist 

dort  nicht  häufiger  als  anderswo  auch. 

45,  56.    Add.   'decision'.    legid  dam-sa  ar  däil,   Fen.  182.  — 

60.  lies  dal  De  donessai  cech  rainn. 

46,  38.    Lies  mod,  —  56.  statt  cuirid  lies  cuirithir  (P). 

47,  51.    Add.  mod.  dälta,  —  65.  add.  Mag  Dala,  Er.  1 132. 

48,  1.    Lies  attäil  und  vgl.  Z.  32,  wo  es  im  Zitat  LL  147  a  53 

auf  maccäin  reimt.  —  9.  statt  *misjudged'  lies  'misinter- 
preted'.  —  17.  Das  Zitat  von  SR  gehört  zu  dal  'decision' 
(vgl.  Z.  1694:  is  mör  dognl  d'imrütaib).  —  19.  Das  Zitat 
aus   Lü   gehört   zu   däl   *meeting'.     Vgl.  TBC  1001.   — 

32.  Das  aus  TSh  zitierte  faddail  ist  richtig  faddäil  oder 
besser  fadäü  zu  schreiben  und  ist  eine  Ableitung  von  mod. 
fada  mit  der  Endung  der  Verbalnomina  -ail  Das  Zitat 
aus  LL  147  a  53  gehört  nicht  hierher.  —  34.  lies  däil  i,  t 
Dafs  dies  Wort  ein  i-stamm  ist,  beweist  nicht  nur  das 
abgeleitete  I-Verbum  däilid,  sondern  auch  die  Komposita 
comdail,  email,  fodail,  todail  sowie  das  verwandte  Lit. 
dar«  *TeU'  (P).  —  5ß.  lies  292. 

49,9.  Add.  tar  ndUind  diamra  dala,  (igala),  LL6b41.  — 
21.  In  dem  aus  Fü.  Sept.  29  angeführten  Zitate  bedeutet 
dälach  nicht  'multitudinous',  sondern  'combative'  (draic 
dalack).  —  27.  lies  cnöi  dagruis  dälaig.  —  45.  add.  dann 
Dalaig,  CZ  VIII 116  §  7.  —  51.  Die  Formen  mit  palatalem 
l  gehen  auf  Einflufs  von  dailid  zurück  (P).  —  60.  Eine 
weitere  Bedeutung  des  Verbums  ist  *sends  to  a  tryst', 
z.  B.  dälfaid  in  ben  a  ssetchi  chucund,  RC  13,  381. 

50,  6.    Hier  liest  eine  andere  Hs.  (Hib.  Min.)  rodäilestar.  — 

23.  lies  cucam-sa  do  büain.  —  44.  lies  Dalamön  oder 
Dälamön,  —  49  und  51.  Dalan,  recte  Dallän,  s.  col.  55, 1.  — 
53.  Hier  liest  LB  20d27  m,  Dalaig.  —  54.  Hierher  gehört 
die  archaische  Form  Ddlon,  col.  56,  47. 

51,  12.    Add.  ni   do   dailb   didu,   M.  Dinds.  II  .32.    Gen.  Sg.  iar 

mbreiih  dalba  (sie  leg.),  LL  139  a  45.  —  26.  add.  Druim 
nDaiU),  Metr.  D.  I  40.  —  35.  add.  Dalhach  Cüle  Colld^ 
LL  370  c  51.  —  41.  Hier  ist  der  ganze  Eintrag  I  zu  tilgen. 
Das  Adj.  zu  dalb  lautet  daibach,  nicht  dalbda.  In  SR  4809 
bedeutet  duine  dalbda,  das  auf  aurlabra  reimt,  „der  erschaffene 


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368  KUNO  METER, 

Mensch^,  indem  dalbda  =  doUbtha.  —  45.  ddlbiha  ist  eine 
vox  nihili,  die  der  Heraasgeber  fälschlich  aus  sodaJbiha 
erschlossen  hat,  das  im  Reim  mit  comartha  filr  sodolbiha 
„gut  gezielt"  steht  —  57.  dalei  hat  natürlich  nichts  mit 
dale  ^give'  zu  schaffen,  sondern  bedeutet  „es  schien  ihr".  — 
59.  daleic,  lies  da'leic[i].  —  61.  statt  dälgud  und  dälagud 
lies  dälugud. 

52,  11.    'often  ddW  ist  zu  yiel  gesagt.    Der  Herausgeber  gibt 

auch  nur  Ein  Beispiel  aus  LB. 

53,  22.    Lies  ar  an  gaedhlainn.  —  28.  add.  tnac  Daiü,  Ir.  T. 

167.  —  35.  statt  Erruaid  lies  Es  Rüaid.  —  57.  mod. 
dalladh  bedeutet  'sufflcient  quantity'  (P). 

54,  27.    ro  dallad  im  Sinne  von  „er  starb"  ist  nur  dichterischer 

Sprachgebrauch. 

55,  4.    Die  Hai  Dalläin  (BB  144  f  20)  hätten  angefahrt  werden 

sollen.  —  7.  lies  dltuiccsi.  —  22.  Hier  wäre  dalUhodar 
„blind  und  taub"  mit  dem  Zitat  Duma  Dall-bodroy  M.  Dind« 
1 18  einzuschalten.  —  31.  Das  Zitat  aus  Eriu  gehört  nicht 
hierher,  da  es  sich  um  dall  ciach  handelt,  nicht  um  ein 
Komp.  dall'Cheö,  wie  die  Allitteration  mit  chtich  zeigt  (B). 
Vor  ar  snaidm  ist  do  dichuir  se  zum  Verständnis  nicht  zu 
entbehren.  —  39.  Das  Fragezeichen  ist  zu  tilgen.  — 
53.  Hier  ist  dallchuilen  *  blind  pup'  aus  O'Dav.  99  ein- 
zuschalten. —  54.  lies  Gilla.  —  55.  lies  CZ  VIII  331, 16. 
Der  Eintrag  ist  überflüssig,  da  das  Wort  oben  schon  als 
Daüle  figuriert.  —  61.  lies  Gadelica  L  —  62.  dele  et 
dallbach. 

56,  38.    Add.  Rawl.  502, 116  b  43,  149  a  6.  —  41.  Ues  im  rind.  — 

42.  statt  Dalmain  (sie  BB)  hat  RawL  Dalmait  —  47.  lies 
Dalon.  —  48.  statt  maccu  hat  Fen.  mac  ai.  Vgl  Cainnech 
macu  Dalan,  FeL  Oct.  11. 

57,  19.    Lies  di  —  47.  lies  Chtrine, 

58,  7.    Dele   'Read   dür-ddUaig^  usw.    Da  daltaig  auf  härcaib 

reimt,  kann  es  sich  um  kein  Kompositum  handeln.  — 
16.  lies  daltaiL  add.  is  fris  dältait,  Arch.  ni  303  §  12.  — 
28.  lies  [i]nar.  —  37.  Zu  tilgen.  Es  ist  adhcUiranna  „Ehe- 
brecher" zu  lesen.  Vgl.  mod.  adhaltrannach  (P).  —  45.  lies 
reisin.  —  64.  lies  Ärddän. 
58,  1.  Das  Zitat  aus  ScM.  11  gehört  nicht  hierher.  Es  ist 
tromdäm  (:  ran)  zu  lesen.  —  4.  In  den  Zitaten  aus  AcalL 


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DAS  WÖRTERBUCH  DKR  KOL.  IRISCHEN  AKADEMIE.  369 

und  RC  handelt  es  sich  nicht  um  Rinder ,  sondern  um 
Hirsche:  dam  donn  *fallow  dcer'.  —  26.  dele  *the'.  — 
28.  statt  düenn  lies  Düenn,  was  Acall.  850  auf  Sileann 
reimt.  —  51.  add.  Derc  Daim  Onom.,  Loch  Daim,  B.  in 
Scail  §  11.  —  54.  dele  oU-dam  ^a  great  ox'.  Es  ist  ollrdam 
im  Keime  auf  conib'ag  zu  lesen.  —  61.  add.  daim  drum- 
dergga,  LL  200  b  20. 

60,  14.    Dele  6n  daim.  Es  ist  ön  däim  zu  lesen.   Vgl.  BR  44, 7. 

17.  dam  'a  worm,  reptile,  louse',  wohl  nur  aus  dub-dam, 
daol'dhamh  (vgl.  „HirschkÄfer")  abstrahiert.  —  24.  Wie 
der  Herausgeber  dazu  kommt  aus  Cormacs  Glosse  ein  ir. 
dam  'silent'  herauszulesen  verstehe  ich  nicht.  —  32.  dele 
'no  instance  of  gen.  dima'.  Der  Herausgeber  führt  selbst 
zwei  solche  in  Z.  63  und  col.  61, 11  an.  —  44.  lies  lesin.  — 
52.  statt  hegeda  liest  F  höegidu.  —  65.  lies  choire  oder  altir. 
choiriu. 

61,  6.    Die  Hs.  hat  tndamar.  —  14.  lies  trasc[tK\i.  —  26.  gaodhal, 

lies  gaol.  —  48.  lies  Damaich.  —  51.  add.  nlrho  lais  in 
damaire  dia  robatar  daim  aile  oca,  Rl  502,  113  a  6.  — 
52.  Auch  I.  damairecht  steht  für  damgairecht  (P).  — 
58.  add.  Damairne  m.  Deccraig,  LL  155  b  41.  —  63.  lies 
Hr-Damasca. 

62,  1.    damalta,  wohl  =  dubhalta.  —  39.  lies  damän,  Dim.  von 

dam.  —  damantach  wird  col.  64  als  dammantach  wiederholt 

—  57.  lies  deil 

63,  9.    Lies  dethe.    Der  Herausgeber  verwechselt  cletha  'stakes, 

rods'  mit  clethe  *rooftree'.  —  18.  statt  i,  e.  ddmai  lies  i.  e. 
damu  (dtmu)  'stags'.  —  19.  Das  richtige  Zitat  lautet: 
Luecln  Dromma  Damdai  .2.  et  Daimde.  Vgl  LL367f.: 
Lochän  Damdae  Dromma  7  Daimde.  S.  Druimm  Damdcie, 
Onom.  —  25.  lies  däsachtaich.  —  28.  lies  dämdis.  — 
34.  damgairecht  bedeutet  sowohl  'a  herd  of  deer'  als  Hhe 
roaring  of  stags  in  the  rutting  season'.  Herr  Pokomy 
schreibt  mir:  *The  original  meaning  of  the  root  gair  is 
'to  call',  hence  ^to  summon,  to  call  together,  to  herd';  cf. 
the  verb  do-in-gair  which  means  both  *he  calls'  and  *he 
protects',  or  the  verbal  noun  in-gatre  *act  of  tending  cattle'. 

—  49.  lies  Erce.  —  51.  lies  Land  615, 129. 

64,  9.    nola  air  ist  gewifs  zu  no-da-air  zu  bessern.    Statt  orda 

lies  ordu.  —  11.  dele  *Ox-or'.  —  18.  lies  dam-lann  f.  — 


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870  KUNO  MEYER, 

63.  Der  Vergleich  mit  dem  verwandten  kymr.  defnydd  hätte 
näher  gelegen. 

65,  20  und  23.    Lies  apadh.  —  39.  lies  domna.  —  54.  dele  *Ct 

also'.  —  61.  lies  mod.  damhna  m. 

66,  10.    Statt   enim  lies  erum,   —   47.   lies    failet  fri  damnad 

Diabuil  i  n-iffum  do  hilphianaib.  —  52.  add.  Damnad  o, 
n.  1.  confich  döini  Damnaid^  Alt.  Dicht.  41  §  27;  a  Damnad, 
CZIX451  §16. 

67,  35.    Lies  nAmmön. 

68,  22.    Der  ganze  Artikel  ist  auszulassen,  da  damnand  kein 

wirkliches  Wort,  sondern  nur  eine  etymologische  Ei^findung 
ist  wie  man  sie  zu  Dutzenden  im  Cöir  Anmann  und  anderen 
Glossaren  findet.  —  56.  lies  Da-Mongöc,  Koseform  eines 
Mang-  enthaltenden  Personennamens.  —  65.  add.  Fe  7 
Men  da  rl  damraithe  Erend,  Corm.  603.  dl  rig  damraide 
A,  Fea  7  Femen ,  diata  Mag  Fea  7  Mag  Femin,  LL  9  b  33. 

69,  8.    Lies  ChBic,  —  29.  dele  ddmradh  dopall  (recte  dupaU). 

Es  handelt  sich  um  Rinder,  also  damrad,  —  35.  add. 
Damrai  (Hirschpfad)  n.  1.  Mo  Lüa  Damrai  LL  368  a  9. 
—  37.  lies  damraind  in  cedbltadain,  —  38.  add.  Dam- ras 
n.  1.  Cuan  Damrois,  Onom.  —  39.  damsa  bedeutet  auch 
*gambolling'  (P).  —  48.  lies  dämsam  und  cÄrti. 

70,  12.    damthain  hätte  als  mittelir.  Form   bezeichnet  werden 

sollen.  —  28.  Da  es  kein  Wort  dam  „schwarz"  oder 
„schwarzer  Käfer"  gibt,  so  kann  dam-iheine  nicht  „schwarzes 
Feuer"  bedeuten.  Vgl.  vielmehr  torc  tened.  —  30.  lies 
damthenead.  —  55.  add.  ddni  Wb  27  b  15;  ildäni  20d29.— 

57.  lies  ddndn, 

71,  24.    Lies  öenddn. 

72,  31.    äes  däna  bedeutet  'poets',  aber  nicht  *artists'.  —  40.  dele 

den  ganzen  Eintrag  (a).  Auch  hier  heilst  th'  fer  däna 
„dein  Dichter".  —  45.  Ingen  Dana  ist  in  Rl  502,  110  b 
=  Anecd.  IX  50  §  12  ein  ad  hoc  erfundener  Name,  nicht 
ein  gewöhnlicher  Ausdruck  für  *poetess'.  —  46—50  sind 
zu  tilgen.  Der  Herausgeber  hat  die  zitierten  Stellen  mifs- 
verstanden.  Es  ist  zu  übersetzen:  „Eine  gute  Kunst  ist 
Weisheit"  usw.  —  49.  Vor  ddn  ist  maith  ausgelassen.  — 

58.  statt  na  baird  lies  in  baird,  da  das  Zitat  noch  der 
altir.  Periode  angehört  (P). 


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DAS  WÖBTERBUCH  DER  KQL.  IRISCHEN  AKADEMIE.*  371 

73,  5.    Statt  do  chumiach  lies  do  chumiuch  (P).  —  20.  lies  ddn 

do  atiruh  (P).  —  21.  lies  aurfognom,  —  22.  lies  frithgnom. 

—  27.  lies  düilgine.  —  44.  lies  Emoin,  —  47.  statt  *doc- 
tors'  lies  'physicians'.  —  60.  orbae  bedeutet  nicht  Hilling 
land',  sondern  *inherited  property'.  —  62.  lies  däna  inunna. 
Im  Altirischen  wird  inunn  nicht  flektiert  und  geht  immer 
dem  Nomen  voraus  (P). 

74,  28.    Statt  'chancing  upon  these  professions'  lies  Hhose  pro- 

fessions  having  fallen  to  his  lot'. 

75,  8.    Statt  *farming'  lies  ^inheritance'.  —  26.  lies  äes  borbe- 

ladan  'workers  in  unskilled  professions'.  —  28.  lies  fia[d]. 

—  41.  statt  the  practisers  of  every  profession  in  general 
lies  any  other  Professionals. 

76,  35.    ba  dän  dosom  bedeutet  nicht  4t  was  his  custom',  sondern 

*it  was  a  practice  of  his'. 

77,  1.    Lies  *it  is  not  his  own  sword  that  is  destined  to  kill 

him'.  —  2.  lies  dicuiä,  —  18.  statt  den  läimh  lies  d'enlaimh. 

—  21.  lies  buith  di  öendän  (P).  —  52.  statt  *tens'  lies 
'decimals'. 

78,  44.    Statt  LL  Ues  Lü. 

79,  49.    dänad  II  bedeutet  *case  of  giving,  dative'.  —  57.  dele 

danae  Judicium'.  —  61.  add.  dänae,  O'Mulc.  756. 

80,  43.    Vgl.  nim  däna  tar  fir  \  imma  däla  mo  degrig,  SR  2069. 

—  56.  add.  proverb.  nl  (sie  leg.)  datws  cach  ndolbach, 
O'Mulc.  756. 

81,  12.    Lies  doindnaig  (P).  —   17.  statt  ddnaige  lies  dänaide. 

Bekanntlich  gibt  es  keine  Adjektivendung  -aigc.  —  23.  lies 
ddnaidecht  —  33.  Das  Zitat  aus  Ml  lautet  richtig  nephat- 
danigihi  —  35.  lies  ascedaigid  CZ  111223,7.  —  45.  lies 
Christ,  —  58.  Die  Sache  ist  umgekehrt:  dänugud  ist  die 
ältere,  dänaigiud  die  jüngere  Form  (P).  —  63.  lies  trocairi, 

82,  29.    Hier  hätte  gesagt  werden  müssen,  dafs  die  ältere  Form 

des  Namens  Da  Chtch  Anann  (Nom.  Ann,  Corm.  31)  ist 
Anand  diatät  Cichi  Anand  i  ILüachair,  LL  9  b  38.  — 
42.  lies  bantüathech  Tüathe  Di  D. 

83,  29.    Lies  l'ug[ha\  —  44.  lies  lof^gas  na  cüllom.  —  61.  lies  isin. 

85,  38.    Lies  is  4  met  roerig  usw.  —  39.  lies  creclmred, 

86,  52.    Es  handelt   sich   um    Deidamia,   Tochter   des  Königs 

von  Skyros.  —  53.  lies  143  b  46.  —  55.  dano  steht  nach 
Thumeysen,  Idg.  Forsch.  27,  Anz.  S.  14  für  dian-Hu,  was 


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372  •  KUNO  METBB, 

die  archaische  Form  daniu  beg&nstigt  Der  Herausgeber, 
welcher  glaubt,  dafs  daniu  nach  didiu  (neben  didu)  um- 
gemodelt ist,  scheint  nicht  zu  wissen,  dafs  zwischen  didiu 
und  didu  kein  anderer  Unterschied  besteht,  als  da£s  der 
Gleitvokal  im  letzteren  Falle  nicht  ausgedrückt  ist,  was  oft 
der  Fall  ist,  wenn  einem  palatalen  Konsonant  schon  ein 
palataler  Vokal  voraufgeht  (P). 
88,  1.  ^In  poetry  the  accent  falls  on  the  ultimate'.  Was  der 
Herausgeber  sagen  will,  ist,  da£s  wir  die  Betonung  des 
Wortes  auf  der  ultima  aus  den  Reimen  erkennen  können.  — 

19.  lies  EawLB512,  lal. 

91,  39.    Statt  abi,  was  nur  Schreibfehler  ist,  lies  adib  (P). 

92,  25.    nJ  .  .  dano  lälst  sich  an  allen  Stellen  mit  engl,  'nor' 

übersetzen,  add.  nl  rofailliged  dino  (sie  leg.),  Hib.  Min.  52 
§  5.  —  57.  Warum  ocus  dano  „und  femer"  oft  nur  ein 
emphatisches  'ocus'  sein  soll,  sieht  man  nicht  ein,  ebenso- 
wenig wie  das  lat  et  etiam  (vgl.  Trip.  369,  23).  add.  7  dano, 
orsi,  Lü  lUaS.  7  dino  na  däilemain,  Ir.  T.  II  173,  13; 
7  dano,  LU  121  b40;  7  dno,  Arch.  III  2,  3. 
94,  40.    Lies  fut  —  41.  lies  AU  H. 

96,  42.    Hier  fehlt  der  mod.  Name  Don  und  der  Hinweis  auf 

1  Danae  (P).  —  65.  Zu  dem  Zitat  aus  AU  wÄre  die  Jahres- 
zahl (660)  erwünscht  gewesen. 

97,  1.    Wie  jemand  darauf  kommen  sollte  Dant  und  Donait  zu 

verwechseln,  ist  nicht  ersichtlich.  —  11.  oUodain  ba  geis 
la  fiannu  heifst  nicht  Hhough  it  was  a  ^ef^  with  the  an- 
cients',  sondern  *because  it  was  a  geis  with  the  fUMa\  — 
47.  Danuib  ist  doch  nicht  als  *the  Irish  development 
of  Danubius'  zu  bezeichnen,  da  es  eine  blofs  gelehrte 
Form  ist 

99,  26.    'AU  wrong',  wie  der  Herausgeber  gerne  sagt.    Der  Satz 

fängt  mit  da  chur  i  gceill  an  und  dar  leo  fein  ist  eine 
Parenthese,  wie  Atkinson  richtig  druckt. 

100,  15.    Add.  is  ö  h£maib  cech  data  rJ,  Rl  502,  147  b  15.  — 

20.  statt  mac  Intait  Darai  lies  mac  Intait  meic  Dari  mit 
LL  321  h.  —  25.  Nach  bun  geht  der  Satz  weiter:  mad  tair, 
is  e  a  ainm  Nuchul  —  35.  Die  Qualität  des  n  in  Daränae 
ist  zweifelhaft.  Der  Beim  auf  äge  beweist  nichts,  da  dies 
auch  auf  mäire  (JuL  31)  und  täide  (Oct.  10)  reimt.  JuL  31 
hat  LB  Daräine.    Andererseits  ist  zu  bemerken,  dals  die 


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DAS  WÖRTERBUCH  DER  KQL.  IRISCHEN  AKADEMIE.  373 

SclireibuDgen  Daräna,  Darünae  nicht  vorkommen,  so  dafs 
alles  auf  palatales  n  hinweist  (P).  —  47.  statt  dia-ro-ba 
lies  dia-ro'bo  (P).  —  52.  lies  darb  A.  mmal  usw. 

101,  15.    Lies  DarbeUn  (P).  —    37.   lies  bile  daro,  —   52.   Der 

richtige  Name  ist  Di  Derca-chein;  s.  Onom.  S.  667  (P.)  — 
55.  lies  Darcaircrenn,  —  63.  Darcellus.  Dieser  Name  gehört 
nicht  in  ein  irisches  Wörterbuch.  Der  assyrische  König 
Dercilus  (Euseb.)  ist  gemeint.  Der  Herausgeber  bringt  den 
Namen  sogar  noch  einmal  als  Darsellus. 

102,  7.    Darcon  sieht  aus  wie  der  Gen.  von  Dairiucc,  einer  Kose- 

form von  Dair-chU  (vgl.  Dair-bran)  (P).  —  41.  SR  7699 
in  dia  dardäin  hätte  voll  zitiert  werden  sollen.  —  49.  dia 
dardäin  caplaite  hätte  in  älteren  Zitaten  und  mit  der  Über- 
setzung *Maunday  Thursday'  angeführt  werden  müssen. 
S.  meine  Contrib.  s.  v.  caplat  —  59.  statt  ist  hat  die  Hs. 
richtig  isiu]  s.  Güterbock,  Z.  f.  vgl.  Spr.  XIII  90. 

103,  9.    Add.  dia  dardäin  fresgabäla,  LB  256  b.  —  55.  Darfräich 

als  masc.  ist  ganz  zu  streichen.  Dar  kommt  nur  in  weib- 
lichen Namen  vor. 

104,  15.    Statt  Cdthair  lies  Cathäir.  -  20.  lies  LL  353  a  24.  — 

37.  statt  im  Leacon  lies  imleacon,  —  42.  lies  daririb, 
106,  10.    Add.  mod.  därlribh  cruinn  *in  real  eamest',  Munster  (P).  — 

42.  dele  Damat,  LL  140  a  23  liest  Damnat  ingen  Murchada 
Luirc  Vgl  coL  68,  33.  —  45.  lies  Ernäin,  —  60.  darpuit, 
wohl  für  ddf^thuit  *als  er  fiel'  verschrieben.  —  65.  statt  dar- 
rdi  lies  dar-rä  (a-verb). 

106,  4.    darrtnart   Ein  ganz  unnötiger  Eintrag,  durch  ungenaues 

Lesen  des  Herausgebers  verschuldet  Die  Hs.  hat  richtig 
darrinart  —  19.  lies  dartdn. 

107,  21.    Lies  mörphersan,  —  22.  lies  popul  —  62.  Die  Formen 

(Dat)  Tarthesc  Lü  77a5  und  Tartescc  Tun  1757  hätten 
herangezogen  werden  sollen.  Da  äth  ursprünglich  Neutrum 
war,  so  ist  Darteisc  klärlich  phonetische  Schreibung  für 
Tarieisc  (P). 

111,  16.    Lies  fud. 

113,  31.  Das  Wort  ddsachtaid  existiert  nicht,  ddsachtaidi  in 
CCath.  steht  für  däsachtaigi,  Nom.  PI.  fem.  von  däsachtach.  — 

43.  Eine  deponentiale  Form  ddsachtaigidir  kommt  nicht  vor, 
sondern  nur  eine  passive  ddsachtaigthir,  wie  ddisiir,  sia- 
barÜMtr  usw.  (P).  —  48.  Die  vermeintliche  aktive  Form 


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374  KUKO  METER, 

rodhdsachtaigh  ist  in  rodhdsachtadh  (Pass.  Prät)  zq  ändern 
(P).  —  64.  lies  conddsataid  =  condasatiaig^  eine  mittelir. 
Form  für  altir.  conaitecht  (P). 

114,  1.    Es  wäre  ddstaigthir  zn  lesen,  wenn  nicht  einfach  eine 

Verschreibung  für  ddsachiaigthir  vorliegt  (P).  —  56.  cen 
liga .).  cen  datha  wird  col.  115,  35  noch  einmal  zitiert,  aber 
mit  anderer  Bedeutung.  —  57.  Lies  LL  188  c  7. 

115,  51.    Lies  deich  n-etaigke. 

116,  28.    Lies  conimchloi.  —  56.  dath  brecae  ist  eine  unmögliche 

Form.  Der  Gen.  von  brec  f.  lautet  regelmälsig  bre{i)ce  (P).  — 
63.  lies  eicsiu. 

117,  9.    Statt  ceim  lies  cdem.  —  14.  lies  i  compöcath  oder  ic  com- 

pöcath.  —  54.  lies  donnbhana, 

118,  6.    Statt  B IV  2  lies  Arch.  m  308.  —  11.  add.  AcalL  4949.  — 

20.  add.  don  tüaith  dathglain,  SR  5447.  —  23.  lies  ndaih 
nglan.  Das  Zitat  stammt  aus  einem  älteren  von  Keating 
angeführten  Gedichte  (B).  —  53.  Daih-^näth  'Coloured 
Thread'.  —  59.  Dele  dath-chalmae.  Es  ist  mit  der  Hs. 
dcUhamla  zu  lesen  (LL  203  a  4  und  marg.  sup). 

119,  2.    Lies  dath  ^as',  wo  dath  wie  cruth  gebraucht  ist   Add. 

dath  donic  irt  „wie  der  Tod  kommt",  Corm.  37  [oder  viel- 
leicht dath  dondich  irt  „wie  der  Tod  rächt"  zu  lesen  (P)].  — 
5.  dele 'Ifreliable' usw.  —  63.  aäi.  Budi  mac  Deirg  dathamldL, 
LL203a4. 

120,  3.    Lies  Dathan.    Hier  sind  drei  verschiedene  Namen  ver- 

mengt: 1.  der  einheimische  Personenname  Dathän;  2.  das 
hebräische  Dathan  (Num.  XVI 1),  irisiert  Dathän  SR  4464; 

3.  das  hebr.  Dothan  n.  L  (IV  Reg.  6, 13),  ir.  Dathän  SR  7 178.  — 

4.  lies  lais.  —  9.  dathan,  nicht  o-  sondern  a-Stanun.  Stokes 
hatte  es  ganz  richtig  mit  daithen  identifiziert  (P).  —  20.  add. 
dathas  o,  m.  *nimbleness,  deftness'.  lör  dathais  (:leis)j 
tr.  V  90, 9.  S.  daithius.  —  35.  =  CZ  VÜI 297, 26.  —  36.  Der 
Eintrag  Dathnat  steht  hier  an  unrechter  Stelle  und  ist 
col.  122  wiederholt  Statt  hen  Bomnaill  .  .  Dathnat  lies 
Dathnat  hen  Chellaig.  Es  ist  zu  dath  zu  stellen.  —  39.  Hier 
wäre  zu  bemerken,  dafs  Rl  502  nur  in  den  Stammbäumen 
die  Form  Nathl  kennt  Die  wichtige  Belegstelle  Dimma 
macc  Kathi  aus  dem  Buch  von  Dimma  (Thes.  II  257,  8 
--^  RJ  502, 141b  13)  ist  nachzutragen. 


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DAS  WÖRTERBUCH   DER  KQL.  IRISCHEN  AKADEMIE.  375 

121,  13.    So  früh  ist  Nathi  gewifs  nicht  durch  Dathi  verdrängt 

worden.  —  25.  Von  Alliteration  des  n  kann  keine  Rede  sein, 
da  die  Betonung  nicht  auf  nath  fällt  Auch  darf  das  Qedicht 
Gilla  Cöemains  nicht  *old  poetry'  genannt  werden.  Im 
Mittelir.  alliteriert  vielmehr  das  thj  z.  B.  Nathi  tren§eng, 
LL  132  b  4  in  einem  Gedichte  Flann  Mainistrechs;  Dathi 
cen  tathäer,  Rl  86  b  34;  Gorm.  Aug.  1  usw.  —  27.  Lies  bliadan 
im  Reim  auf  giallad.  —  49.  add.  Nathi  m.  Bairr  m.  Cairthind, 
Rl  502, 127  a28.  —  55.  Statt  Brdin  (BB!)  Uest  Rl  502, 141  b  13 
Bri^n.  —  56.  lies  mac  Mic  Caille.  Er  heilst  Rl  151b  42 
Nathi  Senchroccenn  m.  Meic  Caille.  —  57.  lies  143  f.  — 
58.  Ues  145  c  49. 

122,  32.    Natht  m.  Melda  (sie  leg.)  ist  identisch  mit  N.  m.  Crim- 

thainn.  Er  ist  hier  nach  der  Mutter  (Meld)  genannt.  — 
ib.  add.  Nathi  m.  Odorain,  Rl  159  b  56.  —  35.  statt  Sechnaig 
lies  Senaich  mit  Rl  502, 120  b  31.  —  53.  add.  Togail  Bruidne 
Dathi,  Anecd.  II  44,  §  5.  —  60.  Auch  Dathö  alliteriert  im 
Mittelir.  mit  t,  z.  B.  do  mac  Dathö  co  a  thech,  Ir.  T.  I  97, 11; 
mac  Dathö  in  taicid,  Rl  502,  82  b.  Es  hätte  bemerkt  werden 
sollen,  dafs  Windischs  Erklärung  des  Namens  sich  auf 
irische  Überlieferung  stützt:  da  mac  Dathö  in  sin.  Buidir 
amlabair  a  mmäihair  7  a  n-athair,  RC  VIII  52. 

123,  27.    Statt  hua  Datlaich  lies  Hüi  Dadlaich.  —  44.  add.  foemai 

cosmailis  is  datu  \  frisna  buccu,  YBL  196  b. 

124,  56.    Lies  niam-data.  —  58.  Da  LL  die  richtige  Lesart  hat, 

war  der  Eintrag  überflüssig.  —  60.  statt  daithes  lies 
daithius  (P).  —  63.  lies  dau  (P). 

126,  11  und  12.  In  allen  Zitaten  ist  Duach  hier  Nom.  oder  Acc.  — 
47.  Land  610,  98b2  =  Anecd.  in  60, 10.  —  59.  statt  vik 
lies  mk.  Dafs  i  hier  kurz  ist,  beweist  der  Umlaut  in  DENA- 
VECA  (P). 

126,  4.  Add.  Eocho  Garb  m.  Duach  Daill  de  Thüaith  De  Danann, 
LL  9  a  42.  —  9.  lies  Dibech,  —  16.  add.  D.  mac  Cathail, 
Rl  502, 125  a.  —  18.  lies  Gulbain,  —  22.  lies  Daimin,  — 
29.  lies  ICmuii.  —  37.  Bei  Mac  Carthy  180,  8  steht  Duach 
Ladgair  {:  gargblaid),  —  38.  lies  Maine.  —  42.  add.  D.  mac 
Meic  Cairthind,  Rl  141b.  —  50.  lies  Conchrad  und  vgl 
Rl  151a.  —  51.  Cöir  A.  §  133  =  LL  321  c50.  —  59.  lies 
lesse.  —  64.  Dele  Dabid  Wb  56,  5.  Die  Hs,  hat  das  Kom- 
pendium dd. 


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376  KÜNO  MEYEK, 

127,  3.    UesDutd,  —  7.  Mes  Duid,  —  11.  In  El  73  b  7  hatte  die 

Hs.  zuerst  duida,  was  in  dauida  geändert  ist.  —  14.  Daoid 
Cille  Muine  war  aber  kein  Ire,  sondern  ein  Britte.  — 

35.  lies  Daur-gabal  (gabal  'Gabel').  —  39.  Dele  Dawrach  L  — 

43.  lies  daurauih  gl.  quercetom.  —  61.  add.  i  nDaurlus, 
Rl  502, 150  a  7. 

128,  12.    Add.  Danrtacht,  father  of  Echen,  Mac  Lasrind  and 

Echde,  LL328e;  Uislind  m,  Barthacht,  138  a  30;  HüiDaur- 
^Äccht,  Rl  502, 126  a  38.  —  13.  Dausech  ist  eine  archaisclie 
Form  des  Namens  Düisech  Tig.  AU  501  (Düisig :  crüisig) 
(P).  —  47.  Ues  <te?m,  sie  Sg.  71b  2,  217  b  12  (P). 
130,  53.  Hier  hätte  die  Form  dea  Laws  IV 162, 6  erwähnt  werden 
sollen. 

132,  34.    Lies  condessinn.  —  37.  lies  decmaing,    Dele  decming, 

das  nach  Pedersen  II  9  das  pejorative  do-  enthält  (P).  — 
38.  Dele  direg,  —  46.  lies  dichetal  —  49.  lies  -aisneitte  (P).  — 
59.  Es  ist  nicht  möglich  de-  aus  dis-  oder  disa-  herzuleiten. 
*  Im  ersteren  Falle  würde  man  vor  Konsonanten  eine  Spur 
des  s  erwarten  und  disa-  wird  durch  synkopierte  Formen 
wie  dechraib,  Dat.  PI.  von  dechor,  als  unmöglich  erwiesen, 
da  ein  vorhistorisches  ^disa-korobis  nur  dechoraib  hätte  er- 
geben können  (P). 

133,  12.    Lies   suthin.    —    47.    statt   conoscaig   lies   conoscaigi, 

T-Stamm  (P). 

134,  24.    scochaid  ist  keine  mögliche  Form;  lies  altir.  scaichid, 

mittelir.  scuchaid  oder  scuichid  (P).  —  30.  statt  mör 
lies  n{or. 

135,  7.    Statt  ni  congeled  lies  nicon  gebed,  wodurch  der  ganze 

Eintrag  hinfällig  wird.  —  24.  lies  do-airinni,  -tairinni.  — 

36.  lies  do-esca,  -tesca.  —  41.  lies  dodiat  (P).  —  44.  lies 
do-foscarta,  -diuscartcu  —  47.  lies  do-furcaib.  —  65.  con- 
darlicthe  enthält  nicht  das  Verbum  do-leci,  sondern  steht 
für  con-tärlicihe  {to-ad-ro-leicthe),  Prät.  Konj.  Pass.  zu 
do{f)ailci  (P). 

136,  1.  Auch  tairlaiced  (sie  leg.)  gehört  zu  dO'{f)a%lci\  es  steht 
für  to-ad-rO'Jeiced  (P).  —  15.  lies  foxal,  toxal  —  40.  In 
LL  102  b  16  bedeutet   leicid  nicht  *puts   away  fi-om'.  — 

44.  dele  LI^  218  b  86.  Die  Stelle  lautet:  rascoiltit  7  rascdiUt 
sein  di  rethib  trena  iogla  (B).  —  47.  add.  4eave  alone', 
z.  B.  sgaoil  don  medaill    RC  29,  220.  —  54.  lies  chenn. 


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DAS  WÖRTERBUCH  DER  RQL.  IRISCHEN  AKADEMIE.  377 

137,  9.    Lies  din  derchoiniud.  —   55.   lies  do-air-mescca,  -tair- 

mescca.  —  58.  Der  Eintrag  ist  zu  tilgen,  rodunsat  dorus 
dU)  beifst  'they  shut  tbe  door  witb  tbem*,  viz.  caircce  iroma 
(B).  —  63.  statt  *breathe'  lies  *take  breatb'. 

138,  31.    Die  Bedeutung  von  ar-ta  ist  besser  mit  'Stands  before, 

confronts,  remains'  zu  geben.  —  53.  lies  suidiu. 

139,  3.    Statt  do-ruaiclea,  -derclea,  Formen,  die  nicbt  existieren, 

lies  entweder  do-uiclea  oder  do-ruacell  (P).  —  48.  lies  öol,  — 
58.  lies  forclu  *choice'  (cf.  forglu  Thes.  11  340, 1). 

140,  9.    Dele  'Tbe  passage'  usw.   Der  Herausgeber  bat  die  Stelle 

mifsverstanden.  Es  ist  ein  Punkt  Unter  and  zu  setzen  und 
Sair  siar  doib  Hhey  move  forwards  and  backwards'  ist  ein 
Satz  fftr  sieb  (B).  —  36.  lies  din.  —  57.  lies  dt.  —  63.  lies 
asberam  sanctos  sainredchu  doib. 

141,  12.    Lies  Nechtan,  —  13.  lies  ijtnene.  —  45.  lies  Greeaib. 

142,  3.    Lies  connacconbeth  ni  du  Israheldaib  eür.  —  14.  lies  for 

fid  (d.  b.  for  Fid  Mar),  Arm.  18  bl. 

143,  26.    Lies  bes.  —  31.  lies  curpa.  —  40.  lies  (Bclis.  —  62.  dele 

*intr.'  —  63.  lies  dorinne  finnmag  d'ifom. 

144,  12.    Lies  mulluch. 

146,  4.  Statt  *might'  lies  *may'.  —  9.  lies  dUnat  —  15.  lies 
di^n.  —  17.  add.  diäund  *hence,  tben'.  de  wird  öfters  nach 
Adverbien  gebraucht,  welche  auf  und  nieder  bedeuten,  z.  B. 
süas  de,  anüas  de,  Ir.  T.  I  794  (P). 

146,  7.  Lies  ndimtiu.  —  16.  Hier  wären  Beispiele  mit  idio- 
matischer Wortstellung  wie  a  ndu  imnedaib  7  frithoircnib 
fodaimi  Ml  55  d  angebracht  gewesen.  —  35.  Ein  besseres 
Beispiel  wäre  cid  do  chana  (leg.  chanu)  duit,  TBC  565. 

148,  5.    Lies  ndd  biad  de  clethe  lia  chenel  and.   Vgl.  die  Bemerkung 

zu  decleithi  unten.  —  16.  add.  ni  böi  ihn  uli  daman  d'fir 
nö  do  mnai,  d'öc  nö  do  Hn,  LB  133  b.  —  34.  7  don  cach 
duni  ist  richtig. 

149,  1.    Lies  iriun.  —  9.  dele  do  beo  usw.  do  bedeutet  hier  'dein'; 

s.  TBC  1224. 

150,  54.    Der  Herausgeber  siebt  daidib  irrtümlich  als  Dat  PI.  an. 

151,  9.    Lies  de.  —  38.  lies  rö  n-urchair.  —  53.  lies  bachaill 

152,  17.    Besser  *under  tbe  safeguard  of.  —  18.  lies  dehn. 

153, 10.    dotaet  bidc  stimmt  nicht  zu  doiasd  bidg  in  Z.  25.   Die  Aus- 
gabe liest  dotäd  bidg.  —  55.  lies  dehn.  —  61.  lies  di^uidiu. 
155;  21.    Lies  dtnd.  —  54.  lies  dihn. 


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378  KÜNO  MEYER, 

156,  4.    Dele  ragaid  do  beo  usw.  —  6.  add.  is  ed  bis  mo  smachi 

do  ilr,  ffib.  Min.  82, 12.  —  11,  add.  deag  Finn,  RC  XXV  346, 
§  2.  —  63.  mod.  de  dhruim  bedeutet  auch  'über'. 

157,  4.    Der  Herausgeber  schreibt  inkonsequent  di  eclai,  aber 

dfebas,  doenguth  usw.  —  15.  lies  fochunn.  —  22.  Die  richtige 
altir.  Form  wäre  di  fomeurt  (P).  —  32.  add.  eirg  dem  in- 
chaibl  RC  XXV  346,  §  2.  —  51.  lies  de  chommairgi.  — 
52.  lies  di  muin  Chormaic  ind  rtg.  Mit  Finian  beginnt  ein 
neuer  Satz.  —  57.  lies  tigi  fri  Temraig.  —  60.  lies  ^öe- 
naicniud, 

158,  17.    Lies  d^öenurchur  (P). 

159,  13.    Lies  monur.  —  60.  lies  Idbraithir. 

160,  15.    Statt  tairchet  lies  do-erchain  (P). 

161,  12.    cechtarde  neben  cechtardae  30,  nechtarde  47  neben  nech- 

tardae  52  ist  inkonsequent  (P). 

162,  6.    Dieses  -de  {-te)  ist  zwar  enklitisch  und  verschmilzt  mit 

dem  Komparativ,  zählt  aber  für  den  Reim  nicht  mit,  so  dafs 
z.  B.  güirite  LL  375  b  54  auf  süle  reimt.  —  37.  lies  int  olc.  — 
46.  bith  ist  keine  altir.  Form;  lies  buiih  (P).  —  53.  Diese 
altir.  Rekonstruktion  ist  voller  Fehler;  lies  n«  mescu  de 
diöul  ind  lendo  (P).  —  55.  Besser:  *for  her  calf  being  left 
with  her'. 

163,  8.    Lies  dligthigu  (P).  —  50.  lies  anscuich[th]e. 

164,  8.    Lies  flrianu.  —  50.  lies  mescu  (P). 

165,  48.    Lies  maith  di  anmain,    maith  7  ist  aus  maUh"^  ver- 

lesen. 

166,  5.    Zahlreiche  Beispiele  des  zweisilbigen  diäd  finden  sich  in 

TBC  in  dem  Namen  Fer  diäd,  z.  B.  3056,  3659,  3694 
Dieser  Name  hätte  unter  1  de  erwähnt  werden  sollen.  — 
26.  add.  de  de  araid  sucut,  ...de  de  rtg  süt,  arse,  LL  122a42.  — 
48.  lies  iänic.  —  50.  lies  48. 

167,  25.    Stokes  hat  seinen  Fehler  selbst  Arch.  in  55  verbessert  — 

45.  add.  dea  'a  pagan  divinity*. 

168,  34.    lies  Bec  mac  De.  —  38.  statt  Dei  war  De  (LL  9bl0) 

zu  schreiben.  Die  Orthographie  von  Cath  Muige  Tuired  ist 
doch  nicht  normal.  —  47.  Hier  hätte  Erwähnung  verdient, 
dals  iüath  De  auch  als  „Volk  Gottes"  von  den  Juden  ge- 
braucht wird,  z.  B.  CZ  m  33,  SR  5079, 5083  usw.  Auch  im  PL 
iüatha  De,  SR  3883;  femer  dafs  die  TOatha  De  Danann 
auch  Fir  Dea  genannt  werden,  z.  B.  Lü  122  b  41,  LL  245  b  49. 


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DAS  WÖRTERBUCH   DER  KGL.  IBI80HEK   AKADEMIE.  379 

169,  8.    Add.  a  Slemain,  a  Sleib  Tri  nDe,  Rl  502,  84  a  30. 

170,  5.    Lies  328  b  21.  —  10.  dele  dechumi  fili  usw.    Hier  ist 

der  Herausgeber  durch  Thurneysen  irregeführt  worden. 
Die  Hs.  liest:  dümaine  labartha  7  dechraighti,  s.  Thurneysen, 
Zu  ir.  Hss.  591). 

171,  19.    deäd  wird  auch  am  Ende  des  10.  Jahrhunderts  noch 

zweisilbig  gebraucht,  z.  B.  SR  2829,  wo  es  auf  gleäd  reimt  — 
26.  add.  fo  diüd,  Arch.  III  30,  3.  —  33.  statt  Dublitir  Ua 
Huathgaile,  llth  Century,  lies  Gilla  in  Chomded,  12th  Cen- 
tury. —  36.  statt  däd  lies  co  deidh. 
173,  53.    TTr  353  hat:  adfiadat  a  scela  dö  ö  thüs  co  deired. 

175,  62.    Statt  heith  lies  hmth  (P).  —  65.  statt  luch  lies  lucht 

176,  52.    Lies  aibriosc. 

177,  26.    Lies  deoaid. 

178,  13.    Dele  6  cumdach  usw.   Der  Herausgeber  hat  sich  durch 

MacCarthy  verführen  lassen.  Die  Hs.  hat  gu  deod  flatha 
Äsarda  „bis  zum  Ende  der  assyrischen  Herrschaft".  — 
26.  Dead  ist  in  dem  Namen  Mess  Deäd  LL  48  b  24  zwei- 
silbig. —  25.  lies  dian,  —  36.  add.  do  Dean  7  do  Äpaill, 
TTr  73  =  BB  412  b  20;  i  tempcU  loiph  7  Dean,  BB  413  a  9.  — 
59.  statt  Cinded  lies  Connaid,  —  60.  Die  richtige  Form 
des  NouL  ist  Deäth,  wie  der  Reim  auf  bräth  (Alt.  Dicht.  I, 
S.  54)  zeigt.  Schon  dadurch  fällt  die  versuchte  Etymologie 
des  Herausgebers  hin. 

179,  23.   f  debai.   Ein  unnötiger  Eintrag,  da  die  Herausgeber  des 

Thesaurus  selbst  auf  S.  725  ihr  Versehen  verbessert  haben  (P). 

—  25.  lies  dometu  =  dommetu  „Armut".  —  28.  lies  debennach. 

—  36.  Die  Verbesserung  deb[l]enaib  steht  schon  CZ  VI25  zu 
lesen.  —  55.  add.  0  debliadain  co  teora  blladna,  O'Dav.  706. 

180,  2.    de-bricht  bedeutet  auch  ein  alliterierendes  aus  zwei  Zeilen 

bestehendes  Versmafs.  S.  Ir.  T.  HI  39,  §  31.  —  39.  Gewifs 
beweisen  die  Reime,  da£s  debrad  kurzes  e  hat  —  42.  Der 
Dativ  foscud  und  der  Nom.  'gnom  beweisen  nichts  für 
debroth  (P).  —  54  statt  om  lies  mo. 

181,  12.    debraih  ist  sicherlich  eine  Interjektion.  —  20.  statt  *by 

God's  doom'  lies  *by  God's  doom!*  —  49.  lies  cona  cathaib, 
gairge  regihe,  \  cona  ndebthaige  tria  oibbne,  Ir.  Nen.  252,  3 
ist  dasselbe  Zitat  noch  einmal 

182,  15.    Hier  wäre  die  Schreibung  dethfa,  Arch.  HI  296,  n.  4  und 

deihba  Er.  V  22,  23   zu  erwähnen  gewesen.  —  33.  Dafs 

Z«itMhrilt  f.  Mit.  PhUologie  X.  25 


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380  KüNO  MBTER, 

de-  nicht  aus  dis-  hergeleitet  werden  kann,  ist  oben  S.  376 
schon  bemerkt  worden  (P). 

186,  44.    Statt  ceti  lies  cethri.  —  49.  In  SR  717  ist  deccrai[b]  zu 

lesen;  vgl  deccraib:etilaib,  ib.  6875.  Tochm.  F.  439  liest: 
ni  dam  nädeine  deccair  *it  is  something  to  me  which  does 
not  cause  wonder'.  —  56.  Die  Bedeutung  *act  of  wondering', 
die  ich  in  den  Contribb.  angesetzt  habe,  ist  aufrecht  zu 
halten.  Vgl.  z.  B.  dorönsat  slüaig  deccra  de  *the  hosts  mar- 
velled  at  it',  Dinds.  III  44,  71.  —  61.  dele  deccardrong. 
Dechar-drong  findet  sich  auch  in  Land  610,  73  b  1 :  Auo« 
dagerbla  dechard[r]uing.   Statt  Ul  lies  üluim, 

187,  2.    Lies  6n  rigraidh  sin.  —  7.  lies  co  massi,  —  16.  lies  M,  — 

37.  lies  Deccrach, 

190,  46.    dechair  bedeutet  nicht  Ho  foUow*,  sondern  ist  der  Dat. 

von  dechor,  das  im  Mittelir.  zum  Fem.  geworden  ist  Das 
Zitat  aus  O'Cler}'  ist  zu  übersetzen:  ^a  tale  without  a  poem 
distinguishing  it'.  —  53.  dechardae  gehört  zu  IV  dechor  und 
bedeutet  'distinguished,  excellent'.  —  62.  dechar-drong  be- 
deutet *full  of  varied'  or  *distinguished  hosts'. 

191,  3.    Lies  decheng,  —  23.  Wörter  wie  cenc  und  tenc  sind  wenig 

wahrscheinliche  Ansätze.  —  60.  add.  toraiihair  .t.  dächennaig, 
Immac.  in  da  th.  §  255. 

192,  8.    Lies  decheifaid  (P).  —  29.  statt  dHerind  lies  Herenn. 

194,  41.    Lies  setnad.  —  55.  statt  S,  Dechnan  lies  «anct  Dechnan. 

Statt  *saint'  lies  'priest'. 

195,  4.    Das  ch  in  dechon  hat  nicht  u-,  sondern  o-Färbung  (P). 

196,  2.    Add.  Dub  dechon  n.  pr.  m.  Anecd.  m  61,  21.  —  9.  Hier 

hat  Lee.  579  Mag  Glinne  Da  Chon\  vgl.  Onom. 

197,  61.    Lies  cona  [n\dechraib,  —  62.  statt  *each  with  bis  special 

tribe'  lies  *with  their  differences  in  each  tribe'.  —  64.  statt 
*after  their  Separation'  lies  *according  to  their  differences'. 

198,  14.  lies  ndeadhrand,  —  30.  dechra  (altir.  dechrae)  'difference, 
distinction'  von  declior  abgeleitet.  In  dem  Zitat  aus  ßawL 
könnte  es  auch  der  Acc.  PI.  von  dechor  sein.  —  39.  statt 
Adammair  lies  Adamra. 

199,  31.    Statt  dechroid  hat  die  Hs.  decroid,  wohl  eine  mittelir. 

Schreibung  für  decrai,  Gen.  Sg.  zu  deccair  *hardship'.  Vgl 
mör  decrai  7  mör  aingcessa  da  thabairt  fonn^  LU  131b  16 
(P).  —  50.  lies  210  b  25. 

200,  61.    Add.  *differentiates,  settles'. 


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DAS  WÖRTERBUCH  DER  KGL.  IRISCHEN  AKADEMIE.  381 

201,  6.    Lies  cach  luib  tn'cc  ticc  iria  talmain, 

202,  24.  Add.  3.  deckt  n.  ^a  saying,  teaching';  vgl  altir.  iär-dechia, 
Echtra  Connla  (P). 

203,  47.  Lies  dretell  —  48.  lies  Leitend  (Letend  BB  203  d  46).  — 
65.  lies  äecon. 

204,  36.  Lies  Declän.  Add.  Declän,  LB  15d  16.  In  der  Brüsseler 
Hs.  5100—4,  S.  4  (Gorm.  S.  Vm)  reimt  es  auf  Beccan.  Mod. 
Diaglän.  —  41.  statt  Sanctus  lies  5acart  —  58.  lies  näd 
hiad  de  cleithe  lia  chenel  and  'tbat  bis  race  shonld  not 
have  a  rooftree  there  thenceforth'.  C!olgan  gibt  de  mit 
4n  posterum'  wieder  (P). 

205,  10.  Lies  ni  bad  ecmacht  —  12.  Eg.  1782,87  b  =  Arch. 
m  3, 10. 

206,  27.  Dieser  Eintrag  ist  nnter  n  zu  stellen:  miana  decmuici 
'desires  tbat  are  difflcolt  to  falfil'.  —  43.  lies  Deochon  Aed 
%  Cuü  Maine.  —  55.  statt  decraiter  lies  dechraiiher  wie  in 
col.  199. 

207,  16.  Hier  wäre  die  spricbwörtliche  Redensart  ba  gleith  eck 
nDedad,  Anecd.  n  59  zu  erwäbnen. 

208,  21.  recartacha  stebt  für  frecartacha.  —  51.  dedail  lälst 
sich  nicbt  ans  (2e  +  deil  erklären;  das  breite  d  spricht 
dagegen.  Es  ist  natüilich  ans  de  und  däü  „Teilen''  zu- 
sammengesetzt (P).  —  64.  add.  deagaiU,  CZ IX 172  §  14. 

209,  11.  Lies  drolaibh.  —  13.  lies  hiat.  —  26.  lies  ren  docra.  — 
28.  lies  deaghailt  —  41.  lies  ant  anam,  —  46.  dele 
'A  ceasing'  usw.  Wie  der  Reim  auf  genair  zeigt,  handelt 
es  sieb  in  dem  Zitat  um  dedail  —  61.  Was  hier  *at  tbe 
verse  end'  bedeuten  soll,  verstehe  ich  nicht. 

210,  13.    didail  ist  keine  yox  nibili,  wie  der  Herausgeber  sagt, 

der  selbst  einen  langen  Eintrag  unter  dedail  bringt.  — 
14.  add.  Dedail  'Daedalus',  CZ  IV  239,  5.  —  44.  Dieser 
Eintrag  hat  wieder  in  einem  irischen  Wörterbuch  nichts 
zu  tun. 

211,  61.    Das  Wort  dedgair  ist  nicht  im  11.  Jahrhundert  aus- 

gestorben, sondern  lebt  noch  heute  in  der  vom  Herausgeber 
bezweifelten  Bedeutung  *quick'.  O'Leary  schreibt  es  diair, 
z.  B.  go  diair  *quickly',  Söadna  762  (B). 

212,  6.    Gegen  dedgarach  ist  nichts  einzuwenden.    Es  ist  regel- 

mäfsig  von  dedgair  abgeleitet  und  bedeutet  'active,  eager'.  — 

25* 


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382  KUKO  METER, 

53.  lies  Breg.  —  57.  Das  Verbum  lautet  altir.  nicht  tuiUid 
sondern  do-sU,  -tuilli  (P). 

213,  10.    Statt  i  nuarcollaib    lies   in  uar  (=   bar)   collaib,   — 

56.  lies  öol 

214,  8.    Lies  Eremhuin.  —  47.  deec  kann  nicht  als  Gen.  eines 

Nom.  *dee  (de  +  penk')  gelten.  Der/Nom.  war  Oberhaupt 
nicht  dee,  denn  ein  vorhistorisches  ^dvei-penk^-s  kann  un- 
möglich existiert  haben.  Wir  müssen  ^dvei-petik^e  ansetzen, 
das  altir.  nur  *deic  hätte  geben  können,  deec  ist  übrigens 
nicht  Gen.  Sg.,  sondern  Dual  (P).  —  64.  statt  deec :  ec  lies 
deec :  rec. 

215,  5.    LL  52all  ist  zu  lesen  cöic  cet  d^e\c  trichem  fromm,  — 

40.  statt  Heu'  lies  'decimal'.  —  47.  Im  heutigen  Dialekt 
von  Ost-Munster  heifsen  die  Lehrer  deagracha  (P).  — 
50.  statt  sa  lies  sna, 

216,  17.    FM  A.  D.  1015  handelt  es  sich  um  tene  deäitl   (B.)  — 

48.  Das  Wort  ist  nicht  schon  im  11.  Jahrhundert  aus- 
gestorben. Der  Herausgeber  führt  Z.  44  selbst  ein  Beispiel 
aus  CCath.  an.  —  50.  LL  357  d  28  hat  mac  Treno  m.  Deeid. 

217,  5.    Add.  deserce,  Arch.  in  217,  deaircci  ib.  30,  §  85. 

218,  4.    Lies  moir.  —  5.  lies  risan  deirc  .i.  re  oibribh  na  trö- 

caire  (B).  —  31.  lies  Trisyllabic. 

219,  6.    Der  Eintrag  ist  zu  tilgen,    debhfert  steht  für  deghfert.  — 

41.  lies  de-fordal.  Das  Wort  ist  ein  a-Stamm  und  enthält 
2  dal  wie  das  mod.  forddil  *act  of  straying'  zeigt  (P). 

220,  54.  dega  steht  nicht  für  decha,  sondern  ist  phonetische 
Schreibung  für  deca,  Imper.  von  do-ed,  —  62.  Ein  Adj. 
degabal  gibt  es  nicht. 

221,  15.    Es  liegt  kein  Grund  vor,  ein  digaid  mit  kurzem  t  an- 

zunehmen. Wir  haben  nur  die  Formen  dt-  und  de-.  Kurzes 
i  wäre  nur  im  Hiatus  möglich  (P).  —  36.  add.  Im  östlichen 
Munster  wird  go  deaghaidh  im  Sinne  von  go  deo  (col.  173,  56) 
gebraucht. 

222,  43.    Lies  buith. 

223,  22.  Add.  Degän  o,  n.  pr.  m.  Becc  mac  Degän,  LL  393  a  46; 
Becc  m.  Lethdegäin,  48  b  53.  —  32.  statt  na  hindeda  lies 
Naindedai;  LB  hat  Nindedai  —  43.  lies  Degen  und  OJROIT. 

224,  5.  Statt  Bläthchon  lies  Blatchon.  —  13.  BB  144  f  liest 
cenel  Neamongen:  Hai  Mic  Dechill,  Hui  Labrada,  Hai 
Balläin  usw.  —  18.  statt  Caisene  lies  Cascene.  —  21.  statt 


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DAS  WÖRTBBBUCH   DER  KGL.  IRISCHEN  AKADEMIE.  383 

Cumdn  lies  Cuman.  —  24.  dele  'father  oV  usw.  BB  200  b  43 
hat:  nö  mac  Deichill  —  26.  dele  *To  this  Deceir  usw.  — 
31.  lies  144  f  25.  —  56.  Stokes  hatte  gewifs  recht  degnech 
als  von  deck'  abgeleitet  aufzufassen.  Die  Endung  -nedi 
schreibt  sich  aus  Wörtern  wie  ctiimnech,  toraisnech  usw. 
her.    Vgl  Thumeysen  §  517  (P). 

Wernigerode,  Kund  Meyer. 

am  Tage  der  Eroberung  yon  Antwerpen. 


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ZUM  LEBOR  GABALA. 

Van  Hamel  hat  auf  Grund  einer  viel  eingehenderen  Kenntnis 
des  ersten  Teiles  des  Lebor  Gabäla,  als  sie  mir  für  meinen  Artikel  0 
zu  Gebote  stand,  das  Verhältnis  der  verschiedenen  Fassungen 
dieses  Textes  von  neuem  besprochen^)  und  ist  dabei  zu  weit  ab- 
weichenden Resultaten  gelangt.  Doch  scheint  mir  eine  Prüfung 
seiner  Beweise  zu  ergeben,  dals  er  im  Irrtum  ist,  und  dafs  viel- 
mehr ich  im  Wesentlichen  richtig  gesehen  hatte. 

Meinen  —  nur  acht  Seiten  umfassenden  —  Artikel  hat 
freilich  van  Hamel  offenbar  nur  ganz  flüchtig  gelesen,  obschon 
er  mehrfach  dagegen  polemisiert.  Das  zeigt  sich  nicht  nur  in 
der  8. 110  gegebenen,  aber  nachträglich  8. 197  widerrufenen  An- 
gabe, ich  setze  als  Quelle  ein  lateinisches  Über  occupationis 
voraus.  Da  gerade  meine  Hauptthese  war  (und  ist),  man  könne 
aus  den  beiden  irischen')  Fassungen,  die  ich  BIH  und  A 
genannt  habe,  den  ursprünglichen  Wortlaut  des  LG  mühelos 
herstellen,  so  ist  schwer  verständlich,  wie  ein  Leser  auch  nur 
vorübergehend  zu  jenem  Mifsverständnis  kommen  konnte.  Aber 
noch  mehr  fällt  auf,  dafs  van  Hamel  mehrfach  wiederholt,  ich 
hätte  in  der  Fassung  BI  (van  Hamels  Ba)  nur  eine  Kürzung 
von  A  ,(LL)  gesehen*).  Ich  gestehe,  dafs  ich  mir  beim  ersten 
Lesen  bestürzt  an  die  Stirn  griff,  ob  ich  mich  denn  wirklich  so 
undeutlich  ausgedrückt  habe.    Aber  meine  Worte  (S.  8)  lauten: 

0  Zu  ir.  Handschriften  und  Litteratordenkmälern,  2.  Serie,  S.  3  ff. 

»)  Oben  S.  97  ff. 

*)  Nnr  die  paar  ersten,  von  mir  S.  6  abgedmckten  Sätxe,  die  grOXstenteils 
ans  Isid.  Orig.  14,  6,  6  nnd  9,  2,  103  stammen,  sind  lateinisch,  nnd  das  audet 
gut  legatt  womit  sie  schlielsen,  setst  keinen  sehr  lateinfrohen  Bedaktor  voraus. 

*)  „In  Ba . .  Professor  Thomeysen  sees  only  an  abridgement  of  A.  This 
I  do  not  nndrrstaiid"  ^^.  9fif.).  „It  is  a  pity  Professor  Thumej'sen  has  failed 
to  see  this"  (S.  111),  uämlich  dafs  B I  ausführlicher  als  A  ist 


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ZUM  LBBOB  gabIla.  385 

„Die  Grundlage  (von  BI  =  Ba)  ist  durchaus  Version  A.  Bis  zu 
fol.  83 r  (der  Hs.  Rawl.  B.  512)  wird  diese  mannigfach  erweitert 
und  nfthert  sich  bereits  dem  Umfang,  den  ihr  dann  Version  C 
gibt  Aber  nun  ändert  der  Redaktor  plötzlich  sein  Verfahren. 
Etwa  von  Tigemmas  (LL16b)  an  kürzt  er  gewaltig"  usw.  Da 
van  Hamel  nur  vom  ersten  Teil  handelt,  habe  ich  also  fast  genau 
dasselbe  gesagt  wie  er  (S.  113):  „The  above  list  shows  that  Ba 
is  in  almost  every  section  more  extensive  than  A".  Das  ist  doch 
sonderbare  Polemik!  —  Noch  ein  Drittes.  Van  Hamel  (S.  99) 
sagt,  man  habe  bisher  die  Hs.  R  (=  Rawl.  B.  512)  „immer  für 
den  Hauptvertreter"  der  Version  Ba  (mein  BI)  angesehen.  Da 
aufser  mir  meines  Wissens  niemand  über  diese  Version  gehandelt 
hat,  so  bin  wohl  auch  hier  ich  gemeint.  Aber  ich  habe  ja  S.  7 
ausdrücklich  bemerkt,  dafs  ich  R  nur  darum  benütze,  weil  mir 
durch  die  Güte  von  Plummer  eine  Abschrift  davon  vorliege.  Als 
„Hauptvertreter"  habe  ich  es  nicht  nur  nie  bezeichnet,  sondern  im 
Gegenteil  auf  die  grof sen  Mängel  dieser  Handschrift  besonders  hin- 
gewiesen. Nur  stand  mir  bei  Abfassung  des  Artikels  keine  andere 
im  Wortlaut  zu  Gebote.  Auch  hier  kämpft  also  van  Hamel  gegen 
Luftgebilde.  Übrigens  ist  seine  Angabe  (S.  101.  102)  ungenau, 
die  Unordnung  in  R  beruhe  auf  falscher  Blätterlage  in  dieser 
Handschrift.  Ich  hatte  doch  S.  7  deutlich  bemerkt,  dafs  die 
falsche  Ordnung  auf  fol.  76r  zeigt,  dafs  schon  die  Vorlage  ver- 
wirrt war.  Schon  deshalb  kann  R  nicht  eine  Kopie  von  S  sein, 
wie  van  Hamel  (S.  102)  meint. 

Die  Aufgabe  des  Nachprüfenden  wird  dadurch  sehr  erschwert, 
dafs  van  Hamel  niemals  auch  nur  eine  Seitenzahl  seiner  Hand- 
schriften anführt,  weder  der  faksimilierten  noch  der  unedierten.  Es 
kann  also  den  Wert  oder  Unwert  seiner  Argumente  nur  der 
würdigen,  der  sich  selbständig  in  den  Stoff  eingearbeitet  hat^). 
Auch  rächt  sich  wohl  an  van  Hamel,  dafs  er  nur  den  ersten  Teil 


^)  Den  Höhepnukt  usgenauen  Ziüerens  bildet  wohl  S.  190,  wo  von  einer 
Veraion  der  Schlacht  auf  Mag  Toired  die  Bede  ist  „such  as  that  preserved  in 
one  of  the  MSS.  belonging  to  the  Royal  Insh  Academy".  Nnn  geh  und  suche! 
—  Unrichtig  ist  die  Angabe  S.  143,  LL  lese  in  Zeile  11  des  Gedichts:  mac  Baaüh 
mic  Magoch  wie  K;  vielmehr  hat  es  (LL  2  a  6)  mac  Fattecht  mic  Magoth,  er- 
weist also  die  Lesart  von  Lee.  (BIII)  als  onprünglich,  die  von  R  als  be- 
deutungslose Korrektur.  —  Wenn  S.  178  Aum.  2  Cormac  §  1265  sitiert  wird, 
sollte  —  wegen  der  Zeitbestimmung  —  bemerkt  werden,  dafs  es  sich  nur  um 
einen  der  Zusatzartikel  im  Yellow  Book  of  Lecan  handelt. 


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386  R.  THURNET8EN; 

des  Textes,  die  eigentlichen  gdbdla  Brenn  ins  Auge  fafst  mit 
Ausschlufs  der  Listen  der  späteren  Könige;  deren  Berücksichtigung 
hätte  ihm  die  Einsicht  in  die  wahren  Verhältnisse  erleichtert 

Eine  eigentümliche  Ansicht  hat  van  Hamel  über  die  Er- 
haltung irischer  Handschriften.  Er  glaubt  nämlich,  alle  unsere 
Handschriften  des  LG  seien  direkt  eine  aus  der  anderen  kopiert 
Wer  sich  aber  irgend  mit  der  Überlieferung  der  irischen  Literatur 
beschäftigt  hat,  weifs,  wie  überaus  selten,  ja  fast  unerhört  es  ist, 
dafs  eine  Kopie  vor  dem  17.  Jahrhundert  auf  eine  erhaltene 
Handschrift  zurück  geht  ^),  Das  ist  auch  sehr  begreiflich.  Hand- 
schriften, die  viel  benutzt  werden,  gehen  zugrunde;  nur  solche, 
die  zufällig  längere  Zeit  unbeachtet  abseits  liegen  bleiben,  haben 
Aussicht  auf  ein  höheres  Alter.  Man  vermifst  denn  auch  bei 
van  Hamel  jeden  Schatten  eines  Beweises,  etwa  durch  Nachweis 
gemeinsamer  Fehler  in  Gedichten,  eigentümlicher  Orthographie 
usw.  Ich  bin  einstweilen  überzeugt,  dafs  keine  unserer  Hand- 
schriften direkt,  wohl  auch  indirekt  aus  der  anderen  geflossen 
ist  Nur  von  O'Clery  will  ich  nicht  bestreiten,  dafs  er  unser 
Book  of  Lecan  benutzt  hat;  ich  kenne  die  Texte  nicht  genau 
genug.  Somit  handelt  es  sich  für  uns  im  Folgenden  nur  um  die 
Abhängigkeit  der  verschiedenen  Fassungen  voneinander,  nicht 
der  einzelnen  Handschriften. 

Unsere  beiden  Thesen  lauten 2): 
1.  Die  meinige:  Das  LG  ist  im  12.  Jahrhundert  unter  König 
Ruadri  (regiert  seit  1156)  spätestens  1168»)  entstanden.  Es 
ist  mit  ganz  wenig  Interpolationen  in  B  HI  erhalten  (in  Rawl. 
B.  512  und  Lee.  I),  mit  sehr  viel  mehr  Erweiterungen  in  A  (LL). 
Eine  Bearbeitung  —  teils  Ei-weiterung  teils  Kürzung  —  von  A 
ist  BI,  das  dann  mit  BIII  (und  BII)  vereinigt  worden  ist 
Alle  diese  Neuerungen  fallen  zeitlich  unmittelbar  nach  der 
Vollendung  des  Originalwerks. 

^)  Eine  Ausnahme  bildet  wohl  die  Edinborger  Handschrift  des  16.  Jahr- 
hunderts, Nr.  XL,  deren  Mesca  Ulad  vielleicht  —  indirekt  —  ans  LL  geflossen 
ist,  s.  Zu  ir.  Hss.,  2.  Serie,  S.  13.  Femer  die  Kopie  von  Cormacs  Glossar  im 
Book  of  Hy-Maine,  die  auf  Land  610  zurückgeht,  s.  Festschrift  Windisch  S.  8ff. 

^)  Ich  gebrauche  meine  alten  Bezeichnungen  BI  für  van  Hamels  Ba, 
B  in  für  sein  Bb.    Mit  B 11  befafst  sich  van  Hamel  nicht 

')  Die  andere  Zahl,  1178  (S.  7),  beruhte  auf  dem  Versehen,  das  ich  S.24 
verbessert  habe. 


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ZUM  LBBOR  GABÄLA.  387 

2.  Van  Hamel:  Die  Zeit  der  EntstehuDg  des  LG  (UrbandscbriftX) 
liegt  zwischen  950 — 1050.  Verhältnismäfsig  am  treusten  gibt 
es  BI  wieder.  A  und  BIII  geben  zunächst  auf  eine  ältere 
Fassung  0  zurück,  die  aus  dem  urspränglicben  LG  wesentlich 
durch  Kürzung  entstanden  war.  Wo  BIII  kürzer  ist  als  A, 
beruht  das  auf  nochmaliger  Kürzung.  Daneben  haben  alle 
drei  Versionen  auch  eigene  Erweiterungen  und  Änderungen. 

In  betreff  der  Fassung  C  [in  BB  und  Lee  II 0]  stimmt  dagegen 
van  Hamel  mit  mir  darin  überein,  daTs  sie  mit  Benutzung  aller 
älteren  Fassungen  kompiliert  ist.  Über  O'Clery's  Redaktion  (D) 
endlich  gibt  er  zum  ersten  Mal  näheren  Aufschlufs.  Nur  weifs 
ich  nicht,  warum  er  sie  S.  119  Cucogry  O'Clery  zuschreibt,  während 
bisher  nach  der  Vorrede^)  Michael  O'Clery  als  Hauptredaktor, 
Cucogry  nur  als  Schreiber  einer  Kopie  gegolten  hat  3).  Richtig 
hat  van  Hamel  konstatiert,  dafs  die  Fragmente  von  B I  in  D.  V.  1 
und  D.  IV.  1  (früher  Stowe  Ms.  994  u.  991)  aneinander  schliefsen 
und  einst  eine  einzige  Handschrift  ausgemacht  haben  —  er  nennt 
sie  S  —  und  zwar  eine  ganz  vorzügliche,  wenn  auch  seine  An- 
nahme, sie  sei  geradezu  die  Urhandschrift  der  Version  BI,  keinerlei 
Wahrscheinlichkeit  hat. 

Ich  beginne  mit  der  Prüfung  der  Frage,  ob  die  Kürze  von 
BIII  gegenüber  A  als  eine  Kürzung  oder  ob  A  als  eine  Er- 
weiterung einer  BDI  nahestehenden  Fassung  (meines  0)  an- 
zusehen ist.  Es  genügt,  glaube  ich,  schon  die  Betrachtung  einer 
einzigen  Stelle,  um  das  letztere  zu  erweisen.  Nach  der  Einleitung 
über  die  Gaidil  heilst  es  als  Beginn  der  eigentlichen  gabäla 

in  BHI:  in  A  (LL4a47): 

Scuirem  ifechtsa  do  scelaib  na  Scuirem  ifechisa  do  scdaib  na 

nGcedel  7  tinntoum  do  athminiu-  '  üGcedel,  coro'aisnidem  dona  .uti 

gud  forsna  coic  gabalaih  ro'gabsat  tuathaib  ro'gabsat  Herind  rempo: 

Herinn,  ut  dicitur:  Rogab  6m Cessair  ingen Betha 

Änno.lx,oaetatisÄbramtenuit  |  m(ic)  Not  ,xl  la  ria  ndüind. 

Parihol- Ibemiam.  Ab  Adam  au-  \  Partholon  mac  Sera  tri  chet 

tem  .tt.  (milia)  7  .de,  7  .uiii,  anni.  \  6^  iar  ndüind*), 

0  Über  das  Book  of  Fermoy  s.  unten  S.  392  ff. 
')  O^Curry,  Lectures  on  the  Ms.  Materials,  p.  552. 
*)  Ebenda  17a 

*)  Die  Zeitbestimmung  von  BIII  folgt  in  A  erst  weiter  nnien  im  Texte 
(LL5all):  l$in  tstscaimad  bl-  aiii  Abräim  ro'gab  Paritholön)  iferiiki 


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388 

Nemed  iar  Pa/rtolr.  Nemed  mac  Ägno-  do  Grecaib 

Fir  Bolc  post,  elanna  Dela     Scithia  i  cind  jcxx.  bl-  iar  Par- 
m(te)  Loiih  usw.  tkolr. 

Fir  Bälg  iarsain, 
Fir  Domnand  iarsain, 
Oälioin  iarsain. 
I       Tuatha  Di  B.  iar  tain. 

Also  Bin  kennt  nur  fünf  gdbdla:  Partholön,  Nemed,  Fir  Bolg 
und  die  später  besprochenen  Tuatba  D6  Donann  und  Maie  Miled 
(=  6d£dil).  A  zählt  sieben  Stämme  auf,  die  vor  den  Maie  Miled 
Irland  besetzt  haben;  man  könnte  also  von  acht  gabdla  bei  ihm 
sprechen,  obschon  Fir  Bomnand  und  Galioin  im  weiteren  Text 
nicht  als  eigentliche  gabdla  behandelt  sind.  Und  das  erste  sollte 
eine  EOrzung  des  zweiten  sein?  Da  mufs  einer  die  Art  der 
mittelalterlichen  Iren  schlecht  kennen,  wenn  er  glaubt,  dafs  einer, 
der  über  die  gabdla  Brenn,  wenn  auch  kurz,  schreiben  will,  so 
vorgeht,  dals  er  von  den  überlieferten  acht  einfach  drei  und 
darunter  gerade  die  erste  streicht!  Vielmehr  ist  ohne  weiteres 
klar,  dafs  der  Verfasser  von  Bin  von  Cessair  nichts  gewulst 
hat,  so  wenig  wie  Nennius.  Aber  van  Hamel  glaubt,  seine  an 
sich  unwahrscheinliche  Annahme  durch  den  Nachweis  stützen 
zu  können,  dals  gerade  B  HE  auch  Kenntnis  von  Cessair  verrate 
(S.  108  Anm.  1).  Es  handelt  sich  um  die  Unterschrift  des  Teiles, 
der  die  gabdla  enthält.  Sie  lautet  in  A  (LL  14  b  43):  Is  andaid 
sen  tra  gäbsat  Ocedil  Herind,  in  C  (BB  42  a  56):  Gaidhil  tra,  is 
amlaigh  sin  roghabhsat  Erind;  T(uatha)  B(e)  B.,  im  Thaültean 
roghabsat  tra.  Dafür  hatBUI:  Is  amlaid  sin  ro'gab[ad]  H(eriu) 
0  ceigdbail  Cesra  co  gabail  mac  Mil{td),  Diese  Einführung  von 
Cessair  in  die  Unterschrift  hätte  aber  nur  dann  Gewicht,  wenn 
Bin  für  sich  überliefert  wäre;  es  ist  aber  in  beiden  Hand- 
schiiften,  die  es  enthalten,  nur  Anhang  von  BI  (und  BII),  welches 
gabdl  Cesra  ausführlich  erzählt  So  hat  sich  eben  der  Schreiber, 
der  die  Unterschrift  geändert  hat,  nicht  an  das  zuletzt  kopierte 
Textstück  gehalten,  sondern  die  erste  gdbal  aus  der  volleren, 
vorher  kopierten  Erzählung  suppliert^  Für  Cessair  ist,  was  van 
Hamel  nicht  beachtet  hat,  in  B  in  überhaupt  kein  Platz,  da  es 
erst  mit  Noahs  Söhnen  und  ihren  Nachkommen  anhebt,  während 
alle  Berichte  von  Cessair  sie  vor  der  Sündflut  nach  Irland 
kommen  lassen.   Eben  darum  hat  A,  als  es  Cessair  nach  anderer 


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ZUM  LEBOR  oabIla.  389 

Tradition  einführte,  die  Einleitung  geändert  und  mit  der  Er- 
schaffung der  Welt  begonnen. 

Geht  schon  daraus  hervor,  da£s  A  ein  erweitertes  BIII, 
nicht  B  m  aus  einer  A  nahestehenden  Fassung  gekürzt  ist,  so 
spricht  femer  daffir  deutlich  ein  Umstand,  auf  den  ich  schon  in 
meiner  früheren  Abhandlung  (S.  8)  aufmerksam  gemacht  habe, 
über  den  aber  van  Hamel  leicht  hinweggeht.  Die  sämtlichen 
GMichte  von  Eochaid  ua  Flaind  (f  1004)  finden  sich  nur  in  A, 
nicht  in  B  lU;  vgl.  A  choemu  cldir  Cuind  coemfind  LL  5  b  1 
(=  BB  24  a  54),  Togail  tuir  Conaind  co  ngail  LL  7  b  3  (=  BB  29  a  27), 
Heriu  co  n-tiaiü  co  n-idnaib  LL  10b3  (=  BB  33  a  45),  Toisig  na- 
llofigse  dar  ler  LL  16  a  8,  Ugaine  uaUach  antra  LL22a9  und  die 
Strofe  Tri  sosir  Herend  ar'canar  LL  22  b  51»),  von  denen  nur  die 
zwei  letzten  in  die  Lücke  unserer  Überlieferung  von  B  HI  fallen. 
Auch  das  in  BB36blO  Eochaid  zugeschriebene  Gedicht:  Estet 
(BS  ecnai  oebind,  in  dem  sich  freilich  der  Dichter  nicht  wie  sonst 
selber  nennt,  wird  nur  in  LL  in  der  Randnote  18  a  erwähnt. 
Es  wäre  doch  sehr  sonderbar,  dafs  ein  Kürzender  gerade  alle 
diese  Gedichte  nicht  nur,  sondern  auch  die  vorangehenden  Prosa- 
berichte, die  zum  Teil  auf  ihnen  beruhen,  sorgfältig  übersprungen 
haben  sollte.  Vielmehr  scheint  mir  unzweifelhaft,  dafs  der  Ver- 
fasser des  LG  und  der  Redaktor  von  Bin  diese  um  anderthalb 
Jahrhunderte  älteren  Gedichte  nicht  gekannt  und  verwertet  hat. 

Erklärt  sich  so  alles  glatt,  wenn  man  A  als  Erweiterung 
von  B  in  fafst^),  wie  ich  getan  habe,  so  mülste  doch  diese  Ansicht 
angegeben  werden,  wenn  B I,  das  die  Überschüsse  von  A  grolsen- 
teils  und  dazu  noch  vieles  andere  enthält,  dem  ursprünglichen 
Text  näher  stände  als  A  und  B III,  wie  van  Hamel  meint  Allein 
sein  Beweis  ist  eigentümlicher  Art  Den  Hauptnachdruck  legt 
er  auf  die  Stammbäume  von  Fenius  Farsaid  (S.  142  ff.),  wo  der 
Tatbestand  folgender  ist    In  BIH  und  A  heilst  es  nach  einer 


>)  Van  Hamel  (S.  115)  hat  das  zweite  übersehen.  £r  nennt  den  Dichter 
Eochu  (S.  114),  während  dieser  sich  selber  Eochaid  schreibt  (LL  10b60  =  BB 
88b25,  LL  22  a  30),  und  lätst  ihn  1003  statt  1004  gestorben  sein  (115  Anm.2). 
—  Ohne  Gmnd  teilen  0*Clery,  O'Curry  (Manners  a.  Customs  II 110)  und  Atkinson 
(Einleitung  zu  LL,  S.  18)  auch  das  Gedicht  Heriu  oll  ordnit  Qadil  (LL  6  b) 
Eochaid  zu. 

')  Die  wenigen  Stellen,  wo  B  m  wirklich  kürzt,  etwa  bei  Genealogien 
u.  ähnJ.,  weil  sie  ausführlich  schon  in  B I  gebracht  worden  waren,  sind  wohl 
immer  durch  die  Worte:  ut  aupra  diximm  gekennzeichnet 


Google 


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390  R.  THÜRNET8EN, 

Genealogie,  die  Fenius  Farsaid  (Farsaich)  durch  Baad  und  Magog 
(Magoch)  auf  Japheth  zurückführt  i): 

BIII:  At'herat  araile  combad  Baad  mac  Ibaid  mic  Ooimeir 
mic  lafeth,  y  is  uad  Gaidil  7  fir  na  Sdthia,  7  mac  dö  Fenius 
Fars{aid).  Da  mac  la  Feinius  Fars(aid)  A.  Nenual^)  forfacaib 
i  flaithius  na  Sdthia  dia  eis,  7  Nel  an  mac  ele  7  icon  tur  rucad 
side  usw. 

Dafür  A  (LL2a8):  Baath  indara  mac  Ibath  mic  Oomer 
mic  lafeth,  is  uad  Ocedil  7  fir  na  Sdthia.  Mac  dö  in  fer  amra 
airegda  diarbo  ainm  Fcenius  Farsaid.  Is  se  side  indara  toesech 
.Ixx.  do'choid  do  denam  in  tuir  Nebröith  usw.  . .  Da  mac  immoro 
bdtar  oc  Foenit^s  .t.  Noenual  indala  mac  fo'racaib  i  flathius  na 
Sdthia  dia  ds,  Nel  in  mac  aile,  icon  iur  rucad  side  usw. 

BI  gibt  einen  anderen  Stammbaum,  der  Fenius  Farsaid 
durch  viele  Zwischenglieder  mit  Baath  mac  Rifaith  Scuit  (Sohn 
von  Gomer)  verbindet  (v.  H.,  S.  142).  Aber  van  Hamel  macht 
S.  144  selber  darauf  aufmerksam,  dafs  auch  der  Redaktor 
von  BI  den  Bericht  A  gekannt  haben  mufs,  da  er  hinzusetzt: 
Is  follus  de  sin,  nackraibe  Fenius  hi  cumtach  in  tuir,  mar  at'bercU  na 
senchaide  cen  comHniud  comhai[m]seraid.  Also  aus  chronologischen 
Gründen  verwirft  er  den  Bericht  A  und  läfst  vielmehr  einen 
Urahn  von  Fenius,  Rifath  Scot,  beim  Turmbau  von  Babel  beteiligt 
sein.  Wie  kann  man  denn  daraus  folgern,  dafs  BI  nicht  eine 
Bearbeitung  von  A  sei,  sondern  das  es  dafs  Original  des  L6 
treuer  wiedergebe  als  A?^)  Das  ist  mir  völlig  unverständlich. 
Dafs  auch  der  Stammbaum  in  BI  ein  alter  ist,  indem  er  fast  ganz 
mit  der  versifizierten  Genealogie  übereinstimmt,  die  K  Meyer*) 
herausgegeben  hat,  ist  richtig,  hat  aber  mit  unserer  Frage  nichts 
zu  tun.  Denn  alle  Bearbeiter  des  LG  haben  von  allen  Seiten 
her  neue  Quellen  beigezogen,  darunter  häufig  solche,  die  weit 
älter  waren  als  das  ursprüngliche  Lebor  Gabäla.  Dessen  Ver- 
fasser hat  ja  natürlich  lange  nicht  alles  gekannt,  was  vor  ihm 
über  die  Urgeschichte  Irlands  gefabelt  und  gedichtet  worden  war, 

1)  Sie  ist  in  A  nicht  mehr  leserlich,  nnr  der  SchlnTs  des  angehängten 
Gedichtes. 

2)  Fienual  Hs. 

^)  Vgl.  anch  S.  126:  it  was  an  unnecessary  innovation  of  A  io  mak€ 
F^iM  build  the  Tower  of  Babel  himself.  Conaequently  the  superiority 
of  Ba  (mein  BI)  is  now  estahlished  once  for  all. 

*)  Über  die  älteste  ir.  Dichtung  I  S.  30,  V.86ff. 


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ZUM   LEBOR  OABIlA.  391 

SO  daüs  fast  jeder  Kopist  in  der  Lage  war,  Weiteres  beiznfflgen. 
Man  darf  nicht  das  Lebor  Gabäla,  ein  bestimmtes  literarisches 
Prodnkt,  mit  den  Fabeleien  über  irische  Vorgeschichte  im  all- 
gemeinen verwechseln,  die  wohl  in  jeder  Klosterbibliothek  wieder 
anders  aussahen,  weil  fast  jeder  senchaid  Altes  und  Neuerfundenes 
beliebig  mischte^).  Die  ganze  Untersuchung  van  Hamels  ist  nun 
dadurch  in  eine  schiefe  Stellung  geraten  und  viele  seiner  Fragen 
von  vornherein  gegenstandslos  geworden,  dafs  er  stets  nach  seinem 
imaginären  X  sucht,  dem  angeblichen  Lebor  6abä,la  des  10-1 1 .  Jahr- 
hunderts, während  es  ein  solches  vor  dem  12.  Jahrhundert  gar  nicht 
gegeben  hat^).  Auch  die  Verfolgung  der  Entwicklung  der  irischen 
Urgeschichte  überhaupt  hat  darunter  gelitten.  Es  scheint  mir 
überhaupt  zweifelhaft,  ob  eine  solche  jemals  für  sich  bestanden 
hat,  ob  sie  nicht  seit  jeher  nur  die  Einleitung  zu  den  Stamm- 
bäumen irischer  Fürsten  bildete,  wie  in  den  von  K.  Meyer  ver- 
öffentlichten alten  Genealogien  und  wie  in  unserem  Lebor  Gabäla. 
Dals  das  Cin  Dromma  Snechta,  das  zu  den  ältesten  Quellen  gehört, 
auch  Genealogien  enthielt,  ist  bekannt.  Und  wenn  Nennius  die 
irische  Besiedelungsgeschichte  für  sich  bringt,  so  erklärt  sich 
das  wohl  aus  dem  Charakter  seines  für  britannische  Kelten 
bestimmten  Werkchens. 

Sei  dem  wie  ihm  wolle,  die  Untersuchung  wird  sich  noch 
über  eine  weitere  Strecke  an  bestimmte  Daten  halten  können, 
als  bei  van  Hamel  geschehen  ist.  Den  Ausgangspunkt  bilden, 
auTser  den  alten  Genealogien,  die  Zitate  aus  Cin  Dromma  Snechta 
(8.  Jahrb.?)  und  die  Historia  Brittonum  des  Nennius  (c.  826). 
Daran  schliefst  sich  Mael  Muru  Othna  (t887),  der  Saltair  na 
Rann  V.  3993—4012  (gedichtet  987),  Eochaid  ua  Flaind  (f  1004), 
Flann  Manistrech  (f  1056),  der  in  seinem  Gedicht:  Esiid  a  eolchu 

*)  Sonderbar  ist  auch  die  Ansicht,  Gomer  werde  darum  als  Stammvater 
der  Iren  betrachtet,  weil  Isidor  (Orig.  9,  2,  26)  sage:  Oomer  ex  quo  Galatae 
.».  Gallig  und  weil  die  Iren  sich  als  nahe  Verwandte  der  Gallier  gefühlt 
hätten  (S.  142.  173).  Sie  hätten  also  den  keltischen  Sprachstamm  schon  vor 
tausend  Jahren  herausgefunden  gehabt!  Wie  kommt  es  dann  aber,  dafs  sie 
jeden  Ausländer  beliebiger  Herkunft  Gall  nennen?  Vielleicht  darf  man  eher 
annehmen,  dafs  der  Stammvater  Gomer  daher  rührt,  dafs  Grosius  (S.  173) 
Brigantia,  nach  der  Sage  die  Mutterstadt  der  Iren,  als  Gallaeciae  ciuitaa  be- 
Eeichnet.  Ein  alter  Genealoge  mag  Gallaecia  und  Galatae .%.  Gaüi  vermengt  haben. 

')  Z.  B.  kann  man  nicht  fragen,  ob  von  den  Stammbäumen  auf  S.  142 
a  oder  b  ursprünglich  sei.  Beide  gehören  schon  dem  ursprünglichen  LQ 
an.    Und  so  öfters. 


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392  R,  THÜRNETSEK, 

cen  on  6ie  Toatha  D6  Danann  sich  gegenseitig  umbringen  lälst; 
Gilla  C!oemain  (f  1072)  mit  seinem  Gedicht:  Gcedel  Qlass  etat 
GcBdil;  dann  die  ursprüngliche  Form  des  Lebor  Gab&la  (zwischen 
1156—1168),  um  nur  sicher  Datiertes  zu  nennen.  Ergänzend 
treten  andere  Gedichte  hinzu,  die  in  B  lU  und  A  zitiert  werden, 
also  älter  sind  als  LG,  auch  die  sonst  flberlieferten  Genealogien. 
Femer  wäre  das  zeitliche  Verhältnis  des  LG  zu  Auraicceekt 
klarzulegen,  von  dem  van  Hamel  nicht  spricht 

Die  ganz  sekundäre  Rolle,  die  er  Bin  —  dem  getreusten 
Zeugen  des  Ursprünglichen  —  zuweist,  läfst  ihn  diese  Quelle 
etwas  zu  sehr  vernachlässigen.  So  übersieht  er  8. 170,  dals  die 
Namen  von  Erimons  und  Ebers  Söhnen  in  Lee.  II  sich  schon  in 
B III  finden,  in  einem  in  A  fehlenden  Abschnitt:  As-hercd  araüe 
macu  la  hEbir  fon  indas  [8\a  .i.  Caur,  Capa,  Corann,  Eior,  Airb, 
Airbi;  .ui.  aili  la  Eremon  .i.  Aann,  Edenn,  Aine,  Caihiair,  Cacher, 
Cema.    In  Lee.  11  ist  nur  Capa  durch  Connuel  verdrängt 

Es  ist  nicht  meine  Absicht,  weiter  auf  den  Au&atz 
van  Hamels  einzugehen,  der  in  den  Analysen  und  Übersichten 
der  verschiedenen  Versionen  und  auch  sonst  gewifs  manches 
Dankenswerte  bietet  Nur  auf  das  Book  of  Fermoy  (F)  und  auf 
ein  Dromma  Snechta  möchte  ich  noch  kurz  zu  sprechen  kommen, 
indem  hier  van  Hamel  wertvolles  Neues  zutage  gefördert  hat 
Bei  meinem  Aufenthalt  in  Irland  hatte  ich  von  den  Zitaten  aus 
Cin  Dromma  Snechta  im  LG  nur  das  gekannt,  das  ich  Zu  ir.  Hss. 
S.  23  als  Nr.  4  bezeichnet  habe,  und  habe  daher  nur  nach  ihm 
in  den  verschiedenen  Handschriften  gesucht  Da  ich  es  aulser 
in  F  nur  in  der  Redaktion  ü  (BB  und  Lee  II)  fand,  habe  ich 
die  Vermutung  ausgesprochen,  das  Fragment  F  möchte  die  älteste 
Gestaltung  dieser  Version  darstellen  (2.  Serie,  S.  8).  Van  Hamel 
zeigt  nun  (S.  107),  dafs  F  zwar  auch  Einschub  5  enthält  und 
vermutlich  Einschub  6  im  verlorenen  Teil  enthalten  hat  (S.  118), 
dafs  man  aber  darum  doch  kein  Recht  hat,  F  zur  Version  C  zu 
zählen,  da  es  viel  näher  bei  A  steht,  und  da  sich  die  meisten 
mimi'  Überschüsse  auch  in  der  Textgestalt  B  I  finden.  Besonders 
wichtig  ist  aber  sein  Nachweis,  dafs  schon  gewisse  Handschriften 
der  \%5rsion  B  I  Einschübe  aus  Cin  Dromma  Snechta  kennen,  und 
dafi^  iiih  einen  derselben  auch  in  Version  C  übersehen  habe  (S.  119). 
In  BB  24  b  53  (Version  C)  steht  nämlich  am  Rande:  A  cin  Droma 
iiffr"^'"  in  heg  so  8i8\  und  der  Abschnitt  lautet:  Ceithri  maie 


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ZUM  LEBOR  OABÄLA.  393 

Parrfhohn  ro'cetroindsiud  Erind  ar  thus  A,  ^r,  Orbha,  Feargna, 
Feron,  Bo'badar  ceathrar  a  comhanmand  sin  ag  macaibh  Mi- 
leadh  7  ni  hiad  fein.  Ota  Aih  Cliath  Laighean  go  hAileach  Neid 
as  i  raind  JEr  sin.  0  Ath  Cliath  cetna  co  hAüean  Arda  Nei- 
mheadh  [raind  Orbha  andsin].  0  On  Ailean  co  hAth  Cliath  Meadh- 
roighe  roind  Fearoin.  On'^)  Ath  Cliath  sain  co  hAileach  Neid  roind 
Feargna  isidein  (?).  Conadh  amlaigh  sin  rocedroindid Em,  am(al) 
as'bert  in  füe:  Ceathrar  mac  ha  gribdha  glor  usw.  (sieben  Strofen). 
Nicht  die  ganze  Stelle  ist  natürlich  dem  Cin  Dromma  Snechta 
entnommen;  mindestens  der  zweite  Satz  ist  hinzugefügt  worden, 
weil  in  dieser  späteren  Zeit  Aer,  Orba,  Ferön  und  Fergna  viel- 
mehr für  Söhne  von  Eber  mac  Miled  galten,  vgl.  LL12bl5 
=  BB88b45  und  BB171a4. 

Diese  Stelle  führt  nun  aber  van  Hamel  (S.  1181)  zu  einem 
äufserst  kühnen  Schlufs.  Sie  findet  sich  ebenso  schon  in  der  Hs. 
S  der  Version  B  I,  aber  ohne  die  Randnote,  also  ohne  die  Quellen- 
angabe. Somit,  meint  van  Hamel,  stammt  diese  vom  Schreiber 
von  BB,  und  dieser  hat  Cin  Dromma  Snechta  noch  selber  gekannt 
Man  denke:  alle  vier  Einschübe  aus  Cin  Dromma  Snechta  hat 
er,  so  viel  wir  sehen,  wörtlich  aus  älteren  Handschritten  des  LG 
übernommen;  nur  diese  philologische  Notiz  soll  von  ihm  selber 
herrühren!  Hat  das  denn  irgend  eine  Wahrscheinlichkeit?  Das 
Cfn  Dromma  Snechta  enthielt  noch  weitere  Angaben  über  die 
irische  Vorgeschichte.  3)  Wie  sonderbar,  dafs  er  davon  nichts 
bringt,  sondern  gerade  nur  das,  was  schon  Frühere  exzerpiert 
hatten!  Es  ist  vielmehr  ohne  weiteres  klar,  dafs  es  ältere  Hand- 
schriften vom  LG  gegeben  haben  mu£s,  die  auch  die  Randnote 
enthielten,  und  dafs  diese  nur  von  S  oder  seiner  Vorlage  weg- 
gelassen worden  ist,  zumal  in  einem  zweiten  Fall  genau  dasselbe 
geschehen  ist 

Dafs  nämlich  S  auch  den  Einschub  Nr.  4  gekannt  hat,  was 
van  Hamel  entgangen  ist,  geht  aus  seinem  Zitat  S.  100  (Nr.  3,  b) 
hervor.  Dort  fügt  S  zu  dem  Bericht,  dafs  Ceasair  als  erste 
bland  besetzt  habe,  hinzu:  Asberat  araile  combad  Banba  ainm 
na  hingine  sin  rogab  Erind  ria  ndilind  7  comad  uaithi  nobeth 
Banba  for  Erind.     Wie  man  sieht,  ist  das  wörtlich  der  Satz 


0  Am  Bande. 

*)  Ädon  Handschrift,  Tielleicht  otha  an  oder  and.  On  ta  lesen. 

")  Siehe  Zn*  irischen  Handschriften,  S.  25,  Nr.  9. 


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394  R.  THURKETSEK, 

aus  Gin  Dromma  Snechta,  Nr.  4t:  Is  ed  asrhert  lebar  Droma  Snechta 
comad  Banba  amm  na  cetingine  ro'gab  Erinn  ria  ndilind  j  comad 
uaithi  no'beth  Banba  for  Erinn,  nur  wiederum  mit  Unterdrückang 
der  Quellenangabe.  Hier  wird  aber  die  Quelle  in  F,  BB  und 
Lee.  U  genannt,  ist  also  nicht  erst  von  BB  beigefugt  worden. 
Danach  zweifle  ich  nicht,  da£s  S  oder  vielmehr  sein  Prototyp  weiter 
auch  Einschub  6  gekannt  hat  und  ihn  nur  für  seine  Darstellung 
nicht  hat  gebrauchen  können.  Denn  die  vier  Einträge  aus  Cin 
Dromma  Snechta  rühren  doch  wohl  sicher  von  demselben  Be- 
arbeiter her. 

In  der  Hs.  Lee.  I  der  Version  B I  ist  dieser  ganze  Teil  nicht  er- 
halten; sie  würde  aber,  wie  van  Hamel  mit  Recht  annimmt^ 
gewils  wie  S  lesen,  da  sie  sonst  ganz  mit  diesem  übereinstimmt 
Dagegen  RawL  B.  512  kennt  keinen  dieser  Einträge.  Weil  es 
gekürzt  hat,  meint  van  Hamel.  Das  kommt  mir  nicht  sehr  wahr- 
scheinlich vor,  obschon  ich  nicht  leugnen  will,  da£s  R  gelegentlich 
Kürzungen  zeigt  (auch  aulser  der  Auslassung  aller  Gredichte). 
Eher  stellt  es  die  Redaktion  B  I  vor  den  Interpolationen  aus 
Cin  Dromma  Snechta  dar.  In  der  vierten  Hs.  von  B  I  endlich, 
in  D.  IV.  3,  fehlt  der  Eintrag  Nr.  5  und  der  oben  S.  392  f.  gedruckte 
gleichwie  in  R  (S.  104).  Wenn  die  kurze  Notiz  bei  van  Hamel 
(S.  103  unten):  „Ceasair  =  S"  buchstäblich  zu  nehmen  ist,  würde 
sie  dagegen  das  Exzerpt  aus  Eintrag  Nr.  4  wie  S  (S.  100,  3  b) 
enthalten.    In  diesem  Fall  mülste  sie  eine  Mischhandschrift  sein. 

Auch  bei  F  bin  ich  nicht  ganz  sicher,  van  Hamel  genau 
zu  verstehen.  Es  enthält  Eintrag  Nr.  4,  5  und  kann  einst,  wie 
oben  bemerkt,  6.  enthalten  haben.  Ob  der  vierte,  oben  S.  392f. 
gedruckte  fehlt,  ist  nach  van  Hamels  Worten  (S.  119)  nicht  ganz 
deutlich.*)  Ist  es  der  Fall,  so  würde  eine  spezielle  Kürzung  von 
F  vorliegen.  Jedenfalls  nimmt  diese  Handschrift  eine  besondere 
Stellung  ein.    Da  sie  einige  der  Erweiterungen  von  B  I  enthält, 


*)  „LB  (=  BB)  has  a  short  passage  on  ihe  division  of  Irdand  by 
Partholon'»  sons.  It  also  occurs  in  Sa  .  ,  ,  But  in  a  marginal  noU  in  LB 
we  are  told  that  the  passage  is  based  on  the  Lebor  Drom$na  Snechta,  F  omits 
it,  ihough  the  whole  Gabäil  Partholoin  is  preserved  in  that  Ms,''  Dms  it  ist 
nach  dem  Zusammenhang  wohl  eher  auf  the  passage  als  auf  a  marginal  note 
zn  beziehen.  Zweifelhaft  macht  das  freilich  die  Notiz  S.  106  (Xr.  4  a),  F  ent- 
halte a  Short  tract  on  the  division  of  Ireland  by  FartholoWs  sons.  Steht 
also  doch  die  ganze  SteUe  in  F,  und  hat  sie  van  Hamel  hier  nnr  nicht  als 
Zitat  aus  Lebor  Dromma  Snechta  bezeichnet,  weil  es  die  Hs.  nicht  tat? 


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ZUM  LBBOR  oabIla.  395 

aber  nicht  alle,  zeigt  sie,  dafs  zwischen  A  und  B  I  Zwischen- 
glieder lagen,  auf  deren  eines  sie  zurückgeht  Eine  Kopie  eines 
dieser  Zwischenglieder  hatte  die  vier  Einträge  aus  Cin  Dromma 
Snechta  aufgenommen  und  liegt  nicht  nur  F  zugrunde,  sondern 
ist  auch  von  einem  Kopisten  der  B  I -Version  beigezogen  worden, 
nämlich  von  demjenigen,  der  die  Vorlage  von  S  und  Lee  I 
geschrieben  hat  So  sehen  wir,  daüs,  nachdem  einmal  durch  0 
der  Kern  geschaffen  war,  ringsum  Neubearbeitungen  wie  Pilze 
aufechossen. 

Ich  bedaure  jetzt^  mir  von  B  m  nur  die  Sinnvarianten  zu  A, 
nicht  auch  alle  blofsen  Wortvarianten  genau  notiert  zu  haben. 
Sonst  könnte  ich  durch  Abdruck  des  hergestellten  0  künftiger 
Forschung  über  das  LG  eine  bequemere  Handhabe  bieten.  Aber 
ich  hielt  damals  eine  Ausgabe  aller  Versionen  von  LG  von 
anderer  Seite  für  nahe  bevorstehend. 

Bonn.  R  Thurneysen. 


Z«tMhrift  r.  Mit.  Philologli  X.  26 

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NOCHMALS  FLANN  MANISTRECHS  GEDICHT: 
REDIG  DAM  USW. 


Oben  S.  273  habe  ich  bemerkt,  daCs  die  chronologischen 
Angaben,  die  Flann  in  seiner  Yersifiziemng  von  Bedas  Chronica 
macht,  nicht  stimmen,  wenn  man  deren  Schlnis,  das  nennte 
Regiemngsjahr  Kaiser  Leos  HL,  ins  Jahr  725  n.  Chr.  setzt,  dals 
sie  dagegen  stimmen  würden,  wenn  man  annehmen  dürfte,  Flann 
habe  irrigerweise  jenes  Schlnisjahr  dem  Jahre  712  n.  Chr. 
gleichgesetzt  Erst  nachträglich  sehe  ich,  dals  diese  Annahme 
völlig  berechtigt  ist  Die  Ulster  Annalen  a.  711  (=  712)  nnd 
Tigemachs  Annalen  (Rev.  Celt  17,  223)  haben  zn  diesem  Jahr 
die  Notiz:  Beda  fecit  librum  magnum.  MacNeill  (Erin7,  761) 
hat  geglaubt,  damit  sei  die  703  vollendete  Schrift  Bedas 
De  temporibus  (De  natura  rerum)  gemeint,  von  der  viel- 
leicht um  712  eine  Handschrift  nach  Irland  gelangt  seL  Doch 
war  die  Annahme  schon  darum  künstlich,  weil  jene  Annalen 
noch  Kaiser  nennen,  die  nach  703  regiert  haben,  so  dals 
diese  nachträglich  ergänzt  sein  mülsten.  Vielmehr  ist  jetzt 
unzweifelhaft,  dals  mit  dem  liber  magnus  eben  die  Chronica 
gemeint  sind.^  Und  so  verstehen  wir,  weshalb  auch  Flann 
ihren  Schluls  ins  Jahr  712  setzte;  es  war  die  bei  den 
irischen  Elostergelehrten  herrschende  Anschauung.  Und  da 
er  nach  eigener  Angabe  344  Jahre  später  gedichtet  hat,  hat 
er  sein  Gedicht  im  Jahr  1056,  seinem  Todesjahr,  verfalst 
oder  vollendet 


>)  D&fs  der  letzte  Eaifer,  dessen  Tolle  Begienmgszeit  Beda  nennt, 
Theodoeins  IIL,  in  den  Annalen  erst  acht  Jahre  später  erscheint,  gehört  in 
den  Tielen  Yerwirmngen  in  diesen  Geschichtsqnellen.  Vgl.  Teodora  anrno 
uno  Aü  719  =  Tigern^  Bev.  Celt  17,  227. 


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NOCHMALS  PLANN  MAN18TRECH8  GEDICHT:   RiOIO  DAM  USW.     397 

Ich  brauche  also  kaam  noch  zu  betonen,  daüs  wir  nicht 
mehr  von  einem  ^synchrontsm  dated  72V  sprechen  dürfen,  wie 
das  Mac  Neill  noch  oben  S.  96  tut,  und  dals  wir  nicht  mehr 
annehmen  dürfen,  um  712  sei  eine  Redaktion  der  gemeinsamen 
Qaelle  jener  Annalen  vorgenommen  worden  (Eriu  7,  1061);  es 
kann  dies  frühestens  nach  der  Vollendung  von  Bedas  Chronica 
(725)  geschehen  sein,  kann  aber  auch  viel  später  fallen. 

Bonn.  R  Thurnetsen. 


26* 


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MISCELLEN. 


1.  Quantitierender  Gleichklang  in  der  dritten  Strophenzeile 
irisclier  Gedichte. 

In  seiner  Abhandlung  „Zu  irischen  Handschriften  und 
Literaturdenkmälern",  Ser.  II,  S.  24  gibt  Thumeysen  meine  Be- 
hauptung zu,  dals  im  Ausgang  der  ersten  Verse  irischer  Ge- 
dichte, in  denen  die  Langzeilen  reimen,  quantitierender  Gleich- 
klaug  (Assonanz)  herrschen  mufs^,  will  aber  diese  Regel  ffir 
den  dritten  Vers  nicht  gelten  lassen.  Wenn  ich  ihn  recht  ver- 
stehe, so  verlangt  er  hier  durchaus  Konsonanz.  Nun  leugne  ich 
nicht,  dafs  dies  bei  besonders  künstlichen  Gedichten,  wie  z.  B. 
F61ire  öingusso  der  Fall  ist^).  Aber  auch  da  genfigt  Konsonanz 
allein  nicht;  das  Wort  mufs  in  der  Quantität  beider  Silben  mit 
dem  Reimwort  fibereinstimmen.  In  der  groüsen  Mehrzahl  der 
uns  erhaltenen  Gedichte  genfigt  das  letztere;  dies  aber  ist  un- 
umgänglich notwendig.  Fehlt  es,  so  muXs  es  durch  Reim  des 
Ausganges  mit  einem  Worte  im  Innern  des  vierten  Verses  er- 
setzt werden,  wie  das  ja  auch  im  F61ire  der  Fall  ist 

um  jeden  Zweifel  an  der  Richtigkeit  dieser  Aufteilungen 
zu  bannen,  wird  es  angebracht  sein,  eine  grölsere  Reihe  von 
Beispielen  anzuffihren.  Das  Gesetz  ist  deshalb  so  wichtig,  weil 
es  uns  nicht  selten  in  den  Stand  setzt,  die  richtige  Lesart 
festzustellen. 


>)  Fehlt  dieser,  wie  s.  B.  F^l.  Prol.  329  und  333,  so  gilt  die  Strophe 
als  icubaid  „unharmonisch".  Als  solche  (can  icuü>diui)  wird  demgemiCs 
entere  in  der  Liste  von  trefoeuü  in  LL  37  b  angeführt 

^  Stokes  hat  dies  nicht  beachtet,  sonst  hätte  er  £.  B.  Apr.  10  statt 
Bubach  mit  B'BLF  SMbaid  gesetEt,  das  der  Dichter  hier  neben  9ubach  Prol.  100, 
Apr.  2  anwendet 


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HISCELLEN.  899 

In  Saltair  na  Bann  haben  wir  ein  in  rannaigecht  dialtach 
abgefafstes  Gedicht  von  48  Strophen  (CLII),  von  denen  41 
durchaus  sowohl  im  Ausgang  des  ersten  wie  des  dritten  Verses 
quantitierenden  Gleichklang  aufweisen,  was  doch  kein  blolser 
Zufall  sein  kann.  Das  Bestreben,  die  Zeilen  entweder  mit  lang- 
oder  mit  kurzsilbigen  Wörtern  zu  schlielsen,  tritt  yielmehr 
deutlich  hervor.  Da  das  Gedicht  auch  sonst  mit  Binnenreimen 
durchsetzt  ist  (breccad)j  so  spricht  es  nicht  gegen  unser  G^etz, 
da£s  auch  das  Ausgangswort  des  dritten,  ja  häufig  auch  des 
ersten  Verses  auf  ein  Wort  in  dem  folgenden  reimt.  Als  Ver- 
besserungen ergeben  sich  7887/8  düib :  güir  und  8014/5  ist 
zu  lesen: 

cach  da  dia  daiUb  atä        üs  bith  balcc  bladmar  frim  re. 

Elin  anderes  in  demselben  Metrum  abgefafstes  Gedicht,  welches 
LB  108  b  steht,  weist  in  18  Strophen  keine  einzige  Ausnahme 
auf.  Es  ist  eben  mit  strenger  Beobachtung  aller  metrischen 
Gesetze  gebaut,  wie  denn  auch  z.  B.  die  Bindung  der  einzelnen 
Strophen  miteinander  durchgeführt  ist. 

Die  von  J.  O'Neill  herausgegebene  Regula  Albei  (]^riu 
ni  96  ff.)  befolgt  das  Gesetz  in  38  Strophen.  In  Str.  4  ist  mit 
A*  doini  zu  lesen;  Str.  7  dergnech  und  Str.  41  ossaic  ocus  indlat 
döib  I  la  dergud  cen  brön. 

Viele  gute  Beispiele  finden  sich  im  dritten  Bande  von 
E.  Gwynns  Ausgabe  des  „Metrical  Dindsenchas",  so  z.  B.  ein 
Gedicht  von  Cinaed  Ua  hArtacain  auf  S.  104  ff.,  wo  von  21  Strophen 
der  Gleichklang  im  dritten  Verse  nur  in  vieren  fehlt,  die  ihn 
durch  Beim  ersetzen:  -peittedi-eper  11/12,  lesiilm  31/32,  tel- 
chaind  :  Cremthaind  39/40,  büada  :  rüada  63/64. 

Ein  Gedicht  in  18  Strophen  mit  nur  drei  Ausnahmen  (27/28, 
43/44,  47/48)  steht  auf  S.  120  ff.  Ein  anderes  von  ebenfalls 
18  Strophen  mit  sechs  Ausnahmen  auf  S.  216  ff.  Hier  ist  die 
zweite  Strophe  so  zu  lesen: 

Dagmacc  Neit  maicc  Indüi       co  nglangart  ba  hAUdäi 
maicc  Thait  as  mac  Tabuim        co  ramuim^  co  rabläi. 

Ein  Gedicht  von  11  Strophen  in  rannaigecht,  welches  Mar- 
strander  in  6riu  V  244  herausgegeben  hat,  weist  nur  zwei 
Ausnahmen  auf  (Str.  2  und  6).     An  Besserungen  ergeben  sich 


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400  KUHO  MBTBR, 

Z.  231  cäem  a  chruth;  283  mar  (Ar;  244  mGr  cell]  aofserdem 
236  d'Ultaib  and  245  ro-espa  a  dul  ec  do  ^und. 

Auf  S.  296  ff.  des  „Metrical  Dindsenchas^  haben  wir  ein  in 
rindard  verfafstes  Gedicht  von  17  Strophen  mit  nur  fünf  Aus- 
nahmen (11/12,  85/36,  39/40,  43/44,  47/48);  auf  S.408  ein  anderes 
in  demselben  Metrum,  wo  sich  in  sechs  Strophen  nur  eine  Aus- 
nahme findet  (15/16). 

In  ^riu  V  232  hat  Marstrander  ein  Gedicht  in  rindard  ab- 
gedruckt (vgl.  CZ  Vin  108),  in  welchem  wir  durch  Beobachtung 
unseres  Gesetzes  wieder  mehrere  Lesarten  richtigstellen  können. 
In  Z.  16  ist  äige,  Z.  20  gräige,  Z.  24  äthnai  oder  näthe  und  in 
Z.  28  srötha  (nicht  fatha)  zu  lesen. 

Als  Beispiel  von  dechnad  möge  ein  von  Bergin  in  Anec- 
dota  1 47  ff.  herausgegebenes,  Flann  mac  Lonain  zugeschriebenes 
Gedicht  dienen,  welches  in  26  Strophen  keine  einzige  Ausnahme 
enthält.  Freilich  bedarf  es  mehrfacher  Verbesserungen.  So  müssen 
die  Ausgangsworte  der  ersten  Strophe  lauten  Eüscaig :  gleüd : 
btüd :  deüdy  und  der  Ausgang  des  ersten  Verses  in  Str.  6  {co  hie- 
achta  Y,  com62^achta  D)  ist  wohl  korrupt,  da  f^ach  (sie  leg.) : 
chöemna :  -scerad  ein  Wort  mit  langer  Paenultima  erheischen. 

Diese  Beispiele  werden  genfigen.  Ich  glaube  danach  wieder- 
holen zu  dfirfen,  dals  wer  Gedichte  in  den  angefahrten  und  ihnen 
verwandten  Versmafsen  durchmustert,  bei  guten  Dichtem  das  Be- 
streben erkennen  wird,  auch  im  dritten  Verse  quantitierenden 
Gleichklang  des  Ausganges  durchzufahren.  Das  beweist  auch 
die  oft  gesuchte  Wahl  des  Wortes  und  die  gekünstelte  Diktion 
(cheville)  gerade  an  dieser  Stelle. 


2.  Tatowiemng  bei  den  Iren. 

In  den  Mitteilungen  aus  Zimmers  Nachlals  (Zeitschr.  IX) 
findet  sich  auf  S.  103  ein  Satz,  worin  der  verstorbene  Gelehrte 
die  Ansicht  ausspricht,  dafs  das  Bemalen  des  Körpers  bei  Britten 
und  Iren  auf  die  Sitte  des  Tätowierens  bei  den  Urbewohnem 
zurückgeht  Es  läfst  sich  nun  nachweisen,  dafs  wenigstens  die 
Iren  sich  gelegentlich  auch  noch  tätowierten,  und  zwar  noch  im 
9.  Jahrhundert. 

In  Cormacs  Glossar  heilst  es  zu  dem  Worte  ferenn  „Gürtel**  — 
ich  zitiere  nach  dem  Buch  der  Hüi  Maine,  dessen  Bedeutung  für  die 


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MlflCBLLEir.  401 

Textäberliefenmg  Thomeysen  soeben  ins  rechte  Licht  gesetzt  hat  0: 
Feirenn  .t.  id  bus  im  colpdai  fir,  in  c[ti]tM  uiee  erechthir  id  crecktha 
im  cholbdu,  cL  h.  „ein  Band  um  das  Schienbein  eines  Mannes,  an 
dessen  Statt  ein  tätowiertes  Band  nm  das  Schienbein  tätowiert 
wird^.  Das  Yerbnm  crechaim  bedeutet  nach  den  einheimischen 
Glossaren  „stigmatize,  mark,  sear^,  das  Nomen  crechairecht  wird 
mit  „scnlpture^  wiedergegeben.  Auf  den  menschlichen  Körper 
angewandt  wäre  das  „tätowieren^;  an  blolses  Bemalen  ist  nicht 
zn  denken.  Es  handelt  sich  also  nm  eine  Tätowierung  in  Ge- 
stalt eines  Bandes  oder  Gurtes  statt  eines  wirklichen  um  das 
Schienbein,  d.  h.  wohl  aber  der  Wade  dicht  unter  dem  Knie,  da 
wo  heutzutage  der  Hosenbandorden  getragen  wird. 

Diese  Stelle  bei  Cormac  steht  nun  nicht  allein.  In  dem 
von  FrL  A.  Power  in  Anecdota  V  22  abgedruckten  Texte,  den 
sie  „The  Caldron  of  Poesy^  nennte  werden  dem  Dichter  Amargen 
die  Epitheta  glüngel,  gairglas,  greUath  (i.e.  grenn-llath  „grau- 
bärtig") beigelegt.  Hier  wird  gairglas  folgendermalsen  erklärt: 
colpa  lama  crechad  nö  icata  in  colpa  glas  iama  crechad,  d.  h. 
„ein  tätowiertes  Schienbein  oder  einer,  der  ein  blau  tätowiertes 
Schienbein  hat".  Da  hier  die  blaue  Farbe*)  erwähnt  wird, 
handelt  es  sich  gewils  um  Tätowierung  mit  Waid  (ir.  glaissin)^)j 
das  ja  auch  die  Britten  zum  Bemalen  des  Körpers  benutzten. 


3.  Die  Lelbeslilnge  Christi. 

In  der  Handschrift  Bawl.  B  512  findet  sich  auf  fol.  52  b  2 
folgender  Eintrag: 

Is  he  so  tomus  cuirp  Christ  ama  gaibail  6  Chonsantln 
imper  .1  in  missOr  so  this  do  t[h]omus  se  huaire  dec  j  is  ^  sin 
fad  cuirp  Christ.  An  la  dochlfe  tu  in  tomhus  so  nl  fuige  tu 
bäs  obann  7  blaid  Isu  subach  romat  7  nl  urc[h]öidighend  an 
diabaJ  duit  an  lä  sin  7  c. 


0  S.  FettBchrüt  fttr  Windisch,  S.  9. 

*)  glas  konnte  freilich  anch  „grün**  oder  „gran"*  bedeuten.  Ir.T.  m  72, 23 
wird  ein  mit  Waid  gefftrbter  Mantel  gorm  „dunkelblau*'  genannt 

*)  Im  Qloesar  i;u  Betha  Colmäin  habe  ich  den  Nom.  glaisscn  angesetEt, 
der  in  dem  dort  angeführten  Kompositum  glaisen-gort  yonnliegen  scheint 
Andererseits  reimt  Ir.  T.  m  72, 23  der  Nom.  glai$»in  auf  Cai$sü, 


Google 


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402  KUKO  MBTBR,  BOSCELLEN. 

„Dies  ist  das  Eörpermafs  Christi^  wie  es  von  Kaiser  Kon- 
stantin genommen  wnrde:  n&mlich  man  messe  das  hier  unten 
befindliche  Mafs  sechzehnmal ,  dann  hat  man  die  KOrperl&nge 
Christi  Am  Tage  wo  du  dies  Mafs  siehst  wirst  dn  keines 
plötzlichen  Todes  sterben  und  an  dem  Tage  wird  Jesus  dir 
freundlich  sein  und  der  Teufel  dir  keinen  Schaden  tun.^ 

Es  ist  dann  eine  Linie  gezogen,  die  nicht  ganz  12  cm  lang 
ist,  so  dafs  danach  die  Leibeslänge  Christi  sich  auf  ungefähr 
1,90  m  belaufen  würde. 

Berlin.  Kuno  Mbybb. 


Digitized  byV^OOQlC 


ZUR  IRISCHEN  ETYMOLOGIE  UNÜ  WORTKUNDE. 


l.   Ogom  CI  ^hier^. 

Neben  regelmäfsigem  COI  „hier^,  das  Marstrander  sehr 
einleuchtend  als  Ablautform  zum  altirischen  ei  „hier^  (aus  idg. 
^Ä^)  erklärt  hat  (^rin  V  144) ,  kommt  auch  gelegentlich  in 
derselben  Bedeutung  die  Form  CI  vor.  Marstrander  hält  CI  fflr 
eine  abgekürzte  Schreibung  von  COI,  was  an  und  ffir  sich  nicht 
recht  glaublich  erscheint,  umsomehr  als  dies  dem  allgemeinen 
Brauch  der  Ogomschrift  widersprechen  würde,  die  nur  die 
Schreibung  o  für  o«  kennt,  falls  es  sich  nicht  etwa  um  einen 
dialektischen  unterschied  handelt  Die  Deutung  scheint  mir 
aber  anderswo  zu  liegen.  Da  nämlich  auslautendes  unbetontes 
-ai,  -oi  im  Irischen  noch  vor  dem  Abfall  der  Endsilben  zu  -i 
geworden  sind,  darf  man  dies  auch  ffir  auslautendes  vortoniges 
-ai,  'Oi  annehmen,  wie  das  Beispiel  dX  „zwei^  aus  idg.  *dvai 
zur  Genüge  zeigt  Es  wird  somit  auch  CI  (geschrieben  XI)  die 
vortonige  Form  von  COI  (geschrieben  XOI)  darstellen.  Noch 
heute  kommen  im  Neuirischen  gewisse  Partikeln  in  vortoniger 
und  haupttoniger  Gestalt  nebeneinander  vor,  wie  z.  B.  ann, 
sin,  usw.  (s.  Henebry,  Sounds  of  Munster  Irish,  p.  9). 


2.  Altirlseh  ^fofhae  ^Grundlage,  GrandregeP. 

Form  und  Etymologie  dieses  Wortes  waren  bisher  zweifel- 
haft. Thumeysen  setzt  einen  Nominativ  foth  (Handbuch  II  77  b) 
„Regel,  Art,  Handlungsweise^  (?)  an,  ebenso  Hessen  (CZ  IX  51), 
Pedersen  dagegen  (Grammatik  I  34)  einen  Nominativ  fotha.  Ein 


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404  JULIUS  POKOBNT, 

männlicher  Nominativ  foth  wird  schon  durch  den  Dativ  don 
fothu  (Wb8cl8)  und  den  Nom.-Akk.Plur.  fotha  (Sg.  4b3, 
BCr.  S3b4)  als  unmöglich  erwiesen.  Wir  haben  vielmehr  deut- 
lich einen  jo-  Stamm  vor  uns,  müssen  also  als  alten  Nominativ 
*fo(hae  ansetzen,  der  in  Sg.  und  BCr.  schon  zu  fotha  geworden  ist 
Was  die  Etjrmologie  anbelangt^  so  hilft  Petersens  Zusammen- 
stellung mit  cymrisch  gwadn  „Grundlage,  Fulssohle"  nicht 
viel  weiter  Wie  das  nicht -palatale  th  in  altir.  fotha  beweist, 
mufs  dem  j  ein  dunkler  Vokal  vorhergegangen  sein.  Es 
ergibt  sich  so  ungezwungen  eine  Grundform  ^upo  +  iä-jo-  zur 
Wurzel  {8)tä  „stehen",  also  wörtlich  „das  darunter  befindliche", 
daher  „Grundlage,  Grundregel".  Die  gleiche  Bildung  liegt  in 
as8{a)e  „leicht  (erreichbar)"  aus  *ad'{8)tä'jo'  vor. 


3.  Zur  Flexion  von  altiriseh  ßu  ^Wert^  Qualität^. 

Nach  Thumeysen  (Handbuch  1 182)  soll  fiu,  der  Nominativ 
zum  Genitiv  /e(t)6c  sein;  der  später  belegte  Nominativ  feh  sei 
eine  Neubildung  nach  den  übrigen  Easusformen.  Dies  ist  schon 
deshalb  ausgeschlossen,  da,  wie  ich  an  andern  Orten  gezeigt 
habe,  der  Nominativ  fiu  auf  ^vesu-  zurückgeht,  während  feibe 
auf  *vesvjä8  mit  kurzem  e  zurückgehen  mufs.  Zu  den  dort 
angeführten  Gründen,  für  fiu  eine  Grundform  *vesu-  anzunehmen, 
kommt  noch  der  weitere  Grund,  dals  nach  den  Eontraktions- 
regeln (Pokorny,  Grammar  §  126,  3)  *vesü'  nur  zu  f6u,  nie  aber 
zu  fiu  hätte  werden  können,  wie  altir.  6u  „Salm"  aus  esüss  < 
esöks,  heu  „ich  würde  sein"  aus  hesü  <  *esö  hinlänglich  beweisen. 

Auch  glaube  ich,  dafs  es  mir  gelungen  ist,  den  altirischen 
Genetiv  zu  fiu  „Wert,  Qualität"  aufzufinden.  Aus  dem  idg. 
Genetiv  *ve8ous  müfste  über  *visö$  >  *vi(j)ös  >  *ßo  schliefslich 
lautgesetzlich  fio  werden. 

Dieses  fio  liegt  tatsächlich  in  dem  Personennamen  Fer 
FiOj  z.  B.  A.  U.  761,  842,  usw.  vor,  der  dann  regelmäfsig  zu  Fer 
Fia  geworden  ist.  Die  Richtigkeit  meiner  Annahme  erhellt 
femer  aus  dem  Namen  Fer  Fe{i)he,  der  im  Genetiv  häufig  in 
der  Täin  Bö  Cuailnge  vorkommt,  so  dals  wir  die  synonymen 
fiu  und  feb  in  derselben  Namenbildung  nebeneinander  finden. 
fiu  geht  somit  auf  dehnstufiges  ^vesu-,  feb  auf  normalstufiges 
^vesvä  zurück. 


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ZUR  IRISCHEN  RTTMOIiOQIB  UHD  WORTKÜNDB.  405 

4.  Ogom  NET(T)A(S),  NIOT(T)A(S). 

J.  Mac  Neill  (Irish  Ogham  Inscriptions)  hat  diese  beiden 
Worte  als  ursprünglich  verschieden  behandelt.  Der  Genetiv 
NE(T)TA(S)  soll  zu  einem  Nominativ  ♦NETS  „Held",  NIOT(T)  A(S) 
zu  einem  Nominativ  ♦NEÜTS  (<  *nepöts)  „Neffe"  gehören.  Dem 
gegenüber  hat  Thumeysen  (oben  Bd.  VIII,  185)  vermutet,  dafs 
beide  Worte  identisch  seien;  NET(T)A(S)  sei  vielleicht  nur  eine 
archaische  Form,  aus  *NE(P)OTOS  kontrahiert;  NIOT(T)A(S) 
sei  dann  eine  jüngere  Analogiebildung,  durch  EinfluXs  des 
Nominativs  *NIUS  (<  *nepöts  oder  NIOS  (<  *n^ots)  ent- 
standen. Ihm  hat  sich  Marstrander  angeschlossen,  der  (Dictionary 
of  the  Irish  lang.  121, 43)  NETTA  mit  „nephew*"  übersetzt 

Thumeysens  Ansicht  ist  aber  lautlich  ganz  und  gar  un- 
möglich. Es  ist  mir  nicht  verständlich,  wieso  zur  Zeit  der 
Ogom-Inschriften  eine  Kontraktion  von  ♦NEOTOS  zu  NETAS 
hätte  stattfinden  können,  da  die  Eontraktion  verschiedener 
Vokale  bekannüich  jünger  ist,  als  der  Schwund  der  Endsilben. 
'^'NEOTOS  hätte  somit  nach  Abfall  der  Endsilbe  im  jüngsten 
Ogom  nur  zu  *NEOT  werden  können,  woraus  dann  altirisch 
moihj  niath  wurde,  das  auch  tatsächlich  belegt  ist;  übrigens 
hätte  auch  eine  Eontraktion  in  jener  Zeit  nur  den  Diphthong 
do,  nie  aber  blofses  e  ergeben  können. 

Die  wirklichen  Verhältnisse  sind  wie  folgt: 

NETAS  ist  wirklich  der  Genetiv  des  Dentalstammes  *net'S, 
das  auf  idg.  *ne%t'S  zurückgeführt  werden  muls.  Aus  den  vor- 
handenen Belegen  geht  deutlich  die  Bedeutung  „Held"  hervor. 
Über  die  Etymologie  hatte  sich  bisher  nur  Macbain  (Etym. 
Dictionary  s.  v.  niata)  geäufsert^  der  Zusammenhang  mit  griechisch 
oveiöog  annimmt;  abgesehen  von  der  Bedeutung  ist  dies  schon 
lautlich  unmöglich,  weil  altkeltisch  *ned'Odjo-  nur  neugälisch 
*niada,  nicht  aber  niata  ergeben  hätte.  Ich  vermute,  dafs  alt- 
keltisch net-s  bis  auf  die  Endung  genau  dem  altind.  netä  „Führer" 
entspricht,  wozu  mit  anderem  Ablaut  ndyati  (<  *n€ieii)  „führt", 
nitis  „Führung",  mittelpersisch  niton  „führen",  gehören.  Die 
Grundbedeutung  von  keltisch  *nets  war  also  „Führer,  Heerführer", 
später  dann  „Held". 

Eeltisch  *nets  muXste  altirisch  zu  n^  werden,  das  mittel- 
irisch nach  Mac  Neill  in  der  Form  n^  und  nae  tatsächlich  in 
BB  222  ß^S3   und    149  ß  *  35    überliefert   ist.     Sonst   erscheint 


Digitized  byV^OOQlC 


406  JULIUS  POKORNT, 

mittelirisch  der  Nominativ  fast  immer  in  der  Gestalt  nia,  oder 
nath,  nad.  Die  Form  n{a  verhält  sich  zu  n^  ungefähr  wie  *c(a 
„wer?"  zu  -^  „er  möge  gehen",  n^  ist,  ebenso  wie  -te  die 
regelmäfsige  betonte  Form.  Trat  aber  archaisches  n^,  wie  es 
meist  der  Fall  war,  namenbildend  auf,  etwa  in  der  gleichen 
Funktion,  wie  cu  „Schlachthund"  (vgL  den  Namen  Cu  Chorbb 
neben  Nia  Corbb),  so  wurde  es  mit  dem  folgenden  Namen  als 
eine  Einheit  empfunden  und  das  d  wurde  nicht  wie  auslautendes, 
sondern  wie  inlautendes  ^  behandelt  und  daher  zu  {a  diphthongiert, 
ebenso  wie  idg.  *kiei  „wer?"  wegen  seines  engen  Anschlusses 
an  folgende  Worte  zu  c(a  wurde.  Gelegentlich  wird  auch  die 
Form  ni(a)e  überliefert,  die  in  altirischer  Zeit  durch  Anlehnung 
an  die  zaMreichen  Nominative  auf  -e  entstanden  ist.  Später 
mulste  daraus  wieder  nia  werden. 

Der  Nominativ  nath,  nad  ist  von  dem  bei  Namen  natur- 
gemäfs  sehr  häufigen  Gtenetiv  bezogen;  hier  ist,  wie  auch  sonst 
oft,  die  Genetivform  zur  einzigen  Namensform  geworden.  Die 
in  Maec-hio,  Cath-nio  (A.  U.  708,  769)  vorliegende  Nominativform 
nio  ist  dem  Paradigma  von  NIOT(T)A(S)  entlehnt. 

Der  altirische  Genetiv  von  ne,  ni{a)e  der  dem  Ogom 
NET(T)A(S)  entspricht,  lautet  niath  archaisch  neth  (Thes.  II 273). 
Daneben  kommt  auch  der  dem  Paradigma  des  Wortes  „Schwester- 
sohn" entlehnte  Genetiv  ntoth  (z.  B.  Nioth-fer)  vor,  der  dann  im 
Lauf  der  altirischen  Periode  mit  niath  zusammenfallen  mulste. 
Die  sehr  häufige  Form  nath  (vor  s :  nat),  nad  ist  in  proklitischer 
Stellung  aus  niath  hervorgegangen.  Auch  niath  trug  nicht  den 
Hauptakzent,  doch  wechselte  der  Grad  der  Betonung  je  nach 
der  Stellung  im  Satz,  so  dals  dasselbe  Wort  oft  in  verschiedenen 
Formen  überliefert  ist  (s.  oben  1.). 

Nun  zum  Paradigma  von  NIOT(T)A(S).  Dieses  geht  auf 
vorkeltisches  *nepotos  zurück,  den  Genetiv  von  *nep(Hs,  das  im 
Altirischen  „Schwestersohn"  bedeutet,  nepöts,  nepotos  wurde 
urkeltisch  zu  *n&ntSj  *nSötos,  Daraus  sollte  man  altirisch  neci, 
Gen.  ntath,  niad  (archaisch  ntoth)  erwarten.  Dieser  Genetiv  ist 
auch  tatsächlich  erhalten,  die  Form  ntoth  jedoch  nur  im  Paradigma 
von  n^,  ni(a)e  „Held",  wo  sie  schon  früher  eingedrungen  ist. 

Der  Nominativ  mufs  aber  altirisch  n«d,  später  nia  gelautet 
haben,  denn  diese  Form  im  Paradigma  von  n^,  ni(a)e  ist  auch 
nur  als  Entlehnung  zu  erklären.  Altirisch  nto  an  Stelle  des 
berechtigten  *n€u  erklärt  sich  sehr  einfach  durch  Entlehnung 


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ZUR  nUSCHEN  BTTMOLOOIE  UKD  WOBTKUNDE.      407 

der  Vokale  ans  dem  Gtenetiv  nioth.  Der  Nominativ  ni{ä)e  ist 
natürlich  dem  Paradigma  von  ni  „Held^  entnommen.  Der 
archaisch  (A.  ü.  692)  überlieferte  Genetiv  nieih  mnfs  ans  der- 
selben Qnelle  stammen.  Wir  haben  hier  nnr  eine  ungenaue 
Schreibung  für  den  Diphthong  ia  vor  uns,  wie  in  Glied  (=  ClicUh), 
Thes.  n  277.  ntath  muCste  in  der  Proklise  natürlich  auch  zu 
nath,  nad  werden. 

Wir  sehen  also,  dals  die  Paradigmen  beider  Worte  schon 
früh  ineinandergeflossen  sind.  Die  Gründe  sind  ganz  klar.  Vor 
allem  konnte  leicht  eine  funktionelle  Verwechslung  der  namen- 
bildenden Elemente  stattfinden,  sobald  deren  ursprüngliche  Be- 
deutung verwischt  war.  Zur  Veranschaulichung  der  weiteren 
Gründe  stelle  ich  beide  Paradigmen  etwa  zur  Zeit  von  Wb.  im 
Nom.  und  Gen.  nebeneinander.  Formen,  die  eine  Veränderung 
durch  Analogiebildung  erlitten  haben,  stelle  ich  in  eckige 
Klammem. 

„Held"  „Schwestersohn" 

Nomin.  nd,  nia,  [nt{a)e]  [*nd,  nto,  nta] 

Gen.      niaüi,  niad,  nat{h),  nad     ntath  (arch.  ntoth),  niad,  nath,  nad. 

Den  Nominativ  nd  „Schwestersohn"  habe  ich  angesetzt, 
weil  sich  so  die  Vermischung  in  archaischer  Zeit  noch  leichter 
erklärt  Wenn  wir  nämlich  annehmen,  dals  uririsch  *neuts 
schon  vorhistorisch  durch  Einflufis  der  Casus  obliqui  zu  n^ts 
geworden  sei,  so  würde  das  archaisch  die  angesetzte  Form  *n6 
ergeben  haben,  die  mit  dem  lautgesetzlichen  nd  „Held"  genau 
übereinstimmte,  und  dadurch  die  Vermischung  schon  in  archaischer 
Zeit  (die,  wie  erwähnt^  übrigens  auch  rein  funktionell  erklärt 
werden  könnte)  herbeigeführt  haben.  Altirisch  fielen  auch  die 
Gtenetivformen  lautgesetzlich  fast  gänzlich  zusammen,  so  dals 
uns  schliefslich  nur  mehr  der  Name  der  eponymen  Ahnherren 
einen  Aufechluls  darüber  zu  geben  vermag,  welches  der  beiden 
Worte  ursprünglich  dem  Namen  voranging. 

Wien.  Julius  Pokornt. 


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EINE  VARIANTE  DER  BRENDAN-LEGENDK 


In  seinen  Vitae  Sandorum  Hibemiae  (1910),  S.  XLI,  bemerkt 
C.  Plummer,  dafs  sich  eine  irische  Brendan- Geschichte  in  vier 
Handschriften  findet,  in  Egerton  1781,  fo.  152  d,  im  Ltber  Flavus 
Fergusiorum  (11  fol.  50  v,  a  nach  Gwynn's  Bezeichnung)  und  in 
zwei  Hss.  zu  Brüssel:  5100—5104,  S.  13  und  2324—2340  fo.  70  b. 
Ohne  mich  dieser  Notiz  zu  erinnern,  habe  ich  1911  die  eine 
der  beiden  Brüsseler  Hss.  abgeschrieben  und  dann  lAber  Flavus 
Fergusiorum  in  Dublin  damit  verglichen.  Michael  O'Oery,  der 
Schreiber  der  Brüsseler  Hs.  5100 — 5104,  macht  hinter  dem  nächst- 
folgenden Stflck  eine  Angabe  über  seine  Quelle:  Asan  leabhar 
do  scriobh  Murchdiäh  o  Cuinnhs^)  .i.  an  ledbhur  do  scriobsjSh  gach 
a  bfuü  San  cattemce  so  hi  cconueint  braiar  [innsi  no^)]  ehuinnche 
hi  Ttuadmutmia.    30  Junii  1634. 

Der  Text  enthält  —  abgesehen  von  einer  ihm  eigentümlichen 
Einleitung  —  nur  vier  Abenteuer  Brendans:  1.  die  Osterfeier 
auf  dem  grolsen  Fisch;  2.  die  Beruhigung  eines  Meeresstrudels; 
3.  der  Blick  durch  die  Türe  der  Hölle;  4.  Judas  Ischarioth.  Die 
Schilderung  der  Qualen  in  3.  und  4.  ist  offenbar  der  Hauptzweck 
des  Erzählers.  Er  vergilst  darüber,  dals  er  anfangs  in  Aussicht 
gestellt  hat,  dafs  Brendan  das  Land  der  Verheifsung  an&uchen 
wird,  und  bricht  nach  der  Judas-Episode  jählings  ab.  Ein  grolses 
Stück  der  Erzählung  findet  sich  nun  wörtlich  gleich  noch  einmal 
in  der  irischen  Literatur,  nämlich  in  dem  Brendan -Leben,  das 
in  mehreren  Hss.,  aber  überall  mit  fehlendem  Schlufs  auf  uns 
gekommen  ist,  und  das  Stokes  vornehmlich  nach  dem  Buch  von 
Lismore  herausgegeben  hat').    Es  entsprechen  sich  fast  genau 

>)  Kaum  4i8.  *)  Diese  Wörter  sind  aosponktiert 

')  LiYes  of  Saints  from  the  Book  of  Lismore  99  ff.,  Übersetsiuig  247  IL 
Über  andere  Hss.  s.  ebenda  S.  349. 


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BIHE  TABUHTB  DBR  BBENDAH-LBGEMDE.  409 

S.  411,4-414, 20  unseres  Textes  (also  Episode  1—3)  mit  Zeile  3589 
-3594,  3601—3608,  3615-3668  von  Beiha  Brenainn.  Nicht  ganz 
leicht  ist  zu  sagen,  ob  dieser  Abschnitt  aus  Betha  entlehnt  ist 
Dagegen  könnte  man  anführen,  dafs  die  Strophe  3611—3614  (nebst 
3608—3610)  Aber  die  siebenjährige  Reise  des  Heiligen,  die  mit 
dem  Vorhergehenden  im  Widerspruch  steht  und  offenbar  ein 
sekundärer  Einschub  ist,  in  unserem  Text  fehlt;  doch  kann  das 
selbständige  Kürzung  sein.  Dafs  umgekehrt  Betha  aus  ihm  ge- 
flossen wäre,  ist  schon  dadurch  ausgeschlossen,  dafs  gerade  nur 
in  den  übereinstimmenden  Abschnitten  unseres  Textes  die  Gedichte 
fehlen,  die  in  den  selbständigen,  der  Einleitung  und  der  Judas - 
Episode,  jeweils  der  Prosa  folgen;  für  jene  war  also  eine  andere 
Quelle  vorhanden.  Ferner  dadurch,  dafs  die  Warnung  des  Teufels 
in  Episode  3,  der  Blick  in  die  Hölle  ziehe  den  Tod  des  Betreffenden 
nach  sich,  nur  in  Betha,  nicht  in  unserem  Text  sich  bewahrheitet; 
auch  durch  den  S.  418  Anm.  1  erwähnten  Fehler,  der  in  Beiha 
nicht  vorhanden  ist.  Höchstens  könnte  man  annehmen,  dafs  beide 
aus  einer  gemeinsamen  Quelle  schöpfen.  Das  wäre  bewiesen,  wenn 
unser  Text  auch  bessere  oder  altertümlichere  Lesarten  zeigte  als 
Betha.  Doch  habe  ich  fast  nichts  in  diese  Richtung  Weisendes 
gefunden.  Fethnaigis  S.  412, 5  ist  an  sich  wohl  altertümlicher  als 
ro'fethnuig  (Betha  3623),  aber  doch  auch  als  Neuerung  denkbar. 
So  bleibt  wohl  nur  die  Lesart  {Moighi  loma)  loiscthecha  ^nackte 
brennende  Felder'  S.  414, 4,  die  besser  sein  dürfte  als  loiscnecha 
'voll  Kröten'  (Betha  3662).  Daraufhin  wage  ich  aber  keine  Ent- 
scheidung. 

Ln  Folgenden  gebe  ich  den  Text  der  Brüsseler  Handschrift 
(B);  die  unbezeichneten  Varianten  stammen  aus  dem  LAer  Flavus 
Fergusiorum  (F),  das  fehlerhafter  geschrieben  ist  und  namentlich 
in  der  Beschreibung  der  Hölle  stark  gekürzt  hat.  Die  Überschrift 
lautet  in  B:  Do  da  apstol  deg  Eirenn,  in  F:  eir(?)  Brenuinn 
Birre  antso. 


L  Bator  da  apstol  decc  na  hErenn  hi  Ccluain  Iraird  ic  a 
foglaim  oc  Findian,  co*ndema  Findian  fleidh  dona  hapstolaibh 
et  do  nsemhaibh  Erfnn  archena.  Amhail  rob  ainiu  doibh  ic 
comh61  na  fleidhe,  conus'aicet  in  scoith  ndifreccra  ndimoir  cuca 

1  Bator  tra     eaabol     Idhaird  2  Finnen  3/1  robadar  ann 

acomhonafleighi  sin  4  cofaeadnr      ndicra 


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410  RUDOLF  THÜRNETSENy 

dind  co]nart[h]a  tire  tarngtre.  Is  ann  dl  ro'fas  bruth  7  comhairle 
acn  im  dol  d  iarraidh  tire  na  scoithL  Nochar'gabh  nech  do  laimh 
sech  a  chele  dibh  dal  ann,  co'ndernadh  crandchor  etorra  i.  ittr 
cech  ndis  dibh,  cotarla  iarsin  donda  Brenainn  dol  ann.    Coirit 

5  dl  anda  Brenainn  crannchor  eturra  fodein,  cip  e  dibh  dia'roisedh 
dol  d  mrraidh  tire  taimgire.  Bosoich  di  do  Brenainn  Birrse  dol 
ann.  Is  annsin  dl  ro'chnir  na^mhn  Erenn  oile  hi  socht  7  a 
n-imsniomh  ar  a  doilghe  leo  a  roctain  don  tsenoir  J.  do  sinnser 
naemh  Erenn  7  do  säi  na  faitsine  dol  i  crses  mara  7  morfairrge. 

10  C!onadh  annsin  at'bert  Brenainn  mac  Findlogha:  'Meisi  an  sösar, 
is  m6  raghas  arin  fairrge'. 

Gonidh  dö  ro'chan  in  laidh  si: 

Batar  ic  foghlaim  trein  treall.       da  apstoZ  d6g  na  hErenn 
ac  Finnen  co  fichtib  cealL       cansat  co  I6ir  a  leighenn^. 

15     Go'n-acaiset  cnca  in  scaith.       in  comunn  föta  firmaith 
ota  tir  thairngire  ndaith.       0  righ  na  righ  on  righflaitL 
Ro'raidhset  uile  malle.       ba  dia  ccomhairlibh  maithe 
CO  roctain  dal  diamhair  de.       d  iarraidh  tire  na  scoithe. 
Scarthos  dia  da  cech  dis  doib.       forba  saethnir  na  sennaeimh 

20     do  r6ir  cranncair  amra  nill.       co'tarla  donda  Bhrenoinn. 
C!oros'bennach  dia  datha.       cona  lestraibh  lindbracha. 
Brenainn  Birrae  bnaidh  flat[h]a.       is  Brenainn  mac  Findlacha. 
Cor'coirset  crandchor  caemh  nglan.       a  fiadnai^e  na  n-apsfol 
Brenainn  Birra  gasin  mbladh.       is  dö  do'rala  |n  astar. 

25     Innsa  re  n-s§8  camtha  coir.       co  comaibh  finda  fledhöil 
a  d&l  ar  lai  mara  moir.       a  std  slan  is  a  senoir. 
^Daigh  im  sösa[r]  sann  cose'.       ar  Brenainn  oc  i  n-airde 
^gidh  bas  damh  inni  blas  de.       meisi  raghas  ar  fairrge.' 

1  dinn  comwrtha  brudh  2  aea  ^  3  /l  .i.  ca  dis  dibh  dia-roiseftdli 
dol  ann  codarla  4/17  coiridh  andis  sin  fein  crannchor  atorm  5/1  cia 
daibhdo'rachadhann  6  Bosoith  dofi.  7  docoiredh  nsemdhn  9  Eir-dol 
ann  .i.  do  toi  na  faisdini  dol  11  rachas  12  Conadh  annsin  adbert 
na  briathra  so  ann  13  Badar  ac  foghnom  14  oc  Findean  in  leighinn 
15  Cnfacadur  qncn  16  0  tir      an  righfl-  18  dail  B      diaraidh 

19  Scarthais  B,  Scantwr  F  forla  B,  furha  F  ssetair  B  22  Finnloggha 
28  a  fiadhnnisi  na  n-easbboi  24  d6  om.  25  cnmta  B  26  ar  lai  mar 
27  mac  F|Finnlaighi  {ttaU  oc  i  n-a.)       28  badhas  (für  gidh  bas)  B     anni 


>)  In  B  sind  die  beiden  letsten  Halbverse  umgestellt,  in  F  lantet  der 
Schlols  in  beiden  Zeilen  ans  Versehen:  camat  eo  leir  in  leighinfL  In  B 
steht  neben  der  Strophe  am  Bande:  Brtnainn  Chiana  Ferta, 


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felKB  VABtANtE  DSE  BtUSNt>All-LEG&m)tB.  411 

Is  annsin  di  do-ronadh  dig^rais  cnraigh  la  Brenainn  J.  ar 
mä  7  luchtmaire  J.  coicinr  ar  cethracha[i]t  7  tri  sechtmoghsL[i]ty 
is  e  lin  do'coid  isin  corach. 

nO-    Seolais  iarsin  Brenainn  mac  Flndlogha  for  tonngar 
in  mara  mongmaidh  7  for  treathan  na  ttonn  ttaobhnaine  7  for  5 
cichanaigh  in  tsaili  sithgnirm  7  i  mbeoln  in  aiccein  ionganta^A 
ilphiastaigh  .L  airm  i'fuaratar  ilar  mbleidhmil  moiridi   Is  annsin 
dl  fo'gebdis  ail6na  aille  ingantacha,  7  ni'thairistis  inntib  sin  beos. 

Batar  dl  co  cenn  mbliadAna  aran  imramh  sin«  Is  annsin 
ba  comhfoc[h]raibh  don  caiscc.  Batar  a  mhuinter  aca  radh  fri  10 
Brenainn  dula  for  tir  do  ceilebradh  na  cascc  ^Is  tnalaing  dia' 
ol  Brenainn  ^talamh  do  tabotVt  doinn  in  cech  inad  bns  ail  dö'. 
lar  tictain  na  cascc  tri  is  annsin  töccbais  in  mil  mör  a  formna 
i  n-airde  osin  moir  snas,  corbo  talamh  comhard  cobhsaidh  coraighti 
comhlethan  comreidh  comhalainn«  Tiacchait  iarsin  forin  talnm  15 
sin  et  ceilebhrait  in  caiscc  annsin  .i.  oenla  7  da  oidhche  doibh 
isin  inad  sin,  co*tamaca[i]r  leo  ord  cascc  do  denamh.  Tiaghait 
iarsin  ina  corach.  Sceinnidh  in  mil  mör  iarsin  fon  moir.  Cech 
nair  ba  comhfachraibh  in  caiscc  cecha  bliadhna,  no*t6cbadh  in 
mil  mör  a  dmim  osin  mnir,  coma  talom  tirim  techtaidha  20 

IIL  Fechtus  dl  batar  forin  aiccen,  con*acatar  na  srotha . .  .*) 
dermaire,  dosrengait')  dl  an  t-anfad  dar  a  n-aindöoin  co  bord 
na  ssebhcoire.    Is  annsin  ros'gabh  imeccla  mör  iat  fri  med  a 

1  ff.  caar-  B,  Is  amisin  doronadh  digbrnis  cnraidh  aird  IncAimur»  cnigur 
ar  .xl.  7  tri  .iiii.madad  robbe  a  lin  cum  in  coraidb  F         4  SoiluB  6  a 

mbel  7  .L  mura  afoaradar  fiadbmila  8  dogeibdis  oilein     sin  am. 

10  comfochraibb  doibb  an  caisg      aga  radba  11  dal  fo  tbir         12  is 

ail  Ids  fein  13  tiac^tnin      dotog  14  cosbbaidb      cor.  combl.  om. 

15  coimreigb  doibsinm  sin.   Tiagnid  forsan  tal-  sin  7  ceileabradsad  ann  caisc  .i. 

16  X  am.  B        17  ann  do  («o/)  cotarmacair      na  casc         18  7  sgeinneas 
fo  mnir     gach  nair  dl       19  doib  in  caisc       20  carba  tal-      tecA^di  be 

21  Feacbt  (dl  am.)  dobadar  forsan    cofacadnr       22  dosragairb    damaimdbeoin 
28  dogob|b  aneagla  mor  iat  re  bainbini  an  anfaidb  dogob  an  t-aigen 


0  Hier  beginnt  die  Übereinstimmnng  mit  Betha  Brenainn  (ed.  Stokes), 
ZeUe  8589. 

*)  B  lälst  freien  Ranm  für  ein  Wort.  F  bat:  na  itatka  diaaa  eanda\ 
Beatba  Bren.  (Lism.):  9raika  doimne  dubKa  in  mara  mangruaidh,  Pariser  Hs.: 
mratha  daimne  aegarba  7  saabchairedha  dermaire  ditbha  in  mara  mangrMaidh. 
Wobl  sa  lesen:  na  9ratha  daine9^da  dermaire, 

*)  Wobl  doi'ri$nairt  la  lesen  (darimartue  Betba  Br.). 
ZdlfohHfl  t  Mit.  PhUolo«to  X«  27 


Google 


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412  EUDOLF  THURKBTSflK, 

ainbthine.  Qabhais  cach  dibh  acc  fecchadh  i  n-aghaidh  Brenainn, 
nair  roba  dermair  in  g9,hudh  i'rabhattir.  Toccbais  iarsin  Brenainn 
a  ghuth  CO  hard,  conidh  ann  as*bert:  'Is  lor  duit^  a  mhoir  mhor 
sa',  olse  'meisi  m  oenar  do  bhadhadh,  et  16icc  uait  in  Inet  sa'. 
5  Is  ann  dl  fet[h]naigis  in  muir  focAerfoir,  7  toirnit  feicheda  na 
ssebhcoire  6  sin  amach  riamh  7  nir'irchoitigset  do  neoch  eile. 

IV.  A  mbatar  ann  la  n-aile  [p.  14]  forin  mnir,  tainic  diabul 
chnca  i  ndeilbh  sentn  adnathmaire  inglaine  ifernaidhe,  co'ndesidh 
for  seol  in  chnraigh  i  fiadhnaisi  Brenainn  a  £nnr.    Ni'facaid  dl 

10  nech  dib  sinmh  6  acht  Brenainn  a  senar.  larfaighis  Brenainn 
do  dbiabhal,  cid  ma'tänic  a  hifem  riana  aimsir  coir  .i.  ria  n-aimsir 
na  heiseirghe  moire.  ^Is  aire  im  tanac'  or  diabAoZ,  'd  iarraidh 
mo  phianta  i  cl6salaibh  doimhnibh  in  mara  duibh  dorcha  sa'. 
larfaighis  Brenainn  dosomh:  'Cidh  ön,  cait  ittr  a*fail  in  loc 

15  ifemaidhe  sin?'  —  ^Trnagh  sin'  ar  diaba2,  ^ni'cnmhaing  nech 
a  faicsin  et  se  beo  iarsin'.  Is  annsin  foillsighis  diabol  doms 
iftm  do  Brenainn.  Et  feghais  Brenainn  iarsin  in  carcair  ngairbh 
ngnirm.  sin  lan  do  bröntaidh,  lin  do  lasair,  lan  do  mhosair,  l&n 
do  longpurtaib  na  ndemhnn  neimhnech,  lan  do  ghol  7  do  eigim 

20  7  do  ercoid,  7  gaire  tmagha  7  noallgaba  mora,  golfadach  7 
basgaire  na  tnath  peactach  7  bethn  dubach  bronach  hi  cridhe 
phöine,  i  carcraibh  teinntigibh,  i  sruamhaibh  na  sretha  sirteinedh, 
i  cailiuch  bithbroin  7  bais  cen  chrich  cen  forcenn,  i  lathachaibh 
dorchaibh,  i  cathairib  tromlasar,  i  n-imat  broin  7  bais  7  riagh  7 

25  cuimreach  7  tromtreas  ndichumhaing  co  mbloedhgail  adhoathmair 
na  ndemhna  neimhneacA  i  n-aidhci  bithdorcha  bithnair  bithbroin 
bithsalaigh    bithchiamhair    bithghairbh    bithfoda   bithmnichnig 

1  7  gnhus     ag  fedadh  Brentiiim  ana  adhaidh  2  dobn         8  leor 

4  do  batAiid  am  seniir  in  luclU  so  slan  gan  frithorchuin  5  anntin  feth- 
naigheas      fethedha  6  'urcoidigli  doibh  tre  bithn.  7   Am-  robadar 

cotainic  B  8  seanta  condeisi  10  na  enar  11  don  diabn)  cid 
nmtainig     hifrinn  12  moiri  ar  in  diabul  d  iaraid  mo  pianta  a  cualaib 

13  phiantas  B        14  de  sin     inafnil  B        15  Tmadh  amh  sin  ar  in  diabn 

'comaigh  neach  beo  a  haithle  na  pian  remhraiti  sin  dfaicsin  16  dfoillsigh 
an  diab-  17  ifrtnn  ngairbh  om,  18  brentns  moindsair  19  demnn 
(statt  na  d.)  20  7  gartha  nnalldnba  golgaire  7  basgaire  21  a 
craidbnib  peini  22  sreath  (itatt  na  sr.)  23  broin  24/f.  7  »  cairibh 
tromlasracha  teinntighi,  a  n-imnd  peinid  eth  (Liei  eürf)  cnimhreoha  coim- 
ceangnilti  adnathmur  na  peinid  snthaine  bidhdorcha  bidfnar  27  f.  bidhfota 
gacha  hoilc  .i.  marbhthaibh  malartaidh  na  n-anmand  n-eggraibeach  a  ileibthibh 
sirtineadh 


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EIKE  VARIAHTe  DEft  BRlBKDAK-LfiGBKDfi.  4lä 

mharbtbaig  malartaigh  muchna  mhongteiimtigh  iccair  imnair 
adheitig  i&im,  hi  slesaibh  sliabh  sirtheinedh  cen  anadh  cen 
airisemh,  acht  slaaig  demhna  ic  tarraing  na  pecthach  i  carcraib 
troma  tenna  tee  tenntighi,  dorcha  doimhne  diamhra  dimaine  dsira 
dubha  deinmecha,  salcha  seda  senta  sirbrena  sirdebtach  sirtrodach  5 
sirscith  sirmarb  sirbeo.  Gk)I  ger  garcc  goethach  golf artach  grichda 
geranach  gothach  goirt  gergaimmech  gubhudach. 

Cmma  croma  cruaidhi  calma  cendmora. 

Piasta  bnidhe  bana  belmora. 

Leomain  lonna  lanlnatha  leidmeacha.  10 

Sebaic  roda  rnadha  roarda. 

Drecain  dercca  duba  dronnmora  deinmecha. 

Ticcri  trena  tuathbertaigh. 

Scoirpi  gorma  gimacha. 

Qriba  garba  goibgera.  15 

Coile  goiile  gnilbnecha. 

Creabair  croma  cruadhghobacha. 

Farcha  troma  iamaighe. 

Susta  senta  sengarba. 

Claidhbe  gera.  Qai  ruadha.  Demna  dubha.  Teinnti  brena.  20 
Srotha  neime.  Cait  ac  sgribadh.  Coin  ag  leadradh.  Gadnir  ag 
tabann.  Demhuin  ag  blaeghaidh.  Essa  brena.  Lathacha  mora. 
Caithe  dorcha.  Glenda  doimhne.  Sleibhti  arda.  Creaca  cmaidhe. 
Sluaigh  demhna.  Longport  salach.  Pian  cen  anadh.  Saithe 
sanntach.  Tochur  meinic.  Troid  cen  foireach.  Demhna  acc  25 
pianadh.    Imad  riagha.    Betha  bronach. 

Airm  i'filet  srotha  secdha, 

serba  senta  sirbrena, 

lobhta  legtha  loisctecha^ 

loma  luatha  lantei  lethna,  80 

comga  cmaidhe  cairrgeacha, 

2  f.  can  tairisiomh  forro  8  do  demlmaimh  aca  na  p.  om,  8—6  a 
earrcaib  enmga  teimitighi  7  gola  gera  goirti  gaibht^MAa.  8  7  cmma 

ceannreamra         9  7  piasta     bana  am.  10  lanl.  om.  11  7  seabnio 

roarda  om.  12  7  dreagoin  dearga  7  dola  dnba  dronnmor  (deinm.  om,) 
13—15  om.         17  cmaidh-  18  Farcbada         20  Dembna  dsera  dnbba 

Teinnti  br.  om.  21  f.  Cait  bi$  blagbaidh  om.  B  22  Locha  brena 
28  Coirti  dorchad  Creaeha  24  Piana  25  Tocb.  m.  om.  26  rig-d 
27/:  irotha  drbrena  (dann  fehU  äUa  bi$  8.4U^e) 

27* 


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4l4  bÜDOL^  THUBNSTSEI^; 

foda  fuara  fodomna, 

beca  mora  feichtecha. 

Sirthe  sinte  süaiti  sothoirsecha. 

Moighi  loma  loiscthecha. 
5  Tolcha  corra  gimacha. 

Glenda  croma  cnunhacha. 

Mointi  garbha  deilccnecha. 

Coillti  dubha  teinntighi. 

Slighti  salcha  biastaighi. 
10  Mara  techta  tnlbröna. 

Cloithi  aidble  iarnauZAe. 

Usce  duba  doimhillsL 

Aiddi  imda  ezamhla. 

Samhud  salach  sirlobtha. 
15  Gsetha  goirti  geimhreta. 

Snechta  [15]  secda  sirsilte. 

Lanna  derga  teiimtidhe. 

Qnose  d^ra  dubhacha. 

Demhna  luatha  leidmecfta. 
ao  Piana  aidble  eccsamhla^. 

y.  lar  faicsin  na  pian  sin  do  Bhrenainn  co'coalaidh  in 
noallgubha  ndermair  ndofulachta  n-etnalaing  7  in  chtd  chiamair 
attruagh  et  in  golgaire  ndichomhaing  i  fudomain  iochtair  iftm. 
Is  annsin  roghabh  imeccia  in  clerech  fri  adhnath  na  troighi  sin. 

25  C!onidh  annsin  at'connairc  Brenainn  in  carraic  ndermair,  is  foirre 
sidhe  ro'büi  a  n-at'cualaidh.  7  ticedh  in  mnir  it&maidhe  da  cech 
aird  darsin  carraicc  i.  tonn  teinedh  dnbhmaidhe  anair  thairsi 
7  tonn  nar  eighreta  aniar  cech  re  fecht  Is  annsin  bni  oöndoine 
tmagh  ina  sesamh  forsin  carraic.   larfaighis  Brenaind  de,  cnich  6. 

90  ^Hiudas  Scarioth  meisi'  olse.    ^Et  is  me  dorec  mo  thigema  do 

7  7  moinü  dilgneacha  8  7  coillti  9  7  slithldh  laladi  piasdaidhi 
10  tecAtaidhi  tnbrena  11—14  om,  15  7  g»tha  16—19  om. 

20  examhla  7  rl.  21  faicsin  troth  na  peini  do  dochoalaid  a  naalldnba 
troadh  a  fodumAuin  ifrtnn.  24  dogabh  aneagla  ansBmdeireach  fri  hadhoath- 
muracht  na  peinidh  nocnal-  25  adconnoirc  fbrri  (sidhe  am,)  26  robi 
an  troighi  romor  rocnalaidh  7  dotigheadh  ifemntoidhlsi  do  27  don  cairaie 
dnbhr.  om.  anoir  tairsibh  7  tonna  foar  28  aniar  tairsibh  gack  re  feadU 
Is  anns.  &t«  carraic  om.        29  ce  he  fein        30  indas  sgario  misi     roreac 


1)  Damit  hOrt  die  Übereinstimmung  mit  Betha  ßr.  (Z.  8668)  vaL 

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EINE  VARIANTE  DER  BRENDAK-LBGENDE.  415 

chinn  airccit  7  iimmais  dhimiccm^A  dimaoin  in  tsaogat7  .i.  Isu 
Crist  mac  de  bL  Et  as  dermair'  oIs6  ^mdt  mo  phian  n-examhail. 
7  biat  9,mal  atxi  siu  o'niu  coü  in  brath'.  Is  annsin  ro'chüi 
Brenamn  fri  m6t  na  troighi,  i'facaidh  ludas  do  beith.  Conidh 
ann  do'righne  na  nmna  becca  sa  oc  taithmet  a  peini  do  Brenoind:  5 

Indas  Scarioth  me  Indio.       for  tonnaib  na  trenfairrgin 
troagh  mo  betha  gaibthech  gorm.        icom  pianadA  i  n-ifornd. 
0  thoind  teinedh  for  tuind  nair.      0  thnind  uair  for  cech  tuinn  trein 
m6  'com  pianodA  as  cech  aird.      tmagh  in  gairm  mo  heih  i  pein. 
Maircc  damh  sa  treccadh  mo  righ.      olc  in  gnimh  fa'tncos  laimh  10 
beithir  de  tria  bithu  sir.       cen  sidh  is  cen  ceannsa  saimh. 
Hichtar  ifiVn  cech  re  n-nair.       tmagh  in  grifing  bis  föm  thsebh 
demhnn  dubha  bit  im  dhiil.       ach  a  lägh  ni  coma  caemh. 
Maircc  do'righne  maircc  do'gnL       maircc  a  t[h]aras  for  bith  c6 
inti  do*ni  saint  tar  rö.       maircc  fa  dö  7  maircc  a  dh6.  15 

Maircc  damh  sa  mo  saint  rom'baidh.       demhnn  ga[i]rcc  at*cim 

[arnnair 
maircc  mo  tnrns  a  d6  diibh.      maircc  do'raidh  mo  cnbhns  crüaidh. 
Uch  a  Brenainn  Ugaidh  me.        cecA  a  n-d6naim  damh  is  mo 
ifem  dona  ds§r  dubh  dalL       ach  as  ann  atü  sa  b6o.  20 

Uchin  uch  luach  braith  mo  righ.        co  sirsir  do'ghebh  a  olc 
trichsL  circnll  airccit  biin.       is  e  sin  do'craidh  mo  chorp. 
OAr  innmhos  tacos  mo  righ.       ach  is  trid  as  olc  mo  dil 
ni'mair  in  t-ionnmus  dom  r6ir.       mairim  si  i  p6in  tria  bith  sir. 
Uch  nach  marbh  me  a  metc  mo  de.      ach  as  garb  do'geibbim  gleo  25 
ach  me  ar  lasadh  cama  cet       ni'faghaim  6c  acht  m6  b6o. 
Crnmha  croma  bit  fom  t[h]debh.       dabha  donna  tmagh  in  baigh 
gaii*  tafaind  ann  cech  re  n-nair.       tma[i]gh  in  grafaing  bit 

im  dhaiL 

1  7  ixmm.  bii  tsaogail  om,  2  ols^  am,  pefnf  examl . .  si . .  leith 
8  7  bed  mur  docith  sin      amisin  ira  dochai  4  na  peini      do  b.  om. 

5  na  roinn      ag  taithmeach     a  p.  om.  B  6  Hindas  sgario     indni  B, 

aniomh  F  7  gaifech  8  füair  fiiair  9  g:nni  airm  B  beith  a 
10  treig-d     *  tncas       11  bithin  B    cen  annsa  B^  gan  ceannsa  F       12  ifrinn 

griftiing  18  deamna  um  dbal  al&  14  ar  beith  celdh  16  demna 
garga  18  cnbhais  19  fedhaidh  is  ro  20  ifrtnn  21  Inath  22  c^rcaH 
28  tngos    tiitis       24  nir(?)roibh  innmns    tre       25  mn    is       26  gomaB 

nifadaim  eg  beith  beo      27  an  biad      28  tabhuinn     an  grabaing  anam  gaid 


0  Diese  Strophe  steht  in  F  erst  nach  S.  416,2. 


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416  RUDOLF  THÜRNETSENy 

Uch  a  aircit  maircc  do*gni.       ach  do'airccis  m6  fam  d6 
ach  a  ionnmais  hhv&ccaigh  baio.        ach  is  plaigh  ro*imres  tun. 
Maille  re  demhnaibh  ata.        ach  rom'medhradh  olc  mo  gn6 
do'clos  tre  diamas  mo  gnaoi.       ia  ladas  Scarioth  me. 

ladas  Scarioth. 

1  doairgifl     fände        2  bregaidh     plaidh     doimruis        8  deamnaiii» 
romeadhradh     gneith         4  gnaidh     sgario         5  Scar.  om. 


L  Die  zwölf  Apostel  Irlands  waren  in  Clonard  in  der  Lehre 
bei  Finden;  da  bereitete  Finden  den  Aposteln  and  den  äbrigen 
Heiligen  Irlands  ein  Gelage.  Wie  sie  am  schönsten  beim  gemein- 
samen Tranke  des  Gelages  waren,  sahen  sie  eine  gewaltige  Blome 
ohnegleichen  als  (?)  Zeichen  i)  des  Landes  der  Verheiüsong  za 
ihnen  (kommen).  Da  wachs  nan  in  ihnen  der  Drang  and  der 
Entschlaf s  zu  gehen,  das  Land  der  Blame  zu  suchen.  Keiner 
erlangte  es  vor  dem  anderen  dahin  zu  gehen,  bis  das  Los  zwischen 
ihnen  geworfen  wurde,  nämlich  zwischen  jedem  Paar  von  ihnen, 
so  dafs  es  dann  die  zwei  Brenainn  traf,  hinzugehen.  Nun 
warfen  die  zwei  Brenainn  das  Los  zwischen  sich  selbst,  welchem 
von  ihnen  es  zukäme  zu  gehen,  das  Land  der  Verheilüsung  zu 
suchen.  Nun  traf  es  Brenainn  von  Birr  dorthin  zu  gehen.  Da 
versanken  nun  alle  Heiligen  Irlands  in  Schweigen  und  Sorge, 
weil  es  sie  bekümmerte,  dafs  es  dem  Senior,  d.  h.  dem  Ältesten 
der  Heiligen  Irlands  und  dem  Weisen  der  Wahrsagung,  zufiel 
in  den  Schlund  des  Meeres  und  der  grofsen  See  zu  gehen.  Da 
sprach  Brenainn,  der  Sohn  Findlugs:  'Ich  bin  der  jftngere,  ich 
werde  auf  die  See  gehen'.    Und  dazu  sang  er  dieses  Lied: 

Es  waren  beim  heftigen  edlen  Lernen  die  zwölf  Apostel 
Irlands;  bei  Finden  mit  zwanzigen  von  Klöstern  sangen  sie  eifrig 
ihre  Lektion. 

Da  sahen  sie  die  Blume  zu  sich  (kommen),  die  wackere, 
wahrhaft  gute  Versammlung,  vom  glänzenden  Land  der  Ver- 
heifsung,  vom  König  der  Könige,  vom  königlichen  Herrscher. 

Sie  sagten  alle  miteinander  —  es  gehörte  zu  ihren  guten 
Beschlossen  — j  sie  wollten  bis  zum  Zusammentreffen  mit  Gottes 
Geheimnissen  das  Land  der  Blume  suchen. 


>)  Eher  'das  herrorragende  Zeichen'. 


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EINE  VARIANTE  DER  BRBNDAN-LEOENDE.  417 

Qott  benahm  jedem  Paar  von  ihnen,  den  alten  Heiligen  0, 
die  Vollendung  der  Mühsal  zugunsten  eines  herrlichen,  groben 
Loswurfs,  so  dals  es  den  zwei  Brenainn  zufiel. 

Da  segnete  sie  der  Gott  des  Glanzes  nebst  ihren  Gefäfsen  mit 
Biermalz,  den  Brenainn  von  Birr,  die  Siegeskraft  des  Herrschertums, 
und  Brenainn  den  Sohn  Findlngs. 

Da  warfen  sie  das  liebliche,  lautere  Los  in  Gegenwart  der 
Apostel;  Brenainn  von  Birr  mit  dem  Kuhm  —  ihm  fiel  die  Reise  zu. 

Schwer  war  für  die  Leute  der  würdigen  Versammlung  mit 
den  schönen  Trinkhömem  des  Festtrunks  das  Zusammentreffen 
ihres  heilen  Weisen  und  ihres  Seniors  mit  dem  Tritt^)  des 
grolsen  Meeres. 

'Weil  ich  hier  bis  jetzt  der  jüngste  bin',  sagte  Brenainn 
der  Junge  in  Erhabenheit,  'mag  mir  auch  werden,  was  daraus 
werden  wird  —  ich  werde  auf  die  See  gehen'. 

Da  wurde  durch  Brenainn  ein  treffliches  Boot  bereitet  nach 
Grölse  und  Bemannung,  nämlich  45  und  dreimal  siebzig,  das 
war  die  Zahl,  die  ins  Boot  stieg. 

n.  Darauf  segelte  Brenainn,  der  Sohn  Findlugs,  auf  dem 
Wogengetöse  des  rotmähnigen  Meeres  und  auf  der  See  der  grün- 
seitigen  Wogen  und  auf  dem  Geheul  der  tiefblauen  Salzflut  und 
in  den  Schlund  des  wunderbaren  bestienreichen  Ozeans,  da  wo 
sie  eine  Menge  von  Meeresungetümen  fanden.  Dort  fanden  sie 
auch  schöne,  wunderbare  Inseln,  und  sie  hielten  sich  nicht  weiter 
auf  ihnen  aut 

Nun  waren  sie  bis  zum  Ende  eines  Jahres  auf  dieser  Fahrt.' 
Da  war  Ostern  nahe.  Sein  Gefolge  sagte  zu  Brenainn,  sie  wollten 
an  Land  gehen,  um  Ostern  zu  feiern.  'G^tt  vermag'  sagte 
Brenainn  'uns  ein  Land  zu  geben  an  jedem  Ort,  wo  es  ihm 
beliebt'.  Als  dann  Ostern  gekommen  war,  da  hob  das  grofise 
Tier  seinen  Rücken  in  die  Höhe  über  das  Meer  hinauf,  so  dafs 
er  hohes,  festes,  ordentliches,  breites,  ebenes,  schönes  Land  war. 
Darauf  gingen  sie  auf  dieses  Land  und  feierten  dort  Ostern. 
Nämlich  einen  Tag  und  zwei  Nächte  waren  sie  an  diesem  Ort,  bis 
sie  das  Oster- Ritual  vollendet  hatten.  Darauf  gingen  sie  in  ihr 
Boot  Dann  verschwand  das  groXse  Tier  unters  Meer.  Jedesmal 


0  Der  Nom.  PL  na  $ennaimh  nimmt  doib  wieder  auf. 
*)  Kaum  'Steaermder*. 


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418  RUDOLF  THÜRNETSEK, 

wenn  Ostern  jedes  Jahr  nahe  war,  hob  das  grofse  Tier  seinen 
Kacken  über  das  Meer,  so  dafs  er  trockenes,  gehöriges  Land  war. 

m  Einst  nun  waren  sie  auf  dem  Ozean,  als  sie  stürmische, 
gewaltige  Strömungen  sahen.  Der  Sturm  drängte  sie  gegen  ihren 
Willen  zum  Rand  des  Strudels.  Da  ergriff  sie  gewaltige  Furcht 
bei  der  Qrölse  seines  Stürmens.  Jeder  von  ihnen  begann  auf 
Brenainn  zu  blicken;  denn  die  Gefahr,  in  der  sie  waren,  war 
gewaltig.  Darauf  erhob  Brenainn  laut  seine  Stimme  und  sprach: 
*Es  genügt  dir,  grofses  Meer',  sagte  er  'mich  allein  zu  ertränken, 
und  lals  diese  Leute  los!'  Da  glättete  sich  nun  das  Meer  sofort, 
und  die  Wallungen  des  Strudels  senkten  sich  von  da  an  auf 
immer  und  haben  keinem  anderen  mehr  geschadet 

IV.  Als  sie  sich  eines  Tages  auf  dem  Meer  befanden,  kam 
der  Teufel  zu  ihnen  in  einer  greisenhaften^),  schrecklichen,  un- 
reinen, höllischen  Gestalt  und  setzte  sich  auf  das  Segel  des  Bootes 
vor  Brenainn  allein.  Keiner  von  ihnen  sah  ihn  da  aulser  Brenainn 
allein.  Brenainn  fragte  den  Teufel,  weshalb  er  aus  der  Hölle 
gekommen  sei  vor  der  richtigen  Zeit,  d.  h.  vor  der  Zeit  der  grolsen 
Auferstehung.  'Darum  bin  ich  doch  gekommen'  sagte  der  Teufel, 
'um  meine  Peinigung  zu  suchen  in  den  tiefen  Verschlüssen  dieses 
schwarzen,  düsteren  Meeres'.  Brenainn  fragte  ihn:  'Wohlan,  wo 
ist  denn  dieser  höllische  Ort?'  —  '0  Jammer'  sagte  der  Teufel, 
'niemand  kann  ihn  sehen  und  darnach  leben'.  Da  zeigte  der 
Teufel  Brenainn  die  Türe  der  Hölle.  Und  Brenainn  sah  darauf 
diesen  rauhen,  dunkeln  Kerker  voll  von  Gestank,  voll  von  Flamme^) 

gewaltige,  mannigfaltige  Qualen. 

y.  Nachdem  Brenainn  diese  Qualen  gesehen  hatte,  hörte  er 
gewaltiges,  unerträgliches,  nicht  auszuhaltendes  Wehgeschrei  und 
trauriges,  jämmerliches  Weinen  und  unausstehlichen  Klageruf  in 
der  Tiefe  des  unteren  Teiles  der  Hölle.  Da  ergriff  den  Kleriker 
Angst  bei  der  Furchtbarkeit  dieses  Elends.  Da  sah  Brenainn  einen 
grolsen  Fels;  auf  diesem  war,  was  er  hörte.    Und  das  höllische 

>)  Das  Ajektiv  ienta  (sentu),  das  im  folgenden  noch  mehrfach  wieder- 
kehrt, und  das  Stokes  mit  4nyeterate'  übersetzt,  war  unserem  Verfasser 
offenbar  unbekannt;  er  fafst  es  als  Genetiv  eines  Snbstantivs  und  ändert 
danach  die  Form  der  folgenden  Adjektive. 

')  Die  Übersetcong  dieser  langen  Schilderungen  der  Hölle  s.  bei  Stokes, 
S.254f. 


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BIN!  VABIAIITB  DBR  BRENDAH-LBOENDE.  419 

Meer  kam  von  jeder  Seite  Aber  den  Felsen,  n&mlich  eine  Welle 
von  schwarzrotem  Feuer  von  vom  Aber  ihn  und  das  andere  Mal 
eine  kalte  eisige  Welle  von  hinten.  Dort  stand  ein  einzelner 
elender  Mann  auf  dem  Felsen.  Brenainn  fragte  ihn,  wer  er  sei. 
'Judas  Ischarioth  bin  ich*  sagte  er,  'und  ich  bin  es,  der  seinen 
Herrn  verkauft  hat  fflr  Silber  und  für  verächtlichen,  wertlosen 
Reichtum  der  Welt,  d.  i.  Jesum  Christum,  den  Sohn  des  lebendigen 
Gk)ttes.  Und  gewaltig'  sagte  er,  'ist  die  Menge  meiner  mannig- 
faltigen Qualen.  Und  wie  du  mich  siehst,  werd  ich  sein  von 
heute  bis  zum  jüngsten  Gericht'.  Da  weinte  Brenainn  bei  der 
Grölse  des  Elends,  in  dem  er  Judas  sah.  Da  machte  der  dieses 
kurze  Gedicht,  indem  er  Brenainn  seine  Pein  erwähnte: 

„Judas  Ischarioth  bin  ich  heute  auf  den  Wogen  der 
mächtigen  See.  Elend  ist  mein  gefahrvolles,  düsteres  Leben, 
da  ich  in  der  Hölle  gepeinigt  werde. 

Von  der  Feuerwoge  auf  die  kalte  Woge,  von  der  kalten 
Woge  auf  jede  mächtige  Woge,  gepeinigt  von  jeder  Seite:  ein 
elender  Ruf  ist,  dafs  ich  in  der  Pein  bin. 

Weh  mir,  dafs  ich  meinen  König  verlassen  habe!  Schlimm 
war  die  Tat,  an  die  ich  Hand  legte.  So  wird  man  darum  in 
Ewigkeit  ohne  Frieden  und  ohne  die  Milde  der  Ruhe  sein. 

Je  zur  einen  Stunde  der  untere  Teil  der  Hölle;  elend  ist 
der  ..  A)y  der  an  meiner  Seite  ist  Schwarze  Teufel  sind  in 
meiner  Gesellschaft;  ach  über  ihr  Gesetz^),  keine  liebliche 
Bildungl 

Weh  dem,  der  es  getan  hat,  weh  dem,  der  es  tut,  weh 
seiner  Wanderung  in  dieser  Welt!  Der  habsüchtig  ist  über 
das  Glück  hinaus,  zweimal  weh  ihm  und  wehe,  o  Gott! 

Weh  mirl  meine  Habsucht  hat  mich  ertränkt;  rohe  Teufel 
seh  ich  je  nach  der  Stunde.  Weh  um  meine  Fahrt  zu  ihnen, 
0  Gk)ttl    Weh  dem,  was  in  mein  hartes  Gewissen  kami 

Ach  Brenainn,  seht  mich  an!  Alles,  was  ich  tue,  bringt 
mir  nur  mehr.  Die  unselige,  gemeine,  schwarze,  blinde  Hölle, 
ach  darin  leb  ich! 

Ach,  ach!  der  Lohn  für  den  Verrat  an  meinem  König, 
lange,  lange  werd  ich  seine  bösen  Folgen  tragen.  Dreilsig 
Reifen  von  weilsem  Silber,  das  hat  meinen  Leib  verunglimpft 

')  ^V^^i  Im  Beim  mit  ifim;  'der  Greif'? 
*)  Der  Beim  verlangt  freilich  läigK 


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420     a  THURNETSEN,  EINE  VARIANTE  DER  BRENDAH-LBGENDE. 

Fflr  Beichtum  hab  ich  meinen  König  hingegeben;  ach, 
dadurch  ist  mein  Geschick  schlimm.  Der  Reichtum  bleibt  nicht 
zu  meiner  Verfügung:  ich  bleibe  in  der  Pein  in  Ewigkeit 

Ach,  da£s  ich  nicht  tot  bin,  o  Sohn  meines  Gottes!  Ach, 
dafs  ich  in  rauher  Weise  Kampf  finde.  Ach,  dals  ich  in 
Flammen  stehend  nicht  wie  Hunderte  (?)0  den  Tod  finde, 
sondern  lebe. 

Krumme  Würmer  sind  an  meinem  Leibe,  schwarze,  braune; 
elend  ist  der  Kampf!  Jagdgeschrei  je  zur  anderen  Stunde; 
elend  sind  die  Hetzen,  die  mich  treffen. 

Ach,  Silber!  wehe  deiner  Tat!  Ach,  du  brachtest  mich 
unter  mein  . .  ^)  Ach,  lügnerischer  bleicher  Reichtum,  ach, 
Plage  hast  du  bewirkt. 

Zusammen  mit  Teufeln  bin  ich,  ach!  . . .')  schlimm  ist 
meine  Art  Durch  Übermut  habe  ich  meine  Schönheit  ver- 
wandelt: Judas  Ischarioth  bin  ich.*' 


^)  Eher  ist  wohl  co  foclUt  zu  lesen  'indem  ich  bis  zn  hundertmal 
aufflamme'. 

')  d6  (im  Beim  zn  f6in)  kann  nicht  richtig  sein.  Yermntlich  pHn 
'nnter  meine  Pein*  und  vorher  do  gnim  statt  dogni  mit  regelrechter  Konsonanz. 

')  Der  Beim  mit  demhnaibh  verlangt  medhraidh,  das  ich  nicht  verstehe. 

Bonn.  Rudolf  Thubkbtsen. 


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ALLERLEI  IRISCHES. 


I.  Bec  mac  Jt6. 

K  Meyer  hat  in  dieser  Zs.  IX,  169  die  grofse  Prophezeiung 
von  Bec  mac  D6  nach  drei  von  den  fünf  bekannten  Handschriften 
herausgegeben.  Er  verweist  auch  auf  Leabhar  Breac,  S.  260  a 
(lies  b),  wo  sich  unter  anderen  auf  Bec  bezüglichen  Anekdoten 
eine  kürzere  und  verständlichere  Prophezeiung  über  den  Zustand 
Irlands  am  Ende  der  Welt  findet.  Sie  kehrt  in  der  Brüsseler 
Handschrift  5100 — 5104,  fol.  7  v,  wieder,  und  die  zwei  Abschriften 
lassen  gegenseitig  ihre  Fehler  verbessern.  Der  Text  mufis  aus 
der  Zeit  stammen,  wo  das  Hochkönigtum  bei  den  Mac  Neill  in 
Ailech  war,  da  dieser  Ort  vorangestellt  wird. 


Cetbnathra  Bic  maic  D6  inso  larna  ghein  fo'cA^oir.  Dia'mböi 
cach  oca  rada:  'is  bec  in  nöidiu',  as'bert  somh  boi  immarcraid 
na  ndaoine  mör  aice  do  sc^laib  derid  domain.  Conid  and 
at'bert  sum: 

Ailech  cen  glall.       Temair  hi  trüg.  5 

Daurlus  (.i.  Guaire)  cen  blad.       Line  cen  lüai 

Lüachair  i-116n.       Emain  co  hüar. 

Maisten  cen  miad.       Carman  cen  riad. 

Bladma  cen  bläth.       Äine  cen  hol. 

Echtge  cen  ig.       Laigin  hi  ngäir.  10 

Laigis  68  chäch.       Eli  (.i.  Descirt)  do  meth. 

Ere  cen  maith    ö  sin  himmach    coti  in  bräth. 


1    inso   orn.  B        ghein   (no   breit)   Bj    genemain  L(eabhar  Breac) 
.1.  diamböi  B  2  atbert  Bec  L     imacr-  B         3  na  noidine  moire  L 

4  sam  om,  B         5  Ailinch  B         6  Dorltis  B         9  eo\  B  10  i  B 

12  amach  B     7rl.  add.  L 


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422 

Dieses  sind  die  ersten  Worte  von  Bec  mac  De  sofort  nach 
seiner  Gebart  Als  alle  sagten:  ^Das  ist  ein  kleines  Eind!', 
sagte  er,  er  habe  mehr  als  die  grofsen  Menschen  an  Berichten 
über  das  Ende  der  Welt    Und  da  sprach  er: 

„Ailech  ohne  Geisel.       Temair  am  Strande. 

Darios  (Gnaire)  ohne  Speise.       Line  ohne  Böhm. 

Lnachair  in  Trübsal;       Emain  kalt 

Maisten  ohne  Ehre.       Carman  ohne  Wagenfahren. 

Bladma  ohne  Blüte.       Aine  ohne  Trunk. 

Echtge  ohne  Eampl       Leinster  im  Gespött 

Leix  über  allen.       Eli  (Descirt)  im  Verfall. 

Irland  ohne  Gutes  von  da  bis  zum  jüngsten  Gericht'' 

II.  Scela  geine  Cormaic. 

Die  so  betitelte  Erzählung  findet  sich,  wie  d'Arbois  de  Jubain- 
ville,  Essai  d'nn  catalogue  S.  196,  anmerkt,  in  der  Handschrift 
des  Trinity  C!ollege  zu  Dublin,  H.  3. 17,  Col.  782—784.  Dieser 
Text  ist  aber  wörtlich  identisch  mit  einem  Abschnitt,  den  K  Meyer, 
ZCP  ¥111310,30—312,9  aus  den  Land -Genealogien  abgedruckt 
hat    Ich  gebe  die  bedeutsameren  Varianten  aus  H.  3. 17: 

Titel:  Sgela  geine  Cormatc  andso  sis.  S.  310, 30  Anfang: 
Intan  im  robdar  lana  —  31.  Aithe  —  32.  do  om.  asrobart 
doirgeba  amac  co  remi  Cormoc  —  33.  Maidean  rogenair 
Corm.  om.  01c  —  34.  Aithai  .u.creasa  imdeaglaith  ar  teine 
ar  (35)  agdaire  ar  cach  nolc  ar  conaib  Nibo  cian  iar  sin  (36)  ina 
collud  isin  aidce  tolluid  —  37.  uaidchi  finebolg  inbolg  intsod  — 
38.  arluaith  robai  aiixise  and  —  39.  do  aircis  —  40.  fiadruad 
focuaird      in  moc 

311, 1.  ose  conraithit  Luigne  fotri  —  2.  rofind  athair  a 
mathar  son  anisin  —  3.  Luigthige  —  4.  Do  deart  fri  — 
5.  folait  Con  om,  —  6.  Cachtan  —  7.  Fiacha  Casan  — 
8.  amedon  aithe  dosnacadar  do  breith  —  9.  uäti  ual  uimpe 
dosnacad  —  11.  Sliab  Conachlad  inairt-  —  12.  tipndt  indlaith  .. 
trog  com  comaid  —  13.  Ainmni  aittmni  andso  Atfet  (14) 
scela  caiid  for  in  —  15.  fliuch  muide  —  16.  in  muide  lama 
daine  amacomad  (17)  bas  de  annsin  trea  (18)  treagasc  7 
tre  iraigeacht  co  Team-  diluad  sobais  7  dobreath  —  19.  omasc 
oir  7  timteact  —  20.  Fomaisi     gus  mor  direach  (hisen  om.)  — 


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ALLBBLEI  IRISCHES.  423 

21.  786  —  22.  Conacaid  —  23.  Dolaig  seom  —  24.  dotaaslaig  in 
claidim  nob-t  —  25.  tnaslaici  claidim  osome  ractaire  —  26.  No 
indrosc  dob-t  (27)  ar  in  rachtaire  biaid  mo  meamaisneis 
inillis  Robia  —  28.  rachtaire  .i.  bean  mc  an  rig  cid  cias  a 
bean  ol  Cit  —  29.  ol  in  rachaire  1  ben  mc  an  rig  dinimaithleO 
•L  a  cairid  —  30.  do  disli  illomrad  glais  in  goirt  —  31.  lomrad 
eis  a  ceile  nirng  hi*)  ol  —  32.  C!orm-c  ferne  Formisistar  in 
rachtaire  —  34.  im  diaig  sea  mainitfnil  do  claind  in  nEirin 
is  in  (35)  fer  sin  Taet  tor  einech  sa  co  fear  gabsa  ni  om.  — 
36.  linm  rucais  in  breath  tnchat  —  38.  Nito  olse  nimdarrig 
ceinba  band. 

312, 1.  Togaib  in  moc  a  ginn  im  om.  —  2.  cein  Congairt- 
ceile  7  a  amais  co  7  fororcongrad  (3)  ferro  Taet  am  dar 
feinechns  fein  is  caith  nair  —  4.  annroso  Docomlnid  Moc  Con 
7  Lngaid  mac  Mocniad  —  5.  Die  Olosse  fehlt  side  7  trtthean  7 
Eocho  —  6.  Cindas  on  ol  forfagaib  in  faithe  form  ba  breith  — 
7.  Nito  beir  sin  nair  is  tosach  —  8.  dnit  acht  roba  teil  dnit 
sin      linm  —  9.  adbert 


nL  Aird  Eehdi. 

K  Meyer,  Znr  keltischen  Wortknnde  m  Nr.  41,  hat  gesehen, 
dals  mit  diesem  anf  der  Halbinsel  Cantire  befindlichen  Wohnsitz 
Ton  Echde  Echb^l  in  der  CnRoi-Sage  das  Vorgebirge  gemeint 
ist,  das  Ptolemäns  3, 1  n.  8  'Ejtlöiov  äxQov  nennt,  hente  'Mnll  of 
Cantire'.  Er  fafst  den  ersten  Bestandteil  als  ard  'Höhe'.  Aber 
im  Text  (knn  II 32)  heilst  es  %  n-cUrd  ecdcei  nnd  a  h-airt  ede, 
während  ard  'Höhe'  nentraler  o-Stamm  ist  Damm  scheint  mir 
nicht  zweifelhaft,  dafs  wir  das  irische  Femininum  aird  vor  uns 
haben,  das  schon  längst  Stokes  (Enhns  Beitr.  8, 351)  mit  gr.  ägöiq 
t  'Pfeilspitze,  Stachel'  identifiziert  hat  Das  Wort  hat  sich 
besonders  in  gewissen  Ansdräcken  am  Leben  erhalten  wie  as  cech 
aird  'von  allen  Seiten',  quadrati  mündig  Glosse:  ee1h[ar]aird 
Tnr.  138,  nnd  man  setzt  gewils  mit  Recht  als  Grundbedeutung: 
'Endpunkt,  Ecke'  an.  Somit  entspricht  Aird  {Echde)  dem 
gr.  {'Ejtlöiov)  äxQov  ganz  genau.  Meyer  wird  Recht  haben  mit 
der  Annahme,  dals  das  Mifsverständnis  von  Echdi  als  Genetiv 


>)  Dm  iweita  i  teheint  auspunktiert 
^  oder  lii 


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424  RUDOLF  THÜRNBTSEN, 

vom  Dativ  t  n-Äird  Echdi  ausgegangen  ist  Also  wieder  eine 
der  irischen  Sagengestalten,  die  aus  einem  Ortsnamen  heraus- 
gewachsen ist,  wie  namentlich  so  zahlreiche  in  der  Tain  Bo 
Cuailnge.  Da£s  dieses  Verfahren  schon  den  allerältesten  auf  uns 
gekommenen  Sagen  eignete,  zeigt  ja  deutlich  König  Bran  im 
alten  Imram  Brain,  der  dem  Vorgebirge  Srüb  Brain  *ßaben- 
schnauze'  sein  Dasein  verdankt  (ed.  E.  Meyer,  §  64)  i). 

Da  ich  eben  die  CuRoi-Sage  berühre,  möchte  ich  zu  meinem 
Wiederherstellungsversuch  von  Aided  ConBoi  I  (ZOP  Vm  190  ff.) 
ein  paar  Besserungen  vorschlagen: 

Da  §  4  wohl  sicher  no  =  dano  steht,  ergänze  ich  auch  in 
§  6  das  2  am  Ende  der  Zeile  zu  2-  =  «to  (dano)  und  lese:  fo'cairt 
aide  dano  dar  drolam  in  choiri  'dieser  sprang  nun  über  den 
Henkel  des  Kessels'. 

Zu  tobbie  §  9,  das  mir  dobi  m  lesen  scheint,  vgl.  Täin 
B.  C.  2614  (ed.  O'Eeeffe):  da  mbeith  ainib  bad  mo  for  CkoinCulaind, 
is  ed  ro'thuibebad  fris  'wenn  C.  C.  einen  gröfaeren  Fehler 
gehabt  hätte,  so  hätte  er  (FerDiad)  ihn  ihm  vorgeworfen'  oder 
'aufgerupft'. 

In  §  10  liegt  der  handschriftlichen  Lesung  näher:  teinm  ind 
ubuiU  sin  als  mein  etwas  gewaltsames:  no'teinfide  a  n-ubaU  sin; 
der  Sinn  bleibt  ungefähr  derselbe. 

In  §  11  ist  vielleicht  zu  lesen:  cona'torachtatar  dö.  Qaiti 
CuChulinn  in  claideb  'so  da£s  sie  nicht  bis  zu  ihm  gelangen 
konnten.  C.C.  stiehlt  das  Schwert'.  Dals  er  damit  den  Salm 
umbrachte,  wäre  dann  in  Gedanken  zu  ergänzen. 

Dafs  die  Deutung  der  fir  Öchaine  (S.  211.  214)  als  Vögel, 
die  auf  den  Ohren  der  Kühe  singen,  eine  etymologisierende  ist 
(von  ö  'Ohr'  und  canid  'singt'),  habe  ich  damals  nicht  gesehen. 
Sie  kann  also  beliebig  spät  sein. 

Die  Verwandlung  von  Bldthnat  ingen  Mind  in  B.  ingen 
Caithmind  (S.  222)  hängt  wohl  mit  dem  König  von  Britannien 


0  Dali  man  kein  sweitet  Srüb  Brain  ansnnebmen  hat,  obichon  in 
Äided  ConBoi  (£ria  II 22  §  4)  ein  solcher  Ort  auch  in  der  Nähe  yon  Caher 
Conree  zu  liegen  scheint,  ergibt  sich  daraus,  daJj  diese  Episode  erst  yon  dem 
Bearbeiter  der  Sage  aus  dem  Dindöenchas  von  Sriib  Brain  geschöpft  worden 
ist  (ZCP IX  217)  und  dieses  von  dem  gewöhnlichen  Vorgebirge  in  Donegal 
handelt.  Doeh  hat  jene  Verschmelzung  bewirkt,  dals  der  Ordner  des  jüngeren 
Dindöenchas  Srrib  Brain  unmittelbar  hinter  Findglau  in  Muniter  einreiht 
(Ber.  Gelt  XY  450). 


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ALLERLEI  IRISCHES.  425 

Caiihmend  zusammen,  der  in  der  Einleitnnf^  des  Prosa-Dindäenchas 
(Rev.  Celt  XV  277  §  2)  erwähnt  wird. 

S.  336  Zeile  9  ist  der  Druckfehler  'die  packte' . ..  statt  'Sie 
packte'  stehen  geblieben. 

IT.  Comrac  Fir  Diad. 

Von  dem  Kampf  des  Fer  Diad  mit  CuChulainn  ist  in  unserer 
Überlieferung  der  LU-Version  der  Tain  Bo  Cuailnge  bekanntlich 
nur  der  Anfang  bewahrt ,  und  ob  die  paar  Notizen,  die  eine 
spätere  Hand  YBL39b7— 43^)  beigefügt  hat,  derselben  Version 
entspringen,  mufs  vorerst  als  unsicher  gelten.  Gibt  es  Mittel, 
die  Lücke,  die  die  direkte  Überlieferung  lälst,  zu  ergänzen? 

Mit  dieser  Frage  hat  sich  schon  Nettlau  in  seiner  Arbeit 
über  diese  Episode  in  Bev.  Celt  X  und  XI  beschäftigt  Namentlich 
hatte  er  in  der  Hs.  H.  2. 12  (Trinity  Coli.,  Dublin)  ein  Fragment 
der  Erzählung  gefunden,  das  in  seiner  Fassung  von  allen  anderen 
Quellen,  die  im  wesentlichen  die  LL-Version  wiedergeben,  be- 
deutend abweicht^).  Beruhen  diese  Abweichungen  etwa  darauf, 
dafs  der  Bedaktor  eine  vollständige  Handschrift  der  LU-Version 
benutzt  hat?  Nettlau  konnte  darauf  keine  sichere  Antwort 
finden,  weil  H.  2. 12  erst  kurz  vor  dem  Punkte  einsetzt,  wo  YBL 
abbricht  Er  war  aber  eher  geneigt  daran  zu  zweifeln  s)  und 
hoffte  auf  eine  Entscheidung  durch  die  Hs.  H.  2. 17,  falls  sie  diese 
Episode  enthielte.  Diese  Hoffnung  hat  sich  nun  zwar  nicht 
erfüllt,  da  diese  Handschrift,  ebenso  wie  die  Parallelhandschrift 
Egerton  93  (die  cä -Version),  lange  vor  der  Fer- Diad -Episode 
abbricht^).  Dagegen  ist  ein  anderes  Manuskript  geeignet,  diesen 
Dienst  zu  leisten,  von  dem  sich  Nettlau  nur  Anfang  und  Ende 
notiert  hattet).  Es  ist  die  des  Franziskaner  Klosters  in  Dublin, 
die  mit  Nr.  16  bezeichnet  ist,  und  deren  Abdruck  wir  jetzt  Best 
(oben  S.  276  iL)  verdanken. 

Es  hat  sich  nämlich  ergeben,  dals  die  Franziskaner  Hs.  (F) 
dieselbe  Fassung  enthält  wie  H.  2. 12  (H),  aber  glücklicherweise 
vollständig.   Freilich  wörtlich  entsprechen  sich  die  beiden  nicht 


1)  ed.  Strachan-O'Keeffe  2678—2 
*)  £•  iit  jetit  Yon  Best  oben  S.  298  ff.  sorgfältig  im  Zusammenhang 
tbgedraekt 

•)  S.  besonders  Bot.  Celt  XI  342  t. 
*)  Vgl.  ZCP  Vm526. 
•)  Bot.  Celt  XI äset 


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426 


BüDOLP  THtJfiNETSBK, 


Jede  von  ihnen  hat  gelegentlich  gek&rzt,  vielleicht  auch  manchmal 
auf  eigene  Hand  erweitert,  und  sie  behandeln  auch  sonst  den 
Text  sehr  frei  Aber  im  allgemeinen  stimmen  sie  doch  so  nahe 
uberein,  dals  ein  gemeinsames  Original  unzweifelhaft  ist  Dieses 
scheint  eine  ziemlich  späte  Bearbeitung  des  Fer-Diad-Eampfes 
gewesen  zu  sein. 

Da  F  den  Anfang  der  Episode  enthält,  der  ja  auch  in  YBL 
bewahrt  ist,  so  sind  wir  nun  in  der  Lage,  für  diesen  Teil  genau 
zu  bestimmen,  wie  sich  diese  Modernisierung  zur  LL -Version  und 
zur  LU- Version  verhält  Es  ergibt  sich,  dafs  sie  eine  vollendete 
Mischung  beider  darstellt,  indem  sie  abwechselnd  bald  dieser, 
bald  jener  folgt  oder  beide  vereinigt  Aber  wie  schon  Best 
gesehen  hat,  es  ist  sogar  noch  die  dritte  Version  benutzt,  die 
ich  eh  genannt  habe.  Freilich  enthält  diese  ja,  wie  schon  berührt, 
den  Fer-Diad-Eampf  nicht  Aber  sie  beschreibt  zwei  frühere 
Zusammenkünfte  von  Fergus  mit  CuChulainn  (Wind.  1809  ff.  und 
2863  ff.),  und  diese  Schilderungen  hat  unser  Redaktor  benutzt^ 
um  Fergus'  Kommen  in  der  Fer-Diad-Episode  auszuschmücken. 
Sein  Verfahren  im  einzelnen  wird  am  besten  zu  Tage  treten, 
wenn  ich  die  paar  ersten  Sätze  seines  Textes  neben  den  der 
Versionen  LU  (YBL)  und  LL  setze;  die  Stücke,  die  er  ver- 
wendet hat,  sind  gesperrt  gedruckt: 


F  §  2—3. 
As  andsin  do  hiom- 
raidheadh  ag  feroibh 
Eirionn  da  bndh  coir 
do  chathoghadh  7  do 
chraadhchomhrag  re  Coin 
ccathbhoaghach  cOalaiim 
a  mocha  na  maidne  ama- 
maroeh.  Adnbradar  cach 
nile  gnrab  6  an  feidhm 
nach  fnloingther  7  an 
boirbfreagartach  biodh- 
badh  7  an  Mnmhilidh 
traagartha  tromehomh- 
loinn  7  an  coghainchnea- 
sach  a  hlorm«  Domhnan 
i.  dile  7  dearbehomhalta 
Con  cCnlainn  bndhein  7 
a  cheile  comhghaifgidli 
7  eomfoghlama  i.  Fer 
Diadb  mac  Damhain  mic 


YBL  2201—2216, 
Is  andsin  ro'him- 
raided  leosom  iarom 
da  fer  bad  toalaing 
dingbail  ConCnlaind 
dib.  Ad'bertsadar  7 
ronertsadar  7  ro*naid- 
setar  eeithri  coidd 
Herenn  da  bad  dioir 
do  thabairt  for  ath 
inn  aigid  ConCnlaind. 
At-rnbartadar  uili 
corb  e  in  congen- 
ehnesach  a  hirrni 
Domnand,  in  feidm 
naeh'fniliftgther  7 
in  bairindleoc  bratha, 
a  derbehomalta 
dil  didira  fodeiiin. 
Nrbai  io  CoinCn* 
laind   elei   na-beth 


LL  3001—3024. 

Is  andsin  ra-im- 
raided  oe  feraib 
Herend  cia  bad  chöir 
do  chomiond  7  do 
chomrac  ra  CoinCn- 
laind  ra  höair  na 
maitni  mnchi  arna- 
b&rach.  Issed  raTaid- 
setar  nile  combad  6 
FerDiad  macDamain 
meic  D&re,  in  milid 
mörchalma  d' feraib 
Domnand.  Daig  bha 
eosmail  7  bha  comadas 
a  comlond  7  a  eomrac 
Ac  oenmnmmib  daTonsat 
oeirdgnimrada  gaile  7 
gasdd  dfoglaiffl  {8t),  ac 
Scithaig  7  ae  Uathaig 
7  ae  Aife.    Ocns  nibü 


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ALLKBLSl  IBTSCHfiS. 


i2l 


Daire  Domnandoigh  .i.  an 
milidh  ar  morchal macht 
OS  feroib  Domnann  oile, 
6r  ni  raibhe  eleas  goile 
no  gaiscidh  ag  Coin 
cCülaiim  nach  raibhe  ag 
Fior  Dhiadh  acht  cleas 
an  ghdoi  bhniga  nama. 
Gidheadh  dar  leosan  do 
bhi  iongabhül  an  chleasa 
sin  fein  ag  Fior  Dhiadh, 
doigh  aa  oneas  coghna  7 
cnamha  baoi  nime,  gonach 

Sndaoii  airm  naid  iol- 
bhoir  a  n-am  chatha 
no  comUainn  6. 

Ar  sin  faoigheas 
Meadhbh  feasa  7  teachda 
ar  ceand  Fir  Dhiadh. 
Bo  6r  7  ro  aither  Fear 
Diadh  na  teachta  sin,  6r 
do  aithin  an  t-adhbhar 
f&  raibhe  Meadhbh  dia 
thochniredh  .L  do  cathn- 
ghadh  7  do  chomhrag  re 
charoid  7  re  companach 
fein  re  Coin  cCnlainn. 
lar  sin  f SBigheas  Meadhbh 
a  draoithi  7  a  deighfilidh 
ar  oeand  Fir  Dhiadh  dia 
8Bir  7  dia  egnach  *na 
fiaghnoisi,  go  ttorthog- 
badsis  teora  bolg  fora 
ghnnis  0  ainimh  7  0 
easbnidh,  mnna  tairisedh 
leo.  Do  eiridhFer  Diadh 
leo  iar  sin,  nair  ba  hnsa 
lais  g»i  ghaiscidh  dfo- 
lang  naid  g»i  aoire  7 
aithisi. 


aioe,  acht  mad  in 
gai  bnlgai  namma, 
7  cid  indar  leosom 
bai  aiciseom  a 
sechna  7  a  imde- 
gail  fair  daig  coft- 
gnaidhi  imbi,  no- 
conis'gebdis  airm 
na  ilfsebair. 


Do-bretha  Medb 
techta  for  oend 
FirDiad.  Nochotanio 
FerDiad  risna  techtaib 
hisin.  Do'bretha  Medb 
filid  7  8Bi  dana  7  km 
glamtha  gmaidi  ara 
chend,  co'ndemtais  a 
ferad  7  a  aithised 
7  a  ainfialad,  oona* 
fagad  inad  a  chind  for 
bith,  coiasad  i  pnpall 
Medba  7  AiliUa  for 
Tana.  Tainio  FerDiad 
leisna  techtaib  hisin 
[ar]  namnn  a  imderctha 
doib. 


immarcraid  neich  dib  ac 
iraile,  acht  oless  in 
g8B  bniga  ac  Coin- 
colaind.  Cid  ed  6n  ba 
coftganchnessach  Fer  Diad 
ac  comlond  7  ac  comrac 
ra  iiech  ar  ath  na  agid 
side. 


Isandsinra'f&ittea 
fessa  7  teehtaireda 
ar  cend  ^ir  Diad. 
Ba-6rastar  7  ra'eitt- 
ohestar  7  ra-repestar 
Fer  Diad  na  techta 
sin  ocns  ni'thdnio  leo, 
d&ig  ra'fitir  ani 
ma-ra'batar  d6,  do 
chomlond  7  do  chom- 
rac  re  charait,  re 
ohocle  7  re  chomalta 
[fri  CoinCnlaind  St], 
Is  andsin  f&itte  Medb 
na  dröith  7  na  gUmma 
7  na  crüadgressa  ar  oend 
FirDiad,  arcon'demtiis 
t6ora  äbra  fonaigthe  d6 
7  teora  glamma  dicend, 
go'töobaitis  teora 
bolga  bar  a  agid,  ail 
7  anim  7  athis,  mnnn* 
thisedO.  Tanic  Fer 
Diad  leo  dar  cend  a 
enig,  daig  ba  hnssu 
lessium  a  thuttim 
do  gaib  gaile  7  gascid 
7  eAgnama  n&  a  thut- 
tim de  gaaib  iire  7 
6onaig  7  imdergtha. 


0  i.  on  7  ainimh  7  easbnidh,  muna-dtisedh  leo  (8t  nsw.). 
MlMhilfl  t  ««lt.  PhltologU  X.  28 


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i^d  ittoÜOLF  TBtmilBTS^, 

Im  einzelnen  verhält  sich  unsere  Fassang  {f)  folgendermalsen 
zur  LU- Version  (Y)  nnd  zur  LL -Version  (L).  Ich  bezeichne  f 
mit  den  Paragraphen  von  Best,  der  darin  Nettlau  folgt,  und 
zähle  innerhalb  der  Paragraphen  die  Zeilen: 

§2,  1-3  =  L  30011);  3_7  =  Y  2204;  8—9  =  L  3004; 
9—14  =  Y  2207. 

§  3  wesentlich  =  L  3012. 

§4,  1—4  =  Y  2216;  4—8  =  Y  2221;  die  Ausdrucksweise 
10—11  aus  eh  (ZCP  Vni553f.);  13—23  =  L  3027  und 
Y  2225  (gemischt). 

§  5  =  Y  2233  (vgl.  8t,  Windisch  3112). 

§  7,  1—12  =  Y  2237  und  St  (Windisch  3153). 

§  9  steht  an  Stelle  des  Gedichts  Y  2251,  L  3035,  entspricht 
ihm  aber  inhaltlich  nicht. 

§  11  =  L  3163. 

§  12,  1—17  =  Y  2312;  18—19  =  eh  (Egerton  93)  §  207; 
20-31  =  eh  (ZCP  VH!  549);  31—38  =  Y  2330;  38—42 
=  eh  (ZCP  Vm  549— 550);  42— 46=  Y  2339;  46—47 
=  eh  (S.  550);  48—50  =  Y  2345;  50—58  =  L  2867 
(besonders  St);  58—61  =  eh  (Eg.  93)  §  210;  61—64 
=  ib.  §  208;  64—71  =  eh  (ZCP  Vni550);  71—75 
=  Y  2353;  76-77  =  eh  (wie  oben);  77-84  =  Y  2359 
und  L  3175  gemischt 

§  13»)  =  Y  2364. 

§  14,  1—4  =  Y  2366;  4—7  an  Stelle  des  Gedichts  Y  2371 
(L  3190). 

§  16  =  L  3182. 

§  19,  1—3  =  eh  (ZCP  Vin  550). 

§  18  =  Y  2416. 

§  21  t=  Y  2421. 

§23  =  Y2431.  Dann  §23.24,1-6  wesentUch  =  L  3235 
(sehr  gekürzt);  6—8  =  L  3295. 

§  25.  26.  27  stehen  an  Stelle  des  Gedichts  Y  2448,  L  3258. 

§  30  vgl.  Y  2472  und  L  3282. 

§  31  =  Y  2473. 

§  32  =  Y  2505  und  L  3284. 


')  Es  sind  immer  auch  die  ntchstfolgenden  Zeilen  gemeint 
*)  Die  Pangnpben  13. 14 16- 19.  (aber  nicht  18)  21  kehren  fast  wCrtUch 
gleich  in  Egerton  106  wieder  (s.  BeT.  Celt  X  341  ff.). 


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ALLSBLEI  IRiSCHBS.  42d 

§  34,  1  und  6  vgl  L  3290. 

§  37  =  Y  2517. 

§  38  =  Y  2518  oder  L  3306. 

§  39,  1—2  vgl.  L  3315. 

§  42  0  vgl  Y  2545  und  L  3374. 

§  43  (diese  Zahl  ist  bei  Best  in  §  42  Z.  11  vor  'Laim  chro' 

einzusetzen).   Zu  Z.  1  vgl.  Mesca  Ulad  (ed.  Hennessy)  S.  20 

(LL  264  b,  Z.  9  Y.  u.);  zur  letzten  Zeile  den  Anfang  des 

Gedichts  Y2521  (L  3319). 
§  44  steht  (nach  dem  in  H.  2. 12  bewahrten  Anfangssatz)  an 

Stelle  des  Gedichts  Y  2583  (L  3349),  dem  er  aber  inhaltlich 

nicht  entspricht 
§  45,  1—2  =  Y  2578  (L  3345);  10—14  =  Y  2579. 
§  47  =  Y  2609  oder  L  3386. 
§  49  =  Y  2610. 
§  51,  1—15  steht  an  Stelle  des  Gedichts  Y  2617  (L  3409).  Hier 

bricht  Y  ab. 

Ich  habe  die  Stficke,  die  der  LL -Version  entsprechen,  oben 
meist  einfach  mit  L  bezeichnet  Aber  bekanntlich  besitzen  wir 
die  LL- Version  in  doppelter  Gestalt,  in  der  älteren,  die  uns  nur 
im  Buch  von  Leinster  erhalten  ist  —  ich  will  sie  l  nennen  — 
und  in  der  jüngeren,  durch  verschiedene  Handschriften  ver- 
tretenen, die  ich  in  meinem  Stammbaum  (ZOP  IX  441)  unter  s 
zusammengefatst  habe.  Aus  welcher  hat  unser  f  geschöpft?  Die 
Beantwortung  der  Frage  ist  auch  für  den  Endteil  von  einiger 
Bedeutung,  wie  wir  sehen  werden.  Sie  ist  aber  bei  der  Art  des 
Textes  nicht  ganz  leicht  und  komplizierter,  als  man  zunächst  ver- 
muten könnte.  Es  scheint  nämlich,  dafs  im  Anfang  (§  3  und  7 
und  in  dem  aus  einem  früheren  Abschnitt  herübergenommenen 
Teil  von  §  12)  die  jüngere  Version  ^  sei  es  ausschliefslich,  sei 
es  vorwiegend  benutzt  worden  ist,  während  in  §  11  und  in  den 
späteren  Partien  nur  das  ältere  l  zugrunde  gelegt  worden  ist. 
Warum  der  Redaktor  so  verfahren  ist,  können  wir  nicht  wissen; 
vielleicht  hatte  er  eine  unvollständige  Handschrift  von  s  vor 
sich,  die  bald  nach  §  7  abbracL    Die  beweisenden  Stellen  sind: 


0  In  der  Mitte  dieses  Paragraphen  setst  H.2.12  em,  das  hier  ans- 
fOhrlicher  ist  lud  dem  orsprAnglichen  Wortlaut  yon  f  nfther  £a  stehen 
scheint  als  F. 


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430  BÜDOt^  THUBNBTdEll, 

§  3,  8  go  tturfhogbadasis  teora  bolg  fora  ghnuis  o  atntmA 

7  0  ectsbuidh,  muna  tairisedh  leo  gegen  LL  3019:  go  tocbaitis 
teora  bolga  bara  agid,  ail  7  anim  7  athis^),  munu  tMseä  und 

8  (St  usw.):  CO  tturgbaitis  . . .  .1.  on  7  aininik  7  easbuidh,  muna 
d'tisedh  leo.  Die  Wörter  easbuidh  und  leo  finden  sich  also 
nur  in  8  und  f;  ttur{hogbad(Bi8  sieht  fast  aus,  als  ob  es  beide 
anderen  Lesarten  vereinigen  sollte,  doch  könnte  es  wohl  auch 
Verderbnis  von  8  sein.  In  demselben  Paragraph,  Z.  2,  liest 
LL  3013:  Ba  4ra8iar  7  ra  eiticheetar  7  ra  repestar,  Yi  Bo  6r 
7  ro  aiiher,  St  nur:  Bo  erusdair.  Die  zwei  Verben  in  F 
könnten  hier  eher  auf  Z  als  auf  «  weisen;  doch  ist  das  unsicher. 
Also  in  diesem  Paragraph  sicher  Einflufs  von  «,  vielleicht  von  {. 

§  5,  dessen  Lihalt  in  LL  fehlt,  aber  in  8  vorhanden  ist 
(Windisch  3112),  folgt  im  wesentlichen  T  2233;  nur  das 
Schlulswort  re  Coin  cCulainn  könnte  nach  8  hinzugefügt  sein. 
Wichtiger  ist: 

§  7.  Auch  er  fehlt  in  LL  und  steht,  aufser  in  T  2286, 
in  8  (Windisch  3153).  Im  wesentlichen  folgt  f  wieder  Y; 
aber  der  Einfluls  von  8  ist  deutlich  in  F,  Z.  5:  doigh  amh  ni 
meatachd  no  milaochu8  ro  fidir  8ionüi  form  8a  riamh  gegen  Y: 
daig  ni  he  mo  triamnase  na  mo  midlocho8  riam  a-üo  nach  % 
nn-aichdi  ro' fidir  orm  und  St:  uair  ni  hd  mo  metacht  80  no 
mo  milaochd(acht)  ro  fitir  8iom  form  8a  riamh.  Auch  Zeile  8 
in  F  milaochne,  in  St  milaocha8  gegen  Y  midlocho8.  Man 
könnte  sich  ja  allerdings  fragen,  ob  der  Abschnitt  (Windisch 
3112—3162)  in  l  immer  gefehlt  hat,  ob  er  nicht  etwa  nur  in 
der  Hs.  LL  Übersprungen  worden  ist.  Das  ist  aber  bei  seinem 
Umfang  unwahrscheinlicL  Auch  die  Frage  könnte  man  auf- 
werfen, ob  er  in  8  wirklich  aus  einer  Hs.  der  Lü-Version 
nachgetragen  worden  ist  und  nicht  etwa  aus  unserer  Version  f. 
Da  aber  die  Beeinflussung  in  §  5  ganz  unzweifelhaft  in  der 
umgekehrten  Richtung  stattgefunden  hat,  indem  dort  8  dem 
Wortlaut  Y  viel  näher  steht  als  f  wird  es  sich  auch  hier  so 
verhalten  und  das  ganze  8  älter  als  f  sein. 

§  11  zeigt  dagegen  deutlich  Übereinstimmung  mit  2. 
Vgl  Z.  1:  l8  and8in  tarroidh  Meadbh  modh  n-^uroidh  ar  Fer 
n-Diag  uman  comhrag  da  dh^nam  re  8ei8i[r]  comaoisi  c(urad) 

>)  Den  Zwiflchensati  Une  ich  mit  Windisch  au. 


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ALLERLEI  IBISCHBflL  431 

mit  LL  3163:  Is  andsain  ra  stacht  Medb  mäih  n-äraig  bar 
Fer  ^-Diad  im  chomland  7  im  chamrac  ra  sessiur  cur  ad  gegen  s: 
Is  ann  sin  ro  gäbh  Medhbh  ratha  7  urradha  ar  Fear  n-Diadh 
fä  camlonn  do  denamh  re  seiser  curadh  do  trenferaibh  b-fer 
n-Erenn  (die  Obereinstimmnng  von  f  und  ^  in  do  dhenamh 
kann  leicht  zufällig  sein).  Ebenso  Z.  5  cor  seisir  wie  LL  3167: 
im  diur  in  Uessir  chitna  (s  ganz  abweichend)  nnd  Z.  6  dia 
ttaothsad  wie  LL  3168:  mad  da  toetsad  gegen  St:  dia  d-tuitedh. 

§  12  stimmt  in  dem  ans  einem  früheren  Teil  der  Täin 
(Windisch  2867  ff.)  entlehnten  Abschnitt  zu  s  gegen  LL.  Vgl 
Z. 54  (S. 270  unten):  a  truaill  Fergusa  7  cuirios  ...  'na  ionadh 
j  tue  da  bhreiihir  nach  ttiobradh  dFergus  e,  nogo  ttiosad  Id 
an  morchaiha,  airm  a  ttiocfadaois  eeithre  hoUchoigidh  JErenn 
a  n-äit  n-acnthaile  ar  Qhdirigh  7  ar  lolghäirigh  a  ccath  mhor 
thana  bo  Cuaügne 

mit  St:  asa  trudül  thaisgetha  7  cuiris  ...'na  ionadh  7  tug 
da  breithir  nach  ttiobhradh  dtearghus  6  go  Id  an  mhörchatha, 
dit  a  ecomhruicfitis  fir  iArenn  a  g-cath  mar  tdna  bo  Cuailghne 
ar  Qdiridhe  7  lolghdiridhe, 

während  LL  2870  nnr  hat:  assa  intig  7  dobretha  ...dia 
inud  7  do'bert  a  brethir  na  tibred  dö,  co  tucad  Id  in  chatha  moir. 

Aber  am  Ende  des  Paragraphen  (S.  280),  wo  f  zum 
späteren  Text  zurückgekehrt  ist,  liest  es:  fer  comgaisgidh  7 
comhgniomha  ähnlich  wie  LL  3178:  th'fer  comchlüs  7  comgascid 
7  comgnima,  während  in  St  7  eomgnima  fehlt. 

§  16  F  ni  mar  coch  wie  LL  3182:  ni  mar  chach  gegen  s: 
ni  mar  cech  neeh  oile. 

§  32  F  scaroidh  feirstte  wie  LL  3285:  sear  dam  fortcha 
gegen  St:  sguir  na  heocha  duinn,  ar  sS,  et  cuir  fortci  (wofür 
in  H.  1. 13  und  %.  106,  Windisch  S.  1110:  ...et  cuir  feirsde. 
Die  Lesart  feirste  stammt  aus  der  LU- Version  2506:  Cid  nach 
srengai  feirtsi  in  charpait). 

Ich  möchte  gleich  hinzufügen,  dafs  diese  Übereinstimmung 
mit  {  gegen  s  auch  im  Folgenden  zu  Tage  tritt,  wo  Y  nicht 
mehr  vorliegt,  mit  Ausnahme  von  §  80 — 85,  worüber  unten. 
Man  vergleiche: 

§51,  Z.  16  F  achmhusain  wie  LL3406:  aihcossan;  die 
ganze  Stelle  fehlt  in  s.  —  Z.  17  F  Eccoir  amh  doitsi  wie 
LL  3527:  is  aire  sin  na  rachöir  duitsiu  (s  ganz  anders). 


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432  EUDOLF  THÜBNET88N9 

In  §  55,  Z.  8  könnte  man  eine  Übereinstimmang  mit  s 
sehen  in  F  Tiagham  orra  (H.  2. 12,  S.  302  Tiagam  orta  sin) 
wie  St  tiegam  forra,  während  LL  3554  nur  tecam  (ohne 
forru)  liest;  aber  das  kann  leicht  nur  eine  Änderung  der 
Hs.  LL  sein.  Gewichtiger  ist  Z.  21:  F  gana  suainedhcMh 
lin  lanchadoigh  (H.  2. 12  go  stMighn^dhaibh  lancadaiih)  wie 
LL  3574:  go  stMnemnaib  lin  lanchotui,  während  diese  Aus- 
drficke  in  s  ganz  fehlen. 

§  59,  Z.  2  F  Leatsa  do  rogha  gaisgidh  anü,  uhar  Fer  D., 
doigh  05  misi  rüg  rogha  isa  laithe  do  luidh. 

H.  2. 12  Letsa  do  rogha  gaisgid,  ar  Fer  D.,  oir  is  misi  do 
rüg  roga  ane. 

LL  3604  Lettsu  do  roga  fh-gascid  chaidchi,  bar  Fer  D., 
daig  is  missi  bar'roega  tno  roga  'h-gascid  isind  lathi  luid. 

Aber  St  . . .  aniü  . . .  uair  is  agamsa  böi  mo  rogha  ane. 
Li  anü  (F)  und  ane  (H.  2. 12)  ist  keine  Beeinflussung  durch  s 
zu  sehen;  die  Adverbien  sind  durch  das  Vorausgehende  gegeben. 

§  61,  Z.  2  F  dHmraobadh  wie  LL  3607  in  Umrubad,  aber 
St  in  commbiiäladh, 

§  71,  Z.  3  F  ni  rabha  ag  biathad  Con  CC.  achd  tuaiha 

.   Breth  nama  (H.  2. 12  ni  raibhi  ag  biata  C.  C.  acht  tuathad  Breag 

amain)  wohl  aus  den  früheren  Stellen  in  LL  3599  und  3647 

geschöpft:  Baptar  biat(()aig  Brega  dana  (no)  do  Chain  Chulaind; 

beide  Stellen  fehlen  in  s. 

§  85,  Z.  6^).  Nur  scheinbar  ist  hier  eine  Übereinstimmung 
:  von  f  und  s  vorhanden  in  do  lar  a  bhoisi  (poist)  in  F  und  St 
gegen  LL  3938:  do  Idr  a  demainni.  Denn  die  anderen  Hss. 
von  s,  Eg.  209  und  H.  1. 13  (Windisch,  S.  1111)  haben  gleich- 
falls do  lar  a  dernoinne.  St  und  f  haben  offenbar  jedes  für 
sich  im  Anschlufs  an  das  unmittelbar  vorhergehende  do  lar  a 
bhoisi  (3934)  geändert. 

Wir  sehen  also  namentlich  aus  dem  ersten  Teil,  dals  der 
Kedaktor  von  f  mit  mindestens  vier  Handschriften  gearbeitet 
hat,  mit  einer  der  LU- Version,  einer  der  älteren  LL- Version  (0, 
einer  vielleicht  unvollständigen  der  modernisierten  LL -Version  (s) 
und  einer  der  eA-Version.  Dagegen  beruht  die  Übereinstimmung 
in  §  13. 14. 16. 19.  21  mit  Egerton  106  (oben  S.  428  Anm.  2)  nicht 


0  Zeile  6  und  7  sollten  richtiger  zu  §  86  gestellt  sein. 


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ALLBRLBI  IBI8CHB8.  433 

darauf,  dafs  er  auch  noch  eine  solche  Handschrift  beigezogen 
hat,  sondern  gewiüs  hat  vielmehr  umgekehrt  die  Vorlage  dieser 
Mischhandschrift  aus  unserer  Version  f  geschöpft.  Da  diese 
jünger  ist  als  Version  ä,  aber  eine  ihrer  Handschriften  (H.  2. 12) 
auf  Pergament  geschrieben  ist,  fällt  meine  ZCP IX  443  aus- 
gesprochene Vermutung  dahin,  schon  die  Urhandschrift  von  s 
sei  Papier  gewesen;  man  darf  sie  also  etwas  früher  ansetzen, 
als  ich  getan  habe. 

Die  obige  genaue  Analyse  von  f  nach  seinen  Quellen  hat 
nun  das  wichtige  Resultat  ergeben,  dafs  der  Verfasser  diese 
zwar  beliebig  mischt  und  kttrzt  (namentlich  die  Gedichte  lälst 
er  weg),  dals  er  aber  so  gut  wie  nichts  Neues  hinzufügt  Denn 
die  paar  Zeilen,  die  keine  Entsprechung  haben,  namentlich  die 
Gespräche,  die  er  an  Stelle  der  ausgelassenen  Gedichte  setzt, 
sind  ziemlich  leer  und  der  Gesamtsituation  entnommen.  Gewifis 
hat  er  auch  da,  wo  für  uns  zufällig  eine  seiner  Hauptquellen, 
die  LU- Version,  abbricht,  sein  Verfahren  nicht  geändert.  Wir 
können  somit  sicher  sein,  dafs  die  Teile,  die  f  mehr  hat  als  die 
LL -Version,  solche  sind,  die  die  LU- Version  enthielt,  die  aber 
vom  LL -Verfasser  weggelassen  worden  sind.  Um  sie  hervor- 
zuheben, diene  die  folgende  Analyse. 

§  51,  15—19  entspricht  LL  3406  und  3527 1  Der  Schlufs 
des  Paragraphen  steht  nicht  in  LL;  aber  das  Gespräch  kann 
leicht  Erfindung  des  Bedaktors  sein,  um  die  ausgelassenen 
Gedichte  zu  ersetzen. 

§  55  entspricht  bis  Z.  34  der  LL -Version;  vgl  mit  dem 
Anfang  LL3550fL,  Z.  20  mit  3573,  Z.  29  mit  3584.  Aber 
nun  setzt  offenbar  die  LU- Quelle  ein: 

§  55,  34—36.  Die  Heilkräuter,  die  CuChulainn  dem 
Fer  Diad  mitteilt,  hat  er  von  den  Elfen  (a  sioghaibh  F,  a 
sighrugaibh  H.  2. 12).  Z.  36—39:  Das  erste  Drittel  der  Nacht 
stöhnen  sie,  das  zweite  plaudern  sie,  das  dritte  schlafen  sie. 

§  56—58  (H.  2. 12  ist  am  Anfang  besser  als  F):  Fer  Diad 
sendet  Botschaft  an  Ailill  und  Medb,  die  Iren  sollen  mit 
dem  Stier  nach  Hause  ziehen,  während  er  kämpfe.  Aber  die 
Vornehmen  weigern  sich  abzuziehen,  sondern  wollen  dem 
Zweikampf  zusehen;  und  Fergus  sagt,  wenn  CuChulainn  den 
Stier  wegtreiben  höre,  werde  er  nicht  zu  halten  sein.  So 
geschieht  nichts.  (57)  Cucb.  ist  am  andern  Morgen  frOher  an  der 


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434  RUDOLF  THÜBMBTSEKy 

Fort  als  Fer  Diad.  Dieser  wird  von  Laeg  bei  seinem  Nahen 
beschrieben.  (58)  Gespräch  zwischen  CncL  und  Fer  D.,  dessen 
Anfang  an  das  Gedicht  LL  3533  erinnert,  worin  Fer  D.  aber 
weiter  behauptet,  Cuch.  sei  frtther  sein  Diener  (ara  oder  giUa) 
gewesen,  während  CucL  die  Gerechtigkeit  seines  Kampfes  darlegt 

§  59,  1—3.  WafEenwahl  wie  LL  3602.  Aber  Z.  3—7 
(in  F)  und  §  60  erzählen,  wie  sie  auch  am  zweiten  Tag  bis 
zum  Mittag  nur  clessa  vollführen. 

§  61.  Der  ernste  Kampf  zuerst  mit  Lanzen,  dann  mit 
Schwertern  entspricht  teilweise  LL  3605 — 3633;  aber  grolse 
Abweichungen  im  einzelnen  weisen  auf  die  andere  Quelle. 

§  62.  Am  Abend  erinnert  CucL  im  G^präch  abermals  an 
ihre  frühere  Genossenschaft  Der  Ausdruck  do  thiaghmhaais 
ar  a^  fiogh  foireeadoü  le  Sgathaigh  (F,  Z.  7)  stimmt  mit  dem 
oben  angezogenen  Gedicht  LL  3540  überein:  imtheigmis  cach 
fid  forcetul  fri  Scathaig.  Aber  dats  das  ganze  G^präch  von 
unserem  Redaktor  eingeschoben  sei,  macht  die  alte  Verbalform 
do  faothsaU  (F,  Z.  3)  unwahrscheinlich  (in  H.  2. 12  durch  do 
tuitftdh  ersetzt). 

§  63.  660-  67.  Am  nächsten  Tag  steht  Fer  Diad  früher 
auf  aJs  Cuchulainn.  Dieser  ist  sorgenvoll  und  erklärt  dies 
daraus,  dafs  es  ihn  bekümmere  mit  seinem  Genossen  kämpfen 
zu  müssen,  da  er  doch  seine  Landsleute,  die  Ulter,  nicht  im 
Stich  lassen  könne.  Als  Waffen  wählt  er  airigÜU  gaile  7 
gaisgid,  und  so  kämpfen  sie  bis  Mittag. 

§  68.  69.  70  (bis  Z.  2).  Der  Schwertkampf,  der  sich  daran 
anschliefst,  entspricht  einigermafsen  LL  3698,  weicht  aber 
stark  ab.  Die  Zeugen  des  Kampfes  beklagen,  dats  durch  Medbs 
Aufreizung  die  Freundschaft  der  beiden  sich  in  Feindschaft 
verwandelt  habe. 

§  70,  2—9.  Die  Worte  des  Fer  Diad  entsprechen,  mit- 
samt der  angehängten  Strophe,  denen  Cuchulainns  LL3621 
und  3624,  die  dort  aber  an  einem  früheren  Tage  (dem  zweiten) 
gesprochen  werden. 

§  70,  9—19  und  §  71.  Die  feindselige  Trennung  der  Helden 
am  Abend  entspricht  inhaltlich,  aber  nicht  in  der  Ausführung 


>)  Zeile  1  von  §67  sollte  auch  bei  F  als  §66  beseichnet  sein,  wie 
bei  H.  2. 12. 


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ALLEBLEI  IBI8CHE8.  435 

LL  3711.  Die  Notiz,  dals  die  tuatha  Breg  CaCholainn  Nahrung 
liefern,  fehlt  hier  in  LL;  aber  sie  ist  gewils  aus  den  früheren 
Stellen  LL  3596  und  3645  her&bergeholt  Ans  der  Lü-Version 
kann  sie  nicht  stammen,  da  nach  Y  2350  ff.  CnChulainn  keine 
solche  Speise  hat 

§  72.  73.  Fer  Diad  geht  zu  seinen  Leuten  sfldlich  der 
Furt  und  wird  von  Medb  die  ganze  Nacht  unterhalten  und 
aufgeheitert  Cuchulainn  nördlich  der  Furt  ist  schwer  bedräckt 
und  befürchtet,  besiegt  zu  werden.  Er  will  daher  Laeg  mit 
Warnung  zu  den  Ultem  senden,  damit  sie  auf  der  Hut  sind. 
Das  betrübt  Laeg  sehr,  und  er  pflegt  die  Wunden  seines  Herrn 
so  gut,  daXs  dieser  den  Rest  der  Nacht  schläft 

§  740  hat  nur  schwache  Anklänge  an  LL  3717  und  3740. 
Fer  Diad  kommt  zuerst  zur  Furt,  fragt  vergeblich  nach 
CuChulainn  und  macht  (als  Triumphzeichen)  ein  lärmendes 
dess  mit  seinem  Schild,  dals  man  es  im  ganzen  Lager  hört. 
Da  spannt  Laeg  den  Wagen  an  und  weckt  seinen  Herrn,  der 
darüber  so  zornig  wird,  dals  seine  Wunden  wieder  bluten. 
Doch  fühlt  er  sich  durch  Laegs  Pflege  so  gekräftigt,  dafs  er 
sich  tagsüber  jedem  gewachsen  dünkt 

§  76.  CuChulainn  fordert  Laeg  auf,  ihn  zu  loben,  wenn 
er  ihn  stark  sehe,  und  ihn  zu  reizen,  wenn  er  unterliege. 
Diese  Aufforderung  findet  sich  sowohl  in  LL  3750  als  in  den 
angehängten  Notizen  in  Y  2678. 

§  78.  79.  Cuchulainn  kommt  zur  Furt  und  verweist 
Fer  Diad  seine  Prahlerei,  da  er  doch  am  Leben  sei.  Er  bietet 
ihm  an,  von  den  6  Kriegern,  mit  denen  Fer  D.  nach  der  Ver- 
abredung mit  Medb  kämpfen  muls,  falls  er  den  Kampf  mit 
ihm  verweigert,  drei  auf  sich  zu  nehmen >).  Doch  Fer  Diad 
weist  das  ab  und  waffnet  sich  zum  Kampf.  Die  Kampf- 
beschreibung zeigt  viele  Anklänge  an  LL  3807  ff.,  wie  das  Best 
angemerkt  hat;  aber  die  Anordnung  ist  verschieden,  und  die 
Form  gur  meadhbaidhior  §  79, 8  (d.  L  ein  verderbtes  'mebcUUar) 
gegen  goromaidset  LL  3824  weist  auf  eine  ältere  Fassung. 


^)  Im  Anfang  dieses  Paragraphen  bricht  H.  2. 12  ab. 

*)  Ob  dieser  Teil  des  Gesprächs  ans  der  LU -Version  stammt,  ist 
iweifelhaft,  da  yon  diesen  6  curaid  rorher  wohl  in  LL,  aber  nicht  in  Y  die 
Bede  ist    Er  mOchte  yom  Bedaktor  erfanden  sein. 


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4S6  RUDOLF  THUBHBTfflOr, 

§  80.  81.  83.  85  (bis  Z.6).  Das  sind  die  TeUe,  die  in  LL 
fehlen,  sich  aber  in  s  finden,  nnd  die  Windisch  3835—3871, 
3877—3935  abgedruckt  hat.  Sie  handeln  von  den  beiden  Elfen 
Dolb  nnd  Indolb,  die  zur  Bechten  nnd  znr  Linken  CuChnlainns 
streiten,  aber  von  FerDiad  getötet  werden»).  Femer  von  dem 
dreimaligen  Streit  von  Laeg  mit  seinem  Bmder  Id,  dem  Wagen- 
lenker Fer  Diads,  der  ihn  hindert,  den  Flufs  zu  stauen,  um 
den  gae  bulga  gebrauchen  zu  können;  vom  dreimaligen  Sprung 
CuChnlainns  auf  Fer  Diads  Schild  und  von  dem  fast  gleich- 
zeitigen Abschiefsen  des  gae  bulga  unten  im  Wasser  und  eines 
anderen  Speeres  oberhalb  durch  CuChulainn.  Im  Wortlaut 
stimmen  s  und  F  mehrfach  überein,  doch  ist  F  kürzer.  Es 
fragt  sich  nun,  stammt  auch  diese  Erzählung  aus  der  LU- 
Yersion,  oder  ist  sie  in  F  aus  s  angenommen,  wobei  ihr 
Ursprung  zunächst  fraglich  bliebe.  Gegen  die  zweite  Möglich- 
keit spricht  aber  zweierlei  Erstens  ist  $,  wie  oben  nach- 
gewiesen, in  diesem  Teil  von  F  sonst  überhaupt  nicht  mehr 
benutzt  worden.  Zweitens  hat  s  mitten  in  die  Erzählung 
einen  Abschnitt  von  l  (LL  3872—3876)  aufgenommen,  während 
er  in  F  fehlt  Zur  Not  könnte  man  das  freilich  als  Kürzung 
von  F  erklären,  da  auch  die  vorhergehenden  Zeilen  von  s 
(3866—3871)  in  F  ausgelassen  sind.  Dazu  kommt  aber,  was 
man  längst  bemerkt  hat,  dafs  dieses  Stück  in  der  ungekürzten 
Fassung  s  mehrfach  Anklänge  an  die  nachträglichen  Notizen  in 
Y  enthält,  vgl  Windisch  3866  ff.  und  3926  f.  mit  Y  2686^)  und 
2688  0.  Dafs  diese  Notizen  aus  dem  jungen  s  geschöpft  sind, 
ist  durch  mehrere  altertümliche  Verbalformen  ausgeschlossen. 
Es  bleiben  also  nur  zwei  Möglichkeiten.  Die  Y-Notizen,  sowie  s 
und  f  gehen  hier  auf  eine  andere,  uns  völlig  unbekannte  Quelle 
zurück,  oder  alle  drei  stellen  die  ursprüngliche  LU- Fassung 
dar.  Die  erstere  ist,  da  wir  sonst  alle  Quellen  von  f  kennen, 
ganz  unwahrscheinlich.    Und  da  5  in  der  Fer- Diad- Episode 

1)  Daher  stammt  DoW  mac  Becaltaig  als  Bruder  CuChalainns  in  'Tidings 
of  Conchobar'  (Eriu  IV  28,  §  20). 

')  Für  das  bandscliriftliche  riatiad  müchte  ich  einfach  ria  linad  lesen. 
Einen  Satz  wie  forbrid  a  med  nsw.  hat  wohl  auch  der  Verfasser  von  Britma 
Ferchertne  vorgefunden,  vgl.  cessa  fri  fianna  forbair  Str.  36  (ZOP  11146 
und  IX  203). 

')  Beide  Stellen  sind  in  f,  wenigstens  in  unserer  einsigen  Haodichrift 
F  übersprungen. 


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ALLERLEI  IRISCHES.  437 

auch  sonst  aas  der  LU- Version  geschöpft  hat  nach  dem  oben 
S.  430  zu  §  7  Bemerkten  y  so  liegt  diese  ohne  Zweifel  anch 
hier  unseren  drei  voneinander  unabhängigen  Fassungen  zu- 
grunde. Das  ist  nun  wichtig.  Denn  wenn  wir  sonst  die  von 
LL  beiseite  gelassenen  und  in  Y  nicht  erhaltenen  Teile  der 
LU-Yersion  nach  f  nur  ungefähr,  dem  Inhalt  nach  ergänzen 
können,  haben  wir  hier  überall  da,  wo  s  und  F  genau  überein- 
stimmen, offenbar  sogar  ihren  Wortlaut  vor  Augen.  Allerdings 
ist  auch  jetzt  nicht  sicher  zu  bestimmen,  wann  ursprünglich 
die  zwei  Anreizungen  Cuchulainns  durch  Laeg  stattgefunden 
haben.  LL  3787  (und  die  entsprechende  Stelle  in  s)  läfst  die 
erste  vor  sich  gehen,  nachdem  ihn  Fer  Diad  zum  erstenmal 
vom  Schild  abgeschüttelt  hat;  die  zweite  wird  nicht  erwähnt, 
aber  ihre  Folge,  das  'Aufblasen'  CuChulainns  (3802  und  s\ 
nach  dem  dritten  Mal  (vgl.  in  tresfecht  3797).  Doch  behandelt 
LL  diese  Partie  überaus  frei.  In  Y  2686  steht  die  zweite 
gleichfalls  nach  dem  dreimaligen  Abschütteln;  aber  die  erste 
(2680)  steht  viel  früher,  anscheinend  vor  dem  Kampf;  allerdings 
brauchen  diese  kurzen  Notizen  die  ursprüngliche  Reihenfolge 
der  Ereignisse  nicht  genau  einzuhalten.  In  der  sonst  aus  der 
LU- Version  geschöpften  Stelle  in  s  (Windisch  3866  ff.)  wird  nur 
die  zweite  erwähnt  und  zwar  unmittelbar  nachdem  Fer  Diad 
die  zwei  Elfen  umgebracht  hat,  vor  dem  ersten  Sprung  auf 
den  Schild.  F  hat  leider  beide  ausgelassen  und  gibt  also 
keine  Entscheidung.  Vielleicht  hat  s  die  zweite  an  die  Stelle 
der  ersten  gesetzt 

§  860—88,  Z.  9.  Die  Wirkung  der  zwei  tötlichen  Würfe 
CuChulainns  wird  zum  Teil  mit  deutlicher  Anlehnung  an 
LL  3938  ff.,  aber  offenbar  mit  Einmischung  von  LU  erzählt 
Dadurch  ist  die  Schilderung  unklar  geworden. 

§  88,  Z.  10  und  §  89.  Der  schon  von  Todesnebeln  um- 
schattete Fer  Diad  schleudert  noch  einen  Wurfspeer  in  die  Brust 
CuChulainns,  so  dafs  auch  dieser  auf  der  anderen  Seite  der  Furt 
niederstürzt  Laeg  mahnt  ihn  aber  aufzustehen  —  hier  sind  An- 
klänge an  LL  3969  ff.  zu  spüren  — ;  er  tut  es  und  will  Fer  Diad 
den  Kopf  abschlagen,  unterläfst  es  aber  auf  des  Sterbenden 
Bitte,  nimmt  vielmehr  dessen  Haupt  auf  seinen  Schofs.  Auf 
CuChnlainn  senken  sich  Todesahnungen,  und  Fer  Diad  stirbt 


0  der  tatcächlich  schon  §  85,  Z.  7  beginnt. 


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438  BUDOLF  THÜBNBTSBHy 

§  91.  CuChuIaiim  erhebt  sich  wieder  und  klagt  um 
Fer  Diad  ähnUch  wie  LL  4007  und  4035. 

§  96  und  92.  Er  befiehlt  Laeg,  Fer  Diad  auszuziehen 
und  den  gae  bulga  herauszuschneiden  (vgl  LL  4060  und  4092); 
die  von  Laeg  herausgezogene  Mantelspange  bestimmt  ihn  zu 
einer  Klage,  die  dem  Gedicht  LL  4066  =  Y  2699  entspricht 
Daran  schliefsen  sich  (§  92)  Betrachtungen  über  die  Folgen 
von  Fer  Diads  Tod,  die  an  eine  frühere  Stelle  in  LL  (4015) 
anklingen. 

§  98,  1 — 2.  Laeg  schneidet  den  gae  bulga  heraus  (= 
LL  4094).  Wie  er  hinter  CuChulainn  herkommt,  erschrickt 
dieser,  weil  er  immer  noch  meint,  Fer  Diad  haue  auf  ihn  ein. 
(Das  mag  Phantasie  des  Redaktors  sein  an  Stelle  des  Gedichts 
LL  4098).  Mit  dem  Ausspruch,  im  Vergleich  mit  diesem  Kampf 
sei  jeder  andere  nur  ein  Spiel  gewesen  (=  LL  4160),  schlieM 
das  Stttck. 

Es  ist  möglich  und  zu  hoffen,  dals  unter  den  vielen  Hand- 
schriften, die  Comhrac  J^ir  Dead  enthalten  (d' Arbois  de  Jubainville, 
Essai  d'un  catalogue,  S.  96),  sich  noch  weitere  und  bessere  der 
Sedaktion  f  finden  als  unser  F  und  H.  2. 12.  Aber  wie  sie  sind, 
genügen  sie  zum  Beweis,  dafs  auch  für  diese  Episode  offenbar 
die  LU-Version  die  einzige  Quelle  war,  auf  die  alle,  die  sich 
nicht  mit  der  Bearbeitung  l  (LL -Version)  begnügten,  zurück- 
griffen.  Die  Abhängigkeitsverhältnisse  der  Handschriften  sind 
allerdings  für  diesen  Teil  der  Täin  etwas  verwickelter,  als  für  die 
anderen,  indem  hier  ^,  das  sonst  fast  ausschlieüslich  auf  {  beruht, 
zweimal  direkt  aus  der  Lü- Version  geschöpft  hat,  was  es  sonst 
nur  noch  einmal  (Windisch  5357— -5366)  getan  zu  haben  scheint 
Aber  davon  abgesehen  bleibt  mein  Stammbaum  ZOP  IX  441  auch 
für  diese  Episode  in  Gültigkeit,  was  ich  damals  (S.  437)  noch 
nicht  zu  versichern  wagte. 


y.   Eine  Fälschung  auf  den  Namen  Clnaed  na  h-Artaeäin. 

Es  ist  in  der  irischen  Literatur  nichts  Ungewöhnliches, 
dafs  ein  Gedicht  einem  Heiligen  oder  Dichter  der  Vorzeit  in 
den  Mund  gelegt  wird.  Aber  selten  ist  es  —  aulser  durch 
Versehen  — ,  dafs  einem  vollkommen  bekannten  Dichter  ein  Werk 
untergeschoben  wird.   Wenn  das  Buch  von  Hy-Maine  die  irische 


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ALLBBLEt  tRlSCHBS.  439 

ÜbersetzüDg  der  Historia  Britonum  (Nennios)  dem  GiUa  Coemain 
zuschreibt  O9  so  ist  das  eine  einfache  Verwechslung,  da  viele 
lateinische  Nenninshandschriften  Gildas  als  Verfasser  nennen. 

Etwas  anderes  liegt  im  Buch  von  Leinster  vor.  Hier  ist 
208  b— 209  b  ein  längeres  Gedicht  eingetragen,  dessen  Anfang 
aus  Versehen  erst  am  Ende  (209  b  25)  nachgeholt  ist.  Es  steht 
gegen  Schlufs  des  poetischen  Dindiienchas  und  handelt  von  der 
Sage  der  Boand,  wie  sie  mit  dem  Dagda  den  Sohn  Oengus  Mac  Öc 
gezeugt  und  wie  sie  durch  ihren  Tod  dem  Flusse  Boyne  den 
Namen  gegeben  hat  Nicht  nur  wird  hier  209  b  24  am  Rande 
OinoBd  h{ua)  Ärtacain  als  Verfasser  angegeben,  sondern  die  letzte 
Strofe  des  Gedichts  (209b 22)  scheint  das  zu  bestätigen: 

Scegul  tnnä  Nechtain  co-nnirt.        Cinced  ro'chertaig  co  cert 
äs  na  tnnä  ciaüa  co'tacht.      caic  bl(iadna)  di  i  curp  cöie  secht. 

'Das  Lebensalter  von  Nechtans  Frau  mit  Kraft,  Cinaed  hat  es 
richtig  festgelegt,  das  Alter  der  Frau,  bis  sie  die  Besinnung 
verlor  (eigentlich  'erwürgte'):  fünf  und  fünfmal  sieben  Jahre 
war  sie  im  Leibe  (am  Leben).' 

Die  Verfasserschaft  scheint  also  gut  verbürgt  Lesen  wir 
aber  das  Gedicht  durch,  so  stofsen  wir  fortwährend  auf  Formen, 
die  wir  diesem  schon  975  gestorbenen  Dichter  unmöglich  zutrauen 
können,  wenn  wir  nicht  unsere  Ansichten  über  die  irische  Sprach- 
entwicklung völlig  umgestalten  wollen,  und  die  sich  denn  auch 
in  seinen  zahlreichen  anderen  Gedichten  nicht  finden.  Vgl.  das 
Objektspronomen  in  fdcbait  i  209  a  5,  cofargbur  tu  209  a  27  (auch 
die  L  Sg.  des  Subjunktivs  auf  -tir!),  die  Konstruktion:  mac  rcaü 
sinnt  'nar  sid  'der  Knabe,  den  wir  in  unserem  Sid  angezogen 
haben'  209a39,  Verbalformen  wie  at'riAbratar  209al3,  conebratar 
208b  14,  die  nn-Formen:  risambenand  209b 38,  asmberand  36; 
auch  das  Adverbium  süt  208  b  55,  209  b  30  dürfte  kaum  so  alt  sein. 
Diese  sprachlichen  Anzeichen  einer  späteren  Entstehung 
werden  nun  durch  den  Inhalt  bestätigt  Li  ZCP  Vin518f.  ist 
darauf  aufmerksam  gemacht  worden,  dals  die  Angabe  des  Prosa- 
Dinnöenchas,  Boand  habe  der  Quelle  ihre  linke  Seite  zugewendet 
(im'söi  tuaUhbel  in  tobuir  fo  ihn  Rev.  Celt  XV315))),  auf  dem 
Miüsverständnis  des  Ausdrucks  co  n-dtuachU  beruht,  der  sich  in 

>)  Zimmer,  Nennios  Vindicatns,  S.  18. 

<)  do'ioig  for  tuaUhfiül  in  U^puir  fo  tri  Folk-Lore  111500.  Ahnlich 
Toehmare  Emire,  ZCP  111242,  §41. 


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440  BÜDOLF  THURNSTSEK, 

dem  wahrscheinlich  von  Gü&n  ua  Lothch&in  (f  1024)  verfafsten 
Gedicht  über  die  Boand  findet  0*  Dasselbe  Mifsverständnis  kehrt 
in  unserm  Gedicht  209  b  15  wieder:  ticub  'na  thuathbel  fo  thri, 
so  dals  also  dem  Verfasser  die  Prosaaoflösung  bereits  bekannt 
gewesen  sein  mn£s. 

Ans  alldem  geht  hervor,  dafs  das  Gedicht  kanm  vor  dem 
12.  Jahrhundert  entstanden  sein  kann;  nm  ihm  mehr  Gewicht 
zn  geben,  hat  der  Verfasser  die  Maske  des  zweihundert  Jahre 
älteren  Ginaed  ua  h-Artac&in  vorgenommen.  Das  spricht  für 
das  Ansehen  dieses  Dichters  bei  der  Nachwelt 


Tl.  Die  Interpolation  von  Fled  Brierend  in  LU. 

Mit  der  Zusammensetzung  des  Textes  von  Fled  Brierend 
hat  man  sich  vielfach  beschäftigt,  namentlich  Windisch  in  der 
Einleitung  (IT,  1 245),  Zimmer  KZ.  28, 623,  Henderson  in  seiner 
Ausgabe  (Ir.  Texts  Soc.  U)  und  ich  in  den  ^Sagen  aus  dem  alten 
Irland'  und  ZCP  IV 193,  besonders  199  ff.  Die  Entscheidung 
bringt  jetzt  Bests  Nachweis  (^riu  VI  169  f.),  dafs  in  LU  manche 
Teile  erst  nachträglich  durch  die  Hand  H  eingetragen  worden 
sind.  Es  zeigt  sich,  dafs  mein  erster  Versuch  einer  Trennung 
der  Bestandteile  das  Richtige  getroffen  hatte. 

Freilich  sind  die  Resultate  hier  nicht  ganz  so  einfach  ab- 
zulesen wie  in  der  Tiin  B6  Cüailnge,  wo  der  ältere  Text  in  YBL 
zur  Kontrolle  vorliegt  Die  zwei  Einträge  von  H  erstrecken 
sich  von  §  24  Ende  (von  -rechtaib  ho  an)  bis  §  42  Mitte  (Schluls: 
a  cesta  co  iech)  und  von  §  62  gegen  Ende  (von  ocus  luid  iar  sin  an) 
bis  §  79  Mitte  (Schluls:  cein  ro-mböi  ina  bethaid).  Der  erste  füllt 
nicht  nur  das  eingeheftete  Blatt  S.  103 — 104  vollständig,  sondern 
auch  die  ganze  erste  Kolumne  von  105,  wo  der  urspr&ngliche  Text 
ausradiert  worden  ist.  Was  hat  hier  einst  gestanden,  d.  h.  welche 
Bestandteile  des  Eintrags  sind  aus  dem  älteren  Text  fibemommen? 
Dafs  §  29—32  (der  zweite  Wortstreit  der  Frauen)  und  §  33—41 
(die  erste  CuRoi-Episode)  zur  Interpolation  gehören,  ist  immer 
erkannt  worden.  Anderseits  müssen  —  wenigstens  dem  Sinne 
nach  —  aus  dem  alten  Text  stammen  die  vier  letzten  Zeilen 
von  105  a,  da  sie  die  Einleitung  zum  Folgenden  bilden,  und  der 
Schlufs  des  ersten  Wortstreits  der  Frauen  (103  a  oben);  und  daa 

>)  £dw.  Owyim,  Metrical  DindihenchM  111,80,  Yen  5a 


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ALLBRLBI  IRtSCHES.  441 

unmittelbar  Anschlieüsende,  die  Art  wie  jeder  der  Helden  seine 
Frau  ins  Hans  eintreten  läfst  nnd  wie  CnChnlainn  das  Haus 
wieder  aufrichtet,  hängt  so  eng  mit  dem  Vorhergehenden  zusammen, 
dafs  es  gleichfalls  ursprünglich  sein  mufs.  Nicht  so  der  Frauen- 
katalog (§  28  von  Octis  bd  sam  doib  an).  In  der  Tat  ist  es  dem 
Raum  nach  ganz  unmöglich,  dafs  auch  er  noch  auf  der  später 
ausradierten  Kolumne  gestanden  hat  Er  ist  also  sicher  ein 
sekundärer  Einschub,  wenn  er  auch  wohl  nicht  der  anderen  Version, 
die  der  Interpolator  benutzte,  angehört  hat.  Aber  auch  wenn 
wir  von  ihm  absehen,  füllen  die  Teile,  die  wir  als  alt  erkannt 
haben,  in  LU  jetzt  fast  59  Zeilen,  während  die  Kolumne  105a, 
auf  der  sie  gestanden  haben  müssen,  nur  47  Zeilen  hat  Doch 
mufs  man  in  Anschlag  bringen,  dafs  die  alte  Hand  M  auf  jede 
Zeüe  ca.  5— 6  Buchstaben  mehr  zu  schreiben  pflegt  als  H  hier  tut; 
sie  konnte  so  mit  etwa  8 — 9  Zeilen  weniger  auskommen  für 
denselben  Inhalt  Immerhin  fehlt  scheinbar  noch  der  Raum  für 
mindestens  drei  Zeilen  Text  Nun  sehen  wir  aber  anderwärts, 
dafs  der  Schreiber  H  den  ihm  vorliegenden  Text  zu  strecken 
pflegt,  wenn  er  zu  viel  Raum  hat  Das  zeigt  sich  namentlich 
LU  76  a,  wo  der  alte  Text  der  Tiin  (YBL  1709  ff.)  etwas  erweitert 
worden  ist,  um  die  Kolumne  genau  zu  füllen.  Dafs  dies  auch 
hier  der  Fall  gewesen  ist,  läfst  sich  an  einer  Stelle  wohl  noch 
zeigen.  Die  Worte  im  Anfang  von  §  28:  Tancatar  a  äs  cumachta 
ocus  a  lucht  adartha  na  doehum  7,  die  gut  eine  Zeile  füllen, 
stehen  nur  in  LU,  nicht  in  den  sonst  hier  genau  übereinstimmenden 
Handschriften  Egerton  93  und  Ck)dex  Vossianus  (ZCP  IV 159);  er 
dürfte  also  eine  eigene  Zugabe  yon  H  sein.  Ebenso  sind  von  den 
vier  untersten  Zeilen  von  105  a  (§  42  Anfang)  vielleicht  nur  die 
zwei  letzten  alt  (die  anderen  Hss.  haben  hier  geändert),  so  dafis 
also  der  ursprüngliche  Text  im  ganzen  um  drei  Zeilen  kürzer 
gewesen  wäre.  Jedenfalls  scheint  mir  klar,  dafs  die  kleine 
Zeilendifferenz  nicht  genügt,  die  Sicherheit  der  Zuteilung  der 
verschiedenen  Stücke  aufzuheben. 

Noch  einfacher  liegt  es  beim  zweiten  Eintrag.  Hier  sind 
vor  dem  neu  eingehefteten  Blatt  109 — 110  die  41/2  letzten  Zeilen 
von  Kolumne  108  a  und  die  ganze  Kolumne  108  b  durch  H  an 
Stelle  des  ursprünglichen  Textes  gesetzt  worden,  der  somit 
51 — 52  Zeilen  zählte.  Er  mufs  enthalten  haben  den  Schlufs 
der  Geschichte  mit  den  drei  Trinkschalen  und  den  Anfang  der 
«weiten   CuRoi- Episode.     Die  Einleitungssätze   der   einzelnen 


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442  BUDOLP  THÜBNBTSERy 

Abschnitte  sind  vom  Interpolator  etwas  geändert  worden^);  aber 
wohl  sicher  alt  sind  §  72  (etwa  von  iss  e  Swüdaim  an)  bis 
§  74  (mindestens  bis  cusna  daidbib  nochtaib),  d.  h.  37  Zeilen  anf 
S.  109  b — 110  a;  femer  der  Anfang  von  §79,  die  12  letzten 
Zeilen  von  110  b.  Das  wären  mnd  49  Zeilen.  Dabei  fehlt  ein 
Satz,  der  die  Bückkehr  der  drei  Helden  von  Medb  berichtete, 
nnd  mindestens  einer,  der  ihre  Fahrt  zn  CoBoi  einleitete.  Es 
füllten  also  diese  Stücke  die  51— 52  Zeilen  108  a— b  voll  ans, 
nnd  alles  andere  (§  62  Schlnfs  bis  §  72  Anfang  nnd  §  74  SchlnUs 
bis  §  78)  erweist  sich  schon  durch  diese  einfache  Bechnnng  als 
Interpolation. 

Wichtig  ist  nnn  vor  allem  die  Tatsache,  dals  von  den  drei 
CnBoi- Episoden  die  erste  (§  33—41)  dem  Interpolator,  die  zwei 
letzten  (§  78  Ende  bis  90  nnd  §  91—102)  dem  ursprünglichen 
Text  angehören,  so  wie  ich  es  in  den  'Sagen  ans  dem  alten 
Irland'  angenommen  hatte.  Später  habe  ich  mich  irrigerweise 
znr  Ansicht  meiner  Vorgänger  bekehrt,  die  die  drei  Episoden 
einer  einzigen  Bedaktion  zurechneten,  obschon  ich  ausdrücklich 
den  yerschiedenen  Sprachcharakter  von  I  nnd  11— m  als  un- 
erklärt hervorhob,  und  habe  dann  darauf  die  falsche  Bekon- 
struktion  von  ZOP  IV  202  ff.  gegründet.  Auffällig  bleibt  auch  jetzt 
noch  innerhalb  der  Interpolation  der  Widerspruch  von  §  32  und 
33  (a.  a.  0.  204);  man  mulis  wohl  annehmen,  dafs  der  Interpolator 
verbindende  Zwischenglieder  der  Bedaktion,  die  er  exzerpierte, 
ausgelassen  hat. 

Dagegen  bestätigt  sich  erfreulicherweise  durchaus,  was  ich 
a.  a.  0.  195  ff.  über  die  Gestaltung  der  Sage  in  den  anderen 
Handschriften  und  über  ihr  Verhältnis  zu  LU  gesagt  habe.  Sie 
gehen  alle  auf  die  interpolierte  Version  zurück,  die  ebenso  aussah 
wie  LU  nach  den  Einträgen.  Auch  die  Fassung,  die  am  meisten 
gekürzt  hat,  H.  3. 17,  hat  noch  den  Einschub  §  29—32  und  den 
Anfang  des  interpolierten  Abschnitts  §  33  ff.  bewahrt  Besonders 
wird  bestätigt,  dafs  §  57  (das  Eatzenabenteuer)  wirklich  schon 
im  alten  Text  zwischen  §  56  und  58  stand,  da  das  in  Eg.  93 
und  Voss,  an  seiner  Stelle  sich  findende  Stück  63 — 65  aus  der 
Interpolation  stammt  Hat  hier  diese  jüngere  Bedaktion  deutlich 
umgestellt,  so  bleibt  nun  auch  kein  Zweifel,  daüs  die  Vereinigung 


0  Vgl  den  Anklang  des  Anfangs  Ton  §  72:  Bo'imiat  ind  die  dia 
n  imraüb  7  Ha  rad9$dunb  an  §  29:  Do^raia  in  t€eh  ina  räithitekaib  briatkat. 


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ALLERLEI  IRISCHES.  443 

der  ersten  GoRoi -Episode  mit  den  beiden  anderen  das  Werk 
dieses  Bedaktors  ist,  nicht  etwa  anf  einem  Master  bemht,  wo 
genan  die  gleichen  Interpolationen,  wie  in  LU,  von  Anfang  an 
an  einer  anderen  Stelle  eingeschoben  worden  waren.  Die  Quelle 
für  die  Einschöbe  war  für  Lü  vermutlich  das  *gelbe  Buch  von 
Slane',  das  im  Titel  des  gleichfalls  interpolierten  Anfangs  von 
Serglige  ConCclainn  (LU43a)  genannt  ist. 

Vn.  Irisch  airg  *oder'. 

In  den  St.  Galler  Glossen  188  a  12  findet  sich  zu  dem  Text: 
Omnis  enim  pars  orationis  quocunque  modo  diriuata  uel  m  eandem 
notitionem  siue  definitionem  primitiui  sui  acctpitur  ...uel  in  aliud 
quod  iam  ante  ercU  suppositum  in  propria  naturali  positione  und 
zwar  zum  zweiten  Teil  die  Glosse:  airc  manip  hinunn  etargnae 
don  diruidigthiu  frisa  edtnide,  fedir  am'  iodin  a  ndirui-  dochum 
nacha  rainne  aile,  ut  bene  7  male.  Da  ich  airc  nicht  verstand, 
habe  ich  Handbuch  11, 31  air  *denn'  dafür  eingesetzt  Aber 
seine  Bedeutung  wird  unzweifelhaft  durch  eine  zweite  Beleg- 
stelle, Tiin  B6  Cöailnge  (ed.  Strachan-O'Keeffe)  1105.  Von  Ailill 
werden  CuChnlainn  folgende  Bedingungen  vorgeschlagen:  Ba'mbia 
commüte  Maige  Muirthemne  di  Maig  Äii  7  carpat  has  deck  hess 
%  nAH  7  Hmthacht  da  fer  deac  Airgg  {Airg  Lü)  mad  ferr  laiss, 
a-mmag  sa  inro'dlt  7  tri  .uii.  cumal  'Er  wird  ein  so  groCses 
Stück  wie  Mag  Muirthemne  von  Mag  Ai  erhalten  und  den  besten 
Wagen,  der  in  Ai  sein  wird,  und  Kleidung  für  zwölf  Mann; 
oder,  wenn  er  lieber  will,  diese  Ebene,  in  der  er  aufgezogen 
worden  ist,  und  sieben  Cumal'.  So  entspricht  airc  auch  in  der 
St.  Galler  Glosse  dem  lat.  uel:  'Oder,  wenn  das  Abgeleitete  nicht 
von  derselben  Klasse  ist  wie  das  Primitivum,  so  wird  das  Ab- 
geleitete in  einen  anderen  Redeteil  fibergeführt,  wie  bene  und  male\ 

Es  wird  dasselbe  Wort  sein  wie  airc  .1  docamhal  'schwierig' 
O'Clery,  das  auch  als  Substantiv  vorkommt  (Meyer,  Contrib.  s.v.; 
Windisch,  Tiin  B.  C,  S.  419),  wenn  Meyer  mit  Eecht  i  n-argg 
(LL  47  b  7,  Bev.  Celt.  XX 10, 5)  in  -airgg  emendiert,  also  auch 
dieses  Wort  auf  g  endet  Entweder  wäre  die  Bedeutung  'oder' 
die  ältere,  wie  im  Bretonischen  sich  mar  'wenn'  nach  Zimmer 
zu  mar  'Zweifel'  verschoben  hat;  oder  umgekehrt  hat  sich  airg 
'schwieriger  Fall,  Düemma'  zur  Konjunktion  entwickelt 

Bonn.  Rudolf  Thürneysen. 

Z«iUohHft  r.  c«lt.  Philologie  X.  29 


Google 


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444  KAOHTBAa.  —  BEBIOHnOüKOEN. 


NACHTRAG  ZU  OCHTFOCLACH  COLUIM  CILLE. 


Durch  ein  Versehen  ist  oben  S.  39  bei  Mitteilung  der  Les- 
arten des  Buchs  von  Lecan  eine  in  Laud  nicht  enthcdtene  Strophe, 
die  auf  die  44.  folgt,  ausgefallen.    Sie  lautet: 

44a  Na  drochilg  dibecha 
flaibrecha  dlmsacha 
na  damaid  comairli 

na  cert  na  cüir, 
natescta  |n  trenlasair, 
nastoUfa  \a  trenoigread, 
nista  main  measraidthi 

|sin  mörda[i]l  moir. 

Charlottenburg.  Küno  Mbtkr. 


BERICHTIGUNGEN. 


Seite  206,  Zeile  22:  statt  bezieht  lies  beziehen. 
„     208,      „     10:     „     Nemain  „    Morrigan. 
„269,      „      ß:     „     das  die  „    die  die. 
„    271,  Anmerkung  2.    FOr  ö  ro'ckloi  eiaUa  „nachdem  er  gestorben  war** 

macht  mich  K.  Meyer  anf  LL137b6  aufmerksam,   wo  eialla 

ros'cläi  ebenfalls  „er  starb^  bedeutet. 
„    394  u.  Anm.  1.    Van  Hamel  belehrt  mich,  dafs  sich  der  Einschnb  ans 

Lebor  Dromma  Snechta  in  der  Tat  im  Book  of  Fermoj  findet, 

nur  ohne  die  Quellenangabe. 

R.  Tb. 


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ERSCHIENENE  SCHRIFTEN. 


Kuno  Meyer,  Über  die  älteste  irische  Dichtung.  L  Rhythmische 
alliterierende  Reimstrophen  (Abhandlungen  der  K.  Preufs. 
Akademie  der  Wissensch.,  1913,  Phil. -Eist  Cl.,  Nr.  6). 
BerUnl913.  4».  618. 

Als  ich  bei  der  Heransgabe  der  Mittelirischen  Verslehren  ihren  Inhalt 
zn  analysieren  suchte,  mnfste  ich  S.  161  ff.  den  genauen  Bau  gewisser, 
Tom  gewöhnlichen  Habitus  abweichender  Strofen  unbestimmt  lassen, 
weil  die  Beispiele  in  ihrer  Vereinzelung  die  Eigenart  der  Metren  nicht 
deutlich  genug  erkennen  lielsen.  Sie  gehören  dem  ältesten  Teil  Ton 
Verslehre  II  an,  der  wohl  noch  gegen  Ende  des  8.  Jahrhunderts  yerfaTiBt 
ist.  Jetzt  bietet  sich  Hoffnung,  dals  in  dieses  dunkle  Gebiet  Licht 
falle,  indem  es  E.  Meyer  gelungen  ist,  eine  ganze  Reihe  solcher  alter- 
tümlichen Poesien  aufzufinden.  In  der  Torliegenden  Abhandlung  ver- 
öffentlicht er  Tier  Gedichte,  von  denen  mindestens  das  erste,  wenn  nicht 
alle,  der  Klasse  angehören,  die  in  Verslehre  ü  §  28  als  nath  cethorbrechta 
bezeichnet  ist  Es  sind  gereimte  Stammbäume  irischer  Fürsten,  die  zum 
Teil  bis  auf  Adam  hinaufgeführt  werden,  indem  die  genealogische  Reihe 
Ton  Japhet  bis  Fetebir  oder  Feteuir,  die  im  ältesten  Teil  der  Historia 
Brittonum  (§  17)  den  angeblichen  Stammvater  der  Britten  Alan(i)u8 
mit  den  biblischen  Genealogien  yerbindet,  auf  den  goidelischen  Urvater 
Mil  mac  Bili  und  seine  Vorfahren  übertragen  worden  ist  Die  als  Nr.  IV 
und  als  Anhang  abgedruckten  Gedichte  zeigen  dann,  wie  Spätere  solche 
genealogischen  Gedichte  kurzweg  adoptiert  haben,  indem  sie  nur  für 
die  unteren  Generationen  neue  Strofen  an  Stelle  der  ursprünglichen 
setzten  und  irgend  einen  Dichter  der  Vorzeit  als  Verfasser  nannten. 
Es  ist  sehr  dankenswert,  dafs  M.  vor  einer  Übersetzung  der  Stücke 
nicht  zurückgeschreckt  ist  Mag  auch  noch  so  vieles  unsicher  bleiben, 
da  es  sich  meist  um  blofse  Epitheta  handelt,  deren  Sinn  aus  dem  Zu- 
sammenhang nicht  erschlossen  werden  kann,  die  Übersetzung  gibt  doch 
einen  guten  Eindruck  von  dem  Stil  dieser  alten  Dichtungsweise,  der 
dem  der  altkymrischen  Poesie  auTserordentlich  nahe  steht.  Die  Noni' 
bithi  n  45  =  Numia  Numin  IV  27  sind  vielleicht  die  Numidae;  HL  5 
übersetze  ich:  *Wie  die  Woge  nicht  Zutritt  zum  Lande  gewährt';  mit 
httrti  in  85  darf  nicht  in  tuimd  F^l.*  XXV  verglichen  werden 
(S.  50),  da  dieses  ein  Fehler  für  in  ttmm  ist  (Zu  ir.  Hss.,  2.  Serie,  S.  20). 

29* 


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446  EBSOHIENENE  SCHBIFTEK. 

Wichtig  ist  nun  namentlich,  daÜB  M.  diesen  strofenreichen  Ge- 
dichten die  Gesetze  ihres  Banes  hat  entnehmen  können.  Freilich  wird 
man  hier  znn&chst  sehr  vorsichtig  vorgehen  müssen,  da  die  Üherlieferong 
der  Gedichte,  wie  einige  anderweitige  Zitate  zeigen,  offenhar  sehr  ge- 
schwankt hat  und  man  daher  Gefahr  Iftuft,  Fehler  oder  ausnahmsweise 
Abweichungen  mit  unter  die  Regeln  zu  bringen.  Auf  Silbenzahl  beruhen 
diese  Gedichte  nicht;  aber  II  (und  seine  Nachahmung  lY  usw.)  ist 
rhythmisch  gebaut,  indem  jedes  Strofenyiertel  zwei  haupttonige  Silben 
enthält.  Dafs  gelegentlich  mehrsilbige  Komposita  wie  Arggat4dm  U 12 
und  ardos'brui  119  für  zwei  Hebungen  zählen,  versteht  man;  ebenso 
dafs  ein  schwerer  fremder  Name  wie  Mathuaäl  einer  Wortreihe  wie 
elg  for  Idr  (so  zu  lesen  11 52  =  IV  38)  gleich  gerechnet  wird,  und  dafs 
umgekehrt  die  drei  Einsilber  ßodb,  Sem^  Mäir  einmal  (11 87)  ein  einziges 
Viertel  füllen.  Unsicherer  ist,  ob  auch  Versglieder  wie  Luirccdai:  Indecdai 
n  50  als  alt  anzuerkennen  sind,  da  die  Strofe  in  IV  fehlt  Wenn  nun 
aber  andere  (Gedichte,  wie  namentlich  m,  beliebig  Langzeilen  mit  4,  5, 
6  haupttonigen  Silben,  also  Viertel  von  2  oder  8  Hebungen  bilden,  kann 
man  nicht  mehr  von  einem  Rhythmus  im  gewöhnlichen  Sinn  sprechen, 
es  ist  nur  ein  gewisses  Zuviel  oder  Zuwenig  ausgeschlossen.  Auch  ein 
regelmäCsiger  Wechsel  von  Hoch-  und  Tief  ton  herrscht  nicht,  wie  man 
M.  (S.  5)  mifsverstehen  könnte. 

Fest  ist  dagegen  in  dieser  Gattung  die  Silbenzahl  des  reimenden 
SchluTsworts  jeder  Langzeile.  Zwar  will  M.  (S.  12)  auch  hier  Aus- 
nahmen gelten  lassen.  Aber  auf ser  Breee :  Fobreee,  Glasa :  FogUui,  U  9. 10, 
wo  eine  Art  Wortspiel  vorliegt,  kann  ich  seine  Beispiele  nicht  anerkennen. 
Dafs  n  22  der  Nominativ,  den  er  Dui  schreibt  (Hs.  Dau,  so  auch  IV  7) 
zweisilbig  sei  (S.  12),  —  es  wäre  die  einzige  Ausnahme  in  diesem 
CMicht  —  scheint  mir  unerwiesen,  ist  jedenfalls  dem  zweisilbigen 
Gen.  Duach  nicht  zu  entnehmen.  Das  Reim  wort  könnte  au  'Ohr'  sein 
{h,  L,  sluaig  R),  anklingend  an  das  folgende  Augeine:  'dreifachen  hohen 
Blick,  erhabenstes  Ohr  (hatte)  Augeine'.  Oder  eher  ist  einsilbiges  aui: 
Daui  zu  lesen,  jenes  die  ältere  Form  des  späteren  ai,  Gen.  uath^  Mod 
„Wissenschaft,  Dichtkunst''  (Verslehren,  S.  127f.). 

In  den  Gedichten  I  und  III  mit  zweisilbigem  Schluls  gibt  es 
aufiser  Cotricheicoerichef  das  erst  M.  gegen  die  Hs.  hineinkonjiziert 
hat,  nur  je  eine  scheinbare  Ausnahme.  Die  Strofe  IH  14  lautet  in  der 
Hs. :  Drofigaib  maraib  mandraia  iath  niathomuin  |  eüa  oirene  oldomun 
crick  Crothomuinf  1 8  in  derselben  einzigen  Handschrift  eine  Seite  weiter 
hinten:  Coinmilid  AiliU  fri  agu  fri  cricha  Crothamv[i]n  \  crothotM 
Abratchain  airhe  iatk  Etkomuin.  Man  sieht,  die  beiden  Ausnahmen 
bilden  nur  eine  einzige.  Da  nun  ein  Ortsname  Ethomu(t)H  sonst  un- 
bekannt ist,  aber  Edmuinn  in  Compert  ConCulainn  §2  —  aUerdings 
als  AckusativO  —  bezeugt  ist  (Nom.  Eithmannf  Eathmainn  Metr. 
Dinds.  1 40,  29),  so  liegt  es  gar  zu  nahe,  diese  zweisilbig«  Form  auch 

>)  Hier  liest  DIVl,  fol.48a2  dar  MuWthemne  7  dar  Edmamd  7  dar 
Bregkmagh,    K.  M.  [ebenso  Egerton  1782  dar  Edmann.    R.  Th.]. 


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EB8CHIENXNE  8CHBIFTEN.  447 

hier  einzoBetfen.  Ein  Schreiber  wird  III 14,  yeranlafst  durch  das  Torans- 
gehende  oUamurif  das  dreisilbige  Crothomuin  eingeführt  haben,  das 
dann  die  Umbildnng  des  Reimworts  Ethmuinn  nach  sich  zog.  Was 
an  jenerstelle  gestanden  hatte,  weifs  ich  freilich  nicht  zn sagen;  etwa 
crich  Cremthainn  ?  Der  Reim  wurde  dann  auch  in  das  folgende  Gedicht  I 
Terschleppt.')  —  Reime  wie  Fergus :  Oingus  III  88  (S.  12)  lassen  sich  wohl 
entschuldigen ;  ob  auch  coscrach :  fechtnach  JJI 17,  ist  zweifelhaft 

Neben  dem  rhythmischen  Reim  ist  die  Bindung  der  einzelnen  Yers- 
glieder  durch  Alliteration  das  wichtigste  Eunstmittel  Sie  wird  von 
M.,  S.  8 ff.,  genau  untersucht.  Auch  hier  scheint  mir  einiges,  wie  die 
Bindung  2.  c- :  p-,  t-:d-  und  das  in  §  5  Bemerkte  noch  nicht  als  ge- 
sichert anzusehen.  Auch  nach  der  späteren  Lehre  kOnnen  zwar  schwach- 
betonte worter  Ton  1—2  Silben  die  AlliterationswOrter  (cam-uaim) 
trennen;  man  nannte  sie  je  nach  der  Silbenzahl  (nicht  Wortzahl,  wie 
M.,  S.  10,  sagt)  dialt  n-etarUme  und  lorga  fuach  (Rer.  Celt.  18,  271  f.). 
Aber  M.  glaubt  auch  Beispiele  zu  haben,  wo  Tollbetonte  Wörter  da- 
zwischentreten. Besonderer  Art  und  nicht  zu  beanstanden  ist  m  88-89 
hreth  irgnad :  hriathrach  Etherelj  eine  Doppelalliteration.  Aber  von  den 
anderen  drei  Belegen  haben  zwei  keine  Beweiskraft.  Die  Strofe  11 6 
ist  ganz  unsicher  Oberliefert,  wie  M.,  S.  11,  selber  ausführt;  und  m  19 
steht  die  merkwürdig  junge  Form  imbrU  (oder  i'mbris  . .  bre$gaü  zu 
lesen?),  und  die  leichte  Änderung  von  te8ga[i]l  in  agaü  macht  überdies 
die  Bindung  regelmäfsig.  So  bleibt  nur  m  18  als  ein  nicht  Ton  Tom- 
herein  rerdächtiger  Zeuge;  man  wird  also  weitere  Belege  abwarten 
müssen.  Auch  ob  in  jeder  Langzeile  eine  Zäsur  anzusetzen  ist,  kann 
fraglich  erscheinen. 

M.  setzt  die  älteren  dieser  Gedichte  ins  7.  Jahrhundert  Auch 
das  8.  schiene  mir  möglich,  wenn  auch  nicht  zu  leugnen  ist,  dafs 
manche  Ausdrücke  wie  mercuir  III  23  für  'Mittwoch*  (M.  druckt  aus 
Versehen  'Dienstag')  sehr  altertümlich  klingen.  In  beiden  Fällen  muss 
man  aber  goet  Hl  1  passivisch  fassen ,  nicht  aktivisch  mit  M.  und  im 
Einzelnen  manche  Veränderung  durch  die  Tradition  annehmen.  Wenn 
aber  M.  gar  in  lainntck  legiön  TU  28  eine  Erinnerung  an  den  Schuppen- 
panzer der  Römer  sehen  will  (S.  89),  so  kann  ich  ihm  darin  nicht  folgen. 
Zu  lann  kann  in  alt  irischer  Zeit  das  Adjektir  nur  lannaeh  lauten; 


>)  [Korrekturnote:  In  der  inzwischen  erschieneneu  Fortsetzung 
(Über  die  älteste  ir.  Dichtung  IL  Rhythmische  alliterierende  reimlose  Strophen, 
ebend.  Nr.  10)  hat  Meyer  mehrere  meiner  obigen  Besserungsrorschläge  an- 
genommen, behält  jedoch  die  dreisilbigen  Ausgänge  Ethomuin:  Crothomuin 
bei  und  entschuldigt  sie  durch  die  Freiheit,  die  sich  die  Dichter  bei  Eigen- 
namen zu  gestatten  pflegen  (S.  8).  Diese  leugne  ich  natürlich  im  Allgemeinen 
nicht;  aber  gerade  in  den  betreffenden  Gedichten,  die  fast  ganz  aus  Eigen- 
namen bestehen,  ist  sie  in  ihrer  TÖlligen  Vereinzelung  wenig  wahrscheinlich. 
Die  übrigen  Beispiele,  die  Meyer  zitiert,  finden  sich  in  Tiel  weniger  streng 
gebauten  Gedichten;  und  das  Beispiel  Luirecdai :  Indecdai  11,50,  wo  die 
dreisilbigen  Wörter  das  ganze  Strophenviertel  füllen  und  für  zwei  Hebungen 
zählen,  ist  natürlich  anderer  Art  (s.  o.)]. 


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448  EB8GHIENBNB  SCHBIFTBIC. 

lainnech  gehört  zu  lainne  '  Qier ' :  'swansig  Schiffe  stark  warf  er  (f diaig) 
die  Scharen  der  gierigen  Legionen  nieder*.  Zur  Endsilbe  -tdn  in  Elpiön, 
Faireön  m  28,  29  Tgl.  -Un  in  den  Glossen  (Handb.  §  906)  nnd  firiön 
neben  firiin. 

Man  darf  den  Aufschlüssen,  die  die  Fortsetzung  der  Serie  bringen 
wird,  mit  Spannung  entgegensehen.  Auch  die  Frage  wird  aufsuwerfen 
sein,  ob  diese  Poesie  nun  ganz  bodenständig  ist  oder  doch  schon  mit 
den  rhythmischen  Satzschlflssen  der  Spätlateiner  zusammenhängt 

R.  Thurneysen. 

Festskrift  Alf  Torp,  Kristiania  1913. 

This  Tolume  contains  an  interesting  paper  (pp.  239—252)  by 
Professor  Carl  Marstrander,  entitled  Kleine  Irische  Beiträffe,  It  consists 
of  miscellaneous  etymological  and  grammatical  notes  dealing  with  vanous 
periods  of  the  language.  There  is  a  good  explanation  of  the  origin  of 
dochum  n-  (p.  243)  agreeing  with  the  Suggestion  thrown  out  simultaneous- 
ly  by  Pedersen,  Vgl.  Gr.  U  492.  In  the  following  note  on  indas 
(p.  244)  it  was  a  pity  to  include  the  example  eia  dune  ind  imnis  seo 
from  Ml  35  c  83,  for,  in  the  face  of  the  examples  of  inni  brought  together 
fourteen  years  ago  by  Sarauw,  Irske  St  p.  138,  it  had  been  generally 
reeognized  that  indinnisseo  does  not  coutain  the  gen.  of  indaa.  The 
next  artide  is  an  ingenious,  but  quite  unoonvincing,  Identification  of 
the  modern  faie^  faice^  with  Mid.  Ir.  aieCy  aicce,  0.  Ir.  naicc,  naicce, 
The  examples  giyen  leave  something  to  be  desired :  bhfuü  puinn  eolaii 
agat  ar  ghramadaigh  na  Qaedhüge  ?  faxe  ar  fite  is  said  to  be  *aus 
der  Umgangssprache  im  westlichen  Kerry  *,  but  the  use  of  the  book-word 
gramadack^  indeed  the  subject  matter,  suggests  that  the  phrase  was 
made  up  for  the  occasion.  P.  245 1. 11,  in  quoting  from  Munst  Poets  n 
160.  9  gan  faic^  san  t-8aoigheal,  the  last  word  has,  in  defianoe  of  the 
assonance,  been  silently  altered  to  taaoghal,  A  couple  of  lines  below 
is  a  quotation  referred  wrongly  to  Munst  Poets  1 202.  It  is  reaUy  from 
Eoghan  Ruadh's  poems,  and  will  be  found,  with  slightly  different  spelling, 
in  Dinneen*s  edition  of  the  latter,  1.531.  Throughout  the  paper  in- 
accurades  or  misprints  such  as  Maige  Brega  p.  243. 82,  in  for  ind  ib.  34, 
fiaieh :  gnath  for  fiaig :  gndih  p.  248. 9,  are  only  too  common. 

On  p.  250  there  is  an  attempted  restoration  of  a  supposed  Ogam 
inscription  referred  to  in  LU :  lYACATTGS  ARGENTACI  QOI  MAQI . . . 
The  second  word  is  giyen  in  the  Old-Celtic  form,  for  -nt'  had  beoome 
-M'  before  the  Ogam  period.  And  the  initial  of  the  word  heie  spelled 
QOI  is  not  the  same  as  the  Q  of  MAQI.  Professor  Marstrander  refers 
to  his  article  on  QOI  in  Eriu  V  144,  but  on  tuming  up  the  passage 
we  find  that  he  had  written,  more  wisely,  on  'Ogham  XOI.* 

On  p.  251  there  is  a  very  satisfisctory  explanation  of  the  plural 
ending  -^atar  in  -dämdatar  and  the  like.  It  is  treated  as  an  analogical 
formation  modelled  on  -memdatar  &c.  Unfortunately,  in  support  of  the 
argument,  which  is  really  excellent  in  itself,  we  find  the  following: 
*In  den  Präteriten  mebaidj  tdrraid  wurde  schon  im  Frilhmitteliiischen 
der  Stamm  als  me6-,  tärr-  empfunden,  wie  aus  solchen  Formen  wie 


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EB8CHIBNBNE  SCHRIFTEN.  449 

3. 8g.  memaiB  SR  4705,  Lü  81b86,  mebais  SB  8320,  LL  174  al,  -memsat 
LU  74b2,  -nubaat  74a42,  Lism.  Lires  3498,  tarraa  LU  41a34,  LL  147a49, 
rafdned  LL  89a27,  dafdrsed  89a88  usw.  dentlich  henrorgeht'.  If  there 
is  One  thing  which  'deutlich  herrorgeht^  it  is  that  the  writer  hat  not 
taken  the  precantion  to  check  his  references.  Of  eieren  examples  taken 
as  preteritesi  six  are  «-fntores  and  two  are  s-snbjnnctiTes. 

P.  252.  'Sg.  4  b  10.  Das  aidlignitir  der  HS.  mit  Ascoli  in  aidlig- 
nigitir  sn  ändern  ist  nicht  erlanbt,  Tgl.  Bawl.  B512,  111  al:  eaehoen 
adüenei  $dmugud  sund\  Permiflsion  to  emend  the  text,  here  refnsed 
by  Professor  Marstrandar,  wonld  have  been  readily  granted  by  the 
scribe  of  Sg.:  cf.  -aidlienigtiar ,  Sg.  200a2,  and  Wb.  15a2,  &c  The 
occurrence  of  a  Mid.  Ir.  active  does  not  necessarily  establish  the  existence 
of  an  0.  Ir.  deponent  from  the  same  stem.  Osborn  Bergin. 

F.  W.  O'Connell,  A  Grammar   of  Old  Irish.    Belfast,  Mayne 
&  Boyd;  London,  David  Nutt.    8»  (Xu  +  191  pp).    ös. 

Wir  glanben  es  dem  Verfasser  gern,  dafs  er  sich  mit  seinem  Bach 
redliche  Mühe  gegeben  hat,  aber  es  zeigt  sich  dabei  dentlich,  dals  eine 
noch  so  gute  Kenntnis  des  Nenirischen  nicht  hinreicht,  nm  allein  anf 
Onind  der  bisher  Torliegenden  Arbeiten  eine  kurze  altirische  Grammatik 
zustande  zu  bringen.  Ohne  vorherige  selbständige  Betätigung  auf 
grammatischem  Gebiete  darf  man  sich  an  eine  solche  Aufgabe  nicht 
heranwagen;  ein  blofses  Durchstudieren  der  von  den  Vorgängern  ge- 
leisteten Arbeit  genügt  bei  einer  so  schwierigen  Sprache,  wie  es  das 
Altirische  ist,  noch  nicht,  da  die  bisher  erschienenen  Werke,  wie  es  eben 
bei  grundlegenden  Pionierarbeiten  nicht  anders  mOglich  ist,  zu  einem 
Teil  nur  Materialsammlungen  darstellen,  aus  denen  sich  erst  nach  und 
nach  alle  Einzelheiten  herauskristallisieren  lassen  werden. 

Den  Zweck,  den  irischen  Studierenden  einen  Ersatz  für  Thumeysens 
Handbuch  zu  bieten,  erftQlt  das  Buch  nur  schlecht  Es  wäre  gut  mOglich 
gewesen,  in  190  Seiten  das  Wichtigste  zusammenzutragen,  doch  hat  es 
der  Verfasser  nicht  Terstanden,  eine  richtige  Auswahl  zu  treffen.  Das 
Wichtigste  und  zum  Verständnis  der  Flexion  und  Wortbildung  Un- 
erläfslichste  ist  doch  die  Lautlehre,  und  diese  ist  auf  nur  22  Seiten 
beschränkt,  während  alles  Übrige  mit  ganz  überflüssiger  Umständlichkeit 
dargestellt  wird.  Dinge,  wie  die  Bedeutungsschattierungen  der  Prä- 
positionen oder  Koigunktionen  sind  in  einer  kurzen  Grammatik  nicht 
am  Platze,  sondern  gehören  in  das  Textbuch;  findet  sich  doch  die  Lehre 
▼on  der  Bedeutung  der  Präpositionen  weder  bei  Thumeysen  noch  bei 
Pedersen.  Der  ersparte  Platz  hätte  mit  Tiel  mehr  Nutzen  für  die  Laut- 
lehre verwendet  werden  müssen.  Hier  fehlt  es  oft  am  Nötigsten.  So  ist 
gar  nichts  über  die  Depalatalisation  nach  Dentalen  gesagt  (rgl.  Pokomy, 
Old  Ir.  Grammar,  §  65, 4),  ebenso  über  die  Qualität  der  epenthetischen 
Vokale  (1-  c.  §§  60,  66—71),  usw. 

Im  Einzelnen  wimmelt  das  Buch  Ton  Fehlem,  deren  vollständige 
Aufsählung  zu  viel  Raum  in  Anspruch  nehmen  würde.  Zur  Illustration 
sei  nur  einiges  angeführt: 


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450  EB80HIENENE  SCHRIFTEN. 

S.  8  Z.  7:  Die  Grandform  Ton  müle  (nentrom!)  ist  *8o4jon,  idg.  ^iodjomf 

und  nicht  *8o^'o8, 
S.  11  §  18:  Der  Wandel  Ton  nd  zu  nn  erfolgte  in  Tortonigen  Worten 

schon  am  Anfang  der  altir.  Periode;  die  Artikelform  inna  für 

älteres  inda  ist  daher  nicht  *late  Old  Irish*. 
S.  12  §  20:  aingliu  entsteht  nicht  aus  *angÜHj  sondern  ans  *angeUf  da 

die  Hebung  von  c  zn  t  jünger  ist,  als  die  Synkope,   foigde  kann 

nicht  aus  *fo'gude  entstanden  sein,   da  dies  *fuigde  ergeben 

haben  würde;  zulässig  ist  nur  eine  Qnindform  ^fo-gede  ans  idg. 

*upO'g*hedhjaf  im  Ablantverhältnis  zn  guide  'Bitte*  ans  idg. 

*g*hodhja, 
S.  14  §  25:  cHmm  kann  nicht  auf  *cing8men  zurückgehen,  das  yielmehr 

altir.  cimm  ergeben  hätte.    Idg.  *kh^g'9mti  ist  über  kh^k-gm^ 

{g  ist  Tor  f  zn  ^  geworden),  kenksmen  regelmälsig  zn  cHnwi 

geworden. 
S.  15  §  28:  Die  altir.  Form  lautet  find  und  nicht  finn. 
S.  15  §29:  Anstatt  J:*«ttm,  ^iru  lies  k^ennly  ^irü, 
S.  15  §30:   üar  geht  nicht  auf  ogr-,  sondern  auf  9^-,   älter  *ougr' 

zurück  und  ist  daher  unter  a)  zu  stellen. 
S.  16  Z.  16:  mug  geht  nicht  auf  mogUf  sondern  über  maug  auf  magn- 

zurück  (Pokomy,  K.  Z.  XLV,  S.  72ff.). 
S.  17  Z.  17:  goi  ist  nicht  mit  Thumeysen  auf  ^dytn,  sondern  auf  gauin 

zurückzuführen,  wie  die  Formen  mit  gü-  zeigen,  da  altes  da 

niemals  als  ü  erscheint  (Pokomy,  0.  Ir.  Grammar  §  112,3  a). 
S.  18  §  35:  Anstatt  *g^iej^  lies  *gnej^. 

S.  19  §  37:'  do-rochair  kann  nicht  aus  *to-ro-cer  entstanden  sein,  sondern 
ist  erst  analogisch  aus  lautgesetzlichem  do-rochariidg.  *t<hpr0'ker9t) 
umgestaltet  worden. 

S.  20  §  38:  Anstatt  *i$amon  lies  isamon. 

naidm  geht  nicht  auf  *nadmn'  sondern  auf  *nad-men  zurück. 

S.  24  §42:  Der  Ansatz  einer  Grundform  sen  +  ^o«  für  den  Artikel  ist 
ganz  falsch;  sen  +  tos  hätte  über  sen  +  doa  nur  zu  *end,  niemals 
aber  zu  ind  werden  können,  da  altes  t  zwar  Tor  nd  in  jedem 
Fall  erhalten  bleibt,  aber  altes  e  nicht  Tor  nd  +  o  zu  •  werden 
kann.  Man  kann  also  nur  eine  Grundform  *8in  +  to$  oder  *9ind(h)o8 
ansetzen. 

Ein  urkeltischer  Dat.  Sing.  fem.  $et^tä  ist  undenkbar,  der- 
selbe hatte  vielmehr  die  Endung  -äi;  hier  ist  das  t  nämlich  nicht, 
wie  im  masc.  und  neutr.  Terloren  gegangen,  sondern  -äi  ist  über 
äi  zu  'i  geworden. 

S.  27  §  48:  Die  idg.  Endung  im  Acc.  Plur.  masc.  ist  -ons  und  nicht 
-ons.  So  hätte  z.B.  *viron8  zu  m.  fero  (Tgl.  flado  'Herr'  aus 
*veidont8)  führen  müssen. 

Wie  kommt  der  Verfasser  dazu,  als  'Prehistoric  Irish'  im 
(len.  Dual    eine    Endung  -u    anzusetzen?     Der  Gen.  Dual  far 


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ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN.  451 

erkl&rt  rieh  doch  gat  am  älterem  *mrf>,  idg.  *vir'Ou!  *viru 

müTste  ja  fmr  ergeben. 
S.  28  §49:  Die  Regel,  dafs  das  Enatsdehnungs-^  im  GenetiT  zu  6uiy 

usw.  wird,  gilt  doch  nicht  blofs  Tor  anslantendem  l,  sondern 

ebenso  bei  r,  w,  s.  B.  in  'Vogel',  Gen.  Sniny  f6r  'Gras',  Gen.  /eiitV. 
S.  29  §  51 :  Der  Gen.  Sing,  anf  -i  ist  doch  kein  idg.  Lokatir,  der  vielmehr 

kurzes  t  anf  wies!    Es  kann  sich  hier  nnr  um  ein  altes  idg.  -i 

handeln. 
S.  32:  g}U\  kann  nicht  auf  *gotKMS  zorfickgehen  (dies  ergäbe  air.  goih\ 

sondern  nnr  anf  *guihui, 

mind  geht  nicht  anf  ^menduy  sondern  anf  *m%ndu  znrück, 

das  sich  direkt  ans  idg.  ^mt^u  entwickelt  hat 
S.  39  §  65:  Das  Suffix  -tut-  mit  langem  fl. 
S.  40  Z.  1—7:  Die  Suffixe  ^-rtUm  (neut)  und  *'Ytidhä  (fem.)  sind  hier 

zusammengeworfen. 
S.  40  Z.  24—28:  Die  Suffixe  -dn  und  -in  können  keineswegs  auf  -akno 

und  Akno  zurückgehen;  -oJbio  hätte  z.B.  -in.  niemals  aber  -dn 

ergeben  kOnnen.    Als  Grundformen  sind  -agno,  -igno  anzusetzen. 
S.  41  Z.  11:  IHr  ingnu  heilst  nicht  'with  diligent  science',  sondern 

*diligent  in  sdence'. 
S.  68  Z.  6:  Uicid  kann  keinesfalls  auf  ^livk^A'-ti  zurückgehen,  da  dies 

nur  Hidd  ergeben  hätte.     Man  muTs  notgedrungen  Ton  einer 

Form  *leivk^l-ti  ausgehen. 
S.  68  Z.  18:  Eine  Grundform  ^pre-na-ti  ist  unmöglich,  da  ri  erst  zu  rt 

wurde,  nachdem  das  p  längst  abgefallen  war;  es  muls  daher 

♦jDTt-na-W  heiXsen  (idg.  *pt')' 
S.  68  Z.  25 :  Wie  stellt  rieh  der  Verfasser  die  Enstehung  des  air.  -gnin 

aus  ^gn-n-j^  (ricl)  Tor? 
S.  69  Z.  22:  tiagu  kann  unmöglich  direkt  auf  ^steigh^  zurückgehen,  das 

vielmehr  -tiag  ergeben  hat 
S.  77  Z.  8:  lies  g^hodh-^  g^hedh-, 
S.  95:  Die  unkomponierten  Präteritalformen  sind  vielfach  ganz  falsch 

rekonstruiert.    So  ist  die  reL  1.  Plnr.  als  *bertammar  und  nicht 

als  *bertemmar  anzusetzen.    Die  rel.  3.  Sing,  gabea  ist  nirgends 

belegt;  die  Form  mülste  auTserdem  *gaba8  lauten,  da  das  palatale 

Suffix  des  Präsens  im  Präteritum  fehlt    Der  Ansatz  einer  1. 

und  2.  Sing,  ^gdda^  *gddae  ist  gänzlich  unberechtigt    Die  rel. 

1.  Plur  muTs  als  *gädammarf  die  2.  Plur.  als  gädte  angesetzt 

werden. 

Die  komponierte  2.  Plur.  des  Konjunktivs  von  benaim  mufs 

*'bieidf  und  nicht  -biaid  lauten. 

8.  96  Z.  Iff.:  Der  Konjunktiv  des  Präteritums  von  benaim  ist  mit  Aus- 
nahme der  3.  Personen  ganz  fabieh  angesetzt  Das  ia  des  Stammes 
*bhi(j')a-  mufs  nämlich  in  zweisilbigen  Formen  als  i'e  erhalten 
bleiben,  bei  Antritt  einer  weiteren  Silbe  zu  e  synkopiert  werden. 


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452  BB8CHIENENE  8CHBIFTBK. 

also :  *'b^nnj  "^-bttha,  "^-bemmiSy  "^-bethef  doch  enebiene  mir  der 
Ansatz  der  2.  Personen  in  unserem  Fall  etwas  sn  gewagt  Im 
Allgemeinen  setzt  der  Verfasser  yiel  zu  yiel  unsichere  Formen 
an,  die  yorsichtigerweise  besser  ausgelassen  worden  wären. 
S.  98  §  192:  attd  geht  natürlich  nicht  auf  ^ad-gtä-jö,  sondern  auf  "^ad- 
ita-t  zurück! 

S.  107  Z.  12:  do-coi  kann  nicht  auf  "^de^om-^aditj  sondern  nur  auf 

*de'Com'^edst  zurückgehen. 
S.  112  §  216:  Statt  doaUMelbi  mnü  es  do-aissübi  heilsen. 
S.  136  Z.  4:   Die  Herleitung  yon  eaüHc  aus  "^cen  +  Uieiud  ist  ganz 

undenkbar. 

Obige  Fehlerliste,  die  ihre  Entstehung  nur  einer  flüchtigen  Durch- 
sicht verdankt ,  Heise  sich  noch  um  vieles  erweitem.  Besonders  im 
Ansetzen  yon  Grundformen  ist  yiel  gesündigt  worden.  Man  sieht,  dads 
sich  der  Verfasser  über  die  lautliche  Entwicklung  yom  Urkeltischen 
zum  Altirischen  meist  selbst  nicht  im  Klaren  war.  Auch  die  Vor- 
kenntnisse in  der  indogermanischen  Grammatik  sind  jedenfalls  un- 
zureichend gewesen.  Julius  Pokorny. 

Carl  J.  S.  Marstrander.  Dictionary  of  the  Irisch  Lans^iage, 
based  mainly  on  Old  and  Middle  Irish  materials,  pablished  by 
the  Royal  Irish  Academy  ander  the  Editorship  of  Carl 
J.  S.  Marstrander,    Professor   of  Celtic  Philology   in   the 
University  of  Kristiania.    Fasciculus  L,  D-deg6ir.    Dublin 
Royal  Irish  Academy;  Hodges,  Figgis  and  Co.,  Ltd.;  London: 
Williams  and  Norgate.    10  s.  6  d.  net. 
Daeherdda:  read  Da-Cherddae^^Do-Cherdäae, 
Dairben:  add.  Dairbthenn  (:  ro-len)  Edinb.  Dinds.  55. 
Dairblinn:  iustead  of  DairmUl  read  Dairinill, 
dairchi$:  instead  of  dinam  read  denam, 

dairchnib  is  an  impossible  form,  as  a  hypothetical  Old  Celtic  dat.  pl. 

*darik'injabis   could   only   haye   giyen    *dairchinib;   slmilarij 

*dari'genjäbi8  would  giye  *dairgin%b;  ^darignäbis  would  giye 

*dairnib. 

Ddire  Doimihech;    the   altematiye   form  Daimthech  ought  to  haye 

been  giyen. 
Ddire  mae  Ouü:  read  ChiüL 
col.  85  1.  86:  insert 
^dairgthech:  dHa-som  oconn  dairggdhig  TBL  IBbSl;  there  is  no  such 
Word  as  dairg-theeh  'oak-house'.     A  hypothetical  Old  Celtic 
*  dariko-iegoi  would  haye  giyen  *dairckithech  in  O.Ir.Old  Celtie 
*dari'iego8  gaye   dairthech   which   could  neyer  be  used  in  a 
sense    that   would    suit    the  passage  quoted.    Hence  we  must 


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■BSOHISNKNE  80HSIFTXN.  453 

read  ooonnd  airggdhig  'at  the  hero-bonse*;  airgg-tkech  contaiiis 

tlie  Word  argg  'hero'  which  is  etymologically  identical  with 

Greek  op/oc- 
Dairiä  11:  There  is  no  evidence  that  this  was  a  'foreign'  scholar. 
col.  35  1.  64:  insert  dairine  'a  small  oakwood*:  Darine  edneeh  n.  1. 

F^L>  240, 6  also  called  Daire  na  Flann.  Cf.  Hogan. 

coL  36  1.  52  instead  of  Fäihain  read  Fathain, 

col.  37  1.  19  insert  Dairiud,  dat  ol  Dair-fid:  Ciar  ingm  Duib  Bea 

de  Dairiud  LB  22. 
Dairmül:   I  do   not  nnderstand   the  reason  for  this  entry  as  this 

misprint  had  been  already  corrected  by  Stokes  in  the  Index  of 

Persons  s.  v.  Dariniü. 
col,  87  1.  26  and  32:   read   deirmitiu  and   deirmitnech  as  the  r  is 

certainly  palatal. 
Daim:  instead  of  Fomörach  read  Fomorach  with  the  Ms. 
daimaisce:  There   is   no   eyidence   for  snch  forme  as  dairnaiace  or 

demaisce. 
col.  37  1.  42:  add.  Dairsi  Braid-iläbke,  R.  C.  XX  338, 13.    A  tribe  of 

the  aitheeh4ktiatha  so  called.    Instead  of  eseui  read  etcas  and 

add:  nt  dicitnr  daumaisce  dar  lemain. 
ddistir:  read:  only  in  the  3  sg,  pass. 
däithe:  The  oormption  in  this  passage  is  not  yery  great  däithe  contains 

apparently  the  same  root  as  mod,  da4nihemhail  and  means  'baseness, 

detriment,  fanlt*. 
col.  41  1.  48  add.  daithech  'swift,  actiye\  daitheeht  'swiftness,  acti?ity\ 

mod.  daitheachf  daitheachty  Dinn. 
daitken:  an  analogical  by-form  of  dathan,    Old  Celüc  *datinä  gives 

regolarly  dathan;  the  palatal  qoality  of  the  th  is  dne  to  the 

inflnence  of  the  oblique  cases. 

daithgen:  this  is  of  coorse  no  o-stem  bnt  an  d-stem  since  it  is  identical 
with  daühen  and  represents  only  a  wrong  spelling. 

col.  42  1.  34:  insert  daühinet  .i.  uaire  aiineid  H.  3.  la  69a  =  dathincd 
.i.  uair  aUneidh  ib.  635a.  Julius  Pokorny. 

Kuno  Meyer,  Zur  keltischen  Wortkunde  II — VI.  Sitzungs- 
berichte der  KgLPreuXs.  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften  1912, 
LI  (S.  1144—1157);  1913,  XXV  (8.445-455)  und  XLIX 
(S.  950— 959);  1914,  XXI  (8.630-642)  und  XXXV  (8.939 
-958). 

In  zwangloser  Reihenfolge  werden  eine  grofse  Zahl  keltischer, 
namentlich  irischer  Wörter  nach  Bedentang,  Bildung  oder  Herkunft 
besprochen;  Nr.  VI  schliefst  mit  Berichtigungen  und  einem  Wort- 
yerzeichnis  cur  gansen  fieihe. 


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454  EBSGHIBKENE  SCHBIFTEN. 

Anecdota  from  Irish  Manuscripts,  Vol.IV  und  V,  Halle  a.S. 
1912  und  1913,  XIX- 128  S.  und  30  S. 

Der  4  Band  bringt  uns  einen  yollständigen  Abdruck  yon  Cormacs 
Glossar  nach  dem  Yellow  Book  of  Lecan  durch  E.  Meyer  auf  Gnind 
einer  nachkollationierten  Abschrift  yon  Wh.  Stokes.  Die  einzelnen 
Artikel  sind  numeriert  (auch  die  zahlreichen  Zusatzartikel  dieser 
Redaktion  durchgezählt)  und  ein  alfabetisches  Wortverzeichnis  bei- 
gegeben. In  der  Vorrede  VIT  f.  sind  die  yerschiedenen  Handschriften 
des  Glossars  aufgeführt,  aus  denen  einzelne  Varianten  aufgenommen 
sind,  auch  die  Artikel  FrüU  und  Mugeme  nach  Harl.  5280  und  23.  N.  10 
abgedruckt  (Vmff.). 

Der  ö.  Band  enthält  fünf  kürzere  Texte,  drei  dayon  yon  K.  Meyer: 
die  Korrespondenz  zwischen  Alexander  und  Dindimus  nach  Rawlinson 
B  512,  Ferchuitred  Medha  nach  derselben  Handschrift,  aus  der  Jos.  O'NeiU, 
£riu  n  174  nur  die  Varianten  gegeben  hatte,  und  Verba  SeOthaige  firi 
CoinCulaind  nach  drei  Handschriften  (eine  yierte  ZOP  IX  487).  Femer 
yon  Annie  M.  Scarre  Sc^l  muicce  Maie  Dd  Thö  nach  H.  8. 18,  aus  der 
schon  Windisch,  Ir.  Texte  96  ff.  die  Varianten  angeführt  hatte,  und  Ton 
Annie  Power  ein  schwieriger  Text,  der  The  caldron  of  Poesy  betitelt 
wird,  nebst  zahlreichen  Glossen,  gleichfalls  nach  H.  8. 18. 

Kuno  Meyer,  Über  die  älteste  irische  Dichtung.  IL  Rhyth- 
mische alliterierende  reimlose  Strophen  (Abhandlungen  der 
Kgl.  Preuls.  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften,  1913,  Phil.-Hist 
Cl.,  Nr.  10).    Berlin  1914,  4«.    40  S. 

Die  interessanten  Beispiele  dieser  altertümlichen  Dichtongsweise, 
die  der  Verf.  gesammelt  hat,  sind  leider  nicht  so  umfangreich,  wie  die 
in  Teil  I  besprochenen  und  daher  ihr  Bau  nicht  so  genau  zu  umschreiben. 
Ist  S.  7  Nr.  2  Str. 4  mit  L*  athar  aihair  '(unserer)  Väter  Vater*  zu 
lesen?  Beigefügt  sind  einige  als  nath  bezeichnete  Strofen  aus  den 
< Mittelirischen  Verslehren*  und  Berichtigungen  und  Verzeichnisse  der 
Namen  und  erklärten  WGrter  zu  beiden  Teilen. 

Festschrift  Ernst  Windisch  zum  siebzigsten  Geburtstag  am 
4.  September  1914  dargebracht  von  Freunden  und  Schfilem. 
Leipzig  (0.  Harrassowitz)  1914,  VI  und  380  S.  gr.  8\ 

Von  den  zahlreichen  dem  um  die  Keltologie  so  hochTerdienten 
Gelehrten  dargebrachten  Auftätzen  beziehen  sich  nur  drei  auf  Keltisches. 
Ludw.  Mühlhausen  (S.  249-^848)  sammelt  und  bespricht  die  lateinischoi, 
romanischen  und  germanischen  Lehnwörter  in  den  alten  kymrischen 
Gesetzen  (Codex  Venedotianus).  Kuno  Mejer  (S.  63—67)  gibt  Ver- 
mutungen, woTon  die  yerlorene  Sage,  die  in  der  Liste  A  Äigideckt 
Artuir  betitelt  ist,  gehandelt  haben  mag.  Ich  habe  auf  Grund  Ton 
Arbeiten  meines  Sprachwissenschaftlichen  Seminars  eine  Besprechung 
Yon  Cormacs  Glossar  (S.  8-37)  beigesteuert.    Die  Ausgabe  der  Artikel 


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ERSCHIENENE  SCHRIFTEN.  455 

PruU  und  Mug  ime  nach  allen  Hss.  will  die  VerwandtschaftfrerbältniBse 
der  Handschriften  untereinander  zeigen  and  namentlich  darauf  hinweisen, 
dafs  die  Beiziehung  des  Buchs  yon  Hy-Maine  fOr  die  Herstellung  des 
ersten  Teils  des  Glossars  unerläfslich  ist.  Fttr  den  Ausdruck  ha  fde  leo 
{Pruüf  Z.  15)  macht  mich  Marstrander  auf  Cogadh  Gaedhel  re  Gallaibh, 
S.  46,  aufmerksam,  wo  es  heilst:  Ba  fae  (Hs.  B  fi)  do  cechtar  de  com- 
riaehtain  andf  acht  ba  messH  dona  gaüaib,  TonTodd  richtig  übersetzt: 
*It  was  woe  to  each  party  to  meet  there;  but  it  was  worse  for  the 
foreigners'.  Es  ist  also  auch  bei  Cormac  hinter  Uo  zu  interpungieren: 
'Da  gefiel  es  ihnen  nicht,  ihn  zu  sich  zu  lassen;  denn  es  sdiien  ihnen 
yerderblich  (fde).  Er  war  kein  in  ihren  Schwärm  passender  Vogel'  usw. 
Femer  yermutet  er  wohl  mit  Recht,  dafs  das  unyerständliche  indri 
(Z.25)  ein  Fehler  der  Urhandschrift  für  in  dre(m)  'die  Schar'  ist,  und 
weist  zu  eongnu  (Z.  17)  das  Simplex  grus  nach  in  der  Strofe,  welche 
Leabhar  Breac  in  Cormacs  Glossar  zum  Artikel  fogamur  hinzusetzt: 
inglan  mo  ehorp  lir  mo  gru$  'mein  Körper  ist  unrein  ebensosehr  wie 
mein  gru8\  Beim  Wort  carra  menncrott  hätte  ich  auf  Fianaigecht  34 
yerweisen  sollen,  wo  carra  <Hr  neben  tita  argait  erw&hnt  sind. 

Die  übrigen  Teile  der  Festschrift  behandeln  Stoffe  der  indischen 
Philologie  oder  der  yergleichenden  Grammatik. 

R.  Th. 


Digitized  byV^OOQlC 


REGISTER  ZU  BAND  VI— X. 


A. 

abann  ir.  10,  79 

Abbot,  K.  T.,  Forther  notes  on  Coney's 

IriBh-English   Dictionary    (angei.) 

6,  252 
AbbreviatioiiB  in  MS.  Vatiean-Palat 

Lat  65.  8, 246 
Abendmahl  6,  259 
aceäine  ir.  6, 396 
achtuaim  ir.  7,  508 
achwyn  kymr.  6,  898 
Adam    ans    acht  Teilen  xnsammen- 

gesetst  7,  511 
adar  bask.  9, 900 
adare  ir.  9,  800 
Adarca  Inchna  9,  224 
adeuitteht  ir.  10, 69 
adtüitheSjU 

Aed  Dnb  mac  Colm&in  9,  458 
Aed  Finn  8,80 
Aed  Oirdnide  8, 102.  557 
A  jir  na  hegna  10, 266 
afwyn  kymr.  10,  79 
Agnstin  7, 290 
aidcheöd  ir.  9, 183 
Aided  BresaU  7, 305 
Aided  Chonr6i  9, 180. 189. 215 
Aided  Chnind  C^tchathaich  8, 274 
aidircUde  ir.  9, 299 
al^^Q  10,  79 
aift  ir.  10,  67 
aig  ir.  9, 291 
Aigidecht  Artnir  10, 454 
Airbe  Rotir  8,  555 
Aird  Echdi  10,  423 
airfUind  ir.  7, 281 


airg  ir.  10, 448 

aUheek-ihüatha  ir.  9, 98 

aUkgiud  ir.  9, 183 

Alexander  und  Dindimni  10, 454 

aUaid  ir.  7,  452 

AUecto,  AUechtn  10, 208 

Altirische  Glossen  ans  Trier  7, 475 

ans  Fnlda  8, 178 

ans  Laon  8, 175 

ans  Hohenfnrt  8, 176 

Altirische  Grammatik  10, 815 
Altirische  BeimsprQche   7,  26a  297. 

498;  9,167 
amoirad  ir.  8, 599 
amentum  lat  10,  79 
amnoi  ir.  9, 289 
Amra  Colnim  Chille  9, 119 

—  ConKöi  9,217 

Anaptyxis  im  Kymrischen  7,  463 

andera  gall.  8, 233 

Anders,   H.  R.  D.,    Ossian  (anges.) 

6,563 
Anderson,  A.  0.,  Syntax  of  tlie  copnla 

<is*  in  med.  Scottish  Gaelic  7,  439 

—  Syntax  of  the  snbst  rerb  tha  in 
mod.  Scottish  Gaelic  8, 236 

Anecdota   from   Irish   MSS.   (anges.) 

6,560;  7,294;  10,454 
Anfolngid  8,  600 
anim  ir.  10, 69 

Anmchairdes  Manch&in  L4ith  7, 310 
Annales  Cambriae  7, 419;  8, 121 
Annais  of  Ulster  8, 588 
Anscombe,  A.,  The  data  of  the  first 

settlement  of  the  Saxons  in  Britain 

(contin.)  6,  339 


Digitized  by 


Google 


RBQI8TBR  ZU   BAND  VI — X. 


457 


Anscombe,  A.,  Mr.  E.  W.  B.  Nicholson  * 
and  the  'Exordinm*  of  the  'Annales 
Cambriae*  7, 419 

aper  altkymr.  9, 110 

Apottel  7,299;  8,107 

aradach  ir.  8, 70 

Arbois  de  Jnbainville,  Los  dmides  (an- 
gw.)  6, 260 

—  Tun  B6  Cüalnge  (anges.)  6, 500 

—  Los  dienx  connni  gallo -romains 
(angei.)  7, 294 

Ardape  8,90 

Aignenon  8, 194 

ameigdet  ir.  7, 274 

arpäHm  ir.  7, 281 

Arrai  8,89 

Art  Boidhe  m.  Domnaill  8, 111 

Arthnrsage  6, 255;  8, 192;  9, 112 

Ante  in  Irland  8, 105 

Aacoli,  G.  6, 460ff.  523 

atper  lat  6,407 

OMeir.  6,898;  9,  IC» 

Äth  na  Foraire  8, 842 

Athaime  7, 900 

dikat  altind.  6,  897 

Atrebatee  8, 89 

du  ir.  10, 829 

aui  ir.  10, 446 


B. 

Baue  Bricin  9, 449 

Büthin  m.  Ctianacb  7, 808;  10, 348 

banawg  kymr.  7,  270 

Banister,  H.M.,  Abbreviations  in  MS. 

Vatican-Palat  Lat  65.    8, 246 
Baniencbas  £renn  9, 222 
Baring-Qonld,  S.,  The  liyet  of  the 

Britiah  sainti  (anges.)  7,  292 
ßaTQaxo<:  10,  79 
Bandii,  J.,  Nominals&tse  nnd  Nominal- 

prftdikate  im  Irischen  9, 909 
—  Znm  Gebranch  der  Yerbalnomina 

im  Irischen  9, 880 
baxea  lat.  6,  899 
B^arlagar  na  Saor  7, 531 
B^maeM  9,169;  10,421 
B^n  m.  Lnigdech  8, 197 


Beigen  9, 88 
bennach  ir.  7,  270 
Bergban  9, 112 

Bergin,  0.  J.,  Oided  Chnind  Chitr 
chathaig  8,  275 

—  Vendryes,  Grammaire  du  Vieil- 
Irlandais  (Anzeige)  7, 512 

—  Feetskrift  Alf  Torp(Anseige)  10,448 

—  Contributions  to  the  history  of 
palatalisation  in  Old  Irisch  (anges.) 
6,  561 

—  Stories  firom  Keating's  Histoiy  of 
Ireland  (anges.)  7, 590 

B^rla  na  filed  7, 591 ;  8, 557 

Best,    B.   I.,    Bibliography    of    the 

publications  of  Whitley  Stokes  8, 

851 

—  Ck>mhrag  Fir  Diadh  7  Chon  Cen- 
lainn  10, 274 

—  The  Jonmal  of  the  Welsh  Bibliogr. 
Soc  I  (Anseige)  8, 598 

Betha  Colmiin  8, 56a  590 

Betha  Colnim  Chille  9,  242;  10, 228 

Betonung  im  Gallischen  8, 95 

Bovis  of  Hampton,  IHsh  Life  of  6, 9. 

278.556 
6a  ir.  6, 498 
6ifer  mhd.  6,498 
Black  Pig's  Dyke,  the  8, 989 
Blai  briugaid  9, 101 
i>laicce  ir.  9, 288 
Blismes  8,  87 
bö  ir.  10, 329 
bod  ir.  6,  435 
bod  kymr.  6,  415 
bödae  ir.  10,  328 
bolg  ir.  10, 186 

Boni,  Giac  Hibeinica  (anges.)  6, 563 
Böse  Schwiegermutter  6, 268 
both  ir.  6,  415 
Boyne  8, 105. 516;  10,  439 
braigim  ir.  6,  896 
Bran  macFebail  9, 339;  10,  424 
bratdn  ir.  10,  79 
Bregandus  9, 182 

Brendan  6, 253;  7, 302;  9, 187;  10, 406 
Bressal  macDiarmaU  7, 305 
brethyn  kymr.  9, 115 


Digitized  by 


Google 


458 


RBOI8TBR  ZU  BAND  VI- 


Briathra  Floinn  Fina  8, 112 

brig-  galL  8,  87 

Brigit,  St.  6,  381;  7,  298;  9, 187 

Brinna  Ferchertne  9, 202 

brith  kymr.  6,  416 

Britten  9,  88 

bröc  ir.  9, 103 

broimm  ir.  6, 396 

Brown,  A.L.  C,  The  knight  of  the 

lion  (anges,)  6,  255 
—  Baiin  of  the  dolorons  stroke  (anges.) 

7,  531 
Bmden  D&  Derga  9, 181;  10, 209 
Buchet  8, 261 
bwkh  kymr.  10, 187 


C. 

eadar  ir.  6,  435 

C&erthen  9, 182 

caethnawd  kymr.  9, 182 

Cäin  Domnaig  6, 253. 562 

caWehe  ir.  9,  344 

cairt  ir.  6,  436 

Caldron  of  Poety  10, 454 

camnad  ir.  9, 183 

eanhorthwy  kymr.  8, 242 

cool  ir.  6, 190 

cappaUh  9, 110 

carpento-  9, 110 

carra  ir.  10,  455 

Cassignatos  9, 165 

Cath  Catharda  7,  529 

Cath  S16be  C4in  8, 105 

c6U  ir.  9, 110 

Cell  RIgnaige  10,  76 

ceU  ir.  9, 115 

Celtae  and  OalU  6, 244 

Cenn^tigs  Söhne  8, 119 

ceo  ir.  6,  437 

Cemodon  7,300 

Cess  Nöiden  Ulad  9, 100 

eäe  ir.  9, 296 

Chariot-borial  in  ancient  Ireland  8, 278 

Chiasmus  im  Irischen  6,  4 

Chr6tien  de  Troyes  8, 187 

Christns  8, 107.  561;  10,  401 

ehwilgom  kymr.  9,  299 


ehwyl  kymr.  8, 76 

ei  Ogom  10, 403 

Hn  ir.  6,  546 

ein  Dromma  Snechta  9, 185;  10, 100. 

217.  392 
Cinaed  na  h-Artacain  9, 229;  10, 438 
eintu-  galL  9, 110 
cirad  ir.  9, 183 
ci$dir.S,7d 
daer  kymr.  6, 395 
Clann  Chellaig  8, 225 
dir  kymr.  6,  395 
clöen  ir.  8,  72.  349 
elöentrüag  ir.  8,  76. 349 
rO'doi  eialla  ir.  10,  271.  444 
doth  ir.  6,  417 
du  ir.  6,425 
duere  lat  6,  395 
Clyde  6, 396 
dyw  6, 425 
cnö,  cnö'  10, 329.  330 
Cobthach  Breg  8, 282 
Codex  Venedotianns  10, 454 
Cdemgen  7,297 
Coffey,  Q.  8, 284 
~  Onide  to  Celtic  anüqnitiei  (anges ) 

7,  535.    Dasselbe,  2.  Anfl.  (anges.) 

8,190 
cöiced  £renn  =  Ulster  9, 220 
Cöir  Anmann  8, 68 
Colm&n  mac  Lüachün  8,  56a  590 
Colnm  Cille  6,  257.  25a  260;  7,  90a 

302.  309;  8,  197 ff.  281.  285;  9, 172; 

10,  37.  48ff.  228.  338ff.  341.  348ff: 

444 
Columban  6,389;  8,421 
Comhrag  Fir  Diad  &  Chon  Colainn 

10,  274.  425 
commairge  ir.  9,  342 
commor  ir.  8,287 
Compntns,  altkymrischer  8, 407 
Con-  ir.  7,  508 

Conall  Cemach  C16en  8, 72.  349 
ConaU  Golbain  10,  43 
Conchobor  macNessa  9, 101 
eondieigf  eondegam  ir.  10, 328 
Coney's  Irish-English  Dictionary  6, 252 
Congal  Cinn  Magair  8, 106 


Digitized  by 


Google 


RffQISTER  ZU  BAND  VI- 


459 


Conn  C^tchathach  8, 274 

contan  ir.  8, 260 

cordwal  kymr.  6,  t92 

Cormac  mac  Airt  7, 529;  10,  422 

Cormac  mac  Cnilenn&in  6,  270;  7,  299; 

10,45 
Cormacs  Glossar  8,178;  9,228;  10,454f. 
comicdl  kymr.  9,  299 
cotur  ir.  6,  234 
Crapandine,  la  6, 181 
cräu,  crö  ir.  10,  829.  330 
Crechdn  nnd  Cfanög  7,  307 
Crinöc  6,  266 
Crixti8  gall.  6,  410 
crob  ir.  9,  292 
crödae  ir.  10,  328.  330 
croaadnacht  ir.  7,287 
Crum,  W.  E.  7,  287 
Cruthni  9,  95 
crych  kymr.  6,  410 
eüarän  ir.  6,  404 
Cü  Choimne  6, 1 
Cü  Chalaind  8,  509 
cuic  ir.  6,  898 
euiliuin  ir.  10,  333 
Cdldees  10, 1 
CtiE6i9,189.336 
cutis  lat.  6,  404 
eydymdaith  kymr.  6, 421 
cynhen  kymr.  8,  260 
Cynt  kymr.  9, 110 
cywydd  kymr.  8,  598 


dafad  kymr.  7,  452 

Dafydd  ap  Gwilym  6,  228;  7, 1 

dam  allaid  ir.  7,  450  ff. 

Danklied  eines  Schwerkranken  6,  263 

danvad  bret.  7,  452 

dam  kymr.  6,  412 

David,  St.  6,  451 

Dayies,  J.G.,  Deffynniad  Ffydd  Eglwys 

Loegr,  ed.  W.  P.Williams  (Anzeige) 

7,526 
—  Welsh  metrics  II  (angez.)  8,598 
Davies,  J.  H.,  The  letters  of  L.,  B., 

W.  and  J.  Morris  (angez.)  7,  531 

ZeiUchrift  f.  celt.  rhilologia  X. 


debrath  ir.  8, 190 

diec  ir.  9, 105 

d^ess  ir.  10,  327 

Deffynniad  Ffydd  Eglwys  Loegr  7, 526 

in-degaid  ir.  10,  828 

deid  ir.  10,  327 

De-lenition  in  Irish  9,  341 

Derb-Ail  ingen  Taidc  6,  269 

dergnat  ir.  6,  435 

dhf  lautliche  Geltung  im  Irischen  7,275 

diall  ir.  10,  328 

Dicuil  6,  563;  7,  506 

in-digaid  ir.  10,  328 

dlgde  ir.  7,  279 

digueriff  bret.  6,  428 

Dindöenchas  6, 245 ;  8, 350. 522 ;  9, 198 

Dionysins  Ezignos  6,  340 

*dix  lat.  6,  432 

Dobbs,  M.,  On  chariot-borial  in  ancient 

Ireland  8, 278 
—  The  Black  Pig's  Dyke  8,  339 
docotar  ir.  10,  328 
dois,  doise  ir.  10,  271 
Dolch,  W.  8, 176 
donessa  ir.  10,  200 
Dorsey,  the  8,  344 
doud  ir.  8, 64 
drauc  ir.  8, 193 
dricciuc  ir.  9, 158 
Druiden  6,431;  7,295;  9,111 
Düanach  7.  300 
Düanaire  Finn  7,  523 
dueuitig  ir.  10, 69 
dugiiofitiio  gall.  6,  558 
Düil  Laithne  7,531;  9,119 
Danchad,  Bischof  Ton  Reims  7,  500; 

8,  566 
Dnnn,  J.,  La  vie  de  S.  Patrice,  mystöre 

breton  (angez.)  7,  533 
Dürrwächter,  A.,  Leben  des  J.  K.  Zeuss 

nnd  seine  Bedentnng  als  Historiker 

6,  197 
Dwynwen  6,  228 


£. 


6  *Salm^  ir.  10,201 
earrach  neuir.  9, 111 


30 


Digitized  by 


Google 


460 


REQI8TBR  Zu  BAND  YI — X. 


ebrwydd  kymr.  6,  481 
Eohde  Echb^l  9, 225 
icrae  ir.  9, 182 
edpart  ir.  6,  415 
Edwards,  0.  M.  9, 117 

—  Sammlung  yon  Ausgaben  walisi- 
scher Dichter  (angez.)  7,  532 

efnys  kymr.  9,  289 

Bglach  ir.  9, 194 

eibhil  ir.  7, 508 

Elfenbegräbnis  8,  559 

Emain  ablach  8, 194 

Emain  Macha  8,  217.  514 

£mine  B4n  7,  299 

Ennodius  9, 118 

Sochaid  Belbuide  8, 274 

Eochaid  eolach  8,  261 

Eochaid  ua  Flaind  10,  389 

Eoehu  EchbSl  9,  225 

Eolus  m.  Bipecht  9, 176 

equO'  9, 110 

Erbrecht  9, 102 

Erc  10,   42 

EremOn  8, 193 

igevvcuo  6»  413 

£riu,  The  Journal  of  the  School  of 

Irish  leaming  (angez.)  6, 562;  7, 296 
Erlaf  8,  90 
Ermahnung,   den  Leib  zu  kasteien 

6,  264 
Errge  Echbel  9,  226 
Escair  Bran&in  10, 73 
eselae  ir.  10, 199 
esgid  kymr.  6,  398 
Esla  6,  369 
Esposito,  M.,  Note  on  a  9th  Century 

commentary  on  Martianus  Capeila 

7,499 

—  Addendum  7, 506 

—  Irish  commentaries  on  Martianus 
Capeila  9, 159 

—  An  unpublished  astronomical  treat- 
ise  by  Dicuil  (angez.)  6,  563 

—  On    the    earliest    Latin    life    of  i 
St.  Brigid  (angez.)  9, 187 

£8s  Rnaid,  Kdnig  tou  8, 115 
e$tö8C  ir.  10, 327.  884 
etein  altkymr.  10,  80 


ethre  ir.  10,  80 

itim  ir.  6,  397 

Evans,  J.  G.  7, 516 

Eyans,  S.  J.,  Studies  on  Welsh  Phono- 

logy  (angez.)  7,  525 
ewyrdonic  kymr.  6, 191 


F. 

fäcaib  ir.  10,  329 
fäe  ir.  10,  455 
Fälschung  auf  den  Namen  Cinaed  ua 

h-Artac4in  10,  438 
Fedlimid  m.  Crimthainn  10,  44 
F^lice,  Ph.  de,  Le  purgatoire  de  St. 

Patrice  (angez.)  6, 254 
F^lire  Öingusso  6,  6.  235 
feüsub  ir.  10,  80 
Fenius  Farisaeus  10, 121 
feranrif  feronn  ir.  10,  324 
Ferchuitred  Medba  10, 454. 
Fer  Fio  10,  404 
ftr  foreitil  ir.  9, 109 
Fergus  m.  Conaill  10,  42 
Fergus  m.  lU^ig  9, 101 
Fermarch  bret.  6,  408 
fcBcor  ir.  6,  409 
Festschrift  Ernst  Windiseh  (angez.) 

10,454. 
FesUkrift  Alf  Torp  (angez.)  10,  448 
ffir  kymr.  6, 404 
fem  kymr.  6,  404 
ffroenuchel  kymr.  9, 103 
ffrwd  kymr.  6,  418 
Fiacc  8, 106 
fiado  ir.  10, 321 
ffana  8,  560 
Fianaigecht  8,  599 
/U,  ße  ir.  8,  600 
Finck,  F.  N.  6,  564 
find  ir.  «heUblond'  9, 102 
findgenti  ir.  9, 104 
Findgla(i)s,  Dindöenchas  tou  9, 198 
Finn  m.  Cumaill  8,  560.  599 
Finnian  10,  73 
FTnftnechU  9, 467 
fiothal  ir.  6,  435 
Fir  Bolg  9, 177 


Digitized  by 


Google 


REQI8TBB  Zu  BAND  TL—X. 


461 


fir  ockaine  ir.  9, 181.  214.  284;  10, 424 
Fisher,  J.,  The  liyes  of  the  British 

saints  (angez.)  7,  292 
Fithel  8, 112 
flu  ir.  10,  404 
Flann  Fina  8, 112 
Flann  m.  Lonün  8, 109 
Flann  m.  Maelmaedöc  8, 117 
Flann  Maniitrech  10,  269.  396 
fieehod  ir.  10,  824 
Fled  Bricrend  9,  228;  10,  440 
flesc  ir.  6,  897 
Fletcher,  R.  H.,  The  Arthnrian  mate- 

rial  in  the  chronicles  (anges.)  6, 255 
Flower,  R.  9, 159 

—  Irish  commentaries  on  Martianns 
Capella  8,  566 

^  A  fir  na  hegna  d'iarroigh  10,  266 

fo  ir.  7,  278 

fochaid  ir.  10,  828 

föcrae  ir.  10,  832 

fodrmr  ir.  10,  326 

foHsama  ir.  10,  321 

foigde  ir.  7, 279 

arafoima  ir.  10,  384 

Folklore  7,  288 

Forai  9,  280 

farcenn  ir.  9, 110 

foreithd  ir.  9, 109 

Forfe88  Fer  Fdlgae  8,  564;    9,  201. 

226.  280 
FQrster,  M.  10,  225 
fotha  ir.  9,290;  10,402 
Fothad  na  Canöine  7,  299 
Fräser,  J.,  The  prepositions  in  Wb. 

8,1 

—  The  8rd  sg.  imper.  in  Old-lrish 
8,  289 

—  The  present  and  fntare  tenses  of 
the  yerb  in  Scotch  Gaelic  10,  55 

—  Etjmologica  10,  78 

Friedel,  V.  H.,  La  vigion  de  Tondale 

(angez.)  6, 254 
füaera  ir.  10,  332 
fuar  ir.  10,  325 
Fuirg  8,600 
ßr  ir.  10,  326 
Fnna  Cr&ibdech  9, 168 


Gaidoz,  H.  7,  288 

—  La  ^Crapandine'  dans  leroman  de 
FMAm  6, 181 

~  Le  Gnir  d'Lrlande  dans  les  'Mabi- 
nogion'  6, 191 

—  Le  nom  de  Taraignte  en  Irlande 
7,450;  8,172 

—  Du  changement  de  sexe  dans  les 
contes  celtiques  (angez.)  7, 295 

galar  ir.  10,  79 
(Jal6oin  9, 177 

Gälische  Familiennamen  7, 287 
Qallvt.  8,282;  9,88 
GaUi  9,  8a  118 
Gallisch  6,244;  8,82.233 
Galloway  7,  287 
Garbraige  9, 177 
gäu,  gdo  ir.  10.  829 
ge  gäl.  7,  449 
Gebet  nm  Fürbitte  8, 281 
Gelbö  9, 182 

Genesis,  die  altsächsische  6, 253 
Germanen  9, 115 
ge$8a  ir.  9, 111 
Gildas  8, 148 
Gilla  Ck>em&in  10, 489 
Gilla  Moduta  9,  222 
Ginneken,  J.  yon,  Principes  de  lingui- 
stique  psychologique  (angez.)  6,  563 
glace  ir.  9,  294 
glai89in  ir.  10,  852 
glanio  kjrmr.  6,  243 
go  ir.  10, 329 
go  kymr.  7,  278 
Goidelen  9,  88. 104 
Goüath  9, 176 
Gomerydd  y  Plant  8,  598 
gorwydd  kymr.  6,  431 
Gralsage  9,233;  10,310 
Gregorianischer  Kirchengesang  8, 114 
grend  ir.  10,  325 
Grimm,  J.  7,  289 
grüad  ir.  6,  488 
gru»  ir.  10,  455 
gü'  ir.  10,  381 
Guitolin  6,445;  8,146 

30* 


Digitized  by 


Google 


462 


RBQI8TBK  ZU  BAND  VI — X. 


gur  gäl.  7,  448 

Guy  of  Warwick  6,  9.  273.  556 

gwefl  kymr.  6,  438 

gwenith  kymr.  6,  419 

Gwynn,  £.,  The  metrical  Dindsenchai 

n  (angez.)  6,  245 
Gwynn,  L.,  The  two  yersions  of  Toch- 

marc  Etaine  9,  353 

—  The  recensions  of  the  saga  'Togail 
Bmidne  DaDerga'  10,209 

Gypsy  Lore  Society  6,  564;  7,  530 

H. 

h  lat.  im  Kymrischen  7, 464 
Haherl,  R.,  Zur  Kenntnis  des  Gallischen 
8,  82.  194 

—  Gall.  andera  8,  233 
haddr  altn.  9, 165 
Haf (h)e8p  7, 509 

*Haü  Brigit»  8,600;  10,78 

'hau,  'ha  kymr.  8, 151 

Hamel,  A.  G.  ran,  On  Lebor  Qabäia 

10,97 
Handschriften,  irische: 
In  Brüssel :  Nr.  2324  10, 48;  Nr.  5100 
6,  268.  269;  8, 110;  10,  408.  421 
In  Cheltenham  8, 106 
In  Dnhlin: 
BIV2    7,  26a  298.  305.  308fF,; 
8, 108 ff.  112. 115.  218  ff.;  9, 167 
CI2  7,307;  9,171 
DIVl   10,99 
DIV2  7,298 
DIV3  10,270 
DVl   10,99 

Franciscan    Conyent,   MS.  A  (9) 
6,  263.  264.  266;    7,  298    — 
MS.  16  10,  276 
H.1.11   6,259;  7,308 
H.2.7  6,9 
H.2.12  10,298 
H.2.17  8,525 
H.  8. 17  7,  297.  299.  300;  10,  225. 

422 
H.3.18  6,  260.  270.  271;  7,  304; 

8,104.  105.  107;  9, 166 f. 
H.4.22  9,166 


Book  of  Hy  Maine  8,  113ff:  561; 

10,  270 
Book  of  Lecau  8, 119.  274. 560  ff. ; 

10,  37.  270 
Book  of  Leinster  8, 181;  9,  224. 

421;  10,41 
Lehor  Brecc  9, 169;  10,  421 
Lehor  na  hUidre    8,  498.  501 

9,  418;  10,  209.  440 
Liher  Flavns  Fergnsiomm  8,  559 

10,408 
Tellow  Book  of  Lecan    6,  270 

9, 168.  169.  418 
23G3  6,270 
23G25  6,270 
23G26  8,119 
23N  10  6,  262.  267;  7,  299.  909. 

310;  8,  102ff  231;  9,487;  10, 

44.  45 
23N11  6,  270 
23N27(«cfe^.)8,112 
23P3  7,305 
In  London: 
Add.30,512  6,259.260.261.268; 

8,  561;  9,  16a  169.  470 
Add.  33,  993  6,  268 
£gerton  88  8,  564 
Egerton90  8,  225  ff. 
Egerton  111  6,  259 
Egerton  186  10,  266 
Egerton  1782    8,  105.  111.  564; 

9,121.  175.  176.  418;  10,212 
Harleian  5280    8,  104.  lOa  120. 

564;  9,  168.  169.  175 
In  Oxford: 
Land  610  6, 262;  8, 105. 107. 181. 

291;  10,  41.  42 
Land  615  6,  257.  258;  7,  SOOff.; 

8,  195  ff  231;  9,  172.  486;  10, 

48  ff. 
Rawl.B.502  7,521;  8,117.217. 

261 
Rawl.B.512  6,258 
In  St  Panl  6, 546;  7, 290 
Handschriften,  lateiniiche: 
In  Berlin:  Kgl  BihUoUiek  Cod.  87 

7,476 
In  Fulda:  Cod.  BonifiKt.  m  8, 178 


Digitized  by 


Google 


REGISTER  Zu  BAND  VI — X. 


463 


In  Hohenfnrt:  Cod.  LXXI  8, 176 

In  Laon:  Cod.  26  8,175 

In  London:  Cotton  Nero  C.  V  6, 340; 
Reg.löAXXXm  7,501 

In  Paris:  BibL  Nat.  ms.  lat  12,021 
6,1 

In  Rom:  Vaücan.  Palat.  Lat.  65 
8,  246 

In  Valenciennes:  7,  507 
Hayden,  M.,  The  songs  of  Bucbet'i 

honse  8, 261 
hebgori  kymr.  6,  428 
Hebräische  WGrter  8, 113 
heintnod  kymr.  9, 182 
heker  6,437 

Helden  Ton  Emain  Macha  8,  217 
Herbig,  G.,  Keltolignrische  Inschriften 

aus  Oinbiasco  (angez.)  6,  251 
hermyn  kymr.  7,  509 
Hessen,  H.,  Zn  Tochmarc  Emire  8,  498 

—  Zn  den  Umf&rbnngen  der  Vokale 
im  Alürischen  9, 1 

—  Beiträge  znr  altirischen  Grammatik 
10,  315 

hindu-  got  9, 110 

Hinneberg,  Knltnr  der  Gegenwart 
(ange«.)  7,  534 

Hinterlassenschaft  eines  Mönches  6, 271 

Hirst,  T.  0. :  S.  Evans,  Stndies  onWelsh 
phonology  (Anseige)  7, 525 

himrs  got.  6,  395 

Hogan,  E.,  Onomasticon  Goedelicnm 
(angez.)  8,  594 

Holmes,  T.  R.,  Ancient  Britain  and 
the  inyasions  of  Jnlins  Caesar  (an- 
gez.) 6, 559 

Hören  6, 271 

hreßer  ags.  6,  486 

Hüsing,  G.  9, 165 

Hyde,  D.,  Traehtad  ar  an  aibidil  10, 223 


I. 


Iberer  7, 526 
idan  ir.  10,  79 
l^aivof  10,  79 
immifge  ir.  9,  341 
immun  ir.  10,  324 


ImperaÜT  im  Irischen  8, 289 

impide  ir.  9, 111 

Imram  Cnraig  MAile  Dtiin  8,  79 

Imram  Sn^gossa  6,  234 

imthecht  ir.  6,  421 

inber  ir.  9, 110 

Inber  nAilbine  8,  519 

indlim  ir.  9, 185 

indnaide  ir.  10,  322 

indrach  ir.  10,  322 

indrad  -rtd  ir.  10,  322 

ingäeth  ir.  8, 190 

intamail  ir.  10,  322 

Interpolation  yon  Fled  Bricrend  in  LU 

10,440 
Irard  mac  Coisse  8,  218 
%re9{B)  ir.  9,  444 
Irische  Heilige  10,  2 
Irische  Texte  (angez.)  7,  529 
imigde  ir.  7,  274 
tf  gäl.  7,  439 
Italer  9, 115 
xuehar  ir.  6,  434 
Inchna  9, 205. 224 

Jones,  J.  M.  9, 107 

—  The  life  of  St.  David  (angez.)  9, 178 

Jonmal  of  the  Gypsy  Lore  Society 

(angez.)  6,  564;  7,  530 
Jonmal  of  the  Welsh  Bibliographical 

Society  (angez.)  8,  593 


K. 

Ealedonier  9,  95 

Kalender  von  Ck>ligny  6,  244.  557 

Eane,  W.  de  Vismes  8, 339 

Kanonensammlnng,  irische  6, 1.  556 

xaaalteQO^  9, 164 

kastira  altind.  9, 164 

Keating  9, 222 

Kelleher,   A.,    Betha  Colnim   Chille 

9,  242;  10,  228 
Kelten  9, 115. 164 
Keltolignrische  Inschriften  6,  251 
K'eogh,  J.  7,  460 


Digitized  by 


Google 


464 


BEQI8TEIL.ZU   BAND  VI — X. 


Eolsrud,  0.,  Celtic  bishops  in  the  Isle 

of  Man  nsw.  9,  357 
Krebs,  R,  glanio  'to  Und'  6,  243 
Eolhwch  ac  Olwen  8,  347 
Kyffin,  Manrice,  Deffynniad  Eglwys 

Loegr,  ed.  W.  P.  Williams  (anges.) 

7,526 


L. 

Lacns  Benacns  7,  270.  509 

laichen  6,  433 

Laitheög  8, 109 

läm  bennaehtany  l.  aoseili  ir.  6, 562 

lang  ir.  10,  272 

Land  genealogiet  8,  291.  411. 418 

Land  synchroniams  9, 471 

Landate  dominum  6, 262 

Lebor  Gab&la  8, 191 ;  10,  97.  384 

Lehmann,  W.,    Irische  Etymologien 

6,  433 
Lehnwörter  im  Kymrischen  10,  454 
Leibesl&nge  Christi  10,  401 
Leinster  8, 117 
leipu  got  10,  78 
Leland,  Ch.  G.  6,  564 
Ufm-  gall.  8,  86 
k[n]mnach  ir.  10,  272 
Lemonces  8, 86 
lerg  ir.  9,  296 
Uuga  9, 115 
LoTiathan  10,  220 
Liddell,  M.  F.,  A  poem  on  the  kings 

of  Connanght  9,  461 
Ufern  kom.  6,  406 
Limoges  8,  86 
Lindsay,  W.  M.  8, 178 

—  The  Irish  glosses  in  Ambr.  F.  60 
snp.  7,  266 

—  Voi  nihüi  8,  556 

—  Irish  cursiye  Script  9,  301 

—  Contraction    in    early  Latin   mi- 
nascnle  mst.  (angez.)  7,  293 

—  Early  Irish  minuscule  script  (angez.) 
8,  191 

—  Early  Irish  script  (anges.)  9,  180 
titare  lat  10,  78 

lith  ir.  10,  78 


üid  kymr.  10,  78 
lAinon  kymr.  9,  91 
Lloyd,  J,  E.,  9, 107 
Lloyd-Jones,  J.,  Some  Latin  loan-words 
in  Welsh  7,  462 

—  The  Welsh  denominatires  in  -hau 
and  'ha  8, 151 

—  Welsh  eanhorthwy  8, 242 
üyngcu  kymr.  7,  277 

Loch  FebaU  7, 808 
Lorica  Colnim  Cille  10,  346 
luge  ir.  9, 186 
Lngenicns  9, 182 
Lnigne  9, 182 

M. 

ma  gäl.  7,  449 

Mabinogion  6, 191 

Mac  Coisse  6, 269;  8, 218. 559 

Mac  ind  Öc  8, 108 

Mackinnon,  D.,  Catalogne  of  Gaelic 

MSS.    in    the   Adyocate's  Library 

(angex.)  9, 178 
Mac  Liac  8, 119.  218.  222. 225. 227. 229 
Mac  Nein,  J.,  Notes  on  the  Land  genea- 

logies  8,  411 

—  On  the  reconstmction  and  date  of 
the  Land  synchronisms  10, 81 

—  Dnanaire  Finn  (angez.)  7,  523 

—  The  Irish  Ogham  inscriptions  (an- 
gez.) 8, 184 

—  An  Irish  historical  tract  (angez.) 
8,190 

MacBitchie,  D.  6,  564 

Mael  Isn  6, 259 

magar  ir.  6,  434 

Maine,  die  sieben  9, 175 

marcO'  9, 110 

Marianns  Scotns  6, 339  ff. 

Marstrander,  C,  Hibemica  7, 357 

—  Ir.  blaicce  9,  288 

—  Dictionary  of  the  Irish  langnage, 
Fase  I  (angez.)  10,  361. 452 

—  Kleine    irische  Beitrftge  (angez.) 
10,448 

Martianns  Capeila  8, 566;  9, 159 
Martin,  St.  8, 135 


Digitized  by 


Google 


REGISTER  ZU  BAND  VI—  Z. 


465 


fnatan  ir.  9, 186 

Medb  9, 101 

Meillet,  A.,  IrUndais  nöib—niab  10,809 

melyngoch  kymr.  9, 103 

Memento  mori  10, 48 

menman  ir.  10,  824 

menmare  ir.  9, 182 

menatir  ir.  10, 204 

Meise  oeu$  Pangur  Bdn  6,  554 

Metrik,  irische  7, 527 

—  kyrnrische  8, 598 

Meyer,  K.,  Mitteilungen  aus  irischen 
Handschriften  6,  257;  7, 297;  8, 102. 
195.  559;  9, 166;  10,  87.  838  (s.  das 
Spexialregister  S.  472) 

"  Altirische  Beimsprüche  7, 268. 498 

—  Lacns  Benacns  7, 270.  509 

—  Nordisches  im  Irischen  7, 508 

—  Irische  mit  coit-  gebildete  Eigen- 
namen 7,  508 

~  Ein  kymrischer  FloTsname  7,  509 

—  Ein  nördliches  Lehnwort  im  Kym- 
rischen  7,  509 

—  A  coUation  of  the  Harleian  yersion 
of  Tochmarc  Emire  7,  510 

—  A  correction  7,  511 

—  Neu  anfgefondene  altirische  Olossen 
8,  173 

—  Eine  Verbesserung  XU  dem  Gedichte 
Äed  OU  8,  260 

~  The  Land  genealogies  and  tribal 
histories  8, 291 

—  The  Bennes  Dindsenchas  8, 850 

—  B^la  na  FUed  8, 557 

—  Ludwig  Christian  Stern  f  8,  583 

—  Die  Autorschaft  yon  Cormacs  Glos- 
sar 8, 178 

—  Zur  Bezeichnung  des  Patronyms 
im  Irischen  8, 178 

—  Die  ältesten  irischen  Gedichte 
8,179 

—  Ein  irischer  Barde  in  Oxford  8, 181 

—  Die  ZuTerlftssigkeit  des  Faksimiles 
Ton  LL  8, 181 

—  Die  Wortstellung  in  der  altirischen 
Dichtung  8, 182 

—  Mitteilung  8, 194 

—  Aus  dem  Nachlafs  H.  Zimmers  9, 87 


Meyer,  K.,  Immacallam  in  druad  Brain 
7  inna  banf&itho  Febuil  9, 339 

—  Baue  Bricln  9, 449 

—  Aed  Dub  macColm&in,  bishop-abbot 
of  KUdare  9, 458 

—  Ein  Gedicht  aus  Add.  30, 512  9, 470 

—  The  Land  synchronisms  9, 471 

—  Aus  Land  615  9,  486 

—  Erläuterungen  und  Besserungen  su 
irischen  Texten  10, 349 

~  Über    einige   Quellenangaben    xu 
Togail  Tröi  10,  358 

—  Miscellen  10, 398 

—  Das  irische  Wörterbuch  der  kgl. 
ir.  Akademie  10,  361 

—  Nachtrag  xu   Ochtfodach  Ck>luim 
Cille  10, 444 

—  Anzeigen  6,245;  7,292.521.523; 
8,189ir.;  9,178ff. 

~  La    Vision    de    Tondale    (angei.) 
6,254 

—  The  Triads    of  Ireland    (anges.) 
6,252 

—  The  death-tales  of  the  Ulster  heroes 
(angez.)  6, 252 

-^  Rawl.  B.  502  (angez.)  7, 521 

—  A  primer  of  Irish  metrics  (angez.) 
7,527 

—  Tecosca  Cormaic  (angez.)  7, 529 

—  The  secret  languages  of  Ireland 
(angez.)  7, 530 

—  Betha  Colm&in  (angez.)  8, 590 

—  Flanaigecht  (angez.)  8, 599 

—  Hau  Brigit  (angez.)  8,  600 

—  Zur  keldschen  Wortkunde  (angez.) 
9,182;  10,453 

—  Über  die  älteste  irische  Dichtung 
(angez.)  10,  445. 454 

Meyer-Lübke  8,82 

Miscellen    6,  556;   7,  270:   8,   178; 

10,  67.  398 
miisimbert  ir.  9, 182 
Mochutta  10,  43 
Molaisse  9,  239 
Moling  6,  560 

Mongdn  mac  Fiachnai  8,  217 
montar  ir.  10, 202 
mordaith  kymr.  6,  414 


Digitized  by 


Google 


466 


BBGIßTEB  Zu   BAND  VI — X. 


mordujy  kymr.  6,  414.  426 

Moridnnam  galL  6,  429 

moritix  gall.  6,  414 

mrecht  ir.  6,416 

Mugrün  10,  340 

Mühlhaosen,  L  10,  454 

muin  ir.  9, 294 

muinter  ir.  9,  296;  10,  202 

Muir  Menn  ir.  8, 192 

Moirgiiu  6  Dnibdaboirenn  9,  171 

Mniris  6  hEodhusa  10,  266 

muimech  ir.  9,  194 

munt  ahd.  9,  295 

mur  gäl.  7,  448 

Matterrecht  9, 102 

Myrddin  kymr.  6,  429 


Nantosnelta  8,  76 

necht  ir.  6,  416.  419 

N^ide  m.  Onchon  9, 176 

Nemnuall  8, 181 

Nennias  10,  439 

nd(t)a(a)  Ogom  10,  405 

netoid  kymr.  6,  403  * 

niab  10,  309 

Nicholson,  E.W. B.,  Remarks  on  'The 

date  of  the  first  settlement  of  the 

Saxons  in  Britain*  6,  439 

—  Zur    irischen    Eanonensammlung 
6,556 

—  The  'Annales  Camhriae'  and  their 
8o-called  *Exordium*  8, 121 

Nlmes  8,  87 

nxot(t)a{$)  Ogom  10,  405 

nith  kymr.  6,  416.  419 

nöcha  ir.  10,  331 

nöib  ir.  10,  309 

nöichtech,  noichtech  ir.  10,  331 

Nöinden  ülad  8, 120;  9, 100 

nömad  ir.  10,  331 

Nomina  sacra  8,  258 

Nominalsätce    und   Nominalprädikate 

im  Irischen  9,  309 
nonbcr  ir.  10,  331 
NoviO'  gall.  6,  403 
ntcyf  kymr.  10,  309 


0. 

öae  ir.  10,  326 

O'ßrien  of  Thomond  10,  2 

obscuruB  lat.  6,  399 

Ochtfoclach  Coluim  Cille  8,198;  10,37. 

444. 
O'Connell,  A  grammar  of  old  Irish 

(angez.)  10,  449 
O'DaTorens  Glossar  10,  349 
odbronn  ir.  6,  404 
Ogam  8, 184;  9, 106 
oice  ir.  10,  326 
dl  ngüala  ir.  8,  65 
Ö M&ille, Th.,  Some cases  of delenition 

in  Irish  9,  341 

—  The  langnage  of  the  Annais  of 
Ulster  (angez.)  8,  588 

O'Mnlconrys  Glossar  10,  853 

O^Nolan,  G.,  Zu  Tochmarc  Emire  8, 514 
;   Onomasticon  (}oedelicum  8,  594 
'   Oratio  Colum  Cille  6,  258 
I   Orgain  Dind  Big  8,  278 
;   Orthanach  üa  Cöilläma  8,  600 
I   Ortsnamen,  irische  8, 569 
I   ü8  ir.  9,  338 
i   Os^ne  m.  Find  8,  599 

Osla  6,  369 

OM-,  US8-  ir.  8, 81 

ossär  ir.  9,  336 

Ossian  6, 563 

Osthoff,  H.,  Zur  keltischen  Wortkunde 
6,  394 

Owen,  0.  £.  6, 243 

—  Gomerydd  y  Plant  (angez.)  8,  598 


P. 

/>,  Verlust  im  Keltischen  9, 108 

Palatalisierung  im  Irischen  6,  561 

pälus  lat  6,  399 

pant  kymr.  9,  296 

pardate  altind.  6,  396 

Partraige  8, 112. 191 

pätati  altind.  10,  80 

Patraic  6,  254;  8, 106. 110.  560;  10,  41. 

340 
Patronyme  im  Irischen  8,178 


Digitized  by 


Google 


REGISTER  ZU  BAND  VI — X. 


467 


Paal,  St,  Irische  Handschrift  in,  6, 546 

naS  6,  398 

ped'  idg.  6,  401 

TiBfinä^iv  9, 105 

pennbliDydd  kymr.  9, 110 

Tiigöofiai  6,397 

Peredur  6,181;  8,185 

Pfeiffer,  M.,  Die  Bamherger  Centenar- 

feier  6, 195 
Philipon,    £.,    Les    Ib^es    (angez.) 

7,526 
Pikten  9,  95 
Plammer,  Gh.,  The  miracles  of  Sendn 

10,  1 
Pokorny,  J.,  Ein  altirisches  Gebet  zn 

St.  Colmnba  8,  285.  420 

—  Griechisch  xacaitegog  'Zinn*  9, 164 

—  Altirische  Texte  9,  235 

—  Zu  Ultans  Hymnus  9,  387 

—  Altirisch  tr«(«)  'Glaube'  9,444 
--  Ober  das  Alter  der  Würzburger 

Glossen  10, 36 

—  Irische  Miscellen  10,  67 

—  Zur  irischen  Wortkunde  10, 198 

—  Entgegnung  10, 310 

--  Zuif  irischen  Etymologie  und  Wort- 
kunde 10,  408 

—  Der  Ursprung    des    Druidentums 
(angez.)  7,  295 

—  Der  Ursprung  der  Artursage  (an- 
gez.) 8, 192 

—  Der  Gral  in  Irland  (angez.)  9, 180 

—  A  concise  Old  Irish  Grammar  and 
Reader  I  (angez.)  10,  315 

-  O'Gonnell,  A  grammar  of  old  Irish 
(Anzeige)  10,  449 

—  Marstrander,  Dictionary  ofthe  Irish 
language,  fasc.  I  (Anzeige)  10, 452 

Power,  A.  10,  454 

Präpositionen  in  Wb.  8, 1 

Priebsch,  R.,  Die  Sonntagsepistel  in 

C&in  Domnaig  (angez.)  6,  253 
priod  kymr.  9, 101 
Prosthese  im  Eymrischen  7,  463 
Prydyn  kymr.  9,  95 
purui  lat.  6,  396 
pymtheng  kymr.  9, 106 
nt^  6,  396 


qUf  lat.,  im  Eymrischen  7,  465 

Qnantitierender  Gleichklang  in  der 
dritten  Strophenzeile  irischer  Ge- 
dichte 10,  398 

Qniggin,  £.  C,  A  case  of  stress-shift- 
ing  in  the  dialect  of  Tränier  7, 354 

—  A  fragment  of  an  old  Welsh  Com- 
putus  8,  407 


Rahilly,  T.  F.  8,  555 
Ramsay,  R.  L.,  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia 
and  St.Columban  on  the  Psalms  8,421 

—  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia  in  England 
and  Ireland  8,  452 

Randglossen  eines  Eeltisten  zum  Schul- 
streik in  Posen  6,  256 

Randglossen  und  Reimereien  8, 107 

Rangordnung  der  Eönige  in  Tara  8, 108 

Rassenverteilung  auf  den  britischen 
Inseln  9, 103 

Ratschläge  6,  271 

re  kom.  7,  313 

recht  ir.  6,  416 

B6dig  dam,  a  D6  do  nim  10, 269.  396 

Reimsprüche,  altirische  7,  268.  297; 
9,167 

rhaith  kymr.  6,  416 

rhech  kymr.  6, 396 

rhin  kymr.  6,  413 

rhyd  kymr.  6,  418 

Rhts,  J.,  Celtae  and  Galli  (angez.) 
6,  244 

—  The  Celtic  inscriptions  of  France 
and  Italy  (angez.)  6,  557 

—  Strachan,  J.,  An  introduction  to 
early  Welsh  (Anzeige)  7,  516 

riched  ir.  10, 199 

Robinson,  F.  N.,  The  Irish  liyes  of  Guy 
of  Warwick  and  Bevis  of  Hampton 
6,  9. 273.    Corrections  6,  556 

—  A  note  on  the  sources  of  the  old 
Saxon  Genesis  (angez.)  6,  253 

—  Satirists  and  enchanters  in  early 
Irish  literature  (angez.)  9, 183 


Digitized  by 


Google 


468 


REGISTFB  Zu  BAND  VI — X. 


röen  ir.  9, 296 
Ros  Findchuill  10,  74 
Bob  Glaise  7,  299 
rotethaind  ir.  10, 198 
rucce  ir.  6,  398 
rün  ir.  6,  413 
dvaii  6,  418 


8. 

sab  ir.  10,  80 

Sadb  8,  561 

fäl  ir.  6,  408 

Salmüna  10,  79 

Bomaisc  ir.  7,  509 

SampsoD,  J.  6,  564 

sam  kymr.  6,  412.  415 

sawdl  kymr.  6,  408 

Scadinavia  9, 110 

scailt  ir.  6,  486 

scairt  ir.  6,  436 

Scarre,  A.  M.,  The  meaning  of  birth- 
daj8  10,  225 

—  Sc61  mnicce  Maie  D4  Th6  (angez.) 
10,454 

seatdn  ir.  9,110;  10,74 

Sc^l  mmcce  Maie  D4  Thö  10,  454 

Sc^la  geine  Cormaic  10, 422 

Schildlied  8,  227 

schote  mhd.  6,  400 

Schreiberbitte  6,  268 

Schuchardt,  H.,  Za  irisch  aidircköc 
'Kiebitz'  9,299 

Schulze,  A.,  Zar  Brendaulegeude  (an- 
gez.) 6, 253 

aciath  ir.  6,  399 

äcritta  altengl.  6,  435 

scwhaid  ir.  10, 333 

Sechnall  8, 106 

Sechzehn  Teile  der  Dichtkunst  6,  262 

sedenarius  lat.  9, 162 

seir  ir.  6,  405 

aikaxog  10,  79 

Sendn  10, 1 

Sencha  mac  Ailella  9, 175 

SenomecoB  6, 398 

Serglige  Coneulaind  8,  72.  555 

sero  lat  6,  415 


ai^<pog  6^485 

8^Hm  ir.  7,  280 

Shannon  9,  91 

Shelta  6,  564 

Siabnrcharpat  Coneulaind  9, 180.  196. 

226 
Silures  9,  95 

Simivisonna  gall.  6,  245 
Sinann  ir.  9,  91 
axvxBv^  6,  899 
iWcaa  Ut.  10,  79 
alucim  ir.  7,  277 
Sobairchef  Sobhairce  ir.  9,  343 
sobrach  ir.  9,  343 
aophut  lat  10,  80 
»p-,  $ph'  idg.  6,  409 
apemo  lat  6,  407.  411 
atpvQov  6,  405.  407 
Sprache  und  Denken  9, 107 
Sprichwörtliches  6,  260 
Srüb  Brain,  DindSenchas  Ton  9, 217; 

10,  424 
nruth  ir.  6,  418 
oxBlxfa  6,  414 
axBQBOQ  10,80 
Stern,  L.  C.  8,  583 

—  Ceangal  nan  tri  chaol  6, 188 

—  Davydd    ab   Gwilym«    Gebet    zu 
Dwynwen  6,  228 

—  Bemerkungen  zu  dem  Würzburger 
Glossencodex  6, 531 

—  Über   die   irische  Handschrift   in 
St  Paul  6,  546 

—  Zu  Tochmare  £t4ine  6,  243 

—  Dayydd  ab  Gwilym,  ein  walisischer 
Minnesänger  7, 1 

—  Altirische  Glossen  zu  dem  Trierer 
Enchiridion  Augustins  7,  475 

—  Grossanacht  7,  287 

—  Gälische  Familiennamen  in  Gallo- 
way  7, 287 

—  Folklore  7, 28a  535 

—  Irisch  Äguftin  7, 290 

—  Die    Ausgabe     der    Würzburger 
Glossenhandschrift  7,  291 

—  Die  Zusammensetzung  Adams  aus 
acht  Teilen  7, 511 

—  Zu  berichtigen  7,  511 


Digitized  by 


Google 


BBGI8TEB  Zu  BAND  VI — X. 


469 


Stern,  L.  C,   Amseigen  6,248.559; 

7,  292.  525 
itemere  lat  6,  412 
atigvov  6,  418 
♦öT/f  6,432 

Stokes,  Wh.,   Notes  on   the  second 
edition  of  the  martjrology  of  Oengus 

6,  285 

—  The  birth  and  life  of  St.  Moling 
(angez.)  6,  560 

—  Cath  Catharda  (angez.)  7,  529 
Stokes,  Wh.,  A  snpplement  to  The- 

sanrni    Palaeohibernicas     (angez.) 

8,  189 

—  Bibliographj  of  the  publicationt  of, 
8,  351 

Strachan,  J.,  Edltor  of  Eriu  6,  562 

—  Stories  from  the  T4in  (angez.)  7, 294 

—  An  introdaction  to  earlj  Welsh  (an- 
gez.) 7,  516 

—  Old-Irish  paradigms  and  selections 
from  the  old-Irish  glosses  (angez.) 

7,  527 

Synkope  im  Eyrnrisehen  7, 462 


T, 

Tad  mac  C^in  10,  42 

Tadc  üa  Cellaig  8,  225.  229 

Tätowiernng  bei  den  Iren  10,  400 

taisce  ir.  10,  322 

Tain  B6  CJualngc  6, 560;  7, 294;  8, 339. 

525;  9,121.  418;  10,205.  274.  425 
Tain  Bö  Bäanaid  8, 104 
'täit  ir.  10,331 
taith  kymr.  6,  414 
Tara  8, 108 
Toi^avoov  6,  557 
tarmchossal  ir.  8,  76 
U,  tee  ir.  10, 327 
techt  ir.  6,  414 
Tecosca  Cormaic  9, 184 
thf  lautliche  Geltung  im  Irischen  7, 275 
tha  gäl.  8,  236 

Theodor  von  Mopsuestia  8, 421.  452 
Thoms,  W.  J.  7,  289 
Thumejsen,  R.,  Zur  irischen  Eanonen- 

sammlung  6, 1 


Thumeysen,  R.,  Die  Abfassung  des 
F61ire  von  Oengns  6,  6 

—  Strophe  57  in  Imram  Snedgossa 
6,  234 

-^  Zur  irischen  Grammatik  und  Lite- 
ratur 8,64 

—  Mittelkymriseh  uck  pen  8,  847 

—  Zu  Band  VIII,  S.  72ff.  8,  849 

—  Zu  Tochmarc  Emire  8, 49a  524 

—  Tdin  B6  CJüailghni  (nach  H.  2. 17) 
8,525 

—  Die  Sage  von  CuRoi  9, 189 

—  Nachträge  zur  Sage  von  CuRoi 
9,  386 

—  Die  Überlieferung  der  Tain  B6 
Cltiailnge  9, 418 

—  Yerba  Scathaige  nach  23  N  10 
9,  487 

—  Zur  T4in  B6  (3üailnge  10,  205 

—  Flaun  Manistrechs  G^edicht  Eilig 
dam,  a  cU  do  nim  10,  269.  396 

—  Zum  Lebor  Gabdia  10, 384 

-^  Eine  Variante  der  Brendan-Legeude 
10,409 

—  AUerlei  Irisches  10, 421 

—  Rhys,  Geltae  and  Galli  (Anzeige) 
6,  244 

—  Rhys,  The  Celtic  inscriptions  of 
France  and  Italy  (Anzeige)  6,  557 

—  J.  MacNeiU,  The  Irish  Ogham  in- 
scriptions (Anzeige)  8, 184 

—  M.  R.  Williams,  Essai  sur  la  com- 
Position  du  roman  gallois  de  Peredur 
(Anzeige)  8, 185 

—  T.  ÖM&ille,  The  language  of  the 
Annais  of  Ulster  (Anzeige)  8,  588 

—  K.  Meyer,  Über  die  älteste  irische 
Dichtung  (Anzeige)  10,  445.  454 

—  Berichtigungen  10,  444 

—  Anzeigen  10,  454 

—  Handbuch  des  Altirischen  I  (an- 
gez.) 7,  526 

—  Dasselbe  11  (angez.)  8, 192 

—  Zu  irischen  Handschriften  und 
Literaturdenkmälern  (angez.)  9, 184 

Tidings  of  Oonchobar  8,  65 
tindrem  ir.  10,  823 
tir  acaith  10,  313 


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470 


REGISTER  ZU  BAND  VI — X. 


Hz  bret  6, 416 

töbae  ir.  10,  331.  332 

töcbäl  10,  332 

Tochmarc  Baise  8, 104 

Tochmarc  Emire  7, 510;  8, 66.  498.  520 

Tochmarc  Etiine  6,  243;  9,  353 

Tochmarc  Ferbe  8,  66 

Togail  Bnüdne  Da  Derga  10,  204 

Togail  Sitha  Truim  8, 104 

tom  ir.  10,  78 

tonn  ir.  10,  78 

Tonsur  6,  268 

törmach  ir.  10,  331.  332 

Toumenr,  V.,  üne  monnaie  de  n6- 

cessiti  des  Belloraques  (anges.)  6, 

251 

—  La  formation  da  T&in  Bö  Ctalnge 
(angez.)  7,  294 

traig  ir.  6,  410 

Trebitsch,  R.,  Phonographische  Auf- 
nahmen der  irischen  Sprache  (anges.) 

7,  295 

—  do.  der  bretonischen  Sprache  (an- 
gez.)  7,  533 

—  do.  der  welschen,  gälischen  nnd 
manxschen  Sprachen  (angez.)  7,  534 

Treo  ingen  Taidg  9, 176 

Tribnt   des   Königs   von   Ess  Röaid 

8,  115 

Trierer  Glossen  7,  475 

troed  kymr.  6,  411 

troscud  for  ir.  9, 111 

Tni]eagna  6  Maolchonaire  8, 181 

tumdre  lat  10,  78 

Tondal  6,  254 

tusca  ir.  10,  322 

tvänaa  lit  10,  78 

InoaM  got.  10,  78 


U. 

ua  'Enkelin'  8, 600 

uan  ir.  10,  327 

ttcA  ptn  kymr.  8,  347 

ucher  kymr.  6,  409 

Uga  Corbmaic  meic  Cnilennün  10,  45 

uff  am  kymr.  6,  404 

ugeint  kymr.  9, 106 


Ui  Thairsig  9, 177 

IJltan9,837 

ünach  ir.  10,  332 

ur  'flamma'  8,556 

üraicept  9, 119 

Urbeyölkenmg  der  britischen  Inseln 

9,  95 
Urbey51kemng  Westeuropas  9, 113 
Urteilspmch  wegen  entwendeter  und 

beschädigter  Pferde  8, 103 
UM-  ir.  8, 81 


V. 

velUre  lat.  6,  413 

Yendryes,  J.,  Notes  ^tymologiques  9, 289 

—  M61anges  italo-celtiqnes  (angez.) 
9,  251 

—  A  propos  du  rapprochement  de  Tir- 
landais  claidfb  et  du  gallois  eleddyf 
(angez.)  7,  295 

—  Grammaire  du  yieil-irlandais  (an- 
gez.) 7,  512 

—  Sur  rhypoth^e  d'un  futur  en  bk 
italo-celtique  (angez.)  7, 531 

Yerba  Scithaige  9,  487;  10,  454 

Verbalnomina  im  Irisehen  9, 380 

VergU  10,  207 

verres  lat.  10,  80 

Verstand  geht  Aber  Schönheit  6,  267 

Vesper  lat.  6,  409 

veatigium  lat.  9,  290 

Viducasses  gall.  9, 165 

VirgUius  Maro  Grammaticus  9, 117 

Vortigem  8, 137 


W. 

Walde,  A.  7, 453 
walk  ahd.  9, 88 

Walsh,  P.,  On  a  passage  in  Serglige 
Conenlaind  8, 555 

—  The  topography  of  Betha  Colmdin 
8,  568 

—  Place  names  in  Vita  Finniani  10, 73 

—  K.  Meyer,  Betha  Colm&in  (Anzeige) 
8,  590 

Weltende  8, 195 


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BBOI8TBB  ZU  BAND  VI — X. 


471 


Wergeid  9, 171 

Westsädudsche  Psalmen  8,  476 

widiüo  ahd.  6,  435 

Williams,  G.  P.,  The  prererbal  particle 

re  in  Cornish  7,  813 
Williams,  M.  Bh.,  Essai  sor  la  com- 

Position  du  roman  gallois  de  Peredur 

(angez.)  8, 185 
Williams,  W.  P.,  Deffjnniad  ffydd  eg- 

Iwys  Loegr  (angez.)  7,  526 
Windisch,  £.,  Tain  Bö  Cüailnge  nach 

der  Handschrift  Bgerton  1782  9, 121 
—  Irische  Texte  IV  2  (angez.)  7,  529 
Wortknnde,   znr  keltischen   6,  395; 

9,182;  10,198.403.453 
unUla  got  6,  413 
Würzburger  Glossen  6, 454. 531;  7, 271. 

291;  8,1;  10,36.68 


X  lat.  im  Eymrischen  7,  465 


Y. 

ymda  kymr.  6, 429 
yoga  altind.  7, 277 
yagil  kymr.  6,  400 


ysgtoyd  kymr.  6,  399 
yttred  kymr.  6,  415 


Z. 


Zahlensystem  9, 105 
Zeichen  des  Alters  6, 268 
Zeufs,  J.  K.  6, 195.  256 
Zimmer,  H.,    Zn    den    Würzburger 
Glossen  6, 454 

—  Altirische  Miscellen  7,  271 

—  Ans  seinem  Nachlasse  9,  87 

—  Znr  Bibliographie  seiner  Schriften 
8,  593 

—  Bandglossen  eines  Eeltisten  zum 
Schulstreik  in  Posen  (angez.)  6,  256 

—  Beiträge  zur  Erklärung  altirischer 
Texte  (angez.)  7, 528 

—  Über  direkte  Handelsverbindungen 
Westgalliens  mit  Irland  (angez.)  7, 
528 

Zwerg  6, 435 

Zwölf  Arten  der  Beue  6, 258 


X. 

XctXaw,  x^^^Qoq  10,  79 


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REGISTER 
ZU  DEN  MITTEILUNGEN  AUS  IRISCHEN  HAND- 
SCHRIFTEN VON  K.  MEYER  IN  BAND  III— X. 


Abab6D,  a  b&idathair  5,  500 

A  Br^naind,  abair  rium  sin  7,  802 

A  chl^irig  an  chnraig  chain  10,  341 

A  Choimdia,  nomchom^t  6,  259 

A  Chrin6c,  cnbaid  do  cheöl  6, 266 

Acht  CO  saothraib  ar  öeirc  D6  10,  42 

A  chuirp,  notchaith  tri  cr&bud  6,  264 

Adamndn  mac  R6n&in  5,  495 

A  D^  du  10,  51 

A  ^csiu  Fall,  f^m  sein  8, 105 

A  ^iachnae,  ui  rdid  in  gde  8,  217 

A  hr  4  10,  41 

A  hr  tögbas  na  Uise  10,  42 

A  fir  nird  na  hariide  10,  44 

Aine  anma  is  choirp  do  cert  6,  261 

Ainme  tri  cech  ndaidbre  ndaith  9, 167 

Aithne  damh  homa  re  haei  5,  483 

Aitteoch  frit  a  ndechmad  8,  231 

Alaile  c^le  D^  8, 228 

A  Marbdin,  a  ditbrinbaig  3,  455 

An  echtrach  sa  sdatb  mo  sgol  10,  344 

Apair  dam-sa  re  Derb  Ail  6,  269 

Apair  rim,  a  S4tna  3,  31 

Apgitir  Crdbaid  3,  447 

Araile  domnach  do  Qrignir  3,  36 

Araile  felmac  f6ig  don  Mamain  7, 304 

Araile  sentonn   dochöid   do  chomnai 

6,  259 
Atä  'na  ceist  annso  dor^ir  Angnstin 

5,  497 
Ata  sonn  senchos  nach  süaill  8,  115 
Atb^r  m6r  do  mathib  3,  37 
Atchin  d&  cboin  ac  congail  3,  41 


Atdios  düb  a  n-aicned  fir  7,  299 
Atlochnmar  bnidi  do  Dia  4,  241 
Atlochor  dnit,  a  mo  Bi  6, 263 

Babilöin  roclos  hi  c^in  3, 18 
Balle  in  Sddl  3,  457 
Bais  bandrnad  8, 104 
Bec  cach  tir  is  cach  talam  8,  561 
Benaid  bar  daic  ar  CoiuAl  10,  48 
Bendacht,  a  Bruin,  ar  Brigit  8, 225 
Bendacht  ort,  a  Floinn  Aidne  8,  109 
Bid  maith  fri  foichiU  brdtha  7,  296 
Bith  i  n-iiathad  i  llacc  fo  leith  8, 28 
Boi  ri  amra  airegda  i  nEnudn  Macha 

3,  229 
Böi  rl  amra  airegda  i  ninis  Creit  4, 238 
B6i  rl  for  Ultaib  7,  800 
Brinna  Ferehertne  8, 41 
Brogaid  c^tach  comramach  7,  307 

Calainn  en&ir  for  darddin  8, 111 
Cath  S16be  Cdin  8, 105 
Celebram,  16igem,  Inbram  8, 231 
Cenn  ard  Adaim,  Utrecht  r&d  8,  23 
C^taimmser  in  bethad  bind  3, 18 
Cethrar  doraega,  ni  dalb  3,  20 
Cethrar  sagart,  söairc  in  ddm  10, 343 
Cethri  feda,  f&th  gin  geis  8, 107 
Cethri  melc  i  nAilinch  10,  42 
Cethri  melc  la  Fergns  10, 42 
Cethri  tucaite  ara  tiagar  do  chroii 

5,  498 
C^tna  amser  bethad  bind  8, 17 


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RBQI8TBR  Zu  DEN  lOTTEILUKGBN  AUS  IR.H88.,  BAND  HI— X.     473 


Cf a  c^tliaig  rob6i  i  n^nn  8, 105 
Cid  ifl  nesa  do  Dia  4, 284 
Cid  ile  lat-sa  na  h&igid  9, 167 
Cid  imma  ngabthar  trebad  8, 112 
Cid  maith  &ine  is  irnaigthe  7,  298 
Cöica  traiged  tolaib  tlacht  10,  42 
C6ictachy  detcipnl,  foglaintid  5,  499 
CoUnd  7  B&daUe  7, 297 
Colnm  Cille  cenn  Alban  10, 340 
Consemdetar  srnithe  £renn  S,  24 
Congal  Cinn  magair  maitli  ri  8,  108 
Cormac  mac  Coilenndin  rainic  7,  299 
Cor6in  do  chnr  isa  cenn  6, 268 
Cnmma  lern  cid  toll  mo  lend  10,  42 
Comma  lern  etir  8, 110 

D4  cin61  d^c  na  haithrigpe  6,  258 
Di  mac  d4c  Cinn^itig  ch4id  8, 119 
DMe  nad  carann  duine  7,  298 
Dia  ard  airlethar  10,  845 
Dia  mbeith  dechelt  tarainne  9, 167 
Dia  mör  dorn  imdegail  8, 198;  10, 87 
Dia  na  ndtd  dorn  dbidin  10,  347 
Dia  nd4ntar  deine  cech  l&i  10, 42 
Dlegaid  ri  a  riarngnd  4,  468 
Dligid  ecna  airmitin  6,  261 
Dob^r  comairle  dorn  charait  6,  271 
Dofed  andes  a  ndül  Fiadat  8, 197 
Dofil  aimser  laithe  mbr&tha  8, 195 
Doloid  Bodb  in  r^imim  8, 104 
Dolnid  Büanaid  fonin  t&in  8, 104 
Domnn  dian  9, 167 
Dorala  for  mo  menmain  10,  338 
Dreisfid  in  bith,  bia  for  lassad  9, 167 
Dnb  Düanach  7, 800 
Domfett  Criflt  cnntt  cnmhachta  6, 258 
Dünchad  üa  Br&in  8,  35 

Einedann  na  tri  secht  ngrid  9, 171 
£irig  com  na  Marmdrge  10, 48 
Eocbair  ch4ille  coistecht  6,  270 
£öl  dam  aided  erctha  gnlm  9, 175 
£61  dam  i  ndairib  dr^chta  8, 117 
Epigcopns  in  t-ebra  8, 113 

F6  mo  ese  ol  atü  5, 485 
Fecht  n-4en  dolnid  Aed  Domdine  8, 
102 


Fecht  n-aile  Inid  Sechnall  8, 106 
Fedilmid  espoc  7  ri  Muman  10, 44 
Fedilmid,  Fiachra  febda  10,  42 
Feis  Tige  Becfoltaig  5,  500 
Fergns,  Öengns,  Echaid,  Nathi  10,  43 
Ferr  d41a  in4  debaid  6,  260 
Fersaigecht  an  tempnil  tall  9, 172 
Find  mac  Cnmaill  m.  Snailt  8,  560 
Fis  atchonnairc  Colnm  Cille  6, 260 
Flaind  line  nacham  Maid  8, 107 
Flann  gach  &ir,  gach  n-arad  üarteid 

9,167 
Fled  dorinne  Bresal  m.  Diarmata  7, 805 
Fochen,  a  sciath  büaidnige  8,  255 
For  f&esam,  a  Muire  6,  257 
For  cubni  c&ich  l^as  14ir  6, 268 
Forfesfl  Fer  F&lgae  8, 564 
Frdech  mac  Fidaig  di  Chonnachtaib 

4,  82 

Gab  mo  thegaic,  a  Aodh  na  n-ech  10, 48 
Gebö  benns  a  dhüthaigh  10,  50 

largrinde  gach  manaig  6,  271 
larfaigid  lib  cdecait  cest  4,  234 
Imad  fesa  flnnad  nech  7,  297 
Imgab&il  ^meltinsa  6, 262 
Imroraid  Gngnir  Römae  3,  30 
I  n-aidchi  geine  Crlst  cain  5,  24 
I  n-araile  domnnch  do  öenöir  3, 33 
I  n-araile  16  üain  /ogamair  5,  500 
In  Consaitin  mac  Elinae  3,  227 
Ind  eclas  naemh  nemda  10,  43 
Inganta  Erenn  nili  5, 23 
Inmain  &ige  ilbüadach  10,  340 
In  matra  cia  beith  do  gairbe  a  gotha 

8,  34 
In  roghso,  a  Bi  na  rAn  10,  45 
Iris  CO  ngnim,  accobnr  co  feidli  3,  447 
Is  dobran  re  miniascach  6, 268 
Is  ed  dlegar  don  4es  gäeth  7,  298 
Is  bes  do  mac  De  tacn  7,  297 
Is  ^  airde  na  crine  6,  268 
Is  ^  mo  ddmnd  re  mnai  8,  37 
Is  fö  lim-sa  mn  laiget  7, 297 
Is  mairg  thairg^ba  a  airisne  9, 169 
Is  maith  mün  mesmgnd  7, 297 
Is  trüag  in  cess  i  mbiaam  9, 166 


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474      BSOI8TBR  SU  DSV  MTTTEILUVaBV  AUS  IK.  HSS^  BAMD  in— X. 


La  roboi  Conn  i  Temnig  3, 458 
Li  n-aen  lobtd  Mac  Coiii  8»  559 
Laodate  Dominum  de  ceüs  6, 262 
Lepaid  üar  7,  297 
Leag    amlesg    siiui    gn   Ath   Cliath 

8,229 
Loch  Febail  Collum  Cille  7,  303 
Longas  Inbir  Domnann  10, 3i3 
Luid  araile  ri  dochnm  Temrach  8, 103 
Luid  CüChnlaind  dorerim  inbaii  8, 120 
Luid  Deichtir  sior  Condinbair  5,  500 

Mac  atcftala  is  doman  tair  8, 114 
Mac  nach  linm  lithir  form-sa  8,  561 
Macrad  Emno  ailli  slöaig  3,  262 
Mad  bägach  is  mibladach  7,  298 
Mad  comairle  doit  do  ben  7, 298 
M*4enar4n  dam  isin  sliab  7,  302 
Mairc  choindges  ni  for  carait  4,  469 
Mairc  dianad  b^  bithdioltad  7,  298 
Mairc  tairc^ba  i  n-aimsir  9, 168 
Maith  din  ecna  6, 261;  8, 112 
Marthain  dnit,  a  londrd  Üü  8, 218 
Mellach   lern  bith   i   n-ucht  ailioin 

5,  496 
Mochuta  Rathin  doroine  roinn  3, 32 
Mo  theora  ncsi  forsin  Big  7,  308 
Mnc  Maie  Dathö  lachtmöad  tore  3,  36 

M  fir  fis  do  ddegaU  süaill  7,  301 
Nech  atcobra  dnl  for  nem  7, 310 
N^idi  mac  Onchon  m.  Finnlogha  9, 176 
Ni  dlig  cüairt  no  cennaigecht  4,  237 
Ni  maith  gorta,  ni  maith  s&ith  7, 298 
Nimgeib  format  tri  fer  find  6, 267 
Noiti  gaides,  glice  scrfttos  9, 167 

Ocht  n-airich  go  ngolaige  6, 271 
Oracio  Colnim  Chille  6,  258 

Pddraic  cecinit  anüair  dobris  feirsdi 

10,  340 
Panechte  incipit  3, 17 


Partnige  Cefa  8,112 
Patridns  benadictioBeB  8, 560 
Petor  CO  treib  Inda  ain  8, 107 

Binag  i  Rachrainn  na  rig  10,  ^ 
Begola  Cbdoimb  Chille  3, 28 
Bobad  mellach,  a  mic  mo  D^  7,  909 
Bochöala  crecha  is  tir  thair  3,  23 
Begab  Dia  delingnd  7, 309 

8ammn  lo,  sodham  go  Tadg  8»  222 
'Sa  rüth-«ea  mcad  Mnire  8, 561 
Sc^l  in  Minadnir  4,  238 
Sdath  D6  do  nim  nmam  10,  346 
Sciath  rig  Q4ela  glantar  hf  8, 227 
Scnchaid  cach  co  araile  dib  8, 105 
Secht  cöicat  nide  co  mbrig  3, 20 
Sencha  macAilella,  is  6  ba  brethim 

9,  175 
Besser  is  c6ir  i  n-edais  4, 234 
Simon,  Madian  is  Matha  7, 299 
Sliocht  sceo  mo  risi  £a  rün  5, 487 

T4in  B6  Fraich  4,  32 
Tain  B6  Büanaid  8, 104 
Tathinm  tromm  thenntide  tenn  5, 504 
Tech  6iged  la  comairgi  7, 298 
Temair,  saer  in  sossad  8, 108 
Tiucfa  aimser  dnbach  10, 49 
Tochmarc  Büsi  bandrnad  8, 104 
Tochmarc  Emire  3,  229 
Togail  Sitha  Tmim  8, 104 
Tolcc  do  tolcaib  simenn  9, 167 
Tomns  üge  Mec  ind  Öcc  8, 108 
Torach  aitreab  nemnech  naom  10, 341 
Treo  ingen  Taidg  meic  C6in  9, 176 
Triar  as  mesa  tic  a  di  10,  338 
Tri  crainn  ^irenn  oiregda  5,  21 
Tri  tüatha  fnilet  i  nEirinn  9, 177 
Trftag  lem,  a  B4ithin  dil  blas  10,  51 
TnSn  mac  Cairill  roclos  3,  31 

üga  Corbmaic  meic  Coilennain  10, 45 


Druck  TOD  Ebrbardt  Karras  G.  m.  b.  H.  in  Halle  (Saude). 


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ZEITSCHRIFT 


FÜR 


CELTISCHE  PHILOLOGIE 


HERAUSGEGEBEN 


VON 


KUNO  METER 


X.  BAND,   L  u.  2.  HEFT 


HALLE  A.  S. 

MAX   NIEMEYER 


LONDON  W.C. 

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Inhalt  des  1.  u.  2.  Heftes  des  X.  Bandes. 

Seite 

C.  Pininmer,  The  Miracles  of  8enan 1 

Jnlins  Pokorny,  Über  das  Alter  der  Würzbürger  Glossen     ....  36 

KuDo  Meyer,  Mitteilungen  ans  irischen  Handschriften 37 

J.  Fräser,  The  Present  and  Future  Tenses  of  the  Verb  in  Scotch  Gaelic  55 

Julias  Pokorny,  Irische  Miscellen 67 

Paul  Walsh,  Place  Names  in  Vita  Finniani 73 

J.  Fräser,  Etymologica 78 

John  Mac  Nein,  On  the  Beconstruction  and  Date  of  the  Land  Syn- 

chronisms 81 

A.  G.  Van  Hamel,  On  Lebor  Gabala 97 

Julius  Poko.rny,  Zur  irischen  Wortkunde 198 

R.  Thurneysen,  Zur  Tain  B6  Cuailnge 205 

Lucius  Gwynn,  The  Recensions  of  the  Saga  ^Togail  Bruidne  Da  Derga*  209 

Douglas  Hyde,  Trachtad  ar  an  Aibidil 223 

Annie  M.  Scarre,  The  Meaning  of  Birth-Days 225 

Andrew  Kelleher,  Betha  Coluimb  Chille  (Continuation) 228 

Robin  Flower,  A  fir  na  hegna  d'iarroigh 266 

R.  Thurneysen,  Flann  Manistrech's  Gedicht:  Bidig  dam^  a  di  do  nim, 

CO  himig  a  n-inniain 269 

R.  I.  Best,  Comhrag  Fir  Diadh  &.  Chon  Cculainn  (T&in  Bö  Cuailnge)   .  274 

A.  Mein  et,  Irlandais  JV(^  —  iSrki6 309 

Julius  Pokorny,  Entgegnung 310 


Mitteilungen  für  die  Redaktion  bittet  man  an 
Prof.  Kuno  Meyer,  Charlottenbnrg,  Niebuhrstrasse  IIa,  £u  schicken. 


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Verlag  von  Max  Niemeyer  in  Halle  a.  S. 
Julias  Pokorny: 

A  concise  old  Irish  Grammar  and  Reader. 

Part  I:   Grammar. 
1914.    kl.  8.    Vn,  124  S.    Ji  5,— 


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^ 


Verlag  yod  Max  Niemeyer  in  Halle  a.  8. 

Anecdota  from  Irish  Manuscripts 

edited  by 

0.  J.  Bergin,  B.  L  Best,  Kuno  Heyer,  J.  0. 0'Keeffe. 

ki.a 

Vol.  I.    1907.    VI,  80  S.  Ji  3,60 

n.    1908.    80  S.  ur3,60 

m.  1910.  m,  77  s.  ur  3,6o 

IV.    1912.    XIX,  128  S.  ur  4,50 

V,    1913.    30  S.  Ji  2,— 


Epistolae  Beati  Pauli 

glosatae  glosa  interlineali. 
Irisch-lateinischer  Codex  der  Würzburger  Universitätsbibliothek. 

In  Lichtdruck  heraasgegeben 

und  mit  Einleitung  nnd  Inhaltsübersicht  yersehen 

von 

Ladw.  Chr.  Stern. 

1910.    gr.  fol.    Halbldr.  grebd.  Ji  50,— 


A  Supplement  to  Thesaurus  Palaeohibernicus 

Voll  1901,  Vol. IL  1903. 
By  Whitley  8tokes. 

1910.    gr.8.    82  8.    Ul  4,— 


Hall  Brigit. 

An  Old- Irish  poera  on  the  Hill  of  Alenn. 
Edited  and  translated  by  Knno  Heyer. 

1912.    kl.a    24  8.    Ji\,— 

Miscellany  presented  to  Euno  Meyer 

by  some  of  his  friends  and  pupils 

on  the  occasion  of  his  appointment  to  the  chair  of  Celtic  philology 

in  the  University  of  Berlin 

edited  by 

Osbom  Bergin  and  Carl  Harstrander. 

1912.    8.    VI,  487  S.    Mit  Porträt  nnd  1  Tafel.    Ji  16,— 


L 


Druck  von  Khrhardt  Karra»  G.  m.  b.  H.  in  Halle  (Saale). 


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ZEITSOHRIFr 


FÜR 


CELTISCHE  PHILOLOGIE 


HERAUSGEGEBEN 


VON 


KUNO  MKYER 


X.  BAND,   3.  HEFT 


HALLE  A.  S. 

MAX   NIEMEYER 

LONDON  W.C.  NEW   YORK 

WILLIAMS   &   NOBOATE  O.  E.  8TECHEBT    &    CO. 

14,  HENRIETIA  STREET  IMI»  WRbT  Wth  STREET 

CÜVENT  GARDEN 

1915 


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Inhalt  des  3.  Heftes  des  X.  Bandes. 


Seit« 

H.  Hess  CD;  Beiträge  zur  altirischeu  Grammatik 315 

E.  Meyer,  Mitteilungen  aus  irischen  Handschriften  (Fortsetzung)      .    .    338 
— ,  Erläuterungen  und  Besserungen  zu  irischen  Texten  (1.  0*Davorens 

Glossar,  2.  O'Mulconrys  Glossar)      349 

— ,  Über  einige  Quellenangaben  der  Togail  Trox      358 

— ,  Das  Wörterbuch  der  Kgl.  Irischen  Akademie 361 

R.  Thurueysen,  Zum  Lebor  Gahdla 384 

— ,  Nochmals  Flann  Manistrechs  Gedicht :  Ridig  dam  usw 39G 

K.  Meyer,  Miscellen  (1.  Quantitierender  Gleichklang  in  der  dritten 
Strophenzeile  irischer  Gedichte,    2.   Tätowierung  bei   den  Iren, 

3.  Die  Leibesläuge  Christi) 398 

J.  Pokorny,  Zur  irischen  Etymologie  und  Wortkunde  [1.  og.  ci^  2.  air. 

^fothae,  3.  air.  flu,  4.  og.  net(t)a{s),  niot{t)a{s)\ 403 

R.  Thurneysen,  Eine  Variante  der  Brendan- Legende 408 

— ,  Allerlei  Irisches  (I.  Bec  mac  D6,  II.  ScÜa  geine  CormaiCj  III.  Aird 
Echdi,  IV.  Comrac  Fir  Diad,  V.  Eine  Fälschung  auf  den  Namen 
Cinaed  ua  h-Artacain,   VI.  Die  Interpolation  von  Fled  Bricrend 

in  LU,   VII.  Ir.  air^  'oder^ 421 

K.  Meyer,  Nachtrag  zu  ochtfodach  Coluim  Cille 444 

Berichtigungen 444 

Erschienene  Schriften 445 

Kuno  Meyer,  Festskrift  AlfTorp,  F. W.  O'Connell,  C.J.S.Marstrander, 
Anecdota  from  Irish  Manuscnpts,  Festschrift  Ernst  Windisch. 

Register  zu  Band  VI— X 456 

Register  zu  den  Mitteilungen  aus  irischen  Handschriften  von  K.  Meyer 

in  Band  III-X 472 


Mitteilungen  für  die  Redaktion  bittet  man  an 

Prof.  Kuno  Meyer,  Charlottenburg,  Niebnhrstrasse  11  a,  während  des  Krieges 

an  Prof.  R.  Thurneysen,  Bonn,  Colmantstrasse  24  zu  schicken. 


Google 


Digitizedby  LjOOQ 


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Yerliig  von  Max  Niemeyer  in  Halle  a.  S. 


Anecdota  from  Irish 

Manuscripts 

edited  by 

0.  J.  Bergln 

,  B.  I.  Best,   Kuno  Meyer, 

J.O.O'Keeffe. 

kl.  8. 

Vol.  I. 

1907. 

VI,  80  8. 

Ji  3,60 

II. 

1908. 

80  S. 

Ji  3,60 

in. 

1910. 

III,  77  S. 

M  3,60 

IV. 

1912. 

XIX,  128  S. 

ur  4,50 

V. 

1913. 

30  8. 

^2,- 

Epistolae  Beati  Pauli 

glosatae  glosa  interlineali. 
Irisch-lateinischer  Codex  der  Würzburger  Univei^sitätsbibliothek. 

lu  Lichtdruck  herausgegeben 

nud  mit  Eiiileituug  und  Inhaltsübersicht  versehen 

von 

Lndw.  Chr.  Steru. 

1910.    gr.  fol.    Hulbldr.  geb«l.  Ji  50,— 

Hall  Brigit. 

An  Old- Irish  poem  on  the  Hill  of  Alenn. 
Edited  and  translated  by  Knno  Meyer. 

1912.    kl.  8.    24  S.    Ji\  — 


Miscellany  presented  to  Euno  Meyer 

by  some  of  his  friends  and  pupils 

on  the  occasion  of  his  appointment  to  the  chair  of  Celtic  philology 

in  the  Univei-sity  of  Berlin 

edited  by 

Osborn  Bergin  and  Carl  Maratrander. 

1912.    8.    VI,  487  S.    Mit  Porträt  und  1  Tafel.    M  16,— 

Julius  Pokorny, 

A  concise  Old  Grammar  and  Header. 

Part  I:  Grammar. 

1914.    kl.  8.    VU,  123  S.    M  5,- 

Druck  von  Khrhardt  Karras  G.m.b.H.  in  UaUe  (Saale). 


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